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OCTOBER, 1909, TO MARCH, 1911. 








OCTOBER, 1909, TO MARCH, 1911. 




MARCH, 1912. 













SCOTT ... 165 






ENGLISH HERBALS. (Reprint, with Illustrations.) BY J. F. 

PAYNE 299 




October, 1909, to IMarcb, 1910. 


On Monday, October i8th, 1909, the President, Mr. Fortescue, in the 
Chair, Mr. Arundell Esdaile read a paper on The Bibliography of the 
Earlier English Novels and Romances. Mr. Esdaile's paper will be printed 
in full as an introduction to his Bibliography, now ready for press, but a 
summary is here given for the sake of completeness. 

SUMMARY. My subject has been a little limited by the exclusion of 
verse-romances and jest-books, but it remains sufficiently wide, all other 
forms of prose fiction being included. As a closing date, 1740, the year 
of Richardson's Pamela, has been chosen. The Revolution would perhaps 
have offered a better boundary, or even a year midway between this and 
the Restoration ; but all arbitrary divisions have their drawbacks. There 
is no difficulty in the first date ; the English novel begins with the first 
book printed by Caxton, his translation of Le Fevre's Recueil des Histoires 
de Troye. Caxton printed ten other romances, including Morte d' Arthur, 
Charles the Great, The Four Sons of Aymon, Paris and Vienne, Blanchardine 
and Eglantine, and Reynard the Fox. He was followed by Wynkyn de 
Worde, who reprinted some of his books, and also added others, mostly 
of less importance, such as The Destruction of Jerusalem and The Three 


Kings of Cologne. At Antwerp also, Gerard Leeu and Jan van Doesborgh 
printed romances in English. In the middle of the sixteenth century 
many of the old romances, among other popular books, were reprinted by 
William Copland. Up to that time, nearly every book produced in this class 
had been mediaeval in character ; but Copland also printed a translation of 
Aeneas Sylvius' De duobus amantibus, and from this, despite unimportant 
forerunners, we may date the Italian influence on the English novel. 
Actual translations from the Italian were not numerous, the influence being 
felt more in poetry and the drama ; but Whetstone, Warner, Gascoigne, 
Tilney, Pettie, Lyly, Lodge, Greene, Rich, and Breton, among others, 
translated or imitated the novelle. The Decamerone did not appear in 
English till 1620. This Italian phase did not last long ; the books of 
Whetstone, Warner, Gascoigne, and Tilney had lost their market by 1590, 
but Pettie's was reprinted so late as 1613. Lyly, Lodge and Greene 
enjoyed a continuous popularity till the decade preceding the Civil Wars, 
when their novels, with the exception of Greene's Pandosto, or Dorastus 
and Fawnia, went out of favour. In the last twenty years of the sixteenth 
century there was a revival of the romance of chivalry, some old books 
being reprinted and others newly written or translated ; among these were 
The Knight of the Sun, Palladinc, Palmerin, Amadis, Bellianis, and Forde's 
Parismus, Montelion, and Ornatus and Artesia. It is not unnatural that 
these romances produced in 1600 what appears to be the first English 
parody, The Heroicall Adventures of the Knight of the Sea. 

Sidney's Arcadia appeared in 1590; it was printed eighteen times 
before 1740, continued in 1607 and 1613 by Gervase Markham, in 1624 
by Richard Beling, and in 1651 by Anne Weamys, and modernised in 
1725; an abstract appeared in 1701, and the story of Argalus and 
Parthenia was extracted and reprinted (apart from Quarles' poetical 
version) not less than six times after 1672. Montemayor's Diana was 
translated in 1598, and Lady Mary Wroth 's Urania appeared in 1621. 
But Arcadianism found its fulfilment in the French Romances of the 
mid seventeenth century. 


All the romances hitherto published were intended for a small public, 
often a courtly one. In later generations many of them were abridged or 
cheaply printed, but so early as the end of the sixteenth century a new 
thing appeared, literature written by men of the people for the people. 
Johnson's Seven Champions and Tom a Lincoln popularised the heroic 
romance of the day ; but his Nine Worthies, Deloney's Gentle Craft, Tom 
of Reading and Jack of Newbury, and Vallans' Sir John Hawkwood glorify 
trade in the persons of their heroes. 

San Pedro's Castell of Love and Aurelio and Isabella had been 
translated in the middle of the sixteenth century, but the Spanish influence 
gained its first ground with the publication of Rowland's version of 
Lazarillo de Tormes in 1586, which was constantly reprinted and was 
imitated in Nash's Unfortunate Traveller, 1594. Don Quixote was trans- 
lated in 1612 and 1620, and Cervantes' Exemplary Novels in 1640. 
Cespedes y' Gerardo and Aleman's Gusman de Alfarache were 
published by Edward Blount in 1622 and 1623. Gerardo was only revived 
once, in 1653 ; but Gusman, or The Spanish Rogue as he was more often 
called, had a long life and a numerous progeny. His story went through 
seven editions and an epitome, and was imitated in The English Gusman 
(or The Yorkshire Rogue), 1652, The English Rogue, by Richard Head, 
1665, The French Rogue, The Scotch Rogue, and The Irish Rogue; Eulen- 
spiegel was reproduced in 1720 as The German Rogue. 

The output of fiction greatly decreased during the Civil Wars, but with 
the return of security and leisure (the latter needful) English novel-readers 
applied themselves to the romances of Scudery and Calprenede. Like 
the heroic romances of half a century earlier, these interminable stories 
produced their parody in Sorel's Lysis, perhaps also partly suggested by 
Don Quixote. 

The vogue of the long French romances only lasted for a quarter of 
a century; they were succeeded in Court favour by the other extreme, 
short novelettes, equally French, often verging on biography and often 
scandalous. The roman a clef was not a new thing ; Barclay's Argents 

B 2 


had been translated before 1630 and had had successors; but this un- 
attractive class of books now for the first time became common. 

With the cheapening of books the division between Court and popular 
novels becomes less sharp; Mrs. Haywood's may be classed among the 
former and Defoe's among the latter, but the very poor were supplied with 
chapbook editions of the old stories and some new books. Among these 
the most important was Bunyan's Pilgrim* s Progress, which had predeces- 
sors in Deguilleville's Pilgrimage of the Son!, Bernard's Isle of Man and 
Patrick's Pilgrim, and several imitators. 

By the end of our period allegory had produced its masterpiece ; satire 
had done the same in Swift's Gulliver and Tale of a Tub, and the novel of 
incident in Robinson Crusoe. But the real achievement, the residuum left 
by these passing phases of fiction, was power acquired over method, 
epistolary, narrative, or autobiographic, and the adaptation of romance to 
ordinary life. This is very apparent in the modern novels of Fielding, 
Richardson, and their imitators, which immediately follow. 


On Monday, November isth, the President, Mr. Fortescue, in the 
Chair, a paper on The Library of Robert Burton was read by Professor 
Sir William Osier. It is hoped that this may be printed separately later 
on with lists of Burton's books at the Bodleian Library and at Christ 
Church. Meanwhile the usual summary is here printed. 

SUMMARY. Migrating from Brasenose College to Christ Church, 
Robert Burton lived as he says, " a silent, sedentary, solitary, private life " 
in the University, dying in 1639. Having Saturn as lord of his geniture, 
and " fatally driven " (to use his own expression) upon the rock of 
melancholy, to ease his mind, and out of a fellow feeling for others, he 
composed his immortal work, The Anatomy of Melancholy. He calls it a 
cento, a patchwork, laboriously collected out of divers writers, but sine 
injuria. He says with Macrobius " Omne meum nihil meum " " It is all 
mine and none mine." 


The Anatomy of Melancholy has not always been understood, it is much 

more than A mire, ankle deep of deliberate confusion, 

Made up of old jumbles of classic allusion. 

It is a great medical treatise (the greatest ever written by a layman), 
orderly in arrangement, intensely serious in purpose, and weighty beyond 
belief with authorities. The sources are to be found in sacred and profane 
literature, to the time of Burton. There is probably no English author 
who quotes from so many writers on so many subjects. 

As he says, he had access to good libraries in the Bodleian and Christ 
Church. His own library as disposed in his will, went in part to friends, 
in part to the Bodleian, and in part to Christ Church. His books are 
readily identified, as the name " Robertus Burton " or " R. B." is written 
on the title-page of each, usually across the middle. Photographs were 
shown of some of the title-pages, and particular attention was called to 
Burton's curious cipher, usually at the bottom of the page, which looks 
as though it were made up of three r's. The Bodleian books have been 
picked out and number 580. The Christ Church books, 429, have been 
collected together, and now surround a portrait of Burton, copied from the 
original in Brasenose College. 

Only a few of the books are annotated. There is a memorial verse for 
the tomb of King James, numerous astrological memoranda, a horoscope 
of Queen Elizabeth, and Burton's own horoscope, practically the same as 
that on his tomb in Christ Church. The most important part of the 
collection at the Bodleian is composed of seventeenth century plays and 
pamphlets, the " baggage books " which Bodley thought might bring 
scandal were the library stuffed with them. 

Though by profession a divine, by inclination Burton was a physician, 
and there is no English medical author of the seventeenth century whose 
writings have anything like the same encyclopedic character. The first 
two partitions form a great treatise on mental aberrations, preceded by a 
remarkable introduction, and diversified with digressions as he calls them, 
one of which on "Air rectified" is a treatise on climate in relation to 


health. There are about 86 medical works among the Burton books, 
none of which are of very great importance. Part III of the Anatomy 
examines all the kinds of love, its nature, difference, objects, etc., and 
forms the most elaborate treatise ever written on the subject. Reference 
to all the love stories of sacred and profane literature are to be found in 
these pages. Among the Bodley books are scores of contemporary plays 
and an interesting 1602 edition of the Venus and Adonis. Burton's 
favourite poets were Chaucer, Spenser, Daniel, Buchanan, Sydney, Ben 
Jonson, Toftes, and Challoner. 

In many places Burton apologises that he should have been carried 
away by a by-stream " which as a rillet is deduced from the main channel 
of my studies." He had ever been desirous to suppress his studies in 
Divinity. More than one half of the books are theological. From some 
of these he gets a few details for his remarkable section on Religious 
Melancholy, in many respects the most original in the work. 

A complete set of the seventeenth century editions, eight in number, 
was exhibited. 

Professor Osier's paper elicited an unusually interesting discussion. 
Among other speakers, Mr. Steele suggested that Burton not only borrowed 
quotations, but borrowed some of his references as well. He had counted 
the authorities quoted in the first half of the book and found that they came 
to at least eight hundred. Mr. Falconer Madan mentioned that, besides his 
bequest to Bodley, Burton had presented books to it during his life, and 
showed that the three " Ss " of his cipher fall into the relative positions in 
which they are found when his Christian name (beginning with a lower-case 
"r") is written above his surname. He commemorated also the work 
done by Shillito in tracing Burton's quotations. Dr. Payne agreed with the 
lecturer in regarding The Anatomy of Melancholy as the most important 
medical work written by a layman if Burton had been a physician he 
might not have found time to write so good a book ! With reference to the 
fact mentioned by Professor Osier that Burton followed Galen and ignored 
Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood, he showed that during 


Burton's life Harvey's theory made no impression even in London, the 
earliest reference to it coming about 1660. 

In acknowledging a cordial vote of thanks offered him by the President, 
Professor Osier mentioned that save for Sterne's borrowings for Tristram 
Shandy and a reference by Dr. Johnson, there is no evidence of any 
interest having been taken in Burton during the eighteenth century, and no 
edition of the Anatomy was produced. The revival of the book was 
probably due to Ferrier's criticism of Sterne's liftings. With reference to 
this, it was suggested at the meeting that an abridged edition of the 
Anatomy appeared during the eighteenth century, but on enquiry this 
proves to have been issued in 1801. 


On Monday, December zoth, Mr. G. R. Redgrave, Past-President, 
in the Chair, Mr. H. B. Wheatley read a paper on Dryden's Publishers, 
printed in full in the present volume. 

Previous to the January Meeting, the following Annual Report and 
Balance Sheet were circulated among Members by means of the News- 


(i.) The Council deeply regret to have to issue their Annual Report 
without the aid of the President. They are sure that all Members of the 
Society will join with them in wishing Mr. Fortescue a speedy and complete 
recovery from his serious illness. 

(2.) During the past year new candidates have been forthcoming to fill 
all vacancies, and the finances of the Society are quite satisfactory, 
although the calls upon its resources have been rather exceptionally heavy. 
A volume of Transactions was sent out early last January, and an Illustrated 
Monograph (Mr. Seymour de Ricci's exhaustive Census of Caxtons) some- 
what later. These two books were issued to all subscribers for 1908, but 
the Census of Caxtons, which made a much larger volume than had been 
expected, must be reckoned as shared between 1908 and 1909. Unusually 
heavy payments have also been made in connection with some of the 


books in preparation for 1910, chiefly for work done for the Dictionary of 
the English Booktrade^ 1557-1640^ which will link the two volumes already 
compiled by Mr. Gordon Duff (1457-1557), and Mr. H. R. Plomer (1641- 
1667). All the London articles for the new volume have now been 
written, and it is hoped that the book will be printed during the present 
year. With its publication the Society will have issued trustworthy 
information as to members of the booktrade for a period of over two 
centuries, the most important contribution which it has yet made to the 
history of English printing and bookselling, and one which has not yet 
been attempted for any other country on so large a scale. 

(3.) For the literary side of English bibliography the Society has 
hitherto done less than could be wished, its one notable contribution to 
this being Mr. Greg's List of Plays and Masques. It is hoped that during 
1910 there may be added to this similar lists of English Prose Fiction 
(1477-1740) by Mr. Arundell Esdaile, and of Editions and Translations of 
the Greek and Latin Classics printed before 1641, compiled by Miss 
Henrietta Palmer, with an Introduction by Mr. Scholderer. Both these 
are nearly ready for printing. 

(4.) In order to find funds for these important works the publications 
for 1909 are being restricted to a tenth volume of Transactions and a 
General Index to the ten volumes issued since the foundation of the 
Society in 1892, Volumes I-IX have been newly indexed, and as soon as 
the entries for Vol. X have been added the General Index will be sent 
to the printer. Vol. X itself is being printed off and will soon be in the 
hands of Members. In addition to the papers read during last session it 
contains a classified list, occupying nearly eighty pages, of the biblio- 
graphical works issued since 1892. This has been compiled for the 
Society in consultation with the Hon. Secretary, by Mr. R. A. Peddie, 
Librarian of the Technical Libraiy of Typographical Literature at the 
St Bride Institute. It is hoped that the issue of this list will bring as 
donations to the Society's Library some of the too numerous books which 
it does not at present possess. 


(5.) In addition to Lord Amherst of Hackney, whose loss formed the 
subject of a resolution at the last Annual Meeting, the Society have to 
regret the death of four other Members Sir John Bamford Slack and 
Mr. Worman here in England, and Mr. Robert Hoe (a great collector) and 
Mr. Caldwell in the United States. 

(6.) The death of Lord Amherst of Hackney was too recent for any 
steps to be taken at the last Annual Meeting to fill the Vice-Presidentship 
thus vacated. This has since been offered to and cordially accepted by 
S. A. le Prince D'Essling, whose great work on Venetian Illustrated Books 
will be known to all our Members. 

BALANCE SHEET. 1st January, 1909, to 31st December, 1909, inclusive. 


Balance, 1908 

Entrance Fees 

Subscriptions for 1907 & 1908 
British Subscriptions for 1909 
United States Entrance Fees 
and Subscriptions, 1909 ... 
Foreign Subscriptions for 1909 
Subscriptions for 1910 

Sale of Publications 

Interest on Investments 































PAYMENTS. s. d. 

Printing and Distribution ... 306 12 3 

Illustrations ... ... ... 20 14 4 

Insurance of Stock of Pub- 

Copying and Researches 
Vote for Library 









Expenses of Meetings 
Hon. Secretary's Expenses ... 
Assistant Secretary ... 
Hon. U.S. Secretary's Ex- 
Hon. Treasurer's Expenses ... 
Balance, 3ist December, 1909 










3 o 

ROBERT E. GRAVES, Hon. Treasurer. 

I have compared the above with the Pass Book and Vouchers and find it correct. 
4th January, 




300 z\% Consols Bonds (8)83 249 

1004 o/ N.S.W. Bond ... 102 

Estimated value of Stock of 

Publications ...... 300 

Balance of Account for 1909 155 

Subscriptions in arrear ... n 

s. d. 
o o 
o o 

Estimated Liability for 28 Life 

Members 294 o o 

Estimated cost of completing 

books for the year and of 

other Printing 160 o o 



The Seventeenth Annual Meeting was held at 20, Hanover Square, at 
5 p.m., Mr. Redgrave, Past-President, in the Chair. 

Mr. Redgrave having expressed the deep regret felt by all present at 
the absence of Mr. Fortescue, the adoption of the Annual Report was 
moved from the Chair and carried unanimously. 

On the motion of Sir William Allchin, seconded by Mr. Metivier, the 
following gentlemen were elected as Members of Council : Mr. G. F. Barwick, 
Mr. A. J. Butler, Sir Ernest Clarke, Mr. Lionel Cust, Mr. W. W. Greg, 
Mr. R. B. McKerrow, Mr. A. W. K. Miller, Professor Osier, Mr. Frank 
Sidgwick, Mr. H. R. Tedder, Mr. Charles Welch, and Mr. T. J. Wise. 

The Officers of the Society were re-elected. 

The thanks of the Society were voted to Mr. Seymour De Ricci for his 
monograph, A Census of Caxtons, and to the readers of papers and donors 
of books during the past year. 


At the close of the Annual Meeting, Mr. H. R. Tedder read a paper 
on The Requirements of Book-production. 

SUMMARY. Books are like human beings, inasmuch as they may be 
considered from two separate points of view, mind and body : from their 
contents or mental side and from their form or physical side. It is 
exclusively from the latter point of view that this paper regards them. The 
subject is not new to the Bibliographical Society, as our Members listened 
to a noteworthy address from William Morris on " The Ideal Book " at one 
of the earliest meetings (June, 1893). Morris, however, somewhat 
confined his scope by stating : " By the Ideal Book I suppose we are to 
understand a book not limited by commercial limitations of price." Much 
remains to be said as to books of a less costly nature. Some two or three 
years ago the Library Association appointed a Committee to consider the 
whole question of Book Production, and added to the Committee such 


well qualified authorities as Mr. Jacobi and Mr. Emery Walker on printing, 
Mr. Douglas Cockerell on binding, and Mr. Sindall on paper. Their 
recommendations, which are now summarized, may be grouped under 
these headings: i. Bibliographical requirements, including the title-page 
and general make up ; 2. Type and printed page ; 3. Binding, more 
especially publishers' binding ; and, 4. Paper. 

i. Bibliographical Requirements. There are three things to be desired 
on every title-page : first, that it should truly and completely indicate the 
contents, secondly, that it should bear the real name of the writer, and 
thirdly that it should be marked with the real year of publication. 
Examples of imperfect and misleading title-pages are known to all biblio- 
graphers ; poets and novelists are sad offenders. The following list of 
bibliographical requirements reproduces with trifling changes one which 
has been submitted to many of the leading London publishers by whom 
most of the suggestions are already practised in their book -production : 
i. Title-pages to be dated in all cases. 

ii. Dates of previous editions and impressions to be stated on back of title-page, or 
half title, in the case of copyright books. 

iii. In the make-up of a book : 

1. List of contents to be given, and an index where the nature of the work 

requires one. 

2. Also a list of plates, maps, plans, etc. , not included in text. 

3. Blank fly leaves not to be included in pagination, but blank pages in the text 

and preliminary matter tc be counted, even if not paginated. 

4. Series titles to be always printed inside the book, not merely on the cover. 

5. Plates to bear their own title. The "tissues" facing plates should not be 

used for this purpose. 

6. The ends of volumes and the ends of works to be clearly indicated. 

7. The head-line should not be merely the title of the book repeated on every 

page ; it should be descriptive of the contents of the chapter or of the 
page or opening,. Where descriptive shoulder-notes are used, or guidance 
of this kind is not needed, headlines may be omitted. 

8. The signatures of the preliminary matter and the text to be kept distinct. 

9. In accordance with law (2 and 3 Viet. C. 12, S. 2) the name of the printer 

should be placed on every book : and it is desirable, for the encouragement 


of good printing, that the name of the printer, with his device, if approved, 
should be prominently placed either at the foot of the last printed page, or 
on the first blank page following. 

10. As far as possible plates should be guarded, and not edged in. 

11. At least one blank leaf to be left by the printer at the beginning and end of 

a book, so that the end-papers need not be tipped on a printed page. 

12. Pages to be imposed so that the edges can be cut without any undue 

reduction of the margin. 

13. For the information of librarians and bibliographers it is desirable that every 

book of importance should contain its own printed collation. 

2. Type and Printed Page, William Morris, in the Address already 
referred to, laid down three axioms, i. That the page should be clear 
and easy to read : 2. The types well designed : and 3. The margins in due 
proportion to the page of letter. To these requirements we should heartily 
agree, but there remain other matters of technical desirability, and the 
Library Association submit certain recommendations for which they have 
to thank their colleague, Mr. Jacobi, of the Chiswick Press. They relate 
to the relative width of margins, the r)alance of head -lines, the size of type 
in relation to the size of page, spacing between words, leading out, style 
of type face, title-pages ("simplicity should be aimed at"), and illustra- 
tions in the text 

3. Binding. How to secure sound leather for binding has been the 
subject of two separate printed reports, one by the Library Association and 
one by the Royal Society of Arts. The Library Association has now 
applied itself more particularly to publishers' cloth bindings. Two pattern 
specifications have been prepared. Objection is taken to : 

(1) Sewing by machines that slit the heads and tails of the sections. 

(2) Sewing "two sheets on," except in the case of extra thick volumes printed on 

thin paper. ["Two sheets on" is a trade term used to describe a method of 
sewing in which two sections are treated to some extent as one, with a running 
stitch, to prevent an undue thickness of thread in the back. ] 

(3) Sewing with wire, except under the following conditions : the wire to be of a 

rust-proof alloy ; the books to be sewn on a strong open fabric ; and the lining 
to be of a strong fabric in the case of small books, and of leather in the case of 
large and heavy books. 

(4) Stabbing with wire or thread. 


Mr. G. A. Stephen, of the St. Pancras Public Libraries, in a lecture at 
Sheffield in September last, pointed out that " modern books are usually 
printed on paper of very poor quality ; these are bound almost entirely by 
a number of machines which are rarely allowed to work under the best 
conditions, the binding materials used are generally of inferior quality, and 
the whole work is rushed through the bindery with a speed which is not 
conducive to good book production." 

4. Paper. The Library Association Committee is waiting for a report 
from their expert on paper, Mr. Sindall. Mr. Cedric Chivers, the well- 
known bookbinder of Bath, has lately made a special investigation of 
modern papers and has embodied the result of his enquiries in a lecture 
illustrated with diagrams and analyses of papers. The chief constituents 
of the papers coming under his notice consisted of chemical wood, esparto 
grass, with sometimes a slight admixture of rag. Esparto grass itself does 
not make strong paper ; it is used with chemical wood-pulp to soften the 
paper and give it a better surface for printing. The most injurious 
treatment which paper had undergone of recent years has been that of 
overstirring the pulp so as to fill it with air in order to make the popular 
feather-weight papers which are about the worst with which the binder has 
to contend. 

The recommendations of the Library Association of which the above is 
a brief condensation, will be printed as a book, and it is hoped that this 
may be so produced as to include all the desired improvements. 


On Monday, February 2ist, Mr. H. B. Wheatley, Vice-President, in 
the Chair, Mr. Gilbert R. Redgrave read a paper entitled Daniel and 
the Emblem Literature, printed in full in the present volume. 


On Monday, March 2ist, Mr. Robert Steele read a paper on Early 
Music Printing, 1601-1640. Mr. Steele's paper will be printed in full 


as a continuation of his previous monograph on English Music Printing, 
but in order that the record in the Society's Transactions may be complete, 
a Summary of it is here given. 

SUMMARY. The period from 1601 to 1640 offers little of technical 
interest in the way of music printing. The bulk of the music published 
was printed from type at a single printing. A few examples, mainly rounds 
and canons, were printed from wood blocks, and four or five books were 
issued in one or more editions, printed from engravings on copper. The 
earliest English music book engraved was Orlando Gibbons' Fantazies 
of Three Parts, published apparently in 1606. A certain number of rounds 
were printed from wood blocks. 

Secular music printing was, till 1619 (the expiration of Morley's patent) 
restricted to his licencees Short, Lownes (who married Short's widow), 
and Barley, succeeded by East, succeeded by Snodham. After that date 
the little new music published was printed by Stansby, who succeeded 
Windet and had Denham's and Barley's music type. 

The metrical Psalms seem to have provided the major part of the 
music of the nation. Out of the three hundred works to be catalogued 
two-thirds are editions of Sternhold and Hopkins, and it is not in the 
least likely that the enumeration is nearly complete. For the first three 
years of the period, viz., till 2Qth October, 1603, the Psalms were printed 
by Windet, under licence from Richard Day by the patent of 26th August, 
1 9 Eliz. On that date, arrangements having been made by the Stationers' 
Company with all persons concerned, and an annual grant of ^400 to 
the poor members of the Company being guaranteed, a patent was issued 
giving the monopoly of the Psalms, with or without notes, amongst other 
popular books, to the Stationers' Company. This patent was surrendered 
and a fuller one granted 8th March, 1616. 

It is hardly possible to estimate with any approach to accuracy the 
number of copies of the metrical Psalms in circulation by 1640. The size 
of the editions varied from one thousand to five thousand, and a mean of 


two thousand five hundred is the lowest average that can be assumed. 
In any case from half-a-million to a million copies must have been printed 
during the forty years of this period. 

The list of names of the printers of the Psalms includes all the foremost 
members of the Stationers' Company. Winder,, Stansby, Purfoot, Dawson, 
Miller, Badger, Young, Lownes, Haviland, Kingston, Snodham, Harper, 
Legate, and the Cambridge University Press are the names most frequently 
met with, the only important names not met with being those of the King's 
Printers Barker, Bill, and Norton, and of Miles Fletcher. 

No striking typographical peculiarities mark this reign. Only one or 
two cases of printing in two colours exist. A few of the music books were 
printed in a large paper edition as well as the ordinary one. 

It is not easy to say how much of the music of the period is definitely 
lost to us, as some of the books whose titles are known may have been 
manuscript. If the list of books in Withers's advertisement of February, 
1623, represents actual fact, a number of editions have still to be described 
of the twelve editions mentioned only three are known. A certain diffi- 
culty is found in dating part music, especially when, as is sometimes the 
case, three different years are found on parts of the same piece. Campion's 
are arranged provisionally in accordance with typographical evidence. 

A description of Braithwaite's notation was given. In this he used a 
numeral scale in which the pitch and the modes were shown by modifying 
the thickness, etc., of the numeral. One volume of part music was printed 
in this notation. 


Read 20 December, 1909. 


URING his long literary life Dryden employed several 

publishers, and there are many points of interest con- 
nected with this business side of his character which 
are well worthy of consideration. By keeping for a 
short time this one point specially in view we may 
perhaps observe a few things that might otherwise escape our notice. 

The two publishers with whom Dryden was longest associated were 
Henry Herringman and Jacob Tonson, two of the chief booksellers of 
their time. 

Dryden's first published poem was written when he was a schoolboy at 
Westminster School, and appeared in a curious little volume entitled 
Lachrymce Musarum ; The Tears of the Muses . . . upon the Death of Henry, 
Lord Hastings, onely son of the . . . Earl of Huntingdon, 1649-50, which 
was published by John Holden, whose shop was at the sign of " The Blue 
Anchor in the New Exchange." This bookseller appears to have been the 
predecessor of Herringman, whose address was the same from 1653 to 
1693, as stated by Mr. H. R. Plomer in his Dictionary of Booksellers, 
1641-1667, and it may be suggested that Dryden was thus drawn to 
associate himself in after years with Herringman. It is, however, un- 
necessary to press this suggestion, as Herringman published most of the 


plays and light literature of the Restoration period, and issued all of 
Sir Robert Howard's plays and poems, so that Dryden would naturally 
follow the lead of his friend, and subsequently brother-in-law. 

Lachrymal Musariim was first issued in 1649 with the contributions of 
twenty-seven poets. "Printed by Tho. Newcomb 1649." PP- 74 ( m i s - 
print for 76). 

In the following year (1650) the volume was re-issued with eight addi- 
tional Elegies, one of these being by Dryden described as "Johannes 
Dryden, Scholae Westm. Alumnus," extending it to page 98. 

The imprint of the new issue is " London. Printed by T. N. and are 
to be sold by John Holden, at the blue Anchor in the New Exchange. 
1650." Dryden's Poem is reprinted in the first volume of the edition of 
the Miscellany Poems (Tonson), 1716. 

A most interesting copy of the 1650 edition is thus described in the 
Grolier Club Catalogue of Dryden's Works (1900). "Another copy of the 
same edition and the identical copy formerly owned by Lucie Countess of 
Huntingdon, the mother of the ill-fated Lord Hastings. On the fly-leaves 
the sorrowing mother has recorded her tribute to her only son in a copy of 
verses, which for pathetic personal interest far surpass the stilted and more 
formal compositions of the regular contributors." 

Dryden's next published poem consisted of some commendatory verses 
prefixed to John Hoddesdon's Sion and Parnassus, and signed " J. Dryden 
of Trin. C." This was " Printed by R. Daniel for G. Eversden and are to 
be sold at his shop over against the little north gate of S. Pauls Church 

In 1652 Eversden had t removed to the Golden Ball in Aldersgate 
Street (Plomer). 

Dryden's first separate publication was his Poem on the death of 
Cromwell, " Printed for William Wilson and . . to be sold in Well- Yard 
near Little St. Bartholomew's Hospital" in 1659. This is a curious 


mis-direction, as there never was a Little St. Bartholomew's Hospital. It 
is a confusion with the Church or Parish, which is St. Bartholomew-the- 
Less or St. Bartholomew in the Hospital. 

I am unable to find much information respecting this W. Wilson or of 
his business. Mr. Plomer gives his address as Three Foxes in Long 
Lane, 1640-65. 

There are two interesting points respecting this publication which 
require settlement. It is generally supposed that the " Three Poems upon 
the Death of his late Highnesse Oliver Lord Protector of England, 
Scotland and Ireland. Written by Mr. Edm. Waller, Mr. Jo. Dryden and 
Mr. Sprat of Oxford," were first published by Wilson, and that Dryden's 
separate Poem appeared subsequently. Mr. W. D. Christie supports this 
view, and says of Dryden's Poem "This edition was probably revised by 
Dryden and may be presumed to be later than the other, as the spelling is 
more modern. There is no difference between the two except of spelling 
and punctuation." There is, however, very little ground for expressing our 
opinion either way. 

The other point has not, I believe, been raised in print, and it is the 
question whether all the supposed original copies of the separate issue 
of Dryden's Poem are genuine or whether some of them are reprints 
by Tonson. 

We all know the four volumes of Dryden's Works made up by Tonson 
in 1695 of the separate issues of the various plays and poems. The 
first three volumes consist of the plays, and the fourth volume of the 
Poems. The three volumes of plays are now scarce, as they have frequently 
been cut up, the plays being more saleable when separate, but the fourth 
volume is particularly scarce owing to its containing the separate Poem on 
Cromwell, which is rare in this form. The question arises : Did Tonson 
obtain the remainder of Wilson's edition of the Poem, when he made up 
this volume, or did he reprint the pamphlet exactly ? This is of course 
a very important question, because if the " Poem " was reprinted in 

c 2 


facsimile, copies of the reprint would not be worth nearly so much as 
those of the original edition. On the whole it seems most probable that 
the copies used by Tonson were the " remainder " of Wilson's edition. 

The "Three Poems" were reprinted for R. Baldwin in 1682, and again 
in 1689 in the First Part of "A Collection of Poems on Affairs of State." 

The Poem by Dryden alone was reprinted in 1682 and again in 1687, 
"Printed for S. H. and to be sold by the Booksellers of London and 
Westminster." Malone has a note in his Life of Dryden on this: "The 
Stanzas on Cromwell, I suppose, were published separately in 1659, but I 
have never seen an original edition of them in that form." ' 

Malone adds: "On the 2oth January, 1658-9, Henry Herringman 
entered in the Stationers' Registers 'a book called Three Poems to the 
happy memory of the most renowned Oliver, late Protector; by Mr. 
Marvel/, Mr. Dryden and Mr. Spratt.' The work, however, was published 
in 410 in that year, not by Herringman, but [by] William Wilson, and 
contains no poem by Marvell, but one by Waller ; nor have I ever seen 
any verses by Marvell on Oliver's death." 1 

The reprints of Dryden's poem were issued by his enemies in order to 
annoy him, and although he had nothing to be ashamed of, he doubtless 
resented their action. After the Revolution it did not matter to him 
in the least. 

In 1660 Dryden began to publish with Herringman, who continued 
to be his publisher until 1678. 

Dryden's first publications with Herringman were "Astrsea Redux. A 
Poem on the Happy Restoration and Return of His Sacred Majesty 
Charles the Second"; "To His Sacred Majesty, a Panegyrick on His 
Coronation," 1661 (4 leaves); "To My Lord Chancellor, Presented on 
New-Years-day," 1662 (4 leaves), all things of little moment but of great 

(1) This shows that Malone bad either never seen the fourth volume of Tonson 's collected edition of the 

separate plays and poems or had forgotten its existence. 

(2) Uryden's Prose Works, vol. i, pt. i, p. 42, note. 


scarcity. Sir Robert Howard's Poems, to which Dryden contributed a 
Commendatory poem, was published by Herringman just before Astrcea 
Redux. Dryden was twenty-nine years of age at the time of the Restora- 
tion and he had then done little literary work. Laurence Eusden alludes 
to this in Verses addressed to Lord Halifax in 1 709 : 

" Great Dryden did not early great appear, 
Faintly distinguished in his thirtieth year." 

We do not know much of Dryden's early life, but with such knowledge 
as we do possess we may hazard the opinion that he did little before his 
marriage in the year 1663 to Lady Elizabeth Howard, the sister of his 
friend Sir Robert Howard, when he was forced to strike out a career for 

His former friend Thomas Shadwell collected a string of lies in his 
nauseous Medal of John Bayes, 1682, from which I quote these lines : 

" Your Loyalty you learn'd in Cromwel's Court, 
Where first your Muse did make her great effort, 
On him you first shew'd your Poetick strain, 
And prais'd his opening the Basilisk Vein, 
And were that possible to come agen, 
Thou on that side wouldst draw thy slavish pen. 
But he being dead, who should the slave prefer, 
He turn'd a Journeyman t'a Bookseller ; 

(To this line Shadwell adds a note, " Mr. Herringman, who kept him in 
his house for that purpose.") 

Writ prefaces to books for Meat and Drink, 

And as he paid, he would both write and think. 

Then by th'assistance of a Noble Knight, 

Th'hadst plenty, ease and liberty to write. 

First like a Gentleman he made thee live ; 

And on his bounty thou didst amply thrive. 

But soon thy native swelling Venom rose, 

And thou didst him, who gave the Bread, expose. 

Gainst him a scandalous preface didst thou write, 

Which thou didst soon expunge, rather than fight." 

The note to this is " Sir R. H. kept him generously at his own house." 


From this lying pamphlet most of the adverse criticisms of Dryden's 
character have been drawn. 

Surely if the prefaces of books here mentioned had ever existed we 
should have heard something of some of them. 

Malone naturally repudiates the assertion that Dryden was a mere 
literary drudge under Herringman, and so poor as to be obliged to dine at 
a threepenny ordinary, and " to have continued in this state till he was 
raised to ease and plenty by the bounty of Sir Robert Howard," but he 
is inclined to believe that he did lodge for a time in the house of 
Herringman, and Sir Walter Scott follows Malone in this opinion, as does 
Sir Leslie Stephen in the Dictionary of National Biography. I venture to 
differ from these distinguished authorities. It is possible that he may 
have stayed with the bookseller as a friend, but not for economy's sake. 
Even if he stayed with his friend, I don't suppose it was at the New 
Exchange. This once famous place in the Strand, where afterwards 
Coutts's Bank stood, was a sort of Bazaar, with an Upper and a Lower 
Walk, and there is no reason to suppose that there was room there for the 
chief tenants to live in the house. 

We are so accustomed to think of Dryden as a poor and struggling 
man that we are apt to forget that this was hardly the case in his early 
life. His father left him a small property at Blakesley, in Northamptonshire, 
and belonging to a good county family as he did, most of the houses of 
his neighbourhood were open to him. His marriage with the daughter of 
the Earl of Berkshire was by no means the mesalliance that it has some- 
times been supposed to be. Evidently for some good reason he was 
considered a personage even before he had made much mark in the 
literary world. On 26 November, 1662, he was elected a Fellow of the 
Royal Society, and in his lines to Dr. Charleton prefixed to Chorea 
Gigantutn (Stone-heng) published by Herringman in 1663, which Malone 
describes as containing " much of that copiousness, animation and harmony 
for which his poetical compositions were afterwards distinguished," he 


mentions Bacon, Gilbert, Boyle, Harvey and Ent, and shows a good 
general idea of the history of science. Dryden refers to Harvey's 
discovery of the Circulation of the Blood in the following lines : 

" The circling streams, once thought but pools, of blood 
(Whether Life's Jewel or the Bodie's food) 
From dark Oblivion Harvey's name shall save." 

This is an early reference to the great physiologist's era-marking 
researches, for Sir William Osier fixes the date of the earliest to 
about 1660. 

Dryden's first play (The Wild Gallant] was acted at the King's Theatre 
in February, 1663, but failed; his second (The Rival Ladies) at the same 
theatre later in the same year was fairly successful. Herringman 
published the latter in 1664, but he did not issue The Wild Gallant until 
1669. It w iM thus be seen that Dryden had not done anything of great 
consequence to place his name on the roll of fame until Herringman 
published Annus Mirabilis and the Indian Emperor in 1667 and the 
Essay of Dramatick Poesie in 1668. 

In 1670 Herringman published the first and only edition of the revised 
version of The Tempest by Davenant and Dryden, which Pepys saw acted in 
1667 and with which he was very well pleased. It is needless to waste 
time on this tasteless alteration of Shakespeare's play, and one can only 
hope that Dryden had very little to do with its production. 

Another revision was published in 1674 containing many alterations and 
the addition of special machinery which turned the play into what was then 
called an opera. This appears to have been the work of Thomas Shadwell, 
performed in 1673, which is mentioned in Downes's Roscius Anglicanus 
and supposed by editors never to have been published. It contained 
Dryden's original preface, and was thus continually reprinted. It seems 
strange that Dryden allowed this, but I suppose when a dramatist had sold 
his play to a bookseller he lost all right over it. Oddly enough, Tonson 
put into the first volume of his Collection of Dryden's Plays the 1690 


edition of Shad well's Opera, which was the edition then in print. Dryden 
might have prevented this, but he appears to have taken no notice of it. 
In the folio edition of Dryden's Plays the correct version (1670) is printed. 

Mr. W. J. Lawrence was the first to publish the fact that the 1674 
edition was Shadwell's work, in an interesting article in Anglia, March, 
1904. The information contained in this article has been generally 
overlooked and is practically unknown in England even now. It was 
quite unknown to Sir Ernest Clarke and myself in 1906, when the former 
fully stated in the Athenceum (25 August) the case of the varied character 
of the editions of 1670 and 1674 as the result of his personal investigations. 
I followed Sir Ernest in another letter on the same subject (8 Sept.). 

The 1674 edition of the Tempest has been reprinted by Maidment in 
his edition of Davenant's Works instead of the 1670 edition, and, moreover, 
he affirms that Shadwell's version was never published. 

Scott also reprinted the 1674 edition, and Mr. Saintsbury has taken the 
trouble to make a new text by giving the two versions. 

The worst case of confusion, however, is seen in the Bankside 
Restoration Shakespeare (New York, 1908), where the 1676 edition is 
described as Dryden's second edition. 

There is not much more to say of Herringman except that some editors 
have misspelt his name as Herringham. Maidment does this throughout 
his edition of Davenant's Plays, and on one occasion Mr. Arber falls into 
the same mistake in the Index to his admirable edition of the Term 

Dryden mentions Herringman in Mac Flecknoe " and Herringman was 
Captain of the Guard." 

Herringman, in the period during which he acted as Dryden's publisher, 
was the chief purveyor of plays and poems to the London public, and his 
shop at the New Exchange was the West End rendezvous of literary men. 
Pepys obtained much information from him and called him "my book- 
seller," as he did Kirton in St. Paul's Churchyard. 


On 17 August, 1667, Herringman told Pepys of the poet Cowley's death, 
which had occurred nearly a month previously. He added that Cowley was 
"a mighty civil serious man," which Pepys says "I did not know before." 

On 22 June, 1668, Pepys saw Dryden's An Evening's Love, and 
Herringman told him that Dryden himself called it but a fifth-rate play. 

Herringman became a wholesale publisher on a large scale, and turned 
over his retail business in the New Exchange to F. Saunders and Joseph 
Knight. 77/i? State of 'Innocence , which was published first by Herringman 
in 1677, was advertised in November, 1684, as sold by J. Knight and 
F. Saunders. This was the cause of Dryden commencing the business 
relations with Jacob Tonson which continued to the end of his life. 
Before settling down with him, however, he had dealings with some other 
publishers. Nathaniel Lee's publishers were Bentley and Magnes, in Russell 
Street, Co vent Garden, and the plays written by Dryden in conjunction with 
Lee (CEdifius, 1679, and The Duke of Guise, 1683), were published (i) (Edipus 
by Bentley and Magnes, and (2) The Duke of Guise by Bentley and Tonson 
in conjunction. James Magnes published the Covent Garden Drolery, 
1672, which contained many of Dryden's poems, and the Mistaken Husband, 
1675, with which play Dryden was somewhat concerned. 

Jacob Tonson's first publication for Dryden was Troilus and Cressida, 
1679, and in this venture he associated with himself Abel Swalle (or 
Swayle), of the Unicorn, at the West End of St. Paul's. Tonson was only 
about twenty-three years of age at this time, and had lately completed his 
apprenticeship with Thomas Basset, but the story that he had to borrow 
the copy money (20) from Swalle is certainly doubtful. It was common 
for publishers to combine in the purchase of the copyright of plays, thus 
Richard Tonson, the elder brother of Jacob, joined with the latter in the 
publication of Dryden's Spanish Fryar (1681). 

The history of the relajp'ons between Dryden and Tonson is extremely 
interesting, and we can follow intelligently the constant quarrels of the 
two in the correspondence which has been preserved by Malone. 


I think that from the strong expressions used on both sides we have 
been inclined to make too much of the quarrels, which were really largely 
a series of misunderstandings between two men who knew that their joint 
dealings were to the advantage of both. They were both difficult men to 
get on with in the daily routine of life. 

Tonson, though honest, was grasping, and determined to have his 
pound of flesh. He wanted so many lines of verse for each pound 
sterling, and he would have them. The emanations of the poet's mind were 
to be weighed and measured by the same scales and rules as the meanest 
goods and productions, but he thoroughly understood the advantage to 
himself of being the publisher of the works of the greatest author of his 
time. This certainly helped him to attain the position claimed for him by 
Wycherley at a later date of having " long been gentleman Usher to the 
Muses." It must be counted to Tonson for righteousness that although 
a special representative of the Whig party, and a strong upholder of the 
Revolution, he stuck to the old Tory, Roman Catholic and Jacobite who 
was abhorred at Court, where the publisher looked for favours. 

Dean Lockier's anecdote in Spence's collection is illustrative of good 
feeling on the publisher's part. Tonson had a good key to the Refiearsal, 
but refused to print it "because he had been so much obliged to Dryden." 

Dryden was hot tempered, and in his tantrums a master in the use of 
terms of objurgation, although the storm soon passed and the sky became 
serene for a time. He was also suspicious and ready to take offence 
without a sufficient cause. But at bottom he respected Tonson. 

The letters printed by Malone are, all but one, written after the 
Revolution, and the greater part of them are filled with disputes about the 
translation of Virgil, upon which I propose presently to enlarge rather fully. 
The aims of Dryden and Tonson were so opposed that they were practically 
irreconcilable. The latter wished to please William III, and the former 
hated the King and wished to ridicule him. Then Tonson was continually 
complaining of having to pay for a short amount of lines in the Miscellany, 


but in spite of all these causes of disagreement some of the letters are 
quite friendly. Dryden thanks for assistance, for melons, and for sherry, 
" the best of the kind I have ever drank." One letter begins " I am 
ashamed of myself, that I am so much behind with you in kindness." On 
most occasions he addresses his correspondent as Mr. Tonson or Sir, but 
in September, 1695, he commences "My good Friend" and writes "I 
assure you I lay up your last kindnesses to me in my heart, and the less I 
say of them, I charge them to account so much the more, being very 
sensible I have not hitherto deserv'd them." Dryden frequently asks 
Tonson to receive his Northamptonshire rents, and to send letters and 
parcels for him. In fact the letters are all very human. 

Whilst most of Dryden's Works were being published by Tonson, a few 
of his pieces were issued elsewhere. " Mac Flecknoe or a Satyr upon 
the True Blew Protestant Poet, T. S. By the Author of Absalom and 
Achitophel " was published in 1682 not by Tonson, but by D. Green. 
This is the whole of the imprint " London, Printed for D. Green 1682." 
I have sought in vain for a reference to any bookseller of that name in 
London at this time, and I felt inclined to suggest that it was a fictitious 
name, when to my surprise in turning over some Drydeniana I found that 
the discreditable "Satyr to his Muse, by the Author of Absalom and 
Achitophel " (a violent attack upon Dryden) had exactly the same imprint 
"London, Printed for D. Green 1682." 

I think you will agree with me that there is some mystery here. Mac 
Flecknoe was published on 4 October, 1682, so the Satyr to his Muse may have 
appeared before it. It is just possible, though very unlikely, that Dryden, know 
ing Green was publishing a vituperative pamphlet against himself, thought 
he was a likely man to publish a vituperative poem against another poet. 

I believe that it has never before been suggested that the first edition 
of Mac Flecknoe was surreptitiously printed, but I can see no other 
explanation of this curious circumstance. If Dryden circulated the poem 
in MS. before making up his mind to print it, Green may have got hold 
of a copy and printed it in spite of the author. 


It is almost the only one of Dryden's small quarto publications that 
has not a classical quotation on the title page. This is a slight indication 
that Dryden did not publish it in the first case. Dr. Johnson says that 
the published price of Mac Flecknoe was twopence. Did it have a great 
sale, or was it suppressed ? We want some explanation to account for 
its extreme rarity. There is no copy of this first edition in the British 
Museum. The second edition was published in the first volume of the 
Miscellany Poems, 1684, and is considered to be the better text, although 
one reading at least in the first edition is better than that substituted. 

In 1684 Tonson started the set of Miscellany Poems which is equally 
known by his own or by Dryden's name. He was very grateful to the great 
poet for the help he gave to this work, and for the interest he felt in it. 
Burnet hated Dryden partly on account of the character of Balak drawn 
from him in the second part of Absalom and Achitophel (1682) and that of 
the Buzzard in The Hind and the Panther, Part 3 (1687). He retorted in 
his Defence of his Reflections of Varillas' History where he ridicules 
Dryden's action respecting the suppression of his translation of Varillas, 
and also gives the dramatist a very bad character. Nothing is known of 
any such translation, but Malone found an entry in the Stationers' 
Registers, 29 April, 1686, where it appears Tonson entered the work as 
translated by Dryden by the King's command. The translation was never 
published, and therefore Burnet's statement of the reason for the suppression 
of the MS. his refutation of the book may be accepted. With respect to 
The Hind and the Panther, Malone found in the Stationers' Registers the fol- 
lowing entry 12 [January, 1686-7]: "That Mr. Jacob Tonson this Caveat 
enters that noe person enters the poem called The Hind and the Panther." 

In 1688 Tonson republished together in a quarto pamphlet the early 
pieces of Dryden, viz., Annus Mirabilis, Astecea deduce, Panegyrick, and 
To my Lord Chancellor, which had all been published by Herringman. 

Herringman retained his interest in the plays which he published for 
Dryden, and the new editions were described as printed for him, but 


Tonson managed to obtain an interest in most of these and his name 
appears at one of the booksellers who sold them. 

Don Sebastian was published in 1690 by J. Hindmarsh. 

Tonson published Dryden's translation of Juvenal and Persius in 1693, 
and in 1697 appeared the great translation of Virgil, of which there is much 
to be said from the bibliographical point of view. Dryden undertook the 
work in 1694, and he was busily engaged in its execution until the date 
of publication. 

We know that Dryden obtained part of his payment directly from 
Tonson, and the rest in money received from subscribers who subscribed 
largely to do honour to the translator. The latter plan of obtaining money 
had been previously adopted, but a strange feature of this scheme was the 
economical plan of buying a set of old plates which had been used twice 
before by John Ogilby, 1 respectively in his edition of Virgil's original (1658) 
and in his English translation (1654). The plates in each of Ogilby's books 
are dedicated to a different set of patrons, and the plates when used for 
Dryden's translation were re-inscribed with the names of new subscribers. 

These plates in the small paper copies are very inferior to those in 
Ogilby's volumes, because they have too small margins and are worse 
printed, but in the large papers of Dryden the plates look as well as they 
do in Ogilby's publications. 

Swift never forgave Dryden's criticism : " Cousin Swift, you will never 
be a poet," and he was very venomous over the Virgil. There are two 
references in A Tale of a Tub : " Our famous Dryden has ventured to 
proceed a point further, endeavouring to introduce a multiplicity of 

In another place he writes : " I do therefore affirm upon the word of a 
sincere man that there is now actually in being a certain poet called John 
Dryden, whose translation of Virgil was lately printed in a large folio well 
bound, and if diligent search were made for aught I know, is yet to be seen." 

(i) Ogilby spelt his name with a b in the English translation, but with a v in the Latin original 



We may here, before proceeding further, refer to the political aspect of 
these plates. Dryden told his sons with great disgust that Tonson, 
although he had been unable to get him to dedicate his Virgil to 
William III, " in every figure of Eneas he has caused him to be drawn 
like King William with a hooked nose." ' 

The well-known epigram corroborates the charge, and a glance at the 
respective works of Ogilby and Dryden will prove it : 

" Old Jacob, by deep judgement sway'd, 

To please the wise beholders 
Has placed old Nassau's hook nosed head 

On poor Eneas' shoulders. 
" To make the parallel hold tack 

Methinks there's little lacking; 
One took his father pick-a-pack, 
And t'other sent his packing." 

No other alterations were made in the plates besides the changes in the 
face of the 

There has been much discussion respecting the money received by 
Dryden for his translation of Virgil. Even with the evidence now in our 
possession it is still almost impossible to say exactly what the conditions 

I think it will make the question clearer if I first quote Malone's and 
Saintsbury's calculations, and then test them by Tonson's original accounts 
as delivered to Dryden, which are now in my possession, and are printed 
as an appendix to this paper.* 

Malone writes as follows in his Life of Dryden : " What the precise 
terms were, on which this version was given to the publick, it is now not 
easy to ascertain. One set of Subscribers, consisting of one hundred and 
one persons, contributed five guineas each to adorn the work with 
engravings ; which however were only the old plates used by Ogilby 

(1) Letter (3 Sept., tfx)i\. Dryden' t Prose Workt, by Malone, 1800, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 55. 

(2) I obtained these Manuscripts some years ago from Mr. Quaritch, who al<o possesses the original 
Receipts given by Dryden for ten Subscriptions for "my Translation of Virgil's Works," with three 
signatures of Dryden, dated 4 January, 1695-6. 


thirty-five years before, retouched. The second set of Subscribers, who 
paid two guineas each, were two hundred and fifty-two ; so that the whole 
subscription money amounted to more than one thousand guineas, but 
from the first subscription a certain sum, perhaps two guineas of each 
contribution was retained by Tonson, I suppose to defray the expence 
of the plates. What deduction was made from the sum paid by the 
second set of Subscribers, I have no means of discovering, but perhaps 
of this sum, one half was retained by the bookseller, and the remainder 
belonged to our author. From some passages in his letter to Tonson it 
may be collected that he received fifty pounds for each of the Georgics and 
^Eneids, and probably the same sum for the whole of the Pastorals. If, 
therefore, we suppose that the bookseller was bound to furnish the 
subscribers with their books, Dryden's profits, after all deductions, would 
be thirteen hundred and ninety pounds, twelve shillings and sixpence. 
Pope however told Mr. Spence that he had cleared every way by this 
translation, only about twelve hundred pounds. If his statement be 
correct Tonson probably had a still larger portion of the second subscrip- 
tions than I have supposed." 1 

Mr. Saintsbury has a note on the subject, 1 in which he refers to Pope's 
alleged estimate of ^1,200 as Dryden's profits. Mr. Saintsbury's calcula- 
tions run as follows : 

1. Fifty pounds for every two books of the ^Eneid 

and Georgics, and another fifty for the 

Eclogues as a whole - -^45 

2. Three guineas (at 293. per guinea) on 102 first 

subscriptions - 443 14 o 

3. Thirty shillings on 250 second subscriptions - 375 o o 

^1,268 14 o 

(i) Dryderis Prose Works, ed. Malone, vol. I, pt. I, pp. 235-237. 
(a) Drytfen's Works, 1893, vol. 18, p. 290. 


I have no information respecting the first item in this estimate, but 
Mr. Saintsbury seems to be justified in agreeing with Christie and Hooper 
that the payment of fifty pounds was for every two books, against the 
opinion of Malone and Scott that it was for each book. I will now take 
the various points made by Malone and Mr. Saintsbury in order : 

Subscriptions. From the accounts it appears that there were three 
separate sets of subscribers for the two forms of the book large paper and 
small paper, 250 copies being printed of each of these forms. The first 
were those to whom the separate plates were dedicated. These sub- 
scribers, amounting to 101, paid five guineas for a copy of the large paper 
on account of the honour of having their names inscribed on the plates. 
The other subscribers paid three guineas for the large paper. It does not 
appear that Dryden obtained any of the extra money paid for the dedica- 
tion of the plates, as this was set against their cost. The subscription for 
the small papers was two guineas. 

Tonson charged Dryden ;i 6s. 4d. for the cost of the superior paper 
of the large copies, which, deducted from the subscription of ^3 6s. 4d. 
(three guineas), left about ^500 for the translator. He charged Dryden 
i for each copy of the small paper, leaving i 43., amounting to 
^262 145. 

If I read the account correctly, Mr. Saintsbury's calculations (2) and (3) 
cannot be correct, but my figures, added to his No. i, ^450, have the 
advantage of coming even nearer Pope's estimate, that is, ^1,212, against 
Saintsbury's ,1,268 143. 

If my calculations are correct it appears that Dryden's share was 
arranged upon a tolerably fair principle. Tonson possessed the copyright, 
but he could not have made much profit, as the distribution of 500 large 
folio volumes must have satisfied the public demand for a time. 

From allusions in some of Dryden's letters it would appear that he 
looked forward to a possible rise in the subscription price if the 
subscriptions came in at all rapidly. 


Value of the Guinea. Malone valued the guinea at ^i is. 6d., but it 
is definitely set down in Tonson's accounts at \ 25. Mr. Saintsbury has 
Dryden's authority for reckoning it at ^i 95., for Dryden in a letter to 
Tonson [February, 1695-6] complains of the bad silver he had received, 
" none of the money will go, for which reason I have sent it all back again, 
and as the less loss will receive it in guinneys at 29 shillings each." l 

It is well known that at this time the condition of the coinage was 
deplorable, and Dryden's letters are full of complaints as to the money he 
received. This condition of things continued until Newton's appointment 
as Warden of the Mint, when in 1699 the debased coins were called in at 
the cost of the State. 

During the period 1695-97 when the payments for the Virgil were 
made, the fluctuations in the value of the guinea were considerable and 
were naturally made a matter of settlement at the time of payment. 

Gold was brought from the Guinea coast in 1663 and coined in 1664. 
The coin called a guinea was valued legally at 205., but owing to its purity 
in the midst of corrupt coins its value gradually increased. In 1666 
Pepys tells us it was at a premium of 2S. 2d., and in 1695 it was valued 
at 308., then came a drop to 223. in 1697, and in 1718 its value was 
legally fixed at 2 is. 

Dryden's Receipts. After this comparison of the different opinions on 
Dryden's receipts for his translation of Virgil, it will perhaps be well if I 
set down shortly the chief points of the publication as I read them in 
these accounts. It requires some careful consideration before they can 
be understood, but as the accounts are printed in the Appendix to this 
paper readers can check my conclusions by the accounts themselves. 

The first subscription was for the large paper copies, and was paid in 
two amounts the first payment was one guinea = ^i 25., and the 
second payment two guineas = 2 45., making a total of ^'3 6s. 

(i) Dryden's Works, ed. Malone, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 46. 


There is only one notice in these accounts of the second subscription 
of two guineas for the small paper copies. (See Account C.) 

The full account of the cost of the paper used is of great value and 

The Accounts C and D (D being a revision of C) contain entries of 
the full first subscription of ^3 6s. There is no explanation of the 
reason why Mr. Atterbury and Mr. Boyl paid i los. instead of i 25., 
as the others did. 

VVe may infer that all the large paper copies were subscribed for, but it 
probably took time to fill up the small paper list. 

Tonson published Dryden's Fables in 1699, and the agreement for this 
book shows that the poet was to receive 250 guineas for 7,500 verses 
delivered, to be made up to ^300 for 10,000 verses. The agreement 
dated 20 March, 1698-9, is printed in Saintsbury's edition of the Works, 
vol. 18, p. 201. 

This was near the end of Dryden's work, and, taking leave of Tonson, 
we may just mention a few other publishers with whom Dryden was some- 
what connected. 

Tonson published Alexander's Feast, but Henry Playford, a name ever 
honoured by all lovers of music, issued the verses on the death of Purcell 
with music by Dr. Blow (1696), and the Lucius Britannia (1700). 

W. Rogers published the translation of Du Fresnoy. 

Henry Hills, the pirate bookseller, pirated several of Dryden's poems. 
He had previously been Printer to James II. 

There is much difficulty in identifying the Prose Tracts of Dryden. 
He must have printed several as Historiographer, but his biographers have 
taken no trouble in discovering any of these. 

R. Baldwin was one of Dryden's hostile printers. This man reprinted 
the Verses on Cromwell in 1682 to annoy the poet, and in June, 1683, he 


published the "True History of the Duke of Guise published for the 
undeceiving such as may be imposed upon by Mr. Dryden." 

In conclusion, may I put in a word for Dryden's character and conduct. 
The coarseness and indecency of many of his plays are inexcusable, but 
that is no reason why he should be consigned to infamy. We can forgive 
Burnet and Swift and others upon whose toes he trod, but from modern 
historians of mark we expect a more judicial estimate. 

With every respect for such distinguished rhetoricians as Macaulay and 
Green, we must condemn their portraiture of Dryden as a monster of vice, 
a character drawn from the lying gossip of his unprincipled enemies. I 
read Congreve's kindly words : " He was of a nature exceedingly humane 
and compassionate, easily forgiving injuries, and capable of prompt and 
sincere reconciliation with those who had offended him." And having 
read them I picture to myself, after consulting the prosaic records of the 
parish of St. Anne's, Soho, a house in Gerrard Street (lately pulled down) 
with the view of the gardens of Leicester House from the back windows, 
and inhabited by a quiet and well regulated family consisting of John 
Dryden and his wife and boys, with two female servants, and I think that 
is a truer representation of the facts than one arrived at by the use of 
unwarranted scandal. 

D 2 



August y* 4 th 

ffeb y 8 th 

March 28 th 


Account of the second payment of y* first subscription 
of VirgilL 

p a id M r Dryden 62 Guyneas - 

Paid M r Dryden 38 Guyneas - 

Paid M r Dryden 34 Guyneas - 

My Lady Winchelsea paid M r Dryden 

My L d Darby paid do 

Books Delivered and no money paid \ 

My Lord Clifford's Dedication ) 

L d Chesterfield's Dedication - 

L d Normanby's Dedication - 

- for 

- for 

- for 

- for 

for 31 Subscriptions 
for 19 Subscriptions 
for 17 Subscriptions 
for i Subscription 
i Subscription 

i Subscription 

i Subscription 
i Subscription 


Remaining for me to acco' with M r Dryden for y e rest 

of the Second Subscriptions for Virgill which are 
Which amounts to 58 . 16 . o 


[/?. Cost of paper.] Upon a careful casting up of what quantity of 
large Paper I used in printing two hundred and fifty Books of Virgil 
by Mr. Dryden's order, this I declare to be a just account, viz. : 

Reams. Quires. 
There was used in printing the 250 Books, each Book 

being on 1 74 sheets 
And used in printing the Cutts for the said Book - 27 15 


In all - - 123 
Witness my hand, Rob' Everingham. 



The Large paper cost me one Ream with another one pound 
two shillings p. Ream 

The Small paper cost me p. Ream nine shillings - - 0.9.0 

So that the large paper cost me more than the small paper 

each Ream - - 13-0 

i . 2 . o 

The large paper used for Mr. Dryden's Books being 123 
Reams 9 quires amounts in y 6 extraordinary charge of 
thirteen shillings p. Ream to eighty pounds eight shillings ( 
& fourpence 

Which sum of 80 . 8 . 4 being divided into 250 parts, it 
having printed soe many books is six shillings and four- 
pence three farthings each Booke more than the small 

paper cost me 

Witness my hand 

Jacob Ton son. 
Endorsed " M r Tonson's acco 1 of the large Paper us'd for Virgil." 

80 . 8 . 4 


[C. 6 D. Debtor and Creditor Accounts.] 

M r Dryden Creditor 
I Received of my L d ^ 
Archibald Hamilton > i 
for his subscription j 
Rec d of my L d Cuts - i 
Rec d of M r Atterbury - i 
Rec d of M r Boyl - i 
Rec d of Capt Philips - i 


M r Dryden D r 

Ld ffitzharding's i st sub- ) 

. . \ \ . 6 . o 


Sir W. Blount's sub- 
scription - 3.6.0 

Ld Chesterfield's sub- 
scription - 3.6.0 

Dk. Shrewsbury's sub- 
scription - - 3.6.0 


13 . 4. o 


I will reckon to M r Dryden that the selling-prise of my small ' 
paper Virgill shall be to him but one pound in quires p. book 
soe that (allowing my account of paper already given in to be 
right) he is to pay me one pound six shillings and fourpence > 54 
p. book for each of his large paper Virgill and I having received 
one pound two shillings each M r Dryden is to pay me more 
for each of his 250 books four shillings and four pence w ch 
amounts to 

Endorsed " Mr. Tons" 5 Acco' w th Mr. Dryden." 

3- 4 

67 . 7 . 4 

[D.] M r Dryden C r 
To money rec d of 
my L d Archibald 
Hamilton for his 
Of My L d Cutts - i 
Of M r Atterbury - i 
Of M r Boyle - - i 
Of Cap 1 Philips - i 
To money remaining \ 
in M r Tonson's / 
hands for 28 of the { * 
2 d Subscriptions j 
To ballance 2 

2 . 
10 . 
10 . 

2 . 

5 -4 


P Contr D r s 

To money return'd to \ 

make room for my > 3.6 

Ld Fitz- hard ing 
Like for S r Walter 

Blount - -3.6 

Like for the Ld 

Chesterfield 3 . 6 

Like for the Duke of 

Shrewsbury 3 . 6 

To 250 Books of the 

large Paper, at one 

pound six shill 5 & 

four pence apiece of 

w ch sufne, one pound 

& 2S being already f 54 . 3 . 4 

received for each 

book there remains 

due 4 s 4 d for every 

one of the set 250 

w * 1 amounts to 


Endorsed "M r Tonson's acco 1 w th M r Dryden ballanced." 



Read 2ist February, 

>HE Emblem Books of the XVI and XVII Centuries 
offer a fascinating subject for study, not only appealing 
to the lover of early printing and quaint book-illustration, 
but having likewise a literary side, the history of which 
has perhaps scarcely attracted the same amount of 
attention as those aspects which interest the bibliographer and the student 
of wood-cuts and engravings. This phase of the subject I do not, however, 
propose to treat on the present occasion. So much has already been 
written about the emblem writers and what may perhaps be called the 
" emblem cult," and these matters have been so ably dealt with by Mr. Green 
and others, that I only propose here to consider certain aspects of this 
literature, about which it may be possible to gather a few facts capable 
of further discussion. 

It would seem that the use of emblems had made very considerable 
advance on the Continent, more especially in Italy and France, before 
it attracted the attention of writers in this country, and very many 
editions and translations of the works of Alciat, Symeoni and Paulus 
Jovius had appeared abroad before our own countryman Samuel Daniel 
produced his translation of the essay of Jovius, the Bishop of Nocera, 
in 1585. 


Although the works of many other authors have shed a lustre on this 
branch of literature, it is undoubtedly Alciat to whom we owe the popu- 
larity of the emblem book in the form in which it is best known, for he 
seems to have been the true inventor of the motto or "posie," with its 
pictured counterpart or device. This motto, the appropriate sentence or 
quotation, is sometimes called the "soul," while the figure or wood-cut 
device, serving to explain the proverb or motto selected, is spoken of as 
"the body," neither being complete without the other. 

In Italy an emblem is called an "impresa," a word somewhat variously 
interpreted, for while Green states that "the Italians give the name 
impresa, i.e., imprints, to such ' ornamentation books ' as other people 
indicated by the word emblem," Daniel, on the authority of Jovius, tells 
us that " Impresa is used of the Italians for an enterprise, taken in hand 
with a firme and constant intent to bring the same to effect." Though 
Green's explanation is rather in accordance with the French emblem 
writers, in the view they take respecting the significance of the word 
"impresa," we must abide by Daniel's interpretation, which is also favoured 
by the modern dictionary. He amplifies the meaning thus: "As if a Prince 
or Captaine, taking in hand some enterprise of war, or any other perticulare 
affaire, desirous by some figure and mot to manifest to the world his intent, 
this figure and mot together is called an Impresa, made to signifie an enter- 
prise, wherat a noble mind leveling with the aime of a deepe desire, strives 
with a stedy intent to gaine the prise of his purpose." 

The emblems of Alciat do not appear to have become known to 
English readers by means of a translation during the XVI Century, 
though Whitney made large use of them in his " Choice of Emblemes," 
printed abroad by Christopher Plantin in 1586. The works both of 
Alciat and Bishop Jovius, with those of Symeoni his translator, were 
quickly issued in French, Italian, German, and Spanish. The original text 
of Alciat was in Latin, and the first French translation, prepared by 
Jean Le Fevre, was printed by Wechel of Paris in 1536, while a German 


version by Wolfgang Hunger appeared from the same press in 1539. The 
first Venice edition by the Aldi, that of 1546, was in Latin, while the 
earliest Italian translation I can trace was that of Marquale, printed by 
Roville, of Lyons, and also by Bonhomme, in 1549. Roville likewise 
produced in the same year the book of emblems in Spanish, translated by 
Daza. Douce inclines to the belief that there may have been an English 
version printed at Lyons in 1551. 

Considerable mystery has always surrounded the early work of Alciat, 
and the supposed first edition of his Emblem book has long been placed 
on the list of lost treasures of the printer's art. Just in the same way also 
that the existence of the Editio Princeps of Alciat's Emblems, said to have 
been printed at Milan, in 1522, is now denied, the fact of the publication 
of an English translation in 1551, which is based on a statement in Ames' 
"Antiquities of Printing," is generally regarded as apochryphal. No trace 
has been found of such a book, unless the manuscript translation, at one 
time in the possession of Mr. H. Yates Thompson, may have been the 
text from which it was printed. Concerning this manuscript we read that 
it was evidently prepared for publication, with the devices drawn and 
coloured, though it is now unfortunately incomplete. It is stated, however, 
that it is apparently of the time of James the First. With reference to the 
works of Alciat, all the earliest known editions of which namely, the first 
Augsburg issue of 1531 by H. Steyner, the first Paris edition of Wechel, 
in 1534, and the Venice edition of the Aldi, in 1546, were reproduced in 
facsimile by the Holbein Society in 1870, under the care of Mr. Henry 
Green, I shall only speak briefly on the present occasion. There is really 
nothing to add to the exhaustive and masterly disquisition on this subject, 
prefixed to the above volume of facsimiles, and to the subsequent issue by 
the same editor in 1871 of the facsimile of the Lyons edition of the 
Emblems printed by Bonhomme in 1551, under the title of "Alciat's 
Emblems in their Full Stream." The title of the Lyons issue is 
" Emblemata | D. A. Alciati, | denuo ab ipso Autore | recognita, ac, quae 
desi- | derabantur imagini- | bus locupletata " 


Concerning the search for the Milan edition Mr. Green tells us that 
"by a circular very generally distributed on the Continent and in Great 
Britain, in February, 1869, a zealous attempt was made to discover and 
hunt up Alciat's first collection," but the search proved fruitless and no 
better success resulted from an advertisement in the Literarischt Zeitung of 
Leipzig, offering "a douceur of 50 francs to anyone who could supply 
satisfactory proofs of the existence of a copy, or produce it for inspection." 
In the end Green was forced to the conclusion that "the first collection of 
the Emblems was made by the author himself, while residing in his native 
country Milan, about 1522 (as we learn from one of his own letters), but 
that it was not printed before 1531." This was in fact the Augsburg 
edition for which Alciat himself wrote the preface, at the request of his 
friend Conrad Peutinger, and Green mentions that this book "contains 
44 leaves, of which 43 are printed, the last being blank. It is curious 
to note that exactly 43 leaves are assigned by Graesse to the supposed 
Milan imprint of 1522." 

Before quitting the works of Alciat, I may briefly revert to the earliest 
issue of the Lyons Italian translation by Marquale, printed by Roville. 
This work is dismissed in two lines by Green in " Alciat's Emblems in their 
Full Stream," and he states concerning it that "the Edition of 1549 gave 
only 136 emblems and 136 devices," while the issue two years later from 
the same press contained emblems and devices to the number in each case 
of 1 80. I possess copies both of the 1549 and of the 1551 editions, and 
I have noticed that the wording of the titles differs slightly and some of 
the wood blocks in the later edition are reversed copies of those in the 
earlier one. 

The Italian edition of the Alciato of 1551, of which, as we have seen, 
Green has issued a facsimile, contains 192 pp., the last blank, sigs. A to M 
in 8's. It has the letter to the Doge of Venice from Marquale found in 
the 1549 edition, but it contains in addition on p. 4, an address to the 
reader. The arrangement of the emblems follows the same sequence as 
in the earlier one, but 44 additional emblems are interpolated. Both 


works end with the mulberry tree, whereas the Latin edition of 1551, 
having 211 emblems, ends with the white poplar on p. 226. 

Brief reference may be made to the French translation of the Alciat 
prepared by Barptolemy Aneau, as he describes himself in his dedicatory 
letter to " Prince James, Count of Aran, in Scotland," because the preface to 
this edition contains a very interesting disquisition respecting the use and 
value of emblems and ornamental borders, which does not, I believe, occur 
elsewhere. This account in quaint old French may be thus translated : 

"Anyone who wishes to apply ornament to vacant spaces or to bare 
surfaces will find in this little book, as in a well-furnished storehouse, all that 
he may wish to inscribe or paint on the walls of the house, on the windows, 
the carpets, the hangings, pictures, tableware, figures, rings, trinkets, 
clothing, tables, beds, in short on every piece of furniture in all apartments, 
so that in their essential features objects in everyday use may thus be 
rendered in all cases effective and attractive to the eye. Whoever is 
desirous to enrich his productions with the device of a short sentence, 
graced with an agreeable illustration, will be able to find abundant material, 
for he can take from the present book whatever may appear to be suitable 
for all kinds of ornamental purposes. Such can readily and quickly be 
found on consulting the general arrangement of the subjects, or on 
reference to the index." 

It would seem from this statement that Anneau .devised the arrange- 
ment of the emblems grouped under various categories, such as virtues, 
vices, marriage and the like, and he also added to each a short prose 
description of the subject matter and of the illustration. Thus in the 
case of the Sirens he observes : " The Sirens, described by Homer, sea 
monsters, half woman and half fish, who by the sound of their voices and by 
musical instruments allured navigators and caused their destruction, are 
the pleasures of this world (here represented by the sea) and chiefly women 
rendered attractive by their good looks, their fairness and their sweet 
speech. The true remedy against such is the study of the arts and 
sciences and travel." 


I have dwelt on these details rather more at length because they are 
matters which Green, who has so fully described the various editions of 
Alciat, has either left unnoticed, or has only briefly touched upon. I must 
pass over the Antwerp emblem books, which follow those of the Lyons 
series, and are but little inferior to them in the beauty of their illustrations 
and in importance, and I must now turn to the work of Paulus Jovius, 
which is the Latinised name of Paolo Giovio. He published his famous 
discourse on emblems first at Rome in 1555, but in the following year at 
Venice in 1556, where there were apparently two issues, the one a small 
octavo entitled " Ragionamento | di Mons. Paolo Giovio | sopra i motti e 
disegni d'arme | e d'amore, che commu | nemente chiamano | Imprese." 
The other was styled " Dialogo j dell' imprese | militari et | amorosej, di 
Monsignor Giovio j Vescovo di Nocera." The former work was from the 
press of Giordano Ziletti, and had a " Discorso intorno allo stesso 
soggetto," by Girolamo Ruscelli, and the latter printed by Gabriel Giolito, 
was accompanied by a " Ragionamento di Messer Lodovico Domenichi 
nel medesimo soggetto." This treatise was apparently from the pen of 
the Dominicus who takes part in the Dialogue in the body of the work, 
with which I shall deal more in detail when describing Daniel's translation. 
Several editions of these books were produced, and in 1561 the work was 
translated into French by Vasquin Philieul, and appeared in conjunction 
with the emblems of Symeoni. 

It seems evident from the form of the title chosen by Giovio that the 
word " impresa " as applied to the emblem, was already in common use, 
and indeed the richly illustrated work on this subject by Ruscelli, which 
appeared in 1566 at Venice, only ten years later than that of Giovio, will 
serve to show how widespread the employment of emblems had already 
become in Italy. Ruscelli gives no less than 133 examples of these 
devices, which are all of a personal character, that is to say, they are 
assigned to princes, nobles, and to personages of eminence. I propose to 
return later to the editions of this work, but while on the subject of Bishop 
Giovio I may mention that he was born at Como, April igth, 1483, and 


died at Florence, December nth, 1552. He was a man of high attain- 
ments in literature, possessed of great eloquence, and though (besides 
being a bishop) he was skilled in medicine, he seems to have been mainly 
occupied with his pen. He obtained his bishopric from Pope Clement 
VII as a reward for his virtues and learning. 

It is not certain whether Daniel knew of the French version of Philieul 
when he undertook his translation, which I propose to bring before your 
notice this evening. The full title of this book reads as follows : " The 
Worthy tract of Paulus lovius, contayning a Discourse of rare inventions, both 
Militarie and Amorous called Imprese." From internal evidence Daniel 
would seem to have been a good Italian scholar, and I can find no reason 
for thinking that, like so many English writers of that day, he borrowed 
rather from the French than from the Italian original. In the very interest- 
ing letter from his friend N. W., who writes from "Oxenford," it is 
mentioned that Daniel seemed "to have beene very familiarly acquainted " 
with Dominicus and Alciat, and farther he says this "addeth much credite 
to your woorke and notably hath given light to your studies." N. W., who 
quotes Paradin's Symbola Heroica and Symeoni's Devises Illustres, and 
who was himself evidently well versed in emblem lore, places the origin 
of the Impresa among the " auncient ^giptians and Chaldeans," and he 
defines the subtle shades of difference between the emblem and the 
impresa by quotations from the writings of Minoes or Claude Mignault, 
the commentator on Alciat. That author makes the Symbolum include 
" Standards, livrees, and armes," and he explains that " Symbolum est 
genus, Emblema species." 

After making due examination of the definitions of Giovio he concludes 
thus " They are dissevered by sondrie Cognisances, established by reason 
and confirmed by reading and may bee authorised by experience. The 
mot of an Impresa may not exceede three wordes. Emblems are 
interpreted by many verses. An Impresa is not garnished with many 
different Images, Emblemes are not limited. In Devises it is enacted that 


the figure without the mot, or the mot without the figure should not 
interprete the Authors meaning. In Emblems is more libertie and fewer 
lawes. Imprests manifest the special purpose of Gentlemen in warlike 
combats or chamber tornaments. Emblems are generall conceiptes rather 
of moral matters than perticulare deliberations ; rather to give credit 
to the wit, then to reveale the secretes of the minde. What should I say 
more. This Impresa, is that perfect Symbolum : for antiquitie to bee 
reverenced : for worthinesse admired : for pleasure embraced." 

I learn from a footnote to Green's essays on Whitney that he considers 
that Daniel did not use for his translation either of the Venetian editions 
of Giovio above mentioned, because the account of the emblem of the 
inverted torch, to which Daniel refers in his final discourse and which is 
found on the last page but one of his Worthy Tract is not included therein. 
Daniel, however, merely tells us that he has collected these "notable 
devises " and he may well have obtained them from other sources. There 
is a Roman edition of the work of Giovio published in 1555 by Antonio 
Barre, but in this edition also, there is no reference to the inverted torch, 
which occurs in Symeoni's Devises ou Emblemes Heroigues et Morales" 
of 1561. In the Italian version of 1562 it is seen on p. 35, as also in 
the Spanish version of the same year. In all of these works the emblem 
is dedicated to M. St. Valier, and it may either have already been adopted 
by him or have been merely chosen for him by the author. 

I may turn aside here for a moment to notice the practice of the 
emblem writers in the matter of the attribution or dedication of their 
conceits to notable and eminent personages, or to personal friends. Even 
in the earliest issues of the emblem books we find examples of this 
proceeding, and by the time that Whitney published his compilation it had 
reached extreme limits, a large proportion of his emblems being ascribed 
or dedicated to his friends and acquaintances. One of the most interesting 
of the essays of Mr. Green is devoted to the study of these dedications 
and to the tracing of the different persons named by Whitney. Thus he 
dedicates his emblem on p. 38 "To the Honorable Sir Phillip Sidney 


Knight, Governour of the Garrison and towne of Vlissing," and that on 
p. 43 " To Sir Robert Jermyn Knight," while some 60 other names occur 
at the head of the various emblems, including many preachers, and even 
in some cases a general dedication, such as that on p. 172, "To the Youth 
at the School of Audlem in England," the school where Whitney was 
educated. The emblem is that of the candle, the hourglass and the book, 
taken from the Emblemata of Hadrianus Junius. The closing lines of the 
verses show Whitney's love for his old school : 

For, what I woulde unto myselfe shoulde chaunce : 
To you I wishe, wheare I my prime did spende. 
Wherefore behoulde this candle, booke, and glasse : 
To use your time, and knowe how time dothe pass. 

The motto is "Studiis invigilandum." Junius adopted for this, his 
fifth emblem, the motto " Vita mortalium vigilia." 

This practice of the personal attribution of the emblems resembles that 
referred to by Mr. Wheatley in his paper on " DrydenVji^ublishers," when, 
in a book published by subscription, each illustration^ was dedicated to 
some special patron. However, as I propose chiefly to consider the 
work of Daniel, it is time that I should pass on to ^The lyorthy Tract. 
This little octavo, printed in 1585 for Sir.ion Watersoiti, who published 
many of Daniel's subsequent writings, was the first book Wf. have from 
Daniel, and as he calls himself on the title page "late Student in 
Oxenforde," he does not appear to have long left the University. The 
dedication is " to the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Dimmock, Champion 
to her Maiestie," to whom the author " wisheth happie health with increase 
of Worship." Like so many Elizabethan prefaces Daniel's epistle dedica- 
tory presents us with some graceful similes, and it has the merit, not quite 
so common in those days, of extreme brevity. He speaks of " the unskil- 
full Statuarie," who "having rudely fashioned the forme of either some 
Apollo or Cupid, and waighing therewithal the basenes of his simple 
worke : by good advise erecteth the same on the sommitie of some high 
Filler, to the end that both the errors therein committed, may escape the 


narrow vewe of the captious, and likewise shadow all imperfections which 
might dislike the curious, both which he avoydeth by the distance of his 
loftie mounted statue, escaping thereby the staine of reproofe," and then 
of course he proceeds to show that by placing his unpolished labours on 
the " Filler " of his patron's " worthiness " he may be able to " passe the 
vewe without reprehension." 

Reference has already been made to the letter to the author from 
N. W. that follows the dedication, which is a very able and scholarly 
production. N. W. was apparently a college friend of Daniel, but so far 
I have failed to trace his identity. He takes Daniel to task at the outset 
for his disinclination to give his translation to the public. He says " the 
young yEglets dare looke upon the Sunne, and that which is eloquently 
polished may abyde the presse. Why then may not your loviits looke any 
man in the face, having arte to direct him, authorise to defend him, all 
humanitie to plcade for him." He counsels Daniel "never to smotther 
so sweete inventionl f r feare of Censors," and assures him that " lovius 
is bound unto you, botb for absoluting and blazing his inventions abroad 
in this famous Hart d, and wee are beholding unto you for revealing them 
to us." He morec /er affirms that this work is " an order to frame Devises 
in shew glorious, in forme plain, in title straunge." Going back to the 
most ancient times for the origin of Imprese, he traces the art down to 
the days of " Fergusus the first Scottishe King," who "did beare in his 
Standard a Lion geules, to bewray his courage, testifie his stomacke, and 
dismaie his adversarie, which being well marshalled, is borne for the 
atchivement of the Kinges ever since." After this and many like examples 
of the use of imprese, and after providing a skilful definition, already 
quoted, of the difference between the symbolum and the impresa and of 
their fitting use, he says "Have not our Printers also of late honoured 
this profession ? Have they not bene at emulation for ingenious Devises. 
Stephen glorieth in his tree and moderateth those (that love to mount by 
loftie witts) with this Posie : Noli altum safere. Plantin beareth a com- 
passe in a hande stretched out of the cloudes which measureth all, 


Constantia et labored In conclusion he recommends him to dedicate his 
labours to Mr. Dimmock, and asks "what neede you then to feare the 
mallice of the weakest enemy that may bee a carping tongue, having him 
for the Champion of your booke, whom her Maiestie hath vouchsafed the 
Champion of her person." 

Thus encouraged, the author proceeds to address " the frendly reader " 
in a somewhat lengthy disquisition. He argues that "all men naturally 
take delight in pictures," and tells us that although the art of framing 
devises was at first rude and uninformed, it has in recent times been 
brought to perfection by the addition to the figures of "mots or posies," 
and by the use of colours. On examination he sets forth the many ways 
by which we may discover our secret intentions as follows : " by colours 
and figures, as first by Livrees, secondly by Ensignes, thirdly by mots and 
lastly by Imprese," and the meaning of these four kinds of Devises he 
carefully explains. With respect to the method of their employment he 
says : " There are first, diligently to be observed in these Devises or 
Livrees three things : The time when : The place where : and the manner 
how they are to be used," and here he corrects in some respects his author 
by reference to other authorities. Concerning mots he writes that they 
" truely are of great excellencie if they bee gallantly composed. And first 
this word mot signifieth as much as Gnome, a shorte sentence or Posie, 
whose places are divers. Some use to set them on gates, as that which 
(according to the fiction of the Poet) was set on Hell gate. Lasciate ogni 
speranza voi chi intrate. Lay aside all hope, all you which enter in." As 
to the right place for wearing them we learn that Impreses are used on 
"Standards, Shields, Helmets, Brooches, Tablets or such like," and very 
precise directions are given concerning the mot or posie : it " may not 
exceede three words, unlesse it be composed of some of these, Dum. Nee. 
Et. Non. In. Per. Aut. Si. Cum. Ut. and then may it have foure." It 
should if possible be a quotation out of some famous author and it is 
necessary " that it be not altogether manifest nor too obscure, neither yet 
triviall or common." We read also with respect to the impresa as a whole 


that it is essential "that the figure without the mot, or the mot without 
the figure signifie nothing, in respect of the intent of the author." 
This last direction, when coupled with the fact that the mot is to 
be a quotation out of some famous author, appears to be somewhat 
contradictory. The illustrations given by Daniel to explain this matter do 
not remove the difficulty. A further rule that in the impresa " there ought 
to be no humayne forme" is more honoured in the breach than in the 
observance. Daniel concludes his address as follows: "Thus have I in 
fewe words (gentlemen), declared the properties of a perfect Impresa, to 
the end your choyce therein may be currant, sith many deceive them- 
selves with a counterfeit." 

The Discourses of Paulus Jovius take the form, as already stated, of a 
dialogue between the Bishop and a friend, Lodovicus Dominicus by name. 
The dedication is addressed to Cosimo Duke of Florence, and in it we 
learn that the work was prepared as a species of relaxation during the 
intervals of the composition of the author's famous History. He says "And 
therefore having intermitted my History as a burthen more ponderous, 
I resorted to take my pleasure in discourse and conference with that 
vertuous gentleman Master Lodovico Dominica (who also thereunto invited 
mee) upon the invention of Imprese, borne at this day of great and 
Noble personages." 

In the work on which he was then engaged, at the Court of the Grand 
Duke, he appears to have had the assistance of Dominico to translate the 
History into what is called " the vulgar Tuscan tongue," and this gentleman 
urged him to discourse of imprese in the forme of a Historic which he says 
will be easie to you, "having as I understand, your selfe in your fresh and 
florishing age (he was then probably about 72 years old), composed many 
for such gentlemen as requested them of you." To this Jovius assents on 
the condition that Dominico " will ever now and then make interrogatives, 
to which I will willingly answere, to the end our propose may cary the 
forme of a dialogue." 


In his reply to the first query Jovius traces the origin of the use of 
imprese, and he affirms that "now in our time, after the comming of Charles 
the eight and Lewes the twelft into Italic, every one which followed the 
warre, imitating the French Captaynes, sought to adorne himselfe with 
goodly and pompous Imprese" and a little later he describes the properties 
of the Impresa under six heads " First just proportion of body and soule. 
Secondly, that it be not obscure, that it neede a Sibilla to enterprete it, 
nor so apparent that every rusticke may understand it. Thirdly, that it 
have especially a beautifull shewe, which makes it become more gallant to 
the vew, interserting it with Starres, Sunnes, Moones, Fire, Water, greene 
trees, Mechanicall instruments, fantasticall birds. Fourthly that it have 
no humane forme. Fifthly, it must have a posie which is the soule of 
the body, which ought to differ in language from the Idioma of him which 
beareth the Impresa^ to the ende the sence may bee the more covert. It 
is requisite also it bee briefe, yet so that it may not breede scrupulous 
doubts, but that two or three words may fit the matter well, unlesse it bee 
in the forme of a verse, either whole or maymed." He proceeds to give 
illustrations of various typical imprese which contain either the soule (the 
posie) without the body (the device) or the bodie without the soule, and 
he mentions certain imprese to show their imperfections. He describes the 
Impresa of Duke Lorenzo of Medici as being "a Laurell tree betwixt two 
Lyons, with this mot : Ita est Virtus. Signifying thereby that as the Laurell 
is ever florishing, so is vertue never fading : but none there were which could 
tell what the 2 Lyons imported. Some said it represented Fortitude and 
Clemencie, in that they seemed to parle, their heads being so closely joyned 
together : Others construed it an other waie," and then he gives a merry 
tale to point the moral. But I should weary you if I ventured to do more 
than sketch the outlines of the bishop's dialogue. In Daniel's translation it 
occupies some 100 pages, and as the last word rests with Dominico he hopes 
that "an other time shall as fitly serve for our purpose" for a further discourse. 

After doing full justice to Bishop Jovius, Daniel himself comes on the 
scene in a final chapter headed "Here follow, touching the former 



subject, certaine notable devises both militarie and amorous, collected by 
Samuell Daniell." It is not an easy matter to discover the source of these 
additions. They may have been derived to some extent from the com- 
mentators on the work of Jovius ; they do not appear to be taken from 
Ruscelli but they are all Italian examples, probably drawn from Alciat. 

We read " The Lisard of all his properties, hath one most rare and 
admirable, among the wonderful and infinite effects of nature, which is, it 
is never in love to the which all other beasts doe yeeld, whereupon 
Signor Federico Duke of Mantoua made him this Impresa : The Lisard 
figured, with this mot : Quod huic deest me torquet. Meaning thereby that 
it was the love of his Lady which tormented him, from the which torments 
this beast was exempt." 

It would appear from certain of Daniel's gleanings that it was not 
uncommon for the same person to make use of several different imprese, 
and we read of an Earle Clemete Pietro who had four devices for employment 
in love and war. Our author tells us that the "Captaine Consalvo Fernando 
in the last warres at Naples performed great exploytes, but rather by pollicie 
then any great power, whereby he alwaies overcame in Battell : and desirous 
to manifest to the worlde, how he ayded by his subtile practises, tooke for 
his Impresa a Crossebowe bent with a racke, and thereunto this Posie 
Ingenium Superat Vires." Both this emblem and that of the inverted torch 
are found in Alciat. Daniel concludes with an account of the impresa of 
Sir Edward Dimmock, concerning which he says : " Under whose Ensigne 
both I and these my simple labours hope to find favour." 

Daniel's little book would seem to have been well received ; there can 
be no doubt concerning its rarity, and even the existing copies are many 
of them sadly worn and frayed, my own example is, alas, no exception. 
The making of imprese and the choice of emblems with appropriate posies 
was a task in which all the great wits of the period engaged, and we learn 
that Shakespeare himself, who, according to Mr. Green, knew much about 
emblems, received a commission to devise an impresa for the Whitehall 
tilting on the King's birthday of 1613. 


With the decline of chivalry and the decay of the tournaments and 
joustings under the Commonwealth, the use of the impresa for armorial 
purposes as distinct from its emblematical signification fell into decay, and 
the emblem books assumed a new character. The moral emblem waxed 
strong and the military or amatory emblem lost its hold on popular 

Nearly all subsequent writers on this subject bear witness to the 
importance of the works of Ruscelli, whose book entitled " Le Imprese | 
Illustri | con Espositione et Discorsi," was printed at Venice in 1566 by 
Rampazetto. Ruscelli is generally spoken of as the commentator on 
Giovio's work, but the name of the author of the " Impresi Illustri " is 
given on the title page as Jeronimo, while the name appended to the 
1556 edition of Giovio's " Ragionamento " was Girolamo, and for this 
reason they have been thought to be separate individuals. This matter is 
cleared up, however, in the letter to the reader, and Jeronimo asserts that 
he is the same person as Girolamo. He says, in the preface to the above 
edition of the Imprese Illustri : " Wherever in many places in ' this book, 
kind readers find sometimes Girolamo written and sometimes Jeronimo, let 
them understand that this has been done partly because the corrections 
have passed through many hands, and partly because, though I am aware 
that Girolamo is a word that is more peculiarly Tuscan than Jeronimo, I 
have in fact hitherto preferred to use it, until now after long experience it 
has become evident to me that it is a word which is somewhat unfamiliar 
to the ears of most Italians, and to many more in other nations. Letters 
have often reached me in which the writers, not having recognised 
Girolamo as the same as Jeronimo, have addressed me as Girolamus, 
Girolame, etc., etc., and I often hear Girolamo pronounced by many, even 
Italians and others, with the penultimate long, as in Adamo. And, which 
is more important, although I have for many years been accustomed in 
books and letters to write my name Girolamo, yet I know that three 
fourths of my learned and very erudite correspondents have always written 
to me as Jeronimo, whereby they show plainly how unfamiliar the 


name Girolamo seems to be to them, although, as I have said, it especially 
belongs to the Tuscans." 

His work is one of the most magnificent of the early emblem books 
with engravings on copper, because of the fanciful character of the borders. 
There are no less than 133 emblems, some of them occupying the entire 
page, and each emblem has a most elaborate border, many of the designs 
being extremely curious and quaint. Though Ruscelli refers to the 
precepts laid down by his predecessor, he does not at all conform to his 
laws, and he claims to have designed many of the emblems here figured. 
The book is a most difficult one to collate, as the pagination is singularly 
incorrect. I possess a later edition, also printed at Venice, in 1584, 
which contains most of the same engravings in a sadly worn and retouched 
condition, with the addition of a fourth book by Vincenzo Ruscelli of 
Viterbo, containing 23 more emblems. 

I am greatly tempted to linger longer over Ruscelli's work and to 
describe some of his designs, but I wish to devote the remaining 
time to the consideration of an English treatise which seems to have 
escaped the notice of Green and other authorities on the subject, 
and I propose, therefore, in conclusion, to describe the English 
translation of the work of Estienne, the famous French author and 
printer, by our own countryman, Thomas Blount, of the Inner Temple. 
The title is "The Art | of making | Devises: | treating of | Hiero- 
glyphicks, Sym boles, Emblemes | ^Enigma's, Sentences, Parables, 
Reverses | of Medalls, Annes, Blazons, Cimiers | Cyphres and Rebus." 
The first edition bears the imprint of "London \ Printed by W.E. and 
J.G. and are to be sold by | Humphrey Moseley, at the Prince's Armes in 
Pauls | Church-yard 1646." My copy, which is of the later issue, has 
this title page, as also that of 1650, the imprint of which is "London : 
Printed for lohn Holden, at the signe of the blue | Anchor in the New 
Exchange, 1650." It has also an engraved title by William Marshall, 
dated 1648, but I do not find any trace of an edition in that year. 


The Author's preface, which is signed Henry Estienne Sr des Fossez, 
is dated "A Paris, | Acheve d'imprimer pour la premiere fois | le 10. Mars, 
1645." In the course of a long and interesting Dedication "To the 
Nobilitie and gentry of England" the translator gives some very curious 
facts about emblem lore, in the course of which he says " Some may 
object, that in regard Tiltings, Tournaments and Masques (where Devises 
were much in request), are for the present kid aside, therefore Devises are 
of lesse use. Whereto I answer, that as those Justing or jesting Wars are 
disused, so we have now an earnest, though much to be lamented Warre, 
which renders them more usefull than ever," and he then proceeds to 
speak of the employment of emblems by Cornets and Ensignes, and he 
gives many examples of such both for " The Kings party and the Parlia- 
ments party." 

As Daniel's translation may be regarded as the first English emblem 
book, this translation by Blount of Estienne's less well-known work, may 
here be looked upon as coming towards the close of the movement in 
favour of the impresa in this country. These two works were published at 
an interval of about 60 years apart, so that in England the emblem litera- 
ture does not cover so wide a period as it does on the Continent by nearly 
100 years. 

Estienne prides himself upon being the first to have written of this 
subject in his mother tongue, though this claim is scarcely justifiable, and 
Blount ignores the work of earlier writers in this country, with the excep- 
tion of Camden in his Remaines, where he tells us " I find a small parcell 
of it, under the title of Impreses, which are in effect the same with Devises." 
Quoting from Camden he states that "Hen. the 3. (as liking well of 
Remuneration) commanded to be written (by way of Devise) in his 
Chamber at Woodstock : Qui non dat quod amal, non accipit ille quod 
optat." And he adds a long list of the emblems borne by the Kings of 
England. He says "in the raigne of Hen. the 8. Devises grew more 
familiar, and somewhat more perfect, by adding Mottoes unto them, in 
imitation of the Italians and French (amongst whom there is hardly a 


private Gentleman, but hath his particular Devise}.^ Blount, though 
inclined to be somewhat prolix, tells us that he holds it " not fit to forestall 
the Reader in a Preface," and adds " I am onely to beg pardon for my 
lesse polisht style, (which I shal the rather hope to obtain, since things 
of this nature require a plain delivery, rather then elegancy or affected 

Among all the writers I have consulted on the subject of the Emblem, 
Estienne seems to give the best and most complete definitions, and though 
he bases his explanations on the writings of Paulus Jovius and Ruscelli, 
he quotes many other authorities. Thus with reference to the Device 
he tells us that "(according to the Tract which Ammirato hath compiled 
on this subject, and entituled // Rota) the true Devise is that which beareth 
the picture of some living creature, Plant, Root, Sun, Moon, Starres, or 
of any other corporeal subject, with some words, sentence or proverb, 
which serve as it were for its soule." He asserts moreover that "as some 
define Poetry to be a Philosophy of Philosophers : that is to say, a 
delightful meditation of the learned : so we may call a Devise the Philo- 
sophic of Cavaliers." 

When dealing with the five rules for the making of devices as laid down 
by Paulus Jovius, Estienne adds five more "conditions" deduced from 
various authorities, which are as follows : 

" i. That the motto be concise or briefe, but not doubtfull; inso- 
much, that the soule shall be the more perfect, when it exceeds not 
the number of two or three words, unlesse it be an Hemisticke or 
whole verse. 

" 2. It must be observed that the body and soule (being very com- 
pleat) do not produce too ambitious a conceipt, least he (for whom it is 
made) be accused of vanity and presumption. 

"3. A Devise ought to relish somewhat of magnanimity, generosity 
and subtilty. 


"4. It must satisfie the eye by the body and yeeld content to the 
mind by the soule. 

"5. Those Devises which have but one onely word, or one sillable, 
are held by this Author very absurd." 

I must not follow Estienne through all his arguments : He devotes by 
far the greater part of his space to Devises and treats learnedly of such 
questions as the choice of the language for the motto, and the relative 
advantages of choosing the emblem from nature or from art. On this last 
point he observes that "there are two dangerous rocks, which (if not 
avoided) may easily ship-wrack our little vessell," and one of these is, he 
says "We must take heede not to intermixe in the same body of a 
Devise, Naturall works with Artificiall, since they have no conformity 
at all, each with other." 

The example he gives is the well-known emblem which served as the 
printer's mark of the Aldi, "A Dolphin embracing an anchor, with these 
words Festina Lente." This is a device of two objects "which have no 
relation to each other, for as much as the Anchor (having no other use 
than to stay Ships) cannot have any other resemblance with the Dolphin, 
or any other fish, except with the Renwra, which (they say) is able to 
stop a Ship," and he holds that the words of the motto are too common 
and too familiar. 

Estienne says " though I approve those Devises which are taken from 
Art, yet I set a greater value upon those which are drawne from Nature, 
because this is as it were the Mistresse of the other." The closing 
chapters are devoted to " Cyphers, Sentences and Rebus and to Cimiers." 
We read of these last that they "derive their name from nothing else, but 
from the name of the place where they are set, that is to say upon the 
Cimier or summet of the Tymbre or Helmet." 

A very interesting addition was made to this work on the occasion of 
its second issue in 1650, in the form of a concluding chapter containing a 


"Catalogue of Coronet- Devises, both on the Kings side and the Parlia- 
ments in the late war." Of this I do not propose, however, to speak on 
the present occasion. 

I trust I may have succeeded in showing what was understood by the 
Emblem and the Impresa among our early writers on this subject, and 
that I have been able to direct attention to some matters which may 
afford subject for discussion. If I may have been successful in inducing 
any of my brother members to devote further consideration to a few of the 
interesting features of the emblem books, I shall have fully accomplished 
my purpose in venturing to put together this paper. 




October, 1910, to ZMarcb, 1911. 


For the October and November Meetings, owing to alterations in 
progress at 20, Hanover Square, the Society met at the Morley Hall, 
George Street. On Monday, October lyth, the President, Mr. Fortescue, 
in the Chair, Mr. J. Dover Wilson read a paper on Richard Schilders of 
Middelburgh and the English Puritans. 

On Monday, November 2ist, the President in the Chair, Sir Herbert 
George Fordham read a paper on Descriptive Catalogues of Maps, their 
arrangement and the details they should conlain. This was illustrated 
by an extensive exhibition of early maps and atlases from the reader's 

On Monday, December igth, at 20, Hanover Square, the President in 
the Chair, a paper by Mr. S. H. Scott on The Schotts of Strassburg and 
their Press was read by Mr. Stephen Gaselee. 

All these papers are printed in full in the present volume. 

Previous to the Annual Meeting the following Annual Report and 
Balance Sheet were circulated among Members of the Society by means of 
the News -Sheet. 



(i.) The past year has been the saddest in the history of the Biblio- 
graphical Society, so many of our old friends and fellow-workers have been 
taken from us by death our Founder, Dr. Copinger ; our first Treasurer, 
Mr. Alfred Huth, who subsequently served the Society both as Vice- 
President and as President ; two of our most eminent foreign Members, 
M. Leopold Delisle, who conferred distinction on the Society as one of 
our honorary Members, and the Prince d'Essling, only last year elected a 
Vice-President ; two of those who have acted as Members of Council, 
Mr. A. J. Butler, well known as a Dante scholar, and Dr. J. F. Payne, 
one of the most learned of medical antiquaries ; and four other Members, 
most of them old friends, Mr. Hermann Grevel, Mr. Letts, Mr. George 
Reid, and Mr. C. D. Robertson. Our system of Candidate- Members has 
enabled us automatically to fill up the gaps thus caused in our roll, and 
the vitality of the Society is shown by the fact that during the year nine 
English, one foreign, and two American candidates have been elected; 
but distinguished as are several of these new Members, the loss in a single 
year of so many of our best friends and most eminent workers remains 
a heavy blow, and it is earnestly hoped that we may never again have to 
record such a death roll. 

(2.) Members will be asked at the Annual Meeting to elect Mr. H. B. 
Wheatley, V.-P., one of our original Members, as President, in succession 
to Mr. Fortescue; Dr. William Osier, Regius Professor of Medicine at 
Oxford, and Dr. F. G. Kenyon, Director of the British Museum, to the 
two vacant Vice -Presidentships ; and to the two seats on the Council Mr. 
Sydney Christie Miller, the owner of the famous library at Britwell Court, 
and Mr. Stephen Gaselee, Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and 
librarian of the Pepys collection preserved there, the author of the Biblio- 
graphy of Petronius, printed in the last volume of our Transactions. 

(3.) The death of M. Leopold Delisle having left the Society without 
any Honorary Member in France, the Council has asked M. Marie Louis 


Polain to accept this mark of the Society's admiration for the unfailing 
loyalty, industry, and skill with which he is carrying to its completion the 
great Catalogue des Incunables des Bibliotheques publiques de France begun 
by our late Member, Mile. Pellechet. 

(4.) Two books will very shortly be distributed, the General Index to 
Transactions, Vols. I-X, and the Dictionary of the English Book-Trade, 
1536-1642, which has been in preparation during the last two years under 
the general editorship of Mr. R. B. McKerrow. The greater number of 
articles in this have been written under Mr. McKerrow's supervision by 
Mr. H. R. Plomer, but help has also been given by Mr. Aldis, Mr. Bowes, 
Mr. Dix, Mr. Gordon Duff, Mr. G. J. Gray, Mr. Strickland Gibson, and 
Mr. Madan, besides what has been done by Mr. McKerrow himself. The 
Council have thus every confidence that the book will be found adequate 
to the very important period with which it deals. Another book, Miss 
Henrietta Palmer's Handlist of English editions and translations from the 
Greek and Latin Classics, 1480-1640, is being printed, and Mr. Esdaile's 
similar list of English novels and romances (in two sections, i. 1476-1640, 
ii. 1641-1740) is in the Secretary's hands. These books are all definite 
attempts to increase our knowledge of English book -production by 
investigating it simultaneously from its literary and its typographical 
sides. If professors and students of English literature took more interest 
in this side of the Society's work it might be possible considerably to 
extend it. As it is, it has been found necessary to resort to a good 
deal of paid help to get the work done, and the Society's output has 
been proportionately diminished. 

(5.) During the past year the house in Hanover Square at which the 
Society has met ever since it was formed in 1892, has changed hands, and 
our old meeting-room is now used by the new owners for their own 
purposes. While a new lecture-room was being built the Society held two 
meetings at the Morley Hall, George Street. The new room at Hanover 
Square was occupied for the first time at the December Meeting. 


BALANCE SHEET. 1st January, 1910, to 31st December, 1910, inclusive. 

By Balance, 3ist Dec., 1909... 

Entrance Fees 
Sutacriptions for 1909 
British Subscriptions for 1910 .. 




2O 7 







By Printing and Distribution... 
Insurance of Stock of Publica- 
tions ... 








United States Entrance Fees 
and Subscriptions for 1910... 
Foreign Subscriptions for 1910 



1 1 


Copying and Researches 
Vote for Library 







Subscriptions for 1911 
Sale of Publications 
Interest and Bonus on Invest- 





r ? 


Expenses of Meetings ... 
Hon. Secretary's Expenses ... 
Assistant Secretary 
Hon. U.S. Secretary's Expenses 







Hon. Treasurer's Expenses ... 
Balance, 3ist December, 1910. 
















ROBERT E. GRAVES, Hon. Treasurer. 
I have compared the above with the Pass Book and Vouchers and find it correct. 

jth January ', 1911. 



ASSETS. s. d. 

300 2\ % Consols Bonds @ 79$ 238 10 o 
100 3$% New South Wales 

Bond 97 o o 

Estimated value of Stock of 

Publications 300 o o 

Balance of Account for 1910... 221 2 7 

Subscriptions in arrear 



Estimated liability for 26 Life 

Members 273 o o 

Estimated cost of completing 

books for the year, and of 

other Printing 220 o o 


The Eighteenth Annual Meeting was held at 20, Hanover Square, at 
5 p.m., on Monday, January i6th, Mr. G. K. Fortescue, the outgoing 
President, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the previous annual meeting having been read and 
confirmed the Council's Annual Report was read by the Assistant Secretary, 
and its adoption, and that of the Balance Sheet, moved from the Chair and 
carried unanimously, as was also a vote of thanks to Mr. McKerrow for his 
editorial work on the Dictio?iary of English Printers and Booksellers. 


On the motion of Mr. Esdaile, seconded by Mr. Jacobi, the following 
gentlemen were elected as Members of Council for the ensuing year : 
Mr. G. F. Barwick, Mr. Sydney Christie -Miller, Sir Ernest Clarke, 
Mr. Lionel Cust, Mr. Stephen Gaselee, Dr. W. W. Greg, Mr. R. B. 
McKerrow, Mr. A. W. K. Miller, Mr. Frank Sidgwick, Mr. H. R. Tedder, 
Mr. Charles Welch, and Mr. T. J. Wise. 

On the motion of Mr. Redgrave, seconded by Dr. Greg, Professor 
Osier and Dr. F. G. Kenyon were elected Vice-Presidents. 

Mr. Fortescue then proposed Mr. H. B. Wheatley as his successor as 
President of the Society, and Mr. Wheatley having been elected by 
acclamation, expressed his sense of the honour thus done to him, and 
offered Mr. Fortescue the thanks of the Society for his services to it during 
his term of office. 

At the close of the Annual Meeting, Mr. Wheatley, President, in the 
Chair, Mr. Robert Steele read a paper on English Books Printed abroad in 
the Sixteenth Century. On Monday, February 2oth, the President in the 
Chair, Mr. G. F. Barwick read a paper on Some Magazines of the 
Nineteenth Century. On Monday, March 2oth, the President in the Chair, 
Mr. Henry Thomas read a paper on The Romance of Amadis of Gaul. All 
these papers are printed in full in the present volume. 


Read ijth October, 1910. 

yECHARD Schilders began printing about 1567. He 
died apparently in 1634. A large majority of the books 
for which he was responsible during these sixty-seven years 
must have been in Dutch, since from 1580 to the day of 
his death he was printer to the States of Zealand. 
Knowing little of the Dutch language and still less of Dutch bibliography, 
I have made no attempt to deal with the whole field of Schilders' work. 
I became interested in him first as the printer of several important 
Elizabethan Puritan pamphlets, and the utmost that can be claimed for this 
paper is that it makes a beginning, I hope a scientific beginning, of an 
investigation into the English work of an interesting Dutch printer. My 
method has been as follows. I have examined and described some fifty- 
one books at the British Museum which are either certainly or probably 
from his press, forty-four being English, six Dutch, and one Italian. 
Specimens of the type, together with all printers' ornaments and initial 
blocks, found in these books have been reproduced. And I have some 
confidence that these illustrations and the descriptive book-list at the end of 
this paper will enable bibliographers in the future to identify Schilders' work 
with comparative ease. Some assistance of this nature is necessary at 
least with regard to the Dutchman's English books, for a large number of 


these are unsigned, and it is naturally just those which are of chief interest 
to the student of Elizabethan Puritanism. It is of course highly unsatis- 
factory to isolate, in this way, a small section of a printer's work and study 
it apart from everything else he has done. But someone must begin 
somewhere, and if this essay prove of service to the coming bibliographical 
Napoleon who will attack the whole subject of English books printed 
abroad in the i6th century, its writer asks for nothing further. The paper 
itself, apart from its appendices, is mainly historical. It will give a brief 
outline of Schilders' career, the facts of which have never before been 
brought together ; it will dwell particularly upon his connection with the 
English Puritans, since it is that which gives him his chief attraction for 
English students ; and, finally, it will discuss in detail some of the more 
important books that he printed in English. But, first of all, how came a 
Dutchman to be printing so large a number of English books at the end of 
the 1 6th century? To answer this question satisfactorily we must pass for 
a moment beyond the sphere of bibliography. 

Elizabethan scholars have long been assessing our debt to Italy, to 
France, to Spain, and even to Germany in the i6th century. It is 
therefore the more remarkable that no attempt, so far as I know, has ever 
yet been made to deal in general with the relations between England and 
the Netherlands at the same period. No two countries were then more 
intimately associated in politics, in trade, in religion, and in printing. 
The literary connection too was only less important, and yet with all the 
study of the period it has up to the present passed almost completely 
unnoticed. Herr de Vocht, indeed, is carrying out an investigation into 
the influence of Erasmus upon Elizabethan drama ; but Erasmus, it may be 
said, was of no country. There was however a school of Dutch dramatists, 
writing in Latin at the beginning of the i6th century, whose work, as is 
now gradually being realised, is of first class interest to Elizabethan 
students whether in the sphere of the drama or the novel. 1 And yet, when 

(l) Herford, Literary Relations, ch. iii. F. S. Boas, Cam. Hist. Eng. Literature, 
vol. v, pp. 109-114. J. Dover Wilson, The Library, Oct., 1909: " Euphues and the 
Prodigal Son." 


we consider the closeness of the intercourse in other respects, we are led to 
wonder that the literary relations between the two countries were not even 
more intimate. In the matter of trade, England and the Netherlands were 
practically one. Antwerp teemed with English merchants, who were among 
the richest and most influential inhabitants of the city. And when the 
Duke of Alva ruined that great commercial capital of the world in 1576, 
the centre of trade was shifted quite naturally to London, and more than a 
third of the Dutch merchants and artisans found a refuge in England. 
The most powerful company in England, the so-called Merchant Adven- 
turers, traded almost exclusively with the Low Countries, where at the 
height of its prosperity it employed as many as 50,000 persons, while 
in one year English trade with the Netherlands reached the sum of 
12,000,000 ducats. 1 And, as usual, the flag tended to follow trade. 
Elizabeth, could she have made up her mind, might have established 
herself as mistress of the United Provinces, while on the other hand it was 
Philip's object to conquer England and make her a mere department of his 
northern possessions. It seemed impossible that the two countries should 
continue politically separate, and the Netherlands inevitably became the 
pivot of English foreign policy and remained so for more than a century. 
Socially, commercially, politically, England was nearer to the Low 
Countries than she was to Scotland. 

Moreover, there was a further bond of union perhaps the strongest of 
all that of religion. The very existence of the United Provinces was a 
triumphant assertion of the principles of Calvinistic Protestantism, principles 
which found acceptance amongst the large majority of Englishmen at this 
period, even when they happened to be sitting on the episcopal bench. 
England was, therefore, the natural city of refuge for thousands of religious 
fugitives who came over from the less fortunate southern provinces, while 
the United Provinces in their turn offered a home to numbers of the extreme 
Puritans who found it unsafe or uncomfortable to worship according to 
their lights in England. Communities of Walloon and Dutch traders and 
(i) Enc. Brit., gth edition, xxvi. 691. 

F 2 


artisans had flourished in England, especially in Norwich, Canterbury, and 
London, since before the days of Edward III, but after the defeat of the 
Protestants at Austruweel in March, 1567, and the arrival of Alva in the 
following August, the tide of immigration from the Low Countries, in spite 
of letters from the Duchess of Parma to the magistrates at the ports, began 
to increase in a manner very alarming to the Spanish authorities. So 
great indeed was the number of foreign Calvinists in England at this period, 
that in 1575 a synod of no less than seven Netherland Reformed Churches 
of England was held in London. The most frequented route for the 
refugees was the regular service between Nieuport and Norwich via 
Yarmouth, and we have many letters from fugitives in England to their 
comrades at home, recommending them to follow this route and to trust 
their persons and their goods unreservedly in the hands of a certain 
Captain Wulffaert Boeteman. Norwich was the most thriving of all the 
Dutch settlements in England, and in 1571 there were 4,000 Dutch and 
Walloon residents there. 1 

Finally, it is scarcely necessary to add that, when we turn to the printers 
of England and the Netherlands, we find an intimacy and reciprocity quite 
as remarkable as that observed in other spheres. The amount of type, 
initial blocks and printers' ornaments, imported into this country by Dutch 
and Flemish craftsmen, has never been quantitatively assessed, but it is 
agreed on all hands that it must have been very considerable ; a glance 
through Mr. Worman's list of Alien Members of the Book trade during the 
Tudor Period is sufficient to indicate what a large number of Dutchmen 
were in London at this time, engaged one way or another in the 
production of books, the best known perhaps being Reyner Wolfe, who in 
1560 became master of the Stationers' Company; 1 and, thirdly, there had, 
since the days of John of Doesborch, been a continuous stream of English 
books into this country from th presses of Antwerp, Amsterdam and other 
great centres in the Netherlands. In this last connexion the religious 

(1) Moens, Walloon Church at Norwich, I, pp. IO, II ; II, p. 22O et seq. : Registers 
of the Dutch Church at Austin Friars, p. xxiii. 

(2) Gordon Duff, Century of the English Book Trade, p. 171. 


bond, just referred to, is all important, especially during the latter half of 
the 1 6th century. The theological controversies that were agitating 
England at this time were almost entirely responsible for the large quantity 
of English books printed in the Low Countries, most of them without any 
imprint to show the place of their origin. And though no doubt a certain 
amount of Catholic propaganda literature came from the printing presses of 
Douay and other places in the south, the majority of pamphlets were due 
to Calvinistic Puritanism. Indeed, I believe that when the time comes to 
make a catalogue of the English books printed at home or abroad during 
the last fifty years of the century, something like two-thirds will be found to 
concern Puritanism in one or other of its aspects. From about 1580 and 
onwards, the printers in chief to the Puritan movement were Robert 
Waldegrave and Richard Schilders. It would be risky to say that they 
had the lion's share in the production of Puritan literature, since quantities 
of sermons, commentaries, and translations from foreign Calvinist divines, 
not particularly objectionable to the ecclesiastical authorities, came from 
other presses. But there is no doubt that when the Puritans wished to 
publish anything dangerous they turned, and turned with confidence, to one 
or other of these two men. Though they were of different nationality, 
there is a curious parallel between their careers. Both were for a time 
religious fugitives ; both worked for a period in London ; and both 
eventually found a safer sphere of activity beyond the reach of the English 
ecclesiastical censor's arm Waldegrave as royal printer of Scotland from 
1590 to 1603, and Schilders as printer to the States of Zealand from 
1580 to about 1634. It would be strange indeed if these two 
interesting men, suffering in the same cause and working for the same 
patrons, had remained personally unacquainted. We have, it is true, no 
direct evidence of friendship between them, but there is sufficient testimony 
of an indirect nature to warrant us suspecting that they were closely 
connected in business and that they probably not infrequently printed for 
each other. Indeed their work should be studied together, if it is to be 
studied profitably. 


Richard Schilders has not hitherto figured very prominently in 
the annals of English bibliography. Arber's Transcript contains only 
two references to him, while Herbert gives but ten books under his 
name. The best work yet done on his English books is to be found 
in Mr. Sayle's Early English Printed Books in the University Library, 
Cambridge, where a list of his signed and unsigned books is given which 
includes twenty-three not found in the British Museum. Yet there 
are surely few more important foreign printers of English books of his 
period, and though none of his work reaches a very high level of 
craftsmanship, several of the books he printed are of very great 
historical significance. Moreover his career, apart from its bibliographical 
interest, is a remarkable illustration of the forces, already mentioned, 
which were drawing England and the Protestant Netherlands together. 
The contemporary references to him are few, but they are sufficiently 
precise to enable us to reconstruct his career in outline. The earliest is 
from the Returns of Aliens living in London^ made by the authorities in 
1571.' From this we learn that he was a Calvinist of Enghien in 
Hennegau, which lies half way between Antwerp and Valenciennes and 
was therefore in the very centre of the religious troubles of 1567. The 
date of his arrival in London is given as Lent, 1567, and we cannot doubt 
that he was one of the refugees who left the Netherlands immediately after 
the defeat at Austruweel. Of his life in Enghien we know nothing, but 
since, as we shall see later, he is described in 1618 as eighty years of 
age, he must have been about twenty-nine when he came to London. He 
was also married, for the Returns tell us that his wife Trokyn, like him a 
native of Enghien, joined him at Easter, 1568. Furthermore, though there 
is no mention of the name Schilders in the registers of the Austin Friars, 
the Dutch Church in London, he seems to have had children either before 
or after his stay in England, since one at least became a well known name 
in the annals of Dutch printing. If, like so many of his countrymen, 

(i) Wortnan, p. 59. The Returns describe his birthplace as " Engye in Hennego," 
which Mr. Worman translates "Angers in Anjou." 


Schilders came to England by the Nieuport to Yarmouth route, he would 
have an excellent reason for not stopping in Norwich. About 1566 a 
refugee, named Anthony de Solempne or Solemne, had set up his press in 
the town and soon after received royal permission to exercise his craft, in 
accordance with the policy then followed by the government of making 
everything as easy as possible for the "strangers" who brought so much 
wealth and skill into the country. 1 The Netherland colony in Norwich, 
large as it was, could hardly have supported two printers, and Schilders 
would therefore push on at once to London. In any case he arrived there 
as we have seen early in 1567 and was in 1571, the year in which the 
Returns were made, dwelling at the house of one John Dewye in the ward 
of Bassieshaw and the parish of St. Michael, and was maintaining himself 
" as servaunte by pryntinge with Thomas East stacyoner." In the Returns 
of 1576 we find that he had changed his landlord, who was now one 
Jeffrey Ponde of the parish of St. Martin's, Farringdon Without, and that 
in accordance with a very common practice of the refugees in London he 
had anglicized his name from Schilders to Painter. 2 

Schilders must have begun printing, or at least have found some 
employment in connection with the printing profession, very soon after he 
reached London, for he was admitted brother to the Stationers' Company 
on May 3rd, I568, 3 a date which, following immediately after the arrival of 
his wife, may indicate that she brought him a stock of printer's material. 
A brother of the Stationers' Company does not appear to have been 
blessed with many privileges. 4 He could not, it seems, bind an apprentice, 
nor could he print books except for English printers, and Schilders was 
accordingly, in 1571, as already mentioned, working for Thomas East. 
He had, however, his own press and type, as we shall see, and it is there- 
fore probable that he printed at his own house, receiving wages from East 

(1) W. H. Allnutt, Bibliographica, II, 150-154. 

(2) Worman, op, cit., p. 59. Moens. Registers of the Dutch Church, p. viii. 

(3) Arber, Transcript \, p. 366. 

(4) McKerrow. Diet, of Printers, 1557-1640, introd. p. xviii. 


and using the Englishman's imprint I have searched a few books, nominally 
printed by East between 1572 and 1580, for signs of Schilders' workman- 
ship, but there is nothing to go upon, and I cannot say that my efforts 
were attended with any success. One point struck me, however, which is 
perhaps worth noting. It is that, in general, these books remind one 
of the work of VValdegrave rather than that of Schilders. 1 Beyond 
hazarding the suggestion that Waldegrave took over some of Schilders' 
stock when the latter left London in 1580, we must leave the matter there 
for the present. 

That during this period Schilders printed books for himself in defiance 
of the regulations of the Stationers' Company, there can be no doubt. We 
know of at least one Dutch book with his imprint, and bearing the date 
1575. Its title is Den Spieghel des Houwelicks . . . Wt den Crieckschen 
Autheur Plutarchus, int Neduytsch overgheset. Ghedruct by Richard 
Schilders, 1575. Unfortunately there is no copy of the work, as far as I 
know, in England, but it is said to be an 8vo "in fine gothic characters."* 
Furthermore, an entry in the Stationer? Registers dated November 23rd, 
1578, runs as follows: "At a court holden this daie Richard Skilders 
Dutchman brother admitted to woorke in this Cumpanie : having presse 
and letters with other fourniture for the Art of printinge being him self a 
compositor and havinge a booke in woork for hanse stelle conteyning xx 
shetes of paper or thereabout and having printed vj sheetes thereof : Was 
by authority of the charter of this cumpanie enjoyned to cease and procede 
no further therein for that no person that is not of the comminalty of this 

(1) The following books with East's imprint are of interest in this connection. 
Christopher Carlile's Discourse wherein is plainly proved 1572. (B.M. 3935. bbb. 3) con- 
tains an initial P of the same series as nos. 12-19 in tne illustrations and some large lower 
case roman like that on the title-page of The Beehive, which is also used by Waldegrave. 
The Post of the World . . , by R. Rowlands, 1576 (B.M. 800. a. 25) contains a roman 
and italic letter (body, 20 11. = 67 mm.) remarkably similar to one of Waldegrave's best 
known founts, together with an initial G used later by Waldegrave, e.g., in Udall's True 
remedie against famine (71587). It is also worthy of notice that in A plaine and 

familiar exposition . . . p, 10 Proverbs, printed by East in 1 606, Waldegrave's familiar 
swan device is found. 

(2) Worman, op. fit., p. 59. 


companie may not vse the art of printinge in this realme otherwise then in 
the servyce of the freemen of this mistery As by the said charter appeareth. 
Wherevpon the said Richard was appointed to Deliuer the said booke to 
Thomas Dason a printer of this cumpanye to be finished by him and the 
said Richard was assigned to serue the said Dason as a journeman to 
compose the formes for the Rest of the said booke for weekely wages till 
it be finished." l Professor Arber has suggested that the book, here spoken 
of, was a translation "out of the Dutch into Englifhe by George Gilpen " of 
the famous Beehive of the Romishe Churche by the Dutch theologian Philips 
van Marnix, sometimes known as Sainte-Aldegonde 2 ; and there can be little 
doubt that he is right in his conjecture. The Beehive is the only instance 
in the Registers of a piece of work done by Thomas Dawson for Hans Stell, 
and in this respect tallies precisely with the account given of the book 
Schilders was printing. It was issued early in 1579, a copy being received 
at the Stationers' Company in April, 3 which is just the date we should 
expect. And lastly, no printer's name appears on the title-page, though 
the colophon states that the book was printed by Thomas Dawson, which 
fits in with the statement in the Registers that Schilders had already 
printed six sheets before being stopped. The only difficulty is that 
Schilders' book is described as consisting of twenty sheets or thereabouts, 
whereas The Beehive runs into well over forty sheets. This may, however, 
be got over by supposing that Schilders himself was required to estimate the 
size of the book, which he would naturally do his best to minimise. In any 
case I have ventured to include it in my list of books undoubtedly printed 
by Schilders and have notified in the same place a few books which 
appeared in 1579 and 1580 with Dawson's name upon them, but which 
from their type or initials seem to have been the work of the same printer 

(1) Arber, Transcript, ii, p. 882. 

(2) Ibid., v, p. in. 

(3) Ibid., ii, p. 307. The copy of the book at the B.M. is interesting as bearing on 
the title-page the signature of Nicholas Tom-kins, who was one of the principal witnesses 
examined by the authorities in connection with the Marprelate Controversy. See Arber, 
Introductory Sketch to the Marprelate Controversy, pp. 84-87 and p. 97. 


who was responsible for The Beehive. As for that book itself, its initial 
blocks are not found in Schilclers' later work in Middleburgh, but the 
main founts of type all reappear (Nos. 67, 71, 73, 81).' And it is also 
curious to notice that, as in the case of Thomas East's work already spoken 
of, the book in general appearance suggests Waldegrave rather than 
Schilders. The title-page in particular might have been the model in 
respect of type and arrangement for a large number of the books that 
began to appear from Waldegrave's press soon after Schilders left London. 

In 1574 Philip of Spain lost his last stronghold in Zealand. Middle- 
burgh, the capital of the province, capitulated, and the tide of Dutch and 
Flemish refugees began at once to set in that direction. Now one of the 
most important centres of the Protestant Netherlands, the city soon began to 
look about for a printer to add to its dignity and to print the sermons of its 
pastors and the proclamations of its authorities. On August 4th, 1577, it 
was negotiating with Hans Stell, the man for whom Schilders had printed 
The Beehive and who, a native of Antwerp, had settled in London as a 
stationer in 1566.* Middleburgh offered him certain municipal privileges 
and a substantial lump sum down if he would come over and set up a 
printing press there. 3 But the negotiations evidently came to nothing, for 
Hans Stell continued to reside in London until at least as late as 1581* 
while the Middleburgh folk were still obliged to get their books printed in 
Antwerp, Delft or Dordrecht. In January, 1580, however, we find them 
once more bidding for a printer, and they again turned to a Dutch refugee 
in London, the type-founder Gabriel Guyot or Guyett. 4 This too came to 
nothing, but nevertheless before the end of the year Middleburgh's first 

(1) See illustrations and notes. 

(2) Wonnan, op. cit. t pp. 64-65. 

(3) J. C. Altorffer, Over de invoering van de boekdrukkunst te Middelburg, Nieuwsblad 
voor den Boekhandel, 1872 (no. 97) pp. 494-496. This short article, the only attempt 
to trace Schilders' early career at Middleburgh that I know of in Dutch, professes to 
be based upon municipal records and throws a flood of light upon his settlement there. 
I am indebted to Dr. R. B. McKerrow for the knowledge of its existence. 

(4) Altorffer, op. cit. , and Worman, p. 26. 


printer had established himself in the city and had, we must suppose, given 
the undertaking required of Hans Stell in 1577, i.e., that he would print 
nothing "save by the will, knowledge and consent of the burgomasters, 
justices and councillors." This man was no other than our friend Richard 
Schilders, who in all probability disgusted with the prospect of being a 
journeyman printer for the rest of his existence, which was all that a life in 
England offered him, and despairing of ever returning to his native city, 
had boldly resolved to take the step from which his friends Stell and Guyot 
had shrunk, and once more to cross the sea to seek his fortune. The date 
of his arrival at Middleburgh is fixed with tolerable precision by the earliest 
book known to have been printed by him there, perhaps the first book ever 
printed in the city, the prefatory epistle to which is dated October i7th, 
1580, and speaks of the recent introduction of printing into the town. No 
copy of this interesting book exists as far as I know in this country, but its 
title is said to begin " Requeste By die, welcke men Wederdooperen ofte 
Mennoniten noemt ouerghegheuen," while the imprint runs " Middelburgh, 
Ghedruckt by Richardt Schilders, woenende int Lombaertstraetke. 1580." 
Schilders does not appear to have been a person particularly amenable to 
regulation. We have seen how he broke the laws of the Stationers Company. 
It was not long before befell foul of his new masters. On May 27th, 1581, 
we read, the authorities of Middleburgh sent an officer to his house to seize 
all such copies as he had already printed of a certain Dutch book, which he 
had undertaken without the " consent of the burgomasters, justices and 
councillors." 1 He was even forbidden to print anything in the future. 
This embargo if indeed it were anything more than a threat can have 
been only a temporary matter, for Schilders remained in Middleburgh for 
the next fifty years and went on printing continuously, never hesitating to 
describe himself as " printer to the States of Zealand." 

I have called Schilders a Calvinist since the Returns of 1571 represent 
him as belonging to the " French Church," but it is quite possible that, 

(l) The title of the book as given by Altorffer runs De justificatie der staten van 
Zeelant, nopens den dobbelen ducaat en andere penuingcn, tot Antiverpen verboden. 


like many of his compatriots in Norwich and elsewhere, he had strong 
leanings towards Anabaptism. Certainly it is remarkable that while his 
first Middleburgh book in Dutch was an Anabaptist petition, the first 
English book of any kind to bear his imprint is the earliest manifesto of 
Independency in our language. 1 At the end of 1581 or the beginning of 
the next year, a strange company of folk set out from Norwich to 
Middleburgh. They were the members of the first English Congregational 
community, who had established their church at Norwich in 1580 
(possibly owing some of their doctrines to the Dutch Anabaptists in that 
town), but after some persecution from the authorities, had decided " that 
the Lord did call them out of England." They took ship for Utopia, or as 
they phrased it, the true Church of Christ; and their colony, which 
reminds us forcibly of certain socialist experiments of the igth century, 
came, of course, utterly to grief ; so difficult is it to be in this world and 
yet not of it. Their leader was the famous Robert Browne, an eccentric 
idealist, and, incidentally, a connection of Lord Burghley's and first cousin to 
Beatrice Browne, who married John Lyly.* He was accompanied by his 
friend Robert* Harrison, who seems to have financed the whole expedition ; 
and the two, with their followers, were hospitably received by the people of 
Middleburgh, being permitted to open their own place of worship in a 
building known as the Vischmarkt-kerk. 4 There is something very 

(1) A Treatise of Daunses, wherein it is shewed that they are as it were accessories 
and defedants (or t hinges annexed) to wkoredome . . . 1581 (Lambeth, xxviii, 9, 16) may 
be from Schilders' press, and if so, it is perhaps the first English book he produced at 
Middleburgh. It is an 8vo, A-C4 in eights, is printed in black letter (20 1. = 82 mm., cf. 
illustration no. 67), with some italic and roman in the title-page, which seem identical with 
nos. 73 and 8l in the illustrations, and contains an initial I of the same series as nos. 29, 30 
and 31. At the same time there is nothing really to distinguish it from Waldegrave's work. 
Waldegrave used all these founts, and the initial itself is found in his Laws and Acts . . . 
of Scotland* 1597. The signatures, it is true, are those employed by ordinary printers, 
but Waldegrave did not adopt his peculiar method until 1583, possibly, as it seems to me, 
to avoid the confusion between his work and that of Schilders, of which this book is a 
striking example. 

(2) Modern Language Review, vol. v, p. 495. 

(3) The name is usually given (e.g., by Arber) as Richard, but Browne always speaks 
of him as Robert in his True and Short Declaration. 

(4) W. Steven, History of the Scottish Church, etc., 1832, p. 316. 


attractive in the history of this pathetic attempt to found a city of God, but 
this is not the place to dwell upon it. Suffice it to say that dissensions 
sprang up in the little community almost as soon as it had established 
itself at Middleburgh, that Mistress Browne appears to have had a good 
deal to do with the quarrel, and that her husband in despair finally threw 
up the whole scheme and embarked in January, 1584, with a few 
companions, for Scotland, eventually terminating his strange career by 
subscribing and settling down quietly as rector of an English parish. 
Harrison, however, remained in Middleburgh for several years, ministering 
to the Brownist community until his death, which seems to have taken 
place before I588; 1 and a Brownist church apparently continued to exist 
in Zealand until the end of the century. 2 

The bearing of all this upon the business in hand is that Schilders 
printed for both Browne and Harrison, and that his work for the former 
constitutes his chief title to fame. For Robert Browne's Treatise of 
Reformation without tarying for anie is in all respects a very remarkable 
book. It was one of the most important contributions to English 
religious thought in the i6th century, if indeed it was not the first 
challenge in any European language to the principle of state uniformity 
in religious matters, 3 while to the bibliographer the make-up of the book 
offers a very pretty little puzzle for which no one has yet found a 
satisfactory solution. In point of fact the famous pamphlet was part of 
a volume known as A Booke which sheweth the life and manners of all true 
Christians and howe unlike they are unto Turkes and Papistes and Heathen 
folke. It was published in 1582, and was the first known English book 
bearing Schilders' imprint, and the only occasion, I believe, on which 
he signed himself Richard Painter, though, as we have seen, the Returns 
of 1576 already speak of him by that name. The mystery of the book, a 

(1) Stephen Bredwell, Rasing of the Foundations of rownisme t 1588, sig. A2 V . 

(2) Steven, op. cit. The best authorities on Robert Browne are Dexter, Con- 
gregationalism , ch. iii, and C. Burrage, The True Story of Robert Browne. 

(3) J. N. Figgis, Political Thought in the i6th century^ Cambridge Modern History, 
vol. iii, p. 756. 


4to in black letter, lies, as I said, in its make-up. Copies are to be 
found made up in three different ways, and containing correspondingly 
varying quantities of printed matter. All copies, however, have one 
feature in common. They possess two main divisions, each with its own 
title-page and its own signatures. The title-page reproduced in the illus- 
trations (No. 2) is that of the second part, which contains what Browne 
probably at the time considered his main treatise, i.e., The Life and 
Manners of all true Christians. Two points should be noticed in passing 
(a) that this part, though nothing but an elaborate table, contains no 
prefatory or explanatory matter of any kind, and () that the title-page 
displays the arms of Zealand, which seems strange when we remember 
that it did not stand at the beginning of the book. Turning now to the 
first part, which is the renowned Treatise of Reformation, we find that its 
title-page 1 is identical with that of the second part, except that the 
Zealand device has been replaced by the title of A Treatise of 
Reformation, which makes a third paragraph, and that the name of the 
author has been shifted lower down. 2 Everything, in fact, seems to 
indicate that The Life and Manners of all true Christians (i.e., part ii) 
was printed first, and that A Treatise of Reformation was an afterthought. 
Having noted the peculiarities which all copies have rh common, we 
must now consider in what respects copies differ from each other. A 
Treatise of Reformation consists of 2^ sheets (A-Cz) and The Life and 
Manners of 14 sheets (A-CH), but there is a third section of the book 
not hitherto spoken of which is bound up between the two major treatises. 
It is this section that differs in different copies, and it differs in type, in 
length, and in substance. In the copy at the British Museum, for example, 
it has 5 sheets (D-H4). These sheets are in black letter (No. 69) and have 
a running headline, An order for studying the Scriptures, though they fall 
into two sub-sections, i.e., A preface for the vse of this Booke which followeth 
of the life of Christians (D-D2 recto) and A Treatise upon the 23 of 

(1) See descriptive list. 

(2) It should be noticed also that during the alteration the last two lines of the 
second paragraph have been disturbed and a comma has dropped out in lines 4, 7 and 8. 


Matthewe (D2 verso- H4). The whole breaks off abruptly in the middle 
of a sentence at the foot of H4 verso, where the Museum copy has a 
note in a contemporary hand, perhaps Robert Browne's own, informing the 
reader that " by reason of trouble the print was staid." If we now turn to 
the two copies of the book in the Lambeth Library we find that their 
middle sections differ not only from that in the Museum copy, but also from 
each other. In one (press mark L. 3, 47), the section consists of a single 
half sheet (D-Dz). It begins in much the same way as the Museum 
copy. It has the same ornament at the top of the page (No. 63) and 
the same title, A Preface for the vse of this Booke^ but it is without the 
initial F (No. 9) and it is printed in roman (No. 77) instead of black letter. 
Moreover, the matter, which is the same until we get to the top of D2 
recto, differs from there onwards ; the preface concluding with a kind of 
table embodying the gist of the Treatise upon the 23 of Matthewe^ which, 
in this case, of course, does not follow it, and extending to half way 
down D2 verso, while that of the Museum copy ends on D2 recto. 
The other specimen at Lambeth (press mark xxi, 6, 18) is a combination 
of L. 3, 47 and the Museum copy, for it contains both prefaces, the longer 
one in roman type being bound up between the Treatise upon the 23 of 
Matthewe and The Life and Manners with its separate title-page. 

Such are the facts, and I fenture to offer the following imaginary 
account of what took place as an explanation. Browne, like most 
visionaries, was doubtless a very unbusinesslike person. First of all we 
must suppose he comes to Schilders with his Life and Manners of all true 
Christians. Everything, as we have said, points to the fact that this was 
printed, or, at least, set up before the rest of the book. He next appears 
with The Treatise of Reformation which, in sublime ignorance of the 
requirements of a printer's craft, he declares must be placed before the 
other. Schilders does his best, he botches up a second title-page and 
prints the new treatise on 2^ sheets. But he is mistaken if he imagines 
that the volume is yet complete. The busy wits of our visionary have 
been hard at work, and he now presents himself with a third treatise 


(already promised in the opening paragraph of A Treatise of Reformation) 
and a preface to The Life and Manners of all true Christians, which, indeed, 
was sadly needed. Schilders again does what he can. Since the new 
material contains a preface to the second of the pamphlets already 
printed, it must be inserted between them. But its signatures cannot be 
continuous with those of a Treatise of Reformation, for that concluded 
with a half sheet, the last signature being Cz. The new tract, therefore, 
is made to commence at D. Five sheets of this were struck off when 
" by reason of trouble the print was staid." We do not, of course, know 
what this trouble may have been, but it seems natural to conjecture that 
it had some connection with the dissensions which broke out in the 
Brownist camp about this time. Possibly Browne's peace of mind was 
too perturbed to allow of his finishing the remaining copy. Possibly 
his health broke down. 1 A more plausible explanation, however, is 
that Schilders stopped printing because he found that payment was 
not forthcoming. It was Robert Harrison, it will be remembered, 
who supplied the money, having been, as a contemporary writes, 
" bewitched by Browne " into " stretching his purse so wide to the 
printing of his (i.e., Browne's) book."* But the purse strings would 
naturally tighten as the breach between the two men widened. Schilders, 
it may be noticed, continued to print for Harrison, but he did no further 
work for Browne, though the latter remained at least a year in Middle- 
burgh after the appearance of A Treatise of Reformation. Still, though 
the Treatise vpon the 23 of Matthewe was never finished, the book had 
to be rounded off in some way or other. Browne, so I conjecture, 
made a compromise with Schilders or with Harrison, or with both, 
by which he withdrew the Treatise vpon the 23 of Matthewe, but 
was allowed to publish in its place a revised and enlarged edition of the 
Preface, the conclusion of which was a kind of abstract of the suppressed 
treatise, this new preface being the half sheet signed D found in the 
large majority of copies. But there is another way of looking at this last 

(i) Browne, True and Short Declaration, p. 21. (2) Bredwell, op. fit., sig. A2 T ~3. 


point which may possibly seem to some the more likely explanation ; 
indeed it is stated dogmatically as the only conceivable solution by 
Mr. Barrage, who is the chief living authority upon Robert Browne. 
The four page preface may have been written and printed first, and thus 
instead of being a substitute for the cancelled Treatise vpon Matthewe^ it 
would be the germ out of which the treatise itself grew. In this case the 
longest form of the book would represent its final form. There seems to 
me no reason why we should pin our faith to one theory more than to the 
other, and therefore I leave the question open. 

In any case both forms of the book reached the binder's hands, as is 
proved by the existence of copies which contain two prefaces. Dexter 
states that Schilders sent the books over in sheets to England 1 ; and, though 
he gives no authority, he is probably right. The act of 1534 forbad the 
importation of bound books from abroad. J Furthermore a certain Thomas 
Gibson, a bookbinder of Bury, got into very serious trouble, indeed he 
almost lost his life, for being concerned in the distribution of Browne's 
books, 3 and it is tempting to conjecture that he was Schilders' or Browne's 
agent in England, to whom the whole quantity had been sent for binding 
by the Nieuport and Yarmouth route. In June, 1583, the Queen paid 
Browne and Harrison the compliment of issuing a proclamation against 
their books. Those by Harrison were A little Treatise upon the first verse of 
the 122 Psalm and Three Formes of Catechisme, both printed by Schilders 
but without his imprint. They possess little importance, bibliographical or 
otherwise. But it is interesting to observe how our Dutch printer was 
beginning to make English history. 

The Brownist meeting-house in the Vischmarkt was not the only nor 
even the most important English church in Middleburgh. Since 1574, 
when the Spaniards evacuated the town, the great company of Merchant 

(1) Congregationalism, p. 74. 

(2) Gordon Duff, Westminster and London printers , pp. 76, 237-240. 

(3) Congregationalism i p. 209 and note. 


Adventurers had had their own church and chaplain there. ' The building 
they used was known as the Gasthuis Kerk, and their first chaplain, to 
whom they paid the then comfortable salary of 200, was no less a person 
than Thomas Cartwright, the leader of the Puritan party, who had been 
forced to leave England after the suppression of his Admonition to 
Parliament. As far as I know, only one book was printed for him by 
Schilders, and that not till 1596. But about 1584 he was succeeded by 
another Puritan minister, Dudley Fenner, who died in 1587, but for whom 
Schilders printed quite a number of books and pamphlets, many of them 
running into several editions. Most of his successors also all of them 
Puritans of a more or less extreme type patronised the Dutch printer, 
though it is not necessary here to speak of the work he did for them.* 
All this of course tended to make Schilders widely known among the 
Puritans in England, and so helps to account for the fact that one of the 
longest and most important of the Puritan tracts attacking the theatre was 
the product of his press. This was Dr. John Rainolds' TW Overthrow of 
Stage-Plays, written in 1593 but not printed until 1599, when it is prefaced 
by an epistle from the printer to the reader. A second issue appeared in 
the following year, this time bearing Schilders' imprint, which seems to 
indicate that the cautious printer had refrained from putting his name on 
the book until he felt sure that the authorities could find nothing 
objectionable in it. 3 Another important English book, which may be dealt 
with here for want of a better place, is John Wheeler's Treatise of Commerce, 
i6ot. It is an exceptionally favourable specimen of Schilders' crafts- 
manship, often far from first class, and contains among other things the 
two fine initials, A and V (Nos. 29 and 31). The book, written by the 

(1) Steven, op. cit., pp. 315-16 ; Alexander Young, Chronicles of (he Pilgrim Fathers, 
p. 424. 

(2) The following is a provisional list of the Puritan ministers at Middleburgh : Cart- 
wright, 1574-1583?; Dudley Fenner, 1584-1587 (when he died, see A parte of a 
Register, p. 387) ; Francis Johnson, 1589-1591 (when he was converted to Brownism. See 
Young, op. cit., pp. 424-5) ; An interregnum? 1592 (see Hessels, Ecdesiae Londino- 
Batavae Archivum, III, i, p. 937) ; Henry Jacob, 1599-? ; Hugh Broughton, ?-i6n ; 
John Forbes, 1611 ?-i62i. 

(3) See Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. vi, pp. 398-399. 


secretary of the Company of Merchant Adventurers, is an account of 
its constitution and a defence of its authority. It is still, I believe, the 
best treatise on the subject and finds honourable mention in Palgrave's 
Dictionary of Political Economy. 

But it is not Schilders' signed books, however interesting in themselves, 
that are most fascinating to the bibliographer. The detective that lurks 
at the heart of each of us will find it more exciting to turn to his secretly 
printed work. It may be asked why a Dutch printer living in Middleburgh 
should shrink from putting his imprint on English books, whatever their 
nature. The fact will seem natural enough if we remember that close 
relationship between England and the Netherlands to which I have already 
alluded. The United Provinces looked to England as their protector 
against Spain, and would do anything rather than offend her, while in the 
years 1586-7 the union between the two countries was cemented by the 
Governor-Generalship of the Earl of Leicester, during which period, be it 
noted, Schilders is found on one book at least describing himself as 
" Printer vnto his Excellencie," ' while he uses the royal coat of arms in two 
books of the same period. 2 When we remember further that our old friend 
Hans Stell was thrown into the Counter in 1568 for causing a book to be 
printed against the Duke of Alva, the best hated man in England, 3 and 
that Burghley was able in 1590, through his ambassador, to extort an oath 
from Waldegrave, then Royal Printer of Scotland, that he would not print 
any more books attacking the ecclesiastical regime in England, 4 we shall 
come to realise that Schilders was only taking the most ordinary measures 
of precaution in withholding his imprint from a large number of his English 
books. Finally, it should be borne in mind that, after Waldegrave had 
been gagged in 1590, Schilders was the last hope of the English Puritans, 
and had thus a further inducement to be careful. 

(1) Forme of Common Prayer ; 1387. Descriptive list no. 12. 

(2) Illustration 56, list 9 and IO. 

(3) Arber, Transcript, ii, 745. 

(4) Scottish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. Ixv, no. 64 (Record Office). 

G 2 


We pass naturally from this point to a consideration of what part 
Schilders took in printing tracts connected with the Marprelate Con- 
troversy. He had of course nothing to do with the production of the 
famous tracts themselves, but there is more than one indication that 
several important pamphlets on the fringe of the controversy were from his 
press. And the feeling one has is that he was playing second string to 
Waldegrave throughout the whole business. Martin even does not shrink 
from mentioning him by name. If you would discover the printer of my 
tracts, he says in effect to the bishops at the beginning of his Epitome, 
" put every man to his othe and fynd meanes, that Schilders of Middle- 
borough shalbe sworne to, so that if any refuse to sweare then he may be 
thought to be the printer." The passage is of course a "hit" at the 
famous ex officio oath to which Puritan ministers were subjected by the 
authorities, but there would clearly be no point in the reference to 
Schilders were he not widely recognised as a printer of Puritan literature 
and probably suspected of being concerned in the publication of Martin's 
tracts. The authorship of the Marprelate tracts is an open question and likely 
to remain so until further evidence is forthcoming, but the balance of 
probability has hitherto lain in favour of Job Throckmorton. It is there- 
fore extremely interesting, especially in the light of the foregoing quotation, 
to find that we can establish a definite connection between this man and 
the Dutch printer. In 1594 appeared a book entitled The Defence of Job 
Throkmorton against the Slaunders of Master Sutcliffe. It bears no imprint, 
but its type (Nos. 72, 80), and initial block (No. 15) leave us no alternative 
but Schilders. 1 Nor is this the end of the matter. In the following year 
Matthew Sutcliffe published a reply under the title of An Answer to a 
certain calumnious letter published by M. Job Throkmorton^ which is full of 
suggestive hints about those implicated in the Marprelate affair and in par- 
ticular contains the bulk of that evidence which has inclined many to believe 
Throckmorton to be the real " Martin." Sutcliffe was a friend and prote^ 

(l) See descriptive list no. 24. For a brief summary of the controversy between 
Sutcliffe and Throckmorton, see Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. iii, 
P- 391- 


of Bancroft's, who appears to have directed the whole campaign against the 
Martinists, and he would therefore have at his command any information 
known to the authorities. Thus, it is not likely that he was mistaken 
when he asserted that Throckmorton sent his agent James Meadows with a 
tract entitled The crops and flowers of Bridges' garden over to Middleburgh 
to get it printed. l Possibly his very knowledge of the fact prevented the 
appearance of the book ; for, as far as we know, it was never actually 

Having said all this it is curious to notice that Bancroft is himself 
responsible for a persistent attribution to Waldegrave of what is perhaps, 
after Browne's Treatise of Reformation, the most important English book 
that Schilders ever printed. The book in question, a closely printed 
quarto of nearly 650 pages, is entitled A parte of a Register, and few 
puritan publications of the period are better known to the student. It was 
in fact an attempt to compile a puritan corpus, and contains reprints of 
some forty-three tracts written at different times by various opponents of 
the Elizabethan settlement. The title-page of course has neither date nor 
imprint, but Messrs. Dickson and Edmond have declared that there can 
"be little doubt but that it was printed in Edinburgh by Waldegrave in 
I 593-" 2 This statement, never, I believe, hitherto called in question, rests 
upon what seems at first sight unimpeachable evidence. For in his 
Dangerous Positions (1593), Bancroft makes the following interesting 
reference to the book : " And now vpon better care taken by her Maiesty, 
that no such libels should be hereafter printed in England, (at the least 
without some daunger to the parties, if it may bee knowne) they haue 
founde such fauour, as to procure their chiefe instrument and old seruant 
Waldgraue to be the King of Scots Printer, from whence their wants 
in that behalfe shall be fully supplyed. For hauing obtained that place 
(as hee pretendeth in print) they haue published by hundreths, certaine 
spitefull and malicious bookes against her Maiesties most honorable priuy 

(1) Arber, Introductory Sketch to the Marpr elate Controversy, p. 181. 

(2) Annals of Scottish Printing, pp. 469-470. 


Councell. And now it seemeth, for feare that any of all their sayd Libels 
& rayling Pamphlets, (that haue bin written in her highnesse time) should 
perish, (being many of them but triobolar chartals :) they haue taken vpon 
them to make a Register : & to Print them altogether in Scotland, as it 
appeareth by a parte of the sayd Register, all ready come from thence & 
finished." ' Messrs. Dickson and Edmond also refer to " certain entries " in 
the Stationers' Registers in support of their statement. As far as I have 
been able to discover, these amount to the following item in the Warden's 
account of expenditure from July, 1593, to July, 1594 : " Paid in searche at 
Billingsgate iij Dayes for bookes that came out of Scotland being ij barrelles 
and ij firkins delivered to my Lordes grace. xj s viij d ." J There is nothing 
to show that this search had anything to do with A parte of a Register, and 
it is clear from other entries 8 that the authorities were at this time 
attempting to lay hands on anything that Waldegrave sent to England. 
Yet even if the copies of A parte of a Register did come out of 
Scotland, as Bancroft asserts, it does not prove that Waldegrave had 
printed them. For one thing the oath that he had taken in 1590 
would have prevented him doing so. Puritans were ready enough to 
quibble, but they would never deliberately fly in the face of a solemn 
oath, and I have seen nothing printed by Waldegrave after 1590 to 
warrant the supposition that he ever departed in the slightest from the 
letter of his promise. This, however, in no way debarred him from 
getting others to print Puritan books for him. And if we suppose that he 
did so in this case, and that Schilders sent the book over to Scotland in 
sheets for inspection and binding, we have a very plausible explanation 
of the mistake into which Bancroft fell. For mistake it was there can be 
no doubt. Years before I discovered that Schilders was the real printer 
I had made up my mind that Waldegrave was impossible. In the first 
place there are two other secretly printed quartos of the period which 
obviously came from the same press as A parte of a Register. They are 

(l) Dangerous Positions, p. 46. (2) Transcript i. p. 567. 

(3) Transcript ii. 38, 40. 


A defence of the ecclesiastical discipline . . . against a replie. of Master 
Bridges ; dated 1588, and probably by Travers, and A petition directed to 
her most excellent Maiestie^ without date, but replied to by Matthew 
Sutcliffe in December, 1592. Now Waldegrave might conceivably have 
printed the Petition and the Register in Scotland, but it would be difficult 
for anyone who has studied his movements in 1588 when he undertook 
the Marprelate campaign, to imagine when he could have found an 
opportunity for printing A Defence of the ecclesiastical discipline after 
March 25th of that year. Finally, not only are the type and ornamenta- 
tion of all three books quite unlike anything to be found in work we 
know for certain to be Waldegrave's, but every one of them is signed 
in the ordinary way, and is therefore without a trace of Waldegrave's 
peculiar method. 1 Yet it must be admitted that the man who printed them 
has taken pains to conceal his identity. Only two initial blocks are to 
be found in the three books taken together, and there is no other 
ornamentation of any importance. One of these is a capital O 
(No. 27) and the other is a small capital C (No. 26) of the same 
series as the D (No. 28) which is found in one of Schilders' Dutch 
books.* But it is the type which proves the printer's identity. It is 
quite unmistakable. The main founts are roman and italic (20 11. = 80 mm.) 
identical in every respect with those which Schilders is constantly using 
between the years 1587 and 1616. In the specimens of them, reproduced 
among the illustrations (Nos. 74, 82), I may draw the reader's attention 
to the somewhat unusual lower-case "w" and uppercase "I" in the 
italic. A parte of a Register and A Petition to her Maiestie also contain 
some fine large roman (No. 70) and small italic (No. 85), both of which 
are found in many other books by Schilders, the small italic in particular 
occurring in Browne's Treatise upon the 23 of Matthewe. Besides all this, 
the general appearance, headlines, arrangement of the title-page and so on, 

(1) After 1583 Waldegrave's invariable habit was to give the letter only on the first 
recto of each quire, so that succeeding rectos were signed with figure alone. 

(2) Copye van eenen brief, 1587, list No. 9. 


are quite in the manner of Schilders, so that I have no hesitation what- 
ever in ascribing the three books to his press. 

The English books that Schilders printed after the death of Elizabeth 
continue to be theological in character, and none of them, as far as I know, 
possess the interest of those we have been discussing. Probably, as 
authorities in Holland seem to imply, his Dutch work was more attractive. 
We also hear of his printing books in Latin and French, 1 while there is in 
the British Museum an Italian work dated 1607 and bearing the imprint 
Stampato appresso Richardo Pittore. The book is a life of Lady Jane 
Grey by one Michel Agnolo Florio. It is printed in italic throughout, 
and has a large number of Schilders' favourite initial blocks (nos. 38-48). 
It remains to say a few words in conclusion about the latter events of 
his life so far as they are known to us. We found him living " int 
Lombaertstraetke " in 1580; by 1588 he had moved to Gravenstraet, and 
by 1609 again to the Langen-delft, where he lived at the sign of the 
Elephant (in den Oliphant). He appears to have enjoyed a salary of 
;io a year as state printer. In 1618 there is a reference to him as 
being eighty years of age, but he was still printing, as is clear from the 
fact that James I of England suspected him, it is said unjustly, of 
issuing the DC regimine eccksiae Scoticanae by Gerson Bucerus, a book 
which gave his majesty grave offence. But his business was possibly at 
this time being carried on under his name by a son. His only known 
child is an Isaac Schilders, who was printing in 1611 and 1612, and 
appears to have settled at Breda ; but there is an English book printed at 
Middleburgh in 1620 by one Abraham Schilders, 1 who, though not 
mentioned by Ledeboer, was possibly our hero's eldest son and heir. 
Possibly, too, there were other sons named after other patriarchs. In 
any case, if we may believe Ledeboer, the father lived on until 1634, 
when at the ripe age of 96 he died and was buried in the Nieuwe-kerk. 3 

(i) J. C. Altorffer, op. cit. (2) See Sayle, 6485. 

(3) A. M. Ledeboer, De Bockdrukkers, Boekverkoopers en uitgcvers in Noord-Neder- 
land, 1872 (pp. 310 and 112), and Alfabetische lijst der Boekdrukkers, etc., 1876 
(p. 152), an enlarged and rearranged edition of the former, to which I am indebted for 
most of the information in this paragraph. 


Richard Schilders was far from being a mere mechanic. He seems 
to have had a command of two languages, English and Dutch, and it is 
probable from the books he printed that he also knew something of Latin, 
French and Italian. He is said to have been fond of translating from 
English into Dutch, and the prefaces he wrote to some of his English 
books show that he could handle that language with competency if not 
vigour. At the same time he was a keen man of business, as may be 
seen from a letter of his, written to the elders of the Dutch community, 
London, and dated April 23rd, 1598. It complains of a certain Jaques 
van Hoorne, a bookseller in London, who had received two hundred copies 
of a book from him in 1596, and had not only never paid for them, but 
had threatened to divulge important secrets if he were pressed. " If he 
declines to pay," writes Schilders, " I shall place the matter in the hands 
of an English lawyer, not for the sake of the money, but that I may know 
what this 'Judas' has to say." 1 There is character in these words, a 
note of personality about which we should like to learn more. I have 
attempted to reconstruct the Dutch printer's career, to give an idea of the 
kind of work to which he devoted his life, and to put his name upon at 
least one book that has for centuries been attributed to his fellow-worker 
in the field of puritan printing. It is pleasing to end with this spirited 
defiance to a thief, an informer and a blackmailer, for it gives us a bit of 
the man himself, and it is the only human touch which I can bring to his 

(l) Hessels' Ecclesia Londino-Batavce Archivum, III, i, p. 1022. 



i. 1579. B.M. 697. a. 30, (Philips van Marnix and George Gilpin.) 

The Bee hiue of the Romishe Churche . . . Translated out of Dutch 
into Englishe by George Gilpin the Elder . . . These bookes are to be 
soulde in Paules Churchyard, at the signe of the Parret. Printed at 
London. 1579. (See Illustration i). 

\Colophon Yy 3 V ] : Imprinted at Lodon, at the three Cranes in the 
Vinetree, by Thomas Dawson, for lohn Stell. 1579. 

8vo. * 8, ** 8, B-Xx 8, Yy 4. Last leaf missing. Ff 4 misprinted 
as F 4, and Oo 4 as Nn 4. Foliation from B i-Yy 2 : 1-346. 

Contents: "To ... Maister Philippe Sidney, Esquire," signed "lohn 
Stell" * 3-* s v ; "To the Reader," signed "John Stell," *6; "This is a clear 
and perfect interpretation," *7 ; " To . . . Maister Franciscus Sonnius," 
signed "Isaac Rabbotenu of Louen," *8~**6 V ; "The argumet of this 
book," ** 7-** 8 V ; " Here followeth the declaration of the first part of the 
Epistle of Gentian Haruet," B i-Yy 2 ; "The locke of this Booke," Yy 3 ; 
Colophon Yy 3 V . 

Type, 67, 71, 73, 81. Initials, 3-8. 

N.B. The title-page (* 2) is, in this copy, preceded by three unsigned 
leaves (=* i and a loose quarter sheet) containing "A Tabel of the principall 
Matters in this Booke," written in what is almost certainly a i6th century 
hand. The title-page is inscribed with the name of Nicholas Tomkins, 
probably the same man who figured as one of the witnesses in the 
Marprelate business. Sayle 1805, 7303. Dexter 77. 

[The following are four books with Dawson's imprint and belonging to the years 1579 
and 1 580, which may have been printed on Schilders' press : 

(A). 1579. B.M. 697. e. 10. Knewstub's Confutation of ... the Familie of Loue. 
4to. Type, 67, 73, 77, 81, and an italic 62 mm. = 20 11. Initials, G of same series 


as I in Beehive (= No. 7), and several others of the ordinary design. (N.B. None of 
the Beehive factotums.) 

(B). 1579. B.M. 1077. c. 16. Northbrooke's Treatise wherein Dicing, Daucing, Vain 
plales or Enterludes . . . are reprooued. 4to. Undoubtedly from same press as (A). 
Title-pages very similar. Type, large lower-case roman as in Beehive (see Illustration l), 
67, 73, 77, 81. Initials, G as in (A), Beehive factotums (3). 

(c). 1579. B.M. 1358. i. II. Thirteene Sermons of Maister lohn Calvine. 4to. Title- 
page similar to those of (A) and (B). Type, 71, 73, 81, and an italic 62mm.=2O 11. 
Initials, 3 ; B of same series as 7, and others not known to be Schilders', including a W 
used later by Waldegrave. 

(D). 1580. B.M. 1225. a. 17. The Bee hiue of the Romishe Churche . . . Newlie 
Imprinted with a table thereunto annexed. 1580. 8vo. This is the second edition. 
Dawson's name only found in colophon. Type, 67, 71, and others not seen in Schilders' 
work. Initials, 7, and others.] 

2. 1582. B.M. C. 37. e. 57. (Robert Browne.) 

A Booke | which sheweth the | life and manners of all true 
Christians, | and howe vnlike they are vnto Turkes and Papistes | and 
Heathen folke. | Also the pointes and partes of all diui- | nitie, that is of 
the reuealed will and worde of God are | declared by their seuerall 
Definitions | and Diuisions in order as fol- 1 loweth. | (31 Also there goeth 
a Treatise before of | Reformation without tarying for anie, and of the 
wicked- 1 nesse of those Preachers, which will not reforme them | selues and 
their charge, because they will | tarie till the Magistrate commaunde | and 
compell them. | By me, Robert Browne. | Middelburgh, | (31 Imprinted 
by Richarde Painter. | 1582. [For title-page to second part, i.e., A-O4, 
see Illustration 2.] 

4to. A-B 4, C J , D-H 4, A-O 4, last page blank. No pagination. 

Contents: A Treatise of reformation (A 2-C 2 V ), A Preface of the vse of 
this Booke which followeth (D i-D 2 r ), A Treatise vpon the 23 of 
Matthewe (D 2 V -H 4) [D i-H 4 had common headline, "An order for 
Studying The Scriptures "], A Booke which sheweth ... (A i-O 4). 

Other editions. (A) Lambeth, L. 3. 47 ; U.L.C., Syn. 7. 58. 56, Syn. 7. 
64. 94. Title-pages and sections A-C 2, A-O 4 as in B.M. copy, but 
instead of D-H 4, i.e. "An order for studying the Scriptures," has D-D 2 V , 


"A Preface for the vse of this Booke," which is longer and in different type 
(*'.., No. 77) from the "Preface" in the B.M. copy. (B) Lambeth, XXI. 
6. 18, the same as B.M. copy but with the longer "Preface" of Lambeth, 
L. 3. 47, bound up between "A Treatise upon the 23 of Matthewe" and 
"A Booke which Sheweth." 

Collations : (A) A-B 4, C 2, D-D 2, A-O 4. (B) A-B 4, C 2, D-H 4, 
D-D 2, A-O 4. 

Tyj>e t 67, 74, 77, 81, 85. Initials, 9, 10. Ornaments, 49, 63. 

Herbert 1659-60. Sayle 6443. Dexter 83-85. 

3. 1583. B.M. 3090. a. 15. (Robert Harrison.) 

A Little Treatise vppon the firste Verse of the 122 Psalm ... R. H. 

8vo. * 4, A-H 8. First leaf missing ; last three leaves blank ; no pag. 

Contents : To all our Christian Brethren in Englande (* 3-* 4), I would 
have the Reader aduertised (* 4 V ). Psal cxxii. ver. i (A-H 5), Psalm 80. 
ver. (H6-H7). (Reprinted 1618. Dexter 476.) 

Type, 67, 69, 73. Initials, 18, 36. Herbert 1662. Dexter 87. 

4. 1584- B.M. C. 33. b. 24 (10). 

D' Executie van lustitie, Tot onderhoudinge vande publicke en christe- 
licke vrede in Engelandt . . . Ouergheset vuyt het Engelsche . . . 
Middelburgh, By Richardt Schilders, Drucker der Staten van Zeelandt. 

4to. A-E 4, .F 2 ; last page blank ; no pag. 

Contents : D'Executie (A2-Fi v ), Die ghecommitteerde Raeden (2) = a 
document, dated March i, 1584, and signed Ch. Roels, authorising 
Schilders, in the name of the States of Zeeland, to print " dit Boecxhen." 

Type, 68. Initial, 35. Ornament, 49. 

5. 1584. B.M. 231. d. 6. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Artes of Logike and Rethorike . . . 1584. 
4to. A-E 4, A-D 4 ; A 4 V and E 4 (pt. i) blank. 


Contents : To the Christian Reader (A z-A 4), The Arte of Logike 
(B-D i), The Arte of Rhetorike (D i v -E3 v ), The order of householde 
(A-C4), The resolution ... of the Lordes prayer (D i-D 2), The Epistle to 
Philemon (03-04). 

Type, 77, 84. See No. 18. 

Herbert 1663 gives another edition of same year with ornament 53. 

Sayle 6444, 6445. 
6. 1585. B.M. C. 33. b. 24 (n). 

Een Verclaringe der oorsaken beweghende de Coninghinne van 
Engelhandt ... Na de copye gedruct tot London, by Christophel Barker, 
Ordinaris Drucker van hare Majesteyt. Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, 
Drucker der Staten van Zeelant. 1585. 

4to. A-B iv ; no pag. 

Contents: Een Verclaringhe (Ai v -Biij), Een Additie (B iij V -B iv v ). 

Type, 68. 

7. 1586. B.M. C. 21. a. 30; C. 25. b. ii ; G. 12140. 

A booke of the forme of common prayers . . . and the vse of the 
reformed Churches . . . 1586. [Colophon] Middelburgh. By Richard 
Schilders, Printer to the States of Zealande. 1586. Cum priuilegio. 

8vo. A-E 8. 

Contents: The contentes of the Booke (A i v ), A Confession of the 
faith (A 2-A 6), Publike exercises, etc. (A 7-E 8). 

Type, 76, 77, 8 1, 85. Initial, 13. 

"This form . . . founded on that of Geneva, but has considerable varia- 
tions" (Herbert, 1677). "Known as the Middleburgh Prayer Book" 
(Sayle, p. 1453). See Nos. 12 and 34. Sayle 6446. 

8. 1586. B.M. 3932. b. 23. (Dudley Fenner.) 

A Defence of the Reasons of the Counter-poyson . . . against an 

aunsvvere made to them by Doctor Copequot, in a publike Sermon at 

Pawles Crosse vpon Psal. 84. 1584 ... 1586. 

8vo. A-B 8. No signature found in A ; last page blank. 


Contents: To the Christian Reader (A 2), That part . . . Discipline 
(A 3-4), The defence (A 5-6 8). 

e* 73. 77 8 5- Initial, 1 3. Herbert 1675. Dexter 114. 

9. 1587. B.M. c. 33. b. 24 (12). 

Copye Van eenen brief Aen den E . den Graue van Leycester, Stadt- 
houder Generael . . . Ghedruct by Richard Schilders, Drucker der Staten 
van Zeelandt. 1587. Met Priuilegie. 

4to. A-F4. E* printed as D 1 , and F as E. 

Contents: Die ghecommitteerde Raeden ... (= a document dated 
10 January, 1587, and signed Ch. Roels, authorising Schilders to print 
the book) Ai v ; Aen zyne Excellence, den graue van Leycester, etc. 
(A ii.) etc., etc. [Colophon] F 4 V . 

e, 68, 70, 76. Initials, 28, 35, 19, 20, 15. Ornament, 56. 

10. 1587. B.M. 8079. b. i. (Earl of Leicester.) 

Placcaet Daer by verbode wert dat niemandt eenighe calumnien ofte 

valsche wtgheuingen verspreyen en sal moghen vande hadelingen en actien 

soo wel vande Maiest. en d'Enghelsche natie . . . Middelburgh. 

Ghedruct by Richard Schilders ... 1587. 
4to. A 4. 
Type, 66. Initial, 22. Ornament, 56. 

II ._ I5 8 7 ? B.M. 4406. df. 36. (Dudley Fenner.) 

A short and profitable Treatise of lavvfull and vnlavvfull Recreations . . 
by M. Dudley Fenner, Preacher ... in Midleburgh. 1587. ... Imprinted 
at Midleburgh by Richard Schilders. 

8vo. A 8. 

Contents : To the Christian Reader (A i v -A 2) ; Of Christian exercises 
A 2*-A 8. 

Type, 74, 77, 82, 85. 


[Another edition, 1590. U.L.C Syn. 8. 59. 65. 8vo. A 8. Type 
as 1587. Sayle 6450.] 

12. 1587. B.M. C. 25. b. 9. 

A Booke of the forme of common prayers . . . Middelburgh, By 
Richard Schilders, Printer vnto his Excellencie. 1587. Cum priuilegio. 

8vo. A-E 8. 

Contents: The Contentes of this Booke (Ai v ); A Confession of the 
faith (A 2-A 6) ; Publike exercises etc. (A 7-E 8). 

Type, 74, 77, 82. Initial, 13. See Nos. 7, 34. 

13. 1587? B.M. 4326. de. 7. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Groundes of Religion necessarie to be knowen of euery one that 

may be admitted to the Supper of the Lord ... By M. Dudley Fenner, 

Preacher of the worde of God in Midlebvrgh 1587. At Midlebrugh, 

Imprinted by Richard Schilders. 

8vo. 6 leaves ; the 3rd is signed D, the rest unsigned. Verso of title 

blank. 2nd leaf begins " Those grounds of Religion." 
Type, 74, 77, 82, 85. 

14. 1587. B.M. 1016. f. 10. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Song of Songs . . . translated out of the Hebrue into Englishe 
meeter . . . Middelburgh, Imprinted by Richard Schilders, Printer to the 
States of Zealande. Cum priuilegio. 1587. 

8vo. A-E 8, F 2. C 3 printed as B 3 j A i v and A 8 V blank. 

Contents : To the . . . companie of the Marchant aduenturers (A 2-A 3 V ) ; 
To the Christian Reader (A 4) ; Of the certayne . . . authoritie (A 5~A 8) ; 
The Song of Songes (B-F 2 V ). See No. 23. 

Type, 70, 76, 77, 85. Initials, 13, 32, 15. Herbert 1679. Sayle 6447. 

15. 1587. B.M. in. a. 27. (? Dudley Fenner.) 

A Defence Of the godlie Ministers, against the slaunders of D. Bridges, 

contayned in his ansvvere to the Preface before the Discourse of Ecclesi- 


asticall gouernement, with a Declaration of the Bishops proceeding against 
them . . . 1587. 

4to. A 2, B-V4; A r and V 4 V blank. Pag. (beginning from Hi) 

Contents : To the Christian Reader (A 2) ; A defence (B i-V 3) ; Faultes 
escaped (V4). 

Type, 70, 74, 77, 82, 85. Initials, 33, 34. Sayle 6787. Dexter 122. 

16. 1587? B.M. G. 952. (Beza and ?John Stell.) 

A Discourse written by M. Theodore De Beza, containing the life and 
death of M. lohn Caluin . . . Turned out of French into English by I. S. 
In the yeare of our Lord M.D.LXIIII. Scene and allowed according to the 
order appointed in the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions. Newlie Imprinted. 

8vo. A-E 8. 

Contents: The Printer to the Reader (A 2); Theodore de Beza to the 
Christian Reader (A 3-E 5) ; Aduertisement (E 6-8). 

Type, 74, 77, 82, 85. Initial, 34. Sayle 6749. 

17. 1588. B.M. 696. a. 32. 

An humble petition of the Communaltie . . . Also the lamentable 
complaint of the communaltie ... A petition made to the conuocation 
house, 1586, by the godly ministers . . . 1588. 

8vo. A-P 8, last leaf missing ; P 6 V and P 7 blank. 

Contents: To the Reader (A i v ) ; The humble petition (A 2-C 6) ; the 
lamentable complaint (C 6 V -O 2) ; A petition . . . 1586 (O 3-P 6 recto). 

Type, 74, 82. Herbert 1682. 

18. 1588? B.M. 8466. a. 10. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Artes of Logike and Rethorike . . . Written by M. Dudley Fenner, 

late Preacher of the worde of God in Middlebrugh. [Device no. 53.] 

Newly Imprinted. 

8vo. A-G 8 ; last page blank. 


Contents: To the Chris. Reader (Ai v -A4 v ); The Art of Logike 
(A 5-C 2) ; The Arte of Rhetorike (C 2 V -D 5) ; The Order of Housholde 
(D 5 V -G 2) ; The resolution ... of the Lords prayer (G 2 V -G 5) ; The 
Epistle to Philemon (G 5 V -G 8). 

Type, 77, 85. Ornament, 53. 

N.B. Date later than 1587, since Dudley Fenner died in that year 
(v. Parte of a Register, p. 387). See No. 5. Sayle 6448. 

19. 1588. B.M. 4324. b. 56. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Whole doctrine of the Sacramentes . . . Written by Maister Dudley 

Fenner and now published for the vse of the Church of God. Imprinted 

at Middelborg, by Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zealande. 

1588. Cum priuilegio. 

8vo. A-E 8 ; last page blank. (No introductory matter.) 

Type, 74, 82. Herbert 1683. 

20. 1588. B.M. 701. g. i, 109. a. 9. (? W. Travers.) 

A Defence of the Ecclesiastical Discipline . . . Against a Replie of 
Maister Bridges . . . Which replie he termeth, A Defence of the gouerne- 
ment established in the Church of Englande . . . 1588. 

4to. A-CC4. Pag. 1-128; 221 printed for 121, 223 for 123, 225 for 
125, and 228 for 128. 

Contents: Vnto the Christian Reader (A 2) ; A defence of the ecclesi- 
astical Discipline (A 3~Cc 4). 

Type, 74, 82. Herbert 1682. Sayle 7324. Dexter 129. 

21. 1592? B.M. 4106. aaa. 3 ; 108. b. 2. 

A petition directed to her most excellent | Maiestie, wherein is deliuered | 
i A meane howe to compound the ciuill dissention in | the church of 
England. | 2 A proofe that they who write for Reformation, doe | not 
offend against the stat. of 23. Eliz. c. and there-) fore till matters bee com- 


pounded, deserue more | fauour | . . . Herevnto is annexed : | Some 
opinions of such as sue for Reformation . . . Also | Certayne Articles . . . 
Lastlie : | Certayne Questions or Interrogatories . . . 

4to. A-K4, L.2; G 2 V and L 2 V blank. Hz printed for 64. 
Pag. 1-83 ; 87 printed for 78. 

Contents: To the Queenes . . . Maiestie, Elizab. ... (A 2-G 2) ; To 
the ende that it may appeare . . . (G 3-H 2) ; Certaine Articles . . . (H 2 V - 
K i); Certaine Questions or Interrogatories . . . (K i v -L.2). 

Type, 70, 74, 82, 85. Initial, 26. 

[Dexter dates it 1590, ascribes it to Barrow, and speaks of another 
edition dated 1593.] Herbert 1715-16. Sayle 7916. Dexter 187. 

22. 1593? B.M. 858. c. i ; 697. f. 14; 109. a. 5. 

A parte of a register, contayninge | sundrie memorable matters, written 
by | diuers godly and learned in our own time, which stande | for, and 
desire the information of our Church, in | Discipline and Ceremonies, 
according to | the pure worde of God, and | the Lawe of our | Lande . . . 
See the contentes of this Booke on the | next leafe. 

4to. Unsigned half-sheet ; A-Yyy 4 ; Zzz 2 ; unsigned sheet ; A-L 4. 
E 5 printed for E 3 (pt. i). Pag. : (iv -f), 1-546, (+ 10), 1-86. 32 printed 
for 31, 40 for 42, 55 for 53, 75 for 65, 150 for 140, 587 for 187. 

N.B. This represents an ideal copy formed by combining the three 
B.M. copies, none of which are complete : e.g., 858. c. i lacks the unsigned 
sheet after Zzz 2 ; 697. f. 14 lacks A-L 4 {A Demonstration), and 109. a. 5 
lacks both. L 4 (pt. ii) is lost, but was probably blank. 

Contents : The Table on (01 2) gives the contents of the volume, but 
should be corrected in the following particulars : The complaint of the 
communaltie follows immediately after A Letter written to a Londoner. 
Certayne reasons against subscription to the Book of Common prayer, 
which appears in the table between these two, is bound up between 
A prayer for the faithful and A demonstration, i.e., at the end of the first 
part. A Demonstration is not mentioned in the table ; it is substantially a 


different book, though bound up with the rest in a large number of known 
copies, and since its signatures begin anew it was probably an afterthought. 

Type, 70, 74, 77, 82, 85. Initial, 27. 

Sayle 5931. Dexter 188. 

23. 1594. B.M. 3425. aa. 8. (Dudley Fenner.) 

The Song of Songs . . . translated out of the Hebrue into English 
meeter . . . Middelburgh, Imprinted by Richard Schilders, Printer to the 
States of Zelande. Cum priuilegio. 1594. 

8vo. A-F 8. A i v and A 8 V blank. 

Contents : To the . . . companie of the Marchant aduenturers. [signed 
Dudley Fenner] (A 2-A 3) ; To the Christian Reader (A 4) ; Of the 
certayn . . . authoritie of the . . . soung of Solomon (As~A8 recto). 
The Song of Songes (B i-F 8). 

Type, 70, 76, 77, 80, 84. Initials, 13, 32, 15. See No. 14. 

Sayle 6451. 
24. 1594- B.M. 4378. c. 46. (Job Throkmorton.) 

The Defence of lob Throkmorton, against the slaunders of Maister 
Sutcliffe, taken out of a Copye of his owne hande as it was written to an 
honorable Personage ... 1594. 

4to. A-E iv ; last page blank. 

Type, 72, 80, Initial, 15. Dexter 208. Herbert 1726. 

25. 1596. B.M. 4103. aaa. 24. (Thomas Cartwright.) 

A brief Apologie of Thomas Cartwright against all such slaunderous 
accusations as it pleaseth M r Sutcliffe in seuerall pamphlettes most in- 
iniuriously to loade him with . . . [ornament no. 49.] 1596. 

4to. A-C 4, D 2. B i v blank. 

Contents: To the Reader (A2-B i recto); A brief of Thomas Cart- 
wright . . . (B 2-D 2). N.B. Headline also, A brief of Thomas Cartwright. 

Type, 72, 80. Initial, 13. Ornament, 49. 

Dexter 217. Herbert 1728. 

H 2 


26. 1597. B.M. 1016. h. 19. (Hugh Broughton.) 

An Epistle to the Learned Nobilitie of England Touching translating 

the Bible from the original ... By Hugh Broughton . . . [ornament 

no. 65.] Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of 

Zealande. 1597. 

4to. A-G4; A i v blank. Pag. 1-56. 

Contents: No prefatory matter. Dated (p. 56) "this 29 of May, 1597." 

7VA 7 2 > 77 79> 80. Initial, 48. Ornament, 65. 

Herbert 1732. Sayle 6452. 

[Another edition. U.L.C. Syn. 7. 64. 95.] 

27. 1598. B.M. 4226. b. 33. (Henry Jacob.) 

A Treatise of the Sufferings and Victory of Christ . . . Contrarie to 
certaine errours . . . publiklie preached in London: Anno 1597. [Orna- 
ment no. 62.] 1598. 

8vo. A-L8; last page blank. Pag. 1-174. 

Contents: That Christ suffered for vs (pp. 3-91); That Christ . . . 
went not into Hell (pp. 92-1 74) ; Faultes corrections (L 8). 

Type, 76, 78, 84, 86. Initial, 23. Ornament, 62. 

Herbert 1735-6. 
28. 1599. B.M. 3932. a. 13. 

The Sacred Doctrine of Divinitie, gathered ovt of the worde of God. 
Togither with an explication of the Lordes Prayer, [ornament no. 65.] 


8vo. It would be difficult to say for certain how this book was made 
up without taking it to pieces. It has 40 leaves, and should therefore con- 
sist of 5 sheets, but the signatures are most erratic, running as follows : 
A 8, B 9, C 8, D 4, E 8, G 3. B 2 is given on two separate pages, the first 
of which is unnumbered and falls between pp. 18 and 19. B 2 also occurs 
in mistake for E 2, and F 3 in mistake for 3. A table on a half-sheet is 
bound up with the book at the end. 


Pag. : 1-56. An unnumbered leaf between pp. 18 and 19. "A short 
explication " is unnumbered. 

Contents: A preface to the Christian Reader, (dated) i Januar, 1589, 
(A 2-A 7 recto) ; The Sacred Doctrine (A 7 V -D 4 V ) ; A short explication 
of the Lords Prayer (E i-G 3 recto) ; Faultes escaped (G 3 V ). A table. 

Type, 72, 78, 80, 86. Initials, 34, n. Ornaments, 65, 61. 

29. 1599. B.M. 4135. b. 41. (Henry Jacob.) 

A Defence of the Churches and Ministery of Englande. Written in 
two Treatises, against the Reasons and Obiections of Maister Francis 
lohnson, and others of the separation community called Brownists . . . 
Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zealand. 1599. 

4to, *4, A-K.4, L2, M4; *i v , *4 V , L,2 V blank. Pag. 1-7, 1-91; 
L 2 V not counted in pagination. 

Contents : The Publisher to the Christian Reader * 2-* 3 ; An argu- 
ment ... H. lacob (*4 recto) ; Against the Assumption of the said 
Argument (pp. 1-83) ; A Short Treatise . . . (= 2nd title-page, p. 84) ; An 
argument . . . H. lacob (p. 85) ; Against the said Argument (pp. 86-91). 

Type, 76, 78, 82, 84, 86. Initial, n. Ornament, 61. 

Herbert 1738-9. Dexter 229, 230. Sayle 6455-6457 (two other 

30. 1599. B.M. 641. e. 13. (John Rainolds.) 

Th' overthrow of stage-playes, By the way of controversie betwixt 
D. Gager and D. Rainoldes . . . Wherein is manifestly proved that it is not 
onely vnlawfull to bee an Actor, but a beholder of those vanities. Where- 
vnto are added also and annexed in th' end certeme latine Letters betwixt 
the sayed Maister Rainoldes and D. Gentiles . . . concerning the same 
matter, [ornament no. 64.] 1599. 

4 to. A-D4, 62, E-Aa4, Bba. Ai v , A4 V , e2 v , X4 V , and Bb2 v all blank. 
Pag. (from B i) 1-190. 200 printed for roo, 264 for 164, and while blank e2 v 
is numbered 28, blank X4 V is neither numbered nor counted in pagination. 


Contents: The Printer to the Reader (A 2-A 4 recto) ; Maister D. 
Rainolds aunswere vnto Maister D. Gager (pp. 1-27) ; Vnto this Maister 
D. Gager replying . . . Maister Rainoldes did reioine as followeth (pp. 29- 
163) ; loanni Rainoldo doct. theologo clariss. Albericus Gentilis, s. 
(pp. 164-190). 

Type, 74, 78, 80, 82. Greek. Initials, n, 14, 37, 17. 

Ornaments, 64, 61. Herbert 1742. Sayle 6458. 

31. 1600. B.M. 82. e. 33. (John Rainolds.) 

Th' overthrow of Stage-playes [etc. as in no. 30] . . . [ornament 62] 
Middelburgh, Imprinted by Richard Schilders. 1600. 

This is substantially the same book as no. 30. The wrong numbering of 
pp. 100 and 164 is still found. Even the title-pages are identical down to the 
word " matter," and it seems likely that the compositor simply substituted 
ornament no. 62 and the 1600 imprint for fleuron no. 64, and the date 1599, 
without troubling to set the page up again. At the same time some misprints 
have been corrected, eg., " i " has been substituted for wrong fount " j " on 
sig. A 3 V , 1. 14, and the blank e 2 V is no longer numbered 28. 

Ornaments, no. 62 in place of no. 64, otherwise all initials and 
ornaments the same. 

32. 1600. B.M. 4227. de. 20. (Henry Jacob.) 

A Defence of a Treatise Touching the sufferings and victorie of Christ 
. . . For Answere to the late writings of Mr. Bilson, L. Bishop of Winches- 
ter, which he intitleth The effect of certaine sermons ... By Henry Jacob. 
. . . 1600. 

4to. A-CC4; Dd 2. Pag. 1-211. 38 printed for 40, 341 for 141. 

Contents: To all the godly and religious Magistrates . . . (A2); A Praeface 
to the Christian Readers (pp. 5-7); The Defence of the Treatise of 
Christes sufferings (pp. 7-148) ; That Christ . . . went not downe into 
Hell . . . (pp. 149-211); errata (p. 211, lower half) ; The diverse significa- 
tions (= a table, p. 212). 

e, 72, 74, 78, 82, 86. Initials, 15, 34. Herbert 1745. Sayle 6459. 


33. 1601. B.M. 1029. e. 3. (John Wheeler.) 

A Treatise of Commerce, wherin are shewed the commodies arising by 
a wel ordered and ruled Trade, Such as that of the Societie of Merchantes 
Adventurers is proved to bee, written principallie for the better information 
of those who doubt of the Necessarienes of the said Societie in the State 
of the Realme of Englande, By John Wheeler, Secretarie to the said 
Societie. [ornament no. 50.] Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, Printer 
to the States of Zeland. 1601. 

4to. A-Aa 2 ; last leaf missing (? blank). Pag. (from B i) 1-178. 

Contents /To ... Sir Robert Cecill . . . (dated) VI th of June 1601 
(A 3-A 4) ; A Treatise of Commerce (pp. 1-165) ; Copie of a letter from her 
Maiestie (pp. 164-168); Attestation of the Cittie of Antwerp (p. 169); 
Attestation of eight and twentie Merchauntes (pp. 170-171); Attestation of 
the Towne of Embden (pp. 172-173) ; Attestation of fourteene Merchaunts 
(pp. 174-176); Attestation of the Towne of Middelbrough (pp. 177-178). 

Type, 70, 72, 77, 80. Initials, 36, 12, n, 14, 19, 29, 20, 31. 

Ornaments, 50, 55, 61. 

[Another edition "by John Harrison, 1601." Sayle 1269.] 

34. 1602. B.M. C. 25. d. 23. 

A Booke of the forme of common prayers ... To this fourth editio 
is added the maner of ordination ... of a Pastor . . . Middelburgh, 
Imprinted by Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zeeland. 1602. 
Cum priuilegio. 

8vo. A-F 8 ; last leaf missing (? blank). 

Contents: The contents of this Booke (A i v ) ; A Confession ... (A 2- 
A 6 recto) ; Publike exercises, etc. (A 6 V -F 7 V ). 

Type, 74, 77, 82. Initial, 43. See Nos. 7 and 12. Sayle 6461. 

35-37. 1602. B.M. C. 25. c. ii. 

(A). The CL. Psalmes of David in meter, with the prose. For the vse 
of the Kirk of Scotland. The contentes of this buke followe in the next 


page after the Kalender. [device no. 58.] Middelburgh, Imprinted by 
Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zeeland. 1602. 

8vo. A-P 8, Q 4 ; last page blank. Pag. (from 63) 1-225. 29 printed 
for 28 ; 74 and 75 repeated ; 344 printed for 144, and 346 for 146. 

Contents: Ane Almanacke (Aii-Aviii recto); The use of the epact 
(A viii v ) ; The names of the Faires in Scotland (B i) ; The contents of the 
Buke (B 2); The Confession, etc. (pp. 1-225). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 80, 82, 84. Initials, 43, 16, 47. Ornament, 58. 

(B). The Psalmes of David in metre, with divers notes, and Tunes 
augmented to them. Also with the prose on the margen . . . [device 
no. 59.] Middelburgh, Imprinted by Richard Schilders, Printer to the 
States of Zeeland. 1602. 

8vo. A-Ff8, Gg4 ; T2 printed for V 2, and 03 for Cc3. Pag. 1-466 
(+ 3 leaves) 89 printed for 98 ; 150 for 250 ; 351 for 251 ; 449 for 445. 

Contents : The Psalmes of David (pp. 3-443) ; Veni Creator, etc. 
(pp. 444-466); A Table (Gg2-G g4 v ). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 82 ; musical notation. Initial, n. Ornament, 59. 

(c). The Catechisme or maner to teach children the Christian religion 
. . . Made by the excellent Doctor . . . lohn Calvin . . . [device no. 53, sur- 
rounded by " In the sweate of thy face shalt thou eate Bread, Gen. 3. 19."] 
Middelburgh, Imprinted by Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of 
Zeeland. 1602. 

8vo. a-h8; b 4 printed for c 4. Pag. 1-128. 59 printed for 58, 
and 58 for 59, 64 for 62, 65 for 63. 

Contents: Of the articles of the faith, etc. (pp. 3-124) ; A Commentarie 
(pp. 125-128). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 80. Ornament, 53. 

N.B. These three books are made up and paged separately, but they 
were intended to be bound up together as in this copy, for the table at the 


beginning (part A) comprises the contents of all three parts. For another 
(but shorter) edition, see B.M. G. 12152, "the CL Psalmes of dauid in 
meitir . . . Edinbvrgh . . . Robert Smyth." 

38. 1602. B.M. 1360. a. 2 (2). 

An Antiquodlibet, or An Aduertisement to beware of Secular Priests . . . 
Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zealand. 1602. 

8vo. A-V4, X 2 (in half sheets). A 2 printed for P 2. Pag. 1-164. 

Contents: The generall heads (p. 2); An Antiquodlibet (pp. 3-164). 

Type, 75, 83. Sayle 6460. 

39. 1603. B.M. T. 2417 (13). 

Der Catholijcken Supplicatie aen de Conincklijcke Majesteyt, tot 
Toelatinghe vande Catholijcke Religie in England . < . Wt den Enghel- 
schen overgheset door Richard Schilders, [ornament no. 51] Middelburgh, 
Ghedruct by Richard Schilders, Drucker der Heeren Staten Van Zeelandt, 
wonende inden langhen Delft inden Olyphant. 1603. 

4to. A-E 4. Pag. 1-40 ; 39 printed for 40. 

Contents: Tot den Christelicken Leser . . . [signed] Den tweeden Mey, 
1603 . . . Gabriel Powel (p. 3); Der Catholycken Supplicatie (pp. 4-20); Der 
Protestanten Tegen-Gewichte (pp. 5-21) ; [continued parallel to pp. 20 and 
21.] Een corte aenmerckinge (pp. 22-33); De Redenen . . . (pp. 34-40). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 80, 82. Initials, 19, 46, 25. Ornament, 51. 

40. 1604. B.M. C. 31. e. 4. (Henoch Clapham.) 

Henoch Clapham His Demaundes and Answeres touching the Pestilence : 
Methodically handled, as his time and meanes could permit . . . 1604. 

4 to. A-D 4 ; E 2. Pag. (from B) 9-32 ( + 4). 

Contents: To the Church of God [signed P. R.] (A i v ); The Authour 
to the Reader (A2 r ~3 r ) ; Qu. Is the Plague infectious ? (pp. 6-29) ; 
Epilogue (pp. 29-30); A letter to a friend (pp. 31-32); Another letter 
(E i) ; the Publisher and his Friend (E 2). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 80, 82. 


41. 1604. B.M. 1016. h. 19 (2). (Hugh Broughton.) 

Two little workes defensiue of our Redemption ... By Hugh 
Broughton . . . [ornament no. 49.] 1604. 

4to. A single sheet. 

Contents: To the Reader (Ai v ); The argument of the Admonition 
following (A i v ) ; A lye resumed of D. Bilson (A 2) ; The argument and 
effect of the Epistle following (A 3) ; To the aged Sir, lohn of Canterb. 
Archbishop ... (A 3 V -A4 V ) ; To the Reader (A4 V foot). 

Type, 72, 74, 76, 77, 80. Initials, 40, 44. Ornament, 49. Sayle 6466. 

42. 1604. B.M. T. 2417 (20). 

Warachtich verhael Hoe dat de Edele Mogende Heeren Staten der 
vereenichde Provintien, onder het belegt van zijne Princelicke Excellence, 
met een heerlicke Schips Armade van Zeelandt ghetoghen zijn, op de 
25'" April 1604 . . . [ornament no. 51.] Middelburgh, By Richard Schilders, 
woonende inden langen Delft inden Olyphant. 1604. 

4to. A 4 (last page blank). 

Contents: Tot den Leser (A i v ) ; Warachtich verhael . . . (Aii-A iv). 

Type, 66, 72, 76. Initial, 38. Ornament, 51. 

43. 1604. B.M. 4135. a. 43 ; 109. a. 13. (Henry Jacob.) 

Reasons taken out of Gods word . . . proving a necessitie of reforming 
Our Churches In England. Framed and applied to 4. Assertions . . . 
[ornament no. 51.] 1604. 

4to. A-L-4 ; M 2. A 4 V and M 2 V blank. Pag. (from B i) 1-83. 

Contents: The 4. Assertions (A i v ), To the high and mightie Prince 
James (A2-A4); The i. Assertion,^. (B i-M 2). 

Type, 72. 74, 77, 80, 86. Initials, 45, 38, 39. Ornament, 51. 

Dexter 267. Sayle 6467. 


44. 1605. B.M. T. 499 (3). 

Certaine Considerations drawne from the Canons of the last Sinod . . . 
for not subscription, for the not exact vse ... of the booke of common 
prayer . . . within the Diocese of Worcester . . . 1605. 

4to. A-H4, I 2. Pag. (from C i) 1-52. 

Contents: To the . . . Lords of his Maiesties . . . privie Counsell (A 2- 
B 3 V ) ; The Corrector to the Christian Reader (B 4) ; Certaine considera- 
tions (C i -I 2 V ) ; Faultes escaped in printing (I 2 V , lower half). 

e, 72, 74, 78, 80, 82. Initials, 44, 47, 4'- Sayle 6469. 

45. 1605. B. M. T. 499 (4). 

Certaine Demandes with their grounds, drawne out of holy Writ, and 
propounded . . . vnto the reverend Fathers, Richard Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, etc. ... 1 60 1;. 

4to. A-H 4 , I 2. Pag. 1-68. 

Contents : To the Reverend Fathers, &c. (pp. 3-68) ; Faults eschaped 
in the Print (p. 68, lower half). 

Type, 72, 74, 77, 82, 84. Initial, 45. Sayle 6470. 

46. 1606. B.M. T. 499 (5). 

The Remoouall Of certaine Imputations laid vpon the Ministers of 
Deuon: and Cornwall by one M. T. H. . . . [ornament no. 51.] 1606. 

4to. A-1 4. Pag. (from A 4) 1-66. 

Contents: To the indifferent Reader (A2-A3 V ); the first Imputation 
(pp. 1-66). 

Type, 74, 79, 82. Initials, 43, 14. Ornament, 51. 

Dexter 315. Sayle 6472. 

47. 1607. B.M. 292. a. 5 ; G. 968. (Michel Agnolo Florio.) 

Historia de la vita e de la morte de 1'Illustriss. Signora Giovanna Graia, 

gia Regina eletta e publicata d'Inghilterra : e de le cose accadute in quel 


Regno dopo la morte del Re Edoardo VI ... [device no. 54] Stampato 
appresso Richardo Pittore, ne 1'anno di Christo 1607. 

8vo. A4 ; B-Z8 ; last page blank. Pag. (from B i) 1-208, 281-328, 
3i 3-378 (+ 30). 

Contents : Anuertimento del' publicante (A 2-A 4) ; Michel' Agnolo 
Florio . . . (pp. 1-99) ; Giovanna Graia a Tommaso Ardingo 
(pp. 100-120); Ragionamento de la medesima Giovanna Graia (pp. 121- 
130) ; Le cose che qui seguono . . . (pp. 131-135) ; Michel Agnolo Florio 
Florentine, a lettori (pp. 136-138); Scholie sopra la lettera . . . (pp. 138- 
208); Scholie sopra la seconda lettera (pp. 281-291); Scholie sopra 
il ragionamento . . . (pp. 292-319); Scholie Sopra le cose . . . (pp. 320- 
325); Michel Agnolo ... a christiani fratelli (pp. 326-328); Niccolo 
Ridleo Vescovo di Londra . . . (pp. 313-318); Disputa . . . de la real 
presenzia del corpo di Christo ne 1'Eucharistia . . . (pp. 319-378); 
II Stampatore al fauoreuoli Lettori (2); Tauola (Y 2 Y -Z 8) 

Tyfc, 74, 80, 82. Initials, 21, 41, 43; C, L, N, V of series 38-48. 
Ornament, 54. 

48. 1612? B.M. 1003. b. 27. (Hugh Broughton.) 

[No title-page.] Page i begins "A Censure of the late translation for 

our Churches : sent vnto a Right Worshipfull knight, Attendant vpon the 

King." p. 8 signed at the foot " H. Broughton." 

Four leaves. No printer's signatures or pagination. 
70, 72. Initial, 47. 

49. 1614. B.M. 690. b. 8. (Patrick Forbes.) 

(A.) An Learned Commentarie upon the revelation of Saint lohn . . . 
By Patrik Forbes of Cotharis. Whereunto is added An Profitable Treatise 
of the Author, in defence of the lawfull calling of the Ministers of reformed 
Churches . . . And an Epistle to a Recusant . . . [ornament no. 60.] 
Printed at Middelburgh, by Richard Schilders, dwelling in the langen 
Delft at the signe of the Olyphant. 1614. 


4to. A-Mm 4 ; Nn 2 ; Oo-Pp 4 ; last page blank. O printed for Oo, 
and O 3 for Oo 3. Pag. (from D 3) 1-256 ; (+ xvi). 

Contents: To . . . James king of Great Britaine . . . (A2-A3); Ad 
Eundem Joannis Forbesii filii (A 4-6 3) ; The Author to the Christian 
Reader (64-02); The Summe of the Booke (C 2 V -D 2) ; An profitable 
commentarie (pp. 1-256) ; A table (Oo i-Pp 3) ; Faultes escaped (Pp4). 

(B). A Defence of the lawful calling of the ministers . . . Whereto 
is subjoined, An Epistle to a Recusant . . . With a short Discovery of the 
Adversarie ... By Patrik Forbes . . . [ornament no. 57.] Printed at Middel- 
burgh, by Richard Schilders . . . Anno 1614. 

A-I4. Pag. (vi + ) 1-66. 

Contents: To ... my tender kinsman . . . William Strachin (A 2-A 3) ; 
A Defence (pp. 1-66). 

Sayle 6478. 

(c). To a recusant for clearing and maintaining some points in the 
preceding treatise challenged by a Roman Elymas, Bar-Iesus-it. (No title- 
page.) Pag. 1-30. 

(D). A short Discoverie of the adversarie his dottage, etc. (No title- 
page.) Pag. 1-25. 

(c) and (D) run A-G 4 ; last page blank. 

Type, 72, 74, 78, 79, 81, 84. Initials, 30, 43, 47, n, 41, 38, 42, 48, 45. 

Ornaments, 60, 57. Sayle 6478. 

50. 1616. B.M. 4257. f. i. (John Forbes.) 

A letter First written and sent by lo. Forbes, Pastour of the English 
Church at Middelburgh, vnto certen of the companie of Marchands Adven- 
turers at Stoade . . . And now againe renewed and enlarged by the Authour 
. . . [ornament no. 52] At Middelburgh, Printed by Richard Schilders, 1616. 
8vo. A-F 8 ; F 7* and F 8 blank ; also a blank sheet bound up with 
the book at the end. Pag. (from A 3) 1-93. 


Contents: To M r Edw. Bennet, M r lohn Turner ... (A 2) ; A short 
Discourse (pp. 1-93). 

Type, 70, 72. Initials, 45, 39. Ornaments, 52, 60. 

51. 1616. B.M. 4255. b. 33. (John Forbes.) 

A treatise tending to cleare the doctrine of Justification. Written by 
lo. Forbes, Pastour of the English Church at Middelburgh . . . [ornament 
no. 60.] At Middelburgh, Printed by Richard Schilders. 1616. 

4to. **4, **2, B-Bb4; *#* 4 V , Bb3 v , and Bb4 v blank. A 2 
printed for Aa 2. Pag. (beginning from B i) 1-189. 

Contents: To ... the faithfull of the English Church in Middelburgh 
(* # * 2-%* 4) ; A Table (** i-** 2) ; A Treatise (pp. 1-189) J Faultes 
escaped (Bb4). 

Type, 72, 74, 78, 82. Initial, 24. Ornatnent, 60. Sayle 6479. 


[The numbers in fine type refer to the books in the Descriptive List.] 

(2) The second title-page of Robert Browne's Booke 1582 (list 2), 
showing the Zealand crest, not seen by me in any other of Schilders' 
books. Initial blocks (3-8) only found in Beehive. (7) A common 
design, used by Waldegrave in Angel Day's English Secretorie (1586), 
and in Thomas Rogers's English Creede (1587), but in both cases without 
double line frame. (9) 2 ; (10) 2 ; (ll) 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 49 (B) ; 
evidently cut for a Psalter and used by Schilders in book no. 36 for 
that purpose (12-19). There is little doubt that this quaint series of 
initials either came from Antwerp or was copied from an Antwerp 
alphabet, and the I, G, N, and R are all to be seen in Van de Loe's 
New Herball (1578). P of the same series is found in Carlile's Discourse, 
printed in 1572 by Thomas East and Henry Middleton, at which time it 
will be remembered Schilders was working for the first-named printer 
(see p. 72). R is to be found in The commonplaces of Peter Martyr, 
printed by Denham in 1583, the same year in which it is used by 
Schilders in Harrison's Little Treatise (List No. 3). The I and G are 
those of most frequent occurrence in Schilders' work ; indeed, he seems 
to have worn out the former, no. 14 representing the initial in the 
final stages of its career. B seems to have suffered the same kind of 
experience, yet I have seen it in only one of Schilders' books, Wheeler's 
Treatise (no. 33). It is remarkable therefore to find a far more perfect 
impression of the same, or a very similar block, in Ker's Discoverie of . . . 
Scottish Papists, printed by Waldegrave in 1593, where it has a double line 
frame, and a curtain, suspended from two poles, is represented as stretching 
to left and right of the capital. In view however of the above-mentioned 
coincidences it would be unsafe to regard this as a case of borrowing. 
(12)33; (13)7,8, 12, 14, 23, 25; (14)30,3!. 33>46; (15)9, 14, 23,24,32; 


(16) 35J (I?) 3, 3i ; (18) 35 (19) 9, 33, 39 5 (20) 9, 33 ; (21) 47 i (22) 10 ; 
(23) 27 ; (24) 51 ; (25) 39 J (26) 21 ; (27) 22 ; (28) 9 J (29-31, see p. 76, 
n 1 ); (29) 335 (30) 49J (31) 33J (32) 14, 23; (33) 15; (34) '5, l6 28, 
32; (35) 4, 9J (36) 3, 33J (37) 3, 3i J (38-48) used A.D. 1597-1616. 
Eleven only of the series reproduced, but book no. 47 contains L, C, N, and 
V of the same set, and it is possible Schilders possessed the whole alphabet. 
(38) 42, 43. 49; (39) 43, So; (40) 4i ; (41) 44, 49J (42) 49; (43) 34, 
35, 46, 47, 49; (44) 41, 44; (45) 43, 45, 49, 5; (46) 395 (47) 35, 44, 
48 ; (48) 26, 49. 

Ornaments, etc. 

(49) 2, 4, 25, 41 ; (50) 33; (51) 39, 42, 43, 46; (52) 5; (53) 18, 37 ; 
(54) 47 > (55) 33; (5^) 9, I0 - I* is noticeable that this heraldic device, 
adapted from the English royal coat of arms, is used in two Dutch tracts 
dealing with the relations between England and the United Provinces 
during Leicester's Governor-Generalship (see p. 83). (57) 49 ; (58) 35. 
This heraldic device (the royal arms of Scotland) is only found in one book, 
The CL Psalms of David . . . for the use of the Kirk of Scotland, 1602. 
Waldegrave uses the same device, though somewhat larger in size (78 x 60 
as against 70 x 48 mm.), in his Lawes and Actes of Scotland (1597). Did 
Schilders print the Psalms for Waldegrave ? It looks like it. (59) 36 ; 
(60) 50, 51 : this common tailpiece is often used by Waldegrave. (6l) 28, 
2 9, 3, 3 1 , 33 : tn i s equally common design is found in books by Vautrollier. 
(62) 27, 31 ; (63) 2 ; (64) 30; (65) 26, 28. 

Type (the unit of measurement is 20 lines). 
Black Letter. 

(66) 94 mm. Placcaet, 1587 (A3 r ), 10, 42. 

(67) 83 mm. Beehive, 1579 (fol. 8), i, 2, 3. (See p. 72). 

(68) 70 mm. Copye, 1587 (Aii v ), 4, 6, 9. 

(69) 6 1 mm. A Booke, 1582 (F3 r ), 2, 3. 

(TO) 116 mm. Song of Songs, 1587 (A 3 r ), 9, 4, J 5 21, 22, 23, 33, 
48, 50. 


(71) 94 mm. Beehive, 1579 (* 5 r ). i. Here reproduced for comparison 
with no. 72. The faces seem to me identical, which is a strong argument in 
favour of Schilders having printed the Beehive. 

(72) varies between 94 and 92 mm., the differences being probably due 
to the paper rather than to re-casting, since there is no definite change at 
any one period. A Brief Apologie, 1596 (C 2 V ), 24, 25, 26, 28, 32, 33, 35, 
3 6 37. 39, 40, 4i, 42, 43* 44, 45. 4^, 49, 5> 5 1 - 

(73) 82mm. Beehive, 1579 (** 3), i, 3, 8. Another argument in 
favour of Schilders having printed the Beehive ; the face seems to me 
identical with that of 74. I conjecture, therefore, that he took some of the 
Beehive fount with him to Middleburgh, using it for nos. 3 and 8, but re-cast 
it immediately after his arrival from matrices in his possession, and so got 
fount 74, which he uses for the rest of his career. (See p. 74.) 

(74) 80 mm. A Petition directed, 1592? (p. 33), 2, n, 12, 13, 15, 16, 
17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 
49, 51. One of Schilders' most important founts. It helps to prove 
that he printed A parte of a Register. 

(75) 77 mm - Antiquodlibet, 1602 (p. 16), 38. This fount not seen by 
me in any other of Schilders' books. 

(76) 70-71 mm. A Defence, 1599 (p. 10), 7, 9, 14, 23, 27, 29, 41, 42. 

(77) 60-63 mm. A booke of the forme, 1587 (D 5 r ), 2, 5, 7, 8, n, 12, 
13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 22, 23, 26, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45. One 
of Schilders' commonest founts. Found in A parte of a Register. 

(78) 52 mm. A Defence, 1599 (p. 5), 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 44, 
49, 5- 


(79) 141 mm. An Learned Commentarie, 1614 (A 3), 26, 46, 49. 

(80) 93-94 mm. A Brief Apologie, 1596 (B i), 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 
3 1 , 33, 35, 37, 39, 4, 4, 43, 44, 47- 


(81) 82-83 mm. A Booke, 1582 (B2 r ), i, 2, 7, 49. This is one of 
the Beehive founts which Schilders used immediately after he settled in 
Middleburgh. (See pp. 74, 76.) 

(82) 80 mm. A Petition directed, 1592? (p. 36), n, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 
19, 20, 21, 22, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51. This, 
which goes with the roman fount no. 74 is one of Schilders' commonest 
italics. It is found in A parte of a Register. 

(83) 77 mm. Antiquodlibet, 1602 (p. 16) 38. This fount not seen in 
any other of Schilders' books (see 75). 

(84) 7 mm - A Defence, 1599 (p. 26), 5, 23, 27, 29, 35, 45, 49. 

(85) 61 mm. A Booke, 1582 (F3 r ), 2, 7, 8, n, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22. 
This peculiar fount, of which the lower-case w is especially remarkable, is 
found in the margins of A Petition, and on p. i of A Demonstration, which 
forms the last section of A parte of a Register. 

(86) 52 mm. A Defence, 1599 (p. 5), 27, 28, 29, 32, 43. 


ec hiue 


Wherein the Autbour a 

Ions Protc (lane , vndcr the pcrfon of a 

fipcr/htiow Papifadothfo drtel) refcllthc 

grofe opinions of Popery , and fo 

dmyelj defend the articles ofChrtfi- 

anicff, that (Jlw Cured Scriptures xceptedj 

the e ii not a booke to be founde,cith<t 

toiott occcfliiie for thy profile, or 
., fweeta for thy comfiate. 

*' v*i^ujtf\t 

pattd out of Dutch into Engtijbe 
by George fyfpm the Elder, 

Proue all things, and keepe that 
which is good. 

$btGz fcoode* are tobcfouloe t 
i burc ^patc, at tbe Cgne of tk 

Printed at London 

A Booke 


life and manners of all true Christians, j| 

and hove vnlike they are voto Turkcs and Papiftcs, 
and Heathen foUte, 

3tlfo tyt pointeg anD patteg of all utui. 

aide, tfjac 10 of tbe reucflieo it)U( ano \UOJD? of oo 3 are 
declared by their fcuerali Definitions, 
and Dint/ions in order AM 

ROBERT Baovvwa* 


ly Ifyharde ^Painter. 



The Beehive, 1579. 

Middkburgh Books. 



































tf nttim/ftitr n btenOt feben Tan&en off e fteDeti 
tiiefmfce/ <9?&0nrrmDe enDefteuelenDe/Dat Die 
gbene Die ong tot toeltoarm tomtom lanDe pet 
tuiHenfcertftoonen/ ftretfcenDe tot naeDeele \& 
De cere enDe reputatfe Dan tjaere Sajf ftept eft 

De $l)ene Die in Diende Dan Deft UanDen 3tm/df 
ban anDrre parttruliere 8 irirren/Dat 5p t)m 
tlac rj ten ofte Doleantien ons oft Den ttabe Dan 


Of the Romifti Church. S 

geu bpon cfje ctoffe. 3utbecaufetftat (jee 
towulD (fuIliDifelp) go anli b;ing in nctue 
niatter^anfi fo fetup a tutoe reformation, 
acco^Diug to t^e urc ano Oocrrtne of t^e 
(SofpeU (like an tt)efril)eretike* go about 
nouie to bo) rfjerfojc Dib'ttiep oeale Coljato* 
ip mi $ bim, JQottoit^ftanD tnp; t^at, tujtte 
Oiice tbe boip CI;urcb of Romebatb To fine* 
Ip banfilefl ano fet fp? tb tbijJ netoe religion 
it bnto fucb a trim 



octn toceebfcB'fc at het tt tibJicptft gtbarf)* 
Satfe b? bare /Da.felue fubitciir & enDc ouUaojfi 
fcjarcn/ttooj een anbttnoo^Ocjop een toco^cfjfO^Dsmntmty Die 
tf&efcf bftteert/aDwefoIucf tt/tuDe Daet rnp eitcb c.y gljtletttag/ 

Dart 1 3 

iitaer nerfjtclirb oljctrochen en Jjebbe/ fonDer Dettrtetlicaetotf* 
CttrffetaiMiiftarc Conmr&lir&e re&enen/toerg&efcifrDiiptWft 

al(e ip^tncelirhe niDe grarelirhe boIfomemJjept/tmer j&lcum 
niettotcnDiucfec: *)ooKiittui;fc[2 icb 

aje If ftc i r k mr n ID nrmmfft met en fouDt runnen nf feccl&rti. 


Cbftt aft arc calteD.ono map be leb 

t oJutuatton if the? 'unH obrpr. but 

efpeciall? tbeDifctpte0 atio the? of 

R5. to. lbedurc*).r 

Spent oat ttycugb al tbe earth. ana 
their u>oiDu buto the snDes of tb 

Tk. 2. iyofibe. JP 01 the aratr of 45oD, 
that bjingftb faluar.ojtbnto al m? 
(if tbcp toil reuiue ittyart) appra- 

p&.je. Teo.yeadxJL,o^O(0obbarhrpoUI 
anbcallcD the earth fro the nfms 
tprtthc fun tnto the going aottm 
thereof. lut of "^fratlhe fairtb. 

fcontfbcaiitiebarh. <f>ob Chmcb. 

US. 10. 

' ^ftrod^ftytbmiiieban^tmta 

How needles Logikc & PhilofooKJe 
, ttgathatke dittnitrafihtft'&ids; 

. Yet tbt) \Vi ff ( M! 
4 fdHt(nLtt l*t t proprr AiiofH- Fr If/!*! 

f uper, thtWjtiolt Axiom imtjl nttdn btfo. 
Ofoalilh Logician, jeconcej>ufhaffi,4d 
lrin| jirth VJidt:yt jMt ftllit, 4itd rttft 

tt tn Ef, er < neqj, or orfcrr 

(oitiKflion to make A eoHFia : */ 

hcff'mtn%,vi nAmt M tthtt \\nng, 
uwdaf<lf,r bt gtAiial, erhtut rotitdicKt. 
Alfa thtj ItArh, that tht Antttrdtat Itfui it 
a taff,And tht rw/rtjKtnr (fraki) inntf- 



infinishingafrerthefame man- 
ner,thelametations of leremic, 
and all other Pfalmes,fcattering- 
lie inferred in the Scriptures, ific 
may bee iudged profitable thus 
to goe forwarde : the other, that 
it fcemeth to bee prepared for 
yourdailie& ordinarie vfe. That 
whereas you doe ordinance earc 
yotrdcpart from the table both 

(which in theopimon of the Pope 
and his confiftone,is high treafbn, 
and Unpardonable,) that verie babes 
andfncklings may beholde their ab- 
hominations, and fpittcat their vil- 
lukiouspraftifcs, to them (elues ad. 
uaotageable,to the church of C hriit 
offenfine, and to the gloric of God 
nothing mot cderogatorie. This no- 
table booke therefore ( K ight wor- 



the better appeared : For me, I am able to produce wiu 
ndTes,thatthen>(himcthateuerI heard of Martin Mar- 
frelatgyl teftified my great mifliking& grief, for fo naugh- 
tie, and (b difbrderly a courfe as that was. And therefore 
where fol.5 1. pa. i. he afketh when I will condemne th- 
vnlawfulland vnduill pra&ife of <JM*rtin and Pcnry? I 
afkc againe what office or charge I haue to publiihe con- 
demnation vpon euery vnlawlull and vnciuill writing 
that comcth abroad? And yet I haue witne(Tes,that euen 
publikely when I was alowcd to preach,! condemned alt 
dealing in that kindc. 


and to all her good fubicftcs. ? Butprai- 
icd be our blcfTcd Ladie of jfntw&pe* 
your honour did well forefee,and in time 
diligently whhftand that inconueniencc, 
in that you haue placed the i nquifition in 
thclande, driuen^way the Ctvfes or He- 
rctikes j laide the Magiftrates in prifon, 
baniflicd and brought to the Butchers 
ftall the C entlemcn and good fubic&cs, 
made a way and open paifage for the 



"W hen Maiftcr Stubs of Lincotns June had written againft the 
manage intended by Monfottr, the TJaulphineof France, to- 
wardes hir Maieftie,to the endc that men (hould bee terrified i. 
from writing-difhonorably of hir Highnes, this ftatute made *>aA<\ 
that offence felonie, which by former ftatutes was oneiy the 
Jofle of the right hande. "Which proueth that the law-makers 
prouided for hir Maieftie, not for the Hierarchie.The Parlia- 
xncnt hath bene moreteadic for Reformation then againft ^ 
ic, as appeared moft euidentlie the hft Parliament, when the tninie 
bill againft Norelidencie pafled the lowet houfe.and had like 
to hauc alfo palled the higher houfc, by the right honorable 


out of mcrcie to redsime his people to a 75 
cburfe of dune, refolue vpon a newaod 
fccond imprefsionofthe faid law: which 
vpon'the mount Sinai hcc accordiRgly 
performcdBut let v% fee how he handletn 
thisquettion. I will doe him 'the credit to 
fpend a little lime in vnfolding the frame 
of his difpure herein, He reafoneth thus: 
Ifprrfent/yvbon the publication ofjtfojfi 83 

and no t before*, then ypon 

of Ttfofif lavf enfued tbf corruption f 

the lav n AIM nil. 
Eut presently t>pon t 

fes lart> t mtnffllto in 
.' trie, *rd not before. 
TkttJcYe upon the gtneratitn ofMofes law 

crfutdtbe corruption of ih( law natu- 


75 and 83 


ooth the Article meane.thatin a vi(iblechurch,cueryiot,8ctitle,botli of 
our profeffio & praftize.mujt needs be out of the pure word.They knew 
lhat euerjr vrfibleChurch might & did errc in loincwhar. Onely it mea- 
neth.thac a vifible Church might not erre inany pomct, that of neceffi- 
tie is requifite^s their wordesexprefle. -Itrefteththen that you (hew, 
that the pure word is not preached in our aflembhcs by law, fufliacntly 
to faluat ion:which yet you doc not.nor can doe. Therefore you fay no- 
thing. For,! for my part know well, that our Churches faile/roin the 
pure word in fundric leffer points, which though [hey be errours, yet arc 
they not Fund.amcmaH,ncither doc they in iheir ovvne nature abohlU 
from Chri.ft. 


S V P P I R, 

V&nce of him-. yyh o diftributc and diuide the 
fame among them fe lues .according co out S 
uiour Chriites commaundemenr. Likevyile 
he flwll giue the Cuppc,faying: Drinkeye all 
of this : This Cuppe it the neyve Tcftament 
in the bloud ofCnrjft,vvhkh was flicdde for 
the (mnes of manic : Deo this in the rein tm- 
branceofhim. During the which time, fom Matth.7tf 
place of the Scripture) is to bee read whiche Marke 14. 
iuely f forth the death of Chrifte, to 



the true and iuturaH fence thereof. 

The (captures which they a!tec)ge for their (epaiation,are theft. 

then tbefiuntt afGodfav tht dAithttrt of men Gtn. f. 3. 

TctjbtU k?epe thertftfrtaU mme trdinmttn tmdali my iudgmenri and dtt then, that the Uritiwbrrher 
lkn'j>uti iitffll therein fpfw jeu not tut , therefore jkallye bee holy vutt met , fr I tht L trd 4m htljt 
and I httts fcpa.<e3ti&yu from other people t time ytujbouldbt mine. Leu, to. if. if. 

Stthe tkiMren+ft/raeU tyhicii were tamt againe out tfcaptMtitic,*nd*tt.f*ch ai h*d fcpa rated thrm- 
ftltei vnt thtrnfrom thtfilthnies tftbt Heathen rftbi Und t tfttl(e the Lo 

Depane, Aepatcyee ,get oxtfrem tltente, MI J tench nt vncle*tthinge, 
bjicltaac thuf be&e tlx vtffkls of:he, LtrJ 

PlyframrbemiJJeflafBabeU, *;;^dcparte er / tht land ff the C*lJejnt. Itr. jo. I. +And Fly 
ON/ tfthemiddeft f BtibtU and dt'.iutr ttttrj mail hit fiultfratn-the fierce wrath afthe Lr4e. 2tf.ji.f.4s 

Come notjee to Gilg<tll,neither goey* v t Tlttlututn. Hof.4- if. 

ftntf r Eethetltindsranjgreje, aid to (jifaall and multiply tronftrtjtim, &t- Setfy nf &tlhclln& 

tnttr intt Gilg*ll t *Hlee not to Bee:ftein. +Amti .4.4 J . 

Stitf jour (elufi from thisjritmrdgtnerotion. *A&. 3.49. 

*si>ufvht'i certcn tvere httrdnedanddiCtbejed fpt*ki tutlleftht WJ efGidbtfarre tht nultitudffhe 
tjtftrtcdfiBmthtm and Separated the difiipelt t drc. ~A$. to.o 


ttf.ta: thiHgi&id I ffill reeehteyo. i . for. S.\f 

^nd I heard another voice ftom*lieniun, faying, gOC rjO!ttfhttmjptop!t t fyt.1(eit it .4. 
Thcfc are the very rtnyne grounds,on which their (eparauon is builded , which bei ng duly weighed 
with the (cope of the text//ou (lull very eaf'ely finde>that not one amongeftchem all, will hold in pro- 
portion with this tirue,nor bearc the reparation they gather fro them. Firft becaute either they concerne 
fich rimes and ftates as the people that lined in them , were profedbrs of>or fubiecl vnto,open gro|lelnfi 
deli tic, S: either Heathen orAmichriftia Idolatry , not in foine particuler cudomes & outward ordinaces, 
but in die whole body and power of Heathen & Antichriflian religion , (iich as cowU not poffibly ftand 
with true faith and religion a< a fi ; Which can not be (aid of t h efe tnnes & prelent (landings, without open 
vn'ruth . i Or els becaufe if they be not of that lort.rhey aftbard no fucri abfolute reparation ac all , but 
only|fr6 #ilful ) rebellioui,& abftinxte di(bbeycrj,Sr enill (peakers.and from apparant grortc corruption$ 
but not fiom the whole puWike body of thofc Aflcmblies, nor from the lawttill and good things vied in 
fuch times and ftandings,as haue not wlioly fivarued from the faith , though there were diuers grieuouj 
fiiult^both in doftrincanJ pudize,fiiffcre(iamon<; them. As by the example of the lewifh Churches in 
the times of the Prophets,erpecial!y of Chrift him felfe, may pUinly appeare. The Euangeliftei make 

78 and 86 

K 2 


each Taint er topraltife his sl^ill on the 
Toiall Sffigie of Alexander^ were it 
intoller able prefawptio for each Tarn* 
pblettovfurpe thejhadow of jour high- 
neffeJ^ame. 3\( either hathfelfe-Vtei- 
ningfo ouer/iled mine eyes fro the fight 
of mine o^pnflendernejje^but thatfince* 
rely 1 acknowledge \in this fo learned an 
age wherein much is excellently well 
yel infinitely more paper mt~ 


jt \verehappte W thrice hap ft for him if he wight lint it&o 
this ofconfciwct. But whether he dootr no, labour thou alwaye* 
{good Reader ) fo to walke as thou mAtejluot iuftly bee touched* 
with ame thing that vtaj besijlaine to thy holy prefepion. \^fnd 
fo harbouring fliU in thy breafl the comfortable guefl of A good 
confcieftce (at an AJfivagement of Ml the miseries and difcontcnt* 
of this life) ccafi not to pray in the ftiritfor the pe4ce of 

lerufihm^ndfor her right excellent LMueftie that hath bcnefi 
long Gods good wflrument of thtt happieptace^ That as lofua 
tommaunded thefwnt to f and till he were avenged on IMS eni~ 



the flocke whereof the holte (jhofte hath made vt otterfeers . 'But 
the few* teach, that we mnfl let our charge alotte t and lay from vs the 
'gotternement thereof, for their fakf.s which are none of our charge. Shat 
ttotthefe men be hurled out of 'their place and charge t v?htche thus do* 
mock* *th the Lord, And dalltevriththetr charges* Tea the Lord/bill 
takf them avtaje wtth a fivifie deftrttftton , and metttse fkall ctappe 
thetr handes at thent and hifle them out ofthetr places. Euerte Prca- 
eher ntuft rue to the Queene and to the CoHtifaill for fboth,as though 
they were ofthetr chargt t and the Mfigtftrates muft plant & reftrme al 
Churches at oncejfinej/be of their flockes&hjpiould they tariefor thei 


*ddethfanhet>TJMt the primitiite Church had no fttch *Bb.*i. 
"ftv. They had finch Bijhops as did preach maty godlj Sermons in 
lefe time then our Bb.bor fa be A bridling+Thar kottfe Vras the 
fchoole and trcafwre hottfc ofCjods Afimftersjfit befo nowe, let 
eu ery man ittdge. The Magistrates thatfttffer the abttfe of theft 
goods >be culpable of the fault. Jf the fourth parte of the ifjop~ 
nke remained to the 'Bifhopjt tyerefnfficicnt a The thir departed 
fckoolematftets. Thcfaonde to thepoore audfoldiers Were better 
fattened. If any be offended With me for thhmyfaying t heloucth 
not his owne health nor Cods laVvcs nor mans. Out of Which fanz-M 
alwayes readie toproue the thing f htuefitidc to be true. Fjtrther, 



A nticbriftian abominations yet racy ncd in England- 

fftiple in tke Itodje of 
their Church, eitcn the 
ntf/f polluted and their 
JeeJe bfeitig member* 

Ltrd B/jbtft, 

/ Pretties 





CUT -at 'ft 


rie Preacher* 


13 DeScnofDfuinjtie 

30 Backelcun of Di 

31 DcftcntvJ 



e PreU/et. 
The tnfetior PrcUttt 
{wearing cbedioice ra 
the MferofobtiealtffMS 

40 The inferiour Mini- 
fieri when the) enter 
tato theMintflcrtt pr- 
tntfng ot>cclienctt thr 
fTtlati thftr ordinattn 
and when tbsyartm-^ 
duOedtt lenrfitftfun* 
ftatmgt tt wrtA thttr 

[For Nos. 83, 85 and 86, see above, Nos. 75, 69 and 78.] 



Read 2ist November , 79/0. 

OURTEEN or fifteen years ago I undertook, little 
conscious of the amplitude such a work could assume, 
a catalogue or list of the maps of the county of 
Hertford limiting my investigations, however, to the 
engraved maps of the county. Working alone, and 
without guidance from any previous compilations of the sort, and perhaps 
without sufficiently devoting myself to preparation for such a study, I had 
to invent forms and methods, and digest my materials according to the 
lights which they seemed, to an uninstructed mind, to throw upon the 
subject. Published in sections spread over six years (October, 1901, to 
September, 1907) in the Transactions of the Hertfordshire Natural History 
Society (London and Hertford, 8vo.), a few reprinted copies of the whole, 
paged consecutively, were issued with the addition of a Preface, Table 
of Contents, Notes on the Illustrations, an Index List of the Maps, 
Indexes (i) to Titles of Topographical Works, Atlases, etc., and (ii) to 
Names of Authors, Engravers, Printers and Publishers, and a Bibliography 
of Works of Reference, 1 the whole constituting a sufficiently exhaustive 
monograph of the engraved cartography of the county and incidentally 

(i) Hertfordshire Maps: a Descriptive Catalogue of the Maps of the County, 1579- 
1900. xii -f 182 pp. and 8 plates and portrait, Hertford, 1907, 4to. 


supplying much of the materials upon which a similar list of the maps of 
the counties of England and Wales, or of any individual county, could 
at any time with very little labour be constructed. 

Founding, in a large measure, on these materials, I was, later, induced 
to prepare for publication by the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, a 
descriptive catalogue of the maps of the county of Cambridge, followed 
by an appendix treating in a similar manner the special maps of the Great 
Level of the Fens. This compilation extends over three years (1905-1908) 
in the Communications of the Society, and in similar manner to the 
Hertfordshire Map Catalogue, has been put together in one volume with 
a Prefatory Note, etc., and so issued in a few special copies in 1908.' I 
have more recently published, as a paper read before the Cambridge 
Antiquarian Society, a historical and descriptive work on the Cartography 
of the Provinces of France, 1570-1 757, 2 and have dealt more or less with 
the bibliographical side of cartography in various minor publications of 
which the titles are noted below. 3 

I ought perhaps to apologise for an enumeration of these obscure works, 
but without some foundation of this sort I should hardly be justified in 
claiming the notice of the Society for the expose of doubts and difficulties 
founded on my personal efforts to obtain experience in a byway of 
bibliography, which is in substance what I have to present to the 
Society on this occasion. 

The Introduction to my Hertfordshire Map Catalogue is the best 
explanation I can offer of the ideas with which I approached the subject 
of the engraved cartography of the English and Welsh Counties. It was, 
unfortunately, written before the work itself had reached at all an 

(1) Cambridgeshire Maps : a Descriptive Catalogue of the Maps of the County and of 
the Great Level of the Fens, 1579-1900. viii +158 pp., Cambridge, 1908, 410. 

(2) (Cambridge Antiquarian Society's Communications, Vol. XIII, p. 82 et sey.) 
40 pp. and 5 plates, Cambridge, 1909, 8vo. 

(3) Notes sur la Cartographic dts Provinces anglaises el frattfaises des seitiet/te et 
dix-septieme siecles. Gaud, 1907, 8vo. 

Notes on the Cartography of the Counties of England and Wales, Hertford, 1908, 8vo. 


advanced stage, and it may thus be found in some respects defective, 
and might, no doubt, in light of the completion of the work, be re-written 
and amplified with advantage. Nevertheless, it remains a fair statement 
of my general ideas. 

In dealing with the cartographic history of a limited and local area, a 
special scheme had to be set up, which would not be altogether applicable 
to the general method of map description. It may be convenient to deal 
with the questions I submit to the Society on these limited and special 
lines in the first place, and leave to others their general bearing on the 
arrangement, classification and character, from a bibliographical point of 
view, of maps, atlases and topographical works in general. This latter 
subject is vast, and condensation is difficult. If I take the liberty here 
of only mentioning in a discursive and scrappy manner a few points which 
are perhaps obvious, it is rather with the hope of eliciting discussion than 
of making any direct contribution to knowledge ; but indeed this may be 
said of the whole of my present communication. 

As the Hertfordshire Map Catalogue includes, I venture to hope, with 
but very trifling exceptions, an individual description of every original 
engraved map of the county, and of every reprint from 1579 to 1900, il 
will be understood that it groups together maps subject in themselves to 
many distinct and natural classifications. In the early maps artistic and 
adventitious designs by way of ornamentation are a striking feature 
becoming, with the growth of geographical knowledge, subordinate to the 
primary objects of a map, and finally, in modern times, disappearing 
altogether. In the geographical description of the earlier maps it is 

John Gary, Engraver and Mapscller. Cambridge, 1910, 8vo. 

An Itinerary of the l6th Century. La Guide des Chemins tfAng/eterre, Jean Bernard, 
Paris, 1579. Cambridge, 1910, 8vo. 

Liite Alphabftique des Plans et Vues de Villts, Citadelles et Fortresses qui se trouvent 
dans le grand atlas de Mortier, Edition d* Amsterdam de 1696. (Bulletin de geographic 
historique et descriptive, Nos. 1-2, 79/0). Paris, 1911, 8vo. 

A paper communicated to the Congres archeologique de France, held at Saumur and 
Anger in June, 1910, on the Cartography of the French Provinces, and which will appear 
in the publications of the Congress. 


necessary to take notice of variations in many matters, which in modern 
maps have become absolutely stereotyped, such as those relating to 
orientation, to meridian, and to scale. Thus it will be seen that, when 
map-description and cataloguing is dealt with from an historical point of 
view, a wide field is open for consideration, in which are found many 
features altogether futile and uninstructive to the scientific cartographer 
of to-day. The description of a modem map falls within very clear and 
rigid lines, and can be dealt with in a settled, abbreviated form. The 
work of the early cartographic designers is, on the contrary, naturally 
the subject of much variety of description in order that its special and 
artistic features may be noted, and, further, that the gradual development 
in the art and method of surface representation may be explicitly shown. 

The measure of amplification and detail to be introduced in a verbal 
description of a map depends, of course, on the object with which the text 
is compiled. The standard I have set up for myself is established upon 
the idea that the reader should be able, with absolute certainty, to identify 
the individual map from the inspection of the text ; that he may be in a 
position, by comparing the map with the text, to name its author, its 
designer, and its engraver (if these are known), to fix its date, to refer it to 
any atlas, collection of maps or topographical or other work to which it 
belongs, and, generally, to establish its historical position and cartographic 
value. If it is a reprint, whether amended or not, after an early 
impression, its history from the first impression must be traceable ; if there 
are subsequent impressions, these ..must be made accessible, until the 
actual, or assumed destruction of the plate from which they are taken. 
The importance of this kind of research, tedious and difficult as it is, is 
apparent, when one considers how frequently an undated plate is used and 
re-used over a long series of years thus purporting to represent at the end 
of perhaps a century geographical details as then existent which have in 
fact disappeared for more than a hundred years. 

Illustration can be readily found during the whole period of engraved 
cartography. John Speed began the printing of his series of maps of the 


English Counties, copied from Saxton, in 1605. The collection was 
completed, and published, as a whole, in the well-known Theatre of the 
Empire of Great Britaine, in 1611. Eleven reprints either of the Theatre 
or of the maps in atlas form without text, and almost unaltered, sometimes 
re-dated, and sometimes undated, or with the date more or less successfully 
obliterated, are known to me, and there may be others. These reprints 
extend to about 1736, and there is even a later impression which I have 
not been able, as yet, to date. Thus one can take up the Theatre of, say, 
1676 the commonest edition and refer to details in a map as historically 
associated with that period whereas in fact they are the details of the 
surface as portrayed by Saxton as the results of his survey in the period 
IS74 to 1579. 

In 1809 John Gary published his "New English Atlas," an imperial 
folio set of 43 maps of the counties of England and Wales. These maps 
were issued individually, many of them under the date 1801. They are, 
therefore, the geographical records of the end of the i8th century. The 
plates still exist, and the prints taken from them to-day are being sold to 
motorists as up-to-date road maps. Railways have been engraved on the 
plates and the marginal notes and the titles and references have been 
erased and replaced by modern indications, but the surface representa- 
tion of 1801-1809 is entirely untouched, and in particular cases I can 
point out details of some consequence as for instance, a racecourse 
or a common which have disappeared absolutely a hundred and twenty 
years ago. In 1835 Messrs. J. and C. Walker issued a series of maps of the 
English counties, folding for the pocket. These maps were collected 
into the " British Atlas "in 1841. The plates have been continuously in 
use from then till now, and are well known in various forms. The famous 
Theatrum Orbis Terrarum of Ortelius is, of course, another example of 
reprinting over a number of years from the same plates, and the same may 
be said of the epitomes of the Theatrum issued from the Plantin press. 

If an undated book is a nuisance, an undated map, like an undated 
portrait, is a proper subject of something more than annoyance. 


This exhaustive standard of complete descriptive matter, which is the 
basis of the scheme of my county map catalogue, while it may perhaps be 
conceded as a proper ideal in the historical study of the local cartography 
of a town, county, province, and possibly even national area could not, 
1 assume, be carried further. Its bibliographical value must, I think, be 
considerable, as it supplies incidentally a very large, though not, of course, 
complete, catiilogne raisonnc of the topographical literature of the district, 
and brings sometimes into light obscure items in this connection. It 
may also involve the history of important geographical publications, some 
of them of a world character as for instance those of the famous rival 
establishments of Blaeu and Jansson, which both incorporated the text of 
Camden's Britannia^ forming one tome out of the eleven or twelve of each 
series, this text being printed on the back of two complete sets of the 
county maps of England and Wales copied from Saxton, Speed and 

Assuming that for a bibliographical study such as this a full detail is 
appropriate, it remains to consider in what it should consist. 

A chronological order is essential, and does not require discussion. 

I have adopted the year of publication as the foundation fact, and it 
should, I consider, with the index-title or name, be set in a thick, or 
distinctive type. On this point the arrangement adopted in the recently 
published List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress 
(Washington, 1909, 8vo.) is worth comparison. The date where doubtful, 
or approximate, should be suitably qualified. My practice is to add an 
asterisk on the left of the date figures, which are themselves indented, to 
all reprints and secondary impressions. It can thus be seen at a glance, 
on looking through a list, what are original impressions, and what are the 
items which have an earlier history. 

The difficulty as to index-title is greater in the case of maps 
than is the case with books. Some maps have no title. A map 
which occurs in an atlas or topographical work, or other publication, 


such as a newspaper, is, I think, best described under the name of 
the author of the work, in the usual catalogue form, or, failing an 
author, by the name of the work itself. The exact dimensions of the 
map follow conveniently this title, as supplying the first clue to its 
identification. The next factor of mensuration, to be associated with the 
size, is the scale upon which the map is drawn. Then should follow the 
name of the engraver, if known, or draughtsman (or both), and possibly 
a note as to the map after which the engraving was made, if it is not 
itself an original work. If the year of engraving differs, as is sometimes 
the case, from the year of the publication as dated a note should be 
made here, so that immediate attention may be drawn to the earlier 
existence of the plate. On this point I may cite the small series of 
county maps reduced from the series of Saxton, in the same manner as a 
similar epitome after Ortelius was produced in 1577 by Peter Heyns. 
The former series was engraved by Peter Keer in 1599, all the maps which 
are dated bearing that date, but I have never been able to trace any 
publication until the whole set appears in 1617 in an abridgment of 
Camden's Britannia issued in Amsterdam in that year. 

These essential details being brought together, a general description of 
the map should follow. The character of the border (if any) is perhaps best 
stated first, with the orientation of the map, and particulars as to the meridian 
upon which it is drawn, and of the method of indication of the latitude and 
longitude. The principal details in the composition of the map surface 
may then be conveniently noted, following, for preference, a settled order. 
It might be convenient to establish this order as follows : (i) divisions 
shown (countries, provinces, districts, parishes, etc.) ; (ii) water-courses 
and means of communication (rivers, canals, roads, railways) ; (iii) centres 
of population and government (cities, towns, villages, hamlets) ; (iv) minor 
details, such as churches, other ecclesiastical buildings, parks, houses, wind 
and water-mills, beacons, hills (by shading or otherwise), woods and forests, 
lakes and ponds. In large scale and local maps, other details may be 
of sufficient importance to be noted. Another grouping would be to 


associate first the natural features, and secondly the artifical features, but 
this would break waterways into two classes, and in other respects be 
inconvenient. Following these particulars the surrounding ornamental 
features should be recorded, each cartouche or panel in ancient maps being 
placed and a description given, including the transcript of any title and 
other engraved text found on the margin of the map. 

Having dealt with the map itself, not forgetting any water-mark on the 
paper on which it is printed, which may be of importance for the purpose 
of identification of date or origin, the work from which it is taken or 
with which it was published should be fully noted up, with appropriate 
particulars, and such historical details and information as may be necessary 
to establish the surrounding circumstances relating to the production of 
the map, on its scientific as well as its literary side. 

Some reference to past or future editions, whether illustrated by the 
map in question or not, with dates, so as to preserve continuity, and to 
enable the enquirer, when turning up one entry, to obtain readily all 
information contained in previous or subsequent entries relating to the 
same matters of historical sequence, should be briefly added. 

This, in the ordinary case of an isolated map, seems all that is 

How inset maps should be dealt with is perhaps a question. In some 
cases perhaps in all they might be treated, indexed and described as 
separate maps. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, separate 
plans of fortresses were often associated in large numbers with a principal 
map. This is common in the great atlas of Sanson's maps, issued by his 
two sons Guillaume and Adrien in collaboration with Hubert Jaillot. A 
special case is seen also in Julien's map of France of 1751 (Atlas 
Gtographique et Mi/iiaire de la France], a map in sheets, which, when 
mounted together, are surrounded by a wide border containing a plan, 
the arms and a short description of each of the fortified places of the 
kingdom, no in number. Some distinction should be, possibly, drawn 


in this connection between quite local plans on a completely different 
scale from the map itself and inset maps of approximately the same 
scale and character. 

While on this subject I may mention the insertion in the later issue 
of Jaillot's maps at Amsterdam, by the publisher Mortier of a large 
number of sheets on which are engraved, in general eight on a page, 
small plans and views of the fortresses of Europe, 196 in number. Of 
these I have prepared nominal index-lists with a short preface which has 
been published in Paris, and is noted above. I submit this publication, as 
its form and substance, though elementary, may be useful for comparison 
with my more elaborate efforts of a similar character. 

It is, of course, true that in quite modern maps scientific details of 
importance must be noted, to make any description complete. The 
character of the conventional signs, the use of distinctive colours and 
forms, contour lines and their significance and other matters in the domain 
of scientific and exact cartography are essential to the understanding, from 
the written text, of the value of the map. The question of meridian has 
pretty well ceased to be controversial, but, naturally, in the early days of 
map production, it was a source of prolonged and generally rather futile 
discussion. In English maps, I need hardly remind the Society, the 
vague meridian in the Atlantic, adopted in the first instance, became, 
firstly, a fairly certain initial meridian taken through the Azores or the 
Canaries, and gave way at the end of the i7th century (circa 1676) to the 
meridian of London, which towards the end of the next century had 
become more exactly the meridian of St. Paul's Cathedral, until the 
triangulation of the Ordnance Survey introduced the meridian of Greenwich 
Observatory. In France, Ferro (Isle de Fer), the most westerly point of 
the Canaries, was adopted, by a decree of Louis XIII (1636), as the initial 
meridian from which French navigators were to calculate the longitude 
(making Paris 20 E.), and this cartographic basis subsisted till the end 
of the 1 8th century. 


Conventional signs appear on maps towards the end of the i?th century. 
A Dutch Commission is now sitting on this and other matters of a 
technical character, and in the result, probably, some basis for international 
uniformity in cartographic representation may be suggested. 

Passing from graphic forms, there remains the question of colour. 

It is only in comparatively modern times, of course, that maps have 
been printed in colour, but from the earliest appearance of engraved maps 
they were habitually coloured and ornamented by hand, in individual 
cases, no doubt, to suit the taste and the purse of the buyer. The 
celebrated Ortelius, who with Mercator shares the glory of the foundation 
of modern geography, began his association with cartography by collecting 
and colouring maps for sale at Antwerp, where he was born. In the 
following century the art was so much in repute that Jean Boisseau 
could describe himself (1636) as a Court official under the title enlumineur 
du roi pmtr les cartes geographiques, and, later, we find magnificent 
specimens of its development in the maps of Jaillot, which represent its 
final glory. The more exact and scientific cartography of the i8th century 
does not appear to have lent itself to colouring. 

Whatever it may please the bookseller to recite in glorification of early 
maps as " highly coloured " and so on, as an attraction to the purchaser, 
the intelligent collector will, in most cases, prefer his specimens en noir, 
by far the larger portion of the maps now on sale having been rather 
spoilt than improved by the colouring to which they have been submitted. 
A really finely coloured and gilded map of the end of the i8th century is 
occasionally obtainable, and is worth acquisition. 

My own view is that colouring by hand should not, in general, be 
noticed in a descriptive catalogue of maps. Colouring by impression, a 
constant and uniform part of the map itself, must, however, be noted, 
and where colours (as in quite modern maps) are used to give 
technical character to details, this fact requires comment and explanation. 

I may add a word on the indexing of this kind of publication. 


I have imagined an abbreviated chronological list as introductory to 
a catalogue of maps. It sets out the original impressions in order of 
date followed in each case by the index-title, the dimensions, and, 
finally, the dates of all reprints. I also add two full indexes, one of 
them containing the titles of every work mentioned, and the other the 
name of every author, engraver, printer, and publisher referred to in the 
text as occurring on or in connection with any map catalogued. 

I should add that in my Catalogue of Cambridgeshire Maps, as well 
as in that of the Maps of the Great Level, in which I have maintained 
my general system, I have considerably reduced the amount of matter, 
principally by abandoning the more complete method of taking each 
reprint in separate chronological order. In these Lists the duplicate or 
reprinted maps follow the original impression, and the details necessary 
to be worked into the text are thus much diminished. As the Hertford- 
shire List can always be referred to as the standard work on county 
cartography and as, in nine cases out of ten at least, county maps in this 
country are in complete series, it is useless to repeat the particulars of the 
topographical works, atlases, directories, etc., in which they are found. 

I may mention that two very valuable publications dealing with 
the County Maps of Lancashire and Cheshire, from the pen of 
Mr. Wm. Harrison (" Early Maps of Lancashire and their Makers," 
Manchester, 1908, and "Early Maps of Cheshire," Manchester, 1909) 
have appeared in the "Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire 
Antiquarian Society." The other counties of England and Wales remain 
to be dealt with. 

The more historical and less descriptive study which I have attempted 
of the maps of the French Provinces, while possibly presenting some 
features of technical interest in its arrangements, is not worth any particular 
treatment from the point of view of the subject of this communication. 

The larger question of how maps should be dealt with in general 
catalogues, and to what extent individual maps should in such catalogues 


be treated separately from complete atlases, and again to what extent, if at 
all, such catalogues ought to be completed by the nominal insertion of 
each map bound up with the text in topographical and other books and 
publications, I rather shrink from attacking on this occasion. 

I think it would be well if complete atlases were separately catalogued 
in all libraries. The recent publication of the List of Geographical Atlases 
in the Library of Congress is a work of great interest in this connection. 
If the British Museum could publish a similar catalogue of the atlases in 
its collection, it would, I think, be of great value. Although the atlases in 
that library are readily accessible through the Map Catalogue, a good 
deal of time is lost in distinguishing them in the long lists of individual 
maps which there occur. Again, it would be of service, in such a 
collection, if the individual maps could be each marked with its source. 
The work of making this annotation would, however, be a serious one. The 
cartographic wealth of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris is much obscured 
by the absence of efficient and accessible cataloguing but here there is, I 
fear, very little hope of improvement. If the British Museum and the 
Bibliotheque Nationale would each publish a List of Atlases on the lines 
of that of the Library of Congress, the light thrown on the bibliographical 
side of this subject would be really very important. 

Sir George Fordham's paper was illustrated by an extensive collection 
of maps and atlases from his own collection, including a copy of the 
Theatre franfois, published at Tours in 1594, of which only five examples 
are known, other French atlases, a series of road-maps and several early 
maps of Hertfordshire, the county with which his own studies began. His 
paper was followed by a discussion of unusual length and interest, in 
which, among others, Mr. Wheatley, Mr. Steele, Mr. De Villiers (of the 
British Museum Map Room), Mr. H. N. Stevens, and Mr. Falconer Madan 
took part. 




[The longer descriptions are taken from the author's Hertfordshire Maps, published by 
Stephen Austin & Sons, Limited, Hertford, in 1907, the shorter from his Cambridge- 
shire Maps, published by The University Press, Cambridge, in 1908. Although 
describing different maps it will be seen that the two series of descriptions are 
throughout closely parallel.] 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 

1607. CAMDEN, WILLIAM. 14x11^-. Scale, 2 \ miles = i inch. En- 
graved by William Kip, after Norden. 

A plain map, showing the hundreds, rivers, towns and villages, and 
parks, with trees and hills figured. In left top corner, in panel, " Hertfordice 
comitatus a Cattifuclanis (sic) olim inhabitants" and below, names of the 
hundreds in two columns, thus : 


1. Caisho Hundred. 5. Odsey Hundred. 

2. Dacorum Hundred. 6. Edwinstree Hundred. 

3. Hitch halfe Hudred. 7. Braghinge Hundred. 

4. Broad water Hundred. 8. Hartforde Hundred. 

In left bottom corner, " Scala Milliarium" and "Johannes Norden 
perambulavit et descripsit Wilhelmi kip Sculpsit." In right bottom corner, 
indicator of cardinal points. Latin text printed on back. 

From Camden's 'Britannia] the last I^atin edition published by Camden 
himself (he died in 1623), and the first with county maps. London, 1607, 
folio. The imprint on the title-page is, " Londini, Impensis Georgii Bishop 
etjoannis Norton. M.DC.VII." 

(Reprinted in 1610 and again in 1637, in Philemon Holland's English 
translation of the l Britannia' ; both editions, London, folio.) 

L 2 


*i6io. CAMDEN, WILLIAM. 14 x n. Scale, 2^ miles = i inch. 
Engraved by William Kip, after Norden. 

This is a reprint of the map of 1607 (q.v.), but is distinguishable from 
it by the absence of text on the back. 

From Camden's 'Britannia,' Philemon Holland's English translation, 
the first edition, London, 1610, folio. The imprint on the title-page is that 
of the Latin edition of 1607, with the date M.DC.X. There is a copy of this 
edition in the Bibliotheque nationale, Paris, without the county maps. 

*i637. CAMDEN, WILLIAM. 14x11^. Scale, z\ miles =i inch. 
Engraved by William Kip, after Norden. 

A reprint of the map in the folio editions of Camden's ' Britannia ' of 
1607 and 1610, but distinguishable by a plate number 16 in the left-hand 
bottom corner. 

From Camden's ' Britannia? Philemon Holland's English translation, 
the second (and last) edition, London, 1637, folio. The imprint on the 
title-page of this edition is, " London, printed by F. K. R. Y. and I. L. for 
Joyce Norton, and Richard Whitaker [" for Andrew Heb," in the British 
Museum copy], 1637." 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 
1607. CAMDEN, WILLIAM. i2|| x n^. Scale, about 3 miles=i inch. 
Engraved by William Kip, after Saxton. 

This is the earliest individual map of the county. The rivers, with the 
principal bridges, are shown as in Saxton's map, with the towns and villages, 
a few parks, and some hills and trees. It is coarsely drawn, and has a 
single-line border without ornament. The title, in the right-hand top 
corner, is : " Cambridge Comitatus quern olim Iceni Insederunt" In the 
bottom right-hand comer is a scale of miles, and below, in a panel, 
" Christophorus Saxton descrip : Wilhelmus Kip Sculpsit." 

From Camden's ' Britannia? the last Latin edition published by Camden 
himself, and the first with county maps. London, 1607, fol. 



1610. In Philemon Holland's English translation of the 'Britannia.' 
London, 1610, fol. 

1637, And in the same, second edition. London, 1637, fol. 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 
1724. MOLL, HERMAN. 10^x7!. Scale, about 3^ miles = i inch. 

Gives hundreds, roads, rivers, towns and villages, with hamlets, houses, 
parks, hills, and woods. It has a double-ruled border, with the degrees 
and minutes of longitude and latitude marked, and the words " First 
meridian from London" in the margin. The hundreds are distinguished 
by capital letters A to H, and detached parts by small letters i to /, a 
detached part of the county being identified by the letter m. In the left- 
hand top corner, in rectangular panel, " Hertford Shire. By H. Moll 
Geographer," and below the panel a list of the hundreds. At the top of 
the map on the right-hand side, a list of the parts of the hundreds, etc., 
corresponding with the letters on the map. In the bottom right-hand 
corner a scale of (5) "English Miles," and a circular indicator showing 
the north and east. On either side of the map, within the engraved plate, 
are six coins, the plate, with the two columns of coins, being 12^ inches 
wide. The left-hand column is headed " British Coins." In the left-hand 
top corner, in the margin of the map, is the number "(18)." 

From ' A New Description of England and Wales, With the Adjacent 
Islands. Wherein are contained Diverse useful Observations and Dis- 
coveries In respect to Natural History, Antiquities, Customs, Honours, 
Privileges, Etc. ... To which is added, A new and correct Set of 
Maps of each County, their Roads and Distances ; and, to render 'em 
the more acceptable to the Curious, their Margins are adorn'd with 
great Variety of very remarkable Antiquities, Etc. By Herman Moll, 


Geographer." This work is printed for H. Moll, and sold by T. Bowles, 
C. Rivington, and J. Bowles. London, 1724, fol. 

*i724. MOLL, HERMAN. 10^x7$. Scale, about 3^ miles=i inch. 

A reprint of the above map of Herts without alteration. From an 
atlas of the set of maps printed in the ' New Description,' with a new 
title-page, which runs as follows : ' A Set of Fifty New and Correct Maps 
of England and Wales . . . with the Great Roads and Principal Cross- 
Roads . . . Shewing the Computed Miles from Town to Town .... 
All, except two, composed and done by Herman Moll, Geographer.' 
London, 1724, fol. It also occurs bound in 4to. It is sold by Moll, and 
Thomas and J. Bowles. (Reprinted in 1739, and again in 1753 without 
the coins in the margin, in Moll's ' British Atlas.') 


*i739. MOLL, HERMAN. 10^ x 7$. Scale, about 3^ miles = i inch. 
A reprint of the map of 1724 in the collection of Moll's county maps. 

From ' A Set of Fifty New and Correct Maps of England and Wales,' 
apparently the 2nd edition. London, 1739, fol. I have not seen this 



*i753- MOLL, HERMAN. 10^x7-!. Scale, about 3^ miles = i inch. 

A reprint of Moll's Map of Herts of 1724, but with the coins cut off 
the plate. The map itself is unaltered, except that it is numbered in the 
margin in the left-hand top corner " (20) " instead of " (18)." 

From Moll's ' British Atlas, or Pocket Maps of all the Counties in 
England and Wales.' 1753, sm. folio. There are 51 maps in this Atlas. 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 
1724. MOLL, HERMAN. 7^x 10. Scale, 5 miles=i inch. 

A map showing the rivers, drains, principal roads, and most of the 
towns and villages. The hundreds are distinguished by letters, and the 
degrees and minutes of latitude and longitude are shown in the margin. 


At the top, and at the foot of the map are engravings of Saxon coins, 
which lengthen the plate z\ inches in all. The title, in the right-hand 
bottom corner, is : " Cambridg-Shire. By H. Moll Geographer." 

From ' A New Description of England and Wales, With the Adjacent 
Islands.' "By Herman Moll, Geographer." London, 1724, fol. 

Reprinted : 

1724. In an atlas entitled ' A Set of Fifty New and Correct Maps of 
England and Wales.' London, 1724, fol. It is also found bound in 410. 

1739. In a reprint of the last-mentioned atlas, apparently the second 
edition. London, 1739, fol. 

I 753- With the marginal designs cut off, in Moll's 'British Atlas, or 
Pocket Maps of all the Counties in England and Wales.' London, 1753, 
sm. fol. There are 5 1 maps in this atlas. 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 
1766. ELLIS, JOHN. 9! x 7^. Scale, 5 miles = i inch. 

Gives roads, rivers, towns (distinguishing borough and market towns), 
villages, rectories and vicarages, fairs, hills, parks, and woods. Plain 
margin, with inner line divided into degrees and minutes of latitude and 
longitude. In left-hand top corner, on design of upright stone, with 
ornaments and a background of trees, " A Modern Map of Hartford- 
Shire, Drawn from the latest Surveys ; Corrected and Improved by the 
best Authorities. J. Ellis, sculp 1 ." and a circular indicator of the north. 
In the right-hand bottom corner "Remarks," showing the meaning of 
the signs used on the map, and, below, scale of " British Statute Miles 69 
to a Degree." At foot, below margin, " Printed for Carington Bowles in 
St. Pauls Churchyard, and Rob 1 Sayer in Fleet Street." The map is 
numbered 22 at the right-hand top corner. (Reprinted 1768, 1773, and 


From ' Ellis's English Atlas : or a Compleat Chorography of England 
and Wales : in Fifty Maps, Containing more Particulars than any other 
Collection of the Same Kind. The Whole Calculated for the Use of 
Travellers, Academies, and of all those who desire to Improve in the 
Knowledge of their Country. From the latest Surveys of the Several 
Counties ; Engraved by, and under the Direction of, J. Ellis.' 

This appears to be the first edition of the Atlas, London, 1766, long 
4to. It is the only one mentioned in Cough's ' Anecdotes.' It is 
"Printed for Carington Bowles, next the Chapter-House, in St. Paul's 
Church- Yard ; and Robert Sayer, at the Golden Buck, near Serjeants Inn, 
in Fleet-Street. Price los. 6d. in Red Leather for the Pocket. MDCCLXVI." 

*i768. ELLIS, JOHN. Q| x 7$. Scale, 5 miles = i inch. 

An exact reprint of the map of Herts in the Atlas of 1766. From 
'Ellis's English Atlas.' London, 1768, long 410. Apparently the second 
edition. It is printed for Robert Sayer, Thomas Jefferys, and A Dury. 

*i773. ELLIS, JOHN, gf x 7$ . Scale, 5 miles = i inch. 

Another unaltered impression of the map in the Atlas of 1766, but 
folding in the middle. 

From ' Ellis's English Atlas,' London, 1773, 8vo. This appears to be 
the third issue. It is printed for Robert Sayer alone. In the copy in 
the British Museum a folding chart of distances on the plan of Norden's 
is inserted, but it is not referred to in the list of maps, and does not seem 
to belong to the Atlas. It has " P. Luckombe Fecit 1775 " in one corner. 

*i777- ELLIS, JOHN. 9|x7f. Scale, 5 miles = i inch. 
A further reprint of the map of Herts first published in 1766. 

From 'Ellis's English Atlas,' London, 1777, 410. The fourth and 
last edition, it seems. The maps are not folded. 

Printed for R. Sayer and J. Bennett. 


CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 

1766. ELLIS, JOHN. 7fx9. Scale, about 5 miles =i inch. 

A well-filled map, wanting the boundaries of the hundreds. The fen 
districts with their drains, dykes and meres fully shown in detail. Most of 
the villages are indicated. At the top right-hand corner the title, in an 
ornamental panel with a background of trees, etc. : " A Modern Map of 
Cambridgeshire, Drawn from the latest Surveys ; Corrected and Improved 
by the best Authorities. J. Ellis, sculp 1 ." At foot : " Printed for Robt 1 . 
Sayer in Fleet Street, and Carington Bowles in S* Pauls Church yard." 

From ' Ellis's English Atlas : or, a compleat Chorography of England 
and Wales : in Fifty Maps, Containing more Particulars than any other 
Collection of the Same Kind.' It is "Engraved by, and under the 
Direction of, J. Ellis." London, 1766, obi. 410. 

Reprinted : 

1768. In a reprint of ' Ellis's English Atlas.' London, 1768, obi. 4to. 
r 773- I n another reprint of the same atlas. London, 1773, 8vo. 
7777. And again in what is probably the last edition of the atlas. 
London, 1777, 4to. 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 

1788. POLITICAL MAGAZINE. lafxioj. Scale, 4 miles =i inch. 
Engraved by John Lodge. 

Shows rivers, principal roads, towns, villages, hamlets, parks, woods, 
and hills. Plain-ruled margin, with degrees and minutes of latitude and 
longitude. Meridians of 52 N. latitude and o longitude of London 
ruled across map. In left-hand top corner: "A Map of Hartfordshire, 
from the latest Authorities." In the right-hand top corner, a small circular 
indicator of the north, and in the right-hand bottom corner : " Remarks," 
and, below, scale of (10) " British Statute Miles 69 to a Degree." On 


bottom border, within map, on left, is : " Longitude West from London," 
and on right, " Longitude East from London," and in margin, " Meridian o 
of London." 

At the right-hand top corner, outside border : " Political Mag. Oct r 88," 
and, below, in middle, " London Published as the Act directs, Oct r 3151 
1788 by J. Murray, No. 32 Fleet Street." 

From 'The Political Magazine, and Parliamentary, Naval, Military, 
and Literary Journal,' 21 vols., London, 1780-91, 8vo. The map of 
Herts illustrates vol. xv. (June-December, 1788). 

Other county maps in the series have at foot " J. Lodge sc." (The 
maps are reprinted in an atlas, without title or date, about 1795.) 


*i795 (c). LODGE, JOHN. i2| x 10^. Scale, 4 miles = i inch. 

A reprint of the map of Herts which occurs in 'The Political Magazine' 
for October, 1788, with the omission of the reference and date outside the 
top right-hand corner, and of the publisher's imprint at the foot of the map. 
It is otherwise unaltered. 

From an atlas of 40 maps of the English counties, preceded by three 
general maps of England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, without title 
or date, on thin paper, folio. There is a copy in the British Museum, and 
I have one in my collection. The paper of the latter has a water-mark 
dated 1795. 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 

AND LITERARY JOURNAL, tof x i2|. Scale, about 4 miles = i inch 
Engraved by John Lodge. 

A map following closely those of Ellis and Bowen in design and 
detail. It is entitled : " A New Map of Cambridgeshire from the best 
Authorities," and has, at the top right-hand corner, " Political Mag Nov r . 


87," and at foot, in centre, "London, Published as the Act directs, 30 
Nov r . 1787, by J. Murray No. 32 Fleet Street," and on the right, 
" J. Lodge sf." 

From the number for November, 1787, in vol. 13, of the 'Political 
Magazine, and Parliamentary, Naval, Military, and Literary Journal,' at 
p. 814. There is no descriptive text. London, 1787, 8vo. This 
magazine was issued in 21 volumes, London, 1780-91, all 8vo. 

Reprinted : 

Z 795 (f-\ I n an at ^ as without date or title, of which I have a copy 
printed on paper bearing a water-mark date 1795. The imprint at foot 
and the reference to the ' Political Magazine ' are erased from the plate of 
the map of Cambridgeshire in this impression. 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 
1790. AIKIN, JOHN. 7 x 4^. Scale, about 8 miles = i inch. 

Outline map without border, filling page of small octavo volume. 
Shows boundary of county by finely-dotted line, the principal rivers and 
their tributaries, including the New River, and the chief towns. In the 
left-hand top corner : " Hertfordshire." The names of the adjacent 
counties are also inserted in the map. 

From ' England Delineated ; or, a Geographical Description of every 
county in England and Wales : with a concise account of its most 
important products, natural and artificial. For the use of Young Persons.' 
This is the second edition of this work ; the first edition, published in 
1788, has no maps. London, 1790, 8vo. 

(Reprinted, 3rd ed. 1795, 4 tn e ^- l8oo > 5 th ecl - l8 3> 6t h ed. ^09, all 
with the county maps ; and also, with large additions, under the title 
'England Described,' 1818, but without maps. The maps are also found 


bound together, without title, in the Library of the British Museum, the 
volume containing a manuscript date 1796.) 

*i795- AIKIN, JOHN. 7$ x 4^. Scale, about 8 miles = i inch. 

An exact reprint of the map of Herts in the second edition of 
' England Delineated,' published in 1790. 

From 'England Delineated,' 3rd ed. London, 1795, 8vo. 


*i8oo. AIKIN, JOHN. 7$ x 4^. Scale, about 8 miles =i inch. 
Another reprint of the map of Herts of 1790. 

From 'England Delineated,' 4th ed. London, 1800, 8vo. 

*i8c>3. AIKIN, JOHN. 7| x 4^. Scale, about 8 miles = i inch. 

Reprinted from the plate which first appears in Aikin's ' England 
Delineated,' the second edition, published in 1790. 

From 'England Delineated,' 5th ed. London, 1803, 8vo. 

*i8o9. AIKIN, JOHN. 7| x 4^. Scale, about 8 miles = i inch. 
The last reprint of the map of 1790. 
From 'England Delineated,' 6th ed. London, 1809, 8vo. 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 

1790. AIKIN, JOHN. An outline map without border, about 4^x6^. 
Scale, about 18 miles =i inch. 

Gives the county boundary, the principal rivers, and a few towns. At 
the top " Cambridgeshire," in slightly ornamental capitals. 

From ' England Delineated, or, a Geographical Description of every 
county in England and Wales,' second edition. London, 1790, 8vo. 
The first edition of this work (1788) has no maps. 



Reprinted : 

In successive, unaltered editions of the same publication, 
all London, 8vo. 


HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Maps, 1907.) 

1808. CAPPER, BENJAMIN PITTS. 7 x 4 T V Scale, 8 miles =i inch. 
Drawn and engraved by Cooper. 

A map showing the hundreds, rivers, canals, roads, towns, and a few 
villages, with a few hills along the northern border. The river rising at 
Baldock and flowing into the Hiz is erroneously named the Rhea. The 
border, of a thick ruled line, is broken in four places along the bottom by 
the boundary of the county. In the right-hand top corner, in a narrow 
panel with the corners bevelled, the title : " Hertfordshire," and, below : 
"in which is laid down every Parish and Place containing upwards of 
40 Houses." Below again, in a single column, a list of the hundreds, 
and particulars of the boroughs, market towns, parishes, inhabitants, 
acres, etc., and at its foot a scale of ten " British Miles." In the left- 
hand top corner an indicator of the cardinal points, consisting of two 
crossed lines, with an ornamental terminal for the north. Above the 
top right-hand corner : " Plate xvi " ; below the map, in the centre : 
"Published Jan* i, 1808, by R. Phillips, Bridge Street, Blackfriars, 
London " ; and on the right : " Cooper deF. et sculp'" 

From ' A Topographical Dictionary of the United Kingdom.' London, 
1808, 8vo. It contains 46 maps, including 40 of the English counties. 

(Reprinted in 1813, 1826, and 1829.) 


*i8i3- CAPPER, BENJAMIN PITTS. 7 x 4^. Scale, 8 miles = i inch. 
Drawn and engraved by Cooper. 


A reprint of the map of 1 808, unaltered. 

From another edition of ' A Topographical Dictionary of the United 
Kingdom.' London, 1813, 8vo. This edition has 47 maps. 


*i826. CAPPER, BENJAMIN PITTS. 7 x 4 T V Scale, 8 miles =1 inch. 
Drawn and engraved by Cooper. 

A further reprint of the map of Herts of 1808, with alterations in 
some of the figures of population, etc., to bring them up to date. The 
imprint at foot is altered to: "Published by G. and W. B. Whittaker 
13, Ave Maria Lane, 1824." The engraver's name is omitted. 

From 4 A Topographical Dictionary of the United Kingdom.' London, 
1826, 8vo. This appears to be the third edition of this work. 

'1829. CAPPER, BENJAMIN PITTS. 7 x 4 T V Scale, 8 miles = i inch. 
Drawn and engraved by Cooper. 

A reprint of the Hertfordshire map of 1808, as altered and redated 
1824, and published in the ' Topographical Dictionary' of 1826. 

From ' A Topographical Dictionary of the United Kingdom.' London, 
1829, 8vo. This issue is described on the title-page as a "New Edition." 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 

1808. CAPPER, BENJAMIN PITTS. 4-^ x 7^. Scale, 8 miles 
= i inch. Drawn and engraved by Cooper. 

A clear and rather delicately designed map of Cambridgeshire, showing 
the Wash in the north, and with the fen area indicated by shading and 
representations of reeds. It gives the usual details. The border is of two 
lines only. Above the top right-hand corner : " Plate IV." At foot, in 
the centre, below the border: "Published Jany. i, 1808, by R. Philips 
Bridge Street Blackfriars London.", and, on the right : " Cooper, del', et 
sculp 1 ." In the right-hand top corner an arrow-head indicator of the 
north. Below the county boundary, in the centre, in a long panel : 


" Cambridgeshire ", and, again below : " in which is laid down every 
Parish and Place containing upwards of 40 Houses", and a scale of 10 
" British Miles." On the right of this title a list of the hundreds in a 
single column, and, on the left, details of acreage, population, inhabited 
houses, etc. 

From ' A Topographical Dictionary of the United Kingdom ', by 
Benjamin Pitts Capper. London, 1808, 8vo. 

Reprinted : 

In successive editions of the ' Dictionary,' the publishers and 
the imprint at the foot of the maps being altered to : " Pub- 
lished by G. and W. B. Whittaker, 13, Ave Maria Lane, 1824", 
from the 1825 edition. In which also the engraver's name at 
the foot of the Cambridgeshire map is erased. 




HERTFORDSHIRE. (Hertfordshire Mofis, 1907.) 

1845. KELLY, W., & Co. io| x 8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A rather faintly-printed map of Herts, in a plain, ruled border, giving 
the usual details, with railways and stations, and an asterisk denoting 
money-order offices. In the left-hand top corner : " Post-Office Map of 
Hertfordshire. 1845", anc *> below: "Scale of (6) Miles", and the signs 
denoting polling-places and " Post Office Money Order Towns ", and a 
thin vertical line with a star at the upper end and a cross line as indicator 
of the points of the compass. In the right-hand bottom corner, the 
number of square miles and inhabitants in the county, the names of the 
hundreds, and the number of members returned to Parliament by the 
county, and the boroughs of Hertford and St. Albans. Below the margin, 
in the centre : " Kelly & C. Post Office Directory Offices, 19 and 20 Old 
Boswell Court, Temple Bar ", and, on the right : " Drawn and Engraved 
by B. R. Davies, 16 George Str. Euston Squ." 


From the ' Post Office Directory of the Six Home Counties, viz., Essex, 
Herts, Kent, Middlesex, Surrey and Sussex. With Maps engraved ex- 
pressly for the work.' London, no date (but Preface dated July, 1845), 8vo. 
This is the earliest issue of this Directory, which, under titles slightly varying 
from time to time, was re-issued in 1852, 1855, 1859, 1862, 1867, 1871, and 
1874 (with the above map of Herts), and in 1878, 1882, 1886, 1890, 1894, 
and 1898, with larger maps. The small map was also reprinted in an atlas 

of county maps in 1860 by the same firm of publishers. 

"1852. KELLY, W., & Co. io| x 8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A reprint of the map of Herts of 1845, redated in the title 1852, and 
with some additions to the railways, and to the signs in use on the map. 

From the ' Post Office Directory of the Six Home Counties.' London, 
no date (but Preface dated November, 1851), 8vo. This is the second 

issue of the Directory. 


1855. KELLY & Co. iofx8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A reprint of the map of 1845, as amended in 1852, but redated 1855, 
and with slight alterations in the railways. The number of inhabitants 
in the county is also amended, and the reference to the members of 
parliament for St. Albans, as well as the engraver's name, are omitted. 

From the ' Post Office Directory of Essex, Herts, Kent, Middlesex, 
Surrey and Sussex' (the 3rd ed. of the Directory of the Six Home 

Counties), London, 1855, 8vo. 


1859. KELLY & Co. xof x 8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A re-issue of the map of 1845 an< ^ subsequent dates, as amended in 
1855, but redated 1859, and with some slight further alterations and 
additions in the railways. 


From the ' Post Office Directory of Essex, Herts, Kent, Middlesex, 
Surrey and Sussex' (the 4th ed.). London, 1859, 8vo. 


*i86o. KELLY & Co. lof x 8$. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

Another reprint of the map of the county of 1845, etc., as last 
previously republished in the Post Office Directory in 1859, with at foot, 
below border, on left: "Printed from Stone by C. F. Cheffins & Son 
London", in centre: "Kelly & C. Post Office Directory Offices, 19, 20 
and 2 1 Old Boswell Court, Temple Bar ", and, on right : " Drawn and 
Engraved by B. R. Davies." This map is not dated. 

From ' The Post Office Directory Atlas of England and Wales,' pub- 
lished by Kelly & C. London, no date, large 4to. This is an atlas of 
county maps as "originally published with the Directories for the respective 
Counties", and "corrected to the present time, December, 1860." 

*i862. KELLY & Co. iofx8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A further reprint of the map of 1845, as amended in 1855 and 1859, 
and with some slight additions to the railways, and the correction up to 
date of the number of the inhabitants of the county. At foot, below 
margin, on the right : " Drawn and engraved by B. R. Davies." The 
map is redated 1862. 

From the ' Post Office Directory of Essex, Herts, Middlesex, Kent, 
Surrey and Sussex,' the 5th ed., London, 1862, 8vo. 


*i867. KELLY & Co. io| x 8f. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

The map of 1845 again reprinted from the issue of 1862, with additions 
to the railways, a correction of the population, the omission of the reference 
to money-order offices, and the date 1867. 


From ' The Post Office Directory of Essex, Herts, Middlesex, Kent, 
Surrey and Sussex,' the 6th ed., London, 1866, 8vo. All the maps are 
dated 1867, and the preface, October, 1866. It was probably, therefore, 
issued early in the former year. 

* * * * * 

iSyi. KELLY & Co. lof x 8|. Scale, about 5 miles = i inch. 
Engraved by B. R. Davies. 

This reprint of the maps of Herts, 1845-1867, differs from that of the 
last date by the omission of the reference to polling places, alterations in 
the railways, the date 1871, and the addition below the margin on the 
left-hand side, of "J. M. Johnson & Sons, Printers, 3, Castle Street, 
Holborn and 56 Hatton Garden, London." 

From 'The Post Office Directory of the Six Home Counties,' 7th ed., 

London, 1870, 8vo. The Preface is dated "November, 1870." 

*i874. KELLY & Co. tof x 8|. Scale, about 5 miles =i inch. 
Engraved by F. Bryer (?). 

Apparently a slightly altered, and the last, reprint of Davies' map of 
Herts of 1845, but it may have been re-engraved, as Bryer's name replaces 
that of Davies on the map. The alterations from the original design and 
details are very slight. This map is dated 1874, and at foot, on the left 
side, is : " J. M. Johnson & Sons, Litho, 56, Hatton Garden, London ", 
in the centre : " Kelly & C. Post Office Directory Offices, 51 Great Queen 
Street, London ", and on the right : " Engraved by F. Bryer." 

CAMBRIDGESHIRE. (Cambridgeshire Maps, 1908.) 
1846. KELLY, W., AND Co. 8| x n. Scale, 4^ miles =i inch. 
Drawn and engraved by B. R. Davies. 

A map of Cambridgeshire in a single-line border, with the usual full 
details within the county boundaries, the roads, railways and a few towns 
being shown up to the margin of the map. In the right-hand top corner : 
"Post Office Map of Cambridgeshire", and, below, the date: "1846." 
Again below, a "Scale of Miles" (8), and particulars of the acreage, 


inhabitants, etc. of the county. On the left-hand side of the map a 
" Reference to the Hundreds ", with the names set in two columns. On 
the right-hand side a very slightly-drawn indicator of the north, and, in the 
bottom corner, on the same side, particulars of the members returned to 
Parliament. In the centre, below the border, at the foot of the map: 
" Kelly and Co. Post Office Directory Offices 19 and 20 Old Boswell 
Court, Temple Bar." On the right-hand side : " Drawn and Engraved by 
B. R. Davies, 16 George Str. Euston Squ." 

From the ' Post Office Directory of the Norfolk Counties ; viz. : 
Cambridge, Norfolk, and Suffolk ', " The maps engraved expressly for the 
work." London, no date, 8vo. 


1853. In the ' Post Office Directory of Cambridge, Norfolk, and 
Suffolk', the " Second Edition", published by Kelly and Co. London, no 
date, 8vo. The preface of this Directory is dated April, 1853. The map of 
Cambridgeshire is dated 1853, and there are some additions to the 'Explana- 
tion ', and to the railways, as compared with the impression of 1 846. 

1838. In a Directory with the same title as that of 1853. London, 
1858, 8vo. It is described as the "Third Edition", and the preface is 
dated November, 1858. On the map, Kelly's address is extended, and, 
below the left-hand bottom corner, is added : " Printed by C. F. Cheffins 
and Son." 

1860, In an atlas entitled the ' Post Office Directory Atlas of 
England.' London, no date, fol. In the list of maps it is stated that 
" these maps were originally published with the Directories for the 
respective Counties, and have been corrected to the present time, Decem- 
ber, 1860." This map of Cambridgeshire appears to be unaltered from 
the impression last noted, but the printer's imprint is : " Printed from 
Stone by C. F. Cheffins and Son London." 

1864. In c The Post Office Directory of Cambridgeshire ', a separate 
issue for the county. London, no date, 8vo. The preface is dated May, 

M 2 


1864, and the directory is stated to be the fourth edition. The imprint of 
Cheffins and Son disappears in this issue, but the map appears to be other- 
wise unaltered, except that it is dated 1864. 

1864. In ' The Post Office Directory of Cambridgeshire ', in which 
the preface is dated July, 1864, and the work is again described as the 
fourth edition. London, no date, 8vo. The map is as in the previous 
issue of this year. 

1869. In 'The Post Office Directory of Cambridge, Norfolk, and 
Suffolk.' London, 1869, 8vo. This is the fifth edition of the Directory. 
The map is dated 1869, and it is slightly altered from previous impressions, 
Kelly and Co.'s address at the foot being altered, and, below the left-hand 
bottom corner, is now written in : " J. M. Johnson and Sons, Printers, 
3, Castle Street, Holborn and 56, Hatton Garden, London." 

1875. Again, slightly altered, in ' The Post Office Directory of Cam- 
bridge, Norfolk and Suffolk.' London, 1875, 8vo. The map is redated 
1875. The imprint below the left-hand bottom corner is omitted. 

1873. In 'County Topographies. Cambridgeshire.' London, 1875, 
8vo. It is edited by Edward Robert Kelly, M.A., F.S.S. The map is 
dated 1875. This is the last impression from the plate of 1846. 


Read igth December, 19/0. 

,MONG the minor disappointments of life must be 
reckoned our feelings when we find, after journeying 
to some place with an historic name which has kindled 
our imagination, that factories and commonplace streets 
have obliterated everything that we had hoped to see. 

Happily one can make a pilgrimage to Strassburg and still find much 
that links the present with the past. The high-pitched roofs of grey 
shingles, broken by rows of dormers, the irregular old streets, with here 
and there a house-front richly carved and painted, give a great charm to 
the older part of the town and justify the song-writer who found his city 
beautiful as well as beloved. 

To-day the town is curiously bilingual, but we must bear in mind that 
Strassburg was German in speech and thought until Louis XIV carried 
the boundaries of France to the Rhine. Then she came under the spell 
of French culture until the Prussian guns were thundering at her redoubts 
in that eventful autumn of 1870, and now, though not without a lingering 
look behind, she is in a fair way of becoming the German city that she 
was when her citizens reared the great cathedral and when they were 
busy with their printing presses. 


In this famous city, Martin Schott was born. He belonged to a 
well-known family, one of those town families of old standing, generally 
descended from some noble stock without the walls, who in the free cities 
of Germany contrived to monopolise the higher offices and, likening 
themselves to the aristocracy of old Rome, were styled " patricians." 

The surname Schott is a German form of the word "Scot." It has 
a later derivative meaning of a "friar," from the number of Scoti of the 
mendicant orders who made their way through Germany, just as in the 
North of England a pedlar is still known as " the Scotchman," irrespective 
of his actual nationality. 

Whether or not the remote ancestors of the Strassburg Schotts had 
actually come from the British Isles is more than we can say with any 
certainty. But if I may be forgiven for introducing my own family history 
into this paper I will relate a story as to their origin which may have some 
truth in it, and which incidentally was the cause of my father's beginning 
to collect the works of the Schott press and hence of this paper. 

In the year 1587, then, one of my own family, a soldier of fortune 
named Johann Schott von Schottenborn, born in Hesse but domiciled in 
Lorraine, wrote a history of his family, of which an old copy has been 
inherited by my father, who is descended from the author's next of kin. 

This Johann von Schottenborn states that his forefathers had originally 
come from a village in Hesse called Zu den Schotten, a foundation of 
Scoti such as existed at other places in Germany, and proceeding with his 
tale he relates that three brothers, his collateral ancestors, had migrated, 
after the wars of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, first to Worms and 
then to Strassburg ; from whom, says the chronicler, is descended the 
honourable family known as councillors and rulers of the city, and more 
especially as printers of books. 

Be this as it may, and it must be confessed that the account lacks 
corroborative detail, it is a fact that the first appearance of the name in 
the archives at Strassburg is about this time, when three brothers called 
Schott figure in sundry documents. 


So if we like to give a little rein to our imagination we may picture our 
printers as descended from the Scots who in the train of two sisters of royal 
blood, Almudis and Rosamunda by name, settled at Schotten, in Hesse, in 
the reign of the Emperor Henry II. And lest any should doubt this "true 
relation " there are to be seen to this day in the church at Schotten two 
archaic busts, which, having long remained unidentified, have now been 
shown to be the effigies of the two ladies " ex Scotia oriundae." 

Coming to facts that are well established, I shall proceed with a little 
account of Martin Schott's family and connections. Not that in itself a 
man's social position is of any interest, but because we should note that 
Martin Schott did not begin his career as a workman in the employment 
of some other printer, but belonged to a rich and influential family with 
cultured associations. Moreover, it is necessary to explain his relationship 
to some of the important citizens of Strassburg in order to show his 
connection with the men of letters who formed a literary set in Strassburg 
in his time. 

From one of the three brothers already mentioned as being prominent 
at Strassburg in the i3th century sprang a family of knights, possessed 
of the fief of Arnolsheim, not far away, but still keeping a connection 
with the city. The descendants of the other two remained citizens, 
although classed as knights, and it is pretty clear that this is the patrician 
family to which the printers belonged. 

Martin Schott's father, Friedrich, was a sculptor, and was a brother of 
Peter Schott, famous for his generosity and public spirit, and for his 
services to the city. Peter Schott was four times " ammeister," or chief 
magistrate, and commanded the armed forces of the Republic in the 
war against Charles the Bold. In addition he was a religious and 
charitable man, and a lover of letters and the arts. He entertained men 
of learning at his house and made a gift to the cathedral library. 

Peter Schott had an only son, the first cousin, of course, of Martin, 
who was called Peter after his father. He was the first to introduce the 


studies of the humanists to Strassburg, and Martin Schott printed his 
literary remains. But we shall have more to say of the young Peter Schott 
later on. 

Martin took for his wife a daughter of Johann Mentel or Mentelin, the 
first of the Strassburg printers, and in 1492 he was in possession of a 
house in the Dornengasse which had belonged to his father-in-law. But 
Mentel's presses went to his other son-in-law, Adolf Rusch, now generally 
identified, I believe, with the " R printer." ' 

Seeing that Schott started with so many advantages and was in such 
close touch with the artists and literary men of his time it is a little 
disappointing that his work is not on a higher level. One might have 
expected that he would have put typographical excellence above mere 
commercial considerations and aimed at producing books which would 
have been a delight to his art-loving friends. But one has to admit that 
there is nothing in Schott's books to distinguish him in this way. His 
work is often careless, especially in the books belonging to his middle 
period, which are disfigured by head-lines irregularly spaced or even 
placed upside down, while the numbering of the pages is often con- 
spicuously faulty. 

Neither was he, so far as we can trace his books, a prolific printer. 
He must have been printing for some eighteen years at least, yet the books 
from his press enumerated by Schmidt in his Repertoire Bibliographique 
Strasbourgeois are but nineteen in number. To these I have added, in 
my little supplement lately published at Strassburg, another sixteen. But 
as none of them bear his name, and as the evidence depends on a com- 
parison of the types, we must take these ascriptions with due reservation. 

Many of Martin Schott's books contain rather crude woodcuts. As 
there is nothing to distinguish them from others of their kind I will not 
spend any time in describing them. These illustrated books are, of 

(l) Adolf Rusch, like the Schotts, was no unlettered craftsman, and was an intimate 
friend of the Canon Peter Schott, who styles Rusch " Vir et litteratus et litteratorurn 
amicissimus." Lucubraciunculse, fo. 78. 


course, rather rare and proportionately expensive. Consequently in my 
own collection I have but one example, and that one is imperfect. The 
British Museum, however, has a good set of Schott's books, including four 
out of the eight books which contain woodcuts. 

As for Martin Schott's types, they have been described in the new 
catalogue of the British Museum incunabula, so I will not trouble you 
with them. 

Nor have I anything to add with regard to the chronological order of 
the undated books, in which I am content to follow Mr. Pollard's arrange- 
ment. ' But there are two undated books, not in the British Museum, 
which are placed by Schmidt at the end of his list, and I will comment 
briefly on these. 

The first is the Liebliche hystory von dem hochgelerten meister lucidarw, 
of which the ,only copy known to Schmidt, apparently, was an incomplete 
one at Berlin. I have seen a complete copy, however, in the Royal 
Library at Stuttgart, bound in old wooden boards with the earlier edition 
of the history of Troy, printed in 1489. As the initial letters in the 
Luddarius are similar to those found in this earlier edition of the history 
of Troy and in other books printed about the same time, differing from 
those used in the later edition of the Troy book, I think we may perhaps 
infer that the Luddarius may be grouped with the first edition of the 
history of Troy rather than with the second. But this reasoning dots not 
amount to much. 

Then there is a rather interesting book with eighteen woodcuts, the 
legend of the Knight Diemringer von Stauffenberg and his unfortunate 
love. Dr. Janicke in his Altdeutsche Studien states that the book was 
probably printed about the years 1480 to 1482, but glancing through 
the book I cannot find any evidence given for this opinion, for which 
he may, of course, have had good grounds. The book is in the type 

(l) Since writing this, two books have been added to my collection containing 
lubricator's dates. From these we may place the undated Mariale of Albertus Magnus 
as not after 1486, and the Sennones per Adventum of Carraciolus as not after 1485. 


which Proctor calls Type i, a type which is used for Martin Schott's 
earlier books ; but as it appears again much later we can place no reliance 
on this. Inserted in the copy in the Douce collection at the Bodleian 
is a woodcut taken from a Flemish book, which appears, until closely 
examined, to have been printed from the same block as one of the 
illustrations. It is taken, according to a note attached to the woodcut, 
from a work which has nothing to do with Diemringer, and there is no 
clue as to the origin of the woodcuts in Martin Schott's book. But 
it seems possible that Schott may have been using a set of illustra- 
tions which had already appeared elsewhere, as he did in the case of 
his history of Alexander the Great, a fact which Mr. Pollard has pointed 
out in his catalogue. 

There is one other book to which I should like to call your attention. 
This is the Lucubrariunculce of Martin Schott's cousin, the younger 
Peter Schott, to whom we have referred. Typographically it is more 
pleasing than some of Schott's productions. The Roman type is fairly 
satisfactory, and there are not the signs of carelessness which mar some 
of them. On the recto of the last leaf before the index is a conventional 
rendering of a tree, " eradicated," as modern heralds would say, and placed 
between the initials P.S. The tree represents the arms of this branch of 
the Schott family. 

In some other books we have a variation of the same device, used 
between the initials M.S. by Martin Schott as a printer's mark. This 
latter is the device sometimes described as a cabbage, which indeed it 
certainly resembles. But I think there is no doubt that it is intended to 
represent the tree, which is given unmistakably in Herzog's Chronicon 
Alsatice as the arms of the family. 

The Lucubraciuncula appeared eight years after Peter Schott's death, 
as a tribute from his friends. The book is prefaced by a eulogy of 
Schott from Wimpheling's pen, and an epitaph by him with a memoir 
extracted from Tritheim's De ecclesiastics scriptoribus. At the end he 


calls upon those of his countrymen who love letters to take as a model 
this young canon who was one of the glories of his country. Peter Schott's 
literary remains consist of a few Latin verses and the letters addressed in 
that tongue to his friends. These letters are of value for the biographies 
of the scholars of the time, and have been largely drawn upon by 
Charles Schmidt in his Histoire Litteraire de I' Alsace, to which in turn I 
must acknowledge my indebtedness in compiling this paper. 

Wimpheling exaggerates the literary merits of his friend, for although 
Schott was the first to bring the new learning to Elsass from Italy he died 
at the early age of thirty-two, and had less real influence on the movement 
than others who came after him. But it is evident that he was a young 
man of attractive personality and blameless life, and we must give him the 
credit of being a pioneer. 

Peter Schott's career is soon outlined. He was destined by his father 
for the law, and accordingly he was sent to the University of Paris, 
accompanied by his tutor, and afterwards, still in charge of his preceptor, 
to Bologna, as his father wished him to take the degree of Doctor of 
Civil and Canon Law. At Bologna Schott plunged into the study of the 
classics, delighting in a method of study so new to him. 

An outbreak of the plague compelled him to return to Strassburg, full 
of enthusiasm to introduce a better sort of Latin and the study of Greek. 
In the following spring he returned to Bologna, and after two years' study 
obtained the degree of Doctor utriusque juris. 

He made many friends at Bologna, who were afterwards distinguished 
in different careers. Above all, he formed a friendship with a young 
Bohemian nobleman, Bohuslaw von Lobkowitz, to whom so many of 
the letters printed in the Lucubraduneulce are addressed, and it was 
while he was at Bologna that he first corresponded with Geiler of 
Kaisersberg, a correspondence which affected his whole life, for through 
Geiler's influence he became inclined to give up the law and devote him- 
self to theology. 


Perhaps I may add a few words as to Geiler of Kaisersberg, for besides 
being a great force in his time, he is associated in a very special way with 
the Schotts at Strassburg. His parents belonged to Kaisersberg, in Elsass, 
whence came the name by which he is known. He was born in 1445, 
and was therefore older than Peter Schott and Wimpheling and Sebastian 
Brant, who were afterwards his close friends. He was above all things 
a preacher ; a German Savonarola, as he has been called, who if he never 
roused enthusiasm to the same pitch as did the Florentine, had great 
influence in his lifetime, and even after his death ; so much so that the 
Protestants of a later decade claimed him as the upholder of views which 
would probably never have been his. 

Geiler was still of the Middle Ages, imbued with the mysticism of 
Gerson, but not really influenced by the new learning. He was above all 
things a reformer of morals and his sermons, incisive and made attractive 
by picturesque imagery, were practical and popular. 

He was elected Rector of the University of Freiburg, where he had 
graduated, but a professorial chair had less attraction for him than the 
opportunity of moving men, and he decided for the pulpit. 

It was Peter Schott, the patriotic Councillor, who persuaded Geiler to 
make Strassburg the scene of his work, and it was through Schott's 
influence and liberal contributions that the office of preacher in the 
Cathedral was created for him. The splendid sculptured pulpit in the 
late Gothic manner, which is conspicuous in the Cathedral to-day, is a 
memorial of Geiler's eloquence. It was built at the elder Peter Schott's 
suggestion and largely at his expense. 

The Councillor consulted Geiler as to the education of his son now at 
Bologna, and this led to the letter-writing, which, as we have seen, had 
a great effect on the young law student's view of life. But this leaning 
towards the Church was a disappointment to his father, and young 
Peter Schott hesitated awhile before he finally made up his mind. 


Leaving Bologna in haste on account of a quarrel there between the 
Germans and the Italians, he went with his friend Lobkowitz to Ferrara, 
going on to Rome, which he was anxious to see before the Turks 
destroyed the city, as he thought they probably would. Then he returned 
to Strassburg by way of Venice, bringing with him a number of books. 

Having now decided definitely to abandon his career as a lawyer he 
was ordained priest, and by his family influence was able at once to 
obtain a Canonry. That he took his new life seriously was seen 
immediately, for he refused to allow the celebration of his first mass to 
be made, as was customary, the occasion of a gathering of the curious 
and a festival for his friends. 

He wished, in spite of the opposition of his relations, to go to Paris 
again to study theology more methodically, but turned back when well on 
his way on being informed that the plague had broken out there. His 
health was never robust, and was a cause of anxiety to his friends. 
Greatly disappointed, he returned to his studies at Strassburg, and refusing 
to be drawn into the arid controversies of Thomists and Scotists, which 
had no attraction for him, he attended the sermons of his friend Geiler, 
imbibing from him a taste for the mysticism of Gerson. 

His friend Bohuslaw von Lobkowitz, now arch-chancellor of Bohemia 
and Secretary of State in Hungary, was endeavouring to effect a reconcilia- 
tion between the Hussites and the Orthodox party. 

Peter Schott, although he is himself engaged in attacking the pluralist 
practices of the time and the open traffic in benefices, urges his friend to 
have no dealings with these heretical people. The Renaissance has been 
brought into Elsass, but the Reformation is not yet at hand. Neither 
Schott nor Geiler, conscious as they are of the abuses of the Church, have 
any thought of revolt against authority. 

Schott's sincerity in attacking pluralism is shown by his being content 
with a single prebend and by his protesting even when his old friend and 
tutor, already Dean of Pforzheim, was trying to procure some prebends 


in Elsass, and he followed Geiler's example in altering the character of the 
masquerades which travestied the ancient ritual of the schoolboy's festival 
on St. Nicholas' Day. By himself composing the carmina to be sung he 
made the festival quite a harmless one. 

Peter Schott's reputation as a doctor of law and as a writer of good 
Latin made him sought after to draw up documents or to write official 
letters. One of his letters to the Pope would have moved a Turk, says 
Wimpheling, but alas ! he adds, without money one can get nothing at 
Rome. Schott took some part in the controversies of his time in this way, 
but his eloquence did not always succeed. 

For Reuchlin and Rudolf Agricola, the chief exponents of humanism 
in the Rhine country, he had a great admiration. Reuchlin was 
entertained by him at Strassburg and he addressed an elegy on Agricola's 
death to Adolf Rusch, the printer, which shows that, if orthodox, his 
sympathies were not narrow, for the humanists would not commend 
themselves to a partisan of clericalism. 

Like Agricola and Reuchlin, Schott was eager for the purification of 
Latin in Germany. Rhetoric and poetry were nothing without grammar. 
Yet he himself passed for an orator and a poet as well, although 
now-a-days we may prefer the simple and unaffected letters which he wrote 
without any idea of their being published. 

His poetry, according to modern critics, is artificial, and imagination 
is sacrificed to play of words and hyperbole ; but to his credit be it said 
that his verses are always decorous. His early death was to some extent 
a loss to letters and was a heavy loss to the public life of Strassburg. 

The Lucubraciunculce, two books of Wimpheling's, and a little treatise 
by Mattheolus Perusinus, all in the same roman type, were printed within 
a few months of each other towards the close of Martin Schott's life. 
Martin's last dated book, bearing the date March xoth, 1499, is a reprint 
of the history of Troy, which has been mentioned already. 


We now pass on to Martin Schott's son, Johann, of whom I have more 
to say. For not only is more known of his career, but being a i6th, not a 
1 5th, century printer less attention has been given to him elsewhere. 

As Martin Schott died in November, 1499, and as Johann's name is in 
a book dated March, 1500, we may assume that he was in partnership with 
his father, and that the business was carried on without a break. 

Johann Schott was twenty-two years of age when his father died. He 
had been sent to the University of Freiburg, and later he went on to 
Basle. He became a good enough Latin scholar to be able to write 
letters and prefaces to his books correctly, and he wrote for the use of 
schools an Enchiridion Poeticum. He tried his hand also at versification 
in German, and composed an illustrated biblical history with suitable 
moralisings, the Spiegel der Christlicher Walfahrt, printed for him by 
Knoblouch, as well as an epitome of history in rhyme printed at his 
own press, called the Weltlich Leyenbuch. I imagine that this too was 
intended to help schoolboys to remember Emperors and Popes. 

As he went to Basle at the beginning of the summer term of 1497 it 
is not likely that he can have had more than a year at the most in the 
printing office with his father to guide him. 

After working three years in Strassburg he transported his presses to 
Freiburg, where he produced a book, the Margarita Philosophica^ which 
is more ambitious than his previous publications, being an elaborate 
piece of printing and containing a large number of curious wood-cuts, 
which are much better than the crude blocks employed by his father. 
They are stated by some cataloguers to be by Wohlgemuth on what 
authority I do not know. 

Why Schott should have moved to Freiburg is not clear, unless, as 
Dr. Ferguson says (Transactions of Bib. Soc. v. 181), he was specially 
summoned to Freiburg to print the Margarita. The author of this book, 
a sort of compendium of the arts and sciences as then understood, was 
Gregor Reisch, Prior of the Carthusian Monastery at Freiburg, and we 


may suppose that Reisch had the book printed under his personal 
supervision. From a view of Freiburg in a woodcut which was added 
to the series for the next edition Schmidt concludes that the illustrations 
were probably the work of a Freiburg artist. 

This second edition of the Margarita Philosophica was produced at 
Basle, a fact which seems to be well established, since Conrad Pellican, 
a young Franciscan who was employed by several printers there as a 
corrector of proofs, relates that he had worked for Schott when he was 
preparing the second edition of Reisch's book, and Schott's dealings with 
the artist, Urs Graf, also point to his having been in Basle. Apparently 
this was not known to Proctor, who gives the 1504 edition as belonging 
to Freiburg a natural assumption, as there is no note in the book itself 
as to where it was printed. 

In the second edition of the Margarita appear some verses warning the 
reader against Griininger's copy of the first edition, which just forestalled 
Schott's second. No doubt this was irritating, but Schott had been remiss 
in not applying for the imperial privileges of copyright, which cost money. 

It is very probable that Schott from his first coming to Basle was 
associated with the Basle printer, Michael Furter, for we have no record 
of any book printed by Schott during the next four years, that is to say 
until we have the third edition of the Margarita, printed, according to 
the colophon, at Basle " industria complicum Michaelis Furter et Joannis 

The founts used in this edition appear to be Fuller's ; at least, they 
do not correspond with any of the fifteen types of Johann Schott 
enumerated by Proctor, nor can I trace similar types in any of Schott's 
books in my collection. On the other hand the mixed type employed 
for the headlines does resemble that used by Furter in the 1517 edition, 
for which he alone was responsible. Perhaps some member of the Society 
can help me. Whether Schott was in Basle all the time of his partner- 
ship with Furter is uncertain. Schmidt thinks that he may have been 


working part of the time for Knoblouch at Strassburg, with whom he 
had much to do. Their close friendship is shown by the fact that Schott 
became guardian of Knoblouch's daughters, after the latter's death in 
1528, and their association at this time is shown by Knoblouch's printing 
Schott's own work, the Spiegel der Christlicher walfahrt, which appeared 
in 1509. 

A little later than this Schott is without doubt working on his own 
account in Strassburg, for in a book of Murner's, printed in the same 
year, Schott includes a letter written by himself to Murner in which he 
speaks of his Officina Libraria. From 1510 to 1512 Schott printed 
seven works at the expense of his friend the lawyer, George Ubelin, called 
Maxillus, probably a speculation of his, partly commercial, partly under- 
taken for the interest of the enterprise. The titles range from a Latin 
translation of the Odyssey to a treatise on the decretals. Similarly he 
did work a little later, like other Strassburg printers, for Alantsee of 

Then in 1513 appeared one of Schott's most interesting books and 
one of the best examples of Strassburg typography the Ptolomceus of 
1513, The book is rare, and is sought after by collectors of Americana, 
which naturally puts it beyond the reach of those like myself. The 
British Museum possesses a copy. 

Now this book has several points of interest ; for one thing the map 
of Lorraine, besides being (like the map of Switzerland) said to be the 
earliest of that territory, is surrounded by escutcheons which are printed 
in black, red and green, one of the earlier attempts at printing in more 
than two colours. This edition was issued under the auspices of Maxillus 
and his brother lawyer Osier, who made use of the text and maps revised 
under the direction of Gautier Lud, canon of Saint-Die", a fact which has 
a bearing on a difficult question to which we come now. 

There are two little quartos printed in Schott's types which are some- 
thing of a puzzle. One of them is Mengin's Venediger Chronica, which 


Proctor dates about the year 1517; the other is the Defensio Christianorum 
of Matthaeus Gnidius, printed after December 25th, 1520. Copies of 
both are in the British Museum, and of the latter, although it is a rather 
rare book, I have been able to acquire a copy myself. 

Being in Schott's types and ascribed to him by such an authority as 
Proctor, I have included them in my supplement to Schmidt's Repertoire, 
but only after considerable hesitation. For both books have on the title- 
page the mark of Gautier and Nicolas Lud, of Saint-Die", in Lorraine. 
Gautier Lud, zealous alike in the cause of Catholic piety and of letters, 
established a printing office ui connection with the monastery at Saint-Die", 
being assisted by his relative Nicholas. 

The first book printed at Saint-Did was the Cosmographies Introductio of 
Ptolemy, revised under Lud's direction by Waldseemiiller and Ringmann, 
and printed in 1507. The book has incidentally been the means of 
naming a continent by suggesting that the new world, having been 
discovered, as the authors said, by Amerigo Vespucci, should be called 
" Americi terra sive America." The fruit of the labours of Waldseemiiller, 
Ringmann and Lud was reaped by Schott, when, as we have seen, he 
printed the beautiful edition of 1513. But there is nothing really to show 
that he had acquired Lud's rights in the book. Nevertheless it seems 
unlikely that the two books in Schott's types with Lud's mark can have 
been actually printed at Saint-Die". For one thing, although the evidence 
is purely negative, the Saint-Did press seems to have been given up about 
1510. In any case it is unlikely that the Defensio Christianorum, a satire 
on Murner and his championship of the church, was issued by Lud. 
Again we know that the monastery possessed a paper manufactory of its 
own ; now in my copy of the Defensio we find the well-known water-mark 
(a bull's head) which, while it occurs in many of Schott's books, would 
not, I think, be a Saint-Did mark, although I cannot be certain on this point. 
Taking everything into consideration, I think the weight of evidence is 
that Schott printed the books, inserting Lud's mark for some unexplained 


About the same time, in 1517, Schott produced the first of his series 
of illustrated books, which have considerable merit. This is Hans von 
Gersdorff's Feldbuch der Wundartzney, a medical work with very good 
woodcuts by an unknown artist. A month later appeared a richly 
illustrated edition of the Legenda Aurea in German, with woodcuts on 
nearly every page. But this, although actually printed by Schott, is usually 
classed with the books of Knoblouch, who was the publisher, and with 
whom Schott continued to work after he was on his own account. This 
association probably continued up to Knoblouch's death, when he owed 
Schott 4,000 florins. 

The blocks of one of the sets of woodcuts, those by Urs Graf, seem 
also to have been cut for Schott, whose arms appear in a minute 
escutcheon depicted above a door in one of the plates a discovery, by 
the way, which I made independently while examining the book at the 
British Museum, not without some little disappointment, I confess, when I 
found that the presence of the arms in this plate was already recorded ! 

The next important book from Schott's press was again published by 
Knoblouch, now in partnership with Paul Gotz. This is the work on 
agriculture of Petrus de Crescentiis, containing a borrowed block of 
Wachtlin's and a set of cuts representing agricultural scenes and plants 
and trees. The representations of plants are very inferior to those in the 
herbals to which I shall refer presently. 

In 1519 we are able for the first time to trace Schott's location in 
Strassburg. He had his printing press in "Thomae loci pomario," or in 
the vernacular "Zum Baumgarten" in the orchard in the Thomasplatz, 
where Eggestein had been established. 

The Reformation had by this time taken a great hold of Germany, and 
Strassburg became a stronghold of the Reformers. Either from conviction 
or because it paid them better the printers of Strassburg were on the side 
of the Lutherans ; almost the only exception being Griininger, who printed 
a good many books for their opponents. 

N 2 


The Protestant books issued by Schott include several by Luther 
himself, with whom Schott may have had some personal dealings, since he 
addresses to Luther a letter which is printed in the collection of Luther's 
sermons which Schott published in 1523 ; at all events he professes himself 
zealous in the propagation of Luther's tenets. 1523 is the date at the 
end of Schott's letter to Luther in the edition noted by Schmidt. There 
is, however, in the British Museum, another edition, almost identical, 
which I noticed too late to include in my supplement it was not long 
before its incompleteness, which I quite realised at the time, was brought 
home to me. In this edition the date at the end of the introduction is 
given as the ist of September, 1524, instead of the corresponding day 
of the month in 1523. Obviously one of the dates is incorrect. I must 
leave it to some student of Luther's works to say which. 

Of Ulrich von Hutten's books there is a series of eleven belonging to 
the years 1520-1521, and I have come across the mention of other 
editions which I suspect, could they have been examined, might have been 
found to be in Schott's types. 

In 1522 appeared the Postill of Geiler of Kaisersberg, one of Schott's 
best productions. It contains, besides the fine portrait of Geiler, 32 
woodcuts by Wachtlin, the famous Strassburg artist. All but one had, 
however, already been used by Knoblouch. Besides Wachtlin's engravings 
there are 42 smaller cuts. 

In this same year Schott moved his printing house to the place called 
" Zum Thiergarten " the house in the warren a curious name of which 
none of my German friends have been able to give me a satisfactory 
explanation. As I have found the word applied to an enclosure within a 
mediaeval fortress I take it that in its old sense it means rather a paddock 
for cattle. By the :6th century apparently it had acquired its modern 
meaning of a zoological garden, for a border round a title-page used 
in some of Schott's books, depicting a wood peopled with lions and 
other wild beasts, not excluding the unicorn, is said to allude to the 


Thiergarten. l Whatever be the derivation of the name the house is 
interesting as having been the "officina" of Mentel and therefore the 
home of Strassburg printing. Afterwards it was occupied by the elder 
Priiss, and then till his death by his son-in-law, Reinhard Beck. Besides 
his printing house in the Thiergarten, Schott had a shop near the Rathhaus 
for the sale of his books. 

An octavo which appeared in 1528 has a special interest for us in 
England. This is the original edition of the satire on Cardinal Wolsey, 
written by William Roy and Jerome Barlow, two Franciscan friars, and 
printed at Strassburg to escape detection. Its old title is The Burying of 
the Mass, but it is better known by the title taken from the first lines of 
some verses on the title-page, Rede me and be nott wrothe. That Schott 
was the printer is proved by the statements in a letter sent to Wolsey by 
his agent in Germany, one Hermann Rinck. Moreover the type is rather 
a distinctive one of Schott's (Proctor's no. 6 with a new lower case h mixed 
with it). At the end of the book is a familiar woodcut of the Papal arms. 
This cut is printed from the same block, as can be seen by a comparison 
of the breaks in some of the lines, as had been used in Schott's issue of 
Hutten's skit on the Bull of Leo X. The Medici " palle," however, have 
been cut out, showing the shield blank, probably during the brief papacy 
of Adrian VI, who came between the two Medici popes. The device on 
e 2 verso occurs in the Feldbuch der Wundartzney of 1517. 

Acting on Wolsey's behalf, Rinck discovered that the stock of these 
objectionable books was at Frankfort in the possession of certain Jews, 
and being a patrician of Cologne, a Military Knight, and a man of great 
influence, he made use of the imperial privileges and mandates which he 
had obtained and summoned the printer, our friend Schott, to appear at 
Frankfort before the senators. 

There Schott was put on oath and made to declare how many books 
of the kind he had printed. He declared that he had up to that time 

(l) Marks used by Priiss and Beck during their tenancy of the Thiergarten have the 
same play upon the name. 


printed a thousand copies of a book of six signatures and a thousand 
copies of one of nine signatures. These two publications can be identified 
as a translation by Roy from a Latin text by an unknown author " Inter 
patrem et filium contumacem dialogus Christianus " and this book Rede me 
and be nott wrothe. Roy's translation from the Latin has disappeared 
altogether. " Both were stuffed full of heresy," writes Rinck to Wolsey, 
" full of envy and slander against your Grace's glory, and what is worst 
and contrary to Christian charity makes the king's serenity, my most kind 
and noble lord and illustrious prince, infamous to all worshippers of 
Christ." "Unless I had discovered it," Rinck proceeds, "the books 
would have been enclosed and hidden in paper covers, packed in ten 
bundles covered with linen and conveyed in time by sea craftily and 
without exciting any suspicion to Scotland or England, where they would 
have been sold only as blank paper." 

Schott stated that the authors had disappeared without paying for the 
work, and that having the books left on his hands he had pawned them 
to the Frankfort Jews. In order to get possession of them Rinck had to 
pay Schott for his labour and the cost of the paper as well as the interest 
to the Jews. Schott, on his part, was forbidden to print any more copies, 
and swore to deliver up the original manuscripts. The business does not 
appear to have been very profitable to him, and probably he was willing 
enough to renounce further dealings with English heretics who did not 
pay up. 

Rinck had the books taken to his house at Cologne to await Wolsey's 
instructions, which presumably would be to destroy them. So it is not 
surprising that copies are rare. 

Rede me and be nott wrothe was reprinted in 1845, the copy from 
which the edition was taken being incorrectly described as unique, and 
again by Professor Arber in his series of English Reprints, with an intro- 
duction giving the book's history. The British Museum has two copies, 
and there is one at the John Rylands Library in Manchester. I have 
been able to secure a copy myself; unfortunately it lacks the title-page 


and some leaves. An unusual water-mark, the bull's head with a cross 
entwined by a snake between the horns, is another indication that we 
are not mistaken in ascribing the book to a Strassburg press. 1 Apparently 
Schmidt knew nothing of this book. 

Two years after these events, in 1530, Schott produced the first volume 
of a fine Herbal in folio, written in Latin by Otto Brunfels, theologian and 
physician, renowned alike for his care of bodies and of souls. This and 
the two subsequent volumes contain 229 beautiful engravings of plants by 
Hans Weiditz, the Strassburg artist. The drawings, besides being very 
faithful to nature, are very decorative as designs, and the book is a delight 
to anyone interested in botany, quite apart from its early date. 

Schott made use of these engravings several times, the dates of the 
different issues being rather confusing. I have to confess, indeed, to 
further omissions in my supplement, for when examining a few weeks ago 
some copies of Brunfel's Herbals in the British Museum I came across a 
volume which shows that the three parts were issued together in 1537 
under the title of Herbarium Othonis Brunsfelsii tomis tribus. The three 
parts consist of No. 20 of my supplement (slightly altered by the sub- 
stitution of an introduction for the large engravings of the arms of 
Strassburg and the title-page with Weiditz' border), of my No. 24 with a 
different numbering of the pages, and of Schmidt's No. 136. An identical 
edition of this third part appeared again in 1540. I mention these details, 
which are tedious in themselves, merely to point out how busy Schott 
must have been during these years with his Herbals. They must have 
been a great hit, and as there are alterations in the different editions one 
is inclined to think that the type was set up afresh each time, the sales 
having exceeded the printer's expectations. 

He also brought out a smaller Herbal, which ran through several 
editions, containing a set of woodcuts also by Weiditz. Although carefully 
drawn the illustrations are less effective than those in the folio volumes. 

(i) Heitz. Filigranes ctes papiers contenus dans les archives de la ville de Strasbourg, 


The popularity of these Herbals brought upon Schott the troubles which 
he had already experienced in regard to his Margarita Fhilosophica, and 
he took proceedings against Egenolph for an infringement of his copyright. 
Not that he was altogether scrupulous himself apparently, for in 1536 
Wendelin Rihel accused Schott of similar practices. 

Among the other illustrated books printed by Schott may be mentioned 
the Tacuini Saniiatis and Ottmar Nachtgall's Musurgia. The Tacuini 
Sani/afis, a Latinised form of the Arabic Tak-uAm al SiMa, or Tables of 
Health, is a translation from the Arabic, consisting of tables with 
explanatory text. At the foot of the explanatory pages are small cuts in a 
spirited style, curious as illustrations of the manners of the time. 

The Musurgia is sought after for its illustrations of musical instruments. 
Like many of Schott's books the volume contains initials of the Dance 
of Death series attributed to Holbein. 

Schmidt records that Schott was still living in 1545. According to 
the colophon of Kranz' Chronica Regnorum Aquilonarium in my collection 
he was still living three years later, in January, 1548. There is further 
an edition of this book bearing the date 1562, which leads to some 
speculation. It is printed in the same types, with the exception of the 
word Chronica on the title-page. Otherwise this edition almost exactly 
resembles the 1548 edition. We have the same sets of initials, including 
one or two odd initials which are out of the common ; we have the 
engravings of the arms of Sweden and Norway, printed apparently from 
the same blocks; all the signs, in fact, that this edition of 1562 is a 
re-issue of the edition of 1548, merely omitting the printer's name. Yet 
in 1562 Schott would have been some eighty-four years of age, and 
(though nothing to wonder at now-a-days) I imagine that an octogenarian 
in active business was a rare phenomenon in the sixteenth century. Apart 
from this we have to consider its isolated date. Moreover, I have 
reason to think that Schott's wife, Barbara, was already a widow by this 
time ; but on this point I am not certain, as I have not yet had the 


opportunity of looking up the reference, cited by Schmidt, to some 
proceedings which I presume to be imbedded in the town archives at 
Strassburg. Sad to relate, this reference is to a complaint made by the 
widow with regard to the ill-treatment she had received from her son, who 
was a ne'er-do-well. 

I think we may take it then, although I cannot be positive, that 
Schott was not living in 1562. There remains the possibility that the 
date is a misprint. This seems unlikely, as it is placed so con- 
spicuously on the title-page in bold Arabic figures. It is perhaps more 
probable that Schott had parted with his types and the goodwill of his 
business, and that this volume was published by his successor. At all 
events, this is the last book, so far as my knowledge goes, to be issued 
in Schott's types. 1 

Whether there are any descendants of the Strassburg patrician family 
I do not know. Not everyone of the name can claim to belong to the 
" Alt Schotten Stamm," for the name is not uncommon in some parts of 
Germany. Sometimes it denotes a descendant of some of the later 
Scottish adventurers, but more often it is found that the name has been 
adopted by some family of Jewish origin, the name having become rather 
associated with that people, whose abilities have made the name prominent 
in more than one branch of learning. 

(l) The acquisition of a copy of a similar issue, dated 1561, has given me the oppor- 
tunity (since this was written) of a careful comparison with the 1548 edition. The 
two books are evidently printed from the same form, and (as the water-marks are the 
same) we may assume, from their being printed on paper from the same stock, that the 
two issues were printed at the same time. The title-pages, however, do not correspond, 
as noted above, and in the 1561 issue the title is printed on a sheet with a water-mark 
which is not found in the 1548 volume, and is new to me ; while the text on the corres- 
ponding half of the sheet has been re-set. Similarly the leaf containing the colophon 
and its corresponding leaf have been re-printed, this sheet bearing a water-mark similar to 
that of the title. From this it would appear that some copies of the work published in 
1548 were not put on the market, and were stored away for some years. It is quite 
likely that the purchaser of Schott's business found the sheets among the stock-in-trade 
which he took over. Thinking that he might find a sale for them he had the sheets 
bound up and issued as a new work in 1561 and 1562. The list of errata at the end of 
the book was omitted, but the mistakes naturally remain uncorrected. 


I was once making inquiries from a friendly hall porter at a hotel in 
Nancy, who by a coincidence chanced to be a Strassburger bearing the 
very name in which I was interested. He told me that all the Schotts in 
Elsass belonged to the same family and that they had always been 
Protestants. How little reliance can be placed on such statements any 
genealogist knows. But sometimes they contain the kernel of the 
truth, and it may be that the descendant of knights and councillors 
and learned doctors of law is now welcoming tourists in the old capital 
of Lorraine. 

I have said nothing as to Johann Schott's types, nor do I intend to 
weary you with a description of them, although Proctor's list is necessarily 
incomplete. Likewise with regard to the different sets of initial letters ; 
I will spare you this for the very good reason that I have not yet been 
able to sort them at all thoroughly myself, and the task, when I undertake 
it, as I hope to do, will not be a light one, as there are evidently several 
different sets which are distinguished by some variations but are identical 
in measurements. Again with regard to the borders I have nothing to 
add here ; for any borders known to me, which are not already described 
by Schmidt, have been included in my supplement. 

But I will conclude my paper with a few notes on Schott's marks. 

His earliest mark consists of a monogram terminating in a cross, in 
two sizes. Next we have the cabbage-like tree which his father used. In 
the Margarita Philosophica there is a full-page mark consisting of the initials 
I. S. in a circle divided by a triple cross, with scrolls bearing a motto. 
After 1523 we have a symbolical mark a knight and his horse overthrown 
by a hand issuing from a cloud and bearing a sceptre, on which is balanced 
a stork's nest, generally accompanied by the quotation from the Aeneid : 
"parcere subjectis et debellare superbos," or the verse from Jeremiah, 
VIII, 7 : " Yea, the stork in heaven knoweth her appointed times." The 
storks' nests are a feature of the old roofs of Strassburg, and no doubt 
suggested the emblem. 


Some of the later folio volumes bear the arms granted in 1466 by 
the Emperor Frederick III to Schott's grandfather, Johann Mentel, with 
a Latin inscription : " Insigne Schottorum familiae . . . Joanni Mentelin 
primo typographiae inventori ac suis concessum ..." 

The statement that Mentel was the inventor of printing need not be 
taken seriously, but it is quite clear that Schott really believed it, for in his 
Weltlich Leyenbuch, already referred to, he alludes to Mentel under the 
date 1440. As the German is rather obscure I have translated what I 
take to be the meaning of his lines in doggerel, which seems to me only 
a little worse than the original, thus : 

The craft of printing books was found 
With wit and skill on German ground. 
Hans Mentlin of Strassburg was the man, 
Who first this writing art began. 
By perfidy t'was brought away 
To Mentz as all men know to-day. 

That the idea was current in the Mentel family is evident from a book 
in my possession, published in 1650 by one of the Mentels, in which 109 
pages of latinity go to prove that to Johann Mentel must be ascribed this 
hotly contested honour. The arguments consist chiefly of the well-known 
quotations which show that Mentel was undoubtedly early in the field, 
and I do not think that this book, which I presume to have been ruled 
out of account already, will affect our judgment. But probably none of 
us would care to be dogmatic on this difficult question, and it may be that 
Gutenberg owes more to his early days in Strassburg than we allow. 

In the discussion which followed Mr. Scott's paper, Mr. Steele, after 
calling attention to the copy of Rede me and be nott wrothe exhibited by 
Mr. Scott, said that though the work printed at the same time by Schott 
The dialogue between the Father and the Son was thought to have been 
destroyed, it was, on the contrary, rather common. The copies purchased 
in 1528 for Wolsey were brought to London and preserved till 1550, when 
the introductory half-sheet was cancelled and the work re-issued with a new 



introduction under the title of The true belief in Christ at London, printed 
by Walter Lynne. The identity of the work is shown by its collation, 
which agrees with that in Rinck's letter, by the type, and by the water- 
mark both the varieties of paper used in Rede me being found in The 
true belief. There are two copies of the latter in the British Museum. 


Read i6th January, ign. 

>HE list of English books printed abroad contains the 
names of works of deep interest. It should begin with 
the first book in our language, and should represent 
every school of opinion. A few of them were produced 
over-seas for reasons of convenience, the majority 
because they could not be printed in England except at the risk of life or 
limb. It is at times of intense excitement that the number of such books is 
greatest. The Reformation is one of these, the reign of Elizabeth another. 
The present paper is an attempt to furnish part of the material for a 
bibliography of the early Protestant Reformation tracts issued abroad 
during the reigns of Henry VIII and Mary, and to serve as a nucleus 
for a completer work. The evidence as to printer, place, etc., is purely 
internal, since secretly-printed books can have no imprint or only a 
fictitious one. The chief difficulty of the investigation is the want of 
means of comparison with properly authenticated books by known printers, 
and this difficulty will persist until bibliographies of Flemish and German 
printers are properly drawn up by our Continental fellow-workers. Till 
then many questions naturally arising must be left unsolved for want of 
sufficient evidence. 


The chief centre of the early English Reformation literature was the 
little semi-autonomous group of English merchants at Antwerp. It was 
from them that the considerable sums of money needed were obtained, 
and it was through their trade connections that the books when printed 
were introduced into England. It would make an interesting study to 
work out the reasons and effects of the strong anti-Lancastrian bias of this 
settlement, but it lies outside our province, though it must not be forgotten 
that the Tudors themselves were not Lancastrians, but claimed in 
succession to Edward IV the Yorkist King. 


The first of these books is the famous Cologne New Testament of 1525, 
of which only a single fragment exists. Its history has been so often told, 
notably by our Secretary in his "Records of the English Bible," that it 
need not be repeated. It is commonly said to have been printed by 
Quentell the evidence being that one of the wood blocks of the fragment 
was in his possession and cut down by him for use in a later book. 
Under the circumstances this proves nothing, as he would probably be the 
purchaser of any forfeited printing material, and as a leading Roman 
Catholic printer would, in the ordinary way, be called upon to head the 
party in search of prohibited printing. Curiously enough, there was a 
Protestant printer in Cologne, Hiero Fuchs, who issued in the same year 
a Dutch New Testament^ printed in a fount essentially the same as that 
of the Tyndale Testament, and it is to him that I would suggest the 
attribution of this notable book. I would go further, and point out that 
the simultaneous issue of two translations of the New Testament into 
Dutch, one at Antwerp by Endhoven and one by Fuchs at Cologne, 
and the immediate re-issue of the Tyndale English New Testament by 
Endhoven at Antwerp, after the Cologne-Worms edition, point to the 
existence of two centres of proselytism at Antwerp, both of them well 
supported financially. The first Endhoven New Testament was burnt in 
January, 1527 ; see Hackett's correspondence, i2th January, 1526-27. 

f>t anfwer et) Anb fbe to ym tj>attolbe ym 
mot&er/ortl)0 are my bretjjerertf 2(nb &e frrc t^eb fort j> f>is 
fconbeoper&idbifcipIe6/anbfaybe:Be&ofoe ntymotjer anb 
my bretbren.or wfcofoever fulfilled my fathers wyllArfcu? 

r/my fufttr/^nb my motycr 


otitof t|)t ^ouflft/AiibfattBy t^e fee fybe /anb mo* 
d?e people reforteb rnto b i ni/fo 0retly t^at ^e tr ct 
anb fat in a ftyppe/ anb aD t^e people |?obe on te 
fpaf emany tj)yn0f totjjcm inpmtlitwbf /fa^ 

web/fomefeU byt^e way fybe/7 t^e fowllf ca /anbbtrow* 
rebttvppe. Sonic fitllapon fiony 0rounbet&ereitabnott 
tno^e ert^/anb a non it fpronge vppe/be caufe it ^ab no be* 
pt of ert^:anb vo^en t^c fun wae oppe /^it caut$ ^eet / anb 
for lale of rotynge vrybbreb away e. Some feff amonge t Jor^ 
nee / anb tf>c t^orncs arofe/anb^oofebit. pattefellift 
cjcobe gronnbe/anb bro^t fort^0oob frute: fomean^un^ 
fcreb folb/fome fyfty foib/fome t j>yrty f>lbe. tl) Jofoever J)at^ 
car e6 to (eare/lct ^tm ^eare. 

lE^nb^yebifcipIee cam / anbfaj>beto(im:tl% (peaFeff 
tbou to t^enttn parables^ ^e anftvereb anb faibe xmto t^em: 
tt i& geven onto yonto fnotet^fccrettf oftjje 

// rt Bar wbofbwer M nottr from toi (U|(e tabn a 
re far multiplied? 7 waye ere tpat fame t&atbe&atp-&forefpearc3 totljem 
makitl? rl?e poeple infimilttubf: ,ortougptey fe/t^<y fc nottrartb ^earyn^e 
better, xpbere toe t^eybearenot:net{>erp^erflonbe.2Jnbintj>emy0 fuffylleb 

ye f&all fe/anb fjjalf not perccape^^or t is peoplcs^rt ya. 

I. Tyndale. Quarto New Testament. [1525.] 


The type in which the Cologne New Testament is printed (Fig. i) is 
known as " Schwabacher " type, and this variety of it measures 77.5 mm. to 
twenty lines. 1 The earliest variety known to me appears in the index to 
the Margarita philosophica printed by Schott at Freiburg, i6th March, 
1504-5 (Proctor 11718). Another is found in Fuch's Dat nieue testament 
(B.M. 1004. b. 7) Tyndale's Testament uses a third variety. A fourth 
is found in use by Schott in 1527. A further variety is seen in a 
number of the Marburg books of 1528 and later. The differences in these 
founts are quite insignificant and do not exclude a common source, 
especially when we remember that the use of the type is confined to one 
kind of books. Comparison between Figures i, 3 and 7 will show 
the nature of these differences. The New Testament variety has a double 
letter oo, a contracted es, and some foreign combinations such as tz, etc. 
The Schott type has two forms of h, r, and p, no loop to 11, a different es, 
and the New Testament oo. The Marburg type has two forms of a, 1, r, 
no double ch, and a looped 11. The New Testament and Schott varieties 
passed at once out of the control of the Reforming party ; the first by 
seizure at Cologne, the second by forfeiture at Strassburg ; the Reformers' 
possession of a third variety can only be accounted for by control of 
matrices or type. The only other use of the N.T. variety known is that 
in the letter from the Steelyard of London to Cologne of 3rd March 
i52[ 5 -]6 (B.M. C. 18, e. i, 94.). 


The date of the Cologne New Testament seizure being assumed as 
August or September, 1525, we cannot put the issue of the Worms New 
Testament later than May, 1526, since it was publicly burnt in London in 
October, 1526, and the transit would not take much less than two months. 
From this time we lose sight of Tyndale for two years, while his associate 
Roye passes to Strassburg and there in conjunction with Barlow procures 
the issue of two books, Rede me and be not wroth, known at the time as the 

(i) Measured from the first line to the corresponding part of the twenty- first. 


?X>i$ yiniged relief) co ft many tt ponnbr* 
e templee alfo are t^rowe to $e grounde 

0eynge t^at gone to $e m Affe/ 

ft owe beceAfeb/A(A6 Alas. 
^erfore nowe of my Icrncntacior* 

o moFc An enbe tcyt|i oute belay e. 

tX?it^ blyfjeb fanctuft anb A^nue bet". 
&o lender noYve a?ir|) you cor cAn prAyc* 
0eyn0e tt>at gone ie tbf mA(]e/ 

2Jbue/genrfebormniJd pobitcum/ 
tX)it^ comfortablc/irc miffa eft. 

Requiem ettfnam/t 9 notce onbon/ 
By tv^om toe |>Ab mAny afeft. 

^equiefcAtin paceanb gcobe t cff. 
t^at gone 16 r^e mafjc/ 

C =6 <f e folotvet^ A btefe 0iAfoge bet* 
ircne two pi eff ec fetTAunt^ / no* 
n. anb 3 

ue tvtn) IAJTI cnwble maner/ 
iHofl pitoufly complay ne J 
3effraye C ^""^e UCA$ ? yee be t'prcobe/ 
3 p raye 0o v> luruc it vnto gco bt/ 

(biii verso). 


<Df ujlta wo&e $ey maFc fjcrefy/ 
eoy anb ptompte d?: jtfm men to be traye/ 
But it cannot t&ue endure all waye, 


<D cucnly fatbcr/apo n t^e 3 calf. 
^5av>epytc onmn/u?l)om d) 
(To fcrve t^c t'n freftom fpictuall. 
Kib tje from ami$:ifh6 bonbcs fo tf>!alf. 
tt)&ehcDi$ toe are fajl bornb nygfrt ab bay e 
Qat tl)y name be notblafp^enub all o?aye. 

e requefl/ 

But (oPc tfjat t^ou remember/ 
^o fulfill t^at t^ou pioiny febf!. 

3. Rede me. (Eii verso.) 

4. Rede me. (eiij.) 

5. Rede me. (aij.) 


Burial of the Mass (Figures 2 and 3), and the Dialogue of the Father and 
the Son (Fig. 6), see p. 181 sqq. It was long thought that all the copies of 
the latter book had been destroyed, but examination of The true belief in 

o1v> fayne byn&c' to ^ n j 

o*e tl pteafnrt <mbtto$rfbefj? 
bely te ( bere @of?e)to fcet^ar w> 
j rebe r(?e pare ixiprbe off (5ob/fe*. 
! merf) to me a t^n^e mo jk ftr ete 
pfefau nt <tnb amiable wn otite co mpare 
fdn/to ^ecomforte an^byreirf ion o 
(ten ma. C^e fonne . J>ynFeft t^oa 
fe tfcen 4 trifle maf^e father. (Bob 
ttb eld, @o . HJberc by Fnopoefi thou tatf 
C[>e . j?*.Be caufe tf)orote t^e comatmb^ Fig. 6. 
ment^ of (Bob 3 Fnorofebge my fylfe 4f>n*, 
ner . 2(nb a^ayne t^roucj^bie 0ably pro * 
mefjed /anb r^t by $e meryt^ of (T^rifl /3 
boutt nortbuttl>at3 <jm one of cjobbid d^o 
fen d^ilbren.^or <^nfl bat^ cleanfcb me fro 
fynne txx't^ [)is beat^.@o k $hp fayff toeU* 
butw^erirt confifter^tfatlyfe of a d?nfrcn 

6rM <35.ob/anb pure tore witbaute fim tif act 
on wawrbS a man/ e neg^bonr. 
4t cattefl t^ou fayt^ * . 3t id 
erfwajton of t^e mynbe 

Christ^ printed in London for Walter Lynne, 1550, shows that it consists of 
the original sheets of the Dialogue, with the exception of the first half-sheet, 
which has been replaced by another preface and title-page. That these 

O 2 


not f offenWD mod fcete 

Keaberpbipcre ttyngtd arc onevfe 
Ine r boiotr ncgli0enft in tfcye Ijlle 
jtreatifc. 5**rrclyt;cc$)fiuatt>fte 
fort)/ rfc cu 3 marvaylc t&ar it te fo weff ao it ta 
tfloarcovcr it becomet^ i()c bofc cm fo to co* 
me a* a moincr and in vile apparcflTto toayte 
on|)i6 mafler tr^ic^fbcxrett) ^yrn felfcnoro 

in ofes anb Teliae : 

Aobcttffnctu?omo:r[)crare/totr?c |jto true 

frenbee 5!> to ptooc tp^ct^er t^ere be any fait^ 

en tbc crt(>. 

4L3" ^e. j:.teafe. tl.frbe. r.Iine/fbj fcwc ab fa^ 

^etb reabc fare anb fca I be n. 

C3" t&WWf. lf/ ^Jft fr5c/p. line/ fo$ 


tDtt^ 0obeto6tb oug^tta man to reboFc tc^ 
tebnce anbfalfcboanncab nci \pitf?raylinrj 
r imea.iqjeafe in r^e p:ologe, 
21 n ncbiifte fe a 6 moc^> fo faye / a0 a^enfl <T(f 
f? anb ie no twinge bat a picacl)cr of falfe bo# 
ctrine/c(> t^e pjologc . 
2(nncbuf?e tea e tbeptofo^e. 
2(nni btifJe tD^an fx ie fp<eb 0oer5 out of r^e 
playe onb bifgy fetb f>im fclfc anb t j>en com<$ 
'. in t 

7. Mammon. (In.) (8 May, 1528.) 


books are by Schott is proved by the use of the block in Fig. 3 in the 
Feldbuch der Wunderartzney of 1517 (P. 10285), an( * by the initials. The 
Dialogue corresponds with Rede me in watermark and type. 


The place of printing of this series is doubtful, but seems most probably 
to have been at Antwerp. It would be possible to settle the question if 
we could find an earlier use of the woodcut initials. For that reason I 
have given an almost complete set of the woodcuts of the "Marburg" 
books. The earliest, The Wicked Mammon, was issued according to the 
colophon, 8 May, 1528. Initials are seen in figs. 7, 8, and 9. Fig. 8 is 
used again in the Antichrist of 12 July, 1529, the fourth book of the 
series. Until these initials are identified we have no clue to the place of 
printing of this book. 

8. Antichrist. (Aij.) (12 July, 1529.) 
Mammon. (Aij.) (8 May, 1528.) 

9. Mammon. (Av vo.) (8 May, 1528.) 

The second book, the Obedience of 2 October, 1528, has a compartment 
title and a large number of initials. Only one of these has yet been identi- 
fied with certainty, No. 18, which belongs to a set used by Martin Keyser 
in Antwerp in 1528. But the compartment (Fig. 10) is a close copy of one 
used in Cologne by Cervicorn in 1523 and 1524 (Fig. ioa), and in 
Antwerp, 28 November and April, 1529 (Fig. 10^). Fig. 10 is also used 
in books issued 20 June, 1529, and 12 July, 1529, and then disappears. 
Initial No. 12 is used in the November, 1528, Enchiridion of Erasmus. 
Nos. ii and 14 seem to be copies of initials first used in the Lexicon of 

a of a <f$nftai man an$ oa> : 
rulers ou0$t to gooerne/ 
in Alfo(yf r&ou ma? 

eyed rope* 

(2 Oct., 1528.) 
(20 June, 1529.) 
(12 July, 1529.) 


Exposition of i Cor. VII. 

Revelation of Antichrist. 



logifonftA tcmerarium Martini Lu-> 
tcri de uotismoiufticis indicium, bbcr 
primus :<{uo ftnguUtim illius rationi- 
busjyids ontnes ex or dine paffim au- 
tarpretfxit^exficrisUtcris luculen- 
tifjimf rcfpondct:dc mUis obiter dif- 
ferent, videlicet Caftitate, Patiperte- 
te t Obedientia s Libertatceuangelica, 
luftiti* fidei & operum,fidc w legi 
bitf,*lijs(fc id genus pbtrimis: omnet 
Martini ftropbds crfententiam 3 acu- 
tejflegtnterjO" uerc diluerido. 

IDA. Cervicorn. Cologne, 1524 (used in 1523). 
Also by Huswirt at Cologne. 


cent iwn libri fro , dufhre A draw 

If wfort dp d Loutmum. 
Prim* if dittoro nimc ddiftt'.funt 

ntuerpe dpw ichtfffns H/Ikrw 
Hoocfc/h-4flwMJ. Amw. M . D. 

IOB. Enchiridion. (Nov., 1528.) Also used in 
Epitome Chiliadum. (Dec., 1529.) 


Antonius Nebrissensis, printed at Antwerp in 1527 by Grapheus (Figs. 21 
and 22). The other initials have not yet been identified, but the notes of 
their subsequent use connect the series as follows: Corinthians (Fig. 17), 
Antichrist (Figs, n and 20), Numbers (Fig. n), Genesis (Figs, n, 19, 


Genesis (f 5). Numbers (ij. ) 
Antichrist (f xiij). 
Obedience (f 115). 


Obedience (f 21). 

Obedience 48. 


znd Compendious Treatise 
(a j vo. ). Thorpe ( A i vo. ). 
Obedience (f ii, f 25). 

Exhortation (c 8). 

Obedience (f 49). 

1 6. 
Obedience (f 50). 

and 20), Thorpe (Fig. 14), Practise of Prelates (Fig. 20), Proper dyaloge 
(Fig. 20), second Compendious Treatise (Fig. 14), and Exhortation (Fig. 15). 
We have thus all the books of the series with one exception linked 
together by the common use of the woodcut initials of this one book. 


Further evidence is supplied by the watermarks on the paper, though, 
as might be expected, hardly any of these correspond exactly with those 
figured by Briquet. 

The Mammon has no watermark preserved, as each of the pages has 
been mounted separately. The paper used for the Obedience (with the 

Corinthians (A ij). 
Obedience (fag, f 51). 

1 8. 

Obedience (f 50). 


Genesis (B i). 
Obedience (i 151). 

A. B. C. toSpir. (Biv). 



1530. Genesis (f 88). 

1529. Antichrist (f 88). 

1528. Obedience (f 67). 

Ant. Nebr. Lex. 

Ant. Nebr. Lex. Antwerp. 

Practyse of P. (A i vo.). 
Genesis (( 8* 

exception of two sheets of Mammon paper) is used also for the Corinthians, 
Antichrist, and Numbers. Genesis is on a paper with no mark (i sheet as 
Briquet 8,435) > Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy (as B. 4.957); Thorpe 
and Proper Dialogue (B. 4,968); Practise of Prelates (B. 10,723 and 


B. 6,409) ; Second Compendious Treatise (as B. 10,906) ; Confortabk 
Exhortation (B. 10,906 and 11,410). 

The books issued in 1529, 2oth June and i2th July respectively, are 
not by Tyndale, though the first of them, Erasmus's Exhortation, or The 
Exposition of i Corinthians VII, was known on its publication as The 
Matrimony of Tyndale. The note as to translation on f. C.ij. is sufficient 
to prove this. Roye was probably the author, as he had by this time returned 
from his visit to England in December, 1528. The Revelation of Antichrist 
is by Frith. Tyndale was engaged on his version of the Pentateuch, and 
it was in this year that his shipwreck on the way to Hamburg, 1 and his stay 
in that city, together with Coverdale, occurred. Coverdale's translation of 
The Old God and the New was probably made at this time, though no 
copy is known. Tyndale was again in Hamburg in January, 1530. 

These books were printed at the same press as the Obedience. They 
have the same woodcut title-page, the same initials, and are on the same 
batch of paper, with the exception of the Index to the Corinthians. 

After the Compartment of Fig. 10 was disused, a new one (Fig. 23) 
appears copied from one of Schoeffer at Mainz, 1521, by Michael Hillenius, 
Antwerp, and used by him in 1531. This compartment is common to all 
the books of the Pentateuch (three of which are printed in a Roman 
type) and to the Practise of Prelates. The use of Fig. 22 links together 
Corinthians, Thorpe, Genesis, and Exhortation, while Fig. 28 in the 
Roman books of the Pentateuch is also found in the B.L. edition of Summe 
of Holy Scripture (Sayle, 6,095) r 5 2 9- Fig- 3 nn ^ s together the two 
editions of the Compendious Treatise. 

The printing of the Pentateuch seems to have been somewhat troubled. 
Only two of the five books, Genesis and Numbers, are in the " Marburg " 
type, the other three being in Roman, supplemented as usual by a w and y 
from a Gothic fount. As has been said, they all have the same woodcut 
title-page. But Genesis (the only dated book) is marked off from the others 

(i) "Records of the English Bible," p. 10. 




fyfteboke of Mo(cs,cal 

led Dcutcronomjrc 

1530. Practise of Prelates. 


Exodus. Numbers (Prol.). 

Leviticus (ProL). Numbers. 

Numbers (aj). 

Genesis (6 vo.). 


Genesis (a i vo. ). 


Confer t. Exhortation (Ali). 
T'Aor/te (A iij). 
Corinthians (B i). 

27 a. 
Genesis (8 vo.). 


1530. Exodus, (f ij). 
1530. Leviticus (A. l vo.). 
1530. Deut. (A I vo.). 
1530. Deut. (B I). 
1529. Summe of Holy Script. 




1st Ci>/. 7Vrt. (D i). 
2nd CV>w/. 7V<r<z/. (A ij). 


in several ways. Firstly, there are two editions of it, the first presumably 
being too small. Secondly, the line is of a different length from that of 
the other four. Thirdly, it is printed on different paper from that on which 
the four others are printed. Fourthly, the four books are sometimes found 
as a complete work, without the Genesis. On the other hand, one capital 
from the Obedience is found in Genesis and Numbers, and another in 
Genesis only. There does not seem any ground for assuming that these 
works were printed at Hamburg, nor do I consider it likely, since we know 
of no press there, though the type and paper were portable enough. 

The disturbance, whatever it was, is reflected in the printing of the 
Pracfyse of Prelates, dated the same year, 1530, which has the same com- 
partment and one of the initials. This book is very irregularly printed, and 
introduces italic side-notes. This is the last of Tyndale's books in the 
" Marburg " type. 

Two other books, one dated 1530, the A B C to the Spirt tualte and 
other tracts, the other The examination of Master William Thorpe, a 
Lollard martyr, undated, are of this period. They are printed on the same 
paper, and have the well-known initials. They are probably due to Roye 
or Joye ; both of them had historical sympathies, and wished to link the 
movement with the past. It is curious to read in Tyndale and his friends 
of Richard II as a victim to the prelacy for his Lollard sympathies. A 
part of the A B C "a compendious olde treatyse" was subsequently 
reprinted in the same type, with the date 1530. 

The last Reformation book printed at this press bears a different 
imprint: "At Parishe, by me Peter Congeth, A.M.D.xxxv. xx. Januarij." 
It is written by a Scottish reformer, John Johnstone, of whom nothing is 
known, and is called An confortable exhortation . . . unto the Christen 
brctherne in Scotland . . . The author was an eye-witness of the mar- 
tyrdom of Patrick Hamilton. The paper on which it is printed includes 
some of the same batch as the reprint of the Compendious olde treatyse, and 
the initials 15 and 22 connect it with the main series. 

my. after none/colbe <*"* moyft. 

cfosf none/rotor ant> mutable. ljelafle Barter t$e.ij:.baye 
bt.f)o.rli;r : mi .after none/ray neanb U3ynberru> turbaaoiu 
be nett monr tbe.;:toi.bay./.^o.jniq.Tni.afoze none/myjlfc 
anb bcr r> . OK f ir f! quarter t J> e . jrpif.bay e. t> .ou .f toiq . my. 
after one/ioynby/raynyanbcolbe. 

Iq.mynute after none troubtus mr^rayne.C^e laflequarter 
t be .ijc.baye.iiq |. ^otirc after none /tonflableAolfce/<mfc (Vofly. 
^^iietremoonr^c^t).t>ay. p. fjour.jc.tny. after none 
nyn^c to fnorce anb ray ne.Cl^c firfl quarter t^^ 
$ouretbe.fltoi. mynut< after none/colbeanb frofly . 
tttonc t^c.^^^i.^ay foone after noonc/tit j) frofr/a*nfce/ ab 

Of p : j ncr c ant> (o:*f of tr^om 
fnott4r0r/2tndfy)(! of cur fjoly 
former tfcpope. 

df menr oitre My father the pope w^ofe reuoluo'on Be* 
0flnt^eyerelanpa(lf/f^ltffrf^ omfl ^ e6 t^isyere m is 
rentes anb pcfieflions/up^ie^e fball be bemirufl^eb/ but nac 
buryngc greatly to &i$ bynb:aunce. &\6 bigmtef&all be ly# 
tell pjayfrb of rbe commune pcople/^e oujj&trofepe ^im felfe 
tfc II p:mcipallv at rfce bcgynnyngc of fomcr 
fcyngerbatallt&e&oleyereto^im ( efufpect< o 

commynrjf of |>ore ^umoure / ae payne at ifce |>erte 
cr!ipeepaf?etobmi6 fufpectemo:et!>an 3boo :yte/anb 
t^ecomete yet well mo:e. ^ef^tlgyue ^im felfe to fubtyll 
tfnbbtffyculnetbyngeetv^ic^e ucry lyrellf^al jjo fo:aarbe/ 
nb nar u?(t bout biff ycnlne i n \ryntrr . ^e mayfpebe better 
all be it Qiturnt bryngetnt|>e oppoficicnof ^upitar retro^ 
grab* f Retort)) no great goobne*. 


Prognostication. (Antwerp. 1533.) 


It is to be hoped that any member of the Society who identifies earlier 
use of any of these woodcuts or initials will communicate a note of them 
to the Secretary or the author of this paper. 

We have in the meantime a use of the type in a prognostication for the 
year 1534, printed at Antwerp for sale in England It is not in sympathy 
with the Reformation. The type by this time had escaped Tyndale's con- 
trol altogether, and Roye had been burned in Portugal in 1531. After a 
time it seems to have fallen into the hands of a Wesel printer, who used it 
for ordinary trade purposes. At any rate, we find it in a popular fortune- 
telling book, Warsager Kunst, found by Mr. A. G. Murray in a binding 
together with other fragments of books, all printed by Dirik van der Straten 
at Wesel before 1 548. 

The following form the group of " Marburg " books : 


(i.) A i [begins] "That fayth the mother of all good . . . walke in 
them." A ij. " William Tyndale otherwise called hychins to the 
reader" ... Av. verso, "(II The parable of the wicked mammon." 
Colophon. "Printed at Malborowe in the londe off hesse | by Hans Luft 
the .viij. day of May. Anno M.D.xxviij." B.M. 

A-1 8 . 1 8 blank (?) missing. Folios v not numbered + Ixiij + i y not numbered. 
The B. M. copy has each leaf mounted on guards. 

Types, title, 934 and 77i mm. Initials, Figs. 7, 8, 9. 

(2.) " The obedience of a Christen man and how Christen rulers ought 
to governe | where in also (yf thou ma-rke diligently) th-ou shalt fynde eyes 
to pe-rceave the crafty conveyaunce of all iugglers." Colophon : "At 
Marlborow in the lade of Hesse The seconde daye of October. Anno. 
M.CCCCC.xxviij | by me Hans luft." B.M. 

A-X . folios clx -f viij not numbered. Types, title, 77$, and marg. 

Compartment, Fig. 10. Initials, Figs. 1 1- 20. 

(3.) "An Exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture | made by 
Erasmus Roterodamus. And translated into inglish. 01 An exposition into 


the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians." Colophon : 
"At Malborow in the londe of Hesse. M.D.xxix. xx daye Junij. By my 
Hans Luft." B.M. 

A-K*. compartment. 9 sheets of paper of No. 2 with the index sheet of another 
paper. Types, title, 93^, 77^ mm. 

Quoted on its publication as The Matrimony of Tyndall. This work is not by 
Tyndale. See the note as to translation on Cij. 

(4.) " (31 A pistle to the Christen reader. 01 The Revelation of Anti- 
christ. 01 Antithesis | wherein are compared togeder Christes actes and 
oure hoyle father the Popes." Colophon : " [At Marljborow in the 
land of Hes[se the] .xij day of Julye | An no M.CCCCC.xxix. [by me] 
Hans luft." B.M. 

A-N compartment. 13 sheets of paper of No. 2. Types, title, 93^, 77^ mm. 

(5.) A work of which no copy seems to be preserved in England. It is no. 27 in 
Dr. Dommer's Die aeltesten Drucke aus Marburg: the Marburg Articles in Netherlandish 
speech. 4 sheets. (After October, 1529.) A copy is noted in Cassel. Hass. h. eccl. 

12. I. 

(6.) (Compartment fig. 23) "01 A prologe into the fourth boke of 
Moses | called Numeri." (B. i, compartment fig. 23) "The fourthe boke 
of Moses called Numeri." 

Sheets A-I", K 4 . No colophon. Types, title, 77$ mm. 

(7.) " The fyrst boke of Moses called Genesis . M (compartment 
fig. 23). Colophon : " Emprented at Malborow in the lande of Hesse | by 
me Hans Luft | the yere of oure Lorde. the .xvij. dayes 
of Januarij." B.M,, Bodl.S. 

Sheets A-L . Types, title, 77$ mm. 

Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy are in Roman type. They have the same 
compartment and an initial (fig. 28), which also occurs in Sayle 6095 the B. L., 
Summe of Holy Scripture (1529). 

There is a second edition of Genesis in roman type dated 1534. S. 6275. 

(8.) " The examination of Master William Thorpe preste accused of 
heresye before Thomas Arundel | Archebishop of Canturbury j the yere of 
ower Lorde. M.CCCC. and seven. 01 The examinacion of the honorable 



knight syr Jhonn Oldcastell Lorde Cobham | burnt bi the said Arch- 

bisshop | in the fyrste yere of Kynge Henry the fyfth. Ql Be no more 

ashamed to heare it | than ye were and be | to do it." B.M. 

Sheets A-H 8 , I 4 . Watermark (Briquet, 4968), German. Types, title, 77$ mm. 

(9.) " A proper dyaloge | betwene a Gentillman and a husbandman | 
eche complaynge to other their miserable calamite | through the ambicion 
of the clergye. Ql An A.B.C. to the spiritualte. with A compendious 
olde treatyse | shewynge | howe that we ought to haue the scripture in 
Englysshe." Colophon : " 01 Emprented at Marborow in the lande of 
Hessen | by me Hans Luft | in the yere of oure lorde. M. CCCCC. and 
.XXX." B.M, 

Sheets A-D 8 . Paper and watermark of No. 7. Types, title, 77 \ mm. 

The next book seems to have been from a different workman. It has 
side-notes in italic : 

(10.) "The Practyse of Prelates. Whether the Kinges grace maye be 
separated from his quene | because she was his brothers wyfe. marborch 
In the yere of oure Lorde. M. CCCCC. &. XXX." B.M. : Bod!. 

Compartment no. 23. Types, title, 77 fc and 85 italic. 

A-I 8 , K'. The paper is different from the others. Watermarks resemble Briquet 
10723 and 6409. 

(n.) (A reprint of part of no. 9.) "A compendious olde treatyse | 
shewynge j howe that we ought to haue y c scripture in Englysshe." | 
Colophon : " Emprented at Marlborow in the lande of Hessen j be my 
Hans Luft | in the yere of owre lord M. CCCCC. and. XXX." 

A 8 . Types, title, 77^ mm. 

I am inclined to place it later, but in the absence of definite proof it must come here. 
The watermark of the paper cannot be identified : it has an open crown with (probably) 
a hand (?) of northern French origin. 

The type now passes into other hands. 

(n.) A fragment of a prognostication for the year 1534. It is printed 
in Antwerp. Fig. 31. B.M. 

p 2 


(13.) "An confortable exhortation : of oure mooste holy Christen faith | 
and her frutes Written (vnto the Christen bretherne in Scotlande) after 
the poore worde of God. * At Parishe M.d.xxxv." Colophon : " dl At 
Parish | by me Peter congeth A. M.D.xxxv. xx. Januarij." B.M, 

Sheets A-F" (wanting B 4 -C-). Figs. 32-36. Types, title, 77$ mm. 

Exhortation (last fo. ). An unidentified portrait. 

In the same type there was printed, arc. 1 546 : 

" Warsager kunst Vth den vij. Planeten vnd XII. teken des Himmels | 
dardorch men die Complesie | natur vnde egenschop eines ydern minschen 
erfaren mach | ock syne gebort | stunde vnde teken | dardorch em all 
syngelucke vnde vngefal | so em yn der tidt synes leeuendes beyegen wert | 
geopent mach werden | vnde solckes alle lichtlick dorch des Minschen 
Namen vth tho reken." (Woodcut.) 

? Sheets A-C*. Private owner. 


The further history of the Marburg type has still to be written. In 1550 
we find it, with the original body, in the Zurich Bible of Coverdale, and in 
1575, again in a secret press, in an edition of one of Cartwright's tracts. 

Up to 1530 the dates on books seem to be trustworthy, but in that 
year the growth of the propaganda caused a revival of the vigilance of the 
Bishops, which led to the imprisonment and burning of Bayfield, an 
importer of heretical books, and the punishment of several others. From 
1530 onwards we have then to rely on internal evidence chiefly for the 
date of these books. 


Exhortation (A iij vo. ). 
(Dij vo.). 
(E 8 vo.). 


Exhortation (B I vo.). 


Exhortation (C 6 vo. ). 

A certain amount of outside evidence is obtainable. The Bishop's 
declaration of 24 May, 1530, printed in Wilkins III, 727, followed by 
the Royal Proclamation of 22 June, 1530, prohibited the circulation of 
the following books : Tyndale's New Testament, The Supplication of 
Beggars, The Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, 
Exposition of Corinthians, Revelation of Antichrist, Summe of Scripture. 
The value of the Bishop's declaration is enhanced by the fact that they 
give paginal references to the books, so that we can identify the editions 
they had before them. 


The next important list is that of the books seized with Richard 
Bayfield, arrested in the autumn of 1531 and burned 14 December. 
From his sentence we have a list of books imported by him either in 
November, 1530, or at Easter, 1531 (April 9). This list of books corres- 
ponds closely with that denounced by the Provincial Council of 1532 (?) 
in Wilkins III, 719. They are especially valuable as dating two works of 
our next press, which is identified as that of Martin Keyser. 

The following lists are from the Proclamation of 22 June, 1530 (/*.); 
the Bishops' Declaration of 24 May, 1530 Wilkins III. 727 (D.} ; the 
list of books imported, Easter, 1531, by Bayfield : trial, Nov., 1531 (B.) ; 
the list of books denounced by the Provincial Council of 1532 Wilkins 
III. 719 (6'.) ; the list from the Exeter Register Wilkins III. 707 (.} ; 
the list from Tunstall's Register Wilkins III. 739 (T.) ; and two lists from 
Fox, pp. 451 and 5 73 (^). 

The Proclamation of 8 July, 1546, forbad all works of Frith, Tyndale, 
Wickliffe, Joy, Roy, Basile [Becon], Bale, Barnes, Coverdale, Turner, and 
Tracy and Tyndale or Coverdale's New Testament. 

The Act 3 and 4 Ed. VI., c. 10, ordered all Roman Catholic service 
books to be given up to the sheriffs. 

The Proclamation of 13 June, 1555, forbad the import of any work of 
Luther, Oecolampadius, Zwinglius, Calvin, Pomerane, Alasco, Bullinger, 
Bucer, Melancthon, Ochinus, Sarcerius, Peter Martyr, Latimer, Barnes, 
Bale, Jonas, Hooper, Coverdale, Tyndale, Cranmer, Turner, Basile or 
Becon, Frith, Roy, Hall's Chronicles, or any of them in Latin, Dutch, 
English, Italian, or French. 

The following is a list of all English books prohibited by name during 
Henry VII I's reign : 

Tyndale. New Testament. 1525, 1526, etc. B.M. P. . C. B. F. 

Roy. Father and the Son. 1527. Strasburg. B.M. 8.6287. E.C.T.F. 

Barlow. Rede me (Burial of the Mass). 1527. Strasburg. B.M. C. T. 

Fish. Supplication of Beggars. 1527 [Antwerp]. B.M. P. E. D. F. 

Tyndale. Wicked Mammon. 1528. May. B.M. P. E. C. D. F. B. 

Tyndale Obedience. 1528. Oct. B.M. P. E. C. D. F. B. 


(?) Roy. Trans. 


Fish. Trans. 

Tyndale. Trans. 











Erasmus's Exhortation (Exposition of Corinthians). 

1529. June. B.M. 

Revelation of Antichrist. 1529. July. B.M. S. 6272. P. E. 
Summe of Scripture. [1528-9] two editions. B.M. 

S. 6095. P. C. 

vj & vij Matthew. B.M., Bodl. 

Introduction to Romans. Bodl. E. 

Pentateuch. 1530. B.M. S. 6273. 

David's psalter in English. 1530. Jan. Strasburg. B.M. 
Examination of Thorpe. [1530.] B.M. 
A. B.C. to the Spiritualite. 1530. B.M. 
Dialogue between gentleman & plowman. 1530. B.M. 

Practise of Prelates. 1530. B.M. 

Godly Prayers. 

The Old God and the New. 

The Christian State of Matrimony. 

Mattins and Even Song, vij Psalms. (Prymer in English.) 

Matrimony of Tyndale. 

Hortulus Anime in English. 

Prophet Esay. 1531. S. 6098. Bodl. 

Prophet Jonas. 1531. B.M. 

Answer to More's dialogue. [1531]. B.M. S. 6679. 

Complaint of a plowman. 1531. B.M. 

Disputacion of purgatory. 1531. B.M. S. 6680. 

Supplication. 1531. 8.6678. 

Against Thomas k Becket. 

The Supper of the Lord. 1533. B.M. S. 6709. 

Defensorium Pacis (in English). 

Exposition upon the Pater Noster. 


C. T. >. 

C. D. F. 

D. T. B. 


C. B. F. 

C. T. B. 



C. T. B. 


T. B. F. 




D. B. T. 

C. T. 

C. T. 



C. B. F. 


The following titles in English are found in the list of books imported 
by Bayfield, but the books were probably in Latin as given in the Council 
list and in the Exeter Register : 



Luther on 

Luther on 


Oecolampadius on 





Abrogating of the Private Mass. 
Declaratiops on Peter. 
Paul and Jude. 
Monastical Vows. 
Commentary on Galatians. 
" Hoc est corpus meum." 
Annotations on Romans. 
Commentary on Haggai, etc. 
Sermons on Epistles of John. 
Annotations on Genesis. 

C. B. 
C. F. B. 

C, B. 

C. F. B. 

E. F. C. B. 


C. B. 


C. B. 

C. B. 


Pomeran. Commentaries on the Corinthians. 

Pomeran. Annotations on Deuteronomy & Samuel. 

Pomeran on Psalms. 

Lambert, Francis. Commentaries on Luke. 

Lambert, Francis. Congest of Divinity. 

Lambert, Francis. Commentaries on Joel. 

Lambert, Francis. Commentaries on Micah, etc. 

Melancthon. New Gloss on Proverbs. 

Melancthon. Commentary on Colossians. 

Melancthon. Annotations on Romans, etc. 

Melancthon. Solomon's Sentences. 

Hegendorphinus. Most holsom Annotations on Mark. 

Brentius. Commentary on Job. 

Brentius. Commentary on Ecclesiastes. 

Brentius. Annotations on Mark. 

| Annotations on James. 

Bucer. Commentaries on Zephaniah. 

Bucer on the four Evangelists. 

[Brunfels.] Process Consistorial of the Martyrdom of Huss. 

[Branfels.] Luther's Commentary on Huss. 

[Brunfels.] Pandect of Otho. 

Felinus [Bucer]. Psalter. 

Felinus [Bucer]. Exposition on Isaiah. 

Felinus [Bucer]. Expositions on Jeremiah. 

Capito. Hosea. 

Capito. Habbakuk. 

Unio dissidentium. 

Catalogue of famous men. 

Confessio . . . Augustae, 1530. 

Pie precationes. 

Oecomiae Christianae. 

Coverdale's General Confession. 

Coverdale's Prognostication for 1536. 

Becon's New Catechism. 

Becon's Christmas Carols. 

Frith's Letter to followers of the gospel. 

Coverdale's Exposition upon the Magnificat. 

Fish's Abridgment of Unio Dissidentium. 

Urbanus Regius. Medicine of Life. 

Disputation between a shoemaker and a priest. 
(Scholoker, 1548.) 

Book of Merchants by Pantapole (John Huntington. ) 
(Jugge, I547-) 

C. B. 
C, B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 

C. B. 
C. B, 
C. B. 
C. B. 
F. C. B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 

C. B. 

C. B. 

C. B. 


C. B. 
C. B. 
C. B. 
C, B. 



. F. C. B. 


E. C. F. 
E. C. F. 











[Becon.] Spiritual Nosegay. F. 

Luther's Counterfeit Bishop. (Printed for William 

Marshall.) F. 

[Becon. ] Common Places of Scripture. F. 

Ten Places of Scripture. (Wyer.) F. 

[Wise.] Consolation for Christian People. (Wayland, 1538.) F. 

Lantern of Light. (Redman.) F. 

[Tyndale.] Pathway unto Holy Scripture. (Before September, 1531.) F. 

[St. Germain.] New Additions. (To Student and Doctor.) F. 

[Luther.] Liberty of a Christian Man. (J. Byddel.) F. 

Wicliff's Dialogues. F. 

Mr. Gordon Duff has kindly identified the last dozen of the works in 
Fox's list. 

Tyndale himself seems to have decided to get his printing done by an 
ordinary trade printer almost simultaneously with the issue of the Practyse 
of Prelates. We have definite proof of his presence in Antwerp in 1531, at 
the period of the issue of a number of books printed in the type and with 
the initials of Martin Keyser. These are Tyndale's Prophete Jonas, The 
praier . . . of the Ploweman, Ashwell's letters to Joye (all on the same 
batch of paper), Tyndale's Answer to Sir Thos. More, and Frith's 
Disputation of Purgatory e (both before Easter, 1531), Tyndale's Exposition 
on the Epistle of St. John, Frith's Another boke against Rastel, Barnes's 
Supplication, and the Paternoster in English. 

Before going on to deal with these in detail we must refer to some books 
issued in these years and not connected with this series. The first of 
these is : 


(H " A Supplicacyon for the Beggers." s.n. [1528.] B.M. 

8 ff. (f. 8vo. blank) italic letter. 30+1 lines to a page. 

8gi mm. = 20 lines. By Simon Fish. 

The printer of this book cannot be traced at present, it differs from 
most Antwerp italics in the upper-case letters. 


bjpngetfj cftarpte- f oL)Cjtit 


that we f hall not feme 
God for hcyrcs or fcoages, 

HE fcoorkes done in Suche 
faith and charite be ale ncly 
pleafaunt vnto God <3cxvor* 
thy to be called good fcoor* 
kes, for they be the XPorkes 
of the holy gooftthatdtt'el* 

_ leth in vs by thys fayth. But 

they that ar d 6ne by tedioufnes &euyl5bt>il / 
for fere;ofhell or for defjcre of paradyfebe 
none other tilynge but fh adotoes oif VPorkes 
makings ypochrytes. The et)de of our^ood 
toorku may fekeoought but to p lea fc God 
kno5eUgyng*thaf if tt)e do neuerfo moche 
ie can neucr do oar duety , for they that foe 
fcare of hell or for (he to yes of heue do fer^ 
ucgod do a conftrcyned feruice TPhych God 
itill not. Suchje people do not ferue Godbi 
caufe he is theyre God and they re father, but 
bi'caufehcisrichcd: fortohaue part of his 
Oche(fe,theyr defnre notgod but his toayes & 
ry chefTc , that is to fay they ferue for none o* 
therpurpofeburto haue theyre rcwardes/Sc 
f ot to auoide his p urn ffions , And fuche p eo* 
plebeasitTPerehyred men and ijoagcdfcr* 
uauntes and are notchyldren for the feruice 
they do is but for Sx> ages and hyres .But the 
children of God ferue theyre father tor loue 
for they knowc the goodncfle that god hath 

D.I, done 

The Stunme of Scripture. [ 1 528 ?] 

ROMAN TYPE. [Endhoven.] 

" An exposicion vppon the v. vi. vii. chapters of Mathew, which thre 
chaptres .... intreated of in the booke." [1528?] 

B.M.; Bodl; S. 6682. 

A-P 8 , roman 2 founts (with w.-f. w.). 31 lines + headline + catch to a page. 

1 16 and 6gJ mm. = 20 lines. 
Compartment used by Endhoven in 1525. Watermarks Hand & Star, Hand & Crown. 

ROMAN TYPE. [Fig. 37.] 

[The Summe of Scripture]. (Fig. 37.) [1528?] B.M. 

A-M 8 , N 4 , foliated. Type 66 m. = 20 lines, with a curious wrong-fount w. 32 + 2 
lines to the page, with signatures. 

The only copy known is imperfect, but the compartment is that of Hamilton's Dyvcrs 
Gathcringes, otherwise known as Patricks Places, by Frith. (Fig. 38.) 

It does not correspond with the edition cited (24 May, 1530) by the Bishops, which ran 
to over 121 ft'. 


" A Fruitefull Exposition or Prologue, upon the Epistle of St. Paul to 
the Romanes." 

This appears to have been printed in 1526. 

"A Pathway into the Holy Scriptures." 

This is the introduction to the Cologne N.T. and may have been circulated in that 
form. It was reprinted in London by Thos. Godfrey before 1532. 

BLACK LETTER TYPE. [Fig. 380;.] 

" Dyuers frutful gatherlges of scrypture concernyng fayth and workes." 
AB 8 . Type, title and 96 mm. 25+1 h'nes to a page. 


All of these are in a 62 mm. Black letter type with lombardic paragraph initials and 
virgil commas. The type is distinguished by the lower case w. 

(i.) " f*F~ An answere vnto Sir Thomas Mores dialoge made by 
Vvillyam Tindale. Ql First he declareth what the church is | and geveth 
a reason of certayne wordes which Master More rebuketh in the translation 


tljmgts of 




Frith. Dyuers Gatheringes. [1529?] 

3 * tf.tnto $e Ctyeft? fteafcef 
UeffeD behoof 
father of out lojfc 

!^a trio* times 
flttrreDfcpfn,all country foet 
neffes into bt^ ToottE to f Mtp 
tljettutft bnto ttjeimfapfyfuU 
to faue at t^t lead f omc frome Co> t)f . 
tbe fnacerg of ^nttc^tft foljpcfj 
leaDefi) to pettrtciS^s pe mape 
here petceptiebp ttmtmellcnt 3tct0,ictJ 
$ toeli leciieD po ung man. }Ba* - 
trtbebo;nein fcotlanDot ano* 


be mig!)t be aDmtttc D to p;eari 
the pure too;fce of <5oo. 

frotlan&e IjaD pcrcepuep tfjat 
tf;e Ips^tbe jeneto 

38 a. 
Frith. Dytters Gathtringes. [1529?] 


of the newe Testament. ~*l 01 After that he answereth particularlye 
vnto everye chaptre which semeth to haue anye apperaunce of truth 
thorow all his iiij bokes. ..." fig. 39. jB.A/., S. 6679. 

A-R* S 4 . Watermark, crowned rose, as in Practice of Prelates. Initials of Martin 
Keyser N.T. (1534). (Imported Easter, 1531.) 

(2.) "(DA disputacion of Purgatorye made by Jhonn Frith whiche is 
deuided into thre bokes. 01 The fyrst boke is an answere vnto Rastell j 
which goeth aboute to proue purgatorye by naturall Phylo sophye. 01 The 
seconde boke answereth vnto Sir Thomas More | which laboureth to proue 
purgatorye by scripture. (11 The thyrde boke maketh answere vnto my 
lorde of Rochestre which rnoost leaneth vnto the doctoures. ..." 

B.M., S. 6680. 

A-L*. Watermarks, crowned rose (4), nnicorn (2), arms of France (2). (Imported 
Easter, 1531.) 

(3.) "A supplicatyon made by Robert Barnes doctour in diuinite | 
vnto the most excellent and redoubted prince kinge henrye the eyght. . . ." 

S. 6678. 
(Sent to England before November, 1531.) 

(4.) "An other boke against Rastel named the subsedye or bulwark to 
his fyrst boke | made by Jhon Frithe presonner in the Tower. ..." B.M. 
A-C*. Watermark, crowned rose (2) and unicorn. 

(5.) "The Pater Noster | the Crede | and the commandementes of 
God in Englysh with many other. . . ." S. 6681. 

A-D" E 4 . 

MARTIN KEYSER. TYPES B [Fig. 40] and C. 

This group can be definitely assigned to Martin Keyser by type and initials. Two 
founts are used: the first (Fig. 40) that found in Keyser's Dialogue of Creatures, a 91 mm. 
Gothic type ; the second, a 62 mm. Black letter identical with that of the Van der 
HaghenN.T. of 1534. 

(i.) "The praier and complaynte of the ploweman vnto Christe : 
written not longe after the yere of cure Lorde A thousande and thre 


toojfce tl)ttjc!j Ija 
uerCe Cignificarfona.^Ji'l* it tfff 
nifpetl) a place oj Ijouffe/ toije* 

in the oloe time to ref ojtc at t 
mes conuentent/fbjto tjeasr* ? 

l&oD ant) tlje faittj of ourefauf 
oure Jfjeras cfjjift/anC tioto ano toljat to p?ape 
anD totjenceto are potoec anl> ftrengtlj to Ipue 
gooblp.jfo^ tl)e officer 3 ttjerto appopntDp?ea 
cl?ci) t^e pure toojOe of goD onlpe anD p;a^eD in 
a tonge tljae all meu \7nDctftode.3nH tl}s people 
ijerbened ton to l}i pjapers/to CaiD tljerto Hlm2 
no pjapeo toitl) t)im in tt)eir ^eete0/anD of i;im 
lerneD to p?ape at tjome anD etotp totirte / anQ 
to inftructe euerp man 1)^0 l|OtodjolDc< 

ugmftcacion ano bu$Cingc0 / hoiclftigea aD trie 
Jigc0/a0 ie ioete tt)e Ijalote2ge0 of f oyea o> bap 
ttngw of t>ete0/anD toon'oec at Difgtuftngec ao 
to^ffi lIjeroff toe knoi no tneanlnge* 

59p rsafon tolietof toebe fall in to focli ig* 
ttojaucpe/tl)8t toe hnoto of t^e metde an5 pjo 
tnpfcg to^tci) are in clj;itte noti^nge at aiU 

JKno of t^e latoe of god toe ttyi&e a0 Do tlje 
tucUes/aD as H(o the olDc ^erljen people/ Uoto p 
it 10 a t^mseiofjicli euetpmanmapeftooof \]ttt 
atone potoer/anDin Hopnye ttjcrof beeometlj 
gooDanD toa^etl) rtgt)tuoufe andDeferuett) ties 
ll :pe anoare pet mo;e man tl>cn tbat. 5Fot 
toe ptnagcnttie tame of ptjantafpes ant) tapne 
ceremoniea of our e atone maB?ngc/ncpti)?r ne 
Def ull )n to f tampnge of ours atone flefii / he? 
tle piofptable tm to cure nejpboure / neptljee 

Tyndale. Answer to More. [1530-1.] 


peo y weflee of 2l0ja(jart) Sfc 
fiffefc f gr rt)$pp wit!) ertf}/ ts 
put y metnojfaffout ofmlbe/ 

fencfe # gf rounbe : pDe;; fo t e ffcf^fp mfOe^ 

ypocntce f?oppe ^pp t(}e$apnf of ftfe 10^ 

icQ arem y (capture/ ' ttytettQ oftf)eyt 

:^ y of fifte.jple/f o tndhe y feriptute r6* 

ffcffio <r marcOaun^ice r ant) fo 

<>obe wotfe netfjecentetltfetntlji 
no* fofer/nge tfje nj tljat trcfbe* 
Ctt (je (capture f)a tf) a 0ob^ tDttf) ouf / ab 
'ttgif) a foufe/fpii'tp $ fife. 0t ^at tD'out 

foz ^ ffef$ff mf nbeb to grratp ^ppo;;. 
tott^ii) it 0otl? pit^/coineff/mar^ (T afffwi 
t tntffefoz^obeefecte n>$ic$ f 
feij to (jcDet^en) 5 16 fptn'tc / (r to rozite I 
faro $ y fait| ef ie fonnein tljeitfierfee* 
E / ?Zf)c fcnptutec3te^fTefl).ii|, t^fgce in it 
fitfJ y fa ID to c3bemiK offfftfi) : fetdbatyfy 

lifee of merae 


Tyndale. Prophet Jonas. [1531.] 


hundred." (With a preface " (II To the Christian reader . . . The last daye 
of February. Anno 1531," and a table of obsolete words. ? Edited by 
George Joye.) B.M. 

A-F 8 . 25 + 2 lines to a page. 

Initials of Martin Keyser. Watermark as B. 10,721. 

e, 91 (5 pages in 62). 

(2.) "The prophete Jonas | with an introduccio before teachinge to 
vnderstode him and the right vse also of all the scripture | ..... " B.M. 

A-C 8 . 25 + 2 lines to a page. 

Initials of Martin Keyser. Watermark as B. 10,721. 

Jype, 91 . (Fig. 40. ) ( Before June, 1531.) 

(3.) "The Prophete Isaye j translated into Englysshe | by George loye." 
(Colophon) " Printed in Straszburg by Balthassar Beckeuth in the year of 
our lorde. 1531. the x. daye of Maye." S. 6094. 

Compartment, Type, 91. Initials, Keyser and Fig. H. 

(4.) " (D The letters which Johan Ashwell Priour of Newnham Abbey 
beside Bedforde | sente secretely to the Byshope of Lyncolne | in the 
yeare of our lorde M.D. xxvij. Where in the sayde priour accuseth 
George Joye that tyme beinge felawe of Peter college in Cambridge | 
of fower opinions : with the answer of the seyd George vnto the same 
opinions . . . . " B.M.) S. 6092. 

AB 8 C'. 

Type, 62 (first page, 91). Initials, Martin Keyser. 

Watermark as B. 10,721. 

(5.) " The exposition of the fyrste Epistle of seynt Jhon with a Prologge 
before it : by W. T. (Colophon.) The yere of our lorde. 1531. in 
September." B.M. 

A-H 8 , signatures. H 8 , blank. 36 + 2 lines to a page. 
Types, 91 and 62. Watermark as B. 10,721. 

Initials of Keyser. 


f j?t:ht t> Ds.BnD ttjct f gall we fpnbe filch 
f r atcfuli foooe 80 f tjall neoet fapl* X>0^ but com 
fojt our loulep in ttty ff euerla&pnge. 

jftowxTpit $ to o^ticr anfwer to matter mo* 
f cfi bo tie anD a0 $ fpnoe occadon gciopn me/ 3 
f hail tooetoouce mp fcilfr to fupplp t^at t^pngt 
Vt lar brt in tl>e fp^ftr treatife f $ truft $ f^ali 
T^rtPf Cac^t ipghttljat all men wfjofetjes tijz 
Jj^nccof ti)pp vcozlDel^ati) notblpnoed/ft)all n 
ceptjcttjf trutl;t of tijt fcrtptutce glo^e of cljji 
tte. 9no tP))ere 00 tn nip 6r fte trcanfe tbr tru> 
tlje wae fet fojttije tt ail iprnpltclte/ oD nottjpnfj 
armrixagapnfte f^e affaute of JOp^eQer0 (bat 
baue ^ forrwijaf reb^efTrli in f^i0 faokead Ijaue 
bjougljt bones fept fo? tt)etr te( ^wblcij pf tlje? 
bctc bufre/mapct;aHnce to cljoUet^em. 

CC^iijaf tfc t^e p^efa 

ft of manor sfyoitg bobe. 

bjpnger tt)e 

' a gpanr tr 1) ichr 5 teccp\)eo from 
.XOberofj^ ijanebpn offcreQ 
aropleorcopte0 mo/lnpntcane 
B>l)tl* / a0 late 80 pe wot wr lip i 
f titty U?a0. iDr are bjotfjf rue c5ft fccr tbe0XPO^>eanD 
t3?epare pov to tl/e crofTe f batCb;tde fball laps 
Dppon po\/a0 pe faaae of te bpn counfeleD. 


to be 


(f B2 VO.) 

A boke made by John Frith prisoner in the tower. 


fcienceof 'aCfttiOco marA 

anDfjofc Cli&f ntulersr ougfr to 30, 


Tyndale. Obedience. 1535. 

"MUNSTER" TYPE. [Fig. 41.] 

(Most probably Antwerp.) 

" A boke made by John Frith prisoner in the tower of London | 
answering vnto M. Mores lettur which he wrote agenst the first litle 
treatyse that Johnn Frith made concerninge the sacramente of the body 
and bloude of | christ vnto which boke are added in the ende the articles 
of his examination before the bishoppes of London | winchestur and 
lincolne | in Paules church at London | for which John Frith was con- 
dempned and after burned in smithfelde with out newgate the fourth daye 
of Juli. Anno 1533. Ql Mortui resurgent." Colophon : " Imprintid at 
Monster | Anno 1533 By me Conrade Willems." B.M. 

A-L*. Type, 63 mm. 

Initials, F as in 1535 Obedience. G. 

I as in 1535 Tracy (2 lions.) A. Strawberry as in Obedience, 1535. 

N. Bird and dog. 
N. Ornament. 

WIDOW ENDHOVEN TYPE. [Figs. 42 and 43.] 

This group's dates is connected with Antwerp by the type and the initials, which 
appear in the New Testaments of August, 1534 and 1535, and afterwards in works printed 
by Hendrik Peetersen van Middleborch. For the type (62 mm. =20 lines), see Nijhoff 
pt. 9. No. 6 in Plate 2. 

(i.) " 4- The Testament of master Wylliam Tracie esquier | expounded 
both by William Tindall and Ihon Frith. Wherin thou shalt perceyue with 
what charitie y e chaunceler of Worcester Burned whan he toke vp the 

deed carkas and made asshes of hit after hit was buried. M.D.xxxv." 

B.M., S. 6101. 
A-C". Type, 62 mm. 

Initials, T Obedience. Watermark, Tree as Obedience. 

I 2 lions " Frith." 
Small T Obedience. 

(2.) Compartment. "The obedience of a Christen man | and how 
Christen rulers ought to gouerne | where in also (yf thow marke diligently) 


Ttfje attf 01 to tip Cfytifcn 

l^onacottjer greuotis Cfenncff 9 
|uiattulesblafpl|cmte0/u>hrf| fit 
[this lad well anbpmlonstwne 

ihaue fo?c increareo ( ijalas tlier* 
J f o:o pjctiaplco-fnf o a gwat no> 
b:e. 3Cbis ts not the Iccfli3i mcane 
eft HOW w fritji f^amtle e totto^omc/ ano all 
ma cr of n tl en effe in tapne iroiDPO atlD \Jit 
cljaifl to oife E3.HII ti?i 9 noto commetlji/becatifa 
that fact) tycts foace uomoje tljc^r o^np rtW 
tiames/ano tl)crfo?eDott) no tnanefteme tdem 
aria in the fiahtoif 

(o fprabe cf a rogber nantejie calteD a good 
fcolD maof {)i9fia*i^3 Ct)ei?rnrfr is names a 
joo&ftonfll ma. Co be Jwncfce/ f s to be met?/ 
Coromm^fe whaiDowr/tecailfBafl ntucfi 
as to ermifc rte fe o>he of man/ ano to &o 83. 
^onsfo1bestt)at can notltftc them felncs tpr 
unto hPflncn.^an? tlj .bf/that boafttliem 
(elucs of aououtrpc/pfe man? mahc bat a trait 
mocbage/ ant) fpoitc tijerof. Co cad 

tibawDjp/fecallrt gooo pa(lpme.vinmani? 
plarre(themo:c piten't is coin* fo farneAlxU tfye* 
fe (ifiiclilibe^ceBarecouteo no fpnne/ etljf 
it8tl)cran^tl)p3 rcacneo fo? fpnneutamancr 
jTane onel^to talhc ofgoa aao hi 

I?eng/t)0)ncbcneirc/ glotonp /toaync fongee/ 
5tio;l>f0/tamyn3C9 ant) gedtires.iSutpfa matt 
4jieateofgoo/flnt) teptotieftich tomicrfatiom 
fo: a^aptic anb tngotjlp l^n^ng/o; Do C^nse 
of 500/0101 cole Smtfi f tub fongcs a 5 arc mac c 

Coverdale. The Christen state of Matrimony. (Dec., 1541 ) 


thou shall fynde eyes to perceaue the crafty conueyaunce of all jugglers. 
Newly Printed and diligently corrected M.D.XXXV." Colophon: (I| At 
Marlborow in the lande of Hesse | The. xxix. daye of October. Anno 
M. CCCCC. XXXV. by me Hans luft." B.M., S. 6100. 

Sheets A-X 8 . Watermark, tree, and hand and star. 

Compartment of crossed swords. Fig. 42. 

The initials are those of the Bible of Hendrik Peetersen van Middleborch (1536-1549. ) 

(3.) Compartment. "Certeine prayers and godly meditations very 
nedefull for euery Christen." Colophon: "Q| Emprented at Malborow 
the yeare of cure Lorde a M. CCCCC. XXXviij. per me Joannem 
Philoponon." B.Af. 

Sheets A-R*. T of Obedience. Watermark, unicorn. 

The following is in the same type but the initials differ : 

(4.) "The Christen state of Matrimonye. The orygenall of holy 
wedlok : whan | where | how | and of whom it was instituted and 
ordeyned : what it is : how it ought to proceade : what be the occasions | 
frute and commodities therof. Contrary wyse | how shamefull and 
horrible a thinge whordome and aduolltry is : How one oughte also to 
chose hym a mete and conuenient spouse to Repe and increace the mutuall 
loue | trouth and dewtie of wedloke : and how maried folkes shulde bring 
vp their children in the feare of God. Translated by Myles Couerdale." 
Colophon: "Anno incarnationis Christi M.D. xlj. Decembr." B.M. 

Sheets A-K 8 , L*. Watermark, hand and trefoil. Fig. 43. 

Another book almost certainly printed at Antwerp is : 

" (D George loye confuteth Winchesters false Articles." Colophon : 
"Printed at Wesill in Cliefe lande the yere MD. xliij in the Monethe of 
lune." (Fig. 44.) 

A-C*. 77 mm. = 20 lines. 28 + 2 lines to a page, foliated. 

The mention of Wesel in this imprint brings us to another " Marburg " 
press, the last one to be noticed in this communication, that of Theodericus 


Plateanus or Dirik van der Straten, who printed ten years later in that town 
for John Bale. A whole series of books, including the famous Illustrium 
maioris Britannice Scriptores, can be connected by means of type and 

Itein.falfc artfcfeB. 

eitfl!tt{p$ ttjet hi 10 me to be gooft/attft tljat 

to be goott ttjfeicfj tljei hitow to be etnil. <fc 

%02&e pieferup fcie ctyirrfj ftom ficfcea bieaee 

generall.Cfrriffehepeeuetve 39iocefe 

jrcntfiehea dlifftjop. ^e^iolfe 

4^o fie teci?e all c^ztfleti piy n 



^lerandec Macedonia fentcttceiat^is 

faftngr. j(! tttuffe nedco fyaate ti^it 

^atfiinet * Ijctbe feller U}j?i 


5H^t a jre ftetfb* f c b^te to ^10 roote 

fait^e >obn ^apt.^e 10 tut* 

ftoume and caffc into tljc 

jpzintet) at it^cfill in ClCefc latv 
fie t^e fere of otox loztie A^ 

44. Joye. Winchester's false Articles. [1543.] 

initials. The type is that of the " Marburg Press " of Tyndale on a new 
body (82 mm. = 20 lines), used in conjunction with a larger German fount 
of the same character. The well-known comedies with the fanciful imprint 


of Nicolaus Bambergensis fall into this group. It will be remembered 
that the printer had also possession of the original Marburg type. The 
following is a list of the press : 



(i.) "The true hystorie of the Christen departynge of the reuerende 
man, D. Martyne Luther, collected by Justus Jonas, Michael Celius, 
and Joannes Aurifaber whych were present therat, & translated into 
Englysh by Johan Bale. Arma Ducis Saxonie (woodcut} . . ." [1546]. 
Figs. 45, 46. B.M., S. 8040. 

Sheets A-D*. Initials I and O of Scriptures. 

(2.) " The first examinacyon of Anne Askewe, lately martyred in Smyth- 
felde, by the Romysh popes vpholders, with the Elucydacyon of Johan Bale 
(woodcut} . . . Colophon : Thus endeth the first examynacyon of Anne 
Askewe, . . . Imprented at Marpurg in the lande of Hessen, in Nouembre, 
Anno 1546." (Printer's mark.) B.M., S. 6331. 

.'., * 4 , A-F* (F 8 missing). Initials A, O, H, and F of Scriptoria. Crown paper. 
(Block of Von Kempen of Cologne.) 

(3.) " The lattre examinacyon of Anne Askewe, lately martyred in Smyth- 
felde, by the wycked Synagoge of Antichrist, with the Elucydacyon of Johan 
Bale." (woodcut} . . . Colophon : " God saue the kynge. Thus endeth the 
lattre conflict of Anne Askewe . . . Imprented at Marpurg in the lande of 
Hessen, 16 die Januarij, Anno" B.M., S. 6332. 

A-I* (I* missing). Initials I and C of Scriptores. Paper of 2. 

(4.) "A Comedy concernynge thre lawes, of nature Moses, & Christ, 
corrupted by the Sodomytes, Pharycees and Papystes. Compyled by Johan 
Bale. Anno M.D. XXXVIII." (Compartment showing the creation of 
Eve, the Fall, the Expulsion, and Labour after the Fall.) B.M., Bodl. 

A-F, G 4 . Written after 1547, June. Initials I, I, V, Q, and B of Scriptorts. 
Watermark A as 2 ; B-F as i. Facs. Tudor Facsimile Texts. 1908. 


topmreyncfc o 

rcumtx mmt J>, {JOarcyne jtt 
collected by jftiflus jfo* 
b jfoan* 

H rjcjpe ^fe of our for* 

rtje jnflount rei]uefi of 
r$e woit^yc hb noble 
earlrs of Wlanffcl^c. 
-y --- sgrsi t^eRtuerenbe man of 
loob 0of tot VHar tyne ur ^er t>epa ttcb jfpurnayc 
from tPirremberge te z j.of 3nuaryc, 
cnbreflebt Jc firff n^tat Bircerfelte 

at t 

lye bjfmffton ferrcn 0reuoflfe fcyfmce 
nb (ontrouerfyea, w^d? 5>4b I 
not without parcIOconryniicb 
Harder fowetcb 

Bale. Departing of Luther. [1546.] 


tjera owne maty0e, mayc fce tierefyc 


Peftiseram utuens,mori?scro mors cua 


2f(yie 3 u>ae,t&y peftyl<nce. 
{)U 3nn$tift.tJ)u pope of Home. 
2lno notr 3 brflb.tryllbefrom^cncf. 
5rcbcfull bcnie. 



ferue me fro mv purfuere/ flm> 
fepe me out of tbetc cnull bs 
DCS. ctc them not rauyne me 
*** p/fl tb< lyon tlje f bepe/ney* 
tbct f et teare me in ptccs/ tvbyle ibere is 
lion to o fTyft me . <D loio< anD my (EFoD/if !J 
^oueDone fbc& tbynge a ib pcpc <mD Cnt 
ptouc DO now Inyeto my charge/ tffl tbt 3 
fbulo fupport yll Doctryne anD renoflce true 
* 3\ 3 fyW W* C/n to cnyc 



Bale. Departing of Luther. [1546.] 


(5.) " A Tragedye or enterlude manyfestyng the chefe promyses of God 
vnto man by all ages in the olde lawe, from the fall of Adam to the 
incarnacyon of the lorde Jesus Christ. Compyled by Johan Bale. Anno 
Domini M.D. XXXVII. (Woodcut, St. John) ..." B.M. 

A-E 4 . Initial I of Scriptores. Watermark as I. (Block, Fig. 47, from some 
unidentified New Testament.) Facs. Tudor Facsimile Texts. 1908. 

(6.) "A brefe Comedy or enterlude concernynge the temptacyon of our 
lord and sauer Jesus Christ, by Sathan in the desart. Compyled by Johan 
Bale, Anno M.D. XXXVIII. (Woodcut, St. Matthew) " Bodl, 

C 4 only, D 4 , E 4 . Initials A and I of Scriptores. Facs. Tudor Facsimile Texts. 1909. 

47. Bale. Chief Promises. [1547-8.] 

(7.) "A Godly Medytacyon of the christen sowle concerninge a loue 
towardes God and hys Christe, compyled in frenche by lady Margarete 
quene of Nauer, and aptly translated into Englyssh by the ryght vertuouse 
lady Elyzabeth doughter to our late souerayne Kynge Henri the viij." 
(woodcut.) . . . Colophon. " Imprented in the yeare of our lord 1548, in 
Apryll." B.M., S. 7689. 

A-F g . Initials D, I, W, C, and F of Scriptores. Paper of 2. 

(7 A.) "De Scriptoribus," Aug. 1548 not in the type. 

B.M., S. 6314, 6315. 

Watermark as 2. Two editions differing in imprint. 

The last sheet in the Ipswich edition does not show any difference supporting that 


(8.) "A treatyse made by Johan Lambert vnto kynge Henry the .vitj. 
concemynge hys opynyon in the sacrament of the aultre as they call it, or 
supper of the lorde as the scripture nameth it. Anno do. 1538 (woodcut 
fides) " B.M., S. 7905. 

Sheets A-D*. Initials A and A of Scriptores. Watermark as 2. 

8 varieties of type used. Probably later than the Scriptores, as not mentioned in it. 
Cut of Sabator mundi on f. 5 is in Scriptores, f. ir. 



Read soth February, ign. 

N passing from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century, 
one cannot fail to be struck with the small number of 
magazines that continued to run from the one century 
into the other. They amount to only about twenty-five 
in London, two or three in all the rest of England, 
and about six each in Scotland and Ireland. Of these nearly half expired 
before 1805, and the general idea that magazines increased steadily from 
the establishment of the Gent&man's Magazine in 1731, is certainly very 
wide of the mark. The growth of magazines during the nineteenth 
century may perhaps be most conveniently shown by taking the number 
of new ones started in each decade. But before giving those statistics I 
must premise that in order to keep as closely as possible to the definition 
of a magazine adopted in my former paper, I exclude from these figures 
all parish magazines, and those of schools, colleges, and other institutions, 
and such as are merely trade or professional circulars. But on the other 
hand a large number must be included that are not called magazines ; 
for as during the nineteenth century the name gradually lost much of its 
original significance, and instead of indicating a treasury or storehouse, 
was used for collections of purely ephemeral matter, so other terms such 


as journal or review are sometimes used in the sense of magazine ; and 
actual inspection is very frequently necessary in order to determine the 
kind of publication which the title is intended to signify. Indeed the ideas 
had become so confused by the end of the century that I find The 
Student^ published at Colchester in 1898, describes itself as "an illustrated 
magazine-journal." Repository, Miscellany and Gleaner are favourite 
synonyms for magazine, especially in the provinces. 

The following statistics in decades refer to London only, but they are 
fairly representative of the rest of the United Kingdom. 

Between 1801 and 1810 about 20 new magazines were started, being less 
than half the number started between 1791 and 1800. Between 1811 and 
1820 there were about 35. Then in the next decade, 1821 to 1830, about 
100, and the numbers increase steadily until between 1861 and 1870 they 
reach the highest point of 170 ; which means that a new one was started 
on the average every three weeks for those ten years. Then comes a rapid 
decline to 140, 70 and 30. The total number of new magazines started 
in London during the century was about a thousand, being approximately 
two-thirds of the number for the United Kingdom. The actual steady 
growth of the magazines begins therefore about 1820 and continues to 
about 1880, when the numbers rapidly decline, and the number of new 
magazines issued between 1891 and 1900 is actually less than the number 
issued a hundred years earlier, between 1791 and 1800. 

The number published in the provinces in 120 towns was about 300 ; 
and about 150 in Scotland, 120 in Ireland, 30 in Wales, and a dozen in 
the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. 

The provincial towns which showed the greatest activity are Birmingham, 
40 ; Manchester, 30 ; Bristol, 20 ; Oxford, 20 ; Cambridge, 15. In 
Scotland, Edinburgh, 80, and Glasgow, 35. In Ireland, Dublin, 80, and 
Belfast, 20. 

As might be expected the religious element in Edinburgh, Glasgow 
and Belfast shows such influence that the magazines of religious character 


are about a third of the whole number, while in the provinces and in 
Dublin they are only a sixth, or half as many in proportion. 

Now we find that the period of greatest activity in magazines is between 
1830 and 1880, and it is clearly evident that their colossal development dur- 
ing that period is to be accounted for by the popularity of the serial story. 

In the latter part of the eighteenth century we may see the beginning 
of the serial story in magazines ; and in the earliest instances the tale was 
sent to the editor complete, but being too long for one number was 
divided between two or three, and the editor generally apologizes for doing 
so. About 1821, as you will remember, the magazines began to treble 
their number, and this is just the period when the serial story grew in 
fashion and began to be written piecemeal. 

While many people doubtless preferred to wait for the complete story, 
the greater number seemed to revel in expectancy. The publisher soon 
perceived that it would be profitable to publish stories in magazine form, 
in monthly or weekly parts, and from that time the serial story, whether 
in a magazine or in parts, grew in favour and maintained its popularity for 
about sixty years, from the twenties to the eighties. One of the first 
stories, possibly the first, published as a separate serial was Pierce Egan's 
Life in London, of which the first number appeared in July, 1821. It was 
followed by a comparatively small number of other works, until in the 
next decade Dickens took the town by storm, and gave the serials that 
impetus which carried them on until they were superseded by the short 
story. Due chiefly to French influence the short story not only killed 
the serial, but brought many magazines to an end. For it is well known 
that it is easier to write long stories than short ones, especially than good 
short ones, and consequently the supply of the latter was insufficient to 
fill the great gaps left by the serials. Nor could new magazines be started 
when popular copy became difficult to obtain. 

The contributors to the magazines of the nineteenth century include, 
as you are well aware, the names of most of the literary men of the period ; 


a long, long list headed by Dickens, Thackeray, Lamb, Leigh Hunt, 
De Quincey and Christopher North. Most of them gave of their best, 
as did Newman when he sent "Lead Kindly Light" to the British 
Magazine in 1834. The same can hardly be said of Tennyson's short 
poem in Good Words, 1868. As it was never reprinted in his lifetime 
I will venture to quote it in full : 

" I stood on a tower in the wet, 
And New Year and Old Year met, 
And winds were roaring and blowing ; 
And I said O years that meet in tears, 
Have ye aught that is worth the knowing ? 
Science enough and exploring, 
Wanderers coming and going, 
Matter enough for deploring, 
But aught that is worth the knowing ? 
Seas at my feet were flowing, 
Waves on the shingle pouring, 
Old Year roaring and blowing, 
And New Year blowing and roaring." 

The end recalls Thomson's historic line : 

O Sophonisba, Sophonisba O ! 

While glancing through the magazines I have noticed that copyists 
occasionally substitute their own name for that of the author ; a glaring 
instance occurs in The Christian's Friend, 1819, where a contributor of 
much twaddly verse, calmly appropriates Watts' "Come let us join our 
cheerful songs " ! 

I may add here a few founders of magazines up to 1860. 

1814. The New Monthly Magazine was started by that most industrious 
writer, Frederic Shoberl. 

1828. The Law Magazine was founded by Abraham Hayward and is still 

1829. Henry Colburn, the publisher, originated, among many other 
periodicals, The United Service Magazine, 


1830. Fraser's Magazine was founded by Dr. William Maginn and Hugh 
Fraser, under the following circumstances. I quote from the memoir 
prefixed to Maginn's Miscellanies : " A difference seems to have arisen 
about this time (1830) between Blackwood and the Doctor; and this 
estrangement synchronising with the introduction of the latter to the 
familiar friendship of Hugh Fraser, a typical Bohemian of the period, 
led to the founding of Fraser's Magazine. The preliminary steps were 
characteristic of the two associates. Having looked up their papers, and 
put some of them into their pockets, they strolled through Regent Street 
in search of a publisher. Arriving at No. 215, Maginn exclaimed : 
' Here's a namesake of yours, Fraser, lets try him.' They entered the 
shop and submitted the proposal, which was at once adopted ; and in 
February, 1830, in pursuance of the agreement, appeared the first 
number of ' Fraser's Magazine for town and country,' the title, Fraser, 
being derived not from the publisher but from the projector ; the former 
of whom, by way of resenting this baptismal distinction, would allow no 
one in his employment to refer to it otherwise than as ' The Town and 
Country,' under which appellation he took care that it should be referred 
to in all his business communications and books." It is said that 
Harrison Ainsworth owed most of his popularity to Fraser's persistent 
laudation of his works, and that this originated in a sportive suggestion 
of Lockhart's to try how far Fraser could make a reputation where none 
was deserved. If Fraser wrote up Harrison Ainsworth, it certainly 
wrote down Bulwer Lytton, whom Maginn particularly disliked. 

1831. The New Sporting Magazine was started by Robert Smith Surtees, 

so well known as the author of Jorrock's Jaunts, Handley Cross, and 

Mr. Sponge's Sporting Tour. 
1833. The Dublin University Magazine was founded by Isaac Butt, the 

Home Ruler, and defender of the Fenian prisoners in 1865-69. 

In the same year Sir Richard Owen started the Zoological Magazine, 

but it proved too exacting in the matter of time, so he gave it up after a 

few months. 


1837. The Churchman's Quarterly Magazine was projected by Thos. 
Kerchever Arnold. 

1840. The Children's Temperance Magazine, the first English periodical 
of the kind, was founded by Thomas Cook, of tourist fame, who also 
started The National Temperance Magazine in 1844. 

1843. Douglas Jerrold started The Illuminated Magazine, and in 1845, 
Douglas Jerrold's Shilling Magazine. 

1860. The Cornhill Magazine was founded by Thackeray, as everyone 
knows ; but what is perhaps not so generally known is that the cover, 
which was such a notable feature of that periodical, was designed for 
Thackeray by Godfrey Sykes, the decorator of the South Kensington 
Museum. l 

In the same year Temple Bar was founded by George Augustus Sala, 
who was also its editor for the first six years. 

The illustration of magazines in the nineteenth century is so large a 
subject that I can only speak of it here in general terms. The develop- 
ment and decline of the steel engraving, the utilisation of photography and 
the ultimate triumph of the process block are its chief features. The 
artistic character of the illustrations was often poor in the early part of the 

(l) The following is from a very interesting letter written to me by my friend and 
former colleague, Mr. W. Y. Fletcher, under date of 2Oth March, 1911, when he saw 
the report of this paper in the News-Sheet. " I do not know how much Mr. Sykes had 
to do with the general ornamentation of the cover, but it was certainly I who brought the 
illustrations of ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing to the notice of Mr. Thackeray. 
One day, Sir Anthony Panizzi (then Mr. Panizzi), who was sitting in the Large Room 
of the British Museum with Mr. Thackeray, called me to him as I passed them, and told 
me Mr. Thackeray wanted a design for a cover for his new magazine, and asked me if I 
could assist him. I asked Mr. Thackeray what kind of decorations he would like, and he 
replied that he was going to call his magazine ' The Cornhill,' and he thought that some 
figures relating to the production of corn would be appropriate. I had been recently 
looking over that glorious volume The Hours of Anne of Brittany, in which the figures 
depicted on the cover of the magazine occur. I showed them to Mr. Thackeray, who 
was delighted with them, and said they were the very illustrations he required. What 
further occurred I do not know, but I certainly was the first to bring these figures to the 
notice of Mr. Thackeray." 


century ; it improved from the thirties to the fifties, when we have in 
Fraser the admirable portraits by Maclise, which illustrated the "Gallery 
of Illustrious Literary Characters" from the brilliant and spicy pen of 
Maginn. And it was at its best during the sixties and seventies, when 
the Cornhill was illustrated by Leighton, Millais and Frederick Walker, 
and the St. Paul's also numbered Millais among its illustrators. Of the 
earlier and less known illustrated magazines I may mention La Belle 
Assemble; or Bell's Court and Fashionable Magazine, which began in 
1806, and made a great point of the excellence of its plates. In 1807 a 
new prospectus stated that " by an entire set of new engravings and repairs 
of all the plates the next 500 copies will be fully as good as First Proof 
Impressions. Early applications for these will of course secure the best 
impressions." This throws a side light on the difficulties which publishers 
had to encounter in printing illustrations for magazines with a large 
circulation. The New Bon Ton Magazine, 1818-21, which is one of the 
very few illustrated in colour, except of course the magazines illustrated 
with fashion plates ; it is much occupied about George IV and the Queen. 
Also one of 1850-52 with the curious title Mrs. Ellis' s Morning Call, 
which has some remarkably pretty steel engravings. 

Many of the political and social events of the century have their special 
magazines. In 1801 the Union Magazine and Imperial Register, which 
begins with a "History of the Union." It has excellent plates and 
portraits, but the paper is rather bad, and complaint is made in the preface 
of the increase in the cost of paper and labour. In 1820, The Loyalist's 
Magazine is described as "containing the principal facts, satires, jeux 
d'esprit, &c., published during the Caroline contest." It is, I think, the 
only one specially devoted to a subject concerning which most of the 
magazines of the time had naturally much to say. The plates and 
caricatures are by Geo. Cruikshank. In 1822, The Brighton Magazine 
in London, and The Brighton Gleaner, the first Brighton magazine, were 
started on the strength of the royal patronage of the town. In an address 
at the close of the first volume of the Brighton Gleaner occurs the first 

R 2 


instance I have met with in a magazine of touting for advertisements on 
the strength of extensive circulation. It runs : " As an advertising 
medium The Brighton Gleaner may now with confidence be recommended 
its extensive circulation at this time justifies the appeal for such 
additional notice . . . The proposed charge for advertisements will be 
stated at the opening of the second volume." No advertisements, 
however, appeared, and the magazine ran for another year in exactly the 
same form. In 1824 the Spanish refugees who came to England after the 
fall of the revolutionary Rafael del Riego established three magazines : 
Variedades, Ocios de Espanoles emigrados, and the Museo Universal de 
ciendas y artes, and in the earlier troubles of the peninsula of 1808 to 
1814 and in the later ones of 1860 several Spanish and Portuguese 
magazines were started in London. All these were chiefly intended for 
South America, and this accounts for the fact that of all the refugees the 
Spaniards alone carried on a political propaganda by magazines. 

Robert Owen, the founder of Socialism in England, naturally sought 
to spread his communistic ideas and doctrines by means of maga- 
zines and other periodicals. He conducted : (i) The Economist, 1820-22. 
The prospectus begins by stating that the collective affairs of men have 
hitherto been very grossly mismanaged, and The Economist undertakes 
"to point out, and to prove and to carry into practice the means by 
which the sum of vice and poverty and consequently of misery shall 
be rapidly diminished," with the result that "plenty will overspread 
the land, knowledge will increase, virtue will flourish and happiness 
will be recognized, secured and enjoyed." This sounds very cheap at 
3d. a number ! 

(2) The Crisis, 1832-34. 

(3) The New Moral World, 1835-41. It was in connection with this 
magazine in 1839 that his views respecting Rational Religion alienated so 
many of his followers. 

(4) The Rational Quarterly Review, 1853. 


(5) Robert Owen's Journal, explanatory of the means to well place, well 
employ and well educate the whole population. 

(6) Robert Owen's Millennial Gazette, 1856-57. 

In 1844 another Socialist, J. J. Metcalfe, started The Precursor of 
Unity, a monthly magazine for the many, the chief of which was to foster 
his proposed " Practical Christian Union," a sort of Christian Co-operative 
Supply Association. Of all the unpractical schemes ever soberly advanced 
this is financially one of the wildest. In order to encourage the investment 
of small sums he gravely proposed that the Union, which was to show 
its practical Christianity by underselling its neighbours, should adopt a 
graduated scale of dividends. Investors of 

^700 to ;i,ooo 12^ per cent. 

^400 to ^700 ... 15 

200 to ^400 ... 17^ 

$ to ^200 ... 20 

Less than ^50 ... 25 

This is worthy of a board of directors of the mustard mine in " Alice 
in Wonderland." 

In 1862 the advocates of work for women started in Edinburgh The 
Rose, the Shamrock and the Thistle, in which the type was set up by the 
female compositors of the Caledonian Press ; the Press itself having been 
founded for the promotion of the employment of females in the art of 
printing. It is a creditable production, well and clearly printed, but rather 
too goody to last long. Goody magazines have a short life unless they 
appeal to the members of some particular sect. 

In the following year, 1863, The Victoria Magazine was established in 
London by Emily Faithfull, who did so much to advance the claims of 
women to remunerative employment. It ran for nearly 20 years. The 
philanthropic tendencies of the nineteenth century are also shown by the 
magazines for the blind, for the deaf and dumb, etc. 


When speaking of the magazines of the eighteenth century I mentioned 
the common practice of making a magazine by compilation from the other 
periodicals. This continued for nearly half of the nineteenth century, as 
shown by the following instances: 

(1) In 1807, " The Compiler or Literary Banquet Consisting of 
interesting extracts from the most popular, scarce and expensive works. 
With emblematical frontispieces." This greatly resembles the Monthly 
Miscellany of 1774. 

(2) In 1828, "The Extractor; or Universal Repertorium of literature, 
science and the arts : comprehending under one general arrangement the 
whole of the instructive and amusing articles from all the reviews, maga- 
zines and journals." The editor's address upon the completion of the first 
volume is a remarkable compound of bombast and naivete". In the course 
of it he says " The ' march of mind ' is the boast of the era ; and if, as 
has been asserted, the periodical press of a country is to be taken as the 
criterion whereby to judge of its progress in mental cultivation, then must 
it be admitted we are furnished with conclusive grounds to justify this 
lofty boast. The periodical press in the present day has grown into an 
amplitude and importance hitherto wholly without a parallel in the history 
of this department of literature. The higher class of publications of this 
description is distinguished by an intellectual vigour of the very first order. 
Talent and ability more or less eminent pervade the wide range of the 
magazines and minor reviews. Such being the extent and importance of 
the periodical press, a work like the Extractor appeared to the Editor 
pre-eminently useful. Incorporating all its diffused excellencies, the 
Extractor is equally calculated to please and to profit all descriptions of 
readers. The Editor candidly acknowledges this is wholly due to the 
excellent sources from whence (at a large expense of care and diligence 
certainly) he has supplied his pages. Nor can he refrain from making his 
acknowledgments to the proprietors of the various works whose pages have 
furnished his literary exchequer, for the liberal disposition they have 


evinced in permitting him to appropriate the elite portions of their 
publications. At the same time he must observe he had hardly expected 
any exception would have been taken, as his selections comprehend but a 
minimum part of their respective contents. In fact it has been a matter 
of surprise to the editor how small is the average amount of articles even 
the most fruitful furnish." 

In 1832, " The Thief, A London, Edinburgh and Dublin weekly 
journal of literature and science." After six months it changed its name 
to The London Weekly Magazine. But it certainly justified its original 
title, for it consists chiefly of reviews in which such considerable sections 
of the work are quoted that very often the articles consist of a few lines 
of comment and a few columns of extracts. The proprietor was the cele- 
brated Gilbert Abbot A'Beckett, who began editing magazines while still 
a schoolboy at Westminster. In addition to The Thief he also owned 
The Terrific Penny Magazine, The Evangelical Penny Magazine, Dibdiris 
Penny Trumpet, and other similar periodicals. 

A great deal might be said about the titles of magazines. Some run 
for a century or more under the same name, others are very uneasy in 
their appellations. For instance, The New Sailor's Magazine, London, 
1828-60, changed its name ten times during that period. Nor does the title 
always give a correct indication of character, for the Beautiful Magazine, 
London, 1833, is a very ill-printed duodecimo with a few poor chap-book 
cuts, and filled with tales from the Cheap Repository, In the Eccentric 
Magazine, London, 1812-13, the Marquis of Wellington is associated with 
Old Q., Daniel Lambert, and Moll Cutpurse ; while in The Wonderful 
Magazine, Sir William Jones is found cheek by jowl with the Mammoth, 
Michael Boal the chin-chopper and a Hairy and Mouldy Child. 

The Paper Trumpet, Edinburgh, 1832, has certainly an appropriate 
title. It is entirely the work of one man who writes the new and original 
articles ad hoc, and compiles the selections from his own manuscript. 
The Uka Magazine, 1873, is devoted to the interests of the United 


Kingdom Amateurs, and reminds one of The Rejected? Magazine of 1845. 
The Churnal Magazine^ 1882, has an attractive title, but it refers to the 
churn, and is merely a collection of advertisements of dairy implements. 
These may serve as specimens of the many curious titles that occur among 
the 1,500 magazines of the nineteenth century. 

The Thespian, Bristol, 1823, was established for the purpose of reviving 
interest in the drama at Bristol, which the preface states was at a very low 
ebb. The editor complains that " Bristol has the reputation of being the 
wealthiest city, and our meanest citizens feel a pride in claiming it as the 
second in the Kingdom ; but with respect to the encouragement afforded 
to public amusements of every description, it ranks, we are sorry to say, 
in the very lowest class. 

"The Anti-Teapot Review: a magazine of politics, literature and art," 
1864, is a specimen of the fairly numerous magazines which circulated in 
manuscript for some time before they appeared in print ; and it is rather 
amusing, which is more than can be said for most of them. Its object, as 
the declared enemy not of tea but of teapots, is best shown by its 
definition of teapots, male and female. " A male teapot claims exclusively 
for himself the utmost freedom of thought and action ; he abuses all who 
differ from his own exclusive tenets. He is essentially illiterate and calls 
everything he does not understand, 'atheistical,' 'Popish,' 'Puseyite' or 
' dishonest.' " " A teapotty woman is nearly always of the religious type. 
When this is the case she is a constant attendant at missionary meetings 
and scandal promulgators . . . The calls well-dressed ladies ' pretty butter- 
flies fluttering to destruction ' ... If she has ^500 a year she dresses like 
a slavey, hates sisters of mercy and seldom wears crinoline." 

One more note, and I have finished. 

In The Cigar, 1825, just eleven years before the appearance of 
Pickwick, there is a curious specimen of the style of Mr. Alfred Jingle. 
The adventures of a fat feather dealer named Milpuff are supposed to 
be in the form of his entries in a ledger. The following describe his 
appearance in the Coffee Room at Dover, where he has just arrived by 


coach. " Queer looks couldn't make out what was the matter ; ordered 
breakfast with double plates of prawns and ham to induce better opinion of 
me 'Yes Sir' and 'coming directly' titter peeping open mouths 
general giggle all in high glee began to be frightened nearly half 
starved too so told waiter joke of getting room under false pretences and 
passing myself as a pickpocket upon passengers, in hopes of putting rascal 
in good humour Fellow crammed napkin into his throat and ran out of 
the room. Resolved to feel myself very much hurt and insulted, walked 
to fire place to pull bell for landlord ropes each side the chimney glass 
inspected frown got up for the occasion therein and found both breeches 
pockets inside out" and so on. 

It is generally accepted that Dickens took the idea of Jingle and Job 
from Macaire and his man, in the play Robert Macaire, which was being 
acted at that time, but there is none of Jingle's peculiar language in the 
play, nor have I ever heard of any other prototype. Also Mr. Milpuff 
goes out shooting, hunting and fishing, and gets into absurd scrapes in 
every instance. It is all quite different from Pickivick, but the germ is so 
far there that it would not be at all surprising if at Mr. Jones's school in 
the Hampstead Road, where we know that the Penny and Saturday 
Magazines were greedily perused, a "handsome curly-headed lad" read 
the numbers of the Cigar as they came out. 


Read zoth March, igu. 

t HEN the priest and the barber made their diverting 
and important scrutiny in the library of the ingenious 
gentleman Don Quixote of La Mancha, the first volume 
that Master Nicholas handed to his companion was 
The Four Books of Amadis of Gaul. And the priest, 
as he took up the volume, exclaimed " This is a mysterious business " ! 

The priest was quite right. And if all who ever " took up " Amadis oj 
Gaul had hit the truth as exactly as he did on this occasion, there would 
have been no need for me to weary you this evening with this paper. But 
the fates have from the first conspired to involve in mystery every detail 
connected with this romance. 

The very continuation of the priest's remark lands us at once in the 
realm of uncertainty, ' " For this," as I have heard say, " was the first book 
of chivalry printed in Spain, and from this all the others have their birth 
and origin." ' ' 

Now while it is true that Amadis of Gaul was the father of the 
" innumerable lineage " * that sprang up in Spanish literature during the 
1 6th century, it is at best no more possible, and as far as present know- 
ledge goes it is improbable that the book was the first of its kind printed 
in Spain. There are indeed rumours of an incunable of 1496. But even 

(i) Don Quixote, Pt. I, Ch. VI. (2) Don Quixote, Pt. II, Ch. I. 


this is some distance from 1490, when Tirani lo Blanch was published in 
Valentian at Valencia. The first known edition of Amadis of Gaul was 
not printed till 1508, and this printed edition is the earliest version of 
the romance that has come down to us. 

At the very outset we are faced with difficulties. We do not know 
the exact name of the author. In the edition of 1508 it is given as 
Garcirodriguez de Montalvo ; but in later editions as Garci Ordonez de 
Montalvo, and elsewhere as Garcia Gutierrez de Montalvo. All sources 
are agreed, however, that he was Regidor of the most noble city of Medina 
del Campo. 

We do not know when he wrote the book. All we do know is that 
his preface was written between 1492 and 1504, as in it he mentions the 
fall of Granada and speaks of both Ferdinand and Isabella as still living. 

Again, we do not know to what extent he is responsible for the text as 
it stands. In the heading to the first chapter he says that he " corrected 
it from the old originals, which were corrupt and badly composed in 
ancient fashion through the fault of different and bad writers, abridging 
it of many superfluous words and inserting others of a more polished and 
elegant style." 

What were these old originals ? Who, or even what country produced 
them ? When did they come into being ? On these questions there has 
raged, and is still raging, one of the most prolific of literary controversies. 
And it is of course impossible to touch on Amadis of Gaul without a few 
words on the subject of the authorship. 

But perhaps it would be well to ensure some interest in the controversy 
by giving first of all as brief an account as possible of the book round 
which it centres. For even the most reckless enthusiast would hardly 
pretend that Amadis of Gaul now claims more than a limited circle of 

The chronology of the story is vague. According to the opening words 
the action takes place " not many years after the passion of our Redeemer 


and Saviour Jesus Christ." But we meet with a civilisation sufficiently 
complex to include, if not the modern gun and bible, at least the mediaeval 
mass and lombard. ' 

The geography is equally vague. Gaul is intended for Wales (though 
it might sometimes be taken rather for France). The scene is laid mainly 
in England. Certain of the towns are quite clear : Bristoya is Bristol, 
Gravisanda Gravesend, Vindilisora Windsor, and so on ; while the King of 
Great Britain holds his Cortes in London, which even " not many years 
after the passion of our Redeemer" is "like an eagle above all the rest of 
Christendom." * 

The following is a brief outline of the plot for when we have dis- 
entangled the countless " enchantments, quarrels, battles, challenges, 
wounds, wooings, loves, agonies," 3 and cleared away the debris of 
dismembered knights, shattered armour and mutilated horses, the book 
has a respectable plot. 

Amadfs is born of the secret union of Peri6n, King of Gaul, and the 
princess Helisena. To avoid the censure of the world the princess places 
Amadfs in an ark which is launched on a stream and carried out to sea. 
A certain knight rescues him, takes him to Scotland, and rears him under 
the name " Child of the Sea." Transferred while still a boy to the court of 
the King of Scotland, he there meets Oriana, daughter of Lisuarte, King of 
Great Britain. And here the romantic side of the story is ushered in with 
a passage which is beautiful for its simplicity : 

" The Child of the Sea was now twelve years old, but in stature and 
size he seemed fifteen, and he served the queen ; but now that Oriana was 

(1) It is only fair to state that the introduction of cannon into the original is clearly 
an oversight. They are only once mentioned in the particular form cited in the 
second chapter of the fourth book, which is no doubt Montalvo's own addition. In 
Nicolas d'Herberay des Essarts' French translation the anachronism is extended, much 
to Southey's disgust. 

(2) Original of 1508, Bk. I. Ch. XXXI. Southey's abridged translation, Bk. I. 

(3) Don Quixote, Pt. I. Ch. I. 


there, the queen gave her the Child of the Sea that he should serve her, 
and Oriana said that it pleased her, and that word which she said the 
Child kept in his heart, so that he never lost it from his memory, and in all 
his life he was never weary of serving her, and his heart was surrendered to 
her, and this love lasted as long as they lasted, for as well as he loved her 
did she also love him. But the Child of the Sea, who knew nothing of 
her love, thought himself presumptuous to have placed his thoughts on her, 
and dared not to speak to her ; and she who loved him in her heart was 
careful not to speak more with him than with another; but their eyes 
delighted to reveal to the heart what was the thing on earth that they 
loved best." 1 

This provides the motive for the rest of the story. The obscure Child 
of the Sea, to win his mistress's esteem, and to justify himself for placing 
his heart on one who " excelled all others in goodness, and beauty and 
parentage," ' gets himself knighted by unknowing and unknown his own 
father Peri6n, who had meantime married Amadfs's mother Helisena and 
had another son Galaor, now grown up. The remainder of the book 
centres round the achievements of these brother-knights Amadis and 
Galaor, who typify respectively the constant and the fickle lover. 

Amadfs in various encounters proves himself the best knight in the 
world, and fighting for King Peridn slays the giant king Abies of Ireland. 
After the battle, by means of a ring, Amadis is recognised by King Peri6n 
as his son, and now seems in a position to claim his mistress and close the 
book with an appropriate ceremony. But that would entail a sacrifice of 
nine-tenths of the story. After a series of adventures by different knights, 
King Lisuarte is deprived of his kingdom through the machinations of 
Arcalaus the wicked enchanter, and both he and his daughter Oriana are 
taken prisoners. Lisuarte is restored by the companions of Amadfs, while 
Amadis himself rescues Oriana. From this rescue springs a secret son 

(1) Original of 1508, Bk. I. Ch. IV. Southey's abridged translation (here quoted), 
Bk. I. Ch. V. 

(2) Original of 1508, Bk. I. Ch. VIII. Southey's abridged translation, Bk. I. Ch. IX. 


Esplandian the hero of a later story for it was essential that these heroes 
should be ignorant of their lofty parentage till they had proved their worth. 

Here again an opportunity of ending the story is avoided. Amadfs 
obtains possession of an enchanted land called the "Firm Island," 
having overcome its spells by virtue of being the best knight in the 
world. In return he loses Oriana, who dismisses him in a fit of jealousy. 
Soon he is forgiven, and again all is well with the world. But not for 
long. Two wicked counsellors poison King Lisuarte's mind against 
Amadfs and his companions, who are driven from the Court. Amadfs 
seeks adventures in Bohemia, Turkey and Greece, but returns and 
generously helps Lisuarte in battle against the forces stirred up by 
Arcalaus. These being overcome, mainly by his aid, Amadis is recon- 
ciled to Lisuarte, and Oriana, having successfully proved the "Arch of 
True Lovers " and the " Forbidden Chamber " in the Enchanted Island, 
is married to Amadfs. And, there, at last, the story ends for us, 1 though 
the compiler's bad taste leads him into an anti-climax of several chapters. 

In character the romance is one of ideal chivalry. In the beginning 
it is prophesied of Amadfs that "he shall be the flower of knighthood 
in his time ; he shall cause the strongest to stoop, he shall enterprize and 
finish with honour that wherein others have failed, and such deeds shall he 
do as none would think could be begun nor enddd by body of man. He 
shall humble the proud, and cruel of heart shall he be against those that 
deserve it, and he shall be the knight in the world who most loyally main- 
tains his love, and he shall love one answerable to his high prowess." ' 

With such a hero, and with his adventures skilfully and interestingly 
told, we need not be surprised that the book became popular. To the 
modern reader indeed the succession of combats, the ultimate result of 
which can always be foreseen, is wearisome. The intrusions of magic too 

(1) Southey brings his abridged translation to a close with the marriage of Amadis and 

(2) Original of 1508, Bk. I, Ch. II. Southey's abridged translation (here quoted), 
Bk. I, Ch. III. 


are distasteful, although in these four books the magical element is not 
obtrusive, and it is none the worse for being usually on the side of the 
villain. There is but little of human character admissible in this ideal 
romance. The credence given by Lisuarte to the wicked counsellors and 
the somewhat petty jealousy of Oriana are among the few human traits. 

Such is the story of which Montalvo tells us that he "corrected it 
from the old originals which were corrupt and badly composed in ancient 
fashion." And we are now in a position to return to the question of what 
these old originals were, and when and where they originated. 

Now I think I may assume that most of you who know Amadis of 
Gaul know it through the excellent abridged translation made by the 
laureate Southey. And probably your knowledge of the Amadis question 
is derived from Southey's preface. It seems advisable therefore that I 
should make a brief summary of the position taken up in this preface, and 
let that be the basis of further explanation. 

According to Southey's title-page and preface the question admits of 
no possible doubt whatever. " Amadis of Gaul was written by Vasco 
Lobeira, a Portugueze, who was born at Porto, fought at Aljubarrota, 
where he was knighted upon the field of battle by King Joam of Good 
Memory, and died at Elvas, 1403." Southey then goes on to deny most 
indignantly the claims of the Comte de Tressan who himself made an 
abridged French translation that the Spaniards originally took the Amadis 
romance from the French. 1 His own position is substantiated by "un- 
questionable testimony," and his opponent is accused, with all the force 
of much italics and abuse, of " French reasoning " founded on a " con- 
catenation of contingencies." 

(l) Southey, in the preface to his abridged translation, writes: " D'Herberay remem- 
bered certain manuscripts of Amadis in the Picard language, and these he ttunight might 
be the originals which Montalvo modernized." This refers to the following passage from 
the preface to d'Herberay des Essarts* translation of Book I of Amadis (1540) : " . . . Et 
aussi pource qu'il est tout certain qu'il fut premier mis en nostre langue Francoyse, estant 
Amadis Gaulois, & non Espagnol : Et qu'ainsi soit i'en ay troaue encores quelque reste 
d'ung vieil liure escript a la main en langaige Picard, sur lequel i'estime que les Espagnolz 
ont fait leur traduction." 


Southey doubtless knew as much on this subject as anyone in his day ; 
but these remarks were published two years before the battle of Trafalgar. 
Now though Spanish studies progress but slowly, some little has been 
accomplished since 1803. And as the general tendency has been rather 
to upset Southey's verdict and justify the Frenchman, we will take warning, 
and, by studiously avoiding both italics and abuse, endeavour to escape a pos- 
sible charge, if not of want of knowledge, at least of trenchant ignorance. 

France, Spain and Portugal have each claimed to be the cradle of the 
Amadis romance, France at one time on the strength of " certain manu- 
scripts of Amadis in the Picard language " which the first French 
translator "remembered," but which are not treated seriously now and 
more recently on the general resemblance between the Amadis and the 
early French romances. 

Spain and Portugal base their respective claims on tradition and on 
references to the romance in their literatures, both before and after 
Montalvo's version. But it would be a task of hours to reproduce, how- 
ever briefly, all the arguments that have been brought up in support of 
each of these sides. Let me therefore marshal such references as occur 
in pre-Montalvo days and let them as champions wage their countries' 
literary war. The method is not inappropriate to our subject. 

At first matters go altogether in favour of the Portuguese. The 
Cancioneiro Geral compiled by Garcia de Resende and published in 
1516 contains references to Oriana in stanzas composed by Nuno 
Pereyra and Jorge da Silveyra in 1483 that is, 25 years before the 
earliest known edition of the Spanish version. About the same distance 
further back we meet with an overwhelming reinforcement which makes 
the Spanish cause look hopeless. In the Chronica do Conde dom Pedro de 
Menezes, written by Gomes Eannes de Zurara (or Azurara) between 1458 
and 1463, Amadis is not only mentioned, but it is said to be composed 
by Vasco de Lobeira, who, as you have heard from Southey, died on the 
field of battle in 1403. This, the earliest mention of an author, has a 


decisive ring about it. But it is still open to the French to claim that 
Vasco de Lobeira learned the story from the soldiers of the Black Prince 
during their incursion into the Peninsula ; while the Spanish, taking 
courage from subsequent attributions which range from an unknown 
Spanish-speaking Moor to no less a person than Saint Teresa, refuse as 
yet to surrender. And this obstinacy is justified. True, in view of Vasco 
de Lobeira's early date, little satisfaction is to be derived from a mention 
of Amadis by Juan de Duenas, who flourished during the reign of John II 
of Castile (1406-1454). But when Pero L6pez de Ayala, the Chancellor 
of Castile, confesses in his Rimado de Palacio (composed between 1367 
and 1403) to wasting his time over Amadis, we gather that the romance 
was at any rate known in Spain during Vasco de Lobeira's lifetime. It 
was very well known apparently. In the Candonero de Baena (compiled 
c. 1445) no I GSS tnan mne references are made to Amadfs or his comrades. 
One of these occurs in a poem by Francisco Imperial, where Amadfs and 
Oriana are already enrolled among the world's famous lovers. From 
another, in a poem by Pero Ferriis, who can be shown to belong to the 
last half of the fourteenth century, it is clear that there already existed a 
version of Amadis in three books. A list of heroes includes : 

Amadys el muy fermoso, 

Las lluvias e las ventyscas 

Nunca las fallo aryscas 

For leal ser i famoso : 

Sus proesas fallaredes 

En ires lybros, e dyredes 

Que le Dyos de santo peso. ' 

This early reference to an Amadis in three books shakes our faith in Vasco 
de Lobeira's authorship. And recently the eminent French scholar M. 
Foulche-Delbosc has discovered the earliest known instance of the mention 

( I ) And Amadis, fairest and best 
No power of blinding snow or rain 
E'er heeded he, nor were in vain 
His loyalty and fame confessed. 
His deeds of valour in three books 
Are writ, and he who therein looks 
Shall say, God grant him holy rest 


of Amadis in the Spanish translation of Egidto Colonna's De regiminc 
prindpum, made about 1350 by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz. Now you 
have learned from Southey that Vasco de Lobeira was knighted on the 
battlefield of Aljubarrota, and Gayangos assumes with some plausibility, 
from his being knighted immediately before the battle, that he had just 
turned twenty at the time. But the battle of Aljubarrota took place in 
1385, and it is clear therefore that if Vasco de Lobeira wrote Amadis of 
Gaul he must have been a precocious youth if Gayangos is correct he 
must have written it at the early age of at least minus fifteen. We must 
give up the story of Vasco de Lobeira, and with it the tempting legend of 
the soldiers of the Black Prince. 

But suddenly, just as the Portuguese cause seems lost, a new champion 
arises in the form of the recently published (1880) Canzoniere portoghese 
Colocci-Brancuti, which contains a poem identical with a song sung by 
Oriana in the second book of Amadis. 1 The poem in the Canzoniere is 
attributed to a Joham de Lobeira who flourished in the last half of the 
thirteenth century. What has happened seems clear enough. The sword 
of Marius may have rusted, while the fame of him who wrote the Aeneid 
may be immortal. But we treat of lesser days. The Portuguese tradition 
of an early version by a Lobeira seems justified only the obscure man of 
letters Joham has been confused with and yielded before the more famous 
warrior Vasco of a century later. 

This is the last of our champions, and we are just about to award the 
prize when France steps in and claims it on the ground that the improved 
knowledge of comparative literature demands that the romance must 
originally have belonged to the Anglo-French lays. Modern opinion 
indeed may be summed up in a way that distributes the international 
honours very evenly. Great Britain provides in the main the scene and 
the actors of the story, which reached the Iberian Peninsula through the 
Anglo-French poets. Spain has the earliest known version and the earliest 

(i) Original of 1508, Bk. II. Ch. XI. Southey's abridged translation, Bk. II. Ch. XII. 

S 2 


mention of Amadis; but Portugal has a tradition of an author which 
appears to justify itself to an even remoter period. 1 As to whether Spain 
or Portugal received the story first, he would be a bold man who should at 
present attempt to decide. 

So much then for Amadis of Gaul previous to the publication of 
Montalvo's version. Let us now return to the year 1508 and look forwards 
instead of backwards. 

As we have said, Montalvo's "Four Books of Amadis of Gaul" 
achieved a striking popularity. It founded a literary fashion which for 
half a century wholly and for another half century in great part absorbed 
the Spanish imagination. In spite of the fact that all the Spanish issues 
were in folio form, and were evidently not intended for the most destructive 
section of the populace (the infatuated Manchegan, it will be remembered, 
" sold many an acre of tillage-land to buy books of chivalry to read "),* 
editions have been thumbed almost or entirely out of existence. There is 
but one copy known of the 1508 edition and that is in the British 
Museum a splendid example of printing from one of Spain's most artistic 
presses, that of " George Coyi Aleman," of the most noble and most loyal 
city of Saragossa. But there are about 30 editions and rumours of editions 
between 1508 and 1587 the year before the Armada. Of these editions 
I shall mention only one more. This is an edition, with woodcuts, of 1519, 
the next that has survived, although of this only five copies are recorded 
one of them again in the British Museum. It was printed by Antonio de 
Salamanca, and though no place of imprint is given, we know that this was 
Rome from the inclusion of a papal privilege to print six books of Amadis 
for ten years granted in 1519 to "Antonius martini de Salamacha in 
Vrbe comorans." 

(1) The Portuguese cause is further strengthened by the mention, in Book I, Ch. XL, 
of a change made in the story of the relations between Amadis and Briolanja by order of 
an "Infante don Alfonso de Portugal." Both this, however, and the song mentioned 
above as sung by Oriana in Book II, Ch. XI, have been objected to as interpolations. 

(2) Don Quixote, Pt. I, Ch. I. 


Mention has already been made of Montalvo's statement, in the heading 
to the first chapter of Amadis, as to the part he played in the composition 
of the book. Towards the end of his preface he says that he corrected 
three books of Amadis, and translated and emended a fourth, these being 
the four books that have occupied our attention up to the present. In the 
same place he tells us that this business of translation and emendation was 
extended to the " Sergas J of Esplandian, his son, which till now no man 
remembers to have seen, but which by good fortune was discovered in a 
stone tomb underneath the floor of a hermitage near Constantinople, and 
brought by a Hungarian merchant to these parts of Spain, in writing and 
on parchment so antique that only with difficulty could it be read by those 
who knew the language." This is of course mere bluff the inauguration 
indeed of a system of bluff that lasted for a century down to Don Quixote 
itself, which, it will be remembered, we are supposed to owe to an Arab 
historian, Cide Hamete Benengeli.* All it means is that Montalvo was 
alive to the sweet uses of advertisement, and that having himself prepared 
a fifth book, he was preparing his public for the same. The fifth book is 
again referred to in a separate preface attached to the fourth book, while 
Montalvo's commerciality breaks out in the text in the third book, 3 where 
we are referred to a " branch which springs from these books, called the 
Sergas of Esplandian." It was indeed with a title very similar to this that 
the book appeared in 1510 at Seville: "The Sergas of the right valiant 
knight Esplandian, son of Amadis of Gaul, called the branch of the four 
books of Amadis." We pay little attention to the statement that it was 
" written in Greek by the hand of the great master Helisabad " for this 
is no other than a Greek physician whom Amadfs picked up during his 
Eastern adventures in the third book. 

(1) Las Sergas, i.e., las epyo, the feats. A formation like the English newt and the 
French lierre. 

(2) Don Quixote, Pt. I, Ch. IX, etc. 

(3) Original of 1508, Bk. Ill, Ch. XII. Southey's abridged translation, Bk. Ill, 
Ch. XI. 


More to the point is the statement that it was corrected and translated 
by one who is here described as " Garcia Gutierrez de Montalvo, governor 
of Medina del Campo, who also corrected and amended the four books of 
Amadfs." The book is of course Montalvo's own composition. Of the 
story nothing more need be said than that Montalvo shifts his scene of 
operations to a geographical area in which he is more at home than he is in 
Great Britain, and Esplandian finally becomes Emperor of Constantinople. 
Its literary value is of the slightest. You remember the verdict of the 
curate in Don Quixote after he had spared the life of the " Four Books 
of Amadfs " : 

" Let us see that other which is next to it." 

" It is," said the barber, " the Sergas de Esplandian, the lawful son of 
Amadfs of Gaul." 

"Then verily," said the curate, "the merit of the father must not be 
put down to the account of the son. Take it, mistress housekeeper, open 
the window and fling it into the yard and lay the foundation of the pile for 
the bonfire we are to make." 1 

And truly this and the succeeding continuations of Amadis are for the 
most part but poor exaggerations of their original. The giants become 
more gigantic, the monsters more monstrous as the time goes on. And 
this is inevitable when each new hero is the son of the preceding hero, 
and proves himself invincible by overcoming his already invincible father. 
Yet Esplandian met with success. It went through some twelve editions 
between 1510 and 1588 the fateful year itself. The edition of 1510 no 
longer exists, /but we know of it from an entry* in that wonderful catalogue 
which Ferdinand Columbus the book-loving son of the great discoverer 
compiled of the magnificent library he collected together, the remains of 

(1) Don Quixote, Pt. I, Ch. VI. (Ormsby's translation.) 

(2) No. 3331. See the " Catalogue of the Library of Ferdinand Columbus," repro- 
duced in facsimile from the original MS. in the Biblioteca Colombir.a by Mr. Archer M. 
Huntington in 1905. 


which are now at Seville. The first existing edition is that of Toledo of 
1521, a copy of which is in Paris. The only other edition I need mention 
is the next in date, a copy of which is in the British Museum. It was 
printed in 1525 by Jacobo de Junta and Antonio de Salamanca. No 
place of imprint is given; the name Antonio de Salamanca has been 
responsible for the suggestion of Salamanca as the place of publication, 
while Burgos has also been suggested in view of the fact that an edition 
was printed there in 1526 by a Juan de Junta. But the book can be 
shown to have been printed in Rome, like the 1519 edition of the Four 
Books of Amadis. l 

Satisfied with his previous performance, Montalvo announced his 
intention of serving up more of the same dish. At the end of the fifth 
book, after leaving all his principal characters enchanted, he advertises in 
the last chapter " a right pleasant book and most excellent in all the order 
of chivalry, written by a sage full learned in all the worldly arts." This 
book is to give us the adventures of Amadis's nephews, sons of his brother 
Galaor, they being sufficiently minor characters to have escaped the 
general enchantment. But if Montalvo wrote his book he did not publish 
it. He may have died. More likely he was forestalled, for in 1510, the 
year of the first known appearance of Esplandian, there was published at 
Salamanca a Sixth Book. This professed to be taken from the Tuscan by 
Paez de Ribera, of whom we know as little as we do of Montalvo. He 
chose as his hero Florisando, another nephew of Amadfs, son of a half- 
brother Florestan ; and somewhat nonplussed at being deprived by 
Montalvo of many desirable characters he would fain have utilised, he 
" reproves the old and lying fable that king Amadis and his brothers and 
his son the Emperor Esplandian and their wives were enchanted by the 
spells and art of Urganda." We need not trouble, however, about his 
story. It is but a servile imitation of the book which it reproves. Perhaps 
the choice of a hero not in the direct line of descent did not meet with 

(i) See Appendix I. 


approval. At any rate, the book was only reprinted once again at 
Salamanca in 1526. I know of no copy of either edition in this 

' Paez de Ribera was therefore not tempted to take the field again. But 
in 1514, as once more we learn from an entry 1 in Ferdinand Columbus's 
catalogue, a Seventh Book was brought out at Seville by an anonymous 
writer. It professes to have been found near London, and to have been 
written by the sage magician Alquife, who had already achieved distinction 
by marrying Urganda, the principal fairy of the previous books. The real 
author, although not mentioned, is no doubt Feliciano de Silva, as I shall 
endeavour to show in connexion with a later book. This Seventh Book 
revived the popularity of the series. It went through some thirteen 
editions between 1514 and the ominous date 1587. > Although the Sixth 
Book is recognised as far as the numeration goes, its narrative is ignored. 
The Seventh Book reverts for its hero to the direct line of descent, and 
chooses Lisuarte of Greece, son of Esplandian. It is Lisuarte who 
disenchants those left spellbound at the end of the Fifth Book, though at 
the end of his own book he and his comrades suffer a somewhat similar 
change. In the last chapter, Onoloria, whom Lisuarte had recently 
married, gives birth to a son the affair being as usual a secret which 
the reader does not share with the lady's parents. The son is Amadi's of 
Greece, the hero of a later book but not the next, for the Eighth Book, 
which purports to be " taken from the Greek and Tuscan, by Juan Diaz, 
bachiller en canones," and which was published at Seville in 1526, also 
deals with Lisuarte. Juan Diaz explains to us that he thought to call his 
book the Seventh, since it is a continuation of the Sixth Book ; but as 
someone else produced a Seventh Book he was obliged to call his the 
Eighth. This once more is mere bluff. What happened is clear. He was 
induced to try his hand by the success of the Seventh Book. But to 
attempt to continue the Sixth Book itself a failure as we have seen was 
to court disaster. And in addition Juan Diaz perpetrates some most 

(i) No. 4,000. 


unlovely blunders of his own. After marrying off all the available young 
couples, he makes Agrajes and Galaor turn monk, filled with remorse at 
having wasted their youth in the vanities of this world. Their wives enter 
the monastery of Miraflores, which is presided over by Oriana, for most 
unpardonable offence of all Amadis had died. Last of all the book died 
also. Its hero, having exhausted his valour in overcoming giants and 
monsters, had not sufficient courage left to face the printer's devil again. 
It was not reprinted. It was not translated. Its very author grew sick of it. 
"Thus ends this great history, though there remain to be written many 
strange adventures and many wonderful things . . . which happened in the 
time of King Lisuarte ; but the author, weary of his long and troublesome 
labour in the present work, makes over the translation of the rest to 
whosoever is willing to undertake this voluntary task, and has both skill 
and leisure for the business." 

This challenge finds its answer in the two parts of the " Chronicle of 
Amadfs of Greece, the son of Lisuarte," or the " Ninth Book of Amadfs 
of Gaul ... as it was written by the great magician Alquife. Newly found 
and emended of certain words which . . . were corrupted. Corrected by 
Feliciano de Silva." That is to say, it was Written by Feliciano de Silva ; 
and as the authorship has recently been doubted by so eminent a critic as 
Sr. Mene"ndez y Pelayo, a few words must here be devoted to this subject. 
The Director of the Biblioteca Nacional says 1 that he "has not been able 
to find any other than the sage Alquife " given as the author. " But," he 
goes on, " if a certain ' Sueno de Amor ' composed by Feliciano de Silva 
in prose and put into verse by one of his admirers (a rare tract in Gothic 
letter which Gayangos saw in England) corresponds to another ' Sueno ' on 
the same subject found at the end of the first part of Amadis of Greece," 
then the question of Feliciano de Silva's authorship may be worth con- 
sidering. To this we may answer that his name is given at any rate in 
the first four editions: Cuenca, 1530; Burgos, 1535; Seville, 1542 and 

(i) Orlgenes de la Novela (in the Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles), Tom. I, 
Introduction, p. cclxii. 


1549 a copy of the former of these Seville editions is in the British 
Museum, and a copy of the latter in the library over which Sr. Mene*ndez 
y Pelayo presides. As to the tract seen by Gayangos in England, its 
evidence is not really necessary ; but it is still in England, and anyone who 
wishes to compare it with the " Sueno " in Amadis of Greece can do so at 
the British Museum, when he will find that the two correspond. This 
confirms Feliciano de Silva's authorship of the Ninth Book. And this 
Ninth Book contains evidence that he is also the author of the Seventh 

In the first place he takes a fatherly interest in the Seventh Book. 
Except in the numeration he ignores the Eighth Book. He will not hear 
of the death of Amadfs. At the same time he reproves the author of the 
Eighth Book for ignoring the Seventh his Seventh Book, we may venture 
to call it. Under the guise of the Proof-corrector to the Reader he thrashes 
that thoroughly dead horse Book Eight : " Do not be deceived, courteous 
reader, because this book is called Amadis of Greece and the Ninth Book 
of Amadfs of Gaul ; for the Eighth Book is called Amadis of Greece, ' 
and in that the authors* are in the wrong ; for he who wrote the Eighth 
Book of Amadfs and called it Amadis did not see the Seventh ; and if he 
did see it he did not understand it and did not know how to continue it ; 
for the Seventh, which is Lisuarte of Greece and Peri6n of Gaul, written 
by the same author as the present book, mentions in the last chapter the 
birth of the Child of the Burning Sword, son of Lisuarte of Greece and 
of the Princess Onoloria, who took the name Knight of the Burning 
Sword and afterwards Amadis of Greece, of whom the present book treats. 
So that this Ninth Book is a continuation of the Seventh, and it ought 
to be called the Eighth ; but in order that there might not be two Eighth 
Books it is called the Ninth ; seeing that it does not depend on the 
Eighth Book but on the Seventh, as aforesaid. And it would have been 
better if that Eighth Book had perished in its author's hands and been 

(1) As a matter of fact it was called Lisuarte of Greece. 

(2) Presumably the real author and the feigned author. 


abortive, and had not seen the light in order to be condemned and to injure 
the contents of the present great genealogy. For it has injured itself pro- 
ducing confusion in the descent and sequence of the histories. Farewell." 

It has been objected that the very definite statement " written by the 
same author as the present book " does not refer to Feliciano de Silva 
but to the sage magician Alquife, who is given as the pretended author 
in each case. 1 But surely no other than the most literal interpretation is 
suitable for a note that is strongly flavoured with the personality of one 
who is trying to pay off an old score. 

It has further been objected that the difference of date between the 
Seventh and Ninth Books precludes the possibility of Feliciano de Silva 
having written both. 1 This seemed perhaps a valid objection when the 
earliest known edition of the Ninth Book was that of 1542, and the 
difference amounted to twenty-eight years. But the discovery of the 
existence of an edition of 1530 has reduced the difference to sixteen years. 
And some difference is required by a corroborating remark in the preface 
to the Ninth Book, which, we are told, "being in a strange tongue by 
reason of its antiquity would have been entirely lost if I had not corrected 
and transcribed it with the same devotion that I bore towards his fathers, 
whose chronicle I revised and corrected with no less care in my youth." 

This identification of the author of the Seventh Book with the author 
of the Ninth Book is furthermore confirmed by the "Sueno de Amor" 
already mentioned as occurring at the conclusion of the first part of the 
Ninth Book. Towards the end of this dream the author causes himself 
to be addressed as one who had related "the loves of those glorious knights 
Lisuarte and Peridn (Book 7) and Amadfs of Greece (Book 9)." 

(i) See Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo : Origenes de la Novela, Introduction, torn. I, 
p. cclx. " Some have attributed it to Feliciano de Silva ; but in 1514 he could not have 
been old enough to write such romances, for the oldest of those that are known to be his 
belongs to the year 1532. The words of the Corrector of the Ninth Book of Amadis, 
stating that it is due to the same pen as the Seventh, must be understood to refer not to 
Feliciano de Silva, who gives himself out to be simply the translator, but to the fabulous 
Greek author who in both books was supposed to be 'the mighty magician Alquife.'" 


Silva seems fairly certainly the author of the Seventh, as of the Ninth 
Book. We need not enter into the story of the latter. One point, 
however, is worth mentioning. Towards the end the knight Florisel turns 
shepherd in order to court the shepherdess Silvia an early instance of the 
influence of the pastoral romance that was destined to be one of the most 
potent forces in the overthrow of the romance of chivalry. ' 

Like the Seventh Book, the Ninth restored the popularity of the series. 
There were some eight editions between 1530 and 1582 in Spain itself, 
and one in 1596 in Lisbon. 

Silva anticipated this success by producing the Tenth and the Eleventh 
Books. The Tenth Book contains the first and second parts of the 
Chronicle of Florisel of Niquea, the son of Amadfs of Greece, and the 
Eleventh Book contains the third and fourth parts of the same Chronicle, 
dealing however mainly with Florisel's son, Rogel of Greece. The Tenth 
Book was first published at Valladolid in 1532 a copy is in the British 
Museum and it went through six or seven editions by 1584. The first 
portion of the Eleventh Book appeared in 1535, and went through as many 
editions. The second portion was apparently not printed till 1551, and 
was only reprinted once. 

Most people know little, and care less, about these books of Silva's. 
And yet they are famous through being signalled out by the priest in 
Don Quixote for their " bedevilled and involved discourses." * Don 
Quixote's own partiality for them is well known : 

" But of all there were none he liked so well as those of the famous 
Feliciano de Silva's composition, for their lucidity of style and complicated 
conceits were as pearls in his sight, particularly when in his reading he 
came upon courtships and cartels, where he often found passages like ' the 

(1) The pastoral romance was made fashionable in Spain by Jorge de Montem&r's 
Los Siete Libras de la Diana, first published in 1558 or 1559. The model for this was 
Jacopo Sannazaro's Arcadia, published in 1502, although the first Spanish translation did 
not appear till 1547. 

(2) Don Qtiixote, Pt. I, Ch. VI. 


reason of the unreason with which my reason is afflicted so weakens my 
reason that with reason I murmur at your beauty.' " ' 

A Twelfth Book appeared at Seville in 1546, and was once or twice 
reprinted. No author's name is given, and this book too has frequently 
passed as the work of Feliciano de Silva. But Pedro de Lujan definitely 
claims it as his own in the dedication prefixed to his Leandro el Bel, a 
second part to the romance Lepolemo. The Twelfth Book has for its 
hero Silves de la Selva, a son of Florisel de Niquea, and, as far as Spain is 
concerned, he was the last of the clan. 

We have seen how fatal the year 1588 was for the Amadi's family. 
Doubtless a wave of sober reality passed over Spain during that year, and 
anything that savoured so strongly of the invincible as these heroes must 
have fallen into sad disrepute. But the whole class of chivalrous romances 
had long before been assailed by more material foes. "There are 
innumerable protests against the pest from grave historians like Gonzalo ; 
Fernandez de Oviedo, and Pedro Mejia; from religious reformers like 
Juan de Valde"s ; from scholars like Juan Luis Vives ; from theologians like 
Melchor Cano ; from preachers like Luis de Granada ; from mystics like Luis 
Ponce de Ledn and Pedro Malon de Chaide. Readers of these extravagant 
tales were found in all classes. Saint Ignatius, Saint Teresa, the states- 
man Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth were 
impassioned admirers. / Don Silves de la Selva had an honourable place in 
Montaigne's library, and less critical students than Montaigne accepted the 
most fantastic inventions as authentic history. The Portuguese poet, 
Simon de Silveira, swore upon the gospels that he believed every word in 
Amadis de Gaula to be true; and the -chronicler, Julidn del Castillo, 
writing in 1587, solemnly records that, when Philip the Second married 
Mary Tudor at Winchester, he undertook to abdicate if King Arthur 
returned to claim the throne." 1 

(1) Don Quixote, Pt. I, Ch. I. (Ormsby's translation.) 

(2) From Professor James Fitzmaurice-Kelly's introduction to Don Quixote in the 
Complete Works of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Vol. Ill, Gowans & Gray, Glasgow. 


The infection was carried early to the New World. The deeds of the 
heroes of chivalry may have inspired the handful of veterans under 
Cone's. At any rate the story was in their minds, for the soldier-author 
Bernal Dfaz del Castillo tells us that when they beheld the cloud-capped 
towers, the gorgeous palaces of Mexico rising from the water, they ' were 
amazed and said that it was like the enchantments they tell of in the 
legend of Amadfs.' ' And when the Spanish pioneers of the Pacific came 
to the coast of the land which is called California, they gave it that name 
after an island described in the Sergas of Esplandian as 'on the right 
hand of the Indies, and very near to the Earthly Paradise.' " * 

/ A decree went forth as early as 1531, and more than once afterwards, 
that romances of chivalry should not be imported into the American 
colonies. In 1553 they were prohibited from being printed, sold or read 
there, and in 1555 the Cortes requested that the prohibition should be 
extended to Spain itself, and that all extant copies of the chivalresque 
romances should be publicly burned. Such measures, however, were of 
no avail, and attempts were made to turn these romances to religious 
uses. y$In 1554 Hier6nimo Sempere wrote his "Celestial Chivalry of the 
Root of the Fragrant Rose," -where Christ is the Knight of the Lion, 
the Twelve Apostles the Knights of the Round Table, John the Baptist 
the Knight of the Desert, and Lucifer the Knight of the Serpent. 3 Others 
of the same kind followed, along with a diminishing number of the 
profane variety, till Cervantes accomplished what no one else had been 
able to perform, by the publication of Don Quixote in 1605. After that 
date no new romance appeared, and only one was reprinted. / 

And now, having traced the development of the Amadfs romance in 
Spain, we must deal, more briefly than the interest of the subject merits, 
with its growth in the foreign soils into which it was transplanted. 

(1) Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva Espafia, Ch. LXXXVII. 

(2) Ch. CLVII. 

(3) Sec Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. I, Ch. XII. 


It was in France that the first translation appeared ; but it will be more 
convenient to give precedence here to the Italian translations. 

We have already seen that an edition of the original Four Books of 
Amadis of Gaul was published in Spanish at Rome in 1519, and an 
edition of the Fifth Book at the same place in 1525. It may possibly 
have been through these, though most probably it was through his journeys 
to Spain in 1537 and 1539, while in the service of the Prince of Salerno, 
that Bernardo Tasso, "the grandfather of the Gerusalemme Liberata," 
became acquainted with the story, on which he founded his lengthy poem 
Amadigi di Francia. This however was not published till 1560. Mean- 
while, six years after the French version began to be published, Amadfs 
commenced appearing in an anonymous Italian translation. The first 
Four Books, to judge by the privilege, came out in 1 546, followed by the 
Fifth Book in 1547, and the Sixth Book in 1550. So far all the books are 
numbered. Feliciano de Silva's Seventh, Ninth and Tenth Books were 
published in 1550-51, all three without any numeration. The Eighth 
Book, in spite of Brunei's note, 1 was not translated, as indeed has been 
stated above. But the original Spanish numeration must be retained, 
leaving a gap for the Eighth Book ; for in 1551 also the first half of the 
Spanish Eleventh Book appeared, described as the Eleventh Book, 
followed by the Twelfth Book, also numbered, in 1558. This date for the 
Twelfth Book is given by Melzi ' on the authority of a manuscript note by 
a Florentine bookseller. The earliest edition known to Brunet is that of 
1561 ; but there must have been an edition in or before 1558, for in that 
year was published the first part of the Thirteenth Book. This professed 

(1) Manuel du libraire et de T amateur de livres . . . Par J. C. Brunet, 1860, Vol. I, 
p. 219. " II est a retnarquer que dans la suite des Amadis en italien, il ne se 
trouve pas de 8" livre ; cela vient de ce qu'on a fait du 8 e livre espagnol une 2 e partie 
du 7 e italien." 

(2) Bibliog rafia dei romanzi di cavalleria . . . Da G. Melzi, 1865, p. 273. "Questa 
edizione, finora non citata da alcun bibliografo, era nella libreria Venturi di Reggio, 
acquistata nel 1826 da Stefano Audin libraio di Firenze, como mi risulta da una nota 
inanoscritta dal medesimo Audin, sulla esattezza della quale non pongo alcun dubbio." 


to be taken from the Spanish, like its predecessors. As a matter of fact 
no Spanish original exists, and Book Thirteen is the first of a series of 
additions to the Amadfs romance made by Mambrino Roseo da Fabriano, 
who was indeed an indefatigable translator, and may have been responsible 
for the translation of some at least of the earlier books. The hero is 
Sferamundi of Greece, the son of Rogel of Greece, the hero of the 
Eleventh Book. A second part of the Thirteenth Book appeared in 1559, 
a third and a fourth part in 1563, and a fifth and a sixth part in 1565. 
These parts are sometimes numbered consecutively as separate books, 
and so the number of books is brought up to eighteen. But these six new 
books are but one half of Mambrino Roseo's additions. During the year 
in which he wrote the third and fourth parts of the Thirteenth Book, he 
commenced appending supplements to various of the earlier books. Thus 
in 1563 he published supplements to the Fourth and Fifth Books. In 
the next year, before resuming the continuation of the Thirteenth Book, 
he produced supplements to the Seventh, Ninth, Tenth and Eleventh 
Books. The first of these four Brunet wrongly takes to be a translation 
of the Spanish Eighth Book. The last is a substitute for the second half 
of the Spanish Eleventh Book, which was not translated into any language, 
owing perchance to its having appeared, as was stated above, after the 
Twelfth Book had already carried the series on to its concluding stage 
in Spain. Finally, there appeared a supplement to this Twelfth Book 
in 1568.' 

Even if we leave out of consideration the possibility of his connexion 
with the Italian versions of the Spanish Amadfs, Mambrino Roseo's 
output as a translator was remarkable. His rapid piling up of the above 
supplements was a still more remarkable effort of original production, and 
evidences a fertile imagination often as crude as fertile. The supplement 

(l) It is only right to add that Mambrino Roseo's name does not occur on the title- 
page of three of these additional volumes the supplements to Books 10 and n, and the 
first part of Book 13 at least in the editions I have seen ; but then I have only seen one 
edition of the first, two of the second, and one of the last of these. I have little doubt 
that Mambrino Roseo was responsible for the whole set. 


to the Seventh Book will serve as an illustration. At the close of the 
Seventh Book, Lisuarte of Greece, Peri6n, Olorio and the Emperor of 
Trebizond were left enchanted by Zirfea, Queen of Argines. l They were 
released from that enchantment at the beginning of the next book in this 
case the Ninth. The problem of inserting a whole new book between 
these two events is overcome by the intervention of our obliging friend 
the magician Alquife, who secretly disenchants Lisuarte and Peridn, starts 
them on an adventurous career of some 500 pages, and then, perceiving 
of his foreknowledge that the hour was fast approaching when the original 
quartet should be released from the enchantment of Zirfea, hurries back 
his two prote'ge's and reduces them again to the enchanted state just in 
time for the general awakening in the Ninth Book. 

It required a little persuasion to pass this off even on Mambrino 
Roseo's infatuated contemporaries, and the first chapter plausibly refers to 
certain untranslated annals of the Emperor of Trebizond. This leads to 
bibliographical explanations as to why these additions are called supple- 
ments, and why they do not figure in the consecutive numeration of the 
books.' But these bibliographical crumbs are dwarfed by a big loaf of 
Mambrino Roseo's own baking. There is in the British Museum a large 
single sheet printed at Rome in 1637, headed "Albero della Geneologia 
di Perione Re di Gaula. Disteso da Mambrino Roseo da Fabriano." 
Inset there is a complete list as complete as that of Brunet of the 
Italian translations and supplements, these latter being marked with a 
dagger as not essential to the sequence of the story. 3 So that Mambrino 
Roseo may justly rank as the earliest bibliographer of Amadis. All the 
more so since this genealogical table no doubt appeared in earlier editions ; 
for there is evidence that the author must have been born about the 
year 1500. 

(1) This lady is of the same breed as the "great master Helisabad" and the "sage 
magician Alquife," for according to the title-page she composed the Tenth Book "in 
ancient style, which Feliciano de Silva merely professes to have corrected. 

(2) See Appendix III. 

(3) See Appendix II. 


All that Brunei has to add to this bibliography, besides an error or 
two of his own, is the place and date of publication of the various editions 
of the different books. The first publisher was in every case Michele 
Tramezzino, of Venice. Each book went through several editions, always 
in handy octavo form, and each book enjoyed much the same relative 
popularity in Italy as in Spain. There are some twelve editions of the 
first Four Books, as against four of the Sixth Book ; each of Mambrino 
Roseo's supplements went through from four to seven editions. As in 
Spain, the period of popularity was close on a century, for not till after 
1630 did the Amadi's romance cease to be published in Italy. 

Meantime it had obtained in France a success greater perhaps than it 
had even in Spain. Francis I no doubt made its acquaintance while a 
prisoner in Madrid, 1525-26. About the same time, and perhaps at the 
same place, one of the King's artillery officers, Nicolas d'Herberay, 
Seigneur des Essarts, also made its acquaintance, and undertook to 
translate it into French at the King's own instigation, if some of the 
translator's rather contradictory prefaces are to be trusted. Continued 
wars interfered with the translation, and it was not till after the Treaty 
of Nice in 1538 between Francis I and the Emperor Charles V that 

* V 

des Essarts had leisure to set about his task in earnest. Two years later i - 
the First Book was published by Denis Janot, and each year another book 
was added till 1546, when the Seventh Book appeared. An Eighth Book 
was published in 1548, and with that the connexion of des Essarts with 
Amadis ceased. A Ninth Book came out in 1551, translated by the 
Flemish Giles Boileau and revised by Claude Colet. This seems to have 
roused des Essarts, who next year 1 tried to re-enter the Amadis line of 
business with an original romance he pretends it is a translation from 
the Spanish whose hero is Flores de Grece, a son of Esplandian. In 
Floret de Grece he explains his inactivity since 1548 as due partly to the 
death of the King, his instigator to the task of translation, and partly to a 

(l) Flares de Greet was reprinted in 1555, 1561, 1572, 1573. 


long and serious illness. ' This double calamity being too much for him, 
he forsook Amadis and sought consolation by translating Josephus's Wars 
of the Jews* which, by the way, appeared in 1553, and again in 1557, 
with exactly the same illustrations as had been used throughout the early 
French editions of Amadis. Flares de Greet never became recognised as 
part of the Amadis series. 3 The doors were definitely shut against it by 
the publication, also in 1552, of a Tenth Book, translated by Jacques 
Gohorry, who added an Eleventh Book in 1554. A Twelfth Book, 
translated by Guillaume Aubert, was published in 1556. Jacques Gohorry 
re-entered the lists in 1571 with a Thirteenth Book, while a Fourteenth 
Book, translated by Antoine Tyron, appeared in 1574, and again in the 
same year, revised by Jacques Gohorry. These fourteen books exhaust 
the original Spanish twelve books, to which, by a re-arrangement in the 
numbering, they correspond. Books 6 and 8 were not translated. The 
Spanish Book 7 becomes therefore the French Book 6. The French 
Books 7 and 8 correspond to the two parts of the Spanish Book 9, but the 
"Sueno" already mentioned as occurring at the end of the first part is 
omitted (as it was also in the Italian translation), and five chapters at the 
end of the second part are transferred to the next book. The French 
Books 9 and 10 correspond to the two parts of the Spanish Book 10 ; 
but to balance the five chapters added at the beginning of the first book, 
the last four chapters of that part are transferred to the second book. 
The French Books n and 12 correspond to the first part of the Spanish 

(1) The opening words of the dedication to Henri II are worth giving for the state- 
ments they contain : "Sire i'auoys par le commandement du feu Roy vostre pere (que 
Dieu absolue) entreprins de mettre en lumiere toute la cronique du roy Amadis, & estoys 
sur la fin du huitiesme liure quant la mort donna but k ses iours : & mon inaleur vn 
commancement en moy d'vne si longue & rude maladie, que pour le mieulx que i'en 
esperois estoit vn auancemet de mort. 

(2) " Or auoye pour ces occasios desdaign entieremet le reste du labeur d'Amadis & 
pris en main losephus pour mettre en Fran9oys le discours qui traite de la guerre & ruine 
des luifz." Loc. fit. 

(3) In an English translation in the British Museum it is described as a Supplement to 
Amadis de Gaule. The translator is given as W. P., to whom proper names were a 
stumbling-block. The author's name is written Monsieur De Essule, Nicholas de 
Hereby. The copy in question is dated 1664, and is of the third edition ; but the preface 
states : " It is above a hundred years since this took the English dresse on it." 

T 2 


Book n, with the opening chapter omitted. The second part of the 
Spanish Book n was not translated. lastly, the French Books 13 and 
14 correspond to the Spanish Book 12. 

But almost ten years before the Spanish supply became exhausted, 
Mambrino Roseo had brought up the total to eighteen books in Italy, and 
the French translators now turned to him for further material. 

-^ His Supplement to the Twelfth Book became the French Book 15 
in 1576, and the six parts of his Thirteenth Book became the French 
Books 1 6-2 1 between 1577 and 1581. All these were translated by 
, * Gabriel Chappuys. Mambrino Roseo had announced at the end of the 
sixth part of the Italian Book 13 that this was the last of the Sferamundi 
series. 1 In the French translation Gabriel Chappuys converts this into 
the statement that his Book 21 is the last of the whole Amadis series. 1 
- Yet in 1615, after a lapse of thirty-four years, there appeared three more 
books, bringing up the total to twenty-four books. Like their predecessors, 
these three profess to be translated from the Spanish ; but they are 
identical with the German Books 22-24, which had long ago been 
published, as we shall see later. 

In the translations from the Italian, Gabriel Chappuys had rivals. 
In 1577, Antoine Tyron translated the first thirty-three chapters of the 
Italian Thirteenth Book to form a French Fifteenth Book, and there are 
further duplicate translations of the Sixteenth Book by Nicolas de 
Montreux (1577), of the Nineteenth Book by Jacques Chariot (1581), 
and of the Twentieth Book by Jean Boiron (1581). 

This competition is but one of the many evidences of the popularity 
of the Amadis romances in France. As in Spain, they appeared originally 
in folio form, and not only the different editions, but also the different 
issues of the same edition, show how constant was the demand for even 

(1) " . . . 1'auttor . . . imposa qui fine al suo libro, & all' vltima parte dell' historia 
di Sferamundi di Grecia." 

(2) "... 1'auteur . . . met icy fin au dernier liure de son histoire, tant l>elle & 
emerueillable. Fin de 1'histoire d'Amadis de Gaule, comprise en vingt & vn liures." 


these more costly productions. Soon, however, Paris, Lyons, Antwerp, 
and occasionally a minor town, were providing editions of a more con- 
venient prayer-book size a fact of which the church-going public doubtless 
showed itself duly appreciative at the proper time and place. These 
editions vary in number from fourteen or fifteen ' with the earlier books 
to a single edition of each of the last three books. They cover a period 
somewhat less than was the case with Spain and Italy from 1540 to 1615, 
the year after Don Quixote appeared in French, and three years before the 
outbreak of the Thirty Years War. ,- 

Nor are we without evidence of the vogue of the Amadls romances 
in France from writers during this period. Montaigne has already been 
mentioned. Brantome signifies their popularity among young ladies, both 
religious and lay, in terms that cannot be reproduced here. Francois 
de La Noue, in his Politic and Military Discourses,* characterises them 
as " very fit instruments for the corruption of manners " ; yet the vast 
majority of readers held them in such esteem that he believes "if any 
man had dared to find fault with them, they would have spat in his face" ; 
while the Reverend Father Antonio Possevino averred that it was the 
devil who inspired the thought of translating the Spanish Amadis into 
elegant French, in order to foster Luther's revolt. 3 

One French contribution to the Amadis library, and a further proof of 
the popularity of Amadis in France, is a " Treasury " of the first twelve 
books, supplemented later by a similar volume for books 13-21. Its 
purpose is set forth on the title-page. It brought together the "epistles, 
complaints, songs, speeches, challenges" contained in the Amadis, "for 
an example to those who wish to learn the correct writing of missives or 
the speaking of French." There seems to have been rather a large 

(1) These numbers are almost doubled if the various issues of the same edition for 
different publishers are to be counted. 

(2) Discours politiques et militaires du Seigneur de la Noue, Basle, 1587, p. 134. 
La Noue does not appear to have believed in des Essarts' manuscripts in the Picard 
language : " Mais pour en parler au vray, 1'Espagne les a engendrez, & la France les a 
seulement reuestus de plus beaux habillemens. ' 

(3) Bibliotheca selecta, 1593, Bk. I, Ch. 25, p. 113. 


number of people who stood in need of such an example, for the book 
went through a dozen editions between 1559 and the year of publication 

of Don Quixote. 


It was unfortunately through the French versions that Amadis made 

its way into three other European countries unfortunately, since the 
various French translators departed considerably from their originals, 
making them, to quote La Noue's English translator, "more copious 
and wanton." 

If we are willing to accept the French " Treasury " of the first twelve 
books as a medium, then England was the first of the three remaining 
countries to welcome Amadis. A translation of this anthology was 
published in London in 1567. But the original story itself was less 
successful in England than in any other country partly because it arrived 
too late, when English literature had already found its way into more 
durable channels, and partly because it had the misfortune to be intro- 
duced by Anthony Munday, whom Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly severely 
classifies as " a dismal draper of misplaced literary ambitions." A perfect 
copy of the first edition of his First Book does not exist, and the exact 
date of its appearance is consequently unknown. But according to the 
Stationers' Register, a license to print Four Books was granted to "Edward 
Aldee," on January 15, 1589, while the Second Book, translated by 
Munday under the pseudonym of Lazarus Pyott, was published in 1595, 
so that we cannot go far wrong. It was only after a long interval that the 
first Four Books appeared in a composite volume, the title-page of the 
first half bearing the date 1619, and that of the second half 1618.^ In his 
obsequious dedication prefixed to the second half, Munday informs us that 
he proposed to publish the first Five Books together. ' Instead he issued 

(i) If the dedication is to be trusted, an edition of one book, presumably the fifth, has 
disappeared without leaving any trace : "I am bolde to present your honour with these 
two Bookes, or parts of Amadis de Gaule, the Third and the Fourth, neuer extant before 
in our English, and which long since had been with your Honor ; but that I had a 
purpose ... to haue published the whole first fiue volumes together, whereof three haue 
formerly (though very corruptly) beene translated and printed, but these not till now." 


Books 3 and 4, with the promise of Books i and 2 in revised form by 
" Michaelmas Terme next ensuing . . . then the Fift and Sixt shall 
immediately followe, with all the speed conueniently may be vsed, and so 
successiuely the other volumes of this Historic." There may possibly 
be some connexion between this promise and the record in the Stationers' 
Register of a license granted to "Adam Islip and William Morynge," on 
October 16, 1594, to print Books 2-12. When Books i and 2 came out 
in 1619, Munday limited his promise to the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and 
Eighth Books, which we are told were "already in good forwardnesse of 
translation." In spite of this, his promise was never fulfilled, and English 
literature has suffered severer losses.'' It was after a long interval that an 
anonymous 1 translation of Book 5 appeared. The extant edition of 1664 
is perhaps not the first, for Book 6, translated by Francis Kirkman, was 
published in 1652. Book 7 appeared as late as 1693, translated by a 
" Person of Quality " whose identity is unknown. This was the last book 
to be translated into English. As in France, there have been revivals ; 
but these have been quite as desultory as the first translations. In 1702, 
John Shirley produced a poor abridgment of Books 1-4. The year 1803 
saw Southey's excellent abridgment of the same books (reprinted in 1872 
in the Library of Old Authors), and a versification of Book i by W. S. Rose. 
As in France too, Amadis has appeared on the operatic stage, to the music 
of no less a person than Handel. 

With so meagre a history as this, it is clear that Amadis never really 
obtained a foothold in English literature. And yet it was not without 
influence in this country, even before it had been translated into English, 
if we may believe Southey. Speaking of the Seventh Book, which contains 
the pastoral episode of Florisel and Silvia, and which was not translated 

(I) W. C. Hazlitt, Collections and Notes (1876), p. 8, gives Kirkman as the translator; 
but Kirkman, in the preface to his Don Bellianis of Greece (1673), on ty claims to have 
translated Book 6. In the Handbook (1867), p. 8, the translator is given as J. Jfohnson]. 
This is no doubt a mistake, arising from the fact that the book was " printed by T. J. for 
Andrew Kembe," and that T. J., who is Thomas Johnson, signs a preface to the reader. 
Has this edition any connexion with the lost book mentioned in the note opposite ? 


till 1694, he says: "In Amadis of Greece may be found the Zelmane of 
the Arcadia, the Masque of Cupid of the Faery Queen, and the Florizel 
of the Winter's Tale. These resemblances are not imaginary (Florizel 
indeed is there with the same name) any person who will examine will 
be convinced beyond a doubt that Sidney, Spencer, and Shakespeare, each 
of them imitated this book, was ever book honoured by three such 
imitators ! " l 

Amadis was known to Ben Jonson and other dramatists of his century, 
and at a later date it found favour with Scott, besides Southey ; while if 
not Amadis itself, at least two romances that sprang up in rivalry captivated 
Burke and Samuel Johnson. 

England does not deserve the precedence here forced upon it over 
two other countries Germany and Holland which also welcomed 
Amadis. Probably Germany was the first of this group to translate the 
real story ; but the point cannot be settled till more is known of the Dutch 
versions than at present. 

The translation of Amadis into German was originally due to Duke 

Christopher of Wiirtemberg, who made the acquaintance of the book in 

Paris, and who is said to have been so attracted by it that he "sent 

someone into France to learn the language thoroughly, in order thereafter 

to translate the book more easily and have it printed."* But the Duke 

died in 1568, before the latter part of the bargain could be accomplished. 

The carrying out of this fell to the famous Frankfurt printer Sigmund 

Feyerabend, who brought out the First Book in two different issues during 

1 4* p X 5^9> though confusion has been created through the date on the title-page 

/ of the second issue being misprinted 1561. The translation and printing 

i + H proceeded regularly and quickly till 1575, by which year the Thirteenth 

Book was published in much abridged form. 

The superstitious will be pleased to hear that with the Thirteenth Book 
all progress in translating Amadis from the French ceased for fifteen years. 

(1) Preface to his edition of Francisco de Moraes' Pahnerin of England, p. XLIV. 

(2) Preface to the German translation of Book 4. 


During the interval all thirteen books were reprinted in a single folio 
volume in 1583,' and at least three books were reprinted separately in dif- 
ferent years.* Perhaps others were reprinted but have disappeared. More 
important however is the publication by Michael Manger, an Augsburg 
printer, of translations of some of Mambrino Roseo's Italian supplements. 
In 1578 there appeared a Supplement to Book 4, and a Supplement and 
Further Supplement to Book 5. By reissuing the first two of these next 
year as Books 14 and 15 confusion was introduced into the sequence, for 
in 1590, the year in which Feyerabend died, the publication of the original 
set was resumed at Frankfurt in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Books of 
the "True History," translated from the French. By 1593 Feyerabend's 
heirs had published translations of all the remaining French books of 
Amadis, down to the Twenty-first and last Book, and to provide a uniform 
edition they proceeded straightway to reprint Books 1-13, the whole being 
completed between 1594 and 1598. Again, existing reprints of odd 
volumes testify to possible reissues of the complete series. 3 

At the end of Book 21 the French translator from the Italian had, as 
already mentioned, "brought to a close the last book of the history." 
The German translator of 1593 reopened the series by simply tacking 
on a sentence referring to events "which the following books of this 
history will reveal." 4 And in accordance with this promise there came , 
out in 1594 and 1595 three more books, bringing the total up to twenty- 
four books. 

(1) And again in 1594. 

(2) Books 3 and 4, 1574 ; Book 6, 1576. 

(3) Book i, 1596 ; Book 2, 1596, 1617 ; Supplement to Book 4, 1620 ; Book 7, 1596 ; 
Book 14, 1610 ; Books 17 and 18, 1617. See Maximilian Pfeiffer, Amadisstudien. 

(4) I quote the final words for comparison with the French given in a previous note, 
and as an illustration of what Cervantes would describe as the translator's " bedevilled 
and involved discourse " : "... vnnd hiemit discs Buch beschliessen. Allein soil ich 
noch diss vermelden, dass der Printzen trawrigkeit vnd grosses leid, als sie ihre todten, 
deren in die fiinff vnd fu'nfftzig tausent gefunden warden, begraben, vnd die Konige 
balsamirt hatten, damit man ihre Leychnam konte heimb fiihren, in grimm verwandelt 
worden, darumb sie nachmals in die Heydenschafft gezogen, den grossen schaden 
zurechen inmassen folgende BUcher diser Historien aussweisen. Ende des xxj. Buchs." 


The statement on the title-page that these three books are translated 
from the French is merely an attempt to carry on the business with the 
goodwill of the previous volumes. Twenty years later they appear for the 
first time in French, l and here the title-page says they are translated from 
the Spanish, simply because the previous volumes had said the same in 
the later cases regardless of facts. As no Spanish originals exist, the 
French books have been thought to be original works themselves. But 
internal evidence supports the obvious conclusion that they are translations 
from the German. 

The Amadis series had arrived in Germany during a literary period 
which was singularly barren of good works. Its popularity, which is 
therefore less surprising, is attested by the various odd reprints preserved 
in German (and other) libraries, since these are doubtless only survivals 
of larger issues. The fact that Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg had 
interested himself in the translation helps to explain the great vogue 
Amadis enjoyed in courtly circles. Some of the translators themselves 
would appear to have been men of rank ; but this is based on little more 
than conjecture from the initials which in every case alone indicate the 
translator. Only in one case have these initials been identified : J.F.M.G., 
who is responsible for the Sixth Book, is no other than Johann Fischart, 
Mentzer Genannt, the great satirist of his day. Another of the eminent 
writers of the time we can just catch in the meshes of our net, for Amadis 
earned the praise of Martin Opitz. But Martin Opitz is somewhat of a 
voice crying in the wilderness. As with France and Spain, blame pre- 
ponderates. To one writer Amadis is "a poisonous book and most 
harmful to the youth " ; to another it is " a most accursed book " ; to 
another " a devilish book " ; while yet another thinks " that it were better 

(i) The privilege for all three books is dated I Dec. 1614. The preface to Book 22 
contains the following statement : ' ' C'est pourquoy ayant recouuert non sans grands frais 
& difficult^ outre le 21. liure (qu'on estimoit le dernier) trois autres copies du 22. 23. & 24, 
liures, nous les mettons en lumiere ausquels le lecteur se pourra delecter, pouuant bien 
sasseurer . . . qu'en ces liures consequens, & non encores veus par cydeuant en nostre 
langue Fran9oise, ains tout de nouueau translates sur vne copie Espagnole fort anctenne, il 
s'y trouuera autant d'honneste plaisir qu'en aucun autre des precedens." 


to burn such pestiferous books, and utterly root out their memory, in order 
that innocent hearts may not be seduced by them." l This hardly agrees 
with frequent title-page statements, according to which the various German 
books of Amadis are " for all the honourable members of the nobility and 
all persons of high and low degree, and especially all virtuous women 
and maidens very pleasant and profitable for to read." But perhaps the 
strictures were intended to apply to the French versions, which were 
current in Germany ; for the German translators altered and reformed 
their originals in some cases to the extent of causing their heroes to 
listen to sermons instead of going to mass. 

The adverse criticisms produced as little effect in Germany as else- 
where, and Amadis was still being reprinted in 1617. The end came 
suddenly. Next year the Thirty Years' War broke out, and the consequent 
turmoil accounts not only for the practical cessation of reprinting, but for 
the disappearance of most of the then existing copies. The only reprints 
recorded after the outbreak of that war are the first of the translations from 
the Italian in 1620, and in 1624 the Schatzkammer, a translation or rather 
adaptation, originally published in 1596, of the French "Treasury." 

Only the Dutch translations remain to be dealt with for a reported 
Hebrew version has never been authenticated. The Dutch books were all 
translated from the French, and they are twenty-one in number that is, 
they do not include the three supplementary books first added in the 
German series. Nearly all the books were translated anonymously. 
Book 7 has a translator's preface signed with the unidentified initials 

(I) See the preface by Georg Serpilius to Johann Ludwig Prasch's Psyche Cretica 
(1705): "Was hat nicht schon vor vielen Jahren das siisse Gifft der Amadis vor 
Wiirckung gehabt ? Hat man doch in Franckreich zu Konig Henrici II. Zeiten kein 
Wort dawider reden dorffen. Dekherus de scriptis adespotis p. 130. ingleichen 
D. Miiller in der Evangel. Schluss-Kette p. 183. nennet es nicht unrecht tin vergiffietes 
und der Jugend hochstschadliches ; Lansius Consult, p. 31. (or rather 312) tin verjtuchtes 
(in the orig. " damnatissima Amadisi bibliotheca ") ; Petrus Piscator in Problem. Sacr. 
Probl. II. 2. tin verteuffeltes Buck. Darwider unterschiedliche Autores harte Judicia 
gefallet, wie bey gedachtem Hendreich p. 138. seq. zu sehen. Alle bekennen mit 
J. V. Andrese in Mythologia p. 46. dass es am besten sey, dergleichen hochstargerliche 
Biicher zu verbrennen, und ihr Andencken gantzlich auszurotten, damit unschuldige 
Hertzen dadurch nicht verfuhret werden." 


G. V., who professes to have translated eight books. Book 20 was 
translated by the equally unknown H. F. At one time a very early date 
was presumed for the appearance of Amadis in Dutch. This was after- 
wards supposed to be due to the confusion of the Dutch with the German 
versions a very easy matter and a much later date was substituted. 
But there exists in Leyden a copy of the Fourth Book printed in Dutch 
at Antwerp in 1574, and so it is quite possible that the Dutch First Book 
may have been printed, as some have said, the year before the German 
First Book was published. As for the books of Amadis in general, from 
the copies that have survived they would appear to have achieved their 
. greatest popularity between the years 1592 and 1628. During this period 
they were issued by the popular publishers of Leyden, Rotterdam, Amster- 
dam and Utrecht ; but such collections of the Dutch Amadis as exist are 
of so motley a nature that it is impossible to say whether any single 
publisher ever issued a complete set. 

The lack of information with regard to the Dutch version of Amadis^ 
especially owing to silence on the part of native writers, deprives this 
branch of the history of nearly all its interest. We remain, however, with 
the consolation that we can without further ado agree with the unknown 
author of the Twenty-fourth Book of Amadis that "now it is high time 
that we should cast anchor in this boisterous sea in which we have been 
tossing long enough and bring to an end this lengthy work and the 
delectable history of Amadis of Gaul." 



Bartolome" Jose" Gallardo, in his Ensayo de una Biblioteca Espanola, 
Vol. I, p. 365, speaking of the edition of Los quatro libros de Amadis de 
Gaula printed at Rome in 1519 by Antonio de Salamanca, states that 
"a printer of this name exercised his art in Rome between the years 
1515-40." Whether these dates represent the correct limits for Antonio 
de Salamanca's activity in Rome I do not know; but apparently the 
statement of Gallardo has been overlooked or discredited by those who 
have endeavoured to trace the place of origin of the 1525 edition of 
Esplandidn, printed by Jacobo de Junta and Antonio de Salamanca. Yet 
the presence on the title-page of this edition of Esplandidn of the same 
large wood-cut as is found on the title-page and in front of books 2, 3 and 4 
of the Rome edition of Amadis suggests that these two works were not 
printed far apart. It is somewhat disconcerting from that point of view 
to be told by Gallardo that this same wood-cut was used in the edition of 
El Cavallero Cifar printed in Seville by Jacobus Cromberger in 1512, 
and to find the same cut used in Cromberger's edition of Primalebn in 
1544. But a close examination shows that the wood-cut in Antonio de 
Salamanca's books differs very slightly from that used by Cromberger, and 
I imagine that the former is a close copy of the latter. However, there 
is no difficulty in showing that the 1525 edition of Esplandidn was printed 
in Rome, owing to the different sets of very characteristic ornamental 
capitals that are scattered profusely throughout its pages. Almost all these 
capitals are to be found in similar profusion in a book printed by Antonio 
Blado in the very next year : Que in hoc volumine continentur. Acta 
generalis octaue Synodi sub Eugenio quarto Ferrari^ Incept^ etc. Some of 
them are used in books printed by Blado both before and after this date, 


e.g. : lacobi Lopidis Stunicae libtllus truim illorum voluminum praecursor 
quibus Erasmicas impietates ac blaspfumias redarguit, 1522, and Liber de 
Cena Domini. loannis Antonij Pandosij Coscntini, 1534. The latter con- 
tains a very striking ornamental capital Q of large size which is found 
in the Esplandidn, while an earlier book than any of those just mentioned 
contains this same Q, and clinches the matter by connecting Antonio de 
Salamanca and Antonio Blado by name. It is an Ordo perpetuus diuini 
officii secundu Rotnand Curia, etc. The colophon reads " Impressum 
Rome per Antonium Bladis de Asula Anno domini. M.D.xx. die vero 
quarto Mensis Septebris." On the back of the title-page is a papal 
privilege granted to " Antonius martini de Salamancha in vrbe comorans." 
This book, by the way, is not given either in the Catalogo delle edizioni 
romane di Antonio Blado Asolano ed eredi, 1516-1593, by Giuseppe 
Fumagalli and Giacomo Belli, or in the " Elenco annotato delle edizioni 
Bladiane," at the end of Domenico Bernoni's Dei Torresani, Blado e 
Ragazzoni. Both it, however, and the 1525 edition of Esplandidn should 
be included in a complete list of Antonio Blado's productions. 



DA MAMBRINO ROSEO DA FABRIANO." (fl. c. 1500-1580.) 

In Roma, Appresso Vitale Mascardi, 1637. 

Nota de' Libri, da' quali si son presi li nomi per formar il presente 
Albero, essendo qui notati per ordine secondo che si deuono leggere per 
hauer piena intelligenza dell' Istoria, che si tratta in detti Libri, li quali sono 

Amadis di Gaula, Libri quattro. 
t Aggiunta al quarto Libro di Amadis di Gaula. 

Splandiano Libro vno. 
t Aggiunta al Libro di Splandiano. 
t Don Florisando, Libro vno. 

Lisuarte di Grecia, Libro vno. 
t Aggiunta al Libro di Lisuarte. 

Amadis di Grecia, detto il Caualiere dell' Ardente Spada, Libro primo, 
& secondo. 

t Aggiunta al secondo Libro di Amadis di Grecia. 

Don Florisello di Nichea Parte prima, secondo & terza. 
t Don Florarlano Libro vno, il quale si deue leggere dopo la seconda 
Parte di Don Florisello. 

t Don Rogello Libro vno, il quale si deue leggere dopo il terzo Libro 
di Don Florisello. 


Don Silues della Selua Libri due. 
t Aggiunta al secondo Libro di Don Selues. 

Sferamundi Libri sei, distinti in sei volumi, nell' vltimo de' quali si da 
fine a questa Istoria : auuertendo i Lettori, che quei Libri dou' e notato 
questo segno f sono stati ritrouati dopo gli altri, che non hanno otted 
segno : onde senza la lettura di essi, il filo dell' Istoria e continuato fino al 
fine senza interrompimento alcuno. 

All the books marked with the sign t are Mambrino Roseo's own additions, except 
Florisando, which is the original Spanish sixth book. This was, however, so 
unnecessary to the sequence of the histories that it was not translated into any 
language except the Italian. 



explaining his choice of a title. 


Gli historic! Greci, che hanno trattate le cose del famoso Re Amadis 
di Gaula, & de i suoi discendenti, per quel che nelle antiche historic si 
e veduto, et in memoria di noi Italiani nel nostro volgare idioma si e 
traslatato, non le poteron cosi copitamente notare tutte per ordine, ma 
perche 1'Imperador di Trabisonda haueua ne i suoi annali fatto fedelmente 
descriuer tutte le cose per loro successe, massimamente quelle dopo che il 
Principe Lisuarte di Grecia si apparent6 con lui, noi veduto che nella 
nostra historia volgare mancano molti notabili fatti, che non sono in luce 
nella Europa, habbiam voluto cauarlo di questi annali & publicargli, & per 
non confondere i benigni lettori non habbiam voluto inserirgli ne i libri, 
che di questi gran Principi sono stampati, ma fame libri separati, como si 
fe fatto ne i duo volumi aggiunti 1'uno a i quattro primi libri di Amadis di 
Gaula, & 1'altro a Splandiano, & il primo volume non habbiamo voluto 
intitolar quinto libro, poi che il libro di Splandiano fe stato mandate fuori 
sotto il numero del quinto libro di Amadis, ma lo habbiamo chiamato 
Aggiunta nuouamente ritrouata, & medesimamente 1'aggiunta ritrouata da 
noi in questi annali delle cose successe di piu che non contiene il libro 
di Splandiano, quado disencantato egli & tutti quei Principi, gli condusse 
in quelle parti remote dell' Indie Orientali Vrganda, noi 1'habbiamo intito- 
lato Aggiunta di Splandiano. Hora trouiamo in essi annali, che Lisuarte 
di Grecia suo figliuolo fece molte altre prodezze, che non son notate nel 



suo libro diuolgato, & perb ne habbiamo fatto vn particolar libro, co'l titolo 
che i lettore vedranno. \Follows the history.} 

[At the end.] Tutte queste cose furon fatte in queste parti & operate 
da questi duo Principi, Lisuarte & Perione nel tempo che lo Imperador di 
Trabisonda staua incantato & furon riposti in questo incanto poco innanzi 
che fossero tutti tre disencantati como nella prima parte del libro di 
Amadis di Grecia si contiene. 


















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Book 1-4. 


Revised by Garcia Rodriguez (Garcia 
Ord6nez) de Montalvo. 

Book j. 


By Montalvo. (Here called Garcia 
Gutierrez de Montalvo.) 



(Front the Spanish.) 
Book 1-4. 

1540-43. Translated by Nicolas d'Hef 
des Essarts. 

Book 5. 
1 544. Translated by des Essarts. 

Book 6. 


By Paez de Ribera. 
Book 7. 


By Feliciano de Silva. 

Book 8. 


By Juan Dfaz. 

Book p. 

( Part I. 

1530. AMADIS DE GRECIA. ] p rt TT 

By Feliciano de Silva. 


Book 6. 
Translated by des Essarts. 

Books 7, 8. 
1 546. Book 7. (Sueno at end of Pt. I. omi 

1548. BookS. (Five chapters transferre 
beginning of next book.) 

Translated by des Essarts. 




row the Spanish, except the indented items, which 
are original additions. ) 

Book 1-4. 
5. Anonymous translation. 

By Mambrino Roseo. 

Book jr. 
7. Anonymous translation. 

1563. SECONDO LIBRO delle Prodezze 

By Mambrino Roseo. 

Book 6. 
>. Anonymous translation. 

[Book 7.} 
>. Anonymous translation. 


By Mambrino Roseo 

[Book p.] 

f Part I. (Sueno omitted.) 
' ( Part II. 

Anonymous translation. 


(From the French, except the indented items, which are 
from the Italian. ) 

Book 1-4. 

1569-71. ( Books i and 2 anonymous. 

( Books 3 and 4 translated by J.W.V.L. 

1578. Book 4, 'Ander Teil.' 
Translated by A.F.V.L. 

Book 5. 
1572. Translated by J.W.V.L. 

1578. Book 5, 'Ander Teil ' and ' Weitere 

Translated by A.F.V.L. 

Book 6. 

1572. Translated by J.F.M.G. 
=Johann Fischart. 

Books 7, 8. 

1573. Book 7. Translated by J.W.V.L. 
1573. BookS. Anonymous translation. 




(Original.) (From tht Spanish.) 

Book 10. 


By Feliciano de Silva. 

Part I. 

( Book p. (Five chapters from last be 
J at beginning. Four chapter: I 

j end transferred to next boc| 

1551. ( Translated by C.Colet (after G. Boilea 

1552. I Book 20. (Four chapters at beginn 

from last book.) 

( Translated by Jacques Gohorry. 

Book //, Part I. 


[=Part III. of Florisel de Niquea.] 
By Feliciano de Silva. 

Book n, Part II. 
ROGEL DE GRECIA (in two parts.) 
[=Part IV. of Florisel de Niquea.] 
By Feliciano de Silva, 



Book ii. 
Translated by Jacques Gohorry. 

Book 12. 
Translated by Guillaume Aubert. 

Book 12. 


By Pedro Lujan. 

Part I. 
Part II. 

Book 13. 

1571. ( Translated by Jacques Gohorry. 
1574. r Book 14. 

< Translated by Antoine Tyron. 

( Revised by Jacques Gohorry. 


*rom the Spanish, except the indented items, which are 
original additions,) 



(From the French.) 


1564. TERZA PARTE . . . intitolata 

By Mambrino Roseo. 

{Book 10.] 

50. Part I. 

51. Part II. 
Anonymous translation. 

Don FLORISELLO, chiamata 
Libro delle prodezze di Don 

[By Mambrino Roseo.] 

( Book p. 

1573. { Anonymous translation. 

1574. ( Book 10. 

' Anonymous translation. 

Book ii. c Book ii. 

51. LIBRO TERZO di Don FLORISELLO DI 1574. ( Translated by C.E.V.W. 

1574. ( Book 12. 

\ Anonymous translation. 

Anonymous translation. 


[= Quarto libro di D. Florisello.] 

[By Mambrino Roseo.] 

Book 12. 
Part I. 
Part II. 
Anonymous translation. 

( Book 13. (Much abridged.) 
1575. I Translated by J.W.V.L. 
1590. j Book 14, 

\ Translated by J.R.V.S. 



(From the Italian.) 
1576. Book 15. 

1577. Book i6. (t) 

1578. Book 77. 

1579. Book 18. 
1581. Book 19. 
1581. Book 20. 
1581. Book 21. 

All translated by Gabriel Chappuys. 

(From the German.) 

1615. Book 22 (anon.) 

1615. Book 23 (anon.) 

1615. Book 24. (anon.) 

(i.) Duplicate translation by Nicolas c 
Montreux, and of Ch. 1-33 by Antoir 
Tyron (called by him Book 15). 

(2.) Duplicate translation by Jacques Charlo 
(3.) Duplicate translation by Jean Boiron. 






(From the Fretuh.) 


By Mambrino Roseo. 

558. Book 13. Part I. (13). 
559. Book 13. Part II. (14). 
563. Book 13. Part III. (15). 
563. Book 13. Part IV. (16). 
565. Book 13. Part V. (17). 
565. Book 13. Part VI. (18). 
All by Mambrino Roseo. 

fES 1590- Book 15. 
Translated by J.R.V.S. 

1591. Book 16. (J.R.V.S.) 
1591. Book 17. (J.R.V.S.) 
1592. Book 1 8. (J.R.V.S.) 
1593. Book 19. (M.U.S.I.C.A.) 
1593. Book 20. (F.C.V.B.) 
1593. Book 21. (F.C.V.B.) 

1594. Book 22. (C.B.D.J.) 
1594. Book 23. (C.B.D.J.) 
1595. Book 24. (E.M.B.M.) 

which are not included in the above 
the first seven books were translated 
translated into Dutch. 

The English and Dutch translations, 
Me, were made from the French. Only 
'to English. All but the last three were 



>UR late Member, Dr. J. F. Payne, on 17 February, 
1908, read a very interesting paper on English Herbals. 
To illustrate this an eight-page pamphlet was prepared 
giving facsimiles from the chief books mentioned. 
Dr. Payne was unable to find time to write out his 
paper in full, and his Summary of it is therefore now re-printed here, 
together with the pictures which were reproduced at his request. 

SUMMARY. After alluding to the Liber de herbis et plantis which forms 
part of the De Proprietatibus Rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, published 
in English by Wynkyn de Worde about 1495, Dr. Payne noted that the 
books written in English or printed in England, which come under the 
general denomination of Herbals, fall into two groups. 

The first group consists of small books in English without figures, of 
which, perhaps, ten or twelve editions are known, beginning with An 
Herball printed by Richard Banckes in 1525. The book in all these 
editions, though there is considerable variation in the title, is essentially 
the same. Even those editions bearing the names of authors, as 
Askham, Macer, Linacre, do not materially differ from the anonymous 
reprints. This little book has no connection with any herbal printed on 
the Continent, and is probably an abridgement of some mediaeval English 
manuscript on herbs. 

The other group includes larger and more important books with figures, 
mostly based upon some work printed on the Continent. 

From the De Propnetatibus Rentni. De Worde [1495]. 
Liber de Herbis et Plantis. 


The first of this class is The Great Herball printed by Peter Treveris, 
in 1526 and 1529, in folio, with wood-cut figures. There were later 
editions without figures, 1539 and 1561. The substance of this book is 
a close translation of the French work Le grand Herbier, of which there 
are several editions. The English book has a preface different from that 
in the French edition, and a supplement, but the text is otherwise the 
same. The figures in the English Herbal are nearly the same as those 
in the French, but some are added. In both books they are poor and 
reduced copies of cuts in the German Herbarius or Hortus Sanitatis, 

The Grand Herbier has been generally supposed to be based upon the 
German Herbarius; but it has been shown by Professor Giulio Camus 
to be really an exact translation of a Latin treatise on Simple Medicines of 
the 1 5th century. The only known complete copy of this exists in the 
Biblioteca Estense at Modena, along with a full copy of the French version. 
It follows that the Grand Herbier and, consequently, the Great Herball 
are not derived from any of the series of books called Herbarius and 
Hortus Sanitatis^ except as regards the figures of plants. In the Great 
Herball, however, the preface and supplement show some debt to the 
Hortus Sanitatis. 

William Turner's Herball is the only really original work on botany writ- 
ten by any Englishman in the i6th century. It is a learned book, based on 
reading and on experience. The first part was printed in London by Steven 
Mierdman, an Antwerp printer, who had come to London as a Protestant 
refugee. The figures are mostly reduced copies of the fine cuts in Fuchs' 
Historia Stirpium^ 1542, but some are added, which were probably drawn 
and executed for Turner himself. The second part was to have followed 
immediately, but religious troubles caused Turner to take refuge on the 
Continent during the reign of Queen Mary, so that this part did not appear 
till 1561, when it was printed at Cologne by Arnold Birckman. The final 
edition of 1568, issued by the same printer, contains a third part, and a 
Book on Baths ; with some additional figures. 

parfpefcnoibUse anfc tmfrs 

jertes $ tye# 

cf Dpfcafts anu fcatntffestljat fall o?mvITo;tunt to all roanet o 
of goo ccecttDtiwpliDt^manp ejcprrt ana tt>jftina?&tr8ia* 

. ,2ttfoit sn?uttl) parf ptc uruiemaiitjvnsc of rtjt booKciatel? 

Grita/ Herbal. P. Treveris. 1526. 
(Reduced. ) 


Matthias de 1'Obel, a Fleming, and an eminent botanist, brought out at 
London, in 1571, Stirpium Adversaria Nova> by Pena and Lobel. This 
is a Latin treatise on plants, well printed, with woodcuts, most of which are 
of poor execution ; but a few at the end are in better style. It was printed 
by Thomas Purfoot, London, 1571. The same work, in the very same 
impression, was issued in 1578 by Christopher Plantin, of Antwerp, along 
with another work of Lobel's. This has led some authors to suppose that 
the original was printed at the Plantin press, and that Purfoot's imprint 
was a false pretence. But the archives of the Plantin Museum at Antwerp 
show that Plantin bought eight hundred copies of Purfoot's impression 
(with the wood blocks), and issued them as stated, keeping Purfoot's 
original colophon. The Adversaria is thus a genuine and highly creditable 
production of the London press. 

The well printed and beautiful book called Lyte's Herball is a transla- 
tion by Henry Lyte from a French version of the herbal of Dodoens, 
originally written in Flemish. Dodoens had made additions to the French 
version, and now supplied fresh material and new figures to Lyte's transla- 
tion. The book was printed at Antwerp by Henry Loe and sold by 
Gerard Dewes in London, 1578. Of the illustrations more than half 
were copies from Fuch's. The remainder were excellent figures added by 
Dodoens. The book was popular, and three editions without figures 
were printed in London. 

Gerarde's well known Herbal is still the most popular of English books 
of the kind; but its true history is not very creditable to the author. 
John Norton, the printer, seems to have wanted to bring out a new English 
Dodoens^ and for this purpose commissioned Dr. Priest, a Fellow of the 
College of Physicians, to translate the last Latin edition of Dodoens into 
English. The task was accomplished, but Dr. Priest died before the book 
was sent to the press. Norton, looking round for another editor, applied 
to John Gerarde, a surgeon, well known for his knowledge of herbs, and 
gave over the translation to him to make a book of. Gerarde dealt 



From The Great Herbal. P. Treveris. 1526. 


unfairly with his materials. In order to make the book appear his own, 
he suppressed the name of Dodoens and spoke of Priest's translation as 
known to him only by hearsay, and as having perished, while he altered the 
arrangement of the whole work and thus made it seem a new production. 
Gerarde added observations of his own on plants he knew well, and gave 
the localities for British plants ; but the greater part of the book is 
translated from that of Dodoens. 

To illustrate the work Norton got the loan of some two thousand 
blocks from Nicolas Bassaeus, of Frankfort, being the cuts used for the 
German Herbal of Tabernaemontanus (1588-91), and also published 
separately. These are well drawn and thoroughly good specimens of 
German work. Gerarde added a few cuts, the most important being a 
figure of the Virginian Potato, the first published. 

The second edition was brought out in 1633, edited by Thomas 
Johnson, a more learned botanist than Gerarde. He greatly improved 
the book from a botanical point of view. The figures are, however, inferior 
to those in the first edition. Some are the old figures re-cut, some are 
new, but all comparatively coarse in execution. 

The last of the old English herbalists was John Parkinson, who brought 
out in 1629 a work with the punning title, Paradisus in Sole [Park-in-Sun] 
Paradisus terrestris. It is essentially .a gardening book, not medical in 
its aim like the earlier Herbals. It has a large number of figures coarsely 
cut on wood by J. Switzer, and very inferior to the old German cuts. 
When in his seventy-third year Parkinson brought out the great work of 
his life, intended to be the most complete account of medicinal plants ever 
compiled, his Theatrum Botanicum, 1640. It contains not very far from 
three thousand woodcuts, which again exhibit the deterioration of the art 
in the seventeenth century, when woodcuts were being rapidly superseded 
for botanical purposes by copperplates. 

From Turner's New Herbal, 

From Petut and Label's Adversaria. 1570-71. 

X 2 


From Lyte's translation of Dodoens. 1578. 

From Gerarde's Herbal. 1597. 


From Parkinson's Paradisus in Sole. 1629. 




A'Beckett, Gilbert Abbot, magazines edited 
by, 247. 

Alantsee, Urbanus, J. Schott prints for, 177. 

Alciatus, Andreas, inventor of the " posie " 
for the Emblem in Latin, 40 ; made 
use of by Whitney in his "Choice of 
Emblems," 40 ; early translations of, 40, 
41 ; early editions of, 41. 

Aldus Manutius, his printer's mark, 57. 

Antadis of Gaul, The Romance of, paper 
on, by Henry Thomas, 63, 251-297; 
mystery of, 251 ; author unknown, 252 ; 
date, 252 ; plot, 253 ; Southey's preface 
to, 256; claims to origin of, 257 ff; 
modern opinion on, 259 ; continuations 
of, 262 ff ; translations of, 271 ff. ; popu- 
larity, 277 ; Handel's opera, 279 ; influence 
in England, 279; genealogy of characters, 
291 ; table of original books and trans- 
lations, 292. 

America, name suggested in 1507 edition of 
Ptolemy's Cosmographies Introduction's. 

Anabaptist petition, Schilders' first book 
printed at Middleburgh, 76. 

Anatomy of Melancholy, by Robert Burton, 
a great medical treatise, 5. 

Aneau, Bart., disquisition on use and value 
of emblems, 43 ; his description of sirens, 

Antonio de Salamanca, printed illustrated 

edition of Amadls of Gaul, 260 ; his 

edition of Esplandidn, 263. 
Antwerp, romances printed at, 2 ; centre 

of early English Reformation literature, 

190, 197 ; Tyndale's New Testament 

printed by Endhoven at, 190. 
Arcadia, by Sir Philip Sidney, various 

re-printings, 2. 
Arnold, Thomas Kerchever, suggested 

Churchman's Quarterly Magazine, 242. 
Arthur, King, his return believed in in 

Tudor times, 269. 

Astraea Redux, Dryden's first publication 

with Herringman, 20. 
Atlases, Complete, should be separately 

entered in a catalogue of Maps, 146. 

" Baggage books" at the Bodleian, 5. 
Baldwin, R. , printed to annoy Dryden, 

34, 35- 

Bale, John, imprints on his books, 231-36. 
Bancroft, Archbishop, and the Marprelate 

Controversy, 85. 
Bar wick, G. F., paper on The Magazines 

of the Nineteenth Century, 63, 237- 

Basle printing, Michael Furter and Johann 

Schott print the Margarita Philosophica, 

Bassaeus, Nicholas, blocks for illustrating 

Gerarde's Herbal lent by, 305. 
Bayfield, Richard, books seized with him, 

Beehive of the Romishe Churche printed by 

Schilders for Dawson, 73 ; description, 

90, 91 ; facsimile of title-page, 115. 
Bentley and Magnes, published plays writ- 
ten by Dryden with Lee, 25. 
Bibliographical Society, Annual Meeting 

(1910), 10 ; Annual Meeting (1911), 62 ; 

Annual Report (1909), 7 ; Annual Report 

(1910), 60; Balance Sheet (1909), 9; 

Balance Sheet (1910), 62 ; Journal (1909- 

10), I ; Journal (1910-11), 59. 
Bibliography of the Earlier English Novels 

and Romances, The, by Arundell Esdaile, 

I ; ot Amadls of Gaul, first by Mambrino 

Roseo, 273. 
Black Prince, his soldiers carry story of 

Amadls to Portugal, 258. 
Blount, Thomas, translator of Estienne's 

work on Emblems, 54-58. 
Boccaccio, G., English translation of the 

Decatnerone, 2. 



Bodleian Library, Robert Burton's bequest 
to, 6. 

Boisseau, Jean, official colourer of maps, 

Book-production, The Requirements of, 
paper on, by H. R. Tedder, 10. 

Booke, A, which sheiveth the life and 
manners of all true Christians and howe 
unlike they are unto Turkes and Papistes 
and Heathen folke, first English book 
printed by Schilders, 77 ; description, 
91, 92 ; facsimile of title-page, n6. 

Hraithwaite, notation of music, 15. 

Urant, Sebastian, friend of Peter Schott, 

Brighton magazines due to royal patronage 
of town, 243. 

Bristol, magazine to revive drama in, 248. 

Browne, Robert, leader of English Con- 
gregationalists in Norwich, 76 ; his 
Treatise of Reformation without tarying 
for ante printed at Middleburgh by 
Schilders, 77 ; its bibliographical diffi- 
culties, 77-81 ; breach with Harrison, 
80 ; proclamation issued against his 
books, 81. 

Brownists, community moves from Norwich 
to Middleburgh, 76-7. 

Brunfels, Otto, Herbal printed by J. Schott, 

Bucerus, Gerson, De regimtne ecclestae 
Scoticanae, Schilders suspected of print- 
ing, 88. 

Burrage, Mr., his solution of the biblio- 
graphical difficulties of Robert Browne's 
works, 81. 

Burton, Robert, paper on his library by 
Sir VVm. Osier, 4 ; his Anatomy of 
Melancholy a great medical treatise, 5. 

Butler, A. J., death of, 60. 

Butt, Isaac, founder of Dublin University 
Magazine ; 241. 

Cambridge, descriptive catalogue of maps 
of county of, by Sir H. G. Fordham, 136. 

Camden, William, short account of 
Emblems in his Rtmaines, 55 ; his 
Britannia utilised by Blaeu and Jansson, 
140 ; abridged edition published in 
Amsterdam 141. 

Caroline, Queen, and George IV, magazine 
treating of, 243. 

Cartography, importance of study of, 140 ; 
Dutch Commission on, 144. 

Cartwright, Thomas, chaplain to Merchant 
Adventurers in Middleburgh, 82 ; des- 
cription, 99 ; tracts secretly printed in 
"Marburg type, 213. 

Gary, John, maps from his New English 
Atlas of 1809, still sold as up-to-date, 139. 

Caxton, W., his translation of I^e Fevre's 
Recueil des Histoires de Troye, the first 
English novel, i ; romances printed by, i. 

Cervicorn, G., his ornament copied, 197 ; 
facsimiles, 199, 200. 

Cheshire County Maps, early, described by 
VVm. Harrison, 145. 

"Child of the Sea," designation of Amadis. 

Chivers. Cedric. his investigations on paper. 


Chivalry, Amadts of Gaul, first book of, in 
Spain, 251 ; campaign against romances 
of, 269 ; in the New World, 270. 

Christ Church, Oxford, Robert Burton's 
bequest to, 5. 

Churchman's Quarterly Magazine, sug- 
gested by T. K. Arnold, 242. 

Cigar, The, Magazine, contains a proto- 
type of Pickwick's Jingle, 248. 

Cimiers, explanation of, 57 

Clarke, Sir E. , on revisions of The Tempest 
by Dryden and Shad well, 24. 

Coci, George, Aleman, printer of 1508 
edition of Amadis of Gaul, 260. 

Colburn, Henry, founded The United 
Service Magazine, 240. 

Cologne, printing of Tyndale's New Testa- 
ment at, 190. 

Colonna, Egidio, De regimine principum 
contains earliest mention of Amadis, 259. 

Colour illustrations in magazines, 243. 

Colouring maps, practice of, 144. 

Columbus, Ferdinand, catalogue of his 
library at Seville, 262, 264. 

Commerce, Treatise on, by John Wheeler, 
printed at Middleburgh, 82 ; description, 

Congeth, Peter, his imprint in " Marburg' 
press book, 206. 

Congregationalists, English, migrate from 
Norwich to Middleburgh, 76. 

Congreve, W., his estimate of Dryden's 
character, 35. 



Cook, Thomas, magazines founded by, 242. 
Copinger, Dr. W. A., Founder of the 

Bibliographical Society, death of, 60. 
Copland, William, prints translation of 

Aeneas Sylvius' De duobus amantibus, 2. 
Comhill Magazine, cover of, 242. 
Cortes, his soldiers inspired by romances of 

chivalry, 270. 
Coverdale, Miles, translation of The Old 

God and the New, 203 ; Zurich Bible of, 

in "Marburg" type, 213. 
Cromwell, Oliver, poems on the death of, 

1 8, 19, 20. 
Crops and Flowers of Bridge's Garden, 

tract by Throckmorton, printed at 

Middleburgh, 85. 
Cruikshank, George, magazine illustrated 

by, 243. 

Daniel, Samuel, and the Emblem Litera- 
ture, by G. R. Redgrave, 13, 39-58; his 
translation of Giovio's Discourse on 
emblems, 45; his Worthy Tract, 46 ff. 

Dates of English secretly printed books 
untrustworthy after 1530, 213; evidence 
for them, 213. 

Dawson, Thomas, Schilders assigned to 
serve him, 73. 

Dedications, practice of emblem writers, 
46, 47. 

Defence of Job Throkmorton against the 
Slaunders of Master Sutcliffe, printed by 
Schilders, 84 ; description, 99. 

Defence of the ecclesiastical discipline . . . 
against . . . Master Bridges, probably 
printed by Schilders, 87 ; description, 


Delisle, Leopold, death of, 60. 
Dialogue between the Father and the Son, 

brought to London and re- issued under 

title of The true belief in Christ, 187, 

188, 195. 
Dickens, C., influence on the serial, 239 ; 

source of Pickwick's Jingle, 248, 249. 
Dimmock, sec Dymock. 
Dodoens, his Herbal the original of Lyte's. 

33 ^ 
Doesborgh, Jan van, printed English 

romances, 2, 
Dominico, Lodovico, helped Paolo Giovio 

in translating his History into Italian, 


Douay, Catholic propaganda literature 
issued at, 69. 

Dryden, John, paper by H. B. Wheatley 
on his publishers, 13-31 ; first separate 
publication, his Poem on the death of 
Cromwell, 1659, 18 ; may have been 
published earlier with those of Waller 
and Sprat, 19 ; are some of the copies of 
the separate issue reprints by Tonson ? 
19 ; four volume edition of his works 
published by Tonson in 1695, how made 
up, 19, 20 ; marriage to Lady Elizabeth 
Howard, 21, 22 ; property at Blakesley, 
elected Fellow of Royal Society, 22 ; 
character of, 26, 35 ; quarrels with Ton- 
son, 26 ; letters of, 26, 27 ; receipts for 
work, 33, 34 ; agreement for his Fables, 34. 

Dublin University Magazine founded by 
Isaac Butt, 241. 

Dutch Commission on Cartography, 144. 

Dutch dramatists of i6th century, influence 
on England, 66. 

Dutch New Testament printed at Cologne, 

Dutch printing, specimens of type and 
ornament of Richard Schilders, 115-134. 

Dutch translations of Amadis of Gaul, 283. 

Dutch type, quantity imported into 
England, 68. 

Dyvers frutful gathereges of scrypture, 
facsimile, 220. 

Dymock, Sir Edward, Queen Elizabeth's 
champion, 47, 49. 

East, Thomas, Richard Schilders works as 
his servant, 71. 

Edinburgh printing, A parte of a Register 
said to be printed there, 85. 

Egan, Pierce, Life in London, first separate 
serial, 239. 

Emblem Literature, Daniel and the, by 
G. R. Redgrave, 13, 39-58. 

Emblems, used on Continent earlier than 
in England, 39 ; motto called the 
"soul, and figure the "body," 40; 
Aneau's disquisition on use and value of, 
43 ; explained, 49, 56 ; Estienne's rules 
for making of, 56-7. 

Endhoven, C. van, prints New Testament 
in Dutch and Tyndale's English version 
at Antwerp, 190 ; widow, description of 
books printed by, 228 ff ; facsimile, 229. 



English Books Printed abroad in the 
Sixteenth Century, paper on, by Robert 
Steele, 63, 189-236 ; in Holland, 65-134. 

English Herbals, summary of paper on, by 
Dr. J. F. Payne, reprinted, 299-3 ia 

English versions of Amadis of Gaul, 278. 

Engraved English music book, earliest, 
1606, 14. 

Erasmus, D., his Exhortation first known 
as The Matrimony of Tyndale, 203 ; 
influence on Elizabethan drama, 66. 

Esdaile, Arundell, Bibliography of the 
Earlier English Novels and Romances, 
by, I. 

Esplandian, son of Amadis of Gaul, 255 ; 
fictitious origin of, 261 ; place of printing 
of 1525 edition, 285. 

Essarts, des,translates Amadis into French 
for Francis I., 274 ; Amadis cuts in his 
translation of josephus, 275. 

Essling, S. A. le Prince D', elected vice- 
president, 9 ; death of, 60. 

Estienne, Henri, work on Emblems, 54-58. 

Eusden, Laurence, reference to Dryden in 
his Verses addressed to Lord Halifax, 21. 

Eversden, G., publishes J. Hoddesdon's 
Sion and Parnassus from his shop over 
against the little north gate of S. Paul's 
in 1650 ; moved to the Golden Ball in 
Aldersgate Street, 1652, 18. 

Faithfull, Emily, established Victoria 
Magazine, 245. 

Federigo of Mantua, his Emblem, 52. 

Fenner, Dudley, chaplain to Merchant Ad- 
venturers in Middleburgh, his works 
printed by Schilders, 82 ; description, 94, 

95. 96, 97- 

Fens, maps of the Great Level of the, list 
compiled by Sir H. G. Fordham, 136. 

Feyerabend, Sigmund, printed Amatiis of 
Gaul in Frankfurt, 280. 

Fischart, Johann, translated Amadis of 
Gaul into German, 282. 

Fletcher, W. Y., suggests design for Corn- 
hill Magazine, 242. 

Florio, Michel Agnolo, life of Lady Jane 
Grey printed by Schilders in Italian, 88 ; 
description, 107, 108. 

Fordham, Sir Herbert George, paper on 
Descriptive Catalogues of Maps, their 
arrangement and the details they should 

contain, 59, 135-164; compiled catalogue 
of maps of county of Cambridge, 136 ; 
and list of special maps of the Great Level 
of the Fens, 136 ; and notes on the Car- 
tography of the Provinces of France, 
IS70 -'757, 136 and note. 

Foulche" - Delbosc, earliest mention of 
Amadis discovered by, 258. 

France, Cartography of the Provinces of, 
1570-1757, notes on, published by Sir 
H. G. Fordham, 136 and note. 

Francis I suggests translation of Amadis of 
Gaul, 274. 

Fraser's Magazine, foundation of, 241. 

Freiburg printing, Margarita Philosophica, 
printed by J. Schott there, 175. 

French claims to origin of Amadis of Gaul, 
259 ; romances, popularity in England, 
3 ; translations of Amadis of Gaul, 274 ; 
"Treasury" to Amadis, 277. 

Fuchs, Hiero, suggested as printer of 
Cologne New Testament, 190. 

Fuchs, Leonard, figures in English Herbals 
copied from his Historia Stirpium, 301. 

Furter, Michael, Johann Schctt associated 
with him, 176. 

Geiler, J., of Kaisersberg, his influence on 

Peter Schott the younger, 171 ; outline 

of his career, 172-3 ; his portrait in his 

Postill, 1 80. 
George IV. and Queen Caroline, magazine 

largely devoted to, 243. 
Gersdorff, Hans von, Feldlnuh der Wun- 

dartzney, printed with illustrations by 

J. Schott, 179. 
Gerson, J., his influence on Geiler of 

Kaisersberg, 172, 3. 
Gibbons, Orlando, Fantazies of Three 

Parts, 1606, earliest English music book 

engraved, 14. 
Gibson, Thomas, bookbinder of Bury, in 

trouble for the distribution of Browne's 

book, 81. 
Giovio, Paolo (Jovius, Bishop of Nocera), 

his book on Emblems translated by 

Samuel Daniel, 1585, 39 ; discourse on 

Emblems, issues described, 44 ; account 

of, 45, 50, 51 ; his History, 50. 
Gnidius, Matthaeus, Defensio Christian- 

orum, ascribed to J. Schott by Proctor, 

but has mark of Lud, 1 78. 



Gold coined in 1664, its value, 33. 

Good Words, quotation of poem by Tennyson 
from, 240. 

Graf, Urs, works for J. Schott, 176, 179. 

Green, D., publishes Dryden's Mac Flecknoe 
and the Satyr to his Muse, 27. 

Green, Henry, his explanation of Italian 
term "impresa," 40; search for Milan 
edition of Alciat's Emblems, his con- 
clusions, 42. 

Guinea, value of, in time of Dryden, 33. 

Guyot, Gabriel, type-founder and Dutch 
refugee in London, 74. 

Hamete Benengeli, Cide, fictitious author 
of Don Quixote, 261. 

Handel, G. F., his music for opera of 
Amadis, 279. 

Harrison, Robert, financed expedition of 
English Congregationalists to Middle- 
burgh, 76 ; breach with Browne, 80 ; 
proclamation against his books, 81. 

Harrison, Wm., his Early Maps of Lanca- 
shire and their Makers, and Early Maps 
of Cheshire, published in Transactions of 
the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian 
Society, 145. 

Harvey, William, discovery of the circula- 
tion of the blood, earliest reference about 
1660, 7 5 Dryden's reference to, 23. 

Hayward, Abraham, founded Law Maga- 
zine, 240. 

Herbals, English, paper on, by J. F. Payne ; 
German, published by J. Schott, 183. 

Harringham, see Herringman. 

Herringman, Henry, employed by Dryden, 
17 ; published at "The Blue Anchor in 
the New Exchange," 1653-93, 17 ; name 
sometimes given Herringham, 24 ; book- 
seller to Pepys, 24 ; shop rendezvous of 
literary men, 24 ; sold business at New Ex- 
change to F. Saunders and J. Knight, 25 ; 
retained interest in Dryden's plays, 28. 

Hertfordshire Maps : A Descriptive Cata- 
logue . . . , by Sir Herbert George Ford- 
ham, 135 and note; limited to engraved 
originals and reprints, 1579-190x3, 137. 

Heyns, Peter, produced epitome after Or- 
telius, 141. 

Hillenius, Michael, uses compartment of 
Schoeffer, 203. 

Hills, Henry, pirated Dryden's poems, 34. 

Hindmarsh, J., publishes Dryden's Don 
Sebastian, 29. 

Hoddesdon, John, his Sion and Parnassus 
has commendatory verses by Dryden 
prefixed, 1 8. 

Holbein Society, facsimile reproductions of 
early editions of Alciat's Emblems, 41. 

Holden, John, published at "The Blue 
Anchor in the New Exchange," 17, pre- 
decessor of Herringman ; printer of 
Blount's translation of Estienne's work 
on Emblems, 54. 

Hoorne, Jaques van, attempts to blackmail 
Schilders, 89. 

Howard, Sir Robert, brother-in-law of 
Dryden, his works published by Herring- 
man, 18 ; relations with Dryden, 21. 

Huth, Alfred, death of, 60. 

Hutten, Ulrich von, works printed by 
J. Schott, 1 80. 

Illustration of magazines, 242, 243. 
Impresa, Italian term for "emblem," 40. 
Initials and ornaments used by Richard 

Schilders. 117-124 ; by the " Marburg " 

press, 197. 

Inset maps, how to treat, 142. 
Islip, Adam, and William Morynge, licensed 

to print Amadis of Gaul, 279. 
Italian influence on the English novel, 

Beginnings of, 2 ; translations of Amadis 

of Gaul, 271. 

Jacobo de Junta, prints Esplandidn with 

Antonio de Salamanca, 263. 
Janicke, Dr. Altdeutsche Studien, suggests 

date for Legend of Knight Diemringer 

von Stauffenberg, 169. 
Jaillot, Hubert, collaborator with Sanson's 

sons, 142. 
Jansson, incorporated text of Camden's 

Britannia in his geographical publication, 


Jerrold, Douglas, his magazines, 242. 
Jingle, Alfred, in Pickwick, source of, 248, 

Johnson, Thomas, second edition of 

Gerarde's Herbal by, 305. 
Johnstone, John, An confortable exhorta- 
tion . . . unto the Christen bretherne 

in Scotland, printed at " Marburg " press, 



Jonson, Ben, Amadis of Gaul known to, 


Jovius, P. , see Giovio, Paolo. 
Julien's map of France described, 142. 

Keer, Peter, engraved maps for small 

county series from Saxton, 141. 
Kenyon, F. G., elected a Vice-President, 

Keyser, Martin, initials used by, 197 ; 

printed some of Tyndale's books, 217 ; 

books printed by, 219 ff. 
Knight, J., takes over Herringmaivs retail 

business, partner of F. Saunders. 25. 
Knoblouch, Johann. friendship with Schott, 

prints his Spiegel der Christlicher Wal- 

fahrt, 177. 

Lachryma Musarum, contains Dryden's 
first published poem, 17; re-issues of, 
1 8 ; description of copy owned by Lucie, 
Countess of Huntingdon, and her verses 
on the fly-leaves, 18. 

Lancashire County Maps, Early, described 
by Wm. Harrison, 145. 

Law Magazine founded by Abraham Hay- 
ward, 240. 

Lawrence, W. J., assigns 1674 revision of 
The Tempest to Shadwell, 24. 

Lazarillo de Tormes, Rowland's version 
published in 1586, 3. 

Lead kindly Light first published in British 
Magazine, 240. 

Lee, Nathaniel, plays written in conjunc- 
tion with Dryden, 25. 

Leeu, Gerard, printed English romances, 2. 

Legenda attrea, edition printed by Schott 
for Knoblouch, 179. 

Library Association, Committee on Book- 
production, 10. 

Lion of Scotland, origin and explanation 
of, 48. 

Little St. Bartholomew's Hospital, see St. 

Lizard, its property of freedom from love, 


Lobeira, Joham de, confused with Vasco, 


Lobeira, Vasco, Amadis of Gaul attributed 

to, 256. 
L'Obel, Mathias de, author of Stirpium 

Adversaria Nova, 303. 

Lobkowitz, Bohuslaw von, friendship with 

Peter Schott the younger, 171-3. 
Lorenzo dei Medici, his emblem, 51. 
Love, all varieties of, treated by Burton in 

his Anatomy of Melancholy, 6 ; lizard 

insensible to, 52. 
Lucidarius, undated edition by Martin 

Schott, in Royal Library of Stuttgart, 

Lud, Gautier, revised maps of J. Schott's 

Ptolomaeus, 177. 
Lujan, Pedro de, continued Amadis of 

Gaul, 269. 
Luther, Martin, dealings with J. Schott, 

180 ; his revolt fostered by Amadis of 

Gaul, 277 ; his party supported by printers 

of Strassburg, 1 79. 

Lyly, John, married Beatrice Browne, 76. 
Lyte, Henry, Herbal translated from the 

French by, 303. 
Lynne, Walter, re-issued Dialogue of the 

Father . . ., as The true belief in Christ, 


Macaire, Robert, supposed prototype of 
PukwitVs Jingle, 249. 

Mac Flecknoe of Dryden surreptitiously 
printed, 27. 

McKerrow, R.B., thanks voted to, for his 
work on the Dictionary of English Prin- 
ters and Booksellers, 62. 

Madan, F., on Burton's cipher, 6. 

Magazines of the Nineteenth Century, paper 
on, by 6. F. Barwick, 63, 237-249 ; 
small number of eighteenth century that 
survived, 237 ; original significance of 
name lost, 237 ; literary men connected 
with, 239, 240 ; composed by compilation 
from others, 246 ; change of name, 247 ; 
curios titles of, 247, 248. 

Magical element in Atncuiis of Gaul, 256. 

Maginn, William, and foundation ofFraser's 
Magazine, 241. 

Magnes, James, published some of Dryden's 
poems, 25. 

Malone, Edmund, on the Poems on the 
death of Cromwell, 20. 

Manger, Michael, published Mambrino 
Roseo's supplements to Amadis at 
Augsburg, 281. 

Maps, Descriptive Catalogues of, their 
arrangement and the details they should 



contain, paper on, by Sir Herbert George 
Fordham, 59, 135-164; specimens of 
full and abridged descriptions of, 147-164. 

"Marburg" press, probably at Antwerp; 
wood-cut initials of, 197 ff; paper used 
by, 2O2 ; Tyndale's books in type of, 
203, 206 ; bibliography of, 208 ff. 

Margarita Philosophica, first edition printed 
in Freiburg, 175; second edition in 
Basle, 176. 

Marnix, Philips van. his Beehive of the 
Romishe Churche, printed by Schilders 
in England, 73 ; description, 90, 91 ; 
facsimile of title-page, 1 1 5. 

Marprelate Controversy, Schilders' connec- 
tion with, 84. 

Marquale, earliest Italian translator of 
Alciat's Emblems, printed at Lyons, 

Mar veil, A., Poem on death of Cromwell 
attributed to him by Herringman, 20. 

Mattheu'e, A Treatise upon the 23 of, by 
Robert Browne, 78-81. 

Medal of John Bayes, references to Dryden 
in, 21. 

Medina del Campo, birthplace of Amadis 
of Caul, 252. 

Mengin's Venediger Chronica, ascribed to 
J. Schott by Proctor, 177-8 ; bears mark 
of Lud, 178. 

Mentelin, Johann, his daughter married 
Martin Schott, 168 ; his printing house in 
the Thiergarten, afterwards occupied by 
J. Schott, 1 80, 181 ; allusion to Mentelin 
as inventor of printing, 187. 

Mercator, Gerardus, founder of modern 
geography, 144. 

Merchant Adventurers, trade with the 
Netherlands, 67 ; church at Middle- 
burgh, 82 ; account of its constitution in 
J. Wheeler's Treatise of Commerce, 83. 

Meridian in English and French maps, 143. 

Middleburgh, English books printed at, 
75 s .*! ! > ts negotiations for a printer, 74 ; 
Brownist church in the Vischmarkt, 76 ; 
Merchant Adventurers' church in the 
Gasthuis Kerk, 82 ; provisional list of 
Puritan ministers at, 82n. 

Milan, Editio Princeps of Alciat's Emblems, 
41, 42 ; no proofs of its existence, 42. 

Montalvo, Garcirodriguez de, reputed 
author of Amadis of Gaul, 252 ; part 

played in its composition, 261 ; his con- 
tinuations of, 263. 

Morley Hall, George Street, two meetings 
held there, 61. 

Mortier, published Jaillot's maps at Amster- 
dam, 143. 

Morynge, William, with Adam Islip, 
licensed to print Amadis of Gaul, 279. 

Motorists' maps printed from plates of 
1809, 139. 

Munday, Anthony, introduced Amadis of 
Gaul into England, 278 ; his pseudonym 
of " Lazarus Pyott," 278. 

"Munster" type, description of book in, 

Murray, A. G., finds fragments in "Mar- 
burg " type, printed at Wesel, 208. 

Musurgia, its illustrations of musical in- 
struments, 184. 

Music Printing, Early, 1601-1640, by- 
Robert Steele, 13. 

Netherlands, intercourse with England, 67. 

Newcomb, Thomas, printed Lachrymae 
Musarum in 1649, 18. 

Newman, Cardinal, publication of Lead 
kindly Light, 240. 

New Testament, Tyndale's printed, 190. 

" Nicolaus Bambergensis " comedies in 
" Marburg " type, 232. 

Norwich, thriving Dutch settlement at, 

Novels and Romances. English, biblio- 
graphy of, I. 

Obedience of a Christen man, printed by 

the " Marburg " press, 197 ; facsimiles 

of title-page, 198, 227. 
Ogilby, John, plates used in his Virgil 

bought for Dryden's translation, 29. 
Ortelius, Abraham, Theatrum Orbis 

Terrarum, reprinted over a number of 

years, 139 ; epitomised by Peter Heyns, 

141 ; began his career by colouring 

maps, 144. 
Osier, Prof. Sir William, paper on the 

Library of Robert Burton, 4 ; elected a 

Vice- President, 60. 
Owen, Sir Richard, founded Zoological 

Magazine, 241. 
Owen, Robert, his Socialist magazines, 244, 




Painter, anglicised form of Schilders, 71. 
Paper, Chivers' investigation of, 13 ; cost 

of, in Tonson's accounts with Dryden, 

36, 37 ; manufactory in monastery of 

Saint-Die, 178 ; Mr. Sindall preparing 

report on, 13. 
Parody, first English, The Heroicall Adven- 

turts of the Knight of the Sea, 2 ; of 

heroic romances, 3. 
Parte of a Register, A, attributed to Walde- 

grave by Bancroft, 85 ; description, 98, 

Payne, J. F., Dr., Anatomy of Melancholy, 

most important medical work by a lay- 
man, 6 ; loss by death of, 60 ; reprint of 

his paper on English Herbals, 299 If. 
Pellican, Conrad, proof-corrector at Basel, 

Pentateuch of Tyndale, types used in 

printing, 203 ; variations in, 206. 
Petition, A, directed to her most excellent 

Maicstie, probably printed by Schilders, 

87 ; description, 97, 98. 
Petrus de Crescentiis, work on agriculture 

printed by J. Schott for Knoblouch, 1 79. 
Philip of Spain swears to abdicate for King 

Arthur, 269. 

Picaresque novel in English, 3. 
Pickwick, prototype of Alfred Jingle, 248, 

Plantin, Christopher, printed Whitney's 

"Choice of Emblemes," 40; Theatrum 

of maps issued by his press, 139. 
Plateanus, Theodericus, see Straten, Dirik 

van der. 
Playford, Henry, published Dryden's verses 

on the death of Purcell and the Luctus 

Britannici, 34. 
Polain, Marie Louis, elected Hon. Member, 

Pope, Alexander, alleged estimate of 

Dryden's profit on his Virgil, 31. 
Portuguese claims to origin of Amadis of 

Gaul, 257. 
Posies used in emblems, invented by Alciat, 

40 ; description of, 49. 
Practise of Prelates, printing compared 

with Tyndale's Pentateuch, 206. 
Priest, Dr., connection with Gerarde's 

Herbal, 303. 
Proclamations, list of books prohibited in, 


Printing in three colours, attempt by 

J. Schott, 177. 
Prognostication printed at Antwerp for 

England in " Marburg " type, 208. 
Prohibited books, lists of, 213-217. 
Provincial magazines, number of, 238. 
Psalms, metrical, formed bulk of early 

music, 14 ; monopoly given to Stationers' 

Company, 14. 
Ptolemy, Cosmographiae Introdwtio, first 

book printed at Saint-Di, 178 ; name 

for America suggested in, 178 ; another 

edition printed by J. Schott, 178. 
Publishers employed by Dryden, paper 

on, by H. B. Wheatley, 17-38. 
Purcell, Henry, Dryden's verses on his 

death, 34. 
Puritans, Richard Schilders and the 

English, 59, 65-134. 
Pyott, Lazarus, pseudonym of Anthony 

Munday, 278. 

Quentell, P., Cologne New Testament 

attributed to his press, 190. 
Quixote, Don, and Amadis of Gaul, 251 ; 

his fondness for Silva's continuations, 

268 ; romances destroyed by tale of, 


" R " printer identified with Adolf Rusch, 
1 68. 

Rainolds, John, TK Overthrow of Stage- 
Plays, printed at Middleburgh by 
Schilders, 82 ; description, 101, 102. 

Rampazetto, printed Ruscelli's works at 
Venice, 53. 

Rede me and be nott wrothe, printed by 
J. Schott, 181 ; reprint, 182 ; watermark 
of, 183 ; issued at Strassburg, 192 ; 
facsimiles of, 193-4. 

Redgrave, Gilbert R., paper on Daniel 
and the Emblem Literature, 13, 39-58. 

Reisch, Gregor, author of Margarita 
Pkilosophica, 175. 

Religious magazines, special localities of, 
238 ; persecution, England refuge for 
Dutch fugitives from, 67 ; turn given to 
romances of chivalry, 270. 

Reuchlin, Johann, entertained by the 
Schotts at Strassburg, 174. 

Ribera, Paez de, continued Amadis of 
Gaul, 263. 



Ricci, Seymour de, thanks voted to, for his 
Census of Caxtons, 10. 

Richard II, as a victim to Prelacy, 206. 

Rinck, Hermann, Wolsey's agent in Ger- 
many, 181, 182. 

Rogers, W., published Dryden's translation 
of Du Fresnoy, 34. 

Roman ft. clef, common after the Restora- 
tion, 3. 

Romance of chivalry, revival of, 2 ; oppo- 
sition to, 269 ; prohibited in the New 
World, 270. 

Romances, Bibliography of, i. 

Rome, editions of Amadls of Gaul printed 
at, 263. 

Roseo da Fabriano, Mambrino, his versions 
of Amadls of Gaul, 272 ; ranks as biblio- 
grapher of, 273 ; becomes source of 
further translators, 276 ; his list of the 
Italian series, 287 ; explanation of his 
title to Book VII, 289. 

Roy, W., and Barlow, J., print satire on 
Wolsey in Strassburg, 181 ; issue Rede 
me and be not wroth, 192; Roy probably 
author of Lollard tracts, 206 ; burned in 
Portugal, 208. 

Royal Society, Dryden a Fellow of, 22. 

Ruscelli, G., his illustrated work on 
emblems, 44 ; importance of it, 53 ; dis- 
cussion of his name, 53 ; description of 
his book, 54. 

Rusch, Adolf, identified with the "R" 
printer, 168. 

St. Bartholomew-the-Less, or St. Bartholo- 
mew in the Hospital ; Little St. Bar- 
tholomew's Hospital, a misdirection for 
one of these, 19. 

Saint-Die, Lorraine, printing by Gautier 
and Nicolas Lud at, 178. 

St. Nicholas' Day, schoolboys' festival 
purified by Peter Schott the younger, 174. 

Sala, G. A., founded Temple Bar, 242. 

Sanson's maps, use of insets, 142. 

Saunders, F., takes over Herringman's 
retail business, partner of J. Knight, 25. 

Saxton, Christopher, John Speed copied 
from him, 139. 

Schilders, Abraham, printer at Middle- 
burgh, probably a son of Richard, 88. 

Schilders, Isaac, printed at Breda, 88. 

Schilders, Richard, of Middleburgh and the 

English Puritans, paper on, by J. Dover 
Wilson, 59, 65-134 ; one of chief printers 
in Protestant movement, 69 ; probably 
closely connected in work with Robert 
Waldegrave, 69 ; list of his books in 
University Library, Cambridge, given in 
C. E. Sayle's Early English Printed 
Books . . . , 70 ; anglicises his name to 
Painter, 71 ; sets up press in Middle- 
burgh, 75 ; prints for Brownists, 77 ; 
connection with Marprelate Controversy, 
84 ; estimate of his character, 89 ; 
descriptive list of his books, 90-110. 

Schmidt, C. , his Repertoire Bibliographique 
Strasbourgeois, 1 68. 

Schott, German form of Scot, a "friar," 
1 66. 

Schott, Johann, son of Martin, his work, 
175-187 ; location of his press in Strass- 
burg, 179, 1 80 ; his marks, 186-7 ; 
English books printed by, 192. 

Schott, Martin, of " patrician " family, 
1 66 ; married daughter of Johann 
Mentelin, 168 ; his work, 168-9 5 types 
described in B.M. Catalogue of Incuna- 
bula, 169 ; his printer's mark, 170. 

Schott, Peter, the younger, introduced 
humanistic studies into Strassburg, 168 ; 
outline of his career, 171-174; ordained 
priest and made a Canon, 173 ; his 
letters valuable for biographies of his 
time, 171. 

Schott s of Strassburg, The, and their Press, 
paper on, by S. H. Scott, 59, 165-188 ; 
origin of, 166 ; arms, 170. 

" Schwabacher " type, varieties of, 192. 

Scott, S. H., paper on The Schott s of 
Strassburg and their Press, 59, 165-188. 

Scott, Sir Walter, follows Malone in belief 
of Dryden's extreme poverty, 22. 

Scottish emblem, origin and explanation of, 

Secretly printed books, difficulties of inves- 
tigation, 189 ; issued by Schilders, 83. 

Serial story, origin and development of, 239. 

Shadwell, Thomas, references to Dryden in 
his Medal of John Bayes, 21 ; revision of 
Davenant's and Dryden's version of the 
Tempest, 23 ; confusion of versions, 24. 

Shakespeare, William, commissioned to 
devise an emblem, 52 ; imitated Amadls 
of Gaul, 280. 



Shoberl, Frederick, founder of New 

Monthly Magazine, 240. 
Short story, due to French influence, 


Sidney, Sir Philip, imitated Amadls of 
Gaul, 280 ; various re-printings of 
Arcadia, 2. 

Signatures, Waldegrave's method of, 87 
and note. 

Silva, Feliciano de, continued Amadls of 
Gaul, 264 ff ; his Sueno de Amor, 265. 

Sirens, Aneau's description of, 43. 

Socialist magazines in England, 244, 245. 

Solempne, or Solemne, Anthony de, his 
press at Norwich, 71. 

South America, Spanish magazines for, pro- 
duced in England, 244. 

Southey, Robert, his abridged translation 
of Amadls of Gaul, 256. 

Spanish claims to origin of Amadls of 
Gaul, 258 ; editions of, in folio, 276 ; 
influence on English novel, 3 ; litera- 
ture of the sixteenth century based on 
Amadls, 251 ; magazines produced in 
England, 244. 

Speed, John, his series of maps of English 
Counties, 138. 

Spenser, Edmund, said to have imitated 
Amadls of Gaul, 280. 

Spiegel der Christlicher Walfahrt printed 
by Knoblouch, 177. 

Spieghel des Houwelicks, Den, printed by 
Schilders in England, 72. 

Sprat (or Spratt), poem on the death of 
Cromwell, 19, 20. 

Stage Plays, TA' Overthrow of, by John 
Rainolds, printed at Middleburgh, 82 ; 
description, 101, 102. 

Stationers' Company, privileges of a brother 
of, 71 ; entry concerning Schilders, 72-3; 
monopoly of Psalms, 14. 

Stauffenberg, Knight Diemringer von, le- 
gend of, undated illustrated book printed 
by Martin Schott, 169. 

Steele, Robert, paper on Early Music 
Printing, 1601-1640, 13; paper, Notes 
on English books printed abroad, 1525- 
1548, 63, 189-236; suggestion on 
Burton's references, 6. 

Stell, Hans, Schilders prints for him in 
England, 72 ; Middleburgh invites him 
to set up a press there, 74. 

Sterne, Laurence, his borrowings from 

Burton, 7. 
Sternhold and Hopkins, metrical Psalms, 

Stirpium Adversaria Nova, by Matt, de 

UObel, 303. 
Strassburg Cathedral, Geiler appointed as 

preacher, 172 ; Printing, The Schotts of 

Strassburg and their press, paper by 

S. H. Scott, 59, 165-188. 
Straten, Dirik van der (Theodericus Platea- 

nus), used " Marburg" types at Wesel, 

208 ; printed for John Bale, 231. 
Subscriptions received for Dryden's trans- 
lation of Vergil, 30-32. 
Sutnme of Scripture, The, facsimile, 218; 

description, 219. 
Supplicacyon for the Beggcrs, A, printed 

abroad by unknown printer, 217. 
Surtees, Robert Smith, started The New 

Sporting Magazine, 241. 
Sutcliffe, Matthew, and the Marprelate 

controversy, 84. 
Swalle (or Swayle), Abel, associated with 

Tonson in publishing Dryden's Troilus 

and Cressida, 25. 
Swift, Jonathan, references to Dryden's 

translation of Virgil, 29. 
Sykes, George, designed cover of Cornhill, 


Tacuini Sanitatis, translation from Arabic, 

printed by J. Schott, 184. 
Tasso, Bernardo, his poem on Amadls of 

Gaul, 271. 
Teapots, male and female, definition of, 


Tedder, H. R., paper on The Require- 
ments of Book-production, IO. 
Tempest, The, revised version by Davenant 

and Dryden, 23 ; revision by Shadwell, 

23 ; confusion of versions, 24. 
Temple Bar, founded by G. A. Sala, 

Tennyson, Alfred, poem in Good Words 

quoted, 240. 

Thackeray, W. M., and the Cornhill, 242. 
Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, 

published by Speed, 1 61 1, 139; reprints 

of extend to 1736, 139. 
Thomas, Henry, paper on The Romance of 

Amadls of Gaul, 63, 251-297. 



Throckmorton, Job, and the Marprelate 
controversy, 84. 

Title, change of, in magazines, 247. 

Tonson, Jacob, his publication of Dryden's 
works, 1 7-38 ; his four-volume edition 
of Dryden's works in 1695, 19; probably 
used ' ' remainder " of Wilson's edition of 
poem on death of Cromwell for his 
fourth volume, 20 ; begins to publish for 
Dryden, 25 ; combines with Abel Swalle 
(or Swayle), 25 ; character of, 26 ; his 
accounts with Dryden, 36-38. 

Tonson, Richard, joined with Jacob in 
publishing Dryden's Spanish Fryar, 25. 

Torch, Emblem of the inverted, 46. 

Tramezzino, Michele, published Amadls of 
Gaul in Venice, 274. 

Treatise of Reformation -without tarying 
for ante, by Robert Browne, account of, 


Tressan, Comte de, upholds French origin 
of Amadis of Gaul, 256. 

Treveris, Peter, printer of the Great Herbal, 

Turner, William, work on botany by, 301. 

Tyndale, English New Testament, 190 ; 
facsimile of his Quarto N. T., 191 ; his 
stay in Hamburg, 203 ; Erasmus' Exhor- 
tation, known as The Matrimony of 
Tyndale, 203 ; types used in Pentateuch, 
203; M. Keyser prints for, 217. 

Type and printed page, axioms for, 12. 

Ubelin, George, finances seven works prin- 
ted by J. Schott, 177. 

Undated plates, frequent use and re-use of, 
in maps, 138. 

United Service Magazine founded by H. 
Colburn, 240. 

Varilla's History translated by Dryden, 28. 

Virgil, Dryden's translation illustrated by 
Ogilby's old plates, 29; Swift's refe- 
rences to Dryden's translation, 29; sum 
received by Dryden for translation, 
30-33 ; subscriptions received for the 
translation, 30-32; large and small paper 
copies of translation, 33, 34, 38. 

Vischmarkt-kerk, Middleburgh, church of 
the Brown ists, 76. 

Vocht, de, investigation into influence of 
Erasmus on Elizabethan drama, 66. 

W., N., a friend of Samel Daniel, 45, 

Wachtlin, his work in Schott's books, 
179, 1 80. 

Waldegrave, Robert, one of chief printers 
in Protestant movement, 69 ; parallel 
between his career and that of Schilders, 
69 ; probably closely connected in work, 
69 ; may have taken over some of 
Schilders' type, 72 ; obliged to swear 
not to attack ecclesiastical regime in 
England, 83. 

Waldseemuller and Ringmann revise Ptole- 
my's Cosmographiae Introductio, 178. 

Waller, Edmund, poem on the death of 
Cromwell, 19, 20. 

Water- marks in maps, importance of, 142. 

Waterson, Simon, publisher of Daniel's 
writings, 47. 

Wechel, of Paris, printed Jean Le Fevre's 
first French translation of Alciat, 40. 

Weiditz, Hans, illustrator of Brunfels' 
Herbal, 183. 

Wheatley, H. B., elected President, 60; 
paper on Dryden's Publishers, 7, 17-38. 

Wheeler, John, Treatise of Commerce, 
printed at Middleburgh, 82 ; descrip- 
tion, 103. 

Whitney, his "Choice of Emblemes" prin- 
ted by Plan tin, 40. 

William III, Dryden's hatred of, 26; Ton- 
son alters plates in Dryden's Virgil to 
make ^neas resemble the King, 30. 

Wilson, J. Dover, paper on Jtichard Schil- 
ders of Middleburgh and the English 
Puritans, 59, 65-134. 

Wilson, William, prints Dryden's poem on 
the death of Cromwell, 1659, 18 ; his 
address, 19. 

Wimpheling, J., eulogy of Peter Schott 
the younger, 170. 

Withers' advertisement of printed music, 
1623, 15. 

Wohlgemuth, M., said to have executed 
wood-cuts in Margarita Philosophica, 

Wolfe, Reyner, Dutch printer, master of 

the Stationers' Company, 68. 
Wolsey, Cardinal, satire on, by Roy and 

Barlow, printed at Strassburg, 181, 182. 
Women, magazines advocating work for, 




Worman, Alien Members of the Book 
Trade during the Tudor period, shows 
numbers of Dutch in London, 68. 

Worms New Testament, date of, 192. 

Worthy Tract, The, by Samuel Daniel, 
46 ff. 

Wynkyn de Worde, his printing of English 
romances, I. 

Zoological Magazine, founded by Sir Richard 
Owen, 241. 

Bibliographical Society, 
1003 London 

BA75 Transactions 

v. 11