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THE  LIBRARY 

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CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Transactions 


EDITOR:     GEOFFREY     F.    NUTTALL,     M.A.,    D.D 


VOL.  XVIII.  No.  1.  AUGUST,  1956 


Contents 


PAGE 

EDITORIAL-         ...                             .  1 

THE    FIRST     FREE     CHURCH     HYMNAL     (1583) 

by  E.  A.  Payne,  D.D. 3-16 

STEPNEY  MEETING:  THE  PIONEERS, 

by  G.  F.  Nuttall,  D.D. 17-22 

SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS   WITH  THE 

LABOUR  MOVEMENT  by  S.  H.  Mayor,  B.D.          -  23-35 

REVIEWS 36 


KRAUS   REPRINT 

Nendeln/Liechtenstein 

1969 


EMMANUFC 


Reprinted  with  the  permission  of  the  original  publishers 

by 
KRAUS  REPRINT 

a  Division  of 

KRAUS-THOMSON   ORGANIZATION  LIMITED 

Nendeln/Liechtenstein 

1969 


Printed  in  Germany 
Lessingdruckerei  Wiesbaden 


23219 


EDITORIAL 

THE  57th  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Westminster 
Chapel  on  16th  May,  1956,  at  5.30  p.m.,  with  Dr.  W.  Gordon 
Robinson,  our  President,  in  the  Chair.  Fifty-one  members  and 
friends  signed  the  attendance  book.  This  number,  though  no  more 
than  a  fraction  of  the  Society's  membership,  was  a  welcome  increase 
on  that  of  recent  years  and  may  be  taken  to  reflect  a  proper  appreciation 
of  the  honour  done  us  by  Dr.  Ernest  A.  Payne  in  coming  to  address  us. 
That  the  General  Secretary  of  the  Baptist  Union  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  should  desire  not  to  lose  touch  with  his  earlier  more  academic 
interests  is  very  natural  ;  but  that  he  should  find  time  in  the  midst  of 
his  present  avocations  to  prepare  so  careful  and  thorough  a  paper  as 
that  which  he  read  to  us  is  remarkable.  Dr.  Payne  is  a  keen  hymnologist 
as  well  as  historian,  and  in  his  study  of  "The  First  Free  Church 
Hymnal"  he  drew  upon  both  interests.  Those  who  listened  to  him  not 
only  learned  much  but  enjoyed  the  clear  and  workmanlike  way  in 
which  he  presented  specialized  material  of  a  kind  which  in  itself  could 
have  been  dry.  We  are  grateful  to  Dr.  Payne  for  his  permission  to 
print  in  these  Transactions  a  paper  for  which  he  might  have  sought  a 
more  exalted  station. 


Another  paper  printed  within  we  welcome  as  the  first  appearance 
in  our  pages  of  one  of  our  own  members.  The  Rev.  Stephen  H.  Mayor, 
the  minister  of  Handgate  Church,  Chester,  and  the  author  of  a  history 
of  Cheshire  Congregationalism  reviewed  elsewhere  in  this  issue,  is  also 
engaged  in  work  for  a  Manchester  Ph.D.  on  "Organized  Religion 
and  English  Working  Class  Movements,  1850-1914".  He  thus  writes 
out  of  special  knowledge.  The  number  of  students  and  ministers 
who  in  these  days  proceed  to  advanced  degrees  is  increasing,  and  the 
number  of  theses  concerned  with  leading  figures  in  dissenting  history, 
such  as  Richard  Baxter  or  John  Tombes  or  Edward  Williams,  or  with 
the  relation  of  Dissent  to  other  movements,  such  as  Evangelicalism  or 
the  missionary  enterprise  or  the  Labour  movement,  is  also  increasing. 
We  are  always  glad  to  know  of  such  work,  especially  by  our  own 
members  ;  and,  so  far  as  our  restricted  space  permits,  we  should 
welcome  summaries,  interim  reports  or  studies  thrown  off  by  the  way. 


At  least  two  of  our  members  have  recently  published  centenary 
histories  of  our  churches  :  the  Rev.  C.  E.  Busby  has  written  Hitherto 
Henceforth  1856-1956  about  Forest  Gate  (Sebert  Road)  Church, 


EDITORIAL 

London  ;  and  the  Rev.  D.  A.  Thomas,  the  minister  of  Westcotes 
Church,  Leicester,  has  written  a  History  of  Westcotes.  A  Brief  History 
of  our  Church,  a  centenary  history  of  Westhoughton  Church,  Lancashire, 
by  its  minister,  the  Rev.  R.  Walgate  Johnson,  which  was  issued  in 
1953,  appears  to  have  escaped  notice  in  its  place.  Our  indefatigable 
Research  Secretary,  the  Rev.  C.  E.  Surman,  has  compiled  an  invaluable 
index  of  the  'intruders'  and  others  whose  names  appear  in  A.  G. 
Matthews'  Walker  Revised,  thus  supplementing  the  index  of  the 
sequestered  clergy  already  printed  in  that  wrork  and  providing  the 
beginnings  of  a  directory  to  the  numerous  persons  who  were  in  posses 
sion  of  livings,  often  for  a  brief  period  only  and  often  without  having 
been  ordained,  during  the  interregnum.  This  index  has  appeared  as 
the  second  of  the  'Occasional  Papers'  issued  from  Dr.  Williams' 
Library.  It  has  been  followed  by  a  catalogue  of  papers  concerned  with 
Thomas  Jollie  which  have  recently  come  into  the  Library's  possession 
and  which  throw  new  light  on  the  'Happy  Union'  of  1691  between  the 
Presbvterians  and  ourselves. 


Those  who  suppose  that  bibliography  is  always  a  dull  pursuit  may 
be  surprised  by  an  example  of  recent  detective  work  which  sounds 
more  like  a  crossword  puzzle.  In  1669  The  Excellency  and  Equitableness 
of  God's  Law  was  published  as  by  G.H.  C.  to  D.M.  in  T.G.  How  was 
this  to  be  deciphered  ?  'Curate'  was  a  fairly  obvious  guess  for  'C.' 
An  Ordnance  Survey  Atlas  revealed  few  place-names  in  England 
consisting  of  two  words  with  the  initials  'T.G.'  ;  among  the  few  is 
Theydon  Garnon,  Essex.  According  to  T.  W.  Davids'  Annals  of 
Erangclical  \J  on  conformity  in  Essex  the  incumbent  in  1669  had  the 
right  surname,  Meiggs  ;  and  though  his  Christian  name  was  James, 
he  was  a  Doctor  of  Divinity.  Could  it  be  that  Dr.  Meiggs  had  a  curate 
with  the  initials  'G.H.'  ?  A  letter  to  the  Essex  County  Archivist  elicited 
the  answer,  Yes,  his  curate  was  named  George  Houldswrorth.  Q.E.D. 


Our  members  will  wish  to  congratulate  Dr.  Robinson  on  his 
publication  'in  succession  to  Nightingale,  of  a  History  of  Lancashire 
Congregational  I'nion,  / #06-7 956  (obtainable  from  244  Deansgate, 
Manchester).  It  is  a  most  businesslike  production  both  in  its  text  and 
in  its  illustrations. 


The  First  Free  Church  Hymnal  (1583) 


IN   one  of  his  briefest   but   most   attractive   books,    The  Disciple, 
T.  R.  Glover  has  a  chapter  on  "The  Singer".     In  it  he  draws 
attention  to  how  soon  the"  early  Church  broke  into  song.   There  are 
probably  echoes  of  hymns  in  some  of  Paul's  letters  and  certainly  the 
sound  of  singing  can  be  heard  in  the  book  of  Revelation,  though  that 
superb  but  mysterious  book  was  written  when  the  imperial  authorities 
had  declared  war  on  the  Christians.     The  Songs  in  the  Apocalypse, 
Glover  notes,  are  all  songs  of  victory  and  he  goes  on  to  comment : 
"The  victory-songs  were  a  little  premature  ?     Were  they  ?     They 
helped  to  win  the  victory". 

One  of  the  most  striking  parallels  which  we  have  to  the  outburst 
of  song  which  came  at  the  end  of  the  first  century  is  the  hymns  produced 
by  the  Anabaptists  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  it  is  about  some  of 
their  hymns  that  I  propose  to  speak.  Those  who  stood  on  the  left 
wing  of  the  great  Reformation  movement  are  at  last  coming  into  their 
own.  They  were  grievously  persecuted  by  their  contemporaries,  both 
Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant.  They  have  been  seriously  misrep 
resented  and  maligned  by  subsequent  generations.  But  the  basic 
documentary  material  is  now  available  for  study  in  growing  volume. 
The  extent  and  variety  of  the  groups  of  the  left  is  better  known  ;  the 
importance  of  their  seed-thoughts  is  being  recognised  ;  their  stead 
fastness  under  affliction  i<=  seen  as  one  of  the  most  moving  chapters 
in  the  long  story  of  Christian  devotion  and  fortitude.  As  Rufus  Jones 
once  remarked  :  "It  can  safely  be  said  that  nor  other  movement  for 
spiritual  freedom  in  the  history  of  the  Church  has  such  an  enormous 
marly  rology".1 

That  certain  of  these  left-wing  groups  produced  some  remarkable 
hymns  has  long  been  known,  though  not  often  noted  by  English- 
speaking  scholars.  Nearly  fifty  years  ago  T.  M.  Lindsay  devoted  a 
page  to  these  hyrnns  in  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  still  a  most 
serviceable  book.  "The  strain  of  Christian  song",  he  said,  "seemed  to 
rise  higher  with  the  fires  of  persecution.  Most  of  the  Anabaptist  hymns 
belong  to  a  time  when  their  sufferings  \vere  greatest  .  .  .  They  are  all 
echoes  of  endurance  where  the  notes  of  the  sob,  the  trust,  the  warning, 
the  hosanna  of  a  time  of  martyrdom,  blend  in  rough  heroic  strains."2 
Lindsay's  bibliography  shows  that  he  had  consulted  a  1583  copy  of  an 
Anabaptist  hymnbook,  as  \vcll  as  an  earlier  German  hymnbook  of  the 
Bohemian  Brethren  — an  older  and  rather  different  group,  of  Hussite 
origin.  The  year  Lindsay's  book  appeared,  the  second  edition  of 
Julian's  great  Dictionary  of  Hymnology  was  issued.  One  has  perhaps 
no  right  to  criticise  Julian  for  the  complete  absence  of  any  reference 


4  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

to  Anabaptist  hymnology,  though  we  may  hope  that  the  new  edition 
will  remedy  the  omission.  What  is  more  surprising  is  that  the  hints 
dropped  by  Lindsay  have  not  been  followed  up  by  one  or  more  of 
those  who  have  contributed  to  the  revived  interest  in  hymns  shown 
in  recent*years  in  this  country.  As  early  as  1888,  Anabaptist  hymns 
were  briefly  noticed  in  America  by  H.  S.  Burrage  in  his  Baptist  Hymn 
Writers  and  their  Hymns. 

I  propose  to  limit  myself  on  this  occasion  to  some  account  of  the 
hymnbook  which  led  Lindsay  to  his  glowing  sentences.  Sixteenth 
century  copies  are,  naturally,  extremely  rare  and  I  have  never  myself 
handled  one.  But,  marvellous  to  relate,  the  hymnbook  is  still  in  use, 
so  that  students  of  hymns  have  the  less  excuse  for  their  neglect  of  it. 
In  that  country  of  many  marvels,  the  United  States  of  America,  there 
are  still  to  be  found  tiny  groups  of  Mennonites  who  live  a  life  little 
changed  from  the  European  conditions  of  the  seventeenth  and  early 
eighteenth  centuries.  They  eschew  the  comforts  and  technical  devices 
of  American  civilization.  They  refuse  to  use  mechanical  transport  or 
telephones.  Their  clothing  is  fastened,  not  by  buttons,  which  are 
alleged  to  be  a  sign  of  worldly  adornment,  but  by  hooks  and  eyes. 
Their  women  wear  no  jewellery,  not  even  a  wedding  ring.  Not  all 
Mennonites  maintain  such  simplicity  and  strictness.  But  what  I  have 
said  is  true  of  the  Old  Amish  Mennonites  of  Pennsylvania.  I  once  saw 
a  little  family  belonging  to  this  community  passing  through  the  crowds 
at  the  railway  station  in  Washington,  D.C.  The  man  was  bearded, 
for  they  disdain  razors,  and  he,  his  handsome  wife  and  his  children  were 
clad  all  in  black  and  the  children  shoeless.  I,  of  course,  stared  at  them, 
but  the  surrounding  Americans  appeared  to  accept  them  without 
question,  as  they  do  so  many  other  immigrants,  new  and  old,  into  their 
conglomerate  society. 

These  heroic  folk,  the  Old  Amish,  in  their  worship,  which  is  still 
held  in  farmhouses  and  not  in  special  church-buildings,  carefully 
preserve  the  traditions  of  their  forefathers.  They  still  use  the  German 
language.  They  still  sing  from  the  old  Anabaptist  hymnbook,  their 
music  either  a  kind  of  slow  Gregorian  chanting,  going  back  to  the 
Middle  Ages,  or,  as  some  think,  uncontrolled  drawn  out  group  singing 
with  ornamentations  which  are  really  foreign  to  the  original  tune. 
The  hymn  book  was  first  printed  in  America  in  1742  at  Germantown.1 
At  a  Mennonite  centre  in  Indiana — where  the  ways  are  not  as  strict 
as  among  the  Old  Amish — I  was  able  to  purchase  a  copy  of  the  13th 
edition  of  the  book.  It  is  this  edition  I  want  to  describe — the  "thick 
song  book"  as  the  Old  Amish  call  it— the  first  Free  Church  hymnal 
and  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  that  those  of  our  tradition  have  ever 
produced.  It  is  almost  certainly  the  oldest  hymnbook  in  continuous 
use  in  any  Christian  Church  anywhere  in  the  world. 


THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  5 

It  is  a  book  of  895  pages  and  is  familiarly  known  as  the  Ausbund, 
that  is,  the  selection  of  the  best.  The  title-page  may  be  roughly  trans 
lated  as  follows  :  "The  Selection  of  the  Best  :  that  is,  some  beautiful 
Christian  songs,  composed  by  Swiss  Brethren  when  they  were 
imprisoned  in  Passau  Castle  and  by  other  right-believing  (recht- 
glaubtgen )  Christians.  Very  useful  for  all  Christians  irrespective  of 
party.  Together  with  an  appendix  of  six  songs."  There  are  in  all 
140  hymns  or  songs,  followed  by  two  indices,  one  grouping  the  pieces 
according  to  the  tunes  to  which  they  can  be  sung.  There  is  then  some 
supplementary  material  ;  first,  the  prose  Confession  of  Faith  of  Thomas 
von  Imbroich,  a  young  man  executed  in  Cologne  in  1558.  This  Con 
fession  sets  forth  clearly  and  at  length  the  Anabaptist  view  of  baptism. 
There  follows  at  the  end  of  this  American  edition  of  the  Ausbund  an 
account  of  the  sufferings  of  the  brethren  in  the  canton  of  Zurich 
between  the  years  1635  and  1645.  Finally  come  the  six  additional 
songs,  each  of  which  has  its  special  interest. 

The  story  behind  this  little-known  but  extreme!}  interesting  book, 
is  as  follows.  Its  nucleus  was  some  fifty  hymns  used  by  a  group  of 
imprisoned  Anabaptists  in  the  fourth  decade  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Their  views  were  those  of  the  Swiss  Brethren  who  had  re-introduced 
believers'  baptism  in  Zurich  in  1525  and  who  had  been  scattered  by 
persecution  and  their  own  evangelistic  zeal  into  the  Tirol,  eastwards 
down  the  Danube  valley  into  Moravia  and  beyond,  northwards  down 
the  Rhine  valley  into  the  Low  Countries  and  Germany.  The  notorious 
and  tragic  excesses  in  Miinster  in  1534 — in  part  the  work  of  people 
made  frantic  by  suffering  and  by  the  fading  of  false  hopes  — caused  a 
new  wave  of  persecution  throughout  central  Europe.  The  group 
imprisoned  in  Passau  Castle,  near  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  Inn  and 
Danube,  consisted  of  both  men  and  women  and  numbered  more  than 
thirty.  They  had  left  their  homes  in  Heilbronn,  Ulm,  Donauworth 
and  elsewhere,  but  were  captured  near  the  Bavarian  frontier,  some  in 
May  1535  and  others  the  following  September.  Though  thev  could 
expect  nothing  but  death,  they  remained  steadfast  in  their  faith  and, 
like  Paul  and  Silas,  encouraged  one  another  during  their  imprisonment 
by  singing  hymns,  most  of  them  said  to  have  been  composed  by  two  of 
the  group,  Hans  Betz  and  Michael  Schneider.  Betz  had  been  a  weaver 
and  his  vigorous  compositions  were  clearly  influenced  by  contemporary 
folksongs.  These  hymns  were  somehow  or  other  smuggled  out  of  the 
Castle  and  began  to  circulate  as  flysheets  and  manuscripts  among  the 
widely  dispersed  Anabaptist  groups.  They  find  a  place  in  the  second 
part  of  the  Ausbund,  from  no.  81  onwards.  Prefixed  to  them  are  verses 
5  and  6  of  Psalm  140,  which  in  our  English  version  run  :  "The  proud 
have  hid  a  snare  for  me  ;  they  have  spread  a  net  by  the  wayside  ;  they 
have  set  gins  for  me.  I  said  unto  the  Lord,  Thou  art  my  God."  In 


6  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

Luther's  translation  of  the  Bible  that  last  phrase  begins  "Ich  aber  sage 
zum  Herrn  ..."  -"But  I  say  .  .  .  ".  The  Ausbund  version  has  the 
much  more  emphatic  connecting  word  "Darum"-  -"therefore".  This 
particular  group  of  hymns  is  full  of  triumphant  faith.  Keeping  close 
to  the  words  of  scripture,  they  set  forth  the  sufficient  and  sustaining 
grace  of  God  in  Christ  even  in  the  most  desperate  human  circumstances. 

The  Passau  hymns  were  soon  supplemented  by  others.  Anabaptist 
poems  and  songs  are  still  to  be  found  in  manuscript  in  some  of  the 
old  libraries  of  central  and  eastern  Europe.*  I  brought  back  with  me 
last  year  from  Hungary  photographs  of  some  of  the  old  manuscript 
copies  of  hymns  now  in  the  University  Library  in  Budapest.  The 
hymnbook  we  are  considering  came  from  the  Rhineland.  The  first 
known  printed  collection  appeared  in  1564.  Of  this  there  is  a  unique 
copy  in  the  library  of  Goshen  College,  Indiana.  Twenty  years  later, 
in  1583,  a  collection  of  130  hymns  and  songs  was  printed,  perhaps  in 
Cologne,  and  it  was  this  book  that  was  known  to  T.  M.  Lindsay.  The 
American  edition  still  in  use  is  substantially  this  1583  book.  Lindsay 
concentrates  attention  on  the  martyr  spirit  which  finds  such  moving 
expression  in  the  hymns.  I  hope  to  show  that  there  is  a  greater  variety 
jn  the  book  than  his  sentences  might  suggest. 

For  what  is  there  here  in  addition  to  the  Passau  hymns  ?  The 
additions  may  be  put  into  five  categories  :  (1)  hymns  which  are  either 
ascribed  to  some  of  the  early  Swiss  and  Dutch  Anabaptists  or  are 
rhymed  versions  of  their  testimonies  before  the  authorities  ;  (2)  rhymed 
versions  of  scripture  passages  ;  (3)  a  few  hymns  which  come  from 
other  sources  ;  (4)  hymns  produced  by  the  Swiss  Brethren  and  their 
descendants,  the  Mennonites,  to  meet  the  needs  of  a  worshipping 
community,  some  for  special  occasions,  some  for  controversial  or 
rpok'getic  purposes  ;  and  (5)  two  or  three  historical  compositions 
of  special  interest.  Something  may  be  said  about  each  of  these  categories 
in  turn. 

(1)  Hymns  and  songs  connected  with  specific  persons.  The  Ausbund 
provides  a  heading  to  most  of  the  hymns,  giving  sometimes  a  name  and 
r.  date,  sometimes  a  description,  and  providing  also  an  indication  of 
the  tune  to  which  they  may  be  sung.  Some  of  these  tunes  may  have 
been  based  on  Gregorian  cliants  ;  others  belonged  to  the  hymns  of 
the  creat  Reformers  ;  yet  others  were  popular  airs,  used  apparently 
in  much  the  same  \\ay  as  the  Salvation  Army  employed  some  of  the 
tunes  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Some  bear  the  names  of  folk-songs 
like  "Towards  morn  one  hears  the  crowing  cocks",  "I  saw  the  Lord 
«>f  Falkenstein",  and  "There  went  a  maiden  with  a  jug".  Those 
interested  in  Amish  music  may  care  to  know  of  a  little  book  called 


THF  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  7 

Anmche  Lieder,  written  and  compiled  by  J.  W.  Yoder  and  published 
m  1942  in  Huntingdon,  Pennsylvania. 

In  the  early  pages  of  the  Ausbund  there  are  hymns  ascribed  to 
Felix  Mantz  (no.  6),  George  Blaurock  (nos.  5  and  30),  Michael  Sattler 
(no.  7)  and  Leonhard  Schiemer  (no.  31),  while  a  later  one  is  said  to 
have  been  composed  by  a  young  woman,  Walpurga  von  Pappenheim 
(no.  75)  About  all  these  persons  we  know  something  ;  Blaurock  and 
Mantz  were  members  of  the  original  group  of  Swiss  Brethren  who,  with 
Conrad  Grebel,  in  1525  reintroduced  believers'  baptism  and  celebrated 
the  Lord's  Supper  together.  With  Zwingli's  knowledge  and  approval 
Mantz  was  tied  to  a  hurdle  and  drowned  in  the  river  Limmat  in 
January,  1527.  Blaurock,  the  citizen  of  another  canton,  v\as  beaten 
out  of  Zurich  and,  making  his  way  into  the  Tirol,  was  burned  to  death 
in  Klausen  in  1529.  Michael  Sattler  was  another  young  man  who 
suffered  banishment  from  Zurich.  After  a  short  time  in  Strasbourg, 
he  became  a  leader  of  the  Anabaptists  in  the  valley  of  the  Neckar  and 
for  an  important  gathering  held  near  Schaffhausen  early  in  1527, 
drafted  the  so-called  Schleitheim  Articles5— or,  to  give  them  their 
original  title  "Brotherly  Union  of  a  Number  of  Children  of  God"~-one 
of  the  basic  documents  for  an  understanding  of  early  Anabaptism. 
Sattler  was  put  to  death,  after  cruel  torturings  in  May,  1527.  Leonhard 
Schiemer  was  executed  at  Rattenburg  in  the  Tirol  in  1528.  Walpurga 
von  Pappenheim,  originally  connected  with  Humanist  circles  in 
Augsburg,  became  the  helper  of  Pilgram  Marbeck,  engineer  and  evan 
gelist,  who  it  is  now  known  played  an  important  part  ss  a  leader  of  the 
Anabaptists  in  South  Germany  in  the  middle  years  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Five  long  hymns  (Nos.  9,  29,  45,  46  and  71)  are  by  Hans 
Biichel,  an  important  'leader  of  the  South  German  Anabaptists  in  the 
closing  decades  of  the  1 6th  century.  These  are  the  hymns  of  the  south. 
There  are  also  several  hymns  connected  with  incidents  in  Amsterdam, 
Rotterdam  and  Ghent,  where  severe  persecution  was  experienced  for 
several  decades. 

Many  of  these  hymns,  both  those  from  Switzerland,  Austria  and 
South  Germany,  and  these  from  the  Low  Countries,  appear  also  in 
Het  Offer  des  Herren,  a  collection  of  biographies,  testimonies  and  songs, 
which  first  appeared  in  1562,  and  out  of  which  grew  a  century  later 
The  Martyrs'  Mirror  (1660)  of  T.  J.  van  Braght.  So  far  as  I  know,  there 
has  as  yet  been  published  no  thorough  study  of  the  text  of  the  various 
versions  of  these  martyr  hymns,  though  a  critical  edition  of  the  Ausbund 
by  J.  F.  Zieglschmid  exists  m  manuscript  in  Goshen  College.  An 
English  translation  of  part  of  The  Martyrs'  Mirror  by  Benjamin  Miilard 
was  published  in  1850-53  by  the  Hanserd  Knoilys  Society,  the  oldest 
Free  Church  Historical  Society,  though  ore  with  an  all  too  brief  life. 


8  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

A  much  fuller  English  version,  running  to  1152  pages,  was  printed 
in  Scottdale,  Pennsylvania,  in  1938,  and  a  critical  annotated  edition 
is  now,  I  believe,  in  preparation. 

As  examples  of  this  group  of  martyr  hymns  let  me  quote  versions 
of  one  or  two  stanzas.    This,  for  example,  is  Burrage's  translation  of 
the  opening  lines  of  Felix  Mantz's  hymn  : 
"With  rapture  I  will  sing 

Grateful  to  God  for  breath, 
The  strong,  almighty  King 

Who  saves  my  soul  from  death, 
The  death  that  has  no  end ; 

Thee,  too,  O  Christ,  I  praise, 
Who  dost  Thine  own  defend." 

(Burrage,  p.4.  Ausbund,  p.41). 

Leonhard  Schiemer's  hymn  gives  a  vivid  and  moving  picture  of  the 
hunted  Anabaptists  of  the  Tirol.  Here  are  three  verses  as  rendered 
by  Burrage  : 

"Thine  holy  place  they  have  destroyed, 

Thine  altars  overthrown, 
And  reaching  forth  their  bloody  hands, 

Have  foully  slain  Thine  own. 
And  we  alone,  the  little  flock, 

The  few  who  still  remain, 
Are  exiles  wandering  through  the  land 

In  sorrow  and  in  pain. 

We  are,  alas,  like  scattered  sheep, 

The  shepherd  not  in  sight, 
Each  far  away  from  home  and  hearth 

And  like  the  birds  of  night 
That  hide  away  in  rocky  clefts, 

We  have  our  rocky  hold, 
Yet  near  at  hand,  as  for  the  birds, 

There  waits  the  hunter  bold. 

We  wander  in  the  forests  dark, 

With  dogs  upon  our  track  ; 
And  like  the  captive,  silent  lamb 

Men  bring  us,  prisoners,  back. 
They  point  to  us  amid  the  throng 

And  with  their  taunts  offend  ; 
And  long  to  let  the  sharpened  axe 

On  heretics  descend." 

(Burrage,  p.9.  Ausbund,  pp.  19 1 -2). 


THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  9 

Here  are  the  first  and  last  stanzas  of  a  hymn  by  Leopold  Schneider, 
beheaded  in  Augsuburg  in  1528  : 

My  God,  Thee  will  I  praise 

When  my  last  hour  shall  come, 

And  then  my  voice  I'll  raise 

Within  the  heavenly  home. 

O  Lord,  most  merciful  and  kind, 

Now  strengthen  my  weak  faith, 

And  give  me  peace  of  mind  .  .  . 

To  Thee,  in  every  deed, 
My  spirit  I  commend, 
Help  me  in  all  my  need, 
And  let  me  ne'er  offend. 
Give  to  my  flesh  Thy  strength 
That  I  with  Thee  may  stand, 
A  conqueror  at  length." 

(Carey  Bonner,  Some  Baptist 
Hymnists,  1937,  p.20.     Ausbund,  pp.219,  222). 

Here  are  the  first  two  stanzas  of  the  hymn  by  Michael  Sattler,  and  in 
rendering  them,  I  have  tried  to  preserve  the  simplicity  of  the  original : 
"When  Christ  by  teaching  through  the  land 
Had  called  to  Him  a  tiny  band, 

'Patience,  My  friends'  they  heard  Him  say, 
'Take  up  and  bear  your  cross  each  day. 

'He  who  would  My  disciple  be, 

With  courage  and  with  constancy, 
Must  on  this  earth  love  more  than  all 
The  words  that  from  My  lips  do  fall.'  ' 

(Ausbund,  pp.46,  47). 

In  addition  to  these  early  martyr  hymns,  the  American  edition  of  the 
Ausbund  contains  three  dealing  with  the  sufferings  of  the  Swiss 
Anabaptists  in  the  seventeenth  century,  the  sufferings  of  which  some 
account  is  given  in  the  appendix  to  the  book.  One  comes  from  Hans 
Landis,  executed  in  Zurich  in  1614  (no.  132).  The  last  two  hymns  in 
the  main  collection  deal  with  happenings  in  Berne,  where  a  leading 
Anabaptist,  Hans  Haslibacher,  was  beheaded  in  1571. 

(2)  So  much  for  this  particular  type  of  hymn.  There  is  much  else  in 
the  Ausbund.  We  turn,  next,  to  rhymed  versions  of  scripture.  These 
are  of  considerable  interest.  There  are,  for  example,  eight  metrical 
psalms.  The  psalms  in  question  are  the  thirty-fourth  (no.  126),  the 
thirty-fifth  (127),  the  fiftieth  (128),  the  fifty-fourth  (83),  the  eighty- 


10  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

sixth  (129),  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-sixth  (86),  the  one  hundred 
and  thirty-first  (130)  and  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-third  (84). 
They  appear  in  no  particular  order,  but  are  scattered  at  various  points 
in  the  Ausbund.  Though  several  of  these  psaims  deal  with  the  afflictions 
of  the  righteous,  it  is  not  very  clear  why  they  and  not  some  others 
were  chosen  for  treatment  in  this  way.  Luther  and  Justus  Jonas  had, 
of  course,  set  the  fashion  in  German  metrical  versions,  but  these 
Anabaptist  versions  appear  to  be  quite  independent.  It  is  perhaps  of 
interest  to  note  that  in  preparing  his  German  Bible,  Luther  made  use 
of  the  translation  of  Isaiah  and  other  of  the  prophets  made  in  Strasbourg 
in  1526  by  Ludwig  Hetzer  and  Hans  Denck,  both  of  whom  were 
associated  with  the  early  days  of  the  Anabaptist  movement.  C.E.P. 
Wackernagel,  who  last  century  laid  the  foundations  for  the  study  of 
German  hymnology,  quotes  a  metrical  version  of  Psalm  37  by  Hetzer, 
one  stanza  of  which  is  thus  rendered  by  Burrage  : 

"Fret  not  thyself,  O  pious  heart, 
Though  evil  men  surround  thee  ; 
The  godless  may  be  richer  here, 
But  that  should  not  confound  thee  ; 
For  like  the  herb  in  yonder  field 
They  too  ere  long  shall  wither, 
And  all  their  gain  shall  disappear 
Like  grass,  they  know  not  whither." 

(Burrage,  pp.  16-1 7). 

The  Ausbund  versions  are  of  this  type  and  at  least  bear 
comparison  with  the  earliest  metrical  psalms  in  our  own  language. 
There  is  also  a  somewhat  elaborated  rhyming  version  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer  (no.  1 04)  and  this  is  one  of  the  Passau  hymns  by  Hans  Betz  ; 
a  hymn  based  on  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  which  begins  with  the 
Beatitudes  (110)  ;  and  a  hymn  on  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  (50).  There 
are  also  rhymed  versions  of  narrative  passages,  e.g.  the  story  of  Moses' 
struggle  with  Pharoah  (116)  and  the  story  of  Lazarus  (53).  In  the 
six  hymns  which  appear  in  the  appendix,  two  are  of  this  character  : 
one  on  Abraham  and  the  sacrificing  of  Isaac  (App.  3)  and  one  on  Joseph 
and  his  brethren  (ibid.  4)  .  And  to  this  category  two  other  of  the  hymns 
must  be  added — the  first  in  the  appendix,  which  gives  the  story  of 
Tobias  and  the  Angel  from  the  book  of  Tobit,  and  the  fourth  in  the 
main  collection,  which  is  a  remarkable  version  of  the  terrible  story  in 
2  Maccabees,  chapter  7,  of  the  Jewish  woman,  who  had  to  witness  the 
torture  and  burning  of  her  seven  sons,  because  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
they  refused  to  taste  swine's  flesh.  In  another  of  the  hymns — and  one 
to  be  found  in  manuscript  in  Budapest — there  is  a  reference  to  the 
sufferings  of  Susanna  (no.  115),  so  that  it  would  appear  that  the 
Anabaptists  were  not  disposed  at  once  to  surrender  the  stories  from 


THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  11 

the  Apocrypha.    The  words  of  Scripture  were  clearly  their  meat  and 
drink,  and  all  the  hymns  are  closely  biblical  in  thought  and  phraseology. 

(3)  The  third  category  I  noted  consists  of  hymns  drawn  from  other 
sources.    Properly  to  isolate  these  is  a  task  beyond  my  knowledge  and 
skill  and  could  only  be  done  satisfactorily  by  someone  with  an  extensive 
acquaintance   with   German   hymnology.   Wackernagel   prepared   the 
way  for  this  and  in  1903  Rudolf  Wolkan,  professor  of  German  literature 
in  Vienna,  published  an  important  monograph  entitled  Die  Lieder  der 
Wiedertaufer .    So  far  as  this  group  of  borrowings  is  concerned,  I  can 
only  draw  attention  to  one  or  two  pieces  of  special  interest.   It  has  been 
stated  that  five  of  the  hymns  in  the  Ausbund  come  from  Michael 
Weisse's  Bohemian  Brethren's  German  hymnbook,  Ein  Neu  Gesang 
Buchlein,  which  appeared  in  1531,  but  I  have  been  unable  to  identify 
them  in  the  list  given  in  J.  T.  Mueller's  article  in  Julian.    The  hymn 
with  which  the  Ausbund  opens   is  thought  by  Wolkan  to  have  been 
composed  by  Sebastian  Franck  (1499-1542),  whose  spiritual  pilgrimage 
took  him  from  the  Roman  priesthood  to  the  Lutheran  ministry  and 
thence,  through  association  with  the  Anabaptists  of  the  Nurnberg 
neighbourhood,    to    an    independent    position.       Troeltsch    regarded 
Franck  as  "the  most  original"  of  the  Spiritual  Reformers.6  The  hymn 
in  the  Ausbund  is  a  lengthy  one  of  fourteen  seven-lined  stanzas.    The 
description  at  the  top  says  that  it  tells  how  Christians  should  pray  and 
sing  hymns  and  psalms  "in  spirit  and  in  truth".   It  invokes  the  example 
of  both  Old  and  New  Testaments.    No.  38  is  said  in  the  accompanying 
note  to  have  been  written  by  John  Huss,  though  it  is  not  easily  linked 
with  the  one  hymn  by  Huss  about  which  Julian  gives  information, 
namely,  the  Latin  "Jesus  Christus,  nostra  salus'h    No.  40  is  connected 
with  the  conviction  and  death  in  Augsburg  in  1524  of  two  Waldensian 
sympathisers  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  it  is  with  this  incident  that  The 
Martyrs'  Mirror  opens.    No.  118,  "Wach  auf,  wach  auf,  o  Menschen- 
kind",  a  long  poem  of  thirty-five  stanzas,  is  said  to  be  well-known  out 
side  Anabaptist  circles,  whatever  its  origin  may  be.     It  certainly  has 
similarities  in  wording  and  theme  with  Johan  Rist's  "Wach  auf,  wach 
auf,  du  sich're  Welt",  but  this  hymn  on  the  Second  Advent  did  not 
appear   until    165 1.7      There   seems   little   evidence   that   Anabaptist 
borrowings  were  extensive,  nor  would  one  expect  them  to  be. 

(4)  We  turn  to  the  more  general  hymns.    This  category  is  naturally 
a  very  varied  one.     Pride  of  place  must  be  given  to  the  important 
Bffkenntiftslitd  (no.  2),  at  one  time  ascribed  to  Denck,  but  now  thought 
to  be  the  work  of  Peter  Riedemann,  though  tiie  Ausbund  itself  gives 
no  indication  as  to  origin  or  authorship.    This  very  significant  hymn 
of  ninety-nine  lines  is  in  three  equal  sections,  the  first  devoted  to  God, 
Creator  and  Father,  the  second  to  Jesus  Christ,  Son  of  God  and  Saviour, 


12  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

and  the  third  to  the  Holy  Ghost.  It  is  in  effect  a  rhymed  and  somewhat 
elaborated  version  of  the  Apostles'  Creed.  Such  versions  were  known 
in  various  places  in  the  sixteenth  century.8  The  Anabaptists  have  some 
times  been  accused  of  heretical  notions  on  the  main  doctrines  of  the 
faith,  or  at  least  of  carelessness  regarding  them.  It  is  true  that  certain 
individual  Anabaptists  and  certain  groups — Melchior  Hoffman  and 
his  followers,  for  example — held  an  unorthodox  Christology,  though 
they  did  not  themselves  invent  the  theory  of  Christ's  passing  through 
the  body  of  Mary  instead  of  assuming  our  humanity.  What  is  interesting 
and  important,  however,  is  the  fact  that  the  compilers  of  the  Ausbund 
in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  set  at  the  beginning  of  the 
book  this  version  of  Christendom's  oldest  and  most  widely  accepted 
Creed.  The  suggested  linking  with  Peter  Riedemann  (1506-56)  is  not 
unlikely.  He  belonged  to  the  Hutterites,  one  of  the  main  Anabaptist 
groups  in  Moravia,  and  suffered  more  than  one  term  of  imprisonment. 
While  in  prison  in  Hesse  in  1540,  he  wrote  his  Rechenschaft,  or  Con 
fession  of  Faith — now  available  in  an  attractive  English  edition,  thanks 
to  the  Wheathill  Bruderhof.  Part  of  that  work  consists  of  a  clause  by 
clause  exposition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed.9  In  his  penetrating  and  most 
welcome  book,  The  Protestant  Tradition,  Dr.  J.  S.  Whale  has  suggested 
that  David  Joris  "comes  as  near  as  anyone  to  being  a  fair  representative 
of  sixteenth  century  Anabaptism  as  a  whole."  (op.  cit.  p. 205)  .  This 
I  find  a  somewhat  surprising  judgment.  Peter  Riedemann,  who  died 
the  same  year  as  Joris,  was,  I  believe,  a  far  more  representative  figure. 

Side  by  side  with  the  Bekenntnislied  we  may  set  a  group  of  hymns 
which  expound  the  teaching  of  the  Swiss  Brethren.  No.  1 25  takes  note 
of  the  fact  that  they  are  called  "Wiedertaufer",  rebaptizers,  Anabaptists. 
A  somewhat  over-colloquial  rendering  of  one  of  the  verses  of  this  hymn 
might  run  as  follows  : 

"Where'er  the  good  man  goes  today 
They  shout  out  after  him  and  say  : 
'This  re-baptizing  is  absurd  ; 
Why  don't  you  join  the  general  herd  ?  ' 

(Ausbund,  p.739). 

But  the  hymn,  which  is  found  also  in  the  old  Hutterite  hymnbook, 
goes  on  at  great  length  to  set  out  New  Testament  teaching,  describing 
in  some  detail  the  broad  and  the  narrow  way.  Another  hymn  (no.  54) 
gives  a  critical  account  of  Infant  Baptism  and  its  weaknesses  when 
judged  at  the  bar  of  the  New  Testament.  One  verse  refers  to  Luther 
by  name.  It  runs  : 

"Luther  says  :    everything  that  God  wants, 

He  has  undoubtedly  commanded. 
Now  I  ask  all  the  learned  ones  : 

Where  is  infant  baptism  commanded  ?" 


THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  13 

This  is,  so  far  as  I  have  noted,  the  only  specific  allusion  to  the  great 
Reformer  in  the  whole  book,  and  I  have  found  no  references  to  any  other 
of  the  more  famous  contemporaries  of  the  sixteenth  century  Anabaptists. 
The  immediately  following  hymn  (no.  55)  has  the  Lord's  Supper  as 
its  subject.  It  consists  of  twenty-nine  six-lined  stanzas  and  breathes 
a  fervent  devotion  to  Christ.  The  Anabaptists  rejected  transub- 
stantiation  and  consubstantiation.  They  have  sometimes  been  accused 
of  mere  memorialism,  but  this  hymn  goes  far  beyond  that.  One  of  its 
most  interesting  features  is  its  emphasis  on  the  unity  of  those  who 
participate  in  the  Supper  and  the  symbolizing  of  this  in  the  loaf  and 
the  cup;'  The  famous  prayer  from  the  Didache  comes  to  mind.  The 
lines  about  this  in  the  Ausbund  hymn  may  be  compared  with  the  words 
of  Claus  Felbringer,  a  Hutterite  beheaded  in  Bavaria  in  1560  : 

"Even  as  natural  bread  is  composed  by  the  coming  together  of 
many  grains,  ground  under  the  mill-stones,  and  each  giving  the 
others  all  it  possesses,  they  have  community  one  with  another, 
and  they  become  one  loaf  ;  and  as,  likewise,  the  wine  is  composed 
of  many  grapes,  each  sharing  its  juice  with  the  rest  in  the  wine 
press,  so  that  they  become  one  drink  ;  even  so  are  we  also,  in 
that  we  become  completely  one  nature  with  Him,  in  life  and 
death,  and  are  all  one  in  Christ  ;  He  the  vine  and  we  the  branches, 
He  the  head  and  we  His  members."10 

There  is  also  a  long  hymn  (no.  119)  said  to  be  used  by  the  Old  Amish 
at  the  footwashings  which  still  accompany  the  Lord's  Supper.  There 
are  hymns  on  brotherhood,  or  perhaps  better  said,  the  Koinonia 
of  believers,  so  much  emphasised  in  the  New  Testament  and  so  charac 
teristic  of  the  Swiss  Brethren  and  their  followers  (nos.  56  and  57). 
No.  66  is  devoted  to  the  two  contrasted  swords — that  of  the  Spirit 
and  that  wielded  by  the  magistrate.  No.  71  deals  with  man's  three 
hereditary  enemies— the  World,  the  Flesh  and  the  Devil.  There  are 
three  parting  hymns  (nos.  134-136),  the  last  of  which  has  been  linked 
with  the  name  of  young  Michael  Sattler.  Three  of  the  hymns,  (nos.  69, 
97  and  122)  are  used  by  the  Old  Amish  at  weddings.  No.  138  is  a  funeral 
hymn.  These  are  the  hymns  of  a  developing  community.  Delight 
in  the  good  works  of  the  Creator  finds  expression  time  and  time  again, 
but — in  contrast  to  so  many  modern  hymnbooks — there  seems  to  be 
only  one  hymn  devoted  to  Nature,  an  interesting  composition  (no.  47) 
on  Winter  and  Summer,  the  former  pictured  as  signifying  the  Law 
and  the  latter,  Christ.  As  an  indication  that  the*re  might  be  in  some  of 
these  hymns  material  worth  preserving  in  the  hymnody  of  the  Church, 
for  its  own  sake  and  not  just  for  historical  reasons,  let  me  offer  a 
rendering  of  the  hymn  known  as  the  Lobgesang  (no.  131).  One  of  the 
best  known  of  the  hymns,  and  still  used  by  the  Amish  at  the  beginning 
of  every  worship  service,  it  is  set  in  the  Ausbund  to  the  old  German 


34  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

melody  of  the  sixteenth  century,  "Aus  tiefer  Noth",  which  appears 
as  "Coburg"  in  Congregational  Praise.  This  tune  has  now,  I  understand, 
been  found  to  correspond  to  a  secular  melody  "Es  wollt  ein  Magdlein 
Wasser  holen".    It  may  also  be  sung  to  "Luther's  Hymn". 
"O  Father  God,  Thy  name  we  praise, 

To  Thee  our  hymns  addressing, 
And  joyfully  our  voices  raise, 
Thy  faithfulness  confessing. 
Thy  hand  has  gathered  us,  O  Lord  ; 
We  seek  new  guidance  from  Thy  Word  ; 
Now  grant  to  us  Thy  blessing. 

Touch,  Lord,  the  lips  that  speak  for  Thee  ; 

Set  words  of  truth  before  us, 
That  we  may  grow  in  constancy, 

The  light  of  wisdom  o'er  us. 
Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread  ; 
May  hungry  souls  once  more  be  fed  ; 

May  heavenly  food  restore  us. 

Lord,  make  Thy  pilgrim  people  wise, 

The  gospel  message  knowing, 
That  we  may  walk  with  lightened  eyes 

In  grace  and  goodness  growing. 
The  righteous  must  Thy  precepts  heed  ; 
Thy  Word  alone  supplies  their  need, 

From  heaven  their  succour  flowing. 

As  with  our  brethren  here  we  meet, 

Thy  grace  alone  can  feed  us  ; 
As  here  we  gather  at  Thy  feet, 

We  pray  that  Thou  wilt  heed  us. 
The  power  is  Thine,  O  Lord  Divine, 
The  Kingdom  and  the  rule  are  Thine. 

May  Jesus  Christ  still  lead  us." 

(Ausbund,  pp.77('t-771). 

(5)  Finally,  let  me  draw  attention  to  one  or  two  extremely  interesting 
historical  pieces.  The  first  comes  at  the  beginning  of  the  Ausbund 
(no.  3),  immediately  after  Sebastian  Franck's  exhortation  to  singing 
and  the  Bekenntnishcd.  It  consists  of  thirty-five  thirteen -lined  stanzas, 
that  is,  four  hundred  and  fifty-five  lines  in  all.  The  heading  states  : 
"Here  follow  some  Christian  and  praiseworthy  deeds  of  those  who 
sealed  their  faith  with  their  blood  ;  which  happening  to  many  in  our 
time,  in  many  cities  and  lands,  there  is  therefore  built  on  this  foundation 


THE  FIRST  FREE  CHUBCH  HYMNAL  (1583)  15 

gold,  silver  and  precious  stones.  1  Corinthians  3."  The  hymn  gives 
an  account  of  some  of  the  martyrs  of  Christian  history.  It  begins  with 
a  reference  to  the  sufferings  of  the  prophets — Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel, 
Daniel,  Amos,  Micah  and  Zechariah.  The  following  stanzas  speak  of 
the  sufferings  of  Christ  and  the  dark  deeds  of  Pilate  and  of  Herod. 
Then,  after  some  lines  on  Stephen,  come  references  to  the  persecutions 
of  Nero,  Domitian  and  Trajan.  Ignatius  and  Polycarp  are  alluded  to 
and  the  many  who  were  done  to  death  in  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 
The  martyrs  Sanctus,  Attalus  and  Blandina  find  a  place  ;  then  those 
who  suffered  under  the  Emperors  Severus,  Maximin  and  Decius, 
including  the  aged  woman  Apollonia  of  Alexandria.  The  persecutions 
under  Valerian  and  Aurelian  are  mentioned  and  then  the  great  one 
directed  by  Diocletian.  The  story  is  taken  further  and  we  have 
references  to  St.  Agnes,  St.  Margaret  and  St.  Catherine  ;  to  those  who 
suffered  under  Sapor  of  Persia  and  Genseric,  the  Vandal  ;  and  to  other 
an ti- Christian  rulers  who  allowed  true  believers  no  place.  The  last 
five  stanzas  assure  those  who  now  suffer  that  they  suffer  for  Christ 
and  that,  if  steadfast,  they  will  share  in  His  Kingdom.  It  is  a  remarkable 
poem  and  is  supplied  not  only  with  scriptural  references  but  also  with 
footnotes  referring  to  the  relevant  passages  in  Tertullian  and  Eusebius. 
We  may  assume,  perhaps,  that  it  was  composed  by  one  who  had  learned 
something  of  the  history  of  the  early  Church  during  his  training  for  the 
Roman  Catholic  priesthood,  for  not  a  few  of  the  first  group  of  Anabaptist 
leaders  were  former  priests  and  monks.  With  this  poem  are  to  be 
linked  no.  9  by  Hans  Biichel,  which  tells  at  length  the  story  of  Pura  and 
her  brother,  who  suffered  in  the  time  of  Valerian,  and  also  the  fifth 
hymn  in  the  appendix  which  relates  the  story  of  Dorothea,  a  young 
Christian  who  suffered  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  under  Diocletian 
and  whose  martyrdom  was  accompanied  by  the  appearance  of  roses 
and  apples  after  she  had  been  taunted  by  Theophilus  the  Advocate 
about  the  delights  of  Paradise. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  Anabaptists  turned  to  stories  like  these 
and  drew  comfort  from  them,  feeling  themselves  linked  with  a  martyr 
company  extending  back  to  the  early  days  of  the  Church. 

One  other  narrative  poem  has  to  be  mentioned,  though  it  is  of  a 
different  character  and  might  have  been  included  in  the  first  category 
I  mentioned,  since  it  has  specific  reference  to  an  episode  in  Anabaptist 
history.  It  is  the  final  song  in  the  appendix  and  comes  probably 
from  the  seventeenth  century.  Quite  recently  fresh  light  has  been 
thrown  on  the  unexpected  presence  in  Greece  in  the  years  1540-60 
of  small  companies  of  Anabaptists."  They  had  established  themselves 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Salonica,  having  travelled  there  probably 
by  sea  from  Italy.  Three  of  their  number  made  a  journey  by  land  up 
into  Moravia,  because  they  had  heard  there  were  fellow-believers 

2 


16  THE  FIRST  FREE  CHURCH  HYMNAL  (1583) 

there.  It  is  of  this  journey  that  the  poem  tells.  The  final  verse  is  not 
easy  to  render  into  English.  Part  at  least  of  its  meaning  may  be  suggested 
by  the  following  lines  : 

"Before  his  time  none  gets  the  crown  ; 

And  who  the  crown  would  win 

Fights  honestly  in  company 

And  then  may  enter  in.    Amen." 

Those  are  the  last  lines  of  the  Ausbund.  There  we  must  leave  this 
remarkable  book,  worthy  surely  of  far  greater  attention  than  it  has 
received.  What  the  hymns  lack  in  literary  merit  they  make  up  in 
sincerity  and  depth  of  conviction.  Burrage  pointed  out  that  there  is 
nothing  here  that  is  revolutionary  or  fanatical,  relatively  little  that  is 
polemical.  These  are  primarily  the  hymns  of  a  persecuted  people. 
The  constant  exhortations  to  steadfastness  are  not  unnatural.  What 
must  seem  most  surprising  to  those  still  influenced  by  the  older 
accounts  of  the  Anabaptists  is  the  prominence  of  the  moral  aspects  of 
the  Christian  faith.  These  men  and  women  believed  with  all  their 
hearts  in  redemption  by  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  but  they  also 
believed  that  the  work  of  grace  which  is  wrought  by  the  Spirit  in  the 
heart  will  appear  in  the  life.  Dr.  H.  S.  Bender,  the  Mennonite  scholar, 
has  suggested  that  the  Anabaptist  view  of  the  church  is  best  summed 
up  in  the  phrase  "The  Fellowship  of  Committed  Disciples".  They 
believed  that  one  day,  perhaps  soon,  Christ  would  vindicate  them. 
And  so  their  songs,  like  those  of  the  early  Church,  are  frequently 
songs  of  victory.  The  words  of  T.  R.  Glover  with  which  we  began, 
may  be  quoted  again  :  "The  victory  songs  were  a  little  premature  ? 
Were  they  ?  They  helped  to  win  the  victory". 

ERNEST  A.  PAYNE. 

1      Studies  in  Mystical  Religion,  p.392. 

*  History  of  the  Reformation,  II,  449-450. 

1  As  late  as  1692  the  government  of  Bern  placed  the  book  on  the  proscribed  list  and  ordered 
its  confiscation,  when  found.  There  were  Swiss  editions,  printed  at  Basel  in  1809  and  1838, 
1  know  of  no  European  ones  later  than  the  19th  century.  The  Mennonite  settlers  estab 
lished  themselves  in  Germantown  in  1638,  the  first  group  coming  from  Krefeld  in 
Germany. 

*  In  1946  a  MS  (Codex  Geiser)  was  found  in  a  Mennonite  farmhouse  in  Switzerland.     It 
contains  thirteen  hymns  said  to  have  been  taken  from  an  Anabaptist  hymnal  of  1620. 
None  is  in  the  Ausbund. 

'  Cp  Beatrice  Jenny,  Das  Schleitheimer  Tauferbekenntnis  1527,  1951,  and  E.  A.  Payne, 
"Michael  Sattler  and  the  Schleitheim  Confession"  Baptist  Quarterly,  vol.xiv,  1952, 
pp.337f. 

4     The  Social  Teaching  of  the  Christian  Churches,  II,  760. 

7     Julian   p  1229 

*  W.  D.  Maxwell,  An  Outline  of  Christian  Worship,  p.79,   refers  to  the  Atx.Jes'  Creed 
in  German  metre  in  Luther's  Deutsche  Messe,  1526.    The  same  author  in   his  Worship  in 
the  Church  of  Scotland,  p. 51,  refers  to  the  occasional  use  of  metrical  versions  of  the  Apostles' 
Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  Reformed  Worship  of  Scotland.     Following  Calvin 
this  took  place,  if  at  all,  on  Communion  Sundays.    See  also  the  same  author's  John  Knox  t 
Geneva  Service  Book,  1556. 

Cf.  the  exposition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  by  Leonhard  Schiemer  (d.1528).    Lydia  Muller, 

Glaubenszeugnisse  oberdeut scher  Taufgesinnier,  1938,  pp.44f. 

'•     Felbringer's  full  Confession  is  reprinted  in  the  Mennonite  Quarterly  Revieto  for  April,  1955. 
"     Cf.  Mennonite  Quarterly  Review,  January,  1955. 


Stepney  Meeting:    The  Pioneers1 

THE  institution  of  this  May  Day  Lecture  was  on  this  wise.  Men 
tend  to  spoil  and  corrupt  what  is  innocent  and  beautiful  and  of 
good  report  ;  and  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  the  cele 
brations  of  May  Day,  with  the  dancing  round  the  Maypole,  had  become 
an  opportunity  for  drunkenness,  coarseness,  roughness,  wildness  and 
sexual  immorality.  On  this  account,  May  Day  celebrations  had  been 
prohibited  while  the  Puritans  were  in  power  ;  but  with  the  restoration 
of  Charles  II  they  all  came  in  again,  and  no  sweeter  than  before  ; 
and  as  time  went  on,  and  the  royal  court  set  the  worst  possible  example 
for  loose  morals,  the  May  Day  junketing  grew  worse  also.  In  1680 
Oliver  Heywood,  who  held  something  of  the  position  among  Yorkshire 
Nonconformists  that  our  Matthew  Mead  held  in  London,  wrote  of 
May  Day  at  Halifax  :  "many  of  them  were  drunk  and  mad  towards 
night :  there  was  never  such  work  in  Halifax  above  50  yeares  past".2 
Evidently  things  were  much  the  same  here  in  Stepney  ;  and  Matthew 
Mead  felt  he  must  do  something  about  it,  and  not  simply  negatively, 
to  condemn  what  was  going  on,  but  positively,  to  redeem  the  day  and 
claim  it  for  Christ.  "In  April  1674,"  he  writes, 

A  Gentleman  (who  was  till  then  a  stranger  to  me)  came  with 
an  earnest  request  that  I  would  undertake  the  Preaching  of  a 
Sermon  yearly  on  every  May-day  to  the  younger  people.  I  desiring 
to  know  his  reason  why  to  them,  rather  then  to  others  ?  and  why 
on  that  day  rather  then  upon  any  other  ?  he  told  me,  that  it  had 
often  been  the  grief  of  his  Soul  to  behold  the  vitious  and  debauched 
practises  of  Youth,  on  that  day  of  liberty.  And  did  hope  that 
many  might  be  induced,  either  by  their  own  inclinations,  or  by 
the  counsels  of  their  Parents,  or  Masters,  rather  to  spend  their 
time  in  hearing  a  Sermon,  then  in  drinking  and  gaming  &c.  by 
which  means  many  might  be  converted  and  saved.  The  design 
being  so  honest,  and  the  reason  so  cogent,  I  was  perswaded  to 
comply  with  it :  and  began  upon  the  following  May  Day,  and 
so  it  hath  been  continued  ever  since  ;  and  I  may  say  it,  not  in 
any  boast,  but  to  the  praise  of  the  glory  of  the  grace  of  God,  with 
great  success.3 

Such  was  the  origin  of  this  Lecture  ;  and,  although  in  his  funeral 
sermon  for  Matthew  Mead,  John  Howe  said,  "it  may,  in  time,  be 
forgotten,  that  ever  such  a  Man  as  Mr.  Mead,  was  Minister  in 
Stepney  !",4  that  time  has  not  yet  been  reached.  With  all  the  chances 
and  changes  of  this  mortal  life,  and  despite  the  destruction  of  Stepney 
Meeting  House  during  the  last  war,  Stepney  Meeting  is  not  destroyed, 
Matthew  Mead  is  not  forgotten,  and  his  May  Day  Sermon  or  Lecture 

17 


18  STEPNEY  MEETING  :    THE  PIONEERS 

is  still  delivered  :  thanks  be  to  God,  who  has  not  deserted  us  in  the 
day  of  small  things  !  And  incidentally  did  you  notice  that  the  actual 
originator  of  the  idea  of  the  thing  was  not  Mead  himself  at  all,  but 
"a  Gentleman"  unnamed,  one  of  the  great  number  of  the  influential 
anonymous,  like  those  unnamed  brethren  who  came  out  from  Rome 
to  meet  St.  Paul,  "whom  when  Paul  saw,  he  thanked  God  and  took 
courage" ? 

Of  the  Gentleman  we  know  no  more  ;  but  we  know  much  of  Matthew 
Mead,  the  famous  father  of  a  yet  more  famous  son,  Dr.  Richard  Mead, 
to  a  suggestion  from  whom  we  owe  Guy's  Hospital  and  of  whom, 
when  celebrating  the  bicentenary  of  his  death  in  1954,  a  writer  in  the 
Manchester  Guardian  said  "Few  Londoners  have  done  more  to  earn  the 
regard  of  their  fellow-citizens".  Matthew  Mead  gave  almost  his  whole 
life  to  Stepney  and  Stepney  Meeting.  He  became  a  member  of  this 
church  in  1656,  when  he  was  Morning  Lecturer  at  Stepney  Parish 
Church,  where  William  Greenhill,  the  equally  famous  first  minister 
of  this  church,  was  then  Evening  Lecturer.  At  the  Restoration,  when 
they  were  deprived  of  their  Lectureships,  both  men  were  suspected 
(no  doubt  wrrongly)  of  being  involved  in  a  plot  against  the  Government, 
and  for  a  time  Mead  thought  it  wise  to  withdraw  to  Holland  ;  but 
in  1669  he  was  called  to  assist  Greenhill  as  pastor  here,  and  he  is 
accordingly  reported  in  the  bishops'  returns  preserved  at  Lambeth 
as  preaching  'At  Mr  Greenhills  house  next  Stepney  Church'3  as  well 
as  elsewhere  in  this  district.  Two  years  later,  when  Greenhill  died, 
Mead  succeeded  him  as  pastor  and  was  ordained  here  by  John  Owen 
and  others,  ordination  being  then  thought  of  by  us  as  only,  as  indeed 
we  still  think  of  it  as  being  pre-eminently,  in  relation  to  a  pastoral 
charge  ;  and  here  for  another  quarter  of  a  century  he  ministered  till 
his  death  in  October  1699,  his  last  sermon  having  been  his  May  Day 
Lecture  earlier  in  the  year  ;  though  now  failing,  he  would  not  give 
that  up.  Matthew  Mead  was  a  man  of  means  ;  his  congregation  here 
at  Stepney  was  the  largest  in  London6;  when  in  1674  the  meeting 
house  was  built,  the  States  of  Holland  presented  him  with  the  pillars 
to  uphold  its  roof.  But  do  not  think  that  his  ministry  here  was  easy, 
or  his  life  a  quiet  one.  Far  from  it.  In  1678  he  was  fined  £40  for  preach 
ing  within  five  miles  of  his  former  post  at  Stepney  Church  ;  in  1681 
he  was  prosecuted  again  ;  in  1682,  for  preaching  five  times,  he  was 
fined  ^180  and  his  goods  were  seized  ;  in  1683  he  was  again  suspected 
of  complicity  in  a  plot  and  was  prosecuted  for  refusing  to  attend  the 
parish  church  and  for  holding  a  separate  meeting  of  his  own.  No, 
his  life  was  not  an  easy  one.  He  must  have  had  a  firm  and  fine  faith 
to  hold  fast  to,  when  there  were  so  many  trials  to  face,  so  many  tempta 
tions  to  conform  and  go  with  the  stream.  But  before  we  consider  that, 
let  us  look  at  his  predecessor,  William  Greenhill. 


STEPNEY  MEETING;   THE  PIONEERS  19 

Greenhill,  of  course,  was  an  older  man,  born  right  back  in  the  days 
of  Queen  Elizabeth  I  before  the  sixteenth  century  had  run  its  course  ; 
and  he  was  ordained  by  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  in  1628,  before  ever 
the  Civil  Wars  and  the  Puritan  troubles  had  started.  We  do  not  know 
how  he  came  to  hold  Congregational  convictions,  though  1  think  it 
was  probably  while  he  was  a  Rector  in  Suffolk,  a  part  of  the  country 
where  they  were  spreading  rapidly  ;  but  in  1641  he  became  Evening 
Lecturer  at  Stepney  Parish  Church,  and  only  three  years  later,  when 
this  church  was  formed,  he  became  its  pastor,  and  so  he  remained  till 
his  death  nearly  thirty  years  afterwards.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable 
that,  although  this  church  was  formed  so  early  as  1644  and  may  thus 
claim  to  be  among  the  very  oldest  Congregational  churches  anywhere 
in  the  world,  with  probably  the  most  ancient  Church  Book  in  existence, 
it  had  only  these  two  ministers  throughout  the  seventeenth  century  : 
William  Greenhill  and  Matthew  Mead.  At  the  Restoration  Greenhill, 
like  Mead,  lost  his  lectureship,  and  also  his  living  (for  in  1652  he  had 
become  Vicar  of  Stepney)  ;  but  he  did  not  desert  this  church,  despite 
the  threat,  and  later  the  hard  fact,  of  prosecution  and  obstruction. 
Greenhill,  again  like  Mead,  had  private  means  ;  and  the  way  he  used 
it  in  his  lifetime  we  may  guess  from  the  fact  that  at  his  death  he  left  £20 
to  be  distributed  among  twenty  poor  families  of  the  'Society  I  belong 
to',  i.e.  this  church  ;  £10  to  the  poor  of  Stepney,  without  regard  to 
their  church  membership  ;  and  £100  for  'poor  and  Godly  ejected 
Ministers'.7  Greenhill,  we  may  think,  may  have  had  even  more  tempta 
tion  than  Mead  to  conform  and  to  leave  this  church  without  a  shepherd. 
Mead,  it  is  true,  was  young  and  had  his  life  before  him,  to  make  or 
mar  ;  but  in  1662  Greenhill  was  far  more  eminent  :  he  was  a  man  in 
the  sixties,  who  had  not  only  sat  in  the  renowned, Westminster  Assembly 
of  Divines  but,  after  the  execution  of  Charles  I,  had  been  appointed 
by  Parliament  chaplain  to  three  of  the  King's  children.  He  might 
well  have  held  that  he  had  done  his  life's  work  and  might  now  retire 
into  private  life  rather  than  continue  as  pastor  of  what  had  become  an 
illegal  and  scorned  society  and  himself  risk  severe  penalties,  as  he  did, 
not  occasionally  but  whenever  he  preached,  indeed  all  the  time,  since 
he  continued  to  live  in  his  old  haunts,  still  here,  at  Stepney.  What, 
then,  \\as  at  the  heart  of  his,  and  of  Mead's,  behaviour  ?  Why  did 
they  pioneer  the  way  of  Nonconformity  here  ?  a  way  of  suffering,  ;  s 
for  pioneers  it  so  often  is.  What  was  their  faith  ? 

Their  faith,  as  they  would  have  said  themselves,  was  the  Christian 
faith.  Nothing  more.  But  also,  nothing  less.  As  I  have  looked  at  some 
of  their  books,  and  at  the  titles  of  some  I  have  not  read,  that  is  what 
bears  itself  in  upon  me.  They  would  stand  to  the  truth  as  they  knew 
it,  with  their  lives  ;  and  the  truth  as  they  knew  it  was  the  truth  as  it  is 
in  Jesus  :  nothing  less  ;  but  also  nothing  more.  They  would  resist 

2  * 


20  STEPNEY  MEETING  :   THE  PIONEERS 

the  temptation  to  be  worldly  and  to  pretend  that  things  were  not  true 
which  they  very  well  knew  were  true,  or  that  they  did  not  believe  what 
in  their  hearts  they  did  believe  ;  but  equally  they  would  resist  the 
temptation  to  conform  and  to  pretend  that  things  were  true,  or  essential, 
which  they  held  were  in  doubt,  or  optional,  or  that  they  believed  in 
the  necessity  of  things  which  in  their  hearts  they  believed  should  be  left 
free.  "Ye  shall  know  the  truth,  and  the  truth  shall  make  you  free"  ; 
nothing  else  can  do  that  ;  and  what  is  not  the  truth  must  be  cut  away, 
and  must  be  left  away.  "Buy  the  truth,  and  sell  it  not,"  Greenhill 
printed  from  Proverbs  23.26  on  the  titlepage  of  one  of  his  books  ; 
and  wrote  in  it,  "Happy  be  the  souls  so  resolved,  they  will  buy  the 
Truth  what  ever  it  cost  them" ;  and  again,  "As  Christ  will  own  nothing 
but  what  is  appointed  of  the  Lord  ;  so  those  are  with  him  will  not 
own  the  superstitious  appointments  of  men  but  cleave  to  the  Institution 
of  God,  though  out  of  place  and  despised";  and  when  he  wrote  that, 
it  had  meaning  for  him  personally  ;  for  he  wrote  it  in  1662 — on  May 
Day,  strangely  enough,  on  the  First  of  the  Third  Month,  as  May  Day 
was  then  called — ,  in  1662,  only  a  few  months  before  the  ministers  were 
ejected  all  over  the  country,  and  when  he  himself  was  already  'out  of 
place'  as  Vicar  of  Stepney  and  'despised'.  "Reader,"  he  wrote,  "it  is 
dangerous  to  Symbolize  with  the  Superstitious  Rites,  and  inventions 
of  men".  He  referred  to  the  Prayer  Book  and  to  ordination  by  the 
laying  on  of  bishops'  hands.  Both  were  now  to  be  made  compulsory  ; 
and  to  neither  would  he  be  party.  Greenhill  recognized  what  may  be 
called  the  negative  element  in  Christianity  :  earlier,  he  had  preached 
a  sermon  entitled  The  Axe  at  the  Root,  using  an  image  beloved  of  the 
more  radical  Puritans,  those  who  were  determined  for  reformation 
'root  and  branch'.  "Buy  the  truth,  and  sell  it  not";  and  the  truth  is 
single  and  unencumbered.  Greenhill  was  true-hearted. 

But,  if  he  was  true-hearted,  unswerving  in  his  devotion  to  the  truth 
and  to  nothing  more,  he  was  also  whole-hearted,  utterly  convinced 
that  the  Christian  faith  demanded  the  whole  of  him  and  nothing  less. 
This  is  a  characteristic  which  he  shared  with  his  young  friend,  Matthew 
Mead.  In  1662,  the  year  when  the  ministers  were  ejected,  Mead 
published  his  first  book,  with  the  striking  title  The  Almost  Christian 
Discovered  (that  is,  'shown  up'),  a  book  which  was  reprinted  all  through 
the  years  of  persecution  till  by  1684  it  had  been  issued  eleven  times- 
it  was  also  translated  into  Dutch  ;  and  in  the  middle  of  that  time,  in 
the  year  before  his  death,  Greenhill  came  out  with  The  Sound-hearted 
Christian.  Both  these  books  must  have  made  wavering  feet  steadier 
and  inspired  many  a  faltering  heart.  The  'almost'  Christian —  a 
reference  to  Agrippa's  words  to  St.  Paul  in  Acts  26.28 — is  no  good, 
especially  in  days  of  hardship  ;  we  have  to  be  whole-hearted,  sound- 
hearted  Christians,  Christians  in  every  part  of  ourselves,  Christians 


STEPNEY  MEETING  :   THE  PIONEERS  21 

and  nothing  else.  So  Greenhill  writes,  in  sharp  and  stabbing  phrases, 
"Do  not  Judaize,  do  not  Gentilize,  do  not  Romanize,  but  see  you 
Christianize".8  Do  not  be  content,  that  is  to  say,  to  be  worldly,  or  just 
'natural',  or  just  'human',  as  we  say  ;  or  to  think  that  religion  is  just 
a  matter  of  the  intellect  ;  or  a  matter  of  expediency  and  compromise  ; 
or  even  of  obedience  to  the  government  and  to  the  law  ;  or  even  of 
going  to  church  and  communion  regularly  ;  or  even  of  keeping  rules 
and  regulations  in  a  decent  moral  way.  "See  you  Christianize"  :  bring 
all  these  things,  that  is  to  say,  all  these  sides  of  life,  and  many  more, 
to  Christ,  to  the  bar  of  His  judgment,  to  the  touch  of  His  transforming 
power  ;  until  everything  you  do,  and  all  you  are,  is  Christian,  soundly 
and  wholly  Christian,  nothing  else  and  nothing  less.  So  of  Mead 
John  Howe  said  :  "he  drove  at  his  mark,  without  diversion  ;  not  so 
much  aiming  to  proselyte  Souls  to  a  Party,  as  to  Christ.  And  to  engage 
men,  as  much  as  in  him  lay,  to  be  sound  and  thorough  Christians  .  .  . 
And  his  annual  course,  of  preaching  a  Sermon  on  May-day,  to  Young 
Men,  had  the  same  manifest  scope,  and  aim".' 

I  would  say  one  thing  further.  You  might  suppose  from  all  this 
that  Greenhill  and  Mead  were  narrow.  They  must  often  have  been 
tempted  to  be  so  ;  but  they  were  not.  Besides  being  true-hearted  and 
whole-hearted,  they  were  large-hearted.  While  keen  and  clear  in 
their  own  principles,  they  were  both  deeply  concerned  for  unity  with 
other  Christians  :  they  must  have  suffered  the  more  on  this  account 
over  their  ejection  and  rough  handling  by  other  Christians.  Greenhill 
was  a  member  not  only  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  which  was 
predominantly  Presbyterian,  but  of  the  meeting  of  representatives  of 
120  Congregational  churches  at  the  Savoy  in  1658  and  was  one  of 
those  deputed  to  draw  up  the  Declaration  then  issued  ;  and  in  this 
he  urged  "a  constant  correspondence  .  .  .  for  counsel  and  mutual 
edification",  both  "associations  among  our  selves"  and  a  "holding  out 
common  lights  to  others".  It  was  the  same  with  Mead.  "So  as  nothing 
be  made  necessary  to  Christian  Communion,"  said  Howe  at  his  funeral 
—note  the  characteristic  limitation,  "but  what  Christ  hath  made 
necessary  ;  or  what  is  indeed  necessary  to  one's  being  a  Christian", 
"his  Judgment  in  reference  to  matters  of  Church  Order,  was  for 
Union,  and  Communion  of  all  visible  Christians"  ;10  and  when  in  1691 
an  attempt,  an  unsucessful  but  a  valiant  attempt,  was  made  to  unite 
the  Congregational  churches  here  in  London  with  the  Presbyterian, 
it  was  Mead  who  was  chosen  to  preach  the  sermon.  He  entitled  it 
Two  Sticks  Made  One,  with  a  reference  to  a  verse  (35.19)  in  Ezekiel. 
Ezekiel  was  a  book  specially  dear  to  him,  as  it  was  also  to  his  master 
Greenhill,  who  published  five  bulky  volumes  in  exposition  of  it  ;  and 
their  choice  is  wholly  in  keeping  with  their  interests  and  characters. 
"Ezekiel,"  writes  Dr.  Wheeler  Robinson,  "might  be  called  par  excellence 


22  STEPNEY  MEETING  :   THE  PIONEERS 

the  prophet  of  ruach,""  i.e.  the  Holy  Spirit ;  again,  Ezekiel,  writes 
Professor  M'Fadyen,  "is  the  first  Hebrew  pastor.  .  .  .  His  ideal  in 
religion  is  anything  but  a  mystic  isolation,  it  is  a  community  of  saved 
and  worshipping  souls,  drawn  to  each  other  because  drawn  to  their 
common  Lord".12  I  know  no  better  description  of  the  ideal  we  Congre- 
gationalists  still  seek  than  that. 

GEOFFREY  F.  NUTTALL. 


The  282nd  May  Day  Lecture  at  Stepney  Meeting,  1956  (slightly  abbreviated). 
Oliver  Heywood,  Autobiography,  ed.  J.  H.  Turner,  ii.271. 
Matthew  Mead,  The  Good  of  Early  Obedience  (1683),  epistle  to  reader. 
John  Howe,  A  Funeral- Sermon  for  .  .  .  Matthew  Mead  (1699),  p.59. 
Original  Records,  ed.  G.  L.  Turner,  i.  89. 
Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Mead. 

Calamy  Revised,  ed.  A.  G.  Matthews,  s.v.  Greenhill. 
All  the  passages  quoted  from  Greenhill  are  from  his  Exposition  Continued  Upon  The 

Nineteen  last  Chapters  of  the  Prophet  Ezekiel  (1662),  epistle  to  reader. 
op.  cit.  p.54. 
op.  cit.,  pp.54f. 

H.  Wheeler  Robinson,  Two  Hebrew  Prophets,  p.91. 
J.  E.  M'Fadyen,  in  Peake's  Commentary,  p. 503. 


Some  Congregational  Relations 
With  The  Labour  Movement 


ON  the  whole  Victorian  and  Edwardian  Nonconformity  was 
stedfastly  allied  to  the  Liberal  Party.  The  historical  reasons 
for  this  are  plain  :  the  association  of  Anglicanism  and  Toryism 
and  the  role  of  the  Liberal  Party  in  removing  all  burdens  of  social 
inequality.  The  alliance  provides  a  reason  for  the  small  part  played 
by  Nonconformity  in  the  rise  of  the  Labour  movement.  The  Methodists, 
traditionally  Tory,  were  thus  able  to  play  a  greater  part  than  the  older 
Dissent,  which  remained  faithful  to  Gladstone,  ironically  a  High 
Anglican,  through  every  vicissitude.  But  the  main  reason  for  the 
failure  to  gain  control  of  the  Labour  movement  was  the  middle  class 
character  of  the  older  Nonconformity.  Here  again  the  Methodists 
had  the  advantage.  Some  Congregationalists  were  proud  of  the  middle 
class  character  of  their  membership,1  but  Keir  Hardie,  familiar  with 
Nonconformity,  spoke  with  the  support  of  the  working  classes  when 
he  attacked  class  distinctions  in  the  Churches.  The  workers,  he  claimed, 
'would  often  find  even  the  Churches  marked  off  in  sections,  one  part 
for  those  who  did  not  care  to  associate  with  the  common  herd,  the 
seats  luxuriously  cushioned  and  the  kneeling  stools  well  upholstered, 
in  striking  contrast  to  the  accommodation  for  the  poorer  classes  .  .  . 
They  were  sometimes  asked  why  the  working  man  did  not  attend 
church,  but  was  it  to  be  wondered  at  ?'2 

There  were  however  some  contacts.  The  Congregationalists 
remained  Liberals,  but  their  support  was  given  to  the  Left  of  the 
Party.  They  were  thus  associated  with  that  element  in  it  which  was 
attempting  to  break  free  from  Whig  control  and  to  link  the  working 
classes  with  a  revitalized  Radicalism. 

A  representative  of  this  point  of  view  was  Edward  Miall  (1809-81), 
notorious  rather  than  famous  for  the  slogan  of  his  weekly  newspaper, 
the  Nonconformist  :  'The  Dissidence  of  Dissent  and  the  Protestantism 
of  the  Protestant  Religion*.  Though  Miall  is  a  well-known  figure,  it 
has  not  always  been  noticed  how  political  his  outlook  was.  Of  the 
Eclectic  Review,  edited  by  his  disciple  Price,  Halevy  comments : 
'Readers  of  this  excellent  periodical  will  look  in  vain  for  an  article  of 
mystical  aspiration  or  religious  meditation.  Under  colour  of  making  war 
against  clericalism,  embodied  in  the  worship  of  the  Establishment,  it 

23 


24  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

spoke  of  nothing  but  free  trade,  the  franchise,  and  the  individual's 
political  rights,  and  thus,  instead  of  making  Radicalism  Christian  it 
ended  by  secularizing  Christianity'.3  In  fact  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  one  of  the  main  features  of  Miall's  hostility  to  the  Church  of 
England  was  his  class  consciousness.  He  was  brought  up  in  an 
atmosphere  of  poverty.  His  second  pastorate  was  at  Bond  Street, 
Leicester.  'Radical  Leicester'  may  well  have  exercised  a  decisive 
influence  over  his  mind  at  a  vital  stage.  It  was  there  that  he  began  to 
take  an  interest  in  the  lives  of  the  working  classes.  When  he  founded  the 
Nonconformist  in  1841  he  did  not  confine  himself  to  denominational 
controversy :  he  also  'opposed  the  Melbourne  administration, 
denounced  the  tory  party,  and  attacked  aristocratic  government'.4 
He  also  developed  an  interest  in  Chartism  : 

He  was  one  of  that  small  band  of  radicals  which  endeavoured, 
fruitlessly,  to  bring  the  chartist  leaders  into  line  with  the  more 
established  political  organisations.  He  advocated  what  was  practi 
cally  manhood  suffrage,  and  appealed  to  the  middle  classes  to 
join  hands  with  the  artizans.  Through  his  support  of  the  Anti- 
Corn  Law  League  he  obtained  the  acquaintance  of  Joseph  Sturge, 
and  in  April  1842  he,  with  Sturge,  Bright,  Mursell,  and  Sharman 
Crawford,  arranged  the  Birmingham  conferences  with  the  chartist 
leaders,  Lovett,  O'Brien,  and  Henry  Vincent,  to  promote  the 
abolition  of  class  legislation.  The  National  Complete  Suffrage 
Union  was  then  founded,  and  carried  on  for  some  years  the  propa 
ganda  for  a  wider  suffrage,  and  the  Nonconformist  was  formally 
constituted  its  organ  in  the  press,  though  after  the  second  Birming 
ham  conference,  in  December  1842,  Miall  did  not  take  part  in  its 
meetings.5 

In  1845  Miall  stood  for  Parliament  for  Southwark  on  a  chartist  pro 
gramme,  opposing  the  Liberal  Sir  William  Molesworth,  who  was 
elected.  In  1847  he  stood  for  Halifax,  in  partnership  with  Ernest 
Jones,  who  was  soon  to  be  almost  the  last  of  the  Chartists,  when  all 
the  other  leaders  had  given  the  cause  up  as  lost.  Indeed  Jones  was  so 
thorough  a  Chartist  as  to  be  the  only  one  to  receive  the  full  praise  of 
modern  Marxists.  Neither  Miall  nor  Jones  was  elected.  Miall  was 
successful  at  Rochdale  in  1852  and  sat  in  Parliament  till  1857  when  he 
was  one  of  the  Left-wing  Liberals  to  lose  their  seats  for  opposing 
Palmerston.  In  1869  he  returned  to  Parliament  as  one  of  the  members 
for  Bradford.  In  the  House  of  Commons  he  continued  his  Radicalism 
and  his  support  of  working-class  causes. 

A  very  different  character  was  Samuel  Morley  (1809-86).    The  first 
part  of  his  career  is   a  typical  Nineteenth  Century  success  story,  and 


SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS  25 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

Morley  became  one  of  the  richest  men  in  the  land.  Earnest  concern 
for  Nonconformist  rights  led  him  to  Radicalism,  and  his  home  at 
Stamford  Hill  became  'a  rendezvous  for  dissenting  ministers  and  radical 
politicians'.8  He  was  returned  to  Parliament  in  1868  and  remained  a 
firm  Gladstonian.  His  concern  for  the  working  classes  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  he  provided  the  money  for  several  'labour  candidates'  to 
stand  under  Liberal  auspices. 

When  the  National  Agricultural  Labourers'  Union  was  formed 
Morley  was  one  of  the  most  active  of  its  prominent  supporters.  He 
served  on  the  consulting  committee  of  the  Union  from  its  formation 
and  at  the  Exeter  Hall  meeting  in  1872,  when  Archbishop,  later 
Cardinal,  Manning  was  on  the  platform,  he  took  the  chair.  He  was  also 
an  active  member  of  the  Artisans',  Labourers'  and  General  Dwelling 
Company.  He  took  charge  in  the  Commons  of  Lord  Stanhope's  Bill 
prohibiting  the  payment  of  wages  in  public  houses. 

Of  less  importance  was  Sir  Edward  Baines  (1800-90).  Son  of  a  Liberal 
member  of  Parliament,  he  was  present  at  the  Peterloo  'massacre'  in 
1819  representing  the  Leeds  Mercury,  of  which  he  later  became  editor. 
He  early  developed  an  interest  in  politics  and  economics  and  was  a 
warm  admirer  of  the  paternal  'Socialism'  of  David  Dale  and  the  young 
Robert  Owen  at  New  Lanark  and  of  the  first  mechanics'  institute 
founded  in  1824  by  George  Birkbeck.  He  made  known  these  institutions 
in  lectures  given  throughout  Yorkshire.  He  assisted  in  the  formation 
of  mechanics'  institutes  and  in  1837  became  the  founder-President 
of  the  West  Riding  Union  of  Mechanics'  Institutes,  later  extended  to 
the  whole  of  Yorkshire.  In  1859  he  was  elected  M.P.  for  Leeds.  In 
Parliament  he  urged  the  reduction  of  the  borough  franchise  qualifica 
tion  from  £10  to  £6  occupancy,  introducing  bills  to  this  effect  in  1861, 
1864  and  1865.7 

Of  a  later  generation  was  Charles  Leach  ( 1847-1 91 9).8  He  was  a 
Methodist  by  upbringing  and  served  for  two  years  in  the  New 
Connexion  ministry  before  becoming  a  Congregationalist.  While 
minister  at  Queen's  Park,  Harrow  Road,  he  joined  the  young  Indepen 
dent  Labour  Party.  The  British  Weekly  interviewed  him  and  pub 
lished  the  interview  in  November  1894  under  the  heading  'The 
Independent  Labour  Party'.9  While  justifying  his  joining  of  the  party, 
Leach  explained  that  he  disapproved  of  its  methods  and  of  its  hostility 
to  the  Liberal  Party.  He  thought  that  Joseph  Chamberlain  might 
emerge  as  the  leader  of  a  Liberal-Labour  Party.  He  believed  in  the 
Liberal-Nonconformist  ideals  of  Home  Rule  and  Disestablishment, 
but  asked  what  benefit  they  would  bring  to  the  working  classes,  so 
echoing  the  general  protest  of  the  I.L.P.  against  Liberal  policy.  He 


26  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

was  ready  for  a  wide  measure  of  nationalization  and  municipal  housing. 
The  obituary  for  Leach  in  the  Congregational  Year  Book  makes  no 
mention  of  his  connection  with  the  I.L.P.,  but  relates  that  in  1910, 
at  the  age  of  about  sixty-three,  he  was  elected  to  Parliament  for  the 
Colne  Valley  as  a  Liberal,  remaining  there  for  a  few  years  till  his 
health  broke  down.  The  reason  for  the  transfer  of  his  allegiance  is  not 
clear,  but  it  is  plainly  very  likely  to  be  due  to  the  gradual  realization 
that  the  I.L.P.  was  serious  in  its  determination  to  pursue  its  own  line 
and  not  become  another  'Lib.-Lab.'  group. 

Sir  Halley  Stewart  (1838-1937)  was  from  1863  to  1377  a  Congre 
gational  minister,  though  not  ordained.  Thereafter  he  was  a  newspaper 
editor,  a  businessman,  and  a  politician.  A  biographical  article  describes 
him  as  follows  :  'An  advanced  liberal,  he  advocated  adult  suffrage  for 
both  sexes,  the  land  for  the  people,  religious  equality,  and  the  abolition 
of  hereditary  legislators'.  He  was  twice  an  M.P.  (1887-1895  and  1906- 
1910),  and  established  a  trust  for  'research  towards  the  Christian  ideal 
in  all  social  life'.10 

In  London  the  alliance  of  Radicalism  with  the  working  classes  was 
represented  by  the  Progressive  Party.  Thomas  McKinnon  Wood 
(1855-1927),  a  member  of  King's  Weigh  House  Church,  was  a  member 
of  the  London  County  Council  from  1892  to  1909.  He  held  many 
offices,  including  that  of  Chairman,  and  was  for  long  the  party  leader. 
He  was  an  M.P.  from  1906  to  1918  and  rose  to  Cabinet  rank  as  Secretary 
of  State  for  Scotland."  Evan  Spicer  (1849-1937),  brother  of  Albert 
Spicer,  M.P.,  was  another  Progressive  member  of  the  L.C.C.  and 
Chairman  in  1906.12 

As  a  last  example  of  Liberal  politicians  interested  in  Labour  questions 
mention  may  be  made  of  John  Henry  Whitley,  the  first  Congrega- 
tionalist  since  Cromwellian  times  to  become  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons.  He  gave  his  name  to  joint  consultative  councils  in  industry, 
recommended  by  a  committee  he  chaired  in  1917-18,  and  in  1929-31 
he  served  on  the  Royal  Commission  on  Labour  in  India.13 

The  voice  of  the  Liberal  element  who  looked  for  an  alliance  with 
Labour  was,  so  far  as  the  Nonconformists  were  concerned,  the  British 
Weekly,  and  its  association  with  English  Congregationalism  is  probably 
close  enough  for  it  to  be  mentioned  here.  The  journal  was  founded 
in  1886  and  announced  as  its  basis  a  belief  in  progress  and  a  wish  to 
serve  the  cause  of  'advanced  Liberalism'.1*  The  consistent  attitude 
maintained  throughout  the  succeeding  years  was  that  the  Liberal 
Party  must  win  the  support  of  the  working  classes  and  shake  off  the 
incubus  of  right-wing  leadership.  The  Liberal  Party  was  supported 


SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS  27 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

against  the  Conservatives,  Gladstone  against  the  Whigs,  the  Radicals 
against  Gladstone,  and  the  'Lib.-Lab.'  Radicals  against  the  old- 
fashioned  Radical  element  favoured  by  many  Nonconformists,  with 
purely  'liberationism  ideals.  Socialism  lay  beyond  the  paper's 
sympathies  and  was  regarded  as  a  deviation  from  the  path  of  true 
progress.  The  confusion  of  mind  involved  in  the  attempt  to  convert 
the  workers  to  the  brand  of  Liberalism  favoured  by  the  British  Weekly 
is  clearly  shown  in  one  issue  of  1890.  On  one  page  a  leading  article 
(headed  'Labour,  Parliament,  and  the  Church')  argues  that  both  parties 
have  neglected  the  interests  of  the  workers.  The  labourer  'has  worked 
as  long,  fared  as  hardly,  under  Mr.  Gladstone  as  under  Lord  Salisbury'. 
The  'old  order'  will  'drag  along'  while  Gladstone  remains.  'The  lesson 
for  Liberal  politicians  especially  is  that  their  time  is  now,  if  they  are 
not  to  be  cheated  of  the  fruit  of  all  their  labour  and  sacrifice  for  the 
Liberal  party.  Instead  of  reducing  their  programme  to  one  item  they 
should  be  pressing  forward  the  long  arrears  for  immediate  settlement, 
for  they  and  their  questions  are  in  immediate  danger  of  being  stranded 
together'.  'Christianity  demands  for  the  poor  not  first  generosity 
but  justice'.15  Yet  on  another  page  the  same  issue,  in  referring  to  the 
recently  concluded  Trade  Union  Congress  as  with  little  doubt  'the 
most  important  assembly  of  working  men  ever  held  in  this  country', 
denies  that  moderation  had  prevailed  in  its  decisions,  and  thinks  that 
to  accept  the  demand  for  a  liberalization  of  the  law  of  picketing  would 
be  to  infringe  individual  liberty.  It  is  feared  that  Labour  is  seeking  a 
stand-up  fight  with  Capital.16  Thus  a  general  demand  for  the  claims 
of  Labour  to  be  met — largely  as  a  matter  of  expediency — goes  together 
with  a  scarcely-veiled  fear  of  the  growing  power  of  organized  Labour 
and  with  resistance  to  some  of  its  specific  demands  on  traditional 
Liberal  grounds. 

One  item  of  news  in  the  early  issues  of  the  British  Weekly  is  perhaps 
worth  a  passing  mention.  In  1886  a  leader  rebuked  a  Congregational 
minister  who  on  his  first  Sunday  at  a  Newcastle  Church  preached  a 
sermon  on  the  Socialist  theories  of  Kropotkin.'7  The  preacher  and 
the  Church  are  left  unnamed,  but  the  only  minister  to  settle  in  New 
castle  in  1886  appears  to  have  been  the  Rev.  Frederick  Hibbert,  who 
went  there  straight  from  College,  which  perhaps  explains  to  some 
extent  this  rather  eccentric  start  to  a  pastorate. 

As  well  as  the  attempt  of  politically  minded  Nonconformists  to 
bring  the  workers  into  the  fold  of  Radicalism  there  was  an  attempt  to 
attract  them  to  Church.  As  the  Nineteenth  Century  wore  on,  more  and 
more  attention  was  devoted  to  the  failure  to  attract  the  working  classes. 
As  early  as  the  late  1840's  some  of  the  more  far-seeing  leaders  were 


28  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

becoming  alarmed  at  their  absence,  according  to  Halevy,  who  notes 
special  concern  among  the  Congregationalists.18 

Among  well-known  Congregational  ministers  who  gave  special 
attention  to  the  working  classes  was  Christopher  Newman  Hall  (1816- 
1902),  minister  at  Christ  Church,  Westminster  Bridge  Road.  He 
is  described  as  'one  of  the  first  to  introduce  week  evening  lectures  for 
the  working  classes,  which  were  much  appreciated,  he  himself  being 
a  lecturer  of  no  mean  ability.  One  of  his  most  popular  lectures  was 
entitled  "The  Dignity  of  Labour",  which  he  delivered  in  many  of  the 
leading  manufacturing  towns  of  our  country'.19  Similar  work  was 
carried  out  by  Alexander  Mackennal  (1835-1904),  who  was  minister 
for  a  time,  like  Miall,  in  Leicester,  whence  he  moved  to  a  long  pastorate 
at  Bowdon  Downs,  Altrincham.  He  was  deeply  influenced  during  his 
training  at  London  University  by  F.  D.  Maurice.  Later  he  co-operated 
with  R.  W.  Dale  and  Dean  Stanley  in  a  volume  of  addresses  to  working 
people.20  But  the  best-known  example  is  Joseph  Parker  (1830-1902), 
perhaps  the  most  prominent  Congregationalist  of  his  generation  after 
Dale.21  Among  famous  public  speakers  to  whom  he  listened  in  his 
youth  were  Miall  and  also  the  Chartist  Thomas  Cooper.  Soon  after 
his  settlement  at  Banbury  in  1853  he  was  already  famous  as  a  preacher 
and  debater  and  was  bold  enough  to  hold  a  public  debate  with  George 
Jacob  Holyoake,  the  Secularist  and  co-operative  leader,  who  was 
generous  enough  to  commend  his  fairness  in  controversy  and  to  praise 
his  ability.  From  Banbury  Parker  moved  to  Cavendish  chapel,  Man 
chester,  then  at  the  height  of  its  prosperity,  and  then  to  the  Poultry 
Church  in  London.  At  the  City  Temple,  with  which  he  replaced  the 
old  Church  there,  he  gave  lectures  to  working  class  audiences.  By 
this  he  won  the  praise  of  the  British  Weekly  *2  There  is  reference  to 
the  protests  of  some  of  his  hearers  at  their  unemployment,  and  at 
their  anger  at  his  enquiry  how  they  can  afford  to  drink  and  smoke. 
But  it  is  also  claimed  that  he  is  popular  with  them.23  During  the  great 
dock  strike  of  1 889  there  were  meetings  of  ministers  at  the  City  Temple, 
sympathetic  to  the  strikers'  cause  but  too  late  to  win  much  enthusiasm 
from  them.2*  An  interview  with  Tillett  and  Burns,  the  strike  leaders, 
was  very  hostile  to  the  Nonconformists,  and  especially  to  Parker, 
constrasting  their  lukewarm  attitude  with  the  warm  support  given  by 
Cardinal  Manning.25  The  next  issue  praises  a  sermon  by  Parker  while 
regretting  that  he  included  in  it  a  'bitter  reply*  to  Burns.26  Thus, 
despite  the  British  Weekly's  enthusiasm,  it  seems  that  Parker  was  far 
from  wholly  successful  in  winning  the  support  of  the  workers. 

Another  method  of  reaching  the  working  classes  was  the  establish 
ment  of  settlements  in  poor  districts.  Among  those  instituted  by 
Congregationalists  were  the  following :  Browning  Hall,  Wai  worth  ; 


SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS  29 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

two  settlements  in  Canning  Town,  one  a  women's  settlement  and  one 
run  by  students  of  Mansfield  College  ;  Lancashire  College  Settlement 
in  Hulme,  Manchester  ;  Yorkshire  United  College  Settlement  in 
Bradford  ;  and  others  at  Ipswich,  Sheffield  and  Middlesbrough.*7 
There  was  also  the  establishment  of  'Institutional  Churches',  largely 
under  the  stimulus  of  Charles  Silvester  Home  (1865-1914),  Con 
gregational  minister  and  Liberal  M.P.28  Examples  are  Whitefield's 
Tabernacle,  Tottenham  Court  Road,  and  Zion,  Manchester.  Another 
prominent  minister,  J.  H.  Jowett  (1863-1923)  is  said  to  have  had 
'wide  social  interests,  founding  the  Digbeth  Institute  at  Birmingham 
in  1906'.29  Less  well-known  is  P.  J.  Turquand  (1826-1902),  whose 
only  pastorate  was  a  ministry  of  thirty-seven  years  in  Walworth,  where 
'the  chapel  which  had  been  even  for  that  day  exceptionally  dark  and 
ugly,  was  transformed  into  the  light  attractive  structure  now  worked 
as  a  Congregational  settlement  under  the  name  of  Browning  Hall'.10 
A  less  respectable  innovation  was  the  'Labour  Church'  movement, 
combining  Labour  politics  with  Nonconformist  services.3'  Though 
of  Unitarian  origin,  there  were  Congregational  links.  The  Rev.  J.  B. 
Wallace  founded  a  'Brotherhood  Church'  in  London  and  the  Rev. 
B.  J.  Harker  converted  his  church  into  a  Labour  Church  without 
severing  its  connection  with  the  Congregational  Union.32  The  most 
popular  speaker  in  such  churches  was  Keir  Hardie." 

Such  developments  encouraged  the  Rev.  G.  S.  Barrett  to  devote  to 
them  his  two  chairman's  addresses  to  the  Congregational  Union  in 
1894.  In  the  first,  entitled  'The  Secularization  of  the  Pulpit',34  he 
points  out  the  increasing  prominence  of  social  questions.  He  claims 
that  religion  has  brought  this  about,  having  emboldened  'labour  to 
ask,  not  for  the  doles  and  charity  of  the  rich,  but  for  a  larger  and  juster 
share  in  the  wealth  labour  helps  to  create'.35  The  change  is  welcome, 
but  there  are  dangers  too.  He  quotes  Ben  Tillett  as  saying  that  the 
Church  ought  to  secure  for  everyone  such  benefits  as  'good  wages, 
equal  rights,  and  . . .  temporal  good'.  But  the  great  work  of  the  preacher 
'is  not  to  save  the  body  from  suffering,  but  to  deliver  the  soul  from 
sin'.'6  Social  regeneration  can  only  be  obtained  as  a  by-product  of 
strictly  religious  teaching. 

This  address  gave  great  offence  to  Tillett,  who  made  a  violent 
personal  attack  on  Barrett,  for  which  he  was  rebuked  by  the  British 
Weekly."  Undeterred,  Barrett  returned  to  the  theme  in  his  address 
to  the  autumn  assembly  of  the  Union  at  Liverpool,  under  the  title  of 
'The  Secularization  of  the  Church'.38  He  deals  largely  with  the  'appeal 
to  the  Churches  that  they  should  cease  to  be  impassive  spectators 
of  the  great  political  and  social  movements  of  the  age,  and  should  take 
a  prominent  part  in  the  struggle  for  the  economic  and  social  welfare 


30  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

of  the  people'."  He  makes  three  concessions  :  that  Christians  should 
be  active  in  social  movements,  that  the  Church  should  exercise  philan 
thropy,  and  that  the  Church  should  by  example  and  teaching  influence 
the  conscience  of  society.  But  direct  interference  is  not  the  Christian 
way. 

Then  he  turns  to  the  Labour  Churches.  After  a  criticism  of  their 
theology  he  passes  to  the  main  grounds  of  his  attack — that  they  are 
socially  sectional  bodies  :  'A  Labour  Church  has  no  more  right  to 
be  than  a  Capitalist's  Church,  or  an  educated  man's  Church'.40  His 
opponents  might  have  replied  that  the  'Capitalist's  Church'  was  not 
unknown.  Indeed  Barrett  admits  that  the  new  movement  is  a  reaction 
to  class  prejudice  : 

It  is  a  rebuke  as  well  as  a  warning  to  many  of  us.  If  there  are 
Churches  where  the  poor  man  is  not  welcome  and  is  not  made  to 
feel  at  home,  where  the  evil  system  of  pew-rents  accentuates 
within  the  Church  those  social  distinctions  which  ought  to  have 
been  left  outside,  where  the  man  with  the  gold  ring  is  treated 
exactly  as  the  Apostle  James  says  he  ought  not  to  be  treated, 
they  at  least  ought  not  to  wonder  at  this  attempt  of  Labour  to 
vindicate  its  right  to  a  place  in  the  Church  of  God.41 

He  then  quotes  the  interesting  saying  of  Dr.  Fairbairn  that  the 
Labour  Church  is  'a  creation  more  of  despair  than  hope,  an  attempt 
to  sanctify  an  evil  rather  than  to  cure  it.  The  terms,  master  and  servant, 
capital  and  labour,  denote  relations  the  Church  ought  not  to  know 
and  may  not  recognise,  and  to  embody  such  distinctions  in  her  very 
name  is  but  to  run  up  the  flag  of  surrender'.42  Barrett  sees  similar 
dangers  in  the  'Pleasant  Sunday  Afternoon'  movement,  despite  its 
good  work.  His  addresses  show  the  interest  of  Nonconformist  leaders 
in  the  Labour  movement  at  the  time. 

It  may  be  noted  in  passing  that  the  T.S.A.'  movement  here  referred 
to  had  some  links  with  the  Labour  movement,  some  Labour  leaders 
being  prominent  speakers  at  P.S.A.s,  and  after  a  time  even  Socialist 
speakers  appeared.  R.  C.  K.  Ensor  states  that  this  last  development 
was  more  common  in  Baptist  and  Congregational  Churches  than  in 
Methodist,  but  does  not  give  his  source  of  information.43 

A  more  important  Congregational  influence  on  the  rising  tide  of 
Socialism  was  the  little  pamphlet  entitled  The  Bitter  Cry  of  Outcast 
London.  Historians  are  at  variance  on  the  authorship  of  this  workt 
though  they  agree  that  it  had  wide  influence.  It  is  usually  attributed 
to  Andrew  Mearns  ;  Ensor  gives  the  name  of  G.  R.  Sims,44  and 
Francis  Williams  says  it  was  the  production  of  a  group  centred  on 


SOME  CONGREGATM)NAL  RELATIONS  31 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

Stewart   Headlam,   the   Socialist   Anglo-Catholic.4'      It  was  in  fact 
written  by  W.  C.  Preston,  though  under  the  inspiration  of  Mearns. 

Mearns  (1837-1925)  was  appointed  secretary  of  the  London  Con 
gregational  Union  in  1876.  Struck  by  the  distress  of  the  East  End  he 
carried  out  a  survey,  submitting  the  facts  he  discovered  to  William 
Carnall  Preston  (1837-1902)."  Preston  had  held  a  pastorate  at  Wigan 
during  the  cotton  famine  and  had  been  active  there  in  relief  work. 
He  had  also  had  a  period  as  a  journalist.  His  obituary  describes  the 
pamphlet  as  'epoch-making'.47  It  did  indeed  have  a  wide  influence 
and  is  often  mentioned  in  social  histories  of  the  period.  Apart  from 
giving  a  great  stimulus  to  the  settlement  movement,  it  was  the  direct 
origin  of  the  first  major  effort  at  slum  clearance,48  and  also  encouraged 
the  growth  of  Socialism  by  advocating  legislative  and  municipal 
intervention  to  better  the  conditions  of  the  people. 

Such  intervention  had  already  been  advocated  by  Dale  at  Birming 
ham,  in  support  of  Joseph  Chamberlain,  the  unacknowledged  inspira 
tion  of  much  of  the  early  Fabian  programme.  As  the  century  drew 
towards  its  close  there  was  increasing  sympathy  with  Socialism.  There 
was  a  recovered  emphasis  on  the  Church  as  a  community,  whose 
purpose  was  conceived  to  be  the  'establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God  on  earth',  and  this  was  soon  identified  with  the  transformation 
of  the  social  order.  The  Baptist  John  Clifford,  a  potent  influence  on 
all  Nonconformists,  was  a  Fabian.49  A.  M.  Fairbairn  was  influenced 
by  Ruskin50  and  R.  F.  Horton  by  Arnold  Toynbee  and  Henry  George." 
J.  B.  Paton  was  at  Nottingham  something  of  what  Dale  was  at  Birming 
ham.  He  was  an  active  member  of  the  'Inner  Mission',  a  social  service 
organization,  and  in  1893  founded  the  English  Land  Colonisation 
Society.52  George  MacDonald,  the  poet,  who  was  a  Congregational 
minister  for  three  years,  was  a  friend  of  Maurice,  who  was  godfather 
to  his  fourth  son  and  persuaded  MacDonald  himself  to  join  the  Church 
of  England.51 

A  more  surprising  link  with  Socialism  was  W.  T.  Stead,  chief 
rival  claimant  to  Lord  Northcliffe's  title  of  founder  of  sensational 
journalism,  whose  dramatic  career  ended  when  the  Titanic  sank  in 
1912.54  His  inclination  towards  State  Socialism  brought  a  rebuke 
from  the  British  Weekly,  with  which  he  was  in  general  a  great 
hero.55  R.  F.  Horton  provided  an  occasion  for  another  discussion  on 
this  topic  in  the  same  journal  when  he  preached  a  sermon  in  favour  of 
the  demand  for  a  legislative  eight  hour  day.56 

Horton  provides  another  connection  in  that  he  was  a  fervent  admirer 
of  Robert  Blatchford,  as  is  recorded  in  the  biography  of  Blatchford  : 
'Dr.  Horton,  a  famous  Congregationalist  minister,  compared  Blatchford 

3 


32  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

with  Isaiah,  Amos,  and  Micah,  and  declared  that  "if  Jesus  Christ  were 
a  man  on  earth  today,  He  would  read  the  book  not  only  with  interest 
but  with  approval,  and  He  would  say  to  any  officious  disciples  who 
took  exception  to  parts  of  it,  'Forbid  him  not  ;  he  that  is  not  against 
Me  is  for  Me'  ".i7  The  book  of  which  these  surprising  words  were 
written  was  Merrie  England.  Later  the  enthusiasm  cooled  ;  when 
Blatchford  wrote  his  articles  in  the  Daily  Mail  calling  attention  to  the 
German  threat  in  1910  Horton  found  in  them  'a  proper  fruit  of 
infidelity'.58  It  may  be  noticed  in  passing  that  Blatchford  was  married 
in  a  Congregational  Church,  Zion,  Halifax." 

A  more  notable  Congregational  adherent  than  Blatchford  was  Keir 
Hardie.80  His  mother  and  step-father  were  Secularists,  but  he  attached 
himself  at  an  early  age  to  the  Evangelical  Union.  He  was  not  much  of  a 
denominationalist,  and  the  religion  which  was  so  prominent  in  his 
later  speeches  was  somewhat  detached  from  any  organized  Church. 
Albert  Peel  includes  Hardie  in  his  Congregational  Two  Hundred,  but 
like  some  others  in  that  list  he  left  little  imprint  on  the  denomination 
to  which  he  nominally  belonged,  though  no  doubt  it  was  the  source  of 
his  evangelical  tone  and  phrases.  Francis  Williams  says  that  Hardie 
spoke  the  language  of  the  Bible  and  the  Pilgrim's  Progress." 

Another  prominent  Socialist  associated  with  Congregationalism  was 
Fred  Jowett,  the  I.L.P.  stalwart,  of  Bradford.  His  parents,  though  not 
particularly  religious,  considered  themselves  'chapel  folk'  and  were 
connected  with  Horton  Lane  Church.82  Many  of  the  Bradford  Socialists 
were  Secularists,  but  'Fred  retained  some  connection  with  chapel 
folk  and  helped  to  bring  in  converts  who  later  counted  a  good  deal  in 
the  Movement'.8*  It  is  related  that  on  one  occasion  there  were  twelve 
Nonconformist  ministers  on  the  platform  of  the  Liberal  candidate  at 
an  election  meeting  when  Jowett  threatened  them  :  'If  you  persist 
in  opposing  the  Labour  Movement  there  will  soon  be  more  reason 
than  ever  to  complain  of  the  absence  of  working  men  from  your  chapels. 
We  shall  establish  our  own  Labour  Church'.84 

Jowett  could  have  had  little  complaint  against  the  Horton  Lane 
minister  of  the  period  (1885-1892),  Dr.  K.  C.  Anderson,  for  he  was 
himself  inclined  to  Socialism.  Indeed  he  said  that  'the  socialist  indict 
ment  against  modern  society  is  a  true  bill  ;  we  cannot  answer  the 
charge'.8'  From  Bradford,  Anderson  moved  to  Dundee,88  remaining 
there  till  1919.  It  was  while  he  was  there  that  he  became  associated 
with  the  'New  Theology'  Movement  started  by  R.  J.  Campbell  in 
1906.  The  present  relevance  of  this  controversy  is  that  the  'New 
Theology'  was  announced  as  being  the  religious  counterpart  of 
Socialism.  Campbell  argued  that  the  'New  Theology'  and  Socialism 


SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS  33 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

were  part  of  the  same  movement,  and  in  1907  a  summer  school  was 
held  at  Penmaenmawr  'with  the  object  of  linking  the  movement  more 
closely  with  social  reform'.97  In  fact,  however,  Campbell  had  little 
interest  in,  or  knowledge  of,  social  affairs.  The  basis  of  the  relationship 
teems  to  have  been  simply  that  Campbell's  theology  and  Socialism 
were  both  new  and  so  ought  to  be  in  agreement.  One  writer  comments 
that  'almost  every  work  by  the  school  bears  the  word  'new'  in  its 
title'."  The  purpose  of  the  Church  was  said  to  be  the  betterment  of 
the  social  order  ;  since  many  bodies  not  normally  considered  Churches 
carry  on  this  work,  the  scope  of  the  name  has  to  be  widened — sufficiently, 
according  to  Campbell,  for  the  Labour  Party  to  be  defined  as  a 
Church.  Anderson  seems  to  have  derived  his  ideas  of  the  Church  from 
Comte  and  given  them  a  Christian  colouring.  Another  prominent 
member  of  the  group  was  T.  Rhondda  Williams,  who  like  Anderson 
was  a  minister  for  a  time  in  Bradford.  Indeed  Williams  was  one  of  its 
few  members  who  remained  a  Congregationalist.  He  contributed  an 
article  to  the  Hibbert  Journal  in  1912  entitled  'Syndicalism  in  France 
and  its  Relation  to  the  Philosophy  of  Bergson',61  denying  that  the  anti- 
intellectualist  tendency  of  Syndicalism  could  be  traced  back  to  Bergson. 
(The  sentiments  quoted  sound  indeed  more  like  those  of  Nietzsche). 
From  the  point  of  view  of  this  paper  the  group  represents  the  extent 
to  which  Socialistic  tendencies,  albeit  of  a  very  vague  kind,  had  pene 
trated  the  thinking  of  religious  leaders  in  the  years  before  the  first 
world  war.  One  more  example  from  Congregational  sources  is  a  series 
of  articles  in  the  Expository  Times  on  'Social  Theories  and  the  Teaching 
of  Jesus',  by  a  Congregational  minister,  Dugald  MacFadyen.70  Despite 
the  title  it  is  a  fairly  general  survey  of  Christian  Socialism  in  history 
and  from  a  theological  as  well  as  Biblical  standpoint.  The  series  is 
generally  friendly  to  Christian  Socialism,  though  the  final  article  has 
some  criticisms  to  offer. 

In  conclusion  it  may  be  noted  that  some  Congregationalists  took 
a  fairly  prominent  part  in  the  growth  of  the  co-operative  movement, 
J.  B.  Paton,  who  has  already  been  mentioned,  helped  to  build  up  the 
co-operative  banks  movement.71  In  Redfern's  New  History  of  the 
C.W.S.  (1938),  out  of  119  leading  officers  of  the  C.W.S.  throughout 
its  history  who  are  listed,72  some  information  as  to  religion  is  given 
in  39  cases.  Of  these  five  are  Congregationalists.  Charles  J.  Beckett 
(1851-1918,  C.W.S.  Auditor  1903-1918)  is  described  as  'Keen  chapel 
worker  (Congregational)  ;  deacon  and  leader  of  young  men's  class 
forty  years'.  J.  Holden  (1854-1937)  was  active  in  the  co-operative 
movement  at  Manchester  and  Leeds  from  about  1884  to  1926.  He 
was  a  Sunday  school  and  temperance  worker  in  Congregational 
Churches.  A.  E.  Threadgill  (1868-1924)  was  a  director  from  1907  to 


34  SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

1924.  In  his  Church  life  he  was  secretary  of  a  T.S.A.'.  Two  others, 
retired  but  still  alive  when  Redfern  wrote,  were  James  F.  James, 
deacon  and  secretary  of  a  Congregational  Church  at  Cardiff,  and 
James  Mastin,  whose  denomination  only  is  given. 

Thus  through  the  Parliamentary  'Lib. -Lab.'  Radicals,  through 
Labour  Churches,  through  special  efforts  to  link  the  workers  to  the 
Churches,  through  the  settlements,  through  the  spread  of  an  interest 
in  Socialism,  and  through  some  influence  on  the  leading  figures  of  the 
Labour  movement  such  as  Hardie,  Congregationalism  played  some 
part  in  the  evolution  of  the  modern  working-class  movement. 

STEPHEN  H.  MAYOR. 

1     E.g.,  Thomas  Binney.  See  F.  R.  Salter,  'Congregationalism  and  the  "Hungry  Forties"  ' 

in  Transactions,  xvii.  115. 

1     Henry  Felling,  The  Origins  of  the  Labour  Party  1880-1900  (1954),  p.136,  quoting  Work 
man's  Times  for  27  Jan.,  1894. 

Elie  Halevy,  A  History  of  the  English  People  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1951  edn.),  iv.  390. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Miall. 

Ibid. 

Ibid.,  s.v.  Morley. 

Ibid.,  s.v.  Baines. 

Obituary  in  Congregational  Year  Book  (1920),  p.106. 

British  Weekly,   1  Nov.,  1894,  p.24. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Stewart. 

Ibid.,  s.v.  Wood. 

See  entry  in  A.  Peel,  The  Congregational  Two  Hundred  (1948),  p.240. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Whitley. 

British  Weekly,  5  Nov.,  1886,  p.l. 

Ibid.,  12  Sept.,  1890,  p.305. 

Ibid.,  p.307. 

Ibid.,  19  Nov.,  1886,  p.l. 
"     Halevy,o/>.ctf.,  p.397. 

'     Obituary  in  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1903),  p.179. 
*•     Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Mackennal. 

11  See  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1930),  pp.208b-208e  ;  also  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Parker. 
"  British  Weekly,  1  Feb.,  1889,  p.219. 
0  Ibid.,  15  Feb.,  1889,  p.251. 
14  Ibid.,  13  Sept.,  1889,  p.321. 
»  Ibid.,  27  Sept.,  1889,  p.352. 
••  Ibid.,  4  Oct.,  1889,  p.369. 

*T     R.  W.  Dale,  A  History  of  English  Congregationalism  (1907),  pp.743f. 
M     Peel,  op.cit.  p.279. 
'     Ibid.,  p.272. 

"     Obituary  in  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1903),  p.205. 
"     Felling,  op.cit.,  pp.!39ff. 
"     Ibid.,  pp.Hlf. 
"     Ibid.,  pp.147 f. 

M     Pr.  in  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1895),  pp.  19-33. 
••     Ibid.,p.22. 


4  Ibid.,p.23. 

"  British  Weekly,  24  May,  1894,  p.67. 

M  Pr.  in  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1895),  pp.  34-51. 

••  Ibid.,  p.38. 

*•  Ibid.,  p.42. 

"  Ibid.,  pp.42f. 


Ibid.,  p.43,  quoting  A.  M.  Fairbairn,  Religion  in  History  and  in  Modern  Life  (1804),  p.62. 

R.  C.  K.  Ensor,  England,  1870-1914  (1936),  p.528. 

Ibid.,  p.  127. 

Francis  Williams,  Fifty  Years'  March  (1949),  p.48. 

Obituary  in  Congreg.  Year  Book  (1926),  p. 170. 

Ibid.  (1903).  pp.!93f. 

Ensor,  op.cit.,  p.  127. 

J.  W.  Grant,     Free  Churchmanship  in  England,  1870-1940  (n.d.),  pp.!72f. 

Ibid.,  p.173. 


SOME  CONGREGATIONAL  RELATIONS  35 

WITH  THE  LABOUR  MOVEMENT 

M  Ibid. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  175. 

"  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  MacDonald. 

14  Ibid.,  s.v.  Stead. 

5  British  Weekly,  15  Nov.,  1889,  p.41. 

*  Ibid.,  5  Nov.,  1891,  p.25  (summary  of  sermon)  ;    p.19  (editorial  comment). 

'     L.  Thompson,  Robert  Blatchford:    Portrait  of  an  Englishman  (1951),  p.  100   (source  not 

given). 

81     Ibid.,  p.215. 
'     Ibid.,  pp.2  If. 
**     Felling,  op.cit.,  p. 66.    The  article  in  the  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  (by  G.  D.  H.  Cole)  makes  no 

mention  of  Hardie's  religious  views. 

Williams,  op.cit.,  p.  104. 

"     F.  Brockway,  Socialism  over  Sixty  Years  (1946),  pp.26f. 
"     Ibid.,  p.31. 
"     lbid.,pAl. 
"     Ibid.,  p.31. 

"     This  section  is  based  largely  on  Grant,  op.cit.,  pp.1 3 1-45. 
"     Ibid.,  p.  139. 
"     Ibid.,  p.  132,  n.  1. 

*  Hibbert  Journal,  xi.  389. 

0     Expository  Times,  xix.  112,  160,  220,  282,  328. 

71     Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.v.  Paton. 

"     P.  Redfern,  The  New  History  of  the  C.W.S.  (1938),  pp.565-89. 


3  * 


REVIEWS 


Cheshire  Congregationalism  :  A  Brief  History.  By  S.  H.  Mayor.  (No 
publisher  or  price  stated.) 

The  Cheshire  Congregational  Union  will  celebrate  its  triple  jubilee  in 
November  of  this  year  and  its  executive  felt  that  the  history  of  Cheshire  Con 
gregationalism  ought  to  be  brought  up  to  date  for  the  occasion.  This  and  more 
Mr.  Mayor  has  done.  About  half  his  book  deals  with  times  within  living  memory 
but  the  earlier  part  is  devoted  to  a  useful  sketch  of  the  remoter  past,  following 
the  monumental  researches  of  William  Urwick  about  a  century  ago  and  of 
F.  J.  Powicke  fifty  years  ago.  The  book  should  be  of  much  local  interest, 
especially  this  autumn,  but  it  will  also  be  a  valuable  source  of  information  on 
the  last  fifty  years  to  students  of  our  denomination.  Appended  to  the  book  is 
a  statistical  account  of  modern  Congregational  church  life.  There  are  tables 
showing  the  frequency  of  church  meetings  and  communion  services,  and 
others  dealing  with  the  service  books  in  use  and  the  observation  of  church 
festivals.  The  orders  of  service  in  use  are  examined  ;  we  even  learn  that  two 
churches  have  vespers  in  the  morning.  All  this  will  delight  the  student  of  our 
church  life  both  today  and  tomorrow.  Naturally  much  of  the  book  describes 
the  rise  and  fall  of  particular  churches,  changes  in  their  character  and  changes 
in  Union  organization,  finance  and  personnel.  Mr.  Mayor  pauses  to  pay  his 
respects  as  he  witnesses  the  last  resolutions  on  public  matters  passing  through  the 
Union's  Assembly,  and  the  obituary  notice  he  writes,  describing  the  develop 
ment  and  decline  of  this  part  of  the  work,  is  most  interesting.  Rightly,  he 
refrains  from  saying  much  about  personalities  in  latter  years.  We  wish  he  had 
found  a  little  more  space  to  extend  his  brief  account  of  Captain  Scott,  the 
military  missionary  of  the  Evangelical  Revival,  whose  deeds  and  colourful 
personality  make  a  story  which  every  Sunday  School  scholar  in  a  Cheshire 
Congregational  church  should  hear  this  November.  However,  Mr.  Mayor's 
book  is  a  good  record.  We  hope  that  it  will  sell  better  than  Powicke's  did  and 
that  Unions  will  continue  to  encourage  histories  like  this. 


A  Golden  Milestone  :  Ilfracombe  Congregational  Church  1687-1955. 
By  C.  R.  J.  Griffin  :  Ilfracombe  Congregational  Church,  boards  7s.  6d  ; 
paper  5s. 

If  anyone  is  thinking  of  writing  a  history  of  his  church  he  would  do  well 
to  read  this  book.  From  records  that  are  often  dull  and  sometimes  tantalizingly 
scanty,  Mr.  Griffin  manages  to  present  us  with  an  entertaining  and  useful 
story.  The  book  has  something  of  the  flavour  of  a  Trevelyan  Social  History, 
for  Mr.  Griffin  carefully  and  delightfully  keeps  the  story  of  the  developing 
church  within  the  context  of  the  developing  town.  Few  histories  of  particular 
churches  succeed  so  well  in  getting  the  reader  to  feel  what  it  would  have  been 
like  to  hav  e  been  a  member  of  the  congregation  long  ago. 

JOHN  H.  TAYLOR. 


36 


EDITORIAL 

THE  58th  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Westminster 
Chapel  on  15th  May,  1957,  at  5.30  p.m.  The  Rev.  R.  F.  G. 
Calder,  Chairman  of  the  Society's  Committee,  presided. 
Fifty-seven  members  and  friends  were  present.  An  instructive  and 
interesting  paper  was  given  by  Dr.  J.  W.  F.  Hill,  which  appears  in 
this  issue  of  Transactions  ;  we  are  much  indebted  to  him  for  both  the 
lecture  and  its  publication.  Dr.  Hill  is  a  long-standing  member  of 
our  Society  and  one  of  that  great  body  of  Englishmen  who  love  the 
place  where  they  live.  The  ancient  city  of  Lincoln,  rather  off  the 
track  of  the  ordinary  traveller,  its  history  in  all  ages,  its  culture  and 
characters  :  these  are  his  studies  and  his  pleasures.  The  fruit  of 
much  of  his  research  has  appeared  in  his  two  delightful  volumes, 
Medieval  Lincoln  and  Tudor  and  Stuart  Lincoln.  To  have  a  lecture 
from  a  local  point  of  view  was  refreshing.  It  is  the  sort  of  thing  which 
was  often  done  in  the  far-off  days  of  Congregational  Union  Autumnal 
Assemblies  in  provincial  towns  when  our  Society  also  held  a  meeting. 


March  5th  was  a  happy  day  for  all  interested  in  Congregationalism 
and  its  history.  On  that  day  the  official  reopening  of  the  Congregational 
Library  at  the  Memorial  Hall,  London,  took  place.  For  many  years 
it  had  been  a  constant  sorrow  to  us  to  see  this  fine  collection  of  books 
no  better  than  buried  treasure.  For  too  long  the  library  had  to  suffer 
indignity  as  a  civic  restaurant.  Indeed  the  scent  of  books,  beloved 
of  many  of  us,  is  only  just  returning.  On  5th  March  Sir  Maurice 
Powicke  graced  the  occasion  with  an  address  in  which  he  paid  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  his  father,  Dr.  F.  J.  Powicke,  one  of  the  founder- 
members  of  our  Society  and  certainly  one  of  the  greatest  historical 
scholars  who  have  written  much  in  these  pages.  He  spoke  of  the 
problems  and  opportunities  facing  the  young  student  of  history  today 
and  emphasized  the  vital  part  that  personal  influence  can  have  in 
encouraging  interest  and  study  by  young  people.  The  Chairman  was 
Sir  Thomas  Kendrick,  Director  and  Chief  Librarian  of  the  British 
Museum. 

37 


38  EDITORIAL 

The  Rev.  Alan  Green  is  now  well  installed  as  Librarian  of  the 
Congregational  Library,  and  students  who  wish  to  use  the  Library 
will  receive  every  attention  from  him.  Our  Research  Secretary  is  a 
member  of  the  Memorial  Hall  Trust's  Library  Committee. 


The  Trustees  of  Dr.  Williams'  Library  are  to  be  congratulated  on 
the  conclusion  of  the  catalogue  of  the  books  in  their  Library  concerned 
with  English  Dissent  between  1566  and  1800.  This  "Bibliography  of 
Early  Nonconformity",  as  it  has  come  to  be  called,  is  far  too  large  for 
publication  to  be  possible,  but  valuable  notes  about  it  and  a  complete 
list  of  subject  headings  have  appeared  as  the  fifth  of  the  Library's 
Occasional  Papers.  The  catalogue  does  not  include  works  by  Conti 
nental  Reformers  or  by  Huguenot  and  Dutch  theologians,  the  Library's 
impressive  collection  of  which  is  suggested  by  its  fourth  Occasional 
Paper,  which  lists  its  holding  of  works  by  Amyraldus.  Of  special 
interest  to  our  members  is  its  sixth  Occasional  Paper  (3s.  9d.),  in  which 
The  Heads  of  Agreement  between  Presbyterian  and  Congregational 
ministers  adopted  in  1691  is  reprinted  in  parallel  columns  with  an 
"Essay  of  Agreement"  of  c.  1682.  This  "Essay"  has  been  taken  from 
the  papers  of  Thomas  Jollie  which  the  Library  has  recently  acquired, 
and  from  which  the  article  in  Transactions,  vi.  (Feb.,  1914)  164  ff., 
on  Jollie's  Remains  may  now  be  supplemented. 


At  the  Annual  Meeting  the  Rev.  John  H.  Taylor,  B.D.,  of  Seven 
Kings,  Ilford,  was  appointed  as  Associate  Editor  of  these  Transactions 
with  Dr.  Nuttall.  Since  that  meeting  the  Society's  Treasurer,  Mr. 
Bernard  Martin,  has  asked  to  be  released,  and  the  General  Secretary, 
the  Rev.  E.  W.  Dawe,  has  been  forced  to  resign  through  his  departure 
for  a  term  of  service  with  the  United  Protestant  Church  of  the 
Palatinate.  It  is  inspiriting  that  anyone  with  Mr.  Dawe's  firm  interest 
in  our  churches'  history  should  also  be  ready  for  a  venture  of  this  kind, 
which  the  new  relation  between  the  Church  of  the  Palatinate  and  the 
Congregational  Union  makes  possible  ;  and  our  thanks  to  both  officers 
for  all  their  labour  on  our  behalf  are  combined  with  good  wishes  to 


EDITORIAL  39 

Mr.  Dawe  for  his  ministry  in  Germany.  The  Committee  is  most 
grateful  to  the  Rev.  W.  W.  Biggs,  M.Th.,  for  intimating  his  willingness 
to  serve  the  Society  as  both  General  Secretary  and  Treasurer.  Members 
are  asked  to  address  subscriptions  as  well  as  correspondence  to  him, 
at  17  Junction  Road,  Romford,  Essex. 


It  is  many  years  since  the  Society  printed  its  aims.  These  have  been 
revised  by  its  Committee  and  were  passed  by  the  Annual  Meeting  this 
year.  We  hope  all  members  will  subscribe  to  the  spirit  of  them. 

They  are  :-•- 

1.  To  encourage  interest  in  and  research  into  the  origins  and 
history  of  Congregational  churches  and  principles. 

2.  To  issue  Transactions  containing  the  results  of  such  research 
and  articles  furthering  the  aims  of  the  Society. 

3.  To  print  and  to  encourage  the  printing  of  MSS.  and  documents 
and  to  publish  rare  books  and  tracts. 

4.  To  provide  an  Annual  Lecture  and  to  encourage  the  giving 
of  other  lectures. 

5.  To   bring   together   and   to   maintain   a    corpus   of  material 
bearing  on  the  history  of  Congregational  churches  and  their  ministers. 


The  Beginnings  of 
Puritanism  in  a  Country  Town1 

THIS  is  a  tale  of  ordinary  people  living  in  and  around  a  country 
town    with    a    population    of   perhaps    two    thousand    people, 
situate  some  way  off  the  Great  North  Road  and  four  days'  journey 
on  horseback  from  London  ;    and  of  their  reaction  to  the  ideas  and 
events  of  the  wider  world. 

I  have  described  the  city  of  Lincoln  as  a  country  town  because  I 
think  that  phrase  best  calls  up  in  these  days  a  true  picture  of  the 
community.  But  it  is  by  no  means  the  whole  truth.  Lincoln  had 
once  been  a  centre  of  the  wool  trade,  and  its  great  merchant  citizens 
had  had  wide  connections  with  the  sheep  farmers  of  the  east  midlands, 
the  merchants  of  Hull  and  Boston,  and  the  cloth  towns  of  France  and 
Flanders.  The  trade  had  departed,  and  with  it  the  merchants, 
leaving  behind  them  their  chantries  in  minster  or  parish  church,  and 
their  descendants,  who  had  put  their  money  into  land  and  become 
gentry.  Lincoln  had  to  live  on  its  markets  and  fairs.  Yet  it  was  still 
the  centre  of  the  second  largest  county  in  England,  and  the  cathedral 
city  of  a  vast  diocese.  The  sleepy  little  city  was  aroused  into  life  on 
market  days  ;  it  occasionally  filled  up  with  sheep  and  cattle  and  their 
drovers  at  fairtime  ;  and  it  now  and  then  assumed  the  air  of  a  pro 
vincial  capital,  with  all  the  hum  of  activity  that  accompanied  the  judges 
of  assize,  the  bishop  at  his  visitation,  a  view  of  the  trained  bands  or 
an  election  of  knights  of  the  shire. 

The  religious  changes  of  the  Reformation  were  accepted  very  slowly. 
The  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  provoked  the  rising  of  1536  even 
earlier  than  the  Yorkshire  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  ;  when  the  northern 
earls  rebelled  in  1569  the  government  found  the  county  largely  apathetic 
about  the  danger  ;  and  an  address,  signed  by  many  knights  and 
gentlemen  of  the  county,  to  Philip  II  of  Spain,  greeted  him  as  the 
prince  with  the  chief  right  to  the  Crown. 

The  ecclesiastic  who  did  most  to  impose  the  Elizabethan  church 
settlement  in  Lincoln  was  John  Aylmer.  He  had  been  tutor  to  Lady 
Jane  Grey,  fled  from  Mary  Tudor,  and  while  in  exile  helped  John  Foxe 
with  his  Book  of  Martyrs.  He  published  from  Strasburg  in  1559 
An  Harborough  for  Faithful  and  True  Subjects  in  reply  to  John  Knox's 
First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstrous  Regiment  of  Women. 
He  exhorted  his  fellow  countrymen  to  play  not  the  milksop,  and  to 
fear  neither  French  nor  Scots,  summing  up  the  argument  neatly 

40 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN        41 

in  a  marginal  note  that  "God  is  English".     In  several  less  popular 

passages  he  advocated  puritan  principles,  though  Knox  commented 

to  William  Cecil  that  Aylmer  rather  sought  the  favour  of  the  world  than 

the  glory  of  God.    He  attacked  bishpps  in  terms  so  general  that  they 

applied  equally  to  popish  and  protestant  bishops,  and  presently  to 

himself  :  it  was  too  much  to  expect  his  enemies  to  refrain  from  quoting 

against  the  lord  bishop  of  London,  as  he  became,  passages  such  as  this  : 

Come  off,  ye  bishops  ;   away  with  your  superfluities  :   yield  up 

your  thousands,  be  content  with  hundreds,  as  they  be  in  other 

reformed  churches,  where  be  as  great  learned  men  as  you  are  .  .  . 

Let  the  queen  have  the  rest  of  your  temporalities  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  build 

and   found   schools   throughout   the   realm  ;     that   every   parish 

church  may  have  his  preacher,  every  city  his  superintendent,  to 

live  honestly  and  not  pompously. 

In  1562  Aylmer  became  archdeacon  of  Lincoln.  There,  says  Strype, 
he  dwelt  much,  living  in  good  reputation,  being  a  justice  of  the  peace 
for  the  county  and  an  ecclesiastical  commissioner,  and  an  active  and 
bold  man,  as  well  as  wise  and  learned.  Strype  adds  :  "He  first  purged 
the  cathedral  church  of  Lincoln,  being  at  that  time  a  nest  of  unclean 
birds  :  and  next  in  the  county,  by  preaching  and  executing  the  com 
mission,  he  so  prevailed  that  not  one  recusant  was  left  at  his  coming 
away." 

There  is  much  exaggeration  here,  but  he  no  doubt  achieved  a  large 
measure  of  conformity. 

At  last  in  1576,  through  the  influence  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton, 
he  was  appointed  bishop  of  London.  He  acquired  the  name  of  a 
harsh  and  arbitrary  prelate,  dealing  severely  with  catholics  and  puritans. 
By  the  puritans  he  was  especially  detested,  because  they  regarded  him 
as  a  renegade,  and  he  was  savagely  attacked  in  the  Marprelate  Tracts. 
But  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  reforms  he  introduced  in  Lincoln 
paved  the  way  for  the  puritan  movement. 

The  Act  of  Uniformity  required  church  attendance,  and  the  common 
council  of  Lincoln,  no  doubt  under  ecclesiastical  guidance,  threatened 
increasing  fines  for  non-attendance.  By  1571  the  council  appointed 
a  city  preacher,  a  step  which  must  also  have  been  due  to  pressure. 
The  resolutions  of  appointment  of  successive  preachers  became  less 
cold  and  formal  as  time  went  on,  and  by  1583  they  were  calling  for  a 
preacher  who  should  be  virtuous  and  learned,  who  should  teach  the 
inhabitants  the  word  of  God,  and  who  should  visit  and  give  good 
counsel  to  the  sick  as  need  should  arise. 

Within  a  few  years  there  raged  a  violent  struggle  in  the  Guildhall, 
the  noise  of  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  government  in  London. 
Our  knowledge  of  it  comes  partly  from  the  registers  of  the  privy  council, 


42        THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN 

partly  from  surviving  state  papers,  and  partly  from  the  records  of  the 
common  council.  One  party  to  the  controversy  showed  zeal  for 
Sabbath  observance  and  the  preaching  of  the  Word.  It  stood  for 
order  and  good  government,  and  it  acted  under  ecclesiastical  patronage. 
The  other  party  resisted  the  tightening-up  process  ;  they  preferred 
old  easy-going  ways,  and  so  they  were  hostile  to  the  church  authorities. 
All  who  leaned  to  the  old  faith  therefore  sympathized  with  them,  and 
some  may  very  well  have  prompted  them.  Secular-minded  laymen 
saw  in  the  controversy  nothing  but  a  faction  fight,  but  others  saw  a 
great  deal  more.  They  saw  the  hand  of  Rome  which  had  excom 
municated  the  queen  and  sent  the  Jesuit  mission  into  England  ;  and 
in  days  when  the  threat  from  the  Catholic  powers  of  France  and  Spain 
was  ever  present  there  were  no  disposition  to  take  unnecessary  risks. 

The  division  of  parties  manifested  itself  in  several  issues  of  policy. 
There  were  two  grammar  schools  in  Lincoln,  one  in  the  city  and  under 
the  joint  supervision  of  the  dean  and  chancellor  of  the  cathedral  and 
the  common  council  ;  the  other,  in  the  cathedral  close,  belonged  to  the 
chapter.  An  attempt  was  made  to  combine  the  schools,  the  stipends 
not  being  sufficient  to  maintain  able  and  sufficient  schoolmasters. 
Twice  before  the  union  of  the  schools  was  at  last  effected  in  1584  the 
master  of  the  school  in  the  city  was  nominated  by  Aylmer,  and  it  is 
clear  from  the  evidence  that  he  was  using  the  common  council  to  put 
pressure  on  his  less  energetic  brethren  in  the  chapter.  To  this  end 
he  was  able  to  use  the  party  which  was  then  in  the  ascendant  in  the  city. 

This  same  orthodox  party  took  the  credit  for  providing  the  city 
preacher,  who,  they  said,  was  obstructed  and  slandered  by  their 
opponents,  some  saying  that  they  desired  as  much  a  tale  of  Robin 
Hood  as  to  hear  him  preach,  others  that  he  and  his  sermons  had  made 
all  the  contentions  in  Lincoln,  and  yet  others  that  he  had  done  more 
harm  than  ever  he  would  do  good.  Thirdly,  there  were  the  measures 
to  enforce  Sabbath  observance,  with  church  attendance  and  the  closing 
of  shops  ;  the  opposition,  when  in  power,  refused  to  enforce  the  rules, 
and  encouraged  the  setting  up  of  maypoles  and  iVlay  games.  Fourthly, 
steps  were  taken  to  bridle  the  able  poor  from  begging  and  stealing, 
and  to  teach  and  keep  them  at  such  work  as  would  get  them  a  living. 
Fifthly,  there  was  the  better  control  ot  alehouses,  arti  the  putting  down 
of  unfit  victuallers  ;  there  had  been  some  seven  or  eight  score  ale 
houses  in  Lincoln,  and  many  vile  abuses  on  both  Sabbath  and  weekday. 
The  opposition  released  control,  and  swearing,  dicing,  carding  and 
drunkenness  came  back.  Sixthly,  the  assize  of  bread,  ale  and  beer 
for  the  control  of  prices  was  enforced  for  the  protection  of  the  poor. 

It  is  evident  that  the  conservatives  preferred  to  have  Lincoln  free 
than  Lincoln  (relatively)  sober  and  strictly  regimented  ;  and  they 
especially  resented  the  interference  of  churchmen,  with  the  choice 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN        43 

of  the  mayor  (as  they  alleged)  being  made  in  the  bishop's  palace. 
The  bishop  on  his  part  wrote  to  London  that  Rome  was  behind  the 
opposition,  and  he  prayed  that  the  Lord  should  preserve  and  bless 
the  Queen  and  defend  her  Church  from  the  paw  of  the  Lion. 

In  the  course  of  the  struggle,  which  lasted  several  years,  the  dean, 
Ralph  Griffin,  began  in  favour  with  the  common  council  but  changed 
sides.  One  citizen  said,  "it  was  shame  for  Mr.  Dean  to  deal  as  he  did, 
for  at  his  first  coming  he  was  all  on  the  other  side,  but  now  he  is 
contrary  ;  and  then  he  preached  upon  goodwill  and  for  nothing,  and 
now  he  selleth  his  sermons."  For  his  lewdness  the  speaker  was  dis 
franchised,  but  the  lewdness  was  recorded,  no  doubt  with  zest. 

The  canons  complained  to  archbishop  Whitgift  of  one  of  Griffin's 
sermons.  Whitgift  tried  to  damp  down  the  controversy,  writing  that 
the  dean  renounced  his  errors  in  doctrine,  though  his  words  and 
manner  of  teaching  came  from  Luther  and  Calvin.  So  ended  this 
particular  battle. 

In  the  meantime  the  puritan  party,  who  were  mostly  inside  the 
Church,  were  gaining  ground.  They  received  encouragement  from 
some  of  the  bishops.  Bullingham,  who  was  bishop  of  Lincoln  from 
1560  to  1571»  was  a  moderate  man.  He  was  followed  by  Thomas 
Cooper,  whose  attitude  is  illustrated  by  a  letter  he  wrote  soon  after 
his  accession  to  Lincoln,  apparently  to  the  dean  and  chapter,  pointing 
out  that  although  in  almost  all  cathedral  churches  there  was  a  divinity 
lecturer  for  the  instruction  of  the  people,  there  had  not  been  one  in 
their  church  for  some  years,  that  this  had  been  a  matter  of  reproach 
to  him,  and  he  asked  them  to  look  to  it. 

A  much  firmer  stand  was  taken  against  Puritanism  by  John  Whitgift, 
who  became  archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  1583.  He  had  been  dean 
of  Lincoln  from  1571  to  1577.  Soon  after  his  accession  to  Canterbury, 
in  1584,  John  Barefoot,  archdeacon  of  Lincoln,  wrote  to  him  that  a 
number  of  puritan  ministers  had  been  suspended,  had  appealed  to 
London,  and  been  allowed  to  return  to  the  diocese.  Thereafter 
Barefoot  had,  as  Whitgift  directed,  exhorted  them  to  subscribe,  and 
"to  leave  off  their  fantasies,  conceived  without  any  great  ground  of 
learning,  and  listen  to  your  Grace  and  other  fatherly  and  learned 
counsel"  :  telling  them  that  though  their  suspension  should  continue, 
their  benefices  should  not  be  sequestered  for  a  season,  so  that  they 
might  get  conformable  men  to  serve  in  their  cures.  They  replied  that 
they  had  been  promised  restoration,  citing  Thomas  Cooper,  the  former 
bishop  of  Lincoln,  as  saying  that  he  wished  it  were  so  for  a  season. 
Barefoot  had  replied  by  fixing  a  day  by  which  they  must  conform, 
failing  which  he  would  report  to  the  archbishop.  The  ministers  said 
that  they  would  return  to  London  to  renew  their  suit.  But  they  at 


44        THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN 

once  began  preaching  and  ministering  in  their  charges,  so  upsetting 
some  who  had  already  conformed,  and  were  beginning  to  wish  that 
they  had  not.  The  recusants  had  been  encouraged  by  a  letter  from 
John  Field,  secretary  of  the  puritan  classical  movement.  Copies  of 
the  letter  had  been  circulated  ;  Barefoot  could  not  get  a  copy,  but 
he  thought  Mr.  Huddleston  of  Saxilby  near  Lincoln,  who  was  before 
the  Court  of  High  Commission,  might  be  made  to  produce  the  original. 
The  wiser  and  godlier,  he  said,  were  wondering  where  it  would  all  end. 

In  the  last  years  of  the  century  there  was  a  puritan  party  inside  the 
common  council  of  Lincoln,  and  it  seems  that  they  existed  under  the 
guidance  and  patronage  of  local  gentry,  contending  with  authority. 
For  a  time  they  were  in  control.  They  placed  increasing  emphasis  on 
the  duty  of  the  city  preacher  "to  preach  the  Word"  every  Sunday 
afternoon  and  Wednesday  morning.  They  forbade  him  to  hold  a 
benefice  outside  the  city,  and  so  disqualified  the  then  holder  of  the 
office,  and  they  resolved  to  pay  an  increased  stipend.  They  then 
appointed  John  Smith,  a  young  Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge, 
who  was  already  known  to  be  a  puritan.  When  he  left  Lincoln  he 
went  to  Gainsborough,  where  he  renounced  his  Anglican  orders  and 
formed  a  separatist  congregation  of  Baptists.  From  thence  he  sought 
refuge  in  Amsterdam. 

His  Lincoln  ministry  began  inauspiciously  when  he  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  eight  votes  to  seven.  His  champions  knew  that  they  and 
he  were  insecure,  and  in  1602  he  was  given  a  life  patent  of  office 
under  the  city  seal.  The  next  mayor,  however,  belonged  to  the 
opposite  party,  and  he  procured  resolutions  revoking  various  measures 
lately  taken,  and  declaring  that  Smith  had  approved  himself  a  factious 
man  by  preaching  against  men  of  good  place  in  the  city,  that  he  was 
not  licensed  to  preach  and  was  even  then  inhibited  by  the  bishop, 
and  dismissing  him  from  his  office.  The  charge  of  personal  preaching 
is  proved  by  his  published  work.  In  a  series  of  lectures  on  Psalm  xxii 
he  dilated  upon  the  bulls,  the  lions  and  the  dogs  that  encompassed 
the  Christian,  and  complained  that  persecutors  of  the  Church  took 
it  in  dudgeon  if  they  were  so  called,  adding  : 

Sometime  it  falleth  out  that  the  minister  in  his  ministry  is 
occasioned  by  the  scripture  to  unfold  the  evil  properties  of  wicked 
men  in  regard  whereof  they  are  compared  to  beasts,  as  the  lion's 
properties  are  pride  and  cruelty,  the  fox's  craft  and  subtlety,  the 
hart's  fearlulness,  etc.,  and  it  may  fall  out  that  some  wicked  man 
called  lion  hath  the  lion's  pride  and  cruelty  .  .  .  now  if  these  men 
take  themselves  either  named  or  aimed  at  in  the  ministry  .  .  . 
without  doubt  either  gross  folly,  or  an  accusing  conscience,  or 
mere  malice  or  brutish  ignorance  bring  men  into  these  surmises  . . . 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN        45 

the  minister  by  God's  providence,  which  to  him  perhaps  is 
chance  medley,  sometimes  shall  wound  him  whom  he  never 
aimed  at,  or  harden  him  whom  he  never  thought  of  ;  for  the 
word  of  God  is  both  a  savour  of  life  and  of  death  to  several  sorts 
of  persons. 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  alderman  Leon  Hollingworth,  one 
of  his  opponents,  would  regard  such  passages  as  impersonal,  and  the 
marvel  is  that  Smith  should  pretend  that  they  were.  As  a  young  man 
he  must  have  been  rash  and  hasty,  though  at  the  end  of  his  life  he 
retracted  all  his  biting  and  bitter  words. 

Smith  became  involved  in  proceedings  in  the  archdeacon's  and  the 
bishop's  courts,  and  also  before  the  judges  of  assize.  Whitgift  wrote 
to  the  bishop  saying  that  he  licensed  Smith  to  preach  on  the  usual 
subscription  to  the  articles,  but  had  revoked  the  licence,  it  not  being 
his  intention  to  maintain  any  man  in  his  contentious  courses,  adding — 
remembering  his  Lincoln  days— "especially  in  a  place  I  wish  so  well 
as  that".  As  the  result  of  arbitration  he  was  awarded  £50  for  the 
surrender  of  his  life  patent  of  office.  Though  he  left  Lincoln  it  may 
well  have  been  the  result  of  his  ministry  that  in  1634  there  were  many 
anabaptists  in  Lincoln,  as  archbishop  Laud  was  told  by  his  vicar- 
general.  The  congregation  was  mentioned  as  one  of  five  in  the 
kingdom  when  the  London  congregation  wrote  to  Amsterdam  in  1626. 

He  had  weighty  friends  among  the  gentry,  among  them  Sir  William 
Wray,  son  of  the  Elizabethan  lord  chief  justice,  to  whom  he  dedicated 
his  exposition  of  Psalm  xxii,  because,  he  said,  "I  have  experienced 
yourself  to  be,  under  the  King's  Majesty,  a  principal  professor  and 
protector  of  religion  in  these  quarters  (for  what  a  multitude  of  faithful 
ministers  are  debtors  to  you  in  the  flesh),  and  for  that  I,  among  the 
rest,  have  rested  under  your  shadow." 

Wray's  two  sisters  sent  to  Cambridge  Richard  Bernard,  the  famous 
puritan  vicar  of  Worksop,  who  after  moving  towards  separatism  drew 
back  to  conformity  ;  he  dedicated  more  than  one  book  to  members 
of  the  family.  Wray's  brother-in-law,  Sir  George  St.  Paul  of 
Snarford,  endowed  a  free  school  at  Market  Rasen  and  maintained  a 
preacher  at  Welton,  both  near  his  home.  Wray  and  St.  Paul  sat  in 
several  parliaments,  playing  an  active  part,  especially  in  religious 
affairs.  St.  Paul  promoted  a  bill  against  scandalous  and  unworthy 
ministers,  and  Wray  joined  him  on  the  committee  for  the  bill.  In 
1605  St.  Paul  was  on  the  committee  for  the  bill  for  a  public  thanks 
giving  on  every  fifth  of  November  for  the  failure  of  the  Gunpowder 
Plot,  which  was  included  in  the  Prayer  Book,  and  was  to  be  such 
mighty  anti-Roman  propaganda  for  so  long. 


46        THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN 

Another  of  the  gentry,  Sir  William  Armyne  of  Osgodby,  is  seen 
upholding  Hugh  Tuke,  the  father  of  Lincolnshire  puritans,  who  had 
been  suspended  from  his  living  in  1584,  and  was  frequently  in  trouble 
with  the  authorities.  In  1612  Tuke  told  Armyne,  in  a  letter  in 
Dr.  Williams'  library,  that  the  bishop  was  threatening  to  proceed 
against  him,  and  that  the  vicar-general  had  cited  him  to  appear  at 
Grantham.  When  he  was  actually  in  the  pulpit  he  was  served  with 
a  summons  from  the  bishop  ;  and  he  enclosed  a  draft  testimonial  such 
as  Armyne  might  send  the  bishop,  certifying  that  Tuke  was  an  honest, 
godly  and  peaceable  man,  and  asking  the  bishop  to  forbear. 

Sir  Thomas  Grantham,  whose  home  was  in  Lincoln,  was  another 
of  the  same  group.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  (whose  husband,  Colonel 
Hutchinson,  had  lived  in  Grantham's  house  as  a  boy)  described  him  as 
"a  gentleman  of  great  repute  in  his  country,  and  kept  up  all  his  life 
the  old  hospitality  of  England,  having  a  great  retinue  and  a  noble 
table,  and  a  report  for  all  the  nobility  and  gentry  in  those  parts." 
Sir  John  Eliot  paid  tribute  to  him  as  "a  worthy  gentleman  of  Lincoln 
shire  who  was  never  wanting  to  the  service  of  his  country",  and  adds 
that  he  disliked  taxation  in  the  form  of  fifteenths  because  it  was  likely 
to  be  burdensome  to  the  poor. 

This  group  of  squires  had  a  powerful  friend  in  Theophilus  Clinton, 
fourth  earl  of  Lincoln.  His  brother-in-law,  Lord  Saye  and  Sele, 
was  a  leading  opponent  of  the  court.  Lincoln  raised  a  troop  of  horse 
to  aid  the  elector  palatine  in  1624.  In  the  Lords  he  had  brought  in  a 
bill  against  the  haunting  of  alehouses,  and  was  on  the  committee  for 
the  bill  to  prevent  profane  swearing  and  cursing.  Cotton  Mather 
speaks  of  his  family  as  being  the  best  of  any  nobleman  in  England, 
and  Roger  Williams  recalls  riding  with  John  Cotton,  the  puritan 
vicar  of  Boston,  to  Lincoln's  house  at  Sempringham  ;  Cotton's 
successor  at  Boston  had  been  Lincoln's  chaplain.  Lincoln's  father 
was  a  prime  mover  in  the  settlement  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  his 
sister  Arabella  emigrated  with  her  husband  to  New  England  in  1629. 

Between  them  these  men  held  not  fewer  than  27  advowsons,  and 
no  doubt  could  influence  presentations  to  many  others.  In  their 
households  were  growing  up  the  sons  who  would  sit  in  the  Long 
Parliament  on  the  puritan  side,  and  would  rule  the  county  through 
the  parliamentary  committee.  The  fathers  and  others  appear  as  a 
group  on  the  accession  of  James  I.  The  ministers  of  the  diocese 
inclining  to  protestant  nonconformity  presented  to  the  king  an  apology 
for  refusing  the  subscription  and  conformity  that  were  required, 
and  stated  in  the  published  Abridgement  thereof  that  thirty-three 
ministers  in  Lincolnshire  shared  their  views.  Bishop  Chaderton 
wrote  to  Robert  Cecil  that  he  understood  that  many  of  the  knights 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN        47 

of  Lincolnshire  had  set  their  hands  to  a  petition  on  the  behalf  of  some 
ministers  not  conformable  ;  he  could  not  get  the  petition,  but  he 
understood  that  Mr.  Atkinson  of  Glentworth  was  to  deliver  it.  He 
urged  strong  measures. 

Atkinson  had  held  two  livings,  one  of  these  Glentworth,  both  in 
Wray's  gift.  When  it  is  found  that  he  is  appointed  city  lecturer  in 
Lincoln  there  is  no  mistaking  the  significance  of  the  appointment. 
He  was  joined  by  Edward  Reyner,  a  protege  of  St.  Paul,  who  became 
Sunday  lecturer,  and  rector  of  St.  Peter  at  Arches,  the  central  parish 
church  in  the  city.  According  to  Calamy,  Reyner  was  even  then  a 
nonconformist  to  the  ceremonies,  which  created  him  adversaries, 
who  would  frequently  complain  of  him,  and  threaten  him,  and  yet 
his  liberty  of  preaching  was  continued  ;  and  yet  his  moderation 
procured  him  favour  with  several  that  belonged  to  the  minister, 
who  would  sometimes  hear  him  in  the  afternoon.  Sir  Edward  Lake 
himself,  the  chancellor  of  the  diocese,  was  often  his  auditor,  and 
declared  that  he  received  benefit  by  his  preaching,  till  he  was  reproved 
from  above.  John  Williams,  bishop  of  Lincoln,  appointed  Reyner 
to  preach  at  one  of  his  visitations,  but  touched  his  tender  conscience 
when  he  offered  him  a  prebend  :  "the  importunity  of  friends  prevailed 
with  him  to  accept  the  bishop's  present  of  a  prebend,  but  when  he 
came  next  morning  seriously  to  reflect  upon  the  necessary  attendants 
and  consequences  of  this  his  new  preferment,  he  was  much  dissatisfied  ; 
for  he  found  that  he  could  not  keep  it  with  a  safe  and  quiet  conscience." 
He  therefore  prevailed  on  his  kinswoman  Lady  Armyne  to  go  to  the 
bishop  and  get  him  released.  The  bishop  told  the  lady,  "I  have  had 
many  countesses,  ladies  and  others,  that  have  been  suitors  to  me  to 
get  preferments  for  their  friends  ;  but  you  are  the  first  that  ever 
came  to  take  away  a  preferment,  arid  that  from  one  that  I  bestowed  it 
on  with  my  own  hands." 

The  puritan  squires  took  their  part  in  the  earlier  parliaments  of 
Charles  I,  and  when  privy  seals  were  sent  out  for  forced  loans  in 
default  of  parliamentary  supply  Lord  Lincoln  was  committed  to  the 
Tower  for  dissuading  others  from  paying,  and  Armyne,  Grantham, 
Sir  John  Wray  and  others  were  committed  to  prison. 

Reyner's  episcopal  patron,  John  Williams,  was  a  shrewd  and  supple 
Welshman  seeking  a  career  in  the  church,  who  by  winning  the  favour 
of  James  I  had  become  dean  of  Westminster  in  1620,  and  in  the 
following  year  lord  keeper  of  the  great  seal  and  bishop  of  Lincoln. 
On  the  accession  of  Charles  I  he  suffered  a  reversal  of  fortune,  and 
was  deprived  of  the  great  seal.  His  support  of  the  Petition  of  Right 
in  the  House  of  Lords  seemed  to  commit  him  to  a  party.  He  incurred 
the  bitter  hatred  of  William  Laud,  bishop  of  London,  who  became 

4 


48        THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN 

archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  1633  ;  and  he  was  charged  with  favouring 
puritans  and  nonconformists.  It  is  clear  that  the  puritan  gentry  were 
accustomed  to  approach  him  on  questions  of  church  patronage  and 
order.  In  1632  Sir  William  Armyne  wrote  to  him  commending  a 
minister  who  wished  to  keep  a  lecture  at  Stamford,  as  being  con 
formable  and  of  a  quiet  and  peaceable  spirit  ;  and  in  1635  Sir  Anthony 
Irby  had  a  suggestion  of  a  successor  to  a  resigning  vicar  of  Boston  to 
make  to  him.  It  was  given  in  evidence  against  him  in  the  Star  Chamber 
that  he  discouraged  certain  diocesan  officials,  among  them  Sir  John 
Lamb,  from  proceeding  in  ecclesiastical  courts  against  puritans,  and 
that 

he  asked  Lamb  what  kind  of  people  these  puritans  were  of 
whom  he  complained,  and  whether  they  did  pay  their  loan  money  ? 
To  which  Lamb  replied,  They  did  conform  upon  that  account 
and  paid  their  money  ;  but  nevertheless  they  were  puritans, 
not  conformable  to  the  Church  :  to  which  the  bishop  replied, 
If  they  pay  their  monies  so  readily  to  the  King,  the  puritans  are 
the  King's  best  subjects,  and  I  am  sure,  said  the  bishop,  the 
puritans  will  carry  all  at  last. 

There,  if  the  testimony  be  true,  spoke  the  realist  politician.  He  was 
brought  into  the  Star  Chamber  upon  a  trumped-up  charge,  and  was 
fined  and  sent  to  the  Tower,  where  he  lay  until  he  was  sent  for  to 
resume  his  seat  in  the  Lords  in  the  Long  Parliament. 

During  these  years  Reyner  was,  according  to  Calamy,  very  laborious 
in  the  duties  of  his  place,  "warning  every  one  night  and  day  with  tears, 
teaching  them  publicly,  and  from  house  to  house"  ;  being  an  example 
of  a  pious,  diligent  and  conscientious  pastor.  In  1639  he  was  invited 
to  take  pastoral  charge  of  the  English  Congregational  church  at  Arnhem 
in  Guelderland  ;  but  hoping  that  better  times  were  approaching  in 
England  he  declined.  But  affairs  in  England  were  to  be  worse  before 
they  were  better.  He  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  com 
missary's  court  to  certify  his  conformity  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies 
prescribed  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  The  outbreak  of  further 
strife  leading  to  civil  war  put  an  end  to  these  proceedings. 

When  Lincoln  was  occupied  by  the  royalists  in  1643  Reyner  had 
his  goods  plundered,  and  was  in  danger  of  being  shot  in  his  church. 
He  fled  and  settled  first  in  Yarmouth  and  then  in  Norwich.  After 
two  years  he  returned  to  Lincoln,  and  in  the  second  civil  war,  during 
a  royalist  raid,  he  fled  into  the  Minster  library,  where  the  royalists 
followed  him  with  drawn  swords,  swearing  they  would  have  him 
dead  or  alive.  He  opened  the  door,  and  having  been  stripped  of  his 
coat  and  purse,  was  led  off  in  triumph.  Luckily  for  him  one  of  the 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  PURITANISM  IN  A  COUNTRY  TOWN        49 

royalist  captains,  who  had  been  his  pupil  when  he  was  a  school  master 
at  Market  Rasen,  espied  and  released  him. 

He  dedicated  his  Precepts  for  Christian  Practice,  or,  the  Rule  of  the 
New  Creature  new  modeVd  to  "The  Right  Worshipful  the  Mayor  and 
Aldermen,  with  the  rest  of  my  Christian  Friends  in  the  City  of 
Lincolne."  He  wrote  : 

I  feel  my  heart  inclined  hereunto,  because  I  have  lived  and 
laboured  long  with  you.  Full  twenty  eight  years  are  run  out, 
since  I  was  call'd  to  this  City  by  the  general  Vote  of  all  the  godly 
in  it.  All  which  time  (together  with  my  spirits  and  strength) 
I  have  spent  among  you,  and  upon  you  ;  but  for  about  two  years, 
in  the  heat  of  the  late  unhappy  broiles  ;  when  the  good  hand  of 
providence  removed  me  to  a  City  of  refuge,  to  wit,  Norwich, 
where  God  was  pleased  to  set  me  on  work  ...  I  know  not  how 
soone  I  shall  put  off  this  my  Tabernacle,  I  do  not  expect  to 
live  long  .  .  . 

He  was  still  in  Lincoln  in  1658,  but  he  escaped  the  troubles  that  might 
have  come  upon  him  after  the  Restoration,  for  he  died  in  or  about 
1660.  By  then  the  parliamentary  leaders  among  the  gentry  also  were 
dead  and  a  new  and  very  different  chapter  was  about  to  open. 

J.  W.  F.  HILL 


References  to  documents  in  support  of  the  argument  of  this  paper  will  be  found  in  my 
Tudor  and  Stuart  Lincoln  (C.U.P.,  1956),  and  are  not  repeated  here. 


Isaac  Watts'  Guide  To  Prayer 

A  PRAYER  BOOK  without  Forms'  is  Isaac  Watts'  description  of 
his  little  volume  of  156  pages.  It  is  one  of  his  first  works, 
having  been  published  in  1715,  the  same  year  as  his  Divine 
Songs,  and  is  the  fruit  of  his  partial  retirement  from  the  Mark  Lane 
Church  owing  to  ill-health  in  1712  when  he  became  the  guest  of 
Sir  Thomas  and  Lady  Abney.  It  is  designed  for  young  Christians 
and  particularly  the  family  man  who  finds  it  difficult  to  lead  in  prayer 
at  home.  It  deals  with  many  aspects  of  prayer  :  its  nature  and  method, 
free  prayer  and  set  prayers,  the  cultivation  of  prayer,  together  with 
many  practical  problems  which  face  the  beginner.  And  incidentally, 
it  allows  us  to  eavesdrop  upon  the  prayers  of  him  whose  praises  often 
adorn  our  worship. 

Watts  speaks  of  the  need  of  his  book.  He  warmly  commends 
Matthew  Henry's  Method  of  Prayer,  published  five  years  earlier,  but 
examination  shows  this  to  be  rather  like  an  anthology  of  Biblical 
prayers.  He  owns  his  indebtedness  to  Discourses  Concerning  the  Gift 
of  Prayer  by  John  Wilkins,  Bishop  of  Chester,  but  this  was  over  forty 
years  old  and,  furthermore,  we  can  suppose,  might  not  commend 
itself  to  Dissenters  who  were  not  accustomed  to  seeking  spiritual 
instruction  in  episcopal  directions.  Watts  also  acknowledges  in 
debtedness  to  John  Owen.  He  does  not  trouble  even  to  name  which 
of  Owen's  writings  he  had  used,  assuming  that  readers  would  need  no 
telling. 

The  parts  into  which  Watts  divides  prayer  are  in  the  main  normal. 
They  are  Invocation,  Adoration,  Confession,  Petition,  Pleading, 
Profession  (or  Self-Dedication),  Thanksgiving,  and  Blessing. 

In  the  first  two  sections  we  are  immediately  reminded  of  the  temper 
of  the  times.  Great  stress  is  placed  upon  the  nature  and  attributes  of 
God  and  the  lowliness  of  man.  This  Calvinist  theme  is  constantly 
reiterated  in  all  the  sections.  Let  us  hear  one  of  the  prayers  of 
Adoration  : 

Thou  art  very  great,  O  Lord,  thou  art  cloathed  with  Honour 
and  Majesty.  Thou  art  the  Blessed  and  only  Potentate,  King  of 
Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords.  All  things  are  naked  and  open  before 
thine  Eyes.  Thou  searchest  the  Heart  of  Man,  but  how  un 
searchable  is  thine  Understanding  ?  and  thy  Power  is  unknown. 
Thou  art  of  purer  Eyes  than  to  behold  Iniquity.  Thy  Mercy 

50 


ISAAC  WATTS'  'GyiDE  TO  PRAYER'  51 

endures  for  ever.    Thou  art  slow  to  Anger,  abundant  in  Goodness, 
and  thy  Truth  reaches  to  all  Generations.' 

Perhaps  we  should  expect  of  the  Calvinist  at  prayer  a  lengthy 
section  on  Confession  but  we  should  be  wrong.  Its  length  is  about 
equal  to  that  on  Adoration.  Watts  does  not  fail  to  use  that  favourite 
epithet  of  his  which  occurs  in  some  of  his  hymns  now  never  sung  : 
worm.  Indeed  he  rather  overdoes  it :  'Man  that  is  a  Worm,  and  the 
Son  of  Man  that  is  but  a  Worm  !  'Tis  in  thee  that  we  live,  move  and 
have  our  Being.'  This  is  too  suggestive  of  the  graveyard. 

The  stamp  of  the  age  is  upon  every  section  of  the  book.  Everything 
has  to  be  neatly  divided  and  subdivided.  Petition,  for  example,  is 
divided  into  Deprecation  and  Comprecation.  The  latter  is  'a  Request 
of  Good  things  to  be  bestow' d'  and  these  in  turn  are  to  be  offered  up 
for  ourselves  and  then  our  fellows.  Under  Deprecation  we  must 
pray  to  be  delivered  from  evils,  temporal,  spiritual  and  eternal.  The 
good  things  we  request  are  naturally  also  of  these  three  kinds.  Orderli 
ness,  then,  existed  in  prayer  as  well  as  in  sermon  ;  garden  and  building 
displayed  the  same  characteristic  :  we  are  indeed  in  the  eighteenth 
century. 

Among  the  petitions  are  several  for  the  Church  :  'Zion  lies  near 
to  the  heart  of  God,  and  her  Name  is  written  upon  the  Palms  of  the 
Hands  of  our  Redeemer.'  Indeed,  we  ought  to  plead  more  earnestly 
for  the  Church  than  for  earthly  kingdoms  for  'His  Church  He  values 
above  Kingdoms  and  Nations.'  We  recall  'Jesus  shall  reign  where'er 
the  sun',  inspired  by  Ps.  Ixxii,  as  we  read  another  prayer  that  God 
'would  spread  his  Gospel  among  the  Heathens,  and  make  the  Name 
of  Christ  known  and  glorious  from  the  rising  of  the  Sun  to  its  going 
down.' 

One  of  the  curiosities  of  the  book  is  the  small  place  accorded  to 
national  affairs.  There  is  only  one  sentence  on  them  and  this  does 
not  mention  the  Sovereign.  The  chief  plea  is  for  liberty  and  peace. 
If  Watts'  patriotism  was  somewhat  uncertain  at  this  time  it  is  hardly 
surprising.  Intolerance  under  Anne  was  at  its  peak  until  her  death  in 
1714,  and,  as  the  book  was  published  the  next  year,  Watts'  attitude 
is  understandable. 

Harder  to  understand  is  the  equally  small  place  given  to  friends  and 
near  relatives  in  petition.  They  too  deserve  more  than  the  one 
sentence  they  get.  Do  men  not  need  guidance  at  this  point  ?  Watts 
has  nothing  to  say  on  this.  Was  it  because  he  was  not  a  family  man 
himself  ? 

There  follows  in  Watts'  method  a  section  uncommon  to  liturgies, 
that  of  Pleading.  It  consists  of  seven  ways  in  which  a  man  may  plead 

4  * 


52  ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER* 

or  argue  his  case  before  God.  Although  at  first  sight  this  may  not 
appeal  to  us  to-day,  traces  of  these  ways  of  pleading  will  be  found  on 
most  Christians'  lips  at  some  time  in  life.  We  may  plead,  for  example, 
from  the  soreness  of  our  trials.  We  quote  a  passage  here  because  it 
seems  to  carry  us  into  Isaac  Watts'  sick-room  during  the  long  illness 
he  had  recently  borne  : 

My  Sorrows,  O  Lord,  are  such  as  overpress  me,  and  endanger 
my  dishonouring  thy  Name  and  thy  Gospel.  My  Pains  and  my 
Weaknesses  hinder  me  from  thy  Service,  and  I  am  rendred  useless 
upon  Earth,  and  a  Cumberer  of  the  Ground  :  They  have  been 
already  of  so  long  Continuance  that  I  fear  my  flesh  will  not  be 
able  to  hold  out,  nor  my  Spirit  to  bear  up,  if  thine  hand  abide  thus 
heavy  upon  me.  If  this  Sin  be  not  subdued  in  me,  or  that 
Temptation  removed,  I  fear  I  shall  be  turned  aside  from  the  Paths 
of  Religion,  and  let  go  my  Hope. 

Other  ways  of  pleading  with  God  are  illustrated  at  length.  We  may 
plead  on  the  basis  of  God's  mercies,  lovingkindness,  wisdom,  might 
and  so  forth.  We  have  certain  claims  upon  Him  in  so  far  as  He  is  our 
Maker,  King  and  Father.  'Are  not  the  Bowels  of  a  Father  with  thee 
and  tender  Compassions  ?'  Then  again,  we  should  dare  to  keep  God 
to  His  promises  : 

Remember  thy  Word  is  past  in  Heaven,  'Tis  recorded  among 
the  Articles  of  thy  sweet  Covenant,  that  I  must  receive  Light 
arid  Love  and  Strength  and  Joy  and  Happiness  ;  and  art  thou 
not  a  faithful  God  to  fulfil  every  one  of  those  Promises  ? 

With  Ezekiel  we  should  plead  with  God  for  His  Name's  sake  and  we 
should  make  use  of  the  experience  of  others  as  does  the  Psalmist, 
'Our  Fathers  cried  unto  thee  .  .  .'  Finally,  our  'most  powerful  and 
prevailing  Argument,  is  the  Name  and  Mediation  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.' 

Thus  W'atts  commends  Pleading  to  us.  The  saints  of  the  Old 
Testament  used  it  and  God  is  graciously  condescending  and  hears  us, 
though  'we  are  not  to  suppose  that  our  Arguments  can  have  any  real 
Influence  on  God's  own  Will.' 

Self-Dedication  or  Profession,  the  next  part  of  prayer,  Watts  himself 
says,  is  seldom  mentioned  by  writers.  It  is  divided,  following  the 
customary  pattern,  into  various  headings  and  several  lengthy  prayers 
are  provided.  We  extract  one  long,  typical  and  yet  elegant  sentence 
to  illustrate  the  kind  of  prayer  in  this  section  : 

I  give  my  Soul  that  has  much  Corruption  in  it  by  Nature, 
and  much  of  the  remaining  Power  of  Sin,  into  the  Hands  of  my 


ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER'  53 

Almighty  Saviour,  that  by  his  Grace  he  may  form  all  my  Powers 
anew  ;  that  he  may  subdue  every  disorderly  Passion  ;  that  he 
may  frame  me  after  his  own  Image,  fill  me  with  his  own  Grace, 
and  fit  me  for  his  own  Glory. 

In  the  section  on  Thanksgiving,  temporal  benefits  are  merely 
touched  upon  whereas  the  spiritual  blessings  conferred  upon  mankind 
by  the  plan  of  salvation  are  elaborated.  We  are  also  to  thank  God 
that  'among  the  Works  of  thy  Creation  we  should  be  placed  in  the 
Rank  of  rational  Beings.' 

The  prayer  system  ends  with  our  Blessing  God  and  then  the  Amen, 
The  Amen,  incidentally,  involves  four  sub-headings  ! 

We  must  now  spare  a  moment  to  record  our  impressions  thus  far. 
How  good  it  is  to  see  the  high  place  given  to  Adoration  in  Watts' 
worship.  This  accords  with  his  hymns  and  is  what  we  should  expect 
of  a  humble  Calvinist.  Our  only  regret  is  that  he  can  only  spend  seven 
lines  on  Christ  in  this  section.  'It  will  not  be  improper  to  make 
mention  of  the  Name  of  Christ,'  he  says,  and  goes  on  to  note  His 
Incarnation  and  Atonement.  In  those  days  there  was  a  larger  emphasis 
upon  natural  religion  than  there  is  to-day,  though  the  urban  wor 
shipper's  effusions  over  mountains,  streams,  woodlands  and  their 
charming  inhabitants,  which  are  particularly  manifest  amongst  us  at 
Harvest  Festivals  and  Sunday  School  Anniversaries,  were  unknown. 
However,  in  this  book,  nowhere  can  we  escape  from  the  presence  of 
God's  majesty.  A.  P.  Davis  is  perhaps  a  little  unkind  to  Watts  when 
he  says  that  he  makes  God  a  sort  of  divine  Lord  Mayor  who  must  be 
addressed  in  correct  terms2  but  we  know  what  Watts  felt  and  it  is  an 
essential  element  in  worship.  'We  that  are  but  Dust  and  Ashes  take 
upon  us  to  speak  to  thy  Majesty.  We  bow  ourselves  before  thee  in 
humble  address.' 

No  doubt  Watts  is  only  like  other  Dissenters  of  his  day,  and  indeed 
a  good  many  ever  since,  whose  religion  is  dominantly  individualistic. 
His  fellows,  his  friends,  society  and  state,  these  are  but  barely  dealt 
with.  Even  when  he  prays  for  the  Church,  its  fellowship  and  its 
Sacraments  are  ignored  and  it  is  as  a  vehicle  for  individual  salvation 
that  he  sees  it.  Some  of  his  hymns  are  otherwise  at  times  but  that  such 
is  the  case  here  is  only  another  instance  of  the  lack  of  corporate  sense 
which  was  characteristic  of  the  age.  Indeed,  we  are  still  a  long  way 
from  reaching  the  right  balance  between  the  individual  and  corporate 
elements  in  Christian  worship  and  practice. 

The  Bible  obviously  guides  Watts  in  his  understanding  of  prayer. 
Though  he  is  not  for  ever  citing  references,  as  do  many  of  his  con 
temporaries,  he  employs  plenty  of  Biblical  material.  It  seems  that  he 


54  ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER' 

includes  his  new  heading  of  Pleading  because  of  the  Scriptural  pre 
cedents  for  it,  and  he  feels  obliged  to  incorporate  Imprecation  into  his 
section  on  Petition  for  the  same  reason  though  he  skilfully  extracts  its 
sting,  pointing  out  that  vengeance  cannot  be  invoked  against  our 
enemies  but  only  against  Christ's. 

The  language  of  the  prayers  is  more  conversational  than  that  of  the 
Prayer  Book,  yet  more  dignified  than  that  of  the  street.  A.  P.  Davis 
declares  that  Watts  was  'an  ingrained  compromiser'3  and  maybe  here 
we  have  another  example  of  it,  though,  as  far  as  the  language  of  prayer 
amongst  Free  Churchmen  is  concerned,  if  Watts  is  a  compromiser, 
so  are  many  of  us,  quite  deliberately. 

However,  there  is  no  doubt  about  the  compromise,  a  sound  com 
promise,  which  Watts  makes  between  extempore  prayer  and  set 
forms  of  prayer.  He  grants  that  forms  have  their  uses.  It  is  better 
to  use  them  than  not  to  pray  at  all.  A  set  form  may  sometimes  express 
our  feelings  better  than  we  can.  It  may  come  to  our  aid  in  a  time  of 
spiritual  dryness.  We  are  well  advised  to  borrow  expressions  and 
thoughts  from  such  prayers.  But  to  be  confined  to  them  is  the  danger. 
Then  the  natural  outflowing  of  our  thoughts  is  prevented  and  the  gift 
of  prayer  cannot  be  developed.  'We  damp  our  inward  Devotion  and 
prevent  the  Holy  Fire  from  kindling  within  us.'  'Mcer  Lip- Service' 
is  encouraged  and  '  'tis  very  apt  to  make  our  Spirits  cold  and  flat, 
formal  and  indifferent  in  our  Devotion.'  'When  we  continually  tread 
one  constant  Road  of  Sentences  or  Tract  of  Expressions,  they  become 
like  an  old  beaten  Path  in  which  we  daily  travel,  and  we  are  ready  to 
walk  on  without  particular  Notice  of  the  several  parts  of  the  way.' 
Readers  with  psychiatric  interests  will  be  delighted  to  hear  that  Watts 
is  on  their  side  :  'The  Duty  of  Prayer  is  very  useful  to  discover  to 
us  the  Frame  of  our  ov\n  Spirits'  and  he  adds,  'a  constant  use  of  Forms 
will  much  hinder  our  Knowledge  of  our  selves.'  Chief  amongst 
Watts'  arguments  against  set  forms,  and  chief  amongst  Owen's,  is 
that  they  are  not  fitted  to  all  occasions  and  suited  to  all  frames  of  spirit. 
A  man  at  prayer,  says  Watts,  should  be  like  a  doctor,  not  a  chemist. 
The  latter  knows  the  prescriptions  but  the  former  is  skilled  in  medicine 
and  applies  his  knowledge  to  each  particular  case.  Finally,  to  drive 
his  point  home,  he  quotes  a  long  passage  from  Bishop  Wilkins  to 
show  that  even  those  who  advocate  the  Prayer  Book  recognize  its 
limitations  and  advise  men  to  grow  up  in  prayer  and  not  rest  satisfied 
with  prescribed  forms. 

On  the  other  hand,  Watts  is  equally  firm  with  those  who  depend 
on  'sudden  Motions  and  Suggestions  ;  as  though  we  were  to  expect 
the  perpetual  Impression  of  the  holy  Spirit  upon  our  Minds  as  the 
Apostles  and  inspired  Saints.'  Extempore  prayer,  let  us  note,  means 


ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER*  55 

to  Watts  spontaneous  prayer,  completely  unpremeditated,  and  such 
prayer  he  would  encourage  in  private  or  in  the  case  of  gifted  arid 
experienced  persons  such  as  Ministers  in  public,  but  normally  prayer 
ought  to  be  well  premeditated.  Here  then  is  the  compromise  between 
the  set  form  and  the  unpremeditated  utterance.  Premeditation  will 
help  us  to  avoid  long  pauses  and  hesitations,  ramblings  and  impertinent 
rhapsodies  of  words  which  offend  both  the  pious  and  the  profane. 
Nevertheless,  in  another  part  of  the  book,  he  warns  us  riot  to  despise 
the  humble  Christian  who  'falls  into  many  thoughtless  Indecencies  of 
Gesture  in  Prayer,  or  delivers  his  Sentences  with  a  most  unhappy 
Tone  of  Voice.'  Wrho  knows  ?  'Perhaps  he  was  never  taught  to 
practise  Decency  when  he  was  young.' 

Watts  certainly  believed  in  training  people  to  pray.  He  dis 
tinguishes  between  the  Gift  and  the  Grace  of  prayer  at  some  length, 
a  distinction  wrhich  has  prooably  occurred  to  few  of  us.  The  former 
refers  to  the  tongue,  to  facility  of  expression,  the  latter  to  the  heart, 
to  the  spirit  inspiring  prayer.  Christians  can  develop  the  Gift  and 
attain  further  Grace. 

Language,  voice  and  gesture  occupy  a  surprising  proportion  of  the 
training  scheme  (29  pages).  No  doubt,  this  was  what  the  respectable 
young  man  wanted  to  know.  The  advice  in  the  first  place  is  to  model 
language  upon  Scripture  and  to  learn  verses  from  Psalms  and  Job 
day  by  day.  To  add  authoritative  weight  to  his  advice  he  quotes  a 
long  passage  from  'the  most  authentick  Judge  of  line  Thoughts  and 
Language  that  our  Age  has  produced',  from  The  Spectator  for 
June  14th,  1712.  It  concludes,  'when  Mortals  converse  with  their 
Creator,  they  cannot  do  it  in  so  proper  a  Style  as  that  of  the  holy 
Scriptures.'  We  recall  that  The  Spectator  also  thought  well  of  Watts. 
Not  every  use  of  Scripture  pleased  WTatts,  however,  and  he  particularly 
mentions  his  weariness  at  so  often  hearing  about  the  'Blessings  of 
the  upper  and  nether  Springs.'  He  warns  men  of  length,  obscurity 
and  parentheses.  Archaisms  sometimes  cause  difficulty  :  'we  do  thee 
to  wit'  for  'we  acquaint  thee'  for  example.  \Vatts  blames  the  Prayer 
Book  and  Sternhold  and  Hopkins  for  some  of  this.  He  also  admonishes 
the  clever  young  fellow  with  his  knowledge  of  French  and  Latin  for 
airing  it  :  'Thou,  O  Lord,  art  our  Dernier  ressort'  or  'The  beatific 
Splendors  of  thy  Face  irradiate  the  celestial  Region,  and  felicitate 
the  Saints'.  Then  there  is  philosophic  jargon  and  mystical  language  : 
'God  is  an  Abyss  of  Light,  a  Circle  whose  Center  is  every  where.' 
Both  glittering  and  coarse  expression  should  be  shunned  :  'let  your 
Language  be  grave  and  ;kv:nt,  which  is  a  Medium  between  Magnifi 
cence  and  Meanness.'  Especially  does  Watts  dislike  the  ignorance  which 
betrayed  men  into  talking  of  'roiling  upon  Christ'  and  of  'swimming 
upon  Christ  to  dry  Land'  and  though  to  speak  of  the  worm  was  just, 


56  ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER* 

he  deplores  those  who?' rake  all  the  Sinks  of  Nastiness  to  fetch  Metaphors 
for  their  Sins.'  In  the  midst  of  this  lecture  Watts  does  not  forget  to 
press  us  with  a  home-truth  :  'The  Reason  why  we  want  Expressions 
in  Prayer,  is  many  times  because  we  use  ou:  sHves  so  little  to  speak 
about  the  things  of  Religion  and  another  world.  A  Man  that  hath  but 
a  tolerable  Share  of  natural  Parts,  and  no  great  Volubility  of  Speech, 
learns  to  talk  well  upon  the  Affairs  of  his  own  Trade  and  Business  in 
the  World,  and  scarce  ever  wants  Words  to  discourse  with  his  Dealers, 
and  the  reason  is,  because  his  Heart  and  his  Tongue  are  frequently 
engaged  therein.' 

Instructions  concerning  voice  are  ordinary  enough  :  be  natural, 
be  distinct,  not  too  slow  or  too  fast  and  do  not  cant. 

Gesture  refers  largely  to  posture  in  prayer.  True,  there  are  some 
grotesque  instructions  about  not  wringing  the  countenance  'as  it  were 
to  squeeze  out  our  Words  or  our  tears'  and  not  indulging  in  'tossings 
and  shakings  of  the  Head'.  It  seems  that  closing  the  eyes  for  prayer 
was  not  usual  in  those  days  because  he  says  that  owing  to  distraction, 
'some  Persons  have  found  it  most  agreeable  to  keep  the  Eyes  always 
closed  in  Prayer.'  Under  this  heading  too,  Watts  finds  occasion  to 
criticise  the  common  slackness  and  irreverence  found  in  the  conduct  of 
family  prayers.  Indeed  the  section,  in  this  and  other  respects,  does 
not  encourage  us  to  believe  that,  in  spite  of  their  length  in  prayer, 
we  should  have  found  as  much  reverence  in  the  average  eighteenth- 
century  Meeting  House  as  in  our  Churches  to-day.  An  interesting 
point  to  which  Horton  Davies  has  drawn  attention4  is  that  Watts 
disapproves  of  sitting  for  prayer.  His  campaign  here  was  fought 
without  much  success.  His  main  grounds  are  that  it  is  not  Scriptural  ; 
it  is  also  a  posture  of  'Rest  and  Laziness'.  Kneeling  and  standing  are 
proper  and  so  is  prostration.  Did  not  Abraham,  Moses,  Joshua, 
Daniel,  Ezekiel  and  John  prostrate  themselves  ?  But  it  should  be 
done  in  private  !  The  question  of  posture  in  prayer  receives  more 
attention  from  Watts  than  from  us  to-day  and  yet  in  many  ways  we 
are  more  aware  of  the  interplay  of  physical  and  mental  factors. 

In  another  part  of  the  book  Watts  labours  to  help  the  beginner  to 
overcome  his  nervousness.  Ten  arguments  are  advanced,  (i)  'Get 
above  the  Shame  of  appearing  religious  .  .  .'  (ii)  'Make  religious 
Conversation  your  Practice  .  .  .'  (iii)  Wrork  at  prayer  'in  secret  for 
some  considerable  time  before  you  begin  in  public.'  (iv)  Prepare  your 
heart  as  well  as  your  thoughts  for  prayer,  (v)  Say  to  yourself,  'Dare  I 
speak  to  the  great  and  dreadful  God,  and  shall  I  be  afraid  of  Man  ?' 
(vi)  'Be  not  too  tender  of  your  own  Reputation  in  these  externals  of 
Religion  .  .  .  Bashfulness  has  often  a  great  deal  of  fondness  for  Self 
mingled  with  it.'  (vii)  Make  your  first  attempts  in  a  small  familiar 


ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER'  57 

company  'that  you  may  be  under  no  fear  nor  concern  about  their 
Sentiments  of  your  Performance.'  (viii)  '.  .  .  Be  short  ;  offer  up  a 
few 'more  common  and  necessary  Requests  at  first  .  .  .'  (ix)  Do  not 
be  discouraged.  'Let  not  Satan  prevail  with  you  therefore  to  cast  off 
this  Practice  .  .  .'  (x)  Pray  earnestly  for  'holy  liberty  of  Speech.' 

Watts  also  advises  the  beginner  to  use  set  forms  of  prayer  as  a  help 
in  devotion  and  to  practise  what  he  calls  'mixt  prayer',  that  is,  the  use  of 
a  written  prayer  or  Scriptural  text  as  a  foundation  for  one's  prayer  and 
then  allowing  one's  own  expressions  to  spring  from  it.  Another 
method  commended  is,  once  a  month,  to  write  out  one's  own  prayer 
along  the  several  lines  set  out  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  and  to  use  it 
morning  and  evening.  After  doing  this  month  by  month,  the  language 
and  content  of  prayer  will  become  familiar  and  the  practice  may  be 
discontinued.  Watts  believed  that  prayer  from  pulpits  would  have  been 
much  better  if  theological  students  had  made  such  'experiments', 
as  he  calls  them.  The  theological  student  should  practise  this  writing- 
out  once  a  week. 

Before  concluding,  Watts  preaches  us  a  sermon  persuading  us  to 
pray.  One  wonders  whether  this  should  not  have  come  at  the  beginning 
of  the  book.  He  calls  it  his  'Persuasive'  and  it  occupies  16  pages. 
We  do  not  propose  to  speak  of  this  but  it  contains  a  sidelight  on  pastoral 
work  which  is  of  interest.  A  function  of  the  pastor  in  all  generations 
comes  to  the  fore  and  is  here  used  to  incite  the  ordinary  man  to  greater 
heights  in  prayer  : 

How  sweet  a  Refreshment  have  ye  found  under  inward  Burdens 
of  Mind,  or  outward  Afflictions,  when  in  broken  Language  you 
have  told  them  to  your  Minister,  and  he  hath  spread  them  before 
God,  and  that  in  such  words  as  have  spoke  your  whole  Soul  and 
your  Sorrows  ?  And  you  have  experienced  a  sweet  Serenity  and 
Calm  of  Spirit  ;  you  have  risen  up  from  your  Knees  with  your 
Countenance  no  more  sad  :  and  have  ye  not  wished  for  the  same 
Gift  your  selves  .  .  .? 

The  content  and  theological  outlook  revealed  in  Watts'  prayers  have 
already  been  referred  to.  Lastly  we  must  make  a  brief  comment  upon 
Watts'  scheme  of  training  in  prayer,  bearing  in  mind  that  the  book  had 
several  editions  and  was  in  popular  use  for  many  decades. 

Is  there  not  a  most  serious  omission  ?  The  Lord's  Prayer  does  not 
appear  as  our  supreme  model.  This  is  a  great  loss. 

That  the  book  is  very  practical  and  was  therefore  popular  has  been 
made  clear.  One  is  left  wondering  at  the  end,  however,  whether 
Watts  expected  too  much  of  his  training  scheme.  He  wants  to  con 
vince  Dissenters  that  the  Gift  and  Graces  of  Prayer  could  be  developed 


58  ISAAC  WATTS'  'GUIDE  TO  PRAYER' 

with  study  and  practice,  but  not  without.  This  is  something  in 
sufficiently  realised  to-day;  we  may  learn  even  from  Watts'  suggestions. 
Whilst  admitting  the  value  of  all  this,  we -must  question  whether 
he  emphasizes  that  personal  faith  and  experience  which  is  the  main 
spring  of  prayer.  He  believes  this  but  that  he  succeeded  in  conveying 
its  absolute  necessity  is  far  from  clear.  He  laments  the  coldness  and 
indifference  of  many  Christians  and  wants  to  awaken  them  and  yet  he 
fails  to  mention  in  his  arguments  with  them  the  necessity  of  their  own 
spiritual  regeneration  before  they  can  truly  pray.  Although  the  advent 
of  Wesley  was  still  a  long  way  off.  the  need  of  revival  had  already 
been  felt.  In  his  way  Watts  tried  to  provoke  it  but  was  he  sufficiently 
aware  of  the  spiritual  drought  which  reasoning  alone  could  not  break  ? 
As  a  man  of  the  Bible  he  was,  as  his  hyrnns  show,  evangelical ;  as  a  man  of 
his  time  he  was,  as  his  books  show,  intellectual.  Did  he  allow  the 
intellectual  man  to  dominate  the  evangelical  too  much  so  that  technique 
wau  as  important  as  faith  ? 

We  cannot  doubt  Watts'  own  faith  and  personal   communion  ;  to 
conclude,  we  quote  a  beautiful  passage  from  his  'Persuasive'  : 

W;hen  a  holy  Soul  comes  before  God,  he  hath  much  more  to 
say  than  merely  to  beg.  He  tells  his  God  what  a  Sense  he  hath 
of  the  divine  Attributes,  and  what  high  Esteem  he  pays  to  his 
Majesty,  his  Wisdom,  his  Power,  and  his  Mercy.  He  talks  with 
him  about  the  Works  of  Creation,  and  stands  wrapt  up  in  Wonder. 
He  talks  about  the  Grace  and  Mystery  of  Redemption,  and  is  yet 
more  fill'd  with  Admiration  and  Joy  ....  And  shall  we  content 
our  selves  with  Sighs  and  Groans  and  a  few  short  Wishes,  and 
deprive  our  Souls  of  so  ricSi,  so  divine,  so  various  a  Pleasure,  for 
want  of  knowing  how  to  furnish  our  such  Meditations,  and  to 
speak  this  blessed  Language  ? 

JOHN  H.  TAYLOR. 


1  As  A  (juide  to  Praytr  is  a  short  work  and  quotations  from  it  are  ea^y  to  locale,  page  references 
are  not  given. 

2  A.  P,  Davis,  Isaac  Watts,  p.  91. 

3  A.  P.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  222. 

4  The  Worship  of  the  English  Puritans,  p.  52. 


JOHN  REYNOLDS  1740-1803 


A 


T  the  end  of  the  Jubilee  salute  of  the  London  Missionary  Society 
to  its  Fathers  and  Founders — a  book  of  brief  and  pious  biographies 
under  that  title — it  is  written  : 


There  were  so  many  devoted  men  aroused  into  action  by  the 
early  movements  of  the  London  Missionary  Society  that  the 
Editor  is  quite  aware  that  some  of  the  best  friends  of  the  cause 
may  have  been  overlooked  by  him,  while  he  has  been  compelled 
to  omit  others  from  want  of  such  materials  as  would  have  justified 
an  attempt  at  anything  like  a  detail  of  their  personal  history. 

A  list  of  names  follows  which  includes  that  of  John  Reynolds,  and 
then  it  goes  on  :  "He  would  willingly  have  chronicled  all  the  wise 
and  good  who  came  forward  to  the  help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty, 
but  this  would  have  been  to  write  memoirs  of  the  flower  of  the  British 
Churches". 

The  Rev.  John  Reynolds  may  not  have  left  behind  the  makings  of  a 
biography  according  to  the  ideas  of  Dr.  John  Morison,  but  he  did 
leave  personal  diaries  in  the  hands  of  his  family.  To  his  descendants, 
their  ancestor  and  the  L.M.S.  were  sufficiently  closely  linked  for  them 
to  have  offered  both  these  diaries  and  his  portrait  as  a  gift  to  the 
Society.  The  rosy-cheeked,  bewigged  countenance  of  John  Reynolds 
of  Camomile  Street  Chapel  looks  down  on  all  whose  way  brings  them 
sufficiently  high  up  in  Livingstone  House.  This  mm  who  left  nothing 
for  a  biographer  of  1844  was  minister,  from  1774  until  his  death  in  1803, 
of  the  London  Church,  worshipping  in  a  street  running  between 
Bishopsgate  and  Leadcnhall  Street,  whose  fellowship  is  continued 
today  in  the  City  Temple. 

The  picture  of  himself  that  Reynolds  gives,  in  the  portion  of  his 
diary  that  is,  available,  is  that  oi  a  man  who  enjoyed  life  to  the  full. 
Of  an  Aprii  morning  he  wrote  :  "How  Svveet  and  pleasant  the  coming 
spring  in  Cn-ation,  alive  and  smiling.  The  fields  ho*v  fragrant  ! 
The  sower  wh''j-\ln;r  l?ehiv;d  the  steady  piov.-,  whilst  the  cattle  appear 
strong  and  \viliing  tc,  labour.  Great  and  marvellous  are  thy  works, 
O  thou  most  high".  When,  however,  it  came  to  his  enjoyment  of 
music  he  confided  to  his  diary  : 

Went  with  Mrs.  Reynolds  and  Sally  ard  dined  with  Mrs, 
Bowden,  drank  tea  and  supped  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cook  and  a 
great  deal  of  company,  Was  exceedingly  entertained  with  musick, 
both  vocal  and  instrumental.  Got  home  s:ife  at  12  o'clock. 

59 


60  JOHN  REYNOLDS,  1740-1803 

Visiting  and  company  a  great  hindrance  to  the  important  duties 
of  the  family  and  the  study.  Tis  in  these  I  find  most  entertain 
ment  and  improvement  to  my  mind.  The  first  time,  and  hope 
'twill  be  the  last  time,  that  I  have  stayed  out  so  late  since  I  came 
to  London. 

It  seems  he  had  to  apologize  to  himself  for  that  kind  of  enjoyment. 
Perhaps  the  reason  is  contained  in  the  following  : 

Sept.  20,  1775  Rode  to  Peckham  to  engage  Dr.  Hunter  to 
preach  for  me  Sabbath  afternoon.  Had  many  humbling  and 
adoring  thoughts  of  Providence  in  looking  twenty  years  back. 
Twenty  years  ago  when  I  walked  over  the  same  ground,  I  was  a 
vain,  presumptuous,  wicked  youth.  But  now,  a  Preacher  of  the 
Glorious  Gospel,  and  employed  in  directing  sinners  from  their 
ruin,  into  which  I  was  nearly  plunged,  to  the  salvation  held  forth 
in  the  Scriptures. 

Or  was  this  contrast  just  typical  of  the  times  ?  It  is  even  more  marked 
here  :  "June,  1792  —A  fine  morning.  Walked  out  with  Mrs.  Wade 
and  Miss  Holbert  thro'  Dulwich.  Went  into  a  Public  house  and  had 
a  snap.  The  ladies  sat  upon  the  style  and  charmed  me  with  their 
singing"  ;  adding  almost  fiercely  :  "Mr.  Holbert  made  me  a  present 
of  two  guineas.  He  is  a  worthy  man.  The  Mother  and  daughter 
wretched  and  miserable". 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  first  pastorate,  as  minister  of  the  two 
Churches,  Clavering  and  Wenden,  Essex,  (the  diary  available  begins 
at  this  time)  when  he  was  living  midway  between  the  two  places,  at 
Newport,  he  writes  at  length  of  his  love  of  study  and  meditation, 
of  the  wonder  and  help  of  the  long  hours  spent  alone.  He  confides 
to  the  page  how  unprofitable  some  people's  company  is,  and  how 
unedifying  their  conversation  ;  and  how  few  there  are  whose  talk  is 
worth  while.  During  his  busy  London  life  he  records,  one  feels  with 
a  sigh  of  relief,  periods  short  or  long  spent  in  "meditation,  a  most 
desirable  and  delightful  employ",  or  simply,  "close  in  study". 

John  Reynolds  was  born  at  Winchester  on  30  June,  1740,  six  years 
before  Matthew  Wilks  of  the  Tabernacle,  a  friend  of  later  years. 
Reynolds  said  he  was  wont  to  worship  at  Winchester  Cathedral,  but 
as  he  was  brought  to  London  when  he  was  five  years  old,  he  could  have 
remembered  only  enough  to  send  him  exploring  when  he  revisited 
his  birthplace  in  1775.  Of  his  mother  there  is  no  record,  and  his 
father,  who  had  a  situation  in  the  Customs,  was  drowned  in  the  Thames 
while  his  only  son  wras  still  at  school.  An  uncle  then  took  charge  of 
the  boy.  There  was  one  sister  who  married  a  business  man  named 
Fonton.  We  are  told  that  Mr.  Fonton  got  into  debt,  embezzled  money 


JOHN  REYNOLDS,  1740-1803  61 

and  disappeared,  causing  a  family  scandal  over  "a  black  and  shocking 
catalogue  of  fraudulence",  at  a  time  when  the  Fontons  lived  next  door 
to  the  Reynolds'. 

Looking  back  on  his  course,  John  Reynolds  confided  to  his  diary  : 

O  how  thankful  am  I  that  the  hand  of  Providence  lead  me  out 
of  the  Church  in  which  I  was  wrapt  up  in  gross  darkness  and 
ignorance,  and  how  indebted  am  I  to  the  Grace  which  taught  the 
danger  of  my  state  and  the  importance  of  salvation  thro'  the  blood 
of  Jesus.  ONCE,  my  thoughts  were  wholly  turned  to  the  Church. 
Nothing  afforded  me  the  pleasure  that  the  expectation  and  hopes 
of  being  a  clergyman  once  did.  I  communicated  my  views  to  my 
schoolmaster,  who  had  a  son  at  Oxford,  and  a  son-in-law  in  full 
Orders.  The  latter  encouraged  me  greatly  and  proposed  a  plan 
for  my  admission  to  the  University.  But  above  all  my  wishes 
and  designs,  Providence  interposed,  blasted  my  hopes,  put  me 
under  the  care  of  an  Uncle,  from  whom  I  expected  great  things. 
I  went  to  Meeting  to  please  him  and  secure  his  interest.  He 
dyed,  I  was  disappointed. 

Reynolds  was  apprenticed  to  a  goldsmith,  possibly  after  his  uncle's 
death  ;  and  finally  prepared  to  enter  the  Dissenting  ministry  through 
the  influence  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Hitchin.  From  the  place  Dr. 
Thomas  Gibbons,  one  of  the  tutors,  heldin  his  life,  one  might  suppose 
that  Reynolds  went  to  Homerton  Academy,  then  at  Mile  End.  He  enter 
tained  the  Doctor  in  his  own  home,  in  1772,  with  great  pride,  noting 
that  he  was  a  worthy,  generous,  pious,  human,  affectionate  friend. 
It  was  Dr.  Gibbons  who  made  it  financially  possible  for  Reynolds'  son, 
also  John,  to  go  to  Bishops  Stortford  School  at  the  age  of  eight  years, 
where  his  own  son  had  just  settled  as  a  master.  When  Dr.  Gibbons, 
in  1785,  had  a  stroke  while  speaking  at  the  Hoxton  Square  Coffee 
House,  it  was  John  Reynolds  who  appeared  from  his  home  nearby, 
and  took  charge. 

Preaching  excursions,  engaged  in  while  still  a  very  young  man,  took 
Reynolds  into  Kent,  where  he  was  a  welcome  pulpit  supply  at  Seven- 
oaks.  His  first  wife  \vas  a  Miss  Deals  of  Folkestone,  whom  he  must  have 
married  not  later  than  the  time  of  his  call  to  the  double  pastorate  of 
Clavering  and  Wenden,  in  Essex,  in  1765,  as  their  son,  John,  was  born 
towards  the  end  of  that  year.  On  23rd  September,  1772,  his  second 
son,  William,  was  baptized,  but  his  mother  was  a  local  lady.  When 
John's  mother  died,  and  William's  mother  married  John  Reynolds, 
is  not  recorded  in  the  available  diary.  Reynolds  lived  at  Clavering 
until  1771,  and  then  moved  to  Newport,  as  being  midway  between  his 
two  Churches — or  was  it  to  be  nearer  his  second  wife's  people  at 
Pondcross,  Newport  ?  The  \Venden  church  was  an  old  building, 


62  JOHN  REYNOLDS,  1740-1803 

which  was  pulled  down  in  the  latter  part  of  1778,  after  a  hundred  years' 
use,  during  the  pastorate  of  Reynolds'  successor,  and  a  new  church 
was  then  built  at  Newport.  Reynolds  received  into  membership  of  the 
Clavering  Church,  soon  after  his  settlement,  a  young  man  named 
Jack  Ray,  who  went  into  the  ministry.  Officially,  John  Mead  Ray 
left  Homerton  College  in  1773  and  settled  at  Sudbury.  John  Reynolds, 
who  watched  his  college  course  with  interest,  records  of  Ray,  "expelled 
from  Homerton  Academy  last  Wednesday.  The  offence  I  am  a  stranger 
to.  I  hope  nothing  that  materially  affects  his  moral  character".  Two 
months  later  he  had  Ray  preaching  at  Clavering,  and  found  his  gifts 
promising.  Ray's  lifelong  pastorate  at  Sudbury  and  his  place  in  the 
counsels  of  the  London  Missionary  Society  show  that  Reynolds'  hope 
was  realized. 

Reynolds'  Kentish  mother-in-law  died  on  1st  April,  1773,  leaving 
him  £20  instead  of  an  expected  £100.  "I  have  more  than  once  been 
kept  out  of  my  right,  but  God  knows  how  to  right  me,"  was  the  end 
of  his  comment  on  this  occasion.  All  through  life  he  tried  not  to  be 
rebellious  over  his  poverty,  though  he  "had  great  exercise  of  mind 
respecting  outward  providences"  and  was  often  down  to  his  last 
shilling  ;  but  he  found  it  hard,  often  needing  to  remind  himself  of 
God's  mercies.  In  his  country  days,  on  a  stipend  of  £60  a  year,  he 
exclaimed  with  joy  at  the  gift  of  a  "new  halt",  and  it  was  an  event  when 
Mrs.  Reynolds  bought  a  silk  dress  in  Bishops  Stortford.  He  once 
noted  that  his  friends  had  used  him  ill,  in  that  he  had  been  amongst 
them  preaching  and  visiting,  and  they  had  let  him  go  back  to  London 
about  a  guinea  and  a  half  out  of  pocket.  Nevertheless,  Reynolds  made 
twelve  visits  to  Essex,  his  wife's  family  bemg  an  added  attraction, 
during  the  twenty  years  in  London  covered  by  the  diary.  He  had 
many  friends,  for  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  life  of  the  denomination, 
often  exchanging  pulpits  within  the  area  he  could  reach  on  foot,  or 
occasionally  by  horse,  coach  or  chaise.  He  went  from  Bishops  Stortford 
in  the  south  to  Saffron  Walden  in  the  north,  and  often  walked  to  the 
latter  place  for  the  weeknight  lecture  ami  -ocial  intercourse  with 
intimate  friends. 

The  Rev.  William  Porter,  then  of  Camomile  Street  Chapel,  arrived 
at  Newport  on  10th  August,  1772,  for  tbt-  beiv.lit  of  the  air.  He  came 
to  board  with  the  Reynolds'  and  stayed,  »»<T  ind  on,  two  and  a  half 
months.  It  is  hard  to  believe  tlut  the  lv:sim..-.>  men  who  formed  the 
diaconate  and  sent  Porter  to  stay  v.ith  John  Reynolds  did  not  know  the 
nature  of  the  complaint  from  which  their  minister  was  suffering. 
In  all  innocence  Reynolds  accepted  the  ooardcr,  and,  to  his  cost, 
very  soon  found  out  that  a  confirmed  drunkard  had  been  foisted  on  him. 
His  pity  for  the  man  was  strained  to  the  utmost,  and  be  felt  keenly  the 
humiliation  involved,  not  so  much  for  himself  as  for  his  calling.  He 


JOHN   REYNOLD,   1740-1804  63 

had  to  suffer  his  cellar  to  be  raided  at  night  rather  than  let  his  guest 
creep  out  of  the  house  to  seek  drink  from  alehouse  to  alehouse, 
returning  home  in  the  early  hours  of  the  morning,  and  then  being  too 
ill  to  get  up.  Left  with  a  friend  in  Walden  for  a  few  days,  Mr.  Porter 
had  to  be  brought  home  in  "Dr.  Daye's  chariot",  being  quite  unfit 
to  travel  any  other  way. 

Early  in  October  1772,  John  Reynolds  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Keen,  one  of  the  Camomile  Street  deacons,  and  also  a  trustee  of 
Whitefield's  Tabernacle,  asking  him  to  preach  at  Camomile  Street 
for  two  Sundays,  with  a  view  to  a  call,  and  also  to  interview  some  of 
the  deacons,  "a  strange  and  astonishing  providence".  He  replied  that 
he  was  not  free  on  the  Sundays  mentioned,  but  that  he  would  come 
to  town  for  one  night  to  meet  them.  The  day  chosen  for  the  journey, 
27th  October,  was  the  day  Mr.  Porter  chose  to  leave  Newport,  and  we 
find  John  Reynolds  travelling  to  town  by  coach,  and  William  Porter, 
all  unbeknown  to  him,  riding  off  on  his  horse,  leaving  all  his  belongings 
behind.  Mr.  Keen  was  out  at  the  chapel  when  Reynolds  arrived, 
and  did  not  get  in  until  9  p.m.  In  the  meantime  Mr.  Porter  called,  very 
much  the  worse  for  liquor,  and  it  was  not  until  he  was  got  away  that 
conversation  could  begin.  After  a  late  night,  several  gentlemen  of 
sense  and  character  came  to  Mr.  Keen's  early  in  the  morning,  to 
propose  that  John  Reynolds  should  become  co-pastor  with  Mr.  Porter. 
They  tried  to  persuade  him  by  "telling  how  acceptable  my  preaching 
had  been  to  them,  and  how  unanimous  the  whole  Church  and  congre 
gation  were  in  giving  me  a  Call".  His  refusal  was  courteous,  but  firm. 
It  would  not  be  for  his  honour  nor  their  peace  to  be  engaged  with 
Mr.  Porter  in  the  pastoral  office.  When  asked  for  his  reason  he  declined 
to  give  it.  "We  parted  with  prayer  and  great  affection,  they  telling  me 
they  hoped  notwithstanding  to  see  me  again."  During  this  visit  to 
London,  besides  leaving  a  goose  for  his  friend,  Mr.  Davis,  he  went 
with  Mr.  Keen  to  the  Tabernacle  House,  where  he  met  the  Countess 
of  Huntingdon.  He  described  her  as  "a  very  amiable  lady.  Religion 
is  most  engagingly  displayed  in  her  whole  conversation  and  deport 
ment.  A  sweet  mixture  of  dignity,  affability,  courtesy  and  piety". 

His  modest  bill  of  eleven  guineas  for  Mr.  Porter's  board  was  still 
unpaid  by  the  latter's  wife  in  February  of  the  next  year.  There 
could  have  been  much  more  unpleasantness  than  there  was,  had  not 
John  Reynolds,  finally,  stated  his  case,  and  told  her  to  pay  what  she 
would  to  Mr.  Glanville  (probably  a  bookseller),  accept  his  receipt,  and 
let  the  matter  drop.  In  February,  1773,  Mr.  Porter  resigned,  and  on 
26th  August,  1773,  Reynolds  set  off  for  London  to  preach  for  two 
Sundays  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Porter's  former  people.  There  was  no 
mention  of  a  Call  in  the  invitation,  and  he  turned  the  talk  away  every 
time  the  subject  showed  signs  of  coming  up  ;  for,  "I  have  no  desire 

5 


64  JOHN  REYNOLDS,  1740-1803 

of  going  to  London  except  it  may  tend  to  the  furtherance  of  the  Gospel". 
How  much,  one  wonders,  was  he  baited  with  the  prestige  and  honour 
of  becoming  a  London  minister  ?  The  Call,  however,  came  nine 
days  after  his  return  home.  He  found  it  "hard  to  judge  right,  and 
difficult  to  determine.  If  I  might  move  in  a  larger  sphere  of  usefulness 
I  would  willingly  go.  If  God  will  show  me  he  has  more  work  for  me 
here,  I  am  content  to  stay".  His  reply  to  the  letter  was  followed  by  a 
deputation  of  two,  one  being  Mr.  Houston  who,  though  it  is  nowhere 
so  stated,  appears  to  have  been  the  leading  deacon  or  Church  secretary. 
John  Reynolds'  letter  must  have  been  non-committal,  for  they  brought 
considerable  pressure  to  bear.  "They  represented  the  prospect  there 
was  of  comfort  and  usefulness".  He  later  found  plenty  of  the  latter, 
but  little  of  the  former,  on  £120  a  year,  six  children  and  no  manse. 
He  still  made  no  decision,  saying  only  that  he  should  refer  the  matter 
to  God,  but  went  to  London  the  next  week  for  a  few  days,  spending 
time  in  house  hunting.  It  was  not  until  26th  November  that  he  told 
the  Church  Meeting  at  Wenden  that  he  was  leaving.  "I  then  prayed, 
and  continued  to  pray  that  if  God's  glory  is  not  more  advanced  in  my 
going  than  in  my  staying,  that  he  would  not  suffer  me  to  leave  this 
part  of  his  vineyard."  That  the  news  of  what  was  afoot  had  not  leaked 
out,  and  it  was  not  until  after  this  Church  Meeting  that  any  move 
was  made  to  keep  him,  he  took  as  the  word  he  needed  to  reconcile  him 
to  the  greater  temptations  involved  in  the  greater  opportunities  of 
a  London  charge. 

John  Reynolds  left  Newport  on  12th  January,  1774,  and  was  inducted 
to  the  pastorate  of  Camomile  Street  on  2nd  March.  Six  different 
people  offered  prayer  or  preached,  Dr.  Gibbons  concluding  the  pro 
ceedings.  The  first  prayer  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  Thos.  Towle,  who 
"opened  the  work"  from  /  Timothy  3.15  ;  and  singing  separated  each 
item  on  the  programme.  A  dinner,  followed  at  the  White  Hart, 
Bishopsgate,  then  tea  quietly  at  Mr.  Houston's,  and  home,  thankful 
that  all  had  gone  off  well.  He  records  that  there  were  eighty  people 
present  at  his  first  Communion  Service  the  following  Sunday.  Three 
weeks  later  he  was  formally  introduced  to  his  fellow  London  ministers, 
his  name  being  put  forward  for  election  to  the  Congregational  Board. 
The  Rev.  John  Kello  called  next  morning  to  say  he  had  been  elected 
at  the  evening  meeting  :  "an  honour  I  never  sought.  And  I  expected 
that  the  motion  would  have  been  strongly  opposed,  but  it  was  carried 
nem.  con."  What,  one  wonders,  gave  rise  to  this  expectation  ? 
Thereafter  Reynolds  became  fully  involved  in  the  Dissenting  life  of 
London,  and  after  about  four  years  marvelled  that  he  did  not  get  tired 
either  in,  or  of,  the  work. 

The  amount  of  preaching  he  engaged  in  seems  to  us  excessive, 
for  both  prayer  meeting  and  Church  Meeting  involved  a  sermon. 


JOHN  REYNOLDS,   1740-1803  65 

Of  his  own  sermons,  two  and  occasionally  three  a  Sunday  and  several 
more  during  the  week,  he  has  told  us  nothing  but  the  texts.  He  was 
always  very  concerned  about  the  nearness  of  the  presence  of  God 
during  his  preparation,  and  in  the  pulpit  was  very  conscious  of  the 
atmosphere  of  his  congregation.  He  felt  shut  up,  or  he  had  great 
freedom.  The  people  might  receive  the  Word  with  affection  or  be 
just  attentive,  or  unresponsive.  On  one  occasion  he  wrote  that  the 
people,  in  the  morning,  seemed  to  harden  their  hearts  against  reproof 
and  conviction.  In  the  afternoon  he  was  enabled  to  speak  close  to 
the  conscience,  and  to  lift  up  his  voice  like  a  trumpet.  But,  he  added, 
"could  not  escape  without  censure  and  a  sneer,  but  I  bless  God  that 
he  made  me  faithful".  It  is  fair  to  add  that  this  was  not  his  own 
congregation.  To  the  many  sermons  Reynolds  heard,  at  weekly 
lectures,  prayer  meetings,  ordinations,  and  so  on,  he  gave  close 
attention.  Occasionally  he  was  so  struck  with  the  performance  that 
he  filled  a  whole  page  with  the  sermon  headings  and  reasoning. 
More  often  his  brief  comments  light  up  the  abilities,  or  otherwise, 
of  his  contemporaries.  "The  subject  most  sensibly  and  movingly 
handled"-  "Some  plain  and  good  things"  "a  man  of  good  abilities" 
"delivered  some  useful  things  in  a  very  awkward  manner".  Or  it 
might  be :  "nothing  in  the  sermon  striking  or  saving"  —"good 
composition,  sound  divinity,  but  neither  life  nor  power".  On  one 
occasion  when  he  had  not  been  well  and  felt  he  could  not  manage  the 
whole  of  the  Sunday's  duties,  he  asked  his  friend,  the  Rev.  T.  Curtis  of 
Linton,  Cambs.,  to  preach  for  him  at  Camomile  Street,  and  left  this 
comment  :  "I  was  extremely  hurt  at  hearing  so  miserable  a  performance, 
without  method,  without  perspicuity,  without  consistency,  a  dogging, 
perplexing,  unedifying  piece  of  business.  I  was  sensible  he  aimed  at 
excelling  himself  and  every  other  preacher  and  hereby  he  fell  below 
himself  and  everyone  besides".  The  congregation  was  obviously  not 
used  to  this  sort  of  thing,  and  he  had  to  put  up  with  a  lot  of  fault-finding, 
while  remaining  loyal  to  his  friend. 

He  had  problems  peculiar  to  the  period  in  which  he  lived,  more 
particularly  the  class  distinctions  of  his  time  and  the  uneven  distribution 
of  wealth.  When  the  vestry  woman  needed  help,  and  he  appealed 
for  a  collection  on  her  behalf,  it  was  the  rich  men  who  looked  down  their 
noses  and  passed  the  plate  by.  Mr.  Keen,  whom  on  first  acquaintance 
he  found  a  worthy,  sincere  and  friendly  man,  was  one  of  the  offenders  : 
"drank  tea  this  afternoon  with  old  Mrs.  Moore  ;  who  found  much  fault 
with  Mr.  Keen  on  account  of  his  unkindncss  and  avariciousness." 
He  found  that  the  preachers  in  the  Tabernacle  connexion  also  gave 
him  a  bad  name  :  "Methodism  in  the  pulpit  and. Methodism  in  the 
vestry  and  the  Tabernacle  House  are  very  different  things.  Mr.  Keen 
has  grown  wealthy  by  his  religion  and  oppresses  the  poor". 


66  JOHN   REYNOLDS,   1740-1803 

Mr.  Houston  was  a  trial  all  through  the  years  from  his  fits  of  temper 
and  rudeness,  but  Thomas  Hodgson,  one  of  the  Chapel  trustees, 
was  also  a  thorn  in  the  flesh.  Looking  at  Reynolds'  face,  one  feels 
sure  he  must  have  seen  the  funny  side  of  the  following  episode  : 

Monday,  18,  August  1788.  Went  to  Islington  this  morning  to 
see  Mr.  Hodgson.  Found  him  in  bed  with  a  bad  leg,  weighing 
of  gold.  I  thought  of  the  picture  of  the  old  miser.  That  is  only  a 
representation.  This  is  real  life.  He  had  a  religious  book  on  the 
bed,  which  might  inform  his  friends  that  he  thought  of  heaven 
as  well  as  his  money.  He  complained  heavily  of  the  expense  of  a 
post  chaise  for  himself  and  wife  from  Haverhill  to  London. 
Such  cattle  are  only  fit  to  ride  in  the  basket  of  a  coach.  I  left 
him  as  soon  as  possible.  Called  on  Mr.  James.  There  I  found 
a  Christian. 

Several  years  later  old  Thomas  Hodgson  asked  his  minister  to  look 
over  a  section  of  his  will  relating  to  a  bequest  to  help  needy  ministers. 
This  man,  who  never  helped  his  own  minister,  has  his  name  to  this  day 
in  the  Congregational  Year  Book,  in  the  entry  Hodgson's  Trust. 

More  to  Reynolds'  liking  was  the  occasion  when,  having  written  to 
IVir.  Clark,  Master  of  the  Bald  Stag,  Epping  Forest,  ordering  dinner 
for  the  next  Tuesday,  15th  December,  1789,  he  rose  that  morning, 
which  was  an  extremely  wet  one,  and 

a  little  before  eight  we  set  off  to  Shoreditch  Church.  Went 
into  the  Clerk's  house,  thence  into  the  Church.  Old  Cookson 
was  ready.  The  parties  were  married  and  nothing  discovered, 
and  we  returned  to  the  house  and  breakfasted.  Then  dressed 
and  away  to  the  Forest,  only  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bury  and  Mrs.  Reynolds 
and  self.  Got  to  the  Bald  Stag  one  o'clock.  Exactly  at  two  the 
dinner  came  in.  I  invited  the  landlord  and  his  wife  to  dine  with  us. 

Nothing  lay  beyond  his  interest,  whether  it  was  a  hole  in  the  Tower 
wall  caused  by  lightning,  seeing  Magna  Carta  at  the  British  Museum, 
or  listening  to  the  introduction  of  Bills  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
He  served  the  Denomination  as  a  member  of  the  King's  Head  Society, 
under  whose  auspices  he  had  been  trained,  and  attended  the  students' 
examinations  at  Homerton  College.  He  seldom  missed  the  Tuesday 
Coffee  House  meetings  at  Baker's,  where  discussion  ranged  from 
Methodists  and  politics  to  Dr.  Addington's  morals.  One  of  these 
meetings  of  ministers,  held  on  4th  November,  1794,  has  since  been 
regarded  as  the  beginning  of  the  London  Missionary  Society.  Reynolds 
was  actively  engaged  on  the  Committee  responsible  for  the  publishing 
of  the  happenings  leading  up  to  the  Society's  iormal  founding,  in 
September,  1795.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Examination, 
and  it  is  to  him  we  owe  the  only  record  of  its  early  proceedings.  He 


JOHN  REYNOLD,  1740-1803  67 

was  also  on  the  Committee  for  arranging  transport  to  the  South  Seas, 
when  a  friendship  must  have  sprung  up  between  himself  and  Captain 
James  Wilson  who  took  the  missionaries  out  in  the  Duff. 

On  3rd  August,  1796,  when  the  ship  Duff  left  Cox's  Wharf,  Lime- 
house,  he  had  an  appointment  to  dine  on  board  with  Captain  Cox  and 
William  Wilson,  which  necessitated  his  walking  to  Wapping  and  hiring 
a  boat  to  pursue  the  ship,  only  coming  up  with  her  below  Greenwich, 
where  she  lay  until  her  departure  on  10th  August.  At  the  com 
missioning  of  the  thirty  missionaries  on  28th  July,  when  five  ministers 
representing  different  denominations  took  part,  John  Reynolds  was 
the  Congregationalist  who  spoke  the  words,  "Go,  our  beloved  brother, 
and  live  agreeably  to  this  Divine  Book,  and  publish  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ  to  the  heathen  according  to  your  calling,  gifts  and  abilities  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost".  Of  the 
Communion  Service  prior  to  embarkation,  on  9th  August,  with 
Dr.  Haweis  presiding,  Reynolds  wrote  in  his  diary  :  "Mr.  Brooksbank, 
Wilks  and  myself  assisted  in  giving  the  bread  and  wine". 

When  the  Duff  returned  and  Captain  Wilson  \vas  free  to  turn  his 
thoughts  to  other  matters,  he  took  Reynolds  into  his  confidence. 
On  4th  December,  1798,  Reynolds  and  Haweis  accompanied  Wilson 
to  Denmark  Hill,  where  the  latter  was  to  pay  his  suit  to  Miss  Holbert. 
"The  offer  is  a  good  one  for  that  lady  if  she  can  see  her  own  interest," 
wrote  Reynolds,  adding,  after  the  visit,  that  the  first  interview,  in  his 
opinion,  was  extremely  flattering  to  the  Captain,  The  latter  continued 
to  confide  in  his  friend  until  the  business  was  happily  concluded. 

The  Committee  formed  for  the  publishing  of  the  Journal  of  the 
Duff's  Voyage  occupied  Reynolds'  attention.  "My  mind  was  made 
up  respecting  the  sale  of  the  copyright"  suggests  that  he  was  a  leading 
member  of  this  Committee  of  Publications.  When  it  was  decided  that 
it  would  be  unwise  to  publish  the  sermon  preached  at  the  designation 
of  the  second  company  of  missionaries  to  sail  for  the  South  Seas, 
it  is  surely  a  tribute  to  his  tact  and  position  in  the  counsels  of  the 
Missionary  Society,  that  Reynolds  undertook  the  distasteful  duty  of 
informing  the  preacher,  "who  found  it  a  hard  pill  to  swallow". 

During  May  1799,  the  Board  and  Committees  of  the  Missionary 
Society  were  reorganized  in  the  light  of  experience.  The  Committee 
of  Examination,  from  being  a  chosen  few,  was  opened  to  all  London 
ministers,  though  in  practice  there  were  seldom  more  than  ten,  and 
frequently  only  two  or  three  present  at  the  monthly  meetings.  Reynolds 
only  attended  four  times  after  this  new  arrangement  started.  A 
proportion  of  the  directors,  chosen  by  lot  in  the  first  place,  now  came 
off  the  Board  annually  and  formed  part  of  the  Nominations  Committee 
to  select  their  successors.  Reynolds  was  one  of  those  on  whom  the 

5  * 


68  JOHN  REYNOLDS,  1740-1803 

lot  fell,  and  during  his  free  year  is  recorded  as  attending  a  meeting  of 
the  Board  as  visitor.  He  was  re-appointed  in  1800,  and  the  Board 
Minutes  of  2nd  June  of  that  year  record  :  "The  Rev.  John  Reynolds 
then  engaged  in  prayer,  thanking  God  for  the  many  instances  of  his 
goodness  and  mercy  to  our  Brethren  at  Otahdte  and  New  South  Wales, 
lamenting  the  calamities  that  had  befallen  individuals,  and  intreating 
the  favour  and  blessing  of  God  on  the  missionaries  sent  out  by  the 
Society".  He  attended  six  more  ordinary  Board  Meetings  at  one  of 
which,  on  14th  March,  1803,  the  Rev.  T.  Ringeltaube's  offer  of  service 
was  accepted.  He  was  also  present  at  a  specially  meeting  at  Old  Swan 
Lane,  on  1st  April,  1803,  called  "To  testify  respect  for  the  Rev.  John 
Eyre,  Secretary,  on  the  occasion  of  his  funeral". 

John  Reynolds  himself  died  soon  after  this,  on  7th  December,  1803. 
It  seems  strange  that  the  Evangelical  Magazine  made  no  mention  of 
his  death,  or  of  his  burial  at  Bunhill  Fields  when  his  friend  and  fellow 
director,  Joseph  Brooksbank,  spoke  at  the  grave  side,  or  of  the  funeral 
sermon  preached  by  the  Rev.  W.  Thorpe,  of  Tollington  Park  Chapel. 

The  Editor  of  Fathers  and  Founders  drew  largely  on  such  obituaries 
and  memoirs,  and  the  omission  of  John  Reynolds  from  the  Evangelical 
Magazine  would  in  itself  have  been  sufficient  reason  for  including  one 
who  served  both  his  denomination  and  the  London  Missionary  Society 
so  whole-heartedly. 

IRENE  M.  FLETCHER 


REVIEWS 

Visible  Saints  :  The  Congregational  Way,  1640-1660.  By  Geoffrey  F 
Nuttall.  (Oxford  :  Blackwell,  25s.) 

Eleven  years  ago  in  The  Holy  Spirit  in  Puritan  Faith  and  Experience, 
Dr.  Nuttall  gave  us  a  notable  monograph  on  certain  aspects  of  the  theology 
of  radical  Puritanism,  particularly  those  which  found  their  full  development 
in  Quakerism.  Much  of  the  material  there  presented  was  drawn  from  works 
which  appeared  in  the  period  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate.  In 
his  latest  hook  he  provides  a  detailed  study  of  Churches  of  "the  Congregational 
way"  during  the  same  crowded  and  exciting  decades.  Never  before  have  the 
life  of  these  communities  and  the  doctrines  they  sought  to  exemplify  been  :-o 
vividly,  authoritatively  and  readably  presented.  This  is  a  book  for  which  all 
students  of  the  17th  century  will  be  grateful.  It  should  also  be  read  by  those 
who  are  sharing  in  the  contemporary  search  for  a  doctrine  of  the  Church  true 
at  once  to  the  Gospel,  the  New  Testament  and  the  lessons  of  Christian  history. 

A  historical  introduction  traces  the  rise  of  "Congregational"  churches, 
linking  them  with  certain  features  to  be  found  in  mediaeval  n;onastidsm. 
Dr.  Nuttall  points  out  the  importance  of  the  ecclesiastically  independent 
congregations  ministered  to  by  John  a  Lasco  and  Valerand  Poullain,  and  then 
deals  by  way  of  Drownism  with  the  non-separating  and  the  separating  Congre- 
gationalists  of  the  mid-seventeenth  century.  The  importance  of  the  Eastern 
counties  in  this  development  is  emphasized,  but  Dr.  Nuttall  rightly  points  out 
that  he  is  more  concerned  to  draw  attention  to  typical  figures  and  communities 
than  to  present  any  exhaustive  personal  or  geographical  survey. 

The  four  principles  he  desires  to  illustrate  are  those  of  separation,  fellow 
ship,  freedom  and  fitness,  and  to  each  a  chapter  is  devoted.  The  historic  names, 
widely  used  in  the  17th  century — Separatists,  Congregationals,  Independents 
and  Saints — link  themselves  with  these  principles  and  taken  together  describe 
and  characterize  what  was  aimed  at  by  groups  of  men  and  women  in  all  parts 
of  the  Kingdom.  They  separated  themselves  not  only  from  what  they  regarded 
as  false  ways  of  worship  but  from  a  national  church,  whatever  its  character. 
They  covenanted  as  individuals,  at  Axminster,  for  example,  "to  walk  together 
in  a  due  and  faithful  attendance  upon  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  all  his  Ordinances 
and  Appointments  and  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  all  those  duties  relating  to 
the  members  of  a  Church  of  Christ"  ;  and  at  the  same  time,  as  separate  church 
fellowships,  regarded  themselves  as  "in  communion"  with  one  another. 
Though  vigorous  in  controversy  and  asserting  the  duty  of  the  local  church  to 
discipline  and  excommunicate,  they  repudiated  compulsion  in  religion  and 
stood  for  freedom  of  conscience  at  a  time  when  many  Presbyterians,  as  well  as 
Anglicans  and  Romany  were  intolerant  on  principle.  They  believed  that  the 
church  should  consist  of  those  that  are  "Saints  visible  to  the  eye  of  rational 
charity" — to  borrow  the  words  of  the  Altham  covenant. 

All  these  points  Dr.  Nuttall  illustrates  in  detail  from  his  unrivalled  know 
ledge  of  the  books,  pamphlets  and  church  records  of  the  period,  discussing 
incidentally  the  question  of  ordination  and  the  ministry,  the  controversies  over 
baptism  and  the  beginnings  of  Quakerism,  and  the  contemporary  expectations 
doomed  to  disappointment—  of  a  corning  Kingdom  of  the  Saints. 

69 


70  REVIEWS 

It  was  perhaps  William  Kiffin  who  first  referred  to  "a  company  of  Saints 
in  a  Congregationall  way"  and,  when  he  used  this  phrase  in  1641,  he  had  already 
become  a  Baptist.  Dr.  Nuttall  draws  most  of  his  material  from  paedobaptist 
sources,  but  he  makes  clear  that  the  type  of  churchmanship  he  is  depicting  is 
"larger  than  any  denomination  in  the  modern  sense"  and  many  of  those  he 
quotes  were  denounced  as  "Anabaptists".  The  records  of  the  earliest 
"associations"  of  Baptist  churches  -those  in  Berkshire,  the  Midlands  and  the 
West,  for  example,  all  of  which  date  from  the  1650's— would  have  enabled 
him  to  strengthen  what  he  says  about  the  communion  of  churches  with  one 
another.  Indeed,  in  1644,  seven  London  churches,  all  of  them  Calvinistic 
in  theology,  declared  : 

Although  the  particular  Congregations  be  distinct  and  severall  Bodies, 
every  one  a  compact  and  Knit  Citie  in  itself  ;  yet  are  they  all  to  walk  by 
one  and  the  same  Rule,  and  by  all  means  convenient  to  have  the  Counsell 
and  help  one  of  another  in  all  needful  affaires  of  the  church,  as  members 
of  one  body  in  the  common  faith  under  Christ  their  only  head. 

This  same  Confession,  to  which  Kiffin's  name  is  attached,  describes  "the 
Church,  as  it  is  visible  to  us"  as  "a  company  of  visible  Saints".  The  records 
of  the  Berkshire  Baptists  also  show  that  millenarian  and  Fifth-Monarchy  hopes 
were  prevalent  there  as  well  as  in  East  Anglia  and  that  at  the  funeral  of  John 
Pendarves  in  1656  they  nearly  led  to  serious  tumult.  But  the  Baptists  were 
probably  in  general  a  more  turbulent  and  varied  company  than  those  on  whom 
this  book  concentrates  attention. 

Dr.  Nuttall  is,  in  the  main,  content  to  let  the  churches  and  their  leaders 
speak  for  themselves.  His  "critical  conclusion"  is  brief,  but  characteristically 
discriminating.  Much  that  those  of  "the  Congregational  way"  contended  for — 
sometimes  over- excitedly  and  harshly,  perhaps,  though  usually  under  great 
provocation — is  now  widely  accepted.  They  made  a  vital  contribution  not 
only  to  their  own  time  but  to  the  whole  course  of  Christian  history.  They  were 
certainly  not  as  blind  to  their  missionary  obligations  as  has  sometimes  been 
suggested.  Roger  Williams  deserves  mention  in  that  connection  as  well  as 
John  Eliot,  while  the  money  voted  by  the  Long  Parliament  in  1648  for  missionary 
work  abroad  was  not  solely  due  to  Presbyterian  influence.  On  this  and  many 
other  issues  much  additional  evidence  might  be  offered. 

This  is  a  rich  and  important  book,  which  will  stimulate  readers  to  rewarding 
inquiries  of  their  own,  as  well  as  making  them  eager  for  further  17th  century 
studies  from  Dr.  Nuttall's  pen.  One  of  the  nuthor's  fellow-Congregationalists 
has  recently  declared  that  "anyone  looking  at  the  actual  condition  of  Congre 
gationalism  today  must  acknowledge  that  Us  prospects  are  extremely  uncertain" 
(see  Daniel  Jenkins,  Congregationalism  :  a  Restatement,  p.  149).  Dr.  Nuttall 
and  those  who  reflect  on  what  he  here  sets  forth,  will  probably  be  ready  to  echo 
words  he  quotes  from  Matthias  Maurice,  of  Roth  well  :  "So  long  as  the  Root 
of  it  is  in  the  Bible  it  will  grow  again".  One  important  qualification  has  to  be 
made  regarding  the  general  picture  of  Congregationalism  here  presented, 
however.  It  may  bes*  be  put  by  drawing  attention  to  some  words  of  Professor 
T.  J.  Wertenbaker  :  "Massachusetts  .  .  .  affords  the  best  opportunity  for  a 
study  of  the  Puritan  experiment  ...  In  England  the  Puritan  experiment  was 
never  made,  because  the  Puritans  at  no  time  had  the  necessary  power,  not 
even  under  Oliver  Cromwell".  In  The  Puritan  Oligarchy  (1947),  Professor 
Wertenbaker  provides  a  detailed  account  of  the  Congregationalism  of  New 
England.  At  many  points  this  confirms  Dr.  Nuttall's  description  and  analysis, 


REVIEWS  71 

but  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  the  churches  to  the  civil  authorities  and  in  regard 
to  toleration  it  indicates  that  one  must  be  careful  not  to  advance  too  great 
claims  for  those  of  "the  Congregational  way". 

ERNEST  A.  PAYNE. 


Mortlake  in  the  I'jth  Century  and  the  History  of  its  Congregational  Church 
1662-1950.  By  C.  Marshall  Rose.  (8s.  6d.) 

Mr.  Marshall  Rose  has  produced  a  substantial  history  of  this  church  and 
of  the  turbulent  times  from  which  it  sprang.  The  early  part  of  the  hook  tells 
us  about  the  Dutch  colony  at  Mortlake  and  the  influential  Dissenters  of  the 
17th  century  and  is  the  fruit  of  exhaustive  research.  The  story  of  the  Church 
is  full  and  frank,  one  of  unending  struggles,  particularly  with  debts — a  familiar 
theme  with  small  congregations. 


Also  received  : 

Colin  R.  Garwood,  By  Grace  .  .  .  Through  Faith.  (Staines  Congregational 
Church). 

Stanley  Griffin,  History  of  Union  Congregational  Church  (Plymouth). 

W.  E.  Wilson  Older,  Huyton  Congregational  Church  :  a  historical  survey, 
1956.  (Liverpool). 

John  R.  Palmer,  The  Holy  Barter  :  Part  of  the  Story  of  the  People  of 
God  who  exchanged  Time  for  Eternity  in  Crediton  Congregational  Church 
I757-I957-  1957. 

A.  Frank  Rock,  Intake  Congregational  Church  (1935-1956)  and  the  Churches 
of  Doncaster,  1956. 

(D.  H.  Strange),  A  History  of  Churchtown  Congregational  Church,  1807- 
*957,  1957.  (Southport). 

(E.P.Wilson),    The    Elmwood   Story,    1946-1956,    1957.      (Birmingham). 

H.  G.  Tibbutt  continues  his  excellent  research  work  :  the  Spring,  Summer 
and  Autumn  numbers  of  the  Bedfordshire  Magazine  carry  three  articles  by  him 
on  "The  Dissenting  Academies  of  Bedfordshire"  at  Turvey,  Bedford  and 
Cotton  End. 


Our  Contemporaries 

PROCEEDINGS  of  the  Wesley  Historial  Society  (vol.  xxx,  part  6), 
June,  1956,  contains  "The  Stratton  Mission  (1811-1818)  and 
Bible  Christian  Origins"  by  Thomas  Shaw  ;  "John  Wesley 
and  Thomas  Hanson,  the  'Brown-Bread  Preacher'  "  by  Frank  Baker  ; 
and  "The  Sunderland  Theological  Institution"  by  F.  F.  Bretherton. 
The  first  Principal  was  Dr.  William  Antliff,  and  the  Rev.  Charles 
Surman  contributes  a  letter  to  the  following  number  (part  7,  Oct., 
1956)  acknowledging  Congregationalism's  debt  to  Dr.  Antliff  through 
his  son  who,  after  training  in  Lancashire  Independent  College,  held 
Congregational  pastorates  for  twenty-one  years  before  launching  in 
1891  the  Congregational  Insurance  Co.  Ltd.  The  main  article  in 
this  number  is  by  Frank  Baker  on  "James  Bourne  (1781-1860)  and 
the  Bemersley  Book-Room". 

Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society  (vol.  xi,  No.  2), 
October,  1956,  has  two  biographical  sketches,  one  of  Daniel  Jones, 
a  benefactor  of  Manchester  College,  by  J.  Islan  Jones,  and  the  other 
of  Earl  Morse  Wilbur,  by  H.  McLachlan,  containing  many  personal 
reminiscences.  The  other  article  was  delivered  as  a  paper  to  the 
Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  in  1956  and  is  concerned  with  Moravians 
in  Polnnd.  It  has  the  intriguingly  modern-sounding  title  "Polish 
Brethren  and  the  Problem  of  Communism  in  the  XVIth  Century" 
and  was  given  by  Professor  Stanislaw  Kot  ;  it  is  of  interest  beyond 
the  normal  circle  of  readers  of  these  Transactions. 

Our  opposite  number  in  the  U.S.A.,  The  Congregational  Christian 
Historical  Society  issues  a  most  useful  quarterly  News  Letter,  of  which 
the  Summer,  1956,  number  is  of  particular  value.  It  begins  with  an 
article,  "Local  Church  History"  by  Prof.  Charles  J.  Kennedy,  and 
has  suggestions  as  to  how  to  set  about  v/riting  such  a  history,  and  also 
about  preserving  contemporary  material  for  the  benefit  of  the  historian 
of  the  future. 

E.  W.  DAWE. 


72 


EDITORIAL 

THE  59th  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Westminster 
Chapel  on  14th  May,  1958,  at  5.30  p.m.    Fifty-four  names  were 
recorded  in  the  attendance  book.     The  Chairman,  the   Rev. 
R.  F.  G.  Calder,  was  given  a  message  of  greeting  to  deliver  to  our 
corresponding  society  amongst  the  Congregational  Christian  Churches 
when  he  visited  the  United  States  this  summer  for  the  meetings  of  the 
International  Congregational  Council. 

#         *         # 

The  Rev.  W.  W.  Biggs  was  welcomed  to  the  dual  offices  of  Secretary 
and  Treasurer  ;  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Dawe  and  Mr.  B.  Martin  were  thanked 
for  past  services  as  Secretary  and  Treasurer  respectively. 


With  much  regret  the  resignation  of  the  Rev.  C.  E.  Surman  as 
Research  Secretary  was  accepted.  For  twenty-one  years  he  has 
constantly  laboured  in  this  onerous  and  essential  post,  answering  many 
thousands  of  queries,  and  he  has  acquired  a  knowledge  of  our  affairs 
past  and  present  which  is  unrivalled.  A  minute  expressing  warm 
appreciation  of  his  service  was  placed  on  record.  Mr.  Surman  urged 
the  Society  to  find  a  successor  as  soon  as  possible. 


Our  President,  Dr.  W.  Gordon  Robinson,  presented  a  paper  reviewing 
the  Savoy  Declaration,  this  year  being  the  tercentenary  of  the  Con 
ference.  The  paper  appears  in  this  issue  by  the  President's  kind 
permission.  Those  who  are  only  able  to  read  the  paper  will  miss  much 
of  the  charm  and  humour  which  decorated  it  when  the  author  lectured  ; 
however,  both  they  and  those  who  heard  it  will  want  to  study  it  carefully 
in  print  and  to  consider  its  implications.  The  disappointing  aspect 
of  the  meeting  was  that  Dr.  Robinson  raised  so  many  issues  which 
would  have  repaid  discussion  and  there  was  no  opportunity  to  follow 
them,  our  time  being  so  restricted.  Mr.  Surman  ably  expressed  our 
gratitude  to  the  President. 

73 


74  EDITORIAL 

We  are  glad  to  welcome  to  the  committee  of  the  Society  Mr.  H.  G. 
Tibbutt  of  Bedford,  who  contributes  an  article  on  the  Cotton  End 
Academy  to  this  issue  of  our  Transactions.  It  is  hoped  to  publish  at  a 
later  date  some  notes  on  students  who  were  trained  there.  Mr.  Tibbutt 
has  also  written  a  history  of  Roxton  Congregational  Church,  which 
celebrates  its  150th  anniversary  this  summer. 

Mr.  Tibbutt  has  had  the  exciting  good  fortune  recently  to  come 
across  a  collection  of  thirty-four  letters  by  Sir  Lewis  Dyve  to  Charles  I, 
written  in  1646-7.  They  throw  further  light  on  the  King's  intrigues 
and  Cromwell's  position.  They  will  appear  this  summer  in  a  volume 
edited  by  Mr.  Tibbutt  entitled  The  Tower  of  London  Letter  Book  of 
Sir  Lewis  Dyve  1646-7  (25s.),  obtainable  from  the  Bedfordshire  His 
torical  Record  Society,  Luton  Museum,  Wardown  Park,  Luton. 


The  Rev.  Herbert  McLachlan,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Litt.D.,  former  principal 
of  Manchester  College  and  Editor  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian 
Historical  Society,  a  member  of  our  Society  who  took  kindly  notice  of 
the  work  of  our  scholars,  died  in  Liverpool  on  21st  February.  He  was 
82  years  of  age.  He  will  be  remembered  in  particular  for  his  monumental 
work,  English  Education  under  the  Test  Acts,  and  for  his  Warrington 
Academy.  His  son,  Dr.  H.  John  McLachlan,  also  a  member  of  our 
Society,  is  minister  of  First  Presbyterian  Church,  Belfast. 


We  further  regret  the  passing  of  the  Rev.W.  Eric  Harding,  M.A.,B.D., 
the  Rev.  John  Penry  Thomas,  the  Rev.  J.  Oliver  Stephens,  B.A.,  B.D., 
and  the  Rev.  Thomas  William  Mason,  who  collaborated  fifty  years 
ago  with  Dr.  Benjamin  Nightingale  in  New  Light  on  the  Pilgrim  Story, 
and  later  wrote  The  Triple  Jubilee  of  the  Essex  Congregational  Union(\943)- 


The  Savoy  Declaration  of  1658 
and  To-day 


IF  you  stand  in  the  forecourt  of  the  Savoy  Hotel  in  the  Strand 
you  are  standing  on  part  of  the  much  larger  site  of  the  old  Palace 
of  the  Savoy.  You  will  be  reminded  of  some  of  its  history  by  the 
commemorative  plates  which  are  set  into  the  walls  around.  Centuries 
ago  a  palace  rose  sheer  from  the  river  and  stretched  back  northward 
to  the  Strand.  Here  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  lived 
Peter,  Count  of  Savoy,  uncle  of  Eleanor  of  Provence  who  was  the 
consort  of  Henry  III.  Here  he  entertained  his  many  wards  while  he 
found  noble  and  rich  suitors  for  them.  From  him  the  Palace  was 
named.  Simon  de  Montfort,  founder  of  the  House  of  Commons,  lived 
here.  Here  the  Black  Prince  brought  John  of  Valois,  king  of  France, 
as  prisoner  of  war.  Here  for  nearly  twenty  years  lived  John  of  Gaunt 
and  during  his  occupation  of  the  Palace  he  was  often  joined  at  dinner 
by  Geoffrey  Chaucer  who  wrote  many  of  his  poems  in  the  Palace  itself. 
At  the  end  of  John  of  Gaunt's  time  it  was  attacked  and  destroyed  by 
rebels  under  Wat  Tyler.  It  became  successively  a  convent,  and  a 
hospital,  and  "in  the  time  of  Oliver  Cromwell  was  appropriated  to  the 
accommodation  of  some  of  the  officers  of  the  Court"1.  It  was  then 
also  reputed  to  be  a  rendezvous  for  Dissenters  and  for  Continental 
Protestants2. 

In  this  historic  place  three  hundred  years  ago  (in  September-October 
1658)  the  Independents  met  and  drew  up  their  Declaration,  the  ter 
centenary  of  which  we  may  justly  celebrate  this  year. 

This  meeting  of  the  Independents  at  the  Savoy  has  a  long  pre 
history  going  back  to  the  emergence  of  the  Separatists  in  the  middle 
of  the  previous  century.  This  was  freely  claimed  in  the  Preface  to 
the  Declaration  : 

For  ourselves  we  are  able  to  trace  the  footsteps  of  an  Independent 
Congregational  way  in  the  ancientest  customs  of  the  Churches  ; 
as  also  in  the  Writings  of  our  soundest  Protestant  Divines  and 
(that  which  we  are  much  satisfied  in)  a  full  concurrence  throughout 
in  all  the  substantial  parts  of  Church- Government  with  our 
Reverend  Brethren  the  old  Puritan  non-Conformists  .  .  .  and  we 
reap  with  joy,  what  they  sowed  in  tears. 

1      Works  of  John  Owen  (1826  edition  by  Thomas  Russell),  vol.i,  Memoir  of  Owen  by  William 
Orme,  p.176. 

The  Savoy  Declaration,  ed.  by  Albert  Peel,  1939,  p.  15. 

75 


76  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

It  will  be  sufficient  for  us,  however,  if  we  begin  by  noting  that 
the  Presbyterian  ascendency  in  religion  in  this  country  in  the  fifth 
decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  had  given  way  to  an  Independent 
ascendancy  centred  in  the  outstanding  figure  of  Oliver  Cromwell  the 
Protector.  The  Presbyterians  had  met  in  the  Westminster  Assembly 
(which  began  in  1643)  and  in  sessions  which  lasted  for  more  than  five 
years  had  worked  out  their  Confession  of  Faith,  their  Forme  of  Presbyterial 
Church  Government,  and  their  Directory  for  Public  Worship.  At  that 
Assembly  the  Independent  point  of  view  had  been  maintained  with  an 
energy  out  of  all  proportion  to  their  numbers  by  eleven  "Dissenting 
Brethren"  of  whom  five  (Philip  Nye,  Thomas  Goodwin,  William 
Bridge,  Jeremiah  Burroughs  and  Sidrach  Simpson)  set  out  their 
significant  arguments  in  An  Apologeticall  Narration  in  1654  and  made 
their  appeal  for  the  kind  of  toleration  which  would  find  a  place  for 
Independency  in  any  new  national  system  of  religion.  There  had  been 
other  previous  attempts  and  there  were  other  contemporary  attempts 
to  define  the  Congregational  position3.  Now  with  the  proliferation 
of  the  many  sectaries  of  the  Commonwealth — Fifth  Monarchy  Men, 
Levellers,  Diggers,  Muggletonians,  Ranters,  Seekers,  Familists  and 
the  like — the  Independents  felt  a  compulsion  to  state  their  position  in 
doctrine  and  in  polity.  The  Preface  says  : 

We  have  sailed  through  an  Aestuation,  Fluxes  and  Refluxes 
of  great  varieties  of  Spirits,  Doctrines,  Opinions  and  Occurrences. 
.  .  .  Men  have  taken  the  freedom  (notwithstanding  what  Authority 
hath  interposed  to  the  contrary)  to  vent  and  vend  their  own  vain 
and  accursed  imaginations.  .  .  .  Whence  it  hath  come  to  pass, 
that  many  of  the  soundest  Professors  were  put  upon  a  new  search 
and  disquisition  of  such  Truths,  as  they  had  taken  for  granted, 
and  yet  had  lived  upon  the  comfort  of. 

On  May  25th,  1657,  "The  Humble  Petition  and  Advice  of  the 
Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgesses  now  assembled  in  the  Parliament 
of  this  Commonwealth"  was  presented  to  Cromwell  asking  "that  a 
Confession  of  Faith,  to  be  agreed  upon  by  your  Highness  and  the 
Parliament,  according  to  the  rule  and  warrant  of  the  Scriptures, 
be  asserted,  held  forth,  and  recommended  to  the  people  of  these 
nations"4.  Whether  this  Petition  evoked  it,  or  whether  the  Independ 
ents  made  some  other  approach  to  Cromwell,  is  not  clear  but  it  is 
certain  that  it  was  with  the  consent  of  Cromwell,  either  freely  or 
reluctantly  given,  that  the  Clerk  to  the  Privy  Council,  Henry  Scobell, 
invited  the  elders  of  the  Congregational  churches  in  and  about  London 

1  <\g.,  by  Browne,  Barrow,  Greenwood,  the  London-Amsterdam  and  the  Leyden  churches, 
the  writers  of  An  Apologeticall  Narration,  John  Cotton,  Richard  Mather,  John  Owen, 
John  Rogers,  etc. 

*  Constitutional  Documents  of  the  Puritan  Revolution,  ed.  S.R.  Gardiner,  1902,  p.454£f.  ; 
cf.  B.  Hanbury,  Historical  Memorials  relating  to  Independents,  1844,  vol.iii,  pp.SlSff. 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  77 

to  meet  on  June  21st,  1658  "at  Mr.  Griffith's".  This  was  a  preliminary 
meeting  after  which  George  Griffith,  minister  of  the  Charter  House, 
sent  out  letters  throughout  the  country  to  call  pastors  and  elders  to  a 
meeting  at  the  Savoy  Palace  on  September  29th.  In  the  meantime  on 
3rd  September  Cromwell  had  died.  It  must  have  been  with  some 
foreboding  of  what  was  to  come  upon  them  that  two  hundred  delegates 
assembled  from  one  hundred  and  twenty  Independent  churches. 

In  eleven  days  of  conference,  discounting  the  first  day  and  two 
Lord's  Days,  they  arrived  at  a  unanimity  which  astonished  themselves 
and  gave  them  cause  for  thankfulness  and  for  recognising  "a  great  and 
special  work  of  the  holy  Ghost"  (The  Preface).  It  would  be  more 
than  interesting  if  we  could  discover  the  agenda  which  they  worked 
out  at  "the  first  day's  meeting,  in  which  we  considered  and  debated 
what  to  pitch  upon"  (ibid).  What  finally  emerged  from  the  assembly's 
deliberations  was  A  Declaration  of  the  Faith  and  Order  owned  and 
practised  in  the  Congregational  Churches  in  England  ;  Agreed  upon  and 
consented  unto  By  their  Elders  and  Messengers  in  Their  Meeting  at  the 
Savoy,  October  12,  1658.  It  was  published  that  same  year. 

It  falls  into  three  well-defined  parts.  First  comes  the  Preface, 
attributed  to  John  Owen,  Independent  minister,  Dean  of  Christ  Church 
and  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Oxford.  It  is  lengthy,  some 
have  said  verbose,  yet  it  is  well-ordered  and  cogently  reasoned.  It 
spoke  of  the  need  and  nature  of  confessions  of  faith  and  of  the  events 
which  led  up  to  the  formulation  of  this  particular  confession,  and 
enunciated  some  lasting  and  important  truths  which  are  of  continued 
relevance  for  all  of  us  to-day.  Next  follows  a  Declaration  of  Faith 
which  is  largely  modelled  upon  the  Westminister  Confession  of  1645. 
There  are  some  obvious  and  understandable  differences,  notably  in  the 
omissions  of  the  articles  concerning  the  calling  in  of  civil  magistrates 
to  enforce  ecclesiastical  discipline,  concerning  church  censures,  and 
concerning  the  place  of  synods  and  councils5.  Thirdly  comes  a  section 
"Of  the  Institution  of  Churches  and  the  Order  appointed  in  them  by 
Jesus  Christ"  in  a  series  of  thirty  articles  or  affirmations.  Dale  sums 
this  up  by  saying  : 

These  contain  a  full  and  authentic  statement  of  the  principles 
of  the  Congregational  polity  as  held  by  the  most  illustrious  Con- 
gregationalists  of  the  Commonwealth — men  of  great  theological 
learning,  of  keen  and  robust  intellect,  and  of  a  deep  and  earnest 
spiritual  life.  They  represent  the  results  at  which  English  Con- 
gregationalists  had  arrived  after  a  hundred  years  of  controversy. 
In  substance,  they  are  identical  with  the  principles  which  Robert 
Browne  and  Henry  Barrowe  had  maintained  against  Whitgift  and 

1     A  Peel,  op.cit..pp.2(H. 


78  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

Cartwright,  which  John  Robinson  and  Henry  Ainsworth  had 
maintained  against  Bernard  and  Bishop  Hall  ;  but  the  grave 
and  protracted  discussions  of  the  Westminister  Assembly,  and 
the  experience  which  had  been  gained  of  the  practical  working  of 
Congregationalism  in  Holland,  in  New  England,  and  in  England 
itself  during  the  preceding  fifty  years,  as  well  as  the  great  eminence 
of  the  men  who  met  at  the  Savoy,  gave  to  the  'Declaration*  an 
exceptional  value.  In  its  fulness  and  precision  it  is,  perhaps,  the 
most  admirable  statement  of  the  ecclesiastical  principles  of  English 
Congregationalism8. 

Dale  does  not  speak  for  all  observers  and  historians  who  have  been 
sharply  divided  in  their  assessment  of  the  value  of  the  Declaration  and 
especially  of  the  Preface.  Richard  Baxter  is  stern  in  his  condemnation 
of  these  Independents  who  "refused  with  sufficient  pervicacy  to 
associate  with  the  Presbyterians  (and  the  Reconcilers  too),  [and] 
did  resolve  to  shew  their  proper  strength,  and  to  call  a  General  Assembly 
of  all  their  Churches".  He  accuses  them  of  contradicting  both  St. James 
and  St.  Paul  on  faith  and  righteousness,  of  speaking  one  thing  and 
meaning  another,  and  says  "in  their  Propositions  of  Church  Order, 
they  widened  the  breach,  and  made  things  much  worse,  and  more 
unreconcileable  than  ever  they  were  before"7.  Those  who  helped 
to  draw  up  the  next  great  Declaration  of  Congregationalism  (that  of 
1833)  damned  it  with  faint  praise  by  calling  it  "though  most  orthodox, 
too  wordy  and  too  much  extended  for  our  purpose"8.  G.  H.  Curteis 
in  his  Bampton  Lectures  of  1871  turns  to  the  1833  Declaration  for  a 
standard  confession  of  Congregationalism,  makes  some  cutting  comment 
on  the  Independents  and  ignores  the  Savoy  Declaration  altogether9. 
Incidentally,  Henry  Bettenson  in  his  widely-used  Documents  of  the 
Christian  Church  (1944)  which  draws  often  upon  Curteis,  fails  completely 
to  notice  any  Congregational  confession  at  all.  H.  M.  Dexter  criticised 
it  as  a  symbol  which  "is  vague  as  to  the  difference  between  Brownism 
and  Barrowism,  leaning  towards  the  latter"  and  adds  that  its  Preface 
seems  over  long  and  not  over  strong"10.  Williston  Walker  speaks  of 
its  "long  and  dreary  preface"  but  for  the  rest  of  the  document  he  describes 
it  as  "a  brief,  compact,  and  lucid  presentation  of  the  main  features  of 
Congregationalism"  but  breathing  "the  hazy  atmosphere  of  theoretic 
and  non-consolidated  Congregationalism"11.  W.  A.  Curtis  gives  a 
fair  short  summary  but  attempts  no  assessment12. 

R.  W.  Dale,  History  of  English  Congregationalism,  1906,  pp.385f. 

Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  1696,  p.  104.     For  discussions  which  followed  see  Orrae'i  Memoir 

of  John  Owen,  op.cit.,  vol  i,  pp.lSOff. 

A.  Peel,  These  Hundred  Years,  1931,  p. 75. 

Dissent  in  its  relation  to  the  Church  of  England,  87ff. 

H.  M.  Dexter,  The  Congregationalism  of  the  Last  300  Years,  1879,  p.663. 

Williston  Walker,  Creeds  and  Platforms  of  Congregationalism,  1893,  pp.351-2. 

W.  A.  Curtis,  History  of  Creeds  and  Confessions  of  Faith,  1911,  pp.321 -2. 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  79 

Since  the  first  publication  of  the  Declaration  in  1658  there  has  been 
a  number  of  editions  and  accounts  of  it.  Those  until  1893  are  listed 
in  Williston  Walker".  More  recently  Albert  Peel  and  Bernard 
Manning  and  Dr.  J.  S.  Whale  have  issued  editions  which  have  done 
much  to  set  the  Declaration  in  its  rightful  place  in  our  thinking. 

However  divided  the  historians  may  be  and  however  ephemeral  the 
immediate  influence  of  the  Declaration14  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the 
importance  of  the  principles  which  it  set  forth,  principles  which  are 
by  no  means  out-of-date  for  Congregationalists.  Dr.  Nuttall  has 
recently  shown  us  that  in  the  period  1640-1660  four  principles  are  to  be 
discerned  which  are  the  distinguishing  marks  of  the  Congregational 
way  as  practised  by  "Visible  Saints".  They  are  the  principle  of 
separation  (exemplified  in  "Come  ye  out"),  of  fellowship  ("Unto  one 
another"),  of  freedom  ("a  willing  mind"),  and  of  fitness  ("Be  ye 
holy")19.  These  are  all  firmly  stated  in  the  Declaration  which,  of  course, 
belongs  to  the  period  which  Dr.  Nutall  has  in  review.  It  is  tempting 
to  take  these  four  and  apply  them  to  the  Declaration.  Instead  we 
shall  look  at  it  rather  in  terms  of  four  related  topics  and  ask  ourselves 
what  it  says  about : 

the  nature  of  a  Congregational  church  ; 
the  leadership  of  the  church  by  Christ  into  more  truth  ; 
the  Congregational  attitude  to  creeds  and  confessions  ;  and 
the  conception  of  toleration  and  its  relation  to  ecumenicity. 

THE  NATURE  OF  A  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH 

The  third  section  of  the  Declaration  ("Of  the  Institution  of  Churches 
and  the  Order  appointed  in  them  by  Jesus  Christ")  breathes  a  true 
"high  churchmanship"  of  which  Congregationalists  have  often  boasted 
and  sometimes  been  neglectful.  Here  is  no  casual  assumption  such 
as  we  are  sometimes  prone  to  make  that  the  Church  is  a  voluntary 
society,  a  man-made  organisation  which  we  may  "join"  and  from  which 
we  may  resign.  Let  us  refresh  our  minds  with  the  words  of  the  first 
affirmations  which  the  Declaration  makes  : 

By  the  appointment  of  the  Father,  all  Power  for  the  Calling, 
Institution,  Order,  or  Government  of  the  Church,  is  invested, 
in  a  Supreme  and  Soveraign  manner,  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
as  King  and  Head  thereof.(i) 

It  is  the  same  Lord  Jesus,  in  the  execution  of  His  power  who 
calleth  out  of  the  World  unto  Communion  with  himself,  those 

11     op.cit.,  pp.340-1.    To  this  add  A.  Peel,  The  Savov  Declaration  of  Faith  and  Order,  1939  ; 

B.  L.  Manning  and  J.  S.  Whale,  The  Savoy  Declaration  (a  photographic  reprint  of  Williston 

Walker,  op.cit.,  pp. 367-408,  1939).     The  third  part  ("Of  the  Institution  of  Churches")  was 

reprinted  in  Trans.  C.H.S.,  xi,  pp.lSOff. 
14     cf.  H.  M.  Dexter,  op.cit.,  p.663  ;    W.  Walker  op.  tit.,  p.352  ;    A.  Peel,  Savoy  Declaration 

p.22. 
"     Visible  Saintt,  1957,  ad  loc. 


80  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

that  are  given  unto  him  by  his  Father,  that  they  may  walk  before 
him  in  all  the  waves  of  Obedience,  which  he  prescribeth  to  them 
in  his  Word.(n) 

Those  thus  called  (through  the  Ministery  [of]  the  Word  by  his 
Spirit)  he  commandeth  to  walk  together  in  particular  Societies 
or  Churches,  for  their  mutual  edification,  and  due  performance 
of  that  publique  Worship,  which  he  requireth  of  them  in  this 
world.(iu) 

To  each  of  these  Churches  thus  gathered,  according  unto 
his  mind  declared  in  his  Word,  he  hath  given  all  that  Power  and 
Authority,  which  is  in  any  way  needfull,  for  their  carrying  on 
that  Order  in  Worship  and  Discipline.(iv) 

Next  comes  the  assertion  that  particular  churches,  appointed  by  the 
authority  of  Christ,  are  each  the  seat  of  the  power  which  He  com 
municates  to  His  saints  in  the  world(v)  and  that 

Besides  these  particular  Churches,  there  is  not  instituted 
by  Christ  any  Church  more  extensive  or  Catholique  entrusted 
with  power  for  the  administration  of  his  Ordinances,  or  the 
execution  of  any  authority  in  his  Name.(vi) 

Is  this  a  position  which  we  ought  to  abandon  ?  Dare  we  no  longer 
make  such  an  absolute  claim  that  the  only  place  where  the  authority 
and  leadership  of  Christ  is  found  is  in  the  local  church  ?  Are  we  to 
confess  that  our  fathers  erred  in  thus  boldly  and  uncompromisingly 
asserting  the  complete  autonomy  of  each  church  and  its  competence 
under  Christ  ?  Are  we  moving  away  from  a  wrongheaded  and  narrow 
exclusiveness  into  a  free  acceptance  of  the  supreme  importance  of 
church  association  ?  Are  we  right  to  assume  as  so  many  assume  to-day, 
sometimes  seemingly  on  merely  arithmetical  grounds,  that  the  Holy 
Spirit  who  manifests  Himself  in  the  small  gathering  of  the  local  Church 
Meeting  must  necessarily  manifest  Himself  more  richly  in  the  larger 
assemblies  of  delegates  from  many  churches  ?  To  put  these  questions 
is  to  beg  the  question.  It  is  to  fail  to  realise  that  Congregationalism 
has  seldom  said,  and  never  said  when  it  was  true  to  its  own  best 
traditions  and  insights,  that  the  local  church  is  a  law  and  a  life  to  itself. 

"Particular",  that  is,  local  churches  do  not  live  to  themselves. 
Necessity  had  forced  upon  the  Separatist  churches  a  certain  disunity. 
It  was  not  possible  in  days  of  persecution  to  hold  easy  contact  each 
with  the  others.  The  Preface  speaks  of  this  in  memorable  words  : 

We  confess  that  from  the  first,  every,  or  at  least  the  generality 
of  our  Churches,  have  been  in  a  manner  like  so  many  Ships 
(though  holding  forth  the  same  general  colours)  lancht  singly, 
and  sailing  apart  and  alone  in  the  vast  Ocean  of  these  tumultuating 
times,  and  they  exposed  to  every  wind  of  Doctrine,  under  no 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  81 

other  conduct  then  (sic)  the  Word  and  Spirit,  and  their  particular 
Elders  and  principal  Brethren,  without  Associations  among  our 
selves,  or  so  much  as  holding  out  common  lights  to  others,  whereby 
to  know  where  we  were.  But  yet  whitest  we  thus  confess  to  our 
shame  this  neglect,  let  all  acknowledge,  that  God  hath  ordered  it 
for  his  high  and  greater  glory,  in  that  his  singular  care  and  power 
should  have  so  watcht  over  each  of  these,  as  that  all  should  be 
found  to  have  steered  their  course  by  the  same  Chart,  and  to  have 
been  bound  for  one  and  the  same  Port,  and  that  upon  this  general 
search  now  made,  that  the  same  holy  and  blessed  Truths  of  all 
sorts,  which  are  currant  and  warrantable  amongst  all  the  other 
Churches  of  Christ  in  the  world,  should  be  found  to  be  our  Lading. 

And  so  the  ideal  of  association  without  magisterial  interference 
is  stated  : 

It  is  according  to  the  minde  of  Christ,  that  many  Churches 
holding  communion  together,  do  by  their  Messengers  meet 
in  a  Synod  or  Council,  to  consider  and  give  their  advice  in,  or 
about,  that  matter  in  difference,  to  be  reported  to  all  the  Churches 
concerned  :  Howbeit,  these  Synods  so  assembled  are  not  entrusted 
with  any  Church-Power,  properly  so  called,  or  with  any  Jurisdiction 
over  the  Churches  themselves,  to  exercise  any  Censures,  either 
over  any  Churches  or  Persons,  or  to  impose  their  determinations 
on  the  Churches  or  Officers.  Besides  these  occasional  Synods 
or  Councels,  there  are  not  instituted  by  Christ  any  stated  Synods 
in  a  fixed  Combination  of  Churches  .  .  .  nor  are  there  any  Synods 
appointed  by  Christ  in  a  way  of  Subordination  to  one  another,  (xxvi 
and  xxvn). 

We  ourselves  tend  to  speak  of  "voluntary  association"  when  we 
describe  this  kind  of  polity.  But  the  adjective  fails  to  do  justice  to  the 
conception.  Our  fathers  affirmed,  and  we  stand  by  their  affirmation, 
that  there  is  a  constraint  upon  churches  to  come  together  in  consultation 
and  fellowship.  It  is  a  constraint  from  Christ  that  we  do  this,  not  a 
useful  human  device  or  an  expedient  safeguard  against  ecclesiastical 
solipsism.  As  in  the  church  meeting  of  each  particular  church  there 
is  no  subordination  but  only  the  guidance  and  the  constraint  of  the 
Holy  Spirit. 

THE  LEADERSHIP  OF  THE  CHURCH  BY  CHRIST  INTO  MORE 
TRUTH 

What  kind  of  people  are  the  members  of  a  church  ?  They  are 
those  who  walk  with  Christ  and  with  each  other  and  are  led  by  Christ 
into  ever  fuller  and  richer  truth  and  experience.  The  Declaration 
again  speaks  in  classic  terms  : 


82  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

The  Members  of  these  Churches  are  Saints  by  Calling,  visibly 
manifesting  and  evidencing  (in  and  by  their  profession  and 
walking)  their  Obedience  unto  that  Call  of  Christ,  who  being 
further  known  to  each  other  by  their  confession  of  the  Faith 
wrought  in  them  by  the  power  of  God,  declared  by  themselves, 
or  otherwise  manifested,  do  willingly  consent  to  walk  together, 
according  to  the  appointment  of  Christ,  giving  up  themselves 
to  the  Lord,  and  to  one  another  by  the  Will  of  God,  in  professed 
subjection  to  the  Ordinances  of  Gospel. (vm) 

Here  is  a  reference  to  the  Covenant  basis  of  Congregational  churches. 
From  the  time  of  Richard  Fitz's  church  with  its  implied  covenant1  • 
and  of  Robert  Browne  and  Robert  Harrison  in  Norwich  whose  church 
"gaue  their  consent  to  ioine  them  selues  to  the  Lord  in  one  couenant  & 
fellovvshipp  together,  &  to  keep  &  seek  agrement  vnder  his  laws  & 
gouernment"17  a  distinguishing  feature  of  Independent  churches 
was  the  covenant". 

A  common  feature  of  these  covenants  was  the  assertion  that  Christ 
will  lead  His  people  into  more  and  more  truth  according  as  they  are 
willing  to  walk  with  Him  and  with  each  other.  "Walking  together" 
is  a  phrase  which  occurs  with  great  regularity  ;  it  was  a  "walk"  which 
would  be  increasingly  enlightened  by  enlarged  knowledge  of  God. 
The  classic  phrase  is  that  of  John  Robinson  as  it  is  recalled  in  Edward 
Winslow's  account  of  the  "wholesome  counsel"  he  gave  to  his  church 
as  they  departed  for  New  England  in  the  Mayflower. 

He  put  us  in  mind  of  our  Church  Covenant,  at  least  that  part 
of  it  whereby  'we  promise  and  covenant  with  God  and  one  with 
another,  to  receive  what  soever  light  or  truth  shall  be  made  known 
to  us  from  his  written  Word'.  .  .  .  He  charged  us  before  God 
and  his  blessed  angels,  to  follow  him  no  further  than  he  followed 
Christ :  and  if  God  should  reveal  anything  to  us  by  any  other 
instrument  of  his,  to  be  as  ready  to  receive  it,  as  ever  we  were 
to  receive  any  truth  by  his  Ministry.  For  he  was  very  confident 
that  the  Lord  had  more  truth  and  light  yet  to  break  forth  out 
of  his  holy  Word19. 

This  same  confidence  is  echoed,  for  example,  in  the  covenant  of 
Bury  St.  Edmunds  church  in  1648  : 

We  whose  names  are  hereto  subscribed  do  resolve  and  ingage 
by  the  helpe  of  the  Spirit  of  God  to  walke  in  all  the  wayes  of  God 

1  *     cf.  Champlin  Burrage,  Early  English  Dissenters,  1912  vol.i,  pp.90ff. ,  vol.ii,  pp.  1 3ff. 

17     cf.  Burrage,  op.cit.,  vol.i,  p. 98  ;     Works  of  Robert  Browne  and  Robert  Harrison,  ed.  A.  Peel 

and  Leland  H.  Carlson,  1953  p.422. 
"     cf.  G.  F.  Nuttall,  Visible  Saints,  pp.49,  74-81,  116-117,  etc.  for  quotations  from  many  such 

covenants  in  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  Savoy  Declaration. 
"     cf.  E.  Arber,  The  Storv  of  the  Pilgrim  Fatliers,  1897  Pp.l82f.  ;    H.  M.  Dexter,  The  England 

and  Holland  of  the  Pilgrims,  1906  p. 587  ;    cf.  W.W.  Fenn,  art.    "John  Robinson's  Farewell 

Address"  in  Harvard  Theological  Review,  xiii,  3,  pp.236ff. 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  83 

So  far  forth  as  he  hath  revealled  or  shall  reveall  them  unto  us 
by  his  word20. 

It  is  summed  up  in  the  last  words  of  the  Preface  to  the  Declaration, 
Our  Prayer  unto  God  is,  That  whereto  we  have  already  attained, 
we  all  may  walk  by  the  same  rule,  and  that  wherein  we  are  otherwise 
minded,  God  would  reveal  it  to  us  in  his  due  time. 

It  is  good  to  think  that  in  these  last  few  years  there  has  been  a  revival 
of  the  sense  of  covenant-relationship  in  our  churches  and  that  the 
neglect  into  which  the  covenant  had  fallen  in  the  last  century  has  been 
corrected.  Many  new  churches  have  been  formed  upon  covenants 
which  have  been  carefully  drawn  up  by  those  who  have  a  sense  of 
history  and  tradition  so  that  the  new  covenants  are  within  the  stream 
of  development  ;  other  churches  have  taken  over  the  "model"  covenant 
suggested  by  the  Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales  (which 
is  by  no  means  a  good  one)  or  have  cobbled  together  their  own  somewhat 
contractual  utterances. 

In  the  covenant-grounded  company  of  the  church  the  quality 
of  its  members  is  important.  They  are,  says  the  Declaration  "Saints 
by  Calling,  visibly  manifesting  and  evidencing  (in  and  by  their  profession 
and  walking)  their  Obedience  unto  that  Call  of  Christ"  (vin,  already 
quoted  above).  "Visible  Saints"  is  the  description  by  which  they  may 
be  known.  Among  the  Saints  there  are  officers  appointed  by  Christ- 
pastors,  teachers,  elders  and  deacons  who  are  ordained  with  the 
"election  and  precedent  consent  of  the  Church".  We  have  conflated 
pastors  and  teachers,  and  we  have  conflated  elders  and  deacons  in 
these  days  but  we  still  insist  that  all  members  have  their  part  to  play 
in  the  life  and  evangelical  witness  of  the  Church.  An  emphasis  which 
we  still  retain  is  that  people  other  than  ministers  are  "gifted  and  fitted 
by  the  Holy  Ghost  and  when  approved  by  the  church  give  themselves 
up  to  the  work  of  preaching".  We  have  seldom  spoken  of  "laity"  as 
distinct  from  "clergy"  or  ministers.  We  have  been  able  to  preserve  the 
sense  of  the  oneness  of  the  Body  of  Christ  with  its  individual  and 
several  members  and  this  is  a  truth  which  other  branches  of  the  whole 
Church  are  being  driven  to  see  and  to  re-examine  to  the  great  advantage 
of  their  life  and  the  better  balance  of  their  theology.  I  could  wish 
that  we  had  time  to  consider  the  censures  (xix  and  xx)  in  the  Declaration 
and  to  ask  whether  we  have  lost  our  grip  upon  discipline  which 
was  such  an  important  feature  of  long  ago.  Enough  now  to  say  that 
the  rule  of  Christ  is  still  of  paramount  importance  in  His  Church  and 
that  His  people  are  to  be  saints  and  to  be  visibly  saints. 

2*  John  Browne,  History  of  Congregationalism  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  1878  p.394f.,  corrected 
in  article  "Bury  St.  Edmunds'  Church  Covenants  in  Trans.C.H.S.,  ii.  pp.332ff.  ;  cf 
G.  F.  Nuttall.  op.cit.,  p.79. 

6    * 


84  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

THE  CONGREGATIONAL  ATTITUDE  TO  CREEDS  AND 
CONFESSIONS 

"We  profess  that  the  whole,  and  every  particle  of  that  Faith  delivered 
to  the  Saints,  (the  substance  of  which  we  have  according  to  our  light 
here  professed)  is,  as  to  the  propagation  and  furtherance  of  it  by  all 
Gospel-means,  as  precious  to  us  as  our  lives".  So  the  Preface  proclaims 
what  Independents  have  always  claimed  that  we  are  in  the  central 
tradition  of  the  Christian  Faith21.  The  charge  often  ignorantly  levelled 
against  us  and  sometimes  foolishly  allowed  to  go  unchallenged  that 
"Congregationalists  can  believe  what  they  like"  is  fantastically  untrue. 
The  fact  is  that  Congregationalists  have  never  been  unwilling  to  set 
down  the  outlines  of  their  belief  and  to  claim  orthodoxy  within  the 
Reformed  tradition. 

The  Preface  begins  by  asserting  that  a  Confession  of  the  Faith 
may  justly  be  called  for  and  is  indeed  "so  indispensable  a  due  all  owe 
to  the  Glory  of  the  Soveraign  GOD  that  it  is  ranked  among  the  Duties 
of  the  first  Commandement"  and  is  "yoaked  with  Faith  itself  as 
necessary  to  salvation"  by  the  Apostle  Paul. 

The  most  genuine  and  natural  use  of  such  Confessions  is, 
That  under  the  same  form  of  words,  they  express  the  substance 
of  the  same  common  salvation  or  unity  of  their  faith.  .  .  and  accord 
ingly  such  a  transaction  is  to  be  looked  upon  but  as  a  meet  or  fit 
medium  or  means  whereby  to  express  that  their  common  faith  and 
salvation. 

Thus  Congregationalists  have  often  been  willing  to  draw  up  con 
fessions  of  faith  (for  example  in  this  country,  in  Robert  Browne's  A 
Booke  which  sheweth,  the  statement  by  Barrow  and  Greenwood  entitled 
A  true  Description  out  of  the  Word  of  God  of  the  visible  Churchy  the 
London-Amsterdam  True  Confession  of  1596,  the  Seven  Articles  of  the 
Leyden  Church  in  1617,  the  Savoy  Declaration  itself,  the  statements 
of  belief,  often  in  the  form  of  the  Westminister  Confession  attached 
to  many  of  the  covenants  of  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  the  Declaration  of  1833  adopted  at  the  time  of  the  beginning  of  the 
Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales22. 

Nevertheless,  there  is  one  important  warning.  Confessions,  the 
Preface  goes  on  to  say,  are 

no.  way  to  be  made  use  of  as  an  imposition  upon  any :  What 
ever  is  of  force  or  constraint  in  matters  of  this  nature,  causeth 
them  to  degenerate  from  the  name  and  nature  of  Confessions, 
and  turns  them  from  being  Confessions  of  Faith  into  Exactions  and 
Impositions  of  Faith. 

11     cf.  The  "Message  to  the  Churches"  of  the  Sixth  I.C.C.  in  its  Proceedings,  1949,  p.2. 
"     cf.  art.  "Congregationalism  and  the  Historic  Faith"  in  Congregational  Quarterly,  xxix,  iii, 
op202ff 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  85 

This  protest  against  exalting  confessions  into  creeds  to  which  sub 
scription  is  required  has  been  a  constant  feature  of  Congregationalism. 
What  the  Savoy  Declaration  said  was  echoed  in  the  Declaration  of  1833  : 
Disallowing  the  utility  of  creeds  and  articles  of  religion  as  a  bond 
of  union,   and   protesting   against   subscription   to   any   human 
formularies  as  a  term  of  communion,  Congregationalists  are  yet 
willing  to  declare,  for  general  information,  what  is  commonly 
believed  among  them,   reserving  to  everyone  the  most  perfect 
liberty  of  conscience.  .  .  .     They  wish  it  to  be  observed  that, 
notwithstanding  their  jealousy  of  subscription  to  creeds  and  articles 
and  their  disapproval  of  any  human  standard,  whether  of  faith  or 
discipline,  they  are  far  more  agreed  in  their  doctrines  and  practices 
than  any  Church  which  enjoins  subscription  and  enforces  a  human 
standard  of  orthodoxy". 

The  Message  to  the  Churches  of  the  Sixth  International  Congregat 
ional  Council  says  the  same  thing  : 

While  Congregationalists  do  not  require  subscription  to  any 
man-made  creedal  statements,  they  have  ever  been  loyal  to  the 
great  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faith  and  have  always  claimed 
their  place  in  the  witness  of  the  evangelical,  reformed  Churches24. 

This  attitude,  of  course,  has  its  temptations  and  its  dangers.  We 
have  tended  to  be  willing  to  draw  up  confessions  and  then  to  be  un 
willing  to  trust  or  to  use  them,  to  be  willing  to  state  our  faith  but 
unwilling  to  ask  believers  specifically  to  subscribe  to  it.  We  are  satisfied 
to  make  from  church  members  no  greater  demand  than  that  they 
confess  their  loyalty  to  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  adding  to  this  only  the 
corollary  that  they  grow  in  His  knowledge  and  in  the  fellowship  of  the 
church  and  are  ready  to  walk  with  Him  into  realms  of  greater  truth  and 
light.  And  after  all,  the  earliest  and  the  then  sufficient  confession  was 
"Jesus  is  Lord". 

But  have  we  maintained,  and  how  do  we  maintain,  the  Faith  ? 
We  assert,  as  they  did  in  1833,  that  subscription  to  creeds  is  no  safe 
guard  but  rather  the  reverse.  What  do  we  substitute  ?  The  answer 
lies,  as  Bernard  Manning  saw  in  his  assessment  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  in  the  reality  of  the  church  fellowship,  the  close  bond  between 
ministers  and  faithful  church  members  each  confronting  the  other 
with  classical  doctrine,  the  form  of  divine  service,  and  the  use  of  hymns 
which  reminded  worshippers  of  the  catholic,  apostolic  evangelical 
faith  and  themselves  acted  as  standards  of  faith".  We  need  to  ask 
ourselves  continually  do  they  operate  still  ? 

"     Preliminary  notes  to  the  Declaration,  numbers  5  and  7. 

**     Proceedings,  p.2. 

"     B.  L.  Manning,  Essays  in  Orthodox  Dissent,  1939  p. 185. 


86  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

THE  CONCEPTION  OF  TOLERATION  AND  ITS  RELATION 
TO  ECUMENICITY 

The  degree  of  toleration  which  is  extended  to  members  in  matters 
of  subscription  to  creedal  statements  is  not  confined  within  the  narrow 
limits  of  each  particular  church.  Toleration  is  envisaged  as  applicable 
to  each  church  in  its  relation  to  each  other  church,  to  groups  of  churches 
over  against  other  groups  of  churches,  and  to  all  churches  which  keep 
the  faith  in  their  relations  with  the  State. 

But  toleration  was  difficult  to  conceive  in  the  days  before  the  Savoy 
Declaration  and  indeed  afterwards.  Elizabeth  I,  like  her  predecessors, 
had  found  it  impossible  to  think  other  than  in  terms  of  uniformity 
within  one  inclusive  state  church  and  that  uniformity  enforced  by  the 
strictest  sanctions.  Any  attempt  to  think  of  a  church  outside  this  was 
no  less  than  treason  as  Barrow,  Greenwood,  Penry  and  the  first  exiles 
of  Amsterdam  found  to  their  cost.  James  I  is  reported  to  have  said 
that  he  would  make  men  conform  or  else  he  would  harry  them  out  of 
the  land.  Charles  I  lost  his  head  through  intrigues  which  were  rooted 
in  this  same  theory  and  policy  of  intolerance.  And  then  the  Presby 
terians  of  the  1640's  played  the  same  hand,  in  the  words  of  the  pro 
testing  Independent  Jeremiah  Burroughs  "apprehending  there  is  no 
medium  between  a  strict  uniformity,  and  a  general  confusion  in  all 
things"26.  With  Cromwell  came  the  assertion  of  liberty  and  toleration 
and  with  him  were  Independents  such  as  those  who  are  quoted  in 
chapter  three  of  Visible  Saints. 

The  Savoy  Declaration  gathers  up  the  threads  of  this  thinking 
upon  toleration.  It  was  of  the  essence  of  the  Congregational  position 
and  not  a  mere  expediency  such  as  was  the  Declaration  of  Breda 
which  contained  Charles  II's  specious  promise  in  1660  of  "liberty  to 
tender  consciences"27  or  the  "gracious"  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
of  James  II  in  168728.  To  urge  that  the  Independents  were  for 
toleration  because  they  saw  no  future  for  themselves  otherwise  than 
as  a  tolerated  minority  is  to  misread  the  situation  and  to  do  injustice 
to  what  the  Independents  had  been  saying  consistently.  Toleration 
was  implicit  in  their  thinking,  explicit  in  many  of  their  writings,  and 
focused  in  the  Savoy  Declaration.  This  latter  makes  at  least  three 
important  emphases  : 

1.  That  there  should  be  toleration  and  co-operation  between 
particular  churches.  We  have  already  noticed  that  the  Preface  called 
attention  to  the  singularity  with  which  the  various  ships  of  the  fleet 
had  been  forced  to  sail  ;  the  delegates  to  the  Savoy  found  to  their  joy, 

24     Quoted  in  Peel,  Saroy  Declaration,  p. 12. 

37     Gee  and  Hardy,  Documents  illustrative  of  English  Church  History,  1914,  pp.585ff 

"      Ibid,  pn  64 Iff 


THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY  87 

and  even  surprise,  that  they  were  in  accord  without  having  "held  any 
correspondency  together".     Now  they  added 

Accordingly  one  of  the  first  proposals  for  union  amongst  us 

was,  That  there  might  be  a  constant  correspondence  held  among 

the  Churches  for  counsel  and  mutual  edification. 

But  this  correspondence  and  co-operation  was  to  be  upon  no  other 
basis  than  that  of  freedom  in  Christ.  There  could  be  no  imposition 
of  the  determinations  of  any  outside  authority  on  churches  or  their 
officers". 

2.  That  there  ought  to  be  forbearance  and  toleration  on  the  part 
of  groups  of  churches  towards  groups  of  churches  and  on  the  part  of 
the  State  to  all  such.     This,  the  delegates  claimed,  is  "our  constant 
principle"  and  "we  are  not  ashamed  to  confess  it  to  the  whole  Christian 
world".    The  principle  is  stated  in  the  Preface  in  these  words  : 

Let  this  be  added  (or  superadded  rather)  to  give  full  weight 
and  measure,  even  to  running  over,  that  we  have  all  along  this 
season,  held  forth  (though  quarrelled  with  for  it  by  our  brethren) 
this  great  principle  of  these  times,  That  among  all  Christian 
States  and  Churches,  there  ought  to  be  vouchsafed  a  forbearance 
and  mutual  indulgence  unto  Saints  of  all  perswasions,  that  keep  unto, 
and  hold  fast  the  necessary  foundations  of  faith  and  holiness,  in  all 
other  matters  extrafundamental,  whether  of  Faith  or  Order. 

This  should  be  a  very  great  engagement  upon  the  hearts  of 
all,  though  of  different  perswasions,  to  endeavour  our  utmost, 
joyntly  to  promove  the  honour  and  prosperity  [sic.  of  such  a  govern 
ment  which  as  ministers  of  the  Gospel  and  as  churches  we  are . 
able  to  do]  ;  ...  as  also  to  be  peaceably  disposed  one  towards 
another,  and  with  mutual  toleration  to  love  as  brethren,  not 
withstanding  such  differences  :  remembring  as  it's  very  equal 
we  should,  the  differences  that  are  between  Presbyterians  and 
Independents,  being  differences  between  fellow-servants,  and 
neither  of  them  having  authority  given  from  God  or  Man,  to 
impose  their  Opinions,  one  more  than  the  other. 

Williston  Walker  shrewdly  comments  that  the  chief  merit  of  the 
Declaration  "is  its  spirit  of  tolerance  towards  Christians  of  different 
beliefs — a  tolerance  as  creditable  as  it  was  unusual  in  that  age"*0. 
Here  is  that  "catholicity"  of  which  we  boast. 

3.  That  Schism  is  a  bogey -word  designed  to  intimidate  into  con 
formity  and  that  to  define  it  properly  is  to  rob  it  of  its  terrors.    The 
Declaration  claims  that  there  is  no  just  cause  why  any  man  should  level 

"     Declaration,  part  III,  XXVI. 
"    Willi«ton  Walker,  op.cit.,  p.352. 


88  THE  SAVOY  DECLARATION  OF  1658  AND  TO-DAY 

"the  odious  reproach  of  Schism"  since  differences  were  not  "of  contempt 

but  of  conscience"  and  were  not  wilful.    True, 

many  sad  miscarriages,  divisions,  breaches,  fallings  off  from  holy 
Ordinances  of  God,  have  along  this  time  of  tentation.  .  .  been 
found  in  some  of  our  Churches. 

These  are  to  be  deplored.  And  yet  apparent  unity  can  be  purchased 
at  too  great  a  cost  and  with  no  certainty  of  final  achievement.  It 
may  be  both  a  denial  of  Christian  liberty  and  a  spurious  facade  which 
conceals  inner  division  and  rottenness. 

Let  Rome  glory  of  the  peace  in,  and  the  obedience  of  her  children, 
against  the  Reformed  Churches  for  their  divisions.  .  .  We  all  know 
the  causes  of  their  dull  and  stupid  peace  to  have  been  carnal 
interests,  worldly  correspondencies,  and  coalitions. . .  the  principles 
of  blind  Devotion,  Traditional  Faith,  Ecclesiastical  Tyranny, 
by  which  she  keeps  her  Children  in  bondage  to  this  day. 

Rome  still  insists  that  unity  shall  be  uniformity  and  that  uniformity 
shall  be  dictated  by  the  Papal  Curia.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Protestant 
and  Orthodox  Churches  of  the  world  are,  for  the  most  part,  now 
gathered  into  the  unity  of  the  World  Council  of  Churches  without 
any  exterior  uniformity  yet  with  a  resolve  to  stay  together  and  to  move 
together  into  greater  union.  Congregational ists  have  not  been  unwilling 
to  merge  into  united  churches  and  to  lose  their  immediate  identity 
while  at  the  same  time  contributing  their  own  special  insights  to  the 
whole.  This  "is  the  way  forward  and  our  most  urgent  steps  may  be  for 
Congregationalists  and  Presbyterians  in  this  country  to  take.  Mean 
while,  as  we  work  for  and  move  forward  into  greater  understanding 
and  co-operation  with  others  we  do  well  to  remind  ourselves  that  there 
are  differences  to  which  the  word  schism  is  not  applicable.  Our  heritage 
in  Congregationalism  has  to  be  preserved  and  deepened,  but  charitably 
and  tolerantly,  if  we  are  to  bring  our  treasures  into  the  great  Church 
which  shall  yet  come  into  being. 

It  is  here  that  we  are  both  justified  and  wise  to  recall  the  historic 
Declaration  of  three  hundred  years  ago,  that  "brief,  compact  and  lucid 
presentation  of  the  main  features  of  Congregationalism"  (as  Williston 
Walker  describes  it)31.  Since  those  days,  while  retaining  the  main 
emphases  of  our  witness,  we  have  moved  forward  into  a  greater  "cor 
respondency"  among  churches  and  must  still  move.  But  we  dare  not 
forget  the  insistence  of  the  Declaration  upon  the  supreme  headship 
of  Chi  1st  over  His  Church,  upon  the  true  nature  of  the  church  as  a 
covenanted  fellowship  of  committed  "saints",  and  upon  avowed 
tolerance  towards  all  others  within  the  Body  of  Christ. 

W.   GORDON   ROBINSON 

J1     op. of..,  p. 351. 


The  Attack  on  Nonconformists  in 

Exeter  after  the  Withdrawal  of  the 

Declaration  of  Indulgence 

A  RECENT  and  valuable  book  by  G.  R.  Cragg :  Puritanism 
in  the  Period  of  the  Great  Persecution,  1660-1688,  (C.U.P.1957) 
has  suggested  (p.  21)  with  reference  to  the  situation  immediately 
after  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  had  been  withdrawn  in 
March,  1673,  that  "Legally  the  licences  had  no  validity,  but  the  justices 
of  the  peace  were  undecided  how  to  regard  them,  and  for  some  time  the 
nonconformists  continued  to  enjoy  a  considerable  measure  of  immunity." 
He  gives  as  authorities  for  this  statement  Edmund  Calamy's  Historical 
Account  of  my  own  Life,  and  The  Note  Book  of  Thomas  Jolly. 
Earlier  writers  on  the  subject  have  given  a  different  verdict.  H.  W. 
Clarke's  History  of  English  Nonconformity  Vol.  2,  p.  93,  reads  ; 
"...  immediately  upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  Declaration  persecution 
had  been  hotly  renewed,  to  be  fully  maintained  at  its  initial  pitch  up  to 
about  1677".  An  earlier  authority,  Daniel  Neal  (History  of  the  Puritans, 
1796  edn.,  Vol.  4,  p.  543)  says  "The  revocation  of  the  indulgence.  .  .  let 
loose  the  whole  tribe  of  informers.  The  papists  being  excluded  from 
places  of  trust,  the  court  had  no  tenderness  for  protestant  non-conform 
ists  ;  the  judges  therefore  had  orders  to  quicken  the  execution  of  the 
laws  against  them." 

Conflicting  statements  of  this  kind  can  only  be  resolved  by  collecting 
together  detailed  information  from  original  records  of  the  years  1673-5. 
A  study  of  the  orders  of  Exeter  City  Sessions  fining  persons  for  assem 
bling  in  Conventicles  reveals  conclusively  that  here  Neal  and  Clarke 
were  quite  correct,  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
was  quickly  followed  by  a  savage  renewal  of  persecution.  There  are  30 
of  these  orders  preserved  in  Exeter  City  Archives  covering  the  period 
1673-1687,  and  the  first  eight  of  them  all  concern  the  period  14thMay 
to  llth  August,  1673.  These  parchments  bear  examination  in  some 
detail 

The  first  is  an  order  fining  persons  for  assembling  in  a  Conventicle 
at  the  house  of  John  Palmer,  merchant,  in  the  Cathedral  Close,  on 
Wednesday,  14th  May,  1673.  Proceedings  were  clearly  under  the 
1670  Conventicle  Act,  for  the  householder,  John  Palmer,  and  the 
preacher,  Joseph  Hallett,  were  both  fined  the  statutory  £20  each,  while 
the  remainder  (five  named  and  30  unnamed)  were  fined  5s.  each. 
Two  of  those  cited  by  name,  Anthony  Mapowder  and  Isaac  Burch 
(both  brewers),  had  the  fines  of  the  30  unnamed  people  imposed  on 
them,  and  paid  £4  each. 

The  second  order  refers  to  another  conventicle  held  at  the  house 
of  John  Palmer  on  the  4th  June.  Again  he  is  fined  £20,  and  the  minister, 

89 


90        THE  ATTACK  ON  NONCONFORMISTS  IN  EXETER  AFTER  THE 
WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDULGENCE 

this  time  George  Trosse,  the  same.  Five  others  are  named  and  50 
others,  too  poor  to  pay,  were  said  to  have  been  present,  their  fines 
being  imposed  on  three  of  the  five  named,  Richard  Crossinge,  John 
Mayne,  and  John  Starr. 

The  magistrates  made  two  orders  on  23rd  of  June,  the  first  relating 
to  a  conventicle  held  at  the  house  of  Humphrey  Bawdon  in  Holy 
Trinity  parish  on  Sunday,  15th  of  June.  Again  the  householder  and 
the  minister,  Mark  Downe,  were  fined  £20  each.  There  were  29 
other  named  persons  in  the  list,  and  60  more  unnamed  were  present, 
of  whom  20  were  said  to  be  insolvent  and  their  fines  added  to  those 
of  people  better  able  to  pay.  The  other  order  concerned  a  conventicle 
at  the  house  of  John  Boyland,  fuller,  on  Sunday,  22nd  June,  Boyland  and 
George  Trosse  are  each  fined  .£20,  36  other  persons  are  named,  and  40 
others  unnamed  said  to  have  been  present.  In  this  document  Trosse  is 
said  to  be  unable  to  pay  (this  wras  the  second  fine  of  £20  imposed  on 
him  within  a  month)  and  his  fine  is  divided  amongst  six  of  the  others  : 
Christopher  Payne,  butcher  ;  Hugh  Abell,  grocer  ;  Benjamin 
Arundell,  merchant  ;  Daniel  Skibbovve,  fuller  ;  John  Starr,  merchant  ; 
and  Andrew  Jeffery,  fuller.  The  fines  of  20  of  those  unnamed  were 
likewise  added  to  those  others  most  likely  to  be  able  to  pay. 

The  most  comprehensive  haul  of  the  magistrates  was  made  again 
at  the  house  of  John  Palmer,  on  Wednesday,  25th  June.  Palmer  and 
Joseph  Hallett  were  both  fined  £20,  but  in  the  list  of  43  other  persons 
named  in  the  order  appear  John  Bartlett,  John  Hopping,  George  Trosse 
(all  Presbyterian  ministers),  Lewis  Stukeley  and  Thomas  Powell 
(Congregationalist  ministers).  Hallett  is  unable  to  pay,  and  his  fine  is 
divided  amongst  John  Pym,  merchant  ;  Edmund  Starr,  grocer  ; 
Abraham  Trowte,  merchant  ;  John  Boyland,  fuller  ;  Christopher 
Payne,  butcher  ;  George  Masters,  butcher  ;  William  Lobb,  fuller  ; 
and  Richard  Crossinge,  merchant.  Eleven  persons  have  their  fines 
doubled  because  it  was  their  second  offence. 

The  unfortunate  but  courageous  John  Palmer  suffered  for  one 
more  conventicle  held  at  his  house  on  Wednesday,  2nd  July,  when 
the  preacher  was  John  Hixe  (more  usually  spelt  Hicks).  39  more 
were  named  and  fined,  this  time  18  for  the  second  offence.  The 
minister's  fine  this  time  was  shared  by  John  Pym,  merchant  ;  Thomas 
Crispyn,  fuller  ;  John  Boyland,  fuller  ;  Elizabeth  Gibbs,  widow  ; 
Anthony  Mapowder,  brewer  ;  John  Cheares,  fuller  ;  John  Barnes, 
innkeeper  ;  Joseph  Pince,  fuller  ;  and  Abraham  Trowte,  merchant. 

George  Trosse  was  fined  £20  for  the  third  time  for  preaching  at 
a  conventicle  held  on  6th  July  at  the  house  of  Nowel  Pearse,  fuller. 
14  others  were  mentioned  by  name,  and  50  others  said  to  have  been 
present.  The  fines  of  20  of  these  unnamed  people  were  added  to  those 
paid  by  persons  cited.  Four  of  the  1 5  were  guilty  of  a  second  offence. 


THE  ATTACK  ON  NONCONFORMISTS  IN  EXETER  AFTER  THE        91 
WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDULGENCE 

Nowel  Pearse  suffered  again  for  a  conventicle  held  at  his  house  on 
Monday,  llth  August,  but  this  time  no  minister  appears  to  have  been 
summoned  by  the  magistrates.  30  others  are  named,  40  unnamed, 
of  whom  the  fines  of  15  were  added  to  those  cited.  Eight  second 
offences  were  recorded. 

That  the  Nonconformists  at  this  time  did  not  suffer  without  making 
eloquent  protest,  nor  without  claiming  that  the  King's  licences  remained 
valid,  is  shown  by  a  document  preserved  amongst  the  earliest  Minutes 
of  the  Exeter  Assembly  (the  organisation  of  Presbyterian  and  Con 
gregational  ministers  of  Devon  and  Cornwall  which  met  from  1655-59 
and  from  1691  onwards)1.  It  refers  to  the  first  case  mentioned  above. 

On  Monday  last  the  2d  instant  according  to  the  Order  of  the 
Mayor  &  Justices  of  the  Citty  of  Exon.  Mr.  Joseph  Hallett  &  Mr. 
John  Palmer  appeared  before  them  at  the  Guildhall  (some  hundreds 
of  people  being  present)  where  it  was  sworne  against  them  by  two 
wittnesses  produced  by  one  Gould  an  informer  that  att  Mr. 
Palmers  house  the  said  Mr.  Hallet  did  preach,  neare  two  hundred 
persons  being  present. 

The  said  Mr.  Palmer  &  Mr.  Joseph  Hallet  pleaded  in  justification 
of  the  fact  the  King's  Declaration  &  License  which  they  desired 
againe  &  againe  might  be  publickly  read,  but  could  not  obtaine  it. 
They  much  insisted  upon  the  King's  Authority  which  was  (they 
apprehended)  a  sufficient  warrant  for  what  they  did.  But  this 
argument  could  not  be  heard,  the  Mayor,  Deputy  Recorder, 
Justices  &  3  lawyers  more  called  in  to  their  assistance  telling  the 
sayd  Mr.  Hallet  &  Mr.  Palmer  that  the  King  had  noe  such 
Authority  in  matters  ecclesiasticall,  it  being  against  an  act  of 
Parliament,  to  which  after  it  had  been  answered,  that  in  that  verry 
act  of  Parliament  ecclesiasticall  power  was  acknowledged  to  the 
King  by  a  Proviso,  &  that  his  Majesty  thereupon  claimed  it  in  his 
declaration. 

They  passed  .to  another  allegation,  viz.  that  the  King  had 
Revoked  the  declaration  &  licenses  by  taking  off  the  great  scale 
&  tho  it  was  answered  the  privy  scale  &  His  Majesty's  hand  were 
still  on,  the  great  Seall  being  put  on  some  months  after  &  not 
long  before  the  parliament  sat,  which  the  Deputy  Recorder  denyed, 
yet  would  nothing  availe.  But  still  they  denyed  his  Majesty's 
authority  as  to  the  Liberty  hee  granted  &  soe  proceeded  to  Judge 
the  Evidence  against  Mr.  Hallet  &  Mr.  Palmer  to  be  a  Conviction, 
&  accordingly  fined  them  soe  that  they  are  in  howerly  expectation 
of  having  there  houses  riffled  &  there  Goods  violently  carryed 
away.  Since  which  time  warrants  are  graunted  out  against  the 
sayd  Mr.  Hallett  &  Mr.  Palmer  for  Twenty  pounds  each,  &  against 

1     Quoted  by  the  kind  permission  of  the  Exeter  Assembly. 


92        THE  ATTACK  ON  NONCONFORMISTS  IN  EXETER  AFTER  THE 
WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDULGENCE 

five  &  thirty  persons  more  &  the  Constables  have  bin  several  times 
endeavouring  to  take  the  distresses. 

EXON.,  14th  June,  1673.  SYMON  TROBRIDGE.  JOSEPH  HALLETT. 

AARON   TOZER.      JNO.   PALMER. 
JOHN  Rous.        ABRA.  TROWT. 

J.    DUGDAYLE.  WM.    POOLE. 

DAVID  ROBINSON. 
GEO.  GARY. 

This  is  evidence  enough  that  the  Exeter  magistrates,  encouraged 
no  doubt  by  Bishop  Anthony  Sparrow,  who  was  not  at  any  time 
favourable  to  Dissenters,  used  the  powers  of  the  1670  Conventicle  Act 
to  the  full  in  this  25th  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  It  can  also 
be  shown  that  they  profited  by  the  very  information  provided  by 
the  Dissenters  themselves,  in  the  licences  taken  out  under  the  Indul 
gence.  The  preachers  and  householders  fined  the  maximum  penalty 
under  these  Orders  were  : — 

Rev.  Joseph  Hallett.  (Twice). 

Rev.  George  Trosse.  (Three  times). 

Rev.  Mark  Downe. 

Rev.  John  Hicks. 

John  Palmer.  (Four  times). 

Humphrey  Bawdon. 

John  Boyland. 

Nowell  Pearse.  (Twice). 

Hallett  and  Trosse  were  at  this  time  the  leading  figures  among  the 
Exeter  Presbyterians,  and  remained  so  until  the  end  of  their  lives, 
Hallett  living  until  1689,  and  Trosse  until  1713.  Trosse  came  of 
an  Exeter  family,  and  had  been  active  in  the  City  since  his  private 
ordination  in  1666,  when  the  coming  into  operation  of  the  Five  Mile 
Act  had  temporarily  silenced  many  of  the  older  ministers.  Joseph 
Hallett  was  a  Bridport  man,  ejected  from  the  living  at  Chiselborough 
in  1660,  possibly  arriving  in  Exeter  about  1670.  Both  were  licensed 
in  1672,  as  was  Mark  Downe,  who  had  been  ejected  from  St.  Petrock's 
parish  in  1662.  John  Hicks  was  not  an  Exeter  man,  but  was  well 
known  in  South  Devon,  having  been  evicted  in  1662  from  a  curacy 
at  Saltash,  and  had  published  anonymously  and  without  licence  in 
1671  a  Narrative  of  the  sufferings  of  local  Nonconformists.  He 
had  been  licensed  as  a  Presbyterian  minister  at  Kingsbridge  in  1672, 
later  removed  to  Portsmouth,  and  was  executed  in  1685  for  taking 
part  in  the  Monmouth  Rebellion.  He  was  definitely  the  type  of  man 
that  Anglican  magistrates  throughout  the  country  were  pleased  to  be 
able  to  sentence  in  their  courts.  The  houses  of  John  Palmer,  John 
Boyland,  and  Nowell  Pearse  were  all  licensed  as  meeting  places  in  1672, 
and  all  were  men  of  some  wealth.  In  the  Exeter  Hearth  Tax  records 


THE  ATTACK  ON  NONCONFORMISTS  IN  EXETER  AFTER  THE        93 

WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDULGENCE 
of  1671,  John  Palmer's  house  in  the  Close  was  assessed  on  nine  hearths, 
John  Boyland's  in  St.  John's  parish  on  six  hearths,  and  Nowel  Pearse 
in  the  parish  of  Allhallows-on-the-Walls  on  five  hearths.  Not  licensed 
in  1672,  Humphrey  Bawdon  was  assessed  on  ten  hearths  in  Holy 
Trinity  parish.  At  this  time  more  than  half  the  households  in  the  City 
were  assessed  on  two  hearths  or  less,  and  it  becomes  clear  that  these 
men,  although  not  of  the  inner  circle  of  very  rich  merchants  who 
governed  the  City,  were  comparatively  well-to-do,  and  exercised  some 
influence  in  the  community  through  the  men  in  their  employ.  It  was 
at  this  type  of  citizen,  those  who  were  the  financial  backbone  of  the 
Nonconformist  causes,  that  the  Conventicle  Act  of  1670  was  aimed, 
and  so  effectively  used  in  Exeter  in  this  year. 

It  should  be  noted  that  these  prosecutions  were  all  aimed  at  known 
Presbyterians.  Stukeley  and  Powell,  Congregationalists,  had  each 
been  fined  for  attending  the  conventicle  at  John  Palmer's  house  on  the 
25th  June,  1673,  but  this  was  the  small  sum  of  5s.  each,  of  little 
significance  to  them.  It  was  not  until  the  following  year  that  Con 
gregationalists  were  fined  heavily.  Then  Nicholas  Eveleigh,  whose 
house  had  been  licensed  in  1672  as  a  meeting  place  for  a  "Church  of 
Christ  in  Exon"  whose  teacher  was  Lewis  Stukeley,  was  fined  £20  for  a 
conventicle  held  at  his  home  on  the  18th  January.  The  company  was 
mixed  Presbyterian  and  Congregational,  judging  by  the  15  names  cited. 
The  only  minister  then  present  was  Joseph  Hallett,  who  was  fined  the 
usual  5s.  for  attendance.  The  hardest  blow  came  on  the  8th  November, 
1674,  in  connection  with  another  conventicle  held  in  Eveleigh's  house. 
He  and  Stukeley  were  then  each  fined  £20.  16  others  were  named,  and 
40  others  said  to  have  been  present.  The  fines  of  30  of  these  were 
distributed  amongst  those  named,  with  the  result  that  Henry  Fitz- 
williams,  gent,  of  Holy  Trinity  parish,  paid  £2  5s.,  George  Masters, 
butcher,  £2  5s.,  and  Andrew  Raddon,  clothier,  £1  5s. 

The  conclusions  to  be  drawn  from  these  facts  are  that  in  Exeter, 
after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  the  Penal  Laws 
against  Dissenters  were  immediately  enforced  with  more  than  usual 
zeal  ;  that  the  informers  and  magistrates  made  use  of  their  knowledge 
of  licences  taken  out  by  the  Dissenters  while  the  Declaration  was  in 
force,  and  that  they  selected  their  victims  with  some  care,  choosing  to 
strike  first  and  hardest  at  those  they  considered  to  be  the  leaders  amongst 
obstinate  members  of  the  community.  The  Presbyterians  bore  the 
greatest  proportion  of  the  suffering  mainly  because  they  greatly  out 
numbered  the  other  Dissenters  at  this  time,  and  possibly  also  because, 
their  views  being  less  extreme,  it  seemed  that  if  discouraged  enough 
they  would  be  more  likely  to  conform  than  the  Congregationalists, 
Baptists  and  Quakers,  who  were  considered  to  be  quite  irredeemable. 

ALLAN   BROCKETT. 


Matthew  Wilk8  1746-1820  > 

BY  any  relevant  standard  Matthew  Wilks  was  one  of  the  moet 
significant  nonconformist  ministers  of  his  time.    That  more  than 
10,000  people  witnessed  his  funeral  procession  from  Moorfields 
Tabernacle  to  Bunhill  Fields  is  some  measure  of  his  greatness.  He 
shared  actively  in  most  of  the  great  religious  movements  of  his  day. 
His  influence  contributed  to  the  founding  of  the  London  Missionary 
Society,  and  other  kindred  organisations.    The  Rev.  John  Eyre  and  he 
were   responsible   for  the   launching  of  the    Evangelical  Magazine. 
Tirelessly  active  in  religious  affairs,  he  yet  contrived  to  sustain  his  one 
and  only  pastorate  for  a  period  of  53  years,  and  was  widely  known 
as  a  field  preacher  and  evangelist. 

He  lived  his  life  in  Georgian  England.  It  was  a  time  of  unsettlement 
and  transition  ;  of  wars,  victories  and  industrial  revolution.  In  his 
youth  the  tide  of  religious  revival  was  flowing  strongly,  but  in  his  old 
age  its  force  seemed  spent.  He  derived  his  name  from  the  circum 
stance  that  he  was  born  on  St.  Matthew's  Day,  1746,  at  Gibraltar 
where  his  father,  an  army  officer,  was  stationed.  Shortly  after  his 
birth  the  regiment  moved  to  Ireland  ;  there  Matthew  spent  his  boyhood. 
On  his  father's  retirement  the  family  took  up  residence  in  Birmingham. 

On  leaving  school  he  was  apprenticed  to  a  trade,  his  employers 
finding  him  quick  to  learn,  honest  and  diligent.  Whilst  there  is  nothing 
to  indicate  a  misspent  youth,  his  spiritual  pilgrimage  began  with  a 
definite  experience  of  conversion  under  unusual  circumstances.  In 
1771  he  was  walking  one  day  in  the  vicinity  of  West  Bromwich,  when 
through  the  open  window  of  a  private  house  he  heard  the  voice  of  a 
preacher.  Curiosity  prompted  him  to  stop  and  listen.  The  preacher 
was  a  local  curate,  the  Rev.  W.  Percy,  a  man  of  strong  evangelical 
convictions,  who  regularly  conducted  a  service  in  this  room.  Such 
was  the  effectiveness  of  his  preaching  that  the  young  apprentice  decided 
there  and  then  to  give  his  life  to  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  an  interesting  fact 
that  this  same  curate  was  later  instrumental  in  the  conversion  of 
Matthew's  brother  Mark,  who  became  a  well-known  Baptist  minister, 
and  of  Miss  Shenstone  whom  Matthew  eventually  married. 

Percy  became  his  firm  friend  and  adviser,  and  seeing  in  him  such 
appropriate  gifts  and  qualities,  was  led  to  suggest  the  possibility 
of  his  becoming  a  minister.  Matthew  did  not  immediately  respond,  but 
after  prolonged  reflection,  signified  his  willingness  to  go  forward, 
and  entered  Trevecca  College  with  a  clear  sense  of  call.  It  is  said 

1  Authorities  consulted  : — The  Evangelical  Magazine  (March,  April,  1829)  ;  John  Reynolds, 
Diary  ;  John  Campbell,  Maritime  Discovery  and  Christian  Missions  (1840)  ;  John  Morison, 
Fathers  and  Founders  of  the  L.M.S.  (1844)  ;  Archives  of  the  L.M.S.,  by  kind  permission 
of  the  Librarian  at  Livingstone  House. 

94 


MATTHEW  WILKS  1746-1829  95 

that  he  was  a  brilliant  student,  and  as  a  preacher  showed  exceptional 
promise. 

Robert  Keen,  a  manager  of  the  late  George  Whitefield's  two  London 
chapels,  chanced  to  hear  him  preach  towards  the  end  of  his  college 
course,  and  invited  him  to  supply  at  the  Tabernacle  and  Tottenham 
Court  Chapel.  This  he  did  on  a  number  of  occasions  with  such 
acceptance  that  he  was  invited  to  become  joint  minister  with  the  Rev. 
Torial  Joss,  whom  Whitefield  had  designated  as  his  successor. 
Matthew  accepted,  with  due  recognition  of  the  responsibilities  of  this 
important  call.  Joss  and  Percy  took  part  in  his  Ordination  Service 
in  1775. 

The  new  ministry  began  with  many  tokens  of  affection  and  high 
expectation.  The  young  man's  marriage  to  Miss  Shenstone,  cousin  of 
the  poet  William  Shenstone,  proved  to  be  a  source  of  further  strength 
and  enrichment.  She  was  admirably  equipped  to  be  a  minister's  wife, 
and  they  were  devotedly  attached  to  one  another. 

As  a  preacher  he  was  solid,  practical  and  scriptural.  "He  relied  not 
upon  flow  of  speech  or  splendour  of  illustration,  but  upon  compressed 
and  forcible  truthfulness  of  his  words."  Such  preaching  made  demands 
upon  his  listeners.  Nervertheless,  he  achieved  rapid  success,  and  was 
soon  preaching  to  crowded  congregations  with  evident  effect.  There 
were  many  conversions.  Those  less  able  to  appreciate  the  depth  of 
his  thought  were  arrested  by  his  singularity  of  voice  and  manner, 
and  by  his  droll  sayings. 

A  long  humorous  poem  from  his  own  pen  reflects  a  decline  of 
popularity  in  his  middle  years.  His  successor,  John  Campbell,  affirms 
that  some  at  this  time  clamoured  for  his  removal.  But  Wilks  continued 
to  speak  of  his  two  congregations  as  "the  affectionate  people".  He  did, 
in  fact,  regain  his  popularity.  After  several  months'  inactivity  due  to  a 
broken  leg,  his  return  to  the  pulpit  awakened  widespread  interest,  and 
throughout  his  last  ten  years  old  and  young  crowded  to  hear  him.  He 
himself  had  matured  and  mellowed.  His  pulpit  addresses  wert  often 
astonishing,  keeping  his  congregation  alert  with  expectancy,  wondering 
what  idea  would  come  next.  He  died  in  the  zenith  of  his  popularity. 

Churches  up  and  down  the  land  invited  him  to  occupy  their  pulpits. 
Like  Whitefield  before  him,  he  frequently  engaged  in  open-air  preaching 
in  the  environ  of  London  and  elsewhere.  With  his  spiritual  sensitiveness 
and  alert  mind  he  became  deeply  involved  in  working  out  the  implica 
tions  of  the  Evangelical  Revival.  He  became  a  national  figure. 

His  portrait,  showing  him  in  middle  life,  gives  the  impression  of 
a  strong  personality,  determined  and  fearless.  The  handwriting  in 
extant  letters  confirms  this  estimate.  He  was  a  well-built  man,  stern 


96  MATTHEW  WJLKS  1746-1829 

and  forbidding  in  appearance,  but  with  a  sympathetic  and  affectionate 
nature.  He  was  a  man  of  prayer  whose  devotions  gained  in  depth  and 
intensity  with  the  experience  of  passing  years. 

No  man  could  have  lived  so  strenuously  if  he  had  not  excercised  a 
stern  self-disipline.  He  would  rise  early  so  that  he  might  have  time 
for  study  and  devotion.  He  believed  in  plain  living  and  high  thinking  ; 
and  if  he  sometimes  appeared  silent  and  gloomy,  it  was  because  he 
sought  to  conserve  his  nervous  energy.  He  was  vigorous  and  original  in 
his  thinking,  expressing  himself  with  great  forcefulness  ;  in  conse 
quence  he  occasionally  provoked  antipathy.  His  quaint  droll  sayings 
were  long  remembered.  He  could  be  sarcastic,  but  he  readily  apologised 
if  he  felt  he  had  gone  too  far. 

Light  is  thrown  on  his  character  by  the  following  incident.  Walking 
one  day  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Chapel,  he  saw  two  women  angrily 
slanging  one  another.  Wilks  boldly  intervened,  and  managed  to 
separate  them.  One  went  on  her  way.  "Aren't  you  ashamed  of 
yourself  ?"  he  asked  the  woman  who  remained.  "It  was  the  other 
woman  who  started  it,"  she  retorted.  "But  you  shouldn't  have 
retaliated."  "Human  nature  couldn't  stand  that  woman's  tongue," 
pleaded  the  woman.  "But  religion  ought  to  have  taught  you  better. 
Now  what  religion  are  you  of  ?"  He  was  taken  aback  when  she 
answered,  "I  belong  to  the  Chapel,  sir.  I'm  a  regular  hearer  of  Mr. 
Matthew  Wilks,  and  a  splendid  preacher  he  is."  Accustomed  to  seeing 
him  at  a  distance  in  gown  and  bands,  she  had  not  recognised  him. 
Next  Sunday  he  recounted  the  story  from  the  pulpit,  and  looking 
pointedly  in  the  direction  of  the  free  sittings,  he  said  he  wondered  how 
many  more  of  his  hearers  were  capable  of  behaving  like  that. 

Wilks  had  a  keen  sense  of  the  stewardship  of  money.  His  stipend 
was  never  more  than  £200  per  year,  and  during  most  of  the  time  that  his 
seven  children  were  dependent  upon  him  it  did  not  exceed  £100.  Yet 
one  half  of  his  income  was  conscientiously  devoted  to  Christian 
charities  and  the  direct  relief  of  the  poor.  It  is  on  record  that  he  sub 
scribed  £300  at  one  time  to  the  L.M.S.,  besides  innumerable  smaller 
amounts  in  the  course  of  the  years.  He  was  much  concerned  about  the 
needs  of  poorer  ministers,  not  only  helping  them  himself,  but  in 
several  instances  persuading  churches  to  treat  them  more  generously. 
He  was  instrumental  in  the  erection  of  twelve  Almshouses  adjoining 
the  Tabernacle,  for  poor  and  deserving  widows.  He  opened  Sunday 
Schools  for  religious  instruction,  and  established  a  day  school  for  100 
poor  children,  providing  clothes  for  them  as  well  as  education. 

Throughout  his  ministry  he  was  specially  concerned  to  help  children 
and  young  people  to  equip  themselves  to  be  useful  and  responsible 
citizens.  A  signal  testimony  to  his  influence  is  the  fact  that  he  inspired 


MATTHEW  WILKS  1746-1829  97 

an  unusual  number  of  young  men  to  enter  the  ministry,  devoting  much 
time  to  coaching  them.  At  one  period  no  fewer  than  ten  ministers  in 
charge  of  churches  attributed  their  call  to  his  influence.  He  befriended 
John  Williams,  a  young  apprentice  attending  the  Tabernacle  ;  the 
future  missionary  of  Erromanga  records  in  his  application  to  the  L.M.S. 
that  it  was  Wilks  who  set  him  thinking  about  missionary  service.  Wilks 
brought  his  name  forward  to  the  Examination  Committee,  and  warmly 
commended  him. 

In  Fathers  and  Founders  of  the  L.M.S. ,  Dr.  John  Morison  comments 
on  Wilks'  theological  emphases.  "With  an  attachment  to  the  doctrines 
of  election — effectual  calling — justification  by  faith  alone.  .  .  and  the 
final  perseverance  of  the  saints,  he  was  a  preacher  of  the  most  practical 
order.  .  .  Never  did  he  lose  sight  of  man's  accountableness.  .  .  He  knew 
how  to  wield  the  terrors  of  the  law  in  a  due  subserviency  to  the  proclama 
tion  of  mercy.  .  .  He  could  unfold  the  tenderness  of  the  Great  Shepherd 
He  well  knew  how  to  bind  up  the  broken  in  heart." 

His  growing  conviction  of  the  missionary  task  of  the  church  con 
strained  him  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  founding  of  the  L.M.S.  The 
inaugural  meeting  was  convened  in  the  joint  names  of  Eyre  and  himself. 
The  Diary  of  the  Rev.  John  Reynolds  records  :— 

Nov.  5th  1794.  About  3.0  o'clock  Mr.  Wilks  called  and 
requested  me  to  meet  some  ministers  at  Baker's  Coffee  House.  I 
promised  and  went.  The  meeting  consisted  of  Mr.  Bogue,  Eyre, 
Wilks,  Stevens,  Love, ....  The  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  form  a 
Society  for  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  among  heathen  nations  ; 
to  qualify  and  appoint  missionaries  for  that  important  end,  etc. 
Agreed  nem.  con. 

As  a  foundation  director,  he  regularly  attended  the  monthly  Directors' 
Meetings,  and  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Examination  Committee, 
where  his  judgment  was  highly  valued,  as  this  reference  indicates  : — 

Nov.  23rd  1795  Went  to  the  Committee  at  Broadbanks.  A 
piece  of  intelligence  brought  by  Wilks  respecting  a  missionary 
candidate  very  awful.  His  character  extremely  suspicious.  Three 
friends  were  deputed  to  go  from  the  vestry  to  make  enquiries. 
These  were  Waugh,  Eyres  and  Wilks.  They  returned  and  reported, 
and  their  report  confirmed  Mr.  Wilks'  information.  He  is  a  man 
void  of  truth  and  honesty.  A  mere  swindler. 

Wilks  was  a  shrewd  judge  of  character.  The  Rev.  G.  Burder,  in  a 
funeral  sermon  quoted  by  the  Evangelical  Magazine,  April,  1829, 
testified,  "He  had  a  remarkable  insight  into  the  human  character.  He 
knew  much  of  human  nature,  and  showed  a  penetration  in  discovering 
the  dispositions  of  men  beyond  anyone  I  ever  knew."  His  examination 


98  MATTHEW  WILKS  1746-1829 

of  candidates  for  the  L.M.S.,  was  searching,  though  unorthodox.  A 
young  man  whom  he  had  been  appointed  to  examine  was  requested  to 
come  to  his  home  at  7  a.m.  The  candidate  arrived  punctually,  but 
Wilks  kept  him  waiting  till  ten  before  seeing  him.  Making  no  apology, 
he  addressed  the  young  man  in  sharp  tones.  "So  you  want  to  be  a 
missionary  ?  What  put  that  idea  into  your  head  ?  Do  you  love  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  ?"  The  candidate  replied  modestly  that  he  was  sure 
he  did.  "What  qualifications  have  you  got  ?  Can  you  read  ?"  con 
tinued  his  monitor,  putting  a  spelling  book  into  his  hand,  and  pointing 
to  the  lessons  of  the  lowest  class.  "Can  you  write  ?"  "Yes."  "Let 
me  see.  Can  you  keep  accounts,  twice  two,  how  many  ?  Are  !  You 
are  getting  on.  Four  times  five,  how  many  ?  I  shall  tell  the  committee 
you'll  do."  At  the  Committee  he  recounted  how  he  had  examined  the 
candidate.  "I  think  he  is  punctual.  He  came  at  seven  in  the  morning. 
I  am  sure  he  is  patient  ;  for  I  kept  him  waiting  till  ten.  He's  good 
tempered.  He  can  stand  a  good  many  hard  thumps.  I  insulted  him 
over  and  over  again.  We  have  reason  to  believe  he  loves  Jesus  Christ. 
He  wants  to  go.  I  say  he'll  do." 

The  first  Valedictory  Service  took  place  at  Sion  Chapel  on  28th 
July  1796,  a  crowded  and  enthusiastic  congregation  witnessing  the 
commissioning  of  the  first  missionaries.  Wilks  and  four  others  addressed 
the  candidates  five  at  a  time  before  the  Communion  Rail  in  words  that 
have  since  become  traditional :  "Go,  our  beloved  brother,  and  live 
agreeably  to  this  Divine  Book." 

The  most  notable  of  his  missionary  sermons  was,  by  general  consent, 
that  preached  before  the  Missionary  Society  in  Surrey  Chapel  in  May, 
1812.  The  text,  Jeremiah  7.  18,  seemed  unpromising  to  the  crowded 
gathering,  but  as  the  preacher  developed  his  theme  its  aptness  compelled 
their  attention,  and  moved  them  deeply.  It  was  a  trumpet  call  to  a 
great  missionary  crusade.  From  his  reference  to  "agents"  came  the 
idea  of  forming  Auxiliaries. 

Wilks  was  among  those  called  to  the  first  meeting  convened  with 
the  object  of  forming  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society.  He 
shared  actively  in  the  formation  of  the  Irish  Evangelical  Society  and 
in  his  81st  year  he  had  to  act  as  secretary  for  several  months.  The 
beginnings  of  the  Religious  Tract  Society  owed  much  to  his  support. 
His  interest  in  the  social  implications  of  the  Gospel  is  evinced  by  the 
leading  part  he  took  in  establishing  the  Female  Penitentiary.  His 
concern  for  political  and  religious  freedom  prompted  him  to  campaign 
against  Lord  Sidmouth's  ill-famed  bill,  and  to  share  in  the  founding  of 
the  Protestant  Society  for  the  Protection  of  Religious  Liberty.  The 
Village  Itinerancy  Association  originated  in  the  mind  of  Eyre,  but 
Wilks  acted  as  honorary  secretary  for  25  years. 


MATTHEW  WILKS  1746-1829  99 

He  seems  to  have  enjoyed  exceptional  health  but  in  the  autumn  of 
1828  he  began  to  be  troubled  by  illness,  and  in  the  last  months  of  his 
life  was  much  pre-occupied  with  preparing  John  Campbell  to  be  his 
successor. 

In  Maritime  Discovery  and  Christian  Missions  Campbell  recalls  his 
first  meeting  with  Wilks  on  the  3rd  October,  1828.  Campbell  found 
the  old  man  at  a  missionary  meeting  at  the  Chapel  "sitting  like  some 
seer  of  old,  with  his  hat  on,  and  pulled  over  his  face,  and  his  long  staff 
between  his  feet,  grasped  with  both  hands."  He  took  Campbell's  hand 
and  held  it  for  some  time  in  silence.  Then,  with  feeling  and  affection 
he  said,  "The  Lord  bless  you."  The  aged  pastor  had  engaged  him 
to  supply  the  two  pulpits  for  several  Sundays,  and  on  the  following 
Sunday  the  old  man  was  too  unwell  to  preach  himself. 

His  wife  had  predeceased  him  in  1807.  He  had  missed  her  greatly, 
but  found  consolation  in  his  children  and  grandchildren.  His  last 
months  were  saddened  by  the  closure  of  the  Tottenham  Court  Chapel, 
unavoidable  because  of  the  impossible  demands  of  the  lessees.  Campbell 
conducted  the  final  evening  service,  attended  by  an  immense  congrega 
tion.  At  the  end  of  the  service  the  old  pastor  ascended  the  pulpit,  and 
with  visible  emotion,  announced  the  closing  of  the  Chapel,  inviting 
the  congregation  to  meet  in  the  Fitzroy  Schools  the  next  Lord's  Day. 
He  himself  conducted  the  evening  service  and  Communion  at  the 
Schools  the  following  Sunday,  but  never  preached  again. 

On  the  29th  January,  1829,  his  life  quietly  ebbed  away.  Just  before 
his  death  he  was  told  that  John  Campbell  had  accepted  the  pastorate, 
and  his  last  words  were  "Thank  God  !  God  be  praised  !  All  is  well." 

Campbell  conducted  the  funeral  service  on  the  6th  February  in  the 
Tabernacle,  John  Morison  offered  prater,  and  the  aged  Rowland  Hill 
gave  the  address.  Hill  insisted  on  offering  prayer  over  the  grave,  but 
had  to  be  supported.  On  the  following  Sunday  memorial  sermons 
were  preached  in  the  Tabernacle  and  Fitzroy  Schools,  and  in  many 
other  churches  up  and  down  the  land.  In  the  words  of  Morison  :— 

"Were  we  to  speak  of  the  numerous  charities  he  established, 
of  the  sanctuaries  he  reared,  of  the  societies  he  instituted,  of  the 
tens  of  thousands  he  raised,  of  the  multitudes  of  poor  brethren  he 
assisted,  of  the  control  which  he  exercised  over  the  opinions  and 
property  of  the  wide  circle  in  which  he  moved,  the  public  would 
scarcely  credit  our  report." 

7  * 

W.    SALMON. 


The  Cotton  End  Congregational 
Academy,  1840-74 

NO  early  Dissenting  academies  flourished  in  Bedfordshire  but 
in  the   19th  century  the  county  had  no  less  than  three  Con 
gregational  academies.     Richard  Cecil's  Academy  at  Turvey 
(1829-38)  was  subsequently  transferred  to  Chipping  Ongar  in 
Essex  (1838-44)  where  David  Livingstone  was  a  student.    The  Bedford 
Seminary  (1840-66)  was  under  the  direction  of  John  Jukes  and  William 
Alliott.  The  Cotton  End  Academy  under  John  Frost  lasted  from  1840-74. 
Whereas  the  Turvey  and  Bedford  institutions  were  concerned  chiefly 
with  the  training  of  missionaries,  the  Cotton  End  Academy  trained  men 
mainly  for  the  Congregational  ministry  in  England. 

An  account  of  the  missionary  students  only  of  the  Bedford  Seminary 
appeared  in  an  earlier  number  of  these  Transactions*  and  short 
illustrated  articles  on  all  three  academies  by  the  present  author  have 
appeared  elsewhere2.  The  purpose  of  this  article  is  to  give  an  account 
of  the  Cotton  End  Academy  and  to  identify  the  students  who  were 
trained  there3. 

John  Frost,  born  at  Kidderminster  in  1808,  was  trained  under 
Richard  Cecil  at  the  Turvey  Academy  and  in  1832  accepted  the  pastorate 
of  the  church  at  Cotton  End,  four  miles  to  the  south-east  of  Bedford, 
where  he  remained  until  his  death  in  1878  ;  in  1839  he  was  suggested 
as  suitable  for  the  pastorate  of  the  English  church  in  Madras  but 
apparently  he  declined  to  go4. 

It  seems  likely  that  in  the  late  1830's  Frost  trained  an  occasional 
student  privately  but  from  1840  onwards  approximately  half  of  the 
students  he  trained  at  Cotton  End  were  sponsored  by  the  Congregational 
Home  Missionary  Society  (founded  in  1819)  which  was  interested  in 
training  men  to  fill  existing  or  new  Congregational  pastorates  in 
England.  Another  academy  used  by  the  Home  Missionary  Society 
was  that  at  Pickering  in  Yorkshire  under  Gabriel  Croft,  which  was 
founded  in  1837  but  was  shorter-lived  than  its  Bedfordshire  contem 
porary1. 

A  meeting  of  the  Home  Missionary  Society  Committee^  on  1st 
September  1 840  took  note  of  Frost's  readiness  to  'carry  out  the  scheme 
of  education  agreed  to  by  the  Board'  and  to  train  the  Society's  students 
provided  that  the  number  did  not  exceed  four  or  six.  The  Committee 
meeting  on  29th  September  noted  Frost's  readiness  'to  board  and 

xv,  33-44. 

Bedfordshire  Magazine.    Nos.  40,  41  and  42.  (1957). 

At  a  later  date  it  is  hoped  to  do  the  same  for  the  90  or  so  students  of  the  Turvey /On^at 

Academy. 

L.MS.E.C.  9.  12.  1839.  23.  12.  1839. 

Croft  died  in  1868  but  his  academy  was  discontinued  in  1850  :    see  obit.  C.Y.B.  1869. 

Hereafter  referred  to  as  'the  Committee  in  the  text  and  H.M.C.,  in  the  notes.' 

100 


THE  COTTON  END  CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY,  1840-74       101 

educate  the  Society's  students  at  £40  per  annum,  which  year  is  to  be 
considered  as  consisting  of  48  weeks,  thus  giving  four  weeks  as  a  vacation, 
which  it  was  expected  should  be  in  the  Summer'  and  at  the  meeting 
on  20th  October  Dr.  Matheson  reported  that  having  visited  Cotton 
End  he  had  seen  the  'accommodations  made  for  the  reception  of  the 
students  and  considered  them  suitable  and  comfortable'7. 

So  from  late  in  1 840  onwards  Home  Missionary  Society  students  arrived 
at  Cotton  End,  after  clearance  by  the  Examination  Committee  which 
had  interviewed  them  and  considered  their  suitability  for  the  work 
of  the  Society.  Usually  the  Society's  students  went  to  Cotton  End 
for  a  probationary  period  of  three  months,  and  if  this  was  completed 
satisfactorily,  stayed  for  a  longer  period  of  varying  length  according 
to  their  educational  standard  and  progress8. 

As  the  years  passed  Frost  found  that  £40 per  annum  per  student  was  not 
adequate  and  from  time  to  time  the  Committee  approved  gratuities  to  him 
on  account  of  the  high  cost  of  provisions  :  e.g.  £25  was  granted 
in  June  1847,  £10  in  October  1854,  and  £25  in  September  1866'. 

Work  at  the  Academy  was  disturbed  in  the  Summer  of  1853  by  a 
typhus  fever  epidemic  (from  which  either  James  or  Joseph  Williams, 
among  the  students  was  seriously  ill)10  and  in  1863  on  the  recommenda 
tion  of  Dr.  Barker  of  Bedford,  the  students  had  to  start  their  Midsummer 
vacation  in  May  because  of  an  epidemic  of  diphtheria  in  the  village 
(Ambrose  Sherman  Trottman,  one  of  the  students,  was  ill  from  the 
epidemic)1 ' . 

Early  in  1865  a  sub-Committee  reported  to  the  Committee  on  the 
future  of  the  Cotton  End  Academy  in  view  of  the  large  Congregational 
training  institutions  at  Nottingham  and  Bristol.  The  sub-Committee 
said  that  the  training  at  Cotton  End  was  satisfactory  and  recommended 
the  continuance  of  the  Academy.  The  report  was  adopted  at  a  Com 
mittee  meeting  in  May  1865  at  which  the  Directors,  hearing  that  some 
students  who  had  trained  at  Cotton  End  and  had  become  pastors 
'had  got  into  the  habit  of  reading  their  sermons  to  an  extent  which  had 
seriously  interfered  with  their  usefulness*  requested  Frost  to  caution 
his  students  against  the  practice  'and  to  use  every  means  in  his  power 
to  promote  the  acquisition  of  public  and  extemporaneous  address'11. 

In  1867  there  were  only  four  students  at  Cotton  End  but  in  November 
1870  the  Committee  agreed  that  a  long  and  analytical  report  of  the 

7     It  seems  probable  that  the  students  were  boarded  out  in  cottages  in  the  village  as  was  the 

practice  at  the  Turvey  Academy. 

1     Home  Missionary  Society  Minute  Books  at  Memorial  Hall,  London.  Frost  also  took  some 
private  pupils  and  on  4.1.1842  the  Committee  agreed  that  the  Colonial  Missionary  Society 
could  send  a  young  man  to  him  for  education  for  colonial  service. 
'     H.M.C.    8.6.1847.    3.10.1854  and  18.9.1866. 
'•    Ibid.    9.8.1853. 
11     Ibid.    19.5.1863. 
11     Ibid.    23.5.1865. 


102       THE  COTTON  END  CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY,  1840-74 

students  who  had  trained  at  Cotton  End  was  'highly  satisfactory  and 
very  creditable  to  the  tutor'13.  By  1873,  however,  the  number  of 
students  had  sunk  to  two  and  the  Committee  recommended  that  the 
connection  of  the  Society  with  Cotton  End  should  be  carefully  con 
sidered  by  the  Examination  Committee'*. 

At  its  meeting  on  21st  October  1873  the  Committee  adopted  the 
following  resolutions,  on  the  recommendation  of  the  Examination 
Committee  :— 

The  Committee  gratefully  acknowledge  the  good  which  has 
been  done  by  the  Institution  through  the  divine  blessing  on 
the  labours  of  Mr.  Frost  during  the  long  period  of  33  years  in 
which  it  has  been  under  his  management,  and  when  69  men 
have  been  educated  as  Home  Mission  pastors,  50  of  whom  are 
still  in  the  ministry,  including  14  who  are  connected  with  the 
Home  Missionary  Society. 

That  as  other  institutions  are  now  providing  men  for  mission 
churches,  and  County  Associations  usually  apply  to  them  for 
agents,  while  the  Home  Missionary  Society  now  makes  no  direct 
appointments  to  any  of  the  stations  with  which  it  is  connected, 
it  is  felt  that  the  work  of  educating  young  men  at  the  expense 
of  the  Society,  in  their  new  circumstances  may  be  discontinued. 

Frost  was  granted  an  annuity  of  £50  per  annum*5  and  the  Cotton 
End  Academy  ended  in  Midsummer  1874  to  the  regret  of  Frost  who 
in  a  letter  of  3rd  April  1874  to  the  Directors  said  that  he  had  looked 
forward  to  continuing  it  for  three  or  four  years  longer  and  then  retiring16. 

As  his  second  wife  Frost  had  married  Caroline  a  daughter  of  Richard 
Cecil  of  Turvey,  and  when  Frost  himself  died  in  1878  at  the  age  of  70 
years,  he  was  buried,  in  accordance  with  his  own  request,  not  at  Cotton 
End  but  in  the  village  cemetery  at  Turvey17.  After  Frost's  death  the 
Cotton  End  church  had  a  Baptist  pastor  and  by  the  end  of  the  19th 
century  had  ceased  to  be  a  Union  Church  and  had  become  a  Baptist 
one.  The  Cotton  End  church  possesses  a  fine  oil  painting  of  Frost 
as  a  young  man,  a  large  photograph  of  him  with  a  group  of  his  students, 
and  a  large  photograph  of  him  in  later  life. 

The  total  number  of  Students  who  trained  at  Cotton  End  has  been 
Miriously  stated.  One  of  Frost's  obituary  notices  says  1271'  and 
another  20019  while  Frost's  list  of  'students  who  have  been  admitted 

Ibid.    16.7.1867.    21.11.1870. 

Ibid.    23.9.1873. 

Ibid.    23.6.1874.    On  Frost's  death  in  1878  the  Society  decided  to  make  annual  grants  to 

his  widow  of  £25  at  Christmas  and  £13.  10s.  at  Lady  day.    H.M.C.    19.11.1878. 

H.M.C.     19.5.1874. 

Obit.  C.Y.B.    1879. 

E.M.    1878.  pp.778-780. 

O'it.     CY.B.     1879. 


THE  COTTON  END  CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY,  1840-74       103 

to  occasional  fellowship  with  the  church  during  their  term  of  study' 
contains  127  names20.  With  Frost's  list  as  a  basis,  an  examination  of  the 
Congregational  Year  Books  since  1846  (the  first  year  of  publication)21, 
the  Minutes  of  the  Home  Missionary  Society  Committee22  and  the 
Evangelical  Magazine  produced  a  total  of  136  students  and  it  is  possible 
to  give  the  subsequent  history  of  most  of  these. 

Some  students  did  not  complete  their  course  of  study  at  Cotton  End 
either  because  of  ill-health  (Coates,  Hall  and  Wilson),  inability  to 
absorb  instruction  or  to  make  progress  (Berridge,  Buckler  and  Mather) 
or  incompatibility  (Chalkley,  and  Phipson).  Some  students  who 
entered  the  Congregational  ministry  subsequently  left  it  to  enter  other 
denominations  or  churches  (Bevis,  Brooks,  Butler,  Cowan,  Moore, 
G.  C.  Smith,  Vaughan  and  Ward).  Brownjohn,  Bullivant  and  Rounce 
later  went  to  U.S.A.,  and  their  subsequent  careers  are  unknown. 
Ashton,  Jones,  Riordan,  Rogers,  Sleigh  and  Vivian  became  missionaries 
for  the  London  Missionary  Society.  Cox,  Harcus,  Howden,  Johnson, 
Kyte,  Littlemore  and  Nicholls  later  became  prominent  in  early 
Australian  Congregationalism.  Purdon,  C.  E.  Z.  Smith  and  Webb 
held  Congregational  pastorates  in  Canada,  while  Wookey  laboured  in 
Jamaica  and  died  in  New  York. 

Although  most  of  the  students  studied  only  at  Cotton  End,  some  also 
went  to  other  colleges  either  before  or  after  their  period  there  (e.g. 
Ashton,  Butler,  W.D.  Mackay,  Nelson,  Riordan,  Rogers,  Saunders, 
Sleigh  and  Wookey)  and  some  obtained  degrees  (Ashton,  Nelson, 
G.  C.  Smith  and  Tomkins).  Students  or  ex-students  who  died  young 
included  William  Todd  (who  died  at  Cotton  End  where  a  tombstone 
to  his  memory  is  still  to  be  seen)  ;  W.  D.  Mackay  who  died  at  Cheshunt 
College  after  leaving  Cotton  End  ;  Paul  Rutter  who  died  of  typhoid 
at  the  age  of  27  ;  H.  W.  Scott  who  died  of  paralysis  of  the  brain  at  the 
age  of  32  and  G.  F.  Warr  who  also  died  at  the  age  of  32. 

Then  there  were  students  such  as  Franks,  Hoskin,   Metcalf  and 

Saunders  who  had  one  pastorate  only,  and  William  Tidd  Matson 

whose  hymns  are  still  to  be  found  in  many  hymn-books.    Two  entries 

in  the   Society's   Committee   Minutes  relate  to  William   Booth  who 

nearly  came  to  Cotton  End,  and  later  famous  with  the  Salvation  Army  : 

Mr.  W.  Booth.     The  application  and  the  recommendation  by 

Rev.  W.  S.  Edwards23  of  Mr.  W.  Booth  as  a  Candidate  were 

submitted.  It  was  agreed  that  he  be  requested  to  appear  before  the 

Examination  Committee  as  soon  as  convenient Mr.Booth, 

Candidate.    The  Secretary  reported  that  Mr.  Booth  had  withdrawn 

**     List  preserved  by  the  Cotton  End  church. 

"      C.Y.B.     1901  contains  a  list  of  Congregational  ministers  deceased  1800-1900  :     a  list  for 

1901-1925  is  in  C.Y.B.  1926.     It  is  only  from  1902  onwards  that  C.Y.B.'s  have  biographies 

of  living  ministers. 
"     At  Memorial  Hall,  London. 
"     Rev.  William  Spencer  Edwards,  a  former  C.  E.  Student,  and  at  this  time  pastor  of  the  City 

Road  Church,  London. 


104       THE  COTTON  END  CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY,  1840-74 

from  being  a  Candidate  for  admission  to  Cotton  End,  disapproving 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  Committee  had  conducted  his 
examination  on  the  disputed  doctrines  of  Arminianism*4. 
As  the  Home  Missionary  Society  aided  several  Dorset  churches, 
references  to  former  Cotton  End  students  are  frequent  in  W.  Densham 
and  J.  Ogle's  The  Story  of  the  Congregational  Churches  of  Dorset  (1899). 
The  Congregational  Year  Book  entries  for  Cotton  End  merely  state 
that  the  subjects  taught  there  were  'general'  but  fortunately  the  Rev.  R. 
Ashton  who,  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Society,  conducted  the  usual 
Summer  examination  of  the  students,  in  his  report  to  the  Committee 
on  16th  July  1867  listed  the  studies  at  Cotton  End  as  including  'besides 
the  common  grammatical  and  literary  exercises,  which  in  some  cases  are 
indispensable,  Theology,  having  Hodges'  Outlines  as  the  text-book,  the 
Evidences  of  Christianity,  Homiletics,  Logic,  Ecclesiastical  History, 
the  Roman  Catholic  and  Puseyite  dogmas  and  forms,  the  Greek  New 
Testament'  and  the  preparation  and  delivery  of  sermons.  Hebrew  was 
also  taught,  for  J.  P.  Ashton  'after  a  few  months'  study  of  Hebrew  with 
Rev.  J.  Frost  of  Cotton  End,  whose  students  he  at  the  same  time 
grounded  in  Greek'  was  accepted  as  a  missionary  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society",  and  another  student,  G.  Bulmer,  was  so  proficient 
at  it  that  he  was  nicknamed  'The  Rabbi'  by  his  fellow  students". 

Among  books  used  for  study  at  Cotton  End  were  an  atlas,27,  The 
Biblical,  Eclectic  and  British,  Quarterly  Reviews™  Murray's  Grammar, 
Taylor's  Outlines  of  Ancient  History  and  Outlines  of  Modern  History1*, 
and  Dr.  Davidson's  Biblical  Works30. 

Fridays  were  spent  by  the  students  in  house-visiting,  in  cottage 
meetings,  and  in  open-air  preaching  in  the  village31.  On  Sundays  the 
students  preached  in  neighbouring  villages  and  towns.  For  their  supply 
at  the  Congregational  Church  at  Potton  'they  received  from  the  people 
10s.  per  Sabbath  for  their  services,  the  whole  of  which  was  expended 
in  the  hire  of  horse  and  gig  and. . .  in  consequence  they  had  no  remuner 
ation  to  meet  their  personal  expenses.'  On  Frost's  reporting  this  the 
Society  agreed  to  grant  £19  10s.  per  annum  or  7s.  6d.  per  Sabbath 
towards  the  costs  of  the  students  supplying  at  Potton". 

"     Both  entries  are  from  H.M.C.5. 10.1852.       I  am  indebted  to  Brig.  A.  Carr,  Salvation  Army 
H.Q.  (Publicity  Dept.)  for  confirmation  that  these  entries  refer  to  the  famous  William 
Bo9th.    See  St. John  Ervine.    God's  Soldier.    General  William  Booth.    (1934).    i.,  pp.64ff., 
which,  however,  do  not  refer  to  the  H.M.C.  entries. 
Obit.    C.Y.B.  1917. 
Obit.    C.Y.B.     1881. 
H.M.C.    17.8.1841. 
Ibid.    3.2.1846. 
Ibid.    22.9.1846. 
Ibid.    6.7.1847. 

Report  to  Committee  16.7.1867. 

H.M.C.  22.9.1846.  17.11.1846.  Cotton  End  students  also  helped  at  Sandy  (e.g.,  BeeU. 
Union  Report.  1845.  pp.6,7)  :  at  Shillington  from  1840-42  (See  H.W.  Cooper.  The 
Shillington  Congregational  Church  1825-1950  (1950).  p.10)  and  at  Stevington  in  1860-61 
(see  H.  G.  Tibbutt.  Stevington  Baptist  Meeting.  1655-1955.  (1955)  p.19.) 


THE  COTTON  END  CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY,  1840-74       105 

The  Congregational  Church  at  Roxton  was  also  greatly  helped  by 
Cotton  End  students  in  the  period  after  the  resignation  of  Henry 
Winzar  from  the  pastorate  at  Roxton  in  1851.  Five  Cotton  End 
students  are  named  in  the  Roxton  Church  Book  : — Joseph  Williams 
who  spent  the  week-ends  at  Roxton  from  December  1853  to  December 
1854  and  took  the  services  on  Sundays  ;  Stephen  Bater  who  did  the 
same  during  the  first  six  months  of  1855  ;  Thomas  Moore,  G.  G. 
Howden  and  Samuel  Jones  also  took  services33.  In  January  1860  the 
Roxton  church  approached  Frost,  'who  has  taken  a  great  interest  in  our 
cause  at  Roxton  for  many  years  past,  and  enquired  if  he  knew  of  a 
person  disengaged  who  would  be  likely  to  suit  our  village  and  preach 
for  us  on  approbation  four  successive  Sabbaths'34.  Frost  suggested 
John  William  Rolls  (a  former  Cotton  End  student)  then  at  Halifax 
and  wrote  to  him  on  behalf  of  the  Roxton  church,  to  which  Rolls  came 
in  1860  and  remained  until  1872. 

In  his  letter  to  the  Directors  of  the  Home  Missionary  Society  in 
1874  Frost  summed  up  his  work  at  Cotton  End  in  the  following  moving 
passage  : 

With  unsleeping  vigilance  I  have  watched  over  the  habits, 
the  morals  and  the  Christian  character  of  every  young  man  you 
have  placed  under  my  care.  I  have  ever  been  most  anxious  that 
they  should  be  deeply  rooted  and  grounded  in  the  belief  and  love 
of  those  great  biblical  and  theological  truths  which  are  most 
surely  received  by  us  as  a  Christian  denomination.  Hence  I  have 
given  no  countenance  to  those  novelties  of  opinion  of  which  so 
many  young  preachers  are  so  enamoured.  In  a  word,  brethren, 
I  have  done  all  in  my  power  to  prepare  the  young  men  for  your 
special  service  and  to  keep  before  the  mind  of  every  one  of  them 
the  idea  that  he  had  no  other  business  in  the  world,  but  to  pray, 
and  study,  and  preach,  and  live  in  every  place  and  in  everything, 
for  God  and  the  good  of  men". 

In  the  Spring  of  1878,  the  year  in  which  he  died,  a  number  of  Frost's 
old  students  invited  him  to  a  dinner  in  the  Canonbury  Tavern, 
Islington,  London.  After  the  meal,  the  Rev.  W.  Spencer  Edwards,  a 
former  student,  made  a  presentation  to  Frost  of  a  timepiece  as  an 
expression  of  the  affectionate  regard  and  honour  the  students  had  for 
him  as  their  friend  and  theological,  tutor". 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT. 


Roxton  Church  First  Church  Book  pp.  155-1 61. 

Ibid,     pp.167-169.     See  also  H.  G.  Tibbutt.     Roxton  Congregational  Church  1808-1958. 

(1958).  pp.11,  12. 

H.M.C.    19.5.1874. 

Bedfordshire  Timet  and  Independent.     25.5.1878.  p. 8. 


REVIEWS 


The  Welsh  Saints  1640-1660.  By  Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall  (University  of 
Wales  Press,  10/6). 

In  March  1957  Dr.  Nuttall  was  invited  to  give  a  course  of  lectures  at  the 
University  of  North  Wales.  Students  of  seventeenth  century  Puritanism  will 
be  glad  that  these  studies  have  now  been  published,  for  in  spite  of  their 
restricted  range,  they  are  very  illuminating.  Those  who  know  his  earlier  works 
will  not  need  to  be  assured  that  The  Welsh  Saints  is  an  attractive  book — it 
delights  as  well  as  instructs  the  reader — and  they  will  find  here  that  same 
meticulous  accuracy  and  care  for  detail  which  we  have  learnt  to  expect  from 
Dr.  Nuttall. 

The  studies  are  concerned  primarily  with  the  characters,  relationships, 
and  influence  of  Walter  Cradock,  Vavasor  Powell  and  Morgan  Llwyd,  three 
leaders  of  Welsh  Puritanism  of  whom  little  note  is  taken  by  English  historians, 
though  'there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Cradock  was  very  widely  revered  in  England 
as  well  as  in  Wales,  at  least  by  his  fellow-Independents.'  'The  neglect  is 
particularly  unfortunate  in  reference  to  radical  Puritanism  in  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century.' 

The  first  study  consists  of  a  finely  drawn  sketch  of  what  Dr.  Nuttall  calls 
the  'Brampton  Bryan  enclave',  an  area  on  the  borders  of  Radnorshire,  Hereford 
shire  and  Shropshire  ;  this  clearly  illustrates  the  influence  of  Puritan  squires. 
Here,  the  author  believes,  the  Welsh  Saints  had  a  common  geographical  back 
ground.  Making  skilful  use  of  contemporary  writings,  the  author  then  proceeds 
to  describe  the  faith  and  influence  of  Cradock,  bringing  out  his  attractively 
simple  fai^h  and  his  wide  tolerance.  His  influence  on  Richard  Baxter  is  noted, 
as  also  is  the  latter's  later  objection  to  Cradock's  antinomianism — Cradock's 
'deep-seated  fear  of  legalism  in  religion'  ran  counter  to  the  scrupulousness  of 
some  Puritans  of  the  age. 

Cradock  was  untouched  by  the  millenarian  hopes  which  influenced  both 
Powell  and  Lloyd,  but  Dr.  Nuttall  defends  them  against  the  charge  of  being 
'mere  millenarians'.  The  winsomeness  and  deep  piety  of  Llwyd  are  well 
illustrated,  and  his  debt  to  the  writings  of  Jacob  Boehme,  the  German  mystic, 
is  clearly  shown.  Powell's  personality  is  not  so  well  sketched  as  is  that  of  the 
other  two  'Saints',  perhaps  because  the  author  finds  him  less  attractive. 

The  last  study  deals  with  the  impact  of  Quakerism  upon  the  Puritans  of 
Wales,  and  Dr.  Nuttall  shows  convincingly  how  the  antinomian  tendencies  of 
Cradock,  the  millenarian  tendencies  of  his  two  friends,  and  the  spiritualizing 
tendency  of  both  Cradock  and  Llwyd  found  expression  in  the  thought  of  the 
Quaker  missionaries,  who  won  many  converts  in  Wales,  'precisely  at  the  time 
when  the  millenarians  were  finding  their  hopes  dashed  in  the  political  sphere.' 

In  the  main  Dr.  Nuttall  is  content  to  allow  the  'Saints'  to  speak  for  themselves 
but  his  evident  sympathy  with  the  background  (both  geographical  and  spiritual), 
together  with  his  discrimination  in  the  selection  of  his  material,  has  resulted  in  a 
book  which  is  both  attractive  and  rewarding.  Those  with  no  Welsh  may  be 
forgiven  for  wishing  that  the  passages  quoted  from  Morgan  Llwyd  had  been 
translated  in  the  text,  with  the  original  consigned  to  footnotes  ! 

WILFRED  W.  BIGGS 
106 


REVIEWS  107 

Sir  Robert  Walpole,  Samuel  Holden,  and  the  Dissenting  Deputies.  By 
Norman  C.  Hunt.  (Oxford  University  Press,  1957,  4s.) 

Dr.  Hunt,  Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  gave  the  eleventh  Dr.  Williams 
Lecture  at  the  Library  in  October  last  year  and  this  has  been  subsequently 
published. 

The  activity  and  inactivity  of  the  Deputies'  Committee  is  a  fascinating 
study  and  Dr.  Hunt  presents  the  facts  and  argues  his  case  with  the  clarity  and 
urgency  of  a  barrister  in  court.  Holden  and  his  colleagues  were  expected  by 
many  of  their  dissenting  supporters  to  make  themselves  a  nuisance  to  the 
administration  until  the  liberties  for  which  they  struggled  were  granted. 
Holden  and  his  city  friends  did  not  care  to  embarrass  the  government  more  than 
they  could  help  and  they  had  great  difficulty  in  reining  in  their  supporters. 
They  did  not  succeed  in  persuading  them  that  moderation  was  the  best  policy  ; 
Holden  was  overborne  and  a  campaign  for  the  repeal  of  the  Test  and  Corporation 
Acts  mounted  in  intensity  until  decisively  defeated  in  Parliament  in  1736. 

Holden  was  accused  of  betraying  the  dissenting  cause,  of  conducting 
his  committee  negligently,  of  being  the  tool  of  Walpole.  Dr.  Hunt  vindicates 
Holden's  policy.  He  was  a  sincere  Dissenter  but  at  the  same  time  a  political 
realist.  His  management  of  the  Dissenting  Deputies  was  arbitrary  at  times 
and  not  above  reproach  by  our  standards,  but  after  all,  did  not  Dissenters  choose 
him  in  the  first  place  to  lead  them  because  of  his  business  acumen  and  influence, 
which  they  thought  would  best  further  their  cause  ? 


An  Essay  of  Accommodation.  Ed.  by  Roger  Thomas.  (Dr.  Williams's 
Trust,  14  Gordon  Square,  London,  W.C.I.  1957). 

The  Heads  of  Agreement  (1691)  between  the  London  Presbyterians  and 
Congregationalists  are  well-known.  Mr.  Thomas,  the  Librarian  of  Dr. 
Williams's  Library,  here  brings  to  light  a  document  which  originated  in  the 
last  years  of  Charles  II's  reign,  when  Dissenters,  hard  pressed  in  the  atmosphere 
created  by  the  'Popish  Plot',  felt  a  common  front  desirable  ;  it  served  later 
as  a  basis  for  discussion,  issuing  eventually  in  the  Heads  of  William  and  Mary's 
reign.  It  seems  that  John  Owen  himself  was  one  of  the  London  ministers  who 
approved  the  Essay  although  Nathaniel  Mather  said  he  did  not. 

Mr.  Thomas  prints  the  texts  of  the  two  plans  side  by  side  and  to  this  he 
adds  a  short  introduction  and  some  notes  on  the  text.  There  are  also  parts  of  a 
letter  of  Isaac  Noble,  including  the  reference  to  Owen's  views,  together  with 
the  assertion  that  all  the  London  ministers  but  two  had  expressed  their  approval. 

There  are  striking  linguistic  similarities  in  several  places  between  the  two 
documents,  revealing  their  genealogy,  but  the  later  one  has  a  new  emphasis  on 
the  educated  ministry,  more  about  Church  discipline,  and  manifests  deference 
towards  the  State.  The  Essay,  however,  proposes  stringent  measures  against 
Churches  which  refused  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  Synod,  even  to  severing  all 
communion  with  them  ;  this  is  tacitly  dropped  by  the  Heads.  A  pointer  in  the 
direction  of  the  Sailers'  Hall  controversy  appears  in  the  section  on  'Confession 
of  Faith'.  In  the  Essay  the  basis  of  membership  is  assent  to  the  Westminster 
or  Savoy  Confessions  or  the  doctrinal  Articles  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  this 
continues  to  be  acknowledged  in  the  Heads  but  is  overshadowed  by  the  confession 
that  the  Scriptures  are  'the  perfect  and  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice'. 
Interesting  discoveries  of  this  kind  will  reward  the  student  of  this  welcome 
study. 


108  REVIEWS 

Hoxton  Square  and  the  Hoxton  Academies.    By  A.  D.  Morris     (Privately 
printed.     1957.) 

Those  familiar  with  the  history  of  Dissent  will  recognise  in  the  name 
Hoxton  a  place  very  familiar  to  the  ministers  and  students  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  They  may  yet  be  surprised  to  learn  that  Dr.  Morris  has  traced  as  many 
as  25  dissenting  ministers  who  lived  at  one  time  in  its  Square.  They  include 
Daniel  Williams  and  Edmund  Calamy  in  the  early  days,  Thomas  Gibbons, 
David  Jennings  and  several  other  eminent  Dissenters  in  later  times.  No.l 
Hoxton  Square  was  occupied  by  'Messrs.  Parkinson  and  Son,  surgeons': 
one  of  the  Parkinsons,  James,  was  the  first  to  identify  and  describe  the  disease 
which  bears  his  name.  Three  dissenting  Academies  were  at  one  time  or  another 
in  the  Square  ;  there  were  also  a  meeting  house,  a  coffee  house  and  an  inn. 

The  author's  account  is  terse  and  factual  but  the  story  is  fascinating  enough 
to  make  one  long  to  see  a  pictuie  of  this  'nonconformist  cathedral  close'. 

*          *          * 

Prince  Charles's  Puritan  Chaplain.  By  Irvonwy  Morgan.  (Allen  and 
Unwin,  1957.  21s.) 

This  biography  of  the  puritan  leader  John  Preston  has  bearings  here  and 
there  upon  the  early  Congregationalists,  particularly  John  Cotton  and  Henry 
Burton.  Cotton  was  instrumental  in  the  conversion  of  Preston.  Preston  died 
too  early  (1628)  for  us  to  know  whether  Laudian  policy  would  have  driven  him 
to  the  Congregational  standpoint  which  Cotton  adopted.  The  two  were  strong 
friends  and  collaborated  in  training  a  number  of  men  for  the  ministry.  Mr. 
Morgan's  book  is  packed  with  materials  and  is  not  easy  to  read  but  the  diligent 
student  will  gather  much  information  concerning  the  unsuccessful  struggles  of 
the  Puritans  to  gain  ascendancy  in  the  early  seventeenth  century. 

JOHN    H.    TAYLOR. 
Also  received  : 

R.  L.  Hardie,  Brief  Account  of  the  Life  of  Norley  Memorial  Congregational 
Church,  Plymstock,  1957.  (Pamph.  Is.) 

1957Sy?957   A-  Willis,    The  Story  of  Plaistow  Congregational  Church,   1807- 

Samuel  Collins,  An  Historical  Outline  of  Bradfield  and  North  Walsham 
Congregational  Church.  1957.  (Pamph.  ls.6d.) 

Victor  Leach,  The  First  Hundred  Years  :  A  History  of  Congregationalism 
in  Barrow-m-Furness.  1958. 

Walter  Ansell,  Early  Days  of  Nonconformity  in  Cheltenham.  1957.  (Pamph.). 

D.  H.  Jones,  Halesowen  Congregational  Church,  1807-1957.     1957. 

Gareth  Griffith  &  John  J.  Lambert,  Set  on  an  Hill :  New  Bethel  Con 
gregational  Church,  Mynyddislwyn,  Mon.  1958.  (2s.6d.) 

E.  G.  Montgomery,  Milestones  on  the  Pilgrim  Way  of  Dursley  Tabernacle 
Congregational  Church,  Founded  1710.     1958. 

Philip  M.  Robinson,  The  Smiths  of  Chesterfield.    1957.    (15s.) 


EDITORIAL 

The  Annual  Meeting 

The  60th  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Westminster 
Chapel  on  13th  May,  1959,  Dr.  W.  Gordon  Robinson  presiding 
and  some  fifty  members  and  friends  being  present.  We  say  4  some 
fifty  '  because  there  was  some  coming  and  going  during  the  meeting 
but  fifty  seemed  to  be  the  average  present  at  any  one  time. 

The  Rev.  Kenneth  W.  Wadsworth,  who  kindly  replaced  Dr. 
Erik  Routley  at  fairly  short  notice,  read  a  paper  on  Peter  Walkden 
which  appears  as  the  first  article  in  this  issue  of  Transactions.  It 
is  a  story  which  should  appeal  to  an  age  which  loves  social  history. 
Walkden  as  pastor  and  parent,  isolated  amongst  the  hills  of  the 
North,  appears  to  be  quite  an  ordinary  country  minister  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  faithful  but  not  heroic  ;  and  anyone  interested 
in  the  rise  of  the  Evangelical  Revival  will  find  in  Walkden  a  useful 
witness  to  cross-examine  about  that  decaying  Church  life  which 
the  Revival  profoundly  changed.  We  hope  that  Mr.  Wadsworth 
will  be  able  in  due  time  to  complete  his  study  of  the  fragmentary 
diary  of  Walkden  in  the  light  of  the  general  social  and  ecclesiastical 
background  of  the  time  and  so  make  an  appraisal  of  Walkden's 
position.  This  is  what  he  hopes  to  do  but  it  was  good  of  him  to 
allow  us  an  early  view  of  the  work  he  has  done  so  far. 

Dr.   Geoffrey  F.   Nuttall 

Twenty  years  have  passed  since  Dr.  Nuttall  joined  the  late  Dr. 
Albert  Peel  in  editing  our  Transactions  and  at  the  Annual  Meeting 
everyone  was  sorry  to  learn  that  he  intended  resigning.  He  felt 
that  a  younger  member  should  be  spurred  into  taking  it  up.  Dr. 
Nuttall  is  immersed  in  many  scholarly  and  literary  tasks  ;  he  is 
in  demand  for  preaching  and  leading  retreats  as  well  as  lecturing  ; 
naturally,  his  teaching  work  at  New  College,  where  he  also  looks 
after  the  large  library,  is  his  first  concern  :  no  one  can  fail  to 
appreciate  the  wisdom  of  his  decision.  But  the  Society  will  sorely 
miss  the  distinction  of  having  an  eminent  scholar  as  Editor.  With 
much  regret  we  have  accepted  the  resignation.  We  are  aware  of  the 
great  debt  we  owe  him  for  pouring  quality  and  interest  into 
Transactions  year  after  year,  despite  the  irksome  restrictions  which 
first  the  war  and  then  inflation  placed  about  the  work. 

The  new  Editor  owes  more  than  he  can  count  to  Dr.  Nuttall 
and  at  the  present  time  must  thank  him  for  reading  the  proofs 
of  this  issue,  an  eye  infection  preventing  his  doing  it  himself. 

Losses 

With  much  regret  we  have  to  record  the  passing  of  Dr.  Frederick 
L.  Fagley,  founder  and  secretary  of  our  sister  Society  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  all  too  early  death  of  the  Rev.  F.  W.  P.  Harris, 

109 


110  EDITORIAL 

whose  work  on  Doddridge  was  so  promising.  Notes  concerning 
these  two  men  provided  by  the  Rev.  R.  F.  G.  Calder  and  Dr. 
Nuttall  will  be  found  on  page  147.  We  are  also  aware  of  the  deaths 
of  two  other  members,  the  Rev.  William  Foreman  of  Trumpington, 
Cambridge,  who  was  a  contributor  to  Transactions,  and  the  Rev. 
A.  R.  Bromage  of  Ipswich. 

Recent   Work 

New  material,  much  of  it  gleaned  from  the  University's  archives, 
concerning  the  early  Separatist  Francis  Johnson,  adds  to  the  in 
terest  of  Dr.  H.  C.  Porter's  lively  Reformation  and  Reaction  in 
Tudor  Cambridge  (C.U.P.,  1958,  52s.  6d.).  '  The  great  stir  '  John 
son  4  provoked  in  the  university  ',  which  imprisoned  him  for  re 
fusing  to  retract  a  sermon  against  *  religion  established  by  public 
authority  '  included  a  procession  of  'fifty  Johnians  through  the 
streets  ...  to  force  the  proctor  to  arrange  an  appeal  for  Johnson  '. 

The  English  version  of  Y  Bywgraffiadur  Cymreig,  the  Welsh 
D.N.B.,  contains  very  many  articles  upon  Congregational  Ministers 
and  we  hope  in  a  subsequent  issue  to  be  able  to  say  something 
about  them. 

Mr.  I.  G.  Philip  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  whom  we  welcome  as 
a  contributor  to  this  issue,  published  in  Oxoniensia,  XXII  (1957) 
a  MS.  in  the  Library  about  a  project  of  Cromwell  for  erecting  a 
new  College  at  Oxford,  for  making  a  4  synopsis  of  the  true  reformed 
Protestant  Christian  Religion  ',  where  foreigners  might  study. 

A  work  of  a  more  general  character  which  is  to  be  welcomed  is 
W.  K.  Jordan's  Philanthropy  in  England,  1480-1660  (Allen  and 
Unwin,  1959),  the  first  volume  of  a  series. 

The   Future 

It  is  always  our  hope  to  publish  Transactions  in  the  summer. 
This  year  the  printing  strike  beat  us  by  about  three  weeks  and  so 
we  appear  rather  late.  Next  year  we  will  endeavour  to  succeed. 

We  are  pleased  to  have  in  hand  for  our  next  issue  a  contribution 
by  a  City  Archivist.  We  wish  that  many  more  of  our  members 
realized  the  invaluable  service  that  Record  Offices  of  one  kind 
and  another  render.  It  is  a  pity  that  more  Churches  do  not  deposit 
old  records  into  their  hands  for  safe  custody  instead  of  completely 
neglecting  them  arid  eventually  even  losing  them  altogether.  Plenty 
of  Parish  Churches  have  deposited  their  records  but  not  many 
Nonconformist  ones  it  seems.  One  of  the  aims  of  our  Society  is 
to  collect  and  preserve  records  and  we  hope  to  pay  more  attention 
to  this  subject  in  our  next  issue. 

1962  is  not  far  away  and  we  also  hope  to  carry  some  articles 
leading  up  to  the  Commemoration. 


An  Eighteenth-Century  Country 
Minister 


,  O  stone,  what  thou  hidest.  Peter  Walkden,  for  26  years 
of  this  Church  a  most  watchful  and  beloved  pastor,  an 
excellent  preacher,  indefatigable,  eloquent  and  of  great  power  ; 
of  piety  and  probity  a  noteworthy  example.  Advanced  in  age, 
but  with  mind  unimpaired,  and  with  calmness  of  spirit  ripe  for 
death  and  heaven,  both  the  ornament  and  instructor  of  his  family 
and  of  his  parishioners,  on  the  5th  of  November,  in  the  86th  year 
of  his  age,  in  the  1769th  year  of  our  redemption,  he  died.  O  cruel 
death  !  What  a  creature  hast  thou  extinguished  !  But  it  is  well  ;  the 
virtue  of  Walkden  is  immortal." 

Perhaps  only  what  might  be  expected  of  an  eighteenth-century 
epitaph,  demonstrating  a  suitable  filial  piety,  the  foregoing  was 
written  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Walkden  for  his  father's  tombstone  in 
the  Church  where  he  ministered  at  Stockport  until  his  death. 
The  original  was  in  Latin,  which  perhaps  gave  an  added  nicety 
of  phrase  and  urbanity  of  style. 

Peter  Walkden's  virtue  may  have  been  immortal  ;  a  knowledge 
of  his  life  and  times  is  available  to  us  because  he  kept  a  Diary. 

He  was  born  near  Manchester  in  1684,  educated  first  at  a  village 
school  and  then,  from  1706,  at  what  Benjamin  Nightingale,  quoting 
an  unspecified  source,  calls,  4  ye  famous  school  of  Manchester  '. 
This  was  the  Dissenting  Academy  established  by  the  Rev.  John 
Chorlton  at  the  very  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  which  in  some 
measure  replaced  that  of  Richard  Frankland  at  Rathmell.  Shortly 
before  his  death  in  1705  Chorlton  had  as  assistant  the  Rev.  James 
Coningham  who  continued  the  Academy  for  a  number  of  years. 
Nightingale  speaks  of  Walkden  as  a  Master  of  Arts,  but  1  have 
no  knowledge  of  where  he  graduated,  if  indeed  he  did  so. 
It  is  possible  that  he  did  so  at  one  of  the  Scottish  Universities  as 
several  students  of  Frankland  had  done.  This  is  however  somewhat 
doubtful  for  by  the  summer  of  1709  he  was  already  in  pastoral 
charge  of  a  small  Church  in  Garsdale  in  north-west  Yorkshire. 

Fn  1711  he  removed  from  Garsdale  and  took  charge  of  two 
Churches  :  one  at  Hesketh  Lane,  near  Chipping,  on  the  Lancashire 
side  of  the  River  Hodder  ;  the  other  ten  miles  or  so  away  at 
Newton-in-Bowland,  in  Yorkshire.  Here  he  settled  to  patient 
labours  until  1738,  during  which  time  he  was  twice  married  and 
begot  (at  least)  eight  children,  one  of  whom  was  to  follow  him  into 
the  ministry.  His  later  pastorates  were  at  Holcombe.  near  Bury, 
and  at  Stockport,  where  he  continued  from  1744  until  his  death. 

in 


112          AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

The  Rowland  area  where  Walkden  lived  and  worked  in  the  years 
following  1711  is  still  mostly  rough  upland  country.  In  his  day  it 
was  wild  indeed  and  considerably  cut  off  from  the  great  world. 
Roads  were  few  and  so  bad  that  wheeled  traffic  was  generally 
impossible.  Newspapers  could  be  had  at  Preston  once  or  twice  a 
month  by  special  arrangement,  and  from  that  town  letters  might  be 
sent  by  the  mail-coach.  But  into  the  Bowland  area  came  only  the 
local  folk,  farmers  and  cottagers,  with  an  occasional  pedlar  or 
*  Scotch  merchant '  and,  alas,  the  collectors  of  various  taxes.  Life 
was  hard,  the  standard  of  living  was  low,  ready  money  was  scarce, 
most  of  the  people  were  illiterate.  Among  them  the  Dissenting 
minister  was  of  some  importance,  and  from  Walkden's  Diary  we 
obtain  a  fair  picture  of  both  religious  and  secular  life. 

The  Diary  was  kept  regularly  throughout  most  at  least  of  the 
years  in  Bowland.  It  was,  as  he  writes  at  the  beginning  of  1725  : 
a  summary  of  my  daily  transactions,  as  a  true  account  where, 
in  what,  and  how  I  spent  my  time  daily  ;  together  with  what's 
said  or  done  remarkable  each  day  either  by  myself  or  other 
with  whom  I  converse.  Done  to  be  a  mirror  to  view  my  life  and 
actions  in,  that  I  may  know  how  I  walk,  and  how  to  humble 
my  soul  before  God,  and  when  to  rejoice  in  the  goodness  of 
my  God. 

Each  day's  events  were  carefully  entered  with  details  of  Sunday 
and  other  Services,  his  private  devotions  and  prayers,  financial 
transactions  and  travels,  village  affairs  and  so  on.  Unfortunately 
comparatively  little  of  the  Diary  survives.  It  was  originally  written 
in  a  number  of  small  note-books  and  seems  to  have  passed  into  the 
hands  of  someone  unaware  of  its  value.  Sometime  about  the  middle 
of  last  century  a  Mr.  Jackson,  surgeon,  of  Slaidburn  (a  few  miles 
from  Newton)  discovered  two  of  these  volumes  *  amid  a  lot  of 
rubbish  in  a  cottage  at  Slaidburn  '.  The  rest  had  apparently  been 
burned.  What  Jackson  recovered  were  the  sections  covering  most 
of  1725,  the  year  1729  and  the  first  half  of  1730. 

That  is  not  the  end  of  the  sorry  story.  In  1866,  William  Dobson, 
a  Preston  gentleman  interested  in  local  history  and  antiquities, 
published  a  volume1  of  extracts  from  these  remains  '  with  copious 
notes ' — though  we  might  have  been  glad  of  more  diary  and  less 
note.  Since  then  all  trace  of  the  original  remnants  has  been  lost. 
At  least  a  few  copies  of  Dobson's  edition  remain  extant  and  with 
this,  such  as  it  is,  we  must  be  content.  Such  as  it  is,  it  is  interesting 
and  helpful.  The  following  is  something  of  what  it  has  to  give. 

1  Extracts  from  the  /)/<//-v  of  the  Rev.  Peter  Wulkden  with  Copious  Notes, 
ed.  William  Dobson  (Preston  :  Dobson,  1866).  Copy  at  Clitheroe  Public 
Library. 


AN  EIGIITFENTII-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER  113 

Walkden  preached  alternate  Sundays  at  Hesketh  Lane  and  at 

Newton    Dobson  has  omitted  most  of  the  details  of  these  Services 

but  sufficient   remains  for   us   to  appreciate  a   normal   Sunday's 

ministry.  For  27th  July,  1729,  he  notes  : 

Got  my  mare  and  went  to  Newton,  and  went  into  Edward 
Parkinson  s  and  got  a  penny  pot  of  ale.  So  went  towards  the 
Chapel  and  in  the  way  met  Thomas  Jackson  who  told  me  that 
Roger  Salisbury's  wife  was  dead  and  buried  above  a  week  aco 
and  that  Attorney  Salisbury's  wife  was  brought  to  bed  of  a 
son  on  Monday  last,  so  I  went  into  the  Chapel  chamber  and 
Joseph  Learning  came  to  me  and  said  that  his  son  Nathaniel 
had  been  very  ill  of  a  knee-swill  (swelling),  that  he  had 
recommended  him  to  the  prayers  of  the  Church,  but  now  was 
got  well,  wh.ch  he  desired  I  would  acquaint  the  Church  with 
and  desire  em  fo  assist  him  in  returning  thanks  for  it  I 
promised  I  would  do  so,  so  went  into  the  pulpit  I  catechized 
the  children  to  how  doth  the  spirit  apply  to  us  the  redemption 
purchased  by  Christ.  Then  (after  readings  and  prayer)  I 
preached  from  Romans  8,  verses  38  and  39  and  pursued  the 
doctrine  concerning  a  believer's  communion  with  God  to  the 
second  head  and  confirmed  the  truth  in  hand,  by  Scripture 
Then  (after  prayer  and  a  psalm)  dismissed  the  people  so 
went  to  Edward  Parkinson's  and  got  a  penny  pot  of  ale  and 
paid  for  both,  and  then  walked  to  the  Fowlskils  to  get  my 
mare,  got  her  and  came  to  Radham  Laund  and  dined  there 
then  got  my  mare  and  came  direct  home. 

Let  us  get  Edward  Parkinson's  out  of  the  way  at  once  This  was 
an  inn  or  ale-house.  Ale  was  the  normal  beverage  ;  tea  even  if  it 
had  spread  to  these  wild  northern  regions,  was  far  too  expensive 
costing  up  to  20  shillings  a  pound  even  in  London.  Walkden  \s 
nabit  ot  noting  every  penny  spent  may  give  the  impression  of 
over-fondness  for  ale.  This  was,  of  course,  not— or  normally  not- 
the  case. 

The  form  of  Service  was  bare,  the  sermon  no  doubt  long,  al 
though  the  discourse  was  not  usually  pursued  beyond  the  second 
or  third  head— but  often  he  went  on  to  develop  further  heads 
on  subsequent  Sundays.  The  sermon  was  preached  without  manu 
script,  but  Walkden  at  least  occasionally  did  some  written  prepara 
tion.  When  preaching  at  Lancaster  on  14th  January  1730  he 
recorded  that  he  '  observed  '  his  notes  in  the  chapel-chamber  or 
vestry  before  the  Service.  This  may  have  helped  to  avoid  beinq  too 
prolix  or  verbose.  On  2nd  October,  1729,  he  noted  that  he  'spent 
the  whole  day  in  preparing  a  sermon  '.  But  this  is  one  of  the  very 
tew  references  to  preparation  and  was  for  a  special  sermon. 


114          AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

The  Scripture  Readings  were  not  limited  to  a  few  verses  but 
included  long  sections  from  both  Testaments  and  sometimes 
numbered  as  many  as  four. 

The  '  praise  '  consisted  of  the  Metrical  Psalms.  On  3rd  January, 
1725,  he  writes  : 

I  prayed,  read  Psalm  57,  and  Romans  13,  we  sung  six 
verses  of  Psalm  145,  I  prayed,  preached  on  Philippians  3, 
verse  9  and  application,  prayed,  we  sung  two  verses  of  a 
psalm  and  I  dismissed  the  people. 

Hymns  were  not  used  in  the  Services,  but  Walkden  used  them 
at  home  with  his  family.  On  the  evening  of  3rd  August,  1729  *  we 
sung  part  of  a  hymn,  and  I  prayed  in  my  family  '.  Again  on 
Sunday  evening,  21st  December  the  same  year,  he  had  the  children 
read  passages  from  the  Bible,  then  '  we  sung  the  8th  hymn,  third 
book,  Watts's  Hymns  '. 

Catechizing,  not  only  children  but  adults,  was  a  regular  feature 
of  the  Sunday  Service.  On  Sunday  (or  Lord's  Day)  9th  May,  in 
his  Service  at  Newton,  '  I  catechized  the  lesser  to  the  fifteenth 
question,  the  elder  to  the  second  question  in  Henry's  Catechism  '. 
On  12th  September.  1725  he  'catechized  to  the  end  of  the  As 
sembly's  Shorter  Catechism  '  before  the  sermon.  At  other  times  he 
used  the  Decalogue  and  other  passages  of  Scripture. 

One  Service  only  on  the  Sunday  was  usual  custom.  Occasionally 
a  kind  of  two-decker  Service  with  a  break  for  refreshments  was 
held.  On  5th  September,  1725  he  was  visiting  preacher  at  Forton 
Chapel  : 

f  went  into  the  pulpit  and  prayed  ;  then  read  the  33rd  Psalm, 
the  33rd  of  Ezekiel  and  the  19th  of  St.  Luke  and  part  of  the 
14th  Psalm.  I  prayed  and  preached  from  Genesis  chapter  six, 
the  third  verse.  At  noon  I  withdrew  into  the  gallery  an  hour 
or  more  ;  then  went  into  the  pulpit  again,  prayed  and  read 
the  145th  Psalm,  and  we  sung  part  of  the  81st  Psalm  and  I 
prayed  ;  then  preached  on  the  subject  as  in  the  morning  ; 
sermon  being  ended  I  prayed,  read  two  Briefs,  and  we  sung 
two  verses  and  I  dismissed  the  people. 

At  Services  of  this  kind  at  Newton  he  would  withdraw  to  Edward 
Parkinson's  in  the  interval  for  a  penny  dinner  and  a  penny  pot  of 
ale. 

The  reading  of  Briefs — letters  requesting  financial  aid  from 
Churches  in  difficulties  or  faced  with  building  costs  -was  fairly 
common.  On  9th  May,  1725,  at  Newton,  6s.  Id.  was  collected  for 
Preston  Meeting  House  during  the  singing  of  a  psalm.  The  previous 
week  Hesketh  Lane  congregation  had  contributed  three  shillings. 


AN  EIGHTEEN! H-CENTUIW  COUNTRY  MINISTER          115 

In  July,  1729  he  read  Briefs  from  Napton  and  Tamworth  in 
Warwickshire  and  in  January  1730— no  doubt  with  ministers 
throughout  the  country — he  read  a  Brief  for  '  the  poor  Protestants 
at  Copenhagen,  in  Denmark '  who  had  suffered  in  a  disastrous 
fire.  Here  is  Inter-Church  Aid  already  developing. 

The  Chapel  at  Newton  held  150.  It  is  doubtful  whether  it  was 
ever  full.2  On  21st  September,  1729,  admittedly  a  wet  day,  the 
congregation,  including  Walkden,  numbered  only  nine.  On  21st 
December  he  had  to  sit  and  wait  in  the  pulpit  until  a  few  hearers 
came.  Weather  made  a  difference.  The  gum-boot,  so  essential  an 
article  of  modern  farm  clothing,  was  not  invented  and  in  bad 
weather  the  roads  might  easily  be  a  foot  deep  in  mud  and  slime. 
Even  summer  was  sometimes  as  wet  as  nowadays  : 

July  13th  (1729)  Lord's  Day.  Got  ready  for  Newton  .  .  . 
about  7  o'clock,  though  it  rained  sore,  got  my  mare,  and  set 
forwards  ;  but  it  rained  so  exceedingly  that  I  was  forced  to 
shelter  at  John  Rhodes's,  and  the  great  rain  continued  so  long, 
that  it  was  too  late  to  reach  Newton  in  time  ;  so  it  raining 
fast,  and  seemed  as  it  would  continue  to  rain,  and  I  being  sore 
wet,  I  got  my  mare  and  came  direct  home. 

Perhaps  if  he  had  dutifully  continued  to  Newton  he  would  have 
found  no  congregation. 

The  Lord's  Supper  was  administered  quarterly,  not  usually  on 
the  first  Sunday  of  the  month,  and  it  was  an  important  event, 
with  a  Day  of  Preparation,  usually  the  preceding  Thursday,  and  a 
Day  of  Thanksgiving  afterwards.  So  on  Thursday,  16th  April, 
1725  : 

At  chapel.  I  prayed,  read  Psalm  86,  Isaiah  61,  and  First 
Corinthians  10;  we  sung  part  of  a  psalm,  I  prayed  and 
preached  on  First  Corinthians  seven,  verses  10  to  16,  and  went 
on  [to]  the  fourth  thing  signified  by  the  bread  in  the  Lord's 
Supper,  what  it  obligates  the  listener  to  ...  1  examined  James 
Pye  in  order  to  his  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supper. 

People  previously  in  communion  with  another  Church  or  Meet 
ing  were  readily  admitted  ;  but  others  were  carefully  examined  on 
life  and  doctrine.  Where  there  had  been  any  dispute  or  quarrel  in  a 
family  the  members  were  carefully  questioned  and,  if  necessary, 
admonished  before  the  Supper. 

2  "  In  Dr.  Evans's  List  of  Presbyterian  and  Independent  Chapels  (1717-1729) 
'Chippin'  and  '  Bolland '  are  mentioned  as  having  ...  150  hearers/' 
Quoted  by  Bryan  Dale  :  Bicentenary  of  Nonconformity  in  Ne\\~ton-in- 
Bowland. 

8  * 


116          AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

Unfortunately  no  detailed  description  remains  of  a  Communion 
Service  ;  but  there  are  mentions  of  the  purchase  of  bread  and  wine 
for  them.  The  wine  used  was  claret  and  on  23rd  January,  1725, 
Walkden  bought  a  gallon  of  claret  at  Preston  for  5s.  8d.,  and  two 
loaves  at  2d.  (There  seems  to  be  an  all-too-apt  quotation  from 
Shakespeare.)  More  often  the  wine  was  bought  a  quart  or  two 
quarts  at  a  time.  The  penny  loaves  were  of  white  wheaten  flour, 
unlike  the  rye  bread  normally  used.  Incidentally  there  is  no  mention 
of  wine  drunk  in  the  home  ;  though  occasionally  a  little  brandy 
might  be  mixed  with  the  ale  in  very  cold  weather. 

A  collection  was  taken  at  the  Lord's  Supper  ;  apparently  this  was 
not  done  at  the  usual  Sunday  Service.  At  Newton  on  17th  October, 
1725,  Is.  10d.,  having  been  deducted  for  a  quart  of  wine  and  other 
disbursements,  Is.  4d.  was  left  of  the  collection  which  was  'all 
given  to  Widow  Pye  of  Four  Lane  Ends  '.  At  Hesketh  Lane  in 
October  1729  2s.  6d.  was  collected. 

After  the  Service  the  Sacrament  was  sometimes  taken  to  the 
sick,  either  the  same  day  or  during  the  following  week  ;  and  in 
December  1729  he  mentions  giving  '  private  communion  '  to  Alice 
Martin  who  was  ill  and  reported  as  '  like  to  die  '. 

Special  Services  were  held  in  addition  to  Sabbath  Worship  and 
the  Preparation.  A  family  would  have  a  *  day  of  prayer '  at  which 
the  minister  would  preach  and  pray,  being  assisted  at  the  latter  by 
leading  lay-men.  Sometimes  this  was  in  the  Chapel  ;  sometimes  in 
the  home.  Sometimes  the  '  day  '  was  just  a  matter  of  personal 
choice  ;  sometimes  it  was  for  a  specific  purpose. 

March  23rd  (1730).  This  being  the  (Learning)  family's 
thanksgiving  day  for  the  mercy  of  their  son  Nathaniel's  restora 
tion  to  'em  after  he  had  been  lost  48  hours  on  the  fell  .  .  . 
I  laid  open  the  nature  of  the  exercise  and  prayed  for  a  blessing, 
so  the  duty  was  carried  on  by  Joseph  Leeming,  John  Cawson 
(and  others)  and  I  concluded. 

This  is  typical.  Other  occasions  were  safe  delivery  in  childbirth 
and  suchlike. 

Little  note  was  taken,  as  is  to  be  expected,  of  the  Christian 
Year.  But  once  at  least  he  did  hold  a  Service  on  Christmas  Day, 
rather  grudgingly  by  the  sound  of  it.  On  the  preceding  Sunday  at 
Hesketh  Lane,  '  \  gave  notice  for  a  Service  here  on  Thursday  next, 
being  what  is  commonly  called  Christmas  Day '.  He  describes  the 
Service,  but  there  is  no  further  mention  of  the  name  Christmas  and 
the  Service  is  not  particularly  appropriate  to  the  season.  There  is  no 
reference  to  Good  Friday,  Easter  Day  or  Whitsuntide.  But  he 
mentions  Easter  Monday  in  a  purely  secular  context  and  one  year 


AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER  117 

shortly  before  Christmas  he  bought  a  Yule  Loaf  (Christmas  Cake) 
at  Preston  for  the  family. 

Some  seasons  were  celebrated.  On  Wednesday,  5th  November, 
1729,  a  Service  was  held  at  Newton  in  commemoration  of  Gun 
powder  Plot.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  a  Service  was  held  on 
Wednesday,  30th  July,  1729,  4  it  being  thanksgiving  day  for  the 
mercies  of  the  Lord's  Table  (that  is  quite  normal)  and  of  the 
former  harvest'.  The  last  phrase  suggests  some  kind  of  Harvest 
Festival.  After  watching  out  the  Old  Year  with  prayer  at  home  a 
Service  was  usual  in  Chapel  on  New  Year's  Day. 

There  were  no  Funeral  Services  in  Walkden's  Churches  ;  inter 
ments  were  at  the  parish  Church-yards  at  Chipping  and  Slaidburn, 
though  Walkden's  first  wife  was  buried  in  Hesketh  Lane  Chapel. 
Walkden  was  usually  present  at  the  funerals  of  his  Church  mem 
bers,  going  early  to  the  '  burying  house  '  where  he  would  sit  and 
smoke  a  pipe  with  other  mourners.  Then,  following  the  slow 
cortege,  for  the  coffin  had  to  be  carried  the  whole  way,  perhaps 
as  much  as  a  dozen  miles,  they  went  to  the  Church,  where  the 
curate  read  the  Service,  and  then  to  the  graveside.  Sometimes  there 
was  no  curate  and  the  clerk  would  read  the  office.  In  April  1730  he 
noted  that  Elizabeth  Reid  died  in  childbirth  and  was  buried  at 
Slaidburn,  '  but  without  any  ceremony  of  priest  or  clerk,  because 
she  died  excommunicate '. 

After  the  burial  Walkden  would  gather  with  the  other  mourners 
for  the  '  arvell '  or  funeral  feast  and  sometimes  he  preached  a 
special  sermon  a  week  or  so  later  at  his  normal  Sunday  Service. 
So,  27th  December,  1729  : 

Today  at  the  burying  house,  the  sons  of  Robert  Sympson, 
deceased,  told  me  that  their  father,  while  he  was  yet  alive,  had 
ordered  'em  to  get  me  preach  a  funeral  for  him  at  Newton, 
and  had  mentioned  a  text  to  be  discoursed  upon,  in  Lamenta 
tions,  the  second,  24. 

He  preached  the  sermon  on  llth  January,  getting  the  text  right  : 
Lamentations  iii,  24 — there  is  no  ii,  24.  For  this  he  was  paid 
2s.  6d.  by  the  deceased's  family.  On  another  occasion  he  received 
no  payment  for  a  similar  service  and  appeared  grieved.  But  once  at 
least  he  got  as  much  as  ten  shillings. 

Baptisms  were  carried  out  in  the  Church  as  required.  In  October 
1729  the  clerk  of  Chipping  was  sent  by  the  Vicar  to  enquire  how 
many  children  Walkden  had  baptised  since  1726.  He  told  him  five, 
including  one  of  his  own  ;  but  later  he  remembered  another  one 
he  had  not  included.  Perhaps  this  was  the  cause  of  a  further  visit 
of  the  clerk  two  months  later  to  ask  what  children  he  had  baptised 


118  AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISIF:R 

4  in  the  last  three  years  '.  This  time  he  gave  him  account  of  eight, 
and  paid  sixpence  in  respect  of  his  daughter  Katherine's  baptism. 
Perhaps  this  was  the  fee  for  including  the  entry  of  a  Dissenting 
child  in  the  Parish  register. 

Also  in  October  of  that  year  he  was  asked  to  baptise  the  child 
of  a  member  of  the  Established  Church.  Walkden  suspected  that 
this  was  because  the  father  expected  to  get  it  done  more  cheaply 
than  by  the  vicar.  But  the  father  stated  that  he  did  not  believe  in 
'  gossips '  (i.e.  God-parents),  considering  the  matter  to  be  the 
responsibility  of  the  parents.  Walkden  was  therefore  willing  to 
administer  the  Sacrament  but  the  parents  shied  at  the  thought  of 
coming  into  a  Dissenting  Chapel.  In  the  end  Walkden  performed 
the  ceremony  at  the  parents'  home,  but  insisted  on  several 
4  Christians  '  (Church  members)  being  present. 

There  is  no  mention  of  marriages. 

We  have  already  noticed  that  Walkden  had  once  to  be  informed 
at  Newton  that  a  Church  member  had  been  dead  and  buried  for 
over  a  week.  This  sounds  like  a  failure  of  pastoral  care.  But  we 
must  remember  that  he  lived  ten  or  more  miles  away  from  Newton, 
a  considerable  distance  at  that  time,  and  news  travelled  slowly. 
There  were  other  reasons  for  the  limited  amount  of  time  that 
Walkden  had  to  spend  on  the  pastoral  care  of  his  two  flocks.  Of 
these  we  shall  hear  later.  So  far  as  possible  he  was  a  faithful  pastor. 

When  he  heard  of  sickness  he  visited  the  house  and  prayed  at 
length  with  the  sick  person  and  family,  though  it  might  be  a  day  or 
two  before  he  was  able  to  make  the  journey.  As  we  have  seen, 
sometimes  he  took  the  Sacrament  to  the  homes  of  the  sick.  And 
certainly  the  people  seem  to  have  been  grateful  for  his  ministrations, 
as  witness  the  following  : 

April  5th  (1730).  Lord's  Day.  Today  at  the  Chapel-chamber, 
William  Fell  came  to  me  and  thanked  me  for  what  I  had  done 
for  him  in  his  last  sickness,  and  gave  me  a  shilling  to  buy  me 
what  I  pleased  with. 

Pastoral  care  at  times  meant  more  than  prayer  ;  it  could  demand 
medical  treatment  or  nursing  in  which  his  wife  shared.  On  27th 
March,  1730  : 

Tonight  about  a  11  o'clock,  came  Richard  Rhodes  to  our 
house,  and  said  Robert  Seed  being  very  ill  desired  that  my 
wife  would  come  and  see  him  and  give  him  some  advice  about 
taking  physic.  She  got  out  of  bed  and  went  and  was  about  an 
hour  away. 

In  September  the  previous  year  his  wife  had  gone  to  *  bleed  ' 
Thomas  Seed.  But  this  can  only  have  been  temporarily  effective, 
for  he  died  within  the  month. 


AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER  119 

Medical  treatment  was  difficult  to  obtain,  fn  October,  1725  on 
the  way  home  from  Chapel  his  wife  fell  in  the  road  just  outside 
the  house  and  dislocated  her  ankle.  Walkden  and  his  son  John 
got  her  into  the  house  and  then,  John  having  been  unable  to  find 
the  mare,  Walkden  set  off  on  foot  to  get  a  certain  Ralph  Wilkinson 
who,  it  was  thought,  would  be  able  to  put  the  ankle  in.  Having 
been  4  long  without  food  '  he  called  at  Walmsley's  for  a  pint  of  ale 
and  there,  by  fortunate  chance,  he  met  a  gentleman  who  turned  out 
to  be  none  other  than  a  Mr.  John  Houghton,  surgeon,  who  kindly 
rode  to  Walkden's  house,  set  the  injured  ankle,  anointed  it  with 
hot  oil,  and  generously  refused  payment. 

A  further  pastoral  service  Walkden  was  able  to  render  was  that 
of  scribe  to  an  illiterate  rural  community. 

November  26th,  1729.  Today  I  showed  to  Ann  Parkinson  a 
rough  draft  of  a  letter  I  had  writ  for  her  to  her  son,  Nathaniel 
Parkinson,  on  board  the  London,  at  Gravesend,  and  trans 
cribed  it,  sealed,  and  writ  directions  on  it. 

Three  days  later  he  put  the  letter  into  the  post-office  at  Preston 
whence,  we  hope,  it  eventually  reached  the  sea-going  Nathaniel 
in  safety.  For  a  farmer  member  of  the  Church,  presumably  in  a  fail- 
way  of  business,  he  made  up  the  accounts,  receiving  each  year  for 
this  '  clerking  '  the  payment  of  a  shilling. 

There  was  a  daily  discipline  of  devotion  at  home.  On  1st  January, 
1 725  he  begins  as  he  will  go  on  : 

This  morning,  being  in  health,  I  rose,  arid  prayed,  and 
praised  God,  washed  and  put  on  my  linen  and  read  the  2nd 
chapter  of  Ecclesiastes  and  prayed  in  my  family. 

But  household  concerns  could  at  times  interfere  even  with  the 
order  of  family  devotion.  A  few  days  later  he  has  to  record  : 

I  in  readiness  for  going  to  the  private  day  of  prayer  at  the 
Cold  Coats  (a  farm).  She  (his  wife)  was  so  full  of  house  busi 
ness,  that  at  the  time  it  was  over  it  was  full  time  to  go  to  the 
Cold  Coats,  so  that  prayer  was  omitted  this  morning. 

The  Bible  was  read  in  the  family  of  an  evening  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  Watts's  hymns  were  read  and  sung. 

Some  time  was  given  to  sermon  preparation,  especially  when  he 
had  to  visit  another  Church,  but  little  time  seems  to  have  been 
spent  in  reading  or  study.  References  to  books  are  scarce  and  few  : 

November  21st  (1729)  I  bought  of  Mrs.  Aray  (the  wife  or 
widow  of  a  Dissenting  Minister)  Ainsworth's  Works,  folio, 
7s.  6d.  ;  and  Dr.  Edwards's  Veritas  Redux  at  3s.  6d. 

On  9th  December,  1729,  his  son  Thomas  returned  from  Clitheroe 
Fair  with  the  first  volume  of  Matthew  Henry's  Exposition  of  the 


120  AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

New  Testament ;  this  he  read  not  only  at  home  but  in  pastoral 
visits.  On  2nd  February,  1730,  he  noted  that  he  had  borrowed  two 
books  (probably  of  sermons)  of  John  Barker  for  Thomas  Thompson 
and  one  for  himself  from  Thompson  '  called  the  White  Wolf ', 
a  sermon  preached  at  Paul's  Cross,  London,  llth  February,  1627, 
by  Stephen  Denison,  the  book  having  a  crude  wood  engraving  of 
4  The  Wolfe  in  a  Sheepes  Skin  '. 

For  other  reading  matter  Walkden  seems  to  have  been  content 
with  the  newspapers  which  in  the  later  years  he  obtained  about 
twice  a  month  or  even  perhaps  weekly.  The  copy  seems  to  have 
been  shared  with  several  other  persons  in  the  locality.  On  one  visit 
to  Preston  he  noted  that  he  paid  Is.  6^d.  for  thirteen  newspapers 
but  he  failed  to  mention  what  the  paper  was.  He  noted  such  things 
as  the  deaths  of  Peter  II  of  Russia  and  Pope  Benedict  XIII  ;  but 
general  political  and  social  news  does  not  seem  to  have  impressed 
him  sufficiently  for  him  to  commit  it  to  his  Diary. 

There  was  no  County  Union  in  those  days,  nor  any  regular 
and  organised  meeting  of  ministers  fraternally.  They  exchanged 
pulpits  from  time  to  time  and  occasionally  got  together,  especially 
concerning  ordination.  In  May  1725  a  group  of  ministers  met  at 
Tockholes  for  a  '  parl '  about  the  proposed  ordination  of  a  Mr. 
Hesketh  who  had  already  been  examined.  There  appears  to  have 
been  some  dissension,  but  on  what  points  is  not  clear.  Perhaps  it 
was  only  about  the  date  of  the  ordination.  If  so  the  matter  was 
eventually  settled  for  this  was  carried  out  at  Carnforth  on  27th 
October  when,  besides  the  congregation,  there  were  ten  ministers, 
including  Walkden,  present.  After  Scripture,  the  singing  of  a 
Psalm,  and  prayer  by  two  ministers,  a  sermon  was  preached  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Aray.  Then  questions  were  put  to  Mr.  Hesketh  and, 
when  he  had  answered  satisfactorily,  *  we  set  him  apart  to  the 
work  of  the  ministry  '  and  a  charge  was  given. 

Later  a  Mr.  Helm,  schoolmaster,  who  had  preached  for  Walkden, 
was  examined  by  a  group  of  ministers  at  Preston  and  '  licensed  as  a 
candidate  for  the  ministry  '  and,  later  again,  was  ordained. 

Such  meetings  were  great  occasions  and  important  gatherings 
which  made  for  religious  encouragement  and  social  satisfaction. 
They  necessitated  long  and  arduous  travelling.  If  the  minister's  wife 
persuaded  her  husband  to  take  her  along  she  had  to  ride  pillion 
with  him  on  the  old  mare.  Often  the  journey  was  too  long  to  be 
undertaken  in  one  day  and  the  ministers  of  the  time  were  perforce 
4  given  to  hospitality '.  It  was  normal  to  l  drop  in  '  on  a  fellow- 
minister's  household  anywhere  in  one's  travels  and  expect  a  meal 
and  a  bed.  It  had  to  be  done  ;  it  was  the  expected  and  accepted 
thing.  Usually  it  was  readily  provided  ;  although  we  may  note  that 


AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER  121 

on  8th  February,  1725  '  we  went  on  to  Mr.  Jolly's  where  we  met 
with  but  a  cold  welcome.  Notwithstanding  we  went  in  and  told  our 
business  and  determined  to  lodge  there '.  And  so  they  did. 

Ministers,  and  Dissenting  Church  members  generally,  could  be 
trusted  and  relied  on.  When  a  member  of  Newton  Church  was  in 
financial  difficulties  Walkden  and  other  members  were  ready  to 
sign  a  bond  for  him  without  question.  When,  in  1725,  Walkden 
was  seeking  a  suitable  master  to  whom  to  apprentice  his  son  John 
he  had  almost  come  to  an  agreement  when  he  learned  that  the  man 
was  not  a  '  professor  '.  The  bargain  was  broken  off  at  once.  Later  a 
suitable  4  professor '  was  found  and  John  was  tied  to  a  '  pled  ' 
weaver  in  Blackburn  for  four  years,  his  father  to  pay  45  shillings 
and  to  find  his  clothes. 

We  have  heard  of  one  grateful  Church  member  giving  Walkden 
a  shilling  to  spend  on  what  he  pleased.  Although  worth  more  in 
his  day  a  shilling  would  go  but  a  little  way  towards  keeping  a 
family  of  ten.  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  from  his  Diary  the 
exact  amount  of  his  stipend.  It  seems  to  have  been  paid  rather 
irregularly  and  was  made  up  in  a  number  of  ways.  The  Church 
at  Newton  had  been  endowed  with  a  parcel  of  land  near  Threshfield 
in  Wharfedale,  the  income  going  (apparently)  to  the  pastor.  But 
this  was  only  a  few  pounds  a  year  (£3  10s.  in  1725).  The  more 
substantial  members  of  the  Churches  contributed  quarterly  to  the 
minister's  stipend  and  Walkden  notes  the  receipt  of  this  *  quarter 
age  ',  in  sums  such  as  2s.  and  7s.  It  was  not  always  paid  when  due 
and  sometimes  not  at  all.  At  the  end  of  October  1729,  he  noted 
that  William  Hesmondhalgh  was  in  4  arrears  of  payments  to  the 
minister  of  Hesketh  Lane  Chapel '.  On  at  least  three  occasions  he 
received  a  gift  from  a  '  charitable  society  '  in  London  through  the 
instrumentality  of  personal  friends.  One  such  gift  amounted  to 
£1  15s.  The  total  income  can  only  have  been  extremely  meagre. 

The  cost  of  living  was  low,  compared  to  modern  standards.  A 
pair  of  shoes  was  bought  for  as  little  as  Is.  5d.,  half  a  bushel  of 
apples  for  Is.  Id.,  tobacco  Is.  a  pound,  cheese  at  twopence  a 
pound,  herring  could  be  had  at  Preston  at  eleven  for  twopence 
and  *  flooks  '  at  twelve  a  penny  ;  coal  cost  about  two  shillings  for  a 
pack-horse  load,  but  this  was  only  used  to  supplement  '  turf '  or 
peat  fires.  Costs  were  low,  but  so  were  wages.  A  youth  was  paid 
sixpence  for  three  days'  work  helping  the  *  thacker '  (thatcher) 
and  a  fourth  day  spent  in  journeying  to  Preston.  A  man  was  paid 
fourpence  for  a  day's  threshing ;  a  skilled  thatcher  received  Is.  6d. 
for  two  days'  work.  Ready  cash  was  scarce  with  the  result  that 
something  between  credit  and  barter  was  common  practice.  On 
5th  July,  1729,  Walkden  noted  : 

I  accounted  about  a  neck  of  veal  and  a  calf  foot  I  had  (of 
John  Brown)  today  se'ennight ;  he  had  sevenpence-halfpenny 


122  AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

for  them,  and  son  John  had  led  him  two  loads  of  turf  off  Long- 
ridge,  for  which  he  paid  me  eightpence  ;  no  money  passed 
betwixt  us,  but  one  debt  paid  another  and  he  owed  me  a 
halfpenny. 

Sometimes  the  transactions  grew  extremely  complicated  and 
it  is  not  surprising  that  there  was  sometimes  dispute  about  who 
owed  whom  what.  Even  when  Walkden  had  money  to  pay  for 
purchases  it  was  not  always  possible  for  a  merchant  or  other 
creditor  to  find  change,  even  at  times  for  so  small  a  coin  as  a 
shilling,  and  odd  coppers  were  carefully  recorded  as  owing  by 
him  or  to  him. 

At  times  when  money  was  urgently  needed  it  was  not  available. 
On  9th  January,  1725,  upon  being  told  : 

how  Oswald  Crossgill  wanted  pay  for  the  goods  bought  at 
his  sale  some  time  since,  I  determined  to  pay  and  remove  the 
goods  ;  but  not  having  so  much  money  in  my  pocket  as  would 
do  it,  T  was  forced  to  borrow  ;  and  having  yesterday  asked 
Mr.  A  ray  (Minister  of  Forton  Chapel)  the  lend  of  8s.  6d.  for  a 
month,  but  succeeded  not,  I  proposed  to  try  Nicholas  Story 
(who)  very  kindly  consented  to  lend  me  eight  shilling  till 
Candlemass  which  I  accepted  .  .  .  and  paid  all  I  owed. 

At  other  times  such  help  was  not  available.  (1st  January,  1730.) 
4  Today  I  asked  both  John  Jackson  and  Thomas  Fell  the  lend  of 
forty  shillings,  but  succeeded  not ;  they  being  scarce  of  silver.' 

Income  Tax  was  not  known,  but  other  taxes  made  inroads  on 
his  small  store. 

(2nd  August,  1729.)  This  morning  Richard,  son  of  Robert 
Dunderdale,  came  and  told  that  the  .window-peeper  was  in  the 
parish,  and  we,  having  ten  windows,  must  make  one  up  or 
pay  six  shillings  a  year. 

In  1730  he  paid  11s.  8d.  tithe.  He  also  paid  3s.  8d.  for  a  4  highway 
gaud  '  or  road  tax,  and  other  sums  for  various  gauds  and  cesses. 
In  addition  to  this  there  were  school-fees,  paid  in  coal  to  the  dame 
school  which  his  younger  children  attended,  but  in  cash,  2s.  6d. 
a  year,  to  Henry's  master,  Mr.  Nabb. 

No  wonder  poor  people  sought  unusual  ways  of  earning  a  little 
extra  money,  as  when  (8th  May,  1730)  'Brother  Miller  sold  his 
hair  for  five  shillings  and  a  cravat '.  Walkden  kept  his  hair,  but 
some  other  source  of  income  in  addition  to  his  stipend  was  essen 
tial.  This  was  found  in  farming.  During  the  whole  period  at  Newton 
he  farmed  a  little  land  owned  by  the  Church  and  other,  rented 


AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER  123 

land.  Farm-labourers  were  occasionally  hired  for  odd  days  ;  the 
children  helped  in  the  fields  and  in  1730  his  eldest  son  Thomas, 
who  was  engaged  in  weaving  at  home  after  completing  his  ap 
prenticeship,  hired  himself  to  his  father  for  farm-work  at  thirty 
shillings  and  his  keep  for  the  spring  and  summer.  Walkden  was  no 
gentleman-farmer,  but  a  practical  one,  a  working  parson  and  a 
working  farmer,  with  about  half  his  time  given  to  each  calling. 

Their  crops  included  barley,  rye  and  a  little  wheat,  which  they 
threshed  by  hand.  A  cow  or  two  were  kept  for  milk  and  butter, 
and  then  fattened  for  beef.  When  a  cow  was  killed  several  families 
would  share,  taking  a  *  quarter '  each,  or  even  buying  *  a  foot  of 
beef '.  There  is  no  mention  of  sheep  which  later  were  to  cover  so 
much  of  this  area,  but  bees  were  kept  and  hens  scratched  in  the 
yard.  The  only  root  crop  was  potatoes — he  sold  twelve  awkendale 
(an  awkendale  was  about  half-a-stone)  of  little  potatoes  for  a 
shilling  in  1725  ;  peas  and  beans  were  harvested.  Haymaking  was 
by  scythe  or  sickle  in  the  upland  pastures,  as  was  reaping,  the 
women  following  to  bind  the  sheaves.  Sections  of  the  fell  were 
hired  for  cutting  both  turf  (peat)  for  fuel  and  hassocks,  or  rushes, 
for  cattle  bedding  and  making  mats  or  even  strewing  on  the  floors 
of  the  houses.  In  the  house  too  were  great  arks  or  chests  in  which 
flour  and  meal  were  kept. 

When  the  cow  calved  it  was  a  great  occasion.  Walkden  not  only 
attended  expertly  but  recorded  the  details  in  his  Diary — Dobson 
carefully  omitting  this  section  for  reasons  of  decorum.  For  a  time 
he  kept  two  mares,  but  finding  this  too  expensive  he  sent  his  son 
Thomas  to  sell  one  at  Clitheroe  Fair  for  fifty  shillings.  The  lad 
could  not  get  this  price  in  cash,  but  proved  wiser  than  the  Vicar  of 
Wakefield's  son  on  a  somewhat  similar  occasion  and  he  arranged 
for  the  mare  to  run  at  grass  for  the  winter  on  a  farm  near  Clitheroe. 

In  this  way  Walkden  succeeded  in  making  both  ends  meet  and, 
no  doubt,  in  filling  his  time,  with  two  Churches  and  a  farm  to  care 
for.  What  sort  of  man  was  he  ?  His  son  wrote  of  him  at  the  end  of 
his  life  in  terms  of  highest  praise.  The  Diary  shows  him  not  without 
certain  weaknesses.  He  was  not  above  gossip  or  even  scandal.  He 
noted,  without  comment,  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Grimshaw  of 
Lancaster  from  his  Church  because  he  had  got  his  serving  woman 
with  child.  Week  by  week  as  he  got  the  new  instalments  of  the 
tale  from  the  newspapers  he  recorded  the  story  of  the  notorious 
Colonel  Charteris,  a  man  of  great  wealth  who  was  tried  for  rape, 
condemned  to  death,  but  succeeded  by  wire-pulling  or  influence 
in  obtaining  his  freedom  and  the  restoration  of  confiscated  property. 
The  final  entry  in  what  remains  to  us  of  the  Diary  tells  how  the 
wife  of  the  Vicar  of  Nuneaton  had  been  safely  delivered  of 
quadruplets. 


124          AN  EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY  COUNTRY  MINISTER 

He  was  not  over-generous  with  money.  Only  once  is  recorded  a 
gift  of  money  to  anyone  outside  the  family  :  threepence  to  a  poor 
man  who  called  on  his  travels.  He  bargained  fiercely  with  workmen 
who  served  him.  When  John  Berry,  who  had  done  some  pointing 
on  the  house,  wanted  eightpence  a  day  and  his  meat,  Walkden 
thought  sixpence  a  day  was  enough,  '  because  he  was  an  old  man  '. 
The  final  reckoning  was  3s.  lOd.  He  gave  the  old  man  four  shillings 
and,  when  the  latter  had  only  a  penny  change,  noted  down  the  debt 
of  a  further  penny  to  be  collected  later. 

But  the  dire  need  for  money  partially  explains  this  ;  he  could 
think  and  act  generously,  especially  to  his  family.  He  saw  that  they 
had  decent  clothes  on  their  backs  and  shoes  on  their  feet.  He 
walked  with  his  children  to  school  and,  finding  the  scholars  had 
'barred  out'  Mr.  Nabb  (apparently  a  sort  of  semi-serious  pre- 
holiday  rag),  he  gave  Henry  twopence  to  spend  with  his  master  and 
fellow-scholars.  Coming  home  from  market  he  bought  4  four  torfeys 
for  a  penny  '  for  the  little  girls.  In  the  Diary  he  always  refers  to 
his  wife  as  '  my  love  '. 

He  liked  to  share  at  times  in  cheerful  company  and  once  at  least 
grew  perhaps  too  cheery.  In  September  1729  he  went  as  usual  to 
market  at  Preston — Proud  Preston  as  he  always  called  the  town. 
Having  put  up  his  mare  at  the  Flying  Horse,  he  sold  butter  and 
eggs,  had  a  pint  of  ale,  bargained  for  some  cannel  and  stored  it  in  a 
stable,  had  another  pint  of  ale,  went  to  the  butcher's  to  pay  for  a 
cow  belly  and  feet  he  had  had  in  spring  ;  being  let  off  payment  for 
these  latter  he  bought  a  marrow-bone  and  the  butcher  '  gave  him  a 
treat  '  in  the  Cross  Keys.  Then,  after  buying  half  a  bushel  of  apples, 
some  beef  and  shoes,  and  drinking  another  pint  of  ale,  he  returned 
to  the  Cross  Keys  to  look  for  his  gloves.  Not  finding  them,  he 
bought  others,  also  some  buckles  for  the  children,  with  toffees  and 
plums  and  another  bushel  of  apples,  and  with  his  purchases  girt 
about  himself  and  the  mare,  giving  the  hostler  a  penny  for  helping 
him  to  mount,  he  '  came  direct  home  ',  except,  as  he  mentions,  for 
stopping  for  a  pint  of  ale  drunk  in  the  saddle  at  an  inn-door.  On 
arrival  home  he  found  he  had  forgotten  the  hough  and  one  or  two 
other  items  ;  and  we  may  suspect  that  his  course  was  not  so  direct 
as  he  claimed.  But  farmers  have  often  been  known  to  be  '  market- 
peart  ',  and  at  almost  all  times  he  was  sober  enough  and  ready  at 
the  call  of  man  or  beast  who  needed  his  strength  or  skill,  his  advice 
or  prayers.  An  honest  man  ;  a  working  country  minister. 

KENNETH  W.  WADSWORTII 


Letters  from  Edmund  Bohun  to 
the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  1674-6 

TN  the  last  issue  of  these  Transactions  A.  A.  Brockett  pointed  out 
•*-  that  historians  differed  about  the  effects  of  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  in  March  1673.  Some  of  the  standard 
authorities,  like  Neal  and  Clark,  held  that  persecution  immediately 
broke  out  again  in  full  vigour  ;  more  recently  the  view  has  been 
expressed  that  for  some  time  after  the  withdrawal  the  noncon 
formists  '  continued  to  enjoy  a  considerable  measure  of  immunity  \ 
Mr.  Brockett,  after  quoting  Exeter  records  which  support  the 
earlier  view,  went  on  to  suggest  that  'conflicting  statements  of  this 
kind  can  only  be  resolved  by  collecting  together  detailed  informa 
tion  from  original  records  of  the  years  1673-5  '.  The  letters  printed 
below  are  offered  as  a  small  contribution  to  such  a  collection,  but 
they  can  hardly  be  said  to  resolve  any  conflict.  They  suggest,  in 
deed,  that  very  different  conditions  prevailed  in  different  localities 
at  the  same  time  and  that  no  brief  generalization  is  likely  to  cover 
all  the  varied  repercussions  of  indulgence  and  persecution. 

These  letters,  which  are  printed  from  the  originals  in  the  Tanner 
collection  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  were  written  by  Edmund  Bohun 
(1645-99)  of  Westhall,  Suffolk,  a  somewhat  pedantic  scholar  who 
achieved  some  notoriety  later  in  life  by  a  brief  and  unsuccessful 
career  first  as  licenser  of  the  press  and  then  as  chief  justice  of 
Carolina.  In  his  native  Suffolk  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
popular,  chiefly,  as  his  wife  told  him,  because  of  his  '  over- 
loquacity  \  but  he  made  the  most  of  his  local  contacts,  particularly 
with  William  Sancroft  of  Fressingfield,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  and  later 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Bohun  had  been  brought  up  a  dissenter, 
but  became  an  Anglican,  hating  both  dissent  and  popery,  and  his 
correspondence  with  Sancroft  shows  that  he  became  a  justice  of  the 
peace  with  the  express  purpose  of  suppressing  dissent  in  his  own 
district  of  Suffolk.  In  September  1674  he  wrote  twice  to  Sancroft 
to  explain  that  he  was  prepared  to  sacrifice  his  own  quiet  and 
leisure  to  protect  the  Church,  and  that  he  was  already  employing  an 
agent  to  inform  against  conventicles.1  By  29  September  he  was 
complaining  that  his  industry  in  suppressing  conventicles,  '  those 
nurseries  of  rebellion  and  schisme  ',  had  roused  a  multitude  of 
enemies  ;  that  the  friends  of  the  Church  would  not  assist  him  ;  and 
that  the  position  was  made  so  much  more  difficult  because  the 
king's  intentions  were  wholly  unknown.2  The  first  of  the  letters 
printed  below  belongs  to  this  period  when  Bohun  was  concerned 


1    MS.  Tanner  290,  f.  141. 
8    Ibid,  f.  142. 


125 


126  LETTERS  FROM  EDMUND  BOHUN,  1674-6 

chiefly  as  an  employer  and  organizer  of  informants.  The  other 
letters  relate  to  his  activities  as  a  J.P.,  for  he  received  his  com 
mission  late  in  1674  or  early  in  1675. 

In  many  parts  of  the  country  the  records  of  conventicles  give  a 
picture  of  humble  congregations  easily  entangled  in  the  intricacies 
of  law  and  too  impoverished  or  ignorant  to  employ  any  really  effec 
tive  legal  aid.  Bohun's  letters  show  Suffolk  dissenters  successful 
and  militant  in  this  one  all-important  respect.  With  their  4  united 
purses  '  they  were  able  to  employ  good  counsel  who  made  what 
Bohun  calls  c  nice  and  curious  enquiries '  into  the  Conventicle  Act 
of  1670,  so  that  this  Act,  which  was  such  an  efficient  instrument  of 
repression  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  seemed  to  Bohun  to  be 
full  of  flaws  and  '  starting  holes  '.  Thus  the  vigilance  of  the  lawyers, 
combined  with  Bohun's  personal  unpopularity  and  ineptitude,  led 
to  the  surprising  result  that  the  dissenters  of  Fressingfield  were  able 
to  organise  a  counter-attack  and  at  one  stage  not  only  contrived 
the  arrest  of  the  Dean's  brother  for  trespass,  but  also  the  arrest  of 
the  J.P.,  himself  for  an  illegal  conviction  of  a  dissenter.  The  four 
letters  printed  here  illustrate  the  difficulties  into  which  a  J.P.  could 
get  when  the  dissenters  were  strong  enough  to  accuse  his  informers 
of  perjury  and  to  question  the  accuracy  and  legality  of  his  warrants. 
The  final  letter  of  this  series,  not  printed  here,  contains  a  long 
account,  written  on  17  July  1676,  of  the  case  of  Neuson  v.  Bohun 
at  Bury  assizes  when  the  judge  was  clearly  hostile  to  the  plaintiff 
dissenter,  who  did  not  come  to  hear  the  verdict  and  was  therefore 
non-suited  by  default.  So  in  the  end  Bohun  won  a  limited  victory, 
but  his  two  years  as  a  J.P.,  dedicated  to  suppressing  conventicles 
proved  that  in  Suffolk  this  office  could  be  what  Bohun  himself 
rightly  called  an  unprofitable  and  troublesome  employment. 


I.      (MS.  Tanner  42,  f .  1 29 ) .  7  October  1 674. 

..."  Amongest  many  other  persons  convicted  for  conventicles 
September  the  16th  William  Manning"  a  teacher  and  one  Richard 
Whincope4  who  had  obtained  a  licence  for  his  owne  house  were 
both  fined  20"  a  peece.  And  thereupon  appealed  to  the  sessions  at 
Beccles  October  5th,  and  altho  wee  used  our  utmost  indeavours  to 
prevent  them,  yet  they  retained  Mr.  Henry  Bedingfeild5  the  only 
counsellor  in  these  parts  against  us.  The  shreeves  deputy  here 
was  concerned  also,  and  had  retimed  a  grandjury  sum  of 

J    William    Manning    c.1633-1711    (see    Culamy    Revised),    licensed    at    his 

house  at  Peasenhall,  1672. 
1  Richard  Whincop's  house  at  Spexhall  licensed,  1672  (G.  Lyon  Turner, 

Original  Records,  11.  913). 
"'  Sir  Henry  Hedingfield,  1633-87,  later  (briefly)  chief  justice  of  common 

pleas. 


LETTERS  FROM  EDMUND  BOHUN,  1674-6  127 

which  were  convicted  conventiclers.  And  great  suspition  I  had  of 
the  bench,  so  that  my  fears  and  dangers  were  without  any  alay  or 
mixture  of  comfort,  except  the  goodness  of  the  cause  and  the 
hopes  of  divine  assistance.  But  the  case  beeing  opned  by  their 
counsell  the  whole  bench  fell  on  so  hansomely  that  it  exceeded 
my  wishes.  They  tryed  first  upon  the  matter  of  law,  and  gave  in 
exception,  the  King's  declaration  and  licence,  both  which  were 
over-ruled  by  Sir  Edward  Turner's1'  charge.  And  the  cancelling 
the  former  in  Parliament.  And  so  the  former  sentence  confirmed. 

44  Then  they  had  a  tryall  upon  the  matter  of  fact,  by  a  jury  taken 
out  of  the  grand  inquest  in  which  was  but  three  persons  for  us, 
or  rather  indifferent.  Here  the  convicted  brought  diverse  to  sweare 
there  was  [no  ?]  meetings  at  the  day  and  places  in  the  recorde. 
But  at  last  they  were  offered  to  bee  discharged  and  have  their 
moneys  upon  their  owne  corporall  oathes  that  there  was  no  teach 
ing.  This  they  refused,  and  therby  lost  their  case,  their  credit,  and 
their  freinds.  And  so  the  verdict  passed  against  them,  to  my  great 
contentment  who  had  first  raised  up  the  informers  and  then  assisted 
them  with  much  labour  and  expence.  And  although  I  never 
inten[d]ed  to  reimburse  the  latter  out  of  the  penalties  yet  I  was 
loath  it  should  totally  perish.  This  hath  much  abated  their  fury, 
yet  wee  meet  with  one  difficulty  which  as  much  hindreth  our 
proseedings  (viz)  They  which  have  no  outward  stock  (that  is  all 
traders  in  townes,  most  of  the  teachers)  lock  there  dores  and  will 
suffer  no  distress  to  bee  taken,  neyther  doth  the  statute  (as  the 
Justices  conceive)  allow  them  a  power  to  breake  in  for  that  purpose. 
Now  if  I  could  obtaine  the  directions  of  any  of  the  grave  judges 
under  their  hands  in  this  case  and  a  few  others  (which  [  can  not 
obtaine  but  by  your  means)  I  would  hope  to  worke  a  good  reforma 
tion  in  these  parts." 

II.      (Ib.  f.  204).  28  October  and  3  November  1675. 

44 1  have  been  now  five  days  in  towne  in  order  to  the  rescuing 
two  poore  men  from  ruine  who  ar  convicted  of  perjury  for  in- 
formeing  against  a  conventicle  by  a  bare  nominall  mistake,  and 
that  rather  an  error  of  the  Justices  (as  they  acknowledge)  in  the 
record,  then  of  the  informers.  This  day  I  caused  a  motion  to  bee 
made  in  the  Kings  Bench  for  a  second  tryall  the  case  beeing  plainely 
caried  by  the  partiallity  of  a  picked  jury,  but  I  could  not  obtaine 
it  because  Judge  Ellis7  before  whom  the  case  was  tryed  last  assises 
at  Bury  will  not  certifie  tho  the  verdict  was  poynt  blanck  against 
the  evidence  and  his  instructions  too.  So  that  I  now  see  the  exelent 

6    Sir  Edward  Turner,   1617-76,  lord  chief  baron  of  the  exchequer. 
*   Sir  William  Ellis,    1609-80,  judge  in  the  court  of  common   pleas  from 
1673,  removed  from  the  bench  in   1676  without  reason  assigned. 

9 


128  LETTERS  FROM  EDMUND  BOHUN,  1674-6 

statute  will  bee  of  no  use,  the  puritane  party  beeing  resolved  to 
informe  against  all  their  informers  for  perjury  (as  they  have  told 
mee  to  my  face  at  home)  and  so  to  ruine  them  tho  never  so  innocent 
and  by  the  same  art  might  all  the  other  lawes  of  this  nation  be 
made  impracticable,  if  other  offenders  could  hit  of  this  way,  to 
which  when  they  see  the  success  they  will  bee  shroudly  tempted. 

44 1  intended  to  have  waited  upon  you  in  hopes  to  have  received 
some  good  instructions  for  the  management  of  your  brothers  case, 
who  with  several!  others  is  arrested  for  executeing  a  warrant  of 
mine,  but  upon  what  account  I  know  not  unless  it  bee  for  a  mis 
nomer  cum  constat  dc  persona,  but  overcome  with  vexation  and 
miserably  discomposed  with  a  cold  I  have  gotten  I  am  forced  to 
returne  tomorrow. 

I  have  spent  above  40  li  :  of  my  owne  estate,  to  no  purpose  so 
stitfe  is  the  opposition  of  the  party,  and  so  litle  the  assistance  of 
them  above  mee,  and  as  for  my  equalls  many  of  them  have  been 
my  bitterest  opposers,  so  that  for  the  future  I  must  bee  as  moderate 
as  the  rest  upon  paine  of  beeing  ruined  .  .  .  " 

III.      (16.  f.  218) .  24  January  1675/6. 

44  The  action  upon  which  your  brother"  and  six  other  officers  of 
Fresingfeild  ar  arrested,  is  onely  an  act  of  trespass  layd  at  Fresing- 
feild  for  takeing  driveing  and  deteyning  3  cowes  of  Neusons  upon 
the  first  of  June  last.  The  case  is  shortly  thus  :  May  the  8th  last, 
John  Freeston  and  Robert  Barber1  convicted  before  me  a  con 
venticle  held  the  XIth  of  April  before,  at  the  house  of  Widdow 
Stallery  in  Fresingfeild  at  which  were  present  50  persons,  of  which 
they  named  about  27  persons,  but  not  this  Neuson.  The  22  of  the 
same  May  Robert  Woulnough  of  the  same  towne  upon  oath  added 
5  or  6  more  and  amongest  them  this  person  who  is  the  plantife,  by 
the  name  of  Neuson  without  any  Christian  name  at  all,  for  it  was 
unknowen  to  him.  One  of  the  officers  comeing  to  my  house  a  day 
or  two  after  the  warrant  for  leving  of  the  penalties  beeing  X11  5s. 
was  drawen  but  with  blankes  for  his  Christian  name  which  beeing 
willing  to  fill  up,  I  asked  that  officer  what  his  name  was  and  hee 
told  mee  it  was  John.  But  not  longe  after  going  to  Fresingfeild, 
viz  June  5,  this  Neuson  amongest  others  came  before  and  certified 
that  his  name  was  not  John,  but  finding  hee  was  the  person  (for 
there  was  no  other  of  that  surname  in  the  towne)  I  told  him  that 
would  not  excuse  him,  unless  hee  could  disprove  the  thing,  but 
hee  not  beeing  able  to  doe  that,  I  caled  for  the  warrants  and  caused 

*    Presumably  Thomas,  the  Dean's  elder  brother. 

;l    Most  of  these  local  names  may  be  identified  with  inhabitants  of  Pressing- 
field  listed  in  Suffolk  Hearth  7<a  1674  (Suffolk  Green  Books  XI,  Vol.  13). 


LETTERS  FROM  EDMUND  BOHUN,  1674-6  129 

John  to  bee  put  out  and  Samuell  to  bee  put  in,  which  hee  had  told 
mee  was  his  right  name,  the  catell  were  then  in  the  custody  of  the 
officers,  and  soone  after  redeemed  by  a  relation  of  the  said  Neusons 
and  the  money  payd,  who  never  appealed  nor  anywaies  denied  the 
fact  that  I  remember.  Here  is  two  things  pretended,  first  that  hee 
was  not  lawfully  convicted,  which  concernes  mee,  secondly  that  the 
officers  have  no  justification  from  the  warrant  by  reason  of  the 
misnomer.  Now  it  is  further  to  bee  considered  that  this  person  was 
newly  com  into  their  towne  and  had  never  borne  any  office,  so  that 
his  Christian  name  (if  hee  hath  any)  was  totally  unknowen  to  any 
of  them,  and  of  his  surname  there  was  no  other,  as  I  said,  in  the 
towne,  the  distress  therefore  beeing  taken  ere  the  error  was  knowen 
I  did  not  conceive  it  necessary  to  alter  any  thing  but  the  warrant. 

"  I  have  stated  the  cause  as  cleerly  as  I  can  and  as  truely,  and  I 
shall  humbly  desire  you  would  by  a  letter  signifie  to  mee  the 
judgements  of  such  whom  you  shall  thinke  fitt  to  advise  with  in 
the  same  in  relation  to  both  the  objections.  They  had  made  mee  a 
party  with  the  officers,  but  I  would  not  permitt  my  selfe  to  be 
arrested,  and  so  my  cause  will  come  single.  Their  attorney  is  Mr. 
Edward  Nelson  of  Barnards  Inrj,  who  will  bee  at  London  this 
latter  end  of  the  terme  and  wait  upon  you  with  the  declaration  if 
you  command  it.  I  have  ordered  him  to  plead  the  generall  issue 
according  to  the  act." 

IV.      (16.  f.  223).     7  March  1675/6. 

''  The  treuth  is  foreseeing  I  was  the  onely  witness  the  officers 
could  have,  I  had  avoided  an  arrest  and  declined  the  being  made  a 
party  in  this  action,  which  is  pretended  by  the  plainctife  as  the  cause 
why  hee  would  not  trie  his  action  this  assises,  the  reall  one  beeing 
that  hee  durst  not  bring  it  before  my  Lord  Cheif  Barron  Turner.1" 
1  have  in  the  interim  been  arrested  on  the  like  account  by  another 
person,  and  I  and  all  the  rest  of  the  Justices  are  threatened  by 
them  with  the  like  usage  on  every  conviction,  telling  us  that  besides 
the  major  part  of  the  country  they  have  eleaven  of  the  twelve  judges 
their  freinds,  which  tho  I  believe  not,  yet  this  and  the  trouble  and 
charge  I  have  mett  with,  hath  so  discouraged  other  Justices  that 
they  will  lend  mee  no  assistance  in  the  plainest  instances,  so  that 
unless  I  will  bee  ruined  by  a  potent  combined  faction  I  must  desist. 

14  They  have  found  out  lawyers  also  who  have  made  such  nice 
and  curious  inquiries  into  this  Act  and  have  picked  out  so  many 
flawes  and  opned  so  many  starting  holes,  that  no  man  liveing  can 
execute  it,  but  with  the  hazard  of  loosing  more  than  the  offenders, 
their  fines  beeing  limited  and  ours  at  the  mercy  of  an  inraged  enimy 

'    Turner   died    on   circuit   at   Bedford   three   days   before   this   letter  was 
written. 


130  LHTTERS  FROM  EDMUND  BOHUN,  1674-6 

or  of  men  as  bad  as  such.  So  that  I  will  venture  to  say  his  Majesty 
can  never  have  this  law  executed  to  any  purpose  till  the  Act  bee 
amended  or  at  least  expounded  by  the  judges,  and  unless  nee  bee 
pleased  to  allow  the  magistrates  at  least  halfe  his  part  of  the 
penalties  to  beare  the  charges  that  attend  it,  which  ar  very  great. 
[  shall  add  but  one  thing  more  and  that  is  to  take  a  part  of  us  into 
his  check-roll  and  so  free  us  from  all  actions  on  this  account  onely, 
which  favour  if  I  might  obtaine  without  charge,  1  would  yet  humble 
their  swelling  pride  notwithstanding  their  united  purses,  and  make 
them  pay  more  respect  to  his  sacred  Majesty,  the  Church  and  the 
Lawes.  But  these  beeing  the  fancies  of  my  owne  head  ar  wholly 
submitted  to  your  wisdome  and  conduct." 

I.  G.  PHILIP 


Notes  on  Our  Contemporaries 

The  Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England.  Volume'  xi, 
No.  3  (May  1958)  includes  an  account  by  the  late  R.  S.  Robson  of  the 
English  Presbyterian  Churches  in  Newcastle-upon-Tyne— there  are  a  number 
of  Congregational  references. 

The  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society.  Volume  xi,  No.  3 
(October  1957)  includes  a  translation  of  the  Polish  treatise,  referred  to  in 
Volume  xi,  No.  2,  which  gives  an  interesting  glimpse  of  one  of  the  many 
radical  movements  on  the  'Left  wing'  of  the  Continental  Reformation. 
Roger  Thomas  :  '  Presbyterians,  Congregationals  and  the  Test  and  Cor 
poration  Acts ',  raises  several  problems  regarding  the  Congregational 
attitude  to  occasional  conformity.  Have  Congregational  historians  been 
anxious  not  to  '  meddle  '  with  the  problem  ? 

The  Journal  of  the  Friends'  Historical  Society.  Volume  xlviii.  No.  5  (Spring 
1958)  :  Roger  Thomas  on  correspondence  between  William  Penn  and 
Richard  Baxter.  No.  6  (Autumn  1958)  :  W.  H.  Marwick's  'Some  Quaker 
Firms  of  the  19th  Century  '. 

The  Baptist  Quarterly.  Volume  xvii,  No.  5  (January  1958)  :  'The  office  of 
"Messenger"  amongst  the  British  Baptists  in  the  17th  and  18th  centuries' 
by  J.  F.  V.  Nicholson.  No.  6  (April  1958)  carries  a  sketch  by  E.  A.  Payne 
of  the  history  of  the  Christian  Ministry  ;  '  The  Lord's  Supper  :  Admission 
and  Exclusion  among  the  Baptists  of  the  17th  century '  by  E.  P.  Winter. 
No.  7  (July  1958)  :  Gordon  Rupp  on  'The  Importance  of  Denominational 
History ' ;  '  A  note  on  Baptist  Beginnings  in  Bristol '  by  A.  G.  Hamlin. 
No.  8  (October  1958):  Dr.  Thomas  Richards'  'Some  disregarded  sources 
of  Baptist  History '.  Volume  xviii,  No.  1  (January  1959)  includes  a  valuable 
description  of  '  Some  notable  contributions  to  research  in  Anabaptist 
history  and  thought '  by  W.  Klaasen.  No.  2  (April  1959)  :  *  Baptists  and 
the  Ministry'  by  K.  C.  Dykes,  examining  developments  over  the  past  150 
years. 

Proceedings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society.  Volume  xxxi,  Part  5  (March 
1958).  The  Editor  contributes  a  study  of  19th-century  Liturgy,  "The 
Sunday  Service  of  the  Methodists ',  completed  in  Part  6  (June  1958).  Part  6 
contains  a  study  by  J.  H.  S.  Kent  of  Jabez  Bunting,  continued  in  Part  7, 
and  concluded  in  Volume  xxxii,  Part  1  (March  1959). 


The  Cotton  End  Academy  Students 

(A  general  account  of  the  Academy  appeared  in  the  previous  issue 
of  the  Transactions) 

In  the  following  alphabetical  list  the  name  of  the  student  is  given  first, 
followed,  if  applicable,  by  his  date  at  Cotton  End  from  Frost's  list,  e.g. 
'  C.E.  1856'.  Details  of  the  commencement  of  pastorates  are  then  given  in 
chronological  sequence,  followed  by  the  date  of  death,  and  a  reference 
to  the  obituary  notice  if  one  has  been  traced. 

Abbreviations 

In  addition  to  the  usual  English  geographical  abbreviations  the  following 
abbreviations  are  used  in  the  list  : 

Aust.  ...  Australia. 

C.E.  ...  Cotton  End. 

Committee  Committee  of  Home  Missionary  Society. 

C.Y.B.  ...  Congregational   Year  Book. 

E.M.  ...  Evangelical  Magazine. 

K.M.C.  ...  Home  Missionary  Society  Committee  Minutes. 

L.M.S.  ...  London  Missionary  Society. 

L.M.S.E.C.  London  Missionary  Society  Examination  Committee  Minutes. 

N.S.W.  ...  New  South  Wales. 

N.Z.  ...  New  Zealand. 

Obit.  ...  Obituary  Notice. 

Retd.  ...  Retired. 

Viet.  ...  Victoria. 

W.P.C.  ...  Without  pastoral  charge. 

ASHTON,    JOHN   PERKINS.   C.E.    1858.   University  College  and   Edinburgh 
Theological  Hall  previously.  M.A.  L.M.S.  India.  1859-1900   Died  1915  aged 
78.  Obit.  C.Y.B.   1917.  L.M.S.  Register  No.  554.  Portrait  at  L.M.S. 
AULT,  EBENEZER.  C.E.  1859.  Lyme  Regis,  1860.  Oakham,  1866.  Clavering, 
Essex,  1870.  Retd,  1890.  Died  1910  aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B    1911. 
AVERY,  GEORGE.  C.E.    1870.  Newmarket,   1873.  Shanklin,   1878.   Dorking, 
1886.  Newport,  Isle  of  Wight,  1903.  Retd.  1906.  Died  1937  aged  90    Obit. 
C.Y.B.  1939  with  portrait. 

AXFORD,  WILLIAM.  Castle  Donington,  Leics.  1855.  Clayton  West,  Yorks., 
1857.  Lyme  Regis,  1865.  Manchester  (Collyhirst  St.),  1868  Peasley  Cross, 
St.  Helens,  1870.  W.P.C.  1874.  Died  1878  aged  54.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1880. 

BAKER,  THOMAS.  C.E.  1845.  Brentford,  W.  Canada,  1847  Simcoe,  West 
Canada,  1852.  Newmarket,  West  Canada,  1853.  W.P.C.  1863.  Died  1887 
aged  90.  Listed  in  C.Y.B.  1888  but  no  obit. 

BALL,  WILLIAM  SPENCER.  C.E.  1841.  Cadenham,  Hants.,  1845.  llavant, 
1846.  Stainland,  Yorks.,  1853.  Newton-le-Willows,  1856  Died  1861  aced  46 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1862. 

BARNARD,  ROBERT.  C.E.  1854.  High  Easter,  Essex,  1854-91  Retd  1891. 
Died  1908,  aged  84.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1910. 

BASLE Y,  JOHN.  C.E.  1840.  Spettisbury,  Dorset,  1845.  East  Cowes  1847. 
London  (Wardour  St.),  1855.  Bushey,  Herts.,  1864.  W.P.C.  1880'.  Died 
1882,  aged  64.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1883. 

BATER,  STEPHEN.  C.E.  1852.  Broadwinsor,  Dorset,  1855.  W.P.C  for  ill- 
health,  1863.  Bishop's  Hull,  Som.,  1865.  Marden,  Kent,  1873  Cuckfield, 
1878.  W.P.C.  1884.  Died  1899,  aged  74.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1900. 

9  +  131 


132  THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS 

BEALE    JOSEPH.  C.E.    1872.  Othery,  Som.,   1874.  Beer  and  Seaton,   1892. 

Retd.   1919.  Died   1934,  aged  85.  Obit.  C.Y.B.   1935  with  portrait. 

BECKLEY,   FREDERICK.   C.E.    1845.   Margate  (Cecil  St.),    1848.   Sherborne, 

Dorset,    1856.  Bath  (Vineyards  Chapel),   1878.  Upwey,  Dorset,   1884.  Died 

1889,  aged  68.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1890. 

BERRIDGE,    CHARLES    H.    C.E.    1853.    On    Frost's   reporting    it   doubtful 

whether  Berridge  could  with  adequate  success  pursue  his  studies  Berridge 

withdrew  from  C.E..  1854. 

BEVIS,    HENRY    J.    C.E.    1860.    Mevagissey,    1866.    W.P.C.    1868.    Entered 

Episcopal  Church  of  Canada,  1870. 

BIRMINGHAM,   — .    C.E.    Church    Book    8.9.1858    (but   not   Frost's   list) 

records  Birmingham  as  student  under  Frost.  Subsequent  history  unknown. 

BISHOP,  J.  L.  M.  C.E.  1863.  Had  had  previous  training  but  on  completion 

of  his  course  at  C.E.  the  Society  could  not  place  him,  and  approved  his 

seeking  a  sphere  of  labour  beyond  the  ambit  of  their  operations,  Jan.  1864. 

BLACK,  JAMES.  C.E.  1850.  Left  C.E.  1853.  Aspatria,  Cumb.,  1853.  Malmes- 

bury,  1859.  Retd.  1879.  Died  1916,  aged  92.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1917. 

BLANDFORD,    THOMAS.    C.E.    1847.    Oakham,    1850.    Herne    Bay,    1855. 

Westgate-on-Sea,    1883.    Retd.    1890.    Died    1902,    aged    75.    Obit.    C.Y.B. 

1904  with  portrait. 

BL1GH    JOHN.  C.E.  1843.  Gt.  Bourton,  Oxon.,  1845.  Brandsburton,  Yorks., 

1852.  Hay,  Brecon  (English  Church),  1854.  Ombersley,  Worcs.,  1857.  W.P.C. 

but  in   connection   with  Trinity  Cong.  Church,   Mile  End,  London,    1860. 

Died  1878.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1880. 

BREW1N,   — .   C.E.   Church   Book   8.9.1858   (but  not  Frost's   list)  records 

Brewin  as  student  under  Frost.  Subsequent  history  unknown. 

BROOKS,    JONAH.    C.E.    1845.    Puckeridge    and    Braughing,    Herts.,    1847. 

Spettisbury   Dorset,  1852.  Entered  Anglican  Church,  1854. 

BROWNJOHN,  G.  W.  C.E.  1860.  Redcar,  1863.  Hingham,  Norfolk,  1865. 

Milborne  Port   Som.    1868.  Witney,  1881.  To  U.S.A.  1886. 

BUCKLER,  WILLIAM  DAVID.  C.E.  1843.  Committee  on  31.10.1843  resolved 

that  Buckler  '  should  leave  C.E.  as  soon  as  practicable  in  consequence  of 

his  incompetency  to  acquire  knowledge  '. 

BULLIVANT,    J.    W.    C.E.    1867.    Walsingham,    1868.    W.P.C.    1870.    To 

U.S.A.  1872. 

BULMER,   GEORGE.   C.E.    1841.   Chalvey,   Bucks.,    1847.   Overton,   Hants., 

1850.    Burnham,    Bucks.,    1861.    Witney,    1864.    W.P.C.    1871.    Died    1879, 

aged  67.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1881. 

BUTLER    CHARLES  WESLEY.  C.E.   1867.  Weston-super-Mare  College  later. 

Pocklington,  Yorks.,    1869.  Eastwood,  Notts.,   1874.  W.P.C.    1890.   Penrith, 

1893.  Entered  Free  Christian  Church,  1910. 


CAMM,  JOHN  THOMAS.  C.E.  1858.  Affetside,  Bury,  Lanes.,  1858.  Stockport 

(Wellington   Rd.),    1861.  Teaching   at   Blackpool,    1880.   Golborne,   Lanes., 

1885.  Died  1899,  aged  64.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1900. 

CAY,  ALFRED.  C.E.  1853. 

CHALKLEY,  G.  C.E.  1869.  Changed  his  views  on  baptism,  left  C.E.  April 

1871,  and  became  an  evangelist  at  Bishop's  Stortford. 

CHENEY,  JAMES.  C.E.    1840.  Broadwinsor,  Dorset,   1841.   Portland,   1854. 

Died  1863,  aged  57.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1864. 

COATES,  ISAAC.  C.E.  1857.  In  July  1857  Frost  reported  to  the  Committee 

that  Coates'  health  had  broken  down  and  there  was  little  prospect  of  his 

being  able  for  labour.  The  Committee's  meeting  on   10.3.1858  heard  that 

Coates  had  just  died. 


THK  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS  133 

CORKE,  RICHARD  JOHN.  C.E.  1868.  Frodingham,  Yorks.,  1872.  Beeford, 
Yorks.,  1875.  Burley-in- Wharf edale,  1881.  Retd.  1901.  Died  1912,  aged  66! 

COWAN,  W.  C.E.  1861.  Hemsby,  Norfolk,  1864.  Wells,  Norfolk  1867 
Entered  Irish  Church  1873. 

COX,  FRANCIS  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1850.  Market  Weighton,  Yorks,  1853  Ade 
laide,  S.  Aust.  (Rundle  St.),  1858.  Adelaide  (Hindmarsh  Sq.),  1866  Died 
1904,  aged  87.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1905  with  portrait.  Chairman  of  Cong  Union 
of  S.  Aust.  1859  and  1872  and  Secretary  1865-79.  Author  of  The  History  of 
Congregationalism  in  South  Australia. 

CROSS,  HENRY.  C.E.  1851.  St.  Austell,  1853.  Brixham,  1856.  Knaiesborough 
1869.  Retd.  1896.  Died  1904,  aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1905. 

DAVIS,   JOHN   TEASDALE.   C.E.    1847.   Knowle,   Som.,    1850.   Epping,    1854. 

Retd.  1882.  Died  1901,  aged  80.  Listed  as  deceased  in  C.Y.B.  1902  without 

obit. 

DEEKES  (or  DEEX),  WILLIAM  HENRY.  C.E.  1862. 

DEV1NE,  JOHN.  C.E.   1855.  Walsingham,   1857.  Wymondham    Leics.,   1861. 

Turvey,  Beds.,   1867.  Weedon,  Northants.,  1873.  Died  1875    aged  44    Obit 

C.Y.B.  1876. 

DURRANT,  R.  P.  C.E.  1858. 

EDWARDS,  WILLIAM   SPENCER.  C.E.    1841.   Brighton  (London   Rd.)  1845 

London    (City    Rd.),    1850.    Bath    (Vineyards    Chapel),    1861.    Lewes,  1868. 

London  (Arundel  Sq.),  1876.  W.P.C.  1880.  Died  1884,  aged  64.  Obit. 
C.Y.B.  1885. 

FINCH,    EBENEZER    WHITING.     C.E.     1846.     Wollaston,    Northants.,    1847. 
Portishead,    1851.   Gt.   Chesterford,   Cambs.,    1855.   Tunbridge,    1857.    Ham 
mersmith  (Ebenezer),   1860.  Does  not  appear  in  C.Y.B.  after   1863. 
FISHER,    FREDERICK    WILLIAM.    Mendlesham     Suffolk,    1851.    Halesowen 
1854.  Boston,  1859.  Died  1866,  aged  39.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1867. 
FRANKS.    WILLIAM    JAMES.   C.E.    1861.    Redcar,    1865.    Retd.    1902.    Died 
1927,  aged  89.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1928  with  portrait. 

G ANTHONY,  CHARLES.  C.E.  1844.  Committee  agreed  that  he  could  go  to 

Cotton    End   for   three   months   on   condition    that   his   father   paid   all    the 

expenses  of  his  board  and  education,  20.2.1844. 

GRAFFTY   (or  GRAFFTEY),   GEORGE.  C.E.    1842.    Brassington,   Derbys., 

1848.  Graffty  had  friction  with  the  Society  in  1848  and  1849  because  at  first 

he   wanted    to    keep   a    boarding-school   and   on   permission   for   this   being 

refused  he  taught  at  a  day-school.  He  appears  to  have  given  up  the  ministry 

shortly  afterwards. 

GRANT,   — .    C.E.   Church    Book   8.9.1858    (but   not   Frost's   list)   records 

Grant  as  student  under  Frost.  Subsequent  history  unknown. 

GRAY,  JOHN.  C.E.  1854. 

GREIG,  GEORGE.  Ollerton,  Notts.,  1852.  Brynmawr,  Mon.,  1856.  Resigned 

from  ill-health  1860. 

GREIG,  W.  C.E.  1868. 

GURNEY,    JOHN.    C.E.    1841.    Had    originally   been    turned   down    by   the 

Society  in  1840  because  of  entire  want  of  education. 

HALL,  EDWARD.  C.E.  1872.  Left  C.E.  early  in  1873  because  his  eyes  were 
not  strong  enough  for  study  and  the  doctor  advised  him  to  give  up  reading 
closely. 


134  THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS 

HARCUS,    WILLIAM.    C.E.    1845.    Loughborough,    1848.    Doncaster,    1851. 

Liverpool    (Toxteth    Park),    1854.    Clayton    Chapel,    Kensington,    S.    Aust., 

1860-65.  Became  a  journalist.  Died  in  Aust.   1876,  aged  53. 

HETHERINGTON,  J.  C.E.  1858. 

HILL,  JAMES  ORMOND  (or  ORMEROD).  C.E.  1844.  Tideswell,  Derbys.,  1846. 

Merthyr  Tydfil   (Market  Square),    1848.  Eignbrook,   Hereford,    1860.   Died 

1887   aged  68.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1888. 

HORSCRAFT,    DANIEL.   C.E.    1844.   Waytown,    Bridport,    1846.    Hingham, 

Norfolk,  1849.  Burton-on-Trent,  1852.  Bourne,  Lines.,  1857.  New  Hampton, 

Middx.,  1869.  Died  1876,  aged  60.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1877. 

HOSK1N,  RICHARD.  C.E.    1854.   Potton,  Beds.,   1854.  Died   1885,  aged  64. 

Obit.  C.Y.B.  1886.     (1) 

HOWDEN,  GUSTAVUS  G.  C.E.  1857.  Corfe  Castle,  1859.  Gawler,  S.  Aust., 

1862.  Burwood,  N.S.W.,   1863.  Kew,  Viet.,  1884.  Died  at  Kew,  1894,  aged 

58.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1896.  For  18  years  Sec.  of  Cong.  Union  of  N.S.W.  and  its 

chairman  in   1871-72.  Chairman  of  Viet.  Cong.  Union   1889-90. 

HOYTE,  J.  J.  C.E.  1856. 

HURST,  JOSIAS.  C.E.  Jan.   1858.  Received  by  Frost  in  error.  In  July  the 

examiners  considered  Hurst  unsatisfactory  and  he  left  C.E. 

HUTCH  IN  (or  HUTCHINS),  JOHN.  C.E.  1851.  Frodingham,  Yorks.,  1854. 

Lenham,   Kent,   1867.  Newport,  Essex,   1878.  Retd.    1888.  Died    1892,  aged 

67.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1893. 


INGHAM,  WILLIAM  DHNMAN.  C.E.  1841.  Jarrow,  1845.  Pembridge,  Here 
ford,  1846.  Repton,  1863.  Leintwardine,  Hereford,  1867.  Died  1887,  aged 
74.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1888. 

INGRAM,  JAMES  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1871.  N.  Tawton,  Devon,  1874.  Poyle, 
Bucks.,  1878.  Lynton,  1884.  llford  (Christ  Church),  1895.  Enfield  (Baker  St.), 
1905.  Rctd.  1910.  Died  1921,  aged  74.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1922. 


JEFFERSON,  JOHN.  C.E.  1865.  Mickleby,  Yorks.,  1867.  Whittington  Moor, 
Derbys.,  1881.  Then  W.P.C.  for  some  years.  Birstall,  Leeds,  1901.  Retd. 
1905.  Died  1928.  aged  85.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1929. 

JELLY,  W.  C.E.    1860.  Still  there   1.8.1862.  (C.E.  Church   Book).  Possibly 
the  W.  Jelly  dismissed  from  the  C.E.  church  to  Hitchin  in  1872. 
JOHNSON,   THOMAS.   C.E.    1843.   Fovant,   Wilts.,    1845.   Tamworth,    1847. 
Hinckley,    1853.   Maryborough,   Viet.,    1859.    Bourke   St.,    Sydney,   N.S.W., 
1861.  W.P.C.   1884.  Died  in  Aust.   1895,  aged  78.  Obit.  C.Y.B.   1897. 
JONES,  JOHN.  C.E.  1851.  Previously  at  Fakenham  Seminary.  Accepted  for 
L.M.S.    1852.   South   Seas,    1853-90.   Sydney,  N.S.W.   (Hunter's   Hill),    1891. 
W.P.C.   1897.  L.M.S.  South  Seas,   1901.  Died   1908,  aged  79.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 
1909.  L.M.S.  Register  No.  525.  Portrait  at  L.M.S. 
JONES,  J.  C.E.  1858.  Probably  Samuel  Jones,  see  below. 
JONES,  JOHN  LEWIS.  C.E.  1862. 

JONES,  SAMUEL.  At  C.E.  early  1858.  Market  Weighton,  1861.  Gosport, 
(New  Meeting),  1866.  Slough,  1870.  Finchingfield,  Essex,  1881.  Died  1883, 
aged  46.  Obit.  C.Y.B  1884. 


KNIGHT,  JOHN.  C.E.  1853.  On  7.6.1853  'Mr.  John  Knight  now  a 
Methodistical  minister  in  Weymouth  '  was  accepted  by  the  C.E.  Committee 
as  suitable  for  Home  Mission  work.  In  November  1853  he  was  supplying 
at  Gt.  Easton  while  continuing  under  instruction  with  Frost. 
KNIGHT.  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1840.  Tamworth,  1842.  Aspatria,  1846.  Chalvey, 
Bucks.,  1849.  Egham.  1856.  Littlehampton.  1861.  Resigned  1881.  Died 
1892,  aged  79.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1894. 


THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS  135 

KYTE.  THOMAS.  C.E.  1870.  Langport,  1874.  Kadina,  S.  Aust.,  1879  Perth, 
W.  Aust.  (Trinity  Church),  1885.  Mt.  Lofty,  S.  Ausl.,  1889.  Died  in  Aust. 
1909,  aged  65.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1910. 


LENNOX,  WILLIAM   MARSHALL.  C.E.  1857.  Hythe,  1858.  Tonbridge,   I860. 

Ware,    1865.    Mansfield,    1868.   Cheltenham,    1875-86.   Sec.   of  Countess   of 

Huntingdon    Connexion    and    of    Cheshunt    College     1887-99.    Died    1906, 

aged  76.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1907. 

LITTLEMORE,  GEORGE  JAMES.  C.E.  1869.  Curry  Rivel,  Som.,  1872.  South- 

wark  (Colliers'  Rents),    1878.  Burwood,  Sydney,  N.S.W.,   1885.  Strathfield, 

N.S.W.,  1889.  Retd.  1923.  Died  in  Aust.  1929,  aged  81. 

LOCK,  GEORGE.  C.E.  1848.  Alford,  Lines.,  1850.  Hingham,  Norfolk,  1852. 

Knowle,   Som.,    1855.   Alderton,   Suffolk,    1860.  Cleckheaton,   Yorks.,    1865. 

Halifax  (Range  Bank),  1872.  Retd.  1880.  Died  1915,  aged  89.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 

1916. 


MACKAY,  D.  C.E.  1865. 

MACKAY,  HUGH.  C.E.  1842.  Liskeard,  1846.  Committee  minutes  of 
23.7.1849  refer  to  the  late  Mr.  McKay  of  Liskeard. 

MACKAY,  WILLIAM  DAVIDSON.  From  British  Guiana.  C.E.  1869.  To 
Cheshunt,  autumn  1869,  for  four-year  course.  His  death  reported  in  1871 
Annual  Report  of  Cheshunt  College. 

MAIN,  THOMAS.  C.E.    1866.  Sandon,  Herts.,   1867.  Sheffield  (Burngreave), 
1873.  Died  1878,  aged  35.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1879. 
MALSON,  J.  C.E.  1860. 

MASON,  JOSEPH.  C.E.  1853.  Loughborough,  1855.  Died  1871,  aged  44. 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1872. 

MATHER,  HENRY.  C.E.  1841.  Reported  unsatisfactory  by  Frost,  April  1842. 
Left  C.E.  but  granted  £5  by  the  Society  to  defray  his  expenses. 
MATSON,  WILLIAM  TIDD.  C.E.  1858.  Havant,  1858.  Gosport  (Old  Meeting), 
1863.  Sleaford,  1871.  Rothwell,  Northants.,  1873.  Portsmouth  (Highbury), 
1879.  Portsmouth  (Sarisbury  Green),  1885.  Retd.  1897.  Died  1899,  aged  66. 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1901  with  portrait.  Famous  as  hymn-writer — see  Congrega 
tional  Praise  Nos.  224,  378,  415,  456  and  758. 

MAXWELL,  JOSEPH  TOWNSEND.  C.E.  1868.  East  Grinstead,  1871.  Over, 
Ches.,  1875.  Plymouth  (Union  Chapel),  1886.  Retd.  1909  for  family  and 
health  reasons.  Associated  with  Park  Chapel,  Crouch  End,  London  later. 
Died  1924,  aged  81.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1925  with  portrait. 

METCALF,  ENOS.  C.E.  1841.  Lincoln  (High  St.),  1844.  Retd.  1886.  Died 
1899,  aged  86.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1900. 

MOORE,  THOMAS.  C.E.  1854.  Margate,  1857.  Entered  Anglican  Church 
1862. 

MORRISON,  ARCHIBALD.  C.E.  1848.  Waytowa,  Dorset,  1850.  Puckeridge 
and  Braughing,  Herts.,  1853.  Abbot's  Roothing,  Essex,  1860.  Richmond, 
Yorks..  1866.  Tosside,  Nr.  Bradford,  Yorks.,  1871.  Hundon,  Suffolk,  1876. 
Retd.  1880.  Died  1911.  Listed  in  C.Y.B.  1912  without  details  of  age  and 
without  obit. 


NELSON,  JAMES.  C.E.  1859.  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  later  M.A.  (Dublin). 
Hyson  Green,  Notts.,  1861-62.  Throat  infection  and  out  of  ministry  for 
some  years.  Mixenden,  Yorks.,  1882.  Nottingham  (Boulevard),  1884.  Donagh- 
more,  Co.  Tyrone,  1890.  Bradford,  Yorks.  (Horton  Bank  Top),  1891. 
Narborough,  Leics.,  1896.  Retd.  1906.  Died  1913,  aged  81.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1914. 


136  THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS 

NEWTpN,  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1845.  There  was  also  an  E.  T.  Newton  whom 
the  Society  sent  to  C.E.  on  probation  for  three  months  in  September  1845. 
This  latter  may  be  Edward  J.  Newton  who  had  various  Congregational 
pastorates  and  died  1892. 

NICHOLLS,  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1842.  Langport,  Som.,  (?)1844.  Brighton,  S. 
Aust.,  1849.  During  period  1859  onwards  held  brief  pastorates  at  Salisbury, 
Brighton  and  Kensington,  S.  Aust.,  but  as  obit,  says  '  Mr.  Nicholls  devoted 
himself  chiefly  to  teaching,  and  many  of  the  sons  of  the  older  colonists 
passed  through  his  hands  after  their  schooldays  were  over'.  Died  1877, 
aged  61.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1878. 


OXFORD,  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1855. 


PARTNER,  RICHARD.  C.E.  1864.  Abbot's  Roothing,  Essex,  1867.  Belfast 
(Clifton  Park),  1879.  Plaistow,  London  (Union  Church),  1880.  Felsted, 
Essex,  1903.  Retd.  1907.  Died  1923,  aged  84.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1925  with  portrait. 
PERFECT,  HENRY.  C.E.  1847.  Aspatria,  Cumb.,  1850.  Dunstable,  1852. 
Witney,  1853.  Wigton,  Cumb.,  1858.  Silloth,  Cumb.,  1863.  Barnard  Castle, 
1872.  Kirkby  Stephen,  Westmorland,  1886.  Retd.  1888.  Died  1901,  aged  78. 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1903. 

PHIPSON.  THOMAS.  C.E.  1841.  March  1841  Frost  reported  unfavourably  on 
Phipson's    '  censorious    spirit,    the    views   he   entertains   on    the   subject   of 
baptism,    the    pastoral    office    and    Sunday    Schools '.    Phipson    thereupon 
withdrew  his  offer  of  service  with  the  Society. 
PILBROW,  J.  C.E.  1868. 

POOLE,  THOMAS.  C.E.  1843.  Hornsea,  Yorks.,  1845.  Lymington,  Hants., 
1871.  Twickenham,  1884.  Retd.  1891.  Died  1912,  aged  89.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1913. 
POTTS,  CUTHBERT  YOUNG.  C.E.  1855.  Westerham,  Kent,  1856.  Ombersley, 
Worcs.,  1860.  Ledbury,  1867.  Retd.  1907.  Died  1909,  aged  84.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 
1910.  Was  son  of  a  naval  officer  who  had  been  present  at  Trafalgar. 
PURDON,  DAVID  WATSON.  C.E.  1855.  Guisborough,  Yorks.,  1857.  Hinck- 
ley,  Leics.,  1865.  Thame,  1868.  W.P.C.  1870.  Wolverhampton  (Queen  St.) 
Missions),  1876-93.  English  Reformed  Church  (Congregational),  Hamburg, 
1882-83.  Cheboque,  Nova  Scotia,  1893.  Kingsport,  Nova  Scotia,  1902. 
Retd.  1906.  Died  1918,  aged  87.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1920. 


R10RDAN,  JOHN.  C.E.  1868.  New  College,  London,  later.  L.M.S.  Madagas 
car,  1873-78.  Brill,  Bucks.,  1879.  Winslow,  Bucks.,  1881.  Sheerness  (Alma 
Rd.),  1888.  Lenham,  Kent,  1900.  Newent,  Glos.,  1902.  Winslow  Bucks., 
1904.  Retd.  1914.  Died  1916,  aged  68.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1917.  L.M.S.  Register 
No.  698. 

ROBERTS,  EDWARD.  C.E.   1859.  Western  College,  1864-67.  Knowle,  Som., 
1860.    Stonehouse,    Devon,    1864.    Braunton,    Devon,    1867.    New    Maiden, 
Surrey,   1886.  Retd.   1890.  Died  1914,  aged  78.  Obit.  C.Y.B.   1915. 
ROBINSON,  JOSEPH.  C.E.  1842.  Greenbank,  Derbys.,  1845.  Ivybridge,  1845. 
Merthyr  Tydfil,  1845.  Resigned  from  ill-health,  1847. 

ROB  JOHNS,  JAMES  NELSON.  C.E.  1845.  Spettisbury,  Dorset,  1848.  Wymond- 
ham,  Leics.,  1851.  Narborough,  Leics.,  1860.  W.P.C.  1892.  Died  1897,  aged 
72.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1898. 

ROGERS,  THOMAS.  C.E.  1868.  Cheshunt  College  later.  L.M.S.  Madagascar, 
1873-78.  Holt,  Wilts.,  1879.  Honiton,  1883.  In  1896  went  to  Aust.  for  health. 
Gunbower,  Viet.,  1900.  Beechworth,  Viet.,  1906.  Died  1907,  aged  58.  Obit. 
C.Y.B.  1908.  L.M.S.  Register  No.  699. 

ROLLS,  JOHN  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1840.  Hawes,  Yorks.,  1846.  Kirby  Moorside, 
Yorks.,  1852.  Halifax  (Union  Croft),  1855.  Roxton,  Beds.,  1860-72.  Part 
pastor  at  Croydon  1873  onwards.  Died  1889,  aged  71.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1890. 


THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS  137 

ROUNCE,  JAMES.  At  C.E.  (?)  1846.  Combe  Martin,  Devon,  1846.  Mendle- 
sham,  Suffolk,  1848.  Society  heard  Sept.  1850  that  Rounce  had  left  Mendle- 
sham  as  he  intended  to  emigrate  to  America. 

RUTTER,  PAUL.  C.E.  Sept.  1867  to  mid-summer  1870.  Lyme  Regis  1870. 
Died  of  typhoid,  1872,  aged  27.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1873. 

SAUNDERS,  BARNARD  WILKES.  C.E.  1864.  Hackney  College  later.  Wethers- 
field,  Essex,  1868-1916.  Died  1916,  aged  76.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1918. 
SCOTT,   HENRY  WILLIAM.  C.E.    1854.   Kelvedon,  Essex,   1856.  Wellington, 
N.Z.,    1859.   Returned   to   U.K.    1864  with  paralysis  of   brain.   Died    1866, 
aged  32.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1867. 

SHEPHERD,  T.  C.E.  1868.  Spring  Hill  College  later.  Allowed  to  resign 
from  Spring  Hill  College  in  July  1870  as  his  progress  was  unsatisfactory.  (2) 
SLEIGH,  JAMES.  C.E.  1843.  Highbury  College  later.  Hockliffe  and  Egginton, 
Beds.,  1847.  To  Aust.  for  Col.  Miss.  Soc.,  1857.  Portland,  Viet.,  1858. 
Encounter  Bay,  S.  Aust.,  1861.  L.M.S.  in  South  Seas,  1862-87.  Retd.  1889. 
Later  associated  with  Lewisham  Cong.  Church.  Died  1901,  aged  83  Obit. 
C.Y.B.  1903.  L.M.S.  Register  No.  590.  Portrait  at  L.M.S.  (3) 
SMITH,  C.  E.  Z.  C.E.  1863.  Easingwold,  Yorks.,  1865.  Desborough, 
Northants.,  1866.  Steeple,  Essex,  1867.  Tillingham,  Essex,  1870.  Framling- 
ham,  Suffolk,  1871.  Coventry  (Well  St.),  1875.  Stratford,  Ontario,  Canada, 
1884.  Not  shown  in  C.Y.B.  after  1886. 

SMITH,  GEORGE  CROWTHER.  C.E.  1854.  Brampton,  Cumb.,  1857.  Alderton, 
Suffolk,   1859.   Folkestone.   1860.  Joined  Anglican  Church,   1863. 
SMITH,    JOHN.    C.E.    1846.    Brampton,    Cumb.,    1850.    Witheridge.    Devon, 
1856.  Died  1877,  aged  60.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1878. 

SMITH,  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1841.  Wymondham,  Leics.,  1843.  Dartford,  Kent, 
1846.  On  14.8.1849  Committee  agreed  recommendation  of  Stations  Commit 
tee  that  at  Michaelmas  next  the  minister  supplying  at  Dartford  should 
cease  to  sustain  his  connection  with  the  Society. 

SPURGEON,  WILLIAM.  C.E.  1864.  Nether  Stowey,  Som.,  1867  and  for  some 
months.  Odiham,  Hants.,  1873.  Dudley  (The  Firs),  1877. 

TAYLOR,  T.,  B.A.  C.E.  1857. 

TAYLOR,    THOMAS.    C.E.    1854.    West    Looe,    Cornwall,    1856-57.    W.P.C. 

1858-59. 

TERRY,  FREDERICK.  C.E.  1845.  Probably  the  Frederick  George  Terry,  who 

died    1896,   aged   73,   but  whose  obit,   in  C.Y.B.    1897  has  no  reference  to 

C.E.   F.    G.   Terry's    pastorates    were  :    Moor   Green,    Nottingham  ;    Brent, 

Devon  ;    Crockerton,    Wilts.  ;    East    Dereham  ;    Fenstanton,    Hunts.    From 

1879-85  he  was  assistant  at  Camden  Park  Chapel,  London.  There  was  also 

a  G.  Terry  whom  the  Society  sent  to  C.E.  in  February  1845  but  on  Frost's 

report  of  him  in  July   1845  as  unsatisfactory  G.  Terry  left  C.E. 

TODD,   WILLIAM.  C.E.    1859.   Died  at  C.E.  from  a  pony-riding  accident. 

Obit.  C.Y.B.  1860.  Memorial  stone  at  C.E. 

TOMKINS,    FREDERICK    A.     C.E.    1842.     M.A.(London).     LL.D.(London). 

D.C.L. (Heidelberg).    Pastorates   in   Nova   Scotia    1850-56   and   Principal   of 

Gorham  College,  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  1851-56.  Stoke  Newington,  1861-67. 

W.P.C.  1867-74.  Orange  St.,  London,  1873-(?)77.  Not  in  C.Y.B.  after  1881 

and  no  obit. 

TRANTER,   NATHANIEL.   C.E.    1849.   Still   there   5.3.1850  and   satisfactory. 

No  later  information  in  H.M.C. 

TROTTMAN,  AMBROSE  SHERMAN.  C.E.   1861.  Lynton,  Devon,  1864.  Guis- 

borough,    Yorks.,    1865.    Jarrow-on-Tyne,    1871.    Thornton,    Nr.    Bradford, 

Yorks.,  1882.  Died  1900,  aged  60.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1902. 

VAUGHAN,  DANIEL  R.  C.E.  1861.  Assistant  at  Corfe  Castle.  Frodingham, 
Yorks.,  1868.  W.P.C.  1874.  Entered  Anglican  Church  1881. 
VIVIAN,  JAMES  CLARKE.  C.E.  1859.  L.M.S.  South  Seas,  1863-74.  Died  at 
sea  1874,  aged  42.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1875.  L.M.S.  Register  No.  581. 


138  THE  COTTON  END  ACADEMY  STUDENTS 

WALFORD,  THOMAS.  In  1837  applied  to  join  L.M.S.  but  rejected  (October). 
C.E.  1847.  Alderton,  Suffolk,  1852.  Layer  Breton,  Essex,  1857.  W.P.C.  1879. 
Died  1886,  aged  71.  Listed  in  C.Y.B.  1888  without  obit. 

WALKER,  GEORGE  KERRY.  C.E.  1850.  Tideswell,  Derbys.,  1853.  Waterloo, 
Liverpool,  1858.  Middlewich,  Ches.  1865.  Retd.  1890.  Died  1896,  aged  74. 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1897. 

WALLACE,  GEORGE  TAYLOR.  C.E.   1857.  Aspatria,  Cumb.,   1858.  Hunger- 
ford,    1865.   W.P.C.    1870-1901.   Not  in  C.Y.B.  after   1901   and  no  obit. 
WARD,  J.  C.E.  1861.  Street,  Som.,  1864.  Nailsworth,  Glos.,  1870.  Entered 
Anglican  Church  1877. 

WARR,  GEORGE  FINDEN.  C.E.  1857.  Millwall,  London,  1858(7).  Alderton, 
Suffolk,  1859(7).  Died  1858,  aged  32.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1859. 

WATERLAND,  RICHARD  JOHN.  C.E.  1849.  Committee  agreed  9.4.1850  that 
he  should  go  to  Hundon,  Suffolk,  for  not  less  than  4  months.  Hundon 
people  were  dissatisfied  with  him  and  Waterland  refused  to  go  back  to 
C.E.  for  two  years  further  instruction. 

WEBB,  JAMES.  C.E.   1864.  Hemsby,  Norfolk,   1867.   Hornsea,   1871.  North 
Shields  (St.  Andrew's),  1878.  New  Durham,  Ontario,  Canada,  1887.  Garafaxa 
and  Bel  wood,  Ontario,  1890.  Died  1891,  aged  48.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1893. 
WILLIAMS,  JAMES.  At  C.E.   1853-54.  North  Tawton,  Devon,   1855.  Lyme 
Regis,  1858.  Died  1859. 

WILLIAMS,  JOSEPH.  C.E.  1852.  Bradford,  Yorks.,  1856.  (?)Rodborough, 
Glos.,  1859.  Mansfield,  1865.  Leicester,  1868.  Southend-on-Sea,  1872.  Re 
signed  1887.  Not  in  C.Y.B.  after  1888  and  no  obit. 

WILSON,  GEORGE.  C.E.  1849.  M.A.  On  23.7.1849  the  Committee  heard 
that  Wilson  had  retired  from  C.E.  Academy  having  evinced  symptoms  of 
mental  instability. 

WOOKEY,  CHARLES  ARTHUR.  C.E.  1869.  Later  to  Lanes.  College.  Mande- 
ville,  Jamaica,  1875.  Harry  Watch,  Jamaica,  1894.  Toronto  (Zion),  Canada, 
1898.  Returned  to  Jamaica,  1899.  Died  in  New  York,  1902,  aged  53.  Obit. 
C.Y.B.  1903. 

YOUNG  JOHN.  C.E.  1841.  Chumleigh,  Devon,  1847.  Shepton  Mallet,  1852. 
Falfield,  Glos.,  1859.  Thornbury,  Glos.,  1860.  St.  Ives,  Cornwall,  1865. 
Topsham,  Devon,  1869.  W.P.C.  1873.  Died  1880,  aged  68.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 
1881.  (4) 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT 


(1)  For  a  portrait  of  Hoskin  and  an  account  of  his  ministry  at  Potton,  see 
R.   G.   Gillman,   A    Hundred    Years  at  the  Congregational  Church   in 
Potton  (1948). 

(2)  L.M.S.E.C.    11.7.1870. 

(3)  Sleigh's  diaries  for  1865-79  are  in  the  L.M.S.,  London. 

(4)  In  reading  the  above  list  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  some  instances 
there  may  have   been   delay  in  letting  the  C.Y.B.  editor  have  details 
of  changes  in  pastorates,  and  for  that  reason  the  dates  given  may  not 
in  every  case  be  quite  accurate,  but  they  are  adequate  enough  for  the 
main    lines   of  student's  career  to   be  traced.   I   am  indebted   to   Rev. 
Charles  Surman,  Research  Secretary  of  the  Congregational  Historical 
Society,  for  help  in  tracing  and  identifying  several  of  the  more  elusive 
of  the  students  :   also  to  two  Australian  Congregational  Churches  who 
gave  information  regarding  students  who  later  served  as  ministers  in 
that  country.  Some  students  (e.g.  J.  J.  Hoyte  and  W.  Jelly)  apparently 
went  to  C.E.  as  private  pupils  and  were  not  sent  by  the  Home  Mis 
sionary   Society   nor  did   they   become  Congregational   ministers. 


The  City  Temple  -  Whence  ? 

A  GOODLY  company  of  Apostles  has  served  the  City  Temple 
as  its  Ministers.  They  were,  for  the  most  part,  Independents 
or  Congregationalists,  and  at  this  time  when  the  Church  is  restored 
and  back  on  its  site  in  Holborn,  we  should  spare  a  salute  for  its 
pioneers  and  Fathers  in  the  Faith  and  thankfully  remember  the 
rock  from  whence  this  famous  Church  was  hewn.  The  congregation 
has  been  in  exile  since  April,  1941,  when  its  buildings  were 
severely  damaged,  and  the  return  home  has  been  made  possible  by 
generous  gifts  as  well  as  a  large  payment  from  the  War  Damage 
Commission.  The  booklet  issued  in  connection  with  the  Re-opening 
Services  does  not  state  the  total  cost  of  the  reconstruction,  but  we 
are  told  that  gifts  from  America  amounted  to  nearly  £190,000. 
Externally  the  building  is  little  changed,  but  the  interior  is  com 
pletely  different.  The  change  has  caused  a  mild  shock  to  those  who 
knew  and  loved  the  old  City  Temple.  Some  criticisms  of  the  design 
have  been  expressed,  but  it  may  be  that  a  close  and  extended 
acquaintance  with  the  building  will  evoke  a  real  appreciation  of  its 
beauty  and  suitability  as  a  place  of  worship.  The  pulpit  in  the  new 
building  is  different  from  *  The  Great  White  Pulpit '  given  by  the 
City  Corporation  when  the  old  Church  was  built.  Dr.  Parker  was 
ferociously  attacked  for  his  acceptance  of  this  gift  and  the  objection 
was  not  to  its  shape  or  construction,  but  to  the  fact  that  a  Noncon 
formist  Church  had  *  stultified  itself '  by  accepting  anything  from 
a  corporation.  Now  the  passing  of  that  pulpit  is  universally 
regretted. 

The  Church  moved  to  Holborn  Viaduct  from  its  home  in  The 
Poultry.  The  Chapel  in  The  Poultry  was  built  in  1819  and  the 
removal  to  Holborn  took  place  in  1874.  The  new  Church  cost 
£70,000  to  build  and  this  sum  came  largely  from  the  sale  of  The 
Poultry  Chapel  and  site.  This  had  cost  £10,000  (site  £2,000)  in 
1819,  but  in  the  next  fifty  years  the  value  of  property  in  the  City 
had  so  increased  that  the  sum  of  £50,200  was  paid  for  it  by  the 
London  Joint  Stock  Bank,  now  part  of  the  Midland  Bank.  It  is 
interesting  to  compare  building  costs  over  the  years. 

The  first  Minister  of  the  Church  was  that  *  learned  and  eminent 
divine '  Thomas  Goodwin,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of 
the  Independents  during  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  Born  in  1600  he 
was  sent  at  the  early  age  of  13  years  to  Christ's  College,  Cambridge 
— *  where  his  good  natural  abilities  were  so  improved  by  diligent 
study,  as  to  secure  him  great  esteem  at  the  University  '.  In  1616  he 
took  the  degree  of  B.A.  When  twenty  years  of  age  he  proceeded 
to  M.A.,  and  was  chosen  fellow  and  lecturer  in  the  University. 
Oxford  conferred  a  D.D.  upon  him  in  1653. 

Destined  by  his  parents  for  the  Ministry,  it  seemed  at  first  that 
their  hopes  would  not  be  realised.  'He  walked  in  the  vanity  of  his 

139 


140  THE  CITY  TEMPLE  -  WHENCE  ? 

mind  ',  and  was  confirmed  in  this  way  of  life  when,  having  present 
ed  himself  at  the  Lord's  Supper  he  was  sent  away  by  his  tutor. 
Goodwin  was  so  disappointed  that  he  left  off  prayer  and  gave 
himself  to  a  worldly  course  of  life.  From  this  he  was  converted  by  a 
sermon  preached  at  a  funeral — a  sermon  which  he  had  actually 
heard  before  !  After  his  conversion  Goodwin's  manner  of  preach 
ing  changed,  *  he  wholly  discarded  the  affectation  of  wit  and  a 
flimsy  eloquence  '  and  he  became  a  celebrated  preacher  in  the 
University.  Then  followed  a  Lectureship  and  appointment  to  the 
Vicarage  of  Trinity  Church,  Cambridge,  which  appointments  he 
relinquished  when,  his  conscience  being  *  dissatisfied  with  the  terms 
of  conformity  ',  he  quitted  the  University  in  1634.  Persecution  in 
England  became  more  intense  and  seeking  to  enjoy  liberty  of 
conscience,  he  left  for  Holland  and  settled  as  Pastor  of  the  English 
Church  at  Arnhem.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Long  Parliament  he 
returned  to  England  and  gathered  an  Independent  congregation  in 
the  parish  of  St.  Dunstan's-in-the-East,  Thames  Street.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  as  to  Goodwin's  devotion  to  the  Independent  cause  : 
he  was  noteworthy  at  the  Westminster  Assembly  though  he  was 
*  one  of  the  Dissenting  brethren  '.  His  close  association  with  Crom 
well  is  well  known  and  he  was  one  of  those  to  whom  the  Protector 
indicated  that  he  wished  his  son,  Richard,  to  be  his  successor. 
After  the  Restoration  Goodwin  was  dismissed  from  the  President 
ship  of  Magdalen  College,  to  which  he  had  been  appointed  by 
Parliament  and  he  then  seems  to  have  lived  a  retired  life  in  London. 
This  kind  of  life  would  not  be  uncongenial  to  him,  for  he  was 
described  thus  :  4  Owing  to  his  habits  of  retirement  and  contempla 
tion  and  the  gloomy  notions  respecting  religious  decorum '  he  was 
regarded  as  '  an  enemy  to  mirth  and  cheerfulness  and  a  severe 
exacter  of  severe  looks  and  solemn  faces  '.His  works  and  virtues 
are  set  out  at  length  on  his  tombstone  in  Bunhill  Fields,  and  among 
them,  *  he  was  a  truly  Christian  Pastor.  In  his  private  discourses, 
as  well  as  in  his  public  ministry,  he  edified  numbers  of  souls,  whom 
he  first  won  for  Christ '. 

Dr.  Thomas  Harrison  was  chosen  in  1650  to  succeed  Goodwin. 
Of  this  Independent  Minister  it  is  written  :  4  he  was  a  most  agree 
able  preacher  and  had  a  peculiar  way  of  insinuating  himself  into 
the  affections  of  his  hearers '.  He  also  had  an  extraordinary  gift  of 
prayer.  Lord  Thomond  used  to  say,  that  he  had  rather  hear 
Dr.  Harrison  say  grace  over  an  egg,  than  hear  the  Bishops  pray 
and  preach  '.  When  silenced  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  Harrison 
crossed  the  sea  to  Dublin  and  there  continued  to  exercise  his 
Ministry.  He  had  previously  gone  to  Ireland  with  Cromwell's 
youngest  son,  Henry,  and  from  that  period  of  residence  comes  the 
publication  of  his  To  pica  Sacra :  Spiritual  Logick.  These  hints  and 
helps  to  Faith,  Meditation  and  Prayer,  Comfort  and  Holiness,  were 


THE  CITY  TEMPLE  -  WHENCE  ?  141 

4  communicated  '  at  Christ  Church,  Dublin.  The  work  is  dedicated 
to  Henry  Cromwell,  the  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland. 

An  outstanding  man  was  John  Clayton,  who  was  Minister  when 
the  Church  was  moved  to  The  Poultry.  He  belonged  to  a  family 
of  Ministers — his  father  was  Minister  of  King's  Weigh  House  and 
his  two  brothers  were  also  Ministers.  Their  stories  are  told  in 
Memorials  of  the  Clayton  Family  by  T.  W.  Aveling.  After  a  short 
period  as  Assistant  Minister  at  Newbury,  Clayton  was  called  to 
Kensington,  then  a  country  place,  where  he  was  ordained.  His  father 
gave  the  charge  to  the  Ordinand  and,  inter  alia,  he  urged  that  a 
scriptural  caution  should  be  observed  in  the  admission  of  members 
to  the  Church.  *  Persons  who  are  equally  ready  to  take  a  place  at  the 
card-table  and  the  Table  of  the  Lord  .  .  .  have  slender  pretensions 
indeed  to  Christianity/  John  came  to  the  Church  in  Camomile 
Street,  Bishopsgate,  in  1805,  and  his  Ministry  lasted  until  1845. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Eclectic  Society,  in  which  he  associated 
with  Anglican  Clergymen,  notably  John  Newton,  who  was  then 
Vicar  of  St.  Mary  Woolnoth  in  the  City.  Clayton  asked  Newton  to 
draw  up  a  plan  for  the  establishment  of  an  Academy  for  training 
Ministers.  Newton  did  this  and  it  was  maintained  at  Newport 
Pagnell  until  it  was  merged  in  Cheshunt  College. 

Dr.  Joseph  Parker  brought  the  Church  from  The  Poultry  to 
Holborn  and  his  name  must  be  thankfully  recalled.  So  much  has 
been  written  about  him,  and  more  will  need  to  be  written  when  the 
generations  rise  up  who  know  not  Joseph.  He  is  remembered  for 
his  advocacy  of  a  "  United  Congregational  Church  " — a  Congrega- 
tionalist,  indeed,  who  was  ahead  of  his  fellow-Congregationalists. 
I  did  not  think  of  Parker  as  a  writer  of  letters  to  children  until  I 
found  in  the  Congregational  Library  four  which  he  wrote  to  Miss 
Annie  Teasdale  (afterwards  Lady  Milner-White)  when  she  was  a 
child.  The  letters,  written  in  1883,  are  illustrated  by  sketches,  drawn 
by  the  writer,  of  *  A  man  who  kept  his  eyes  open  ' ;  4  a  woman 
who  kept  her  mouth  shut '.  Here  is  a  specimen  of  the  letters  : 

Sweet  Annie,  U  R  a  scrap  for  not  writing.  I  send  a  few 
sketches  preparatory  to  their  being  offered  to  the  Royal 
Academy.  I  myself,  even  I,  have  invested  them  with  all  the 
artistic  merit  they  possess.  No  one  helped  me.  If  ever  you  go 
into  the  County  of  SX,  I  think  you  will  c  that  it  is  falling  into 
D  K  because  the  people  are  wanting  in  N  R  G  !  I  hope  you  are 
just  as  well  as  u  can  b  and  as  rich  as  a  ju.  I  have  lost  all  my 
immense  property  through  laying  a  tramway  to  the  moon. 
It  was  a  sad  loss.  Tickets  tuppence,  but  not  one  was  sold. 

Not  important  history,  but  they  reveal  an  interesting  and  human 
side  of  the  great  preacher's  character. 

ALAN  GREEN 


Reviews 

The  Savoy  Declaration  of  Faith  and  Order,  1658.  Edited  by  A.  G. 
Matthews ;  with  an  additional  notice  by  Daniel  T.  Jenkins. 
(Independent  Press,  1958,  9s.). 

Readers  of  Transactions  will  recall  the  Paper,  printed  in  Vol. 
xviii,  No.  3,  in  which  Dr.  Gordon  Robinson,  our  President,  sought 
to  estimate  the  importance  of  the  Savoy  Declaration  for  Congrega 
tionalism  today.  We  are  grateful  to  the  Independent  Press  for 
making  available  a  new  edition  of  the  Text  of  this  Confession, 
carefully  and  attractively  introduced  by  A.  G.  Matthews,  whose 
competence  it  would  be  impertinent  to  praise. 

In  view  of  the  attempt  being  now  made  to  draw  up  a  new 
Confession  of  Faith  for  our  churches,  it  is  of  more  than  merely 
academic  interest  to  turn  back  to  the  work  of  our  forefathers  at 
the  Savoy.  Mr.  Matthews  warns  us,  however,  that  the  latter  "  were 
primarily  interested  in  reaching  the  non-Congregational  public, 
to  whom  they  said  in  so  many  words,  4  this  is  our  distinctive  wit 
ness  *,  .  .  .  the  Declaration  is  a  Congregational  apologia  to  refute 
malicious  misrepresentations ".  This  fact  makes  us  even  more 
grateful  to  the  editor  for  his  careful  Introduction,  in  which,  with 
characteristic  felicity  of  phrase,  he  sets  the  scene  for  the  Assembly. 
In  spite  of  the  obscurity  which  still  surrounds  both  its  calling  and 
its  proceedings,  we  are  able,  through  Mr.  Matthews'  mind  and  pen, 
to  catch  glimpses  of  at  least  a  few  of  the  200  delegates  and  '  mes 
sengers  '  sent  to  London  by  about  120  churches.  The  remarkable 
unity  in  doctrine  and  in  polity  has  often  been  remarked  upon — the 
Declaration  bears  witness  to  the  beliefs  and  practices  common  to 
the  participating  churches. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  there  was  a  preponderance  of  lay 
men,  though  '  it  is  as  well  to  remember  that  the  drafting  of  the 
Declaration  was  carried  out  by  the  committee  and  they  were 
exclusively  clerical,  no  layman  was  appointed  to  that  inner  circle '. 

Mr.  Matthews  has  given  us  the  text  of  the  first  edition  (1658)  as 
found  in  Williston  Walker's  Creeds  and  Platforms  of  Congrega 
tionalism  ;  its  usefulness  is  enhanced  by  the  Savoyan  additions 
to  the  Westminster  Confession,  which  of  course  provides  the 
doctrinal  basis  of  Savoy,  being  set  in  black-faced  type.  Also  re 
produced  are  Walker's  notes  indicating  the  parts  of  the  Confession 
omitted  by  the  Savoyans. 

Dr.  John  Stoughton  is  reported  to  have  written  :  '  The  Savoy 
Declaration,  which  perhaps  never  had  much  weight  with  Congrega- 
tionalists,  is  a  document  now  little  known  except  by  historical 
students '  (he  makes  no  reference  to  it  in  his  History  of  Religion 

142 


REVIEWS  143 

in  England).  Mr.  Matthews  points  us  to  its  importance  '  as  a  relic 
of  the  greatest  period  of  Congregational  history  '.  4  It  stands  in 
isolation ',  he  adds  ;  it  had  no  precursor  and  no  successor — Mr. 
Matthews  writes  scathingly  of  the  Declaration  issued  in  1833. 

In  his  brief  note  on  the  theological  importance  of  Savoy,  Mr. 
Daniel  Jenkins  points  to  the  weakness  of  its  teaching  about  the 
Christian's  duty  in  society.  He  also  draws  attention  to  a  specific 
Church  Order  to  which  it  witnesses,  and  suggests  that  the  prolifera 
tion  of  small  fellowships  in  one  town  or  city  may  well  run  counter 
to  Savoy's  stress  upon  fellowship. 

This  is  a  most  useful  volume,  and  the  editor  deserves  our  thanks. 
The  second  footnote  on  Page  124,  should  read  :  See  Introduction, 
p.  20  (not  120). 

WILFRHD  W.  BIGGS 


The  Answer.  By  John  Norton,  1606-63.  Translated  by  Douglas 
Horton.  (Harvard  University  Press.  London  :  Oxford  University 
Press,  1958,38s.). 

Cotton's  Keyes  and  Hooker's  Summe  are  well  known.  Douglas 
Horton  now  draws  our  attention  to  a  scholarly  work,  hitherto  little 
known  because  it  was  written  in  Latin,  which  he  places  alongside 
the  other  expositions  of  Middle-way  Congregationalism.  Horton 
remarks  that  he  felt  4  a  veritable  Hilkiah  the  priest '  when  he 
discovered  the  book  and  well  he  might,  though  in  fact  The  Answer 
has  not  the  same  quality  of  uniqueness  or  surprise  that  the  Law 
Book  in  the  Temple  had.  Here  and  there  this  book  throws  new  light 
upon  the  New  England  way  ;  in  the  main,  however,  the  polity 
expressed  is  familiar. 

The  origin  of  the  book  is  interesting.  The  Dutch  Reformers  as 
well  as  the  Scots  were  concerned  about  the  way  England  would  go 
at  the  time  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  and  William  Apollonius 
of  Middelburg  countered  the  Independents'  Applogeticall  Narration 
with  his  Consideratio,  and  furthermore,  to  bring  things  to  a  head, 
propounded  a  series  of  24  questions  to  them.  The  Independents  got 
Norton  to  reply  to  the  Continentals.  The  book  appeared  in  1648. 

There  is  an  interesting  Foreword  by  Cotton  himself — a  pity  it  is 
in  small  print — in  which  he  pleads  for  unity  amongst  Puritans. 
Independents  and  Presbyterians,  "  the  hated  *  roundheads '  and 
'  rattleheads  '  ",  hold  so  much  in  common  ;  to  Presbyterians  he 
says  : 

.  .  .  what,  I  ask,  keeps  you  from  regarding  us  not  as  traitors 
or  deserters   in  a  common  cause,  but,   in  our  measure,  as 

1  n 


144  REVIEWS 

defenders  and  supporters  of  our  joint  cause  against  the  enemies 
of  our  common  faith  and  our  common  church  71 

Cotton  confesses  that  Norton  had  departed  from  his  view  and 
that  of  others  in  certain  respects.  It  looks  as  though,  for  example. 
Cotton  gave  greater  authority  to  the  Elders  in  the  church  than 
Norton  did.  Other  variations  concerned  free  and  set  prayers, 
stipends,  and  the  covenant  of  grace  and  the  church  covenant.2 

The  nature  of  Apollonius'  questions  produces  a  new  and  refresh 
ing  emphasis  here  and  there.  A  whole  chapter  appears  on  the 
Minister  as  Evangelist  :  the  Minister  is  bound  by  his  ordination 
*  to  teach  the  nations  and  convert  the  unconverted  outside  the 
church '. 

Norton  makes  it  abundantly  clear  that  in  their  churches,  though 
making  a  confession  of  faith  was  truly  an  ordeal,  it  was  not  an 
inquisition.  Members  might  not  ask  questions  directly  ;  they  might 
make  suggestions  to  the  Elders.  The  confession  might  be  written 
and  in  the  case  of  a  woman  most  certainly  would  be,  but 

Nothing  is  required  in  this  confession  which  is  not  shared 
by  all  faithful  men.  There  is  no  place  for  private  matters. 
Extraordinary  beliefs  are  not  sought  after.' 

The  position  of  a  church  in  a  synod  is  made  quite  clear.  Synods 
exist  to  promote  Christian  communion  and  concord  and  no  church 
should  fail  to  make  use  of  the  counsel  of  its  neighbours.  Yet  a 
synod  has  no  authoritative  or  judicial  power  over  individual 
churches.  Nevertheless,  the  author  confesses  that  if  a  church  does 
not  submit  to  the  synod,  it  is  in  danger  of  state  intervention  as 
well  as  non-communion  with  other  churches.  There  is  a  suggestive 
passage  in  which  Norton  points  out  the  merits  of  the  synod  and  of 
the  particular  church.  The  former  '  is  to  be  preferred  to  a  particular 
church  for  the  exposition  of  Scripture  because  it  excels  in  know 
ledge.  For  this  reason  a  question  to  be  answered  is  carried  to  a 
council '.  The  particular  church  must  handle  matters  in  which 
acquaintance  with  '  the  person,  the  facts,  and  the  circumstances 
involved  '  is  necessary. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  valuable,  if  not  revolution 
ary,  material  has  been  brought  to  light,  for  which  we  should  be 
grateful. 

JOHN  H.  TAYLOR 

1  p.  16. 

2  p.  14. 

»    p.  42. 


REVIEWS  145 

The  Independents  in  the  English  Civil  War.  By  George  Yule    (Cambridge 
University  Press,  1958,  21s.). 

The  English  Civil  War  continues  to  fascinate  students.  In  recent  months 
have  appeared  such  studies  as  C.  V.  Wedgwood's  The  King's  War,  Maurice 
Ashley's  Oliver  Cromwell  and  the  Puritan  Revolution  and  The  Great  Civil 
War  by  Colonels  Burne  and  Young.  Mr.  Yule's  book  is  more  limited  in  its 
scope  but  is  particularly  useful  for  its  attempt  to  discover  the  connection 
between  the  Parliamentary  Independent  Party  and  religious  Independency. 

Within  the  limits  he  has  set  himself  Mr.  Yule's  book  is  valuable  and  there 
will  be  a  large  measure  of  support  for  the  results  of  his  careful  analysis 
and  for  his  timely  reminder  of  the  inadequacy  of  simple  interpretations 
of  the  Civil  War  as  a  class  struggle  or  as  a  religious  one. 

William  Walwyn  said  in  1649  that  the  Independents  'are  increased  in 
numbers  and  have,  as  it  were,  scummed  the  Parish  congregations  of  most 
of  their  wealthy  and  zealous  members  '  and  only  by  a  complete  study  of 
the  whole  period  1642-60  could  a  full  appreciation  of  the  growth  and 
importance  of  Independency  be  gained.  Probably  for  this  reason  Mr.  Yule 
ventures  only  a  tentative  assessment  of  the  results  of  his  researches  which 
can  be  continued  by  others.  One  line  of  further  complementary  research 
particularly  suitable  for  local  historians  would  be  an  analysis  (from  Firth 
and  Rait,  Acts  and  Ordinances  of  the  Interregnum)  of  the  changes  in  the 
composition  of  the  various  county  committees,  particularly  for  the  period 
after  the  execution  of  Charles  I  when,  to  a  marked  degree.  Independents 
had  a  share  in  the  control  of  local  affairs,  a  share  which  came  to  an 
abrupt  end  in  1660. 

H.   G.    TlBBUTT 

The   City   Temple   in   the   Citv   of  London.    By   Bertram    Hammond,   John 
Dewey  and  Leslie  Weatherhead.  (City  Temple  Office,  1958,  5s.). 

The  City  Temple  was  re-opened  by  H.M.  Queen  Elizabeth  the  Queen 
Mother  on  30th  October,  1958.  This  is  a  small  book  prepared  for  the 
occasion.  It  contains  an  interesting  collection  of  photographs  of  the  old 
and  new  buildings  and  of  various  ministers  of  the  church.  There  are  also 
recorded  some  historical  notes,  the  story  of  the  destruction  and  re-building, 
and  an  account  of  the  present  work  and  the  expectations  of  the  church. 

Some  Quaker  Portraits  Certain  and  Uncertain.  By  John  Nickalls.  (Friends' 
Historical  Society  and  Friends'  Historical  Association  (U.S.A.),  1958,  3s.  6d.). 

This  pamphlet  contains  16  plates  together  with  comments  upon  them. 
William  Dillwyn  and  William  Sewell  have  one  authentic  portrait  each  ; 
James  Nayler  has  three  which  are  doubtful  but  stimulating.  George  Fox 
has  four  equally  varied  and  doubtful  ones.  William  Penn  has  seven,  some 
resembling  one  another  and  him.  The  doubtful  portraits  are  amongst  the 
most  interesting  because  they  reveal  quite  clearly  the  prejudices  of  the 
artist.  Now  that  the  age  of  photography  has  come,  we  find  things  more 
difficult  than  our  fathers  when  choosing  a  book.  They  could  often  tell  the 
view  of  the  book  from  the  picture  of  the  hero  ! 

In  the  Publications  of  the  Bedfordshire  Historical  Record  Society,  Vol. 
xxxviii,  1958,  there  appears  H.  G.  Tibbutt's  The  Tower  of  London  Letter- 
Book  of  Sir  Lewis  Dyve,  1646-47.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  fascinating 
reading  amongst  the  41  letters,  most  of  which  are  addressed  to  Charles  I 
and  seven  to  John  Ashburnham.  Dyve,  shut  up  in  the  Tower,  turned  his 
misfortune  to  account  by  gaining  the  confidence  of  other  prisoners,  ex 
tracting  from  them  useful  information  that  came  their  way,  and  passing  it 
on  to  the  King.  In  particular,  he  cultivated  John  Lilburne's  acquaintance, 
'  whose  intelligence  for  the  most  part  seldome  proves  false '.  Thus  we  find 


146  REVIEWS 

reports  of  military  and  political  matters  in  the  army,  of  the  city  and 
Parliament.  '  Crumwell '  is  frequently  discussed  and  especially  his  differences 
with  Rainsborough.  There  is  a  vivid  description  of  Cromwell's  visit  to 
Lilburne  and  to  some  royalist  prisoners  in  the  Tower  to  hear  their  com 
plaints,  in  which  he  bears  himself  with  much  humanity  and  patience,  yet 
with  firmness.  The  army  leaders  seem  to  have  been  anxious  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  King.  Indeed,  Lilburne  was  so  sure  of  it  that  he  said  '  he 
would  pawne  his  life '  that,  if  the  King  would  give  satisfaction  to  the 
army  men  similar  to  that  which  he  had  given  to  William  Kiffin  the  Baptist, 
'  within  a  moneth  or  six  weekes  at  the  farthest  the  wholl  army  should  be 
absolutely  at  your  Majesty's  devotion  to  dispose  of  as  you  pleased  '. 

Once  more  we  congratulate  the  editor  upon  his  find  and  upon  the  use 
to  which  he  has  put  it. 

The  Baxter  Treatises.  Compiled  by  Roger  Thomas.  (Dr.  Williams's  Trust, 
14  Gordon  Square,  London,  W.C.I.  1959,  5s.) 

That  Richard  Baxter  was  a  prolific  writer  and  that  Dr.  Williams's  Library 
is  rich  in  Baxter  MSS.  has  long  been  known.  The  catalogue  of  Baxter's 
published  works  is  incredibly  long ;  with  the  addition  of  unpublished 
MSS.  his  output  is  formidable.  Roger  Thomas  provides  a  catalogue  of  the 
papers,  excluding  letters,  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  occupying  26  pages, 
double  columns.  It  is  arranged  chronologically  except  for  a  final  short 
section  of  undated  papers  with  104  items.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
features  of  the  material  is  a  group  of  papers  making  examinations  of  the 
Book  of  Revelation  which  Baxter  made  towards  the  close  of  his  life  when 
in  prison  and  never  published.  '  Age  probably  prevented  his  publishing  this 
sobering  challenge  to  the  wild  men  of  his  day '  says  Roger  Thomas,  but 
he  goes  on  to  remark  of  the  vast  collection  of  unpublished  material,  most 
of  which  comes  from  the  latter  part  of  Baxter's  life,  after  the  Res 
toration.  '  Much  of  the  material  Baxter  must  have  intended  to  publish  ; 
that  he  never  did  so  is  of  interest  ;  indeed  an  interesting  study  could  be 
made  of  the  books  Baxter  did  not  publish  and  of  the  reasons  why  he  did 
not  publish  them.'  An  index  to  the  persons  referred  to  in  the  catalogue 
makes  a  useful  conclusion  to  the  Dr.  Williams's  Librarian's  work. 

JOHN  H.  TAYLOR 

ALSO  RECEIVED  : 

If.  G.  Tibbutt.  Roxton  Congregational  Church,  1808-1958.   1958. 
Bedfordshire  and  the  Protectorate.  1959.  (Is.). 

Jack    Smith.    A    Brief    History    of    Leiston    Congregational    Church,    1859- 
1959.   1959. 

H.    C.    Lay.    History    of   Harrold   Congregational   Church.    1959.    (2s.    6d.). 
Anonymous.     Centenary     Celebrations,     Christ     Church     English     Church, 
Llandudno.   1958. 


We  should  also  like  to  mention  our  Chairman,  R.  F.  G.  Caldcr's  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  Eighth  Assembly  of  the  International  Congregational 
Council  :  Hartford,  Conn.,  2-10  July,  1958  (Independent  Press,  15s.  6d.). 

John  Duncan  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds  issued  during  1958  the  14th,  15th 
and  16th  of  his  series  of  monographs  on  Suffolk  Nonconformity  (type 
script),  the  result  of  years  of  local  research.  Archibald  Allison  has  produced 
Cemetery  Road  Congregational  Church,  Sheffield,  1859-  1959.  1959. 

N.  Caplan,  Lindfield,  Sussex,  is  at  work  on  a  history  of  the  church  there 
and  A.  H.  Jowett  Murray  on  Ringwood  Congregational  Church. 


Obituary  Notes 


Dr.   Frederick   L.   Fagley 

The  death  on  25th  August,  1958,  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Frederick  L. 
Fagley  took  from  the  service  of  the  Congregational  Christian 
Churches  of  the  United  States  one  who  had  played  a  distinctive 
part  in  its  life,  and  won  the  affection  as  well  as  the  regard  of  all 
those  who  knew  him.  As  Associate  Secretary  of  the  National  and 
then  the  General  Council  of  the  Congregational  Christian  Churches, 
he  proved  himself  an  able  administrator.  He  was,  however,  much 
more  than  this,  and  will  be  remembered  by  very  many  as  a  friend 
of  ministers  and  as  one  who  contributed  much  to  the  devotional 
life  of  the  Churches. 

Many  friends  in  this  country  will  remember  him  as  the  first 
Treasurer  of  the  International  Congregational  Council,  as  the  co 
author  with  the  late  Gaius  Glenn  Atkins  of  The  History  of  Ameri 
can  Congregationalism  and  as  the  founder  and  secretary  of  the 
Congregational  Christian  Historical  Society.  His  service  to  the 
Historical  Society  he  continued  with  enthusiasm  right  through  the 
distressing  illness  of  the  last  years  of  his  life.  Only  a  few  months 
before  his  death  he  laid  all  the  plans  whereby  members  of  that 
Society  acted  as  hosts  to  members  of  our  own  Congregational 
Historical  Society  who  were  attending  the  Assembly  of  the  Inter 
national  Congregational  Council  at  Hartford  in  July,  1958.  To  his 
great  disappointment  he  was  not  able  to  be  present  himself,  but 
a  warm  greeting  was  sent  to  him. 

To  the  members  of  our  sister  Society  in  the  United  States,  as  well 
as  to  many  who  mourn  his  passing,  we  convey  our  affectionate 
sympathy.  He  is  succeeded  as  Secretary  of  the  Congregational 
Christian  Historical  Society  by  Dr.  Vaughan  Dabney. 

RALPH  F.  G.  CALDER 

F.   W.   P.   Harris 

Among  our  losses  by  death  during  the  last  year  a  peculiar  sad 
ness  attaches  to  the  death,  at  an  early  age,  of  the  Rev.  F.  W.  P. 
Harris.  Fred  Harris  was  learned  in  the  history  of  Nonconformity 
generally,  but  his  inexhaustible  interest  was  in  Philip  Doddridge. 
He  was  awarded  a  B.Litt.  of  Oxford  for  his  thesis  on  Doddridge, 
and  to  our  bicentenary  number  (Jan.,  1952)  he  contributed  "  New 
Light  on  Philip  Doddridge  :  notes  towards  a  new  biography/'  A 
fresh  full-length  story  of  Doddridge,  to  and  from  whom  many 
new  letters  have  come  to  light,  is  badly  needed  ;  and  it  is  grievous 
that  Fred  Harris,  who  had  gathered  much  material  over  the  years, 
will  not  write  it.  His  friends  grieve  even  more  at  the  passing  of  his 
reflective  and  gracious  personality. 

G.  F.  NUTTALL 

147 


Transactions  of  the 

Congregational  Historical  Society 

Vol.  XVIII.      1956-1959. 

Edited    by   Geoffrey   F.    Nuttall,   M.A.,   D.D.,   and  John   H.   Taylor,   B.D. 

INDEX 

ARTICLES  :  PAGF 

Bohun,    Edmund,   Letters   from,   to   the    Dean    of   St.    Paul's, 

1674-6      125 

City  Temple— Whence  ?      139 

Cotton  End  Congregational  Academy.  1840-74  ...                     ...  100 

Students  of.  The        131 

Eighteenth-Century    Country    Minister,    An    (Peter    Walkden)  1 1 1 

Hymnal,  First  Free  Church  (1583),  The 3 

Indulgence,  the  Declaration  of,  The  Attack  on  Nonconformists 

in  Exeter  after  the  Withdrawal  of 89 

Labour  Movement,  .Some  Congregational  Relations  with  the  ...  23 

Puritanism  in  a  Country  Town,  The  Beginnings  of  ...         ...  40 

Reynolds,  John,   1740-1803              59 

Savoy   Declaration  of   1658  and  To-day,  The  ...         ...         ...  75 

Stepney    Meeting  :    The    Pioneers           17 

Walkden,   Peter,  see  Eighteenth-Century  Country  Minister  ...  Ill 

Watts,  Isaac  :   Guide  to  Prayer     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  50 

Wilks,    Matthew,    1746-1829           ...  94 

CONTRIBUTORS  : 

Brockett,    A.   A.        ...                     89 

Fletcher,  I.  M ;        59 

Green,  Alan              139 

Hill,  J.  W.  F ...  40 

Mayor,  S.  H.             23 

Nuttall,  G.  F 17 

Payne,    E.    A.            3 

Philip,  I.   G.              125 

Robinson,  W.  G 75 

Salmon,  W 94 

Taylor,    J.    H.           ; 50 

Tibbutt,  H.  G 100,  131 

Wadsworth,    K.   W.             Ill 

EDITORIAL  1,37,73,109 

REVIEWS     36,69,106,142 

148 


TRANSACTIONS 

OF  THE 

CONGREGATIONAL 
HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Vol.  19 

1960-1964 

Edited  by 
John  H.  Taylor,  B.  D. 


KRAU5   REPRINT 

Nendeln/Liechtenstein 

1969 


Reprinted  with  the  permission  of  the  original  publishers 

by 
KRAUS  REPRINT 

a  Division  of 

KRAUS-THOMSON   ORGANIZATION  LIMITED 

Nendeln/Liechtenstein 

1969 


Printed  in  Germany 
Lessingdrudcerei  Wiesbaden 


Transactions  of  the 

Congregational  Historical  Society 

Vol.  XIX.     1960-1964 

Edited  by  John  H.  Taylor,  B.D. 

INDEX 

ARTICLES  :  PAGE 

Barrow,  Henry,  Selections  from ..  270 

Bicentenary  of   1662          jg 

Blomfield  Street:  Mission  House  and  Cong.  Library  256 
Browne,   Robert,   Selections   from          ...                                      40,^97 

Calamy's  Visit  to   Scotland,   1717          ...  '253 

Congregationalism:   A  Long  View       ...  49 

Congregational  Society  for  Spreading  the  Gospel,  1797-1809  248 

Dictionary  of  National  Biography         39 

Doddridge,  Philip,  on  Method  of  Ordination  ...  182 

Eighteenth  Century  Young  Congregationalist  ...  123 

Ejected   Ministers  in  Wales,  Note  on 280 

Evans  List:  Hidden  Neal  List 72 

Evans  List :  Queries  on  Sussex '".  75 

Forbes  (James)   Library 52,  199 

Holy  Communion,   1842,  Notes  on       ...                                ...  237 

Jacob,    Henry,   Congregationalism   of 107 

Jacob,  Henry,  Selections  from 118 

Legacy  to  the  Church  at  Launceston 263 

London  Missionary  Society,  Fundamental  Principle  of     138,  192,  222 

Lord's  Supper  in  the  Teaching  of  the  Separatists      209 

Lyon  Turner's  Original  Records  :    Notes  and  Identifications  160 

Matthews,  A.  G.,  Tribute  to       176 

Needy  Cong.  Ministers  in  the  West,  c.  1676-8  ...  68 

Parker,  Joseph  :  United  Cong.  Church  ...  91 

Phipson,  Thomas,   Independent  Settler  in  Natal       ...  156 

Say,  Samuel,  Letters  incidental  to  Call  to  Westminster       ...81.  129 

Sources  for  Cong.   Church  History       ...  33 

Stonehouse  Independent  Chapel,  Foundation   of       ...  28 

Sussex,  Lean   Years  of  Nonconformity  in       185 

Turvey  and  Ongar  Academy       ...          ..                                   147,  230 

ARTICLES  IN  SUPPLEMENTS  : 

7562  and  its  Issues,  April,   1962. 

Introduction             1 

Uniformity  and  Nonconformity 4 

Church  and  State 15 

Reordination  and  the  Ministry 

Liturgy  and  Ceremony      30 

Studies  in  the  Puritan  Tradition,  December,   1964. 

Relations  between  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists       ...  1 

Developments  in   English   Puritanism 

Difference  between  Congregational  and  Presbyterian    ..         ...  28 


CONTEMPORARIES,  OUR  48,  99,  128,  206 

CONTRIBUTORS  : 

Biggs,  W.  W.  Suppl.  1962,     4 

Docking,  R Suppl.   1962,  23 

Brown,  W 123 

Calder,    R.   F.   G 52,248 

Caplan,   N 75,   185,  253 

Cozcns-Hardy,  B 81,129 

Currey,  R.  N.          ...  156 

Dews,  D        ...  ...  Suppl.   1962,  30 

Fletcher,  I.    M.  138,  192,  222,  256 

Harris,  F.  W.  P.      ...  182 

Huxtable,  J Suppl,   1962,     1 

Mayor,  S.  H 212 

Newton,  J 3 

Nuttall.  G.  F.  ...  39,  160,  176,  280,  Suppl.   1964,     1 

Philip,  I.  G.  ...  68 

Smith,  T 199 

Taylor,  J.  H.  ...   18,  91.  237,  256,  Suppl.   1962,  15 

Thomas    R.  ...  72,  Suppl.   1964,  28 

Tibbutt,  H.  G.         ...  ...  33,  147,  230 

von  Rohr,  J 107 

Welch,  C.  E ...28,  263 

Yule,  G Suppl.  1964,     8 

EDITORIAL     ...  ...      1,  49,  105,  173,  209,  245 

HISTORIES  OF  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCHES  ...                                  207,  229 

MEMBERSHIP  ROLL  •  178 

RECORDS,  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH       ...  26,  80,  158 

REVIEWS  45,  100.  165,  200,  276 


TRANSACTIONS 

CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
EDITOR  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.   XIX   NO.    1      AUGUST    1960 

CONTENTS 

Editorial  1 

The  Yorkshire  Puritan  Movement,  1603-1640  by  John  Newton,  Ph.D.  3 

The  Bicentenary  of  1662  by  John  H.  Taylor,  B.D.  ...  18 

Congregational  Church  Records  (List  1) 26 

The  Foundation  of  Stonehouse  Independent  Chapel  by  C  Edwin 

Welch,  M.A.  ...  ...  28 

Sources  for  Congregational  Church  History  by  H.  G.  Tibbutt, 

F.R.Hist.S.  33 

The  Dictionary  of  National  Biography 39 

Selections  from  the  Fathers  :  I.  Robert  Browne  (a)  40 

Reviews  45 

Our  Contemporaries  48 

Editorial 

The  Annual  Meeting :  Dr.  John  Newton 

The  61st  Annual  Meeting,  with  the  Rev.  R.  F.  G.  Calder  in  the 
chair,  took  place  at  Westminster  Chapel  on  18  May,  1960. 
Fifty-six  members  and  friends  enjoyed  a  lucid  and  cogent  lecture 
on  Puritanism  in  Yorkshire  under  the  early  Stuarts,  by  Dr.  John 
Newton  of  Richmond  College.  This  paper,  which  has  had  to  be 
reduced  somewhat,  though  not  we  trust  in  any  essentials,  appears 
in  this  issue.  We  are  glad  to  have  it.  It  is  the  fruit  of  much  research 
done  for  a  thesis  which  like  many  others  has  had  to  remain  un- 
printed.  We  congratulate  the  author. 

1662-1962  Commemoration  Committee 

Members  should  be  aware  that  the  joint  committee  of  the  Three 
Denominations  has  issued  a  bulletin  (price  3d.)  in  which  plans  for 
the  Tercentenary  are  outlined.  Mention  is  made  of  a  popular  book 
to  be  written  by  the  Rev.  F.  G.  Healey  and  a  sketch  of  the  contents 
of  the  symposium  edited  by  Dr.  Norman  Sykes  and  Dr.  G.  F. 
Nuttall  appears.  It  is  announced  that  the  main  month  for  com 
memoration  is  to  be  October.  Probably  as  important  as  anything 
in  this  bulletin  is  a  carefully  prepared  statement  giving  the  attitude 
of  the  committee,  which  carries  much  moral  authority  it  should  be 
remembered,  towards  the  Commemoration. 

1  * 


2  EDITORIAL 

Oliver  Cromwell  and  the  Fourth  Form 

History  would  have  been  so  dull  an  affair  to  many  of  us  that  we 
would  never  have  started  reading  it  but  for  its  romance.  It  recalls 
memories  of  Scott  in  the  Christmas  holidays  and  Ainsworth  in  the 
corner  of  the  cricket  field.  Unhappily  one  has  to  erase  much  of 
what  one  absorbed  as  an  adolescent.  Young  people  who  take  up 
Mr.  Bernard  Martin's  Our  Chief  of  Men  (Longmans,  1960,  8s.  6d.) 
will  not  need  to  unlearn  anything  they  find  there.  They  will  have  a 
sound  foundation,  As  Maurice  Ashley  in  the  Introduction  says,  the 
narrative  is  4  told  in  a  way  suited  to  young  people '.  Mr.  Martin 
has  made  full  use  of  the  excitement  of  the  times  to  sustain  interest, 
yet,  on  the  other  hand,  he  has  courageously  and  aptly  touched 
upon  subjects  such  as  the  nature  of  the  religious  controversies  and 
the  question  of  Cromwell's  sense  of  divine  providence,  which  the 
fearful  and  unbelieving  would  have  omitted.  Finally,  there  are  the 
illustrations,  many  taken  from  Royalist  playing-cards.  Here  one  can 
even  see  a  picture  of  a  Puritan  dancing  school,  whose  central 
character  is  none  other  than  cupid. 

C.U.S. 

The  Rev.  Harry  Escott  published  recently  a  new,  comprehensive 
History  of  Scottish  Congregationalism  for  the  Congregational  Union 
of  Scotland.  Unfortunately  it  arrived  too  late  for  review  in  this 
issue  of  Transactions  ;  a  full  review  will  appear  next  year.  Twenty 
chapters  are  devoted  to  the  development  of  Congregationalism 
and  a  further  130  pages  to  a  chronicle  of  the  churches,  lists  of 
ministers,  &c. 

Our  New  Look 

Transactions  appears  in  a  new  dress,  modernized  in  format  and 
cover.  By  rearranging  the  space  on  the  pages  it  is  hoped  that  the 
lines  will  be  easier  to  read.  All  this  has  only  been  made  possible 
because  of  the  sympathetic  and  painstaking  interest  of  our  printers. 
Moreover,  invaluable  help  has  been  given  us  by  a  friend  and 
typographer,  Mr.  Geoffrey  Timbrell,  who  has  acted  as  our  guide 
and  designer. 

However,  the  content  matters  most.  It  has  been  suggested  that  we 
might  print  portions  from  Separatist  and  Congregationalist  litera 
ture  as  far  as  our  cramped  space  will  permit.  There  is  no  anthology 
of  our  literature  available  for  the  bookshelf  and  not  everyone  who 
might  care  to  refer  to  the  words  of  Browne  or  Ames  or  Cotton  has 
time  or  opportunity  to  reach  a  library  which  can  meet  the  need. 
Over  a  period  of  years  we  may  build  up  a  modest  anthology. 


THE   YORKSHIRE  PURITAN  MOVEMENT 

1603-1640 

There  has  been  no  systematic  attempt  made  to  write  the  history 
of  Yorkshire  Puritanism  in  the  period  1603-1640.  The  Rev.  Bryan 
Dale  collected  materials  for  such  a  study,  but  his  Yorkshire 
Puritanism  and  Early  Nonconformity  (no  date,  Preface  1909),  valu 
able  though  it  is,  consists  solely  of  brief  biographical  notes  on  the 
ejected  ministers  of  1660  and  1662.  This  work,  published 
posthumously  and  edited  by  the  Rev.  T.  G.  Crippen,  makes  little 
reference,  any  more  than  does  J.  G.  MialPs  Congregationalism  in 
Yorkshire  (1868),  to  the  period  before  1640.  For  the  rest,  some 
account  of  Puritanism  in  particular  Yorkshire  centres  is  given  by 
antiquaries  like  Thoresby  and  Whitaker  (who  deal  with  Leeds), 
and  Hunter  (who  covers  Sheffield) ;  but  we  look  in  vain  for  any 
thing  comprehensive. 

Yet  there  is  no  lack  of  material,  both  manuscript  and  printed. 
At  York,  there  are  the  episcopal  Visitation  Books  for  the  period, 
the  Act  Books  of  the  Northern  High  Commission,  and  Cause 
Papers  relating  to  cases  of  nonconformity  tried  in  the  Archbishop's 
own  courts.  In  the  manuscript  collections  of  the  British  Museum, 
there  are  letters  and  papers,  including  a  summary  of  a  Puritan 
Survey  of  the  Deanery  of  Doncaster  made  in  1604,  which  gives  a 
description  of  all  the  livings  in  the  Deanery,  together  with  a  judg 
ment  upon  the  character  and  theological  leanings  of  its  clergy. 
Finally,  there  are  two  volumes  of  exceptional  interest,  for  as  far  as 
I  know  they  are  the  only  examples  of  their  kind  which  have  sur 
vived,  which  consist  of  contemporary  notes  of  the  sermons  preached 
at  the  West  Riding  Exercises,  where  the  leading  Puritan  ministers 
of  the  Leeds-Halifax  district  foregathered. 

Strictly  the  Puritans  were  those  who,  rejecting  the  way  of  separa 
tion  from  the  Church  of  England,  were  bent  on  purifying  it  from 
within.  At  its  fullest,  their  aim  was  to  substitute  for  the  Prayer 
Book  and  episcopacy,  a  Presbyterian  form  of  worship,  discipline 
and  government.  At  the  other  end  of  the  scale,  there  were  Puritans 
who  merely  scrupled  to  wear  the  surplice,  or  adopt  certain  ritual 
acts  like  kneeling  at  communion  or  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism. 
Between  these  extremes,  there  were  numerous  gradations.  In 
general,  however,  we  may  say  that  the  radical  brand  of  Puritanism 
which  was  predominant  under  Elizabeth,  gave  way  under  James  I 
to  a  movement  marked  by  greater  moderation  and  restraint. 

This  change  of  temper  is  apparent  in  the  Yorkshire  Puritan 
movement,  where  any  attempt  to  assess  its  strength  must  err  on  the 


4  THE    YORKSHIRE   PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

side  of  conservatism,  because  df  the  existence  of  a  class  of  *  con 
formable  Puritans'.  The  conforming  Puritan,  whose  sympathies 
were  Puritan  but  who  avoided  open  nonconformity,  is  sometimes 
thought  to  be  a  rather  mythical  beast.  For  Yorkshire,  at  any  rate, 
there  is  no  doubt  of  his  existence,  as  the  concrete  example  of 
Robert  Moore,  rector  of  Guiseley,  shows.  In  1587,  he  had  been 
charged  with  nonconformity  and  was  said  to  have  received  copies 
of  the  Marprelate  Tracts.  He  admitted  in  what  was  no  doubt  a 
masterly  understatement  that  he,  '  had  not  precisely  observed  all 
things  in  the  common  prayer  booke  as  the  law  required  V  When 
he  came  to  make  his  will,  however,  in  1642,  it  is  clear  that  he  had 
moved  to  the  position  of  a  conformable  Puritan.  He  then  deplored 
the  contentions  in  the  Church  over, 

things  of  small  matter  not  touching  matter  but  manner,  not 
substance  but  Cerimonyes,  not  piety  but  pollity,  not  devotion, 
but  decency,  not  contience  but  Comelynesse  ;  wherein  for  my 
selfe,  I  doe  confesse,  that  as  I  could  never  take  upon  me  to 
bee    a    resolute    Patron   of   such    humaine   ordinances,    soe 
could  I  never  find  iust  cause  of  sufficient  waight  to  warrant 
my  selfe  or  any  other  to  oppose  or  renounce  them  beinge 
commaunded  by  Lawfull  Authority  ;  but   rather  regardinge 
the  peace  of  our  Church  ;   the  liberty  of  the  Gospell  and 
obedience  to  Authoritye  ;  I  have  held  it  to  bee  fitt  and  Con 
venient  to  submitt  my  selfe  to  a  wise  and  discreete  Tolleratinge 
and  using  of  them  till  the  time  of  reformation  .  .  .2 
Another  conformable  Puritan  was  Andrew  Marvell,  lecturer  at 
Hull,  whose  son,  the  poet  of  the  same  name,  testified  that  his 
father,  4  lived  with  some  reputation  both  for  piety  and  learning ; 
and  was,  moreover,  a  conformist  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of 
the  Church  of  England,  though  I  confess  none  of  the  most  over 
running  or  eager  in  them  \3  The  existence  of  this  class  of  conform 
able  Puritans  helps  to  explain  the  fact  that  of  some  180  Yorkshire 
ministers  identified  as  Puritans   in  this  period,  only  75  left  any 
mark  of  their  nonconformity  in  the  ecclesiastical  records.  The 
others  are  known  as  Puritans  through  more  specifically  Puritan 
sources  :   the  1604  Survey  of  Doncaster  Deanery,  the  notes  on  the 
West    Riding    Exercises    (which    include   the   names    of   all   the 
preachers),    and   their   own   writings,    as  well  as  through  close 
association  with  other,  known  Puritans. 

1    Cf.  A.  Peel,  Ed.  :    The  Seconde  Pane  of  a  Register.  London.   1915.,  ii. 

243ff.,  254. 

-    Borthwick    Institute,   York.   Archbishops'  Registers.    R.I.  32.  f.    107. 
3    H.  Coleridge  :    The  Life  of  Andrew  Marvell.  Hull.   1835.  p.  6. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

Professor  Dickens  has  shown  how  negligible  Yorkshire  Puritan 
ism  appears  to  have  been  under  Elizabeth.4  But  it  made  rapid 
strides  in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  38  Puritan  Ministers  of 
1603  had  risen  to  96  by  1633  out  of  a  total  of  438  clergy  listed  in 
the  Archbishop's  Exhibit  Book  from  the  visitation  of  that  year  ; 
they  still  numbered,  despite  opposition  and  emigration,  some  65  in 
1640.  This  growth  was  not  uniform  throughout  the  diocese,  but 
occurred  mainly  in  certain  well-defined  areas.  The  main  centres 
were  Leeds,  Halifax  and  Sheffield  in  the  West  Riding,  Hull  and 
Beverley  in  the  East  Riding,  and  the  city  of  York.  The  main 
growth  took  place  in  the  West  Riding,  and  it  is  noticeable  how 
Puritanism  spread  in  the  many  chapelries  dependent  upon  the 
parish  church  of  a  large  and  growing  parish  like  Leeds  or  Halifax. 

Within  this  general  growth  of  Yorkshire  Puritanism,  there  are 
some  foreshadowings — as  yet  a  cloud  no  bigger  than  a  man's  hand 
— of  the  emergence  of  both  Congregational  and  Quaker  groups  in 
Yorkshire.  We  may  look  first  at  the  Congregationalists.  In  1607, 
Thomas  Toller,  Puritan  vicar  of  Sheffield  1588-1635,  was  presented 
in  the  Archbishop's  visitation  as,  *  a  precisian  if  not  a  browniste ', 
and  as  4  no  observer  of  the  booke  of  comen  prayer  nor  anie  way 
conformable  to  order  '.5  This  suspicion  of  separatism  probably 
attached  itself  to  him  because  of  his  early  association  with  Richard 
Clifton,  rector  of  Babworth,  Notts.,  and  later  pastor  of  the  separa 
tist  church  at  Scrooby.6  (Scrooby  is  only  about  16  miles  from 
Sheffield,  and  it  was  in  1607  that  the  first  proceedings  were  taken 
in  the  York  High  Commission  against  the  Scrooby  separatists.) 
Again,  in  1633,  eight  parishioners  of  East  Ardsley  near  Leeds  were 
presented  for  being,  each  one,  4  a  separatiste,  and  for  wilfully 
absenting  himselfe  from  his  Parish  Church  .  .  .  refusing  to  receive 
the  Communion  kneelinge ',  and  for,  '  vilifying  the  booke  of 
Common  Praier  Y  We  have  here  apparently  an  anticipation  of  the 
Congregational  Church  of  West  Ardsley,  the  first  in  the  West 
Riding,  formed  in  1653  by  Christopher  Marshall,  and  of  which 
James  Nayler  was  a  member.8  Continuity  of  growth  between  the 

4  Cf.    Professor    Dickens'    articles    in,     Yorkshire    Archeological    Journal. 
xxxv.    1943.,  p.    180 ;   and   Archiv   fur  Reformationsgeschichte.  Jahrgang 
43.  1952.,  p.  68. 

5  Borthwick  Institute.  Archbishops'  Visitation  Books.  R.VI.B.3. 

B  Cf.  J.  Hunter  :  Collections  concerning  the  church  or  congregation  of 
Protestant  separatists  formed  at  Scrooby  &c.  1854.,  p.  48  ;  B.  Dale  : 
Yorkshire  Puritanism  and  Early  Nonconformity,  p.  58n. 

7  Borthwick  Institute.  R.VI.B.4. 

8  Cf.    A.    G.   Matthews  :    Calamy   Revised.   Oxford.    1934.,  s.v.    Marshall, 
Christopher  ;  W.  Smith  :  History  of  Morley,  p.  146. 


6  THE    YORKSHIRE   PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

Puritanism  of  1603-40  and  later  nonconformity  in  the  county,  is 
apparent  when  we  analyze  the  distribution  of  the  ejected  ministers 
of  1660  and  1662.  Of  121  ministers  out  of  a  total  of  127  ejected 
in  the  county  whose  place  of  ejection  is  known,  77  were  deprived 
in  the  West  Riding,  26  in  the  East  Riding,  14  in  the  North  Riding, 
and  the  rest  in  York  ; — which  is  the  same  order  of  numerical 
importance  into  which  the  Ridings  fall  when  adjudged  by  the 
number  of  Puritan  ministers  in  them  before  1640. 

There  are  also  signs  that  the  extremer  shades  of  Puritanism 
in  the  West  Riding  proved  for  some  a  half-way  house  along  the 
road  to  Quakerism.  Admittedly,  there  were  some  questing  spirits 
who  never  found  satisfaction  in  orthodox  Puritanism,  or  were  even 
repelled  by  their  first  contact  with  it.  Such  a  one  was  young 
William  Dewsbury,  the  later  Quaker  leader,  who  at  the  age  of 
thirteen,  in  the  year  1634,  prevailed  upon  his  parents,  then  living 
at  Allerthorpe,  near  Pocklington  in  the  East  Riding,  to  apprentice 
him  to  a  cloth-maker  of  Holbeck,  Leeds,  because  he  had  heard, 
4  of  a  people  about  Leeds  that  walked  more  strictly  in  profession 
of  the  name  of  God  then  any  did  where  I  was  \9  The  Leeds  Puri 
tans,  however,  despite  their  4  much  speaking  of  God  which  they 
call  preaching ',  did  not  satisfy  this  youthful  seeker.  In  the  Deanery 
of  Craven,  on  the  other  hand,  we  find  folk  drawn  into  a  popular 
Puritan  movement  which  centred  about  Roger  Brearley,  curate 
of  Grindleton,  and  which  by  its  doctrinal  emphases  made  them 
readily  receptive  of  Quakerism. 

While  at  Grindleton  in  1616-17,  Brearley  was  brought  before 
the  York  High  Commission  on  the  charge  of  maintaining  certain 
4  erronious  positions  V°  Fifty  articles  have  survived,  which  purport 
to  contain  '  erronious  opinions  gathered  from  the  mouth  of 
Bryerley  and  his  hearers  ',"  and  which  apparently  refer  to  this 
trial.  In  these  articles,  there  is  a  strong  emphasis  on  fuller  revela 
tions  of  the  Spirit,  and  more  than  a  suggestion  of  Antinomianism. 
The  following  pair  are  typical  : 

A  motion  riseing  from  the  spifitt  is  more  to  be  rested  in,  then 
the  word  itself ;  neither  dare  they  take  their  ground  from  the 
woord,  because  the  devill  may  wrest  it  to  his  purpose  .  .  . 
The  child  of  God  in  the  power  of  grace  doth  performe  every 

a    Wm.    Dewsbury  :    The    Discovery   of   the   great  enmity    of  the  Serpent. 
1655.,  pp.   12ff. 

10  Borthwick  Institute.  Act  Books  of  the  High  Commission.  AB.9.  ff.!38v, 
144,  150,  155v,  158,  167v,  176. 

11  Bodleian    Library.    Rawlinson    MSS.399.f.l96 ;    printed    in    T.    Sippell  : 
Zitr  Vorgexchichte  des  Quiikertums.  1920.,  pp.  50ff. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

duety  soe  well,  that  to  aske  pardonne  for  failing  in  matter 

or  maner  is  a  sinne  .  .  . 

Several  articles  indicate  the  powerful  influence  Brearley  must  have 
wielded  over  the  people  of  Grindleton  and  district,  and  the  intense 
devotion  of  his  personal  following.  One  asserted,  '  That  the  Arke 
of  the  covenant  is  shutt  upp  and  pinned  within  the  walls  of  Grindle 
ton  chappell ' ;  another,  '  That  they  have  received  such  abundance 
of  grace  that  now  they  canne  stand  without  the  use  of  the  meanes  ; 
and  soe  will  doe  when  mr  Bryerley  goes,  whom  they  terme  the 
Angell  of  England,  and  the  onelie  one  of  a  thousand  .  .  . '.  Whether 
or  not  Brearley  was  '  the  Angell  of  England  ',  his  teaching  was  to 
spread  far  from  Grindleton,  so  that  in  1624  Thomas  Shepard,  then 
a  Cambridge  undergraduate  and  later  one  of  the  Yorkshire  Puri 
tans,  experienced  a  passing  attraction  towards  '  Grindletonism  ', 
while  he  was  in  the  throes  of  religious  doubt : 

I  felt  all  manner  of  temptations  to  all  kinds  of  religions,  not 

knowing  which  I  should  choose  ;  whether  education  might  not 

make  me  believe  what  I  had  believed,  and  whether,  if  I  had 

been  educated  up  among  the  Papists,  I  should  not  have  been 

as  verily  persuaded  that  Popery  is  the  truth,  or  Turcisme  is 
'   the  truth.  And  at  last  I  heard  of  Grindleton,  and  I  did  question 

whether  that  glorious  estate  of  perfection  might  not  be  the 

truth  .  .  ." 

Discounting  popular  exaggerations  of  his  teaching,  we  may  see, 
notwithstanding,  from  his  own  writings  how  Brearley's  doctrine  of 
Christian  liberty  could  develop  into  Antinomianism  in  the  minds  of 
his  simple  hearers.  He  wrote  in  verse  of  those, 

Whose  heart  God  fills  with  such  continual  joy  ; 

In  his  great  love,  such  strength  against  their  sin  ; 

That  faith  in  them,  hath  long  unshaken  been. 

In  which  his  love,  their  souls  are  so  set  free, 

As  they  therein  can  walk  at  liberty. 

Such  as  that  sin,  can  neither  break  their  peace, 

Nor  upright  walking,  confidence  increase.13 

Such  teaching,  continued  by  his  successor  and  disciple,  John 
Webster,  helped  to  prepare  the  soil  for  the  later  flowering  of 
Quakerism  in  this  part  of  Yorkshire.14 

12  Cit.  A.  Young  :   Chronicles  of  the  first  planters  of  the  colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  from  1623  to  1636.  Boston.  1846.,  p.  507. 

13  Roger  Brearley  :    A  Bundle  of  Soul-Convincing  Directing  and  Comfort 
ing  Truths.  Edinburgh.  1670.  Pt.ii.7. 

14  Cf.   G.   F.  Nuttall  :    The  Holy  Spirit  in  Puritan  Faith  and  Experience. 
Oxford.  1946.,  pp.  178-180. 


8  THE    YORKSHIRE   PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

There  was  variety  not  only  in  the  shades  of  Yorkshire  Puritan 
opinion,  but  also  in  the  treatment  it  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
diocesan  authorities.  This  treatment  varied  considerably  according 
to  the  prevailing  attitude  of  the  Archbishop.  Bishop  Hensley 
Henson,  in  his  Studies  in  English  Religion  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  points  out  that,  '  The  idiosyncracy  of  the  bishop,  or  his 
personal  beliefs,  did  count  for  much  in  his  diocesan  government. 
Puritans  were  harried  in  one  diocese,  caressed  in  another  Y5 — and, 
we  may  add  from  experience  of  the  York  diocese,  caressed  by  one 
Archbishop  and  harried  by  his  successor. 

Archbishop  Matthew  Hutton,  who  held  the  see  of  York  from 
1594  to  1606,  seems  to  have  had  a  distinct  sympathy  with  moderate 
Puritan  opinion  at  least,  and  to  have  seen  the  papist  as  the  real 
enemy  of  the  Established  Church.  Archbishop  Tobias  ('Toby') 
Matthew  (1606-28),  was  equally  strongly  opposed  to  Roman 
Catholicism  (which  in  1606  claimed  his  own  son  as  a  convert) ; 
but  showed  the  Puritans  a  more  active  sympathy  than  his  pre 
decessor  had  done.  The  West  Riding  Exercises  developed  under 
his  favourable  influence,  and  gave  to  many  of  the  Yorkshire 
Puritans  a  focus  for  their  activities.  His  zeal  for  preaching  naturally 
commended  the  Archbishop  to  the  Puritans  of  his  diocese,  one  of 
whom,  in  a  controversial  work  against  the  papists,  referred  to, 
4  Tobith  Mathew,  the  most  reverend  Archbishop  of  Yorke  at  this 
day  :  who  being  almost  eightie  years  old,  preacheth  more  Sermons 
in  a  Yeere,  then  you  can  prove  have  bin  preached  by  all  your 
Popes  since  Gregory  the  great  his  daies  Y6  The  available  evidence 
shows  that  Matthew  deprived  no  minister  for  Puritanism,  and  used 
the  High  Commission  court  against  people  like  the  Scrooby  separa 
tists  (1607-8),  and  Roger  Brearley  the  suspected  Familist  (1616-17), 
rather  than  against  the  ordinary  Puritans. 

The  wind  of  change  began  to  blow  under  the  next  Archbishop 
(Samuel  Harsnet,  1628-31),  who,  in  Fuller's  words,  was,  *  a  zealous 
assertor  of  ceremonies  ',  and  its  force  increased  during  the  archie- 
piscopate  of  Richard  Neile  (1631-41),  a  noted  supporter  and  former 
chaplain  of  Archbishop  Laud.  The  results  of  Neile's  increased 
rigour  in  exacting  conformity,  were  immediately  apparent.  At  his 
first  visitation  (1633),  46  ministers  were  presented  for  Puritan 
offences,  whereas  the  maximum  for  any  previous  visitation  of  the 
period  was  six  in  1619.  His  temper  is  well  illustrated  by  his  threat 

15  H.  H.  Henson  :   Studies  in  English  Religion  in  the  Seventeenth  Century. 
1903.,  p.  215. 

16  Alexander  Cooke  :    The  Abatement  of  Popish  Braggs.  1625.,  p.  49. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT  9 

to  John  Shaw,  the  newly-appointed  curate  of  All  Saints,  Pavement, 
at  York,  who,  the  Archbishop  believed,  had  been  brought  in  by  the 
Lord  Mayor,  John  Vaux,  '  to  head  the  Puritan  party  '  against 
him  :  4 1  tell  you,'  Neile  declared  uncompromisingly,  '  I  will  break 
Vaux  and  the  Puritan  party  '." 

In  his  report  of  1638,  Neile  claimed  to  have  eliminated  open 
nonconformity,— but  only  at  the  price  of  driving  it  underground 
or  overseas  : 

I  doe  not  finde  in  my  dioces  any  inclination  to  innovation,  in 
any  thing  which  concerneth  either  the  doctrine  or  the  discipline 
of  the  Church  of  England.  Only  I  finde,  that  too  many  of  your 
Majesties  subiects,  inhabiting  in  the  east  parts  of  yorkeshire, 
are  gone  into  new  England  .  .  .'8 

Of  some  half-dozen  ministers  who  are  known  to  have  emigrated 
from  the  diocese,  the  most  eminent  was  probably  Ezekiel  Rogers, 
rector  of  Rowley,  East  Riding,  who  sailed  for  New  England  in 
1638,  and  took  with  him  some  twenty  of  his  parishioners,  'godly 
men  and  most  of  them  of  some  estate  Y"  The  impression  yielded 
by  the  few  scattered  references  to  the  Yorkshire  emigrants,  is  that 
they  were  mainly  ministers  and  the  more  well-to-do  of  their 
parishioners.  It  does  not  appear,  cither  that  many  poorer  folk 
went  with  them,  or  that  the  emigrants  as  a  body  were  anything 
more  than  a  small  minority  of  the  Yorkshire  Puritans. 

One  of  the  key  questions  to  be  asked  about  the  Puritan  move 
ment,  concerns  the  measure  of  lay  support  which  it  enjoyed. 
Here  the  most  diverse  views  have  been  put  forward,  ranging  from 
J.  R.  Tanner's  confident  assertion  that,  'the  Puritanism  which 
asked  for  a  further  reformation  of  doctrine  and  ritual  than  Eliza 
beth  had  been  willing  to  allow,  was  the  creed  of  the  greater  part 
of  the  members  of  the  Church  of  England  Y"  to  the  equally  dog 
matic  statement  of  R.  G.  Usher,  that,  '  the  strength  of  the  Puritan 
movement  must  have  lain  almost  entirely  in  its  clergy.  It  was  a 
movement  of  the  ministers  and  for  the  ministers,  who  heeded  little 
the  desires  of  their  congregations  Y1  Neither  of  these  rather  sweep 
ing  generalisations  is  true  of  the  picture  which  confronts  us  in  the 
Puritanism  of  early  seventeenth-century  Yorkshire. 

17  C.  Jackson  :    Yorkshire  Diaries  and  Autobiographies  in   the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries.  (Surtees  Society  Pubns.  Vol.  Ixv.   1877),  p.  129. 

'*  Public    Record   Office.   State   Papers  Domestic.   S.P.16.ccccxii.45. 

J.  Winthrop  :    A  journal  of  the  .  .  .  settlement  of  Massachusetts  &c.    ed. 

_    J.  Savage.  2  vols.  1825-6  &  1853.,  i.294. 

'•'"  J.  R.  Tanner  :    Constitutional  Documents  of  James  I.  Cambridge.   1930., 
p.  46. 

21  R.  G.  Usher  :    The  Reconstruction  of  the  English  Church.  1910.  i.268. 


10  THE    YORKSHIRE   PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

The  evidence  of  the  visitation  records  is,  indeed,  inconclusive 
at  this  point.  The  fact  that  a  minister  is  presented  for  noncon 
formity  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the  whole  parish  was  against 
him.  (Church wardens  were  by  no  means  always  representative  in 
their  views,  and  were  liable  to  be  subject  to  pressure  from  powerful 
parishioners.)  On  the  other  hand,  the  common  absence  of  present 
ments  against  known  Puritans,  would  seem  to  argue  that  the 
majority  of  their  people  were  at  least  not  strongly  hostile  to  them, 
since  any  conspiracy  of  silence  could  be  broken  by  a  single  person's 
informing  against  a  minister  to  the  authorities.  As  a  more  positive 
indication  of  lay  Puritanism,  we  have  occasional  presentations  of 
lay  people  for  nonconformity,  including  one  which  describes  a 
sizable  demonstration  in  the  Minster  at  Beverley  in  1615.  It 
involved  '  threscore  or  thereabouts  '  of  the  parishioners,  who  met 
in  the  chancel,  sang  a  psalm,  and  refused  to  disperse  when  ap 
proached  by  Thomas  Brabbes  their  minister.  When  he  warned 
them,  '  that  these  ther  metings  were  against  the  Canons,  and  that 
the  King,  the  Aichbishop  and  Bishops  of  the  land  did  patronize 
the  said  Canons  ',  they  refused  to  be  overawed.  One  of  them, 
Alexander  Spalding,  '  peremptorilie  replyed  and  said  In  despight 
of  all  the  divels  that  did  oppose  themselves  against  ther  metinge 
he  would  staie  Y3  and  the  rest  endorsed  his  altitude. 

There  is  more  detailed  evidence  for  the  large  centres — Halifax, 
Leeds,  Sheffield — where  the  great  strength  of  Yorkshire  Puritanism 
lay.  For  Sheffield,  there  is  evidence  from  the  records  of  the  Arch 
bishop's  court.  The  evasiveness  of  the  witnesses  and  churchwardens 
of  the  parish,  when  the  latter  were  cited  for  nonconformity  in  1635, 
argues  a  real  measure  of  popular  support  for  Thomas  Toller,  their 
Puritan  vicar.  Similarly  at  Leeds  the  controversial  vicar,  Alexander 
Cooke,  appears  to  have  had  genuine  and  widespread  lay  support, 
to  judge  from  the  popular  rhymes  quoted  in  a  Star  Chamber  suit 
of  1622.  These  rhymes  depict  Cooke  as  the  champion  of  the 
commonwealth  against  the  oppression  of  the  townspeople  by  the 
rich  and  irreligious  merchant,  John  Metcalfe,  who  was  the  leading 
plaintiff  in  the  case.  Metcalfe  was,  '  This  Calf ',  who, 

...  of  late  occasion  tooke, 

to  quarrell  with  our  learned  Cooke, 

A  man  whose  life  and  learning  doth  appeare, 

in  towne  and  cittie  both  to  the  most  pure. 
Metcalfe  on  the  other  hand  was  the, 

cheifest  of  all  our  stapling  Crewe, 

22  Borthwick  Institute.  R.VI.A.18. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT  11 

a  sect  I  think  the  devill  did  spewe, 

Amongst  them  all  I  doe  knowe  none, 

but  cunning,  cheating  knaves  each  one, 

Whoe  make  a  prey  on  Clothiers  poore  ; 

Gehenna  gapes  for  them  therefore 

With  brazen  face  they  met  our  knight, 

when  to  this  towne  hee  came  to  right 

What  had  bin  wronge  and  wee  undone  .  .  .:3 

Independent  confirmation  of  this  popular  Puritan  feeling  in 
Leeds,  is  found  in  the  writings  of  John  Walker,  a  local  author  with 
a  severe  anti-Puritan  bias.  His  The  English  Pharisee,  or  Religious 
Ape  (1616),  is  a  diatribe  against  Puritanism  which  has  an  obvious 
local  reference.  He  refers  to  ;he  vicar  as,  '  this  unnatural  brother ', 
who,  '  hath  not  only  broken  that  union,  which  should  bee  amongst 
Christs  members,  and  so  fallen  from  Christ  himselfe,  but  doth 
likewise  dayly  withdraw  infinite  multitudes,  by  his  life  and  doctrin, 
to  become  deadly  haters  of  their  brethren  *.  Again,  he  describes 
how  Cooke's  followers,  '  using  their  exercises  after  thy  Sermons, 
in  the  Church,  some  one  of  them  stands  up,  to  speake,  and  ex 
postulate  of  things  that  have  beene  spoken  before,  and  to  the 
number  of  an  hundred,  or  more,  or  lesse,  doe  attend  him  V4 

Reference  to  the  corporation  records  of  the  Yorkshire  towns, 
also  helps  in  any  attempt  to  assess  the  amount  of  lay  support 
enjoyed  by  Puritanism.  At  Beverley,  for  instance,  the  records 
show  that  William  Crashawe,  a  Puritan  poet  and  divine,  was 
maintained  as  town  preacher  from  1599  to  1605,"5  a  fact  which 
makes  the  popular  Puritan  demonstration  of  1615  more  intelligible. 
The  more  detailed  evidence  available  for  York  and  Hull,  points 
to  a  strongly  Puritan  influence  within  the  city  governments,  and 
to  a  greater  or  less  extent  among  the  townspeople  themselves. 
To  take  Hull  first,  there  is  certainly  good  reason  to  doubt  the 
glib  verdict  upon  the  religious  stale  of  the  town  which  was  accepted 
by  John  Taylor  (the  '  water-poet ',  so-called  from  his  frequent 
journeyings  along  English  waterways),  on  his  visit  of  1622.  In  his 
eulogistic  poem,  4  A  Merry  Wherry-Ferry-Voyage,  or  Yorke  for 
my  money  ',  he  recorded  that  at  Hull, 

.  .  .  one  more  thing  I  there  was  told, 

Not  one  recusant  all  the  towne  doth  hold, 

:3  Public   Record  Office.  Star   Chamber  Proceedings.  St.Ch.8.215/6. 
:4  John  Walker  :    The  English  Pharisee  &c.,  Dedicatory  Epistle  and  p.  100. 
•5  The   Guildhall,    Beverley.    Corporation    MSS.    Abstract   of    Corporation 
Minute  Book  1597-1660.  f.5,  and  cf.  ff.13,  19. 


12  THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

Nor  (as  they  say)  thar's  not  a  Puritan, 

Or  any  nose-wise  fool  precisian, 

But  great  and  small,  with  one  consent  and  will, 

Obey  his  maiesties  iniunctions  still/6 

The  town  records,  however,  suggest  otherwise.  As  early  as  1598, 
the  city  council  banned  all  plays  and  interludes,  and  imposed 
a  fine  of  two  and  sixpence  upon  any  citizen  who  attended  such 
productions.17  A  minute  of  1629  showed  that  its  attitude  was 
unchanged."*  A  Star  Chamber  suit  of  1609/10  is  even  more  reveal 
ing  of  the  religious  state  of  the  city.  It  came  as  the  climax  of  a 
long  period  of  friction  between  the  vicar  of  Hull,  Theophilus 
Smith,  and  the  city  fathers.  Smith,  though  his  father,  Melchior, 
a  previous  vicar,  had  been  a  turbulent  Puritan,  apparently  found 
the  dominant  religious  opinion  in  the  city  too  advanced  for  his 
liking.  He  was  alleged  to  have  said  of  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and 
Burgesses,  that  *  the  moste  of  them  were  puritynes,  Brownistes  and 
sectaries  V  John  Graves,  an  ex-Mayor,  admitted  that  there  were 
Separatists  in  the  city,  but  claimed  that,  '  the  Maior  and  Aldermen 
doe  Labor  to  suppresse  Brownystes  puritanes  and  other  sectaries 
for  he  hath  knowne  some  Brownistes  apprehended  their  and 
deteyned  in  prison  or  kept  till  the  Lorde  Archbishopp  his  grace  of 
York  had  knowledge  thereof  '.30  The  council  may  well  have  drawn 
the  line  at  countenancing  sectaries,  but  the  evidence  suggests  that 
Smith's  denunciation  of  advanced  religious  opinion  in  the  city 
government,  came  too  near  the  truth  for  the  burgesses'  comfort. 

At  York,  the  city  records  reveal  that  both  the  City  Council, 
and  the  more  popular  Common  Council  (composed  of  representa 
tives  of  the  trade  guilds),  were  equally  zealous  for  the  provision  of 
sound  and  godly  preaching  in  the  town.  In  February  1608,  more 
over,  there  was  presented  to  the  City  Council  a  petition,  subscribed 
by  89  citizens,  claiming  that  20  times  their  number  would  sign  if 
asked,  and  requesting,  '  a  more  generall  increase  and  spreadinge 
of  the  word  of  God  in  everie  particular  warde  of  the  Cittie,  for 
the  redresse  and  reformacion  of  manie  evills,  and  abuses,  com 
mitted  in  prophaninge  of  the  sabbaoth  daie,  a  greivous  synne 
against  God  \31  The  corporation  responded  to  this  demand  for  more 
preaching  by  appointing  Puritans  to  the  office  of  town  preacher. 

M  Cit.  J.  Symons  :  High  Street,  Hull.  Hull.  1862.,  pp.  123ff. 

17  Hull   City  Library.   A.   DC  la  Prymc  :    MS.  History  of  Hull.  f.93. 

18  The   Guildhall.    Hull.    Corporation   MSS.   Bench   Books.   Vol.   5.  f.101. 

19  PRO.  Star  Chamber  Proceedings.  St.Ch.8.79/5.  f.8. 

:"  The  'Guildhall.  York.  Corporation  MSS.  House  Books.  Vol.  33.ff.  111-112. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT  13 

Dr.  Henry  Hooke,  who  filled  the  place  from  1615-20,  was  a  non- 
conforming  Puritan,  and  in  trouble  with  the  religious  authorities  in 
both  1604  and  1631.  At  the  latter  date,  he  was  charged  in  the 
London  High  Commission,  '  For  preaching  that  noe  ecclesiasticall 
men  ought  to  have  temporall  power ',  an  assertion  which  Bishop 
Neile  stigmatized  as  '  fitt  for  an  Anabaptist  \s:  His  successor,  Henry 
Aiscough  (1624-42),  was  a  moderate  Puritan,  but  as  vicar  of  All 
Saints,  Pavement  (1632-62),  had  as  his  curate  the  more  radical 
John  Shaw. 

The  amount  of  concern  and  money  which  the  city  expended  on 
its  special  preachers,  speaks  eloquently  of  its  zeal  for  sermons. 
A  protest,  however,  against  the  current  adulation  of  the  preacher 
was  heard  in  the  case  of  Thomas  Nicholson,  who  on  20  February 
1615,  was  summoned  before  the  City  Council, 
for  that  he  did  on  mondaie  the  xiiith  of  Februarie  instant 
when  people  were  Coming  from  a  sermond  (sic)  at  Allhallowe 
Church  in  verie  scornfull  manner  openly  saye,  that  it  was 
never  good  world  since  ther  were  so  many  sermons,  and  in 
cursing  manner  wishing  they  were  all  hanged  and  at  (i.e.  had) 
the  devill  throweing  snowe  balls  at  them  which  had  bene  at 
the  sermond  .  .  . 

He  was  duly  ordered  to  stand  the  next  Sunday  at  Allhallows  church 
door  in  sermon  time,  with  a  paper  on  his  head  announcing  his 
offence  :  '  for  sayeing  it  was  never  good  world  since  this  religion 
of  sermons  came  up  \3'J  All  the  evidence  suggests,  however,  that 
'  this  religion  of  sermons  '  prevailed  with  general  support  in  York, 
and  Nicholson's  protest  appears  to  have  been  an  isolated  one. 
Puritan  feeling  in  York  was  reflected  not  only  in  the  choice  of 
official  preachers  and  in  the  city's  social  legislation,  but  also  in 
prolonged  friction  between  the  corporation  and  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities  of  the  Minster,  where  most  of  the  higher  clergy  were 
Laudians  and  the  Dean,  during  the  1630's  (the  fiercest  period  of 
strife),  the  notorious  Dr.  John  Scott,  who  eventually  died  in  dis 
grace  in  the  King's  Bench  Prison. 

On  the  more  general  question  as  to  why  Yorkshire  Puritanism 
flourished  so  notably  in  the  towns,  it  seems  clear  that  commercial 
contacts,  especially  through  fairs  and  markets,  were  an  important 
factor  in  this  development.  We  may  take  a  concrete  instance  of 
traders  from  Hull  and  York  coming  under  the  influence  of  Puritan 
preaching  at  Stourbridge  Fair.  William  Perkins  was  the  preacher, 

32  S.  R.  Gardiner  :    Reports  of  Cases  in  the  Courts  of  Star  Chamber  and 

High  Commission.  Camden  Society.  1886.,  p.  276. 
38  Guildhall,  York.  House  Books.  Vol.  36.  f.  54. 

2 


14  THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

and  his  sermon,  A  Faithfull  and  Plaine  Exposition  upon  the  two 
first  verses  of  the  second  Chapter  of  Zephaniah,  was  published  by 
the  Beverley  preacher,  William  Crashawe,  in  1606.  Perkins  at  one 
point  exhorted  his  hearers  to,  '  Carry  home  this  lesson  to  your 
great  townes  &  cities  where  you  dwel ',  and  Crashawe  or  the  person 
who  originally  transcribed  the  sermon  added  in  a  marginal  note  : 
There  were  then  present  inhabitants  of  London,  York,  Cam 
bridge,    Oxford,     Norwich,    Bristow,    Ipswich,    Colchester, 
Worcester,     Hull,     Lin,     Manchester,     Kendall,     Coventry, 
Nottingham,  Northampton,  Bathe,  Lincoln,  Darby,  Leicester, 
Chester,  Newcastle,  and  of  many  other  most  populous  cities 
and  townes  of  England.34 

In  addition  to  the  extensive  commercial  intercourse  within  York 
shire,  between  the  West  Riding  clothing  towns,  York,  and  the 
port  of  Hull,  the  latter  town,  with  its  trade  to  the  Protestant  Low 
Countries,  was  even  more  open  to  the  influence  of  advanced 
religious  opinion,  and  was  well  placed  as  a  port  of  entry  for  the 
books  of  Protestant  exiles.33 

Moreover,  there  were  in  the  towns  certain  basic  conditions 
which  made  them  more  readily  receptive  of  Puritanism  than  the 
country  parishes.  There  was  the  stimulus  to  thought  and  discussion 
provided  by  a  larger  and  more  educated  population.  The  size  of 
the  population  also  brought  clergy  together  in  greater  numbers,  and 
this  concentration  made  it  easier  for  them  to  exchange  ideas  and 
to  organize  themselves.  There  was  the  spirit  of  municipal  inde 
pendence  and  civic  pride,  which  though  it  had  an  economic  basis 
was  by  no  means  merely  or  mainly  economic  in  its  essence  and 
expression.  Towns  thus  used  the  opportunities  given  by  municipal 
freedom  to  assert  themselves  against  ecclesiastical  authority  by 
appointing  lecturers  and  preachers  of  their  own  from  among  the 
Puritan  clergy  whom  the  universities  were  producing  in  increasing 
numbers.  Where  the  Church  was  present  in  the  form  of  a  rival 
corporation,  as  at  York  with  its  cathedral  chapter,  the  challenge 
to  civic  pride  was  more  pointed,  and  the  resulting  antagonism 
correspondingly  sharper. 

Finally,  we  may  glance  briefly  at  the  various  ways  in  which 
Puritan  belief  and  practice  were  propagated  in  Stuart  Yorkshire. 
The  nearest  approach  to  any  comprehensive  form  of  organisation, 
was  the  meeting  of  a  number  of  West  Riding  ministers  in  a  series 

84  W.  Crashawe,  Ed.  :  Wm.  Perkins  :  A  Faithfull  and  Plaine  Exposition 
upon  the  two  first  verses  of  the  second  Chapter  of  Zephaniah.  1606.,  p.  15. 

88  Cf.  A.  E.  Trout  :  Nonconformity  in  Hull  :  Transactions  of  the  Con 
gregational  Historical  Society.  Vol.  ix.30. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT  15 

of  Exercises.  Contemporary  manuscript  notes  of  the  sermons 
preached  at  these  gatherings,  name  47  ministers  as  taking  their  turn 
in  the  preaching.  Of  the  27  who  can  be  identified  with  reasonable 
certainty,  some  20  ministered  in  Leeds  and  Halifax,  or  in  parishes 
close  to  them.  The  other  six  or  seven  came  from  parishes  further 
afield  in  Yorkshire,  or,  in  two  cases,  from  Lancashire.  There  is 
evidence  of  a  number  of  personal  connexions  between  the  Lanca 
shire  and  Yorkshire  Puritans,  and  the  initiation  of  the  West  Riding 
Exercises  may  well  have  owed  something  to  the  example  and 
inspiration  of  the  Lancashire  series,  which  had  been  begun  at 
Manchester  in  1585.  The  Exercises  proved  something  of  a  haven 
for  ministers  who  had  been  silenced  or  deprived  for  their  non 
conformity.  John  Boyes,  for  instance,  a  lecturer  at  Halifax, 
preached  frequently  in  the  Exercises,  though  he  had  been  previously 
4  banished  out  of  Kent  for  his  non-Conformity  '.3fl  Again,  there 
were  eight  preachers  who  seem  to  have  been  without  a  cure  during 
at  least  part  of  the  time  covered  by  the  notes  on  the  Exercises. 
They  were  nearly  all  young  men,  who  had  either  recently  left  the 
University  or  had  only  recently  been  ordained,  and  they  all  preach 
ed  more  often  than  did  the  older  ministers  taking  part.  May  not  the 
Exercises,  then,  by  design  or  not,  have  possibly  served  as  a 
training-ground  for  younger  Puritan  ministers,  and  offered  them 
a  pulpit  before  they  had  obtained  a  charge  of  their  own  ?  The 
Exercises,  indeed,  as  the  lineal  descendants  of  the  Elizabethan 
4  Prophesyings  ',  seem  to  have  combined  the  elements  of  preaching 
service,  ministers'  fraternal,  and  sermon  class. 

Another  way  in  which  the  Puritans  sought  to  propagate  their 
ideas  was  through  the  collection  of  data  concerning  livings  and 
incumbents,  in  which  the  parlous  condition  of  the  Church  was 
reflected,  if  not  exaggerated.  Several  of  these  surveys  were  pre 
pared  for  the  Hampton  Court  Conference,  and  the  following  ones 
have  survived,  for  Essex,  Lancashire,  Staffordshire,  Sussex,  and 
the  Deanery  of  Doncaster,  The  Doncaster  one  is  fuller  than  the 
others,  and  gives  a  note,  not  only  of  a  man's  preaching  ability, 
but  also  of  his  attitude  to  the  ceremonies.  There  seems  too  to 
have  been  a  reasonable  attempt  at  objectivity,  as  the  following 
typical  entry  shows  :  Mr.  Spaulden,  rector  of  Thurnscoe,  is,  4  A 
preacher  honest,  but  simple  :  Content  with  the  Ceremonyes  and 
would  bee  so  without  them  \37  There  is  no  evidence  of  similar 

36  Cit.  J.  Hunter  :    The  Rise  of  the  Old  Dissent  exemplified  in  the  Life  of 
Oliver  Heywood,  pp.  76-7. 

37  British  Museum.  Additional  MSS.4293.  f.41. 


16  THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT 

surveys  after  the  beginning  of  James  Fs  reign,  and  the  Puritans 
seem  to  have  turned  to  other,  and  less  official,  means  of  propaganda 
in  their  efforts  to  advance  their  cause. 

One  such  means  was  the  employment  of  itinerant  preachers. 
Their  work,  while  by  its  very  nature  difficult  to  fit  into  any  formal 
scheme  of  organisation,  was  of  undoubted  importance  in  the 
spread  of  Puritanism  in  Yorkshire.  It  was  one  of  the  features  of 
Puritanism  which  its  local  opponents  most  abominated.  One  of 
these  called  the  Puritans  '  wandering  stars  ',  and  compared  them 
to  sturdy  beggars  and  vagrants.38  Another  referred  to,  4  your  jratres 
sportulantes,  your  Fryer  mendicants,  stipendiary  Preachers,  to 
gether  with  your  rambling  crue  of  wandring  Levites  ;  who  though 
they  seeme  to  hate  nothing  more  than  a  Bishop,  and  double  bene 
fice,  yet  would  they  willingly  ...  be  busie  Superintendents  over  all 
the  Parishes  in  a  Countrey  Va  Not  even  all  the  Puritans  themselves 
approved  of  itinerancy,  as  criticism  voiced  in  the  Exercises  and 
elsewhere  shows.  Yet  some  men  were  virtually  forced  to  become 
itinerants,  by  the  pressure  of  the  bishops  upon  them.  One  such 
was  Thomas  Shepard,  who  ministered  at  Earl's  Colne,  Essex,  until 
silenced  by  Archbishop  Laud.  After  Laud  had  tried  (1631)  to 
arrest  him,  he  decided  to  flee.  In  his  own  words  : 

now  I  perceived  that  I  could  not  stay  in  Colne  without  danger  ; 
and  hereupon  receiving  a  letter  from  Mr.  Ezekiel  Rogers,  then 
living  at  Rowley,  in  Yorkshire,  to  encourage  me  to  come  to 
the  knight's  house,  called  Sir  Richard  Darley,  dwelling  at  a 
town  called  Buttercrambe,  and  the  knight's  two  sons  .  .  . 
promising  me  £20  a  year  for  their  part,  and  the  knight  promis 
ing  me  my  table,  and  the  letters  sent  to  me  crying  with  that 
voice  of  the  man  of  Macedonia,  *  Come  and  help  us  ',  here 
upon  I  resolved  to  follow  the  Lord  to  so  remote  and  strange 
a  place  .  .  .4J 

He  preached  in  the  Buttercrambe  region  for  a  year,  was  forced  to 
withdraw  to  Northumberland,  and  finally  left  for  New  England. 
Other  posts  which  afforded  greater  freedom  from  ecclesiastical 
discipline,  were  those  of  lecturer  and  family  chaplain.  The  lecturer 
had  not  the  ties  of  a  benefice,  and  being  paid  from  an  independent 
source — usually  a  municipal  corporation  or  a  private  bequest — 
virtually  confined  himself  to  preaching  duties.  Chaplains  stood  in  a 
relation  to  their  patrons  very  similar  to  that  of  the  lecturers 

38  J.  Walker  :  The  English  Pharisee,  p.  31. 

39  Richard   Perrott  :    Jacob's  Vowe,  or  The  True  Historie  of  Tithes    1627  , 
p.  56. 

4"  Cit.  A.  Young  :    Chronicles  of  .  .  .  Massachusetts  Bay  &c.,  p.  520. 


THE    YORKSHIRE    PURITAN    MOVEMENT  17 

vis-d-vis  the  bodies  which  appointed  them,  and  enjoyed  an  inde 
pendence  which  was  not  less  securely,  if  more  narrowly  based. 
Richard  Rhodes,  for  example,  was  chaplain  in  the  Puritan  house 
hold  of  Sir  Thomas  Hoby  of  Hackness,  North  Riding,  c.1599-1604. 
His  patrons  held  a  low  opinion  of  the  local  minister,  and  seem  to 
have  regarded  their  chaplain  as  the  de  facto  pastor  of  the  parish. 
Lady  Margaret  Hoby  despondently  recorded  in  her  diary  for  1599, 
4 ...  went  to  church,  wher  I  hard  Mr.  Pamer  speak,  but  to  small 
profitte  to  any  :  thence  I  returned  and  privately  praied,  lamentinge 
the  miserie  of  godes  visible  Church  '.  Later,  she  wrote  that,  '  Mr. 
Hoby,  Mr.  Rhodes,  and  myselfe,  talked  on  matters  Concerninge 
the  good  of  the  paritioners  ',  and  mentioned,  4  some  talke  with 
Mr.  Rhodes  touchinge  some  of  his  flock  '.41 

As  ministers  in  the  parishes,  as  preachers  trained  and  quickened 
by  their  gatherings  in  the  Exercises,  as  itinerants,  lecturers,  family 
chaplains, — in  all  these  roles  and  by  their  constant  preaching  of  the 
Word,  the  Yorkshire  Puritans  sought  to  advance  their  cause.  Nor 
were  they  only  great  preachers  in  the  pulpit.  They  were  also  the 
outstanding  propagandists  of  the  printing  press.  It  is  a  striking 
fact  that,  so  far  as  our  evidence  goes,  most  of  the  theological  books 
written  by  Yorkshire  clergy  in  this  period,  were  written  by  Puritans. 
There  is  no  sign  of  large-scale  organisation  in  the  Yorkshire  Puritan 
movement  in  these  years,  and  yet  it  may  well  be  that  these  various 
expedients  used  by  the  Puritans  to  spread  their  influence  were, 
whether  they  realised  it  or  not,  a  wiser  policy  than  any  attempt 
to  build  a  systematic  and  co-ordinated  organisation.  Such  an 
attempt,  merely  by  bringing  Puritan  strength  into  the  open,  must 
have  alarmed  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The  friendly  support 
of  Archbishop  Matthew  might  well  have  been  lost,  while  Neile 
would  have  been  roused  to  even  fiercer  efforts  against  the  move 
ment.  (As  it  was,  he  appears  to  have  suppressed  the  Exercises,  for 
there  is  no  record  of  their  having  met  after  1632.)  But  when  the 
Exercises  failed,  the  less  obtrusive  work  of  the  itinerants,  the 
lecturers,  the  chaplains,  the  schoolmasters,  and  the  ordinary  minis 
ters  in  the  parishes,  all  of  these  often  protected  by  influential  lay 
patrons,  continued.  No  amount  of  lay  support  could  easily  have 
buttressed  a  large-scale,  formal  organisation  in  the  face  of  episcopal 
opposition  ;  but  these  quieter  and  less  spectacular  ways  of  advance 
could  be  and  were  so  protected,  and  in  them  lay  the  strength  of  the 
Yorkshire  Puritan  movement.  JOHN  NEWTON 

"  D.  M.  Meads,  Ed.  :   The  Diary  of  Lady  Margaret  Hoby  1599-1605    1930., 
pp.  73,  102,  243f.,  260. 

2  * 


THE  BICENTENARY  OF  1662 


Will  the  Tercentenary  of  1662  hinder  the  work  of  reconciliation 
between  denominations  ?  Congregationalists,  particularly  all  who 
claim  to  love  their  history  and  at  the  same  time  to  look  forward 
to  an  age  of  fuller  fellowship  between  Christians,  must  feel  some 
anxieties  as  1962  approaches.  Perhaps  we  shall  drift  into  displays 
of  unedifying  controversy  as  helplessly  as  our  fathers  a  hundred 
years  ago,  though  we  have  less  excuse  for  belligerency  than  they. 
To-day  the  air  is  far  healthier.  Nevertheless  it  would  be  foolish 
to  ignore  the  potential  dangers  which  still  exist.  What  the  press 
and  the  public  meeting  did  a  hundred  years  ago,  can  be  supple 
mented  to-day  in  yet  more  powerful  ways.  Furthermore  it  would  be 
equally  foolish  to  neglect  the  opportunities  provided  by  the  Com 
memoration  to  strengthen  the  spirit  of  the  churches. 

Dale's  History  of  English  Congregationalism  is  enough  to  indicate 
that  the  Victorian  era  was  a  time  of  restless  controversy.  In  the 
circumstances  the  Bicentenary  was  bound  to  provoke  strife.  It  may 
seem  to  us  incredible  that  at  least  a  section  of  Congregationalists 
maintained  that  they  had  not  forseen  an  outcry  when  they  were 
contemplating  the  plans  for  the  event,  yet  this  is  what  one  of  the 
giants  of  the  day,  Eustace  Conder,  would  have  us  believe.  The 
Nonconformist,  11  June  1862,  reported  him  saying  at  Leeds  that 
Congregationalists 

did  not  anticipate  the  clamourous  outcry  raised  against  them, 
because  he  supposed  they  did  not  clearly  see  how  impossible 
it  was  to  condemn  the  law  which  forced  from  their  livings  the 
men  of  1662  without  their  censure  having  a  direct  and  unwel 
come  bearing  on  the  men  who  in  1862  held  the  same  livings 
under  the  same  law.  Their  aim  was  a  pure  and  laudable  one- 
first,  to  impress  on  their  churches  and  on  their  own  hearts  the 
noble  lessons  contained  in  the  example  of  these  men  whom 
they  honoured  .  .  . 

Here  is  the  story  of  a  miscalculation  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  will 
not  be  repeated. 

There  were  Congregationalists  who  hoped  to  combine  a  forth 
right  apology  for  their  principles  with  becoming  moderation.  The 
venerated  Joshua  Wilson,  too  frail  to  attend  the  Union's  Autumn 
Assembly  yet  as  active  as  ever  in  mind,  presented  a  paper  in  which 
he  pleaded  with  the  delegates  to  employ  the  *  meekness  of  wisdom  ' 
in  contending  for  their  principles  during  the  Commemoration,  and 
to  bear  in  mind  *  that  there  are  yet  more  important  matters  on 

18 


THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662  19 

which  we  are  all  one'.  Nevertheless  one  of  his  aims  for  1862  was 
the  vigorous  diffusion  of  Dissenting  principles.1 

Controversy  was  so  much  part  of  the  religious  scene  that  we  may 
suppose  that  no  one  thought  that  a  little  more  would  do  much 
harm.  Since  the  Reform  Bill  struggle  some  thirty  years  earlier 
Nonconformists  had  not  ceased  to  agitate  for  disestablishment.  The 
irritating  question  of  Church  rates  provoked  local  strife  year  by 
year.  The  Nonconformist  raised  the  level  of  it  to  that  of  a  national 
crusade.  The  Liberation  Society  was  busy  gathering  an  army  of 
Nonconformists  to  attack  the  existing  State-Church  relationship. 
Intimately  connected  with  the  establishment  question  was  that  of 
State  education,  upon  which  a  Royal  Commission  was  still  sitting 
in  1861.  The  Church  of  England  had  poured  vast  sums  of  money 
into  schools  ;  Nonconformists  had  done  their  best  but  had  lost  the 
race.  Meanwhile  Britain  was  falling  behind  her  alert  continental 
competitor  Prussia  where  a  State  system  was  well  established.  But 
compulsory  education  provided  by  the  State  touched  Dissenters 
sorely  upon  their  characteristic  voluntary  principle.  Then,  to  further 
complicate  the  division  between  Anglicans  and  Nonconformists,  by 
1862  a  generation  of  Tractarianism  had  stirred  up  all  the  old  horror 
and  hatred  of  Romanism  in  Nonconformist  bones,  whilst  Anglicans 
were  becoming  more  and  more  awake  to  the  dangers  of  the  liberal 
spirit.  Was  the  ground  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  a  quiet  garden 
of  commemoration  ? 

Moderation  was  not  the  hall-mark  of  The  Nonconformist.  It  was 
widely  read  because  it  appealed  to  the  deep  sense  of  grievance 
which  the  Nonconformist  felt.  The  popular  press  was  a  new  and 
powerful  instrument  and  Congregationalists  were  amongst  its  lead 
ing  lights.  Anyone  who  wants  to  feel  the  place  of  the  Liberal, 
Nonconformist  papers  at  this  time  can  discover  it  from  some  of 
Trollope's  political  novels,  where  their  power  is  unmistakably 
portrayed.  Happily,  we  can  assert  that  Edward  Miall,  the  editor 
and  founder  of  The  Nonconformist,  the  champion  of  Chapel-goers, 
was  nothing  like  Trollope's  Quintus  Slide.  The  latter  is  a  copy- 
writing  Uriah  Keep ;  Miall  was  cultured,  gentle  in  person,  yet 
uncompromisingly  ferocious  in  public.  For  his  services  in  the  cause 
of  religious  and  civic  liberties  he  was  given  when  his  paper  came 
of  age  in  1862  a  testimonial  worth  £5,000  together  with  a  costly 
silver  tea  and  coffee  service.  Being  a  poor  man,  sometime  Member 
of  Parliament,  unpaid,  he  needed  the  money.  Naturally  his  short 
spell  as  a  Congregational  minister  had  not  set  him  up  financially. 

1    Congregational  Year  Book,  1863,  pp.  60-72. 


20  THE  BICENTENARY  OF    1662 

It  was  this  paper  then,  which  on  1  January  1862  revealed  what 
the  year  meant  to  the  rank  and  file  in  the  churches. 

The  bicentenary  of  a  year  memorable  in  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  this  country — what  will  come  of  it  ?  What  new  phase 
of  the  relation  in  which  the  Church  stands  to  the  State  will  it 
exhibit?  What  triumphs  will  the  year  in  its  course  be  likely 
to  witness  ?  What  defeat  will  it  record  ?  What  special  shape 
will  the  question  at  issue  between  the  Erastianism  of  British 
Statesmanship  and  the  aspirations  towards  greater  freedom  and 
purity  of  spiritual  Christianity  probably  assume  ?  .  .  .  will  the 
Church-rate  question  be  settled,  or  remain  as  it  is  ? 
The  Patriot  under  '  Bombastes,  Furioso,  Brag,  and  Co  ',  as  Miall 
aptly  called  John  Campbell,  was  not  behindhand  in  following  a 
similar  course  during  the  year.  Campbell  was  as  much  hated  by 
Congregationalists   as   Miall   was   loved,   largely   because    of  his 
bearlike  behaviour  during  the  Rivulet  affair.  He  now  led  an  assault 
upon  the  Evangelicals  of  the  Church  of  England,  accusing  them 
of   unfaithfulness   to   Evangelicalism,   of   knowing   it   and   doing 
nothing  about  it.  It  was  a  regrettable  aspect  of  the  year's  debates. 
Hundreds  of  lectures  on  the  Ejection  were  given  in  schoolrooms 
and  public  halls  all  over  the  land.  The  word  lecture  does  not 
describe  what  went  on.  The  nation  could  have  only  been  further 
roused   if  the  lectures   had  concerned  the  veneration   of  Oliver 
Cromwell   and   justification  of  regicide.  The  meetings  were  not 
scholarly  gatherings  despite  their  pretentious  title  ;  they  had  more 
in  common  with  old-fashioned  hustings.  The  Victorians  thoroughly 
enjoyed  a  public  meeting  with  plenty  of  good  verbal  wrestling, 
and  many  are  the  reports  of  meetings  such  as  that  at  Liverpool 
when  Enoch  Mellor,  cheered  on  by  the  crowd,  ridiculed  the  Angli 
can  doctrine  of  ordination  and  then  went  on  to  challenge  the 
clergy  to  break  their  chains.  This  was  the  sort  of  lecture  worth 
hearing !     Pleasure   was   increased   at   question-time,    when   the 
democratic  spirit  of  the  age  lured  the  local  clergy  to  mount  the 
platform  to  defend  themselves.  Meetings  sometimes  continued  till 
past  midnight ;  caretakers  were  lowly  personages  in  those  days. 
The  vicar  would  give  as  good  as  he  got.  For  example,  at  a  lecture 
in  Norwich,  J.  J.  Colman  being  in  the  chair,  a  vicar  made  his 
defence  of  the  Prayer  Book  and  then  crowned  all  by  adding  that 
the  Bicentenary  had  but  one  purpose,  '  to  show  that  it  is  impossible 
for  the  Evangelical  clergy  consistently  to  remain  in  the  Church  '. 
There  were  cries  of  No.  !  No  !  and  Yes  !  Yes  ! 2 

2    The  Nonconformist,  16  April,  1862. 


THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662  21 

The  papers  contained,  besides  these  exciting  reports,  a  wrangling 
correspondence.  For  example,  The  Nonconformist,  16  April  1862, 
after  mentioning  that  Canon  Miller  of  Birmingham  had  resigned 
from  the  Bible  Society  auxiliary  on  the  ground  that  it  was  becoming 
impossible  to  work  with  Dissenters,  printed  a  letter  from  Dale 
castigating  the  doctrine  of  baptismal  regeneration  and  the  tendency 
towards  universalism  found  in  the  Prayer  Book,  which  Evangelicals 
could  not  hold.  This  was  a  dignified  letter  but  lesser  correspondents 
worked  at  lower  levels.  We  find  the  stormy  petrel  of  the  Anglicans, 
Joseph  Bardsley,  who  travelled  about  lecturing  against  the  Com 
memoration,  offering  £20  to  Bruce's  chapel,  Huddersfield,  if  Bruce 
could  produce  figures  from  Mann's  1851  census  to  prove  that 
more  Dissenters  went  to  worship  than  Churchmen.3 

Upon  their  side  the  Anglicans  also  spoke  out  through  the  printed 
word.  As  The  English  Churchman  said,  they  discerned  a  '  declara 
tion  of  war '.  Churchmen  of  all  types  stood  solidly  together  to 
defend  the  establishment.  Though  there  was  actually  litigation 
between  the  high  and  the  low  at  the  time,  no  Bicentenary  could 
prise  open  the  package  that  contained  the  two.  Elliot  Binns  com 
ments  upon  the  solidarity  of  the  Church  of  England  in  dismissing 
the  point  of  commemorating  1662.4  The  kind  of  argument  used 
even  by  reputable  periodicals  was  often  not  of  a  high  order.  For 
example,  The  Quarterly  Review,  1862,  had  the  following  com 
mentary  on  the  Commemoration  : 

If  a  pickpocket  has  possessed  himself  of  your  handkerchief, 
and  yields  it  up  to  you  again  under  the  gentle  pressure  of  the 
police,  his  most  admiring  and  enthusiastic  friend  would  not 
think  it  necessary  to  preach  a  sermon  in  his  honour  upon  the 
next  anniversary  of  the  event.5 

Now  The  Quarterly  had  an  influence  and  reputation  comparable 
with  The  Edinburgh  Review ;  it  was  designed  for  cultured  readers 
whose  politics  differed  from  that  of  its  rival  but  whose  taste  for 
invective  was  no  less  avid.  This  particular  article  singled  out 
Congregationalists  to  inform  them  that  they  were  unpopular,  that 
their  views  on  independence  of  the  State  were  4  too  repulsive  to 
the  mass  of  Englishmen  to  give  them  a  chance  of  success  ' ;  and  it 
alleged  that  Miall  and  Bright  with  their  Liberation  Society  were 
intent  upon  political  subversion,  seeing  that  their  open  appeal  to 
the  public  had  failed. 

3    The  Nonconformist,  30  April,  1862. 

*    Religion  in  the  Victorian  Era  (London,  1936)  p.  206. 

5    Op.  cit.  p.  238. 


22  THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662 

1862  reminds  one  of  a  poultice  placed  on  an  abscess.  All  the 
diseased  feelings  of  divided  Christians  were  brought  to  a  head 
and  broke  in  public.  Suspicions,  fears  and  prejudices  which  had 
caused  trouble  for  years  now  occupied  the  public  mind.  The 
Church-Chapel  dispute  was  at  its  height. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  with  something  of  irony  about  it,  that  the 
main  contentions  which  Nonconformists  held  against  the  Church 
of  England  and  which  the  latter  was  happy  to  defend,  were  issues 
which  a  century  afterwards  have  receded  into  the  background. 
To-day  disestablishment  is  more  likely  to  be  heard  of  within  the 
Anglican  Church  than  in  Free  Church  circles  ;  objection  to  the 
Prayer  Book  is  not  voiced  much  by  modern  Congregationalists 
whereas  Anglicans  are  certainly  critical  of  its  rigidity.  The  issues 
which  divide  us  now,  the  ministry  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  on  the 
other  hand,  do  not  seem  to  have  been  uppermost  in  the  minds  of 
men  then.  It  was  not  primarily  to  attack  or  defend  them  that  they 
mounted  the  platforms  of  crowded  halls. 

The  controversy  had  roots  that  went  deeper  than  reason  readily 
admitted.  There  was  a  social  cleavage,  a  kind  of  Apartheid,  existing 
between  Church  and  Chapel.  The  former  was  the  religious  profes 
sion  of  the  privileged  and  the  latter  that  of  the  rising  middle-class. 
The  former  had  the  money  whilst  the  latter  struggled  along.  Hence 
why  Church  schools  had  outstripped  British  schools.  Nonconform 
ists,  then,  suffered  from  a  bitter  sense  of  inferiority.  It  was  unjust, 
they  felt,  for  they  were  the  up-and-coming  portion  of  society.  No 
longer  persecuted,  no  longer  subject  to  serious  civic  disabilities, 
Nonconformist  leaders  felt  the  remaining  inequalities  probably 
more  sensitively  than  had  their  grandfathers.  Recall  too  how  dis 
dainfully  almost  all  novelists  of  the  day  spoke  of  Dissenters.  All  this 
helps  us  to  understand  why  Nonconformists  reacted  as  they  did. 

Then  again,  the  fact  that  denomination  and  political  party  tended 
to  become  identified  sharpened  the  conflict.  Congregationalists  were 
almost  to  a  man  Liberals  ;  Tories  were  Anglican.  Furthermore,  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  vote  was  then  a  new  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  many  Congregationalists  and  many  others  were  eagerly 
anticipating  the  time  when  household  suffrage,  which  their  spokes 
man  Bright  promised  them  one  day,  would  give  them  a  say  in 
politics.  Politics  was  certainly  not  wearing  the  dreary  dress  she 
wears  to-day.  Congregationalists  were  hard  behind  the  old  war- 
horse  Russell,  the  popular  Bright,  and  the  new  star  Gladstone, 
pressing  for  further  franchise.  Farsighted  Anglicans  were  ready  for 
compromise  but  many  were  simply  reactionary. 


THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662  23 

Since  the  shaking  she  had  received  from  Parliament  at  the  time 
of  the  first  Reform  Bill  when  she  had  been  told  to  set  her  house 
in  order,  the  Church  of  England  had  somewhat  nervously  and 
demonstratively  endeavoured  to  reassert  herself.  She  knew  herself 
to  be  closely  watched.  She  knew  how  precariously  she  held  on  to 
her  privileges.  She  wondered  at  times  whether  England  was  not 
going  the  same  way  as  the  continental  revolutionaries.  Her  members 
were  tensed  for  action.  So  were  Nonconformists.  Any  idea  of  a 
peaceful  Commemoration  was  a  pipe-dream. 

Disagreement  seems  to  have  been  the  order  of  the  day.  The 
Nonconformists  set  up  a  united  committee  to  promote  the  Com 
memoration,  consisting  of  15  Independents  (note  that  this  was 
their  designation,  not  Congregationalists),  14  Baptists,  4  Presby 
terians,  6  Methodists,  and  3  Friends.  This  committee,  The  Central 
United  Bartholomew  Committee,  organized  some  lectures  and 
published  a  series  of  tracts  on  various  subjects  such  as  The  Farewell 
Sunday  and  The  Act  of  Uniformity.  Beyond  this  it  was  a  failure. 
The  Congregationalists  confessed  to  feeling  inhibited  by  having  to 
work  with  denominations  whose  principles  were  not  so  free  as 
their  own. 

Denominations  preferred  to  make  their  own  plans.  The  Con 
gregationalists'  were  rather  grandiose.  They  included  the  provision 
of  a  suitable  denominational  headquarters  and  library  building,  and 
a  great  effort  at  Chapel  building,  for  cities  and  towns  were  spread 
ing  rapidly  and  Mann's  census  of  Church  accommodation  had 
made  everyone  aware  that  the  tide  of  population  and  housing  was 
rising  faster  than  the  churches  could  manage  to  provide  for.  Joshua 
Wilson  in  the  paper  already  alluded  to  challenged  Congregational 
ists  to  open  50  new  places  of  worship  by  St.  Bartholemew's  Day, 
less  than  a  twelvemonth,  and  another  50  foundation  stones  to  be 
laid.  Doubtless  his  main  objective  was  that  at  last  the  denomination 
would  fulfil  his  father's  hope  and  undertake  the  work  of  extension 
which  the  Wilsons  themselves  so  dearly  loved. 

Probably  something  like  a  quarter  of  a  million  pounds  was  raised 
during  the  Commemoration.  There  was  a  surge  of  Chapel  building, 
the  largest  in  all  Congregational  history  ;  but  for  a  long  time 
money  did  not  flow  in  freely  for  the  hall  and  library  in  London. 
Local  projects  came  first  and  this,  together  with  some  disappoint 
ments  over  securing  a  site,  delayed  the  laying  of  the  foundation 
stone  of  The  Memorial  Hall  until  10  May  1872.  The  Bicentenary 
Committee's  report  to  the  Union  in  the  autumn  of  1862  made  the 
comment  that  the  financial  success  of  the  appeal  would  have  been 


24  THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662 

greater  had  not  Chapel  debts  swallowed  up  so  much  of  the  local 
efforts  of  congregations. 

Naturally  books  appeared.  John  Stoughton  produced  his  Church 
and  State  Two  Hundred  Years  Ago  which  Congregationalist  re 
viewers  admired  for  its  scholarship  but  disfavoured  for  its  modera 
tion.  The  circulation  which  a  popular  religious  book  could 
command  in  1862  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  F.  S.  Williams' 
The  Story  of  Black  Bartholomew  ran  through  50,000  copies  in 
three  weeks. 

How  did  the  Bicentenary  help  Congregationalism  ?  In  addition 
to  stimulating  a  building  programme,  it  taught  men  to  seek  again 
the  foundation  upon  which  they  stood  ;  furthermore  it  suggested 
to  them  that  they  might  be  proud  of  their  denomination  and  Union. 

The  Bicentenary  Committee  actually  told  the  Union  in  the 
autumn  of  1862  that  they  considered  the  controversies  of  the  year 
had  made  better  churches.  'Our  love  of  peace  had  begun  to 
endanger  our  fidelity  to  principle.'  Indeed,  there  are  witnesses 
enough  to  show  that  such  matters  as  Church  polity  and  theology, 
for  all  the  furore  which  the  Oxford  Movement  or  Liberal  theology 
could  rouse,  were  often  disdained.  1862  helped  to  remedy  this 
situation.  Dale  in  particular,  then  only  in  his  third  year  at  Carrs 
Lane,  made  it  his  mission  in  life  to  rebuild  the  theological  and 
ecclesiastical  walls  of  Zion.  Dale's  was  indeed  a  Congregational 
polity,  though  perhaps  tinged  with  political  colour  of  a  Victorian 
Liberal  hue. 

What  the  Congregationalists  of  1862  cherished  as  their  principles 
was  so  dyed  with  eighteenth-century  individualism  that  we  should 
probably  prefer  to  call  it  Independency.  Indeed  it  is  one  of  the 
miracles  of  Congregational  history  that  the  Union  in  1831  should 
ever  have  been  christened  Congregational  at  all,  a  miracle  largely 
due  it  appears  to  the  faithful  spade-work  of  Joseph  Turnbull. 
When  we  find  Wilson  in  his  paper  advocating  the  vigorous  dis 
semination  of  their  principles,  we  must  not  be  surprised  to  see  the 
great  importance  attached  to  the  inalienable  right  of  every  man  to 
investigate  and  interpret  the  New  Testament  for  himself.  One 
wonders  why  the  Old  Testament  was  left  out  or  Revelation  left  in  ! 
Here  the  statement  pointed  in  the  direction  of  a  Congregational 
interpretation  of  the  early  Church.  Conscience  ordered  them  to 
obey  what  they  read  there  and  conscience  was  the  voice  of  God. 
So  said  Wilson.  It  was  Congregationalism  or  rather  Independency 
with  a  strong  bias  towards  individualism,  the  very  individualism 


THE  BICENTENARY  OF   1662  25 

which  the  Tractarians  clearly  saw  the  dangers  of  and  which  they 
fought  with  a  fresh  and  exalted  concept  of  the  Church. 

It  is  a  long  step  from  the  scholarly,  painstaking  scripturism  of 
the  Puritans  who  chose  to  be  ejected,  to  the  creedless,  confession- 
less  biblicism  of  mid-Victorian  Congregationalists.  It  is  another 
long  step  from  the  sacrificial  act  of  conscience  which  made  a  man 
with  a  family  lose  security  and  risk  prison,  to  the  nineteenth- 
century  dogma  of  voluntaryism.  It  is  a  further  long  step  from 
refusing  to  conform,  to  clamouring  for  disestablishment.  But  the 
preacher  is  particularly  prone  to  draw  the  moral  he  wants  from  the 
text  before  him.  We  shall  be  fortunate  to  escape  entirely  from  long 
steps  in  some  of  the  talks  and  articles  that  are  uttered  in  the  next 
two  years. 

The  Bicentenary  served  to  focus  attention  upon  the  Union.  After 
the  national  scandal  of  the  Rivulet  affair,  the  Union  was  at  its 
lowest  ebb.  Something  was  needed  to  stimulate  interest  and  esprit. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  Commemoration  together  with  the  solidarity 
which  sprang  from  controversy  gave  the  Union  a  new  and  stronger 
impetus.  Between  then  and  1890  the  Union  developed  into  the 
kind  of  instrument  it  was  when  the  present  century  dawned.  This 
was  largely  due  to  the  labours  of  Hannay,  Dale  and  Guinness 
Rogers  over  many  years,  but  the  Bicentenary  set  the  new  scene, 
against  which  they  played  their  parts. 

Obviously  the  Tercentenary  will  be  unlike  the  Bicentenary.  We 
shall  be  thankful  for  that.  But  allowing  for  the  fact  that  religious 
controversy  is  not  relished  by  the  public  in  the  way  that  it  appears 
to  have  been  a  century  ago,  it  may  be  reckoned  that  the  rather 
abstruse  theological  points  which  divide  us  to-day,  if  they  produced 
controversy,  would  do  the  Church  untold  harm.  Establishment  and 
the  Prayer  Book  were  tangible  enough  for  ordinary  people  to  grasp 
the  issues.  It  is  not  so  certain  that  they  will  understand  why  divi 
sions  remain  to-day.  This  could  mean  that  controversy,  quickly 
fired  by  mass  media  of  the  sensational  type,  using  men  who  can  be 
found  in  any  denomination  "who  enjoy  displaying  themselves  and 
their  ill-conceived,  extreme  opinions,  could  repeat  some  of  the 
worst  features  of  1862,  only  with  derisory  effect  upon  the  public 
mind,  which  already  suffers  from  a  warped  image  of  what  the 
Church  of  Christ  is. 

JOHN   H.   TAYLOR. 


Congregational  Church  Records 

Held  in  Public  Custody  (List  1) 

In  the  last  fifteen  years  record  offices  have  been  established  in 
almost  every  county  in  England  and  in  many  boroughs  as  well. 
Here  records  are  deposited  relating  to  the  district.  Some  churches 
have  already  taken  advantage  of  this  service  which  enables  the 
records  to  be  accessible  to  historians  under  the  best  conditions 
without  the  depositor  losing  his  rights  of  ownership.  We  propose 
to  publish  lists  of  such  deposited  records  in  Transactions  from 
time  to  time.  We  are  indebted  to  various  archivists  for  supplying 
the  information.  We  hope  that  many  more  churches  will  seek  to 
deposit  their  records  in  such  safe  public  custody. 

Bedfordshire  Record  Office,  Shire  Hall,  Bedford. 
Harrold  :  School  rules  and  lists,  1809-12. 

Hockliffe  and  Eddington  :    Trustees'  minutes,  1809-12  ;  School 
cttee.  minutes,  1848-64  ;  misc.  papers,  1810-1900. 

Berkshire  Record  Office,  Shire  Hall,  Reading. 
Abingdon  Cong.  Ch.  :    benefactions,  1712-1862  ;  title  deeds  to 
properties  in  district,  1416-1914  ;  minutes  of  governing  body, 
1901-05  ;  Trust  property  administration,  1704-1935  ;  accounts, 
&c.,  1715-1944. 

Cornwall  Record  Office,  Gwendroc,  Barrack  Lane,  Truro. 

Falmouth,  Prince  St.  Meeting  Ho.  and  S.S.  :    18  deeds,  1718- 

1834. 
Wadebridge  Cong.  School  :   Record  Book,  1855-59. 

Essex  Record  Office,  County  Hall,  Chelmsford. 
Coggeshall  Cong.  Ch.  :  minutes  of  Ch.  meeting,  1775-1851  ; 
S.S.,  1788-1800,  1863-83;  British  School  minutes,  1855-80; 
Book  Club,  1849-61;  Building  accounts,  1687-1722;  Ch. 
accounts,  1777-1834;  School  accounts,  1823-69;  Algernon 
Wells'  sermons. 

Hertfordshire  Record  Office,  County  Hall,  Hertford. 
Hitchin,  Queen  St.  Ch.  :    extracts  from  Ch.  Book,  1725-1855. 

Leeds  :  Archives  Dept.,  Central  Library,  Leeds,  1. 

Rev.   Robert  Cuthbertson,   minister  of  Cleckheaton,    1821-69, 
correspondence  of. 

26 


CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  RECORDS  27 

London  :  Guildhall  Library,  Basing  hall  St.,  London,  E.C.2. 

Nightingale  Lane  Ch..,  E.  Smithfield  :    Minute  Books,  1722-51. 
Lime  St.  Ch.  :  Minute  Book,  1728-64. 

Manchester  Public  Library,  Local  History  Collection. 

Cheetham  Pk.  Cha.  :    Deacons'  and  Ch.  minutes,  1857-80. 
(The  Library  contains  a  fine  collection  of  printed  material  for 
Congregational  history  in  Lancashire.) 

Plymouth  Public  Library,  Archives  Dept. 

Batter  St.  Ch.  :  accounts,  1787-1826  ;  Trustees'  and  Ch.  minutes, 
1760-1819  ;  burials,  1768-1819  ;  History  of  Ch.  by  Jn.  Taylor, 
1889. 

Stonehouse,  Emma  Place  Ch.  :  accounts,  1787-1844  ;  minutes, 
(various),  1808-1910;  baptisms,  1849-1940;  marriages,  1868- 
1939;  burials,  1891-1921  ;  returns  to  Church  Aid  and  Home 
Missionary  Soc.,  1891-1900. 

Sheffield :  Archives  Dept.,  Central  Library,  Sheffield,  1. 

'  Zion  Cha.  Attercliffe  :  Minute  Book,  1914-28. 
Fulwood  Cha.  :  documents,  1827-68. 
Howard   St.   Cha.  :    registers,    1852-74 ;   register  of  members, 

1899;    Sacrament    Book,    1815-29;    cash    books,    1813-18; 

vouchers,  C19. 
Queen  St.  Cha.:  members'  duties,  1794. 

Worcestershire  Record  Office,  Shirehall,  Worcester. 

Angel  St.  Ch.  :    registers,  1783-1955  ;  Ch.  minutes,  1812-1941  ; 

Deacons'  minutes,  1875-1948  ;  Trustees'  minutes,  1773-1953  ; 

Cttee.   minutes,   1857-93  ;  account  books,   1747-1897 ;  misc. 

papers,  1711-1959. 

Hallow  Cha.  :   Trustees'  minutes,  1884-1910. 
Kidderminster,  Old  Meeting  Ho.  :    31  deeds,  1627-1805  (found 

in  carpet  factory) ;  Bowyer's  Charity  deeds  (14),  1675-1860. 
Worcestershire  Evangelical  Soc.  :    minutes,   1795-1815. 

We  are  indebted  to  C.  E.  Welch,  the  Plymouth  archivist,  for 
collecting  these  facts.  We  hope  members  will  encourage  their 
churches  to  participate  in  the  scheme  for  preserving  our  records. — 
ED. 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  STONEHOUSE 
INDEPENDENT  CHAPEL 

Storehouse,  or  more  correctly  East  Stonehouse,  is  the  district 
between  Plymouth  and  Devonport.  The  manor  belonged  to  the 
Edgcumbe  family,  who  during  the  seventeenth  century  tried  to 
establish  a  borough  there  in  rivalry  to  Plymouth.  This  was  appar 
ently  unsuccessful,  but  Stonehouse  remained  a  separate  civil  parish 
with  its  own  constable  and  overseers  until  it  was  created  an  urban 
district  in  1894.  Separated  from  its  two  large  neighbours  by  creeks 
which  made  communications  very  difficult,  it  retained  its  independ 
ence  until  1914  when  the  three  towns  were  united  to  form  the 
county  borough  of  Plymouth.  During  the  last  War  much  of  Stone- 
house  was  destroyed  by  enemy  action,  but  the  chapel  and  all  its 
earlier  records  fortunately  escaped  and  are  now  on  deposit  in  the 
Archives  Department  of  Plymouth  City  Library.1  From  the  earliest 
volume  it  is  possible  to  describe  the  building  of  what  was  the  first 
dissenting  chapel  in  Stonehouse. 

The  chapel  was  erected,  according  to  the  first  page  of  this  book, 
*  as  an  Appendage  to  the  dissenting  Church  in  Batter  Street  Ply 
mouth,  under  the  pastoral  Care  of  the  Revd.  Christopher  and 
Herbert  Mends  ;  for  the  conveniency  of  certain  members  of  that 
Church  ;  and  for  the  further  spread  of  the  Gospel '.  However  it 
is  certain  that  the  Revd.  Christopher  Mends  was  the  chief  promoter 
of  the  scheme.  The  Baiter  Street  Chapel,  in  which  he  preached  for 
many  years,  was  erected  in  1704,  but  the  church  had  a  much  longer 
history.2  In  1760  the  trustees  elected  an  Arian  minister,  but  the 
congregation  chose  Christopher  Mends,  who  after  some  disputes 
secured  in  1762  a  mandamus  from  the  King's  Bench  in  his  favour. 
He  and  his  son  Herbert  revived  the  church  in  Plymouth  and  ex 
tended  their  activities  beyond  its  boundaries.  In  1785  they  founded 
a  charity  school,  and  on  6  August  1786  the  foundations  for  the 
Stonehouse  Chapel  were  begun.  The  chapel  was  registered  with  the 
Bishop  of  Exeter  on  23  March  1787  when  it  was  described  as  a 
meeting  house  in  the  manor  of  East  Stonehouse  between  the  stone 
quarry  of  Lord  Edgcumbe  on  the  east,  the  house  of  Mr.  Manley  on 
the  west,  the  Royal  Marine  barracks  on  the  south,  and  a  field 
belonging  to  Mr.  Bone  on  the  north.3  It  was  opened  with  a  service 
on  10  April  1787. 

1  Accession  168/1-8.  They  were  deposited  by  Sherwell  Congregational 
Church,  Plymouth.  The  chapel  was  closed  in  1942.  The  first  volume 
begins  as  a  financial  record  and  subsequently  becomes  the  trustees' 
minutes.  Its  successors  contain  admissions  and  church  meetings. 

1    See    Transactions  of  Plymouth  Athenaeum,  vol.   19  (1945),   pp.  70-75. 

1    Devon  Record  Office,  episcopal  records,  vol.  88. 

28 


STONEHOUSE   INDEPENDENT  CHAPEL  29 

Since  almost  all  the  land  in  Stonehouse  belonged  to  the  Edg- 
cumbe  family  as  part  of  their  manor  of  East  Stonehouse  the  first 
task  was  to  obtain  the  lease  of  a  suitable  plot  of  ground   Most  of 
the  land  in  Stonehouse,  Devonport  and  Plymouth  was  then  leased 
tor  the  term  of  ninety-nine  years  or  three  lives,  whichever  was  the 
shorter.  The  practice  of  leasing  property  for  three  lives  and  renew 
ing  the  lease  each  time  a  life  fell  in  is  well  known  from  Thomas 
Hardy's  novel  The  Woodlanders*  The  practice  probably  originated 
in  manorial  custom  since  many  copyhold  lands  were  converted  to 
leasehold  of  this  kind  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  cen 
turies.  A  lease  for  lives,  however,  conveyed  the  freehold  interest 
which  would  for  example  give  the  Parliamentary  vote  to  the  lessee 
at  county  elections,  so  the  limitation  to  ninety-nine  years  was  added 
in  the  south-west  of  England  to  prevent  this.  At  Stonehouse  the 
lease  was  obtained  by  Robert  Bint  who  although  not  a  member  of 
the  church  was  apparently  sympathetic  since  he  lent  £200  at  5°/ 
towards  the  cost  of  the  building.  As  a  Robert  Bint  was  later  the 
Earl   of  Mount  Edgcumbe's   agent  the  chapel   was   presumably 
erected  with  the  encouragement  of  the  local  landowner.  Although 
the  original  lease  has  not  survived  an  abstract  appears  in  the  trust 
deed.5  It  was  made  on  21  March  1788  by  George,  Viscount  Mount 
Edgcumbe  to  the  Revd.  Herbert  Mends,  William  Mends   tinman 
John  Lock,  shotmaker,  William  Foster,  shipwright,  all  of  Plymouth' 
Thomas  Warne  of  East  Stonehouse  and  Aaron  Bowers  for  ninety- 
nine  years  or  the  lives  of  Herbert  Mends  (aged  30),  John  Sanders 
attorney  (27),  and  Thomas  Warne  (5),  for  an  annual  rent  of  £1.  6  7* 
The  property  is  described  as  a  dissenting  chapel  lately  erected  by 
the  lessees  on  17J  perches  of  land  at  East  Stonehouse  The  financial 
arrangements  were  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Aaron  Bowers  one 
of  the  trustees,  who  was  treasurer  for  the  first  few  years.  He' may 
have  been  the  local  builder  and  undertaken  some  of  the  work  for 
his  accounts  do  not  give  the  name  of  the  mason  employed  ' 

From  6  August  1786  to  31  March  1787  were  spent  in  'clearing 
the  Foundation  and  filling  in  the  Ground  '—a  difficult  task  in  the 
district  because  rock  is  always  just  beneath  the  surface.  This  cost 
£13.  8.  2.,  and  £1.  11.  6.  was  spent  on  'taking  the  Rubbish  from 

4    Chapter  XIV. 

N.  Taperell,  The  Plymouth  Directory,  p.  38.  Public  Record  Office, 
C.54/7971,  6  (Close  Roll  1805).  I  am  indebted  to  Lord  Mount  Edgcumbe 
for  the  information  that  the  counterpart  leases  of  the  chapel  no  longer 
survive 


30  STONEHOUSE   INDEPENDENT  CHAPEL 

the  Rock  for  clearing  the  Ground '.  The  *  Plan '  was  drawn  by  a 
Mr.  Joy  for  only  10s.  6d.  The  chapel  contained  222  perches  of 
masonry  (the  local  limestone)  which  were  built  for  £55.  12.  6., 
and  a  chimney  in  the  vestry  cost  10s.  6d.  All  the  carpentry,  except 
the  pews,  was  done  by  Mr.  Wakeham  for  £78.  11s.,  and  the  iron 
work  for  the  roof  cost  an  extra  £4.  17.  4.  Helling  (tiling)  the  roof 
and  plastering  the  ceiling  and  walls  were  also  done  under  Mr. 
Bowers'  supervision  and  cost  £15.  18.  3.,  £2.  14s.,  and  £21.  9s. 
respectively.  Other  miscellaneous  items  included  glass  at 
£10.  10.  11J.,  a  gate  for  £2.  13.  11.,  sash  weights  for  the  windows 
at  £1.  3.  6.,  two  locks  7s.  6d.  and  two  bolts  2s.  The  boundary  wall, 
unlike  the  chapel  itself,  was  built  of  1900  bricks  which  cost  £2.  17s., 
'and  the  pews  were  erected  by  Mr.  Bulley  for  £34.  10s.  With  other 
miscellaneous  items  the  total  cost  of  building  the  chapel  to  March 
1788  was  £282.  4.  9J. 

The  other  expenses  for  the  year  were  4s.  for  cleaning  the  chapel 
four  times,  £1.  14.  2.  for  a  *  Gushing '  (cushion),  £3  19s.  for  hiring 
a  chaise  in  which  the  Batter  Street  minister  drove  to  Stonehouse 
for  services,  and  the  interest  on  the  money  borrowed,  which  pro 
duced  a  total  expenditure  of  £296.  16.  11J.  The  receipts  consisted 
of  £10.  15s.  for  seat  rents,  and  £200  borrowed  from  Mr.  Bint  in  two 
instalments  of  £100.  The  deficit  appears  to  have  been  met  by  Mr. 
Bowers,  who  charged  a  low  rate  of  interest  which  was  not  paid 
for  several  years.  Further  bills  for  work  on  the  building  were 
not  received  until  the  following  year.  These  consisted  of  £6  2s. 
for  more  tiling,  £8.  16.  9.  for  carpentry,  and  £1.  7s.  to  Mr.  Bowers 
for  flooring.  So  the  total  cost  of  the  building  was  £298.  10.  6J. 
Although  the  total  expenditure  to  September  1789  was  only 
£33.  1.  6.,  the  receipts  were  £7.  19.  6.  for  pew  rents,  and  £7.  9.  1. 
for  two  burials  and  miscellaneous  items,  which  increased  the 
deficit  to  £103.  14.  10£.  In  January  1792  the  sum  due  to  Mr. 
Bowers  was  still  £103.  6.  5J.  and  this,  together  with  the  £200  owed 
to  Mr.  Bint  must  have  worried  the  minister  and  trustees.  However 
the  Revd.  Herbert  Mends  collected  £133.  3.  3.  in  the  following 
year,  probably  from  the  congregation  at  Batter  Street  and  else 
where  in  the  district,  so  that  Mr.  Bowers'  debt  was  reduced  to 
the  manageable  size  of  £18.  8s.  4d.  Unfortunately  the  detailed 
accounts  cease  at  this  point  and  there  is  no  information  about  the 
date  on  which  Mr.  Bint  was  repaid/ 

The  chapel  was  opened  on  Easter  Tuesday,  10  April  1787,  when 
the  Revd.  Alexander  Englis  of  Newton  Bussel  (now  part  of  Newton 

6   The  accounts  occupy  ff.  4-7  of  the  volume. 


STONEHOUSE  INDEPENDENT  CHAPEL  31 

Abbot)  preached  on  *  The  Lord  shall  count,  when  he  writeth  up 
the  people,  that  this  man  was  born  there  '  (Psalm  Ixxxvii,  6)  and  the 
Revd.  Christopher  and  Herbert  Mends  and  Mr.  Stoat  'engaged 
in  prayer '.  The  first  trustees  were  the  Revd.  Herbert  Mends, 
William  Mends,  William  Foster,  Aaron  Bowers,  John  Lock, 
Thomas  Warn,  and  William  Parr.  The  only  minutes  entered  until 
1808  were  at  the  auditing  of  the  accounts.  In  1799  the  church 
acquired  its  own  minister,  the  Revd.  Robert  Burns  of  Looe,  but 
there  is  no  record  of  his  election  in  this  volume. 

On  24  January  1805  the  chapel's  trust  deed  was  drawn  up.  The 
lessees  of  1788  conveyed  the  remainder  of  the  lease  to  William 
Lane,  ropemaker,  Humphry  Douglas,  tailor,  Jonathan  Metherell, 
carpenter,  John  Hambly,  lathmaker,  Simon  Ward,  shipwright, 
Anthony  Williams,  gent.,  Benjamin  Durham,  grocer,  Ambrose 
Nicholas,  ropemaker,  Thomas  Field,  cordwainer,  John  Moore, 
schoolmaster,  and  Thomas  Dawe,  painter  and  glazier,  all  of  East 
Stonehouse.7  It  was  to  be  held  in  trust  to  be  *  enjoyed  and  used  as 
a  place  of  worship  and  service  of  God  as  lately  used  by  a  Church 
Society  or  Congregation  of  Protestant  Dissenters  commonly  called 
Independents '  The  minister  and  congregation  were  to  hold  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  believe  in  grace  in  Christ  for  the  elect  and 
in  regeneration  of  the  new  birth  into  righteousness.  The  trustees 
were  to  apply  the  pew  rents  and  other  receipts  to  repairing  and 
maintaining  the  building  and  the  surplus  was  to  provide  the  minis 
ter's  salary.  The  trustees  were  to  meet  on  the  first  Monday  after 
quarter  day  at  7  p.m.  in  the  vestry  room.  When  the  number  of 
trustees  was  reduced  to  three,  the  communicants  or  members  of 
the  church  were  to  elect  eight  more.  The  minister  was  to  be  chosen 
by  a  two-thirds  majority  of  the  trustees  and  communicants,  and  all 
candidates  were  to  subscribe  to  the  three  doctrines  mentioned 
earlier. 

On  12  November  1812  the  trustees  put  their  affairs  in  order  with 
a  long  series  of  resolutions.8  They  were  to  meet  four  times  a  year, 
in  February,  May,  August  and  November.  From  the  next  Christmas 
all  pews  (except  three  large  ones)  were  to  be  let  at  6s.  a  year,  and 
their  regulation  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  James  and  Mr. 
Durham.  One  person  was  to  be  appointed  '  to  keep  the  chapel 
clean,  light  the  Candles,  and  do  all  such  necessary  things  as  may 
be  wanted  '  for  £5  a  year,  and  another  '  to  Teach  the  singers  at  the 
Yearly  Salary  of  Four  Guineas  per  Annum  '.  A  treasurer  was  to  be 

'    Public  Record  Office,  C.54/7971,  6. 
8    ff.  8  &  9. 


32  STONEHOUSE   INDEPENDENT  CHAPEL 

appointed  from  the  trustees  each  year  who  was  to  produce  his 
accounts  for  audit  at  the  February  meeting.  The  next  month,  how 
ever,  the  trustees  were  already  meddling  in  the  letting  of  pews,  and 
by  1814  the  accounts  were  not  being  audited  until  November. 

But  more  resolutions  were  made.  In  May  1813  the  rules  and 
scale  of  fees  for  burials  in  the  Anglican  chapel  of  St.  George  were 
adopted  for  the  chapel's  burial  ground.9  In  November  1814  they 
resolved  that, no  repairs  or  alterations  should  be  undertaken  with 
out  their  consent,  and  in  February  1814  they  repeated  their  resolu 
tion  to  appoint  '  a  Master  Singer '  at  four  guineas  a  year. 
Subsequent  meetings  of  the  trustees  are  chiefly  concerned  with 
auditing  the  accounts.  In  1819  one  of  the  lives  in  the  chapel  lease 
fell  in,  and  the  trustees  decided  to  obtain  another  lease  with  the 
life  of  Alfred  Narracott,  son  of  a  Stonehouse  cooper,  added.10  In 
1822  another  life  fell  in  and  it  was  decided  in  future  to  insure  the 
three  lives.  Although  the  '  conventionary  '  or  annual  rent  was  quite 
small,  the  cost  of  obtaining  a  new  lease  was  high.  On  the  death  of 
any  life  a  heriot — an  old  manorial  incident — was  payable  to  the 
owner,  usually  in  cash  by  this  date  ;  and  to  obtain  a  fresh  lease  a 
fine,  being  the  equivalent  of  several  years  rack  rent,  was  charged. 
The  total  cost  in  December  1822  was  £38.  12.  9.  and  £41.  11.  6J., 
was  raised  by  two  collections  and  by  subscriptions  from  thirty 
members  of  the  congregation.11 

In  1825  the  Revd.  Robert  Burns  died,  and  the  Revd.  James 
Edwards  was  elected  by  the  congregation  :  an  event  which  marks 
the  establishment  of  the  church  on  a  firm  basis.12  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  even  in  the  preceding  year  the  total  receipts  were  only 
£25,  7.  11.  and  the  total  expenditure  (excluding  the  minister's 
stipend)  £16.  15.  9.  Since  it  seems  to  have  been  still  the  custom  to 
pay  the  minister  with  the  annual  surplus,  Mr.  Burns  received 
£8.  12.  2.  in  1824.  There  is  no  evidence  of  any  endowment  to 
supplement  this.  Even  on  such  terms  the  Revd.  James  Edwards 
was  willing  to  take  up  his  ministry  in  November  1825.  On  8th 
December  at  a  meeting  of  church  members  twelve  new  resolutions 
were  passed  to  regulate  4  the  secular  concerns  '  of  the  chapel.13 
They  mark  the  beginning  of  a  new  phase.  c.  E.  WELCH. 

*  Most  of  the  records  (including  these  regulations)  of  St.  George's  church 
(formerly  a  chapel  of  ease  to  St.  Andrew,  Plymouth)  were  destroyed  in 
1941.  The  burial  ground  of  the  Emma  Place  chapel  was  at  the  rear  in 
Millbay  Road.  A  Sunday  School  room  was  later  built  on  the  site,  but 
the  grave  stones  survived  until  recently. 

'"    ff.   19  &  20.        "    ff.  22  &  23.        12    f.  124.  13  ff.  123  &  122. 


SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATIONAL 
CHURCH  HISTORY 

Many  Congregational  churches  are  approaching  their  Tercenten 
ary  year  and  will  publish  histories.  The  Committee  of  the  Society 
feel  that  some  guidance  to  would-be  writers  of  church  histories 
will  be  useful  and  hence  the  following  list  of  source  materials  has 
been  drawn  up.  Initially,  of  course,  the  writer  will  need  to  consult 
the  records  of  the  church  itself,  e.g.  Church  Minute  Books,  Finance 
Committee  Minutes,  Trustees'  Meeting  Minutes,  Sunday  School 
Committee  Minutes  and  Registers,  records  of  pew  rents,  charities, 
gifts  to  the  poor  of  the  church,  and  of  lay  preachers  who  may  have 
served,  or  may  be  serving,  the  church  or  its  outstations.  He  will 
also  need  to  make  notes  of  gravestones,  if  there  is  a  bury  ing-ground 
attached  to  the  church,  and  of  memorial  tablets  in  the  church.  Nor 
must  the  printed  and  manuscript  records  of  County  Associations  of 
Congregational  Churches  be  overlooked— the  responsible  officers 
of  such  Associations  are  given  in  the  Congregational  Year  Book. 

The  Congregational  Library  at  Memorial  Hall,  Dr.  Williams's 
Library,  London,  County  and  City  Record  Offices,  City  and 
Municipal  Libraries,  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  Diocesan  Record 
Offices,  can  all  help  the  writer.  The  Congregational  Library  makes 
no  charge  but  does  not  lend  books  and  it  is  wise  to  make  an  ap 
pointment  to  visit  the  Library  (address  to  '  The  Librarian, 
Congregational  Library,  Memorial  Hall,  Fairingdon  Street,  E.C.4.'). 
For  use  of  Dr.  Williams's  Library  there  is  a  small  annual  subscrip 
tion  and  books  may  be  borrowed  (applications  for  details  of  the 
Library  and  for  membership  forms  should  be  made  to  4  The 
Librarian.  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  14  Gordon  Square  London, 
W.C.I.'). 

The  following  list,  which  is  concerned  chiefly  with  English 
sources,  is  probably  not  complete,  and  details  of  any  additional 
major  sources  should  be  sent  to  the  Editor  for  inclusion  in  a 
later  number  of  these  Transactions.  The  would-be  writer  of  a 
church  history  should  not  be  intimidated  by  the  length  and  variety 
of  this  list — it  is  not  as  formidable  as  it  looks. 

MANUSCRIPT  SOURCES 

1.  Evans  MS.  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library  contains  a  statistical  survey  of 
the  state  of  Dissenting  churches  in  England  and  Wales  in  1715  :  a  photo 
graphic  copy  has  been  made  and  can  be  loaned  to  readers. 

?  *  33 


34      SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH    HISTORY 

2.  Thompson  MS.  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library  contains  a  list  of  Dissenting 
congregations  in  England  and  Wales  in   1773  and  a  list  of  ministers  who 
signed  a  petition  in  support  of  a  Bill  (1772)  to  relieve  Dissenting  ministers 
from  the  obligation  of  subscription  to  the  39  Articles.  Parts  of  this  MS.  were 
printed  in  Trans.  Cong.  Hist.  Soc.  V.  A  contemporary  duplicate  copy  of 
the  Thompson  MS.  is  in  the  Museum  Library  of  Bunyan  Meeting,  Bedford. 

3.  Quarter  Sessions  Records  often  contain  references  to  Dissenters,  Dis 
senting   ministers  and  Dissenting   meetings.  These   records  are  usually  in 
County   Record   Offices  and   some   counties,  e.g.   Bucks.,  Cheshire,  Herts.. 
Lines.,  London,  Middlesex,  Oxon.,  Somerset,  Surrey,  Warwickshire,  Wilts., 
Worcs.,  and  Yorkshire,   have  published   the  earlier  sections  of  theirs. 

4.  The  Returns  of  Episcopal  Visitations  in  the   18th   and   19th  centuries 
often  contain  information  on  the  prevalence   of  Dissent  in  parishes.  The 
following  18th  century  returns  are  in  the  Library  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral, 
London  : 

Diocese    of  Lincoln.    1717,    1718,    1720,    1721.    (Shelf    Marks.    17B.15-25  : 

17C.   1-5). 

Diocese    of   London.    1723,    1727,    1738,    1741,    1747.    (Shelf    Marks.    17C. 

6-18). 

The  following  Returns  have  been  published  :   Diocese  of  Lincoln.  1705-23 

(Lincoln  Record  Society,  1913,  Assoc.  Archit.  Societies  Report,  xxii,  1893); 

Diocese   of   Oxford   for    1738   (Oxfordshire    Record    Society,     1957);     the 

Archdeaconry   of   Oxford    for    1854   (Oxfordshire    Record   Society,    1954) ; 

Diocese    of  York    for    1743   (Yorkshire    Archaeological   Society,    1928-31); 

Diocese    of  Exeter  for   1821    (Devon   and  Cornwall   Record  Society,    1958 

in  progress). 

5.  The  Returns  of   the  Ecclesiastical  Census   of   1851    are  in  the   Public 
Record  Office,   London    (ref.    H.O.I 29).   These    include  details    of   seating, 
membership,    average    attendance    and    Sunday    School    statistics,   etc.,    of 
Nonconformist    churches.    See    Census    of    Great    Britain    1851.    Religious 
Worship:  England  and  Wales.  Report  and  Tables.  H.M.S.O.  (1853),  and  H. 
Mann.  Sketches  of  the   Religious   Denominations  of  the  Present  Day  .  .  . 
and  the  Census.  (1854). 

6.  Applications    for   licences    for   Dissenting   meeting-houses   are   usually 
found  in  County  Record  Offices,  e.g.  the  County  Record  Office  at  Bedford 
has  more  than  450  applications,  certificates,  etc.,  relating  to  the  registration 
of  Dissenters'  meeting-houses  in  the  period  1740-1852. 

7.  Many    non-parochial    registers    (e.g.    Independent    and    Congregational 
church  registers  of  births,  baptisms  and  deaths)  are  at  present  in  the  cus 
tody  of  the  Registrar  Genera],  Somerset  House,  London.  A  printed  list  of 
these  was  issued  by  H.M.S.O.  in  1859  and  the  copy  at  the  enquiry  counter 
of  the  General  Register   Office  has   inserted  in   it  an   additional  '  List  of 
Unauthenticated   Registers   Deposited  with   the   Registrar    General.'   More 
recently  Nonconformist  churches  have  tended  to  deposit  their  registers  and 
records   in  County  Record  Offices.    The    registers    of    the    following    In 
dependent  churches  are  known  to  have  been  published  :   Great  Yarmouth 
and    Norwich  (Norfolk   Record  Society,    1951) ;  Topsham,  Devon  (Devon 
and    Cornwall    Record    Society,    1938);    Kipping    in    Thornton    (Bradford 


SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATION/'    CHURCH   HISTORY       35 

Historical  and  Antiquarian  Society  Local  r*  cord  Society,  1953).  The 
Society  of  Genealogists,  37  Harrington  Gardens,  London,  S.W.7  (nearest 
Underground  station — Gloucester  Road)  has  in  its  possession  original, 
transcript  and  photostat  copies  of  some  Nonconformist  registers,  includ 
ing  those  of  the  Independent  Church,  Bicester,  Oxon.  (infant  baptisms 
1695-1745  :  marriages  1695-6)  and  of  the  old  Cannon  Street  Congregational 
Church,  Birmingham  (marriages  1837-58). 

8.  Parish  Registers  and  the   Bishop's  Transcripts  of  them   often  contain 
details  of  Dissenting  ministers  and  of  the  marriages  and  burials  of  Dis 
senters.  Parish  Registers  are  usually  in   the  custody  of  incumbents   (who 
have  a  legal  right,   which  they   sometimes  waive,  to  charge  for  a   search 
of  the  Registers),  or  of  County  Record  Offices.  In  many  counties  Parish 
Registers  have   been  transcribed,  and  copies  of  the  transcripts  are  often 
held  not  only  by  incumbents  and  County  Record  Offices,  but  also  by  the 
Society  of  Genealogists  (see  No.  7  above)  whose  collections  can  be  con 
sulted   at   very  reasonable  rates   by   non-members.  See  The  Catalogue  of 
Parish   Registers  in  the   possession    of   the  Society  of  Genealogists   (1937) 
and  list  of  subsequent  acces.   And    Nat.    Index    of    Parish    Reg.    Copies 
(S.  of  G.  1939). 

9.  The  National  Register  of  Archives  (part  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts 
Commission)  is  located  on  the  2nd  Floor,  Quality  House,  Quality  Court. 
Chancery  Lane,  London,  W.C.2.    It  has   personal  and  subject  indexes   of 
reports   on  county  records,  not  only  of  those   in  County  Record  Offices 
but  also  of  those  in  private  collections  ;  the  reports  include  ones  for  all 
the  major  religious  Denominations. 

10.  The  Guildhall  Library,  London,  holds  the  Minutes  of  the  Protestant 
Dissenting   Deputies    (Baptist,    Independent  and    Presbyterian)  from    1732- 
1908.  (ref.  MSS.  3083.   1/16).  For  an  account  of  these  MSS.  and  extracts 
from  them  see  B.   L.    Manning  and  O.   Greenwood.  The   Protestant  Dis 
senting  Deputies  (1952).  The  Guildhall  Library  also  holds  Church  Books 
and    individual    records    of   some   London    Congregational   churches.    The 
Minute  Books  of  the  General  Body  of  Protestant  Dissenting  Ministers  arc 
at  Dr.  Williams's  Library. 

11.  The   Denominational   Colleges  have   their  own    libraries,  records  and 
collections    of   MSS.,    e.g.   Cheshunt  College,  Cambridge  has  material    re 
lating    to    the   Countess   of  Huntingdon   Connexion,   while   New   College, 
London,    has    MSS.    relating    to    Congregational    Academies,    and    several 
volumes    of   letters    (many   unpublished)    to    and    from    Philip   Doddridge. 

12.  There   is   a   two   volume   Catalogue    to    the   MSS.    collections  of  the 
Congregational  Library,  Memorial  Hall.  The  Congregational  Union  Finance 
Dept.,   Memorial   Hall,  has  the  custody  of  various  records  including  the 
Manuscript  Minute  Books  (indexed)  of  the  Congregational  Home  Missionary 
Society  from    1819  :    this   Society   arranged  for  the    training  of  students, 
appointed  pastors  and  gave  annual  grants  to  a  number  of  Home  Mission 
stations  which  later  became  Congregational  churches. 

13.  The  Rev.  C.  E.  Surman's  biographical  card  index  of  30,000  Indepen 
dent    and    Congregational    ministers   can    be   consulted   at    Dr.    Williams's 
Library,  as  also  can  his  A  Bibliography  of  Congregational  Church  History. 

14.  Walter  Wilson    MSS.   in   Dr.  Williams's    Library.  These,  which  were 


36       SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  HISTORY 

made  c.  1830-40,  contain  biographies  of  ministers  and  short  accounts  of 
many  churches. 

15.  In  the  past  our  churches  often  engaged  in  the  educational  work  of 
British  Schools  and,  if  available,  records  of  such  schools  should  be  con 
sulted—they  are  often  found  in  County  Record  Offices. 

PRINTED  SOURCES 

Copies  of  most  of  the  works  mentioned  below  can  be  seen  at  the  Con 
gregational  Library  and  at  Dr.  Williams's  Library. 

1.  A.  G.  Matthews,  (ed.)  The  Savoy  Declaration  of  Faith  and  Order  1658. 
(1959)  gives    in   the  Introduction    some   of  the  Independent  ministers  and 
congregations  associated  with  the  Declaration. 

2.  A.  G.  Matthews,  (ed.)  Calamy  Revised.  (1934)  gives  details  of  ministers 
ejected  at  the  Restoration  in  1660  or  subsequently  ;  the  Introduction,  List 
of  Authorities    and  Explanations  in   this  volume   are    very  valuable.  The 
revised  edition  of   the   Introduction    was  published    separately,    1960.  The 
three  volumes  of  England's  Remembrancer  (1663)  contain  farewell  sermons 
by  ejected  ministers,  many  in  Derbyshire  and  Nottinghamshire.  C.  E.  Sur- 
man.  A.  G.  Matthews.  '  Walker  Revised'  :  supplementary  index  of  intruders 
and  others  (1956)  is  also  useful. 

3.  G.  Lyon  Turner,  (ed.)  Original  Records  o]  Nonconformity  under  Per 
secution   and  Indulgence.  3  vols.   1911.   ff.  gives  details  of  Nonconformist 
meetings  in   1669  (from  the  Lambeth   Palace  Returns)  and  of  the  licences 
issued  under  the  1672  Declaration  of  Indulgence  :   the  latter  are  corrected 
and  amplified  by  Dr.  G.  F.  Nuttall  in  vols.  XIV  and  XV   of  the  Trans. 
Cong.  Hist.  Soc. 

4.  Alexander  Gordon.  Freedom  After  Ejection.   1690-92.  (1917)  gives  de 
tails  of  Independent  congregations  and  ministers  listed  in  a  Survey  when 
the  Common  (later  Presbyterian)  Fund  was  founded.  See  also  Presbyterian 
Board  Minutes  (at  Dr.  Williams's  Library)  and  Congregational  Fund  Board 
Minutes  (at  Memorial  Hall). 

5.  .The    British    Museum.   General   Catalogue   of  Printed  Books.  Vol.  xci. 
(1947)  :    see  entry  'Congregational  Abstainer'  and  entries  following  :   also 
the  Museum's  current  annotated  indexes,  and  card  indexes  of  latest  acces 
sions.  For  admission  to  the  Reading  Room    of    the    British    Museum    a 
Reader's  Ticket  is   required  :   prior  application  in  writing  must  be  made 
for  this  and  the  purpose  for  which  it  is  required  must  be  stated  in  the  letter 
to  the  Director. 

6.  The   Evangelical  Magazine.  (1793-1869)  and   the  London  Christian  In 
structor  or  Congregational  Magazine  (1818-45)  are  useful  for  ordinations, 
inductions,   obituaries,   new  churches,   etc.  The   Evangelical  Magazine  for 
1822  contains  a  consolidated  index  of  the  contents  of  the  volumes  from 
1793-1822,   and   the   London    Christian  Instructor  (1818-25  inclusive)  con 
tains   much   historical   information   on   the    history     of    Independent     and 
Congregational  churches  in  Beds.,  Berks.,  Bucks.,  Cambs.,  Cheshire,  Corn 
wall,    Cumberland,    Derbyshire    and    Devonshire,    and    statistics    of    Con 
gregational  churches  generally. 

7.  The  Congregational  Year  Books  (from  1846)  contain  information  about 
churches     (full     statistics     of    churches   from   the    1899  volume   onwards), 


SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  HISTORY      37 

memoirs,  some  portraits,  and  pictures  and  details  of  new  churches.  The 
volume  for  1901  contains  a  consolidated  list  of  deceased  ministers  up  to 
that  year,  and  the  volume  for  1855  contains  a  list  of  all  Independent 
churches  in  England  and  Wales,  whether  or  not  they  were  members  of  the 
Congregational  Union.  The  Congregational  Year  Book  memoirs  are  not 
always  accurate  and  the  basic  information  in  them  should  be  read  in 
association  with  the  material  in  No.  13  above  under  MANUSCRIPT 
SOURCES.  Congregational  Year  Books  also  contain  a  list  of  those 
churches  for  which  the  Union  is  trustee  and  whose  trust  deeds  it  holds. 

8.  Printed  histories  of  Congregational  churches.  Collections  of  these  are 
easily    accessible   at   (a)  Congregational  Library,    Memorial   Hall,   (b)  Dr. 
Williams's  Library,  a  list  of  the  contents  of  whose  collections  of  'chapel 
histories'  is  to  be  published,  (c)  Lancaster  Central  Public  Library  which, 
since   1955,  has   been  the  library  in  Cheshire  and  Lancashire,  responsible 
for   maintaining    a   collection    df  histories   of    Nonconformist   churches. 

9.  The  Victoria  County  History  of  England.  The  earlier  volumes  of  this 
virtually  ignored  Nonconformity,  but  later  volumes,  particular  those  issued 
since    1945,    include    Sections    on    Nonconformist    history    and    give    full 
references  to  source  material. 

10.  London     Missionary    Society    Library,     Broadway,     London,    S.W.I. 
L.M.S.  Annual  Reports   1796-1929  give  lists  of  subscribers  in  considerable 
detail,  with  the  Auxiliary  officers,  etc.  The  Library  also  has  many  portraits 
and  documents  which  can  often  supply  material  concerning  ministers  who 
served  or  offered  as  missionaries.  The  Commonwealth  (formerly  Colonial) 
Missionary    Society    (H.Q.    at     Memorial  Hall)   has  its   own   reports  and 
records. 

11.  W.  R.   Powell.  'The  Sources  for  the  History  of  Protestant  Noncon 
formist  Churches   in    England.'  Bulletin  of  the   Institute  of  Historical  Re 
search,  xxv.  (1952).  pp.  213-217  :    R.  B.  Rose.  'Some  National  Sources  for 
Protestant    and    Roman    Catholic    history.'    Bulletin     of     the     Institute     of 
Historical    Research,    xxxi.    (1958).     pp.     79-84,     and     Seymour     J.     Price. 
'  Possible  Contributions  of  the  English  Free  Churches  Towards  Pedigrees.' 
Genealogists'    Magazine.   March,    1948.  pp.    131-138,  are  useful.    For  some 
counties  wills  are  no  longer  in  the  custody  of  District  Probate  Registries 
but  have   been   passed  to  County   Record  Offices  :    the  wills  of  ministers 
and  of  benefactors  of  churches  should  be  examined. 

12.  City,    County  and   Municipal   libraries   often   have    local  history  col 
lections  of  printed  works,  and  sometimes  of  MSS.,  e.g.  Northampton  Public 
Library  has  many  Doddridge  MS.  It  is  always  as  well  to  consult  the  index 
(or   bibliography  if  one  is  available)  of  local  history  items,  as  there  will 
probably   be   Nonconformist   material   listed.    The   Dictionary   of  National 
Biography  can  be  consulted  at  most  large  libraries  :    it  contains  lives  of 
many    Independent    and    Congregational    ministers.    H.    McLachlan.    Alex 
ander  Gordon.    184 1 -193 1.   (1932)  contains  a  list  of  the  753    lives  Gordon 
contributed  to  the  D.N.B.  :    many  of  these  were  lives  of  Congregational 
ministers.   The  Dictionary   of  Welsh    Biography  should  also   be  consulted. 

13.  The    Transactions    of    the     Congregational    Historical    Society     (con 
solidated    index    (1901-48)  :     individual    indexes    for   subsequent    volumes). 
As  some  Independent  churches  later  became  Baptist,  and  some  Presbyterian 
churches  have  become  Congregational  or  Unitarian,  the  Baptist  Historical 


38      SOURCES  FOR  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  HISTORY 

Society  Publications  (1908-21),  and  Baptist  Quarterly  (1922  to  date)  :  the 
Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England  (1914  to  date) 
and  the  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society  (1917  to  date) 
should  not  be  ignored.  It  is  never  safe  to  assume  that  an  existing  Con 
gregational  church  necessarily  began  as  such. 

14.  For  the  history  of  legislation  against  Nonconformists  two  books  are 
particularly   useful  :    A    Sketch    of   the   History   and    Proceedings    of     the 
Deputies  .  .  .  of  the  Protestant  Dissenters.  To  which  is  annexed  a  Summary 
of  the   Laws  affecting   Protestant  Dissenters  (1814)  and  T.  Bennett.  Laws 
Against  Nonconformity  (1913). 

15.  The  State  Papers,  Domestic,  in  the  Public  Record  Office  often  give 
evidence    about    congregations    under    persecution    in    the    17th    century  : 
the  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  which  are  printed  and  indexed, 
should  be  consulted. 

16.  In  the  past  our  members  usually  supported  Whig  and  Liberal  Parlia 
mentary  candidates  and  engaged  in  agitation,  e.g.  in  1811  against  Viscount 
Sidmouth's   Bill    to  restrict  the  numbers  and  privileges  of  Nonconformist 
preachers1  ;    in    1834-68   against    the    payment    of   Anglican    Church   Rates 
by  Nonconformists,  and  against  the  Education  Act  of  1902.  The  files  of 
back   numbers  of   denominational  and  local   papers  are  useful   in   tracing 
the   church's    support   of   Whigs   and    Liberals   and   of    course   for    details 
of  particular  anniversaries  and  celebrations  of  the  churches  in  more  recent 
years. 

17.  To   illustrate  church  histories  and  articles  on  Nonconformist  history 
it  is  often  necessary  to  reproduce  portraits  which  appeared  in  The  Evan 
gelical  Magazine,  etc.  Copies  of  such  portraits  can  usually  be  obtained  at 
reasonable   prices    from    Suckling  &   Co.,    13  Cecil  Court,  Charing  Cross 
Road,  London,  W.C.2,  who  specialise  in  personal  and  topographical  prints. 

1  The  Baptist  Union  Possesses  the  original  petitions  submitted  to  Parlia 
ment  in  1811  by  Andrew  Fuller's  Kettering  church  and  by  the  College 
Street  Church,  Northampton  :  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  whether 
similar  petitions  from  Congregational  churches  are  still  extant. 


1   am  indebted   to  many   friends   who  have  helped  to   make  this  article 
comprehensive. 

H.   G.    TIBBUTT 

N.B.  : — Off-prints  of  the  above  article  may  be  obtained  from  the  secretary 
or  author,  Is.  2d.  (including  postage),  12  Birchdale  Avenue, 
Kernpston,  Bedford. 


The  Dictionary  of  National   Biography 

Of  the  725  men  and  women  whose  lives  are  recorded  in  the  latest 
volume  (O.U.P.,  1959,  105s.)  of  the  Dictionary  of  National  Bio 
graphy — who  died,  that  is  to  say,  between  1941  and  1950  inclusive 
— seven  are  stated  to  have  been  Congregationalists  :  three  ministers 
and  four  laymen.  The  ministers  are  A.  E.  Garvie  (1861-1945), 
Principal  of  New  College,  London;  W.  B.  Selbie  (1862-1944), 
Principal  of  Mansfield  College,  Oxford;  and  J.  D.  Jones  (1865- 
1942),  of  Richmond  Hill  church,  Bournemouth.  Their  lives  are 
recorded  by  Sydney  Cave,  Dr.  Nathaniel  Micklem  and  Dr.  Sidney 
Berry  respectively.  The  laymen  are  Harold  Moody  (1882-1947), 
founder  of  the  League  of  Coloured  Peoples  and  *  the  first  coloured 
man  to  hold  a  number  of  distinguished  positions ',  and  three 
historians  :  Sir  John  Lloyd  (1861-1947),  of  the  University  College 
of  North  Wales  ;  Bernard  Manning  (1892-1941),  of  Jesus  College, 
Cambridge  ;  and  J.  H.  Rose  (1855-1942),  biographer  of  Napoleon 
and  joint  editor  of  the  Cambridge  History  of  the  British  Empire. 

Rose  was  born  at  Bedford  and  no  doubt  came  under  the  in 
fluence  of  John  Brown,  the  minister  of  Bunyan  Meeting  and  bio 
grapher  of  Bunyan,  who  here  receives  mention  both  as  the  father 
of  Sir  Walter  Langdon-Brown  (1870-1946),  Regius  Professor  of 
Physic  at  Cambridge,  and  as  the  grandfather  of  Maynard  Keynes, 
Baron  Keynes  (1883-1946),  economist.  Langdon-Brown's  maternal 
grandfather,  David  Everard  Ford,  was  also  a  Congregational  minis 
ter.  Morley  Horder  (1870-1944),  architect,  Lewis  Paton  (1863-1946), 
High  Master  of  Manchester  Grammar  School,  Sir  Robert  Arm 
strong-Jones  (1857-1943),  alienist,  whose  grandson  has  married 
Princess  Margaret,  Sir  Ambrose  Fleming  (1849-1945),  inventor  of 
the  wireless  valve,  and  D.  T.  Oliver  (1863-1947),  lawyer,  were  all 
sons  of  Congregational  ministers,  the  last-named  having  a  Con 
gregational  minister  for  his  maternal  grandfather  also.  Wilson 
Carlile  (1847-1942),  founder  of  the  Church  Army,  had  parents 
who  were  Congregationalists  until  after  he  had  become  of  age  ; 
the  father  of  Sir  Walford  Davies  (1869-1941),  musician,  was  choir 
master  of  the  Congregational  church  at  Oswestry.  Rendel  Harris 
(1852-1941),  biblical  scholar,  was  a  Congregationalist  till  he  joined 
the  Society  of  Friends  in  his  twenty-ninth  year.  The  Anglican  J.  K. 
Mozley  (1883-1946)  is  stated  to  have  been  'deeply  influenced  by 
the  writings  of '  P.  T.  Forsyth.  In  the  life  of  H.  H.  Henson  (1863- 
1947),  later  Bishop  of  Durham,  it  is  recorded  that  in  1909  he 
preached  in  '  the  institute  of  Carr's  Lane  Congregational  church  in 
Birmingham  ',  defying  his  bishop,  Charles  Gore.  G  F  N 

39 


Selections  from  the  Fathers 

1.  Robert  Browne  (a) 

Properly  speaking  Robert  Browne  cannot  be  called  a.Congrega- 
tionalist  since  it  is  generally  agreed  to-day  that  the  Congregational 
Way  did  not  make  its  appearance  until  about  the  fourth  decade  of 
the  seventeenth  century.  Nevertheless  Browne  has  not  without 
reason  been  called  the  Father  of  Congregationalism,  for  his  Separa 
tism  is  strongly  Congregational  in  type,  even  if  he  never  used  that 
word.  Moreover,  although  his  fellow  Separatists  as  well  as  the 
Congre Rationalists  themselves,  denied  any  connexion  with  him, 
for  his  reputation  was  not  undeservedly  bad,  this  does  not  mean 
that  he  had  no  influence  upon  them.  His  books  were  known  and  his 
views  discussed  or  else  how  was  it  that  Brownism  was  so  widely 
hated  and  ordinary  people  naturally  confused  Separatism  generally 
with  it  ?  Browne,  then,  deserves  regard  for  his  significance  in  the 
development  of  that  aspect  of  Puritanism  which  eventually  matured 
into  Congregationalism.  He  also  commands  a  high  place  amongst 
the  exponents  of  Congregationalism  for  being  so  explicit  a  writer 
besides  being  the  first. 

The  quotations  are  from  Browne's  A  Treatise  of  reformation 
without  tarying  for  anie,  and  of  the  wickednesse  of  those  Preachers 
which  will  not  reforme  till  the  Magistrate  commaunde  or  compell 
them  and  A  Booke  which  sheweth  the  life  and  manners  of  all  true 
Christians  and  howe  vnlike  they  are  vnto  Turkes  and  Papistes  and 
Heathen  folke,  both  published  in  Middelburg,  1582.  The  copy  here 
used  is  in  the  British  Museum  (C.37.e.l9.).  Those  who  wish  to 
read  more  should  obtain  The  Writings  of  Robert  Harrison  and 
Robert  Browne  in  the  Elizabethan  Nonconformist  Texts  series,  vol. 
If,  edited  by  Albert  Peel  and  Leyland  H.  Carlson  (London,  1953). 

Brownist  Loyalty  to  the  Crown. 

We  say  therefore,  and  often  haue  taught,  concerning  our 
Soueraigne  Queene  Elizabeth,  that  neither  the  Pope,  nor  other 
Popeling,  is  to  haue  anie  authoritie  either  ouer  her,  or  ouer  the 
Church  of  God,  and  that  the  Pope  of  Rome  is  Antichrist,  whose 
kingdome  ought  vtterlie  to  be  taken  away.  Agayne  we  say,  that  her 
Authoritie  is  ciuil,  and  that  power  she  hath  as  highest  vnder  God 
within  her  Dominions,  and  that  ouer  all  persons  and  causes.  By 
that  she  may  put  to  death  all  that  deserue  it  by  Lawe,  either  of  the 
Church  or  common  Wealth,  and  none  may  resiste  Her-  or  the 
Magistrates  vnder  her  by  force  or  wicked  speaches,  when  they 

40 


SELECTIONS  :   ROBERT  BROWNE  41 

execute  the  lawes.  Seeing  we  graunt  and  holde  thus  much,  howe 
doe  they  charge  vs  as  euill  willers  to  the  Queene  ? 

A  Treatise  of  reformation,  A2  recto  et  verso. 
Intolerance  towards  Puritans  who  believed  that  only  the  State 
and  the  hierarchy  should  initiate  reform. 

Surelie,  for  that  wee  holde  all  those  Preachers  and  teachers 
accursed,  which  will  not  doe  the  duties  of  Pastors  and  teachers 
till  the  Magistrates  doe  force  them  thereto.  They  saye,  the  time 
is  not  yet  come  to  builde  the  Lordes  House,1  they  must  tarie  for 
the  Magistrates  and  for  Parliamentes  to  do  it.  They  want  the  ciuill 
sworde  forsooth,  and  the  Magistrates  doe  hinder  the  Lordes 
building  and  kingdome,  and  keepe  awaye  his  gouernement. 

Ibid.  A2  verso. 
The  voluntary  principle  in  religion. 

Be  ashamed  therefore  ye  foolishe  shepheardes,  and  laye  not  a 
burthen  on  the  Magistrates,  as  though  they  should  do  that  in 
building  the  Lordes  kingdome,  which  the  Apostles  and  Prophetes 
coulde  not  doo.  They  could  not  force  Religion,2  as  ye  woulde  haue 
the  Magistrate  to  do,  and  it  was  forbidden  the  Apostles  to  preache 
to  the  vnworthie,  or  to  force  a  planting  or  gouernement  of  the 
Church.  The  Lordes  kingdome  is  not  by  force,3  neither  by  an 
armie  or  strength,  as  be  the  kingdomes  of  this  worlde. 

Ibid.  B2  verso. 

Restriction  of  the  authority  of  the  State  over  the  Church. 

We  knowe  that  Moses  might  reforme,  and  the  ludges  and  Kings 
which  followed  him,  and  so  may  our  Magistrates  :  yea  they  may 
reforme  the  Church  and  commaunde  things  expedient  for  the  same. 
Yet  may  they  doo  nothing  concerning  the  Church,  but  onelie 
ciuilie,  and  as  ciuile  Magistrates,  that  is,  they  haue  not  that  auth 
entic  ouer  the  church,  as  to  be  Prophetes  or  Priestes,  or  spiritual 
Kings,  as  they  are  Magistrates  ouer  the  same  :  but  onelie  to  rule 
the  common  wealth  in  all  outwarde  Justice,  to  maintaine  the  right, 
welfare,  and  honor  thereof,  .with  outward  power,  bodily  punish 
ment,  &  ciuil  forcing  of  me'.  And  therfore  also  because  the  church 
is  in  a  commo'wealth,  it  is  of  their  charge  :  that  is  concerning  the 
outward  prouision  &  outward  iustice,  they  are  to  looke  to  it,  but  to 
co'pell  religion,  to  plant  churches  by  power,  and  to  force  a  sub 
mission  to  Ecclesiastical  gouernement  by  lawes  &  penalties  belong- 
eth  not  to  them,  as  it  is  proued  before,  neither  yet  to  the  Church. 
Let  vs  not  therfore  tarie  for  the  Magistrates  :  For  if  they  be 

These  footnotes  were  marginal  notes  in  the  original. 
'Hag.  1.         -Song.  8.        £Mat.  10.  Zach.  4.  Hosea  2. 


42  SELECTIONS  :   ROBERT  BROWNE 

christia's  thei  giue  leaue  &  gladly  suffer  &  submit  the'  selves  to  the 
church  gouerneme't.  For  he  is  a  Christian  which  is  redeemed  by 
Christ  vnto  holines  &  happines  for  euer  &  professeth  the  same  by 
submitting  him  self  to  his  lawes  &  gouernme't.  And  if  they  be  not 
Christians,  should  the  welfare  of  the  church  of  the  saluatio'  of  mens 
soules,  hang  on  their  courtesie  ?  /£/j  g3  verso  and  B4  recto. 


Conscience,  not  external  compulsion,  makes  Christians. 

In  the  meane  time  let  them  (i.e.  the  Magistrates)  knowe  that  the 
Lords  people  is  of  the  willing  sorte.  They  shall  come  vnto  Zion 
and  inquire  the  way  to  Jerusalem,1  not  by  force  nor  compulsion, 
but  with  their  faces  thitherward  :  yea  as  the  hee  goates  shall  they 
be  before  the  flocke,  for  the  haste  they  haue  vnto  Zion,  and  they 
them  selues  shall  call  for  the  couenaunt,  saying,  Come  and  let  vs 
cleaue  faste  vnto  the  Lorde  in  a  perpetuall  couenaunt  that  shall 
neuer  be  forgotten.  For  it  is  the  conscience  and  not  the  power  of 
man  that  will  driue  vs  to  seeke  the  Lordes  kingdome. 

Ibid.  B3  recto. 
The  nature  of  the  church. 

The  Church  planted  or  gathered,  is  a  companie  or  number  of 
Christians  or  beleeuers,  which  by  a  willing  couenant  made  with 
their  God,  are  vnder  the  gouernment  of  god  and  Christ,  and  kepe 
his  lawes  in  one  holie  communion  :  because  Christ  hath  redeemed 
them  vnto  holiness  &  happines  for  euer,  from  which  they  were 
fallen  by  the  sinne  of  Adam. 

The  Church  gouernment,  is  the  Lordshipp  of  Christ  in  the 
communion  of  his  offices  :  wherby  his  people  obey  to  his  will,  and 
haue  mutual  vse  of  their  graces  and  callings,  to  further  their 
godlines  and  welfare.  A  Booke  which  sheweth,  C3  recto. 

Church  meetings. 

The  Church  meetings  are  the  due  resorting  &  comming  togither 
of  Christians,  for  mutuall  comfort  by  their  presence,  and  com 
munion  of  graces  to  further  all  godlines.  Ibid.  13  recto. 

All  Christians  kings,  priests  and  prophets. 

How  hath  the  church  the  vse  of  those  graces,  which  al  ye  brethre' 
&  people  haue  to  do  good  withal  ? 

Because  euerie  one  of  the  church  is  made  a  Kinge,  a  Priest, 
and  a  Prophet  vnder  Christ,  to  vpholde  and  further  the  kingdom 
of  God,  &  to  breake  and  destroie  the  kingdome  of  Antichrist, 
and  Satan. 

Merem.  50. 


SELECTIONS  :   ROBERT  BROWNE  43 

Howe  are  we  made  Kinges  ? 

We  must  all  watch  one  an  other,  and  trie  out  all  wickednes. 

We  must   priuatlie  and  openlie  rebuke,  the  priuat  and  open 
offendours. 

We  must  also  separate  the  wilful  and  more  greeuous  offenders, 
and  withdraw  our  selves  fro'  them,  and  gather  the  righteous  togither. 

How  are  all  Christians  made  Priestes  vnder  Christ  ? 

They  present  and  offer  vp  praiers  vnto  God,  for  them  selues 
&  for  others. 

They  turne  others  from  iniquitie,  so  that  attonement  is  made 
in  Christ  vnto  Justification. 

In  them  also  and  for  them  others  are  sanctified,  by  partaking 
the  graces  of  Christ  vnto  them. 

How  are  all  Christians  made  phophetes  vnder  Christ  ? 

They  teach  the  lawes  of  Christ,  and  talke  and  reason  for  the 
maintenance  of  them. 

They  exhorte,  moue,  and  stirre  vp  to  the  keeping  of  his  lawes. 

They  appoint,  counsel,  and  tell  one  an  other  their  dueties. 

Ibid.  El  verso. 
Church  Officers. 
'   Who  haue  their  seueral  charge  ouer  many  churches? 

Apostles  had  charge  ouer  many  churches. 

Likewise  Prophetes,  which  had  their  reuelations  or  visions. 

Likewise  helpers  vnto  these,  as  Eua'gelistes,  and  companions  of 
their  iourneis. 

Who  haue  their  false  charge  ouer  manie  churches  ? 

High  popishe  Commissioners,  and  Legates.  &c. 

Archbishoppes,  and  Bishoppes.  &c. 

Also    helpers    vnto    these,     as    Chau'celours,    Commissareis, 
Sumners,  &c  :  rouing  and  wandring  Ministers. 

Who  haue  their  seuerall  charge  in  one  Churche  onely,  to  teache 
and  guide  the  same  ? 

The  pastour,  or  he  which  hath  the  guift  of  exhorting,  and  apply 
ing  especiallie. 

The  Teacher,  or  he  which  hath  the  guift  of  teaching  especially  : 
and  lesse  guift  of  exhorting  and  applying. 

They  which  helpe  vnto  them  both  in  ouerseeing  and  counsailinge, 
as  the  most  forward  or  Elders. 

Who  haue  office  of  cherishing  and  releeuing  the  afflicted  and 
poore  ? 

The  Releeuers  or  Deacons,  which  are  to  gather  and  bestowe 
the  church  liberalitie. 


44  SELECTIONS  :   ROBERT  BROWNE 

The  Widowes,  which  are  to  praye  for  the  church,  with  attend- 
aunce  to  the  Sicke  and  afflicted  thereof. 

Ibid.  D4  verso. 
Election  of  Church  Officers. 

What  agreement  must  there  be  of  the  church,  for  the  calling  of 
church  governours  ? 

They  must  trie  their  guiftes  and  god  lines. 

They  must  receyve  them  by  obedience  as  their  guides  and 
teachers,  where  they  plante  or  establish  the  church. 

They  must  receyue  them  by  choyse  where  the  church  is 
planted. 

The  agreement  also  for  the  calling  of  ciuill  magistrates  should  be 
like  vnto  this  .  .  . 

What  choyse  should  there  be  ? 

The  praiers  and  humbling  of  all,  with  fasting  and  exhortation, 
that  God  may  be  chief e  in  the  choise. 

The  consent  of  the  people  must  be  gathered  by  the  Elders  or 

guides,  and  testified  by  voyce,  presenting,  or  naming  of  some,  or 

other  tokens,  that  they  approue  them  as  meete  for  that  calling. 

The   gathering    of    voyces  &    consent   of  the   people,    is   a  general 

inquirie  who  is  meete  to  be  chosen,  when  firste  it  is  appointed  to  the' 

all,  being  dulie  assembled  to  looke  out  such  persons  among  the',  & 

then  the  nu'ber  of  the  most  which  agree,  is  taken  by  some  of  the 

wisest,  with   presenting  and  naming  of  the  parties  to   be  chosen,  if 

none  can  alledge  anie- cause  or  default  against  them. 

Ibid.  Kl  verso,  K2  recto. 
What  gift  must  they  haue  ? 

All  Gouernours  must  haue  forwardnes  before  others,  in  know 
ledge  and  godlines,  as  able  to  guide. 
And  some  must  haue  age  and  eldershippe. 
Also  some  must  haue  parentage  and  birth. 

Ibid.  13  verso. 
Ordination. 

The  Elders  or  forwardest  must  ordeine,  and  pronounce  them, 
with  prayer  and  imposition  of  handes,  as  called  and  authorized 
of  God,  and  receyued  of  their  charg  to  that  calling. 

Yet   imposition   of  handes  is  no  essentiall  pointe  of  their  calling 
but  it  ought  to  be  left,  when  it  is  turned  into  pompe  or  superstition. 

Ibid.  Kl  verso. 
(To  be  continued) 

J.H.T. 


REVIEWS 


The   Holy  Communion   in   the  Reformed   Church  of  Scotland, 
1560- 1960  by  George  B.  Burnet.  (Oliver  &  Boyd,  1960,  25s:). 

This  is  an  interesting  volume,  packed  with  information  gleaned 
from  a  wide  variety  of  sources  (the  select  bibliography  runs  to 
16  pages).  We  read,  for  example,  that  in  1578  twenty-three  gallons 
of  wine,  costing  £41,  were  used  on  one  Sacrament  Sunday  in  Edin 
burgh,  while  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  one 
Episcopal  chaplain  celebrated  the  Communion  with  whisky  ! 

In  his  Preface,  Mr.  Burnet  states  that  he  is  concerned  only  with 
the  '  modes  and  customs  of  the  Sacrament  and  the  legislation  bear 
ing  upon  it '.  This  is  a  history  of  the  externals,  and  no  attempt 
is  made  to  expound  the  doctrinal  bases  of  the  rites.  This  naturally 
limits  the  book's  value. 

Of  special  interest  are  the  author's  description,  and  attempted 
explanation,  of  the  infrequency  of  the  observance  of  the  Sacrament 
throughout  the  period.  'Even  in  the  sixteenth  century  a  yearly 
celebration  was  too  easily  regarded  as  a  maximum  ',  despite  the  fact 
that  the  Book  of  Common  Order  rubric  '  recommends  a  monthly 
celebration  as  a  minimum  '.  Apparently  there  was  not  a  single 
Communion  in  Edinburgh  from  1649  to  1655.  Burnet  concludes 
that  the  cause  was  'nothing  less  than  a  low  conception  of  the 
Ordinance '.  The  sense  of  awe,  of  almost  superstitious  fear,  which 
tended  to  surround  the  Sacrament,  especially  in  the  Highlands, 
is  well  brought  out. 

The  practice  of  mass  Communions,  often  degenerating  into  '  Holy 
Fairs  ',  is  another  fascinating  phenomenon  ;  and  there  is  the  use  of 
long  tables,  set  up  for  Communion  Sundays,  and  filled  by  successive 
groups  of  communicants— a  practice  almost  universal  until  the 
early  years  of  the  last  century,  and  persisting  in  some  places  until 
the  beginning  of  the  present  century. 

The  references  to  England,  relatively  few  in  number,  are  mostly 
unfavourable  !  Mr.  Burnet  has  little  liking  for  the  English  Puritans, 
and  he  accuses  the  Sectaries  and  Independents  (Biownists,  as  he 
often  calls  them)  of  undermining  the  good  Reformed  traditions  by 
'  infiltration  '.  He  notes  with  satisfaction  that  the  Renaissance  of 
worship  in  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  did  much  '  in 
purging  out  the  baneful  leaven  of  English  Puritanism  inherited 
from  the  Sectaries  of  the  Commonwealth ' ! 

The  book  is  well  produced  and  pleasant  to  handle,  but  there 
is  a  misprint  on  page  276  ('  permtited  '),  and  on  page  108  the 

4  45 


46  REVIEWS 

name  of  the  Independent  leader  at  the  Westminster  Assembly 
should  be  Goodwin  (Thomas),  not  '  Goodman '. 

WILFRED  W.    BIGGS 

Annals  of  the  Congregational  Church  at  Lindfield,  Sussex.  1810-1959. 
By  N.  Caplan.  (Lindfield  Church,  1959,  5s.). 

Too  often  in  the  past  the  histories  of  our  churches  have  been  rather 
ephemeral  productions.  Recently  there  has  been  a  welcome  improvement 
in  the  standard  of  these  histories  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  higher 
standard  will  be  maintained  in  the  next  few  years  when  many  of  our 
churches  will  publish  Tercentenary  histories.  Mr.  Caplan's  72  page  history 
of  the  Lindfield  church  is  a  good  example  of  the  better  type  of  church 
history.  Scholarly  and  yet  readable,  its  value  is  enhanced  by  the  numerous 
footnotes,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Congregational  Union  rightly  commends 
\he  study  of  it  to  would-be  writers  of  church  histories.  H.  G.  TIBBUTT 

Episodes  in  the  History  of  Brecknockshire  Dissent.  By  Pennar  Davies. 
(Reprinted  from  Brycheiniog,  Vol.  Ill,  1957,  5s.). 

It  has  long  been  known  what  a  decisive  effect  the  nonconformist 
Academies  had  in  the  development  in  the  areas  which  they  served,  but 
little  has  been  done  in  particular  on  any  English  or  Welsh  academy.  Now 
Mr.  Pennar  Davies,  Principal  of  Brecon  Memorial  College,  has  done  just 
this  for  his  own  Congregational  college  and  its  ancestors. 

Brecon  College  has  a  notable  history  stretching  back  to  the  academies 
of  Samuel  Jones  of  Brynllywarch  and  Rhys  Prydderch  of  Ystradwallter 
founded  soon  after  1662.  They  were  combined  before  1740  under  Vavasor 
Griffiths  at  Llwyn  Llwyd,  and  this  academy  has  the  distinction  of  being 
not  only  the  ancestor  of  Brecon,  but  also  of  the  Carmarthen  and  North 
Wales  Academies.  In  a  fine  piece  of  research  Mr.  Davies  has  produced 
a  much  more  interesting  history  of  his  own  college  than  the  usual  catalogue 
of  names  and  dates.  The  twelve  plates  are  well  chosen  and  excellently 
reproduced.  A  map,  however,  would  have  been  of  use  to  those  of  us  whose 
knowledge  of  Welsh  place  names  and  geography  is  poor.  c.  EDWIN  WELCH 

The  Story  of  the  Old  Meeting  House,  Mansfield,  (Notts.).  By  J.  Harrop 
White,  pp.  144  ;  5  plates.  (Lindsey  Press,  1959,  7s.  6d.). 

The  material  for  this  admirably  told  and  well  documented  story  was 
mainly  gathered  by  Mr.  John  Harrop  White,  a  former  Town  Clerk  of 
Mansfield,  a  Mayor  and  Freeman  of  the  Borough,  and  a  Trustee  of  the 
Old  Meeting  from  1896.  A  devoted  and  public-spirited  citizen  and  rep 
resentative  Unitarian,  his  informed  love  of  Old  Meeting  and  his  generosity 
and  service  to  it  are  implicit  and  explicit  throughout.  When  he  died  in  1951 
at  the  age  of  94,  his  nephew,  the  Rev.  Arthur  W.  Vallance,  was  charged 
with  the  final  editing  and  publication  and  he  has  added  some  important 
facts  arising  from  quite  recent  research. 

The  first  half  of  the  book  will  interest  all  who  are  wanting  a  concise 
summary  of  early  Dissenting  history  carefully  exemplified  in  local  context  : 
the  later  chapters,  while  more  domestic,  present  an  excellent  picture  of 
vigorous  local  chapel  life.  The  cause  at  Mansfield  owed  its  rise,  probably 
circa  1666,  to  the  presence  in  the  then  non-corporate  borough,  which  was 
outside  the  restriction  of  the  Five  Mile  Act,  of  an  unusual  number  of 
ministers  who  had  been  ejected  from  their  livings  in  Nottinghamshire  and 
Derbyshire  (Robert  Porter,  John  Whitlock,  William  Reynolds,  John 


REVIEWS  47 

Billingsley,  Joseph  Truman,  Robert  Smalley,  John  Cromwell,  with  Matthew 
Sylvester  from  Great  Gonerby,  Lines.),  while  the  conforming  vicar,  John 
Firth,  who  had  Presbyterian  sympathies,  was  friendly  and  indeed  co 
operative.  Under  Porter  especially,  the  congregation  was  gathered  and 
in  due  course  erected  the  Old  Meeting  in  1702. 

Additional  to  the  particulars  given  about  each  of  the  fore-named  by 
Calamy  and  in  Calamy  Revised,  several  fresh  facts  of  interest  emerge,  and 
some  new  dates.  It  is  shewn,  for  example,  that  Matthew  Sylvester,  Baxter's 
friend  and  literary  legatee,  was  not  only  in  Mansfield  after  his  ejection  and 
until  about  1667,  but  again  in  1683-84,  when  he  was  named  as  one  of  the 
tutors  at  a  Dissenting  Academy  at  Mansfield  of  which  the  principals  were 
John  Billingsley,  the  ejected  vicar  of  Chesterfield  (d.1683),  and  his  son 
of  the  same  name,  Nonconformist  minister  at  Chesterfield,  Selston,  Hull 
and  Crutched  Friars,  London  (D.N.B.).  Oliver  Heywood  referred  to  the 
k  school '  of  John  Billingsley  primus,  but  the  account  of  the  Academy  for 
the  education  of  ministerial  students  (originally  brought  to  notice  from 
the  MS.  diary  of  William  Bilby,  one  of  those  educated  there,  by  the  Rev. 
C.  G.  Bolam  in  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society,  October, 
1953),  provides  a  valuable  and  fascinating  addition  to  our  list  of  those 
institutions  as  given  by  the  Rev.  T.  G.  Crippen,  Mrs.  Irene  Parker  Crane, 
Dr.  Herbert  McLachlan  and  Mr.  J.  W.  Ashley  Smith. 

Of  special  interest  to  Congregationalists  are  the  details  of  ministries 
at  Mansfield  by  Thomas  Fletcher  (a  student  under  Frankland)  1704-13  ; 
William  Linwood  (Glasgow)  1842-48  ;  Ottwell  Binns,  the  novelist  (Western 
College)  1920-27;  Frederick  Munford  (New  College)  1928-36,  who  were 
of  '  our '  line  but  became  Unitarians.  There  are  other  Congregational 
references. 

The  story  is  characteristically  illustrative  of  the  strong  family  loyalties 
and  activities  of  Unitarianism,  continued  from  generation  to  generation, 
and  is  in  particular  an  obviously  richly  deserved  tribute  to  the  family  of 
Mr.  J.  Harrop  White  and  its  collaterals. 

On  p.  26  the  date  of  Billingsley's  presentation  to  the  vicarage  of  Chester 
field  should  read  18  March,  1653/4  instead  of  1643/4,  and  on  p.  139  for 
John  Bull  Bristow  read  Joseph. 

CHARLES    L.    SURMAN. 

ALSO  RECEIVED  : 

II.  G.  Tibbutt.  Hockliffe  and  Eggington  Congregational  Church,  1809-1959. 
(1959).  His  articles  in  the  Bedfordshire  Magazine  have  been  very  acceptable 
quite  apart  from  his  pamphlet  histories. 

MAJOR  N.  G.  BRETT-JAMES 

We  regret  to  have  to  report  the  loss  of  an  eminent  contributor.  Major 
N.  G.  Brett-James,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  F.S.A.,  who  was  a  founder-member  of 
our  Society.  He  was  an  authority  on  the  history  of  Middlesex  and  London 
and  published  numerous  works,  a  fuller  account  of  which  we  hope  to 
print  in  our  next  issue. 


OUR     CONTEMPORARIES 


The  Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England,  Volume  xi, 
No.  4,  (May  1959),  includes  a  survey  by  Dr.  S.  W.  Carruthers  of  the 
'  Presbyterians  '  ejected  in  Wiltshire  and  Berkshire. 

The  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society,  Volume  xii,  No.  I. 
"  Unitarians  and  the  Labour  Church  Movement '  by  I.  Sellers,  is  an  in 
teresting  account  of  one  of  the  bye-ways  of  modern  Church  History. 

The  Baptist  Quarterly. 

Volume  xviii,  No.  3,  (July  1959)  includes,  'A  Puritan  Work  of  Robert 
Browne'  by  B.  R.  White.  The  contributor  gives  a  transcript  of  an  anony 
mous  Puritan  tract  included  in  'A  Parte  of  a  Register.'  He  attributes  it 
to  Browne,  and  argues  that  it  was  used  in  an  amended  form  in  the  latter's 
'  A  true  and  short  declaration  .  .  .  ' 

Volume  xviii,  No.  5,  (January  1960)  has  an  article  by  E.  P.  Winter  (a 
member  of  our  Society)  entitled,  '  The  Administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
among  the  Baptists  in  the  seventeenth  century.' 

The  Proceedings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society,  Volume  xxxii,  Part  Hi, 
has  an  interesting  article  by  Thomas  Shaw  on  '  The  Methodist  Chapel 
Interior  (1739-1839)  in  relation  to  contemporary  Church  Arrangement.' 

The  Journal  of  the  Friends  Historical  Society,  Volume  xlix,  No.  1, 
includes  an  interesting  assessment  of  the  relationship  which  existed  between 
Quakers  and  Lilburne  the  Leveller  and  Winstanley  the  Digger  ('From 
Radicalism  to  Quakerism ;  Gerrard  Winstanley  and  Friends ').  Richard  T. 
Vann  asks,  '  Was  it  pure  coincidence  that  the  rise  of  Quakerism  so  closely 
succeeded  the  collapse  of  the  Leveller  impulse  ?  ' 

W.W.B. 


A.  J.  GRIEVE  PRIZE  ESSAY  COMPETITION 

Essays  of  15,000  to  25,000  words  in  length  are  invited  on  any  of  the  three 
following  subjects, 

(a)  1662-1962  :  The  Panorama  of  Congregationalism. 

(b)  1662-1962  :  Has  Nonconformity  justified  itself  ? 

(c)  The  abiding  significance  of  Congregationalism. 

The  essays  must  be  submitted  by  March  1962. 

Three  prizes  are  to  be  awarded,  of  £25,  £15  and  £10.  Prizes  will  not  be 
divided  and  thus  diminished  in  value. 

Transactions  hopes  to  publish  the  best  article. 

If  no  essay  of  sufficient  merit  is  received  the  Society  committee  retains 
the  right  to  withhold  the  prizes. 

The   President   of  the  Society  has  kindly  agreed  to  act  as  adjudicator. 

48 


TRANSACTIONS 

CONGREGATIONAL   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 
EDITOR    JOHN    H.    TAYLOR,    B.D. 

VOL.   XIX.      NO.    2.      AUGUST    1961 

CONTENTS 

Editorial  49 

Congregationalism  :  A  Long  View  by  Ralph  F.  G  C alder  MA 

B.D ...  ..;  \.;  52 

The  James  Forbes  Library,  Gloucester 67 

Needy  Congregational  Ministers  in  the  West,  c.  1676-8  by  I  G 

Philip,  M.A 68 

The  Evans  List  :  The  Hidden  Neal  List  by  Roger  Thomas,  M.A  '.  72 

The  Evans  List  :  Queries  on  Sussex  by  N.  Caplan,  M.A  75 

Congregational  Church  Records  (List  2) 80 

Letters  Incidental  to  Samuel  Say's  Call  to  Westminster,  1734  (Part 'ij 

by  B.  Cozens-Hardy,  M.A.,  F.S.A 81 

Joseph  Parker's  United  Congregational  Church  by  John  H.  Taylor, 

B.D 91 

Selections  from  the  Fathers  :  Robert  Browne  (b)  ...  .;.  97 

Our  Contemporaries  99 

Reviews  JQQ 

tf 

Editorial 

The  Annual  Meeting 

Some  sixty  members  and  friends  were  present  for  the  62nd 
Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  at  Westminster  Chapel  on  17  May, 
1961.  The  President,  Dr.  W.  Gordon  Robinson,  introduced  the 
lecturer,  the  Rev.  R.  F.  G.  Calder,  Chairman  of  our  Committee, 
as  an  old  fellow-student  in  Manchester.  Mr.  Calder,  whose  life-long 
interest  has  been  in  history  and  whose  work  in  recent  years  has 
taken  him  to  many  parts  of  the  world  through  the  International 
Congregational  Council,  treated  us  to  an  examination  of  the 
fundamentals  of  Congregationalism.  The  theme  was  a  contrast  to 
most  that  we  receive.  Most  of  our  lecturers  lead  us  to  a  particular 
tree  or  group  of  trees  in  the  forest  of  Nonconformity  and  conduct 
a  careful  study  at  that  spot ;  it  is  not  often  that  we  are  taken  for  a 
flight  across  the  whole  forest  and  this  is  what  our  lecturer  chose 
to  do.  With  the  kind  of  issues  now  being  placed  before  Congre- 
gationalists  in  the  Union  of  England  and  Wales,  it  is  most 
appropriate  that  our  Society  should  publish  Mr.  Calder's  reasoned 
arguments  concerning  the  essence  of  Congregationalism.  Probably 
some  readers  will  question  whether  his  conclusions  are  adequate 
as  a  description  of  it  whilst  others  may  feel  that  here  is  a  sound 
evangelical  basis  upon  which  the  future  may  build. 

4  *  49 


50  EDITORIAL 

Research  Secretary 

Mr.  H.  G.  Tibbutt  was  presented  to  the  Annual  Meeting  as  the 
Society's  new  Research  Secretary.  No  one  more  fitting  to  succeed 
the  Rev.  Charles  Surman  could  possibly  be  found.  A  glance  at 
Mr.  Tibbutt's  article  on  the  Sources  for  Congregational  Church 
History  is  enough  to  convince  anyone  of  his  deep  acquaintance 
with  the  techniques  of  research  ;  his  latest  chapel  history,  that  on 
Howard  Congregational  Church,  Bedford,  is  a  good  example  of  the 
high  qualities  which  he  brings  to  his  task.  Deeply  grateful  as  we 
are  to  Mr.  Surman  for  his  shouldering  the  burden  of  advising  folk 
who  are  engaged  in  the  study  of  things  Congregational,  we  are 
glad  that  he  can  at  last  be  given  a  little  more  freedom.  The 
Research  Secretary  is  ready  to  help  anyone  facing  problems  in 
unearthing  historical  facts.  He  is  also  very  interested  to  know  of 
people  at  work  on  subjects  to  do  with  our  history  as  this  often 
helps  to  prevent  overlapping  and  to  promote  concerted  endeavour. 

Tercentenary  Supplement 

People  who  belong  to  our  Society  and  others  who  do  not,  ask  us 
what  we  are  going  to  publish  to  commemorate  1662.  We  should 
very  much  like  to  do  something  but  there  are  problems.  The 
Independent  Press  and  others  have  plans  of  their  own  covering  the 
event ;  the  period  has  been  very  thoroughly  examined  by  experts 
such  as  the  Rev.  A.  G.  Matthews  and  scholarly  contributions  on 
the  subject  do  not  seem  to  be  forthcoming.  There  appears  to  be 
one  opportunity  left  and  this  a  service  that  we  may  be  able  to 
render  to  the  denomination.  It  is  to  publish  a  supplement  to 
Transactions  designed  to  provide  material  on  1662  and  the  issues 
raised  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  for  those  who  will  be  asked  and 
expected  to  speak  of  it  but  who  have  not  studied  the  period  in  any 
detail.  Preachers  and  speakers  in  our  churches  will  need  such 
material  and  such  guidance.  Therefore  we  hope  in  May  of  next 
year  to  have  on  sale  (free  to  members)  a  book  of  about  32  pages 
with  which  we  plan  to  meet  this  need. 

Subscriptions 

The  Rev.  W.  W.  Biggs  gave  notice  at  the  Annual  Meeting  that 
next  year  it  would  be  proposed  that  the  subscription  should  be 
raised  from  5s.  to  7s.  6d.  per  annum.  But  members  would  receive, 
it  was  hoped,  two  issues  of  Transactions  each  year  instead  of  one. 
The  fact  is  that  the  subscription  rate  has  remained  the  same  since 
the  Society  began.  Consequently  publication  has  suffered  badly. 
The  bargain  to  be  offered  next  year  looks  a  good  one. 


EDITORIAL  51 

Nonconformists,  the  B.R.A.,  and  Records 

Representatives  of  all  the  Nonconformist  Historical  Societies  as 
well  as  some  libraries  were  invited  at  one  of  the  meetings  of  the 
British  Records  Association  last  December  to  say  what 
sources  they  knew  for  Nonconformist  history.  Mr.  Tibbutt  spoke 
admirably  for  us  and  was  highly  complimented  from  the  platform 
for  his  article  on  sources  in  our  last  issue  of  Transactions. 

Once  more  we  were  brought  to  see  the  great  need  for  churches  to 
appreciate  how  they  can  help  modern  historical  research  by  giving 
their  old  records  into  the  custody  of  the  local  records  office.  There 
students  can  examine  them  with  ease.  Their  nature  and  whereabouts 
will  be  public  knowledge.  They  will  be  useful  instead  of  lying 
unused  and  perhaps  uncared  for  in  a  vestry  cupboard,  or  worse 
still  in  a  church  member's  house  where  they  will  probably  get  lost 
for  ever.  If  the  church  should  want  its  records  for  any  reason  at 
any  time  it  can  soon  recover  them  from  the  record  office  because 
the  essence  of  the  scheme  is  that  the  record  office  is  only  the 
custodian,  not  the  owner  of  the  documents. 

As  it  is,  the  student  has  to  search  everywhere  for  his  material. 
The  Rev.  A.  H.  Jowett  Murray  of  Ringwood,  in  working  on  the 
history  of  the  church  there,  went  to  Winchester  Castle  to  see  two 
large  boxes  which  the  Diocesan  Registrar  had  told  him  were 
labelled  '  Meeting  Houses  '.  He  found  in  them  a  great  number  of 
letters  and  certificates  asking  for  the  registration  of  houses  and 
meeting  houses  in  the  Diocese,  only  roughly  sorted,  including 
valuable  information  on  Ringwood.  This  is  the  kind  of  experience, 
thrilling  in  its  way,  which  the  persistent  seeker  will  find  ;  and 
certainly  diocesan  records  are  not  to  be  neglected.  Obviously  the 
collecting  of  records  in  central  places  such  as  record  offices  is  a 
boon  to  the  student  and  churches  could  help  in  this  matter  much 
more  than  they  do. 

Early  Meeting  Houses 

We  welcome  the  interest  of  the  Ancient  Monuments  Society  in 
early  meeting  houses.  Their  Transactions  (New  Series,  No.  8)  has  an 
article  by  H.  Goodwin  Arnold  on  them.  It  is  well  illustrated, 
particularly  with  black  and  white  measured  drawings.  The  struc 
tures  and  materials  are  carefully  examined  and  make  a  useful 
record.  Mr.  John  Belderson,  an  architect  and  student  of  theology, 
said  after  looking  at  the  article  that,  whilst  he  appreciated  the 
contribution  the  article  made,  he  was  disappointed  that  little  attempt 
had  been  made  to  assess  the  merits  of  the  buildings  from  the 
worshipper's  or  the  architect's  point  of  view. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A   LONG  VIEW 

Congregationalism  may  reasonably  think  itself  fortunate  to  have 
neither  a  birthday  nor  any  single  person  with  an  adequate  claim 
to  paternity.  But,  however  we  measure  its  self-conscious  life,  it 
certainly  has  existed  in  England  for  more  than  three  hundred 
years.  In  America  it  is  just  as  old  as  New  England  itself.  At 
different  times  over  the  last  two  hundred  years  and  in  different 
ways  it  has  spread  from  England  to  the  British  Colonies  and 
Commonwealth  and  taken  root,  if  it  has  not  always  flourished. 
In  more  recent  years  churches  which  trace  no  lineage  from  England 
have  claimed  themselves  to  be  Congregational,  and  have  been 
admitted  within  the  international  fellowship  which  bears  the  name. 
One  thinks  particularly  of  the  Mission  Covenant  Church  of  Sweden, 
which  Dr.  R.  W.  Dale  in  1891  welcomed  enthusiastically  as 
Congregational,  saying  :  '  They  learnt  their  Congregational  prin 
ciples  from  the  New  Testament  and  from  the  instincts  and  impulses 
of  their  spiritual  life'.1  Closely  parallel  is  the  Free  Church  of 
Finland.  Of  a  very  different  origin  and  history  are  the  Evangelical 
Congregational  Christian  Churches  of  Brazil.  Dr.  W.  R.  M.  Noord- 
hoff,  secretary  of  the  Remonstrant  Brotherhood  of  the  Netherlands, 
has  recently  written  in  Met  Remonstrantse  Weekblad  (October, 
1960),  '  Being  a  Remonstrant  apparently  corresponds  with  being  a 
Congregationalist '. 

Between  all  these  churches  there  are  not  a  few  differences- 
differences  of  theological  outlook,  of  local  churchmanship,  of 
national  organization.  Between  the  churches  of  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  and  those  of  the  middle  of  the  twentieth 
century  in  England  there  are  also  great  differences.2  But  looking 
at  the  near  and  the  far,  the  past  and  the  present,  is  it  possible  to 
say  in  any  exact  or  even  approximate  way  what  is  this  '  Congre 
gationalism  '  which  in  some  measure  is  shared  by  all  ?  Is  the 
nature  of  Congregationalism  to  be  discovered  by  an  examination 
of  what  Congregational  churches  have  in  fact  been  and  believed, 
either  at  some  historical  point,  or  over  the  long  stretch  of  their 
varied  history  ?  Or  is  there  some  essential  Congregationalism 
which  never  has  been  perfectly  expressed  at  any  time,  but  by 
which  all  attempts  at  expression  are  to  be  examined  ? 

This  is  not  an  academic  enquiry.  In  no  less  than  five  major  areas 
of  Congregational  life  discussions  with  a  possible  end  in  church 

1  International   Cong.  Council,  London,  1891,  Proceedings,  p.  xxviii. 

2  Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall,  Visible  Saints,  p.  vii. 

52 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  53 

union  are  presently  taking  place.  At  the  same  time  there  is  a 
growing  concern  on  the  part  of  many  within  the  ecumenical  fellow 
ship  of  churches  to  understand  exactly  what  our  particular  insights 
are.  This  little  paper  cannot  be  an  answer,  but  it  does  represent 
the  first  thoughts  of  one  anxious  enquirer  in  this  important  matter. 

I  am  sure  that  whatever  conclusions  may  be  reached  about  some 
perfect  *  form '  of  Congregationalism,  such  an  enquiry  must  be 
essentially  an  historical  one,  as  Dr.  Geoffrey  Nuttall  has  pointed 
out  in  the  Foreword  to  his  Visible  Saints.  Congregationalism  was 
at  no  point  a  planned  and  pre-devised  system  of  church  organiza 
tion,  as  Presbyterianism  could  be  described.  It  arose  out  of  the 
religious  experience  and  religious  needs  of  ordinary  people.  If  it 
has  assumed  somewhat  different  shapes  at  different  times  and  in 
different  places,  this  is  because  and  to  the  extent  that  it  has  remain 
ed  sensitive  to  those  experiences  and  needs.  When  it  has  hardened, 
it  has  in  some  real  way  ceased  to  be  alive  and  true  to  its  better  self. 

What  I  propose  to  do  is  to  look  back  long  before  the  birth  of 
the  denomination,  before  the  use  of  the  word,  or  even  any  clear 
understanding  that  some  new  shape  of  churchmanship  was  involved, 
to  the  first  germinal  ideas  in  the  womb,  from  which  Congregational 
ism  finally  took  its  origin  and  which  indicate  its  true  nature,  and 
then  to  trace  them  forward  in  history  as  far  as  time  permits.  I  am 
tempted  to  elaborate  here  on  two  features  of  such  an  examination 
which  sometimes  make  for  difficulty.  The  first  is  the  close  relation 
ship,  often  confusion,  between  religious  and  political  ideas,  as 
evidenced  particularly  in  the  coincidence  of  Independency  and 
the  Commonwealth.  The  second  is  the  equally  close  relationship 
between  this  kind  of  faith  and  churchmanship  and  the  social  and 
cultural  atmosphere  in  which  it  naturally  exists  and  in  which  it 
alone  flourishes.  But  these  are  matters  for  papers  by  themselves. 

On  the  Continent  of  Europe  it  is  possible  to  trace  back  at  least 
five  hundred  years  before  the  Reformation  itself  to  stirrings  within 
the  Roman  Church  of  a  reformatory  or  revolutionary  kind.  Early 
in  the  ninth  century,  for  example,  Claudius,  Bishop  of  Turin,  made 
bold  to  express  his  scant  regard  for  the  Holy  See,  and  attacked  the 
worship  of  images  and  pilgrimages.  Before  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century  Joachim  of  Fiore  was  proclaiming  *  the  coming  age  of  the 
Spirit ',  which,  though  not  in  itself  a  revolutionary  conception,  was 
taken  up  by  some  to  revolutionary  conclusions.  As  early  as'l218 
the  Poor  Men  of  Lyons,  under  the  leadership  of  Peter  Waldo, 
presented  a  document,  which  among  other  things  urged  that  lay 
leadership  should  be  more  prominent  in  the  Church,  insisted  that 


54  CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW 

the  eucharist  was  symbolic,  and  protested  that  the  Roman  Church 
was  not  the  exclusive  Church  of  Christ. 

About  the  same  time  the  Beguines  and  Beghards  took  to  their 
austere  and  philanthropic  discipline  in  the  Netherlands,  and  other 
orders  took  rise  in  other  parts  of  Europe  and  often  received  official 
recognition,  though  their  existence  was  an  open  criticism  of  the 
general  order  of  the  Church.  By  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  cen 
tury  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  had  been  started  by  Geert 
de  Groote,  who  outspokenly  condemned  the  abuses  of  the  Church 
of  his  day,  and  also  incidentally  inspired  Thomas  a  Kempis  to 
gather  his  sayings  into  De  Imitatione  Christi.  Time  would  fail  to 
tell  of  the  Conciliarists,  the  Spiritualists  and  the  Anabaptists,  of 
John  Hus,  the  great  Erasmus,  and  the  unknown  author  of  the 
Theologia  Germanica. 

All  these  ranged  widely  in  their  concerns  and  aims.  The  left  wing 
of  the  Reformation  has  been  described  by  Rufus  Jones  in  Spiritual 
Reformers  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  as  4  a 
veritable  banyan  tree ',  if  a  wing  can  be  described  as  a  tree.  Some 
sought  institutional  reforms  so  radical  as  to  produce  a  basic 
transformation  of  the  papacy.  Others  stressed  the  inner  trans 
formation  and  sanctification  of  one's  life.  Others  again  sought 
a  biblical  commonwealth  in  which  a  regenerated  church  and  state 
were  one  (cf.  Cromwell's  Rule  of  Saints).  But  certain  features  were 
generally  shared.  There  was  a  growing  revolt  against  clericalism, 
and  against  many  practices  of  the  Church,  such  as  the  worship  of 
images,  pilgrimages,  but  notably  the  interpretation  of  the  eucharist 
in  the  form  of  transubstantiation.  There  was  a  resistance  to  the 
way  in  which  Church  and  State  were  related,  though  finally  the 
Reformation  espoused  this  principle  again.  There  was  a  quickening 
turn  to  the  Scriptures  rather  than  to  the  Church  as  the  source  of 
authority.  But  above  all,  this  was  primarily  a  personal  religious 
movement,  in  which  the  right  of  the  individual  to  his  own  experi 
ence  of  faith  was  paramount.  Time  prevents  an  elaboration  of  this 
essential  and  the  relationship  at  this  point  between  the  Reformation 
and  the  Renaissance. 

When  the  Reformation  actually  came  on  the  Continent  it  did 
not  fulfil  the  highest  hopes  of  those  who  had  for  centuries  dreamed 
of  its  possibilities.  Both  Luther  and  Calvin,  for  political  and  other 
reasons,  finally  withdrew  from  the  logic  of  some  of  their  convic 
tions.  Luther  had  taught  that  the  prayers  of  a  shoemaker  were  as 
readily  heard  by  God  as  those  of  a  bishop,  but  he  was  not  in  the 
end  able  and  willing  to  see  this  concept  come  alive  in  the  Church. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  55 

He  one  time  pressed  for  both  notpredigen  (lay  preachers)  and 
hausgeminden  (gathered  churches),  but  these  never  became  part  of 
Lutheranism.  Calvin  carried  from  Rome  to  Geneva  the  link  of 
Church  and  State,  though  not  the  Roman  conception  of  the  Sacra 
ments  whereby  the  Church  was  always  supreme  in  the  issues  of 
life.  And  it  was  as  a  result  of  his  introduction  from  Geneva  of  the 
rigid  Protestantisme  en  masse  that  finally  what  was  essentially 
Congregational  in  France  was  suppressed.  More  important,  neither 
Luther  nor  Calvin  reached  or  maintained  an  adequate  doctrine  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  or  an  adequate  concept  of  the  nature  of  human 
personality. 

The  story  in  England  is  different,  but  has  many  interesting 
parallels  with  that  on  the  Continent.  The  element  of  reform  can 
again  be  traced  far  back — perhaps  to  the  somewhat  independent 
attitude  and  free  piety  of  the  Celtic  Church.  In  the  twelfth  century 
the  Weavers  or  Publicans  in  Oxfordshire,  led  by  one  Gerhardt, 
taught  salvation  by  grace  and  faith,  and  claimed  for  all  Christian 
people,  men  and  women  alike,  the  liberty  to  preach.  The  element 
of  reform  is  to  be  seen  in  the  impatient  criticisms  of  the  author 
of  Piers  Plowman  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  in  the  challenge 
to  ecclesiastical  power  if  not  to  orthodox  teaching  in  the  writings 
of  William  of  Occam,  Richard  FitzRalph,  and  Thomas  Bradward- 
ine.  It  may  be  true  that  John  Wycliffe  was  so  catastrophically 
incompetent  that  he  did  nothing  to  inspire  and  in  fact  did  everything 
possible  to  delay  the  reformation  to  come,  as  K.  B.  McFarlane 
has  asserted.3  But  the  same  writer  also  says,  *  English  nonconformity 
owes  its  origins,  humble  though  these  be,  to  Master  John  Wy 
cliffe  '.*  It  was  Wycliffe  who  claimed  that  the  individual  had  the 
right  of  direct  access  to  the  fountain-head  of  doctrine.  It  was  he 
who  dared  to  say  that  a  pauper  if  he  be  in  grace  has  a  better  moral 
right  to  '  lordship '  than  a  Pope  or  Emperor  in  a  state  of  mortal 
sin.  Indeed  in  his  later  works  he  even  advocated  the  abolition  of 
the  papal  office  altogether.  It  was  he  who  wrote,  'evangelisation 
(preaching  the  gospel)  exceeds  prayer  and  administration  of  the 
Sacraments  to  an  infinite  degree  '.5  For  him  Holy  Scripture  was  the 
highest  authority  for  every  Christian,  and  the  standard  for  faith  and 
all  human  perfection,  a  conviction  which  led  him  to  procure  a 
Middle  English  translation  of  the  Bible.  It  was  he  who  brought 
the  attack  on  the  Roman  Church  to  a  climax  by  rejecting  the 

3  John   Wycliffe   and   the   Beginnings   of   English   Non-conformity,   p.  186. 

4  Ibid,  p.  10. 

5  On  the  Pastoral  Office,  tr.  F.  L.  Battles,  II,  ch.  2. 


56  CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW 

dogma  of  transubstantiation,  which  he  held  to  be  a  modern  concept 
and  dien  to  the  early  Church.  It  was  Wycliffe  who  spent  the  last 
two  years  of  his  life  building  up  a  body  of  itinerant  evangelists, 
the  Lollards,  who  continued  to  touch  the  lives  of  the  common 
people  for  a  further  150  years.  Here  one  thinks  particularly  of  such 
as  John  Ball,  who  sent  the  Preaching  Friars  to  public  fair  grounds, 
meat  markets  and  cemeteries  to  proclaim  the  Gospel  and  a  life  in 
conformity  with  it,  and  also  himself  taught  the  equality  of  bonds 
men  and  gentry. 

As  on  the  Continent,  so  in  England,  it  was  these  and  their  like 
who  witnessed  in  life  and  sometimes  in  death  to  the  true  reforma 
tion.  When  Henry  broke  from  Rome,  the  rending  of  the  ecclesias 
tical  structure  made  possible  the  loosing  of  an  evangelical  spirit 
which  had  existed  in  the  country  in  one  form  or  another  for  300 
years.  '  The  Reformation  was  above  all  else  a  revival  of  religion.'6 
It  was  what  John  Foxe  called  4  the  secret  multitude  of  true  pro 
fessors  '  and  the  curiously  exultant  mood  of  religious  discovery 
made  this  so  in  England  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

It  is  somewhere  here  in  this  revival  of  true  religion  that  what 
we  know  as  Congregationalism  really  began.  The  Reformation 
in  England  was  waged  not  on  the  royal  divorce,  the  sovereignty 
of  state,  or  the  possession  of  monastic  lands,  but  over  the  nature 
of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  the  hatred  of  feudal  clericalism,  the 
right  to  and  value  of  the  reading  of  Scripture,  and  what  the  Puritans 
later  called  '  experimental  religion  '. 

Many  illustrations  of  this  can  be  given.  I  quote  three  briefly 
from  A.  G.  Dickens'  Lollards  and  Protestants  in  the  Diocese  of 
York.  In  1538  one  Robert  Plumpton  wrote  to  his  rnother  :  'God 
wil  give  knowledge  to  whom  he  will  give  knowledg  of  the  Scriptures, 
as  soon  to  a  shepperd  as  to  a  priest,  yf  he  ask  knowledg  of  God 
faithfully  .  .  .  wherefore  I  desire  you,  moste  deare  mother,  that 
ye  will  take  heede  to  the  teachinge  of  the  Gospell,  for  it  is  the 
thinge  that  wee  muste  live  by  '.  In  1542  the  parish  clerk  in  Topcliffe 
refused  confession  because  *  there  was  a  saying  in  the  country  that 
a  man  might  lift  up  his  heart  and  confess  himself  to  God  almighty 
and  need  not  be  confessed  at  a  priest '.  In  1548  there  appears  in 
the  will  of  a  Halifax  yeoman  these  words  :  4  My  beleve  is  that 
theire  is  but  one  God  and  mediator  betwixt  God  and  man,  whiche 
is  Jesus  Christe,  so  that  I  accepte  non  in  hevyn,  neither  in  erthe, 
to  be  my  mediatour  betwixt  God  and  me,  but  he  onlie '. 

8  R.  H.  Bainton,  The  Reformation  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  p.  3. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :  A  LONG  VIEW  57 

It  is  not  possible  to  know  how  widespread  was  this  moving  sense 
of  the  value  of  direct  personal  contact  with  God  and  of  the  Scrip 
tures.  But  this  was  the  essence  of  the  true  reformation,  and  out  of 
this  awareness  Congregationalism  sprang.  Happily  there  was  no 
mass  movement  and  no  early  temptation  to  find  a  church  form 
before  the  principles  had  taken  root.  Those  who  held  these  con 
victions  did  so  within  the  Church  as  they  knew  it.  Some  few  were 
fairly  early  compelled  to  the  conclusion  that  these  convictions 
demanded  a  reformation  of  the  Church  of  such  a  kind  that  they 
were  driven  either  to  protest  and  find  death  as  traitors,  or  to  exile 
where  we  shall  find  them  again. 

Gradually  here  and  there  sufficient  like-minded  persons  were 
found  in  one  place  to  form  worshipping  fellowships.  In  the  first 
decades  of  the  seventeenth  century  two  pressures  now  began  to 
compel  consideration  of  some  churchly  shape  for  these  fellowships. 
One  was  the  teaching  of  Calvin,  brought  by  such  as  Thomas  Cart- 
wright,  and  widely  accepted,  which  carried  a  clear  and  strong 
picture  of  what  the  Church,  local  and  national,  should  be,  and  of 
its  relationship  with  the  State.  The  other  pressure  was  the  political 
one  involved  in  the  binding  together  of  King  and  Bishop,  on  which 
James  and  others  insisted,  and  which  finally  compelled  men  to 
take  sides  in  the  Civil  War. 

Three  groupings  now  began  to  take  shape.  The  Presbyterians,  in 
a  majority  for  some  years,  were  strengthened  by  the  parliamentary 
alliance  with  Scotland.  They  wanted  to  see  a  nationally  established 
Presbyterian  Church  with  local  churches  organised  into  synods. 
They  wanted  the  Church  to  be  controlled  by  Parliament.  And 
they  would  have  no  toleration  of  others.  In  1643  Parliament  con 
vened  the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  in  1645  it  could  almost  be 
said  that  Presbyterianism  had  been  established  in  England. 

At  the  other  extreme  were  the  varied  sectarian  groups  :  the 
Levellers,  the  Fifth  Monarchy  Men,  the  Millennaiians,  and  the 
like.  They  wanted  total  separation  of  Church  and  State,  complete 
liberty  of  conscience,  and  democracy. 

In  between,  and  growing  rapidly  in  numbers  and  power,  par 
ticularly  in  the  New  Model  Army,  were  the  Independents.  Of  the 
151  members  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  less  than  a  dozen  could 
be  so-called.  But  they  were  sturdy  enough  for  five  of  them  to 
produce  a  successful  appeal  to  Parliament  for  toleration,  under 
the  title  of  An  Apologeticall  Narration.  Now  for  the  first  time  the 
Independents  found  it  necessary  to  give  their  religious  concerns 
a  churchly  shape.  They  were  reluctant  to  do  so,  in  part  because 


58  CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW 

their  very  concept  of  faith  and  of  the  local  church  gave  little  or  no 
function  for  a  denominational  or  national  organization  to  serve. 
Then  there  existed  a  great  variety  of  opinions  among  them,  for 
which  Cromwell  in  particular  was  firm  that  there  should  be  tolera 
tion.  But  the  Presbyterians  complained  that  the  Independents  had 
no  system  of  church  government  to  present.  It  was  not  sufficient 
against  such  a  complaint  to  put  fear  of  presbyter  as  old  priest  writ 
large,  or  fear  of  parliament  as  old  king  writ  large.  If  they  wanted 
toleration,  and  if  they  wanted  democracy,  an  idea  they  took  from 
the  Levellers,  they  had  to  present  an  alternative  to  Presbyterianism. 
Events  conspired  to  carry  them  quickly  beyond  the  sketch 
outlined  in  the  Narration.  The  falling  away  of  the  Scottish  pressure, 
the  growing  power  of  the  Army,  the  establishment  of  the  Common 
wealth  under  Cromwell,  the  conversion  of  such  as  John  Owen  from 
Presbyterianism,  meant  that  the  Independents  were  no  longer 
suppliants.  They  grew  rapidly  in  numbers,  power  and  regard.  It 
was  now  necessary  that  they  should  define  their  position  doctrinally 
and  ecclesiastically. 

This  was  done  by  means  of  the  Savoy  Declaration  of  Faith  and 
Order  in  1658.  Without  previous  consultation  the  members  of  the 
conference  achieved  astonishing  unanimity.  The  author  of  the 
Preface,  possibly  John  Owen,  expressed  it  thus  : 

We  confess  that  from  the  first,  every,  or  at  least  the  gener 
ality  of  our  Churches  have  been  in  a  maner  like  so  many  Ships 
(though  holding  forth  the  same  general  colours)  lancht  singly, 
and  sailing  apart  and  alone  in  the  vast  Ocean  of  these  tumul- 
tuating  times,  and  they  exposed  to  every  wind  of  Doctrine, 
under  no  conduct  then  the  Word  and  Spirit  and  their  par 
ticular  Elders  and  principal  Brethren,  without  Associations 
among  our  selves,  or  so  much  holding  out  common  lights  to 
others,  whereby  to  know  where  we  were. 

But  yet  whilest  we  thus  confess  to  our  own  shame  this 
neglect,  let  all  acknowledge,  that  God  hath  ordered  it  for 
his  high  and  greater  glory,  in  that  his  singular  care  and  power 
should  have  so  watcht  over  each  of  these,  as  that  all  should 
be  found  to  have  steered  their  course  by  the  same  chart, 
and  to  have  been  bound  for  one  and  the  same  Port,  and  that 
upon  this  general  search  now  made,  that  the  same  holy  and 
blessed  Truths  of  all  sorts,  which  are  currant  and  warrantable 
amongst  all  Other  Churches  of  Christ  in  the  world,  should  be 
found  to  be  our  Lading. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  59 

The  speed  with  which  the  members  of  the  Savoy  conference 
reached  a  common  mind  is  not  perhaps  as  surprising  as  might 
appear.  The  theological  presentation  of  the  Presbyterians  in  the 
Westminster  Confession  was  acceptable  almost  as  it  stood.  The 
groundwork  in  respect  of  polity  had  already  been  done  in  America 
ten  years  earlier  in  the  Cambridge  Platform, 

The  essentially  personal  and  local  fellowship  emphases  of 
Congregationalism  had  at  last  been  compelled  to  take  some 
ecclesiastical  shape,  and  also  at  the  very  same  time  political  force. 
It  is  idle  to  speculate  what  might  have  happened  had  Cromwell 
lived  longer  and  had  had  an  adequate  successor.  Even  so  the 
establishment  of  a  Congregational  Church  of  England  would  have 
been  very  difficult.  It  was  premature  ;  it  brought  out  the  worst  as 
well  as  the  best  in  Puritanism  (cj.  the  Congregational  contribution 
to  the  re-writing  of  the  Prayer  Book  in  1661)  ;  and  there  was  some 
thing  self-contradictory  about  it. 

Quite  suddenly,  however,  it  was  all  over.  National  power  was 
gone.  Congregationalists  had  become  non-conformists,  those  who 
stood  outside  the  Church-State  relationship,  which  became  again 
the  burden  and  responsibility  of  the  Church  of  England.  Congre 
gationalism  was  once  more  a  religious  and  not  an  ecclesiastical 
movement,  standing  for  the  best  of  the  great  insights  of  all  the 
earlier  years.  In  the  hard  times  following  1662  the  astonishing 
thing  was  that  so  many,  as  individuals  and  little  isolated  com 
munities  now,  were  so  convinced  of  the  Tightness  of  the  Congre 
gational  Way  that  they  would  go  out  into  the  wilderness  for  it. 
It  was  in  this  period  that  John  Owen  wrote  his  classic  formulation 
of  Congregational  policy  :  The  True  Nature  of  a  Gospel  Church 
(1689). 

It  would  be  interesting  to  pursue  the  story  through  the  next 
three  centuries,  and  yet  in  a  way  they  show  only  the  gradual 
readjustment  of  the  churches  to  the  changing  conditions  in  which 
they  have  witnessed  :  increasing  co-operation  and  the  breakdown 
of  isolation,  the  emergence  of  the  overseas  mission,  social  emanci 
pation,  the  relaxation  of  the  Calvinist  theology.  Only  in  our  own 
day  have  any  changes  occurred  or  even  been  suggested,  except 
for  the  premature  vision  of  Joseph  Parker  in  1901,  which  have 
caused  men  to  say — 4  but  is  this  really  Congregationalism  ?  '. 

Before  making  any  comment  or  judgment  from  this  part  of  the 
story  of  Congregationalism,  let  us  look  briefly  at  the  way  in  which 
it  expressed  itself  in  the  very  different  conditions  of  America.  The 
first  4  Congregational '  settlers  there  were  those  who  landed  at 


60  CONGREGATIONALISM  :  A  LONG  VIEW 

Plymouth  in  1620.  They  were  Separatists  who  claimed  that  the 
Reformation  was  incomplete  and  saw  no  hope  of  better  things  in 
England.  They  had  experimented  in  Scrooby  and  in  the  Nether 
lands  in  a  new  and  free  way  of  church  life,  which  knew  little  of 
organization  and  consisted  largely  of  worship  in  the  New  Testament 
pattern.  They  had  been  blessed  in  the  leadership  of  John  Robinson. 
Now  in  New  England,  in  conditions  which  were  far  from  encourag 
ing  in  many  ways,  they  were  nevertheless  free  to  establish  a  Church 
and  State  in  accordance  with  their  understanding  of  both.  And 
this  they  did. 

The  second  wave  of  settlers  in  New  England  came  from  1628 
onwards,  and  occupied  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Hartford 
and  New  Haven.  These  were  a  much  more  numerous  company. 
They  were  not  refugees,  but  colonists.  And  they  were  not  Separa 
tists,  but  Puritans.  They  were  of  the  middle  class,  and  in  a  period 
of  some  ten  years  included  no  less  than  ninety  graduates  of  the 
universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  They  could  in  fact  still  be 
described  as  Anglicans,  and  their  ministers,  as  for  example,  John 
Cotton,  were  Anglican  priests.  One  of  them,  Francis  Higginson, 
wrote  :  *  We  do  not  go  into  New  England  as  Separatists  from  the 
Church  of  England,  though  we  cannot  but  separate  ourselves  from 
the  corruptness  of  it :  but  we  go  to  practise  the  positive  part  of 
church  reformation  and  propagate  the  gospel  in  America '.  Not  a 
few  others  were  Presbyterians,  and  indeed  there  was  a  time  when 
it  might  have  come  about  that  the  New  England  colonies  became 
Presbyterian. 

The  later  colonists  distrusted  the  religious  and  economic  radi 
calism  of  the  Plymouth  settlers,  but  events,  including  an  epidemic, 
quickly  threw  them  together.  The  astounding  fact  is  that  within  a 
very  short  space  of  time,  to  quote  F.  L.  Fagley,  the  Puritans 
4  became  far  more  Separatists  than  they  or  anyone  in  England  had 
expected  \7  At  the  same  time  the  extreme  Separatism  of  Plymouth 
was  modified  by  contact,  particularly  with  Salem,  into  a  simple 
Congregationalism . 

The  formulation  of  a  pattern  of  churchmanship  might  not  have 
taken  place  in  America  any  earlier  than  in  England  had  it  not 
been  for  the  threat  that  the  Presbyterian  Long  Parliament  might 
control  the  ways  of  the  Colonies.  This  led  the  four  Confederated 
New  England  Colonies  in  1648  to  the  statement  known  as  The 
Cambridge  Platform.  Williston  Walker  has  said  of  it:  *  The 
Cambridge  Platform  is  the  most  important  monument  of  early 

7  The  Cambridge  Platform  of  Church  Discipline,  p.  8. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :    A  LONG  VIEW  61 

New  England  Congregationalism,  because  it  is  the  clearest  reflection 
of  the  system  as  it  lay  in  the  minds  of  the  first  generation  on  our 
soil,  after  nearly  twenty  years  of  practical  experience'.8 

Here  in  New  England  different  pressures  were  at  work  from 
those  exerted  on  the  Independents  in  England.  One  was  the  fear 
of  restraint  by  the  State  which  had  brought  many  of  them  to  this 
place.  The  other  was  the  necessity  to  form  the  body  politic  at  the 
same  time  as  they  shaped  the  Church.  The  resultant  pattern  had 
four  significant  features  : 

First,  the  autonomy  of  the  local  church  as  a  distinct  ecclesias 
tical  body. 

Second,  the  representative  character  of  the  ministry,  born  of  a 
strong  dislike  of  any  concept  of  a  mystical  and  indelible  character 
of  the  priesthood  ;  the  minister  thus  having  status  only  in  his  own 
parish. 

Third,  the  covenant  relationship  of  church  membership — a 
covenant  of  common  purposes  and  not  necessarily  of  accord  in 
belief,  though  there  was  pretty  general  agreement.  *  We  do  covenant 
together  to  walk  in  His  ways,  made  known  or  to  be  made  known 
unto  us,  whatsoever  the  same  shall  cost  us.' 

Fourth,  the  obligation  of  fellowship  between  churches.  There 
was  a  dislike  of  the  word  Independency  and  a  strong  preference 
for  the  word  Congregational  from  the  time  when  titles  were  used, 
though  for  a  long  period  there  was  little  recognisable  distinction 
in  common  usage  between  the  words  Congregational  and  Presby 
terian. 

Though  a  few  features  of  the  document  quickly  became  obsolete, 
the  Cambridge  Platform  was  in  fact  the  effective  constitution  of 
Congregationalism  in  New  England  for  as  long  as  two  hundred 
years.  As  in  England,  it  sought  under  compulsion  to  give  a  church- 
ly  shape  to  the  religious  insights  and  needs  of  the  people.  It  is  only 
too  easy  to  think  of  the  shape  as  constituting  what  is  distinctively 
Congregational.  But  this  was  not  so  in  either  place,  as  I  shall 
want  to  say  in  conclusion.  I  want,  however,  to  draw  attention  to 
some  particularities  of  the  American,  as  distinct  from  the  British 
scene. 

From  the  beginning  in  America  there  was  a  sense  of  unity 
m  the  Church.  The  separation  and  the  need  of  it  were  behind  them. 
Community  and  congregation  were  also  of  necessity  closely  identi 
fied.  It  was  the  members  of  the  church  who  in  a  very  large  measure 
determined  the  pattern  of  the  State.  Political  power  was  for  some 
8  Creeds  and  Platforms,  p.  185, 


62  CONGREGATIONALISM  :    A  LONG  VIEW 

time  restricted  to  those  within  the  covenant  of  the  church.  This 
meant  at  one  time  that  of  the  total  population  of  15,000  in 
Massachusetts  there  were  only  1,708  voters.  It  was  taken  for 
granted  that  the  State  would  uphold  the  Church  by  collecting  taxes 
and  by  punishing  religious  sins  as  well  as  public  misdemeanours. 
The  magistrates  were  the  '  nursing  fathers  '  of  the  Church  and 
the  ministers  guided  the  magistrates. 

This  close  relationship  between  Church  and  State  was  short-lived. 
It  was  broken  by  the  weight  of  the  number  of  the  incoming  colonists 
who  were  not  within  the  covenant,  but  reasonably  demanded  a  say 
in  government.  A  relationship  of  sorts  continued,  however,  until 
broken  finally  by  the  Bill  of  Rights  in  1775.  In  some  States  it 
continued  as  long  as  1833.  But  Christian  influence  in  public  life 
continued  and  still  continues  to  be  felt.  None  of  the  first  seven 
colleges  in  New  England,  Harvard,  Yale,  Williams,  Bowdoin, 
Middlebury,  and  Amherst,  ever  did  carry  a  denominational  title, 
nor  were  they  from  the  beginning  controlled  by  any  other  body  than 
their  own  self- perpetuating  trustees.  Both  in  theory  and  practice 
they  were  non-sectarian.  But  they  were  rooted  in  Congregational 
soil,  drew  upon  the  Congregational  ministry  for  their  leadership, 
served  to  train  men  for  that  ministry,  and  perpetuated  the  order 
which  created  them.  As  in  education,  so  in  business,  in  local 
politics,  and  ultimately  into  the  American  way  of  life.  Consider, 
for  example,  Thomas  Hooker,  whose  precepts  framed  the  Funda 
mental  Orders  of  Connecticut  in  1638,  and  suggested  the  thesis  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

A.  D.  Lindsay  has  said  in  Essentials  of  Democracy  that  the 
congregation  was  the  school  of  democracy.  It  is  certainly  true  that 
in  America  lasting  significance  attached  to  the  close  identification 
of  church  meeting  and  town  meeting.  Both  emphasised  the  aut 
onomy  of  the  local  group  and  the  doctrine  that  government  origin 
ates  with  the  people,  and  that  all  agencies  and  instrumentalities  of 
government  have  but  delegated  authority.  Though  Congregational 
ism  by  name  has  almost  ceased  to  exist  in  the  United  States  to-day, 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  majority  of  the  Protestant  churches 
are  of  a  Congregational  pattern,  and  churches  with  other  forms  of 
polity  tend  to  conceive  themselves  Congregationally. 

One  other  feature  of  early  New  England  Congregationalism 
must  be  noted.  For  more  than  two  generations  such  was  the  fear 
lest  the  hard-won  liberty  of  the  Church  might  be  lost  that  all 
liberty  was  denied  to  secure  it.  Those  who  had  fled  from  intolerance 
now  imposed  it.  To  quote  the  words  of  Nathaniel  Ward  :  'All 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  63 

Familists,  Anabaptists  and  other  enthusiasts  shall  have  free  liberty 
to  keep  away  from  us  '.  So  fiercely  was  freedom  preserved  by  the 
denial  of  it,  and  all  opposition  or  differences  prevented  to  the 
point  of  persecution  that  the  Congregationalists  of  New  England 
became  a  byword  in  the  very  country  from  which  they  and  their 
fathers  had  fled. 

It  was  left  to  the  Providence  Plantation  and  Rhode  Island  to 
see  that  the  logic  of  the  free,  gathered  and  congregationally  gov 
erned  church  was  the  existence  in  the  same  community  of  other 
churches  of  the  people's  choice,  none  of  which  should  control  the 
civil  government,  except  as  the  members  formed  part  of  the  same 
citizenry.  It  has  to  be  admitted,  however,  that  if  the  other  colonies 
erred  in  harshness,  they  did  maintain  high  standards — at  one  time 
in  the  four  colonies  96  out  of  104  pastorates  had  Harvard  gradu 
ates.  Providence  for  a  whole  century  never  had  a  trained  ministry 
at  all,  but  only  lay  exhorters,  such  was  their  fear  of  being  too  much 
ordered.  Even  many  years  later  Dr.  James  Manning  of  Brown 
University,  in  Providence  commenting  on  the  Congregationalists 
there,  said  :  '  Thank  God  they  don't  govern  the  world  !  '. 

The  Cambridge  Platform  of  1648  formulated  a  pattern  of  church 
life  for  American  Congregationalists  which  was  to  be  effective  with 
small  modifications  for  two  hundred  years.  It  did  not  form  a 
denomination.  This  kind  of  religious  self-consciousness  grew  only 
as  other  and  more  clearly  defined  denominations  presented  their 
rival  claims  to  Christians,  and  as  the  need  of  organization  grew 
especially  to  meet  the  need  of  the  expanding  boundaries  of  western 
civilisation  in  America.  Many  changes  came,  of  course,  with  the 
years,  as  Congregationalists  adapted  the  life  of  their  churches  at 
different  levels  to  meet  conditions  which  from  the  very  beginning 
had  not  been  the  same  as  in  England.  Its  enormous  size,  its  mixture 
of  races  and  traditions,  its  expanding  nature,  its  wealth,  the  absence 
of  a  dominant  State  Church  and  of  State  religious  instruction  in 
schools,  these  have  greatly  influenced  the  trend  of  Congregational 
ism  in  America.  It  is  different,  but  it  is  the  same. 

I  would  like  to  have  traced  similarly  the  origins  of  Congre 
gationalism  in  two  very  different  areas,  Scotland  and  Sweden.  In 
both  countries  the  movement  was  initially  one  of  personal  religion 
and  emphasised  the  priesthood  of  all  believers  by  a  deep  involve 
ment  of  the  laity.  Both  began  as  reformation  movements  but  ended 
in  separation.  Both  discovered  the  need  of  the  local  gathered 
church — in  Sweden  first  as  communion  societies  and  then  as  coven 
ant  churches.  In  Scotland  a  national  association  was  formed  within 


64  CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW 

15  years  ;  in  Sweden  it  was  by  law  much  longer  delayed,  and  has 
only  recently  but  very  rapidly  developed  a  churchly  form.  I  must, 
however,  be  content  to  draw  my  conclusions  from  these  outlines 
of  its  early  history  in  the  two  lands  where  it  found  its  greatest 
strength.  I  believe  that  wherever  Congregationalism  is  to  be  found 
certain  quite  simple  features  can  be  discerned  by  an  examination  of 
its  history.  For  the  historical  sequence  has  for  us  been  the  natural 
and  right  sequence,  and  what  came  first  in  time  has  held  priority 
over  what  came  after. 

Congregationalism  began  not  with  the  Church  but  with  personal 
religion.  It  began  not  with  the  historic  Reformation,  but  with 
those  basic  religious  concerns  and  insights  which  sensitive  men 
here  and  there  and  increasingly  reached  in  different  places  in 
Western  Europe  even  back  through  what  are  known  as  the  *  Dark 
Ages  '.  There  was  a  phrase  in  common  use  in  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  Thomas  Collier  used  it  in  preaching  to  the 
Army  at  Putney  in  1647  when  he  said:  '  I  shall  for  your  satisfaction 
confirm  unto  you  from  the  scripture,  although  I  trust  I  shall  deliver 
nothing  unto  you  but  experimental  truth '.  It  is  this  concept  of 
religion  as  being  experiential,  as  being  essentially  personal,  as  being 
of  the  nature  of  faith  rather  than  of  belief,  as  demanding  some 
direct  relationship  with  God  himself.  This  was  the  true  reformation 
which  men  sought  for  themselves  and  others,  and  properly  described 
as  a  return  to  the  faith  of  the  New  Testament.  It  was  also  a  faith 
which  involved  a  full  openness  to  the  Holy  Spirit. 

With  this  and  related  to  it  was  an  appreciation  both  of  the  worth 
and  the  responsibility  of  the  individual  man  as  such.  To  express 
this,  we  might  well  use  the  phrase  '  the  priesthood  of  all  believers  ', 
because  it  emphasises  both  the  standing  and  the  responsibility  of 
all  without  distinction.  Hendrik  Kraemer  in  his  A  Theology  of  the 
Laity  maintains  that  the  Churches  of  the  Reformation  have  never 
really  worked  out  the  implications  of  the  priesthood  of  all  believers. 
'  To  the  present  day  it  rather  fulfils  the  role  of  a  flag  than  of  an 
energising,  vital  principle.'9  Or  as  F.  R.  Barry  has  put  it  in  Asking 
the  Right  Questions,  *  Broadly  speaking  the  Reformation  movement 
left  the  Church  still  deeply  clericalised  '.  Partly  because  of  the 
strong  Calvinist  influences  of  the  formative  period,  partly  because 
of  certain  political  experiences  through  which  it  passed,  and  also 
because  of  the  particular  church  atmosphere  in  which  it  has  had 
to  assert  itself,  Congregationalism  has  never  worked  out  fully  and 
exactly  its  own  convictions  in  this  matter.  Its  attitude  to  ordination 

9  p.  63. 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  65 

contains  elements  of  compromise  in  them  still  unresolved.  But  this 
sense  of  the  human  and  divine  worth  of  the  individual  is  vital 
even  where  it  takes  the  form  it  did  in  the  nineteenth  century   It 
carries  with  it  the  twin  demands  for  liberty  and  consent. 

In  these  two  features,  with  which  should  perhaps  be  combined 
a  deep  regard  for  the  Scriptures  as  a  third,  are  to  be  found  the 
priorities  of  Congregationalism.  They  are  the  'interpretation  of 
the  Gospel '  which  precedes  '  a  doctrine  of  the  Church  '  in  Dr 
Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall's  definition  of  Congregationalism  in  Visible 
Saints.  Here  it  might  be  remembered  that  Richard  Baxter,  who  had 
leaning  towards  Arminianism,  coveted  to  be  *  a  mere  Christian  » 
a  concern  still  shared  by  many  Congregationalists. 

But  Congregationalism  could  not  remain  without  a  doctrine  of 
the  Church.  Its  interpretation  of  the  Gospel  required  churches 
churches  where  men  and  women  possessed  of  personal  faith  and  a 
concern  for  experimental  religion  could  worship  together  and  find 
common  Christian  fellowship.  In  a  real  sense  the  Church  is  part  of 
the   Gospel.   Because  the  churches  they  knew  did  not  provide 
these  things  adequately  they  formed  new  ones.  These  new  churches 
had  three  distinctive  characteristics.  First,  they  consisted  only  of 
believers  gathered  out  of  the  community.  Second,  the  fellowship 
of  the  church  was  a  covenant  one ;  that  is,  the  members  bound 
themselves  together  into  a  Christian  community  by   a  bond  of 
common  loyalty  to  the  Lord  of  the  Church.  A  study  of  these 
covenants  is  both  interesting  and  profitable.  Third,  these  churches 
were  claimed  to  be  in  some  real  sense  autonomous.  That  is  to  say, 
they  did  not  need  to  be,  and  ought  not  to  be,  ordered  from  outside! 
Not  that  they  claimed  to  be  perfect.  It  was  agreed  that  friendly 
advice  and  discipline  at  the  hands  of  neighbours  should  be  valued— 
but  not  control.  The  explanation  of  this  concern  for  the  autonomy 
of- the  local  church  lay  partly  in  history  and  partly  in  geography. 
The  early  Congregationalists  (to  use  the  name)  knew  the  effect  on 
the  local  church  of  authority  imposed  either  by  the  State  or  by 
ecclesiastical  hierarchy.  And  they  lived  in  times  when  the  local 
community  in  any  case  had  to  be  largely  self-contained  and  self- 
supporting.  But  the  explanation  lay  also  in  doctrine    To  quote, 
;  It  belongs  to  the  very  nature  of  the  Church  that  it  expresses  itself 
in  a  concrete,  local  congregation  of  believers  gathered  to  hear  the 
Word  of  God,  to  receive  the  Sacrament,  and  to  live  in  fellowship 
with  one  another  ...  The  Church  can  only  be  real  if  it  is  local '. 
These  actually  are  the  words  of  the  Secretary  of  the  World  Council 
of  Churches,  Dr.  Visser  't  Hooft,  but  they  represent  the  conviction 
5  * 


66  CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW 

of  Congregationalism.  This  is  why  we  have  always  set  confession 
of  faith  and  church  membership  together.  In  this  relationship  is  to 
be  found  the  Great  Church. 

In  all  this  Congregationalism  has  not  yet  taken  denominational 
shape.  Two  pressures  forced  the  Independents  of  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  in  England  in  this  direction  :  one  was  the 
need  to  answer  the  Presbyterian  criticism  that  they  had  no  system 
of  church  government  to  offer  when  Independency  might  have 
become  the  national  form  of  the  Church  ;  the  other  was  their 
Calvinism.  In  America  the  pressures  came  a  little  earlier.  In 
neither  place,  if  for  different  reasons,  did  a  denomination  arise. 
Only  very  much  later  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  local  churches  in 
isolation  and  in  fellowship  and  to  serve  their  growing  common 
purposes  did  associations,  consociations  and  unions  arise.  They 
came  slowly  and  were  often  accepted  with  reluctance,  necessary 
and  inevitable  as  they  were.  For  against  the  desire  for  the  good 
purposes  for  which  they  were  needed  there  always  was  and  is  the 
fear  lest  organization  and  control,  even  if  freely  surrendered,  might 
destroy  or  limit  the  better  purposes  of  the  local  church. 

In  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  and  in  other  authoritative 
sources  of  knowledge  and  understanding  Congregationalism  is 
frequently  defined  as  a  form  of  church  polity.  This  is  a  fact  which 
conceals  the  truth.  The  shape  of  Congregationalism,  even  its 
essential  shape,  is  not  its  essence.  Congregationalism  did  not  begin 
as  a  kind  of  church  government.  When  it  did  take  a  churchly  shape 
it  was  to  find  the  way  whereby  believing  Christians  might  in 
fellowship  associate  for  the  worship  of  God,  the  proclamation  of 
the  Gospel,  and  the  Christian  way  of  life.  That  individual  Christians 
should  find  this  way  in  a  close-knit  covenanted  fellowship  of 
believers  seemed  good  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  still  seems 
good  to-day.  That  such  fellowships  should  in  our  time  need 
increasingly  to  devise  the  means  of  expression  of  a  larger  under 
standing  of  the  Church's  mission  in  the  world  is  a  reasonable 
development.  We  would  fully  admit  the  dangers  inherent  to  the 
individual  in  emphasising  that  he  shall  find  and  judge  the  Gospel 
and  the  true  nature  of  the  Great  Church  in  some  little  and  perhaps 
spiritually  imperfect  local  fellowship.  We  know  from  experience 
how  easily  this  may  lead  to  a  selfish,  introspective  and  ingrowing 
independence  without  mission  or  charity.  John  Owen  was  aware  of 
this  300  years  ago.  Individuals  and  local  churches  need  more 
than  the  individual  and  local.  Happily  the  Congregational  spirit 


CONGREGATIONALISM  :   A  LONG  VIEW  67 

has  often  broken  through  the  Congregational  polity,  and  Congre- 
gationalists  have  played  no  mean  part  in  missionary  and  ecumenical 
enterprise.  If  indeed  there  has  been  shown  from  time  to  time  a  fear 
of  engagement  and  union  with  other  Churches  it  has  been  a  poor 
Congregationalism  which  has  been  concerned  for  its  polity.  For 
what  is  essential,  what  we  rightly  fear  to  lose,  what  we  cherish 
to  retain  into  a  richer  fellowship,  is  not  our  order  or  organization, 
but  our  first  and  last,  the  spirit  of  experimental  religion,  of  personal 
faith,  and  Christian  relationships. 

R.   F.   G.   CALDER 


The  James  Forbes  Library 

Dr.  G.  F.  Nuttall  has  told  us  of  his  recent  visit  to  the  City 
Library,  Gloucester,  to  see  the  library  of  James  Forbes,  Preacher 
in  Gloucester  Cathedral,  1654-60,  and  one  of  the  Congregationalists 
who  attended  the  Savoy  Conference  in  1658.  The  library  used  to  be 
lodged  at  the  Southgate  Chapel  but  there  students  found  it  difficult 
to  visit  and  use.  Now  it  has  been  deposited  in  public  custody, 
another  instance  of  the  wisdom  of  this  procedure. 

The  library  contains  some  1,250  volumes  besides  many  tracts. 
The  City  Librarian,  Mr.  A.  J.  I.  Parrott,  is  seeking  ways  and 
means  of  getting  the  books  in  poor  condition  repaired,  but  Dr. 
Nuttall,  comparing  what  he  saw  with  other  similar  collections, 
found  the  condition  of  the  books  fair  on  the  whole.  There  is  a 
catalogue  compiled  in  the  last  century  and  this  is  being  examined 
and  improved  upon. 

Theological  and  nonconformist  works  predominate  and  Dr. 
Nuttall  says,  *  There  are  many  books  not  located  in  London,  or  in 
Britain  sometimes  .  .  .  and  I  found  one  not  in  Wing  though  I 
knew  of  its  existence  from  a  contemporary  advertisement '. 


NEEDY  CONGREGATIONAL  MINISTERS 
IN  THE  WEST,  c.  1676-8. 

The  best  known  fund  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Dissenting 
ministry  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  the  Common  Fund  which 
was  opened  in  1690  as  a  joint  enterprise  conducted  by  Congrega 
tional  and  Presbyterian  ministers  in  London  for  the  assistance  of  the 
Dissenting  interest  in  other  less-favoured  parts  of  the  country.1 
There  are,  however,  scraps  of  evidence  which  indicate  that  there 
were  other  occasional  collections  for  this  purpose  before  1690, 
but  little  exists  in  print  to  show  the  scope  of  such  collections  or  the 
methods  employed  to  get  information  on  deserving  cases.  The 
document  printed  below  throws  some  light  on  the  way  in  which 
this  problem  was  dealt  with  among  some  Congregational  churches 
in  the  1670's.  The  writer,  Samuel  Campion,  ejected  rector  of 
Hodnet  and  minister  of  a  Congregational  Church  in  Shropshire, 
was  well-fitted  to  speak  for  poor  ministers  in  the  west.  He  had 
been  tersely  described  in  another  connection  as  a  man  with  '  a 
wife  and  seven  children  and  little  to  live  on '.  His  report  is  not 
addressed,  but  there  is  little  doubt  (the  form  of  the  reference  to 
Cokayne  makes  it  almost  certain)  that  his  notes  were  intended  for 
the  information  of  Congregational  ministers  in  London.  There  were 
certainly  a  number  of  influential  ministers  who  were  concerned 
with  appeals  of  this  type  in  the  1670's,  for  some  of  them,  including 
men  like  Philip  Nye,  John  Owen,  Joseph  Caryl  and  George 
Cokayne,  were  appealed  to  by  the  New  England  ministers  on 
behalf  of  Harvard  in  1671  and  replied  in  February  1672  that  their 
great  financial  burdens  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  give  any 
effective  aid.2  They  explained  that  these  great  financial  burdens 
were  due  to  their  having  to  help  with  the  work  of  the  Gospel 
throughout  England  and  to  support  ministers  *  whose  daily  relief 
depends,  as  to  many  counties,  principally  from  this  citty '.  They 
also  referred  to  '  many  of  God's  servants  here  calling  for  daily 
relief,  even  of  necessaries  to  them  and  their  impoverished  families  '. 
These  London  Congregational  ministers  who  replied  to  the  Harvard 
appeal  in  1672,  or  the  survivors  of  them,  were  most  likely  those 
to  whom  Campion's  report  was  addressed. 

The  report  must  have  been  written  between  December  1675,  the 
date  of  Rowland  Nevet's  death,  and  December  1678  when  Campion 

1  See  A.  Gordon,  Freedom  After  Ejection,  1917,  p.  163. 

•  Hutchinson    Papers  (Prince  Society,  Albany.   1865)  II,  pp.  158-161. 

68 


NEEDY  CONGREGATIONAL  MINISTERS  69 

himself  died.  It  is  therefore  roughly  contemporary  with  Henry 
Maurice's  catalogue  of  *  congregated  churches  '  in  Wales,  printed 
in  the  Broadmead  Records.3  Compared  with  this,  Campion's  ac 
count  is  a  slight  affair,  but  within  its  limits  it  brings  into  sharp 
focus  the  problems  of  some  of  the  scattered,  struggling  '  gathered 
churches  '  of  the  Welsh  border  region.  And  since  some  of  these 
problems  are  perennial  ones  it  may  still  be  of  interest,  and  afford 
some  consolation,  to  churches  which  are  still  struggling  with 
subscriptions  to,  or  contributions  from,  our  present-day  funds  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  ministry. 

The  document  is  reproduced  here  with  modernized  spelling  and 
punctuation.  Words  underlined  are  notes  added  in  the  margin  of 
the  original,  but  are  here,  for  convenience,  incorporated  in  the 
text  in  what  appear  to  be  the  relevant  positions.  Passages  in  square 
brackets  are  not  in  Campion's  hand.  The  original  (Bodl.  Lib.  MS. 
Rawl.  D.  1481,  f.  346)  was  used  by  Mr.  A.  G.  Matthews  for  his 
Calamy  Revised,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  printed  in  full. 

[Poor  ministers  in  Wales,  wrote  by  Mr.  Campion] 
Congregational  men  in  Shropshire  and  the  counties  adjoyning. 
In  Salop.  Mr.  James  Quarrel,4  aged  50,  pastor  of  Shrewsbury 
Church  of  about  60  persons.  Disabled  by  the  falling  sickness. 
His  charge  consists  of  an  infirm  wife  and  six  children.  He  hath 
in  rents  about  ten  pounds  per  annum,  which  his  allowance 
from  his  people  scarce  exceeds.  Whilst  he  enjoyed  health  and 
strength  he  was  excelled  but  by  a  few.  Mr.  Price5  a  person 
after  mentioned  knows  this.  Mr.  Titus  Thomas6  there  lately 
chosen  teaching  elder,  blessed  with  a  good  estate.  The  church 
hath  great  assistance  from  two  officers  who  are  elders  who 
have  been  great  sufferers,  and  are  in  a  low  condition  and  in  a 

3  Ed.  E.  B.  Underbill,  1847,  p.  511. 

*  C°ngregational  Preacher  in  a  room  at  the  King's 


5  Presumably  Christopher  Price,  of  Abergavenny,  apothecary  preacher 
whh  B^ntkfTT011  .BaPtisVn  the  168°'s  and  1690's  Price  was  in  touch 
from  i  P  ?  T  5"  in,  London  *nd  was  concerned  in  distributing  gifts 
from  London  Independents  and  Baptists  to  needy  ministers  in  Wales 

'  tlrhrandUaM  °f  .^agdalen  ™1,  Oxf°rd,  who  combined  his  office  as 
teaching  elder  with  the  practice  of  medicine.  According  to  Philip  Henry 
he  was  a  worthy  good  man,  and  not  so  straight-laced  as  some  others  ' 


70  NEEDY  CONGREGATIONAL  MINISTERS 

manner  want  all  things.  [Mr.  Campion  there  of  Hodnett 
about  50  persons  and  a  church  in  Oswestry  of  about  60 
whereof  Mr.  Nevetf  deceased  was  pastor,  but  now  have  no 
officer,  these  3  are  all  the  churches  in  Shropshire]. 

Cheshire.  In  Congleton.  I  know  none  but  Mr.  George  Moxon8 
(whose  praise  is  in  the  --  ?)  who  returned  to  us  from  New 
England,  is  aged  74.  He  is  assisted  by  William  Marsh,  a 
husbandman,  who  is  designed  to  succeed  Mr.  Moxon,  hath 
no  estate,  his  charge  of  children  and  grand-children  is  about 
five  or  six.  About  70  in  Mr.  Moxon's  church.  William  Marsh 
conflicts  as  much  as  any  man  I  know,  with  a  great  charge, 
debt  and  almost  insuperable  straits,  though  this  good  man  be 
tired  out  with  labours  yet  hath  attained  to  good  learning 
in  the  tongues. 

In  Wales.  North  Wales.  Mr.  Evans9  of  Wrexham  who  married 
Mr.  Powell's  widow.  The  congregation  there  is  numerous,  the 
members  for  the  most  part  are  low  in  the  world,  and  though 
their  pastor's  condition  be  more  comfortable  than  many  others 
enjoy,  yet,  being  forced  to  abscond,  a  kindness  will  be  taken 
thankfull. 

In  a  neighbouring  county  lives  young  Mr.  Owen,10  a  worthy 
man  well-known  to  Doctor  Owen.  There  is  no  man  to  take  care 
of  the  whole  county  but  himself.  He  travels  over  very 
dangerous  rocks  and  mountains,  and  it  will  be  thought  scarce 
credible  if  I  should  relate  of  what  poor  lodging  and  fare  he 
accepts.  He  married  the  daughter  of  worthy  Mr.  John  Brown 
(who  lately  died)  and  had  little  with  her,  chiefly  allured  by 
her  virtues  and  her  father's  esteem. 

7  Rowland  Nevet,  Congregational  minister  at  Oswestry,  died  on  8  Decem 
ber,  1675. 

8  Moxon,   who   returned   to   England  in    1652  after  about  twenty  years' 
residence  in  New  England,  held  a  Cheshire  living  until  1660  and  from 
1672  ministered  to  a  Congregational  church  at  Congleton. 

9  John   Evans,   who   married   {Catherine,   widow  of  Vavasor  Powell,  was 
ejected  from  the  Free  School  of  Oswestry  in  1662  and  settled  at  Wrexham. 
The  revocation  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  reduced  him  to  poverty 
and  he  was  forced   to  sell  much  of  his  library  and  to  act  as  tutor  to 
more  well-to-do  families  in  the  Wrexham  district. 

10  Hugh  Owen,  the  Independent  '  apostle  of  Merioneth ',  a  distant  relative 
of  Dr.   John  Owen,    married   Martha   Brown,  daughter  of  a  prominent 
member  of  the  Independent  church  at  Wrexham.  His  ministerial  career 
was,  as  Campion  suggests,  a  particularly  rigorous  one. 


NEEDY  CONGREGATIONAL  MINISTERS  71 

In  south  Wales.  Monmouthshire.  There  lives  Mr.  Maurice," 
famous  for  his  return  to  us,  after  some  little  recidivation,  and 
his  wonderful  zeal  and  indefatigable  pains  afterward.  He  is 
now  forced  to  abscond.  That  great  instrument  Mr.  Price  (his 
intimate  friend)  now  in  the  King's  Bench,  can  give  a  full 
account  of  him.  He  can  tell  you  how  suddenly  he  threw  off 
his  burden,  parted  with  a  place  of  value  when  he  was  much 
in  debt,  some  of  his  malicious  creditors  laid  him  in  prison 
because  he  refused  any  longer  to  comply.  I  have  joined  with 
him  at  many  meetings,  and  perceived  his  zeal,  gravity  and 
learning. 

There  are  two  of  the  Jollies12  in  Lancashire  (one  of  them  I  am 
intimate  with)  both  of  them  are  great  sufferers,  courageous, 
learned  and  active.  Of  these  I  conceive  Mr.  Cockaine13  can 
give  a  good  account. 

Yours  S.C. 

Mr.  Abel  Collier14  a  scholar  and  pious  preacher  living  in  this 
town  needs  encouragement. 

I.   G.    PHILIP 

11  Henry  Maurice,  who   had  conformed  at  the  Restoration  and  was  sub 
sequently   promoted    to    the    rectory    of   Church    Stretton,    resigned    the 
living  in  1671,  and  in  1672  became  minister  to  the  Congregational  church 
of  Acton  Round  and   Much  Wenlock.  He  then  became  pastor  of  the 
'  gathered  church  '  of  Independents  of  Brecknock. 

12  John  Jollie  of  Norbury,  Cheshire,  and  Thomas  Jollie  of  Altham,  Lanes. 

13  George    Cokayne,    1619-91,    minister    of    a    Congregational    church    in 
Redcross  Street,  London,  and  later  one  of  the  Congregational  members 
of  the  Fund  Board. 

14  Collier,  an  Oxford  graduate  and  formerly  vicar  of  West  Takeley,  Essex, 
was  licensed  as  a  Congregationalist  to  preach  at  Coventry  in  1672,  and 
later,   1690,  received  a  grant  from  the  Common  Fund  in  respect  of  his 
ministry  at  Halstead,  Essex. 


THE  EVANS  LIST:  THE  HIDDEN  NEAL  LIST 

As  part  of  an  effort  to  bring  pressure  on  the  Government,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  George  I,  and  convince  it  of  the  import 
ance  of  the  '  Dissenting  Interest ',  the  Committee  of  the  General 
Body  of  Ministers  of  the  Three  Denominations  (Presbyterian, 
Independent,  and  Baptist)  initiated  a  correspondence  to  collect 
information  as  to  the  numbers  and  voting  strength  of  Dissenting 
congregations  throughout  the  country.  One  consequence  was  the 
list  of  Dissenting  congregations  (now  preserved  in  Dr.  Williams's 
Library),  which  is  known  as  the  Evans  list  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  drawn  up  by,  and  is  in  the  handwriting  of,  John  Evans  who 
was  assistant  and  successor  to  Daniel  Williams  as  minister  at  Hand 
Alley  and  who  acted  as  secretary  of  the  Three  Denominations 
Body  and  of  the  Body  of  Presbyterian  Ministers.  It  is  a  veritable 
mine  of  information  on  churches  and  their  ministers  during  the 
years  1715-1729,  being  compiled  from  the  letters  of  numerous 
correspondents  in  various  parts  of  the  country  who  had  been 
asked  to  supply  information.  Though  the  compilation  was  virtually 
complete  by  the  end  of  1717,  Evans  continued  to  record  changes 
of  ministry  until  shortly  before  his  death  in  1730. 

The  Evans  List  was  not  however  the  only  list  of  this  character 
drawn  up  at  this  date,  for  the  Three  Denominations  Committee 
seems  to  have  worked  on  the  curious  plan  of  leaving  the  several 
denominations  to  collect  statistics  independently.  The  result  was  at 
least  two  lists,  one  the  Presbyterian  or  Three  Denominations  List, 
our  Evans  List,  and  another  drawn  up  on  behalf  of  the  Independ 
ents,  which  would  seem  to  have  been  the  list  later  known  as  the 
Neal  List,  presumably  drawn  up  by  Daniel  Neal,  who,  like  Evans, 
was  a  member  of  the  Three  Denominations  Committee,  and  per 
haps  the  secretary  of  the  Independents.  Both  lists  covered  the  same 
ground,  including  both  Presbyterian  and  Independent  congrega 
tions,  though  drawing  upon  different  sources  of  information.  There 
may  also  have  been  a  Baptist  List.  Neither  the  Baptist  List  (if 
there  was  one)  nor  the  Neal  List  is  known  to  be  in  existence. 

Though  the  Neal  List  has  not  survived,  much  may  be  inferred 
as  to  its  contents  from  the  fact  that  Josiah  Thompson,  who,  in 
1772  and  later,  was  engaged  on  a  similar  project  of  collecting 
statistics,  copied  out  a  list  of  1715-1716  which  he  attributed  to 
Daniel  Neal.1  Thompson's  List  is  preserved  in  Dr.  Williams's 

1  Thompson's  own  list  in  1772,  etc.,  was  compiled  in  connection  with  the 
appeal  to  Parliament  for  the  removal  of  the  subscription  required  under 
the  Toleration  Act. 

72 


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THE  EVANS  LIST  73 

Library,  and,  as  the  details  differ  considerably  from  those  in  the 
Evans  List  and  as  Thompson  attributes  the  list  to  Neal,  it  is  fair 
to  assume  that  he  used  the  list,  now  lost,  drawn  up  on  behalf  of  the 
Independents.  But  Thompson's  List,  as  we  now  have  it,  is  not 
just  a  simple  copy  of  Neal's  List.  Thompson  altered  and  added  to 
his  original  copy  from  at  least  one  other  list  much  closer  to  our 
Evans  List.  It  is  nevertheless  possible  to  disinter  the  details  of  what 
must  have  been  the  Neal  List  (insofar  as  he  .copied  them)  from 
Thompson's  List. 

The  hypothesis  that  best  fits  the  facts  is  this.  Our  Thompson 
1716  List,  as  it  stands,  is  composite,  information  from  one  MS 
having  been  corrected  and  supplemented  from  a  second  MS.  Thus 
we  have  T(l),  the  MS.  which  Thompson  originally  copied,  and 
T(2)  Thompson's  MS.  as  it  stands  and  as  he  completed  it.  In 
arriving  at  T(2)  Thompson  used  a  second  MS.  list,  which  was 
almost  certainly  not  our  Evans  List,  though  very  closely  related  to 
it.  We  may  call  our  existing  Evans  List  E(l)  and  the  closely 
related  MS.  used  by  Thompson  E(2).  The  only  hypothesis  that 
fits  the  facts  is  that  E(2)  was  copied  from  our  Evans  List  ( E(l) ), 
before  Evans  made  most  of  the  additions  that  he  continued  to 
make  from  the  beginning  until  1729.  Thompson  seems  to  know 
nothing  of  information  included  by  Evans  dated  1718  or  later  and 
so  we  may  conclude  that  the  E(2)  copy  was  made  at  latest  in  1717 
or  early  1718. 

The  following  data  for  a  single  county,  Dorset,  reproduced 
opposite  from  Thompson's  List,  will  illustrate  the  situation. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  entries  numbered  8,  9,  10,  11,  12,  17,  25, 
26,  are  all  underlined.  None  of  these  appears  in  the  Evans  List ; 
most  of  them  have  a  single  shorthand  sign  after  them  that  would 
seem  to  imply  that  in  1772  these  causes  were  defunct.  Two  of  them 
(10  and  11)  have  '  Somersetsh '  written  after  them.  One  (5  Beer- 
hackwood)  has  '  by  several '  added,  apparently  a  later  addition 
by  Thompson  incorporating  information  contained  in  Evans. 

In  three  cases  in  Thompson  (1  Broad  Windsor,  14  East  Nowel 
and  the  4  Ditto  '  after  Bridport)  the  entry  has  been  struck  through  ; 
none  of  these  entries  appears  in  Evans.  But  presumably  they  had 
appeared  in  the  list  that  Thompson  first  made  use  of. 

Thompson  has  five  interlineated  entries,  which  are  also  without 
the  serial  numbers  that  he  employs.  They  are  a  '  Do  I '  after  Beer 
Regis,  indicating  an  Independent  as  well  as  a  Baptist  cause  there ; 
'Maiden  Newton  P ',  *  Netherbury  P ',  *  Stalbridge  ',  '  Milburn 


74  THE  EVANS  LIST 

Port— Somersetsh '.  All  these  entries  are  contained  in  the  Evans 
List.2 

If  on  the  basis  of  the  hypotheses  given  above  we  work  out  the 
statistics  for  Dorset  they  are  as  follows  : 3 


|E(l)Evans  MS.|  T(l)Neal  ?  |  T(2)  Thompson 


Presbyterian            
Independent            
Baptist  (or  Anti-pedobaptist) 
Not  specified          

12 
2 
4 
10 

8 
2 
4 
19 

10 
3 
4 
18*  (21) 

Totals       

28 

33 

35*  (38) 

*  Plus  3   struck  through,  all   without  denominational  letters,  making  the 
numbers  inserted  in  brackets. 

It  will  be  seen  that  by  the  exercise  of  care  and  patience  it  would 
be  possible  to  reconstruct  the  essentials  of  the  Neal  List  with  its 
numerous  and  often  instructive  differences  from  the  Evans  List.4  A 
nearer  complete  picture  of  Dissent  in  1716  would  result,  though  as 
Neal  either  did  not  enter  the  names  of  ministers  in  his  list  or 
Thompson  did  not  reproduce  this  information,  some  of  the  most 
interesting  additional  information  would  be  lacking. 

ROGER  THOMAS 


-  Remarkable  are  two  facts  about  these  entries.  Four  of  them  are  contained 

™-£e  D  five  eu-tr!es  jn  the  Evans  List  as  we  have  [t-  T*16  exception  is 
Milburn  Port,  which  Evans  has  much  higher  up  in  his  list ;  Thompson 
marked  it  'Somersetsh'.  The  other  remarkable  fact  is  that,  though 
Thompson  marks  several  of  these  'P»  or  '  I',  Evans  does  not  add  the 
denominational  letters  in  these  cases.  This  naturally  raises  the  question  of 
^  the  exact  relations  between  E(l)  and  E(2)  which  cannot  be  resolved  here. 

3?£lL-in  ue  cas?   of  Lyme  Regis  does  Thompson  give   the  number  of 
(i.e.  Hearers).  They  are  the  same  numbers  as  given  by  Evans   But  the 
only  other  number  of  hearers  given   by  Evans  (Sherburne— 500)  is   not 
reproduced  by  Thompson. 

4  In  the  case  of  some  counties  where  much  fuller  information  is  given  as 
to  the  number  of  hearers,  the  discrepancies  between  the  Neal  and  Evans 
Lists  are  revealing  as  to  the  amount  of  guesswork  that  went  on  and  are 
sometimes  amusing. 


THE  EVANS  LIST :   QUERIES  ON  SUSSEX 

Lyon  Turner  and  other  Nonconformist  historians  have  rightly 
criticized  the  accuracy  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Returns  of  1669  and 
1676  about  the  strength  and  standing  of  early  Nonconformity.  But 
has  there  not  been  a  tendency  to  accept  too  readily  the  reliability 
of  the  Evans  MS.  ?  One  is  indeed  aware  of  the  uncertainties  and 
hazards  in  handling  all  these  attempted  censuses  but  recent  work 
on  a  variety  of  original  records  has  led  the  author  to  doubt  whether 
the  Sussex  portion  of  the  Evans  List  is  either  as  comprehensive  or 
as  accurate  as  has  generally  been  assumed. 

Evans'  Sussex  correspondent  was  Robert  Bagster  of  the 
Chichester  Presbyterian  Church  and  his  account  was  prepared  at 
the  end  of  1717.  No  doubt  Bagster  was  better  acquainted  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  than 
with  those  of  the  Baptists.  The  Friends  were  ignored  by  Bagster 
and  Evans  alike.  The  Evans  MS.,  data  about  the  number  and 
geographical  distribution  of  Presbyterian  and  Congregational 
churches  and  their  pastoral  successions  seems  generally  accurate. 
An  independent  check  on  this  part  of  the  MS.  is  provided  by  the 
series  of  Toleration  Act  registrations  for  the  Chichester  and  Lewes 
Archdeaconries  and  the  Exempt  Deanery  of  South  Mailing.1  This 
check,  however,  is  not  absolute  because  some  congregations  failed 
to  comply  with  the  requirements  of  the  Act,  or  if  they  did,  the 
registrations  have  not  survived. 

The  following  notes  about  the  congregations  at  Worth  and  at 
Arundel/Midhurst  illustrate  the  close  agreement  between  the 
Evans  data  and  the  other  sources  available. 


Evans  MS. 


Worth,    near    East 
Grinstead. 
Benjamin  Chandler. 
Presbyterian    Fund 
Board  grant  of  £7. 


Toleration  Act 
Registrations 


In  1693  and  1698  for 
Presbyterians  in  East  Grin- 
stead  parish.  No  minister 
named. 


Fund  Boards2 


Common  Fund  grants 
to  Benjamin  Chandler. 


County   Record   Office,  Chichester;   and  copies  in  the  General  Register 
Office.  There  are  over  100  registrations  for  the  period  1690-1725   of  which 
^44  relate  to  1710-20. 

Evans,  of  course,  made  full  use  of  the  records  of  the  Presbyterian  Fund 
Board.  There  are  no  surviving  minutes  of  the  Congregational  Fund  Board 
between  1705  and  1737  (inclusive)  and  there  are  grounds  for  doubting 
whether  regular  minutes  were  kept  throughout  this  period  ;  if  this  were  so, 
it  would  help  to  explain  why  Evans  did  not  refer  to  the  Congregational 
Fund  Board's  interest  in  several  Sussex  churches. 


75 


76 


THE  EVANS  LIST 


Evans  MS. 


Toleration  Act 
Registrations 


Fund  Boards 


Joseph  Chandler. 
Ordained  January 
19,  1727/8.3 


1.11.1720.  East  Grinstead. 
Presbyterian.  Benjamin 
Chandler,  the  Preacher.4 


Arundel  and  Mid- 

Jhurst. 

Benjamin      Keene. 

removed     to     An- 

dover. 

John  Boucher.  1719. 


In  1707  for  Midhurst  for 
Presbyterians.  John  Ericke 
is  Minister.5 


20.11.1708.  Midhurst.  Pres 
byterians.  Benjamin  Keene 
is  Minister. 

12.8.1712.  Arundel.  Presby 
terians.  Benjamin  Keene  is 
Minister. 

15.1.1716.  Arundel.  Pro 
testant  Dissenters.  Keene 
again. 

25.3.1720.     Arundel.     Pro 
testant     Dissenters.     John 
Boucher  is  Minister. 
Ditto,  for  14.6.1720. 


Presbyterian  Fund 
Board  grants  to 
Benjamin  Chandler 
from  1696  to  1728 
(amounts  varied  from 
£5  to  the  Fund's  maxi 
mum  of  £10). 
Presbyterian  Fund 
Board  grants  to  Joseph 
Chandler  from  1729. 

No  Presbyterian  Fund 
Board  grants  in  this 
period  (Midhurst  ap 
peared  in  1730). 


Congregational  Fund 
Board  references  to 
Arundel's  need  of  a 
minister  in  1697  and 
£12  granted  in  1700 
to  the  'Church  at 
Arundel  in  Sussex 
when  they  shall  have 
a  Pastor'.  Also  grants 
to  Midhurst  after  1737. 


But  the  data  about  the  Baptist  congregations  in  Sussex  is  defini 
tely  misleading.  The  MS.,  lists  only  8  Baptist  churches  in  7  places  ; 
Chichester  had  both  General  and  Particular  Baptist  churches.  It 
appears  that  the  Particular  Baptists  held  little  ground  in  the  county 
until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  is  just  possible  that 
Bagster  intended  that  the  branches  of  the  General  Baptist  churches 
in  the  list  should  be  covered  by  the  inclusion  of  the  parent  churches, 
for  example  in  the  case  of  Horsham  which  had  several  branches  in 

3  It  looks  as   if  in  the  Evans   MS.   the   word  'junior'  was  deleted  after 
Joseph's  name. 

4  Benjamin  Chandler  was  also  named  in   1706  in  a  registration  for  Presby 
terians  at  Hartfield,  some  miles  from  East  Grinstead  ;  perhaps  this  was  the 
place  meant  in  the  Common  Fund  survey's  reference  to  Benjamin  Chandler 
at  Hapsfield.  He  also  appeared  in  registrations  for  Maresfield  and  Ardingly 
in    1709  and   1719  respectively,  and  for  Ardingly  in   1736  which  suggests 
that  he  was  still  at  work  in  Sussex. 

5  Perhaps  the  same  man  as  the  Mr.  Erick  who  was  given  a  grant  by  the 
Presbyterian  Fund  Board  in  1706,  only  for  Mayfield. 


THE  EVANS  LIST  77 

the  surrounding  district.  But  this  would  not  account  for  all  his 
omissions,  above  all  that  of  the  old-established  and  influential 
General  Baptist  church  at  Ditchling  in  mid-Sussex. 

Care  is  needed  in  drawing  on  the  evidence  of  the  Toleration  Act 
registrations  because  they  give  no  real  clues  about  the  size  of 
congregations  or  the  permanence  of  the  groups  meeting  for  worship. 
The  registrations  can  be  supplemented,  however,  with  the  informa 
tion  contained  in  the  Chichester  Visitation  of  1724  about  the 
numbers  of  Baptists,  and  by  the  records  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  General  Baptists  and  of  the  Kent  and  Sussex  General 
Baptist  Association.6 

There  are  surviving  registrations  for  General  Baptists  at  17 
places  between  1710  and  1730  which  were  not  mentioned  in  the 
Evans  MS.  ;  6  more  places  also  omitted  in  Evans,  were  covered  by 
registrations  between  1700  and  1710  and  some  of  these  groups  were 
still  in  existence  in  1717.  There  is  room  here  for  only  a  very  few 
illustrations  of  the  wide  discrepancy  between  the  Evans  List  and 
the  evidence  from  other  original  records. 


Parish 

Toleration    Act 
Registrations 

1724  Visitation  : 
Number  of  Families 
of  Anabaptists 

Ditchling        
Cuckfield       
Worth            
Wivelsfield     

1694  and  1716 
1714 
1708  and  1720 
1713 

25 
20 
10 
8 

The  Ditchling  General  Baptist  church  played  a  leading  role  in 
the  work  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  General  Baptists  and  in 
the  Kent  and  Sussex  General  Baptist  Association.  It  produced  a 
long  line  of  gifted  Elders  who  served  several  branch  churches  in  a 
wide  area  of  mid-Sussex  and  even  further  afield.  These  branches 
included  Cuckfield,  Wivelsfield,  Lewes  and  Maresfield.  The  strength 
of  the  cause  at  Ditchling  itself  may  be  gauged  by  the  fact  that  the 
1724  Visitation  estimated  that  25  out  of  the  total  population  of  80 
families  were  Baptists.  The  General  Baptist  church  at  Turner's 
Hill  (in  Worth  parish)  drew  support  from  a  wide  area  :  from 
Horley  across  the  Surrey  border  to  Balcombe  in  the  south.  The 

"  Bishop  Bower's  Visitation  ;  County  Record  Office,  Chichester.  The  returns 
covered  five-sixths  of  the  Sussex  parishes  and  included  unusually  detailed 
estimates  of  the  numbers  of  Non-conformists  by  parishes  and  denomina 
tions  in  each  parish.  Minutes  of  the  Kent  and  Sussex  Association  ;  Dr. 
Williams's  Library. 


78  THE  EVANS  LIST 

1724  Visitation  estimated  the  total  number  of  Baptist  families  in 
the  Sussex  parishes  connected  with  the  Turner's  Hill  cause  as  22, 
or  about  70  adults. 

The  Evans  MS.,  included  estimates  of  the  numbers  of  Hearers, 
but  without  any  indication  as  to  their  basis,  and  it  is  possible  that 
they  were  not  intended  to  represent  only  the  adult  hearers.  The  1724 
Visitation  based  its  estimates  of  Nonconformists  on  the  family  unit. 
It  is  not  possible  here  to  describe  the  means  of  arriving  at  a  '  con 
version  factor  '  for  the  family  unit  but  it  seems  reasonable  to  adopt 
the  factor  of  3  adults  per  family.7  There  are  substantial  grounds 
for  questioning  the  validity  of  some  of  the  arithmetic  of  the  Evans 
MS.  ;  in  particular,  it  looks  as  if  the  numerical  strength  of  the 
Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  was  substantially  over 
estimated  and  that  of  the  Baptists  decidedly  under-estimated.8 

How  strong  were  the  Baptists  ?  The  total  given  for  6  of  the  8 
churches  listed  by  Evans  was  813  ;  no  estimates  were  given  for 
Lewes  and  Lindfield  but  both  were  fairly  small  groups  and  an 
allowance  of  60/70  for  them  is  probably  ample.  This  gives  a  total 
Baptist  strength  of  about  870-880.  The  1724  Visitation  recorded 
some  280  families  of  Baptists,  or  about  840  adults.  Allowance  must 
be  made,  however,  for  those  parishes  for  which  returns  were  not 
made  and  several  of  them  had  substantial  groups  of  Baptists,  for 
example  Chichester.  Moreover,  some  of  the  estimates  made  by 
incumbents  were  almost  certainly  far  too  low,  for  example  Horsham 
with  only  60  adults.  This  appraisal  suggests  that  a  more  accurate 
estimate  of  the  numbers  of  Baptists  in  Sussex  around  1724  would 
be  some  1,200  adults,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  there  would  have 
been  fewer  in  1717 — rather  the  reverse.  This  is  a  notable  dis 
crepancy  with  the  Evans  data  for  the  Baptists. 

The  Evans  MS.,  estimates  of  Sussex  Presbyterians  and  Congrega 
tionalists  qualified  as  County  Voters  look  surprisingly  high.  The 
Baptists  were  estimated  to  have  only  14  County  Voters  in  a  total 
of  283  Hearers  in  the  three  churches  for  which  these  estimates 
were  made.  But  of  some  3,100  Presbyterian  and  Congregational 
Hearers,  no  fewer  than  298  were  estimated  to  qualify.  Bearing  in 

7  For  interesting  background  about  eighteenth  century  estimates  of  popula 
tion,  see  G.  Chalmers  :  An  Historical  View  of  the  Domestic  Economy  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (New  edition,  1812). 

s  Few  Sussex  incumbents  managed  to  grasp  the  distinction  between  Pres 
byterians  and  Congregationalists  and  no  group  of  Nonconformists  was 
described  in  the  Visitation  explicitly  as  Independent  and  only  a  few  as 
'  Presbyterians  or  Independents '.  Registrations  at  this  time  for  Protestants 
or  Protestant  Dissenters  generally  point  to  Congregational  causes. 


THE  EVANS  LIST  79 

mind  that  probably  more  than  one-half  of  all  Hearers  were  women, 
this  implies  that  about  one  in  five  of  the  men  were  County  Voters. 
Evans  did  not  take  into  account  the  Friends,  a  good  many  of  whom 
would  have  had  the  necessary  qualifications  for  county  votes. 

In  the  Sussex  County  Poll  of  1705,  the  total  of  voters  was  2,914  ; 
this  was  a  keen  contest  and  the  percentage  poll  would  have  been 
high.  It  seems  doubtful  whether  something  like  10%  of  the  elector 
ate  were  Nonconformists.  This  doubt  is  heightened  if  one  examines 
a  range  of  the  figures  for  individual  parishes. 


Evans  MS. 

County  Voters 

Electors 

Parish 

Hearers 
(both  sexes) 

and  percentage 
of  total 

voting 
in  1705 

Hearers 

Framfield 

200 

21          10% 

20 

Battle    

120 

17          14% 

32 

Midhurst 

100 

16          16% 

34 

The  case  of  Brighton  is  particularly  interesting.  The  MS.,  data 
about  the  congregation  was  : 

Hearers  =  560 ;  County  Voters  =  22 ;  Gentlemen  •  •  30 ; 
Yeomen  =  2 ;  Captains  and  Masters  of  Ships  =  14  ;  Trades 
men  =  32. 

Even  if  most  of  the  ship's  captains  and  masters  were  small  men 
and  unlikely  to  be  freeholders,  it  is  surprising  that  the  gentlemen 
and  tradesmen  could  muster  only  22  county  votes  between  them. 

If  these  doubts  about  the  reliability  of  the  Evans  data  for  Sussex 
are  well-founded,  it  would  be  easier  to  account  for  the  scale  and 
pace  of  the  decline  in  strength  of  Nonconformity  in  the  county 
between  1725  and  1760.  These  queries  are  not  meant  to  imply  that 
the  Evans  MS.  estimates  were  drawn  up  with  any  intention  of 
giving  a  misleading  picture  of  the  influence  of  the  Sussex  Noncon 
formists  ;  what  is  more  likely  is  that  they  reflected  a  view  taken 
through  rose-tinted  spectacles. 

By  the  time  that  these  notes  appear  in  print,  the  MS.  of  the 
author's  An  Outline  of  the  Origins  and  Development  of  Early 
Nonconformity  in  Sussex  will  be  available  at  Dr.  Williams 's  Library 
and  Part  II  of  this  deals  more  fully  with  the  Evans  data  for  Sussex. 

6  *  N.  CAPLAN 


Congregational  Church  Records 

Held  in  Public  Custody  (List  2) 

Bangor :     University  College  of  North  Wales  Library. 
Bangor  Eng.  Cong.  Ch.  :   misc.  records,  1898-1957. 
Benllech  (Ang.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    minutes,  1917-44. 
Bethesda  (Caern.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :   baptisms,  1818-39  ;  cert. 

of  registration,  1820. 

Bwlchtocyn  (Caern.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    baptisms,  1813-39. 
Coedpoeth  (Denb.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    burials,  1864-88. 
Dinas  Mawddwy  (Mer.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    accounts,  1854-84. 
Penmorfa  (Caern.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :   accounts,  1869-70. 
Portmadoc  (Caern.)    Welsh  Cong.   Ch.  :    Building  Committee 

minutes,  1877-85;  accounts,  1869-1911. 
Treflys  (near  Bethesda,  Caern.)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    accounts, 

1865-9. 
Wern  (near  Wrexham)  Welsh  Cong.  Ch.  :    baptisms,  1808-92  ; 

burials,  1822-90  ;  Sunday  School  reg.,  1875-81  ;  membership 

reg.,  1849-1909  ;  accounts,  1854-1907  ;  pew  rents,  1881-92. 

Glamorgan  Record  Office,  County  Hall,  Cardiff. 
Groeswen    Ch.,    Eglwysilan  :     baptisms,    1798-1849,    1942-52 ; 
membership  reg.,  1793-1838,  1908-16. 

Manchester  Public  Library,  Local  History  Collection. 
Gatley  Cong.  Ch.  :  baptisms,  1779-1944  ;  marriages,  1883-1945 
burials,    1823-1950;    minutes    of   Ch.    meeting,    1872-1932 
committee     minutes,      1901-39 ;     pew     rents,      1882-1914 
historical  papers. 

Plymouth  Public  Library,  Archives  Department. 

Princes  St.  Ch.,  Devonport :  Trustees'  and  Ch.  minutes,  1797- 
1930;  monthly  Ch.  meetings,  1809-1931  ;  Deacons'  minutes, 
1886-1920;  record  books,  1763-1826;  Building  Committee 
minutes,  1879-83  ;  accounts,  1797-1868  ;  registers,  1817-1912  ; 
misc.,  1838  and  1900  ;  trust  deed,  1804. 

Mount  St.  Ch.,  Devonport :  minutes,  1816-19  ;  accounts,  1816-7. 

Wycliffe  Ch.,  Devonport :  Deacons'  and  Ch.  minutes,  1862- 
1937  ;  register,  1922-48  ;  misc.  minutes,  1887-1940. 

Sussex :     East  Sussex  Record  Office,  County  Hall,  Lewes. 
Lindfield  Cong.  Ch.  :    Historical  account,  1810-42;  minutes  of 
Ch.  meeting,  1843-1901. 

(Received  from  C.  E.  Welch} 

80 


LETTERS   INCIDENTAL  TO   SAMUEL 
SAY'S  CALL  TO  WESTMINSTER,  1734. 

Part  1 

Samuel  Say  was  born  23  March  1675/6  in  '  All  Sts  parish  in  a 
house  agaainst  ye  well  in  ye  Castle  Green  in  Southamton  and  was 
baptized  by  Mr.  Frances  Mence,  minister  at  ffaireham '.  He  was 
second  son  of  Gyles  Say,  whose  grandmother  about  1572  '  fled  into 
England  from  Roan  in  Normandy  upon  occasion  of  the  dreadfull 
massacre  in  France ',  where  her  relatives  possessed,  it  is  said,  a 
very  considerable  estate.  Gyles  was  the  son  of  Francis  Say,  origin 
ally  of  Dorsetshire,  who  later  settled  at  Southampton  and  became 
a  flourishing  merchant.  This  Gyles  was  presented  to  two  Southamp 
ton  livings  under  the  Commonwealth  and  seems  to  have  been 
ejected  from  them  following  the  Restoration.  He  eventually 
accepted  the  pastorate  of  an  Independent  Church  at  Guestwick 
in  Norfolk,  where  he  died  in  1692.  He  lies  buried  in  the  parish 
church  there. 

Samuel  Say  was  a  student  with  Isaac  Watts  at  the  Rev.  Thomas 
Rowe's  Academy  in  London.  He  married  Miss  Sarah  Hamby,  the 
daughter  of  a  Great  Yarmouth  merchant,  and  his  first  pastorate — it 
was  no  more  than  a  preachership — was  nearby  at  Lowestoft.  He 
was  there  when  in  1712  he  had  a  very  insistent  call  to  the  assistant 
pastorate  at  what  is  now  called  the  Old  Meeting  at  Norwich.  This 
he  declined  probably  because  that  Church  had  been  passing  through 
a  difficult  period  of  divided  loyalties.  In  1726  he  accepted  a  call  to 
Ipswich  and  his  actual  ordination  took  place  there.  After  eight 
years  he  was  invited  to  Westminster  to  the  4  Pastoral  Charge  of  this 
religious  society  (late  under  the  care  of  the  Reverand  Doctor 
Edmund  Calamy  deceaded) '.  It  is  to  this  call  that  the  following 
correspondence  relates.  He  continued  in  this  pastorate  till  his  death, 
which  took  place  in  1743  at  his  home  in  St.  James  Street,  West 
minster,  whither  he  had  removed  from  his  first  manse  in  New 
Street,  Co  vent  Garden. 

His  daughter,  Sarah,  became  the  wife  of  Isaac  Toms  of  Hadleigh 
in  Suffolk.  Their  son  was  the  Rev.  Samuel  Say  Toms  of  Framling- 
ham  in  the  same  county. 

A  few  of  the  letters  were  published  in  the  Monthly  Depository 
of  1810.  The  MSS.,  are  now  in  my  ownership  and  I  intend  them 
shortly  to  find  a  permanent  home. 

B.    COZENS-HARDY 
81 


82  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

To  Rev.  Mr.  Sam.  Say, 
Ipswich 

Newington 

Feb  28  1733/4 
Dear  Sir, 

Two  days  ago  I  was  addrest  by  Dr  Calamys  people  with  enquiries 
about  your  character  ;  I  said  every  thing  I  thought  was  due  to 
Truth  &  friendship.  Perhaps  you  may  hear  more  of  this  in  a  little 
time.  May  ye  God  of  Light  &  Grace  be  with  your  Spirit  &  direct 
all  your  affairs.  My  salutations  attend  your  Spouse  &  Daughter. 
Yours  affectionately 

I.  WATTS. 

We  are  entirely  removed  to  Newington  &  I  seldom  spend  a  whole 
day  in  London. 

To  Rev.  Sam.  Say. 

London 

March  26  1734 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  delayd  an  answer  to  your  letter  till  I  can  give  a  better 
account  of  every  thing. 

The  Deputies  of  ye  Dissenting  Congregations  in  &  near  London 
are  wretchedly  divided  into  two  parties,  one  acknowledging  ye 
subsistence  of  ye  Committee  of  Gentleman  which  were  chosen 
16  months  ago  upon  the  talk  of  repealing  ye  Test,  who  met  at 
Salters  Hall,  &  have  almost  all  the  Independents  with  them.  The 
other  part  renounce  the  Committee,  disclaiming  their  power  to  act 
or  to  call  ye  Deputies  together,  &  some  Presbyterians  &  some 
Baptists  join  with  them. 

As  far  as  I  can  find,  ye  body  which  owns  ye  Committee  are 
almost  two  thirds  of  ye  whole,  if  not  quite,  some  say  more.  Yet 
ye  others  have  chosen  one  Capt :  Winter  their  chairman,  &  thus 
they  act  in  separate  bodies,  mutually  ruinous.  The  business  of 
chusing  Deputies  all  over  England,  recommended  by  this  lesser 
body  in  London  will,  I  suppose,  have  very  small  effect.  Their  cry 
against  ye  Committee  is  yt  they  are  too  much  influenced  by  ye 
Court.  But  I  think  we  are  by  no  means  in  a  Case  to  sett  up  against 
ye  Court,  even  if  the  majority  shoud  incline  to  it,  which  is  far 
from  ye  truth.  Your  remarks  in  your  letter  are  perfectly  just.  My 
salutations  to  Mr  Baxter  &  tell  him  so. 

This  morning  5  or  6  of  Dr  Calamys  people  have  been  with  me 
&  talked  over  your  fitness  for  their  pulpit  again.  I  told  ym  you 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  83 

had  heard  yt  Mr  Savill  was  in  their  eye.  They  assure  me  that  tho 
he  did  preach  with  them  once  or  twice,  they  have  no  such  view  or 
design,  nor  ever  had  as  a  body,  however  one  or  2  persons  might 
have  such  a  thought.  But  even  that  is  entirely  dropt  now.  They 
have  I  believe  a  full  commission  given  them  to  give  you  a  call  to 
London.  But  they  woud  a  little  know,  whether  they  are  likely  to 
succeed.  Upon  wch  I  told  ym  I  had  hinted  it  to  you,  &  I  read  the 
words  of  your  letter  to  ym,  (viz)  yt  if  they  proceeded  any  further 
it  would  perplex  your  thoughts  very  much,  &  you  would  willingly 
be  led  by  providence  &c.  They  seemd  much  pleasd  wth  wt  I  read 
to  them  &  will  probably  tell  you  their  mind  themselves. 

We  are  now  removed  &  dwell  so  entirely  at  Newington  that  if  I 
were  capable  any  way  of  serving  your  nephew  by  influence  (which 
I  am  not)  yet  my  distance  of  habitation  cutts  me  from  it.  May  ye 
Great  Pastor  of  ye  Church  direct  your  course  in  feeding  any  part 
of  his  flock.  With  all  due  salutations  to  you  &  yours 
I  am 

Your  affete  :   friend  &  Bro  : 

I:  WATTS 
To  Rev.  S.  Say 

April  2  1734 
Dear  Bro  : 

We  are  desird  by  severall  members  of  ye  Congregation  of  ye 
late  Revd  Dr  Calamy  to  inform  you  yt  that  Congregation  have 
very  unanimously  given  you  a  Call  to  the  Pastoral  office  among 
them,  &  one  or  two  of  them  intend  the  beginning  of  next  week  to 
wait  on  you  at  Ipswich  to  lay  it  before  you,  unless  you  think  it 
proper  to  receive  it  in  a  more  private  way.  Your  notice  of  this 
matter  is  desired  to  be  given  to  Dr  Harris  in  Ayloft  street  in 
Goodmans  fields  next  post  if  you  utterly  forbid  it :  otherwise  you 
may  expect  their  attendance  on  you.  That  our  Common  Ld  wd 
direct  your  heart  into  ye  way  of  usefulness  &  peace  is  ye  hearty 
desire  of  your  affecte  :  Breth  : 

I:  WATTS 

W.  HARRIS 

To  the  Reverend  Mr  Samuell  Say  Minister  of  the  Gospell  at 

Ipswich. 

We  the  undersigned  Subscribers  (Members  of,  or  belonging  to,  the 
Religious  Society  or  Congregation  of  Protestant  Dissenters  in 
Westminster  whereof  the  Reverend  Doctor  Edmund  Calamy 
deceased  was  late  Minister  or  Pastor)  having  solemnly  implored  the 


84  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

Divine  Guidance  in  the  choice  of  a  fit  person  to  succeed  in  the 
pastoral  oversight  and  care  of  this  Church,  and  being  now  as 
sembled  for  that  purpose,  We  have  been  providentially  directed 
and  influenced  to  make  choice  of  you,  Sir,  (with  unanimity)  to 
succeed  in  the  present  vacant  pastoral  charge  of  this  Church  ;  And 
we  do  earnestly  invite  and  desire  you  to  accept  of  this  Choice 
accordingly  :  —  In  testimony  whereof  We  have  hereunto  set  our 
hands  the  second  day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  One 
thousand  Seven  hundred  thirty  four. 
JOHN  BISCOE  THOMAS  BROWNE 

CHA.  CARLETON          SAMUEL  GRAHAM 
CASE  BILLINGSTER     WM.  HENDERSON 

JO:   ffOX 

JOSEPH  KELHAM 

DAVID  SUTTON 

JOHN  McGRIGOR 

RICHD  BURLAND 


JNO.  HIGHAM 

GEO.  BARCLAY 

JNO:    BECK 

JOHN  HERMAN 

JNO:   WILKINSON 

PH.  HOLLINGWORTH  ALEX'  CUMMING 
JOHN  WOODIN 
JOHN  CHEESMAN 
JAMES  SMITH 
THOMAS  NORTON 
RICHD:   JACKSON 
SAML  HORSLEY 


jun. 

ROBERT  BOWMAN 
SAML:    BOLER 
WM.  JONES 
JOHN  CLARK 
JAM.  HALL 
ROB.  TOD 
JOSEPH  BISCOE 
JAMES  RIG  BY 


JNO.  OLDFIELD 
JOHN  WINBUSH 
JOS.  SEDDON 


ALEXr  CRIGHTON 
WILLIAM  GIBSON 
WILL.  ROBERTSON 
JOHN  BISCOE  jun. 
JOHN  BURTON 
NATHL. 

SACHEVERELL 
ANDREW  SHIELDS 
JAMES  BUCHAN 
WILLIAM  COCKBURN 
JOHN  SENING 
GODFREY  NODDER 
MOSES  MABERLY 
JOHN  READ 
THO:   COLLINSON 
JOHN  WOOD 
DAVID  EVANS 
SAMUEL  CREW 


To  Rev.  S.  Say 

R     ,    „.  London    Apll  6th  1734 

I  am  desired  by  the  gentlemen  who  are  deputed  to  wait  on  you 
with  the  unanimous  call  of  our  Church  at  Westminster  to  acquaint 
you  that  God  willing  the'll  mett  you  at  Witham  on  Monday  evening 
according  to  your  desire,  as  we  are  informed  by  the  Revnd  Dr 
Harris,  and  at  the  same  inn. 

That  the  journey  may  be  happy  and  prosperous  to  your  good 
selfe  and  them  that  the  issue  may  be  the  Glory  of  God  the  mutual 
joy  and  comfort  of  us  all  is  Dear  Sir  the  sincere  wishes  and  earnest 
prayers  of  your  unknown  friend 

and  very  humble  servant 

SAML.  BOLER 
To  Rev.  S.  Say 
Revnd    sjr  Yarmouth     8th  April  1734 

After  receiving  yrs  of  22nd  past  wch  informed  me  of  Mr.  Sa-u-ls 
preaching  at  Dr.  C— -ys  place  as  a  probationer  I  concluded  my 
intelligence  was  not  so  true  as  I  cou'd  have  wishd  &  began  to  thinic 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  85 

if  the  above  Gent:  succeeded,  the  Dissenters  were  unanimously 
determined  to  give  the  best  preferments  to  those  who  least  deserved 
them.  But  a  letter  this  day  from  my  friend  Mr  Luson  now  at 
London  gives  me  reason  to  alter  my  opinion,  in  which  he  acquaints 
me  that  last  Saturday  he  was  in  company  with  one  one  of  the 
Managers  of  Dr  C— -ys  Congregation  who  told  him  they  were 
shortly  to  send  an  unanimous  invitation  to  yrself  &  says  further 
as  it  will  be  a  very  advantagious  place.  He  sincerely  rejoyces  at  it 
&  tells  me  the  gent:  showd  him  a  great  character  Dr  Watts,  Mr 
Goodwin  &  Mr  Northcutt  had  given  of  Mr  S-y  wch  had  much 
promoted  his  interest  amongst  the  People.  I  did  myself,  says 
Mr  L.,  the  pleasure  to  confirm  all  they  had  said  ;  for  I  knew  no 
greater  satisfaction  than  to  speak  with  truth  to  every  ones  advan 
tage,  the  place  being  worth  200£  a  year  at  least  if  sho'd  preach 
2ce  a  Day  wch  wou'd  be  left  to  yr  choice  .  .  . 

My  mother  expresses  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  at  this  piece  of 
news  &  woud  be  glad  to  have  it  confirmd  from  your  self.  But  I've 
mentioned  it  only  to  her,  nor  do  pretend  to  let  any  body  else  know 
of  it  till  its  past  all  doubt.  Mrs  Shephard  was  this  week  to  visit 
my  mother.  Mrs  Atwood  tells  me  Miss  is  very  fond  of  her  &  makes 
no  question  of  their  agreeing.  Mr  Frost  courts  Miss  Martyn,  Mrs 
Lusons  niece  a  very  deserving  woman  tho  of  small  fortune  &  its 
lookd  on  as  an  odd  determination  on  the  gents  part  to  fix  at  last 
here  after  so  many  long  journeys  &  such  expectations  of  advantage 
as  he  has  I  suppose  raised  within  himself  from  the  great  good 
fortune  of  some  gentlemen  of  the  same  profession. 

Mr  Milner  is  going  to  Norwich  &  I  hear  Mr  Scott  of  Lowestoft 
preaches  on  Wednesday  for  him.  My  humble  service  to  yrself  Mrs 
Say  &  Miss  concludes  me. 
Revd  Sir, 

Yr  obliged  friend 
&  humble  servant 

J.  MORSE 
To  Rev.  S.  Say 

Westmr     16th  April  1734 
Sir, 

We  the  under-named  Subscribers  (on  behalf  of  our  selves  and  the 
rest  of  the  members  of  the  Protestant  Dissenters  Church  here)  take 
leave  to  return  thanks  to  you  for  the  favour  of  your  kind  letter 
of  the  llth  instant,  directed  to  Mr  Carleton,  who  communicated 
it  to  such  of  us  as  were  present  at  our  weekly  meeting  on  the  last 
fryday  evening  (being  about  10  or  11  in  number)  to  whom  it  was 


86  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

universally  acceptable,  and  the  more  so  in  that  it  brought  such  an 
expeditious  confirmation  of  the  very  obliging  answer,  which  you 
was  pleasd  to  send  us  by  Mr  Wilkinson  and  Mr  Carleton,  when 
they  attended  you  at  Wickham  with  the  unanimous  invitation 
(under  the  hands  of  sundry  persons)  containing  the  choice  of  you 
to  the  Pastoral  Charge  of  This  Religious  Society  (late  under  the 
care  of  the  Reverend  Doctor  Edmund  Calamy  deceased) 

We  hope,  Sir,  you  will  have  no  reason  to  repent  of  the  en 
couragement  your  letter  aforementioned  gives  this  People  to  expect 
your  coming  to  them  ;  not  with  a  design  to  deliberate  any  longer, 
but  to  accept  their  Call,  and  with  a  purpose  to  prepare  your  way 
to  an  actual  settlement  amongst  them  as  soon  as  conveniently 
you  can.  And  the  sooner  that  can  be  accomplishd  the  better,  and 
the  more  pleasing  (we  promise  ourselves)  it  will  be,  not  only  to  us, 
but  also  to  the  community  in  general,  after  so  long  a  time  of  their 
being  held  in  suspence  already. 
We  are  with  great  respect, 
Reverend  Sir, 

Your  most  sincere  and  faithful  humble  servants, 
CHA.  CARLETON  JO.  BISCOE 

JNO.  HICHAM 
SAML.  BOLER 
SAML.  HORSLEY 
JOSEPH  BISCOE 
PH.  HOLLINGWORTH  jun' 
ROB.  TOD 
To  Rev.  S.  Say 

Bury.     April  17.  1734. 
Revd  &  dear  Sir, 

I  understand  by  a  letter  of  yours  to  Mr  Barker  of  Wattesfield 
that  you  have  received  an  unanimous  call  from  the  Church  to 
which  the  late  Dr  Calamy  was  pastor  and  do  hereby  heartily 
congratulate  you  thereupon  (though  I  cannot  but  be  concerned  for 
the  great  loss  Ipswich  and  your  brethren  in  these  parts  will  have 
of  so  useful  &  valuable  a  fellow  labourer  in  the  Vineyard  of  our 
common  Lord)  .  .  . 

I  presume  you  are  not  unacquainted  with  the  sentiment  of  that 
honourable  and  learned  gentleman1  who  is  the  principal  member 
of  that  congregation  you  are  called  to,  and  who  is  (as  I  have  heard) 
very  strongly  attached  to  that  which  is  commonly  called  the 
Calvanistical  scheme,  and  I  doubt  not  that  your  prudence  will 
direct  you  to  be  as  much  upon  your  guard  in  private  conversation 

1  Sir  Richard  Ellis  (or  Ellys)  :    theological  writer  :    became  a  Greek  and 
Hebrew  Scholar  in  Holland.  M.P.  Boston  1719-1727  ;  d.  1742. 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  87 

as  a  good  conscience  will  allow  you  to  be,  so  that  to  you  this  hint 
may  be  in  a  great  measure  useless,  however  I  hope  such  a  brotherly 
intimation  will  not  be  judged  altogether  impertinent,  and  I  shall 
say  no  more  but  verbum  sapienti  &. 

If  Providence  should  see  fit  to  fix  you  in  that  place  I  shall  think 
myself  very  happy  in  having  two  such  good  friends  near  London 
as  your  self  at  Westminster  and  dear  G.  Wightwick  at  Kingston  .  .  . 

I  should  be  very  thankful  to  you  for  a  line  from  London,  and 
must  hastily  conclude  with  my  best  wishes  for  the  best  blessings 
on  you  and  yours  and  am,  dear  Sr,  yr  affect  Br.  and  ready  servt 
to  my  poor  power. 

T.  STEWARD 

To  Rev.  S.  Say 
Dear  Sir, 

I  designed  to  have  writ  to  you,  but  being  out  of  Town  on 
Tuesday  had  not  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  gentlemen  from 
Westminster,  and  hearing  particularly  what  passed  at  Witham.  As 
I  have  taken  some  pains  in  this  Affair,  and  watched  all  opportuni 
ties  by  fitting  methods  to  lead  their  thoughts  this  way,  so  I  think 
you  have  a  good  right  to  any  assistance  I  am  able  to  give  you, 
and  I  shall  do  it  with  the  frankness  of  a  Friend,  who  greatly  loves 
you,  and  without  any  reserve. 

As  to  your  difficulties.  Sir  R[ichard  Ellis]  is  a  gentleman  of 
Learning  &  Piety.  His  learning  mostly  in  the  classical  and  critical 
way.  His  notions  in  Religion  are  strict  Galvanisms.  He  greatly 
affects  the  books  of  the  old  Puritans.  Dr  Calamy  was  bred  in  the 
Middle  Way,  and  his  whole  preaching  was  in  that  strain.  He  never 
troubled  them  with  Predestination.  We  are  all  of  opinion  you  will 
be  as  like  to  please  Sir  R.  as  any  man,  who  is  fit  for  the  place. 
However,  it  is  able  to  support  a  Minister  independent  of  him,  as 
I  am  informed  their  own  subscriptions  are  near  150  p.  annum. 
Dr  C.  lived  among  them  for  30  years,  tho'  with  a  large  family, 
with  honour  and  comfort,  tho'  not  without  some  exercise  of 
prudence  upon  particular  occasions,  for  which  there  is  need  every 
where. 

The  reasons  for  acceptance  are,  That  tis  an  Antient  and  Con 
siderable  Congregation,  which  has  always  been  under  the  care  of 
worthy  men,  Dr  C,  Mr  Alsop,  Mr  Lawton  up  to  the  Ejection, 
and  should  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  young  and  inexperienced. 
It  raises  about  100  [a]  year  for  the  Fund,  upon  which  the  Country 
so  much  depends.  They  have  been  long  destitute,  about  a  year, 
and  difficulty  brot  to  agree,  and  have  unanimously  centered  in  you, 


88  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

with  the  approbation  and  the  good  will  of  all  the  Ministers  in 
Town  ;  and  your  refusal  would  hazard  a  breach,  which  might  be 
uncomfortable  to  you  as  well  as  to  them.  You  would  be  of  great 
use  among  your  brethren  to  the  common  interest,  who  want  men  of 
experience  and  temper  ;  and  Ipswich  can  be  easily  supplied  by 
some  younger  man,  who  would  not  do  here. 

As  to  your  health,  who  have  long  lived  in  the  country,  a  house 
may  be  got  near  the  Park  or  near  the  River  which  is  open  and  airy. 

Upon  the  whole  I  think  the  Call  of  Providence  very  clear  and 
special,  the  Prospect  of  comfort  and  usefulness  very  considerable, 
the  reasons  for  it  very  strong,  the  difficulties  very  little.  We  must 
indeed  leave  events  to  God,  while  we  follow  plain  duty  and  trust 
in  his  care  and  mercy.  I  pray  God  direct  your  thoughts  and  guide 
your  way  in  a  matter  of  so  much  importance  to  your  self  and  to 
the  Publick  Interest.  I  am, 

Your  affectionate  Bro  and  Servant, 

W.  HARRIS. 

Alift  Street  Goodmans  Fields 
April  20.  1734 

To  the  Congregation  of  Protestant  Dissenters  in  Westminster  lately 
under  the  Pastoral  Care  of  the  Revd  Dr  Edmd  Calamy  deceasd' 

Ipswch  May  2d  1734 
Brethren, 

I  should  not  have  so  long  delayd  my  answer  to  the  Call  I  reed 
from  you  of  the  same  date  with  this  in  the  preceding  month,  had  I 
believed  there  was  any  Probability  that  I  should  have  been  obligd 
to  decline  it.  I  only  thought  it  a  respect  that  was  due  to  a  People 
that  greatly  loves  me  to  wait  a  season  that  I  might  be  able  perhaps 
to  reconcile  their  minds  to  the  parting  with  me.  I  had  urged  what 
reasons  I  judgd  proper  to  the  principal  Persons  among  them  singly, 
&  at  their  request  I  met  them  in  a  body  by  appointment  the  last 
Lords  Day  evening. 

The  event  was  such  that  I  now  do,  &  hope  I  may  safely,  declare 
my  ACCEPTANCE  of  the  CALL  which  you  have  given  me,  as 
the  Brethren  deputed  from  you  assured  me,  with  so  much  unanimity 
as  to  be  without  one  negative  voice  against  it.  And  as  it  is  a  matter 
that  weighs  very  much  with  me,  I  persuade  myself  it  will  give  equal 
satisfaction  &  pleasure  to  you  (the  Church  of  Christ  to  which  I  am 
invitd)  that  I  do  not  rend  my  self  from  the  Xian  Society  here  & 
that  there  is  not  one  as  far  as  I  know  even  of  those  who  most  love 
me  who  do  not  look  upon  their  consent  to  my  departure  as  an  act 
"This  is  a  copy  of  the  draft  letter. 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  89 

of  the  same  affection  which  they  have  ever  professed  towards  me 
[Remainder  in  shorthand]. 

SAM:   SAY 

To  Rev.  S.  Say 

Westminster,  7th  May  1734 
Sir, 

Yours  of  the  2d  instant  has  been  communicated  to  us  by  Mr 
Carleton  and  we  beg  leave  to  assure  you  it  is  a  peculiar  satisfaction 
to  everyone  concerned  in  the  late  unanimous  choice  of  you  that 
it  has  pleasd  God  so  to  interpose  in  the  affair,  as  to  incline  the 
good  people  of  Ipswich  to  resign  you  to  the  congregation  of 
Protestant  Dissenters  of  Westminster,  with  as  great  unanimity  as 
has  appeared  amongst  the  later  in  their  invitation  to  you  to  the 
pastoral  charge  and  care  of  this  church  ;  for  which  its  hoped  this 
people  will  have  abundant  cause  of  thankfulness,  both  to  the 
Great  Shepheard  of  the  Sheep,  and  to  your  good  friends  at  Ipswich, 
to  whom  your  person  and  ministry  are  so  dear ;  and  who  by  their 
Christian  and  affectionate  dismission  have  given  such  an  eminent 
and  evident  proof  of  their  catholic  spirit  and  temper  :  And  we  do 
heartily  and  sincerly  joyn  with  you,  Sir,  in  your  excellent  prayer, 
that  it  may  be  equally  terminated  in  the  comfort  and  edification  of 
both  churches ;  And  since  this  your  last  kind  letter  brings  a 
renewed  declaration  of  your  acceptance  of  the  call,  we  are  in  hopes 
it  will  not  be  long  ere  we  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you 
here  ;  and  if  you  would  please  to  signifie  by  a  line,  when  your 
affairs  will  admit  of  it,  it  may  answer  some  valuable  purposes,  over 
and  above  the  gratification  of  the  desires  of  sundry  persons  amongst 
this  Christian  Society,  more  particularly  of 

Reverend  Sir, 

Your  very  affectionate  friends  and  humble  servants  : 
CASE  BILLINGSTER  THOMAS  BROWNE 

JN.  WILKINSON  SAML.  BOLER 

ALEX  CUMMING  SAML.  HORSLEY 

JN.  HIGHAM  CHA.  CARLETON 

JAM.  HALL  JO.  BISCOE 

GEO.  BARCLAY  PH.  HOLLINGWORTH  junr 

To  Mrs  Sarah  Say 
Ipswich 

London    May  25th  1734 
My  Dearest, 

Yesterday  I  spent  my  evening  with  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Vestry 
or  Committee,  who  all  reed  me  with  a  great  deal  of  seeming 
affection  &  even  joy.  The  person  whom  I  am  most  afraid  of,  a 


90  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

creature  of  Sir  R.  rather  exceeded  the  rest,  carried  me  to  his  house 
&  gave  me  the  hire  of  a  coach  into  the  City.  I  was  told  by  those 
who  met  me  the  first  evening,  that  Sir  Rd.  had  appointed  a  journey 
before  he  knew  of  my  coming,  that  I  might  not  be  concerned  if  I 
saw  him  not :  but  the  gentleman  had  told  him  of  my  arrival  and 
expects  he  will  be  with  us  to  morrow,  and  intends  to  procure  two 
other  persons  who  he  thinks  have  an  interest  in  him,  to  wait  upon 
him  this  evening  with  a  friendly  design  towards  me,  nor  do  I  find 
any  reason  as  yet  to  believe  he  has  taken  any  prejudice  agst.  me, 
tho  I  own  I  am  afraid  what  may  be  the  event  should  we  come  to 
have  any  long  conversation  together. 

Before  they  had  reed,  my  last  letter  to  'em  they  had  securd  a 
supplie  for  the  morrow,  so  that  I  expect  to  preach  only  in  the 
afternoon,  for  which  reason  and  because  I  am  willing  to  enjoy 
another  good  night  I  think  to  lie  at  my  Sisters  &  take  a  coach  to 
Mr.  Carletons  to  morrow,  where  I  shall  pass  all  the  next  week,  &  if 
we  can  pitch  upon  a  proper  house,  which  was  pretty  much  the 
conversation  of  the  committee,  I  shall  be  able  to  write  you  word 
this  day  sennight  when  you  may  look  for  me  down  again. 

It  has  rained  all  this  morning,  so  that  we  have  heard  nothing 
of  Brother  Carter,  who  lay  yesterday  exceeding  weak,  tho  without 
any  distemper  that  I  could  perceive,  but  old  age.  He  revived  a  little 
at  seeing  &  hearing  of  me.  The  rest  were  all  well  at  Stepney  & 
Mile-end  &  remember  'to  you  ;  as  does  also  Brother  &  Sister  Porter 
who  thinks  that  Samme  Cooks  Company  &  affairs  will  confine  her 
at  London,  where  a  strong  interest  is  made  on  a  sudden  for  his 
being  organist  at  White-Chapel  by  Mr  Denham,  Mr  Petty  &  the 
Churchwarden  with  many  others',  who  think  him  vastly  to  excell 
his  only  present  competitor.  But  this  affair  will  not  be  determined 
before  Midsummer  by  occasion  of  the  sickness  &  absence  of  the 
other  churchwarden. 

I  bless  God  I  am  in  very  good  health  &  wish  I  may  hear  the 
same  of  you  on  Monday  &  of  the  my  maiden.  I  have  seen  Dr 
Harris  &  desired  him  to  think  of  a  proper  person  for  Ipswich,  I 
mentioned  Mr  Daniel  to  him,  but  forgott  the  name  of  the  other 
person  that  Dr  Meadows  had  recommended 

Give  maiden  a  kiss  for  me  &  believe  me 
Yours  affectionately 
S[AM]  S[AY] 


JOSEPH  PARKER'S  UNITED 
CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH 

The  issue  which  Commission  I  has  placed  before  the  Con 
gregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales,  whether  to  be  known 
as  a  Church  and  not  a  Union,  is  not  new.  In  1901  when  Joseph 
Parker  of  the  City  Temple  was  for  the  second  time  Chairman  of 
the  Union  he  urged  the  Union  to  celebrate  the  birth  of  the  new 
century  by  becoming  The  United  Congregational  Church.  Looking 
back  upon  events  we  smile  and  say  that  Parker  was  naive.  What 
is  surprising,  however,  is  the  amount  of  support  he  received.  Cer 
tainly  Parker  was  in  a  prophetic  role  and  already  many  of  his 
ideas  have  been  adopted. 

Our  generation  cannot  be  satisfied  with  Parker's  inadequate 
doctrinal  foundation  for  his  grand  scheme.  He  said  very  little 
about  the  biblical  concept  of  the  Church  ;  and  as  for  the  ways 
in  which  the  Church  has  been  and  is  understood  by  Christians  of 
different  traditions,  he  did  not  mention  these.  He  was  content  to 
dip  lightly  into  The  New  Testament  and  draw  forth  a  few  texts 
to  show  that  the  word  Church  might  be  used  of  both  a  local  con 
gregation  and  larger  collections  of  congregations.  Thus  he  had 
shown,  he  believed,  that  his  title  The  United  Congregational 
Church  was  justifiable,  and  he  was  content.  So,  it  seems,  were 
his  many  critics,  for  they  did  not  attack  him  at  this  point. 

The  critics'  main  contention  was  that  Parker  failed  to  deal  with 
the  problem  of  authority  in  Congregationalism.  In  this  they  were 
undoubtedly  right.  Parker's  only  answer  here  was  to  resort  to 
oratory  on  the  one  hand — '  Is  it  really  a  glorious  thing  to  be 
absolutely  independent  of  each  other?  Is  it  something  to  boast 
of?' — and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  assure  men  that  the  new  Church 
would  preserve  the  central  principle  of  Congregationalism :  '  The 
individual  Church  is  the  primary  and  indestructible  unit  of  Con 
gregationalism  ' ;  its  autonomy  was  not  threatened.  Most  of  his 
two  Chairman's  Addresses  were  concerned  with  the  organization 
of  the  new  Church  but  he  dared  not  outline  a  policy  to  make 
the  machinery  of  the  local  congregation,  the  County  Union  and 
the  national  body  work  smoothly.  He  probably  knew  his  limitations 
but  he  was  obviously  open  to  attack  at  his  weakest  point.  Parker 
could  be  prophetic  but  he  had  not  the  mantle  of  Isaiah,  the  prophet- 
statesman. 

Instead  Parker's  tactics  alarmed  men.  Whether  it  was  a  sense 
that  the  sands  of  time  were  running  out,  for  he  died  the  next  year, 

7  9. 


92  THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH 

or  whether  it  was  just  his  impetuous  character,  which  caused  him 
to  press  the  issue  so  urgently,  is  hard  to  tell.  He  found  the  Union 
machinery  frustrating.  One  day  he  proposed  at  the  Union  Com 
mittee,  the  chief  executive  body,  that  there  and  then  they  should 
issue  a  declaration  stating  that  the  Congregational  Union  had 
become  a  Church.  Throughout  his  year  of  office  friends  and  oppo 
nents  were  constantly  trying  to  get  Parker  to  be  more  patient. 

Parker's  main  concern  was  to  make  Congregationalism  effective 
in  the  twentieth  century.  4  Instead  of  having  a  partially  or  loosely 
organized  Congregationalism  I  wish  to  take  part  in  the  creation 
and  full  equipment  of  an  institution  to  be  known  and  developed 
as  The  United  Congregational  Church.'  Reorganization  was  not 
'in  itself  enough.  A  new  concept  altogether,  that  of  a  Church,  would 
inspire  the  new  machine. 

He  compiled  a  long  list  of  projects  for  the  new  Church  to 
attempt.  The  Assembly  would  have  to  go.  It  wearied  him.  It  was 
4  more  talkative  than  deliberative.'  He  would  replace  it  by  an 
executive  of  five  hundred  representatives  chosen  geographically. 
The  germ  of  the  present  Council  seems  to  be  in  this  suggestion. 

Discipline  troubled  Parker.  He  was  dissatisfied  with  the  licence 
which  meant  that  '  for  anything  I  know  there  may  be  a  Congre 
gational  Church  at  the  bottom  of  my  garden  within  the  next  three 
months.'  There  ought  to  be  an  agreed  standard  of  ministerial  recog 
nition,  and  this  was  essential  to  any  system  of  sustentation.  Parker 
mentioned  the  case  of  a  pastor  who  '  did  not  recognize  me  as  a 
brother  until  he  sought  to  enrol  me  as  a  subscriber.'  This  part  of 
his  first  address  he  concluded  by  saying,  *  I  protest  against  this 
jerry  building  being  described  as  Congregationalism.' 

Parker  was  full  of  ideas.  A  method  of  removals  and  settlements 
must  be  devised  ;  many  old  central  city  churches  must  be  disposed 
of  and  in  their  place  rise  central  missions  ;  a  good  denominational 
paper  was  much  needed 

Nothing  provoked  opposition  so  much  as  Parker's  grand  sweep 
of  the  theological  training  colleges.  He  had  the  foresight  to  realize 
that  as  the  twentieth  century  went  on  the  amalgamation  of  colleges 
would  be  inevitable  and  the  Union  would  have  to  bear  more  re 
sponsibility  for  financing  training.  So  Parker  advocated  amalgama 
ting  the  existing  institutions  and  having  three,  one  each  at  Oxford, 
Cambridge  and  Durham.  The  colleges  defended  their  independence 
with  greater  zeal  than  the  churches. 

Finally,  we  must  point  out  that  Parker's  vision  took  him  far 
afield.  The  United  Congregational  Church  was  not  to  stop  at  the 


THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  93 

present  limits  of  the  Union.  One  day  it  should  embrace  the  Baptists 
and  later  on  the  Presbyterians.  Moreover,  might  not  the  Scottish 
Congregationalists  join  in,  and  perhaps  the  colonial  Unions  ? 

People  have  rightly  pointed  out  how  curious  all  this  was  in 
view  of  Parker's  violent  outburst  against  organized  Congrega 
tionalism  in  1876.  Then,  from  the  Union  platform,  he  opposed  the 
Union's  being  allowed  to  administer  large  funds.  He  poured  scorn 
on  the  idea  of  ministerial  sustentation,  saying  that  men  and  churches 
ought  to  look  after  themselves.  He  wanted  no  Union  help  for 
theological  students. 

This  is  explained  in  part  by  acknowledging  Parker's  jealousy  of 
the  Union's  Secretary,  Alexander  Hannay,  a  vigorous  leader,  who 
with  the  help  of  others  such  as  Guinness  Rogers  and  Dale,  built 
the  Union  up  to  a  position  of  consequence.  Parker  could  sneer 
at  Hannay  in  public  as  he  did  at  this  time,  saying,  4 1  rejoice  in 
the  glittering  speech  of  Mr.  Dale,  the  valiant  energy  of  Mr.  Rogers, 
and  the  delightfully-ingenious  reasoning  by  which  the  secretary 
persuades  himself  that  he  is  always  right.'  He  went  on  to  remind 
him  that  the  Union  could  not  do  without  the  churches  but  the 
churches  could  get  on  without  the  Union. 

1901,  then,  does  look  like  a  volte-face.  Parker's  biographer, 
Adamson,  attributes  it  to  none  other  than  Hannay  himself  though 
he  does  not  give  his  grounds  for  this  view.  Parker  himself  said 
quite  simply,  'For  my  own  part  I  cannot  too  frequently  or  too 
strongly  state  I  personally  want  no  change  whatsoever.  Independen 
cy  as  I  have  known  it  is  all  I  personally  want . . .  But ...  we  have 
to  deal  with  new  conditions,  indeed  with  a  new  England  and  a 
new  world.'  It  is  not  of  necessity  sin  for  a  man  to  change  his 
mind.  Despite  his  dislike  of  Hannay,  no  doubt  Parker  came  to  see 
what  good  he  had  done  for  Congregationalism  as  a  whole.  Although 
Independency  had  always  suited  Parker,  in  Manchester  and  in 
London,  where  he  had  reigned  supreme  in  his  churches,  for  he 
was  essentially  an  Independent  rather  than  a  Congregationalist, 
he  was  fair  enough  to  admit  that  churches  as  a  whole  stood  in 
need  of  something  more  than  Independency.  Parker  had,  in  mixing 
with  men  of  many  denominations  and  countries,  lost  the  parochial 
outlook  ;  many  of  the  delegates  to  the  Assembly  had  never  ex 
perienced  anything  like  this  and  had  no  such  vision. 

Is  it  possible  to  penetrate  Parker's  mind  and  discover  what 
was  the  motive  of  his  proposals?  Certain  facts  stand  out  amongst 
the  many  involved;  we  may  turn  each  one  into  the  form  of  a  ques 
tion  and  then  see  if  an  answer  will  lead  us  to  the  motive  we  are 


94  THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH 

seeking.  First,  why  did  Parker  take  so  great  a  leap  and  propose  to 
change  the  Union  into  a  Church?  Why  would  not  a  refurbished 
Union  do?  Why  had  it  to  be  a  Church?  Second,  why  did  he  choose 
Oxford,  Cambridge  and,  above  all,  Durham,  as  the  places  where 
he  wanted  to  see  ministers  trained?  Third,  should  any  particular 
significance  be  attached  to  his  hope  that  the  Baptists  and  Pres 
byterians,  the  Scottish  Congregationalists  and  maybe  others,  would 
join  the  new.  Church  eventually?  Was  this  aspiration  stimulated 
by  charity  and  a  desire  for  reunion  or  was  there  more  to  it  ? 

These  questions  placed  against  the  background  of  the  times 
and  of  Parker's  life  and  words  seem  to  call  forth  one  answer.  The 
United  Congregational  Church  was  Parker's  next  step  forward  for 
Congregationalists  in  competition  with  the  Church  of  England. 
Moreover,  he  hoped  that  it  might  turn  into  an  advance  for  Non 
conformists  as  a  whole,  despite  the  unhappy  fact  that  he  was 
obliged  to  leave  aside  the  Methodist  denominations.  Throughout 
Parker's  lifetime  disestablishment  had  been  the  object  of  Non 
conformity.  In  the  first  decade  of  this  century  Nonconformists 
fully  expected  the  Liberal  government  to  destroy  the  Anglicans' 
privileges.  In  this  they  were  disappointed  save  in  Wales.  So  then, 
in  1901  this  question  was  as  prominent  as  the  ecumenical  one 
to-day.  If  we  turn  back  to  what  Parker  said  in  1884  in  his  Address 
to  the  Assembly  upon  the  first  occasion  that  he  was  elected  to  the 
Chair  we  see  what  his  feelings  were  on  the  question.  Three  short 
quotations  will  suffice.  '  Ecclesiastical  differences  are  accompanied 
by  social  distinctions  ' ;  there  exists  '  a  royal  church  and  a  plebeian 
chapel ' ;  '  Dissent  is  one  of  the  costliest  professions  in  England 
....  All  social  prizes  are  to  be  found  in  the  other  direction.' 
What  evidence  to  support  Dr.  C  H.  Dodd's  non-theological  factors 
in  reunion  discussions ! 

Indeed,  it  does  not  appear  far-fetched  to  compare  Parker's  ex 
perience  with  that  of  some  Trade  Unionists  in  our  generation. 
Both  he  and  they  began  life  in  humble  surroundings.  Their  edu 
cation  was  rudimentary.  Parker  never  went  to  college  ;  he  was 
largely  self-educated.  So  were  many  Trade  Union  leaders.  Parker 
was  brought  up  on  the  milk  of  Russell,  reform  and  republicanism  ; 
they  fed  on  radicalism  though  of  a  later  date.  Parker  then  came 
to  London  and  began  his  apprenticeship  to  the  pulpit  under  Camp 
bell.  This  stage  in  his  career  compares  with  the  Trade  Unionists' 
initiation  into  secretarial  and  administrative  work  as  full-time 
organizers.  Parker  went  to  Cavendish  Chapel,  Manchester,  in  1858 
and  there  began  mixing  with  wealthy  folk  with  strong  Liberal 


THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  95 

politics.  From  there  he  returned  to  London  and  after  five  years, 
in  1874,  built  the  City  Temple.  Now  he  began  fraternizing  with 
people  of  social  distinction  and  he  felt  that  he  was  on  equal  terms 
with  any  canon  or  bishop.  He  invited  prominent  Anglicans  to  his 
pulpit  to  speak  to  his  multitude  and  he  felt  at  the  time  confident 
that  the  pulpit  of  Westminster  Abbey  would  shortly  be  open  to 
him.  He  was  over-optimistic.  This  phase  of  Parker's  life  corres 
ponds  with  that  of  the  Trade  Union  official  during  the  war  and 
after  it  when  he  was  invited  to  join  the  coalition  government  and 
then  the  Labour  administration.  The  new  world  in  which  he  had 
to  live  could  not  but  affect  him,  his  views  and  even  his  dress. 
And  perhaps  the  greatest  change  in  him  was  that  he  was  far  less 
inclined  to  want  to  pull  down  the  social  structure  ;  instead  he 
began  to  praise  the  new  system  which  would  give  everyone  equal 
opportunity  to  reach  the  highest  levels.  This  new  mode  of  thought 
was  perhaps  epitomized  in  the  case  of  those  who  had  once  opposed 
royalty  but  who  through  contact  with  George  VI  during  the  war 
began  to  see  the  value  of  the  monarchy.  Parker  passed  through 
this  kind  of  experience.  Once  before  a  large  public,  he  too  re 
appraised  his  republican  position  and  became  a  royalist ;  his  style 
of  living  was  manifestly  different  from  the  stonemason's  home 
where  he  had  been  born  and  bred.  Parker,  then,  had  mixed  suf 
ficiently  with  society  and  possessed  sufficient  power  to  feel  his 
way  out  of  the  merely  negative  attitude  of  those  who  for  most 
of  the  nineteenth  century  had  been  campaigning  for  disestablish 
ment,  towards  a  new  approach,  positive  and  at  closer  quarters  with 
the  Church  of  England.  He  wanted  to  feel  equal  to  the  Anglican. 
Just  as  the  Socialist  often  began  by  trying  to  tear  down  his  rival 
and  ended  by  climbing  up  to  his  place,  so  Parker  began  as  a  young 
fellow,  a  conventional  Nonconformist  opposing  the  Establishment, 
bat  as  he  grew  in  power  he  took  every  step  he  could  to  place 
himself  and  his  people  on  a  level  with  the  Church  of  England. 
The  very  name  City  Temple  suggests  the  transition  at  work  as 
early  as  1874,  for  the  conventional  Nonconformist  and  the  die 
hard  Congregationalist  would  hardly  have  chosen  it. 

Therefore  Parker  had  to  have  a  Church  with  which  to  compete 
with  a  Church.  Its  ministers  would  be  trained  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  Anglicans.  And  it  would  be  of  tremendous  value  if  it  did 
not  remain  a  Congregational  Church  but  a  larger  body  embracing 
other  Nonconformist  denominations. 

That  his  hearers  appreciated  the  innuendos  seems  evident  from 
the  report  of  the  Assembly  in  The  Christian  World,  5  April,  1901. 

7  * 


96  THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH 

The  reporter  comments  that  although  Parker  was  heard  seriously 
obviously  his  proposals  did  not  commend  themselves  to  most  of 
those  present.  Everyone  realized,  however,  that  '  for  Free  Church 
men  to  persist  in  maintaining  the  status  quo  is  manifestly  to  stultify 
their  essential  position.'  He  goes  on  to  suggest  to  Parker  that  he 
return  to  the  old  familiar  drum  of  disestablishment  in  the  autumn 
which  his  hearers  long  to  hear  beating.  Parker  refused. 

The  files  of  The  Christian  World,  1900-01,  also  reveal  that 
Parker's  proposals  were  not  so  fantastic  as  we  might  be  led  to 
suppose.  It  appears  that  correspondence  on  the  theme  continued 
throughout  the  winter  preceding  Parker's  Address.  Apart  from 
Guinness  Rogers  who  as  a  veteran  warned  the  young  men  like 
J.  D.  Jones  not  to  overload  the  Union  with  responsibilities,  most 
of  the  correspondents  favoured  some  forward  move.  Richard 
Lovett  wrote  a  series  of  letters  on  the  reformation  of  the  Union 
and  introduced  the  phrase  '  the  Congregational  Church,'  meaning 
the  Union,  into  his  material  without  appearing  to  notice  that  he 
had  done  it.  The  phrase  was  noted  by  readers  but  no  one  waxed 
wrathful  about  it ;  perhaps  it  was  not  taken  seriously.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  know  whether  Parker  and  Lovett  were  campaigning 
together.  Certainly  the  editor  was  behind  them  in  their  efforts. 

The  response  of  the  Counties  and  churches  is  also  interesting. 
The  Assembly  sent  Parker's  proposals  to  them  and  what  is  remark 
able  is  that  six  County  Unions  gave  general  approval  to  them 
whilst  seventeen  wanted  something  less,  and  164  out  of  642 
churches  which  replied  to  the  Union  liked  that  title  The  United 
Congregational  Church.  161  churches  said  that  they  preferred 
the  present  title.  Most  of  the  churches  replying  wanted  something 
less  than  Parker's  proposals  but  somthing  more  than  the  status  quo. 
It  is  noted  that  the  smaller  churches  were  most  in  favour.  Parker's 
proposals  were  naturally  dropped  but  what  surprises  one  looking 
back  across  sixty  years,  from  a  time  when  proposals  with  some 
affinity  to  Parker's  are  again  being  sent  to  the  churches  of  the 
Union,  is  that  the  minority  which  supported  Parker  was  as  signifi 
cant  as  it  was. 

JOHN   H.    TAYLOR 

N.B.  The  figures  here  are  taken  from  Dr.  A.  Peel's  These  Hundred  Years, 
(1931)  pp.  351-3,  which  also  gives  a  fuller  account  of  Parker's  Addresses. 
Other  sources  used  in  the  article  include  The  Congregational  Year  Books  ; 
W.  Adamson's  Life  (1902);  and  Parker's  A  Preacher's  Life  (1899). 


Selections  from  the  Fathers 

1.     Robert  Browne  (b) 

In  the  last  issue  of  Transactions  we  printed  some  extracts  from 
Robert  Browne  showing  his  understanding  of  the  Church,  its 
relationship  to  the  State  and  to  the  people,  its  spiritual  fellowship 
and  structure.  In  this  issue  we  are  drawing  attention  to  Browne's 
place  for  Synods  and  similar  activities,  a  theme  he  was  unable  to 
develop  owing  to  the  circumstances  of  his  time ;  to  his  strong 
Genevan  views  on  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  briefly  to  his  emphasis 
upon  discipline  in  all  spheres  of  life,  including  the  Church.  These 
are  three  aspects  of  Browne  which  distinguish  him  sharply  from 
the  severely  independent,  non-sacramental,  and  democratic  type 
of  Congregationalism  the  last  century. 

Synods  and  other  meetings  between  churches 

A  Synode  is  a  Joining  or  partaking  of  the  authorise  of  manie 
Churches  mette  togither  in  peace,  for  redresse  and  deciding  of 
matters,  which  can  not  well  be  otherwise  taken  up. 

Prophecie  is  a  joining  or  partaking  of  the  office  of  manie 
Teachers  in  peaceable  manner,  both  for  judgement  and  triall,  and 
also  for  the  use  of  everie  mannes  gifte,  in  talke,  reasoning,  ex 
hortation,  or  doctrine. 

Eldership  is  a  Joining  or  partaking  of  the  authoritie  of  Elders, 
or  forwardest  and  wisest  in  a  peaceable  meeting,  for  redressing  and 
deciding  of  matters  in  particular  Churches,  and  for  counsaile 
therein.  A  Booke  which  sheweth,  D4  recto. 

The  Lord's  Supper 

The  Lords  Supper  is  a  Sacrament  or  marke  of  the  apparent 
Church,  sealing  to  us  by  the  breaking  and  eating  of  breade  and 
drinking  the  Cuppe  in  one  holie  communion,  and  by  the  worde 
accordinglie  preached,  that  we  are  happilie  redeemed  by  the 
breaking  of  the  bodie  and  shedding  of  the  bloud  of  Christ  Jesus, 
and  we  thereby  growe  into  one  bodie  and  the  church,  in  one 
communion  of  graces,  whereof  Christ  is  the  heade,  to  keepe  and 
seeke  agreement  under  one  lawe  and  governement  in  all  thanke- 
fulnes  &  holy  obedience.  Ibid.  E3  recto. 

97 


98  SELECTIONS  :    ROBERT  BROWNE 

What  preparation  must  there  be  to  receave  the  Lords  supper  ? 

There  must  be  a  separation  from  those  which  are  none  of  the 
church,  or  be  unmeete  to  receave,  that  the  worthie  may  be  onely 
receaved. 

All  open  offences  and  faultings  must  be  redressed. 

All  must  prove  and  examine  them  selves,  that  their  conscience 
be  cleare  by  faith  and  repentance,  before  they  receave. 

How  is  the  supper  rightlie  ministred  ? 

The  worde  must  be  duelie  preached. 

And  the  signe  of  sacrament  must  be  rightlie  applied  thereto. 

Ibid.  E2  verso. 

How  must  the  worde  be  duelie  preached  ? 

The  death  and  tormentes  of  Christ,  by  breaking  his  bodie  and 
sheading  his  bloud  for  our  sinnes,  must  be  shewed  by  the  lawfull 
preacher. 

Also  he  must  shewe  the  spirituall  use  of  the  bodie  &  bloud  of 
Christ  Jesus,  by  a  spirituall  feeding  thereon,  and  growinge  into 
it,  by  one  holie  communion. 

Ibid.  E2  recto. 

How  must  the  signe  be  applied  thereto  ? 

The  preacher  must  take  breade  and  blesse  and  geve  thankes,  and 
then  must  he  breake  it  and  pronounce  it  to  be  the  body  of  Christ, 
which  was  broken  for  them,  that  by  faith  they  might  feede  thereon 
spirituallie  &  growe  into  one  spiritual  bodie  of  Christ,  and  so  be 
eating  thereof  himselfe,  must  bidd  them  take  and  eate  it  among 
them,  and  feede  on  Christ  in  their  consciences. 

Likewise  also  must  he  take  the  cuppe  and  blesse  and  geve 
thankes,  and  so  pronounce  it  to  be  the  bloud  of  Christ  in  the  newe 
Testament,  which  was  shedd  for  remission  of  sinnes,  that  by  faith 
we  might  drinke  it  spirituallie,  and  so  be  nourished  in  one  spirituall 
bodie  of  Christ,  all  sinne  being  clensed  away,  and  then  he  drinking 
thereof  himselfe  must  bidd  them  drinke  there  of  likewise  and 
divide  it  among  them,  and  feede  on  Christe  in  their  consciences. 

Then  must  they  all  geve  thankes  praying  for  their  further  profit 
ing  in  godliness  &  vowing  their  obedience. 

Ibid.  E4  verso. 
Authority  in  Church,  State  and  Family 

How  must  Superiors  execute  their  callinge  by  ruling  their 
inferiours  ? 

They  must  esteeme  right  and  due. 

They  must  uphould  the  same. 


SELECTIONS  :   ROBERT  BROWNE  99 

By  appointing  to  others  their  dueties. 
They  must  take  accountes.1 

Ibid.  K3  verso. 

What  say  you  of  the  dueties  of  submission  to  Superiours  ? 
They  consist  in  esteeming  them. 
In  honouring  them. 
In  serving  them. 

Ibid.  L2  verso. 
(Concluded) 

J.H.T. 

1  Browne's  criticism  of  the  clergy  is  that  they  are  '  too  homelie  '  with  their 
people. 


OUR  CONTEMPORARIES 

The  Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England,  Vol.  xii, 
No.  1  (May  1960)  includes,  in  addition  to  some  notes  on  the  story  of 
Westminster  College,  and  a  survey  of  '  Conventicals  and  Conventiclers  : 
Surrey  and  Sussex'  by  Dr.  S.  W.  Carruthers,  an  interesting  paper  by 
Christina  Scott  on  '  Calvinism  and  the  Witchcraft  Persecution  in  England  '. 
She  seeks  to  show  that  this  blot  cannot  be  attributed  primarily  to  Calvin 
and  his  disciples. 

The   Transactions   of   the   Unitarian   Historical    Society,    Vol.   xii,   No.   2 
(October  1960)  has  an  account  by  Mortimer  Rowe  on  the  High  Court  case 
fought  in  connection  with  'The  Old  Meeting  Church,  Birmingham'. 
The  Journal  of  the  Friends'  Historical  Society  : 

Vol.  xlix  No.  2  includes  a  fascinating  chapter  in  Quaker  history  :  '  Auth 
ority  or  Experience'  by  Richenda  C.  Scott.  It  illustrates  how  modern 
Friends  grew  out  of  Nineteenth  Century  Evangelicalism  with  its  Infallible 
Book. 

Vol.  xlix  No.  3  has  an  account  of  the  'Friends'  Reference  Library'  by 
Muriel  A.  Hicks — Congregationalists  may  be  forgiven  a  twinge  of  envy  ! 
The  Baptist  Quarterly  : 

Vol.  xviii,  Nos.  6,  7,  8  (April-October  1960).  Vol.  xix,  No.  1  (January  1961). 
Vol.  xvili,  No.  7  has  a  useful  survey  by  C.  B.  Jewson  'Norfolk  Baptists 
up  to  1700'.  This  is  concluded  in  No.  8,  which  also  carries  the  first  half 
(completed  in  xix,  No.  /)  of  an  article  by  B.  G.  Cooper,  'The  academic 
Re-discovery  of  Apocalyptic  Ideas  in  the  Seventeenth  Century'. 
Proceedings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society,  Vol.  xxxii,  Parts  5,  6,  7  8 
(March  1960— December  1960).  Brian  J.  N.  Galliers  writes  on  'Baptism' in 
the  writings  of  John  Wesley',  in  Parts  6  and  7;  and  B.  C.  Drury  on 
*  John  Wesley,  Hymnologist '  in  Parts  5  and  6. 

W.W.B. 


REVIEWS 

A  History  of  Scottish  Congregationalism  by  Harry  Escott. 
(Congregational  Union  of  Scotland,  1960,  30s.). 

It  is  now  sixty  years  ago  since  the  first  and  only  previous  history 
of  Scottish  Congregationalism  was  written.  This  volume  represents 
all  the  gains  of  the  intervening  years,  and  must  entirely  replace  its 
predecessor.  To  begin  with  it  corrects  the  countless  mistakes  of  fact 
and  figure  with  which  James  Ross'  history  abounded.  It  has  proved 
possible  within  the  compass  of  this  book  to  include  a  list  of  all  the 
churches  with  their  ministers  ;  here  Ross  was  particularly  defective. 

More  important  since  Ross's  days  have  been  the  researches  by 
J.  T.  Hornsby  and  others  into  the  pre-history.  Congregationalism 
in  Scotland  derived  but  little  directly  from  England.  Primary  source 
was  the  independent  searching  of  the  Scriptures  undertaken  here 
and  there  in  the  eighteenth  century  by  individuals  who  gathered 
churches  round  about  them.  Sometimes  these  little  causes  multiplied 
and  grouped  together  to  form  Bereans,  Glasites,  Old  Scots  Inde 
pendents  and  the  like.  After  a  while  and  one  by  one  they  died 
out,  except  that  one  congregation  of  the  Independents  continued 
right  up  to  modern  times  in  Glasgow.  These  eddies  had  little 
significance  of  themselves,  but  were  signs  of  a  moving  of  the  waters. 

The  tide  which  began  to  flow  at  the  end  of  the  century  was  part 
of  that  great  restless  movement  of  the  age  which  expressed  itself 
in  many  ways  in  many  lands,  but.  notably  in  Scotland  in  the  poetry 
of  Robert  Burns.  It  rose  from  a  weary  impatience  with  formalism, 
legalism  and  bigotry  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  new  appreciation  of 
the  opportunities  newly  opened  overseas  as  at  home  to  the  Church. 
It  was  no  accident  that  the  spiritual  revival  which  led  to  Scottish 
Congregationalism  was  led  by  two  laymen,  brothers  incidentally, 
who  were  engaged  in  foreign  trade.  As  in  England  two  centuries 
earlier  and  in  other  lands  also,  the  movement  was  intended  to 
refresh  and  reform  the  Church,  not  to  break  from  it.  To  quote 
Dr.  Escott,  'Had  the  early  Congregationalists  found  sympathetic 
support  for  their  views  regarding  the  membership  of  the  church  as  a 
spiritual  fellowship,  and  had  church  courts  not  interfered  with 
their  efforts  by  means  of  lay-preachers  and  others  to  carry  on  the 
work  of  evangelisation,  Congregationalism  would  not  have  found 
a  footing  in  Scotland  at  the  time  it  did  '.  In  less  than  twenty  years, 
however,  and  twenty  before  the  similar  step  was  taken  in  England 
a  Congregational  Union  had  been  formed. 

The  third  gain  in  understanding  which  has  come  since  Ross's 
writing  has  been  the  possibility  of  an  evaluation  of  the  joining  of 

100 


REVIEWS  101 

Congregational  churches  with  those  of  the  Evangelical  Union.  The 
latter  was  a  break  away  from  the  Secession  Church  and  in  part  also 
from  Congregationalism  on  doctrinal  grounds.  It  was  at  this  point 
that  there  broke  into  Scottish  religious  thinking  the  first  serious 
criticism  of  the  Calvinist  views  which  had  been  its  pattern  since 
1560.  The  Union  of  1896  represented  the  fairly  rapid  move  of  all 
the  churches  of  Scotland  in  this  direction.  It  brought  with  it  a 
Presbyterian  flavour  which  is  a  continuing  part  of  Scottish  Con 
gregationalism. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Scottish  Congregationalism  has  not 
suffered  the  numerical  losses  known  in  the  last  fifty  years  in  Eng 
land  where  Congregational  church  membership  has  declined  by 
fifty  per  cent.  In  Scotland  the  membership  is  little  less  than  it  ever 
was  at  its  highest  figure.  The  assessment  of  more  recent  times  is 
always  the  most  difficult  task  for  the  historian.  It  is  not  yet  clear 
what  the  future  is  going  to  be  and  therefore  the  real  significance 
of  the  present  is  uncertain.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
latter  part  of  this  book  seems  to  have  less  shape  than  the  earlier. 
The  fact  is  that  Congregationalism  in  Scotland  would  seem  to  be 
approaching  a  decisive  period.  Its  Congregationalism  has  had  less 
strong  contacts  with  that  of  England  than  seems  right  within  an 
international  fellowship.  Perhaps  the  lesser  has  feared  possible 
absorption  in  the  greater,  and  the  greater  has  been  too  busy.  Now 
within  the  ecumenical  movement,  which  so  often  takes  national 
boundaries,  Scottish  Congregationalism  may  have  to  decide  whether 
being  Scottish  is  more  important  than  being  Congregational,  or 
vice  versa. 

This  is  a  thorough  and  adequate  production  and  will  surely  be 
and  remain  for  very  long  the  standard  history. 

R.    F.   G.    CALDER 

A  Church  History  of  Scotland  by  J.  H.  S.  Burleigh  (Oxford 
University  Press,  1960,  42s.). 

For  the  contents,  style  and  format  of  this  book  Principal  Burleigh 
deserves  praise  and  gratitude.  As  a  Congregationalist,  however,  I 
offer  two  criticisms.  There  is  much  here  about  the  rights  of  Con 
gregations  in  the  settlement  of  ministers,  the  spiritual  independence 
of  the  Church,  and  the  nineteenth  century  revolt  from  hyper- 
Calvinism.  There  is  also  a  general  reference  to  the  Haldane  mission. 
But  there  is  nothing  about  the  96  Congregational  Churches  which 
united  in  1812  ;  nothing  about  Congregationalism's  subsequent  and 
spiritually  important  history.  There  is  no  single  salute  to  the  out- 


102  REVIEWS 

standing  preachers,  scholars,  and  administrators  of  Scottish  Con 
gregationalism  who  surely  deserve  a  place  in  any  competent 
4  Church  History  of  Scotland  '.  Edward  Irving  is  here  with  his 
amazing,  amusing,  and  tragic  eccentricities.  But  not  a  word  about 
Greville  Ewing  (1767-1841)  who  was  *  the  architect  and  builder 
of  modern  Scottish  Congregationalism  '  (Escott.  p.  86). 

Again,  in  moving  terms  the  author  describes  the  dramatic  birth 
of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland.  But  the  excitement  and  glamour 
of  the  Disruption  has  muted  almost  to  silence  the  quiet  voice  of 
small,  pious,  and  scholarly  James  Morison  (1816-1893) — wrongly 
spelt  '  Morrison ' — who  is  mentioned  in  17  cool  words.  Nothing 
is  here  of  the  90  Evangelical  Union  Churches  founded  on  Morison's 
teaching,  or  of  the  Evangelical  Union  itself  formed  in  1843  and 
uniting  with  the  Congregational  Union  in  1896.  As  late  as  1863, 
the  United  Presbyterian  and  the  Free  Churches  were  jointly  dis 
cussing  the  very  doctrines,  *  Atonement,  Predestination,  and  the 
universality  of  the  offer  of  the  Gospel ' — concerning  which  James 
Morison  had  pioneered  22  years  earlier. 

Dr.  Burleigh  had  not  the  inestimable  benefit  of  consulting  Dr. 
Harry  Escott's  admirable  volume  A  History  of  Scottish  Congrega 
tionalism  published  in  1960.  Yet  the  material  on  which  Dr.  Escott 
based  his  important  book  was  surely  available  for  research  if  any 
ecclesiastical  historian  had  the  mind  to  find  and  use  it. 

Frankly,  I  prefer  the  historian  who  has  the  energy,  daring,  and 
imagination  to  get  busy  behind  the  monumental  figures  to  find  the 
quiet  saints  and  seers  from  whom  the  ecclesiastical  giants  gained 
their  unacknowledged  insights  and  wisdom. 

And  yet,  Principal  Burleigh  has  put  us  all  in  his  debt  by  giving 
us  this  fruit  of  his  ripe  scholarship. 

JAMES  M.   CALDER 

English  Religious  Dissent  by  Erik  Routley  (Cambridge  University 
Press,  1960,  18s.  6d.). 

Dissent  has  become  sufficiently  respectable  and  successful  for 
the  orthodox  to  wonder  what  it  is  all  about :  and  for  dissenters 
to  beware.  Dr.  Erik  Routley  has  written  a  book  which  will  satisfy 
the  curiosity  of  intelligent  Anglicans  and  be  a  stimulant  and  a 
warning  to  dissenters.  It  does  not  follow  the  development  of  any 
denomination  but  tells  the  story  of  Dissent  as  a  whole,  telling  it 
vividly,  with  a  skilful  selection  from  the  vast  amount  of  revelant 
historical  material,  with  humour  and  with  an  adequate  degree  of 
controversy.  '  If  the  Dissenter  imagines  that  Dissent  begins  at 


REVIEWS  103 

1662  he  will  go  astray ',  declares  Dr.  Routley  and,  certainly,  those 
who  are  interested  in  tercentenary  celebrations  could  not  do  better 
than  sharpen  theii  memories — for  there  are  some  inaccuracies — 
and  quicken  their  imaginations  by  reading  this  book.  More  im 
portant  still,  it  should  assist  us  to  grapple  with  that  dangerous 
problem  which  arises  inevitably  with  success  '  where  do  we  go 
from  here  ?  '.  English  Religious  Dissent  is  in  the  Cambridge 
'  English  Institutions  '  series  which,  perhaps,  justifies  the  author's 
use  of  a  political  analogy — Dissent  is  to  the  established  church 
what  the  Opposition  in  parliament  is  to  the  Government.  4  Opposi 
tion  '  and  '  alternative  government '  imply  some  difference  in  aim 
and,  to  that  extent,  this  analogy  might  be  misunderstood.  But, 
anyway,  in  a  crisis  Government  and  Opposition  are  forced  into 
coalition. 

BERNARD   MARTIN 

The  Creeds  and  Platforms  of  Congregationalism  by  Williston 
Walker  (Pilgrim  Press,  1960,  $2.45). 

This  is  a  reprint  *  without  change  by  jot  or  tittle  '  of  one  of  the 
monumental  pieces  of  historical  study.  It  has  been  issued  to 
commemorate  the  birth  of  Williston  Walker.  There  are  604  pages, 
including  a  copious  index.  There  is  no  collection  of  documents 
concerning  Separatism  and  Congregationalism  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic  up  to  the  last  century  to  match  Creeds  and  Platforms 
but  copies  of  it  have  been  hard  to  obtain  apart  from  the  libraries. 
The  reprint  of  this  source  book  is  most  welcome.  The  volume  also 
contains  an  introduction  by  Douglas  Horton. 

A  History  of  Howard  Congregational  Church,  Bedford  by  H.  G. 
Tibbutt  (Howard  Congregational  Church,  1961,  4s.). 

Mr.  Tibbutt  has  done  it  again.  This  is  his  tenth  '  chapel '  or 
academy  history.  By  this  time  he  begins  to  know  Bedfordshire 
inside  out ! 

This  history  is  far  more  useful  than  the  average,  not  only  because 
of  Mr.  Tibbutt's  knowledge  and  skill,  but  because  a  wealth  of 
documents  relating  to  the  early  history  of  the  cause  has  been 
brought  to  light.  It  is  possible  to  trace  in  considerable  detail  and 
from  more  than  one  angle  the  split  in  Bunyan  Meeting,  Bedford, 
caused  by  the  conversion  of  the  minister  to  the  Baptist  point  of 
view,  which  resulted  in  the  formation  of  Howard.  Some  varying 
lights  upon  John  Howard's  character  and  interest  in  the  church 
are  seen ;  one  notes  that  although  Howard  certainly  exerted 


104  REVIEWS 

influence  over  the  churches  and  was  generous  to  the  new  church, 
he  was  not  a  member.  Anyone  interested  in  the  life  of  Thomas 
Binney  ought  to  consult  this  book.  Binney  stayed  only  a  few 
months  in  Bedford  but  his  impact  was  sensational  and  his  exit 
highly  dramatic.  If  the  story  be  correct,  having  been  refused  the 
hand  of  a  certain  young  lady  he  *  strode  out  of  the  room  and  left 
Bedford  the  following  day '.  There  were  no  Moderators  to  face 
in  those  days. 

An  Ecclesiastical  Dispute  at  Wood  house  by  C.  E.  Welch 
(Leicestershire  Archeological  and  Historical  Society,  Guildhall, 
Leicester,  1959,  2s.). 

Here  we  have  in  a  brief  compass  the  story  of  a  church  quarrel 
about  the  year  1627  which  originated  in  the  dislike  of  a  Puritan 
minister's  new  practices.  Members  of  the  congregation  took  sides 
and  the  controversy  was  taken  to  the  archdeaconry  court  where  the 
contestants  emptied  their  pockets  for  fees  without  gaining  anything. 
For  a  picture  of  the  corruption  of  the  system  this  short  account 
takes  some  beating. 

JOHN  H.   TAYLOR 

ALSO  RECEIVED  :  The  Eighteenth-Century  Forerunner  of  the 
Lomhm  Library  by  Paul  Kaufman  ;  The  Tiverton  Congregational 
Church,  1660-1960  by  W.  P.  Authers  ;  The  Ancient  Mariner  by 
Bernard  Martin. 


TRANSACTIONS 

THE  CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
EDITOR  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.   XIX.      NO.    3.      OCTOBER    1962 

CONTENTS 

Editorial        105 

The    Congregationalism    of    Henry    Jacob     by    John    von    Rohr, 

B.D.,  Ph.D ! 107 

Selections  from  the  Fathers:    Henry   Jacob    ...         ...         ...         ...         118 

An    Eighteenth    Century    Young    Congregationalist    by    William    J. 

Brown,  M.A.  123 

Our  Contemporaries  128 

Letters    Incidental    to    Samuel    Say's    Call    to    Westminster,    1734 

(Part  II)  by  B.  Cohens-Hardy,  D.L.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.   ...         ...         129 

The    Fundamental    Principle    of    the    London    Missionary    Society 

(Part  I)  by  Irene  M.  Fletcher  ...  ...         138 

The      Turvey      and      Ongar      Academy      by      H.      G       Tibbutt, 

F.R.Hist.S.,   F.S.A 147 

Thomas  Phipson — An  Independent  Settler  in  Natal,  1849  by  R.  N. 

Currey,  M.A. ...         156 

Congregational   Church    Records   (List   3)       158 

Lyon    Turner's    Original    Records  :     Notes    and    Identifications    V 

by   Geoffrey  F.    Nuttall,   M.A.,   D.D 160 

Reviews         165 

Editorial 

The  Annual  Meeting :  Our  Records 

The  63rd  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society,  held  at  Westminster 
Chapel  on  16  May,  1962,  was  of  an  unusual  character.  As  Dr. 
Ernest  A.  Payne  had  delivered  to  the  Assembly  an  excellent  paper 
commemorating  1662  on  the  Tuesday  evening,  we  had  no  paper 
read  to  us.  Instead  we  enjoyed  a  less  formal  but  highly  instructive 
and  interesting  talk  by  Mr.  H.  G.  Tibbutt,  our  Research  Secretary, 
on  church  records.  The  attendance  was  about  the  usual  number  and 
some  were  heard  to  remark  upon  leaving  that  they  intended 
searching  out  the  records  of  their  churches  upon  their  return  home. 
Mr.  Tibbutt  widened  our  understanding  of  what  constituted 
records  ;  he  impressed  upon  us  the  need  to  preserve  them  properly, 
if  possible  putting  them  into  the  care  of  the  local  Record  Office ; 
and  he  showed  us  an  example  of  a  dilapidated  church  book  which 
the  Bedford  Record  Office  had  restored.  This  piece  of  work  truly 
amazed  everyone. 

105 


106  EDITORIAL 

A.  J.  Grieve  Prize  Essay  Competition 

Dr.  W.  Gordon  Robinson,  our  President,  who  took  the  Chair  at 
the  Annual  Meeting,  announced  that  the  first  prize  in  the  competi 
tion  had  been  won  by  Dr.  Stephen  H.  Mayor  with  an  essay  on 
1662  to  1962 :  Has  Nonconformity  Justified  Itself  ?  Dr.  Mayor 
stood  to  receive  the  warm  applause  of  the  audience.  The  second 
prize  went  to  Dr.  A.  F.  Simpson  of  Edinburgh  and  the  third  to 
Mr.  P.  H.  Linsey  of  Cardiff.  Dr.  Robinson  was  thanked  for 
adjudicating. 

Our  Contributors 

We  always  like  introducing  new  contributors  to  our  pages,  and 
in  this  issue  we  have  the  unusual  pleasure  of  presenting  some  recent 
work  by  an  American.  Dr.  John  von  Rohr,  who  writes  on  Henry 
Jacob,  is  Professor  of  Historical  Theology  and  the  History  of 
Christianity  at  the  Pacific  School  of  Religion,  Berkeley,  California. 
Not  only  does  he  write  in  this  issue  for  us  but  he  has  promised  to 
help  to  keep  us  more  in  touch  with  the  thought  and  work  of  those 
interested  in  Congregational  History  in  the  United  States  by 
sending  us  regular  reports  of  their  activities. 

Mr.  R.  N.  Currey  of  Colchester,  who  sends  us  a  short  description 
of  Thomas  Phipson,  has  had  some  books  of  verse  published  by  the 
Oxford  University  Press,  and  is  hoping  to  publish  a  book  on 
Phipson.  The  Rev.  W."  J.  Brown  of  Northampton  is  another  new 
contributor.  Miss  Irene  Fletcher  is  not  a  new  contributor.  In  this 
issue  she  reveals  some  of  the  little  known  Continental  connections 
of  the  London  Missionary  Society  in  its  early  days.  Those  interest 
ed  in  the  social  history  of  the  Churches  will  enjoy  Mr.  Cozens- 
Hardy's  letters  between  Samuel  Say  and  his  wife. 

We  should  like  to  make  it  plain  to  members  of  the  Society  that 
we  welcome  their  contributions,  although  we  cannot  promise  to 
publish  what  is  sent.  This  depends  entirely  upon  its  merits.  But  we 
do  not  receive  those  short  notes  and  queries  which  some  of  our 
contemporaries  publish  regularly,  and  the  Research  Secretary  and 
Editor  would  particularly  welcome  such  contributions. 

We  should  also  like  to  thank  those  members  who  readily  review 
books  for  us  when  requested.  We  try  to  have  reviews  which  attempt 
some  judgment  on  the  books  and  not  merely  a  few  lines  describing 
the  contents,  although  in  a  few  cases  we  are  obliged  to  limit 
ourselves  to  short  notices. 


THE     CONGREGATIONALISM     OF 
HENRY    JACOB 

Perhaps  no  figure  in  Congregational  history  has  experienced 
such  a  conversion  in  interpretation  as  has  Henry  Jacob.  Pictured 
for  almost  two  centuries  as  a  Separatist  influenced  in  that  direction 
by  John  Robinson,  ever  since  Neal  introduced  this  portrayal  in  his 
History  of  the  Puritans  (1733),  Jacob's  converted  '  new  life '  as  a 
non-separatist  who  actually  led  Robinson  himself  to  milder  views 
began  with  the  monumental  researches  of  Champlin  Burrage  and 
the  publication  of  his  Early  English  Dissenters  (1912).  But  even 
ihen,  as  is  probably  the  case  in  all  conversions,  the  old  Adam  was 
not  completely  and  immediately  overcome — witness  Haller's  con 
tinuing  association  of  Jacob  with  Separatism  in  his  Rise  of 
Puritanism  (1938).  But  the  work  of  Burrage  rests  on  solid  founda 
tion,  supported  particularly  by  Perry  Miller  in  his  Orthodoxy  in 
Massachusetts  (1933),  and  clearly  points  the  way  to  Jacob's  true 
relation  to  both  the  Established  and  the  Separatist  churches  of  his 
day.  And  yet  though  the  ultimate  success  of  the  conversion  may 
seem  assured,  the  explication  of  the  subject  of  that  conversion  is  by 
no  means  complete.  Hence  the  purpose  of  this  paper  is  to  examine 
some  of  the  detailed  character  of  Jacob's  Congregationalism. 

Born  in  1563,  educated  at  Oxford,  Jacob  received  Anglican 
Orders  and  probably  served  a  parish  in  Kent  prior  to  his  develop 
ment  of  Congregational  non-conformity.  The  latter,  however, 
clearly  came  to  the  fore  by  1604  when  he  published  his  Reasons 
.  .  .  Proving  A  Necessitie  of  Reforming  our  Churches  in  England, 
a  volume  which  resulted  in  his  imprisonment  in  the  Clink  prior  to 
his  exile  in  Holland  in  1605  or  1606.  Upon  his  return  to  England 
in  1616  Jacob  founded  the  church  in  South wark  which  claims  to 
be  the  first  continuing  Congregational  Church  on  English  soil— 
and  thus  earned  from  his  son  the  title,  whether  proper  or  not,  of 
England's  *  first  Independent  V 

An  initial  inquiry  regarding  Jacob's  Congregationalism  may 
concern  the  time  of  its  origin  in  his  development.  Biographical 
data  is  essentially  lacking  for  the  period  prior  to  1604,  but  1599 
witnessed  the  publication  of  his  Defence  of  the  Churches  and 
Ministery  of  Englande,  a  record  of  several  years'  controversy  in 
which  he  had  been  engaged  with  Francis  Johnson  and  other 

1  Anthony  A.  Wood.  Athenae  Oxonienses  (London,  1815).  II,  307 
8  107 


108  THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB 

Separatists.  Is  a  Congregationalism,  non-separatist  in  character, 
present  even  in  those  earliest  discussions,  or  is  he  contesting 
separation  then  simply  as  a  spokesman  for  the  English  Church  ? 
A  comparison  of  this  publication  of  1599  with  those  of  his  4  clearly 
Congregational '  period  shows  some  striking  differences  on  matters 
pertaining  to  Church  Order.  But  interestingly,  these  deal  more 
with  '  procedural "  questions  :  with  the  importance  and  sources 
of  Church  Order  than  with  the  '  substantive '  question  of  the 
nature  of  Church  Order  itself. 

Jacob  argued  with  the  Separatists  at  that  time  that  Church 
government  was  not  as  important  an  issue  as  they  held  it  to  be  : 
'  Now  this  sinne  of  outward  church  orders  is  not  the  most  heynous, 
snor  extreamest  disobedience  \2  Describing  without  real  criticism 
the  view  of  the  English  '  churches  and  state ',  he  identified  the 
4  Hyerachie '  as  '  an  indifferent  thing  in  it  selfe  '.3  Indeed,  improper 
polity  may  be  simply  like  '  a  wodden  legge,  an  eye  of  glasse '  or  a 
'  nose  deformed  ',  and  so  the  Church  that  suffered  under  it  is  still 
a  true  Church  even  as  the  man  who  possesses  these  things  is  still 
a  true  man.1  Later  he  was  not  to  take  such  a  tolerant  view  of 
ecclesiological  defections.  In  1604  he  could  describe  '  externall 
things  Ecclesiastical '  as  *  matters  of  Doctrine,  of  Faith v"  and 
further  say,  '  though  Circumstances  be  indifferent  and  may  be 
chaunged  by  men,  yet  Formes  of  Churches  are  not  so  ;  nor  the 
Church  Ministeries,  nor  .  .  .  any  Traditions  Ecclesiastical! '."  And 
at  a  still  later  time  he  could  insist  that  actually  this  was  '  the  first 
and  waightiest  matter  in  Religion  .  .  .  viz.  to  be  assured  that  we 
are  in  a  true  Visible  and  Ministerial!  Church  of  Christ  :  for  out  of 
a  true  Visible  Church  ordinarily  there  is  no  salvation  \7  This 
contrast  with  regard  to  the  importance  of  right  Church  government 
is  strikingly  summarized  in  his  differing  judgments  concerning  the 
ultimate  destinies  of  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and  Hooper  (whom  even 
the  most  rigid  Separatist  would  not  consign  to  hell!).  In  1599 
Jacob  could  be  assured  of  their  salvation  because  their  ecclesio 
logical  sins,  though  *  not  utterly  ignorant ',  were  in  '  no  way 
fundamentall  '.8  By  1604  these  sins  of  polity  had  become  'very 
great  \  but  the  famous  martyrs  were  now  held  to  be  saved— 
bv  their  ignorance/1 


2DCM.  88  (For  explanation  of  abbreviations  see  the  note  at  the  conclusion 

of  the  article)  3DCM,  41 

iDCM,  24  sRTO,   17  r'RTO,   11 

7PCE:  D6  *DCM,  88  9RTO.  55 


THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB  109 

Likewise  Jacob's  early  anti-separatist  publication  shows  a  view 
of  the  sources  of  Church  Order  different  from  that  of  his  clearly 
Congregational  years.  In  later  life,  as  a  seventeenth-century 
Congregational  apologist,  he  found,  of  course,  the  Church's 
organization  and  polity  prescribed  in  the  Bible  :  4 ...  in  trueth  and 
in  verie  deed  Christ  hath  ordeined  for  us  only  one  kinde  of  a 
Visible  Church  in  his  worde.  And  this  only  ought  to  be  allowed 
and  believed  to  be  a  true  Church  by  all  Christians  V°  This  is  to 
take  seriously  Christ's  Prophetic  and  Kingly  offices  in  addition 
to  his  Priestly  role,  for  a  part  of  his  teaching  was  ecclesiological, 
and  if  his  will  is  not  carried  out  in  Church  government,  he  cannot 
truly  be  said  to  rule.11  Similarly,  as  there  can  be  sin  of  omission 
in  these  matters,  there  can  also  be  sin  of  commission,  for  '  every 
Church  Ministery  made  and  devised  by  the  pollicy  of  men  and  not 
instituted  of  God,  is  against  .  .  .  (the)  2nd  Commandement  V-  But 
1599  witnessed  for  Henry  Jacob  greater  leniency  here  as  well. 
Though  it  is  not  fully  clear  in  his  writing  of  that  year  just  how 
much  he  personally  accepted  the  English  Church's  view  which 
he  there  described,  he  could  still  set  forth  without  serious  criticism 
the  position  that  Christ's  written  ordinances  apply  only  to  matters 
of  faith  and  not  outward  order  and  that  indeed  these  prescriptions 
of  Church  government  can  be  left  to  '  the  arbitrarie  appoinctment  of 
the  Church  and  Magistrate  V3  So  his  controversy  with  the  Separa 
tists  in  the  years  culminating  in  A  Defence  of  the  Churches  and 
Ministery  of  Englande  reveals  his  possession  of  some  views  on 
Church  Order  closer  to  the  Church  of  England  itself  than  to  his 
later  Congregationalism. 

But  it  must  be  remembered  that  these  are  '  procedural '  rather 
than  '  substantive  '  issues.  When  one  turns  to  the  latter,  the  picture 
is  somewhat  different.  A  negative  clue  is  perhaps  seen  throughout 
the  treatise  in  Jacob's  ready  reference  to  those  indifferent  matters 
of  Church  polity  as  actually  being  4  erroneous '  while  practiced 
in  the  Church  of  England  which  he  is  defending  :  '  I  call  them 
errors.  I  onely  iustifie  .  .  .  that  these  corruptions  abolish  us  not 
from  Christ  V4  Ministerial  Ordination,  for  example,  is  indeed 
'  wrong  ordination  from  the  Prelacie  V5  and  Jacob's  argument  is 
one  defending  the  Church  of  England  despite  its  deviation  from  a 
more  acceptable  way.  It  is,  however,  in  a  little  tract  of  the  same 
year,  which  Jacob  wrote  and  appended  to  the  larger  defence,  that  a 
more  positive  statement  is  to  be  found  and  the  more  acceptable 

U'RTO.  4f  uRTO,  53f  and  DBI,  B2  12PCE.  D8 

12  14DCM.  21  ' 'DCM.   10 


110  THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB 

way  inferred.  Entitled  A  Short  Treatise  Concerning  the  trueness 
of  a  pastorall  calling  in  pastors  made  by  prelates  ....  this  tract 
presented  the  argument  that  actually  the  real  basis  for  the  validity 
of  the  ministerial  office  lies  in  the  free  acceptance  of  a  man  as 
minister  by  the  congregation,  but  that  such  a  man,  episcopally 
ordained,  can  still  be  looked  upon  as  a  true  minister  because  such 
ordination  really  does  not  do  any  harm  !  Using  the  metaphor 
which  the  Separatists  had  actually  introduced  into  the  discussion, 
Jacob  said,  '  The  taking  of  orders  from  a  Prelate,  after  consent 
given  to  a  Minister  by  a  people,  is  not  like  adultery  in  manage 
.  .  .  Therefore  that  disanulleth  not,  as  adultery  doth  .  .  .  VG  But  the 
significant  point  is  the  emphasis  upon  free  consent.  Jacob  claimed 
further  in  those  pages  that  many  ministers  in  the  English  Church 
were  really  brought  into  office  in  that  way,  '  first  chosen  by  the 
people  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  after  instituted  and  inducted  by  the  Praelat  V7 
But  apart  from  any  actual  realization  of  this  practice,  a  point  that 
the  Separatists  continued  to  dispute,  his  theory  stands  clear  :  '  We 
affirme,  that  they  (i.e.,  the  prelates)  make  not  the  Pastor  at  all  ... 
but  only  supposedly.  It  is  the  Churches  consent  that  maketh  him 
truly  V8 

Lying  behind  such  a  view  of  the  ministry  in  this  little  tract, 
there  was  also  a  corresponding  view  of  the  nature  of  the  church 
itself  :  a  congregation  of  believers  joined  together  in  free  accept 
ance  of  the  Gospel.  Again  Jacob  claimed  that  this  was  the  actual 
situation  in  at  least  4  many  famous  Congregations  in  the  Land  ', 
which  had  achieved  this  character  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation 
under  Queen  Elizabeth.  His  argument  was  somewhat  strained 
in  insisting  that  though  the  methods  of  gathering  churches  by  the 
Gospel  A  in  those  hard  and  doubtfull  times  and  hazardous 
beginnings,  were  not  so  perfect  nor  so  exact,  as  should  have  bene ', 
still  there  was  sufficient  instruction  of  the  people  to  enable  churches 
of  confessing  believers  truly  to  emerge  out  of  the  '  Popery '  of 
Mary's  days.19  But  once  more,  apart  from  the  question  of  actual 
historical  realization  which  here,  likewise,  the  Separatists  continued 
to  contest,  the  conviction  was  made  plain  :  the  church  which  made 
a  minister  by  free  consent  to  his  person  was  itself  created  by  free 
consent  to  the  Gospel.  Thus  it  seems  possible  to  conclude  that  the 
roots  of  Jacob's  Congregationalism  go  back  into  the  years  of  his 
defence  of  the  Church  of  England  against  the  Separatists  culmina 
ting  in  the  publications  of  1599.  By  1604  his  Congregationalism 

1(!DCM,  91  '-DCM,  89 

i^DCM,  89  i-'DCM.  86f 


THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB  1 1 1 

was  clear  cut  and  courageous.  In  1599  it  was  still  somewhat 
circumspect  and  cautious.  But  even  in  that  early  year  it  held 
conviction. 

When  one  turns  to  an  analysis  of  the  Congregationalism  of  the 
two  decades  of  Jacob's  active  nonconformist  life,  from  1604  to  his 
death  in  1624,  one  finds  that  the  early  emphasis  on  free  consent 
continued  to  be  a  central  motif.  His  major  treatise  on  the  subject 
of  Church  Order,  published  in  1613,  actually  bore  the  title,  An 
Attestation  .    .  .  justifying  this  doctrine,  viz.  That  the  Church- 
governement  ought  to  bee  alwayes  with  the  peoples  free  consent. 
In  it  he  insisted  that  no  question  was  of  greater  importance  in 
discussion  with  the  prelacy  and  in  the  attempts  to  achieve  still 
further  reformation  in  the  English  Church.  Indeed,  the  very  success 
gained  heretofore  in  overthrowing  Roman  Catholicism  rested,  in  his 
judgment,  more  upon  this  exercise  of  free  consent  by  Protestant 
people  than  upon  all  the  theological  conquest  of  papal  doctrine.20 
The  latter  may  define  the  true  Church,  but  only  the  former  can 
bring  it  into  being.  And  so  the  way  prescribed  in  Christ's  ordinances 
is  also  the  effective  way  of  reform.  But  apart  from  any  such  prac 
tical  necessity  or  accomplishment,  the  factor  of  free  consent  is  a 
central  ingredient  of  the  true  church  itself  as  divinely  ordained. 
And  so  in  1610  Jacob  could  provide  this  definition  : 
A  true  Visible  and  Ministerial  Church  of  Christ  is  a  nomber 
of  faithfull  people  joyned  by  their  willing  consent  in  a  spirituall 
outward  society  or  body  politike,  ordinarily  comming  togeather 
into  one  place,  instituted  by  Christ  in  his  New  Testament,  and 
having  the  power  to  exercise  Ecclesiasticall  government  and  all 
Gods  other  spirituall  ordinances  (the  meanes  of  salvation)  in 
and  for  it  selfe  immediately  from  Christ.21 
There  are,  moreover,  at  least  two  other  features  of  that  definition 
of  the  true  Church  to  which  we  might  give  added  attention.  First, 
the  church,  he  had  said,  was  a  society  *  ordinarily  comming  to 
geather  in  one  place '.  Here  is  the  localism  that  joins  hands  with 
voluntaryism  in  Congregational  polity,  and  thus  Jacob  could  write, 
Christ  in  the  New  Testament  hath  instituted  and  the  Apostles 
have    constituted    a    particular    ordinary    Congregation    of 
Christians  to  be  an  intire  Visible  Church,  and  none  other  but 
such  a  society  only.22 

In  fact,  this  principle  of  localism,  though  resting  fundamentally 
on  New  Testament  grounding,  was  actually  derived  at  one  point  by 

20AML,   159ff  21DBI,  A  22PCE,  E5 

4  * 


J12  THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB 

Jacob  from  the  earlier  principle  of  voluntaryism,  therefore  indi 
cating  again  the  great  importance  in  his  thinking  of  the  matter  of 
free  consent.  The  argument  was  that  Christ  desires  the  exercise  of 
free  consent  4  to  be  orderly,  and  conveniently  taken  and  practised  ' ; 
but  this  can  occur  only  in  a  local  congregation,  for  any  attempts 
to  exercise  it  at,  say,  diocesan  or  provincial  levels  would  lead  to 
tumult  and  disorder.23  The  conjunction  was  perhaps  more  felicit 
ously  expressed  in  a  later  tract  where  these  two  principles  are 
identified  with  the  form  and  matter  of  the  Church  :  '  Visible 
Christians  is  the  matter,  viz.  one  ordinarie  Congregation  of  them. 
And  "  Free  "  expresseth  the  proper  essential  Forme  in  the  same  V4 
Hence,  though  one  can  also  speak  properly  of  the  '  Universall 
'invisible  Church  '25  or  even  of  the  *  Church  Invisible  Militant  and 
Universall  '2(1  consisting  of  true  Christians  throughout  the  entire 
earth,  the  gathering  of  such  Christians  into  visible  Church  Order 
must  take  place  in  a  local  4  body  politike  '. 

It  is  strange,  in  this  connection,  that  nowhere  in  his  writings  did 
Jacob  mention  the  church  covenant  as  the  basis  for  this  gathering 
of  local  Christians  into  Church  Order.  His  own  church  at  Southwark 
was  founded  in  1616  by  that  means,  however,  for  it  is  on  record 
that  those  initiating  this  enterprise  4  joyned  .  .  .  hands  .  .  .  and  stood 
in  a  Ringwise  :  .  .  .  made  some  confession  or  Profession  of  their 
Faith  &  Repentance,  .  .  .  then  .  .  .  Covenanted  togeather  to  walk  in 
all  Gods  Ways  as  he  had  revealed  or  should  make  known  to 
them  \27 

Jacob's  view  of  synods  is  in  full  accord  with  this  belief  in  the 
independency  of  each  congregation.  Synods,  most  assuredly,  are 
to  be  used  for  the  purposes  of  deliberation  and  counsel,  and  when 
employed  constructively  in  this  fashion,  they  can  be  '  profitable 
and  most  wholesom ',  '  make  singularlie  for  Unitie  ',  and  even  be 
agencies  through  which  '  each  Churches  ordinarie  government  may 
be  much  holpen  and  amended  \28  But  this  ought  never  to  be  by  way 
of  coerced  subordination,  for  there  must  exist  no  '  subjection  of  the 
congregations  under  any  higher  spirituall  authoritie  absolute,  save 
onely  Christs,  and  the  holy  Scriptures  '.29  The  New  Testament 
Jerusalem  Council  cannot  be  cited,  Jacob  felt,  as  precedent  for 
coercive  synodical  action,  but  it  is  interesting  to  note  how  he 
shifted  ground  in  setting  forth  support  for  this  claim.  In  1604 


-  AML.  84f  28CSM,  A2,  A3  ->RTO,   18  -"DBI.  8 

2i Jessey  Memoranda.  Quoted  in  Champlin  Burrage,  Eurlv  English  Dissenters 
(Cambridge.   1912).  II,  294  ^RTO,  32f  2»CPF.  B2 


THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB  113 

he  held  this  gathering  to  be  4  extraordinarie '  in  character  because 
of  the  presence  of  the  apostles  and  thus  not  a  model  for  subsequent 
non-apostolic  synods  in  its  imposition  of  decisions  upon  the 
churches,  some  of  which  were  not  even  represented  in  its  delibera 
tions.30  However,  by  1613  he  concluded  that  the  council  of  Acts 
xv  did  provide  a  New  Testament  model  for  subsequent  synodical 
gatherings,  but  that  its  decisions  were  actually  only  of  a  recom 
mendatory  character.31  So  though  the  exegesis  came  to  differ,  the 
polity  remained  the  same  !  The  only  chink  in  the  armour  of  the 
polity  is  to  be  found  in  his  discussions  of  civil  power  :  '  We  grant 
that  Civill  Magistrates  may  and  sometime  ought  to  impose  good 
things  on  a  true  Church  against  their  willes,  if  they  stifly  erre  as 
sometime  they  may  Vi2 

Secondly,  the  correlate  of  this  fundamental  local  freedom,  how 
ever,  was  the  responsibility  to  use  that  liberty  '  to  exercise 
Ecclesiasticall  government  and  all  Gods  other  spirituall  ordinances  ', 
and  therein  the  congregation  has  *  power  .  .  .  immediately  from 
Christ '.  The  freedom  of  the  local  congregation  is  not  simply  the 
freedom  of  self-determination.  Rather  it  stands  under  the  require 
ments  of  the  Word,  obedience  to  which  entails  the  privilege  of 
spiritual  power.  This  power  is  '  to  dispense  the  word  of  life,  the  holy 
Signes  or  Sacraments,  to  appoint  meet  Ministers  for  their  uses,  and 
to  depose  the  unmeet,  and  also  to  receave  into  and  cast  forth  the 
soules  of  men  out  of  the  Kingdom  of  heaven  '.33  Thus  the  utilization 
of  God's  means  for  proclaiming  the  Gospel,  the  creation  of  a  clergy 
to  administer  those  means,  and  the  guarding  of  the  gates  of  the 
church  in  which  all  this  takes  place — these  are  the  responsibilities 
to  be  freely  accepted  by  the  local  communities  of  believers.  And 
then,  Jacob  knew,  '  where  each  ordinary  Congregation  giveth  their 
free  consent  in  their  own  governement '  there  is  granted  *  power 
immediately  under,  and  from  Christ  '.34 

The  fact  that  all  this  power  of  ecclesiastical  action  is  really 
lodged  in  the  congregation  itself  is  brought  out  particularly  in 
Jacob's  comments  on  the  ministry.  He  attacked  vigorously,  of 
course,  the  '  Lord  Bishops '  of  the  Anglican  Church  as  possessors 
of  improper  authority.  In  fact,  in  one  very  interesting  passage  he 
not  only  deplored  any  one  man's  arbitrary  episcopal  power  4  over  a 
great  many  Congregations ',  but  also  defined  a  '  Lord  Bishop '  as 
one  '  who  exerciseth  sole  authoritie  Spirituall,  or  sole  governement 
Ecclesiastical!,  yea  though  over  but  one  Congregation  \35  Even  local 

3°RTO,  32  ^AML,  116f  ^AML,  316.  Aho  see  AML.  115 

33DBI,  B  31DPO,   13  35AML,  118 


114  THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB 

Congregational  churches  could '  have  their  '  Lord  Bishops '  if  the 
true  nature  of  ecclesiastical  authority  were  confused.  Ministers 
may  have  the  responsibility  for  '  the  spirituall  governing  and  order 
ing  of  their  owne  flock ',  a  task  for  which  they  are  4  bound  to 
answer  before  God  '3G  and  in  the  pursuit  of  which  they  are  to  be 
4  Ecclesiasticall  Guides  '3T  exerting  real  powers  of  leadership.  But 
in  the  last  analysis  they  are  still  dependent  upon  the  churches  which 
raise  them  tox  office  : 

Touching  their  power  and  authority  in  Church  government,  we 
believe  .  .  .  they  have  .  .  .  nothing  more,  then  what  the  Con 
gregation  doth  commit  unto  them,  and  which  they  may  .  .  . 
againe  take  away  from  them.'-8 

The  very  act  of  Ordination  itself  is  an  act  of  the  congregation. 
It  may  be  that  already  existing  officers  in  a  church  are  the  most 
proper  agents  for  the  performing  of  this  task,  but  this  is  only 
because  *  they  are  the  fittest  instruments  for  that  purpose  which  the 
Church  can  assigne  V9  Still  they  are  instruments  and  no  more,  for 
the  church  can  actually  ordain  through  the  agency  of  any  of  its 
'  fittest '  members,  and  '  though  Imposition  of  hands  to  Ordination 
may  be  said  to  be  a  kinde  of  Sacrament,  yet  the  people  have  the 
power  of  it  '.40  One  might  well  describe  Jacob's  views  as  pro-clerical 
but  anti-hierarchical.  A  ministry  outwardly  called  and  constituted 
is  an  essential  aspect  in  God's  plan  for  his  Church  and  his  scheme 
of  redemption.  Yet  in  its  calling  and  constitution,  as  well  as  in  its 
continuance,  it  has  no  independent  ruling  power,  but  is  dependent 
upon  the  congregation.  This  bondage  of  the  minister  to  his  local 
people  led  Jacob  even  to  deny  the  possibility  of  a  clergyman 
serving  more  than  one  parish  at  any  given  time.  His  position  was 
taken,  of  course,  against  the  background  of  a  practice  of  pluralism 
in  the  English  Church  which  also  led  to  the  further  practice  of 
non-residency,  and  the  abuses  resulting  therefrom  were  fresh  in  all 
nonconformist  minds.  But  God's  law  for  his  ministry  was  that  '  one 
proper  Paster  should  have  only  one  proper  Visible  Church  '.  And  a 
humbling  question  was  added  :  4  For  indeed  who  is  sufficient  for 
that  one  ?  '41 

But  despite  the  intensity  of  all  these  views  and  the  seeming 
disregard  of  them  in  the  English  Church,  Jacob  refused  to  join  the 
Separatists,  remaining  in  partial  communion  instead  with  the 
Anglican  Establishment.  Thus  we  come  to  his  '  non-separatism  ',  so 
recently  rediscovered  after  the  long  history  of  misinterpretation. 

f;RTO,  80f  -7RTO,  28  38CPF,  B7 

39AML,  300  40AML,  300  41RTO,  35 


THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB  115 

Like  Luther,  Jacob  was  loath  to  4  rend  the  seamless  robe '  and  at 
times  almost  tortuously  sought  to  justify  a  measure  of  continuing 
communion.  To  be  fully  clear,  it  must  be  stressed  that  this  involved 
not  simply  a  recognition  that  salvation  was  possible  within  the 
English  Church.  Even  the  Separatists  would  admit  that,  though 
some  felt  that  it  was  putting  a  rather  heavy  burden  on  God's  mercy. 
Rather  it  meant  the  fostering  of  actual  connection  at  points  with  the 
English  Church's  life  :  participation  in  its  worship  and  recognition 
of  its  ecclesiastical  validity  before  God.  In  1609  while  in  exile  in 
Holland,  Jacob  sent  a  petition  for  toleration  to  King  James  in 
which  he  denied  disclaiming,  like  the  Separatists,  l  communion  with 
such  Churches  amongst  us,  as  in  the  opinion  of  Ecclesiasticall 
regiment  differ  from  us  \42  -And  following  his  return  to  England 
and  his  founding  of  the  Congregational  Church  in  Southwark  in 
1616  he  wrote  explicitly:  'we  refuse  not  on  occasion  to  com 
municate  with  the  publique  ordinary  Congregations  assembled  for 
the  exercise  of  religion  in  England  \43 

To  explain  this  position  as  Jacob  maintained  it,  two  further  things 
need  to  be  said.  First,  the  communion,  though  genuine,  was  limited. 
That  is,  it  was  possible  only  when  it  could  be  carried  on  '  without 
personall  and  voluntarie  participation  in  sinne  ',44  more  explicitly, 
'where  neyther  our  assent,  nor  silent  presence  is  given  to  any 
meere  humane  tradition  '.45  So  the  communion  must  be  discrimi 
nating  and  qualified.  But  secondly,  any  such  participation  in  English 
worship  as  might  pass  this  test  of  conscience  could  be  deemed 
possible  on  ecclesiological  grounds  because  the  ministries  of 
England  were  true  ministries  and  the  congregations  constituted 
true  churches.  Though  this  affirmation  also  appeared  in  his  earlier 
writings  in  Holland,40  Jacob's  most  complete  discussion  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  his  last  work,  A  Confession  and  protestation  of  the 
faith  of  certaine  Christians  in  England  .  .  .,  published  after  his 
return  from  exile  in  1616.  In  this  he  continued  his  vigorous  criticism 
of  the  errors  in  Church  government  in  the  Anglican  way  ;  no 
abatement  was  to  be  found  of  his  nonconformity  ;  moreover  the 
church  that  he  had  just  established  was  Congregational.  But 
beneath  all  the  errors  of  arbitrary  authority  in  diocesan  churches 
and  prelacy,  there  was  yet  sufficient  free  consent,  he  insisted,  to 
create  true  churches  and  true  ministries  before  God.  In  each  parish 
there  is  a  '  company  of  true  visible  Christians  associated  togither 
in  one  place  .  .  .  united  by  their  owne  consent  to  serve  God  ',  and 

42TRH,  20  4aCPF,  A2  44TRH,  20 

45CPF,  A3  4GSee  especially  CMO,  38f 


116  THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB 

as  such,  each  is  a  true  visible  church  with  '  free  power  of  spiritual! 
outward  government  .  .  .  though  they  professedly  practise  it  not  V7 
They  are  indeed  true  churches  only  4  in  some  respect  and  degree  ', 
for  severe/  domination  by  the  Lord  Bishops  continues,  and  thus 
there  is  the  loss  of  many  privileges  of  church  life.  But  even  this 
bondage  is  insufficient  to  disannul  the  true  character  of  such  parish 
assemblies  as  genuine  churches.  Similarly,  the  element  of  free 
consent  operates  in  the  English  congregations'  acceptance  of  their 
ministers  :  '  This  consent  of  the  godly  there  (howsoever  it  be 
mingled  otherwise  with  errour)  is  not  wholly  voyd  V8  And  with  a 
consistency  preserved  over  the  years  the  word  is  added  that 
Ordination  by  the  prelates  *  maketh  not  a  nullitie  of  the  Ministerie  ' 
which  had  by  this  free  consent  been  obtained.  So  the  congregations 
of  England  are  true  churches  and  the  ministers  are  true  ministers  : 
in  effect,  churches  Congregationally  organized  and  ministers  Con- 
gregationally  ordained. 

But  such  non-separatist  argumentation  is  by  no  means  to  be 
construed  as  a  justification  of  Anglicanism  or  a  reason  for  remain 
ing  in  a  Church  whose  validity  was  more  accidental  than  deliberate. 
The  Lord  asked  that  his  churches  be  purged  from  all  error,  and, 
even  more,  that  men  come  out  from  congregations  labouring  under 
corruption  and  join  in  the  explicit  and  visible  practice  of  that 
Church  government  which  he  had  prescribed  in  his  Word.  So 
though  Jacob  refused  to  be  '  of  so  rigid  and  severe  an  opinion  ' 
as  to  hold  that  those  outside  of  right  and  visible  church  order  were 
damned,49  he  remained  convinced  that  4  by  a  true  Visible  Church 
(and  not  otherwise  ordinarily)  we  come  to  learne  the  way  of  life  VJ° 
Thus  *  to  observe  and  keep  Christs  substantial  Ordinances  for  his 
visible  politicall  Church  '  was,  in  Jacob's  final  judgment,  4  necessary 
both  for  the  glory  of  Christ,  and  for  the  assurance  of  our  owne 

SOUleS  \51  JOHN   VON   ROHR 


<-CPF.  B3  4RCPF.  B6 

5°PCE,  D6  s'CPF,  A2 


ABBREVIATIONS 

AML  —  An  Attestation  of  many  Learned,  Godly,  and  famous  Divines, 
Lightes  of  Religion,  and  pillars  of  he  Gospell,  iustifying  this  doctrine,  viz. 
That  the  Church-governement  ougl  t  to  bee  alwayes  with  the  peoples  free 
consent  (1613) 

CMO  —  A  Christian  and  Modest  Offer  of  a  Most  Indifferent  Conference. 
or  Disputation,  about  the  maine  i  nd  principall  Controversies  betwixt  the 
Prelats,  and  the  late  silenced  and  deprived  Ministers  in  England  (1606) 


THE  CONGREGATIONALISM  OF  HENRY  JACOB  117 

CPF — A  Confession  and  protestation  of  the  faith  of  certaine  Christians 
in  England,  holding  it  necessary  to  observe,  and  keepe  all  Christes  true 
substantial  Ordinances  for  his  Church  visible  and  Politicall  (that  is,  indued 
with  power  of  outward  spiritnall  Government)  under  the  Gospel ;  though 
the  same  doe  differ  from  the  common  order  of  the  Land  (1616) 

CSM — A  Collection  of  Sundry  matters ;  Tending  to  prove  it  necessary 
for  all  persons,  actually  to  walke  in  the  use  and  practise  of  the  Substancial 
ordinances  in  the  Gospell,  appointed  by  God  for  his  visible  Church 
spiritually  politicall  (1616).  The  Jessey  Memoranda  suggest  that  a  "Mr. 
Wring  "  shared  in  the  authorship  of  this  tract. 

DB1 — The  Divine  Beginning  and  Institution  of  Christ s  true  visible  or 
Ministeriall  church.  Also  the  unchangeableness  of  the  same  by  men  ;  viz. 
in  the  forme  and  essentiall  constitution  thereof  (1610) 

DCM — A  Defence  of  the  Churches  and  Ministery  of  Englande.  Written 
in  two  Treatises,  against  the  Reasons  and  Obiections  of  Maister  Francis 
Johnson,  and  others  of  the  separation  commonly  called  Brownists  (1599) 

DPO — A  Declaration  &  plainer  opening  of  certaine  pointes,  with  a  sound 
Confirmation  of  some  others,  contained  in  a  treatise  intituled,  The  Divine 
Beginning  and  institution  of  Christes  true  visible  and  Ministeriall  Church 
(1611) 

PCE — A  plaine  and  cleere  Exposition  of  the  Second  Commandement 
(1610) 

RTO — Reasons  Taken  out  of  Gods  Word  and  the  Best  Humane  Testi 
monies  Proving  A  Necessitie  of  Reforming  our  Churches  in  England  (1604) 

TRH — To  the  right  High  and  mightie  Prince,  I  AMES  by  the  grace  of 
God,  King  of  great  Britannie,  France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
etc.  An  humble  Supplication  for  Toleration  and  libertie  to  enjoy  and  observe 
the  ordinances  of  Christ  IESUS  in  th'  administration  of  his  Churches  in 
lieu  of  humane  constitutions  (1609) 

Other  writings  of  Henry  Jacob  : 

A  Treatise  of  the  Sufferings  and  Victory  of  Christ,  in  the  work  of  our 
redemption  :  Declaring  by  the  Scriptures  these  two  questions  :  That  Christ 
suffered  for  us  the  wrath  of  God,  which  we  may  well  terme  the  paynes  of 
Hell,  or  Hellish  sorrowes.  That  Christ  after  his  death  on  the  crosse,  went 
not  into  Hell  in  his  Soule.  Contrary  to  certaine  errours  in  these  points 
publiklie  preached  in  London  :  Anno  1597.  (1598) 

A  Defence  of  A  Treatise  touching  the  Sufferings  and  Victorie  of  Christ 
in  the  Worke  of  our  Redemption  .  .  .  (1600) 

Papers  (1603-1605).  These  are  printed  in  Champlin  Burrage,  Early  English 
Dissenters,  II,  pp.  146-166. 


Selections  from  the  Fathers 

2.     Henry  Jacob 

A  Warning  to  Separatists 

We  desire  you  not  to  blesse  us  in  our  evil,  but  we  warne  you, 
not  to  curse  us  in  our  good.  .  .  .  Blessed  is  he  that  iudgeth  wisely 
(that  is  without  affection  and  partialitie)  even  of  him  that  is  des 
pised.  Better  it  is  and  more  Christianlike,  even  to  offende  in  too 
much  compassion  and  patience  (especially  towardes  so  many  hun- 
drejh  thousands,  by  whom  we  know  nought  save  good  in  this 
poinct)  then  to  offend  in  too  much  rigor,  and  severitie,  and  uniust 
anger.  DCM,  88. '  (Note :  This  was  written  to  the  Separatists  from 
within  the  English  Church.) 

Supplication  to  King  James  I 

We  your  High,  faithful  servants  the  silenced  and  disgraced 
Ministers  of  the  Gospel,  together  with  sundrie  others  concurring 
in  opinion  and  persuasion  of  religion  with  us,  do  in  all  humilitie 
presume  to  make  tender  unto  your  Ma.  of  an  humble  motion,  such 
as  concerneth  the  glorie  of  Christs  Kingdome  .../...  wee 
have  the  rather  imboldened  our  selfes  .  .  .  (presuming)  that  it  shalbe 
lawful!  for  each  loyall  and  religious  subiect  without  preiudice  to  his 
life  or  libertie,  not  only  to  sigh  at  home  in  the  case  of  publike  and 
private  grievances,  but  (so  farre  as  it  may  be  done  with  all  dew 
regarde  and  reverence)  to  crye  also  by  way  of  Supplication  in  the 
eare  of  his  Prince.  .  .  ./  We  plead  .  .  .  That  .  .  .  your  Ma.  would 
bee  pleased  that  wee  the  saide  Ministers  and  others  may  .  .  .  have 
allowed  unto  us  by  way  of  /  Toleration.  First,  the  libertie  of 
enioying  and  practising  the  holy  ordinances  enacted  and  left  by  the 
Lord  for  the  perpetual  direction  and  guiding  of  his  Churches. 
Secondly,  an  entier  exemption  from  the  Jurisdiction  of  said  Prelates 
and  their  officers.  And  lastly,  this  happines  to  live  by  the  commaund 
and  charge  of  any  your  subordinate  civill  Magistrals,  and  so  to  be 
for  our  actions  and  cariage  in  the  ministerie  accomptable  unto  them, 
and  likewise  liable  unto  all  such  duties  and  taxations,  as  are  by  the 
law  and  custome  of  this  lande  in  any  sort  chargeable  upon  your 
subiectes  of  our  callins  and  condition.  TRH,  5-8. 


JFor  explanation   of   abbreviations  see  the  note  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
previous  article. 

118 


SELECTIONS:  HENRY  JACOB  119 

The  Authority  of  the  State 

.  .  .  our  Adversaries  will  obiect,  that  by  these  Assertions  and 
defences  we  detract  from  the  Kings  authentic  and  power  .  .  .  /.  Our 
reply.  ...  1.  We  most  gladly  do  give  unto  Caesar  the  things  that 
are  Caesars,  but  to  God  the  things  that  are  Gods.  2.  We  honor  the 
King  as  a  man  next  unto  God,  and  inferior  to  God  only.  3.  We 
gladlie  acknowledge  that  the  King  is,  and  ought  to  be  Supreme 
governor  even  in  all  causes  and  over  all  persons  Ecclesiastical. 
Howbeit  alwayes  .  .  .  Civilly,  not  Spiritually  or  Ecclesiastically. 
4.  The  King  is  ...  the  Keeper  and  Maintainer  (by  compulsive 
power)  of  the  whole  state  of  Religion.  But  he  is  not  Author  or 
Minister  of  any  Ecclesiasticall  thing  or  Constitution  whatsoever. 
RTO,  56,  57. 

The  Invisible  Church  and  the  Visible  Churches 

...  it  is  false  which  is  held  (i.e.,  by  Richard  Hooker)  that  there 
is  a  Universall  Visible  Church  like  the  Sea  ;  which  being  but  one 
properly,  is  distinguished  and  called  by  divers  names  according  to 
the  Countries  and  places  by  which  it  cometh  ....  The  Universall 
Invisible  Church  was  and  is  indeed  one  in  number  :  but  I  have 
shewed  there  were  many  in  nomber  of  the  true  and  proper  Visible 
Churches.  RTO,  18. 

In  all  Gods  word  .  .  .  there  never  was,  nor  is,  any  more  then  only 
two  kindes  of  a  lawful  Visible  and  Ministeriall  Church.  The  first  is  a 
Catholike  or  universall  Church,  the  second  a  particular  ordinary 
Congregation  only.  A  Nationall,  Provinciall,  or  Diocesan  Visible 
Church  is  not  heard  of  in  any  parte  of  Gods  word  whatsoever  .... 
For  touching  the  Visible  Church  of  the  lewes  before  Christs 
Ascension,  it  was  after  a  sorte  Catholik  .  .  .  but  .  .  .  changed  by/ 
Christ  .  .  .  and  his  Apostles  into  ...  the  second  kinde  ...  a  parti 
cular  ordinary  Congregation,  which  in  number  are  many  and 
distinct,  howsoever  in  nature  they  are  all  one  and  the  same. 
PCE,  D7f. 

Christ,  Lord  of  the  Visible  Church 

Christ  is  the  only  Author,  institutor,  and  framer  of  his  Visible 
or  Ministeriall  Church  (touching  the  Constitution,  Essence,  Nature, 
and  Forme  thereof)  every  where  and  for  ever.  And  in  this  respect 
we  likewise  affirme  that  he  is  the  only  Lord,  and  King,  and  Law 
giver  of  the  same.  DBI,  A. 


120  SELECTIONS:  HENRY  JACOB 

Visible  Church  but  one  congregation 

I  professe  that  Christes  true  Ministerial!  or  Visible  Church  is  but 
one  ordinarie  Congregation  only,  or  consisteth  of  people  belonging 
to  no  moe  ordinarie  Congregations  but  one  only  :  and  therefore 
that  Christs  true  Ministerial  or  Visible  Church  is  not  any  Diocesan 
or  Provinciall  Church.  DPO,  10. 

...  all  authentike  Greeke  authors  do  shew  that  Ecdesia  with 
them  signified  that  which  in  Latin  is  Concio  populi  :  that  is,  one 
particular  assembly  of  people,  and  in  respect  as  they  are  assembled 
together  in  one  place  :  but  never  in  those  times  did  it  signifie  a 
multitude  dispersedly  coming  togeather  in  many  distinct  ordinarie 
meetings,  and  in  farre  remote  places,  as  Provinciall  and  Diocesan 
Churches  do.  Now  the  Apostles  spake  as  all  authentike  Grecians 
spake  ....  DPO,  32. 

Purity  in  the  Visible  Church 

Wee  believe  concerning  mixtures  of  the  open  prophane  with  some 
manifest  godly  Christians,  in  a  visible  Church,  though  at  once  it 
doth  not  destroy  essentially,  nor  make  void  the  holiness  of  that 
whole  Assembly,  yet  truely  it  putteth  that  whole  Assembly  into  a 
most  dangerous  and  desperate  estate  .  .  ./  for  who  can  carry  fire  in 
his  bosome,  and  his  clothes  not  be  burnt  ?  .  .  .  And  who  can 
escape,  but  (in  a  while)  a  litle  Leaven,  will  leaven  the  whole  lump, 
much  more  will  it  so  come  to  passe,  where  there  is  a  great  quantitie 
of  Leaven  for  a  little  Dowe,  as  now  with  us  it  is,  wherefore  in  such 
an  inevitable  present  danger  of  our  soules,  doubtlesse  we  ought  to 
leave  the  worse  societie,  and  to  enjoy  one  that  is  and  may  be 
sincere.  For  by  no  meanes  may  we  dare  to  be  of  no  visible  Minis- 
teriall  Church  ;  if  but  2.  or  3.  where  we  live,  can  be  gotten  to 
consent  and  joyne  togeither  in  the  name  of  Christ,  and  in  the 
freedome  of  Gods  word.  CPF,  B8f. 

The  Nature  of  Church  Government 

We  cleerly  see  ...  that  it  is  the  peoples  consent  in  the  affaires  of 
their  owne  spirituall  (that  is,  Church)  governement  which  maketh 
the  matter,  and  putteth  the  difference  in  deed  betweene  the  Ecclesi 
astical!  Reformation  which  in  all  dutifulness  wee  seeke,  and  that 
Church-governement  which  the  L.  Bishops  in  Engl.  do  exercise. 
I  say,  this  concerning  the  peoples  right  heerein  is  it,  which  toucheth 
the  life  of  our  controversie.  Where  understand,  that  I  meane  only 
such  people  as  are  not  ignorant  in  religion,  nor  scandalous  in  their 
life.  For  only  of  such  Christes  Visible  Church  ought  to  consist. 
AMI.,  17. 


SELECTIONS:  HENRY  JACOB  12! 

These  kindes  of  government,  viz.  Democratic,  Aristocratic,  and 
Monarchic,  do  differ  formally  and  Essentially  the  one  from  the 
other.  Now  the  Christian  Churches  true  and  right  government  (in 
this  regarde  that  the  whole  /  company  of  the  people  do  give  their 
free  consent  therein)  is  a  certain  Democratic  ....  Where  let  not 
any  be  offended,  that  the  Churches  true  and  right  government  is 
said  to  be  a  Democratic  or  Popular  government ;  as  if  this  were 
hurtfull  to  Civill  power.  It  hath  ben  shewed  heeretofore,  that  such  a 
popular  government  as  this  is,  which  now  we  treate  of,  being  limited 
within  the  bounds  of  one  particular  Congregation,  neither  is,  nor 
ever  hath  ben,  nor  can  be  in  the  least  sort  dangerous  to  any  Civill 
state  whatsoever  ....  Beside,  this  government  is  to  be  informed, 
directed,  /  and  guided  by  the  Pastor  chiefly,  and  also  by  the  grave 
assistant  Elders.  And  therefore  indeed  this  government  is  not  simply 
and  plainly  Democraticall,  but  partly  Aristocraticall,  and  partly 
Monarchicall.  And  so  it  is  that  mixt  government  which  the  learned 
do  judge  to  be  the  best  government  of  all.  DBl,  A2,  A3. 

The  Pastor  alone  ought  not  to  exercise  Ecclesiasticall  jurisdiction 
over  his  Church,  but  others  ought  to  be  joyned  in  Commision  with 
him  by  the  assignement  of  the  same  Church  ;  neither  ought  he  and 
they  to  performe  any  maine  and  materiall  Ecclesiasticall  act,  with 
out  the  free  consent  of  the  Congregation.  CMO,  2. 

We  denie  not  but  in  the  ordinarie,  and  peaceable,  /  and  right 
state  of  the  Church  when  all  things  are  caried  well,  the  chief 
direction  and  sway  of  the  whole  government  belongeth  to  the 
Bishop  or  Pastor  ;  the  people  beeing  on  their  part  to  hearken  to 
their  Teacher  and  to  follow  their  Guide  obediently  and  dutiefully. 
Their  power  to  iudge  and  to  provide  otherwise  for  themselves 
being,  when  they  see  their  Guides  to  faile.  AML,  82f. 

Ordination 

The  power  of  Ordination  and  iurisdiction  is  in  the  body  of  the 
Congregation  Substantially,  Essentially,  and  Fundamentally  after 
Christ ;  and  the  Congregation  may  bee  truly  said  in  such  respect,  to 
do  and  performe  those  actions  :  the  Bishops  and  Guides  do  these 
actions  Instrumentally  and  Ministerially,  and  no  otherwise  then  in 
the  Congregations  name,  and  by  their  authoritie.  AML,  80. 

The  imposing  of  handes  is  but  a  Ceremonie  of  putting  the 
Minister  (before  made)  into  possession  of  his  right,  and  a  com 
mending  of  him  to  the  blessing  of  God  ....  Imposition  of  handes 
(the  Ceremonie)  may  possibly  be  wanting  in  a  true  Minister,  and 
sufficient  Ordination  may  be  without  it.  Yea,  true  Ministers  have 


122  SELECTIONS:  HENRY  JACOB 

ben  without  it.  Howbeit,  I  suppose  Christs  Church  offendeth  in 
omitting  it  :  for  though  it  be  but  a  ceremonie,  yet  it  is  Apostolike. 
A  ML.  299. 

Voluntary  Offerings 

Wee  believe  that  there  is  a  holy  Communion  of  the  whole 
Church  in  communicating  of  their  substance  together  by  gifts,  and 
offerings  ....  They  are  not  meere  almes,  but  (first)  evident  signes 
of  true  love  to  God  ;  then,  they  are  necessary  meanes  and  duties 
required  by  God  for  the  supportation,  maintenance,  and  upholding 
of  the  sayd  Church,  and  of  the  sincere  worship  of  God  therein. 
These  gifts  and  offering  .  .  .  are  reall  sacrifices  to  God,  and  partes 
of  his  holy  worship  and  service.  CPF,  C6. 

The  Authority  of  Synods 

A  greater  Ecclesiasticall  governement  then  the  Churches  wee  know 
none.  There  is  nothing  without  the  Church  above  it  :  viz.  Ecclesi- 
asticallie  and  spirituallie.  Seeing  each  Church  hath  her  power  and 
governement  .  .  .  immediately  from  Christ.  Yet  it  is  true  (beside  the 
Magistrates  honorable  /  assistance)  verie  oft  there  is  great,  and 
singular,  yea  sometimes  in  a  sorte  necessarie  helpe  to  bee  had  by 
Synodes.  Which  are  meetings  of  choyse  men  out  of  many 
Churches  :  and  these  are  lesser  or  greater  as  the  occasion  requireth. 
Whose  counsailles,  advises,  and  determinations  are  most  expedient 
and  wholesome  alwayes.  But  touching  any  certaine  Governement 
by  Synodes,  or  necessarie  imposing  of  their  Synodall  Conclusions, 
Decrees,  or  Canons  uppon  Churches  without  their  particular  free 
consentes,  this  seemeth  to  be  a  meere  Humane  ordinance.  RTO, 
30,  31. 

This  being  admitted  that  the  Church  governement  ought  to  be 
alwayes  with  the  peoples  free  consent,  it  followeth  that  such 
Synodes  or  Presbyteries  can  not  be  approoved  which  rule  imperi 
ously  over  the  Congregations,  and  impose  on  them  (whether  they 
will  or  no)  their  actes  and  Canons  under  some  spirituall  penaltie,  as 
Excommunication,  Suspension,  Deprivation,  Degradation  from  the 
Ministerie,  etc.  AML,  100. 

j.  v  R. 

.!.    H.    T. 


AN  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  YOUNG 
CONGREGATIONALIST 

It  is  9  May,  1779,  the  Sabbath.  A  girl  of  eighteen  is  writing  her 
first  entry  in  a  paper-covered  note-book,  headed  A  Diary.  '  Found 
much  enlargement  in  secret  prayer  this  evening,  particularly  in 
thanksgiving  for  my  birth  and  religious  education,  for  which  I 
desire  always  to  be  thankful.  Lord,  give  me  grace  to  improve  the 
privileges  I  enjoy.'  In  the  same  moment  of  illumination  she  has 
written  similar  words  in  the  prologue  :  4  By  the  kind  providence 
and  blessing  of  God,  I  have  had  the  happiness  of  a  religious 
education.  May  I  be  enabled  through  grace  ever  to  make  a  right 
improvement  of  it.'  The  prologue  adds  :  4  My  godly  parents  early 
gave  me  up  to  a  covenant  God  in  Christ,  in  the  solemn  ordinance  of 
baptism,  which  laid  me  under  an  obligation  to  be  the  Lord's  ; 
I  have  since  been  enabled  through  grace  to  take  up  the  bonds  of 
the  covenant,  and  give  myself  up  to  Christ  and  his  Church,  before 
many  witnesses.  I  can  therefore  adopt  the  language  of  Dr.  Watts, 
where  he  says  : 

To  thee,  dear  Lord,  my  flesh  and  soul 
I  joyfully  resign  ; 

Bless'd  Jesus,  take  me  for  thy  own, 

For  I  am  doubly  thine.' 

The  diary  continues  for  72  small  pages,  the  end  being  lost. 
Reading  on,  it  becomes  clear  that  Sarah  Rogers  (the  name  on  the 
cover)  was  a  London  Congregational  minister's  daughter,  with  a 
brother  who  shared  the  father's  work.  Wilson's  Dissenting  Churches 
of  London  (1814)  IV.  pp.  325-8,  tells  us  that  her  father  was  John 
Rogers,  born  at  Poole  in  1716,  and  minister,  from  1745  until  his 
death  in  1790,  at  Collier's  Rents  Independent  Church,  Southwark. 
The  Story  of  Congregationalism  in  Surrey  by  Cleal  and  Crippen 
(1908)  pp.  59-63,  tells  us  more.  Collier's  Rents  (renamed  Tennis 
Street  in  1951)  was  an  alley  behind  St.  George's  Church,  running 
off  High  Street,  Borough.  In  1726  a  wooden  meeting  house  was 
erected  there  for  a  mixed  congregation  of  Independents  and 
Baptists  who  signed  a  covenant  in  that  year.  John  Rogers  was  the 
fourth  pastor.  He  found  the  church  in  a  very  depressed  condition, 
and  revived  it.  He  is  said  to  have  been  descended  from  the  martyr 
of  that  name.  The  church  received  the  Dorset  Endowment  in  1762, 
half  being  assigned  to  the  minister.  In  1776,  the  Bridge  House 
Company  having  renewed  the  lease,  the  wooden  meeting  house  was 
D  9  ]23 


124  THE  YOUNG  CONGREGATIONALIST 

replaced  with  one  of  brick.  The  lease  lasted  until  1856,  when  the 
building  was  sold  to  St.  George's  Church,  but  in  1893  the  London 
Congregational  Union  bought  it  as  a  community  centre.  After  1856 
the  congregation  moved  several  times,  ending  up  in  1894  in  the 
Murphy  Memorial  Hall,  Gurney  Street,  New  Kent  Road.  The  diary, 
found  recently  among  her  papers  by  a  Congregationalist  in  North 
ampton,  will  go  now  to  the  Cuming  Museum  at  the  Southwark 
Central  Library. 

Apart  from  sermons  by  her  father  and  brother,  Sarah  says  little 
in  this  devotional  diary  about  her  family.  John  Rogers  was  married 
three  times,  and  Sarah  does  not  mention  her  mother.  There  are  the 
following  entries.  22  Oct  1780:  'In  great  distress  of  mind  this 
"evening  on  account  of  some  trouble  in  the  family  ;  was  enabled 
to  pour  out  my  heart  to  God  in  prayer.'  28  Jan  1781  :  'Was 
much  distressed  in  mind  this  evening  on  account  of  family  distur 
bances,  which  frequently  happens  among  us/  1  Apr  1781  :  'Was 
much  hindered  from  secret  duty  in  the  evening  by  being  providently 
called  to  visit  a  dear  friend  and  relative  in  affliction/  1  July  1781  : 
4  Sat  down  at  the  table  of  the  Lord  this  day,  but  found  not  my 
heart  so  warm  and  lively  as  sometimes  I  have  done,  owing  I 
believe  in  some  measure  to  a  drowsiness  of  spirit  I  could  no  ways 
help,  occasioned  by  sitting  up  the  whole  night  before  at  my  cousin's, 
who  was  delivered  of  her  first  child  at  one  o'clock  that  morning/ 
15  July  1781  :  '  Was  much  distressed  in  mind  on  account  of  some 
particular  sins  too  much  indulged,  found  in  one  of  the  family,  from 
whom  better  things  might  be  expected/  30  Dec  1781  :  '  Was  much 
dejected  in  mind  this  evening,  on  account  of  family  trials,  of  which 
I  had  been  discoursing  with  my  father  about/  13  Jan  1782  : 
'  Found  my  heart  drawn  out  this  evening  in  resignation  and  sub 
mission  to  the  divine  will,  in  an  affair  of  importance  concerning 
my  brother/ 

Reticence  throws  its  veil  over  external  events  in  Sarah's  own  life. 
The  following  entry  is  exceptional. 

9  Aug  1780.  Wednesday.  How  wonderful  has  the  providence 
of  God  appeared  in  my  behalf  this  day,  when  in  such  imminent 
danger.  I  record  it  as  a  great  deliverance.  Went  with  my 
Aunt  etc.  to  George's  Fields,  to  see  six  poor  creatures  hanged 
up  as  monuments  of  justice,  for  being  concerned  in  the  late 
riots  ;  when  not  being  able  to  see  standing  on  the  ground,  was 
persuaded,  though  against  my  inclination,  to  get  upon  a  coach, 
when  being  seated,  all  on  a  sudden,  just  as  the  poor  creatures 
were  sroine  to  be  turned  off,  the  next  coach  to  that  whereon  I 


THE  YOUNG  CONGREGATIONALIST  125 

was,  broke  down,  when  the  horses  came  driving  up  with  such 
fury,  that  had  it  not  been  for  a  kind  providence,  that  might 
have  been  over-turned  too  ;  then  what  would  have  been  the 
consequence  God  only  knows.  Through  mercy,  nobody  received 
any  hurt,  as  ever  I  heard  of. 

The  '  late  riots '  were  signs  of  the  times.  In  each  of  the  three 
Februaries  covered  by  the  diary,  1780-82,  a  week-day  (in  Lent  ?) 
was  *  appointed  and  kept  by  public  authority  for  a  general  fast 
and  humiliation  before  God  for  the  sins  of  this  nation/  The  first 
year  she  said  :  '  Alas,  if  we  consider  the  nation  through,  how  few 
have  we  reason  to  suppose  kept  it  as  they  ought,  though  there  was 
never  more  reason  for  it  than  now.'  The  next  year  she  said  :  '  Sure 
there  was  never  more  reason  for  it  than  now.  Blessed  be  the  name 
of  the  Lord,  I  trust  he  did  pour  out  a  spirit  of  grace  and  supplica 
tion  upon  those  of  our  brethren  that  were  engaged  in  that  exercise 
in  public.'  Her  patriotism  appeared  again  in  two  later  entries. 
12  Aug  1781  :  'Found  some  liberty  in  secret  prayer  this  evening, 
particularly  for  this  nation,  in  which  things  appear  very  dark  and 
gloomy,  and  unless  the  Lord  appear  for  us,  in  all  probability  our 
enemies  will  gain  the  victory  over  us,  which  may  the  Lord  in  mercy 
prevent.'  9  Sep  1781  :  4  Oh,  that  the  Lord  would  be  pleased  to 
appear  for  us  as  a  nation  and  reform  us,  for  vice  and  profaneness 
of  all  kinds  is  come  to  a  most  dreadful  height  indeed,  and  unless 
the  Lord  does  appear  for  us,  we  may  well  expect  to  be  swallowed 
up  quickly.' 

The  diary  reveals  an  unmistakable  devotion  to  the  church.  She 
calls  it  *  the  church  to  which  I  have  the  honour  to  belong '.  1 1 
Nov  1781  :  '  Had  the  pleasure  this  afternoon  to  see  a  dear  little  one 
devoted  and  given  up  in  the  ordinance  of  baptism.  The  Lord  grant 
that  it  may  be  taken  into  covenant  with  himself.'  26  Aug  1781  : 
'  Stayed  this  evening  at  the  Meeting  to  see  the  funeral  of  Mr.  King, 
one  of  our  Hearers.'  10  Mar  1782:  'My  father  preached  a 
funeral  sermon  this  afternoon,  occasioned  by  the  death  of  our 
amiable  and  worthy  deacon,  Mr.  Sweet.  The  Lord  has  been  pleased 
to  remove  by  death  two  of  our  number  within  this  month.  Oh,  that 
he  would  add  more  to  us  of  such  as  shall  be  saved,  that  our  deaths 
may  not  be  more  than  our  births.'  1  Jan  1781.  Monday.  '  Attending 
the  church-meeting,  had  the  pleasure  to  see  a  young  man  received 
into  our  communion,  one  whom  we  have  reason  to  hope  Christ  has 
received.  May  it  be  a  token  that  many  more  will  be  added  this  year 
unto  us  of  such,  and  such  only,  as  shall  be  saved.' 


126  THE  YOUNG  CONGREGATIONALIST 

There  are  pulpit  exchanges,'  and  Sarah  goes  along  when  her 
brother  preaches  at  the  White  Row  lecture  hall  ('  rny  heart  could  go 
along  with  him  in  every  word  he  said  ')  and  again  at  the  Revd. 
Mr.  Dunn's  church,  and  when  her  father  preaches  at  the  Baptist 
church  in  Shakespear's  Walk,  and  when  the  Revd.  Mr.  Robinson 
preaches  at  Mr.  Trotman's.  She  goes  with  her  Aunt  to  Mr.  Adding- 
ton's.  The  Revd.  Mr.  Medley  preaches  at  Collier's  Rents  ;  so  does 
the  Revd.  Drr  Andrew  Gifford,  minister  from  1735  until  his  death 
in  1784  at  the  Baptist  church  in  Eagle  Street ;  and  so  does  the 
Revd.  Mr.  Ashburner,  from  Poole  where  John  Rogers  was  born  ; 
and  the  Revd.  Mr.  Woodgate.  It  is  seldom  a  sermon,  usually  a 
discourse  :  often  a  sweet  discourse. 

Communion  is  on  the  first  Sunday  of  every  month  :  generally  in 
the  morning,  sometimes  in  the  afternoon.  Christmas,  Easter  and 
Whitsun  are  ignored,  in  the  sermons  and  the  diary  alike.  But  the 
diary  pays  due  attention  to  old  year  and  new  year  days,  and  birth 
days.  30  Aug  1779.  Her  nineteenth  birthday.  l  O  Lord,  grant  me 
the  witnessing  of  thy  spirit  that  I  am  born  again.  I  would  on  this 
day  renew  the  solemn  obligations  I  am  under  to  be  the  Lord's  and 
look  back  with  shame  and  confusion  of  face,  that  so  little  time  has 
been  spent  in  the  service  of  God.'  On  her  twentieth  birthday  she 
varies  the  thought.  '  Whether  my  life  may  be  prolonged  to  see  the 
next  return  I  know  not.  Oh,  if  I  have  but  a  good  hope  through 
grace  that  I  am  born  again,  then  no  matter  how  soon  the  summons 
come.  For  what  is  there  in  this  world  to  court  our  stay  ?  '  Never 
theless,  she  is  still  writing  in  her  diary  on  30  Aug  1781  : 

The  Lord  in  his  kind  providence  has  brought  me  to  see  the 
return  of  another  birthday.  One  and  twenty  years  of  my  life  is 
now  expired.  May  I  be  fitted  for  all  the  changes  in  life  I  may 
be  called  to  pass  through,  if  my  life  should  be  spared  long. 
I  have  this  day  devoted  and  dedicated  myself  afresh  to  the 
Lord  as  his  servant. 

The  expectation  of  life  was  then  short,  and  death,  sometimes 
personified,  is  never  far  from  mind.  Sarah  ends  the  prologue  to 
the  diary  with  the  words  :  4  Lord,  give  me  to  see  my  interest  clear 
in  Jesus,  then  let  Death  come  sooner  or  later,  I  shall  be  ready  and 
willing  to  depart  and  be  with  Christ  which  is  far  better.'  Within  a 
week  she  has  '  heard  of  the  death  of  a  dear  young  friend,  who  went 
off  triumphant.  Oh,  may  my  deathbed  be  like  hers.'  A  whole  week 
later  she  goes  '  to  the  funeral  of  my  young  friend,  who  was  cut  off 
in  the  flower  of  her  days  ;  I  know  not  how  soon  it  may  be  my 
case.  Oh,  may  I  be  ready  and  willing  when  Death  comes,  and  take 


THE  YOUNG  CONGREGATIONALIST  127 

him  by  the  cold  hand  as  a  welcome  messenger,  to  conduct  me  to 
the  Realms  of  Bliss.'  The  following  Sunday  morning  she  hears  '  a 
funeral  sermon  occasioned  by  the  death  of  that  young  person  ; 
was  much  affected  with  the  consideration  and  hope  of  meeting  her 
again  shortly  in  the  world  above,  never  to  part  more.'  Later  she 
is  saying  :  '  We  see  young  and  old  dying  around  us.  Lord,  may  I  be 
prepared  for  that  solemn  period.'  31  Dec  1780  :  '  I  am  spared  to 
the  end  of  another  year,  while  many  of  my  friends  and  aquaintance 
have  been  removed.'  7  Apr  1782  :  'Was  called  in  the  evening  to 
visit  a  sister  of  the  church  that  seemed  to  be  in  the  near  views  of 
Death  :  may  the  Lord  prepare  her  for  her  dissolution,  and  sanctify 
the  providence  to  her  partner  in  life.' 

The  language  of  Sarah's  diary  was  not  her  own,  but  the  common 
currency  of  the  piety  of  her  day.  She  is  but  a  mirror,  in  which  we 
catch  a  glimpse  of  the  mixture  of  objective  and  subjective  religion, 
which  was  Calvinism  under  the  influence  of  the  Wesleyan  revival' 
She  is  eloquent  on  sin.  16  May  1779  :  'Found  my  heart  much 
broken  under  a  sense  of  sin,  and  fearing  lest  I  should  be  found  a 
mere  professor.'  20  Feb  1780:  'Lord,  thou  knowest  tis  my 
earnest  desire  to  be  led  more  and  more  to  see  the  plague  of  my 
heart,  the  corruption  and  depravity  of  my  nature.'  12  Mar  1780  : 
'  Found  much  humiliation  of  heart  this  evening  for  sin  original  and 
actual  ;  was  enabled  to  plead  for  the  blood  of  Jesus.'  9  Apr  1780  : 
4  Was  much  affected  this  evening  with  a  deep  sense  of  sin,  and 
enabled  earnestly  to  plead  with  God  for  regeneration.  Oh,  that  I 
may  have  some  comfortable  assurance  of  it.'  11  Mar  1781  :  'Was 
led  to  see  something  of  my  own  emptiness  and  wretchedness,  and 
was  enabled  to  cast  my  perishing  soul  upon  Jesus,  the  all-sufficient 
saviour  of  lost  sinners.' 

One  month  she  4  sat  down  at  the  table  of  the  Lord  with  much 
darkness  and  deadness  and  wanderings  of  heart.  Lord,  pardon 
and  forgive  my  lukewarmness,  and  suffer  me  never  to  backslide 
from  thee.'  The  next  month  she  '  sat  down  at  the  table  of  the 
Lord  with  some  degree  of  pleasure ;  found  it  a  pleasant  oppor 
tunity.'  She  is  eloquent  on  grace.  25  July  1779  :  '  Found  much  life 
and  liberty  in  secret  this  evening  :  was  enabled  to  find  Christ 
precious  to  my  soul ;  he  does  at  some  times  give  me  some  little 
foretaste  of  his  love  to  my  soul.'  24  Oct  1779:  'Experienced 
some  views  of  my  interest  in  Christ.  Oh,  for  more  of  such  seasons  '. 
26  Mar  1780  :  '  Experienced  some  comfortable  hope  of  my  interest 
in  Jesus.  Oh,  what  a  happiness  to  have  a  good  hope  through  grace.' 
She  is  aware  that  grace  means  submission.  26  Dec  1779:  "'Was 


128  THE  YOUNG  CONGREGATIONALIST 

much  distressed  in  mind  this  day  on  account  of  a  trying  providence. 
He  orders  and  disposes  all  things  according  to  his  will  and 
pleasure.'  Still  she  has  learned  to  be  content.  18  June  1780  :  *  Was 
led  to  admire  and  adore  Distinguishing  Grace,  and  the  infinite 
patience  of  a  holy  God,  towards  such  an  ill  and  Hell  deserving 
sinner.' 

Her  own  words  in  the  prologue  make  a  fit  ending.  '  I  have 
thought  it  might  be  useful  to  keep  something  of  a  diary,  respecting 
the  frame  of  mind,  particularly  of  a  Lord's  day  evening  ;  it  may, 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  be  made  of  use  to  some,  when  I  am  dead 
and  gone.' 

WILLIAM    J.    BROWN 


OUR  CONTEMPORARIES 

The  Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England,  Vol.  xii. 
No.  2  (May  1961)  carries  an  interesting  article  by  J.  M.  Ross  on  'Four 
Centuries  of  Scottish  Worship '.  Inventing  a  typical  small  town  he  seeks  to 
illustrate  how  worship  was  conducted  in  the  years  1560,  1660,  1760  and 
1960.  S.  J.  Knox  has  a  paper  on  '  A  Sixteenth  Century  Book  of  Discipline1 
(prepared  by  Walter  Travers.  and  found  only  in  MS.  form). 
The  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society,  Vol.  xii.  No.  3 
(October  1961)  includes  a  valuable  article  by  a  practising  archivist,  J.  H. 
Hodson.  on  'The  Manuscript  Sources  of  Presbyterian  History'.  Congrega 
tional  and  Baptist  researchers  would  find  guidance  here. 

The  Journal  of  the  Friends  Historical  .Society,  Vol.  49  :  a  large  part  of 
Nos.  4  and  5  (Spring  and  Autumn.  1961)  is  taken  up  by  an  account  by 
Richard  E.  Stagg  on  'Friends'  Queries  and  General  Advices'  (1682-1860 
and  1860-1928).  No.  5  includes  the  index  to  Vol.  49  (1959-1961). 
The  Baptist  Quarterly,  Vol.  xix  :  In  No.  2  (April  1961)  the  seemingly 
never-ending  dispute  between  Baptists  and  others  on  the  subject  of  Infant 
Baptism  is  shown  in  a  late  seventeenth  century  dress  in  "  The  Portsmouth 
Disputation  of  1699'  by  D.  C.  Sparkes.  No.  3  (July  1961)  has  an  article  on 
'Carey  and  Serampore — Then  and  Now'  by  Brynmor  F.  Price  ;  while  No.  4 
(October  1961)  includes  an  account  by  A.  de  M.  Chesterman  on  'The 
Journals  of  David  Brainerd  and  of  William  Carey'.  No.  5  (January  1962) 
has  two  substantial  historical  studies.  Hugh  Martin  give  a  careful  account 
of  '  The  Baptist  Contribution  to  Early  English  Hymnody '.  W.  Klaassen 
writes  perceptively  about  two  outstanding  figures  associated  with  the 
radical  wing  of  the  Continental  Reformation  in  '  Hans  Hut  and  Thomas 
Muntzer '. 

Proceedings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society,  Vol.  xxxiii  :  Part  2  (June  1961) 
includes  a  brief  article  by  Frank  Baker  on  'The  Early  Experience  of 
Fletcher  of  Madcley.  Part  5  (Maich  1962)  features  several  appreciations  of 
the  former  editor  (Wesley  F.  Swift).  In  addition  there  is  an  article,  by 
D.  Dunn  Wilson,  on  'Hanoverian  Government  and  Methodist  Persecution'. 
The  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society.  The  1955  volume  con 
tains  an  article  by  A.  J.  Hanna.  Ph.D..  on  *  The  Role  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society' in  the  Opening  Up  of  East  Central  Africa'  (;>p.  41-59). 

W.    A'.    BIGGS 


LETTERS     INCIDENTAL    TO    SAMUEL 
SAY'S  CALL   TO   WESTMINSTER,    1734 

Contributed  by  Basil  Cohens-Hardy 

Part  II 

London     May  28th  1739 
My  Dearest, 

I  think  I  never  longd  more  to  be  with  you  and  reed,  you  letter 
last  night  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure.  They  are  a  very  good  sort 
of  people  where  I  lodge  both  parents  &  children,  &  Miss  promiseth 
her  self  abundance  of  satisfaction  in  the  acquaintance  of  my 
daughter.  She  is  about  1 1 .  They  are  very  rich  but  plain  people. 
Mr  Carleton  &  Mr  Boler  walkd  about  with  me  yesterday  in  the 
morning  to  look  for  a  house.  I  find  if  we  will  quitt  a  garden,  we 
may  have  very  noble  habitations  under  20£  per  annum  in  beautiful 
courts,  one  particularly  in  Manchester  Court,  so  near  the  Thames 
as  to  have  from  the  garret  a  fine  prospect  of  the  country  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river.  The  lower  rooms  &  chambers  are  wainscottd. 
But  no  cellars,  only  the  kitchen  &  other  conveniences  half  under 
ground.  The  ground  raised  to  prevent  water  &  damps,  and  much 
nearer  the  Meeting  than  we  are  at  Ipswich  ....  There  is  a  like 
house  much  nearer  &  looking  into  part  of  the  Park  where  they  ask 
28.  but  own  that  a  good  tenant  would  reconcile  them  to  a  less  sum. 

But  there  is  a  meaner  house  tho  with  a  handsome  front  in  Petty 
France1  &  among  reputable  neighbours  the  situation  of  which 
pleaseth  me  much  better,  having  all  the  Park  behind  it,  &  a  garden 
the  breadth  about  of  the  house,  but  running  a  greater  length 
towards  the  Park  than  our  own  with  other  gardens  on  each  side, 
very  airy,  with  a  back  door  into  the  Park,  thro  which  you  walk 
almost  all  the  way  to  ye  Meeting,  &  the  rest  over  free  stone 
pavements,  if  I  forgett  not  ....  Only  Mr  Boler  observed  that  if  we 
washed,  which  I  perceive  few  families  do  (where  they  can  wash 
abroad  as  cheap,  as  they  pretend)  we  must  wash  in  the  kitchen  for 
the  cellar  being  low  pitched  he  thought  the  steam  wd  be  offensive 
in  washing  &  brewing  ....  1  should  be  glad  to  have  your  sense 
of  it  ....  I  ate  ripe  currants  out  of  the  garden  ....  Unless  any 
thing  new  offers  do  not  expect  a  letter  next  post  but  let  me  hear 
by  the  return  of  the  post  how  you  do.  Give  my  maiden  a  kiss  for 
me  &  believe  me 

Yours  affectionately 

S[AM1  SAY 
'New  York  St..  Westminster. 

129 


130  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

Ipswich     May  30th  1734 
My  Dearest, 

I  am  sure  I  long  for  your  company  &  rejoyce  to  hear  of  your 
health.  I  bless  God  we  are  well.  On  Tuesday  here  came  a  letter 
for  you  from  Mr  Manning  of  Yarmouth  who  says  4 1  saw  Mr  Finch 
last  week  at  Norwich  who  says  he  can  come  to  you  either  of  ye 
weeks  you  mentioned  viz:  ye  last  or  last  but  one  in  June  but  had 
rather  it  should  be  the  former  on  acct  of  their  sacrament.  He 
writs  a  pretty  deal  about  ye  election  for  the  county.  Mr  Emens 
voted  against  him  ....  My  Dearest  as  to  what  you  write  about 
a  House,  I  must  live  it  to  you  &  other  friends  to  judge  for  me.  I 
must  owne  yt  aire  &  a  garden  would  be  very  agreeable  to  me  &  I 
should  be  glad  to  be  near  ye  Meeting,  but  if  ye  walk  be  pleasant 
it  will  take  of  from  ye  length  &  make  it  seem  ye  shorter,  but  when 
you  have  seen  yt  other  house  with  a  garden  you  should  be  ye 
better  able  to  judg.  I  think  a  house  without  a  cellar  might  be 
very  inconvenient.  I  hope  you  doe  not  forget  to  enquire  about  ye 
bugs.  Yt  house  yt  you  think  ye  most  likely  to  doe  I  thinke  it 
would  not  be  amis  to  get  some  woman  friend  to  looke  upon  it,  but 
I  live  it  to  you  ....  I  was  at  ye  meeting  last  night,  Mr  Baxter 
repeated,  all  give  service. 

I  am  yours  affectionately 

S[ARAH]  SAY 

Ipswich  June  th  :4  1734 
My  Dearest, 

I  was  glad  to  hear  you  had  so  good  a  stomack  but  am  afraid 
you  are  out  of  order,  because  you  did  not  say  you  were  well.  I 
beg  of  you  to  take  care  of  your  health  &  not  hurry  yourself  so 
much.  Mine  &  your  daughters  service  to  your  good  family  where 
you  are,  with  thanks  for  their  sivilytis  to  you  &  am  glad  they  are  so 
agreable  to  you.  I  bless  God  I  am  well.  Ye  maiden  was  a  lettel 
out  of  order  on  Saturday  but  took  some  Hirea  on  Lord  day  night 
&  is  pretty  well  today. 

As  to  what  you  write  about  ye  Rooms  being  one  foot  lower 
than  ours  here,  though  to  be  sure  I  should  like  it  better  if  they 
were  as  high,  but  I  cannot  think  yt  a  sufficient  objection  against 
a  house  whose  situation  is  so  airery  &  pleasant  as  you  describe  yt 
in  Petty  France  &  I  believe  it  to  be  so.  We  cannot  expect  to  meet 
with  a  house  in  everything  just  as  we  could  wish.  What  I  meant  by 
a  woman  freind  to  looke  upon  it  was,  because  I  thought  yt  they 
might  take  notice  if  some  lettel  matters  to  be  done  yt  you  might  not 


SAMUEL  SAY 


Plate  hy  kind  permission  of  Dr,  Williams' s  Library 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  131 

take  notice  of.  I  say  all  this  yt  you  may  see  I  have  no  objection 
against  it.  But  when  it  will  be  proper  for  you  to  hire  a  house  I 
leve  yt  &  all  other  affairs  wholy  to  you  who  to  be  sure  are  ye 
best  judg.  The  doctor  was  here  yesterday,  he  gives  his  service  & 
touid  me  he  saw  in  ye  Publick  Prints  yt  Sr.  R.  &  his  Lady  were 
going  to  take  a  tour  in  France  .... 

I  am,  Yours  affectionately 

S[ARAH]  SAY 

Miles  Lane     June  4th  1734  m[orning]  6 

My  Dearest, 

The  pleasure  it  gives  me  to  receive  a  letter  from  you  every  post 
is  a  sensible  argument  how  much  I  ought  to  be  concerned  to  give 
you  the  same  satisfaction  .... 

I  have  seen  no  more  houses.  Yesterday  was  spent  in  company 
with  Dr.  Harris  &  Mr.  Calamy.  We  dind  together  at  the  house  of 
one  of  my  hearers,  whom  I  have  reason  to  oblige.  I  was  very 
uneasie  all  the  last  week  &  found  how  little  we  ought  to  depend  on 
general  reports  or  personal  assurances.  I  find  now  how  wrong  it 
was  to  unhinge  my  self  from  Ipswich  or  bind  my  self  to  another 
congregation  before  I  had  more  acquaintance  with  them  &  their 
circumstances,  or  they  with  me  &  with  mine.  They  endeavoured 
indeed  to  make  me  easie  as  far  as  words  could  do  it,  but  I  was  so 
little  satisfied  with  the  performance  of  ye  Lords  Day  before  &  their 
neglect  of  setting  their  subscriptions  till  the  People  should  know  me 
better,  that  I  almost  wishd  that  I  had  never  imbarkd  in  this  affair, 
&  still  think  my  good  friend  Dr  Harris  ought  to  have  informd 
himself  more  exactly  before  he  urgd  my  acceptance  of  their  Call. 

But  tho'  I  did  not  think  myself  altogether  in  proper  cue  the 
last  Lords  Day,  yet  resolving  to  chuse  a  discourse  that  should 
please  my  self  &  not  merely  a  few  of  my  hearers,  as  far  as  I  can 
judge  I  was  agreeable  to  'em  all.  And  the  gentleman  with  whom 
I  dind  yesterday  £  who  will  be  very  much  displeasd  if  they  do  not 
enable  me  to  live  honourably  as  well  as  barely  to  live  excusd 
himself  after  the  Sacrament  that  he  came  in  to  the  Vestry  no  sooner 
to  thank  me,  because  he  was  stopt  by  the  Good  women  who  could 
[not]  forbear  telling  him  ....  Now  we  ARE  fixt.  Others  have  told 
me  they  believd  I  prepard  my  sermon  for  them.  And  even  where  \ 
differd  from  the  Doctor  in  some  little  circumstances  in  the  cele 
bration  of  ye  Sacrament,  they  express  their  hopes  that  I  shall  go 
on  in  the  same  method  hereafter. 


132  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

They  are  to  meet  this  evening  to  begin  their  subscriptions.  And 
as  this  gentleman  desird  me  to  deal  freely  with  him,  I  let  him 
know  how  much  concerned  I  was,  &  what  injustice  it  would  be  to 
me  to  draw  me  hither  under  the  expectation  of  being  able  to  main 
tain  a  Pastor  &  assistant,  if  they  should  not  give  their  Pastor  alone 
a  comfortable  subsistence.  He  tells  me  he  has  already  concerted 
measures  with  some  of  the  richest  &  most  generous  to  set  a  good 
example,  &  to  prevent  the  vain  expectation  they  may  have  from  a 
number  of  subscribers  who  will  do  little.  I  am  also  to  dine  today 
with  a  Banker  in  Lombard  Street,  who  has  even  desird  me  not  to 
trouble  my  self  about  Sir.  R.  for  that  they  thankd  God  they  were 
not  in  circumstances  to  depend  on  one  person.  He  is  an  agreeable 
young  gentleman,  &  who  will  do  all  he  can  to  serve  me.  I  shall  beg 
'em  to  finish  their  principal  subscriptions  before  I  leave  the  Town 
&  for  this  reason  shall  think  it  my  interest  to  remain  here  another 
Lords  Day  .... 

I  am  now  off  to  Stepny.  Service  &  Love  as  due.  Accept  of  a 
reconciling  kiss  from  my  maiden  in  the  room  of 
Yrs  affectionately 

S[AMUEL]  S[AY] 

Mv  Dearest  Westminster    June  6th  1734 

I  am  just  returned  from  reviewing  the  House  in  Petty  France 
in  company  with  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Carleton.  Those  who  lived  in  the 
house  before  did  both  brew  &  wash  in  the  fore-cellar,  which  is 
much  larger  than  ours  ....  The  parlour  looks  into  the  garden. 
Beyond  the  parlour  is  a  pretty  little  room  into  the  garden  with  a 
chimney.  But  according  to  the  custom  of  London  they  think  the 
room  for  receiving  guests  or  what  is  calFd  the  Dining  Room  ought 
to  be  the  fore-chamber  over  the  kitchen  ....  There  are  two  garrets, 
one  of  which  must  be  the  servants  bed  chamber,  and  the  other  my 
study  ....  The  garden  is  above  a  100  foot  long,  but  only  15  or  20 
broad  ....  At  the  side  of  it  the  house  of  convenience  which  in 
most  houses  is  in  dark  cellars.  This  though  light  is  a  little  too  far 
from  the  house  for  bad  weather.  In  the  garrets  there  is  a  prospect 
over  the  houses  into  the  country.  All  the  back  chambers  look  into 
the  Park.  But  the  house  has  nothing  else  to  commend  it,  but  its 
spacious  cellars,  the  garden,  and  the  delightful  and  airy  situation. 
However  I  shall  do  nothing  about  it  till  I  have  seen  you,  nor  till  I 
know  what  their  subscriptions  will  amount  to,  the  thought  of  which 
kept  me  waking  a  good  part  of  last  night.  Notwithstanding  which 
I  ate  a  hearty  dinner  today  of  Windsor  beans  and  bacon. 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  133 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  my  daughter  was  better  after  taking  the 
Hiera  etc.,  it  must  be  often  repeated  .... 

Interest  is  made  by  more  than  one  worthy  person  to  succeed  me 
at  Ipswich.  One  recommended  by  Mr.  Calamy,  a  grave  person  to 
wards  40.  The  other  a  man  of  substance,  for  some  reasons  willing 
to  leave  the  Place  where  he  is,  and  to  take  whatever  they  are  able 
to  give  him  for  the  present,  recommended  by  Dr  Harris.  He  seems 
to  me  to  be  near  50. 

A  kiss  to  maiden  from 

Yours  affectionately 

SAM  SAY 
To  Rev.  S.  Say 

St  James's.     2nd  July  1734 
Revrd  &  Dear  Sr, 

I  had  ye  favour  of  yours  on  ye  19th  ult.  which  found  me  in  a 
better  humour  than  when  wee  parted,  for  on  Friday  following  I 
attempted  to  execute  a  scheme  I  had  been  forming  to  mend  ye 
Subscription  we  began  the  week  before  .  .  .  We  have  been  employed 
ever  since  some  of  us  to  forward  the  Subscription  &  in  order  there 
unto  to  meet  every  Munday  at  ye  vestry  to  settle  not  only  yt  affair, 
but  likewise  ye  pews.  When  we  parted  last  night  our  Subscription 
could  not  be  finished,  several  being  absent  that  should  have  brought 
in  ye  names  that  they  had  gathered,  nor  have  wee  been  able  to 
come  at  several,  they  not  meeting  us  as  yett.  So  we  resolved  last 
night  at  the  breaking  up  to  continue  our  attendance  every  Monday 
till  finished,  or  as  far  as  we  can  goe  without  you,  but  keep  yt  to 
yourself  &  indeed  ye  whole  letter.  I  think  wee  are  secure  of  above 
£150  exclusive  of  Sr.  Rich:  Ellis,  Lady  Russell,  Scotch  Nobility, 
Mrs.  Ellis,  Lady  Wheat,  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Burton  &c  on  which  wee 
have  made  noe  attempts.  Had  writ  sooner  but  waited  the  event  of 
last  night.  Dear  Sr.  your  presence  is  very  much  wanted  by  all  of 
us  ....  Commend  me  in  ye  best  manner  to  good  Mrs  Say  &  ye 
young  lady.  Excuse  hast  ye  post  going  off  &  believe  me,  Dear  Sr. 
Your  affectionate  friend  &  most  humble  servant 
NAT.  SEDDON. 

Miles  Lane    July  4th  1734 
My  Dearest, 

By  the  goodness  of  God  I  came  hither  in  Health  &  Safety 
between  8  &  9  this  evening,  having  met  with  nothing  uncomfortable 
but  the  heat  and  dust  of  the  afternoon.  The  many  oaths  &  curses 
which  3  of  my  companions  pourd  out  in  the  morning  were  heard 


134  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

no  more  after  we  came  to  like  each  other  &  endeavoured  mutually 
to  render  our  selves  agreeable  to  one  another.  One  was  the  Rake 
that  courts  Miss  Cross,  as  they  say  ;  the  other  a  Templar  &  his 
Brother  from  Copenhagen,  both  men  of  Learning  &  Ingenuity. 
The  fourth  was  Mr  Westal.  My  head  aked  a  little  till  a  Supper  of 
Prawns  removd  it  ....  Excuse  me  that  I  add  no  more  to  night. 
A  kiss  to  my  maiden.  I  wishd  her  some  of  my  Prawns  &  hope 
you  will  get  her  some  lobsters.  Let  me  hear  how  she  does. 

Yrs  affectionately 

S.  SAY 

Miles  Lane     July  6th  1734  M.7 
My  dearest, 

As  you  desired  a  letter  from  me  by  this  post  because  the  distance 
of  the  next,  I  set  down  this  morning  to  write  the  bulk  of  my  letter, 
having  a  good  part  of  the  discourse  I  intend  for  tomorrow  to  be 
composed  after  I  have  broken  my  fast  &  seen  my  cousin  Rolfe 
whom  I  am  expecting  in  less  than  an  hour  ....  I  went  yesterday 
with  Mr  Seddon  before  our  Meeting  to  look  at  a  house  very 
convenient  £  very  near  the  Park  &  the  Meeting-place,  but  where 
we  must  stand  at  between  30  &  40£  per  ann.  charges,  close  sur 
rounded  with  houses,  without  the  least  spot  of  a  garden,  only  a 
little  stone  yard  into  which  the  kitchin  looks  .  .  .  under  the  street  a 
coal  hole  &  Room  for  a  few  barrels  of  beer,  all  in  utter  darkness. 
....  The  rooms  are  smaller  than  those  in  Petty  France,  but  all 
handsomely  fitted  up  &  just  new  painted.  The  street  is  called  de  la 
Hay  ....  Noon.  7.  I  have  been  sermonising  all  this  day.  My 
brother  John  came  about  5  to  see  me.  He  begins  to  groan  under  the 
burden  of  Samme  Cook  who  is  there  now  .... 

I  am,  my  dearest 

Thine  affectionately 

S[AMUEL]  SAY 

Miles  Lane     July  9th   1734 
My  Dearest, 

I  thank  you  for  yrs  of  the  6th  instant  £  I  wish  I  could  hear  a 
better  acct  of  my  maiden's  health.  ...  I  bless  God  I  am  in  very 
good  health  myself,  but  a  little  chagrin'd  that  the  house  in  Petty 
France  was  gone  before  I  came  up.  ...  We  wandered  about  £ 
could  not  find  a  cheap  house  with  a  garden  till  we  came  to  James 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  135 

Street2  near  Buckingham  House  at  the  end  of  the  Park,  where  they 
have  a  key  into  it,  but  must  first  cross  a  lane,  which  1  fear  is  dirty 
in  the  winter,  far  from  the  Meeting,  the  Market  &  the  City,  but 
which  is  a  prettier  Habitation  than  that  in  Petty  France,  very  much 
commended  by  the  tenant— the  lower  and  second  floor  handsomely 
wainscotted.  .  .  .  with  two  good  garrets  and  a  prospect  into  the 
Park  &  country  ....  All  Market  things  they  pretend  even  Butchers 
meet  may  be  bought  as  cheap  &  as  good  of  the  Higlers  as  at 
Market  &  butter,  fowles  pork  cheaper.  You  must  often  have  been 
coached  from  Petty  France,  but  if  we  take  this  House  the  difference 
in  the  Rent  will  more  than  pay  constant  coach  hire.  But  it  is  one 
3rd  of  ye  way  farther  than  the  other  &  as  far  again  as  you  have 
at  Ipswich.  I  fear  we  must  at  last  quitt  a  Garden  &  look  again 
into  the  cheap  houses  in  the  Courts  near  the  River,  but  shall  be 
glad  to  hear  your  opinion  ....  This  affair  very  much  perplexeth 
me. 

Thine  affectionately 

S[AMUE]L  SAY 


Ipswich     July  the  13  1734 
My  Dearest 

I  am  glad  to  hear  you  are  well  &  I  bless  God  we  are  so.  I  wish 
yt  the  house  in  Petty  Fiance  had  not  been  gone,  but  such  things 
will  happen.  As  to  what  you  write  about  ye  house  in  James  street, 
as  to  the  house  itself  I  like  it  very  well,  but  its  standing  so  far  from 
every  thing,  to  be  sure,  will  be  an  ill  convenience,  but  how  great 
they  will  be  &  what  there  is  to  way  against  them  you  are  best  able 
to  judg.  Does  it  not  stand  dangerous  for  theifs — so  at  the  end  of  all, 
But  that  you  and  your  freinds  can  tel  better  then  I.  I  should  be 
loth  to  quit  a  garden,  but  we  must  doe  as  we  can  &  not  always  as 
we  would.  I  should  desire  to  have  a  kitchen  so  placed  as  not  to 
endanger  ye  servants  health  ....  There  was  only  Mr  Williams  & 
Mr  Notcut  with  Mr  Baxter  on  Wednesday  evening.  They  each  of 
them  prayed,  Mr  B.  begune  just  at  5  &  Mr  Notcut  concluded,  they 
had  done  about  7.  I  thought  to  have  been  there  before  they  had 
begun  to  have  desired  Mr  B,  to  have  remembered  us,  but  Mr 
Notcut  coming  to  see  me,  he  had  begun  before  I  got  there.  Mr 

-  This  house  in  James  Street,  near  the  present  Buckingham  Palace  became 
the  manse,  not  St.  James  Street  as  stated  on  p.  81. 


136  SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL 

Notcut  over  took  me  in  ye  meeting  house  yard  &  I  spoke  to  him  & 
he  prayed  very  affectionately  &  heartily  for  us  ....  Your  daughter 
joyn  with  me  in  duty  &  respects  to  all  ffreinds  &  relations. 

I  am  my  dearest, 

Yours  affectionately 

S[ARAH]  SAY 

Let  me  know  whether  my  sister  Porter  bui  you  any  shirts.  If  she 
does  not  I  will  bui  you  2  of  Mr  P.  such  as  you  have  at  London 
with  you  .... 

New  St  Ct  Gn  July  16th  1734 
My  dearest, 

Yours  of  the  13th  was  exceedingly  acceptable  ....  The  night 
after  I  returned  from  Deptford  from  whence  I  took  a  most  delight- 
full  walk  of  many  miles  into  the  country  beyond  it,  I  slept  as  I 
sleep  not  often  for  months  together  and  eate  with  answerable 
appetite  the  two  following  days  at  my  sisters.  Nor  have  I  any 
thoughts  that  ought  to  disturb  my  sleep,  the  People  here  not 
abating,  but  still  increasing  in  the  expression  of  their  esteem  & 
affection  to  me.  Some  of  the  chief  of  'em  take  many  steps  to  seek 
out  a  proper  habitation  for  us  ....  I  had  the  equal  thanks  of  the 
two  extreams  among  'em  for  what  they  call'd  the  two  excellent 
discourses  of  last  Lords  Day,  which  were  made  on  a  subject  chosen 
for  me  by  Mrs  Cheesman. 

The  narrow  part  among  'em  have  given  such  a  representation  of 
me  that  I  was  invited  yesterday  to  Mrs  Ellys,  sister  of  Sr  Richrd, 
whom  I  had  heard  by  a  minister  in  the  City  to  be  more  difficult 
to  please  than  Sr.  R.  himself.  I  pray'd  with  her  for  she  also  is 
affected  with  the  gout  exceedingly,  as  she  is  a  woman  of  sense,  she 
drew  me  into  conversation  which  appeared  to  be  agreeable  to  her 
....  I  make  no  question  if  ever  there  should  be  occasion  she  will 
speak  advantageously  of  me  to  her  brother.  She  wished  you  would 
come  up  and  look  out  a  house  for  your  self,  and  I  must  own  that 
I  could  almost  wish  it  myself  for  two  reasons,  one  because  I  fear  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  see  you  till  after  the  12th  of  next  month  which 
is  a  day  annually  observed  by  Mr  Seddon.  The  other  reason  is  that 
unless  upon  seeing  of  it  you  should  find  sufficient  cause  to  object 
against  the  house  in  James  Street  I  am  afraid  I  shall  not  be  able 
handsomely  to  refuse  it,  for  they  have  been  to  see  it,  several  of  'em, 
&  are  charmed  with  it  &  tell  me  it  must  be  the  house.  Mr  Horseley 
in  this  joins  with  Mr  Seddon,  Mr  Boler  &  my  good  landlord,  my 


SAMUEL  SAY'S  CALL  137 

new  old  acquaintance,  who  wonders  I  should  not  remember  him 
when  a  youth. 

Mr  Horseley's  wife  is  a  very  bad  walker  &  is  taking  a  new 
habitation,  because  of  the  dampness  of  his  present  abode,  a  com 
mon  distemper  in  Westminster.  There  is  another  house  empty  & 
larger  in  the  same  street.  I  told  him  if  he  would  come  and  be  my 
neighbour  &  join  forces  for  coach  hire  I  imagined  it  would  be  an 
equal  convenience  as  well  as  ease  to  both.  The  Landlord  under 
takes  the  present  tenant  shall  go  out  whenever  we  please  in 
September. 

I  think  I  wrote  you  word  that  it  was  far  from  any  market  as  well 
as  the  Meeting,  but  they  think  the  higglers  &  neighbouring  butchers 
may  as  well  supply  us  in  a  great  road  into  the  City. 

I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  when  Mr  Higham  &  I  were  returning 
from  Mrs  Ellys  we  were  seiz'd  by  a  person,  whose  name  I  do  not 
remember  at  the  call  &  who  has  lately  left  the  Church  of  England 
&  I  perceive  intends  to  join  with  us.  He  returns  2000  pr  annum 
in  leather  breeches  &  would  needs  take  measure  of  me.  These 
breaches  are  such  as  our  Nobles  wear  of  his  make  &  Mr  H. 
supposes  will  be  worth  25s  and  last  me  10  years  .... 
Yor  Affectionate 

SAMUEL  SAY 

New  Street  C.G.    Aug  1st  1734 
My  Dearest, 

....  Yesterday  Mr  Carleton  and  myself  walked  3  miles  to 
dinner  with  one  in  communion  with  us,  as  I  think,  who  is  a  Page  of 
the  Back  Stairs,3  in  a  very  retired  place  near  Kensington.  He  will 
not  allow  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  Ministry  to  divert  the  King 
from  business  by  perpetual  scenes  of  pleasure.  He  assures  us  He  is 
a  person  of  very  great  application,  that  looks  into  the  minutest 
affairs,  that  writes  all  his  own  letters  abroad,  &  those  very  many, 
and  thinks  there  is  not  a  petty  scrivener  in  the  City  that  drudges 
at  it  for  a  livelihood,  that  writes  more  than  the  King.  He  was  the 
first  up  that  very  morning  of  all  his  Court,  &  called  on  his  Gentle 
man  at  five  to  raise  those  whom  he  wanted  .... 

Respects  to  Mrs.  Sherwood  &  a  kiss  to  maiden 
Yours  affectionately 

SAMUEL  SAY 

(These  letters  to  be  deposited  at  Dr.  Williams' s  Library,  London) 
3i.e.  to  George  II. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  OF 

THE  LONDON  MISSIONARY  SOCIETY 

I.     As  its  Broad  Basis 

As  the  union  of  Christians  of  various  denominations  in 
carrying  on  this  great  work  is  a  most  desirable  object,  so,  to 
prevent  if  possible,  any  cause  of  future  dissension,  it  is 
declared  to  be  a  Fundamental  Principle  of  the  Missionary 
Society,  that  our  design  is  not  to  send  Presbyterianism, 
Independency,  Episcopacy,  or  any  other  form  of  Church  Order 
and  Government,  (about  which  there  may  be  difference  of 
opinion  among  serious  persons)  but  the  Glorious  Gospel  of  the 
blessed  God,  and  that  it  shall  be  left  (as  it  ought  to  be  left) 
to  the  minds  of  the  persons  whom  God  may  call  into  the 
fellowship  of  His  Son  to  assume  for  themselves  such  form  of 
Church  Government  as  to  them  shall  appear  most  agreeable 
to  the  Word  of  God.1 

This  Fundamental  Principle  is  a  form  of  words  designed  to 
express  briefly  the  broad  basis  on  which  the  Missionary  Society 
was  founded  in  1795.  This  was  in  the  minds  of  the  founders  them 
selves,  but  the  necessity  of  an  explicit  statement  was  made  obvious 
when  misunderstanding  arose  within  twenty  years  of  its  foundation. 
To  them  the  Gospel  was  not  Luther's,  Calvin's,  or  anyone  else's, 
but  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  God.  The  founding 
fathers,  men  of  evangelical  faith,  a  variety  of  tradition,  and  a 
backing  mainly  within  the  Independent  Churches,  believed  firmly 
that  the  call  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  all  the  world  could  only  be 
fully  obeyed  when  the  limitations  of  denomination  and  sect  were 
discarded.  Their  concern  that  all  Christians  should  share  in  this 
obedience  foreshadowed  the  movement  which  led  to  the  1910 
Edinburgh  Conference,  the  International  Missionary  Council,  and 
New  Delhi,  1961. 

The  first  Directors  of  the  Missionary  Society,  at  their  meeting 
on  September  29,  1795,  decided  that  all  London  Ministers,  and 
Ministers  of  Foreign  Protestant  Churches  in  London  (Evangelical 
Clergy  in  London  being  added  at  a  later  meeting)  should  be  visited 
by  a  three-man  team  of  Directors,  two  ministers  and  a  layman. 
Their  object  was  to  get  the  interest  of  those  who  took  no  part  in  the 

'L.M.S.   Archives  :    Board  Minutes.   May  9.   1796  ;  also  printed  in   Annual 
Reports  from    1814. 

138 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  139 

founding,  with  the  plea  that  the  '  grand  object '  of  the  Society  be 
recommended  to  the  purses  of  their  congregations.  A  letter  was 
also  to  be  sent  to  the  Foreign  Protestant  Churches  informing  them 
of  the  Plan,  Progress  and  Object  of  the  Society.  Its  title  was  : 
4  An  Address  to  our  Evangelical  Brethren  from  the  Missionary 
Society  '.  A  footnote  indicated  that  the  full  story  was  recorded  in  a 
volume  entitled  Memorials  and  Sermons. 

The  Evangelical  Magazine,  begun  in  1793,  was  the  vehicle  used 
to  reach  the  Christian  public,  and  it  carried  in  August,  1796,  a  long 
letter  from  Baron  August  von  Shirnding,  sent  in  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  T. 
Haweis,  one  of  the  founders.  It  appeared  on  the  first  pages  of  the 
issue  because,  as  the  editor  wrote  : 

The  following  papers  are  of  a  nature  so  peculiarly  pleasing 
and  interesting,  especially  at  the  present  juncture,  when  so 
many  persons,  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  seem  to  be 
actuated  by  the  same  spirit. 

Baron  August  von  Shirnding  was  Ranger  of  the  Electoral  Parks 
and  the  letter  was  dated  from  Dobrylugk,  Saxony,  1796.  He  had 
himself,  he  wrote,  been  considering  for  a  long  time  the  possibilities 
of  forming  a  missionary  society.  Then, 

one  brought  me  the  Hamburg  Gazette,  wherein  was  contained 
the  remarkable  and  delightful  intelligence,  that  more  than  two 
hundred  preachers  of  the  Gospel  in  England,  deputed  by  their 
several  congregations,  have  established  a  Society  for  sending 
the  word  of  God  ...  to  the  heathen. 

His  friends  wanted  him  *  to  seek  an  union  with  you  in  the  work '. 
but  on  consideration  he  was  against  this, 
Admitting  no   other  difficulties  occurred  than   might  be  re 
moved,  I  am  rather  inclined  to  suppose,  that  many  missions 
to  different  places,  though  the  commencements  might  be  small, 
-would  probably  more  conduce  to  the  desired  effect,  than  if  the 
whole  were  concentrated  in  one  great  work  and  attempt,  - 
Small  things  grow  into  large  ones  and  missions  at  selected  places 
would  spread  and  link  into  a  whole  : 

This,  however,  at  least  is  our  duty,  that  as  brethren,  acknow 
ledging  one  God,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  our  Saviour,  we  assist  each  other,  and  unite  our  aid 
and  counsel,  so  as  to  obtain  most  effectually  the  object  we 
have  in  view. 

This  letter  appears  to  have  been  opened  first  by  the  Rev.  John 
Eyre,  and  a  copy  only  sent  to  Dr.  Haweis.  On  the  back  of  the  copy, 
Eyre  wrote  a  covering  letter  which  contains  the  following  : 


140  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

My  dear  friend  will  rejoice  in  reading  this  letter  and  plan  of 
the  Baron  ;  not  that  I  think  his  plan  the  best  as  to  the  places 
he  wishes  tot  missionary  points  ;  but  because  it  indicates  his 
lively  zeal,  and  discovers  a  mind  altogether  devoted.  In  short, 
he  appears  the  Lady  Huntingdon  of  Saxony.  His  views  of 
missionaries  are  like  our  own.  He  is,  bona  fide,  a  Methodist. 
Should  we  not  look  forward  to  the  period  when  we  can  meet 
on  the  continent  and  devise  a  GRAND  UNION  between  all 
the  Churches.  Our  brethren  in  the  Establishment  who  shun 
us,  will  be  the  only  sectaries.2 

Who  was  this  baron,  besides  being  the  Elector  of  Saxony's  park 
ranger  ?  4  It  is  said ',  that  he,  4  together  with  his  spouse,  received 
the  first  impressions  of  grace  at  the  card  table.'3  This  brief  remark, 
scored  through  in  a  document  edited  for  publication,  may  give  a 
clue  to  the  kind  of  man  he  had  been  before  he  was  able  to  say  that 
4  two  years  since  I  sent  thirty  awakened  men  tract  distributing  as 
itinerant  preachers  '.4  That  was  at  the  end  of  1798,  and  he  went 
on  in  the  same  letter  to  explain  that  they  were  the  people  who 
would  make  good  missionaries.  It  was  this  same  Baron  von 
Shirnding  who,  a  year  or  two  later,  sought  out  Dr.  Jaenicke  of 
Berlin  and  asked  him  to  train  some  men  for  the  ministry  with 
special  regard  to  their  becoming  missionaries.  He  himself  provided 
the  money  needed  for  this  venture  until  it  grew  too  big  for  his 
means  alone. 

Another  link  in  the  chain  of  contacts  being  made  with  Europe 
was  the  Basle  Society.  This  was  a  Corresponding  Society  for  the 
promotion  and  encouragement  of  evangelical  Christianity,  founded 
in  1781, 

consisting  of  several  thousand  members  and  affectionate 
friends,  dispersed  in  Switzerland,  Germany,  Holland,  Prussia, 
Denmark  and  Sweden  ...  we  carry  on  an  uninterrupted  mutual 
correspondence,  and  communicate  in  letters  as  well  as  in 
written  or  printed  treatises  and  remarks,  memoirs  of  Christians, 
examples,  anecdotes  and  accounts  of  the  progress  of  the 
Kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  other  subjects  as  are 
of  an  edifying  nature  and  suitable  to  the  necessities  of  our 
present  times.  This  is  done  from  month  to  month.5 

2Maggs    Bros,    Catalogue   616,    1935  :    Report   of  Correspondence   of    the 

Rev.  T.  Haweis.  (Original  now  in  Mitchell  Library,  Sydney.) 
3L.M.S.  Archives  :  Europe  Letters  A  4  2,  Dec.  12,  1798 — C.  F.  Steinkopf. 
4Evan.  Mag.    1799  :    Letter  from  Baron   von  Shirnding,  Dec.  12,   1798. 
5L.M.S.  Archives  :  Europe  Letters  A  4  2,  Feb.  7,  1798— C.  F.  Steinkopf. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  141 

It  was  towards  the  end  of  1797  that  the  secretary  of  the  Basle 
Society,  the  Rev.  C.  F.  Steinkopf,  received  a  copy  of  the  German 
translation  of  the  Memorials  and  Sermons  of  the  founding  of  the 
Missionary  Society  in  1795.  This  Society's  first,  and  indeed  all  its 
communications  with  London,  came  through  the  minister  of  the 
German  Church  at  the  Savoy,  who  was  at  first  Dr.  J.  G.  Burckhardt, 
and  when  he  died  late  in  1800  or  early  1801,  they  came  through 
Steinkopf  himself,  who  succeeded  Burckhardt  in  London.  This 
correspondence  was  carried  on  in  German,  and  the  German 
minister  acted  as  translator.  The  names  of  the  committee  over 
whose  signatures  this  first  letter  of  7  February  1798,  was  written, 
make  imposing  reading  :  seventy-year-old  Dr.  Hertzog,  Professor 
of  Divinity,  at  whose  house  the  committee  met ;  three  Masters  of 
Arts  ;  a  merchant  who  later  acted  as  secretary  for  a  short  time  when 
Steinkopf  came  to  London ;  and  two  names  with  no  specific 
qualifications. 

To  them,  the  news  of  the  founding  of  the  Missionary  Society  was 
as  much  'good  news'  as  it  was  to  the  Baron,  and  their  wide 
ramification  of  communications  sent  the  news  speeding  all  over  the 
Continent— to  Berlin,  to  Breslau,  to  Bielefeld,  to  Leer,  and  many 
other  places  where  their  correspondents  lived,  as  far  apart  as 
Austria,  and  Frankfurt,  and  Saxony  where  they  had  links  already 
with  Baron  von  Shirnding. 

We  have  learned  with  the  liveliest  joy  and  gratitude  towards 
God,  that  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  many 
respects  is  in  a  flourishing  state  in  England  and  Scotland 
where  there  are  so  many  hundred  Evangelical  ministers  and  so 
many  thousand  faithful  followers  of  Jesus  ....  This  indeed, 
independently  of  any  other  consideration  has  been  a  great 
'comfort  to  us  and  to  many  thousand  of  our  religious  Brethren 
in  Switzerland  and  Germany.  But  it  was  not  less  delightful 
and  encouraging  to  us  to  learn  that  there  had  arisen  among  the 
children  of  God  belonging  to  different  persuasions,  a  sweet 
brotherly  harmony,  which  others  justly  may  take  as  a  pattern 
of  imitation,  and  that  you  have  made  so  fine  a  beginning,  by 
setting  aside  all  particular  opinions,  to  make  the  promoting  of 
the  Kingdom  of  our  adorable  Lord  and  Saviour,  a  common 
cause ;  .  .  .  .  Lastly,  the  account  of  a  new  Missionary  Society 
established  in  the  Metropolis  of  your  country  for  the  con 
version  of  the  heathen  in  the  present  eventful  period  of  dismal 
occurrences  in  Church  and  State,  has  opened  to  us  a  happy 


142  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

and  heart  relieving  prospect,  that  the  Kingdom  of  our  great 
Lord  will  rise  with  new  lustre  in  distant  parts  of  the  world.0 
A  quotation  from  a  biography  of  the  Rev.  T.  Blumhardt,  who 
died  in  1838,  will  show  to  what  this  zeal,  aroused  and  encouraged 
by  the  founding  and  work  of  the  Missionary  Society,  led  the  Basle 
Society. 

It  was  at  the  termination  of  the  war  in  1815,  that  a  few  pious 
individuals,  grateful  for  the  remarkable  preservation  of  the  city 
of  Basle  from  destruction  by  bombardment,  resolved  to  rear 
some     appropriate    monument   to   the    praise    of  the    great 
Deliverer.   A  Missionary  Seminary  was  in  consequence  pro 
jected    and    gradually    established.    To    this    Institution    Mr. 
Blumhardt,  from  its  commencement,  devoted  all  his  powers, 
in   the   training   of  candidates,   in   correspondence   with    the 
Continent  and  Missionary  Stations,  and  in  co-operation  with 
the  general  labours  of  the  German  Missionary  Society  .  .  . 
this  beloved  and  venerated  Father  in  the  missionary  work.7 
A  copy  of  the  Directors'  Address  to  our  Evangelical  Brethren 
from  the  Missionary  Society,  given  to  Dr.  Vanderkemp  at  Dordrecht 
in  Holland  by  a  Moravian  minister  led  him,  in  April  1797  to  offer 
himself  as  a  missionary.  When  the  Directors  had  found  out  in 
dependently  from  the  Rev.   Mr.  Verster  of  Rotterdam  who  this 
applicant  was,  he  was  invited  to  London  to  meet  the  Examination 
Committee  on  18  October,  1797.  The  record  says  : 
A  conversation  was  held  with  Dr.   Vanderkemp  relative  to 
measures  to  be  adopted  for  exciting  the  attention  of  religious 
people  in  Holland  to  missionary  objects,  for  the  formation  of 
a  Missionary  Society  in  that  country,  for  procuring  mission 
aries  there,  and  respecting  the  manner  of  his  being  personally 
employed  in  the  missionary  work.8 
It  continues  with  the  first  resolution  of  (he  Committee  : 
that  an  Address  be  drawn  up  to  the  serious  people  in  Holland 
for  the  exciting  a  missionary  ardour  among  them. 
Then,  when  this  was  done  and  printed  in  English,  Vanderkemp 
was  to  take  it  and  use  it  as  he  saw  fit,  which  included  his  translating 
it  into  Dutch.  His  Autobiography  continues  the  story  : 

After  the  London  Society  had  composed  a  Letter  of  Exhorta 
tion  to  the  people  of  God  in  Holland,  to  take  a  part  in  the 

'L.M.S.  Archives  :   Europe  Letters  A  4  2.  Feb.  7.  1798— C.  F.  Steinkopf. 
7Church   Missionary  Society  Register.  1839.  pp.  35-36. 

•-L.M.S.  Archives  :   South  Africa  Letters  B  1  1  .  Oct.  18.  1797.  being  Minutes 
of  the  Examination  Ctte. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  143 

conversion  of  the  heathen  ....  I  left  London  with  a  view  to 
bring  this  letter  over  to  the  Netherlands,  and  if  it  pleased 
the  Lord,  to  be  serviceable  in  erecting  a  Missionary  Society 
in  that  country  .  .  .  got  at  last  to  Kissingen  ...  I  set  off 
for  Middleburg  where  I  consulted  my  worthy  friend  Professor 
Krow,  and  some  other  ministers,  about  the  erecting  of  a 
Missionary  Society  in  the  Netherlands,  and  continued  the 
measures  sought  to  be  adopted  to  effect  the  plan  ...  to  call  a 
particular  meeting  of  a  small  number  of  pious  persons  .  .  .  not 
only  ministers  but  laymen  of  different  places  of  the  Nether 
lands  and  leave  it  to  their  decision,  if  it  would  be  advisable  to 
change  their  assembly  into  a  standing  Society,  or  to  part  as 
they  were  come  together.  That  no  other  plan  would  be  laid 
before  the  meeting  to  approve  or  disapprove  than  what  was 
given  in  Matthew  28  :  18-20.9 

He  himself  went  from  place  to  place  gathering  interested  people 
together,  so  that  by  the  time  a  little  company  met  at  Mr.  Verster's 
house  there  was  little  doubt  about  the  outcome  of  the  meeting. 
They  did  change  their  *  assembly  into  a  standing  Society ',  and  the 
Netherlands  Missionary  Society  became  a  fact. 

The  Directors  were  by  now  fully  aware  of  the  response  on  the 
Continent  to  the  founding  and  activities  of  the  Missionary  Society, 
whether  the  news  had  spread  through  the  '  public  papers  '  which 
were  the  source  of  information  from  which  Mr.  Kielborg,  a  Gothen- 
berg  merchant,  had  learned  the  story  as  well  as  Baron  von  Shirn- 
ding  ;  the  letter  from  the  Missionary  Society  to  the  Foreign 
Protestant  Churches  ;  or  the  German  translation  of  the  Memorials 
and  Sermons  of  1795.  Both  of  the  two  last  were  circulated  largely 
by  the  Moravians  and  the  Basle  Society. 

The  success  of  the  Address  to  the  people  of  Holland  prompted 
the  Directors  to  have  a  German  edition  circulated  as  well.  This 
translation  was  seen  through  the  press  by  a  lay  Director,  C.  C. 
Sundius.  a  Swedish  merchant  of  Fen  Court,  Fenchurch  Street,  who 
was  then  asked  to  make  a  Swedish  translation.  Sundius  sent  this 
with  a  long  covering  letter  of  his  own  to  the  Rev.  Gustaf  Murray, 
president  of  the  Swedish  Society,  Pro  Fide  et  Christianismo.  Some 
of  the  correspondence  following  this  letter  has  survived,  and  in  a 
reply  to  one  letter  of  appreciation  from  Sweden,  the  Rev.  John 
Eyre  and  Joseph  Hardcastle  asked  the  writer,  the  Rev.  L.  C. 
Petzius,  for  details  of  the  state  of  religion  in  Sweden  and  Denmark. 

9L.M.S.  Archives  :   Africa  Odds  8.  Vanderkemp  Papers. 


144  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

and  *  in  Russia  so  far  as  you  have  the  opportunity  of  collecting 
information'.10  In  the  draft  reply,  of  2  May  1799,  to  Murray's 
letter  of  grateful  acknowledgment,  probably  from  Dr.  Haweis'  pen, 
one  sees  the  work  carried  a  step  further  : 
...  we  are  amazed  at  the  practicability,  facility  and  complete 
success  of  our  enterprise,  which  we  had  almost  despaired  of 
ourselves,  and  many  had  treated  as  a  visionary  scheme.  Every 
mouth  is  stopped  ....  We  communicate  to  you  with  pleasure 
the  happy  effects  which  our  Missionary  Union  has  produced  in 
spreading  the  Gospel  among  ourselves.  Our  congregations  have 
felt  the  impression  ....  May  we,  respected  brethren,  venture 
to  invite  you  to  join  us,  throughout  this  land,  to  meet  our 
brethren  at  Basle,  in  Holland,  those  who  are  passing  through 
the  paths  of  the  sea,  and  those  who  are  already  labouring 
among  the  heathen,  at  a  throne  of  grace.  The  stated  hour  of 
prayer  is  seven  o'clock  the  first  Monday  in  every  month  .  .  . 
Such  a  concert  of  prayer  is  a  mighty  engine  .  .  .  -11 
It  was  not  until  1835  that  Sweden  was  able  to  form  a  Missionary 
Society  of  her  own. 

This    Address,   prepared   originally  for  Vanderkemp's   use    in 
Holland,  then  sent  in  translation  to  both  Germany  and  Sweden, 
was  such  a  success  that  an  English  edition  also  was  printed  for  the 
use  of  the  Directors,  There  is  no  record  of  the  way  this  was  used. 
The  German  translation  however  drew  forth  a  lengthy  plan  for  a 
4  New  German  Missionary  Society  in  East  Friesland ',  a  document 
dated    11    March    1799,   bearing   two   Calvinist    and   twenty-one 
Lutheran  signatures.   It  came  from  the   Rev.  G.  S.   Stracke  of 
Hatshusen,  secretary  of  the  Society  for  promoting  true  Doctrine  and 
pure  Piety,  who  wrote  again,  on  March  6,  1801,  detailing  the  pro 
gress  still  going  on  in  Germany.  As  soon  as  the  Address  was  known 
ministers  and  laymen  together  pledged  themselves  : 
to  unite  with  you  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  in  casting  the 
gospel  net  among  the  idolaters.  The  -  -  oh  heavenly  sight ! 
pious  Christians  of  every  denomination,  Lutherans  and  Cal- 
vinists,   were   seen    stretching  out  their  hands  with   sincere 
affection  and  mutually  embracing  each  other.  Smaller  societies 
of  the  same  kind,  as  you  have  been  appraised,  were  established 
at  Elberfeld,  and  Frankfurt.12 


1('L.M.S.  Archives  :  Home  Extra  Letters  1— draft  letter. 
^L.M.S.  Archives  :  Home  Extra  Letters  1— draft  letter. 
12£iw?  Mag.  1801,  May— pp.  209-12. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  P;  .    '^IPLE  145 

He  told  how  the  Berlin  Academy,  undei  LJL.  John  Jaemicke,  was 
training  missionaries,  of  the  placing  of  two  students,  and 
six  candidates  therefore  remain,  which  are  under  the  patronage 
of  the  Societies  in  East  Friesland,  with  the  other  countries 
of  Westphalia  ;  and  those  of  Elberfeld,  Frankfort,  and  Basle  in 
Switzerland,  united  with  the  Baron  and  other  of  the  Saxon 
brethren.  These,  beloved  brethren,  I  am  able  to  offer  to  you. 
Four  of  these  six  were  sent  out  by  the  London  Missionary  Society 
after  further  training,  and  two  went  as  the  first  missionaries  of  the 
Society  for  Missions  in  Africa  and  the  East,  later  known  as  the 
Church  Missionary  Society.  Mr.  Stracke  confessed  concern  that  they 
were  not  able  to  pay  expenses,  but  would  send  4  whatever  money 
God  shall  give  us,  and  love  bestow '. 

In  1829,  Dr.  Philip,  returning  to  Africa,  took  out  the  first  party 
of  missionaries  sent  by  the  Paris  Evangelical  Missionary  Society, 
having  visited  Paris  to  advise  in  the  matter.  The  Rhenish  Sociey, 
established  at  Elberfeld  and  Barmen,  in  1830  sent  out  'two  more 
missionaries  to  South  Africa '.  They  took  a  letter,  signed  by  the 
London  Missionary  Society's  treasurer,  W.  A.  Hankey,  father  of 
the  London  bankers,  addressed  to  the  Governor  of  Cape  Colony, 
asking  permission  for  their  entry, 

as  Christian  missionaries  ....  They  will  be  placed  under  the 
direction  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  John  Philip  of  Cape  Town,  the 
Superintendent  of  the  London  Missionary  Society's  Missions 
in  Africa.13 

In  1833  a  letter  from  the  Gossner  Society  in  Berlin,  formed 
four  years  previously,  told  that, 

We  are  about  to  send  out  five  ...  to  assist  our  Brethren  of 
the  Wuppertal  and  to  join  the  missionaries  that  have  been  sent 
out  by  your  own  Society  .  .  .  and  we  should  be  very  glad  if  we 
could  profit  by  your  experience.14 

So  the  pattern  of  the  Modern  Missionary  Movement  was  set  as 
far  as  Europe  was  concerned,  on  the  broad  basis  of  the  unity  in 
Christ  as  Head  of  the  Church,  which  is  epitomized  in  the  Funda 
mental  Principle  of  the  London  Missionary  Society.  That  this  was 
deliberately  done,  and  included  every  possible  avenue  of  co 
operation,  is  shewn  in  one  of  the  Directors'  Minutes  of  21  January 
1799,  which  reads  : 


13L.M.S.  Archives  :   Europe  Letters  B  2  2.  Draft  of  letter    May  25    1831  • 

on  same  sheet  as  May  17,  1831,  J.  Kielman. 
14L.M.S.  Archives  :   Europe  Letters  C  2  2  ,  L.  E.  Kuntze,  Berlin. 


146  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

The  necessity  of  a  Committee  of  Foreign  Correspondence,  who 
would  consecrate  a  great  portion  of  their  time  to  the  affairs 
of  the  Society,  by  seeking  occasions  and  opportunities  of  ex 
tending  and  promoting  the  Missionary  impulse  in  every 
quarter,  and  endeavouring  to  maintain  a  constant  correspond 
ence  with  the  religious  societies  and  pious  individuals  in  every 
part  of  the  world,  giving  them  information  of  the  transactions 
of  our  institution,  and  receiving  intelligence  of  their  operations 
also  ;  having  been  duly  considered,  it  was  :  Resolved,  that  Mr. 
Hardcastle,  Dr.  Haweis,  Mr.  Greathead,  Mr.  Cowie  and  Mr. 
Eyre,  be  appointed  a  Committee  for  that  purpose.15 

(To  be  continued}  IRENE  FLETCHER 

15L.M.S.  Archives  :    Board  Minutes. 


WORK  IN    PROGRESS 

The  Research  Secretary  in  particular  is  glad  to  hear  of  work 
being  done  by  our  members,  and  he  passes  the  information  on  to 
the  committee.  John  Duncan  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds  continues  his 
long  series  of  transcripts  and  histories  of  Suffolk  Nonconformist 
causes.  Several  members  are  writing  histories  of  their  churches. 
The  Rev.  A.  McLellan  of  Shenstone  Training  College,  Kidder- 
minister,  is  working  on  '  Congregationalism  and  the  Education  of 
the  People  from  1800-1900'.  Dr.  C.  E.  Allan  Turner,  Surbiton. 
whose  Ph.D.  thesis  was  on  '  The  Puritan  Contribution  to  Scientific 
Education  in  the  Seventeenth  Century  '  has  had  published  a  paper 
on  '  Puritan  Origins  in  Science  '  and  has  recently  completed  for 
the  Victoria  Institute  a  paper  on  '  Puritan  and  the  Royal  Society  '. 

BRANCHES    OF   THE    SOCIETY 

The  committee  of  the  Society  was  encouraged  to  learn  that 
Bradford  had  begun  a  branch  of  the  C.H.S.  (Secretary  :  Mr.  D.  P. 
Raine,  27  Lynton  Drive,  Shipley.)  The  programme  shows  an 
interesting  variety  of  lectures,  visits  and  a  ramble.  London,  inspired 
by  this  news  it  seems,  held  its  inaugural  meeting  on  16  June  at 
New  College,  London. 


/cy//L'/'  //v)/;/    C.   .V.   Strucke   (\ee   pug?    144),   reproduced   hy   kind 
permission  of  the  London  Missionary  Society. 


RICHARD  CECIL 

(Reproduced  by   kind  permission   of  Ongar  Congregational  Church  and  of 
the  Bedfordshire  Magazine) 


THE  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR 
CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY 

I 

In  1829  Richard  Cecil  went  to  Bedfordshire  to  become  pastor  of 
the  Congregational  Church  opened  at  Turvey  in  the  previous  year.1 
He  had  studied  for  the  ministry  at  Rotherham  Academy  and  had 
held  pastorates  at  Whitehaven,  Harpenden  and  Nottingham.  He 
remained  at  Turvey  until  June  1838  when  he  became  pastor  of  the 
Congregational  Church  at  Chipping  Ongar  in  Essex.  He  remained 
at  Ongar  until  October  1847  when  he  returned  to  Turvey  for  a 
second  pastorate  which  lasted  until  his  death  on  30  January  1863. 
He  was  buried  in  the  diminutive  burying-ground  behind  Turvey 
Congregational  Church  and  his  tomb  is  still  to  be  seen  as  is  a 
memorial  tablet  in  the  church.2 

During  his  first  pastorate  at  Turvey  and  for  the  early  part  of  the 
time  he  was  at  Ongar  Cecil  kept  an  academy  which  was  designed 
chiefly  for  training  men  for  the  London  Missionary  Society.  The 
London  Missionary  Society's  standards  for  the  acceptance  of 
students  were  higher  than  those  required  by  its  contemporary  the 
Home  Missionary  Society  and  it  was  by  no  means  easy  to  pass  the 
tests  of  the  Examination  Committee.3  Applications  by  would-be 
missionaries  were  carefully  scrutinised  as  were  testimonials  and 
references  and  the  questionnaires  which  the  Society  required  to  be 
completed.  The  candidate  was  interviewed  in  London  and  was  then 
sent  away  for  a  few  days  to  write  an  essay  before  his  second  and 
decisive  interview.  There  were  a  number  of  subjects  for  these 
essays  but  the  following  are  representative  : 

What  are  the  Scriptural  evidences  of  personal  religion  ? 

What  considerations  will    sustain   a   missionary    amidst   the 
labours  and  discouragements  of  his  work  ? 

The  Nature  and  Evidences  of  Regeneration. 

What  are  the,  best  means  of  preserving  the  life  and  fervency  of 
religion  in  the  Soul  ? 

1For  the  circumstances  attending  the  formation  of  the  Turvey  Congregational 
Church  see  Evangelical  Magazine  1829.  pp.  26,  158  and  374. 

2See  obituary  notices  in  Evangelical  Magazine  1863.  p.  299  and  Congrega 
tional  Year  Book  1864. 

3See   H.   G.   Tibbutt.    The   Cotton   End  Congregational  Academy    1840-74. 
'Transactions  of  Congregational  Historical  Society'  1958  and  1959. 

147 


148  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

Saving  Faith  and  its  immediate  Fruits. 

What  are  the  most  approved  Scriptural  principles  of  Mission 
ary  operation  ? 

The  Divinity   of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  his  operations  in  the 
human  heart.  (David  Livingstone's  essay  subject.)4 

Even  if  he  satisfied  the  Examination  Committee,  was  accepted  as 
a  candidate  and  was  found  to  be  medically  fit,  the  would-be 
missionary  had  still  to  complete  successfully  his  three  months' 
probationary  course  at  Turvey,  Ongar  or  elsewhere.  Cecil  was  a 
hard  taskmaster  and  the  wastage  rate  among  the  students  at  Turvey 
and  Ongar  was  high.  Out  of  90  students  who  are  known  to  have 
been  at  either  Turvey  or  Ongar  or  at  both,  20  failed  to  complete 
their  probation  period  satisfactorily  and  their  offers  of  service  were 
declined — a  wastage  rate  of  22%.  Four  others  did  not  continue 
because  of  illhealth  and  one  for  domestic  reasons,  while  Muncaster, 
a  promising  youth,  was  drowned  in  the  River  Ouse  while  a  student 
at  Turvey.5 

In  the  printed  Register  of  the  London  Missionary  Society6  only 
19  men  are  shown  as  having  studied  at  Turvey  or  Ongar  but  from  a 
detailed  study  of  the  manuscript  records  of  the  Society's  Examina 
tion  Committee7  it  appears  that  at  least  75  students  went  either  for 
their  probationary  course,  or  a  longer  course,  to  Turvey  (some  went 
on  to  Ongar  when  Cecil  moved  in  1838)  and  at  least  15  were  sent 
by  the  London  Missionary  Society  to  Cecil  while  he  was  at  Ongar — 
among  the  15  was  David  Livingstone.  In  all  no  less  than  58  of  the 
Turvey  and  Ongar  students  became  missionaries  for  the  London 
Missionary  Society. 

One  of  the  first  students  at  Turvey  was  John  Frost,  later  the 
Congregational  minister  at  Cotton  End,  Beds.,  from  1832-78  and 
Principal  of  the  Congregational  Academy  there  from  1840-74.8  The 
first  two  missionary  students,  Ross  and  Morrison,  arrived  at  Turvey 
during  February  1831  and  in  the  following  May  the  Examination 
Committee  considered  a  letter  from  Cecil  regarding  the  satisfactory 

^Subjects  taken  at  random  from  L.M.S.  Examination  Committee  Minutes 
(at  Livingstone  House)  1835-45. 

5For  an  account  of  Muncaster  see  Evangelical  Magazine  1832.  pp.  501-03. 

"James  Sibree.  L.M.S.  A  Register  of  Missionaries,  Deputations,  Etc.  4th 
edn.  1923.  The  Rev.  C.  E.  Surman's  Biographical  Card  Index  of  Con 
gregational  Ministers  (at  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  London)  has  now  been 
brought  up  to  date  by  identification  of  all  the  students  who  trained  at 
Turvey  or  Ongar. 

7At  Livingstone  House,  London. 
8See  H.  G.  Tibbutt  op.  cit. 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  149 

progress  of  these  two  students  and  'stating  that  he  was  quite 
satisfied  with  the  Allowance  of  £40,  provided  washing  were  not 
included  \  The  Examination  Committee  resolved  '  that  it  be  recom 
mended  to  the  Board  to  allow  Rev.  Richard  Cecil  after  the  rate  of 
Forty  Pounds  (£40)  per  annum  for  the  board,  education  (exclusive 
of  washing)  of  Missionary  candidates  to  be  placed  under  his  care.' ' 
The  cost  of  living  was  rising  however,  and  in  March  1832  the 
Examination  Committee  approved  a  gratuity  of  £20  towards  the 
cost  of  the  board  and  education  of  the  pupils  and  agreed  that  with 
effect  from  1  January  1832  the  allowance  for  each  pupil  sent  to 
Turvey  should  be  £45  per  annum.10 

Most,  if  not  all  of  the  students  at  Turvey,  were  boarded  out  in 
the  village.  When  Cecil  moved  to  Ongar  in  the  Summer  of  1838  he 
wished  to  have  the  students  under  his  continual  and  close  surveill 
ance.  This  is  clear  from  two  entries  in  the  records  of  the  Examina 
tion  Committee  : 

21  May  1838.  Read  letters  from  the  Revd.  Richard  Cecil 
communicating  to  the  Board  his  intention  of  leaving  Turvey 
to  reside  at  Ongar,  having  received  a  call  from  the  church  at 
the  latter  placebo  take  the  pastorate  there.  At  Ongar  he  was 
desirous  of  having  the  students  domiciled  with  him  and  there 
was  a  house  of  £100  per  annum  rent  which  would  afford  those 
accommodations,  but  which  he  dared  not  engage  without  some 
assistance,  and  asked  if  the  Board  would  think  it  right  to  grant 
him  £50  per  annum  towards  meeting  this  prospective  expense 
and  greater  efficiency  :  if  not,  he  must  continue  the  plan  of 
lodging  the  students  in  different  cottages  as  at  Turvey. 

RESOLVED.  To  recommend  to  the  Board  that  in  consider 
ation  of  the  additional  comfort  and  convenience  secured  to  the 
missionary  students  by  being  domiciled  with  the  Rev.  Richard 
Cecil  and  their  facility  for  improvement  in  being  thus  under  his 
constant  superintendence,  the  sum  of  £50  per  annum  be 
allowed  to  him  for  each  student  instead  of  £45  per  annum 
now  paid. 

11  February  1839.  Read  letter  from  the  Revd.  Richard  Cecil 
stating  the  impracticability  of  obtaining  a  house  in  Ongar  large 
enough  to  accommodate  his  own  family  and  the  students,  in 
consequence  he  should  waive  the  additional  allowance  kindly 
proposed  by  the  Board  under  date  21  May  1838  :  he  had 
obtained  three  cottages  directly  across  the  street  from  his  own 

9L.M.S.  Examination  Committee  Minutes  23  May  1831. 
™Ibid.  26  March  1832. 


150  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

house  whence  the  students  came  to  him  at  seven  o'  clock  in  the 
morning  and  remained  till  10  o'  clock  at  night,  in  which  he 
could  continue  most  efficiently  to  domicile  the  students  at  the 
usual  charge  :  inviting  also  a  deputation  from  the  Society  to 
visit  Ongar  for  the  purpose  of  inspecting  the  premises,  and 
investigating  the  whole  system  of  domestic  and  educational 
economy  adopted  by  himself  .... 

RESOLVED.  To  recommend  to  the  Board  that  a  deputation 
be  appointed  to  visit  Ongar  for  the  purposes  specified  in  Mr. 
Cecil's  letter. 
Two  extracts  from  the  Church  Book  of  Turvey  Congregational 

Church   show  that  Cecil  thought  that  Ongar  would  be  a  better 

location  for  the  Academy  than  Turvey  was  : 

1838.  March  13th.  A  special  meeting.  The  Pastor  com 
municated  to  the  Church  the  fact  that  he  had  entertained  some 
thought  of  leaving  them  ;  that  he  had  paid  two  visits  to  the 
town  of  Ongar  in  Essex  and  was  about  to  visit  that  place  a 
third  time  with  some  view  to  a  removal  ...  He  further  stated 
that  his  reason  for  taking  this  step  was  not  dissatisfaction  with 
the  conduct  of  the  people  towards  him,  as  he  had  nothing 
personally  to  complain  of,  but  great  cause  for  thankfulness 
on  account  of  the  harmony  and  kindness  which  prevailed  ;  but 
his  circumstances  as  the  father  of  a  numerous  family,  the 
income  being  very  small,  and  the  place  unfavourable  to  his 
employment  as  the  Tutor  of  a  number  of  Students,  Necessity, 
as  well  as  the  desire  of  usefulness,  impelled  him  to  follow  this 
employment,  and  the  situation  of  Turvey,  so  far  from  London 
and  out  of  the  high  road,  was' adverse  to  it  ...  At  the  same 
time  the  small  measure  of  success  which  had  appeared  to 
attend  his  labours  made  him  less  reluctant  to  think  of  a 
change  than  he  would  have  been  had  it  been  evident  that  the 
work  of  God  in  this  place  was  prospering  in  his  hands. 

1838.  May  4th.  Mr.  Cecil  stated  to  the  church  that  he  had 
come  to  the  determination,  under  a  sense  of  duty,  to  dissolve 
his  connexion  with  this  place,  And  to  remove  to  Ongar,  and 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  leave  early  in  the  next  month.11 
Apparently  the  members  of  the  L.M.S.'  Board  were  not  happy 

about  the  early  activities  of  Cecil  at  Ongar  and  he  addressed  the 

following  letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Arundel  at  the  Mission  House  : 

1  Eldest  Church  Book  of  Turvey  Congregational  Church  examined  and 
quoted  from  by  kind  permission  of  the  present  minister  the  Rev.  R. 
Doughty  Lindup. 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  151 

Ongar    June  15  1839 

My  dear  Sir, 

I  conclude  from  the  resolution  of  the  Board  which  you  have 
forwarded  to  me  that  my  employment  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Society  is  nearly  at  an  end.  You  had  given  me  previous 
intimation  that  all  the  Students  now  with  me  would  leave 
me  at  Midsummer  and  I  understand,  though  the  resolution 
does  not  clearly  express  it,  that  no  more  are  likely  to  be  sent. 
The  Directors  appear  also  to  admit  the  propriety  of  granting 
me  some  compensation  for  the  expences  recently  incurred,  and 
into  which  I  was  (most  reluctantly)  led,  not  only  by  repeated 
and  urgent  representations  relative  to  the  importance  of  my 
lodging  the  young  men  in  a  house  of  my  own,  but  by  the 
explicit  offer  and  promise  of  an  advance  in  the  terms  if  I 
should  procure  a  suitable  house. 

I  can  scarcely  tell  whether  I  ought  to  say  anything  more 
definite  on  the  Subject  of  compensation,  but  as  I  only  wish  for 
what  is  reasonable  and  just  to  both  parties,  perhaps  it  may 
be  well  to  state  that  besides  the  usual  unavoidable  loss  on 
goods  when  resold,  I  shall  be  under  a  peculiar  disadvantage 
because  the  articles  I  have  purchased  are  too  good  for  the 
poor  and  inappropriate  for  the  middle  class.  When  I  add  to 
this  a  variety  of  expenses  connected  with  my  removal  from 
Turvey  and  the  rent  and  fitting  up  of  houses  in  this  place, 
for  which  there  can  of  course  be  no  return,  I  am  sure  I  am 
correct  in  saying  that  I  should  barely  be  indemnified  by  a 
grant  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds.  Far  from  expecting  to  be 
a  gainer  by  the  whole  affair  if  that  amount  were  allowed  I 
would  thankfully  forego  it  to  be  situated,  as  far  as  money  is 
concerned,  as  I  was  twelve  months  ago. 

Allow  me  to  add  that  if  in  any  case  my  services  should  be 
desired  hereafter,  and  I  should  be  in  circumstances  that  will 
admit  of  my  receiving  a  student,  it  will  give  me  pleasure  to  be 
employed  for  the  Society.  To  relinquish  a  work  which  I  have 
thought  useful,  and  which  had  become,  by  habit  and  experi 
ence,  more  easy  and  agreeable,  in  some  respects,  than  at  any 
former  period  and  to  lose  it  at  a  time  when  I  fully  thought 
it  was  more  likely  to  increase  is  a  painful  trial. 

But  I  do  not  complain.  We  know  not  what  is  best. 

May  God  abundantly  prosper  the  Society,  supplying  it  more 
and  more  richly  with  suitable  labourers  and  meanwhile  may 

1   1 


152  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

he  make  such  use  of  each  of  us  as  will  be  most  for  his  own 
glory,  till  we  arrive  at  the  long  home  ! 

I  am,  my  dear  Sir,  Yours  affectionately, 
Richard  Cecil. 

To  Revd.  J.  Arundel,  Mission  House,  Blomfield  street, 
Finsbury,  London. 

Fortunately  Cecil's  fears  were  not  realised  and  students  continued 
to  arrive  at  Ongar  for  several  years. 

Some  further  light  on  Cecil's  connection  with  Ongar  is  to  be 
found  in  the  short  history  of  the  church  published  in  1937  :  4  Mr. 
Cecil  received  into  his  home  a  number  of  young  men  who  desired 
sto  be  educated  for  missionary  work  and  these  proved  themselves 
very  useful  in  the  conduct  of  services  in  the  town  and  surrounding 
district.  One  of  these,  who  came  in  the  year  1838  and  remained  6 
months,  was  Dr.  David  Livingstone,  the  great  African  missionary 
explorer.  His  bedroom  can  still  be  seen,  being  part  of  the  premises 
of  the  Church  Caretaker.  The  "  Livingstone  Room  ",  as  it  is  de 
scribed,  forms  part  of  a  property  owned  by  the  Church,  consisting 
of  six  cottages,  and  presented  by  Mr.  Josiah  Gilbert,  a  faithful 
friend  of  the  cause  and  a  grandson  of  the  Rev.  Isaac  Taylor  V2 

II 

William  Gill,  one  of  the  students  at  Turvey,  in  his  Autobiography 
has  left  a  valuable  account  of  his  months  in  the  Bedfordshire 
village  : 

On  November  19th  1835  I  left  London  for  Turvey.  The  Rev. 
R.  and  Mrs  Cecil  received  me  most  kindly  and  so  did  all  the 
students.  Among  the  students  at  Turvey  at  this  time,  and  those 
who  afterwards  came,  were  Mr.  Lumb,  Mr.  Stevens,  Mr.  Hay, 
Mr.  Wilkinson,  Mr.  Samuel  Martin,  Mr.  Gleg,  Mr.  Kettle, 
Mr.  Ross  and  others.  Generally  eighteen  students  were  there, 
and  most  who  were  accepted  remained  two  or  three  years. 
In  the  usual  course  of  study  and  in  the  intimate  personal  and 
family  intercourse  I  had  much  delight.  Soon,  too,  I  had  much 
exercise  in  village  preaching  and  occasionally  supplying  the 
pulpit  of  Mr.  Cecil.  Under  these  congenial  and  favourable 
circumstances  I  was  permitted  to  close  the  year  1835. 

Among  my  useful  engagements  at  Turvey  was  preaching  at 
the  villages  and  sometimes  at  the  towns  near.  In  the  morning 

—  Harold    T.     Pinchback.    Ongar    Congregational    Chnrcli.    Essex.    A    Short 
Hhwrv.  1937.  (Copy  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  London). 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  153 

we  usually  heard  Mr.  Cecil.  His  devotion,  his  tenderness,  his 
learning,  his  language,  were  so  valuable  to  us  that  every  service, 
apart  from  its  worship,  was  a  blessing  to  the  heart  and  a 
stimulus  to  the  mind. 

We  generally  went  to  the  villages  in  the  afternoon,  usually  by 
twos,  for  both  services.  During  my  two  years  residence  at 
Turvey  I  preached  sixty-five  sermons — at  Bedford,  Olney,  St. 
Neots,  Newport  Pagnell  and  at  the  villages  of  Stoke  Golding- 
ton,  Harrold,  Stagsden,  Ashwood  [Astwood],  Newton 
[Blossomville]  and  Turvey. 

While  at  Turvey  we  were  frequently  favoured  with  visits 
of  good  and  useful  men,  friends  of  Mr.  Cecil,  to  whom  we  were 
introduced  and  with  whom  we  had  free  and  profitable  inter 
course — Dr.  Bennett,  Henry  Dunn,  Messrs.  Bull,  John  Frost 
and  Alliott  of  Bedford  often  came.13 

In  the  Reminiscences  of  Bishop  Robert  Caldwell  who  was  at 
Turvey  for  a  few  weeks  late  in  1834  is  the  following  sentence  : 
4 1  have  a  pleasant  remembrance  of  Mr.  Cecil's  pure  and  elevated, 
though  somewhat  mystical  tone  of  mind,  to  be  brought  into  contact 
with  which  was  in  itself  no  unimportant  advantage  to  a  young 
man.'14 

During  the  early  months  of  1832  the  Baptist  Church  at  Steving- 
ton,  Beds.,  and  the  Union  Church  at  Cotton  End,  Beds.,  were 
without  pastors  and  the  Turvey  students  conducted  services  in 
those  villages.  The  Cotton  End  Church  Book  records  '  1832.  During 
the  greater  part  of  this  year  the  church  and  congregation  were 
supplied  with  preaching  by  students  from  Turvey  where  the  Rev.  R. 
Cecil  holds  a  small  classical  and  theological  Academy/1'1 

Cecil  had  severe  domestic  troubles  while  at  Ongar.  In  1843  his 
second  daughter,  Salome,  died  after  a  long  illness  and  in  June  1844 
his  wife  died  at  the  age  of  48  years.  Two  months  later  another 

^Selections  from  the  Autobiography  of  Rev.  Wm.  Gill  being  chiefly  a 
Record  of  His  Life  as  a  Missionary  in  the  Sth.  Sea  Islands.  Printed  for 
private  circulation.  London.  1880.  (Copy  at  Livingstone  House,  London.) 
Among  the  records  of  Turvey  Congregational  Church  is  a  loose  paper 
which  is  obviously  the  fly  leaf  of  a  book  :  the  leaf  is  inscribed  as  follows : 
'To  Mr.  Paine.  With  the  grateful  acknowledgments  of  William  Gill. 
Richard  Birt,  John  Hay.  J.  H.  Budden,  George  Wilkinson '.  It  would 
appear  that  the  book  of  which  this  is  the  fly  leaf,  was  presented  to 
Mr.  Paine,  a  prominent  member  of  the  Turvey  church,  by  the  five 
students. 

14 Reminiscences  of  Bishop  Caldwell  ed.  by  his  son-in-law.  Rev.  J.  L.  Wyatt. 
Madras.  1894. 

13Cotton  End  Church  Book  examined  and  quoted  from  by  kind  permission 
of  the  present  minister  the  Rev.  G.  H.  Relfe. 


154  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

daughter,  Lucy,  wife  of  John  Hay  a  former  Turvey  student,  died 
in  India.  It  seems  likely  that  these  events  were  the  cause  of  the 
discontinuance  tof  the  Ongar  Academy.  Apparently  the  London 
Missionary  Society  ceased  to  send  students  to  Ongar  after  the  death 
of  Cecil's  wife  in  1844  and  as  far  as  is  known  he  took  no  students 
during  his  second  pastorate  at  Turvey. 

Ill 

The  studies  at  Turvey  and  Ongar  were  very  comprehensive  as 
evidenced  by  the  various  books  asked  for  by,  and  supplied  to, 
Cecil  by  the  London  Missionary  Society. 

Hurwitz.  Hebrew  Grammar  (2  copies). 

Gessincus.  Hebrew  Lexicon.  (2  copies). 

Greenfield.  Genesis,  (in  Hebrew  with  translation).  (2  copies). 

Schrivelius.  Greek  Lexicon. 

Stuart.  Hebrew  Grammar.  (Oxford  edition).16 

Conversations  on  Chemistry. 

Herschel.  Astronomy. 

Drummond.  First  Steps  to  Botany. 

Vegetable  Physiology. 

Animal  Physiology. 

Arnott.  Physics,  (vol.  1  and  vol.  2.  Pt.  I.).17 

Tytler.  Elements  of  General  History. 

Taylor.  Elements  of  Thought.™ 

Among  the  more  famous  of  the  students  were  Samuel  Martin 
(minister  at  Westminster  Chapel,  London  and  a  pioneer  in  slum- 
clearance)  :  Alexander  Macdonald  (a  L.M.S.  missionary  in  the 
South  Seas  and  from  1850  Congregational  minister  at  Auckland, 
New  Zealand,  at  a  time  when  there  were  only  five  other  Congrega 
tional  ministers  in  that  country)  :  John  Ross  (pioneer  of  the  idea 
of  the  Free-will  Offering  System  decades  before  it  became  generally 
popular)  :  David  Livingstone  :  William  Slatyer  (Chairman  of 
the  Congregational  Union  of  New  South  Wales  1867-68  and  1876- 
77)  :  Robert  Caldwell  (who  became  an  Anglican  in  1841  and  was 
bishop  of  Tinnevelli  in  India  from  1877-91)  :  William  Charles 
Milne  (who  after  a  period  of  missionary  service  in  China  became 
a  Chinese  interpreter  for  the  British  Government  in  China  and  later 
Assistant  Chinese  Secretary  to  the  Pekin  Legation)  and  James 
Panton  Ham  who  became  a  Unitarian  in  1849  and  was  minister  of 

"•Items  in   L.M.S.  Examination  Committee  Minutes  26  May  1834. 
]'lhid.   13  October  1834. 
17  October  1836 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  155 

the    influential   Essex     Street   Unitarian    Church,    London  from 
1859-83). 

Several  of  the  Turvey  and  Ongar  students  found  unsatisfactory 
by  Cecil  subsequently  became  L.M.S.  missionaries  or  Congrega 
tional  ministers  (Bowrey,  Bullen,  Ellis,  England,  Harrison  and 
Spencer).  Some  students  later  went  to  Australia  (Charter,  Hardie, 
Mills,  Murray,  Pratt,  Slatyer  (William),  Stevens  and  Watt),  to 
Canada  (Howell  and  Inglis),  to  New  Zealand  (Macdonald)  and  to 
the  U.S.A.  (Murkland  and  Stronach).  Four  students  ended  their 
careers  as  ministers  in  other  churches  :  Caldwell  (Church  of  Eng 
land),  Ham  (Unitarian),  Inglis  (United  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Scotland)  and  Leitch  (Presbyterian  Church  of  England).  Almost 
half  of  the  students  attended  other  colleges,  etc.,  either  before  or 
after  their  period  with  Cecil  and  a  number  obtained  degrees.19 

(To  be  concluded)  H.  G.  TIBBUTT 


19A  short  account  of  the  Turvey  Congregational  Academy  by  the  present 
author  appeared  in  the  Bedfordshire  Magazine,  vol.  5.  pp.  321-23  :  vol.  6. 
By  kind  permission  of  Ongar  Congregational  Church  and  of  the  Bedford 
shire  Magazine  the  Ongar  portrait  of  Cecil  is  reproduced  in  this  number 
of  Transactions.  The  Evangelical  Magazine  for  1838  (p.  177)  contains  a 
note  of  '  Faith  and  Purity.  Two  charges  addressed  to  Missionaries  proceed 
ing  to  the  South  Seas.  To  which  is  added  a  Letter  relative  to  the 
Preservation  of  Health'.  By  the  Rev.  Richard  Cecil  (1838).  The  first 
discourse  in  this  work  was  '  Faith,  the  Support  of  the  Christian  Ministry ' 
was  delivered  at  Brighton  to  the  Rev.  A.  W.  Murray,  Missionary  to  the 
navigators.  The  second  discourse  was  '  The  Missionary  exhorted  to  Purity 
of  Doctrine  and  of  Life  '.  to  the  Rev.  William  Gill  who  accompanies 
Mr.  Williams  in  the  ship,  as  a  missionary  to  the  Hervey  Islands.  In  the 
L.M.S.  archives  are  various  original  letters  of  Cecil  from  both  Turvey 
and  Ongar  and  letters  from  Turvey  from  three  of  the  students  :  Hay, 
Henderson  and  Russell. 


NON-PAROCHIAL  REGISTERS 

The  Research  Secretary  writes  : 

Now  that  non-parochial  registers  (pre-1840  period)  have  been 
transferred  from  Somerset  House  to  the  Public  Record  Office,  it  is  a 
simple  matter  for  churches  to  get  microfilms  made  of  their  registers. 
The  cost  of  such  microfilms  is  reasonable  and  the  Public  Record 
Office  (Chancery  Lane,  London,  W.C.)  will  always  give  an  estimate 
of  the  cost  if  this  is  asked  for  before  the  order  is  placed.  I  am 
willing  to  tell  enquirers  whether  or  not  the  Public  Record  Office 
holds  the  registers  of  particular  churches. 
1  1  * 


THOMAS  PHIPSON  -  AN  INDEPENDENT 
SETTLER  IN  NATAL,  1849 

fc  Kaffirs  are  men  of  reason,  and  not  creatures  of  ferocious  instinct 
alone.  No  powerfully  impelling  motive  can  now  be  reasonably 
argued  why  (they)  should  attack  the  European  population  of  Natal.' 
Thomas  Phipson  wrote  these  words  in  January  1851  at  a  moment 
of  panic,  when  the  colonists  were  in  daily  expectation  of  a  Zulu 
attack.  He  had  recently  brought  his  wife  and  small  children  to  the 
colony,  and  had  everything  to  lose  if  his  faith  should  happen  to  be 
misplaced.  He  goes  on  : 

The  hint  you  drop  about  (the)  '  innate  depravity '  (of  the 
African)  appears  to  me  to  betray  a  theological  error  ...  in  all 
cases  a  just  and  equitable  course  of  conduct,  a  cheerful 
confidence  and  a  peaceable  attitude  have  proved  a  more 
rational  and  effective  means  of  defence  than  fleets  and  armies. 
Twenty-five  years  later,  within  a  year  of  his  death,  he  was  still 
arguing  the  cause  of  the  African. 

Among  the  many   devices  for  squeezing  the  Kaffirs  into 
4  civilization  ',  that  is,  unskilled  labour  for  the  whites,  the  latest 
and  most  ingenious  is  ...  to  compress  them  into  a  location 
too  small  for  them  ....  And  :    When  I  see  black  women 
ill-treated  I  am  sensible  of  a  queer  twitching  at  my  fingers' 
ends  ....  I  wonder  how  the  wives  of  some  of  our  big  white 
chiefs  would  look,  just  for  once,  similarly  employed. 
Phipson,  who  was  Sheriff  of  Natal  from  1852-61,  made  a  many- 
sided  contribution  to  the  young  colony.  He  was  unusually  well-read, 
with  some  knowledge  of  law,  languages,  education  and  astronomy, 
the  author    of  a  translation  of   Lamartine's   Voyage  en    Orient 
(describing  a  journey  to  the  Holy  Land),  and  the  contributor  of 
many  outspoken  and  witty  articles  to  David  Dale  Buchanan's  Natal 
Witness  and  other  newspapers.  His  two  series  of  An  Emigrant's 
Letters  Home  in  1 849  and  1 85 1  had  a  wide  influence  ;  and  through 
out  his  life  he  attacked  illiberal  African  policies  and  corruption 
wherever  he  saw  it.  His  letter  attacking  the  judiciary  under  the  title 
The  ~N atalian  Trimurti  was  long  remembered. 

He  was  born  in  London  in  1815,  and  died  in  Pietermaritzburg 
in  1876.  He  came  of  a  leading  Midland  family,  manufacturers  in  the 
reign  of  George  III.  At  one  point  he  was  training  for  the  Congrega 
tional  Ministry  at  Cotton  End,  but  withdrew  in  1841  because  of 
doctrinal  differences  with  the  principal.  He  married  Mary  Hester 

156 


THOMAS  PHIPSON  157 

Colborne,  whose  family  gave  the  site  of  the  present  Congregational 
Chapel  at  Brentwood,  Essex  ;  for  a  while  ran  a  boarding  school 
there  ;  then  worked  as  a  clerk  at  the  London  Missionary  Society. 
Here  he  became  interested  in  missionary  work,  but  believed  that 
this  was  of  little  value  without  the  example  of  the  Christian  colonist. 
'  In  vain  does  the  Missionary  study  barbarous  tongues ',  he  wrote, 
'  and  occupy  his  isolated  position  among  rude  tribes,  if  at  the  same 
time  his  fellow-countrymen  are  allowed  to  retrograde  from  their 
Christian  standing '.  His  pious  hope  was  that  his  own  family 
might  provide  such  an  example. 

fn  the  early  months  of  1849,  with  his  wife  and  three  small 
children  and  several  of  his  wife's  brothers  and  sisters,  he  travelled 
by  sailing-ship  to  Natal.  Within  five  months  of  his  arrival,  on 

3  October  1849,  the  meeting  establishing  the  first  Congregational 
Church  in  Natal  was  held  in  his  house.  An  advertisement  in  the 
Witness,  signed  by  James  Brickhill  and  Thomas  Phipson,  reads  : 

4  As  we  have  determined  to  take  upon  ourselves  the  whole  pecuni 
ary  responsibility,  there  will  be  no  pew-rents  and  no  collections  for 
the  support  of  public  worship,  since  we  seek  not  yours  but  you '. 
A  year  or  so  later  he  and  James  Rock  were  deputed  to  go  to 
Durban  and  help  organize  a  church  there.  They  walked  the  sixty 
miles   across  country,   4  performed   their  duty  with  success,  and 
returned  '. 

He  was  witty  and  sociable  and  a  good  raconteur,  but  he  was  in 
capable  of  compromise.  He  held  that  a  pastor  should  not  be  paid 
as  such,  but  should  support  himself  by  another  occupation.  He  set 
the  Natal  authorities  by  the  ears  by  saying  that  he  disowned  and 
repudiated  '  not  merely  diocesan  prelates  but  all  clergymen  of 
every  rank  and  what  denomination  soever,  yet  I  am  acquainted 
with  several  intelligent  and  upright  gentlemen  in  these  offices '. 
(He  was,  in  fact,  a  friend  of  the  controversial  Bishop  Colenso.) 
His  most  violent  remarks  were  reserved  for  '  Free '  churchmen 
who  accepted  any  kind  of  government  help. 

He  and  his  wife  had  nine  children,  and  there  have  been  several 
hundred  descendants,  many  of  them  members  of  Nonconformist 
churches  ;  eighty-odd  descendants  of  one  of  his  sons  had  a  reunion 
in  Maritzburg  recently. 

His  life  ended  in  tragedy,  the  frustration  of  an  intellectual  idealist 
in  a  materially  expanding  country,  but  right  up  to  the  last  clouded 
months  he  maintained  a  liberal  and  independent  attack  or  the 
policies  from  the  results  of  which  we  are  suffering  now. 

R.   N.   CURREY 


Congregational  Church  Records 

Held  in  Public  Custody  (List  3) 

(Lists  1  ana1  2  :   Vol.  xix.  Nos.  1  and  2,  pp.  26  and  80) 
Hammersmith  Public  Library. 

Broadway  Cong.  Friendly  Soc.  :    minutes,    1905-38  ;  accounts, 

1905-7  ;  reports,  etc.,  1910-33. 
Plymouth  Public  Library,  Archives  Dept. 
Laira  Ch.  :   plans  for  Sunday  School,  1934. 
New  Tabernacle,  Plymouth:    minutes,   1797-1859;  register  of 

members,  1833-59;  accounts,  1797-1858. 
Old  Tabernacle,  Plymouth  :   baptisms,  1763-1817. 
Sherwell  Ch,  Plymouth  :   minutes,  1858-1931  ;  register  of  mem 
bers,  1860-1917  ;  accounts,  1859-1902. 
Devon  Auxiliary  Missionary  Soc.  :   minutes,  1812-35. 
District  Cong.  Council  :   minutes,  1915-35. 
Wales,  National  Library,  Aberystwyth. 
Aberaeron,  Peniel  Ch.  :  register  of  members,  1816-58. 
Abergavenny,  Castle  St.  Ch.  :  deeds  and  papers,  1744-1886. 
Birmingham,  Wheeler  St.  Ch.  :    minutes  and  accounts,  1881-95. 
Borth  (Cards.)  :   registers  of  members  and  accounts,  1869-1919. 
Bow  Street  (Cards.):    register  of  members,  1906-10;  new  ch. 

subscription  list,  1903-5. 

Caernarvon,  Pendref  Ch.  :   minutes,  1899-1917. 
Capel  Isaac  (Carms.)  :    register  of  members,   1844-73. 
Capel  Iwan  (Carms.)  :   trust  deed,  1724. 
Carmarthen,  Heol  Awst  (Lammas  St.)  Ch.  :   accounts,  1735-94, 

1845-1910;    minutes,    1824,    1865-74;   baptisms,    1792-1802; 

burials,  1792-5  ;  pew  registers,  1835-62  ;  trust  deed,  1725. 
Clarach   (Cards.),  Hephzibah  Ch.  :    registers  of  members   and 

accounts,  1845-83. 
Coedgruffydd  (Cards.),  Salem  Ch.  :    accounts,   1897-1935  ;  pew 

rents,  1880-1903. 
Conway,  Seion  Ch.  :  register  of  members  and  accounts,  1808-82  ; 

S.  S.  reg.,  1888-9;  Llandudno  June.  ch.  foundation,  1889. 
Craig  Bargoed  (Glam.)  :   baptisms,  1831-38. 
Cysegr  (Flints.)  :  baptisms,  1832-73. 

Dinas  Mawddwy  (Mer.),  Hermon  Ch.  :    S.  S.  register,  1854-64. 
Dyffryn  Paith  (Cards.),  Beulah  Ch.  :  pew  rents,  1842-66. 
Esgairdawe  (Carms.)  :    registers  of  members,  1827-1906. 
Esgairdawe  and  Ffaldybrenin  (Carms.)  :    baptisms  and  burials, 

1859-1913. 

158 


CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH  RECORDS  159 

Gland wr  (Pembs.)  :  baptisms  and  register  of  members,  1746-94  ; 

accounts,  1825-31. 

Holy  well,  Chapel  St.  Ch.  :  baptisms,  1788-1837. 
Lampeter,  Soar  Ch.  :   baptisms,  1872-87. 
Liverpool,  Tabernacle  Ch.  :   register  of  members,  1830-56. 
Llanbadarnfawr,  Clarach  and  Dyifryn  Paith  :  baptisms,  1815-50. 
Llanbrynmair  :      baptisms,     1762-1876;     marriages,     1838-48; 

burials,  1843-48  ;  covenant,  1798. 

Llandilo  (Carms.),  Mynyddbach  Ch.  :  church  register,  1715-94. 
Llandudno,  St.  Tudno  St.  Ch.  :   ch.  building  subscriptions,  1858. 
Llanfaircaereinion  (Monts.),  Ebenezer  Ch.  :   baptisms,  1818-47  ; 

accounts,  1864-1914;  Sunday  School  minutes.  1855-1942. 
Llangwm  (Denbs.),  Capel-y-Groes  Ch.  :  accounts,  1863-75. 
Llangyfelach  (Glam.),  Mynydd  Bach  Ch.  :  ch.  register,  1688- 

1784  ;  new  ch.  subscriptions,  1761-92. 
Llanharan  (Glam.),  Bethlehem  Ch.  :  baptisms,  1849-81. 
Llanuwchllyn  (Mer.),  Yr  Hen  Ch.  :   registers  of  members,  1842- 

47  ;  subscription,  1855. 

Llwyncelyn  (Cards.)  :  registers  of  members,  1855-1909. 
Main  (Mont.)  :   baptisms,  1821-37. 

Manchester,  Booth  St.  Ch.  :    mins.,  1904-43  ;  accts.,  1929-52. 
Manchester,  Chorlton   Rd.  Ch.  :    minutes,   1925-54 ;   accounts, 

1878-1959  ;  registers  of  members,  1881-1958  ;  Band  of  Hope, 

1911  ;  Sunday  School,  1923-56  ;  Young  People's  Soc.,  1944-56. 
Mold,  Bethel  Ch.  :  baptisms,  1813-63  ;  building  accounts,  n.d. 
Neuaddlwyd  (Cards.)  :   register  of  members,  1780-1850. 
Penycae    (Cards.):    register  of  members,    1841-72;   baptisms, 

1841-74;  marriages,  1854-64;  burials,  1839-69. 
Pen-y-Groes  (Pembs.)  :  register  of  members,  1844-1940. 
Rhyader  :   register  of  members,  1782-93. 
Rhymney,  Moriah  Ch.  :   register  of  members,  1851-58. 
Shrewsbury,    Tabernacle   Ch.  :    minutes,    1858-64;    register  of 

members,    ,1878-82;     accounts,     1845-82;     Sunday    School 
^  minutes,  1879-96  ;  new  Ch.  subscriptions,  1860-61. 
Swansea,  Ebenezer  Ch.  :  accounts,  1841-76  ;  register  of  members 

1803-45  ;  baptisms,  1804-74. 
Talybont  (Cards.),  Bethel  Ch.  :   baptisms,  1805-63. 
Towyn,  Bethesda  Ch.  :    baptisms,  1809-1904;  marriages,  1840- 

1902;    accounts,    1878-1915;    new   ch.,    1891-1914;    manse 

accounts,  1900-15  ;  Sunday  School,  1901-14. 
Troedrhiwdalar  (Brecks.)  :   register  of  members,  1781-1848. 

(Received  from  C.  E.  Welch) 


LYON   TURNER'S     ORIGINAL    RECORDS 

Notes  and  Identifications  V 

In  the  fourth  list  of  identifications  of  the  Nonconformist  lay 
conventiclers  of  1669  and  1672,  published  in  Transactions  in 
Vol.  XV  (1945),  pp.  42-47,  I  promised  a  fuller  analysis  of  Dr.  W.  T. 
Whitley's  Baptist  Bibliography.  This  promise  is  redeemed  in  the 
present  fifth  list  of  seventy  additional  names,  for  which  the  index 
to  Whitley's  work  is  the  most  frequent  source.  The  number  of 
conventiclers  even  of  one  denomination  found  to  be  authors 
prompts  the  thought  that  a  thorough  collation  of  their  names  with 
those  in  Donald's  Wing's  Short-Title  Catalogue  .  .  .  1641-1700 
would  probably  identify  many  more  conventiclers. 

The  list  appears  this  year  as  a  minute  contribution  to  our  com 
memoration  of  the  tercentenary  of  1662.  Taken  cumulatively  with 
the  earlier  lists,  it  provides  striking  evidence  of  the  continuity  of 
Nonconformity  in  the  period  of  the  Clarendon  Code  with  the 
religious  life  for  which  Cromwell  had  been  a  Protector  in  the 
previous  decade.  4  What  above  all  Puritanism  owed  to  Cromwell 
was  time  to  spread  its  roots  deeply  and  widely  so  that  the  Claren 
don  Code  could  not  eradicate  them'  (Godfrey  Davies,  The 
Restoration  of  Charles  II,  1955,  p.  363).  The  Act  of  Uniformity  of 
1662  and  the  penal  legislation  which  followed  caused  immeasurable 
dislocation  and  distress  ;  but  it  neither  inaugurated  nor  even,  at  the 
deeper  levels,  seriously  affected  the  ways  of  worship  and  life  which 
these  men  prized,  it  only  made  them  illegal.  This  is  well  illustrated 
by  analysis  of  a  church  book  such  as  that  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds, 
for  extracts  from  which  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  J.  Duncan,  of  Bury. 

While  it  is  likely  that  the  majority  of  those  who  took  out  licences 
in  1672  would  be  of  the  older  generation,  some  among  them  were 
still  young.  Their  names  link  the  period  of  persecution  not  with 
the  freedom  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate  but  with  the 
toleration  to  come  after  1689.  I  have  accordingly  added  a  few 
identifications  of  conventiclers  with  those  known  as  ministers  or 
lay  leaders  at  this  later  period. 

The  number  in  parentheses  following  each  name  and  address  is, 
as  before,  of  the  page  in  Original  Records,  Vol.  II. 

160 


LYON  TURNER:  NOTES  161 

ABBREVIATIONS 

Brockett  :    Allen  Brocket!,  Nonconformity  in  Exeter  1650-1875,  1962. 
Browne,    C.   C.   W.  :    John   Browne,   Congregational  Church  at   Wrentham, 

1854. 

Gordon,  F.  A.  E.  :   Alexander  Gordon,  Freedom  after  Ejection,  1917. 
Heywood  :    Oliver    Heywood,   Autobiography,   ed.    J.    H     Turner,   4    vols., 

1882-5. 

Matthews,  W.  R.  :  A.  G.  Matthews,  Walker  Revised,  1948. 
Northowram  Reg.  :    Nonconformist  Register,  ed.  J.  H.  Turner,  1881. 
Whitley,  B.  B.  -.Baptist  Bibliography,  ed.  W.  T.  Whitley,  1916. 


ANGEARES,  Wm.,  Glastonbury,  Som.  (1122);  signed  Confession  of  Faith 
1656  for  Baptist  church,  Somerton  (Confessions  of  Faith,  ed.  E.  B. 
Underhill,  1854,  p.  73). 

BAKER,  Samuel,  Wattisfield,  Suffolk  (903,  915)  ;  local  squire  (see  my  art. 

on  him  in  Transactions,  xvii,  pp.  117-122). 
BALSTER,  John,  Uffculme,  Devon  (1151);  1640-1714  :   min.  at  Okehamp- 

ton  (Gordon,  F.a.E.,  p.  205). 
BARROW,    Richard,   Guston,   Kent   (1003) ;    author   in   controversy    with 

Praisegod  Barbon  over  baptism  in  1640's  :  m.  widow  of  regicide  Thos. 

Harrison  (Whitley,  B.  B.\ 
BATT,   Robert,   Chard,  Som.   (1115);   deacon  of  Axminster  Congreg.   ch. 

(Ax minster  Ecclesiastica,  p.  34  et  alibi). 
BOTHAMLEY,  Nath.,  Cawthorne,  Yorks.  (655);  mentioned  by  Heywood, 

i.  232;  ii.  130. 
BOWRING,  John,  Chulmleigh,  Devon  (1173);  wool  merchant,  ancestor  of 

Sir  John  Bowring  (D.N.BJ. 
BOYLAND,  John,  Exeter  (1159);  bailiff  of  Exeter  1677  (Brockett,  p.  45 

et  alibi). 
BREWSTER,   Fran.,   Wrentham,  Suffolk   (i.  269);   foundation  member  of 

Wrentham  Congreg.  ch.,  1650  (Browne,  CC.W.,  p    11). 
BRIGHT,  (W.),  Goudhurst,  Kent  (995)  ;  '  a  broken  Shop  Keeper,  then  a 

Dissenting  Preacher  in  London'  (Walker  :  cf.  Matthews,  W.R.   p.  215). 
BROMLEY,    (Thomas),    Bradfield,    Berks.    (949);   chief   follower   of   John 

Pordage,  q.v.  (G.  F.  Nuttall,  James  Nayler  (1954),  pp.  3ff). 
BUSWELL.    Roger,    Husband's   Bosworth,    Northants.    (768) ;   ancestor   of 

prominent  Clipston  Nonconformist  family. 
BUTTER  WORTH,  John,  Halifax,  Yorks.  (652);  mentioned  by  Heywood, 

i.  268. 
BUXTON,    John,    Wirksworth,    Derbys.    (702);    Henry    Buxton    elder    of 

Wirksworth  Classis  in  1650's  (Transactions,  xvi.  39). 

CLERKE,  William,  Winfrith  Newburgh,  Dorset  (1132);  1649-1722  :  min.  at 
Wareham,  1670-1722  (Gordon,  F.a.E.,  p.  238). 

COLLIER,  John,  Cheddar,  Som.  (1122);  edited  Som.  Baptist  Short  Con 
fession,  1691  (Whitley,  B.B.). 

CONSTABLE,  John,  Beeston,  Notts.  (719) ;  elder  in  Nottingham  classis, 
1660  (Chetham  Soc.,  xli,  app.  I). 

COOK,  Mary,  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  Suffolk  (917) ;  member  of  Bury  Congreg. 
ch.,  transferred  from  Norwich  1649  :  d.  1675  (Bury  ch.  book,  per 
Mr.  J.  Duncan). 


162  LYON  TURNER:  NOTES 

CRISPE,  Wm.,  Wrentham,  Suffolk  (i.  269) ;  foundation  member  of  Wren- 

tham  Congreg.  ch.,  1650  (Browne,  C.C.W.,  p.  11). 
CRISPIN,  Thos.,  Exeter  (1159) ;  foundation  member  of  Exeter  Presbyterian 

Committee  of  Thirteen,  1687  (Brockett,  pp.  22,  57  et  alibi). 
CUDMORE,  Daniel,  Loxbear,  Devon  (1152)  ;  Rector  of  Stockleigh  Pomeroy, 

1659-60  (cf.  Matthews,  W.R.,  p.  109). 

DAVIS,  Wm.,  Trumpington,  Cambs.  (872) ;  signed  Baptist  manifesto  against 

Matthew  Caffyn,  1679  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
DEEKES  (DYKES),  Edward,  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  Suffolk  (922) ;  disowned 

by   Bury  Congreg.  ch.    1656  on  turning  Quaker  (Bury  ch.  book,  per 

Mr.  J.  Duncan). 
DICON,  James,  Wakefield,  Yorks.  (654);  visited  by  Heywood   1678  (Hey- 

wood,  ii.  59). 

ELLISON,    Samuel,    Bramley,    Yorks.    (651) ;    Heywood    preached    at   his 
house  1667  (Heywood,  i.  236  ;  iv.  264). 

FACY,  Wm.,  Tiverton,  Devon  (1184);  signed  Baptist  circular  letter,  1656 

(Journal  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  xi,  215). 
FAWNE,  Roger,  Lincoln  (731);  signed  Lines.  Baptists'  Address  to  Charles 

II,  1660  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
FOX,  Wm.,  Devizes,   Wilts.  (1072);  in  controversy  with  Quaker  Richard 

Abell,  1659  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
FREEMAN,    John,    Ramsbury,   Wilts.    (1059);   nominated   elder  in  Wilts. 

classis,  1648  (Bodleian  Library  Pamphlet  C.106  (33)). 
FREEME,    Thomas,    Devizes,    Wilts.    (1069);    nominated    elder   in    Wilts. 

classis,  1648  (Bodleian  Library  Pamphlet  C.106  (33)). 

GARGRAVE,    Michael,  -Bradford,   Yorks.   (649);   bur.    11    Nov.    1700,   'a 

pious  man,  aged  75  '  (Northowram  Reg.,  p.  103). 
GIBBS,  John,  Rede,  Suffolk  (905) ;  member  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds  Congreg. 

church,  1659  (Bury  ch.  book,  per  Mr.  J.  Duncan). 
GILHAM,  Walter,  Smarden,  Kent  (1005) ;  of  family  which  sold  ground  for 

present   strict   Baptist  ch.,   Smarden   (R.    F.    Chambers,   Strict  Baptist 

Chapels  of  England,  iii,  6). 

HAMOND,  George,  Cranbrook,  Kent  (1006);  should  be  in  light  type,  not 

ej.  min.  of  this  name  ;  for  correct  identification,  see  Whitley,  B.B.). 
HANCOX,  Giles,  Stratton,  near  Cirencester,  Glos.  (799  ;  not  Stretton-on- 

the-Fosse,    Warws.) ;    signed    letter    pr.    in    T(homas)    T(hache),    The 

Gainsayer  Convinced  (1649). 
HART,  Wm.,  Collingham,  Notts.  (723) ;  signed  Lines.  Baptists'  Address  to 

Charles  II,  1661  (Whitley,  B.B.I 
HOLLEDGE,    John,  Kimbolton,   Hunts.   (848) ;   lay  witness   of  this  name 

against  Richard  Davis  at  Kettering,  1692  (N.  Glass,  Early  Hist,  of  the 

Independent  Church  of  Rothwell  (1871),  p.  52). 
HOLMES,  Jonas,  Topsham,  Devon  (1178);  intruded  Rector  of  Stockleigh 

Pomeroy    and    Curate    of    Cruwys    Morchard,    according    to    Walker 

(Matthews,  W.R.,  pp.  109,  112). 
HOWE,    Wm.,    Oving,    Bucks.    (839) ;    signed    Baptist    manifesto    against 

Matthew  Caffyn,  1679  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
HUNT,   Clement,   Dinton,  Bucks.  (840)  ;   signed   Baptist  manifesto  against 

Matthew  Caffyn,  1679  (Whitley,  B.B.). 


LYON  TURNER  :  NOTES  163 

KINGFORD,   Thomas,   Canterbury,   Kent   (1001);   deacon   of  Canterbury 

Congreg.  ch.,  1689  (Transactions,  vii,  188). 
KNIGHT,  Robert,  Headcorn,  Kent  (1005)  ;  min.  of  Staplehurst  Baptist  ch., 

1697  (R.  F.  Chambers,  Strict  Baptist  Chapels  of  England,  iii,  6). 

LEDGARD,  Thomas,    Calverley,   Yorks.   (649) ;    mentioned    by  Heywood 

i.  268,  273. 
LEE,  Zachary,  Canterbury,  Kent  (1000)  ;  foundation  member  of  Canterbury 

Congreg.  ch.,  1645  (Transactions,  vii,  184). 
LEGATE,    Thomas,    Wrentham,    Suffolk    (i.269) ;    foundation    member    of 

Wrentham   Congreg.   ch.,    1650  (Browne,   C.C.W.,   p.    11). 
LLOYD,    Mary,    Cynfal,    Merioneth    (1202) ;    mother   of    Morgan    Llwyd 

(D.N.B.\ 
LUPTON,   Thomas,   Nottingham    (717);    'my  first   Acquaintance,    a  holy 

Christian'  (Gervase  Disney,  Some  Remarkable  Passages  (1692),  p.  57). 

MORSE,  Francis,  Wrentham, '  Suffolk  (i.269) ;  foundation  member  of 
Wrentham  Congreg.  ch.,  1650  (Browne,  C.C.W.,  p.  11). 

MORTON,  Charles,  St.  Ives,  Cornwall  (1193);  should  be  in  heavy  type, 
as  ejected  minister  (D.N.B.:  Matthews,  Ctiltuny  Revised). 

GATES,    John,    Cirencester,   Glos.    (825) ;    signed    letter   pr.   in   T(homas) 

T(hache),  The  Gainsay er  Convinced  (1649). 
OLD,    Michael,    Sheriffhales,    Salop    (737) ;    at    Shrewsbury    with    Richard 

Baxter,  1635-6  (Baxter,  Catholick  Communion  Defended  (1684),  p.  28). 

PAINE,    John,    Hawkhurst,   Kent    (1007);    soldier,    author    of   Truth    will 

never  shame  its  master,  1654  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
PEARSE,  Nowell,  Exeter  (1159);  fined  for  refusing  election  as  Steward  of 

Exeter,  1678  (Brockett,  p.  44  et  alibi). 
PETTIT,  Eliz.,  Cambridge  (867) ;  perhaps  widow  of  S.   Pettit,  Rector  of 

Girton,  Cambs.,  1656  (cf.  Matthews,  W.R.,  p.  83). 
PORDAGE,  John,  Bradfield  &  Reading,  Berks.  (949) ;  astrologer  and  mystic 

(D.N.B.  ;  Matthews,  Calamy  Revised  and  W.R.,  pp.  67,  71) 
PRICK,  Robert,  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  Suffolk  (922)  ;  Quaker  by  'l658,  when 

a  child  of  his  bur.  at  St.  Mary's  (par.  reg.,  per  Mr.  J.  Duncan). 
PYM,  John,  Exeter  (1159);  Treasurer  of  Exeter  Presbyterian  Committee  of 

Thirteen,  1714  (Brockett,  pp.  57,  69). 

REYNOLDS,  John,  Home,  Surrey  (1017) ;  signed  Baptist  manifesto  against 

Matthew  Caffyn,  1679  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
ROBERTS,   Daniel,   Reading,   Berks.   (951);   signed   Reading   Baptist  ch  's 

letter  to  a  member  turned  Quaker  1674  (Whitley,  B.B.). 

SCANDRETT,  Stephen,  Thaxted,  Essex  (923,  Scanbridge  misinterpreted  as 

house-name) ;   lecturer  ej.    from   Haverhill,  Essex   (Matthews,   Calamy 

Revised,  q.v.  for  identification). 
SCOT,  (John,)  St.  Albans,  Herts.  (882) ;  present  at  Baptist  General  Assembly, 

London,  1689  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
SNELL,   (Anthony,)   Stickford,   Lines.   (728);   signed  Faith   &   Practice  of 

Thirty  Congregations,  1651  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
SPINAGE,    Anthony,    Cheshunt,    Herts.    (883);    assoc.     with    Col     John 

Rede?  of  Porton  Baptist  ch.,  Wilts.  (Whitley,  B.B.). 
STACKHOUSE,  (John,)  Greenwich,  Kent  (1002) ;   1649-1707,  min    of  Old 

Meeting.  Norwich  1691-1707  (Gordon,  F.a.E.   p   358) 


164  LYON  TURNER:  NOTES 

SYER(S),  John,  Buxhall,  Suffolk  (918);  d.  1689,  aged  79,  'a  Believer  & 
Disciple  of  Ct  many  years '  (Bury  Congreg.  ch.  book,  per  Mr.  J. 
Duncan). 

WALKER,  Joshua,  Bingley,  Yorks.  (649) ;  of  Marley  Hall  or  Rushworth 

Hall  (Heywood,  i.248,  286,  294-7). 
WARREN,  Edward,  Colchester,  Essex  (928) ;  the  name  should  be  Edmund 

(see  Matthews,  Calamv  Revised). 
WATSON,    Tobias,    Knipton    &    Waltham-in-the-Wolds,    Leics.    (768    f.) ; 

author   of  paper  replied  to   by  Immanuel    Bourne    (D.N.B.\  Defence 

and  Justification  of  Ministers  Maintenance  by  Tythes  (1659). 
WORDEN,  Thomas,  Chipping  Campden,  Glos.  (820);  should  be  in  light 

type  (for  full  particulars,  see  Gordon,  F.a.E.,  p.  389). 
WRIGHT,  George,  Colton,  Staffs.  (752) ;  signed  Baptist  Brief  Confession, 

1660  (Whitley,  B.B.). 

GEOFFREY    I.    NUTTALL 


REVIEWS 

Congregationalism    in    England    1 662 -1 962    by  R.  Tudur  Jones 
(Independent  Press  Ltd.,  1962,  63s.) 

The  price  of  this  volume  is  high,  but  so  is  its  value.  We  are  glad 
to  know  that  subvention  will  bring  it  within  the  range  of  some 
ministerial  pockets,  and  we  hope  no  student  will  be  without  it. 
In  bulk  and  scope  as  well  as  in  scholarship  it  is  a  magnum  opus 
on  which  Dr.  Jones  is  to  be  congratulated  and  for  which  future  as 
well  as  current  Congregationalists  will  undoubtedly  give  thanks. 
Yet  despite  its  size  and  detail  it  was  perhaps  over-ambitious  to 
attempt  coverage  of  three  hundred  years  in  one  authoritative 
volume. 

Students  probably  turn  first  to  an  Index  and  here  we  have  a 
full  one  running  to  26  pp.,  to  which  generous  and  expanded 
footnotes  add  many  sources  and  dates  (although  the  notes  are  not 
as  fully  indexed  as  p.  479  implies).  Dr.  Jones  has  been  at  pains  to 
identify  and  date  a  large  number  of  the  inevitable  names  so  often 
left  tantalisingly  imprecise  for  later  readers  in  works  of  this  order. 
,  The  author's  mastery  of  facts,  movements  and  personalities  is 
comprehensive,  but  he  has  woven  his  encyclopaedic  knowledge 
into  a  most  readable  narrative  with  insight  and  perspective.  The 
recapitulation  of  our  pre-history  and  early  centuries  is  judicious 
without  the  dullness  that  often  goes  with  a  tale  many  times  told, 
and  we  are  given  an  appraisement  in  which  the  reader  can  see 
both  the  wood  and  the  trees. 

Special  interest  will  inevitably  be  focused  on  the  record  of  more 
recent  times.  There  is  a  discerning  study  of  the  18th  century,  too 
often  dismissed  by  writers  as  barren  and  uninteresting,  and  indi 
cating  that  it  was  not  as  sterile  as  is  sometimes  implied.  The  19th 
century  survey  is  more  than  a  recapitulation  of  R.  W.  Dale,  his 
predecessors  and  successors.  But  from  Dale  to  the  present  time 
obviously  presented  the  most  formidable  part  of  the  work,  bearing 
in  mind  the  vast  expansion  of  denominational  activity  and  organisa 
tion  and  the  innumerable  tentacles  stretching  out  from  the 
developing  central  body  to  link  our  churches  with  the  religious, 
social,  political,  ethical,  theological  and  ecclesiastical  movements 
of  the  latest  half-century.  In  selection,  compression  and  inclusive- 
ness  we  judge  Dr.  Jones  to  have  succeeded  so  far  as  '  official  ' 
history  is  concerned.  In  his  quarrying  of  the  rich  seams  buried  in 

165 


166  REVIEWS 

Year  Books,  reports,  ephemeral  publications  and  specialised  con 
temporary  literature,  there  seem  to  be  few  developments, 
controversies,  advances  or  retreats  that  have  escaped  his  analysis. 

The  march  of  events  is  clearly  mapped  and  the  route,  with  some 
diversions,  is  enlivened  by  many  quips,  quotes  and  epigrams. 
4  Metropolitan '  Congregationalism  inevitably  preponderates,  al 
though  many  Provincial  movements  are  noted,  usually  when 
policies  or  protagonists  reached  national  levels.  The  history  of  the 
dispersed  work  and  witness  of  our  churches  doubtless  belongs 
more  positively  to  the  County  Unions  than  to  the  over-all  pattern, 
but  it  would  be  a  pity  if  it  were  felt  to  be  no  more  than  sporadic 
and  incidental.  There  is  no  specific  reference  to  the  influential 
growth  of  the  County  Unions  after  1832,  we  think  (pp.  174,  243), 
or  to  the  much  controverted  problems  of  Trusts  and  Trusteeships, 
or  to  the  Incorporation  of  the  Union  and  Unions,  significant  of 
this  period.  Some  other  matters,  seemingly  overlooked,  are  found 
as  one  reads,  or  under  comprehensive  index  headings  such  as 
Congregational  Union  or  Ecumenical  Movement.  One  whose  train 
ing  and  early  ministries  were  in  Lancashire  will  perhaps  not  be 
alone  in  feeling  that  less  than  justice  is  done  to  4  T.T. '  James  by 
two  fugitive  references  (pp.  394,  431),  although  A.  J.  Viner  has 
his  meed  of  praise,  and  mention  is  made  of  earlier  Mancunian  and 
Liverpudlian  notabilities.  Gerard  N.  Ford  and  Ephraim  Hindle 
too,  enriched  the  denomination  as  well  as  the  North  West,  and 
from  the  other  side  of  the  Pennines  and  from  the  Midlands  one 
misses  a  number  of  influential  names  additional  to  those  cited. 
But  in  a  generous  meal  it  is  captious  to  complain  that  there  is  no 
room  on  the  board  for  tit-bits  to  personal  taste. 

More  seriously  we  wonder  if  the  canvas  is  quite  broad  enough 
or  its  20th  century  share  proportionate.  We  stand  too  close  to  the 
last  thirty  years  for  projects  and  influences  to  be  evaluated,  but 
unless  our  life  and  work  are  as  insular  and  introspective  as  critics 
often  imply,  we  find  it  difficult  to  survey  20th  century  Congrega 
tionalism  in  a  context  which  (apparently)  has  never  heard  of  the 
impact  on  our  cultural  pattern  and  on  our  churches  of  Broadcasting. 
Radio,  Wireless,  Television  are  seemingly  unknown  words.  So  are 
National  Insurance  (Health  Services,  Hospitals  and  their  chap 
laincies,  Pensions,  National  Assistance),  Hire  Purchase,  Housing, 
Movement  in  Industry  and  Commuters,  Communications  and 
Transport  and  the  developed  week-end  and  car-outing  habits  and 
their  impact  on  Sabbatarianism  (not  mentioned  after  1890).  Trade 
Unionism  and  Industrial  Disputes  have  moved  far  more  intimately 


REVIEWS  167 

into  Church  life  than  the  references  at  pp.  342  and  346  suggest. 
Materialism,  scientific  or  crude,  Communism,  National  Service, 
Old  Age  and  its  care,  Mental  Treatment  (not  adequately  dealt  with 
by  a  reference  to  Spiritual  Healing,  p.  461),  Town  and  Country 
Planning  and  their  effects  upon  old  and  new  churches,  Slum 
Clearance,  the  inflated  cost  of  church  building  and  maintenance — 
these  and  kindred  concerns  surely  belong  to  '  our '  history  in  this 
century  and  not  merely  to  social  studies  ?  The  problem  of  Divorce 
is  dismissed  in  three  lines  about  opinion  regarding  re-marriage 
(pp.  424  f.),  and  that  of  the  changing  pattern  of  family  life  is  not 
faced  by  a  reference  to  '  Family  Church ',  p.  406.  The  place  of 
Social  Service  and  Marriage  Guidance  Councils  and  the  churches' 
inadequate  co-operation  and  supplementation  of  their  work  :  the 
War  Damage  Compensation  provisions,  significant  in  forcing  our 
churches  to  act  denominationally  :  the  Charity  Commissioners  and 
their  dead  hand,  with  recent  freedom  from  them  in  some  matters — 
these  have  escaped.  What  is  drawn  for  us  is  an  official,  scholarly, 
theological,  ecclesiastical,  quasi-political  world  of  Congregational 
ism,  but  hardly  the  world  of  our  churches  and  their  ordinary 
members.  We  doubt  if  the  history  of  that  complementary  hemi 
sphere  can  yet — or  ever — be  written,  but  it  must  not  be  overlooked 
as  existing.  Here  it  is  that  our  churches,  their  ministers  and  mem 
bers,  mainly  live  and  witness,  not  in  assemblies  and  on  committees. 

All  this  is  far  from  underestimating  the  worth  of  Dr.  Jones's 
work.  A  first  savouring  can  do  little  more  than  reveal  a  vintage 
bouquet,  and  two  re-readings  make  analytical  comment  other  than 
the  foregoing  unwise  without  more  detailed  testing.  While  the  book 
is  not  burdened  with  statistics  it  gives  essential  ones,  and  there  are 
extremely  useful  nominal  lists  of  those  involved  in  various  move 
ments.  Many  more  names  appear  in  D.N.B.,  than  are  referred  to  it, 
especially  post- 1900,  which  is  a  loss  even  when  full-length  bio 
graphies  (often  not  immediately  accessible)  are  quoted. 

The  typography  is  excellent  :  clear  body-type  is  enhanced  by 
footnotes  in  an  easily  legible  fount,  with  pleasing  margins.  Inde 
pendent  Press  deserves  commendation  on  the  format  and  general 
production.  We  hope  the  spines  will  stand  up  to  the  weight  of  the 
volume  under  hard  wear,  for  this  is  a  book  to  be  referred  to  con 
stantly,  and  its  bulk  in  a  good  but  soft  antique-wove  paper  will  test 
the  sewing  of  the  sections. 

The  consideration  of  Historians  and  Historical  Study  (pp.  310, 
368,  372ff.,  457f.,  etc.)  will  specially  interest  our  members,  and  the 
1  2 


168  REVIEWS 

reference  to  our  Society's  formation  (pp.  372f.),  though  its  later 
work  is  inferential. 

Sir  Thomas  Abney,  '  fish-merchant '  (p.  120)  is  perhaps  better  recalled 
as  one  of  the  original  promoters  and  directors  of  the  Bank  of  England 
(D.N.B.).  We  wonder  if  T.  T.  Lynch  was  really  responsible  for  the  banish 
ment  of  the  lute  (14th-17th  century,  O.E.D.)  from  our  worship  and  not 
more  accurately  of  the  fiddle,  viola  and  bass-viol.  F.  H.  Blanchford  (p.  358) 
despite  'his  church  would  have  none  of  it',  was  out  of  charge  1915-17 
(C.Y.B.  (1921),  103).  The  apocryphal  stories  of  A.  E.  Garvie's  love  of 
committees  (p.  365n)  might  be  matched  by  the  (equally  apocryphal  ?)  one 
concerning  his  advice  to  a  student  to  discipline  a  national  accent,  adding 
k  By  the  grace  of  God  and  perseverance,  I  mastered  mine  !  ' — at  best  a 
slight  under-statement.  On  our  claim  to  John  Milton  (p.  465)  we  think  some 
deference  has  to  be  given  to  Dr.  W.  T.  Whitley's  '  Was  Milton  a  Con- 
gregationalist  ?  '  (C.H.S.T.,  x.  46)  and  of  course  to  Masson,  though  we 
should  like  to  retain  a  cord  or  two.  It  pleased  a  former  student  to  find 
casual  mention  of  Dr.  Robert  Mackintosh  (1858-1933) — C.Y.B.  (1934). 
269 — in  a  footnote,  p.  431.  His  scholarly  saintliness  was  deeply  influential. 

We  miss  from  the  select  Bibliography,  pp.  469-470,  mention  of  the 
Essex  historians,  Robert  Burls  and  Thomas  William  Davids  (D.A.5.).  Has 
it  been  noticed,  by  the  way,  that  despite  its  Congregational  strength  and 
vitality  over  the  centuries,  Essex  has  never  provided  one  of  the  Chairmen 
of  the  Union  ?  Perhaps  the  lustre  of  Dr.  John  Owen  suffices. 

Readers  may  like  to  make  a  few  marginal  notes  : 

Stucley,  pp.  48,  501,  becomes  Stuceley  on  67(2)  :  73,  503,  for  If' ether 
Kellet  sc.  Nether  :  73,  the  C.R.  ref.  to  Benson  is  49  :  136n,  Loman  = 
Lowman.  139  and  D.N.B.  :  214,  Culling  Eardley  (Eardly),  for  whom 
D.N.B.,  s.n.  :  220.  254  =  Robert  Halley  (1827-85),  but  indexed  489  s.v. 
father  :  232f,  236,  Henry  Forster  (Foster)  Burder.  and  D.N.B. ,  s.n.  : 
219,  251,  308,  494,  etc.,  the  alternations  of  M'all  and  McAH  seem  unneces 
sary  (cf.  D.N.B.,  s.n.)  :  230,  lines  1  and  3  transposed  :  309n,  Dr.  Daniel 
Eraser  died  1902,  aet.  82,  not  1920,  aet  80— C.Y.B.  (1903),  175  and  Lucy  A. 
Eraser,  Memorials,  1905  :  351,  Charles  Henry  Vine  (1865-1930)  was  of 
Ilford.  not  Enfield  :  357,  503,  Witham  Essex  (Whit ham)  :  432n,  Herbert 
William  (A.  W.)  Lyde  (d.  1957)  :  452,  Fredk.  Wm.  Camfield  (W.F.).  as  482  : 
467,  Congregational  Historical  Society's  Trans.  :  469,  deal,  E(dward) 
E(dney)  for  E.A.  :  470,  Elliot  (Elliott),  Ernest— his  Preface  is  dated  1898  : 
471,  Hanbury,  Memorials  relating  to  (of)  .  .  .  and  so  310  :  475.  Rees  & 
Thomas,  Hanes,  i-iv,  Liverpool  1871-75,  and  J.  Thomas  (alone),  v.  Dolgellau, 
1891. 

499.  to  SCHOOLS,  add  Lewisham,  Mill  Hill,  Silcoates,  s.vv.  ;  there  is  no 
apparent  reference  to  Caterham  (=  Lewisham),  Bishop's  Stortford.  Tetten- 
hall.  Eltham  or  Walthamstow  Hall,  significant  in  this  connexion. 

CHARLES   E.    SURMAN 

JOHN  BUN Y AN  :  Grace  Abounding  to  the  Chief  of  Sinners, 
edited  by  Roger  Sharrock  (Oxford  English  Texts,  Oxford  :  Claren 
don  Press,  1962,  35s.) 

It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  what  Bunyan  would  have  thought,  had 
he  been  able  in  his  dreams  to  foresee  that,  three  centuries  after 
his  years  of  imprisonment  for  Nonconformity,  his  book  Grace 
Abounding  would  be  edited  by  a  convert  to  Roman  Catholicism 
and  issued  from  Oxford,  in  a  series  of  Oxford  Enslish  Texts. 


REVIEWS  169 

Whatever  he  would  have  thought,  we  may  rejoice,  and  be  grateful 
both  to  the  publishers  and  to  Roger  Sharrock,  who  now  follows 
his  splendid  edition  of  The  Pilgrim's  Progress  with  an  equally  fine 
edition  of  Bunyan's  spiritual  autobiography,  in  which  the  wording 
of  the  first  edition  has  been  restored.  In  his  introduction,  he  writes 
with  understanding  of  '  The  Bedford  Separatist  Church  '  and  of 
'  Spiritual  Autobiography '  ;  and  in  his  helpful  notes  he  shows  an 
enviable  familiarity  with  both  seventeenth-century  sources  and 
recent  criticism,  including  articles  in  these  Transactions  by  the 
editor  and  others.  He  also  reprints  Bunyan's  Relation  (1765)  of  his 
imprisonment,  some  extracts  from  the  Church  Book  of  Bunyan 
Meeting,  Bedford,  which  relate  to  Bunyan,  and  the  account  (1692) 
attributed  to  George  Cokayne  in  which  Bunyan  is  described  as 
'  somewhat  of  a  Ruddy  Face,  with  Sparkling  Eyes,  wearing  his 
Hair  on  his  upper  lip  after  the  Old  British  fashion '.  The  Quakers 
have  a  custom  in  their  Yearly  Meeting  of  reading  4  testimonies  to 
the  grace  of  God  in  the  life  of '  Friends  recently  deceased.  In 
Grace  Abounding,  this  is  what  Bunyan  set  out  to  do  autobiographi- 
cally,  and  by  spiritual,  as  by  any  other,  standards  it  is  a  remarkable 
achievement.  GEOFFREY  F.  NUTTALL 

A  Lifting  Up  for  the  Downcast  by  William  Bridge  (Banner  of 
Truth  Trust,  1961,  paperback  5s.) 

We  are  assured  that  our  great-grandfathers  in  the  ministry  had 
the  shelves  of  their  studies  lined  with  Puritan  tomes.  They  were 
inclined  to  be  critical  of  them,  but  they  had  them  none  the  less.  But 
today  it  is  far  from  easy  for  the  minister  who  is  interested  to  get 
hold  of  Puritan  works.  Therefore  this  cheap  edition  of  an  illustrious 
Independent's  preaching  is  particularly  welcome.  Here  are  thirteen 
sermons  on  Ps.  xlii.  11,  'Why  art  thou  cast  down,  O  my  soul  ? 
.  -.  . '  given  in  Stepney  in  1648.  These  are  not  the  scholastic  kind 
of  seventeenth-century  preaching  but  homely,  winsome  discourses 
for  those  discouraged  in  their  pilgrimage.  Their  style  seems  quaint 
to  us  yet  has  a  fascination  of  its  own.  For  example,  opening  one 
sermon,  he  says, 

Oh,  says  one,  I  am  a  poor,  feeble,  and  weak  creature  :  some 
are  strong  in  the  Lord  and  in  the  power  of  His  might,  and  do  a 
great  deal  of  service  for  God  in  their  day  :  but  as  for  me,  I  am 
a  poor  babe  in  Christ,  if  indeed  a  babe,  and  so  am  able  to  do 
little  or  nothing  for  God.  Therefore  I  am  thus  discouraged  and 
cast  down. 
Or,  imagine  a  modern  preacher  uttering  the  following, 


170  REVIEWS 

And  if  you  look  into  youf  own  experience,  who  has  more 
kisses  and  embraces  of  love  from  God  our  Father,  than  the 
weak  Christian  has  ?  The  parent  kisses  the  babe  and  little 
child,  when  the  elder  child  is  not  kissed  ;  for,  says  he,  this  is 
but  a  little  child.  And  so,  when  the  prodigal  comes  home, 
then  the  father  falls  upon  his  neck  and  kisses  him  :  why  ?  but 
because  upon  his  first  return,  he  is  a  babe  in  Christ.  This  is  my 
little  child,  says  the  father,  and  therefore  I  will  kiss  him  with 
the  kisses  of  my  mouth. 

But  there  is  nourishment  for  souls  in  these  sermons.  In  the  fifth 
sermon,  from  which  the  above  quotations  come,  we  find  an  ex 
position  of  true  grace  in  contrast  to  4  common  grace '.  '  True  grace 
loves  examination.  It  loves  to  examine,  and  to  be  examined ' ; 
4  It  is  very  inquisitive  after  the  ways  of  God,  and  after  further 
truths.  As  the  man  that  climbs  up  into  a  tree  first  gets  hold  on 
the  lower  boughs,  then  on  the  higher,  and  so  winds  himself  into  the 
body  of  the  tree  till  he  comes  to  the  top,  so  does  the  Christian  act.' 
4  True  grace  is  much  engaged  in  the  work  of  humiliation  ;'*... 
it  works  according  to  the  proportion  of  its  weakness  ;  but  the 
common,  false  grace  does  not  so.'  4  True  grace  is  willing  to  learn  of 
others.' 

This  is  the  kind  of  help  which  comes  to  us  from  300  years  ago. 
It  challenges  the  shallowness  of  our  own  soul  culture.  Can  the 
same  truths  be  presented  with  fascination  in  modern  idiom  ? 

JOHN   H.   TAYLOR 

Robert  Moffat :  Pioneer  in  Africa  by  Cecil  Northcott  (Lutterworth 
Press,  1961,  35s.) 

It  was  Dr.  Northcott  who  inspired  a  great  service  of  Com 
memoration  in  Ormiston  village  on  13  October  1945  to  celebrate 
the  150th  anniversary  of  Robert  Moffat's  birth  there.  The  same 
love  of  greatness  surely  inspired  Dr.  Northcott  to  write  this  fas 
cinating  biography.  Moffat  became  an  L.M.S.  missionary  at  21 
years  of  age.  With  no  formal  education  he  mastered  the  Sechuana 
language.  His  gentle  nature  hid  vast  courage  that  conquered  the 
savage  outlaw  Africaner  and  taught  him  Christian  ways.  His  search 
for  a  good  mission  location  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  But  the  tough 
Scot  pushed  on  to  the  Kuruman  river.  His  offer  of  God's  pardon  to 
the  dreaded  despot  Moselekatse  of  the  Matabele  is  a  classic 
Christian  story.  It  was  Moffat  who  turned  Livingstone's  eyes  to 
Africa  and  kindled  his  passion  for  her  redemption. 

For  over  fifty  years  Moffat  served  at  Kuruman  in  Bechuanaland 
as  preacher,  translator,  farmer,  builder  and  engineer.  From  1817 


REVIEWS  171 

onwards  in  South  Africa  he  waged  war  against  that  Apartheid 
which  then,  as  now,  would  shackle  the  African  and  debase  the 
Gospel  and  contradict  the  Church's  mission.  His  work  lives  on  at 
Kuruman  and  elsewhere. 

Dr  Northcott  has  given  us  the  first  authoritative  and  compre 
hensive  biography  of  Moffat.  It  will  delight  all  who  respond  to  a 
vision  of  greatness,  it  is  also  a  scholarly  work,  being  his  thesis  for  a 
London  Ph.D.  Dr.  Northcott  is  a  well-known  minister,  journalist, 
broadcaster  and  traveller,  and  to  write  this  important  book  he 
travelled  over  the  Moffat  routes  in  South  Africa,  Bechuanaland 
and  Southern  Rhodesia.  JAMES  M.  CALDER 

The  Liturgy  in  English  edited  by  Bernard  Wigan  (Oxford  University 
Press,  1962,  42s.) 

Part  I  of  this  assembly  of  liturgical  texts  replaces  Arnold's 
Anglican  Liturgies,  published  in  1939,  by  compiling  a  greater  num 
ber  of  earlier  and  later  Anglican  liturgies. 

Part  II  displays  liturgical  compositions  from  other  communions. 
Its  inclusion  of  the  Lord's  Supper  from  the  Directory  of  1645,  of 
the  liturgies  of  the  Book  of  Common  Order  and  of  the  Church  of 
South  India,  and  of  one  from  the  Congregationalist  Book  of  Public 
Worship  (1948)  illustrates  the  author's  belief  that  the  initiative  in 
liturgical  composition  does  not  lie  exclusively  with  the  Anglicans, 
and  that  '  All  Protestant  eucharistic  liturgies  in  English  '  is  a  better 
study  than  '  Anglican  Liturgies  '  alone.  DAVID  DEWS 

Rooted  in  Faith,  three  centuries  of  Nonconformity  1662-1962 
by  H.  G.  Healey  (Independent  Press,  1961,  9s.  6d.) 

Published  for  the  Joint  Commemoration  Committee  of  the  three 
major  denominations  stemming  from  seventeenth-century  dissent 
and  written  with  the  knowledge  that  an  important  symposium  of 
joint  Anglican  and  Free  Church  authorship  was  also  being  pre 
pared,  this  present  book  was  designed  to  be  more  suitable  for 
general  reading  and  a  more  specifically  Free  Church  contribution 
to  '  the  main  theme  of  the  commemoration  '. 

Until  this  present  year  many  members  of  our  churches  have 
had  little  occasion  to  consider  the  importance  or  significance  of  the 
Great  Ejectment  of  1662.  The  value  of  Mr.  Healey's  book  is 
that  he  has  taken  great  care,  after  a  brief  introductory  chapter 
on  the  Reformation  and  some  of  its  consequences  in  England,  to 
show  why  the  Act  of  Uniformity  of  1662  became  a  point  of  no 
return  for  the  Puritan  element  in  the  Church,  and  why  the  conse 
quent  Ejectment  was  such  a  critical  event.  P.  T.  Forsyth's  phrase, 


172  REVIEWS 

4  the  creation  of  Nonconformity  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity '  is 
quoted  with  good  effect  to  show  how,  to  begin  with,  our  Noncon 
formist  tradition  could  be  defined  in  terms  of  opposition  to  this 
one  act.  But  it  is  made  clear  that  this  opposition  was  not  something 
merely  negative  and  restrictive  ;  it  involved  high  and  important 
questions  of  authority  in  matters  of  doctrine  :  the  relations  of 
Church  and  State  :  the  '  serious  and  sustained  appeal  to  Scripture  ' 
weighed  against  tradition  :  and  questions  of  ordination  and  liturgy. 
Mr.  Healey  states  these  issues  clearly  and  helpfully.  He  also  en 
courages  further  thought  by  giving  the  text  of  two  important 
documents  not  otherwise  easily  available  to  the  non-specialist ;  these 
are  the  text  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity  and  the  modern  statement  of 
'faith  of  the  Evangelical  Free  Churches  which  is  the  doctrinal  basis 
of  the  Free  Church  Federal  Council.  But  perhaps  his  most  interest 
ing  point  is  that  the  Tercentenary  can  and  will  be  celebrated 
by  most  Free  Churchmen  in  a  spirit  very  different  from  similar 
celebrations  of  the  Ejectment  a  hundred  or  even  fifty  years  ago. 
This  is  partly  due  to  social  changes  which  have  made  meaningless 
some  of  the  old  jealous  divisions  of  church  and  chapel,  and  it  is 
partly  due  to  a  new  appreciation  of  the  real  contribution  of  differ 
ing  traditions.  But  it  is  even  more  important  for  us  to  realise 
through  such  a  study  as  this  present  book  that,  even  when  the 
same  phrases  are  used,  Nonconformist  convictions  today  are  not 
in  all  respects  the  same  as  those  which  underlay  the  stand  taken 
by  the  ejected  ministers.  Modern  views  of  relations  between  Church 
and  State  are  in  fact  quite  different,  and  indeed  (a  lay  reviewer  may 
add)  some  other  views  held  by  the  ejected  ministers  are  now 
incomprehensible  to  a  modern  layman.  We  do  not  have  to  identify 
ourselves  with  all  the  views  held  by  them  when  we  honour  the  stand 
they  took  for  those  major  convictions  which  have  been  consistently 
held  for  three  hundred  years  and  ought  to  be  firmly  held  today  with 
a  fresh  appraisal  and  perhaps  a  different  emphasis. 

This  book  will  be  an  invaluable  help  to  such  a  fresh  appraisal 
and  the  first  important  question  is  prompted  by  its  very  title,  for  in 
making  any  true  estimate  of  our  heritage  we  must  presumably  begin 
by  admitting  that  being  '  rooted  in  faith  '  is  not  a  state  in  any  way 
peculiar  to  Nonconformity.  i.  G.  PHILIP 

ALSO  RECEIVED  :   Bulletin  of  the  Congregational  Library  (The 
American  Congregational  Association)  May,  1962. 


TRANSACTIONS 

THE  CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
EDITOR  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.   XIX.      NO.    4.      MAY    1963 

CONTENTS 

Editorial       173 

A.  G.  Matthews— A  Tribute  by  Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall,  M.A.,  D.D.  ...         176 
Roll  of  Members  ...  178 

Philip  Doddridge  on  the  Method  of  Ordination  by  F.  W.  P.  Harris, 

M.A.,  B.Litt.  182 

The  Lean  Years  of  Sussex  Nonconformity  by  N.  Caplan,  M.A.  ...         185 

The    Fundamental    Principle    of   the   London    Missionary   Society 
(Part  II)  by  Irene  M.  Fletcher  ... 

James  Forbes  Library   by  Thelma  Smith,  M.A.,   A.L.A 199 

Reviews        

Our  Contemporaries         206 

Histories  of  Congregational  Churches,    J  960-62        207 


Editorial 

The  Tercentenary 

On  the  whole  the  commemoration  of  1962  has  been  successfully 
completed.  Fears  that  the  newfound  friendship  between  Anglicans 
and  Free  Churchmen  might  receive  a  set-back  have  proved  un 
founded.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  himself  set  an  example  by 
going  to  the  City  Temple  on  St.  Bartholemew's  day.  Less  in  the 
public  eye  were  many  occasions  up  and  down  the  country  when 
Free  Churchmen  joined  Anglicans  to  commemorate  the  tercentenary 
of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  When  one  recalls  the  strife  roused 
by  the  commemoration  in  1862,  it  is  plain  to  see  that  something 
of  major  importance  has  happened  in  the  different  churches  to 
produce  such  a  new  atmosphere,  a  spirit  not  witnessed  before  in 
the  history  of  English  dissent. 

Whilst  on  the  one  hand  churches  proudly  claiming  a  1662 
pedigree  have  held  popular  celebrations,  on  the  other  hand  there 

173 


174  EDITORIAL 

has  been  plenty  of  evidence  that1  the  Great  Ejection  held  no  interest 
for  perhaps  a  majority  of  congregations.  The  Rally  at  the  Albert 
Hall  in  October  testified  to  the  truth  of  this,  for  there  were  too 
many  empty  seats.  Yet  the  fact  is  that  all  the  churches,  and  indeed 
the  nation,  owe  an  immeasurable  debt  to  those  who  suffered  for 
religious  liberties.  The  ignorance  of  many  members  of  Congre 
gational  churches  is  nothing  for  them  to  be  proud  of.  The  lesson 
of  the  tercentenary  seems  to  be  the  same  one  which  ecumenical 
encounters  have  tried  to  bring  home  to  us,  namely  the  duty  of  being 
a  good  churchman,  educated  in  one's  own  tradition. 

If  publications  alone  ensured  that  people  learnt  what  1662  and 
Puritanism  were  about,  the  goal  would  have  been  reached,  for 
last  year  witnessed  a  surge  of  literature,  most  of  it  sound  and  good. 

By  strange  coincidence  A.  G.  Matthews,  a  past  President  of 
our  Society,  whose  reference  book  Calamy  Revised  has  been  the 
most  consulted  book  during  the  commemoration,  passed  away  as 
the  year  came  to  its  close.  Dr.  Geoffrey  Nuttall  knew  Matthews 
well  and  has  kindly  contributed  a  note  upon  him  which  follows 
the  editorial.  We  also  regret  having  to  record  the  loss  of  J.  Reynolds 
Jones  of  Lower  Clapton,  who  was  for  several  years  a  member 
of  our  committee  ;  and  further,  of  Thomas  Richards,  the  main 
writer  in  English,  so  far  as  standard  works  go,  on  Welsh  Non 
conformity. 

Victorian  Nonconformity 

One  has  heard  it  said  that  general  historians  have  not  given  to 
Nonconformity,  or  even  to  religion,  the  place  they  deserve  in  the 
story  of  the  last  century.  Therefore  it  was  with  great  pleasure  that 
we  opened  Dr.  G.  Kitson  Clark's  recent  book,  The  Making  of 
Victorian  England,  to  find  no  less  than  58  pages  devoted  to  '  The 
Religion  of  the  People'.  Nonconformity  has  its  full  share. 

In  the  space  here  available  it  is  impossible  to  give  an  account 
of  the  interesting  things  to  be  found  in  this  and  other  chapters  of 
the  book.  An  example  must  suffice.  On  page  159  the  author  says 
that  '  the  strongest  political  tradition  seems  often  to  have  been 
among  the  Congregationalists,  who  by  their  own  account  were 
often  shopkeepers '.  Those  familiar  with  Congregationalism  in 
Victorian  times  will  quarrel  with  neither  of  these  statements.  When 
we  go  on  to  reflect  that  political  radicalism  has  passed  by  our 
churches  long  since ;  and  that  the  small  shopkeeper  who  manages 
his  own  affairs  is  no  longer  common,  the  large  combine  with  its 
mobile  managers  having  arrived,  we  begin  to  realise  the  social 


EDITORIAL  175 

change  that  has  come  over  the  churches.  One  would  not  be  sur 
prised  if  the  men  of  1862  felt  more  deeply  for  their  independent 
polity  than  do  their  successors  in  1962. 

Dr.  Kitson  Clark's  views  on  Matthew  Arnold's  strictures  about 
Nonconformists,  their  provincialism,  ignorance,  self-satisfaction, 
lack  of  any  critical  standard,  their  relish  for  bathos,  '  the  fact  that 
they  had  seemingly  locked  themselves  into  the  narrow  room  of 
"  Puritanism  "  and  showed  no  desire  to  get  out '  are  particularly 
to  be  noted.  He  accepts  as  most  probable  what  Arnold  said.  Then 
he  adds  that  '  the  question  to  be  asked  is  whether,  Nonconformity 
apart,  they  had  much  chance  of  being  anything  else'  (p.  195). 
J.  J.  Lawson's  words  quoted  by  Dr.  Kitson  Clark  may  exaggerate 
what  the  chapel  did  for  folk  "but  there  is  truth  in  them,  '  The  chapel 
gave  them  their  first  music,  their  first  literature  and  philosophy  to 
meet  the  harsh  life  and  cruel  impact  of  the  crude  materialistic 
age. '  Primarily  of  course,  these  chapels  were  religious  and  evan 
gelistic  organisations,  and  they  had  a  profound  religious  impact 
upon  society. 

One  senses  that  Dr.  Kitson  Clark  has  rightly  appraised  the  place 
of  religion  and  Nonconformity  in  Victorian  society,  although  one 
notes  certain  important  features  of  the  scene  which  are  absent. 
Perhaps  we  may  mention  two  which  are  not  without  real  signifi 
cance  in  understanding  the  age.  One  is  the  cult  of  the  popular 
preacher  and  the  other  is  the  development  of  overseas  missions, 
both  of  which  had  political  repercussions.  In  the  section  on  educa 
tion  it  is  a  serious  omission  not  to  mention  British  Schools,  the 
spearhead  of  the  Nonconformist  programme ;  it  makes  it  look 
as  though  Nonconformists  did  almost  nothing  for  education,  which 
is  untrue  to  fact.  Wanderers  in  the  back  streets  of  old  towns  will 
often  come  across  small  Victorian  school  buildings.  Somewhere  in 
the  stonework  one  can  often  find  the  words  National  School  Society 
(the  Anglican  society),  but  surprisingly  often  one  reads  British 
School. 

However,  anyone  who  wants  to  see  how  Nonconformity  fits 
into  the  picture  of  Victorian  England,  and  anybody  who  wants  to 
understand  the  malaise  of  modern  Congregationalism  clearly,  would 
do  well  to  read  and  ponder  this  book.  Moreover,  he  will  surely 
enjoy  it. 


A.  G.  Matthews 

A.G.M.,  as  he  was  known  to  his  familiars — Mat  to  a  favoured 
few — was  the  most  distinguished  historian  among  us,  and  his  death 
on  6th  December,  1962,  is  a  sensible  loss  to  our  Society.  As  long 
ago  as  1916  he  spoke  at  our  autumnal  meeting  on  early  Noncon 
formity  in  Staffordshire,  in  preparation  for  his  small  book  on  the 
Congregational  churches  in  that  county,  where  he  was  assistant 
minister  at  Queen  Street,  Wolverhampton  ;  and  in  1932,  when  the 
autumnal  meetings  of  the  Congregational  Union  were  held  at 
Wolverhampton,  he  presented  additions  and  corrections  for  the 
book  in  "  Some  Notes  on  Staffordshire  Nonconformity ".  This 
threefold  thoroughness  over  many  years  was  characteristic  of  him. 
Without  it  he  would  never  have  attempted,  certainly  he  could  never 
have  carried  through,  the  enormously  laborious  work  necessary  to 
produce  his  two  great  volumes,  Calamy  Revised  (Oxford,  1934)  and 
Walker  Revised  (Oxford,  1947). 

The  titles  of  both  are  really  misnomers  arising  from  his  modesty, 
for  the  material  copied  (or  often  corrected)  from  Calamy  or  Walker 
is  far  less  than  what,  over  the  years,  Matthews  gathered  from  widely 
dispersed  MS.  sources  as  well  as  books  ;  but  only  a  fundamentally 
modest  man  would  have  devoted  himself  to  work  of  this  kind  in 
the  first  place,  content  to  provide  bricks  for  others  to  build  with 
rather  than  to  construct  an  interpretation  of  his  own.  For  a  scholar 
to  go  on  to  give  the  same  attention  to  Walker's  clergy  sequestered 
by  the  Puritans  as  to  Calamy's  ministers  ejected  by  the  Anglicans 
was  also  a  remarkable  object-lesson ;  in  his  unassuming  way 
Matthews  was  a  worker  in  the  ecumenical  field  as  well  as  the 
historical.  Failing  energies  prevented  him  from  complying  with  the 
editors'  desire  that  he  should  contribute  to  the  recent  symposium 
From  Uniformity  to  Unity,  1662-1962 ;  but  the  frequency  of 
reference  to  him  by  name,  as  well  as  to  Calamy  Revised  and  Walker 
Revised,  in  its  pages  is  an  index  of  the  extent  to  which  all  students 
of  later  seventeenth-century  English  religion,  Anglicans  as  much 
as  Free  Churchmen,  now  lean  on  him  and  trust  his  work  as  un 
prejudiced  and  reliable. 

Some  who  have  occasionally  referred  to  one  or  other  of  these 
lists  of  names  may  not  have  suspected  Matthews'  breadth  of  out 
look.  This  in  fact  went  far  beyond  the  seventeenth  century  or 
ecclesiastical  history  in  any  century.  Among  the  books  in  his  sitting- 
room  there  were  Greek  and  Latin  and  French  writers  (including 
Proust)  as  well  as  English,  tastefully  bound  but  not  for  show. 

176 


A.  G.  MATTHEWS  177 

In  his  latter  years  he  read  Homer  steadily,  in  Greek  of  course. 
Another  of  his  enthusiasms  was  Gothic  architecture.  He  spent  many 
holidays  abroad  and  amassed  a  magnificent  collection  of  postcard 
views  of  French  Cathedrals  with  which  to  adorn  the  summerhouse 
in  the  garden  where  he  did  much  of  his  writing.  Indoors,  represen 
tations  of  modern  art  had  places  of  honour,  along  with  oil  paintings 
of  his  ancestors  and  a  portrait  of  Cromwell.  These  and  other  in 
terests,  such  as  music  or  the  ways  of  birds,  overflowed  into  his 
conversation  and  made  him  a  charming  companion,  once  the  per 
sistent  shyness  which  would  ice  over  even  quite  close  relationships 
had  worn  off,  as  after  a  few  hours  it  always  did  ;  while  until  her 
death  at  a  very  advanced  age  his  home  was  redolent  of  his  utter 
devotion  to  his  mother. 

On  a  Sunday  summer  evening  he  would  often  choose  to  walk 
across  the  fields  to  Evensong  at  Tandridge  parish  church.  Yet  he 
was  a  convinced  and  faithful  Congregationalist.  He  had  a  lovely 
pride  in  '  The  Peace ',  as  he  called  the  church  at  Oxted  of  which 
he  had  been  minister  and,  after  his  early  retirement,  secretary  ; 
and  he  was  always  ready  to  help  men  who  had  neither  the  financial 
security  nor  the  New  College,  Oxford,  and  Mansfield  cachet  which 
were  in  the  air  he  breathed.  If  his  manner  sometimes  suggested  an 
Olympian  uncommittedness  more  natural  in  an  undergraduate  or 
a  country  gentleman  than  in  a  Christian  minister,  at  other  times 
the  flame  shot  forth  from  his  blue  eyes  or  in  his  gentle  but  decisive 
voice,  revealing  an  affectionateness,  a  severity,  a  fury  for  truth 
and  decency,  which  self-protection  and  good  manners  normally 
veiled. 

With  his  wide  culture  A.G.M.  combined  the  historian's  judicial 
cast  of  mind,  but  he  could  only  with  difficulty  be  persuaded  to 
consecutive  writing.  His  friendship  with  H.  C.  Carter  produced  an 
essay  in  a  slim  volume  on  Emmanuel  church,  Cambridge,  and  a 
pamphlet  written  around  the  diary  of  one  of  its  ministers,  Joseph 
Hussey ;  his  friendship  with  K.  L.  Parry  produced  an  essay  for 
the  Companion  to  Congregational  Praise  and  his  loyalty  to  his 
old  Principal  an  essay  on  Puritan  worship  for  the  Festschrift  in 
honour  of  W.  B.  Selbie,  Christian  Worship  (Oxford,  1936).  With 
this  should  be  read  his  study  '  The  Puritans  at  Prayer '  in  the 
collection  not  very  happily  called  after  its  opening  essay,  Mr.  Pepys 
and  Nonconformity  (1954),  which  first  appeared  in  these  Transac 
tions.  Matthews  published  here  a  small  number  of  other  articles, 
besides  a  valuable  bibliography  of  Richard  Baxter  (later  printed 
separately),  an  occasional  review  and  a  few  documents,  including 


178 


A.  G.  MATTHEWS 


the  will  of  Robert  Browne.  In  1959  he  provided  a  tercentenary 
edition  of  the  Savoy  Declaration  with  a  characteristic  introduction  ; 
but  his  last  contribution  to  our  own  pages  was  his  paper  on  4  Church 
and  Dissent  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne '  which  he  read  to  us  in 
May,  1951  on  becoming  the  Society's  President.  At  its  close  he 
called  on  the  historian  of  '  English  religious  life  during  the  In 
terregnum  ...  to  give  his  most  careful  consideration '  to  the 
unejected  ;  4  these  men  were  faithful  to  the  Englishman's  inveterate 
belief  that  the  religion  of  all  sensible  men  is  always  one  of  compro 
mise.  That  is  all '.  For  A.G.M.  this  was  not  all.  More  of  the  man 
of  faith  comes  through  in  the  delicate  assessment,  which  he  read 
to  us  nine  years  earlier,  or  '  B.  L.  Manning,  the  Historian '.  '  The 
main  value  of  history  is  for  the  heart ',  he  quoted  from  Manning. 
'  It  keeps  the  heart  tender,  as  only  a  study  of  our  own  poor  human 
ity  can '. 

GEOFFREY  F.  NUTTALL 

ROLL  OF  MEMBERS   -    December  31st,  1962 

(Life  Members*) 


Abell,  Rev.  T. 

Adam,  Rev.  R.  H.  M.,  B.A.,  B.D. 
Alcock,  Rev.  L.  S. 
*  Allen,  K.  W.,  Esq.,  M.Sc.,  F.R.I.C. 
Anders,  Rev.  G.,  B.Sc. 
Archibald,  H.  H.,  Esq. 
Authers,  W.  P.,  Esq. 

Baker,  P.  R.,  Esq. 

Bale,  Rev.  R.  W.  S. 

Ball,  F.  B.,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Banham,  Rev.  R.  J.,  B.A. 

Banyard,  Rev.  E.  A. 
*Barnes,  F.  H.,  Esq. 

Barnes,  Rev.  G. 

Barton,  C.  A.,  Esq. 

Basson,  Miss  M. 
*Bates,  Miss  A.  M. 

Bates,  Miss  U. 

Beck,  Rev.  G.,  B.Sc. 

Beckwith,  F.,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Bembridge,  Rev.  G.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Berry,  C.,  Esq. 
*Biggs,  Rev.  W.  W.,  M.Th. 

Boag,  H.,  Esq. 

Boak,  Mrs.  A. 

Bocking,  Rev.  R.  A.,  B.D.,  M.Th. 

Bolam,  Rev.  C.  G.,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Bowyer,  Rev.  G.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Brockett,  A.  A.,  Esq.,  B.A.,  F.L.A. 

Brooks,  Rev.  T.  P.,  M.A. 


Brown,  R.  H.,  Esq. 
Brown,  T.  R.,  Esq. 
Brunsden,  Miss  P.  V. 
Bunce,  Rev.  H.,  B.D. 
Burns,  P.  S.,  Esq.,  M.A. 
Burns,  S.  H.,  Esq. 
*Busby,  Rev.  C.  E.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Calder,  Rev.  J.  M. 

Calder,  Rev.  R.  F.  G.,  M.A.,  B.D. 
*Calthorpe,  F.  J.,  Esq. 

Caplan,  N.,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Carpenter,  Rev.  Mary,  L.L.A. 

Cassingham,  Rev.  A. 

Champion,  R.,  Esq. 

Chappie,  Miss  K.  B. 

Chick,  Rev.  G.  H.  K. 

Chirnside,  J.  B.,  Esq. 

Clarke,  M.  A.,  Esq. 

Clarke,  Rev.  P.  C. 

Cockett,  Rev.  C.  B.,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Coggan,  Rev.  W.  J.,  M.A. 

Coltman,    Rev.    C.    M.,    M.A., 
B.Litt. 

Connelly,  Rev.  W. 
*Courtney,  Rev.  R.  W.,  M.A. 

Cox,  Miss  E.  M. 

Cozens-Hardy,  B.,  Esq.,  M.A., 
F.S.A. 

Culbert,  W.,  Esq. 

Culbert,  Mrs. 


ROLL  OF  MEMBERS 


179 


Cumberland,  A.  G.,  Esq. 
"Cunliffe-Jones,  Rev.  H.,  B.A., 
D.D.,  B.Litt. 

Currey,  R.  N.,  Esq. 

'Davidson,  Miss  J.  M. 

Davies,  Miss  E.  B. 
'Davies,  Rev.  H.  M.,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Davies,  T.,  Esq. 

Davies,  Rev.  W.  T.  P.,  B.A., 
B.Litt,  Ph.D. 

Davis,  A.  G.,  Esq. 

Davis,  Rev.  H.  G.,  B.A. 

Davison,  M.,  Esq. 
*Dawe,  Rev.  E.  W.,  B.D. 

Dews,  Rev.  D.,  B.A. 

Dolphin,  Rev.  H.  R. 

Duckett,  Miss  E.  M. 

Duncan,  J.,  Esq. 

Duthie,  Rev.  C.  S.,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Dyer,  F.  T.,  Esq.,  B.Sc.,  Ph.D., 
F.P.S. 

Edmunds,  Rev.  G.  C,  M.A. 
Edwards,  T.  A.   Esq. 
Elkes,  Miss  L.  M. 
Evans,  D.  E.,  Esq. 
*Evans,  D.  M.  H.,  Esq.,  B.A., 

Ph.D. 
Everson,  Rev.  G.,  B.A. 

Farrar,  Rev.  J.  E.,  M.A. 
Feeney,  Mrs.  D. 
Flather,  A.  D.,  Esq. 
Forecast,  Rev.  G.  A. 
Fowle,  S.  H.  W.,  Esq. 
Fox,  Rev.  E.  K.,  M.A. 
Frapwell,  Mrs.  H.  B. 
French,  C.  H.,  Esq. 
Frost-Mee,  Rev.  F.  E.,  B.D 
Fry,  A.  W.,  Esq. 
Futcher,  P.  C.,  Esq. 

Gardener,  Rev.  G.  R.,  B.D.,  M.Th. 
Gayfer,  A.  J.  L.,  Esq. 
Gayfer,  J.,  Esq. 
Gee,  R.  K.,  Esq. 
Gilmour,  Mrs.  E.  H. 
Glassey,  A.  E.,  Esq.,  J.P. 
Goodwin,  Rev.  P.  H.,  B.A. 
Greenwood,  Rev.  H.  D.   M.A., 

BXitt 

Grieve,  Rev.  A.  A. 
Griffin,  C.  R.  J.,  Esq. 
Griffin,  S.,  Esq. 
Griffith,  G.,  Esq.,  LL.B. 
Gunson.  W.  N.,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 
Gurney,  Rev.  H.  W. 
Gurteen,  Miss  C.  G. 


Haig,  Rev.  C.  A.,  LL.B. 
*Hall,  D.  G.  E.,  Esq.,  M.A.,  D.Litt. 

Hall,  Rev.  R.  J.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Hammond,  B.,  Esq. 

Hanson,  T.  W.,  Esq. 

Harris,  F.  J.,  Esq.,  M.A. 
*Harris,  Rev.  S.  B.,  M.A. 

Hatley,  A.  J.,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Hawkes,  P.  J.,  Esq. 

Hayes,  Rev.  H.  G.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Henshall,  Rev.  S.  J. 

Hill,  Sir  Francis,  M.A.,  Litt.D. 

Hodgkinson,  S.,  Esq. 

Honess,  B.,  Esq. 

Home,  Rev.  H.  N. 

Horsman,  J.  B.,  Esq. 
*Horton,  Rev.  D.,  M.A.   D.D., 
D.Litt. 

Hoskins,  Dr.  F. 

Howe,  Miss  P. 

Howes,  Rev.  R.  K.,  B.A. 

Hunter,  A.  R.,  Esq.,  M.D., 
F.R.P.S. 

Huxtable,  Rev.  W.  J.  F.,  M.A. 

Jackson,  Rev.  A.  G.,  M.A. 
James,  G.  H.,  Esq. 
Jessop,  J.  W.,  Esq.,  M.A. 
John,  Rev.  G.,  M.A. 
Johnson,  G.  A.,  Esq. 
Johnson,  G.  N.,  Esq. 
Jones,  Rev.  B.  H.,  B.A. 
Jones,  Rev.  K.  E.,  B.A. 
Jones,  Rev.  R.  G. 
Jones,  Rev.  R.  H.  H.,  B.A. 
Jones,  Rev.  W.  M. 

Keech,  The  Misses  D.  and  M. 
Kenrick,  R.  C.  J.,  Esq. 
Kirk,  Rev.  B.  W.,  B.D. 
*Knowles,  C.,  Esq. 

Lamb,  Rev.  A.,  B.A. 

Leach,  W.  A.  B.,  Esq. 

Leask,  Miss  K. 

Leatherland,  Rev.  H.  F.,  Ph.D. 

Linsey,  P.  H.,  Esq. 

Livesley,  Rev.  A.  K. 

Lockley,  Rev.  G.  L.,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Lodemore,  C.  A.,  Esq. 

Longland,  Mrs.  K.  L. 

Longworth,  M.  Esq.,  B.Sc. 

Mackett,  R.,  Esq. 
McLachlan,  Rev.  H.  J.,  M.A., 

B.D.,  D.Phil. 

McLellan,  Rev.  A.,  M.A.,  B.D. 
McPherson,  Rev.  N.  F.  W. 


180 


ROLL  OF  MEMBERS 


Mansfield,  Rev.  R.,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 

Marchbank,  Rev.  W.  R.,  M.A., 
B.D. 

Margerison,  H.,  Esq.,  B.A. 

Marsden,  J.  R.,  Esq. 

Marsh,  Rev.  J.,  M.A.,  D.D., 
D.Phil. 

Marshall,  Miss  F.  A. 

Marshall,  J.  W.,  Esq. 

Marshall,  R.  J.,  Esq. 
*Martin,  Miss  A.  W. 
*Martin,  B.,  Esq. 

Martin,  Rev.  C.  J. 

Mayor,  Rev.  S.  H.,  M.A.,  B.D., 
Ph.D. 

Meeks,  T.  D.,  Esq. 

Merchant,  H.  W.,  Esq. 

Midgley,  Rev.  J.  W. 

Milsom,  Miss  K.,  C.V.O.,  D.B.E. 

Morris,  B.,  Esq. 

Morris,  C.  F.,  Esq. 

Morgan,  R.  Stanley,  Esq., 
A.R.I.B.A. 

Moss,  J.,  Esq. 

Muns.er,  P.,  Esq. 

Nagle,  Rev.  A.  F. 

Nettk  ship,  Rev.  J.  B.,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Newell,  Rev.  I.  E.,  M.A. 

Nichol,  Miss  K. 
*Northcott,  Rev.  W.  C,  M.A., 
Ph.D. 

Nonvood,  Rev.  C.  E.,  M.A. 
*Nutthll,  Rev.  G.  F.,  M.A.,  D.D. 

*Pace,  Rev.  N.  B.,  M.A. 

Palmer,  Rev.  J.  R.,  M.A. 
*Parker,  H.  H.,  Esq. 

Parker,  T.  N.,  Esq. 

Parrish,  Miss  M.  R.  K.,  M.A. 

Parsons,  Rev.  E.  F. 

Patterson,  Miss  J. 

Paul,  Rev.  R.  S.,  M.A.,  D.Phil. 

Pavitt,  Rev.  B. 
*Pearce,  K.  R.,  Esq. 

Peters,  Rev.  G.  H. 

Philip,  I.  G.,  Esq. 
*Pilkington,  R.  A.,  Esq. 

Plowman,  Rev.  J.  R.,  M.A. 

Raine,  D.  P.,  Esq. 

Ray,  M.  C,  Esq. 

Read,  L.  H.,  Esq. 
*Rees,  T.  G.,  Esq. 

Ridley,  Mrs.  M. 
'Robinson,  Rev.  W.  G.,  M.A., 

B.D.,  Ph.D. 
'Robinson,  Aid.  P.  M.,  J.P 


Rock,  Rev.  A.  F.,  B.A.,  B.D. 
Rose,  CM.,  Esq. 
"Rose,  J.  K.  H.,  Esq.,  B.A. 
Routley,  Rev.  E.  R.,  M.A.,  B.D., 

D.Phil. 

Rowland,  W.  J.,  Esq. 
Rumsby,  T.  W.,  Esq.,  M.A. 
Russell,  Rev.  S.  H.,  M.A.,  B.D., 

D.Phil. 

Sadler,  T.  H.,  Esq. 

Salmon,  Rev.  W.,  B.D. 

Salter,  F.  R.,  Esq.,  O.B.E.,  M.A. 

Satchell,  Rev.  G.  W. 

Saxelby,  C.  H.,  Esq.,  M.Sc. 

Searle,  Rev.  B.  R. 

Sears,  A.  T.,  Esq. 

Sears,  K.  E.  A.,  Esq.,  M.A. 
'Sellers,  I.,  Esq. 

Simmons,  Rev.  D.  S.,  M.A. 

Simpson,  Rev.  A.  F.,  M.A.,  B.D. 
Ph.D. 

Skidmore,  D.  L.,  Esq. 

Slaughter,  S.  S.,  Esq. 
'Sleep,  Dr.  A.  G. 

Smailes,  Rev.  G.  P. 

Smith,  A.  A.,  Esq. 

Smith,  J.  W.  A.,  Esq.,  M.A., 
B.Sc,  M.Ed. 

Smith,  R.  N.,  Esq. 

Snape,  Rev.  F.  T. 

Stanley,  Rev.  H.  S.,  M.A. 

Stansfield,  F.,  Esq. 

Stanton,  L.,  Esq. 

Stringer,  Rev.  L.  A. 

Sturtridge,  Rev.  T.  J.,  B.A. 

Surman,  A.  E.,  Esq. 
'Surman,  Rev.  C.  E.,  M.A. 

Swindells,  Rev.  H.  L. 

Sykes,  D.  A.,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Taylor,  H.  H.,  Esq. 

Taylor,  Rev.  J.  H.,  B.D. 

Tebbett,  Rev.  A.  H.,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Tebbutt,  F.  J.,  Esq.,  J.P. 

Telling,  A.  E.,  Esq. 

Thomas,  Rev.  D.  A.,  M.A.,  B.D.. 

M.Th.,  Ph.D. 
Thomas,  D.  A.,  Esq. 

Thomas,  Rev.  H.,  F.G.S. 
Thorpe,  Rev.  A.  F.,  M.A. 

Tibbutt,  H.  G.,  Esq.,  F.S.A., 
F.R.Hist.S. 

Tillett,  Mrs.  J.  O. 

Todd,  Rev.  J.  M.,  M.A. 

Tomalin,  Rev.  R.  W. 

Towers,  Rev.  L.  T.,  M.A. 

Tucker,  Miss  L. 


ROLL  OF  MEMBERS 


181 


*Tully,  Miss  G.  L.  E,  B.A. 
Turner,  C.  E.  A.,  Esq.,  M.Sc., 

Ph.D. 
Turner,  Rev.  R.  R.,  M.A. 

Unwin,  H.  R.,  Esq. 

Varnon,  Rev.  F.  M.,  B.A. 

Viccars,  S.  H.,  Esq. 
*Vick,  Rev.  J.  M. 

Viles,  Rev.  D.  R. 
"Vine,  Rev.  A.  R.,  M.A.,  B.Sc., 
D.D. 

Vowles,  G.  A.,  Esq. 

Wadsworth,  Rev.  K.  W.,  M.A. 

Ward,  Rev.  G.  M.,  B.D. 

Wash,  H.,  Esq. 

Watts,  Rev.  T. 

Watt,  Rev.  N.  C,  B.A.,  L.Th. 

Webber,  Rev.  J.  W.  M.,  B.A. 

Welch,  C.  A.,  Esq. 


Welford,  J.  H.  B.,  Esq. 

West,  Rev.  W.  G. 

Wheeler,  Rev.  L.  M.,  M.A. 

White,  Rev.  E. 

*White,  P.,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 
*Whitehouse,  Rev.  W.A.,  M.A., 
B.Litt.,  D.D. 

Whittaker,  S.  R.,  Esq. 

Wickham,  H.,  Esq. 

Wigley,  Rev.  T. 

Willard,  A.  J.,  Esq. 

Williams,  J.  R.,  Esq. 

Williams,  Rev.  T. 

Williams,  W.  R.,  Esq.,  B.A.,  B.Sc. 

Willoughby,  Rev.  A.  L. 

Wing,  Rev.  J. 

Wolfenden,  C.  B.,  Esq. 

Woodger,  C.  C.  E.,  Esq. 

Wort,  D.  A.,  Esq. 

Young,  Rev.  J.  E.,  M.A.,  B.D. 
Yule,  Professor  G. 


CORPORATE  MEMBERS— CHURCHES,  ETC. 


AYLESBURY 
BATH  (Argyle) 
BIRMINGHAM  (Carr's  Lane) 
BIRMINGHAM  (Erdington) 
BISHOP'S  STORTFORD 
BLANDFORD  FORUM 
BOLTON  (Mawdsley  St.) 
BOURNEMOUTH  (East  Cliff) 
BRIGHTON  (Union  Church) 
BURY  ST.  EDMUNDS 
CATERHAM 

COLCHESTER  (Lion  Walk) 
CROYDON  (George  Street) 
DORKING 
HALESOWEN 
HALIFAX  (Square) 
HEREFORD 
HINCKLEY  (Borough) 
HORSLEY 
HYDE  (Union  St.) 
ILFRACOMBE 
KIDDERMINSTER  (Baxter 

Church) 

KIRKHEATON  (Fields  Cong'l) 
LITTLE  BAD  DOW 
LONDON 

CITY  TEMPLE 

CLAPTON  PARK 

CROUCH  END  (Park  Chapel) 

DALSTON 

EAST  SHEEN 

ENFIELD  (Christchurch) 

PADDINGTON  CHAPEL 


PALMERS  GREEN 
PLAISTOW 
ROMFORD 
SOUTHWARK  (Pilgrim 

Church) 
UXBRIDGE 
WHITEFIELDS  MEMORIAL 

CHURCH 
NORTHAMPTON  (Doddridge  & 

Commercial  Street) 
PLYMOUTH  (Sherwell) 
READING  (Broad  Street) 
READING  (Trinity) 
REIGATE 
RUGBY 

RYDE  (George  St.) 
ST.  IVES  Free  Church 
STRATFORD-UPON-AVON 
TAUNTON  (North  St.) 
TUNBRIDGE  WELLS  (Mount 

Pleasant) 

WALLASEY  (Liscard) 
WELLINGBOROUGH  (High 

Street) 

WILMSLOW 
DEVON  Cong'l.  Union 
SURREY  Cong'l.  Union 
YORKSHIRE  Cong'l.  Union 
VICTORIA  (AUSTRALIA) 

Cong'l.  Union 
LONDON  MISSIONARY 

SOCIETY 
BRADFORD  BRANCH 


(Continued  on  page  208) 


PHILIP  DODDRIDGE  ON  THE   METHOD 
OF  ORDINATION 

The  late  F.  W .  P.  Harris  left  a  manuscript  thesis  on  Philip 
Doddridge  which  now  lies  in  the  library  of  New  College,  London. 
Appendix  C  to  this  manuscript  draws  attention  to  an  account  of 
the  '  methods  of  ordination  generally  used  among  the  protestant 
dissenters'  which  Doddridge  published  in  1745  with  the  charge  he 
had  delivered  at  the  ordination  of  Abraham  Tozer  at  Norwich. 
We  are  grateful  to  Mrs.  Harris  and  to  the  Librarian  of  New  College 
for  the  use  of  this  manuscript. 

Doddridge's  account  helps  us  to  se  how  jar  present  practice 
adheres  to  the  old  traditions  and  how  jar  it  departs  from  it.  Un 
happily  the  account  does  not  tell  us  the  nature  of  the  engagements 
which  candidates  undertook,  but  on  the  other  hand,  it  does  em 
phasize  that  they  declared  their  resolution  never  to  forsake  the 
ministry.  Another  point  which  might  pass  unobserved  is  that  it 
appears  that  whilst  the  pastors  present  laid  hands  upon  candidates, 
the  custom  of  some  lay  representative  of  the  local  church  doing  so 
was  not  known  to  Doddridge. 

It  very  rarely  happens,  that  a  minister  among  us  is  admitted  to 
the  pastoral  office,  till  he  hath  spent  some  years,  as  a  kind  of  can 
didate  for  it ;  and,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect,  more  undertake  it 
after,  than  before  their  twenty-sixth  year  is  completed.  But  as  our 
theological  students  generally  employ  either  four  or  five  years  in 
preparatory  studies  after  they  have  quitted  the  grammar-schools, 
so  they  are  examined  by  three  or  four  elder  ministers  before  they 
begin  to  preach.  A  strict  enquiry- is  made  into  their  character,  and 
into  their  furniture  ;  both  with  respect  to  the  learned  languages, 
especially  the  sacred,  and  also  as  to  the  various  parts  of  natural 
and  moral  philosophy  ;  but  above  all,  into  their  acquaintance  with 
divinity  ;  and  some  specimen  of  their  abilities,  for  prayer  and 
preaching,  is  generally  expected. 

An  unordained  minister  is  seldom  chosen  to  the  pastoral  office 
in  any  of  our  churches,  for  in  the  members  of  each  of  these  societies 
the  whole  right  of  election  lies,  till  he  has  resided  among  them  some 
months  or  perhaps  some  years  ;  preaching  statedly  to  them,  and 
performing  most  other  ministerial  offices,  excepting  the  administra 
tion  of  the  sacraments. 

When  the  society,  which  generally  proceeds  with  entire  unanimity 
in  this  great  affair,  has  received  what  it  judges  competent  satisfac- 

182 


PHILIP  DODDRIDGE— METHOD  OF  ORDINATION  183 

tion,  the  several  members  of  it  join  in  giving  him  a  solemn  and 
express  call  to  take  upon  him  the  pastoral  inspection  over  them. 
And  if  he  be  disposed  to  accept  it,  he  generally  signifies  that  in 
tention  to  neighbouring  pastors  ;  whose  concurrence  he  desires  in 
solemnly  setting  him  apart  to  that  office. 

Previous  to  the  assembly  for  this  sacred  purpose,  his  credentials 
and  testimonials  are  produced,  if  it  be  required  by  any  who  are  to 
be  concerned  ;  and  satisfaction  as  to  his  principles  is  also  given 
to  those  who  are  to  carry  on  the  public  work,  generally  by  his  com 
municating  to  them  the  confession  of  his  faith  which  he  has  drawn 
up ;  in  which  it  is  expected,  that  the  great  doctrines  of  Christianity 
should  be  touched  upon  in  a  proper  order,  and  his  persuasion  of 
them  plainly  and  seriously  expressed,  in  such  words  as  he  judges 
most  convenient.  And  we  generally  think  this  a  proper  and  happy 
medium  between  the  indolence  of  acquiescing  in  a  general  declara 
tion  of  believing  the  Christian  religion,  without  declaring  what  it  is 
apprehended  to  be,  and  the  severity  of  demanding  a  subscription  to 
any  set  of  articles,  where  if  an  honest  man,  who  believes  all  the 
rest,  scruples  any  one  article,  phrase,  or  word,  he  is  as  effectually 
excluded,  as  if  he  rejected  the  whole. 

The  pastors,  who  are  to  bear  their  part  in  the  public  work, 
having  been  thus  in  their  consciences  satisfied,  that  the  person 
offering  himself  to  ordination  is  duly  qualified  for  the  Christian 
ministry,  and  regularly  called  to  the  full  exercise  of  it ;  they  pro 
ceed,  at  the  appointed  time  and  place,  to  consecrate  him  to  it,  and 
to  recommend  him  to  the  grace  and  blessing  of  God,  and  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  great  Head  of  the  Church,  by  fasting  and 
prayer,  generally  accompanied  by  the  imposition  of  hands  ;  and 
the  public  work  of  the  day  is  usually,  so  far  as  I  have  been  witness, 
carried  on  in  the  following  order,  or  something  very  near  it. 

It  commonly  opens  with  a  short  prayer,  and  the  reading  of  some 
select  portions  of  scripture  which  seem  most  proper  to  the 
occasion  :  Then  a  prayer  is  offered  of  greater  length  and  compass 
than  the  former,  in  which  most  of  our  common  concerns  as  Christ 
ians  are  included  ;  which  is  sometimes,  though  less  frequently, 
succeeded  by  another  of  the  same  kind.  Then  follows  a  sermon, 
on  some  suitable  subject,  such  as  the  institution,  importance,  diffi 
culty,  and  excellency  of  the  ministerial  work,  the  character  and 
conduct  of  the  first  ministers  of  the  gospel,  or  the  like. 

After  this  introduction  of  a  more  general  nature,  another  minister, 
usually  one  of  the  eldest  present,  who  is  a  kind  of  moderator  for 
1   3 


184  PHILIP  DODDRIDGE— METHOD  OF  ORDINATION 

the  day,  gives  the  assembly  a  more  particular  account  of  the  oc 
casion  of  its  being  convened.  The  call  of  the  church  to  the  candidate 
is  then  recognised,  either  in  word  or  writing,  or  by  lifting  up  the 
hand  ;  and  his  acceptance  is  also  declared.  He  is  then  desired, 
for  the  satisfaction  and  edification  of  the  assembly,  to  pronounce 
the  confession  which  his  brethren  have  already  heard  and 
approved  ;  and  pertinent  questions  are  put  to  him,  relating  to  the 
views  and  purposes  with  which  he  undertakes  the  solemn  charge, 
that  he  may  be  brought  under  the  most  awful  engagements  to  a 
suitable  behaviour  in  it ;  and  an  express  renunciation  of  the  errors 
and  superstitions  of  the  Romish  church  generally  makes  part  of 
these  answers,  as  well  as  a  declaration  of  his  resolution,  by  divine 
grace,  never  to  forsake  the  ministry,  whatever  inconveniences  and 
sufferings  it  may  draw  after  it. 

This  being  dispatched,  the  presiding  minister  comes  down  from 
the  pulpit,  and  prays  over  the  person  to  be  set  apart.  There  is  no 
particular  form  of  prayer  on  this  occasion,  or  on  any  other  among 
us  ;  but  I  have  observed,  that  the  person  who  officiates  is  generally 
led  in  such  a  circumstance  to  adore  the  divine  wisdom  and 
grace,  .  .  .  (The  person  to  be  set  apart  to  the  ministerial  office) 
is  then  solemnly  offered  up  to  the  service  of  God,  and  recommended 
to  his  blessing,  in  all  the  several  parts  of  his  work,  which  are 
distinctly  enumerated  .... 

When  that  part  of  this  prayer  begins,  which  immediately  relates 
to  the  person  then  to  be  consecrated  to  the  service  of  the  sanctuary, 
it  is  usual  for  the  speaker  to  lay  his  hand  on  his  head  ;  and  the 
other  pastors  conveniently  within  reach,  frequently  to  the  number 
of  six,  eight,  or  ten,  lay  on  their  hands  also,  at  the  same  time  : 
by  which  we  do  not  pretend  to  convey  any  spiritual  gifts,  but  only 
use  it  as  a  solemn,  and  expedient,  though  not  absolutely  necessary, 
designation  of  the  person  then  to  be  set  apart. 

When  this  prayer  is  over,  which  often  engages  a  very  profound 
attention,  and  seems  to  make  a  very  deep  impression  both  on 
ministers  and  people,  the  charge  is  given  to  the  newly  ordained 
pastor,  who  generally  receives  it  standing,  as  much  as  may  be  in 
the  sight  of  the  whole  assembly  :  And  an  exhortation  to  the  people 
is  sometimes  joined  with  the  charge,  or  sometimes  follows  it  as  a 
distinct  service,  unless,  which  is  frequently  the  case,  it  is  superseded 
by  the  sermon,  or  some  previous  address.  Another  prayer  follows  ; 
and  singing  having  been  intermingled,  so  as  properly  to  diversify 
a  service  necessarily  so  long,  the  whole  is  concluded  with  a  solemn 
benediction.  F.  w.  P.  HARRIS 


THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX 
NONCONFORMITY 

The  period  c.  1720-60  has  been  seen  as  generally  one  of  serious 
decline  in  English  Nonconformity.  It  was  only  towards  the  end 
of  the  period  that  the  emergence  of  Methodism  began  to  influence 
the  Nonconformists  and  to  relieve  the  gloom.  Comparisons  between 
conditions  in  Sussex  and  other  counties  are  difficult  to  draw 
because  of  the  lack  of  strictly  comparable  data.  The  writer's  ten 
tative  view  is  that  Nonconformity  in  Sussex  was  in  rather  better 
shape  than  it  was  in  most  predominantly  agricultural  counties.  Most 
Presbyterian  and  Congregational  churches  managed  to  survive  even 
though  they  all  lost  strength  and  none  showed  any  missionary 
spirit.  The  Friends  were  a  spent  force  and  the  Particular  Baptists 
were  still  an  insignificant  factor.  But  the  General  Baptists  held 
their  ground  quite  well  and  even  showed  some  evangelical  zeal. 

It  may  be  that  things  would  have  been  much  more  difficult 
had  Sussex  been  exposed  more  directly  to  the  forces  which  began 
during  the  period  to  reshape  the  economic  and  social  patterns  of 
English  life.  Sussex  was  not  immune  to  these  forces,  but  the  pace 
of  change  was  far  slower  than  in  the  Midland  and  Northern  coun 
ties.  There  was  no  industrial  development  to  replace  the  rapidly 
declining  iron  industry.  Communications  with  the  swiftly  growing 
Metropolis  remained  difficult  and  expensive.  Sussex  remained  pre 
ponderantly  rural. 

It  has  often  been  argued  that  the  decline  of  Nonconformity  is 
to  be  explained  largely  in  terms  of  the  combined  effects  on  the 
churches  of  anti-Trinitarian  heresies  and  of  hyper-Calvinism. 
According  to  this  theory,  hyper-Calvinism  destroyed  the  evangelical 
spirit  of  the  Nonconformists,  and  Socinian  and  Arian  heresies 
shattered  the  congregations.  The  theory  has  the  almost  irresistible 
attraction  of  simplicity.  It  does  not,  however,  seem  to  fit  the  facts 
of  Sussex  Nonconformity.  Nor  has  it  always  gone  unchallenged  at 
national  level  even  if  it  has  all  too  often  been  repeated  with  more 
assertion  than  evidence.1 

*For  example  :  R.  W.  Dale  :  A  History  of  English  Congregationalism, 
W.  T.  Whitley  :  A  History  of  British  Baptists  and  W.  C.  Braithwaite  : 
The  Second  Period  of  Quakerism.  For  a  refutation  of  the  Arianism  thesis, 
see  F.  J.  Powicke  in  Essays  Congregational  and  Catholic  (ed.  A.  Peel). 

185 


186          THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY 

The  argument  about  the  pernicious  influence  of  hyper-Calvinism 
can  be  summed-up  most  simply  in  John  Wesley's  unkind  descrip 
tion  of  the  views  which,  he  alleged,  were  held  by  the  Calvinistic 
Methodists  : 

The  sum  of  all  this  is  :   One  in  twenty  (suppose)  of  mankind 

are  elected  ;  nineteen  in  twenty  are  reprobated.  The  elect  shall 

be  saved,  do  what  they  will ;  the  reprobate  shall  be  damned,  do 

what  they  can. 

What  then  was  the  point  of  evangelical  effort  ?  Halevy  claimed 
that  '  In  any  church  where  it  established  a  footing  this  quietism 
destroyed  every  species  of  missionary  activity  '.2  It  should  be  re 
membered,  however,  that  selfishness  and  indolence  have  always 
played  a  large  part  in  the  neglect  of  evangelism  and  it  may  be 
unwise  to  look  on  doctrinal  issues  as  the  justification  for  these 
personal  failings.  Haweis  was  conscious  of  this  important  distinction 
when  he  defended  the  Calvinistic  Methodists  against  Wesley's 
attack  :  '  The  numbers  of  those  who  professed  these  tenets  were 
very  few,  whilst  too  many  who  held  the  Calvinistic  system  lived  as 
//  they  believed  them  to  be  true  '.3 

In  the  case  of  Sussex,  the  historian  of  the  diocese  of  Chichester 
concluded  that  there  was  in  the  county  a  '  strong  infusion  of  Cal 
vinism  '  which  had  been  brought  in  by  the  Protestant  refugees  from 
the  Continent.4  But  Stephens  adduced  little  evidence  to  support  his 
firm  statement.  It  is  to  be  doubted  whether  there  was  a  strong 
infusion  of  Calvinism.  If  there  was,  it  had  not  prevented  the  General 
Baptists  or  the  Friends  from  making  striking  progress  in  Sussex. 
Had  the  Calvinistic  influence  been  so  strongly  marked,  one  would 
have  expected  that  the  Particular  Baptists  would  have  gained 
ground  rather  than  the  General  Baptists,  particularly  as  the  latter 
were  influenced  by  Matthew  Caffyn's  unorthodox  views  about  the 
Trinity.  As  it  was,  the  Particular  Baptists  gained  but  little  ground 
until  after  1770. 

One  would  expect  that  the  doctrinal  views  of  ministers  would 
have  influenced  strongly  those  of  their  congregations,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  establish  what  were  the  views  of  Sussex  Presbyterian 
and  Congregational  ministers  during  this  period.  What  little  evi 
dence  the  writer  has  found  suggests  that  their  Calvinism  was 
moderate. 

2E.  Halevy  :    A  History  of  the  English  People  in  the  Nineteenth  Century 
(2nd  edition,  translation)  vol.    1,  p.  410. 

3T.  Haweis  :  Impartial  History  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  (1800),  vol.  3,  p.  92. 
4W.  R.  W.  Stephens  :    The  South  Saxon  Diocese,  Selsey-Chichester,  (1881). 


THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY          187 

) 

The  entries  relating  to  ministers  in  Sussex  amongst  the  Congre 
gational  Fund  Board  Characters  are  few — there  were  not  many 
Presbyterian  or  Congregational  churches  and  not  all  of  them  were 
Fund-aided — but  in  no  case  is  there  any  reference  to  Calvinist 
'views.  This  may  be  because  less  was  known  about  the  men  in 
Sussex,  which  was  notoriously  difficult  of  access  from  London. 
But  there  is  nothing  to  suggest  that  these  men  held  the  hyper- 
Calvinist  position.  The  cases  were  : 

Mr.  John  Button  (of  the  Rye  Congregational  church)  an  honest, 
serious,  &  faithful  Preacher,  stedfast  in  the  Faith,  &  of  good 
behaviour. 

Mr.  Timothy  Thomas  (of  the  Horsham  Presbyterian  church) 
sound  in  the  Faith,  a  Letter  from  himself,  wherein  he  made 
such  a  Profession  :  his  Income  is  small. 

Mr.  Joseph  Chandler  (of  the  Worth /East  Grinstead  Presby 
terian  church)  sound  in  the  Faith  £20  per  Ann.  a  Wife  &  4 
Children. 

Mr.  Robert  Dent  (also  of  the  Rye  Church)  Serious,  Sound, 
&  very  useful. 

It  may  be  felt  that  even  this  tentative  appraisal  warrants  at  least 
some  caution  about  accepting  the  influence  of  hyper-Calvinism  as 
a  powerful  factor  in  the  decline  of  Sussex  Nonconformity.  But  what 
of  the  other  factor  of  the  disruptive  and  deadening  influence  of 
Socinian  and  Arian  views  ? 

What  little  can  be  gleaned  about  the  affairs  of  the  Presbyterian 
and  Congregational  churches  during  the  period  suggests  that  few 
ministers  were  noticeably  unorthodox  in  their  views  about  the 
Trinity.  Ebehezer  Johnston,  of  the  Westgate  Meeting  at  Lewes, 
almost  certainly  held  unorthodox  views  and,  towards  the  end  of 
the  period,  it  is  possible  that  John  Heap,  of  the  Presbyterian  church 
at  Chichester,  also  sympathized  with  the  Arian  positiop.  Nothing 
has  come  to  light  which  points  to  divisions  in  Presbyterian  or 
Congregational  churches  leading  to  the  formation  of  new  causes, 
or  to  transfers  of  members  from  one  denomination  to  the  other. 
The  only  two  Toleration  Act  registrations  in  the  Lewes  Arch 
deaconry  between  1725  and  1760  for  the  Presbyterians  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  connected  with  divisions  in  existing  congre 
gations.  In  any  case,  at  Lewes  the  Westgate  Meeting  did  not  lose 
ground  during  this  period  ;  indeed,  it  was  during  Ebenezer  John 
ston's  pastorate — in  1759 — that  the  older  meeting  united  with  the 
Westgate  Meeting. 


188          THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY 

It  may  not  always  have  been  easy  for  the  Congregational  Fund 
Board  to  obtain  an  authoritative  statement  of  the  Trinitarian  views 
of  those  whom  it  helped,  but  the  Board  was  concerned  to  avoid 
giving  encouragement  to  any  whose  orthodoxy  was  in  doubt.  The 
revised  Rules  of  1738  were  explicit  about  the  importance  of  this 
matter  : 

Section  II.  4.  That  Satisfaction  be  given  to  this  Board,  if  re 
quired,  that  all  those  to  whom  any  Exhibitions  are  allow'd  are 
sound  in  the  Faith,  particularly  as  to  the  Doctrine  of  the 
Blessed  Trinity  as  reveal'd  in  the  Scriptures  and  explained  in 
the  Assembly's  Confession  of  Faith  and  Catechism,  and  that 
any  member  of  this  Board  has  a  right  to  desire  this  Satisfaction. 
It  seems  probable  then,  that  the  Sussex  ministers  who  were  helped 
by  the  Board  held  orthodox  Trinitarian  views. 

The  one  denomination  in  Sussex  in  which  Socinian  or  Arian 
views  notably  influenced  the  ministry  was  the  General  Baptists. 
And  it  was  the  General  Baptists  who  alone  of  the  Nonconformists 
at  this  time  displayed  some  energy  and  achieved  some  modest 
success  in  seeking  out  new  adherents.  The  strength  of  the  older 
General  Baptist  congregations  during  this  period  is  itself  sufficient 
to  cast  doubt  upon  the  generalizations  about  the  dessicating  in 
fluence  of  Arianism  as  far  as  Sussex  is  concerned. 

It  is  tempting  to  equate  the  rational  religion  of  the  late  eighteenth 
century  Arians  or  Unitarians  with  the  unorthodoxy  of  the  Sussex 
General  Baptists  at  this  time.  But  this  would  be  very  misleading. 
Indeed,  one  is  compelled  to  wonder  whether  the  great  majority 
of  the  church  members  were  really  aware  of  the  refinements  of  Caffy- 
nite  theology  and  its  successors,  just  as  one  wonders  how  far  the 
rank  and  file  of  members  of  Presbyterian  congregations  whose 
ministers  held  Arian  views  fully  appreciated  what  was  involved. 
The  more  distinctive  marks  of  the  General  Baptists  in  Sussex  were 
the  rejection  of  Infant  Baptism  and  Calvinism.  For  the  rest,  the 
organization  and  worship  of  the  General  Baptists  in  Sussex  must 
have  seemed  more  orthodox,  in  the  apostolic  sense,  than  that  of  the 
other  Nonconformists. 

Between  1725  and  1760,  sixteen  meeting  places  were  registered 
in  the  Lewes  Archdeaconry  for  Baptists,  and  it  is  possible  to 
identify  almost  all  of  these  as  General  Baptist.  Even  towards  the 
end  of  the  period  the  Sussex  churches  were  still  playing  a  leading 
part  in  the  work  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Against  this  background,  one  is  led  to  doubt  whether  Arianism 
played  a  significant  role  in  the  general  decline  of  Sussex  Noncon- 


THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY          189 

formity  between  1720  and  1760.  It  looks  as  if  the  real  causes  of 
the  decline  must  be  sought  elsewhere. 

One  of  the  principal  causes  is  likely  to  have  been  the  limited 
supply,  and  sometimes  the  uncertain  quality,  of  Presbyterian  and 
Congregational  ministers.  The  information  in  the  Evans  MS.  points 
to  some  fourteen  ministers  serving  Sussex  churches  around  1720. 
The  minutes  of  the  Fund  Boards  help  in  tracing  pastoral  successions 
(and  the  Rev.  Charles  E.  Surman's  work  is  gratefully  acknowledged 
here)  but  some  churches  were  able  to  provide  stipends  without  out 
side  help  and  do  not  feature  in  the  records  of  the  Boards,  and  some 
were  so  small  that  they  would  have  been  unable  to  support  a  full- 
time  pastor  even  with  the  maximum  grants  allowed  by  the  Boards. 
In  most  cases  the  Fund-aided  churches  managed  to  secure  ministers 
during  the  period  but  often  there  were  gaps,  sometimes  quite  long 
ones,  during  which  the  congregations  had  to  manage  as  best  they 
could. 

Given  the  limited  supply  of  men,  it  is  not  surprising  that  service 
in  Sussex  should  have  appeared  unattractive,  for  even  the  larger 
congregations  found  it  difficult  to  raise  substantial  stipends.  The 
Union  Street  church  at  Brighton  was  said  to  have  560  Hearers  in 
1717  and  the  diocesan  Visitation  of  1724  admitted  that  there  were 
many  Presbyterian  families  in  Brighton  in  that  year,  but  in  1738 
the  minister,  John  Duke,  recorded  in  his  Register  :  '  A  list  of  the 
Subscriptions  or  accounts  of  what  the  People  give  me  yearly  October 
27  :  1738  '.5  and  the  total  was  only  £38  12s.  6d.  Perhaps  there  were 
some  smaller  contributions  which  he  did  not  think  worthy  of 
special  mention  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  his  successor,  John  Whit- 
tell,  received  a  grant  from  the  Presbyterian  Fund  Board  from  1754 
onwards. 

Perhaps  the  difficulty  was  that  church  members  in  Sussex  still 
could  not  see  that  they  had  an  obligation  to  contribute  regularly 
to  the  support  of  the  ministry  in  their  own  churches,  let  alone  to 
send  anything  to  the  Fund  Boards.  The  Rules  of  the  Congregational 
Fund  Board  had  envisaged  that  country  churches  might  send 
donations  towards  the  maintenance  of  the  ministry  : 

Section  I.I.  That  care  be  taken  to  send  to  the  Churches  which 

are  able,  in  and  around  this  City,  to  contribute  to  this  Work  ; 

and  in  the  Country  also,  //  we  can  find  any  that  are  so  happily 

disposed. 

It  had  often  been  a  point  of  pride  with  the  Presbyterians 
and  Congregationalists  that  they  did  not  depend  on  '  untrained  ' 
5Non-Parochial  Registers,  Sussex  No.  9. 


190          THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY 

men  like  the  Baptists  and  there  was  something  approaching  con 
tempt  for  the  part-time  ministry  of  the  latter. 

This  contrast  between  the  denominations  was  noted  particularly 
by  Ebenezer  Johnston  in  1772  when  he  wrote  to  Josiah  Thompson 
about  the  state  of  Nonconformity  in  Sussex  : 

The  Paedobaptist  part  of  the  Dissenting  Interest  in  this  County 
is  manifestly  in  a  declining  State.  The  Congregations  are 
generally  small  &  it  too  often  happens  that  when  a  Minister 
Dies  or  removes,  the  People  either  through  want  of  ability  or 
want  of  Heart  suffer  the  Interest  to  be  lost  amongst  them. — 
The  Baptists  are  in  a  more  flourishing  situation,  their  preachers 
are  generally  Laymen  &  engaged  in  Seculiar  Business  &  em 
ployment,  receive  but  little  from  their  People  &  support  them 
selves  &  Families  by  their  Trades.6 

The  General  Baptists  in  Sussex  certainly  had  the  great  advantage 
of  a  long  line  of  gifted  and  devoted  Elders  and  Messengers.  But 
there  was  another  advantage  which  the  General  Baptists  enjoyed 
in  that  they  came  together  in  association,  both  at  national  and 
county  level.  The  General  Assembly  was  often  ineffective  and  not 
all  the  Sussex  churches  were  regular  in  their  attendance  through 
Representatives  ;  the  Kent  and  Sussex  Association  did  not  always 
meet  regularly  and  the  member  churches  often  neglected  to  send 
Representatives.  But  the  General  Baptist  churches  were  not  as 
isolated  from  each  other  as  the  Presbyterian  and  Congregational 
churches  of  Sussex.  They  could  refer  their  serious  problems  to 
the  County  Association  or  to  the  General  Assembly  and  the  Mes 
sengers  were  there  to  visit  them  at  times  of  difficulty. 

Too  little  is  known  about  the  pastoral  work  of  the  Presbyterian 
and  Congregational  ministers  to  justify  criticism.  But  some  appear 
to  have  been  second-rate.  Joseph  Stedman  of  Lindfield  and  Arding- 
ly,  given  his  record  at  Glasgow  University  and  his  disputes  with 
the  leading  Presbyterian  ministers  in  London,  was  probably  quite 
unsuited  to  the  ministry.7  John  Whittell  may  have  done  better 
work  at  Battle  than  he  did  at  Brighton  where  his  ministry  was 
decidedly  ineffective,  as  was  noted  by  Ebenezer  Johnston  in  1772.8 
Timothy  Thomas  at  Horsham  seems  to  have  done  little  to 
strengthen  the  Presbyterian  cause,  and  the  continued  strong  support 
'Thompson  MSS.,  Sussex  portion. 

TThis  emerges  even  in  Stedman's  own  account  of  the  dispute  :  Presbyterian 
Priestcraft,  (1720). 

'Thompson  MSS. 


THE  LEAN  YEARS  OF  SUSSEX  NONCONFORMITY          191 

for  the  Baptists  was  matched  during  his  pastorate  by  a  notable 
recovery  in  the  Parish  Church. 

In  Sussex,  the  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  generally 
were  of  higher  social  and  economic  standing  than  the  General 
Baptists.  This  must  have  exposed  them  to  somewhat  greater  temp 
tation  to  conform  and  so  to  avoid  the  civil  disabilities  to  which 
they  were  still  subjected.  No  doubt,  it  was  a  feeling  of  concern  for 
the  prospects  of  their  children  which  often  played  a  large  part  in 
the  lapse  into  conformity  of  the  more  prosperous  Nonconformist 
families.  In  cases  where  the  parents  remained  loyal  to  their 
denominations,  the  children  were  not  persuaded  to  shun  the  Church 
of  England.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Visitation  of  1724 
referred  to  the  fact  that  at  Steyning  many  of  the  children  of  the 
Presbyterian  families  '  come  to  ye  Church  '.  It  is  probable  also 
that  there  would  have  been  some  attrition  through  the  inter- marriage 
of  Presbyterians  or  Congregationalists  and  Anglicans.  The  General 
Baptists  were  less  likely  to  lose  adherents  in  this  way  because  of 
their  strong  discouragement  of  marriage  outside  their  own  de 
nomination  ;  the  General  Assembly  (Association  as  it  then  was) 
in  1698  had  sternly  advised,  '  all  Members  of  the  Severall  Churches 
of  our  Comunion  to  keep  themselves  pure  in  the  Separacon  '.  At 
Horsham,  the  General  Baptist  Church's  Registers  show  how  this 
discouragement  of  inter-marriage  with  other  denominations  per 
sisted  ;  between  1756  and  1846  there  were  over  180  names  for  6 
families  only. 

Finally,  one  wonders  whether  the  weight  of  respectability  was 
not  also  a  factor  in  the  decline,  at  least  in  the  cases  of  the  Presby 
terians  and  Congregationalists.  They  were  not  often  exposed  to 
the  stirring,  if  painful,  challenge  of  serious  local  opposition.  Their 
neighbours  accepted  them  as  people  whose  religious  views  no 
longer  led  to  the  unpleasantness  of  open-air  preaching  or  stern 
condemnation  of  popular  recreations.  It  was  only  the  General 
Baptists  who,  as  a  denomination,  still  tried  positively  to  discourage 
alcohol,  card-playing,  dancing,  and  even  smuggling  and  trafficking 
in  uncustomed  goods,  though  not  always  with  success  as  entries 
in  some  of  the  Sussex  church  registers  clearly  show. 

But  who  are  we  in  this  generation  to  say  that  complacency  and 
indolence  sapped  the  vitality  of  the  Nonconformists  two  centuries 
ago! 

N.  CAPLAN 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  OF  THE 
LONDON  MISSIONARY  SOCIETY 

Part  II 

The  Evangelical  Revival  brought  realism  to  the  Bible.  4  Go  you 
into  all  the  world  .  .  .  '  was  a  text  stirring  the  minds  of  many 
people,  preparing  the  way  for  the  firm  and  continuous  support 
from  all  over  the  country  that  would  be  needed  for  the  new  Mis 
sionary  Society. 
Wesley's  words  : 

Love,  like  death,  hath  all  destroyed, 
Rendered  all  distinctions  void, 
Names  and  sects  and  parties  fall, 
And  Thou  O  Christ  art  all  in  all.1 

became  a  popular  form  of  the  Fundamental  Principle,  as  will  be  seen 
from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  one  of  the 
German  missionaries  who  had  received  final  training  in  England 
before  being  sent  to  Java  in  1814  : 

By  the  grace  of  God  I  hope  to  stick  close  to  your  Christian 
Motto  all  my  time  :  viz.  "  Let  names  and  sects  and  parties  fall 
(yea,  let  them  fall  to  the  bottom  of  hell)  and  Jesus  Christ  be 
all  in  all  ".2 

There  were  at  least  two  parties  that  came  together  in  the  found 
ing  and  leadership  of  the  Missionary  Society.  The  one,  loosely 
labelled  Methodist,  taking  in  those  who  were  influenced  by  the 
Evangelical  Revival,  some  ordained  within  the  Countess  of  Hun 
tingdon's  Connexion,  others  as  Congregational  ministers  or  Ang 
lican  priests,  together  with  laymen  of  wealth  in  the  mercantile 
world.  The  other  party,  labelled  Presbyterian,  comprised  ministers 
of  various  branches  of  the  Church  in  Scotland  ministering  to  con 
gregations  in  London.  The  minister  of  Camomile  Street  Church 
(now  the  City  Temple)  in  his  diary  entry  concerning  the  choice 
of  a  secretary,  on  25  September,  1795,  makes  this  fact  of  two 
parties  plain  : 

A  meeting  of  ministers  and  delegates  from  various  churches, 
etc.  ...  a  long  altercation  took  place  respecting  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  secretary.  Mr.  Shrubsole  proposed  by  the  Methodist 
party,  opposed  by  the  Scotch  Presbyterians.3 

lCong.  Praise,  241. 

'L.M.S.  Letters,  Java,  C.I  ;  April  2,  1816,  J.  C.  Supper. 
3MS.,  Diary  of  John  Reynolds,  1772-92  (L.M.S.  Archives). 

192 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  193 

The  Rev.  John  Eyre  also  mentioned  the  subject  later,  when 
resigning  as  secretary,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Haweis  : 

But  who  shall  succeed  me  ?  It  must  not  be  one  of  the  Party 
which  have  given  us  already  so  much  trouble.4 

As  the  new  secretary  appointed,  the  Rev.  George  Burder,  was 
firmly  rooted  in  Congregationalism,  and  the  minister  above  wrote 
as  being  outside  the  parties  he  mentions,  one  is  left  conjecturing 
exactly  what  Eyre  meant.  He  certainly  makes  plain  both  his  own 
and  Haweis'  identification  as  Methodists  along  with  the  Countess 
of  Huntingdon  ordained  men. 

The  sects  and  parties  were  not  absent,  either,  from  within  Presby- 
terianism.  The  Scottish  ministers  in  London  were  all  active  in  the 
founding  of  the  Missionary  Society  and  the  variety  of  their 
allegiance  is  here  noted  : 

JOHN  LOVE  (1756-1825)  belonged  to  the  Established  Church 
of  Scotland,  and  was  minister  of  the  Scots  Church,  Artillery  Street, 
Bishopsgate.  He  was  secretary  of  the  provisional  committee  that 
launched  the  Society,  and  secretary  for  foreign  correspondence  until 
1801  when  he  returned  to  Scotland. 

JAMES  STEVEN  (1761-1824)  minister  of  Crown  Court  Chapel 
from  1787  to  1803  belonged  to  the  Evangelical  party  within  the 
Church  of  Scotland. 

GEORGE  JERMENT  (1759-1819)  ministered  to  the  Antiburgher 
branch  of  the  Secession  Church  of  Scotland,  being  ordained  at 
Bow  Lane,  Cheapside  in  1782.  He  remained  in  London  until  his 
death. 

ALEXANDER  WAUGH  (1754-1827)  belonged  to  the  Secession 
Church  of  Scotland  and  ministered  to  a  congregation  in  Wells 
Street  from  1779  until  his  death.  He  was  a  wise  counsellor,  a  be 
loved  friend,  and  above  all,  one  of  the  main  influences  in  keeping 
the  peace  amongst  such  a  group  of  men  of  strong  character. 

He  would  quench  the  violence  of  a  most  threatening  debate, 

and  restore  the  Christian  tone  of  a  meeting  after  it  had  been 

considerably  impaired5 

4Maggs  Cat.  616,  1935  :   Report  of  Correspondence  of  T.  Haweis  (original 
now  in  Mitchell  Library,  Sydney). 

5Lovett ;  History  of  the  L.M.S.  II.  p.  644.  Quoted  from  Hay  and  Belfrage, 
Memoir  of  Alexander  Waugh. 


194  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

and  it  was, 

his  constant  aim  to  check  every  symptom  of  personality  and 
of  unholy  asperity.6 

DAVID  BOGUE  (1750-1825)  came  to  London  with  a  preaching 
licence  from  the  Church  of  Scotland,  but,  as  he  later  threw  in  his 
lot  with  the  Congregationalists,  he  does  not  reckon  as  a  Scottish 
minister,  though  in  common  with  them  he  had  the  freedom  of 
the  pulpits  of  his  first  allegiance  for  deputation  purposes. 

It  was  the  fact  of  a  call  to  minister  to  their  compatriots  in  Lon 
don  that  put  these  Scottish  ministers  into  the  place  where  they 
could  be  of  service  in  the  launching  of  the  Missionary  Society. 

The  great  seat  of  the  operations  of  the  Society  is  London,  all 
the  members  at  a  distance  maintaining  a  correspondence  with 
the  body  of  directors  in  the  Metropolis,  who  order  all  her 
affairs,  and  receive  the  pecuniary  supplies  from  the  different 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  such  persons  as  offer  themselves  for 
the  work  of  the  mission,  who,  after  examination,  if  approved, 
wait  their  call  to  embark  for  whatever  country  the  directors 
appoint  them.7 

The  names  of  the  effective  4  body  of  directors  in  the  metropolis ' 
who  ordered  the  affairs  of  the  Missionary  Society  can  mainly  be 
gathered  from  the  lists  of  those  who  attended  the  meetings  of 
directors.  A  look  at  a  few  of  the  most  notable  of  these,  other  than 
the  Scotsmen,  will  serve  to  show  how  naturally,  in  their  Christian 
obedience,  they  came  together,  each  to  make  some  special  con 
tribution  to  the  Missionary  Society  designed  to  '  proceed  on  a  new 
system,  that  of  universal  love  among  true  Christians,  without 
waiting  to  particular  opinions  '.8 

MATTHEW  WILKS  (1746-1829)  was  an  apprentice  in  Birming 
ham  and  had  no  particular  religious  inclinations  until  1771.  In 
West  Bromwich  one  day  he  stopped  under  the  window  of  a  house 
to  listen  to  a  loud  voice  coming  from  within  ;  the  words  of  the 
curate  went  straight  to  his  heart.  With  his  help  he  went  to  the 
Countess  of  Huntingdon's  college  at  Trevecca.  One  of  the  managers 
of  Whitefield's  two  London  Chapels,  having  heard  him  preach, 

'Ibid. 

TL.M.S.   Letters,   Home  Extra    1.   7    Nov.,    1797,    Address   to   Sweden,  in 

English. 
'L.M.S.    Letters,  Home  A.5.    1   April,   1798,  Sundius,   covering   letter  for 

Address  to  Sweden. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  195 

asked  him  to  supply  the  pulpits.  After  itinerating  under  the  Coun 
tess's  instructions,  he  settled  in  London,  and  remained  for  the 
rest  of  his  life  at  the  Tabernacle,  Moorfields,  and  Tottenham  Court 
Chapel  until  it  was  closed  owing  to  the  expiry  of  the  lease  a  year 
before  his  death.  He  was  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  starting  The 
Evangelical  Magazine. 

JOHN  EYRE  (1754-1803)  was  a  Cornishman  from  Bodmin,  well 
educated  and  apprenticed  to  a  clothier  at  15  years  old.  Contact 
with  the  Rev.  Andrew  Kinsman  of  Plymouth,  led  to  conversion 
for  him  and  his  two  friends.  The  three  young  men  immediately 
set  about  evangelizing  their  home  town,  Tavistock,  and  Eyre  was 
turned  out  of  his  home  for  such  unseemly  '  enthusiasm '.  He  went 
into  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon's  Connexion  after  a  period  of 
training  at  Trevecca  College,  and  preached  in  Lincolnshire  and  the 
East  End  of  London  before  going  on  to  Oxford  and  ordination 
in  the  Established  Church.  In  1785  : 

the  Episcopal  Chapel  of  Homerton  was  vacant,  and  the  worthy 
individuals  who  had  purchased  it,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  securing  an  evangelical  ministry  within  its  walls,  had  their 
attention  directed  to  Mr.  Eyre,  whose  reputation  as  a  gospel 
minister  was  now  fully  established.9 

GEORGE  BURDER  (1752-1832)  was  born  in  London  within 
Congregationalism,  his  father  being  a  deacon  at  the  Fetter  Lane 
Church.  As  he  grew  up  and  wandered,  '  he  found  abundantly  more 
of  the  power  of  God  with  the  Evangelical  clergymen  and  with  the 
Calvinistic  Methodists  '.10  His  mother  died  when  he  was  ten,  and 
his  stepmother  inherited  a  fortune  which  gave  the  family  con 
siderable  wealth.  After  serving  an  apprenticeship  with  Isaac  Tay 
lor,  the  engraver,  and  some  study  at  the  Royal  Academy,  he  went  off 
to  visit  one  of  the  family  estates  in  Shropshire.  Here  he  tried  his 
hand  at  itinerant  preaching,  having  come  under  the  influence  of  the 
'Methodist'  Matthew  Wilks  at  the  Tabernacle.  He  entered  the 
ministry  by  way  of  private "  study  and  practical  experience,  and 
was  ordained  to  the  Congregational  ministry  at  Lancaster  in  1778, 
whence  five  years  later  he  went  to  Coventry,  coming  to  London 
in  1803  as  minister  of  the  church  of  his  childhood,  Fetter  Lane, 
and  secretary  of  the  Missionary  Society.  His  earlier  years  in  a  settled 
charge  did  not  prevent  him  spending  periods  itinerating  over  the 
north  of  England,  noting  as  many  as  2:500  miles  on  horseback 
and  254  sermons  in  a  year.  He  met  Wesley  on  one  occasion,  and 

"Morison,  Fathers  and  Founders  of  the  L.M.S.  I.  pp.  264/5. 


1%  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

introduced  the  Gospel  into  an  unknown  number  of  places,  including 
Kendal,  Bootle,  Garstang  and  Preston.  In  1793  he  was  : 

.  .  .  deeply  interested,  and  assiduously  engaged,  in  the  for 
mation  of  the  Warwickshire  Association  of  Ministers  for  the 
spreading  of  the  Gospel  at  home  and  abroad  .  .  .  the  pro 
ceedings,  the  correspondence,  and  the  publications  of  the 
Association,  contributed  not  a  little  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  establishment  of  the  Missionary  Society  in  London.11 

ROWLAND  HILL  (1744-1833)  belonged  to  the  aristocracy.  As 
a  Cambridge  undergraduate  his  excessive  evangelical  zeal,  in  *  visit 
ing  workhouses,  etc.,  calling  sinners  wherever  he  could  find  access 
to  them,  earnestly  to  repent  and  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come'12 
led  him  into  trouble.  Whitefield  himself  encouraged  him  to  per 
severe  in  spite  of  opposition,  and  his  first  regular  preaching  was 
at  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon's  Chapel  at  Bath.  He  greatly  desired 
episcopal  ordination,  but  could  get  no  further  than  deacon's  orders, 
and  took  to  itinerating  all  over  England  giving  encouragement  and 
help  in  countless  places.  Even  when  settled  in  Southwark,  building 
up  the  Independent  Church  known  as  Surry  Chapel,  he  still  had 
a  country  congregation  at  Wotton-under-Edge,  and  could  write 
that  '  The  poor  sheep  in  the  country  are  near  my  heart '.  He  was 
then  asking  George  Burder  to  take  charge  of  Surry  Chapel  as  a 
return  engagement  while  he  went  off  to  the  country  for  a  month's 
preaching  in  the  open  air.  A  Congregational  minister  of  more  order 
ly  ways  recorded  his  first  impressions  of  Rowland  Hill.  He  was 
afflicted  to  hear  sacred  things  treated  triflingly  by  Rowland 
Hill,  a  man  cryed  up  by  many  for  his  seal,  faithfulness  and 
power  ...  He  is  borne  up  on  the  breath  of  popularity,  and 
an  apparent  sense  of  his  own  importance.13 

His  opinion,  twenty  years  later,  was  more  moderate  *  the  sermon 
(at  the  founding  of  the  Missionary  Society)  like  himself,  rambling. 
Some  good  though,  very  zealous  and  well  intended  '.14  Rowland  Hill 
was  beloved  by  the  many  who  owed  to  him  their  knowledge  of, 
and  building  up  in  the  Christian  faith,  and  who  were  less  critical 
than  his  brother  minister. 

10Burder,  Life  of  Burder,  p.  35. 

"Ibid.,  p.  156. 

"Morison,  op.  cit.,  II.  p.  149. 

"MS.,  Diary  of  John  Reynolds,  1772-92,  20  Sept.,  1775. 

"Ibid.  27  Sept.,  1775. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  197 

THOMAS  HAWEIS  (1734-1820),  pronounced  Haws,  was  a 
Cornishman  from  Redruth,  educated  at  Truro  Grammar  School, 
who  went  into  the  ministry  as  a  qualified  doctor,  having  first  served 
his  apprenticeship  in  Truro.  He  went  to  Oxford  where  he  resur 
rected  the  Holy  Club  of  the  Wesleys,  got  both  deacon's  and  priest's 
orders,  albeit  with  difficulty,  and  was  expelled  from  the  curacy  of 
St.  Mary's,  Oxford,  for  his  4  enthusiasm '.  He  became  one  of  the 
Countess  of  Huntingdon's  chaplains,  with  his  charge  at  Aldwinkle, 
serving  her  chapels  for  a  period  each  year  until  she  was  forced  to 
register  them  as  dissenting  places  of  worship  in  1781.  Then  his 
'  regular '  soul  rebelled,  and  he  withdrew.  A  few  years  later,  having 
married  the  Countess'  secretary,  he  returned,  and  at  her  death 
found  himself  one  of  her  trustees,  in  charge  of  her  chapels.  A  year 
or  two  prior  to  this  he  had,  with  the  Countess'  encouragement, 
had  two  men  trained  to  go  as  missionaries  to  the  South  Seas.  The 
scheme  fell  through  at  the  last  minute,  and  it  was  when  he  found 
out  that  a  movement  was  going  on  towards  founding  a  Missionary 
Society  on  a  broad  basis  of  Christian  love  and  unity,  that  he  joined 
in,  and  was  able  to  see  his  dream  come  true.  His  energy,  drive,  and 
connections,  were  all-important  for  the  early  days  of  the  Missionary 
Society. 

WILLIAM  SHRUBSOLE  (1759-1829)  was  the  Methodist  choice 
of  secretary  for  the  Missionary  Society  in  1795,  and  he  remained 
active  in  its  service,  as  a  director,  until  the  year  he  died.  He  came 
from  Sheerness,  where  his  father,  a  master  mast-maker  in  the 
dockyard,  had  built  up  a  Christian  Society  of  Protestant  Dissenters 
of  which  he  was  minister.  William  junior  started  work  in  the  dock 
yard  but  was  later  offered  an  opening  in  the  Bank  of  England  where 
he  rose  to  a  responsible  position.  He  made  his  confession  of  faith 
in  his  father's  church,  but  was  not  actually  in  membership  any 
where.  He  mixed  with  Evangelicals  of  all  sorts  and  was  well  known 
both  within  and  without  the  Established  Church.  He  worshipped 
mostly  at  the  Tabernacle,  as  his  wife  was  a  member  there,  and  they 
lived  within  a  few  doors  of  Matthew  Wilks,  in  Old  Street. 

JOSEPH  HARDCASTLE  (1725-1819),  the  first  treasurer  of  the 
Missionary  Society,  came  of  a  Yorkshire  family  whose  Noncon 
formity  dated  from  the  ejection  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hardcastle 
from  his  living  in  1662  ;  and  his  wife  was  descended  from  Thomas 
Goodwin.  His  uncle,  in  1766,  started  '  introducing  him  to  the  com 
mercial  life  of  London ',  in  order  that  the  business  might  remain 


198  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

in  the  family.  Joseph  Hardcastle  lived  in  the  City,  worshipping  with 
his  uncle  at  a  dissenting  church  in  Bury  Street,  St.  Mary  Axe. 
At  his  marriage  he  settled  in  Peckham,  moving  later,  as  he  pros 
pered,  to  Hatcham  House  in  the  neighbouring  parish,  close  by  the 
present  New  Cross  railway  station.  He  found  his  closest  personal 
friends  amongst  the  Evangelical  clergymen  and  members  of  the 
Clapham  Sect,  remaining  himself  a  consistent  Nonconformist. 
Their  Christian  obedience  gradually  drew  these  men  more  closely 
together,  until,  with  many  others,  it  issued  in  common  action  for  the 
evangelizing  of  the  world.  A  clue  to  the  working  of  the  Spirit  may 
be  seen  in  the  letter,  written  in  February,  1796,  by  the  Rev.  George 
Gill  of  Market  Harborough  (where  Doddridge  had  once  ministered) 
to  Joseph  Hardcastle,  in  appreciation  of  the  founding  of  the  Mis 
sionary  Society  : 

...  it  is  now  more  than  eleven  years  since  a  monthly  meeting 
was  established  in  this  place,  and  which  has  been  regularly 
attended  to  pray  for  a  more  general  spread  of  the  Gospel, 
and  that  the  Lord  would  visit  the  heathen  world  with  this 
invaluable  blessing.  I  cannot  but  think  that  the  formation  of 
this  Society  is  in  part  an  answer  to  our  prayers  .  .  .15 
Hardcastle  himself  had  no  doubt  that  what  God  called  them  to 
do  He  could  accomplish  in  them,  and  saw,  in  the  events  of  the 
commissioning  of  the  first  missionaries  in  1796  a  measure  of  ful 
filment  of  the  Fundamental  Principle  they  had  so  recently  written 
into  the  Directors'  Minute  Book  : 

Nor  did  we  surfer  the  evening  to  close  till  we  received  the 
Lord's  Supper,  together  with  the  Captain,  the  Missionaries  and 
their  wives,  and  many  of  the  most  serious  and  active  friends  of 
the  Society,  and  as  a  striking  proof  of  the  union  maintained, 
and  the  extinction  of  bigotry  among  us,  it  was  previously 
resolved,  that  the  oldest  minister  who  might  be  present,  what 
ever  his  denomination,  should  lead  the  worship,  and  the  next  to 
him  in  years  conclude  it,  each  of  the  ministers  taking  some 
intermediate  part  in  the  service  ...  It  was  surely  a  little  speci 
men  of  what  the  Church,  in  the  latter  days  will  be,  when  love, 
like  death,  will  level  all  distinctions.  It  was  a  foretaste  of 
heaven.10  i.  M.  FLETCHER 

^Evangelical  Mag.  1796,  pp.  72/3. 

''Annual  Reports,  1795-1814,  p.  58,  and  Annual  Report,  1797,  single  issue, 
p.  xxii. 


JAMES  FORBES  LIBRARY 

In  his  list  of  the  virtues  of  James  Forbes,  Calamy  notes  an 
unusual  devotion  to  scholarly  reading.  *  His  rare  Diligence  in 
private  Study  even  in  old  Age,  redeeming  his  mornings  for  that 
use  '  (Continuation,  1.500).  Very  few  private  libraries  of  such  scope 
have  been  able  to  survive  the  enormous  hazards  of  fire,  water,  riot, 
and  neglect. 

Bibliographers  will  note  with  excitement  the  items  not  listed  in 
the  Short  Title  Catalogue.  There  are  many  cases  of  4  near '  variants 
— perhaps  these  are  of  real  value  only  to  specialists.  As  an  indica 
tion  of  the  Library's  4  scarcity  value ',  there  are  about  170  titles 
that  have  less  than  3  locations.  Many  of  the  volumes  bear  Forbes' 
'  mark '  of  ownership,  his  motto,  Ora  labora,  etc.,  but  other  names 
also  appear,  sometimes  with  Forbes'  initial,  sometimes  alone. 
Names  like  Allen,  Bridges,  Browne,  Cole,  Everard,  Girle,  Hancock, 
Jelley,  Vailes,  Delamain,  Duglis,  Green,  Scudamore,  Keck,  Hyett, 
Phelps,  Bawston,  Deyton,  Moston,  Malbon,  Nayler,  St.  George, 
Tallamy,  present  an  interesting  challenge  to  the  researcher.  There 
are,  however,  a  few  indications  that  the  Library  as  we  have  it  was 
not  entirely  the  work  of  Forbes  but  was  added  to  in  later  years. 

To  say  this  is  not  to  disparage  Forbes — rather  to  suggest  he  had 
succeeded  in  a  scheme  to  invigorate  the  intellectual  and  devotional 
life  of  his  followers.  A  stimulating  article  on  "  Luther  and 
Libraries"  in  The  Library  Quarterly,  April,  1962,  quotes  from 
Luther's  treatise  on  education  1524  to  show  how  greatly  he  valued 
the  setting  up  of  choice  but  comprehensive  collections  of  books 
in  every  city.  The  influence  of  such  thinking  is  obvious  in  the 
structure  of  Forbes'  library,  which  contains  many  '  humanist '  and 
technical  works  over  and  above  the  strictly  theological  items. 

The  Collection  abounds  with  stimulating  byways.  Among  the 
MSS.,  (so  far  largely  untouched)  there  is  a  priced  book  list  of  great 
interest.  Many  of  the  books  themselves  have  prices  and  in  a  few 
cases  the  date  has  also  been  added.  Much  valuable  research  can 
be  carried  out  but  time  is  running  short.  The  condition  of  the 
volumes  is  deteriorating  and  the  City  Libraries  Committee  is  sup 
porting  the  gradual  physical  renovation  of  the  books,  but  funds 
are  urgently  needed  for  repair  work. 

THELMA  SMITH 


I  4 

199 


REVIEWS 

From  Uniformity  to  Unity,  1662-1962.  Edited  by  Geoffrey  F. 
Nuttall  and  Owen  Chadwick  (S.P.C.K.  1962,  35s.) 

This  symposium  has  been  sponsored  by  the  three  historic  Dis 
senting  denominations  and  by  the  S.P.C.K.,  with  the  support  of 
the  Church  Historical  Society.  It  is  an  irenical  memorial  and  was 
published  on  St.  Bartholemew's  Day  just  three  hundred  years  after 
the  Ejectment.  It  was  right  that  such  a  scholarly  assessment  should 
be  undertaken  and  it  was  right  that  it  should  be  shared  by  both 
si^es.  The  resultant  work  is  excellent. 

The  survey  is  mainly  historical  and  gives  us  a  wide-ranging  and 
judicious  conspectus  of  a  teeming  and  often  confusing  landscape. 
xDr.  Anne  Whiteman  of  Lady  Margaret  Hall  takes  the  first  stage 
in  a  weighty  and  comprehensive  account  of  the  years  which  led 
up  to  1662  ;  she  indicates  how  much  more  is  now  known  about  the 
pre-Restoration  period  than  was  available  to  the  historians  of 
1862.  Professor  E.  C.  Ratcliff  of  Cambridge  brings  all  his  vast 
liturgical  learning  to  bear  upon  the  changes  which  took  place 
between  1644  and  the  restored  Prayer  Book  of  1662  and  pays 
special  attention  to  the  Savoy  Conference  and  the  attitude  of  the 
Dissenters  to  the  B.C.P.  Dr.  Nuttall  follows  with  a  sympathetic  and 
deeply  learned  chapter  on  *  The  first  Nonconformists  '  in  which 
he  shows  how  different  ministers  apprehended  the  issues  at  stake 
with  different  degrees  of  emphasis  and,  of  course,  where  Richard 
Baxter  fits  into  the  picture.  As  well  as  writing  this  important 
chapter  and  shouldering  much  of  the  editorial  burden,  Dr.  Nuttall 
has  also  contributed  a  useful  bibliographical  excursus  to  be  used 
with  his  checklist  (The  Beginnings  of  Non-conformity,  1660-1665, 
published  by  Dr.  Williams's  Library)  and  demonstrates  again  the 
ease  with  which  he  moves  among  the  writings  of  the  period  and 
how  unrivalled  is  his  knowledge  of  them. 

The  period  of  comprehension  and  indulgence  between  1662  and 
1689  is  fully  covered  by  Roger  Thomas  of  Dr.  Williams's  Library  ; 
then  the  period  of  Toleration  and  '  Establishment '  is  dealt  with 
by  Dr.  Ernest  Payne  and  Canon  Edward  Carpenter.  What  G.  M. 
Trevelyan  called  *  the  two-party  system  in  religious  observance, 
popularly  known  as  "  Church  "  and  "  Chapel ",  receives  in  all  its 
aspects  a  careful  study.  Dr.  Payne's  contribution  is  important  as 
showing  the  rise  of  Nonconformity ;  Dr.  Carpenter's  for  its 
examination  of  the  changed  attitude  of  the  Established  Church. 

So  far  the  symposium  is  mainly  historical.  It  is  completed  by 

200 


REVIEWS  201 

two  chapters  which  attempt  to  deal  constructively  with  the  issues. 
The  Bishop  of  Bristol,  Dr.  Oliver  Tompkins  with  his  knowledge 
of  the  ecumenical  movement  is  responsible  for  what  ought  not  to 
be  an  intrusion  as  he  speaks  ecumenically.  Principal  Huxtable  con 
cludes  the  book  by  showing  what  progress  has  been  made  in  the 
improvements  of  church  relations  in  this  country  and  by  asking 
why  it  has  been  so  slow  and  so  tentative.  He  has  much  to  say 
which  is  searching  and  provocative  including  his  suggestion  that 
4  the  two  apparently  self-consistent  and  mutually  exclusive  wholes 
are  not  what  they  appear  to  be  '. 

Taking  each  of  the  contributions  with  the  rest  the  book  is  a 
worthy  memorial.  Though  neither  exciting  nor  thrilling  it  is  sober, 
fair-minded  and  instructive.  We  have  moved  far  from  the  days 
of  recrimination  into  days  of  a  desire  for  co-operation  and  under 
standing  and  a  deep  searching  of  heart.  The  '  foundations  of  the 
problem '  are  set  down  by  Professor  Owen  Chadwick  in  his  intro 
duction.  '  The  desirability  of  agreement  in  worship  ;  the  hypo 
thetical  possibility  of  comprehension  ;  the  refusal  of  Presbyterians 
(and  later  of  Methodists)  to  accept  any  act  which  might  be  inter 
preted  as  confessing  their  present  ministry  to  be  inefficacious  or 
*  invalid  ' ;  the  refusal  of  Episcopalians  to  countenance  any  act 
which  they  would  regard  as  a  *  breach  in  Catholic  order ' ;  the 
conviction  of  Independents  that  in  the  last  resort  no  mere  com 
prehension  will  satisfy  by  its  limitations  since  each  congregation 
of  Christians  must  retain  its  liberty  '.  We  may  take  exception  to 
the  wording  of  any  or  all  of  the  clauses.  The  problem  is  with  us  still. 

GORDON  ROBINSON 

Isaac  Watts  :   Hymnographer  by  Harry  Escott  (Independent  Press 
Ltd.,  1962,  28s.  6d.) 

Students  of  hymnology  might  be  forgiven  for  asking  why  another 
book  on  Watts  has  been  published  after  the  considerable  works  of 
Gibbons,  Milner,  Paxton  Hood,  Wright  and  Davis.  A  single  reading 
of  Dr.  Escott's  Preface  would  soon  answer  that  question.  Whereas 
they  were  concerned  with  Watts'  life  as  a  whole,  his  concern  is 
with  his  poetry  and  hymns.  In  this  realm  the  author  has  done  a 
monumental  piece  of  critical  research  such  as  has  never  been 
attempted  before. 

That  Watts  did  most  of  his  best  work  in  this  field  when  he  was 
quite  a  young  man  has  been  recognized  by  several  of  his  biographers. 
Dr.  Escott  is  the  first  of  Watts'  biographers  to  go  back  to  the 


202  REVIEWS 

first  edition  of  his  Home  Lyricae,  his  first  published  work,  1706 
(or  Dec.  1705).  He  lays  new  emphasis  upon  the  4  hidden  years ', 
1694-96,  when  Watts  was  20-22  years  of  age  at  his  home  at 
Southampton,  '  the  most  momentous  and  exciting  in  his  evolution 
as  a  hymn-writer '.  He  feels  his  father's  well-known  challenge  to 
Isaac  4  to  try  to  do  better '  was  not  the  snub  of  a  reactionary,  but 
words  of  encouragement  to  one  in  whom  he  recognized  genius. 
From  his  earliest  years  Watts  had  been  a  poet,  supremely  a 
lyricist ;  but  by  his  Academy  training  he  had  been  given  a  trained 
mind.  The  young  poet  who  had  been  writing  poems  as  *  a  light 
employment  for  his  leisure  hours  '  was  driven  to  find  a  '  rationale 
for  his  lyrics  '  and  all  the  more  so  for  his  hymns  '  which  were  writ 
ten  to  meet  practical  needs '.  And  so  he  worked  at  his  '  system  of 
praise '. 

Chapter  VI,  '  The  Christianized  Psalm ',  is  important  in  that  Dr. 
Escott  shows  Watts  exercising  a  revolutionary  freedom  in  biblical 
interpretation  in  an  age  of  Calvinistic  literalness.  Patrick  had  ex 
perimented  with  verses  which  gave  a  gospel  setting  and  flavour 
in  a  Psalm  or  two,  but  no  one  before  Watts  had  dared  to  rewrite 
practically  the  whole  Psalter  and  *  make  David  speak  as  a 
Christian  '.  It  is  food  for  speculation  what  Watts  would  make  of 
our  collection  of  Psalms  in  the  Authorised  Version  in  Congrega 
tional  Praise,  albeit  expurgated  and  selected. 

The  other  chapter  to  which  reference  ought  to  be  made  is 
'  Children's  Songs  and  Praises  ',  because  Dr.  Escott  reveals  a  Watts 
who  was  a  far  greater  innovator  than  has  been  previously  supposed. 
Many  of  his  hymns  and  poems  for  children  may  appear  amusingly 
stern  to  us  today,  but  in  comparison  with  Bunyan  and  Janeway 
whose  writings  the  author  examines  and  quotes  from  extensively, 
Watts  appears  indulgent  and  kindly  to  a  degree.  Indeed,  his  Moral 
Songs  were  an  attempt  '  to  make  religious  instruction  through 
verse  not  an  imposition,  but  a  delightful,  cheerful  and  natural 
pursuit '.  Escott  rightly  diverts  our  amusement  from  Watts  to  Jane- 
way,  who  published  in  1670  a  book  for  Puritan  homes  entitled, 
*  A  Token  for  Children  ;  being  an  Exact  Account  of  the  Conver 
sion,  Holy  and  Exemplary  Lives,  and  Joyful  Deaths  of  Several 
Young  Children  ',  which  a  contemporary  said  was  '  a  certain  means 
of  saving  many  infants  from  Hell  and  damnation '.  Cotton  Mather 
in  his  continuation  of  Janeway's  book  showed  that  4  New  England 
children  were  no  less  adept  at  the  fashionable  art  of  dying  than 
their  little  contemporaries  in  the  mother  country'. 


REVIEWS  203 

Dr.  Escott's  conclusion  regarding  Watts'  contribution  to  Church 
praise  deserves  quoting  : 

Whatever  views  Watts  came  to  hold  in  his  old  age,  there  is 
no  question  that  his  4  Psalms  '  and  '  Hymns  '  on  the  whole  con 
served  and  passed  on  the  theology  and  spiritual  experience  of 
an  age  of  faith  ....  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  a  time 
when  the  psalm-singing,  disorganized  Presbyterian  Church  of 
England  largely  became  Unitarian,  the  gathered  communities 
of  Independency  using  the  sung-liturgy  provided  for  them  by 
Watts,  kept  the  Faith  '.  (p.257) 

Perhaps  more  use  could  have  been  made  of  appendices  rather 
than  devoting  so  large  a  number  of  pages  in  the  text  to  quotations 
and  lists  ;  but  it  is  a  definitive  work,  indeed  the  result  of  a  life 
time's  study,  for  which  all  lovers  of  Watts'  hymnody  must  be 
rightly  grateful. 

ERIC  SHAVE 

Oliver  Cromwell  and  his  Times  by  Peter  Young  (Batsford,  1962, 
16s.) 

The  author  of  this  volume  in  The  Makers  of  Britain  series  teaches 
military  history  at  Sandhurst.  He  explains  that  his  '  sympathies  are 
with  the  Royalists '  and  from  that  point  of  view  he  writes  interest 
ingly  about  battles  and  strategy ;  but  in  other  respects  his  sym 
pathies  sometimes  cloud  a  rational  judgment.  Such  terms  as  Angli 
cans,  Episcopalians,  Nonconformists  and  Puritans  are  used  rather 
indiscriminately — but,  to  the  author,  it  is  always  clear  which  side 
did  the  persecuting,  the  double-dealing  and  who  was  responsible 
for  all  the  iconoclasm.  The  author  intended  to  let  Cromwell  '  tell 
his  own  story ',  but  when  he  gives  Cromwell's  words  he  is  apt  to 
misquote  by  italicizing  part  of  the  quotation. 

'  Perhaps  it  is  impossible  to  write  a  satisfactory  small  book  about 
such  a  big  man,  but  Cromwell  was  more  than  a  great  soldier  :  he 
was  a  deeply  religious  man  living  at  a  time  when  religion  was  vital. 
To  be  unable  to  approach  his  greatness  in  some  humility,  to  be 
wholly  out  of  sympathy  with  his  religious  beliefs,  is  to  fall  short 
in  an  adequate  assessment  of  his  character.  Brigadier  Young  tries 
hard  to  be  fair  :  '  if  he  was  occasionally  vindictive  ...  he  nor 
mally  listened  to  the  dictates  of  a  tender  conscience,  leaving  a 
record  to  shame  the  grosser  dictators  of  latter  days '.  It  would 
have  been  too  bad  if  a  maker  of  Britain  had  turned  out  to  be  no 
better  than  a  Hitler  or  a  Mussolini  ! 

BERNARD  MARTIN 


204  REVIEWS 

The  Journal  of  a  Slave  Trader  :  John  Newton  1750-1754,  Edited 
by  Bernard  Martin  and  Mark  Spurrell.  (Epworth  Press,  1962,  30s.) 

John  Newton's  Journal  of  a  Slave  Trader  is  now  published  for 
the  first  time,  and  it  is  probably  unique  as  a  complete  day-to-day 
record  of  the  negro  slave  trade  at  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  For  those  interested  in  the  nautical  details  of  the  three 
voyages  which  he  made  to  the  windward  coast  of  Africa  between 
1750  and  1754  it  gives  an  intensely  interesting  and  detailed 
account ;  and  Bernard  Martin  and  Mark  Spurrell,  by  the  apt  quo 
tations  which  they  have  introduced  from  Newton's  Letters  to  a 
Wife,  have  provided  the  human  touch  which  makes  the  Journal 
^ore  pleasurable  for  the  ordinary  reader.  The  glossary  and  the 
folding  map  at  the  end  of  the  book  help  the  uninitiated,  though  it 
would  perhaps  have  been  clearer  if  some  indication  of  the  routes 
of  the  voyages  could  have  been  shown. 

A  more  profound  interest  in  this  Journal  is  to  be  found  in  John 
Newton's  gradually  changing  attitude  towards  the  trade.  Though 
he  says  that  *  during  the  time  I  was  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  I 
never  had  the  least  scruple  as  to  its  lawlessness'  there  are  signs 
that  he  was  beginning  to  question  the  social  justice  of  slavery,  and 
the  editors  have  done  well  to  complete  the  book  by  including 
Thoughts  upon  the  African  Slave  Trade,  which  he  wrote  thirty 
years  later  when  he  had  become  convinced  of  its  iniquities. 

KATHLEEN  T.  HEASMAN 

Evangelicals  in  Action,  An  appraisal  of  their  social  work  by 
Kathleen  T.  Heasman.  (Geoffrey  Bles,  1962,  30s.) 

Now  that  the  Welfare  State  has  taken  over  many  of  the  organi 
zations  which  the  Evangelicals  began,  and  the  religious  origins  of 
these  organizations  are  in  danger  of  being  forgotten,  it  is  good  to 
find  a  book  as  exciting  as  that  of  Dr.  Heasman.  Here  is  no  emotional 
extravagance  but  a  plain  unvarnished  account  showing  a  remark 
able  degree  of  historical  research  and  written  in  a  most  readable 
style. 

Among  the  subjects  covered  are  ragged  schools  :  children's 
homes  and  orphanages  :  work  for  the  working  teenager,  for  the 
reform  of  the  prostitute,  for  the  prisoner,  for  the  blind  and  deaf, 
for  the  unsound  in  mind  and  body,  for  the  sick  and  aged,  and  for 
the  sailor  and  soldier.  In  most  of  these  fields  the  Evangelicals 
played  the  sole  or  predominant  part  and  organizations  such  as 
the  National  Children's  Home  and  Dr.  Barnardo's  Homes  owe  their 
origins  to  Evangelical  action. 


REVIEWS  205 

In  some  of  their  numerous  fields  of  activity  the  Victorian  Evan 
gelicals  were  associated  with  zealous  members  of  other  denomin 
ations  and  with  a  true  historian's  impartiality  Dr.  Heasman's  book 
mentions  the  social  work  of  Baptists,  Congregationalists, 
Methodists,  Presbyterians,  Roman  Catholics  and  Unitarians. 
Among  the  Congregationalists  mentioned  in  the  book  are  Thomas 
Arnold,  John  Blackham,  Newman  Hall,  J.  B.  Paton,  Andrew  Reed, 
James  Sherman  and  Benjamin  Waugh.  The  London  Congregational 
Union  also  receives  honourable  mention  for  its  early  realization  of 
the  need  for  social  work,  as  does  the  Christian  Union  for  Social 
Service  in  which  J.  B.  Paton  was  active  and  which  in  1896  opened 
two  colonies  for  the  unemployed. 

Christians  of  all  shades  of  opinion  will  be  indebted  to  Dr.  Heas- 
man  for  a  book  which  has  not  only  a  high  historical  value  but  also 
provides  material  for  answers  to  the  two  questions  which  are  often 
addressed  to  Christians  :  4  What  has  the  Christian  church  accom 
plished  in  the  past  ?  and  '  What  is  the  Christian  church  doing 
today  in  the  field  of  social  service  ?  ' 

Three  Hundred  Years  1662-1962  by  C.  Gordon  Bolam.  (3s.,  post 
free,  from  the  author  at  13  Devonshire  Road,  West  Bridgford, 
Nottingham). 

The  Editor  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society  whose  scholarly 
article  on  'The  Ejection  of  1662  and  the  Consequences  for  the 
Presbyterians  in  England  '  appeared  in  the  Hibbert  Journal  (April, 
1962)  has  now  published  this  illustrated  history  of  the  eleven  con 
gregations  in  the  North  Midland  Presbyterian  and  Unitarian 
Association  (Belper,  Boston,  Derby,  Hinckley,  Kirkstead,  Leicester 
(2),  Lincoln,  Loughborough,  Mansfield  and  Nottingham).  Almost 
all  of  these  causes  are  of  seventeenth  century  origin  and  in  their 
story  there  is  much  to  interest  Congregationalists. 

We  meet  ministers  who  trained  at  Dissenting  Academies  such 
as  Attercliffe,  Daventry,  Findern,  Kibworth,  Northampton  and 
Warrington.  There  are  references  to  famous  Independents  such  as 
Caleb  Ashworth  and  Philip  Doddridge,  and  echoes  of  the  '  Happy 
Union  '  and  the  '  Common  Fund  '.  We  learn  how  Friargate  Chapel 
at  Derby  changed  from  Presbyterian  into  Unitarian  but  not  without 
a  secession  of  members  who  founded  a  Congregational  Church  in 
1785.  Even  more  interesting,  if  regrettable,  were  events  in  Notting 
ham  in  the  1730's  when  there  was  friction  between  the  Castlegate 
and  High  Pavement  Chapels,  caused  by  the  Scots  Presbyterian 
assistant  minister  at  Castlegate. 


206  REVIEWS 

Mr.  Bolam  is  to  be  congratulated  on  a  miracle  of  compression 
for  in  less  than  50  pages  he  gives  not  only  the  histories  of  the  eleven 
churches  but  prints  lists  of  their  ministers — with  dates  ! 

Providence  Chapel,  Chichester  by  J.  S.  Reynolds  (Chichester  City 
Council  1961,  7s.). 

This  is  one  of  a  series  of  local  history  pamphlets  '  The  Chichester 
Papers  '.  Written  by  the  author  of  The  Evangelicals  at  Oxford 
1735-1871,  it  is  the  story  of  a  Calvinistic  Independent  Chapel 
opened  in  1809.  This  48-page  pamphlet  is  exceptionally  well- 
documented  and  illustrated  and  is  of  considerable  interest  to  Non 
conformist  historians  as  a  serious  and  valuable  contribution  to  the 
history  of  the  Huntingtonians. 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT 


OUR    CONTEMPORARIES 

The  Journal  of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England,  Vol.  xii, 
No.  3  (June  1962)  includes  an  article  by  one  of  our  members,  John  Duncan 

-'  The   Presbyterians   of   Bury   St.   Edmunds '.   F.    G.    Healey   writes   on 
'  Presbyterians  and  Nonconformity  '. 

Transactions  of  the  Unitarian  Historical  Society,  Vol.  xii,  No.  4  (October 
1962)  includes  a  Unitarian  view  of  the  Great  Ejectment  by  F.  Kenworthy 

-'  From  Authority  to  Freedom  in  Church  Life '.  This  issue  includes  the 
Index  to  Vol.  xii. 

The  Journal  of  the  Friends'  Historical  Society,  Vol.  50,  No.  1  (Spring  1962). 
William  H.  Marwick  continues  his  account  of  '  Some  Quaker  firms  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century '.  (A  previous  article  appeared  in  Vol.  48,  Autumn 
1958). 

The  Baptist  Quarterly,  Vol.  xix,  No.  6  (April  1962).  Harold  J.  Schultz  con 
tributes  a  useful  re-appraisal  of  an  outstanding  Seventeenth  Century  figure 

-'  Roger  Williams,  Delinquent  Saint '. 

Vol.  xix,  No.  7  (July  1962)  includes  an  article  by  P.  N.  Hardacre  on 
'  William  Allen,  Cromwellian  Agitator  and  Fanatic  '. 

Proceedings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society.  We  acknowledge  with  thanks 
receipt  of  Vol.  xxxiii,  Parts  6  (June  1962),  7  (September  1962)  and  8 
(December  1962).  The  last  issue  includes  the  Index  to  Vol.  xxxiii. 

W.  W.  BIGGS 


HISTORIES  OF  CONGREGATIONAL 
CHURCHES 

The  following  list  includes  histories  known  to  have  appeared 
between  January,  1960  and  September,  1962  (inclusive).  The 
Research  Secretary  would  be  grateful  for  information  about  other 
histories  which  may  have  appeared  in  this  period,  and  also  to 
receive  copies  of  these  and  of  histories  appearing  in  the  future. 

Authers,  W.  P.  The  Tiverton  Congregational  Church,  1660-1960.  (1960). 

Biggs,  W.  W.  The  Congregational  Church,  Romford.  1662-1962.  (1962). 
Brown,  F.  E.  The  Story  of  Marlpool  [Derbyshire]  Congregationalism.  (I960). 
Burton,  D.  The  first  100  years  at  East  Hill  [Wandsworth  Congregational 
Church,  London]  (1960). 

Chapman,  P.  G.  Tetbury  [Glos.]  Congregational  Church,  1710-1960.  (1960). 
Chislett,  C.  J.  Masbro'  Independent  Chapel  [Rotherham],  1760-1960.  (1960). 
Christchurch.  Christchurch  Congregational  Church,  1660-1960.  (1960). 

Davis,  R.  A.  The  up-to-date  history  of  Cam  Meeting  Congregational 
Church  [Glos.],  1662-1962.  (1962).  Down,  E.  Fifty  years  of  witness.  Hamp- 
stead  Garden  Suburb  Free  Church,  1910-1960.  (1960).  Driver,  A.  H.  1962 
looks  at  1662  (together  with  some  notes  on  the  history  of  the  Congregational 
Church  in  Shaftesbury.  (1962).  Duncan,  J.  The  history  of  the  Congregational 
Church  in  Bury  St.  Edmunds.  (Its  first  150  years).  (1962).  also,  The  early 
history  of  the  Tacket  Street  Congregational  Church,  Ipswich.  (1960). 

Eldred,  H.  B.  The  history  of  the  Abbey  Foregate  Congregational  Church 
[Shrewsbury],  1862-1962.  (1962).  Elkes,  L.  M.  History  of  the  Congregational 
Church  and  Sunday  School,  Uttoxeter,  1788-1960.  (1960). 

Fry,  A.  W.  Brief  Outline  of  Deal  Congregational  Church.  (1960).  Farndon. 
The  Rock  Congregational  Church,  Farndon,  Chester,  1889-1959.  (1960). 

Garlick,  G.  and  Lay,  L.  L.  The  story  of  Wickford  Congregational  Church, 
1811-1961.  (1961).  Goodman,  F.  C.  The  Great  Meeting  :  the  story  of  Toller 
Congregational  Church,  Kettering,  founded  in  1662.  (1962). 

Harland,  F.  W.  Cranbrook  [Kent]  Congregational  Church  250th  anni 
versary  year  book,  1710-1960.  (I960).  Hickling,  E.  F.  Hopton  Congrega 
tional  Church,  Mirfield,  [Yorkshire]  Tercentenary  Celebrations,  1662-1962. 
(1962).  Horsman,  J.  B,  A  history  of  Hope  Congregational  Church,  Wigan, 
1812-1962.  (1962).  Howes,  R.  K.  A  history  of  Egerton  [Bolton]  Congrega 
tional  Church.  (1962).  Hurd,  A.  G.  These  three  hundred  years  :  the  story 
of  Ramsgate  Congregational  Church,  1662-1962.  (1962). 

Lewis,  M.  G.  The  Congregational  Church,  Water  Lane,  Bishop's  Stortford, 
1662-1962.  (1962). 

Manchester.  Wilbraham  Road  •  Congregational  Church,  1902-1962.  (1962). 
Martin,  J.  W.  Ingress  Vale  [Dartford,  Kent]  Congregational  Church, 
1860-1960.  (1960).  Martin,  R.  G.  The  Chapel,  1660-1960.  Ihe  story  of  the 
Congregational  Church,  Newport  Pagnell,  [Bucks.]  1660-1960.  (I960).  Milton. 
Kendall  Memorial  Congregational  Church,  Milton,  Portsmouth,  1860-1961. 
(1961). 

Pearce,  K.  R.  Old  Meeting  Congregational  Church,  Uxbridge,  1662-1962. 
(1962). 

Smith,  C.  W.  A  short  history  of  Upminster  Congregational  Church, 
1911-1961.  (1961). 

207 


208 


HISTORIES  OF  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCHES 


Thomas,  C.  The  history  of  the  first  Nonconformist  Congregational 
Church  in  Hinckley.  (1962).  Thomas,  D.  H.  East  Sheen  Congregational 
Church  [London],  1662-1962.  (1962).  Thomas,  F.  C.  Chinley  Chapel  : 
celebration  of  the  250th  anniversary  of  the  building  of  the  Chapel,  1711- 
1961.  (1961).  Tibbutt,  H.  G.  A  history  of  Howard  Congregational  Church, 
Bedford.  (1961).  Towers,  L.  T.  1662-1962.  A  short  history  of  the  Congrega 
tional  Church  meeting  at  Ross-on-Wye,  Herefordshire.  (1962). 

Upminster.  Upminster  [Essex]  Congregational  Church,  Jubilee  of  Building, 
1911-1961.  (1961). 

Woodger,  P.  L.  and  Hunter,  J.  E.  The  High  Chapel  :  the  story  of  the 
Ravenstonedale  Congregational  Church,  [Westmorland]  1662-1962.  (1962). 

Copies  of  these  histories  can  be  seen  in  the  *  chapel  history '  collections  of 
the  Congregational  Library,  Memorial  Hall,  London,  and  of  Dr.  Williams's 
Library,  London.  The  histories  vary  in  size  from  small  duplicated  pamphlets 
to  handsome  printed  works  of  more  than  130  pages.  Miss  Elkes'  history  of 
the  Uttoxeter  church  prints  in  full  the  Sunday  School  rules  adopted  in  1813 
and  subsequently  amended  in  1814  and  amplified  in  1820.  Miss  Lewis' 
history  of  the  Bishop's  Stortford  church  prints  in  full  the  church's  1811 
petition  against  Lord  Sidmouth's  Bill  which  was  aimed  at  limiting  Dissent. 
The  Rev.  E.  F.  Hickling's  church  at  Hopton,  Yorkshire,  still  has  its  original 
church  book  for  the  period  1662-1732. 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT 


CORPORATE  MEMBERS— LIBRARIES 


'Congregational  Library 
Cheshunt  College,  Cambridge 
Manchester  College,  Oxford 
Mansfield  College,  Oxford 
New  College.  London 
Northern  College,  Manchester 
Paton  College,  Nottingham 
Western  College,  Bristol 
Spurgeon's  College,  London 
University  of  London 
University  of  North  Wales, 

Bangor 

Birmingham  Central  Reference 
Gloucester  City 
Leeds  Public 
Liverpool  Public 
London,  Guildhall 
London,  Manor  House 
Manchester  Public 
Plymouth  Central 
Stockport  Central 
Essex  County  Record  Office 
National  Library  of  Wales 
John  Ry  land's  Library 
Dr.  Williams's  Library 


Presbyterian  Theological  College, 

Victoria,  Australia 
Universitatsbibliothek,  Tubingen, 

Germany 
U.S.A. 
Andover-Harvard  Theological 

Library,  Cambridge 
Bosworth  Memorial,  Lexington 
Hills,  Andover-Newton 

Theological  Seminary 
Christian  Theological  Seminary, 

Indianapolis 

Duke  University,  Durham 
Hartford  Seminary  Foundation, 

Hartford 

Joint  University  Libraries,  Nash 
ville 
Pacific  School  of  Religion, 

Berkeley 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary 
Yale  Divinity  School,  New  Haven 
Union  Theological  Seminary, 

New  York 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington 
New  York  Public  Library 


TRANSACTIONS 

THE  CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
EDITOR  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.    XIX.       NO.    5.       SEPTEMBER    1953 

CONTENTS 

Editorial      209 

The  Lord's  Supper  in  the  Teaching  of  the  Separatists  hv  Stephen  If. 

Mayor,  M.A.,  B.D.,  Ph.D.  212 

The    Fundamental    Principle    of    the    London     Missionary    Society 

(Part  III)  by  Irene  M.  Fletcher  ...  222 

Histories  of  Congregational  Churches,  1961-63  ...  ...         229 

The    Turvey    and    Ongar    Congregational    Academy    (Part    11)    hv 

H.  G.  Tibbutt,  F.S.A.,  F.R.Hist.S.  230 

Notes  on  the  Holy  Communion,  1842  by  John  H.  Taylor  ...  237 

Reviews         238 

Editorial 

The  Annual  Meeting 

The  64th  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  took  place  on  Wednes- 
4ay,  15  May  1963  at  Westminster  Chapel  when  fifty  members 
and  friends  gathered  for  the  business  and  then  to  hear  Dr.  W.  T. 
Pennar  Davies  lecture  on  Charles  Edwards.  We  regret  that  this 
paper  could  not  be  ready  in  time  for  this  issue  of  Transactions 
but  we  hope  it  may  be  possible  to  print  it  next  Spring.  The  audience 
listened  with  fascination  to  this  tale  of  a  puritan  preacher  who 
could  succeed  under  neither  the  Protectorate  nor  the  Monarchy, 
whose  marriage  broke  because  of  the  weight  of  many  troubles,  but 
whose  zeal  for  learning,  writing  and  publishing  nothing  could 
suppress. 

Dr.  L.  H.  Carlson 

Present  at  the  Annual  Meeting  was  Dr.  L.  H.  Carlson,  the 
most  distinguished  scholar  to  join  our  Society  this  year.  The 
quantity  of  Separatist  writings  which  Dr.  Carlson  has  discovered 
and  published,  apart  from  the  quality  of  his  work,  is  astounding. 
Dr.  G.  F.  Nuttall  reviews  volumes  III  and  IV  of  Elizabethan 
Nonconformist  Texts  on  pages  238-42  of  this  issue,  whilst  Dr. 
Stephen  Mayor,  it  will  be  observed,  relies  a  great  deal  upon  Dr. 
Carlson's  texts  in  his  excellent  article.  Perhaps  this  may  be  taken 
as  a  small  tribute  to  this  American  Hercules. 

209 


210  EDITORIAL 

Too  Many  Visible  Saints  ? 

To  our  astonishment  a  book  reached  us  this  Spring  with  the 
familiar  title  Visible  Saints  ;  but  its  cover,  contents  and  author 
betrayed  that  it  was  not  that  familiar  and  oft-quoted  work  by  Dr. 
Nuttall,  but  a  related  theme  from  the  pen  of  Professor  Edmund 
Sears  Morgan  of  Yale  University.1  In  his  Preface  he  does  offer 
an  apology  to  Dr.  Nuttall  4  for  adopting  a  title  similar  to  that  of  his 
excellent  book  on  English  Congregationalism '.  Nevertheless,  it  is 
a  pity  that  some  other  suitable  title  could  not  be  found. 

The  two  books  are  very  different  in  most  respects.  Whereas 
Dr.  Nuttall  surveyed  the  whole  range  of  churchmanship  amongst 
early  Congregationalists,  Dr.  Morgan's  interest  is  in  tracing  the 
rise  of  the  practice  of  requiring  candidates  for  church  membership 
to  produce  evidence  of  the  work  of  grace  upon  their  souls.  He 
recounts  the  insuperable  problems  which  it  raised,  especially  in 
a  land  where  membership  of  a  Congregational  church  and  full  civil 
rights  went  together,  and  how  it  fell,  only  to  be  revived  in  a  dif 
ferent  way  under  the  influence  of  Jonathan  Edwards  in  the 
eighteenth  century. 

Morgan's  point  is  that  the  New  Englanders  were  the  first 
Puritans  to  restrict  membership  to  persons  who  could  give  con 
vincing  accounts  of  their  religious  experience  to  their  fellows. 
The  early  Separatists,  he  says,  were  content  merely  to  exclude 
the  wicked.  But  as  Puritan  divines  concentrated  so  much  attention 
upon  the  doctrine  of  assurance,  it  was  natural  that  in  the  end 
congregations  would  apply  it  to  the  criterion  of  membership. 

In  the  American  colonies,  more  than  in  England,  circumstances 
led  to  the  weaknesses  of  this  standard  of  membership  being  ex 
posed.  It  led  to  the  expedient  known  as  the  Halfway  Covenant, 
after  a  generation  or  so,  whereby  the  adult,  baptised  children  of 
church  members  kept  their  juvenile  status  in  the  church,  being 
neither  outside  and  excommunicated,  nor  fully  inside,  communi 
cants,  with  a  voice  in  church  affairs.  The  crux  of  the  problem  was 
that  the  younger  generation  was  not  repeating  the  religious  experi 
ence  of  the  older  ;  and  as  Jonathan  Mitchel  said  in  1662. 

The  Lord   hath  not  set  up  Churches  onely  that  a  few  old 

Christians  may  keep  one  another  warm  while  they  live,  and 

then  carry  away  the  Church  into  the  cold  grave  with  them 

when  they  dye.2 

It  makes  one  wonder  whether  similar  issues  would  have  faced 

lNew  York  University  Press  ;  1963  ;  %4.50. 
2p.l38. 


EDITORIAL  211 

Congregationalists  in  England  had  not  the  Commonwealth  col 
lapsed  and  a  new  set  of  problems  of  a  different  kind  occupied 
attention.  It  is  well-known  that  Dissenters  lamented  the  drop  in 
spiritual  temperature  in  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

Dr.  Nuttall's  book  makes  it  clear  that  early  Congregationalists 
on  this  side  of  the  ocean  required  *  experience '  of  their  candidates 
for  membership  (pp.  112-15)  and  it  looks  as  though  the  practice 
grew  up  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  at  about  the  same  time  and 
must  have  had  the  same  origin,  deep  in  what  Dr.  Morgan  terms 
the  puritan  morphology  of  conversion. 

As  there  is  some  danger  of  American  books,  because  of  their 
high  price,  getting  overlooked  by  British  students,  we  thought  it 
right  to  draw  special  attention  to  this  piece  of  research. 
Correspondence 

It  would  be  interesting  to  receive  opinions  on  subjects  such  as 
the  above,  or  Dr.  Mayor's.  Our  remarks  about  education  in  the 
early  Victorian  period  prompted  a  note  from  the  Research  Sec 
retary  telling  us  that  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Thornton  Society 
of  Nottinghamshire,  vol.  Ixvi  (1962),  is  an  article  on  '  The  Evan 
gelical  Revival  and  Education  in  Nottingham '  by  S.  D.  Chapman, 
which  devotes  considerable  space  to  the  Free  Church  contribution. 

We  have  also  been  told  of  the  formation  of  the  Strict  Baptist 
Historical  Society  (Secretary  :  Mr.  Colin  L.  Mann,  60  Ealing  Park 
Gardens,  London,  W.4)  which  we  welcome  among  our  contem 
poraries. 

Sometimes  correspondents  write  to  us  to  point  out  errors  and 
omissions.  These  letters  often  bring  us  grief  and  gratitude  at  the 
same  time.  For  example,  in  our  last  issue  we  had  a  short  descrip 
tion  of  the  James  Forbes  Library,  but  we  did  not  say  where  it 
was  !  Two  members  have  pointed  this  out.  The  address  is  The 
City  Library,  Brunswick  Road,  Gloucester. 

G.  A.  Johnson  of  Wellingborough  writes  to  tell  us  of  a  pilgrimage 
made  by  members  of  the  Society  in  that  area  to  Rothwell  (pro 
nounced  4  Rowell ')  Congregational  Church  on  25  May.  They 
visited  the  tombs  of  Thomas  Browning,  ejected  from  Desborough 
in  1662,  and  Richard  Davis,  early  ministers  of  the  church,  who 
lie  in  the  parish  church  ;  Jesus  Hospital,  almshouses  dating  from 
1585  ;  and  were  treated  to  the  history  of  the  Congregational  church 
by  G.  T.  Streather.  Mr.  Johnson's  interesting  account  of  the  day 
and  the  story  of  the  church  makes  us  wonder  how  many  other 
parties  have  been  making  pilgrimages  this  year.  We  should  like  to 
know  about  them. 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  IN  THE  TEACHING 
OF  THE  SEPARATISTS 

Historians  of  Congregationalism  have  not  in  general  had  much  to 
say  on  the  views  of  the  Separatists  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Dale,  for  example,  says  that  Browne  held  Calvinistic  views  on  this 
topic,  which  does  not  tell  us  much,1  while  Dr.  Horton  Davies 
complains  of  the  lack  of  evidence  on  this  subject.2  Yet  even  earlier 
than  Browne,  the  Sacraments  played  an  important  part  in  providing 
one  of  the  motives  for  the  primordial  separation  of  Richard  Fitz  : 
4  To  haue  the  Sacraments  mynystred  purely,  onely  and  all  together 
accordinge  to  the  institution  and  good  worde  of  the  Lorde  lesus, 
without  any  tradicion  of  inuention  of  man  '.3 

Browne  and  Harrison  each  gave  a  definition  of  the  word 
4  Sacrament '.  Harrison,  in  Three  Formes  of  Catechismes,  included 
the  following  : 

Quest.     What  is  a  Sacrament  ? 

An.  It  is  an  outwarde  visible  signe  by  the  confirmation  of 
the  worde,  applied  therto,  representinge  spirituall  graces 
vnto  vs,  for  the  tesifying  [sic]  of  Gods  goodnes  towardes  vs, 
and  confirming  our  faith.4 

This  appears  to  follow  Calvin's  description  of  the  Sacrament  as  a 
seal,  giving  confirmation  of  God's  promises  in  His  Word,  though 
with  leanings  in  a  Zwinglian  direction.  When  Harrison  turns  to 
the  Lord's  Supper  he  sounds  more  like  Bucer,  with  his  idea  of  a 
double  feeding,  outward  on  the  elements  and  inward  on  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ. 

Quest.  What  doo  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lords  Supper 
signifie  vnto  vs  ? 

An.  Euen  as  by  Baptisme  wee  are  receyued  into  Gods  house, 
to  be  nourished  as  his  deare  children  :  so  the  Lords  Supper 
which  we  are  often  to  receyue,  represents]  vnto  vs  the  foode 
wherewith  our  soules  are  nourished.  Namelie  the  bread  signie 

!R.    W.    Dale,    History    of    English    Congregationalism,    (1907),    126.    Cf. 

Transactions,  xix,  No.  2,  97f. 

2Horton  Davies,  The  Worship  of  the  English  Puritans,  (1948),  88. 
3Champlin  Burrage,  Early  English  Dissenters,  (1912),  ii,   13,  quoting  State 

Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth  I,  Addenda,  xx,  107.  II. 
4Three  Formes  of  Catechismes  (1583)  in  The  Writings  of  Robert  Harrison 

and  Robert  Browne,  edited  by  Albert  Peel  and  Leland  H.  Carlson,  (1953), 

139. 

212 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  213 

[sic]  the  bodie  of  Christ  the  Hiring  Manna,  which  giueth  neuer 
to  hunger  more  :  And  the  wine  doo  signifie  the  bloude  of 
Christ  the  water  of  life,  whiche  giueth  neuer  to  thirst  more. 
And  as  in  our  bodies  we  doo  taste  these  elementes,  so  in  our 
soules  by  faith  wee  doo  feede  on  our  Sauiour  Christ.5 

Robert  Browne  gives  the  following  definition  : 
The  Lords  supper  is  a  Sacrament  or  marke  of  the  apparent 
Church,  sealing  vnto  vs  by  the  breaking  and  eating  of  breade 
and  drinking  the  Cuppe  in  one  holie  communion,  and  by  the 
worde  accordinglie  preached,  that  we  are  happilie  redeemed 
by  the  breaking  of  the  bodie  and  shedding  of  the  bloud  of 
Christ  lesus,  and  we  thereby  growe  into  one  bodie,  and 
church,  in  one  communion  of  graces,  whereof  Christ  is  the 
heade,  to  keepe  and  seake  agreement  vnder  one  lawe  and 
gouernement  in  all  thankefulness  &  holy  obedience.6 

The  precise  significance  of  this  definition  depends  upon  how  far 
Browne  followed  Calvin  in  the  meaning  he  attached  to  the  word 
4  seal ' ;  but  in  any  case  the  most  striking  feature  is  the  degree  to 
which  Browne  saw  the  Lord's  Supper  as  the  Sacrament  of  the  unity 
of  Christians.  Like  everything  in  his  works  his  view  of  the  Sacra- 
rfients  is  dominated  by  his  conception  of  the  Church.  This  exem 
plifies  the  fact  that  Separatism,  and  later  Congregationalism, 
represent  a  conception  of  Churchmanship,  not  a  doctrinal 
eccentricity.  As  Barrow  put  it :  4 ...  In  the  holy  symbole  of  the 
Lorde's  Supper,  the  communicantes  be  made  one  bodie  with 
Christ's,  and  one  another's  members  in  the  same  bodie  '.7 

The  best-known  description  of  the  Lord's  Supper  among  the 
Separatists  relates  not  to  Barrow  or  Browne,  but  to  the  Church  of 
Francis  Johnson,  in  the  account  given  by  Daniel  Bucke  : 

Beinge  further  demaunded  the  manner  of  the  lordes  supper 
administred  emongst  them,  he  saith  that  fyve  whight  loves  or 
more  were  sett  vppon  the  table  and  that  the  Pastor  did  breake 
the  bread  and  then  deliuered  yt  vnto  some  of  them,  and  the 
deacons  deliuered  to  the  rest  some  of  the  said  congregacion 
sittinge  and  some  standinge  aboute  the  table  and  that  the 
Pastor  deliuered  the  Cupp  vnto  one  and  he  to  an  other,  and 
soe  from  one  to  an  other  till  they  had  all  dronken  vsinge  the 

5Ibid.,   140. 

nA  Booke  which  sheweth  the  life  and  manners  of  all  true  Christians,  (1582), 

in  ibid.,  pp.  279  and  280. 
7 A  brief  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church,  in  The  Writings  of  Henry  Barrow 

1587-1590,  edited  by  Leland  H.  Carlson,  (1962),  313. 


214  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER 

words  at  the  deliuerye  therof  accordinge  as  it  is  sett  downe 
in  the  eleventh  of  the  Corinthes  the  xxiiijth  verse  '.8 
This  is  the  beginning  of  a  tradition  of  Holy  Communion  destined 
to  become  part  of  historic  Dissent.  As  one  would  expect,  Browne 
himself  gave  perfectly  clear  instructions  how  the  Lord's  Supper 
was  to  be  administered  : 

The  preacher  must  take  breade  and  blesse  and  geue 
thankes,  and  then  must  he  breake  it  and  pronounce  it  to  be  the 
body  of  Christ,  which  was  broken  for  them,  that  by  fayth  they 
might  feede  thereon  spirituallie  &  growe  into  one  spiritual 
bodie  of  Christ,  and  so  he  eating  thereof  himselfe,  must  bidd 
them  take  and  eate  it  among  them,  &  feede  on  Christ  in  their 
consciences. 

Likewise  also  must  he  take  the  cuppe  and  blesse  and  geue 
thankes,  and  so  pronounce  it  to  be  the  bloud  of  Christ  in  the 
newe  Testament,  which  was  shedd  for  remission  of  sinnes,  that 
by  fayth  we  might  drinke  it  spirituallie,  and  so  be  nourished 
in  one  spirituall  bodie  of  Christ,  all  sinne  being  clensed  away, 
and  then  he  drinking  thereof  himselfe  must  bydd  them  drinke 
thereof  likewise  and  diuide  it  among  them,  and  feede  on 
Christe  in  their  consciences. 

Then  must  they  all  giue  thankes  praying  for  their  further 
profiting  in  godlines  &  vowing  their  obedience.9 
This  is  clearer  than  "Bucke's  account ;   for  example,  in  that  it 
indicates  that  the  celebrant  was  to  partake  first. 

The  very  essence  of  Separatist  teaching  on  the  Sacraments  was 
that  there  could  be  no  such  thing  except  in  the  true  Church,  that 
the  Church  of  England  failed  to  come  within  the  scope  of  this 
definition,  and  that  its  alleged  Sacraments  were  therefore  invalid. 
The  earliest  surviving  Separatist  writing,  Harrison's  Treatise  of 
the  Church  [71580]  sets  the  pattern  by  claiming  that  the  Church  of 
England  is  not  a  true  Church  because  Christ  does  not  reign  in  it, 
and  that  therefore  it  cannot  have  the  Sacraments,  which  are  seals 
of  the  promise  made  to  the  Church.10  Browne  argues  that  the 
Anglican  Sacraments  are  invalid — or  rather  '  vncleane  and 

8Burrage,  op.  cit.,  ii,  37.  Burrage  also  quotes  this  passage  in  his  first 
volume,  page  143,  where  he  accidentally  passes  from  one  occurrence  of 
the  word  '  deliuered  '  to  another,  thereby  omitting  the  words  '  deliuered 
yt  vnto  some  of  them,  and  the  deacons  .  .  . '  In  this  error  he  eliminates 
simultaneously  the  deacons  and  intelligibility. 

9A  Booke  which  sheweth,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Peel  and  Carlson),  284  and  285. 

10 A  Treatise  of  the  Church  and  the  Kingdome  of  Christ,  in  Writings 
(Ed.  Peel  and  Carlson),  39. 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  215 

accursed  '—because  of  that  Church's  false  constitution.11  Barrow 
asserts  :  4  A  false  churche  cannot  have  trewe  sacraments,  nether 
iz  there  trewe  substance  or  promise  of  blessinge  to  false  sacra 
ments.12  And  again  :  '  I  thinke  that  the  sacramentes  as  they  are 
ministred  in  these  publike  assemblies  are  not  true  sacramentes  : 
and  scale  not  the  favour  and  blessing  of  God  unto  them'.13 
Greenwood,  under  examination,  was  asked  his  judgment  on  the 
same  subject : 

Question  :  What  say  yow  to  the  sacramentes  then,  are  they 
true  sacramentes  ? 

Answer  :  No,  they  are  neither  rightly  administred  according 
to  Christe's  institution,  neither  have  promise  of  grace, 
because  yow  keep  not  the  covenant. 

Question  :  Speak  plainly,  are  they  true  sacramentes  or  no  ? 
Answer  :  No,  if  yow  have  no  true  church,  yow  can  have  no 
true  sacramentes.14 

A  work  produced  jointly  by  Barrow  and  Greenwood  was  emphatic: 
There  neither  being  lawfull  ministery  to  administer,  nor 
faithfull  holye  free  people,  orderly  gathered  unto  the  true 
outward  profession  of  Christ  as  we  have  before  shewed,  and 
consequently  no  covenant  of  grace,  the  sacraments  in  these 
assemblies  of  baptisme  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  gyve  unto 
atheists,  papists,  whoremasters,  drunkerds  and  theire  seede, 
delyvered  also  after  a  superstitious  maner  according  to  theire 
liturgye,  and  not  according  to  the  institution  and  rules  of 
Christ's  Testament,  are  no  true  sacraments,  nor  scales  with 
promise.15 

After  the  execution  of  Barrow  and  Greenwood  we  find  Francis 
Johnson  still  asking  the  old  questions,  to  which  he  implied  very 
clearly  his  own  answers  : 

Whether  the  Sacraments  [being  scales  of  righteousness  which 
is  by  faith]  may  be  administred  to  any  other  then  the  faithfull 
and  theyr  seed,  or  in  any  other  Ministery  and  maner  then  is 


11 A   Treatise  vpon  the  23.  of  Matthewe  [1582J,  in  Writings    (Ed.  Peel  and 

Carlson),  212f. 
12 Re ply  to  Dr.  Some's  A  Godly  Treatise,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Peel  and  Carlson), 

135//z  Examination,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Carlson),   196. 

^Examination   (1588/9),  in   The  Writings  of  John   Greenwood  1587-1590 

Together  with  the  Joint  Writings  of  Henry  Barrow  and  John  Greenwood 

1587-1590,  edited  by  Leland  H.  Carlson,  (1962),  26. 
15 A     Collection    of    Certaine    Sdaunderous    Articles    Gyven    out    by    the 

Bisshops,  in  ibid.,   124. 

1    5 


216  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER 

prescribed  by  lesus  Christ  the  Apostle  and  high  Priest  of  our 
profession  ?  And  whether  they  be  not  otherwise  administred 
in  the  Cathedrall  and  parishionall  assemblyes  of  England 
at  this  day  ?18 

The  primary  offence  of  the  Church  of  England,  especially  in  the 
eyes  of  Barrow,  was  that  it  admitted  a  promiscuous  multitude  into 
the  most  sacred  worship  of  the  Church.  Barrow  was  stirred  to 
wrath  at  the  Puritans'  idea  that  while  it  was  necessary  oneself  to 
be  a  true  believer  of  worthy  life  no  pollution  ensued  from  taking 
Communion  with  the  wicked.  For  4  open  impenitent  offenders  ' 
to  be  tolerated  4  iz  directlye  contrarye  to  the  whole  course  of 
Scriptures  V7  The  Anglicans  were  absurd  in  thinking  4  that  it  is 
Mawfull  to  receve  all  into  the  bozom  and  bodie  of  the  church,  to 
delyver  the  most  holly  and  pretious  things  of  God  to  all,  evene 
the  sacraments  V8 

It  was  a  possible  deduction  from  Calvin's  views  on  the  import 
ance  of  the  Word  and  Sacraments  as  the  marks  of  the  true  Church, 
coupled  with  his  confidence  that  the  faithful  observance  of  these 
ordinances  could  not  fail  to  bear  fruit,  that  the  administration  of 
Communion  even  to  the  wicked  might  be  justified  as  a  converting 
or  sanctifying  rite.  Barrow  had  no  time  for  this  line  of  reasoning  : 

It  hath  bene  above  shewed  to  be  great  sinne,  sham[e]ful 
negligence,  high  contempt,  unsufferable  profanation  and 
sacriledg  in  the  whole  church  to  admit,  administer  unto,  or 
communicate  with  such ;  neither  can  the  holmes  of  the 
sacramentes  any  way  excuse,  but  rather  greatly  augment  their 
sinne  and  judgment,  which  deliver  such  holy  things  to  such 
knowen  unworthy  receivers  which  discerne  not  the  Lorde's 
bodie,  neither  can  the  holines  of  the  sacramentes  sanctifie 
the  receavers,  especially  the  unworthy  receavers ;  whose 
filthines  defileth  the  sacrament,  even  as  leven  the  lump.  The 
sacramentes  confer  not  so  much,  as  scale  God's  grace  unto 
us,  they  give  not  faith  to  any  so  much,  as  confirme  the  faith 
of  all  the  worthy  receavers.  But  where  they  are  thus  prostituted 
and  sacrilegiously  profaned,  they  bring  no  such  joy,  they  scale 
no  such  comfort,  but  rather  God's  assured  wrath  for  the 
abuse  of  his  ordinances,  the  people,  sacramentes  and  all, 
being  hereby  uncleane  and  polluted  in  Code's  sight.  Neither 
preserve  they  unto  the  church  hereby  her  unitie  and  power, 
but  rather  take  away  al  communion,  and  so  corrupt  and 
16Burrage,  op.  tit.,  ii,  139. 

17 Re  ply  to  Dr.  Some's  A  Godly  Treatise,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Carlson),   157. 
l*Four  Causes  of  Separation,  in  ibid.,  56. 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  217 

poison  it,  that  now  their  fellowship  is  not  in  the  faith,  but  in 
sacriledg  and  sinne.  And  for  the  power  of  the  church,  it  is  not 
given  them  to  receave  and  admit,  but  to  drive  away  and  keep 
out  the  profane  and  open  unworthy,  from  the  table  of  the 
Lord.19 

The  conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper  as  a  '  converting  ordinance ' 
had  no  place  in  Separatist  thought. 

Neither  had  the  idea,  prominent  in  nineteenth  and  twentieth 
century  Nonconformity,  that  the  validity  of  a  service  might  be 
sufficiently  evidenced  by  subjective  feelings  about  it.  Barrow  is 
particularly  hostile  to  those  Puritans   who  justify  taking  Com 
munion  despite  doubts  about  the  soundness  of  the  Baptism  they 
received  in  the  Anglican  or  Roman  Churches,  and  rejects  out  of 
hand  the  plea  that  they  find  comfort  in  it.20  Baptism 
remaineth  for  ever  a  sacred  and  inviolable  law,  of  special  use 
to  them  that  have  receaved  it,  of  necessity  to  al  such  as  wil 
enter  into  the  established  church  of  Christ,  without  which  they 
cannot  be  permitted  to  enter,  much  lesse  admitted  to  the  table 
of  the  Lord.21 

The  admission  of  unworthy  communicants  was  one  of  the  two 
prime  errors  of  the  Church  of  England  in  Separatist  eyes.  The 
other  was  the  inadequacy  of  the  celebrants,  in  that  they  failed  to 
preach  the  Gospel.  Penry  spoke  for  all  when  he  claimed  that  the 
*  Lord  himselfe  will  denie '  that  the  Sacraments  had  been  rightly 
administered  in  Wales.  There  were  plenty  of  Christians  there,  but 
1  a  reading  minister  cannot  deliuer  the  Lords  holie  scales  vnto  the 
people  without  great  sacriledge,  nor  the  people  receue  at  the 
hands  of  such,  without  dreadfull  sins  '.22  Harrison  criticised  the 
Puritans  for  believing  that  one  might  receive  the  Sacraments  from 
4  blinde  guides  and  dumbe  dogges  '  in  the  absence  of  a  preacher.23 
Browne  summed  up  his  rules  for  administration  with  the  injunc 
tion  :  '  The  worde  must  be  duelie  preached  '.24  Barrow  would 
agree  :  4  A  lawful  minister  iz  of  necessitye  required  to  a  trewe 
sacrament,  nether  can  there  be  anye  trewe  comforte  from  suche 
pretended  sacraments  :  but  boeth  such  ignorant  bc[lie]vers,  and 
receivers,  are  guiltye  of  the  bodye  and  blood  of  Christe  .  .  .  '.25 

igBrief  Discoverie,  in  Writings,  (Ed.  Carlson),  292. 
20Ibid.,  450. 
21Ibid.,  451. 

22 An  exhortation  vnto  the  gouernours  and  people  of  Hir  Maiesties  coitntrie 
of  Wales,  in  John   Penry,  Three  Treatises  Concerning  Wales,  (1960),  67. 
23/4  Treatise  of  the  Church,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Peel  and  Carlson),  61f. 
2M  Booke  which  sheweth,  in  ibid.,  281  and  282. 
25Reply  to  Dr.  Same's  A  Godly  Treatise,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Carlson),  155f. 


218  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER 

The  Separatist  conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper  as  a  mark  of 
belonging  to  the  Church  meant  that  no  one  inside  the  Church 
should  be  excluded  from  Communion.  Barrow  therefore  attacks 
the  ecclesiastical  penalty  of  4  suspension ',  that  is,  exclusion  from 
Communion,  regarded  as  a  lesser  penalty  than  excommunication.20 
It  is  this  apparently  unpromising  theme  which  leads  Barrow  to  his 
clearest  exposition  of  his  own  attitude  to  the  Lord's  Supper  : 

Heere  we  see  this  table  or  supper  of  the  Lord,  a  livelie  and 
most  comfortable  symbole  of  our  communion  with  Christ,  as 
also  ech  with  other  in  Christ ;  excellently  shewing  unto  us  the 
meanes  and  maner  of  our  redemption,  to  stir  us  up  into 
thankfulnes,  to  rejoice  in  our  God  and  praise  his  name 
therfore,  to  the  generall  strengthning  of  all  our  faithes,  and  to 
the  mutuall  binding  us  together  in  all  holie  duties  and  love, 
etc.  Here  we  see  the  table  of  the  Lord  to  be  publike,  free, 
open  and  alike  common  to  all  saints,  ech  one  having  a  like 
interest,  necessity,  use,  comfort  therof,  the  least  as  wel  and 
asmuch  as  the  greatest,  Christ  having  alike  died  and  paied  one 
and  the  same  ransome  for  them  all,  that  they  all  might  have  a 
like  interest  in  him,  feed  and  feast  through  one  and  the  same 
spirit,  faith,  hope,  joy  in  him.27 

Barrow  is  emphatic  that  no  one  recognised  as  a  Church  member 
is  to  be  barred  from  the  table  : 

Further,  seing  this  table  is  called  '  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ',  as  also  the  communion  of  the 
whole  church,  who  can  keepe  back  any  such  member  as  still 
remaineth  in  the  body  of  Christ,  in  his  church,  without 
depriving  him  of  this  communion  of  Christ  and  of  the  church, 
and  so  of  life  :  for  '  except  they  eate  the  flesh  of  the  Sonne 
of  man  and  drinke  his  blood,  they  have  no  life  in  them '. 
But  these  men  keepe  them  from  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,  from  the  communion  of  Christ  and  of  the  church, 
therfore  also  from  life  it  self ;  and  so  in  seeming  to  correct 
him  lightly,  they  kill  him  out  right,  for  more  than  this  can 
they  not  do  by  this  orderly  excommunication  which  they  hold 
so  rigorous. 

Such  as  shall  cavil  at  these  words,  4  except  ye  shall  eate 
the  flesh  of  the  Sonne  of  man,  etc. ',  saiing  that  I  popishly 
abuse  the  place,  let  them  cavil  :  though  I  acknowledg  that 
many  thowsands  that  never  attained  the  symbole  of  the 

™Brief  Discoverie,  in  ibid.,  627f. 
*7Ibid.,  629. 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  21  <> 

Supper,  yet  do  feed  of  that  body  and  blood  of  Christ  by 
faith  unto  eternall  life ;  yet  this  I  say,  that  such  as  by  censure 
are  put  backe  from  the  table  of  the  Lord,  are  cut  from  the 
communion  of  Christ  and  of  his  church,  and  so  from  life.  For 
if  he  have  not  communion  with  Christ  and  his  church,  he  can 
have  no  life  :    he  cannot  be  both  thus  seperate  from  their 
communion,  and  have  it  together.  They  that  pluck  away  the 
scale,  cancell  the  deed  ;  but  they  pluck  away  the  scale  of  the 
covenant,   in   that  for  his   sin   they  debarre  him  from  this 
comfortable  communion,  which  is  yet  more  than  the  scale, 
in  that  it  bringeth  such  present  effect  and  comfort.28 
Since  the  Separatists  were  on  the  whole  clearer  on  what  they 
disliked  than  on  what  they  approved,  it  was  not  surprising  that 
their  attacks  on  Anglican  celebrations  led  to  the  allegation  that 
they   aimed    to   draw   people   away  from    the   Sacraments,   and 
Harrison  found  it  necessary  to  deny  this  and  to  claim  that  '  we 
embrace  them  dulie  mynistred,  &  the  true  vse  of  them  .  .  .  '.29  But 
Clement  Gamble,  under  examination  in  March  1589,  said  that  he 
attended  Barrow's  Church  regularly  for  eighteen  months  but  never 
saw  the  Lord's  Supper  celebrated  and  did  not  know  where  it  was 
held.  Burrage  notes  some  evidence  that  Gamble  was  not  a  Church 
member,  but  also  considers  the  possibility  that  Communion  was 
suspended  until  the  arrival  of  Francis  Johnson  as  pastor  in  1592.30 
Perhaps  the   answer  is   contained   in   the   testimony  of  another 
witness,   Arthur   Billett,   that  he  had   received   Communion    'at 
Barnes  house ',  i.e.  at  the  home  of  John  Barnes,  tailor.31  Thomas 
Settell  gave  similar  evidence.32  Evidently  Gamble  saw  no  celebration 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  because  he  was  not  regarded  as  a  fully- 
committed    member,    and    was   perhaps   not   trusted.    Penry  was 
reconciled  to  the  omission  of  the  Sacraments  until  further  reforma 
tion  was  achieved.33  He  would  say  that  his  attitude  indicated  a 
proper  respect  for  them,  while  his  critics  were  shocked  at  the 
suggestion  that  the  Church  could  exist  for  years  without  them. 
This  was  a  problem  which  would  recur  in  the  next  generation. 
For  the  moment  the  Separatists  were  subjected  to  two  contradictory 
criticisms  :    that  they  thought  the  Sacraments  unimportant ;  and 
that  they  held  that  all  who  did  not  receive  the  Lord's  Supper 

28Ibid.,  629f. 

29 A   Treatise  of  the  Church,  in  Writings  (Ed.  Peel  and  Carlson),  59. 

30Burrage,  op.  cit.,  i,   127. 

31Ibid.,  ii,  42. 

32Ibid.,  ii,  44f. 

33/4  Supplication  to  the  High  Court  of  Parliament,  in  Three  Treatises,  155f. 

1    5  * 


220  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER 

precisely  as  they  laid  down  were  condemned  to  perdition.  This 
latter  was  one  of  the  fifteen  articles  alleged  against  the  Brownists 
which  Penry  denied  shortly  before  his  death  :  4  It  doth  not  follow 
that  yf  any  receyue  the  Supper  of  the  Lord  not  rightly  that  he 
shalbe  condemned,  for  yt  is  a  synne  which  God  pardoneth  as  other 
the  synnes  of  his  Children'.34  Paul  warned  the  Corinthians  that 
improper  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  brought  punishment 
upon  them,  including  illness  and  even  death,  but  not  damnation  : 
4  No  Lutheran  which  holdeth  consubstantiation  can  in  that  error 
receyue  this  Sacrament  aright  according  to  Christ  his  institution, 
yet  we  doubt  not  but  many  of  them  which  erre  herein,  are  the 
elect  of  God  and  saued  by  his  grace  '.35 

In  1593  the  Separatist  Church  led  by  Francis  Johnson  migrated 
to  Amsterdam.  In  its  Confession  of  Faith  (1596)  it  stated  : 

...  All  of  the  Church  that  are  of  yeeres,  and  able  to  examine 
themselves,  doo  communicate  also  in  the  Lords  Supper  both 
men  and  women,  and  in  both  kindes  bread  and  wyne  ....  they 
are  in  the  ordinance  of  God  signes  and  scales  of  Gods  euer- 
lasting  couenant,  representing  and  offring  to  all  the  receiuers, 
but  exhibiting  only  to  the  true  beleevers  the  Lord  lesus  Christ 
and  all  his  benefits  vnto  righteousnes,  sanctification,  and 
eteraall  lyfe,  through  faith  in  his  name  to  the  glorie  and 
prayse  of  God.36 

The  rather  subtle  difference  between  4  representing  and  offring ' 
Christ  to  all  receivers  while  4  exhibiting '  Him  only  to  believers  is  a 
reproduction  of  Calvin's  teaching  that  in  the  Lord's  Supper  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  offered  to  all  but  received  only  by 
the  faithful,  though  in  language  at  first  sight  rather  ambiguous. 
Summary  and  Critique 

In  weighing  the  significance  of  Separatist  views  on  the  Lord's 
Supper  one  must  estimate  the  meaning  of  silences,  of  what  these 
writers  omit  to  say.  They  have  little  to  say  about  what  the  rite 
accomplishes,  or  of  the  mode  of  whatever  presence  of  Christ  there 
may  be  in  it,  and  perhaps  one  may  deduce  from  such  comments 
as  they  do  make  that  they  take  for  granted  what  Calvin  said  on 
these  matters.  But  to  do  this  is  to  depart  widely  from  the  attitude 
of  Calvin  :  for  there  was  never  a  theologian  less  inclined  to  take 
anything  at  all  for  granted. 

•"^Burrage,  op.  cit.,  ii,  7 If. 
•"Ibid. 

'•'-'' A   Trve  Confession  of  the  Faith  (1596),  in  Williston  Walker,  The  Creeds 
and  Platforms  of  Congregationalism,  (1893),  70. 


THE  LORD'S  SUPPER  221 

One  thing  which  is  very  markedly  lacking  is  any  sort  of  Eucha- 
ristic  devotion.  None  of  these  authors  except  perhaps  Barrow 
betrays  much  feeling  for  the  Lord's  Supper.  Browne  is  of  course 
notoriously  a  schematic  writer,  expressing  himself  in  '  definitions  ' 
and  4  divisions  ',  while  Harrison  and .  Greenwood  did  not  leave 
enough  writing  for  us  to  make  much  of  a  judgment  of  them.  Barrow 
speaks  of  the  4  comfort '  of  the  Sacrament,  but  his  emphasis  is  on 
its  character  as  an  4  ordinance ',  and  therefore  on  the  strict  and 
precise  observance  of  all  that  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit  have  laid 
down  in  Scripture.  When  he  warms  to  the  Sacrament,  it  is  in  its 
character  as  the  symbol  of  the  unity  and  fellowship  of  the  saints 
rather  than  of  the  living  presence  of  Christ.  The  Separatist  position 
is  therefore  unstable,  and  something  of  this  instability  is  character 
istic  of  much  later  Congregational  history  :  on  the  one  hand  it 
inclines  towards  the  Calvinistic  tradition,  with  its  solemnity, 
objectivity,  and  sense  of  the  sovereign  authority  of  God  ;  on  the 
other  towards  a  subjectivity  and  emphasis  on  fellowship  in  the 
Spirit  which  derives  from  a  more  radical  form  of  Protestantism. 

The  Separatists  would  not  recognise  the  Lord's  Supper  in 
present-day  Nonconformity  as  a  valid  Sacrament.  In  certain  respects 
this  is  because  they  shared  beliefs  of  the  Continental  Reformers 
and  the  historic  Catholic  Church  which  we  have  abandoned.  They 
regarded  a  valid  Eucharist-— where  it  could  be  obtained — as  essen 
tial  to  salvation.  They  would  be  horrified  at  the  admission  of  non- 
members.  Nor  would  they  understand  modern  subjectivity  and 
individualism.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  the  rite  of  a  corporate  body, 
the  Church. 

But  in  other  respects  the  Separatists  themselves  made  a  marked 
deviation  from  Catholic  tradition.  They  sought  a  form  of  worship 
without  a  liturgical  shape,  which  has  been  found  to  be  impractic 
able,  if  not  a  contradiction.  Unintentionally  they  began  a  drift 
from  Sacramental  religion  into  a  *  spiritualism  '  which  laid  stress 
on  verbal  rather  than  on  visual  symbolism,  and  a  '  pneumatic ' 
idea  of  the  Church  and  worship  which  failed  to  see  the  meaning  of 
institutions  and  history.  They  practised  a  kind  of  worship  which 
was  expressed  almost  wholly  in  words  spoken  or  thought,  and  not 
in  the  simple  and  natural  gathering  of  the  Lord's  people  at  His 
table  to  break  bread  together.  In  this  respect  the  group  failed  in 
its  prime  idea  of  returning  to  the  Apostolic  form  of  Christianity. 
In  the  beginnings  of  the  recovery  of  this  historic  attitude  to  the 
Lord's  Supper  contemporary  Nonconformity  is  more  truly  Catholic 
than  were  the  Separatists.  STEPHEN  MAYOR 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  OF 
THE  LONDON  MISSIONARY  SOCIETY 

Part  III 

It  is  recorded  that  '  on  the  memorable  4th  of  November,  1794, 
the  first  concerted  meeting  with  a  view  to  this  Society  took  place.'1 
There  were  seven  ministers  present,  including  Dr.  Bogue.  One 
noted  in  his  diary  that  they  '  united  in  prayer  and  deliberation  on 
behalf  of  millions  of  their  race  suffering  from  sin,  and  debased 
by  idolatry.'2 

The  Missionary  Society,  launched  in  September  of  the  following 
year  as  a  result  of  this  concerted  meeting,  surprised  even  the 
founders  : 

We  could  not  keep  silence,  if  we  did  the  stones  would 
immediately  cry  out.  The  evident  loving  kindness  of  our  Lord, 
and  his  gracious  acceptance  of  our  feeble  endeavours,  are  so 
loud  a  call  to  ourselves,  as  well  as  to  the  holy  brethren  in 
all  lands,  that  we  cannot  but  waken  up  our  own  souls,  and 
theirs  ...  we  are  amazed  at  the  .  .  .  complete  success  of  our 
enterprise.3 

The  drawing  together  of  these  men  of  varying  traditions  within 
the  terms  Methodist  and  Presbyterian,  already  well  known  to  one 
another,  which  made  the  broad  basis  of  the  Missionary  Society 
possible,  will  now  be  traced.  The  consolidation  of  the  home  base 
will  be  noticed,  as  well  as  later  doubts  as  to  the  value  of  the 
Fundamental  Principle,  ending  with  the  considered  opinion  of 
Bogue  himself  thirty  years  after  he  had  been  used  of  God  to 
provide  the  immediate  stimulus  to  definite  commitment  which 
made  the  London  Missionary  Society  a  fact. 

The  Revs.  John  Eyre,  George  Burder,  and  John  Love  were  the 
three  men  appointed  on  28  September  1795,  '  to  draw  up  a 
Narrative  of  the  Transactions  which  have  introduced  the  formation 
of  the  Society  ',4  and  it  was  they  who  called  the  Baker's  Coffee 
House  meeting  of  4  November  1794,  the  4  first  concerted  meeting '. 
They  placed  this  at  the  end  of  4  various  private  conversations  ' 
which  were  occasioned  as  the  result  of  an  4  Address  to  Professors 
of  the  Gospel,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bogue  of  Gosport,  published  in 

^Memorials  and  Sermons,  1795,  p.VI. 

2Ellis,  History  of  the  L.M.S.  1844,  p.  17. 

-L.M.S.   Letters— Home  Extra   I.   Draft  of  letter  to  G     Murray    Sweden, 

2  May,  1799. 
4L.M.S.  Beard  Minutes.  28  Sept.,  1795. 

222 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  223 

the  Evangelical  Magazine  for  September  1794.'5  They  thus  made 
Bogue  the  central  figure,  possibly  because  of  the  need  to  focus 
attention  on  one  man  of  outstanding  personality.  Eyre,  Burder, 
and  Love  were  all  three,  however,  in  the  picture  before  Bogue,' 
and  Burder' s  influence  on  the  course  of  events  leading  to  the 
founding  of  the  Society  was  at  least  as  great,  if  not  greater,  than 
Bogue's,  though  his  personality  did  not  lend  itself  to  the  role  in 
which  they  set  Bogue. 

The  following  account  will  show  how  persons  and  events  were 
interwoven,  one  influencing  another,  as  the  leading  figures  were 
drawn  into  ever  closer  contact. 

George  Burder  took  charge  of  the  Congregational  church  at 
Coventry  in  1783,  and  a  few  years  later  set  about  organising  the 
local  Independent  ministers  into  an  effective  County  Association. 
At  their  first  formal  meeting  at  Warwick,  on  27  June  1793,  they 
discussed  the  proposition,  *  What  is  the  duty  of  Christians  with 
respect  to  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  ?  '  The  conclusion  they  reached 
was  entered  in  their  Minutes  : 

It  appears  to  us  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  Christians  to  employ 
every  means  in  their  power  to  spread  the  knowledge  of  the 
Gospel,  both  at  home  and  abroad.6 

Dr.  Edward  Williams,  then  of  Birmingham,  was  asked  to  prepare 
a  circular  letter  on  the  subject  of  spreading  the  Gospel,  for  use  in 
their  churches,  by  the  next  meeting.  The  ministers  then  collected 
five  guineas  amongst  themselves  as  a  nucleus  of  financial  backing 
to  whatever  practical  steps  they  took  to  implement  their  resolution. 
Two  months  later,  on  6  August,  they  met  again,  this  time  at 
Nuneaton,  where  some  of  them  were  taking  part  in  an  ordination. 
Dr.  Williams'  paper  was  discussed  at  length,  and  it  was  born  in  on 
the  meeting  that  they  had  a  document  before  them  that  ought  to 
be  circulated  throughout  the  country,  not  merely  within  their  own 
county  of  Warwickshire.  Another  paper  was  then  added,  probably 
by  Burder,  enlarging  on  the  Circular  Letter  at  length.  This  was 
headed  A  Postscript  and  addressed  to  the  Independent  Associations 
of  Ministers  in  all  the  Counties  of  England  and  Wales.  Between 
them  the  Warwickshire  Ministers  would  have  known  all  the  key 
people  to  whom  to  address  the  resulting  booklet,  which  became 
known  as  the  Warwickshire  Letter,  and  this  must  have  been  read 
all  over  the  country  at  least  by  the  end  of  1793. 

^Memorials  and  Sermons,  1795,  p  iii. 
^Warwickshire  Letter— ADVERTISEMENT. 


224  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

The  three  main  points  of  the  Circular  were  :  (1)  the  need  of  the 
revival  of  true  religion  in  all  the  Churches  ;  (2)  the  introduction  of 
true  godliness  within  the  county  in  a  prudent  and  inoffensive 
manner ;  and  (3)  their  great  desire  to  be  able  to  send  someone  to 
preach  the  Gospel  to  the  heathen.  The  Postscript  laid  out  a  plan 
for  County  Associations,  and  then  enlarged  on  the  above  points, 
and  (in  section  5),  referred  to  sending  missionaries  to  the  heathen 
on  the  basis  of  county  support,  mentioning  that  '  we  are  sensible 
that  this  is  an  expensive  work '. 

On  the  subject  of  giving,  the  following  guidance  is  offered  : 
If  it  be  asked,  Why  application  should  not  be  made  to  all 
denominations    without    distinction  ?    We    reply ;    that    our 
design  is  not  to  reject  any  contributions  that  may  occasionally 
be  made,  but  rather  would  be  thankful  for  the  least ;  and  in 
some  cases  it  may  be  prudent  to  solicit  them  ;  but  we  wish  the 
churches  in  our  own  immediate  connexion,  to  act  without  the 
least   dependence   on    supplies   of   so   precarious   a   nature. 
Though  a  union  of  different  denominations,  in  promoting  any 
charitable  end,  appears  in  some  respects  desirable,  yet  it  must 
be  granted  by  all  who  consider  attentively  human  nature,  that 
an  effect  greatly  superior  may  be  expected  from  each  denom 
ination  exerting  itself  separately  ....  And  when  this  mode  of 
procedure  originates  not  in  a  bigoted  partiality,  but  in  the 
purest  benevolence ;  when  one  denomination  rejoices  in  the 
success  of  another,  while  the  same  object  is  in  view,  it  gives 
exercise  to  many  Christian  virtues  at  once.7 
While  this  argument  had  immediate  reference  to  evangelising 
within  the  county,  its  wider  application  must  have  been  in  the 
writer's  mind,  as  it  will  be  seen  later  that,  as  secretary  of  the 
Missionary    Society,    Burder    was    active    in    promoting    County 
Auxiliaries  for  the  support  of  the  4  expensive  work  '  of  evangelising 
the  world. 

David  Bogue  in  1794,  the  year  following  the  circulation  of  the 
Warwickshire  Letter,  took  the  opportunity  of  freedom  from 
teaching  in  the  Gosport  Academy  provided  by  the  summer 
vacation,  to  go  on  a  preaching  tour.  His  mind,  already  exercised 
as  were  many  others  by  the  need  to  obey  the  command  '  Go  ye 
into  all  the  world  .  .  . '  must  have  been  encouraged  by  reading  the 
Warwickshire  Letter  before  he  set  off  on  his  journey.  At  Bristol 
he  joined  the  Rev.  James  Steven  from  Crown  Court  Chapel, 
London,  for  a  spell  of  duty  at  Whitefields  Tabernacle  there.  It  was 
•Warwickshire  Letter,  p.33. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  225 

here  that  the  two  men  are  alleged  to  have  seen  one  of  William 
Carey's  letters,  which  called  forth  the  remark  from  Bogue  about 
'  Why  can't  we  have  a  Missionary  Society  too  ?  '8  Bogue's  bio 
grapher,  James  Bennett,  does  not  mention  this  incident,  saying 
only  of  this  visit  to  Bristol  : 

Mr.  Hey,  who  was  at  that  time  pastor  of  the  independent 

congregation  at  Castle  Green  joined  with  Mr.  Bogue  and  Mr. 

Steven  to  attempt  to  rouse  the  public  mind  to  their  neglected 

duty. 

without  specifying  the  particular  nature  of  the  duty  they  were 
urging. 

An  earlier  incident  in  which  Bogue  figures  was  given  to  Bennett 
by  Matthew  Wilks.  This  account,  filled  out  from  a  letter  written 
by  Dr.  Haweis,  helps  to  complete  the  picture  of  the  great  coming 
together  of  those  whom  God  had  prepared  for  the  concerted 
action  that  followed  the  '  concerted  meeting  '  of  4  November,  1794. 

John  Eyre  was  at  the  Dissenters'  Library  in  Red  Cross  Street, 
London,  one  day  in  1794,  probably  in  May,  certainly  well  before 
Bogue's  summer  vacation.  He  met  at  least  three  of  the  Scottish 
ministers,  Waugh,  Love,  and  Steven,  who  was  later  with  Bogue  at 
Bristol.  They  started  discussing  a  new  book,  Letters  on  Missions, 
by  Melville  Home,  an  evangelical  clergyman  who  had  been  for 
a  short  time  acting  as  chaplain  to  the  new  Sierre  Leone  Colony  at 
the  instigation  of  the  Clapham  Sect.  The  men  got  excited  over  this 
challenging  book  with  its  scathing  attack  on  the  indifference  of 
all  branches  of  the  Church  to  the  needs  of  the  heathen.  On  his 
way  home  Eyre  called  on  his  friend  Matthew  Wilks,  who  was  at 
first  sceptical  of  Home's  genuineness,  as  he  had  left  Africa  without 
doing  anything  himself.  In  the  end,  however,  Wilks  agreed  to 
follow  the  matter  up  with  Eyre  and  the  Scottish  ministers,  who 
had  planned  to  meet  again  and  bring  a  friend  with  them.  This 
developed  into  a  fortnightly  meeting  at  the  Castle  and  Falcon  for 
prayer  and  reading  the  Scriptures  on  the  subject.  After  several 
meetings  : 

we  resolved  to  give  it  publicity,  and  to  write  to  certain 
leading  men  in  the  country,  some  at  our  meeting  objected  to 
Mr.  B(ogue)  as  an  high  and  overbearing  man,  but  that  was 
over-ruled,  and  he  was  addressed.9 

8see   G.   H.    Wicks,   Bristol  Missionary  Society,    1812-1912,  pp.3/4  for   an 

authentic  account  of  the  occasion. 

9L.M.S.— Raffles  Collection,  Fathers  and  Founders  Autographs— Wilks  to 
Bennett,  22  Aug.,  1827. 


226  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

In  the  meantime  Eyre  had  asked  Haweis,  a  fellow  evangelical 
clergyman,  to  take  Home's  book,  and  to  review  it  for  the 
Evangelical  Magazine  : 

I  was  then  going  to  Brighton  for  the  summer,  he  begged  me  to 
take  with  me  Melville  Home's  treatise  on  Missions  to  review 
for  them.  This  kindled  afresh  the  missionary  flame  in  my 
heart.10 

The  review  appeared  in  the  issue  for  November,  1794,  the  last 
paragraph  of  which  reads  : 

Could  such  a  society  be  formed  upon  Mr.  Home's  large  scale, 
below  which  little  or  no  good  can  be  expected,  we  have  the 
pleasure  to  inform  the  Public,  that  one  gentleman  has  pledged 
himself  for  an  hundred  pounds,  and  that  we  have  five  hundred 
pounds,  from  another  respectable  minister,  for  the  equipment 
of  the  first  six  persons  who  shall  be  willing  to  devote  them 
selves,  and  be  approved  by  such  Society  for  a  mission  to  the 
South  Sea  Islands.11 

Also  in  November,  Bogue  came  to  London  on  unspecified 
business,  and  went  to  the  usual  gathering  of  London  ministers  at 
Baker's  Coffee  House,  Old  Change  Alley.  This  was  on  4  November, 
the  occasion  which  became  the  '  first  concerted  meeting  with  a  view 
to  this  Society  V2  The  seven  ministers  then  present  were  :  Bogue, 
Brooksbank,  Eyre,  Love,  Reynolds,  Steven,  Wilks  and  Townsend. 
The  next  afternoon,  Wednesday  5  November,  Wilks  called  on 
Reynolds,  to  ask  him  to  meet  some  ministers  at  Baker's  Coffee 
House  that  day.  This  he  did,  noting  their  names  in  his  diary  as 
being  all  those  who  were  at  the  previous  day's  meeting  except 
Brooksbank  and  Townsend,  with  the  addition  of  three  others  : 
Jerment  of  Bow  Lane,  Mends  of  Plymouth,  and  a  stranser  from 
Scotland.  Adding  that  : 

The  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  form  a  Society  for  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel  among  heathen  nations.  To  qualify 
and  appoint  missionaries  for  that  important  end,  etc.  etc. 
Agreed  nem  con.13 

This  group  of  varying  composition,  now  committed  to  concerted 
action,  grew  in  numbers,  and  at  the  beginning  of  1795  started  a 
Minute  Book  as  the  provisional  committee  to  launch  the  new 

10Maggs  Cat.  616,    1935.   A  letter  written   by  T.  Haweis.  Original  now  in 

Mitchell  Library,  Sydney. 
11  Evan.  Mag.   1794,  p.478. 
"See  1. 
"John  Reynolds'  Diary,  typescript  extracts  covering  founding  of  L.M.S. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  227 

Missionary  Society.  The  form  of  association  with  which  the  book 
starts  has  thirty-four  signatures  and  reads  as  follows  : 
We  whose  names  are  here  subscribed,  declare  our  earnest 
desire  to  exert  ourselves  for  promoting  the  great  work  of 
introducing  the  Gospel,  and  its  ordinances,  to  heathen  and 
other  unenlightened  countries,  and  unite  together,  purposing 
to  use  our  best  endeavours  that  we  may  bring  forward  the 
formation  of  an  extensive  and  regularly  organized  Society,  to 
consist  of  Evangelical  Ministers,  and  Lay  Brethren  of  all 
denominations,  the  object  of  which  Society  shall  be  to  concert, 
and  pursue,  the  most  effectual  measures  for  accomplishing 
this  important  and  glorious  design.14 

This  Minute  Book  goes  on  without  a  break  info  the  record  of 
the  launching  of  the  Society  in  September  of  the  same  year, 
constituting  its  earliest  official  manuscript  record. 

A  City  merchant,  C.  C.  Sundius,  not  in  the  inner  circle  of  the 
Missionary  Society  at  its  founding,  gave  his  opinion  on  its  purpose 
as  later  expressed  in  the  Fundamental  Principle,  in  a  letter  com 
mending  the  Society  to  Swedish  Christians,  in  1797  : 
I  am  convinced   that  I  may  declare  it  as  a  fact,  that  the 
honourable  and  upright  principle  of  the  Society  is  to  set  aside 
all  party  prejudice  and  to  proceed  on  the  aforesaid  noble 
plan  of  simple  Bible  Christianity  and  it  is  on  this  account 
that  I  believe  the  Society  will  in  the  hand  of  Providence  .  .  . 
produce   a    certain    and    good    foundation    for    establishing 
unanimity  and  good  will  among  Christians.15 
Considerable  funds  were  raised  in  the  early  days  of  the  Mission 
ary  Society,  and  it  was  expected  that,  as  one  part  was  evangelised, 
so  money  would  be  released  for  new  work  and  that  interest  on 
investments  along  with  some  special  collections  would  be  sufficient 
for  the  purpose.  Local  support  from  converts  and  others,  however, 
was   not   forthcoming  and  missionaries   themselves   were  an   in 
creasingly   expensive   item   as  their   families   grew,   so   that   the 
regular  giving  of  ordinary  people  became  necessary.  A  drive  to 
form  Auxiliaries,  mostly  on  a  County  basis,  '  in  which  the  con 
tributions  of  the  poor  may  be  combined  M8  was  made  in  1812,  with 
the  active  participation  of  George  Burden  Having  been  on  tour 
with    Bogue  and    Waugh,    visiting    Birmingham,    Liverpool,   and 

14L.M.S.  Board  Minutes. 

15L.M.S.    Letters  :    Home  A51— April    1798.   Sundius,   covering   letter  for 

Address  to  Sweden. 
"Printed    ...  rcular.   Address   to   the   Friends   of  the    Missionary   Society— 

7  April  1812. 


228  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE 

Newcastle,  and  returning  via  Yorkshire,  he  wrote  : 
The  object  of  our  journey  answered,  the  missionary  flame 
extended,  and  new  auxiliaries  of  great  extent,  especially  for 
the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire,  formed.17 

An  annual  collection  was  received  from  the  Church  of  England 
up  to  1848,  gathered  at  the  May  Meetings'  sermon,  one  of  four, 
which  was  preached  by  a  clergyman  in  an  Anglican  Church.  This 
was  not  officially  noticed  by  the  Bishop  of  London  until,  in  1849, 
he  forbade  the  practice,  and  permission  was  not  sought  again. 

In  that  same  year,  1849,  a  country  Director,  Rev.  J.  G.  Miall 
of  Bradford,  brought  a  motion  of  censure  on  the  Secretaries  of  the 
Society,  described  by  the  Home  Secretary,  Rev.  E.  Prout,  in  a 
personal  letter,  as  *  Mr.  MialFs  notice  of  motion  for  a  committee 
to  make  the  Society  mend  some  of  its  bad  ways  V8  One  heading 
may  be  mentioned  here,  which  demanded  : 
The  careful   investigation   whether  it  would  be,  in  a  large 
consideration,  an  advantage,  or  a  disadvantage  to  the  Society 
to  maintain  its  Fundamental  law.19 

4  After  protracted  deliberation  '  the  committee  appointed  to  deal 
with  Mr.  MialFs  motion  of  censure  resolved  that  '  such  a  change 
would  be  inexpedient  and  injurious  and  ought  not  therefore  to  be 
made  \20 

Perhaps  on  account  of  this  unrest,  the  Rev.  J.  Angell  James, 
who  had  been  one  of  Bogue's  students,  preaching  the  May  Meeting 
sermon  at  Surry  Chapel  that  same  year,  gave  his  sermon  the  title  : 
4  A  Tribute  of  Affectionate  Respect  in  memory  of  the  Fathers  and 
Founders  of  the  Missionary  Society '.  During  a  lengthy  discourse 
he  stated  that  '  the  principles  on  which  these  worthies  acted 
survive  ....  They  founded  the  Society  on  the  basis  of  the  word 
of  God  .  .  .  '21  and  affirmed  that  : 

The  Church,  as  such,  has  not  yet  done,  and  is  not  even  now 
doing,  her  duty.  She  has  devolved  too  much  of  the  work  of 
converting  the  world  upon  whomsoever  would  undertake  it 
....  She  must  take  it  up  afresh,  as  peculiarly  her  work  .... 
We  want  a  better  church  to  make  a  better  world  ....  We 
want  more  religion  for  ourselves  ;  we  need  more  to  keep  what 
we  have ;  we  need  more  for  the  wonderful  age  in  which  we 

17Burder,  Life,  p.254. 

18L.M.S.  Letters,  AFRICA  Odds  3.  Freeman  Papers  D  3  1,  Prout  to  Freeman, 

15  May,  1849. 

19L.M.S.  Board  Minutes.  17  April,  1849. 
20L.M.S.  Board  Minutes.  24  Oct.  1849. 
21Printed  Sermon. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLE  229 

live,  to  fit  us  for  our  duty  to  that ;  we  need  more  for  the 
great  missionary  work  to  which  we  are  called.22 
The   name   of   David  Bogue   will   always  be   remembered   in 
connection  with  4  the  first  publication  which  stood  in  immediate 
connection  with  the  rise  of  this  Society  '23  and  with  the  *  first 
concerted  meeting  '24  that  led  to  its  founding.  For  thirty  years  he 
gave  the  Missionary  Society  active,  if  not  always  popular  service, 
and  at  the  May  Meetings  of  1825,  the  last  year  of  his  life,  looking 
backwards,  and  looking  forwards,  he  said  of  the  Fundamental 
Principle  : 

Thus,  an  important  fact  has  been  established,  that  Christians, 
who  differ  as  to  forms  of  Church  government,  can  continue  to 
act  together  in  sending  the  pure  gospel  of  Christ  to  the  heathen. 
It  is  comparatively  of  small  moment,  that  external  forms  and 
modes  of  worship  should  be  the  same  in  each  congregation  ; 
if  Jesus  Christ  be  at  the  head,  that  is  enough.  Let  there  be 
communion  among  Ministers  preaching  for  each  other,  and 
communion  of  Christians  at  the  Lord's  Table.25 

IRENE   M.    FLETCHER 

^Printed  Sermon.  '^Ibid.,  1795,  p.vi. 

'^Memorials  and  Sermons,  1795,  p.iii.  '^Evan.  Mag.,  1825,  June,  p.257. 

HISTORIES  OF  CONGREGATIONAL 
CHURCHES 

(The  following  list  supplements  and  continues  the  list 
on  pp.  207-8  of  the  last  number  of  Transactions) 

Ayres,  W.  F.  The  Highbury  story  :    Highbury  Chapel,  Bristol.  The  first 
fifty  years.  (1963). 

Bradford.  Lidget  Green  Congregational  Church   1912-1962.  (1962). 

Brockway,    K.    N.    A    brief    history    of    Rother    Street    Congregational 
Church,  Stratford-upon-Avon.  (1962). 

Carpenter,  F.  Winchester  Congregational  Church  1662-1962.  (1962). 

Cooke,  B.  O.  The  story  of  Clifton  Down  Congregational  Church,  Bristol. 
(1962). 

Gilmour,  E.  A  short  history  of  Congregationalism  in  Congleton,  Cheshire. 
(1962). 

Green,  P.  Paddington  Chapel,  London,  1813-1963.  (1963). 

Paull,  J.  R.  W.  One  of  the  Two  Thousand.  A  history  of  Lyme  Regis 
Congregational  Church  1661-1962   (1962). 

Reason,  J.  A  fellowship  of  churches,   1662-1962.  A  short  history  of  the 
witness  of  the  Guildford   and  district  Congregational  Churches.  (1962). 

Scragg,   R.   S.   Three   hundred   years   of   Congregationalism    in   Dorking. 
(1962). 

Thompson,  F.   G.  Cliftonville  Congregational  Church,  Hove,   1863-1963. 
(1963). 

Walsall.   Broadway  Congregational    Church.   The  Church  covenant  and 
constitution,  with  a  short  history  of  Congregationalism  in  Walsall.  (1961). 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT 


THE     TURVEY     AND     ONGAR 

CONGREGATIONAL  ACADEMY 

Part  II 

A  general  account  of  the  Academy  appeared  in  vol.  xix.  no.  3  (Oct.  1963), 
Transactions.  The  following  biographical  list  of  the  students  is  based 
primarily  on  a  personal  examination  of  the  Minutes  of  the  Examination 
Committee  of  the  London  Missionary  Society.  Congregational  Year  Books 
from  1846-1910  were  also  consulted  as  well  as  the  printed  Register  of  L.M.S. 
Missionaries.  The  Rev.  C.  E.  Surman's  Biographical  Card  Index  of  Con 
gregational  Ministers  subsequently  made  it  possible  to  fill  some  missing 
gaps  in  the  list. 

The  information  in  this  biographical  list  shows  the  surname  and 
Christian  names  ;  the  year  (or  years)  at  Turvey  or  Ongar  :  any  previous  or 
subsequent  study  at  college  :  the  period  of  service  with  the  L.M.S.  : 
pastorates  or  other  later  activities  :  year  of  death  :  details  of  obituary 
notice  :  and  the  entry  number  in  the  L.M.S.  printed  Register.  The  following 
abbreviations  are  used  : 

C.Y.B.  Congregational  Year  Book. 

D.N.B.  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

E.C.  Minutes  of  the  Examination  Committee  of  London 

Missionary  Society. 

Obit.  Obituary  Notice. 

L.M.S.  No.  Entry  number  in  the  printed  Register  of  L.M.S. 
Missionaries. 


ABBS,  John.  Turvey  1834.  Cheshunt  College  1834-37.  L.M.S.  India 
1837-61.  Kirby  Moorside,  Yks.  1861-77.  Died  1888  aged  78  Obit  CYB 
1889.  L.M.S.  No.  356. 

BARFF,  John.  Turvey  1838.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1839-60.  Died  1860 
aged  40  years.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1861.  L.M.S.  No.  437. 

BARNDEN,    George.    Turvey    1834-35.     L.M.S.     South     Seas     1836-38. 
Drowned  in  South  Seas  1838  aged  27.  L.M.S.  No.  327. 
BARNES,  Othniel.  Turvey  and  Ongar  1837-39.  Cecil  reported  unfavour 
ably. 

BARRETT,  William  Garland.  Turvey  1834.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1834-48. 
John  Street,  Royston,  Herts.  1848-55.  Died  1865  aged  53.  L.M.S  No  314 
BIRT,  Richard.  Turvey  1836-37.  L.M.S.  Sth.  Africa  1838-92.  Died 
1892  aged  82.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1893.  L.M.S.  No.  383. 

BLACK,  Davidson,  of  Gretna.  Turvey  1837.  Left  Turvey  because  of 
'  his  despairing  views  of  acquiring  Latin  and  Greek '. 
BOWREY,  James.  Turvey  1836  but  reported  by  Cecil  as  unsatisfactory 
and  his  offer  of  service  declined.  Whitchurch,  Hants.  1837-44.  L.M.S. 
Berbice  1844-55.  Ebenezer  Chapel,  Shadwell,  London,  1856.  Died  1877 
aged  61.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1878.  L.M.S.  No.  470. 

BROWN,  George,  of  Carluke.  Accepted  for  Ongar  1840  but  found 
difficulty  in  disposing  of  his  school  and  did  not  go.  Re-interviewed  1844 
but  not  accepted  for  training. 

BROWN,  Hugh.  Turvey  1834-35.  Cecil  reported  him  as  dull  and  slow  of 
understanding  but  very  religious  (25.5.1835).  Further  education  at  Bow 
Rd.,  School,  London.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1835-37.  Died  1837.  L.M.S.  No.  336. 
BUDDEN,  John  Henry.  Turvey  1837  then  Western  College.  L.M.S. 
India  1841-87.  Died  1890  aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1891.  L.M.S.  No.  441. 

230 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  231 

BULLEN,  Thomas.  Turvey  1834.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably  and 
Bullens  offer  of  service  was  declined.  Subsequently  at  Hacknev  College 
1835-40.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1841-48.  Died  in  South  Seas  1848  aged  35 
L.M.S.  No.  422. 

CALDWELL,  Robert.  E.G.  agreed  13.10.1834  that  Caldwell  should  go  to 
Glasgow  University  in  November  but  should  go  to  Cecil  at  Turvey  for 

?c£^,W?ekS  ^"cJ?16  Way'  Later  B'A"  LL'D-  and  DD-  L-M-S-  India 
1838-41.  Joined  S.P.G.  and  C.  of  E.  in  1841.  Bishop  of  Tinnevelli,  India 

^"91;iDJ!dK189J.-  L  M'S-  No'  353'  D'N'B-  See  Reminiscences  of  Bishop 

Caldwell  ed.  by  his  son-in-law,  Rev.  J.  L.  Wyatt.  Madras    1894   pp    195 

Portraits  in  S.P.G.  archives,  London.* 

SJARTER'   Geor8e-  Turvey    1836  then   to   Barnet,  L.M.S.   South   Seas 

1838-53.    Wollongong,    New    South    Wales    1855-85.    Died    at    Croydon. 

N.S.W.   1898   aged  87.   Obit.  C.Y.B.   1900.  L.M.S.  No    373 

£9,LE,S',,Joseph   BenJamin-   Turvey  and   Ongar   1837-38  then   to  Spring 

Hill  College.  L.M.S.  India   1844-91.  Died  in  India  1891   aged  72.  Obit 

C.Y.B.  1892.  L.M.S.  No.  458. 

COOK,  James   Smith.   Ongar   1838-39.   Cecil  reported  unfavourably. 


'  John>  Ongar  1841-  L-M-S.  West  Indies  and  British  Guiana 
1842-84.  Died  in  British  Guiana  1884  aged  72.  Obit  CYB  1885 
L.M.S.  No.  445. 

DICKIE,  Andrew,  of  Glasgow.  Turvey  and  Ongar  1838  Cecil  reported 
unfavourably. 

DICKSON,  Henry.  Turvey  and  Ongar  1837-39.  Died  at  Sydney  42  1840 
en  route  for  South  Seas.  L.M.S.  No.  410. 

DRUMMOND,  George.  Turvey  and  Ongar  1837-38.  Glasgow  Theological 
Academy  previously.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1839-72.  Died  in  London  1893 
aged  85.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1895  with  portrait.  L.M.S.  No.  407. 

ELLIS,  James.  Accepted  for  Turvey  18.12.1837.  Cecil  reported  unfavour 
ably  26.3.1838.  Congregational  pastorates  at  Ivybridge,  Tamworth 
Swanscombe  and  Bracknell  in  period  1839-76  Died  1900  aged  85 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1901. 

ENGLAND,  Samuel  Simpson.  Turvey  1832-33.  Cecil  reported  unfavour 
ably.  Homerton  College  1833-38.  John  Street,  Royston,  Herts  1838-46 
Principal  and  Chaplain  Mill  Hill  School  1846-52.  Marsh  St  ,  Walthamstow 
1854-60.  Old  Meeting,  Halstead  1863-65.  Cliftonville  1867-72  Retd  181~> 
Died  1886  aged  75.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1887. 

FAIRBROTHER,  William.  Ongar  1838-39  then  Spring  Hill  College. 
L.M.S.  China  1844-46.  London  Road,  Derby  1846-50  Maidenhead 
1850-55.  L.M.S.  appointments  1855-65.  Died  1882  aged  65.  L.M.S  No  469 
^OWER,  William.  Turvey  1836  then  Western  Academy  L.MS  India 
1839-46.  Died  1847  aged  35.  L.M.S.  No.  404. 

FROST,  John.  Turvey  7—1832.  Cotton  End,  Beds.  1832-78  Died  1878 
aged  70.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1879.  Conducted  the  Cotton  End  Congregational 
Academy  1840-74.  Frost's  first  wife,  Ann,  was  with  him  during  the  latter 
part  of  his  student  period  at  Turvey.  (Turvey  Church  Book  3  2  1832)  • 
as  his  second  wife  Frost  married  Caroline,  daughter  of  Rev.  Richard 
Cecil.  Frost  conducted  funeral  services  at  Turvey  of  Cecil's  daughter 
Harriet  (5.7.1855)  and  of  Cecil  himself  (6.2.1863). 

am  grateful  to  Miss  Holland  and  Miss  Merrion  of  the  S.P.G.  Head 
quarters  in  London  who  let  me  consult  a  copy  of  the  Reminiscences  and 
showed  me  portraits  of  Caldwell. 

1   6 


232  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

GARDNER,  Andrew.  Turvey   1837.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably. 

GIBBS,  James.  Turvey  1838.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably. 

GILL,  William.  Turvey   1835-37.  L.M.S.  South  Seas   1839-56.  Ebenezer 

Chapel,  William  St.,  Woolwich  1856-59.  Rectory  Place  1859-68.  Robert 

St.,  Grosvenor  Sq.,  London   1870-74.  Died  1878  aged  64.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 

1879.  L.M.S.  No.  368. 

GLEN,  James,  of  St.   Andrews.   Turvey   1835   then  Homerton  College. 

Left  Homerton  1838  on  unsatisfactory  report  but  moral  character  not  in 

question. 

GLEN,  William.  Turvey   1836  then  to  Glasgow  Theological  Academy. 

M.R.C.S.  L.M.S.  India  1840-54.  L.M.S.  No.  418. 

GOLDIE,  Hugh,  of  Kilwinnie.  Turvey  1837.  On  27.2.1837  Cecil  reported 

that  Goldie's  'temper  and  behaviour  .  .  .  had  been  so  unsuitable  that 

the  persons  with   whom  he  lodged  were  disgusted  with  him  and  were 

unwilling  to  retain  him  in  their  lodgings '. 

N  HAM,  James  Panton.  Ongar  1840  then  Cheshunt  College  1841-45. 
Recommended  for  China  April  1843  but  withdrew  his  offer  of  service 
with  L.M.S.  when  he  found  that  he  could  not  take  his  wife  with  him. 
Maidenhead  (Countess  of  Huntingdon)  1845-47.  Lodge  St.,  Bristol 
1847-49.  Secession  to  Coopers'  Hall,  Bristol  where  he  formed  a  Unitarian 
Church  1849-54.  Cross  St.,  Manchester  1855-59.  Essex  St.,  London 
1859-83.  Kentish  Town,  Middx.  1884-88.  Died  in  Belfast  1902.  Obit,  in 
Unitarian  Handbook  1903.2 

HARDIE,  Charles.  Turvey  1832-33  then  Homerton  College.  L.M.S. 
South  Seas  1835-55.  Brill,  Bucks.  1859-61.  Thame,  Oxon.  1861-66. 
Removed  to  Australia  but  no  settled  charge  there.  Died  in  Sydney  1880 
aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1881.  L.M.S.  No.  332. 

HARRISON,  Caleb  William.  Turvey  1836-37.  Cecil  reported  unfavour 
ably.  Later  Yeovil  Seminary.  Ordained  Romsey,  Hants.,  Aug.  1839. 
Assistant  for  four  village  churches  in  Romsey  area  1839-44.  Died  at 
Romsey  1844  aged  30.  Memoir  (1845)  by  his  brother  Joshua. 
HAY,  John.  Previously  at  Aberdeen  University.  M.A.  D.D.  Turvey  and 
Ongar  1836-39.  L.M.S.  India  1839-69  and  1872-82.  Died  in  India  1891 
aged  79.  As  first  wife  married  Lucy,  daughter  of  Richard  Cecil.  L.M.S. 
No.  413. 

HENDERSON,  Thomas.  Turvey  1836-37  then  to  Barnet.  L.M.S.  British 
Guiana  1838-70.  Died  at  New  Amsterdam  1870  aged  58.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 
1871.  L.M.S.  No.  365. 

HOLLAND,  Edward.  Ongar  1840.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1842-51.  L.M.S. 
No.  428. 

HOWELL,  James.  Turvey  1834-35.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1836-40.  Brill,  Bucks. 
1840-54.  Sailed  for  New  York  Dec.  1854.  Sharon,  Michigan  1855-57. 
Guelph,  Ontario  1857-60.  Liverpool,  Nova  Scotia  1860-66.  St.  John's 
Newfoundland  1866-67.  Granby,  Quebec  1867-772.  Coldsprings,  Ontario 
1876.  Died  at  Toronto  1881  aged  70.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1883.  L.M.S.  No.  335. 

INGLIS,  Walter.  Ongar  1838-39.  Cecil  reported  his  health  unsatisfactory. 
Glasgow  Theological  Academy  1839-42.  L.M.S.  South  Africa  1843-54. 
Returned  to  Great  Britain  and  joined  United  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Scotland  ;  to  Canada  for  that  Church  1855.  Riversdale,  Bruce  County  1855 
then  Kincardine  and  Pine  Woods.  Stanley  St.  Ayr,  Canada  1869-84  (death). 

2 Ham  was  a  trustee  of  Dr.  Williams's  Trust  and  a  portrait  of  him  is  in 
Dr.  Williams's  Library,  London.  Another  portrait  is  in  Essex  Church 
(Unitarian),  London. 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY  233 

L.M.S.  No.  457.  See  Rev.  Wm.  Cochrane  Memoirs  and  Remains  of  the 
Reverend  Walter  Inglis,  African  Missionary  and  Canadian  Pastor.  Toronto. 
1887.  pp.  325  (with  portrait)^ 

JACKSON,  G.  M.  In  1840  went  to  Ongar  as  a  private  pupil  for  one 
year,  his  friends  paying  the  costs  of  his  tuition. 

KETTLEY,  John,  of  Kidderminster.  Turvey  1836.  Cecil  reported 
unfavourably. 

LEITCH,  Alexander.  Studied  at  Aberdeen  first.  M.A.  Turvey  1838  then 
Homerton  College.  L.M.S.  India  1840-47.  Returned  to  U.K.  in  June 
1849.  Received  by  the  Synod  of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church  1851 
and  inducted  and  ordained  at  Wigton,  Cumb.  12.4.1852.  DD.  of  Edinburgh 
1871.  Died  1885  after  several  years  in  retirement.  L.M.S.  No.  412.  In 
1850  gained  prize  of  £100  from  London  Tract  Society  for  an  essay  on 
Popery.4 

LESSEL,  Thomas  L.  Turvey  1836  then  Glasgow  Theological  Academy 
and  Aberdeen  University.  L.M.S.  India  1837-52  and  1861-68.  Bootle 
1853-61.  Puddletown,  Dorset  1871-76.  Died  1884  aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B. 
1885.  L.M.S.  No.  352. 

LETHEM,  William,  of  Glasgow.  Turvey  1836  then  to  Glasgow  Theo 
logical  Academy,  where  he  died  as  a  student. 

LIVINGSTONE,  David.  Ongar  1838.  L.M.S.  Africa  1841-73.  Died  in 
Africa  1873.  L.M.S.  No.  432.  D.N.B.s 

LUMB,  John.  Turvey  1835-36  then  Homerton  College.  L.M.S.  India 
1838-39.  Hope,  Weymouth  1842-44.  Long  periods  of  illness.  Ross, 
Herefords.  1870-71.  Died  1884  aged  75.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1885.  L.M.S. 
No.  385. 


3In  the  Memoirs  the  reference  to  Cecil  is  not  entirely  complimentary  :  it 
reads  'In  the  early  months  of  the  year  1838  .  .  .  Mr.  Inglis  offered  his 
services  as  a  missionary,  to  the  directors  of  the  London  Missionary 
Society  and  in  due  course  was  accepted.  He  left  for  London  in  the  early 
summer  and  was  sent  to  Ongar  near  London  to  study  under  a  gentleman 
of  the  name  of  Cecil  who  then  took  charge  of  the  education  of  some  of 
the  Society's  students.  Of  his  experience  there  we  know  but  little.  It  is 
-to  be  feared  that  the  somewhat  flat  aspect  of  the  district  and  the  not  very 
congenial  character  of  his  instructor,  exercised  a  rather  depressing 
influence  upon  his  mind  and  heart.  Be  that  as  it  may,  certain  it  is  that 
he  fell  after  a  while  into  a  state  of  deep  spiritual  depression  and  that  at 
last  he  was  told  that  unless  this  could  be  shaken  off  his  engagement  with 
the  Society  would  have  to  be  cancelled.  The  doctors  recommended 
change  and  he  returned  to  the  old  moorland  farm,  as  he  thought  a 
broken  down  and  disappointed  man '.  This  part  of  the  Memoirs  was 
supplied  by  Inglis'  brother  the  Rev.  William  Inglis  of  Toronto.  A  copy  of 
the  Memoirs  is  in  Livingstone  House,  London. 

4I  am  grateful  to  Mr.  Saunders  of  the  Headquarters,  Presbyterian  Church 
of  England  (in  London)  for  information  about  the  later  years  of  Leitch's 
life. 

5Livingstone's  period  at  Ongar  and  his  unfortunate  attempt  to  preach  at 
Stanford  Rivers  were  featured  in  a  strip  life  of  the  great  explorer  and 
missionary  which  appeared  in  the  children's  weekly  paper  Eagle  from 
April  to  September  1957. 


234  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

LYON,  William  Denman.  Turvey  1834  then  Glasgow  Theological 
Academy  and  University.  B.A.  L.M.S.  India  1837-40.  Albany  Church, 
Regent's  Park,  London  1841-46.  Stowmarket  1846-749.  Tunbridge  Wells 
1850-61.  Died  1877  aged  65.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1879.  L.M.S.  No.  351.  Possibly 
his  second  Christian  name  was  Penman. 

MACDONALD,  Alexander.  Turvey  1834-35  then  Newport  Pagnell 
Academy.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1836-50.  Auckland,  New  Zealand  1850-70 
Died  at  Auckland  1888  aged  63.  L.M.S.  No.  329. 

McKELLAR,  Alexander,  formerly  of  Elgin.  Completed  preparatory 
course  at  Oberlin  Collegiate  Institution,  Ohio,  U.S.A.  Ongar  1841.  L.M.S. 
British  Guiana  1842-45.  Died  in  Berbice  1845  aged  34.  L.M.S.  No  453^ 
MARTIN,  Samuel.  Turvey  1836  then  Western  College.  E.C.  agreed 
17.12.1838  that  he  should  go  to  India  but  he  was  subsequently  found  to 
be  unfit.  Cheltenham  1839-42.  Westminster  Chapel  London  1842-78 
Died  1878  aged  61.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1879.  Chairman  of  Cong.  Union  1862! 

MAYNE,  Frederick  William.  Turvey  1833.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably 
Went  to  Mr.  Stewart's  Academy  at  Barnet  for  12  months.  Accepted  for 
L.M.S.  9.3.1835  but  further  education  at  Bow  Road  School.  On  18.1.1836 
withdrew  as  missionary  candidate  and  proposed  to  return  to  his  father's 
house  in  Jamaica. 

MILLER,  Charles.  Turvey  1832-33  then  Homerton  College  for  three 
months  to  study  Tamil.  L.M.S.  India  1833-41.  Died  in  India  1841  aged  36 
L.M.S.  No.  297. 

MILLS,  William.  Turvey  1833   then  to  Glasgow  Theological  Academy. 
L.M.S.   South   Seas   1836-56.  Then  to  Sydney  where  he  was  a  chemist 
Died  at  Sydney  1876  aged  65.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1877.  L.M.S.  No.  331. 
MILNE,  Robert  George,  of  Aberdeen.  M.A.(Aberdeen).  Turvey  1834-35 
then  to  Homerton  College  or  Cheshunt  College.  On  9.5.1836  found  to  be 
medically  unfit   for  missionary  service.   Whitehaven   1841-44    Tintwistle, 
Cheshire  1844-68.  Died  1882  aged  67.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1883. 
MILNE,   William.    Turvey   and   Ongar    1838   then   Aberdeen   University 
M.A.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1839-49.  Baldock  1850-53.  Inspector  of  Schools  for 
British    and    Foreign    School    Society    1853-?.    Kept   school   at   Braintree 
1868-74.  Died  1874  aged  60.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1875.  L.M.S    No    400 
MILNE,   William   Charles.   Aberdeen   University.   M.A.   Turvey   1834-35 
then  Homerton  College.  L.M.S.  China  1839-54.  Later  a  Chinese  interpreter 
for  the  British  Government  in  China  and  Assistant  Chinese  Secretary  to 
the   Pekin   Legation.   Died   in  China    1863   aged  49.   Obit    C.Y  B     1864 
L.M.S.  No.  402.  D.N.B. 

MOORE,  Joseph.  Ongar  1838-39  then  Cheshunt  College.  L.M.S.  South 
Seas  1843-45.  Congleton,  Cheshire  1848-88.  Died  1893  aged  82.  Obit. 

MORRISON,  William.  Turvey  1831-32.  Cecil  reported  progress  unsatis 
factory. 

MUNCASTER,  John.  Turvey  1831-32.  Drowned  at  Turvey  in  River  Ouse. 
Obit,  in  Evangelical  Magazine  1832.  pp.  501-03. 

MURKLAND.  Sidney  Smith.  Turvey  1835  then  Bow  Road  School, 
London.  L.M.S.  British  Guiana  1836-46.  Resigned  from  L.M.S  and 
went  to  U.S.A.  L.M.S.  No.  338. 

MURRAY,  Archibald  Wright.  Turvey  1834  then  Homerton  College. 
L.M.S.  South  Seas  1836-74.  Died  at  Sydney  1892  aged  80.  L.M.S.  No.  328. 

NISBET,  Henry.  Turvey  1836  then  Glasgow  University,  Relief  Divinity 
Hall.  Paisley  and  Cheshunt  College.  M.A.  and  LL.D.  L.M.S.  South  Seas 
1841-76.  Died  :n  South  Seas  1876  aged  59.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1877  LMS 
No.  424. 


TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY          235 

NUGENT,  James,  of  Ashby-de-la-Zouch.  Turvey  1836.  Found  medically 
unfit  for  missionary  service.  Probably  the  man  of  the  same  name  who 
was  at  Rotherham  College  1838-43  and  subsequently  held  pastorates  in 
Lanes.,  Derbyshire,  Shrops.  and  Warwickshire  and  died  in  1882  aged  70 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1884. 

OKELL,  William.  Turvey  1836-37  then  to  Barnet.  L.M  S  Jamaica 
1838-40.  L.M.S.  No.  364. 

PARKER,  James  Laurie.  Ongar  1841.  L.M.S.  British  Guiana  1842-43 
L.M.S.  No.  446. 

PARKER,  John  Henry.  Ongar  1838-39  then  Homerton  College    L.MS 
India  1844-58.  Died  in  India  1858  aged  41.  L.M.S.  No.  460. 
PHILIP,    William    Enowy.    Turvey     1836    then    Glasgow    Theological 
Academy.  L.M.S.  South  Africa  1840-45.  Drowned  in  South  Africa  1845 
aged  31.  L.M.S.  No.  426. 

PHIPPS,  Samuel,  of  Devizes.  Turvey  1835-36.  Cecil  reported  unfavour 
ably. 

PRATT,  George.  Turvey  1837-38.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1839-87.  Died  at 
Sydney  1894  aged  76.  L.M.S.  No.  391. 

ROGERSON  (or  RODGERSON),  John.  Turvey  1831-32.  L.M.S.  South 

Seas   1834-47.  Died  in  South  Seas  1847.  Obit    C.Y.B    1848    LMS    No 

304. 

ROSS,     Angus.    Application     for    L.M.S.    declined    on     10.8.1840.     On 

7.9.1840  E.C.   agreed   that  he  could  go  to  Ongar  for  a  year  or  more, 

his  uncle  paying  the  costs. 

ROSS,    John.    Turvey    1831-32    then    Homerton   College.   L.M.S.    British 

Guiana   1834-35.  Woodbridge   1839-55.  Resigned  to  propagate  Free  Will 

Offering  System.  Died  1875  aged  67.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1876.  L.M.S.  No.  306. 

ROSS,    John,    of    Aberdeen.    Turvey    and    Ongar    1838.    Cecil    reported 

unfavourably. 

ROWLAND,   Owen   Jones,   of  Calvinistic   Methodist  Church,   Bodeden, 

Anglesey.  Turvey  1835.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably  on  his  slow  progress 

and  lack  of  vigour  or  activity. 

RUSSELL,    Henry.    Turvey    1835.    L.M.S.    Jamaica    1835-39.    Died    in 

Jamaica  1839.  L.M.S.  No.  333. 

SIMPSON,  W.  G.  Previously  at  Spring  Hill  College.  Probably  at  Ongar 
in  1840  but  on  2.11.1840  E.C.  heard  that  for  domestic  reasons  he  had 
withdrawn  his  application  to  become  a  missionary. 

SLATYER,  Thomas.  Turvey  1837-38  then  Western  College.  L.M.S.  South 
Seas  1840-46.  Teignmouth  1849-750.  Paignton  1853-54  Died  1854  aged 
37.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1855.  L.M.S.  No.  408. 

SLATYER,  William.  Turvey  1834.  L.M.S.  Jamaica  1834-50.  Surrey  Hills. 
Sydney,  Australia  1853-60.  Redfern,  Sydney  1860-81.  Died  at  Redfern 
1884  aged  75.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1885.  L.M.S.  No.  315.  Chairman  of  Cong. 
Union  of  New  South  Wales  1867-68  and  1876-77. 

SMITH,  Hugh,  of  Irvine.  Turvey  1834-35.  On  25.5.1835  E.C.  heard  that  a 
medical  report  said  that  his  health  was  doubtful  :  his  offer  of  service  was 
declined.  Possibly  the  Hugh  Smith  of  Kilmarnock  who  was  at  Glasgow 
Theological  Hall  1838-41  and  then  held  pastorates  at  Brechin,  Falkland 
and  Glasgow. 

SOUTHWORTH,  William,  of  Bolton.  Turvey  1837-38.  Cecil  reported 
unfavourably. 

SPENCER,   Joseph.    Turvey    1836.   Cecil's   report   unfavourable.   Student 
at  Rotherham  College  1838-42.  Bakewell  1842.  Manchester  (Tipping  St  ) 
1853.  Chinley  1856.  Died  1860  aged  45.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1861. 
1   6  * 


236  TURVEY  AND  ONGAR  ACADEMY 

STEVENS,  Charles  Green.  Turvey  1834-35  then  Homerton  College. 
L.M.S.  South  Seas  1839-41.  Resigned  and  subsequently  went  to  Mel 
bourne.  L.M.S.  No.  369.  His  son,  Sir  Charles  Cecil  Stevens,  was  Acting 
Governor  of  Bengal  1897-98. 

STRONACH,  John.  Turvey  1836  then  Edinburgh  University  and  Glasgow 
Theological  Academy.  L.M.S.  Straits  Settlements  and  China  1838-76.  Died 
in  Philadelphia,  U.S.A.  1888.  L.M.S.  No.  350. 

THOMPSON,  William.  Turvey  1833  then  Homerton  College.  L.M.S. 
India  1836-49.  Union  Chapel,  Capetown  1850-81.  Died  at  Capetown 
1889  aged  77.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1890.  L.M.S.  No.  341. 

THOMSON,  Robert.  Turvey  1837.  L.M.S.  South  Seas  1839-51.  Died  in 
South  Seas  1851.  L.M.S.  No.  372. 

TRIGG,  Henry,  of  Chelmsford.  Ongar  1840.  On  9.8.1841  E.C.  recom 
mended  that  he  should  go  to  Cheshunt  College,  his  friends  having  offered 
to  pay  his  expenses.  Therfield,  Herts.  1846-51.  Wisbech  1851-56.  Oke- 
hampton  1858-79.  Died  1879  aged  58.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1880. 
TURNER,  George.  Turvey  1836  then  to  Glasgow  University,  Relief 
Divinity  Hall,  Paisley  and  Cheshunt  College.  LL.D.  L.M.S.  South  Seas 
1841-82.  Died  in  London  1891  aged  73.  L.M.S.  No.  423. 

WAINWRIGHT,  William.  Turvey  1831.  Cecil  reported  unfavourably. 
WATT,    Charles    Davidson.    Turvey    1832-33.    L.M.S.    British    Guiana 
1834-44.   Then    Australian    pastorates    at    Hindmarsh,    Coromandel    and 
Alberton,   South   Australia.  Point   Sturt,  South   Australia    1862-71.   Died 
at  Adelaide  1875  aged  65.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1876.  L.M.S.  No.  307. 
WHITEHOUSE,  John  Owen.  Turvey  and  Ongar  1838  and  then  Cheshunt 
College.  L.M.S.    India    1842-57.    Much   engaged   in   L.M.S.   work   subse 
quently  and   a  director  of  the   Society.   Died   at  Barnet   1901    aged  85. 
Obit.  C.Y.B.  1902.  L.M.S.  No.  448. 

WILKINSON,  George.  Turvey  1836-37  then  to  Cheshunt  College.  L.M.S. 
Jamaica   1840-48.  Enfield   1848-55.  Chelmsford  (London  Road)   1855-89. 
Died  1903  aged  85.  Obit.  C.Y.B.  1904  with  portrait.  L.M.S.  No.  420. 
WOLFE,    Samuel.    Turvey    1832    then    to    Homerton    College.    L.M.S. 
Singapore  1835-37.  Died  in  Mindanoa  1837  aged  27.  L.M.S.  No.  322. 

H.   G.   TIBBUTT 


NOTES  ON  THE  HOLY  COMMUNION,  1842 

1  Church  Fellowship  Promoted '  is  the  title  of  one  of  the  Con 
gregational  Union  Tracts,  that  series  prompted  by  the  success  of 
the  tracts  of  Newman,  Pusey,  Keble,  Froude  and  others.  The  Union 
series  began  to  appear  seven  years  after  the  latter ;  they  were  of 
small  calibre,  and  soon  sank  into  obscurity.  They  provide,  however, 
glimpses  of  Independent  churches  and  their  life  at  the  time.  This 
particular  tract  is  about  the  practice  of  Holy  Communion.  It  is 
far  too  shallow  theologically  to  pass  an  Assembly  in  1963  but  it 
passed  that  of  10  May  1842. 

The  document,  which  is  in  the  form  of  an  annual  letter,  tells 
us  that  the  position  in  many  churches  is  that 

When,  as  is  the  usage  of  many  of  our  churches,  the  public 

service  is  concluded,  and  the  Lord's  supper  is  about  to  be 

celebrated,  the  great  majority  take  their  departure,  and  turn 

away  from  the  table  of  the  Lord. 

These  people  are  not  in  truth  all  unconverted.  If  they  were  to 
apply  for  membership  many  of  them  would  be  received  with  a 
cordial  welcome.  There  follows  a  page  of  possible  causes  for  this 
state  of  affairs,  though  it  is  remarkable  that  the  Union,  in  the 
theological  turmoil  of  the  times,  could  lay  such  slight  emphasis 
upon  the  doctrinal  significance  of  the  Sacrament.  It  is  thought 
that  those  who  refuse  the  Sacrament  undervalue  it  and  fail  to 
realize  its  obligatory  nature.  Later  on  in  the  document  a  great  deal 
is  said  about  administering  the  supper  impressively  and  making 
adequate  arrangements  for  it,  but  it  never  crosses  the  mind  to 
question  whether  ministers  and  members  themselves  rightly  under 
stand  and  esteem  the  Sacrament,  and  as  for  the  covenant  idea 
which  has  recently  been  revived,  this  receives  not  a  mention. 
.  Why  is  it  people  do  not  become  members  ?  The  requirements 
are  so  formidable.  Most  churches  still  expect  4  a  written  declaration 
of  sentiments  and  experience ',  which  the  document  declares  to  be 
4  a  usurpation  of  authority,  objectionable  in  itself,  and  injurious  in 
its  effects '.  It  goes  on  further  to  question  the  practice  of  deacons, 
or  others,  interviewing  candidates,  and  then  quotes  Dr.  Vaughan, 
condemning  those  church  meetings  which  insist  upon  applicants 
appearing  before  them  when  their  names  come  up  for  approval. 

It  was  the  dying  day  of  the  old  order  but  the  new  would  not 
live  so  long. 

JOHN  H.  TAYLOR 

237 


REVIEWS 

The  Writings  of  Henry  Barrow  1587-1590.  Edited  by  L.  H.  Carlson. 
Elizabethan  Nonconformist  Texts,  vol.  III.  pp.  xiv  and  680. 
Allen  &  Unwin,  1962.  84s. 

The  Writings  of  John  Greenwood  1587-1590  :  together  with  the 
joint  writings  of  Henry  Barrow  and  John  Greenwood.  Edited  by 
L.  H.  Carlson.  Elizabethan  Nonconformist  Texts,  vol.  IV.  pp.  344. 
Allen  &  Unwin,  1962.  63s. 

There  is  something  almost  majestic  about  the  slow  but  deter 
mined  appearance  of  these  Elizabethan  Nonconformist  Texts. 
Volume  I,  Cartwrightiana,  was  published  in  1951.  The  death  of  its 
editor,  Dr.  Albert  Peel,  in  1949,  might  have  ended  all  hopes  of  the 
ambitious  series  planned  by  him,  but  Dr.  L.  H.  Carlson  not  only 
saw  this  volume  through  the  press  but  undertook  to  carry  the  work 
forward,  and  in  1953  The  Writings  of  Robert  Harrison  and  Robert 
Browne  appeared.  Dr.  Carlson  was  already  working  on  Barrow 
and  Greenwood  at  that  time  and  hoped  that  their  writings  would 
see  the  light  anew  in  1957  as  volumes  III  and  IV.  That  these  were 
in  fact  not  published  till  1962  is  in  no  way  surprising.  Not  only 
has  Dr.  Carlson  had  to  contend  with  the  diversion  of  administration 
as  President  of  Rockford  College,  Illinois  ;  the  writings  of  Barrow 
and  Greenwood  have  been  found  to  require  four  volumes  instead  of 
two.  The  volumes  under  review  together  run  to  over  a  thousand 
pages,  but  contain  the  two  men's  writings  only  for  the  four  years 
1587-90.  Those  for  the  three  years  left  to  them  before  their  exe 
cution  are  held  over  for  volumes  V  and  VI.  John  Penry's  writings 
are  now  to  form  volume  VII  (instead  of  volume  V,  as  stated 
earlier).  This  leaves  us  the  more  grateful  for  the  recent  publication 
of  three  of  Penry's  tracts  by  the  University  of  Wales.  By  way  of 
complementing  The  Seconde  Parte  of  a  Register,  which  in  calendar 
form  Dr.  Peel  published  from  a  MS.  in  Dr.  Williams'  Library  as 
long  ago  as  1915,  a  final  volume  is  still  envisaged  for  A  Parte  of  a 
Register. 

The  two  volumes  under  review  have  appeared  together  and  are 
to  be  treated  as  an  entity.  An  introduction  to  volume  IV  is  indi 
cated  in  its  table  of  contents,  but  by  oversight  :  there  is  none  in 
this  volume.  The  single  introduction  to  both  volumes  is  in  volume 
III,  and  though  useful  is  strictly  limited,  being  confined  to  brief 
summaries  of  the  writings  which  follow  (pp.  1-38  refer  to  those  in 
volume  III,  pp.  38-46  to  those  in  volume  IV). 

238 


REVIEWS  239 

The  writings  in  each  volume  are  arranged  chronologically,  by 
years,  and  in  volume  IV  the  series  is  duplicated,  first  the  writings 
of  Greenwood  being  presented  and  then  those  of  Barrow  and 
Greenwood  jointly.  This  triple  division,  while  convenient  for  the 
editor  while  at  work,  is  confusingly  zigzag  for  the  reader,  who, 
apart  from  a  chronological  summary  provided  as  Appendix  D  to 
volume  IV,  receives  no  aid  in  unravelling  the  inter-relation  of  the 
various  pieces  published  at  or  about  the  same  time  by  one  man 
or  the  other  or  by  both.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  fair  to  say  that 
the  arrangement  adopted  itself  offers  guidance  concerning  the 
development  of  the  men's  thought,  since  the  order  is  that  of  the 
(sometimes  assumed)  chronology  of  their  writing  these  pieces,  not 
that  of  the  dates  of  publication  when  what  they  wrote  was 
published.  Their  manuscript  writings  are  interspersed  among 
published  pieces. 

In  the  first  volume  of  this  series  the  source  of  each  item,  MS.  or 
printed,  with  the  library  in  which  it  is  located,  was  indicated  in  the 
table  of  contents  ;  and  in  the  second  a  list  of  MSS.  and  locations 
was  printed,  together  with  a  select  bibliography.  The  reviewer 
hopes  that  in  later  volumes  Professor  Carlson  will  include  some 
thing  of  this  nature.  In  these  volumes  the  reader  who  desires  to 
know  the  nature  of  a  particular  item  is  left  to  plunge  as  best  he 
may.  Something  is  said  by  way  of  foreword  to  each,  but  the 
information  on  sources  is  not  always  where  one  expects  it  :  e.g. 
one  does  not  find  a  full  description  of  the  MS.  from  which  the 
first,  second  and  sixth  items  in  volume  III  and  the  first  item  in 
volume  IV  are  taken  until  one  reaches  the  foreword  to  the  sixth 
item  in  volume  III  (p.  106). 

This  particular  MS.  is  of  special  interest  to  our  Society,  since  all 
the  four  pieces  from  it  now  repu  Wished  were  first  printed,  in 
1906  and  1908,  in  these  Transactions.  It  is  a  MS.  presented  by 
Joshua  Wilson1  to  the  Congregational  Library  and  is  known  as  the 
Wiggenton  MS.  because  the  .greater  part  of  it  is  believed  to  be  in 
the  hand  of  Giles  Wiggenton  (or,  as  in  D.N.B.,  Wigginton),  the 
Elizabethan  vicar  of  Sedbergh  who  was  suspended  and  gathered 
a  Separatist  congregation  there.  Other  MSS.  used  by  Dr.  Carlson 
include  the  Lansdowne  and  Harleian  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum, 
the  Cecil  MSS.  at  Hatfield  House  and  the  Ellesmere  MSS.  in  the 
Henry  E.  Huntington  Library,  San  Marino.  The  reader  will 


Librarian  of  the  Society  of  Friends  informs  me  that  he  knows  of  no 
evidence  for  'he  statement  that  Dawson  Turner  (1775-1858).  the  earliest 
owner  oi  this  VIS.  who  has  been  traced,  was  a  member  of  the  Society. 


240  REVIEWS 

appreciate  the  labour  and  inconvenience  involved  in  working  on 
sources  so  widely  dispersed,  and  the  value  of  their  now  being 
brought  together  for  the  first  time.  Dr.  Carlson  has  himself 
discovered  Barrow's  MS.  notes  in  reply  to  A  Godly  Treatise  (1588) 
by  the  Master  of  Peterhouse,  Robert  Some.  These  are  in  an 
interleaved  copy  of  Some's  book  in  the  library  of  Lambeth  Palace  ; 
unfortunately  they  go  no  further  than  its  twelfth  page.  Another 
copy  of  Some's  book,  with  earlier  notes  written  by  Barrow  in 
the  margin,  was  produced  at  an  examination  of  Barrow  by  Some 
and  others,  but  this  Dr.  Carlson  has  so  far  failed  to  trace. 

To  the  writings  published  by  Barrow  and  Greenwood  themselves, 
with  the  posthumous  Examinations  of  Henry  Barrowe,  John  Grene- 
wood,  and  John  Penrie  .  .  .  Penned  by  the  Prisoners  Themselves 
before  their  Deathes  (Dort  ?  1593-6),  Dr.  Carlson  has  added  pieces 
preserved  in  George  Gifford's  reply  to  them,  A  Short  Treatise 
against  the  Donatists  of  England,  Whome  We  Call  Brownists 
(1590).  Barrow's  published  works  are  almost  as  rare  as  his  MSS. 
Of  his  retort  to  Gifford,  A  Plaine  Refutation  of  M.  G.  Giffarde's 
Reprochjul  Booke  (1591),  the  entire  edition  of  1,500-3,000  copies 
was  confiscated  and  burned.  Only  two  copies  are  known  to  have 
escaped,  and  the  one  which  Dr.  Carlson  has  used,  now  in  the 
Huntington  Library,  belonged  to  the  Attorney-General,  Thomas 
Egerton,  the  very  man  to  whom  Barrow  and  Greenwood  addressed 
a  plea  for  a  public  conference  4  even  after  their  death  sentence, 
while  awaiting  execution '.  The  determination  of  these  men  to 
publish  the  truth,  even  at  the  cost  of  their  lives,  makes  a  heroic 
story.  A  Brief e  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church  (Dort,  1591), 
Barrow's  first  full-length  and  most  important  book,  the  appearance 
of  which  led  directly  to  his  execution,  was  written  by  him  in 
prison  and  handed  4  shete  by  shete '  to  a  friend  permitted  by 
Archbishop  Whitgift  to  visit  him.  The  friend  handed  the  manu 
script  to  another  man,  and  he  in  turn  got  it  to  the  printer,  whose 
identity  remains  a  matter  of  conjecture.  Of  this  work  Dr.  Carlson 
has  examined  copies  in  six  libraries  in  this  country  and  the  United 
States.  Its  reprinting  in  full — it  runs  to  more  than  four  hundred 
pages — is  an  event  of  the  first  importance  for  the  historiography 
of  Separatism.  There  will  now  be  no  excuse  for  quotation  via  the 
tendentious  and  unreliable  abridgment  of  1707. 

In  a  review-article  in  these  pages  of  The  Writings  of  Robert 
Harrison  and  Robert  Browne  Dr.  R.  S.  Paul  pleaded  for  more 
annotation  in  future  volumes  in  the  series.  This  has  been  granted 
but  not  always  happily.  Glossarial  notes — they  prove  to  be  needed 


REVIEWS  241 

for  Barrow  more  often  than  for  Greenwood — are  provided,  some 
times  in  square  brackets  in  the  text  and  sometimes  in  footnotes. 
These  are  welcome  when  correct,  but  an  apparent  lack  of  familiarity 
with  Scripture  leads  to  some  strange  misapprehensions.  A  few 
examples  may  be  given.  In  4  but  if  yow  offend  me,  yow  ought 
to  seek  it  (my  forgiveness),  while  yow  are  in  the  way  with  me ' 
(III.  97),  '  in  the  way '  is  not  4  a  Pauline  phrase,  meaning  the 
Christian  way  of  life '  with  reference  to  Acts  ix.  2  ;  xix.  9,  23,  but 
is  drawn  from  Matt.  v.  25  and  is  used  literally.  The  explanation  of 
4  raygnes '  in  the  phrase  4  sercheth  the  raygnes '  (III.  110)  as 
'  raines — a  kind  of  linen  made  at  Rennes,  Brittany.  Feelings  '  is 
ludicrous.  Again,  4  renned '  in  '  renned  in  righteousness  and 
holines '  (III.  301)  is  not  the  *  past  participle  of  run.  To  be  active 
in,  to  be  continued  in  '  but  an  obvious  printer's  error,  what  Barrow 
wrote  being  4  renued  ',  with  reference  to  Eph.  v.  24  ;  and  '  stule ' 
in  *  leade  captive  many  a  stule '  (III.  342)  is  not  4  a  variant  of 
stool ',  which  yields  no  sense,  but  (with  reference  to  //  Tim.  iii.  6)  a 
misprint  for  4  stale ',  which  elsewhere  Dr.  Carlson  correctly 
glosses  as  '  prostitute  '. 

These  misprints  are  no  doubt  those  of  the  original  printer  and 
are  correctly  reproduced  here  ;  for,  while  he  has  sensibly  abandoned 
the  practice  followed  in  the  two  earlier  volumes  of  reproducing  the 
documents  literatim,  superior  letters  and  all,  Dr.  Carlson  has  rightly 
not  altered  spellings,  including  misspellings  or  misprints.  For  the 
care  and  accuracy  maintained  in  the  printing  of  these  present 
volumes  by  the  East  Midland  Printing  Co.  Ltd.  no  praise  can  be 
too  high.  To  American  spelling  English  printers  may  be  allowed 
to  be  more  tolerant  than  American  printers  are  to  English  ;  but 
may  one  hope  that  in  future  the  editor  may  so  far  respect  English 
usage  as  to  drop  from  a  series  published  in  England  the  form 
4  the  King  James  Version '  ?  Sincere  gratitude  is  also  owing 
to  the  Sir  Halley  Stewart  Trustees  for  honouring  their  undertaking, 
given  so  many  years  ago,  to  underwrite  the  publication  costs  of  this 
long  series.  But  of  course  the  deepest  thanks  must  go  to  Dr. 
Carlson  himself. 

Any  reassessment  of  the  contribution  and  significance  of  Barrow 
and  Greenwood  must  be  left  until  the  later  volumes  are  published 
and  the  whole  corpus  of  their  writings  is  at  last  available.  For  the 
present  it  may  suffice  to  express  satisfaction  at  what  is  already 
generously  given.  The  burden  of  these  men  is  out  of  tune  with  the 
current  emphasis  on  charity  and  understanding.  A  necessary,  if 
neglected,  part  of  the  prolegomena  to  the  serious  handling  of 


242  REVIEWS 

inter-church  relations  would  seem,  nevertheless,  to  include  a 
consideration  of  the  question  :  what  is  the  nature  of  superstition 
and  false  doctrine,  and  how  are  these  things  to  be  dealt  with  ? 
Barrow's  Brief  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church  is  in  a  tradition 
which  reaches  at  least  from  Zwingli's  De  vera  et  falsa  religione 
(1525)  to  A  Brief  Discovery  of  a  threefold  Estate  of  Antichrist  in 
the  World  :-  Viz.  a  Description  of  (7)  The  True  and  False  Temple  ; 
(2)  the  False  Ministery,  and  (3)  the  false  Churches,  which  was  put 
out  in  1653  by  Thomas  Aldam  and  other  Quakers.  Not  that 
Barrow  is  fundamentally  negative  in  tone.  Men  do  not  give  their 
lives  for  a  denial.  Though  fierce  in  their  condemnation  of  read 
prayer  as  a  form  of  idolatry,  both  Barrow  and  Greenwood  are 
clear  and  emphatic  in  giving  positive  and  theological  grounds  in 
defence  of  free  prayer.  In  summarising  Barrow's  True  Description 
out  of  the  Worde  of  God,  of  the  Visible  Church  Dr.  Carlson  says 
that  his  description  of  the  true  church  is  '  succinct,  comprehensive, 
and  Christian  ',  '  a  masterpiece  of  brevity,  beauty,  and  simplicity  '. 
It  will  no  longer  be  possible  for  the  Separatists  to  be  put  blandly 
aside  as  unworthy  of  attention.  GEOFFREY  F.  NUTTALL 

The  Career  of  John  Cotton  by  Larzer  Ziff.  (Princeton  University 
Press,  1962.  48s.) 

John  Cotton  was  described  by  one  of  his  contemporary  Presby 
terian  opponents  as  '  if  not  the  Author,  yet  the  greatest  promoter 
and  Patron  of  Independency  '.  His  influence  in  New  England  was 
indeed  profound  and  extended  long  after  the  twenty  years  during 
which  he  was  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  churches  there.  His 
influence  also  in  England,  where  he  was  a  Puritan  minister  of  the 
Church  of  England  for  the  twenty  preceding  years,  was  very 
great,  both  during  that  period  and  afterwards  through  his  writings. 
It  is  strange,  therefore,  that  there  should  have  been  in  America 
no  extended  study  of  his  life  since  that  by  his  grandson,  Cotton 
Mather,  in  1702.  And  in  England  the  judgment  of  Dr.  Geoffrey 
Nuttall  can  be  echoed  that  he  has  '  hardly  received  from  historians 
of  English  Nonconformity  the  attention  which  is  his  due '. 

As  a  biography  this  is  an  excellent  study.  It  is  with  admiration 
rather  than  affection  that  one  watches  John  Cotton  as  he  cleverly 
and  carefully  picks  his  way  through  the  '  tumultuating  times  '  of 
his  ministry  in  England  and  then  establishes  himself  on  the  stony 
shores  of  New  England.  As  his  Calvanism  makes  him  care  more 
and  more  for  orthodoxy  than  for  people,  and  for  order  than  for 
liberty,  he  becomes  even  less  lovable  even  as  he  is  the  more 


REVIEWS  243 

regarded.  One  is  tempted  to  say  that  the  more  he  became  the 
accepted  authority  on  Congregationalism  the  less  he  tended  to 
express  its  vital  spirit  in  preference  for  what  was  essentially 
Presbyterian. 

This  is,  however,  much  more  than  a  biography.  It  presents  in 
the  person  of  John  Cotton  a  most  helpful  study  of  the  relationship 
between  Separatism  and  Puritanism  in  England,  between  Separatism 
and  Independency  in  New  England,  between  Congregationalism 
and  Presbyterianism  in  America,  and  also  between  the  Congre 
gationalisms  of  the  two  countries. 

Cotton  while  in  Boston,  Lines.,  exemplified  '  the  belief  that 
Puritanism  should  seek  the  reform  of  distasteful  ordinances  within 
the  established  church  and  should  not  attempt  a  radically  new  or 
separate  policy '.  '  But  reform  ideas  had  radical  institutional 
consequences  ',  and  by  1633  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  flee  to 
Boston,  Mass.  There  he  was  to  find  that  the  distinction  between 
Separatist  and  Independent,  all  important  in  England,  had  become 
one  of  profession  rather  than  practice  (so  Ziff  against  Burrage  and 
Perry  Miller).  It  was  in  fact  Presbyterian  pressures  which  in 
America  (as  indeed  also  in  another  way  in  England)  molded  the 
.two  into  Congregationalism.  But  it  was  in  fact  towards  Presby 
terianism  that  Cotton  and  American  Congregationalism  gradually 
moved,  as  the  Cambridge  Platform  under  his  influence  was  to 
witness.  Indeed  Ziff  concludes  that  'John  Cotton's  influence  was 
that  of  the  primary  mover  of  the  antidemocratic  provisions  of 
Congregationalism '.  How  strange  that  it  must  be  recorded  at  the 
same  time  that  it  was  John  Cotton  who  so  deeply  affected  the 
Presbyterian  John  Owen  in  England  to  become  Congregationalism's 
leading  protagonist. 

This  is  an  important  book  for  all  who  are  concerned  to  under 
stand  the  complex  beginnings  in  both  England  and  America  of 
that  churchmanship  to  which  it  was  John  Cotton  who  gave  the 
name  '  Congregational '.  RALPH  F.  G.  CALDLR 

Puritan  Protagonist :  President  Thomas  Clap  of  Yale  College 
by  Louis  Leonard  Tucker.  (North  Carolina  University  Press  and 
Oxford  University  Press,  1963.  48s.) 

Thomas  Clap  is  a  name  few  people  can  have  heard  of  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  Indeed,  this  is  the  first  biography  of  him  that 
has  been  written.  He  lived  from  1703  till  1767  and  was  first, 
minister  of  the  Congregational  church  at  Windham  in  what  was 
then  the  back-country  of  Connecticut,  and  then,  from  1740  till 


244  REVIEWS 

1766,  President  of  Yale.  He  was  not  a  theologian,  instead  he  spent 
much  of  his  time  on  science,  bestowing  upon  Yale  a  legacy  of 
great  proportions.  Primarily  he  was  an  administrator  of  tremendous 
energy.  He  revolutionised  Yale  :  its  government,  finances,  curri 
culum,  standards,  buildings  and  library  ;  he  raised  it  to  prominence 
in  New  England  and  indeed  it  outstripped  Harvard  so  far  as 
numbers  of  students  were  concerned. 

But  Clap  was  not  a  lovable  man.  He  had  been  chosen  for  his 
orthodoxy  when  the  previous  President  had  become  an  Anglican, 
and  his  orthodoxy  was  militant  and  intolerant.  Much  of  his  life 
seems  to  have  been  spent  in  controversies,  and  in  the  end  it  was 
his  lack  of  understanding  and  warlike  attitude  towards  his  students 
which  proved  his  undoing. 

Chapter  10,  entitled  'The  Students  "Skin  Old  Tom  Clap's 
Hide  "  ',  begins  as  sheer  comedy.  We  hope  students  do  not  see  it 
or  they  will  find  too  many  ideas  for  college  rags.  But  towards  the 
end  of  his  reign  rags  turned  into  revolts.  400  '  squares  '  of  glass 
were  smashed,  floor  boards  burnt  in  the  courtyards,  and  bills  left 
unpaid.  A  The  engine  of  discipline  had  come  to  a  grinding  halt ' 
and  Clap  was  beaten. 

The  account  of  Clap's  reactions  to  the  Great  Awakening,  his 
later  switch  from  the  Old  Lights  to  the  New,  his  rearguard  action 
against  rationalism  and  his  vain  attempts  to  keep  the  Anglicans 
from  encroaching  upon  Congregational  preserves,  provide  a 
well-documented  picture  of  what  was  happening  at  the  time. 

JOHN   H.    TAYLOR 

Also  Received 

Congregationalism  in  the  Early  Continental  Reform  by  Glynmor 
John  (International  Congregational  Council,  110  Memorial  Hall, 
Farringdon  Street,  London,  E.C.4.).  Dissenters'  Meeting  Houses  in 
Plymouth  to  1852  by  Edwin  Welch  (Devonshire  Association, 
Devonshire  Press,  Torquay,  1962,  n.p.).  The  Baptists  of  Leighton 
Buzzard  by  H.  G.  Tibbutt  (HocklirTe  St.  Bapt.  Ch.  Leighton 
Buzzard,  1963,  n.p.).  Sussex  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  xv,  No.  10, 
containing  an  article  by  N.  Caplan  on  '  Sussex  Non-Parochial 
Registers '  (Sussex  Archeological  Society,  Barbican  Ho.,  Lewes). 


TRANSACTIONS 

THE  CONGREGATIONAL  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
EDITOR  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.    XIX.      NO.    6.       MAY    1964 

CONTENTS 

Editorial       ...  245 

The  Congregational  Society  for  Spreading  the  Gospel  in  England, 

1797-1809    by    Ralph  F.   G.    Colder,   M.A.,   B.D.    .  248 

Calamy's  Visit  to  Scotland  in  1717  by  N.  Caplan,  M.A.  ..  253 
Blomfield    Street  :     Mission    House    and    Congregational    Library 

by  Irene  M.  Fletcher  and  John  H.  Taylor,  B.D.  ...  256 

A  Legacy  to  the  Church  at  Launceston  by  C.  Edwin  Welch,  M.A.  263 

A   1672  Licence— Southampton  ...  269 

Selections  from  the  Fathers  :  Henry  Barrow  ...  270 

Reviews        274 

Our  Contemporaries          

A  Note  on  the  Ejected  Ministers  in  Wales  by  Geojfrev  F.  Nuttall 

M.A.,   D.D.  280 

Editorial 

The  Covenant  Idea  Yesterday  and  Today 

We  live  at  a  time  when  the  covenant  idea  has  been  resurrected. 
At  the  turn  of  the  century  it  was  almost  forgotten.  A  glance  at 
one  or  another  of  the  popular  manuals  on  Congregationalism  will 
prove  it.  Apart  from  speaking  of  the  covenant  idea  in  the  sacra 
ments,  Dale  does  not  use  it  in  his  Manual  of  Congregational 
Principles  ;  and  William  Pierce  and  C.  Silvester  Home  are  equally 
shy  of  it  in  their  Primer  of  Church  Fellowship  and  instead  employ 
the  '  The  Mutual  Pledge  '  to  describe  the  relationship  and  responsi 
bility  of  church  members  in  the  church.  All  this  is  now  changed. 

Therefore  it  is  with  much  gratitude  that  we  find  in  The  Journal 
of  Ecclesiastical  History  (Vol.  XIV,  No.  1)  a  substantial  article 
on  '  The  Beginnings  of  Puritan  Covenant  Theology  '.  It  is  the 
more  remarkable  as  it  comes  from  a  young  Dane,  Jens  G.  M011er, 
whose  facility  in  English  and  familiarity  with  Puritanism  as  well  as 
continental  movements  earn  him  warm  congratulation. 

Jens  M011er  traces  the  threads  of  covenant  theology  through  the 
sixteenth  century,  from  Zwingli  and  Bullinger,  through  Tyndale, 
and  from  Calvin  to  the  Genevan  Bible,  and  on  to  William  Perkins, 
ending  with  an  ordinary  Puritan,  Richard  Rogers.  He  shows  how 

245 


246  EDITORIAL 

'  the  idea  of  covenant  from  Tyndale  onwards  grows  in  importance 
till  it  becomes  the  foundation  of  Richard  Rogers'  Christian  life '. 

He  sets  out  to  correct  an  interpretation  of  the  covenant  idea 
which  has  been  common  in  recent  times  and  which  has  been  too 
sociological ;  and  here  he  takes  the  distinguished  historian  Perry 
Miller  to  task.  The  latter's  fault  it  seems  has  been  to  see  the 
covenant  idea  too  much  in  the  seventeenth  century  scene,  failing  to 
realise  its  place  in  the  previous  century.  M011er  shows  that  it  goes 
far  back  beyond  Perkins  and  always  was  of  the  main  stream  of 
Calvinism.  This  is  not  to  say,  of  course,  that  the  idea  did  not  have 
its  political  significance  in  Puritanism  ;  indeed,  when  Puritanism 
was  in  decline,  the  concept  continued,  culminating  in  the  doctrine 
of  '  the  social  contract  *. 

The  article  points  out  a  pattern.  The  Zurich  tradition,  which 
Tyndale  followed  in  the  main,  is  concerned  more  with  the  manward 
side  of  convenanting  than  the  Godward,  with  man's  responsibilities, 
and  in  the  end  this  leads  to  the  Puritan's  life  filled  with  general 
and  particular  convenants.  Rogers  writes,  '  Another  covenant  I 
made  if  I  might  be  free  from  the  Bish(op)  as  I  have  these  4  years  '. 
(p.  66)  Such  particular  convenants  were  very  like  medieval  vows, 
as  Knappen  has  observed,  and  so  M oiler  concludes  that  '  in 
working  on  Tyndale's  lines  the  Puritans,  through  the  irony  of 
history,  came  nearer  to  medieval  Catholicism  than  they  knew 
themselves  '.  (p.  67)  The  Genevan  tradition,  on  the  other  hand, 
lays  the  stress  upon  God's  side  of  covenanting,  upon  His  initiative, 
His  grace.  It  is  this  tradition  which  has  inspired  modern  reformed 
theology  of  the  sacraments  and  church. 

Is  it  an  error  to  let  one's  thinking  about  God  be  dominated  by  a 
single  and  earthly  concept  ?  Was  it  not  a  mistake  to  let  the  word 
covenant  determine  the  nature  of  God's  saving  work  instead  of  the 
saving  work  dictating  the  nature  of  the  covenant  ?  Calvinists  knew 
the  covenant  of  God  was  one  of  grace  but  many  did  not  understand 
that  this  covenant  was  unlike  as  well  as  like  human,  legal  agree 
ments.  In  a  day  when  different  church  traditions  seek  to  grow 
together  it  is  very  important  that  metaphors  are  taken  for  what 
they  are,  no  more  and  no  less,  be  they  of  one  kind  or  another, 
embodied  in  covenant  or  sacramental  theologies. 

No.  2  of  the  same  volume  of  J.E.H.,  contains  a  masterly  survey 
of  dissenting  churches  in  Kent  before  1700  by  Dr.  Geoffrey  F. 
Nuttall.  Evidence  comes  to  light  of  the  vigour  of  the  General 
Baptists  ;  and  it  is  interesting  to  be  reminded  that  churches  sprang 
up  primarily  because  people  wanted  nonconformist  worship. 


EDITORIAL  247 

The  Samuel  Say  Papers — Another  1688  Broadsheet 

The  Rev.  Roger  Thomas,  the  Librarian  of  Dr.  Williams's 
Library,  tells  us  with  much  pleasure  of  the  arrival  there  of  the 
Samuel  Say  papers.  Mr.  Bernard  Cozens-Hardy  contributed  a 
number  of  letters  from  the  collection  to  Transactions  some  time 
ago,  and  said  at  the  time  that  he  was  hoping  to  deposit  the  papers 
at  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  a  decision  which  we  all  appreciate. 

Mr.  Thomas  was  fascinated  to  find  an  otherwise  unknown 
broadsheet  amongst  the  papers  which  relates  to  the  petition  which 
the  seven  bishops  presented  to  James  II  on  18  May,  1688.  The  king 
had  ordered  that  his  Declaration  for  Liberty  of  Conscience  should 
be  read  in  all  the  churches  of  London  on  the  last  two  Sundays  in 
May  and  in  the  rest  of  the  country  on  the  first  two  Sundays  in 
June.  Mr.  Thomas  has  drawn  up  a  full  and  interesting  account 
of  the  events  which  took  place  that  May  in  J.E.H.  (Vol.  XII, 
No.  1). 

The  same  night  that  the  king  heard  the  bishops,  says  Mr. 
Thomas,  Roger  Morrice  reported  that  copies  of  the  petition  were 
'  bawled  and  roa?  ^d  through  the  streets  by  the  hawkers  that  people 
rose  out  of  their  beds  to  buy  it '.  This  scoop  turned  out  to  be  not 
the  actual  petition  but  an  earlier  draft  passed  round  amongst  the 
clergy.  On  pp.  64-5  Mr.  Thomas  sets  out  the  two  documents  side 
by  side. 

The  broadsheet  subsequently  foupd  amongst  the  Say  papers 
treats  the  reader  to  '  A  Paraphrase  on  the  Clergies  Address  '.  Apart 
from  a  small  grammatical  change  the  text  of  the  Address  is  the 
same  as  the  early  draft,  '  The  Comprehensive  Sense ',  passed 
amongst  the  clergy ;  but  the  Paraphrase  bites  sharply.  It  begins  : 
*  We,  who  without  any  Bowels  of  tenderness,  have  hitherto  exer 
cised  many  inhuman  Cruelties  upon  Dissenters,  observing  the 
favorable  regard  that  the  Government  has  now  toward  them '  and 
continues,  *  we  suppose  the  King's  Declaration  ...  to  be  founded 
upon  that  Arbitrary  Power  which  we  have  vigorously  endeavoured 
to  advance  above  all  Law,  when  it  could  be  strained  to  the 
Oppression  of  Dissenters,  and  to  the  Establishment  of  our 
Greatness  .  .  .  We  are  desirous  .  .  .  that  those  Laws  for  Persecution, 
by  which  our  Ecclesiastical  Empire  has  been  maintained  should 
retain  their  Force  .  .  .  .  '  And  the  mystery  :  who  inspired  this 
sally  ? 


1  7 


THE  CONGREGATIONAL  SOCIETY  FOR 
SPREADING  THE  GOSPEL  IN  ENGLAND: 

1797-1809 

The  effects  of  the  Evangelical  Revival  were  varied  and  wide 
spread.  All  the  churches,  and  the  Congregationalists  not  least,  were 
enriched  and  strengthened  by  it.  Within  half  a  century  from  1760  a 
revolution  had  happened.  Profound  changes  took  place  in  the  life 
and  worship  of  the  churches  and  in  the  preaching  and  attitudes  of 
the  ministers.  In  particular  a  new  evangelical  concern  gave  birth 
to  a  progeny  of  organisations  large  and  small  to  extend  the  mission 
of  the  churches  both  overseas  and  at  home. 

,  The  challenge  of  the  unevangelised  at  home  was  realised  with 
agonised  intensity.  *  It  is  very  painful  to  reflect  on  the  deplorable 
ignorance,  infidelity,  atheism,  impiety,  and  wickedness  which  still 
prevail  in  many  parts  of  our  dear  native  country,  and  in  most  of 
its  villages.  Whose  eyes  must  not  weep  ?  Whose  heart  does  not 
bleed  over  the  miseries  of  our  fellow  Immortals,  whilst  we  feel  a 
most  ardent  desire  of  rescuing  them  from  the  error  of  their  ways, 
and  saving  their  souls  from  death  ?  n 

Sunday  Schools  were  organised  so  that  the  children  not  only  of 
members  but  those  outside  the  churches  might  learn  to  read  the 
Scriptures.  The  popular  productions  of  the  newly-formed  Religious 
Tract  Society  were  widely  used.  Particular  enthusiasm  was  shown, 
however,  for  the  promotion  of  village  preaching.  Ministers  took 
upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of  preaching  the  Gospel  in 
villages  adjacent  to  their  own  places  of  worship.  Societies  were 
formed  to  encourage  and  support  this  work. 

As  a  century  earlier  the  Congregational  Fund  Board  has  been 
born  of  the  particular  concern  of  London  ministers  for  a  similar 
purpose,  so  in  the  year  1797  a  Society  was  formed  in  London  with 
the  title  of  the  Congregational  Society  for  Spreading  the  Gospel  in 
England.  '  In  a  cheerful  dependence  upon  the  divine  blessing,  a 
Society  has  been  formed,  with  a  view  to  introduce  the  Gospel  into 
those  villages  near  London,  and  other  parts  of  the  Kingdom,  where 
it  is  feared  that  the  people  are  sitting  in  the  shadow  of  death.' 

An  appeal  was  made  to  '  Friends  of  the  Gospel  in  general  and  to 
Congregational  churches  in  particular '  asking  for  '  not  only  the 
prayers,  but  also  the  pecuniary  aid  of  all,  who  love  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  in  sincerity '.  A  Committee  was  formed  with  the  Rev. 

^Appeal,  C.S.S.G.E. 

248 


SOCIETY  FOR  SPREADING  THE  GOSPEL  249 

Joseph  Brooksbank  of  Newington-Green  as  Secretary,  Mr. 
Ebenezer  Maitland  as  Treasurer,  six  lay  members  and  six  ministers. 
The  ministers  were  Dr.  Daniel  Fisher,  Dr.  John  Stafford,  Joseph 
Barber,  John  Clayton,  John  Humphreys  and  William  Wall2. 

The  Minute  Book  of  this  Society  has  been  found  and  placed  in 
the  Congregational  Library.  It  records  meetings  of  the  Committee 
which  were  held  in  Dr.  Stafford's  vestry,  until  his  death  in  February 
1800,  and  then  in  the  vestry  at  Broad  Street.  The  first  meeting  was 
held  on  23  May,  1797.  It  records  the  receipt  of  subscriptions 
received  to  a  total  of  £37  16s.  Od.,  and  efforts  made  to  publicise 
the  Society.  It  also  records  a  decision  to  send  a  circular  letter 
'  to  Ministers  in  the  Country,  exciting  them  to  itinerate  in  their 
neighbourhoods  and  informing  them  of  the  purpose  of  this  Society 
to  defray  any  expenses  which  such  labours  may  occasion  '. 

At  the  second  meeting  in  June  1797,  a  letter  was  read  from  a 
Mr.  W.  Marshall  of  Tottenham,  the  only  surviving  trustee  of  a 
freehold  meeting  house  in  Barnet  which  4  had  not  been  made  use 
of  for  some  years.  If  it  should  be  thought  an  object  for  this  Society 
I  would  immediately  make  an  assignment  to  a  new  Trust  and  a 
present  of  £10.  0.  Od  towards  repairing  the  same.  I  have  had 
several  Methodists  applied  for  it  which  I  did  not  approve '.  This 
offer  was  accepted,  despite  the  fact  that  the  building  was  found  to 
be  '  in  a  very  ruined  state '.  Repairs  were  effected  by  means  of  a 
private  subscription  and  the  meeting  house  was  solemnly  opened 
on  4  October.  Mr.  Clayton  preached  in  the  morning,  Dr.  Stafford 
in  the  afternoon.  The  minister  members  of  the  committee  formed 
a  rota  of  preachers  for  the  following  Sundays. 

By  the  end  of  the  year  approval  had  been  given  to  the  efforts 
of  more  than  a  dozen  ministers  to  take  the  Gospel  into  villages 
adjacent  to  their  churches.  Three-monthly  statements  of  expenses 

-Joseph  Brooksbank,  minister  of  Haberdashers'  Hall,  Staining  Lane,  Wood 
Street,  London   1785-1825.  Died,   1825. 

Daniel  Fisher  (DD,  New  Jersey,  1772),  tutor  at  Homerton  Academy  from 
1771  to  1803.  Died,  1807. 

John  Stafford  (DD  ?),  co-pastor  and  pastor  of  New  Broad  Street,  London 
from  1758  till  his  death  in  1800. 

Joseph  Barber,  minister  of  Little  St.  Helens,  London  from  1760.  In  1797 
his  congregation  united  with  Aldermanbury  Postern  in  a  dual  pastorate 
with  Thomas  Towle.  Died,  1810. 

John  Clayton,  minister  of  King's  Weigh  House,  London  1778  to  1826. 
Died,  1843. 

John    Humphrys   (later   LLD,    King's    Aberdeen),   minister   of  Deadman's 
Place,   Southwark   (later  in   Union   Street)  from    1784  to    1819,  when  he 
became  headmaster  of  Mill  Hill  School  for  six  years.  Died,  1837. 
William  Wall,  minister  of  Pavement  Chapel,  Moorfields  (later  New  North 
Road)  from  1794  to   1845    Died,   1852. 


250  SOCIETY  FOR  SPREADING  THE  GOSPEL 

were  asked  for  with  a  promise  that  these  would  be  met.  In  one  case 
£3  was  voted  *  to  register  and  rent  a  house  for  public  worship  ' 
in  a  village.  Mention  was  made  at  a  meeting  of  '  the  destitute 
situation  at  Eltham ',  but  enquiries  showed  that  *  the  Gospel  is 
preached  there  in  simplicity  and  sincerity  '. 

Soon  the  Society  was  supporting  village  preaching  in  the  counties 
of  Buckinghamshire,  Devon,  Dorset,  Durham,  Essex,  Hertfordshire, 
Kent,  Lancashire,  Norfolk,  Oxfordshire,  Somerset,  Suffolk,  Surrey, 
Wiltshire  and  Yorkshire.  By  1799  it  was  reported  in  the  Evangelical 
Magazine  (p.  347)  as  assisting  19  ministers  '  by  whose  exertions 
the  Gospel  is  disseminated  through  53  villages  in  their  respective 
neighbourhoods '. 

It  soon  became  necessary  to  limit  severely  the  support  given  to  a 
strict  interpretation  of  4  the  design '  of  the  Society.  Grants  were, 
therefore,  refused  for  the  erection  of  church  buildings,  for  the 
renting  of  buildings,  for  lay  preachers,  for  evangelists  other  than 
Congregational.  Payments  were  given  only  in  respect  of  detailed 
accounts — and  primarily  for  horse  hire  (not  keep)  and  candles — 
and  no  annual  fixed  grants  were  made.  The  Society  refused  to  be 
drawn  into  a  law-suit  when  a  minister  found  himself  threatened 
by  the  local  Clergyman  because  of  his  preaching  out  of  doors. 
Later  the  Society  was  to  deny  grants  asked  for  associations  which 
were  beginning  to  arise  in  the  counties  (e.g.  Kent,  Surrey,  Hamp 
shire)  to  promote  village  preaching  in  their  own  areas. 

Meanwhile  the  cause  at  Barnet  had  prospered.  Students  and 
friends  of  the  committee  had  maintained  the  preaching  and  by 
early  1798,  46  persons  had  promised  financial  support.  '  A 
considerable  number  of  the  respectable  inhabitants  of  the  town 
come  out  every  Lord's  Day  in  the  afternoon  and  evening '.  Ap 
parently  the  enthusiasm  of  the  young  people  there  was  such  that 
'  they  intended  to  have  various  passages  of  Scripture  written  upon 
the  pulpit  and  walls  of  the  Meeting '.  The  secretary  of  the  Society 
was  instructed  '  to  express  the  disapprobation  of  the  Committee 
and  prevent  the  execution  of  this  design  '. 

Two  years  later  the  committee  decided  that  the  time  had  come 
to  move  firmly  towards  a  regular  ministry.  A  Mr.  Vidler  had  served 
most  acceptably  for  a  period.  It  was  now  agreed  that  he  should  be 
sustained  for  a  further  experimental  period  of  a  year,  at  a  charge 
to  the  Society  of  £70.  Unexpectedly,  but  for  reasons  not  given, 
Mr.  Vidler  declined.  He  must  have  continued  to  serve  the  church, 
however,  for  a  report  to  the  committee  in  mid- 1801  says  that  the 
number  of  hearers  had  declined  under  the  ministry  of  Mr.  Vidler. 


SOCIETY  FOR  SPREADING  THE  GOSPEL  251 

Yet  the  prospects  were  such  that  the  Society  was  urged  by  the 
reporter  '  to  continue  its  efforts  ' — though  it  is  not  plain  what  these 
now  were.  Evidence  from  a  letter  attached  to  the  minutes  suggests 
that  payments  were  being  made  of  about  £40  a  year  at  that  time. 
By  the  middle  of  1802,  however,  the  people  of  Barnet  were  reported 
as  wishful  of  '  a  settled  minister  rather  than  a  constant  change  of 
ministers '.  They  said  that  they  could  themselves  provide  no  more 
than  £30  a  year.3 

By  the  middle  of  the  year  1800  it  was  apparent  that  requests  for 
help  were  diminishing  and  probably  support  also.  The  minutes  do 
not  include  statements  of  account  beyond  the  first  year.  Then  in 
come  had  been  received  to  a  total  of  £294  12s.  8d.  and  grants  had 
been  made  totalling  £74  Os.  5d.  The  only  other  reference  to  income 
is  a  bequest  from  a  Miss  Hillier  of  £300  in  3%  Consols  in  1799. 
In  that  year  the  Evangelical  Magazine  (p.  347)  recorded  an 
expenditure  of  £172.  Meetings  of  the  committee  had  been  held 
almost  weekly  in  1797.  But  there  were  no  meetings  at  all  between 
19  August,  1800  and  13  January,  1801,  and  thereafter  the  intervals 
varied  between  a  week  and  four  months. 

At  a  meeting  in  October,  1802,  the  members  of  the  committee 
seem  to  have  become  shamefully  aware  of  laxity  and  '  pledge 
themselves  to  attend  periodically  as  often  as  possible  to  consult 
the  best  means  of  promoting  the  designs  of  this  Society'.  Soon 
afterwards  they  appointed  a  Collector.  But  the  enthusiasm  lasted 
for  little  more  than  six  months.  In  a  minute  of  22  February,  1804 
the  following  explanation  is  given  :  '  The  Members  present  desire 
to  leave  upon  record — that  the  reason  why  the  meetings  have  been 
discontinued  has  been  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times- 
giving  such  new  and  additional  occupation  to  every  member  of  the 
community — and  it  not  appearing  by  any  demand  from  the  country 
since  circulating  the  address  that  the  meetings  need  a  closer 
attendance '. 

No  other  meeting  was  held  apparently  until  January,  1808,  when 
the  vice-treasurer  asked  for  the  disposal  of  cash  in  his  hands.  A 
last  meeting  was  held  on  20  February,  1809,  when  it  was  resolved 

3The  records  of  Barnet  Congregational  Church  do  not  help  us  to  fill  in 
greater  detail  about  this  period  in  its  life.  One  book  dated  1747/8  contains 
a  Covenant  and  a  few  accounts  up  to  the  year  1761.  In  the  following  year 
only  one  member  remained  and  the  Church  was  closed.  The  next  record 
book  begins  in  1804  when  the  church  had  been  re-opened  as  a  Congrega 
tional  body.  It  contains  a  completely  new  styled  Covenant — 'a  rather 
solemn,  broody  Calvanistic  document',  to  quote  the  present  minister  the 
Rev.  Terence  Perry.  In  1804  a  new  minister,  the  Rev.  John  Morison,  was 
called  to  the  pastorate. 


252  SOCIETY  FOR  SPREADING  THE  GOSPEL 

that  the  cash  balance  in  hand  of  £42  Os.  6d.  be  paid  to  Mr. 
Ebeneezer  Maitland,  faithful  treasurer  from  the  beginning,  towards 
a  sum  due  to  him  of  £160  14s.  5d.  On  this  disappointing  note  of 
bankruptcy  the  Congregational  Society  for  Spreading  the  Gospel 
in  England  came  to  an  end. 

It  is  natural  to  speculate  why  this  endeavour  faded  out  so 
quickly.  There  would  seem  to  be  two  reasons.  One  is  evident  in  the 
minutes — the  members  of  the  committee  appear  quite  early  to  have 
lost  enthusiasm  for  the  responsibility  which  they  had  shouldered. 
They  themselves  admit  that  they  had  largely  transferred  their 
interests  to  new  and  more  pressing  concerns.  But  it  is  probably 
also  true  that  the  Society  found  itself  seeking  to  meet  a  need  which 
the  rising  county  associations  were  tackling  with  greater  enthusiasm 
and  more  efficiency.  These  associations  could  more  readily  raise  the 
resource  and  supervise  the  work  within  a  limited  geographical  area 
than  the  Society  could  with  its  countrywide  concern.  Decentralisa 
tion,  to  use  a  modern  term,  proved  more  effective,  and  the  County 
Union  system  was  to  precede  the  Society  with  headquarters  in 
London. 

RALPH  F.  G.   CALDER 


ODDMENTS  FROM  A  PUBLISHER'S  LIST— 1849 

Bakewell — Friendly  Hints  to  Female '  Servants  on  the  best  means  of 
promoting  their  own  and  the  Employer's  Happiness.  Eight  Thousand, 
in  cloth,  8d. 

Hanbury — The  Christian  Merchant.  A  Practical  way  to  make  '  the  Best 
of  Both  Worlds  ; '  exhibited  in  the  life  of  Joseph  Williams  of  Kidder 
minster.  By  Benjamin  Hanbury.  Third  Edition.  Handsomely  bound, 
cloth  lettered,  with  Portrait,  6s. ;  or  in  morocco  elegant,  10s.  6d. 
'  We  can  conceive  of  nothing  more  profitable  or  delightful  to  Christians 
in  business  than  to  be  able  to  spend  an  hour  in  the  perusal  of  this  work ' 
— Jewish  Herald. 

Pyer — Songs  of  Freedom,  for  the  School  and  Playground.  Adapted  to 
Popular  Airs,  and  designed  to  inspire  our  Rising  Youth  with  a  Love  of 
Civil  and  Religious  Liberty.  Square  16mo,  sewed,  Is. 

Sargeant — Mamma's  Lessons  on  the  History  and  Geography  of  Palestine 
and  other  places  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  In  Simple  and  Familiar 
Conversation.  By  Anne  Maria  Sargeant.  Square  foolscap  8vo,  cloth, 
with  Map  and  Illustrations.  2s.  6d. 

Spence — The  Tractarian  Heresy ;  a  voice  from  Oxford.  Tradition  .... 
By  Rev.  J.  Spence,  M.A.  Foolscap  8vo,  cloth,  3s. 

Stoughton — Spiritual  Heroes;  or,  Sketches  of  the  Puritans,  their  Character 
and  Times.  By  Rev.  J.  Stoughton.  Second  and  Cheap  Edition,  with 
important  Additions.  Foolscap  8vo,  price  4s.  6d. 

Virtues  of  the  Poor;  with  Numerous  Illustrative  Cases.  18mo,  cloth 
lettered,  2s. 

(J.  Snow,  Paternoster-Row) 


CALAMY'S  VISIT  TO  SCOTLAND  IN  1717 

At  the  suggestion  of  the  Rev.  Roger  Thomas,  and  thanks  to  the 
courtesy  of  the  National  Library  for  Scotland,  the  writer  has  begun 
to  examine  the  Wodrow  Letters.1  It  is  evident  that  some  of  the 
letters  addressed  to  Wodrow  by  English  Nonconformists  are  of 
more  than  passing  interest,  particularly  those  which  were  written 
at  the  height  of  the  Arian  controversy.  There  is  an  interesting 
series  of  letters  from  John  Evans,  a  young  Presbyterian  minister 
of  Deal  in  Kent,  and  another  example  is  the  evidence  afforded  of  a 
hitherto  unrecorded  visit  to  Scotland  in  1717  by  Calamy. 

Calamy  himself  did  not  mention  such  a  visit  in  the  Autobio 
graphy,  but  there  were  other  journeys  away  from  London  which 
he  omitted  to  mention.2  The  letter  in  question  was  addressed  to 
Wodrow  at  his  home  in  Eastwood,  Glasgow  : 

Edin(burgh) 
18  June  1717. 
Revd.  Sir, 

I  got  your  kind  letter  last  week.  You  complain  I  put  you  on 
the  hopes  of  seeing  Mr.  Calamy  but  he  was  not  like  to  come. 
I  can  now  tell  you  he  designs  to  trouble  you  wt.  a  visit.  He 
sets  off  wt.  Mr.  Henry  &  some  other  Company  to  convoy  him, 
on  Wednesday  the  26th.  in  the  morning.  He  hopes  to  see 
Kinross,  &  Faulkland,  &  Lesley,  &  Scoon,  &  lye  all  night  at 
Perth.  On  Thursd.  Sherriff-muir,  Dumblain,  Alloa,  and  if 
possible  Arthur's  Aven,  &  lye  all  night  at  Stirling.  If  he 
cannot  reach  Arthur's  Aven  at  Thursd.  on  Friday,  he  will  & 
so  to  Glasgow  all  Night.  Saturd  :  he  leaves  his  Horses  at 
Glasgow  &  goes  by  water  to  Dumbarton,  &  returns  to  Gl  :  yt. 
same  night.  Sabb  :  he  hears  Sermons  at  Glasgow,  Monday 
early  morning  sees  Mr.  Wodrow,  dines  at  Glasgow,  &  goes  to 
Hamilton  sees  the  Palace  &  Gardens  and  Barncluith  &  may 
it  be  possible  the  Petrifying  Spring.  Lyes  at  Hamilton  all 
night.  Tuesday,  Sets  off  for  Moffat  &  so  to  Carlisle.  I  believe 
if  ye  Bp  was  yn,  he  would  see  him.  I  think  too  he  would  be 
glad  of  your  Company  to  Hamilton.  I  hear  the  Professor 
Hamilton  &  2  lads  will  convoy  them  to  Carlisle  — .3 

D.  E.4 

1  Robert  Wodrow  (1679-1734)  vide  D.N.B.  There  are  some  4,000  letters,  etc., 

in  the  collection,  1694-1733. 
2The  Rev.  Roger  Thomas  refers  to  Calamy's  omission  of  mention  of  his 

journeys  to  the  West  Country  in  1713  and   1719. 

3Dr.  William  Hamilton  was  Professor  of  Divinity,  Edinburgh,  from  1709. 
*i.e.  David  Erskine,  son  of  Wodrow's  great  friend,  Colonel  Erskine. 

253 


254  CALAMY  IN  SCOTLAND 

Wodrow's  own  letters  do  not 'appear  to  include  any  dealing  with 
Calamy's  visit  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Calamy  was  already 
at  Edinburgh  when  David  Erskine  wrote  to  Wodrow  on  18  June. 
The  itinerary  suggests  that  Calamy  was  enjoying  a  holiday  in 
Scotland  even  if  he  also  had  talks  with  leaders  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland  while  he  was  there ;  his  route  to  Perth  took  in  several 
noted  places  of  interest  and  would  have  given  him  a  good  day's 
riding. 

It  is  not  clear  from  the  Letters  whether  Wodrow  had  become 
personally  acquainted  with  Calamy  before  this  visit  in  1717.  In  a 
letter  to  his  wife,  written  from  the  General  Assembly  in   1709, 
Wodrow  mentioned  Calamy's  visit  to  Edinburgh  at  that  time  : 
Mr.  Calamy  is  come  down  from  London  to  see  the  Assembly. 
He  is  one  of  the  Non-Conformist  ministers  of  the  Presbyterian 
persuasion.  .  .  .5 

But  it  would  hardly  have  been  surprising  that  Wodrow  should  show 
a  strong  interest  in  Calamy  given  his  attempt  to  record  the 
sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  following  Calamy's  Account. 
In  1717,  Wodrow  was  far  advanced  with  his  History  and  he 
evidently  had  considerable  respect  for  Calamy's  historical  work. 
In  1719,  Wodrow  heard  with  evident  pleasure  that  Calamy  had 
told  his  good  friend  Colonel  Erskine  that  he  was  prepared  to  read 
Wodrow's  MS.  and  on  20  March  he  wrote  to  Calamy  : 
Rev.  and  Dear  Sir, 

The  small  acquaintance  I  had  the  honour  to  have  of  you, 
when  in  Scotland  some  years  ago,  could  not  have  emboldened 
me  to  give  you  the  trouble  of  any  papers  of  mine,  if  you  had 
not  been  pleased  to  desire  me,  by  my  friend,  Colonel  Erskine 
&  Mr.  Colin  Drummond,  to  send  you  them,  &  kindly  to  offer 
to  look  them  over,  for  which  I  humbly  thank  you  ....  Your 
help  to  make  this  as  palatable  as  may  be  will  be  extremely 
obliging ;  &  your  remarks,  amendments,  and  additions,  in 
references  to  the  pages,  shall  be  carefully  considered  and  insert 
by  me.  I  have  no  apology  to  make  for  this  trouble  I  give  you. 
Your  concern  for  every  thing  of  a  public  nature  relative  to  this 
Church  makes  me  hope  that  you  will  not  grudge  the  reading 
over  of  this  .  .  .  .6 

Unhappily,  Calamy  does  not  appear  to  have  been  at  all  prompt 
in  reading  Wodrow's  MS.  for,  in  January  1720  we  find  Wodrow 

5The   Correspondence    of   Rev.   Robert   Wodrow  :    ed.    T.    M'Crie   (1842), 
Letter  111,  vol  1. 
«ibid.  Letter  CXXXV,  vol.  11. 


CALAMY  IN  SCOTLAND  255 

writing  to  Colonel  Erskine  that  he  had  been  '  every  post  expecting 

to  hear  from  you  what  Dr.  Calamy  has  done '.  On  31  March  1720 

Wodrow  referred  again  to  Calamy's  dilatoriness  in  sending  his 

detailed  comments  : 

.  .  .  When  I  was  acquainted  by  you,  Mr.  Drummond,  and 
Mr.  Chalmers,  of  the  Doctor's  offer  to  look  over  the  manu 
script,  I  signified  my  apprehensions  that  the  Doctor's 
multiplicity  of  affairs  would  not  permit  him  to  do  any  thing  to 
purpose  in  this  matter.  However,  I  frankly  went  in,  and  sent  up 
the  first  five  years,  and  now  twelve  more  years  are  come  up, 
so  that  nothing  has  been  wanting  upon  my  part.  I  have  not  yet 
had  one  scrape  from  the  Doctor,  though  I  have  writt  to  him 
more  than  once.  .  .  .7 
From  this  same  letter,  it  seems  as  if  Calamy  had  made  to 

Colonel   Erskine  some  sweeping  criticism  of  Wod row's  method 

and  presentation  : 

.  .  .  Besides,  though  I  can  make  no  judgment  of  the  reasons 
for  the  entire  alteration  the  Doctor  seems  to  think  necessary, 
not  having  yet  heard  them,  I  must  say  to  you  only,  that  the 
alterations  some  would  incline  to  have,  to  make  it  suit  the  taste 
of  England,  would  perhaps  go  so  far  as  to  lose  the  design, 
in  some  measure  as  to  Scotland  ;  and  though  I  would  go  all  the 
lengths  I  possible  can  to  make  it  palatable  to  England,  yet  I  do 
not  incline  that  it  should  fall  short  of  its  usefulness  in  Scotland. 
You'll  believe  I  am  not  so  much  in  liking  with  our  neighbours 
as  to  be  willing  either  to  drop  our  principles  or  facts  that  may, 
perhaps,  not  answer  their  gust.  .  .  . 
Wodrow  evidently  went  ahead  with  his  own  design  and  published 

his  History  in  1721. 

N.  CAPLAN 

11  i hid.  Letter  CLXXVII,  vol.   11. 


BLOMFIELD    STREET 

Mission  House  and  Congregational  Library 

Blomjield  Street  and   the  Mission  House  (from   an  account  in 
Mojjat's  Farewell  Services  by  John  Campbell,  1843,  pp.  133-51}. 

That  our  distant  and  especially  our  juvenile  readers  may  more 
fully  enter  into  the  spirit  of  a  valedictory  service  at  the  Board 
of  the  London  Missionary  Society,  we  shall  state  a  few  facts 
respecting  the  locality  and  the  interior  of  the  Mission  House,  the 
very  name  of  which  millions,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  pronounce 
with  a  respect  amounting  to  reverence. 

It  is  situated  in  Blomfield  Street,  which  is  at  no  great  distance 
from  the  Bank  and  the  Royal  Exchange.  While  this  street  is  both 
short  and  retired,  it  supplies  to  the  thoughtful  mind  materials  for 
much  solemn  meditation.  Entering  from  the  north-east  end  of  it, 
the  first  building  on  your  right  is  the  Ophthalmic  Hospital,  to 
which  multitudes  are  repairing  at  the  periods  appointed,  in  search 
of  one  of  the  greatest  earthly  mercies — healthful  vision. 

In  melancholy  contrast  with  this  most  important  philanthropic 
institution,  and  immediately  beyond  it,  stands  the  Roman  Catholic 
Chapel,  which  has  long  been  counted  one  of  the  chief  strongholds 
of  metropolitan  Popery.  Thither,  too,  you  will  see  multitudes  of  all 
classes,  but  especially  the  poor,  pressing  with  eagerness  to  wait 
upon  the  services  of  those  whose  business  it  is  to  fix  and  keep  them 
in  a  state  of  spiritual  blindness. 

The  third  building  on  the  right,  is  the  splendid  edifice  known  as 
Finsbury  Chapel,  where  a  large  number  of  the  May  meetings  are 
held  ;  and  in  which,  for  so  long  a  period,  the  true  Gospel  has  been 
dispensed  in  the  powerful  and  popular  ministrations  of  Alexander 
Fletcher. 

On  the  left,  and  directly  opposite,  stands  the  building  designated 
the  Congregational  Library,  in  which  the  business  of  Highbury 
College  and  of  the  Congregational  Union  is  transacted,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  Home  and  Colonial  Missionary  Societies  and  other 
Institutions. 

Next,  on  the  left,  stand  the  offices  of  Cheshunt  College,  and  of 
the  Irish  Evangelical  Society  ;  and,  adjoining  these,  is  the  Mission 
House,  a  spacious,  commodious,  substantial,  plain  building. 

On  entering  the  hallowed  edifice,  you  find  yourself  in  a  large 
hall ;  on  your  left  is  the  messenger's  room,  through  which  is  a  door 
that  leads  into  the  warehouse  ;  the  little  room,  on  your  right,  is  the 
waiting-room,  and  the  door  on  the  left  of  its  fire-place  opens  into 

256 


BLOMFIELD  STREET 


257 


Co^^e^  txtio  nut 
Library  [No.4] 


Cheshunt  College  O/f 
^ 


the  office  of  the  Home  Secretary,  the  Rev.  John  Arundel,  which  is 
in  front  of  the  building,  while  the  room  behind  his  forms  the 
accountants'  office.  That  double  glass  door  you  see  at  the  further 
end  of  the  hall,  admits  you  to  the  Missionary  Museum,  an  awful 
yet  glorious  place  !  There  is  not  such  another,  connected  with 
Protestant  Missions,  in  England,  in  Europe,  or  in  the  world.  The 
numerous  idols  and  articles  of  heathenism  which  you  behold,  were 
supplied  chiefly  by  the  missionaries  of  the  London  Missionary 
Society ;  a  few  other  interesting  objects  are  donations  from 
benevolent  travellers,  or  friendly  officers  of  mercantile  vessels. 

Let  us  now  glance  at  these  horrid  idols  .  .  .  .  (3  pages  of  descrip 
tion  follow.) 

You  may  now  go  upstairs.  You  will  perceive  the  back  and 
front  rooms  are  divided  by  a  lobby.  Of  these  back  rooms,  that  on 


?.58  BLOMF1ELD  STREET 

the  left  of  the  stair-landing  is  set  apart  for  the  Directors'  coats, 
hats  .  .  .  ;  that  on  the  right  of  the  stai^-landing  is  occupied  by  the 
Rev.  John  Joseph  (sic)  Freeman,  one  of  the  foreign  secretaries  ; 
and  the  room  behind  is  the  clerks'  office.  You  will  perceive  the 
front  divided  into  three  apartments  ;  that  on  the  west  is  devoted 
to  committees,  and  that  on  the  east  to  the  other  foreign  secretary, 
the  Rev.  Arthur  Tidman.  In  this  latter  room  you  will  find  a 
library,  of  considerable  magnitude  and  greater  value,  which 
belonged  to  the  Mission  College,  during  the  period  of  its  operations 
at  Hoxton.  The  middle  apartment  is  the  board  room,  which  is 
separated  by  folding  doors  from  the  committee  room  on  the 
west,  which  are  opened  or  shut  according  to  circumstances,  and  a 
source  of  much  convenience.  This  spacious  chamber  is  admirably 
adapted  to  business.  A  table,  covered  with  green  cloth,  runs  along 
the  middle,  from  the  one  end  to  the  other.  At  the  east  end  of  this 
table  is  placed  the  seat  of  the  Chairman  ;  on  his  left  hand,  and 
before  him,  at  the  table,  sits  the  home  secretary  ;  on  his  right,  the 
foreign  secretaries,  each  of  the  three  having  a  desk  before  him. 
There  are  three  benches  running  along  both  sides  of  the  table,  the 
one  rising  above  the  other,  and  rounded  off  at  the  end,  presenting 
the  aspect  of  a  gallery,  the  chairman  sitting  in  the  centre  of  the 
circular  part. 

You  have  only  to  conceive  then,  of  this  room  being  filled  on  the 
evening  of  the  23rd  "of  January,  with  Directors,  visitors,  and 
friends  ;  the  Rev.  Thomas  Binney  seated  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  bench,  on  the  chairman's  left  hand  ;  and  Mr.  Moffat,  with 
his  party,  occupying  the  corresponding  bench  on  the  right,  when 
the  service  proceeded  as  follows  :  The  editor  of  this  volume 
having  offered  prayer,  the  Home  Secretary  gave  out  the  following 

hymn  :  Ye  messengers  of  Christ, 

His  sovereign  voice  obey  ; 
Arise  and  follow  where  he  leads, 
And  peace  attend  your  way. 

The  Master  whom  you  serve 
Will  needful  grace  bestow  ; 
Depending  on  his  promised  aid, 
With  sacred  courage  go. 

Mountains  shall  sink  to  plains, 
And  hell  in  vain  oppose  ; 
The  cause  is  God's,  and  must  prevail, 
In  spite  of  all  his  foes. 


BLOMFIELD  STREET  259 

Go,  spread  the  Saviour's  fame  ; 
And  tell  his  matchless  grace 
To  the  most  guilty  and  depraved 
Of  Adam's  num'rous  race. 

We  wish  you,  in  his  name, 
The  most  divine  success  ; 
Assured  that  he  who  sends  you  forth 
Will  your  endeavours  bless. 

REV.   THOMAS    BINNEY'S   ADDRESS   TO   THE 
REV.    ROBERT    MOFFAT    (approx.    1,500    words) 

At  the  close  of  this  address,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Lewis,  Chairman 
of  the  Examination  Committee,  commended  Mr.  Moffat  and  his 
companions  to  God  in  special  prayer,  after  which  was  sung  :  — 

Obedient  to  thy  great  command, 

Constrained  thy  love  to  tell, 
Great  Lord,  thy  servants  leave  their  land, 

And  bid  their  friends,  FAREWELL  ! 

Yes,  friends,  however  dear  and  kind, 

Whose  very  looks  dispel 
The  gloomy  sorrows  of  the  mind, 

We  now  must  say,  FAREWELL  ! 

Ye  fellow  sojourners,  with  whom, 

In  heaven  we  hope  to  dwell ; 
We  meet  again  beyond  the  tomb, 

But  now  we  say,  FAREWELL  ! 

Though  called  awhile  the  cross  to  bear, 

Though  sighs  the  bosom  swell, 
Jesus  will  soon  remove  the  tear, 

In  heaven  there's  no  FAREWELL  ! 

We  soon,  for  nobler  joys  divine, 

Shall  quit  earth's  lonely  cell, 
With  all  the  chosen  tribes  to  join  ; 

And  no  more  say,  FAREWELL  ! 

With  strength  proportioned  to  our  day, 

May  we  each  fear  repel ; 
Tis  Jesus  calls,  we  must  obey  : 

Farewell,  dear  friends,  FAREWELL  ! 


260  BLOMFIELD  STREET 

REV.  ROBERT  MOFFAT'S  REPLY 

(a  little  longer  than  Binney) 

The  Rev.  Joseph  Wilberforce  Richardson  having  concluded  by 

prayer,  the  Chairman  and  other  Directors  shook  hands  with  Mr. 

Moffat  and   the  missionary  party,   who,  with  the  visitors,  then 

withdrew. 

The  Congregational  Library  (from  John  Stoughtons  Reminiscences 

of  Congregationalism  Fifty  Years  Ago,  1881.) 

That  Congregational  Library,  a  poor  place  compared  with  the 
Memorial  Hall,  was  something  to  be  proud  of  when  I  was  young. 
It  had  offices  which,  if  not  spacious,  served  their  purpose  for 
a  while  ;  and  at  the  top  of  the  house  was  a  large  room  where  I 
sometimes  took  part  in  conferences  touching  the  affairs  of  the 
denomination.  But  the  library — rather  ostentatiously  described 
as  fifty  feet  long,  twenty-five  feet  wide,  and  nineteen  in  height- 
was  after  all  but  an  humble  affair.  There  we  used  to  assemble, 
and  found  in  it  at  first  ample  space  for  our  tiny  numbers.  What 
a  contrast  to  the  Free  Trade  Hall  of  Manchester  and  the  Autumn 
Assembly  of  1881  !  There  was  a  small  music  gallery  at  the  end 
near  the  door  ;  opposite  to  it,  at  the  upper  part,  hung  Mr.  Wilson's 
portrait,  and  on  the  right  hand  was  a  large  picture  of  Lord  Holland 
and  Lord  John  Russell,  the  great  political  heroes  specially  honoured 
by  Nonconformists.  There  were  forms  on  each  side,  with  rows  in 
the  middle  ;  when  empty,  not  very  picturesque,  when  filled,  not 
very  convenient.  But  there  our  fathers  did  some  good  work. 

The  early  meetings  of  the  Union  were  small ;  that  which  was 
held  in  1833  not  amounting  to  more  than  149,  inclusive  of  students 
who  were  present.  The  Congregational  Library  then  afforded 
sufficient  accommodation,  and  I  think  I  can  see  the  long  table 
at  the  upper  end  ;  the  chairman  seated  on  an  elevation  just  beneath 
Thomas  Wilson's  portrait,  the  leaders  of  the  denomination  occupy 
ing  chairs  close  by  ;  ...  the  whole  space  pretty  well  filled  at  the 
commencement  of  the  meeting ;  later  on  in  the  day,  a  good  many 
vacancies  which  one  brother  after  another  dropping  in  again 
or  coming  in  late  did  but  scantily  occupy.  It  was  a  quiet,  calm, 
homely  gathering.  No  elaborate  address  from  the  chair,  no  series 
of  disquisitional  papers,  no  eloquent  speeches,  no  crowd  of  spec 
tators.  .  .  .  The  younger  brethren  sat  with  great  reverence  listening 
to  what  their  elders  had  to  say,  and  rarely  joining  in  the  Conference 
as  participants  in  the  debates.  For  debates  did  arise,  and  points  of 
difference  were  canvassed,  though  agreement  was  always  sought, 
and  I  do  not  remember  any  instances  of  division.  Everything  was 


BLOMFIELD  STREET  261 

done  sedately ;  but  there  were  occasional  touches  of  humour, 
especially  on  the  part  of  Burnet,  Hamilton,  and  Parsons  ;  and  I 
think  that  occasionally  some  refreshments  were  brought  in,  for 
once  a  delegate  gravely  asked  4  whether  any  news  had  been  heard 
from  the  Sandwich  Islands  ?  ' 

Notes  on  Blomfield  Street 

Campbell's  description  of  the  street  might  lead  one  to  think 
that  the  Congregational  Library,  Cheshunt  College  Offices,  and 
the  Mission  House  stood  side  by  side.  This  was  not  so.  By 
examining  the  Post  Office  Directories  between  1842  and  1865 
together  with  the  Ordnance  Survey  map  of  1865  we  can  locate  the 
Library  (no.  4)  to  one  side  of  the  entrance  to  Bell  Square  and 
Cheshunt  College  Offices  and  the  L.M.S.,  (nos.  7  and  8)  on  the 
other  side,  with  a  dancing  academy  (no.  5)  and  an  architect's 
offices  (no.  6)  between  them  and  the  Library. 

The  Library  must  have  been  a  fairly  new  building  when  the 
Union  began  to  use  it.  It  had  been  the  City  Concert  Rooms  before 
Wilson  took  it  over  (Ev.  Mag.  1831,  p.  300),  but  Horwood's  map  in 
1819  reveals  that  the  place  was  not  then  erected.  Indeed  the  only 
building  described  by  Campbell  which  existed  in  1819  was  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  which  then  had  no  school  attached. 
Even  Blomfield  Street  itself  was  not  so  called  ;  it  was  Little 
Moorfields  at  the  bottom  end  and  Broker  Row  from  New  Broad 
Street  upwards.  Finsbury  Circus  was  being  constructed,  but  the 
east  side  of  Broker  Row  merely  had  a  row  of  small  cottages. 
To-day  none  of  the  buildings  on  the  sketch-map  exist,  although 
the  sites  of  the  old  buildings  can  be  judged  from  present  ones 
in  many  cases.  The  Library  was  vacated  in  1866,  the  lease  being 
up  ;  the  Mission  House  moved  in  1903  ;  Finsbury  Chapel  was 
dissolved  in  1890.  The  eye  hospital  mentioned  is,  of  course,  the 
one  popularly  called  Moorfield's,  which  moved  to  its  City  Road 
site  at  the  end  of  the  century. 

Finsbury  Chapel  had  a  short  life  ;  it  was  opened  in  1826.  The 
L.C.C.  Records  Office  at  County  Hall  has  two  handsome  prints  of 
it,  engraved  by  John  Woods  in  1843,  one  showing  the  exterior 
and  one  the  interior  during  a  service.  It  shows  a  light,  spacious 
building,  with  two  galleries;  Andrew  Mearns'  Guide  (1882)  puts 
the  seating  at  2,000.  An  unusual  feature  of  the  building  is  that  the 
pulpit  stands  between  the  two  entrances  against  the  straight  wall ; 
the  curved  wall  is  behind  the  galleries.  Fletcher  is  seen  preaching 
from  his  pulpit,  a  small  Nelson's  column,  about  15  feet  high. 


262  BLOMFIELD  STREET 

Below  the  pulpit,  facing  the  people,  stands  a  man  we  suppose  to 
be  the  precentor,  his  music  stand  before  him,  placed  on  the 
enormous  table.  Nothing  else  stands  on  this  table,  the  communion 
table,  save  a  man's  top-hat,  which  we  suggest  was  not  unconsciously 
drawn  there  by  the  artist.  The  congregation  looks  affluent  enough, 
though  the  ground  floor  is  not  half  full,  whilst  the  top  gallery  is 
crowded  with  men-servants  and  maid-servants.  This  is  a  solemn 
contrast  to  Campbell's  admission  that  *  especially  the  poor '  went 
to  St.  Mary's  across  the  street.  The  little  school  which  the  Roman 
Catholics  built  fits  into  the  picture  Marjorie  Cruickshank  draws 
in.  Church  and  State  in  English  Education  (1963)  of  their  schools 
catering  for  the  poorest  children  in  a  way  which  no  other  churches 
did  (see  pp.  8f). 

The  Evangelical  Magazine  for  1831  provides  us  with  further 
information  about  the  founding  of  the  Library.  Founders  had  to 
give  at  least  fifty  guineas,  members  twenty-five,  and  subscribers 
ten  plus  one  guinea  annually.  They  had  to  be  Congregationalists 
who  subscribed  to  the  Assembly's  Shorter  Catechism.  It  is  interest 
ing  to  note  that  five  ministers — one  was  Pye  Smith — became 
founders,  and  twelve  members,  during  1831.  Is  this  a  clue  to  the 
comfort  of  the  big  men  like  H.  F.  Burder,  A.  Reed,  J.  Blackburn, 
J.  Leif child,  T.  Raffles  and  Angell  James  ?  Twenty-five  guineas 
entitled  one  to  nominate  someone  to  use  the  Library  ;  fifty  guineas 
meant  that  one  could  nominate  two  ;  but  provincial  subscribers 
who  could  not  reach  the  Library  might  also  nominate  someone  in 
the  London  area  to  go  to  it. 

One  wonders  whether  Algernon  Wells  scowled  or  not  as  the 
music  of  the  waltz  floated  across  the  alley  from  Professor  Samuel 
and  Mrs.  Mariana  Turner's  dancing  academy. 

IRENE  M.  FLETCHER  AND  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR 

SOME  RECENT  ARTICLES 

The  Research  Secretary  points  out  some  articles  which  have 
appeared  lately  which  members  might  like  to  know  about : 
K.  S.  Inglis,  '  English  Nonconformity  and  Social  Reform '  in 
Past  and  Present,  April,  1958;  C.  B.  Jewson,  'Return  of  Con 
venticles  in  Norwich  Diocese  1669  ',  Norfolk  Archaeology.  Vol. 
XXXIII.  Pt.  1.  (1962)  pp.  6-34;  I.  A.  Sellers,  'Nonconformist 
Attitudes  in  Later  Nineteenth  Century  Liverpool ',  Transactions  of 
the  Historic  Society  of  Lancashire  and  Cheshire,  Vol.  114  (1963) 
pp.  215-239. 


A  LEGACY  TO  THE  CHURCH  AT 
LAUNCESTON 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  which  faced  any  nonconformist 
congregation  after  the  Toleration  Act  was  the  successful  preserva 
tion  of  its  endowments.  Embezzlement  and  misappropriation  were 
the  common  fate  of  most  small  and  some  large  charities  during  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  but  there  was  far  less  pro 
tection  for  dissenters'  endowments  than  for  any  nominally 
Anglican  charity.  The  ordinary  charity  had  the  benefit  of  a  special 
procedure  in  the  court  of  Chancery — the  issue  of  a  commission 
to  investigate — which,  if  not  always  successful,  was  more  effective 
than  an  ordinary  lawsuit  for  the  recovery  of  endowments.  Despite 
the  Toleration  Act  there  was  some  doubt  in  the  minds  of  lawyers 
that  the  endowments  of  meeting  houses  could  be  described  as 
charitable.  Until  1736  it  was  very  difficult  to  secure  the  meeting 
house  to  a  congregation  of  dissenters,  as  the  law  made  no  provision 
for  nonconformity  and  the  trustees  were  able  to  alienate  the 
property  with  little  difficulty.  Even  when  an  Act  (9  Geo.  II,  c.  36) 
permitted  the  enrolment  of  trust  deeds  in  Chancery,  not  all  con 
gregations  were  willing  or  able  to  take  advantage  of  it.  The 
members  of  the  Old  Tabernacle  in  ^Plymouth  were  ejected  from 
their  building  by  the  founder's  son  in  1795  and  in  1813  an  Inde 
pendent  chapel  near  Dudley  in  Staffordshire  was  nearly  seized  by 
the  Anglican  minister.1  During  the  course  of  the  eighteenth  century 
conveyancing  lawyers  evolved  a  model  trust  deed  which  finally 
gave  the  congregation  control  over  the  trustees'  activities,  but  it 
was  a  long  and  difficult  task. 

'  If  it  was  difficult  to  safeguard  real  property  in  the  eighteenth 
century  then  the  preservation  of  other  endowments,  usqally  in  the 
form  of  rent  charges  on  land,  or  stocks,  was  almost  impossible. 
One  of  the  objects  of  the  1772  enquiry  into  nonconformist  congre 
gations  was  the  preservation  of  the  endowments  of  moribund  and 
defunct  churches.  We  read  there  of  an  attempt  (apparently  success 
ful)  by  the  trustees  of  the  Presbyterian  church  at  Lincoln  to 
misappropriate  the  endowments  by  preventing  the  appointment  of 
a  minister  and  of  the  enquiry  into  the  endowment  of  the  South- 

!R.  N.  Worth,  History  of  Plymouth  (1890),  p.  257.  Trans.  Cong.  Hist.  Soc., 
vol.  IV,  p.  24. 

1   8  263 


264  A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON 

ampton  Baptist  church  after  it  had  ceased  to  exist.2  Recently 
there  has  been  discovered  a  small  bundle  of  papers  which  cast 
considerable  light  on  the  fate  of  an  endowment  of  the  Presbyterian 
church  at  Launceston  in  Cornwall.  This  was  a  cause  which  almost 
disappeared  in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  revived  and  united  with 
the  Baptist  church  and  has  recently  become  extinct  once  more. 
The  papers  were  found  amongst  the  Bayly  archives  when  they  were 
deposited  in  the  Plymouth  Archives  Department  in  1961.  The 
Bayly  family  were  prosperous  tradesmen  in  Plymouth  at  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  one  of  their  number  was  a 
barrister  frequently  consulted  in  local  matters.  Most  of  the  family 
were  nonconformists  and  attended  the  two  Presbyterian  meeting 
houses  in  Batter  Street  and  Treville  Street.  When  the  first  of  these 
congregations  became  Independent  and  the  second  Unitarian,  the 
family  also  split  and  members  are  found  as  trustees  and  deacons 
in  both  churches.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  family  should  be  in 
possession  of  a  group  of  papers  of  Thomas  Windeat,  a  clothier  of 
Tavistock  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  unless  they 
had  been  given  to  the  barrister  for  some  legal  purpose.  Unfortu 
nately  the  bundle  had  been  disarranged  before  the  archives  were 
deposited  and  so  it  is  impossible  to  say  to  which  member  of  the 
family  it  belonged.  Nevertheless  the  story  which  they  tell  is  of 
great  interest. 

The  Vicar  of  Launceston,  William  Oliver,  was  ejected  in  1662 
for  nonconformity  and  in  1672  he  took  out  a  licence  as  a  Presby 
terian  minister  at  Launceston  under  Charles  II's  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  had  a  congregation  in 
the  town  and  he  is  said  to  have  died  a  '  lay  conformist  '.3  The 
nonconformists  living  in  the  district  probably  relied  on  itinerant 
ministers  to  provide  occasional  services  in  private  houses.  Two 
baptisms  by  '  a  dissenting  minister '  are  recorded  in  the  registers 
of  St.  Thomas,  Launceston  and  Nicholas  Sherwell  of  Plymouth  is 
known  to  have  travelled  extensively  in  this  area.4  Deliverance 
Larkham,  the  grandson  of  the  ejected  minister  of  Tavistock,  seems 
to  have  served  the  Presbyterians  of  Launceston  as  their  minister 
for  a  few  years,  but  it  was  not  until  the  Rev.  Michael  Martin 
settled  there  that  a  congregation  of  130  hearers  was  built  up.  In 
1712  a  meeting  house  was  erected  in  Castle  Street  with  the  aid  of 

2Dr.    Williams's    Library,    Thompson    MSS.,    A    State    of    the    Dissenting 

Interest  1772,  ff.   19  &  46. 
riA.   G.    Matthews,   Calamy  Revised  (1934),  p.   373.  Baptist  Quarterly,  vol. 

XIII,  p.  121. 
*Bap.  Qu.,  vol.  XIII,  p.  122.  Public  Record  Office,  R.G.  4/4091. 


A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON  265 

a  legacy  from  William  Bennett  of  Hexworthy  who  died  in  1704.5 
For  a  short  time  Martin  removed  to  Lympstone  near  Exeter,  but 
in  1728  he  returned  to  Launceston  and  ministered  there  until  his 
death  in  1745. 

Although  the  church  had  flourished  under  Martin's  ministry,0 
it  was  not  capable  of  supporting  a  settled  ministry.  The  town 
was  not  large  enough  and  the  congregation  was  drawn  from  the 
surrounding  district.  In  this  area  on  the  borders  of  Devon  and 
Cornwall  nonconformity  seems  to  have  declined  seriously  in  the 
first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  so  it  is  hardly  surprising 
that  Martin  was  not  replaced.  Rev.  George  Castle  of  Hatherleigh 
occasionally  preached  at  Launceston  after  Martin's  death,7  but 
support  soon  fell  away  and  the  meeting  hDuse  was  eventually  sold. 
But  the  small  endowments  which  belonged  to  the  congregation  still 
existed.  What  became  of  Martin's  own  legacy  of  £50  4  for  the  Use 
and  Benefitt  and  towards  the  support  of  the  Presbyterian  Meeting 
house  and  Minister  that  shall  preach  to  the  People  that  usually 
Assemble  to  Worship  at  the  Meeting  House  at  Launceston '  is  not 
known,  but  the  Windeatt  papers  have  a  great  deal  of  information 
about  a  legacy  from  Oliver  Bickle. 

Oliver  Bickle,  a  yeoman  of  Lifton,  left  £80  by  his  will  made 
on  29  September  1739  '  for  the  Use  and  Benefit  of  the  Presbyterian 
Minister  that  shoud  statedly  preach  to  the  People  that  usually 
assemble  to  worship  God  at  the  Meeting-house  at  Lanceston  for 
ever  '.8  His  executrix  was  to  buy  a  piece  of  land  approved  of  by 
the  minister  with  the  £80  within  one  year  of  his  death.  However 
before  he  died  he  ordered  another  £20  to  be  added  to  the  gift. 

On  1  March  1742/3,  soon  after  Bickle's  death,  his  executrix, 
Grace  Facey  of  Werrington,  widow,  conveyed  £100  to  James 
Hillow  of  Tavistock,  mercer,  Thomas  Windeat  of  Tavistock, 
fellmonger,  Gabriel  Edgcombe  of  Milton  Abbot,  yeoman,  Matthew 
Cudlipp  of  Tavistock,  clothier,  and  John  Cowan  of  Launceston, 
chapman.  With  the  consent  of  Rev.  Michael  Martin  they  were  to 
be  trustees  for  the  congregation.  It  is  an  interesting  comment  on 
the  congregation  that  only  one  trustee  lived  in  Launceston  and  most 
of  them  were  engaged  in  the  local  cloth  trade.9  Nonconformists 

5 A.  F.  Robbins,  Launceston  Past  and  Present  (1884),  p.  241. 

GDr.  Williams's  Library,  Evans'  List  of  Congregations,  p.  16.  The  congrega 
tion  is  there  given  as  130  hearers,  including  7  gentlemen,  20  tradesmen, 
6  yeomen  and  30  labourers. 

7Robbins  op.  cit.,  p.  271. 

8Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Ace.  242,  A8,  from  which  most  of  the  details 
of  the  dispute  are  taken. 

9Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Ace.  242,  A4.  Windeatt  later  sold  cloth  to  Spain. 


266  A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON 

were  usually  tradesmen  and  rriinor  industrialists  at  this  period. 
The  trustees  were  given  the  power  to  elect  others  '  to  the  End 
that  there  might  be  a  perpetual  succession  of  Trustees  and  the 
Trust  might  not  sink  or  be  defeated  for  Want  of  a  sufficient 
Number '.  This  provision  was  of  course  quite  common  in  noncon 
formist  trust  deeds,  but  the  other  provision  in  this  deed  was  rather 
unusual.  It  was  established  that  if  the  congregation  ceased  to  exist 
or  there  was  no  preaching  in  Launceston  for  more  than  twelve 
months  then  the  interest  on  the  money  was  to  revert  to  Grace 
Facey  and  her  descendants  until  such  time  as  the  congregation 
was  re-established.  In  other  trust  deeds  when  such  a  possibility 
was  taken  into  account  it  was  more  usual  to  order  the  money  to  be 
paid  to  the  nearest  minister  of  the  same  persuasion  or  to  the  poor 
of  the  district. 

Although  Grace  Facey  and  her  trustees  had  bound  themselves 
to  invest  the  money  in  land  it  was  not  actually  paid  over  and 
was  held  as  a  loan  at  interest  by  her  son  John  Facey  on  the  security 
of  certain  tenements  called  Raddon  which  he  owned.  It  could 
therefore  hardly  be  described  as  invested  in  land.  Michael  Martin 
died  on  10  August  1745  leaving  £50  to  James  Hillowe  and  Thomas 
Windeat  for  the  Launceston  meeting  and  £10  to  two  Hatherleigh 
men  for  *  the  Presbyterian  Meeting  House  and  Minister '  there.10 
The  Launceston  meeting  struggled  on  after  his  death  as  the  follow 
ing  account  shows  : 

Received   upon   Account  of   the  Meeting   at  Launceston 
from  Exon  Funds  £800 

from  Launceston  People  £2    2s  6d. 

from  Mrs  Facey  £3  15s  0 

Laid  out  since  the  beginning  of  August  1746 
To  Mr  Castle  £1   15s  0 

To  Mr  Clarke  0  15s  0 

To  Mr  Wreyfords  for  4  times  £3  10s  0 

To  Mr  Watters  at  Christmas  £200 

To  Mr  Edgcombe  for  [illegible]  0  18s  0 

To  repairing  the  Meetting  0    5s  lOd11 

The  £8  received  from  the  Exeter  Assembly  was  probably  a  grant 
from  the  Presbyterian  Fund  allocated  by  the  Assembly  as  Michael 
Martin  had  been  receiving  £6  a  year  from  the  Fund  in  171 8. 12 

1()Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Ace.  242,  A5. 

11  Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Ace.  242,  A6. 

12Dr.  Williams's  Library,  Evans'  List  of  Congregations,  p.  16.  In  February 
1750/1  the  Presbyterian  Fund  discontinued  its  payment  of  £6  to  Laun 
ceston  (Fund  minutes,  microfilm  at  Dr.  Williams's  Library). 


A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON  267 

i 

The  money  from  Mrs.  Facey  was  of  course  the  interest  on  Dickie's 
legacy.  Since  the  congregation  could  only  raise  £2  2s.  6d.  out  of  a 
total  income  of  £13  17s.  6d.  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  could  not 
obtain  a  minister  to  settle  with  them.  However  the  trustees  claimed 
in  1757  that  4  several  Times  in  a  year,  as  occasional  Assistance 
cou'd  be  had,  there  has  been  the  Worship  of  God  in  the  said 
Meeting-House,  and  so  as  that  there  has  been  no  failure  of  Preach 
ing  for  12  Calendar  Months  successively  without  such  assistants 
more  or  less,  and  to  whom  the  said  Interests  and  Profits  have  been 
duly  paid  V3 

In  1752,  after  the  death  of  James  Hillow  and  Gabriel  Edgcombe, 
the  trustees  met  and  elected  S.  Merivale  and  W.  Shellabear  in 
their  places.  On  5  October  1753  the  trustees  and  Grace  Facey 
executed  a  new  trust  deed  which  recited  the  mortgage  given  by  her 
son  on  his  property.  In  this  way  the  trustees  hoped  to  safeguard 
the  legacy  even  though  the  actual  mortgage  deeds  were  not  in  their 
possession.  John  Facey  had  originally  given  these  deeds  to  Gabriel 
^  Edgcombe,  who  was  Facey's  brother-in-law,  but  on  Edgcombe's 
death  they  could  not  be  found  and  Facey  was  believed  to  have 
taken  them.  No  further  action  was  taken  about  this  by  the  trustees 
until  John  Facey  began  to  default  on  the  payment  of  the  interest. 
All  the  trustees  (except  Grace  Facey  who  now  lived  with  her  son) 
met  and  urged  him  to  pay.  After  six  months'  discussion  he 
finally  agreed  to  meet  the  trustees  apd  pay  up.  This  would  have 
been  some  time  in  1756. 

The  rest  of  the  story  can  best  be  told  in  the  words  of  the  original 
statement  by  the  trustees  : 

4  of  the  Trustees  went  to  the  House  of  John  Facey  at  the 
Time  appointed,  where  the  Mother  now  resides.  A  neighbour 
ing  Gentleman  came  in  soon  after,  and  dined  with  them 
there.  After  Dinner  a  Paper  of  Money  was  produced  on  the 
Table,  as  ready  for  Payment,  and  the  Trustees  took,  out  the 
Mortgage  Deed  and  Bond,  and  laid  them  down  on  the  Table 
also.  The  Question  was  then  proposed  who  the  Money  shou'd 
be  paid  to  ;  it  was  answered,  To  the  Person  appointed  by  the 
Majority  of  the  Trustees  to  receive  it.  No,  replied  John  Facey, 
I'll  pay  it  to  my  Mother  as  Principal  Trustee.  Whilst  this 
Matter  was  debating,  he  drew  the  Deed  towards  himself  ;  but 
as  the  Trustees  did  not  expect  any  foul  Play,  little  Notice  was 
taken  of  it,  till  he  had  it  in  his  Possession,  and  to  their  Surprize, 
they  saw  him  throw  it  into  the  Fire.  The  Bond  escaped  his 

I3Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Ace.  242,  A8. 
1    ?  * 


268  A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON 

Hands,  and  one  of  the  Trustees  put  it  into  his  Pocket  before 
John  Facey  coud  destroy  it.  The  Trustees  expostulated,  and 
expressed  their  surprize  at  this  Treatment,  but  they  were  told 
by  the  Gentleman  present,  that  Facey  had  done  no  more  than 
was  right ;  that  Mrs  Facey  had  named  him  (the  said  Gentle 
man)  and  6  others  as  new  Trustees,  (which  she  was  impowerd 
by  the  Will  to  do)  and  he  was  pleased  to  add  that  Care  shou'd 
be  taken,  when  a  stated  Minister  was  settled  at  Launceston, 
that  the  Will  of  the  Donor  shou'd  be  performed.  After  this  the 
Money  was  moved  towards  Mrs  Facey,  and  spread  abroad 
in  order  to  be  counted  ;  but  as  she  was  thought  a  very  im 
proper  Person  to  be  intrusted  with  it,  the  Trustees  rose  up 
and  (3  of  them)  immediately  left  the  House  (without  seeing 
the  Money  paid  as  they  were  told  it  afterwards  was)  and  went 
home  greatly  displeased  with  the  Treatment  they  had  met 
with.14 

The  trustees  consulted  a  London  barrister,  Mr.  Jeffery,  who 
gave  his  opinion  on  7  February  1757.  He  held  that  Mrs.  Facey  had 
no  power  to  appoint  other  trustees  and  that  the  charity  still 
existed  because  occasional  services  were  held  at  Launceston. 
John  Facey  could  not  be  sued  as  he  had  paid  the  money  to  his 
mother  (who  was  still  a  trustee  by  the  old  deed).  The  other  trustees 
could  only  take  action  against  Mrs.  Facey  and  he  advised  filing 
an  information  against  her  to  produce  the  money. 

This  is  the  end  of  the  story  in  the  Bayly  MSS.  We  do  not  know 
whether  the  trustees  sued  Mrs.  Facey.  Even  if  they  were  tempor 
arily  successful,  it  was  not  for  long,  as  all  preaching  ceased  soon 
afterwards  and  the  meeting  house  was  sold  to  a  local  clothier. 
It  was  not  until  1775  that  there  was  a  local  revival,  but  in  1788 
the  congregation  had  grown  large  enough  to  buy  back  the  original 
Castle  Street  meeting  house  for  the  use  of  the  *  Launceston 
Independent  Church '.  When  William  Saltren  was  ordained  their 
first  minister  on  9  June  1790  representatives  of  the  Plymouth 
churches  were  present.15  Was  the  little  bundle  of  Windeat's  papers 
given  to  the  Batter  Street  church  representatives  on  this  occasion 
to  see  if  the  Bickle  legacy  could  be  recovered  now  that  there  was 
once  again  preaching  '  to  the  People  that  usually  assemble  to 
worship  God  at  the  Meeting-House  at  Lanceston '  ?  If  so  the 
Batter  Street  church  would  undoubtedly  have  handed  them  to  the 
barrister  member  of  their  congregation.  This  is  only  a  speculation, 

11  Plymouth  Archives  Dept.,  Acx\  242,  A8. 
]'>Bcip.  Qu.,  vol.  XIII,  p.    I56. 


A  LEGACY  AT  LAUNCESTON  269 

but  it  is  difficult  to  see  any  other  reason  why  the  little  packet  of 
papers  should  be  found  amongst  the  Bayly  MSS.  in  1961. 

C.    EDWIN   WELCH 

I  wish  to  thank  Mr.  Stanley  Griffin  of  Plymouth  who,  as  always,  was  ready 
to  supply  me  with  information  about  West  Country  nonconformity.  The 
first  trust  deed,  which  was  the  first  item  to  be  found,  was  mentioned  in 
Devon  and  Cornwall  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  XXVIII,  p.  324. 


A  1672  Licence  —  Southampton 

Amongst  a  box  of  documents  recently  transferred  from  South 
ampton  Public  Library  to  the  Southampton  Record  Office  was  the 
licence  issued  on  2  May,  1672  for  a  Congregational  meeting  in  the 
house  of  Giles  Say  at  Southampton.  The  details  of  this  licence  are 
of  course  well  known  from  G.  Lyon  Turner's  Original  Records  of 
Nonconformity  (1911),  while  Giles  Say's  career  is  given  in  A.  G. 
Matthews,  Calamy  Revised  (1934),  but  original  licences  are  com 
paratively  scarce.  When  this  licence  was  being  repaired  a  small 
fragment  of  some  contemporary  accounts  was  found  stuck  on  the 
back.  Unfortunately  it  is  too  small  to  identify. 

C.E.W. 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  FATHERS 
Henry  Barrow 

(The  passages  below  are  taken  from  Elizabethan  Nonconformist  Texts  III  : 
The  Writings  of  Henry  Barrow  1587-1590,  edited  by  Leland  H.  Carlson 
(Allen  and  Unwin,  1962)  pp.  84f ;  214-16;  287f ;  306f.  The  publishers  are 
thanked  for  their  co-operation.) 

"  A  Breefe  Sum  of  Our  Profession  "  (1587) 

1.  We  seeke  above  all  things  the  peace  and  protection  of  the 
most  high,  and  the  kingdome  of  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord. 

2.  We  seeke  and  fully  purpose  to  worship  God  aright,  as  he  hath 
commaunded  in  his  holy  worde. 

3.  We  seeke  the  fellowship  and  communion  of  his  faithfull  and 
obedient    servants,    and    together   with   them    to   enter   covenant 
with  the  Lord.  And  by  the  direction  of  his  holy  spirite  to  proceed 
to  a  godly,  free,  and  right  choise  of  ministers  and  other  officers 
by  him  ordained   to  the  service  of  his  church. 

4.  We  seeke  to  establish  and  obey  the  ordinances  and  lawes  of  our 
saviour  Christ,  left  by  his  last  will  and  testament  to  the  governing 
and  guiding  of  his  church,  without  altering,  changing,  innovating, 
wresting,  or  leaving  out  any  of  them,  that  the  Lord  shall  give  us 
sight  of. 

5.  We  purpose  by  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  this  faith 
and  order  to  leade  our  lives.  And  for  this  faith  and  order  to 
leave  our  lives,   if  such  be  the  good  will  and  pleasure  of  our 
heavenly  Father  ;  to  whom  be  all  glory  and  praise  for  ever.  Amen. 

6.  And  now  that  our  forsaking  and  utter  abandoning  these  dis 
ordered  assemblies,  as  they  generally  stand  in  England,  may  not 
seeme  strange  or  offensive  to  any  man,  that  will  judge  or  be 
judged   by  the   worde   of   God  :    we   alledge   and   affirme   them 
hainouslye  faultie,  and  wilfullye  obstinate,  in  these  foure  principall 
transgressions. 

1.  They   worship   the   true   God   after   a   false  manner,   their 
worship  being  made  of  the  invention  of  man,  even  of  that  man 
of  sinne,  erronious,  and  imposed  upon  them. 

2.  Then  for  that  the  profane  ungodly  multitude  without  the 
exception  of  any  one  person,  are  with  them  received  into,  and 
retained  in  the  bosome  and  body  of  their  Church,  etc. 

3.  Then  for  that  they  have  a  false  and  antichristian  ministery 
imposed   upon  them,   retained  with   them,  and   maintained  by 
them. 

270 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  FATHERS  271 

4.  Then  for  that  their  churches  are  ruled  by,  and  remaine  in 
subjection  unto,  an  antichristian  and  ungodly  government,  cleane 
contraty  to  the  institution  of  our  Saviour  Christ. 

"  A   True  Description  out  of  the  Worde  of  God,  of  the  Visible 
Church  "  (1589) 

As  there  is  but  one  God1  and  father  of  all,  one  Lorde  over  all, 
and  one  spirit :  so  there  is  but  one  trueth,2  one  faith,  one  salvation, 
one  church,  called  in  one  hope,  joyned  in  one  profession,  guided 
by  one  rule,3  even  the  worde  of  the  most  high. 

This  church  as  it  is  universallie  understood,  conteyneth  in  it 
all  the  elect4  of  God  that  have  bin,  are  or  shalbe.  But  being 
considered  more  particularlie,  as  it  is  scene  in  this  present  worlde, 
it  consisteth  of  a  companie  and  fellowship  of  faithful5  and  holie0 
people  gathered  (togither)  in  the  name  of  Christ  Jesus,  their  only 
king,7  priest,8  and  prophet,9  worshipping10  him  aright,  being 
peaceablie11  and  quietlie12  governed  by  his  officers  and  Jawes, 
keeping13  the  unitie  of  the  faith  in  the  bonde  of  peace  and  love14 
unfained. 

Most  joyfull,15  excellent,  and  glorious  things  are  everie  where  in 
the  Scriptures  spoken  of  this  church.  It  is  called  the  citie,10  house,17 
temple,18  and  mountaine19  of  the  eternall  God  :  the  chosen20 
generation,  the  holie  nation,  the  peculiar  people,  the  vineyarde,21 
the  garden22  enclosed,  the  spring  shut  up,  the  sealed  fountaine,  the 
orchyard  of  pomgranades  with  sweete  fruites,  the  heritage,"  the 

1Genesis  1:1.  Exodus  20:  3. 

2I  Timothy  2  :  4.  Philippians  1  :  27  (2  :  25).  Ephesians  2:18.  John  8  :  41. 

3Deuteronomy  6:   25.   Romans   10:   8.   II  Timothy   3  :    15.  John  8:   51. 
I  John  2  :  3,  4. 

4Genesis  17.  I  Peter  1  :  2.  Revelation  7  :  9.  I  Corinthians  10  :  3.  John  17  : 
20. 

5Psalms  111  :  1  and  149:  1.  Isaiah  62:  12.  Ephesians  1  :  1.  I  Corinthians 
1  :  2.  Deuteronomy  14:2. 

"Deuteronomy   12  :  5.  John  6  :  37  and  3  :   14  and   12  :  32.  Luke  17  :  3 

7Genesis  44  :   10.  Psalms  45  :  6.  Zechariah  9  :  9.  Hebrews  1  :  8. 

"Romans  8  :  34.  John  17.  Hebrews  5  :  9  and  8  :  1  and  4  :  14. 

"Deuteronomy  18:   15.  Matthew  17:   15.  Hebrews  1:1.  Genesis  14:  18. 
10Exodus  20  :  7,  8.  Leviticus  10:5.  John  4  :  23. 

"Matthew  11  :  29.  I  Corinthians  11  :  16.  Mark  13  :  34.  Revelation  22  :  9. 
12Alison  omits  '  and  quietlie  '. 
13Ephesians  4  :  3.  I  Corinthians  1:13.  Mark  9  :  50. 
14John  13  :  34.  I  Corinthians  13  :  4.  I  Peter  1  :  22.  I  John  3  :  18 
15Psalms  87  :  2.  20Zechariah  8  :  3.  I  Peter  2  :  9. 

™lbid.  21Isaiah  51  (5  :  1)  and  27  :  2. 

17I  Timothy  3:15.  Hebrews  3  :  6.        22Canticles  4:12.  Isaiah  51  :  3. 
18I  Corinthians  3  :  17.  23Isaiah  9  :  25 

19Isaiah  2:  2.  Micah  4:1. 


272  SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  FATHERS 

kingdome2'  of  Christ :  yea  his  sister,25  his  love,  his  spouse,  his 
queene,20  and  his  bodie,27  the  joye  of  the  whole  earth.  To  this 
societie  is  the  covenant28  and  all  the  promises  made  of  peace,29 
of  love,  and  of  salvation,30  of  the  presense31  of  God,  of  his  graces, 
of  his  power,  and  of  his  protection.32 

And  surelie  if  this  church  be  considered  in  hir  partes,  it  shall 
appeare  most  beautifull,  yea  most  wonderfull,  and  even33 
ravishing31  the  senses  to  conceave,  much  more  to  beholde,  what 
then  to  enjoy  so  blessed  a  communion.35  For  behold(,)  her  king30 
and  Lord  is  the  king  of  peace,  and  Lorde  him  selfe  of  all  glorie. 
She  enjoyeth  most  holy  and  heavenly  lawes,37  most  faithfull  and 
vigilant  pastours,38  most  syncere  and  pure  teachers,39  most  carefull 
and  upright  governours,40  most  diligent  and  trustie  deacons,41  most 
lovinge  and  sober  releevers,42  and  a  most  humble,43  meeke,  obedi 
ent,  faithfull  and  loving  people,  everie  stone44  living,  elect  and 
precious,  every  stone  hath  his  beautie,  his  burden,45  and  his  order.46 
All  bound  to  edifie47  one  another,  exhort,  reprove  and  comfort 
one  another,  lovinglie48  as  to  their  owne  members,  faithefully49  as 
in  the  eyes  of  God. 

On  John  Calvin,  the  Church  and  Nation 

Touching  the  person  of  the  author  alledged,"'  1  gladly  ack- 
nowledg  him  a  painful  and  profitable  instrument,  in  the  thinges  he 
saw,  and  times  he  served  in,  yet  not  without  his  manie  errors  and 

•""Micah  3  :  2.  John  3  :  3.  "Canticles  5  :  2. 

2«Psalms  45  :  9. 

-7I  Corinthians  12  :  27.  Ephesians  1  :  23. 

2KGalatians  4  :  28. 

-9Psalms  147  :  14.  II  Thessalonians  3:16. 

;<°Isaiah  46:   13.  Zechariah  14:   17. 

:il  Isaiah  60.  Ezekiel  47.  Zechariah  4:12. 

:<-Ezekiel  48  :  35.  Matthew  28  :  20.  Isaiah  62. 

;i3Alison  omits  '  even  '.  34Canticles  6  :  4,  9. 

:jr>  Alison  has  a  question  mark  here. 

3«Isaiah  62  :  11.  John  12  :  15.  Hebrews  7  :  8. 

:57Matthew  1 1  :  30.  I  John  5  :  3. 

:58Acts  20.  40Romans  12:8. 

;59Romans  12:  7.  41Acts  6. 

42Romans  12  :  8.  John  13  :  17.  Deuteronomy  13  :  17.  Relievers  were  widows 

who  gave  assistance  to  families,  nursed  the  sick,  and  served  as  '  social 

workers '. 

43Matthew  5  :  5.  Deuteronomy  18  :  10.  Ezekiel  36  :  38.  Isaiah  60  :  8. 
44I  Kings  7  :  9.  Zechariah  14  :  21.  I  Peter  2  :  5. 
45Galatians  6  :  2. 

40I  Corinthians  12.  Romans  12:  3.     47Hebrews  10:  24. 
48Leviticus  19:   17  (15:   17).  I  Thessalonians  4:  9. 
49Colossians  3  :  23.  I  John  3  :  20. 
50i.e.  John  Calvin. 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  FATHERS  273 

ignorances,  especially  touching  the  planting,  government,  and 
ordering  of  the  church  of  Christ  :  and  no  mervaile,  for  being  so 
newly  escaped  out  of  the  smoky  fornace  of  poperie,  he  could  not 
so  sodeinly  see  or  attaine  unto  the  perfect  beawtie  of  Sion.  .  .  . 
Touching  this  doctrine,  then,  that  a  Christian  prince  which 
publisheth  and  maintaineth  the  gospell,  doth  forthwith  make  all 
that  realme  (which  with  open  force  resisteth  not  his  proceedinges) 
to  be  held  a  church,  to  whome  an  holy  ministerie  and  sacramentes 
belong,  without  further  and  more  particular  and  personal  trial, 
examination,  confession,  etc.  This  doctrine  we  find  by  the  word  of 
God  to  be  most  false,  corrupt,  uncleane,  dangerous  and  pernicious 
doctrine,  contrarie  to  the  whole  course,  practise,  and  lawes  both 
of  the  Old  and  Newe  Testament ;  breaking  at  once  al  Christian 
order,  corrupting  and  poisoning  al  Christian  communion  and  fellow 
ship,  and  sacrilegiously  profaning  the  holy  thinges  of  God.51 

Discipline  an  Essential  Mark  of  the  Church 

(Calvin  says)  that  where  the  word  of  God  is  sincerely  taught, 
and  the  sacraments  rightly  administered,  there  undoubtedly  is  still 
the  true  church  of  Christ  ;52  although  otherwise  there  be  never  so 
many  mischeifes  abounding,  all  the  wicked  receaved  and  reteined, 
etc.,  no  use  of  the  power  of  Christ  among  them,  either  to  censure 
sinne,  or  cast  out  obstinate  offenders.  ...  I  would  know  of  these 
great  learned  men,  how  it  is  possible  for  the  ministers  of  the 
church,  either  to  preach  the  word  sincerely,  or  administer  the 
sacramentes  rightly,  where  there  is  no  regard  had  to  the  faithfull 
practise  of  the  word,  no  care  to  redresse  thinges  amisse,  no  power 
to  shut  out  or  excommunicathe  (sic)  the  unworthy  :  or  how  they 
can  with  all  their  learning,  whiles  they  stand  pastors  or  teachers 
to  such  an  unbeleeving  profane  people,  or  unto  such  wicked  ones 
as  hate  to  be  rebuked  and  reformed  of  their  sinnes,  preach  the  word, 
exercise  praier,  deliver  the  sacramentes,  blesse  and  dismisse  the 
profane  wicked  people  in  the  peace  and  favour  of  God,  without 
most  high  sacriledg,  profanation  of  Code's  name,  casting  the 
pretious  bodie,  and  blood  of  Christ  to  hoggs  and  doggs,  blessing 
Gode's  enemies,  etc.5Z 

G.F.N. 

51/4  Brief  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church  (1590). 
52Calvin  Institutes,  vol.  II,  book  IV,  chap.  I,  sects.  9-12. 
5*A  Brief  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church. 


REVIEWS 

The  Letter  Books  of  Sir  Samuel  Luke  edited  by  H.  G.  Tibbutt 
(H.M.S.O.  1963,  £5  net) 

Mr.  H.  G.  Tibbutt  is  well  known  to  our  members  for  The  Life 
and  Letters  of  Sir  Lewis  Dyve  (Bedfordshire  Historical  Record 
Society,  1946),  for  sundry  Church  Histories,  and  for  a  great  deal 
of  work  in  building  up  the  Bedford  Museum  collection  of  foreign 
translations  of  The  Pilgrim's  Progress  and  other  Bunyan  material. 
He  has  now  topped  these  achievements  by  editing,  with  an  Intro 
duction,  The  Letter  Books  of  Sir  Samuel  Luke,  a  volume  of  740 
pages,  published  jointly  by  The  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission 
and  The  Bedfordshire  Historical  Records  Society. 

Sir  Samuel  Luke,  a  Parliamentary  Commander,  was  Governor 
of  Newport  Pagnell  from  late  in  1643  till  June  1645,  when  he  laid 
down  his  command  in  accordance  with  the  Self-Denying  Ordinance. 
The  Letter  Books  cover  this  period.  Luke  was  a  Presbyterian  and 
so  had  a  critical  eye  on  the  Independents  and  doubts  about  the, 
as  yet  untried,  New  Model  Army  : 

There  are  two  petitions  gone  up  in  behalf  of  Col.  Cromwell 
to  have  him  made  Lt.  General.  I  wish  you  had  been  here  to 
have  seen  the  new  moulded  army.  ...  If  your  Independents 
keep  their  word  with  God  as  well  as  they  do  with  men,  they 
will  be  rare  creatures  in  a  short  time. 
Later  he  wrote  : 

I  think  these  New  Modellers  knead  all  their  dough  with  ale, 
for  I  never  saw  so  many  drunk  in  my  life  in  so  short  a  time, 
the  men  .  .  .  are  extraordinarily  personable  .  .  .  but  the  officers 
you  will  hardly  distinguish  from  common  soldiers. 
Many  of  the  letters  are  to  or  from  Parliamentary  Commanders, 
especially  the  Earl  of  Essex,  a  close  friend  ;  some  are  to  the  Eastern 
Association  Committee  and  other  County  Committees  ;  some  to 
Parliamentary  Governors  and  Luke's  own  officers  ;  and  a  few  to 
Royalist  Commanders  concerning  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  The 
family  letters — almost  daily  to  his  father,  Sir  Oliver  Luke — are 
always  about  the  war  but  contain  also  references  to  sport  and 
game  : 

...  if  you  come  down  I  doubt  not  but  to  show  you  such 
sport  with  such  pheasants  and  does  as  you  have  not  seen 

274 


REVIEWS  275 

better.  Your  servant  has  killed  6  brace  already  since  coming 
hither.  You  shall  not  fail  weekly  to  receive  your  rabbits  .... 
One  of  the  letters  to  Oliver  Cromwell  relates  to  a  siege  : 

...  I  am  sorry  you  have  no  better  weather  for  your  march, 
nor  they  for  their  siege  at  Crowland,  that  if  this  weather 
should  hold,  it  would  be  impossible  to  unnestle  those  bloody 
rascals  .  .  . 

The  letters  contain  interesting  details  of  military  life  :  weapons, 
tools,  equipment,  food  and  ammunition  ;  and  the  whole  book  gives 
a  lively  picture  of  everyday  events  during  the  civil  war.  It  is  a 
pity  the  price  of  such  an  important  source  book  is  too  high  for 
some  who  would  like  to  own  a  copy,  but  it  should  be  available  in 
any  good  library.  We  offer  warm  congratulations  to  Mr.  Tibbutt. 

B.M. 


The  Exeter  Assembly  1691-1717  edited  by  Allan  Brockett  (Devon 
and  Cornwall  Record  Society,  New  Series,  Vol.  6,  1963,  45s.) 

Mr.  Brockett,  assisted  by  the  Rev.  Roger  Thomas,  has  edited 
the  Minutes  of  the  Assemblies  of  the  United  Brethren  of  Devon 
and  Cornwall  with  skill  and  with  a  commendable  restraint  which 
interposes  no  unwieldy  barrier  of  notes  between  the  text  and  the 
reader.  The  Minutes  cover  a  period  of  exceptional  interest  and  they 
show  something  of  the  blossoming  of  the  corporate  life  of  Non 
conformity  after  Toleration.  Their  publication  in  such  readable 
form  must  be  of  considerable  help  to  all  who  wish  to  obtain  a 
clearer  picture  of  the  ministerial  and  congregational  life  of  the 
times — of  its  many  pains  as  well  as  of  its  rewards  in  Christian 
fellowship. 

There  is  indeed  a  rich  diversity  of  topics.  Perhaps  the  most 
important  is  the  care  and  concern  given  to  the  selection  of  candi 
dates  for  the  ministry,  their  training  and  ordination.  It  strikes  a 
little  strange  to  read  in  1709  that :  '  for  the  future  particular 
inquiry  be  made  into  the  prudence  and  conduct  as  well  as  the 
learning  &  piety  of  persons  to  be  ordain'd  '.  (p.  75)  The  exchange 
of  letters  with  an  Anglican  incumbent  is  of  great  interest  in  these 
days  of  the  wide  encouragement  of  Church  Unity,  (p.  99ff)  The 
Minutes  are  full  of  fascinating  glimpses  of  church  life  which  would 
surely  interest,  and  possibly  benefit,  many  laymen  today. 

The  one  regrettable  feature  of  the  book  is  its  price  but  the 
format  and  printing  are  exceptionally  good. 


276  REVIEWS 

Early  Nonconformity  in  Leicestershire  by  C.  E.  Welch.  (Leicester 
shire  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society,  The  Guildhall, 
Leicester,  1963,  n.p.  reprinted  from  Transactions  of  the  Society, 
Vol.  XXXVII) 

Mr.  Welch's  varied  work  on  the  records  of  Nonconformity 
needs  no  introduction  to  members  of  the  Congregational  Historical 
Society.  In  this  fifteen-page  essay  on  the  occasion  of  the  Tercen 
tenary  of  the  Ejection,  Mr.  Welch  has  brought  together  many 
evidences  of  Puritan  and  Separatist  activity  in  the  county  in  an 
interesting  manner.  All  who  are  keen  to  trace  the  course  of  religious 
dissent  on  a  '  county '  basis  will  be  grateful  for  this  paper  which 
shows  how  much  can  often  be  done  to  fill  some  of  those  tantalizing 
gaps  for  the  years  between  the  turn  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  Civil  War.  Some  readers  may  not  altogether  agree  with  Mr. 
Welch's  aside  on  page  39  about  the  connection  between  religion 
and  politics  even  in  1630. 

N.r. 


Edward  Williams,  D.D.  His  Life,  Thought  and  Influence  by  W.  T. 
Owen  (University  of  Wales  Press,  1963,  18s.) 

Those  who  lead  their  armies  to  victory  receive  abundant 
honours,  but  those  who  lead  retreats  usually  get  forgotten.  Edward 
Williams,  together  with  Andrew  Fuller,  led  the  retreat  from 
full-blooded  Calvinism  to  Moderate  or  liberalized  Calvinism.  As 
Moderate  Calvinism  had  but  a  short  life,  being  succeeded  by 
theological  liberalism,  Williams  and  his  system  became  old- 
fashioned  and  then  forgotten  by  the  end  of  the  last  century.  Dale 
gave  him  one  sentence  ;  Peel  omitted  him  from  his  lists  of  eminent 
Congregationalists  ;  and  not  until  we  reach  Tudur  Jones'  recent 
volume  Congregationalism  in  England  do  we  find  Williams  is  given 
his  due,  and  here  a  foot-note  acknowledges  indebtedness  to  Dr. 
Owen  for  the  use  of  his  then  unpublished  thesis. 

About  half  the  book  is  given  over  to  Williams'  busy  life  (1750- 
1813).  A  Christian  of  his  age,  he  was  involved  in  the  new  move 
ments  which  the  Evangelical  Revival  was  producing,  in  education, 
evangelism  and  missions.  It  was  Williams  who  sent  a  circular  letter 
to  the  Congregational  Churches  of  England  and  Wales  a  year 
before  Bogue's  Address  which  led  directly  to  the  formation  of  the 
London  Missionary  Society.  Dr.  Owen  devotes  a  chapter  to 
Williams'  leading  part  in  planning  the  first  and  ill-fated  Congrega 
tional  Union,  and  suggests  that  the  outcome  of  this  Union  might 


REVIEWS  277 

have  been  very  different  had  it  observed  the  warning  Williams 
gave  it  about  interfering  in  the  matter  of  chapel  cases.  '  Congrega 
tional  churches  are  too  well-acquainted  with  their  inalienable  right ', 
said  he,  for  attempts  to  control  their  appeals  to  succeed. 

Williams'  vocation  was  not  so  much  as  a  pastor,  though  he 
was  for  a  spell  at  Carrs  Lane,  as  a  theological  tutor.  This  work 
began  in  a  simple  way  when  he  was  minister  at  Oswestry  where  he 
kept  a  day  school.  It  developed,  and  for  just  over  ten  years  he 
trained  theological  students  there.  But  his  chief  work  was  at 
Rotherham  Independent  Academy  from  1794  till  his  death.  Dr. 
Owen  gives  us  a  picture  of  life  in  the  Academy  and  of  Williams' 
many  interests  and  particularly  his  preaching  at  this  time. 

The  remainder  of  the  book  rightly  deals  with  Williams  as  a 
theologian  and  here  the  author  has  one's  sympathies.  Williams' 
terminology,  phraseology,  and  indeed  method,  is  foreign  to 
theological  students  of  the  present  day.  Dr.  Owen  wrestles  with 
this  problem  and  clarifies  much  for  us.  We  would,  however,  have 
welcomed  a  fuller  account  of  Williams'  doctrine  and  its  relationship 
to  what  went  before  and  what  came  after.  One  also  wondered  about 
the  relative  parts  played  by  Andrew  Fuller  and  Edward  Williams. 
Perhaps  some  of  the  large  space  devoted  to  demonstrating  Williams' 
influence — and  here  Dr.  Owen  has  the  advantage  of  being  a 
Welshman  like  Williams  and  uses  Welsh  sources  freely— might 
have  been  transferred  to  the  section  on  theology. 

The  original,  full  text  of  the  thesis  probably  had  much  more 
on  Williams'  theology  in  relation  to  that  of  the  age,  and  copies  of 
this  have  been  deposited  in  the  University  of  London  Library  and 
in  New  College.  The  book,  however,  is  well  documented.  At  last 
an  important  and  distinguished  Congregationalist  has  been  given 
his  right  place  in  the  sun. 

An  Apologeticall  Narration  by  Robert  S.  Paul  (United  Church 
Press  and  Independent  Press,  1963,  15s.) 

This  book  contains  a  facsimile  edition  of  the  1643  document 
by  the  five  Dissenting  Brethren  in  protest  against  the  Presby- 
terianism  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  together  with  an  extensive 
introduction  to  the  situation  at  the  time,  biographical  notes  upon 
Thomas  Goodwin,  Philip  Nye  and  company,  textual  notes  and 
a  discussion  of  the  principal  issue,  '  And  what  further  authority  ?  ' 
It  is  a  great  pleasure  for  students  of  early  Congregationalism  to  be 
able  to  have  a  copy  of  this  beautiful  as  well  as  important  and  useful 
pamphlet  on  their  shelves  at  so  reasonable  a  price.  As  Dr.  Paul 


278  REVIEWS 

points  out,  the  Apologeticall  Narration  is  a  good  guide  to  the 
simple  and  elementary  characteristics  of  the  Congregational  or 
Middle  Way.  The  work  is  well  presented  and  fully  documented 
and  we  are  indebted  to  Dr.  Paul  and  our  friends  in  the  United 
States  for  this  contribution  to  historical  study. 

Saints  and  Sectaries  by  Emery  Battis  (North  Carolina  University 
Press  and  Oxford  University  Press,  £3) 

Emery  Battis,  we  understand,  is  associate  professor  of  history 
in  Rutgers  University.  The  dust-cover  adds  an  unusual  description: 
4  and  a  sometime  off-Broadway  actor '.  This  brief  remark  helps 
us  to  appreciate  the  somewhat  unorthodox  nature  of  the  book. 
The  opening  chapters  are  by  the  professor  of  history  but  when  the 
scene  is  set,  the  characters  are  assembled,  and  the  action  gets 
under  way,  the  dramatist  takes  over. 

John  Winthrop  from  his  seat  at  the  center  of  the  long  table, 

surveyed  the  crowded  hall.  At  last  the  hour  had  come  when  his 

defense  of  the  faith  and  his  concern  for  the  commonweal 

must  bring  fruition. 
Down  the  aisle  came  neighbor  Hutchinson,  a  woman  of 

proud   bearing,   who  had  lived  across  the  street  from  him 

these  past  three  years.  How  unlike  his  gentle  Margaret  whose 

letter  from  4  Sad  Boston  '  written  with  '  a  tremblinge  heart ' 

had  reached  him.  (p.  191) 

Yet  in  the  same  book  we  have  56  pages  of  appendices.  The 
settlers  concerned  in  the  Hutchinsonian  affair  are  here  examined 
from  many  angles ;  the  labour  of  innumerable  hours  is  set  out  in 
detailed  tables.  The  bibliography  and  index  occupy  another  twenty 
pages. 

The  conclusion  reached  may  be  briefly,  though  inadequately, 
expressed  for  the  benefit  of  readers  of  Transactions  who  are 
not  likely  to  see  the  book,  and  it  is  that  the  Hutchinsonians 
represented  an  ideological  and  social  protest  against  the  old,  stern, 
puritan  pattern,  which  officially  ruled  both  the  church  and  the  bay. 
They  were  drawn  from  the  '  upper  status  group  ',  rather  than  the 
poor  ;  and  the  author  cannot  find  much  evidence  of  their  sharing 
Anne  Hutchinson's  mysticism  :  they  were  '  practical,  hardheaded 
Puritans  '. 

John  Wilson,  the  Pastor  of  the  church,  who  eventually  delivered 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  upon  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  appears 
as  '  a  crusty  and  formidable  individual  of  dogmatic  stamp  and 
magnificently  irascible  temper '  while  John  Cotton,  the  Teacher, 


REVIEWS  279 

is  '  an  introspective,  almost  timid  man  ',  who  '  shrank  from  human 
contacts  ',  who  wished  to  save  his  erring  disciple  from  the  worst 
penalties  but  could  not  because  of  her  stubborn  stand. 

Dr.  Battis'  sympathies  side  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson  generally.  He 
feels  the  frustration  which  a  gifted,  intelligent  woman  suffered 
in  a  society  which  afforded  no  opportunities  for  leadership.  He 
reminds  us  from  time  to  time  of  her  compassionate  work  as  a 
midwife  ;  and  in  an  appendix  he  seeks  to  explain  her  behaviour 
in  terms  of  menopausal  symptoms.  j  H  T 

By  an  oversight  we  omitted  to  say  that  The  Career  of  John 
Cotton  by  Larzer  Ziff,  reviewed  by  Ralph  F.  G.  Calder  in  our 
last  issue  (p.  242),  published  in  the  United  States  by  Princeton 
University  Press,  is  published  in  this  country  by  the  Oxford 
University  Press,  48s. 
Also  Received 

Historical  Review  of  Bognor   Regis  Congregational  Church- 
Triple  Jubilee  1813-1963  (1963  n.p.). 

Cotton  End  Old  Meeting  by  H.  G.  Tibbutt  (Cotton  End  Baptist 
Church,  1963,  n.p.). 

OUR    CONTEMPORARIES 

The  Society  is  grateful  for  the  following  Journals,  etc.,  which 
have  been  sent  on  an  exchange  basis  : 

The  Journal   of  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  of  England   Vol.  XII 

memhtr        y   <  ™3)   "*Iudes    ™    artide    bV  N.    Caplan,    one    of   our   own 
members,  on     The  Stedman  Case  '  ;  and  a  useful  short  historical  note  on 
Dissenters  or  Nonconformists'  by  J    M    Ross 

fcSSE}°!S«i?^  ^     U.nitarian     HtooHcal    Society     Vol.    XIII     No.     1 

(October  1963)  also  carries  an  article  by  Mr.  Caplan  :-'The  Numerical 
Strength  of  Nonconformity,  1669-76  :  Sussex'.  Dr.  Jeremy  Goring  writes 
"'f  ^  £*?"**  ?f  the  Great  Ejection  of  1662  stresfing  the 


>  His<orical  Society    Vol.   50  No.   2   (Autumn 

by  Richard  T-  vann  °n 


• 

1  artide  on  'The  Revfcrend  John  Ash< 


. 

The  Baptist  Quarterly   Vol    XX  • 

LL.D1 

Iw  M(AiP'Fil^%3)  indudes  an  account  by  K.  R.  Short  of  '  Baptist  Wriothe- 
NoV  ^nii'v  ^^T8d^al«Anglifn  Who  left  the  Establishment  in  1848. 
and  F,,^m?6K}  FaVh^^u  °f  aLseries  of  articles  on  'Andrew  Fuller 
and  Fullensm  by  E.  F.  Chpsham  (the  second  is  in  No.  4,  October  1963) 
R  K.  Orchards  address  to  the  OSA  of  the  Northern  College  is  included- 
today  ?'r  ^  WC  StlH  takC  '  1662'  int°  aCCOUnt  in  EcunSi«I  Relations 


Prwdings  of  the  Wesley  Historical  Society,  Vol.  XXXIV  Parts  1,  2  and 
3  (March,  June  and  September  1963).  W  W  B 

1   9 


A    NOTE   ON   THE   EJECTED   MINISTERS 
(1660-2)   IN   WALES 

One  of  the  most  original  and  useful  contributions  to  the  tercen 
tenary  of  the  Great  Ejection  of  1662  is  hidden  from  English  eyes 
in  no.  31  (August  1962)  of  our  contemporary,  Y  Cofiadur  (the 
Transactions  of  the  Welsh  Independents'  Historical  Society).  The 
whole  of  this  number  (93  pages)  is  devoted  to  an  annotated  list 
of  the  ministers  known  to  have  been  ejected  in  Wales,  which  has 
been  compiled  by  the  editor  of  Y  Cofiadur,  Dr.  R.  Tudur  Jones, 
and  Mr.  B.  G.  Owens,  together  with  a  brief  historical  and  statistical 
preface.  From  this  it  appears  that  130  ministers  were  ejected  from 
livings  in  Wales,  some  from  each  of  the  thirteen  counties  (i.e. 
including  Monmouth),  by  far  the  largest  number  (23)  being  ejected 
from  Glamorgan  and  the  smallest  (1)  from  Merioneth  ;  and  that 
nearly  three-quarters  of  them  were  ejected  before  the  passing  of  the 
Act  of  Uniformity  in  May  1662.  The  names  of  sixteen  Welsh 
ministers  included  by  Calamy  in  error  are  also  given  in  an 
appendix. 

In  Calamy  Revised  A.  G.  Matthews  deliberately  omitted  '  the 
ejections  in  the  four  Welsh  dioceses ',  leaving  these  over  '  to  a 
native  of  the  Principality'.  Of  the  130  Welshmen  only  ten  find 
a  place  in  Calamy  Revised. 

This  slim  volume  thus  does  at  last  for  Wales  what  Matthews 
did  for  England  and  deserves  a  place  on  the  shelf  beside  Calamy 
Revised.  The  editors  point  out  that,  if  the  120  new  names  be  added 
to  Matthews'  figures  for  England,  the  total  rises  slightly  higher  than 
the  traditional  but  often  queried  figure  of  two  thousand  ;  and  some 
there  will  be  who  have  no  memorial.  Thirty-four  ministers  are 
known  to  have  conformed  later,  while  two  became  Quakers. 
Twenty-two,  a  much  higher  proportion  than  in  England,  are  listed 
as  Congregational. 

The  ministers'  wills,  which  are  in  English,  sometimes  indicate 
what  books  they  specially  valued.  Matthew  Jenkins,  for  instance, 
the  ejected  vicar  of  Gresford,  Denbighshire,  mentions  Eusebius, 
Aquinas,  Marlorat,  Musculus,  Ames,  Chillingworth  and  Twisse. 
Eight  of  the  Congregational  men  were  of  sufficient  note  to  find 
inclusion  in  the  Dictionary  of  Welsh  Biography  (1959).  A  number 
of  references  to  some  of  these  Welsh  ejected  ministers  will  also  be 
found  in  two  of  the  1962  Hibbert  Lectures,  The  Beginnings  of 
Nonconformity  1660-1700  (Jas.  Clarke,  1964). 

GEOFFREY    F.   NUTTALL 
280 


1662  AND  ITS  ISSUES 

A  Congregational  Historical  Society  Transactions  Supplement 

EDITED  BY  JOHN  H.  TAYLOR,  B.D. 

VOL.  xix.  APRIL  1962 

CONTENTS 

Introduction  by  John  Hux table,  MA 1 

Uniformity  and  Nonconformity  by  Wilfred   W.   Biggs,  M.Th.       ...          4 

Church  and  State  by  John  H.  Taylor,  B.D "       15 

Reordination  and  the  Ministry  by  Ronald  Booking,  M.Th 23 

Liturgy  and  Ceremony  by  David  Dews,  B.A 30 

Note :    The    authors    alone    are    responsible   for    the    views    they    express. 


Introduction 

Congregationalists  as  a  rule  do  not  have  as  precise  or  self- 
conscious  a  racial  memory  as  members  of  some  other 
Communions  ;  and  it  may  well  be,  therefore,  that  the  forthcoming 
Commemoration  of  the  Great  Ejectment  of  1662  will  find  some  of 
them  in  an  embarrassing  position.  That  so  decisive  an  event  in 
British  religious  history  should  be  commemorated  few  will  doubt ; 
but  without  accurate  knowledge  of  what  took  place  and  of  the 
main  issues  at  stake  no  commemoration  could  be  worthy.  The 
essays  which  comprise  this  volume  are  designed  to  help  those 
who  feel  the  need  of  being  reminded  of  those  matters  of  conscience 
for  which  our  fathers  took  so  memorable  a  stand  and  of  the 
relevance  of  this  historic  controversy  to  the  present  task  of  the 
churches. 

It  is  important,  for  instance,  to  realize  that  not  all  the  ejected 
ministers  were  of  precisely  the  same  mind.  Some  would  have 
remained  within  the  Established  Church  had  its  constitution  been 
more  in  accord  with  their  understanding  of  Christian  obedience  : 
they  were  not  against  the  establishment  of  religion  on  principle. 
But  others  were.  Some  left  the  Established  Church  in  1662  to  return 
later ;  while  others  who  conformed  on  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  later 
left  the  Church  of  England  and  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  Dis 
senters.  It  is  not  for  us  here  to  assess  the  motives  of  those  who 

1  *  1 


2  INTRODUCTION 

participated  in  this  two-way  traffic.  It  is  sufficient  to  notice  the 
evidence  that  the  situation  must  have  been  perplexing,  that  men  of 
conscience  differed  in  judgment,  that  some  took  steps  in  1662  which 
they  subsequently  retraced,  and  that  those  whom  we  commemorate 
were  not  all  of  precisely  the  same  colour. 

They  were  all,  however,  exercised  about  the  same  great  issues. 
What  is  the  true  relation  of  Church  and  State  ?  To  what  extent 
should  the  State  protect  the  Church  ?  Could  it  be  right  for  the 
State  to  decide  what  form  of  the  Christian  religion  its  citizens' 
should  follow  ?  The  way  in  which  these  issues  were  settled  in  1662 
set  the  pattern  of  English  religious  )ife  for  subsequent  centuries ; 
and  the  struggle  as  a  result  of  which  Dissenters  were  at  last  liber 
ated  from  the  penalties  of  the  Clarendon  Code  affected  Church 
relations  for  a  long  period.  We  now  live  in  an  entirely  different 
atmosphere.  The  Established  and  the  Free  Churches  live  together 
on  terms  of  real  cordiality  and  frequently  work  together  in  all 
manner  of  concerns.  Anglicans  are  not  as'  content  with  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  as  their  forefathers  were  three  hundred  years  ago,  and 
some  of  them  are  anxious  for  a  new  religious  settlement ;  and 
Free  Churchmen,  on  the  other  hand,  are  not  as  unanimously 
against  some  kind  of  national  recognition  of  religion  as  were  some 
of  their  predecessors  and  have  come  to  a  view  nearer  to  certain 
of  their  founding  fathers  :  at  least,  they  are  not  averse  to  con 
siderable  financial  and  other  concessions  from  the  State.  Meanwhile, 
Christians  in  other  lands  are  confronted  with  tyranny  and  perse 
cution.  This  1662  issue  is  as  relevant  in  Warsaw  and  Peking  as 
it  is  in  London. 

Behind  this  political  issue,  however,  there  lay  two  deeper  ones, 
the  most  profound  of  which  concerned  the  nature  of  the  Church  and 
its  ministry.  How  should  those  who  are  called  by  God  to  the  holy 
ministry  be  authorized  to  do  their  work  ?  Is  ordination  by  a 
bishop  desirable  only,  or  is  it  essential  ?  What  is  the  status  of  a 
minister  who  has  been  otherwise  ordained  ?  May  he  undertake 
ministerial  duties  within  the  Church  of  England  without  ordination, 
simply  by  declaring  that  he  accepts  its  teaching  and  practice  ?  Or 
should  he  be  reordained  episcopally ;  and  if  so,  what  bearing  does 
that  have  upon  his  previous  ministry  ?  Is  the  price  of  ministry 
within  an  episcopal  church  the  admission  that  any  previous  minis 
try  is  somehow  defective,  invalid  or  null  ?  Such  questions  remain 
with  us,  and  are  the  constant  subject  of  discussion  wherever 
Christians  consider  what  is  involved  in  that  reunion  of  Christendom 
to  wnich  all  at  least  pay  lip-service.  For  reasons  which  Mr.  Docking 

1  * 


INTRODUCTION  3 

expounds  on  a  later  page  this  matter  cannot  and  ought  not  to  be 
discussed  apart  from  the  nature  of  the  Church  ;  and  behind  that 
problem  lies  another  :  how  is  authority  exercised  in  the  Church  ? 
Our  fathers  declared  that  all  was  to  be  done  agreeably  to  the 
Word  of  God.  We  often  use  the  same  formula  ;  but  we  often  hide 
from  ourselves  the  fact  that  we  think  of  the  Word  of  God  very 
differently  from  our  fathers.  They  were  persuaded  that  the  Scrip 
tures  provided  a  blue-print  for  Church  Order  :  what  was  needed 
was  to  reproduce  in  the  seventeenth  century  what  had  been  done 
by  the  earliest  Christians.  We  can  no  longer  think  of  the  Bible  in 
such  terms  ;  and  even  if  we  did  suppose  that  such  a  pattern  of 
Church  Order  could  be  extracted  from  the  Bible,  we  should  ask 
whether  it  need  be  slavishly  followed.  What  then  do  we  mean  by 
describing  a  Church  Order  as  '  scriptural '  ? 

It  was  not  only  the  ordering  of  the  Church  which  had  to  be 
scriptural  :  the  same  applied  to  worship.  Our  fathers  did  not 
discuss  liturgy  in  terms  of  taste  ;  nor  did  they  judge  such  matters 
on  the  basis  of  what  was  temperamentally  congenial.  They  argued 
from  principle,  and  said  that  certain  features  of  the  1662  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  were  out  of  keeping  with  the  Word  of  God.  They 
differed  among  themselves  as  to  the  extent  of  this  failing  ;  but  this 
was  the  gravamen  of  their  charge.  It  so  happens  that  we  are  living 
in  a  time  of  liturgical  renewal  ;  and  we  have  opportunity  to  be 
familiar  with  the  worship  of  other  Christians.  We  are  therefore  in  a 
relatively  good  position  to  consider  what  should  be  the  character 
and  the  quality  of  the  worship  of  the  Church.  Once  again,  what 
does  the  adjective  '  scriptural '  mean  in  this  connection  ? 

It  is  to  such  issues  as  these  that  the  Commemoration  of  1662 
bids  us  address  our  minds.  And  it  is  because  the  essays  in  this 
volume  expound  them  both  in  their  historical  setting  and  in  relation 
to  our  contemporary  scene  that  I  count  it  an  honour  to  commend 
them  to  the  serious  study  of  Congregationalists  everywhere. 


The  Principal's  Lodge,  ..QHN  HUXTABLE 

New  College,  London. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  The  editor  and  contributors  wish  to  express  their 
debt  of  gratitude  to  Principal  Huxtable  for  his  warm  encouragement  and 
particularly  for  his  helpful  suggestions  on  Issues  I  and  II  They  are 
similarly  grateful  to  Dr.  G.  F.  Nuttatl  of  New  College  with  respect  to  the 
first  essay,  and  to  Dr.  J.  A.  Guillum  Scott.  Secretary  of  the  Church 
Assembly,  with  respect  to  Issue  I. 

1  * 

1   9  * 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

i 

On  19  May,  1662  the  Royal  Assent  was  given  to  'An  Act  for 
the  Uniformity  of  Public  Prayers  and  Administration  of  Sacraments 
and  other  Rites  and  Ceremonies  :  and  for  establishing  the  form 
of  making,  ordaining,  and  consecrating  Bishops,  Priests  and 
Deacons,  in  the  Church  of  England  \ 

The  preamble  of  the  Act  is  worth  noting  in  detail,  for  it  indicates 
both  the  basis,  and  the  aims  of  the  legislation. 

Whereas,  in  the  first  year  of  the  late  Queen  Elizabeth,  there 
was  one  uniform  order  of  common  service  and  prayer,  and  of 
the  administration  of  sacraments,  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Church  of  England.  .  .  .  And  yet  this,  notwithstanding,  a  great 
number  of  people  in  divers  parts  of  this  realm,  following  their 
own  sensuality,  and  living  without  knowledge,  and  due  fear  of 
God,  do  wilfully  and  schematically  abstain  and  refuse  to  come 
to  their  parish  churches  .  .  .  and  whereas,  by  the  great  and 
scandalous  neglect  of  the  ministers  in  using  the  said  order  or 
liturgy  so  set  forth  and  enjoined  as  aforesaid,  great  mischiefs 
and  inconveniences,  during  the  time  of  the  late  unhappy  troubles, 
have  arisen  and  grown,  and  many  people  have  been  led  into 
factions  and  schisms,  to  the  great  decay  and  scandal  of  the 
reformed  religion  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  to  the  hazard 
of  many  souls.  For  prevention  thereof  in  time  to  come,  for 
settling  the  peace  of  the  church,  and  for  allaying  the  present 
distempers  which  the  indisposition  of  the  time  hath  contracted, 
the  king's  majesty  (according  to  his  declaration  of  the  five-and- 
twentieth  of  October,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty) 
granted  his  commission,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  to 
several  bishops  and  other  divines,  to  review  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  and  to  prepare  such  alterations  and  additions  as  they 
thought  fit  to  offer.  .  .  . 

The  Act  then  proceeds  as  follows  : 

Now  in  regard  that  nothing  conduceth  more  to  the  settling  of 
the  peace  of  this  nation  .  .  .  than  a  universal  agreement  in  the 
public  worship  of  Almighty  God,  and  to  the  intent  that  every 
person  within  the  realm,  may  certainly  know  the  rule  to  which 
he  is  to  conform  in  public  worship.  ...  Be  it  enacted  .  .  .  that  all 
and  singular  ministers  in  any  cathedral,  collegiate,  or  parish 
church  or  chapel,  or  'jther  place  of  public  worship  within  this 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY  5 

realm  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  and  town  of  Berwick- 
upon-Tweed,  shall  be  bound  to  say  and  use  the  morning  prayer, 
evening  prayer,  celebration  and  administration  of  both  the 
sacraments,  and  all  other  the  public  and  common  prayer,  in 
such  order  and  form  as  is  mentioned  in  the  said  book  annexed 
and  joined  to  this  present  Act,  .... 

Be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  that  every  parson,  vicar,  or  other 
minister  whatsoever,  who  now  hath  and  enjoyeth  any  ecclesias 
tical  benefice  or  promotion  within  this  realm  of  England,  or 
places  aforesaid,  shall  in  the  church,  chapel,  or  place  of  public 
worship  belonging  to  his  said  benefice  or  promotion,  upon  some 
Lord's  day  before  the  feast  of  St.  Bartholomew,  which  shall  be  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  God  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty 
two,  openly,  publicly,  and  solemnly  read  the  morning  and 
evening  prayer  appointed  to  be  read  by  and  according  to  the 
said  Book  of  Common  Prayer  at  the  times  thereby  appointed  ; 
and  after  reading  thereof,  shall  openly  and  publicly,  before  the 
congregation  there  assembled,  declare  his  unfeigned  assent  and 
consent  to  the  use  of  all  things  in  the  said  book  contained.  .  .  . 

And  that  all  and  every  such  person  who  shall  .  .  .  neglect  or 
refuse  to  do  the  same  .  .  .  shall,  ipso  facto,  be  deprived  of  all 
his  spiritual  promotions.  And  that  from  thenceforth  it  shall  be 
lawful  to,  and  for  all  patrons  ...  to  present  or  collate  to  the 
same,  as  though  the  person,  or  persons  so  offending  or  neglecting 
were  dead. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  that  every  dean,  canon,  and 
prebendary,  of  every  cathedral  or  collegiate  church,  and  all 
masters,  and  other  heads,  fellows,  chaplains,  and  tutors  of  or  in 
,  any  college,  hall,  house  of  learning,  or  hospital,  every  public 
professor  and  reader  in  either  of  the  universities,  and  in  every 
college  elsewhere,  and  every  parson,  vicar,  curate,  lecturer  and 
every  other  person  in  holy  orders  and  every  schoolmaster  keep 
ing  any  public  or  private  school,  and  every  person  instructing 
or  teaching  any  youth  in  any  house  or  private  family  as  a  tutor 
or  schoolmaster,  who  upon  the  first  day  of  May  which  shall  be 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God  one  thousand  six  hundred  and 
sixty-two,  or  at  any  time  thereafter  .  .  .  shall  before  the  feast  day 
of  St  Bartholomew  .  .  .  subscribe  the  declaration  .  .  . 

I,  A.B.  do  declare,  that  it  is  not  lawful,  upon  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  to  take  arms  against  the  king  :  .  .  .  that  I  do  hold 

1  * 


6  UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

there  lies  no  obligation  upon1  me  ...  from  the  oath  commonly 
called,  The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  .  .  . 

And  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  that  no  person  whatsoever  shall 
thenceforth  be  capable  to  be  admitted  to  any  parsonage,  vicar 
age,  benefice,  or  other  ecclesiastical  promotion  or  dignity 
whatsoever,  nor  shall  presume  to  consecrate  and  administer  the 
holy  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  before  such  time  as  he  shall 
be  ordained  priest  according  tq  the  form  and  manner  in  and  by 
the  said  book  prescribed,  unless  he  have  formerly  been  made 
priest  by  episcopal  ordination  ;  .  .  . 

And  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  that  if  any  person  who  is  by  this 
Act  disabled  to  preach  any  lecture  or  sermon,  shall,  during  the 
time  he  shall  continue  or  remain  so  disabled,  preach  any  sermon 
or  lecture ;  that  then,  for  every  such  offence,  the  person  and 
persons  so  offending  shall  suffer  three  months'  imprisonment  in 
the  common  gaol  .  .  . 

II 

Such  are  the  principal  features  of  the  Act  which  brought  to  birth 
the  English  Free  Churches.  It  did  not  bring  into  being  the  type  of 
churchmanship  to  which  they  bear  witness,  but  it  did  force  that 
church manship  to  find  expression  outside  the  Establishment.  The 
Cavalier  Parliament,  looking  back  to  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth  I, 
could  see  only  one  possible  solution  to  the  ecclesiastical  situation  : 
the  Puritans  must  either  conform  to  the  clearly  defined  pattern  of 
Church  Order  set  out  in  the  revised  Prayer  Book  and  associated 
with  the  restored  Episcopate,  or  else  be  ejected.  Episcopal  ordina 
tion  alone  was  recognised  as  valid  ;  all  ministers  were  required  to 
give  unfeigned  assent  and  consent  to  the  contents  of  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  ;  and,  in  the  political  realm,  all  ministers  and 
teachers  of  every  kind  were  required  to  accept  a  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance,  renouncing  all  obligations  incurred  under  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant.  This  last  was  an  oath  which  in  1644  had 
been  imposed  on  all  Englishmen  over  the  age  of  eighteen  years.  It 
was  concerned  with  the  preservation  of  the  Reformed  religion,  the 
rooting  out  of  popery,  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  Parliament, 
the  exposing  of  the  enemies  of  Reformed  religion,  and  the  main 
tenance  of  the  present  peace.  The  penalty  for  failure  to  comply 
with  the  Act  was  ejection  on  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  24  August, 
1662. 

In  the  setting  of  the  Restoration  of  the  Monarchy  there  is  nothing 
surprising  about  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  The  triumphant  royalist 

1  * 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

clergy  and  the  newly-elected  Cavalier  House  of  Commons  were 
naturally  intent  upon  reversing  the  situation  which  had  prevailed 
during  the  Commonwealth.  Revenge  had  its  place  in  the  complex 
of  motives  which  gave  rise  to  the  punitive  laws  known  as  the 
Clarendon  Code.  The  spirit  of  Archbishop  Laud  had  persisted 
among  the  clergy  who  had  gone  into  exile  after  the  Parliamentary 
victory  in  the  Civil  War,  and  it  was  this  numerically  small  but 
active  and  vocal  group  which  led  the  movement  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  Episcopacy  in  1660.  The  1662  Act  represents  the 
goal  of  a  well-organized  group  of  High  Churchmen. 

The  majority  of  parishes  had  been  little  affected  by  the  fall  of 
Laud  and  by  the  improvised  ecclesiastical  system  which  replaced 
Episcopacy  during  the  Commonwealth.  Many  of  the  clergy,  though 
not  necessarily  all  4  Vicars  of  Bray ',  were  not  fanatical  adherents 
of  any  particular  type  of  Church  Order.  There  were  many  seques 
trations,  of  course ;  it  has  been  estimated  that  about  30  per  cent., 
of  the  parish  clergy  were  removed  from  their  livings.  Some  were 
removed  for  refusal  to  give  up  using  the  Prayer  Book  ;  others  were 
alleged  to  be  insufficiently  qualified ;  others  were  accused  of 
scandalous  living,  a  charge  capable  of  substantiation  in  not  a  few 
instances.  In  their  places  were  appointed  ministers  of  a  variety  of 
persuasions,  the  majority  of  them  Presbyterians,1  a  small  number 
Independents,  and  a  very  few  Baptists.  At  first,  the  control  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  was  in  the  hands  of  Parliament ;  later,  it  was 
exercised  by  the  Lord  Protector,  whose  Commissioners,  or 
*  Triers ',  appointed  to  screen  candidates  for  ministerial  office, 
interfered  hardly  at  all  with  specifically  religious  matters,  other 
than  forbidding  the  use  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  Thus  the 
national  church  comprehended  men  of  varying  churchmanship. 
Only  the  Laudians2  had  no  place  within  it. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Commonwealth  the  majority  of  ministers, 
including  those  who  were  enthusiastic  for  the  Parliamentary  cause, 
had  received  episcopal  ordination.  But  Episcopacy  was  abolished 
by  Parliament  in  1646,  and  new  men  entering  the  ministry  after 
that  date  were  ordained  either  by  a  Presbyterian  district  court, 
or  else  by  the  churches  to  which  they  were  called.  Even  so,  at  the 
Restoration  a  considerable  number  of  Presbyterians,  including 
Richard  Baxter  and  other  leading  figures,  were  prepared  to  accept 
some  form  of  episcopal  settlement,  and  were  to  the  fore  in  welcom 
ing  the  prospect  of  Charles'  return  to  the  throne,  after  Cromwell's 
death  in  1658  had  left  a  political  vacuum. 

1  * 


8  UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

Many  of  the  parish  ministers  naturally  welcomed  the  Restoration 
as  marking  a  return  to  the  days  before  the  Civil  War,  though,  it 
should  be  added,  they  were  not  necessarily  enthusiastic  for  the 
policies  of  the  returning  Laudians  and  the  younger  men,  often 
tutored  by  sequestrated  clergymen,  who  entered  Parliament  in 
1661.  They  were  not  the  instigators  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity, 
which  dealt  a  death  blow  to  the  hoped-for  scheme  of  compre 
hension  visualised  by  the  Presbyterians.  Charles'  Declaration  from 
Breda  in  April  1660  had  seemed  to  offer  grounds  for  such  a  hope, 
and  this  was  further  encouraged  by  his  later  Declaration  of  25 
October  the  same  year  ;  but  the  future  pattern  of  Church  Order 
was  to  be  fashioned  neither  by  Charles  nor  by  the  Presbyterians  ; 
it  was  the  High  Church  Party  which  won  the  day. 

While  Baxter  and  many  Presbyterians  looked  for  comprehension, 
the  most  Independents  could  hope  for  was  a  measure  of  toleration  ; 
they  were  unable  to  come  to  terms  with  Episcopacy  even  in  a 
modified  form.  In  the  outcome  neither  of  the  Puritan  parties 
achieved  its  goal  :  uniformity  on  a  rigid  episcopalian  basis  was 
strictly  enforced. 

Events  followed  an  almost  inevitable  course.  The  Establishment 
was  rapidly  recaptured  by  the  triumphant  royalists,  and  the  Prayer 
Book  was  gradually  reintroduced.  Quite  naturally,  the  survivors 
among  those  ejected  by  Parliament  demanded  the  return  of  their 
livings.  In  some  cases  they  took  the  law  into  their  own  hands  :  it 
seems  clear  that  many  Puritan  ministers,  forseeing  the  inevitable, 
quietly  relinquished  possession.  The  restoration  of  the  sequestrated 
was  confirmed  by  an  Act  for  Confirming  and  Restoring  Ministers, 
which  received  the  Royal  Assent  29  December,  1660.  This  Act 
also  legalised  a  number  of  other  displacements  of  '  Commonwealth  ' 
ministers  :  A.  G.  Matthews  has  estimated  that  about  800  were 
ejected  at  this  time.  Otherwise,  ministers  appointed  since  January 
1642/3  were  confirmed  in  their  livings,  unless  they  had  petitioned 
for  the  trial  of  Charles  I,  or  had  actively  opposed  his  son's  return. 

In  Parliament,  which  for  about  a  year  after  the  Restoration  had 
had  a  powerful  Puritan  element,  the  balance  was  changed  by  new 
elections.  All  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  were  required  to 
receive  the  Sacrament  according  to  the  Prayer  Book  rite,  on  pain  of 
disqualification.  The  bishops  returned  to  the  House  of  Lords.  The 
revision  of  the  Prayer  Book  for  which  the  Puritans  had  asked  was 
indeed  carried  out,  but  this  brought  little  satisfaction  to  the 

1  * 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY  9 

petitioners.  The  Book  to  be  revised  was  that  of  Elizabeth,  estab 
lished  in  1559,  and  already  revised  in  1604  after  the  Hampton 
Court  conference.  About  600  changes  were  made,  mostly  verbal, 
and  although  a  few  were  designed  to  meet  Puritan  objections  to  the 
old  book,  others  made  the  Prayer  Book  even  more  objectionable. 
In  particular,  the  great  emphasis  laid  on  the  distinction  between 
the  bishop  and  the  priest,  and  the  stressing  of  the  priestly  character 
of  the  ministry,  increased  Puritan  opposition.  This  revised  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  became  the  authorised  liturgy  on  24  August, 
1662,  for  the  Bill  of  Uniformity,  which  had  already  passed  the 
Commons  in  1661,  was  passed  by  the  Lords,  and  received  the 
Royal  Assent  19  May,  1662. 

What  did  Archbishop  Sheldon  and  his  fellow  bishops  expect  ? 
Did  they  regard  the  Act  as  an  instrument  with  which  to  purge  the 
Church  of  Puritan  Doctrine  ?  This  is  unlikely,  for,  though  the  new 
Anglicanism  of  Laud  and  his  successors  had  no  place  for  the 
Calvinism  which  was  characteristic  of  the  Puritans  and  which  had 
been  acceptable  to  the  Church  of  England  in  the  previous  century, 
it  was  not  intolerant  of  theological  differences.  What  the  Caroline 
bishops  could  not  tolerate  were  divergences  from  the  established 
pattern  of  worship  and  discipline.  Laud  expressed  this  clearly  : 
'  Unity  cannot  long  continue  in  the  Church  when  uniformity  is 
shut  out  at  the  church  door ',  and  :  *  No  external  action  in  the 
world  can  be  uniform  without  some  ceremonies  .  .  .  Ceremonies  are 
the  hedge  that  fence  the  substance  of  religion  from  all  the  indignities 
which  profaneness  and  sacrilege  too  commonly  put  upon  it  \3  It  was 
uniformity  of  liturgy  and  polity  which  the  Established  Church  of 
1662  sought  to  enforce. 

In  essence,  this  merely  re-emphasized  the  attitude  of  Church 
leaders  in  Elizabethan  times.  In  detail,  the  Act  of  Uniformity  did  go 
beyond  the  demands  made  in  the  sixteenth  century.  It  was  applied 
in  face  of  a  different  situation  :  the  existence  of  a  body  of  ministers 
who,  partly  because  of  circumstances,  had  not  been  episcopally 
ordained,  raised  problems  of  conscience  which  had  not  been  present 
earlier.  Nevertheless,  there  was  nothing  fundamentally  new  about 
the  policy  adopted  by  the  Laudians. 

The  attitude  of  the  Nonconformists  likewise  represented  prin 
ciples  which  can  be  traced  back  to  Elizabethan  times.  Those  who 
refused  to  conform  in  1662  did  so  on  grounds  with  which  their 
forefathers  would  have  been  familiar.  They  were  heirs  of  a  tradition 


10  UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

of  nonconformity  to  attempted  enforcement  of  set  ceremonial  and 
fixed  forms  of  words  in  worship.  For  a  century  Puritans  had  been 
striving  for  a  fuller  reformation  of  the  Church's  liturgy  and 
polity  ;  although  the  Establishment  was  or  believed  itself  to  be 
loyal  to  the  Reformation,  there  was  enough  similarity  to  the 
Roman  pattern  to  arouse  anxiety  and  criticism  in  the  Reformed 
Churches  of  the  Continent. 

The  detailed  provisions  of  the  Act  made  conformity  impossible 
for  many  Puritans.  Ceremonies  objected  to  on  scriptural  grounds 
were  being  enforced  ;  fixed  forms  of  words  were  enjoined,  which, 
they  believed,  denied  the  reality  of  the  Holy  Spirit's  promised  aid  in 
worship  ;  the  necessity  of  episcopal  ordination  was  given  renewed 
emphasis.  Thus  it  was  that  on  or  before  St.  Bartholomew's  Day 
about  a  thousand  ministers  were  compelled  to  leave  their  homes 
and  their  churches.  A.  G.  Matthews  has  patiently  and  painstakingly 
examined  available  sources  of  information,  and  his  conclusions 
have  won  general  approval.  A  summary  of  his  figures  is  included  at 
the  end  of  this  essay. 

Ill 

Although  it  is  impossible  to  separate  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  and 
its  immediate  effect  of  excluding  the  Puritans  from  the  Church  of 
England  as  by  law  established,  from  the  vindictive  legislation  which 
was  passed  in  later  years,  it  is  important  to  realise  that  they 
are  not  necessarily  connected.  The  former  was  the  Laudian  answer 
to  the  Puritan  request  for  comprehension  ;  the  latter  was  the  answer 
to  the  claim  for  toleration.  It  may-be  added  the  latter  was  prompted 
partly  by  fear.  The  spectre  of  the  Roundheads  could  not  be  wholly 
exorcised  by  the  authorities,  for  whom  political  and  religious 
considerations  were  deeply  intertwined.  But  the  severity  of  the 
penal  code  is  one  thing,  the  significance  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
is  another.  The  sufferings  of  the  ejected  were  incidental  to  the 
Act,  though  the  laws  which  followed  probably  reflected  with  some 
accuracy  the  mood  of  those  who  placed  it  on  the  Statute  Book. 

Of  course  the  ministers  and  their  dependents  suffered,  many  of 
them  severely  ;  many  endured  poverty  or  persecution  or  both. 
While  a  number  were  men  of  independent  means,  whose  loss  of 
livelihood  and  home  was  not  a  financial  disaster — William  Blake- 
more  of  St.  Peter's  Cornhill,  for  example,  had  a  relative  of  means, 
who  placed  a  house  at  his  disposal — many  were  less  fortunate. 
Deprived  of  their  harvest  tithes,  not  due  until  after  St.  Bartholo- 

1  * 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY  11 

mew's  Day,  and  compelled  to  leave  their  homes,  they  were  assured 
of  nothing  but  uncertainty  and  hardship.  Some  found  employment 
as  domestic  chaplains  or  as  tutors,  but  many  had  to  turn  to  trade 
or  agriculture.  When  a  wealthy  man  in  Wiltshire,  whose  wife  was 
dangerously  ill,  had  failed  to  locate  his  parish  clergyman,  he  was 
told  by  one  of  his  servants  that  the  shepherd  could  pray  well.  The 
shepherd  was  sent  for,  and  at  his  master's  request  prayed  for  the 
sick  lady.  His  fervour  aroused  the  master's  curiosity,  and,  on  being 
questioned,  he  confessed  that  he  was  one  of  the  ejected  ministers, 
and  that  shepherding  sheep  had  proved  the  only  occupation  open 
to  him.  This  particular  story,  narrated  by  Samuel  Palmer  in  The 
Nonconformists'  Memorial,  is  regarded  by  A.  G.  Matthews  as 
improbable,  but  it  does  reflect  the  difficulties  endured  by  many  of 
the  ejected,  and  it  accords  well  with  the  known  character  of 
1  Praying '  Jnce,  the  minister  in  question. 

Not  content  with  ejecting  ministers  from  their  churches,  the 
Cavalier  Parliament  three  years  later  imposed  new  and  frustrating 
restrictions  by  An  Act  for  Restraining  Nonconformists  from 
Inhabiting  Corporations  (usually  known  as  The  Five  Mile  Act). 
Nonconformist  ministers  were  forbidden  to  come,  except  in  course 
of  a  journey,  within  five  miles  of  any  town,  or  any  place  where 
they  had  ministered. 

Nor  was  it  only  ministers  who  were  made  to  suffer,  lay  Non 
conformists  also  were  affected  by  the  Conventicle  Act  of  1664.  This 
Act  restricted  the  number  of  people  permitted  to  gather  under 
*  colour  or  pretence  of  religion,  in  other  manner  than  is  allowed  by 
the  liturgy  or  practice  of  the  Church  of  England  '  to  four,  over 
and  above  members  of  the  same  household — the  penalty  for  non- 
compliance  was  three  months  imprisonment,  or  a  fine  of  £5.  The 
law,  it  must  be  added,  was  not  everywhere  rigorously  and  con 
sistently  enforced  ;  in  many  parts  of  the  country  there  were  wealthy 
sympathisers,  and  local  justices  sometimes  turned  a  blind  eye  to 
breaches  of  the  law.  Nevertheless,  the  plight  of  the  Bartholomeans 
was  hard,  and  at  particular  times  and  in  particular  places  the 
authorities  persecuted  them  bitterly — some  prisons  were  overflowing 
with  Nonconformists,  and  it  was  reported  that  Newgate  was  so 
full  that  it  bred  a  malignant  fever,  which  claimed  many  victims. 
Many  congregations  were  forced  to  meet  in  cellars  and  barns,  where 
they  were  in  constant  danger  of  discovery,  arrest  and  punishment. 
It  was  hardly  surprising  that  many  welcomed  Charles'  Declaration 
of  Indulgence  (1672)  which  temporarily  suspended  penal  laws 
1  * 


12  UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

against  Nonconformists,  and  let  Protestants  meet  in  public  in 
buildings  for  which  certificates  were  obtained.  It  is  even  less 
surprising  that  the  Revolution  which  brought  William  of  Orange 
to  the  throne  in  1689  had  Nonconformist  support,  for  this  opened 
the  way  for  a  relaxation  of  the  penal  laws,  and  for  the  prospect 
of  real  toleration. 

IV 

But  to  return  to  the  Act  of  Uniformity  itself.  What  is  its  real 
significance  ?  And  how  did  it  affect  the  ecclesiastical  life  of 
England,  both  the  Episcopal  Establishment  and  the  Nonconform 
ists  ?  In  the  first  place,  it  clearly  indicated  the  Laudian  contention 
that  the  State,  i.e.  Parliament,  could  and  should  validate  the  life  of 
the  national  church.  This  contention  had  been  explicit  since  Henry 
VIII  broke  with  the  Pope,  and  it  is  still  acceptable  to  many  in 
the  twentieth  century.  Thus  the  Act  of  Uniformity  reaffirmed  an 
important  principle  of  the  English  Reformation,  and  was  the 
inevitable  outcome  of  the  idea  that  a  national  church  must  have 
a  uniform  liturgy  and  polity. 

The  Church  of  Eingland  lost  a  large  number  of  able  and  godly 
ministers,  among  them  some  of  the  outstanding  men  of  their  age  : 
John  Owen,  Vice-Chancellor  of  Oxford  University  ;  Richard  Baxter, 
scholar,  pastor  and  ecclesiastical  statesman  ;  John  Howe,  chaplain 
to  Cromwell.  By  any  standard  these  men  were  among  the  great 
figures  of  the  Church  in  England.  Their  departure  weakened  the 
Established  Church,  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  there  had  ever  been 
a  real  possibility  of  comprehending  them  in  any  system  then 
practicable.  The  Laudians  were  seeking  to  preserve  a  compromise, 
in  which  what  we  may  call  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  elements 
had  a  place  ;  it  seems  probable  that  the  inclusion  of  the  Puritans 
would  have  threatened  that  compromise.  Even  allowing  for  the 
fact  that  the  modern  Anglican  insistence  upon  episcopal  ordination 
owes  something  to  the  Oxford  Movement,  the  underlying  doctrine 
could  hardly  have  been  modified  at  the  Restoration  without 
profoundly  changing  the  character  of  the  Church  of  England. 

And  what  of  the  ejected  ?  Was  the  Act  of  Uniformity  all  loss  ? 
The  element  of  suffering  has  been  mentioned.  To  this  must  be 
added  the  frustration  of  being  unable  freely  to  fulfil  a  divine 
vocation.  But  amid  much  that  was  regrettable,  were  there  other 
and  more  happy  effects  ?  The  spirit  of  Puritanism  was  tempered 
in  the  fire  of  persecution,  and  was  thus  fitted  to  play  its  part  in  the 

1  * 


UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY  13 

religious  life  of  this  country  in  later  ages.  Furthermore,  the  very 
fact  that  a  considerable  number  of  Puritans  were  driven  out  of  the 
Church  of  England  aided  the  cause  of  religious  toleration  in  this 
land.  Had  the  Presbyterians  and  the  more  4  right  wing '  Inde 
pendents  been  comprehended  at  the  Restoration,  the  more  radical 
Puritans,  such  as  the  4  left  wing '  Independents,  the  Baptists  and 
the  Quakers,  who  had  not  belonged  to  the  Establishment  even 
during  the  Commonwealth,  might  have  been  left  in  a  dangerously 
isolated  position.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  they  would  have 
been  strong  and  numerous  enough  to  sustain  the  struggle  for 
toleration. 

In  fact,  the  Presbyterians,  denied  the  comprehension  for  which 
they  had  hoped,  and  unable  to  establish  a  rival  Presbyteral  Church 
Order,  were  forced  to  become  in  effect  Independents.  The  result 
was  a  large  and  able  body  of  Nonconformists,  which  both  Church 
and  State  had  soon  to  recognize  and  tolerate.  Although  persecution 
was  at  times  bitter,  especially  after  the  second  Conventicle  Act 
(1670)  the  method  of  suppression  failed  to  achieve  its  object.  Thus, 
in  a  sense,  the  cause  of  religious  toleration  was  strengthened  by  the 
Act  of  Uniformity  of  1662.  This  conclusion  does  not  of  course 
imply  approval  of  the  measure  nor  of  the  conception  to  which  it 
gave  expression,  but  an  honest  attempt  to  assess  its  significance 
must  take  account  of  its  long-term  effects. 

Modern  Nonconformity  was  born  in  1662,  or  rather,  the  spirit 
of  Puritanism  was  then  cast  in  particular  moulds.  It  may  be  that,  in 
the  circumstances  of  the  Restoration,  this  was  the  only  way  in 
which  that  spirit  could  be  preserved  for  the  good  of  the  whole 
Church. 

WILFRED   W.    BIGGS 


'  1  he  term  '  Presbyterian  '  is  used  somewhat  loosely  to  describe  not  only 
the  ministers  who  wanted  the  establishment  of  a  specifically  Presbyterian 
Church,  but  also  the  many  Puritans,  including  Richard  Baxter,  who  were 
utterly  opposed  to  the  system  associated  with  Laud  and  enforced  by  the 
Cavalier  Parliament,  but  who  favoured  a  moderate  episcopal  form  of 
Church  government. 

'  The  term  '  Laudian  '  is  applied  to  the  group  of  clergy  who  shared  Laud's 
conception  of  Church  government,  and  who  at  the  Restoration  led  the 
movement  for  its  re-establishment.  In  a  sense  they  were  the  forbears  of 
the  nineteenth  century  Tractarians,  and  could  be  called  the  seventeenth 
century  '  High  Church  '  party. 

'Quoted  by  R.  S.  Bosher,  The  Making  of  the  Restoration  Settlement,  p.  271. 
1  * 


14  UNIFORMITY  AND  NONCONFORMITY 

STATISTICAL   SUMMARY  OF  THE  EJECTED 

1660—1662 

(after  :  A.  G.  Matthews,  Calamy  Revised,  pp.  xii-xvi,  with  acknowledgments 
to  the  author  and  the  Oxford  University  Press) 


1660 
not  certain  (1662?) 
1662 

Ejected  from 
Livings 
(i.e.  Incumbents, 
Lecturers,  etc.) 
695 
129 
936 

Ejected  from 
Universities 
and  Schools 
114 

35 

Totals 
809 
129 
971 

Afterwards 
Conformed 


1760 


171 


149 


1909 


177 


3. 


Declaration  of  Indulgence — 7672 

Totals  of  *  Teachers  ' 
Licensed  in  England 
under  its  authorization 
Presbyterians  854 

Congregationals  375 


Baptists 
Others 


202 

3 


'  Bartholomeans ' 

included  in  Totals 

730 

205 

(includes  16 

licensed  as 

Presbyterian 

and 

Congregational) 
5 
3 


1434 

Died  in  the  interval 

Known  to  be  out  of  the  country 

Living,  but  did  not  apply  for  licences 


943 

338 

20 

197 

1498 


C. 


No  known  evidence  about  the  remainder. 

Later  Evidence 

In  1690,  about  400  '  Bartholomeans '  were  still  alive,  many  of  them 
in  active  service.  The  last  survivor,  Nathan  Denton,  of  Yorkshire, 
died  in  October.  1720. 


1  * 


ISSUE  i 

CHURCH    AND    STATE 

The  problem  of  Church  and  State  is,  like  marriage,  hardly  a 
problem  at  all  to  satisfied  people.  Every  minister  knows  how 
blissfully  ignorant  so  many  of  those  who  attend  his  Church  member 
ship  classes  are  of  this  problem  and  its  history.  Many  are  not  much 
interested  in  any  case.  The  Commemoration  of  1662  is  a  rare 
opportunity  for  Free  Churchmen  to  think  again.  It  is  salutary 
to  remember  that  only  400  miles  away  in  East  Germany  this  is  a 
crucial  question,  and  that  in  too  many  parts  of  the  world,  not  only 
Communist,  Christians  suffer  degrees  of  restriction  and  oppression. 
In  such  surroundings  it  is  neither  brotherly  nor  prudent  to  ignore 
the  danger  that  always  lurks  in  Church-State  relations.  The  fact 
that  so  many  of  our  fellow  Christians  would  like  to  have  our 
liberties  and  are  denied  them  should  encourage  us  to  appreciate 
our  privileges  and  to  give  thanks  to  God  for  those  who  suffered 
and  fought  for  them. 

The  Commemoration  itself  also  cries  out  for  a  reappraisal  on  our 
part  of  the  nature  and  desirability  or  otherwise  of  Establishment.  It 
is  top  easily  forgotten  that  the  ejected  men,  whose  courage  and 
conviction  we  admire  were,  before  ejection,  happily  beneficed  in  the 
Established  Church  of  the  old  order.  This  should  make  us  ponder. 
We  are  not  fair  to  them  if  we  pass  over  this  simple  fact,  or  the 
additional  one  that  many  of  them  wanted  a  compromise  with  the 
Episcopalians  which  would  have  given  them  liberty  to  follow  their 
vocations  within  the  State  Church  of  the  Restoration.  All  this 
becomes  relevant  in  our  time  for  two  reasons.  Firstly,  because,  in 
face  of  secularism,  denominations  are  drawing  together ;  bitterness 
towards  the  Church  of  England  is  a  thing  of  the  past ;  friendship 
and  understanding  are  happily  growing  apace ;  and  so  we  have  to 
reconsider  our  attitude  towards  Establishment.  Then  secondly,  the 
Church  of  England  herself  in  this  century  is  busy  seeking  a  new 
settlement  with  the  State— for  the  Establishment  of  the  Restoration 
period  is  moribund,  despite  the  Act  of  Uniformity's  still  being  on 
the  Statute  Book — and  she  deserves  our  sympathy  in  her  struggle 
with  the  '  magistrate ',  as  the  Puritan  called  the  authorities.  What, 
then,  of  Establishment  ? 

Certain  texts  will  doubtless  cross  our  minds,  as  they  often  crossed 
the  Puritans',  when  thinking  about  Church  and  State.  In  particular 
there  are,  on  the  one  hand,  *  Submit  yourselves  to  every  ordinance 
of  man  for  the  Lord's  sake'  (/.  Pet.  ii.  13),  and  on  the  other, 

1  * 
2  n  i5 


16  CHURCH  AND  STATE 

'Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight  of  God  to  hearken  unto  you 
more  than  unto  God,  judge  ye. '  (Acts  iv.  19).  Such  texts  were 
landmarks  to  seventeenth-century  Christians.  What  is  less  likely 
to  appeal  to  us  in  our  different  circumstances  is  the  constant  refer 
ence  they  made  to  the  way  the  Jews  dealt  with  the  problem. 
Israel's  solution  was  their  example.  Religion  and  politics  in  the 
seventeenth  century  were  subjects  of  equal  interest  to  all  men  and 
inseparably  intertwined.  The  secular  or  semi-secular  State  of  today 
would  have  been  anathema  to  Puritan  and  Episcopalian  alike. 

We  ought,  however,  before  probing  the  problem  of  Establish 
ment,  to  rehearse  briefly  the  liberties  we  enjoy,  which  cost  so  much, 
.and  yet,  like  pieces  of  old  family  silver,  tend  to  become  neglected 
and  black  in  some  cupboard  because  no  one  is  appreciative  enough 
to  bother  about  them.  All  the  standard  history  books  on  the  Free 
Churches  recount  the  struggles  in  more  or  less  detail ;  there  is  no 
room  to  do  so  here.  Nonconformists  are  free  to  worship  according 
to  their  conscience.  The  Toleration  Act  of  1689  first  granted  this 
right,  relieving  them  of  the  punishments  attaching  to  the  Clarendon 
Code  so  far  as  worship  was  concerned.  The  Toleration  Act  has 
since  been  repealed  and  the  right  to  worship  is  embodied  in  other 
statutes,  as  for  example,  the  Places  of  Religious  Worship  Act,  1812, 
in  which  preachers  in  particular  are  exempted  from  '  pains  and 
penalties '  for  preaching  outside  the  Established  Church.  Ministers 
and  teachers  have  been  free  to  teach  since  the  Nonconformist 
Relief  Act,  1779,  provided  that  they  were  willing  to  make  a 
Declaration  before  a  magistrate.  This  Declaration  could  still  be 
enforced,  it  seems,  upon  all  nonconformist  ministers  and  teachers. 

I,  A.B.  do  solemnly  declare,  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God 
that  I  am  a  Christian  and  a  Protestant  and  as  such  that  I  believe 
that  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  as  commonly 
received  among  Protestant  churches,  do  contain  the  revealed 
will  of  God  ;  and  that  I  do  receive  the  same  as  the  rule  of  my 
doctrine  and  practice. 

The  making  of  this  declaration  has  long  been  obsolete,  as  Halsbury 
observes.  However,  it  is  under  this  measure  that  ministers  are 
exempted  from  military  service.  Nonconformists  in  public  service 
are  familiar  enough  today  but  the  way  was  only  opened  up  by  the 
repeal  of  the  Test  Act  by  Lord  John  Russell  in  1828,  and  subse 
quent  Acts  in  1835  and  1867  which  emancipated  ordinary 
Nonconformists.  Marriages  according  to  nonconformist  rites  were 
first  legalized  in  1835.  We  have  not  space  enough  to  complete  this 

1  * 


CHURCH   AND  STATE  17 

catalogue  but  sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  the  legal  basis  of 
our  liberties. 

The  war  which  Nonconformists  had  to  wage  for  their  freedom, 
for  which  they  raised  immense  armies  of  supporters,  naturally 
fanned  antagonism  between  Church  and  Chapel  to  white  heat. 
These  fires  are  only  now  dying  down.  But  Establishment  became  a 
bad  word  amongst  Nonconformists. 

In  the  seventeenth  century,  however,  Establishment  was  part  of 
the  ancient  and  honourable  order  of  things.  Something  like  two 
hundred  years  had  yet  to  pass  before  the  cry  of  Montalembert  and 
the  Liberal  thinkers,  '  a  free  Church  in  a  free  State '.  The  majority 
of  ejected  ministers  subscribed  to  the  view  of  the  Presbyterian 
Westminster  Confession  of  1646  which  asserts  that  it  is  the 
magistrate's  duty  to  prevent  and  reform  '  all  corruptions  and 
abuses  in  worship  and  discipline  \  and  that  he  should  call  synods  to 
this  end.  He  has  power  l  to  be  present  at  them,  and  to  provide  that 
whatsoever  is  transacted  in  them  be  according  to  the  mind  of  God  '. 
One  remembers  how  nowadays  the  Crown  is  formally  represented 
at  the  General  Assembly  in  Edinburgh  by  a  Lord  High  Com 
missioner.  The  Savoy  Declaration  of  1658,  which  may  be  taken  to 
speak  for  the  Congregationalists,  whilst  asserting  that  the  magis 
trate  should  4  incourage,  promote,  and  protect  the  professor  and 
the  profession  of  the  Gospel ',  does  not  allow  him  authority  within 
the  Church.  He  must  respect '  differences  about  the  Doctrines  of  the 
Gospel,  or  ways  of  the  worship  of  God  '.  This  is  typical  of  Crom- 
well's  toleration,  and  it  should  be  remembered  that  Cromwell 
summoned  the  Savoy  Conference  and  that  he  was  an  Independent. 

Both  Presbyterian  and  Congregationalist  believed  that  the 
magistrate  ought  to  guard  his  subjects  against  idolatry,  Rome  of 
course  in  particular,  and  to  further  the  proclamation  of  the  Gospel. 
Here  David,  Hezekiah,  Josiah  and  Nehemiah  were  said  to  point 
the  way.  Only  the  Congregationalists,  like  the  Separatists  before 
them,  drew  the  line  at  the  State  compelling  everyone  to  be  a 
member  of  the  Church.  By  no  means  did  they  all  see  anything 
detrimental  in  compulsory  attendance  at  public  worship,  where  the 
Gospel  would  be  proclaimed,  but  they  perceived  that  compulsory 
membership  was  inconsistent  with  conscience  and  conversion. 

With  such  a  conception  of  the  role  of  the  State,  it  is  possible  to 
see  how  the  average  Puritan  minister  fitted  happily  into  the  pattern 
of  Establishment  during  the  Commonwealth.  Many  of  them,  such 
as  Richard  Baxter,  loved  parish  evangelism  ;  many  emulated  their 

1  * 


18  CHURCH  AND  STATE 

hero  Calvin  and  became  '  bishops '  in  their  own  towns  and  cities, 
respected  and  highly  influential.  But  adamant  Congregationalists 
were  resented.  These  were  the  men  who  refused  the  Sacraments 
to  all  save  the  elect  of  the  gathered  church,  and  parishioners  felt 
that  they  were  being  denied  their  rights,  and  so  they  often  withheld 
their  tithes.  Some  Congregationalists  resigned.  There  were  also  a 
number  of  Independent  churches,  Congregational  and  Baptist, 
which  were  purely  voluntary  on  principle. 

This  old  Establishment  of  the  Commonwealth  was  a  makeshift 
arrangement  which  served  whilst  the  Presbyterians  and  Inde 
pendents  failed  to  agree  about  a  permanent  solution  of  the  Church 
question.  That  they  could  not  come  to  terms  was  a  tragic  fact  and 
nowhere  was  it  more  strikingly  evident  than  in  Exeter  Cathedral 
where  two  congregations  met,  one  Presbyterian  and  one  Congre 
gational,  with  a  wall  built  between  them.  However,  in  some  parts  of 
the  country — Worcestershire  was  notable  under  Baxter's  leadership 
-they  worked  well  together.  There  was  no  official  system  of 
ecclesiastical  government.  Financial  aid  in  some  measure  came 
from  Whitehall  and  there  too  sat  the  Commission  known  as  the 
Triers  which  dealt  with  candidates  for  the  ministry  and  cases  of 
indiscipline. 

Everyone  was  aware  that  the  return  of  the  king  meant  a  new 
solution  to  the  problem  of  Establishment  would  have  to  be  found. 
Naturally  the  Presbyterians  expected  that  it  would  include  them  as 
they  were  chiefly  responsible  for  welcoming  the  monarch  back  to 
the  throne.  Their  great  error,  however,  was  in  allowing  their 
Parliament,  the  Convention  Parliament,  to  be  dissolved  in  1660 
before  any  guarantees  concerning  toleration  and  comprehension, 
other  than  the  king's  promises  at  Breda,  had  been  firmly  estab 
lished.  The  new  Parliament,  the  Cavalier  Parliament,  had  no 
intention  of  comforting  Puritans  of  any  kind. 

The  1662  Act  meant  full-blooded  Episcopacy.  The  Presby 
terians  had  made  clear  to  Charles  II  that  they  were  prepared  to 
have  bishops.  Moderators,  that  is  chairmen,  of  presbyteries  could 
become  bishops,  if  the  Episcopalians  would  have  bishops  act  in 
and  through  presbyteries.  This  was  of  no  avail.  They  were  up 
against  clergy  and  politicians  who  had  been  nursing  their  grievances 
in  exile  with  the  Royal  Family  and  who  had  come  to  believe  the 
more  fanatically  in  their  cause.  Had  not  two  noble  martyrs  died 
for  the  cause,  one  a  king  and  the  other  an  archbishop  ?  In  these 
futile  manoeuvres  the  Presbyterians  acted  without  the  Congre- 

1  * 


CHURCH   AND  STATE  19 

gationalists  who  were,  it  seems,  destined  to  be  left  out  in  the  cold 
anyway.  The  Presbyterians,  then,  did  not  shy  away  from  taking 
Episcopacy  into  their  system. 

What  they  drew  back  from  was  a  return  to  a  hierarchial  system, 
buttressed  with  ecclesiastical  courts,  chancellors,  canon  law,  and 
all  the  apparatus  which  they  had  seen  used  in  Laud's  time  to  drive 
reformers  across  the  Atlantic.  The  Oath  of  Canonical  Obedience 
required  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  was  therefore  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  them. 

The  Act  also  ordered  the  clergy  to  abjure  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant  and  to  promise  never  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
king.  Oath  taking  at  present  savours  of  African  nationalism. 
Certainly  the  Cavalier  Parliament  regarded  the  Puritans'  Oath  to 
reform  religion  as  a  menace.  Baxter  assures  us  that  Puritans  were 
prepared  to  undertake  not  to  set  about  reformation  *  in  a  Tumul 
tuous  and  illegal  way  '  ;  but  this  was  not  enough.  The  promise  not 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  king  seems  justifiable  in  the  light  of  the 
civil  wars,  but  it  was  more  than  the  Puritan  clergy  generally  could 
accept.  The  Oath  of  Allegiance  they  would  take  willingly  but  to 
go  further  towards  non-resistance  they  considered  might  betray 
their  country's  liberties.  What  was  at  stake  was  whether  the  king 
was  above  the  Law  or  the  Law  above  the  king.  Provided  the  king 
was  subject  to  the  Law  they  would  be  subject  to  him,  but  they 
reserved  the  right  to  protest  with  utmost  vigour  if  he  got  out  of 
hand. 

These  things,  together  with  others  yet  to  be  discussed  in  the  other 
essays,  barred  the  way  to  Establishment  for  conscientious  Puritans. 
In  John  Stoughton's  words,  *  They  would  have  called  the  Church 
of  England  Mother, — but  she  drove  them  from  her  door'. 

'  Great  disasters  are  caused  by  trying  to  learn  from  history  and 
to  correct  past  mistakes  '  says  A.  J.  P.  Taylor  commenting  on  the 
fall  of  Bismarck  in  his  biography.  The  present  must  be  most  in 
mind  however  necessary  it  is  to  know  the  case  history.  Things 
have  changed  since  1662  :  the  State  is  different ;  so  is  the  Church 
of  England  ;  and  although  the  modern  Free  Churchman  may  be 
proud  of  his  Puritan  ancestors,  he  does  not  want  to  be  identified 
with  them. 

The  great  and  obvious  difference  in  the  State  is  secularization. 
Whereas  John  Owen,  the  spokesman  of  the  Congregationalists, 
could  say  in  1 659  in  Two  Questions  concerning  the  Power  of  the 
Supreme  Magistrate  that  it  was  right  for  the  magistrate  to  exert 

1  * 


20  CHURCH   AND  STATE 

4  his  power,  legislative  and  executive '  to  support  and  further 
Christianity  '  in  a  nation  or  commonwealth  of  men  professing  the 
religion  of  Jesus  Christ '  it  is  most  debatable  today  how  far  the 
State  may  go  in  assisting  religion  because  it  is  questionable  whether 
Britain  can  be  said  to  profess  the  Christian  faith.  Yet  the  strange 
truth  is  that  the  State  encourages  the  churches  today  in  a  way  not 
dreamed  of  a  hundred  years  ago.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  catalogue 
the  means  :  war  damage  compensation,  fiscal  concessions,  educa 
tion  grants,  broadcasting  and  television  facilities,  hospital  and 
forces  chaplaincies.  Old-fashioned  voluntaryism,  like  personal 
independence,  withers  in  the  Welfare  State.  Certainly  one  point 
emerges,  the  modern  State  does  not  treat  with  the  Established 
Church  alone  but  with  others  as  well,  as  if  established. 

The  Church  of  England  too  has  changed  beyond  all  measure. 
Ordinary  folk  can  see  for  themselves  how  much  the  Royal  Navy 
has  altered  since  Pepys  was  writing  of  it  but  they  are  far  less  aware 
of  the  new  Church  of  England,  and  even  Free  Churchmen  are  not 
fully  awake  to  the  fact  that  when  their  battle  for  freedom  was  end 
ing,  the  Established  Church  was  beginning  her  struggles  for  spiritual 
liberty.  Not  until  1853,  after  agitation  by  Tractarians  and  Evan 
gelicals  alike,  was  she  given  back  her  voice,  her  convocations, 
which  had  been  silenced  partly  for  political  reasons  in  1717. 
Another  very  great  step  forward  for  her  was  the  Enabling  Act  of 
1919  sanctioning  her  Assembly's  passing  Measures  to  Parliament 
for  acceptance  or  rejection. 

The  modern  Church  of  England  has  a  much  stronger  lay  element 
in  it  than  ever  before.  Anyone  who  has  witnessed  the  Church 
Assembly  in  debate  will  realize  that  she  is  much  more  democratic 
than  she  used  to  be,  bishops,  representative  clergy  and  laymen 
working  in  concert,  though  Convocations  alone  have  the  final  word 
on  doctrine  and  ritual  and  the  sole  right  to  make  canons.  At  the 
local  level,  the  modern  incumbent  has  to  work  with  and  lead  his 
parochial  church  council.  His  once  unrivalled  autocracy  is  no 
longer  the  ideal  though  he  alone  has  authority  in  the  matter  of 
services.  Congregations  today  are  much  more  like  4  gathered  '  ones 
of  other  denominations  than  they  used  to  be,  owing  to  the  changed 
social  patterns  of  urban  Britain,  and  this  is  emphasized  by  the 
electoral  roll  system.  Bishops,  clergy  and  people  are  closer  together 
than  ever  before. 

Many  reforms  have  come  about  but  the  battle  is  far  from  over. 
The  way  that  Parliament  rejected  the  Measures  for  a  revised 

1  * 


CHURCH  AND  STATE  21 

Prayer  Book  in  1928  is  not  forgotten.  Only  recently  the  issue  of 
Church  and  State  recurred  over  the  method  of  election  of  bishops. 
No  one  is  satisfied  with  the  conge  d'elire  system  which  gives  the 
chapter  of  the  vacant  see  no  alternative  but  to  elect  the  man  whose 
name  is  sent  to  them  by  the  Crown  upon  the  advice  of  the  Prime 
Minister,  but  what  should  replace  it  is  controversial.  Less  in  the 
public  eye,  yet  the  cause  of  much  labour,  is  the  revision  of  canon 
law,  a  potential  source  of  difficulty  in  conversations  on  reunion. 
The  fact  is  that  the  Church  of  England  is  worried  about  her  self- 
discipline.  Neither  canon  law  nor  the  old  Prayer  Book  is  anything 
but  a  hindrance  to  order  and  an  open  invitation  to  irregularity. 
All  these  matters  require  a  new  settlement. 

Naturally  the  Scottish  solution  has  attracted  much  attention,  for 
the  Church  of  Scotland  remains  established  without  her  spiritual 
autonomy  being  impaired.  Article  IV  of  the  Declaratory  Articles 
of  the  Church  of  Scotland  Act,  1921,  makes  it  abundantly  clear  : 

This  Church,  as  part  of  the  Universal  Church  wherein  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  has  appointed  a  government  in  the  hands  of 
Church  office-bearers,  receives  from  Him,  its  Divine  King  and 
Head,  and  from  Him  alone,  the  right  and  power  subject  to  no 
civil  authority  to  legislate,  and  to  adjudicate  finally  in  all  matters 
of  doctrine,  worship,  government,  and  discipline  in  the  Church 

The  Report  of  the  Archbishops'  Commission  of  the  Relations 
between  Church  and  State,  1935,  says  that  some  similar  solution 
might  be  found  for  England  :  *  We  cannot  believe  that  what  is 
right  for  the  Church  of  Scotland  is  in  principle  wrong  for  the 
Church  of  England.'  (p.  56.) 

In  return  for  subjection  the  Anglicans  have  certain  privileges. 
They  have  the  use  of  parish  churches  and  cathedrals  ;  they  repre 
sent  the  Church  on  public  occasions  such  as  coronations,  the 
opening  of  assizes,  and  remembrance  days  ;  certain  bishops  sit  in 
the  House  of  Lords.  The  Church  of  England  enjoys  endowments 
and  there  is  fear  that  disestablishment  might  involve  the  loss  of 
some  of  these.  Prestige  is  probably  the  greatest  benefit  gained  in 
the  long  run. 

Reunion  would  probably  involve  Establishment.  Is  there  any 

reason  to  fear  Establishment  as  such  ?  Indeed,  according  to  legal 

authorities  our  denominations  are  already  established.  Halsbury's 

laws  of  England  says  '  In  one  sense  every  religious  body  recog- 

1  * 


22  CHURCH  AND  STATE 

nized  by  the  Law  and  protected  in  the  ownership  of  its  property 
and  other  rites  may  be  said  to  be  by  law  established  '.  (Illrd  ed., 
vol.  13,  p.  29.)  In  so  far  as  the  bodies  receive  various  benefits 
under  the  modern  State,  this  kind  of  establishment  is  acknowledged 
by  the  recipients.  It  is  the  terms  of  Establishment  which  make  the 
difference,  whether  in  1662  or  1962.  The  Puritans  of  the  Common 
wealth  could  accept  the  terms  then  ;  the  United  Free  Church  of 
Scotland  was  able  to  embrace  the  1921  terms.  Certainly,  any  new 
Establishment  must,  to  satisfy  Anglicans,  grant  spiritual  autonomy 
to  the  Church.  If  it  is  so,  the  chief  objection  of  Free  Churchmen, 
that  the  Crown  Rights  of  the  Redeemer  were  infringed,  would 
have  been  removed. 

There  are,  of  course,  Free  Churchmen  who  object  to  Establish 
ment  in  principle.  They  say,  for  one  thing,  that  there  is  evidence 
to  suggest  that  the  Church  makes  greater  progress  in  countries 
where  there  is  no  Establishment.  This  is  a  viewpoint ;  but  many  in 
Britain  of  different  denominations  and  none,  alarmed  at  the 
secularization  of  society,  are  apprehensive  of  the  secularized  State 
which  must  be  the  result  of  disestablishment.  Whilst  the  status  quo 
continues  there  is  no  pressing  need  for  Free  Churchmen  to  make 
up  their  minds  but  reunion  would  make  decision  inescapable.  Is 
Establishment  something  to  fear  ?  Is  it  wrong  ?  If  it  is  then  we 
must  not  hide  our  censure  from  the  Church  of  England. 

In  the  writer's  view  Establishment  itself  is  not  a  major  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  reunion.  The  subjects  of  the  two  subsequent  essays 
are  of  far  more  consequence. 

JOHN   H.   TAYLOR 


CHURCH    AND    CHAPEL    HISTORIES 

The  Congregational  Historical  Society  welcomes  copies  of  local 
Church  and  Chapel  Histories  for  mention  in  Transactions.  Copies 
should  be  sent  to  the  Research  Secretary. 


ISSUE  II 


REORDINATION   AND   THE   MINISTRY 


4  Mr.  Graffen  had  two  thousand  in  the  streets,  who  could  not  get 
into  the  Tantling  Meeting  House,  to  hear  him  bang  the  Bishops, 
which  theme  he  doth  most  exquisitely  handle."  In  these  words  a 
London  citizen  in  1661  set  the  scene  in  the  capital  for  his  reader 
in  the  country.  Though  it  was  an  indication  of  popular  feeling  300 
years  ago,  the  impossibility  .of  its  happening  today  is  a  sign  of  the 
change  that  has  occurred  during  the  intervening  years.  For  the 
Lambeth  Conference  of  1958,  passing  its  resolution  deploring 
restrictions  on  religious  liberty  4  imposed  in  some  cases  by  the 
State  alone  and  in  others  by  the  State  influenced  by  a  dominant 
religious  group '  is  far  removed  from  the  Parliament  of  1 662  in 
which  an  episcopalian  and  royalist  majority  passed  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  in  which  it  is  stated,  among  other  things,  that  any 
clergyman  in  a  living  of  the  Church  of  England  who  had  not 
obtained  episcopal  ordination  by  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  24 
August  1662  would  be  *  deprived  of  the  same  and  all  his  ecclesias 
tical  promotions  shall  be  void  as  if  he  was  naturally  dead  '. 
Nevertheless  the  nature  and  form  of  the  divisions  between  Christian 
people  in  this  country  largely  result  from  the  Act  of  1662.  It  is 
therefore  fitting  at  this  time  both  to  rejoice  at  the  very  different 
relationship  existing  between  the  Established  Church  and  the  Free 
Churches  today,  and  to  recognize  the  continuing  existence  of 
differences  which  the  provisions  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity  made 
crucial  in  1662. 

In  its  final  form  this  Act  was  the  work  of  a  Parliament  which 
sought  to  impose  on  the  country  a  religious  settlement  that  would, 
by  compelling  uniformity  of  practice,  create  unity  and  give  peace. 
The  considerations  which  lay  behind  it  were  political  rather  than 
ecclesiastical,  concerned  more  with  law  and  order  than  with  Church 
Order.  The  ministers  who  were  ejected  were  Nonconformists,  not 
Separatists  ;  they  agreed  with  State  recognition  of  religion  but  not 
with  the  requirements  of  the  Act.  Their  exclusion  from  the  life  of 
the  National  Church  weakened  it  and  affected  the  course  of  its 
subsequent  development. 

'*  23 


24  REORD1NATION  AND  THE  MINISTRY 

II 

Whenever,  during  the  last  half  century,  discussions  concerning 
Church  union  have  taken  place  between  the  Church  of  England 
and  the  Free  Churches,  the  question  of  Episcopacy,  and  of  epis 
copal  ordination,  has  invariably  arisen  and  proved  to  be  a  thorny 
problem.  Today  the  question  is  a  theological  one,  often  reflecting 
emphases  upon  the  nature  of  Episcopacy  which  developed  very 
largely  during  the  nineteenth  century,  under  the  influence  of  the 
Oxford  Movement.  But  the  fact  that  the  debate  again  and  again 
centres  upon  Episcopacy  is  a  result  of  the  Act  of  1662.  By  its 
requirement  that  all  clergymen  in  livings  in  the  Church  of  England 
should  have  received  episcopal  ordination  it  focussed  attention 
upon  this  point  of  Church  Order.  Thus  the  historical  situation  has 
obscured  the  vital  question  of  the  nature  of  the  Church,  and  by 
emphasizing  a  point  of  Church  Order  relating  to  the  ministry,  has 
both  separated  ordination  to  the  ministry  from  the  total  life  of  the 
Church,  and  consequently  turned  men's  attention  from  considera 
tion  of  the  Church  as  such. 

When  Bernard  Manning  in  his  Kway\\  in  Orthodox  Dissent 
(p.  124)  said,  'I  always  agree  with  what  77?^  Church  Times  says 
about  the  Church  :  we  differ  only  in  defining  it ',  he  was  not  being 
facetious,  but  pointing  to  the  real  issue  today — the  nature  of  the 
Church.  This  issue,  however,  is  itself  the  child  of  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  because  that  Act  made  it  inevitable  that  the  Reformed 
understanding  and  practice  of  churchmanship  in  England  and 
Wales  during  the  following  years  would  exist  outside  the  Establish 
ment.  It  was  the  sometimes  persecuted  and  often  despised  dissenting 
churches  which  emphasized  the  covenanted  fellowship  of  the  church 
and  sought  with  varying  success  to  achieve  a  Church  Order  shaped 
by  the  Gospel,  often  being  prepared  to  exercise  discipline  over  their 
members  for  this  reason.  Thus  arose  what  may  well  be  regarded 
as  the  tragedy  of  English  ecclesiastical  history  :  the  legal  separation 
of  Episcopacy  from  a  sense  of  the  close  corporate  fellowship  of 
the  Church. 

The  requirement  of  the  Act  that  every  minister  in  a  living  must 
be  ordained  by  a  bishop  was  a  political  action,  in  itself  indicative 
of  the  utter  rejection  of  everything  done  during  the  period  of  the 
Commonwealth.  Then  it  had  been  virtually  impossible  for  a  minis 
ter  to  obtain  ordination  from  a  bishop,  even  if  he  had  desired  to  do 
so.  The  new  requirement  therefore  affected  many  younger  ministers 

1  * 


REORDINAT1ON  AND  THE  MINISTRY  25 

and  faced  them  with  the  moral  problem  of  deciding  whether  or  not 
they  could  seek  reordination.  But  to  the  dominant  party  in  Parlia 
ment  this  requirement  was  not  a  moral  issue  but — together  with  the 
declaration  against  taking  up  arms  against  the  king  and  repudiation 
of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant — part  of  the  attempt  to 
repudiate  the  Commonwealth  and  all  that  it  stood  for.  At  the 
Restoration  the  bishops  had  also  been  restored  and  their  political 
reliability  made  it  right  that  they  should  have  full  control  of  the 
Church.  Confirmation  of  this  view  is  supplied  by  the  action  of  the 
Scottish  Parliament  when  Charles  11  decided  to  restore  government 
by  bishops  to  the  Scottish  Church.  His  Parliament  there  decreed 
that  by  20  September,  1662  every  minister  appointed  to  a  parish 
since  1649  (when  the  right  of  election  was  given  to  kirk  sessions) 
had  to  apply  to  the  patron  for  presentation  and  to  the  bishop  for 
collation,  which  actions  meant  recognition  of  the  hierarchy  and 
acknowledgment  of  State  control.2  Significantly  there  was  no  ques 
tion  of  reordination  ;  that  would  have  been  political  suicide.  Politics 
is  the  art  of  the  possible.  Even  so,  the  ejectments  following  failure 
to  obey  this  law  were  so  numerous  that  in  South  and  West  Scotland 
the  main  effect  was  to  close  the  churches. 

,  By  the  Act  of  Uniformity  the  English  Parliament  also  effected 
a  change  in  the  life  and  practice  of  the  Church  of  England.  The 
late  Dean  of  Winchester,  Dr.  Norman  Sykes,  in  his  Old  Priest  and 
New  Presbyter  (p.  118)  calls  reordination  'the  outstanding  innova 
tion  \  For  the  first  time  since  the  Reformation  this  Church  could 
only  have  ministers  who  had  been  ordained  by  a  bishop,  which 
inevitably  increased  its  isolation  from  the  Reformed  Churches  of 
the  Continent.  Prior  to  1662  a  minister  of  other  Protestant  Churches 
of  the  Continent,  Lutheran  or  Reformed,  could  hold  an  English 
benefice,  providing  he  assented  and  subscribed  to  the  Articles  of 
Religion.  Now  he  could  not  do  so  without  being  reordained,  an 
act  which  implied  repudiation  of  his  former  ministry.  All  this 
naturally  intensified  the  doubts  of  the  Continental  Reformed 
Churches,  which  had  rejected  diocesan  bishops  as  popish  and 
contrary  to  the  New  Testament,  regarding  the  Protestantism  of  the 
Anglican  Church. 

Moreover,  such  a  limitation  was  foreign  to  the  thought  of  the 
Elizabethan  Anglican  divines.  Richard  Hooker  (15547-1600)  in  his 
Laws  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity  argued  for  the  threefold  order  of  the 
ministry  on  the  grounds  of  antiquity  and  good  order  ;  but  he  did 
not  assert  its  necessity.  In  his  view  those  parts  of  the  Church 
which  lack  Episcopacy  are  unfortunate,  but  it  is  better  to  keep 

f  * 


26  REORD1NAT10N  AND  THE  MINISTRY 

the  faith  and  lose  the  bishops  than  keep  the  bishops  and  lose  the 
faith — which  had  been  Luther's  option  ;  and  Hooker  made  it  clear 
that  he  did  not  regard  Luther  as  having  erected  a  new  Church." 
Keble  says  of  these  men  :  '  It  is  enough,  with  them,  to  show  that 
the  government  by  archbishops  and  bishops  is  ancient  and  allow 
able  ;  they  never  venture  to  urge  its  exclusive  claim,  or  to  connect 
the  successions  with  the  validity  of  the  holy  Sacraments  '." 

That  last  remark  points  to  another  result  and  subsequent  prob 
lem.  After  1662  only  episcopally  ordained  ministers  could  lawfully 
conduct  the  Communion  service.  Others  did,  but  unlawfully.  In  the 
event  this  proved  to  be  a  decisive  step  along  the  road  that  led  to  the 
statement  of  the  late  Bishop  of  Oxford  that  *  should  such  a 
ministry  fail,  the  apostolic  Church,  which  is  the  Body  of  Christ  in 
space  and  time,  would  disappear  with  it  ...  '5  The  Communion 
thus  came  to  be  seen  as  dependent  upon  the  bishop's  ordination 
and  his  own  place  in  the  apostolic  succession.  This  is  a  long  way 
from  the  Elizabethan  Bishop  Jewel's  rejoinder  to  Thomas  Harding, 
4  "  Succession,"  you  say,  "  is  the  chief  way  for  any  Christian  man 
to  avoid  antichrist."  I  grant  you,  if  you  mean  the  succession  of 
doctrine '.' 

Thus  Parliament  in  1662  made  a  necessary  link  between  episcopal 
ordination  and  the  sacrament,  a  link  which  served  to  emphasize 
views  such  as  those  expressed  by  Edward  Hyde  in  a  letter  in 
1659: 

1  do  assure  you,  the  names  of  all  the  Bishops  who  are  alive 

and  their  several  ages  are  as  well  known  at  Rome  as  in  England  ; 

and  both  the  Papist  and  the  Presbyterian  value  themselves  very 

much  upon  computing  in  how  few  years  the  Church  of  England 

must  expire.7 

Jt  was  this  line  of  thought  which,  developed  in  the  nineteenth 
century  under  the  influence  of  the  Oxford  Movement,  rooted  the 
lawful  link  in  religious  necessity.  So  episcopal  ordination  came  to 
be  regarded  as  necessary  for  the  sacrament,  not  because  the  law 
said  so,  but  because  only  thus  was  authority  transmitted  from 
Christ  through  the  apostles  and  their  successors.  The  apostolic 
succession  is  no  longer  desirable  ;  it  is  indispensable. 

This  view  has  not  gone  unchallenged  from  within  the  Anglican 
Church  itself.  A  Canadian  Anglican,  R.  F.  Hettlinger,  considered 
this  teaching,  as  expressed  by  the  late  Bishop  of  Oxford  and  his 
associates,  to  be  '  a  low  church  doctrine  without  foundation  in 
apostolic  tradition  or  thought '  because  *  it  makes  the  continuance 
of  the  Church  dependent  upon  the  continuity  of  the  ministry  '.*  But 

1  * 


REORDINATION  AND  THE  MINISTRY  27 

it  was  the  Act  of  Uniformity  which  made  ministry  in  the  Church 
of  England  dependent  upon  episcopal  ordination  and  spoke  of 
such  ordination  as  if  it  could  be  divorced  from  the  life  of  the 
whole  Church.  Newman's  comment,  after  he  became  a  Roman 
Catholic,  that, 

Catholics  believe  their  Orders  are  valid,  because  they  are  mem 
bers  of  the  true  Church  ;  and  Anglicans  believe  they  belong  to 
the  true  Church,  because  their  Orders  are  valid  :i 
may  be  bitter  but  it  highlights  the  effect  of  the  Act.  He  might  have 
used   the  first   half   of  the  Dissenters,  except  that  *  valid  '  is   a 
word  foreign  to  their  vocabulary. 

Ill 

Many  ministers  in  1662  refused  to  seek  reordination  from  a 
bishop  and  so  were  ejected.  Usually  they  had  received  presbyteral 
ordination.  The  reason  for  their  refusal  was  that  they  regarded  the 
Church  and  ordination  to  the  ministry  so  seriously  that  the  sug 
gestion  was  preposterous.  When  John  Howe,  ejected  in  1662,  was 
asked  by  Seth  Ward,  then  Bishop  of  Exeter  :  *  Pray  sir,  what  hurt 
is  there  in  being  twice  ordained  ?  '  he  replied,  *  Hurt,  my  lord, — it 
hurts  my  understanding  ;  the  thought  is  shocking  ;  it  is  an  absurdity, 
since  nothing  can  have  two  beginnings  V°  Their  successors  today 
reject  it  as  a  necessary  condition  of  union  on  precisely  the  same 
grounds. 

The  political  situation  made  it  appear  that  the  ejected  ministers 
were  taking  a  negative  position,  but  in  fact  they  were  making  a 
positive  assertion.  Their  refusal  was  based  on  the  conviction  that 
Church  Order  must  be  an  expression  of  the  Gospel,  that  it  is  the 
presence  of  Christ  with  His  people  that  makes  the  Church  and  that 
He  alone  has  rule  in  it.  For  the  building  up  of  the  Church  He 
gives  the  ministry  as  a  gift,  and  this  ministry  is  His  servant  to  the 
Church,  the  means  of  its  recreation  and  the  instrument  of  its  ful 
filling  of  its  calling.  Therefore,  no  separation  of  Church  and 
ministry  is  possible.  Ordination  is  the  act  of  the  Church  responding 
to  the  act  of  grace  whereby  God  calls  a  man  to  be  a  minister  of  the 
Gospel.  It  is  in  this  recognition  that  the  commission  to  the  ministry 
is  by  the  Lord  that  the  seriousness  of  ordination  lies.  How  can  a 
minister  be  reordained  ?  Further  episcopal  ordination  cannot  give 
him  something  which  he  has  not  already  received  from  his  Lord. 
Reordination  implies  repudiation  of  God's  commission  and  denies 
that  the  gifts  of  the  calling  have  been  given ;  for  this  reason  many 
ministers  in  1 662  knew  that  they  could  not  accept  it. 

1  * 


28  REORDINATION   AND  THE  MINISTRY 

Their  refusal  to  submit  to  reordination  meant  for  these  ministers 
ejectment  from  their  livings.  But  it  also  meant  that  there  was  excis 
ed  from  the  State  Church  a  company  of  men  who  saw  that  this 
requirement  of  the  law  went  far  deeper  than  a  concept  of  Church 
Order,  deeper  even  than  the  nature  of  the  Church  and  meaning 
of  ordination  ;  ultimately  it  ran  counter  to  their  understanding  of 
the  grace  of  God.  It  was  this  last  which  was  the  real  issue  then  and 
is  the  real  issue  now.  All  other  divisions  spring  from  it,  for  ulti 
mately  this  is  the  determining  factor  of  all  Church  life  and  order. 
P.  T.  Forsyth  put  the  point  when  he  wrote  in  The  Church  and 
Sacraments  (pp.  140-1)  : 

We  hear  much  question  raised  whether  our  ministry  is  a  valid 
ministry.  .  .  .  Only  that  gospel  validates  the  ministry  which 
created  it.  ...  Sometimes  ...  we  are  only  irregular.  Again,  there 
is  but  one  thing  that  regularises  the  ministry.  It  is  the  gospel  and 
a  Church  of  the  gospel. 

In  different  words  Bernard  Manning  re-echoed  the  same  theme  : 
The  Supper  of  the  Lord  is  either  celebrated  or  not  celebrated. 
The  Body  and  the  Blood  of  Christ  are  spiritually  received  or  they 
are  not  received.  We  simply  do  not  know  what  an  irregular  or 
an  invalid  celebration  is.  We  do  not  deal  in  percentages  with  the 
grace  of  God." 

At  the  end  of  this  passage  come  the  memorable  words  which  go  to 
the  heart  of  the  issue  : 

We  are  in  the  presence  of  God.  When  we  can  botanise  about  the 
Burning  Bush,  either  it  has  ceased  to  burn  or  it  has  been  con 
sumed. 

The  fellowship  of  the  Church  is  a  gift  of  grace  and  order  follows 
from  that.  'In  the  Congregational  churches  order  is  never  far 
removed  from  fellowship  :  it  must  express  fellowship  or  it  is 
nothing '  says  Dr.  G.  F.  Nuttall  in  Visible  Saints  (p.  94).  In  the 
last  resort  the  issues  of  1662  arose  from  men's  differences  in  their 
understanding  of  God's  grace  ;  the  ecclesiastical  problems  of  later 
ages  do  likewise. 

The  cruciality  of  the  issues  of  1662  arose  from  the  desire  of  the 
government  of  the  day  to  achieve  uniformity  by  legal  action.  To 
day's  problems  are  the  legacy  of  that  act  of  folly,  not  least  because 
it  cleft  asunder  the  Protestant  religious  life  of  England,  and  so 
through  years  of  separation  and  antipathy  created  the  tensions  of 
faith  and 'order  with  which  the  Church  in  this  land  lives  today  as 
the  Holy  Spirit  presses  the  people  of  Christ  both  to  realize  their 

1  * 


REORDINATION  AND  THE  MINISTRY  29 

essential  unity  in  Him  and  to  seek  for  the  ordered  expression  of 
that  unity,  to  the  shattering  of  which  the  Act  of  Uniformity  of 
1662  contributed  so  much. 

RONALD   BOCK  ING 

'  Quoted  in  J.  Stoughton,  History  of  Religion  in  England  (IVth  ed.,  vol.  Ill, 
p.  150) ;  Tantling  is  St.  Antholin's  and  Graffen  is  Zachary  Crofton  :  see 
Eng.  Hist.  Rev.  X— ref.  to  Calendar  of  State  Papers  18  March,  1661. 

-  See  J.   H.  S.   Burleigh,  A   Church  History  of  Scotland,  pp.  241ff. 

'  See  The  Lans  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  III.  ii.  I  and  III.  i.  10;  also 
VII.  xi.  8,  though  some  doubt  the  authenticity  of  book  VII. 

I  In    his    Introduction    to   his   edition   of   Hooker's   Works ;    quoted    by   N. 

Sykes,  Old  Priest  and  New  Presbyter,  p.  18. 
3  Essay  in  The  Apostolic  Ministrv  (ed.  K.  E.  Kirk),  p.  40. 
"  Jewel,  Wks.,  III.  p.  348. 
7  Quoted  in  J.  Stoughton,  op.  cit..  111.  p.  36. 
"  E.    R.    Fairweather    and    R.    F.     Hettlinger,    Epixcopacv    and    Reunion, 

pp.  64-5. 

II  J.  H.  Newman,  Essays  Critical  and  Historical  (4th  ed..  1877)  vol.  II,  p.  87. 
(Note  to  the  essay  on  'The  Catholicity  of  the  Anglican  Church.) 

"'  Quoted  in  J.  Stoughton.  op.  cit..  111.  p.  261. 
"  Op.  cit.  pp.  116-7. 

CH.URCH    RECORDS 

We  commend  to  you  the  growing  practice  of  depositing  old 
church  records  in  the  local  County  or  Borough  Record  Office, 
which  accepts  them  on  loan.  There  they  are  kept  by  experts  ;  they 
are  available  to  students  ;  and  they  are  entered  on  the  list  held  by 
the  National  Register  of  Archives  in  London.  They  can  be  bor 
rowed  back  by  the  church  if  it  wants  them.  Not  only  Minute  Books 
of  various  kinds  form  basic  records,  but  less  obvious  material, 
e.g.,  old  orders  of  service,  printed  year  books  and  magazines.  Press 
cuttings,  with  the  name  of  the  paper  and  the  date,  and  photographs 
of  groups,  with  identifications  and  date  if  possible,  are  all  useful 
records. 

The  special  appeal  of  the  Research  Secretary  (address  on  the 
back  cover)  is  for  those  churches  who  have  records  prior  to  1850 
to  send  him  details  of  these  and  the  dates  they  cover.  The  informa 
tion  will  be  recorded  on  the  Card  Index  of  Congregational 
Churches  prepared  by  the  Rev.  Charles  E.  Surman,  now  at  Dr. 
Williams's  Library,  London. 

All  interested  in  the  matter  are  welcome  at  a  discussion  upon  it 
to  be  held  by  the  C.H.S.,  at  Westminster  Chapel.  16th  May, 
5.30  p.m.,  during  the  May  Meetings. 

H.  G.  TIBBUTT,  Research  Secretary. 
J.  H.  TAYLOR,  Editor. 


ISSUE  111 

LITURGY    AND    CEREMONY 

Following  the  events  of  1660-62  is  like  attending  the  performance 
of  a  great  tragedy.  One  is  aware  at  the  beginning  what  the  outcome 
is  going  to  be.  Yet  one  is  appalled  anew  each  time  by  the  in 
evitability  and  irony  of  the  conclusion.  The  principal  characters 
possess  elements  of  greatness  and  nobility.  Yet  these  very  qualities 
bring  them  into  a  conflict  which  must  end  in  disaster.  Given  the 
liturgical  principles  of  the  conflicting  parties,  the  Episcopalian 
and  the  Puritan,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  final  deadlock  could 
have  been  avoided.  And  since  neither  party  was  entirely  innocent 
in  'its  past  treatment  of  the  other,  the  kind  of  generosity  that  could 
alone  have  avoided  the  ejectment  was  too  much  to  expect.  The 
bishops  were  certainly  insensitive  to  the  claims  of  the  Puritans. 
But  the  latter  had  proved  themselves  quite  intolerant  of  the 
worshipping  habits  of  the  majority  of  Englishmen  during  their 
period  of  ascendancy.  The  preamble  to  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
reflects  the  general  hope  : 

Nothing  conduceth  more  to  the  settling  of  the  Peace  of  this 
Nation  .  .  .  nor  to  the  honour  of  our  Religion,  and  the  Propaga 
tion  thereof,  than  a  universal  agreement  in  the  Public  Worship 
of  Almighty  God. 

A  survey  of  the   events  of  the  period   1660-62  indicates  that  a 
4  universal  agreement '  Avas  too  much  to  expect. 

What  were  the  liturgical  issues  of  1 662  ?  To  answer  this  question 
we  must  examine  the  circumstances.  It  must  be  realized  from  the 
start  that  the  liturgical  struggle  was  an  intensely  practical  one. 
It  was  not  a  case  of  Puritans '  bringing  a  lot  of  conscientious 
objections  to  the  enforcement  of  a  Prayer  Book.  They  were  fighting 
for  a  practical  solution.  The  Puritan  case  was  put  by  a  number  of 
leading  Presbyterian  ministers  who  would  dearly  have  loved  to 
continue  their  pastoral  duties  under  an  established  system.  How 
ever,  they  felt  that  they  could  not  go  so  far  as  to  use  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer.  Of  recent  years  they  had  been  using  another 
book,  the  Directory  of  Public  Worship,  which  replaced  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  in  1645.  The  Anglican  book  had  regulated  all 
prayers  and  gestures  and  even  vestments  by  enforcing  certain 
printed  prayers,  and  certain  actions  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others. 
The  Directory  gave  only  orders  of  service  and  orders  for  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments,  and  where  prayers  were  con 
cerned  suggested  suitable  topics.  The  Directory  left  much  to  the 

30  1* 


LITURGY  AND  CEREMONY  31 

discretion  of  the  minister.  What  it  gave  was  not  restrictive,  but 
intended  to  help  and  guide.  It  was  in  this  respect  of  the  same  type 
as  the  Book  of  Services  and  Prayers  recently  published  for  the 
Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales  by  the  Independent 
Press. 

It  was  for  the  retention  of  such  a  book  as  the  Directory  of  Public 
Worship  that  the  Presbyterian  ministers  struggled  in  the  period 
1660-62.  At  first  they  hoped  that  England  would  remain  what  it 
officially  was,  Presbyterian,  and  that  the  Directory  would  continue 
to  be  used.  But  it  became  clear  very  soon  that  Episcopacy  and  the 
Prayer  Book  would  be  restored  with  the  Monarchy  if  the  Anglican 
bishops  had  their  way.  At  this  time  the  Presbyterians  hoped  to 
reach  an   agreement  with  the  bishops  about  the  form  that  the 
official  Prayer  Book  would  take  in  the  future.  They  hoped  that 
Presbyterians  and  Episcopalians  would  be  able  to  compose  a  new 
book  between  them.  A  group  of  leading  Presbyterian  ministers  met 
at  Sion  College  in  July  1660.  What  they  did  was  to  state  their  views 
as  to  what  sort  of  official  liturgy  there  ought  to  be.  They  said  that 
they  could   agree  on   the  need  for  a  public  liturgy  on  certain 
conditions.  It  had  to  be  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God  and  it  must 
not  be  too  rigorously  imposed,  nor  the  ministers  confined  by  it.  As 
for  ceremonies,    they  could   do   without  them.    Ever  since  the 
Reformation,  Puritans  had  been  objecting  to  such  ceremonies  as 
kneeling  to  receive  Holy  Communion,  the  making  of  the  sign  of  the 
cross  in  Baptism,  the  use  of  the  ring  in  the  marriage  ceremony  and 
the  wearing  of  all  kinds  of  vestments  in  church.  To  their  mind  only 
ceremonies  that  were  positively  enjoined  in  Scripture  could  be  used 
in  Christian  worship.  For  example,  as  no  ring  was  mentioned  in 
Scripture,  no  ring  should  be  used  in  the  marriage  service.  Indeed, 
no  special  marriage  service  was  mentioned  in  Scripture.  Conse 
quently  the  more  rigorous  Puritans  forbade  marriages  in  church. 
Under  the  Protectorate,  marriage  was  a  legal  and  secular  affair.  The 
keener  the  Christian,  according  to  Puritan  lights,  the  more  he 
insisted   on   being  married   by   a  magistrate  away  from  church 
premises.   The   ministers   meeting   at  Sion  College  observed   on 
ceremonial  that  the  worship  of  God  is  in  itself  perfect  without 
ceremonies  ;  that  worship  is  most  pure  and  agreeable  to  God  when 
there  is  the  least  of  human  admixture  ;  and  that  the  ceremonies 
had  been  rejected  along  with  popery  by  many  Reformed  churches 
abroad.  It  ought  to  be  clear  from  these  summaries  that  acceptance 
of  Puritan  liturgical  principles  would  involve  a  total  departure 

J  * 
2  1 


32  LITURGY  AND  CEREMONY 

from  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  They  clearly  desired  a  radical 
alteration  of  the  way  of  worship  of  the  majority  of  Englishmen. 

At  this  point  it  is  worth  mentioning  the  position  of  the  Inde 
pendents.  Meeting  at  the  Savoy  in  1658,  the  Independents  had 
expressed  their  attitude  towards  public  worship.  Article  XXII  of 
the  Savoy  Declaration  contains  the  following  : 

But  the  acceptable  way  of  worshipping  the  true  God  is  instituted 
by  himself,  and  so  limited  by  his  own  revealed  will  that  he  may 
not  be  worshipped  according  to  the  imaginations  and  devices  of 
men  ...  or  any  other  way  not  prescribed  in  the  holy  Scripture. 

These  words  are  an  exact  reproduction  of  the  sentiments  expressed 
by  the  Presbyterians  in  the  Westminster  Confession,  ten  years 
earlier.  The  Independents'  principal  liturgical  difference  from  the 
Presbyterians  lay  in  their  attitude  towards  printed  forms.  They 
would  not  countenance  the  use  of  any  printed  guide.  But  it  might  be 
fair  to  say  that  the  Presbyterians  wanted  to  see  printed  in  a  Book 
roughly  the  same  principles  as  those  the  Independents  would 
practice  anyway.  Both  were  confident  that  God's  will  regarding  the 
*  how '  of  worship  was  fully  expressed  in  the  Scriptures.  Both 
agreed  that  fully  printed  liturgies,  complete  with  directions  for 
ceremonial  and  dress,  were  manifestly  the  '  imaginations  and 
devices  of  men  ',  since  they  were  not  4  prescribed  in  the  holy 
Scripture '.  In  most  of  what  they  said  in  defence  of  the  Puritan 
position,  the  Presbyterians  could  be  said  to  be  speaking  for  the 
independents. 

So  far  we  have  seen  some  of  the  principles  that  the  Puritans  held 
and  wished  to  see  in  practice  in  the  parish  churches  of  England. 
They  also  had  many  practical  criticisms  and  suggestions  to  make 
about  the  actual  conduct  of  worship.  These  are  far  too  numerous 
to  describe  here.  A  full  account  of  their  objections  to  the  principal 
features  of  the  Prayer  Book,  and  to  all  kinds  of  detail  within  it,  may 
be  found  in  the  records  of  the  Savoy  Colloquy  which  took  place 
from  March  to  July  of  1661.  There  the  twelve  Presbyterian  minis 
ters,  who  had  been  invited  by  the  King  to  confer  with  twelve 
bishops,  subjected  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  to  minute  criticism. 
At  this  Colloquy  they  were  asked  to  state  exactly  which  features 
of  the  1604  Prayer  Book  were  repugnant  to  them.  In  their  criticism 
they  dealt  systematically  with  every  service  in  the  Book,  from 
morning  and  evening  prayer  to  the  churching  of  women.  They 
found  the  prayers  too  short,  too  general  and  too  worldly  ;  the 
congregation  was  to  their  mind  loo  active  and  over  distracted  by 

1  * 


LITURGY   AND  CEREMONY  33 

antiphonal  chanting  and  responsals  ;  and  the  Scriptures  were  hacked 
into  disconnected  chunks--4  'pistling  and  gospelling '  they  called 
it- — instead  of  being  read  in  whole  chapters  or  books  ;  they  scorned 
the  provision  of  homilies  to  replace  a  sermon  if  the  minister  were 
unable  to  preach.  They  could  find  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
Prayer  Book  services  were  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God.  In  a 
word,  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  '  unscriptural '. 

The  Puritans  would  not  have  the  Prayer  Book.  But  the  bishops 
could  not  agree  either  to  allow  Puritan  principles  to  govern  public 
worship.  Let  us  try  to  understand  why.  The  Puritans  were  Calvin- 
ists.  Under  the  conviction  that  Rome  had  removed  all  traces  of  true 
Christianity  from  worship,  Calvinism  made  a  clean  break  in  public 
worship.  Geneva  scrapped  the  Mass  and  restored  the  Supper, 
and  made  provision  for  regular  services  of  Bible  reading  and  praise 
and  prayer.  Calvinism  made  a  new  start,  destroying  the  Missal  and 
compiling  entirely  new  service  books.  Now  the  Church  of  England 
had  never  done  this.  Prayer  Book  revision,  even  at  the  Reformation, 
had  taken  the  form  of  alterations  to  the  current  Book.  The  first 
English  Prayer  Books  were  alterations  of  the  Missal.  The  sort  of 
radical  approach  that  the  Puritans  wanted  had  been  consciously 
rejected  from  the  beginning  as  unwise.  In  refusing  to  countenance 
the  demands  for  a  total  alteration  of  the  Prayer  Book,  the  bishops 
were  being  as  true  to  their  own  principles  as  the  Puritans  were  to 
theirs.  It  would  be  an  offence  to  the  consciences  of  the  Puritans  if 
the  Prayer  Book  were  imposed.  But  it  would  likewise  be  an  offence 
to  Churchmen  if  the  Book  were  altered  to  suit  the  Puritans. 

The  bishops  did  not  hold  the  Puritans'  belief  in  the  all-sufficiency 
of  the  Scriptures  as  a  liturgical  directory.  Neither  did  they  agree 
with  the  Puritan  criticisms  of  the  services  in  the  1604  Book.  They 
said  that  they  were  fully  satisfied  with  them,  and  they  meant  it.  As 
Bishop  Sanderson  later  wrote  in  the  Preface  to  the  1662  Book, 
they  were  : 

fully  persuaded  .  .  .  that  the  Book,  as  it  stood  before  established 
by  Law,  doth  not  contain  in  it  anything  contrary  to  the  word  of 
God,  or  to  sound  doctrine,  or  which  a  godly  man  may  not  with 
a  good  conscience  use,  and  submit  unto. 

A  universal  agreement  was  impossible.  What  was  to  be  done  ? 
According  to  the  terms  of  reference  of  the  Savoy  Colloquy,  the 
Prayer  Book  could  only  be  altered  in  ways  that  both  sides  could 
agree  upon.  They  could  not  agree.  Even  before  the  Colloquy  ended 
in  deadlock,  the  Act  of  Uniformit  had  received  a  successful  third 


34  LITURGY  AND  CEREMONY 

reading  in  the  Commons,  and  had  been  sent  to  the  Lords.  By  this 
Act,  Parliament  imposed  a  Prayer  Book  that  retained  all  the 
features  the  Puritans  found  most  offensive.  This  was  probably  the 
only  practical  course  open  at  the  time,  though  Richard  Baxter 
offered  a  most  interesting  solution  during  the  Colloquy. 

Baxter  retired  at  one  point  to  compose  a  complete  alternative 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  to  show  that  Puritan  principles  could  be 
positively  expressed  in  worship.  He  wrote  out  in  full  the  sort  of 
prayers  for  which  a  Reformed  manual  would  normally  be  content 
to  supply  topics.  Taking  every  service  and  ordinance  in  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer,  Baxter  composed  a  Puritan  parallel  for  it. 
Not  only  this,  he  put  in  the  preface  a  most  significant  request. 
He  asked  that  the  additions  and  alterations  to  the  Common  Prayer 
that  are  contained  in  his  4  Savoy  Liturgy  ' 

be  inserted  into  the  several  respective  places  of  the  liturgy  to 
which  they  belong,  and  left  to  the  minister's  choice  to  use  one 
or  the  other  .... 

Baxter  was  here  suggesting  a  comprehensive  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  which  would  allow  at  different  points  the  use  of  alternative 
forms  specially  devised  by  adherents  of  the  differing  traditions.  He 
was  anticipating  by  three  hundred  years  the  solution  that  the 
Church  of  South  India  has  adopted  in  our  own  time.  We  might 
now  ask,  with  Baxter,  where  it  is  impossible  to  reach  agreement 
as  to  how  all  should  worship,  why  not  practice  mutual  toleration 
for  the  sake  of  unity  ?  It  may  be  that  even  today  Churchmen 
and  Dissenters  cannot  agree  on  liturgical  principles,  as  they  could 
not  in  1662.  But  surely  Baxter's  suggestion  need  not  be  rejected 
now  as  it  was  then.  Even  if  theologians  reach  agreement  on  some 
principles,  the  various  traditions  will  certainly  need  to  come  to 
gether  by  stages.  Here  again,  Baxter's  solution  should  have  much 
to  commend  itself. 

In  1662,  the  clash  was  head-on.  For  seventeen  years  Anglicans 
had  been  deprived  of  their  beloved  Prayer  Book,  and  they  wanted 
it  back.  They  saw  no  reason,  religious  or  human,  for  accommo 
dating  the  Puritans.  The  deep-rooted  differences  on  liturgical 
matters  rendered  the  ejectment  inevitable.  So  much  so  that,  if  the 
modern  descendants  of  these  protagonists  should  be  found  to 
maintain  intact  the  positions  of  their  forbears,  agreement  would  be 
impossible  still.  If  there  is  to  be  any  kind  of  closer  unity  in  worship 
there  are  many  questions  to  be  asked,  and  it  is  surprising  how 
many  of  them  were  asked  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

1  * 


LITURGY  AND  CEREMONY  35 

Is  there  to  be  a  common  prayer  book  ?  Will  it  be  so  designed 
as  to  permit  the  widest  possible  use  ?  Or  will  parties  insist  on 
keeping  it  narrow,  so  as  to  exclude  persons  whose  views  they 
cannot  share  ?  Today  the  Church  of  England  itself  is  finding 
the  principle  of  uniformity  a  great  embarrassment.  The  Prayer 
Book  is  far  too  narrow.  The  places  where  it  is  observed  with 
the  strictness  that  was  demanded  in  1662  are  very  few  indeed. 
Anyone  familiar  with  Anglican  ways  of  worship  knows  that 
orthodoxy  is  now  a  matter  of  disobeying  the  Prayer  Book  at  the 
right  places.  It  is  unorthodox  to  disobey  it  only  in  unusual  places. 
In  some  churches  the  book  is  hardly  ever  used.  A  recent  humorous 
introduction  to  the  churches  of  a  certain  university  town  describes 
what  happens  to  a  worshipper  as  he  enters  a  certain  Anglo-Catholic 
church.  '  Inside  you  are  given  a  Prayer  Book,  The  smile  that 
accompanies  it  indicates  how  little  use  it  will  be '.  And  whilst  the 
ecumenical  liturgical  revival  promises  to  open  up  new  areas  of 
agreement,  as  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  observed  in  a  recent 
diocesan  letter,  there  can  be  no  radical  change  in  the  liturgy  of  the 
Church  of  England,  however  pressing  the  need  for  revision.  Indeed, 
as  long  as  the  principle  of  uniformity  is  retained,  parties  in  that 
church  will  be  able  effectively  to  restrict  the  freedom  of  others 
to  worship  after  their  consciences.  The  '  Low  church  *  party,  for 
example,  now  openly  aims  at  preventing  any  changes  in  the  Book, 
since  it  fears  that  changes  will  be  inimical  to  its  theological  position. 
Possibly  the  Church  of  England  needs  to  ask  whether  or  not 
different  shades  of  belief  cannot  be  accommodated  by  alternative 
forms.  And  surely,  the  variety  of  practice  ought  to  make  Anglicans 
ask  if  it  is  not  high  time  rubrics  were  officially  recognized  as 
permissive,  and  in  no  sense  restrictive.  The  Church  of  England  has 
changed  a  lot.  Has  it  not  adopted  in  practice,  if  not  in  theory,  many 
of  the  devices  that  Baxter  suggested  in  1661  ? 

And  certainly,  Congregationalists  in  this  century  are  by  no  means 
to  be  identified  in  their  views  with  seventeenth-century  Inde 
pendents.  Who  would  find  anybody  to  agree  that  no  Congrega- 
tionalist  could  use  a  ring  in  a  marriage  service  and  remain  true  to 
his  principles  ?  How  many  ministers  would  do  entirely  without  a 
manual  of  some  kind  ?  Most  Congregationalist  ministers  would 
incline  to  the  views  of  Baxter  rather  than  to  those  of  the  strict 
Independents  on  the  question  of  whether  or  not  to  use  printed 
prayers  and  orders  of  service  at  least  as  guides  and  helps.  Neither 
are  we  so  universally  hostile  to  responses  as  we  were.  Our  under 
standing  of  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  is  not  everywhere  the 

!  * 

2   1  * 


36  LITURGY  AND  CEREMONY 

same  as  it  used  to  be.  We  still  believe  in  the  authority  of  God's 
revelation  in  Jesus  Christ  in  all  matters.  But  we  are  not  as  certain 
as  the  Independents  that  the  Scriptures  are  intended  to  be  fully 
prescriptive  of  how  to  worship.  Certainly  the  Gospel  ought  to 
control  our  worship  and  dictate  its  spirit  and  purpose.  The  contents 
of  our  services  ought  to  express  the  Gospel  of  God's  grace  as 
adequately  as  possible.  But  whether  or  not  responses  are  more 
appropriate  than  silence,  whether  God  is  best  worshipped  in 
stillness  or  by  reverent  movement  and  gesture,  we  are  not  so 
universally  agreed.  Can  we  be  certain  that  general  or  particular 
prayers  must  always  be  right  or  wrong  ?  Certainly,  God  may  not 
be  worshipped  by  man's  devices.  But  Christian  men  are  no  longer 
mere  men.  The  traditions  of  Christian  men  are  surely  more  than 
mere  human  devices. 

We  must  all  do  a  lot  of  thinking  before  unity  in  worship  is 
possible.  The  things  that  were  said  and  done  in  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries  are  still  an  essential  part  of  our  study. 

One  reason  for  optimism  is  that  willingness  to  worship  with 
others  is  no  longer  hopelessly  confused  with  loyalty  to  the  Crown. 
Obedience  to  conscience  in  matters  of  worship  is  no  longer  regard 
ed  by  those  in  civil  authority  as  evidence  of  a  seditious  disposition. 
The  spiritual  principles  of  worship  can  now  be  discussed  freely 
among  us,  without  the  risk  of  civil  war.  This  is  not  to  say  that 
mutual  tolerance  will  bring  us  into  unity.  The  majority  of  the 
members  of  the  Church  of  England  are  quite  content  to  go  on 
worshipping  as  they  have  done  for  300  years.  This  in  itself  involves 
a  sort  of  consent  to  the  principles  upon  which  that  worship  is 
founded.  And  this  is  true  of  Congregationalists  also.  The  under 
lying  principles  are  all  there,  though  dormant,  and  will  have  to  be 
faced  sooner  or  later.  This  is  why  this  essay  has  given  so  much 
attention  to  the  events  of  1662.  Any  future  attempts  to  achieve 
unity  in  worship  are  bound  to  face  the  same  issues  in  one  form  or 
another.  They  have  not  yet  been  solved.  Ejection  and  subsequent 
toleration  have  hardly  affected  these  at  all.  They  were  merely 
shelved  300  years  ago,  and  1962  is  a  most  suitable  occasion  for 
taking  them  out  for  a  little  dusting. 

A  second  reason  for  hoping  that  we  shall  succeed  this  time  is 
the  modern  liturgical  revival.  Through  it  all  denominations  are  now 
free  to  examine  their  own  and  others'  ways  of  worship  in  the  light 
of  an  ever-increasing  understanding  of  the  meaning  and  purpose  of 
worship.  DAVID  DEWS 

1  * 


STUDIES  IN  THE 
PURITAN  TRADITION 

A  joint  Supplement  of  the  Congregational  Historical  Society 
Transactions  and  the  Presbyterian  Historical  Society  Journal 

DECEMBER  1964 

CONTENTS 

Relations   between  Presbyterians  and  Congrcgationalists  in  England 

by  Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall,  M.A.,  D.D.       ...  1 

Developments     in     English     Puritanism     in     the     Context     of     the 

Reformation  by  George   Yule,  M.A .       ...         ...  ...  8 

The    Difference    between    Congregational    and    Presbyterian    in    the 

Chapel-building  Age  by  Roger  Thomas,  M.A.  ...  28 

RELATIONS    BETWEEN    PRESBYTERIANS 

AND  CONGREGATIONALISTS 

IN  ENGLAND 

This  paper  was  prepared  as  a  study  paper  for  the  International 
Congregational  Council  and  appears  without  any  subsequent 
alteration. — Editors. 

Preliminary  notes 

(1)  In      England      relations      between      Presbyterians      and 
Congregationalists   are  balanced  by,   and   intelligible  only  when 
considered  along  with,  relations  between  Congregationalists  and 
Baptists  as  part  of  the  wider  story  of  the  Three  Denominations. 

(2)  The  Reformation  stresses  both  Word  and  Spirit ;  both  the 
Scripture-model  and  expectancy  of  more  light ;  both  the  enlightened 
reason  and  divine  inspiration  ;  both  order  and  freedom  ;  both  office 
and  gift ;  both  the  godly  prince  and  the  gathered  church.  By  and 
large,  the  Presbyterians  stress  the  former  and  the  Baptists  the 

2  *  1 


2  PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONGREGATIONALISMS 

latter,  with  the  Congregationalists  excitingly,  or  uneasily,  in  the 
middle,  ideally  stressing  both  equally  but  in  practice  oscillating 
between  the  two  ;  to  the  Presbyterians  seeming  enthusiastic  and 
sectarian ;  to  the  Baptists  unconverted  and  ecclesiastical.  This 
middle  position  is  illustrated  by  the  two-fold  path  by  which  men 
came  to  Congregational  convictions  (see  below) ;  and  by  the  fact 
that,  especially  between  1662  and  1719,  many  Congregational 
churches  included  Presbyterians,  while  many  other  Congregational 
churches  included  Baptists  (though  rarely  both  Presbyterians  and 
Baptists). 

Historical  origins 

The  ecclesiological  effect  of  the  recovery  of  Scripture  at  the 
Reformation  varied  according  as  its  readers  and  interpreters  were 
theologically  and  linguistically  educated  clergy  in  livings  or 
laymen,  likely  to  be  more  naive  and  revolutionary  alike  in  their 
approach  to  Scripture  (being  free  from  the  influence  of  history  and 
tradition)  and  in  their  acceptance  of  what  they  believed  they  found 
there  (having  no  livelihoods  to  lose— only  lives).  Reformed,  Presby 
terian,  ecclesiology  starts  effectively  from  Calvin  and  the  supporting 
Church-State  of  Geneva  ;  Free  Church,  Congregational,  ecclesiology 
starts  earlier,  from  Grebel  and  the  Swiss  brethren,  in  separation 
from  the  persecuting  State-Church  of  Zurich.  The  Presbyterian 
form,  from  its  nature  (stress  on  order),  the  similar  education  of  its 
proponents,  the  hospitality  of  Geneva  and  the  genius  of  Calvin, 
spread  internationally  as  successive  godly  princes  admitted  it ;  the 
Congregational  form,  from  its  nature  (stress  on  freedom),  the  early 
death  of  its  proponents,  and  its  being  subject  to  persecution  even 
in  Reformed  countries,  could  spread  only  by  ever  renewed 
spontaneous  generation  from  Bible-study  in  groups  usually  mutu 
ally  unaware.  It  had  a  tendency  to  become  Baptist  (Grebel,  Menno, 
Smyth),  baptism  of  the  believer  being  for  the  individual  what  the 
gathered  Church  was  to  the  group  in  its  demand  for  faith  and  a 
visible  transformation  of  life. 

The  sixteenth  century  in  England 

England  possessed  a  strongly  organised  and  nationally  self- 
conscious  ecclesia  anglicana ;  a  succession  of  godly  princes 
determined  to  rule  ;  no  front-rank  Reformed  theologian,  but  in 
Cranmer  a  determined  internationalist  and  under  Elizabeth  I 
leaders  who  had  been  in  exile  for  conscience'  sake ;  and  probably 
conservatism  in  the  national  character.  The  result  was  a  reformed, 


PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONGREGATIONALISTS  3 

but  not  Reformed  or  Presbyterian,  national  church.  Its  being 
reformed  left  the  need  for  Presbyterianism  less  clamant ;  its 
remaining  episcopal  involved  persecution  of  what  Presbyterians 
there  were  ;  and  incipient  Presbyterianism  was  established  only  in 
London  and  the  Channel  Islands.  There  was  also  a  strong  under 
ground  current  of  independent  lay  searching  of  Scripture,  with 
its  roots  in  Lollardy.  This  produced  the  first  Congregationalists 
(or  their  progenitors)  in  the  Separatists. 

The  theological  basis  of  Separatism  may  be  indicated  by  the 
progression :  both  Old  Testament  and  New  Testament  call 
Christians  to  separate  themselves  from  the  evil  and  unclean  thing — 
therefore  from  the  world  insofar  as  evil — therefore  from  the  Church 
insofar  as  worldly.  The  tenet  that  the  Church  in  the  world  (as  an 
institution)  could  become  so  far  worldly  as  to  be  Babylon  or 
Antichrist  and /or  could  be  guilty  of  '  recidivation '  to  Judaism 
was  not  peculiarly  Separatist.  It  is  found  in  Zwingli  and  is  part  of 
early  Reformed  Anglican  apologetic  against  Rome.  The  Separatists 
only  went  further  than  others  in  their  strictures  against  the  con 
temporary  institution,  even  as  reformed,  and  in  their  faith  in  the 
possibility  of  '  primitive  Christianity  revived  '. 

The  seventeenth  century  in  England 

Clergy  came  to  Congregational  convictions  along  two  paths  : 
some  through  suspension,  deprivation,  excommunication,  degrada 
tion  because  of  their  nonconformity  to  the  new  Canons  (1604)  of 
the  Church  of  England  ;  others  as  the  result  of  reading,  or  hearing 
sermons.  The  former  type  (the  right  wing)  tended  to  be 
Congregational  perforce  and  (in  intention)  pro  tempore,  and  were 
ready  to  return  to  livings  in  the  Church  of  England  when  between 
1643  and  1660  it  had  been  cleansed  of  episcopacy  and  the  Prayer 
Book.  The  latter  type  (the  left  wing)  tended  to  be  Congregational 
voluntarily  and  permanently,  and  preferred  to  minister  in  inde 
pendence  even  of  the  Cromwellian  Establishment.  Presbyterianism 
entered  England  from  Scotland  when  in  the  1640's  Parliament 
undertook  to  establish  it  in  return  for  political  assistance  (much  as 
thirty  years  later  Charles  II  undertook  to  establish  Roman 
Catholicism  in  return  for  political  assistance  from  France).  The 
Westminster  Assembly  was  called  and  issued  a  Confession  and 
Catechisms,  and  the  theory  of  Presbyterianism  was  forcefully 
commended  in  such  a  work  as  Jus  Divinum  Ministerii  Evangelic! 
(1654) ;  but,  though  lists  of  nominations  of  ministers  and  elders 
were  printed  for  several  counties,  the  Presbyterian  system  func- 


4  PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONGREGATIONALISTS 

tioned  only  in  London  and  Lancashire,  and  to  a  lesser  extent  in  a 
few  other  areas  :  it  *  never  took  '  (Baxter) ;  it  '  was  but  a  stranger 
here '  (Owen).  A  handful  of  right-wing  Congregationalists  sat  in  the 
Assembly ;  and  during  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate 
Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists,  with  a  few  Baptists,  are 
found  collaborating  on  a  number  of  national  committees  and 
commissions,  while  a  series  of  ineffectual  endeavours  towards  union 
between  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  were  set  on  foot. 
The  right-wing  Congregationalists,  whose  theory  found  its  apogee 
in  the  Savoy  Declaration  of  Faith  (1658),  also  collaborated  with 
the  left-wing  Congregationalists,  whose  churches  (often  containing 
a  minority  of  Baptists),  together  with  the  strict  Baptist  churches, 
sprang  up  in  the  greater  freedom  of  the  time. 

Of  the  1761  clergy  known  to  have  been  ejected  in  1660-2  only 
131  were  Congregationalists  (and  only  8  Baptists).  Of  the  remainder 
an  appreciable  number  (still  awaiting  assessment)  were  Presby 
terians  in  the  sense  that  they  had  participated  in  Presbyterian  order 
or /and  written  in  its  defence  ;  but  the  great  majority,  who  included 
Baxter,  though  labelled  Presbyterians,  were  in  fact  moderate 
episcopalians  :  of  the  Savoy  Conference  (1661)  Baxter  says  'We 
pleaded  not  at  all  with  them  for  Presbytery,  unless  a  moderate 
Episcopacy  be  Presbytery  '.  This  explains  why  they  never  attempted 
to  re-establish  Presbyterian  order,  which  in  any  case  would  have 
been  difficult  in  face  of  the  persecution  obtaining  till  1689.  They 
contented  themselves  with  repeated  ineffectual  endeavours  after 
comprehension  within  the  Church  of  England.  The  Congrega 
tionalists  and  Baptists  were  content  with  indulgence  or  toleration 
outside  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  Presbyterians  were  in 
practice  driven  perforce  nearer  to  the  right-wing  Congregationalists. 
A  '  Happy  Union  '  of  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  formed 
in  London  in  the  after-glow  of  the  Act  of  Toleration  seemed  at  first 
likely  to  be  copied  more  widely,  but  within  a  year  or  two  had 
broken  down  over  recurrent  differences,  both  theological  and 
ecclesiological. 

Differences  between  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  so  far 

may  be  represented  under  nine  heads  : 

1.  The  Presbyterians  were  in  favour  of  an  established  Church  if 
Reformed  (as  in  Scotland) ;  the  right-wing  Congregationalists 
of  a  freer  established  Church  as  under  Cromwell ;  the  left-wing 
Congregationalists  (and  the  Baptists)  of  separation  between 
Church  and  State.  .,  A 


PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONG  REG  ATIONALISTS  5 

2.  All  Congregationalists  and  Baptists  were  accustomed  to  draw 
up  and  sign  a  covenant  when  forming  a  Church  (inchurching, 
embodying) ;  the  Presbyterians  did  not  observe  this  practice. 

3.  The  Presbyterians  were  in  favour  of  government  of  the  Church 
by  synods,  and  internally  by  elders  ;  the  right-wing  Congrega 
tionalists  of  internal  government  by  elders  but  of  no  more  than 
free  association  for  mutual  counsel  externally ;  the  left-wing 
Congregationalists  (and  Baptists)  for  internal  government  by  all 
members    assembled    in    church  meeting.    (This    last    system 
undoubtedly  owed  something  to,  and  also  fostered,  the  rise  of 
the  common  man  into  political  importance,  as  in  turn  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal  were  abolished  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  and  the  King  executed.) 

4.  The  Congregationalists  (and  Baptists)  encouraged  occasional 
preaching  by  unordained  '  gifted  brethren ',  and  often  delayed 
the  ordination  of  a  minister  for  a  considerable  period  after 
the  beginning  of  his  pastorate ;  neither  practice  was  customary 
among  the  Presbyterians. 

5.  The  Presbyterians  held  that  ordination  of  ministers  was  by 
other  ministers,  with  the  laying  on  of  hands  ;  the  Congrega 
tionalists  did  not  regard  the  laying  on  of  hands  as  essential, 
or  always  practise  it ;  and  the  left-wing  Congregationalists  held 
that  ordination  was  by  the  church  which  called  the  minister, 
with  other  ministers  present  and  approving. 

6.  The  Congregational  (and  Baptist)  practice  was  for  ministers 
at    ordination    services    (as    also    for    candidates   for   church 
membership   at   church   meeting)   to   declare   their  faith   and 
experience ;    the   Presbyterian   practice  was   for  ministers   to 
declare  their  faith  only. 

7.  The  Presbyterians  were  agreeable  to  the  use  of  a  liturgy  such  as 
the  Directory,  though  not  to  its  imposition  ;   the  Congrega 
tionalists  (and  Baptists)  were  opposed  to  liturgy  as  such  in  the 
interests  of  free,  or  '  conceived ',  prayer  as  led  by  the  Holy 
Spirit  during  worship  by  the  coetus  fidelis. 

8.  The  Presbyterians  were  content  to  have  the  Lord's  Table  with 
axis  North  and  South  ;  the  Congregationalists  preferred  to  have 
its  axis  East  and  West  (as  in  pre-Laudian  seventeenth-century 
Anglicanism),  to  preclude  any  association  of  it  with  an  altar. 

9.  A  deep  theological  division  between  Presbyterians  and  Con 
gregationalists  between  1640  and  1660,  affecting  their  general 
interpretation  and  application  of  scripture,  was  that  the  Pres- 


6  PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONGREGATIONALISTS 

byterians  were  unsympathetic  to,  the  Congregationalists  (and 
Baptists)  heavily  influenced  by  the  prevailing  millenarianism  ; 
and  again  after  1689  that  the  Congregationalists  tended  towards, 
the  Presbyterians  away  from,  antinomianism. 

The  eighteenth  century  in  England 

These  differences  will  be  seen  to  be  related  to  the  second 
'  preliminary  note  '  above.  They  can  also  be  related  to  the  fact  that 
both  the  few  genuine  Presbyterians  and  the  numerous  so-called 
Presbyterians  were,  in  general,  better  educated  than  the  Congrega 
tionalists  ;  while  the  Baptists  were  less  well  educated  (and  the 
last  of  the  Three  Denominations  to  establish  an  Academy  for 
training  ministers).  The  better  education  of  the  Presbyterians  made 
them  more  open  to  the  prevailing  intellectual  climate,  from  the 
latitudinarianism  of  late  seventeenth-century  Anglicanism  to  the 
deism  and  rationalism  of  eighteenth-century  Anglicanism  or  the 
Arianism  and  Socinianism  current  in  theological  circles  in  the 
University  of  Glasgow  and  the  Universities  in  the  Netherlands, 
to  which  the  Presbyterians  went  in  greater  numbers  than  the 
Congregationalists.  This,  together  with  their  lack  of  any  genuinely 
Presbyterian  system  of  government,  and  their  own  less  well 
grounded  or  less  whole-hearted  Dissent,  partly  explains  their 
gradual  lapse  into  the  heterodoxy  of  Arminianism,  Arianism  and 
Socinianism.  The  Baptists  clung  so  firmly  to  High  Calvinism  as  to 
hold  it  improper  to  offer  salvation  to  any  but  the  elect ;  while  the 
Congregationalists,  once  again,  adopted  a  mediating  position, 
nearer  to  that  known  as  Baxterianism,  which  permitted  the  con 
tinuance  of  both  orthodox  doctrine  and  evangelical  practice.  During 
the  eighteenth  century  the  right-wing  Congregational  churches, 
which  at  first  included  Presbyterian  members,  became  more  purely 
Congregational  in  that  they  abandoned  the  system  of  elders  for 
that  of  deacons,  and  ceased  to  admit  members  from  Presbyterian 
churches  without  a  fresh  confession  ;  while  the  Baptist  members  of 
the  left-wing  Congregational  churches  in  many  cases  seceded  to 
form  strict  Baptist  churches.  At  the  same  time,  the  Three 
Denominations  continued  to  work  together  for  political  purposes, 
in  the  long  campaign  to  regain  their  civic  rights,  through  the 
ministerial  General  Body  and  the  lay  Dissenting  Deputies  ;  and  in  a 
number  of  cases  friendly  relations  continued  personally  between 
Presbyterian  and  Congregational  ministers. 

It  is  an  over-simplification  to  say  that  in  time  all  Presbyterians 
became  Unitarians,  while  no  Congregationalists  did  so.  At  the 

/.'  * 


PRESBYTERIANS  AND  CONG  REG  ATIONALISTS  7 

Salters'  Hall  debate  of  1719,  which  is  generally  regarded  as  the 
effectual  beginning  of  Unitarianism  in  England,  the  division 
between  those  who  were  not  willing  to  subscribe  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  and  those  who  were  was  less  a  division  between 
Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  than  between  ministers  under 
40  and  ministers  over  40.  In  any  case,  the  division  was  also  less 
over  belief  in  the  Trinity  than  over  subscription  to  it  or  to  anything 
not  verbally  in  Scriptural  terms.  As  the  century  passed,  however, 
the  division  became  in  fact  more  over  doctrine  than  over  sub 
scription  ;  and  those  who  would  not  subscribe  to  the  Trinity 
ceased  to  believe  in  it  and  eventually  came  to  repudiate  it.  This 
position  became  increasingly  characteristic  of  the  Presbyterians, 
who  were  left  untouched  by  the  evangelical  wave  in  the  middle  of 
the  century  ;  and  again  at  its  end,  when  the  modern  missionary 
enterprise  began  among  the  Baptists  (now  deserting  High  Calvin 
ism)  and  the  Congregationalists,  the  Presbyterians  showed  no 
interest  in  it. 

The  nineteenth  century  in  England 

In  1828  the  campaign  for  the  recovery  of  civic  rights,  in  which 
the  Presbyterians  had  taken  the  lead,  was  at  last  won ;  and 
immediately  the  Congregationalists  and  Baptists  withdrew  from  the 
Presbyterians  (now  Unitarians)  in  the  General  Body.  The  Unitarians 
continued  to  call  themselves  Presbyterians  for  official  purposes ; 
but  in  the  Three  Denominations  their  place  was  taken  by  "  The 
New  Scotch  Presbyterians  "  (as  Stoughton  calls  them),  the  present 
Presbyterian  Church  of  England,  to  which  a  handful  of  the  older 
Presbyterian  congregations  attached  themselves.  With  their  newly 
gained  civic  equality  and  with  the  wealth  they  acquired  through 
the  Industrial  Revolution,  the  Congregationalists  increased  greatly 
in  the  nineteenth  century,  largely  taking  the  place  of  the  Presby 
terians  as  intellectual  and  political  leaders,  but  still  keeping  specially 
close  relations  with  the  Baptists.  In  two  counties  the  Congregational 
churches  have  been  open  to  Baptists,  and  the  Congregational  and 
Baptist  churches  have  been  associated,  since  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

GEOFFREY  F.  NUTTALL 

The  following- references  may  be  useful  : 

Albert  Peel  :  "  Co-operation  of  Presbyterians  and  Congregationalists  : 
some  previous  attempts  ",  in  Cong.  Hist.  Soc.  Trans  XII.  4  (Sept. 
1934),  pp.  147-163. 

Geoffrey  F.  Nuttall  :  "  Presbyterians  and  Independents  :  some  move 
ments  for  unity  300  years  ago",  in  Presb.  Hist.  Soc.  Journal  X. 
I  (May  1952),  pp.  4-17. 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH 

PURITANISM  IN  THE  CONTEXT  OF 

THE  REFORMATION1 

The  Edwardian  Reformation  was  like  Lazarus  coming  forth  from 
the  grave,  said  Edmund  Calamy,  preaching  before  the  Long 
Parliament  on  December  22nd,  1641.  As  the  resurrected  Lazarus 
still  retained  his  grave  clothes,  so  rags  of  popery  still  hung  upon 
the  true  reformation.  But  '  our  Saviour  Christ  rose  from  the  dead 
and  left  all  his  linen  clothes  behind  him,  and  so  all  superstitious 
ceremonies  must  be  buried  in  the  grave  of  oblivion  and  a  Reforma 
tion  perfected  according  to  the  Word  of  God  '.- 

The  Reformation  in  its  essence  was  about  Christology.  Luther 
had  worked  this  out  for  the  doctrine  of  salvation  ;  Calvin  pro 
ceeded  to  do  this  for  the  whole  life  of  the  Church.  In  his  preface 
to  Colossians  he  wrote  : 

This,  therefore,  is  the  only  means  of  retaining  as  well  as  of 

restoring  pure  doctrine — to  place  Christ  before  the  view  just 

as  he  is,  that  his  excellence  may  be  perceived."' 
Consequently  it  is  a  schismatic  act  to  break  from  a  church  that 
holds  the  doctrines  of  the  Trinity,  the  two  natures  of  Christ,  and 
justification  by  grace  alone.1 

But  from  1558  to  1660  in  England  the  debate  was  so  intense 
about  the  nature  of  the  grave  clothes  that  were  to  be  discarded 
that  the  Christological  preoccupation  of  the  Reformers  was 
frequently  neglected.  For  example,  Presbyterianism  came  for 
Henderson  to  be  an  essential  part  of  the  Gospel5,  and  trivial  issues 
often  blinded  many  Puritans  to  the  evangelical  basis  of  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer. (i 

In  this  essay  I  wish  to  show  the  stages  of  development  in 
Puritanism,  and  to  point  out  where  they  differed  from  the  central 
Reformed  position — although  generally  the  Puritans  themselves 
show  no  awareness  of  the  differences. 

Quite  the  best  definition  of  Puritanism  in  the  16th  century  is 
the  heading  to  A  Pane  of  a  Register,  which  was  written  by  4  divers 
Godly  and  Learned  in  our  own  time  which  stand  for  and  desire  the 
Reformation  of  our  Church  in  Discipline  and  Ceremonies  according 
to  the  pure  Word  of  God  and  the  law  of  our  land  '.  Here  the  way 
to  further  Reformation  is  set  out — to  be  by  the  government,  in 
obedience  to  the  Word  of  God  in  discipline  and  ceremonies.  This 
Puritan  emphasis  is  to  be  understood  by  realising  the  immediacy 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  9 

of  the  Word  of  God  for  them,  an  attitude  which  was  not  unusual. 
Grindal  and  Jewell,  for  example,  felt  the  same.  In  1579  Archbishop 
Hutton  preached  a  sermon  before  the  Council  of  the  North  in 
which  he  said  : 

It  is  a  manifest  sliding  from  the  faith  and  a  great  pride  to 
reject  anything  that  is  written  in  the  Word  of  God  or  to  bring 
in  anything  unwritten.  For  Christ's  sheep  hear  His  voice  and 
will  not  hear  the  voice  of  another.7 

At  this  juncture  theological  emphases  become  vital.  When  the 
Queen  insisted  on  the  use  of  the  surplice  and  the  ceremonies  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  it  aroused  much  heart-searching,  and 
appeals  were  sent  to  the  Continent  for  guidance,  for  here  Calvin 
seemed  to  be  divided  from  Calvin. 

Coverdale,  Humphrey  and  Sampson  wrote  to  Beza  and  Viret 
in  1566  in  their  dilemma  : 

We  think  that  it  must  be  assumed  in  this  question  that 
Jewish,  Turkish,  Christian  and  Popish  religions  have  each 
their  own  peculiar  sacraments  and  signs,  and  that  the  external 
profession  ought  to  be  the  test  and  badge  of  anyone's 
doctrine ;  and  that  we  are  to  seek  our  pattern  not  out  of  the 
cisterns  and  puddles  of  our  enemies,  but  from  the  fountain  of 
Scripture  and  the  Churches  of  God,  so  as  not  to  be  connected 
by  any  similarity  of  rites  from  those  from  whose  religion  we 
are  altogether  abhorrent  .  .  .  The  question  we  admit  is  a  nice 
and  difficult  one,  whether  it  is  better  to  yield  to  circumstances 
or  depart ;  to  admit  the  relics  of  the  Amorites  or  desert  our 
posts.8 

For  those  nearest  to  Calvin  relics  of  the  Amorites  were  of  much 
less  moment  than  the  unity  of  the  faith,  and  they  did  not  hesitate. 
*  God  forbid/  wrote  Knox,  *  that  we  should  damn  all  as  false 
prophets  and  heretics  that  agree  not  with  us  in  apparel  and  other 
opinions,  who  yet  preach  the  substance  of  doctrine  and  salvation 
in  Jesus  Christ.'0  Many  non-Puritans  agreed.  Archbishop  Hutton 
wrote  to  Cecil,  '  The  Puritans  whose  fantastical  zeal  I  mislike, 
though  they  differ  in  ceremonies  and  accidents,  yet  they  agree  with 
us  in  substance  of  religion  and  I  think  all  or  most  of  them  love 
his  Majesty  and  the  present  state  V°  The  question  of  vestments 
remained  sufficiently  marginal  to  prevent  wholesale  schism,  though 
in  London  37  out  of  110  clergy  were  a  Jong  while  in  conforming 
to  Parker's  injunction11  and  for  the  next  eighty  years  it  tended  to 
be  a  badge  of  radicalism,  a  sign  of  the  *  whotter  sort '  of  Puritans. 


10  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

In    1566   Beza,   who  departed   from   Calvin   in  a  number  of 
important  ways,  wrote  a  strong  letter  to  Grindal,  and  deeper 
issues  emerge.  After  deploring  the  use  of  ceremonies  not  enjoined 
in  Scripture — *  as  touching  the  Lord's  Supper,  who  can  refrain 
from  tears  to  declare  how  miserably  it  is  transformed  into  the  old 
stage-like  frisking  and  horrible  idol  gadding ',  he  then  continues  : 
Moreover,  by  what  right  whether  ye  respect  the  Word  of  God 
or  all  the  canons,  may  either  the  civil  magistrate  by  himself, 
where  congregations  are  already  erected  and  established,  bring 
in  upon  them  any  new  rights  or  abrogate  the  old  :    or  the 
Bishops  without  the  judgment  and  consent  of  their  eldership 
duly  ordain  anything,  I  have  not  yet  learned.12 
This  letter  was  a  straw  in  the  wind.  Very  shortly  reformation 
of  the  Church  by  the  Word  of  God  alone  was  going  to  be  applied 
to  all  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  church  discipline  and 
government,  and  this  attack  would  bring  into  question  the  Erastian 
structure  of  the  Church  of  England  under  Elizabeth  and  the  form 
of  church  government. 

Calvin  had  laid  down  an  order  of  Church  government  for  the 
small  city  state  of  Geneva  based  on  the  services  needed  in  the 
Church  to  keep  it  true  to  the  Gospel.  This  is  essentially  how  Calvin 
viewed  the  question.13  It  was  not  episcopal  but  throughout  his  life 
as  per  manent  moderator,  he  exercised  pastoral  episcopal  functions. 
Although  he  argued  that  bishops  and  pastors  were  synonymous 
terms,  he  also  said  : 

The  political  distinction  of  ranks  is  not  to  be  repudiated,  for 
reason  itself  dictates  this  order  to  take  away  confusion ;  but 
that  which  shall  have  this  object  in  view  will  be  so  arranged 
that  it  may  neither  obscure  Christ's  glory  nor  minister  to 
ambition  or  tyranny,  nor  prevent  all  ministers  from  cultivating 
mutual  fraternity  with  each  other  with  equal  rights  and 
liberties.14 

In  his  letter  to  the  King  of  Poland,  he  was  prepared  to  have  an 
archbishop  as  well.15  The  enemy  was  prelacy,  not  pastoral 
episcopacy.  In  Scotland  under  Knox,  the  Church  was  controlled 
by  the  General  Assembly  and  a  reformed  episcopate — the 
Superintendents.16 

This  attitude  of  Calvin  had  its  effect  in  England  also.  In 
Edwardian  days  the  term  '  Superintendent '  was  frequently  used  to 
denote  '  reformed  bishop n?  and  the  idea  of  reforming  the 
episcopate  in  the  direction  of  combining  it  with  something  like 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  11 


the  corporate  episcopate  of  the  *  Presbyterian '  system  was  fre 
quently  mooted  in  the  early  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  Dr.  Collinson 
has  given  a  number  of  examples.18  But  it  came  to  nothing,  and 
when  the  moderating  influence  of  Grindal  was  removed  and  a 
stop  was  put  to  prophesyings,  a  tremendous  impetus  was  given 
to  the  doctrinaire  Presbyterian  Puritans.19  When  this  Presbyterian 
movement  was  finally  defeated  however,  the  Puritans  frequently 
returned  to  the  idea  of  a  reduced  episcopacy.20 

If  there  had  been  any  real  possibility  of  episcopal  reform  or 
Puritan  reforms  brought  in  by  the  bishops,  I  doubt  whether  the 
Elizabethan  Presbyterians  would  have  gained  the  following  that 
they  did.  As  Robert  Beale  wrote  to  Hatton  in  1584  : 
I  am  none  of  them  that  would  have  bishop  and  archbishop 
pulled  down  or  the  form  of  Church  altered  ....  but  to  know 
a  church  under  heaven  that  preserves  two  such  absurdities 
as  the  maintenance  of  a  dumb  unpreaching  ministry  and  the 
whole   exercise   of  discipline  and   excommunication   in   one 
man.21 

There  was  a  wide  desire  for  a  reformed  ministry,  episcopate 
and  discipline,  and  when  this  was  blocked,  a  large  group  of  Puritan 
ministers  swung  over  to  support  the  idea  of  a  Presbyterian  form 
of  government  and  discipline  for  the  Church  of  England  as  the 
way  of  bringing  in  reformation.  Cartwright,  Beza  and  Melville 
insisted  that  Presbyterianism  was  de  jure  divino,  clearly  to  be 
seen  in  the  Word  of  God.  With  Beza  there  is  a  hardening  of 
Scripture  into  a  corpus  of  revelation  of  almost  prepositional 
form,22  and  this  was  now  applied  to  the  question  of  Church 
government.  The  Puritan  had  a  deep  sense  of  the  immediacy  of 
the  Word  of  God,  and  consequently,  if  it  could  be  shown  that  this 
entailed  a  Presbyterian  form  of  government  for  the  Church,  then 
it  did  become  a  de  fide  matter  in  precise  detail.  The  exact  stages 
of  this  illumination  are  very  difficult  to  trace.  The  model  of  the 
Reformed  Church  in  France,  the  influence  of  Beza,2R  the  lectures 
of  Cartwright  at  Cambridge  in  1569,  the  success  of  the  Melvillian 
Presbyterian  revolution  in  Scotland  in  the  late  fifteen  seventies, 
coming  on  top  of  the  impasse  to  reform  caused  by  the  removal  of 
Grindal,  are  all  factors  of  importance. 

Consequently  in  the  1580's  there  was  a  determined  effort  by  the 
leading  radical  Puritans,  Field,  Wilcox,  Travers,  Cartwright  and 
others  to  try  to  frame  the  government  of  the  Church  of  England 
to  a  Presbyterian  model.24  Through  Parliament  they  hoped  that 

2  * 
2  2 


12  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

Episcopacy  would  be  abolished — and  there  was  continuous  pressure 
exerted  in  this  quarter.  At  the  same  time,  they  tried  secretly  as 
far  as  they  were  able,  to  adapt  the  Church  of  England  to  their 
model.  Groups  of  ministers  came  together  in  regular  Presbytery 
meetings  in  many  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  they  even  held 
provincial  assemblies.  A  Book  of  Discipline  was  prepared  by 
Walter  Travers,  though  it  was  a  long  time  in  being  finally  accepted. 
At  least  one  minister  was  ordained  by  Presbytery  and  not  by  a 
bishop.25  Town  Councils  at  times,  apparently,  consulted  the 
Dedham  Classis  before  appointing  town  lecturers.20  And  finally, 
there  were  discussions  about  bringing  out  an  alternative  service 
-book  to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.27 

But  Parliament  would  not  pass  the  desired  measures.  John  Field, 
their  organizing  genius,  died  in  1587.  With  the  defeat  of  the 
Armada  the  following  year,  the  government  felt  safe  enough  to 
attack  the  movement,  and  thanks  to  the  detective  work  of  Bancroft, 
this  was  successfully  brought  to  a  conclusion.  Earlier  than  this 
the  only  suggestion  that  had  seemed  practicable  to  the  authorities 
had  been  to  send  Travers  and  Field  to  Lancashire  to  convert  the 
Roman  Catholics  ! 28 

The  defeat  of  the  Classis  movement,  followed  fifteen  years  later 
by  the  defeat  of  the  much  more  moderate  demands  of  the  Hampton 
Court  Conference,  had  a  marked  effect  upon  Puritanism.  Writing 
in  1641,  Henry  Parker  said,  *  Those  whom  we  ordinarily  call 
Puritans  are  men  of  strict  life  and  precise  opinions  which  cannot  be 
hated  for  anything  but  their  singularity  in  zeal  and  piety,'29  and 
although  many  Puritans  still  described  themselves  primarily  in 
terms  of  those  wishing  for  a  further  reformation  in  the  Church 
along  Biblical  patterns,  a  change  of  emphasis  had  definitely  come 
for  a  variety  of  reasons.  Major  Church  reform  being  closed  to 
them,  the  Puritans  concentrated  on  preaching  and  moral  casuistry 
to  achieve  reform. 

This  was  the  great  age  of  Puritan  preachers- -Chaderton, 
Perkins,  Sibbes,  Cotton,  Preston  and  many  more.  As  Burgess 
remarked,  it  was  '  the  odious  character  of  a  Puritan  to  be  an 
assiduous  preacher  '.30  It  was  the  age  of  Puritan  commentaries, 
theological  writings  and  devotional  literature  with  its  emphasis  on 
personal  piety.  Arthur  Dent's  The  Plain  Mans  Pathway  to  Heaven, 
published  in  1601,  went  through  25  editions  by  1640,  while  Lewis 
Bayley's  The  Practice  of  Piety  went  through  43  in  a  similar 
period.31  Above  all,  catechisms  :  *  Few  ministers  of  eminency  in  the 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  13 

land ',  wrote  Philip  Nye,  *  but  composed  a  distinct  catechism, 
there  are,  I  believe,  no  less  than  500  several  catechisms  extant  '.32 

The  effect  of  this  change  of  central  preoccupation  is  obviously 
hard  to  measure,  but  it  is  certainly  there.  The  early  Puritans  had 
undoubtedly  been  concerned  with  moral  issues,  but  as  Cartwright 
said  : 

What  is  our  straightness  of  life  any  other  than  is  required  of 
Christians  ?    We   bring  in,   I   am   sure,   no  monarchism  or 
anchorism,  we  eat  and  drink  as  other  men,  we  live  as  other 
men,  we  are  apparelled  as  other  men,  we  lie  as  other  men, 
we  use  those  honest  recreations  that  other  men  do  :   and  we 
think  there  is  no  good  thing  or  commodity  of  life  in  this  world, 
but  in  sobriety  we  may  be  partakers  of  it,  so  far  as  our  degree 
and  calling  suffer  us  and  God  maketh  us  able  to  have  it.33 
The  emphasis  of  later  Puritans  was  different.  Mrs.  Hutchinson 
wrote  : 

Whoever  was  zealous  for  God's  glory  or  worship,  could  not 
endure  blasphemous  oaths,  ribald  conversation,  profane  scoffs, 
Sabbath  breaking,  derision  of  God's  word  and  the  like,  whoever 
could  endure  a  sermon,  modest  habit  or  conversation  or 
anything  good — all  these  were  Puritans.34 

Again,  Richard  Baxter  described  his  father's  Puritanism  in  this 
kind  of  way  : 

My  father  never  crupled  common  prayer  or  ceremonies  nor 
spake  against  bishops  nor  ever  so  much  prayed  but  by  a  book 
or  form,  being  not  ever  acquainted  with  any  that  did  other 
wise.  But  only  for  reading  Scripture  when  the  rest  were  dancing 
on  Lord's  day,  or  for  praying  (by  a  form  out  of  the  Common 
Prayer  Book)  in  his  house,  and  for  reproving  drunkards  and 
swearers  and  for  talking  sometimes  a  few  words  of  Scripture 
and  the  Life  to  Come,  he  was  reviled  commonly  the  name 
Puritan,  Precisian,  Hypocrite.35 

This  change  is  also  seen  in  the  centre  of  doctrinal  interest.  The 
emphasis  of  the  Shorter  Catechism  of  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
with  43  of  its  107  questions  devoted  to  the  ten  commandments 
contrasts  with  Calvin's  Catechism,  with  twenty  pages  of  faith, 
eleven  pages  on  prayer,  thirteen  pages  on  Word  and  Sacrament 
and  fifteen  on  the  law — our  love  to  our  neighbour  and  the  right 
worship  of  God.  The  difference  is  even  more  marked  with  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism — two  pages  on  the  misery  of  man,  fifteen  on 
redemption  and  ten  on  thankfulness.30 


14  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

It  is  also  reflected  in  the  rise  of  Sabbatarianism.  Luther  and 
Calvin  had  reacted  rather  sharply  against  the  medieval  Sabbatarian 
ism  which  they  saw  as  part  of  the  legalism  against  which  they  were 
protesting,  and  they  both  warned  Christians  against  a  legalistic 
observance  of  days.37  Just  as  Christ's  sacrifice  abolished  the  old 
sacrifices,  so  Christ's  Peace  abolished  the  Sabbath  rest.38  Christ  is 
the  truth  at  whose  presence  all  the  emblems  vanish  .  .  .  Christ  has 
completed  the  Sabbath.39  Calvin's  approach  was  quite  pragmatic.  It 
is  convenient  that  one  common  day  be  set  apart  so  that  Christians 
may  worship  together  and  to  enable  servants  to  have  a  rest.40  It  is 
a  day  in  which  our  faith  should  be  exercised — that  we  should  cease 
from  our  works  that  God  may  work  in  us.11  Consequently  a 
legalistic  observance  of  the  Sabbath  would  prevent  God  working 
in  us  as  we  should  have  made  it  one  of  our  works. 

But  later  Puritans  began  to  treat  the  keeping  of  the  Sabbath  in  a 
highly  legalistic  fashion,  and  finally  the  Westminster  Confession 
saw  it  as  part  of  the  Natural  Law,  binding  on  all  men. 

The  matter  began  to  be  discussed  rather  tentatively  in  the 
1580's42  but  it  soon  became  a  major  Puritan  preoccupation.  In 
1595  Nicholas  Bownd  published  The  Doctrine  of  the  Sabbath 
where  he  sets  out  in  great  detail  how  the  day  must  be  kept.  4  The 
rest  upon  this  day  must  be  a  notable  and  singular  rest,  a  most 
careful,  exact  and  precise  rest T.43  William  Perkins  devotes  much 
attention  to  it,1 '  and  Robinson's  group  left  Amsterdam  because  the 
Dutch  were  not  sufficiently  strict  on  the  question.45  Even  for  Milton 
it  was  basic.  Thus  he  bemoaned  the  Book  of  Sports,  for  thereby 
did  the  bishops 

pluck  men  from  their  soberest  and  saddest  thoughts  to  gaming, 
jigging,    wassailing,    and    mixed    dancing    as    the    reprobate 
hireling  priest  Balaam  drew  the  Israelites  from  the  Sanctuary 
of  God  to  the  luxurious  and  ribald  feast  of  Baal-peor.4G 
Another  major  effect   of  the  Puritan  defeat  was   the  rise  of 
Separatism  as  a  theological  issue.  There  had,  of  course,  been  small 
breakaway  groups  but  they  had  no  developed  theology  of  separa 
tion.   But   as   time  went  on   and   despite  all   their  tarrying,  the 
magistrate  seemed  unwilling  to  reform  the  Church  further,  Separa 
tism  as  a  definite  theological  position  emerged.  It  is  questionable 
whether  Browne  reached  that  stage17  but  Barrow  and  Greenwood 
certainly  did,  and  attacked  the  very  idea  of  an  Established  Church. 
When   these   Separatists  migrated   to  Holland   they  came  into 
contact     with     the     vast     range     of     heterodoxy — Anabaptists, 

Z  * 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  15 


Millenarians,  and  Quietists  of  varying  types, — and  with  their  return 
to  England  these  influences  remained  a  permanent  part  of  English 
Separatist  Puritanism,  into  which  more  and  more  felt  themselves 
driven.  Whereas  before  about  1620  Separatists  could  be  called 
extreme  Puritans,48  increasingly  after  this  date  there  was  a  variety 
of  doctrine  which  not  only  questioned  the  nexus  between  Church 
and  State,  but  also  questioned  the  doctrines  of  Church  ministry  and 
sacraments  that  came  out  of  the  Reformation  mould.  An  attack 
on  the  doctrine  of  election  frequently  accompanied  the  rejection 
of  infant  baptism,  a  neglect  of  the  sacraments  often  went  along 
with  an  emphasis  on  experience  and  the  inner  light.  As  Vavasor 
Powell  said,  *  outward  partaking  of  ordinances  is  one  of  the  least 
things  in  religion.49  Quite  apart  from  the  Quakers,  there  is  a  great 
emphasis  on  experience.  '  This  I  shall  for  your  satisfaction  confirm 
unto  you  from  Scripture ',  said  Thomas  Collier  in  a  sermon 
preached  to  the  Army  in  1647,  *  although  I  trust  I  shall  deliver 
nothing  unto  you  but  experimental  truth  '.50  And,  at  times,  it 
'  became  intensely  selective,  to  the  point  of  Roger  Kennet  limiting 
salvation  to  members  of  his  own  congregation.51 

But  whereas  many  Continental  Separatists  logically  withdrew 
from  the  State,  this  Puritan  milieu  out  of  which  the  English 
Separatists  originally  came  often  ensured  that  they  had  an  active 
interest  in  society.  Very  many  Separatists  were  Levellers,  and  even 
for  so  politically  radical  a  man  as  Overton,  on  the  other  hand, 
'  religious  liberty  is  preferred  by  us  before  life  \52  Although  they 
refused  to  let  Israel  be  a  pattern  for  the  Christian  State,53  they 
wanted,  as  Woodhouse  argues,  by  analogy  from  religious  liberty 
and  religious  equality  to  achieve  in  the  sphere  of  nature,  natural 
liberty  and  natural  equality.54 

This  attitude  is  seen  equally  clearly  in  Winstanley,  who  for  a 
4  Marxist '  had  a  surprisingly  firm  knowledge  of  the  Book  of 
Ezekiel !  (Winstanley  of  course  was  really  an  activist  *  Quaker ' 
who  set  up  his  communist  experiment  on  St.  George's  Hill  as  a 
prophetic  sign  in  the  manner  of  Ezekiel.)55 

This  social  concern  is  seen  in  all  kinds  of  people — in  Bunyan's 
Life  and  Death  of  Mr.  Bad  man,  in  the  end  of  Collier's  sermon 
already  mentioned,  where  he  sets  out  a  list  of  necessary  reforms50 
and  in  the  Fifth  Monarchists.  There  all  the  radical  social  demands 
of  the  Levellers  are  present  except,  naturally,  the  widening  of  the 
franchise.  The  Saints  would  help  establish  the  kingdom  without 
even  the  help — or  the  knowing  help — of  Oliver  Cromwell.  When  he 

%  * 

2  2  * 


16  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

permitted  the  Nominated  Parliament  this  was  the  Lord's  doing.57 
No  wonder  Vavasor  Powell  was  '  hearty  high  and  heavenly '.  '  The 
Day,  he  said,  was  at  hand.  Law  should  stream  down  like  a  river 
freely  as  for  20s.  what  formerly  cost  £20  impartially  as  the  Saints 
please'.58  While  in  power  the  Fifth  Monarchists  proposed  a 
number  of  law  reforms.59 

Even  in  defeat  the  Fifth  Monarchists  did  not  retreat  into 
quietism,  but  simply  reinterpreted  prophesy.  Cromwell  was  the  vile 
person  of  Daniel  vii,  who  would  be  quickly  brought  down — *  a 
small  matter  shall  fetch  him  down  with  little  noise  '.G0  Christopher 
Feake  was  more  discreet.  '  "  I  will,"  he  said,  "  name  nobody  "  but 
gave  many  desperate  hints'.01 

There  is  a  rhythm  about  these  radical  groups.  The  fall  of  the 
more  politically  minded  Levellers  was  followed  by  the  rise  of  the 
Fifth  Monarchists,  and  their  fall  was  followed  by  the  increased 
influence  of  the  Quakers.  It  was  not  until  the  late  17th  century 
that  Puritanism  '  settles  down  finally  on  a  bed  of  equable  re 
spectability  Vi2 

Another  effect  of  the  Puritan  defeat  in  1590  appears  to  be  a 
changed  attitude  to  the  question  of  Church  government.  The 
question  of  the  historical  continuity  of  the  Presbyterianism  of 
1647  from  that  of  the  1590s  is  complex.  In  part  in  1647  it  was 
foisted  on  England  by  the  necessity  for  the  Parliamentarians  to 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Scots,  and  their  price  for  this  alliance 
was  a  uniform  Church  government  for  Britain — and  of  course  that 
had  to  be  Presbyterian.  However,  there  is  more  to  it. 

With  the  government  action  of  the  1590s,  Presbyterianism  was 
halted.  Field  was  dead,  and  its  other  leaders  were  now  silenced. 
Many  of  its  ardent  supporters  had  become  Separatists.  Josiah 
Nicols,  although  referring  to  the  effects  of  the  Marprelate  Tracts, 
sums  up  the  situation  in  1602  : 

We,  finding  the  mighty  wind  and  strong  hand  of  God  against 
us,  were  fain  to  humble  ourselves  under  God's  mercies,  and 
commending  our  selves  and  our  cause  to  Him  who  judgeth 
righteously,  we  resolved  ourselves  to  a  better  time,  when  it 
should  please  His  gracious  wisdom  to  make  His  own  truth 
appear  and  to  move  the  minds  of  our  own  superiors  to  see 
more  favourable. ti:i 

By  the  time  of  Hampton  Court  the  Puritans  seem  to  have 
abandoned  the  notion  of  Presbyterianism  ius  divino  and  their 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  17 

spokesman   Reynolds  was  advocating  a  form  of  reduced  Epis 
copacy.  Reynolds  certainly  wrote  later  in  favour  of  this  position.64 
Their  interests  were  now  different.  It  was  no  longer  possible  to 
change  the  government,  so  it  ceased  to  be  an  issue.  '  Till  Mr.  Ball 
wrote  in  favour  of  liturgy  and  against  Canne  and  Allin,  etc., ' 
wrote  Baxter,  '  and  until  Mr.  Burton  published  his  Protestation 
Protested,  I  never  thought  what  Presbytery  was  nor  ever  spake 
with  a  man  who  seemed  to  know  it.'65  This  attitude  of  Baxter 
would  appear  to  be  typical.  Robert  Moore,  Rector  'of  Guisely, 
wrote  in  1642  that  ceremonies  and  the  ordered  government  of  the 
Church  were  small  matters  and  in  order  not  to  disobey  he  would 
'  use  them  till  time  of  Reformation  \68  Among  the  laity  I  think  it  is 
true  to  say  that  Presbyterianism  was  not  an  issue  which,  till  1643 
at  any  rate,  dominated  their  thinking.  In  the  Long  Parliament  when 
the  Root  and  Branch  bill  was  debated,  Dering  said  : 
Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  a  certain  newborn  unseen  dangerous 
desperate  way  of  Independency.  Are  we  for  this  Independent 
way  ?  Nay  sir.  Are  we  for  the  elder  brother  of  it,  the  Presby- 
terial  form  ?  I  have  not  yet  heard  any  one  gentleman  within 
these  walls  stand  up  and  assert  his  thoughts  for  either  of  these 
ways.67 

What  interested  the  laity  most,  as  I  believe  what  interested  the 
clergy  most,  was  reformation.  Vane  the  Elder  said,  *  We  all  tend 
to  one  end — that  was  reformation — only  we  differ  in  the  way  \08 
This,  as  Dr.  W.  M.  Lament  has  so  well  pointed  out,  was  essentially 
Prynne's  position  at  this  time.69  It  was  also  D'Ewes'  position.  He 
wanted  a  godly  discipline  and  no  popery.  No  wonder  he  was  filled 
with  a  sad  apprehension  when  the  King  seemed  fixed  to  uphold 
the  Bishops  in  their  *  wealth,  pride  and  tyranny '.  '  He  clearly 
first  thought  of  reduced  episcopacy,  but  took  the  covenant  without 
a  qualm,  and  even  would  tolerate  New  England  Independency, 
because  there,  vices  and  sins  were  punished  and  the  godly  counten 
anced  and  advanced  '.70 

This  was  I  believe  the  position  of  most  of  the  Puritan  clergy, 
especially  of  those  who  later  became  Presbyterians.  In  their 
sermons  preached  before  Parliament  in  the  early  1640s,  Reforma 
tion  is  their  constant  theme.  *  This  all  the  faithful  ministers  in  the 
City  preach  for  this  day,  "Reformation",  "Reformation", 
"  Reformation  ",'  said  Calamy.71  Cornelius  Burgess  and  Stephen 
Marshal  wrote  in  their  introduction  to  their  two  published  sermons72 
'  The  God  of  Heaven  steer  all  your  weighty  consultations  ...  to 
2  * 


18  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

further  .  .  .  the  true  religion  already  established  among  us,  in  the 
perfecting  of  the  Reformation  of  it '.  They  must  go  beyond  the 
Reformation  of  King  Edward  '  that  blessed  Imp ',  and  improve 
that  of  Elizabeth  '  that  glorious  Deborah  ',  for  although  '  her  heart 
was  upright  and  she  loathed  the  idolatry  of  the  former  reign ',  and 
she  *  would  have  thoroughly  plucked  up  Popery  both  root  and 
branch  '73  she  had  too  much  opposition.  Parliament  must  '  stub 
up  all  these  unprofitable  trees '  and  *  repair  the  breaches  of  God's 
House  ...  to  bring  us  back  not  only  to  our  first  Reformation 
in  King  Edward's  days  but  to  reform  the  Reformation  itself  \74  But 
is  this  reformation  of  the  Reformation  Presbyterianism  ?  Neither 
Burgess  nor  Marshall  give  the  slightest  hint  of  this.  Their  whole 
emphasis  is  on  reformation  through  a  renewal  of  preaching. '  Above 
all,'  urged  Burgess,  *  take  better  order  for  the  more  frequent  and 
better  performance  and  due  contenancing  of  that  now  vilified  (but 
highly  necessary)  Ordinance  of  Preaching.'75  *  This  is  the  one  thing 
I  would  propound  to  you,'  said  Marshall,  '  the  promoting,  estab 
lishing  and  maintaining  a  faithful,  learned,  painful  preaching 
ministry.'76 

They  were  not  unmindful  of  other  things.  *  Throw  to  the  moles 
and  bats  every  rag  that  hath  not  God's  stamp  upon  it ' — the 
horrible  profanation  of  the  Lord's  Supper — *  the  promiscuous 
multitude  everywhere  not  only  allowed  but  compelled  to  the 
receiving  of  it ' — in  worship  *  we  have  abused  God  ', — in  doctrine, 
What  articles  of  faith  we  have  received  from  our  fathers  have  we 
not  adulterated  ? — in  morals,  '  Egypt  was  never  more  bespread 
with  locusts  and  frogs  than  our  kingdom  is  with  horrible  pro- 
faneness  ',77— increasing  popery,  *  people  going  to  and  coming  from 
the  mass  in  great  multitudes  '.78  But  in  these  three  long  sermons, 
by  leading  radical  Puritans  urging  Parliament  to  *  pluck  up  every 
plant  that  God  hath  not  planted,'79  the  remarks  about  Church 
government  are,  to  say  the  least,  singularly  indistinct.  Burgess 
raised  the  question,  but  would  not  presume  to  tell  Parliament  what 
it  should  do  about  the  issue  : 

Not  that  I  take  upon  me  to  prescribe  anything,  but  humbly 
to  offer  it  to  consideration  only  that  so  among  the  several 
ways  and  means  propounded  Your  Wisdomes  may  select  and 
prosecute  what  you  shall  find  to  be  the  surest  and  most 
honourable  way  to  cure  the  ulcers  of  the  time  that  daily 
fester  more  and  more  :  that  our  Church  and  government 
thereof  may  no  longer  be  laid  waste.80  2  * 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  19 

I  conclude,  therefore,  that  like  the  Puritan  laity,  they  were 
absorbed  by  the  questions  of  religious  and  moral  reformation. 
They  saw  something  would  have  to  be  done  about  Church  govern 
ment,  but  were  certainly  not  bound  to  a  rigid  Presbyterianism.  I 
think  it  is  arguable  that  but  for  the  Scots  intervention  a  system  of  a 
reduced  episcopacy  would  have  resulted,81  despite  the  alliance  of 
the  Independents  and  some  genuine  Presbyterians.  Writing  on  the 
28  Dec.  1640,  Robert  Baillie  said  : 

A  short  petition  is  formed  by  all  the  well-affected  clergy  for 
the  overthrow  of  Episcopacy  ...  At  that  time  the  root  of 
Episcopacy  will  be  assaulted  with  the  strongest  blast  it  ever 
felt  in  England  .  .  .  The  Primate  of  Ireland  and  a  great  faction 
with  him  will  be  for  a  limited  good  and  James  Mitchell's 
calked  Episcopacy  ...  I  trust  they  cannot  thrive  in  any  of  their 
designs.  There  was  some  fear  for  these  of  the  new  way,  who  are 
for  the  Independent  congregations  ;  but  after  much  conference, 
thanks  be  to  God,  we  hope  they  will  join  to  overthrow 
Episcopacy,  erect  Presbyterian  government  and  Assemblies, 
and  in  any  difference  they  have  to  be  silent  upon  hope  either 
of  satisfaction  when  we  get  leisure,  or  of  toleration  on  their 
good  and  peaceable  behaviour.82 

When  this  bill  was  presented  to  Parliament,  Prelacy  was  attacked, 
but  as  I  have  noted  above,  Presbyterianism  was  not  even  suggested. 
Dr.  Lament  has  argued,  however,  that  to  achieve  a  thorough 
reformation  many  conservatives  like  Prynne  and  D'Ewes  eventually 
sided  with  the  radicals  in  abolishing  episcopacy  root  and  branch 
and  even  accepting  Presbyterianism  when  the  worsening  war 
situation  forced  the  Parliamentarians  to  call  in  the  Scots,  who 
imposed  the  condition  of  a  settlement  of  the  Church  by  means  of 
the  Westminster  Assembly.  So  clear-cut  was  the  Scots  model  in 
essentials,  though  not  in  details,83  that  the  majority  of  radical 
Puritan  clergy,  having  no  alternative,  adopted  basically  the  Presby 
terian  model.  But  which  group  in  Parliament  urged  the  Scots 
alliance  ?  The  Political  Presbyterians  ?  No.  It  was  the  radical 
Independents,  the  '  War  Party  '  who  saw  the  necessity  to  defeat  the 
King,  and  thus  the  necessity  for  Scots  military  aid.  And  to  engineer 
this  alliance  with  the  Scots  were  sent  Vane,  Darley,  Armine — all 
political  Independents — Hatcher,  a  Lincolnshire  colleague  of 
Armine,  Nye,  and  Marshall  his  father-in-law  !  In  the  negotiations, 
the  English  agreed  to  endeavour  the  preservation  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland  and  the  reformation  of  religion  in  England,  the  astute 


20  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

Vane  adding  *  according  to  the  Word  of  God '.  The  godly  Scots 
could  hardly  object  to  this  sentiment  but  the  Independent  ministers 
were  certain  that  the  Word  of  God  did  not  prescribe  Presbyterian- 
ism.84 

As  a  consequence,  the  Westminster  Assembly  dragged  on  its 
long  weary  way  and  the  desired  reformation  was  not  forthcoming. 
Eventually  a  Presbyterian  system,  after  a  fashion,  was  set  up  in  a 
number  of  counties  but  it  was  boycotted  by  the  Independent 
minority.  Its  power  of  excommunication  was  feared  by  Parliament, 
so  that  the  Erastian  group  gained  considerable  strength,85  and  it 
never  really  had  the  whole-hearted  support  of  most  Puritans.  The 
Independent  John  Cook  wrote  in  1647  : 
Let  the  Presbyterians  but  answer  me  this  question,  whether  two 
parts  in  least  of  three  of  all  the  ministers  of  the  kingdom  be 
not  for  moderate  episcopacy  and  the  common  prayer  book. 
If  ever  it  come  to  a  national  assembly,  differences  must  be 
ended  by  a  major  vote.86 

No  wonder  Robert  Baillie  bemoaned,  '  Presbytery  with  this  people 
is  a  strange  monster  \87 

The  rise  of  Independency  can  also  be  traced  to  the  Puritan 
failures  of  1590  and  1605.  The  Separatists  would  have  reformation 
without  tarrying  for  the  magistrate.  But  many  who  were  attracted 
to  this  position  still  saw  the  point  of  a  national  Church.  They 
therefore  conceived  a  plan  whereby  the  national  Church  would  be 
composed  of  independent  congregations.  They  would  be  autono 
mous,  their  internal  organization  would  be  Presbyterian — hence 
they  were  called  Presbyterians  Independent  in  contradistinction  to 
the  Presbyterianism  dependent  on  councils  ('  Presbyterians  depend 
ent  ') — while  the  State  would  exercise  a  general  control  to  prevent 
the  anarchy  incipient  in  Separatism,  and  also  to  root  out  heresy.88 
Thus  we  have  committed  to  the  magistrate  the  charge  of  the 
Second  Table  (of  the  Commandments — ed.)  viz.  materially 
that  he  is  not  to  see  God  dishonoured  by  a  manifest  breach 
thereof  .  .  .  But  is  that  all  ?  No,  surely.  He  may  enter  the  vault 
even  of  those  abominations  of  the  First  Table  and  ferret  the 
devils  and  devil-worship  out  of  their  holes  and  dens  so  far 
as  nature  carried  the  candle  before  him.89 

These  '  classical '  Independents  from  Henry  Jacob  in  1605  to  the 
Savoy  Declaration,  maintained  something  like  this  position,  and 
they  looked  to  New  England  where  it  was  in  practice.90  For  success, 
it  did  depend  upon  the  co-operation  of  the  civil  power,  and  this 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  21 

Erastian  element  was  one  of  the  chief  complaints  of  the  Separatists. 
As  Roger  Williams  said,  '  The  Independent  party  jumps  with  the 
prelates,  and  though  not  more  fully,  yet  more  explicitly  than  the 
Presbyterians  casts  down  the  crown  of  the  Lord  Jesus  at  the  feet 
of  the  civil  magistrate  '.9l 

Whitgift  had  argued  that  Elizabethan  Presbyterians  impugned 
her  Majesty's  prerogatives92  but  generally  the  Puritans  (as  A  Parte 
of  a  Register  said)  looked  to  the  Civil  Government,  so  that  in 
1644  Baillie  foresaw  nothing  but '  a  lame  Erastian  Presbytery  \93 

A  more  basic  change  in  Puritan  theology  affected  these  other 
changes.  Similar  changes  occurred  in  all  Reformed  countries,  partly 
in  reaction  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  partly  as  another  emphasis 
of  the  Reformation  combining  with  Calvinism.  Luther  and  Calvin 
had  formulated  their  theology  amidst  a  variety  of  medieval  inter 
pretations,  but  with  Trent,  medieval  theology  was  hardened  into 
a  scheme,  against  which  Protestant  apologists  of  the  late  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  felt  obliged  to  put  forward  a  Protestant 
schema.  Compare  the  *  First  Scots  Confession  of  Faith '  of  1560, 
an  evangelical  cry  wrung  out  of  Knox  and  his  associates,  which 
starts  with  God  the  Holy  Trinity,  '  the  One  only  God,  whom  only 
we  must  serve,  to  whom  only  we  must  cleave,  and  in  whom  only 
we  must  put  our  trust ', — and  the  Westminster  Confession  of  Faith, 
which  starts  with  a  list  of  the  Books  of  the  Bible  and  includes  a 
section  on  the  knowledge  of  God  from  the  light  of  nature.  This  is  a 
scholastic  statement  of  the  faith  in  a  similar  Aristotelian  mould 
to  that  used  at  Trent. 

Because  it  was  a  scholasticising  of  the  faith,  it  tended  to  depart 
from  the  Christological  moorings  in  sola  gratia,  and  consequently 
from  the  basis  of  Reformation  ethics. 

Calvin  had  used  the  doctrine  of  predestination  as  a  bulwark  for 
the  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  sovereign  grace  of  God,  for  sola 
gratia.  He  warned  against  *  exploring  the  labyrinth ',  although 
unfortunately  in  his  disputes  with  opponents  he  had  explored  it 
himself.  This  led  to  a  pastoral  problem  for  Puritan  preachers  of 
the  next  generation,  who  explored  it  in  detail.94  They  had  both 
to  salve  troubled  consciences  and  to  provide  a  rationale  for  ethics 
to  prevent  antinomianism. 

In  developing  covenant  theology  they  achieved  this  without,  to 
their  satisfaction,  falling  prey  to  Arminianism.95  But  they  uncon 
sciously  made  faith  into  a  work,  a  danger  against  which  Cranmer 
had  warned,  and  they  were  tempted  to  see  in  this  and  other  works 


22  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

the  ground  of  their  assurance — a  very  inadequate  ground  according 
to  Calvin.  *  But  if  we  have  been  chosen  in  Him,  we  shall  not  find 
assurance  of  our  election  in  ourselves.'96 

This  brought  to  the  forefront  an  emphasis  on  moralism  and 
pietism  which  with  the  defeat  of  the  Classis  Movement  and  the 
rise  of  Separatism  became  the  dominant  aspect  of  17th-century 
Puritanism. 

For  Calvin  there  was  one  Covenant  of  Grace — God's  free  deter 
mination  to  save  man  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  this  has  been  fulfilled 
completely  in  him,97  but  Calvin's  was  not  the  only  notion  of  the 
covenant.  Bullinger,  following  Zwingli,  had  stressed  the  obligations 
of  man  in  the  covenant  relationship,  and  Tyndale  had  emphasised 
the  Reformation  as  a  new  way  of  life — *  God  bindeth  himself  to 
fulfil  that  mercy  unto  thee  only  if  thou  wilt  keep  his  laws  \98  The 
Puritans,  starting  certainly  with  Perkins,  although  perhaps  one  can 
see  it  before  in  Cartwright,  worked  out  a  theology  based  on  this 
covenant  idea  that  controlled  the  whole  content  of  their  theological 
work,90  which  was  extremely  influential.  Contemporaries  ranked 
Perkins  with  Calvin,  and  his  work  was  translated  into  many 
languages.  His  pupil  Ames  became  the  master  of  Coccius  who 
eventually  set  out  the  definitive  work  on  the  subject.100  It  dominated 
the  thinking  of  the  Synod  of  Dort  and  of  the  Westminster  As 
sembly.  Through  Robert  Rollock  it  became  the  dominant  theology 
in  Scotland,  and  through  Ames  and  Cotton  of  the  American 
Puritans.  In  England,  through  Ames  and  Sibbes  to  Preston,  it 
influenced  Goodwin  and  many  of  the  leading  Independents  while 
in  Archbishop  Ussher  it  was  represented  in  non-Puritan  Angli 
canism.101 

It  was  primarily  a  matter  for  pastoral  concern  with  Perkins.  How 
do  I  know  I  am  elect  ?  Perkins  argued  that  God  executes  his 
decree  of  predestination  by  the  covenant.  The  covenant  is  God's 
contract  with  man  concerning  the  obtaining  of  life  eternal 
upon    a   certain    condition.    This   covenant   consists   of  two 
parts— God's  promise  to  man  :   man's  promise  to  God.  God's 
promise  to  man  is  that  whereby  he  bindeth  himself  to  be  his 
God  if  he  perform  the  condition.  Man's  promise  to  God  is  that 
whereby   he   voweth   his   allegiance  unto   the   Lord  and   to 
perform  the  condition  between  them.102 

There  were  two  covenants.  The  covenant  of  works  had  the  con 
dition  of  perfect  obedience  which  man  failed  to  keep,  and  the 
covenant  of  grace  had  the  condition  of  faith  and  repentance  of 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  23 

sin.  From  a  pastoral  point  of  view  Perkins  saw  his  task  in  proving 
election  by  first,  showing  that  a  speck  of  faith  was  sufficient  for 
God's  grace  to  operate.  We  gain  assurance  by  '  descending  into 
our  own  hearts,  to  go  up  from  ourselves  as  it  were  by  Jacob's 
ladder,  to  God's  eternal  counsel  '.lo:>>  Secondly,  by  aid  of  such  a 
syllogism  as — "  whoever  is  in  Christ  is  chosen  to  eternal  life, 
I  am  in  Christ  and  therefore  .  .  . ",  and  finally  by  good  works. 
'  This  is  one  of  the  chiefest  uses  of  good  works,  that  by  them 
not  as  by  causes  as  by  effects  of  predestination,  both  we  and  our 
neighbours  are  certified  of  our  election  and  salvation.'104 

Perkins  had  a  streak  of  rationalism.  It  was  requisite  that  '  this 
doctrine  agree  with  the  grounds  of  common  reason  and  of  the 
knowledge  of  God  which  may  be  obtained  by  the  light  of  nature  '.105 

These  emphases  of  Perkins  were  still  not  too  far  from  Calvin, 
but  his  disciples  took  on  some  of  the  distinctive  marks  of  later 
Puritanism.  Preston  thought  man  could  manipulate  God  by  means 
of  the  Covenant  : 

I  am  willing  to  enter  into  covenant  with  thee  (says  God)  :  that 

is,  I  will  bind  myself,  I  will  enter  into  a  bond  as  it  were,  I 

will  not  be  at  liberty  any  more,  but  I  am  willing  even  to  make 

a  covenant,  a  compact  agreement  with  thee.106 

It  is  so  reasonable.  All  the  commandments  of  God  were  grounded 
upon  clear  reason  if  we  were  able  to  find  it  out,  said  Preston.107 
The  covenant  based  on  reason  gave  them  assurance  ' ...  if  thou 
art  able  to  believe  all  the  covenant  of  grace,  thou  art  by  that  put 
into  the  covenant.'108  It  came  to  be  like  a  human  contract.  Indeed, 
Durham  the  Scots  Covenanter  said  *  there  is  no  other  way  in 
which  we  can  rationally  view  it  V09 

If  a  man  could  prove  he  had  faith  he  could  force  God  to  give 
him  his  due.  *  You  may  sue  him  of  his  own  bond,  written  and 
sealed,'  said  Preston,  *  and  he  cannot  deny  it.'110  In  theory,  God 
still  elected  and  still  gave  grace  for  men  to  have  faith.  In  practice, 
a  judicial  relationship  had  been  substituted  for  God's  sovereign 
grace  in  Christ. 

Each  individual  had  to  make  this  covenant  with  God,  to  be 
certain  he  was  in  the  Way,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Church 
and  Sacraments  receded  in  importance.  In  the  Westminster  Con 
fession  the  article  on  the  Church  came  almost  at  the  end,  §  27, 
after  lawful  oaths  and  vows,  marriage  and  divorce,  while  in  the 
Shorter  Catechism,  41  questions  are  devoted  to  the  Ten  Com 
mandments,  and  none  to  the  church.111 


24  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

Covenant  theology  was  connected  with  the  Calvinist  tradition, 
but  it  was  combined  with  a  moralism  and  pietism  which  took  up 
with  another  Reformation  tradition — this  early  emphasis  of 
Lollardy,  of  Zurich  to  an  extent,  and  of  the  anabaptist  groups, 
a  type  of  Pelagian  tradition,  easier  perhaps  for  the  laity  to  grasp, 
and  combined  with  anticlericalism  and  antisacerdotalism.  But  it 
did  lead  to  a  new  legalism.  In  England  one  can  see  Wesleyanism 
as  a  protest  against  this,  and  in  Scotland  also  there  were  voices 
like  Thomas  Boston  who  said  indeed  there  was  a  covenant  with 
obligations,  and  it  was  that  Christ  Jesus  came  into  the  world  to  save 
sinners,  and  as  *  I  am  a  sinner,'  said  Boston,  *  I  have  fulfilled  my 
part  of  the  covenant '. 

GEORGE  YULE 


ll  wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  the  Revd.  Prof.  T.  F.  Torrance 
of  Edinburgh  who  has  clarified  my  thinking  in  so  many  ways,  and  also 
to  three  unpublished  theses  :  The  Puritan  Classical  Movement  under 
Elizabeth  by  Dr.  Patrick  Collinson,  (University  of  London),  Puritanism 
in  the  Diocese  of  York  1603-1640  by  Dr.  J.  A.  Newton,  (University  of 
London),  and  The  Theology  of  William  Perkins  by  Dr.  Ian  Breward, 
(University  of  Manchester). 

2Edmund  Calamy,  England's  Looking  Glass,  22  Dec.,  1641,  p.  23. 
3Co/M.  on  Colossians,  1.12. 
4 Institutes :  IV-i-12. 
r'J.  M.  Batten,  John  Duty,  p.  87. 

GSee,  for  example,  A  Survey  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  by  way  of 
197  quaeres  grounded  upon  58  places  .  .  .  with  a  view  of  the  London 
ministers  exceptions. 

7Quoted  in  J.  A.  Newton,  Puritanism  in  the  Diocese  of  York,  1603-1640 
London  Ph.D.  thesis,  p.  68. 
^Zurich  Letters,  ii  :  121  (Parker  Society). 

9Quoted  in  J.  Lorimer,  John  Knox  and  the  Church  of  England,  p.  234. 
10J.  Strype,  Whitgift,  111.420. 

11P.   Collinson,  The  Puritan  Classical  Movement  under  Elizabeth,  p.  34. 
^Puritan  Manifestoes,  W.  H.  Frere  &  C.  E.  Douglas  (eds.),  1954,  pp.  50  ff. 
^Institutes,  IV  :  iii  :  2,  and  Com,  on  Romans,  ch.  12. 
l*Com.  on  Harmony  of  the  Pentateuch,  on  Num.  iii.  5. 
15See  his  Letter  to  the  King  of  Poland,  quoted  in  R.  Y.  Reyburn,  John 

Calvin,  p.  260. 
16See  G.  Donaldson,  The  Scottish  Reformation,  ch.  5,  for  a  full  discussion 

of  this. 

17See  J.  Strype,  Memorials,  II  :  ii  :  141,  2. 
"Thesis,  pp.  218-220. 
™Ibid.t  pp.  286-307. 
20See  below,  p.  12. 
21Letter  to  Hatton  on  behalf  of  Hales.  Quoted  by  P.  Collinson,  op.  cit., 

p.  280. 

22See  Basil  Hall,  Calvin  against  the  Calvinists,  Proceedings  of  the  Huguenot 
Society,  vol.  20,  no.  3,  pp.  284  ff,  for  a  discussion  of  this  and  allied 
points  ;  I  am  indebted  to  this  article.  .,  + 

p.  291. 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  25 

24Details  of  this  movement  are  in  the  thesis  of  Dr.  Collinson,  and  in  his 
essay  on  John  Field  in  Essays  for  Sir  J.  E.  Neale,  S.  T.  Bindoff,  J. 
Hurstfield  &  C.  H.  William  (eds.),  and  in  S.  J.  Knox,  Walter  Trovers, 
as   well   as   in   the  older  volume  of   R.   G.  Usher,   The   Presbyterian 
Movement   which   must   be   used  with   caution. 
25  J.  Strype,  Annals,  III.i.178. 
26R.  G.  Usher,  op.  cit.,  pp.  27-9,  52. 
*Ubid.,  p.  48. 
28J.  Strype,  Ay I  me r,  p.  36. 

29Henry  Parker,  A  Discourse  concerning  Puritans,  p.  8. 
30C.  Burgess,  Sermon  preached  before  Parliament,  17  Nov.  1640,  p.  72. 
31L.  B.  Wright,  Middle  Class  Culture  in  Elizabethan  England,  pp.  255,  261. 
32Quoted  in  J.  A.  Newton,  op.  cit.,  p.  392. 
33  J.  Whitgift,  Works,  i.110,  Parker  Society. 
34Lucy   Hutchinson,   The  Life   of  Colonel  Hutchinson,   (Everyman   Ed.), 

p.  64. 

^Autobiography,  I.i.3. 

3UT.  F.  Torrance,  The  School  of  Faith,  pp.  xii  ff. 

37cf.  Luther's  Greater  Catechism.  'The  literal  meaning  of  this  command 
ment  does  not  concern  Christians.' 
38Calvin,  Com.  on  Colossians,  ch.  II. 

39Calvin  Harmony  of  Matthew,  Mark  and  Luke,  ii.51.  'The  full  time  for  its 
abolition  was  not  yet  come,  because  the  veil  of  the  Temple  was  not  yet 
rent.' 

^Institutes  II  viii  33,  34. 
^Ibid.,  II.viii.28. 
42See,   for  example,   the   discussions   in   the   Dedham  Classis,   in   R.   G. 

Usher,  op.  cit.,  pp.  47,  75,  76. 
43Quoted   in   J.    R.  Tanner,   Constitutional   Documents  of  the   Reign   of 

James  I,  p.  53. 

44W.  Perkins,  Works,  ii.  109.  110. 

4  5' New  England's  Memorial'  in  B.  Hanbury,  Historical  Memorials,  i.391. 
'"Quoted  in  J.  R.  Tanner,  op.  cit.,  p.  49. 
47The  matter  is  fully  discussed  in  C.  Burrage,  Early  English  Dissenters, 

ch.  III. 

48C.  Burrage,  op.  cit.,  p.  212,  221  ff,  shows  how  few  the  heterodox  were. 
49Quoted  in  G.  F.  Nuttall,  The  Holy  Spirit  in  Puritan  Experience,  p.  97. 

For  this  whole  question  see  this  excellent  book. 
50Quoted  in  A.  S.  P.  Woodhouse,  Puritanism  and  Liberty,  p.  390. 
5l'The  Brownist  Synagogue'   1641,  printed  in  Congregational  Historical 

Society  Transactions,  1910,  pp.  299-304. 
">2The  Army  Debates  at  Whitehall,  1648,  in  A.  S.  P.  Woodhouse,  op.  cit., 

p.  139. 

™lbid.,  pp.  157-8. 

54A.  S.  P.  Woodhouse,  op.  cit.,  Introduction,  pp.  60-69. 
55W.  S.  Hudson,  in  Journal  of  Modern  History,  1946,  pp.  1  ff. 
5nA.  S.  P.  Woodhouse,  op.  cit.,  pp.  395-6. 

•">7S.  R.  Gardiner,  A  History  of  the  Commonwealth  &  Protectorate,  ii.274. 
S8ln  S.  R.  Gardiner,  op.  cit.,  ii.269. 
59/fcitt,  pp.  290  ff. 
«°C.  S.  P.  Dom.  1653-1654,  p.  305. 
Hllbid..  p.  304. 

c2The  phrase  is  R.  H.  Tawney's. 
™The  Plea  of  the  Innocent,  1602. 

G4The  Original  of  Bishops  and  Metropolitans  Briefly  laid  down  by  Martin 
Bncer,  John  Re\nolds  and  James  Ussher,  Oxford,   1641. 


26  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM 

G5R.  Baxter,  True  History  of  the  Councils  Enlarged,  p.  91. 

c«Quoted  in  J.  A.  Newton,  op.  cit.,  p.  308. 

«7Quoted  in  W.  A.  Shaw,  History  of  the  Church  of  England  .  .  .  1640-1660, 

™lbid.,'p.  37. 

09W.  M.  Lament,  Marginal  Prynne,  ch.  III. 

™lhid.,  pp.  169-70. 

71Edmund  Calamy,  England's  Looking  Glass,  Dec.  22,  1641,  p.  19. 

72C.  Burgess  &  S.  Marshall,  Dedicatory  Preface  to  two  Sermons  preached 
before  Parliament,  Nov.  17,  1640. 

73C.  Burgess,  The  First  Sermon  Preached  to  the  Honorable  House  of 
Commons,  Nov.  17,  1641,  p.  53.  'That  blessed  Imp'  was  an  earlier 
appellation  to  Edward  VI. 

7lCalamy,  England's  Looking  Glass,  Dec.  22,  1641,  p.  23. 

75'0p.  cit.,  p.  72. 

7tjS.  Marshall,  p.  48,  A  Sermon  preached  before  the  House  of  Commons, 
17  Nov.   1640  (my  italics). 
See  also  E.  Calamy,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 

77S.  Marshall,  op.  cit.,  pp.  31-40. 

78C.  Burgess,  op.  cit.,  p.  68. 

79S.  Marshall,  op.  cit.,  p.  40. 

80C.  Burgess,  Another  Sermon  preached  to  the  Honourable  House  of 
Commons,  Nov.  5,  1641,  p.  64. 

81There  is  an  excellent  discussion  of  this  by  J.  C.  Spalding  and  M.  F. 
Brass,  '  Reduction  of  Episcopacy  as  a  means  to  unity  in  England,  1640- 
1662'  in  Church  History,  XXX  No.  4. 

82R.  Baillie,  Letters  and  Journal,  1.286-7. 

83See  for  example  Baillie's  comment,  op.  cit.,  ii.182. 

MG.  Yule,  The  Independents  in  the  English  Civil  War,  pp.  42,  43. 

85W.  M.  Lament,  William  Prynne,  ch.  7. 

86Redintegratio  A  mods,  quoted  in  J.  C.  Spalding  &  M.  F.  Brass,  op  cit. 
p.  421. 

87Baillie,  Letters  &  Journal,  i.269. 

88G.  Yule,  op.  cit.,  pp.  11-17. 
9'  The  Ancient  Bounds '  in  Woodhouse,  op.  cit.,  p.  287. 

90An  Apologeticall  Narration,  Ed.  R.  S.  Paul,  Introduction,  p.  45. 

9lThe  Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution  in  Woodhouse,  op.  cit.,  p.  287. 

92J.  Strype,  Whitgift,  iii.236. 

^Letters  &  Journal,  ii.l. 

91K.  Barth,  Church  Dogmatics,  II.2,  pp.  60  ff,  for  a  masterly  survey  of  the 
problem.  Barth  shows  that  although  Calvin  gave  a  Christological  basis 
for  the  doctrine,  he  does  not  follow  it  through  and  talks  of  the  Divine 
Decree  behind  the  Electing  Action  of  Jesus  Christ,  thus  making  Christ 
into  the  means  of  Election  only  and  not  also  the  basis  of  it.  Pastorally 
one  was  not  to  enquire  beyond  Christ — but  this  divine  decree  was 
beyond ;  and  understandably  people  did  go  down  the  labyrinth. 
Unfortunately,  in  so  doing  they  also  left  the  Christological  basis  to  which 
Calvin  had  pointed  and  then  the  only  way  out  was  the  Pelagianism  of 
Arminius. 

95Perry  Miller,  The  Marrow  of  Puritan  Divinity.  Miller  speaks  of  the 
Divine  Decree  without  the  Christological  emphasis  of  Calvin's  doctrine, 
but  as  the  Covenant  Theologians  did  the  same  thing  the  fault  cancels  out. 

^Institutes,  III.xxiv.5. 

07Barth,  Church  Dogmatics,  lV.1.58.ff.  See  this  whole  section  for  a  treat 
ment  of  Covenant  Theology. 

9SJ.  G.  M011er,  '  The  Beginnings  of  Puritan  Covenant  Theology ',  in 
/.  Eel.  Hist.,  XIV,  No.  1,  p.  53. 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  PURITANISM  27 

"See  Perry  Miller,  op.  cit.,  but  more  especially  I.  Bresward,  The  Theology 
of  William  Perkins,  Manchester  Ph.D.  thesis. 

100Barth,  op.  cit.,  pp.  59  ff. 

101Breward,  op.  cit.,  pp.  313  ff. 

102W.  Perkins,  Works,  1.32. 

lMlbid.,  1.284. 

lo*lbid.,  1.437. 

105lbid.,  11.605. 

106John  Preston,  The  New  Covenant,  p.  316. 

l°Ubid.,  p.  32. 

wslbid.,  p.  390. 

^Christ  Crucified,  p.  158.  Quoted  in  the  Church  of  Scotland  Report  on 
Baptism,  1958,  p.  726. 

110Preston,  op.  cit.,  p.  23. 

1J1R.  H.  Tawney  in  Religion  and  the  Rise  of  Capitalism  noted  the  marked 
change  in  what  he  called  the  iron  collectivism  of  primitive  Calvinism 
and  the  rugged  individualism  of  later  Puritanism,  and  his  book  illu 
minated  these  outward  manifestations.  The  inner  change,  I  think,  could 
be  understood  through  a  thorough  study  of  Federal  theology.  Tawney 
treats  Calvin  as  if  he  were  a  Federal  theologian,  which  short-circuits 
the  argument. 


Z  * 
2   3 


THE  DIFFERENCE  BETWEEN 

CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

IN  THE  CHAPEL-BUILDING  AGE 

When  Toleration  came  in  1689  the  Presbyterians  in  England 
did  not  set  up  a  hierarchy  of  church  courts  similar  to  that  estab 
lished  in  Presbyterianism  elsewhere.  For  this  reason  it  has  been 
too  readily  assumed  that  they  had  come  to  be  virtually 
indistinguishable  from  Congregationals.  This  was  far  from  being 
the  case.  And  therefore,  despite  the  superficial  similarity,  it  is 
important  to  examine  what  the  differences  were.  Historians  have 
'been  quick  to  point  out  the  differences  in  Cromwellian  times  but 
have  tended  to  neglect  the  equally  real  differences  that  subsisted 
after  Toleration.  As  these  differences  may  well  have  had  something 
to  do  with  the  later  fortunes  and  developments  of  the  two  bodies 
it  is  desirable  to  see  what  these  differences  were. 

For  the  better  understanding  of  the  relations  between  the  two 
bodies  in  the  forty  years  following  Toleration  we  have  two  valuable 
assessments  made  at  the  time  and  separated  by  about  thirty  years. 

One  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  Isaac  Watts  to  his  brother, 
Enoch,  which  summarises  numerous  theological  and  religious 
differences  in  the  England  of  his  day.1  The  letter  is  undated,  but 
from  internal  evidence — Watts  speaks  of  the  *  first  coming  up '  of 
the  Quakers  as  '  about  fifty  years  ago ' — we  can  conclude  that  it 
was  written  about  the  turn  of  the  century,  let  us  say  between  1700 
and  1705.2 

The  other  assessment  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  24  February 
1731  (i.e.  by  our  reckoning,  1732).  According  to  tradition  it  was  a 
report  on  the  condition  of  Dissent  in  the  Metropolis,  sent  to  Philip 
Doddridge  by  a  Northamptonshire  man  living  in  London.3  At  the 
time  there  had  been  a  good  deal  of  controversy  about  the  decline 
in  Nonconformity,  aroused  by  Strickland  Cough's  anonymous 
pamphlet  An  enquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  decay  of  the  Dissenting 
Interest,  published  in  1730.  One  of  those  who  had  replied  to  Gough 
had  been  Philip  Doddridge  who  published  anonymously  a  pamphlet 
in  1730  with  the  title  Free  thoughts  on  the  most  probable  means 
of  reviving  the  Dissenting  Interest.  Our  letter  is  virtually  a  report 
on  the  situation  in  London,  comparing  the  position  in  1731  with 
what  it  had  been  in  the  1690s.  Towards  the  end  of  the  letter  the 
writer  includes  a  comparison  of  the  ecclesiastical  outlook  of  the 

28  "* 


DIFFERENCE:  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN     29 

Congregationals  with  that  of  the  Presbyterians.  It  is  this  part  that  is 
particularly  valuable  for  our  present  purpose. 

In  what  follows  we  shall  speak  of  Watts  for  the  earlier  letter 
and  of  The  Report  for  the  later  letter. 

Both  papers  drew  attention  to  the  fact  which  we  have  already 
noted  that  in  England  the  Presbyterians  made  no  attempt  after 
Toleration  to  set  up  synods  with  a  hierarchy  of  church  courts  on 
the  lines  adopted  by  Presbyterians  in  the  sister  country  of  Scotland, 
with  whom  nevertheless  they  felt  themselves  to  be  closely  related. 
Watts  says  : 

The  true  and  original  notion  of  presbytery  is,  that  God  hath 
appointed  a  synod,  or  class,  or  assembly  of  ministers,  or 
elders,  to  be  superior  in  power  and  government  to  any 
particular  church  or  officers  thereof.  2d,  That  these  synods 
or  councils  have  power  ministerially  to  determine  controversies 
in  faith  and  discipline,  and  that  any  person  in  a  church  may 
appeal  to  them  for  any  injury  received  from  any  church,  &c. 
but  this  opinion  is  almost  worn  off  in  England.4 
Similarly  the  Report  says  : 

Heretofore  it  was  apprehended  that  the  government  of 
Presbyterian  churches  was  lodged  in  the  pastor  or  ministers  to 
whom  was  joined  lay  elders,  but  their  sentence  was  not 
determinate,  but  that  appeals  might  be  made  from  them  to 
presbyters  [?  presbyteries]  and  synods,  and  even  General 
Assemblies,  and  this  seems  to  be  the  present  state  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland.5 

A  little  later  he  asserts  that  *  modern  Presbyterians  disclaim  their 
institution '  as  thus  described,  and  goes  on  to  discuss  what  were 
the  distinctive  features  of  Presbyterianism  in  his  day. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  describe  in  any  detail  the  earlier  history 
of  Presbyterianism  in  England,  but  it  is  worth  noting  that  English 
Presbyterianism  always  had  a  streak  of  Independency  in  its  make 
up.  In  a  discussion  of  Cartwright  and  Bradshaw,  Alexander  Gordon 
draws  the  important  distinction  between  what  hs  called  Presby 
terianism  dependent  and  Presbyterianism  independent.6  The 
Scottish  and  Continental  forms  were  examples  of  Presbyterianism 
dependent  with  their  hierarchies  of  church  courts,  the  individual 
congregation  being  dependent  upon  government  from  above.  In 
Presbyterianism  independent  the  individual  parish  congregations 
maintained  their  independence,  and  synods  or  classes  were  for 
consultation  and  advice  rather  than  for  government.  It  has  however 
2  * 


30     DIFFERENCE:  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

to  be  remembered  in  this  context  that  independency  meant  parish 
independency,  not  an  independency  blossoming  forth  into  an 
independency  of  gathered  churches  separated  out  from  the  rest  of 
the  community  as  was  the  case  with  the  Congregationals.  In  any 
case  Presbyterianism  independent  was  characteristic  of  English 
Presbyterianism  in  the  time  of  William  Bradshaw  before  the  Civil 
War.  Perhaps  the  need  to  operate  within  the  framework  of  the 
traditional  Anglican  system  had  something  to  do  with  it.  Indeed 
the  chief  distinctive  feature  of  English  Presbyterian  ideas  at  this 
early  date  was  rather  the  institution  of  ruling  elders  than  any 
liking  for  a  system  of  synods. 

In  the  second  place,  from  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century 
onwards  the  thinking  of  English  Presbyterians  was  deeply  in 
fluenced  by  the  powerful  lead  given  by  Richard  Baxter.  He  disliked 
ruling  elders— lay  elders  he  called  them— because  he  disliked  the 
intrusion  of  lay  management  into  church  affairs  and  thought  that 
the  government  of  the  parish  should  be  in  the  hands  of  its  fully 
ordained  ministry. 

In  the  third  place  efforts  were  made  at  various  times,  and 
especially  shortly  before  and  just  after  the  coming  of  Toleration 
in  1689,  to  iron  out  the  differences  between  the  two  denominations.7 
In  the  upshot  (enshrined  in  the  Heads  of  Agreement  assented  to  by 
the  United  Ministers  in  and  about  London :  formerly  called 
Presbyterian  and  Congregational  of  1691)  synods  were  replaced  by 
ministerial  associations  whose  authority  was  moral  and  without 
jurisdiction,  very  much  on  the  lines  promoted  by  Baxter  in  the 
Worcestershire  Association  of  1653  ;  the  system  of  ruling  elders 
was  left  optional,  and,  as  dissenting  congregations  after  Toleration 
had  perforce  to  be  gathered  congregations  '  of  Independent  and 
Separating  Shape,  and  outward  Practice  though  not  upon  the  same 
Principles ',  as  Baxter  put  it,  the  Presbyterian  desire  for  parish 
congregational  life  had  to  be  put  into  cold  storage.8 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Heads  gives  the  general 
pattern  of  subsequent  Presbyterianism  and  the  extent  to  which  it 
was  prepared  to  go  in  meeting  Congregational  ideas.  Only  to  a 
much  slighter  extent  could  this  claim  be  made  for  subsequent 
Independency.  Watts  however  distinguishes  between  those  whom  he 
calls  rigid  Independents  and  others  whom  he  regards  as  more 
moderate  and  who,  whether  because  they  were  followers  of  John 
Owen  or  not,  came  closer  to  the  ideas  that  obtain  in  the  Heads 
of  Agreement.  Thus  he  says  :  '-  * 


DIFFERENCE:  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN     31 

There  were  some  of  the  Independents  heretofore  called 
Brownists,  some  of  whom  were  very  irregular  in  the  manage 
ment  of  church  affairs,  but  they  are  not  to  be  found  now  ;  the 
tenets  of  rigid  Independents  are  :  1st,  That  every  church  hath 
all  the  power  of  governing  itself  in  itself,  and  that  every  thing 
done  in  a  church  must  be  by  the  majority  of  the  votes  of  the 
brethren.  2d,  That  every  church  has  its  minister  ordained  to 
itself,  and  that  he  cannot  administer  the  ordinances  to  any 
other  people,  and  if  he  preaches  among  others  it  is  but  as  a 
gifted  brother.  But  the  generality  of  Independents  follow  rather 
Doctor  Owen's  notions.9 

What  we  shall  quote  from  Watts  v/ill  be  the  tenets  of  these  more 
moderate  Independents  who  *  follow  rather  Doctor  Owen's 
notions '. 

There  had  been  some  measure  of  assimilation  between  the  two 
bodies  at  least  so  far  as  moderate  men  were  concerned  on  either 
side.  But  any  assumption  that  distinctive  features  had  been 
obliterated  would  be  misleading.  From  what  the  differences  were 
not  we  may  pass  to  what  the  differences  were  at  the  period  that  we 
have  under  consideration  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  most  important,  though  not  the  only,  difference  lay  in  the 
theories  of  the  two  bodies  as  to  the  ministry  and  ordination. 
According  to  the  Report : 

The  Presbyterians  always  ordain  their  ministers  by  imposition 
of  hands,  after  a  confession  of  faith  is  made  by  the  party  to  be 
ordained,  and  sometimes  ordain  persons  to  the  ministry, 
before  they  are  called  to  the  pastoral  charge,  and  frequently 
admit  such  ordained  ministers,  occasionally  to  administer  the 
sacraments  of  Baptism,  and  the  Lords  Supper.10 
A  little  further  on  it  adds  : 

The  Presbyterian  ministers,  are  admitted  to  administer  the 
Lords  Supper ;  where  they  are  not  pastors.11 
Isaac  Watts  confirms  and  fills  out  this  picture  : 
The  tenets  of  the  Presbyterians  of  our  time  and  day  are  : 
1st,  That  a  minister  ought  to  be  ordained  by  the  laying  on  of 
hands  of  other  elders  or  ministers  after  examination,  fasting 
and  prayer.  2d,  That  a  minister  may  be  ordained  so  as  to  have 
power  given  him  to  administer  ordinances  in  general,  even 
before  he  takes  charge  of  the  church  upon  him.  3d,  That 
there  is  no  need  of  any  new  ordination  when  they  are  called  to 
a  particular  congregation.12 

&* 
2  3  * 


32     DIFFERENCE:  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

By  contrast,  according  to  the  Report : 

The  Independents  generally  ordain  their  ministers  by  fasting 
and  prayer,  without  laying  on  the  hands  of  the  presbytery, 
believing  that  ceremony  but  of  temporary  continuance  and 
standing  on  the  same  foundation,  as  anointing  the  sick  with 
oil,  &c  and  they  never  ordain  any  persons  but  when  called 
to  the  pastoral  office.13 
The  Report  also  adds  : 

The  Independent  ministers  administer  the  Lords  Supper  only 
where  they  are  pastors.14 

In  this  the  Report  comes  nearer  to  the  rigid  position  than  Watts 
'who,  in  outlining  the  position  of  the  more  moderate  Independents, 
says  : 

They  generally  think  a  minister  not  to  be  ordained  but  to  a 
particular  church,  though  many  of  them  now  think  that  by 
virtue  of  communion  of  churches  [?  a  reference  to  the  Heads 
of  Agreement],  he  may  preach  authoritatively,  and  administer 
the  ordinances  to  other  churches  upon  extraordinary 
occasions.15 
And  he  continues  : 

That  it  is  not  absolutely  necessary  that  a  minister  be  ordained 
by  the  imposition  of  hands  of  other  ministers,  but  only 
requisite  that  other  ministers  should  be  there  present  as 
advisers  and  assistants  when  he  is  ordained  by  the  church, 
that  is,  set  apart  by  their  choice,  his  acceptance,  mutual  fasting 
and  prayer.10 

We  should  perhaps  point  out  that  the  difference  was  not  so  much 
in  the  use  of  the  ceremony  of  laying  on  of  hands  as  in  whether  it 
was  the  prerogative  of  other  ministers  to  pass  on  the  succession. 
According  to  the  Presbyterians  other  ministers  were  the  only 
fit  and  proper  people  to  determine  whether  a  person  should  be 
admitted  to  the  ministerial  office  and  ordinarily  ordination  could 
not  proceed  without  them.  This  requirement  had  been  inserted  in 
the  Heads  of  Agreement  against  the  feelings  of  the  more  rigid 
Independents,  while  the  more  moderate  Independents  were  only 
ready  to  concede  that  other  ministers  should  assist  in  ordinations. 
Between  the  time  when  Watts  wrote  and  the  time  of  the  Report 
there  had  been  a  controversy  as  to  whether  any  spiritual  grace 
was  conveyed  by  the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  we  may  reasonably 
assume  that  amongst  Dissenters  it  was  agreed  that  there  was  no 
such  special  grace  conveyed.  Nevertheless  the  Presbyterians,  by 


DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN     33 

continuing  this  ceremony  continued  to  insist  on  the  right  of 
ministers  to  ordain.  It  is  this  difference  as  to  whose  authority  was 
needed  before  a  man  was  ordained,  that  of  ministers  or  that  of  the 
congregation  to  be  served,  which  was  noticed  both  by  Watts  and 
the  Report. 

In  matters  relating  to  the  appointment  of  a  minister  we  have  to 
note  another  difference  between  the  practices  of  the  two  bodies. 
Watts  does  not  allude  to  this  and  we  have  only  the  observations 
of  the  Report  : 

Many  Presbyterians  admit  all  contributors  to  the  ministry  as 

well  as  members,  to  vote  in  the  choice  of  a  pastor  or  assistant. 

The  Independents  admit  only  members,  and  those  the  brethren 

only,  to  vote  in  the  choice  of  a  pastor  &c.17 
What  exactly  is  intended  by  the  distinction  between  members  and 
brethren  is  not  made  clear  ;  perhaps  only  -male  members  could 
vote,  but  the  intention  seems  plain  that  only  communicants  should 
vote  on  the  choice  of  a  minister. 

In  this  matter  of  the  election  of  a  minister  the  practice  of  the 
Independents  had  been  in  the  main  undeviating.  By  contrast  the 
Presbyterians  had  had  to  improvise,  for  originally  they  had 
accepted  whatever  had  been  the  normal  means  of  making  an 
appointment  of  a  minister  to  the  parish.  The  appointment  might 
be  in  the  gift  of  a  patron,  or,  especially  in  the  case  of  lectureships — 
a  Puritan  feature — the  parishioners  or  townspeople  had  had  the 
chief  say  in  the  appointment.  So  now  under  the  new  post-toleration 
conditions,  appointment  fell  into  the  hands  of  those  who  contributed 
to  the  payment  of  stipends.  It  could  be  a  Committee  of  Gentlemen, 
comprising  the  heads  of  families  of  the  chief  supporters  of  the 
cause.  The  situation  as  it  developed  during  the  eighteenth  century 
is  often  obscure,  not  only  to  us  but  to  people  living  at  the  time. 
It  could  well  happen  that  after  a  long  ministry  a  congregation  was 
not  always  aware  of  what  were  the  rules  for  the  appointment  of  a 
minister.  One  may  be  justified  in  suspecting  that  this  might  especi 
ally  be  the  case  where  a  congregation  was  originally  of  mixed 
origins  comprising  both  Presbyterians  and  Independents.18 

A  second  important  difference  between  the  two  bodies  lay  in  the 
government  of  the  church. 
According  to  Watts,  among  the  Presbyterians 

it  is  the  office  of  a  minister  to  rule  in  the  church,  and  the 

peoples  duty  to  consent,  though  generally  the  minister  will  not 

do  anything  in  the  church  without  their  consent  ....  If  all 


34     DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

the  church  are  willing  any  church  act  should  be  done,  yet  it 
must  not  be  done  without  the  consent  of  the  minister.  This  is 
called  the  minister's  having  a  negative  voice,  but  this  is 
contrary  to  rigid  Independents.19 
With  the  Independents  on  the  other  hand  : 
the  power  of  church  government  resides  in  the  pastors  and 
elders  of  every  particular  church,  and  ...  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
people  to  consent ;  and,  nevertheless,  because  every  act  in  a 
church  is  a  church  act,  they  never  do  anything  without  the 
consent  of  the  people,  though  they  receive  no  new  authority 
by  the  peoples  consenting.20 

On  this  matter  the  Report  is  not  so  clear,  perhaps  because  the  actual 
position  in   1731   had  ceased  to  be  quite  clear.  So  far  as  the 
Independents  are  concerned  what  it  says  is  much  the  same  : 
The  Congregational  church  government  is  in  ministers,  deacons 
and  all  the  brethren,  and  every  particular  church  finally  deter 
mines  everything  relating  thereto,  not  owning  any  synodical  or 
foreign  power  whatever.21 

But  then  the  Report  goes  on  to  say  that  in  this  respect  the  Presby 
terians  did  not  differ  : 

Now  as  the  modern  Presbyterians  disclaim  their  institution  as 
above  described  [alluding  to  the  Scottish  system  of  church 
courts],  and  will  generally  declare  their  assent  to  the  congrega 
tional  order  as  here  expressed,  it  may  be  inquired,  where  then 
is  the  difference  between  them,  and  this  will  naturally  lead  to 
the  consideration  of  the  methods  and  customs  used  by  both.22 
However,  it  will  become  clear  from  what  the  Report  has  to  say 
under  the  next  head   that  the  assimilation  of  the  Presbyterian 
to  the  Congregational  outlook  was  not  so  great  as  the  passage 
just  quoted  would  seem  to  indicate. 

The  third  important  difference  relates  to  the  method  of  admission 
to  church  membership. 

With  the  Presbyterians,  according  to  the  Report  the  method  was 
as  follows  : 

Some  Presbyterians  admit  persons  into  their  communion  by 
their  ministers  sole  authority,  without  acquainting  the  people 
with  so  much  as  their  names,  and  others  are  proposed  to  the 
church,  immediately  after  administering  the  Lords  Supper,  and 
are  then  told  such  person  or  persons  will  be  admitted  members 


DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN     35 

the  next  day  of  breaking  bread,  if  there  be  no  objection  against 
them,  and  accordingly  are  admitted,  without  any  further 
enquiry  or  report  made  concerning  them.23 

Watts  only  refers  to  a  different  aspect  of  the  matter  : 
They  preach,  that  good  knowledge  and  a  sober  conversation  is 
not  sufficient  evidence  of  a  good  state,  and  yet  usually  enquire 
no  farther  than  of  the  knowledge  and  conversation  of  those 
they  admit  into  their  churches  ;  hence  it  follows,  they  are  larger 
in  church  discipline  than  Independents.24 
The  writer  of  the  Report  was  an  Independent  and  on  the  subject 

of  admission  in  his  own  denomination  he  was  much  fuller  : 
The  Independents  whenever  a  person  is  proposed  to  join  in 
their  communion,  always  appoint  some  of  their  members  to 
enquire  of  their  character,  and  if  there  be  occasion,  to  converse 
with  them,  and  report  to  the  church  the  account  they  have 
received  of  or  from  them.  Besides  the  person  proposed  gives 
an  account  of  his  faith  or  experience  which  is  communicated  to 
the  church,  and  this  is  done  in  some  few  instances  viva  voce, 
more  frequently  by  writing  which  is  read  to  the  church  by 
the  pastor,  and  very  often,  by  the  report  of  the  pastor,  and  the 
messengers  of  the  church,  as  the  effect  of  the  conversation 
that  has  passed  between  them,  and  if  there  is  reason  to  appre 
hend  what  has  been  offered  may  be  satisfactory  to  the  church, 
then  the  question  is  put  whether  such  person  shall  be  admitted 
a  member,  which  is  determined  by  the  brethren's  holding  up 
their  hands,  or  any  other  method  that  may  express  the  consent 
of  the  church.  Upon  this  the  person  to  be  admitted  being 
present,  the  pastor  declares  the  church's  determination,  and  in 
her  name  promises  to  watch  over  them  in  the  Lord,  and  the 
person  received  likewise  engages  himself  to  walk  in  that  church, 
according  to  Christ's  commandments  and  institutions  &c. 

And  here  it  may  be  remarked,  if  the  Independents  in  ad 
mitting  persons  into  their  communion,  would  keep  to  their 
original  established  maxim,  of  having  satisfaction  given  to  the 
church,  without  fixing  on  any  one  particular  form,  or  making 
any  human  or  unscriptural  terms  necessary,  could  persuade 
the  world  that  this  is  their  custom  and  practice,  their  churches 
would  be  more  numerous,  and  their  hands  thereby  greatly 
strengthened.25 
Watts,  who  of  course  was  also  an  Independent,  is  equally  explicit. 


36     DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERJAN 

Of  the  Independents  he  says  : 

They  think  it  not  sufficient  ground  to  be  admitted  a  member, 
if  the  person  be  only  examined  as  to  his  doctrinal  knowledge 
and  sobriety  of  conversation  ;  but  they  require  with  all  some 
hints,  or  means,  or  evidences  of  the  work  of  Grace  on  their 
souls,  to  be  professed  by  them,  and  that  not  only  to  the 
minister  but  to  the  elders  also,  who  are  joint  rulers  in  the 
church.  Though  this  profession  of  some  of  their  experiences 
is  generally  first  made  to  the  minister,  either  by  word  or 
writing,  but  the  elders  always  hear  it  and  are  satisfied  before 
the  person  is  admitted  a  member  ....  These  relations  ; 
which  the  Independents  require,  are  not  (as  some  think)  of  the 
word  of  scripture,  or  time,  or  place,  or  sermon,  by  which  they 
were  converted  ;  for  very  few  can  tell  this,  but  only  they 
discourse  and  examine  them  a  little  of  the  way  of  their  con 
viction  of  sin,  of  their  being  brought  to  know  Christ,  or  at 
least  ask  them  what  evidences  they  can  give  why  they  hope 
they  are  true  believers,  and  try  to  search  whether  there  be 
sincerity  in  the  heart  as  much  as  may  be  found  by  outward 
profession  :  that  they  may,  as  much  as  in  them  lies,  exclude 
hypocrites.21' 
Closely  connected  with  admission  are  questions  of  discipline. 

Watts  scarcely  alludes  to  this,  but  the  Report  has  a  fairly  full 

account : 

The  Independents  keep  lists  of  their  members,  with  the  places 
of  their  abode,  which  is  often  surveyed  by  pastor  and  deacons, 
at  least  should  be,  and  if  it  is  found  that  any  persons  absent 
themselves  from  their  places  in  the  church,  and  especially 
from  its  communion,  or  there  is  otherwise  reason  to  fear  they 
do  not  walk  as  becomes  their  profession,  they  are  first 
privately  admonished,  and  if  that  does  not  restrain  them,  the 
case  is  laid  before  the  church,  who  thereupon  appoint  mes 
sengers  in  her  name  to  converse  with  such  persons,  and  inform 
them  of  their  neglects,  and  wherein  lies  their  duty,  and  if  upon 
repeated  admonitions  such  persons  do  not  give  the  church 
satisfaction,  they  are  proceeded  against  and  withdrawn  from, 
but  such  a  determination  is  not  entered  into  without  shewing 
the  utmost  compassion  and  tenderness  and  with  a  great 
deliberation. 

And  when  any  person  is  excommunicated  or  cast  out  of  the 
church,  such  church  always  appoints  a  special  time  for  their 

2  * 


DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN     37 

assembling  together,  on  which  occasion  the  pastor  discourses 
on  some  passage  of  scripture  suited  to  the  present  purpose, 
and  he  with  the  brethren,  spend  some  time  in  prayer  to  beg  a 
blessing  on  them,  that  this  part  of  the  discipline  which 
Christ  has  established  in  his  Church  may  be  for  the  good 
of  the  party  immediately  concerned  and  be  a  warning  to  all, 
that  he  that  stands  may  take  heed  lest  he  fall,  and  it  has  been 
observed  by  some  persons  who  have  attended  on  those 
occasions,  they  have  been  solemn  seasons,  the  divine  presence 
evidently  accompanying  them.-7 
By  contrast : 

The  Presbyterians  very  rarely  if  ever  as  a  church,  enquire  into 
the  conduct  and  behaviour  of  their  members,  and  it  is  a  thing 
almost  as  seldom  known  that  they  discharge  any  of  them 
either  for  heresy  or  disorderly  walking,  and  it  at  any  time 
anything  of  this  kind  is  acted,  it  is  done  by  the  pastor  only  or 
by  the  managers  or  committee,  which  are  terms  made  use  of 
in  the  room  of  deacons,  and  for  want  of  proper  discipline 
immoral  persons  are  continued  in  their  societies.28 
,  A  great  deal  could  be  written  about  this  lack  of  discipline 
among  the  Presbyterians  of  which  complaint  is  made  here.  It  was 
an  Independent  who  wrote  the  passage  and  if  he  leaves  the  im 
pression  that  it  was  due  to  slackness  he  may  partly  misrepresent 
the  situation.  Slackness  there  doubtless  was  and  he  is  conscious 
of  it  in  his  own  denomination,  but  it  was  the  minister  (chiefly) 
among  Presbyterians  who  had  to  act  in  such  matters  and  he  might 
well  be  diffident  in  taking  an  adverse  view  of  a  member  around 
whom  gossip  was  over-busy.  From  what  the  writer  of  the  Report 
has  to  say  elsewhere  about  heresy,  which  was  to  the  fore  in  his 
day  and  about  which  he  gets  very  warm  in  another  part  of  his 
letter,  it  may  well  be  that  the  immorality  that  he  had  chiefly  in 
mind  as  being  too  leniently  treated  amongst  Presbyterians  was  that 
of  heresy.29  If  so  it  has  to  be  remembered  that  there  had  been 
developments  in  ideas  of  toleration  by  which  the  Presbyterians 
(along  with  many  Anglicans)  had  been  deeply  influenced.  Ministers 
and  not  a  few  of  their  congregations  in  a  city  like  London  were 
well  versed  in  the  debates  of  the  day  on  this  subject,  and  a  reluct 
ance  to  condemn  honest  opinions  as  heretical  was  becoming  very 
noticeable    amongst    the    more    cultured    of    the    Presbyterians. 
Although  amongst  the  Independents  there  may  have  been  many 
who  were  equally  ready  to  act  tolerantly,  the  fact  that  discipline 


38     DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

was  the  province  of  church-members  meant  that  a  single  member, 
embittered  against  some  form  of  heresy,  could  act  as  a  self- 
appointed  watchdog  and  make  it  impossible  for  accusations 
against  a  fellow-member  to  be  charitably  ignored  or  overlooked. 
In  such  circumstances  tolerance  would  stand  a  poor  chance  against 
accredited  standards  of  orthodoxy  and  the  orthodox  tail  would 
wag  the  dog.30 

Finally  we  come  to  a  difference  that  has  little  to  do  with  the 
origins  of  the  two  denominations  but  which  grew  up  and  eventually 
so  overlaid  and  obscured  other  differences  that  it  could  become  the 
determining  factor  in  deciding  whether  a  congregation  was  called 
Presbyterian  or  Independent.  Indeed  a  congregation  of  Con 
gregational  origins,  or  of  mixed  origins,  might  come  to  be  regarded 
as  Presbyterian  because  of  its  theological  proclivities  and  vice  versa. 

Of  divergent  theological  trends  of  the  two  bodies  the  Heads  of 
Agreement  knows  nothing,  or  at  least  gives  no  indication  of  any 
such  knowledge,  but  in  the  ten  years  or  so  between  the  publication 
of  that  document  and  Watts's  letter,  the  conflict  over  Antinomian- 
ism  had  not  only  brought  doctrinal  differences  to  the  fore  but  had 
tended  to  create  a  difference  between  the  two  denominations  along 
theological  lines.  So  we  find  this  difference  noted  by  Watts.  Of  the 
Presbyterians  he  says  : 

Their  doctrine  is  generally  Calvinistical,  but  many  of  those 

who  are  called  Presbyterians  have  of  late  years  inclined  more 

to  Mr.  Baxter.31 
On  the  other  hand,  he  says  of  the  Independents  : 

They  generally  hold  more  to'  the  doctrine  of  Calvin  than 

Presbyterians  do.32 

By  the  time  that  the  Report  was  written,  twenty-five  or  thirty 
years  later,  another  controversy  had  bedevilled  denominational 
relations.  This  was  the  Subscription  Controversy  of  1719  onwards. 
The  Trinitarian  controversy  precipitated  by  Samuel  Clarke's  book 
The  Scripture-doctrine  of  the  Trinity  (1712)  lay  behind  the  con 
troversy,  but  the  Subscription  Controversy  was  not  for  or  against 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  but  whether  it  was  necessary  to  sub 
scribe  to  such  Trinitarian  formulae  as  were  contained  in  the  Thirty 
Nine  Articles  and  the  Westminster  Confession  or  whether  adherence 
to  Scripture  should  be  the  sole  test. 

At  the  time  of  the  controversy,  in  1719,  both  denominations 
had  been  to  some  extent  divided  internally  though  in  significantly 
different  proportions.  But  by  1730  it  had  become  clear  that  its 

2  * 


DIFFERENCE:  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 


39 


effect  had  been  to  reinforce  the  earlier  trend  of  the  two  denomina 
tions  to  divide  for  and  against  adherence  to  a  strict  Calvinism  so 
that  by  this  time  the  Independents  had  become  almost  solidly 
Calvinist  and  the  Presbyterians  had  become  the  denomination  of 
latitude.  The  Report  knows  only  one  Independent  whose  orthodoxy 
was  doubtful,  whereas  it  finds  that  the  Presbyterians  were  fairly 
evenly  divided  between  Calvinists,  Middle  Way  men  (i.e.  Baxter- 
ians),  and  Arminians.33 

ROGER  THOMAS 

rrhc  letter  is  printed  in  Isaac  Watts,  The  posthumous  works  1779  vol  ii 
pp.  149-162.  "-Walts,  p.  152. 

3The  letter,  or  report,  is  to  be  found  as  D.W.L.  MS  (R.NC)  38  18  •  it 
is  not  the  original  letter,  but  a  copy  from  a  MS  which  apparently  had 
i he  same  pagination,  for  the  copy  not  infrequently  couples  two  page 
numbers  at  the  head  of  its  own  page  (hence  below,  such  references  as 
p.  93/4).  The  Walter  Wilson  MSS  in  D.W.L.  also  contains  a  copy,  taken 
from  the  same.  (Wilson  MSS,  A.4)  Wilson  gives  the  information  that  the 
report  was  a  letter  to  Doddridge 

"Watts,  pp.  158-9.  ^Report  93/4. 

"Alexander   Gordon,   'English   Presbyterianism '   in   Christian  Life,    1888, 

7 Dr.  Williams's  Library  Occasional  Paper,  No.  6,  An  Essay  of  Accom 
modation  contains  a  draft  of  an  agreement  of  about  1680  together  with 
the  parallel  passages  from  the  Heads  of  Agreement  of  1691. 
8Traces  of  their  origin  as  parish  congregations  are  to  be  found  in  later 
Presbyterianism.  Thus  the  Report  draws  attention  to  one  of  these  which 
may  be  noted  here  (Report  p.  96)  '  The  Presbyterians  when  they  assemble 
together  to  keep  days  of  prayer,  which  but  seldom  happens,  never  do  it 
as  a  church,  but  their  doors  are  open  to  all  comers,  and  ministers  only 
are  engaged  to  go  before  them,  being  afraid  of  encouraging  the  laity,  lest 
the  Lord's  people  should  become  prophets.  The  Independents  have  weekly 
or  monthly  meetings  for  the  members  of  their  churches  only,  which  time 
is  spent  eithei  by  the  pastor  in  opening  a  passage  of  scripture  &c,  and  by 
the  deacons  or  others  of  the  brethren  in  prayer,  on  which  occasions  any 
thing  that  may  regard  the  order,  and  well  government  of  [the]  society 
is  considered  and  determined.' 
'Watts,  160.  i0Report  p.  93/4.  ^Report  p.  94/5. 

12 Watts,  p.  159.  To  Presbyterians  ordination  on  a  change  of  pastorate  was 
objectionable  since  they  regarded  it  as  re-ordination.  I  low  hard  it  was  for 
them  to  compromise  on  this  matter  may  be  seen  from  the  delicate  wording 
of  the  Heads  of  Agreement  (II.  86)  'whereas  .  .  .  ordination  is  only 
intended  for  such  as  never  before  had  been  ordained  to  the  Ministerial 
Office  ;  If  any  judge,  that  in  the  case  also  of  the  removal  of  one  formerly 
Ordained,  to  a  new  Station  of  Pastoral  Charge,  there  ought  to  be  a  like 
Solemn  recommending  him  and  his  Labours  to  the  Grace  and  Blessing  of 
God  ;  no  different  Sentiments  or  Practice  herein,  shall  be  any  occasion 
of  Contention  or  Breach  of  Communion  among  us '. 

"Report  p.  93/4.  14Report  94/5.  lr>Watts,  160-1. 

1GWatts,  161.  17Report  93/4. 

1SW.  Densham  and  J.  Ogle,  The  story  of  the  Congregational  churches  of 
Dorset,  notice  a  number  of  cases  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century  that  illustrate  this. 


40     DIFFERENCE  :  CONGREGATIONAL  AND  PRESBYTERIAN 

lo Watts,  p.  159.  2°Watts,  p.  160.  21  Report,  p.  93/4. 

"Report,  p.  93/4.  "Report,  p.  94/5.  2*Watts,  p.  159. 

"Report,  pp.  94/5-96.      2GWatts,  161-2.  27Report,  96-7. 

«8Report  96.  Watts  has  also  the  rather  obscure  assertion  (pp.  159-60),  *  Most 
of  them  [Presbyterians]  own  the  office  of  deacons  in  a  church,  but 
generally  deny  any  ruling  elders  distinct  from  ministers,  and  yet  many  of 
them  think  it  convenient  to  chuse  two  or  three  men  of  their  church  to 
inspect  the  conversation  of  others '.  Evidently  Presbyterians  were  following 
Baxter  closely  in  this.  Watts  does  not  make  it  clear  whether  admission  or 
subsequent  discipline  was  the  purpose  of  the  arrangement — possibly  both. 

29Another  matter  on  which  ideas  were  changing  was  that  of  bankruptcy. 

30c/.  G.  F.  Nuttall,  Visible  Saints,  pp.   112,  117. 

~lWatts,  159.  3i!Watts,  161.  -Rcport,  pp.  87-9;  97.