Skip to main content

Full text of "Transactions"

See other formats














DURING the past year the Society has entered into communi- 
cation, and arranged the interchange of Transactions, with 
several of the principal Historical Societies of Europe, 
America and Australasia. A library-room has been secured 
in the commodious premises of Dr Williams' Library in 
Grafton Street, and a catalogue of books printed. The 
Genealogical section of the Society has produced "Genea- 
logical Memoirs of the Family of Sir Walter Scott, Bart, 
with a reprint of his Memorials of the Haliburtons;" also 
" Genealogical Memoirs of the Family of Burnes or Burns," 
represented by the poet, Robert Burns. Arrangements are 
in progress whereby a course of lectures on history will be 
delivered in London annually under the Society's auspices. 
When the last volume of Transactions was issued in Decem- 
ber 1876 the Society numbered 525 members. The Fellows 
at present -on the roll are 556. 




October 1877. 


PREFACE, ....... iii 

LIST OF FELLOWS, ....... v 


D.C.L., F.R.H.S., F.S.S., Etc., .... i 

F.S.A., F.R.H.S., 86 


By G. LAURENCE GOMME, Esq., F.R.H.S., . ... . 131 


H. HOWORTH, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.H.S., . . . .147 


FISHWICK, F.S.A., F.R.H.S., . . . . . / . 183 

CROSS. By WILLIAM WINTERS, Esq., F.R.H.S., . . . 203 


ESQ., F.R.H.S., ....... 267 


the Rev. JOHN MILNER, B.A., . . . . . 298 


GUSTAVUS GEORGE ZERFFI, Esq., Ph.D., F.R.S.L., F.R.H.S., . 304 

Etc., .... ... ^. 324 


Esq., F.R.H.S., 395 

INDEX, . . . . . . . . 448 



The Right Hon. Earl Russell, K.G. 

Vice- Presidents. 

The Most Hon. the Marquess of Lome. 
The Right Hon. the Earl of Rosebery. 
The Right Hon. Lord Talbot de Mala- 


The Right Hon. Lord Selborne. 
The Right Hon. Lord de Blaquiere. 
The Right Rev. the Bishop of Chester. 
Sir John Lubbock, Bart., F. R. S., F. L. S. 
Benjamin W. Richardson, Esq., M.D., 

LL.D., F.R. S., Chairman of Council. 


The Right Hon. Lord Ronald Gower. 
John Ruskin, Esq., LL.D., F.R.S. 
James Anthony Froude, Esq., LL.D. 
James Heywood, Esq., F.R.S. 
George Harris, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A. 
Major-General Stewart Allan, F.S.A. 


John Rae, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A. 
Rev. George Roy Badenoch, LL.D. 
Major-General W. R. E. Alexander. 

Gustavus George Zerffi, Ph. D. , F. R. S. L. 
Thomas Sopwith, Esq., M.A., F.R.S., 

John S. Phene, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., 

F.G.S., F.R.G.S. 
Rev. A. H. Wratislaw, M.A. 
William Crichton Hepburn, Esq. 
Sydney Robjohns, Esq. 

Secretary and Historiographer. 
Rev. Charles Rogers, LL.D., F.S.A. 
Scot.. Grampian Lodge, Forest Hill, 


William Herbage, Esq., London and 
South-Western Bank, 7 Fenchurch 
Street, London, E.G. 


W. E. Poole, Esq., n Chandos Street, 
Cavendish Square, London, W. 


Rev. Thomas Hunter, Society's Library, 
Grafton Street, W.C. 


W. Alexander Abram, Esq. 

B. St John Ackers, Esq. 

William E. Akroyd, Esq. 

Arthur Albright, Esq. 

Henry M. Alexander, Esq., New York. 

Major-General W. R. E. Alexander. 

T. L. Alger, Esq., t LL.D. 

Major-General A. Stewart Allan,F. S.A. 


Charles J. Allen, Esq. 
Stephen M. Allen, Esq., Boston, Mass. 

Dr Altschul, F. R. G. S ,, M. Philolol. Soc. 


J. R. W. Anderson, Esq. 
Frank Andrew, Esq. 
William Annand, Esq. 
H. S. Ashbee, Esq. 
Josiah Atwool, Esq. 
Henry M'Lauchlan Backler, Esq. 
Rev. George Roy Badenoch, LL.D. 
John E. Bailey, Esq. 
George Baird, Esq., St Petersburg. 



Rev. Sir Talbot H. B. Baker, Bart. 

Arthur James Balfour, Esq., M.P. 

John Barnard, Esq. 

J. Barnes, Esq. 

T. Squire Barrett, Esq. 

B. T. Barton, Esq. 

Rev. Joseph Chadwick Bates, M.A., 


Rev. W. H. Bathurst. 
W. J. Beach, Esq., F.R.G.S. 
Thomas Belk, Esq. 
J. Carter Bell, Esq., F.C.S., etc. 
Alan H. Bellingham, Esq., M.A. Oxon. 

C. Bennett, Esq. 
Captain H. A. Bennett. 

James Levitt Benson, Esq. , Ph. D. 

Mrs Angelo Bezzi. 

Edward Bibby, Esq., F.R.G.S., etc. 

Lewis Biden, Esq. 

Isaac Binns, Esq. 

William Thomas Black, Esq. 

William Harnett Blanch, Esq. 

Right Hon. Lord de Blaquiere. 

John J. Bond, Esq. 

William Henry Booker, Esq. 

T. J. C. L. Bordman, Esq., LL.D. 

Right Hon. Lord Borthwick. 

Mark Boyd, Esq. 

Rev. J. Boyes. 

Edmund Montagu Boyle, Esq. 

Thomas Boynton, Esq. 

William Bragge, Esq., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Weare Braikenridge, A.M., 

F.S.A. Scot. 
Mrs Woodhouse Braine. 
Isaac Braithwaite, Esq. 
Edward Herbert Bramley, Esq. 
Thomas Bramley, Esq. 
J. Bramley-Moore, Esq., D.L. 
F. J. Bramwell, Esq. 
William Hutton Brayshay, Esq. 
Francis Brent, Esq. 
Richard Brewer, Esq. 
Hon. and Rev. J. R. O. Bridgeman. 
Charles Bridger, Esq. 
Thomas Briggs, Esq. 
John Potter Briscoe, Esq. 
H. Brittain, Esq. 
W. H. Brittain, Esq. 
Major John Britten, R.L.M. 
Barnard P. Broomhead, Esq. 
Cornelius Brown, Esq. 
R. Weir Brown, Esq. 
S. Stanley Brown, Esq. 
Thomas Forster Brown, Esq. 
J. H. W. Buck, Esq. 
Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury, Bart., 

Rev. J. Hart Burges, D.D. 

Major Charles J. Burgess. 

J. Tom Burgess, Esq. 

Joseph Burrell, Esq. 

H. Burton, Esq. 

Rev. William Cadman, Prebendary of 

St Paul's. 
N. A. Calvo, Esq. 
The Marquess de Campobianco. 
W. Cann, Esq. 
John B. Cardale, Esq. 
Thomas Cardwell, Esq. 
J. Wilson Carillon, Esq., F.S.A. 
George F. Carnell, Esq. 
George Causton, Esq. 
Thomas Cave, Esq., M.P. 
William Chaffers, Esq. 
Rev. John H. Chapman, M.A. 
John Chappell, Esq. 
Colonel Joseph Lemuel Chester. 
The Lord Bishop of Chester. 
W. Chesterman, Esq. 
H. B. K. Chorley, Esq. 
Thomas Chorlton, Esq. 
Captain J. E. Christie. 
Hyde Clarke, Esq., D.C.L. 
J. Cleghorn, Esq. 
William Clode, Esq. 
Thomas Close, Esq., F.S.A. 
James C. Clough, Esq. 
Ethan Nelson Coburn, Esq., Charles - 

town, U.S.A. 
Everard Home Coleman, Esq . , F. R . A. S . , 


Jesse Collings, Esq. 
William Job Collins, Esq., M.D. 
J. Monsey Collyer, Esq. 
Rev. Charles H. Collyns, M.A. 
John Colston, Esq. 
Rev. John Compston. 
Samuel Compston, Esq. 
Congress Library, Washington, U.S. 
Eugene A. Conwell, Esq., LL.D.. 


Faithful Cookson, Esq. 
John Corbett, Esq., M.P. 
Samuel Cottam, Esq., F.R.A.S., 

P.M. I. A. 

George Courtauld, Esq. 
Rev. Samuel Cowdy, LL.D. 
J. M. Cowper, Esq. 
George R. Cox, Esq. 
Rev. A. D. Crake. 
J. W. Crawford, Esq. 
Joseph Crawhall, Esq. 
Henry M. Crofton, Esq., F.R.A.S., 


James Croston, Esq., F.S.A. 
Francis Crowe, Esq., LL.D., F.R.G.S. 
Alfred Crutwell, Esq., C.E., F.G.S. 


VI 1 

General the Hon. Sir Edward Cust, 

K.C.H., D.C.L. 
John A. Dalziel, Esq. 
J. W. Dangars, Esq. 
Rev. Thomas William Davids. 
William James Davidson, Esq. 
Rev. John Hamilton Davies, B.A. 
J. N. C. Atkins Davies, Esq. 
Anthony Davison, Esq. 
C. R. Davy, Esq. 
Thomas Dawson, Esq. 
Robert Richardson Dees, Esq. 
The Right Hon. Lord De L'Isle and 

Captain Frederick C. Denison, Toronto, 


Rev. B. Dickson, D.D. 
G. Wingfield Digby, Esq. 
Lin Dillon, Esq. 
John Gartside Dimelow, Esq. 
James Dickson, Esq. 
Edward C. Doggett, Esq. 
Joseph Drew, Esq., LL.D., F.R.A.S., 


Rev. Canon Dwyer. 
Robert Henry Eddy, Esq., Boston, 


Jan^es D. Edgar, Esq., Canada. 
James Edwin-Cole, Esq. 
William Elmslie, Esq. 
William Erskine, Esq. 
E. Bickerton Evans, Esq. 
H. Russell Evans, Esq. 
W. Evans, Esq. 

William Farr, Esq., M.D., F.R.S. 
C. Duffell Faulkner, Esq. 
Robert Ferguson, Esq., M. P. 
Joseph Fisher, Esq. 
William Fisher, Esq. 
Lieu tenant- Colonel Henry Fishwick, 


Edwin F. Fitch, Esq. 
William Fooks, Esq., B.A., LL.B. 
John Rawlinson Ford, Esq. 
Colonel Lane Fox. 
Rev. W. B. Galloway. 
Clement S. Best Gardner, Esq. 
John Ribton Garstin, Esq., M.A., 

F.S.A., M.R.I.A. 
Henri Gausseron, Esq., B.A. 
Sir John Gilbert, R.A. 
G. Laurence Gomme, Esq. 
H. G. Gotch, Esq. 

Frederick Gould, Esq., F.L.S., F.S.A. 
The Right Hon. Lord Ronald Gower. 
James Graham, Esq. 
William Grain, Esq. 
H. Sydney Grazebrook, Esq. 
Rev. A. L. Green. 

Thomas Bowden Green, Esq. 

W. J. Green, Esq. 

Frederick Griffin, Esq., F.A.S.L. 

Rich. C. Griffith, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S. 

Dr Charles F. Grindrod. 

R. B. Grindrod, Esq., M.D., LL.D., 

F.L.S., F.G.S., F.R.G.S. 
Alberto A. de Guerrico, Esq. 
R. Sandon Gutteridge, Esq., M.D. 
John Haddock, Esq. 
Alderman S. C. Hadley. 
W. J. Haggerston, Esq. 
Rev. Dunbar Stuart Halkett, M.A. 
Hugh F. Hall, Esq., F.G.S. 
H. L. Hammack, Esq. 
Stephen Harlowe Harlowe, Esq., F.G.S. 
George Harris, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A. 
William Fairburn Hart, Esq. 
Joseph Hartley, Esq. 
Captain J. H. C. Healey. 
Edward Charles Healey, Esq. 
Henry Healey, Esq. 
Thomas Heath, Esq. 
John Deakin Heaton, Esq., M.D., 


Henry Heginbotham, Esq. 
Dr Heinemann. 
William Henderson, Esq. 
William C. Hepburn, Esq. 
William Herbage, Esq., Treasurer. 
James Heywood, Esq., F.R.S. 
James Higgin, Esq. 
James Higson, Esq. 
George W. Hill, Esq., Philadelphia. 
John William Hill, Esq., M.A., Trin. 

Coll., Cam. 

William Hinmers, Esq. 
John Hobson, Esq. 
Thomas Hodgkin, Esq. 
William Pickering Hodgson, Esq., New 

Charles Hood, Esq., F.R.S., F.R.A.S., 

F.S.S., etc. 

George N. Hooper, Esq. 
J. Satchell Hopkins, Esq. 
F. J. Horniman, Esq. 
Frederick Hovenden, Esq. 
Robert Hovenden, Esq. 
John Morgan Howard, Esq., Q.C. 
Henry H. Howorth, Esq., F.S.A. 
Fretwell M. Hoyle, Esq. 
Edward Hudson, Esq. 
William Hughes, Esq. 
David A. Hume, Esq. 
William Huntj Esq. 
Henry Hunter, Esq. 
Mrs Hunting. 
George Hurst, Esq. 
Jonathan Hutchinson, Esq., F.R.C.S. 


Robert Hopwood Hutchison, Esq. 

John Hyde, Esq., F.R.S.L. 

Jenkyn J. Ingram, Esq. 

Rev. Prebendary Irons, D.D. 

Henry B. Jackson, Esq. 

C. R. Jacson, Esq. 

Ralph N. James, Esq. 

Rev. T. James, F.S.A. 

Walter Knight James, Esq. 

J. M. Jeffcott, Esq. 

Frederick J. Jeffrey, Esq., F.G.H.S. 

B. G. Jenkins, Esq. 

Henry Irwin Jenkinson, Esq., F.R.G. S. 

Ebenezer Septimus Jobson, Esq. 

Jabez Johnson, Esq. 

Charles E. Jones, Esq. 

David Jones, Esq. 

Henry Watson Jones, Esq. 

James Judd, Esq., F.S.A. 

W. J. Kaye, Esq. 

William Kelly, Esq. 

H. A. B. Kendrick, Esq., F.C.A.S. 

Frederick Kent, Esq. 

C. B. Ker, Esq. 
Thomas Kerslake, Esq. 
Henry S. King, Esq. 
Kelburne King, Esq. 
Rev. Edward King. 

Cap. Samuel Richardson Knox, Everett, 

Mass., U.S. 

J. A. Langford, Esq., LL.D. 
William Lawton, Esq. 
John Walter Lea, Esq., F.G.S. 
John Dunkin Lee, Esq. 
William Lees, Esq. 
Lieut'-Colonel Edward Lloyd. 
Rev. George Lloyd, F.S.A. 
R. A. T. Loban, Esq. 
Samuel F. Longstaffe, Esq. 
The Most Hon. the Marquess of Lome. 
John D. Loverdo, Esq., F.R.S.L. 
Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. 
Augustus W. H. Ludemann, Esq. 
Henry Lupton, Esq. 
Thomas Lyle, Esq. 
G. E. Lyon, Esq. 
W. Macandrew, Esq. 
Patrick Comyn Macgregor, Esq. of Bredi- 


James Macintosh, Esq., F.S.A. 
Henry Ramsay Mackay, Esq. 
J. M. Mackay, Esq. 
Edward Mackeson, Esq. 
Alexander Mackie, Esq. , LL. D. 
William Maclean, Esq., F.G.S. 
James Macpherson, Esq. 
J. W. M'Cardie, Esq. of Newpark. 
Justin M'Carthy, Esq. 
Laurence T. M'Ewen, Esq. 

Rev. Charles M. M 'Niven. 

Robert Malcomson, Esq., M.A. 

\. Manuel, Esq. 

fames Maw, Esq. 

John Thomas Maybank, Esq. 

John Mayhall, Esq. 

Barr C. J. Meadows, Esq., M.D., 

Sir James Meek. 
C. Meenacshaya, Esq. 
H. E. Michelsen, Esq. 
Mrs Everett Millais. 
Joseph Milligan, Esq. 
Rev. Canon Milman, M.A. 
R. H. Milward, Esq. 
M. Moggridge, Esq., F.G.S., F.L.S. 
William Molyneux, Esq., F.G.S. 
George Moore, Esq. 
Thos. Morgan, Esq., F.S.A., Treas. of 

the British Archaeological Association. 
George Moseley, Esq., F.G.S. 
George E. Moser, Esq. 
John James Moss, Esq. 
Rev. T. W. Mossman, B.A. 
Miss Mudie. 
J. D. Mullins, Esq. 
C. H. Murray, Esq. 
James Murton, Esq. 
George W. Napier, Esq. 
William Magson Nelson, Esq. 
Joseph Newbon, Esq. 
General Josiah Newhall, Lynnfield, 

Mass., U.S. 

E. Oakley Newman, Esq. 
T. W. Newton, Esq. 
George W. Nichols, Esq. 
John Spenser Noldwritt, Esq. 
G. M. Norris, Esq. 

James Nowell, Esq., M.R.C.P., Lond. 
William O'Donnaven, Esq., LL.D. 
Robert Parr Oglesby, Esq. 
William Watkins Old, Esq. 
Brian O'Looney, Esq., M.R.I. A. 
P. S. Page, Esq. 
Tito Pagliardini, Esq. 
William Dunkley Paine, Esq. 
George F. Pardon, Esq. 
W. M. Parker, Esq. 
Rev. Thomas Parkinson. 
Francis Parkman, Esq. 
Charles Edward Pearce, Esq. 
Rev. Prebendary Pearson. 
JohnS. PhenS, Esq., LL.D., F.R.G.S., 


J. Pickering, Esq., F.R.G.S. 
William Pilcher, Esq. 
William J. D. Pink, Esq. 
Mrs A. D. Pollard. 
Frank Pooley, Esq. 



John Porter, Esq. 
Lewis W. Potts, Esq. 
Edward Power, Esq. 
Charles H. Poynton, Esq. 

His Excellency B. F. Prescott, Gover- 
nor of New Hampshire, U.S. 

William Nicholson Price, Esq. 

George Radford, Esq., M.A. 
John Rae, Esq., LL.D.. F.S.A. 

Sir James Ramsden. 

Charles A. Read, Esq. 

His Excellency General John Meredith 
Read, LL.B., M.R.I. A., United 
States Minister, Athens. 

Arthur J. Rich, Esq. 

Charles Richardson, Esq. 

George Gibson Richardson, Esq. 

John Geo. F. Richardson, Esq., Ph.D., 

John Wigham Richardson, Esq. 

William Rider, Esq. 

Samuel Rigby, Esq. 

George W. Rigg, Esq. 

James Robb, Esq. 

Joseph B. Robinson, Esq. 

William Robinson, Esq. 

Sydney Robjohns, Esq. 

Rev. Chas. Rogers, LL.D., F.S.A. Scot. 

Rev. Edward Rogers, M.A. 

Rev. William H. Rogers, D.D. 

John R. Rollins, Esq., Mass., U.S. 

J. Anderson Rose, Esq. 

Right Hon. the Earl of Rosebery. 

W. H. Burch Rosher, Esq. 

Frederick Ross, Esq. 

Lewis Buttle Ross, Esq. 

Charles Rowley, Esq. 

Rev. Adam Clarke Rowley, M.A. 

John Ruskin, Esq., LL.D., F.R.S.E. 

Right Hon. Earl Russell, K.G. 

Charles Ryder, Esq. 

T. D. Ryder, Esq. 

J. P. Rylands, Esq. 

W. H. Rylands, Esq. 

Samuel Lee Rymer, Esq. 

John Burham Safford, Esq., F.G.S. 

William Salmon, Esq. 

Thomas Sampson, Esq. 

Rev. S. J. W. Sanders, M.A., F.G.S. 

W. W. Sanderson, Esq. 

John W. Savill, Esq. 

Philip Sayle, Esq., LL.D., F.S.S. 

Robert Sayle, Esq. 

Helmuth Schwartze, Esq. 

Simon T. Scrope, Esq. 

Thomas B. Seath, Esq. 

Right Hon. Lord Selborne. 

Isaac Seligman, Esq., F.Z.S. 

Ernest Seyd, Esq. 

lolonelj. D. Shakespear, F.G.S. 
J. Fox Sharp, Esq. 
Alex. Mackintosh Shaw, Esq. 
Rev. Leonard Edmund Shelford. 
Peter Shonfeld, Esq. 
J. Wainhouse Simpson, Esq., Ceylon. 
Alex. H. Singleton, Esq. 
Henry Duncan Skrine, Esq. 
E. Cozens Smith, Esq., F.S.S. 
Hubert Smith, Esq. 
Professor Walter Smith, Boston, U.S. 
Samuel J. Smith, Esq. 
W. Bickford Smith, Esq. 
Edward Solly, Esq. 
Thomas Sopwith, Esq., M.A., F.R.S., 

Rev. Joseph Sorrell. 
Don Carlos E. Soto. 
Lieut. -Colonel Thomas Sowler. 
H. King Spark, Esq. 
Rev. R. M. Spence, M.A. 
Walmsley Stanley, Esq., F.R.G. 
Joseph Steele, Esq. 
William Stephen, Esq. 
W. Stevenson, Esq. 
Alderman David H. Stone. 
J. B. Stone, Esq., F.G.S. 
H. Stopes, Esq., F.G.S. 
Edwin Story, Esq., M.A., F.L.S. 
Dugald Stuart, Esq. of Lochcarron. 
Lieut. -Colonel W. Stuart. 
Julian Russell Sturges, Esq. 
Sir Edward Sullivan, Bart. 
John Charles Swallow, Esq. 
Right Hon. Lord Talbot de Malahide. 
Thomas Tapling, Esq. 
William M. Tartt, Esq., F.S.S. 
Rev. William R. Tate. 
George Taylor, Esq. 
Rear- Admiral Wm. Rogers Taylor, U. S. 
Rev. Richard V. Taylor, B.A. 
William Tegg, Esq. 
Rev. Edmund Tew, M.A. 
Christopher J. Thomas, Esq. 
James Thompson, Esq. 
Alexander Tod, Esq. 
Charles Tovey, Esq. 
Archibald Travers, Esq. 
Stephen Tucker, Esq. , Rouge Croix. 
Thomas Kellet Tully, Esq. 
Philip Twells, Esq. M.P. 
Lieut. -General George Twemlow, R.A. 
John Symonds Udal, Esq, 
R. G. Underdown, Esq. 
M. Ventura, Esq. 
Rev. Edward A. Verity, D.D. 
G. V. Vernon, Esq. F.R.A.S. 
J. A. Vincent, Esq. 
Henry Wadling, Esq. 


O. H. Wagner, Esq. 

Cornelius Walford, Esq. F.S.A. 

Fountaine Walker, Esq. of Foyers. 

Rev. James Walker. 

Richard Corker Walker, Esq. 

Thomas F. W. Walker, Esq., M.A., 

John Wallis, Esq. 

Edward Waltham, Esq. 

Elijah Walton, Esq. 

Joseph Pilkington Ward, Esq. 

William Gibson Ward, Esq. 

Captain Charles Warren, R.E. 

Robert Spence Watson, Esq., F.R.G.S. 

Wm. H. Weldon, Esq., Rouge Dragon. 

George White, Esq. 

Rev. F. Le Grix White, M.A., F.G.S., 
Boston, U.S. 

William H. Whitmore, Esq. 

Rev. M. A. Wilkinson. 

T. R. Wilkinson, Esq. 

Rev. J. D. Williams. 

Sparks Henderson Williams, Esq. 

Rev. Joshua Wyman Wellman, D.D., 
Maiden, Mass., U.S. 

Oswald Wilson, Esq. 

William Winters, Esq. 

William Young Winthrop, Esq. 

T. A. Wise, Esq., M.D., F.S.A. Scot. 

J. Wonnacott, Esq. F.G.S., F.R.G.S. 

William Wood, Sen., Esq. 

William Wood, Jun., Esq. 

Rev. Adolphus F. Woodford. 

Samuel Woodhouse, Esq. 

Ashbel Woodward, Esq. M.D., Connec- 
ticut, U.S. 

Richard Woof, Esq., F.S.A. 

Rev. Albert Hurt Wratislaw, M.A. 

Bryce M 'Murdo Wright, Esq. , F. R. G. S. 

Thomas Wyles, Esq., F.G.S. 

Rev. Charles J. Wynne, M.A.Oxon. 

A. Wynter-Blyth, Esq. 

Richard Yates, Esq. F.S.A. 

Gustavus G. Zerffi, Ph.D., F.R.S.L. 


William Andrews, Esq., Hull. 
Thomas Edward, F.L.S., Banff. 
R. G. Haliburton, Esq.,Q. C., Nova Scotia. 
William Jelly, Esq., M.D., Madrid. 
Llewellyn Jewett, Esq., F.S.A., Derby. 
W. B. Lapham, Esq., Augusta, Maine. 

J. F. Nicholls, Esq., Bristol. 
John P. Prendergast, Esq., Dublin. 
Charles Roger, Esq. Ottawa, Canada. 
G. M. Tweddell, Esq. F.S.A.Scot., 

Rev. W. H. Wylie. 


His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil. 
Her Majesty the Empress of Brazil. 
His Majesty Leopold II., King of the 

His Majesty Oscar II., King of Sweden 

and Norway. 

Right Hon. Lord Aberdare. 
J. W. Agnew, Esq., M.D., Secretary, 

Royal Society of Tasmania. 
Major-General Sir James Edward Alex- 
ander, C.B., F.R.S.E. 
Prof. Charles E. Anthon, New York. 
Right Hon. the Earl of Beaconsfield. 
Count Von Beust, Austrian Ambassador 

at the Court of London. 
The Baron Nicolas Casimir de Bogou- 

shevsky, Russia. 
Lady Bowring, Exeter. 
John Hill Burton, Esq., Historiographer 

Royal for Scotland. 

Captain Vemey Lovett Cameron, C.B. 
Rev. Guilio Cesare, Custodian of the 

Ambrosian Library, Milan. 
Lieut. -Colonel Jose Maria Latino Coelho, 

Professor of Geology, and Secretary to 

the Royal Academy of Sciences, Lis- 

George Cruikshank, Esq. 
EdwardS. Dana, Esq. Ph.D., Secretary 

of the Academy of Arts and Sciences, 

Connecticut, United States. 
Professor Conrad Engelhardt, Secretary 

of the Royal Society of Northern 

Antiquaries, Copenhagen. 
William Fair, Esq., M.D., F.R.S. 
Sir Joseph Fayrer, K. C. S. I. 
James Anthony Froude, Esq., LL.D. 
Don Angel de Gorostiraga, Secretary of 

the National Archaeological Society, 




The Hon. General Grant, Ex-President 
of the United States. 

Professor Cesare Guasti, Keeper of the 
State Archives of Tuscany, 

Herr Emil Hildebrand, Secretary of the 
Royal Society of Antiquaries, Sweden. 

Hon. Horatio Gates Jones, Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Historical Society of Penn- 

Major-General J. B. J. Liagre, Perpet- 
ual Secretary of the Royal Society of 
Fine Arts, Brussels. 

Archibald Liveridge, Esq., Secretary, 
Royal Society of New South Wales. 

Herr Meldahl, President of the Royal 
Academy of Arts, Copenhagen. 

Rev. Robert Moffat, D.D., London. 

Herr Dr Oscar Montelius, Secretary of 
the Society of Antiquaries, Sweden. 

M. Edouard M. de Montjau, Perpetual 
Secretary of the Society of Ethno- 
graphy, Paris. 

Benjamin Moran, Esq., Secretary of the 
American Legation. 

Captain Sir George Nares, K. C. B. 

M. Julius Oppert, Professor of Assyrian 
Philology and Archaeology in the Col- 
lege of France. 

James Robinson Planche, Esq. 

Frederic de Peyster, Esq., President of 
the Historical Society, New York. 

Major-General Sir Henry Creswicke 

Benjamin W. Richardson, Esq., M.D., 
LL.D., F.R.S. 

Dr Schliemann, London. 

Mrs Schliemann, London. 

Dr Heinrich Siegel, Secretary of the 
Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna. 

Herr Jon Sigurdsson, Archivarius, Cop- 

Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., Secre- 
tary of the New England Historic- 
Genealogical Society. 

Very Rev. Dean Stanley, D.D. 

George Stephens, Esq., Professor of 
English Literature, Copenhagen. 

Townsend Ward , Esq. , Secretary of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Daniel Wilson, Esq., LL.D., Professor 
of History in the University of Toronto. 

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D., Pre- 
sident of the Historical Society of 

Herr Hans J. Worsaae, Professor of 
Archaeology, Copenhagen. 



AMERICA. New England Historic- 
Genealogical Society, Boston ; the 
Historical Society of New York ; the 
Academy of Arts and Sciences, Con- 

AUSTRALIA. The Royal Society of New 
South Wales. 

AUSTRIA. The Imperial Academy of 
Sciences, Vienna. 

BELGIUM. Royal Society of Science 
and Arts, Brussels. 

DENMARK. Royal Society of Northern 
Antiquaries, Copenhagen. 

FRANCE. The Ethnographical Society 
of Paris. 

ITALY. The State Archives of Tuscany. 

PORTUGAL. The Royal Academy of 
Sciences, Lisbon. 

SPAIN. The National Archaeological 
Society, Madrid; the Royal Histori- 
cal Society, Madrid. 

SWEDEN. Society of Antiquaries of 
Sweden, Stockholm ; the Academy of 
Belles Lettres, History, and Antiqui- 
ties, Stockholm. 

TASMANIA. The Royal Society of Tas- 





Vice- President of the Anthropological Institute ; Honorary Member of the Anthro- 
pological Institute, New York ; Corresponding Member of the Ethnographic 
Society of Paris, American Oriental Society, Societ^ des Americanistes ; 
Member of the German Oriental Society ; Honorary Member of the Byzantine 
Philological Society, Constantinople; Fellow of the Royal Society of Northern 
Antiquaries, Copenhagen ; Corresponding Member of the Society of Engin- 
eers of Vienna; Vice-President of the Society of Arts, etc. 

THE Book of Generations, in chap. x. of Genesis, states that 
Canaan was a son of Ham, and consequently brother of Cush, 
of Mizraim, and of Phut. This is given again in the First Book 
of Chronicles, chap, i., ver. 8. Cush (Gen. x. 10) held Babel, 
Erech, Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar. The verse 
says : " And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel and 
Erech," etc. Again, verse 1 1 says : " Out of that land went 
forth Asshur and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, 
and Calah and Resen, between Nineveh and Calah ; the 
same is a great city." Asshur (verse 22) was a son of Shem. 
Cush, therefore, was considered to be a dweller in Baby- 
lonia, and not in Africa. This is consistent with Havilah, son 
of Cush, being Havilah, chap, ii., ver. 1 1. Of the rivers of Eden, 
" the name of the first is Pison, that is it which encompasseth 
the whole land of Havilah, where there is gold." Khavilah 



has been well conjectured to be Kholkis or Colchis, and the 
river the Pshani, which, as I have pointed out in the Georgian 
languages, still means a river. 

The interpretation with regard to Cush is, that he was one 
of the occupants of the great central kingdom, which included 
Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, and which was afterwards 
occupied by Asshur, who issued forth from thence to make his 
campaigns in the west. Gen. x. 15, goes on to say: "And 
Canaan begat Sidon, his firstborn, and Heth [the Hittite], 
and the Jebusite, and the Amorite, and the Girgasite, and the 
Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite, and the Arvadite, and 
the Zemarite, and the Hamathite ; and afterward were the 
families of the Canaanites spread abroad." The Horite was 
a Canaanite (Gen. xxxvi. 2). 

These people were closely related, politically, and probably 
ethnologically and linguistically, and as one or other took the 
leadership, so would its name be adopted to signify the whole 
league, as Hittite, Hamathite, Horite, in the same way as 
among the Germani, English, Saxons, Germans, Warings, etc. 

These Canaanites were politically connected with the other 
members of the family of Ham, who are recognised as holding 
Western Asia. The Hittites, adopting the compendious ac- 
count of Dr W. Smith, are the descendants of Heth or Cheth, 
the second son of Canaan. The notices in the Bible give us 
but scanty notion of their power, but the Egyptian annals 
tell us of a very powerful confederacy of the Hittites on the 
Orontes, with whom Sether I., or Sethos, fought about B.C. 
1340, and whose capital, Ketesh, near Emesa, he captured. 
In the Egyptian annals the name of Heth is said to stand for 

Mr George Smith gave, in the' Journal of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund, for October 1872, an account of notices 
of Palestine in the cuneiform inscriptions. After referring to 
the invasions of Sargon in the sixteenth century B.C., he 
found no records until the time of Tiglath Pileser I., about 
B.C. 1 1 20. He reigned about the time of Eli, judge of Israel. 
He defeated some tribes of the Hittites, and captured the city 


of Carchemish, which has^ so lately been explored by Mr 
Smith, and the remains of which are justly regarded as of so 
much importance. 

About B.C. 870 Assur-nazir-pal marched into Syria, crossed 
the Euphrates near Carchemish, and Sagara, king of Carche- 
mish, paid him tribute. After five years of war, Shalmaneser, 
B.C. 854, advanced into Hamath, destroying the country and 
ravaging the towns. His advance was resisted by a league of 
kings of Syria and Palestine, under Benhadad of Damascus, 
whose armies included 14,000 men under Irhulena of Hamath. 
The battle took place on the banks of the Orontes, and it 
checked the march of Shalmaneser. This was followed, how- 
ever, by other inroads down to B.C. 846. In B.C. 842 Shal- 
maneser was more fortunate, and compelled King Jehu and 
the kings of Tyre, Zidon, and others, to give him tribute. 
The successors of Shalmaneser carried on frequent wars in 
Syria. Tiglath Pileser, B.C. 743, imposed a tribute on the 
king of Hamath. In 740 he attacked the city of Hamath. 
The people obtained the assistance of Azariah, king of Judah, 
but were defeated, and a large part of their country was an- 
nexed to Assyria. Hamath is a city on the river Orontes, in 
Syria, on the northern border of the Promised Land. It is 
mentioned at the time of the Exodus as one of the kingdoms, 
and was an original seat of the Canaanites (Gen. x. 18). Its 
king, Toi, yielded allegiance to King David (2 Sam. viii. 9). 
Solomon built stone cities in Hamath (2 Chron. viii. 4). 
Palmyra was one of those cities, it is said. By the prophet 
Amos it was called " great," and in 2 Kings xvii. 34, it is 
spoken of by an Assyrian king as one of the chief of his con- 
quests. It still has a population of 30,000. 

The Hamath inscriptions appear to have been first noticed 
as early as 1812 by Burckhardt ("Travels in Syria," p. 145, 
quoted by Burton, "Unexplored Syria," pp. 138, 333). He 
says of them : " In the corner of a house, in the bazar, is a 
stone with a number of small figures and signs, which appear 
to be a kind of hieroglyphical writing, though it does not re- 
semble that of Egypt." So, too, it turns out that a Hamath 


inscription had been previously seen in the south-eastern 
region of Asia Minor. It was in the same bazar of Hamath 
that, in 1870, Mr J. Augustus Johnson, the U.S. Consul- 
General, and the Rev. S. Jessup, of the Syrian Mission, came 
upon a stone in the corner of a house, which contained an 
inscription in unknown characters, as Burckhardt had done. 
They did not succeed in getting squeeze impressions, for 
fanatical Moslems crowded upon them when they began to 
work upon the stone, and they were obliged to be content 
with such copies of this and other inscriptions subsequently 
found on stones over and near the city gate, and in the 
ancient bridge which spans the Orontes, as could be obtained 
by the aid of a native painter. Mr Jessup endeavoured to 
purchase a blue stone, containing two lines of these strange 
characters, but failed to obtain it because of the tradition 
connected with, and the income derived from it. Deformed 
persons were willing to pay for the privilege of lying upon it, 
in the hope of a speedy cure, and it was believed to be effi- 
cacious in spinal diseases. 

Such was the discovery of these remarkable inscriptions, 
and in such imperfect form did they come before the scholars 
of Europe and America. Mr Johnson, like many others, was 
of opinion the characters were allied to the hieroglyphic. 
Professor E. H. Palmer saw the copies in the possession of 
Mr Johnson at Beyrout, and he was so persuaded of their 
archaeological importance that he induced the committee of 
the Palestine Exploration Fund to send Mr Tyrwhitt Drake 
to Syria in 1870 to obtain squeeze impressions and photo- 
graphs of the inscriptions. Professor Palmer, concurrently 
with myself, engaged in their decipherment, but without suc- 
cess, as he informed me. 

Between 28th February and $th March 1871, Captain R. F. 
Burton visited Hamah or Hamath ("Unexplored Syria," 
P- 333) an d at the request of Mr Walter Besant, secretary 
of the Palestine Exploration Fund, proceeded to inspect the 

Herr Petermann published some details concerning the 


inscriptions in the At/tencsum (No. 2267) of April 8, 1871 
(Burton). In 1871 Mr Tyrwhitt Drake succeeded in getting 
good squeezes and photographs. The latter I found of little 
use. Mr Tyrwhitt Drake found an inscription in Aleppo. 
The material of the Hamath stones is compact black basalt 
(Burton), polished as if by hard rubbing. The characters are 
in cameo, raised from two to four lines, separated by hori- 
zontal framings, also in relief. They are sharply and well 
cut. Mr R. Biddulph Martin confirmed this from inspection 
in the Museum of the Seraglio at Constantinople, when 
removed. "The first thing," says Captain Burton, "which 
strikes the observer is, that they must date from the metal 
ages, and that they are the work of a civilised race." 

Minute descriptions of the first found stones are given in 
" Unexplored Syria." 

Captain Burton thought that the Wusum or marks of the 
Bedawi clans might lead to the decipherment. Although I 
think it quite possible that some of the signs may be found 
among the Bedawi, it is not to be expected that such would 
afford any key to the meaning. The range of the Hamath 
characters includes not only the kingdom of the Khita, Khita 
or Khatti at Hamath and Helbon (Aleppo), but the inscrip- 
tions referred to at Ibreez in Lycaonia, and many relics in 
Babylonia, as the marks identified by me in the plates of 
Loftus, and the five seals discovered by Mr Layard in the 
record chamber of the palace of Sennacherib. 

With regard to the statues at Nimphse and the Ephesus road, 
Herodotus, as we now know, erroneously attributed them to 
Sesostris, and affirmed that they bore inscriptions in hiero- 
glyphics, which they did not It appears to me not impos- 
sible that these inscriptions were in Hamath or Khita char- 
acter. This character has been already traced in Lycaonia ; 
and it bears an actual resemblance to hieroglyphics in its 
features and dispositions, so much so that on the rediscovery 
of the Hamath inscriptions, Dunbar Heath and others were 
led to class them as Egyptian. There is generally some 
foundation even for a mistake of Herodotus. 


It may be remarked that the statue in situ is of such friable 
materials, being cut in the rock, that I have declared, after 
careful examination, that it never bore an inscription. With 
regard to the other mutilated statue, rediscovered by Mr 
Spiegelthal in 1866, it is on a slab cast down, and it must be 
of very different material from the others. Therefore, it 
occurs to me that one statue may have borne an inscription 
in Hamathite. This is of interest in reference to the exten- 
sion of Khita and the relations. I long since stated it to have 
relations with Cypriote, Libyan, Himyaritic, and Hebrew. 

The test first applied by me roughly, as stated, was the 
simple statistical or numerical method of counting the signs ; 
and this, having obtained the transcripts from Captain Burton, 
I repeated more carefully after a better knowledge of the 
inscriptions from study. The number of signs in the five 
inscriptions is about 300, and these are thus decomposed, 
allowing for the best classification our present imperfect know- 
ledge allows, and using the most convenient type-symbols : 

0, 27; -=-, 26; QandC, 24; ^ 21; L, 18; f 15; I, u; II, n; V (crossed), 
n; O, 95 IL, 8; 7, 7; knife form, 7; S (exclusive of double letters), 7; 3, 5 ; 

Then there are many which cannot be represented by 
symbols. These may be subdivided into 

Single characters, frequently used, . 33 
Double letters, etc., .... 5 
Characters used once, each, . . .15 

The question then presented itself, What is the character 
of these signs so distributed ? and undoubtedly they answered 
to the general nature of an alphabet or syllabarium, although 
we can be by no means assured. The other solutions that 
were proposed were that the signs are ideographic records or 
lists of the cattle marks and brands of Arab tribes (Captain 
Burton). Although some of the marks are used as brands, 
yet the whole composition does not answer to either descrip- 
tion. On any liberal interpretation of them as ideographs, 
the types are not sufficient to afford any record of war and 
peace. If we allow them to include a register of cattle brands, 


then we want signs to indicate the names of the proprietary 
tribes or individuals, which, after all, would bring us again to 
some kind of record of words, and thereby to the solution 
that they are written signs. 

Accepting the hypothesis of characters representing sounds 
as that most probable, and as deserving of further investiga- 
tion, the next point is whether they belong to a limited 
alphabet of letters or to a system of syllabic characters. The 
number of about fifty types would admit of a syllabic system. 

The general nature of the inscriptions on inspection is this : 
we have a variety of single signs, many of which are recurrent ; 
we have some apparent ideographs ; and we have a number 
of flourishes. These flourishes, however, are not made with 
a brush or pen casually, but cut in hard stone designedly. 

It is permissible to consider that some of these flourishes 
may consist of several characters joined together. One group 
can be recognised so tied together, and also in its separate 
members. In the similar or seemingly allied alphabets, liga- 
tures, monograms, and double letters are known to have 
existed, or to exist. The elements are consequently to be 

distributed as 


Ligatures, and 

Ideographs (real or supposed). 

This is the gross result at which we must arrive from in- 
spection under the numerical method, an approved process 
for scientific investigation. 

The next mode of examination is by comparison with 
alphabets. The Phoenician or Cadmean used in the Hamath 
district does not correspond. The Himyaritic used in the 
same region does offer some similitude, so does the Cypriote. 
The cuneiform also shows correspondence. The Himyaritic 
or Sabaean character is chiefly known from the inscriptions 
found near our town of Aden in Arabia, and from the inscrip- 
tions at Axum in Abyssinia. Himyaritic inscriptions have 
also been found in Mesopotamia or Babylonia ; and there are 
characters on gems from Babylonia, supposed to be Himyaritic. 


The characters on these gems, and on the bricks from Warka, 
have a resemblance to the Hamath. The Himyaritic cha- 
racter was represented in Ethiopia or Abyssinia by the 
Ethiopic, and is still represented by the Amharic or Abys- 
sinian alphabet. A Sabaean grammar is given by Captain 
Prideaux (Trans. Biblio. Arch. Soc., vol. v.). 

Many Himyaritic inscriptions are in the British Museum, 
and a large collection has been published by the authorities 
of that institution under the direction of Dr Samuel Birch 
and Mr A. W. Franks. These have been deciphered by the 
late Dr M. A. Levy of Breslau in the Transactions of the 
German Oriental Society. These inscriptions are generally 
in lines or divided by bands like the Hamath inscriptions, 
but the lines are of single characters, whereas in the Hamath 
there are rows of characters unsymmetrically set out. The 
Himyaritic characters are read from right to left. In one 
inscription there is a monogram (B. Mus., plate i., No. i), 
undeciphered by Osiander and Dr Levy. In two inscrip- 
tions there are hands. We find hands in No. 5 Hamath 
inscription, the hands being in each case displayed ; but in 
the case of the Himyaritic inscription, the hands are outside 
the inscription, and in pairs. These Himyaritic inscriptions 
(B. Mus., plate vii., No. 11, and plate vii., No. 8) are dedicated 
to Almakah and Baal. Almakah I regard as equivalent to 
Moloch. They form the same sign as the blessing of the 
Cohenim among the Jews. 

The main characters which correspond in Hamath and 
Himyaritic are : 

Characters symbolised. Power in Himyaritic or Amharic. 

I Stop. 

O . y O 

*-...... 1 V 

Un - .... l B 

S .. . tf SH 

"i h L 

D V M 


Besides these there are equivalents of 1, "I, 2, il?, Jl, and n. 

The comparison with Cypriote suggests many more 
points of comparison, because in Cypriote there are arrow- 
headed or dart-headed characters, as in Hamath. Again 
we find !-, I, O, 3>, A, L, S, etc. Of the influence of Hamath 
on Cypriote, as pointed out by me, no doubt at present 
exists, and every observer has confirmed it. As we have 
the syllabic sounds for some of the Cypriote signs, this 
ought to give us some help towards the sounds in Hamath, 
but as yet it does not. There is every appearance that in 
Hamath and in Cypriote the signs had a different value, as 
they had in Hebrew. Aleph, Yod, Caph, Ayin, and Wau can 
never have been the original values for the letters, the variant 
forms of which, no less than other circumstances, throw light 
on their real meaning. 

The Cypriote that we have at present is an Aryan adapta- 
tion, but we may yet find Cypriote characters with a language 
allied to Khita. Cypriote shows no less than Libyan and 
other Western languages that an alphabet passed out first 
from a Khita source to the west, and that it was afterwards 
largely modified by Phoenician variants. The words in 
Cypriote are divided by stops. Many of the characters 
appear to be double letters, as in Hamath. Some of the 
inscriptions are read from right to left, but some appear to 
suggest a former arrangement from top to bottom. 

Bricks were brought home by Mr Loftus from Warka, in 
Babylonia ("Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susi- 
ana," London, 1859, p. 169), which bear peculiar characters. 
These have been supposed to be the rude and earliest form of 
cuneiform, and have accordingly been converted into cunei- 
form inscriptions, or accompanied by cuneiform renderings, 
and translations have been published. The Warka characters 
or hieratic, however, bear a resemblance to the Hamath and 
the Cypriote, more particularly to the former. The Warka 
inscription, if compared with Hamath No. 2, middle line, has 
this remarkable peculiarity. It also begins with A, and has 
in its neighbourhood, next to it, A with a staff, again very 


near it is = also. The same are found in No. 3 Hamath, 
second line. Characters nearly similar are found in the be- 
ginning or lowest line of No. 5 Hamath. This formula is 
found under a variant in each Hamath inscription. In the 
Warka we find a square reticulated or covered with cross lines ; 
in Hamath A with the staff so treated in Nos. 2 and 5. 

An inscription at Abydos, in Egypt (Journal de la Societe 
Asiatiqite, series vi., vol. ii., 1868, No. 14), apparently bilin- 
gual, is for one portion allied in character to Warka and 
Cypriote. With Lycian there is a great conformity, the num- 
ber of characters showing a correspondence with Hamath 
being nearly a score. They include : 

V, A, 1 or T, I, O, V or A, q, IAI, z, 8, D, 3, n. 

There are two remarkable alphabets in use in Albania, and 
which are to be found in Dr Von Habn's " Albanesische 
Studien" (Jena, 1854). At p. 280 is the long alphabet, and 
at p. 297 is a short alphabet. These are modern Albanian or 
Skipetar alphabets. Dr Von Habn has devoted much atten- 
tion to the larger alphabet, considering that many of the ele- 
ments of it are ancient. .Of its fifty-two characters many, 
however, are evidently modern adaptations, but from inde- 
pendent investigation I concur with my friend Dr Von Habn, 
that many are independent representations of ancient char- 

The Albanians are, in a general sense, an unlettered people, 
but there is no more difficulty in believing that they have pre- 
served ancient letters than there is in accrediting, what admits 
of no doubt, the preservation, in a modified form, of the Lib- 
yan alphabet by the Berber tribes, which, like those of the 
Albanians, are unlettered. The Berber alphabet has under- 
gone similar modifications to the Albanian, and particularly 
in the application of double letters and special sounds. 

The peculiarities of the Albanian alphabets are so striking 
that a German savant in the " Zeitschrift der Deutschen 
Morgenlandische Gesellschaft," published an essay on an 
attempt to decipher the Lycian inscriptions by means of the 


Albanian alphabet and languages. This does not appear to 
be successful any more than that of interpreting Lycian, 
Etruscan, etc., by means of Armenian. The first point with 
regard to Lycian is to ascertain what the language is, for even 
supposing the transliterations we have to be serviceable, it 
does not follow that the Lycian language is an Indo-European 
language, notwithstanding the supposed genitives, because 
those genitives may be Caucasian. It does not follow be- 
cause the modern Albanian alphabet has a resemblance to the 
Lycian that the powers of the modern Albanian alphabet are 
the same as those of the ancient Albanian. Still less does it 
follow, because there is a resemblance between some of the 
letters, that the Albanian language has any connection with 
the Lycian. It may be noted that the Albanian grammar 
shows many traces of resemblance to Caucasian. 

The reason that we have already found so many points of 
resemblances in these alphabets is, that one race ruled and one 
political language was at one time employed in the several 
regions anterior to the Indo-European, and for this reason the 
supposed Phoenician or Cadmean influence is not sufficient to 
account for the phenomena. 

With regard to Hamath and Albanian the resemblances are 
few. They include : 

V or A, I, O, * or 0, C or Q, 8 or Q. 

There are several points worthy of study in the Celtiberian 
characters, but I have not been able to collate the materials. 

*The Etruscan also presents points of resemblance to Ha- 
math, where it diverges from the Phoenician. The words, 
numerals, and case-endings of Etruscan, which have been 
preserved, are susceptible of explanations from the Khita- 
Peruvian group. 

The Himyaritic characters having been referred to, and 
their employment in Ethiopia or Abyssinia, it is to be ob- 
served that Professor F. W. Newman, in his Berber studies 
long since, and Dr Judas of Paris, in his special studies of 
Libyan, made known points of resemblance between the gram- 
mars and alphabets of the respective districts. 


The chief monument we have in Libyan is the Thugga 
Stone in the British Museum, a remarkable bilingual monu- 
ment, from Thugga, near Tunis, in Phoenician and Libyan, 
but which has never been published by the Museum authori- 
ties. It has, however, appeared several times in print, as in 
Gesenius, the best copy being that published by Dr A. C. 
Judas, from a squeeze supplied to him by Dr Samuel Birch. 
There are also many Libyan inscriptions from Algeria, some 
with a Latin text published by the Academy of Constantine, 
or in the Revue Africaine, and commented upon by Dr Judas, 
Dr Reboud, etc. There is great diversity of opinion as to the 
value of the letters and the meaning of the inscriptions, the 
latest doctrines of the French school being that Libyan is to 
be interpreted by the Berber alphabets. 

This is a very natural proposition, as the Berber alphabets, 
well exemplified in the Tamashek, in the grammar of that 
language by Colonel Hanoteau, show evidence of descent from 
the Libyan. 

It does not follow that the Thugga inscription admits of 
interpretation by Berber, although it is possible some of the 
inscriptions of the Roman period are of Berber affinity. In 
the Thugga inscription we find two languages, one of the 
conquering Phoenicians or Carthagenians. The other lan- 
guage may be that of the aborigines, the Berbers, but it may 
be that of a former dominant race. Semitic influence cer- 
tainly prevailed in North Africa, for it is proved by the family 
of what are called the Subsemitic languages, showing an 
abiding influence, testified to by the Himyaritic, and con- 
tinued by the extension of the Arabic language even to the 
shores of the Atlantic. There are, however, ancient geogra- 
phical names to be found in North Africa, which conform to 
the general geographical nomenclature of the ancient world, 
and which are consequently not Phoenician, and many of the 
names assumed to be Phoenician very probably do not belong 
to that class. 

What the Libyan language was will much depend on the 
determination of the genitive in the genealogical portions of 



the Hamath and Thugga inscriptions. Dr Judas takes this 
to be N in Thugga, and to be Berber. 

The Thugga inscription is in single lines, and reads from 
right to left from the top, but there is some reason to believe 
that this is a special arrangement, consequent on the attempt 
to translate line for line the Phoenician, which is so arranged. 
Dr Judas has proposed, with reason, to read the Algerine 
Libyan inscriptions from bottom to top in columns, beginning 
at the right. 

The Thugga and Libyan characters which show a resem- 
blance to Hamath are nearly twenty, and include : 

V, I, O, $ or 0, s , D, 3, Q 1, IL, Z. 

It is very questionable whether the letters of the Thugga 
inscription are in the right position. 

The Thugga inscription we know begins with a genealogy, 
and it was by means of this Gesenius discovered the symbol 
for son, which is . This is the symbol we find in Hamath 
and in Warka, in a similar position, but in Hamath it is Mil. 
Each word is divided by a stop. The character II within 
another n, I consider to be a double letter. The Algerine 
inscriptions furnish us with some additional characters. Of 
the Kabyle or Tamashek modern alphabets we have three 
forms given by Colonel Hanoteau. These alphabets do not 
agree with each other, nor are they wholly Libyan. They 
consist partly of -a system of dots. 

To show its "peculiarities the following are examples : 

B or V is represented by 

G X 

D U A 

R O, D 

T 3 







There are various double letters formed with + (T) final. The 


only one that can be represented is for I + (Nt) f, for II + (Lt) 
we have H with a cross bar, for St a circle O with a cross + 
enclosed. The materials we may consider available for com- 
parison with the Hamath inscriptions are : 

Himyaritic alphabet and inscriptions. 

Ethiopic ,, 

Amharic or Abyssinian alphabet and inscriptions. 

Warka inscriptions. 



Albanian alphabet. 

Celtiberian inscriptions. 



Of these, we have satisfactory explanations of the Him- 
yaritic inscriptions of Aden, which are in Sabaean, a language 
allied to the Hebrew. 

We have bilingual inscriptions of 

Cypriote, in Phoenician and also in Greek. 

Lycian, in Greek. 

Libyan, in Phoenician and also in Latin. 

It is worthy of consideration what relations exist between 
the Hamath and the square Hebrew alphabet. The chief 
forms recognisable are J~l> C, (~, !> N> 0> but nothing like a 
considerable portion of the Hebrew alphabet In the Ha- 
math, however, and in the Hebrew, as in the Himyaritic and 
Libyan, square forms are to be found. 

If we look at some old alphabets, as Hebrew, Himyaritic, 
Libyan, Hamath, Etruscan, old Italic, old Greek, Lycian, 
Cypriote, Albanian, we find such forms as these : 


and in rounded forms we have such as : 


Then we have letters with a staff or tail, as in Phoenician 
and in p (P), A, /*, <. 

The shapes of the square letters suggest that they are parts 
of a square (perhaps of the square of Orion), thus J L ~1 f are 
its four angles. H, U, 1, C are the three sides of a square 
in succession. L is L, "I is *T (Daleth) and 1 (Resh), and F 
is the Greek Gamma, pj is H (He), and H (Cheth, Kheth), 
in Hebrew, and H (Pi) in Greek. 1 is Beth in Hebrew. Q is 
Mem and Samech in Hebrew. 

The A of the Phoenician, H (Beth) of the Himyaritic and 
Hebrew, F (Gamma) of the Greek, 1 (Daleth) of the Hebrew 
(A of the Greek), and Jl (He) of the Hebrew, are at the be- 
ginning of the alphabet in close proximity, and suggest that 
they belonged to a square, and formed part of a square, thus : 

r n 1 A n- 

There is a square alphabet in modern use known as a secret 
alphabet. It is formed by two lines (=), crossed by two lines 
(II), and which, forming a double square, gives nine compart- 
ments. Each of these being separated forms a letter. This 
alphabet may be found in some books on secret writing and 
cipher, and is a masonic secret alphabet in England, France, 
etc. It may be founded on the Tau and Orion. 

The alphabet is worked from left to right at top : 

J is A, LJ is B, |_ is C, U is D, D is E, Q is F, ~| is G, H is H, f is I. 

The characters are then dotted inside or otherwise. J. is J, 
u. K, etc. A third series is obtained by marking the char- 
acters with three dots (/.). 

Rabbis and other Jews likewise use this mystic cross as a 
secret alphabet, but they begin from right to left at top : 

L is N, U is 1, J is J, C is "T> D is Jl, ] is \ 

The second series is also obtained by a dot (.), and the 
third by /. This carries out the whole Hebrew alphabet, 
including the final letters, and consequently provides the 
whole Hebrew numerals. 

Instead of dotting the first series of nine to make a second 


series, there is, however, Another modification of the mystic 
alphabet, which provides for taking the second series from 
another double cross formed by crossing the two lines trans- 
versely. This gives V A, etc. These geometrical alphabets 
are carried back to a more ancient date in the works on 
white magic, and thence still further back to the most ancient 
epochs of magic and the Cabbula. They may be termed 
the Cabalistic geometrical alphabet. The Arab and medi- 
aeval literature of magic, white and black, is a continuation 
of the ancient schools of magic, and preserves their traditions. 
Some of these are still practised in Moslem cities, from 
Morocco to the far East ; and occasionally characters derived 
from the cuneiform are employed by a Maghrebi magician in 
charms to cure a sick child, or to lure back the lover of an 
Arab or Osmanli girl. 

It is the teaching of the Accad and Assyrian schools of 
Babylon and Chaldaea, which is made orthodox for the Jew 
by the great names of God, for the Christian by the invoca- 
tion of the Blessed Virgin, for the Moslem in strict conformity 
with the potent and ineffable power which the votaries of 
Islam believe to reside in the form and sound of divine 
words, and which coerce genii, good and bad. The means to 
beatitude of one powerful sect of dervishes is the compression 
in sound of Allah Hoo. The characters are the attributes of 
divinity, and command the spirit world. Several of the magic 
alphabets exhibit forms adapting not merely the geometrical 
characters, but others found in the alphabets we have been 
discussing. Some of these are now casual, but they may be 
survivals. We find the * of the Cypriote and Warka, but 
then a character much like it exists in cuneiform. The great 
Gelghether magic Alphabet presents I A, B, V 1 D, the little 
Gelghether U + -H "1 . The Sabaean magic is most like 
a true alphabet, for its B is U, its M is M, its S is MM, F is 
D crossed, R is V, Th\is +. The great and little enchant- 
ment give the forms in !_U UU, which we find in Hamath 
and Warka. 

Thus there appears to have been a continuity of the appli- 


cation of these Cabalistic forms of a square or double cross 
(based on the Pleiades or Tau), which was in itself mystical, 
as it consisted of triads ; and there being further three triads, 
there was, besides the mystic number of three, the great mystic 
number of nine. 

If we take a double cross, and then a transverse double 
cross, and begin according to the ancient method of Warka, 
Libyan, and Hamath, we begin at the right, but we begin at 
the bottom, and not at the top, as the Jews now do. The 
question -may arise whether, having begun at f~, we should 
not, according to the Hamath and later Libyan method, 
work upwards in columns, proceeding to C and L. The 
Thugga inscription suggests progress horizontally from right 
to left ; and we may return boustrophedon or bull-ploughing 
in furrows, or as a serpent would wind, as we find on a Him- 
yaritic altar inscription in the British Museum series. So, 
too, in the Hamath inscriptions. 

In the attribution of sounds and powers to the characters at 
a most early date, nature-worship exercised a great influence. 
Thus in cuneiform a star figures as the determinative for a 
deity. In Chinese, Eye, Sun, Moon, Mouth are allied in char- 
acter, as we find them philologically in the prehistoric period. 
In Hebrew we have Aleph, Waw, Yod, Caph, Ayin, Thau. 
In our own alphabets we have I, 0, <S>. In the African lan- 
guages the hand and foot are male, and the palm of the hand 
and sole of the foot, female. In mythology we know that the 
hand is an emblem for man. In Hebrew the alphabet begins 
with the equivalent of the star, and closes with the Thau, the 
emblem of the Pleiades. 

Upon the grand question of the population of Canaan, 
Professor Campbell gives us invaluable materials for forming 
a judgment, in his various and learned papers in the Canadian 
Journal. This population most probably extended into 
Egypt, where Brugsch Bey has found four hundred parallel 
names, and in which I look for the "Turanian" element, for 
Thebes, and the other old names by which Egypt was known 
to the Greeks, are Sumerian. The intercourse with Caria, too, 



long continued. The union of Sumerians with Semites ex- 
plains the ethnological peculiarities of the Jews, who are 
evidently a mixed race with two elements. 

With the absolute chronology of these successions I do not 
propose to deal. Three thousand years ago the Sumerian 
race had come in contact with the Semitic, to which it had to 
succumb. Seven hundred years later is perhaps to be taken 
as the epoch of conflict with the Aryan race. This, however, 
gives us no real instrument of measure. We do not suffi- 
ciently know how far the members of the Hamitic classes are 
to be regarded as synchronous. 

Although the Sumerians were assailed by the Semites three 
thousand years ago, they were only overcome by the Spaniards 
four hundred years since ; and in Indo-China they still flourish. 
The question, therefore, is not the duration of culture in the 
form of language, but what are the spaces required for its 
development ? 

If the Sumerian settlement in Babylonia took place four 
thousand years ago (see Ernest de Bunsen, " Chronology of 
the Bible "), then the settlement in India would be of the 
same date, if the migration was from a common centre in 
High Asia, as the division of West and East Sumerian in 
pronouns, and other details, seems to indicate. 

The settlements in Indo-China would shortly follow, and 
afterwards the occupation of Java and the islands. 

It is quite within compass that Peru was reached three 
thousand years ago, or even four or five thousand. It is to 
be observed that the Malay occupation of Australasia must 
have cut off the Sumerian intercourse with America. Then 
it is to be taken into consideration that if the intercourse had 
been kept up at a time when large ships were used by the 
Phoenicians, Chinese, Greeks, Romans, or Arabs, we should 
have witnessed different conditions. Cattle and horses would 
have been carried across the Pacific. Had the intercourse 
from Indo-China to South America been fresh in the memory, 
the Arab navigators would have heard of it. 

The Akkad, Accad, or Sumerian must be looked upon as 


a main stock of the class with which we are now dealing. Of 
the cuneiform inscriptions, the Assyrian and the later Per- 
sian had been deciphered, while an early type, named after 
the kings of Accad, remained obscure. M. Oppert supported 
a non-Semitic and non-Aryan interpretation, and by the 
labours of Mons. F. Lenormant many of the characters have 
now been read, and the language is disclosed to the world. 

What that language may be has been hitherto a matter of 
dispute. The learned M. Halevy has made himself ridiculous 
by asserti-ng it is no language at all. The chief authorities 
upon it have shown many alleged relations with Vasco- 
Kolarian and Ugrian, which, however, are not Ugrian, but 
prehistoric, while I have confirmed my own forecast (Journal 
of tlie Anthropological Institute, 1871, pp. 53, 58), that it 
would be found to have Georgian affinities, and to belong to 
a Palaeo-Asiatic class. I am now, however, able more dis- 
tinctly to assign its position by showing that whatever its 
affinities may be, it is closely connected in language with the 
former monument and city building races of the old and new 

In the tenth chapter of Genesis, already referred to, Accad 
is brought into the scheme of classification under the family 
of Ham. The early kings of Chaldea entitled themselves 
rulers of Sumiri and Accad. Dr Hincks, on the strength of 
inscriptions belonging to Accad, had proposed for the lan- 
guage the name of Accad, but M. Oppert directed attention 
to the fact that the people called themselves Sumir or Sumer, 
and urged the adoption of the term Sumerian. This appears 
worthy of support from the nature of allied forms. Samaria, 
a holy city and country, Semirus in Armenia, and Seumara 
in Iberia, are perhaps forms of Sumer. Raamah and Rama 
would be conformable. Armenia belongs to the same stock 
and epoch. 

Smyrna (Smurna) and Samorna of Ephesus may also be 
assigned, as may be Asmurna of Hyrkania and Zimura of 
Aria. Ephesus and Smyrna must have been great seats of 
Sumerians. There we have Mount Sipylus (Sipula), with 


the Suburu or statue (Akkad) of Niobe. There is, however, 
strangely enough, another possible explanation I can suggest 
in the relation of Sipylus to Sibu, Siva or Seba, and of Niobe 
to Nebo. The ancients were by no means agreed as to the 
attribution of the legend of Niobe. It is possible that both 
of these explanations may have been applied in succession, 
which is a common phenomenon in mythology. Near is 
another Lydo-Sumerian sculpture, the Pseudo-Sesostris of 
Nymphae. Near Ephesus is Pygela or Pugela (Pucala, Pucara, 
the castle), the R changing to L in this district. 

Using the term of Sumerian as a general term, we have 
Accad for Babylonia, and Dr Birch's term of Khita for 
Hamath, while we may use Sumero - Peruvian or Khita- 
Peruvian to cover the whole of the unclassified phenomena 
of race, language, culture, and mythology. 

The Georgian languages afford an interpretation of some 
of the terms of the pre-Hellenic topographical nomenclature 
of the old world. These languages now include the Karthueli 
or Georgian, the Swan, the Lazian of Asia Minor, the Min- 
grelian, etc. One ancient representative appears to me to 
have been the Canaanite. 

While the names of rivers and places are uniform in Asia 
Minor, the few remains of the language and inscriptions, 
except the Lycian, which is most likely Lesghian, appear to 
conform to a Canaanite or Georgian standard. To this, in 
compliance with ancient tradition, the Etruscan is by me 
annexed, as it was in 1870 and 1871 (Journal of the Anthro- 
pological Institute, pp. 56, 58), although it must be stated 
that my materials of interpretation have as yet been scanty. 
The Rev. Isaac Taylor, who has published a book on a 
Ugrian hypothesis of Etruscan, at the Congress of Orientalists 
produced a further paper as to the connection of Etruscan 
with Accad, which is based upon and confirms my views. In 
illustration of the general connection, and of the interesting 
question of Etruscan, Tables I. and II. may be referred to. 
Mr George Smith, in the last moments of his life and dis- 
coveries, appears to have confirmed at Carchemish this con- 
formity of Etruscan and Khita. 








Boy, son, 


shwili (akhali, 

chvalay (Circas- 

akun (Mexican). 



Hawk, '- 





[iremu, stag], 

kori (vulture), 

bosheth (Canaan- 
khapa (Mon),. 

butsi (Othomi). 
paka (Peruvian). 

kondori (Quichua, 

archagi (peli- 



buzi (fly), 






ikvi (duck), 

ancana (Quichua ; 

Apollo (Sun), 

Diana (Moon), 
Ghost, shadow, 



(nitheli, dark), 

vonafay (Circas- 
zal (Accad). 

la (Burman), 

eagle, Peruvian), 
andvui (Misteca). 

sillo (Aymara; star, 
citlali (Aztek). 
llantu (Peruvian). 


shoonseh (Circas- 




atta (Circassian), 

I, me, 




mu (Akkad), 

ga (Quichua, Peru- 

Make, work, 


gwar, love ; 
shur, desire, 
tsetskhli, fire, 


tuna (Akkad), 


tletli, fire (Mexi- 
kana, cut (Aymara, 









I. makh, 



2. thu, 



3- zal, 
4. huth, 







5. ki, kiem, 


6. sas, 
7. be[m]ph, 
10. alchl? 







In the following illustrations the same characteristics as in 
Etruscan are to be found : 





gissa (Lydian), 
vedu (Phrygian) 

yatta (Circas.); khsach 
pseh (Circas. ) ; pi (Mon) 

labtayeh (Huastec) ; 
tepe (Aztek). 


Village, town, 
Fat, oil, 


taba (Carian), 
ganos (Phrygian), 

deba (Thracian), 
pikerion (Phrygian), 

ma (Phrygian), 
ala (Carian), 
gala (Carian), 

kana (Georgian) ; gana 
daba (Georgian), 
pshey (Circas.); pa? 
maylley (Circas.); me, 
goat (Cambodian), 
la, animal syllable 
ungal (Accad), 

tepe (Aztek). 

deba (Guarani). 
raccu (Quichua). 

llama (Peruvian). 

One source of Etruscan, as of some other extinct languages, 
is to be traced to the same process of "survival" as in all 
anthropological departments. Latin will, when duly worked 
by analysis, form a rich mine. 



Sieve, . 
Old, . 
Straw, pipe. 
Seat, . 

Crime, . 
Brush, . 

tkhavi (Georgian). 






capra, . 
scatebra, etc., 
vetus, . 
stipula, . . 
scelus, . 

While Canaanite and Hamath come within the Hamitic 
scheme of Genesis, and are so far allied to Sumerian, which 
their character of culture supports (Journal of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute, 1871, p. 58), yet there are divergences of 
language and of culture so great that I cannot but regard the 
Canaanitic, Lydian, and Etruscan, as constituting a distinct 



branch, at present to be assigned to Sumerian, but perhaps 
afterwards to be subdivided. It will most likely be found 
that Accad and Khita, being separate stocks, others are to 
be assigned to each of them. 

Hamath, Carchemish, or some such local metropolis, most 
likely afforded the centre of a distinct development of civilisa- 
tion, with tribal forms of language and mythology, and pro- 
ducing syllabic and alphabetic characters, afterwards attributed 
to the Phoenicians. Georgian and Akkad have double plurals, 
the remains of a prehistoric characteristic, and there are re- 
semblances in the verbs and numerals, but there are dissimi- 
larities. The Georgian double plurals -ni and -bi figure as 
third personal pronouns in Akkad. These particles are not 
without resemblance to negatives. 

At an early period of the examination of Georgian, I was 
much struck with the propensity for sticking in or inserting 
consonants, as in Mexican and other languages. The imme- 
diate explanation of the // in Mexican is, however, to be 
sought in Circassian. In Georgian it is perhaps th. 

The exact affinities of Georgian are not shown by the ex- 
isting members of the Sumero-Peruvian or Khita-Peruvian 
class. Some are found in Ka, a language allied to the Indo- 
Chinese group, and some in Cambodian, yet Georgian is evi- 
dently related to Etruscan. Thus : 


Head, . . thawi, . . tuwi (Ka). 

Mouth, . . piri, . . . soar. 

River, . ,. mdinare, . . daktani (Ka) ; tanle. 

Rock, . . \ 

Mountain, . . >tma, . . . tamoe, ,, 

Stone, . . ) 

The elements of Georgian are found in the numerals: i, 
erthi, G. (trao, Ka) ; 2, ori (bur) ; 3, sami (tarn) ; 4, othki (chin) ; 
5, khouthi (Ka) ; 8, rwa (peh) ; 9, tskhra (tsar, Khong). Ka 
is found for 5 on the left hand in Mon. The Georgian nume- 
rals equal the left-hand Mon and Ka numerals. 




- Nouns more than one plural, 

= Emphatic form ending in a vowel, . 

= Negative series, 

= Formation of persons of verbs, 

= Formation of participle, ... . . ' . 

= Formation of negative verbs by the prefix Nu, 

- Resemblance of numbers, 

= Insertion in verb of pronouns governed, 

= Use of post positions, . . -. .- i 

= Use of Ni, Bi, . .:..-;... . ' . Na. 

= Use of M, S, . . . . . . " 

The following table shows the comparison of Akkad : 

Dual regarded = 2 (pura) 

Noun, emphatic state, a 

Dual = 2 (kas) , 

pronouns postpositional 

,, several plurals . 

pi. -ene 

-mes . . ... 

plural by duplication . :: . 

,, locative -ta. 

ablative -na 

opportune -gal . . 
Verbs governed, .... 
pronouns incorporated 

plural -une, -ne . 

-mus, -s . 

,, gan, to be, exist. 
Noun, A . . . 

Adjective, after noun, 
Pronouns'^, i? 2? 3, two forms, . 

H 3, . 

Demonstrative some resemble = 

Conjunction Cama, with, and . = cama, according as, 
Numerals, manjr x . . . . = all. 

ordinals\-kam . . =nequen. 

= -cuna, -ntin. 

= -ta, through. 
= -nae, wanting. 
= ? -ccepi (after, behind), 
persons not the same. 


= can, to be. [plural. 

numeral used without 

before noun. 


It is in what I term the negative series that one of the 
leading laws of prehistoric philology and mythology is to be 
found. Under this the negative No or Not is the equivalent of 
Night or Black (Niger). It is also the equivalent of woman, 
as the negative, man being treated as the positive. So all 
female names become negative, as wife, Eve, ewe, hound 
( = bitch), she-goat, cow, mare, etc.* Death, kill, executioner, 
have negative relations. So have egg and nit, and secondarily 
pea, bean, and nut (as resembling an egg). Ear and head 
appear to be negative. Nephele, in mythology, is one of the 
forms of Khaveh or Eve. Shadow is a negative, and in some 
cases equivalent to soul and night. In Guarani there is an 
ingenious distinction between the soul of the living and the 
dead ; and so of a head, bone, skin. The soul of the dead 
man is supposed in many countries to lodge in birds. This 
may be one ground why the bird is negative, as bearing the 
soul of the dead. Blood is a negative apparently as related 
to death. Hence red is a negative, and some curious mytho- 
logical and archaeological conditions arise, for red is likewise 
the equivalent of the number two. 

Dr Zerffi informs me that red was the second colour in 
various positions, as on dice and on temple terraces, but this 
requires closer investigation. Mr Park Harrison and Mr J. 
Jeremiah have observed the use of red as a colour widely pre- 
valent in the regions now under consideration, for the purposes 
of this investigation. The red hand figures equally in Syria 
and in America. 

The virtue of red as a preservative against the evil eye is 
referred to in Walter K. Kelly's " Curiosities of Indo-Euro- 
pean Traditions and Folk Lore," p. 147. In Buchan, Aber- 
deenshire, the housewives tie a piece of red worsted round 
their cows' tails before turning them out to grass for the first 
time in the spring. It is, however, better shown in Germany 
(p. 229), where herdsmen lay a woman's red apron, or a broad 
axe covered with a woman's red stocking, before the threshold 

* In another relation woman becomes the equivalent of the Yona and mouth, 
and by her periodicity, resembling that of the moon, the equivalent of that body. 


of the cow-house, and make the animals step over it. The 
bringing together of woman, cow, and red, is noteworthy. 
The lady-bird seems to hold its place in folk lore as being 
red (p. 95). It is held unlucky to kill a lady-bird in Germany, 
as the sun would not shine the next day. It is possible that 
the robin redbreast owes his mythical place to the same 
characteristic, and it is also unlucky to kill him. The wood- 
pecker has a red head or mutch (p. 86), and a black body. 
Bad is negative, as is naked. Sleep and dream are negative, 
as belonging to the night series. Salt is negative. Water, 
in some senses, is a negative, and appears to be connected 
with woman. Night was the negative of day, or the closing 
of the eye, and it had its own world of darkness, with its 
night sun, its sleep, and its dreams. It was the domain of 
shadows and the ultimate refuge of the soul. Its mythological 
relations in this respect will best be studied in the treatment 
of animism by Mr Tylor. 

There are few prehistoric, protohistoric, or historic languages 
which do not display the negative series. Among such may 
be named : Wolof, Agaw, Vasco - Kolarian (very marked), 
Ugrian, Egyptian, Sumerian (very marked), Dravidian, Semi- 
tic (not strongly marked), Aryan (very marked). 

For Aryan, a popular illustration is afforded by not, night, 
nut, nit, naked, nest, snow, Eve, ewe, egg, wife, cow, nox, nix, 
nex, nux, nee, non, nudus, nidus, nodus, niger, nubes, ovis, 
ovum, avis, uva, caput, auris. 

The way in which the negative roots are distributed among 
the various branches of a class is peculiar, and affords a dis- 

Thus Latin uses N largely, and O (KR) sparingly ; Greek, 
M, O, largely, and KR or KL sparingly. Thus Aymara uses 
P, K, H ; Mon uses P (sparingly), K, H (sparingly), and T. 

In reality, the dissyllables are chiefly the same, for the O 
(ovum, oon) is nothing but the K, B, and KB of the Vasco- 
Kolarian and Sumerian Kaba, Paka, and the KR (Karua, 
Auris, etc.) that of the Sumerian Raka. 

The words for woman, as Khaveh, Eve, Agave, Hebe, Ne- 


phele, Wife, have descended through ages as the formula for 
verbal mythology, and hence figure so largely in the earliest 
records of Genesis, in the traditions of the Eastern Mediter- 
ranean, and among the Aryans. 

A sufficient example will be afforded by the following : 



Moon, ab, paksi, b, khatu. 

Red, ab, pako, ab, hpakit. 

Two, a, papaya, a, pa. 

Ear, ab, (paoki,) b, khato. 

Head, ab, phekai. b, katan. 

Night, be, haipu, b, khatan. 

River, c, hahuire, a, pi. 

No, Not, c, hani, c, ha. 

Salt, c, hazu, a, po. 

Bad, ... ... be, hakha. 

Bitter, c, haru, b, katan. 

Black, b? chamaka? b, katsan. 

The dissyllable is largely developed with the negative. 

It should be mentioned that a negative is not necessarily a 
prefix or suffix, but in prehistoric grammar may be intercal- 
ated, as in Gondi (Khond), Vasco-Kolarian, and Sumerian 
Akkad or Khita-Peruvian. A middle negative may depend on 
the same principle. 

The question may be incidentally considered, whether the 
Sumerian population of Indo-China was supplied from Baby- 
lonia, or from a common centre in High Asia. In my view, it 
was from the common centre, because although there are great 
affinities between the Sumerian or Akkad and the eastern 
analogues, yet there are greater affinities between these latter 
among themselves, and there are common points of dissimi- 
larity from Sumerian. There were most probably two migra- 
tions in succession to the Agaw. One embraced the Akkad, 
Mon, Cambodian, Ay mara, and Maya (and Toltek?). The other, 
the Georgian, Etruscan, Siamese, Quichua, and Aztek. The 
earliest may, however, have been the Circassian Otomi. 


Proceeding onwards, Indo-China, or the southern districts 
of the further peninsula beyond India, may be treated as one 
linguistic area. They include Pegu in the west, Siam in the 
middle, and Cambodia in the east. 

This region was known to the ancients as being held by 
populations in a state of advancement. Pegu is the country 
at the mouth of the Irrawaddy, and was formerly independent, 
but fell under the dominion of the Burmese empire. In 
1852 the province, with the towns of Pegu, Prome, and Ran- 
goon, was taken by the English. The people call themselves 
Mon, but are called Talain by the Burmese. The language 
is a most valuable member of the Sumerian for illustration. 
There are large ruins. 

Siam lies in the middle of India, beyond the Ganges, and 
is the seat of a great and settled empire. The Siamese people 
and language are, however, of less importance to us in this 
inquiry, at this period, than are the others. 

Kambodia, or Camboja (Kan-phu-cha, Chinese), is the 
western part of Annam or Cochin-China, on the Saigon and 
Cambodia rivers, bordering on eastern Siam. Of late years it 
has been attacked by the French, who have taken and hold 

The great marble ruins of the ancient capital of the Thinae, 
near Saigon, have long been known. The Cambodians were 
remarked by the early Arab voyagers as manufacturers of 
very fine linen. The natives call themselves Kammer or 
Khmer (=Aymara). Kitaya too, or Indo-China, may be 
only another form of Khita, equivalent to Kissii or Cissii, 
and to Quichua. It is to be observed that the explored 
monuments of Cambodia are not ancient like those of Baby- 
lonia, but rather modern and synchronous with those of 
Peru and Mexico, but it is probable earlier remains will be 

Cambodia has been studied by M. Mouhot, by M. Gamier 
in his large ah4 valuable work, and lately by Mr Kennedy 
in his paper read before the Indian Section of the Society of 
Arts (Journal, 1573-74), when I presided, and had the oppor- 


tunity of giving some early explanations of the linguistic 
relations as recorded in the journal of the Society. 

The ancient kingdom of Camboja, in India, which gave 
name to the Gulf of Camboja, or Cambay, has engaged the 
attention of Indian archaeologists, but not to the degree its 
importance merits. In the later history of this kingdom it 
was still considerable, but it was the representative of an 
ancient and perhaps the earliest civilisation of India, belong- 
ing to that epoch, which was universal, of which General 
Cunningham has found the examples. 

The river names of India are repeated in New Granada, 
on the one hand, and in Etruria and Italy on the other. In 
conformity, as I stated in a note sent to the International 
Congress of Orientalists in 1874 (N. Triibner), the town 
names obey the same law. It was from India, and not from 
Babylonia, that we may, as said, assume that the stream of 
civilisation passed towards the Pacific, and in India will yet 
be found the origin and remains of early letters, the influence 
of which to this day will still be recognised. The two names 
of the hundred-streamed feeder of the Indus, Hesudrus (100, 
Georgian), and Zadudrus (100, Sanscrit), are worthy of note ; 
as also athasi (1000, Georgian), and athasi (88, Hindustani). 

The affinities of grammar between the new world and the 
old, though dealt with by various writers, as in the " Mithri- 
dates," were only scientifically treated by a few, as by Hum- 
boldt, the Rev. Richard Garnett, and Dr Daniel Wilson 
(" Prehistoric Man," p. 594). Characters common to the 
Polynesian had been recognised, but Mr Garnett pointed out 
that besides these, others were to be found common to the 
languages of the Dekkan in India. 

On the other hand, Dr Oscar Peschel, in his "Volkerkunde," 
1874, p. 472, still maintains that the culture of Peru and 
Mexico was indigenous. 

Mr Tylor also ("Early History of Mankind," p. 209) says: 
"No certain proof of connection or intercourse between Mexico 
and Peru seems as yet to have been made out." This ex- 
presses the state of prevalent opinion, and although the 


materials for linguistic investigation are abundantly displayed 
in Dr Latham's valuable " Elements of Comparative Philo- 
logy," such opinion has been little contested. In fact, although 
the languages are allied, yet that alliance has to be demon- 
strated from the outside, and until the disinterment and de- 
cipherment of the Sumerian or Akkad inscriptions, it was 
almost impossible to be proved. 

The Aymara and Quichua languages of Peru, the Aztek of 
Mexico, and the Maya of Yucatan, are all allied with the 
Indo-Chinese, and thereby with the Akkad as Sumerian. 
Even to the negative series and numerals the points of resem- 
blance are remarkable. Some of these resemblances between 
Akkad and Quichua had, on the perusal of M. Lenormant's 
works, struck Senor de la Rosa, a distinguished Peruvian 
scholar, and, on the reading of my paper at the Anthropolo- 
gical Institute, he referred to several examples lying on the 
surface. He also referred to resemblances between Quichua 
and Semitic and Aryan. These I treated as resulting from 
the influence of Sumerian and the. older languages on Semitic 
and Sanskrit. 

The Rev. Professor Campbell of Montreal has furnished me 
with a large number of analogies between the Peruvian words 
cited by me and Celtic. In Peru and Bolivia the chief 
languages now are the Quichua, or Inca, and the Aymara. 
Of the Aymara, a copious and valuable memoir was on the 
2 1st June 1870, communicated to the Ethnological Society 
(parent of the Anthropological Institute) by the late David 
Forbes, F.R.S., and this constitutes a text-book. The language 
of the Aymaras is spoken in southern Peru and northern 
Bolivia. They were conquered by the Incas. The Quichua 
is spoken in northern Peru and southern Bolivia. The 
Aymaras claim to have been a great people before the Inca 
conquest (noo), perhaps beyond any South American people. 
Ruins of grand palaces and temples are found at Tiahua- 
naca, on the south of Lake Titicaca (Forbes), the capital of 
the Aymara land. The conquest of it was completed in 
1289, but was followed by serious revolts. Forbes says, too 


(p. 4), that, according to Indian traditions from Aymara as 
well as Quichua sources, the Aymaras, even before the time 
of the first Inca, Manco-Capac (1021-1062), possessed a de- 
gree of civilisation higher than that of the Incas themselves. 
Consul Hutchinson maintained before the Anthropological 
Institute a like doctrine as to the Chimoos. 

The Aymara area has been supposed to be limited to that 
now occupied by them, but it is to be observed that the 
names found in the neighbourhood of Lake Titicaca are much 
better developed in New Granada. It is therefore evident 
that the Aymara, or perhaps pre-Aymara, occupation must 
have extended so far north. Mr Clements Markham con- 
siders that the Inca empire never reached so far northward, 
and Mr Forbes was not aware of such an extension of the 
Aymara as must now be allowed for. Aymara is possibly the 
equivalent of Kemer or Khmer, the name of the Cambodians, 
and of the Sumer, the name of the people connected with 
Accad. Quichua, in Peru, and Quich^, in Mexico, may re- 
present the Kissii or Cissii, or Khita ; and these again may be 
connected with Cush or Akush. Of the Quichua or Inca lan- 
guage and people it is not necessary to say so much, as they 
are more familiarly known, and have been and will be inci- 
dentally referred to. 

To the Quichua language Mr Clements Markham has de- 
voted himself, and produced a grammar and dictionary which 
have been of very great service in these investigations. I 
have also employed the " Arte of Torres Rubio," on which his 
grammar is founded. This work of Mr Markham's is likely 
to be of more importance even than he anticipated, now that 
Quichua and Aymara must be studied for the comparative 
grammar of Akkad. Senor de la Rosa and Senor Pacheco 
are engaged on new Quichua grammars. 

The Aztek culture of Mexico, as Humboldt well saw, was 
derived from the old world, as was its language, which is to 
be classed with Sumerian, but intermediate between Aymara 
and Otomi. 

The Otomi, Cora, and Tarahumara, with perhaps the Huas- 


teca, constitute a class under Sumerian influence, but allied 
with the Adighe or Circassian, which likewise exhibits Sume- 
rian influence, and has a remarkable but distant resemblance 
with Etruscan. 

In the Caucasian languages, I had long since traced what 
are called North American characteristics, and others I found 
in the Georgian, but the cause was unknown to me till of late. 
A considerable influence must have been exerted by the Agaw 
and Otomi migrations on the Indian languages of North 

The presence of the Circassian-Otomi has to be accounted 
for. The higher Sumerians are marked as a city-building 
people, but the Circassian in the Caucasus is what the Otomi 
is in Mexico. The Otomis must have preceded the Sumerians 
in South America, or been driven forward by them as the 
Agaw-Guarani were into Brazil. The Otomis may have had 
connections or dealings with the monument-building races of 
North America. At a later date, on the Sumerian kingdoms 
in Mexico becoming weaker, they returned and invaded 

Dr Latham ("Opuscula Essays," 1860, p. 395) gives "the 
result of a very hurried collation," for the Otomi, " said to be 
with languages akin to the Chinese en masse " (p. 397), and 
for the Maya (p. 398). The latter list is chiefly of Aztek 
words. He makes no remarks, but the tables show many 
affinities with Tonkin and Cochin-Chinese. Had Dr Latham 
followed this up, he might probably have obtained the clue to 
the relation of the Mexican languages, though he might have 
been baffled, as some of the affinities can only be illustrated 
by bringing together the Quichua and Aymara as members 
of the group, and the Akkad then undeciphered. It is, in 
fact, now a part of the evidence that Humboldt, Garnett, 
Latham, etc., are found to have contributed material for the 
true solution. 

The history of Mexico is supplied from accessible sources. 
Its best known language is the Aztek. On the preceding 
Toltek, I can throw no light. The monuments and culture 


of Mexico may, after the reference already made to them, be 
passed over. Sufficient to say, that the monuments are of 
great dimensions and highly decorated. Yucatan possesses 
similar remains, described by J. L. Stephens. The Maya, a 
language formerly cultivated, comes distinctly within the 
Sumerian class. 

In " Incidents of Travel, by J. L. Stephens, in Central 
America, Chiapas, and Yucatan," vol. ii., are hieroglyphics, 
which are arranged in rows, and appear to present some of 
the principles of the cuneiform or hieratic, as III I! Ii! ILL' D " 

The same is to be observed at Palenque (ii. 342, 424). 
These latter present even more resemblance to the Hamath 
inscriptions, as (o\ also the extended arm (see also Hissarlik 
and Easter Island) is worth further examination. 

The square hieroglyphics, or rather squares of hieroglyphics, 
found in Central America, are most probably only a modifica- 
tion of the row or column of hieroglyphics in the Yucatan 
and Hamath, and which has a representative in hieratic 
cuneiform. The carvings on the rocks at the Yonan Pass, in 
Peru, engraved by Consul T. J. Hutchinson ("Peru," ii. 174, 
176), are deserving of study. Some of the characters are 
idiographs, but some likewise present a resemblance to 
Hamath and other characters ; and Easter Island inscrip- 
tions, on which Mr Park Harrison has laboured, deserve 
attention. In Polynesia the remains of massive stone build- 
ings have been found in Tongatabu, Easter Island, Rota, 
Tinian, Valan, and elsewhere (Wilson's " Prehistoric Man," 
p. 109). To these may be added Java, Pegu, Cambodia, 
Peru, Mexico, and Yucatan. 

Among the facts adduced by Mr Park Harrison for the 
migration from east to west, through Australasia, he refers to 
colossal heads in the east, and in Easter Island. Colossal 
heads will be found in Stephens' " Central America, Chiapas, 
and Yucatan," vol i., pp. 139, 143, 150, 152, 153, and 328. 
They have been identified in Babylonia, Cambodia, Easter 
Island, and Peru. 

M. Perrot, under the name of Lydo-Phrygian, and myself, 



under the name of Lydo-Assyrian, and which I would now 
call Lydo-Sumerian, have pointed out the westerly extension 
of the monuments in Asia Minor, including the Niobe, near 
Magnesia ad Maeandrum, and the Pseudo - Sesostris, near 
Nymphae, in the Smyrna district. To this may be added the 
colossal head from the outskirts of Smyrna, found by Mr F. 
Spiegelthal in 1865, and identified by me, and brought to the 
British Museum by Mr G. Dennis. The name of Lydo- 
Akkadian is perhaps still better for these monuments. 

The use of enormous blocks of admirably" squared stone, 
without cement, is a feature common to both continents, and 
deserving of investigation, as well as the mode in which such 
blocks were quarried and transported. In South America 
there were no beasts of burthen available. The employment 
of bricks and cement, and generally the adoption of the build- 
ing arts, are also worthy of careful examination. 

Stephens, in his "Yucatan," vol. i., p. 134, gives a very 
remarkable engraving of a capital of a column at Uxmal, of 
old world character. At Uxmal there are buildings con- 
structed on terraces and mounds, as there were at Babylon 
(i. 135). This is worth observing for further comment. 

Burial towers are to be recognised in Syria, Persia, India, 
Siam, and Peru. The knowledge of bronze, goldsmiths' work, 
silver work, and other metallurgy, has not passed unobserved 
by writers. Gold dentistry has been recognised in Peru and 
Egypt (Tylor, "Early History of Mankind," p. 175). 

The employment of bronze in America presents no difficulty 
under the acceptation of a Sumerian settlement. If the Agaws 
did not become acquainted with the large tin supplies of 
Malacca, the East Sumerians did, as they were acquainted also 
with the working of gold and silver ; hence they readily in- 
troduced these arts into America, or rather improved them, 
because the mound builders were acquainted with copper and 
bronze working. Although the Sumerians, as the topographical 
nomenclature shows, were acquainted with tin in Britain before 
the Phoenicians, it is probable Malacca, and not Britain, was 
the great seat of the early supply of tin. 


Consul Hutchinson (" Peru," ii. 266) institutes a justifiable 
comparison between the masonry and pottery of ancient Peru 
observed by himself, and the prehistoric discoveries of Dr 
Schliemann in the Troad. In fact, if my views are correct of 
the Lydians, Phrygians, and Carians of Asia Minor, with the 
Etruscans and Sumerians, then there would be a positive 
identification of epoch and class between the Troad and 

In Peru, drinking cups and other articles were buried with 
the dead, as in Etruria, Greece, etc. The Peruvian cups were 
supposed to be used for drinking at the funerals (Forbes, 49). 

The woven fabrics are also to be noted in connection with 
Peru and the country of the Thinae or Cambodia. 

The quipu or knotted cord, as a record, is found in Peru, 
Mexico, Hawaii, Polynesia, the eastern archipelago, and 
China (Prichard, iv. 466; Tylor, "Early History of Man- 
kind," pp. 156, 1 60). 

The scape llama referred to by David Forbes (p. 45), may 
be compared with the scapegoat of the East. 

Sacrifices of men to the gods were used by the earlier races, 
as the Dahomans, but it is to be noted that they were a prac- 
tice also of the worship of Baal, and in Peru and in Mexico 
(Wilson, "Prehistoric Man," pp. 81, 91, 290), as well as in the 

Von Humboldt long since noticed the connection of the 
Mexican calendar with the Asiatic, and deduced therefrom 
the Asiatic origin of the civilisation (see also E. B. Tylor, 
"Anahuac," 241). The Yucatan calendar is allied to the 
Mexican. The subject of the calendars and inscriptions, to- 
gether with the Peruvian and Central American languages, 
for a long time occupied the late Chevalier Bollaert, the 
author of the " Peruvian Antiquities," and of many memoirs, 
particularly on the Maya alphabet. 

The half month in the early Maya or Yucatan calendar 
consisted of thirteen days (Stephens' "Yucatan," i. 439). 
The Siamese, likewise, use as an essential part of a date a 
half month. This now consists of fourteen days. 


The dates in Siamese are arranged on a cross ( + ). 

In Yucatan, part of the cycle was placed on a wheel divided 
into four, practically, N., K, W., and S. The two systems show 
a resemblance, and the cross may represent the spokes of a 
wheel. The Yucatan calendar, which was the same as the 
Mexican, has lucky and unlucky days, still a common system 
in the East. 

The calendar and the alphabet are closely connected to- 
gether by a symbology illustrated by Mr Narrien and Mr R. 
G. Halliburton.* 

In the middle of November we have in a line : 

i star, . . i. . ; . * Sirius. 

3 stars, in the belt of . * * * Orion. 

5 stars, . .. * * * Bull. 

7 stars, cross or Tau, . . Pleiades. 

The Pleiades, or Seven Dancers, are to this day in many 
countries, as of old, said to be the paradise of the souls of men. 

This day of the conjunction of the Pleiades is, according to 
seasons, the beginning of the sacred or of the agricultural year, 
and the festival of the dead. This great and awful day has, 
too, in many ages and in many lands, been celebrated by 
human sacrifices. 

Here is the natural basis of that symbology, which has 
played such a part in all times, and which supplies at natural 
intervals I, 3, 5, and 7. 

It is also, to all appearance, a basis of natural worship, and 
of syllabic or symbolic characters. 

At the beginning of the alphabet we have the star (*), or 
its equivalent ; at the end, the cross or Tau of the Pleiades 

(P- I/)- 

The straight line ( ) of three stars in Orion, and the 
angle ( < ) of the five in the Pleiades, have afforded models 
for characters, as the Tau has done. 

* See my "Prehistoric Comparative Philology and Mythology," appendix ; W. 
F. Blake's "Astronomical Myths," p. in, and the work of Ernest de Bunsen, 
now in the press. 


As these furnished the straight and male elements, Sirius 
itself being probably an emblem of the sun at night, so did 
the moon afford the round and female elements for the com- 
binations of the syllabacy. 

In the Hebrew square alphabet, which bears evidence of 
preserving the prehistoric traditions, and which is probably 
older than the Phoenician and not newer, we have Aleph, Yod, 
Caph, Ayin, Pe, Tau ; Aleph and Tau being beginning and 
end, and Yod and Caph being together in the middle of the 
alphabet. These two distinctly represent prehistorically male 
and female, and being described in Hebrew as the hand 
and the hollow or palm of the hand, as before stated (p. 17). 

The cross has been found by Dr Schliemann in the Troad. 
The cross is derived from the Pleiades. The square cross is 
common among the Aymaras (D. Forbes, 39), and was ob- 
served by Stephens in Central America. 

The red hand seen in the monuments of Yucatan (Stephens), 
Bollaert says he has seen as far as Arica in Peru (" Anthro- 
pology of the New World," p. 1 14). It is common in Syria 
and Morocco (Dr A. Leared's " Travels in Morocco ; " Rehlf's 
" Morocco "). 

The Honourable Mr Clay points out that the umbrella 
was a mark of dignity among the Peruvians, as it was in 
Babylonia, and is still in the Indo-Chinese countries. 

Mr W. Chappell, F.S.A., states that an ancient Peruvian 
flute gives a scale, showing that the Peruvians used a scale 
illustrative of that used by the ancient nations of the old 
world, and giving evidence of a common origin. 

The disposition of seven pyramids or mounds by four and 
three in Egypt and America is probably due to the four outside 
stars and three inside stars in Orion, but may refer to the 

The traces of use of Kawa in Brazil, Chili, and Polynesia 
most likely belongs to the preceding migrations of the Agaw 
or Guarani race. 

It is with a view of strengthening the chain of evidence that 
attention is now directed to the town names of Palestine. 


These, down to the end of Chronicles, are about four hundred 
in number. It is possible that some Hebrew names may be 
embraced in the list, but exact identification is not yet pos- 
sible, and a casual error is of no immediate importance. 

The first step is to arrange these names, as far as may be, 
according to their roots, and it will be seen that they thus fall 
into a smaller number of classes than might be supposed, and 
into distinct classes. 

The classification by roots may appear fanciful to some, 
the more particularly as the consonants are sometimes trans- 
posed. This is itself an important phenomenon of the pre- 
historic epoch, and which has been already referred to as used 
for the purpose of differentiation. It is possibly in reference 
to this that transposition is to be found in local names. The 
last part of Dr Carl Abel's great work, " Keptische Studien," 
largely deals with transposition or metathesis of the roots ; 
and the fourth part, the " Comparative Philology of Hiero- 
glyphic and Coptic," is greatly dependent on metathesis for 
many of its results. 

It has been already stated that the Rev. Professor John 
Campbell of Montreal has for a long period assiduously 
devoted himself to the study of the personal, tribal, and local 
names of Scripture, with a view to determine the eponyms. 
Besides his papers in the Canadian Joiirnal, and the separate 
publication of them, his researches will be now better known 
by means of the paper contributed by him this year to the 
Biblical Archaeological Society. In this he deals much with 
names in the Babylonian district, and shows great pro- 
bability of their survival even to the present day. It is to 
be observed that the possession of a tribal name, or of a lan- 
guage, is no positive evidence of descent. Celts speak Eng- 
lish. The Achaian Greeks apparently represented tribes of 
older and other Agaw race ; and if Cymry be continuous with 
Cimbri or Cimmerii, as Rawlinson and other scholars have 
taught, it may also be continuous with older forms, like Khmer, 
as proposed by Professor Campbell, but by no means of the 
same descent. The Emperor of Germany was King of the 


Romans, as Agamemnon was King of the Achivi, and Mal- 
colm of the Picts and Scots ; but this did not involve descent, 
unless by an heiress. 

For the purpose of comparison with the archaeological 
regions referred to, the corresponding names are classified in 
four groups : 

i st. Asia Mkior, including Armenia, and with Caucasia, 
Crete, Cyprus, and the Asiatic islands. 

2d. Greece, with the northern regions, including Thrace and 
Illyria, and with the Greek islands. 

3d. Italy, with Istria, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. 

4th. Spain, with the Balearic Isles. 

The names here given do not constitute the full list, but 
they are given copiously, because the cases of identity are 
numerous and striking, and, if a few only were given, they 
might be suspected to be merely casual coincidences or freaks 
of language, such as may be picked out from the most dis- 
cordant languages. Here it is not so, and careful examina- 
tion will show that the results must be true, and what they 
ought to be. 


























'o . 




: H : 



: 6 : 

. . : : :co 

S" : 





























O 1 

^5 2 

rt Q 
rt $-0 >, 
y 11 1) 'M 
VS 3.C o $ 


13 C 






:S : 

: 2 : : ' 

; 1*1 ; ; j3" 


<:!*> I 


: -2 S 
: u<J 






H ' ' "3 

rt *^ 





2 = 



I - H 

111 is 

rt g ox 

rt" g" 


'rt 'rt 

e s 


.s a 





o ** rt 








^^ o 







41 : 



<J ,S ^"^ 



:'s | 



2 2 



ex . 

- G u ' 


* 0^ ** 5 ^ c_^> 

r^ G 

* p ^ 

"S ^ 

rt : 

1 ' 






2" 2 



Mazuri, Pz 



- 2 rr2~ 

a j g if a g a 

2 2 S 6 g 




1 1 



_ C3 .|-H 

rt C C 
"3 <U O 


S . H 

Domona, ] 









0! 73 N C/2 S 


S : 

' rt ' ' "5 * 

E-i H fa 

3T3 g 











'S >>rt .2 

1 1 ! illWlS 1 i 

I S 8 sf 2 

Dyme, Thrace 
, , Achaia 
Sadamis, Thrace 

Metaba, yEtolia 

Thalamas, Laconia 
Melitaa, Thessaly 
Melita, Illyricum 


8 . 

s ; 


Rhamnus, Attica 
Orminium, Thessal; 
Hermione, Argolis 


S i 




1 3 



*3 rt 






Midaion, Phrygk 
Madia, Colchis 

Medokia, Cappa 

Tumia, Pontus 

: .5 : 


^'0 ? 
: : 9* >> & 5 J 
i iu^gcIJi 
r 'jf*OU 


5 .a rt 3 

W ,-1 4- -4-t 

^ S ^3 <U - 


Melita, Armenia 
Ameletus, Pontu 

Kalamude, Crete 
Armone, Paphla 
Ramnous, Crete 
Hermonassa, Po 

Anemurium, Cil 
Smyrna, Lydia 
Samorna, Ephes 

, X o 
. rt C 












:::::: g : : :::::::: 

o C 


1 ! 


:::::: 3 ::::::::::: 


rt* ^ 





g, - 





^ en 

<! 14 








'S : 


s d 
:.o :-c ::::::::::::: :a 


a ; 



i^ -I :::!::: i | | = =6 

sf w 



S rt - s 



3 S "<* 



W S en 



l .2 "? ** 'C 




:-c : : 

w 2 ^J o-c 8 
-4-... : ^. < u c Jopq. 




Salmone, E 
Salamis (I. 

Leimone, T 

rf* 8 u . ^ 3 

rfS g X '. 'S. 

g O.i2cj ^^^ 

^ ^ ^ C / - X 

o> 3 cj o ^2 <u o> 
S SSS en OS S 

; 81 
















w Q o >-> y g 



<-> s 

2.2 3 


^ : (2cj<ug : : ^ : ^. ^^ u : : * 

^ ~ 



_ J3 

"3 "rt 

en en 


i 111 


-c S^g^g'o ^ ^ ^"rt wT 
a 2 N S^S i "g epflu) 5 

S ScJOOc rt CCMni 4J 

O Si^^irtS rtrt >>i! oj 

en <gS^< W enNeng en 








c c 

o S -S - 






o 1 fi : 
o B 

S^ 'O ' 



JJDCSO S 'Jj.SjS^NN'"" ' ' J* 

<ffiSS S enOUcn<wS cn^ 




en en 03 




^ M en PQ 



S S S S 





3! " 


' cf 


* :* 

n -'C'C 

.5 ; 3 

-co : 

s" if w . 


o 13 h 

s e s'H 

11 3 



'o cs 

aj O 

Q N 

- o 
o S 
c3 o 

o >- 


Is S S 

0/3 S ^5 oi >, 
O cS r -r. 

o ^ Kfc 
o "-2 tl ' 


: -^ 

.- . 

rt -73 o 

S w.2 

rt <- *i 

13 >- 
OU. 1 ^ 





1 1 

-s I- 

8 So & 3 


13 S^ S 





: S 

* S 







1 1 


-I :::::::::::::::: :l ::::: 




: g . :::-::::::::::::::: ,3 : : : : : 


3 oT 


" 0. 

ti ^ 


i ) CJ 

f I 

._ " fl d 


'3 U -2 S" n! ^ CS " r< 

1 ! i|l^|": :ll ^llfll i i 11 J ! - ; - - 1 

i i 

33 o 5 cT.2 c2 Scis" ~ s5 > 

hC^-b-!; CG Cg 3-S'C oj^rt 

Ifrj 1 "8 II SJ| g-g-l 

SSfiJSW >fa 13 cficncn* UUU 



' I 

t3 >, rt c5 -2 







; '1| : ^ J 1 s ; ^ | : J J 2 1 



: : : <J ^ : : : iM 1 "" 1 rt : : ^ : : :S)c3 i^" 1 - c .-r^ g 


c~* " * " * i f yT dS ' *^' ' ^ ^ ' d HH rt r-r-1 




cf^ t ~ 4 3'S > -' <3<!S'to'3^ 1 - 

'C g pT-c c .2 .. -a .g g 'S, rt - 2 

rsi s SI'S. o 4=d - rt><o 
S^ S - n <u P & ~ o< d.- c *c & 

J3-Q eL,<DO.p r-3>^O^!^i) 


S .2 


.S g 


5 rt e 'o 
G C ,2 


2 r <! Jj "S _ 

rt S o "* ' ^^ ^ :3*?r>\~"** s ' * '0*2^'^ 


c S-2 a. : i -; i'S^ pfe " " : : : SiS'o >. : : 



j < CJ J ^ : : ^ '' if , rt - .0 : : : ^( K ^ : : 


s" r 5 " s" rt" ^ nT r rT - n = e S S cT c g 

^ rao^r3^j5^3 cJ-S^ <u^Q 


d 3 d H p )_i CH C C ,-. J^ |M l-i rH D 3 , ^ ^ 
-^ P i r*^^ t_ c^OO * ^O * *Q ^Q o "F^ *-< 

rt d jj ci OH'C - n - n <u * ** &< >- n f ^ 
QHflPi U cnC^PHfqCL,<MO <3O^ W< 





^ C""* f^ PH rO ^C ^ fO p . pQ r-,-1 ^j ^H ^> rK r\ rj K^ ^ SI j"O 




^i HH 


P4 P4 



i p - i 
t> 9 a V 



I S -^ 


.2 - s 

> fr 

:p :3 

.a <: /r 

-- !0, 

c $ 

rt oj 

e .a" e s a w 

3 -c V" l> S 3 _ 

'S S JS &'S 'S, as 
2 -2 >, S .is .23 

CO CO WO 03 CO fc 



* . S 


i^ 1 ^ 





! rt ' 




3 . 2 

<J < ^ 

cj c! 


i^ J^ 


C.I rt ~ - 

5 w.ffl 2 

PL, < y: 

D rt 

y w S 

2 2 '5 


2" rf 8 

2 5 S 

a E 



, c CJ fr jo" ,- 3 '- | 

O S s _r 

" " 





C ;? 

- . 

1 s 

_, c c 
.2 f v 


S rt c 

C C rt C 



Jg : : : : :'| ' :J 

: t : 

5 s'c 



l i : i i i a i : 'i 

! ^ ! 

! ^ H *in ! ! h ! 

: : j 

* w* ' 


c^l .2~.2~,o s" 


|-2""s rt'^f J 


'S 15 " ^* "S -2* 


g 5,2^5 a 


<3co pqpq< Q 


PnpH^pqO O 




.2 '5 

'S *3 'S -2 
5 is !3 'e C 

CL rt **-j C 3 

g : :<o :J! : ;5j: : 

3 . . v j . rj ..- . . 

: = cf : . : co 3 : J 

c c > rT 

ttT rt 3 rt .2 

m, Picenum 




.2 w C 'rt rt* 4 ~ l 

3 .. 

c '*' ss2~ c r3..r 

u .2 *r^ 

^ rt 'S. 3 'S -o 
5 J3 85 3 rt o 

co PH co <> pq 


PH <J <J c2 & & < < < S PM 


'- >- 

2 2 o 2^^ 

J\ f.Tj fli . Jj t/) ^3 

1 b* ill 

S j. "G- -" 'MH^ 

ilil I I I i 

co<!HPH co ffi H Q 

Bithonas, Thrace 

2 > rt 
"S rt |' S -^-2 'B 

".2 c ^ ~ rt'^o -5" 
pu,pH<JpL,pHSpnpq O 










^j rt 


^1 r^ 


~ r' 

IU : : : ' 

. . M 



i 1 is S- j ;|:1|J1 

rt ^ 

3 -*- 1 CJ 

' '. 3 
: '. 'a 



*"O Ml t^ " ^ pLj 

w rt" p | - 



co o Q 2 oT 

p T3 rt O. cs" 

S JTg-o -2-rt' 

C rt 
rt .*t^ 

II lid ! 


PH <; pq H M H ! 


Pnpq <JPL,PnPH >-J 




.S - . c rt N i 

S.ti . ~ 

. . ^3 


ja :3 lO- 13 ^^^^^ 

: c : 

g'l-S i^^S rt^'S'o.S' 



I : ti jfrjlj-gi 



"S'S'o. : r o^S'3'i'rt^"*' 

: :"rt 


M {"'Pq NcoWOt-'Hc-' 


pqpQ<5 <j<Jp5pQp5WK 



co ^; 



Q co Q 



pq pq pq 










H^ 5 
O i 

cs o 

D ,2 -^ 
c! *Q <U 

so- : g 

5 ^.5o43 
<u D n2 v s 

*-H *J -4-1 4- _O 


S .2 2 S nf of rt" 

> II ll|l 1' 
cs a rt "cl-oS. '" 

o .5 



> 05 QJ i) HH 

" "3 -s ^ rt " ? 

^3 ra w rt cS " 
K P-i Pi C/2 W W 


.2 <u 

OH O-i 




o <u~ S -- 
g 43 J = r -2 

o C 





2 :^ " :3<' 

Petalia, P 


~i 'K T3 


. <J 

: g.a'M 

- 1 " 1 o 


-3 r t - ) -r 

N^3 ^ S 

^ i 

H l-l 




of .S3" rT 

^2 ^2 -Q 
O rt O 






c !- 3 



"B S 3 C 5 


- ^ 


.3 - cs-g^ 

S I .2 

S3 o 
'So o 



,** .^* +> CZ rt 

4J 3 a3 -s g c T 2 

&^l:s Ifi-S 


.2 5 




^ O I f^ K- 

.2 ^ I 




</> .23 

' c 









:8 : : 


" -1 . . 

'^; - " 

HJ g ;H ::::::; 
.. . s 

; ; i = i ; ; i in 



. : ^ : : 

II! 1 




|| |" 

rt c3 <u 




H < ^ O 









g rtU rt 


$ft -| - - -Ill 

S ^^s "^ 's 
2 ^ g ^ : : : So : .S 

2 . . 
: rt : : 


. .ri . . . 

s 1.2 rt" S n c 
j3 c c rt o 

JKS>(5 : : : '^ ''2 

WJ . . . . rt 

S J> rt" 2 < 

^ TO <rH 

:cc : ; 




: ;o : : \ 


4) 0) O b *> t0^4 

W) V-. fc. j3 jf ^ 

V<! J< - fc 4 'C 




rt C 3 c^ rt 



W<O <J Shfa 

H<l2i U O 




<" -. 

rt J3-- >> 



8 !if.!2 rt|| g" iS 

2.2 'S 
8.3 lll-ll 






4-* o t/j Jj ^^ P^ *~* C M r ^ 

"4J Q ^ U CJ O j 

2 o 


- ^ c/} " 

' I u rt 

: ^3 

: "^ ,j5 <1 ^ w - : 

"^ m : ^w 

: : oS 


: g *^ 3 g 

' "2 O - - $ uT ~ wT o 
rt O rt rt&iSdO-- 
2'u!4> pC^3OcC 
5rtC3 Co- tJ G'- 3 Cl 

tnfio > 9 ft ^ 9 i a*H 

.9 R g "-^ *} C rt b ^ 

' o cT ' '1^2" o 
5 B o S5 s ^3 

? So ^ 

WJ rt O o b 0) '3? 

^ N 2 t? p 

C rt 3 rt rC V C 

i-l -^ 
rt *> 

'C U) 
U) <U 

O rt 



o g"| 1 g 

>-, C g g g 
^ 2 u >> rt 

wM <j^uSw 

^ ^H i 1 O M M M 







rt 1) 

o g .2 
o _, So 


S rt 



rrt .2 -d* 

_rt rt ^ C .2 -2 73 

rt .rt CJ y, 

S .2 rt 'S ,2 3 .2 



*C ~ rt 

'& S .2 o :D.:.j^g; 

^ ; g S, " rt 

'%> '; 

'E ft 

: g oi^rt 

g PH v_> - <J > "^ oj rt 

% O * <J rt PH ^ 

' rS 

i 1 rt 

' *^ ^ c5 O 

g S "rt ^ 1 .2* rt" .2" S &5 

111 jili a 12 

I i 1 S 3" 1 a" 
IS " x.a'sJ-c 2 

rt o 

r^! W 

S 2 

rt rt 



i^j O 

If ill 

rt rt rt O o 

fL,<J^OO^ <! <5<! 

5<t3 ^MOPi<iJ<t1 






S --S 



rt _ - 13 

rt^a'rt : : : |eo8 : 
-^tiG '. :o :ortS-* : 

rt 'C rt * * ^<! O rt .^- rt " 

; 2 ^ ^^siJi-irtooupCiS t 
rtc DajN.^2 rtrtrtu^ 
!5 <! O O Hi>Pi S K ffi V2 U 


rt A 


: 11 S 6 g 


Q K 



P^ P^ 



' ^ KJ 








: : : : : ;^ "::::::: ::::::::: 


:::: :J g - :::::: :fc :::::::.. 

j| & 

ow" wo 






s \ I 





t^ o! cs' 3 O " C/3*^ -S- ~ > c** l ^ e 




II i ! II 





&H; >. .,'rtcjrtcj 

pq<5^'C "3 8 J! **^ 8 S W . 


'SLo- : 

H W : 

io K^i ':: ^<S8'w-S' < *! 



8 2 
2 w 

rt c 



1 "Is 3 fllflill : 111 


o SW J^ up-if^&HW^ub uuw 


w < 


"8 -8 


** cL 



o rt 4> 

~ U 

.5^ < cj.2 'S o cs -- 



mmoris, C 
imasra, Ly 
meira, Rh 

fljrfsf J s" - ^ ^ ^ 

Q s R oi 8 X*j .^T'- rt 

p^C^rtb -9 r 9 c 5cT5'75 cf ^ 
^ CJD'> O j-t Ca r ^ oJ x X Jr ?> 
* CL> ^ tb o bJO rt bfl Q r^ . - ^ P^ wO 

O-C rt 

r J trf CJ O r^ r C C3 O ^ O 


e<oSS < <j &, w OW o S 


^ C A 



$ Hja "fl *S 



o : ; 

: ^-.-"rtgoroStj ^^ : ' c= '^-^rt ''e'3'5 *w 


S : : 

-,S : "5'Srti^^'g'g r Q^x ::3 : So^ "Eo : S ^ -^ "o S 


cS ' 

# SSSou^;6oo<;<5 w offiK 0600^ 



^ Q P 


P3 PQ PQ iJ _) 





.2 1 3 









I lf*l|M11111 

% KX M^^^^WOQffiO 



' -2 



1 i 


rj ^ 

rt S - u 


: 8 S : 

rt -o . - 

. rt -S 




^ '1 

W f-i c" > 

1 a 

rt 3 

;& 5 -^1 1 

rt | 

o> rt 

W5 p 3 -*- i-> 

O W 

Q [- ^_( <^ <J 





. --K : J . 


p3 .2 -S '5 


1 1 

S bo 


a, - ; ; 


C/5 S ^ ^ fi" 

rf'S :=rt| 

.2 ^ -o 'O T3 O 

^ ^ 3 ' M 3 

U W 



<Jw <3^U O 




rt.2 -g 

rt T-J 
rt o 

'-! .2 


'-S H S 

w o 

. . . . 8!| S| jj . 


^M :^<^ 

^.~- : 

_r ^ 8 rt & 



|| l|| 

.2 S 

3 | " 

C ^^t^ * ^ 

o g |'| .3" f f 

.S ^."S 43 4= rt D 

p O '-* ^" ^"* 

rt ^* 

rt J2 ^ <u ^ s 

^^ fj tjD ^j ^ ^ t A 4-J 








'o rt 




o J2 .^ "5 

.rt.g i-lj*! 


. 38 . 

a S : 
: o t-> . 


.2 ^ 

x .2 ''n rt 

.2 .2 >^ 

r^ ... O^US.. 

: rt . : : : <f> .2 x-^ s . 

^2 .rt . . -5 -EjJ PH u . . 


cjgcj -^"l 


3"^ % J5*r3 

^ .a 2 b - c - K : : 


S rt.2 &>' 
C "O ^2 rt ^ O 


C S PL| gP U 

O t/> O ** 
g uT pf 3 ^ rt 

rt s.a I'M 


^O U ^ 11 rf 

J T c? r >> 3 

o^ 3^^^:5 

Scfi ^I^U^lCJ 




C eT^ 

: s rt ^^ 

: ^^43 -= 

^^'"^ rt 




H Q E- 1 S O i , 

: ^ J 

O < 6 U! S3 < c < en {3 O 6 ^H < 


X 1 





"S CJ 

c p 



: BJ : : 





8 ' ' 



















^ , 



a S S 

: 'E S i 





i^ : : 




:-C : : 


^if : 


W : : cc 

S" ' '.2 
2 J3 

:c : : 










In "> 

t" 3 


^ i) </) 



U5 t/l ^ 

O "^ c/2 

.2 (U CS 

pLnHP^l H 


k> V > 
i-H i"*i 








>, C 





rt o - 

y a o 

g ^ , 



: : g 



<^ ^ ** 2 

c/i rj 



^ 'T? cj 


: :H 


< rf : 

^ rt QH 

H g 

n ; 

^^ ; 

' Jj -^ " 




'3 rt .22" 

Sn S 




rs-S S 

o -jf 2 .g" 




<8 ~ 








U D -" 






4) rt ^ 














"o .2 

c$ ^ 



O rt 


S 'S 

^ O 

S ^ ">, 

'S S 



s, y 

.S : 




-li-Ss 13 .* 

1^^^ -, 

JTJHT.^ u^g 

jj > w C? ef * 

.25 SCiSijfg 

p$rt r an3rt,2c!3ri 

rt >3 S3 3 3:^ "2 d <S t5 

1 1 1 c3 (2 S 

-r uT-5 g'-c" " 

2 3 rt 3 g 

^- *- )H W3 N J2 

O 5l Jf k3 13 3 

;<2 'SliS^ 

(X,^ rt rt< g 


Q C/3 N <I C/2 


' t>4 



Saruena, Capp 
Sourion, Pontu 

Sauronisena, P 

s"^ ^-3" 

c-2 X 







<J K 



S 2 2^ 

<U 0) <U rt 
)-t VI (/I M 
O O O i- 


: -^ 

' *- Q 

; M G 

o a> o 


- c eg 

*O Cl>^3 **^rHBl 

lllillll lllj 

< M w m co 00 03 JSSw 






















i> ., - 



c .22 


cS O 

o eg 


: : : S : : : : 


: : : : y : : : : fc 

:1 : : 1 g 


: : :|H 

b > 

g"M ^ 

1 i 

.2 1 

c3 */3 

Ci qj 

^ "^j 'o i^ 



U COCOh-l 



Is ''S 4? 


. . . ** 5 . *"~ 

rt -2 

2_s g : . g . S 

: ! : -.2 

: : : : c 3 : s= 


. . "Q ** . * C 

*n ^ s 

1 "r* C ^> I " L^ * ^ 

*"^ * S 


CO>-1 ' ^. 

^td-f rt ~ : : c- : y5 

en w 


cf E 

43 = 

c3 C 

SS 8 g j- s c *3 

3 g g "13 2 

4? s" 

CO ^ 

en "en 

CO <! COCO CO CO 1^5 




i is 


"M 13 




O J5 rt 

U H -C 

o i^w-gH^ ; i 

O w O 

J^-' ^3 jg 

g-2 g . . u^ . 




S *_ ^ 2*^ ' ' 

l^- 1 1 

H ^< : : _- : 


OJ .2 T3 C ,O 'S 

I tn'S 

^ _r s" .52 '2 ts 



c S >> o c c 

s a s !>x 

'S - 
Do 11 

.2 e"'S .2 o A "cS 

C *9 V fl rC IA "^ 

^ C/3 3 


rt "^ c3 

en < co 

rt J2 _2 S .-SO rt 
73 < <l '1O CO CO U 






1 rt 1 

p5 o : : ^ c 
- <; jj : : I-] o 

Q* ^ (j n , 




.2^ d 


'G }a 

.2 o 
* .2 ^ B 

3 y && cs^ 



C! !_ 

2 -2, 

c 4j -o 
rt i* S o 



^d- " J cT ^ 


^ ^ - < * '" N r- prf 

u o" . B^ . 


o flj 5 ^ S O ^^ 


..T * rt j* i^ S rf rT 

QJ* 1 ^ rt QJ *^ ^ rt 


S64j|4| J^ 

Co ^\ TO w O r~| M 

C/3 C/2 CO C/D C/3 HH ^i 

II = 

3 ^ .5 C C "-* 
rtrt.^fiCjr^ ^C^j 








s ^ -a 



SS4i^3433 $ 
<JWcncnNc/3 >-5^ 


C 43 <L> 

<U ^ -C 

N Wen 

N < ^co en en < W 




fc J 

S hJ 


Q Q 


cn c/: 


en co 




C C 3 

'Hi 2 

rt *_ o 

< H 

.2 rt 


1 i&'S 

' d 
! f O 

. <2 nT "> 


.s ej rt -s 3 o f' 
8fs a 2 1 S S S^S 
(v; <j < w <j 52; ^ 2 < 


i 3"S 

*"* F i 




> !-. 


Q Q 


The identification of these names does not depend on simple 
general resemblance. They will be found to afford details of 
relationship, which again become of great importance to pre- 
historic investigation. 

The prefixes are M, T (D), S, B (P), K, L, Y, O, etc., being 
the ancient series and extending beyond the Semitic. 

The words in the Hebrew transliteration are generally in a 
crude form without a final vowel. They commonly consist of 
three consonants, with or without a prefix. Many are dis- 
syllables, which in Greek and Latin transliterations are 
trisyllables. This latter seems to be the Caucasian form for 
town names, but in Asia Minor there are tetrasyllables. The 
tetrasyllables in Italy are mostly caused by the addition of 
a Latin termination. 

The vowels conform to a great degree in the Hebrew and 
the other transliterations, though not always in the same 
order. Thus, to take a few cases from the earliest in the list : 

Mozera, . . . Masora. 

. Shamir, . . . Zimara, Ismara. 

Maarath, . . . Marathus, Maratha, Marathon. 

Amad, . .. . Amathia, Amathus. 

Temani, . . . Timena. 

Dumoh, . . . Tumia, Dumo. 

Rimmon, . . . Armone, Orminium. 

Zalmoneh, . . . Salmone. 

Rumah, . . . Roma. 

Paruah, . . . Pharugai, Verrugo. 

Boskath, . . . Phuska, Buxeta. 

Chozeba, . . . Cassope. 

Bashan, . . . Passandse, Pasinum. 

Betonim, * ',. ^'. ' . Bitoana, Puthion. 

Aphinit, . ~". J . Apidna, Phintias, Pintia. 

Abila, .... Piala. 

Punon, . v ' . .'. Bononia, Panion. 

Anaharoth, . . . Anaguros. 

Charashim, . . . Carasena. 

Haamonai, . . . . \ Haimoniai. 

Kinah, , ' . : Kinna, Kinniani, Ksekina. 


Kanah, . . . Kana, Ganos, Cannse. 

Sharuen, . . . Saruena. 

Zaananim, . . Saniana. 

Sansannah, . . . Saniseni. 

Idala, . . . Idalaea. 

Dilean, . . .- . Delion. 

Adadah, ;. v . Adada. 

Hadattah, . , , . Adatthai. 

Where vowels are interchanged in transliterations they are 
commonly the middle vowels (I, E), and the female vowels 
(O, U). The male vowels are usually represented by A. 

The representation of the double vowels is another marked 

Baala, . . . Piala, Pialia. 

Taanach, . . . Thiana. 

Gaash, '. . . Ceos. 

Naarath, -. . . Nariandus. 

Haamonai, . . . Haimoniai. 

Taanath, . . Teanum. 

Irpeel, .... Harpleia. 

Techoa, . . . Tegea, Attegua. 

Zoar, .... Issoria. 

Zanoah, . ..,,' . Soana. 

Goath, .... Guthion. 

Sharuen, . . . Sarruena, Serrion. 

Birei, .... Bireia, Barium, Pherae. 

Dilean, . . . Delion, Dolionis, Tullonium. 

Ariath, . . . . Reate. 

Of the terminations, one of the first to be noticed is that 
in H. This, as lengthening the syllable, is represented in 
sixty-six cases by an additional vowel. A few examples are 
given : 

Mithcah, . . . Medokia, Modikia. 

Nimrah, . . . Anemurium, Anemoria. 

Mizpah, . . . Messapia, Messapium, Mopsion. 

Berachah, . . . Ambrakia, Bergium. 

Bozrah, . . . Perusia, Bruzcia, Bursao. 


Shebah, . . . Siphseum, Zobia. 

Balah, .... Piala, Velleia. 

Shiloh, '. ' . . Saloe, Selia. 

Suzah, .... Suissa, Suessa, Suassa. 

Doroa, .... Thurium, Tiora. 

Hachilah, . . . Akilium, Aquileia. 

Canah, . . . Chunise, Genua. 

Hadashah, . . . Dasea, Tisia. 

It is possible that n represents the vowel in the ordinary 
form, as. in Greek and Latin it is I, the vowel now used in 

H changes to N, as Ummah (Homana), Mozah (Amuzon), 
Socoh (Succeianum), Dimonah (Timonion), Hormah (Her- 
mione, Hurmine), Gomorrah (Camarinum), Arumah (Ari- 
minium), and about twenty cases. 

H changes also to S, as Bozrah (Bruzus), Tirzah (Tarsus), 
Rabbah (Rhupes), and in about twelve cases. 

H as a final changes to K, but it is then a radical, as in Sirah 

As an intermediate letter and radical it also changes to K, 
as Haresheth (Keressos, Kharissa), Sihor (Sakora), Anaharoth 
(Anaguros), Hazar (Chasira), Bilhah (Balkeia), and in about 
twenty-five cases. 

H as a final is represented, as other finals are, by a plural. 
This takes place in sixteen cases, as Hosah (Husiai), Zartanah 
(Zortanae), Hadattah (Adatthai), Berachah (Pharugai), Hachilah 

The termination th follows the same general laws as that 

It represents a lengthening vowel but in a few cases, as 
Moresheth (Merusium), Baalith (Paesula). 

Th also changes to N, as in Timnath (Temenion), Mephaath 
(Mevania), and in six cases. 

Th changes to S more freely in about twenty-three cases, as 
Chisloth (Acalissos), Mechirath (Macrasa), Boskath (Abaskus 

Th preserves its form as a final and as a radical in many 


cases, as Amatha (Amathus), Kenath (Kunaitha), Maarath 
(Maratha), but is represented also by D, DD, and T. It is 
possible that the D in Greek transliteration was sometimes a 
Dhelta (as in Romaic), and not a Delta. 

Th as a final is represented also by a plural in twenty cases, 
as Gibbeath (Kaphuai), Avith (Veii), Moseroth (Mazuri), 
Gelloth (Khallidai). 

N is a terminal. Its peculiarity is that in about twenty 
examples it is represented also by N, as Shihon (Sicyon), 
Sharon (Serrion), Kartan (Kroton), Kitron (Khutrion), Felon 
(Peleon, Belon). In most cases, however, it is represented 
with a vowel added. Occasionally the N is mute, as in 
Shimron (Simara), Punon (Pionia), Pirathon (Paratheis). 
It is also represented by a plural form, as Dilean (Tellenae), 
Rakkon (Eregenae). 

It is to be noted that N is a terminal in other translitera- 
tions, as Galeed (Calydon), Helkath (Elkethion), Maroth 

M is a terminal. 

M as a plural is not always represented as a plural in other 
transliterations. The best examples are Akrabim (Akraiphai, 
Kekropai), Betonim (Bithenae, Potniai), Zaanim (Azani), 
Gebim (Gabiae), Bochim (Bagae). 

The plural forms of the ancient town names of the several 
regions is perhaps to be thus accounted for. A Caucasian 
capital would consist of three parts, representing the middle, 
male, and female. The middle town was the citadel, with 
the residence of the king and soldiery, with the fire-temple 
on the hill ; the male town contained the residence of the 
governor and the priests, of the artisans and tradesmen, with 
the temples and groves of worship ; and the female town 
was the seaport or river suburb, with its population of persons 
devoted to the water, fishermen, boatmen, sailors, aliens, 
slaves, etc. In case of a summer town and a winter town, 
the winter town would be the middle town on the hills, and 
the summer town the town on the river and plain. To ex- 
press all the towns the plural of one form, the middle town, 


for instance, might be used ; and this practice begun in Caucasia, 
would be adopted by Hebrews, Hellenes, Latins, Iberians. 

Looking to the terminations in N, P or V, S, Th, it is most 
likely they represent the two Caucasian plurals, and the 
locative and dative cases. 

Sh as a radical and terminal is represented by S and Z. It 
is found as Z in Shebah (Zobia), Bashan (Bizana), Eshean 
(Azenia), etc. 

As Sh has no character in Hellenic and Latin, it appears 
to have been specially represented in Greek and Latin by Ss, 
or S with a vowel, in about twenty-five cases, as Kadesh 
(Kudissos), Hadashah (Hudissa, Edessa), Bashan (Abassos), 
Haresh (Keressos), Lachish (Leugasia), Gaash (Kissa), Mashal 
(Massilia), Shaarim (Siarum), Ashen (Osiana). It is conceiv- 
able that Si would be convertible into Sh, but the Ss must 
have had a like property in some Hellenic dialects. 

Another noticeable transliteration is the representation of 
Sh by Sk, Ks, of which we have about twenty examples, 
such as Ashnah (Sakoena, Skhoineus, Aixone), Mareshah 
(Morosgi), Shalom (Askolum), Ashan (Oxynia), Shebarim 

Z is transliterated by Z in several examples, as Zela (Zela), 
Azem (Zama), Gizon (Gazene). 

In all the forms of transliteration the full vowel is occa- 
sionally transposed and made the initial letter, as in Eshtaol 
(Astale), Ishtob (Astapa), Suzah (Assesses), Aznoth (Sun- 
nada), Nimrah (Anemurium). 

A peculiarity in Canaanite town names, that of alliteration, 
is to be found in the other transliterations. Thus Madmenah 
and Sansannah, neighbouring and assonant names, are paral- 
lelled by Methymna, Saniseni, Sanisera, Nazianzene, Susonnia. 
So Hazazon, Hukkok, Gudgodah, Zaanim, Halhul, Elealah, 
are parallelled by Assissium, Suessula, Sisaraka, Akkatuki, 
Perperina, Pompelon, Alala. (See also the American names.) 

It is worth while to regard some of the names, which are 
common to Palestine and the other regions, and some of 
which are familiar enough. 


In Greece we see : 













































In Asia we find 













We recognise in Italy : 






























In Spain we may select : 














Salman tika. 

























Thus the most ancient seats of civilisation, and many great 
cities of this day, are included in our list. 

If the Canaanite serves as a test for the other regions, and 
enables us to ascertain what are radicals and what terminals, 
and to decide in the essential characteristics, it follows in the 
concrete that the other transliterations give the like aid for 
Canaanite. Thus the names of Etruria, Armenia, or Hellas 
become criteria for Palestine, to decide what is Caucasian and 
Canaanite, and what is Hebrew. 

If the names of Etruria or Attica are taken, the Canaanite 
canon will assist in their decipherment, as they in return throw 
light on the names of Canaan. 

The proofs above given are purely philological, but they point 
to material results. If, for instance, there was at one time a 
population in Canaan, a population in Kholkis, one in Lydia, 
another in Boeotia, one in Etruria, and a population in Lusi- 
tania, using the same language in the same way for naming 
their towns, then there must in all these regions have been 
populations using not only the same language, but the same 
mythology and the same arts. Their rude stone monuments, 
their castles, their citadels, their town-walls, gates, foundations, 
sewers, tombs, arms, utensils, would present points of resem- 
blance and comparisons as assured as those to be found in 
the community of words. 

Thus the exploration of Palestine under the auspices of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund, if pushed far enough, and deep 


enough, and if adequately supported by contributions, must 
throw the greatest light on the archaeology of Asia and Europe. 
The Bible tells us that the Israelites invaded a settled popula- 
tion holding walled cities, and, as it is here proved, those cities 
were built by the same ruling race as that which raised the 
walled cities of Caria, Attica, and Latium, so will the explora- 
tion of Palestine be effectually a classic exploration, as well 
as sacred, and as much as if conducted in situ in Caria, 
Arcadia, Apulia, or Hispania Tarraconensis. 

In the case of Hellenic exploration, we are confused as to 
what is Cyclopean, Pelasgian, or Hellenic; in Etruria, we hardly 
know what is indigenous and what is posterior; in megalithic 
monuments we look for the Druidic, but in Palestine we are 
free from these sources of confusion. There we shall not be 
disturbed by Leleges, Pelasgi, Hellenes, Sabini, Iberi, Celt- 
iberi, or Druids. We have one danger, that of distinguishing 
between what is Phoenician of the Caucasian period, and what 
is Phoenician of the Semitic period ; but altogether we have 
less confusing elements. 

With regard to Spain, it is already evident that the conclu- 
sions of Wm. Von Humboldt with regard to the Iberians 
must be materially modified. The important discovery of 
that philosopher of the relation between ancient local names 
in Spain and modern Basque gave us a Turanian population 
as an element in ancient Europe, but the value of that element 
was exaggerated by himself and by others, and; among these, 
by myself in my paper on the Iberians in Asia Minor. It 
appeared to follow from Von Humboldt's discovery that all 
which was not apparently Celtic or presumedly Phoenician or 
Carthaginian in Spain must be Iberian. One serious conse- 
quence of this assumption was that names in Italy, Hellas, 
etc., resembling those in Spain, were held to be Iberian and 
evidence of an Iberian population in those countries. It also 
followed that the ancient civilisation was considered to be 
Iberian. From the Canaanite test it appears that terms in 
Spain having Basque affinities are not Iberian in this sense, 
and many others supposed to be Iberian are not so. 


Astura, a name found in Spain and Italy, is one of the 
strong points of the system of Von Humboldt (see his " Re- 
searches on the Primitive Inhabitants of Spain "), and yet his 
derivation of Astura from asta, rock, and nra, water, as signi- 
fying " Rockwater," is most suspicious. Astura is, however, 
by all linguistic evidence, the analogue of Ashteroth and 
Beeshterah in Palestine, and consequently not only of Astura in 
Latium, of Astura in Mysia, but of a dozen names of allied 
form scattered over the ancient world. Astura, too, as a river 
name, is not dependent on the Basque nra, water, but is 
formed from a radical DRS, as the town names are. Asta, 
another key of his system, is not formed from asta, a rock, but 
is a recognisable Caucasian town name. It is Palestine which 
affords the touchstone in these cases. We may pause as to 
Astura and Asta in the European peninsulas, but we have no 
Basque influence to disturb our opinions in Palestine. It 
follows as a remote consequence, even with regard to the 
population of Britain, that besides the Iberian element which 
has been recognised in the Silures and in Western Ireland, 
there must have been an anterior population of the same alli- 
ance as the Canaanite. At the same time there must have 
been river, and possibly town, names Vasco-Kolarian and 

It is thus the connection of archaeological science, as of 
physical science, and of "all science, extends to the remotest 
consequences, and the displacement of one atom will imme- 
diately and ultimately affect others. Indeed, so far as con- 
cerns ourselves, it is within the limits of probability that the 
present expeditions to Palestine and explorations in the Medi- 
terranean lands may throw a light on the megalithic monu- 
ments of Britain, and on the gold ornaments of Hibernia. 
Earlier inscriptions, in characters as yet unrecognised, may 
yet reward the explorer, and consolidate and harmonise the 
relics of ancient history. 

The Accad cities mentioned in the Bible, in Genesis x. 
10, II, 12, besides Babel, Accad, and Rehoboth, are: 



Erech, . . . compare Arica, Peru. 
Calneh, . . Calanoche (Peru), Oculan. 

Ninue or Nineveh, Unanue, Peru. 

Calah, ... Colacote, 

Resen, ... Charasani, 

Many cities in Palestine are closely represented in America. 

A circumstance worthy of remark, and which may indicate 
Sumerian influence in Brazil, if not that the Sumerians had 
settlements there, is that the Guarani word for town is Taba, 
that is Tabae, Thebes, etc., of geography, the Daba of the 
present Georgians. If the Sumerians had at any time a 
settlement on the great river-mouths, the passage of the 
Atlantic would be credible, and the knowledge of the At- 
lantic Ocean by the geographers of Pergamos and Babylonia 
accounted for. 

Under this head of topographical nomenclature, as just 
stated, a course of investigation is being pursued by the Rev. 
Professor John Campbell, which can be consulted with great 

In the Canadian Journal, and under the titles of the 
" Horites," and of " The Shepherd Kings of Egypt," Professor 
Campbell has adopted as his basis the genealogies of the 
Books of Genesis, Kings, and Chronicles. With the help of 
the Egyptian and classic data, he has brought to bear a flood 
of light upon the Sumerian epoch of civilisation with regard 
to the genesis and migration of nations, and the mythology 
of the period. All tends to illustrate the importance of the 
protohistoric era. 

Much of his work is necessarily tentative, and although 
there are few illustrations with regard to America, these 
memoirs can be profitably consulted by the investigator, in 
common with those of Lenormant and the Egyptologists. 
Of course in Bryant, and some of the old mythologists, many 
of the collateral facts may be found, but treated in a manner 
incompatible with our present knowledge. 

As to the ancient extent of the Sumerian region in America, 


it cannot yet be determined, for it must have been wider than 
at the Spanish Conquest ; but with regard to the names here 
given for the new world and the old, it must be borne in 
mind that some are Agaw, and extend into Brazil The con- 
sideration of the Brazilian river names gives us a test in 
relation to those of Europe, and they confirm the opinion I 
have given of an Agaw influence in Canaan, in Asia, and in 
Europe, anterior to the Sumerian, and which will have to be 
taken into account by the craniologist. He has to provide 
for the Vasco-Kolarian, the Agaw, and the Sumerian migra- 

The whole of the phenomena of man in America represent 
an arrested development of civilisation, cut short as compared 
with Europe and Asia, not by climate as in Africa, and yet 
quite sufficient to include the two epochs of great stone monu- 
ments, and of palatial works with inscriptions epochs which 
embraced the first spiritualised religion, that of the worship 
of light ; a time of thousands of years so remote, that, in the 
old world, it has now only its scanty votaries among the Par- 
sees of Bombay ; time, too, so remote, that the great religions 
of the globe Judaism, Christianity, and Islam had, with 
Buddhism, got time to expand and to cover the eastern 
hemisphere, while, until the Spanish Conquest, the Americans 
had, in the flux of centuries, never heard their revelations. 
Few things so strongly portray the deep, dark gulf of sepa- 
ration as this, when associations which had been commonly 
shared from the beginning of mankind, were snapped in the 
time of their deepest interest and moment, and it was hazard, 
rather than the design of man, placed the Indians that 
perished and the Indians who have survived under the teach- 
ing of the missionaries of Spain and Portugal, and which all 
have not yet known. 

The evidence of language comes in support of this arrest of 
development, for there are no languages in America of the 
later and higher forms. When the early Akkad stopped there, 
all stopped. This it is which gives the false impression of 
there being a peculiar and special American grammar. This 


has been so specially studied and treated, whereas, the 
languages in America, which cannot be rightly called Ameri- 
can languages, are under the same conditions of prehistoric 
grammar as the eastern languages of the old world. The 
grammar of Omagua may be as truly called Caucasian as 
American, and, if we choose, that of Abkhas might be as 
rightly named American as Caucasian. 

As there was in the furthest or prehistoric days a stream of 
emigration continuously from the old world to the new, the 
question arises whether this set back again, and whether a 
knowledge of the new world was carried to the old. 

The first set of population appears to have been over Behr- 
ing's Straits, or across the narrow seas, and migrations which 
could cover the eastern world, even with Akkas and Bushmen, 
from Lapland to South Africa, would be able to fill America 
from the snowy pole to Tierra del Fuego, as there is witness 
enough to show, in blood, in speech, and in folk-lore. 

It is very questionable whether at any time there was regu- 
lar intercourse over the Atlantic, for that would have needed 
ships ; and a trade once set up, other animals besides dogs, 
and other plants than those now found, would have followed 

In what we know of the historical period under the Greeks 
and the Romans a lively knowledge of America was lost. The 
Greeks could not reach it from the west, and the Romans, 
when they settled on the shores of the Atlantic, had other 
cares than to risk the wide, dark sea. 

A dead knowledge lingered, not only of the geography of 
the Americas, but of Australasia, which is of no less interest 
with regard to the latter region, because that exhibits, philo- 
logically, evidence of early migrations of the Mincopie or 
Pygmean in Borneo, of the Sandeh or Niam-Niam of the Nile 
in Tasmania, and of the Agaw in Galela, and in the other 
languages recorded by Wallace. 

There was incieed a system of geography long prevalent 
among the ancients, and in the dark ages, which is referred to 
in the Timaus of Plato, and was notably maintained by 


Crates of Pergamos, 160 B.C. (Reinaud, Journal Asiatique, 
vol. i., new series, 1863, p. 140), and also referred to by Virgil 
in the ^Eneid. Four inhabited worlds were treated of, and 
there appears to have been, in traditions, an imperial title of 
Monarch of the Four Worlds. This I connect with the state- 
ment of Mr George Smith, that Agu, an ancient King of 
Babylonia, called himself King of the Four Races. Again, 
with Prescott, who, in the " Conquest of Peru," book i., ch. ii., 
says : " It is certain that the natives had no other epithet by 
which -to designate the large collection of tribes and nations 
who were assembled under the empire of the Incas than that 
of Tavintinsuzu, or Four Quarters of the World." He quotes 
Ondegarde, " Rel. Prim. MSS.," and Garcilasse, " Comentarie 
Real," ii. 1 1. This title was perhaps a prerogative of the 
middle king, or monarch of the middle kingdom of the great 
civilised empire of the world. The Chinese preserve the tra- 
dition of the middle kingdom, the trinary having followed the 
quaternary system. Thus in Genesis there are three sons of 
Noah, The Vedas refer to three worlds. 

The nomenclature of Ptolemy and the other geographers is 
of the Akkad epoch, and that of the early Biblical books 
Akkad or Babylonian. 

The school of Pergamos taught that the world, which must 
have been treated as a sphere, contained four worlds. Ours 
was one of these ; and as is true in Asia that it does not cross 
the line, so it was supposed that Africa does not cross the 
line, and the Babylonian geographers were well acquainted 
with Southern Asia but not with Southern Africa. This 
northern world was balanced by an austral world, and this 
is so, depicting thereby the Australasian Islands, the scene of 
Sumerian migrations, and Australia, which was known to 
them. Australia was, by the Sumerians, as by far later geo- 
graphers, supposed to extend from opposite Asia, as a terra 
incognita of the maps, to opposite Africa. 

A not less remarkable affirmation was, that the northern 
world and that of Australia were balanced on the other side 
of the globe also by a northern world and continent, and 


by a southern world, and this is so in North and South 

It was said, being nigh the truth, that these four worlds 
were cut off by belts of ocean, one running from north to 
south, and by another running round the middle of the world 
from east to west. Such ocean we know shuts off Asia from 
Australia ; and those ancients might be forgiven who drew a 
sea over the narrow necks between North and South America, 
which must then as now have been passed by canoes at por- 
tages on the Atrato and on other rivers. 

These four worlds were alleged to have their men, as we 
know they had and have ; but to account, amid so much truth, 
for intercourse not taking place between them in their days, a 
fable was got up that the seas were made impassable. The 
philosophers, however, forgot to tell us how the knowledge of 
these other worlds and the men in them was gained. Gained 
too, it was, and lost by the cessation of intercourse, after the 
Sumerians, with the Americas. This was perhaps owing to 
the rise of a great power in China, which disturbed the road 
from India, and the seats of kingdom in Southern Asia. 

How that dream of a true globe and its continents and 
people reached the Greeks and Romans, and how it suggested 
to the flatterers of Augustus a title of monarch of those four 
worlds, is here accounted for. It must be traced beyond Per- 
gamos to those older schools of learning, known to us under 
such a name as Chaldean, but which had flourished in proto- 
historic epochs from the dawn of civilisation. 

There must at one time have been in the olden world men 
who could bring back this knowledge of the Americas from 
their Nineveh to its Nineveh and Babel, where the empire of 
the four worlds got centred, and where one language was 
spoken and written for the government of the earth. How 
truly was it then said of Babel, "And the whole earth was of 
one language and one speech" (Gen. xi. i). 

The fall of that power was indeed confusion of nations and 
of tongues. After a time the tradition alone of these other 
worlds lingered as a theory of cosmography. 


Attached to an ancient map of the world accompanying 
the Commentary of Bicetus on the Apocalypse, and which 
may date from the eighth century or an earlier period, is a 
note. This note, inserted in the south of the map, observes 
that, independently of the three points of the known world, 
there is beyond the ocean a fourth part, which is unknown to 
us, on account of the heat of the sun, and on the confines of 
which, it is fabled, adds the author, that there are antipodes.* 

The tradition lingered, to be condemned by the Christian 
Church, as a thing that men of learning ought not to learn, 
but reproduced in our own language by Sir John Mandeville. 
He insisted that the world was a globe and could be circum- 
navigated, and he tells a tale of a man from Norway, who had 
gone so long by land and sea that he had environed all the 
earth, that he was come about to his own marches. 

The intercourse in times of yore between the new world 
and the old, now again brought to light, rests upon no slight 
evidence, although the whole of it cannot be included here. 
It comes in confirmation of the labours of those who have 
gone before me, and of my own, carried on step by step for 
some time."}* 


The river names, as already stated, are most probably not Sumerian, 
but possibly Agaw or Vasco-Kolarian. It is, however, useful to 
examine them, as showing the identity of precedent migrations and 
languages in the two hemispheres. 

The following shows the river names of New Granada in com- 
parison with India and Italy (Etruria) : 

New Granada. India, etc. Italy, etc. 

Cane, . . . Cainas, 

Guayabera, . . Chaberis, .... 

Guape, . . . Kophos, . .... 

* Article of my friend Mons. E. Cortambert, quoted in Nature, Jan. u, 1877, 

P- 235- 

t See various papers of mine in the Journals of the Ethnological Society, of 
the Anthropological Institute, of the Palestine Exploration Fund, etc. 


New Granada, 
Cusiana, . 
Garigoa, . 
Cauca, . 

Margua, . 
Nachi, . 
Napipi, . 



India, etc. 



Cacathis, . . 


Italy, etc. 


Caicus, A. Minor. 

[Rhogomanus, Persia], 
[Margus, Margiana], 

Spauto (lake), . 

[Tamyrus, Syria], 

. Rigonum. 
. Medoakus. 
. Nikia, Nato. 
Nar, Nure. 

[Enipeus, Macedonia]. 

[Nessos, Macedonia]. 
[Abus, Britain]. 
. Padus. 

[Boetis, Spain]. 
. Togisonus. 

. [Tamaros, Britain]. 

Tachira, . . . Ticarios. 

Tiguanaqui, . . Digentia. 

Tumila, . . . Temala 

Onzaga, . . . Sekies. 

Zulia, . . . Silis, Silarus. 

Suta, . . . Sadus, 

Sarare, . . . Serus, Sarius. 

Suarez, . . . Sarabis, Siris. 


Sisigua, . . . Suasius, Sossius. 

Semindoco, . . Tokosanna, . . . . 

Sumapia, . . Sumathus, Sicily. 

Sichiaca, . . Sittokakis, .... Sekies. 

Sube, . . . Sobanus, . . . . Sabis. 

Sapara [Asopus, Greece]. 


Sinu, . . . Sonus, Asinarus, Sicily. 

[Sonus, Hibernia]. 

Other river names are : 

America. India and East. West. 

Caca, Bolivia, . . Cacathis, I., . . Caicus, A. Minor. 

Cachy, Peru, . . . Caicinus, Italy. 

Csecina, Italy. 

Chira, Peru, . . . Akiris, Italy. 

Curaray, Peru, . . 

Aguan, C. America, . Kainas, I., . . . 

Ulua, C. America, . . Ollius, Italy. 

Guapai, Bolivia, . . Kophos, I., . . . Gabellus, Italy. 

Montagua, C. America, . Mitua, Macedonia. 

Modoacus, Italy. 

Mira, Ecuador, . . Merula, Italy. 

Marona, Ecuador, . . Himera, Sicily. 



Mayo (river name), Peru, 

Mantaro, Peru, 
Mapiri, Bolivia, 
Lempa, C. America, 
Lacantum, C. America, . 

Nasas, Mexico, 
Nape, Ecuador, 

Pita, Ecuador, 

Piti, Mexico, . 

Putu (mayo), Ecuador, . 

Panuco, Mexico, 

Babo, Ecuador, 

Babispe, Mexico, . 

Paso (mayo), Peru, 

Yapura, Ecuador, , 
Rimac, Peru, . 
Arispe, Mexico, 
Sirama, C. America, 
Ohosura, Mexico, . 
Samala, C. America, 
Sintalapa, C. America, 
Usumasinta, Mexico, 
Sumbay, Peru, 
Zacatula, Mexico, . 

Tepitapa, C. America, 
Tabasquillo, Mexico, 
Tambo, Peru, 
Tula, Mexico, 
Dauli, Ecuador, 
Tamoin, Mexico, . 
Yavari, Peru, . 
Tea, Peru, 
Huasa, Peru, . 

India and East. 

Mais, I., 
Manda, I., . 
Mophis, I., . 
Lombare, I., 

Catabeda, I., extra, 
Spauto (lake), 

Hyphasis, India, . 
Phasis, Colchis, . 

Zariaspis, Bactriano, 
Serus, India, . 

Sabalaessa, India, 
Sandabalus, India, 

Sambus, I., . 

Attabas, I., . 
Tava, I., 

Temala, I., extra, 
Chaberis, India, . 


Munda, Spain. 

Lambrus, Italy. 
Alukus, Italy. 
Helicon, Italy. 
Anassus, Italy. 
Anapus, Sicily. 
Enipeus, Macedonia. 
Padus, Italy. 
Bcetis, Spain. 
Pitanus, Corsica. 
[Benacus (lake), Italy N. ]. 
Baebe (lake), Greece. 
Fevos, Italy. 
Pcesus, A. Minor. 

Hipparis, Italy. 
Rubiko, Italy. 

Siris, Italy. 
jEsurus, Italy. 

Sontinus, Italy. 
Ossa, Italy. 

Sekies, Italy. 
Tolenus, Italy. 
Tobios, Britain. 
Tavis, Italy. 
Timavus, Italy. 
Tolenus, Italy. 
Tilurus, Illyria. 
Tamion, Britain. 

Axios, Macedonia. 
JEsis, Italy. 

With regard to lake names, they appear to be related to river 
names : 

America Lakes. 
Parras, Mexico, . 
Patzcuaro, Mexico, 
Chapala, Mexico, 
Fuquene, Mexico, 
Peten, Central America, 
Amatitan, Central America, 
Tamiagua, Mexico, . 
Titicaca, Peru, . 

Chinchaycocha, Peru, 

Old World (R.) River. 
Prasias, Thessaly ; Prasiane, India W. 
Gouraios (R.), India. 
Copais, Bceotia. 
Fucinus, Italy, Sabine. 
Pitanus (R.), Corsica. 
Andomatis (R.), India. 
Tamion (R.), Britain. 
Caicus (R.), A. Minor; .Cacathis (R.), 

Cainas (R.), India. 

The identifications of Fuquene and Peten are striking. 

In the reduction of mountain names very little fortune has ever 


attended me. The cause appears to be that few are Sumerian, that 
some are Agaw, and that some are most likely older. 

America. Old World. 

Cotopaxi, Ecuador, .... Cottia, Alpes. 

Cotocha, ...... Pactyas. 

Sangay, Ecuador, .... Syngaras, Mesopotamia. 

Tancitaro, Mexico, .... Cithseron, Greece. 

Orizava, Mexico, .... Oropeda, Spain. 

Apanecas, Central America, . . Pangseus, Macedonia. 

Assuay, Ecuador, .... Ossa, Greece. 

Pulla, Ecuador, ..... Pelion, Greece. 

Ambato, Ecuador, .... Idubeda, Spain. 

Boetios, Drangiana. 

Atitlan, Central America, . . . CEta, Athos, Greece. 

Ida, Asia Minor, etc. 

Alausi, Ecuador, .... Alesion, Greece ; Olgassys, Asia Minor. 

Pasto, Ecuador, .... Phoestus, Greece. 

Perote, Mexico, .... Pierius, Greece. 

Merendon, Central America, . . Maro, Sicily. 

Cadlud, Ecuador, .... Cadmus. 

Some of these must be identical, but many are doubtful. 

The town names are, however, those which are of most value for 
our purposes, as many of these are evidently Sumerian (* marks 
resemblance) : 

*Recuay, . 
Urcum, . 


*Arapa, . 

Huaura, . 
*Oruro, . 


Huasta, . 

Ambato (M.), 
Illampe (M.), 

Mexico and Central America. 

*Trapuata, Mexico, 

Rabin, Central America, . 

Yoro, Central America, . 

Ariare (R.), Central America, 
Arispe (R.), Central America, 
Iztapalapan, Mexico, 

Ambalema, New Granada, 
*Cosuma, Yucatan, . 

Old World. 
*Arakha, Susiana. 
Arakhosia, Persia. 
Arikaka, Arakhosia. 
Araxa, Lycia. 
*Erech, Accad (Bible). 
*Rechah (Bible). 
Aricada, Drangiana. 
Aragorasa, Armenia. 
Archabios, Colchis. 
Arukanda, Lycia. 
Argos, Greece. 
*Arubath (Bible). 
Arabissus, Cappadocia. 
Arbaka, Arakhosia. 
Ora, India E. 

*Oruras, A. Minor. 
Zariaspes (R.), Bactriana. 
*Hasta, Liguria. 
Asta, Liguria, and Lusitania. 
Ashdod (Bible). 
Astasanna, Aria. 
Asthagura, India E. 
Astakapra, India E. 

*Corombo (R.), Carmania. 
Cosamba, India S. 
*Cosamba, India S. 



Cuzmo, . 
*Chosica, . 
Congata, . 
Canchari, . 
Chancay, . 
Conongo, . 
Quinoa, . 
*Cacary, . 

Chiclayo, . 






*Chumu, . 
*Caime, . 

Cambe, . 
Chicamo, . 

*Catari, . 

Mexico and Central America. 

*Cuisco, Mexico, . 
Chuscal, New Granada, . 

Concanu, Yucatan, . 
Conagua, New Granada, . 
Conchagua, Central America, 

Cacahuamilpa, Mexico, . 
Chiquisa, New Granada, . 

Cochilha, New Granada, 
*Copan, Central America, 
*Coban, Guatemala, 

Caparrapi, New Granada, 
*Chipata, New Granada, . 

"Kabah, Yucatan, . 
Chepo, New Granada, 

*Chapala, Mexico, . 
*Chapul, Mexico, . 
Acapulco, Mexico, . 

Cundinamarca, New Granada, 

*Akil, Yucatan, 
Chollolan, Mexico, . 

*Chalco, Mexico, . 
Chalcicomula, Mexico, . 
*Colosa, New Granada, . 
Chalisco, Mexico, . 
Comayagua, Honduras, . 
*Cuame, New Granada, . 
Chima, New Granada, . 

*Cucumba, New Granada, 
*Guaman, Mexico, . 

*Chatura, New Granada, 

Old World. 

*Cuzikos, A. Minor. 
*Gauzaka, Paropamisada. 
Choastra, Media. 
Concana, Spain. 
Iconium, A. Minor. 
Xoana, India. 
Gain, Palestine. 
Aquinium, Italy. 

*Acharacha, Caria. 
Gaggra, Paphlagonia. 
Gagasmira, India E. 
Cocala, India S. 
*Cabena, Media. 
*Capena, Etruria. 
*Cabbon, Palestine. 
Cepiana, Lusitania. 
Caberasa, Media. 
Capution, Sicily. 
'Gibbeath, Palestine. 
Cuba, India S. 
*Capua, Italy. 
*Gaba, Palestine. 
Gabii, Italy. 
*Capula, Venetia. 
Cubilia, Lycia. 

Cabul, Palestine. 
Conta, India E. 
Aricanda, A. Minor. 
*Aquileia, Italy. 

Kaloe, Lydia. 
Keilah, Palestine. 
Agylla, Etruria. 
Akela, Media. 
*Chalcis, Boeotia. 
Gilgal, Palestine. 

*Colossai, Phrygia* 
Akalissos, Pontus. 
*Cume, Mysia. 
*Cum2e, Italy. 
Choma, Pisidia. 
*Cambe, Gedrosia. 

*Cocambo, Gedrosia. 
*Comania, Caria. 
*Comana, Pontus, and Capp. 
Cominium, Samnium. 
Chemosh (Bible). 
Gimza (Bible). 
Camisa, Cappadocia. 
*Kimara, India E. 
*Cytorus, Armenia. 


'Catari, . 

*Coati, . 

Curaray, (R.), 
*Ocaruro, . 

Charcani, . 
*Chuana, . 


*Ascona, . 

* Accra, . 
*Ancon, . 
*Colan, . 


Cailloma, . 
Calupe, . 
Ocharan, . 



Illampo(M.) ) 


Larecaja, . 
Mantaro, . 
*Manani, . 
Marona, . 

*Macari, . 

Mexico and Central America. Old World. 

*Cadereita, Mexico, . . *Coddura, India S. 
Catarumbo (R.), New Granada, Cottiara, India S. 

Cotuora, Pontus. 

*Cuaita, New Granada, . . Kattah, Palestine. 

Oicata, New Granada, . . *Cuta, Colchis. 

*Caudium, Sabine. 

*Catana, Sicily. 

*Cotobara, India S. 

*Cottobara, Gedrosia. 

*Carere (R.), New Granada, . *Careura, Caria, and India. 

Charala, New Granada, . 

Chiriguana, New Granada, 
Chanaco, Mexico, . 
Canipauna, New Granada, 
Cunacua, New Granada, . 

Ocansip, Yucatan, . 

Calan, Yucatan, 

*Oculan, Mexico, . 

Caluma, Ecuador, . 

Jalapa, Mexico and C. Amer. 

Jutigalpac, America, 

*Garupa, New Granada, 
*Labna, Yucatan, . 
*Labhakhabpha, Yucatan, 

Lampa, Salvador, . 
Liborina, New Granada, 

Huamantla, Mexico, 

Mani, Yucatan, . ;'". 

Merindon, Honduras, 

Macaranita, New Granada, 
Mogorontoque, New Granada, 

Mozca, Mexico, 

Curula, India S. 
*Caresena, Mysia. 
Corcobana, Ceylon. 
Kanah, Palestine. 
Kana, Mysia. 
Kcene, Cappadocia. 
*Canagara, India S. 
*Aganagara, India extra. 
Khoana, Parthia. 
Aganagara, India extra. 
*Oskana, Gedrosia. 
*Assecona, Spain. 
*Acarra, Susiana. 
*Achor, Palestine. 
*Cora, Lalutus. 
Agiria, Spain. 
*Ancona, Italy. 

Calneh, Accad (Bible). 
*Gelan, Palestine. 
Calindoca, India S. 
Calinaxa, India S. 
Okelum, Lusitania. 
Akelanum, Sabine. 
Gallim, Palestine. 
Calpe (M). 

Haran (Bible). 
Acharna, Attica. 
*Gariphus, India. 
*Labbana, Mesopotamia. 
*Labaca, India S. 
Alambatesa, Comaria. 
Lampsacus, A. Minor. 
Lombare, India. 
Lariaga, India E. 
Mendola, India S. 
*Manisena, India E. 
Amana, Media. 
Morunda, Media. 

Magaris, India S. 
Mogarus, Pontus. 
Makrasa, Lycia. 
*Megara, Gr., Sicily. 
Maxere, Hyrcania. 



*Macari, . 

*Malla, '. ! 

Amiloe, . 
Mantaro, . 


*Mapiri (R.), 


*Nasca, . 
Nanasca, . 


(Pucara, Castle), 
*Pucara, . 
*Pucala, . 

Azangari, . 

*Paita, . 
Ayapata, . 





Mexico and Central America. 
Mescala, Mexico, . 
*Mogote, New Granada, 


*Margua (R.), New Granada, 
*Masaya, Yucatan, 

f Neyba, New Granada, . 

*Nunkini, Yucatan, 
Nicaragua, C. America, . 

Nimaima, New Granada, 
Nare, ,, 

Oiba, New Granada, 
Upia, ,, 

*Bucaramanga, New Granada, 

[Patawi, Siam], 

Pauta, New Granada, 
*Pitu, Mexico, 
Peto, Yucatan, 
*Ubate, New Granada, 

*Peten, Yucatan, 
Potonchan, Yucatan, 

Perote, Mexico, 

*Paturia, New Granada, . 
Necopetara, Mexico, 

*Zupetara, C. America, . 
Sopetran, New Granada, 

i ara, ,, . 

Paracheque, , , , 

Old World. 

Maguda, Mesopotamia. 
*Mala, Pontus. 
Millo, Palestine. 
Amilos, Arcadia. 
Manda, India. 
*Margara, India E. 
*Margana, Ceylon. 
Maricada, Bactriana. 
*Margus (R.), Margiane. 
*Massah, Palestine. 
*Amasia, Pontus. 
*Messana, Sicily. 
Messene, Greece. 
*Mapura (R.), India. 
*Nebo (Bible). 
Nebah (Bible). 
*Nepea, Phrygia. 
*Nasica, India S. 
*Nanaguna, India S. 
Nuceria (?), Italy. 
Anaguros, Greece. 
Nommana, Carmania. 
Nar, Italy. 
Anara, India S. 
*Ninue, Nineveh. 
(Accad) Bible. 
Ophia, Sabine. 
Aphia, Phrygia. 
[cara, castle, Akkad]. 
*Begorra, Macedonia. 
*Pygela, Ionia. 
Pegella, Lycaonia. 
Agara, Susiana. 
,, India S. 
Patavium, Bithynia. 
,, Italy. 

*Bata, India S. 
Beda, Mesopotamia. 
*Pida, Pontus. 
*Eboda, Palestine. 
Pitueia, Mysia. 
Phauda, Pontus. 
*Pitane, Mysia. 
*Padua, Palestine. 
Bitoana, Caria. 
Pieria, Greece. 

Phiarasa, Pontus. 
*Patara, Lycia. 
Badara, Carnithia. 
Sobatra, Lycaonia. 
*Opetura, India. 

Pyrrha, Caria. 



*raria, . 
Pararin, . 

Mexico and Central America. 
Ibarra, Ecuador, 

Parras, Mexico, 
*Barichara, New Granada 
Parachoque, ,, 

*Parac, . 


Pariache, . . 

Pariacote, . 

Paruchay, . 

Puno, . . 

*Punyon, . 

Panos, . . 

Pando, . . 

*Papai, . . *Paipa, New Granada, . 

Babo, . . 

*Pusi, . . 

Puzuzi, . . 

*Pasa (mayo) . 

Pisagua, . . 

(Pirca, Quichua, 
wall, enclo- 
sure), . . 

*Pomalca, . *Paime, New Granada, . 

Pichigua, . . Bogota, ,, 

Puquien, . . Pachuco, Mexico, . 

Pacas (mayo), . 

Palalayuca, . 

,, . Bolonchan, Yucatan, 

*Pasco, . . Tobasco, Yucatan, . 

*Posco, . . 

*Pisco, . . 

Piscahacha, . 

Pacsi, . . 

*Pista, . . * Piste, Yucatan, 

Arambolu, . *Arama, New Granada, . 

*Racanya, . *Ariguani, New Granada, 

Tacaraca, . 

Raquira, New Granada, . 
Sinu, ,, 

Sanalarga, New Granada, 
*Sinoloa, Mexico, 
Sonora, ,, 

Sangay, . 


Antisana, . 

Qkosingo, Yucatan, 
Tftxancingo, Mexico, 

Old World. 
Birei, Palestine. 
Podoperura, India extra. 

Parisara, India extra. 
*Barakura, India extra. 
*Berachah, Palestine. 
Pharugia, Doris. 
Verrugo, Latium. 
Barkine, Spain. 

*Punon, Palestine. 
Panion, Thessaly. 

Pandassa, India extra. 
*Papha, Pisidia. 
*Paphos, Cyprus. 

*PiS8B (3). 

*Paseah, Palestine. 
*Ephesus, A. Minor. 
*Phoizoi, Arcadia. 

Perga, Pamphylia. 
Pyrgse, Etruria. 
*Bamala, India S. 
*Apamea, Parthia. 
Phecis, Greece. 
Phokaia, Lydia. 
Pauka, Italy. 
Palalke, Pontus. 
Bolon, Spain. 
Pelon, Palestine. 
*Boskath, Palestine. 
Bezek, Palestine. 
*Phuska, Macedonia. 
*Physkus, Caria. 
Paxos (I.). 
*Poestum, Italy. 
*Aruma (Bible). 
*Aroma, Caria. 
Ariminium, Italy. 
*Rakkon (Bible). 
*Oricana, Media. 
Arucanda, Lycia. 
Aragorasa, Armenia. 
Sena, Etruria, and Umbria. 
Zaananim (Bible). 
Sannala, India E. 

Posinara, India E. 
Asinarus, Sicily. 
Sangada, India E. 
Sangala, India E. 
Alosanga, India extra. 
Caresena, Mysia. 
Astasanna, Aria. 












*Sumbay (R.), 
Monsifu, . 


Mexico and Central America. 


*Sonsonate, S. Salvador, 
*Tzintzontzon, Mexico, . 

*Sonson, New Granada, . 
Site, ,, 

Suta, ,, 


Susagua, New Granada, . 
*Susacon, New Granada, 

Surata, New Granada, 
*Sarare, ,, 

*Sura, ,, 

Sachica, New Granada, . 
Soacha ,, 

Sacota, ,, 

Segamoso, , , 
Fusugasuga, , , 
Zaccacal, Yucatan, 

*Salli, Yucatan, 
*Zelaya, Mexico, 
Zulia, New Granada, 
*Salamo, Guatemala, 
Salmaguela, New Granada, 

*Senote, Yucatan, . 

Zerna, New Granada, 
*Zema, ,, 

Zimapan, Mexico, . 

Semindoco, New Granada, 
*Samala, C. America, 

*Saboya, New Granada, 
*Sube, Suba, ,, 

Yzabal, C. America, 

*Zupetara, New Granada, 
Sopetran, , , 

Old World. 

*Suanagora, India extra. 
*Sansannah (Bible). 
*Susonnia, Venetia. 
*Nazianzene, Cappadocia. 
*Saniseni, Paphlagonia. 
Side, Pamphyl., Laconia. 
Sidas, Greece. 
*Suzah, Palestine. 
Susa, Susiana. 
Suissa, Cappadocia. 
Suessa (R.), Italy. 
Suassus, India. 
*Susicana, India E. 
Syracuse, Sicily. 
Saraka, Media. 
Sariga, Armenia. 
Saruge, A. Minor. 
Sarid, Palestine. 
*Sararra, Mesopotamia. 
*Saura, Susiana. 
Saganus, Carmania. 
*Saguana, Armenia. 
*Sakoena, Belicia. 
*Sikuon, Greece. 
*Saca, Arcadia. 

Adisaga, Media. 

Sakasena, Cappadocia. 

Zazaka, Media. 

Secacah, Palestine. 

Sikinos (I.). 

Shicron (Bible). 

*Sala, Armenia. 

*Sela, Palestine. 

*Solia, Spain. 

*Salamis (?). 

*Zalmoneh, Palestine. 


Aznoth, Palestine. 

*Sunnada, Phrygia. 

Sarnuka, Mesopotamia. 

*Shema (Bible). 

Ezem (Bible). 

*Zama, Capp., and Mesopo. 

Semina, Parthia. 

*Simyla, India S. 

*Sambus (R.), India. 

Sabius, Cappadocia. 

Zaba, India extra. 

*Zobia, Pisidia. 

Shebah (Bible). 

Sapolus, India extra. 

*Zephath, Palestine. 

Sibecla, Lycia. 

*Sabatra, Lycaonia. 



Tucuma, . 
*Tauca, . 





Ta ma, 


*Tipuani, . 



Mexico and Central America. 

Tocaima, New Granada, 
*Togui, ,, 

*Tekoh, Yucatan, . 
Tacubaya, Mexico, . 
*Tachira, New Granada, , 
Tacaloa, ,, 

Tekit, . 

*Tolima, New Granada, 
*Toloman, Guatemala, 
Tuloom, Yucatan, . 

Tolla, Mexica, 
Tolo, New Granada, 
Tula, Mexico, 
Tollan, Mexico, 
Delen, New Granada, 

*Tabi, Yucatan, 
Teabo, ,, . 

Tabeo, New Granada, 
Tabachula, Guatemala, . 
Tabasquillo, Mexico, 
Tepan, Mexico, 
"Tibaria, New Granada, . 
Tubar, Mexico, 
*Tapata, New Granada, . 
Topia, Mexico, 
Tobasco, Yucatan, . 
Tamoin, Mexico, 

*Tampico, Mexico, . . 
Temisco, ,, 
*Tamasinchali, Mexico, . 
*Tamalameque, New Granada, 
Tumila, ,, 
*Tamar, , , 
Tanquichi, Mexico, 
Tenochtitlan, ,, . 
*Tena, New Granada, 
Tizimin, Yucatan, . 
Tiza[pan], Mexico, . 
Tausa, New Granada, 

Old World. 
*Attacum, Spain. 

*Tugea, Spain. 
*Tukki, Spain. 
Athach (Bible). 
*Techoa, Palestine. 
Tegea, Greece. 
*Thagora, India extra. 
*Tagara, India S. 
Taxila, India E. 
Attagus, Bceotia. 
Tarrago, Spain. 
*Telem (Bible). 
*Telamina, Spain. 
*Teleboas, A. Minor. 
Tholobona, India S. 

Dolion, Bceotia. 
Dolionis, Mysia. 
Tullonium, Spain. 
Dilean, Palestine. 
Atarmes, Bactriana. 
Tarbakana, Paropanisada. 
*Taba, Phrygia, Caria. 
Thebse, Bo3otia, Thessaly. 
Tebbath, Palestine. 
Tepuah, Palestine. 
Thebez, Palestine. 
*Tabiene, A. Minor. 
*Thebura, Assyria. 

*Tobata, Paphlagonia. 

Thapsacus, Syria. 
Dimonah (Bible). 
Temani (Bible). 
Tumnos, Caria. 
*Tamassis, India E, 

*Temala, India extra. 

*Tamarus, India. 
Taanach (Bible). 

*Toana, India extra. 
Tisia, Italy. 
Tisa, Car mania. 
Tiausa, India. 
Dosa, Assyria. 





The following is a brief list of words divided into three regions, 
the American including two columns, and while in some cases a root 
may be traced throughout, it will be seen that more commonly the 
western and American roots or types cross in the Indo-Chinese 
region. This table may be much extended. 

Ak., Akkad. Cam., Cambodian. Aym., Aymara. Mex., Aztek. 
dr., Circassian. Mon, Peguan. Qui., Quichua. Oth., Othomi. 
Geo., Georgian. Bur., Burmese. Tara. , Tarahum- 

Ann., Annam. ara. 

Huas., Huasteca. 

Poc., Poconchi. 




Mexican, etc. 

Man, . 

. karra, Ak. , 

. kam, Mon, 

kkari, Aym, Q., 

[ucari, Cora]. 

mulu, Ak. , 

. lu, Bur. . 

kmari Geo. , 

. [mairima, Bur. , 


tie, Cir., . 

tlacatl, Huas. 

gun, un, Ak., 

. hplun, Mon, 

runa, Qui., 

uinic, Mex. 

khon, Siam., 

ninic, Maya. 

kon, Shan, 

[akun, Poc. ; boy]. 

ku, Ak., . 

. paka, Mon, 

chacha, Aym., . 

nxihi, Oth. 

nguoi, Ann., 

kosa, Qui., 

oquich, Mex. 


etc. . 

. sak, Ak., . 

. [su, man, Bur.], 

[kosa, Q., man], 

nsu, Othomi. 

shooz, Cir., 

soua, Mexico. 

rak(a), Ak., 


rakka, Qui. 

mak, Ak., 

. meingma, Bur., 

marmi, Aym., . 

muki, Tara. 

mairima, Bur. . 

dam, Ak., 

. phdey, Cam., . 

[dame, Oth.] 

[tomol, Huas.] 


. ku, Ak., . 

. kbal, Cam., 

ppekei, Aym. . 

su, Ak., . 

. katau, Mon. 

shha, Cir., 

. ko, Karen, 

ayxaca, Totonaca. 

_ x 

kamon, Ann., . 

uma, Qui., 

hool, Mex. 

alu, Kumi, 

moola, Tara. 

Hair, . 

. sik, Ak., . 

. sac, Cam., 

suncca, Aym., . 

xta, si, Oth. 

shhatsey, Cir., 

. swet, Ann., 

socco, Qui., 

tzotz, Mex. 

asham, Kumi. . 

Face, . 

. ka, Ak.','". 


akanu, Aym., . 

axaya, Mex., 

piri, Geo., 


ricca, Qui. 


Eye, . 

. limta, Ak., 

. ta, Ann., . 

[mata, forehead, 


twali, Geo., 

. panek, Cam., . 


ghual, Maya. 

nee, Cir., . 

. mitthah, Ann., . 

naira, Aym., . 

nich, Mex. 

si, Ak., . 


nagui, Qui., . 

pusiki, Tara. 

Ear, . 

. pi, Ak., . 

. pik, Ahom. 

tal, Ak., . 

. khato, Mon, . 

gu, Othomi. 



Ear, . . 
Mouth, . 

Tooth, . 

Blood, . 

Foot, . . 


Skin, . . 

Sun, . . 


Star, . . 

Day, . . 

Fire, . . 

Water, . 

Sky, Hea- 

quri, Geo., 
takumah, Cir., . 
ka, gu, Ak., . 
dzheh, shey, Cir., 
dzeh, Cir., 
tik, Ak., . 
thkhemi, Geo. 
erne, Ak., 
ena, Geo., 

sa, Ak., . 
libis, Ak., 
guli, Geo., . 
ghey, Cir. 
us, Ak., . 
sishkhli, Geo., . 

sugab, Ak., 
kheli, Geo., 
ia, oyg, Cir., . 
arik(i), Ak., . 
pekhi, perhi, G., 
tlake, Cir., 
shi, Ak., . - . 
rka, Geo., 
shu, Ak., . 
kani, Geo., 
shooway, Cir. . 
zal(a), Ak., 
[usil, Etrus.], . 
mze, Geo., 
pushur, par, Ak. , 
teigha, Cir., 
dgeh, Cir., 

lid, Ak.",'". 
[lala, Etr.], 
es, Ak., . 
maathe, Cir. 
ooshaghe, Cir., 

dghe, Geo., 
[ur, Ak., light], 
tarn, Ak., 
ne, Ak., . 
kum, Ak., 
[nefney, Cir., 

light]. . . 
a, Ak., . 

aan, Ak. [rain], 
aria, Ak., 
mdinare, Geo., . 
ada, Ak., . 
ra, Ak., flow. . 

nakhu, Karen, 
tai, Ann., . 
amaka, Kami, 
kha, Mon, 
zhua, Mon, 

zeit, Bur., 
lao, Ann., 
chai, Siam. 

rincri, Qui. , 
hinchu, Aym., 
lakka, Aym., 
simi, Qui., 
kchaka, Aym., 
mati, Qui. 

soncco, Qui. 
chuimo, Aym. 

Mexican, etc. 
nacaz, Mex. 
nechkala, Tara. 
kama, Huas. 
chi, Mex., Poc. 
tzi, Oth. 

qhane, Oth. 
tenilla, Tara. 
zimagat, Toto. 

htseihn, Mon, . qui, Oth. . . 

swe, Bur., . estli, Huas. . 

xihtz, Maya. . 

su, Karen, . maqui, Qui., . cab, Mex. 

ka, Kumi, Ahom, tachlli, Aym., . cubac, Maya. 

mo, Ann., . maco, Totonaca. 

kaw, Karen, . kayu, Aym., . gua, Oth. 

shon, Siam., . chaqui, Qui., . acan, Maya. 

akho, Kami, . tala, Tara. 

sung, Ann., . huakra, Aym., Q. 

khyo, Bur. . 

sare, axa, Bur., ccara, Qui. . 

lepitchi, Aym. . 

inti, Aym., Qui., hindi, Oth. 

tonatuih, Mex. 

lupi, Aym. 

punchau, Qui. 

la, Bur. , lah, Kar. , quilla, Qui. , 

hpyalit, Siam. . 

paksi, Aym., 

tsah, Karen, . sillo, Aym., 

taika, Tara. 
quih, Poc. 
aquicha, Huas. 
citlali, Mex. 

maitsaka, Tara. 

tze, Oth. 

citlali, Mex. 

thngay, Cam., . aquicha, Huas. 

ngay, Ann., . uru, Aym., . quih, Poc. 

tangway, Mon, . [tonatuih, Mex., 

[ne,na,Bur.,sun.],nina, Qui., Aym. [sun]. 

kamo, Cam., . naiki, Tara. 

ya, Bur., . . yaku, Q., Aym. ahti, Cora. ' 

o, Sak., . . a, Mex.; ye, Tar. 

nan, Siam., . unu, Qui., . ha, Maya. 

[re, Bur., water], hahuiri, Aym. . 

mrach, Bur. . 

tak, Cam., . atoya, Mex., Cor. 

siku, sikaru, Ak., kor, Cam., 

kaan, Maya. 



Sky, H', Ak., . 
tza, Geo., 
Mountain, kur, kar(a), Ak., 
Hill, . . taghez, Cir., 
mtha, Geo., 

Stone, . taq(a), Ak., 
Rock, . kwa, Geo., 
Tree, . . gu, iz, Ak., 
khe, Geo., 

Leaf, . . potholi, Geo., . 

kani, Kumi, 
taka, Mon, 
khalon, Mon, . 
tu, Mon, . 
takun, Kami. . 
patouk, Shan. . 
tamo, Cam., 
kamou, Mon, . 
kai, Ann., 
kanoung, Mon, 
akun, Kami, 
slak, Cam., 
thela, lah, Karen, 
la, Ann. . 
sre, Cam. 


Mexican, etc. 

andvui, Mixteca. 
taxah, Poc. 

tepe, Mex. 

kkollo, Aym. . 
pata, Qui., 

kak, Aym., Qui., 

te, Mex. 
tete, Cora. 

kan, Maya. 

khoka, Aym. . 
quenua, Aym. . 

llakka, Aym. . 
lappi, Aym. 

Field, . . 
Garden, . 


sa, Ak., . 
gan(a), Ak., 
kana, Geo. 
,uru, Ak., . 
ziku, Ak., 
duk(u), Ak., . 
sakhli, Geo., 
mu, dara, Ak. , . 
tsah, Cir., 

cancha, Qui., . 

zaca, Mex. 

reuan, Siam. 

phoun, Cam., . 
ban, Siam, 
yamu, Mon, 
maing, Karen. . 
amin, Bur. 
chu, Siam. 

ngu, Oth. 
ata, Huas. 
otoch, Maya, 
sana, Mixteca. 

uta, ata, Aym., 
puncu, Aym. , Q. , 
suti, Aym. , Qui. , 

llama, Qui. 
ccaura, Aym. . 
una, Ay., (lamb), 
paca, Aym. 

Sheep, . hi, Ak., . 
tzkwari, Geo., . 
heene, C ire. , lamb, 
Goat, . . gizdin, Ak., 
thkhavi, Geo., . 
Bull, . . khar, la, Ak., . 
Cow, . . hari, Geo., 
dapara, Ak., 
puri, Geo. 
Dog, . . liku, Ak., 
dzaghli, Geo., . 
khah, Cir. 
Lion, . . likmakh, Ak. , . 
lomi, Geo., 
Wild sheep, dara, Ak., 
Bird, . . khu, Ak., 
khathami, Geo., 
kattey, Cir., 
Snake, . ti, sir, Ak., 
Fish, . . kha, khan, Ak., 
bat(a), Ak., 
Good, . . khiga, Ak., 
kargi, Geo., 

Bitter, . hur(i), Ak., 
Sour, . . mekave, Geo., . 
Black, . kug(i), Ak., 
mi, Ak., . 
Red, . . gusci, Ak., 

Great, . enim, nun, Ak., 

mea, Cam., 
khapa, Mon. 
karau, Mon. 
khaboi, Kami. . 
paren, Mon, buf- 

kala, Mon, 
khwe, Bur., 

kala, Mon, 
kya, Bur., 
akkhoei, Cam., 

anokara, Aym., 
calatu, Qui. 

cocochi, Tara. 
ocelo, Mex. 

puma, Ak., Qui. 
taruca, Aym., Q. 

quauh, Mex. 

khaton, Mon. . 
tharun, Mon, . 
ka, Ann., 
para, Siam. 
chia, Cam., 
kha, Mon, 

gha, Karen, 
khah, Karen, B., 
khom, Siam. 
khuaun, Cam. , . 
mai, Bur., 
gau, Karen, 
hpakit, Mon, 
thanot, Mon, . 

katari, Aym. 
kafiu, Aym., 

cay, Poc. 

qualli, Mex. 
gala, Tara. 
khuta, Tara. 

akahha, Maya. 

cuz, Mex. 
kokoz, Mex. 
noh, Maya. 

asque, Aym. 

haru, Aym. 

chamaka, Aym. 
pako, Aym., Q., 

hatun, Qui., 


Great, . 

makh, Ak., . 

rniat, Bur , . 


Mexican, etc. 
nim, Poc. 

anta, Ak., 
atto Cir. . . 

tau, Karen, . 

na, ndi, Oth. 

Give, . . 

Run, . . 

Flow . 

she, Ak., . 
ga? Ak., . 
mu, Ak., . 
riati, Ak., 

rli Georp 

sho, Ann., 
ka, Mon, . . 
pekya, Bur., 
garitaa [aara], 
pre Bur , . 

chu, Aym., 
ku, Qui., . 

huayra, Qui. 
[puri. Oui.l 

caa, Maya, 
kia, Tara. 
maka, Mex. 

Go, . . 

aara, Mon, 

[numi, Aym. , Q. ] 

huma, Tara. 


kaka, Ak. , 

nikay, Cam., 

ynqui, Poc. 

laparako, Geo 

hankai Mon . 

arusi, Aym. 

chho Bur. , 

rima, Q. . 

Eat, . . 

ka, Ak., . 
ja, Geo., . 

chhan, Cam., . 
cha, Bur., 
au, Ann., . 

mancana, Aym. 

qua, Cora, Mex., 
hanal, Maya. 

Drink, . 

ka, Ak., . 

kenn, Siam., 

hindi, Mixteca. 

nak, Ak. , 

thou, Mon, . 

chia, Mex. 

sua, Geo. , . 

Die, . . 

Kill, . . 

Cut, . . 

khan, khut, Ak., 
be, ba, bat, Ak., 
sikua, Geo., 
kud, khas, Ak., 

mathi, Karen, . 
kha, Siam., 

amaya, Aym., . 
cuta, Aym. 

muechit, Ceva. 
miquiz, Mex. 
mukiki, Tara. 

Cry, . . 

re, Geo., . 
tuq(a), Ak., 

rei, Cam., 
toui, Cam., 
khok, Ann. 

rutu, Qui. 


ka, khash, Ak., 

chura, Qui. 

Put, . . 
Rise, . 
Many, . 
All, . . 

No, not, . 


ko, thsqo, Geo., 
ri, Ak., 
aka, Ak., . 
mes, Ak., 
ka, Ak., . 
koweli, Geo., . 
nu, Ak., . 
nu, Geo., 

mhrang, Bur., . 
heka, Karen, . 
husamia, Bur., . 
ahmah, Karen, . 

pnoom, Cam., . 
ma, Bur., etc., . 
na, Kumi, 

cancha, Qui. 
hatari, Qui. 
hucaro, Qui. 

[naka, Aym.] . 
[kuna, Qui.] 
hani, Aym. 
ma, Aym., Qui., 

miec, Mex. 

mao, Maya, 
ma, Poc. 

The pronouns are of such varied type and distribution that only a 
few selections are offered. 

I, me, 


He, . 

Western. Indo-Chinese. 


Mexican, etc. 

. mu, idbi, Ak., . awai, Mon, 

ma, Oth. 

mi, Geo. . . 

nyo, Angka, 

na, Aym., 

. nuga, Oth. 

nga, Bur., 

noca, Qui., 

. ne, Mex. 

kha, Siam., etc. 

. zu, Ak., . . tua, Siam., 

-ta, Aym., 

. tata, Huas. 

shen, Geo., . tha, Karen, 

mi, Totonaca. 

mun, men, Ak., 

timo, Mex. 

weyroo, Cir., . bai, Mon, 

pe, Cora. 

ba, Angka, 

pu, Tara. 

nah, Karen, 

nqui, Qui., 

. nugui, Oth. 

. ni, bi, Ak., . no, Ann., 

hupa, Aym., 

. nunu, Oth. 

Tni, bi, plur. Ge,],wa, . . . 

pay, Qui., 

. bi, Oth. 

igi, misi, Geo., ni, Khyeng, 

ni, Aym. . 



He, . 
We, . 

. me, Ak., . 

pho, Angka, 

n, Qui. . 

Mexican, etc. 
ma, Oth. 


. -nene, Ak., 
-no, Ak., . 
-ni, Geo. 

. -aen, Siam., 
. -niht, Shan., 

kuna, Qui., 
naka, Aym. 

nana, Huas. 

-bi, Geo., 

. tau, Mon, . 

pay, Aym. 

-th, Geo., 

. dan, Karen, 

te, Cora 

i, . . 

. id, Ak., 

. moe, Camb., 

mai, Aym. 

zee, Cir., . 
erthi, Geo., 

. mway, Mon, 
. mot., Ann., 
tach, Bur. . 

hue, sue, Qui., . 

ce, Mex. 
tarn, Totonaca. 

ter, Karen. 

2, . . 

. bi, Ak., . 
kas, Ak., . 
oh, Cir., . 

. bar, Cam., 
. pa, Mon, . 
. ki, Karen, 

pa, Aym., 
yscay, Qui., 

poa, Cora, 
ome, Mex. 
yoho, Oth. 


ori, Geo., 
. essa, Ak., 
sami, Geo., 

. kai, Angka, 
. sung, thou, Bur. 
. sam, Siam., 

, kimsa, Aym.,Q., 

os, Tara. 
osh, Huas. 
osh, Maya. 

shee, Cir., 

. htsan, Shan, 
pah, Cam., 
pe, Mon. . . 

ba, Tara. 

4, . . 

. sana, Ak., 

. si, Siam., . 
htse, Shan. 

pusi, Aym. 

tse, Angka. 

5, - 
6, . . 

. sha, Ak., . 
para, Ak., 
tpey, Cir., 
. as, Ak., . 
shoo, Cir., 
ekusi, Geo. 

pon, Mon. 
buan, Cam., 
. ha, Siam., Shan. 
. patson, Mon. 
. panggna, Kami. 
. sau, Ann., , 
. sauk, Khyeng. . 

, ppiska, Aym., Q 
socta, Aym., Q. 

Professor John Campbell has found letter affinities for many of 
these Peruvian examples, and that for a good reason that Aryan 
words of culture descend from the same prehistoric stock, and, in 
some cases, through Sumerian channels. 



Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

II. From the Coming of the Anglo-Saxons to the Norman 


IN my former paper I endeavoured to describe the condition of 
the people at the earliest period with which we are acquainted, 
and the effect upon their civilisation produced by the Roman 
invasion, through the intercourse consequently established be- 
tween Great Britain and Rome, at that time the grand centre 
and source of art and civilisation. The darkest period in our 
national history has now been passed through. Two causes 
mainly appear to me, in the first instance, to further the pro- 
gress of civilisation among a people : (i.) The intercourse of a 
barbarous nation with foreigners who are more civilised than 
the former ; (2.) The growing intelligence of the natives them- 
selves, whose capacities are thus stimulated, and their energies 
roused. Many other causes, no doubt, contribute in turn to 
the further advancement and development of civilisation, such 
as the institutions which spring up, and the pursuits that are 
followed, in any nation. Nevertheless, these two main causes 
to which I have particularly alluded, appear to me to be the 
primary elements, and are what first contribute to set the 
machine in motion.* 

Britain was more or less affected by both these influences. 
Its first civilisation it owed to its invasion by the cultivated 

* Civilisation Considered as a Science, etc. 


Romans. Their example stimulated the people to further 
cultivation and civilisation. When the Romans left them, 
their civilising influence being withdrawn, the Britons re- 
lapsed into comparative barbarism. Then the Saxons, and 
afterwards the Danes, came and pushed them on, as it were, 
in the career of civilisation ; but did not do so much for them 
as the Romans had done, inasmuch as they themselves were 
considerably less civilised. In due course of time, however, 
the several institutions and pursuits and influences, which 
appear together to constitute what may properly be termed 
the elements of civilisation,* were established in this country, 
and produced their due effect. 

The Saxons are supposed to have invaded Britain about the 
year 449. They first established themselves in the Isle of 
Thanet, and in the course of 150 years these uninvited, un- 
welcome, and encroaching visitors of ours managed to obtain 
possession of one-half of the southern division of this country. 
The natives took refuge in the mountains and forests, particu- 
larly those in the west ; and the Saxons considering the Bri- 
tons to be Gauls, called the district where they settled Gwalles, 
whence in time it obtained the name of Wales.-j- Some of the 
poor persecuted or affrighted Britons fled to that part of the 
coast of France which is immediately opposite to the southern 
coast of England, where they settled, and called it Brittany, in 
memory of their own dear country, which they had so unwill- 
ingly left. This name it still retains, and the Celtic language, 
which was in use in this country at the time when the Britons 
fled to Brittany, is still principally spoken there, as it is also in 
Wales. And in Brittany are yet to be seen several Druidical 
and ancient British temples and other buildings of great in- 
terest, several of which I have both examined and sketched, 
and some of which I described in my last paper. 

To Brittany, therefore, the poor Britons migrated in shoals, 
and made that the country of their adoption, where they 
carried with them all their old habits and customs, as well as 

* Civilisation Considered as a Science, etc. 

t Thompson's Illustrations of Great Britain, vol. i., p. xvi. 


their religion, and planted there temples and altars for Druid- 
ical worship of the same kind as those they had left in 

At the time when they invaded Britain the Saxons were as 
rude and uncivilised as any of the other barbarian nations. 
In religion they were pagans, and hated or despised the Bri- 
tons ; many, though not all, of whom had become converted to 
Christianity,* and still retained that faith, although many of 
them appear to have relapsed into Druidism, as must have 
been the case with the bulk of those who emigrated to Brit- 
tany, where the religion of the Druids seems to have been 
fully established by them. 

The Saxons however, like many of the heathens of old, be- 
lieved in a future state ; but their ideas respecting it were very 
extraordinary, not unlike those possessed by some savage 
nations in our day. The Saxons supposed that their heroes 
on entering into another world would spend their days in 
martial sports, and their nights in feasting on the inexhaust- 
ible flesh of the Boar Scrimmer, and drinking beer and meat 
from the skulls of enemies whom they had slain, the cups 
being presented to them by virgins of great beauty.f Human 
sacrifices were offered up by the Saxons, and they sometimes 
put to death a tenth of their prisoners by lot. 

The temples of the Saxons and Danes were at first only 
sacred groves and circles of rude stone, much in the manner 
of those of the Britons ; but when they began to erect build- 
ings in imitation of those in other countries, there was a chapel 
or holy place belonging to each, containing the idol, set upon 
a kind of altar, before which stood another plated with iron 
for the holy fire, which was kept constantly burning. And 
near it was a vase for receiving the blood of the victims, with 
a brush for sprinkling it upon the people.]: 

After the Saxons, the Danes invaded our shores, and gra- 
dually established themselves in this island. It is recorded 

* Pictorial History of England, vol. i., p. 140. 

t Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 26 ; Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 226. 

1 Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 30. 


that about the year 787 three strange vessels approached the 
Dorsetshire coast, and landed their crews near one of the king's 
towns. The unsuspicious and simple reeve or mayor of that 
town, not apprehending any danger, but possibly, like modern 
mayors, bent on hospitality, rose to meet the strangers, think- 
ing probably they were traders, and with the intent of demand- 
ing the customs due upon their merchandise. I fear, however, 
that a blow from the battle-axe of these Danish invaders was all 
that he received, and his astonished attendants met the same 
fate. From this time the Danes became the incessant foes of 
this country, visited every part of the island, and burnt and 
pillaged in all directions without mercy.* 

For particulars of these events, I must refer you to the 
history of England itself, where you will find them all fully 
detailed. My province here is to afford a description only of 
the different habits and customs followed, and to trace the pro- 
gress of civilisation in this country, whoever chanced to be 
the dominant party here. Connected with this subject, I may 
here mention that the Danes, when they invaded England, 
made dreadful havoc with all the monasteries and schools, 
and probably the churches as well, burning many of them, 
and causing others to be quite deserted, from the terror which 
these ruthless marauders spread over the land.-f- Many of 
these establishments were, however, rebuilt and restored by 
Alfred the Great, who is believed to have been also the 
founder of the University of Oxford. J 

The Saxons, on their establishing themselves in Britain, 
proceeded to erect temples for their pagan worship ; and 
when they became converted to Christianity, churches were 
built by them. Some few churches left by the Romans had 
indeed escaped the general devastation. The introduction of 
Christianity into this country alone produced the greatest 
effect on the manners and habits of the people, and induced 
them to abandon many savage and cruel customs, which 
nothing else would have compelled them to renounce. 

* Palgrave's History of the Anglo-Saxons, p. 105. . 

t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 305. J /<$., p. 306. 


Indeed, the highest condition of civilisation, and the purest 
code for its regulation, I hold to be Christianity. It is not 
improbable, however, that after the Britons had embraced 
Christianity, they still retained many of the ceremonies of 
Druidism.* And both among the converted heathens of 
India of the present day, as also among the early Christians, 
there seems to have been a proneness with the adoption of 
the new religion, to cling as far as possible to the rites and 
ceremonies appertaining to the old. 

It is believed, however, and with good reason I think, that 
Christianity was originally implanted in Britain long before 
the arrival here of the Romans, and that St Paul himself 
actually visited our shores, and effected the conversion of the 
natives, whence probably our metropolitan cathedral has 
been dedicated to him. On the other hand, the last mission- 
ary sent by Pope Gregory, who was here when the first St 
Paul's was built, the heathen temple being pulled down which 
occupied its site, was named Paulinus ; so, possibly, Paul was 
the name chosen in honour of him.-f- The people, nevertheless, 
afterwards relapsed into idolatry, either wholly or partially, 
until the Romans restored Christianity in Great Britain. The 
time when Christianity was first introduced into this country 
is supposed to have been somewhere between the years 43 and 
61. Tertullian in his book against the Jews, which was 
written in the year 209, declares that those parts of Britain 
into which the Roman arms had never penetrated, had 
become subject to Christ ; and Eusebius, a Bishop of Caesarea, 
who flourished in the beginning of the fourth century, names 
the British Islands among the remote countries where the 
apostolical preachers had been successful. Not only St Paul, 
but St James, St Simon Zelotes, St Peter, and Joseph of 
Arimathea, have all been named as the persons who effected 
the conversion of the Britons.J 

The most singular history of the establishment of Chris- 
tianity in this country is that which was written by the monks 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 229. t /&, p. 234. 

J Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., pp. 32-34. 


of Glastonbury, which attributed it to Joseph of Arimathea, 
who is said to have been sent here by St Philip, with a band 
of his disciples, in the year 63. Although they preached with 
great zeal, they could not induce any of the Britons to forsake 
their ancient superstition ; but the king being informed that 
they had come from far and behaved modestly, appointed 
them a residence in an island called Iniswitrin, on the borders 
of his kingdom, to which two other pagan princes afterwards 
added twelve hides more of land. In this wilderness the 
angel Gabriel admonished them to build a church to the 
honour of the Blessed Virgin ; and they accordingly erected 
the first Christian church at Glastonbury. It consisted, how- 
ever, only of a small oratory, having walls of barked alders, 
or wicker wands twisted together, and its roof was thatched 
with straws or rushes. It was 60 feet long and 26 feet broad ; 
the door reached to the eaves of the roof ; there was a window 
over the altar in the east, and it was surrounded by a 
churchyard capacious enough to hold 1000 graves. 

Nevertheless, after this event, in certain parts of the 
country, the people relapsed into idolatry, and even Druidism 
was to some extent restored, many of the rites of which had 
probably never been abandoned.* Eventually, however, 
Christianity obtained an entire conquest over the land, and 
the wild superstitions which it superseded vanished for ever. 
In Brittany the Druids held their ground for a considerable 

The Saxon churches are supposed to have been most 
commonly erected where the bodies of saints were discovered, 
consisting at first of small wooden oratories thatched with 
rushes, and sometimes constructed entirely of woven wands.f 

Several timber buildings were erected by the Anglo- 
Saxons. A passage in the " Ecclesiastical History " of the 
Venerable Bede $ affords us a notion of the sort of buildings 
in use at that time, and of the catastrophes to which they 
were liable. After describing the friendly reception of a 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 143, 145, 229. 

t Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 55. t Chap. X. 


travelling stranger at a house where the inmates were at 
supper, he proceeds : " They sat long at supper, and drank 
hard, with a great fire in the middle of the room. It happened 
that the sparks flew up, and caught the top of the house, 
which being made of wattles and thatch, was presently in a 
flame. The guests ran out in a fright, without being able to 
put a stop to the fire. The house was consequently burnt 
down." This was in the year 642. The chapel or oratory 
erected by Edwin, King of Northumberland, at York in 627, 
which was probably the first Christian church built in England, 
was of timber, but this was afterwards rebuilt with stone 
upon a larger scale. And the Cathedral of York, founded by 
Edwin soon after his baptism, was undoubtedly a stone build- 
ing ; moreover, in 669 the windows were glazed, the glass for 
this purpose being brought from abroad. In 716 the Abbey 
of Croyland in Lincolnshire was erected, the foundations of 
which are described as being laid upon large wooden piles 
driven into the ground, solid earth brought in boats from a 
distance of nine miles being laid upon them. The church of 
St Peter at York having been damaged by fire, was taken 
down and rebuilt by Albert, then archbishop of that see. 
The new church is described as a lofty pile, supported by 
arches on solid columns, with admirable vaultings and 
windows, surrounded by porticoes and galleries, and contain- 
ing thirty altars variously ornamented.* 

The building of Christ Church Minster is recorded in the 
"Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" for the year 1020, and we are told 
that it was " built of stone and lime for the souls of the men 
who were there slain." The "Chronicle" for the year 1066 
records the burning of this minster, and that a comet ap- 
peared the same year. 

An extraordinary veneration for relics appears to have been 
felt by the Anglo-Saxons. We read that to one church was 
presented a portion of Christ's cap and hair, a piece of the 
Virgin Mary's dress, part of the body and garments of St 
John the Baptist, St Paul's neck-bones, St Andrew's stick, 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 309-311. 


the stone which killed St Stephen, and the burning bush 
which Moses saw.* This last is said to have been at one 
time deposited in St Mary's Church at Warwick. The arm 
of St Augustine was purchased of the city of Pavia for a 
church in Coventry.-f Long fastings were at this period 
frequently ordered, but a person was allowed to get other 
persons to join him in it, and so divide the penance among 
them. A seven years' fast might be performed in three days, 
if the principal could prevail upon 840 persons to join him 
in it.J 

St Dunstan required persons to confess whatever sins had 
been committed by their bodies, their skin, their flesh, their 
bones, their sinews, their veins, their gristle, their tongues, 
their lips, their palate, their hair, or their marrow. 

Alfred the Great, whenever the fierce turmoils of the times 
in which he lived allowed him an interval of quiet, applied 
himself to architecture ; and although he did not neglect the 
restoration of the ruined monasteries and churches, yet his 
chief care was directed to military works, and to walling and 
fortifying the towns. || The palace of Edward the Confessor 
at Westminster was built about the tenth century, and its 
remains prove it to have been a spacious and solid structure. 
The Painted Chamber, or as it was called as late as the 
fifteenth century, St Edward's Chamber, is supposed to have 
been part of the original structure. The apartment to 
which belong the ancient windows towards Palace Yard, is 
believed to have been the great hall of the palace previously 
to the erection of that by William Rufus.1T 

Parish churches appear to have become frequent early in 
the ninth century. Several monasteries were established in 
England during the time of the Anglo-Saxons, it is sup- 
posed before the end of the fourth century,** and at some 
of these a regular record or diary was kept of passing events. 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 50. 

t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 182. Il>., p. 51. 

fl>., p. 244. || Ib., p. 312. IT Ib., p. 314. 

** Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 52. 


They, however, exhibited a strong predilection for the mar- 
vellous in their narrations. In one of these registers, we 
are told that in the year 68 1 a boy, who was an inmate 
of Selsey Abbey, was seized with the plague, which was 
then desolating the country. As the poor lad was lying 
on his bed, he was accosted by two angel visitants, who 
bade him tell the frightened monks that the plague would 
spread no further, and that it had been stayed by the 
prayers of King Oswald of Northumbria, of whose death 
that very day was the anniversary. " Let them," said St 
Peter, for no less a person was the speaker, " search in their 
books, in which are recorded the deaths of deceased persons, 
and they will find that on this day he was taken." The 
abbot, we are told, believed the boy's words, and straightway 
went and searched in his chronicle, and found that on that 
very day King Oswald had been slain. Not only, however, 
was learning in general preserved, but the arts were cultivated 
in the monasteries ; and several of the pictures which have 
come down to us of Anglo-Saxon times, copies of some of 
which I present before you, were executed by the Abbot of 

Some of the grave and reverend fathers who presided over 
the monasteries had, however, I am sorry to say, a very 
ungallant prejudice against the softer sex. St Columba 
would not allow his followers to keep cows, for the following 
reason : " Where there is a cow there must be a woman, and 
where there is a woman there must be mischief!" Archbishop 
^Elfric declared : " Neither a wife nor a battle becomes the 
priests." * 

Many of the monastic legends of this period are very 
curious, and serve well to illustrate the state of feeling and 
superstition of the times. Laurentius, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, one morning presented himself to the Saxon king, 
Eadbald, with his shoulders bloody and marked with stripes, 
and declared that, having passed the night in the church 
dedicated to St Peter and St Paul, the former of those 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 52. 


apostles appeared to him, and gave him a very sound flog- 
ging for allowing the king to forsake Christianity. On this 
the king was so frightened, thinking that he should be served 
far worse than even the archbishop, that he took immediate 
measure to suppress the idolatries which he had been en- 

The famous St Dunstan, among other more refined and 
learned accomplishments, followed the pursuit of a blacksmith. 
One evening, while he was at his forge, the devil thrust his 
head in at the window, and began to tempt him with some 
very immoral proposals. St Dunstan patiently allowed him 
to go on until the tongs were red-hot in the fire, when, snatch- 
ing them suddenly up, he seized with them the capacious 
nose of the devil, who roared so loud that the whole neigh- 
bourhood round rang with his bellowing.-f 

On another occasion, when the devil was misconducting 
himself in the presence of St Dunstan, the indignant saint 
took up his staff, and belaboured the devil with it so heartily, 
that it broke in three pieces.^ Some time after this, how- 
ever, St Dunstan got into trouble, and was, what would be 
called in these days, sold up. While the bailiffs, or whatever 
the people were who were employed to take an inventory of 
his goods and chattels, were so engaged, the devil came and 
laughed so heartily at seeing the poor abbot in trouble, that 
he quite made the building re-echo with the noise. St Dun- 
stan, however, told him that he should very soon be all right 
again. While some people who had been violently opposed 
to St Dunstan were standing before him, the floor of the room 
suddenly gave way, as though by a miracle, at the words of 
St Dunstan, and fell to the ground with his adversaries, of 
whom some were crushed to death, and many grievously 
wounded, while the part of the room which St Dunstan 
occupied remained unmoved. It has been suggested that St 
Dunstan's skill as a blacksmith may have been serviceable to 
him on this occasion, and that he probably contrived the 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 233. t //>., p. 241. 

t It. /<>., p. 243. 


means by which the floor fell. * Among other officers of the 
Church at this time was one called the exorcist, whose duty 
and office it was to drive out devils.-f- 

The houses of this period belonging to the Anglo-Saxons 
were, as I have already mentioned, generally built of timber. 
This was the case with the Abbey of Croyland, with its 
infirmary and chapel, baths, hall, strangers' apartments, brew- 
house, bakehouse, granaries, and stables, all of which were 
constructed of beams of wood and boards closely joined, and 
most beautifully worked by the admirable art of the car- 
penter, and covered with lead. In a passage in the charter of 
King Edward the Confessor, to Malmesbury Abbey, it is 
stated : " All the monasteries of my realm are to the sight 
nothing but worm-eaten and rotten timbers and boards." 
Timber buildings admitted, however, of a great deal of archi- 
tectural ornament, and the experience of many of us will tell 
us that buildings of this class are frequently highly picturesque. 
Alfred the Great, we are told, displayed considerable taste, 
both in the construction and decoration of his palaces, all or 
most of which were of wood.* The Anglo-Saxon houses of 
the principal kind were usually erected near a spring, a wood, 
or an open field, and at a distance from any others, until 
towns were formed by building round a chieftain's castle, a 
temple, or a market. The best of their dwellings were only 
thick heavy pillars, united by boards, and covered with turf, 
though there sometimes existed a pride in having them of 
great extent, and adorned with lofty towers. A palace is 
recorded of 135 feet long. 

The building of fortresses and castles is, however, recorded 
in that ancient and interesting record of this period, the 
" Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." Thus, in the year 91 3, we are told : 
" This year, by the help of God, Ethelfeld, Lady of the 
Mercians, went with all the Mercians to Tamworth, and there 
built the fortress early in the summer ; and after this, before 
Lammas, that at Stafford. 914, Then after this, in the next 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 244. t J&. J Il>., p. 317. 

Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit, vol. ii., p. 105. 


year, that at Eddesbury, early in the summer ; and afterwards, 
in the same year, late in the harvest, that at Warwick. 915, 
Then after this, in the next year, after midwinter, that at 
Cherburgh, and that at Warburton ; and that same year, 
before midwinter, that at Runcorn. 915, This year was 
Warwick built." 

The dwellings of the wealthier classes of this period appear 
to have been very completely, and sometimes splendidly 
furnished. Their walls were hung with silk, richly embroidered 
with gold or colours. You have exhibited in the diagram, 
which was copied from an original drawing contained in one 
of the valuable collections of the Anglo-Saxon period in the 
British Museum, a representation of an Anglo-Saxon house 
adorned in the way I have described. The hangings here 
appear to be at the entrance of the house, as well as in the 
apartments. The lower part of the drawing represents some 
beds of this period, the inmates of which seem to be very 
comfortably reposing. 

In another diagram, which was also copied from an Anglo- 
Saxon missal, you have a quaint representation of the 
interior of an Anglo-Saxon house, including the staircase, 
which seems to consist of little more than a long plank, with 
some pieces of wood nailed upon it. Also of a wine-cellar, a 
pump, and the vessels then in use for holding wine. 

The needle-work, for which the English ladies of that time 
were so famous, was there displayed to great advantage.* 
The four daughters of one of the Anglo-Saxon kings pecu- 
liarly excelled in spinning, weaving, and needle-work ; "f* and 
I am glad to be able to record that the industry of these 
interesting young ladies was equal to their ability. Even the 
grave St Dunstan himself condescended to draw a pattern for 
a priest's vestment, which a lady belonging to a religious 
order in the tenth century executed in threads of gold. 

Both painting and sculpture appear to have been followed by 
the Anglo-Saxons, and in the illumination of manuscripts they 
displayed great skill. Some of the bas-reliefs in sculpture exe- 

* Pict. Hist. Erig., vol. i., p. 323. t lb., p. 320. 



cuted by them are said to have been as good as anything done 
at that time in Europe ; but as art was then in a very low state 
all over the Continent, this is really but awarding slender 
praise to the skill of our ancestors in this respect. In King 
Alfred's time, and before the cathedrals of Canterbury and 
York were decorated with pictures and tapestry, we are told 
that Etherilda adorned Ely Cathedral with a series of historical 
pictures in memory of her famous husband, Birthwood. The 
churches of this period were also supplied with sculptural 
designs and figures, many of them in the rudest form. The 
pictures of the Anglo-Saxon times which I produce before 
you this evening are most of them copied from works of art of 
the period, and may therefore afford you a tolerably correct 
idea of the state of it. The figures, you will observe, are 
generally very stiff and uncouth. Occasionally they attempted 
compositions from historical and scriptural subjects, and it 
is curious to observe in these designs how little notion they 
appear to have had of other people and nations having had 
customs differing from their own. Thus, because when they 
went out they rode on horseback, and took their hounds and 
hawks with them, they thought everybody else must have done 
the same; and so they represented the Wise Men of the East 
going to present offerings to the infantf Saviour as riding on 
horseback with their hawks and hounds. In the representation 
of Jacob going into Egypt, he is drawn as riding in an Anglo- 
Saxon waggon. So also in the Anglo-Saxon picture of the 
raising of Lazarus, he is represented as in an Anglo-Saxon 
stone coffin of that period, and as having been buried in their 
own peculiar mode. This custom of representing everything in 
the fashion of their own times, was also followed by the ancient 
Britons and their immediate descendants ; and I have seen a 
sculptural device on a church in Brittany, intended to repre- 
sent the offering of the Wise Men of the East, in which not only 
do they all appear in genuine Breton costume, but St Joseph 
has on his feet a pair of huge clumsy Breton sabots or wooden 

The Anglo-Saxons cultivated poetry as well as painting, 


and there are several productions of their day still in existence. 
Music also, we are informed, was followed with much ardour 
in this country from a very early date in the Anglo-Saxon 
period. The harp was handed round at their festivals, and 
we are told of an Anglo-Saxon Bishop of Sherborne, that he 
could find no mode of commanding the attention of his towns- 
men so successful as that of standing on the bridge and singing 
a ballad which he had composed.* The music of which the 
fullest and most distinct notices have come down to us is the 
church music. In the fourth century St Ambrose is recorded 
to have introduced singing into the service of the Western 
churches, which continued in use until the end of the sixth 
century. The Gregorian chant is supposed to have been intro- 
duced in this country by St Augustine. Bede asserts that in 
678 one John was sent from Rome by the pope to teach music 
to the English clergy, and that he both gave instructions in 
the art during his stay, and left behind him written directions 
for its study. Musical instruments, too, of great variety were 
in use among the Anglo-Saxons. So early as the eighth 
century the Anglo-Saxons appear to have had organs in their 
churches, and some of these had even keys and gilt cases. 
One is described as having copper pipes, and another, in the 
year 669, as having twelve pairs of bellows above, fourteen 
below, four hundred pipes, and requiring seventy strong men 
to work it.-f- Kings joined in the services of the church, and 
sung the offices in surplices. At certain seasons the choirs of 
the churches were strewed with hay, and at others with sand ; 
on Easter Sunday with ivy leaves, and sometimes with 

Books were very rare among the Anglo-Saxons, and their 
poems were graven upon small staves or rods, one line upon 
each face of the rod. Vellum or parchment afterwards sup- 
plied the place of these materials, and some of the Anglo- 
Saxon manuscripts preserved in the British Museum are written 
upon vellum. But comparatively few persons were then able 

* Palg. Hist. Anglo-Saxons, p. 152. 

t Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. L, p. 56. $ //>., p. 57- 


to write ; and indeed not many even of the higher ranks could 
read. The great Emperor Charlemagne never advanced so 
far in his education as to be able to write his name. The 
long peace which followed King Alfred's triumph over the 
Danes, about the year 887, was the season of the revival of 
learning in England. The laity were generally uneducated, 
but very often had a son or servant taught to read for them. 
Alfred himself was twelve years old before he could read, and 
he was then induced to learn from his stepmother Judith 
promising a volume of poetry, with coloured pictures in it, 
which he had often admired, to such of her sons as should be 
first able to read it* It is said, however, that a certain rude 
kind of printing, by means of stamps with raised letters, which 
were impressed on stone or wood, was in use among the Anglo- 
Saxons. The wood used was beech, and the word boc or 
book signified a beech-tree. This process was also known to 
the Romans.-f- 

Church bells are supposed to have been introduced about 
the seventh century, and were originally rung by the priests, 
and afterwards by persons who were blind or maimed. \ 

Some eccentric notions on the subjects of geography and 
astronomy appear to have been entertained by the Anglo- 
Saxons. They taught that there were red hens near the Red 
Sea which consumed any persons who touched them, and 
that there were human beings fifteen feet high, with two faces 
on one head. There were some men, they asserted, twenty 
feet high, of three different colours. One Anglo-Saxon MS. 
notes that the sun is red in the evening, because he then looks 
over hell, where he shines during the night. 

The Anglo-Saxon chairs and benches, judging from the 
representations of them which have been handed down to us, 
were not very comfortable to sit upon ; but possibly the un- 
skilfulness of the artist who drew them has failed to do them 
justice. They somewhat resemble our modern camp-stools. 
If, however, they were not very convenient to use, they were 

* Thompson's Illust. <St. Brit., vol. ii., p. 88. t Ib. 

% Ib. /*., p. 98. 


very ornamental as regards their appearance, having the heads 
and feet of lions, eagles, griffins, and other fierce animals carved 
upon them. They were also occasionally ornamented with 
gold and silver.* 

, The Anglo-Saxons appear to have had tables as well 
as chairs, and both oval and long ; and not only tables, 
but table-cloths, knives, spoons, drinking-horns, cups, bowls, 
and dishes. It is singular, however, that they seem never to 
have had any forks. Gold and silver plate they had in abund- 
ance, and some of this was very costly .-f- 

The earliest invention for measuring time was probably the 
sun-dial, to which reference is made in the Bible, and which 
appears to have been in use at a very early period of the 
world's history. During the ninth century the clocks were 
somewhat on the plan of an hour-glass. The water was con- 
tained in a basin, which had very small holes at the bottom, 
through which the water dropped into another basin, the sides 
of which were marked with lines to show the hours. A water 
clock which was sent as a present to the Emperor Charlemagne, 
is described as having twelve doors, and at each door was 
placed a small armed figure, which opened and shut the 
door according as the hours revolved, and also, by means of 
some mechanical contrivance, struck the time upon a metal 
bell. I Candles were also, at certain periods of our history, 
and particularly during Alfred's time, resorted to for the pur- 
pose of measuring time. 

I must now say something upon a subject which many will 
perhaps consider rather dry, but which it is very desirable to 
know a little about I mean the civil institutions and laws of 
the times of which I have been speaking, and which form the 
foundation of many of those now in being. Sir Francis 
Palgrave, in his admirable "History of the Anglo-Saxons," 
gives the following graphic sketch of the Anglo-Saxon legis- 
lative assembly or parliament ; so we will just fancy that we 
have got an order into the gallery, as some of you may have 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 324. t Ib., p. 325. 

Markham's Hist. France, p. 29. 


done as regards the House of Lords or House of Commons 
of the present day, and are taking a peep at the Anglo-Saxon 
King Edward the Confessor, who is sitting in his hall sur- 
rounded by his nobles and ministers. 

" Those persons who are sitting and standing nearest to the king 
are his chief officers of state. That tall, thin, rough-looking man is 
Algar, whom the Franks call the Constable of the Host. This 
gentleman appears to be a sort of Master of the Horse of the 
Anglo-Saxon cabinet, as we are told that not one of the king's 
horses is sent to grass without his special order. The portly noble- 
man with the huge knife and wooden trencher is ^Ethelmar, the Dish 
Thane he carves the meat for royalty. Hugoline, that cautious, 
sly-looking clerk, is the Bower Thane, or Chamberlain ; he keeps the 
key of the king's Hoard. You would be astonished to see the heaps 
of treasure in the low-vaulted chamber ; and yet there is not quite so 
much in the hoard as there used to be. ... Those quiet, 
shrewd-looking men, with shaven crowns, are Osbern, Peter, Robert, 
Gyso, and the rest of the clerks of the king's chapel. He who sits 
at the head of the bench, is Reinbaldus the Chancellor. These 
venerable persons have been gradually gaining more and more 
influence in the Witenagemot, though anciently they were only 
appointed for the purpose of celebrating mass, and singing in the 
king's chapel ; and Reinbaldus, the Chancellor, ... is a kind 
of dean, the king's confessor, who takes care of the king's conscience, 
and imposes very hard penances upon him when he has sinned. 
The Anglo-Saxon kings employ their chaplains as their writing 
clerks. King Edward caused a great seal to be made, on which you 
may see his effigy in his imperial robes ; and to all the writs, or 
written letters, which issue in his name, an impression from that seal 
is appended. It is by such writs that our [Anglo-Saxon] king 
signifies his commands. If a question of great importance is to be 
decided before the Thanes of the Shire, in a manner out of the 
ordinary course, it is heard before certain clerks and others, named 
by the king's writ If a clerk is promoted to a bishopric, he must 
have a writ before he can be placed in his chair or throne. If you 
wish to obtain the king's protection, or his 'peace,' you had best 
obtain a writ, by which this favour is testified. For this purpose 
you must apply to the clerks of the chapel. Whether issued^by the 


king's special direction or not, the writ is often a long time making 
its appearance. And suitors find that a golden cup placed in the 
king's wardrobe, or a bay stallion sent to the royal stable, has a 
great effect in driving the chaplain's quill. At present great part of 
our law business is cheaply, expeditiously, and equitably despatched 
in the ordinary Folkmoots, or Courts of the Hundred, or of the 
Shire, which go on regularly, by immemorial usage, without any 
writ or other sanction from the king. These tribunals we derive 
from our remotest ancestors. ... So much for those who are 
about the king. With respect to the Witenagemot itself, you will 
observe that it is divided into three orders or estates. The mitres 
and cowls of those who are nearest to the king, sufficiently point out 
that the ' lewed folk ' or laymen, have yielded the place of power to 
the clergy. . . . You see that near the bishops and abbots are 
many clergy of inferior degree. Every bishop brings with him a 
certain number of priests elected or selected from his own diocese. 
. . . Beneath the clergy sit the lay peers and other rulers, who 
are bound by homage to the Crown. That vacant seat belongs to 
Malcolm, King of the Scots, or, as some begin to call him, the King 
of Scotland. The wicked usurper Macbeth had possession of his 
throne. ... By King Edward's command the stout Earl Siward 
marched all his forces across the Tweed with a mighty army. Mac- 
beth had called the Northmen to his aid, but his resistance was 
hopeless ; he was expelled, and Malcolm, as King Edward had com- 
manded, was restored to the inheritance of his ancestors. Malcolm 
ought to be here in person. When he comes up he is escorted from 
shire to shire by earls and bishops ; and at convenient distances, 
mansions and townships have been assigned to him, where he and 
his attendants may abide and rest. Yet, with all these aids, the 
journey is most tedious, and not unfrequently accompanied by 
danger ; besides which, it is not altogether safe for Malcolm to leave 
the wild Scots, his turbulent subjects, uncontrolled during the very 
long space of time, seldom so little as half a year, which he must 
pass upon the road." What a contrast to the travelling in our day ! 
" Watling Street is much out of repair ; it has not had a stone laid 
upon it since the arrival of Hengist and Horsa ; and the top of the 
Roman Fosseway is worse than the bottom of a ditch ; and therefore 
the attendance of the King of Scots is generally excused. The King 
of Cumbria, and the kings, or ' under-kings ' of the Welsh, sit nigh 


unto the King of Scots. The two latter . . . have just now 
sworn oaths to King Edward ; . . . but the Welsh are an un- 
faithful nation, untrue even to themselves. Griffith, the brother of 
the Welsh kings, . . . was slain by his own men, and his bloody 
head was sent by Earl Harold to King Edward at London. . . . 
On the same bench with these vassal kings sit the great earls of the 
realm, distinguished by the golden collars and caps of maintenance 
which they wear. . . . He who looks so fell and grim is Siward 
the son of Beorn, Earl of Northumbria. The good people in the 
north . . . actually believe that Siward's grandfather was a bear 
in the forests of Norway, and that when his father Beorn lifted up his 
uncombed locks, the two pointed shaggy ears, which he had inherited 
from the bear, testified the nature of his sire. Siward himself takes 
no pain to contradict this story ; on the contrary, I rather think that 
he considers it as a piece of good policy to encourage any report 
which may add to the terror inspired by his name. He has declared 
that he will never die, except in full armour. 

" Earl Leofric of Mercia, as you see, keeps at a distance from 
Earl Godwin of Wessex." It was this Earl Leofric who was the 
husband of the famous Lady Godiva, and who made Coventry toll- 
free. "These noblemen are always opposed to each other; and I 
dread the consequences of such dissensions. . . . The earls 
thus constitute the second order of the Witan. The third and lowest 
order in rank ... is composed of the Thanes, who serve the 
king in time of war, with the swords by which they are girt, and who 
are therefore called the king's ministers. The Thanes are all land- 
owners. . . . When the Witenagemot was last held at Oxford, 
I recollect conversing with some Thanes who came from the Danish 
burghs, and here also may be others from the great cities of this 
kingdom. ... I dare say they are all in the house, but the 
place is so dark that at this distance I really cannot distinguish their 
faces. As to that mixed multitude by whom the further part of the 
hall is crowded, and who can just be seen behind the Thanes, they 
consist, as far as I can judge, of the class of folks who come together 
in vast crowds at the meetings of our Hundreds and our Shires." * 

The word " Witena-gemot," by which the Saxon Parlia- 
ment was called, means "meeting of the wise." Perhaps 

* Sir F. Palgrave's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, pref. p. xiii. 


some persons may think that the Parliament of our day does 
well not to assume any such pretentious appellation. The 
laws passed by the Anglo-Saxon Parliaments were not near 
so numerous as those enacted by the Parliament of the pre- 
sent day, in which respect the Saxon Parliament ought, 
doubtless, to be preferred. The floor of the room where they 
assembled was strewed with rushes, instead of being carpeted. 
The debates of those days appear to have been very short and 
very pithy, and the language not always very ceremonious, 
or, as we should now say, " parliamentary." 

The manners displayed at the courts of the Anglo-Saxon 
kings were not, I am afraid, very refined or courtier-like ; at 
least, if we may judge from one of the laws of that period, which 
deprived of the royal protection " any person who should strike 
the queen, or snatch anything forcibly from her hand." * 

The office of king in these rude times seems to have been 
hardly one much to be coveted, inasmuch as we read that out 
of fourteen Saxon sovereigns six were murdered either by 
their relations or their rivals, five were expelled by their sub- 
jects, two became monks (probably in the hope of escaping 
a worse fate), and one only died with the crown on his head.-f* 

It seems doubtful whether trial by jury was in force in the 
times of the Anglo-Saxons, at least in the form in which it 
now exists. Indeed, the precise period of its establishment 
in this country does not appear to have been very clearly 
ascertained. Sir William Blackstone observes that this mode 
of trial has been used time out of mind in this nation, and 
seems to have been coeval with its first civil government. 
Some authors have endeavoured to trace the original of juries 
as far back as the Britons themselves, the first inhabitants of 
our island. Juries appear to have been also in use among 
the earliest Saxon colonies, and their institution has been 
ascribed to Woden himself. In England, we find actual 
mention of them so early as the laws of King Ethelred, and 
that not as a new invention. Inquiry into certain facts on 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. i., p. 171. 
t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 149. 


behalf of the Crown by means of juries, seems, however, to 
have been frequent in England long before the trial by jury 
was commonly used in courts of justice for judicial purposes.* 
Trial by ordeal was much in use among the Anglo-Saxons, 
which consisted in making the unlucky accused person handle 
a red-hot iron, or put his fingers in boiling water ; and if he 
was not burnt or scalded, he was declared innocent. County 
courts were held twice a year for deciding all matters in dis- 
pute. All public business was transacted here ; and some- 
times, for greater security, the most important law-writings or 
deeds were inserted in the blank leaves of the parish Bible. 
A certain price was put upon the commission of particular 
offences. So much for killing the king, so much for slaying 
a common person. The price of wounds was also fixed by 
the Anglo-Saxon laws. Thus, for a wound of an inch long 
under the hair was to be paid is. ; for the same wound in the 
face, 2s. ; and 303. for the loss of an ear. A leg was valued 
at 503., the little finger at us., the great toe at ios., a front 
tooth at 6s., a back tooth at is., and a nail of the finger at the 
same price.-f 

Allusions to the different kinds of punishment inflicted for 
various offences are contained in the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." 
Blinding, mutilation, and scalping are referred to in that for 
the year 1036. Among other punishments inflicted upon 
criminals by the Anglo-Saxon laws, besides fines and death, 
were imprisonment, outlawry, banishment, slavery, transporta- 
tion, whipping, branding, and the pillory. Wounding, amputa- 
tion of limb, cutting the nose, ears, and lips, plucking out the 
eyes, and tearing off the hair, are also specified as punishments. 
Their common capital punishment seems to have been hang- 
ing, and in some instances stoning. J 

When land was sold in these early times, the owner cut a 
turf, and threw it into the lap of the purchaser, as a token 
that the possession of the earth was transferred. Sometimes 
he tore off the branch of a tree, and put it in the hand of the 

* Law Amendment Journal, vol. ii., p. 118. 

t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 260. J Ib., vol. i. 


person who bought the property ; and when the buyer of a 
house received possession, or seisin, as it was termed, the 
key of the door, or a bundle of thatch pulled from the roof, 
was given into his hands. Under the Danish kings who ruled 
in England, the delivery of a drinking-horn was used as the 
mode of conveying property ; and sometimes property was 
held on condition of producing this article when required. 
The estate of Pusey in Berkshire is still held by the posses- 
sion of a horn, by the delivery of which it was granted by 
King Canute to an officer in his army, who, according to 
tradition, had made his way in disguise into the camp of the 
Saxon enemy, and there obtained information of a plot laid 
to surprise the Danes. The Pusey horn was most probably 
the drinking-horn of Canute. It is an ox-horn of a dark- 
brown colour, about two feet in length, and a foot in circum- 
ference at the rim. At the small end is a hound's head of 
silver gilt, made to screw in as a stopper ; and by taking out 
this, it might be made to serve as a hunting-horn, a use of it 
which appears to be indicated by two rings, one at the mouth, 
and another at the middle, with which it is furnished, as if for 
a strap or belt to go through. There is a broad silver ring 
round the middle of the horn, with an inscription upon it, stat- 
ing that it was given by the king to William Pewse, to hold 
his land by. It has remained with the estate in the same 
family from that time to the present nearly a thousand 

As regards the other modes of passing property at this 
time, wills were then in use. There are several Anglo-Saxon 
wills among the ancient manuscripts in the British Museum ; 
and some of these I have inspected, in company with the late 
Mr John Mitchell Kemble, the eminent Anglo-Saxon scholar. 
In the wills of persons of that time are occasionally mentioned 
beds, pillows of straw, bed-clothes, curtains, and sheets. Skins 
of animals were sometimes used as coverlids ; and a goat- 
skin bed-covering is mentioned as a present made to an 
Anglo-Saxon abbot. In an Anglo-Saxon poem we are told 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 325. 


that when the evening came on, the tables were taken away, 
and the apartment was spread with beds and bolsters, by 
which it would appear that the company slept in the same 
room in which they had been feasting. The " beer-servants," 
as they were called, are afterwards described as putting up the 
shields and arms round the walls, so that the warriors might 
have them ready at the first alarm,* a not unnecessary pre- 
caution in those lawless times. 

Glass vessels appear to have been rare in the Anglo-Saxon 
days. Silver candlesticks were, however, in use, and silver 
mirrors, and horn lanterns are alluded to in some of their 
documents. The Anglo-Saxons also possessed boiling vessels, 
for the purpose of cooking their meat. Strange, however, to 
say, these vessels were made not of iron or brass, but of leather, 
and were manufactured by the shoemakers.*!* They had also 
ovens for baking meat and bread. Roast meats at that time 
were brought up to table by the servants, not upon dishes, 
but upon spits, and the guests cut off such portions of them 
as they pleased. This fashion was also followed among the 

The next diagram exhibited is intended to represent an 
Anglo-Saxon dinner-party, and is copied from a drawing con- 
tained in an Anglo-Saxon manuscript in the British Museum. 
I am sorry to observe that there are no ladies among the com- 
pany, which, I have no doubt, is the cause of the somewhat 
doleful expression of more than one of the guests. The 
admission of ladies to their entertainments is remarked upon 
by one of the chroniclers of those times as one of the surest 
marks of the advance of civilisation. The table is covered 
with a rich cloth, which, we are told, extended over the knees 
of the guests, and served also as a substitute for napkins. 
Knives are lying on the table, and are in the hands of two of 
the company. The feast does not appear very abundant, but 
bowls and dishes are on the table, in which some viands are 
placed, and there are loaves of bread. Two servants are seen 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 325, 326. t Ib., p. 326. 

* n>, p. 327- 


on their knees offering the meat on spits. The guest in the 
centre holds a drinking-horn in his hand. There do not 
appear to be any plates on the table. 

The Anglo-Saxons generally sat at their feasts on long 
benches, at large square tables, and every person took his 
place according to his rank. But if any one assumed a higher 
place than he was entitled to, he was put down to the bottom 
of the table, and all the company were allowed, by a law of 
Canute, without its being considered any breach of civility, 
to pelt him with bones.* This, I am sure, would not have 
been allowed had the ladies been present at their feasts. 

I will now endeavour to afford you some description of the 
dresses worn by the people of this period. Great progress in 
civilisation had in this respect been made at the time of the 
Anglo-Saxons, since the ancient British were the sole occu- 
pants of our isle, whose attire, as I have already mentioned, 
when they had any, was of the rudest description. The 
female costume of the Anglo-Saxons appears to have con- 
sisted generally of a long and ample garment, with loose 
sleeves, worn over a closer fitting one, which had tight sleeves, 
reaching to the wrist, shoes similar to those worn by the men, 
and a head-dress, formed of a veil or long piece of linen or 
silk, wrapped round the head and neck. The mantle also 
formed part of the dress of the higher classes. The Anglo- 
Saxon ladies paid great attention to the dressing and orna- 
menting of their hair. They also used paint to render their 
cheeks more blooming, and to add to their natural charms. 
Cuffs and ribbons are mentioned in the will of an Anglo- 
Saxon lady, and also a bracelet. And the different docu- 
ments of this period allude to earrings, crosses, and gold 
ornaments for the hair. Gloves, however, appear to have 
been very rare among the Anglo-Saxons. Among the repre- 
sentations of male figures they are never met with ; but they 
are occasionally alluded to in certain documents as being 
great rarities.^ 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 261. 
t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 328-330. 


The chariots of the Anglo-Saxons seem to have been con- 
structed with some ingenuity, rude and unwieldy as they 
undoubtedly must have been. Of course, there were no 
springs to them ; and considering the roughness of the roads 
of those times, the jolting which the fair ladies experienced, 
even at the very moderate pace at which they travelled, 
must have considerably diminished the pleasure of the excur- 
sion. The roads were generally very bad, full of holes, and 
much neglected. Inns were very rare, and wolves and bears 
and highway robbers very common. Bad, therefore, as 
travelling on horseback was, that by carriage was much worse. 

There appears to be considerable uncertainty as to the 
nature of the military costume which was worn by the Anglo- 
Saxons. They are described, when they invaded this country, 
as being armed with "daggers, white sheathed piercers, spears 
and shields, the latter being made of split wood, and four- 
pointed or square helmets." " Their leader," we are told, " was 
armed in scaly mail, carrying a projecting shield, a slaughtering 
pike, and wore the skin of a beast." The Anglo-Saxon 
shield seems to have been oval or convex, with an iron 
umbo or boss. The shields are represented in the pictures of 
that period as painted with red and blue borders, but the 
ground and centre are generally white. They were some- 
times covered with leather ; but according to one of the 
Saxon laws no shield-maker was allowed to put a sheep-skin 
over a shield. The rim and boss were of iron, either painted 
or gilt. They were held at arm's length in action, like those 
of the Britons, and were occasionally large enough to cover 
nearly the whole body. Their offensive weapons were all 
made of iron, the swords being long, broad, and double- 

Their javelins and spears were sometimes barbed, some- 
times leaf-shaped. They fought also with axes fixed to long 
handles. The Anglo-Saxons are said to have neglected the 
use of bows and arrows in war, but in which it is asserted that 
the Danes showed much skill.* 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 332, 333. 


The Anglo-Saxon ships had their bows richly ornamented 
and carved, sometimes with the figure of a horse. At the 
stern were two oars for steering instead of a rudder, and the 
cabin was in the middle of the deck in the form of a house. 
They seem to have had but few ropes, and only a single 
square sail fastened to a yard across the mast. The Anglo- 
Saxon kings are said occasionally to have steered their ships 
with their own hands.* 

Ample employment was afforded for many of the people 
of these times in felling trees and cutting down timber for 
firewood, building, and other purposes, by means of which 
the vast forests which covered the country were gradually 

This nation appears to have made considerable progress 
in agriculture during the period of the Anglo-Saxons, and the 
great bulk of the Anglo-Saxon population were engaged 
in producing food. A large portion of each estate was 
woodland, which furnished a supply of fuel, and also timber 
for building ; and farms generally, though varying in size, 
were divided as at present, though in different proportions to 
those which now prevail, into meadow, pasture, arable, and 
woodland. Deep ditches, instead of walls or hedges, were 
then used to separate the lands. In one of the drawings 
contained in an Anglo-Saxon manuscript you have a repre- 
sentation of a farmer's wife feeding her pigs by knocking 
down acorns for them. Indeed, the value of a tree appears at 
this time to have been determined by the number of swine 
that could be collected under its branches. Almost three 
parts of the kingdom are said to have been then set apart for 
cattle ; but there was little ploughing in proportion. An acre 
of land seems to have been frequently sold for the price of 
four sheep. A cow was of six times less value than a horse, 
and a donkey or mule was double the price of an ox. The 
farmers milked their ewes for the sake of the cheese which 
was made from their milk. The month of May was called 
Tri-milchi, because they then began to milk their cattle three 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., pp. 242, 243. 


times a day.* September was the principal season of their 
religious ceremonies, and in February they made an offering 
of cakes to their deities, before they became converted to 
Christianity. Yule, answering to the present Christmas, from 
whence we have the name of the Yule-log, was also a time of 
sacred festivity .-f- 

As regards the cattle of the Anglo-Saxons, the sheep was 
prized chiefly on account of its fleece, which was valued at 
two-fifths of the value of the whole sheep. On the other 
hand, swine were of no value except as food ; and yet they 
were kept in great numbers during the whole of the Anglo- 
Saxon times, and none of the occupations of husbandry are 
more frequently mentioned than that of the swineherd. It 
will be recollected, too, that it was in the cottage of a swine- 
herd that Alfred the Great on one occasion took refuge, when 
he received a sound scolding from the wife of the owner, who 
little thought who her guest was, because he forgot to turn 
the cakes during her absence, and allowed them to get burnt. 
Swine could be driven into the woods and on the waste lands 
equally well with neat cattle ; and the food which they picked 
up there the acorns and beech-mast was much superior for 
its fattening effects to that which was the spontaneous growth 
of the pastures in which cattle were fed. The word " bacon " 
is said to have been applied to the flesh of the swine from 
this custom of feeding the animal on beech-mast, the ancient 
name of which was "bucon." In " Doomsday Book," which was 
composed by command of William the Conqueror, and to 
which I shall have hereafter more particularly to refer, 
pannage, or swine's food, is returned for 16,535 hogs in 
Middlesex; in Hertfordshire for 30,705 ; and in Essex, which 
was one continued forest, for 92,991. In the will of a noble- 
man 2000 swine are left to his two daughters. Another 
nobleman gives to his relations a hide of land with 100 swine, 
and he directs 200 swine to be given to two priests in equal 
proportions for the good of his soul. One person gives land 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 276. 

t Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. L, p. 29. 



to a church on condition that 200 swine are fed for the use of 
his wife. 

In addition, however, to swine and sheep, goats, geese, 
and fowls formed a portion of the farming stock, as also 
cows, oxen, horses, and mules, to which I have already 

Famines were frequent at this time, owing mainly to the 
very imperfect system of domestic management and agri- 
cultural economy which prevailed. From the same cause a 
large number of cattle perished from actual want every winter. 
To the" occurrence of famines occasional reference is made in 
the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." Thus, in the year 1044, it is 
recorded as follows : " In this year was a very great famine 
over all England ; and corn was so dear as no man before 
remembered, so that the sester of wheat went up to sixty 
pence, and even farther." And some years after this it is 
stated : " From the badness of the weather there was so 
great a famine throughout England, that many hundreds 
died of hunger. Oh, how disastrous ! how rueful, were those 
times ! when the wretched people were brought to the point 
of death by the fever; then the cruel famine came and finished 

The occurrence of pestilence is also mentioned in the same 
Chronicle. Thus, in the year 664, we are told : " This year 
there was a great pestilence in the isle of Britain, and Bishop 
Tuda died of the pestilence, and was buried at Wagile," 
which is supposed to be a place now called Finchale, near 

On this occasion, as on several others, the plague was 
observed to be preceded by an eclipse of the sun, which was 
considered ominous of other calamities also. Thus it is re- 
corded of this same year 664 : " This year the sun was 
eclipsed on the 5th before the nones of May ; Earconbert, 
King of the Kentish men, died." 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 276-279. 

t Note to Bede's " Ecclesiastical History, " edited by Dr Giles, chap, xxvii., 
p. 162. 



The Venerable Bede, in his "Ecclesiastical History," also 
makes mention'of the eclipse and plague this year:* "In the 
year of our Lord's incarnation 664, there happened an eclipse 
of the sun on the 3d of May, about ten o'clock in the morning. 
In the same year a sudden pestilence also depopulated the 
southern coasts of Britain ; and afterwards extending into the 
province of the Northumbrians, ravaged the country far and 
near, and destroyed a great multitude of men." 

The same historian has another record to the same effect, 
which is as follows : " In the year of our Lord's incarnation 
729, two comets appeared about the sun, to the great terror 
of the beholders. One of them went before the rising sun in 
the morning, the other followed him when he set at night, as 
it were presaging much destruction to the east and west. 
One was the forerunner of the day, and the other of the night, 
to signify that mortals were threatened with calamities at 
both times. They carried their flaming tails towards the 
north, as it were ready to set the world on fire. They 
appeared in January, and continued nearly a fortnight, at 
which time a dreadful plague of the Saracens ravaged France 
with miserable slaughter. But they not long after in that 
country received the punishment due to their wickedness." 

Two eclipses are, however, noted by Bede, which were 
not considered to prognosticate any calamity. Thus he 
mentions : "In the year 538 there happened an eclipse of the 
sun on the i6th of February, from the first to the third hour." 
" In the year 540 an eclipse of the sun happened on the 
2Oth of June, and the stars appeared during almost half an 
hour after the third hour of the day." 

He also alludes to the eclipse of the sun recorded in the 
"Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" of the year 664, to the death of 
King Earconbert, and to the pestilence which followed it. 

In the year 734 Bede tells us that "the moon on the 2d 
before the kalends of February, about the time of cock- 
crowing, was for about a whole hour covered with a bloody red, 
after which a blackness followed, and she regained her light." 

* Chapter xxvii. 


In the year 756 he records an eclipse of the sun, and after 
that " the moon suffered an eclipse, being most horridly 
black." No calamity, however, appears to have ensued. 

The eclipses of the sun recorded by Bede in the years 538 
and 540 are also noted in the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." Dur- 
ing an eclipse in the year 733, we are told that " the whole disc 
of the sun was like a black shield." And that in the year 
734 " the moon was as if it had been sprinkled with blood." 
Several other eclipses, both of the sun and moon, are men- 
tioned in the same Chronicle, some of which were followed 
by civil commotions, or the deaths of persons of consequence. 

In the year 808 it is recorded that "a cross appeared in the 
moon on a Wednesday at dawn ; and afterwards in this year, 
on the third before the kalends of September, a wonderful 
circle was seen about the sun." No event of importance 
appears, however, to have ensued. 

In the year 827 it is recorded : " This year the moon was 
eclipsed ; and the same year King Egbert conquered the 
kingdom of the Mercians, and all that was south of the 

In the year 879 we are told that " a body of pirates drew 
together, and sat down at Fulham on the Thames ; and that 
same year the sun was eclipsed during one hour of the day." 

An entry in the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" records that 
Louis, King of the French, died the year that the sun was 

It is also mentioned, that in the year 904, " Ethelwald came 
hither over sea with the ships that he was able to get, and 
he was submitted to in Essex. This year the moon was 

In the year 678 it is recorded that "the star called a comet 
appeared in August, and shone like a sunbeam every morning 
for three months ; and Bishop Wilfrid was driven from his 
bishopric by King Egfrid." And that in the year 729 " a 
comet appeared, and Saint Egbert died." 

It is recorded in the Chronicle for 892 that a comet appeared 
that year. The chronicler remarks of it : " Some men say in 


English that it is a hairy star, because a long radiance streams 
from it, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on each 

In 975 we are told that "a comet appeared during harvest, 
and there came in the following year a very great famine, 
and very manifold commotions among the English people." 

In 744 it is recorded that " stars were seen to shoot rapidly 
before the death of Wilfrid, Archbishop of York." 

The following entry occurs respecting the year 773 : " This 
year a fiery crucifix appeared in the heavens after sunset ; and 
the same year the Mercians and the Kentish men fought at 
Oxford ; and wondrous adders were seen in the land of the 
south Saxons." 

A still more remarkable record is that relating to the year 
793 : " This year dire forewarnings came over the land of the 
Northumbrians, and miserably terrified the people. These 
were excessive whirlwinds and lightnings, and fiery dragons 
were seen flying in the air. A great famine soon followed 
these tokens ; and a little after that, in the same year, on the 
6th before the ides of January, the ravaging of heathen men 
lamentably destroyed God's church at Lindisfarne through 
rapine and slaughter. And Siga died on the 8th before the 
kalends of March." 

In the year 979 it is recorded that there "was seen a 
bloody cloud, oftentimes in the likeness of fire ; and it was 
mostly apparent at midnight, and so in various beams was 
coloured. When it began to dawn, then it glided away." 
Happily, however, no calamity followed this appalling 
omen. \ 

The following entry, in the year 926, obviously relates 
to the aurora borealis, which was, however, then deemed 
ominous : " This year fiery lights appeared in the north part 
of the heavens, and Sihtrie perished, and King Athelstan 
obtained the kingdom of the Northumbrians." 

That which follows relates to the year 1032, and the prodigy 
was deemed to have been prophetic : " In this year appeared 
the wild-fire, such as no man before remembered ; and more- 


over on all sides it did harm in many places ; and in the 
same year died Elfry, bishop at Winchester." 

The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" for the year 1048 states: "In 
this year was a great earthquake wide throughout England." 
A very severe winter is also recorded this same year. 

That for the next year, 1049, mentions : " This year also 
there was an earthquake, on the kalends of May, in many 
places in Worcester, and in Wick, and in Derby, and else- 
where ; and also there was a great mortality among men, 
and murrain among cattle. And, moreover, the wild-fire did 
much evil in Derbyshire and elsewhere." 

In the year 1060 it is recorded as follows : " In this year 
there was a great earthquake on the translation of St Martin ; 
and King Henry died in France." Tempests and other 
natural occurrences are also alluded to in these annals. Thus, 
in the Chronicle for the year 1041, it is stated : "All that year 
was a very heavy time, in many things and divers, as well in 
respect to ill seasons as to the fruits of the earth. And so 
much cattle perished in the year as no man before remembered, 
as well through various diseases as through tempests. And 
in this same time died Elsinas, Abbot of Peterborough ; and 
then Arnwius the monk was chosen abbot, because he was 
a very good man, and of great simplicity." 

Of the year 1046 it is recorded : "In this same year, after 
Candlemas, came the severe winter, with frost and snow, and 
with all kinds of tempestuous weather, so that there was no 
man then alive who could remember so severe a winter as 
this was, as well through mortality of man as murrain of 
cattle ; even birds and fishes perished through the great cold 
and famine." 

From this entry, as also from the style of building and 
costume at this period, we might be led to infer that the 
general temperature of this country must have been much 
milder than it now is. 

The Chronicle of the year 1039 records : " This year was 
the great wind." 

The cultivation of the vine was introduced into England by 


the Romans, and Gloucestershire was famous for the ex- 
cellence of its grapes.* The lands belonging to the Church 
were generally the best cultivated, and the monks themselves 
engaged in the labours of the field.-f- In these times we read 
of the inhabitants of London being occupied in getting in 
their harvest from the fields which then lay within easy reach 
of the city, and on spots which are now, and have for centuries 
been, covered with houses. 

An Anglo-Saxon manuscript contains a series of sketches 
representing the operations of husbandry during each month 
in the year. Ploughing is going forward in January, oxen 
being used for this purpose. The harness by which they 
were fastened was very different to any now in use, being 
made occasionally of twisted willows, and sometimes of the 
skins of whales. 

Horse-flesh was at one time eaten by the Saxons, but this 
practice was discouraged in the eighth century, and is supposed 
soon afterwards to have ceased. Eels were the fish most 
commonly preferred, and rent was sometimes paid with them 
instead of money. Ale was the common drink of this time, 
which was prepared as at present from malted barley ; and 
allusions are made in old manuscripts to three descriptions or 
qualities viz., mild ale, clear ale, and Welsh ale. Alehouses, 
too, seem to have been established at this early period, as we 
find that priests were forbidden to frequent the "wine-tuns ;" 
and other liquors as well as ale were sold at these places. 
Mead was the favourite beverage of the Welsh. Wine does 
not seem to have then become a common drink. 

As all the guests at an entertainment drank out of the same 
vessel, it was thought necessary to divide this by different 
partitions, so that no one of the company who was greedily 
disposed, could get more than his proper share of the liquor 
before handing it on to his neighbour.! 

Persons of wealth at this period were accustomed to take 
four meals a day ; and as flesh meat was cheap in proportion 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 283. t Ib., p. 283. 

J Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 262. 


to the price of bread, there can be no doubt that it con- 
stituted a large portion of the food of all classes. The Anglo- 
Saxons used herbs of various kinds to season their food, but 
their principal vegetable ingredient was colewort, which there 
is reason for presuming was eaten with animal food. There 
was a cook in all the monasteries, though in other households 
the cooking was done by the female servants. A rich lady is 
mentioned as leaving by her will her cook to one of her 
friends. The ancient Saxons, before they invaded this 
country, were accustomed to eat raw flesh ; but after they 
settled here, and had embraced Christianity, one of the 
canons of the Church directed that " if a person eat anything 
half-dressed, ignorantly, he should fast three days ; if know- 
ingly, four days." There were also the following quaint 
regulations on this subject : " For eating or drinking what a 
cat or dog has spoiled, he (the offending person) shall sing a 
hundred psalms, or fast a day. For giving another any liquor 
in which a mouse or a weasel shall be found dead, a layman 
shall do penance for four days ; a monk shall sing three 
hundred psalms." Among the Anglo-Saxons, excessive drink- 
ing appears to have been the common vice of all ranks of 
people, in which they spent whole nights and days without 
intermission. The harp as well as the drinking-cup was 
handed round at their feasts, and each person was expected 
to sing and play in turn.* 

When a stranger entered a house it was customary to bring 
him cold water to wash his hands, and warm water for his feet. 
The use of hot baths appears to have been general, and the 
deprivation of the use of them was inflicted by the Church as 
a penance, while cold bathing was enjoined as a mortification; 
and at the same time the penitent was to pay so little atten- 
tion to his personal ornament or comfort, that, in the words 
of the order, " the iron should not come to his hair or nails," 
that is, that neither hair nor nails should be cut/f- 

Baptism was performed by immersion within thirty days 
after the birth of the child, who was anointed with the sign of 
* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., pp. 335, 336. t Ib., p. 337. 


the cross in holy oil upon the breast ; and nearly the same 
form of words were used as those now resorted to in the Church 

The names which at this period were given to different 
people were generally those of qualities which it was thought 
peculiarly desirable for them to possess. Thus, one was 
called Athelwulf, or the noble wolf; Behrtwulf, the illustrious 
wolf; Hundbert, the illustrious hound.-f- Alfred signified an 
elf in council ; Dunstan, the mountain stone ; Editha, the 
blessed gift ; Wynfreda, the peace of man ; Addeve, the noble 
wife ; and Beage, the bracelet. J 

The Anglo-Saxons were very anxious to make their chil- 
dren strong and well fitted for war and hunting. They some- 
times made trial of a child's courage by placing him on the 
sloping roof of a building, to which if he held fast without 
screaming or seeming to be much frightened, he was called a 
stout herce or brave boy. 

The circumstance of so many names being derived at this 
period from the wolf and wolf-hunting, reminds me to mention 
here that wolves were at this time, from the number which 
infested the woods, causes of terror to many, and formed the 
principal object of pursuit in the chase. King Edgar, how- 
ever, in the year 961, thought it necessary to take some very 
decided measures to free his subjects from the wolves, which 
came down in droves from the mountains in Wales, and made 
terrible havoc among the flocks and herds. He therefore 
changed the tribute of gold, silver, and cattle, which was paid 
him yearly by the Welsh, into three hundred wolves' heads. In 
the next place he published throughout England a general 
pardon for all past offences, on condition that each criminal 
brought him by such a time a certain number of wolves' 
tongues in proportion to his crimes. Upon publishing this 
act of grace, the wolves were hunted and destroyed in such 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 256. 
t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 338. 
J Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 256. 
Ib., p. 257. 


a manner that in three years there was not one left in the 
kingdom. A spirited and exciting pursuit, too, must have 
been a wolf-hunt for the sportsman of those days, when the 
country was all open, neither canals nor railways intercepting 
their progress ; although, on the other hand, the danger of 
losing their prey in a wood, or of being themselves lost in 
a morass, must have been far from inconsiderable. The wild 
form and nimble gait of the sportsmen must have added 
greatly to the effect of the scene. 

Many of the Anglo-Saxon kings were great lovers of the 
chase. One of them, the first Harold, was called " Harefoot," 
from the swiftness with which he pursued the game on foot. 
The huntsmen were, however, generally mounted on horse- 
back. Boars and wild deer were the principal objects of 
pursuit, and hounds were trained for the purpose of hunting 
them down. Hares, and sometimes goats, were also hunted. 
Nets were frequently used, into which the hunter endeavoured 
to drive these animals. The chase was enlivened by the 
sound of the horn. Very arbitrary and rigorous laws respect- 
ing the game were enacted. Until the reign of Canute it was 
customary to hunt on Sundays. Hawking was also followed, 
and hawks were occasionally considered of great value. Bear- 
baiting was also practised.* 

The priest celebrated the marriage in the Anglo-Saxon 
times, and the mutual promises contained in the English 
Liturgy are as ancient as the period of the Anglo-Saxons. 
Large presents of gold, arms, clothes, and furniture, were 
made at the feasts which followed them, and formed the portion 
of the bride, who had a right to claim from her husband, at 
sunrise the next day, what was termed "a morning's gift," 
for her own peculiar property. A man might buy a woman 
for his wife if he did it fairly ; and when he had got a wife 
he had so much authority over her that for calling him dis- 
graceful names, pulling him by the beard, wasting his property, 
and some other heavier offences, he might give her three 
blows with a stick on any part of her body excepting her head. 

* Pict. Hist. Eng. ; Thompson's Illust. 


But if he beat her more severely, or for a less cause, he was 
liable to a heavy fine.* 

Marriages at this period seem, however, to have been chiefly 
remarkable for the extraordinary festivities that accompanied 
them, which continued for many days, and not unfrequently 
terminated in events the reverse of mirthful. Alfred the 
Great was attacked with the disorder which never left him 
during the feast in honour of his marriage. Hardecanute 
died with the cup in his hand at the marriage festival of a 
noble Dane.-f 

The Anglo-Saxons appear at one time to have burnt the 
bodies of the dead. Those of criminals were commonly so 
disposed of. The custom of interment, however, eventually 
became general. At first they used merely to cover the body 
with a mound, or a heap of stones ; but afterwards they 
adopted the custom of burying it in a pit or grave. Coffins 
in time came into use. Those for persons of wealth, were of 
stone ; those for the poor, of wood. The corpse was sometimes 
covered with a sheet of lead, and was then placed in a wooden 
coffin. Linen shrouds were used, and the clergy were buried 
in the habits of their office. In one of the Anglo-Saxon 
missals in the British Museum is a coloured drawing of a 
funeral of that time. The body is represented as being placed 
in a stone coffin, being first enveloped in a shroud. 

The funerals of rich and noble Anglo-Saxons were made 
occasions of great festivity ; and the house in which the body 
lay was a perpetual scene of feasting, singing, dancing, and 
almost every kind of riot, which was very expensive to the 
relations of the deceased. In some instances it is said that 
the visitors went so far as forcibly to prevent the body from 
being interred until they were quite sure that they had spent 
in joviality all the property which the deceased man had 

In particular parts of this country, during the time of the 

* Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., pp. 254-256. 

t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 340. 

J Thompson's Illust. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 259. 


Anglo-Saxons, the people were allowed to sell their children as 
slaves, and this practice continued until the Norman Conquest. 
Slaves are consequently often mentioned among the property 
left by will. Indeed, the trade in slaves formed a principal 
part of the export traffic of the kingdom. The mission of St 
Augustine from Rome to this country, which effected the 
conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity, is said to 
have originated in the attention of Augustine's patron Gregory 
having been attracted by the appearance of a group of young 
persons from England exposed as slaves in the market-place 
of Rome, and whom they termed Angles. Gregory is recorded 
to have exclaimed, on being told who they were, that they 
were not Angles but angels, so fair were they in appearance. 
Several laws and ecclesiastical canons were afterwards passed 
against the sale of Christian slaves to Jews or pagans. And 
it was enacted that no Christians, and no persons who had 
not committed some crime, should be sold out of the country. 
Nevertheless, we are afterwards told that the practice of sell- 
ing even their nearest relations had not been abandoned by 
the people of Northumberland. And at the time of the Con- 
quest there is the following reference to one of our great 
commercial cities, which was even then distinguished by the 
extent of its traffic : " There is a seaport town called Bristol, 
opposite to Ireland, into which its inhabitants make frequent 
voyages on account of trade. Wulfstan (then Bishop of 
Worcester) cured the people of this town of a most odious 
and inveterate custom, which they derived from their ances- 
tors, of buying men and women in all parts of England, and 
exporting them to Ireland for the sake of gain. You might 
have seen with sorrow long ranks of young persons of both 
sexes, and of the greatest beauty, tied together with ropes, 
and daily exposed to sale." * 

Sunday was the usual day for holding markets on at this 
time, until the efforts of the clergy obtained the substitution 
of Saturday/!* Sunday may probably have been appointed 
while Druidism was the religion of the country. 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 270. t /., p. 271. 


The administration of justice seems at one time during the 
period of the Anglo-Saxons to have been in a very disgrace- 
ful condition in this kingdom. The judges and magistrates 
appointed in the different cities and provinces to execute the 
laws, appear to have been generally corrupt ; and, without any 
regard to law or justice, consulted only their own interests. 
Those who made them the largest presents were sure to be 
favoured ; and although by that means the poor were most 
oppressed, the rich did not entirely escape the evil arising 
from their partial dealings. Alfred the Great did all in his 
power to put an end to this system, and in one year hanged 
as many as forty-four judges who had been proved dishonest; 
but the ensuing wars, we are told, prevented his successors 
from carrying out his intentions. To such order, nevertheless, 
do the historians of his time boast that he reduced the country, 
that a bracelet might be hung up on the hedges, and no one 
would dare to steal it. We can hardly say as much for the 
condition of the country in our day. 

King Edgar, being also determined to stop the disorders 
which afterwards broke out in this country, made a progress 
every year through some part of the kingdom, on purpose to 
hear complaints against those judges who had abused their 
authority. And he made a law that every judge convicted 
of giving sentence contrary to the laws should be fined twenty- 
six shillings (a very great sum in those days, allowing for the 
difference in the value of money) if he did it ignorantly, but 
if knowingly, should be cashiered for ever. 

The ancient Britons, although they had strongholds in the 
woods, had no towns which really deserved to be so called. 
The Romans first founded towns in this country. But as 
early as the sixth century there were as many as twenty- 
eight cities in Britain. The earliest of our towns appear to 
be those of St Albans, then called Verulam, Carlisle, Col- 
chester, York, Cambridge, or rather Grandchester near it ; 
London, Canterbury, Worcester, Porchester, Warwick, Leices- 
ter, Gloucester, and Bristol. Some of the towns mentioned 
at that time are now unknown, either from the change of 


names, or from the towns themselves having decayed. Indeed, 
many of the Roman towns appear to have been deserted or 
laid in ruins during the fierce wars that followed. It is, how- 
ever, remarkable that, with few exceptions, all the towns, and 
even villages and hamlets, which England yet possesses, 
seem to have existed from the Saxon times, although, of 
course, since then they have greatly increased in size. And 
the present division of this country into parishes is, almost 
without alteration, as old at least as the tenth century.* 

It appears most probable, from all that we can learn on the 
subject, that London was a British town, that is, a large 
enclosure protected by a rampart and fosse, previous to the 
invasion of this island by Caesar. But although Caesar crossed 
the Thames, he makes no mention of London. It has been 
conjectured, indeed, that the first cluster of houses, or huts, 
which may be considered the germ of the ancient London, 
was formed on the south side of the Thames, -f* that is, in 
Surrey, probably a little to the east of London Bridge, on the 
spot now occupied by the Brighton railway station. London 
is first spoken of by the historian Tacitus about the year 33, 
when it is merely mentioned as a place much frequented by 
merchants. In the year 62, during the revolt of Boadicea, 
the Roman commander abandoned London to the enemy, 
who massacred all the inhabitants. London appears then to 
have been incapable of making any defence against an enemy, 
and had probably no wall sufficiently strong to afford it pro- 
tection. What Roman London was, is now entirely a matter 
of conjecture ; for although pavements and other fragments of 
antiquity have been from time to time discovered, they merely 
prove that Roman structures of some splendour formerly 
existed on the sites where such remains have been dug up : 
but in regard to the buildings themselves, they afford no 
information, still less do they assist us in forming any idea of 
the general mode of building, or of the appearance of the city. 
The ancient wall of London, ascribed to Theodosius, Governor 
of Britain, began at a fort near the present site of the Tower, 

* Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 349. t /<., p. 77- 


and continued along the Minories to Cripplegate, Newgate, 
and Ludgate. The walls are said to have enclosed an area of 
somewhat more than three miles in circumference, and to 
have been guarded by fifteen towers, which latter are con- 
jectured to have been 40 feet high, and the walls 22 feet. 
The prsetorium and its adjuncts are supposed to have occu- 
pied the site of the Poultry and Cornhill, as tesselated pave- 
ments have been discovered there, and at the Lothbury 
gate of the Bank, and near St Mary's, Woolnoth.* 

There is an entry in the " Anglo-Saxon Chronicle " which 
records that in the year 1013, King Sweyn of Denmark, who 
invaded this country, came to London, and that " much of 
his people was drowned in the Thames, because they kept not 
to any bridge." From this we may infer that there were at 
that time several bridges, though very rude in their construc- 
tion, and not admitting of many persons to pass over at once. 
And in the account in the same Chronicle of King Godwin's 
advancement upon London and South wark, in the year 1052, 
it is mentioned that his forces, after the flood tide, "soon 
drew their anchors, and held their way through the bridge by 
the south shore." 

We must suppose that London greatly declined in appear- 
ance during the barbarous period that succeeded the departure 
of the Romans, when it was several times ravaged, and 
occasionally burnt. In the sixth century it became the 
capital of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Essex, and in the 
following one a bishop's see. In the year 886 it was rebuilt 
and fortified by Alfred the Great.-f 

All around London was at this time open country. To- 
wards the north-east there was a deep marsh, the name of 
which is still retained in Moorfields, and which extended to 
the foot of the Roman ramparts. On the western side of the 
city, and at the distance of nearly two miles, the branches of 
a small river which fell into the Thames formed an island so 
overgrown with thickets and brushwood, that the Saxons 
called it Thorney, or the Isle of Thorns. The river surround- 

* Penny Cycl., art. "London." t Pict. Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 162. 


ing Thorney crept sullenly along ; and the spot was so wild 
and desolate, that it is described as a fearful and terrible place, 
which no one could approach after nightfall without great 
danger. In this island there had been an ancient Roman 
temple, dedicated to Apollo. Sebert, King of Essex, being 
converted to Christianity, resolved to build a church on 
Thorney, having selected this spot, it is supposed, on account 
of its seclusion. This church was dedicated to St Peter, and 
was the original structure of what now forms Westminster 
Abbey. The bones of King Sebert are supposed still 
to rest within the walls of this church. The consecration 
of Westminster Abbey is recorded in the "Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle" for the year 1066, in the following terms : " In this 
year was consecrated the minster at Westminster, on Childer- 
mass day. And King Edward died on the eve of Twelfth 
Day, and was buried on Twelfth Day within the newly con- 
secrated church at Westminster." 

Sebert, King of Essex, is said also to have erected a 
cathedral church to St Paul on the site of the present build- 
ing, where the heathen temple to Diana once stood.* It 
would appear, however, from the following entry in the 
" Anglo-Saxon Chronicle " for the year 962, that this building 
must have been constructed before the time of Sebert, inas- 
much as the record alluded to states that during the year 962 
" there was a great mortality, and the great fever was in 
London, and Paul's minster was burnt, and that same year 
was again built up." 

At this period, and for long after, London must have been 
little more than an assemblage of hovels, intersected by miry 
lanes, the whole enclosed by walls, except on the side towards 
the river. During the seventh century, however, London is 
mentioned as a port which ships frequented, and its most 
noted quay was Billingsgate, where all vessels paid toll, 
according to their size, on approaching the bridge. 

Let us try and imagine for a few moments that we are 
living among our ancient British ancestors, and that we are 

* Palg. Hist. Anglo-Saxons, p. 61. 


about to take a survey of London as it was in their days. 
We are now standing in the part which is in after-ages to 
be called St Paul's Churchyard. That rude pile, which is 
constructed of huge blocks of rough stone, some upright, 
and others laid across them, is called the Temple of Diana. 
When the people become converted to Christianity, the 
heathen temple will be pulled down, and a church built out of 
its stones, which will be dedicated to St Paul. All round the 
temple you see huts standing, with round walls and pointed 
thatched roofs, and half-naked figures, looking, very wild, 
going in and out of them. In front of the temple a road runs, 
if road it may be called, which seems but a succession of holes 
and bogs, and pieces of stone, with huts on each side of it ; 
and at the end of the road we come to a rude stone wall, with 
a clumsy wooden gate or door, which seems very strong. 
This is one of the entrances to the city of London, and was 
in after-ages called the Lud-gate, or gate of the Luddites, 
several of whom lived in this part. We have now passed 
through it, and are outside the city. The wall appears to run 
all round it, and I see several towers every here and there on 
the wall, and men with bows and arrows standing on the top 
of them, and looking about. There is also a deep ditch round 
the wall, running just below it. We are now in full view of 
the Thames, but it is difficult to get close to its banks on 
account of the swamp, and the reeds growing near them. I 
see some canoes paddling across the river, which are going to 
land at the city, as there are no walls on the side towards 
the water. How clear the water is. Some of the half-naked 
figures in the canoes seem to be fishing. There, the man 
with the shaggy spotted skin hanging over his shoulders, has 
pulled up a large fish, which is now floundering about at the 
bottom of his little boat, and quite shakes it, the bark is so 
light. I observe a thick wood on the opposite shore of the 
river, which comes quite down to the water's edge ; but I 
perceive two or three white huts standing in it on the brink 
of the river. Some hungry wolves are, I see, prowling about 
not far from the gate into the city, which will be ready to seize 


on any stray cattle, or even a child, should it chance to come 
in their way. 

Southwark is mentioned as a port where no one but the 
king took toll. It was on the banks of the river, in Castle Bay- 
nard ward, and on the south side of the present cathedral, that 
the residence of the Anglo-Saxon kings stood, erected either 
by Alfred, Edward, or Athelstane, most probably by the last, 
whose name is retained in that of Adel or Addle Hill. This 
Anglo-Saxon palace was relinquished by Edward the Con- 
fessor, who removed to that which he had erected at West- 

At the time of which I am now speaking, and for cen- 
turies afterwards, what at present forms Marylebone and Fins- 
bury, and the parts of London without the walls, existed only 
as small and scattered villages ; and vast woods and marshes 
stood where now a dense population exists. 

I have thus endeavoured, in the two papers on domestic life 
in this country which I have read before you, to trace the 
history of civilisation in this country, and to afford a sketch 
of its manners and customs, from the earliest period up to the 
time of the Conquest. 

How extraordinary is the contrast presented, as regards the 
present aspect and condition of this country, to what it must 
have afforded at the period of which I have been speaking. 
Where dense forests once stood, cultivated fields and rich 
pastures are now seen. Great cities, busy with commerce, 
have been raised on spots where formerly only morasses or 
barren heaths were to be found. Where the wild beast once 
had his den, quiet homesteads are now flourishing. Railways 
traverse the country from one end to the other through what 
were once impenetrable wilds ; and the shrill whistle of the 
steam-engine is heard where the howl of the wolf or the 
eagle's scream was wont to resound. On the site of a cluster 
of miserable huts, the metropolis of the empire now stands. 
Throughout the country has been drained, and cultivated, 
and civilised, and rendered habitable, and healthy, and 
luxurious. And as a further result of civilisation, the rude 



manners, and habits, and superstitions of those wild times 
have been abandoned for, and have been superseded by, the 
refined usages and acquirements of the nineteenth century. 
Most interesting is it to be able to look back through the 
telescope of history, on those rude though interesting times. 
Nevertheless, with all our progress, and our present boasted 
civilisation, much yet remains to be accomplished before that 
civilisation can be considered as complete.* We have no 
doubt abandoned many practices, and many customs, which 
were not only disgraceful to this nation, but degrading to 
humanity itself; and yet we still, I fear, retain several which 
might put even savages to shame. 

* Civilisation considered as a Science, p. 354. 



Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

IT may be remembered (and I am especially induced to hope 
that it is so, now that the new volume of Transactions is 
in the hands of the members) that, on the last occasion at 
which I had the honour to address you, I mentioned, though 
I fear too cursorily, some of the necessary considerations due 
to an inquiry into the origin of monarchical, or, rather it 
should be termed, personal sovereignty. Speaking roughly, 
I stated that the origin of society, the origin of law, and the 
origin of religion, seemed to coalesce into the origin of govern- 

One phase of social development is currently known as the 
patriarchal period, and a still later development I have termed 
from its distinctive feature the communal period ; and I hope 
to-night to explain how the first may be identified with the 
origin of the legal element of course with the modifications 
such a primitive birth necessarily entails on that term and 
the second with the origin of the religious element in sove- 

Now, this way of putting before you the object of my paper 
to-night, at least has the merit of suggesting an important 
question arising out of the consideration of sovereignty in 
relation to the origin of social institutions. I mean the ques- 
tion of the priority of law or religion as formative agents of 

It is practically, in fact, this question which I shall attempt 
to solve ; for both the notion of law and the notion of religion 
are intimately connected with the notion of sovereignty. 
The former, by mere logical inference, and by all juridical 


definitions, depends for its origin and continuance on a deter- 
minate human superior, whether individual or corporate ; the 
latter, originating in the feeling of reverence for departed 
ancestors, by the voice of all history, both primitive and 
modern, creates in the human mind the desire, so to speak, 
of submission to some superior power ; and very soon in 
man's history the recipient of this submission is seen to be 
the human personifier of the divine authority. Therefore, the 
determination of the question of the priority of law or reli- 
gion as influencing the first social institutions, and therefore 
the first social force impelling man onward, is essentially con- 
nected with a proper investigation into the origin and de- 
velopment of sovereignty.* 

I may as well point out at this juncture that a subsidiary 
result obtained by the determination of this question (and not 
altogether, I venture to hope, an unimportant result) will be 
the introduction of another chapter into the discussion on 
the identification of law with the coercive commands of the 

The literature of our subject has already placed on record 
certain phases as to the connection of law and religion with 
sovereignty. I must for a moment touch upon this. Both 
the history of ancient law and the history of ancient reli- 
gion seem to have arrived at the same conclusion as to 
the fact that, at one time in the history of sovereignty, 
the legislator, the judge, and the priest resided in one and 
the same person, who is to be identified as the personal 
and individual sovereign of the society accepting this identi- 
fication. But this particular period, it seems to me, is either 
necessarily undefined altogether or tacitly antedated. Histo- 
rians have not defined it, because they have not ventured 
so far back into the realms of history where the sway of a 
despotical commander is seen to be wholly independent of 
religious priesthood : and hence arose the practice, among 
philosophical writers who use the. period as an element of 

* Vide Kemble's Anglo-Saxons, i. 327. The historian here states the necessity 
of such an investigation, though he doubts the possibility of a satisfactory result. 


their argument, of assuming the very earliest date, of fixing it 
at the dawn of society, instead of at the dawn of nationality. 

But because in many historical instances religion has been 
the sanction at the back of law, it cannot be argued that reli- 
gion preceded law. It was the sanction which enforced the 
Mosaic law, it was so with the Greek Themistes, it is so with 
the Mohammedan code. But previous to the period at which 
these several systems were formulated, nay, within these 
very systems, there existed a form of despotic command 
wholly dependent on the human will. I mean the patria 

It is on this question that the sciences of ancient law and 
of religion will possibly disagree. I say possibly, for there is 
no sign on the face of current literature that the dispute has 
already commenced. Indeed, Professor Max Muller, in claim- 
ing for religion " the foundation of society," and I presume he 
means the historical, not the logical foundation, introduces 
the authority of Sir Henry Maine as an argument that the 
students of the history of law " have arrived at very much the 
same conclusion " * as the students of the history of religion. 
But whether this be a proper conclusion of the eminent author 
of the " Lectures on the Science of Religion," I trust will be 
fully tested during the examination of the subject I am now 
about to commence ; though from passages which I pre- 
serve in a note,T" it would almost appear that Montesquieu and 
Austin imply from their words an agreement on the side of 
the priority of the religious influence. 

And, first, let me draw attention to one important fact 
which I believe materially influences the present conception 
of the question. The view that modern philosophy teaches 
as to man's future history, viz., that he is progressing towards 
a final beatitude, has necessarily thrown our ideas as to the 
state of primeval man entirely into the theory of his original 
barbarism. Politics, as conceived by the ancients, consisted 
wholly in preventing his retrogression ; politics, as conceived 
by the moderns, consists in urging him forward with the 
* Science of Religion, lect. iii. t Vide note on p. 138. 


greatest possible speed to the greatest-happiness period (if I 
may so paraphrase a well-known term) ; and naturally these 
opposite tenets produce a variation in the opinions on modern 
history and its connection with the past.* Now, it may be 
that the old theory of the ancients still retains its effect on 
modern thought by the continuance of the idea that a com- 
munity of religious belief originated a community of social 
life ; but, at any rate, the introduction of the modern idea as 
to primitive man facilitates, and, indeed, of itself lends an 
additional force to, the argument as to the priority of law. 

One fact may be recorded as a common attribute of both 
law and religion, that they bear, and have always borne, an 
immense preponderance in regulating the affairs of man's 
commune with man ; and this is important in considering 
their connection with sovereignty. I shall take an oppor- 
tunity later on of noticing the modern forms of their influence 
on political thought. We turn now to their first influences, 
and we find at the very outset they each involve the necessity 
of the growth of a society round a social unit. Penetrating a 
little further, however, it is perceivable that the forms of this 
society, their purpose and ultimate end, are entirely distinct. 
In the instance of law, the growth of the society is simply the 
outcome of obedience to a ruler or sovereign possessed of 
superior power to those forming the society. " History," says 
Dr Whevvell, " determines in every case the person or persons 
in whom the supreme authority resides ;"( and, in this earliest 
instance, history has determined this authority to reside in the 
person originating the society namely, the parent. In the 
instance of Religion, however, something more complicated 
must have arisen, for religion implies a notion of justice, 
justice implies a notion of property, property implies a notion 
of law. The form of society which would first generate the 
conception of religion as a social influence would consist, 
therefore, of the aggregation of several family units together, 

* Vide Mill's Rep. Govt, pp ; 26, 27. I need scarcely here allude to the mag- 
nificent opening address of our learned President of the Council, 
t Principles of Morality, book vf., cap. 6. 


for thus only could the earliest form of worship namely, 
ancestor worship carry with it an adequate emotional cause. 
I will first draw attention, then, to the earliest form of the 
influence of law, at least so far as that term may be applied 
to the germ from which has ultimately arisen our abstract con- 
ception of it. And it may be useful at this juncture, perhaps, 
to point out that the modern association of law and right, as 
opposed to power and might, is entirely a political question, not 
an historical or a juridical question. The growth of political and 
social liberty has produced in the writings of philosophers, and 
hence in the popular mind, an ideal system of law which may 
be termed " right." This ideal system the Romans termed 
jus itaturale, which is inadequately translated into English, 
the law of nature. For instance, the mavim that every man 
is entitled to his liberty is an ideal law, or law of nature ; but 
the fact that many thousands of human beings were, a few 
years back, in a state of positive slavery, was the law which 
actually obtained in certain countries, and with certain people. 
When, at the instance of the British Government, this state 
of slavery was abolished, the positive law of these countries 
or peoples was varied in accordance with that ideal standard 
of right which the British people had developed in their 
political thoughts. But the act of power which abolished 
slavery, and that which upheld it, are both equally "law." 
The one may be good and the other pernicious, but the 
definition of their effect can have no influence whatever on 
the definition of their position in the political system in which 
they are embodied. In short, the law that forms the subject 
of my inquiry is that species of law which has grown with the 
history of the nation, and developed with the progress of the 
people. It is what the analytical jurists term " positive law :" 


The law of nature, . Positive law, or law 

or the law of God. as it actually obtains 

in a nation. 

I shall consider this positive law first of all with reference 


to its juridical bearings ; and let me here be permitted to say 
that, though the writings of the analytical jurists are uninvit- 
ing perhaps to the general reader, they open up a wide field 
rich with material for historical thought. 

Now every law or rule is a command originating from a 
sovereign power ; and in fact may be identified with the 
coercive force of the sovereign. In the infancy of society the 
promulgation of a command did not carry with it any power 
for analogous cases which might arise in the future. It dealt 
with the one question by which it was called into action. As 
an old writer has expressed it, " Principes erant quasi ani- 
matse leges " (" The chiefs themselves were the laws "). The 
abstract notion of command, indeed, did not, and could not 
exist : the offender and the ruler both acted objectively, for 
they represented to each other the respective positions which 
they occupied the one giving forth a command, the other 
surrendering obedience : and this, not without any fore- 
thought as to the rectitude of their relative positions, but 
with the spontaneity arising from the pressing wants of the 
moment the resultant of the external fact, as Dr Whewell 
terms it. 

Now the only two forms of society which admit of the 
identification of law as the coercive force of the sovereign 
are the early parental groups in which father and offspring 
stand face to face, and modern society, in which no political 
institution places itself between the sovereign and the subject. 
Of course, it is the latter which has presented itself for analysis 
to the jurist ; and it is this analysis which enables history to 
detect the earlier type. 

But Sir Henry Maine, himself a distinguished jurist, has 
applied history to this analytical definition, and has thereby 
introduced the first warning note of opposition. He claims 
that the process of abstraction should not replace the study 
of history, and proves his claim to be a right one, by showing 
the opposition that history brings to the conclusion of the 
analytical jurists. 

But after all, this opposition is not a thorough one, for it 


represents only a middle period of history, not the beginning. 
The principal source of Sir Henry Maine's arguments against 
this definition of law is the existence of customary law in 
most nations of modern civilisation, and " the inconceivable 
small constraint" which is applied for conformity to this 
species of law. No doubt the splendid series of lectures on 
" Early Institutions " are sufficiently known for me to pass over 
this portion of my paper with less precision than / should 
certainly desire, in order to proceed with the remaining ques- 
tions, which more intimately engage us to-night. 

In "the first place, then, it must be observed, that Sir 
Henry Maine's historical scope is necessarily, for his object, 
restrained within a limit of which I have ventured outside. 
But even taking the limitation of history which is deemed to 
be necessary for juridical purposes, there is much within this 
limit which, if it does not argue for, certainly in no way puts 
a material obstacle to the point I here raise. Customary 
law is there clearly shown to obtain in families or village 
communities (p. 381) not as between man and man, but as 
between family and family. Inside the family unit, the 
patria potestas is exercised by a half-civilised man over wife, 
child, and slave (p. 393), which may be associated less with 
invariable order than with inscrutable caprice (394). Now, 
observing that I have used as near as possible the very words 
of Sir Henry Maine, this is exactly the form of law with 
which I have been dealing. The only difference arises from 
the position of the author of the law the parent. In my 
case I have assumed his independence as the representative 
sovereignty of the period : in the instance of Sir Henry Maine 
he is certainly dependent on the tribal chief. But this 
dependence is not complete his parental despotism is still 
untrammelled and uncurtailed ; and, without yet appealing to 
history, it forms itself almost into a logical conclusion, that 
this form of parental law was not the product of the states- 
manship of the period, but rather of the history of the period ; 
for, as it held its own against the centralising effect of co- 
alition, it must have existed long enough by itself to appre- 


ciate the cause of its first existence, as well as the desire for 

In point of fact, this additional phase in the identification 
of law and force implies shortly the following historical 
positions : (i.) That they exactly quadrate when the central- 
ising authority of the state has for its units of subjection the 
individual man, as distinguished from the corporate family. 
In the parental society, which first gave birth to the objective 
form of law, the units of subjection are the individual members 
of a natural family dependent on its author ; in modern 
society, which furnished the analytical jurists with their 
definition of the abstract conception of law, the units of sub- 
jection are the individual members of a political state 
dependent on its sovereign. Both these forms of society 
impel the identification of law and force; both of them repre- 
sent the obedience coming from individual persons. But (2.) 
between these two extremes lies a whole field of law (as con- 
nected with the supreme sovereignty, not of course with the 
immediate), which Sir Henry Maine has applied to the ques- 
tion of this identification, namely, customary law. Thus it 
will be seen, how intimately and materially connected is the 
proper understanding of the history of law with the nature of 
sovereignty: taken in connection with the immediate sovereign 
it always can be identified with the coercive force of that 
sovereign ; taken with the supreme sovereignty it sometimes 
has the significance of permission what the sovereign per- 
mits he commands. 

The juridical definition of law, then, leads us to conclude 
that there are three periods of history by which the develop- 

* I may here note that the subject of the earliest source of law has been inci- 
dentally touched upon by other writers than Sir Henry Maine, though not with 
the direct application that that eminent jurist brings to bear. Austin himself, 
though the position I adopt is more historically a confirmation of his definition 
of law, says, that the natural order in which the law of any country arises, or is 
founded, seems to be, first, rules of positive morality (lect. xxxvii.); Montesquieu 
also says: "Dire qu'il n'y a rien de juste, ni d'injuste que ce qu'ordonnent ou 
defendent les lois positives, c'est dire qui avant qu'on cut trace de cercle, tous 
les rayons nMtaient pas egaux" ("Esprit des Lois," i., cap. i.). 


ment of sovereignty may be classified. The latest period 
is practically represented by European, or, as it is termed, 
civilised society; the middle period by Eastern crystallisation 
of village communities ; and the early period by modern bar- 

It is the latter which I contend has hitherto not been fully 
represented by the students of political institutions. But step- 
ping outside those limits of history which have hitherto 
bound this subject, as indeed many others, within a compass 
altogether too restricted to be termed scientific, we may 
find that the identical group within which parental law 
was predominant is an ascertained type of primitive society 
is, I may rather say, the first indication of man's capability 
of obedience to man, and therefore the first indication of 
his progress onward. I do not say this form of society was 
formed merely by the will of the members, but that it was 
the almost necessary result of physical and natural external 

For as it is certain that history commenced with the first 
man's talk to his first child, so it is postulated that law began 
with the first man's command to the only imaginable fellow- 
being who would receive or obey his command (without some 
ostensible and agreed personal benefit), namely, his child. An 
agreed benefit could arise only from such an origin of society 
as implied in the social-compact theory, which is now alto- 
gether exploded as a scientific view of the question. Writers 
on primitive man afford the historical evidences that the 
parental form of sovereign power was the primitive form ; for 
they not only perceive, by examination into existing data, 
that parental groups, centring round a single pair, represent 
the most primitive form of society, but they establish it in 
somewhat definite continuance from the physical prolonged 
infancy, and corresponding intellectual deficiencies of early 
mankind. It would be needless, and indeed almost weari- 
some, to detail the evidences on this head. The science of 
sociology assumes it as its definite starting-point ; and we 
may not therefore be very far wrong in adopting Plato's 


acceptation of the Homeric Cyclops as evidence that such 
primitive societies existed.* 

Thus, too, another juridical point is arrived at ; for the first 
idea of law, under the aspect of a spontaneous command, actu- 
ally no doubt consisted of a strict adhesion to general utility, 
as determined by the wants of the moment of those for whose 
benefit it was promulgated. One of the greatest writers on the 
utilitarian theory distinctly perceives that a society is practi- 
cally incapable of making any progress until it has learnt to 
obey ;-f- and the unconscious habit of obedience is the first 
lesson -which man receives from those impulses of his nature, 
which no definition can reach, but which, at this distance of 
time, are giving to the philosophy of history an importance 
almost as great as Divine inspiration. It seems to imply 
irreverence to the magnificent formulary of Bentham the 
greatest happiness of the greatest number to apply it to so 
lowly a state of men's desires as the one supposed under the 
circumstances just mentioned ; but in reality this will be 
found to be its greatest historical assistance. One of the 
reasons for its rejection by many classes of thinkers, is its 
application to the domain of ethics, instead of a strict adhe- 
sion to that for which its author persistently wrote, namely, 
legislation. J Modern political history distinctly repudiates 
the proposition that morality is effected by political forms ; 
and the present attempt to penetrate to the origin of law 
defines the action of general utility to have actually com- 
menced previous to, and proceeded on its course for a time 
quite independently of, the action of morality. 

It is true that we must restrict our sense of the greatest 
happiness to almost animal desires alone ; it is true that we 
must restrict our conception of the greatest number within a 
limit which Austin has undertaken to term ridiculous ; but, 
on the other hand, we give a definite starting-point to the 

* See Principles oi Sociology, passim. 

t Mill's Rep. Govt., p. 37. + Early Institutions, p. 400. 

See particularly Freeman's History of Federal Government, vol. i., p. 125, 
cap. iv. 


action of general utility, namely, when man passed from mere 
wandering isolation to a form, however simple, of society. 

We will now consider the connection of religion and 

I am strangely confirmed in the views expressed in my 
former paper to the society, that reverence for ancestors held 
an important place in early social thought, by the last new 
work of Mr Spencer, " The Principles of Sociology." I think 
there can be little doubt that he has established this point on 
sufficiently scientific bases for critical acceptation. And, inas- 
much as ancestry worship and communal society, in some 
form or other, are conterminous, we arrive at a pretty clear 
historical order for the establishment of law and of religion 
as social institutions. Indeed, by an examination of the 
terminology used by Professor Max Muller, in his " Science 
of Religion," it will be seen that, practically, what he 
establishes for religion is only the chief agency in the forma- 
tion of nationalities, not in the formation of society, though 
the indefiniteness that I have before noticed has made him 
accept the one for the other. 

It is the fear of the living that becomes the root of the 
political control, and the fear of the dead the root of the 
religious control. But I wish to point out that the religious 
control I speak of here is in no wise to be taken as a portion 
of the modern history of religion. Ethics has now linked 
itself to religion, just as we have seen that it has linked itself 
with law. This was not so in early times. I speak merely 
of that portion of religion, namely, ancestor worship, which 
affected sovereignty ; and I do not profess to explain the 
wherefore. Nor am I content with the theory of Mr Spencer. 
I am quite ready to believe that every thought and every 
action of mankind have a genealogy leading from the most 
remote period down to the present time ; but I cannot 
perceive how modern conceptions of religion, as a rule of 
conduct for the future, not merely the superstitious veneration 
of the past, as rules of morality, not only worship of the 
supernatural, become dependent upon the discovery of the 


historian or the deduction of the sociologist The historian 
and the sociologist would perceive, in point of fact, only that 
portion of religion (for it cannot be said that it is necessarily 
the whole of it) which affects man in relation to his social 
aspect, and not his individual mind. 

But, as an influencing social institution, it cannot be denied 
that ancestor worship was the first form of the application of 
religion to the practical wants of mankind. In tracing the 
development of ancestor worship, we are tracing the develop- 
ment of sovereignty ; for, when the fear of the dead began to 
make man look back to the past, it naturally made him 
associate with his companions of the past, instead of separat- 
ing at the death of the parent chief. 

This is the period at which customary law grew up, at 
which the internal will of mankind began to exert itself. 
The form of general utility which I have noticed as existent 
among the earliest of mankind was, of course, an unconscious 
form of it the result merely of the external factor. Its 
exertion was as spontaneous as the command which generated 
it, namely, the pressing need of the moment. When we 
arrive at a conscious form of general utility, or as we may 
now call it, positive morality, we arrive at that form of 
society where the religious conception ultimately formed 
itself into a power. 

This form of society is that so generally known as the 
communal. It has for its distinctive feature the village 
community, originating from associated patriarchal families. 
Conscious general utility worked out its influence by forming 
a longer, and consequently more extensive, congregation 
of human beings ; which, again, necessarily consisted of a 
number of local chiefs if they may be so termed for want 
of a better word who had gathered around them the 
social units within which the germ of law already existed. 
These chieftains themselves now obeyed, or adhered to, a 
common superior, who, from no special political sagacity 
belonging to the congregating families, developed into an 
individual chieftain the prototype of the lesser chiefs. 


The authority of this chief was based upon a wider ground- 
work than the authority of a natural father, and his 
authority formed a new phase of society which was larger, 
more complete, more capable of progression, than the 
separated units. This society gradually invested the author 
of its governing power, the recipient of its obedience, with a 
positive and conscious morality which should descend to 
later times, when the men who obeyed one chieftain no 
longer lived to render homage to his successor, when the sons 
of these men no longer could trace uninterruptedly, through 
their popular legends, the cause of their adhesion to a present 
sovereign. It was the existence of this positive and conscious 
morality which enabled the son, or some other member of 
the family, of an expiring chieftain, to exercise the preroga- 
tive and assume the privileges of his predecessor. It did not 
assume what we may more correctly term its religious aspect, 
until it had descended to the children of succeeding genera- 
tions ; for the traditionary respect (embellished at every stage 
of the descent) carried backward from existing times the 
thoughts, nay, the religious capacity, of its people, to an age 
gone by, and which gradually went beyond tradition into 
the domain of mythos.* There it connected the first chief- 
tain with an ideal deity, personifying the human superior from 
the natural objects which became sources of wonder and awe 
to the primitive childishness of the human mind there it 
connected the judgments of the present chieftain with the 
divine wisdom, the Themistes, which he alone could exercise. 
It was thus 'that the notion of priest became encircled round 
the power of every generation of chieftain ; and it was thus 
that the preponderating influence of religion associated itself 
with this stage, and, as it were, excluded an earlier insight 
into the previous existence of social man. 

Of course the separation of races the distinction of Shem 

* Austin, though he does not pretend to trace the historical origin of govern- 
ment, clearly perceives that custom and prejudice are among the causes of the 
origin of government. It is at the stage mentioned in the text that these two 
causes appear historically (Austin's Lectures, vi. I, p. 302, Campbell's edit.). 


and Japhet from Tur would be the first great starting-point 
at which communal society developed itself. The sub-branches 
of the two great races took the form which they learned from 
the parent stem, and so carried on its historical existence 
to Israel, to Greece, to Rome, to Celt, and to Teuton. 

I will conclude what I have to say to-night by a glance at 
the nature of subsequent influence of these two social forces 
law and religion and their important connection with the 
history of sovereignty. We have seen law independent and 
law coalescing with religion ; we have seen religion in its germ 
assisted by law; but we have not seen, nor could a single essay 
nor a single volume, adequately review, their subsequent in- 
fluences in forming the society in which we now live. Law 
(and here I speak of modern law), from being shut out altogether, 
as an element of history, has been allowed to assume an im- 
portant place as one of its chiefest guides,* and the elegant 
and masterly pen of Dr Arnold has boldly set out its 
importance."]* Religion, from being degraded to the place 
of dogmatical theology, has been lifted into the wide domain 
of science. These facts alone tell an unadorned and self- 
giving feature of their history; but I would, for a moment, 
pass to a more special consideration, because I believe that 
will appeal to my hearers with the readiest power. Take one 
great feature of our own European history a feature that is 
often unrecognised when combating with the most important 
political struggles of the day, namely, the conception of 
nationality. With us it is connected with distinct boundaries, 
distinct countries, with England and with Germany (Deutsch- 
land), with France and with Italy. At an early period of 
European history, the city marked at once the boundary and 
the name of nation. Greek nationality was essentially and 
wholly city life Roman none less so. First and foremost a 
man was a Spartan, an Athenian, and after this a Greek. 
Roman nationality bore the impress of the immortal city, by 
the extension of the citizenship over a wider area than Greece 

* Westminster Review for 1842, on Science of History, 
t Introductory Lectures to Modem History, pp. 92, 93. 


ever allowed, but they were citizens, not fellow-countrymen, 
of Rome, not of Italy. Now where may we seek for an 
explanation of this difference between ancient and modern 
ideas of nationality? Strange though it may seem, it is from 
a Semitic source the Judaic. The early Eastern and the 
early European nations were essentially federations of tribes 
without distinct boundary lines for the whole ; but the Israelites 
threw around their land, as around their whole institutional life, 
the mantle of religious exclusiveness their land did not exist 
without definite boundaries, for it was a promised, a holy land. 
And thus when Christianity Judaic in origin and Judaic in 
life-giving influence worked out its influence on European 
politics, one of its results was to throw around the territory 
occupied by the tribal races of our forefathers the definition 
of country, and to teach modern political language two of its 
most important words patriotism and fatherland. 

It was by such powerful aid as this that the monarch 
became recognised as the lord of the land the King of Eng- 
land, not of the English ; that Parliament assembled as a 
portion of the sovereign power of Great Britain, not as the 
witan of the British people. 

With the Eastern nations, in fact, religion forms the main- 
spring of all national life ; and the most celebrated codes of 
so - called law mainly consist of formularies for religious 
observances, e.g., that of Manu and the Mosaic. With us in 
the western world, it is owing to the immortal and abiding 
greatness of Rome that the first severance of law and religion 
was made when taken as governing agencies of the State. 
The most remarkable proof of this is, that when Christianity 
had fought out its long fight against Roman paganism, no 
alteration was needed in the institutes of the pagan emperors 
for adaptation to Christianised subjects. Roman law still 
abides with Christian law ; and it is to this fact, or rather to 
its influence on our race, we are indebted for those strange 
fictions which clothe the modern monarchical principles of 
Europe, and wherein the fusion of the two great influences 
has become complete at no expense of political liberty. 



Such was not the case with other great bodies of law. We 
know, for instance, the havoc that St Patrick is recorded to 
have made in those celebrated codes of Ireland which have 
lately received the valuable addition of a commentary by Sir 
Henry Maine. We here perceive the Christian precepts along- 
side the old pagan rites, the old genealogies linked with the 
genealogies from Noah and his sons ; but they are palpable 
incongruities, and, in the political remains of ancient Erin, 
form only too true an index to the incongruities of modern 
Ireland, and to the history, yet unwritten, of those forces 
which have prevented the once great Celtic people from 
developing a great Celtic nation, and, therefore, a great Celtic 

I think, then, that I may conclude from these rough jottings 
of a more laborious investigation that the history of sove- 
reignty commences as the author of law, and therefore the 
author of society ; that, later on, when other and more com- 
plicated aggregations of society begin to form themselves, 
it is associated with a religious element, necessary, of course, 
to this stage of political life ; and that, finally, in its most 
fully developed state, it loses the sacredness of its person- 
ality, and assumes the representative, or, to speak more cor- 
rectly, the corporate form : And, further, that in each of these 
distinct epochs it is connected intimately with the growth of its 
dependent society in the first and last as the uncontrollable 
governors of its subjects, and in the middle or transition 
period, as the priesthood of their religious faith their Abra- 
ham, or their Agamemnon. 


Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

THE early history of Denmark may be divided into two por- 
tions. For the first we have as materials only the native 
sagas and legends, which have been preserved for us by Saxo 
Grammaticus and others. The second portion, which covers 
a period when Denmark had entered into relations, sometimes 
hostile and sometimes diplomatic, with the great Frankish 
empire to the south, is illustrated by occasional notices in the 
contemporary monastic annals. These notices are of course 
of the highest value and interest. It seems clear that, if we 
are ever to glean any profitable materials about the earlier 
period, we must first gain a firm foothold upon the later, 
where we can check tradition by contemporary narrative ; and 
I now propose to re-examine the history of the Danes from 
the time when they first appear in the Frankish chronicles, 
down to the death of their famous King Godfred. 

The subject is at some points very crooked and perplexing, 
and, notwithstanding the critical sifting it has had both from 
native and foreign inquirers, is still much confused ; nor can 
we ever hope to make all clear where authorities of co-ordinate 
value are at direct issue with one another. 

The first point that seems to be well established is, that the 
term Denmark does not in early times connote the homogene- 
ous kingdom that it does now, but that within the borders of 
the present Denmark there was a congeries of several small 
states, which were gradually coalesced into one. The first 
king who, in the northern traditions, united the whole, and 
performed in Denmark what Edward the Elder did in Eng- 
land, and Ivan the Terrible in Russia, was Gorm, generally 


known as Gorm the Old, but with him we have not to do at 

We have not material to decide how many and what were 
the petty sovereignties that divided Denmark in early times, 
but we may with some confidence discriminate at least three 
of these principalities, two in Jutland and one in the isles. 

It is a very familiar fact that Jutland did not form a part of 
the original Denmark, the old kingdom of Lethra, and it is 
very probable that, until comparatively recently, it was ruled 
by its own kings, perhaps always subordinate in a sense to 
the dynasty at Lethra, but yet sufficiently independent to be 
named as sole sovereigns, and when thus named, to confuse 
the lists of kings that have puzzled so many inquirers. This 
is a well recognised fact among northern historians. 

As I have said, in Jutland there were two principalities. Pet- 
rus Olaus speaks of the Reges Norjuciae et Sinjuciae,* that is, of 
the Northern Jutes and Southern Jutes ; and the testimony of 
tradition is here amply confirmed in other ways. Thus I find 
Dr Latham, who knows Denmark well, saying : " Between the 
South and North Jutland dialect there is at least one important 
difference : the absence of the post-positive article. . . . 
Nor is this all. The boundary was originally a forest, the 
remains of which are still indicated by the names : Rodding 
(clearance), Oster Vedsted, Vester Vedsted, and Jeruved."f 
It is probable that, at the beginning of the eighth century, 
both these sections of Jutland obeyed one ruler. We will 
now .pass on to Denmark proper, the Denmark which 
had i^s capital at Lethra ; this comprised the Danish 
islands/Laaland, Funen, Falster, Zealand, and Langeland. It 
comprise^ further (and this fact must never be overlooked 
in examining the history of this period) a portion of the 
mainland, namely, Scania or Schonen, Halland, and Bleking. 
Scania is reckoned as belonging to the Danes in the account 
of Othere's voyage at the end of the ninth century. " After- 
wards," says Gefjer, "it is called the fairest part of Denmark, 

* Langebek, i. 98; Kruse, Chron. Nortm., I. 
t The English Language, 5th edit., p. 109. 


although sometimes severed from its dominion, bearing the 
yoke reluctantly, successfully resisting the whole Danish 
force, and excelling Zealand and Jutland in men and weapons. 
Halland and Bleking are distinguished by Saxo as offshoots 
of Scania, stretching towards Norway and Gothland, and 
were comprehended under that name." * 

The fact of Denmark including several states in early times 
is, as I have said, a primary postulate of all sound inquiry 
on this question. Another one is, that the history of Den- 
mark at that period is so intimately intertwined with that of 
Sweden and Norway on the north, and Saxony on the south, 
that we cannot disentangle it without a very close criticism 
of those countries. 

Sweden also comprised at least three important sections, 
which in early times were more or less independent, although 
I fancy Geijer has produced an impression that the division 
lasted longer than it really did. At least from the times of 
Harald Hildetaand the country seems to have formed a sub- 
stantive whole. The three sections to which I refer were : 
(i.) Suithiod proper, including the old provinces of Suder- 
manland, Westmanland, Tiundaland, Attundaland, and Sio- 
landjf (2.) East Gothland ; and (3.) West Gothland. I shall 
not stay to define the boundaries of these sections, as I 
believe that, during the period we are examining, they all 
three obeyed the kings who ruled at Upsala. 

In regard to Norway, I have a little more to say. I be- 
lieve the tradition to be reliable, which makes the old race 
of kings, the Inglings, be driven away from Upsala by Ivan 
Vidfame, who replaced them by the Scioldings, and that 
when they escaped from Suithiod they went away to West- 
fold, where they eventually founded a fresh sovereignty, that 
of Norway. For a long time, however, indeed, until the days 
of Harald Harfager, their dominion was confined to Westfold. 
They are called kings of Westfold by Snorro (vide Laing's 
translation, i. 258, etc.). Westfold, in fact, was the nucleus of 
the succeeding kingdom of Norway ; but at that time the rest 

* Geijer's History of Sweden, 16. t Geijer, 20. 


of Norway was partitioned among a great number of petty 
chieftains, many of them styled kings in Snorro's narrative ; 
thus he speaks of the kings of Nerike (255), Westmor (259), 
Alfheim (z'&), Agder (/.), Vingulmark (260), Hedemark (263), 
More (278), Romsdal (z.), etc. With these petty chiefs, we 
have not now to deal. It would appear that, in each of the 
modern provinces of Raumarige, Ringerige, Nerike, Hede- 
mark, Gudbrandsdal, Hadeland, etc., there was formerly an 
independent sovereign the termination rik or kingdom to 
several of them favours this view but at the time to which 
we are devoting our attention, several of these petty states 
had been amalgamated, and formed a powerful and little 
studied kingdom named Viken, which comprised "that 
great indenture of the Norwegian coast, called the Skager 
Rack, between the Naze of Norway and the Fiord of 
Christiania. This indenture was known in the Middle Ages 
as Viken, or the Wick or Vik. It .gave their name to the 
Vikings." * " Torfaeus tells us that the whole of the country in 
the south of Norway, which surrounds the Bay of Opslo, or 
Osloa, or Christiania, was anciently called Vika, and its islands 
the Vikr islands. It comprehended the provinces of Raumarik, 
Ringarik, Hadeland, Thotnia, Hedemark, and Gudbrandsdal. 
This country, in modern maps, is called the ' Government of 
Agerhus/ being about 200 miles long, and 100 miles broad."-f- 
Vika is specially mentioned among the kingdoms conquered 
by Harald Harfager, and Petrus Olaus "speaks of Vickia 
dim regmim!'\ 

Having discriminated the various divisions of Scandinavia, 
we must now consider the condition of the countries to the 
south, with whose history that of Denmark is intimately 
twined ; and here our best guide is the edition of Spruner's 
" Historical Atlas " which is now publishing, and on which 
the very latest investigations on the subject are condensed. 
Jutland, at the beginning of the ninth century, was separated 
from the land of the Saxons by the Treen and the Slie. The 

* See Laing's Heimskringla, i. 44, 45. 

t Pinkerton's History of Scotland, i. 175. J /., i. 174. 


gap between the points where those rivers approached nearest 
to one another was occupied by the Dannewirke, and earlier 
still by the Kurwirke, a great buttress which, like Offa's Dyke 
in Britain, formed the boundary between the two nationalities 
on either side. Between this boundary and the Eider was a 
strip of frontier land, a march which was known as the 
" Danicus limes/' "a no - man's - land," or neutral territory 
between the two races. South of the Eider lay Saxonia, or 
the land of the Saxons. The Saxons were divided by the 
Elbe into two sections. Those who dwelt beyond the river in 
the modern Holstein were known as Nordalbingians, and also 
as Nordliudi (vide infra). They fell into three divisions, 
namely, the Thiatmarsgi or Thiod Marsgi, who occupied 
Ditmarsh ; the Holsati, Holzati, or Holssetas, from whom Hol- 
stein takes its name ; and the Stormarii, of whom Hamburg 
was somewhat later the capital. 

The " Danicus limes," which was the frontier of the Nordal- 
bingians on the north, and which extended probably to the sea 
on the east, was in later times continued by a second strip of 
frontier or march, which ran north and south to the west of 
the Delvena, the Schwentine, and the line of crooked lakes 
between those rivers. This was called the " Limes Saxonicus," 
and separated the Saxons from the Wagrians and other Slavic 
tribes to the east. Nordalbingia was thus roughly bounded 
by the Elbe, the sea, the Eider, and the 28th degree of 

The Saxons south of the Elbe, who occupied chiefly 
Hanover and Westphalia, also fell into three divisions the 
Westphalians in Westphalia, the Angrarians in Engern, and 
the Eastphalians to the east of Engern, on the frontier of the 

As has been shown so clearly by Kemble, the mark was 
the unit of the political organisation of the Teutonic peoples, 
the primitive settlement of a man and his family in the prim- 
eval forest or prairie. From the copartnership of several 
marks, for purposes of administration, etc., arose the gau or 
shire, and eventually the gaus were themselves included in 


larger administrative areas which formed provinces or states. 
Marks, gaus, and provinces were not bounded by great natural 
barriers, but, at most, by such transitory limits as forests, etc. 
Their shape and limits were co-ordinate with the exigencies 
of the settlements. We cannot, therefore, point to any natural 
features as the lines which separated Westphalia, Engern, and 
Ostphalia from each other. We can only enumerate the gaus 
that formed each, and which were irregular in shape and size. 
They are admirably figured in Spruner's Atlas, map of Ger- 
many, No. 3. The same rule applies to the frontier line 
that separated the Saxons from most of their neighbours. 
On the east the boundary for the most part is sharp enough. 
There we have two hostile and rival races, and we have an un- 
mistakable barrier between them. This was the Elbe, and its 
tributary, the Sala, which, from Naumburg-on-the-Sala, on 
the south, to the junction of the Delvena with the Elbe, formed 
a continuous limit to the two races the Germans and Slav- 
onians ; but on the south-west and north-west the limits of 
Saxonia were as irregular and impatient " of natural frontiers " 
as those of our English shires. On the south, Saxonia was 
bounded by Thuringia and the Prankish dominion, and the 
boundary, east and west, meandered irregularly between 51 
and 51 30' N. lat. On the south-west, it nowhere touched 
the Rhine, from which it was separated by a narrow border 
of Frank territory ; but the boundary ran nearly parallel with 
the grand old river from about 50 to 52 N. lat. From the 
latter point it trended more to the north-west, still bounded 
by the Frankish territory, and following the limits of the 
modern province of Westphalia. Roughly, the southern 
frontier of the Saxons was formed by the river Lippe. Be- 
tween Saxonia and the sea, except in the limited area occu- 
pied by the estuary of the Elbe, and the tract north of it as 
far as the Eider, lived the Friesians. They occupied the 
whole seaboardy from the southern boundary of Holland as 
far as the estuary of the Elbe. The dunes, islands, and 
marshes that characterise that coast were their homes. In- 
land the amount of their extension was very variable. They 


were frontagers both of the Franks and Saxons ; and in so far 
as they bounded the latter, they are very interesting to our 
present inquiry. The islands and strip of coast that lined the 
estuary of the Weser, which then had an outlet into the now 
enclosed and much-widened Jade Basin, formed a gau called 
Riustria, which was very famous as the first appanage granted 
by the Frank emperors to a Danish prince. Its southern and 
more continental portion was called Upriustria, while the 
northern and more insular was named Utriustria. The most 
northern of the still remaining Friesic islands, now called 
Wangeroog, which was then, doubtless, much larger and 
nearer the mainland, formed, with the opposite promontory, 
the gau of Wanga ; while the modern districts of Harlinger- 
land and East Friesland were occupied by four gaus Nord- 
endi on the sea ; Asterga, to the south of this ; and Feder- 
gewe and Emsga occupying the country of the lower Ems. 
It was no wonder the Norsemen are found almost constantly 
on the Friesic coast. The islands that lined it and filled the 
estuaries of the Elbe, Weser, and Ems, were the very paradise 
of such freebooters, such sites as they loved to find and make 
into their arsenals on the coasts of Britain and Gaul. 

We must now in concluding our topographical survey 
describe the position of the Slavic tribes who bordered upon 
the Danes and Saxons. As I have said, the Elbe and the 
Sala formed the great frontier line between Saxony and 
Slavonia. The most northern of these Slaves, who bordered 
on the Saxons, were the Obotriti, whose relatives of the same 
name lived far away on the borders of the Danube. At the 
accession of Charlemagne it would seem they were bounded 
on the west by the Trave ; but in the course of the Saxon war 
we are told how he transplanted a large number of the Nord- 
albingian Saxons within the Prankish empire. He granted 
their lands to the Obotriti. These latter were, as I believe, 
and as they are held by several authorities, the Wagrians, who 
occupied the modern district of Wagrien, whose chief town 
was Aldunburg, now represented by the village of Olden- 
burg. The Obotriti proper were the eastern neighbours of 


the Wagrians, and occupied the greater part of the modern 
duchy of Mecklenburg. They were bounded on the west by 
the Trave, and stretched along the coast of the Baltic as far 
as the Warnow, following the course of that river and of its 
eastern feeder, the Nebel, as far as the little lake upon which is 
the village of Krakow. The boundary then ran east in a toe- 
like projection, and included the larger part of the lake of 
Muritz, and its neighbours. On the south the limit of the Obo- 
triti was, probably, the meandering boundary of the modern 
Mecklenburg ; while on the south-west the Elbe separated 
them from the Saxons. They had a great trading mart on 
the coast named Reric, to which I shall presently refer, while 
their capital was called Mickleburg, or the great town, 
the modern Mecklenburg. Within the above limits the 
Obotriti were divided into several tribes, such as the Polabi, 
Warnabi, and Smeldingi. These were specific names, chiefly 
of localities, and all included in the generic name Obo- 
triti. The Obotriti were faithful allies of the Franks, who 
found them very useful in their struggles with the Saxons, 
who were thus squeezed on either side like the iron between 
hammer and anvil. More faithful to the traditions of the 
race were their great opponents and neighbours on the east, 
the Wiltzi who, in their own tongue, were called Lutici. 
They occupied the coast from Warnow as far as the Oder, 
which divided them from the Pomerani.* They were already 
on the Oder in the days of Ptolemy.-f- By Ptolemy they 
were called Beltoi. " They were famous in early times for 
their warlike habits, whence the other Slavonians called them 
Wolves, which was probably the origin of the tale in Hero- 
dotus of a northern tribe annually transformed into wolves. 
Wilk in Slavonian means wolf; in the plural this is Wilzi, 
which is the native form of the tribal name. They were 
otherwise known as Lutici, from Lithuanian hit, Hat, fero- 
cious, connected with the Greek lukos and the Latin lupus, 
a wolf, and Weleti, Woloti, Welatabi, etc., from welot, wolot, 
meaning a giant, all of which denote the reckless character of 

* Adam of Bremen, Zeuss, 658. t Bohucz, Histoire des Sarmates, 465, 469. 


the race." This and the following notice of them is taken from 
the Foreign Quarterly Review, vol. xxvi., pp. 76, 77 : 

" When their fame spread over Europe during the Middle Ages, the 
Germans and Scandinavians invented marvellous tales concerning 
them, and finally declared them to be a nation of sorcerers. A sword 
that worked wonders was called from their name walsung, welsung, 
welsi. The ' Volsunga Saga,' in which we have the fable of some 
men who transformed themselves into wolves, derives its title from 
the same source. The Baltick was called after them Wildamor, the 
sea of the Weleti and their capital city was the famed Vinetha, in 
Slavonian Volin, situated at the mouth of the Oder. According to 
Venantius Fortunatus, and to Beda, the Weleti penetrated between 
560 and 600 into Batavia, and settled near the city of Utrecht, 
which from them was called Wiltaburg, and the surrounding country 
Wiltonia. Being separated from the other Slavonians by the Ger- 
man nations, the Weleti were unable long to preserve their independ- 
ence, and in the course of time either lost their nationality altogether 
or ultimately rejoined their countrymen. Unquestionable proofs, 
however, of their having settled in the Netherlands exist in the names 
of the cities evidently, as Wiltsween in Holland ; Weltenburg, near 
Utrecht, etc., and in such purely Slavonian names as Kamen, Sweta, 
Widenitz, Huduin, Zwola, Wispe or Wespe, Slota, etc." 

While, the Obotriti were in close alliance with the Franks, 
the Wiltzi were at deadly issue with them, and were the 
friends of the Danes. We must remember this closely in 
following the narrative of the early struggles on the marches 
of Denmark. Having mapped out rudely the topography of 
the Norse country and its frontiers, we are now in a position 
to examine its early history ; and, as I have remarked, in 
order to do this profitably, we must begin with the notices of 
it in the contemporary Prankish annals, and thence, if pos- 
sible, work back to the earlier uncertain land of tradition 
beyond. The earlier of these notices reaching down to the 
year 879 have been abstracted with great pains and accuracy, 
and have been elaborately and learnedly annotated by M. 
Kruse in his most useful work entitled " Chronicon Nortman- 
norum." This has been the chief mine whence I have drawn 


my materials. Besides this work, I have consulted the 
National Collection of Chronicles, edited by Pertz, known as 
the " Germanicarum Scriptores," and the learned notes which 
the various contributors to that work have furnished. The 
work of Kruse gave rise to some controversy, and inter alia 
M. Kunik published at St Petersburg a very elaborate dis- 
section and criticism of a portion of it under the title " Kri- 
tische Bemerkungen zur den Rafnische Antiquites Russes 
und zur den Kruseschen Chronicon Nortmannorum." This 
was read before the St Petersburg Academy, and has 
been published in the first volume of the Melanges Russes, 
abstracted from the Bulletin of that institution. This I have 
carefully examined, and also the more recent authorities for 
Carlovingian history, such as M. Warnkcenig and Gerard, 
" Histoire des Carolingiens," and Zeller's " History of Ger- 
many." Depping's well-known work, " Les Expeditions Mari- 
times des Normands," only becomes of value at a later period. 
Let us now turn to our subject. 

The first mention of the Norse folk in the annals of the 
Carlovingian period was in the year 777. The Frank empire 
was then in the height of its glory. On every side its neigh- 
bours had had to succumb and submit to it Aquitaine 
and Brittany, Spain as far as the Ebro and Lombardy, the 
Wiltzi on the Elbe and their relatives in Bohemia, the 
Bavarians, the Saxons, and the savage Avares, had all been 
trampled under, and the sceptre of the great Karl was 
more or less obeyed from the Elbe to the Ebro, and from the 
North Sea to the Adriatic. It was a colossal power ; and the 
imperious hand which held the reins would not brook a half 
obedience while he had both the vigour and the power to 
enforce his way. His soldiers were not decrepit and worn 
out by luxury like those of the later Roman empires. What 
virtue there was in Europe was of the martial kind ; and it 
might well have seemed to an historian who surveyed the 
world from Ingelheim or Nimvegen, that his master held the 
destinies of Europe in his grasp, and if he chose to crush its 
liberties to powder, he had only to put his will in practice. 


There was probably never a period in its history when a 
centralised despotism, which was able to crush out all pro- 
vincial individualities and liberties, was so nearly constituted 
in Europe. 

Yet at this very time there was being nursed in two isolated 
areas a power and vigour which, although not commanding 
such great legions, was yet able, by the fierceness and per- 
sistence of its blows, to shatter the mighty edifice into frag- 
ments, to honeycomb the unwieldy mass with its influence, 
and to sow in its stagnant and dead fields a crop of new 
ideas, new aims and ambitions, which at length restored to 
the world some of that salt which it had lost, and created " a 
new departure" in its history. The two elements that went to 
make up this power were the Saracens in the south, and the 
Norsemen in the north. It may be that if the great emperor 
had foreseen the future history of these races, that he would 
have concentrated his battalions upon them and crushed 
them. But who could so have foreseen it, at least in the case 
of the Norsemen ; nor did their opportunity come until he 
and his sword were buried, and his grandchildren were fight- 
ing with each other for their inheritance, and opening gaping 
wounds in the empire where the gad-flies of the north found 
a too easy trysting-place. Nor were they unprovoked. It 
has been too much the fashion to treat their attacks as mere 
acts of piracy. They may have so degenerated at a later 
day, but in their earlier ventures there can be no doubt that 
their motive was a political one, and that the unity of pur- 
pose which distinguished them was guided by a defensive 
rather than an offensive policy. That this was so will appear 
from the following narrative. 

Among the most troublesome foes whom the Franks had 
had to fight were the Saxons, a race very near to them in 
origin, religion, and language, but divided from them im- 
passably by their religion, and by a feud which had lasted for 
three hundred years, during which an almost continuous 
struggle was carried on against them, in which they were often 
the aggressors, and in which they seem to have considerably 


widened their borders at the expense of the Franks; but 
this was now to cease. The Frank sceptre was in the grasp 
of one who would not permit such aggressions on the part 
of his neighbours. Karl the Great was king. For five years 
had he waged a savage war in Saxony, a war in which he 
championed the cause of Christianity, and his neighbours, 
so nearly related to our forefathers, the cause of Odin a 
savage and cruel war in which, backed by vast resources, 
he had declared his intention either to convert or exter- 
minate the Saxons. Twice, namely, in 772 and 773, had his 
armies traversed the Saxon land to and fro, had captured 
its stronghold, Ehresburg, destroyed its sacred groves and 
idol at Irmensul, and exacted a passing obedience. On each 
occasion when his back was turned, the undaunted Saxons 
attempted their revenge ; twice reconquered their fortress of 
Ehresburg and massacred its Frankish garrison, while detach- 
ments of the imperial troops were elsewhere overwhelmed. 
In 777 the emperor once more crossed the Rhine with an 
immense army, determined to fulfil his main object the 
conversion of the Saxons. The pomp of his surroundings 
and the strength of his forces seems to have temporarily 
overawed, if they did not overcome them. He marched 
through Westphalia, and held a general assembly at Pader- 
born at the sources of the Lippe, where he built a fortress not 
far from where Drusus had planted Aliso. This portion of 
Saxony, the nearest to the Frank frontier, was, says Zeller, 
the first to receive Christianity ; and the country of Paderborn 
was the first portion of Saxony to be divided into parishes.* 
There, in the enemy's country, Karl held one of those stately 
assemblies, which, from their date of meeting, were styled 
Mai Campi, Champs de Mai, or May Felds. Surrounded by 
his bishops and counts, and by the rude chivalry of his court, 
he received the submission of the various Saxon chiefs and 
envoys from different countries, among whom Moors from 
Spain are especially mentioned. A vast crowd of Saxons 
were baptized, and, according to their custom, did homage to 

* Zeller, Hist. d'Allemagne, 433. 


the Prankish conqueror. One among the Saxon chiefs, the 
most redoubtable and dangerous of them all, was, however, not 
present. This was the Westphalian Witikind, whose fame, as 
has been said, would probably have rivalled that of Arminius 
had he had a Tacitus to recite it. He would not bend his neck, 
however others might ; and we are told that with a few Saxons 
he fled, according to some authors, to the country of the North- 
men, according to others, to " Sigfred, the king of the Danes." 
As this is the first mention of a Danish king by the historians 
of the Carlovingian empire, we must analyse it carefully. 

The chief authority for the history of this period is the 
series of annals kept at the Abbey of Lorsch, and known as 
the " Annales Laurissenses." These annals extend from the 
year 741 to the year 829. The section from 741 to 789 is 
written in a rugged style, and was probably continuously 
compiled by some tenant of the abbey. From 789 to the 
conclusion in 829 the style and hand are different and much 
improved, and from a comparison with the work about to be 
cited, Pertz has concluded that this later section was the 
work of Einhardt or Eginhardt, the nephew and biographer 
of Charlemagne. 

Besides completing the Lorsch annals, Eginhardt himself 
wrote a similar work, also beginning in 741 and ending in 
829, and written throughout in the same style. This was in 
effect a re-edition of the annals of Lorsch. The two may be 
compared side by side in Pertz's great work. This second 
series of annals is generally quoted as the "Annales Einhardti." 
These two are the only contemporary narratives we possess. 
The work of the so-called Poeta Saxo is at this period merely 
a translation of Einhardt's annals into verse. It was written 
in the reign of Arnulf, who died in 899.* The first section of 
the annals of Fulda, written by Enhardus, who seems to have 
been a different person from Einhardt, is compiled as far 
as 829 from the " Annales Laurissenses " and the " Annales 
Einhardti." Reginon, Abbot of Pruhm, who wrote a valuable 
chronicle extending from the Incarnation to the year 909, 

* Pertz, i. 227. 


tells us he compiled the portion relating to Charlemagne from 
a book in plebeian and rustic Latin, which he reduced to 
grammatical language. His words are : " Hsec quae supra 
expressa sunt, in quodam libello reperi, plebeio et rusticano 
sermone composita quae ex parte ad latinam regulam correxi, 
quaedam etiam addidi quae ex narratione seniorum audivi."* 
This, as Pertz thinks, was almost certainly a copy of the 
" Annales Laurissenses." We may therefore take it that the 
latter and Einhardt's annals are " the f antes" of all reliable 
information on this period. Now the " Annales Laurissenses" 
tell us only that Witikind fled in partibns Nortmannorum. 
Einhardt says he fled to Sigfred, the king of the Danes. 
These statements are not inconsistent, for the term North- 
men is constantly applied to the Danes ; and it is not 
improbable otherwise, that Sigfred was the name of the king 
with whom the Saxon patriot took refuge. It has been 
suggested that it was the fugitive from Westphalia who first 
aroused in the lands of the Baltic that jealous and bitter 
hatred of the Christians which bore such bitter fruit later on. 
That he was in fact the Peter the Hermit of a movement 
which a few years later led to the devastation of half the 
European sea-board; but this very much exaggerates his 
importance. At first, and for many years, the Norman 
attacks upon Christianity were directed, not against its 
Prankish supporters, but against the scattered followers of 
St Columba in the many islets of the British seas. Nor was 
the hatred such an unnatural one that it should need an 
instigator like Witikind. The Christianity that came with 
the Franks was suspected and despised, not so much from its 
religious as from its political aspects. It was because it was 
Erastian to the very core, and a mere handmaid of the state, 
that it met with so much opposition. The neophyte who 
donned the white robe in which he was baptized by the 
bishop was expected to complete his duty by doing homage 
to the Kaizer, and it might well be feared in the north that 
the ever hungry power which had invaded so many liberties 

* Reginon, ad ami. 814; Kunik, op. ci(. t 278. 


and thrust its yoke upon so many neighbours, would shortly 
complete its work by a raid upon Scandinavia that lay so 
near. There, too, was the very cradle and home of the 
martial faith that formed the great trysting-tree to all the 
opponents of Christianity; and there was also the armoury 
whence had gone at least the leaders of the brave men who 
had shattered the old Roman empire, the step-mother of that 
which now paraded its barbaric pomp at Treves and Ingel- 
heim and Aachen. It required continual watchfulness on 
the part of the emperor to preserve his unwieldy realm 
from the crowds of waspish foes that hung about its borders 
Saracens, Avares, etc., etc. Thus the year after the 
council at Paderborn we find him in the far south, fighting 
against the Moors, and sustaining a disastrous defeat in the 
passes of the Pyrenees. This battle, which has become famous 
through the sagas of Roland, was that of Roncesvalles. 
News of defeat travels quickly, and it was probably news of 
this that tempted Witikind this very year to return once 
more to Westphalia to collect his clans, and to lay waste the 
country as far as Deutz, opposite Cologne on the Rhine, 
returning by the valley of the Lahn per Logenehi in Upper 
Hesse. He was followed by the imperial troops as far as the 
Eder, a tributary of the Weser, upon which Cassel is built. 
He was overtaken at Lihesi (probably represented by Budini- 
feld on the Weser),* and a fight took place in which the Franks 
were victorious. Many Saxons were killed, and the smoking 
churches of the Rhineland were in a measure revenged.^ The 
following year, namely, in 779, the Saxons having been de- 
feated at Bocholt on the Aa, their three divisions, namely, the 
Angrarians, Westphalians, and Eastphalians, submitted. In 
780 Charles arrived in person, and made a progress through a 
large part of Saxony, whose inhabitants were now submissive 
enough. We are told that at Orheim (now Orum on the river 
Ocker, near Wolfenbiittel) \ the inhabitants of the Bardengau 

* Poeta Saxo, ad ann. 777 ; Kruse, 8, note 8 ; Spruner's Map, loc. cit. 

\ Annales Laurissenses, etc., ad annum; zide Kruse, 8; Keller op, cit., 431. 

% Kruse, 14, note 4. 



(a large district of Luneburg), with many northern folk 
Nordlindi were baptized. These Nordliudi are clearly to 
be identified with the Transalbingian Saxons who lived in 
Holstein.* After this the emperor held a council at the place 
where the Ohre falls into the Elbe, where the affairs of the 
Saxons and the Slaves were settled, and then once more 
returned to the land of the Franks. -f- It was at this time, 
namely, about the year 780, that St Willehad was sent by 
Charlemagne to plant Christianity in Wigmodia, the district 
between the Elbe and Weser where Bremen stands. He 
was very successful, and in two years many of the inhabi- 
tants had been converted.^: Thus was the faith carried to 
the very borders of the Danish land. 

Two years later, namely, in 782, we again find Charles in 
the Saxon land. There he held his annual convention at the 
sources of the Lippe, and there assembled the Saxon chiefs, 
except Witikind and his companions. There, too, went envoys 
from the Danish king, probably to inquire what was the 
meaning of this ambiguous movement on his borders, and 
whether it meant the planting there of an advanced post of 
the empire, from which his land might be menaced. 

On this occasion the name of the Danish king is given both 
in the Lorsch annals and by Einhardt, but unfortunately the 
various copies of the former are not quite consistent in their 
testimony. The older copies of the Lorsch annals agree with 
Einhardt in calling the Danish king Sigfred. In this they are 
followed by the Fulda annals, all except one copy. Two 
copies of the Lorsch annals, one of the Fulda annals, and the 
chronicle of Reginon, call him Godfred. So that there is a 
very material contradiction between them. Now it may be 
that Godfred and Sigfred are merely synonyms of the same 
person, the essential part of the name being the particle Fred 
or Frotho, a name which occurs so frequently in the old 
Danish regal lists, and that Sieg and God are merely qualify- 

* Kruse, 15, 16, notes 32, 33. 

t Annales Laurissenses, Pertz, i. 1 60; Eginhardt, ib., 161 ; Reginon, $., 559, etc. 

J Anskar's Life of St Willehad, Pert/, ii. 382 ; Kruse, 20. 


ing particles ; but this view seems improbable, and shortly 
after this date we find Sigfred and Godfred constantly used as 
essentially different names. Putting this view aside, we are, 
I think, bound by the weight of testimony, that of the oldest 
copies of the Lorsch annals, and of the biographer of Charle- 
magne, who was a contemporary, and was hardly likely to 
have mistaken the name of the Danish king, and both say 
Sigfred. As Pertz, Kruse, Kunik, and other inquirers, have 
argued, it is very likely that Reginon copied from a corrupt 
copy of the Lorsch annals, and, anyhow, his testimony is that 
of one who lived a century after the events. The single copy 
of the Fulda annals, and the two late ones of the Lorsch 
annals, cannot be held to weigh against the testimony just 
adduced ; and in all three cases it is probable that the more 
familiar Godfred, who is mentioned a few years later, has been 
substituted for the unfamiliar Sigfred, and that Godfred is 
here used by anticipation. I conclude, therefore, that Sigfred 
is the proper form of the name. Let us now revert to 
Witikind. In the "Chronicle of Brunswick," written by Botho, 
a late work written in old Saxon, and preserving some old 
traditions, we are told that Witikind married the sister of 
Sigfred, king of Denmark, who was called Geva, and by her 
had a son named Wipert, and a daughter, Hasala. Hasala 
married Berno, whose father was one of twelve ethelings of 
the old Saxons, and had been the companion of Witikind's 
flight when he fled from Charlemagne to Denmark.* A dux 
Bruno of the Angrarian Saxons is mentioned in 775, by 
Reginon. Botho's chronicle comes down to 1489, and was 
printed at Mayence in I492.^ It was deemed by its editor, 
Leibnitz, to be founded on old authorities.]: The fact of 
Witikind having married Geva is mentioned in an anonymous 
rhythmical chronicle of Brunswick, written, according to Leib- 
nitz, in the reign of Albert I., Duke of Brunswick, who died 
in 1279, while Witikind's son, Wipert, is named by other 
authors ; || but the relationship of Geva to the Danish king is 

* Op. cit., Kruse, 4, 5. t Kunik, op. cit., i. 279. 

J Kruse, 7, 8. Kunik, 280, note, ib., 6. || Kruse, 7. 


not traceable to any older authority than Botho, and may 
have been a conjecture merely of his. Geva is not, so far as 
I know, a Norse name, while it does occur as a woman's name 
in Low Saxon in the year 817.* Gevarus, however, occurs 
as a man's name in Saxo Grammaticus. 

Let us now revert to the convention of 782. We are told 
that the meeting was also attended by the envoys of the 
khakan of the Avares,-f* and doubtless by strangers from 
many climates, having a common bond of jealousy of the 
Franks and their aggressive policy. 

After holding his placitum, the emperor returned westwards 
again, but was sharply recalled by another outbreak of the 
Saxons, who were again incited by Witikind. Once more there 
was a massacre of missionaries, and a retreat of the small Frank- 
ish contingents towards the Rhine. The emperor, who was 
ignorant of this invasion, had sent three of his officers namely, 
Adalgisus, the chamberlain ; Gailo, the master of the horse ; 
and Woradus, the count of the palace at the head of the 
Frank and the Saxon troops against some rebellious Slaves. 
Having heard on their march of the Saxon revolt, these 
leaders marched against them, and there was a sharp struggle 
in the tortuous country about Siindel, on the north bank of 
the Weser, between Minder and Rinteln. The site of the 
battle is still known as Dachtel Feld, or field of slaughter.]: 
Although the Franks were victorious, it was at the cost of 
the lives of two of their leaders, namely, Adalgisus and Gailo. 

The persistent treachery of the Saxons, who had so often 
sworn to be faithful, was naturally very galling to the emperor. 
He once more entered their land, traversed the battle-field, and 
arrived at Verden, near the confluence of the Weser and the 
Aller. There he summoned the Saxon chiefs to meet him. 
They were once more subservient. They accused Witikind 
of being the instigator of the outbreak, and surrendered 4500 
of their companions, who had been the most active in it. 

* Erhard's Res Gesta, i. 105 ; Kunik, 286, note. 

t Ann. Lauriss., Pertz, i. 162-164; Kruse, 16. 

J Kruse, 17, note. Ann. Lauriss., Pertz, i. 162-164; Kruse, 16, 17. 


These were decapitated. Zeller moralises much on the 
massacre, as though it gave point to his persistent tirade 
against the barbarous policy of the Germans and their hero, 
Karl the Great ; but it seems hard to say what is to be done 
when a province is conquered and submits, and not once, but 
several times breaks out into rebellion and submits again, but 
at last to put away the main cause, the leaders of disaffection. 
The massacre of missionaries and the small Frank border 
garrisons was not to be tolerated, and is difficult of defence 
even to those who are careless of discipline, and whose fanatic 
sympathy is always on the side of what they choose to call 
" the impatience " of a free people to a conqueror's yoke. This 
may be very well in its way, but it is equally clear that, 
granting the right of conquest at all, it is the paramount duty 
of the conqueror to suppress at all cost the disturbers of the 
peace, and that, although cynical, it is true to say that rebellion 
only justifies itself by success, and pays a just penalty when 
its failure is followed up by the execution of the rebels. 

Witikind, the instigator, of the Saxon revolt, had pressed 
his heel heavily on the neighbouring districts of Friesland, 
where the missionary Liudger had been faithfully working for 
six years. He burnt the churches, and expelled the priests, 
and compelled the Friesians, as far as Lake Flevo (the nucleus 
of the Zuyder Zee), to revert to their old faith, while Liudger 
himself was forced to retire.* Willehad fled from Wigmodia 
to Utriustria, and thence, coasting round the Friesic shores, 
escaped by sea. Folcard, the priest, with the Count Emmig, 
was slain near Delmenhorst ; Benjamin in Upper Riustria ; 
the priest Atrebanus in Ditmarsh ; and Gerwal, with his 
companions, at Bremen.-f- Thus was the young church in 
Friesland, which had been carefully tended by Charlemagne, 
uprooted and destroyed ; and we cannot wonder at the sharp 
and severe revenge he took. But while the subordinates suf- 
fered, the mainspring and wire-puller of the movement 
escaped, and we are told that Witikind once more fled to, 

* Life of St Liudger, Pertz, ii. 410; Kruse, 19. 

t Anskar, Life of St Willehad, Pertz, ii. 382 ; Kruse, 20. 


and found safety among, the Northmen.* The indefatigable 
emperor, whose life was such a hurrying to and fro about his 
dominions, to beat down the hungry bands of plunderers who 
girdled it about, determined on this occasion to stamp his 
heel firmly on the Saxon neck. He sent for his wives and 
children, and made his home for a while in the enemy's 
country. The pagan sanctuary of Detmold in Engria was 
captured after a brave resistance, while from Paderborn in 
Westphalia, and Werden in Eastphalia, columns set out and 
harried the Saxon settlements from the Ems to the Elbe, 
traversing the frozen marshes and rivers and leafless forests, 
and burning the rebel villages. A plot which was formed to 
assassinate him was discovered, and its chief authors were 
deprived of their sight. At length, in 785, after nearly three 
years of persistent ravage, the Saxons were crushed, and the 
emperor sent certain Saxon nobles to Witikind, who had pro- 
bably pulled the wires in the various outbreaks, to beg him to 
submit, " for his gods Thor and Woden were seemingly of no 
help to him." He consented, and we may well believe that it 
was a hard day for the proud pagan, who had been the rally- 
ing-point of the impatient Saxons, when he attended at Attigny, 
with his friend Alboin, perhaps his son-in-law's father, and 
was baptized in the palace there ; nor could all the imperial 
presents that he received have reconciled him completely to 
his new fetters. What a victory it was thought elsewhere 
may be judged of from the fact that his baptism was ordered 
by Pope Adrian to be celebrated by three days of solemn 
processions throughout the Christian world, while a letter 
was sent with the news by Charlemagne to his great contem- 
porary, Offa of Mercia.-f- In this letter he is curiously called 
Withmund, which was possibly his real name. An early 
poet, who wrote in Low Saxon, says he was called Nickheim 
before his conversion, and was named Wittekind, i.e., white 
boy, from the white robe he wore at his baptism. J 

While the emperor was crushing out paganism and inde- 

* Annales Laurissenses, Pertz, i. 162-164; Kruse, 17. 

t Kruse, 22, 23 ; Zeller, 439, 440. J Kruse, 5. 


pendence with the sword in Saxony, a fresh venture in a more 
peaceable fashion was made upon Friesia, where Liudger was 
sent, and, in the quaint words of his Life, he was made " doctor 
of the Friesians east of the river Laubeck, and set over the five 
districts of Hunesga, near Groningen ; Fivilga and Hugmark, 
both near Groningen ; Emisga, at the mouth of the Ems ; 
and Federgewe, north of Emisga ; together with the island of 
Bant." * He also, with the consent of the emperor, crossed over 
to the island of Heligoland, then called Foseteland, from the 
old god Fosete, whence its name of Heligoland or holy island. 
There he destroyed the shrine of Fosete, and planted Christian 
churches. He baptized the people in a spring where St 
Willibrord had previously baptized three men. Among the 
converts was Landric, the son of their prince, who became a 
priest, and worked for many years among the Friesians.-f In 
786, a fitting crown was given to the work by the foundation 
of the bishopric of Bremen, which became so influential in 
the subsequent evangelising of Scandinavia, and of which 
Willehad was the first bishop. His authority extended, we 
are told, over the districts of Rustringen, being the greater 
part of the duchy of Oldenburg ; Asterga ; Lorgo ; Nord- 
endi in Friesia ; Wanga, of which but a fragment remains in 
the isle of Wangeroog ; and Wigmodia ; the last of these is 
the district about the present city of Bremen, and was named 
from the river Wimme.J He died in 790, and was succeeded 
by Liudger, the evangelist of Friesland. For some years 
there was now peace in Saxony, but at length another oppor- 
tunity arose. The emperor had a struggle in Pannonia with 
the terrible Avares, a struggle in which he effectually broke 
their power, but meanwhile his hands were full ; and in 792 
we find the Saxons once more rebelling and killing the 
Franks near the Elbe. Two years later they were again 
constrained to submit, and to give hostages for their good 

* Pertz, ii. 420. t Life of St Liudger, Pertz, ii. 410. 

J Vita Willehadi, Pertz, ii. 383, and Chron. Moiss., Pertz, ii. 257; Kruse, 
23, 24. 

Kruse, 27. 


behaviour ;* but these good days were only transient. If the 
Saxons were inclined to be quiet, they had neighbours on the 
east and north who were so unsettled that causes of offence 
were constantly arising. The fierce priesthood which Charle- 
magne did so much to stamp out had an always open sanctu- 
ary and a sympathetic welcome among the Danes, who had 
already begun to test their weapons upon the disintegrated 
states of England and Ireland, preparatory to the long revenge 
they exacted from the Franks in later times. In the east 
were the rival Slavic tribes of the Wiltzi and the Obotriti. 
The latter were in alliance with the Franks, and apparently 
at deadly feud with the Saxons. In 795 their king, on his 
way to visit the emperor, was murdered near the Elbe by the 
Saxons. The latter were again punished, and a third part of 
their leaders were transported to Haspengau, Belgia, and 
Bamberg.-f- Hostages were taken from the rest, while a new 
bishopric was founded at Verden.j The next year brought 
its seasonable campaign in the Saxon country, after which 
the emperor returned to Aachen. 

In 797 there was another Saxon war, and the fortresses of 
Wigmodia and the maritime district between the Elbe and the 
Weser, called Hadeln, were ravaged. One authority makes 
out that the Franks employed a fleet on this occasion, and 
for the first time punished the Saxons beyond the Elbe.|| 
The emperor having once more returned to Aachen, a general 
assembly of prelates and notables, including Saxons, was 
held ; and a Saxon capitulary was issued. IT 

In 798 the Saxons beyond the Elbe killed certain Frankish 
envoys who had been to obtain redress for some recent griev- 
ances. About the same time Godescalcus, who had been sent 
as an envoy by the emperor to the Danish king, happened to 
be returning through their country, and was also put to death. 
Einhardt, as before, calls the Danish king Sigfred ; and this 
is the last time he mentions him. When a Danish king is 
next named, it is Godfred, and not Sigfred. 

Charlemagne collected an army at Minden, on the Weser, 

* Kruse, 29. f /<*., 29, 30. + Ib. Ib., 30. || It., 31. IT It., 31. 


and proceeded to ravage the country of the Saxons between 
the Elbe and Weser. Their brothers beyond the Elbe, who 
had murdered the envoys, being elated by their success, took 
up arms and marched against the Obotriti, who were close 
allies of the Franks. Thrasco, the Duke of the Obotriti, 
having heard of their march, collected his forces, met the 
Saxons at Swante in Mecklenburg, and killed a great many 
of them Einhardt, on the authority of Eburis, the emperor's 
envoy, who was in the battle, says 4000; the "Annales Laures- 
hammenses," 2901.* The next year the emperor resided for 
a while at Paderborn, sent his son Charles with an army to 
the borders of the Elbe, to settle the affairs of the Obotriti, 
Wiltzi, and Trans-Elbian Saxons. He also transplanted 
many of the Saxons, and granted their lands and fiefs to his 

In 800 we are told that the emperor left Aachen in March, 
and made a journey along the maritime district of Gaul, which 
was infested by the Norman pirates, and he ordered a fleet to 
be built. He then returned to his favourite home at Aachen 
by way of Rouen and Paris.-f- He spent the summer of 802 
in hunting in the Ardennes, and sent an army to ravage 
the land of the Transalbingian Saxons.J In 804 he again 
entered their country and transplanted them into various 
parts of the empire. He gave their lands to the Obotriti. 
The "Chron. Moiss." says that he also transplanted the 
inhabitants of the three gaus of Wigmodia, Hostingau, and 
Rosogau;|| but Kruse has, I think, shown that it is very 
improbable, that such a transplanting on any large scale 
should have taken place at this time from districts forming 
the diocese of Bremen. And I believe that the country 
stripped of inhabitants was chiefly the district of Wagria, 
which thenceforward became a Slavic land. This invasion of 

* Kruse, 32, 33. 

t Annales Laurissenses, Pertz, i. 186; Einhardt, Pertz, i. 187; Kruse, 36. 
% Einhardt, Pertz, i. 190. 

Ann. St Amandi, Pertz, i. 14; Ann. Xantenses, ib., ii. 224; Einhardt, il>., i. 
191, 192; Reginon, ib., i. 563; Kruse, 37, 38. 
|| Vide Pertz, i. 307, ii. 258. 


the marches of Jutland and the substitution of their enemies, 
the Obotriti, for their clients, the Saxons, was another menace 
to the Danes, and we are not surprised to read that it brought 
the latter to their frontiers. 

Matters were indeed very threatening for the Danes. Charle- 
magne was not in the habit of brooking much opposition, and 
he had trampled too successfully over the Avares, Saracens, and 
Saxons to have much fear for the Norsemen. The Saxons had 
now been finally pacified and incorporated with the empire. 
It was at a placitum held at Sallburg, near Konigshofen, in 
803, that they undertook to adopt Christianity, to pay tribute 
to the Church, and to obey the counts and missi dominici ; 
on the other hand, they were granted the use of their own 
laws.* This pacification extended apparently to all the hither 
Saxons, or Saxons south of the Elbe, and no doubt strength- 
ened the empire immensely. When it was followed by the 
transport of the Saxons beyond the Elbe into the interior of 
the Frank land, and the movement of the Obotriti into their 
old land, it might well seem that the next step in the encroach- 
ing policy of the great emperor would be across the Eider ; 
and we are told that Godfred, the Danish king he is so called 
both by Einhardt and Reginon went with his fleet and all 
the army of his kingdom to Sliesthorp (i.e., the far-famed mart 
of Schleswig on the Schlie), on the borders of his kingdom 
and of Saxony. According to Einhardt, he promised to 
attend the imperial diet, but was restrained by the counsel of 
his own people, a phrase which sounds like a diplomatic cover 
for some act of independence on the part of the Danish king. 

The emperor, who was at Hollenstedt, near Harburg, on the 
Elbe, sent envoys to Godfred to treat for the return of fugi- 
tives (probably of Witikind and his people), and returned in 
the autumn to Cologne.-f It was at this time that the city of 
Hamburg was probably first founded. We are told that 

* Poeta Saxo, Pertz, i. 260; Eginhard, Pertz, i. 417; Annales Quedlinburg- 
ensis, i. 40; Annalista Saxo, i. 561 ; Kruse, 37. 

t Einhardt, Pertz, i. 191, 192; Reginon, i'!/., 563; Annalista Saxo, t't>., viii. 565; 
Kruse, 38, 42. 


Charlemagne built a church there, intending to give charge of 
the district with episcopal jurisdiction to a certain holy man, 
called Heridag, but the death of Heridag and the many 
occupations of the emperor prevented the plan from being 
carried out, nor was it till a later day that Hamburg became 
the great evangelising centre of the north.* 

In the year 807 we read in the narrative of the anonymous 
Saxon poet, who for the most part follows Einhardt, but who 
here has recorded a very interesting fact independently, that 
Halfdene, the Norman leader, and with him a considerable 
army, made submission to the emperor, and endeavoured to 
enter into a perpetual pact with him/f This Halfdene I shall 
have more to speak about in another paper. Meanwhile 
Godfred prepared to attack the hated Slaves who had been 
introduced into what he deemed his borders without his per- 
mission. And we are told that in 808, while the emperor was 
at Aachen, he and his Danes marched against the Obotriti. 
Charlemagne sent his son Charles to the Elbe with an army 
of Franks and Saxons, with orders to resist him if he at- 
tempted to cross the Saxon frontier. Godfred ravaged the 
borders of the Slaves, captured some of their fortresses, drove 
away Thrasco, one of their chiefs, and hanged Godelaib, 
another. He made the two sections of the Obotriti tributary. 
He also destroyed their emporium on the coast, called in the 
Danish tongue Reric. This, as we are told by Adam of 
Bremen, was the site of old Mecklenburg, near Wismar, whose 
inhabitants were afterwards known as Reregi : " Deinde secun- 
tur Obotriti, qui nunc Reregi vocantur, et civitas eorum Mag- 
nopolis."! Godfred carried off its merchants, and imposed a 
heavy tribute on the Obotriti. I have small doubt that this 
expedition has been confused by the author of the saga of Olaf 
Trygvason copying Saxo, and by the " Islandic Annals," with 
the campaign against the Friesians in 810, and that they have 

* Adam of Bremen, i. 15; Annalista Saxo, Pertz, viii. 565; Helmold, Kruse, 42. 

t Op. cit., Pertz, i. 263; Kruse, 45. 

J Adam of Bremen, Pertz, he. 311. 

Einhardt in Pertz, i. 195 ; Kruse, 46. 


converted the emporium Reric into a Hraerek or Rurik, prince 
of Friesia, who is quite unknown to the contemporary Frank 
annalists. This campaign cost Godfred some of his best men, 
and among them, according to Einhardt, was Reginald, his 
brother's son, who was killed with many Danes in attacking 
a town. The "Chronicon Moiss." calls him Godfred's nephew, 
and the first in the kingdom after himself.* To oppose the 
attacks of Godfred, Charlemagne's son, Charles, crossed the 
Elbe into Lauenburg, marched in the direction of the modern 
Lubeck, and having devastated the lands of the Linones and 
Smeldingi, Slavic tribes which had gone over to Godfred, he 
once more recrossed the Elbe, and, according to one ingenuous 
writer, his expedition was by no means altogether a success, 
for he lost most of his men.-f- Godfred had been assisted in 
his campaign by the Wiltzi, the eastern neighbours of the 
Smeldingi and Linones, who were ancient foes of the Obo- 
triti. They returned home with a considerable booty. God- 
fred himself, after his campaign, sent his fleet round to 
Schleswig and marched his army there, and proceeded to 
build a mound along the northern shores of the Eider, from 
one sea to the other. This was pierced by a single gateway 
for the passage of men and merchandise. After dividing the 
work among his chiefs he returned home. J This mound was 
probably not the celebrated Dannewirke. That, as Worsaae 
has argued, having been traditionally connected with another 
Danish king, namely, Gorm the Old, but rather an older and 
ruder mound .which runs along the Eider. Having heard that 
the emperor was displeased at his campaign against the Obotriti 
in the previous year, Godfred, in 809, sent him envoys asking 
him to fix a convention beyond the Elbe, where explanations 
might be given. Such a convention was held at Badenfliot 
(probably the village\now called Beydenfleth, on the banks of 
the Stur). This convention was apparently not very effective 
in humbling the Danes, but, on the contrary, we find directly 

* Einhardt, Pertz, i. 195; Chron. Moiss., Pertz, ii. 258; Kruse, 46, 48. 
t Lesser Annals of Lorsch, Pertr, i. 263 ; Kruse, 49, 50. 
Kruse, 47. Kruse, 50, note. 


after, Thrasco, the Duke of the Obotriti, and the prottge of 
the Franks, surrendering his daughter as a hostage to God- 
fred. This was probably to secure his neutrality in the war 
which he was then urging against the old enemies of his 
people, the Wiltzi, and from which he returned with a great 
booty. He afterwards, with the assistance of the Saxons, 
captured the chief town of the Smeldingi (i.e., Mollen). 

When the emperor heard of the arrogant behaviour of the 
Danish king, he determined to build a fortress beyond the 
Elbe, and having collected a number of artificers in Gaul and 
Germany, he sent them under command of the Saxon Count 
Egbert across the Elbe. Esesfelt was fixed upon as its site.* 
We are told it was occupied by Egbert on the Ides of March. 

Meanwhile Thrasco, the chief of the Obotriti, was treacher- 
ously killed by an emissary of Godfred's at Reric.-f- He was 
probably considered a too faithful friend of the Franks to be 
well disposed to the Danes. These acts on either side were 
hardly a gauge of peace ; and we accordingly read how 
Godfred, at the head of 200 ships, fell upon Friesia, devastated 
its coasts and islands, and fought three battles with the 
Friesians, whom he made tributary, exacting a sum of 100 
pounds of silver from them, after which he returned home. J 
A curious fact is cited by Depping to show to what straits the 
Friesians were at this time reduced. He quotes an old law by 
which a captive Friesian, who, in the service of the Northmen, 
should attack a village, violate women, kill men, or burn 
houses, was not to be punished if he returned home ; it 
being held that he was not a free agent, but only doing the 
bidding of his exacting masters. Another law authorised 
mothers to dispose of the property of such of their children 
as were carried off, showing how hopeless their return 
generally was. 

* This has been identified by several inquirers with Itzehoe on the Stur. Man- 
nert (Gesch. der alt. Deuts., i. 486), would place it on the site of Gluckstadt at the 
mouth of that river. 

t Einhardt, i. 196, 197 ; Kruse, 51. 

I Einhardt, Pertz, i. 197, 198 ; Fulda Annals, #., i. 354, 355 ; Kruse, 53, etc. 


While the Danes were ravaging Friesia, their allies, the 
Wiltzi, captured the fortress of Hohbuoki on the Elbe, which 
was governed by the imperial legate Odo, and which some 
identify with the town of Boitzenburg, others with Biichen in 
the duchy of Lauenburg.* It is strange to read the notice of 
the muster of the Prankish forces to meet these attacks, and 
their march across the Rhine, mentioned in the same paragraph 
with the death of an elephant, which had been sent as a present 
to Charlemagne by Aaron, the king of the Saracens, i.e., by 
Harun ar Rashid. The Franks marched towards the Alar, 
and at its confluence with the Weser they awaited the attack 
of the Danes, who had apparently boasted loudly of their 
intentions after the Friesic war. The Danes, however, came 
not, but news arrived that Godfred had been assassinated.^ 
The "Chronicle of St Gallen" says the deed was done by one 
of his sons in revenge for his having deserted his mother in 
favour of another wife.j The deed was perhaps also incited 
by some weak-kneed Danes, who feared the consequences of 
bearding the great Frank empire. We at all events find that 
the throne was immediately occupied by one who courted the 
friendship of the Franks, while the sons of Godfred escaped 
beyond the water escaping apparently much more from 
fear of their own people than from any dread of the emperor's 

Before we proceed with our story it will be convenient to 
try and discover who the Godfred was of whom we have 
spoken so frequently. The Frank chronicles do not enable 
us to answer the question. They give us no information 
about it. On turning to Saxo Grammaticus we find him 
making Godfred, or Gotric, as he calls him, the son of Gormo, 
and he the son of Harald. I have already in the Atheiuzum 
discussed the question of this Gormo, and the anachronisms 
with which his history, as told by Saxo, is filled, and which 
make it exceedingly probable that he is to be identified with 
Gorm the Old, who lived at a much later day. Two of the 

* Kruse, 53. t Einhardt, Pert/, i. 197, 198, etc. ; Kruse, 53-61. 

J Pertz, ii. 757 ; Kruse, 56. 


most striking of these anachronisms are, that he makes him 
have intercourse with the people of Thule, which is his name 
for Iceland, while Iceland was not colonised until the second 
half of the next century. He also makes him be converted 
to Christianity in Germany, and introduce Christianity into 

We know from Prankish authors that before 798, when God- 
fred was King of Denmark, Christianity had not passed the 
Elbe, and south of that river it was a mere sickly plant, except 
in the neighbourhood of Paderborn. It was long after this, 
and after the death of Godfred and his successor, that Harald 
Klak was baptized at Mayence. This was in 826. He was 
the first royal Dane apparently to be converted, but at this 
time he was an exile seeking the favour of his imperial host 
and no king of Denmark. We know also that Eric was a 
pagan, and that when Anskarius, the apostle of Sweden, was 
on his journey, Christianity was not practised in Denmark, 
and the fierce northern pirates were still unreclaimed from 
their old worship. We know in fact that the first of the 
Danish kings to adopt Christianity was a Gorm, and that he 
married Thyra, the daughter of that Harald Klak who was 
baptized at Mayence. But this Gorm did not live before the 
days of Godfred, but was the Gorm, father of Harald Blaatand, 
who reigned in the latter half of the ninth century, and the 
beginning of the tenth, and was in fact the Gorm the Old of 
the Danish chronicles numbered 58 in Saxo's list of kings. 
These anachronisms make it exceedingly probable that Saxo 
has made two kings out of one Gorm, and that we ought to 
erase the name Gorm which stands 46 in that list as identical 
with the Gorm numbered 58. This does not involve the 
erasing of the incidents of his reign mentioned by Saxo. 
These are probably authentic, only that they have been 
transferred to a phantom king of the same name, whereas in 
fact they are incidents in the long reign of Gorm the Old. 

If we examine Saxo's narrative closely, we shall be disposed 
to make him an honest person who attempted to weave a 

* Saxo, ed. Muller, 165. 


continuous history out of a number of disjointed and dis- 
integrated sagas, doing what his rival Snorro, the son of 
Sturle, did in the "Heimskringla," and what was alone possible 
in those days. Most of these sagas were detached and 
isolated epics commemorating some heroic exploit, and often 
containing but few facts useful to the genealogist of the 
northern races. Having arranged these isolated stories in 
what he deemed a continuous series, our author appears 
to have pieced them together by the insertion of one or 
two names, thus making the story run without any breaks. 
If Saxo had been a very critical person it would not have 
been perhaps easy to discover any of these joints in the 
narrative ; but he not only lived in uncritical times, but was 
apparently the most uncritical of all historians. 

On turning to the series of kings immediately preceding 
the name of the Gormo we have just described^whom Saxo 
makes the father of Godfred, we have a notable instance of 
this failing, and one of the most extraordinary anachronisms 
imaginable. We find a series of names and events which take 
us back to the sixth and earlier centuries Jarmeric and Bicco, 
heroes of the " Volsunga Saga," Aggo and Ebbo, the heroes of 
the Lombards ; and, as if to make matters more certain, Paul 
Warnifred, the historian of the Lombards, is quoted for de- 
tails of the history of the latter two chiefs. These names and 
many others occur between those of Harald Hildetaand and his 
nephew, Sigurd Ring, and Godfred, the subject of our story 
throwing the former back, therefore, to the early centuries 
after Christ ; and, as if to intensify the confusion, Sigurd Ring 
occurs again ^a long time after as the successor of Hemming, 
whom we shall refer to presently. So that the same indi- 
vidual is made to live at two epochs seven or eight centuries 

I am not now going to reconcile the contradiction, but 
merely to state that ft is a very marked instance of Saxo's 
method. The fact is, t^hat a large portion of the narrative 
intervening between Harald Hildetaand is a separate and 
substantive saga, which has x been thrust into the midst of a 



story, and, like a primeval boulder in a garden, is a stranger 
there, and may with care be detached. This foreign and in- 
trusive narrative has been pieced on by Saxo to his account of 
Godfred by the insertion of the names of Gormo and his father 
and grandfather. They are, it seems to me beyond question, 
inserted to fill up the gap, and to hide the junction of the two 
narratives ; and we may take it that Saxo, who found Godfred 
named in the Frankish chronicles, and also in the traditions 
of the country, and could find no mention of his father, boldly 
made another Gorm for the purpose, and inserted him in loco 

The fact that Godfred should occur in the old traditions in 
this isolated fashion points in a measure to his not belonging to 
the old line of Danish kings, but to his being an intruder, and 
this is largely supported when we find his son Eric, who after- 
wards became king, qualified as Eric the Usurper. If he were 
not a Scioldung, who could he be ? Among a proud and ex- 
ceedingly feudal race like the Norsemen there was no room for 
upstarts and parvenus to become kings, for the kings were not 
only the temporal sovereigns of the country, but also its high 
priests. Putting aside the Scioldungs, the only royal race we 
know at this time in the north was that of the Inglings, the 
old royal lineage of Norway, and we naturally turn to that. 

Besides several incidents in the life of Godfred which Saxo 
has taken from the Frankish chronicles, and which we have 
already considered, he has a story which throws considerable 
light on his origin. He tells us he was famous, not only for 
his prowess, but also for his liberality, and he was no less 
clement than strong. At this time he says Goto (i.e., Gautr), 
the King of Norway, was visited by Bero (i.e., Biorn) and Refo 
(i.e., Refr, meaning a fox) from Thule, and presented the latter 
with a bracelet of great weight. The bystanders thereupon 
declared that Goto's generosity was unsurpassed. Refo, how- 
ever, who, notwithstanding the present, was disposed to be 
candid, declared that Gotric (i.e., our Godfred) excelled him in 
this quality. Ulvus (i.e., Ulf), who was nettled at this, there- 
upon proposed a wager to Refo to go and test the Danish king. 



Refo accordingly set out, and found Godfred seated on his 
throne dividing pay or booty among his soldiers. On being 
asked what his name was, he answered that he was a little fox 
(/.<?., Refr). This aroused the laughter of some and the admir- 
ation of others. " A fox," said Godfred, " ought to take its prey 
in its mouth," and thereupon detaching a bracelet, he inserted 
it in Refo's proffered lips. The latter, placing it on his arm, 
showed it to all, ornamented with gold. Meanwhile, the other 
bracelet, which was devoid of ornament, he had kept concealed, 
so that it might not tempt Godfred into a rival act of gene- 
rosity, but that what he did should be spontaneous. He was 
delighted, not so much at the value of the gift as at having 
won his wager. When the king heard of the wager and of 
the accident, rather than design, by which it was won, he was 
more delighted even than Refo himself. The latter returned 
to Norway to claim the wager, which, being refused, he killed 
his opponent (Saxo, no doubt, means the king), and carried 
off the King of Norway's daughter as a prize to Godfred. 
This story coincides admirably with the character of the 
Ingling chieftain Gotric, who, as it would seem from a com- 
parison of the genealogies, must have lived at this time, 
and who is called Gotric hin Gafoglati (i.e., Gudrod the 
Magnanimous), and also Gudrod the Hunter by Snorro. He 
tells us he was married to Alfhild, a daughter of King Alfarin 
of Alfheim, and got with her half the district of Vingulmark. 
By her he had a son named Olaf, who was called Geirstad-Alf. 
When Alfhild died, King Gudrod sent his men west to Agder, 
to the king who ruled there, and who was called Harald 
Redbeard. They were to make proposals to his daughter 
Asa, upon the king's account, but Harald declined the match, 
and the ambassadors returned to the king, and told him the 
result of their errand. Soon after, King Gudrod hove down 
his ships into the water, and proceeded with a great force in 
them to Agder. He immediately landed, and came, altogether 
unexpectedly, at night to King Harald's house. When Harald 
was aware that an army was at hand, he went out with his 
men, and there was a great battle. King Harald and his son 


Gyrder fell, and King Gudrod took a great booty. He also 
married Asa, by whom he had a son named Halfdan. When 
Halfdan was one year old, and Olaf twenty, Gudrod went on 
a round of feasts. He lay with his ship in Stiflesund, and, 
having drunk hard, got very tipsy. The ships were connected 
to the shore by gangways, and when it was dark, as he went 
ashore, and had got to the end of the gangway, a man ran a 
spear into him and killed him. The man was instantly put 
to death ; and in the morning when it was light, the man was 
discovered to be Asa's foot-boy. Nor did she conceal that it 
was done by her orders. Thus tells Thiodolf of it : 

" Gudrod is gone to his long rest; 
Despite of all his haughty pride, 
A traitor's spear has pierced his breast. 
Revenge ! and, as by wine opprest," 
The hero staggered from his ship, 
The cruel queen her thrall let slip 
To do the deed of which I sing. 
And now, the far descended king 
At Stiflesund, on the old bed 
Of the old Gudrod race, lies dead. " 

. Hdmskringla, 259, 260. 

This account and that of Saxo seem to refer to the same 
person, and so Kruse apparently concluded. The term 
"magnificent" describes well the person whose munificent 
liberality was put to the test by Refo. Saxo's making him 
and his companions Thylenses, or men of Iceland, is, of course, 
an anachronism, but, in Saxo's day, Iceland was the home of 
nearly all the sagas, and was the stock quarter to which 
adventurers were attributed. The confident appeal of Refo 
to Gudrod's superior generosity shows that he was well known 
to him, and this view is supported, when we find that he was 
employed by Gudrod in his intercourse with Sweden, to which 
I shall refer presently. It is most probable, in fact, that both 
Refo and Bero were envoys, sent to demand the daughter of 
the Norwegian king. Both accounts agree that Gudrod 
married the daughter, and that her father was killed. It is 
hardly likely that Refo would kill him merely because he 


had won his wager ; and this part of the story, which is very 
confused, seems to be another tradition of the events men- 
tioned by Snorro. Saxo calls the Norwegian king Goto 
(i.e., Gautr or Gudrod), while Snorro gives the name of Gyrdyr 
to the son of the Norwegian king, who was killed with his 
father. The two names are, in fact, identical. The identi- 
fication of Saxo's Gotric with Gudrod, is confirmed by two 
other circumstances to which attention has, apparently, not 
been directed. Saxo and most of the Danish genealogists 
make Gotric be succeeded by his son Olaf. Olaf is quite 
unknown to the contemporary Prankish annalists, who give 
us abundant notices of Danish affairs at this time, and who 
make Godfred be immediately succeeded by his brother's son, 
Hemming. On turning to Snorro and the Norwegian genea- 
logists, we find that they make Gudrod be, in fact, succeeded 
by his son Olaf, who is called Olaf Geirstada Alf. This is a 
very remarkable coincidence. Again, Westfold was at this 
time the kernel of the Norwegian dominion. The Norwegian 
kings at this date are merely called Kings of Westfold by 
Snorro. On turning to Einhardt, under the year 813 we find 
it reported that the two chiefs who had conquered Jutland 
from Godfred's nephew, make an excursion into Westarfold 
(i.e., Westfold) in Norway. This probably means that they 
were claiming the remaining portion of Godfred's dominions. 
Lastly, the story told by the Prankish chroniclers, that 
Godfred came to his end by violence, and at the hands of 
one of his retainers, agrees with the more detailed story 
told by Snorro, about the way in which Gudrod was put 

All these facts and coincidences, and they are strangely 
numerous, justify us in identifying the Godfred of the Frank- 
ish chronicles with the Gudrod of the Norwegians. I hold 
that, having succeeded to the crown of Westfold, and acquired 
a wide reputation, he made a descent upon Jutland, whose 
sovereign he displaced, and appropriated his dominions. I 
shall have more to say about that sovereign in the next 
paper. It would seem, from Saxo's narrative, that he also 


acquired considerable influence in Sweden, where he sent the 
crafty Refo as his envoy, probably rather as his tax-collector. 
The Swedes were afraid to attack him openly, and attacked 
him by treachery when he was asleep. 

In punishment of this act of treachery, it was decided that 
each of the authors of the crime should pay two golden 
talents, while each of the common folk should pay an ounce 
of gold. This tribute was named the Fox's pension, in 
reference to the name of Refr. 

The death of Godfred forms a fitting term to the present 
paper. With him we get on tolerably safe ground, and the 
previous pages have been devoted to clearing up the difficulty 
which surrounds that border country in the history of 
Denmark, where history begins, and where we gradually 
emerge from mere tradition into the full light of history ; and 
the author hopes that his criticism of the border country has 
made considerably clearer the drift of the story. 

There is a curious, romantic character which occurs at this 
period in some of the chronicles, to whom a word or two may 
be devoted. This is Olger the Dane, one of Charlemagne's 
paladins, and the hero of some of the epics known as the 
Charlemagne romances. That such a person existed, there 
is no reason to doubt, though it is now impossible to assign 
him a distinct position in the history of the time. He is 
described in the romances as a most Christian prince princeps 
Christianissimus. According to the Monk of St Gallen, 
after the death of Pepin, and when the Lombards once more 
threatened Rome (i.e., about 768), Olger, who had incurred 
the emperor's wrath, fled to Desiderius (i.e., to the Lombard 

Hearing, however, of the approach of Karl, they climbed a 
tower, whence they could see a long way, and, seeing the 
baggage, Desiderius said to Olger, " Is not this Karl's army?" 
to which the fearful Olger, who was well acquainted with the 
emperor's surroundings, and who, in happier days, had been 
his intimate, replied, "When you see the fields bristle with 

* Kruse, 9. 


iron, and the Po and the Ticino inundating the city with waves 
black as iron, then may you expect his arrival." Then did 
Karl himself come in view, with his iron helm, with his iron 
spear, etc. The true prophet Olger then said to Desiderius, 
" Behold ! you have as much as you desired," and, thus speak- 
ing, he fell almost senseless. We next read, that, on the death 
of Karloman, Karl the Great's brother, in 771, his widow fled 
with her two sons and with Olger the Marquis to her father 
Desiderius.* It would seem that he had formerly been a 
friend of the Emperor Karl ; and, having become a partisan 
of Karloman, according to the Monk of St Gallen, who does 
not mention Karloman or his widow, Olger fled to Desiderius 
because he had incurred the emperor's wrath. The next 
statement is in the " Chronicon Moissiacensis " under the 
year 773, where we read that the emperor, having determined 
to hold his " Mayfield " at Genoa, divided his army into two 
sections, with one of which he crossed Mont Cenis ; and, 
having set his uncle Bernard and his other faithful friends 
over the other, they crossed over St Bernard (per Joris 
vwntem}. But King Desiderius, having ordered the defiles 
to be fortified, Karl sent his picked soldiers up the mountain 
side, and they drove the Lombards with their King Desiderius 
and also Olger from their posts. After this we are told that 
Karl besieged Pavia for ten months, and, having captured it 
in June of 774, he returned to " Francia" and carried off with 
him Desiderius the king, and Olger and his wife and daughter.-f- 
Olger now seems to have regained the good opinion of Karl, 
for we are told that, by order of that emperor, he, in 778, 
restored the church of St Martin at Cologne, which had been 
destroyed by the Saxons.j This is the last mention I can 
find of him. 

* Annales Lobiensibus, 711; Kruse, 9. t Kruse, 10. 

I Chron. St. Mart. Coloniensis, Pertz, ii. 214; Kruse, 9. 


Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

IT would be an easy task, and perhaps a not uninteresting 
one, to draw a picture of what Lancashire may be supposed 
to have been during the reign of Queen Elizabeth its large 
forests, its trackless mosses, its many-gabled, moated, timber 
halls, and its old grey churches, would all form an admirable 
background to a stage upon which the persecuted Catholic 
gentry, the almost equally persecuted Puritan, the honest old 
yeoman and his comely dame, the hard-working husbandman, 
and the "sturdy beggar," might be made to act their parts; 
but this would not be history, and may therefore be left to 
the hands of the romancer and the novelist. 

The existing records of this period, so far at least as they 
refer to Lancashire, are neither so numerous nor so rich in 
details as we could wish, yet sufficient has been preserved to 
enable us, without " drawing upon imagination for our facts," 
to present a series of sketches of the county and its inhabi- 
tants between the years 1558 and 1603 sketches which, if 
they have no other merit, are " true to nature." 

The chief town of the county for many centuries had 
been and still was Lancaster, although in size and importance 
it was now excelled by several towns of more modern birth. 
The assizes were held here, and the ancient castle (built on 
the site of the Roman castrum) was used as the county gaol, 
and at the time of the threatened Spanish invasion it was 
again fortified, and its great keep raised to the height of seventy 
feet Lancaster claims to be the oldest corporate borough in 
the county, having received its charter of incorporation 4 
Richard I. (A.D. 1193), which, with many additional privileges, 


had repeatedly been confirmed ; yet in the reign of Henry 
VIII. Leland records that "Lancaster has had many beauti- 
ful houses," but that they were then " falling into ruin ;" and 
Camden in 1586 asserts that it was at that time "but thinly 
peopled, and all the inhabitants farmers, the country round it 
being cultivated, open, flourishing, and not bare of wood." 
These two accounts agree well with the plan of the town taken 
by Speed, which, although it shows as then existing, the Free 
School, the Church, the Castle, the Old Hall, the New Hall, 
the Fishmarket, the Pinfold, and the White Cross, yet it only 
gives the names of eight streets, in which the houses for the 
most part appear to be detached, and with long strips of land 
between them. 

We have no authentic return of the population of Lancaster 
at this time, but it must have been inconsiderable as compared 
with Manchester, which was now fast rising in importance 
and wealth, and had been described by Leland as "the 
fairest, best builded, quickhest [i.e., busiest], and most populus 
touwne" in the county. 

In the statute of 33 Henry VIII. (1541-42), c. xv., the 
inhabitants of Manchester are described as " well set a worke 
in makinge of clothes as well of lynnen as of woollen, whereby 
they have obteyned, gotten, and come vnto riches and welthy 
lyuings, and haue kepte and set manye artificers and poor 
folkes to work ; " and in consequence of their honesty and 
true dealing,, "many strangers, as wel of Ireland as of other 
places within this realme, haue resorted to the said towne 
with lynnen yarne, woollen and other wares for makinge 

In I55 2 an -"spt was passed for the regulation of the manu- 
facture of woollen cloth, and in it mention is made of " Man- 
chester rugs and frizes," the making of which had now become 
the great trade of the place ; and which was also extensively 
carried on in the surrounding district, so much so that in 
1566 it became necessary to pass an Act of Parliament to 
regulate the fees of the -queen's aulneger (measurer), whp was 
to have deputies in Bolton, Blackburn, and Bury, and whose 


duty it was to prevent the " cottons,* frizes, and rugs " from 
being sold unsealed. 

We have no plan of Manchester during the time of Eliza- 
beth, but it may safely be assumed that it consisted of some 
ten or twelve streets, radiating from the old church (now the 
cathedral) as a centre ; the population numbered 10,000 ;T~ 
and its water supply came from a single spring, rising in what 
is now known as Fountain Street, and which flowed down 
Market Street to a conduit to Smithy Door. The town's 
business was transacted in a building called the " Booths," 
where the court of the lord of the manor was also held, and 
near it stood the stocks, pillory, and whipping-post, and not 
far distant was the cucking-stool pool. J The streets were 
narrow and unpaved, and the houses were built mostly of 
timber and plaster, with projecting upper stories, and roofed 
in some instances with tiles, but mostly with the primitive 

The College of Manchester was dissolved by Edward VI. 
in 1547, but refounded by Mary; and on accession of Queen 
Elizabeth it was discovered that in it the Bishop of Chester 
had imprisoned a number of Protestants who were at once 
released, and its warden (Lawrence Vaux), who refused to 
take the oath required, was deprived of his office. 

The ecclesiastical commissioners appointed by her Majesty 
were not slow in turning to a useful purpose the establishment 
which they found existing, and they therefore declared that 
the college revenues should be under the control of the Crown, 
and that the Bishop of York should be empowered to make 
any necessary alterations in its constitution. Under this 
regime it became the college of the county, and enjoyed an 
importance never before obtained. This prosperity did not, 
however, last very long; not only did the revenue of the 

* These were really woollen goods. Cotton manufacture did not begin in Lan- 
cashire until nearly a century later. 

t Charter of Queen Elizabeth to the college. There is some doubt as to whether 
the number refers to the town only or to the parish. 

Court Leet Records. 

Hibbert Ware's Hist, of Collegiate Church of Manchester. 


college during the wardenship of Thomas Herle 
become reduced, but the popular feeling against it became 
so violent that its clergy were said to have been beaten in 
the streets, and one of them on his way to the church was 
attacked by a man called William Smith, and was wounded 
by a dagger in three places. 

In 1578, on the petition of the inhabitants, the queen granted 
to the college a renewed charter, from which we quote the 
following scale of daily wages, as illustrative of the period ; 
the sums indicated were only to be paid for such days as 
the recipients were actually "present and resident:" Warden, 
43. 5d. ; fellows, is. 4d. ; chaplains, 6\ d.; choristers, 4^d.; 
singing boy, 2f d. 

Manchester at this time was not a borough, but the lord of 
the manor held a market, with privileges of assize of bread 
and ale, etc.; he also held court leet with view of frank 
pledge, and these gatherings no doubt formed the most 
stirring events in each year. 

The following extracts from the records of the court leet* 
will well illustrate the state of the town at this period. 

1559. It was ordered "that no one shall have their horses, 
mares, or catties, to the intent to beat [i.e., bait] or fodder 
them in the streets there before any man's house or shop." 

1560. "The inhabitants upon the south side of the church" 
are to make " one pair of butts," and the " inhabitants . of the 
north side one other pair of butts," under a penalty of 6s. 8d. 
"No person within the town, etc., shall brew to sell unless 
they be able to make two honest beddis [beds], and every one 
of them shall put forth of his window, or some other con- 
venient place, the sign of a hand." When the ale is done the 
hand is to be withdrawn. All other beersellers who can 
make up "four honest beds" are to "set forth a fair and com- 
mendable sign." 

1561. "No person to cast any dung, etc., over the church- 
yard wall." 

In 1566, the streets being unpaved, an order is made that 

* Chatham Society, vol. Ixiii. 


"all men within the town shall pave afore their houses." 
Swine appear to have been kept in large numbers, and a 
swineherd was appointed whose duty it was to collect them 
each morning and take them out of the town. 

The great social problem, the pollution of rivers, now began 
to present itself, and three officers are nominated to prevent 
" anything noisome or hurtful being cast into the river Irk." 

1569. An order is made that "no rogg [i.e., rugs] be wet 
openly in the streets, but must be done in or at the backsides 
of the houses." In the same year a pair of stocks are 
ordered, which were only removed in 1812. 

1573. The court would seem to have had a dream of 
temperance, for they direct that " whatsoever person shall be 
found drunken in any ale-house or seen abroad in the streets" 
shall be imprisoned all night in "the dungeon," and when 
released pay 6d. to the constable, which, however, was " to be 
given to the poor; " and any ale-house keeper " found drunken 
was henceforth to be discharged from ale-house keeping." In 
this year seven houses are suspected of being " disorderly." 

1595. "No man shall sell any corn in any house upon the 
market day, but shall bring it into the open market, and 
neither open any sack, nor make any price of the said corn 
and grain until the market bell be rung." 

About this time great stress is laid on the order that " no 
butter or suet shall be put in cakes." 

Although Manchester had now become the most advanced 
and enlightened town in the county, yet we have no evidence 
of the existence of anything like a bookseller's shop, and it is 
not until 1664 that any book is known to have been printed 
here, except one or more tracts which issued from the famous 
itinerary printing press of " Martin Marprelate," which was at 
work in Manchester in 1588, and was seized in 1593 whilst at 
work on a portion of " Han ye any work for the Cooper." * 

A plague raged in Manchester in 1565, or rather, as Rolling- 
worth puts it, "a sore sickness of which very many died," 

* The first Manchester book recorded is "A Guide to Heaven," printed at 
Smithy Door, 1664 (The Lancashire Library, p. 157). 


which was succeeded by a great dearth (in 1586), when a 
penny white loaf weighed but six or eight ounces.* 

The same chronicle records that in 1578 the churchwardens 
levied a tax of nearly ^9 for destroying the crows. 

As at the present day, the collegiate church was a favourite 
place for weddings, about the conducting of which it became 
necessary to make strict regulations. For example, the 
people coming from outside the town were wont to bring 
with them "strange pipers or other minstrels," who some- 
times played before the wedding party to the church doors, 
and afterwards at the wedding dinner. This was found to 
draw " some gains to them," which ought to have gone into 
the pockets of the " town's waytes," and they were therefore 
ordered to come no more ; and it was further enacted (in 
1565), that at ordinary wedding feasts no one should pay 
above fourpence as his share."!* 

Leaving Manchester for the present we will turn to Liver- 
pool, which in 1565 consisted of only 138 houses and 7 
streets, and its inhabitants could not have exceeded 900. 

The number of vessels belonging to the port was one 
dozen, which were navigated by 75 men.J 

Liverpool had in fact very much decreased in wealth and 
importance, and no doubt merited the description given of 
it by one of its Members of Parliament, who calls it the 
" decayed town of Liverpool," and reminds the queen that it 
is her own town (i.e., part of the duchy possessions), and 
" hath a castle and two chauntries clear, the fee-farms of the 
town, the ferry-boat, two windmills, the custom of the duchy, 
the new custom of the tonnage and poundage, etc.," and 
implores her Majesty not to " suffer them to be utterly cast 
away," but to relieve " them like a mother." 

In what manner the queen exercised her maternal rights 
does not appear. The town, however, did not forget to 
whom it belonged, for on the I7th November 1576, in com- 

* Mancuniensis, p. 82. t Court Leet Records. 

J Picton's Memorials^ Liverpool, vol. i., p. 64. 

Corporation Records ; Picton's Memorials of Liverpool. 


memoration of the commencement of the eighteenth year of 
her Majesty's reign, the mayor lighted a bonfire in the 
market-place, another " anenst " his house ; and in obedience 
to his order all the inhabitants did the same, after which 
there was a liberal distribution of " sack and other white wine 
and sugar" (not a word about the bread), standing all with- 
out the door, lauding and praising God for the most pros- 
perous reign of her most gracious sovereign.* 

In the year 1558, the Mayor of Liverpool was ordered to 
cause a proclamation to be made at the cross, that " no shoe- 
maker of the countrie doe bring shoes to sell in Liverpole 
market made of horse hyde or of unlawful barked leather;" 
on this offence being committed a third time, the vendor was 
to be " bannyshed the market."f 

In this year the plague appeared here, having, it is said, 
been introduced from Manchester in the clothes of an Irish- 
man. It "increased daily and daily to a great number," so 
that " between St Lawrence Day and Martlemas then next 
after" upwards of 240 died of it.J 

The inhabitants had scarcely recovered from the terrors of 
pestilence than (in 1561) a great storm destroyed the break- 
water of their haven, whereupon the mayor called together 
such of the townspeople " as were then at home," who unani- 
mously resolved upon its reconstruction, and to turn the 
" fresh water out of the old pool into the new haven," and 
towards which the mayor " of his free will gave a pistole of 
gold," which was then equal to 55. lod. 

The port of Liverpool was at this time a kind of de- 
pendency on the more important port of Chester. Although 
Liverpool was created a free borough in the reign of John, 
yet it was not until 1699 that it became a parish ; previous to 
that date it formed a chapelry of Walton-on-the-Hill. The 
only church in Liverpool was known as the Chapel of our 
Lady and of St Nicholas, which in 1590 had nine stained 
glass windows containing the arms of various local families. || 

* Corporation Records ; Picton's Memorials of Liverpool. t Ib. 

t Corporation Records. Ib. \\ Harleian MSS. 


The old castle and tower were then in existence ; and the 
ancient town hall was in 1567 for the first time slated. For 
the amusement of the people a cock-pit was set up in 1567 
at the public expense; and in 1576 horse races were estab- 
lished, which were held on Ascension Day. In 1588 Liver- 
pool returned as one of its Members of Parliament the famous 
Francis Bacon. 

One of the most important towns in Lancashire at this 
period was Preston, which had had the benefit of ten royal 
charters before Elizabeth came to the throne, and had then 
a population of about 3000.* It consisted of three principal 
streets, called Churchgate, Fishergate, and Friargate, from 
which issued several narrow lanes, which are still called 
" Weinds." By virtue of a long time-honoured custom, 
Preston holds every twentieth year a " Guild Merchant," of 
which, during the reign of Elizabeth, three were celebrated, 
viz., 1562, 1582, and 1602. 

From the records of the last we glean the following items : 
The guild was commenced on the 3Oth August, Henry 
Catterall being mayor. The guild roll contains the names 
of 537 in-burgesses, and 561 foreign or out burgesses. 
Amongst the latter are the Earl of Derby ; Thomas Walms- 
ley, one of the Justices of the Queen's Bench at Westminster; 
John Saville, third Baron of the Exchequer; and Thomas 
Hesketh, the Attorney-General for Lancashire. 

Thomas Woodrooff was admitted a burgess in considera- 
tion of his ringing the "daie bell" and the "couv'le feu" 
(curfew), and for "makeinge all the seats in the churche, 
both against Sabath daies and festivale daies, sweete and 

The total received by the stewards for fines, etc., amounted 
to over 249. Amongst the enactments made at this guild 
were that no person shall sell beer unless he can lodge at 
least four men and four horses. 

Strangers being in the habit of selling woollen cloth and 
fustian, declaring the same to be of their own make, where- 

* Hardwf ck's History of Preston. 


as they were manufactured in the town, an order was made 
that such sales should not take place until " proof had been 
made before the mayor." Persons taking into their houses 
the children of foreigners (i.e., not freemen) likely to become 
chargeable to the town, without the consent of the mayor, 
were to forfeit 6s. 8d.* 

From these orders, as well as those which were issued by 
the Manchester court leet, it will be seen that the question 
of hotel accommodation had at this time claimed the atten- 
tion of the authorities, and as a result it was recorded that 
now "" the inns in Lancaster, Preston, Wigan, and Warring- 
ton " are so much improved, " that each comer " is " sure to 
lie in clean sheets wherein no man hath lodged. If the 
traveller be on horseback, his bed-cloth cost him nothing ; 
but if he go on foot, he hath a penny to pay for the same ; 
but whether he be horseman or footman, if his chamber be 
once appointed, he may carie the kaie [key] with him as of 
his owne house."-f- 

Of Warrington en passant it will be sufficient to say, that in 
1586 its inhabitants numbered 2250;^ that it was then, accord- 
ing to Camden, celebrated for its manufacture of sail-cloths ; 
its streets were narrow, its houses mostly of wood, hence the 
danger of fire was so great, that every householder was re- 
quired to keep a ladder of at least sixteen staves. 

Bury, Burnley, Rochdale, Bolton, and several other market 
towns, appear towards the close of the sixteenth century to 
have each become a centre of the then rapidly increasing 
trade of the county a trade which has done so much to pro- 
duce the unexampled prosperity of Lancashire and of the 
kingdom at large. 

The general appearance of Lancashire before the com- 
mencement of the woollen and cotton manufacture, and the 
consequent rapid increase of population and buildings, must 
have been very different from its present aspect. Although 
(except perhaps in the extreme north) towns, villages, and 

* Dobson and Harland's History of Preston Guild. 

f Holinshed's Itinerary. J Beaumont's Annals of Warrington, p. 24. 


houses were everywhere in abundance, and roads villanously 
bad connected one place with another, yet there still remained 
much to show what nature had done to make Lancashire one 
of the fairest specimens of her handiwork. Large unbroken 
forests, where still lingered the lordly stag, surrounded with 
game of varied kind, were yet to be seen ; and the dense 
smoke from the tall factory chimney was not there to blast 
and wither with its poisonous breath the tender foliage of the 
stripling oak. Its rivers then meandered through miles of 
pleasant lands, where the lowing of cattle and the melodious 
songs of birds formed the only accompaniment to the gentle 
rippling of the waters ; no contaminating dye-works, chemical 
works, or other followers in the train of commerce, had yet 
planted themselves along the banks ; and the salmon, the 
grayling, the trout, and other smaller fry, held undisputed 
possession, unless they were molested by the otters which 
were then abundant. 

True indeed it is that vast tracts of land, then described 
as "mosses," such as "Pilling Moss," "Chatmoss," and the 
moss where Southport now stands, were utterly waste and 
uncultivated, yet they formed a kind of harbour for wild fowl 
of various species, the hunting of which was one of the sports 
of the age. 

In writing of the state of religion in Lancashire at this time, 
it will be necessary for a moment to refer to the reign of the 
preceding queen, who, while lighting the fires in Smithfield, 
had not failed to discover Lancashire men who were worthy 
of the martyr's death, amongst whom were John Bradford, a 
native of Manchester, and George Marshe, who was born in 
the parish of Dean, near Bolton ; but as it was not every man 
who could be "brave unto death," large numbers of the Pro- 
testants in the north of England fled to Holland and other 
parts of the Continent, who immediately, on the accession of 
Elizabeth, began to return, and many of them, from dread of 
Popery, took refuge in Puritanism (which now rapidly increased), 
and in taking this step they rendered themselves almost as 
obnoxious to the queen as they had been to her predecessor 


for our virgin ruler hated a Puritan only with a less bitter 
hatred than she felt towards a Papist. 

Nowhere in England, perhaps, were the Roman Catholics 
more numerous than they were in Lancashire, and a large 
number of the oldest and most powerful families still adhered 
to the old faith ; this being the case, it is scarcely to be won- 
dered at that at one assize at Lancaster six hundred recusants 
were presented, and the prisons were full.* 

The effect of the various Acts of Parliament passed in the 
early part of this reign was at once to repeal all that had been 
done by Mary, and to make Catholic England again a Protes- 
tant country. All the bishops (with one exception) resigned ; 
yet the parochial clergy, almost to a man, agreed to accept 
the new form of religion rather than give up their benefices. 
The clergy, therefore, who now held the various Lancashire 
livings must, for the most part, have been men of pliant and 
accommodating consciences, who could, like the Vicar of Bray, 
change their religion as easily as their surplices, or they 
must have been men, who, while they professed adher- 
ence to Protestantism, at heart were Papists ; add to this 
that their "salaries were small," and their "parishes ever- 
lasting," and we see that they were but badly qualified 
shepherds to have the care of such large, scattered, and 
disunited flocks. 

The result of all this, as might have been expected, was 
that the Lancashire Papists and Puritans were marked for 
prosecution, and so great was the sympathy shown to the 
victims, that in 1565 it was reported that in " Lancashire, if a 
pursuivant came to the justices with a warrant, they stayed 
him until they had sent to warn the recusant that a search 
would be made, and if he had anything in his house he must 
convey it away." "f About the same time Catholics in some 
instances were forbidden to leave the country, as was the case 
with Nich. Banester, schoolmaster of Preston, who was confined 
to Lancashire, and was reported upon as being "an unlearned 

* Hollingworth's Mancuinensis. 

t State Papers, Dom., Addenda, 1547-1565. 



priest."* A few years later and the aspect of affairs appears 
even worse, as will be seen from the following report: 

1570. Richard, Bishop of Carlisle, to the Earl of Sussex. 

" Before my coming out of York, Sir John Atherton arrived there 
from Lancashire, where he long resided, and not being able to come 
to my house through infirmities, he sent to my father and declared to 
him how all things in Lancashire savoured of rebellion ; what pro- 
vision of men, armour, horses, and munition were made there ; what 
assemblies of 500 or 600 at a time ; what wanton talk of invasion by 
the Spaniards; and how in most places the people fell from their 
obedience, and utterly refused to attend divine service in the English 
tongue. How, since Felton set up his bull, etc., the greatest there 
never came to any service, nor suffered any to be said in their houses, 
but openly entertained Louvainist massers with their bulls." t 

In the same year the bishop writes to Sir William Cecil, 
stating that " in Lancashire the people fall from religion, revolt 
to Popery, and refuse to come to church." \ 

In 1580 Sir Edm. Trafforde writes to the Earl of Leicester 
that the state of Lancashire is " lamentable to behold, con- 
sidering the great disorder thereof in matters of religion, 
masses being said in several places;" and he desires that the 
offenders may be rigorously dealt with. 

In this year (perhaps in reply to this appeal) a royal ecclesi- 
astical commission, consisting of the bishop of the diocese, 
Lord Derby, and others, was formed to " bring them to more 
dutiful minds." || At about the same time an Act was passed 
by which absentees from church for a month were liable to a 
penalty of ^"20. 

In 1591 a report was sent to tire council, from which it 
appeared that the Lancashire commission had made " small 
reformation," that the churches on Sundays and holidays were 
still empty, and that there were "multitudes of bastards and 
drunkards;" in fact, that "the country was in a worse case 

* State Papers, Dom., Addenda, p. 523 (in Calendar). 

t /#., Addenda, xix. 16 i. J Ib., Ixxiv. 22. 

Ib., cxxxviii. 18. || Ib., Addenda, 1580-1625, p. 7 (Calendar). 


than before, and the number of these not resorting to divine 
service greater." The people, it is added, " lack instruction, 
for the preachers are few; most of the parsons are unlearned, 
many of these learned not resident, and divers unlearned 
daily admitted into very good benefices." But even a greater 
evil than this lurks behind, for the young are " for the most 
part trained up by such as profess Papistry. The proclama- 
tion for apprehension of seminaries, Jesuits, and mass priests, 
and for calling home children from parts beyond sea, is not 
executed," neither are the instructions to the justices to sum- 
mon before them " all parsons, vicars, curates, churchwardens, 
and sworn men," * and to examine them on oath how the 
statutes of I and 23 Elizabeth as to resorting to churches 
are obeyed. It is further reported that some of " the coroners 
and justices and their families do not frequent church, and 
many have not communicated at the Lord's Supper since the 
beginning of her Majesty's reign." Some of the clergy have 
"refrained from preaching for lack of auditors; -the people 
swarm in the streets and ale-houses during service time," and 
many churches have only present " the curate and the clerk, 
and open markets are kept in service time," and there are about 
"many lusty vagabonds." Marriages and christenings are 
celebrated in holes and corners "by seminary and other 
priests." Ale-houses are " innumerable, and the law for keep- 
ing them in order is unexecuted, whereby the toleration of 
drunkenness and unlawful games and other great abuses follow. 
Cock-fights, etc., are tolerated on Sundays and holidays dur- 
ing service, at which justices of the peace and some ecclesias- 
tical commissioners are often present " (it is to be presumed that 
they were at the cock-fight and not at the service). The 
report concludes by stating that Yorkshire, and other counties 
adjoining, cannot "be kept in order so long as Lancashire 
remains unreformed." f Affairs appear now to have reached 
a climax, for in 1591 Sir Robert Cecil writes to the effect that 
"most of the Papists in Lancashire have been compelled last 

* Sworn men in some parishes constituted a kind of vestfy. 
t State Papers, Dom., 1591, ccxl. 138. 


winter to come to church, and some are sent to prison, and 
others,have forsaken the country." There is, he adds, now " no 
house in Lancashire worse than Mr Yates', the schoolmaster at 
Blackburn, whose wife, daughter, and maid are recusants, and 
although the maid has been known to have done much hurt 
amongst the scholars, he is yet suffered to keep her." * 

From another report made by some of the clergy of Lanca- 
shire about the year I59<vf* it appears that many persons were 
suspected of having daily masses. Popish fasts and festivals 
were openly observed, the " crosses in streetes and hige waies " 
being "devowtly garnished." Wakes, ales, greenes, May games, 
rushbearings, bearbaits, doveales, etc., were exercised on the 
Sabbath ; some who come to church do more harm than 
good by their " crossinge and knockinges of theire breste, and 
some times with beades closly handeled " (i.e., partly concealed). 
Some still use the popish burial rites before they bring the 
corpse to church ; and at marriage they bring " the parties to 
and from churche with pipinge, and spend the whole Sabbothe 
in daunsinge ; " the churches " generally lye ruinowse, unre- 
paired, and unfurnished ; " the " chapelles of ease (which are 
three times as many as the parishe churches) ar many of them 
utterly destitute of any curates, and thereby growe into utter 
ruine and desolation." 

This report was signed by a fellow of the Manchester 
collegiate church, the rector of Bury, the vicar of Poulton-in- 
the-Fylde, the rector- of Wigan, the rector of Warrington, the 
rector of Middleton, the vicar of Kirkham, the vicar of Roch- 
dale, and others. 

As an extreme example of one of the chapels of ease 
" gone to ruin and desolation," may be instanced the case of 
Singleton, in Kirkham parish. The curate was presented to the 
bishop in 1578 on the following charges: " There is not servyse 
done in due tyme. He keepeth no hous nor releveth the 
poore. He is not dyligent in visitinge the sycke. He doth 
not teach the catechisme. There are no sermons. Hechurcheth 
fornycatours without doing any penaunce. He maketh a 
* State Papers, Dom., ccxl. t Chetham Society, xcvi., p. i. 


donge hill in the chapel yeard, and he hath lately kept a 
typling hous and a nowty woman in it." * 

In 1599, on the evidence of Sir Thomas Heneage, Chan- 
cellor of the Duchy, it appears that in consequence of the 
small value of many of the Lancashire livings, and the fact 
that the "parsonages are in private hands, there are few or no 
incumbents of learning or credit, and that the priests, creeping 
in, draw them from their duty." In consequence of this report 
salaries were ordered to be paid to certain preachers (after- 
wards called king's preachers) ; the death of the chancellor, 
however, delayed the execution of the order, but upon Sir 
Robert Cecil becoming chancellor a new order was made, that 
200, out of moneys received from profits of the lands of 
recusants, should thus be "distributed according to the 
direction of the Bishop of Chester," f who had reported that 
he had then hopes of reducing Lancashire to conformity, as 
in the Fylde district, instead of fourteen or fifteen attending 
church, he had large and attentive congregations. 

From this and other evidence it is clear that towards the 
close of the century some slight improvement} had taken 
place, yet still the agents of the Government often met with 
most serious opposition in carrying out their instructions. 
One example of this will suffice. In i6oo, Henry Breres, 
draper of Preston, was ordered by the mayor of that town 
(Henry Hodkinson) to convey to the county jail one Robert 
Middleton, a seminary priest, who had been delivered to the 
mayor by Sir Richard Houghton and Thomas Hesketh. 
Breres, with a suitable escort, set off for Lancaster, and had 
proceeded about five miles on the way when they were met 
by five men (four horsemen and one on foot), who roughly 
demanded if the prisoner was not a priest ; not receiving a 
satisfactory reply, they called on him to go with them, which 
he attempted to do, and a general fight ensued, all the party 
drawing their swords, when one of the horsemen, called 
Greenlow, presented a pistol at James Dike, one of Breres' 

* History of Kirkham, p. 45. f State Papers, Dom., cclxx. 20. 

State Papers, Dom. Ib., cclxxv. 115. 


men, but it missed fire, and Dike, " with his sword, unhorsed " 
his opponent, whereupon he was " mightily assaulted of another 
of the horsemen, till, by means of a stroke which he gave 
Greenlow's companion, the rest of the party fled, taking the 
nag upon which the priest rode. By this time others had 
come to the assistance of Breres, and they pursued Greenlow 
for a mile, but "he kept them off with his pistol," which at 
last he discharged, " wounding one Travice in the thigh with 
four bullets." He was then taken prisoner and brought to 
Preston, and, on being searched, an address to the queen was 
found in his possession, in which he complains that the Puri- 
tans, in order to complete the overthrow of the Catholics, 
" have harnessed themselves with the helmet of dissimulation, 
the breastplate of malice, the sword of persecution, in a scab- 
bard of liberty, girt about the loins of sensuality, and the 
shoes of zeal, to shed blood, and their tongues have they 
sharpened like serpents." 

Before the dissolution of the monasteries and other religi- 
ous houses, for such education as the people received (and it 
was scant enough) they were indebted to the priests. Fur- 
ness Abbey had its schoolroom (as no doubt had the other 
houses), where such as were intended for the priesthood were 
instructed ; and, possibly, this education might in some cases 
be extended to others ; for example, at Preston in the fifteenth 
century, the founder of the Chantry there provided that the 
priest should be " learned in grammar to the intent to have 
a free grammar school." * When Queen Elizabeth ascended 
the throne there were free grammar schools at Farnworth 
in Prescot, Lancaster, Whalley, Manchester, Clitheroe, Liver- 
pool, and probably at orfe or two more places, but during her 
reign these institutions were greatly multiplied, Blackburn, 
Burnley,f Hawkshead, Leyland, Middleton, Rivington, Roch- 
dale, and many more being established. 

Notwithstanding this spread of education, the Lancashire 

* Baine's Lancashire, ii. 469 (1870 edit). 

t Burnley school was not in existence in 1556, but may have been erected before 
the time of Elizabeth. 


people still held a firm belief in witchcraft. Ferdinand, the 
Earl of Derby, was supposed to have been bewitched to death, 
in which " belief very many, and most of them very learned 
men, concurred." * Another Earl of Derby (Edward) was 
accused of keeping a conjuror secretly in his house ; and in 
1597 a pardon was granted to Alice Brerley of Castleton, near 
Rochdale, who had been condemned to death for killing James 
Kirshaw and Robert Scholefield by witchcraft.-f- 

Numerous other instances might be adduced to prove the 
superstitious character of the age, which, however, was not 
peculiar to this county. 

Much might be written about the military aspect of Lanca- 
shire at this period, but the subject has been so fully treated of in 
" The Lancashire Lieutenancy under the Tudors and Stuarts " 
(Chetham Society, vols. xlix. and 1.), that it will be sufficient 
here to say that the county was called upon from time to time 
to furnish its quota of the national defenders, and that in 1588 
fears were entertained that the Spaniards intended to land at 
the Pile of Fouldrey in Lancashire, " that part of the countrye 
beinge knowen unto docter Allen (who was borne hard by 
the Pyle), and the inhabitants thereabouts all ynfected wth his 
Romish poyson." So reads the report to the Privy Council ;| 
and in consequence the beacon on Rivington Pike was always 
kept ready to be lighted, and guarded night and day by a 
duly-appointed watchman. 

From the " Declaration of the Accompts of Sir John Byron, 
Knighte," one of the deputy-lieutenants of the county, we 
glean the following items of expenditure : 

" Paide to Robte Pilkington, at too seu'all 
tymes, for repayringe and kepinge the 
beacon at Ryven Pyke, .... 6 17 4 
Paide for wage of 200 souldia' trayned too 

days march in 1587, ' . . . . 20 o o 

* Harleian MSS., codex 247. 

t State Papers, Dom., cclxiii. J Lansdowne MSS., codex 56, part 51. 

Local Gleaning (Manchester Courier), p. 144. 


Paide for powder at Ormskirk the saide 

tyme of trayninge, ..... ^4 o o 

Paide for 210 Ibs. of powder, . . . 14 o o 

Paide for 28 rowles of matches, . . . o 10 8" 

Passing from the military to the ordinary everyday life, the 
following items will well illustrate the cost of living in the 
time of " Good Queen Bess ;" they are extracted from " The 
House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe 
Hall"* (A.D. 1585-1603): 

"PROVISIONS : Three salte nyshe, 35. 4d. ; 4 salt salmon and one- 
half a fresh salmon, 273. 3d. ; i Ib. of figs, 3d. ; a quarter of veal, 
i5d. ; a quarter of mutton, i4d. ; a pound of pepper, 45. ; a stone of 
butter, 35. 4d. ; 2 woodcockes, 4d. ; 84 chickens, us.; 8 goslings, 
xxd. ; 2 geese, 8d. ; 2 dozen larkes, i2d. ; a fresh salmon, 33. 8d. ; 
32 snipes, 22d. ; 4 lapwings and 2 grey plovers, 8d. ; half a fat 
lamb, 2S. 6d. ; 12 cupons, 73. 8d. ; i pike and 2 breames, 33. 8d. ; 
2 dozen of dace and i perch, 5d. ; i peck of apples, 23. 4d. ; 5 eggs, 
id.; 44 quarts of sack, 223. WAGES: The smith for 2 days, i2d. ; 
for a day mowing, 6d. ; for ditching a rood, 4d.; six days' work at 
the delph [stone quarry], i5d. ; a woman a day clipping sheep, 2d. ; 
4 days' haymaking, 4d. ; spinning wool for blankets, 23. a stone ; 
weaving pieces of blankets at three farthings a yard ; whitewashing, 
2d. to 4d. a day; a stonemason, 4d. a day. SUNDRIES : A load of 
wheat, IDS. ; a cow, 263. ; twinters [i.e., calves two winters old], 232. ; 
an ox, 2, 8s.; 100 bricks, i2d. ; a heifer, 153.; a pig, is. 2d. ; 
spent at Preston for dinner of three men, 1 2d. ; a butcher's knife, 
4d. ; a pair of garden sheers, i$d. ; a garden spade, rake, and dub- 
bing houke, is. ; 2 sheep-skins, for an arrow case, lod. ; an ounce 
of silk, 2od. ; \ ton of Spanish iron, ^"7, 145. 4d. ; three pair of new 
shoes, 33. i id.; a quire of paper, 4d." 

Of the domestic architecture, it may be stated that the 
houses of the lower and middle classes were almost uniformly 
built of wood and clay, those of the more " well-to-do " having 
large porches attached, with halls and parlours, whilst the 
half-timbered houses of the highest classes were still more 
* Chetham Society, vol. xxxv. 


ornate. Some of these are yet to be seen, and form most 
interesting relics of the Elizabethan age ; the finest and most 
complete of them is Speke Hall, which was built in 1598, and 
which is described in Nash's " Mansions of England." Ord- 
sall Hall, near Manchester; Smithell's Hall, near Bolton ; 
Lydiate Hall, near Ormskirk ; and several others, might be 
named as noble examples of this style of architecture. 

As positive evidence of the nature of the contents of the 
higher-class houses, nothing can be more satisfactory than 
the " inventories " taken immediately after the death of their 
owners, but we have only space for a few extracts, taken from 
various sources of this kind. In the bedrooms were feather- 
beds, flock-beds, truckle-beds, chests, coffers or arks, mattresses, 
pillows, bolsters, blankets, coverlets, flax sheets, curtains of 
moccadowe (a kind of woollen fabric), etc. In the parlours 
and dining-rooms were throne chairs, throne buffets, stools 
covered with needlework, carpets of Turkey work, cushions of 
the same, and pictures. Maps and books now began to make 
their appearance as part of the household goods. 

In the hall were often found coats of plate armour, daggers, 
pistols, bucklers, and occasionally complete suits of armour, 
whilst in the kitchens and minor offices pots, pans, dishes, and 
glass made a formidable array. Cups of silver, with covers 
and without, goblets of silver and silver-gilt, silver spoons, 
and other articles of plate were now in common use. Among 
the articles of clothing we find "knit netherstocks ;" "jerkins, 
and breeches of striped plumet ;" "doublets of ash-colour, with 
silver buttons ;" " breeches quilted and stitched with red silk ;" 
"gowns of damask, furred with lamb ;" kirtles of velvet, satin, 
worsted, and moccadowe ; silk hats ; mufflers ; Dutch cloaks 
of damask ; " tawny clothe gowns, faced with cony, lined with 
lamb, and laid on with lace," etc. Table-cloths of damask 
and of diaper, as well as table-napkins, 'now frequently occur. 
The dining-tables were mostly on tressels, and though chairs 
were more or less used, frequent mention is made of "joyned 
forms," which sometimes were covered with " Turkey work." 

In a paper like this, many subjects of interest must, of 


course, be left untouched, but we have brought forward 
enough to show that although Lancashire was wealthier and 
in a better state in 1603 than it was in 1558, yet it is an 
open question how much of that prosperity was due to the 
wisdom or clemency of the reigning queen ; but on one point 
no doubt exists, and that is, that the county palatine is 
infinitely wealthier, and its inhabitants infinitely happier in 
the days of Queen Victoria than they were in the "golden 
days of Good Queen Bess." 


Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

IT appears from the writings of Eusebius, Basil, Jerome, and 
Augustine, that libraries were at a very early period attached 
to various ecclesiastical establishments ; and that these libra- 
ries were chiefly composed of liturgical and other service 
books, together with manuscript copies of the Scriptures (in 
the original language), homilies, catechisms, psalters, and 
other similar works. Many of these works were of great 
value and importance, especially those belonging to the Ori- 
ental churches.* And to some of these early houses of wor- 
ship were attached separate buildings for libraries and schools. 
In later times most of the large churches had their Scrip- 
torium, or apartment where the ctiartularius wrote and tran- 
scribed the Ordinals containing the rubric and directory for 
the priests in service. There were also Collectaries wherein 
the collects were written, and Troparies, Consuetudinals, etc. 
Adjoining the Scriptorittm was the library proper, which, in 
most English monasteries, was well stored with choice manu- 
scripts ; f there were no fewer than one thousand seven 
hundred manuscript tracts in the library at Peterborough 
Cathedral, besides a catalogue of books belonging to the 
Priory of Dover and the Abbey of St Mary de la Pre at 
Leicester. J These ponderous tomes of skin, together with a 

* Riddle's Christian Antiquities, bk. v., p. 691. 
t Hawkins' Hist. Music, vol. ii., p. 254. 
+ Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, x. 


variety of unbound membranes, present a faithful mirror of the 
general literature of the Middle Ages when the bibliomania- 
cal spirit of the monkish calligraphists was at its height. As 
regards their skill in penmanship, they cannot be equalled in 
the present day. Their works are the principal models of 
all modern illuminations, and are characteristic of the " patris- 
tic eloquence and pious erudition" * of the pre-Reformation 
period. The style of letter or character used in the Norman 
period was called Lombardic, and is found in public grants, 
charters, and law proceedings. This style remained un- 
changed till the time of Edward III. Caley remarks that 
the handwriting of ancient records has gradually degenerated 
from age to age ; thus the records of the Saxon era, whether 
written in Saxon or Latin, are infinitely plainer and more 
legible than those of subsequent eras ; they are also little 
obscured with abbreviations, which have created much doubt 
and ambiguity in after-ages. From the reign of William I. 
to that of Henry III., the charters, grants, etc., are generally 
found written in a plain and perspicuous hand, and especially 
those done by the monks, who imitated the modern Gothic 
characters which were introduced in this country in the 
twelfth century.-f- The scribes of the Middle Ages, we are 
told, carried their writing materials appended to their girdles. 
These materials consisted of a pen case and an ink horn 
formed of " ' cuir bouilli" or "leather softened by hot water, 
then impressed with ornament, and hardened by baking." A 
specimen of these useful materials employed by the notaries 
of the " dark ages," may be seen on an incised brass in St 
Mary Key Church, Ipswich, temp. Edward IV.J 

Consequent upon the dissolution of the monastic institu- 
tions of this country in the reign of Henry VIII., most of the 
ancient libraries were broken up, and many of the rare old 
manuscripts scattered and destroyed. We are told by the 
learned Bale, who was no friend of the monks, that " never 

* Bibliomania in the Middle Ages (Menyweather), p. 99. 

t Court-hand Restored (Wright), Introd. xi. 

t The Book of Days (Chambers), vol. ii., p. 164. 


had we bene offended for the loss of our libraryes, beynge so 
many in nombre, and in so desolate places, for the more 
parte, yf the chiefe monuments and most notable workes of 
our most excellent wryters had been reserved. If there had 
bene in every shyre in Englande but one solempne lybrarye 
to the preservacyon of those noble workes, and preferrement 
of good lernynge in oure posteritye, it had bene sumwhat. 
But to destroye all without consideracyon, is, and wyll be 
unto Englande for ever, a most horryble infamy amonge the 
grave senyours of other nacyons. A great nombre of them, 
whych purchased those superstycyouse mansyons, reserved of 
those lybrary bokes, some to serve theyr jakes, some to 
scoure their candlestycks, and some to rubbe their bootes. 
Some they sold to the grossers and sopesellers, and some 
they sent over see to the bokebynders, not in small nombre, 
but at tymes whole shyppes full, to the wonderynge of foren 
nacyons. Yea, the unyversytees of this realme are not all 
clere in this detestable fact. But cursed is that bellye 
whyche seketh to be fedde with suche ungodly gaynes, and 
so depelye shameth his natural countrey. I knowe a mer- 
chant man, whych shall at thys tyme be namelesse, that 
boughte the contentes of two noble lybraryes for 40 shillings 
pryce, a shame it is to be spoken. Thys stuffe hath he 
occupyed in the stede of graye paper by the space of more 
than these ten years, and yet he had store ynought for as 
many years to come. A prodigyouse example is this, and 
to be abhorred of all men which love their nation as they 
should."* In the reign of Edward VI. certain of the inhabi- 
tants of the parish of Rayleigh in this country met one Sun- 
day afternoon after divine service, and sold, without the 
consent of the churchwardens, "two missals, two graduate, 
four processionals, two hymn books } io\ir dirge books, one psalter, 
four other MS. volumes, and sundry church goods, for the 
sum of 403., part of which they gave to the stage players 
who played at Rayleigh on Trinity Sunday, and the rest they 

* Vide Bale's Leland's Laboryouse Journey. 


bestowed upon the reparation of the corn market"* It 
appears that the king did not trouble much about this kind 
of book trade nor the council, so long as the books sold did 
not contain any clasps with "precious metals" upon them.-f- 
Some of these ancient service books were curiously embossed 
and plated with gold and silver, the value of which, not un- 
frequently, induced certain dishonest persons to steal them 
for the sake of their covers, despite of the awful anathema 
appended to many of them against any person who should 
be guilty of such a deed. The subject-matter of many of 
these MS. volumes was no doubt literally worthless, full of 
legends and wonderful miracles that never took place. On 
this point Fuller remarks that " there were many volumes full 
fraught with superstition, which, notwithstanding, might be 
useful to learned men, except any will deny apothecaries the 
privilege of keeping poison in their shops, when they can 
make antidotes of them. But besides these, what beautiful 
Bibles, rare fathers, subtle schoolmen, useful historians, ancient, 
middle, modern what painful comments were here amongst 
them what monuments of mathematics all massacred to- 
gether!"! And Wood informs us that upwards of a cart- 
load of valuable MSS. were removed from Merton College 
and destroyed, also many from the Oxford Colleges. Al- 
though many of the early MSS. which once adorned the 
library of the monastery of Waltham Holy Cross are lost, 
yet a few are preserved in the collections of MSS. in the 
British Museum and elsewhere. Doubtless several valuable 
MSS. were destroyed in 1731 in the fire of the Cottonian 
Library. One of the most important of the Waltham Regis- 
ters was materially injured in that conflagration. The 
library of Sir Robert Cotton originally consisted of 958 
volumes, which number was reduced by the fire to 86 1 

* As recently as the year 1790 no fewer than 4,194,000 volumes belonging to 
monasteries were burnt in France, and out of this number 25,000 were manu- 

t Essex Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. iii., p. 202. 

t Church History, bk. vi., p. 335. 


volumes, and out of them 105 volumes were found to be 
much damaged when brought to the Museum. The Waltham 
Register (Cott MSS., Tiberius, c. ix.) was among those 
damaged. The few remaining Waltham MSS. have passed 
through a series of changes within the last four or five 
centuries, and some are now bound up with contemporary 
parchments, and preserved among other national monuments 
in the British Museum and the Public Record Office. In 
his account of the " English Monastic Libraries," Joseph 
Hunter notes under Waltham that "the library of this house 
contained several of Stephen Langton's Commentaries the 
^Enigmata of Aldhelm, Simphosius, Eusebius, and Tatwin ; 
with the Vocabularius, or Elucidarium Bibliothecae of Alex- 
ander Necham. There were a few other books." The 
Cottonian MS. contains an account of the Great Charter 
of Waltham (folio 48), and is noticed in the catalogue as 
" Registrum Monasterii S. Crucis de Waltham in com. 
Essexiensi ; continens nimium chartas regias, pontificates, 
episcopales, et alias, de praediis, terris, privilegiis, juribus, 
ecclesiis, indulgentiis, aliisque ad idem monasterium spec- 
tantibus." It also contains a variety of historical matter 
other than that of Waltham, i.e., (i.) "Vita Reg. Ricardi II. 
scripta a quodam monacho de Evesham." (2.) " Libertates 
a rege Gulielm. II. Anselmo archiep. Cantuar. concessae." 
(3.) " Historiola de magna convocatione nobilium et seniorum, 
A. 1072 ; de quibusdam consuetudinibus et terris, quas 
Lanfrancus Cantuar. archiep. ex jure suae ecclesiae, ad se per- 
tinere proclamabat." (4.) " Libertates et privilegiae con- 
cessae a R. Gulielmo monachis de S. Trinitate Cantuariae." 
(5.) " Libertates a R. Henrico I. Anselmo archiep. Cantuar. et 
Eccl. Christi Cantuariae concessae." (6.) " Archidiaconatus 
Cantuariensis institutio et jura : ubi de lite inter archidia- 
conum et capitulum de jurisdictione administranda, vacante 
sede archiepiscopali." This volume consists of 258 folios, and 
is beautifully written on vellum. The part which suffered from 
fire in 1731 is perfectly restored, with the exception of a 
slight contraction of the margin. This manuscript is nearly 


as old as the original from which it was copied. It was com- 
piled late in the twelfth century by a Waltham scribe, pro- 
bably one of the ejected canons. From the body of the work 
we are enabled to glean a little of the life of its author ; 
this has been ably done by Professor Stubbs. It has been 
said that old charters can never be made light reading, 
and that all persons who care for or could use the informa- 
tion they contain, would prefer to see the words in which 
they were written.* But when we have before us such an 
account of the early historian as is given by Mr Stubbs 
in his introduction to the " De Inventione Sanctae Crucis 
Waltham/'-f- we deem it best to leave the original for the 
present, and satisfy ourselves with the following : 

" As we do not know our author's name, what little we are able to 
learn of him is drawn from his book [Cott Tib. c. ix.]. Since he 
entered the house [of Waltham] at five years of age, continued in it 
fifty-three years, and was expelled in 1177, he must have been born 
in 1119, and commenced his education in 1124. For two years he 
was in association with the sacristan Turkill, from whom he heard 
all that was marvellous and legendary in the story of the founders. 
He was brought up in the school of the college under Master Peter, 
the son of Athelard. In time he became a thuribularius, a trebler, 
or censing chorister, and was in his weekly turn when the miraculous 
cure of Matthew took place. As he would not be more than four- 
teen, we are enabled to approximate to the date of that event. It 
must have been not later than 1133. He was made a canon early 
in life; for in 1144, when the houses were burned, he was one of 
the sufferers. | He owed his promotion to Dean Ernulf and Queen 
Adelicia. Supposing the restoration of the latter to have occurred 
in 1141, when the empress was decidedly in the ascendant, the date 
would fall between 1141 and ji44- His youth would be no objec- 
tion, if in this church as in St Paul's, it was intended that there 
should be always canons of the three orders of priest, deacon, and 
sub-deacon. He leaves us in doubt of his expulsion in 1177; nor, 

* See Antiquary, vol. ii., p. 27. -f- Vide\>. xxvi. 

J These houses belonged to the canons of Waltham. They were destroyed in 
an attack upon the town and church by Geoffrey de Mandeville, who was in feud 
with William of Albini and others. 


we may remark, does he ever allude to the circumstances which 
were made a ground for that measure. It is from the Austin canons 
that we learn that it was for careless and secular lives." 

The most interesting part of the manuscript before us 
is the foundation charter of Harold's Church at Waltham, 
which is dated M.LXJL, two years after the consecration 
of the building. Some considerable perplexity has arisen 
in the minds of not a few writers respecting the correct 
date of the foundation of Harold's Church, which will be 
seen if we compare the account given in the "De Inven- 
tione " with Kemble's " Codex Diplomaticus " (vol. iv., No. 
813), Dugdale's " Monasticon," and the Essex Archaeologi- 
cal Society's "Transactions," vol. ii., 59, in which last-men- 
tioned ivork the learned writer concludes, " that the date 
of the dedication was May 3, 1060." It is just possible 
that the building was but partly erected at this time, and 
rendered suitable for the dedication service. Mr Stubbs, 
in his concluding remarks respecting the date of the charter, 
writes : 

"We must suppose, therefore, that the charter of Edward was 
executed two years after the dedication, and that the attestations are 
those of the persons who witnessed the execution ; that the Waltham 
scribe knew by the tradition of the house that Kinsi was the 
consecrator, and not remembering the inconsistency of the dates, 
copied the names of the witnesses from the charter, on the idea 
that they were present at the ceremony; and that thus, with the 
single exception of this mistake, both accounts are genuine and 

We present a transcript of the great charter of Waltham 
(Cott. MSS., Tib. C. ix., f. 40) : f 

" In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi, qui unus Deus in Trinitate 
ab omnibus se colentibus veneratur et puro cordis affectu adoratur. 
Ego Edwardus Dei dono Anglorum rex in hujus mundi decursu, hujus 

* Archaeological Transactions, vol. ii., p. 60. 

t See Mr Stubbs' tract, The Foundation of Waltham, app. ii., p. 46. 



seculi filiorum qui justi inveniuntur studens exaltare cornu, ut portae 
regalis imperil, jure rite roborati, accedant ad eum per callem jus- 
titiae qui dat petentibus juste et religiose vivere. Haec tamen beata 
commutatio digne censetur in hoc seculo, ut cui felicitas tantum 
deliberaverit, animi quod mundialium cupiditatum postposita, velut 
granum frumenti a spinis suffocantibus aliquando vero dumetis 
arescentibus, decipiat, in hunc tenorem emergi ut divina virtute 
firmatus vigeat suo Creatori et Domino. Istas etenim inter transi- 
torias mundi procellas cuidam meorum comitum onomate Haroldo 
quandam terram quae antiquitus ab incolis illius loci nuncupatur 
Waltham, hereditario jure concessi cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus 
campis pascuis pratis silvis et aquis. Exhinc sibi tantam Deus suae 
pietatis gratiam contulit ut inter momentanea mundi desideria cogitaret 
feliciter desiderando celestia. Quinetiam ille, qui omnia in omnibus 
operatur ut vult talem divinae pietatis dulcedinem ut suprammemoravi, 
concessit ei ut non solum Dei cultor efficiatur verum etiam canonicae 
regulae strenuus institutor fieri credatur ; nam haec divinitus fidei de- 
claratione et operum exhibitione ceterarumque aecclesiarum rerum 
plenitudine probavit eventus. Quis autem finis ejus desiderii post 
haec evenerit sapientia per Salomonem declarando prompsit, dum ait 
justis dabitur desiderium bonum. Enimvero rationali consilio ditatus 
ac suae non immemor conditionis in prescripto loco monasterium ad 
laudem Domini nostri Jesu Christi et sanctae crucis construxit. 
Primum concedens ei terram quae vocatur Northlande unde seccles- 
iam villae antiquitus dotatam invenit post fundatum dehinc sacrae 
fidei monasterium, ad normam sanctae Dei ecclesiae dedicari fecit, 
honorifice ob memoriam mei et conjugis meae nomine Eadithae patris 
ac matris pro se, suisque omnibus vivis et defunctis sibi consanguini- 
tate conjunctis. Hoc enim perplurimis sanctorum apostolorum 
martyrum, confessorum virginum reliquiis ornavit. Hoc non solum 
terris quarum vocabula post haec sunt recitanda, verum etiam libris 
evangelicis, vestibus ac diversis ornamentorum generibus templo 
Domini congruentibus qui divinis cultibus clare ac dulcedine im- 
butus attentius, sanctae celebrationis templum excolere caepit ac 
venerari. Quid plura? Suae denique conditionis non immemor 
ibidem quorundam catervulam fratrum secundum auctoritatem sanc- 
torum patrum, canonice regulae subjectam, constituit quae Deo et 
sanctis ejus, die noctuque laudes hymnizando, decantet. Haec sunt 
vocabula praediorum ad praefatum pertinentia monasterium. 


" Passefelda, cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus campis pascuis, 
pratis silvis et acquis. 




Alwartune. \ 


Meluho, cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus. 

Hicche, cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus, campis, pascuis, pratis 

silvis et aquis. 
Lukintone, ) cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus. 

West Waltham. 

~eia. \ 
'ia. V 
velle. ) 



" Has omnes supradictas terras Ego Edwardus Rex pro redimendis 
peccatis meis et antecessorum sive etiam successorum meorum consilio 
archiepiscoporum et episcoporum necnon et principum terras meae 
ecclesiae sanctse crucis et fratribus ibidem in Dei nomine congregatis, 
sive congregandis, concede, cum sacha et soche sol et team, et 
infangenethof, et flemenes fyrithe, et gridbreche, forstal, hamsokne, 
blodwite, odel, et oreste. Si vero aliquis successorum meorum quod 
absit de terris istis quicquam subtraxerit vel subtrahi permiserit et 
inde requisitus, emendare noluerit, ei Deus Justus, judex, regnum 
pariter et coronam auferat. Nos autem, archiepiscopi, et episcopi ad 
hanc confirmationem congregati ex precepto Domini Regis ejusdem 
hortatu excommunicamus et maledictione perpetua, condemnamus 
omnes transgressores hujus consularis donationis et regularis conces- 
sionis \Herefollow the land boundaries of the church~\. 

" Ego Edwardus natu divino Rex, omnia praedia quae Haroldus 
comes monasterio apud Waltham subjecit vel quae adhuc se daturum 
decernit, sublevans statuo ut ab omni servitutis jugo sint semper 
libera et a shiris et hundredis et extra curiam sanctae crucis omnibus 


placitis et omnibus geldis. Scriptum est autem istud privilegiura 
anno Dominicae Incarnationis M.LXII. 

" Indictionibus ter quinis epactis septenis, concurrente I. Hiis 
testibus consentientibus. Ego Edwardus Anglorum Basileus hac in- 
scriptione t%* Salutiferse crucis deliberando assigno. >fc Ego Eadgytha 
Dei munere Christi Regina haec eadem confirmando testimonium do. 
Ego Stigandus Dorobernensis archipresul haec eaedem affirmo : 

Ego, EALDREDUS, Eboracensis Ego, EADMUNDUS, Abbas. 

archiepisc., haec consolido. 

Ego, ALFWOLDUS, episc., ad haec 
testimonium perhibeo. 

Ego, HERMANNUS, episc., testi- 
monium exhibeo. 

Ego, LEOFRICCUS, episc., testi- 
monium adhibeo. 

Ego, WILLIELMUS, episcopus, haec 

Ego, AILMARUS, episc., haec con- 

Ego, LEFWINUS, episc., testi- 
monium perhibeo. 

Ego, WLFWINUS, epis., haec ea- 
dem confirmo. 

Ego, AELWINUS, episc., testi- 
monium exhibeo. 

Ego, AFRICUS, episc., haec affirmo. 

Ego, WALTERUS, episc., haec ea- 
dem corroboro. 

Ego, GYSO, episc., haec omnia 
praescripta confirmo. 

Ego, ^EGELNOTHUS, Abbas. 

Ego, yELPHwiNUS, Abbas. 

Ego, WLLFRICUS, Abbas. 

Ego, LEOFRICUS, Abbas. 

Ego, LEOFSTANUS, Abbas. 

Ego, ^ELWIG, Abbas. 

Ego, HORDRICUS, Abbas. 

Ego, ^EGELSINUS, Abbas. 

Ego, LEOFSTANUS, Abbas. 

Ego, SICHTRICUS, Abbas. 

Ego, HAROLDUS, comes operando 

Ego, ^ELFGARUS, comes. 

Ego, TOSTINUS, comes. 

Ego, LEOFWINUS, comes. 

Ego, GYRTH, comes. 

Ego, ESGARUS, regiae procurator 

Ego, RODBERTUS, regis consan- 

Ego, RADULPHUS, regis aulicus. 

Ego, BUNDINUS, regis palatinus. 

Ego, HESBERNUS, regis consan- 

Ego, REGENBALDUS, regis cancel- 

Ego, PETRUS, regis capellanus. 

Ego, BALDEWINUS, regis capel- 

Ego, BRIHTRICUS, princeps. 

Ego, ^LFSTANUS, princeps. 

Ego, WIGODUS, regis pincerna. 


Ego, ADZURUS, regis dapifer. 

Ego, YFINGUS, regis dapifer. 

Ego, GODWINUS, regis dapifer. 

Ego, DODDO, princeps. 

Ego, ALFGARUS, princeps. 

Ego, BRIXINUS, princeps. 

Ego, EGELNOTHUS, princeps. 


Ego, ESBERNUS, princeps. Ego, ALWOLDUS, princeps. 

Ego, JEGWIG, princeps. Ego, ^LPHIG, princeps. 

Ego, ^EDRICUS, princeps. Haec ego subscripsi Swithar sub- 
Ego, ^GELMUNDUS, princeps. nomine Christi. t%* " 
Ego, SIWARDUS, princeps. 

It is questionable whether all the persons whose names 
appear in the transcript were present at the dedication under 
the style in which they appear here, as Walterus et Giso, 
Bishops of Cirencester, were not consecrated until 1061 (see 
" De Inventione "). The charter is subscribed by thirteen 
bishops, all that were in this country at that time. There is, 
however, a little perplexity in the signatures, arising from the 
non-appearance of the name of " Siward of Rochester," while 
that of ^Elfwold probably of Sherborne is given, and he 
died in 1058, two years before the consecration of the church. 
We recognise the names of eleven abbots, and prominent 
among them is the Glastonbury abbot, yEthelnoth, with the 
abbots of Peterborough, Abingdon, and Ramsey. These are 
followed by five earls, chief of whom is Harold, whose signa- 
ture appears under the following form, " Ego Haroldus comes 
operando consolido," accompanied by those of ^Elfgar, Tostig, 
Leofwine, and Gyrth, who played a conspicuous part in the 
wars that preceded the Norman Conquest. After these are 
the signatures of twenty-six thanes and officers of the king's 
court, the lowest of which bears the title of " princeps," and 
there are other notable characters whose names are embalmed 
with those of other Norman officials in " Doomsday Book." 

Much general interest is associated with the lives of the 
witnesses of this great charter. A brief outline of them may 
not be inappropriate : 


One of the most prominent characters in the charter is 
Edward the Confessor, son of Ethelred II.,* by Emma, his 

* Born 968; began to reign 978; ob. 23d April 1016. Married (i.) ^Elflaed, 
daughter of Thored; (2.) Emma or /Elfgifu, daughter of Richard I., Duke of 
Normandy, ob. March 1052 (Lappenberg, vol. ii., p. 369). 


second queen. His reign, which commenced A.D. 1042, was 
tranquil and prosperous. After the death of Hardicanute on 
June 8th of this year, we are told that " before he was buried 
all the people chose Eadward king in London." The "Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle " * informs us further, i.e., "An. M.XLIII. 
In this year Eadward was hallowed king at Winchester, on 
the first Easter Day, with great worship ; and then was Easter 
on the iiird of the Nones of April (April 3d). Archbishop 
Eadsige hallowed him. . . . And Stigand the priest was 
blessed bishop of East Angles.^ And shortly after the king 
caused all the lands which his mother possessed to be seized 
into his hand ; and took from her all that she possessed in 
gold, and in silver, and in unspeakable things, because she 
had before held it too strictly towards him. And soon after 
Stigand was deposed from his bishopric, and all that he 
owned was seized into the king's hand ; because he was 
closest in his mother's counsel, and she went as he advised 
her, as it was supposed." Eadward was forty years of age 
when he married Eadgyth, the eldest daughter of Godwine, 
Earl of Kent, J who died in the December of 1074 ; they were 
married on the 23d January 1045. After the death of Ed- 
ward she was allowed by William the Conqueror to retain her 
jointure city of Winchester and other landed possessions. 
Her name appears in the charter ; she is described as being 
no less highly gifted among women than her brothers were 
among men, as being lovely in person and adorned with 
every female accomplishment, and as endowed with a learn- 
ing and refinement unusual in her age ; altogether she was 
considered a fitting helpmeet for Edward himself. But there 
are strange inconsistencies in the facts which are recorded of 
her. She is said to have sat at her husband's feet until he 

* Thorpe, vol. ii., p. 133. t " Of Elmham. " 

King Edward, says Fuller, was "absolutely father-in-law-ridden. This 
Godwin, like those sands in Kent which bear his name, never spared what he 
could spoil, but swallowed all which came within his compass to devour." Edward 
did a great public good in remitting the Danegelt Tax, and in sweeping away 
other oppressive measures imposed upon the country by previous rulers. 


lifted her up to sit at his side.* Nearly a century after King 
Edgar had repaired Westminster Abbey and endowed it with 
lands, etc., Edward the Confessor raised the structure to the 
consequence which it has since maintained. The king fixed 
upon the abbey as his place of interment. He devoted to 
the work of restoration a tenth part of his possessions in 
gold, silver, and cattle. The abbey was completed in 1065. 
The king was not well enough to be at the dedication which 
took place on the 28th of December, for on Christmas he was 
taken, ill, and he died on the 5th of January. On the I2th of 
the same month his body was interred with great pomp before 
the high altar, in what is called the Chapel of St Edward. 

This marriage of Edward with Eadgyda brings us into close 
proximity with Harold ; thus, Eadgyth (Editha), queen of 
Edward, was the sister of Harold. Hence we have it: 

Godwin, Earl of Kent,=(i.) Thyra, sister of Canute. 
1053. (2.) Girtha, dau. of Ulpho. 

TostaorTosti, Ulnoth. Gurth. Leofwin. Elfgar. Gythus. Harold II. = Agatha, Sweyn, Editha, 

Earl of North- dau. of Earl of 1074, 

umberland, Algar, Glou- married 

1066. Judith, Earl of cester. Edward 

dau. of Bald- Mercia. theCou- 

win, 5 C. of fessor. 



Stigand, whose name is given in the charter, was chaplain 
to King Edward, and Archbishop of Canterbury. He had 
been King Harold's chaplain, and Bishop of Sherborne, from 
thence he was translated to Winchester, which he kept 
together with the archbishopric of Canterbury with the 
king's consent. He was guilty of what was deemed a flagrant 
irregularity, in making use of his predecessor's pall, which was 
contrary to the canon ; and he was afterwards guilty of one 
still greater, in receiving his own pall from Pope Benedict, 
whom the Church of Rome had excommunicated. As soon 
as the Conqueror was seated on the throne, Stigand was 
deposed by him ; and so fearful was he of this prelate's 
disposition towards him, that when he returned into Normandy 

* Freeman's Hist. Nor. Conq., 1870, vol. ii., p. 45. 


in 1067, he took Stigand with him, among others. This arch- 
bishop was first formally suspended by the papal interdict, 
and at last in the octaves of Easter, anno 1070, degraded and 
deprived of the archbishopric, with the pope's consent, by his 
legate and two presbyter cardinals, for the above-mentioned 
causes ; after which he was put into prison, where he died, 
and was buried at Winchester. Here his remains rested till 
the fourteenth century, when Bishop Fox built two walls in 
the church dividing the presbytery from the side aisle ; on 
one of which he placed the leaden chest containing the bones 
of this prelate. The inscription thereon was, " Hie jacet 
Stygandus Archiepiscopus." In 1642 this chest was again 
disturbed and broken into by Colonel Sandys and his forces, 
who employed the bones in breaking the painted glass 
windows of the abbey. The bones were again collected and 
enclosed with a chest, and placed upon the same wall in 


Following the names as they appear in the MS., we shall 
next notice Ealdred (or " Ealdeo "), whose first appearance 
is that of Abbot of Tavistock. This famous man succeeded 
Lyfing as Bishop of Worcester in 1046. His early career had 
led him through almost the same stages as that of his prede- 
cessor. " Like him he had been a monk at Winchester, like 
him he had been thence called to the government of one of 
the great monasteries of the west." He was a man of great 
ability, and exhibited, like Harold, a better form of the 
increasing connection between England and the Continent. 
As an ambassador at the imperial court, as a pilgrim at 
Rome and Jerusalem, he probably saw more of the world than 
any contemporary Englishman. He was renowned as a peace- 
maker, one who could reconcile the bitterest enemies. But, in 
common with many other prelates of his time, he did not escape 
the charge of simony. Ealdred did not scruple to bear arms 
both in domestic and in foreign warfare ; but his campaigns 
* See Hasted's Hist. Kent, vol. iv., p. 689. 


were, to say the least, not specially glorious. His most endur- 
ing title to remembrance is, that it fell to his lot to place, 
within a single year, the crown of England on the brow, first, 
of Harold, and then of William, and to die of sorrow at the 
sight of his church and city brought to ruin by the mutual 
contentions of Normans, Englishmen, and Danes.* 

In 1050 Ealdred assisted in repelling an invasion from 
Ireland. Six years after we find him in arms with Harold 
against the Welsh. In 1060 he succeeded to the archbishopric 
of York. In 1067 he crowned Matilda at Westminster, and 
in 1069 he died and was buried at his episcopal see, after he 
had held the archiepiscopal chair with great dignity for ten 


ALlfwold (or Alfwold) was Bishop of Sherborne (at least he 
is identified as such by Freeman,*!* who says he died in 1058, 
two years before the foundation of Waltham). He was fam- 
ous for his temperance and frugality in a luxurious age. 
Knighton says he was a monk of Winton in the time of 
Edward the Confessor. ;{: Malmesbury relates the dreadful 
effects of his curse denounced against Earl Godwin, with 
whom he had a dispute ; and his extraordinary affection to 
St Cuthbert, whose shrines he visited. 


was chaplain to Edward the Confessor in 1045, when he 
succeeded Brithwold, or ^Ethelwin, at Wilton. On a vacancy 
in the Abbey of Malmesbury, he petitioned King Edward to 
have this transferred thither. This the king readily granted, 
but Earl Godwin and the monks got it reversed. Upon this 
disappointment, Heremann (or Herman) retired into France, 
and became a monk at Bertin (1055), where he stayed three 
years ; but on the death of Athelwold (or Athelwin), Bishop 
of Sherborne, he returned home and was made bishop of 

* Norman Conquest (Freeman), vol. ii., p. 86. 

t Vide Norman Conquest. % Hist. Devon. (Hulchin), vol. iv., p. 91. 


that see in 1058. He afterwards went to Jerusalem. In 1071 
he assisted in the consecration of Lanfranc, Archbishop of 
Canterbury; he died in 1074. The "Anglo-Saxon Chro- 
nicle " * records that he died " an. M.LXXVIIL," and that he 
was Bishop of Berkshire, and of Wiltshire, and of Dorset- 
shire. He was believed to have been a native of Flanders or 
Lorraine. Mr Freeman calls him " Hermann of Lotharingia." 


Leofric or Lewric, the last Bishop of Crediton, signed the 
charter as bishop. -He obtained from King Edward the 
Confessor permission to transfer the seat of his diocese to 
Exeter, A.D. 1050. This prelate is said to have been by birth 
a Burgundian. King Edward the Confessor and his queen 
are stated to have enthroned Leofric in person in his new 
cathedral. William of Malmesbury is minute upon the subject 
of the change which Leofric made when he ejected the monks, 
and substituted secular canons here. Leofric died on the 
loth February 1073, and was buried, according to Hooker and 
Godwin, in the cemetery of his church under a plain 


or William of London, according to Mr Stubbs.J New- 
court states that he was a Norman chaplain to King Edward 
the Confessor, and was consecrated Bishop of London A.D. 
1051, in the month of September. He is in other places 
called "William Primus," and is said to have died circa 
io67- For several centuries the Londoners made an annual 
pilgrimage to the tomb of this bishop in the nave of St 
Paul's. His epitaph bore witness to their great reverence. In 
the seventeenth century (A.D. 1622), the Lord Mayor, Edward 
Barkham, caused these quaint lines to be inscribed on the 
tomb of Bishop William : 

' ' Walkers, whosoe'er ye be, 
If it prove you chance to see 

* Thorpe. t Monasticon, vol. ii., p. 514. 

Invent. S. C. W., p. 19. Repertorium, vol. i., p. II. 


Upon a solemn scarlet day, 

The City Senate pass this way, 

Their grateful memory for to shew, 

Which they the reverent ashes owe 

Of Bishop Norman here inhumed ; 

By whom this city has assumed 

Large priviledges : those obtain'd 

By him when Conqueror William reign'd. 

This being by Barkham's thankful mind renew'd, 

Call it the monument of gratitude." 

This monkish procession continued annually until the 
accession of Queen Elizabeth.* 


Ailmar or Almar, who was brother to Stigand, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, was Bishop of Elmham, county Norfolk, in 
the time of the Confessor. The principal of the lordship of 
Boyton, in this county, was purchased by him, the whole of 
which was then valued at ;6. On his deposition in 1070, 
it was granted by the Conqueror to William, his chaplain 
and the Bishop of Thetford.^ Little else is known of this 
prelate, other than that he had been Abbot of Coventry. 


He is generally called Leofwin of Lichfield, consecrated to 
this see A.D. 1053. The "Saxon Chronicle" informs us that 
" Leofwine and Wulfwi went over sea, and there caused them- 
selves to be ordained bishops." He died in 1066. 


Mr Stubbs classifies Wulfwin (or Wlfwinus) as Bishop of 
Dorchester. It is hard to identify this person with Wulfwig, 
who was Bishop of Dorchester, and died a year after the Nor- 
man Conquest. He was probably the Wulfwin who was 
Harold's chaplain, and appointed by him as the first Dean of 

* Annals of St Paul's (Milman), p. 16. t Bloomfield's Hist. Norfolk, vol. v. 
t See list of deans, etc. 


or ylwin of Durham.* 


or JEtric of Selsey.-f* Mr Freeman states that ".^Ethelric, 
Bishop of the South Saxons, appears under the corrupted 
form of 'yEfricus.'" 


Walter, a Lotharingian by birth, was chaplain to the Lady 
Eadgyth. He was collated to the bishopric of Hereford, 
A.D. 1060, and died circa 1079.^ 


Both Walter and Giso (or Gisa) were Lotharingian bishops. 
They both survived the Conquest, and the latter survived the 
Conqueror himself. There is nothing to convict either of 
them of treason to England ; but Gisa at least does not seem 
very warm in his patriotism for his adopted country. He is 
quite ready to forgive William for the conquest of England 
in consideration of the help which he gave him in his reforma- 
tion of the church of Wells. Walter, on the other hand, is 
represented in some accounts as taking a prominent part in 
resistance to the Conqueror. Both Walter and Gisa kept 
their sees till death. Walter, we are told, came to a sad and 
shameful end. Gisa lived and died in honour, and his life 
occupies a prominent place in the " History of the Church of 
Wells." Giso of Wells and Walter of Hereford were conse- 
crated at Rome by P. Nicholas II. Giso died A.D. 1088. 
Mr Freeman has given the dispute between Giso and Harold 
in extenso 

The bishops are followed on the list by the abbots. 

yEgelnophus, Egelnoth, or Ailnothus, was the last Saxon 

* De Invent. S. C. W., p. 19 (Stubbs). f Ib. % See infra. 

See Hist. Nor. Conq., vol. ii., p. 446. 


Abbot of Glastonbury, county Somerset, and, according to 
the " Saxon Chronicle," was deposed in A.D. 1077. He was 
considered one of the principal men in the nation at the time 
of the Conquest, for which reason the Conqueror carried him 
to Normandy, together with the principal nobility and gentry, 
being jealous of his power and influence. He was then 
deprived of his abbacy.* 


I imagine that this person was no other than ^Elfwine, 
Abbot of Ramsey, who, according to the " Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle," was sent to the synod at Rheims in 1046. There 
was an ecclesiastic of the same name who died in his bishopric 
in the following year. Mr Stubbs states that he was Abbot 
"of Hyde." 


Stevens -f calls him Wilfrick, and states that he was con- 
secrated Abbot of Ely in 1044. The Register of Ely shows 
that " he died for grief soon after he had alienated the lands 
of the monastery." That was in 1066, after he had ruled 
twenty-two years. 


Leofric succeeded Arnwig as Abbot of Peterborough, and 
was nephew of his namesake, the earl. He was also "a man 
of high birth, and of high spirit." He greatly enriched the 
monastery with lands and other valuables, and won for it the 
favour of the king and all the great men of the land. He 
ruled that great house thirteen years from 1053 to 1066. 


was surnamed " Plumstan." His name is found among the 
Abbots of St Albans, he being the twelfth abbot of that cele- 
brated monastery. King Edward and his queen Editha 
found in Leofstan a "friend, counsellor, and confessor." By 

* Phelps' Hist. Somerset, vol. i., p. 527. t Hist, of Mon., vol. i., p. 392. 


means of his great interest at court, he obtained for his mon- 
astery, by grant of Oswulth and his wife Adilitha, the farm 
of Studham ; and from Egelwine, and his wife Winefled, the 
farms of Redburn, Langley Grenebury, and Thwangton.* 
I presume that he died about the time of the Norman Con- 
quest, as Frederic, the thirteenth abbot, succeeded him in the 
abbacy of St Albans in 1066. 


^Iwig, according to Professor Stubbs, was Abbot of Eves- 
ham. I take him to be the same as is mentioned by Dug- 
dale (vol. ii., p. 3), who states that "on King Edward's death 
he became a favourite with Harold, and was afterwards much 
esteemed by the Conqueror, by whom he was entrusted with 
the care of the counties of Worcester, Gloucester, Oxford, 
Warwick, Hereford, Stafford, and Salop. He died on the 
I4th of the kalends of March A.D. 1077." 


He is sometimes called " Ordric," " Odricus," " Ordricus," or 
" Hordricus," as in Cott. MSS., Tib. C. ix. He appears as 
Monk of Abingdon, to which office he was elected in 1052, 
and which he held till 1065. 


was made Abbot of St Augustine's in 1063 by Pope Alex- 
ander II. This abbot is famous in history as being at the 
head of the Norman army, with Stigand and William the 
Conqueror, when they came out against the Kentish leaders, 
at a place called " Swanescompe." They took the duke by 
surprise, when, like a vast forest, they moved towards him, 
armed with green boughs, but also furnished with bows 
and swords, and other weapons, which they concealed. 
" The duke," says a writer, " was amazed, and in consterna- 
tion to behold all the country round about him like a 
moving wood." Finding himself in a difficulty, he speedily 

* Clutterbuck's Hist. Herts, vol. i., p. 12. 


granted the people of Kent what they requested. The 
agreement being signed, and hostages given on both sides, 
the joyful Kentish men conducted the Normans to Roches- 
ter, and there delivered to the duke the county of Kent, with 
the noble castle of Dover.* 


was a monk of Hulm. He accompanied Uvius to Bury 
St Edmund's, and succeeded him in the abbacy, which he 
held till August A.D. 1065, when he died.f 


Edmund was the fifth Abbot of Pershore, in Worcester- 
shire, "a person of singular probity, and much respected." 
His death occurred July 1085. 


is the last-mentioned abbot on the charter. He occurs as 
a witness in 1050 to the charter of King Edward, in virtue of 
which the bishoprics of Cornwall and Devon became united 
to Exeter. He died on the 8th of the ides of April 1082. 
The abbots are followed on the list by the earls. 


The third earldom of East Anglia, held at one time by 
Harold, was bestowed on ALlfgar, the son of Leofric. This 
occurred circa 1053.^: The earldom was soon afterward restored 
to Harold. The restoration of Harold implied the deposi- 
tion of ^Elfgar, whose last recorded acts are the peaceful ones 
of recommending Wulfstan for the bishopric of Worcester, 
and of signing the Waltham charter. 

Tostin, or Tostig, was the third son of Earl Godwine, and 

* Steven's Hist. Mon., vol. i., p. 314. 

t Yates' Hist, of St Edmund's Bury, p. 208. J Saxon Chron., p. 155. 

Norman Conq. (Freeman), vol. ii., p. 337. 


brother to King Harold. He married Judith, sister of Bald- 
win of Flanders, and was appointed Earl of the Northum- 
brians on the death of Siward. But in 1065 he was expelled 
from his earldom by the Northumbrian thanes. He then 
went to Flanders for refuge.* "The banished earl crossed 
over to Baldwine's land, the land of his wife's brother. Under 
his protection he passed the whole of the winter at St Omer " 
(1065-66). The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle " states that he in- 
vaded England, and was repulsed by " Eadwine " and " Mor- 
kere," and was slain at Stamford Bridge in 1066. 


Leofwin, the fifth son of Godwine, and brother to Tostig, 
sailed with Harold to Bristol, which was a town in Swegen's 
earldom, then almost unknown to fame. They then went on 
board Swegen's ship, which speedily carried them to Ireland, 
where they were favourably received by " Dermot or Diarmid 
Mac Mael-nambo, King of Dublin and Leinster." Although 
the two brothers Leofwin and Harold had to seek refuge in 
Ireland as outlaws, yet they found no place of rest there, con- 
sequently they soon returned to England. When Leofwin 
became earl, his land extended over parts of " Kent, Essex, 
Middlesex, Hertford, Surrey, and probably Buckinghamshire, 
that is, of the shires round the mouth of the Thames." This 
is the chief part of his history. 


Gyrth or Gurth, another brother of Harold, was the fourth 
son of Earl Godwine. The East Anglian earldom, vacated 
by the translation of ^Ifgar to Mercia, was now conferred 
on Gyrth (1057-58). In 1061 Gyrth, Tostig, and Ealdred, 
with several noble thanes from Northumberland, went on a 
pilgrimage to Rome. Gyrth appears as "Eorl" in the 
Chronicles and " Comes " in Domesday. 

The stallers follow next in the charter : 

* See an account of Tostig's banishment in Domesday Book, ii. 200^. 



Esegar, is noted by Kemble (C.D. 872) as being stallere as 
early as 1044 two years, that is, after his grandfather's 
marriage. He was evidently the son of ^Ethelstan, and grand- 
son of Tofig.* He appears as " regi?e procurator aulae," i.e., 
dapifer in the charter of Waltham, and as staller down to 
the Conquest There were several stalleres at one time 
(A.D. 822). Esegar was a great landholder in the time of 
King Edward.^ "Among inferior dignitaries we are glad," 
says Mr Freeman, " to recognise Esegar, the descendant of 
the former lord of the place, who must have looked on the 
ceremony with mingled feelings." J He is termed the "pro- 
curator of the royal palace." 


Nothing is recorded of him beyond what is stated in the 
charter " Rodbertus regis consanguineus." He is followed 
by the king's kinsmen and courtiers. 



"or Bondig, the staller." He signs the charter as "regis 
palatinus," the king's courtier. 


signs as Rodbertus " regis consanguineus," the king's kins- 


signs as " regis cancellarus." Mr Stubbs styles him " Rem- 
bald the Chancellor, Dean of Cirencester." This person 
is probably identical with Rumbald the chancellor, who lies 
buried in the body of Cirencester church. An inscription 
upon his gravestone states that " Rumbald the chancellor lies 

* See Hist. Nor. Conq., vol. i., p. 556. t De Inv. S. C. W., p. 13. 

% Trans. Essex Arch. Soc., vol. ii., p. 10. 



buried there." * Regenbaldus, or " Reimbaldus," succeeded 
Leofric as chancellor. He sealed with the royal seal, as we 
find by another charter of the Confessor to the church of 
Westminster thus authenticated.^ 

The king's chaplain. 


Another of the king's chaplains. " This name," says Mr 
Freeman, " though not unknown in Normandy, is much more 
characteristically Flemish ; and Baldwin was appointed during 
the time of Harold's greatest ascendancy." He is considered 
to have been Abbot of St Eadmund's. A Lotharingian 
prelate of the same name, according to the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, died A.D. 1098. His daughter or niece married 
Tostig, brother of Harold. J 


He is called Brihtric, an ealdorman. He was no doubt a 
" prince/' He may have been the Gloucestershire thane 
"around whose name a legend has grown in connection with 
Matilda of Flanders." 

, PRINCEPS. Another ealdorman, or prince. 

WlGODUS, REGIS PlNCERNA. One of the king's cup- 
bearers or stewards. 

HERDING, REGINE PINCERNA. The queen's steward or 

ADZUR, REGIS DAPIFER. Adzur, or Adzurus, is believed 
to be the same man as appears in Domesday (Berkshire), 
and who seems to have kept part of his lands as an under- 
tenant at the time of the survey. He signs the charter as a 
steward, or the king's sewer. 

YFING, REGIS DAPIFER. He is called Yfingus, one of the 
king's stewards or r>ewers. 

* Atkyns' Hist. Gloucestershire, p. 180. 

t Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol. i., p. 36. t De Inv. S. C. 


GODWIN, REGINE DAPIFER. The queen's steward or sewer. 

DODDO, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

ALFGAR, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

BIXIN, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

EGELNOF, PRINCEPS. Or yEgelnoth. The prince. 

ESBEN, PRINCEPS. Or Esbern. The prince. 

EADWIG, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

EDRIC, PRINCEPS. The prince (or " Eadric the Wild "). 
He held lands in Hereford and Shropshire (1067-69), and 
refused submission to William of Normandy, which inde- 
pendence he maintained to the last. The impression which 
he made on the Normans is shown by the surname of the 
Wild or Savage which he bore among them. Among the 
hills and woods of the border land Eadric and his British 
allies could maintain themselves as easily against the Norman 
chivalry as Gruffydd had done against the English house 
earls, till the genius of Harold found out the way to bring the 
restless enemy to submission."* 


SIWARD, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

ALWOLD, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

/ELPHIG, PRINCEPS. The prince. 

This ancient manuscript (Cott Coll., Tib. C. ix.), containing 
the above list of names, etc., according to the note on the last 
folio, belonged to the Hill family after the dissolution of 
Waltham monastery. "George Hilles Boocke" (no date), and 
"Thomas Hill his Boocke, 1615," appear with a name written 
in an earlier hand, but almost erased, the date is plain enough 
1579. The first part of the manuscript on "Vita Ricardi II. 
per Monach. Evesham et Libertates Eccl. ch. Cant." is less 
ancient than that on " Registrum Monasterii S. Crucis de 
Waltham," commencing at folio 48. Folio 233 is the "Rent 
Roll," given in the " Monasticon." 

* See Hist. Nor. Conq., vol. iv., p. no. 



Wills. Hoye, . 
Milo f. Mauricii, 
Walt. f. Warini, 
Wills, f. Warini, 
Rob. de Winneshal., 
Henr. Ruf., . 
Joel, . . 
Wills. Gerard, 
Rob. f. Jacob, 
Ric. Serman, 
Nich. f. pagani, 
Wills, f. Hugon., 
Wills, f. Turberti, 
Rob. blundus, 
Editha iustise, 
Acelina hereward, 
Willus. henat, 
Rob. f. Walt, 
Rog. cnuht, . 
Petrus algar, : 
Warinus kaps, 
Rob. f. turkil, 
Petrus lefmar, 
Laur. f. Rob., 
Rog. Haddi, 

From the Compotus Ministrorum, 32 Hen. VIII. 

Alrychsey Firma manerii, ^35 6 8 
Perquisita curiae, 3 13 

The next manuscript for consideration is No. 3776, Harleian 
Collection. This choice volume once adorned the old Wal- 
tham library, and is described by Professor Stubbs as being 
made some years later than the Cottonian MS. which con- 

Firma De Alricheseie. 


Hugo Ac, . xviii^/. , 

iiid. iiiqa. 

, . . vs. 

Mylo cocus, 


His. viiid. 

Humfrid., novus homo, viii^. 

. x\d. 

Wills, f. Pagani, . 


shal., xxviid. ob. 

Wills, sutor, 






Hetekil, . 

. vis. iiiid. 

. xviiis. 

Wills, bereng., 

. . xld. 

ijs. vid., it. iiiid. 

Rob. de Dene, . 

iiid. iiiqa. 

His. vid. 

Rob. de crute, 



Wills, prepositus, 

. His. vid. 

, . His. vid. 

Halibretl, . 


ti, . . His. 

Wills, siward, 

. iiiis. vid. 


Walt, de ecclia, . 

. iis. \i\ob. 


Anselmus, . 




. iis. vid. 

d, . . viiid. 

Matildis Kucke, . 



Rob. f. bugo, 



Andr. fab., . 


iiid. iiiqa. 

Turkil de pont, . iiiis. iid. ob. 

iiid. iiiqa. 

Galfridus textor, . 


is. xd., iiid. iiiqa. 

Isabel vidua, 



Ric. de Luk., 


* ' . us. vid. 

Mtinus. Gilbt. Kauel, 



Aliz de Rankedich, 

. iiiij. iid. 

. . . ii.r. 

Rob. nlius Ade, . 

. viis. 


Summa, viij. Lib., vs. 

, viijd. qa. 


tains " De Inventione Sanctae Crucis." It was the work of 
a scribe belonging to the abbey, who has interspersed the text 
with a few lines of original poetry " of infinitesimal value." 

The following, written in English, I have discovered (folio 

" Swete ihu my swete leman : Stedefast loue thou keddest man, 
tho that blod fram thine bodi ran : so that tou bicome al wan. 
Swete ihu thou art ful god : for tho thou us boustes onetherod. 
Ne schaddest thou naust alitel blod : Ac fra the hit ran as aflod, 
Ne seston man hou i loue the : bidde ich the thou do so me, 
Ici ye rode ich am for the thou that senegest let for me. " 

The manuscript contains two tracts which illustrate the 
early history of the abbey. The first is entitled, "Vita et 
Miracula Haroldi quondam Regis Angliae." This tract, 
says Mr Stubbs, is a curious but entirely untrustworthy 
legend, written apparently to prove that the great King 
Harold was not buried at Waltham. The other tract, com- 
mencing at folio 25, is entitled "De Inventione Crucis de 
Waltham." They are both written in the hand of the twelfth 
century. The first tract ending at folio 24 is incomplete. It 
is supposed to have been written by one of the ejected 
canons, temp. Henry II. At folio 63 is another tract of a still 
later date, which formerly belonged to Sir William Bowyer 
(1565). At the end of the volume is an old calendar belong- 
ing to John Pirn, servant to Mr George Chamberlain. This 
calendar, as also the "Vita et Miracula Haroldi," is beauti- 
fully written with many grotesque capitals, etc. 

The Harleian manuscript 3766 bears the following title : 
" Codicis Rubei Abbatiae de Waltham Fragmenta Varia." 
This MS. contains, " Pars Libri cui titulus Liber Niger qui 
fuit inventus cum Cruce magna de Waltham S. Crucis ; et 
agit praecipue de virtutibus Crucis et miraculis." The whole 
of the book is written on vellum of the twelfth century, and 
contains 116 folios. The tract entitled " De Inventione See. 
Crucis," commences at folio 49. Folio 25 has suffered much 
from damp ; in other respects it is a very good copy. A 
great . deal of gilt has been lavished on the covers by the 
binder of a later period. Probably both volumes (3776-3766) 


were originally bound together. The date, 30 die Januarii 
1721-2, on the first folio, is in the hand of some late owner of 
the book. The Cottonian MS., Claud. D. II., is a most 
splendid manuscript. Its illuminations are of a very superior 
character. Folio 1 14^ contains a transcript of the founda- 
tion charter of Waltham, which occupies only about five and 
a quarter columns most likely it was written by a Waltham 
monk and once belonged to the abbey. In 1598 it belonged 
to Robert Cotton. 

Julius D. vi. is another MS. formerly in the possession of 
the above-named gentleman. It contains the " De Inventione 
et Miraculis S. Crucis de Waltham," which commences at 
folio 75. The first part of the MS. is entitled " Suppletio 
Historiae Regum Angliae ad ann. 1216 per John Pike," and 
the part referable to Waltham was collated with and corrected 
by the Harleian copy 3776, both of which are no doubt 
copies from one original. The first of these two (Jul. D. vi.) 
is thought to be not much later than the date of the original 
composition. A transcript of this MS. is given in the 
"Miscellanea Historicana Anglicana," vol. i., fol. I, xxxviii., 
Harl. MSS. 692, under this head " De initio et fundatione 
Ecclesiae de Waltham, ex antiquo Codice Bibliothecse Cot- 
tonianae, qui inscribitur Jul. D. 6." 

Harleian MS. 4809 is one of two original registers on 
vellum, which, I presume, were also kept in the library of the 
monastery of Waltham. This fine cartulary was originally 
divided into twenty-one sections, each containing the charter 
of a manor ; but now it begins with the seventh, and that 
relating to Alricheseye is wanting. This defect will be in 
great measure supplied by the following charters, which are 
arranged according to the numbers of their monastic endorse- 
ments.* This MS. is fairly written, and consists of 194 double 
pages entitled "Registrum Cartarum Abbatiae Waltham Com. 
Essex." It formerly belonged to Sir William Heyward of 
Loughton, whose autograph appears on the front page, and 
was subsequently in the possession of Peter le Neve, Esq., 
* See Collectanea, vol. vi., p. 196 ; also Harl. MS. 391. 


Norroy King of Arms. The first and last page contains his 
name, dated respectively 1701 and 24th September 1703. 
This MS. appears to have been written in the fourteenth 
century, and records the great possessions belonging to the 

Harleian MS. 391 is the other register on vellum of very 
early date, which was at one time in the possession of Peter le 
Neve, Esq., as is recorded on the flyleaf, " Liber Petri Leneve 
Rouge crux Prosecutoris armos anno sedum computationem 
anglicanam 1698, quondam Liber Willi Hay ward militis 
. . . Pretrum i, los." This MS. presents us with 
several charters, in which Henry is designated by his brother 
Richard and by his mother Queen Eleanor as Henry III. 
These charters are in confirmation of the abbey's change of 
its inhabitants. A charter of the first Richard confirms its 
possessions to the abbey, as also one by Queen Eleanor 
granted by her in Richard's time. Here also is a charter 
from Henry acknowledged in our histories as the real 
Henry III. to the same monastery.* This ancient volume 
was purchased by James West, Esq., but whether for himself 
or Lord Oxford is not certain; it is thought for the latter, 
because in the printed catalogues of that lord's MSS., No. 
391 is found "Registrum Abb. Waltham, bought at Mr. 
Norroy's sale." In Le Neve's catalogue, printed in 1730-1, 
there are entries of several registers, charters, etc., of different 
places, among which occurs one, "No. 138, Chartularium 
Abbatiae in com. Essex, written on vellum, very fair, 
7, 8s."-f This the writer has identified as being the 
identical book now the subject of consideration. This 
volume commences with a rubric expressing " de aquaeductu 
de Wirmele ad Waltham," annexed to which is the date, 
M.ccxx. (1220). From the first few pages of the MS. we 
learn that at this early period there were artificial waters 
connected with the Abbey of Waltham, which extended to 
Cheshunt and Wormley. On folio 6 there are three foun- 

* See Johannes de Oxenedes Chronica (Ellis), 1859, pp. xxi., xxii. 
t Nichol's Lit. Anec. of Eighteenth Century, vol. ix., p. 421. 


tains, two of which take their rise north and south. The 
southern fountain appears to be at Cheshunt ; the northern 
probably at Wormley. These two fountains emptied them- 
selves into an eastern pool, right of which is another fountain ; 
the situation of this may have been at the nunnery of Ches- 
hunt, which stands on the right hand leading from Wormley 
to Cheshunt. A main water pipe calamus connected 
with this pool or tank, carried the water through a bed 
of clay argilla in an easterly direction towards a great 
fish pool -piscina which had two outlets or pipes. The 
one appears to have carried off the waste water, the other 
was used for washing or cleansing purposes cat. purg. etc. 
Another pipe leading from the fish pool was for the use of 
the inhabitants of Waltham. 

The Abbot of Waltham, Lord of the Manor of Wormley, 
sent annually to the cross erected at Wormley west end 
some of his canons, who on the 3d of May and I4th of 
September walked in solemn procession with the parish- 
ioners singing the Litany. The place retains the name of 
Holy Cross. This seems to be a kind of processioning to 
keep their lands that join to the kingdoms of Mercia distinct 
from the lands of the Abbey of St Albans which were in that 
kingdom and contiguous to Wormley.* This Benedictine 
house at Cheshunt is mentioned in a bull issued by Pope 
Lucius III., bearing date 15 kal. Jan. 1183, among sundry 
other privileges which exempted the site of this house with 
all the lands, tenements, etc., belonging, from the payment of 
tithes. So that we may certainly date the foundation of the 
house before that year. In the 24th Henry III., 1240, the 
possession of the nuns of Cheshunt were augmented with 
lands belonging to the canons of Cathall, who appear to have 
been removed by the king.-f- 

The transcript of the fountains is followed by a memor- 
andum respecting the marshes of Waltham and Cheshunt 
" Hie pmo. Orit Clanicio marisce pea. Villanos de Chesthunt," 
dated anno. dom. 1200. At folio 13 is a transcript of the 

* Salmon's Hist. Herts, p. 14. + Monasticon, vol. iv., p. 328. 


charter of Wormley. This manor was one of those lordships 
given by Harold to the church of Waltham. Upon a Quo 
Warranto taken in the sixth year of the reign of Edward I. 
before John de Reygate and others, the king's justices itinerant 
for the county of Hertford, the Abbot of Waltham claimed 
certain privileges in this and other manors, which were allowed. 
The canons continued to hold this manor until the dissolu- 
tion, when it was seized by the Crown.* On the same folio 
(13) is a " Transcripta Cartarum de fonte uro. de Wermele." 
By charter Henry, son of William of Wormley, grants to the 
church of Waltham in pure alms one piece of land in the 
ward of Wormley and all his fountains. Folio 14^. The 
charter of Richard and the cupbearer of Wormley Ric. de 
pincne. de Wermel grants to the same church and canons the 
right of the fishery in Wormley. Folio 15 is the charter of 
John de Stinekle, fil. Willi of Brokesburn, by which he grants 
to the church of Waltham in pure alms an acre of land and 
a fountain in Wormley. Also the charter of Alexander de 
Poyntun. Folio 16 is the charter of Henry de Kersebrok of 
Cheshunt (i.e., Crossbrook), and Will fil Alwyn, a miller of 
Waltham. Also the charter of Thomas de Haverell and 
Walter de Hale, granting small donations to the church of 
Waltham. Folio 17 is the charter of Ricard Hok, granting 
the rights of commonage in " Hokesmerst " to the canons of 
Waltham in pure and perpetual charity. The name of 
Richard Hok gave rise to the name of the marsh in Waltham, 
" Hooksmarsh," known as such in the present day. Folio 
17^ is the charter of Nicholas the clerk, the son of Walter the 
forester of Waltham, by which he grants in pure alms his 
right without impediments in Colberdesholm, etc., to the said 
canons of Waltham. Folio 18 is the charter of William 
Portingale, by which he grants to the canons of Waltham his 
meadow situated at Frithey near Hokesmers, and also a 
conduit for washing vsu expurgatorum aqueductis. Folio 
23 gives the return of the clear amount of the revenue of the 
Abbey of Waltham, bearing date 1266. 

* Clutterbuck's Hist. Herts., vol. ii., p. 233. 



De Passefeud, 







De Borham, . 



De Stanweye, . 







De Redditu in Lond., 13 





De Takeleya, . 







De Stanforde, 



De Thorendune, 







De Walda, . 




De Upmenstre, 





J 3 


De Luketune, 






De Wudeford, 







De Wrmeleya, 




T O 

Suma, . 




A \J 





Sa. Decimse, > 

21 I 


De Manerio de Wal- 

tham, . j 

De Eccl. de Wal- 

tham, . 

De Sywardestune, . 
De Nasinge, . 
Quia de eodem man- 

erio solvuntur, 
Ad firraam Dm. Reg. 

de Eccl., 
De Eppinge, . 
Q. de eodem, . 
Ad firmam Dm. Reg. Eccl. 


De Stanstede, 
De Netleswell, 

Folios 19^ and 2ob are a list of the holders of capital mes- 
suages in Waltham Holy Cross, temp. Henry II. " Hec sunt 
Capit. Mesuagia integ. See. crucis de Waltham." 

The list of these local men and their houses is somewhat 
interesting. No doubt they composed the major part, if not 
all, the population of Waltham Abbey, in the reign of King 
Henry II., circa 1 154-1 189 : 

Mesuage. Walti. de Eldewirche, 
diuise.t in ix. ptib. 
John . Gladewine, 
Wills. Sunel-thur- 
stan, Elyas Coding. 
Sunel man, Rob. Joi- 
berd, S. de Walda, 
R. de Occident. It 
Job. Gladewine. 

Mesuagui. Thorn. Beneit, dns. 
Mesuag. Ric. Pistoris, integ. 
Mesuag. Stephi. Beneit, integ. 
Mesuag. Ysaac Pistoris, integ. 
Mesuag. Nichi. fil. Willi., in- 

Mesuag. Johis. Sute, dns. in ij. 
Mesuag. Ric. Tanacoris, integ. 
Mes. . Benedict! fulms, integ. 

* This is printed in the Transactions of the Essex Arch. Soc., vol. iii., part ii., 


t Divided into nine parts. 


Mes. . Benedict! Tanacor, 


Mesuag. buriom, integ. 

Mes. . Ric. lauret, integ. 

Mes. . Rad. Taunator, integ. 

Mesuag. Ric. fros., integ. 

Mesuag. Walti. Orglen, integ. 

Mes. . Galfr. fros., integ. 

Mes. . Walti. tholom, integ. 

Mes. . Humfridi fil. Ric., 


Mes. . Wakerild, integer. 

Mesuag. stori., integ. 

Mes. . Elye carbunel, integ. 

Mesuag. Magri. Vnilli, integ. 

Mesuag. Clauham, integ. 

Mesuag. Gunnild orglen, integ. 

Mesuag. Arnoldi fabri, integ. 

Mesuag. Joye, integ. 

Mes. . Ade fil. Benedict!, 


Mes. . Willi. everard, integ. 

Mes. . Henr.fil.Jacobi,integ. 

It. Mes. Magri. Willi., integ. 

Mes. . Willi. langsuem, integ. 

Mes. . luuekin dulpain, integ. 

Mesuag. buckesberd, integ. 

Mes. . Waekoc, integ. 

Mes. . Henr. Sad, integ. 

It. Mes. ide. H. M., -integ. 

Mes. . Aluene, Rob., integ. 

Mes. . Willi. Molend, integ. 

Mes. . husser, integ. 

Mes. . Symois. de bosco, 


Mes. . Rad. le Brun, integ. 

Mes. . Galien, integ. 

Mes. . Johis. Russel, integ. 

Mes. . Waekoc, integ. 

Mes. . Henr. Sad, integ. 

Mes. . Willi. Sudkin, integ. 

Mesuag. Walti. pistoris, integ. 

Mes. . GoduuiniSpling,integ. 

Mes. . Buteslie, integ. 

Mesuag. Walti. de eldenviche, 


Mes. . Thome le Messer, 


Mes. . Alam Brunig, integ. 

Mes. . Walti. de Bosco, integ. 

Mes. . Thorn. Parmitar, integ. 

Mes. . Ric. Kinu., integ. 

Mes. . Willi. de Marisco, 


Mes. . Robi. Pistoris, integ. 

Mes. . Johis. curiol, integ. 

Mesuag. Godeholt, integ. 

Mes. . Hardwinispith., integ. 

Mes. . Pet. de sarcno, integ. 

Mes. . Stephi. Grim., integ. 

Mes. . Galfri. dulpain, integ. 

Mes. . Stephi. Batle, integ. 

Mes. . Hug. faful, integ. 

Mes. . Moysi. doy, integ. 

Mes. . Sunois frere, integ. 

Mes. . Willi. Godefrei, integ. 

Mes. . Walti. le gaunt, integ. 

Mes. . Wymudi fabri, integ. 

Mes. . Bubo, integ. 

Mes. . Willi. cardun, integ. 

Mes. . Thome Nuttis, integ. 

Mes. . Peketo, integ. 

Mes. . Clauham, integ. 

Mes. . Milonis coci, integ. 

Mes. . Johis. lei., integ. 

Mes. . Alam Brunig, integ. 

Mes. . fot., integ. 

Mes. . Rogi. fabri, integ. 


Mes. . Joci. fabri, integ. 

Mesuagui. Gayole, integ. 

Mes. . Ric. faful, integ. 

Mes. . Willi. estinar, integ. 

Mes. . Johis. de Marisco, 

It. ide. . Altu. mes., integ. 

Mes. . Willi. Horgor, integ. 

Mes. . Marcelli cissoris, in- 

Mes. . clauham, integ. 

Hec sut. diuisa. 

Mes. Robti. molend, dns. in 

Mes. Alex. Sat, dns. in 

Mes. Cadema, d. in . 

Mes. Vault de Ponte, d. in 

Mes. Thorn. Schibet, d. in 

Mes. Alam Brunig, d. i. 

Mes. Rob. laur., d. i. 

Mes. Rob. Mcator., d. i. . 

Mes. Alam fullonis, d. i. . 

Mes. Paulini, d. in 

Mes. Ric. fil. Galfr., d. in . 

Mes. Willi. Dyomsu, in 

Mes. Ric. terling, d. in 

Mes. Willi. de Ware, d. in . 

Mes. Willi. cissoris, d. in . 

Mes. Pet. Marcelli, d. i. . 

Mes. ad. cemtar, d. i. 

Mes. Alex. Bucke, dns. in . 

Mes. Norme, d. in . 

Mes. Isabell.Langfuein,d.i. 

Mes. Rad. Pannar, d. in . 

Mes. Benedicti furley, d. in 

Mes. Gilebti fil. Rikild, d. i. 

Mes. Rad. Pictoris, d. in . 

Mes. G. luce, d. in . 


Johis. de baudac, d. i. 



Walt. Palent, d. i. . 



Olivi, d. i. 




Laur. estmar, d. i. 




Ric. Babbe, d. i. 



Ric. flur., d. i. . 



Willi. Portaru, d. i. . 




Augtnu. Godard, d. in 




Rob. de Wermele, d. in 



Aldwyn Puge, d. in . 



Rad. de infirmar, d. i. 



Hug. Sarrator, d. i. . 



Nich. cemtar, d. i. . 



Ric. Cat., d. in. 




Henr. Sculle, d. i. 




Roc., d. in. 




Cod., d. in. 




Aylumdi, d. in . 




Rob. de Epp, d. in . 




Walti. Cissoris, d. i. . 




Stephi. Grun, d. i. 




Rogi. nucu, d. i. 




Prur, d. i. . 




Robti. Suite, d. i. 




bndicti. fermin, d. i. . 




Bulge, d. i. 




Rad. Polisur, d. i. 




Ric. hunfrey, d. i. 




Walt. Orglen, d. i. . 




Madid. Mayngod, d. i. 




Johis. Marescalli, d. in 




Henr. beusche, d. in 




Henr. Gos., d. in 




Thome Nutcis, d. i. . 




Johis. Berd, d. i. 




Clemtis. bigge, d. i. . 




Walti. Lithfot, d. i. . 




Johis. Roc, d. in 




Gulot, d. in 



Mes. Kipping, d. i. . 

Mes. Stephi. babbe, d. i. 

Mes. Xpian. terttis, d. i. 

Mes. Edith. M, d. i. 

Mes. Henr. de farto, d. i. 

Mes. Gunnore, d. in . 

Mes. Hay, d. i. 

Mes. Matild. Samuel, d. 

Mes. Math. Ps., d. i. 

Mes. Ric. Gatle, d. i. 

Mes. Robti. fabri, d. i. 





















Maur. ppositi, d. i. . j. 

Johis. Gos, d. i. . iij. 

Edwardi Sabarn, d. i. ij. 

Dile, d. i. . . j. 

Sawile de budeshath, 

d. i. .- . j. 

Osebti caretarii, d. i. j. 

Willi. Jacob, d. i. . j. 

Galfr. frohs, d. i. . j. 

Gunild. leskem Miles- 
sot, d. . . . v. 

Folio 29 is an indenture made between Robert de Vere, Earl 
of Oxford, and Alice, his wife, on the one part, and the Abbot 
of Waltham on the other part, dated Westminster, " Sci. Johis. 
Baptiste Anno Regni Regis Edwardi sexto" (6 Ed. I., 1278). 

The said Robert de Vere, and Alice, his wife, petitioned 
the Abbot of Waltham for the manor of " Sywardstone " 
(Sewardstone), which was held by their father of the king in 
capite " Robts. de Ver comes Oxonis & Alic. ux. eius petuat 
rd. Abbem de Walthen Manur. de Sywardiston cu. ptinent. vt 
jus ipsius Alicie P. Pape in capite," etc. 

This was Robert de Vere, fifth Earl of Oxford, who married 
Alice, daughter of Gilbert, Lord Sand ford, chamberlain to 
Queen Eleanor, and sister and sole heir of Nicholas, Lord 
Sand ford. 

Robert died 24 Edward I., A.D. 1295. Alice died at Can- 
field House, near Dunmow, the 9th September 1312. This 
Robert was one of the barons in arms against the king. 

Folio 30^ is a charter of Henry II. to Richard Fitz Aucher 
of Copped Hall, in which the king grants and confirms to the 
said Richard two pieces of land duas vgatas terre called " le 
Poer," in Waltham, with an additional two acres of assart 
land a clear place in a wood for the erection of a mansion 
with the privileges and rights of all surrounding woods, lands, 
pastures, waters, mills, etc. 

Folio 3 1 b is an order, or as the margin states, " discharge 
from the king (Edward I.), to pay the rent of the manor of 


Waltham, to Alinore the queen," daughter of Ferdinand III., 
King of Castile, the first wife of King Edward I. 

Annexed to this is the " like warrant, the baroons of the 
echeccur, and the discharg of the Abot of Waltham," A.D. 1281. 

Folio 33 gives the ancient charter of Edward the Confessor, 
which is printed in the " Monasticon," vol. vi., pt. i., p. 61. 
Here also are the charters of Henry II., Henry III., Richard I., 
Queen Alineor, and King John. 

Folio 48^ commences the grants which Queen Alienor 
confirmed to the canons of Waltham. 

Folio 50 is the following note in English, written early in 
the sixteenth century : 

" Be the Duk of Gloucestre, chef iustice of all the fforest a this 
half trent, for as muche as we be enformed that ye purpose to 
malynge agenst the libertes & ryghtes grawntyd be my lordis noble 
pgenitours to ye Abbot & convent of Walthm, & by my seyd lord 
satyfied & confermed, by undue meenes agenist trouth & gode con- 
science; we wele & charge you to cesse of your malice, and from thns 
forth to suffre hem, theyre suants, fermoures & tenants, thar godis 
& catall, to sem rest, & in nowyse agenst hem nor non of hem 
t'attempte, but hem godly cherisshe in thar ryght, and to charge alle 
offices of yt forest to do ye same, & in no wyse to doo ne y' to doo 
ye cont'ry offer as in you is, as we trust you. And as ye will have 
our gode lordship and schue ye rens as the cas requireth yeu en." 

Folio 57 is a charter of Simon, Abbot of Waltham, to 
Stephen Fitz Aucher, of all the land in " Kingestanfare," in 
Waltham, temp. Henry III., dated at Waltham on the Feast 
of St Dunstan, A.D. 1270. 

Folio 71 is the "Cirographum int. Dnm. Abbem de Waltham 
et Dnm. Petru de Sacbadia." This is relating to the griev- 
ance between the two parishes, Waltham and Cheshunt "Hec 
est finalis cocordia. facta in curid. dni. Regio apud West- 
mons. a die Sci. Anchaelis in tres septinanas anno Regio Regis 
Henrici filii Regis Johannes tricesimotcio " (folio 71). This is 
followed (folio 74^) by "the bowndys bytwen the lordshippys 
of Walthm and Chesthunt;" also a charter of King Henry III., 


by which he grants to the canons of Waltham lands in Nazing, 
Epping, Loughton, and Woodford. Folio 77 gives the 
" Prima Carta Michaelis de Wanci de Stanstede* qam. fecit 
nob. tepore. Regis Henrici II. adwocati uri. Scdam. Inwernes 
carta pdci. militis de pdca. uilla i. sequta, folio ix." This 
relates to the manor of Stanstead, county Herts. Michaelis 
de Wanci in the time of Henry II. was lord of the manor of 
Stanstead. The charter (folio 77) expresses that the said 
Michael sold one moiety of his manor to King Henry II., 
who thereupon acquitted him against (" Bruno iudeo de Lon- 
don") Bruno the Jew of London of a debt of 280, 173. 3d. 
The said king afterwards gave this moiety to the canons of 
the church of Waltham. 

The other moiety the said Michael gave to the canons of 
Waltham (in the presence of the king) in perpetual alms, to 
hold of him and his heirs by the yearly rental of 12, with 
all covenants and liberties made between them, free from all 

* Richard I. compelled the Abbot of Waltham to restore to Walter Peterin three 
messuages in Standstead, of which he had been unjustly deprived ; from which 
we may infer that the entire manor did not at that time belong to the abbey. 
Another circumstance goes to prove that the Abbot of Waltham did not obtain 
permission to enclose the wood of Isneye and empark it until the time of 
Edward III. John, the Abbot of Waltham, granted by lease, dated Novem- 
ber yth, 1523, the manor of Stanstead to John Rodes of London, and Margaret 
his wife, for a term of sixty-one years, at the yearly rental of ^25, 6s. 8d. He 
only remained in possession nineteen years, for at the dissolution of the abbey the 
manor was seized by the Crown and conveyed to Philip Paris. 

The old manor-house of Stanstead near the church, now in the occupation of 
Captain Trower, stands within the limits of what was undoubtedly a Roman 
encampment. The mound by which it is surrounded, the fosse, its advantageous 
position commanding the valley of the Rye, its very name Stansteadbury or 
burgh, indicate that a fortress formerly stood upon its site. In later years it 
was a grange belonging to the Abbey of Waltham. In a wall in one of the 
cellars were recently discovered two niches ; one is a piscina, the other, which 
has no drain hole, was probably intended as a locker or ambrey. This was then 
a chapel ; and the discovery of the niches shows that a square recess in the east 
wall was designed to receive the altar. That the Abbots of Waltham should 
make choice of a damp, underground cellar, not ten feet square, for a chapel, 
into which a ray of light never entered, cannot be supposed. It was undoubtedly 
constructed after the suppression of religious houses, when it was dangerous to 
openly practise the rites of the Romish Church (Cussan's Hist. Herts, and 
Chauncy's Hist. Herts). 


royal and foreign service. At the time when these donations 
were given to the canons of Waltham, Gilbert de Strigul was 
in the custody of King Henry II. These gifts were after- 
wards confirmed by William Mareschal (see folio 87 of the 
same MS.), who married the heiress of Gilbert de Strigul. 
Richard I., by a grant dated i8th September in the tenth 
year of his reign, confirmed these donations, expressly declar- 
ing that although Gilbert de Strigul was in the custody of 
the king's father at the time when they were made, yet 
because they were with the authority and knowledge of a 
wise and venerable prince, and not without great counsel, 
therefore the successors of Gilbert de Strigul, whosoever they 
might be, should not be admitted to controvert the donations. 
The Abbot of Waltham claimed by the grant of King 
Edward I. soc, sac, toll, them, infangtheif, flemensfrith, grith- 
brick, forstal, komsocne, bladwite, ordel, oreste, and easement 
from shires, hundreds, and from the court of the Holy Cross, 
and from all pleas, taxes, tolls, etc. (by the grant of King 
Henry II.), in all their lands in this county, i.e., Wormley, 
Brickendon, and Stanstead ; and all liberties which kingly 
power could grant to any church, from the passage over 
bridges, and from all works, etc., chattels of felons and 
fugitives, year and waste, custody of men taking plea of 
namium vetitum, free fishing in the water of the sea, to make 
pools, etc. Free warren and waifs by the grants of King 
Richard I. and Henry III. upon quo warranto brought before 
John de Reygate and others, justices itinerants at Hertford, 
anno 6 Edward I., they were allowed.* 

In the MS. now under consideration (Harl. 391), together 
with the Tib. C. ix. already noticed, is found a series of 
fifteen charters relating to Alricheseia, county Bedford. 
An account of some of these is given by Stacey Grimaldi, 
Esq., F.S.A., from the originals in his own possession.^ The 
fifteen numbers or charters just mentioned answer to the 
endorsements on Mr Grimaldi's deeds, Nos. VI. to XL, XIV. 

* See Chauncy's Hist. Herts, p. 192. 

t Collectanea Topog. et Geneal., vol. vi., p. 196. 


and XV. ; they also supply the deficient Nos. I. to V. and XIII., 
and they furnish a different No. XII. The chartulary of the 
Abbot Fuller, now in the Harl. MS. 3739, has been examined, 
but no charters regarding lands at Alrichesey occur therein. 

Alriches, or Alrichesey as it is sometimes written, belonged 
to the church of Waltham from the earliest times. It occurs 
in the confirmation charter of Edward the Confessor 
"Alricheseia cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus." Alri- 
chesia is situated about three miles south-east of Shefford, in 
the hundred of Clifton. It was formerly a market town, 
which is so stated in Domesday. In 1270 it was confirmed 
to Stephen Edworth, then lord of the manor. The De la 
Poles possessed the manor in the reign of Edward III. In 
the reign of Henry VIII. it was held by the Tanfields under 
the Earl of Shewsbury. 

The great tithes of the parish, which were appropriated to 
the Abbey of Waltham, were the property of the late Mrs 
Schutz, daughter to Dr Browne, in whose family they have 
been vested for many years.* Domesday Survey expresses 
that Alrichesia, which was estimated as eight hides, was 
temporarily alienated to the Bishop of Durham. Some of 
the grants are very curious, viz. : 

" Terra epi. Dunelm'sis. In Hund. de Clistone tenisd. eps. viii. 
hid. in Alricesei 7 ii. part. i. virg. T'ra e. viii. car. In dnio. sunt iii. 
car. 7 viii. villi hnt. iiii. car. 7 vta. pot. fieri. Ibi. v. bord. 7 ii. 
servi. 7 ii. molini xxvi. solid. 7 viii. den. Patu. iii. car. Valet et 
valuit vii. lib. T. R. E. viii. lib. Hoc. M. tenuer. canonici St. Crucis 
de Waltha. in elemosina T. R. E." 

The manor of Alrichesia held by the Abbot of Waltham 
was then only reckoned as three hides : 

" Aylricheseye. Abb. de Wanth'm. iij hydas in capite de d'no. 
Rege in pura elem." 

There is in the Waltham charters much relating to the 
estates as well as to the genealogy of the Burnard family, 

* Lyson's Hist. Bedfordshire, p. 40. 



which family chose the Priory of St Neot's, Huntingdonshire, 
to be their burial-place. 

There are also several other charters given in this MS. 
(Harl. 391) worthy of notice. " Carta balfrida de Melno" is 
one of them. The manor of Milno (now called Millow or 
Milhow) is a hamlet in the parish of Dunton, county Bedford- 
shire. King Edward the Confessor gave it to the church of 

" Carta terra in Pochia. Sci. dementis London." This is a 
grant of a portion of land in St Clement's parish to Walter, 
Abbot of Waltham. 

"Carta terra in Emwelle" (Amwell). This manor is 
situated in the parish of All Saints, Hertford, and is called 
Rushen, otherwise Little Amwell. It probably formed part 
of the manor of Brickendon, in the same parish, which at the 
time of the survey was parcel of the demesnes of the canons 
of Waltham. This place was the property of the canons of 
Waltham, 6 Edward III., when they had a grant of free 
warren in Brykendon Emwell. 

The canons of Waltham also had the patronage of the 
Church of All Saints, Hertford, prior to the dissolution of 

Folio 846 of this MS. gives the charter of Robert de 
Valonsis of the Church of All Saints, Hertford. Robert de 
Valoignes, for the health of himself and Hawise his wife, gave 
the Church of All Saints in Hertford to the canons of Wal- 
tham. Folio 8/ is the " Carta Gilebti filii Walielmi de 
Windlesores." Folio 97 is the " Confirmatio Jocelim Sares- 
biriensis episcopi de Ecclesiis de Windesore." This appears 
to be a grant of confirmation by Josceline, Bishop of Salis- 
bury, who was consecrated in 1142. He is called "Josceline 
de Bailol, a Lombard," and was archdeacon of Winchester, 
afterwards prebend of York, and died 1184. He was one of 
the bishops excommunicated by Becket in 1166 and 1170 
for consenting to the coronation of the younger Henry. 
Josceline had a son named Fitzjosceline. 

* See Clutterbuck's Hist. Herts, vol. ii., p. 182. 


This grant of Josceline refers to the church of Windsor, and 
also to a dispute which seems to have arisen between Roger 
le Poer, the predecessor of Josceline, and the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, respecting, the castle of Windsor, which dispute 
delayed the marriage of King Henry and his second queen, 
Alice or Adelicia, the beautiful daughter of Godfrey of Lor- 
raine. The Bishop of Salisbury claimed a right to marry the 
royal pair, because the castle of Windsor was within his dio- 
cese. The right was disputed by Ralph, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, on the ground that, whenever the king and queen 
might be within the realm of England, they were his parish- 
ioners. The ceremony was eventually performed by the 
primate, on the 24th of January 1121, in the presence of the 
whole council of England, then assembled at Windsor.* 

By this grant of Josceline's it would appear that the canons 
of Waltham had possessions in Windsor prior to Richard I. 
(i iSg-go}.^ This king, however, in the first year of his reign, 
gave the Church of St John the Baptist, New Windsor, with 
the chapels of Old Windsor, to the canons of Waltham, in 
whose possession it remained until the dissolution. 

Among the appendages to the castle at this period (19 
Henry II.) was the vineyard. The pay of the vintager and the 
expenses of gathering the grapes are among the regular annual 
charges relating to Windsor on the Pipe Rolls, from the com- 
mencement of the series in 1155. Lambarde says, in the 
" Recordes," " it moreover appearethe that tythe hathe bene 
payed of wyne pressed out of grapes that grewe in the Little 
Parke theare, to the Abbot of Waltham, which was parson 
bothe of the Old and New Wyndsore, and that accompts 
have bene made of the charges of planting the vines that 
grewe in the saide parke, as also of making the wynes, 
whearof somme partes weare spent in the householde, and 
somme solde for the kinge's profite." Stow gives a similar 
account. He says that in the records of the Honor Court of 
Windsor Castle, held in the outer gatehouse, is to be " scene 

* Tighe & Davis' Annals of Windsor, vol. i., p. 28. 
t See Cott. MS., c. ix., folio 62; Harl. 391, folio 97. 


the yeerely account of the charges of the planting of the 
vines that in the time of K. Richard the Second grew in great 
plenty within ye Litle Parke, as also of the making of the 
wine itself." Richard III., in the first year of his reign, 
granted to John Piers the office of "Master of our Vyne- 
yarde or Vynes nigh unto our Castell of Wyndesore, and 
otherwise called the office of Keeper of our Gardyne called 
the Vyneyarde nigh unto our said Castell, to have and 
occupie the same office, by him or his deputie sufficient for 
the terme of his lyff, with the wages and fees of v\d. by the 

King Henry III., in the eleventh year of his reign, confirmed 
by charter the church of Windsor to the canons of Waltham, 
at which time the canon complained that, "although his 
tenants of the property of Windsor church had always been 
exempt from tallage or taxes, yet that the king's officers of 
the Exchequer had assessed them in common with the other 
inhabitants of Windsor, and refused to make restitution. The 
king thereupon directed inquiry to be made into the truth 
of the abbot's allegation of previous exemption, and com- 
manding that, if found to be true, the tenants should be ex- 
empt from payment." "f Pope Nicholas IV., in the year 1288, 
granted to King Edward I. the tenths of all ecclesiastical 
benefices for the term of six years, in order to defray the 
expense of a journey to the Holy Land. The king's taxes 
which began in that year ended in 1291. "Under this taxa- 
tion, New Windsor is inserted in the diocese of Salisbury. . . . 
The Abbot of Waltham was, in the first instance, assessed at 
33. 2d. in respect of New Windsor, and at I2s. 8d. in respect 
of Old Windsor ; but a line is drawn across both entries. 
" Wyndlesore Underore " is described as being (with several 
other places) in the hands of the Reading Abbots. In the 
" spiritualities " of the deanery, Windsor Church is not men- 
tioned by name, but the church of Waltham Abbey, with the 
vicarage, in respect of tithes, is assessed at ^13, 6s. 8d., refer- 
ring probably to the churches of Old and New Windsor, both 

* Annals of Windsor (as before), also Lambard's Diet. Anglias. t Ib. 


of which were, as has been already stated, in the possession of 
the abbey. 

King Harold previously held the manor of Windsor, which", 
in his time, comprised but five hides and a half, the castle of 
Windsor being erected on the other half hide. 

In this MS. (Harl. 391) there are several charters relating to 
lands in London. Folio 89^ is the charter of William Revel 
(and Andrew his heir), by which he claims certain liberties of 
" Ricard. filii Ernaldi," the Abbot of Waltham. The Revel 
family were of considerable note in their time. A John Revel 
held the manor of Revel's Hall in the vill of Bengeo, county 
Herts, temp. Henry II.* Robert Revel was one of the sheriffs 
of London, 1490. He gave liberally towards the rebuilding 
of the Church of St Mary-at-Hill, London, where he was 
buried."!* This church is so called from its being dedicated to 
the Virgin Mary, and its situation on an eminence. In dig- 
ging the foundation of the present building in 1497, the corpse 
of Alice Hackney, who died about the year 1322, was dis- 
covered in a very decayed coffin. The skin of the corpse 
" was sound and flexible, and the joints pliable, though buried 
about 175 years. The body was kept above ground three or 
four days without any noisome smell, but then, beginning to 
be tainted, was again laid in the ground." \ 

Folio 90. " Carta Scotland! de Yfeld de loco & tra edificion 
uron in londoniis." This deed or charter (like several others 
given in this volume, is without date) has been fully described by 
G. R. Corner, Esq., F.S.A., in a letter to Sir Henry Ellis, under 
the title of " The Abbot of Waltham's House in the Parish of 
St Mary-at-Hill, London," published in the "Archaeologia," 
vol. xxxvi., p. 400. " It is remarkable," says the writer, " that 
Stow makes no mention of the Abbot of Waltham's house 
at St Mary-at-Hill, although the industrious London historian 
lived hard by, in the parish of St Andrew's Undershaft. . . . 
St Mary-at-Hill is a street running north and south from East- 

* Clutterbuck, vol. ii., p. 28. 

+ Stbw's Survey, and Malcolm's Londinium Rediv., vol. iv., p. 422. 

% Chamberlain's Hist. Loncl., 459. 


cheap to Billingsgate, and at a short distance on the west is 
a narrow lane called Love Lane, one of the narrowest and 
most crooked lanes in the city of London, running from East- 
cheap to Thames Street. The parish church of St Mary-at- 
Hill stands between these two ways, and the Abbot of Wal- 
tham's house stood on the south side of the church, towards 
Billingsgate. Walter de Gaunt, the first Abbot of Waltham, 
became possessed of some ground in the parish of St Mary- 
at-Hill, on the south side of the church of that parish, by 
purchase from Scotland de Ifeld and Idonea, his wife, on which 
ground the abbot built a house or inn for the residence and 
convenience of himself and his successors when business or 
occasion should bring them to London." The deed of Scot- 
land de Yfeld or Ifeld and Idonea, his wife, has been trans- 
lated thus :* 

" Scotland de Ifeld and Idonea, his wife, granted to God and the 
Church of the Holy Cross of Waltham, and the canons regular serv- 
ing God there, in perpetual arms, for the health of their souls and 
the health of the souls of all theirs, the land which was of Alwric de 
Hulla, near the church of St Mary de Hulla in London, towards the 
west, subject to the annual rent of one penny. And with that grant 
Scotland gave his body to be buried with his most dear brothers at 
Waltham. f Witness, Nigel, the chaplain; Ralph, the chaplain; 
Gilbert de Dakenham ; Symon, the clerk ; Richard, Dean of Shepey ; 
Richard, the clerk ; Hubert, the clerk ; Jordan, the alderman ; Wil- 
liam, the clerk, son of Alexander Sperleng ; John, Martin, and Theo- 
doric, his brothers ; Hamon fitz Hugh ; John de Polstede, Hudo, 
and William, the bakers ; Godwin, the merchant ; Gilbert, the felt 
maker; Symon, the weaver; Bernard, the bedell; Alwin Maie ; 
Robert de Walton ; Norman, the draper ; William, the smith ; Wil- 
liam, son of Jordan; Walter, the weaver; and many others." 

Harl. MS., 391, folio 93, is the charter of John de Leverton, 
son of Alward, who, by deed, gave to the canons regular of 
Waltham the church of Leverton in pure and perpetual alms. 
The parish of Leverton is situated on the high road from 

* Archseologia, vol. xxxvi., p. 400. 

f Scotland de Ifeld, buried at Waltham, i.e., "Ego Scotland do & cedo corp. 
meu. sepeliendu. cu. Kmis. frib. meis apd. Walth. " 


Wainfleet to Boston, county Lincoln. This carta bears date 
"Anno Dom. MCCXXVIL, vi. Kal. Maii " (6th May 1227). 
Among the witnesses is the name of John Inneno de Wal- 
tham and Roger Bacon. This church is called "See. Elene" 
(St Helen). 

This deed is followed by a confirmation charter of Robert, 
Bishop of Lincoln, confirming the church of Leverton to that 
of Waltham. This Robert was probably the renowned Grost- 
head * or Grosseteste; there was certainly no other Bishop 
Robert from the time of Robert de Chisney, born 1147, died 
1167, to the time of Robert Sanderson (1660). 

Folio 93<5 is the second charter of John de Leverton, son 
of Alwardi, dated at Wrangle, February M.CCXXXIX., confirm- 
ing the church of Leverton to Waltham Abbey. After this 
is a document relating to the church of Leverton, between 
Thomas the bishop and Richard de Htfordingebery, bearing 
date October 1323. This bishop was Henry Burghersh or 
Burwash, who was installed to office July 20, 1320, and died 
at Ghent (1340), in Flanders, where he had accompanied 
King Edward III. His body was brought to England, and 
interred near the east end of Lincoln Cathedral. Folios 98, 
99, is a grant of the church of Badburgeham to the canons of 
Waltham. Folio 100 is the carta of William, Bishop of Here- 
ford, " dedicatio et indulgentiae concesse capellae sci. Thomae," 
temp. Henry II. -j- Also a charter of " Simonis Clunardensis 
epi. de dedicatione Altariu. & de relaxatione penitentie." 
Folio 100^, "Carta Rie. Cant. Archiepi. de Relaxatioe. peni- 
tentie Inmuentione & in Exaltacioe. see. Crucis," etc. 

Folio \Q2\ is the charter of Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln. 

* Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, May 18, 1235. He was a man of obscure 
origin, but of eminent learning. He ruled over his diocese for eighteen years, and 
died October 9, 1253 (see Hist. Lincoln, p. 146. 

t This was an ancient chapel, adjoining the parish church of Waltham. 

J " Carta Hugonis Lincoln, epi. de Alricheseia." The date of this charter is 
not given, but Mr Grimaldi, a writer in the Coll. Top. et Geneal., vol. vi., p. 202, 
states "the seal (of the original document) is broken away. The date of this 
charter is very nearly fixed, as Haimo, Dean of Lincoln, one of the witnesses, 
held that dignity from 1189 to 1195.'' 


Folio 105 is an account of the church of Wrangle in Lincoln- 
shire ("Appropriatio ecclese. de Wrangle Com. Line." a 
charter between Simon le Bret of Waltham and Hugh, the 
Bishop of Lincoln). 

The Abbot of Waltham became a principal proprietor in 
Wrangle in the reign of Henry II., when the church and much 
land in the parish were given to Waltham by Simon le Bret, 
whose son Simon was also a considerable benefactor to Wal- 
tham Abbey. Wrangle church is dedicated to St Nicholas. 
The family of Le Bret appear to have held their lands of the 
honour of Richmond.* 

Folio io6b. " Carta Euardi de Geist de eccla. de Geist & 
de Geistorp de Noroune " (Nortone, Norfolk). This relates to 
" Everard fili Radide Geiste," and his gift, with the grant of 
confirmation of " Allen-su Rogeri fil.," of the churcli of Geist 
or Geisthorp, county Norfolk, to the " Ecclie. See. Cruc. de 
Waltham can. Regular ibidem." 

Sir Ralph de Geist was lord of the manor of Geist or 
Geisthorp in the reign of King Henry II. His son Eborard 
or Everard gave this, lordship, with the advowson of the 
church, to the Abbey of Waltham. The last-named married 
Alianere, daughter of Reginald de St Martin, by whom he 
had a son, Roger de Geist, who confirmed the same grant. 
Pope Innocent, who died 1130, confirmed to the canons of 
Waltham their right to St Andrew of Geist, of All Saints, 
Geisthorp, and St Peter's of Geistweyt, given to them by the 
aforesaid Eberard, with the consent of Roger and Richard 
his sons, for the soul of King Henry II. Hubert, Archbishop 
of Canterbury who was translated to that see from Salis- 
bury, and died in 1205 and John of Oxford, Bishop of Nor- 
wich, granted them licence to appropriate the same. The 
church of Geist is dedicated to St Andrew, to which there 
was a chapel belonging, called Geisthorp Chapel, dedicated to 
All Saints. It was anciently a rectory, and when appro- 
priated to Waltham, James de Ferentino, Dean of Holt, and 
proctor of the Archdeacon of Norwich, and the Abbot and 
* See Saunders' Hist, of Lincoln. 


convent of Waltham, in the vacancy of the see of Norwich, 
came to this agreement, that the abbot and convent should 
yearly grant to the vicar of Geist and Geisthorp two marks, 
one at Easter and the other at St Michael's ; also all the 
altarages of the said church and chapel, but therewith to pay 
all ecclesiastical charges to the bishop and archdeacon, and 
to keep a resident chaplain for the chapel of Geysthorp. 
The first known vicar presented to this church by the Abbot 
and convent of Waltham was Roger Muriel, instituted in 
1310. The church of St Peter, Geystweyt, or Geystwick, 
being a rectory, was granted as before stated by Everard de 
Geist to the Abbey of Waltham. In a window of this church 
was the portrait of a physician administering medicine to a 
sick person in bed, to which was appended these words: "In 
sicknes I pyne Trost in God, and here is medicine." Also 
an unclothed person, with these words: "For cold I quake." 
Also a woman bringing clothes: "Have here clothes and 
warm to make." Walter de Kelelston was presented to the 
vicarage of St Peter by the Abbot and convent of Waltham 
in 1316. 

Folio 108. William de Draitun (Drayton) by this charter 
gives all his land in the town of Drayton, county Norfolk, 
to the canons of Waltham (by 4d. rent). William, the son of 
Aylmer de Skerning, or Seaming, granted the lands which he 
held of Gilbert de Fransham for 2s. rent. This was con- 
firmed by Robert, brother of Gilbert de Fransham, Roger 
Gelafre, and Beatrix his wife, widow of Gilbert. Of this 
family was Alexander de Skerning, who married Nichola, 
daughter and heiress of Roger L'Estrange, about 34 Henry III. 
This charter was witnessed by Hubert, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, who died in 1205, and several other dignitaries of the 

Folio i lob. A charter of " Gaufr. de Scalarus " (or Geoffrey 
de Scalars) of the church of Badburgeham in the diocese of 
Ely, Cambridge, to the canons of Waltham, temp. Henry II. 
Folio ill. "Caterham or Katerham Eccl. com. Surr. Win- 

* Bloomfield's Hist. Norfolk, vol. x., p. 41. 


ton diocese cum taxatione vicariae." The manor of Caterham 
was, according to the " Monasticon Anglicanum," given by 
Everard de Geist to the canons of Waltham in the time of 
King John; i.e., between 1199 and 1216.* Among some 
papers relating to St Thomas's Hospital in Southwark is 
a deed, by which Geoffrey de Katerham gave to Roger his 
son lands in Caterham, and Everard the son of Roger gave 
them to the hospital, together with 2s. rent paid by Roger 
Blunde for land in this manor called Porkele. The advowson 
of the church went with the manor. The Abbot of Waltham 
had a grant of free warren 6 Edward III., 1333, and obtained 
a confirmation of it from the first of Henry V. The canons 
of Waltham obtained a licence of appropriation some time 
during the reign of Henry III., as the name of William, 
Bishop of Winton, occurs in the charter, dated from Waltham. 
This bishop was no doubt William de Raleigh, or Radley, 
who was translated from Norwich to the see of Winchester 
in 1243. The canons of Waltham presented to the church 
of Caterham from I4th October 1312, to the dissolution. 
Hugh de Aungier was the first incumbent. Robert de 
Halyfield, who succeeded him, may have been a native of 
Waltham.-j- He was installed into the living by the canons 
of Waltham, January 26, 1 329-30. The register of Caterham 
of that date being lost, it is not known how long he stayed 
there. + 

Folios in, 112. The charter of Juliane, daughter of Galfridi 
de Sudecampes, who by it appropriates the church of Sude- 
camp to the church of Waltham. The charter is signed by 
Adam de Waltham, Robert de Archer, probably of the family 
of Fitzaurchers of Copthall, and others. Adam de Witz, Wiz, 
or Wich, was Abbot of Waltham from 1263 to 1269. 

Sudecamps is sometimes called Shudy-Camps, Shudee- 
Camps, and Schode-Camps. It is connected with Castle- 
Camps, being fourteen miles south-east of Cambridge, and 
about thirteen south of Newmarket. The manor of Sude- 

* See ante. t Holyfield is a hamlet in this parish. 

% See Manning and Bray's Hist. Surrey, vol. ii., p. 343. 


camps appears to have acquired its name from the family of 
Shudee who possessed it, and who gave the hamlet of 
Northoe to the monks of Ely. In the reigns of Edward I. 
and Edward II. the manor was held by the Hanchet family, 
and afterwards by the family of Playz as heirs of the Mont- 

Folio H2b. Charter of William, Bishop of London, by 
which he confirms the churches of "Alfemeston" and Lam- 
born to the canons of Waltham. The document is dated 
from. Waltham, anno Dom. MCCXVIII. Lamborne and 
Alfemeston churches seem to have been appropriated to the 
canons, and a vicarage ordained, with this proviso, that the 
perpetual vicar who should supply the cure should pay 405. 
yearly to the said canons, for the use of the poor of their 
hospital, built within the court of their monastery, etc.-f 
Morant states that he did not find that it was appropriated 
to the canons of Waltham, " though such a design was formed, 
but continued a rectory in their gift till the dissolution of 
monasteries." Lamborne Church, dedicated to All Saints, 
was given by Robert de Lamburn to the canons of Waltham, 
and confirmed to them by William de S. Maria, Bishop of 
London, in 1218. Alfemeston, or Alphamston, is in the 
county of Essex. 

Folio 1 1 3#. See account of the churches of Old and New 
Windsor, ante. Folio 115$. "Foundatio Capellae sci. Thomae 
Martyirs in P. ochio. de Walda apud Boscum arsum Burnt- 
wood." This charter is dated 1221, and relates to the chapel 
founded at Brentwood, county Essex, that year at the request 
of David, abbot of St Osith, for the convenience of their 
tenants at Cost-hall, with consent of the Abbot and convent 
of Waltham, the Bishop of London, and of Richard, parson of 
Weld. Richard, Abbot of Waltham, whose name occurs at 
the commencement of the charter, received the temporali- 
ties of Waltham in 1218. Folio 11 8. Charter of Ralph de 
Ravendale, the son of Gilbert, in which he grants the church 

* Lyson's Camb., p. 158. 

f See margin of charter, and New Court Rept. 


of " Crokesby,"* county Lincoln, to the church of Waltham. 
This is followed by another " Carta Willi Pollard de Ecclia. 
de Crokesby," which is confirmed by Agnes, widow of the 
said William Pollard, to the church at Waltham, 5 Edward I., 
1277. Folio I2ob. "Capella in domo ura. de Byllynggesgat, 

Folio 121 is a bull of Pope Alexander III. to Ralph, the 
prior and canon of Waltham, circa 1177. King Henry II. 
obtained the consent privilegium of Alexander to sup- 
press the secular order of canons, and substitute the Augus- 
tine canons in their room. Roger de Hoveden, writes Mr 
Stubbs, "here runs together, with great risk of confusion, 
several events concerning the church of Waltham : (i.) The 
resignation of Dean Guy to the king, which took place at 
the council of Northampton ; (2.) The formal resignation to 
the archbishop at Waltham ; (3.) The expulsion of the 
canons, which took place June n, 1177; and (4.) the 
appointment of Walter of Gant, which was made in July 
1 1 84. ""I* Accordingly the dean and secular canons resigned 
the deanery and prebends into the hands of the Archbishop 
of Canterbury. Ralph, a prebendary of Chichester, was 
made their prior by the Bishop of London ; and at his instal- 
ment, made a solemn profession of canonical obedience to 
that prelate. \ Alexander III. occupied the papal chair from 
1159 to 1180-1. He was an "avenger of the murder of 
Thomas a Becket," December 28, 1170. Richard, formerly 
Prior of Dover, succeeded him in 1171. Robert, or Gilbert, 
Foliot, was then Bishop of London, 1163-1187. This bull is 
followed by a letter of Walter, Abbot of Waltham, to Pope 
Clement III., 1187-1191. 

Ralph, the first prior, and his successors, were exempt from 
episcopal jurisdiction, and had other indulgences granted 
them by Popes Lucius III., Clement III., Urban III., Celes- 
tine and Innocent III. 

* Croxby, 1277. 

t Hoveden's Chronica, vol. ii., p. 118. 

t See Collier's Eccles. Hist. Gt. Brit., vol. ii., p. 333. 


Folio 123 is a facsimile of the bull of Pope Lucius III. 
with name attached, date 1182. Folio 126$, bull of Pope 
Urban III. with name, etc., attached, date 1187. Pope 
Urban authorised the canons of Waltham " not to mortgage 
any of their estates at the command of any person whatso- 
ever." * Folio 129, bull of Pope Clement III., date 1188. 
Folio 133^, bull of Pope Celestine III., date 1191. Folio 
147^, bull of Pope Innocent IV. He excommunicated King 
John of England ; gave the red hat, 1243. Folio 153, " Privi- 
legium Innoc. IIII." 

This MS, concludes with the confirmation of most of the 
grants already noticed, viz., The church of Windsor to the 
cellarer ; the churches of Alrichsey, Hertford, and Nazinges, 
for providing of vestments ; and the churches of Eppinges, 
Wudeford, Netleswelle, and Luketon, to the use of the 

CHURCH Music (LANSD. MSS. 763). 

One of the most curious and interesting manuscripts 
connected with Waltham is one entitled " Musica Gui- 
donis et Aliorum Tractatus De Musica. Mus. Brit. Bibl. 
Lansdown. 763, Plut. Ixxvi. A." This volume is beauti- 
fully written on vellum of the fifteenth century, and is 
expressive of the work of a master hand. By the rubric 
inscription on the second leaf it appears to be the work of 
John Wylde, precentor of the abbey church, circa A.D. 1400. 
The title unabridged runs thus : " Hunc Librum vocitatum 
Musicam Guidonis, scripsit Dominus Johannes Wylde, quon- 
dam exempti Monasterii Sancta Crucis de Waltham Pre- 
centor." After this comes the usual anathema: "Quern 
quidem Librum, aut hunc titulum, qui malitiose abstulerit 
aut deleverit, Anathema sit." Sir John Hawkins suggests 
that there was little reason to suspect that Tallys felt the 
effects of the anathema. Admonitions of this kind are 
frequently to be met with in ancient manuscripts formerly 
belonging to monastic buildings. There is one in a tract 

* See Stevens' Hist, of Abbeys, vol. ii., p. 115. 


" De quatuor Principalia," etc., now in the Bodleian Library. 
It had been given to a convent of Friars Minors in 1388.* 
The book is bound in antique style (whole calf), ornamented 
on the sides and back with gilt. Little or nothing is known 
of John Wylde apart from this valuable manuscript. Long 
prior to the Reformation this volume was in constant use in 
the choral service of the ancient monastery. When the 
suppression of this monastery in the reign of Henry VIII. 
took place, the book, it is said, fell into violent hands. About 
this time it came into the possession of the celebrated Thomas 
Tallys, organist to the king, whose autograph appears twice 
on the back of the last leaf. 

Thomas Tallys was one of the greatest musicians that this 
country has produced. He flourished about the middle of the 
sixteenth century, and is said to have been organist of the 
chapel royal to King Henry VIIL, King Edward VI., Queen 
Mary, and Queen Elizabeth. It appears that in the reigns 
of Edward VI. and Queen Mary he was simply a gentleman 
of the chapel, and served for 7^d. per diem. Under Elizabeth 
he and the celebrated William Birde were gentlemen of the 
chapel and organists. From Thomas Tallys the volume is 
supposed to have passed into the hands of the no less cele- 
brated Thomas Morley, one of the gentlemen of Queen Eliza- 
beth's chapel, to whom it was of considerable service in writing 
his work, entitled "A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practi- 
call Musicke set doune in forme of a dialogue, devided into 
three parts," Lond., 1597. It afterwards became the property 
of Mr Powle, Speaker of the House of Commons in the reign 
of William III. ; Lord Chancellor Somers, and Sir Joseph 
Jekyl. At Jekyl's sale it was purchased by some country 
organist, who presented it to Mr James West, President of 
the Royal Society. From him it went to the Earl of Shel- 
burne, whose coat of arms is now on the fly-leaf. Dr Pepusch 
appears to have been permitted by one of its owners to make 
a transcript of it. Dr Burney, through the intervention of the 
Hon. Daines Barrington, was favoured with the MS. while it 

* History of Music (Hawkins), vol. ii., p. 202. 


was in the possession of Mr West. The musical doctor pro- 
ceeds to relate that he possessed it just before his departure 
for Italy, but returned it ere he left England, in case of acci- 
dent, though he had then made but small progress with it. 
After the death of Mr West, the doctor states that he was a 
considerable time ignorant as to whom this curious and valu- 
able MS. belonged, but at length had the good fortune to dis- 
cover that it had fallen into the hands of the Earl of Shel- 
burne, by whose liberal communication he had long been in- 
dulged with the use of it. The book was well known to Sir John 
Hawkins, also to Humphrey Wanley, whose letter is appended 
to it, with that of Dr John Wallis, respecting the Greek manu- 
script taken from the Turks at Buda in 1686. It has been for 
many years safely preserved among the Lansdowne Collection 
of MSS. The volume contains 124 folios, besides the letters 
above named. On the first folio is the name of the author or 
transcriber Johannes Wylde. His name also occurs in folio 
5 1#, and his initials, J. W., after the words " Explicitint Regulse 
Magistri Johannis Torkesey de 6 Speciebus natarum." The 
contents of the volume are given on the fly-sheet : " I. Musica 
Guidonis Monachi. II. De Origine et Effectu Musicae. III. 
Speculum Cantatium sive Psalterium. IV. Metrologus Liber. 
V. Regular Magistri Johan Torksey. VI. Tractatus Magistri 
Johannes de Muris de distantia et Mensura vocum. VII. 
Regulae Magistri Thomae Walsingham. VIII. Lione Power 
of the Cordis of Musicke. IX. Treatise of Musical Propor- 
tions, and of their Naturis and Denominations, first in Eng- 
lish and then in Latyne." 

Wylde gave his book the title of " Monacordum," and 
divided it into two parts. The first is called " Musica Manu- 
lis," which extends from folio 3 to 18 ; and the second part 
" Tonale." The writer expresses in the preface his determina- 
tion to follow the rules of Boetius, Macrobius, and Guido, as 
he had gleaned much from their works. He has adapted the 
Guidonian hand or gamut to the hands of boys, by which they 
can carry the scale about with them, and adds that the left 
hand is to be used in preference to the right, because nearest 


the heart. The writer also studiously avoids all secular music. 
On the last leaf of the work is written the name of its pos- 
sessor, Thomas Tallys ; also : 

" xxi gilt bookes in qto and octavo, 
x bookes in folio, 
iii fayre sets gilt bookes." 

The beautiful folio manuscript, Harl. 3739, once adorned the 
library of our abbey church, and was written by the last 
Abbot, Robert Fuller, circa 1526-40. 

This chartulary, or ledger book, as it is called, was com- 
piled during the abbot's government here, and contains the 
muniments of the church on 436 pp. folio ; 381 pages appear 
to have been written by the abbot's own hand, but the re- 
maining pages, or the last two charters of his alienation of 
Copt Hall to Henry VIIL, are in a different handwriting. In 
the text or initial letters, which are beautifully embellished, the 
abbot's name is inserted in nine different places on the scroll- 
work of the letters, viz., " Dns. Robertus Fuller abbas," thrice ; 
" hunc scripsit librum," and has " quidem cartas scripsit dns. 
R. F. abbas," twice. ; " D. R. F. A." down two others, and 
twice " liber sancte crucis de Waltham." In one O is a shield, 
with a cross charged with five others. On the first page is 
written "in all 5 tomes, Tom. I."* Respecting this particular, 
Dugdale*!* says, "There does not seem good reason for believ- 
ing that Fuller ever went further in his work than the present 
volume." The folio bears the following title on the back : 
"Registrum Cartarum Monasterii de Waltham. Mus. Brit. 
Bibl. Harl., 3739, Plut. Iv. E." 

After the dissolution of the monastery, this book came into 
the possession of the Earl of Carlisle, Viscount Doncaster, 
Baron of Sauley and Waltham, who resided in a fine old 
mansion adjoining the abbey. Dr Thomas Fuller refers to 
this in his " History of Waltham," published in 1655 : 

* The name of " Willim. Hamby, sttm liber" is on the first page, 
t See "Monasticon Anglicanum," ed. by Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel, 1830, 
vol. vi., pt. L, p. 59. 


" Know, reader, that whatever hereafter I allege touching the lands 
and liberties of Waltham, if not otherwise attested by some author in 
the margin, is by me faithfully transcribed out of Waltham ledger- 
book, now in the possession of the Right Honourable James [Hay], 
Earl of Carlisle. This book was collected by Robert Fuller, the last 
Abbot of Waltham ; who, though he could not keep his abbey from 
dissolution, did preserve the antiquities thereof from oblivion. The 
book (as appears by many inscriptions in the initial text-letters) was 
made by himself, having as happy a hand in fair and fast writing as 
some of his surname since have been defective therein." 

In 1718 this MS. fell into the hands of Brown Willis, the 
great antiquary, who held it, doubtless, until it finally reached 
the British Museum. 

The following is a summary of the Chartulary, written by 
Robert Fuller : 

1. Carta Sancti regis Edwardi de possessionibus nostris, fol. i. 

2. Carta Mathildis reginse de molendinis, fol. 7. 

3. Carta regis Henrici Primi de molendinis, fol. 8. 

4. Carta Mathildis reginge de Northlanda, ib. 

5. Carta regis Henrici Primi quam fecit Mathildae regina?, fol. 9. 

6. Carta Adeliciae reginae de decimis dandis, fol. 10. 

7. Carta regis Stephani de libertatibus Canonicorum, fol. i r. 

8. Carta regis Henrici Secundi, fundatoris nostri de possessionibus 

nostris, prima et originalis, fol. 12. 

9. Carta Henrici II. de libertatibus nostris, fol. 20. 

10. Carta regis Ricardi Primi de possessionibus, fol. 24. 

11. Carta regis Ricardi Primi de manerio de Waltham innovata, 

fol. 35. 

12. Carta regis Ricardi Primi de essartis, fol. 41. 

13. Carta regis Ricardi Primi facta Ricardo filio Aucheri de per 

donatione xxiiij". iiij d . de firma de Waltham, fol. 43. 

14. Carta regis Henrici III. filii regis Johannis de possessionibus 

nostris secundum tenorum secundse cartse regis Ricardi de 
eisdem possessionibus, fol. 45. 

15. Carta regis Henrici III. de manerio nostro de Waltham, data 

apud Waltham anno regni ejusdem regis tricesimo septimo, 
fol. 56. 



1 6. Carta regis Henrici III. de warrenis, data apud Waltham anno 

tricesimo septimo, fol. 64. 

17. Carta regis Henrici III. de ampliatione Ix. acr. terrse ad Parcum 

Haroldi, fol. 69. 

1 8. Carta regis Henrici III. de duobus boscis nostris claudendis 

scilicet de Nesinge et de Eppinge, fol. 7 1 . 

19. Carta regis Henrici III. facta Auchero et heredibus suis de 

annuo redditu xxvj 8 . de firma de Waltham, fol. 73. 

20. Carta regis Henrici de manerio de Parndon, fol. 74. 

21. Memorandum de anno xxij. regis Ricardi Secundi Trin. rec. 

rot. xxij, fol. 77. 

22. Copia divers, sex cartarum et finis levatus promanerio de Law- 

far, fol. 93. 

23. Carta prioris et conventus de Cruce Roys de redditu xxx 8 . et. 

unius libri piperis et cimini in Laufare et Machinge, &c., 
fol. 113. 

24. Carta Willielmi de septem molis de toto tenemento suo in 

Stanforde, fol. 117. 

25. Carta Rogeri de Bello Campo de confirmatione et warantizatione 

totius terr. Willielmi de septem molis in Stanford, fol. 119. 

26. Quieta clamatio Rogeri de Bello Campo, de feodo suo in villa de 

Stanford, fol. 121. 

27. Cirographum inter Willielmum de septem molis tenente et Wil- 

lielmum le Band patentem de feod. mediet. unius milit, in 
villa de Stanford et de capella in eodem, fol. 123. 

28. Carta Hugonis de Nevell de manerio de Thorndon, fol. 125. 

29. Alia carta de Hugone de Nevell Pro manerio de Thorndon, fol. 


30. Confirmatio Johannis de Nevell de manerio de Thorendon, fol. 


31. Carta Johannis de la Mare de Bukherst et villa de Lucton, 

Woodford, Chingforde, Chygwell, cum octo solidatis annui 
redditus et aliis rebus, fol. 135. 

32. Carta Petri Heved de toto tenemento quod habuit in villa de 

Tillingham, cum omnibus Pertinentiis, fol. 138. 

33. Carta Picardi de Gibbecrake de duobus mariscis in Danssy> 

scilicet Mouchmere et Halsmere cum pertinentiis, fol. 142. 

34. Carta Johannis de Engayn de toto tenemento Ricardi filii Petri 

de Terynton in minori Stanwey, fol. 144. 


35. Carta Johannis de Burgo de tribus acris terras, et i acr. Prati, 

et de communi pastura ad Ixxx. oves in villa de Lexenden et 
de Stanwey, fol. 146. 

36. Testificatio regis Edwardi quod appropriamus terras in Stanwey 

et Wrangle ante statutum et edictum super mortua manu, fol. 

37. Carta Warini filii Geroldi de terra in Wethersfeld anno Domini 

cc.xjmo, fol. 149. 

38. Carta Thomse de Alerby de particula bosci sui in villa de 

Wethersfeld, fol. 152. 

39. Carta domini Johannis de Crakehall de redditu unius marcse in 

Lamborn ad Pitanciam, fol. 154. 

40. Carta Domini Roberti fil. Rogeri de Stokesby, fol. 157. 

41. Carta Johannis de Levertun de advocatione ecclesise ejusdem 

villae, fol. 159. 

42. Confirmatio Presentationis ecclesise de Levertune episcopi Lin- 

colnien., fol. 161. 

43.. Carta Roberti de Valonia de ecclesia Omnium Sanctorum de 
Hertforde, fol. 162. 

44. Carta Walteri Lincolniensis episcopi de ecclesia Omnium Sanc- 

torum de Hertforde, fol. 163. 

45. Confirmatio capituli Lincoln, ecclesise de eccl. Omnium Sanc- 

torum in Hertforde, fol. 164. 

46. Carta Julianse dominse de Sudecampes de ecclesia ejusdem villse, 

fol. 167. 

47. Carta domini Galfridi Eliensis episcopi de ecclesia de Sudecampes, 

fol. 1 68. 

48. Confirmatio capituli Elien. de ecclesia de Sudecampes, fol. 171. 

49. Taxatio vicarise ecclesise de Sudecampes confirm, at domino 

Galfrido Eliens. episcopo, fol. 172. 

50. Cirographum inter nos et Willielmum de Snepwell anno regis 

Henrici fil. regis Johannis tertio de advocatione eccl. de Sude 
campes, fol. 174. 

51. Carta regis Edwardi de terris perquisitis apud campes post 

statutum religiosarum de terr. ad manum mortuam non 
ponendis, fol. 177. 

52. Carta Galfridi de scalariis de ecclesia de Badburgham, fol. 179. 

53. Carta Eustachii Eliensis episcopi de eccl. de Badburgham, fol. 



54. Carta Capituli Eliens. de eadem ecclesia, fol. 183. 

55. Carta Hugonis episcopi Eliensis de ecclesia, et taxatione vicarige 

de Badburgham, fol. 184. 

56. Sequestratio fructuum ecclesiae de Badburgeham, et Paroch. 

reddiderunt compot. ad valores ix u . ix s . vij. coram commissar. 
Eliensis, fol. 187. 

57. Carta Rogeri de Gaist de ecclesise de Kateram, fol. 190. 

58. Carta Willielmi episcopi Wintoniensis de ecclesia de Katerham, 

fol. 192. 

59. Confirmatio capituli Winton ecclesia de Katerham, fol. 195. 

60. Compositio facta inter nos et vicar, de Caterham ratificata per 

dominum archidiac. Surrye A.D. m-cccxxxiiij 40 , fol. 199. 

6 1. Carta Willielmi de Dreitune de ecclesia de Skervynge, fol. 210. 

62. Institutio nostra de Skervynges per episc. Johannem, fol. 211. 

63. Confirmatio Johannis Norwicens. episcopi de ecclesia de Sker- 

vynges, fol. 212. 

64. Confirmatio capituli Norwicensis de eadem ecclesia, fol. 214. 

65. Taxatio vicariae ecclesiae de Skervynge, fol. 216. 

66. Carta Everardi de ecclesiis de Geist et Northune, fol. 217. 

67. Donatio Johannis episcopi Norwicnes. de ecclesiis nobis collatis 

a domino Everardi de Geiste, fol. 219. 

68. Confirmatio capituli Norwicensis de ecclesiis de Gaiste et Gais- 

thorpe, fol. 221. 

69. Taxatio eccl. de Gaiste et de Gaisthorpe, fol. 225. 

70. Carta Johannis Salisber episcopi de ecclesia de Windesor, fol. 227. 

71. Confirmatio capituli Sar. de ecclesiis de Windsores, fol. 229. 

72. Confirmatio regis Henrici III. de ecclesiis de Windesor, Hertford, 

Alricheseye, et Nasynge, fol. 233. 

73. Carta Roberti de Lamborne de ecclesia Lamb., fol. 236. 

74. Carta Ric. fil. Roberti de ecclesia Elfhamston, fol. 237. 

75. Carta Ric. fil. Ricardi de ecclesia de Elfmestune, fol. 239. 

76. Confirmatio Ricardi episc. London, ecclesiar. de Elfelmestone et 

de Lamborne, fol. 240. 

77. Confirmatio Will. Lond. episc. de eisdem ecclesiis, fol. 243. 

78. Sententia diffinitiva contra Personam de Lamborne super xl 8 . de 

annua penc., fol. 246. 

79. Sententia diffinitiva contra Personam de Elfemestone, fol. 254. 

80. Licentia appropriandi manerium de Theydon, Boys cum confir- 

matione cartae Johannis de Tany, fol. 267. 


8 1. Concessio et quieta clamatio domini Antonii episcopi Dunolm de 

Theydon nobis facta, fol. 271. 

82. Quieta clamatio domini Ricardi rectoris ecclesiae de Lamborne 

de manerio de Theydon Boyes, fol. 272. 

83. Licentia domini regis Edwardi de triginta libris terrse appro- 

priandis, fol. 274. 

84. Licentia domini regis Edwardi de impetrand, tenement in de 

Newhall in Ware, fol. 276. 

85. Carta domini Johannis de Hengham clerici de ten. suo de New- 

hall in Ware, fol. 279. 

86. Breve domini regis direct, dom. Rogero extraneo justiciar de 

Foresta pro parco de Nasinge clandendo, fol. 281. 

87. Licentia regis Edwardi claudendi boscum nostrum de Nasynge, 

fol. 286. 

88. Carta regis Henrici facta Ricardo filio Aucheri de balliva forestar 

dimid. hund. de Waltham, fol. 288. 

89. Carta regis E. facta Auchero fil. Henr. quod possit dare et con- 

cedere Johanni Shardelowe et hsered. suis ballivam forestar. in 
dim. hund. de Waltham, fol. 292. 

90. Quieta clamatio Bartholomei Langriche facta Johanni Sharde- 

lowe mil. et Johannse uxori ejusdem de forestar dimid. hundr. 
de Waltham, fol. 295. 

9 i. Licentia domini regis E. facta Henrico filio Aucheri quod possit 
includere certum clausum suum ad elarg. parci sui de Copped- 
hall, fol. 297. 

92. Carta de lie. regis Edw. III. de permutatione maneriorum de 

Coppedhall et Singelhall cum pertin. pro maneriis de Bor- 
ham, Campes, et Horsseye, fol. 299. 

93. Carta Johannis Sherdelowe et Johannae ux. ejus et Thomse fratris 

ejus de maneriis suis de Coppedhall et Shingelhall in escam- 
bium pro maneriis de Borham Sudecampes, et Horseye, fol. 

94. Carta quam fecimus domino Johanni Shardelowe et Johannae ux. 

ejus, &c. de escambio pro maneriis de Coppedhall et Shingel- 
hall, fol. 305. 

95. Finalis concordia de escambio isto, a. r. r. Edw. III. xxiiij 10 ., ib. 

96. Quieta clamatio Johannis Sherdelow de maneriis de Copedhall 

et Shingelhall, fol. 311. 

97. Licentia regis Ricardi Johanni Frosshe et Julianae uxori ejus 


quod possint assignari A. et C. de Waltham forestarii dim. 
hund. de Waltham, fol. 313. 

98. Finis levatus in curia regis inter Job. Frosshe et Julianum ux. 

ejus fil. quondam Willielmi Langriche de forestaria dimid. 
hund. de Waltham, fol. 316. 

99. Licentia Ricardi regis canonicis quod possint includere clxij. 

acras terrse de dominicis terris suis, et quondam venellam 
juxta Copedhall Parke in enlargationem Parcorum de Har- 
roldes parke et Copedhall Parke, fol. 318. 

100. Carta regis Hen. VI. super quandam inquisitionem coram 

escaetor. E. regis de terris, &c., sect. cur. Henr. fil. Aucheri 
de x u . et dim. marc, et dim. lib. piperis et unum lib. cimini 
ejusdem in maneria de Magna Laufer in Essex per dom. W. 
abbatem, fol. 321. 

1 01. Carta Joh. Morice facta N. abbati et conv. de redd. xx u . de 

Halifeldehall, qui redd, assignatus est pro anniversario ejus- 
dem N. abbatis, fol. 327. 

102. Carta regis Ricardi de Halifeldhall in parochia de Waltham, 

fol. 329. 

103. Licentia regis Ricardi ad ponend. ad manum mortuam mane- 

rium de Cullyngs concess. abb. et conv. de Waltham, fol. 333. 

104. Carta indempnitatis regis Ricardi Secundi de uno corrodio voc. 

Loygorislyne et confirmat. per dominum Henricum Quartum, 
fol 358. 

105. Quieta clamatio et acquietanc. Lodowici Fitzlewes de terris in 

Westhorndon voc. Maydeujedon, fol. 361. 

1 06. Carta profirma de Provill in Eppinge, fol. 364. 

107. Conventio inter abbatem et conventum de Waltham et Walterum 

fil. Roberti super quibusdam amerciamentis in Royden, fol. 


1 08. Cyrographum prioris et capituli hospitalis de Jerusalem de quo- 

dam loco molendini sui de Brokesborne, fol. 376. 

109. Cyrographum de hospitio nostro in Gildeford, fol. 380. 

At the end of this volume, the folios 382, 394, 407, 423, 427, 
and 430, are other deeds and indentures of the time of Abbot 
Fuller ; the first three are concerning the manor of Stan- 
stead Abbot, in Herts, exchanged with King Henry VIII. for 
the suppressed Priory of Blackmore, with some of its posses- 


sions ; that at folio 427 relating to the exchange of Copped 
Hall with King Henry VIII. for the farms called Cane Fields 
and woods at Pancras, in London, and the manor of Dame 
Elyns, in Little Warley, Essex. 


1. From folio 382 to 407 of this volume of MSS. is an 
agreement made between " o r Soueigne lord the most excel- 
lent and puysant prynce kyng henry the eight, by the gee. of 
god Kyng of England, &c., and Robert, by the sufferance of 
god Abbot of the Exempt monastery of Waltham holy Crosse," 
etc. King Henry VIII., by this indenture, receives of the 
said abbot the manor of Stanstead Abbots, county Herts, to- 
gether with all those lands and tenements called Joyses, a 
wood or park called Isney Park, with a tenement called Bower 
House, etc., lying in the towns of Stanstead, county Herts, 
and Royden, in the county of Essex. In exchange the king 
gave the abbot and his successors " in ffranke Almoigrie for 
ev[er] the scite of the priory of Blackmore, county Essex, 
with the manor of Blackmore, and all its appurtenances, lying 
in the parishes and fields of Blackmore, Margaretting, Willing- 
hall Bowells, Bromefield Shellowe Norton, Writtill, South- 
welde, Keldon, and Standon, &c." 

2. Folio 427 relates to an exchange made by the said King 
Henry of the farms called Canefields and woods at St Pan- 
cras, Kentishtowne, and the manor of Dame Elyns, in Little 
Warley, Essex, for the princely mansion of Copped Hall, i.e. : 

11 Where the Reuent ffather in god Robert, Abbot of the Exempt 
Monastery of Waltham Holy Crosse, in the county of Essex, and the 
convent of the same, as in the right of their sayde monasty stonde, 
and been seased in their demeane of fee of and in a steyne parke 
called Coppedhall pke., And of and in one place or mantyon house, 
with thapptennes, called Coppedhall house, sett and beyng wtin. the 
same pke., in the said countye of Essex, to the whiche pke. and man- 
tyon house the kyng's highnes hath a synguler pleasure and affeccion 
to repare and resorte for the great consolacon and comforde of his 
moste Ryall pson. . . . ffor recompence, whereof our sayde 


soueugne lorde ys conteyd and agreed that the sayde Abbot and 
Convent, and ther successors, shall have, holde, and enioye a steyne 
fferme called Cane fifeilds, and the Woode called Cane Woodes, sett, 
lying, and beyng in the pysshe. of seynt pancrace, Kentistowne, in the 
countye of Midd., And the mano r of Dame Ellyns, lying in the pysshe. 
of lytyll Warley, in the County of Essex," etc. 

3. Another exchange of lands and tenements made by King 
(dated July loth, fourth of his reign) Henry VIII. with the 
Abbot of Waltham, folios 430-436: 

" Robert Fuller, the Abbot, was then seased in the right of the 
Monastery of Waltham and the convent of the same, of one field called 
' Crabtreefelde,' contaning 6 acrs., with a grove of wood i acr. and half; 
four crofts of arrable land called Sprotts, 6 acr., with a grove of one 
acre ; i croft of arrable land called ' Yerdffelde,' 2 acr. ; one field 
called ' Bedrepfelde,' 7 acr. ; one hedgerow of wood adjoyning the 
same, 7 acs. ; a croft called ' longe crofte,' 4 acrs., with a hedgerow 
on the south, 4 acrs. ; three crofts called ' Combertons,' 3 acrs. ; 
eight acres and half of meadow land called 'hoberds hatche,' 7 
acre; two fields called 'Cobfelds,' xlv. acrs., with two hedgerows 
to the two fields, xii. acrs. And certain lands by Coks lane, 
which one 'Thomas heyne holdyth, that ys to says,' one piece 
called 'highfelde,' 3 acrs. and an half; a field called ' Mageffelde,' 4 
acrs., with a hedgerow, i acr., in the parish of Waltham Holy Cross. 
Also, one grove of wood called ' Ptriche-grove, 1 v. acrs. ; one close 
adjoyning the same, 2 acrs. ; another close of arrable land near the 
same grove, 2 acrs. ; one croft called ' Jaks,' 2 acrs. ; one field called 
great ' Chissells,' xx acrs. ; a grove of wood called ' Busshey-hyll,' 8 
acrs. ; three acres of meadow land adjoyning, called ' the hoopes ; ' 
one grove next to ' Brode-lane,' 3 acrs. ; one acre next to ' Glad- 
wyns meade ; ' one grove of wood, 8 acres, ' betweyn the sayde 
meads and Coks in Upshire, in the pysshe. of Walthm.' . . . 
' Whiche in the hole amounten to the nomber of clxxxiii. acres, 
whiche sayde pmisses. dou adioyne and lye nere to the man. 
or Pke. of Coppedhall,' &c. Which lands, groves, &c., the abbot 
and convent ' at the contemplacion and desier of our sayde soueigne 
lord, arr contentyd to eschange to and w* our sayde soueigne lorde/ 
&c., for other lands, &c., lying and being in the parish of Waltham, 
viz., three closes of arrable land called ' Vuder-Speremans/ 7 acres, 


with 2 acrs. of ' woode in one hedgerowe ' adjoyning; four crofts called 
' Nether Speremans,' xiii. acrs. ; four crofts arrable land called ' ffotts,' 
xiii. acrs. ; one acre of arrable land in the common field called ' man- 
lond;' three acres of 'meadowe' in Tunmeade; one croft called 
'Rosecroft,' 2 acrs. ; one croft of meadow, i acr. and half; one close 
of pasture land, 3 acrs. ; another croft of arrable land, vii. acrs. ; one 
acre and a ' rode ' of meadow in ' horse-grasse ; ' one acre, late in 
tenor of Thomas Clenden; one tent abuttyng uppon the pysshe. 
churche in Walthm, whiche sayde acres of lond, meadowe wood, and 
pasture done amount to the number of Ixiiij. acres and thre rodes,' 
which were purchased of Thomas Robts, gent., and Thomas Glad- 
wyn. Also, by our sayde soueigne lorde, by his patents, and under 
his scale, datyed the tenth day of July, in the fourth yere of his 
reigne, dyd demyse, lett, and comytt unto George Harp, Alexander 
Culpep, and Constance, his wyffe, fiforty acrs. of lond, thirty-six acres 
of woode, with appurt. in ffysshyde, in the said county of Essex, which 
late were John Enffelde, then dede; which premises at the tyme of 
the date of the same Ires, patents were, and yet been, in the hands of 
our sayde soueigne lorde as an eschet, by reason that the sayde John 
Enffelde dyed seasyd of the same, . . . yeldyng and paying yerely ' to 
the king/ xii 8 ., and on and above the same xii d . yerely duryng the 
same xl. yeers of increase, at two tymes of the yere, to be payde, &c., 
whiche sayde prmisses last before reheresyd in Walthm Holy Crosse 
and ffysshyde aforesayde, o r soueigne lorde ys well pleasyd of his 
moste blissyd dispocon and benygnyte, to gyve to the sayde abbot 
and convent, and to ther successours, in full recompence and satis- 
faccon of all the sayde londs, meadowes, woods, &c., whiche the 
kyng's highnes, by auctoryte of this act, shall have in exchange of the 
sayde abbot and convent," &c. 

At the dissolution of the monastery of Waltham, the abbots 
possessed two "gospels in the Saxon tongue;" these would be 
deemed exceedingly valuable in the present day. They are 
mentioned in the inventory of Waltham Holy Cross, dated 
March 24, 31 Henry VIII. (see also Invent. 172, date 1538, 
Augmentation Office) : "A Gospler of the Saxon Tongue, 
havynge thone syde plated with sylver parcell gilte with ye 
ymage of Cryst ; " "An another Gospler of the Saxon Tonge, 
with the Crusifixe and Mary and John, havyng a naked man 


holdyng up his hands of sylver gilte." In the same Inventory 
there are three other " Gosplers," one being adorned with " the 
ymage of Cryste with the iiij. Evangelysts," and another "hav- 
ynge the crufixe, Mary and John in the myddes, and ij. Teth," 
probably the teeth of some canonised saint of the Romish 

There are several other valuable MSS. in the British 
Museum which contain historical matter respecting Waltham 
and its monastery see Harleian MSS. 1850, 6748, 6839, 6853, 
6705 ; Cottonian MSS. Claud. D. ii. (Charta fundationis 
abbatiae de Waltham per R. Henricum I.), Nero, C. iii., fol. 
1826 (Charta Ric. I, 1194). 

The parish registers of births, marriages, and deaths are 
well bound, and in excellent condition. The first volume 
commences in June 1563. 



Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, and Member of the Literary and 
Historical Society of Quebec. 

THE mariners of the sixteenth century are no exception to 
the rule that the biography of great men illustrates the period 
in which they lived. Francesco Pizarro might have been a 
cowherd at Seville for ever, instead of a viceroy at Lima, for 
any value attaching to his biography to the student of .Euro- 
pean politics ; but he and Cortez, Cartier, Hawkins, Drake, 
and many another, marked an epoch in the history of mari- 
time adventure, namely, the period which witnessed the 
union of science and enterprise a union enabling the sailor 
to navigate his bark into the wide and unknown seas, where 
no landmark points the course a union which gave to civilisa- 
tion another world. The Phoenician groping his way, hugging 
the land along the shores of Africa and Spain, and shooting 
across the channel, with the sun and stars alone to steer by, 
until he touched the lonely but rich shores of the Cassiterides, 
was a mariner of equal daring with those who, westward ho ! 
set sail for the Spanish Main ; but, with an increase of know- 
ledge, there had been discovered a new world a world that, 
without the sensitive needle, and the discovery of the fact that 
it was ever true to its magnetic principle, true as the star to 
which the sailor from Tyre had in his day attached his faith 
and for the subduing of that world it was necessary there 
should be a new departure, not in enterprise, for that was con- 
spicuous in the earth's central sea, but a union of scientific 
knowledge with the enterprise and energy common to all 
young nations at least to all nations which have made their 


mark in the world, and left the impress of their life upon 
time's honourable records. 

In an eminent degree the far-famed sailor Francis Drake 
represented the knowledge and adventure which were united 
in the sailors of that century. Following Columbus, he 
widened the field beyond the discovery of his predecessors; 
and it is in his character of the great sea-dog of his day, the 
explorer of entirely new lands, that his memoir has for us the 
interest attaching to the men who, while so thoroughly prac- 
tical and prosaic in their life, have left behind them the halo 
of romance the romance that is associated with novelty, 
mystery, and wealth. His way was on the sea the ocean alike 
his home in life, his grave in death but while we must not pass 
too briefly the story of his maritime wanderings, the associa- 
tions of his birthplace and residence are also full of interest. 

Francis Drake was born at Crowndale, near Tavistock, 
"that fruitful seedplot," as Prince calls it, "of famous and 
eminent men ;" a town which, from earliest days, has been 
romantic in story and illustrious in name. A former vicar of 
the parish, the late Mr Bray, himself a distinguished antiquary, 
quaintly and fancifully associated the birthplace of Drake 
with the well-known story of King Edgar and the fair but 
frail Elfrida, daughter of Orgar, Earl of Devon. The king, 
hearing of the Devonshire maiden's beauty, sent Earl Ethel- 
wold, " that if the pearl proved so orient, it should be seized 
for his own wearing, intending to make her a queen :" but 
Ethel wold, bearing out the axiom inculcated by Miles Stan- 
dish, that if you would have it well done, you'd better do it 
yourself, married the girl, and told the king that, while good 
enough for an earl, she was scarcely so fair as to become the 
royal dignity. Subsequently the king, however, saw her for 
himself; and putting Ethelwold out of the way in a mode 
more expeditious than accords with modern prejudices, he 
wedded her ; and she became the mother of Ethelred the 
Unready. By a great stretch of fancy, Mr Bray associated 
the lovely queen with the pretty little valley where Drake 
first saw the light : 


" Fired by her charms, that far outshone renown, 
Edgar, on Tavy's banks, his kingly crown 
Laid at Elfrida's feet as beauty's mead ; 
And does not Crowndale still attest the deed?" 

From the mullioned windows of the house in which he was 
born might almost have been seen the towers and castellated 
parapets of the aforetime abbey of Tavistock. That ancient, 
rich, and influential monastery, noble in virtue of the peerage 
of Hardwick, attached to its abbacy, had then recently been 
bestowed upon the Russell family, by whom, in the person of 
the Duke of Bedford, it is held to this day. The head of the 
house at the period to which we refer was one Sir Francis 
Russell, afterwards Earl of Bedford ; and that gentleman, re- 
flecting honour upon the infant Drake in standing sponsor for 
him at the font, was in after-years honoured by the association 
of his name with the most eminent sailor of his or any other 
time. Sir Francis Russell, it would seem, was a man of 
kindly disposition, the gracious act referred to attests that ; 
and his genial nature was inherited by his successor, the 
second earl, of whom Queen Elizabeth was wont to merrily 
complain that he made all the beggars. It was well for him 
that charity organisation and mendicity suppression were in- 
stitutions of a later day than that in which he lived ! 

Some old chroniclers, including Stowe and Camden, have 
described Drake's father as a mariner, and misnamed him 
Edmond ; but the evidence is conclusive that his name was 
Robert, and that he was, though not in holy orders, a 
preacher without preferment in the Reformed Church. The 
Revue des Deux Mondes only recently fell into the error of 
describing the elder Drake as a mariner. He was the third 
son of John Drake of Otterton, near Ottery Saint Mary, in 
all probability a pillow-lace maker. In after-years, Francis 
Drake an antitype of Garibaldi at the Tiber offered to 
make his native town a seaport, it is presumed by cutting a 
canal to the Tamar, a work since accomplished ; but one can 
scarcely imagine a mariner in those days having a fixed resi- 
dence fourteen miles from the sea, and that too in a house 


which then must have been pretentious in comparison with the 
thatched hovels of the peasantry. Robert Drake's subsequent 
career, moreover, pointedly indicates the sacred nature of his 
calling. Upon the promulgation of the Six Articles of 
Henry VIII., "the whip with six tails," and to avoid the 
penalties of non-subscription, an act scarcely required of an 
illiterate and irresponsible mariner, ere his son Francis was a 
year old, he fled from Devon, and withdrew himself into Kent ; 
" for," to again quote the author of " The Worthies of Devon," 
" the sting of Popery still remained in England, though the 
teeth thereof were knocked out, and the pope's supremacy 
abolished." There he lived with his twelve sons in the hull 
of a stranded ship, for he was very poor ; and there it was 
that good fortune, or rather God's providence, found him in 
the reign of the Virgin Queen. He received an appointment 
to read prayers in the navy; and subsequently, being ordained 
a deacon, we are told that he was presented to the vicarage 
of Upnore church, on the Medway. A captious critic might 
very properly object that there was no church at Upnore, but 
as the fact of the presentation is explicitly stated, the reason- 
able presumption is, that he was first appointed to a reader 
ship in the navy, and then to a chaplaincy at Upnore Castle, 
an edifice erected by Queen Elizabeth, the said chaplaincy 
being subject to the living of Frindsbury, the church of which 
parish, in which Upnore is situated, was founded in the twelfth 

The date of Drake's birth has been variously stated. The 
portrait by Cornelius Jansen, in the drawing-room at Buck- 
land Abbey, a copy of which, by Lady Arthur Russell, adorns 
the public hall at Tavistock, fixes the date at 1541; but a 
miniature, now in the possession of Earl Derby, indicating 
1539 as the famous sailor's natal year, is the more credible. 
The Six Articles were promulgated in that year; and, allowing 
for the summons to sign them taking some time to reach 
persons resident in remote country districts, the act of dis- 
obedience and consequent flight from Devon of Robert Drake, 
would occur when the youngest lad then born was about 


twelve months old, as recorded. If 1541 be accepted as cor- 
rect, then to Kent and not to Devon is due the honour of 
being Drake's birthplace. 

The parson gave his children the only fortune he had to 
bestow a fairly good education, an inheritance he himself 
had probably received from the gentle and pensive lace-worker 
of Otterton. While yet a mere child, the boy Frank began 
the world as an apprentice on board a small bark which 
traded to France and Zealand, and, it is said, so great were 
the daring and enterprise of those days, that the tiny tub 
ventured once even across the Atlantic to the West Indies. 
On the decease of the master of the little bark, the youth, 
after the manner of the conventional good apprentice, became 
sole legatee, a fortune, however, which he quickly ventured 
and quickly lost. 

A kinsman of his was John Hawkins, afterwards admiral 
Sir John Hawkins, one of those who were knighted on the high 
seas by Lord Charles Howard for valour displayed in the 
engagement with the Spanish Armada ; a man whose gentle 
birth indicates that Drake too was not of the extremely humble 
nativity frequently assumed. Captain Hawkins was the son 
of William Hawkins, Esq., of Plymouth, by his wife Joan, 
daughter of William Trelawny, Esq., of Cornwall, one of the 
illustrious family, whom to mention is to recall to memory 
numberless noble, gallant, and historic deeds. A rough and 
ready sailor was this said John Hawkins ; and the pride with 
which he bore his crest, " a demi-Moor, in his proper colour, 
bound with a cord," the shameful emblem of a cruel and 
iniquitous trade, rather denotes the sentiment of the period 
than any unusual degree of coarseness in the individual. The 
trade was carried on under a treaty made between Henry 
VIII. and Charles V., and, as a source of some adventure and 
much gain, was dear to the soul of Captain John Hawkins. 
It has been claimed for him that to his goodwill and purse 
Drake owed his advantages of education ; but whether that 
was the fact or not, the lad, while yet young, came under 
his kinsman's training. 


The little bark of the apprentice was sold, and on a day in 
the year 1567, after much preparation, these two, in a joint 
venture, set out from Plymouth Sound ; and. so the curtain 
rises upon the first scene of which we have trustworthy record 
in the eventful drama, the life of Sir Francis Drake. 

Reverting to the subject of Hawkins's crest, I must quote 
Fuller, a divine of whom it is well said : 

" He is the wittiest of writers, and at the same time one of the 
most sensible. A very sweet-blooded wholesome man; and, if piety 
were generally united with as much good humour, it would be all the 
better for the Church." 

In his essay on " The Good Sea Captain," he says : 

" In taking a prize, he most prizeth the men's lives whom he takes, 
though some of them may chance to be negroes or savages. It is 
the custom of some to cast them overboard, and there is an end of 
them, for the dumb fishes tell no tales. But the murder is not so 
soon drowned as the men. What ! is a brother by false blood no 
kin ? A savage hath God to his father by creation, though not the 
Church to his mother; and God will revenge his innocent blood. 
But our captain counts the image of God nevertheless His image 
cut in ebony as if done in ivory, and in the blackest of Moors he sees 
the representation of the King of heaven." 

How far Fuller's hero worship misled him in citing Drake 
as an illustration of this particular excellence will be seen, but 
Fuller's theory of the brotherhood of man indicated a change 
of public sentiment even in his time. 

In that same year of 1567, following the ship's wake of our 
sailors, Hawkins and his lieutenant, there is presented to our 
view a fine harbour and a newly-settled town on the Spanish 
Main. The town is Saint Juan de Ulloa, in which are clus- 
tered the rude and comfortless quarters of soldiers and factors ; 
and conspicuous and more luxurious as they are more pre- 
tentious, there are a Government House and the treasury of 
His Most Christian Majesty the King of Spain. In that 
splendid anchorage lie six English ships, put in under stress 
of weather, and a number of large Spanish men-of-war. In 


the former, between decks, are three hundred, or rather the 
remnant of three hundred sweltering negroes, kidnapped in 
Guinea and Sierra Leone, and brought all the way from the 
terrors of cruel and bloodthirsty rival tribes into subjection 
under the no less tyrannical though civilised grandees of 
Spain. These slavers constitute the fleet of John Hawkins, 
with whom, in command of the "Judith," is Francis Drake; 
who, Dr Fuller to the contrary, staked the last penny derived 
from the sale of his channel bark in this venture of traffic in 
blood. It is not a pleasant record to indite, but let us make 
some allowance for the man in regard to the time in which 
he lived, and the public sentiment then prevailing. As the 
Englishmen take shelter there, a large Spanish fleet makes 
the harbour with six or seven millions of treasure in transport, 
but not to anchor until gallant John Hawkins gives them leave 
their own port, mind you ! and his Excellency the Viceroy 
of Mexico, in transitu to his vice-royalty, sitting in state at 
Government House, thereupon, with a smile on his polite and 
treacherous face, executes a treaty, agreeing to trade with the 
English captain, and the ships of Spain glide to their anchor- 
age, ostensibly allies, but really rivals to her Britannic Majesty's 
slave catchers. The Spanish representative of royalty had 
heard something from Rio de la Hacha, where Hawkins, upon 
being refused permission to trade, had brought the place 
down about the governor's ears, a mode of effecting commercial 
relations more expeditious than that of international treaty, 
though perhaps not so permanent a means of maintaining 
mercantile intercourse and exchange. While the English 
are receiving and paying visits of courtesy, extending and 
receiving hospitality, and exchanging human flesh for ship's 
stores, the viceroy prepares a coup de main. Troops are 
ferried to an island at the mouth of the harbour ; and when 
the idea at last dawns on Captain Hawkins that the shipping 
and the small craft on the sea, and the military on shore, 
are particularly and suspiciously busy, the fatal stroke falls. 
Of the daring little fleet of England, the " Minion " and the 
"Judith" alone escape to sea. Job Hortop, one of the sea- 



men, who left an account of this affair, states that when the 
" Generall," i.e., admiral, as he would be designated now, saw 
the attack of the Spaniards upon the " Minion," he, " with a 
loude and fierce voyse, called unto us, saying, ' God and Saint 
George ! Upon these traiterous villaines and rescue the 
" Minion ; " I trust in God the day shall be ours ! ' ): Hawkins 
with the "Minion," and Drake separately in the "Judith," 
reached home, but at the loss of all their venture. The curse 
of the traffic followed Hawkins until he stepped ashore in St 
Michael's Bay, for he himself said, if all the miseries and 
troublesome affairs of this voyage were faithfully written, 
there would need a painful man with his pen, and as great a 
time as he that wrote the lives of the martyrs ; and in report- 
ing his arrival "to the Right Honourable Sir William Cycylle, 
Knighte and Principall Secretarie to the Queen's Majestic" 
which act of notification, I presume, implied official sanction 
to the expedition he wrote, " But yf I shold wryt of all our 
calamytyes, I am seure a volome as great as the byble wyll 
scarselie suffyce." 

The effect of failure on Drake was disastrous and galling, 
but not utterly disheartening. One result it had was to 
re-shape such theological ideas as he held, for like most 
sailors of that time he was eminently pious after a fashion, 
though, like those of our day, rather given to swearing. His 
ghostly adviser, the chaplain of the fleet, demonstrated the 
proposition clearly. The King of Spain's subjects had undone 
Mr Drake. Ergo, Mr Drake was entitled to take the best 
satisfaction he could on the subjects of the King of Spain, 
or even on his Christian Majesty himself. Quod erat demon- 
strandum. The consistency of Drake in conforming to his new 
creed was exemplary, for few, as it has been said, are such infi- 
dels as not to believe doctrines which make for their own profit. 

" And now let us see how a dwarf, standing on the Mount 
of God's Providence, may prove an overmatch for a giant." 

In July 1572. The scene Nombre de Dios, at that time 
what Porto Bello subsequently became, the granary of the 
Spanish Main. It was a small place then, consisting of about 


thirty rude houses only, and even these were deserted out of 
the season ; but, small as it was, at the date named it was the 
depot of much treasure. Before it lay three little ships, the 
" Pacha," of 70 tons, the " Swan," of 25 tons, and another 
bark of something less think of their pluck in those days! 
the soul of Samuel Plimsoll transmigrated from no man of 
that age severally commanded by the brothers Francis and 
John Drake and Captain Rawse. 

Away at Port Pheasant Drake had landed and read 
a note scratched on a brass plate attached to a tree by his 
friend Captain Garret of Plymouth. " Captain Drake," it said, 
" if you fortune to come into this port, make haste away, for 
the Spaniards which you had with you here last year have 
betrayed this place, and taken away all that you left here. 
I departed hence this present /th July 1572. Your loving 
friend, JOHN GARRET." But Drake was not so easily frightened, 
and fortunately so, for while he and his men were refreshing 
themselves there, Captain James Rawse of Cowes arrived, 
and he, together with Lopez Vaz, a Portuguese pilot taken on 
board a prize, joined our hero in the expedition against Nombre 
de Dios. Leaving their ships and part of their crews in the 
open, they in the night made for an island fort near the town, 
and, leaving some of the men to secure the retreat, Drake 
with the remainder rowed to the landing. He told them of 
the Spanish hoards, and declared that he had brought them 
to the mouth of the world's treasure-house, and if they did 
not gain it they had but themselves to blame. John Drake 
and John Oxenham, a brave man but a weak one in the love 
he bore a Spanish lady, which involved him in ruin, were 
ordered to storm the treasury door, which they did, and found 
therein masses of silver, according to Prince, 70 feet long by 
10 feet wide and 12 feet deep, and bars of 35 and 40 Ibs. 
weight. But the Spaniards were upon them, and in a great 
fight in the market-place, Drake was wounded and the 
bugler killed, for he, instead " of saving his neck like a Chris- 
tian, stood braying like an ass." The General fought gal- 
lantly, but eventually fainting through loss of blood from a 


wound in his leg of three fingers' width, was carried to the 
shore by his brother, Oxenham, and others, for what was the 
loss of silver compared with the loss of such a captain, " of 
whom Heaven never makes but one at a time." On the 
shore another disappointment awaited them. The men at 
the fort, failing to hear the concerted signal for the bugler, 
as we have seen, was dead fled to the ships, deeming all was 
lost. Truly a day of disaster and disappointment, and not 
an ingot of silver to console them. It was, however, a famous 
fight ; and in a few days a Spanish " highdaldo " called and 
complimented Drake upon doing so much with so small a 
force. The English captain received his visitor courteously, 
and, in reply to an inquiry, assured him that Englishmen did 
not poison their arrows as if they were savages, and that he 
might depart free of anxiety in regard to the Spaniards 
wounded in the combat. 

Disappointed again, the never-despairing one departed to 
Rio de Grand and Carthagena, taking Spanish ships in the 
way, at which places he sought to cultivate the friendship of 
the Symerons, the Indians of Darien, to whom, with the 
rough piety of that period, he taught the Lord's Prayer. 
Leaving his ships and taking to the road, to use an expression 
savouring rather of Hampstead Heath, Drake captured Venta 
Cruz, and sought to intercept a " recoes," or train of mules, 
coming from Panama with untold wealth, the produce of that 
golden land; but in this project, too, he was doomed to dis- 
appointment, as if on him " unmerciful disaster would follow 
fast and follow faster." Lying in the tall grass among the 
trees, the English heard the tinkle of the bells which encircled 
the beasts' necks ; and anon a gaily-caparisoned steed, with a 
rider in richly-wrought armour, dashed by, unmindful of the 
ambush into which his charge was falling. It was a moment 
of tremulous excitement for the concealed foe ; and a splendid 
capture might have been effected but for the drunken bravado 
of Robert Pike, a Tavistock man. Ignorant of the existence 
of the English in those parts, the apparition of a single enemy 
challenging him to fight, was to the Spanish officer as one 


from the dead, or as a device of the devil; but quickly realis- 
ing the situation, he, not deigning to reply to that vain- 
glorious one, with a turn of his wrist wheeled his horse round 
and hastened to halt the convoy. Another disappointment! 
Surely enough to break the spirit of even a man like Drake! 
Truly; but something brighter than silver was bracing his 
courage and urging him onward, to wit, the sheen of the 
great Pacific. Day by day they pressed forward, longing with 
an intense yearning for a glimpse of that southern sea ; and 
" on the twelfth day," says one old chronicler, " we came to 
the height of the desired hill (lying east and west like a ridge 
between two seas) about ten of the clock, where the chiefest 
of the Symerons took our captain by the hand and prayed 
him to follow him. Here was that great high tree in which 
they had made divers steps to ascend near the top, where they 
had made a convenient bower, wherein ten or twelve men 
might easily sit ; and from this we might see the Atlantic 
Ocean we came from, and the South Atlantic so much 
desired. South and north of this tree they had felled certain 
trees, that the prospect might be the clearer. After our 
captain had ascended to this bower with the chief Symeron, 
and having, as it pleased God, at this time by reason of the 
breeze a very fair day, had seen that sea of which he had 
heard such golden reports, he besought of Almighty God of 
His goodness to give him life and leave to sail once in an 
English ship in that sea; and then calling up all the rest of 
our men, acquainted, John Oxenham especially, with this 
petition and purpose, if it should please God to grant him 
that happiness." 

The scene and the incident were intensely solemn; and 
we imagine Drake, like Cortez, gazing upon that sea, lost in a 
dream, unutterably grand, unspeakably splendid in result 

' ' Then felt he like some watcher of the skies, 

When a new planet swims into his ken ; 
Or like stout Cortez when with eagle eyes 

He stared at the Pacific and all his men 
Looked at each other with a wild surmise 

Silent, upon a peak in Darien." 


Through many adventures these brave ones returned to 
their ships, just half-an-hour, no more, in advance of three 
hundred Spaniards sent to attack them. While the anchor 
was being weighed, the captain presented to his friend, the 
Symeron cacique, the jewelled cutlass he wore, which the 
semi-savage, regarding with greedy eyes, gratefully and joy- 
ously accepted. Then all sail for Plymouth Sound, which 
welcome haven they gained on Sunday, August 9, i$73> an d 
so the act-drop falls upon another scene. 

With three stout ships, Drake accompanied Walter, Earl of 
Essex, to Ireland ; and on the suppression of the insurrection 
his name was mentioned to the queen by his good friend and 
patron, Sir Christopher Hatton. Her Majesty received him 
graciously, and gave her secret approval to another expedi- 
tion, though at the moment Spain and England were upon 
amicable terms. The perfidy that is in woman's blood ! She 
also presented a sword to him, saying, " We do account that 
he who striketh at thee, Drake, striketh at us." With a royal 
arm of offence, and the benison of a woman, Drake set out on 
that great voyage, which, encircling the world, gave him a 
name extending to all time. Thus, in the palace of a queen 
the curtain rises upon our third act, the whole of which, 
though so eventful, must be depicted with but a few rough 
strokes of a blunt pen. 

At that time a superstition prevailed that the Southern Sea 
was closed against Europeans by a Providential edict ; and 
the strange fatality that attended mariners who attempted its 
navigation gave intensity to the popular delusion. Magellan 
was slain by savages ; Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the first 
European who saw the Southern Sea, was killed by his own 
countrymen, another example of the dishonour attaching to 
native prophecy; De Solis was murdered at Rio de la Plata ; 
and De Lope, who saw the Straits of Magellan from the top- 
mast of Magellan's ship, worse than all, says an old writer, 
turned Mohammedan. How it fared with Francis Drake, 
tempest tossed on the bosom of the so-called peaceful sea, we 
shall discern. He, doubtless, was no less superstitious than 


the rest of his countrymen and to this day the belief in 
white witches, ghosts, and signs and omens, is rife in the rural 
districts of the west where he was born but in his case 
superstition was secondary to shrewd common sense, a fearless- 
ness that was the temerity of Eden before man's first dis- 
obedience, and withal a piety of a good manly sort, though 
piety stained by deeds more accordant with sea divinity than 
with our modern and more enlightened ideas of moral recti- 

From the salon of a palace the scene shifts to the lonely 
shores of Port St Julian, so named by Magellan, where, grim 
and ghastly against the sky, are seen gibbets upon which 
hang the bleached skeletons of despairing, and therefore 
mutinous sailors, conspirators against the autocrat, the great 
navigator Magellan himself. In the friendly shelter Drake's 
fleet lies at anchor, after a long and tedious, but not profitless 
voyage. In December 1577, ostensibly bound for Alexandria 
in the peaceful pursuit of commercial exchange, it had set out 
from Plymouth Sound, the crews themselves ignorant of their 
real destination, and now here they are at the gate of the 
Southern Sea. The fleet was a ridiculous one from our 
modern point of view, consisting of the "Pelican," 100 tons 
burthen; the " Elizabeth," 80; "Swan," 50; Christopher, 15; 
and the "Marigold," 30; and the "Benedict," a pinnace of 12 
tons, accompanied the " Elizabeth " as tender ; and, besides, 
there were four pinnaces stowed away in parts for the purpose 
of navigating shallow streams, though the river must have 
been a shallow one indeed, in which even the admiral's flag- 
ship could not float. On the Barbary coast, en route, they 
landed ; but received, as they thought, an unfriendly welcome, 
and lost one good mariner. This man was carried off to the 
interior, to the court of King Muley Molock, a name highly 
suggestive to our ears of human sacrifice on an altar of fire, 
but turned up in Old Devon after a year or two, and duly 
astonished the rustic and even the urban residents of the 
county with many a yarn, hard to believe, of camels and 
other wonderful animals, and described in his rough but 


detailed way the " barbaric splendour " and genial hospitality 
of his Majesty of Mogadore, whose object in making him an 
unwilling guest was merely to ascertain, presuming that the 
man was a Portuguese, the strength of the expedition then 
being fitted out against him by the Government of Lisbon, a 
government at that time affiliated to that of Madrid. To 
contend with the Crown of Portugal was to combat the mighty 
Don himself, and Muley Molock was naturally anxious. 
Leaving Africa, Drake fell in with a Portuguese merchant- 
man bound for the Brazils, which he made a prize ; but the 
value of the capture was less a material one than important 
in its effect on the promotion of the enterprise of ploughing 
the Southern Sea, for on board that vessel was one Nuno de 
Silva, a pilot of Portugal, and this man, upon being pressed 
into the English service, did his duty right loyally. De Silva 
shared Drake's fortunes in many a tempest and through much 
perplexity, and we are indebted to his singularly observant 
mind and graphic pen for one of the most trustworthy and 
interesting records of this voyage. Crossing " the line," the 
men of the fleet being sustained by rain from heaven, dolphins, 
flying fish, and bonitos, they made the Brazilian coast, from 
which fires biased, kindled by the natives as a charm against 
the evil ones evil in the sense Plutonian they presumed the 
Englishmen to be. Anchoring at the Rio de la Plata, the 
river was explored, good sport obtained, and huge human 
footprints were traced in the sand and soft soil, which last 
surprised them not a little, and caused the timid ones to 
tremble greatly. They were the footprints of painted Indians, 
gigantic in stature, but so far gentle that the Englishmen sub- 
sequently traded with them. The Patagonians here were at 
first friendly, one of the chiefs, upon being presented with a 
cap, thrusting an arrow through his own leg in token of 
fidelity; but, like the children they were, they became jealous 
of the superior skill of the English bowmen ; and on a day 
Mr Winter, Oliver the gunner, and others, standing upon a 
cliff above the water's edge, contending with the Indians in 
friendly strife, Mr Winter made a joke, which the natives 


taking in earnest, a real fight ensued. Oliver was killed, and 
Winter mortally wounded. Drake arrived on the scene too 
late to save life, but seizing a musket he fired at the Patagonian 
whose arrow had slain Oliver, and with so much effect short 
of a fatal one, that the piece of painted humanity howled 
horribly, and his companions, gathering to the attack again, 
retreated to the woods, and the strangers gladly betook 
themselves to the shelter of their " wooden walls." 

It was at this same Port St Julian that the affair of Mr 
Thomas Doughty occurred, an affair which has thrown a 
sombre tone over the character of Drake. What Mr Dough ty's 
offence against his superior officer was is a matter of doubt ; but 
he had been superseded in the command of one of the barks 
on the charge of misappropriation. On arrival at St Julian, 
he was put upon his trial, and on the conclusion the choice 
was given him of being left on the coast, to be returned to 
England for trial there, or to be executed on the spot. Mr 
Francis Fletcher, in his MS. in the British Museum, says the 
choice was not given to him, and that Doughty to the last 
denied all guilt in the matters set down to his charge. Be it 
as it may, the unfortunate man was executed. The principal 
witnesses against him were John Brewer, Edward Bright, and 
others, whose evidence was as far fetched as the indictment 
was curious. " More dangerous matter was laid to his charge," 
says Fletcher, " by the same persons, namely, for words spoken 
by him to them in the general's garden at Plymouth, which it 
had been their part and duty to have discovered them at the 
time, and not have concealed them for a time and place not 
so fitting." Mr Doughty was charged with being " an emu- 
lator of the glory " of his master, and this sounds sufficiently 
absurd to support the theory that Doughty was a prater 
against the Earl of Leicester, alleging that his lordship had 
plotted the secret murder of the Earl of Essex, and that Drake 
was willing to make away with so troublesome a man to oblige 
the former nobleman. This theory is patently fallacious, 
inasmuch as Drake and Doughty had both served under 
Essex in Ireland ; and the former, like the latter, was too 


much attached to that peer to do anything to his hurt, and 
were too much opposed to his rival Leicester to do anything 
honest in his behalf, not to mention a crime. 

As was his wont, " the General " did not fail to make the 
solemn occasion of Mr Doughty's execution an opportunity 
for enjoining on his men religious observances. He urged 
them to unity, obedience, love, and regard, and invited them 
to partake of the communion the next Sunday following 
" all which was done in very reverend sort, and so with good 
contentment every man went about his business." We pre- 
sume the " good contentment " was consequent on the sacred 
duty, and not on the tragedy to which it was the sequel. 

Doughty, Winter, and the gunner, were laid in the dust of 
an island in the harbour; and the fleet, reduced to three 
ships, left that "port accursed" in August 1578. 

The superstition that no European could sail on the 
Southern Sea, like a good many others equally foolish and 
baneful, proved fallacious under the prowess of an English- 
man, supplemented by the blessing of God's providence. On 
September 6, 1578, a notable day, Drake entered the Southern 
Sea in an English ship, passing through the strait in twelve 
days, a voyage which had taken others months to accomplish ; 
and thus his prayer of long before, in the shadow of the great 
tree which commanded the two oceans, was fully and happily 
answered. On the event he re-christened his ship " Pelican," 
styling her the " Golden Hind," the crest of his friend and 
patron, Sir Christopher Hatton. A vestige of the "Pelican" 
remains, I believe, in a chair at the Bodleian Library, which 
was given to Oxford by Mr John Davies of Deptford. 

The three ships of which the fleet consisted, upon emerg- 
ing from the Straits of Magellan, soon parted company 
the " Marigold " to drift into the great unknown waters, never 
to be heard of more ; the " Elizabeth " to return to England, 
" full sore," wrote Edward Cliffe, a sailor on board " full sore 
against the mariners' minds;" and the "Golden Hind" to 
follow the quest of the North-West Passage, a quest in which 
many as good men as Drake have failed, and the imprac- 


ticability of which our recently-elected Honorary Fellow, Sir 
George Nares, has only now in these days fully established. 

Northward the " Golden Hind " turned her bows, buffeted 
by storm and her crew often athirst, off the coast of Chili, 
and so to six leagues north of Valparaiso, the port of St Jago, 
where, supposing them to be Spaniards, Felipe, an Indian 
who knew the Spanish tongue, offered to pilot them to the 
said port, which offer being accepted, they fell in with the 
pretentiously styled "Grand Captain of the Southern Sea." 
On being overhauled she was found to contain 24,000 
sterling (60,000 pesos) worth of gold, jewels, merchandise, 
and, most welcome, 1770 jars of Chili wine. The Spaniards 
of the town, nine families, fled, and the English recruited 
themselves with a feast of fresh bread, bacon, and other 
delicacies there in larder. On finishing their repast, the 
little chapel the adjunct of every Spanish settlement was 
pillaged of chalice, cruets, and altar cloth, which last was 
apportioned to the chaplain. 

Here the captain discharged the Indian pilot Felipe with a 
present, and dismissed the crew of the Spanish prize they had 
captured, with the exception of one, a Greek, named Juan 
Griego. No apology is needed in giving the names of 
humble personages in this eventful history, for every one has 
the charm of romance to us who read the story now each 
mariner was a hero, every voyage an exploit. Griego knew 
the coast well, and his knowledge qualified him to pilot them 
to Lima, the memorial of Pizarro's glory as the founder of an 
empire, the scene of his great tragedy. The adventurers set 
sail, and reaching Coquimbo, where they put together a 
pinnace to explore the coast, they were beset by 300 Spanish 
cavalry and 200 infantry sent to intercept them; but with 
the loss of one man only, and he a braggart, they secured 
their safe retreat to sea. Incidents of sea and land crowd 
one's narrative. There is an Indian asleep with thirteen bars 
of silver at his side. The silver vanished, but the Indian 
slept on, the refreshing slumber of the just or of the weary. 
Further on an Indian lad and a Spaniard are encountered 


in charge of a lama train with gold. The gold was diverted 
from its original destination. Like the whole story of the 
Spanish Main, of Mexico and Peru, the history is one of 
riches and adventure everywhere. It is even said they trod 
on gold, for every hundredweight of soil contained five ounces 
of the precious metal. 

The news of the coming English was sent to the governor 
at Lima; but in those ante-telegraphic days the fast sailer 
arrived first, and beset the shipping at Callao, and took 
much treasure. The Spanish ships were dismantled and 
turned adrift the cruel rebellion of mutinous Castilians, 
thought the governor. It never dawned on his proud brain 
that a few beggarly Englishmen would dare to navigate those 
seas. The trouble, whatever it was, however, attained alarm- 
ing proportions, and thereupon his Excellency the Viceroy 
of Lima, Don Francesco de Toledo, repaired to the port 
with 2OOO cavalry and foot soldiers; and two ships, each 
with a crew of 200 hands, put to sea to intercept the 
"Golden Hind." Most haste was least speed. The ships 
unprovisioned returned, and three others, fully victualled and 
equipped, were placed under the command of Pedro Sar- 
miento de Gambra, and put to sea. But " a stern chase is a 
long chase," and so Don Pedro found it in this instance. In 
the rear of the " Golden Hind " were the Spanish pursuers, 
before her the " Cacafuego." On board this latter were a 
golden crucifix, in which was set "a goodly and great 
emerald," twenty-six tons of silver, thirteen chests of plate 
and eighty pounds of gold, besides diamonds and precious 
stones a cargo all told worth ,144,000 sterling (360,000 
pesos). The magnetic attraction of the " Cacafuego " to 
the Englishmen was irresistible; and the stern chase became 
hour by hour a yet longer chase. Drake was supposed to 
be a viceroy's messenger by Juan de Anton, a Biscay an 
in command of the " Cacafuego;" and that able but fallible 
seaman slackened sail and allowed the English to board 
her without a fight. Dropping on Guatalco while a plaint 
against some Indians was being adjudicated, the English- 


men made a clean sweep of judges, counsel, and prisoners, 
adjourning the whole court to the deck of the "Golden 
Hind." They were, however, finally again set on shore, 
and with them the Portuguese pilot, Nuno Silva, whom 
Drake had brought from Cape De Verd. Silva here wrote 
his history of the famous voyage to this point. The 
precious manuscript was sent by him to the Portuguese 
Viceroy of India, and long years afterwards it fell into the 
hands of an Englishman. 

Still in pursuit of the Arctic passage homeward, in June 
Drake anchored in the harbour of the " Golden City," the 
"Queen of the Pacific," San Francisco. A hundred years 
would elapse before the pious father, Juni Pero Serra, and his 
companions would enter these straits, and in aftertime receive 
the credit of being the first Europeans to press the Californian 
soil. These would found a little mission church, dedicated to 
St Francis of Assisi, at the south-west extremity of the bay, 
named by them Los Dolores, and attempt to teach the 
savages the arts of agriculture and manufacture ; but at the 
time of Drake's visit the arts of peace were unknown, and the 
gently-disposed Indian of that region could smoke his tobacco 
with sufficient complacence, for, without the need of digging 
and delving, like a master of a western Eden, his wants were 
amply supplied by kind and bountiful nature. And a refer- 
ence to the fragrant weed here suggests the problem of priority 
in introducing that herb of revenue into England, the honour 
being claimed for both Drake and Raleigh. The municipality 
of a Continental city have credited Drake with the introduc- 
tion of the potato, and have erected a monument to record 
the fact. With that his admirers may well be content ; but 
without trespassing on Raleigh's pretensions in relation to the 
weed of which, to quote Kingsley, there is no herb like it 
under heaven, it is probable that our hero first became 
acquainted with tobacco at this time and place, for it is 
recorded that the Indians were discovered smoking a weed 
which they called "tabah." However, the point is not an 
important one ; and there is no doubt that both Drake and 


Raleigh, whoever could claim priority, both introduced the 
weed into England at about this time. The reception of the 
Englishmen was cordial and stately ; the king or chief and 
people formed a grand procession in honour of those who had 
come over " the big sea-water " to visit them ; and his Majesty, 
recognising the greatness of the commander of the expedition, 
delegated to him his kingly office, and ceded to him his terri- 
tory, which honour and endowment Drake accepted in the 
name of her Britannic Majesty. He called the territory New 
Albion, a fanciful designation of a part of that vast continent 
which is now literally " Greater Britain." 

Still northward the explorers soon found themselves in the 
region of fog and ice ; and quietly abandoning the quest of 
the North- West Passage, Drake steered his course westward, 
determining on reaching India. The instinct, as well as the 
knowledge of these early navigators, was as wonderful as it 
was quickly productive of result ! After numberless diffi- 
culties and adventures, to recite half of which time would fail, 
they reached the Moluccas, where an Oriental and civilised 
influence was apparent in the ceremonial and appointments 
of the king and court. 

On November 3d, at the solicitation of the Viceroy of Motir, 
whose island was under the sovereignty of the King of Tirnate, 
Drake anchored, and had the honour of receiving the king on 
board his ship. The dresses of the king and his courtiers 
were mostly "white lawn of cloth of Calicut," a fact not 
uninteresting to students resident in Manchester. The state 
barges, the court etiquette, all indicated high civilisation. 
Their religion was Mohammedan. Their presents included, 
said one of the Englishmen, " a sort of fruit they call sago, 
which is a meal made out of the tops of trees." Speeding on 
their way, they, off the coast of Borneo, I presume, struck a 
rock, and were well-nigh dashed to pieces. After many weary 
hours of labour, they found their efforts to clear the keel 
ineffectual. They had, it has been quaintly said, "ground 
too much, and yet too little to land on, and water too much, 
and yet too little to sail in ;" but finally the ship was struck 


abroadside by a great wave, and thus set free. The incident 
is more particularly noteworthy for the narration thereof by 
Fuller. "Then," said he, "they received the communion, 
dining on Christ in the sacrament, expecting no other than 
to sup with Him in heaven. . . . Then they betook them- 
selves to their prayers, the best lever at such a dead lift." This 
was in January 1580. In March they were at Java, an island 
governed by five rajahs, who fought with each other, not with 
deadly steel, but in generous hospitality. Doubling the Cape 
of Good Hope, Plymouth was reached in September of the 
same year. There is a curious legend extant of Drake's wife, 
and the narrow escape he had of finding her the bride of 
another man. She, despairing of his return, after much solicita- 
tion, consented to marry again. In the midst of the marriage 
service, however, a cannon ball, projected from the antipodes, 
rent the chancel floor. The bride, of all there, was the one 
least moved by the unusual incident. "It is a signal of 
Drake," she said, " that he is yet alive, and I am still a wife. 
There must be neither troth nor ring between me and thee." 
And thus, when he came ashore, "the old warrior," as the 
peasantry still style Drake in the western country, found 
Dame Drake still his wife, and there ready to meet him. 

In the spring of 1781, the queen graciously went in state 
to dine on board the " Golden Hind ;" and after the banquet, 
conferred on the captain the honour of knighthood, saying, at 
the same time, that his actions did him more honour than the 
title she then bestowed upon him. On the occasion Drake 
would have assumed the arms of his kinsman, Sir Bernard 
Drake, but that gentleman's pride could brook no acknow- 
ledgment of a blood tie between his august self and a 
beggarly sailor and adventurer. Whereupon her Majesty gave 
Sir Francis a bran new heraldic device of her own designing 
the arms sable, a fess wavy between two Pole stars argent. 
The crest, a ship under ruff, drawn round a globe with a 
cable-rope by a hand out of the clouds. The motto over was, 
" Auxilio Divino;" and under it, "Sic parvis magna." In the 
fulness of her wit, for Elizabeth was one of the few sovereigns 


who could laugh on a throne and make a joke in spite of the 
ermine, the queen suspended in the rigging a wivern by the 
heels. A wivern was Sir Bernard Drake's crest. Like Mr 
Pynsent in " Pendennis," Sir Bernard " didn't see the fun." 

In 1581, upon his return from this most famous voyage, 
Buckland Abbey was acquired by Sir Francis Drake. A 
writer of a generation afterwards referred to the purchase, and 
said : 

" The abbey scite and demesnes was purchased by Sir Richard 
Grenville, whereon hee bwilt a fayre newe howse, and afterward sold 
it unto S r Francis Drake, that famous traveller, w ch made it his dwell- 
ing place ; and after (his) death, and the death of the Lady Eliza- 
beth, his wief, daughter and heire of Sir George Sidenham of Comb 
Sidenham, in Somersetshire, w ch both died w th out issue, hee left unto 

Thomas .Drake, his brother, w ch , by , daughter of Moore of 

Moore, neere Tavistock, had issue Sir Barnard Drake, Baronet, w ch 
nowe dwelleth theire, and hath issue by (Joan) daughter of Sir Will m 
Strode, Knt" 

This account, however, is not strictly correct, at least it does 
not accord with other authorities. From these we gather that 
the abbey was granted, not sold, by Henry VIII., to Sir 
Richard Grenville of Stow, near Bideford, who most likely 
adapted the suppressed monastery to the purposes of a 
country gentleman's dwelling-house, and eventually sold it 
to John Hele and Christopher Harris, the heads of families 
still, I believe, represented in Plymouth, who, on their part, 
resold it to Sir Francis Drake. With the Protestant pre- 
judice which his sea divinity had fostered to a degree unusual 
even in the age of Queen Elizabeth, Drake designated his 
property " Place Barton," in lieu of Buckland Abbey ; but the 
older nomenclature is that which now again obtains, and one 
might linger a long time in Plymouth ere they discovered the 
locality of " Place Barton." The latter style, however, is pro- 
bably derived, as we shall see directly, from an ancient title. 
Sir Richard Grenville was one of a notable family conspicu- 
ous and illustrious at the courts of Henry and Elizabeth, and 


one of the distinguished line of the first Sir Richard, who was 
a descendant of Hamon Dentatus, Earl of Carboyl, Lord of 
Thorigny and Granville in Normandy, a lineal descendant of 
the Norseman Rollo, and hence a kinsman of William the 
Conqueror. The first Sir Richard was a gallant man, and he, 
with his elder and childless brother Robert, and a dozen good 
knights beside, invaded South Wales, and overcame and slew 
Rees Ap Theodore, Prince of Wales, and Jestin, Lord of Gla- 
morgan. Robert, as the senior, divided the conquest among 
his followers ; and to Richard, his brother, apportioned the 
town and county of Neth, in Glamorganshire ; which brother, 
in the piety of his heart, and for the good of his soul, gave his 
portion to God, founding a monastery, which was dedicated 
to the blessed Virgin, and devoted to monks of the Cistercian 

The abbey at Buckland, like other monastic institutions, 
indicated the instinctive love of nature which influenced the 
early ecclesiastics in the selection of abbatial sites, and marked 
the value they attached to meteorological and productive 
qualities. The buildings were surrounded by rich arable and 
pasture lands, embowered in fine timber, and skirted by a 
river abounding in trout and salmon. The salmon weir, 
remaining to this day a relic of that remote foundation is 
an evidence of the friars' lenten observances ; but, truth to 
say, those who have whipped the Tavy successfully below 
Denham Bridge feel that their sympathies reach not to those 
who fasted on such like fare as salmon and freckled trout, 
nor to those whose ante-Easter discipline and penance in- 
volved no more arduous task than this to snatch from 

"the crystal rivulet, that o'er 
A stormy channel rolls its rapid maze," 

its tribute in silvery fry. 

Lingering here by the river for a moment, we note how 
numerous are the historical and archaeological associations of 
the Tavy for such a tiny stream. From the wild moorland 
shadows of Tavy Cleave it flows under the walls of Tavi- 



stock Abbey, down the valley of the Virtuous Lady, past the 
Abbey of Buckland, and then, a little below the seat of Sir 
Massey Lopes at Maristow, wedded to the stately Tamar it 
laps the shores of Warleigh, and so on to its destiny in the 
great sea. Tavistock, Buckland, Warleigh, and Plymouth are 
all brimful of interest and natural beauty. The last, proud 
and important as it is now as the metropolis of the west, was 
humble to a degree in its first settlement. Domesday Book 
makes no mention thereof; and in a MS. of the time of 
Henry II. it is described as "a mene thing, an inhabitation 
for fishars." Risdon informs us that in the Saxon time it was 
called Tamarworth, or Tamarweorth, and before that Sutton 
or South Town, a name which lingers yet in Sutton Pool ; 
but in the reign of Edward I. it was named conjointly Sutton 
Prior and Sutton Valletort, the north being on the lands of 
Plympton Prior, and the south on the estates of the Valle- 
torts a family name now preserved as the title of the heir 
to the earldom of Mount- Edgecumbe. Under the care of the 
priors, the place grew; and, finally, in tribute perhaps of their 
fostering hand, in the reign of Henry VII. it assumed the 
name of the insignificant river which forms its eastern bound- 
ary, as Plym-mouth. The part formerly Sutton Valletort 
now constitutes the borough of Stonehouse originally Hip- 
peston so called from Joel de Stonehouse, the lord of its 
demesne at the time of Henry III. 

The most beautiful spot in Plymouth is the Hoe, compass- 
ing sea and land, and all things fair embracing, and its com- 
mand of the heights of Dartmoor, and at the same time the 
wide expanse of sea is aptly set forth in the lines which imply 
a possible telegraphy from 

' ' him that sat on the mountain lea, 
By dancing rivulets fed his flocks, 
To him who sat upon the rocks, 
And fluted to the morning sea." 

Hence can be seen the Catwater or mouth of the Plym to 
the east, the Hamoaze or mouth of the Tamar westward ; 
while Bovisand, Wembury, and the Mew Stone, bound the 


orient shore seaward, the Occident fringed by the cliffs of 
Whitsands and the umbrageous slopes of Mount-Edgecumbe. 

From this height of land might have been seen in 1595 the 
flames and smoke which arose from the market-place, lurid 
and dense against the sky, when were burnt twenty-two 
chests of papal bulls and indulgences, taken from discomfited 
Spanish invaders on the Cornish coast. Here a few years 
earlier were gathered, on the bowling-green outside "The 
Pelican " tavern, the famous group who bearded the King of 
Spain to so good purpose, that he never knew the like before 
John Hawkins, the patriarch of Plymouth seamen, Walter 
Raleigh, Sir Richard Grenville, Lord Charles Howard of 
Effingham, Martin Frobisher, John Davis, George Fenner, 
and one other whom I would borrow fit words to describe 
" His cap is in his hands, so you can see the bullet-head of 
crisp brown hair and the wrinkled forehead, as well as the 
high cheek bones, the short square face, the broad temples, 
the thick lips, which are yet firm as granite. A coarse, 
plebeian stamp of man ; yet the whole figure and attitude are 
that of boundless determination, self-possession, energy; and, 
when at last he speaks a few blunt words, all eyes are turned 
respectfully upon him for his name is Francis Drake." 

In a yet earlier time and a mythical, where now stands the 
citadel, " upon that lofty place at Plimmith called the Hoe," 
was fought that terrible duel between the giant Goemot and 
Brutus' kinsman Corinseus 

' ' The western Hogh, besprinkled with the gore 
Of mighty Goemot, whom in stout fray 
Corinseus conquered." SPENSER. 

In the reign of Edward III. an attack upon the town by 
the French was met by Hugh Courtenay, Earl of Devon, a 
distinguished man, whose name and title both survive in the 
Earl of Devon of to-day ; and the brave Hugh, though eighty 
years of age, aided by gentlemen of the county, slew 500 of 
the invaders, and put the rest to an ignoble flight. In the 
time of Henry IV. the same unruly warriors from over the 


channel, under Lord de Castle, Lord Marshall of Bretayin, 
made another raid on the town, and, having burnt 600 houses, 
retired, leaving a memento of their visit in the locality still 
known as Breton's or Briton's side, a novel and unfriendly 
return home of emigrants after generations of settlement in a 
foreign country, whither they had gone as warriors in the 
ranks of the legions of Imperial Rome. 

Glancing at Warleigh, teeming with legend and family lore, 
we recall stalwart Gilbert Foliot, Abbot of Gloucester, Bishop 
of Hereford, and finally Bishop of London, one whose name 
lingers yet in Tamerton Foliot hard by, across the ferry from 
Bere Ferrers. This prelate was A'Becket's most distinguished 
opponent, and the best supporter of the policy of Henry II. 
There is a legend, that after a nocturnal interview with the 
king concerning the archbishopric, on retiring to his couch, 
Foliot was confronted by the devil, who addressed him thus: 

" O Gilberte Foliot! 
Dum tu revolvis tot et tot 
Deus tuus est Ashtarot." 

(" O thou Gilbert Foliot! 

Whilst thou revolvest what and what, 
Thy God is god Ashtarot.") 

To which the prelate nothing daunted replied: 

" Mentiris Daemon, qui est Deus 
Sabaoth est ille meus." 

(" Thou liest, Demon (a lie is thine); 
The Lord of Hosts that God is mine.") 

His right reverend lordship died in 1187. 

Over the woods of Warleigh hang too the weird glamour 
of a tragedy which befell in the same remote time, when 
Esquire John Copleston waylaid his godson, who was also, 
some say, his natural son, on the road from church, and slew 
him for some trifling slight; after which he fled to foreign 
lands, and it required much interest at court to secure his 
safe return. This Copleston died without heirs, and Warleigh 
fell to John Elford of Sheepstor, whose wife, Elizabeth Cople- 


ston, daughter of the said Esquire John, bore her husband 
four daughters, one of whom, Barbara, married Arthur For- 
tescue, from whom came the Earls Fortescue. The Elfords 
were for long generations a notable family ; and the granite 
Tor under which they lived, lies like a lion couchant to the 
right as one journeys from Plymouth to Buckland Abbey 
Near that eminence of Sheepstor Drake began his great 
engineering work hereafter noted ; and in a cave near its 
crown a prescribed Royalist of the Elford family found 
shelter. The cave was a sure refuge, and the fugitive, at once 
a painter and poet, passed his time between fresco-painting 
on the granite sides of the cave, and gazing on the grand 
panorama of moorland and of sea which lay before him. The 
aforesaid John Elford had in all four wives, the second, after 
the death of Elizabeth Copleston, being a sister of the first 
Sir John Northcote. In her little moorland home Mrs Elford 
never dreamt of her remote grand-nephew, who should attain 
to the chancellorship of his sovereign's exchequer. The sister 
of the first Mrs John Elford, and her co-heiress, married Sir 
John Bampfylde, to whom she ultimately brought the War- 
leigh estate ; and their descendant, Sir Copleston Bampfylde, 
in the troubles incidental to the cause of King Charles II., 
found shelter with his neighbour, a member of the family of 
Drake. And this brings us back to our subject ; and we cast 
a glance, and it can be but a glance, I regret to say, at the 
fair Amicia, Countess of Devon, and her ladyship's founda- 
tion, yclept Buckland Abbey. 

The Lady Amicia was the widow of Baldwin de Redvers 
or Rivers, Earl of Devon, daughter of Gilbert Clare, Earl of 
Gloucester and Hereford, and mother of an heiress, famous in 
her day Isabella de Fortibus. The latter joined her mother 
in works of piety, and united with her in this particular 
endowment of Buckland Abbey, an endowment which ex- 
hibits the former uncultivated and unproductive condition of 
the country, and gives a key to the enormous wealth of some 
landowners of the present day. The countess assigned for 
the purposes of the maintenance of the abbey the manors of 


Buckland, in which the abbey was situate ; Walkhampton, an 
adjoining moorland village ; Bickleigh, a village contiguous 
to Maristow,*owned by Sir Massey Lopes, and a common and 
favourite resort for its gloriously wooded and watered vale ; 
and that of Collumpton, or perhaps more correctly Compton. 
To these gifts of manorial rights and lands the young Isa- 
bella added contributions in money, all which donations were 
confirmed by Edward I., and were available by this religious 
brotherhood for two hundred and seventy years, on the 
expiration of which period, that is, on the suppression of 
monastic institutions, they were of the goodly value of 
^241, i6s. gd. per annum. 

The Abbey of Buckland was founded for Cistercian or 
White monks, from Quarr Abbey, Isle of Wight, in 1278, and 
was dedicated to Saint Mary and Saint Benedict, though the 
abbey seal ungallantly omits mention of the lady, and points 
to Saint Benedict only, indicating the institution as that of 
" The Place of St Benedict of Buckland ;" from which desig- 
nation, maintained perhaps in vulgar parlance, Drake, I pre- 
sume, borrowed his style of Place Barton, previously mentioned. 

The present residence occupies the site and incorporates 
some of the remains of the ancient church, but the original 
structure has been so much transformed from time to time as 
to be almost beyond recognition. There was evidently ori- 
ginally a nave, choir, transepts, and side aisles, with a lantern 
over the arches of the nave, choir, and transepts ; the arches, 
filled up with masonry, still remaining. The ancient belfry 
and refectory also still exist. This last has its windows 
blocked up, and is used as a barn a noble barn it is, too, of 
1 80 feet in length. The pleasure-grounds and woods have 
a rare charm for seclusion and natural beauty ; and the con- 
tiguous orchard is said by tradition to have been the first 
planted in Devon ; but long before the foundation of this 
abbey, says Mr King, the eminent archaeologist, orchards 
were planted by the abbots of Montbourg on their manors of 
Lodres in Dorset, and at Axmouth. The former excellence 
of Devonshire cider was due to the care of the monks and the 


grafting of trees with splits from Normandy ; and perhaps if 
the same care and attention were bestowed upon the orchards 
now, as is the case in the Channel Islands, the common cider 
might more nearly resemble the wine of Champagne, as it 
was said to do in former days. 

It was during his residence at Buckland Abbey, hard by 
the source and channel of the Plymouth leat, and during the 
peace that ensued upon the defeat of the Spanish Armada, 
that Drake conceived the project of bringing water to Ply- 
mouth, and obtained an Act of Parliament authorising him 
to take an aqueduct through private property for the convey- 
ance to that town of a stream of pure Dartmoor water. He 
secured this charter either in his official position as the repre- 
sentative of Plymouth in the House of Commons, or as the 
mayor of that borough. This work has given to his local 
reputation a lustre not outshone even by his maritime exploits. 
I have found no record of the work, but the attributed period 
embraced within its execution' varies, says Mr R. N. Worth, 
from three months to three years ; but a year was probably 
the time occupied. 

There is a legend that the formation of the leat was super- 
natural. Seeing the urgent necessity for a supply of good 
water, it is said that Francis Drake one day mounted his 
horse and rode away, until he came to an abundant spring of 
the purest water. Whereupon he turned his horse's head 
and rode to Plymouth town ; and the stream followed fast 
upon his horse's heels. The legend is but a legend ; but its 
invention was a tribute to the great genius which so readily 
subjugated nature as did that of Drake. 

" The head of the stream," says Risdon, " is seven miles ; 
but in its ambage by hills and through dales, especially one 
main rock, thought to be impenetrable, at least is become a 
travel of twenty miles." In the Tavistock Road, on the old 
town conduit, it is inscribed : " Sir Francis Drake first brought 
the water into Plymouth in 1591." On the occasion men- 
tioned in the brief but pithy inscription there was a grand 
pageantry. The mayor and corporation proceeded in state 


to meet the water as it followed the newly-cut channel ; and 
that first municipal recognition of the water supply has been 
annually celebrated down to the present day, each recurring 
anniversary in August being marked by a fishing feast, given 
at a tavern near the source, at which the fish course consists 
of trout from the leat. At the Weir Head the assembled 
magnates drink in water to " the pious memory of Sir Francis 
Drake ;" and then in wine they pledge the toast, " May the 
descendants of him who brought us water never want wine;" 
an idle wish, seeing he died without issue ! Upon his decease, 
and that of his wife, his property was left to his brother 
Thomas, whose son Francis, not Barnard, as erroneously given 
by a contemporary already quoted, and who probably con- 
founded two men of the same surname, married a daughter 
of Sir William Strode, and was made a baronet in 1622. 
Buckland Abbey continued in the Drake family until the 
death of Sir Francis Henry Drake, Bart., in 1794, who 
bequeathed it to his sister's son, Lord Heathfield. 

In 1595, Drake and Sir John Hawkins, with six royal ships 
besides twenty-one ships and barks of their own, made sail 
for the West Indies. It was a fatal voyage for both ; and 
divided authority tended not to the happiness of their last 
days. Drake would have gone direct to America, but Haw- 
kins was opposed to that plan ; and therefore it was that 
when Drake, after Hawkins' decease, arrived at the West 
Indies, he found the Spaniards prepared for him. His death 
was caused by disappointment, or by grief for the loss of his 
ship " Francis," taken by the Spaniards ; or perhaps by both, 
for "when the same heart has two mortal wounds given it 
together, it is hard to say which of them killeth" (Prince). 
He died of a violent flux, at Bella Porta, January 28, 1595, 
and was buried at sea. 

" Where Drake first found there last he lost his name, 

And for all time left nothing but his fame : 

His body 's buried under some great wave ; 

The sea, that was his glory, is his grave. 

On whom an epitaph none can truly make, 

For who can say ' Here lies Sir Francis Drake ?' " 


Of his death it was true that "sickness did not so much 
untie his clothes as sorrow did rend at once the robe of his 
mortality asunder." 

Of his ambition and pluck, his vanity, his severity, and self- 
confidence, I cannot say more than appears within the limits 
of this essay. All is summed up in the brief words of Lord 
Bacon when he said : "As in nature things move more violently 
to their place, and calmly in their place : so virtue in ambi- 
tion is violent, in authority settled and calm." 



Rector of Middleton in Teesdale, and Chaplain in Ordinary to 

H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh. 

ONE would naturally think that a prophecy like that of the 
seventy weeks (heptades) of Daniel known to have been 
fulfilled would admit of easy proof and explanation ; but so 
far is this from being the case that (as Professor Stewart 
justly remarks) "it would require a volume of considerable 
magnitude to give a history of the ever-varying and contra- 
dictory opinions of critics respecting this locus vexatissimus, 
and perhaps a still larger one to establish an exegesis that 
would stand. I am fully of opinion that no interpretation as 
yet published will stand the test of thorough grammatico- 
historical criticism, and that a candid, searching, and thorough 
critique here is still a desideratum." 

In the first place, commentators cannot agree as to the ter- 
minus a quo, which must evidently be some decree or order 
"to restore and to build Jerusalem:" " Know therefore and 
understand," says the prophecy, "that from the going forth of 
the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto the 
Messiah the Prince," etc. (Dan. ix. 25). 

There are four different edicts from which the 490 years 
might date : (i.) one issued in the first year of Cyrus, B.C. 536 
of the ordinary chronology ; (2.) one given in the third (or 
fourth) year of Darius Hystaspes, B.C. 518 ; (3.) the commis- 
sion given to Ezra by Artaxerxes Longimanus in the seventh 
year of his reign, B.C. 457 ; and (4.) that given to Nehemiah 
by the same king in the twentieth year of his reign, B.C. /m- 
But of these it may be observed that the decree of Darius 


merely confirms that of Cyrus, whilst that of Artaxerxes, in 
his twentieth year, is but a renewal of the decree issued in his 
seventh year ; so that one would think there were but two to 
choose between. 

To give some idea, however, of the difficulty which com- 
mentators have found in expounding the prophecy, and 
making it tally with the received chronology, the subjoined 
list of explanations is given. 

1. The decree of the first year of Cyrus has been selected 
as the. starting-point by Calvin, Broughton, Beroaldus, and 
the Geneva Bible. 

2. Hans Wood, Hales, and Mede commence from the fourth 
year of Darius Nothus, B.C. 420, when Nehemiah's reform was 
completed, and end with the destruction of Jerusalem, A.D. 70. 
But Mede confounded Darius Nothus with Darius Hystaspes, 
" in the second year of whose reign (and not in that of Darius 
Nothus) the whole temple, after a long interruption, began to 

3. Prideaux, Stackhouse, Kett, Cresswell, Pusey, and most 
modern commentators, commence from the seventh year of 
Artaxerxes Longimanus, B.C. 457, and end with the cruci- 
fixion of our Lord, A.D. 33. 

4. A numerous class of commentators Petavius, Africanus, 
Lyranus, Zonaras, Usher, and some moderns take the twen- 
tieth of Artaxerxes as their starting-point, B.C. /j/|/| ; but many 
of them reckon by lunar years, consisting of 354 days and a 
fraction over. 

5. Eusebius commences from the sixth year of Darius 
Hystaspes, and ends the 69 weeks 3^- years after Christ's 
baptism, but he takes the last heptade for the whole period 
that must elapse till the end of the world. 

6. Tertullian, by beginning in the first year of Darius, counts 
490 years to the destruction of Jerusalem. The late Duke of 
Manchester also selected the first year of Darius, son of 
Ahasuerus, anno Nabonass. 325, B.C. 424, and ended with 
A.D. 66. 

7. As far as the terminus a quo is concerned, Burnet, 


Hippolytus, Apollinaris, CEcolampadius, Melancthon, Myers, 
Willet, Wintle, Barnes, Gregg, Clemens Alexandrinus, Theo- 
doret, etc., agree with one or the other of the above, but differ 
widely in the details of their interpretation. 

8. Besides all these there are a host of German rationalists 
and other anti-Messianic critics, abundantly refuted in Dr 
Pusey's " Lectures on Daniel," who think that the prophecy 
had reference to Antiochus Epiphanes, the deposition of 
Onias III., etc. 

Most of the commentators have rejected the decree of 
Cyrus for the commencement of the 490 years, because the 
extract from it given by Ezra does not contain any order to 
build the city, but only the temple. The document is given 
in full by Josephus* in the shape of a letter from "King 
Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzanes," the Tatnai and 
Shetharboznai of Ezra.^ And there we find an explicit order 
to rebuild the city : " I have given leave," writes King Cyrus, 
"to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country as please to 
return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to 
build tJie Temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place 
where it was before," etc. 

This preliminary objection being removed, it may be 
proved conclusively that this is the decree, or word, or order, 
referred to in the prophecy. In the first place, a literal 
rendering of the opening words admits of no other supposi- 
tion. Hales translates : " From the going forth of the oracle 
to restore \Thy people], and to rebuild Jerusalem," etc. Cal- 
vin : " From the going forth of the edict, or a word, concern- 
ing the bringing back of the people" etc. Gregg : " Week 7 
and week 62 (the people} shall return, and be built street and 
trench," etc. The " going forth of a word concerning the 
bringing back of the people, and the rebuilding of Jerusalem," 
can be explained by reference to no other document than the 
letter of Cyrus just quoted. And if Jerusalem had not been 
rebuilt in compliance with some order or permission from 
Cyrus, then the prophecy in Isa. xliv. 28 was manifestly 

* Antiq., xi. t In r Esdr. vii. i the names are the same as in Josephus. 


unfulfilled, and we should have another difficulty on our 
hands worse than the first, and another triumph for the 
Rationalists. Here, then, beyond all cavil, is the terminus cb 
quo of the 490 years; but the difficulty is this, that the 
ordinary chronology gives us from the first of Cyrus to the 
birth of Christ 536 years, and to the crucifixion 569 a 
difficulty which will be examined by-and-by. 

In addition to the reasons already mentioned for rejecting 
any other starting-point than this, there is the following fatal 
objection to the /th or 2Oth of Artaxerxes. A reference to 
the proceedings consequent upon the decrees of this king 
establishes conclusively the fact that it was not the city, but 
merely the outer wall or fortifications that they were then 
engaged in rebuilding. Nehemiah, chap, iii., gives us " the 
names and order of them that builded the wall." There we 
read how Meremoth built or repaired the wall "from the 
door of the house of Eliashib " to the end of his house ; how 
Benjamin and Hashub repaired the wall " over against their 
house ;" and so on right through the chapter such and such 
persons being detailed to repair or build the wall opposite 
such and such houses. Now how could this be, if the houses 
were not yet rebuilt? Beyond all question, when Artaxerxes 
gave these orders the city was already rebuilt, and it must have 
been done in consequence of some previous edict, but there 
was no previous edict except that of Cyrus. The prophecy 
regarding Cyrus was therefore fulfilled ; and we arrive at the 
same conclusion, viz., that the 490 years date from the first 
year of Cyrus, and we have therefore to reduce the 569 years 
of the common chronology to 490. This must be done by 
rectifying the Persian chronology. It is scarcely necessary 
to remark that all the dates for the ordinary chronology are 
derived from the Bible, except for the time occupied by the 
Persian dynasty, to ascertain the duration of which recourse 
has been had to other sources, the scattered dates in Ezra 
and Nehemiah not being sufficient for the purpose. And 
here a mistake has been made, arising from the well-known 
fact, that a Persian king was in the habit of selecting his own 


successor from amongst his sons or other relations, in order 
to prevent disputes after his death ; and that son so selected 
during his father's lifetime was also styled king ; and when 
his father died, the son reckoned the years of his reign, not 
from the date of his father's death, but from the time when 
he was nominated to succeed him, so that several years have 
been reckoned twice over. As an instance of this, it may be 
mentioned, that if we compare Nehemiah with Josephus, we 
shall find that the 2Oth year of the reign of Artaxerxes cor- 
responded with the 2$th of Xerxes. 

Nehem. ii. i-ii: "It came to pass Josephus, An. , xi. 6 : "Now when he 
in the month Nisan, in the twentieth (Nehemiah) was come to Babylon, and 
year of Artaxerxes, the king. .... had taken with him many of his country- 
I came to Jerusalem" men, who voluntarily followed him, he 

came to Jerusalem in the 2$th year of 
the reign of Xerxes." 

In the following section Josephus goes on to say that Nehe- 
miah "also went about the compass of the city by night, 
being never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor 
about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those 
things for his pleasure, but out of necessity ; for in so long a 
time was the wall built, in the ^th year of tJie reign of Xerxes, 
in the tyJi month'.' 

It is clear from this that Xerxes and Artaxerxes were on 
the throne at the same time for twenty years. I may here 
mention that the Chronological Institute of London maintain 
that Artaxerxes was only another name for Xerxes, the 
prefix arta signifying great. In this manner they get rid of 
the time that Xerxes separately reigned altogether. But we 
learn from Herodotus, vii. 2-4, that four years after the battle 
of Marathon Darius declared Xerxes to be his heir and suc- 
cessor, having at the same time raised him to the throne 

a7ToSeas /^acriA^a Ile/xrjjcri Aapeios &epea and SO we may get 

rid of the separate reign of Xerxes without confounding him 
with Artaxerxes. 

Now the date of the battle of Marathon is generally set 
down as B.C. 490. If Xerxes began to reign four years after 


this, in B.C. 486, and Herodotus is correct, we reduce the 
chronology almost within the requisite limits. The first year 
of Cyrus would thus be B.C. 506, instead of B.C. 536, the 
ordinary date assigned to that year. That the chronology of 
this period is very uncertain is an acknowledged fact, and it 
need not therefore excite surprise that commentators find 
such difficulty in hitting upon a satisfactory explanation of 
this celebrated prophecy, which, being genuine, naturally and 
necessarily refuses to be reconciled to a system of chronology 
evidently inaccurate. The first requisite is to fix the duration 
of the whole Persian dynasty, when the difficulty will vanish, 
the number of years from the death of Alexander the Great 
being accurately known. 



Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 


THROUGHOUT the whole of man's mental development, which 
word in itself excludes any repetition or stagnation in history, 
we can trace action and reaction, or rather, according to Hegel's 
dialectics, " progress by contrasts." Certain ideas take root 
in humanity. They blossom, bear fruits, and then die away. 
Similar ideas shoot up again ; not the same, but full of a new 
vigour and vitality, rooted in an altogether changed soil ; 
composed of the intellectual blossoms and fruits of a previous 
era, nourished by the totally different mode of thinking, the 
increased or decreased amount of knowledge of new genera- 
tions. This was the case with the acting and counteracting 
movements of idealism and realism in Greece. The ideas of 
Demokritos or Hippokrates were superseded by the idealistic 
arguments of Sokrates, whose principles formed the basis of 
the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle in the following cen- 
tury. The supernaturalism of Plato and the realism of Aris- 
totle both had their followers, who read and understood them 
differently. We have first the celebrated physicist Strato, 
who looked upon the vous of Aristotle as a mere conscious- 
ness of impressions. The activity of the soul was with him 
simply motion. He explained all existence and life as ori- 
ginating in the natural forces with which matter is endowed. 
Strato led to Epikurus, who was counteracted by the Stoiks, 
who, despite their professed idealism, were the most prominent 
materialists in physical science. We can trace an analogous 


phenomenon in our own times in which it often occurs, that 
men with theologically biased minds in metaphysical matters 
are the most pronounced realists where natural sciences are 
concerned. Like the ancient Greeks of the times of Plato 
and Aristotle, we too stand at the beginning of a new period 
that is about to detach itself from the past, and to seek a new 
basis for our mental, social, and philosophical development. 
Wherever we find such a transition state in history, we see 
men leaving the path of speculation, and devoting themselves 
unconditionally to the study of outward nature. To know at 
such a moment is to know the properties of stones, plants, 
gases, elements, and nothing further. All speculation is 
avoided as mere waste of time. Ethics and esthetics are 
considered mere outgrowths of crude matter, over which the 
individual has no control. Whilst men repeat the outward 
formulae of metaphysicians, they counteract what they often 
call dreamy and useless speculations. Generalisations begin 
to be neglected as mere arbitrary assumptions of some over- 
heated imagination, and all fly to particular individualisations, 
to technical specialities. They try to separate and to detach 
the different branches of science, and instead of philosophers 
and thinkers who can grasp different phenomena with broad 
minds as connected wholes, we see ourselves surrounded by 
numbers of isolated electric, geological t biological, chemical, 
botanical, zoological, and mineralogical rattling word machines, 
in whom every higher intellectual conception is smothered by 
a heap of specialities, who may sometimes be brimful of details, 
but who, from a philosophical point of view, stand at Reau- 
mur's freezing-point ZERO. This phenomenon we can also 
trace in Greece. The support afforded to the consciousness 
of the individual by state and religion was broken to pieces ; 
and the philosophers, despite their contempt for idealism, 
studied matter only for the purpose of securing for them- 
selves happiness, freedom, and peace of the mind, the very 
highest idealistic goods of humanity. 

Like some expounders of Ecclesiastes, the Stoics at first sight 
were the most consequent materialists. God and the soul, 



virtue and passions, were all bodies. There could scarcely be 
a greater contrast than that between Plato and the Stoics. 
Yet the Stoics were, after all, greater idealists than either Plato 
or the commentators on Ecclesiastes, who exclaim : " I know 
there is no good in them, but for a man to rejoice and to do 
good in his life. And also that every man should eat and drink, 
and enjoy the good of all his labour. I said in my heart con- 
cerning the estate of the sons of men that God might mani- 
fest them, and that they might see that they themselves are 
beasts. For that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth 
beasts ; even one thing befalleth them ; as the one dieth, so 
dieth the other ; yea, they have all one breath, so that a man 
hath no pre-eminence above a beast ; for all is vanity. All 
go unto one place, all are of the dust, and all turn to dust 
again." This is a far less exalted view than that of the 
Stoics, who assumed that the different forces working in 
matter were directed by a force of all forces the Deity. 
They did not propound spirit and matter as absolutely sepa- 
rated entities, but their matter was in all its smallest particles 
endowed with a soul, which soul pervaded also the universe, 
and was identical with it. At the same time the Deity was 
with them more than mere matter set into motion ; it was 
" the fiery reason of the world," producing what is reasonable, 
teleological, as Diogenes of Apollonia asserted, according to 
general laws, which are inborn in man's consciousness, and 
which he cannot acquire by mere contemplation, or by experi- 
menting on visible and tangible objects. Whilst pessimism, con- 
tempt of every higher aspiration, satisfaction with that which 
has been, and is, and shall be for ever, was the outgrowth 
of a philosophy based on the misunderstood principles of 
Ecclesiastes, the Stoics paved the way to anthropomorphism, 
teleology, and optimism, for the fundamental idea of their 
philosophy was a mighty pantJieistic conception. 

Whilst by some ancient Jews we were classed with mere 
beasts, and were advised to eat well and drink well, which was 
the old Egyptian Epikureanism, divested of all philosophical 
beauty, the Stoics taught that all our actions were the direct 


manifestations of our will; which will, in its turn, is the purest, 
innermost essence of every man, the efflux of necessity and 
Divine Providence, pervading the universe in its smallest parti- 
cles. Man is responsible even for his innermost thoughts, for 
thoughts engender words, and words deeds ; and the purity 
and morality of our thoughts must produce purity of words, 
and morality in deeds. These are undoubtedly the ethic 
principles of Zoroaster which are here brought into a philoso- 
phical shape. The soul with the Stoics, though of a material 
nature, was thought to live on after death. The wicked and 
unwise souls, composed of a less pure essence, were to perish 
more quickly; whilst the good and virtuous souls raised them- 
selves to an abode of bliss, where they would rest till the great 
destruction of the universe by fire, when everything would 
flow back to the Divine source whence it emanated. 

However exalted the ethic principles of the Stoics were, 
those of Epikurus surpassed them, in so far as they estab- 
lished a greater union between ethics and physics, between 
our moral and material nature. Zeno, the founder of Stoi- 
cism, tried to bring union into the dualistic notions of Aris- 
totle, whose assumption of a transcendental Deity in opposi- 
tion to the visible world acted upon by Him, and separation 
of the animal body and its vivifying immortal spirit, served 
during the whole period of the Middle Ages as a powerful 
support for the Christians' broken consciousness, striving up- 
wards from the dust, and thirsting for eternal salvation. This 
was not so with the proud antarchy of the Stoics. With them 
all bodies were spirits, or all spirits, even with the moving 
force in them, were mere bodies. Bodies were assumed to be 
mere expansions in space, and thus the distinction between 
body and spirit was not very great. The deeper speculations 
concerning space and time, however, belong to the nineteenth 
century ; and we may pass to an inquiry into the principles 
of Epikurus. 

This greatly misunderstood and calumniated philosopher 
was the son of a poor shoemaker of Athens, who gained by 
lot a colonial share in Samos, where Epikurus was born, 342 


or 341 B.C. When fourteen years old he read Hesiod's " Cos- 
mogony" at school, and when he came to the passage, that all 
things originated in chaos, he asked quickly, " And where did 
the chaos come from?" His master could not answer the 
question, and from that time Epikurus began to think for 
himself, that is, from that time he became a philosopher, for a 
philosopher is one who dares to think independently. When 
eighteen years of age Epikurus went to Athens, and there 
heard Xenokrates, a pupil of Plato, whilst Aristotle, who had 
been accused of blasphemy and ungodliness, awaited the end 
of his life at Chalkis. Thebes was destroyed, Demosthenes 
languished in exile; from Asia joyous news of the glorious 
conquests of Alexander the Great resounded. The East was 
once more brought into relation with the Greeks, who began 
to lose their national particularism, and to influence humanity 
at large with their mighty philosophical ideas. But Alex- 
ander died suddenly at Babylon, and a last convulsive effort 
at freedom was made by the Athenians, but at once sup- 
pressed by Antipater. Epikurus retired from Athens, and is 
said to have lived at Kolophon, Mitylene, and Lampsakus, 
and only returned to Athens when an elderly man. He 
bought himself a garden, and lived there with his disciples. 
On the entrance to this garden the following inscription could 
be read : " Stranger, here you will feel delighted ; here the 
highest happiness is joy." Epikurus was a perfect pattern of 
a wise and worldly man. He loved his country, though he 
never took office. He observed the usual religious ceremonies 
without ever believing in the gods, as the masses did. He 
taught that the gods must be honoured, since they never 
interfere with the eternal laws, according to which the phe- 
nomena of nature must happen. Some consciousness of the 
gods appeared to Epikurus a necessity for the higher develop- 
ment of man's nobler nature. The deities were to him beings 
of perfection ; to honour them as such, not merely to believe 
in them, was essential with him. He was no hypocrite his 
gods stood above care and pain, passion and wretchedness, 
therefore he worshipped them as representatives or as "eidola" 


of the fundamental principles of his philosophy. Thus, 
whilst he tried to free humanity from foolish superstitions, he 
was able to promulgate theories which were to serve humanity 
as a truthful basis for a sound philosophy. Eternal order 
pervaded the phenomena of creation and destruction. To 
trace this order was to be the duty of the physicist. A 
merely historical knowledge of the phenomena of nature 
had with Epikurus as little value as the knowledge of isolated 
facts in man's history could have, if both studies were not 
based on an endeavour to ascertain the causes of the phe- 
nomena. The more we strive to become conscious of the 
causes that produce changes in the outer and inner phe- 
nomena of our religious, social, or natural conditions, the 
more surely do we attain the "peace of contemplation," 
which must be the highest delight of a thinking, self- 
conscious being. His most important theory bore upon the 
belief in a future state of things. The question resolved 
itself into the possibility of personal consciousness after death, 
and the possibility of sensations for a soul without the organs 
of our five senses. " Death ought to be utterly indifferent," 
for it deprives us of sensations and consciousness. " So long 
as we are, death is not there; as soon as death sets in, we are 
no more." " There is no evil for him in this world who has 
convinced himself that it is no evil not to live." This 
apparently hopeless theory did not, with Epikurus, lead to 
mere sensual enjoyment. On the contrary, he clearly declared 
that only virtue could give us the highest delight and pleasure, 
and that we ought to love and practise virtue for its own sake. 
Ethically, Epikurus stood on the same level as his opponents 
Zeno and Chrisippus. The starting-points undoubtedly dif- 
fered. With Zeno virtue was to be our aim to enable us to 
become good ; with Epikurus wisdom was everything, so that 
we might become virtuous. The more we study and dive 
into the historical development of humanity, the more we 
become convinced that idealists and realists aim at the same 
goal, their differences consisting only in their starting-points. 
With Epikurus, physics (natural philosophy) was to lead to 


ethics; whilst with Zeno ethics were to lead to goodness. 
Epikurus wished to free humanity from ignorance, which is 
based on fear and restless hopes. Research and study must 
lead to the conviction that everything, not only in the 
material, but also in the world of impressions, sensations, and 
consciousness, must be subject to order and law, both of which 
must be universal. The advantage of this assertion is 
immense ; it must produce a more correct appreciation of 
facts, which, if they can with probability be explained as 
natural, ought never to be explained by an assumption of 
the supernatural. The assumption of the supernatural must 
obstruct the path of every searcher for truth, and lead us to 
the same result as the assumption "that there is nothing 
new." The intellectual or dynamic force working in humanity 
is, however, more and more bent upon discarding the super- 
natural, and strives to give intelligible answers to the most 
mysterious questions. Like Demokritos, Epikurus also 
asserted that of nothing nothing could come; for if the 
contrary were true, out of everything everything might be 
formed. " Everything existing must be a body, only space 
can be bodiless. Some bodies are composed, others are 
simple, forming combinations. The universe is boundless, 
and so must be the bodies filling it. Atoms are in eternal 
motion there was no beginning of this motion, nor will there 
be an end of it. Atoms possess no other qualities but 
those of size, form, and weight." We see that our most 
advanced materialists or realists have continually to use 
Demokritos and Epikurus. "Atoms " are assumed by Epi- 
kurus "as smaller than any measurable or ponderable 
quantities. Time, in which the atoms move in the empty 
space, is relatively immeasurable. So are the atoms, and 
their number is infinite, though the forms into which they 
unite are not infinite, although their variety is immense. 
Thus in a limited body the number and difference of the 
atoms is limited. There can be no absolute above or 
below in empty space. Though the relative directions of 
bodies may be innumerable, there may be assumed a re- 


lative above and below. The soul is a refined air with an 
admixture of fire pervading the whole body; part of the 
living body, an organ, not an extraneous something that 
can exist by itself after the dissolution of the body." He 
further assumes that the body encloses the soul, and furnishes 
it with sensations and participates in them. Epikurus also 
tried to explain the origin of languages and sciences through 
natural laws. " Sensual perceptions are the basis of all con- 
sciousness." This one sentence explains many a curious phe- 
nomenon in the gradual development of humanity. If a mad- 
man sees a ghost, the ghost, so far as the perception of the 
madman is concerned, is a reality for him individually. If a 
philosopher explains certain phenomena in nature, and a 
theologian certain propensities of our moral nature, and if 
both assign to the relative phenomena certain causes, both 
may be true so far as the observers are concerned, and yet 
they may be at the same time utterly false in reference to the 
observed objects themselves. Epikurus served, more than 
many a modern metaphysician would like to admit, to further 
the propagation of individual visions as general truths. Epi- 
kurus was the propounder of what he called "canonical 
doctrines," and we must not be astonished to see his principles 
revived at a later period by the scholastic philosophers ; for a 
distorted realistic Epikureanism and the most mystic idealism 
are often found in close and incomprehensible union. His 
system may be reduced to the following three fundamental 

1. Self-knowledge. 

2. Knowledge of the laws of nature. 

3. Knowledge of the true laws of society. 

The accusation of atheism which has been launched 
against Epikurus is mere verbiage. To study nature and its 
laws, history and man in history, is not denying the Deity, but 
simply assuming our incompetence as finite beings to deal 
with the infinite. At the time when Epikurus ended his life 
in joyful happiness amongst a large circle of his disciples, 


Alexandria was the centre of a new philosophical develop- 
ment. This new school is often looked upon as a mere pedan- 
tic dialectical outgrowth of the elder Greek philosophy; but 
this is far from a truthful appreciation of the vigorous and 
genial activity of thought which spread from Alexandria over 
the whole of the world. The collection of books, the earnest 
studies that were made in grammar, astronomy, history, 
geometry, statics, and anatomy, by thinkers like Aristarchus, 
Hipparchus, Polybius, Euklid, Archimedes, and Herophilus, 
are so many proofs, that though philosophy took a more 
realistic and less idealistic turn, it neither died out nor alto- 
gether slumbered. Alexandria was at that period the focus 
of all the intellectual powers of humanity. Indian, Hebrew, 
Egyptian, Greek, and Roman philosophers exchanged ideas, 
built up systems, and though divided into innumerable sects 
and schools, may all be classified as either strict idealists or 
strict realists, the Epikureans being their connecting links. 
He who once became an Epikurean was one for ever ; once 
convinced of the realistic elements upon which the theories 
of Epikurus were founded, the cultivated reason of the sec- 
tarian could never see the good of any other disturbing, horrify- 
ing, or spiritually tormenting system in philosophy. 

This naturally leads us to the contemplation of Roman 
philosophy, which, in spite of the unphilosophic and super- 
stitious character of the Romans, was entirely Epikurean, with 
a gentle admixture of Stoicism at a later period. The 
Romans, notwithstanding the practical part which they played 
in the historical development of humanity, were exclusively 
idealistic, and their idealism may serve to explain the rough 
and coarse realism that obtained such hold on their minds 
in counter-action to their idealism. Their very state was 
founded on a mere abstraction ; their laws were framed 
a priori; the formula, "Salus reipublicae suprema lex," is 
an ideal assumption. What did the word "salus" mean, 
^nd when did any Roman find it possible to bring this 
bei/ are of the republic into union with his individual happi- 
k O( ji e .without a thorough absorption of his own concrete 


identity into the general abstraction of the commonwealth ? 
These abstract Roman ideas made it possible that at a later 
period the most refined spiritualisation of our social organisa- 
tion could develop into the most terrible and sanguinary despot- 
ism. As it is, and always must be, the case with superstitious, 
and at the same time practical, matter-of-fact people, arts and 
sciences had little charm for the Romans. Politics and 
warfare absorbed their whole mental and bodily activity. 
Cicero himself, towards the end of the republic, protested 
publicly in the senate against the accusation that he loved 
arts or had any sympathy for " allotria," as he called matters 
of higher taste. Professor Mommsen says of the old Romans, 
with great truth, that they were without the passion of the 
heart, the longing to idealise what was humane, and to incar- 
nate, or rather humanise, what was lifeless, and thus they were 
in want of the most sacred elements of poetry. This was also 
the case with their philosophy. In poetry, art, and philosophy 
they were close imitators of the Greeks. Greek Epikureanism 
and Stoicism were the principal philosophical schools of the 
Romans, and Professor Lange points with great justice to 
the fact that both parties plunged their daggers with equal 
fury into the bosom of Caesar, because the Stoic Brutus and 
the Epikurean Cassius were both swayed rather by politics 
than philosophy. The only philosopher, in a very wide sense 
of the word, whom the Romans produced, was Titus Lucre- 
tius Carus (b. 99 B.C., d. 55 B.C.). Seneca was no philosopher, 
but merely a moralist. The philosophy of Lucretius revived 
in Gassendi and Descartes in entirely different forms. It is in 
itself characteristic that the only Roman philosopher should 
have clothed his ideas in a poetical form, and presented us 
with a discussion "On the Nature of Things" (DeRerumNaturd) 
in verse. The formation of the cosmos out of eternal matter, 
the impossibility of a final end of the universe, atoms and 
their infinite divisibility, empty space, and gravitation towards 
a centre, are treated in hexameters, often in terse, dogmatic 
sentences, a characteristical feature of all poetical composition, 
in which the writer is generally more a prophet than a 


philosopher, who tries in prose to reach truth on the thorny 
and prosy path of reasoning. The mechanical creation as 
such was most peremptorily advocated by Lucretius. Man; 
in his composition and development, in all his worldly rela- 
tions, is but the product of material outer circumstances, over 
which the individual has very little, or, in fact, scarcely any 
control. Lucretius asserts that "atoms have not combined 
after mature deliberation, nor have they decided what motion 
to take ; but they have been brought into their phenomenal 
forms by mere chance; having once assumed certain forms in 
time and space, they continue the regular production of 
phenomena ; the streams nourish the seas ; the earth heated 
by the rays of the sun brings forth new creations ; the living 
generations germ, bud, and flourish; and the gliding sparks of 
ether remain alive." * Teleology with Lucretius was a mere 
abstraction ; he reduced all design in nature to its own aim 
(" Zweck ist sich selbst Zweck "). This question forces itself 
upon us : " If the universe be a mere product of chance, if its 
whole design be but a design of atomic force, whence do our 
moral and ideal conceptions come ? " Are we to assume, with 
Dr Carl Vogt, " that our thoughts stand in the same relation 
to our brain as the bile to the liver ? " Demokritos, Lucre- 
tius, and our modern realists or materialists, merely explain 
with more or less ingenuity the material combination of 
phenomena, and entirely omit the first dawn of self-conscious- 
ness from their calculations. With self-consciousness, how- 
ever, our higher moral and intellectual life begins. It would 
be exceedingly difficult to prove that this self-consciousness 
is not the effect of a particular combination of atoms, gases, 
elements, and chemical substances ; but this effect is as varie- 
gated in its independent mode of working as are the rays of 
the sun in their influence on this globe. That the inorganic 
and organic products of the earth are the effects of the life- 
giving influences of heat and light may be granted ; but the 
rose, through an absorption of cosmical, solar, and telluric 
elements, is still a rose and not a thistle, and the mere tracing 

* See Professor Lange, p. 107, who gives the passage in full. 


of causes, without a study of the effects as such, must natur- 
ally lead to misunderstanding and misrepresentation. Lucre- 
tius tries to explain sensations and consciousness by asserting 
that atoms do not feel separately, but only as combined 
totals. He, however, overlooks the altogether new world which 
these combinations of atoms create through their being cap- 
able of impressions ; these impressions produce sensations of 
which we become conscious, and these impressions, sensations, 
and effects of consciousness, are again subject, not to a material 
law of causation, but to a mental or ideal law of reasoning. 
Lucretius dimly felt the contradiction in his system; for a 
combination of feelingless, unconscious atoms could never 
produce totals of feeling and conscious beings. He then is 
forced to assume a soul (ammo), which he distinguishes from 
spirit, or rather intellect (animus), and he assumes the two 
as connected elements in man. Just as our hands, feet, and 
eyes are organs of the living being, so also are intellect and 
soul. Heat and breath are the soul, and the most refined 
essence, having its seat in our bosom, is the spirit or intellect. 
How Platonic these realists grow whenever they approach 
the ideal in us ! Soul and spirit are bodies, and consist of the 
most minute, roundest, and most movable atoms. We cannot 
understand and grasp this. In answer to the question : By 
what means do the insensible and unconscious atoms suddenly 
become sensible ? we can expect no other assertion but the one 
that is most dogmatically thrown out by our modern automa- 
tists motion. But motion is not sensation, and least of all 
consciousness. Lucretius gives us no answers to the following 
questions : What feels ? How do we feel ? What is that which 
we feel ? Where do we feel ? In what way do impressions pro- 
duce sensations,andwhatbecomesconscious of these sensations? 
The whole teaching of Lucretius may be summed up in the one 
sentence " There is no immortality of the soul." Death ought 
to be utterly indifferent to us. Whatever we may hold of the 
philosophy of Lucretius, it was the natural product of his 
times, and ultimately produced a wholesome reaction against 
the sickening and whining sentimentalism that altogether 


neglected reality, and saw and regarded nothing but the 
phantoms of a wild, unbridled imagination. 

Lucretius, who closely followed Hesiod, Demokritos, and 
Epikurus in his poetical work, made many a trenchant remark 
which had no meaning at the time, because the emancipation 
of women, and their rights to the same education and callings 
as men, were not yet made articles of faith, or systematised 
theories for philosophical essays. The origin of language and 
the development of trades and arts are touched upon, as well 
as the political formation of society and states. He sternly 
opposes ambition, and praises " obedience" above all as the 
principal virtue of a citizen. Submission to authority is always 
one of the favourite topics of theologians and political leaders. 
This was the more natural at the time of Lucretius, when the 
republic was shaken to its very foundations, when the wars of 
the republic had exhausted the state force, and political dis- 
sension turned the weapons of Romans against Romans. 
The mighty sanguinary activity of the Romans was followed 
by internal exhaustion, rottenness, and despair, producing a 
counteraction in an indescribable longing for peace, quietness, 
and a dreamy forgetfulness of reality. The questions that 
trouble the mind of humanity the " wherefrom," " whatfor," 
and "whereto," or the "whence" and the "whither" con- 
stantly forced themselves on the attention of Roman society. 
The old gods lost their concrete forms, and as abstractions 
they were powerless, or mere poetical fancies. The dry 
and contradictory theories of the philosophers interested only 
the higher educated classes, whilst the masses still believed 
lightning and thunder, hailstorms and inundations, clouds 
and winds, to be the direct actions of the gods. Lucretius 
tried to explain all these phenomena from natural causes, but 
he led to an idealism that suddenly absorbed the entire intel- 
lectual faculties of ancient humanity, and buried classicism in 
the night of superstition, forcing humanity to find new paths, 
new methods to climb again the heights of clear and unbiased 
reasoning. Semi-culture, even amongst the most instructed 
Romans, was the bane of their philosophical and historical 


progress. Even the rich and powerful devoted themselves 
to an exclusive genealogical knowledge of their gentes, a 
biased and narrow-minded acquirement of the fascia. They 
practised elocution in order that they might shine with 
rhetorical elegance, made themselves acquainted with the 
principles of agriculture in order to amass riches. They 
despised all higher training, as leading to crime and sin, and 
turned the sublime ideas of Epikurus, who had discarded 
every form of superstition, and sought delight and happiness 
in virtue for its own sake, into a doctrine of wild debauchery, 
devoting themselves to utter unbelief, sarcastic scepticism, 
and rude negation. It is a fact " that ignorance is never the 
consequence of knowledge, fantastic arbitrariness is never the 
result of methodical study, and free thought never leads to 
superstition" Only where knowledge is the sequence of 
imaginary assumptions, based on meaningless formulae, where 
a methodical study of generalisations is neglected, where 
free thought is oppressed or concealed behind hypocrisy, 
where life is assumed as a business that ought to pay, and 
where it is thought that were there no reward or punish- 
ment, life would not be worth living, only there and then 
philosophy must lead to superstition, and superstition to in- 
credible crimes and misdeeds, perpetrated under the cover of 
religiousness. Tartarus, with all its torments, was an inven- 
tion to overawe the restless masses of the Greeks and Romans, 
and the philosophers, in doing away with the idea of a future 
life, became dangerous " demons," as they might be called in 
certain circles, who assumed that the world was made and 
ruled on mechanical principles, that the universe was a mere 
scheme of illusion, and that "humanity had been persuaded 
to toil and to suffer upon a lie." Semi-cultured people with 
such ideas readily turned to the mystic teachings of the priests 
of Isis, or any other mystic deity; they believed in thauma- 
turgi and prophets, incantations, conjurations, visions, and 
dreams; and whilst they believed and worshipped occult 
powers, they gave themselves up practically to the grossest 
materialism. In such a sense nothing is more despicable 


than a so-called believing people, with its credulous supersti- 
tion on one side and its practical realism on the other. When 
the practical spirit is bent upon the search after truth, an 
improvement of the social and consequently also of the moral 
condition of the masses in general, and of every individual 
in particular, must follow. When an energetic national 
spirit drives the great thinkers of a nation to discoveries and 
inventions, to an equal culture of the ideal and real, then we 
shall see the same results as at Athens, during the time of 
Perikles, and as we have seen in England for the last three 
centuries. The ideal will then become the force that will 
master matter, and matter will be used to promote the very 
highest ideal good of humanity peace, love, and happiness, 
which Demokritos, Epikurus, and Zeno attempted, but for 
which the times were not yet ripe. The seeds that were sown 
by the mighty thinkers of the Periklean period matured dur- 
ing the two centuries preceding the birth of Christ, but as yet 
brought forth only fragrant blossoms ; the fruits were still to 
come. Mysteries and incomprehensibilities intoxicated the 
masses, and led them to despise all real knowledge. Mystic 
worships promised comfort to the " sin-tormented " people. 
Matter became an abomination. The new-Platonists and 
new-Pythagoreans mingled Oriental, more especially Egyptian 
and Indian, speculations and dogmas with the idealistic 
dreams of Plato, and assumed the position of prophets and 
priests, instead of that of philosophers. It is often asserted 
that unbelief produces superstition ; we are, however, warned 
by the greatest writers on the history of philosophy not to 
allow ourselves to be misled by this dazzling antithesis. Any 
stern and scientific system, based on solid principles, detaching 
faith from knowledge, must exclude with still greater force 
any form of superstition. We generally find that idealism 
based on unproved or impossible assumptions, produces 
phenomena of the most contradictory nature. The secret and 
charming mysteries of Isis, the riotous processions in honour 
of Bacchus, accompanied by symbolic performances, turned 
the people into gloomy ascetics. The morbid cravings to fly 


reality, to seek death, or in abject self-abnegation to retire 
from this world, were the sequences of a misunderstood real- 
ism ; but history teaches us the fact, that the most sublime 
idealism of Christianity led in the first instances to the same 

Christianity, as the most abstract doctrine of an empire 
" that is not of this world," opened a new vista to sunken 
humanity. Christianity was to be the religion of truth and 
spiritual exaltation, but above all of general brotherhood, coun- 
teracting the wretched egotism into which mock-philosophers, 
false prophets, and necromancers had plunged humanity. 
Miracles, though not the chief means of propagating Chris- 
tianity, were of great use in furthering the progress of the new 
faith at an age when people craved after miracles and believed 
only in the supernatural. The magi, and priests of Isis, and 
Apollonius of Tyana, endeavoured to compete with the Chris- 
tians, as also did the philosophers who attracted the masses 
with delusions and prophecies. 

The old world had to yield to the pure and divine ethic 
principles of Christianity, because it taught a higher spiritual 
universalism, embracing poor and rich, learned and unlearned, 
in one mighty circle of mutual love. The grandeur of this 
intellectual revolution which led to the destruction of the 
ancient world and its all-important historical bearing, is often 
overlooked by narrow-minded bigots, who cannot see that 
in spite of deceit, treachery, and the incredible horrors of 
all kinds that disgraced the propagation of the Christian 
faith in utter contradiction to the principles of its founder, 
Christianity had a mighty germ of vitality in it. This germ 
was the monotheistic idea which led humanity first on the 
path of authoritative belief, and at a later period on that of 
scientific inquiry, to a higher, slow, but gradually progressive 
development. This movement was assisted by Judaism, in 
the shape of a set idealism with extremely concrete notions 
in reference to the personality of the Deity, and Moham- 
medanism with very practical notions of existence in this 
world to the honour of an "Allah," who promised infinite 


earthly blessings in a heavenly abode. Under this three-fold 
monotheism the heathen gods and incarnations of the powers 
of nature passed away, and left to the thinkers of all future 
ages the possibility of differing or agreeing on special points, 
and trying to find out the laws of nature under the sway of 
their relative conceptions of a Deity, who, in spite of the 
difference of their creeds, remained one. The Jews believed 
in a creation out of nothing, but this nothing could be turned 
into innumerable somethings. The nothing did not exactly 
mean nothing at all, but only nothing so far as forms or dis- 
tinct phenomena were concerned. Heaven and earth were 
produced at once, and so were light, day, and night. In these 
assertions there was nothing that checked philosophical in- 
quiry, for though the " nothing theory " enabled theologians 
to stop progress for a time, this only remained possible so 
long as the old Greek philosophical principles were unknown. 
The " Monotheos " of the Jews was not altogether freed from 
the most concrete conceptions ; he was not allowed to assume 
a visible form in stone, bronze, marble, or colours, but notwith- 
standing this restriction, the God of the Pharisees was not yet the 
invisible, all-pervading Spirit of the Universe, as with the Chris- 
tians, but an irate, revengeful, sometimes kind Autocrat, who 
had His dwelling-place in Jerusalem, and His only favoured 
children the Jews. This, however, was a disputed point, and 
Philo Judaeus already had loftier ideas, approaching, to a cer- 
tain extent, the conception of Christ's Deity. The statement, 
" I am thy God," he explains, is made "by a certain figurative 
misuse of language rather than with strict propriety ; for the 
living God, inasmuch as He is living, does not exist in rela- 
tion to anything ; for He himself is full of Himself, and He 
is sufficient for Himself, and He existed before the creation 
of the world, and equally after the creation of the universe ; 
for He is immovable and unchangeable, having no need of 
any other thing or being whatever, so that all things belong 
to Him, but, properly speaking, He does not belong to any- 
thing." Christianity was founded on a still broader basis ; it 
superseded all anthropomorphism, which, however, introduced 


itself in time, step by step; during the historical development 
of the Romish Church, as a dogma in different but always 
disputed forms. For Christianity in its first origin, as pure 
ethics, took root in the lower, and worked itself gradually into 
the higher instructed classes, as the best means to educate 
the heart and to bring about a perfect balance between our 
moral and intellectual natures. During the crystallisation of 
the second phase, especially when Christianity became a state 
religion with a mighty hierarchy, and the spiritual kingdom 
of God in heaven was represented as a powerful priesthood 
on earth ; when Greek casuists, Roman dialecticians, Hebrew 
exegists, Egyptian mystics, and Indian fanatics, each contri- 
buted their special component elements towards the forma- 
tion of dogmatic Christianity, the purity of Christ's principles 
of universal brotherhood and love was lost, and any higher 
intellectual life or philosophical inquiry was silenced for cen- 
turies. The Jewish God of egotism was set up and surrounded 
by innumerable angels as His courtiers ; the ancient gods and 
goddesses were revived in different shapes and forms as male 
and female saints. Religion again became symbolic in its 
ceremonies. The exclusive God of Israel was looked upon 
as the only God of the Catholics, and matter was cursed and 
accused of being the work of evil. The dualistic tendency of 
the Zend-Avesta was revived. The visible world and matter 
were assumed as the principles of sin, engendering weeping in 
man's home, anguish in his heart, inducing him to wickedness 
and leading him to perdition. Nothing could be more revolt- 
ing to men swayed by such assumptions than a philosophy 
which occupied itself with a study of the properties of matter, 
trying to reduce even the phenomena of the intellectual and 
moral world to the rational laws of causation. 

In opposition to, or rather between, Judaism and Chris- 
tianity stood the third monotheistic religion, Mohammedan- 
ism. Allah was to be Allah and only Allah, but He did not 
forbid believers to study His creation for His glorification. 
It followed, therefore, that before the Arabs and Persians had 
made themselves acquainted with Greek philosophy, they 



already spiritualised Allah to so broad an abstraction, that 
they could build up different realistic schools under the 
Abasides, in the endeavour to bring about a union between 
reason and faith. Averroes revived the principles of the peri- 
patetic school of Athens in the twelfth century, and gave a 
new impulse to the study of Aristotle in a direction differing 
from that of the scholastics of the Christian Church. He 
propounded the eternity of the universe and of matter ; taught 
that God's relation to the world was so near that God without 
a world or the world without a God was impossible, thus lead- 
ing to pantheism ; and finally treated of the essence of reason, 
which was assumed by him to be the divine universal force 
that manifested itself in single individuals. This theory com- 
bated the Christian and Mohammedan dogma of the individual 
immortality of the soul. In Averroes we have the connecting 
link between the ancient Greek philosophers and the schol- 
astics of the Middle Ages. In addition to the revival of 
philosophy we are indebted to the Arabs for the sciences of 
mathematics, astronomy, geography, botany, chemistry, and 
the art of medicine. The Arabs were the propagators of a 
firm faith in the order of the universe. In opposition to the 
Greeks they founded this order, not so much on the properties 
of concrete matter, as on the eternal, immutable wisdom of 
the one and indivisible Deity and His spiritual nature. To 
trace in plants, animals, and men analogous phenomena ; to 
find a connection between the apparently different products of 
the Creator, and to see in all of them a common source, was 
the fundamental principle of Arabian philosophy, and this 
could not remain without influence. The three monotheistic 
religions approached each other on the field of speculation 
and experience ; they began to interchange ideas, to find 
analogies where they formerly found only hostile divergencies ; 
and arts and sciences, after a long and dark night, became 
again possible. The theological idealism of Christianity, 
tempered by the realistic tendencies of the Mohammedans 
and the purified reflection of Hebrew monotheism, intermixed 
with Greek philosophy, served as a new starting-point. Man 


was thus enabled to understand the oneness not only of ideal- 
ism and realism, of science and art, of man and man, but of 
the whole universe, which he saw as one grand acting and 
reacting whole, in the sense of that masterly cosmical poem, 
the iO4th Psalm, in which light or reason is called the gar- 
ment of the Deity, who is ministered to by spirits and flaming 
fire the spirits of thinking men and the flaming fire of the 
search for truth. God "stretched out the heavens like a 
curtain ; He laid the foundations of the earth, that it should 
not be removed for ever ; He sendeth the springs of the 
waters from the mountains into the valleys ; He assigns to 
the fowls of heaven their habitation ; He plants trees full of 
sap ; He appointed the moon for seasons, and the sun to 
make day and night ; He sends man forth to do his work ; 
for the earth is full of His riches." The greatest riches, how- 
ever, are those which we gather on the field of study, in trying 
to trace in the historical past the ever-changing and ever- 
flowing springs of information, forming those immense streams 
of thoughts, theories, systems, discoveries, and inventions, 
which have all led gradually, despite their manifold modifica- 
tions, to that immense spiritual ocean of knowledge, which 
will form the subject of my next paper on the historical 
development of idealism during the Middle Ages, under the 
special influence of Aristotle, beginning with Plotinus and 
ending with the immortal Bacon, the founder of modern 



Historiographer to the Royal Historical Society ; Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Scotland ; Fellow of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen; 
Member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania ; Member of the Historical 
Society of Quebec ; and Corresponding Member of the Historical and Genealogi- 
cal Society of New England. 

CRAIL is a royal burgh situated on the eastern coast of Fife- 
shire, near the apex of that peninsula familiarly known as the 
East Neuk. Anciently written Carrail, Caryl, and Karaite, 
the name is derived from caer, a fortified place, and ail, a 
corner. A castle belonging to the Scottish kings occupied 
the rock which overhangs the present harbour, of which some 
vestiges remain. This structure was probably of ancient 
origin. Constantine, King of Scotland, while unsuccessfully 
contending with invading Norsemen, fell in battle among the 
rocks at Balcomie near Crail in 877.* He may have occupied 
the castle as a principal seat. To Sir Robert Sibbald, writing 
in 1710, it appeared as "the ruins of a strong castle." It 
was a favourite hunting-seat of David I. in the twelfth century, 
when he followed the chase in the adjoining territory of 
Kingsmuir. By a royal charter granted to the collegiate 
church of Crail, dated 24th November 1526, James V. de- 
scribes the site of the church as " an ancient borough where 
sundry princes, his predecessors, had made their residence 
ana 1 dwelling-place, and as he and his successors might do in 
time to come as reasonable causes and occasions should 
befall." These expressions would imply that the castle was 

* As to the precise locality we follow tradition. According to Mr J. Hill 
Burkon, Constanu ne was ki u ed near (Iie Firth of Forth (History of Scotland, 
187$, vol. i., p. 33^ 


inhabitable in the sixteenth century. The royal demesne of 
Crail was frequently included in the jointure lands of the 
Scottish queens.* 

So early as the ninth century Crail was a place of consider- 
able trade, merchants from the Netherlands resorting thither 
to purchase salted fish. As a commercial port, Crail received 
from King Robert the Bruce, in June 1310, a charter, in 
which privileges, granted to the burgesses and community by 
former kings, were duly confirmed. 

From, an early period Crail was connected ecclesiastically 
with the Cistercian Priory of Haddington. A Gothic chapel 
belonging to the priory formerly stood at the east end of the 
town near the sea-beach the remains may still be traced. 
To the nuns of Haddington also belonged, with its teinds, the 
vicarage of St Mary's parish church of Crail. This structure 
was reared in the reign of David II., and probably by Sir 
William Dischington of Ardross, an ingenious architect/f* In 
1517 it was, on the petition and endowment of Sir William 
Myreton, with the consent of Janet, prioress of Haddington, 
erected into a collegiate church, with a provost, sacristan, ten 
prebendaries, and a chorister. Besides the high altar, which 
was richly endowed, there were in the church altarages dedi- 
cated to the Virgin Mary, St Catherine, St Michael, St James, 
St John the Baptist, St Stephen, St John the Evangelist, and 
St Nicholas. 

During his visit to Fife, in June 1559, John Knox com- 
menced his " public crusade against Rome by preaching 
at Crail.J His vehement denunciation was attended by 
popular demonstrations^ and the collegiate church was 
probably deprived of its ornaments ; it was otherwise spared. 
Since the Reformation it has been used as the parish church. 

Seventy-three feet long by forty-eight feet in breadth, the 
church consists of a central nave with aisles, divided by two 

* Sibbald's History of Fife. Cupar-Fife, 1803, 8vo, p. 345. 
f Seeflostea. 

Knox's History of the Reformation, edit. 1846, vol. i., p. 347. 
M'Crie's Life of John Knox, 4th edit., vol. i., p. 270. 


rows of five pillars on each side, terminating at the east end 
in an apsis which had formed the choir. The pillars are 
Norman, but support Gothic arches. Over the site of the 
high altar are two large handsome windows, one in the 
eastern, the other in the southern wall of the church. The 
vestry, a strong, arched room, is situated behind the altar. 
It contained the vestments and ecclesiastical ornaments. On 


the south wall of the church abutted the Lady Aisle, reared 
by Sir William Myreton ; it is now a ruin. 

On the overthrow of the Romish Church in 1560, John 
Melville, son of Richard Melville of Baldovie, and elder 
brother of the celebrated Andrew Melville, being appointed 
minister of Crail, proceeded to officiate in the collegiate 
church. His appointment was obnoxious to certain persons, 
as appears from his complaint on the 8th October 1561, that 
these threatened to " tak hym owt of the pulpot be the luggis, 
and chais hym owt of the town." He overcame his opponents, 
who were obliged penitentially to acknowledge their offence ; 
but in the following January a decreet was passed against 
him for conniving at a marriage to which there was an objec- 
tion. His name, as minister of Crail, disappears in December 
1565. His successor, Mr Thomas Kynneir, bound himself at 


his admission to teach the school. He was presented to the 
provostry by James VI., on the i8th December 1575 ; but 
after two years was, on account of immoral conduct, deprived 
of office by the magistrates, and deposed by the General 
Assembly.* For stipend, as pastor and schoolmaster, he re- 
ceived 8, 6s. 8d.;f the other emoluments of the collegiate 
church having been conferred on Mr Robert Richardson, 
treasurer of the kingdom, who in 1561 was appointed com- 
mendator of St Mary's Aisle at Crail.J 

By a charter, dated at Edinburgh the 2Oth February 1586, 
James VI. granted to the bailies, council, and community of 
Crail a gift of the prebendaries, chaplainries, altarages, and 
colleges of Crail, with the endowments thereof. On the 
ist April of the same year "David Maxwell, master of the 
grammar school at Crail, and prebend of the Holy Cross 
service formed within the collegiate church of Crail," sum- 
moned David Moncrieff and others for certain duties payable 
to the prebendary of the Holy Cross.|| By an Act of the 
Estates passed in 1594, the collegiate church of Crail was 
formally disjoined from " the abbey and monastery of Had- 
dington," a third of the fruits being assigned to the minister 
serving the cure, and the other two-thirds as bursaries to 
theological students at the new college of St Andrews, and 
for the support of students of philosophy at the college of 
Edinburgh. Of the parochial cure and the bursaries Lord 
Lindsay was constituted patron.lf 

The " Register of the Collegiate Church of Crail," a quarto 
volume written on parchment, and consisting of 118 folios, is 
preserved in the Advocates Library, Edinburgh.** The 
writing is large and distinct, and many initial and other 
letters are illuminated. A few entries are in the vernacular, 
but the documents are chiefly in Latin, and consist of charters 

* Fasti Eccles. Scot., vol. ii., pp. 415, 416. f /, P- 415. 

J Crawfurd's Officers of State, 1726, fol., p. 383; Scot's Staggering State, edit. 
1872, pp. 53, 127; Historical Commission's Report, part iv., p. 501. 
Burgh Archives of Crail. || Id. IT Acta Parl. Scot., iv. 74. 

** Advocates Library, Edinburgh. Press mark, 34, 4, 6. 


relating to the church, its constitution, and endowment, 
together with inventories of its furniture and ecclesiastical 
ornaments. Subsequent to the dissolution of the church, the 
register, together with the original instruments, of which it pre- 
serves the record, passed into the keeping of the town council 
of Crail. When Sir Robert Douglas was preparing his "Peer- 
age," which appeared in 1764, he received from various public 
and private sources a vast collection of charters and registers of 
charters bearing on the subject of his work. From the burgh 
corporation of Crail he obtained a loan of the register of the 
collegiate church, the originals being retained in the burgh 
charter chest. Sir Robert was not prompt in returning any 
documents entrusted to him ; and on his death his executors 
placed those found in his possession under care of the Com- 
missary Court at Edinburgh. By public advertisement the 
Commissary of Edinburgh invited the owners of the docu- 
ments to make formal application for them. Among the 
applicants was the municipal corporation of Crail ; but on 
the entreaty of Mr Alexander Brown, keeper of the Advo- 
cates Library, that body allowed the volume to be deposited 
in the library, on condition that a transcript should be sup- 
plied to them. This condition was fulfilled, and the transcript, 
contained in a folio volume of 416 pages, bound in Russian 
leather, is now in keeping of the town-clerk of Crail. When 
Lieutenant, afterwards Lieutenant-General, Henry Hutton 
commenced his inquiries into the condition and history of 
Scottish religious houses, he made a strict investigation re- 
specting the collegiate church of Crail. His correspondence 
in connection with it is preserved in the sixth volume of his 
" MS. Collections " in the Advocates Library ; and to that 
correspondence we are indebted for many particulars relating 
to its history. Among Lieutenant Hutton's correspondents 
was Mr John Coldstream, Substitute-Clerk of the Commissary 
CQurt at Edinburgh, who, being son of the burgh school- 
master of Crail, had been the medium of communication 
between the corporation and the keeper of the Advocates 
Library. In Mr Coldstream's letters, dated 5th January 1788 


and 1 5th January 1790, it appears that the register found a 
place in the Advocates Library in 1788. 

As the preserver of interesting details connected with the 
collegiate church, Lieutenant-General Hutton claims more 
than a passing notice. Only surviving son of Dr Charles 
Hutton, the eminent mathematician, he was born at New- 
castle-on-Tyne in 1761. On the 2ist February 1777, he 
obtained a commission as second lieutenant in the royal 
artillery; he became first lieutenant 7th July 1779, and captain 
2 ist May 1790. Devoted to archaeological pursuits, he was, 
in May 1785, elected a corresponding member of the Society 
of Antiquaries of Scotland ; and to this society he presented, 
in February 1789, sketches of certain architectural devices 
from the abbey church of Melrose. He afterwards presented 
to the society the copy of a portrait of William the Lion, 
accompanied by an historical narrative.* After a period of 
service in the West Indies and at Gibraltar, he in 1794 was 
engaged with the forces under General Sir Charles Grey 
at the capture of the islands of Martinique, Guadaloupe, 
and St Lucie. Subsequently he commanded the artillery at 
Grenada. A large part of Guadaloupe having been recovered 
by the enemy, he returned to that island, and being appointed 
to command a detachment of artillery at Berville, he sus- 
tained, in an unexpected attack of his opponents, the loss of 
his right eye, and was taken prisoner. Afterwards returning 
to Britain, he was, in 1802, promoted to the rank of major. 
He renewed the researches he had formerly prosecuted into 
the history and condition of Scottish religious houses. In 
1803 he became lieutenant-colonel, and obtained a command 
in Ireland. He now corresponded with the clergy and other 
educated and intelligent persons in various parts of Scotland ; 
and was successful in accumulating a collection of valuable 
materials. But he lacked the constructive faculty, and so 
was content to collect facts without arranging them. In 
1811 he was advanced to the rank of major-general; he 
became lieutenant-general I9th July 1821. He died at Moate, 

* Archaeologia Scotica, vol. iii., p. 99. 


near Athlone, in Ireland, on the 28th June 1827.* His MS. 
collections were sold after his decease. Two volumes one 
consisting of letters and notes on the history of Scottish 
religious houses ; the other, an annotated copy of Keith's 
"Scottish Bishops" were secured for the British Museum, 
and are deposited among the Additional MSS. in that institu- 
tion. But the more important portion of his collections, in 
twelve quarto volumes, were, through the enterprise of Dr 
David Laing of Edinburgh, purchased for the Advocates 

St Mary's church, we have seen, was erected into a collegiate 
institution on the endowment of Sir William Myreton. The 
Myreton family are said to have derived their name from an 
ancestor in the fourteenth century, who held office as mair of 
the barony of Crail, and whose own lands were designated 
Mairtoun. But it is more probable that the family were 
named from the character or condition of their lands Myre- 
toun being a corrupt form of Muir-town. In 1361 is named 
William de Myrton, dominus ejusdem; and in 1364, Malcolm 
de Myrton, de ejusdem. The family afterwards acquired the 
lands of Cambo, in the same vicinity.-f* 

On the 4th March 1402, William de Myrton of Cambo 
received from Simon Otyr, burgess of Crail, a charter of two 
tenements in that burgh. An instrument, dated 28th June 
1457, an d subscribed by "Alexander de Myrton," burgess 
of Cupar, described as " late dean of the cathedral church of 
Glasgow," and by "John de Myrton of Randalston, his brother- 
german," affirms that Thomas Myrton of Randalston had 
bequeathed to the chaplains of St Katherine's altar, in the 
church of Crail, an annual rent of twelve merks. In a legal 
instrument for settling a boundary, dated January 1485 and 
April 1486, is named Mr Andrew Myrtoun, chamberlain of 
William, Archbishop of St Andrews. \ 

* In the Gentleman's Magazine for December 1827, is contained a brief 
memoir of the general ; and there is an account of his father in the number for 
March 1823, pp. 228-232. 

t Wood's East Neuk of Fife, p. 38. % Burgh Archives of Crail. 


Sir William Myrton,* who in the register (No. i) is 
described as cousin of David Myrton of Cambo, is, on the 3d 
March 1490, styled in the burgh records, "chaplain of St 
Michael the Archangel in the church of Crail." He then 
received, "in name of the archangel," seisin of a portion of 
land at Crail. An instrument is registered in the burgh 
records, whereby, on the 2/th April 1495, Sir William 
Myrton, "canon and patron of the altar of St Michael," resigned 
his rights and privileges in favour of Sir John Ottyr, chaplain 
of the said altar. But he is again designated " chaplain of St 
Katherine's altar" in a charter, dated 22d March 1498, wherein 
John Myrton of Randalston conveyed to him six acres of land 
and a tenement in the Pottergate of Crail.-|- 

By a presentation from Pope Julius II., dated /th February 
1509, Sir William Myrton was constituted vicar of Lathrisk, 
now Kingskettle, a central parish in Fife, and within the 
diocese of St Andrews. Whether he personally discharged 
the duties of his office is uncertain ; but we find him, on the 
9th October 1514, conveying by a public instrument to the 
magistrates and town council of Crail, the patronage of St 
Michael's altar, which he is declared to have founded.^ To 
various endowments connected with the chaplainry of St 
Michael's altar, the charters in the register Nos. 1-12 
specially refer. 

In connection with St Mary's church, Sir William Myrton 
proceeded to endow other chaplainries. In a charter, pre- 
served in the burgh archives, dated I5th October 1515, five 
chaplainries are named as endowed by him, viz., those of the 
Virgin Mary, St Michael the Archangel, St James the Apostle, 
St Bartholomew, and St Nicholas. 

In a bull of Pope Leo X., dated " 5th of the nones of May 
1514," the Abbot of Cambuskenneth is authorised to pay to 
Sir William Myrton, " clerk of the diocese," twenty merks and 
fifteen golden ducats annually, from the rents and duties of 

* Ecclesiastics who did not hold the degree of Master of Arts were styled 
Schir or Sir. 

t Burgh Archives of Crail. J Ib. 


the vicarage of Crail. By another papal bull of the same 
date, Sir William Myrton and the abbess of St Clare's monas- 
tery at Haddington, patron of the church at Crail, are em- 
powered to admit Alexander Dunbar to the vicarage thereof.* 
These acts were initiatory to the carrying out of ampler 
arrangements and more enlarged endowments. 

On the 3d March 1516, Alexander Dunbar, vicar of St 
Mary's church, signified his consent to exchange his office of 
vicar for that of provost " of the college founded in the church 
at Crail."f Proceedings in connection with that foundation 
then begun were completed in June 1517, when Andrew 
(Forman), Archbishop of St Andrews and Primate of Scot- 
land, legatus natus and legatus a latere, granted apostolic and 
archiepiscopal sanction to the erection. The charters proceed 
at the instance and with the consent of Janet, prioress of the 
nunnery at Haddington, and patroness of St Mary's church; 
Alexander Dunbar, the vicar ; and Sir William Myrton, " vicar 
of Lathresk." They provide that the vicarage should be sup- 
pressed, and substituted by the college kirk of Crail. The 
college, it was further provided, should consist of a provost, 
ten prebendaries (seven of which should be in place of chap- 
lainries previously founded by Sir William Myrton), and a 
clerk. The duties and endowments of the provost, prebends, 
and clerk, are in the charters duly set forth, and the right of 
presentation fixed. The three several instruments of founda- 
tion are those forming Nos. 101-103 of the register. There- 
after follows a royal charter of confirmation and mortification 
sanctioned by Parliament, and dated the 24th November 1526. 
This document, which, with the other charters founding the 
college church, is preserved in the burgh archives of Crail, has 
the seal attached, along with the seals and signatures of 
Archbishop Gavin Dunbar of Glasgow; Bishop George 
Crichton of Dunkeld ; Bishop Gavin Dunbar of Aberdeen ; 
James, Earl of Moray ; James, Earl of Douglas ; the Earl of 
Arran, and other officers of state. A further charter of con- 

* Burgh Archives of Crail. 
t Register, No. 102. 


formation, by the Archbishop of St Andrews, No. 121, was 
issued on the 2Qth June 1530. 

By a charter in the burgh archives, dated the Qth November 
1525, Sir William Myrton established in connection with the 
collegiate church a grammar school and a school of music. 
In an instrument of seisin in favour of Sir David Bowman,* 
prebend of the collegiate church, dated /th June 1539, it 
appears that Sir William Myrton was at that time deceased ; 
the precise date of his death is unknown. Members of the 
family of Myrton continued to hold office as ecclesiastics, 
several being connected with the collegiate church. Sir 
Thomas Myrton, Archdean of Aberdeen, is named in a charter 
by Sir William Myrton, dated at Crail the 2Oth April 1526. 
Mr Patrick Myrton, Archdean of Aberdeen, and the provost 
and prebends of the collegiate church at Crail, were parties to 
a contract, dated 26th August 1546. In a legal instrument, 
dated Edinburgh, nth February 1569, Patrick Myrton is 
described as " treasurer of Aberdeen," and " provost of the 
collegiate church of Crail." By a deed of presentation under 
the privy seal, dated Dalkeith, 6th April 1576, Mr William 
Myrton is appointed to the provostry of Crail, then vacant 
through the non-compearance of Mr Patrick Myrton, last 
provost thereof.-f- 

The subsequent history of the families of Myrton, after- 
wards Morton, may be briefly referred to. Arthur Mortoun 
was, on the 6th August 1622, served heir of Grizel Mortoun, 
his mother, in the lands of Randalstoun and Ladylands, in 

* On the 5th October 1542, Sir David Bowman, described as prebendary of the 
altar of St James the Apostle in the college church, grants a charter, establishing 
or rather extending the endowment of the grammar school at Crail, "in favour of 
his kinsman, Mr John Bowman, priest, and his successors, priests and preceptors 
of the grammar school, of Crail, at the altar of St John the Baptist in the said 
college church, to offer prayers for the prosperity and safety of James V. and Mary, 
his queen; of Cardinal Beaton, Archbishop of St Andrews; and for his own 
soul, and those of his father, mother, and brothers deceased." The endowment 
consisted of six and a half acres of land, with various other crofts and tenements 
(Dr John Lee's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland. Edin. 1860, 
vol. L, pp. 49, 334-340). 

+ Burgh Archives of Crail. 


the parish of Crail.* Thomas Mortoun was, on the 3Oth 
September 1623, served heir of William Mortoun, his father, 
in the lands and barony of Cambo ; also, on the igth Decem- 
ber 1628, in the lands of Easter Balrymouth, near St Andrews, 
also in succession to his father.f In the barony of Cambo, 
Thomas Mortoun was, on the i8th February 1646, succeeded 
by his son Patrick, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
John Preston of Airdrie, by whom he had a son, Robert, and 
two daughters. According to a respectable authority,! Sir 
Patrick, on account of his wife's extravagance and his own, 
was obliged to part with his inheritance, which he sold in 
1668 to Sir Charles Erskine, Lord Lyon, brother of the Earl 
of Kelly. It would appear, however, that Robert Mortoun, 
only son of Sir Patrick, was, on the 3d May 1698, served heir 
in a portion of the barony. Arthur Mertoun or Morton, a 
scion of the families of Randalston or Cambo, was admitted 
minister of Crail in 1640 ; he died in 1645, about the age of 
forty-four. A work from his pen was published posthumously, 
entitled "The Touchstone of Conversion." || 

Among those named in the register as parties to or wit- 
nesses of contracts, or as members of the collegiate church, 
are many persons who are still represented in eastern Fife- 
shire. In this respect the register may prove serviceable in 
matters of family history. Owing to eminent members which 
they produced, three families in the register claim special 
notice those of Dishington, Carstares, and Chalmers. " Sir 
William Dischynton, chaplain," is named in instrument No. 
69; and in Nos. 75-82 are charters relating to George Dischyn- 
ton, fiar of Ardross; his son and heir William is named in 
No. 82. 

From King Robert the Bruce William de Dischington 
received the lands of Balglassie, Aberlemno, and others in 

* Inquisitiones Speciales, Fife, 326. t Ib. 

The East Neuk of Fife. By the Rev. Walter Wood. Edin. 1862. Pp. 
180, 275. 

Inquisitiones Speciales, Fife, 1402. 
|| Fasti Eccles. Scot., ii., p. 417. 


the county of Forfar.* Prior to the year 1330 he married 
Elizabeth, the king's younger sister.-f* Of his two sons, John, 
the younger, obtained the lands of Longhermiston. William, 
the elder, was by David II., his cousin, knighted and appointed 
steward of the palace. In 1368 he received a royal charter of 
a third part of the barony of Ardross, on the south coast of 
Fife, in succession to his relative, John Burnard. He also 
obtained in the same year a charter of the lands of Kynbrach- 
mont. A skilful architect, he constructed the castle of 
Ardross, on a cliff overlooking the sea-shore near Elie, of 
which the ruins remain. He also reared the parish church of 
St Monan's, in the same district, and was in consequence 
styled Magister Fabricce Sancti Monani.% The church of 
St Monan's was erected at the cost of David II., to denote 
his gratitude to God for being preserved in a storm which 
overtook him and his queen, Margaret de Logic, when crossing 
the firth to visit William de Dischington, at Ardross. Not 
improbably, the king employed his relative in constructing 
the other ecclesiastical edifices reared during his reign. He 
was probably the architect of St Mary's church at Crail. 
His descendant, Sir William Dishington, Lord of Ardross, 
obtained, on the 3oth July 1409, a charter of the lands of 
Ardery and Tollery, in Crail parish. His descendants are 
frequently named in the register ; also in the burgh records. 
A fragment of an old ballad of unknown date and authorship 
has these lines: 

" Were you e'er in Crail toun? 
Saw you there clerk Dishingtoun? 

To see the wonders o' the deep 
Wad gar a man baith wail and weep ; 
To see the leviathan skip, 
And wi' his tail ding owre a ship ! " 

The "clerk" thus satirised for his alleged "romancing" was 
probably that clerk in orders, Sir William Dishington, named 

* Robertson's Index, pp. 18, 34. f Wood's East Neuk of Fife, pp. 33, 254. 

Chamberlain's Rolls, i. 496, 524. 

Fourth Report of Royal Historical Commission, part i., 495. 


in the register, No. 69. His history is otherwise unknown. 
Thomas, George, and Andrew Dishington were delated for 
being concerned in the murder of Rizzio.* Thomas Dishing- 
ton of Ardross married in 1598 Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
William Scott of Elie; he sold to his father-in-law in 1611 
half the barony of Ardross for 84,140 merks, or about ^4450 
sterling.-f- George Dischington was admitted to the pastoral 
charge of Cults, Fifeshire, in 1656. He died in 1673, be- 
queathing his estate of Lochmalony, which he had acquired 
by purchase, to his son George. j The family of Dishington 
in the male line henceforth disappears from Fifeshire. 

An Act of the Estates, passed in December 1597, provided 
that all landowners in the Highlands and islands should be 
compelled to produce their title-deeds. This enactment was 
resisted by two branches of the Macleods, and accordingly 
the island of Lewis, which they claimed as their property, was 
granted to a number of Fifeshire gentlemen for the purpose 
of colonisation. These gentlemen, under the leadership of 
Learmonth of Balcomie, proceeded to Lewis with a force of 
six hundred men, and there landed in October 1599. But 
their attempt to effect a settlement was stoutly opposed by 
the Macleods, and the greater number of them were slain. 
Those who escaped set sail for Orkney, and among them was 
John Dishington, a younger son of the laird of Ardross. 
Acknowledged as a relative by the Earl of Orkney, his lord- 
ship's father being an illegitimate son of James V., John 
Dishington was by him appointed sheriff and commissary of 
Orkney and Shetland. In his "Notes on Orkney and /Zet- 
land," Peterkin mentions him as conducting processes of 
perambulation of the earldom, bishopric, and other lands, in 
1602 and i6o4. Several descendants of John Dishington 
were officers in the Royal Navy and ministers of the Church. 
Among the latter was the Rev. Andrew Dishington, succes- 

* Wood's East Neuk of Fife, p. 255. t Ib. 

t Fasti Eccles. Scot., ii. 484. 

Notes on Orkney and Zetland, by Alexander Peterkin. Eclin. 1822. Vol. 
i., 8vo, pp. 122, 123 ; Appendix No. II., p. 29. 


sively minister of Mid and South Yell, and of Stronsay and 
Eday. To the patron of the parish he was recommended by 
the Princess Amelia and Sir Hew Dalrymple of North Ber- 
wick, both of whom had been impressed by his eloquence. 
Sir Hew Dalrymple's letter on his behalf, a curious medley, 
was published in the Bee, and has been often reprinted. After 
indulging in a panegyric on his pulpit talents, Sir Hew 
describes him as having " but one weakness, that of preferring 
the Orkneys to all the earth." The Rev. Andrew Dishington 
was ordained in 1768, and died on the 2$d November 1819, 
aged seventy-five.* He left three sons and six daughters ; but 
the house of Dishington is in the male line now represented 
by his nephew, Mr Thomas Dishington, of Laverock Bank 
Terrace, Trinity, near Edinburgh. 

In charters Nos. 42 and 43, dated 1518 and 1521, Henry 
Carstares and his father, William Carstares, citizen of St 
Andrews, are named. The latter, in October 1483, ob- 
tained from John Lok, canon of Brechin, a charter of a 
tenement in South Street, St Andrews, which in 1503 he 
assigned to his daughter Beatrix. He also held lands at 
Crail. His descendant, the Rev. William Carstares, latterly 
Principal of the University of Edinburgh, was the friend and 
counsellor of William Ill.-f- 

In the register (No. 109) is named, in an instrument dated 
7th December 1555, a member of a Fifeshire family which pro- 
duced the celebrated Dr Thomas Chalmers. In his signature 
he styles himself " Master John Chalmer, vicar-pensionary." 
The family of Chalmer or Chalmers (de Camera) migrated 
into Fife from Aberdeenshire. 

The inventory of ornaments and vestments included in the 
register is not without a special interest as exhibiting the 
paraphernalia used in Scottish churches at a period imme- 
diately prior to the Reformation. 

* Fasti Eccles. Scot., iii., pp. 409, 433. 

t Conolly's Fifiana, 1869, 8vo, p. 121 ; Story's Life of Principal Carstares, 1874, 
8vo, p. 3; Wood's East Neuk of Fife, pp. 135, 297. 



1. Charter of sale and alienation, by David Myrtone of Cambo, to 
his cousin, Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an annual 
rent of ten merks furth of the granter's lands of Cambo and Belseis, 
lying in the constabulary of Carail and sheriffdom of Fyff, to be 
uplifted at Whitsunday and Martinmas by equal portions, for 200 
merks Scots money, paid to him by the said Sir William, to be held 
by him and his assignees, chaplain or chaplains of the chaplainry or 
chaplainries, at the altar of St Michael the Archangel, in the parish 
church of Carail, newly founded, or to be founded by the said Sir 
William, put in by him, or afterwards to be put in by the patrons, in 
fee and heritage. Reddendo one penny Scots if asked, in name of 
blench farm only. Dated at the granter's manor of Cambo, 6th 
October 1511. Witnesses Robert Cunynghame of Westbarnys, 
Alexander Myrtone, younger lord of Cambo ; Robert Caluart, James 
Carnow, Robert Gerwes, John Drag, Robert Parke, John Hog, John 
Bell, and John Myrtone. 

2. Instrument of seisin to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, 
of the above annual rent of ten merks Scots, out of the lands of 
Cambo and Belseis, whereupon the said Sir William, moved by 
devotion, and for the increase of divine worship and service at the 
chaplainries, founded by him at the altar of St Michael the Archangel, 
in the parish church of Carail, resigned the said annual rent in the 
hands of David Myrtone of Cambo as superior, reserving to the said 
Sir William the franktenement* thereof, while he lived, at his will and 
pleasure; after which resignation, seizin of the same was given to 
Sir Symon Hendersone and Andrew Martyne, chaplains of the chap- 
lainries, founded by the said William, as aforesaid, to be uplifted by 
them, and divided equally between them, as assignees of the said 
Sir William Myrtone. The seisin is given by David Myrtone of 
Cambo and Belseis, propriis manibus, by delivery of one penny. 
Done on the grounds of the said lands, 6th October 1511. The 

* Freehold. 


witnesses are the same as in the preceding charter. Notary Robert 
Lawson, master of arts, jurist of the diocese of St Andrews. 

3. Obligation by David Myrtone of Cambo, whereby he binds him- 
self, his heirs, executors, and assignees, to his " lovit and tendir 
kynisman, Schir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and his assig- 
nais, and chaplanis, be hyme foundit, or to be foundit, at the altar of 
St Michell, wythin the paroche kyrk of Caraill," to warrand and keep 
to him and them the said annual rent of ten merks yerely, of the 
lands of Cambo and Belseis, free and "immvne" from ward, terce, 
relief, forfalt, tax, or recognition that might come upon the said 
lands, binding himself and his heirs to pay the same in any case, 
with damages, increase, etc., and subjecting himself to the official 
ordinary of St Andrews to put the obligation to execution, binding 
further all his lands and goods, in security for payment of the said 
annual rent Dated at Cambo, 6th October 1511. Witnesses as 
in the charter. John Drag's name is spelt Darg, and the younger 
laird of Cambo is called " Alexander Myrten, zong lard of Cambo." 

4. Charter of sale, by David Myrtone of Cambo, to his well beloved 
kinsman, Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an annual rent 
of two merks, out of his lands of Cambo and Belseis, lying in the 
constabulary of Carail, and sheriffdom of Fife, for a sum of money 
paid by the said William to the granter, to be held by the said 
William and his assignees, chaplain or chaplains of the chaplainry or 
chaplainries at the altar of St Michael the Archangel, in the parish 
church of Carail, of new founded, or to be founded by the said 
William, to be appointed by him or the patrons of the chaplainry, in 
fee and heritage, with power to them to uplift the same, and to poind 
and distrain when needful, paying one penny Scots if asked only. 
The granter's seal is affixed at Carail, i4th October 1512. Witnesses 
John Rychartsone, John Bell, Alexander Rychartsone, Robert 
Ramsay, John Hog, Sir Patrick Mawchlyne, and Sir Andrew Martyn, 

5. Instrument of seizin by David Myrton of Cambo and Belseis, 
propriis manibus, in favour of the said Sir William Myrtone, of the 
said annual rent of two merks, which the latter, moved with godly 
devotion, resigned again in the hands of the said David as superior, 


by delivery of a penny, reserving the franktenement to the said Sir 
William, who afterwards invested Sir Symon Henderson, chaplain of 
the chaplainries founded by the said Sir William at the altar of St 
Michael foresaid, in the church of Carail, in the foresaid annual rent, 
according to the charter foresaid, and mortification afterwards to be 
made and expede by the said Sir William. Done on the ground of 
the lands of Cambo and Belseis, i5th October 1512. Witnesses 
Alexander Myrtone, James Carnow, John Bell, Alexander Garyndar, 
and Robert Ramsay. 

6. Obligation by David Myrtone of Cambo "to his lovit and 
tendir kynnisman, Schir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and 
his assignais and chaplanis, foundit be him or to be foundit at the 
altar of Sanct Michael, within the paryche kyrk of Caraill," to war- 
rand to him and them the said annual rent of two merks out of the 
lands of Cambo and Belseis, and to make the payment good from 
any lands belonging to him, as in the previous obligation, and sub- 
jecting himself to the judgment of the official principal of St Andrews. 
Dated at Carail, i6th October 1512. Witnesses Jhone Rycher- 
son, Jhone Bell, Alexander Rycherson, Robert Ramsay, Jhone Hog, 
Schir Patrick Mawchtlyne, and Sir Andro Martyne, chaplains. 

7. Charter of alienation by Robert Ramsay, laird of Balmunth, to 
Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an annual rent of ten 
merks Scots from his lands of Balmunth, lying in the constabulary of 
Carail and sheriffdom of Fyff, for 200 merks, paid to the granter by 
the said Sir William, to be held by the said Sir William and his 
assignees, chaplains or chaplain of the chaplainry of St Michael 
the Archangel, in the parish kirk of Carail, in fee and heritage, for the 
yearly payment of one penny Scots, at the head messuage, in name 
of blench farm, if asked only. Dated at Balmunth, loth August 
1513. Witnesses Sir James Halden, chaplain; William Anstruder, 
Andrew Andersone, Robert Andersone, William Jonsone, John 
Jonsone, Alexander Clark, and George Wallace. 

8. Instrument of seizin by Robert Ramsay, laird of Balmunth, to 
Sir William Myrtone, of the foresaid ten merks, out of the lands of 
Balmunth, who forthwith resigns the annual rent again in Bal- 
munth's hands, by delivery of a penny, reserving to himself the frank- 


tenement, whereupon sasine was given by the said Robert Ramsay to 
Sir Symon Henryson and Andrew Martyne, chaplains of the chap- 
lainries founded by the said Sir William at the altar of St Michael, to 
be uplifted and divided equally betwixt them yearly, as assignees of 
the said Sir William. Present William Cornell, Alexander Clerk, 
Andrew Anderson, Robert Anderson, William Jhonsone, John Jhon- 
sone, and George Wallace. James Halden, presbyter of St Andrews 
diocese, notary public. 

9. Letters of obligation by Robert Ramsay, laird of Balmunth, 
binding himself, his heirs, etc., to Sir William Myrtone, "vicar of the 
parych kyrk of Lawthresk, and his assignais and chaplains," founded 
or to be founded at the altar of St Michael, as before, to warrand to 
him and them the said annual rent of ten merks out of the lands of 
Balmunth, and also obliging him and his foresaids, " efter that owthir 
perturbing, vexing, or inquieting, or stop quhatsumevir be maid," 
where through the said annual rent might not be peaceably enjoyed 
by the said Sir William, etc., to pay to him and his assignees, chap- 
lains, the sum of 400 merks, within forty days after it was " notourly 
knawyn,"* and the damage and skaithf sustained thereby. Referring 
himself to the jurisdiction ordinar of the official principal of St 
Andrews to put the obligation to execution, and obliging all his 
lands and goods for the said sum. Dated at Balmunth, nth August 
1513. Witnesses Schir James Haldane, chaplain and notar; 
William Anstruder, Andro Andersone, Robert Andersone, William 
Johnsone, Jhone Johnsone, Alexander Clarke, and George Wallace. 

10. Charter of sale and alienation by Alexander Borthwyke, lord 
of fee of the lands of Balhulfie and Gordonishall, with consent of 
John Borthwyke, his grandfather, lord of the franktenement of the 
same, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthryske, of an annual 
rent of twenty merks Scots, furth of his lands of Balhulffie, Gordonis- 
hall, and Petmerth, lying in the sheriffdom of Fyfif, for 400 merks 
paid to him, to be held by him and his assignees, chaplain or 
chaplains of the chaplainry at the altar of St Michael, etc., in fee and 
heritage for ever, paying therefor one penny Scots yearly in name 
of blench farm, if asked only. Sealed with his seal and that of the 
said John Borthwyke, his grandfather, in token of his assent. Dated 

* Generally known. t Injury. 


at Balhulffie, i4th October 1512. Witnesses Master Dauid Spens, 
rector of Flyske; Robert Cunyngam of West Bernys; William Couttis, 
John Rychersone, Alexander Rychersone, and others. (Signed) 
Alexander Borthuik, manu propria tangendo pennam ; Johan 
Borthuik, manu propria tangendo pennam. 

11. Instrument of seizin, given by the said Alexander Borthweke, 
of the foresaid annual rent of twenty merks yearly furth of his lands 
of Balhuffie, Gordonishall, and Petmerth, to the said Sir William 
Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, by the delivery of a penny. Done at 
the chief messuage of the lands of Balhuffie, i4th October 1512. 
Present honourable and discreet men, Mr Dauid Spens, rector of 
Fliske ; Dauid Myrtone of Cambo, Robert Cwnyngame of West 
Bernis, John Mailvile of Granttone, Schir Patrick Mauchling, 
chaplain ; William Couttis, William Wod, Alexander Richartsone, 
and Schir David Cristison (Cristini), chaplain, notary public. 
(Signed) Dauid Gregor, clerk of diocese of St Andrews, notary 

12. Obligation by Alexander Borthuyke, "lard of fee of the landis 
of Balhulfie and Gordonishall," with consent of his " grantschir,* Jhon 
of Borthwyke, lard of the franktenement of the samyn landis, to 
Schir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthryske," etc., to warrant the 
said annual rent of twenty merks from all ward, terce,t etc., that 
might affect the said lands. "And noucht gainstanding ony writ, 
promys, or obligatione, maid be me, the said Alexander, tyll my 
said grandschir and my fader, Jhone of Borthwyke, anent the infeft- 
ing of my fader for lyferent in the saidis landis of Balhuffie and 
Gordonishall, and anent ane racionablye terce grantyt to my 
grantschir gyf it happynis hyme till mare." Dated at Balhuffie, 
i6th October 1512. Witnesses as above, with Jhone Rychersone, 
Alexander Clarke, Andrew Andersone, Robert Andersone, and Schir 
Androw Martyne, notar public. (Signed) Alexander Borthuik, manu 
propria tuychand the pen; Johannes Borthuik, manu propria twichand 
the pen. 

13. Notarial instrument, certifying that on the i3th May 1519, an 
honourable man, Alexander Borthwyke of Gordonishall, and Sir 

* Grandfather. t Widow's liferent. 


William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, speaking together mutually, 
entered into a contract, viz., That whereas the said Alexander had 
sold to Sir William Myrtone and his assignees, prebendars of the 
collegiate church of Carail, twenty merks of annual rent furth of his 
lands of Gordonishall, Balhuffie, and Petmerth; and the said Sir 
William, with consent of the prebendars of the said college, gave the 
said Alexander a letter of reversion anent redemption of the said 
annual rent, on payment of 400 merks Scots ; the foresaid Alexander 
Borthuyke and Sir William Myrtone agreed that Sir William should 
pay the said Alexander 100 merks Scots, and the said Alexander 
should renounce the said letter of reversion, which was accordingly 
done ; quitclaiming the said Sir William and prebendaries of the 
college of Carail of receiving the said sum of 400 merks and resigna- 
tion of the annual rent ; and the said Alexander bound himself to 
observe the agreement by oath. Done at Carail. Present Master 
Thomas Cunynghame, tutor of West Bernis ; Master William Scot of 
Balwery, Knight ; and Master James Wischart. (Signed) Andrew 
Martyne, presbyter of St Andrews diocese, notary public. 

14. Charter of sale by Master Thomas Meldrum, lord of Newhall, 
to a venerable and circumspect man, Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthreske, of an annual rent of ten pounds Scots, from the lands of 
Newhall, in the shire of Fyff and barony of Glennesk, for the sum of 
200 pounds good gold and legal money of Scotland, paid to him by 
the said vicar ; to be held by the said Sir William and his assignees, 
chaplains and prebendaries, doing divine service in the collegiate 
church of Caraile, of the granter and his heirs, in fee and heritage ; 
paying one penny at Whitsunday at the chief messuage of the lands 
of Newhall in name of blench. Dated at Newhall, i6th March 1518. 
Witnesses Dauid Myrtone of Cambo, William Myrtone, his son and 
heir; Alexander Monypenny, John Bell, John Rychartsone, James 
Corstorphine, and Sir William Dewar, chaplains. 

15. Instrument of seizin of the above annual rent, given by 
Thomas Meldrum,/w/r/Vj manibus, by delivery of a penny into the 
vicar's right hand. Done on the grounds of the lands of Newhall, 
1 6th March 1518. Same witnesses. Andrew Martyne, notary. 

1 6. Obligation by Thomas Meldrum, "lard of Newhall," warrant 


ing the said payment under penalty, in case of failure of paying 
400 lib. in place of 200 lib., paid by Sir William Myrtone to him, 
together with costs, etc., to be paid on the "Hee altar" of the said 
college kirk within forty days after failure. Nevertheless the fore- 
said charter to remain in force, and the official principal of St 
Andrews to put the obligation in execution. Dated at the Newhall, 
1 6th March 1518. Same witnesses. 

1 7. Charter of sale by John Claphane, lord of Claslogye, to Sir 
William Myrtene, vicar of Lawthresk, and his assignees prebendars 
doing divine service in the college kirk of Caraill, of the granter's 
two crofts in the constabulary of Caraill and sheriffdom of Fyff, and 
within the burgh of Caraill one called Regandis Croft, containing 
six acres of land in Potergait, on the north side thereof, between the 
lands belonging to the services of our Lady, the high altar, and St 
Katherine of the college kirk of Caraill, and the common lone* on 
the other three sides ; the other croft in the Potergait, on the south 
side thereof, between the lands of Alexander Clark on the east, the 
lands of the late Archibald Todryk on the south, a burn on the west, 
and the common lone on the north sides for 140 pounds Scots paid 
by the said Sir William; to be held in fee and heritage from the 
granter, paying to the king the king's maill due and wont, viz., for 
Regandis Croft, thirty pennies; for the other, ten pennies. Dated 
at Trinity of St Andrews, 3d September 1518. Witnesses Sir 
Thomas Myrtone, Archdean of Aberdeen; Dauid Lermonth of 
Clattow, Alexander Monypenny, George Clapane. 

18. Instrument of sasine of the above two crofts. Dated 4th 
September 1518. Present Dauid Lermonth, Andrew Martyne, 

19. Obligation by John Clapanne of Claslogye and George 
Clapanne, his son and heir, to Sir William Myrtone and his assignees, 
chaplains doing divine service in the college kirk of Caraill, re- 
counting the payment by Sir William Myrtone of sevenscore pounds, 
which the said John Clapane gave to William Cornwell for the 
redeeming of eleven acres of lands of Ternakiters, " not to inquiet, 
distrobill,t molest, vex, stop, nor lat"J the said Sir William, his 

* Common possession, or place of shelter. + Disturb. J Hinder. 


assignees, or their tenants, in " brukyn, using, and law boring " the 
said two crofts of lands, under the penalty of repaying and refound- 
ing 400 merks " on Sancte Katrinis alter, situat in the college kyrk 
of Caraill," within twenty days. The said charter still to remain in 
force. Dated at Sanct Andris, 3d September 1518. '* Witnesses as 
in charter. 

20. Charter of sale by John Lummysden of Ardre to Sir William 
Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an annual rent of six merks Scots 
out of his lands of Sepseis, in his barony of Ardre and sherifTdom of 
Fyff, between the lands of West Bernis and Trostre on the west, the 
lands of Lytill Pedfeld on the south, the proper moor of the burgh of 
Caraill on the north, and the common lone of Caraill on the east, for 
120 merks good gold, money of Scotland, paid therefor. To be held 
by him and his assignees, chaplains (as before) in fee and heritage. 
Reddendo one penny yearly at the chief messuage of the lands of 
Seipseis in name of blench ferm if asked only. Dated at Carail, 
2oth April 1517. Witnesses Master Thomas Cunynghame, Master 
Thomas Lummysden, Master Richard Clark, William Rychartson, 
Sir William Tumour, James Pitblawds, and Sir Andrew Martyne, 
notary public. 

21. Charter by John Lummysden to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthresk, of his three crofts of land within the burgh of Carail, one 
croft lying between the lands of the laird of Westbernis at the west, 
and a vennel called Lamene Wynd at the east ; another croft between 
the said vennel called Lamene Wynd at the west, and the lands of 
the late William Cas at the east; the other croft, called Toddis 
Croft, between the land belonging to the service of our Lord's high 
altar of the parish church of Caral on the east, and John Gas's land 
on the west. In special warrandice of the above annual rent of six 
merks. Reddendo one penny yearly if asked only. Date and wit- 
nesses as in last. 

22. Obligation by John Lumysdene of Ardre to Schir William 
Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, to "warrand, acquit, and defend" the 
foresaid annual rent of six merks out of his lands of Sepseis to him 
and his assignees, under penalty of eight score pounds Scots; sub- 
mitting to the ordinary jurisdiction of the official principal of St 


Andrews. At Sepseis, 20th April 1517. Witnesses as in charter, 
except Sir Andrew Martyne, notary. 

23. Instrument of sasine in favour of Sir William Myrtone of the 
above annual rent of six merks, 2oth April 1517. [Part of instru- 
ment wanting.] 

24. Charter of sale by William Monypenny of Petmulye to Sir 
William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an annual rent of four merks 
Scots, out of his lands of Petmulye, lying within the constabulary 
of Carail and sheriffdom of Fyffe, between the lands of Kildun- 
cane and Fausyd at the west, the lands of Byrhyll on the north, the 
sea on the east, and the lands of Kyngis Bernis on the south, for 
forty lib. Scots, paid by Sir William Myrtone to him. To be held 
by Sir William and his assignees, chaplains or chaplain ministering in 
the parish church of Carail, of the granter and his heirs in fee and 
heritage, for payment of a penny Scots at Whitsunday at the chief 
messuage of the lands of Petmulie, in name of blensh. At Petmulye, 
9th November 1517. 

25. Instrument of seizin thereon, gih November 1517. Done at 
the chief messuage of the lands of Petmulye, Richard Clark, Master 
of Arts, presbyter of St Andrews diocese, notary. 

26. Charter of sale by David Spens, laird of Wilmerstone,* to Sir 
William Myrtone, chaplain, of two acres of land lying in the burgh 
of Carail, on the north side called the Potergait, between the lands 
belonging to the service of St Michael on the east and north, and 
the common "loyne"t on the south, and the "dammis"| on the west, 
two roods of the said two acres lying in the Potergait between the 
lands of David Calfhird on the east, the land belonging to the ser- 
vice of St Katherine's on the west, the common loan on the south, 
and the land pertaining to the service of St Michael's on the north; 
also three roods of land lying in the Potergait, on the south side 
thereof, between John Richardson's lands on the east, the lands 
belonging to the service of St Mary's on the west, and the common 
loan on the north; also a croft called the Rudwell Croft, lying on the 
east side of the churchyard of the parish church of Carail, and so 

* Now called Wormiston. f A loan, or narrow enclosed way. J Mill-dam. 


passing to the dwelling-house of the vicar of Carail down to the 
rivulet, and going down the rivulet to the common road on the south, 
and so to the lands of Simon Henryson on the west; also another 
croft called Colpote Croft, lying in the east street on the south side 
of the bridge called the East Brig, between the lands of the deceased 
Alexander Balcomy on the west, the common road on the north, and 
the common vennel that goes to the gate of Pinkirtoune on the east, 
and another vennel that goes to the Bark Pottis on the south ; also a 
tenement builded with a yard and rood of land lying in Marketgate 
(vicofort)-, and a croft lying in South Street, as therein bounded and 
described, for ^85 paid to him by Sir William Myrtone. To be 
held from the granter of the king in free burgage, fee and heritage 
for ever. Paying borough maill for all other burdens, etc., except 16 
pennies pertaining to the service of St Mary's. Dated at the burgh 
of Carail, isth July 1517. Witnesses Master Dauid Spens, rector of 
Flysk; Robert Cunynghame of West Bernis, David Myrtone of 
Cambo, John Lummy sdene of Ardre, John Abircrummy, George 
Kenlowy, James Spens, Archibald Todryk, William Clark, John 
Masone, serjeant of the burgh of Carail ; and Sir John Lummysden 
and George Lummysden, chaplains; and Dauid Greige, notary public. 

2 7. Instrument of sasine in favour of Sir William Myrtone in the 
foresaid two acres, etc. The sasine is given by Thomas Wemys, 
one of the bailies of the burgh, i5th July 1500 [1517]. Witnesses 
as in charter, and the following, viz. : Patrick Hepburne of Benes- 
ton, John Greme, John Gyprone, George Chartare, John Schirray, 
John Robertson, James Kay, Richard Cragy, James Carnie, and 
Dauid Greig, clerk of diocese of St Andrews, notary. 

28. Instrument of sasine, proceeding on resignation and renuncia- 
tion, by Marjory Anstrothir, relict of Alexander Spens of Bradeleys, 
for all right she had to the above two acres, etc., by reason of con- 
junct fee, terse or otherwise, in favour of David Spens of Wilmerstoun, 
her eldest son, and heir of the said lands ; whereupon David Wemys, . 
one of the bailies of the burgh, cognosced and infefted the said 
David Spens, as heir of the said Alexander Spens, in the said lands, 
by delivery of earth and stone, as use is. Done in the tolbooth and 
on the ground of the said lands, i5th July 1517. Witnesses same as 


29. Charter of sale by William Spens, son and heir of the late John 
Spens, to Sir William Myrtone, chaplane, of four roods of land lying 
on the south side of the Potergait of the burgh of Carail, on both sides 
of some lands belonging to the service of the altar of the Holy Rood 
of Carail; also los. of annual rent out of two tenements lying con- 
tiguous in the Mercatgait of Carail; also an annual rent of 4d. due 
to the granter from the tenement of Thomas Balcomy, lying in the 
Mercatgait; for a sum of money paid to the said William Spens by 
the said Sir William. To be held by him and his assignees to be 
constituted by him during his life, all his heirs excluded from the 
granter, his heirs and assignees, in fee and heritage for ever, paying 
burgh maill. Binding himself farther on oath not to alienate any 
other annual rent out of the two tenements from which the xos. were 
to be taken without the special license of the said Sir William ; 
whereas these were free from all annual rent except burgh maill and 
2S. Dated at Carail, zd July 1500. Witnesses Master John Bonar, 
Symon Campyone, John Sanchar, John Fowlis, and James Carnoch. 

30. Instrument of seizin thereon, given by Thomas Wemys, one 
of the bailies, 3d July 1500. Witnesses John Wemys, John Robert- 
sone, Archibald Toddrik, John Dawsone, Alexander Storrour, John 
Wodcok, etc. Symon Campione, clerk of diocese of St Andrews, 

31. Charter by Jonet Wylko, spouse of umquhile Dauid Calfhird, 
indweller in Kyngis Bernis, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Law- 
thresk and his assignees, all his heirs excluded, of an acre of land 
lying in the burgh of Caraile in the Potergait, on the north side 
thereof, between the lands of Sir William Myrtone on the east, west, 
and north sides, and the common loan on the south, for a sum of 
money, to be held of her, her heirs and assignees, in fee and heritage. 
At Carail, loth September 1510. Witnesses Sir John Lummysdene, 
Sir Dauid Gawe, Sir Andrew Martyne, chaplains ; John Cas, John 
Blak, John Abircrummy, and James Parke. 

32. Instrument of seizin thereon, given by John Cas, bailie of the 
burgh of Caraile, nth September 1510. 

33. Charter of sale by Sir Andrew Ballone, canon regular of the 



monastery of St Andrews, with consent of John, prior of the metro- 
politan church of St Andrews, his superior, and of his special license, 
to Sir Thomas Preston, vicar of St Andrews, of his tenements in the 
city of St Andrews, one in the South Street thereof, another in the 
Marketgate of the same city, for a sum of money paid to him by the 
said Sir Thomas. To be held from the granter, his heirs and 
assignees, in fee and heritage, paying to the chaplain serving at St 
Bartholomew's altar within the parish church of St Andrews, 8s. ; the 
chaplain serving at the altar of the Holy Rood, 23.; to the chaplain 
serving at St Ninian's altar, 2S. yearly ; and burgh maill used and 
wont to the Archbishop of St Andrews. Dated at the monastery of 
St Andrews, 1 2th March 1515. Witnesses John Wardlaw, bailie of 
the said city ; Sir John Mathe, curate ; Sir John Preston, chaplain ; 
John Malyne, Robert Lawson, Henry Cant, Andrew Couper, Adam 
Peblis, and Henry Peblis, serjeant. 

34. Charter of sale by Sir Andrew Ballone, canon regular of St 
Andrews, with consent, as in last charter, to Sir Thomas Preston, 
vicar of St Andrews, of the same tenements. The seal of the prior 
is appended to this charter in witness of his assent, i2th March 

35. Instrument of sasine in the above two tenements, i2th March 
1515. Witnesses Sir John Mathe, chaplain; Robert Lawson, 
baker ; Henry Cant, Adam Peblis, William M 'Alexander, and Henry 
Peblis, serjeant; John Preston, priest of St Andrews diocese, notary. 
Sasine is given by Thomas Wardlaw, one of the bailies. 

36. Instrument of sasine given by David Kyde, one of the bailies 
of St Andrews, to the said Sir Andrew Ballone, as son and lawful 
heir of the late John Ballone, cognoscing and seasing him by the 
"hesp* and stapil"t in the first of these tenements lying in South 
Street, loth March 1515. 

37. Instrument of sasine of the second of the tenements in 
Marketgate to the said Sir Andrew Ballone, loth March 1515. 

38. Charter of sale by Sir Thomas Preston, vicar of St Andrews, 

* Hank of yarn. t A stopple or fastener. 


with consent of John, prior of the metropolitan church of St Andrews 
and convent thereof, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of 
the two tenements in St Andrews above described. To be held of 
the Archbishop of St Andrews in fee and heritage, paying the annual 
rents therefrom due and wont, and to the archbishop the burgh 
maill and service due and wont. At St Andrews, ayth May 1509 
[1519]. Sirs John Prestone and Andrew Martyne, chaplains; 
Gilbert Steynson, James Kenloquhy, Andrew Waus, David Leidhope, 
George Alan (Alani), notary public ; Henry Carmichael, and Henry 
Peblis, Serjeants. 

39. Instrument of sasine following thereon, 26th May 1519. 
Present Sirs John Preston and Walter Mare, chaplains; John 
Symson, etc. 

40. Obligation by Dean Thomas Preston, vicar of " the parych 
kirk of the cite of Sanctandris," renouncing his privilege of exception 
granted to John, prior of the metropolitan church of St Andrews, and 
canons thereof, and submitting in this case to the jurisdiction of the 
official principal of St Andrews, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawtresk, and his assignees, prebendars and chaplains doing divine 
service in the college kirk of Carail founded by him, to warrand, 
acquit, and defend the foresaid two tenements in St Andrews sold by 
him, under the penalty of 400 lib. Scots, to be paid in the parish 
kirk of Carail within twenty days, in case of molestation or troubling 
the purchaser or his assignees for the sum paid by Sir William for 
the alienation of the tenements, loss, skaith, etc. Dated at Sanct- 
androis, gth June 1519. Witnesses Sir Andrew Martyne, John 
Terbat, etc. 

41. Notarial instrument certifying the renunciation by the said Sir 
Thomas Preston of a letter of reversion and redemption of the two 
tenements on payment of 220 lib. Scots, given to him by Sir William 
Myrtone, the latter paying 200 merks for the renunciation, and 
receiving, propriis manibus, the letter of reversion to be destroyed ; 
Sir Thomas also ratifying his former sale of the said tenements, and 
binding himself by oath to observe the agreement. Done in the 
chamber of a venerable and circumspect man, Sir Thomas Myrtone, 
archdean of Aberdeen, within the city of St Andrews, 6th July 1520. 


Present the said Sir Dean, Masters James Wischart of Peltaro, 
Peter Sandelandis, rector of Gaidar ; David Myrtone of Cambo, Sir 
John Preston, chaplain ; and John Bell, layman ; Thomas Wemys, 
Master of Arts, clerk of St Andrews diocese, notary. 

42. Charter of vendition by Sir Henry Castaris, son and heir of 
umquhile William Castaris, Elizabeth Ramsay, relict of the foresaid 
William, and Beatrix Castaris, his daughter, to William Castaris of the 
city of St Andrews, and Jonet Smyth, his present spouse, and the 
longer liver of them two and his heirs, of their tenement in the 
South Street of the city of St Andrews, on the north side thereof, 
paying the annual rent due from the said tenement. Seal of the 
said Sir Henry, Beatrix, and the seal of David Wincester, bailie, 
giver of the sasine for the said Elizabeth, appended. St Andrews, 
July 1518. 

43. Charter of alienation by William Castaris, citizen of St 
Andrews, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, founder of the 
college kirk of Carail, of his tenement, with garden, in the South 
Street of St Andrews, on the north side thereof, between the tene- 
ment belonging to the prebendaries of the college kirk of Carail on 
the east, the tenement of Robert Lawson on the west, the garden of 
John Jakson on the north, and the public king's highway on the 
south. Paying to the chaplain serving the altar of the Holy Trinity 
in the parish church of the Holy Trinity of the city of St Andrews, 
265. 8d. yearly ; and to Sir Thomas Prestone, vicar of St Andrews, 
135. ; the chaplain at the altar of St Stephen in the said church, 
2S. 8d. ; the chaplain of the altar of St Ninian's in the same church, 
2S. ; the monastery of St Andrews, 8s. in the year of yearly rent ; 
and 4d. of burgh maill to the Archbishop of St Andrews. Dated 
at St Andrews, 23d July 1521. Witnesses Masters Bernard 
Craufurd and Andrew Fowlar, notaries ; Sir William Smyth, chaplain, 

44. Instrument on the resignation of the foresaid tenement by 
William Castaris, in the hands of David Guttere, one of the bailies of 
the city, with consent of Cristian Scott, his spouse ; and by Beatrix 
Castaris, formerly fiar of the said tenement, with consent of Abnaider 
Ros, his spouse ; and Cristian Scott, on being interrogated by the 


bailie, in the absence of her husband, affirms that she gives her con- 
sent freely and voluntarily. Whereupon sasine is given to the said 
Sir William Myrtone, 23d July 1521. 

45. Charter of sale by Sir Thomas Preston, vicar of St Andrews, 
to. Sir William Myrton, vicar of Lawthresk, and his prebendaries of 
the college of Carail, of an annual rent of 135. Scots from the tene- 
ment of William Castaris, citiner of St Andrews, lying in the South 
Street of the said city, on the north side of the same, bounded as 
before said. Dated at St Andrews, penult of July 1522. Witnesses 
Sir David Bowman, chaplain ; David Hay, William Brown, John 
Terwat, and John Duncansone, Serjeant. 

46. Instrument of seizin of the same. Same date. 


47. Charter by Sir William Myrton, perpetual vicar of the parish 
church of Lawtresk, in the diocese of St Andrews, whereby on the 
recital that he was inflamed somewhile with devout zeal, and trusting 
by religious supplications not to let the merciful Redeemer wholly go, 
and also to assuage and terminate the pains of purgatory, he had, 
out of the goods acquired by his industry, conveyed certain lands 
and annual rents for increasing the worship of God, to certain 
chaplains to say mass perpetually in the church of St Mary the 
Virgin of Carail ; and by authority of Andrew, Archbishop of St 
Andrews, primate of the whole realm of Scotland, legatus natus and 
legatus a latere, and perpetual commendator of the monastery of 
Dunfermline, had caused the said church of St Mary of Carail to be 
erected and created into a college kirk of a provost, ten prebendaries, 
and a clerk in the eleventh place ; and that the vicarage of the said 
church, and pensionary vicarages, also created and erected perpetual, 
be united to the provostry of the said college, the consent of the 
lady prioress and convent of the monastery of Haddingtoun being 
obtained thereto at the founder's instance and request, and also with 
consent of the bailies and community of the burgh of Caraill, and of 
other parishioners of the said parish, and of Master Alexander 
Dunbar, possessor of the said vicarage, as in the said erection by the 
said bishop is more fully contained. To the gift of which pre- 
bendaries, founded and to be founded by him, he had obtained the 


confirmation of a most illustrious and serene prince and most dread 
lord, the late James the Fourth, King of Scots, upon the lands and 
annual rents given or to be given by him to the said prebendaries. 
And that the said erection of the college by the most reverend 
father, and the foundation and godly intent of the granter might take 
the surer effect, and divine worship be perpetuated in the said 
church, he had determined to bestow on every prebendary a certain 
new and perfect infeftment, according to the tenor of the said faculty 
and confirmation of the king. Therefore, for the praise, glory, and 
honour of Almighty God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and St Mary 
His mother, and all the heavenly saints ; and for the salvation of the 
souls of King James the Fourth ; of the founder, Sir William Myrton, 
vicar of Lawthisk ; Lady Jonet Hepburn, late prioress of Hadingtoun; 
the founder's father and mother, predecessors and successors, and 
others faithful in Christ, of whom he had received benefits, or to 
whom he had done wrong and not made amends ; and for the weal 
and state of King James the Fifth, the reverend father's legate and 
archbishop, and the weal of his and their souls, he gives and con- 
firms, and, so far as he could by virtue of the said royal confirmation, 
mortifies to God, St Mary, and all the saints ; and to James Browne, 
prebendary of St Mary the Virgin's aisle in the said college kirk of 
Carail, called the second prebend or second prebendary in the said 
college, and his successors, the lands and annual rents under written, 
extending to ;i6, IDS. Scots, to wit, 6, 135. 4d. yearly from the 
lands of Balmontht; 203. from the lands of Lytill Bredlewys; 125. from 
the tenement of Andrew Cas, lying in the Westgait ; also a tenement 
in the Westgait with a garden and two butts of land, estimated to 
245. ; an acre of land lying in Potergait ; another acre called Colpot 
Croft, lying in the Estgait ; another acre or thereby lying in Poter- 
gait, containing four buttis which formerly belonged to David Spens, 
laird of Wilmerstoun ; another acre or thereby, also in the Potergait ; 
another acre lying in the Nedergait ; a house lying in the Marketgait, 
with half of a garden on the north thereof, estimated to 225.; a house 
above the West Port, estimated to 285.; another house built with 
garden and croft, estimated to 245., all lying in the shire of Fyff. 
To be held by the said James, now prebendary of the said aisle of 
St Mary, and his successors, prebendaries of the said aisle, in fee 
and heritage mortified for ever, rendering devout suffrages for the 
souls aforesaid. The prebendary being bound to be sacristan of the 



said college, and in that capacity to keep the books, capes, caps, 
vestments, and ornaments of the high altar and quire, and other 
"jocalia" which should be presented by any person for the honour 
and ornament of the said college, and to give compt thereof to the 
provost and chapter as oft as required. Further, the said James and 
his successors are to have charge of the song school, and instruct 
the scholars in plain song precantus et discantus and that all who 
attended the said Sir James in these exercises should be found fit 
and qualified, as should be found by the most approved of the 
chapter. Also to reside continually at the said college under 
penalty, and to lose the prebend if he got any benefice incompatible 
with it, which should be conferred on another by the patron and the 
chapter ; who should be of sufficient literature, skilful in song and 
discant, and should serve with the other prebendaries in the choir at 
six in the morning in matins, at eight in the missa dominicali in the 
aisle of St Mary, and after that an AUE GLORIOSA at ten at high 
mass, and at four afternoon at vespers, unless in time of Lent, when 
vespers were sung immediately after high mass ; at five o'clock, 
complines, etc. Also four times in the year an anniversary ; and on 
the next morning a requiem mass for the soul of the founder and the 
souls of all the faithful dead, four candles being upon the table ; and 
at their entry to make manual obedience to the founder while 
he lived, and on his death to the provost. The said prebendary 
to be of honest conversation, not to cohabit with prostitutes or 
other infamous persons, nor spend the night with married women ; 
but if he kept a concubine, or commonly cohabited with such, 
and after the third warning of the ordinary did not desist, the 
prebend eo ipso should become vacant. The right of patronage 
after the founder's death to go to the bailies and community of the 
burgh of Carail, and his admission to the provost and chapter ; in 
case a presentation were not made by the patrons within a month 
after vacation, for that time the presentation should lapse to the 
Archbishop of St Andrews. And if aught were omitted in this 
charter, which was contained in the principal erection of each 
prebendary, the prebendary was to perform such things. Dated at 
the burgh of Carail, 22d October 1520. Witnesses John Abir- 
crummy, John Gypsone, George Corstrophine, William Bowsy, 
George Bawne, John Rudman, Master Thomas Lummysdene, Sir 
George Lummysdene, Sir Symon Henrysone, Sir John Bowman, Sir 


Thomas Bowman, Sir David Gawe, chaplains ; and Sir Andrew 
Martyne, vicar-pensionar of Carail. 

48. Charter by Sir William Myrtone, perpetual vicar of the parish 
church of Lawthresk, whereby, on the same recital, he gives, and, so 
far as he may in virtue of the foresaid royal confirmation, mortifies 
to St Mary the Virgin and all the saints, and to Sir Thomas Bowman, 
prebendary to St Mary the Virgin's aisle, in the collegiate church of 
Carail, called the third prebend of the college, and his successors 
doing divine service in the said aisle for evermore, annual rents and 
lands extending to ^14, 6s. 8d. Scots ; to wit : an annual rent of 
ten merks, from the lands of Ardros and whole barony thereof; 
three acres of land called Lytill Paitfeyld, containing eleven "ryggis," 
bounded as described; another acre containing four rigs in the 
Potergait, also bounded as described ; an annual rent of 6s. from the 
lands of Thomas Zwyll; an annual rent of 6s. from the lands of 
James Crummy, lying above the West Port ; 75. from the lands of 
Richard Otter yearly ; an annual rent from the lands of James Kay, 
lying in Mercatgait, 153.; from a but lying in the Neddergait, i2d.; 
from the tenement of Robert Wyly, lying in the Neddergait, with 
garden croft and kiln thereof, 123. ; and many other annual rents, all 
described, including 6s. from the lands of John Wylkrow, lying above 
the West Croice, all lying within the sheriffdom of Fyffe, to be held 
by the said Thomas, now prebendary of St Mary's isle, in the said 
college church, and his successors in fee and heritage, mortified for 
ever, paying devout supplications for the souls mentioned (as in 
foregoing charter), with conditions similar to those above specified. 
The patronage to rest with the founder while he lived, and then with 
the laird of Cambo and his heirs, provided they were twenty-five 
years of age; if under age, to the bailies and community of the 
burgh of Carail. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 22d October 1520. 
Witnesses as in the preceding charter. 


49. Charter by Sir William Myrtone, perpetual vicar of the 
parish church of Lawthresk, whereby, on the like recital, he gives, 
grants, and mortifies, for the salvation of the same souls, etc., to 
St Mary the Virgin and all the saints, and Sir George Abircrummy, 
prebendary of the altar of St Michael the Archangel, in the college 


kirk of Carail, and his successors for ever, saying mass at the said 
altar; lands and annual rents, extending in all to ^13, 6s. 8d., 
viz. : an annual rent of ^10 from the lands of Newhall, in the con- 
stabulary of Carail ; from the tenement of Alexander Storour, lying 
in the Neddergait of Carail, 125. yearly; from the land of John 
Davidsoun, in the same street, 93. ; from the land of the late William 
Calfhyrd, lying in the Nethergait, iiiis., lying in the sheriffdom of 
Fyff ; and this prebend being called the fourth prebend. The con- 
ditions are in the same terms as above. The right of patronage to 
remain with the founder during his life, and after his death with the 
laird of Randelstoun, and his heirs, not under twenty-five years of 
age; otherwise the gift for the time to belong to the bailies and com- 
munity of the burgh of Carail, the admission to the provost and 
chapter. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 22d October 1520. 

50. Charter by the same, in similar terms, to Sir William Abircrummy, 
prebendary of the altar of St Michael the Archangel, in the college 
kirk of Carail, called the fifth prebend of the said college, and his 
successors, of an annual rent, extending to 13 lib. 6s. 8d. yearly, furth 
of the lands of Gordon's Hall, Pytmercht, and Balhowsy, with the 
pertinents lying within the shire of Fyff, with the usual conditions ; 
and the said Sir William, prebendary, to enjoy the office of the sub- 
deanship, as use is in college kirks, and his successors, in chanting 
the epistles on all solemn and festival days, every one in his turn, 
and habited as becomes. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 22d October 


51. Charter by the same, in similar terms, to Sir David Bow- 
man, prebendary of the altar of St James the Apostle, in the 
college kirk of Carail, called the sixth prebend or sixth prebendary 
of the college, and to his successors, prebendaries, celebrating 
divine worship at the said altar, for ever, the lands and annual 
rents underwritten extending to 13, i6s. 8d. money of Scotland; 
to wit, from the land of Sepseis, an annual rent of 4, and 
one house, builded in the Mercatgait, with half of the garden, esti- 
mated to 365. Item, four acres of land in the Pottergait, called John 
King's lands, on the north side of the same street, between the lands 
belonging to the service in the new aisle on the west side, the lands 


called Lityll Bredlewis on the north, etc., paying from them yearly 
to the service of St Katerine, 205. Item, from the lands of Sir 
Robert Dawson, above the West Port, between the lands of the lady 
prioress of Haddingtoun on the east, and the lands of Richard Otter 
on the west, 123. yearly. Item, from the lands of John Hoge in the 
Neddergait, 43., etc., etc. Item, the sacristan of the said college kirk for 
the time shall yearly answer and pay to the said Sir David and his 
successors, 403., by diverse portions, for which the said sacristan 
shall be yearly exonered by the chapter. With the usual conditions, 
the right, of patronage to the prebend to remain with the founder 
during his life, and after his death to the bailies and community of 
Carail, the admission to the provost and chapter. Dated at Carail, 
22d October 1520. 


52. Charter by the same, in similar terms, to Sir Edward Ann ell, 
prebendary of the altar of St Nicholas, in the college kirk of 
Carail, called the seventh prebend or seventh prebendary, and 
his successors, prebendaries, doing divine worship at the said altar, 
for ever, lands and annual rents extending to ^15, 23. 8d. Scots 
yearly, to wit: from the lands of Cambo and Belseis, ;8 yearly; 
three acres of land in the Pottergait, called Dammy's Acres ; and 
another acre of the land of the late John King, in the same street, esti- 
mated to 483.; a builded chamber in Mercatgait, 205.; an annual rent 
from the land of the late William Dawe, in the Neddergait, viis. yearly, 
etc., etc. ; an annual rent of 93. from the tenement of John Rudman, 
in Rood Street (vico crucis), as is more fully contained in the founder's 
charter, made to the said Sir Edward Annell and his successors; 
the bailies and community of Carail to have the presentation after the 
founder's decease. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 22d October 1520. 


53. Charter by the same, whereby he mortifies to John Bowman, 
prebendary of the altar of St John the Baptist, in the college kirk of 
Carail, called the eighth prebend or eighth prebendary of the college, 
and his successors, prebendaries, etc., an annual rent extending to 
^13, 6s. 8d. yearly, out of the founder's two tenements in the city of 
St Andrews, one in the South Street, and the other in Marketgait ; 
after his decease the presentation to belong to the bailies and com- 


munity of the burgh of Carail. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 22d 
October 1520. 


54. Charter by the same, to Mr John Leiche, prebendary of the altar 
of St John the Apostle and Evangelist in the college kirk of Carail, 
called the ninth prebend or ninth prebendary, and his successors, of 
an annual rent extending to i 2 Scots, to be taken yearly furth of 
the two Collemachiis, viz., Holtoun and Myddyltoun, and the lands 

'thereof, belonging to the lord of Ardross, in the shire of Kynros; 
an annual rent of 2 is. 6d. of the land of John Dyk, in the burgh of 
Carail, in the West Street ; also, from the land of the late William 
Cas, in the same street, 55. 4d. yearly; after the founder's death the 
presentation to belong to the bailies and community of the burgh. 
Dated at Carail, 6th August 1518. Witnesses John Abircrummy, 
John Gypson, John Rychartson, George Bawne, etc. Master Thomas 
Lummysdene, Sirs George Lummysdene, Symon Henrisoune, David 
Bowman, John Bowman, Thomas Bowman, James Browne, chap- 
lains; and Sir Andrew Martyne, vicar-pensionary of the college 
kirk of Carail. 


55. Charter by the said Sir William Myrtoun, and for reasons 
similar to those above recited, to the prebendaries and chaplains 
founded by him and their successors, and also to the chaplain of the 
Holy Cross in solio, and to the chaplains of St Mary in the choir, 
certain tenements in the city of St Andrews, viz., one in the South 
Street, another in the Marketgait, another in the South Street, 
formerly belonging to William Castaris. Item, five acres of arable 
land in the town of Pinketoun. Item, ^5 Scots from the lands of 
Pittowe, in warrandice of the said five acres. Item, six acres of land 
in the burgh of Carail in the Pottergait ; an acre with the " mair " of 
arable land in the Pottergait; four other tenements in the burgh 
of Carail in the Marketgait; four other tenements in the same 
street ; four merks yearly, from the lands of Pitmule, as more fully 
contained in the charter thereof made by the lord to the founder ; an 
annual rent of 155. from the lands of George Bawne, in Marketgait; 
an annual rent of 6s. from the lands of David Gylruth, in South 
Street, etc. ; from the common tolbooth, lying in Marketgait, on the 


north side thereof, between the lands of John Abircrummy on the 
west, and the common market on the east, 6s. ; of which annual rents, 
the whole sum now reckoned up by the founder amounts to ;8o 
yearly, paying therefrom to Sir John Bowman, his chaplain, prebendary 
of St John the Baptist's altar, and his successors, 20 merks yearly; 12 
merks yearly for a mass to be daily and for ever said by the foresaid 
chaplains and prebendaries for the soul of a famous man, Sir Thomas 
Myrtone, Archdean of Aberdeen, provost of the said college; the mass 
to be said by one or other of the prebendaries at St Katherine the 
Virgin's altar, in the said college daily, at the sixth hour, immedi- 
ately post tercium pulsum to matins, each prebendary to celebrate 
weekly by turns ; and, if any refused, he should have no part nor 
intromission with the 12 merks, for which mass the said Sir Thomas 
Myrtone, provost, had paid to Sir William Myrtone, his vicar, near 
kinsman and much trusted, the sum of 200, paying also to Sir 
David Bowman, his chaplain, prebendary of St James' altar, and 
his successors, 405. yearly. Paying also yearly for four obsequies 
and masses of requiem, four times in the year, cum nota, for the 
founder's soul, in the said college kirk of Carail, 403. ; also, for four 
other obsequies and masses of requiem, four times in the parish kirk 
of St Andrews, for the founder's soul cum nota, 405. ; also, for the 
founder's soul, paying to the poor of Carail eight merks yearly, four 
on the four days on which his obits, obsequies, and masses of requiem 
in Carail are celebrated, two merks on each occasion gratis, and 
without delay; for four obsequies, to be celebrated in the said 
college four times a year for the soul of Lady Joan Hepburn, formerly 
prioress of Hadingtoun, 405.; for four obsequies and masses of 
requiem cum nota, to be celebrated in the said college for the soul of 
Lady Margaret Kar, umwhile Countess of Errell, 405.; for one 
obsequy and mass of requiem cum nota, on the day of St Scolastic 
the Virgin, for the soul of Andrew Abircrummy, late burgess of 
Dundee, ios.; of all which masses, obsequies, he confers the benefit 
to his prebendaries, chaplains, and to the chaplains of the Holy Cross, 
and of St Mary the Virgin in the choir, paying yearly for bread and 
wine to them daily, provided they be disposed to celebrate divine 
worship, 405., which the collectors must not give in money, but 
bread and wine only. To the chaplain of the altar of St Mary the 
Virgin in the choir and his successors, two merks yearly for daily 
service in the choir, and outwith the same to be celebrated on week 


days (feriatts diebus) and festive days, with the other chaplains the 
prebendaries ; but if the two chaplains, or either of them, refuse the 
divine service, and to bear and carry so blessed a yoke from day to 
day, they should touch nought of the two merks, nor share in any gain 
or commodity of the other foresaid suffrages, but be wholly suspended, 
and not held nor reckoned in the number of the others. Paying also 
to a reverend lord, and of great knowledge, the lord official of St 
Andrews for the time, visiting twice a year the founder's college of 
Carail, to take heed for his chaplains and prebendaries, living happily, 
holily, and in concord, and assisting them in their just and lawful 
causes, and, when need should be, reproving and correcting them for 
vices, 405., when he should come to the college for these purposes 
only. The rest of the annual rents to be inbrought yearly by the 
collectors to the chapter, and well kept in custody by them, and, 
when need should be, expended usefully and seasonably with the 
council and advice of his other prebendaries, chapterly assembled for 
that end, upon the houses and structures, upon his aisle of the blessed 
Virgin Mary of Carail, and on his buildings in Carail and St 
Andrews, lest they should become ruinous through rarity of visitation 
and repair. The residue to be honestly spent in introducing books, 
cups, vestments, and other ornaments of the choir of the said collegiate 
church, by unanimous consent of his chaplains the prebendaries, and 
after courteous conference regarding them, and asking the help, coun- 
sel, and assistance of the lord official of St Andrews, bailies and 
community of the burgh of Carail, and most famous of the parishioners 
of the said church. Dated at the burgh of Carail, 2oth April 1526. 
Witnesses David Spens and John Abircrummy, bailies of the burgh 
for the time; William Bowsy, Henry Cowper, Andrew Sewe, George 
Bawne, Edward Bawne, John Cragee, William Dawesone, John 
Cornuell, David Browne, John Cas, James Parke, George Corstro- 
phyne, David Hay, Robert Bowsy, Laurence Gregour, Peter Gardnar, 
Thomas Corstorphyne, David Lummysdene, John Gypsone, William 
Skirleyn. For the faithful preserving of which charter in time to 
come, the founder has obtained the subscription manual of all his 
prebendaries, chaplains for the time, for them and their successors, as 
ratifying and approving with those of the chaplains of the Holy 
Rood in solio, and the altar of the glorious Virgin Mary in the choir. 
Sic subscribitur by Andrew Martyne, vicar-pensionary, with my 
hand; Schir John Bowman, prebendary, with my hand; Schir Dauid 


Bowman, with my hand; William Tumour, prebendary, with my 
hand; David Gawe, with my hand; Schir Thomas Bowman, with 
my hand; Schir Edward Annand, with my hand; and I, William 
Bosvell, to the same; and I, William Abyrcrummy, to the same, 


56. Instrument of seizin in favour of Sir George Abercrummy, 
prebendary of the college of Caraill, and his successors, prebendaries, 
of the annual rent of 10 lib. out of the lands of Newhall. Seizin is 
given by Sir William Myrtone, propriis manibus, by delivery of a 
penny; and also of others, as described in the charter. loth Novem- 
ber 1520. Present James Fowlar, Alexander Clerk, Edward Annell, 
James Corstorphyne, Robert Dawsone, Thomas Clerk, James Myr- 
tone, Sir James Browne, Thomas Bowman, and William Abircrummy, 

57. Notarial instrument certifying that on the igth September 
1513, in presence of the notary and witnesses, personally compeared 
a venerable man, Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, on the 
one part, and John Abercrummy and George Kenloquhy, bailies 
for the time, commonly elected with the councillors and burgesses 
of Caraill, on the other part, within the tolbooth of the said burgh, 
and there the said Sir William earnestly asked of them whether they 
wished to unite the office of clerkship of the said burgh to his college 
founded by him. To which the bailies consented in terms of the 
following contract: "At Caraill, the nyntene day of the moneth of 
September, in the zeir of God ane thousand fyfe hundreth and 
threttene zeris. The quhilt day comperyt in iugement Schir Williame 
Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, before the bailzeis and nichtbouris of 
the towne, with wder syndre parochianaris beand present for that 
caus. The parroch clerkschip beand vacand be the deceiss of 
Thomas Wemys, that tyme na parroche clerk beand chosyne, the 
said Schir Williame Myrtone proponit to the bailzeis, that tyme 
Johne Abircrummy and George Kenloquhy, befor the saidis nycht- 
bouris and parrochianaris, and desyrit thai wald annext thar parroche 
clerkschip to his college and seruice done in the said parroche kirk, 
and quha sa euir thai chesit to be oblist and bund to siclik seruice as 
the chaplanis fundat be the said Schir Williame war bund, to wit, 


ryngin of bellis to matynis, lady mess, hie mess, evyne sang, as con- 
suetude is in college. The bailzeis, nychtbouris, and parrochianaris 
beand weill and riply avisat, thay wnderstandand this proponyng 
beand profitabill and meritabill to God for the sendee of haly kirk, 
grantit hartly tharto, all with ane consent, and grantit thar common 
seill to be giffyne thar apone. Efter this the forsaid day Johne of 
Wemys, sone and air to Thomas Wemys, come befor the feailzeis 
Johne Abircrummy and George Kenloquhy, nychtbouris, and paroch- 
ianaris, and desirit the parroche clerkschip, and to mak gud seruice 
tharfor at plesour, with certan freyndis with hyme. And for speciall 
luf thai hed to his fader, the said bailzeis and communite grantit 
with ane consent hyme to half and bruk the said clerkschip for all 
the dayis of his lyf, he makand siclik seruice daylie and hourly as the 
chapellanis fundat be the said Schir Williame dois in the said par- 
roche kyrk, quhilk we haif annext perpetualye to his college to be 
fundat be hyme. And falzeand* of the said parroch clerk as said is, 
the bailzeis and communite forsaid sail fef'ane sufficient seruand on 
his expens efter the tenour of our comon seill, grantit to the said 
Schir Williame tharapone. Als the said day the said Schir Williame 
Myrtone maid the communite of the burgh of Caraill with lardis of 
the parrochine patron is to fyf infeftmentis, efter the tyme of his de- 
ceiss, to be giffyne to chapellanis that hes vnderstandyng to syng 
plane sang, priketj sang, and to do seruice efter the tenour of his 
foundatioun. And the said Schir William is oblist to gif vidimus 
tharapone." The parties stipulate before the notary not to contravene 
this agreement. Dated iQth September 1513. Present John 
Abercrummy, George Kenloquhy, bailies; John Lummisdene of 
Ardre, David Myrtone of Cambo, John Cas, John Richartsone, 
John Dawsone, William Clerk, William Bowse, Thomas Corstor- 
phyne, James Parky, serjeant. 

58. Instrument of seizin of Sir Edward Ann ell, prebendary of the 
college of Caraill, and his successors, of an annual rent of 10 lib. 
from the lands of Cambo and Belchis, and from burgal tenements 
in the burgh of Caraill, 3 lib. 6s. 8d., as contained in Sir William 
Myrtone's charter to him. Dated loth November 1520. 

^ 59. Instrument of seizin in favour of Sirs John Bowman and Wil- 
nan * Failing. t Engage. Chosen, ornamental. 


liam Abircrummy, chaplains and prebendaries of the college kirk of 
Caraill, and their successors, of the tenement in the South Street of 
St Andrews, according to Sir William Myrtone's foundation. Dated 
23d July 1521. Present Masters Bernard Crawfurd, Andrew 
Fowlar, notaries public; Sir William Smyth, chaplain; George Gerves, 
sub-dean; and others. 

60. Instrument of seizin of Sir James Browne, chaplain preben- 
dary, sacristan of the college kirk of Caraill, and his successors, pre- 
bendaries, sacristans, of an annual rent of 6 lib. 135. 4d. furth of the 
lands of Balmonth, etc., to him and his successors doing service at 
the altar of St Mary in the new aisle, according to the charter by 
Sir William Myrtone. Dated yth November 1520. 

6 1. Instrument of seizin of Sir Thomas Bowman, chaplain preben- 
dary of the college kirk of Caraill, and his successors, prebendaries, 
of an annual rent of 10 merks furth of the lands of Ardros, and four 
acres, called Ryngane Croft, in Caraill, according to Sir William's 
charter. Dated 8th November 1520. 

62. Instrument of seisin of James Leich, prebendary, in an annual 
rent of 18 merks Scots furth of the two Collemachiis, to wit, Middil- 
toun and Holtoun, in the shire of Kinross, to him and his assignees, 
prebendaries, chaplains serving in the college kirk of Caraill, accord- 
ing to Sir William Myrtone's charter to him of the same. Dated 
2Qth July 1518. Present William Dischyntoun, son and apparent 
heir to George Dischyntoun ; William Rychartsoun, John Bell, John 

63. Instrument of seisin of William Abircrummy, chaplain pre- 
bendary, assignee of Sir William Myrtone, and his successors, preben- 
daries in the college kirk of Caraill, of an annual rent of 20 merks 
furth of Balhoussy, Gordonishall, and Pitmerth. Dated i5th April 
1520. Present George Abircrummy, Edward Annell, Sir James 
Brown, and Sir David Bowman, chaplains. 

64. Instrument of seizin of Sir David Bowman, chaplain preben- 
dary, and his successors, doing service at the altar of St James, in the 
college kirk of Caraill, of four acres of arable land, called John King's 


Land, in the Pottergait of Caraill, and others, according to Sir Wil- 
liam Myrtone's charter. Dated 5th November 1520. 

65. Instrument of seizin of Sir David Bowman, chaplain and pro- 
curator of the college kirk of Caraill, of tenements in South Street, 
St Andrews, for repairing, upholding, and improving the build- 
ings, houses, ornaments, vestments, books, and others necessary 
to the college, reserving an annual rent of 20 merks to Sir John 
Bowman, chaplain prebendary, and his successors. Dated 2pth 
April 1522. Present Sirs John Barre and Bernard Zoung, chap- 
lains; Andrew Oliphant, notary; James Burn, and John Steuart, 

66. Instrument of seizin of Sirs David Bowman and William Abir- 
crummy, Sir William Myrtone's prebendaries, for themselves and the 
other prebendaries, and their successors, of five acres of arable land 
in Pinkartoun, and others, according to the founder's charter. Dated 
2ist November 1525. Present David Spens, younger, laird ot 
Wilmerstoun ; Thomas Lyell, James Parky, David Hay, Sirs William 
Boswall, Thomas Bowman, and Andrew Martyne, chaplains. 

67. Charter by Alexander Wemys of Lathokyr to John Wemys, 
and Mariory, his spouse, and the heirs of their body and assignees 
whomsoever, for counsel, help, and benefits done to the granter, of 
his lands called Lytilpat Feyld, containing eleven rigs, lying between 
the lands of Payt Feyld, pertaining to the monastery of Haddyngton, 
on the south, the land of Sypseis on the north, and the common 
lone of the burgh of Caraill on the east, in fee and heritage, paying 
to the bailies and community of Caraill 4d. for king's maill at Whit- 
sunday, and to the perpetual chaplain of the Holy Rood in the 
parish church of Caraill, 23. of annual rent. Dated at the burgh of 
Caraill, 22d June 1499. 

68. Charter by John Wemys, burgess of the burgh of Caraill, and 
Mariory, his spouse, to their friend Sir William Myrtone, chaplain, 
and his assignees, for his counsel, help, benefits, and for payment of 
500 lib., of the lands called Litillpat Feild, containing eleven rigs, pay- 
ing as in preceding charter, and giving their oaths to the observing of 
this sale, under obligation of 80 lib., to be paid as a debt to the pur- 


chaser, before their entering any plea or question before any judge 
in contravention thereof. Dated at Caraill, Qth September 1502. 
Edward Spens, one of the bailies, lends his seal to Marjory, because 
she had none. Witnesses John Robertson, William Zoung, James 
Bwyl, Alexander Myrtone, and Sir William Martyne, chaplain. 

69. Certification by Edward Spens, one of the bailies of the burgh 
of Caraill, that on the Qth of September 1502 he passed to eleven 
rigs of land called Lytill Patfeild, lying in the north half of the burgh, 
and that there, on the ground of the same, Marion Steuart, spouse to 
Johne of Wemys, burgess of Caraill, made resignation of the said 
eleven rigs in his hands, as she that was in conjunct infeftment thereof, 
and swore upon the holy evangels that she was not forced thereto by 
her husband, he being absent in the meantime ; and thereafter John 
of Wemys made the like resignation in the hands of the bailie, who 
thereupon gave state and heritable seizin thereof to Sir William 
Myrtone, chaplain, and his assignees, according to the charter made 
thereupon. Witnesses David Myrtone of Cambo, Schir George 
Lummisden, Schir Wilzem Dischingtoun, chaplains, etc. 

70. Charter by David Spens of Wilmerstoun, selling to Sir William 
Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, an annual rent of 245. 4d. Scots, out 
of five tenements of land within the burgh of Caraill, for a sum of 
money paid by Sir William, to be held by him and his assignees, 
prebendaries, chaplains, serving in the college kirk of Caraill, for pay- 
ment of one penny Scots in name of blench ferm if asked only. 
Dated at Cupar, 7th July 1518. Witnesses Sirs John Murray, 
David Bowman, James Lytstar, chaplains; John Lawta, Thomas 
Bruys, William Wilzemsoun. 

71. Instrument of seizin of Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawth- 
resk, in the foresaid annual rent, contains precept of seizin by David 
Spens of Wilmerstoun, dated at Cupar, 6th July 1518, directing his 
procurators and errand-bearers in that part to resign the said annual 
rent in the hands of one of the bailies of the burgh, and in the hands 
of the bailie of the prioress and convent of the monastery of nuns of 
Northbervick; John Husband, the latter bailie, gives the seizin. 
Done at the burgh of Caraill, loth July 1518. Witnesses John 
Abircrummy, George Clapane, etc. 


72. Charter of sale by John Abircrummy, burgess of the burgh 01 
Caraill, with consent of David Spens of Wilmerstoun, overlord of 
Lytill Bredlewis, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an 
annual rent of 203. Scots furth of eight acres of his lands of Lytill 
Breidlewys, in the constabulary of Caraill and shire of Fyff, between 
the lands belonging to St Michael's service on the south, and the 
common burn descending to the borough mills of Caraill on the west, 
the lands of the laird of Wilmerstoun, called Mekill Bredlewis, on the 
north, and the lands pertaining to the service of St Catherine on the 
east, for 16 lib. Scots, paid by -Sir William to him, to be held by him 
and his assignees, chaplain or chaplains, of the granter in fee and 
heritage, for payment of one penny Scots at Whitsunday yearly, if 
asked only. Dated 25th August 1516. Witnesses Alexander 
Clerk, Edward Annell, Sirs George Lumsden, John Murray, David 
Bowman, chaplains; William Richartson, and Lawrence Greg. 

73. Instrument of seizin following on the above. Dated 26th 
August 1516. 

74. Charter of sale by George Dischingtoun, lord of fee of the 
lands of Ardros, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, of an 
annual rent of eighteen merks Scots from his lands of the two Colle- 
machiis, viz., Myddiltoun and Holtoun, in the shire of Kynros, and 
lordship of the same, for 240 lib. Scots paid by him. To be held by 
him and his assignees, chaplains in the college kirk of Caraill, for 
payment of one penny Scots at Whitsunday yearly, if asked only. 
Dated at St Andrews, 26th July 1518. Witnesses William Dis- 
chingtoun, son and apparent heir of the said George; William 
Richartson, John Bell, John Gourlay, Mr James Leich, Sir Andrew 

75. Obligation by George Dischyntoun, fear* of the lands of 
Ardros, to Sir William Myrtone and his assignais, to warrant the 
above annual rent of eighteen merks, under a penalty of 400 lib. Scots, 
to be paid in the college kirk of Caraill, within twenty days after any 
molestation or impediment, for the sum paid to him by Sir William 
Myrtone, and for skaith, damage, etc.; the charter nevertheless to 
remain in strength, submitting to the jurisdiction ordinary of the 

* Younger. 


official principal of St Andrews; two shillings to be paid for every 
day during which annual rent remained unpaid after the ordinary 
term. Dated at Carmwre, 29th July 1518. Witnesses as above. 

76. Instrument of seizin of the foresaid annual rent of eighteen 
merks. 2 Qth July 1518. 

77. Charter of sale by George Dischintoun, fear of the lands of 
Ardros, and whole barony thereof, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthresk, of an annual rent of ten merks Scots furth of the lands of 
Ardross, and whole barony thereof, in the constabulary of Caraill and 
shire of Fyf, for 146 lib. 133. 4d. Scots, to be held by him and his 
assignees, prebendaries, chaplains serving in the college kirk of 
Caraill, in fee and heritage for evermore. Reddendo one penny 
Scots at Whitsunday, at the head messuage of the lands of Ardros, in 
name of blench ferm, if asked only. Dated at Carmwre, 3d November 
1518. Witnesses Alexander Dischyntone, Thomas Abircrummy, 
Andrew Hepburne, George Sandelandis, John Bell, and Sir Andrew 
Martyne, notary public. 

78. Obligation by George Dischynton, fear of the lands of Ardros, 
to warrant the above ten merks, under a penalty of 400 merks Scots. 
Dated at Carmwre, 3d November 1518. 

79. Instrument of seizin thereon. Same date. 

80. Notarial instrument certifying that, in presence of Master 
John Weddell, licentiate in both laws, canon of Moray and principal 
official of St Andrews, the notary, and witnesses, an honourable 
lady, Jonet Lundy, spouse of George Dischyntoun, lord fear of 
Ardros, renounced her conjunct infeftment of the lands of Colle- 
machiis, Holtoun and Myddiltoun, on account of the charter and 
other letters made by her husband, on the alienation of an annual 
rent of eighteen merks to Sir William Myrtone, and his assignees, 
prebendaries, etc., which she approved and ratified, swearing on the 
holy evangels never to come in the contrary of the premisses, and 
that her present renunciation was made not by fear or compulsion of 
her spouse. Dated 26th July 1518. Witnesses Masters John 
Spens, Martin Balfour, Thomas Wemyss, Alexander Scott, Alex- 


ander Martyne, and John Wilkynstoun, clerks of St Andrews 

81. Extract from the book of the register of the official of St 
Andrews, bearing that, on Monday, 26th July 1518, Jonet Lundy, 
lady of Ardros, younger, outwith the presence of her husband, George 
Dischintoun, lord fear of Ardros, renounced her conjunct fee of the 
lands of Collemachiis, viz., Holtoun and Middiltoun, and approved 
the charter made by her husband as to the alienation of eighteen 
merks, and warned to this under the pain of cursing. Further, the 
said George Dischintoun approved the charter seal and other evi- 
dents made thereupon ; and further, was warned to satisfy the said 
sum of eighteen merks yearly and termly in the town of Caraill, to 
Sir William Myrtone, as in his obligation warned to keep under pain 
of cursing, binding himself to keep the whole under pain of the 
apostolic chamber, with all needful raising of letters. Dated at St 
Andrews as above. Present Martin Balfour, vicar of Quhilt; John 
Spens, John Wilkynstoun, Alexander Martyne, George Strang, 
William Strang, procurators of court. 

82. i pth November 1518. George Dischyntoun, fear lord of 
Ardross, and William Dischyntoun, his son and apparent heir, are 
warned, on their own confessions, to pay to Sir William Myrtone, 
vicar of Lawthresk, and his assignees, prebendaries, chaplains doing 
divine service in the college kirk of Caraill, the annual rent of ten 
merks out of the lands and barony of Ardros, under pain of cursing, 
ay, and till the said annual rent were redeemed, according to the 
tenor of the reversion thereof, and to pay two shillings every day 
after the term, if it were not paid. The parties so warned swear on 
the gospels to observe this act of the official's court, under pain of 
cursing. Before Thomas Abircrummy, Master Robert Lausoun, and 
Sir Andrew Martyne, vicar of Caraill. [This document is docqueted 
as an extract from the book of contracts of the official principal of 
St Andrews.] 

83. 6th October 1511. David Myrtone of Cambo is warned to 
pay to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, ten merks Scots, 
according to charter, under pain of cursing. At St Andrews. 
Witnesses Robert Cunynghame of West Barnys, Alexander 


Myrtone, younger of Cambo; Robert Calfhyrd, etc. [Extract as 

84. 28th June 1527. William Lummisdene of Ardre is warned to 
observe the act in the books of the official's court of St Andrews, 
dated 2oth April, year "17," and obligation made thereanent by 
John Lummisden, his father, to Sir William Myrtone, and the chaplains, 
for six merks yearly, according to the tenor of the said act, under 
pain of cursing. [Extract as above.] 

85. Notarial instrument certifying that, on the i2th October 1512, 
in presence of Master Hugh Spens, professor of sacred theology, 
doctor of canon laws (decretoruni), provost of the college kirk of St 
Salvator, and official principal of St Andrews, the notary, and wit- 
nesses, John Borthwyk, lord of the franktenement of the lands of 
Balhoussie, Gordonis Hall, and Pitmerth, and Alexander Borthwyk, 
his grandson, lord of fee thereof, compearing in judgment; the said 
John renounced his franktenement thereof, to the effect that Sir 
William Myrtone and his assignees might have continually and 
termly payment of an annual rent of twenty merks, according to the 
tenor of a charter of the said Alexander Borthwyk, who, having been 
sworn, and having with his father recognised and approved the 
various charters and seizins made thereon, are warned by the official 
principal to pay the said sum to Sir William Myrtone and his assignees, 
chaplains, or chaplain, founded by him, and particularly Sir Patrick 
Mawchlyne, and his successors, at the pleasure of the said Sir 
William, under pain of cursing ; and at the said Sir William's good 
pleasure, to assign substantial tenants as securities for payment 
thereof, to be bound also under pain of cursing. Done in the 
church of the Friars Predicant, in the city of St Andrews, i2th 
October 1512. Witnesses Laurence, abbot of the monastery of 
Inchaffray, in the diocese of Dunblane ; Robert, abbot of Balmuri- 
nocht; Masters Robert Dauidsoun, James Wischart, Martin Balfour, 
John Spens, John Strathauchin, Henry Rouche, John Lawder, and 
Robert Lesly; John Bonar, notary. 

86. 22d March 1518. Master Thomas Meldrum, lord of Segye 
and of Newhall, is warned, and binds himself, his heirs and assignees, 
to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and his assignees, chap- 

2 A 


lains, in 10 lib. Scots of annual rent furth of his lands of Newhall, 
alienated by him to the said Sir William and his assignees, under 
pain of cursing, until the redemption of the said annual rent, accord- 
ing to the reversion granted by Sir William Myrtone to him. Witnesses 
David Meldrum, William Leychtoun, John Gibsoun, Master John 
Spens, younger; Sirs Walter Mar and Alexander Reok. [Extract.] 

87. 28th August 1516. John Abercrummy, bailie of Caraill, and 
laird of Bredlewis, is warned, and binds himself, his heirs, executors, 
and assignees, to pay to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and 
his assignees, chaplains doing service in the parish kirk of Carall, 205. 
Scots, under pain of cursing. Before Master Robert Lausoun, Sir 
Walter Mar, Andrew Foular, and David Paltoun, servitor to the laird 
of Auldy. [-Extract.] 

88. Notarial instrument certifying that, in presence of the notary 
and witnesses, personally compeared Master Thomas Meldrum of 
Newhall, David Myrtone of Cambo, John Lummisden of Ardre, 
Alexander Myrtone of Randerstoun; Master Thomas Cunyngham, 
tutor of West Barnys ; John Abircrummy, John Gibsone, William 
Bowse, bailies of the burgh of Caraill; John Cas, John Rudman, 
George Clapen, Robert Borthuyk, William Cornuell, John Cornwell, 
John Lawsone, David Dawsone, William Dauidsone, James Moress, 
Robert Gray, Alexander Hoburne, William Symsone, Alexander 
Clerk, John Dawsone, David Lumisdene, and others named, assem- 
bled in the tolbooth of the burgh, with unanimous consent, and with 
consent of the whole community of the burgh, consented and cordi- 
ally decreed that Sir William Tumour was a fit, sufficient, learned, 
and worthy chaplain to enjoy the gift of the chaplainry of the Holy 
Rood in solio, and that since the foresaid bailies, councillors, neigh- 
bours, and commons of the said burgh, in virtue of an obligation 
under their common seal, are bound to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthresk, founder of the college of the said burgh, that the foresaid 
chaplainry shall never, by them or their successors, be conferred and 
bestowed but on a chaplain sufficiently imbued with languages 
(grammaticaltbus) and learned in Gregorian chant, pre-cant, descant, 
and playing on the organ, they sent and presented him to the 
said Sir William and his prebendaries, to be examined of his suffi- 
ciency, who, being chapterly assembled, admitted him to be suffi- 


ciently learned and qualified: In which chapter the said Sir 
William Tumour bound himself by oath to obedience, according to 
the force and effect of Sir William Myrton's charter and erection. 
Meanwhile the foresaid bailies, etc., being undoubted patrons of the 
said chaplainry, in their hands by the demission of Sir Alexander 
Swentoun, last chaplain thereof, presented the said Sir William Tur- 
nour thereto for his lifetime, by delivery of a book and cup, as the 
custom is, observing the restrictions following, to wit : that he should 
daily, when disposed, pray for the souls of the founders of said chap- 
lainry ; sing, or cause to be sung, a mass of requiem at the said altar 
cum nota, every second week-day for the said founders ; play on the 
organ, according to usage, in the college kirk, in his habit, in the 
quire, at daily matins, the Lord's mass, Am gloriosa, high mass, and 
vespers, and that the said chaplainry is annexed to the said college 
under their common seal, etc., and the said Sir William Turnour 
to be the common clerk of the burgh, etc., but to be removable 
by the bailies, etc., if remiss ; taking him bound not to molest his 
patrons in word or deed from the day of his admission. To the 
observing of all which Sir William Myrtone craved the common seal 
of the burgh to be appended to the instrument. Dated 6th May 
1522. Witnesses Sir Andrew Martyne, vicar pensionary of the said 
church ; David Broun, Sirs James Brown, David Bowman, Thomas 
Bowman, William Abircrummy, and Edward Annell. 

89. Notarial instrument certifying that on the gth April 1526, in a 
chapter court held in the tolbooth of the burgh of Caraill, by David 
Spens and John Abircrummy, bailies of the said burgh, there being 
present George Corstorphyne, William Bowse, David Hay, John 
Dawesone, John Cornwell, Henry Cowper, George Bawne, William 
Clerk, John Lumisden, lord of Ardre, and the rest of the more con- 
siderable persons of the burgh, in presence of whom and of the 
notary, Sir William Myrtone, perpetual vicar of Lawthresk, com- 
peared and made public intimation, that by the gift of the prede- 
cessors of the said burgh and community thereof, for a long space 
heretofore the common seal of the said burgh had been given to 
him without any gainsaying, to the effect that the successors of Sir 
David Gawe, as chaplains of the high altar in the quire of the college 
kirk for the time, after the said David's decease, should bear the 
yoke and share the daily burden of all divine services celebrated in 


the said college kirk, as well on ferial as festive days in matins, 
Lord's mass, high mass, vespers, etc., as well in the quire as outwith 
the same, along with the said Sir William's prebendaries. In whose 
presence also presently compeared quickly Sir David Gawe, chaplain, 
and begged and craved of the said bailies, etc., for licence to take 
upon him such a holy and blessed yoke with the other prebendaries 
and chaplains at the throne of the Holy Cross in all divine services. 
Whereupon the bailies, etc., holding a secret consultation, unani- 
mously concluded his desire to be reasonable, and unanimously 
granted his godly petition, who then bound himself by oath, Sir 
William craving the common seal and notary's instrument thereon. 
Present Andrew Sew, William Bowse, Laurence Gregour, John 
Cragie, William Skirlyng, David Browne, Peter Gardener, etc.; John 
Bowman, notary. 

90. Charter of sale by David Monipenny, laird of Pitmuly, to Sir 
William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthrysk, and founder of the glorious 
(almi} college of Carale, and his prebendaries, chaplains doing 
service in the college kirk of Carale, of an annual rent of six merks 
Scots, furth of his lands of Pitmuly, in the constabulary of Craile and 
shire of FyfF, for 80 lib. Scots paid to him. Reddendo one penny if 
asked only. Dated at Carale, 27th July 1528. Witnesses Sir 
John Bowman, Sir Andrew Martyne, Laurence Gryg, John Aber- 
crumme, Robert Borthuyk, Robert Bowse. 

91. Instrument of seizin of Sir William Myrtone in the foresaid 
annual rent of six merks furth of the lands of Petmuly, 27th July 
1528. Witnesses Sir John Bowman, Sir David Bowman, Sir Alex- 
ander Muncur, chaplains, etc. 

92. Obligation by David Monipenny, laird of Pitmuly, to warrant 
the foresaid annual rent of six merks out of his lands of Pitmuly. 
Dated at Carale, 27th July 1528. Witnesses as in No. 90. 

93. ist August 1528. David Monipenny is warned to pay to Sir 
William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthrysk, and his chaplains, preben- 
daries, doing service in the college kirk of Carale founded by him, 
and their successors, an annual rent of six merks out of his lands of 
the lordship of Pitmuly, beginning the payment at the first term of 


Martinmas next, binding himself, his heirs, executors, and assignees, 
for the same, and to free Sir William from all ward, terce, relief, for- 
feiture, etc., till the redemption of the said annual rent, according to 
the tenor of Sir William's reversion made to him thereupon, under 
pain of cursing and payment of 160 lib. for skaith and expense, as 
oft as they should fail in payment of the said six merks. 

94. Charter of sale by Alexander Myrtone, laird of Randelston 
and Newtone, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthrysk, and his 
assignees, prebendaries serving in the college kirk of Carale, of five 
pounds of annual rent from his lands of Newtone in the constabulary 
of Carale and sheriffdom of Fyff, in special warrandice of five acres 
of the lands of Randelston, with the sea- weed and with pasture of one 
horse, otherwise sold by the said Alexander to the said Sir William 
Myrtone and his assignees ; so that if he or they were troubled or 
impeded in the peaceable possession of the said five acres, etc., and 
could not possess them peaceably by reason of ward, relief, or non- 
entry, or any other cause, it would be lawful to him and them to 
enjoy an annual rent of five lib. from his lands of Newtone, in 
special warrandice as aforesaid. Dated at Carale, i5th October 1528. 
Witnesses as before, with Sir Edward Annel, Sir Thomas Bowman, 
Sir Thomas Clark, Sir Alexander Muncur, chaplains; James Fowler, 
Laurence Gryg, George Corstrophyn, Andrew Kay, and David Hay. 

95. Charter of alienation by Alexander Myrtone, laird of Randel- 
ston, to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthrysk, and his assignees, 
etc., of five acres of his arable land of Randelstone, with sea ware 
and other pertinents, lying in the constabulary of Carale and shire of 
Fyff, containing twenty-one "ryggis," whereof ten lie above the 
castle of Randelston, ascending up to Stottis Gayt, and other eleven 
rigs thereof ascending from Stottis Gayt to the other lands of 
Randelston, with pasture of one horse, and the sea-weed for lab- 
ouring the said five acres, and with as many horses and servants as 
those labouring may please, with "ish* and entry" to remove the 
grain from the said acres as should seem expedient, for the sum of 
100 merks legal money of Scotland, paid to him by the said Sir 
William. To be held by the granter and his heirs in fee and 
heritage for ever, for payment of one penny in name of blensh farm 

* Issue, access. 


al Whitsunday, if asked only. Dated at Carale, i5th October 1528. 
Witnesses as above. 

96. Obligation by Alexander Myrtone, " layrd of Randelston," to 
" Schyr Wylzhem Myrtone, vicar of the parych kyrk of Lawthrysk," 
etc., of the foresaid five acres of Randelston, " wyth ane hors gyrs,* 
with fre ingress and regress to the wayr and fra the wayrf with sa 
mony hors as plesis the lawboraris of the sayd fywe akaris," as 
contained in his charter. And if they could not be peaceably 
laboured, either by reason of ward, relief, non-entries, tierce, or other 
cause, the said Sir William to have ingress to an annual rent of five 
pounds out of his lands of Newtone, according to the charter of 
warrandice made thereanent Dated at Carale, isth October 1528. 
Witnesses as in No. 94. 

97. Instrument of seizin of Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Law- 
thrysk, etc., of the above five acres of the lands of Randelston, with 
sea ware and grass of one horse, with free ish and entry to the haven 
of Randelston and the sea ware, as contained in the charter made 
thereupon. Also the same day, of the five pounds furth of the lands 
of Newton as in the charter of warrandice. Seizin given by Alex- 
ander Myrton, lord of Randelston and Newton. Dated i6th 
October 1528. 

98. Notarial instrument certifying the resignation by Elena Mel- 
drum, lady of the tierce of the lands of Randelston and Newton, 
spouse of umquhile John Myrtone, umquhile laird thereof, of her 
third part of the five acres of Randelston, contained and marched in 
the charter made by Alexander Myrton thereupon, in the hands of 
the said Alexander Myrtone in favour of a respectable and famous 
man, Sir William Myrton, vicar of Lawthrysk, etc. And further, 
she consented that the said Sir William and his prebendaries should 
enjoy the five pounds annually out of the lands of Newtone, so far 
as pertained to her for her tierce, in warrandice of the said five acres 
if need were. And she procured the seal of John Abircrummy, one 
of the bailies of Carale, because she had not one herself. Done on 
the ground of the foresaid lands, i6th October 1528. Present 
George Corstrophyn, Malcolm Malcomson, Thomas Smart, Laurence 

* Grass or pasturage. + Sea-weed. 


Gryg, George Corstrophyn, Andrew Corstrophyn, David Hey, William 
Muyr, William Brovne, Sirs David Bowman, Thomas Bowman, 
Edward Annel, William Abircrummy, Thomas Clark, and Andrew 
Martyne, chaplains. 

99. Notarial instrument certifying that on the i2th October 1512, 
in presence of Hugh Spens, professor of sacred theology, doctor of 
canon law (decretorum doctor), provost of the college kirk of St 
Salvator, and official principal of St Andrews, and of the notary and 
witnesses, compeared in judgment John Borthuik, lord of the frank- 
tenement of the lands of Balhouffe, Gordonyshall, and Petmarth, 
and Alexander Borthuik, his grandson, lord of the fee thereof. First, 
the foresaid John renounced the franktenement of the said lands, to 
the effect only that Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and 
his assignees, should have continual payment yearly and termly of 
20 merks from these lands, according to the tenor of a charter 
granted by the said Alexander Borthuik. Further, the said John 
and Alexander promised and swore to observe all things contained 
in the charters, letters of obligation, etc., and were warned by the 
lord official and his clerk of court to pay the said Sir William and 
his assignees, and his chaplains, and especially to Sir Patrick 
Machling and his successors, at the will of the said Sir William 
Myrtone, the said 20 merks, under pain of cursing, and to assign 
sufficient tenants who should be bound to make the payment. 
Done in the kirk of the preaching friars within the city of St Andrews, 
the said official sitting there in judgment. Present Lawrence,* 
abbot of Inchaffray; Robert, abbot of Balmerinachjf Masters Robert 
Dauidsone, James Wischart, Martin Balfour, John Spens, John 
Strathauchin, etc. 

100. Wednesday, 4th May 1531. Sitting in judgment Master 
John Weddell, licentiate in both laws, rector of Flisk, and official 

* Laurence Oliphant was nominated Abbot of Inchaffray by bull of provision 
from Pope Alexander VI. on the i6th November 1495, on the resignation of George 
Murray. He died or resigned before December 1514 ("Vatican Act. Consist., 
Obligazioni, " ad ann.). This abbot is not mentioned in the imperfect list given in 
"Liber Insule Missarum," or "Register of Inchaffray," printed in 1847 by the 
Bannatyne Club. 

t This abbot is omitted in the list given in "Liber Sancte Marie de Balmeri- 
nach," printed in 1841 by the Abbotsford Club. 


principal of St Andrews, in St Ann's Chapel, in the city of St An- 
drews, in the consistory thereof, to give law and hear causes : which 
day Robert Borthuick of Gordonishall, son and heir to umquhile 
Alexander Borthuick of Gordonishall, being called to see and hear a 
certain act under form of instrument drawn by umquhile Mr John 
Bonar, notary, under the seal of the officialate principal of St An- 
drews, dated i2th October 1512, anent an annual rent of twenty 
merks from the lands of Balhouffie, Gordonishall, and Petmarth. 
Sold to Sir William Mertone, judicially transferred to the said Robert 
Borthuick. The judge accordingly transferred the same to him, and 
he was warned to observe it under pain of cursing. [Extract.] 

1 01. Petition addressed to Andrew, Archbishop of St Andrews, 
Primate of all Scotland, Legatus Natus and of the Apostolic See, with 
power of a Legate & latere, and perpetual commendator of the monas- 
tery of Dunfermline, by Jonet, prioress of the monastery of nuns of 
Haddington, of his diocese, and Sir William Myrton, perpetual vicar 
of the parish kirk of Lawthresk, also of his diocese : Whereby on the 
narrative that by a certain agreement the said prioress and convent, 
chapterly assembled, had unanimously consented, for the praise, 
glory, and honour of the High and Indivisible Trinity Father, Son, 
and Holy Ghost, the blessed and spotless Virgin Mary, mother 'of 
our Lord Jesus Christ ; and the Prince of the Apostles, St Andrew, 
patron of this kingdom and of the said diocese; and all the saints of 
the Celestial Court, for the welfare of the souls of James the Fourth, 
King of Scots, and of his spouse; the weal and prosperous state of 
the illustrious prince James the Fifth, King of Scots, and his succes- 
sors; and for the father archbishop and his predecessors and 
successors; for themselves, their benefactors, predecessors and suc- 
cessors, and all the faithful dead, had formerly given consent, as the 
said prioress hereby consents, to the founding of a provostship, with 
certain prebendaries, and to that extent, that the vicarage of Caraill of 
the said diocese, the presentation to which belonged to the said 
prioress and convent, and with consent of Master Alexander Dunbar, 
vicar of the church of Caraill, who otherwise may be raised in the 
college kirk to the oversight and direction of the choir and of divine 
worship, and that he should find one vicar pensionary to do service 
in the cure of his said parish church, in the said college kirk of St 
Mary the Virgin of Caraill, and shall sustain him. Which provostship 


shall be always at the presentation of the said prioress and convent, 
and at the archbishop's collation ordinary. And the said Sir William 
Myrton, to the effect foresaid, consents that the seven chaplainries 
underwritten founded by him be raised into seven prebends for seven 
prebendaries for the oversight and disposition of the choir and divine 
worship. Which chaplainries or prebends as to their presentation or 
gifts should belong to him while he lived; and after his death, the 
third prebend to David Myrtone of Cambo and his heirs, the 
seventh prebend to the laird of Randalstoun and his heirs, and the 
other prebends to the bailies and community of Caraill, and the 
admission to belong to the provost and chapter. And also John 
Abircrummy and George Kenloquhy, bailies of Craill, the whole 
community thereof, and the sundry parishioners of the parish kirk of 
Caraill, gave their consent, as they hereby consent, that the chaplainry 
belonging to the Holy Rood and the chaplainry of our Lady belonging 
to the high altar at their gift and presentation, should be united and 
incorporated as two prebendaries of the said college kirk of Caraill, 
for augmentation of divine worship, according to the tenor of the 
foundations. In the first place, that the provostship of St Mary the 
Virgin of the said college kirk of Caraill be erected from the vicarage 
thereof, and the name of the vicarage suppressed. The provost to 
have for his sustentation all fruits, rents, and prevents of the vicarage 
of the said church, with oblations and other emoluments pertaining 
thereto, and the whole manse or mansion and glebe ewest * to the said 
church; and to pay all ordinary burdens incumbent on the said 
church wont to be paid by him or his predecessors in times bygone ; 
also to have a perpetual vicar pensionary, at his presentation and 
collation ordinary, to whom he shall pay yearly fifteen merks Scots ; 
and the said vicar to have five merks Scots of the annual rents of 
Caraill, according to the tenor of the charter to be made thereupon 
by the said Sir William Myrtone ; the said vicar to be president of 
the choir after the death of the said Sir William Myrtone; the said 
Sir William presiding, if present, and in his absence the said vicar; 
and the provosts to have jurisdiction respectively in his absence; 
and in the absence of both, a senior prebendary of the choir shall 
preside by election of the chapter. The foresaid vicar to be a pre- 
bendary in the said church, and to obey the statutes of the chapter 
like the rest. The second prebend founded by Sir William Myrtone 

* Adjacent. 


in the choir, after the vicar shall be the prebend of the Aisle of St 
Mary the Virgin, in the said college kirk of Caraill; so the prebendary 
thereof shall be called to have for his sustentation ^14, 133. 4d. Scots ; 
first an annual rent of 6, 133. 4d. from the lands of Balmonth, etc., 
and to be sacristan of the college, and do all the sacristan's duty, to 
wit, keep the books, cups, vestments and ornaments of the high altar 
and choir, and o\heijocalia, and bring them to the choir, and give 
them to those doing divine service, by himself or an honest servitor, 
to render an account of all ornaments given for the embellishment 
of the said college to the provost and chapter. The third prebend 
shall be called the second prebend of St Mary's Aisle; and for his 
sustentation the prebendary is to have ^"13, 6s. 8d. of the founder's 
annual rent out of the lands of Kelle and barony thereof. The 
fourth prebend shall be styled the prebend of St Michael's altar, in 
the college kirk of Caraill, and the prebendary shall be skilled and 
trained in organs, and play on feast days, and at suitable times, or 
find a substitute, Sir David Bowman presently possessing the said 
prebend; and for his sustentation he is to have ^13, 6s. 8d. Scots of 
the founder's annual rent of the lands of Kelle and barony thereof. 
The fifth prebend shall be called the second prebend of St Michael's 
altar; the prebendary to have ^"13, 6s. 8d. Scots out of the founder's 
annual rent out of Gordonishall, Pitmerth, and Balhuffie, as more 
fully contained in the charter given to Sir Patrick Mawchlyne, now 
possessor of the said prebend. The sixth prebend shall be styled 
the prebend of St James the Apostle, in the said college kirk ; the 
prebendary to have ^13, 6s. 8d. Scots from the lands of Sypseis, an 
annual rent of 4 Scots, etc., as more fully contained in the founder's 
charter to Master James Leiche, now possessor thereof. The seventh 
prebend shall be called the prebend of St Nicholas, in the college 
kirk; the prebendary to have ^13, 6s. 8d. Scots, an annual rent of 
;8 from the lands of Cambo and Belsies, etc., as more fully con- 
tained in the charter to Sir William Tumour, priest, now possessor 
thereof. The eighth prebend to be called the prebend of St Bartho- 
lomew; the prebendary to have ^13, 6s. 8d. Scots, an annual rent of 
6, 133. 4d. from the lands of Aldleys, etc., as more fully con- 
tained in the founder's charter to Sir William Andersone, now pos- 
sessor thereof. The ninth prebend, united and incorporated by con- 
sent of the bailies and community and parishioners of the town and 
parish of Caraill, which a certain chaplain, by name Sir George 


Lumisdene, now possesses as prebendary thereof, to have for his 
sustentation as contained in his charter of foundation. The tenth 
prebend, united and incorporated in like manner by consent as 
above, shall be entitled the prebend of our Lady at the high altar ; 
and to have for sustentation as contained in the charter of founda- 
tion, and two merks Scots of annual rent of Caraill from Sir William 
Myrtone's foundation, prebend now possessed by Sir David Gawye. 
In the eleventh place, the bailies, community, and parishioners of 
Caraill adjoin and bind to the said college a meet person, their 
parish clerk, skilful in chant and discant ; to have for his sustenance 
the fruits, rents, and prevents of the parish clerkship, and to sing at 
morning mass, vespers, and antiphons like the prebendaries ; to have 
a secular clerk under him to ring the bells at the stated times, fur- 
nish fire and water for the kirk, and go through the parish with the 
holy water and for sprinkling, and to serve the vicar in doing his 
office, and keep the choir in all honesty, and light the candles upon 
the high altar and upon the hearses. Which chaplains or preben- 
daries shall daily, in chant and discant, as the season demands, cele- 
brate matins, high mass, and vespers, as bound in the charters of 
foundation, and shall be bound to obey all college statutes, under the 
penalties contained in the said charters ; the said Sir William 
Myrtone further willing and decerning that they shall be bound to 
personal residence, etc. All which charters of foundation he ordains 
to be copied and doubled, that as great faith may be given to the 
transumpts as to the originals, together with the interposition of the 
reverend father's decree, or of the official principal of St Andrews, or 
within the archdeanery of Lothian, and with collation and subscrip- 
tion of a notary public, to the end that one copy of all the said 
charters should remain in the archbishop's register or that of his 
official, another in the register of the monastery of Hathington, a 
third at the college of Caraill ; further ordaining, that at the ringing 
of the bell which all the year shall begin regularly at the fifth hour 
and end at the sixth hour, all the said prebendaries, for the celebra- 
tion of matins at the said sixth hour, shall meet in their habits as 
above, etc. [with many other regulations]; and if anything were 
omitted, the archbishop had power to supplement it. Praying there- 
fore the most reverend father to confirm, ratify, approve, add, amend, 
etc., the foregoing extinction, erection, foundation, division, union, 
distribution, and rules of the foresaid chaplainries or prebendaries; 


praying that Jesus Christ by the intercession of the blessed Virgin 
Mary may long preserve him to the happy government of the Church, 
and honour of the pastoral office. Sealed with the common seals of 
the nunnery of Hathingtoune, of Sir William Myrtone, and of the 
burgh of Caraill, and dated at the said nunnery and burgh of Caraill 
respectively, the ;th and 8th June 1517. Present Mr John Hep- 
burne of Benestoun, David Myrtone of Cambo, Alexander Myrtone 
of Randelstoun, John Lumisden of Ardre, William Hepburn, Andrew 
Hepburn, Luke Hepburn, esquires; Master Thomas Lumisden and 
Sir Richard Mauchlyne, priests. 

102. Notarial instrument certifying that on the 3d of March 1516, 
Mr Alexander Dunbar, vicar of Caraill, gave his irrevocable consent 
and assent to the erection of the said vicarage of Caraill of St 
Andrews diocese into a perpetual provostship, according to the 
foundation and erection of the new college to be made in the parish 
kirk of Caraill, promising, by reason of the erection of the said 
college, to give from the said vicarage, for himself and his succes- 
sors, ;io yearly, to be uplifted furth of the said vicarage, on 
account of the creation of a new vicarage pensionary in the said 
provostry, etc. ; and Sir William Myrtone promised five merks 
yearly to augment the foresaid vicarage pensionary, of his annual 
rents within the burgh of Caraill, for the vicar pensionary. The gift 
of the vicarage pensionary to belong to the presentation of the said 
Mr Alexander Dunbar and his successors, provosts of the college. 
The vicar to make residence like the other prebendaries, but not 
more strictly than he was at the time of the erection, or than his 
predecessors had been in times bygone. Both parties promising to 
observe these stipulations by holding out their right hands to the 
notary. Done at Edinburgh, 3d March 1516. William Cunynghame, 
Master of Arts, notary public. 


103. Confirmation by Andrew, Archbishop of St Andrews, primate 
of Scotland, legatus natus of the apostolic see, etc., of the erection of 
the college of Caraill, as contained in the petition addressed to him 
(No. 101), which is engrossed, confirming and ratifying the founda- 
tion of the college, gift, ordination, disposition, division, and distri- 
bution, as contained therein ; and that the vicarage of Caraill be 


annexed and united to the said college and provostry of the same, 
and the erection of a vicar pensionary thereof, having taken mature 
consultation with the prior and chapter of the metropolitan kirk of 
St Andrews, as was usual in such arduous concerns, erecting hereby 
the said vicarage into the provostry of the said college of St Mary's 
of Caraill, etc. Giving also power to increase the number of pre- 
bendaries to four, with four boys, provided the new prebendary have 
for his yearly sustentation the sum of ^13, 6s. 8d. Scots, and every 
boy ^4 ; reserving to him and his successors, obedience, jurisdic- 
tion, visitation, correction, and canonical punishment, and ordinary 
archiepiscopal and archidiaconal rights due before this annexation. 
Sealed with the archbishop's and chapter's seals. Dated at his city 
of St Andrews, 2oth June 1517, and sixteenth year of his consecra- 
tion, and third of his translation to the metropolis. Present 
George Feme, archdean of Dunkeld, rector of the University; 
Gavin Dunbar, principal archdean; Robert Forman, his brother- 
german, prothonotary of the apostolic see, dean of Glasgow, and 
commendator of Pythynweme; Hugh Spens, Professor of Sacred 
Theology, doctor of canon law, provost of the college kirk of St 
Salvator, and auditor-general of causes to his legation ; John Weddell, 
licentiate in either law, canon of Moray, and official principal of 
St Andrews; John Sanchar, chancellor of Ross, apostolic protho- 
notary, the archbishop's secretary ; and John Lauder, prebendary of 
Creichtoun, his notary. 

104. Charter of confirmation and mortification by James, King of 
Scots, with consent, advice, and counsel of the three estates of the 
kingdom, assembled in Parliament, for the praise and honour of 
Almighty God, the increment of divine worship, etc., of a charter 
gift and grant by Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, founder 
of the college kirk of Caraill, made to Almighty God, St Mary His 
mother, and all saints, and to eight chaplains, prebendaries of the 
said college kirk, and a vicar pensionary thereof; and for furnishing 
to the said college bread, wine, wax, chalice, books, ornaments, 
particular masses, obsequies, and other services ; of certain annual 
rents, lands, tenements, houses, and acres of burgh lands, to the 
particular prebendaries and chaplains as specified in the several 
charters granted by Sir William Myrtone thereanent The charter 
is engrossed, and is dated at the burgh of Caraill, on the aoth 


September 1526; which charter the king amply confirms, because 
the said college has been founded and made into a notable place 
and kirk of great devotion, where numerous miracles have been 
done by the power of our Creator and Saviour, God Almighty ; and 
in an ancient borough of our kingdom, where sundry princes, his 
predecessors, had made their residence and dwelling-place, as he 
and his successors might do in time to come, as reasonable causes 
and occasions should befall, granting to the college any right he 
might have to the lands, annual rents, etc., through recognition, 
alienation, etc., reserving the suffrages of devout supplications by the 
said provost, prebendaries, and vicar pensionary, and their successors 
only. In witness whereof the great seal is affixed, and the seals of 
several members of the three estates, in testimony of their assent and 
consent are affixed. Witnesses Gawin, Archbishop of Glasgow; 
George, Bishop of Dunkeld ; Gawin, Bishop of Aberdeen, clerk of 
the rolls, register, and council ; the king's brother, James, Earl of 
Moray ; Archibald, Earl of Angus, Lord Dowglas ; James, Earl of 
Arran, Lord Hammylton ; Robert, Lord Maxwell ; Patrick, prior of the 
metropolitan kirk of St Andrews ; William, abbot of the monastery 
of Holyrood near Edinburgh; Archibald Dowglas, provost of the 
burgh of Edinburgh, the king's treasurer, and James Colvil of 
Vchiltre, comptroller and director of Chancery. At Edinburgh, 
24th November 1526, and fourteenth year of his reign. 

105. Charter of sale by William Lumisdene, lord of Ardre, to Sir 
William Myrtone, vicar of Lawthresk, and founder of the college 
kirk of Caraill, and his assignees, prebendaries doing service in the 
said kirk, of two acres of arable land in the burgh of Caraill ; also 
an annual rent of 123. from the land of John Lyell in the same 
burgh ; also an annual rent of i6s. from the lands of Andrew Bawne 
in the said burgh; for ^58, 133. 4d. paid by Sir William Myrtone 
to him, paying for the two acres yearly 4d. of burgh maill. Dated 
at Caraill, i6th August 1529. Witnesses Master Thomas Lumis- 
dene, Sir Andrew Martyne, Sir Thomas Bowman, chaplains ; Adam 
Lumisdene, James Smert, John Cass, David Brown, etc. 

1 06. Charter of vendition by Alexander Inglys of Ferwat, to Sir 
James Ewait, chaplain, and his assignees, of an annual rent of 
twenty merks Scots furth of the lands of Ower Caiplowe in the shire 


of Fyff, for 300 merks Scots paid therefor; reddendo one penny 
Scots at Whitsunday, if asked only. Dated at the manor place of 
Neder Caiplowe, 24th May 1544. Witnesses Sirs David Bowman, 
John Henderson, chaplains ; Archibald Maize, William King, and 
Alexander Callander. 

107. Instrument of seizin on the foregoing annual rent of 20 
merks from Ower Caiplowe to Sir James Eweat. Dated 2ist June 
1544. Same witnesses. 

1 08. Obligation by the said Alexander Inglis of Terwat to warrant 
the said annual rent, under a penalty of 300 merks to be paid in the 
" paroche kyrk of Kylrynne " within forty days after any molestation, 
no part of which to be allowed in the principal sum. Dated at 
Neder Caiplowe, 24th May 1544. Same witnesses. 

109. Foundation, stating on the part of Master John Chalmer, 
Sirs David Bowman, Edward Annand, Thomas Bowman, John 
Brown, William Corstorphine, James Corstorphyne, William Coquil- 
tone, William Abircrommy, Thomas Clark, Thomas Schirlene, Jasper 
Buchain, prebendaries and choristers of the college kirk of St Mary 
in Crail : That whereas Sir James Eweat, chaplain, had given them 
and their successors an annual rent of 20 merks out of Ower Caip- 
lowe, under reversion of 300 merks, and had caused them to be 
seized therein, as more fully contained in letters made to them there- 
upon by Alexander Inglis of Terwat ; therefore they, to the honour 
of God, etc., and for the honour, policy, and good odour of the kirk 
militant, bind themselves and their successors, to celebrate devoutly, 
as God by His grace might grant, daily, a mass of the Holy Ghost, 
for the estate of the church, king and kingdom, for the foresaid Sir 
James, Andrew Void, Jonet Vilson, spouse of the said Andrew, their 
parents and benefactors, at the altar of the Holy Rood, situated 
within the said college kirk. Also binding themselves to the said 
Sir James Eweat, that so soon as the said annual rent, leased by the 
said Sir James, should be redeemed, they should lay out the money, 
300 merks, on like meadow ground for a like annual rent, for 
celebrating the said mass ; also to sing and celebrate the exequies of 
the dead on the day immediately preceding the day of death of the 
said Sir James, with collects and others used in anniversaries, for the 


soul of the said Sir James, his parents and benefactors ; and on the 
day of his death to sing and celebrate a mass of requiem for his soul, 
etc., with solemn toll of bells, and four candles set and lit on a 
seemly table on his sepulchre, and to give eight coins to every priest 
resident in the college kirk, and celebrating the mass of requiem on the 
day of his obit ; and to give to the ruler of the lights of the said kirk 
of Crail, for two candles to be lit every fourth ferial day, at the throne 
of the Holy Cross, at the foresaid singing of the mass of the Holy 
Ghost, and one candle on other ferial days, eight shillings yearly, all to 
be paid by their collector from an annual rent of 303. from the tene- 
ment of John Lauta in the burgh of Craill, given to them and their 
successors by the foresaid Sir James in perpetual alms gift, promising 
faithfully to fulfil all the above written, as they should answer to 
Jesus Christ the Supreme Judge ; and if they should become negli- 
gent or forgetful in fulfilling the premises, or came in the contrary of 
the foundation of the said Sir James, it should then be lawful to the 
prebendaries of the kirk of St Salvador of St Andrews, to intromit 
with the said 300 merks and annual rent, and apply them to their 
own use, and dispone thereon at their will, provided they performed 
the suffrages and other conditions of the foundation, the official of 
St Andrews having power to coerce the said prebendaries of St 
Mary's, if they proved remiss, by kirk censures, to fulfil the condi- 
tions of the foundation, contained in their present obligation, or 
cause them to resign the 300 merks and annual rent. Dated at the 
burgh of Craill, 7th December 1555. Witnesses Sirs James Kay, 
John Dischintone, George Kynge. Subscriptions of Master John 
Chalmer, vicar pensionary ; Sirs David Bowman, Edward Anand, 
Sir John Brown, Sir William Corstorphin, Sir William Congilton, Sir 
Thomas Bowman, Sir James Corstorphin, Sir Thomas Clerk, Sir 
Thomas Skyrling, Sir Jasper Bowquhane, Sir William Abyrcromme. 

no. The ornamentis and sylver werk in the college kyrk of 
Caraile : 

In primis at the hye alter, ane grit chaleis of sylver, duble gilt, 
contenand of weycht, xxiiij vncis and half-vnce. Item, ane grit 
ewcharist for the sacrament, duble gilt, contenand xlyj vnce and 
half-vnce. Item, ane litill ewcharist, nocht gilt, weyand viij vnce. 
Item, twa sylver sensouris, ilkane weyand xxv vncis, contenand 
1 vncis. Item, twa sylver chandolaris, ilkane weyand xxxviij vncis 


and half-vnce, in the hail contenand Ixxvij vncis. Item, twa 
sylver crovvattis, weyand baytht ix vncis, all giffin be Schir Thomas 
Myrtoun, vmquhil Archedene of Abyrdene and prowest off Caraill, 
etc. Item, ane cros off sylver, duble gilt, weyand xiij vncis. Item, 
ane litill chaleis, syngle gilt, weyand xij vncis, baytht giffin be the 
priores of Hadyntoun. The hail sowme of the vncis of sylver werk 
at the hye alter is xij K of vncis. Item, thare of duble gilt, Ixxxiiij 
vncis, and syngil gilt, vij** and xvj vncis. 

Item, the ornamentis and vestimentis at the hye alter : In the 
first, ane stand of greyne welnot, viz., ane caype, ane chesable, twa 
tunykillis, with abbis, stolis, and fannonis, with orphesis ymagerye of 
fyne gold, with twa caipis for chantouris of greyne byrge satyne 
orphesit with reide byrge satyne, with pendikle and frontale to the 
hie alter of greyne welnot, giffin be the said Schir Thomas Myrtoun, 
etc. Item, ane stand of quhit dames, viz., caip, chesable, twa tuny- 
killis, with abbis, stolis, fannonis, and paralyngis orphest with 
claytht of gold, ane pendikle and frontale for the alter of quhit 
dames, with oder two quhit caippis of sylk for chantouris, giffin be 
the sayd Schir Thomas Myrtoun, etc. Item, ane stand of blew 
satyne, viz., ane chesable, twa tunykillis orphest with ymagrye of 
gold, with abbis, stolis, fannonis, and paralyngis raferand thareto, 
with two caippis of blew chamblet, and ane caip of brown chamblet, 
giffin be the priores of Hadyntoun. Item, ane stand of blak, viz., 
ane chesable of blak velvet orphest with claytht of gold, twa tuny- 
killis of blak chamblet orphest with gra chamblet, with abbis, stolis, 
fannonis, and paralingis conforme thareto, giffin be the fundatoure. 
Item, ane stand of downe sylk, viz., chesable, twa tunykillis, with 
abbis, stolis, fannonis, and paralyngis referand thareto. Item, ane 
blak stand of duble wyrset for mortis, viz., thre caippis orphest with 
reide satyne, ane chesable with twa tunykillis, abbis, stolis, fannonis, 
and paralingis raferand to the caippis, with pendikle and frontale to 
the alter, and ane wayle to hynge above the alter, all of blak duble 
wyrset with crocis of blak welvet and mort hedis on thame. Item, 
twa chesapillis for feriale dais, ane of blew chambelat, and ane of 
reide duble wyrset, with abbis, stolis, fannonis, raferand to thame. 
Item, thre pendikillis to the hie alter, ane of greyne byrgh satyne, ane 
of blew sairge, and ane of reide sairge, with frontallis of the sammyn. 
Item, thre oder frontallis, ane of sylk nedile werk, ane of wyrset 
neclile werk, and ane of blew chambelat. Item, fywe alter towallis, 

2 B 


and ane grit waile of bartane claitht, to hynge befor the alter in 
lentron, with ane wail of reide wyrset to hynge befor the ymage of 
oure ladye. Item, twa sudoris of dene sylk for the seruyce in pascha. 
Item, ane grit messale of parchment tex hand for the hie alter. 
Item, ane baitkyne for mortis of blak duble wyrset, crosit with blak 

The bukis in the queyre : In the first, twa hail bukis of the 
temporale callit Aspitiens, and twa hail bukis of the sanctis callit 
Sanctorum. Item, foure new half bukis, twa for symmer, and twa 
for wynter, contenand the temporale and sanctorum. Item, thre 
auld hail antiphonallis. Item, tene psalteris, all parchment, and fyne 
text hand. Item, ane new legeand of parchment in text hand, con- 
tenand the temporale, properte and comone of sanctis. Item, ane 
buk of evangelis, and ane epistolare. Item, ane lettronale in grit 
volume, contenand the breiffis off antamys, ymnis, rundis, graillis, 
and alia. Item, ane baitkyne of arres werk for the provest stalle, 
and sax cuschynnis. Item, ane buk in prent callit ordinarium 
divinorum chenzeid at the desk at the hye alter. Item in the Lady 
yle, ane grit chaleis of sylver, duble gilt, contenand of weycht xxiiij 
vnce. Item, ane oder chaleis to the Lady yle off syluer, contenand 
off weycht xvij vnce, syngile gilt. Item, ane syluer chales to Sanct 
Michaellis alter, syngil gilt, contenand of weicht xv vnce and half- 
vnce. Item, twa copper chaleisis, with coippis off syluer, singile 
gilt, price of the peice, iiij lib., all giffin be Schir Wylzem Myrtoun, 
fundatour of the college of Caraille. Item to the rude altere ane 
syluer chaleis, syngile gilt, weyand xvij vnce. Item, ane litil chaleis 
of syluer to Sanct Katryne alter, syngile gilt, weyand ix vnce and 
half-vnce. Summa of vncis of syluer werk in the kyrk by the queyr 
is Ixxxiij. The haill sowme of syluer werk within the college kyrk 
of Caraill is iij c xxiij vnces. 

The vestmentis and ornamentis in the Lady yle, and oderis altaris 
in the kyrk : Item in the lady yle, ane chesable of brown purpure 
veluet, ane chesable of gra satyne, ane chesable of browne wariand 
taiffateis, ane chesable of reide scarlet, with abbis, stoilis, fannonis, 
and paralynge raferand thareto. Item, foure pendykillis to the lady 
alter, ane of reide sairge, ane of greyne taffate, ane of dune sylk, and 
ane of wyrset nedil werk, all with frontaillis, conforme to the pen- 
dikillis, with thre lang alter towallis. Item, twa wallis of reid sairge 
for the ymages in lentrone. Item, ane messail of parchyment text 


hand. Item, foure grit brasyne chandelaris and twa hyngand chan- 
delaris. Item at Sanct Katryne alter, ane chesable of tanny cham- 
blet, with ab, stoil, fannon, and paralingis. Item, twa pendakillis, with 
frontalis and thre alter towallis. Item, ane messail in prent. "Item, 
two grit stannand brasyne chandelaris and foure hangand chandelaris. 
Item at Sanct Michaelis alter, ane chesable of blak veluet orphest 
with claytht of gold, ane oder chesable of quhit fusteane, with abbis, 
stolis, fannonis, and paralingis raferand to thame. Item, twa alter 
towallis, ane pendikle and a frontale, ane messale in parchement of 
text hand. Item, twa stannand brasyne chandelaris, and twa hyng- 
and chandelaris. Item at Sanct James alter, twa chesabillis, ane of 
blak chamblet, ane oder of quhit fusteane, with abbis, stolis, paralingis, 
and fannonis referand to thame, twa alter towallis, with pendikle and 
frontale, twa stannand brasyne chandelaris, and twa hyngand chan- 
delaris. Item at Sanct Jhone the Baptist alter, twa chesabillis, ane 
of blak chamblet, and ane of quhit fusteane, with abbis, stolis, fan- 
nonis, and paralingis referand to thame, ane messale in prent, and 
twa hyngand brasyne chandelaris. Item at Sanct Stewyne alter, 
ane chesable of quhit fusteane, with ab, stoil, fannon, and paraling, 
twa alter towallis, ane messaile in prent, and twa hyngand brasyne 
chandelaris. Item at Sanct Jhone the Evangelist alter, ane chesable 
of reid sairge, with ab, stoil, fannon, and paralyng, twa alter towallis, 
ane prent messale. Item at Sanct Nicholas alter, ane chesable of 
blak chamblet, with ab, stoil, fannon, and paraling, twa alter towallis, 
with pendikle and frontale, twa litel stannand brasyne chandelaris, 
and twa hyngand. 

in. Obligation by William Lumisdene, " larde of Ardre," to Sir 
William Myrtone, vicar of the parish kirk of Lawthresk and founder 
of the college kirk of Carail, to warrand two acres of heritable land 
lying within the " borrow" roods of Caraill, and an annual rent of 
twelve shillings from a land belonging to John Lyell, within the said 
burgh, and an annual rent of sixteen shillings from a land belonging 
to Andrew Bawn in the said burgh, as they are bounded in the 
granter's charter thereof, under the penalty of nine score merks of 
good gold Scots money, for damage and skaith; referring himself 
to the jurisdiction of the official principal of St Andrews to put the 
present obligation to execution, who should have power to grant 
letters of cursing, etc., against the granter, his heirs, executors, and 


assignees. Dated at Caraill, lyth August 1529. Witnesses Thomas 
Lumisden, Schir Andrew Martyne, Schir Thomas Bowman, chaplains; 
Adam Lumisdene, James Smert, Lowre Greg, David Hay, John 
Lyell, John Cas, David Broun, and Thomas Symsone. 

112. Instrument of seizin proceeding on the resignation of William 
Lumisdene of Ardre, in the hands of John Abercrummy, one of the 
bailies of the burgh of Caraill, of the said two acres of land within 
the burgh of Caraill, in favour of Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthresk ; Sir Thomas Bowman, and William Abircrummy, chap- 
lains, prebendaries ; also of two annual rents mentioned in the obli- 
gation immediately preceding to the same persons. Dated 25th 
August 1527. Witnesses George Clapane, Thomas Corstorphyne, 
and James Moreis, and the others named in the preceding deed, 
Andrew Martyne, presbyter of St Andrews, being notary. 

113. Saturday (die Sabbati), 28th August 1529. William Lumis- 
dene of Ardre, John Lyell, and Andrew Bawn, are warned, on their 
own confessions, to satisfy and pay to Sir William Myrtone, vicar of 
Lawthresk, and his chaplains, prebendaries of the college kirk of 
Caraill, doing divine service therein, five bolls and five pecks of bear, 
good and sufficient market stuff, and market measure, for the ferms 
of two acres of arable land, at the feast of the purification of the 
Virgin Mary, or within fifteen days next, and immediately following ; 
and of 283. of annual rent, from two tenements or burgh lands in the 
burgh of Caraill, described in the obligation madeto Sir William Myrtone 
thereon, under pain of cursing. Done before Mr Thomas Lumisdene, 
Walter Mar, Andrew Martyne, Alexander Reocht, Alexander Hakkat, 
chaplains ; and James Tuedy, master of arts ; and the lord of Ardre 
ratified his obligation. Dated the iyth day of August 1529. 

114. Docquet by Robert Lausone, master of arts, clerk of Si 
Andrews diocese, notary public, stating that he was personally pre- 
sent at the production, publication, collation, and reading of the 
charter of erection of the college of Caraill ; charter of confirmation 
of such erection by our sovereign lord, James the Fifth, King of the 
Scots, confirmed with his great seal ; charter of confirmation of said 
erection, by Andrew Forman, late Bishop of St Andrews, primate of 
Scotland, legatus natus of the apostolic see, etc., with consent of the 


chapter of the monastery of St Andrews, confirmed with his and their 
authentic seals ; and all and sundry instruments, charters, obligations, 
acts of consistoriai court of the lord official principal of St Andrews, 
and other documents and evidents within this register, on the sundry 
lands, burgh and landward, ferms, annual rents, annexed and 
founded by Sir William Myrtone, vicar of Lauthresk, founder of the 
college of Caraill, belonging and mortified to the said college of 
Caraill and prebendaries thereof, expressed in such evidents; and 
the said charters of erection and mortification, and alienation of lands 
and annual rents aforesaid, instruments, obligations, and other docu- 
ments foresaid, and acts of the principal, according in all things with 
the foresaid copies contained in the present register. In fine, at the 
publication and transcription of the said writs, by a venerable and 
famous man, Master James Symsone, rector of Kirkforther, and 
official principal of St Andrews, sitting in judgment in the chapel 
of St Ann, in the city of St Andrews, in the consistoriai place thereof; 
the said official's edict preceding, duly executed, indorsed, and pro- 
duced in judgment, citing all having interest to see such evidents 
registered and collated in form of law, and his decreet and authority 
interponed, under pain of contumacy of those having interest and not 
compearing ; that to such copies of writs and evidents contained in 
the foresaid register, collated with the originals, as much faith in 
judgment and outwith should be given as to the said originals, if 
they were produced ; and that he was with the notarus collating the 
said evidents with the originals, and took a note thereof; and by the 
judge's authority, published and signed the same with his subscrip- 
tion, sign, and name, used and wont, in witness of the truth of the 
premises, together with the appension of the seal of the said official ; 
whereupon Walter Moir, procurator in behalf of Sir William Myrtone, 
founder of the said college, asked an instrument. Done in the con- 
sistory foresaid, 23d September 1529. Present Master Martin 
Balfour, vicar of Monymell; George Strang, Alexander Symsone, 
procurators of the consistoriai court of St Andrews ; Sir Robert Buylt, 
chaplain ; John Mar, and Thomas Ferre. 

115. Notarial instrument certifying that Sir James Ewiat, chaplain, 
appointed Mr Alexander Currur, Sirs David Bowman, Edward 
Annand, Thomas Bowman, Thomas Clerk, and the rest of the pre- 
bendaries of the college kirk of St Mary the Virgin in Caraill, and 


their successors prebendaries there, his lawful and irrevocable ces- 
sioners and donators, in and to 300 merks, laid out by the said Sir 
James, on an annual rent of 20 merks, on the lands of Over Capluoe, 
otherwise called Third Pairt, as more fully contained in the charter 
thereof, whereupon Jasper Buythquhan asked an instrument in 
behalf of the prebendaries. Dated at Craill, nth June 1553. 
Witnesses Master David Gawe, David Dischinton, and Sir William 
Congilton ; John Brown, presbyter of St Andrews diocese, being 

1 1 6. Instrument of seizin on precept granted by Alexander Inglys 
of Terwat, in favour of David Bowman, Edward Annand, William 
Corstorphin, Thomas Bowman, William Congilton, Thomas Clerk, 
and the remnant prebendaries of the college kirk of Craill, and their 
successors, of an annual rent of 20 merks Scots out of his lands of 
Third Part, alias Over Caiplwe, which annual rent formerly belonged 
to James Eweat, chaplain, and to which he had made the said pre- 
bendaries his assignees. Precept is dated at Ynglis Terwat, 5th May 
1554. Witnesses David Ynglis, Sir John Johnstoun, chaplain; and 
John Broun, notary. Seizin taken gth May 1554. Witnesses 
Andrew Zoull, Andrew Smyth, Patrick Lumysden, and John Makye. 

117. Notarial instrument certifying that Sir James Eweat, chap- 
lain, personally passed to the chapter house of the college kirk of 
Craill, where the prebendaries were chapterly assembled, and then 
gave and delivered to them "numerate money," -io Scots, which 
he had received from an honourable man, Andrew Tod, dwelling in 
Pitcorthe Ester, for an anniversary, to be held by the prebendaries, 
by singing a mass for the soul of the said Andrew, and of a requiem, 
on the day of his sepulture, with obsequies on the preceding day, of 
which sum the said prebendaries discharge the said Sir James for 
ever. Dated 4th June 1553. Witnesses John Bell of Kircalde, 
John Symson, and Sir George King, chaplain. John Bowman, 
presbyter of St Andrews diocese, notary public. 

1 1 8. Notaries docquet by George Atkinson, clerk of St Andrews 
diocese, notary public, bearing that he, being personally present at 
the reading, production, publication, and collation of the charters, 
instruments, acts of the consistorial court of St Andrews, and other 


evidents written in the present register, agreeing word by word with 
the original and principal writs, and at the publication, transumpt, 
and decreet, on such evidents, by the foresaid lord official principal 
of St Andrews, sitting in judgment in the consistorial place thereof, 
with the notary before written, and took a note thereof, and has 
subscribed, published, and signed with his sign, name, and subscrip- 
tion manual, used in wont, and witness of all and sundry the pre- 

119. Docquet by John Broun, master of arts, clerk of St Andrews 
diocese, notary public, certifying in like terms, and that he was 
present with Robert Lausone, notary above written. 

1 20. Ordinance by the Archbishop of St Andrews, bearing that 
the chaplains, and chorister, or prebendaries of the college kirk of 
Craill, by the tenor of their foundation, shall be bound, every night 
in the year after the song or antiphon ordinarily sung in the aisle, 
founded by Sir William Myrton, founder and endower of the said kirk, 
before the psalm de Profundis, to say five times a pater noster and 
ave, with the creed, with a devout and submissive voice, for the weal 
of the soul of the said founder, and of all the faithful dead. For 
which celebration they shall receive yearly 403., which James, 
Archbishop of St Andrews, deeming to be right and honourable, 
commands and ordains to be observed, as inserted, appointed, and 
confirmed by him, under the pains contained in his letters following. 
Signed by command of the archbishop, by Andrew Elephant, notary 

121. Letters of confirmation by James, Archbishop of St Andrews, 
primate of Scotland, legatus natus, etc., whereby on the narrative of 
the foundation of the college kirk of Craill, and the erection and 
confirmation of the same by Andrew, Archbishop of St Andrews, his 
predecessor; and that John, surnamed Heburn, then procurator of 
the archbishop's church and vicar-general, the see being then vacant, 
had approved certain lawful and honest statutes made thereupon ; 
and that a petition had been lately presented to him by his beloved 
son, Sir William Myrtoun, vicar of Lauthrisk, first and principal 
founder of the said college of Craill, for himself and other founders 
of the said kirk, bearing that certain other new statutes, ordinances, 


or charitable exhortations, adopted by him, with advice of men of 
prudence and those skilled in law, and to be observed by the 
provost, vicar, and prebendaries, choristers, singers, officers, and 
boys of the college, for evermore, besides the statutes in the first 
erection, viz., First, exhorting that divine service in the choir should 
be performed with understanding ; the meaning of words understood; 
the force of accents learned, what acute and what grave, in singing, 
etc., making devout preparation for divine praise, etc. Secondly, 
and above all, to seek to please God by offering the sacrifice of 
praise heartily; getting true grace and glory to themselves and 
others ; kindling in the hearers love of the celestial country, devoutly 
representing the host of fellow-citizens of the church triumphant, 
glorifying God in hymns and songs, as the psalmist says, " sacrificium 
laudis honorificabit me," etc. Thirdly, to pronounce carefully the 
syllables, letters, consonants, and vowels, from the beginning of 
worship to the end, avoiding all interruptions. Fourthly, to observe 
great reverence in carriage, as in kneeling, prostrations, bowing 
leisurely and deeply, refraining from wandering and careless looks, 
and keeping the strictest silence. Fifthly, harmoniously, so that the 
first chorus do not begin the verse until the second chorus have 
ended. Sixthly, heartily, not sparing their voices. Seventhly, 
moderately, beginning everything with due readiness, not raising the 
voice too high, nor falling too low. Eighthly, with difference accord- 
ing to the services, etc. Ninthly, with accord and unanimity of 
heart, so that all devoutly study to perform the divine praises, etc. 
Tenthly, strictly charging that on every Saturday in the year in the 
chapter, the sundry statutes and others contained in the foundation, 
erection, and confirmation, or that may be established in time to 
come, be all collected into one table, and be weekly published and 
read. And to the petition was subjoined, that if these new statutes 
were ratified by the archbishop, and adjoined to the erection of the 
college, it would tend to the weal of the same ; and that the said Sir 
William Myrtone humbly supplicated him to interpose his ordinary 
authority for the observation thereof. Therefore the archbishop 
confirms and ratifies all the preceding statutes, and adds them to the 
statutes of erection, to be observed by the prebendaries and others 
of the college. Whereanent he gives powers and authority to Sir 
William Myrtone, founder and endower foresaid, for his life, for his 
numerousj virtues and merits, which were well known to the donor, 


and for his legality, knowledge, discretion, honesty of life, and sound 
conscience, having full faith in the Lord, and daily experience thereof, 
and to his successors of the said college, or rectors of the choir for 
the time, and presidents of the chapter, according to their con- 
scientious judgment, any of the choristers or others, who, in time of 
divine service in the quire, shall make disturbance with vain stories, 
wandering talk and folly, etc., and who, after warning, would not 
cease the disturbance, and to suspend all such ; and also to impose 
a fine on those absenting themselves from the quire. Dated at the 
archbishop's palace of St Andrews, zpth June 1530. Witnesses 
Mr John Weddell, official principal of St Andrews ; James Symsoun, 
official in the archdeanry of Lothian ; Abraham Creichtoun, rector of 
Chirnside; Gilbert M'Math, the archbishop's chaplain; Sir Walter 
Mar, priest ; William Skirling, his cubicular, and George Boswald ; 
Andrew Elephant, clerk of St Andrews diocese, M. A., notary public. 


On a leaf at the beginning' of the volume. 


2$d February 1541. George Malwyl, citiner of St Andrews, is 
warned to pay to the chaplains and choristers of the college kirk of 
Caraille yearly, after Whitsunday next, seven merks Scots, having 
long occupied the forehouses with the west booth, called the Wester 
Land, near by the parish church, under the pain of cursing, etc. 
Extract from the books of the official principal of St Andrews. 


Friday, 2 d March 1542. Duncan Trumbule, citiner of St Andrews, 
warned to observe a charter made to him by the choristers of Caraille 
anent the feu of a house in New Close, for 483. of ferm yearly, 245. 
termly. Extract as above by Mr George Atkinsoun. 


zd October 1542. Citiner of St Andrews, warned to pay the 
choristers 433. 4d. yearly, according to their charter to him. 


Same day. Andrew Wrycht is warned to pay 463. 8d. yearly ; also 
William Kynlocht for 463. 8d. for houses lying in New Close. 


Thursday, 1 8tA January 1542. Citiner of St Andrews, warned to 
fulfil a charter made by the choristers of Caraille to him of a house 
in New Close for 463. 8d. yearly of ferm. 


Wednesday, iStA April 1543. Citiner of St Andrews, warned to 
observe a charter made to him by the choristers of a tenement in the 
New Close, for the ferms of the house, being 483. yearly ; also warned 
to pay the choristers or prebendaries 403. between and Lambas. 


zith May 1541. William Dischinton, lord of fee of the lands of 
Ardros and barony thereof, and George Dischinton, lord of the 
franktenement thereof, acknowledged a charter of alienation of an 
annual rent of six merks Scots from the lands of Ardros, made to the 
prebendaries, choristers of the college kirk of Caraille, and swore to 
observe them under the pain of perjury ; and are warned to observe 
the said charter and obligation, and pay the said annual rent. 
Present Mr David Dischinton, precentor of Aberdeen; James 
Dischinton, Mr John Dischinton, James Hutsoun; Sirs John 
Henderson and John Atkynson, chaplains. 


Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. 

HAD Daniel Defoe not immortalised himself as the author of 
that inimitable work " Robinson Crusoe," he would still have 
held a prominent place in the foremost rank of English 
novelists by the production of two of his less known works, 
which have been over-shadowed by his great masterpiece, 
namely, the " History of the Plague in London," and the 
" Memoirs of a Cavalier." These historical romances, or, as they 
might be more accurately termed, imaginary autobiographies 
founded on facts, are such life-like delineations of character, 
and so historically true in colouring, down to the minutest 
touches of detail, while the scenes depicted have such an 
absorbing interest thrown over them, that we might well 
believe them to be veritable chronicles of the two imaginary 
heroes who are supposed to relate the events in which each is 
described as bearing so prominent a part, and either of whom 
might well exclaim with Father ^Eneas : 

" Quseque ipse miserrima vidi 
Et quorum pars magna fui." 

Of the " History of the Plague in London," Sir Walter 
Scott, in his "Miscellaneous Works" (vol. iv., p. 290, ed. 1827), 
says: "This is one of that particular class of compositions 
which hovers between romance and history. Undoubtedly 
Defoe embodied a number of traditions upon this subject 
with what he might actually have read, or of which he 
might otherwise have received direct evidence." 

In giving a " History of Visitations of the Plague at 
Leicester," derived from the manuscript records of the 
borough (most of which papers now appear for the first 


time), we shall be continually reminded of the thorough 
truthfulness of the details embodied by Defoe in his work. 

In instituting this comparison between Leicester and 
London, due allowance must, of course, be made for the 
great difference in population of the two places, that of 
Leicester then probably not exceeding 6000 (now nearly 
twenty times that number); but still the same system of 
treatment of the " visited people " was pursued in both, and 
Leicester, like London, suffered at frequent intervals from 
this dreadful scourge. 

The first record we have of one of these epidemics is thus 
given by Throsby in his " History of Leicester," under the year 
1342: "A grievous distemper raged in Leicester about this 
time, of which numbers died. It was attended, we are told, 
with such violent pains, that the cries of the afflicted were like 
the yelling of a dog." What was the precise nature of the 
disease, and whether it was identical with that usually termed 
" the Plague," seems doubtful. 

Under the year 1 349 we have to record probably the most 
dreadful and universal plague which ever raged in England, 
known here as " The Great Plague of Edward III.," and 
" The Black Death " of northern Europe, and the visitation of 
which in Italy in 1 348 formed the groundwork of Boccaccio's 
" Decameron," the author having been an eye-witness of the 
devastation caused by the pestilence in Florence. He tells us 
that "in the year 1348 there happened at Florence, the 
finest city of Italy, a most terrible plague, which, whether 
owing to the influence of the planets, or that it was sent from 
God as a just punishment for our sins, had broken out some 
years before in the Levant, and after passing from place to 
place, and making incredible havoc all the way, had now 
reached the West, where, spite of all the means that art and 
human foresight could suggest, as keeping the city free from 
filth, and excluding all suspected persons, ... in the 
spring of the foregoing year it began to show itself in a sad 
and wonderful manner." 

We learn that this pestilence, after breaking out in the 


East in 1 346, and being brought into Italy in 1 348 (as above 
mentioned), in the same year crossed the Alps, and after 
spreading over France and Spain, appeared on the sea-coast 
of Dorset in 1349, and was hence communicated to Devon, 
and subsequently to other parts of the kingdom at a season 
of great national prosperity. 

The ravages of this pestilence in England were terrible ; 
50,000 people were swept away by it in London, while the 
city of Bristol suffered so, that grass grew several inches high 
in the High Street and Broad Street. In some parts nearly 
half the population is said to have been cut off. 

Of the origin, progress, and nature of the disease, which, 
we are told, quite puzzled the astrologers, many particulars 
may be gathered from our ancient historians, as Fabyan, 
Walsingham, and others ; while the history of the time is 
full of accounts of curious atmospheric phenomena, of comets, 
meteors, fiery beams, and other coruscations.* 

Boccaccio relates that in the East a bleeding at the nose 
preceded the pestilential attack, but at Florence there appeared 
upon the plague-stricken certain tumours in the groin, or 
under the arm-pits, some as big as a small apple, others as an 
e gg ; an d afterwards purple spots in most parts of the body, 
in some cases large and but few in number, in others less and 
more numerous, both sorts the usual messengers of death, 
which, without fever in most cases, usually occurred on the 
third day, neither medical skill nor the power of drugs being 
of any avail; and he adds that "the disease, by being com- 
municated from the sick to the well, seemed daily to get 
ahead, and to rage the more, as fire will do by laying on 
fresh combustibles." Nor did the infection pass only from 
man to man, but to the brute creation, vast numbers of 
animals having perished from it. 

Of the fearful ravages of this great visitation at Leicester, 
we gather some minute particulars from the contemporary 
chronicle of Henry of Knighton, a monk of Leicester 

* See remarks at the end on " the connection between Magnetic Phenomena 
and Epidemic Diseases." 


Abbey, who, like Boccaccio, was an eye-witness of what he 

He tells us that this most dreadful and universal plague, 
after arising in the eastern parts of the world, spread itself 
with the sun westward, and came to England ; and particularly 
at Leicester it raged so virulently, that there died in the little 
parish of St Leonard above 380, in that of the Holy Cross 
(now St Martin's) above 400, and in that of St Margaret 
above 700, and so in other parishes proportionably. 

Here also, as in Italy, " there was such a rot of sheep, and 
that putrified them in such a manner, that neither birds nor 
beasts would touch them." And we are told that the 
calamity was so great, and every one so apprehensive of 
death, that neither riches nor anything else were minded by 
any one, so that everything was extremely cheap, for Knighton 
assures us that in Leicester a man might buy a horse, which 
before was worth 403., for half a mark (6s. 8d.) ; a fat ox for 
45., a cow for I2d., a heifer for 6d., a fat mutton for 4d., a 
sheep for 3d., a great hog for 5d., a stone of wool for Qd., etc. 

There was one peculiarity in the pestilence of this year, inas- 
much as it was observed that it seized chiefly the meaner sort 
of people. 

It is believed that at the least two thousand of the inhabi- 
tants of Leicester, or one-third of the entire population, were 
swept away by this terrible scourge ; and even these ravages 
were less than in many other towns, if we are to believe the 
statements given by Walsingham, and also by the annals of 
the Abbey of Newenham, near Axminster, in which this is 
described as " the most fatal pestilence recorded in the 
history of mankind." 

The next appearance here of the plague was in the year 
1361, in the mayoralty of. William Goldsmith, when from 
January to July it ravaged both France and England, but in 
a different manner from the former visitation in 1 349, when it 
attacked chiefly the meaner sort of people, for now it was 
more destructive of the nobility and gentry ; but of which we 
have few local particulars beyond the important fact, that 


while under the form of this fearful scourge pale Death doubt- 
less knocked at the humble doors of hundreds of the poorer 
denizens of Leicester, in spite of the strong towers of its 
proud castle, the King of Terrors also entered there, and laid 
low its all-powerful lord ; for as we learn on " the 24th of 
March in that year Henry, ' the good Duke of Lancaster,' 
died of the plague at his castle of Leicester," where he had 
made his will nine days previously, and in which he minutely 
prescribed the manner of his funeral in the collegiate church 
of the Newarke, within the precincts of the castle, which he 
directed should be "without the pomp of armed men, or 
horses covered, or other vanities." The king and queen, the 
Black Prince, and other relatives of the duke, were to be 
invited to attend the funeral. Barnes, the historian, in his 
notice of this visitation of the plague, adds: "Thus died a 
man more worthy to live for ever even the great, valiant, and 
liberal prince, Henry Plantagenet." 

Passing on to the middle of the sixteenth century, although 
doubtless, in the interim, many unrecorded ravages of the 
plague took place in Leicester, we for the first time derive 
information on the subject from the archives of the corpora- 
tion of Leicester. Although the fact is not recorded in those 
archives, there can be no doubt that the plague prevailed in 
Leicester during the years 1559, 1560, and 1561, as we find 
from St Martin's parish register the earliest we possess 
that the burials, which were only 12 in the year 1558, rose to 
no less than 57 in the succeeding year, 37 in 1560, and 39 in 
1561 ; while next year they again sunk to 23. 

It is not, however, until the year 1564, that we meet with 
such entries as the following in the chamberlains' accounts, 
extending from Michaelmas 1563 to the same feast in the 
following year : 

" Item, paid for Michael Nutt, the thyrd day of Maye 
[1564], to buye meate for them that kept Stowton's 
house, . . , . . . xx d 

Item, paid to Richard Stoughton when his wief and 

child was buried, . . . .- . iij 5 iiij d 


Item, paid to Losebye's wief for keepinge Ellyn Mar- 

sholle's children when she was at Stowghton's house, iij s iiij rt 

Item, paid to Bagnall's wief when she was vyzited with 

the plagge, the space of vij weeks, . . vij s 

Item, paid to Inglysshe's wief, of Anstye, for kepynge 
Kyrckame's house, beyng visited with the plage 
for x weeks, at xvj d a week, . . . xiij s iiij d 

Item, paid to Izabell Frere for the lyke for x weeks, . x s " 

We here have the first reference to the general custom of 
shutting up and strictly isolating the inhabitants of any 
houses which might be unfortunate enough to be "visited 
with the sickness," and respecting which practice we shall 
meet with many highly curious particulars hereafter. 

This cruel (although then deemed necessary) practice is 
more fully explained in the following order, which we find 
recorded in the " Town Book of Acts," under the title "An 
Act agaynst them that are vysytt with the plague, and will 
not kepe their houses." 

" Att a Comon Hall, holden at Leicester the laste daye of June, in 
the sixe year of the reign of our Sotiverain Lady Elizabeth, etc., etc., 
and in the tyme of the meraltie of Mr Richard Davye, by the assent, 
consent, and agrement of the same mayor and his brethren, called 
the xxiiij", and the xlviij' 1 , in the name of the wholl body of the 
same towne of Leicester, it was agreed and inacted, that if any 
person dwelling within the lyberties of the said towne of Leicester 
at any tyme chaunce to be vysyted with the plague, presume to 
goe abrod amongest them that are clere, within the space of tow 
monithes after, that any shall fortune to dye of the plague in his or 
her howse, shall forfytt for everye such offence fyve pounds of good 
and lawfull money of England, to be payed to the use of the chamber 
of the said towne of Leicester; and if any person so offendyng be 
not able to paye the said some of v 11 , that then he or they shall 
lose their fredome of the same town, and for ever after be banyshed 
out of the same without any redempcon." 

From this regulation we see how stringently the practice 
was carried out the fine of ^5 being probably equal to at 
least $o in the money of the present day. 


The first entries of the "Pest Burials" recorded in St 
Martin's parish register for 1564 (for deaths from the plague 
are now so indicated), occur on the nth May, when a daugh- 
ter of " William Righlye " and " Bagalie's sonne " died of the 
disease. On the 25th, " Awfray, daughter of Richard Bagalie, 
of the pest;" and on the 3d June, "Richard Baglye" himself 
died of it being doubtless the same individual referred to in 
the chamberlains' account as " Bagnall " our old account- 
keepers frequently varying the spelling of the same name in 
the most extraordinary manner. 

This year, in consequence of the prevalence of the pestilence 
during the hot weather, the judges would not come on circuit 
to Leicester, but held the summer assizes at Loughborough 
a similar course being pursued on several subsequent 

Of this visitation, Mr R. Payne Collier, in his " Annals of 
the Stage" (vol. i., p. 188), states: "The plague, or more 
properly an infectious and fatal fever brought by the English 
troops from Holland, raged furiously in the year 1563; and 
it is recorded by Camden that no less than 21,530 persons 
perished in London." He adds, that "Archbishop Grindall 
took this opportunity of using his exertions for the inhibition 
of all popular dramatic amusements for a year, if not entirely 
and for ever." 

In some of our local histories 1583 has been set down as a 
plague-year in Leicester, but on what data we know not, as 
no reference to it appears among the corporation records, 
but the parish register of St Martin's rather tends to corro- 
borate the statement the deaths having been 30 in 1582 
(which was a plague-year in London), and 36 in 1583, while 
in the following year they fell to 19. 

Ten years later, however, we have no lack of materials, for 
the corporation archives during the years 1593 and 1594 con- 
tain a profusion of correspondence, etc., in reference to the 
plague, which ravaged the town from the summer of the 
former year to nearly the same period in the latter. 

On the 2 ist September 1593, at a common hall in the 

2 c 


mayoralty of Robert Heyricke, the following order was 

"Agreed that y e xxiiij 11 shall pay weekelye towards the charges of 
the vizited ij s a peece, and the xlviij" xij d a peece weekelye, and 
nowe to begyn for the weeke paste, and so forwards." 

And again on the igth October it was 

" Agreed to contynewe the weekelye [collection] for the vizited 
people for three weeks longer, which ys the xxiiij a ij s a peece 
weekelye, and the xlviij ti xij d a peece weekelye, and the comons to 
be taxed according to theire liabilities." 

So greatbecame the charges upon the corporation exchequer 
for the watching and maintenance of the many " visited people " 
shut up in the infected houses, and for the five or six hundred 
poor people who were forcibly debarred from going out of the 
town to prevent their spreading the infection among the 
country people, that we find the authorities applying to the 
Lord-Lieutenant, the Earl of Huntingdon, to exert his influ- 
ence with the justices of the county to get some weekly 
allowance made by their .order in aid of this expense. 

It is evident that the earl (who as Lord-President of the 
north, was then at York) sent a favourable reply to the 
mayor's application, but as the letter is not among the hall 
papers, it was probably sent by the mayor to the county 
justices assembled in quarter sessions at Market Bosworth, 
and retained by them together with the application from the 

We have, besides other papers, the drafts of upwards of 
twenty letters addressed by the mayor and others to the Earl 
of Huntingdon, his relative Sir George Hastings, deputy to 
the Lord -Lieutenant the high sheriff, and other justices of 
peace for the county ; all urging the necessity for more 
liberal pecuniary aid to " the poor town of Leicester " in its 
sore distress. 

These letters contain many curious details of the condition 
of the plague-stricken town at the time, but the limited space 


at our disposal will only enable us to give a very brief abstract 
of their contents. 

We have first the copy of a letter to Sir George Hastings, 
in which the mayor states that the charge daily groweth 
greater and greater, by reason of the infection of the plague 
or pestilence it had pleased Almighty God to lay upon the 
town, and the poor also daily increasing for want of their 
" trafique " and liberty to go abroad the charge among the 
visited people only not being so little as 20 a week ; and 
the relief among the poor who stand clear, but are forced to 
keep their houses, not being so little as -io a week he is 
therefore a humble suitor unto his worship (who next, under 
the good earl, is the only commander of the county) to have 
compassion on this poor town, that the county may be 
assessed weekly 20 towards the better relief of the visited 
and poor of the town. This letter, coupled with the previous 
application to the Earl of Huntingdon, appears at length to 
have had some effect, for we next have a letter dated from 
Bosworth, 2Oth September 1593, signed by Sir George 
Hastings and three other county justices, addressed to the 
mayor, and telling him, " we have this day taken order for the 
relief of the poor of your town by the support of the country," 
and the pestilence being so dangerous, they desire none should 
enter the town from the country, nor any of the town go 
abroad into the country ; and they heartily pray that the 
holding of market assemblies should cease for some time, as 
winter being at hand, they hope it may, if it shall please God, 
occasion some stay of the sickness. 

The letter is accompanied by an order from the justices to 
the head constables within the hundred of East Goscote, 
which set forth, that it having pleased Almighty God to visit 
the town of Leicester with the contagious sickness of the 
plague or pestilence, and the justices, moved with the conser- 
vation of the said town, being the chief of the county, and 
also respecting the state of every other town, that they may 
be delivered from the like infection, had, with the mayor, 
aldermen, and governors of Leicester, restrained the going 


abroad of the inhabitants, and to stay the resort of others 
thither for some time, by which the town was like to be 
greatly impoverished and pinched, unless some charitable and 
Christian consideration be had in that behalf. Therefore it 
willed the constables to make some good and reasonable 
collection and benevolence of money weekly for the supply of 
the poor and distressed state of the town ; and that the 
ministers and curates should move their parishioners to deal 
Christianly and charitably with their neighbours as they 
would wish if themselves were in the like distress and misery, 
with more to the same effect 

This and similar orders to other hundreds of the county 
appear to have had scarcely any effect, for on the I5th October 
we find another letter from the mayor to the justices of the 
county, stating, that notwithstanding their orders for these 
weekly collections for the visited and poor of Leicester, no 
money had come to his hands, except eighteen shillings out of 
Guthlaxton Hundred on the previous Saturday, and he urges, 
that as the charges are so great, the weekly collections should, 
by means of their worships, be made and sent in regularly ; 
and in a postscript the mayor urges that the gentlemen of the 
county should, like Sir George Hastings, the high sheriff, and 
others, contribute to the fund themselves, adding that the 
poor people will not be kept shut up in the town without 
daily relief at their own houses. 

Somewhat later the mayor writes in another letter, that " it 
hath pleased God to visit our town with the infection of the 
plague in many houses, to the number of twenty-one, as is 
suspected, out of the which are dead about thirty-five persons, 
in which houses are many persons living who are kept in, 
besides some others near adjoining (being suspected for the 
same), also kept in by continual watch and ward night and 
day, in every place suspected ; and there being many besides 
to the number of five or six hundred, who, for the same cause, 
are not suffered to go out of the town," the charges are con- 
sequently very great, and he therefore earnestly desires that 
some weekly contributions may be had for their relief, adding 


that, although he understood there was an order made by 
their worships at the last sessions for the same, nevertheless, 
as yet, no money had come into his hands. In another 
addressed to Mr Humfrey Purefoy of Barwell, one of the 
justices, after referring again to the distressed state of the 
town as certified in a former letter, the mayor proceeds: 
" Sythence which time I have received letters from my very 
good lord, the Earl of Huntingdon, to certify his honour of 
the state of our town, the which I answered accordingly, and 
now of late have further received from his honour certain 
letters, whereof one to the justices." He then adds : " There 
is as yet very little come in towards their relief" (i.e., the 
"visited" and poor people); "this day but only 35. 6d; the last 
Saturday not much more, and this day fortnight but only /s." 
Then follows a bill of health, or return of the names of the 
persons whose houses were " visited " on the 4th of October 
1593, with the numbers dead in every house, probably drawn 
up for the information supplied to the Earl of Huntingdon as 
above mentioned. 

We find that in St Martin's parish there were fifteen " houses 
visited," two in " Mylnestone Lane," four in " South Gate, ye 
east side," and eight in St Mary's parish. The number of 
dead in these houses was returned as forty-four, nine of these 
(probably of one family) being named Messenger ; while 
three houses were returned as having four dead of the plague 
in each house. 

There was also a house (Thomas Brown's) returned as 
visited in the lane at the back of Sir George Harrington's 
house (in High Street), which had four dead. 

" There ys dyvers sick in the said houses which be vizited, and 
there ys dyvers houses hedged in and kept in that have mixt 
amongest the vizited people, which are all releved daylye of the 
townes charges, and so must be untyll further tryall of them. 

"Also we have greate number of poor, about some v or vj C 
[500 or 600], which are nowe all kept within the town, and are not 
able to lyve without relief, expectinge daylye some relief out of the 


On the 1 8th October we find the mayor again addressing a 
letter to Sir George Hastings and the other county justices 
assembled at Bosworth, in which he presents a sad picture of 
the poverty-stricken state of the townspeople. He says that 
the taxation of the inhabitants for the relief of the visited and 
other houses had become so oppressive, and the inhabitants 
find themselves so grieved thereby, that many of them offer 
to go to prison rather than to continue as they are ; that 
besides the visited and suspected houses there are 500 or 
600 poor at the least, who yet stand clear of infection, who 
have to be relieved to prevent their going into the country, so 
that they now cry unto him grievously by reason thereof, and 
say that they have sold and gaged all that they have to main- 
tain themselves, and that they would either be forced to live 
upon alms, or to die in their houses, which they say they 
will not do, but begin to threaten him that they will go 
abroad, and so peril their lives before they will thus continue. 
The mayor, after renewing his humble petition for some 
reasonable weekly allowance out of the county, promises that 
the corporation will so govern and order the visited and poor 
people as they trust will be to their worships' liking, and for 
the good of the town ; and that as concerning the markets, 
they hope in God to have such care for the ordering thereof as 
shall in no way be hurtful or dangerous to the comers thereto ; 
and he concludes by commending their worships to the 
blessed tuition of the Most High. 

On the 28th November we have the following letter ad- 
dressed by the mayor to Thomas Skeffington and William 
Cave, Esquires (slightly imperfect at the top) : 

" RIGHT WORSHIPPFUL. After our right h[earty thanks for your] 
most curtious letter, these are accordinge to your [desire to let you 
know] the true estate of our towne at this present touching the 
g[reat visitation], it hath pleased God to lay upon the same, the 
which we beseche the Almighty of his infynytt goodness to take 
shortly from us ; it is increased in dy vers houses verye lately, so as 
at this tyme there ys at the leaste sixe and forty houses knowne to 
be infected with the said sicknes, and some other houses doubted, 


which (for the better tryall thereof) wee have caused to be kept in. 
And there is dead thereof sythence the begynnynge persons young 
and old, fyve score and seven at the least, which are all (saving 
three houses) kept and relyved with meate, dryncke, fyer, candle, 
water, sope, and keepers by the towne, of such monye as we have 
weeklye collected amongest ourselves and the inhabitants of our 
towne, beinge of any reasonable habillytye, together with suche 
monye as we have recey ved from the gentlemen of the countye. All 
which hath nothinge neere defrayed the daylye charges we have 
been att aboute the vizited people." 

The letter concludes by expressing a hope that at least 
16 weekly will be contributed out of the county in aid of 
the visited and poor people. 

On the 4th December the mayor, in a letter to Mr Skef- 
fington of Skeffington (the right hand upper corner of which, 
like that of the preceding letter, is destroyed), again refers 
to the great number of infected and poor people who have 
to be relieved, except the three persons whose houses were 
visited and were able to maintain themselves, viz., Mr Nix, Mr 
John Freeke, and one Robert Taylor. The mayor proceeds : 

"And for this tenne weeks past the towne hathe bene charged 
with sixe pounds a week at the leaste out of their purees, besides the 
charge of xx" watchmen, daye and night, contynuallye sithence 
Michaellmas last, which hath bene payde by the better sorte of the 
towne. Nowe dyvers of the inferyor sorte (which were wont to lyve 
well) growe so poore for want of trafique, that they have more nede 
to be relyved than to take anything from them, which greately 
greeveth me to see. I wold to God your worship knewe the great 
treble I have with those that be vizited, and the gryeffe to see the 
nombre in such myserye for want of relief, which non can [so] well 
judge on as they that see itt. And for our markett it is verye 
nedeful to be helde, if it were but for provizion of our towne, so long 
as by our good government we do avoyde all daunger." 

After urging his humble request that the certainty of this 
16 weekly may be performed, the mayor, after expressing a 
hope that the Almighty will shortly remove the plague from 
them, so that they shall not have to trouble his worship again, 


takes his leave, by committing him to the care of the Most 

In the foregoing, and also in other letters, reference is made 
to the twenty watchmen employed to guard the "visited 
houses " day and night continually ; and we next have a 
paper containing the charge to the constable at the head of 
the watch, showing how the ten men for the night watch were 
disposed of, the places mentioned being those where the 
plague was most prevalent. After giving these particulars, 
the charge continues : 

" And in the mornynge you shall sett other v oute of the same 
wards to watche in the places aforesaid all daye ; your night watch 
not to departe before your daye watche do come. You must give 
them strict charge for to kepe the watche trulye, and you must kepe 
this order for thes vij dayes, viz., untill Mondaye next, and then Mr 
Tatam's constable must do the lyke, and so all the rest as they shall 
be appoynted. By MR MAYOR and his brethren, 

R. HEYRICKE, Mayor." 

In a letter addressed by the mayor on the igth October to 
the high sheriff (Thomas Cave, Esq.), after referring to his 
former letter respecting the distressed estate of the town, and 
the furtherance of the weekly collection for the relief of the 
visited people, he complains that the collection from the 
county has since come in so coldly, that being so small, it, 
together with the weekly collection in the town, nothing like 
defrays the charges, so that the corporation has fallen into 
great debt, and likely to do more so, as the visited daily 
increase. He proceeds to inform the high sheriff that if some 
better and speedier contribution be not made, he will be forced 
to move the lords of Her Majesty's Privy Council for their 
warrant to the gentlemen of the county to that effect, or else 
to set the poor at liberty for their better maintenance, with 
more to the same purpose. 

This threat of appealing to the Lords of the Privy Council 
it appears was carried out, as is shown by the following entry 
in the chamberlains' account : 


" Item given to one that did labor to the councell (a 
councellor) to procure the councells letters to the 
justices of the countye of Leycester, for the con- 
tynuynge of the contribucon for the vizited and 
poore people in this towne of Leycester, and to 
have some of the xv een abated for his paynes, . xx* " 

We know not whether this appeal was successful, but the 
Earl of Huntingdon evidently exerted himself in promoting 
the collection in the county, for on the 7th December we find 
the mayor certifying two of the justices, Mr Turville and 
Mr Purefoy, of his having received from the hundred of 
Sparkenhoe the sum of 303., part of the collection appointed 
by the Lord-Lieutenant to be made within the county towards 
the relief of the visited and poor of Leicester. The mayor 
describes the sickness as creeping still into new houses, and 
that thereby many of the inhabitants daily fall into poverty, 
so that for want of the contributions from the county, he had, 
upon his own bonds and credit borrowed money to supply 
their wants, and yet remains in debt for arrears as yet 

In a letter to the Earl of Huntingdon on the I3th of 
December, the mayor reports, that since he last wrote to his 
lordship on the condition of the town, the number of visited 
houses had greatly increased, yet he so keeps the poor people 
shut up in their houses (though to his great grief), that to his 
own knowledge not one goes into the country to beg, nor are 
any of them suffered to beg at any of the common inns 
within the town, whereby the gentlemen or other passengers 
that come to the same, may be put in fear. After some 
further remarks he concludes by complaining that although 
it was more than a month since the earl's letters to the 
county justices were delivered, not much more than 20 had 
come in, and that if it had not been for the great pains and 
care for them of good Sir Edward Hastings he thinks they 
would have had much less ; he therefore begs his lordship, in 
consideration of the great need of the town, to move the 
justices to further compassion. 


On the 6th January 1594, we have a letter from the mayor 
addressed " to the Right Worshipful Mr Francis Beaumont, 
Esquire, one of Her Majesty's Justices of the Common Pleas," 
thanking his worship for his benevolence of 405. towards the 
visited and poor of the town. Mr Beaumont was head of the 
ancient family at Grace Dieu and afterwards at Coleorton in 
this county, and was father of Sir John Beaumont, author of 
" Bosworth Field," and of the still more famous Francis 

'* That famous youth full soon removed 
From earth, perhaps by Shakespeare's self approved, 
Fletcher's associate, Jonson's friend beloved." 

On the 2/th February we have the draft of a long letter to 
the Earl of Huntingdon upon various matters of business, as 
to a lease of land, payment of some money of the earl's in 
London, through the hands of the mayor's brother, Sir 
William Herrick, etc., in which he complains that notwith- 
standing his lordship's last letters to the justices, " there hath 
been little done by them for the relief of the poor, . . . and 
yet our charge continueth great, and some houses lately 
infected towards the south end of the town, whereby I can 
hardly get the judges to sit at the castle, but am forced to 
lodge them at Mr Stanford's house, and to have them sit at the 
Town Hall." On this subject we find the mayor addressing 
a letter on the 3d March 1594 to one of them, Mr Justice 
Gawdie, afterwards Chief- Justice of the Common Pleas, in 
which he states that since his being with the judge there was 
a house newly infected at the furthest part of the South Gate 
of the town, there being one only dead out of the same, and 
two others dead out of two houses heretofore infected the 
one house being in a back lane, and the other in the way 
between Mr Stanford's house and the castle. " I rest doubt- 
ful," he continues, " how your lordship will like to sit at the 
castle ; I have therefore considered of some other convenient 
place wherewith this bearer can sufficiently well inform your 
lordship. And thus humbly entreating your honour's direc- 
tions and pleasure herein by this bearer, wherein present 


provision and order should be forthwith had accordingly, 
with remembrance of my duty, I humbly take my leave." 

The result of this correspondence between the mayor and 
the judge is seen in the following entry in the chamberlains' 
account for the year : 

"Item, paid for the charges of makinge readye of All 
Hallowes Churche for the judges to hold the assyses 
in, because the other parte of the town was then 
infected with the sicknes, .... xv s vj d " 

There only remains one other document to quote in 
reference to this visitation, namely, a very curious " Pass " 
or certificate of health, to enable a Leicester woman coming 
from a town infected with the plague to travel hence to her 
husband at a distance, and as this is probably unique of its 
kind, we give it in extenso. It is as follows: 

"Villa Leic. Theise are to certifie all the Queenes Majesties 
officers and lovinge subjects, to whom theise presents shall come, 
that the bearer, Alice Stynton, the wief of John Stynton, of the 
towne of Leycester, pettye chapman, dothe dwell and inhabyte in 
the parish of St Nicholas, in the said town, in a streete called the 
Sore Laine, neyre unto the West Brigge. 

" The which John Stynton hathe not bene in Leycester sythence 
one fortnytt after St James Daye last; but travelinge abrode in 
Northamptonshier about his lawfull affaires in gaytheringe under the 
Create Scale of England, by lycence, for a poore house at Waltam 

" And this bearer, his wief, with hym all the said tyme, untill her 
nowe comyng horn to Leycester, which was aboute a weeke past. 
The which bearer her dwellyng ys not neyre unto places suspected 
of the plage, but ys cleyre and sound from the same, God be 
thancked, neyther ys there any att this present sicke thereof in the 
said streete or parish, God be praised. Do therefore request you to 
permytt and suffer her quietlye to travell to her husband, and also 
to permytt and suffer her said husband and her quietlye, upon ther 
honest behavire, to travell aboute ther lawfull busynes withoute any 
your hyndrance, and you the constables to helpe them to lodginges 
in ther said travell yf such nede shall require. In witnes whereof, 


we the mayor and alderman of the saide towne of Leycester have 
hereunto subscribed our names, and sette the scale of office of the 
said mayor, this vj tb daye of October 1593, A 35 Eliz." 

The street above mentioned as Soar Lane, near the West 
Bridge, is that long since known as Lower Red Cross Street. 

There is one peculiar feature in the records of this visitation, 
namely, that instead of the parish register of St Martin's 
showing, as before, a greatly increased number of burials, 
there are, curiously enough, but very few entries about this 
period, far indeed below the usual average, although, as we 
have seen above, a considerable number of deaths took place 
there from the plague, the names of between thirty and forty 
being mentioned, while three burials only are entered in the 
register, instead of the usual average of thirty-two, and none 
of these three names are those of any of the persons named 
in the mayor's letter as being dead there, while in that of 
All Saints there are only seven burials recorded, and in that 
of St Nicholas only three (those of the other parishes do not 
go so far back) ; it is evident from these facts that the bodies 
of those who fell victims to the pestilence on this occasion 
must have been collected by the dead-carts, and buried in the 
open fields outside the town. 

Prior to the Lent assizes, 1594, we find the corporation 
making the following order at a common hall on the 8th 
March : 

" It is agreed that duringe the tyme of the assises there shall be a 
stronge watche kept, both night and daie, of sufficient men, and the 
comons as well as the xxiiij** and xlviij** to be taxed ageyne for and 
towards the charges of the vizited and poore people for the said 
tyme, and every alderman to be aiding and assistinge." 

And on the Qth November following, the corporation 
" agreed that every freeman using his trade elsewhere, and 
doth not return home nightly to his house in Leicester, shall 
pay weekly double in every payment to all charges, watch 
and ward, etc. ; and if they do not return home and continue 
in the town as an inhabitant ought, before the Conception of 


our Lady next, they shall pay for every week they so continue 
out afterwards 403. a week, to the use of the visited and poor 

After a respite of ten years we find the plague re-appearing 
in Leicester in the summer of 1603, a few months after the 
accession of James I., and it was at its height in London at 
his coronation on St James's Day, July 25th. It had been 
arranged that the Queen, Prince Henry, and the Princess 
Elizabeth, afterwards the ill-fated Queen of Bohemia, should 
pass through Leicester on their way from Scotland to London. 

At that time the town was in a healthy state, for in a 
letter to the mayor, dated the i8th June 1603, we find 
Thomas Conway, gentleman-usher, writing : " Your letters 
have been perused by my Lord of Shrewsbury, touching the 
clearness of your town from infection, and his lordship 
is very well satisfied with your certificate." He then pro- 
ceeds to inform the mayor that her Majesty purposeth, 
God willing, to be at Leicester on the following Thurs- 
day, the 23d June, and concludes by putting him in mind 
that all things should be provided for lodging her Majesty's 

Great preparations were made for receiving and entertain- 
ing the royal visitors, who came from the Earl of Huntingdon's 
castle of Ashby-de-la-Zouch on the appointed day, and 
departed on the following day to Dingley, the seat of Sir 
Thomas Griffin. 

The pestilence must have broken out almost immediately 
afterwards, for under date of July 4th, 1603, the following 
resolution is recorded in the hall book: 

" At a meeting of the xxiiij u itt is agreed to make a sessement 
towards the relife of the people commaunded to keepe ther bowses 
uppon suspicon of the sickness, and towards the relieff of the per- 
sons in the town gaole, viz., the xxiiij*' aldermen to pay iiij d a peece 
a week, and the xlviij' 1 to pay ij d a peece weeklye, and the best 
commoners in everye ward j d a peece a week ; and the [same] to be 
weeklye collected by the alderman and constable of every warde, 
and to be paid by them to the maior everie ffrydaye next to the first 


daye of payment, and the same to be presently collected, and they 
that refuze to paye to be commytted until they will paye." 

Indeed it seems not improbable that the infection may have 
been introduced by one or more strangers (or " foreigners " as 
they were termed) among the crowds of people collected in 
the streets to witness the reception and the departure of the 
queen and her children, for we find a payment in the 
chamberlains' account of the year for turning "a man of 
Stamforde out of this town, for that the said towne of Stam- 
ford was then vizited with the sicknes." Payments were at 
the same time made " for watchmen set at the townes endes 
to looke that no vizited people should come into the town." 
We also meet with the first payment (of constant recurrence 
on future occasions) for hurdles, placed as a guard round 
" the vizited house ;" there was further " paid for xv c of coles 
for the vizited people, vij s vj d ," doubtless for the purpose of 
making fires in the streets near the infected houses, a common 
practice at the period, from the belief that these fires purified 
the air ; and lastly, there was " paid for a cofifyn for Tom 
Turner's wief, and other things at her buriall, who died of the 
plage, x s vj d ." 

On this occasion it would seem that the pestilence was not 
of long duration, and made but slight ravages among the 
population, as the burials in St Martin's and also in All 
Saints' parishes were only about ten above the average, 
while we meet with no correspondence on the subject 
among the hall papers. 

The next plague-year was 1607, in which, judging from the 
parish registers, the mortality would not appear to have been 
very great, but we nevertheless meet with a considerable 
number of payments relating to the plague made by the 
town chamberlains, and it would therefore seem probable 
that many who died of it were again buried in the open fields. 

In this account we have a sheet of entries headed 

" Other payments and charges about the vizited people, as followeth, viz.: 
" Ffirst paid to two women, about the xxiij rd of September, which 


weare appoynted to serche Henry Stanford's doughter, who departed 
at Mr Nixes housse, wheyther it weare the sicknes or not, xij d ." 

It will be remembered that the house of Mr Nixe, one of 
the aldermen, was "visited" on a former occasion. His sad 
fall into absolute poverty through his losses will be noticed 
hereafter. After payments to men " for watching the vizited 
howsses," we have a charge "for setting crosses on the dores 
of the vizited howsses." These crosses were doubtless chalked 
upon the doors, accompanied by the piteous words, " Lord, 
have mercy upon us!" a custom so graphically described by 
Defoe, and also illustrated by Machyn's " Diary " and Thorns' 
"Anecdotes and Traditions;" and Mr Thorns suggests "whether 
the practice of marking a red cross upon the doors of infected 
houses might not have arisen from the injunction given to 
Moses at the institution of the passover." 

The following account of the practice is given in Collier's 
"Old Plays " (xi. 544): 

" When a house became infected, the officers impowered for that 
purpose immediately placed a guard before it, which continued there 
night and day, to prevent any person going from thence until the 
expiration of forty days. At the same time red crosses a foot long 
were painted upon the doors and windows, with the words ' Lord, 
have mercy upon us!' in great letters written over them, to caution 
all passengers to avoid infected places." 

Returning to the chamberlains' account for the year, 
after some payments for a nurse for the sick and for search- 
ing the dead, we have a sheet of entries of the expenses of a 
messenger sent on horseback by the corporation with letters 
" to one Mr Willyam Motte, a fizition at Bourn, in Lincoln- 
shire, to request hym to come over to Leicester to the vizited 
people to helpe to cure them." The " fizition " doubtless 
one of great repute in plague cases was, however, at Upping- 
ham, to which place the mayor's letter was forwarded, and a 
reply subsequently received from Mr Mott, but we do not 
learn whether his services were procured. 

In the next account, commencing at Michaelmas 1607, 


among other payments on the subject we have one " for the 
charges of keepinge of the vizited people in theire houses, and 
for theire keepers, and for provizion for them, and other 
charges, as doth appeyre by a booke of the particuler charges, 
viij u iij s vj d ob." 

And among the year's receipts we have : 

" Item, received of the xxiiij 1 ', xlviij", and commons, 
towards the charges of the vizited people in Leices- 
ter, the some of . . . . iij 11 viij s ix d " 

In the following year the pestilence again made its appear- 
ance, there being a charge " for xxx hurdells used att the 
vizited houses," and there was one of iij s iiij d "paid to 
Michaell Tyars to keepe him, beinge sick, att which tyme it 
was feared to be the plague, but was not." During this 
visitation the mayor, Mr James Andrew (as had been done 
by Mr Robert Heyricke), disbursed money of his own to 
meet many of the charges, which was afterwards refunded to 
him out "of the overplus of the ffifteen monye," as appears 
by the account for the year 1609-10. At that time also the 
plague must have prevailed to some considerable extent, for 
payments were made for a large number of hurdles and 
stakes "to hurdell in the howses vizited with the sicknes 
called the plague in Leicester." 

From one of the entries the pestilence appears to have first 
broken out in " Sore Lane " (Lower Red Cross Street), which, 
as well as the whole parish of St Nicholas on a former visita- 
tion, as shown by the " Pass " before quoted, was wholly free 
from it, thus illustrating the apparently erratic course of the 
epidemic, as noticed by various writers upon it 

With the next account we enter upon the record of what 
has been truly described as " The Great Plague of Leicester," 
when hundreds of the population were swept away by it from 
the time of its first outbreak in June 1610, almost up to the 
same period in 1611. 

The earliest entries which we meet with show the corpora- 
tion actively engaged in again seeking pecuniary aid from the 


county, one of the town chamberlains having been " sent with 
letters from the town to the Earl of Huntingdon for contribu- 
tion out of the county of Leicester for the relief of the visited 
people in the borough;" and with the same object the 
chamberlains and the town-clerk went to confer with the 
justices assembled in sessions at Wigston, and subsequently 
at Bosworth, after which the Earl of Huntingdon was a 
second time applied to. 

The following appears to be the draft of the first letter to 
the earl, who was then residing at his castle of Ashby-de-la- 

"Righte Honorable, our humble duties remembred. Maie it 
please your good lordshipp, that forasmuch as since the begynnynge 
of June last itt hath pleased Almightie God to vizite our poore town 
of Leicester with the heavie sicknes of the plague in manie houses, 
and without the Sowthegate, sithence which tyme the saide sickness 
is dyspearst into severall parts within the saide towne, to the greate 
charge and feare of the inhabitants there ; the most of which vizited 
people have been verie poore, and not able to relieve themselves 
and famylies. And for that we have allreadie to our greate expences 
of monye undergone the burden and charges of sixe several taxacons 
and layers [levies] made amongest the inhabitants of best sort, for 
the wholl releif, watch, and warde of the said vizited people ; and 
now findinge our selves unable to releive them, givyng us just cause 
to flie from their further releife, we ... humblie intreate your honors 
lettres to the justices of peace in the countie of Leicester next 
adjoyninge unto us that (according to the Act of Anno primo Jacobi 
Regis, in that case made and provided." [The rest is wanting.] 

The Act here referred to was one entitled "An Act for the 
charitable relief and ordering of persons infected with the 
plague" (i Jac. I, cap. xxxi.). It set forth that "forasmuch 
as the inhabitants of divers cities, boroughs, towns corporate, 
and of other parishes and places, being visited with the 
plague, are found unable to relieve the poorer sort of people 
so infected, who of necessity must be by some charitable 
course provided for, lest they should wander abroad and 
thereby infect others : and forasmuch as divers persons 



infected, as well poor people, and unable to relieve them- 
selves, that are carefully provided for, as others which of 
themselves are of ability, being commanded by the magistrate 
or officer of or within the place where the infection shall be, 
to keep their houses, or otherwise to separate themselves 
from company, for the avoiding of further infection, do not- 
withstanding very dangerously and disorderly misdemean 
themselves : " it was therefore enacted that the mayor, 
justices of the peace, or head officers of every city, etc., 
should have power and authority from time to time to tax 
and assess every inhabitant at such reasonable taxes and pay- 
ments as they should think fit, for the relief of the infected, 
or inhabiting in houses and places so infected, and to levy 
such taxes by warrant under the hand and seal of the mayor 
and bailiffs and head officers aforesaid, or of two such justices 
of the peace, to be directed to any person or persons for the 
execution thereof; and if the person to whom the warrant 
was issued should not find any goods to levy upon, the mayor 
and others, as above, were authorised to issue their warrant 
for the persons so refusing to pay the tax to be arrested and 
committed to gaol without bail or mainprize, until the taxa- 
tion and arrearages should be satisfied. And then came the 
section under which this application from the mayor and 
others to the lord-lieutenant and the county justices was 
made. It provided, that if the inhabitants of the town 
infected were not able to relieve the sick and others, that 
then, upon the certificate of the mayor, justices of the peace, 
or others, to the justices of the peace of the county, such 
county justices, or any two of them, might tax and assess the 
inhabitants of the county, within five miles of the place 
infected, at such reasonable weekly taxes and rates as they 
should think fit, to be levied by warrant, by sale of goods, 
and in default thereof by imprisonment of the body of the 
party so taxed, and the taxes so assessed were to be certi- 
fied at the next quarter sessions. This statute of King James 
was repealed in the first year of the reign of her present 


We next find the following letter from the secretary of the 
Earl of Huntingdon, addressed " To the Right Worshipful 
Mr Maior of Leicester:" 

"GooD MR MAIOR, It is my lord's pleasure that none of your towne 
of Leicester should repeare to the ffayre of Asheby. And accord- 
ingly his lordship would intreat you that it may be made knowen 
unto them all that intend it, so farre as you canne learne. 

" His lordship living heare is carefull for the preservation of his 
towne, and doeth not only deale soe with Leicester, but with all 
others infected. And soe taking my leave, I rest. Asheby, this 
26th of October 1610. Your veary loveinge friend, 


The fairs and markets in those days were places of consi- 
derable resort, at which goods of all sorts could be purchased, 
and were therefore of great importance to the inhabitants of 
the towns and their neighbours. A few days later the follow- 
ing letter was addressed to the Earl of Huntingdon on a 
similar subject: 

" Right Honorable, our humble duties remembred. May it please 
your good lordship, wee are given to understand by Sir Henry 
Hastings, of the Abbye of Leicester, Knight, that in regard of the 
sicknes now in Leicester, it is your honor's pleasure that the markytt 
holden theire shall from hencefourth be forbidden to be kepte ; and 
that itt shoulde be soe madeknowne to all the markytt townes in the 
countie of Leicester, which, if itt be soe, we humblie intreate your 
honor to call backe and forbid Sir Henrie to perform your commaund 
therein, ffor that, thanks be to God, as its well knowne to Sir Henrie, 
that our towne is not so much infected as gives just cause to forbid 
our markitt to be kepte, ffor, blessed be God, the wholl markitt-place 
is cleare from Mistris Pilkingtons house to the East Gate, and not 
one house infected nor suspected, and without the East Gate all Bel- 
grave Gate on both sides, and Galtrie Gate, where the Angell 
standeth, theire ys onlie one house infected, and one other house 
suspected. Thus commending the premises to your honours good 
consideracon, we humblie take our leaves. Leicester, this 4th of 
November 1610. JOHN M ABBES, Maior. 

"To the Right Honorable the 
Earl of Huntingdon, be theise, etc." 


To which letter we have the following reply from the earl, 
dated the 6th November, but which did not reach its destina- 
tion until the loth of the month : 

"After my harty commendations to you, Mr Maior, and the rest. 
At my departure not long since out of the county, hearinge, which I 
was veary sorry for, that the sicknes was dangerously dispersed in 
your towne, and that the contagion was veary great and dangerous, 
I could doe noe lesse (out of the care I had of your towne and the 
countries good, but give direction that, things standing as I was 
informed they did) than forbid the country to repaire unto you, 
knoweing well that a stander bye seeth more than he that playeth, 
and that your owne particular and private gaynes might make you 
insenseable of soe great and imminent a daunger, which no better 
remedy or meanes could be used, next to the divine Providence, 
than to detayne people from assemblinge together, which like dry 
fewell addeth to the extreamety of soe pestelent a desease. 

" Seeing it is a parte of wise men to change their resolution ac- 
cording to the circumstances of time and place, though I cannot be 
rebuked in the nomber of those, have I written my letters unto my 
cosen, Sir Henry Hastings, that in this present space soe great an 
alteration there be in the better part, so upon the knowledge thereof 
there be no barre unto you to prosecute your former courses, but if 
thinges ether be or grow worse than when you despatched this con- 
voye, to doe as his judgment shall best direct him, on whome I 
repose such confidence as not to be carried by any humer or affec- 
tion, but gravely wayeing what shalbe the fittest courses to be taken 
in so dangerous and unexperienced cases. And soe- leaving my 
answere for him to give you, I committe you to the protection of God. 
London, this 6th of November 1610. Your very loveing frend, 

" To my loveing frendes the Mayor 

and Aldermen of Leicester, give these." 

It is clear that the corporation gained their point, as we 
have next a copy of " The Proclamation made att the flayer 
holden the viij th of December 1610." It provided that the 
fair for all kinds of merchandise instead of being held as here- 
tofore, with that for beasts and horses, between St Sunday's 
(the north) Bridge and the further end of the South Gate, it 


should now be held in the Saturday Market, for the good of 
the whole country and for all comers to the said fair. 

We next meet with the following letter, indicative of the 
dread and anxiety created in any household in which any 
person from an infected place might chance to enter: 

" MR MAIOR, My care and griefe for my family is suche that I am 
bold to be once again trobilsom to you to intreate you to signifie to 
me the truth of Shipman his estate of bodie, whether he had the 
plague scare upon him when he lay at my house, yf you have yet 
found him or heard of him ; yf not, I am perswaded that my neece 
Elizabeth Joanes, Mrs Pilkington her servant, yf she be thorowlie 
examyned, can and will declare the truth therein. Yf you have not 
as yet heard of him you will be pleased when you doe know the true 
estate of his bodie to send a messenger over to me and I will well 
content him for his paynes, and rest very thankfull to you for the 

" Thus beseachinge Thalmightie to stretche oute his mightie armes 
in mercy over your towne, and all other places infected, I remember- 
ing my hartie commandacons to you, do leave you to the same Al- 
mightie, this 3oth day of October 1610. Your loving friend, 

" Maxtocke Castle. THO. DILKE." 

Unfortunately the former letter here referred to has not 
been preserved, nor do we find any further particulars on the 
subject. The writer, Sir Thomas Dilke, Knight, was an 
ancestor of the present Sir Charles Wentworth Dilke, Bart, 
M.P. for Chelsea, and of Mr Dilke, the present owner of Max- 
toke Castle, and was the eldest son of Richard Dilke, Esq. of 
Kirkby Mallory, in this county. He purchased Maxtoke 
Castle about the end of the sixteenth century, and was soon 
afterwards knighted. 

We have seen that in 1593, owing to the prevalence of the 
plague in that part of Leicester, instead of the assizes being 
held as usual at the castle, the judges sat in All Hallows' 
(or All Saints') church, near the north gate of the town ; so 
during this visitation the assizes were held at Hinckley. 

The plague having broken out in Leicester about a month 
before the summer assizes of 1610, we have an entry of a pay- 


ment of 55. 6d. for the charges and horse hire of the town- 
clerk going to Nottingham to the judges there, "to certify 
them of the sicknes in Leicester then;" who in consequence 
fixed to hold the assizes at the town of Hinckley; and a few 
months later the town-clerk was despatched to the recorder, 
Sir Augustine Nicholls, " for his coming to the election of the 
new mayor on St Matthew's Day, who by reason of the sick- 
ness, called the plague, in Leicester then, would not come." 

Again in the summer of the following year, the plague still 
continuing, we have several entries of payments on the sub- 
ject of the assizes. On the I3th June 1611, wine, sugar, and 
cherries were presented to Mr Walter Hastings at London, 
"who went to the judges to move them to hold the assizes at 
Leicester, notwithstanding the sickness of the plague ;" the 
town-clerk also went to Bosworth to the Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Lord Grey, and the justices of peace, for their letters 
to the judges, to the same effect; and finally, the town-clerk 
went to the assizes at Oakham to the judges with these letters, 
"who could not alter the records from Hinckley." 

The removal of the assizes to Hinckley caused great dis- 
content among many of the inhabitants of Leicester, doubt- 
less those chiefly who, like the innkeepers and tradesmen, 
derived considerable gain from the influx of strangers on those 
occasions; and we find a butcher, named John Wood (a some- 
what noted character*), brought before the magistrates for 
stating that Sir Henry Hastings of the Abbey " was an enemy 
to the town of Leicester, that the assizes should not be holden 
at Leicester." 

The mayor and his brethren took advantage of the assizes 
being held away from Leicester to get an order signed by the 
judges for an additional contribution of 20 a month " for 
the relief of the visited people." 

After some documents on the subject of minor importance, 
we have (what was required by the Act of James I., quoted 
above) a formal certificate from the mayor, bailiffs, and bur- 
gesses of the borough, to the justices of peace for the 

* See my "Notices Illustrative of the Drama," pp. 101, 105, etc. 


county of the money expended for the relief of those infected 
with the plague, and for providing a pest-house for their 
reception. It bore date the 3ist March 1611, and set forth 
that, since May in the previous year, there had been nine 
several taxations of the townspeople "of best sort," which 
had produced 220; that the chamberlains had expended of 
their own money for these purposes about 30; that there 
were several levies made in September, October, and November, 
amounting to ;$6; the whole amount thus expended being 
.306, 2s. 2d., a sum doubtless equal to some ^"1500 of our 
money. This certificate also includes particulars of sixteen 
houses " now visited with the sickness called the plague, with 
their several situations," among them being the pest-house, 
near the Blackfriars ; six houses near the West Gate, St 
Mary's Close ; two houses in St Martin's Churchyard, one 
near St Nicholas' Church, one near the High Cross, the 
Hermitage House, at the end of the South Gate ; one in the 
back lanes, and Mr Thomas Sacheverell's house, near the 
New (or Wigston's) Hospital, of which he was confrater. 

Another certificate, similar in substance, was sent to the 
justices of the county on the I2th April 1611 the number of 
infected houses being then twenty and in which the town 
authorities, under the statute, entreat that the necessary col- 
lections may be made in the several hundreds within five 
miles of the town, for the relief of the visited people. We 
then have the order of the county justices addressed to the 
constables of the various towns and villages, the names of 
which are given with the weekly sum at which each place is 
assessed, generally two shillings, which taxation, as we learn 
from a later certificate, produced the sum of ^"163, 155. 6d. 

Another certificate from the mayor, dated the 3Oth April 
1611, in addition to the houses previously returned, gives the 
following in other localities, viz.: One in Gallowtree Gate, 
two in the Saturday Market, two in Red Cross Street, three 
in Millstone Lane, and one in Sanvey Gate, showing that 
nearly every part of the town was infected. The names of 
the occupiers are given in every case. 


From drafts of several letters among the hall papers we 
glean some interesting particulars of the progress of the 
pestilence and the sanitary condition of the town during the 
months of May and June in that eventful year. 

The first of these is the following one, addressed to the 
recorder, Sir Augustine Nicholls : 

"SiR, Our dewtifull commendacons always remembred, etc. 
Whereas the sickness hath of late increased, and that indeed verie 
m.uche in the neither end of Belgrave Gate, onely beinge at the 
nether end, and outside of our towne, and, God be thanked, some- 
what stayeth in the rest of the town, beinge of speciall use for the 
faires and marketts, and assizes and sessions ; now therefore so least 
somewhat in use for passengers from and towards London, whereby 
wee feare there is a greater report of the general daunger thorowe 
out the rest of the towne than, God be blessed, there is cause. 
Nowe, therefore, for true certificate in that behalfe, theis are to certefie 
you that, first for Belgrave Gate, there is no house infected above Mr 
Yates his house, from the middle part thereof upwards towards the 
town; and for use and passage therein Humberston Gate, which 
lyeth next unto yt, is as convenient for all passengers as that. 

"And for the rest of the town, especially that street towards the 
castle, where the judges use to lie, there is no sicknes at all, God be 

" There is not at this tyme in all the streete which leadeth north 
and southe thorowe our town, which is above a mile longe (in which 
the judges do usuallie lie), any one house infected that openeth into 
the same streete. And thus muche wee humblie desire you, as you 
shall see cause, to certifie their lordshipps. . . . And, God 
willing, you shalbe further truelie certified from tyme to tyme of 
the state of our towne in that behalfe. And thus, with remem- 
brance of our humble dewties to ther lordshipps, we humblie take 
our leave. Leic., this 23 of Maye 1611, restinge 

" Your assured loving frends." 

Ten days later we have the following report, also addressed 
to the recorder : 

"SiR, Our heartie comendacons remembred, etc. Theis are 
according to promise in our former lettres to certifie you [of] the 


present state of our towne concerninge the sicknes, videlicet, in Bel- 
grave Gate there is some increase, yet, God be praysed, we think and 
assure ourselves in generall the same doeth rather decrease then 
otherwise, for that there died of the sicknes the last week xix, and 
this week but xj ; and the wholl streete betweene the East Gate and 
the Hie Cross stands sound and cleare, and allso the wholl streets 
about the judges lodginge, and from thence to the castle, stand free 
and cleyre, save onlie one howse towards the neither end of the 
streete, between theire lodginge and the castle, which is standing on 
the left hand as the judges ride thence to ye. castle. 

"And, "thanks be to God, the north part of the town stands free 
and cleyre. And, since the beginning of the sicknes with us, there 
has not been any one inn visited, and not above ffoure victuallinge 
houses, and those of small resorte, so that there is with us sufficient 
entertaynement for the countrie that shalbe occasioned to the assises 
in such places as were never visited, and that wee trust without 

"And thus, with remembrance of our bounden dewties to our verie 
good lords, the judges, we humblie take our leaves, resting your 
worships most loving frends, 

"JOHN MABBS, Maior, 

" ROBERT HEYRICKE " (and three others). 

"2 Junij 1611." 

We complete these letters on the state of the town with the 
following one, in which we have a striking illustration of the 
practice of closely shutting up and guarding any house to 
which was attached the slightest suspicion of its being infected 
with the plague the wretched inmates of one house having 
been actually shut up for two whole months, " but no person 
sick there." This document is addressed : 

"To the Right Worshippfull Sir Thomas Beaumont, Knight, Heighe 

Sheyriffe of His Heighnes Countee of Leicester. 
"A true note or certificate from the maior, bailiffs, and burgesses 
of the borough of Leicester of the present state of the said boroughe, 
and of the houses vizited with the sicknes called the plague, with 
theire severall situations, viz. : In Belgrave Gate, in the neyther end 
thereof, towards the Spittlehouse, are xxvj houses infected and sus- 
pected, and, God be praised, att this present there are not above iiij 


persons sicke. In Galtrie Gate ij houses, j infected, and the other 
suspected, and but one person died theire. Between the Easte Gate 
and the Hie Crosse one house infected, viz., Mr Chamberlins. The 
wholl markitt place cleire, save onlie one house, viz., Paines, which 
hath beene kept up theis two monethes past, biit no person sicke there. In 
Losebie Lane and the streete neire St Martins Church vj houses 
infected, and but one person sicke att this present. Between St 
Sondaies Bridge and the South Gate, which is a mile long, not anie 
house infected nor suspected. St Maries Close cleyre ; Red Cross 
Street, one house infected, and St Nicholas cleyre. The Old 
Hospitall was cleyre untill about a weeke since one died there, but 
whether of the sicknes or not we cannot certainlie say, but sus- 
pected. And at this present there is not one person sicke, but of the 
old and ordinarie diseases, as amongst ympotent olde persons. 

"And since the beginninge of the sicknes with us there hath not 
beene anie one inn vizited, and not above sixe victuallinge houses, 
and those of small resorte. And for the better testymonye of the 
truth in the premises, we, the maior and aldermen of the said 
borough of Leic., have hereunto subscribed our names, the xviij th 
daie of June, etc., etc., 1611." 

The signatures of the mayor and five of the aldermen are 
appended to this certificate. 

Turning from the hall papers to the accounts of the town 
chamberlains, we meet with curious particulars. We learn 
that a " pest-house " was erected by the corporation for the 
reception of those who were attacked on the first outbreak 
of the plague, and which was referred to in the certificate to 
the judges at the assizes at Hinckley. This pest-house was 
erected in what had been a garden in the parish of St 
Nicholas, adjoining what is now known as Bath Lane, but 
formerly as the Water Laggs, the tenant's interest being 
bought out by a payment to him of ten guineas ; and about 
the same sum was paid to carpenters and others for pitch- 
boards, timber, and workmanship " in setting up of certen 
houses for the visited people in the said pest-house," which 
it would thus appear consisted of a number of detached 
wooden huts rather than a single building. 

It is probable that in addition to this " pest-house " there 


were other places at different ends of the town brought into 
use for the reception of plague-stricken patients, and that one 
of these was the " Spittal-house " in the Belgrave Road near 
the "Bishop's Water," and another the "Hermitage-house" 
adjoining the pound, at the south-west corner of what is now 
known as Infirmary Square. We also find that payments 
were made " for pitch-boards used at the old hospital [in the 
Newarke], when the sickness of the plague was suspected to 
be there," apparently for the same object as the pest-house. 

Although providing these places for the reception of " the 
visited people " indicates some amelioration in the mode of 
treatment, we still find the same, and even more stringent 
precautions enforced, as in former years, to keep infected or 
suspected houses closely shut up and watched to prevent the 
occupants going out of them ; while, in addition, chains were 
placed across the bridges, and the town gates were guarded, 
and thus all ingress and egress of the wretched people were 
effectually prevented. 

Among the " charges about such persons as have this year 
been vizited with the sicknes called the plague, . . . besides 
divers taxations for theire reliefe," we have several pay- 
ments for hurdles, stakes, and cord, " to sett at the dores of 
the vizited howses, to be known from other houses in y e 
town." To such extremities did the corporation proceed on 
this occasion, as actually to arm the watchmen with cross- 
bows and bolts, for we find a payment "for boults for the 
watchmen to shewte att the vizited people, such persons as would 
not be kept in theire howses!" 

Extraordinary as it may seem, the authorities went legally 
justified in so doing, for the Act of Parliament before quoted 
provided that any person infected, or dwelling in an infected 
house, who should attempt to go abroad, and should resist 
the keepers or watchmen appointed to see them kept in, it 
should " be lawful for such watchmen with violence to enforce 
them to keep their houses ; and if any hurt come by such 
enforcement to such disobedient persons, that then the said 
keepers, watchmen, and any other their assistants, shall not 


be impeached therefore." The Act further provided that any 
infected person having any infectious sore upon him who 
should contemptuously go abroad, should " be taken, deemed 
and adjudged as a felon, and to suffer the pains of death" 
The mortality during this visitation was fearful, far beyond 
that of any former or later one, except perhaps the terrible 
plague of 1349. 

Although it is not improbable that some of those who fell 
victims to the pestilence were still buried in the fields, the 
greater number were for the first time interred in the church- 
yards in the town, and the registers of the various parishes, 
some of which have a distinctive mark against the names of 
those who died of the "pest," will enable us to judge to some 
extent on this point. The limited space at our disposal, how- 
ever, will not permit us to enter upon this point in detail ; 
suffice it to say that a note in All Saints' register for 1611 
records that " this year there was a great plague, so that there 
died above 600 in the town," and that our local historian Thros- 
by, who was for many years the parish clerk, in his " History 
of Leicester," has abstracted from the register of St Martin's 
all the entries relating to the plague, the mortality there being 
very great, and whole families having been swept away by it. 

As before remarked, it seems probable that all the victims 
of this visitation were not buried in the churchyards; and 
Throsby records that in making the canal through St 
Margaret's Cow Pasture, near the church, a number of skele- 
tons were discovered near each other, in separate graves, at 
the usual depth (but not in the order they are laid in church- 
yards), *vhich he believed to be the remains of those who fell 
victims to the plague in this neighbourhood, either in a pest- 
house or in houses adjacent to the spot. 

However this might be, it was at least fortunate for one 
individual (his life being probably saved by it), that now for 
the first time regular entries were made in the parish registers 
of the burials of most, if not all, of those who died of the 
plague, as is shown by the following correspondence between 
Sir Humphrey Orme arid the mayor: 


" MR MAJOR, There hath beene of late brought before me here 
in Peterborow, one Humphreye Dawes, sometyme of St Nicholas 
parish, in your towne of Leicester, a sivemaker, for being married 
to a second wyfe, his first beinge living; and because the mans lyfe 
is like to be endangered, if it should appeare his other wyfe to be alive; 
my request unto you is, that you would send me a certificate under 
your hand and scale, whether his wyfe be livinge or dead, and the 
tyme of her death ; wherein you shall doe a good worke for the 
furtherance of justice, and give us a good light in our proceedings, 
and thus being ready to performe the like office at any time at your 
request, I rest. Peterborow, this i3th of April 1612. Your lovinge 
frende, HUMF R< ORME." 

In reply to which the mayor wrote formally, certifying that 
" upon the xiij th daie of August last past, Agnes, the wife of 
the said Humfrey Dawes, died in the said parish of St 
Nicholas of the sicknes called the plague, and was there 
buried, as by the register of the said parish dothe appeyre." 

An extraordinary trial had taken place here at the Lent 
assizes of that year, seeing that the daring and unheard-of 
robbery took place during the ravages of the plague, when 
one William Haynes was tried for having opened four graves 
in the night-time, and stolen the winding-sheets from the 
dead bodies. This curious case, which is fully reported in 
Staveley's " History of Churches" (p. 273), was referred to the 
whole of the judges of Serjeants' Inn to decide in whom 
the property of the winding-sheets was vested. 

Just before these assizes we have a letter dated loth March 
i6| from the mayor and others to the recorder, stating that, 
understanding that "the judges this circuit are determined 
to remove their lodgings to Mr Wadland's house, late Sir 
Thomas Beaumont's, in the Newarke of Leicester, a thing 
much desired to the contrary by our innkeepers, victuallers, 
and tradesmen, in respect of their great losses recently sus- 
tained " by the plague, the recorder is urged to move the 
judges to continue their former lodgings, etc. 

While the plague during the preceding two years had thus 
been raging in the chief town of the county, the inhabitants 


of neighbouring towns were naturally occupied in taking pre- 
cautions to prevent the infection reaching them ; and among 
the hall papers for 1611 we have several letters from the 
authorities of those places on the subject, which, however, can 
only be noticed very briefly. 

The first is a long letter bearing the signatures of Thomas 
Shakespeare and other chief inhabitants of Lutterworth, which 
is printed at length, together with a facsimile of Thomas 
Shakespeare's signature (very much like the poet's) in the 
writer's " Notices Illustrative of the Drama, etc., at Leices- 
ter."* It states that on the previous Saturday night a young 
fellow and two or three women came thither from Leicester, 
and on Sunday night the fellow sickened of the plague, which 
rose in his groin, and which being discerned by the people of 
the house where he lay, they put him forth, whence he departed 
to return home, but fell down and died in the fields, where- 
upon without the especial mercy of God, they are put in 
great danger by infected persons being thus improvidently 
allowed to wander abroad to the hurt of their neighbours ; 
and it adds, that while the visitation lasts they have resolved 
entirely to exclude all persons from Leicester who do not 
bring with them a certificate from the mayor of their safety. 
We next find the bailiff and others of Melton Mowbray 
writing on the nth April 1611, to inform the mayor that 
they had determined to restrain all persons from coming to 
their markets from Leicester and other infected towns, who 
did not bring with them a similar certificate of health. In 
this respect the constables and other authorities of Market 
Harborough appear to have acted with unusual rigour in 
preventing any persons from Leicester attending their markets 
and fairs, for we have the draft of a long letter from the mayor 
and one of the aldermen, addressed to four chief inhabitants 
of Harborough, bitterly complaining " that we are of no better 
credit with you that a certificate from the mayor and alder- 
men of the borough of Leicester cannot satisfy you unless Mr 
Doctor Chippendale" (a county magistrate residing in the 

* J. Russel Smith, London, 1865. 


Newarke of Leicester) " subscribe to the same, as though his 
insight into the state of Leicester for the sickness of the 
plague is clearer than ours, which are daily over them, and 
he never. We are persuaded that it would satisfy the greatest 
man in our shire, and we ourselves have accepted of this 
certificate from other places." After a good deal more to the 
same effect, they threaten an action at law if the use of the 
markets be still refused, and that legal proceedings will be 
also taken " against the constable for his hard measure already 
passed tpwards our townsmen." 

After this fearful visitation Leicester appears to have en- 
joyed an immunity from the plague during the next thirteen or 
fourteen years, for we find that the pest-house near the West 
Bridge was let as a dwelling, as appears by several entries in 
the town accounts. 

It would seem, however, from the account for 1614-15, that 
the corporation were not without considerable apprehension 
of an outbreak of the pestilence from the prisoners in the 
county gaol, for we find from several entries of charges that 
two dead bodies of persons who had died (" being suspected 
of an infectious disease ") a few days after coming out of the 
county gaol, were searched ; that letters were carried from the 
Mayor of Leicester and the county justices to the Lord Chief- 
Justice of England " for the removal of the county gaol for 
fear of infection," and later on similar letters were sent " to 
the Lord Cooke [Coke] concerning the removal of the gaol 
for this county, whereupon the said gaol was removed to his 
old place again." 

The precautions taken by the authorities on this occasion 
were effectual in preventing the spread of infection, and it was 
not until 1623 that the plague again made its appearance in 
the town, which it then did in a virulent form, for during the 
three following years we find many entries in the accounts 
relating to it, and a large expenditure of money. 

In this instance the plague appears to have been brought 
into Leicester by some infected person from another town 
where the disease prevailed, notwithstanding that every pre- 


caution was enforced to prevent the entrance of strangers, for 
payments were made for guards at all the town gates, " watch- 
ing, according to the council's letters, for the staying of 
suspected persons." 

On the plague again breaking out, the Act of I James I. 
already quoted, and which empowered the local authorities to 
appoint searchers, watchmen, buriers, etc., and to administer 
to them oaths for the performance of their several offices, 
again was put into active operation. 

About this time the plague was very prevalent in London, 
and in the account for 1625 there are two sheets of payments, 
extending from the Qth July to the 24th September, headed 
" Charges for watching to keep Londoners out of the town in 
the time of the plague;" the watchmen being paid four shilings 
each per week, and through them there was " relief given to 
poor travellers." 

About this time several orders were made by the corporation 
respecting the weekly fast, etc., and we read that 

"At a meeting of Mr Maior, Mr Recorder, and the xxiiij, the 
xxv th of July, it is agreed that the Wednesday exercise of ffasting, 
praying, and preachinge, be held at every severall parish church 
within this borough, and that no bell shall be rung for sermon at any 
church in regard of the heat of the wether and the daunger of the 
tyme. Item, it is agreed that the pest-houses shalbe cleared of the 
tenants that be in the houses presently, and they to be repayred and 
made fit for present use by the chamberlains. Item, it is agreed that 
noe inhabitant within this borough of Leicester shall intertayne or 
lodge any persone or persones whatsoever cominge from London, or 
any other place infected with the plague, without the consent of Mr 
Maior or the alderman of the warde, neither shall receave or send 
for any wares from London or other place infected, without the like 
consent ; and that this order shall be publiquely proclaimed through 
the town, and continued untill other order be taken therein. Mem. 
That divers disobedient persones which received wares from London 
were bound over with sureties to the next sessions, and to be of 
good behavioure in the meanetyme." 

Among a number of entries in this year's account in con- 


nection with the subject, we find there was " given to Mr 
John Lea, for viewinge a woman at the Crosse Keies, suspected 
to die of the plague, ij 8 ," equivalent to a post-mortem exami- 
nation in the present day, Mr Lee being doubtless a local 
" chirurgeon." He appears to have caught the infection and 
to have fallen a victim to it, for the same account contains a 
payment "for horse hire for Mr Bolyvant [town-clerk] when 
he went to Kettleby Hall to certifie Mr Maior about the death 
of John Lee, suspected for the sicknes." 

Owing probably to the adoption by the corporation of the 
precautions before mentioned, the pestilence appears for some 
time to have been confined within comparatively narrow 
limits, but the next account, beginning at Michaelmas 1625, 
from the great number of plague items which it contains, 
shows that during the heat of the summer and autumn the 
pestilence must have spread rapidly and carried off numerous 

The corporation began by levying a first tax upon them- 
selves of .15, 155. 4d., "for the relief of the visited people and 
for watching," etc. We have three sheets of " Charges for 
watchinge to keepe other visited people from us," amounting 
to ^20, 2s. 3d. ; and two sheets of "Charges in watching and 
money given to poore people to passe them throughe the 
town, begun the xix.of September 1625 to Nov. 12 th , total, 
xvj 11 iiij 8 ix d ." There is also a sheet of " Charges of the new 
pest-houses, with the taking of the ground and Chettles House." 

Before the summer assizes, the town-clerk was sent to the 
judges at Coventry " to certifie [them] of the state of the town 
concerning the sicknesse." 

In addition to many payments for watching and for the 
relief of the occupants of various infected houses, amounting 
to a considerable sum, there was " payed for the dayely reliefe 
of the visited people in the Soare Lane, at the North Gate, 
Red Crosse, and St Maries Close, xl u iij 8 iiij d ." A payment 
was made " for killing of tenn dogs," a common practice in 
time of plague, to prevent the spread of infection. 

We conclude these extracts with the following: 

2 E 


" Payed for searchinge of xlj tie dead corpes, . . j u iiij d 

Item, payed for a spade to burie the visited people in 

St Maries Close, . . . j s ij d 

Item, paid for a coffin for the same purpose, . . v 8 

This being the only coffin purchased at the town's expense, 
it was probably used merely for carrying the corpse either to 
the grave side or to the dead-cart when the body was removed, 
and then either thrown into the dead-pit, as seems most pro- 
bable, or buried in a separate grave. 

St Mary's Close was afterwards designated " The Freemen's 
Common," and was formerly an extensive open field before 
being allotted to the freemen as gardens, and was used in the 
last century as a race-course. During the visitations of the 
plague a pest-house probably stood here, as " St Maries 
Close" frequently occurs in the records in reference to places 
" infected with the sickness." 

The precautions taken for watching the gates of the town 
during this visitation, and for preventing the introduction by 
the common carriers of wares from London, and the consequent 
risk of spreading infection, have already been alluded to. 
During the month of July 1625, we find recorded in the hall 
book some very stringent and elaborate orders made by the 
corporation for " watch and ward " by the constables of the 
various wards night and day, and that the members of the two 
companies of the corporation, each one in turn, beginning with 
the " auncientest," should personally have the oversight of the 
watch. Orders were also made that the common carriers to 
London should not carry any wares to or from London, nor 
convey any passengers until further notice ; and the inhabi- 
tants of the borough were forbidden to receive any wares from 
London or other place whatsoever, during the time of the 
infection of the plague, without the consent of the mayor and 
justices, under a penalty of ;io, or in default to be committed 
to prison until satisfaction be made. 

Notwithstanding all these precautions the orders were 
evaded, for in the same month of July, William Stanley, 
mercer (and one of the " Eight-and-forty," as was also William 


Turvil after mentioned), was bound over in 40, " ffor sending 
to London for wares in the tyme of the plague, and for dis- 
obeyinge Mr Maior his comandement, in bringing his wares 
into the suburbs of the towne, ffor which he is bound to his 
good behaviour." 

And from a letter sent to the Mayor on the 7th September 
by the authorities of the town of Hinckley we learn that other 
tradesmen pursued a similar course, and with a fatal result in 
at least one instance. The letter sets forth that 

" One Stoakes, a habberdasher of hatts, dwelling within your towne 
of Leic., hath . . . this weeke received a great fflaskett or hamper 
filled with hatts and other comodityes sent lately from London : 
which wee conceave to bee very dangerous, because wee have beene 
this day enformed by a messenger sent to us from a little village two 
miles distant from Daventree, in the countie of Northampton, that 
the carter or the carryer who brought the same from London is 
now sicke of the plague, and that the other man which came with the 
same carryer from London is shutt upp within the said cabbin or 
house. . . . Theise are allso to give you further notice that one 
William Turville, of your towne of Leic., mercer, hath lately receaved 
wares which likewise came from London by the same carryer, but 
the last said wares were brought downe about a fortnight before the 
other wares came. You maye in your discretions take consideration 
thereof for the better preservation of your safeties." 

The letter then explains at length how the wares were not 
permitted to enter Hinckley, but were left at the village of 
Wykin, very remissly, until they were removed by Stoakes 
and delivered to Turvill. " Theise things wee thought good 
to certifye unto you, hopeing that you will doe the like unto 
us if neede shall requier." 

This letter is interesting as bearing after the signature of 
Sir John Oneby the autograph of Thomas Clieveland, "the 
reverend and learned" vicar of Hinckley, where was born his 
celebrated son, "the inimitable John Clieveland," the Royalist 
wit and poet, and who in his own day was esteemed, a greater 
poet than Milton. 

About a week later than the above letter from Hinckley 


we have another from Sir John Oneby, who informs the 
mayor that the carrier who brought the wares from London 
was dead of the plague. 

We next have a letter, dated June 1st, 1625, respecting a 
contagious sickness then existing at Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 
which bears the signatures of the vicar, the Rev. Arthur 
Hildersham (a writer of some note in his day), and of nine 
other inhabitants. It sets forth that there is just cause to 
fear that the rumour which is spread abroad in the country of 
a dangerous and contagious sickness that is said to be in the 
town of Ashby, and of the great numbers that have died of it, 
will keep many from the fairs and markets, and so not only pre- 
judice and damage the poor town, but be also to the hurt and 
hindrance of the whole country. They therefore certify and 
testify that during the previous three months not more than 
fifteen persons had died in Ashby, and of these six did not die 
of this disease, said to be so contagious, and that the disease of 
which the other nine died, and of which three (and no more) 
lie sick, is no other, as we " learn by a learned doctor of 
physick whom we have advised withal about it, than a burn- 
ing fever." In conclusion the mayor is requested to make 
these facts known publicly on the market day. 

There seems but little doubt that the disease was really 
what was popularly known as the " plague," but this " learned 
doctor of physic," who was more enlightened than his age, 
gave it the name which modern medical science has assigned 
to it." 

In the letters and certificates previously quoted, addressed 
by the Mayor of Leicester to the justices of the county for 
their " benevolence to this poor town," constant reference was 
made to the impoverished condition of the shopkeepers and 
others through the shutting up of infected houses and other 
restrictions ; and that this was no mere figure of speech, but a 
stubborn fact, we have proof by what was doubtless one case 
only out of many, recorded in a document now to be noticed. 

It will be remembered that on two occasions the house of 
Mr Thomas Nixe appeared on the list of those visited with 


the pestilence. He was one of the twenty-four aldermen 
whose names appear in the charter of incorporation granted 
by Queen Elizabeth, and was mayor in 1596. He was by 
trade a fishmonger, and at the period at which we have now 
arrived, owing chiefly to his losses through the plague, he had 
fallen from his high estate as one of the magnates of the town 
to the pitiable condition described in the following petition, 
being (as he tells us in another paper) " of the age of four- 
score years and four, or thereabouts, by course of nature not 
long to live in this world." It is addressed : 

" To the Worshipful Mr Maior, the Aldermen, and all the Wor- 
shipfull Assembly for the Burrough of Leicester. 

" Humbly sueth unto you all your poor suppliant Thomas Nixe, 
an old and ancient neighbour amongest you, who having receaved 
great losse and hinderaunce, as well by having his house two tymes 
visited by God His visitation, and many great payments for suertyship 
and other losses, were forced of necessity to pawne and sell his house 
and goodes, and now his necessitye is such that for his succour and 
relief he hath pawned and sold, as well the little goodes he hath left 
as his apparrell, whereby he is come unto such extreame need and 
discredit that he and his pore wieff are almost famished. In tender 
consideracon whereof pleaseth you all for Jesus Christ His sake, to 
pitty our pore estate, being now old and comfortless, and in your 
Christian commiseracon to grant your pore suppliant such relieffe 
yearly during his lyfe as may be for his pore norishment and his 
wiffe, which, otherwise, are like to perish by extreame nede (from 
which God in His mercye defend us), and we your pore suppliants 
will dayly pray unto God in long and happy health to kepe you all. 

The later document, signed " Your poor and distressed 
brother, Thomas Nixe, fishmonger," is a highly graphic and 
interesting one, evidently characteristic of the man, who 
appears to have borne his great troubles with a large amount 
of patient philosophy, but it is too long and our space too 
limited to produce it here. It is pleasing to find that the 
poor old man was not neglected by his former associates, for 
a special order was made that an annuity of ^5 for life was 


to be paid to him for his maintenance, but it was not to be 
an example for others to sue for the like thereafter. 

Quitting this digression we pass another interval of five 
years to 1631, in the summer of which, although Leicester was 
fortunate enough to escape its ravages, the neighbouring town 
of Loughborough was visited by the plague, which carried off 
135 of the inhabitants ; in connection wherewith we have the 
following entry in the chamberlains' account for the year: 

" Item, paiyed to the inhabitants of Loughborough by the 
appointment of a common hall towards theire releife 
in the tyme of their visitation, . . . x h " 

We have also two sheets of payments "to keep Lough- 
borough people forth of the town," amounting to the then 
large sum of over .50; but the "watch and ward," and 
other precautionary measures adopted, were effectual ; and it 
was not until after an interval of ten years, or in 1636, that we 
again meet with any references to the plague in our local 

Although the account for that year contains only two 
plague entries, namely, a payment " for searching of a corps 
suspected," and another " for going to Sileby to enquire of 
the sickness there;" and although the parish registers show 
that the mortality this year was not above the average, we 
learn from a number of " orders " made by the corporation, 
that great apprehensions existed of an outbreak of the 
dreaded pestilence, that it did eventually show itself, and 
that it existed, in a modified degree, more or less, during the 
next few years. 

By the first of these orders, made on the I5th August 
1636, the common carriers to London were to be suppressed 
until further notice; no housekeeper was to receive any 
stranger without first acquainting the mayor or the alder- 
man of his ward, although such party brought a certificate, 
unless they were known to come from places free from sus- 
picion. And lastly, eight warders were appointed to guard 
daily from sunrise until nine o'clock at night, viz., St James's 


Chapel, the Horse Fair, the Bear-hill Cross (now Haymarket), 
Gallowtree-gate End, the Spittal-house, the Cow Pasture Gate, 
St Sunday's Bridge, and the West Bridge; the expenses to be 
borne by a levy at the same rate as the levy for the poor. 

On the 3<Dth of the same month another order was made 
containing stringent and elaborate directions for carrying out 
the night watch, as well as the watch by day one of the 
companies of the twenty-four and the forty-eight, in turn, 
beginning with the " auncientest," was to walk about all day, 
and oversee the watchmen; and a constable of each ward in 
turn was to oversee the night watch. 

From a subsequent document we learn that "the first 
watch, both night and day, from the 2d October to the 23d 
December 1636," cost 18, 8s., and "the second watch from 
I2th April to the 3oth December 1637," cost ,23, 6s., to meet 
which two taxations or collections were made these charges 
not passing through the chamberlains' accounts, and thus 
unfortunately we have no particulars of the payments on 
account of the "visited people." In 1639 this visitation was 
at its worst ; the pest-houses were again brought into use, 
and there was " paid for the relief of the visited people and 
charges about them more than was collected, . . . 64, 193.," 
probably equal to ^300 or 400 in the present day; nor was 
this all, for, including upwards of ^"30 "laid out by Mr 
Chamberlain Peake for the building of the pest-house," this 
visitation entailed a charge on the town of over 15 3. 

By an order made on the ist November 1638, two mem- 
bers of the company of the " Eight-and-forty " were, in turn, 
every night to "look that the night watch be duly kept." 

On the 1st December the mayor and justices issued a 
distress warrant against several ratepayers for non-payment 
of their taxes " for the relief of the visited people," two of 
these seven defaulters being members of the corporation 
John Tatam and John Ludlam who were taxed respectively 
at 45. and 33. 3d. 

Among other proceedings before the justices at this period, 
we find that on the 24th of the same month an innkeeper, 


one Daniel Morris, was charged with a misdemeanour in 
concealing that his house was infected with the plague, 
and in having given entertainment in it after he knew it 
was infected, and a warrant was issued for his apprehension. 
He was " suppressed from victualling," his sign ordered to be 
taken down, and he was bound, under bail, to appear at the 
ensuing Lent assizes to answer for his offence. From a 
subsequent document we learn that a death took place at his 
house on the 3Oth August, and which was apparently the first 
infected house on this occasion. 

At this period we find the corporation most judiciously 
resolving (January n, 163!) "that the order made for the 
cleansing of the streets shall be put in execution." 

Sometime before the Lent assizes 1639, we have a very 
long letter from the recorder to the mayor, as to the judges 
holding the assizes at Leicester, a very brief abstract of which 
must suffice. Mr Chapman informs the mayor that both he 
and the judges had expected to have been certified before 
that time how the case stood with Leicester for the sickness; 
but this failing to be done, the judges have a jealousy that 
the case is worse than had been reported to them by the 
mayor's friends. Out of the love they had to the town, the 
judges had resolved to hold the assizes at Leicester, on being 
assured that they could come safely, and could draw the 
country thither without danger. 

On the recorder's telling the judges that he conceived there 
was no danger to them or the country, they had agreed to 
" appoint the assizes to be held at Leicester, and when they 
came there, if they find things no worse than I have reported 
them to be, God willing, they will hold them there; and if 
things should alter, or they find them worse when they come 
thither, then they will adjourn the assizes from thence to 
Loughborough. They expect that I shall inform them every 
week how things go. . . . They tell me they hear you have 
an unruly woman in the town, who having a sore running of 
her, will not be kept in, but intrudeth herself into the company 
of her neighbours, whether they will or no, to the endangering 


of many, which, if it be so, they would see an order taken 
with her when they come, if not before. I tell them I never 
heard of such, only told them what I had heard of them at 
the White Hart," probably the case of Morris above referred 
to, the proceedings taken in which, as related to the judges, 
he describes. He then adds that he had told the judges that 
he had heard no person had died of the disease, except out of 
one house, for five or six weeks. He ends by advising the 
corporation to keep the poor from begging, and to let them 
have work and maintenance during the assizes and he takes 
his leave with best wishes for " the ceasing of that uncomfort- 
able sickness." 

We next come upon a document which was probably pre- 
pared, in consequence of the recorder's letter, for the informa- 
tion of the judges. It is headed, "A true particular of all the 
houses that have been infected within the burrough of Leices- 
ter since the first beginning of the sicknes ther, with the 
persons that have dyed therin, and the tyme of their deathes, 
untill the second of Ffebr. 1638-9, which was the last that dyed 
in the said burr, of that disease, praised be God." The result 
given at the foot of the return is, "Houses infected, 17; per- 
sons dead in all, 41 " the latter figures being a curious 
coincidence, as in the visitation of 1625 a payment was made 
for "searching of xlj tie dead corpses" precisely the same 
number and which were buried in St Mary's Close. During 
this visitation the dead appear to have been again buried in 
the churchyards, but it is impossible to reconcile the foregoing 
return, if it included all the deaths from the plague, with the 
parish registers of burials, as (without entering into the 
details of the extracts made from them) the number of burials 
in St Martin's and St Margaret's parishes alone that year were 
76 above the average, instead of the 41, as returned for the 
whole town. 

In the summer of 1641 the plague was raging in several 
towns and villages in the neighbourhood of Leicester, and 
grants of money for the relief of the visited people " at Market 
Harborough, Birstall, Thurmaston, and Whetstone," were 


made by the corporation; and "during the continuance of the 
sickness, that is to say for one whole year," at those places 
and at Oakham "a continued watch" was kept up at the 
entrances of this town to keep out infected persons. 

On the nth January 1642, a petition was sent from Whet- 
stone to the corporation respecting the visited people there, 
which is interesting, as showing that upwards of two hundred 
years ago, as well as in recent times, the population of many 
of our country villages was dependent on the hosiery trade 
of Leicester for a living. The petition set forth that there 
were six visited houses in the town, besides certain others 
suspected and watched, to the number of one hundred and 
forty people, or thereabouts, who were knitters of hosiery, 
who depended for their work and weekly wages from the 
town of Leicester, of which they were now deprived, and that 
they would consequently sustain great want without the 
charitable benevolence of the corporation, for whose health 
and prosperity the petitioners pray God. 

It was feared that the plague had broken out here at one 
time, and certain "suspected houses" were duly watched, but 
although surrounded on all sides by infected places, Leicester 
on this occasion seems to have wholly escaped ; and also 
another visitation which occurred at Loughborough in the 
summer of 1647, when, by order of a common hall held here 
on Michaelmas Day, " it was agreed that x u out of the town 
stock be sent to Loughborough ffor the releife of the visited 
people there;" and during the plague one watchman was 
employed on week days, and four on market days, "for 
watching and keeping out Loughborough people." 

In the autumn of 1648 the plague again appears to have 
broken out in Leicester, as several entries in the records 

A corpse, " suspected to die of the sickness," was " viewed," 
and a house occupied by Widow Dawes, "suspected to be 
infected with the sickness called the plagge," was shut up, 
respecting which we find that, on the 25th November 1648, 
William Kirk of Leicester, butcher, he being one of the 


searchers appointed under the Act, made oath before the 
mayor and two of the justices "that he doth verily believe 
that the child of Widow Dawes, which died yesterday, did die 
of the sickness called the plague," whereupon, following the 
usual practice, the house was at once shut up, and a watch set 
upon it during the ensuing six weeks. There are also entries 
illustrative of the subject which we pass over for want of space. 

About this period the local authorities appear for the first 
time to have realised the force of the old adage, " prevention 
is better than cure," for they began to enforce a number of 
sanitary measures which one would have thought would have 
been in force long before. At a common hall on the 2Oth 
October 1648, regulations were made to appoint well reeves 
in every ward to see that the common wells (of which there 
were several celebrated ones) were kept in proper order and 
repair; and also to appoint surveyors of the bridges and 
highways, who were to carry out the renewed orders for 
paving and cleaning the streets. In the following month of 
November, orders were issued under the hand of the mayor, 
requiring every householder to cleanse the street in front of 
their premises every Saturday night before six o'clock, includ- 
ing the gutter, and to carry away all the filth so collected, etc., 
under a penalty of twelve pence, and the constables were to 
enforce these regulations under a penalty of five shillings. 

Somewhat later this order was to be published by the town 
crier, the proclamation after the execution of the king ending 
with " God save the Nation." 

After the town had once more been blessed with seven 
years of freedom from pestilence, we arrive at the time when 
the great plague of London was causing such consternation 
and dismay not only in the city itself and its suburbs, but 
throughout the length and breadth of the land ; and we find 
the corporation of Leicester, like the authorities of other 
places, drawing a strict cordon sanitaire round the town, to 
prevent the introduction of the infection from without, and 
also making active preparations to check its ravages should 
the disease unfortunately appear in their midst. 


This terrible visitation, after passing from the East to 
Holland in 1663, first broke out in London towards the end 
of the following year, and after some fluctuation towards the 
end of May 1665, the mortality began to be excessive, and the 
infection spread fearfully. 

It was perhaps fortunate for Leicester that the mayor at 
that period, William Callis, was an apothecary, and conse- 
quently one who would be possessed of some amount of 
medical knowledge. The first precaution adopted was " a 
letter sent by post to stop James Lee from bringing goods to 
the town in the time of the great plague at London." 

It will not be forgotten that, in a former instance, a carrier 
who surreptitiously brought goods from London to be intro- 
duced into Leicester, caught the plague and died on the road, 
while it was believed at the time that this terrible disease 
had been brought to Holland with some infected goods im- 
ported by the Dutch fleet from the Levant. 

We then find that an additional piece of ground was pro- 
cured at " the Water Laggs " (the site of the old pest-house), 
" taken to build hutts on in case of necessity any should fall 
sick of the plague." The sum of 8s. 8d. (probably owing to 
the risk of infection) was " paid to John Wilkinson for con- 
veying a man to Belgrave, supposed to have the plague upon 

At a common hall held on the 4th July 1665, and also 
three days later, we find the corporation re-enacting very 
stringent regulations as to watching the town, and as to other 
precautionary measures adopted during the visitation of 1625, 
and which we now have repeated among the hall papers. 
Several other orders were made as to keeping goods out of 
the town, turning the tenants out of the pest-houses at the 
Water Laggs, the erection of huts if found necessary, the 
" building " of double gates (or barricades) at open entrances 
into the town, and above all as to the constant " watch and 
ward " which was to be kept up night and day, to prevent 
persons coming from London or other infected places. 

Mr Callis was succeeded in the mayoralty on St Matthew's 


Day (2 ist September) 1665, by William Allsop, at which time, 
although a watch was still kept up to prevent the infection 
being brought into the town (probably from Melton Mowbray), 
the actual danger was over. Although, as before stated, 
several places in the county suffered at the period from this 
fearful visitation that of " the- Great Plague of London "- 
Leicester seems providentially to have wholly escaped; for 
although, unlike the other parishes, the mortality in St 
Martin's was above the average, we do not meet with the 
notice of a single death from the plague, nor even of a 
single house having been infected by it. 

Two more entries relating to the plague and we have done : 

" Item, paid to the inhabitants of Melton Mowbray, by order of 
a common hall, towards their reliefe, in y e time of the 
great vizitacon of the plague, . . . . x h " 

And finally : 

" Item, paid to Thomas Darbye, for taking up the posts and 

railes at Barkby Lane end, and laying up the same, . viij d " 

Of the almost entire absence of sanitary arrangements in 
our old towns, Leicester may fairly be taken as the counter- 
part of similar places at the period, and from the by-laws 
and " orders " made from time to time by the local authorities, 
we are enabled to judge of the state of things previously ex- 
isting. The streets were generally narrow and tortuous, the 
houses were almost invariably built of a framework of timber, 
filled in with plaster; while, in front, story projected over 
story, until, in many cases, the inhabitants might literally 
shake hands with their opposite neighbours out of their top- 
most windows. The rooms were low, dark, and badly venti- 
lated, and the overhanging houses prevented a free circulation 
of air in the streets. The highways were either badly paved 
or not paved at all (in one instance it is incidentally men- 
tioned that at the East Gate the principal entrance into the 
town from the highroad between London and the north the 
ruts were so deep as to be almost impassable), while there 
was an entire absence of proper drainage. Filth and garbage, 


including dead animals, were thrown into the public streets; 
corn was winnowed there ; and pigs roamed at large, turning 
up and feeding upon decaying vegetable and other refuse. 

Every householder had the unenviable privilege of possess- 
ing his own dung-mixen, in many cases close to the front 
dwelling-house, while large public ones existed in the streets. 
A very large dung-heap, frequently mentioned in the records, 
and unmistakable traces of which are still met with during 
excavations on the site, occupied the north-east corner of the 
market-place. Another stood near the triangular piece of 
ground in the middle of Belgrave Gate (in which street the 
plague so frequently prevailed) ; the site was afterwards 
covered by several almshouses, known as " The Cock-Muck- 
Hill Houses," probably from their close proximity to that 
unsavoury institution of our forefathers. 

With all these direct incentives to the propagation of epi- 
demic disease, together with others which can only be hinted 
at such as the very frequent, if not all but universal absence 
from the dwelling-houses of all decent conveniences there 
can be no wonder that when the burning heats of summer and 
autumn penetrated the decomposing masses of animal and 
vegetable matter, hundreds of the population should be 
periodically swept away by the outbreak of a pestilence. 

In a valuable paper on " Epidemics in the Middle Ages," read 
before the Leicester Literary and Philosophical Society, in 
1849, my friend John Buck, Esq., M.R.C.S., then the highly- 
efficient and zealous medical officer of health for this borough, 
remarked : " All those great visitations which we have been 
considering I mean the black-death, the sweating-sickness, 
and the plague have very much in common with each other. 
We have seen how the most celebrated authority of his time, 
Sydenham, hesitated in giving to the great mortality of 1665 
the name so universally accorded to it, viz., the plague; and 
I may add that by a very large proportion of the medical 
men of the present day even the cholera is, as I think very 
properly, considered a variety of what is generally under- 
stood by the generic title of fever." Of the epidemic of 


1593-94 at Leicester, Mr Buck remarked: "This visitation I 
opine to have been a malignant fever of ordinary character 
but extraordinary violence, rather than the true Oriental 
plague, and probably existed with the same symptoms as the 
fever of the present day. This is also the opinion of Dr 
Laycock, of York, who paid much attention to historic 
medicine with regard to visitations of the plague in York in 
the seventeenth century." 

Mr Buck observed that " in bygone times Leicester suffered 
from the recurrence of plague at almost regular intervals, . . . 
so that there appears to be a law of periodicity about these 
visitations which it would be most desirable to investigate." 
In a paper on "The Connection between Magnetic Pheno- 
mena and Epidemic Diseases," Dr Henry Kelsall holds that 
this periodicity in the recurrence of epidemic diseases was 
entirely owing to magnetic influences, and that " the cholera, 
no less than the so-called plague, passed from region to 
region, through every variety of climate, along the lines of 
magnetic variation." He gives some curious instances, illus- 
trative of his subject, as showing why, during the prevalence 
of the cholera and the so-called plague, many deaths took 
place in the houses on one side of a street, while those on 
the opposite side escaped. 

While we believe many medical men in the present day 
hold, with Dr Harrison, the doctrine of " non-contagion " as 
applicable to these diseases, the latest phase of medical be- 
lief on the subject is that designated the " Germ-Theory of 
Disease," or that these epidemics are propagated and diffused 
by living germs or atoms. It is a curious verification of the 
saying, " There is nothing new under the sun," to find this 
supposed modern discovery, the result of recent scientific 
investigation, already made and clearly stated in a ballad of 
two hundred years ago, entitled, "London's Plague from 
Holland," included in the Bagford Collection (part i., p. 38), 
recently issued by the Ballad Society. 


AACHEN, capital of Karl the Great, 168, 
169, 171. 

Abercromby, John, burgess of Crail, 
charter of, 366. 

Abercromby, Sir George, prebendary of 
Crail, 355. 

Abercromby, Sir William, prebendary 
of Crail, 356, 363, 364, 371. 

Abila, 46. 

Abydos, inscription at, IO. 

Accad and Georgian grammar, compari- 
son of, 24. 

Accad and Quichua grammar, compari- 
son of, 24. 

Accad cities of the Bible, I, 2, 65, 66. 

Accad language, the, 19, 20. 

Accad migrations, 67-70. 

Adalgisus, chamberlain of Karl the Great, 

Adelicia, queen of Henry II., 208, 243, 


Aden, Himyaritic inscriptions at, 7, 14. 
Adrian I., Pope, 1 66. 
Adullam, 41. 
Adzur, sewer of Edward the Confessor, 

212, 226. 
^Efricus, Bishop of the South Saxons. 

212, 220. 

^Egelmund, Prince, 213, 227. 
^gelnoph, Prince, 212, 227. 
./fLgelnophus, Abbot of Glastonbury, 212, 

220, 221. 

^Egilsine, Abbot of St Augustine's, 212, 

222, 223. 

^Elfig, Prince, 213, 227. 
.^Llfric, Archbishop, 94. 
^ilfstan, Prince, 212, 226. 
^Elfwine, Abbot of Ramsey, 212, 221. 
JEl-wig, Abbot of Evesham, 212, 222. 
^Elwin, Bishop of Durham, 212, 220. 
Agatha, daughter of Earl Algar, 215. 
Agaw language and race, 26,27,32,34,67. 
Agriculture among the Anglo-Saxons, 

111-113, 117, 118. 

Ailmar, Bishop of Elmham, 212, 219. 

Albanian alphabet, the, 10, II. 

Alboin, 166. 

Aldunburg (Oldenburg), 153. 

Alexander III., Pope, 252. 

Alfgar, Prince, 212, 227. 

Alf hild, wife of Godfred, King of Den- 
mark, 178. 

Alfmeston, church of, 251. 

Alfred the Great, 93, 96, 98, 100, 1 1 2, 

Alfwold, Bishop of Sherborne, 212, 217. 

Alwold, Prince, 213, 227. 

Algar, Earl of Mercia, 102, 212, 223. 

Algeria, Libyan inscriptions in, 12, 13. 

Almakah (Moloch), inscriptions to, 8. 

Alphabetical characters, comparison of 
ancient, 14, 15. 

Alphabets, ancient, different modes of 
reading, 17. 

Alphabets, geometrical, 15, 16. 

Alphabets, masonic, Hebrew, and cabal- 
istic, 15-17. 

Alrichsey, lands and revenues of, 228, 
240, 241, 253. 

Alsopp, William, Mayor of Leicester, 


Amharic alphabet, the, 8. 
Amorites, the, 2. 
Amos, the prophet, 3. 
Amwell, manor of, 242. 
Andrew, James, Mayor of Leicester, 416. 
Anglo-Saxons, civil institutions and laws 

of, 101-107, I2 4- 
Anglo-Saxons, domestic customs and 

dress of, 107-110, 118, 119. 
"Anglo-Saxons, Domestic Life in Britain 

during Time of," 86-130. 
Anglo-Saxons, houses and castles of, 96, 

97, loo, 101, 107, 108. 
Anglo-Saxons, painting and sculpture 

among, 97, 98. 
Anglo-Saxons, poetry and books of, 99, 




Anglo-Saxons, religion and churches of, 

88, 89, 91-96. 

Angus, Archibald, Earl of, 382. 
Annell, Sir Edward, prebendary of Crail, 

357, 362, 366, 371. 

Anskarius, the Apostle of Sweden, 175. 
Anstruder (Anstruther), William, 340, 


Anstruther, Marjory, sasine of, 347. 
Antiochus Epiphanes, 300. 
Arbites, the, 2. 
Archer, Robert de, 250. 
Arimathea, Joseph of, 90, 91. 
Arnwig, Abbot of Peterborough, 221. 
Arran, James, Earl of, 332, 382. 
Artaxerxes- Longimanus, 298, 299, 301, 


Arvadites, the, 2. 
Asa, wife of Godfred, King of Denmark, 


Ashby-de-la-Zouch, plague at, 436. 
Ashteroth, 65. 
Askelon, 51. 
Assur, I, 2. 
Assur-nazir-pal, 3. 
Astral symbology, 36, 37. 
Athelstan, King, 116. 
Athelwold, Bishop of Sherborne, 219. 
Attigny, council of, 166. 
Aungier, Hugh de, vicar of Caterham, 


Avares, the, 156, 161, 164, 167. 
Axum, Himyaritic inscriptions at, 7- 
Aymara language and race, the, 21, 27, 

28, 30, 31. 
Azariah, King, 3. 
Aztec language, the, 30-32. 

Baal, inscriptions to, 8. 

Babel, I, 2. 

Babylonia, I, 5. 

Babylonia, Himyaritic inscriptions in, 7. 

Babylonia, Sumerian settlement in, 1 8. 

Bacon, Francis, M.P. for Liverpool, 

Bacon, Roger, 247. 

Badburgham, church of, 249. 

Badenfliot, council of, 172. 

Bailol, Joscelin de, Bishop of Salisbury, 
242, 243. 

Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, 278. 

Balcomie, battle of, 324. 

Baldwin, chaplain of Edward the Con- 
fessor, 212, 226. 

Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, 224. 

Ballone, Sir Andrew, canon of St An- 
drews, charter of, 348, 349. 

Balmurinocht, Robert, Abbot of, 369, 375. 

Bampfylde, Sir Copleston, 293. 

Bampfylde, Sir John, 293. 

Barkham, Edward, Mayor of London, 
218, 219. 

Bashan, 46. 

Basque language, the, 64, 65. 

Beaton, Cardinal, Archbishop of St An- 
drews, 333. 

Beauchamp, Roger de, charter of, 258. 

Beaumont, Francis, dramatist, 410. 

Beaumont, Francis, of Coleorton, 410. 

Beaumont, Sir John, 410. 

Beaumont, Sir Thomas, 425, 429. 

Bedawi clans, marks of, 5. 

Bede, Venerable, 91, 99, 114, 115. 

Benedict, Pope, 215. 

Benhadad, 3. 

Berber alphabet, the, 10, 12. 

Berno (Dux Bruno), a Saxon setheling, 

Bethel, 47. 

Bixin, Prince, 212, 227. 

Blackmore, grant of lands of, by Henry 
VIII., 263. 

Blunde (Blunt), Roger, 250. 

Boadicea, revolt of, 125. 

Boccaccio, 396, 397. 

Bocholt, battle of, 161. 

Bonar, Master John, 348. 

Bondin (Bondig), the staller, 212, 225. 

Borham, lands of, 334. 

Borthwick, Alexander, of Balhousie, 
charter of, 341-343, 3 6 9, 375- 

Borthwick, John, of Balhousie, 341, 342, 

369, 375, 376. 

Boswell, Sir William, chaplain, 364. 
Bowman, Mr John, priest of Crail, 333, 

354, 357, 358, 360, 362, 364. 
Bowman, Sir David, prebendary of Crail, 

333, 356, 358, 360, 363, 364, 366, 371. 
Bowman, Sir Thomas, chaplain, 355, 

358, 361, 363, 364, 371. 
Bowyer, Sir William, 229. 
Bozrah, 45. 

Bremen, bishopric of, founded, 167. 
Brentwood, chapel of, 251. 
Brickendon, lands of, 240, 242. 
Brihtric, Prince, 212, 226. 
Britain, Danish invasions of, 88, 89. 
" Britain, Domestic Every-day Life, 

Manners, and Customs in," 86-130. 
Britain, introduction of Christianity into, 

90, 91. 

Britain, Saxon invasions of, 87. 
Brittany, Celtic settlements in, 87. 
Bruce, Elizabeth, daughter of Kin 

Robert I., 335. 
Bruce, King Robert the, 325. 
Brunswick, Albert I., Duke of, 163. 
" Brunswick, Chronicle of," 163. 



" Huckland Abbey and Sir Francis 

Drake," 267-297. 
Burehenh, Henry de, 247. 
Burial towers, Sumerian, 34. 
Barnard, family of, 241, 242. 
Burnard, John, 335. 
Byron, Sir John, 199. 

Cabul, 47. 

Calah, I. 

Calendar, Mexican, 35. 

Callis, William, Mayor of Leicester, 4/|/|. 

Calneh, I, 2. 

Calvart, Robert, 338. 

Cambodian language, the, 21-23. 

Canaan, I, 2. 

Canaanite language, the, 21. 

Canaanite town names, comparative table 

of, 40-56. 
Canaanite town names, in Asia, 62 ; in 

Greece, 62 ; in Italy, 62 ; in Spain, 63. 
Cant, Henry, 349. 
Canterbury, Hubert, Archbishop of, 248, 


Canterbury, Ralph, Archbishop of, 243. 
Carboyl, Hamon Dentatus, Earl of, 289. 
Carchemish, 3. 

Carlisle, James Hay, Earl of, 256, 257. 
Carlisle, Richard, Bishop of, letter of, 194. 
Carloman, brother of Karl the Great, 


Carlovingian empire, the, under Charle- 
magne, 156-159. 
Carmel, 42. 

Carstares, Beatrix, 337, 351. 
Carstares, Henry, 337, 351. 
Carstares, Principal William, 337. 
Chalmers, Dr Thomas, 337. 
Castle, Lord de, Marshal of Brittany, 


Caterham, Everard de, 250. 
Caterham, Geoffrey de, 250. 
Caterham, manor of, 249, 250. 
Caterham, Roger de, 250. 
Catteral, Henry, Mayor of Preston, 190. 
Carstares, William, 337, 351, 352, 358. 
Cave, Thomas, high sheriff of Leicester, 


Cecil, Sir Robert, 195, 197. 
Cecil, Sir William, 194, 274. 
Celestine III., Pope, 252, 253. 
Celtiberian language, the, II. 
Celtic language, the, 30. 
Chalmer (de Camera), Master John, 337. 
Charles (Carl), son of Charlemagne, 169, 

171, 172. 
Chemosh, 42. 

Cheshunt, Benedictine house at, 232. 
Cheshunt, manor of, 231, 232, 238. 

Chisney, Robert de, Bishop of Lincoln, 

Christ Church Minster, foundation of, 

Christianity a system of idealistic philo- 
sophy, 319-321. 

Church music, 253-256. 

Circassian language, the, 21-23. 

Claphane, John, of Glaslogie, charter of, 

344, 345- 

Clare, Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, 293. 
Clark, Master Richard, 346. , 
Clement III., Pope, 252, 253 
Cleveland, John, poet, 435. 
Cleveland, Thomas, vicar of Hinckley, 

"Codicis Rubei Abbatias de Waltham 

Fragmenta Varia," 229, 230. 
Cohenim, blessing of the, 8. 
Colberdesholm, grant of lands of, to 

Waltham Abbey, 233. 
Colchis, 2. 

Colville, James, of Ochiltree, 382. 
Comparative tables of words in primitive 

languages, 21-23. 

Constantine, King of Scotland, 324. 
Copleston, Elizabeth, 292, 293. 
Copleston, John, of Warleigh, 292, 293. 
Copped Hall, manor of, 237, 250, 261- 


Corinseus, founder of Cornwall, 291. 
Cotton, Robert, 230. 
Courteney, Hugh, Earl of Devon, 291. 
Couttis, William, 342. 
Crail, ancient borough of, 324-328. 
Crail collegiate church, description and 

endowments of, 325-327, 330-333, 376- 

382, 388-390. 
Crail collegiate church, ornaments of, 

337. 384-387- 
" Crail, History of the Collegiate Church 

of," 324-337. 
" Crail, Register of Collegiate Church 

of, "327-329, 338-394. 
Creichton, Abraham, rector of Chirnside, 

Crichton, George, Bishop of Dunkeld, 

332, 382. 

Cristison, Sir David, chaplain and no- 
tary, 342. 

Crokesby, church of, 252. 

Croyland, abbey of, 92, 96. 

Cuninghame, Robert, of Westbarns, 338. 
342, 347, 368. 

Cuninghame, Thomas, tutor of West- 
barns, 343, 345, 370. 

Cush, I, 31. 

Cypriote language, the, 6, 7, 9. 

Cyrus, 298-301, 303. 



Dachtelfeld (field of slaughter), the, 164. 

Dakenham, Gilbert de, 246. 

" Danes and Franks, Early Intercourse 

of," 147-182. 

"Daniel, the Seventy Weeksof, "298-303. 
Dannewirke, the, 151. 
Darien, Symeron Indians of, 276-278. 
Darius Hystaspes, 298, 299, 302. 
Darius Nothus, 299. 
David I. of Scotland, 324. 
David II. of Scotland, 325, 335. 
David, King, 3. 

Davis, John, English navigator, 291. 
Davye, Richard, Mayor of Leicester, 400. 
De Burgh, John, charter of, 259. 
Defoe, Daniel, 395. 
"De Inventione Sanctee Crucis Wal- 

tham," MS., 208, 229, 230. 
De la Mare, John, charter of, 258. 
De la Pole, family of, lords of Alrichsey, 


De Lope, early navigator, 278. 
Denmark, ancient limits of, 148, 149. 
Derby, Earl of, burgess of Preston, 190, 


Derby, Edward, Earl of, 199. 
Derby, Ferdinand, Earl of, 199. 
Dermot, King of Dublin, 224. 
Desiderius, King of Lombard y, 181, 182. 
De Solis, early navigator, 278. 
Detmold, capture of, 166. 
Devon, Amicia, Countess of, 293, 294. 
Devon, Orgar, Earl of, 268. 
Dilke, Mr, of Maxtoke Castle, 421. 
Dilke, Richard, of Kirkby Mallory, 421. 
Dilke, Sir Charles Wentworth, 421. 
Dilke, Sir Thomas, 421. 
Dishington, Alexander, 367. 
Dishington, Andrew, 336. 
Dishington, George, minister of Cults, 

Dishington, George, of Ardross, 334, 

363, 366-368, 394. 

Dishington, George, of Lochmalony, 336. 
Dishington, John, commissary of Orkney, 

Dishington, John, of Longhermiston, 


Dishington, Master David, 390, 394. 
Dishington, Mr James, 394. 
Dishington, Rev. Andrew, of Eday, 

336, 337- 

Dalrymple, Sir Hew, 337. 
Dishington, Sir John, 384, 394. 
Dewar, Sir William, chaplain, 343. 
Dishington, Sir William, "clerk" in 1 

Crail, 335, 336, 365- 
Dishington, Sir William, of Ardross, 

325, 335- 

Dishington, Thomas, of Ardross, 336. 
Dishington, Thomas, of Trinity, 337. 
Dishington, William de, of Ardross, 335. 
Dishington, William, of Balglassie, 335, 

363, 366, 368, 394. 
Ditmarsh, the, 151. 
Doddo, Prince, 212, 227. 
Doughty, Thomas, execution of, by 

Drake, 281, 282. 

Douglas, James, Earl of, 332, 382. 
Douglas, Sir Robert, 328. 
Drake, Francis, nephew of Sir Francis 

Drake, 296. 

Drake, John, junior, 275. 
Drake, John, of Otterton, 269. 
Drake, Robert, vicar of Upnore, 269, 


Drake, Sir Bernard, 287, 288. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 267-297. 
Drake, Sir Francis Henry, Bart., 296. 
Drake, Thomas. 288, 298. 
Drayton, William de, 249, 260. 
Druidism, 88, 91. 
Dunbar, Alexander, vicar of Crail, 332, 

Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glasgow, 

332, 382. 
Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop of Aberdeen, 

332, 382. 
Durham, Antony, Bishop of, 261. 

Eadbald, King, 94, 95. 

Eadgytha, Queen, 212-215. 

Eadsig, Archbishop, 214. 

Eadwy, Prince, 213, 227. 

Ealdred, Archbishop of York, 212, 216, 


Earconbert, King of Kent, 113, 114. 
Easter Island, inscriptions at, 33. 
Eclipses and earthquakes noticed by 

Anglo-Saxon chroniclers, 113-117. 
Edgar, King, 124, 215, 268, 269. 
Edmund, Abbot of Pershore, 212, 223. 
Edom, 40. 

Edric, Prince, 213, 227. 
Edward I., 238, 240, 244, 294. 
Edward III., charter of, 261. 
Edward the Confessor, 93, 102-104, 209, 

211-215, 238, 241, 242, 257. 
Edworth, Stephen, lord of Alrichsey,-24i. 
Egbert, King of the Saxons, 115. 
Egbert, Saxon count, 173. 
Egfrid, King, 115. 
Eginhardt, Abbot of Lorsch, 159. 
Eleanor of Castile, 237, 238. 
Eleanor, queen of Henry II., 231, 239. 
Elfgar, brother of Harold, 215. 
Elford, Barbara, 293. 
Elford, John, of Sheepston, 293. 



Elfricla, Queen, 268, 269. 

Elfry, Bishop of Winchester, 117. 

Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, 413. 

Elsinas, Abbot of Peterborough, 117. 

Ely, cathedral of, 98. 

Ely, Eustace, Bishop of, 259. 

Ely, Hugh, Bishop of, 260. 

Emblematic characters, 17. 

Emesa, 2. 

Emma of Normandy, queen of Ethelred 
II., 213. 

Enhardus, 159. 

Ephesus, inscriptions on road to, 5. 

Epicurus and his philosophy, 307-312. 

Epping, lands of, 234, 239, 253. 

Erech, I, 2. 

Erskine, Sir Charles, Lord Lyon, 334. 

Esben, Prince, 213, 227. 

Esesfelt, fortress of, built by Karl the 
Great, 173. 

Esgar, the staller, 212, 225. 

Eshcol, 51. 

Essex, Walter, Earl of, 278. 

Ethelfeld, the Lady of Mercia, 96, 97. 

Ethelred, King, laws of, 105. 

Ethelred II., 213, 268. 

Ethelwold, Earl, 268. 

Etherilda, paintings by, in Ely Cathe- 
dral, 98. 

Ethiopia, Himyaritic inscriptions in, 8. 

Etruscan language, the, II. 

Etruscan words surviving in Latin, 22. 

Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, 90. 

Eve, mythological synonyms of, 26, 27. 

Ewat, Sir James, chaplain of Crail, 382- 
384, 390. 

Ferdinand III. of Castile, 238. 
Ferentino, James de, Dean of Holt, 248. 
Feme, George, Archdean of Dunkeld, 

Fitz-Alwyn, William, charter of, to 

Waltham Abbey, 233. 
Fitz-Aucher, Henry, 261. 
Fitz-Aucher, Richard, 237, 257, 261. 
Fitz-Aucher, Stephen, 238. 
Foliot, Gilbert, Bishop of London, 252, 

Forman, Andrew, Archbishop of St 

Andrews, 332, 376, 380, 391. 
Forman, Robert, Dean of Glasgow, 381. 
Fortescue, Arthur, ancestor of the Earls 

Fortescue, 293. 

Fortibus, Isabella de, 293, 294. 
Fransham, Gilbert de, 249. 
Fransham, Robert de, 249. 
Friesian laws of war, 1 73. 
Frieslancl, 153. 
Friesland, early missionaries in, 165. 

Frobisher, Martin, English navigator, 


' Fulda, Annals of," 159. 
Fuller, Dr Thomas, 256, 257, 272. 
Fuller, Robert, Abbot of Waltham, 256, 

257, 264. 
Funerals, Anglo-Saxon, 122. 

Gailo, master of the horse to Karl the 

Great, 164. 

Garret, Captain John, of Plymouth, 275. 
Gau, a Teutonic division of territory, 

15'. '52. 
Gaunt, Walter de, Abbot of Waltham, 

246, 252. 
Gaza, 52. 

Geist, Richard de, 248. 
Geist, Roger de, 248, 260. 
Geist, Sir Everard de, 248-250. 
Geist, Sir Ralph de, 248. 
Geisthorp, manor of, 248, 249. 
Gelafre, Beatrix, 249. 
Gelafre, Robert, 249. 
Gelghether magical alphabet, the, 16. 
Genoa, Mayfield at, 182. 
Georgian language, the, 20-23. 
Geva, wife of Witikind, 163, 164. 
Gilead, 50. 
Gilgal, 50. 

Glamorgan, Jestin, lord of, 289. 
Glastonbury, first Christian church at, 91. 
Gloucester, Duke of, 238. 
Godescalcus, envoy of Karl the Great, 

1 68. 
Godfred, King of the Danes, 162, 163, 


Godiva, Lady, 104. 
Goldsmith, Henry, Mayor of Leicester, 


Godwin, Earl of Kent, 126, 215, 217. 
Godwin, sewer of Queen Edith, 212, 


Gomorrah, 43. 
Gorm, King of Denmark, 147, 148, 172, 

174, 175- 

Gotelaib, chief of the Obotriti, 171. 
Gotric or Gudrod see Godfred, King of 

the Danes. 

Gregorian chant, the, 99. 
Gregory, Pope, 90. 
Grenville, Robert, 289. 
Grenville, Sir Richard, of Stow, 288, 

289, 291. 

Grey, Sir Charles, 329. 
Griffin, Sir Thomas, of Dingley, 413. 
Griffith, Prince of Wales, 227. 
Grindall, Archbishop, 401. 
Grosseteste, Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, 




Guarani language, the, 22, 25, 32. 
Gurth, Earl, 212, 213, 215, 224. 
Gyrtha, daughter of Ulf, 215. 
Gyso, Bishop of Wells, 212, 220. 
Gytho, brother of Harold, 215. 

Hackney, Alice, 245. 

Haddington, Cistercian priory of, 325, 

327i 332. 
Haddington, Janet, prioress of, 325, 332, 


Haldane, Sir James, chaplain and not- 
ary, 341. 

Halden (Haldane), Sir John, chaplain, 

Hale, Walter de, 233. 

Halfdan, son of Godfred, King of Den- 
mark, 179. 

Halfdene, Norse pirate, 171. 

Halyfield, Robert de, vicar of Caterham, 

Ham, I. 

Hamath, city and land of, 3, 4. 

Hamathite inscriptions and language, 
3-10, 13, 22, 23. 

Hamathites, the, 2. 

Hamburg, foundation of, 170, 171. 

Hamilton, Lord, 382. 

Hanchet, family of, lords of Sudecampes, 

Harald Blaatand, 175. 

Harald Harfager, King of Norway, 149, 

Harald Hildetaand, King of Sweden, 
149, 176. 

Harald Klak, King of Denmark, 175. 

Harald Redbeard, 178. 

Harold (Godwinsson), Earl, 104, 212, 
213, 215, 245. 

Harosheth, 49. 

Harris, Christopher, of Plymouth, 288. 

Harun-ar-Rashid, King of the Saracens, 

Hasala, daughter of Witikind, 1