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TRANSACTIONS 


OF 


THE  GAELIC  SOCIETY  OF  INVERNESS 


VOLUME     XXIX. 


1914-1919 


COMUNN   GAIDHLIG   INBHIR-NIS 


TRANSACTIONS 


OF   THE 


GAEEIC    SOCIETY 


OF    INVERNESS 


VOLUME     XXIX. 
1914-1919 


Claim  nan 


al  ri  (Umaiileaii  a'  (£hriie 


PRINTED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY 

BY    THE 

NORTHERN  COUNTIES  NEWSPAPER  AND  PRINTING  AND  PUBLISHING 
COMPANY,  LIMITED,  INVERNESS 


1922 


INTRODUCTION 


THE  volume  now  published,  the  Twenty-ninth  of  the  Society's 
Transactions,  covers  the  period  from  December,  1914,  to 
July,  1919.  It  extends  to  354  pages,  and  a  glance  at  the 
table  of  contents  shows  that,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties 
under  which  the  work  of  the  Society  was  carried  on  during 
the  Great  War,  these  are  worthy  of  the  reputation  and  tradi- 
tions associated  with  the  Society's  Transactions. 

The  Society  has  to  record  the  loss  since  the  publication  of 
its  last  volume  in  1918  of  a  large  number  of  its  members, 
among  these  many  who*  had  a  long-standing  and  influential 
connection  with  it.  In  Major  Ian  M^ackay  the  Great  War 
deprived  the  Society  of  one  of  its  most  prominent  younger 
members.  The  Society  mourned  his  loss  as  a  valuable 
member,  and  one  who*,  had  he  been  spared,  was  certain  to 
worthily  uphold  the  ideals  and  sentiments  for  which  the 
Society  stands.  His  death  was  also  mourned  by  the  Society 
as  a  worthy  son  of  his  distinguished  father,  to  whom  the 
Society  owes,  in  great  measure,  its  inception  and  its  influence. 
Major  Mackay'a  career  in  the  Army  was  followed  with  great 
interest  by  Highlanders  and  others ;  and  while  there  is  sorrow 
for  his  death,  there  is  also  pride  in  that  he  died  as  a  true 
Gael  fighting  nobly  for  his  King  and  country.  Major 
Mackay  was  killed  in  action  near  Arras  on  28th  March,  1918. 

During  this  same  year  (1918)  death  claimed  two  other 
members  of  the  Society,  to  whose  memory  special  refer- 
ence is  due.  These  were  Mr1  James  Grant,  Glasgow, 
and  Miss  Kate  Fraser,  Inverness,  both  of  them  natives 
of  Glen-Urquhart,  who  laboured  diligently  and  success- 
fully to  promote,  among  other  patriotic  works,  the 
objects  for  which  the  Society  exists.  Mr  James  Grant 


VJ  INTRODUCTION 

exhibited  in  an  unusual  degree  the  true  Highland  kindliness 
of    spirit    and    gentlemanliness    of    manner,    and    his    demise 
created  a  gap  in  the  ranks  of  the  Society  and  the  wider  Gaelic 
field  which  it  will  be  difficult  to  fill.     Miss  Eraser's  name  was 
a  household  word   in   Inverness  and   among   Highlanders  all 
over  the  world.     Her  work  in  the  direction  of  interesting  the 
young  people  of  the  North  in  Gaelic  music  and  song,  and  the 
success  which  attended  the  Children's  Annual  Mods  held  in 
recent  years  in  Inverness — the  inauguration  and  progress  of 
which  were  due  to  her  devoted  efforts — would  of  themselves 
serve  tc  make  hers  a  cherished  memory  for  years  to  come. 
Account  has  also  to  be  taken  of  her  unceasing  labours  during 
the    Great    War,    as    Treasurer    of    the    Inverness    Citizens' 
Committee,     in    raising    funds    for    .procuring    comforts    for 
Highland  soldiers  and  sailors  at  home  and  abroad.       By  these 
efforts  she  earned  for  herself  the  name  of  "  The  Soldiers'  and 
Sailors'    Friend."     The  death  of   Miss  Fraser,   after   a  very 
short  illness,  caused  widespread  sorrow,  which  the  members 
of    the   Gaelic    Society   shared   to    the   full.        The   death    of 
another  valued  and  outstanding  member  of  the  Society  calls 
for  individual  mention.     This  was  Mr  William  Mackenzie,  of 
the  Crofters'   Commission.        Mr  Mackenzie  was  one   of   the 
original    founders   of    the    Society,    and    for    many   years    its 
much   appreciated   Secretary  and   Treasurer.        In   the   early 
years  of  the  Society's  existence  he  also  contributed  valuable 
papers   to    the   Transactions,    and    after   severing   his   official 
connection   with   the   Society   he  continued   to   take   a   living 
interest  in  its  work,  as  a  reference  to  the  Transactions  will 
show.     In  truth,  seldom  has  the  sad  toll  been  so  heavy  as  on 
this  occasion  falls  to  be  recorded.     In  Dr  F.  M.   Mackenzie 
and  Mr  Kenneth  Macdonald,  both  of  Inverness,  the  Society 
lost  two  of  its  oldest  and  most  valued  members.,  whose  warm 
interest  in  its  work  was  always  in   evidence,   as  also  in   ex- 
Provost    Gossip,    Inverness;    while   in    Mr    Donald    Mackay, 
Hereford ;     Dr     MacLagan,     Edinburgh ;    "Monsignor     Mac- 
kintosh,   Fort- William  ;    Mr    Eneas    Mackay,     Stirling;    Dr 


INTRODUCTION  Vll. 

Hugh  E.  Fraser,  Dundee;  and  Mr  D.  Butter,  Inverness,  the 
Society  has  to  deplore  the  loss  of  enthusiastic,  sincere,  and 
active  supporters. 

"  'S  trom  na  's  fheudar  a  ghiulan, 
'S  goirt  gach  creuchd  mar  is  uire ; 
Ged  's  e  'n  t-eug  is  ceann-iuil  do  shliochd  Adhaimh." 

It  will  interest  the  members  and  friends  of  the  Society 
to  learn  that  its  Executive  took  an  active  interest  in  the 
return  of  the  Cadboll  Stone,  removed  from  Invergordon  to 
London,  to  the  National  Museum,  Edinburgh,  in  1921,  and 
also  approached  the  Aberdeen  Town  Council  with  a  view  to 
having  a.  Gaelic  inscription  on  the  Harlaw  Memorial  Tower ; 
while  recently  a  Committee  of  the  Society's  members  has 
been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  taking  steps  to  restore  the 
Memorial  Cairn  and  other  historic  landmarks  at  Culloden 
Moor,  including  the  "  King's  Stables  "  there. 

In  connection  with  the  Society's  Library  there  falls  to 
be  mentioned  that  the  Society  has  been  graciously  honoured 
by  the  receipt  from  His  Majesty  King  George  of  a  copy  of 
the  Rev.  Mr  St.  Glair's  Gaelic  Translation  of  Queen  Victoria's 
: '  Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  our  Life  in  the  Highlands  from 
1848-61." 

Since  the  year  1919  the  Society's  Annual  Dinner  and 
Assembly,  which  had  been  in  abeyance  during  the  war 
period,  have  been  resuscitated,  and  have  in  all  instances 
passed  with  every  indication  of  their  former  popularity. 

1921  was  the  jubilee  year  of  the  Society,  and  in  view  of 
the  long  connection  of  Dr  William  Mackay  with  the  Society, 
as  one  of  its  now  few  surviving  founders,  its  Secretary  for 
the  first  two  years  of  its  history,  and  one  of  its  Honorary 
Secretaries  since  1876,  he  was  unanimously  elected  Chief  for 
that  year,  in  recognition  of  his  important  services  to  the 
Society  throughout  its-  whole  life-time  and  to  the  various 
objects  for  which  the  Society  labours. 

Towards  the  close  of  1921  an  important  appointment 
to  the  Society's  Executive  was  made  in  the  person  of  Mr 


Viii.  INTRODUCTION 

Alex.  N.  Nicolson,  as  Secretary  and  Treasurer.  Mr  Nicolson 
continues  not  only  to  maintain  but  to  extend  the  usefulness 
and  efficiency  of  the  office.  It  is  now  pleasing  to>  note  that 
the  membership  has  increased  from  260,  to  which  it  fell  during 
the  war,  to  390  in  1922,  while  the  finances  are  in  an  encourag- 
ing condition ;  though,  at  the  same  time,  the  continuing  high 
cost  of  printing  the  volumes,  and  other  expenses,  necessitate 
that  we  again,  on  this  occasion,  appeal  to  our  members'  and 
friends  for  further  support. 

At  last — none  too  soon — the  teaching  of  Gaelic  in  schools 
has  been  made  compulsory  throughout  the  Gaelic  area  by 
the  Education  Act  of  1918,  introduced  by  the  Secretary  for 
Scotland,  Mr  Robert  Munro,  now  Lord  Alness.  The  old 
policy  of  ignoring  Gaelic  except  as  a  means  toward  learning 
English  flouted  the  axiom  that  all  education  must  from  the 
beginning  be  in  and  through  the  mother  tongue.  The 
lamentable  result  has  been  that  many  of  our  people  havfr 
grown  up  practically  illiterate  in  both  Gaelic  and  English. 
Let  us  hope  that  there  is  an  end  of  this.  Wherever  Gaelic  is 
the  mother  tongue,  the  teaching  of  it  is  essential ;  in  bi-lingual 
districts,  or  districts  that  are  in  the  main  English-speaking, 
Gaelic  has  a  claim  on  us  superior  to  any  other  language, 
both  because  it  is  in  itself  an  instrument  of  culture  and 
because  it  is  the  key  to  so'  much  of  our  national  history. 
As  regards  the  administration  of  the  Act,  something  has 
been  done;  much  remains  to  do.  The  most  clamant  need  at 
present  is  the  training  of  teachers.  Vacation  Classes  for 
existing  teachers  have  been  held  for  three  years  in  August  in 
Inverness  and  Glasgow.  In  Inverness  the  first  year  was  far 
the  most  successful ;  thereafter  the  classes  were  hampered  by 
financial  difficulties.  We  understand  that  the  same  applies 
to  Glasgow.  This  is  not  as  it  should  be:  the  language  and 
the  people  deserve  generous  treatment.  We  look  for  improve- 
ment in  this  respect,  so  that  teachers  may  attend  the  classes 
without  financial  sacrifice,  and  that  the  best  available 
instructors  may  be  secured  for  them.  £1000  a  year  would 


INTRODUCTION  IX. 

go  far  to  solve  the  whole  problem.  The  classes  held  in  Inver- 
ness have  all  along  had  the  countenance  and  warm  support 
of  the  Gaelic  Society. 

Notwithstanding  the  greatly  increased  cost  of  production, 
a  fair  number  of  additions  have  been  made  to  Gaelic  literature 
and  cognate  subjects. 

1.  Gaelic  Texts. — In  1918  there  was  published  through  An 
Comunn    Gaidhealach    a.    volume    of    selections    from    Gaelic 
Poetry,  edited  by  Professor  W.  J.  Watson,  with  introduction, 
notes,  and  vocabulary,  under  the  title  of  Bardachd  Ghdidhlig. 
This    book   makes    a   considerable:   body    of    our   best    poetry 
accessible — and  intelligible. — to  ordinary  readers.     Two  fresh 
volumes  of  An  Eosarnach  (1918,  1921)  have  appeared,  under 
the  editorship  of  the  Hon.   K.    Erskine,   containing   original 
essays  and   sketches   by  competent  writers,    and   handsomely 
produced.       The  19th  and  last  of  the  series  of  booklets  prepared 
by  the  Rev.   M.   Maclerman,   D.D.,   and   the  Rev.   Professor 
D.  Maclean,  D.D.,  for  the  special  use  of  soldiers  and  sailors 
in  the  Great  War,  is  entitled  A'  Chruit  Oir — a  choice  collec- 
tion of  religious  poetry.     Da/in  agus  Orain  (1918)  is  the  title 
of  a  little  book  of  original  poetry  by  the  late  John  MacLeod, 
Culkein,  Storr,  in  Sutherland,  showing  the  well-known  talent 
and  fine  feeling  of  the  author.       Messrs  Blackie  &  Son  are 
publishing,  in  collaboration  with  An  Comunn  Gaidhealach,  a 
series  of  Gaelic  school  books  intended  to  meet  the  requirements 
of  the  Education  Act  of  1918.    The  books  have  been  prepared  on 
a  plan  drawn  up  by  Professor  W.  J.  Watson,  and  carried  out 
under   his   general   editorship   by   Mr   D.    Macphie,    F.E.I.S. 
Most  of  the  matter  has  been  written  specially  for  the  series, 
and  the  subjects  bear  largely  on  the  life  and  environment  of 
the  children,  and  on  the  history,  traditions,  and  lore  of  the 
Gaelic  people.     Five  books  have  appeared:  the  publication  of 
the  sixth,  which  is  in  preparation,  has  been  delayed  by  Mr 
Macphie 's  lamented  death. 

2.  History,   &c. — The  Pictiah  Nation:  its  People  and  its 
Church  (1918)  is  by  the  Rev.  Archibald  Black  Scott,  B.D., 


X.  INTRODUCTION 

whose  hagiological  contributions  to  cur  Transactions  are 
known  to  members.  In  his  latest  work,  The  Bool-  of  the  J^-ira 
(1919),  Mr  W.  C.  Mackenzie,  author  of  a  History  of  the 
Hebrides,  has  made  a  considerable  contribution  to  the  history 
of  his  native  island,  involving  original  research.  Miss  M.  E. 
M.  Donaldson  has  given  a  brightly  written  account  of  her 
Wfiii-flrrittf/x  hi  f/ir  Western  H)<f1il<inds  and  Islands  (1920), 
in  a  handsome  volume  which  contains  much  and  varied 
information,  illustrated  by  numerous  original  photographs 
and  plans.  Since  then  Miss  Donaldson  has  produced  another 
book  dealing  with  the  West,  entitled  Islesmen  of  Bride  (1922). 
The  late  Mr  Osgcod  H.  Mackenzie's  bock,  A  Hundred  Tears 
in  the  Highlands,  is  one  of  the  most  charming  that  have  been 
written  on  the  subject,  and  full  of  interesting  and  valuable 
observations  by  .a  man  who  had  the  eye  and  the  soul  to 
observe.  The  death  of  the  venerable  author  has  removed,  we 
believe,  the  last  member  cf  the  old  Gaelic  ruling  families  who 
spoke  Gaelic  as  his  mother  tongue. 

3.  Philology. — The  late  Dr  Alexander  Macbain,  as  is 
well  known,  did  much  valuable  work  in  connection  with 
names  of  places  in  the  North,  including  the  names  of , Norse 
origin,  partly  in  the  form  of  contributions  to  the  Society's 
Transactions,  partly  in  articles  in  the  Inverness  newspapers. 
These  were  collected  by  Mr  Eneas  Maekay,  Stirling,  and 
printed  together  in  a  volume,  with  Introduction  by  Professor 
W.  J.  Watson.  Mr  Mackay 's  sudden  death  has  delayed 
publication,  but  the  book,  we  understand,  is  ready,  and 
cannot  fail  to  receive  an  eager  welcome.  Mr  F.  C.  Diack,  of 
Aberdeen,  who  has  been  giving  attention  to  our  scattered 
Ogam  inscriptions*,  has  published  some  of  the  results  of  his 
studies  in  a  booklet,  entitled  The  Newton  Stone  and  other 
PictJsh  Inscriptions  (1922),  a  scholarly  work  on  an  exception- 
ally difficult  subject.  Some  who  may  admit  Mr  Diack 's 
premises,  o<r  most  of  them,  may  not,  however,  be  disposed  to 
admit  the  validity  of  all  his  conclusions.  The  Scottish  Macs: 


INTRODUCTION 


XI 


1hcir  Derivation  "nd  Or'njin  (1922),  is  a  little  book  by  Rev. 
J.  B.  Johnston,  .author  of  works  on  the  Place-Names  of  Scot- 
land and  cf  England.  It  gives  in  tabular  form  useful 
information  as  to  the  place  of  origin  and  early  forms  of  the 
names,  as  well  as  explanations — not  always  successful — of 
their  meaning. 

4.  J'eriodicnh,  d'C. — Our  periodical  literature  has  received 
an  unfortunate'  set-back  by  the  cessation  of  Guth  na  Bliadhna, 
the  only  magazine  conducted  entirely  in  Gaelic.      The  Celtic 
Review    has    not   yet    recommenced    publication,    though    we 
understand  that  there  is  good  hope  of  reviving  it.       At  the 
present  time  the  want  of  this  scholarly  quarterly  is  being  felt 
rather  severely,  both  as  a  medium  for  original  work  and  as  a 
source  of  reliable  information.     An  Deo  Greine,  the  monthly 
organ  of  An  Comuiin  Gaidhealach,  continues  to  print  a  good 
deal  cf  Gaelic.     It  has  sustained  a  sore  loss  by  the  death  of 
its    editor,    Mr    Donald    Macphie,    himself    one    of    our   most 
capable    Gaelic   writers.        Gaelic    articles   appear    in    several 
newspapers,  including  the  Northern  Chronicle,  the  Stornoway 
Gazette,  and  the  People'*  Journal,  and  in  the  first  mentioned 
there    has    been    appearing    a    valuable    series    of    articles    in 
English  on  the  Literature  of  the  Gael,  by  the  Rev.  Archibald 
Macdonald,  Kiltarlity.     In  Ireland,  Eriu,  the  organ  of  Irish 
learning,  continues,  but  we  regret  to  note  the  ceasing  of  that 
excellent  magazine  Gtidelica. 

5.  Bibliography. — Under  this  head  we  note  the  complete 
and  mcst  careful  account  by  Mr  P.  J.   Anderson,  Librarian 
of  Aberdeen  University,  of  the  works,  and  also  of  much  of 
the    history,    of    his    distinguished    predecessor,    Ewen    Mac- 
Lachlan,    contained    in    the    Literary    Bulletin    of    Aberdeen 
University  for   May,    1918.        Inter  alia,   Mr   Anderson   has 
discovered    that    Ewen    MacLachlan    was    baptized    on    15th 
March,  1773,  whereas  all  previous  accounts,  including  the  two 
monumental  inscriptions,  give  1775  as  the  date  of  his  birth. 


111.  INTRODUCTION 

6.  Art  and  Music. — The  sadly  neglected  subject  of  Celtic 
Art  is  clearly  treated  in  an  excellently  illustrated  and  printed 
booklet,  entitled  Elements  of  Celtic  Art,  by  Captain  E.   JtC. 
Carmichael,    M.C.,    published   by   An    Comunn   Gaidhealach. 
The    illustrations    should    be   very    helpful.        Mrs    Marjorie 
Kennedy-Fraser,    in    collaboration    with    the   Rev.    Kenneth 
Macleod  of  Colonsay,  has  issued  ai  third  volume  of  the  Songs 
of  the  Hebrides. 

7.  Volumes   in   the   Press. — We  learn   that   The   Fernaig 
Manuscript ,    as    prepared    under    the   hand    of    Mr    Malcolm 
MacFarlane,  announced  some  time  ago,  is  now  in  the  printers' 
hands,   and  may  be  looked  for  in  due  course.     This,   when 
issued,    will   close   a   gap  of   long   standing   in   the   series   of 
representative  examples   of   Gaelic  Literature.     The   text   of 
Mr  MacFarlane's  book  was  completed  in   1914,   and  but  for 
the  very  high  costs  which  have  ruled  since  then  would  have 
been  published  before  now. 

Dr  Calder  has  in  the  press  a  Student's  Gaelic  Grammar, 
the  printing  of  which  is  well  advanced.  Similarly  advanced 
is  his  Thebaid,  an  old  Gaelic  Text  which  the  late  Professor 
Mackinnon  began  some  years  ago  and  carried  on  in  the  Celtic 
Review. 

8.  Dictionary. — We  welcome  the  new  revised  and  enlarged 
edition   of   MacEachan's   Gaelic-English    Dictionary   recently 
issued  from  the  Chronicle  Office,  Inverness.       It  is  unnecessary, 
here,  to  refer  to  the  original  author  of  this  popular  work  or 
to  those  who.  have  been  responsible  for  its  several  editions :   it 
is  enough  to  say  that  the  work  now  completed  is  one  which 
should  be  in  the^  hands  of  all  students  of  Gaelic ;  especially  is 
it  suited   for   advanced   classes  in  schools.        The,  price,   3/-, 
places  it  within  the  reach   of   all.        It  is  well  printed  and 
bound.     We  anticipate  a  ready  sale  and  an  early  demand  for 
another  edition. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Publishers  of  this  volume,  or 
some  one  else,  will  soon  provide  a  companion  volume  in  the 


INTRODUCTION  Xlll.. 

shape  of  an  English- Gaelic  Dictionary :  a  much  felt  want  on 
the  part  of  many  who  are  endeavouring  to  master  Gaelic 
unaided. 

We  congratulate  the  late  Celtic  Lecturer  in  Aberdeen, 
Mr  John  Fraser,  on  his  election  to  the  Chair  of  Celtic  in 
Oxford .  We  venture  to  congratulate  Aberdeen  on  the  choice 
of  his  successor,  Mr  John  MacDonald,  a  native  of  Kirkhill, 
a  distinguished  pupil  of  Inverness  Royal  Academy,  and  a 
graduate  with  highest  honours  of  Aberdeen  and  Cambridge .- 

INVERNESS,  16th  November,  1922. 


COMUNN  GAELIG  1NBHIR-NIS 


CO-SHUIDHBACHADH. 

1.  'S  e  ainm  a'  Chomuinn  "  COMUNN  GAIDHLIG  INBHIR-NIS." 

2.  'S   e  tha   an  run  a'  Chomuinn  : — Na  buill   a  dheanamh 
iomlan  rs  a'  Ghaidhlig ;  cinneas  Canaine,  Bardachd  agus  Ciuil  na 
'Gaidhealtachd  ;    Bardachd,  Seanachas,  Sgeulachd,  Leabhraichean 
agus  Sgriobhanna   's    a'  chanain    sin    a  thearnadh   o  dhearmad ; 
Leabhar-lann  a  chur  suas  ami  am  baile  Tnbhir-Nis  de  leabhraichibh 
agus  sgriobhannaibh — aim    an  canain  sam  bith— a    bhuiueas  do 
Chaileachd,  lonnsachadh,  Eachdraidheachd  agus  Sheanachasaibh 
nan  Gaidheal,  no  do  thairbhe  na  Gaidhealtachd  ;  coir  agus  cliu  nan 
Gaidhea!  a  dhion  ;  agus  na  Gaidheil  a  shoirbheachadh  a  ghna  ge 
b'e  ait'  am  bi  iad. 

3.  'S  iad  a  bhitheas  'nam  bull],  cuideachd  a  tha  gabhail  suim 
do   runtaibh   a'  Chomuinn  ;  a-?us   so  mar  gheibh  iad  a  staigh : — 
Tairgidh  aon  bhall  an  t-iarradair,  daingnichidh  ball  eile  an  tairgse, 
agus,  aig  an  ath  choinneamh,  ma  roghnaicheas  a'  mhor-chuid  le 
crannchur,    nithear   ball    dhith-se    no   dheth-san    cho    luath  's    a 
phaidhear  an  comh-thoirt ;    cuirear  craimi  le   ponair  dhubh  agus 
gheal,  ach,  gu  so.bhi  dligheach,  feumaidh  tri  buill  dheug  an  crainn 
a  chur.     Feudaidh  an  Comumi  Urrarn  Cheannardan  a  thoirt  do 
urrad  'us  seachd  daoiiie  cliuiteach. 

4.  Paidhidh  Ball  Urramach,  's  a'  bhliadhna  .  £010     6 

Ball  Cumanta 050 

Foghlainte 010 

Agus  ni  Ball-beatha  aon  chomh-thoirt  de  .  770 

5.  'S  a'  cheud-mhios,  gach  bliadhna,  roghnaichear,  le  crainn, 
Co-chomhairle  a  riaghlas  gnothuichean  a'  Chomuinn,  's  e  sin — aon 


GAELIC  SOCIETY  OF  INVERNESS 


CONSTITUTION. 


1.  The    Society   shall    be   called   the 

INVERNESS." 


GAELIC    SOCIETY    OF 


2.  The  objects  of  the  Society  are  the  perfecting  of  the  Mem- 
•  bers  in  the  use   of  the   Gaelic  language  ;  the  cultivation-  of  the 

language,  poetry,  and  music  of  the  Scottish  Highlands  ;  the  res- 
cuing from  oblivion  of  Celtic  Poetry,  traditions,  legends,  books, 
<ind  manuscripts  ;  the  establishing  in  Inverness  of  a  library,  to 
consist  of  books  and  manuscripts,  in  whatever  language,  bearing 
upon  the  genius,  the  literature,  the  history,  the  antiquities,  and 
the  material  interests  of  the  Highlands  and  Highland  people  ;  the 
vindication  of  the  rights  and  character  of  the  Gaelic  people  ;  and, 
generally,  the  furtherance  of  their  interests  whether  at  home  or 
abroad. 

3.  The  Society  shall  consist  of  persons  who  take  a  lively  in- 
terest in  its  objects.     Admission  to  be  as  follows  :— -The  candidate 
shall  be  proposed  by  one  member,  seconded  by  another,  balloted 
for  at  the  next  meeting,  and,  if  he  or  she  have  a  majority  of  votes 
and  have  paid  the  subscription,  be  declared  a  member.     The  ballot 
shall  be  taken  with  black  beans  and  white ;  and  no  election  shall 
be  valid  unless  thirteen  members  vote.     The  Society  has  power  to 
elect  distinguished  men  as  Honorary  Chieftains  to  the  number  of 
seven. 

4.  The  Annual  Subscription  shall  be,  for — 
Honorary  Members      .          .         .  .     £0   10     6 
Ordinary  Members       .         .         .          .          .050 
Apprentices         .          .          .          .  0     1     0 
A  Life  Member  shall  make  one  payment  of  .        770 

5.  The  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Society  shall  be  en- 
trusted to  a  Council,  chosen  annually,  by  ballot,  in  the  month  of 


Xvi.  COSHUIDHEACHADH. 

Cheann,  tri  lar-chinn,  Cleireach  Urramach,  Runaire,  lonmhasair, 
agus  coig  buill  eile — feumaidh  iad  uile  Gaidhlig  a  thuigsinn  's  a 
bhruidhinn  ;  agus  ni  coigear  dhiubh  coinneamh. 

6.  Cumar  coinnearnhan  a'  Chonminn  gach  seachduin  o  thois- 
each  an  Deicheamh  mios  gu  deireadh  Mhairt,  agus  gach  ceithir- 
la-deug  o  thoiseach  a'  Ghiblein  gu  deireadh  an  Naothamh-mios.     'S 
i  a'  Ghaidhlig  a  labhrar  gach  oidhche  mu'n  seach  aig  a'  chuid  a'& 
lugha. 

7.  Cuiridh  a'  Cho-chomhairle  la  air  leth  amis  an  t-Seachdamh- 
mios  air-son  Coinneamh  Bhliadhnail  aig  an  cumar  Co-dheuchainn 
agus  air  an  toirear  duaisean  air-son  Piobaireachd  'us  ciuil  Ghaidh- 
ealach  eile ;  anns  an  fheasgar  bithidh  co-dheuchainn  air  Leughadh 
agus  aithris  Bardachd  agus  Rosg  nuadh  agus  taghta ;  an  deigh  sin 
cumar  Cuirm  chuideachdail  aig  am  faigh  nithe  Gaidhealach  rogh- 
ainn  'san  uirghioll,  ach  gun  roinn  a  dhiultadh  dhaibh-san  nach  tuig 
Gaidhlig.       Giulainear     cosdas    na    co-dheuchainne    le    trusadh 
sonraichte  a  dheanamh  agus  cuideachadh  iarraidh  o  'n  t-sluagh. 

8.  Cha  deanar  atharrachadh  sam  bith  air  coimh-dhealbhadh 
a'  Chomuinn  gun  aontachadh  dha  thrian  de  na'm  bheil  de  luchd- 
bruidhinn  Gaidhlig  air  a'  chlar-ainm.     Ma  's  miann  atharrachadh  a 
dheanamh  is  eiginn  sin    i  chur  an  ceill  do  gach  ball,  mios,  aig  a' 
chuid  a's  lugha,  roimh'n  choinneamh  a  dh'fheudas  an  t-atharrachadh 
a  dheanamh.      Feudaidh   I. all   nach  bi  a  lathair  roghnachadh  le 
lamh-aithne. 

9.  Taghaidh  an  Comunn  Bard,  Piobaire,  agus  Fear-leabhar- 
lann. 


Ullaichear  gach  Paipear  agus  Leughadh,  agus  giulainear  gach 
Deasboireachd  le  run  fosgailte,  duineil,  durachdach  air-son  na 
firinn,  agus  cuirear  gach  ni  air  aghaidh  ann  an  spiorad  caomh,  glan, 
agus  a  reir  riaghailtean  dearbhta. 


CONSTITUTION  XV11. 

January,  to  consist  of  a  Chief,  three  Chieftains,  an  Honorary 
Secretary,  a  Secretary,  a  Treasurer,  and  five  other  Members  of  the 
Society,  all  of  whom  shall  understand  and  speak  Gaelic ;  five  to 
form  a  quorum. 

6.  The    Society   shall    hold    its   meetings   weekly   from    the 
beginning  of  October  to  the  end  of  March,  and  fortnightly  from 
the  beginning  of  April  to  the  end  of  September.     The  business 
shall  be  carried  on  in  Gaelic  on  every  alternate  night  at  least. 

7.  There  shall  be  an  Annual  Meeting  in  the  month  of  July, 
the  day  to  be  named  by  the  Committee  for  the  time  being,  when 
Competitions  for  Prizes  shall  take  place  in  Pipe  and  other  High- 
land Music.     In  the  evening  there  shall  be  Competitions  in  Read- 
ing and  Reciting  Gaelic  Poetry  and  Prose,  both  original  and  select. 
After  which  there  will  be  a  Social  Meeting,  at  which  Gaelic  sub- 
jects shall  have  the  preference,  but    not   to  such  an  extent  as 
entirely  to  preclude  participation  by  persons  who  do  not  undei- 
stand  Gaelic.     The  expenses  of  the  competitions  shall  be  defrayed 
out  of  a  special  fund,  to  which  the  general  public  shall  be  invited 
to  subscribe. 

8.  It  is  a  fundamental  rule  of  the  Society  that  no  part  of  the 
Constitution  shall  be  altered  without  the  assent  of  two- thirds  of 
the  Gaelic-speaking  Members  on  the  roll  ;  but  if  any  alterations 
be  required,  due  notice  of  the  same  must  be  given  to  each  member, 
at  least  one  month  before  the  meeting  takes  place  at  which  the 
alteration  is  proposed  to  be  made.     Absent  Members  may  vote  by 
mandates. 

9.  The  Society  shall  elect  a  Bard,  a  Piper,  uiid  a  Librarian. 


All  Papers  and  Lectures  shall  be  prepared,  and  all  Discussions 
carried  on,  with  an  honest,  earnest,  and  manful  desire  for  truth  ; 
and  all  proceedings  shall  be  conducted  in  a  pure  and  gentle  spirit, 
and  according  to  the  usually  recognised  rules. 


GAELIC  SOCIETY  OE  INVERNESS 


OFFICE-REARERS,    1915. 

CHIEF. 

The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of 
Sean  eld. 

CHIEFTAINS. 

Lieut. -Colonel   Gunn. 
Mr  Roderick  MacLeod. 
Mr  Alexander  MiacDonald . 

HON.     SECRETARIES. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D. 
Prof.  W.  J.  Watson,  LL.D. 

SECRETARY     AND     TREASURER. 

Mr  D.  F.  Mackenzie,  42  Union 
Street,  Inverness. 

Mr  W.  Charles  Macbean,  act- 
ing Interim. 

COUNCIL. 
Mr  David  Ross. 
Mr  D.   Butter. 
Rev.  D.  Connell,  M.A. 
Mr  Donald  Davidson. 
Mr  John  Mackenzie. 
Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Mr  D.   J.  MacDonald. 

BARD. 

Rev.   D.   MacEchern,   B.D. 

PIPER. 

Pipe-Major  Ronald  Mackenzie. 


OFFICE-BEARERS,    1916. 

CHIEF. 


Vacant. 


CHIEFTAINS. 


Lieut. -Colonel   Gunn. 
Mr  Roderick  MacLeod. 
Mr  Alexander  MacDonald. 

HON.     SECRETARIES. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D. 
Prof.  W.  J.  Watson,  LL.D. 

INTERIM     SECRETARIES    AND 
TREASURERS. 

Messrs  Davidson,  Scott,  & 
Coy.,  Solicitors,  42  Union 
Street,  Inverness. 

COUNCIL. 

Mr  David  Ross. 

Mr  D.  Butter. 

Rev.  D.  Connell,  M.A. 

Mr  Donald  Davidson. 

Mr  John  Mackenzie. 

Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Mr  D.   J.  MacDonald. 

BARD. 

Rev.  Dugald  MacEchern,  B.D. 

PIPER. 

Vacant. 


OFFICE-BEARERS 


XIX. 


OFFICE-BEARERS,    1917. 

CHIEF. 

Vacant. 

CHIEFTAINS. 

Lieut. -Colonel   Gunn. 
Mi   Roderick  MacLeod. 
Mr  Alexander  MacDonald. 

HON.     SECRETARIES. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D. 
Prof.  W,  J.  Watson,  LL.D. 

INTERIM  SECRETARY  AND 
TREASURER. 

Miss  M.  J.  Munro,  19  Union 
Street,  Inverness. 

COUNCIL. 

Mr  David  Ross. 

Mr  D.   Butter. 

Rev.  D.  Connell,  M.A. 

Mr  Donald  Davidson. 

Mr  John  Mackenzie. 

Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Mr  D.   J.  MacDonald. 


PIPER. 


Vacant. 


OFFICE-BEARERS,    1918. 

CHIEF. 

Vacant. 

CHIEFTAINS. 

Lieut. -Colonel   Gunn. 
Mr  Roderick  MacLeod. 
Mr  Alexander  MacDonald. 

HON.     SECRETARIES. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D. 
Prof.  W.  J.  Watson,  LL.D. 

INTERIM  SECRETARY  AND 
TREASURER. 

Miss  M.  J.  Munro,  19  Union 
Street,  Inverness. 

COUNCIL. 

Mr  David  Ross. 

Mr  D.   Butter. 

Rev.  D.  Connell,  M.A. 

Mr  Donald  Davidson. 

Mr  John  Mackenzie. 

Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Mr  D.   J.  MacDomald. 

BARD. 

Rev.  D.  MacEchern,  B.D. 


PIPER. 


Vacant. 


XX-  OFFICE-BEARERS 


OFFICE-BEARERS,    1913. 


CHIEF. 

Col.  D.  W.  Cameron,  C.M.G., 
A.D.C.,  of  Lochiel. 

CHIEFTAINS. 

Colonel  Gilbert  Gunn. 
Mr  Roderick  MacLeod. 
Mr  Alexander  Mac-Donald. 

HON.     SECRETARIES. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D. 
Prof.  W.  J.  Watson,  LL.D. 

SECRETARIES  AND  TREASURERS. 

(Interim)  Miss  M.  J.  Munro', 
19  Union  Street,  Inverness. 

Captain  R  McErlich,  6  Queen's 
Gate,  Inverness. 

COUNCIL. 

Major  David  Ross. 
Rev.  D.  Co-nnell,  M.A. 
Mr  John  Mackenzie. 
Mr  D.   Butter. 
Mr  Donald  Davidson. 
Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Mr  D.   J.  MacDomald. 

BARD. 

Rev.   D.   MacEchem,   B.D. 

PIPER. 

Pipe-M,ajor   John   MacDonald. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 
Introduction  .          .          .          .          .          .          .  v. 

Constitution   of  the   Society   .          .          .  .          .     xiv. 

Office-Bearers,    1915-1919        .          .          ..:...   xviii. 

Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  as  illustrated 

by  Old  Writings.  By  William  Mackay,  LL.D.  !  1 
Sgeulachdaii  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt.  By  James 

MacDiarmid  .  .  .  v.  .  19 

Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases,  By  Alexander 

MacDonald      .          .          .         .          .          .          .          .       30 

The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  of  Europe, 

No.    I. — S.    Columbanus.     By  the  Rev.   Archibald 

B.  Scott,  B.D.         .          .          .          .         .         .          .       47 

Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands,  By  David  N.  Mackay  67 
Gaelic  and  English  Words  for  Old  Highland  Marches, 

Strathspeys  and  Reels.  By  Andrew  Mackintosh  .  81 
Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt.  By  Alexander 

MacDonald 94 

Domhnull  nan  Oran,  am  Bard  Sgitheanach.  By  John 

N.  MacLeod 119 

Donald  Matheson  and  other  Gaelic  Poets  in  Kildonan 

and  Reay.  By  Hugh  F.  Campbell  .  .  .  .134 

Further  Notes,  on  the  Dunvegan  Family.  By  Fred.  T.  ' 

MacLeod .  143- 

Fast  Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meeting  Controversy 

in  the  Synod  of   Sutherland  and   Caithness   (1737- 

1758).  By  the  Rev.  D.  Beaton  .  .  .  159 

Celtic  Art.  By  Dr  J.  J.  Galbraith  .  •  ..  .  .182 
Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  of  Panegyric  in  Scotland.  By 

Professor  William  J.  Watson,  LL.D.  194 


«ii  CONTENTS 

PARK 

Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore.     By  the  Rev. 

Cyril  H.  Dieehkoff,  O.S.B.     .          .  .235 

Social  Life  in   Skye  from  Legend   and   Story — Part   I. 

By  J.  G.  Mackay,  O.B.E.       .  .260 

Highland   Second   Sight.        By  the   Rev.   Dugald   Mac-. 

Echern,  M.A.,  B.D 290 

Place  Names  of  Coll.     By  the  Rev.  Dugald  MacEchern, 

M.A.,  B.D.     .  ...  .     314 

Social  Life  in  Skye  from  Legend  and  Story — Part  II. 

By  J.  G.  Mackay,  O.B.E 335 

Annual  Assembly,    1919 351 

Boll  of  Members  of  the  Society,  November,  1922  :  — 

Honorary  Chieftains         .          .          .          .          .          .     355 

Life  Members  ...          .          .          .          .     355 

Honorary  Members         ">•*      .          .          .          .          .356 

Ordinary  Members  .         .         .          .          .          .     359 

Subscribing  Libraries,  &c.  .          .          .  367 

Societies  exchanging  Publications   .          .          .  367 

Members  Deceased,   1918-1922          .          .         ...     367 

List  of  Books  in  the  Society's  Library     .          .          .     369 
Index  389 


TRANSACTIONS 


17th  DECEMBER,  2914. 

The  following  paper  by  Mr  William  Mack-ay,  LL.D., 
Inverness,  was  read  at  a  meeting  held  on  this.  date. 

LIFE  IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  IN  THE  OLDEN  TIMES 
AS  ILLUSTRATED  BY   OLD   WRITINGS,* 

My  intention  this  evening  is  to  endeavour  to  place  before 
you  certain  (aspects  of  life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  past,  as 
illustrated  by  old  documents.  The  subject  is  a  dry  one,  for 
old  writings  are  not  so  fascinating  as  old  tales.  They  are, 
however,  far  more  reliable;  for  while  traditions  change  and 
disappear,  writings,  as  Ovid  said,  survive  the  lapse  of  years — 
scripta  ferunt  annos.  The  subject  is  also  a  wide  one,  and 
I  shall  only  be  able  to  give  you  sop  as  gach  seid — a  wisp  out 
of  this  sheaf  and  a  wisp  o*ut  of  that.  Moreover,  I  shall  have 
to  confine  myself  to  certain  customs  connected  with  the 
principal  events  of  life — Birth,  Fosterage',  Marriage,  Death — 
and  with  the  possession  of  the  Land  and  the  state  of  War — 
a  chronic  state  with  the  old  Highlander. 

BIRTH. 

There  was,  in  the  old  days1,  no  great  stir  on  the  actual 
event  of  birth.  The  public  rejoicings  were  postponed  until 
the  mother  was  strong  enough  to  join  in  the  festivities. 

*  This  paper  was  first  written  for  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Glasgow 
in  1902,  and  printed  by  that  Society.  It  has  now  been  somewhat 
extended. 

1 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Then  her  kirking  took  place.  On  that  occasion,  the  parents 
and  a  large  party  of  their  friends  attended  church  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  public  thanks  for  a  safe  mother  >and  a 
living  child.  After  divine  service  the  -party  adjourned  to 
the  parents'  home,  or,  more  commonly,  to  the  ale-houso, 
which  usually  nestled  snugly  near  the  church;  and  much 
feasting  and  dancing  took  place.  The  clergy  tried  to  stop 
excesses,  and  the  first  document  I  shall  refer  to  is  a  minute 
passed  in  1656  by  the  Synod  of  Moray,  within  whose  bounds 
a  great  part  of  Inverness-shire  and  the  Eastern  Highlands 
lie:—  '  The  Synod  ordains  that  Presbyteries  be  carefull  to 
remove  superstitione  and  profaneness  in  kirking  of  women 
after  child  birth,  and  admonish  them  that  as  their  first 
voyage  is  to  give  thanks  to  God  for  their  deliverie,  that  it  be 
to  a  meeting  of  the  congregatione  for  public  worship,  and 
that  they  go  not  thence  with  their  fellowship  to>  the  ailhouse 
to  sit  too  long,  but  behave  themselves  gravelie  and  modestlie, 
as  these  who  are  truly  thankful  ought  to  be."  The  minute, 
you_will  observe,  does  not  object  to>  the  adj'Ournment  to  the 
ale-house,  but  only  to>  too  long  a  sitting  there. 

The  next  event  was  the  baptism  of  the  infant.  Before 
the  Reformation  that  invariably  took  place  in  the  church — 
"in  face  of  the  congregation  " — and  Knox's  Liturgy  and 
the  Book  of  Discipline  ordained  that  the  custom  should  be 
continued  in  the  Reformed  Church.  Many  friends1  accom- 
panied the  parents  and  the  child,  and  after  service  the 
festivities  of  the  kirking  were  repeated.  Knox  ordained 
that  the  father,  or,  in  his  absence',  the  god-father,  should 
at  the  baptism  rehearse  the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  it  was  also 
customiairy  to  recite  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  sing  the  Doxology. 
These  practices  were  discontinued  in  Cromwell's  time,  for 
the  Puritans  ob/jected  to  every  semblance  of  liturgy  or  set 
prayer.  After  thei  Restoration  an  attempt  was  made  to 
restore  them,  and  in  Mlay,  1688,  the  following  resolution  was 
recorded  by  the  Presbytery  of  Inverness :  — ' '  That  at 
Baptiseing  of  Infants  the  parents  make  confession  of  yr 
Faith  by  owning  and  acknowledging  the  Apostles  Creed,  as 
also  that  after  prayer  the  Lord's  Prayer  be  subjoyned,  and 
after  praises  the  Doxologie  be  sung ;  and  all  the  Brethern  to 
be  particularly  enquired  thereanent  at  the  prbie  censure." 
Puritanism,  however,  prevailed ;  these  religious  require- 
ments dropped  out  of  use;  and  for  generations  few  Presby- 
terian baptisms  took  place  in  church. 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times 


FOSTERAGE. 

Fosterage  was  common  to  the  Celts  of  Scotland,  Ireland,, 
and  Wales.  By  it  the  child  of  one  person  was 
adopted  by  another  person,  who  gave  Kim  bed  and  board 
and  sometimes  education,  and  treated  him  in  every  respect 
as  his  own  child.  Sometimes  men  exchanged  children.  The 
custom  probably  originated  in  the  troubles!  of  the  olden 
times,  the  constant  danger  to  life  and  property,  and  the 
consequent  desire  to  form  alliances  for  mutual  protection, 
not  only  by  marriages1  and  bands  of  manrent,  but  also>  by 
fosterage  of  children.  Numerous  instances  are  recorded  of 
extraordinary  love  iand  fidelity  between  foster  parents  and 
foster  brothers — the  best  known  in  literature  being  that  told 
by  Sir  Walter  Scott  in  "  The  Fair  Maid  of  Perth,"  where 
Torquil  and  all  his  sons  sacrificed  their  lives  for  his  foster 
child,  Eachin  Maclan. 

The  contract  of  fosterage  was,  commonly,  by  word  of 
mo<uth,  but  it  was  sometimes  committed  to  writing.  The 
first  specimen  I  shall  submit  is  a  contract  entered  into  in 
1580  between  Duncan  Campbell  of  Glenurquhay  (the  laird 
of  Breadalbane)  and  his  "  native  servant  " — that  is,  his 
slave — Gillecreist  Makdonchy  Duff  Vc  Nokerd  (Christopher 
son  of  Black  Duncan,  son  of  the  Mechanic)  and  his  wife 
Catherine  Neyil  Donill  Vekconchy  (Catherine  daughter  of 
Donald  son  of  Duncan),  by  which  these  two  humble  persons 
bound  themselves  "  to  take  in  fostering  Duncan  Campbell, 
son  to  the  said  Duncane,  to>  be  sustained  by  them  in  meat 
and  drink  and  nourishment  till  he  be  sent  to  the  school  with 
the  advice  of  friends,  and  toi  sustain  him  at  the  schools  with 
reasonable  support,  the  said  father  and  foster  father  giving 
between  them  of  makhelve  guddis  in  donation  to<  the  said 
bairn  at  Beltane  thereafter  the  value  of  two  hundred  merks 
of  ky,  and  two  horses  or  two  mares  worth  forty  merks ;  these 
goods  with  their  increase  to  pertain  to  the  said  bairn  as  his 
own  chance  Bears  him  to,  but  their  milk  to  pertain  to  the 
said  foster  father  and  mother  so  long  as  they  sustain  the  said 
bairn  and  until  he  be  sent  to  the  schools,  except  soi  much  of 
the  said  milk  as  will  pay  the  mails  of  pasture  lands  for  the 
said  cattle  ....  and  in  case  the  said  bairn  shall  die  before 
he  be  sent  to  the  schools,  his  father  shall  send  another  of  his 
children,  lass  or  lad,  to  be  fostered  in  his  stead,  who  shall 
succeed  to  the  first  bairn's  goods ;  and  the  said  foster  father 


4  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

and  mother  being  bound  to  leave  at  their  decease  a  bairn's 
pairt  of  gear  to  their  said  foster  son  or  to  the  bairn  that 
enters  on  his  place,  as  much  as  they  shall  leave  to  their  own 
children." 

There  is  extant  a  contract  of  fosterage  written  in  Gaelic 
between  Macleod  of  Macleod  and  John,  son  of  the  son  of 
Kenneth,  dated  1614: — "  Ag  so  an  tachd  agus  an  cengal 
ar  affuil  Macleod  ag  tabhairt  a  mhac,  iodhon  Tormoid,  d'eoin 
mac  mic  Cainnigh,  agus  ase  so  an  tachd  ar  affuil  se  aig  Eoin 
iodhon  an  leanamh,"  and  so  on.  "  This  is  the  condition 
and  agreement  on  which  Macleod  is  giving  hie,  son,  namely, 
Norman,  to  John  the  son  of  the  son  of  Kenneth,  and  this 
is  the  condition  on  which  he  [the  child]  is  with  John,  namely, 
if  so  be  that  John  die  first  the  child  to  be  with  his  wife  until 
she  get  another  husband  for  herself,  but  the  guardianship 
of  the  child  to.  belong  to  Angus,  eon  of  the  son  of  Kenneth, 
so  long  as  she  is  without  a  husband."  .  .  .  The  foster  father 
puts  the  following  stock  in  possession  of  the  foster  child :  — 7 
mares ;  these  and  their  increase  to  be  kept  by  Macleod  for  the 
foster  child. 

MARRIAGE. 

Marriage  was  regular  or  irregular,  for  life  or  for  a  more 
limited  period.  The  contract — an  leabhrachwdh,  or  "  the 
booking  ' '  — was  signed  or  otherwise  concluded  a  short  time 
before  the  date  fixed  for  the  marriage.  Its  common  form 
ran  thus:—  '  We,  Donald  Mac  Homish,  and  Mary  daughter 
of  Ronald  Mac  Rory,  bind  ourselves  to  marry  each  other 
within  the  space  of  40  days  hence  under  the  penalty  of 
£40  Scots  payable  by  the  party  failing  to  fulfil  this  engage- 
ment to  the  party  willing  to  perform  the  same."  The 
money  (equal  to  £3  6s  8d  sterling)  was  placed  in  neutral 
hands,  usually  in  those  of  the  Session  Clerk,  who>  entered 
the  contract  in  a  book  which  he  kept  for  the  purpose.  The 
document  was,  however,  more  elaborate  with  people  of  con- 
sequence, and!  it  sometimes  contained  strange  provisions. 
The  contract  of  Hugh  Rose  of  Kilravock  and  Joneta, 
daughter  of  Sir  Roibert  Chisholm,  Governor  of  Urquhart 
Castle,  on  Loch  Ness,  dated  1364,  after  binding  the  parties  to 
marry  each  other  in  face  of  Holy  Church,  provides :  — 
"  From  the  date  of  the  marriage  the  said  Sir  Robert  shall 
keep  and  maintain  his  said  daughter  [the  bride]  for  three 
whole  years  in  meat  and  drink ;  but  the  said  Hugh  [the 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  5 

bridegroom]  shall  find  and  keep  her  in  all  necessary  garments 
and  ornaments." 

In  1482  a  treaty  was  entered  into  by  Lachlan  Mackintosh 
of  Gallovie,  in  Badenoch  (brother  of  The  Mackintosh)  and 
Donald,  son  of  Angus  Mackintosh,  in  connection  with  the 
estate  of  Kilravock,  which  he  tried  to  capture  from  Rose. 
It  contains  the  provision  that,  "  FOOT  the  mare  kyndnees, 
traistnes,  and  securitie,"  Donald  shall  marry  Margaret 
daughter  of  Lachlan;  and,  as  they  are  within  the  forbidden 
degrees,  Lachlan  shall  bring  a  dispensation  from  the  Pope. 
Until  the  dispensation  arrives,'  the  young  people  are  to  be 
handfast,  and  the  lady's  father  binds  himself  to  make 
thankful  payment  of  40  merks  of  tooher  to  Donald;  to 
clothe  hie  daughter  honestly,  and  to*  hold  and  sustain  her 
in  his  own  house  "  twa  years  giff  it  please  the  said  Donald 
that  she  shall  remaine  so  long  with  her  father." 

A  similar  treaty  between  Donald,  eon  of  Cameron  of 
Lochiel,  .and  Agnes,  daughter  of  the  Laird  of  Grant, 
entered  into  at  Urquhart  Castle  in  1520,  in  presence-  of  Lord 
Lovat,  Grant  of  Glenmoriston,  the  Prior  of  Beauly,  and  the 
Vicar  of  Kilmonivaig,  binde  Donald  to  marry  Agnes  as  soon 
as  a  dispensation  rendered  necessary  by  some  canonical 
impediment  is  obtained  from  Rome.  Mieantime,  as  in  the 
case  of  Gallovie,  the  rules  of  the  Church  yield  to  the  worldly 
interests  of  the  parties,  and  until  the  dispensation  arrives 
the  young  couple  are  to  live  together  without  the  sanction 
of  religion — an  arrangement  calmly  acquiesced  in  by  the 
pious  prior  and  vicar.  "  And  if  it  shall  happen  that  the 
said  dispensation  come  not  home  within  fifteen  days  after 
Martinmas  the  said  John  the  Grant  is  bound  and  obliged 
to  cause  them  to  be  handfast  and  put  together,  his  said 
daughter  and  the  said  Donald,  fo>r  marriage  to  be  com- 
pleted, in  the  default  of  the  dispensation  not  oominp-  home 
at  the  said  time."  There  is  danger  that  after  the  handfast 
period  of  probation,  Donald  may  decline  to>  tie  himself 
indissolubly  to  the  young  lady.  To  meet  this  risik,  Lord 
Lovat  and  other  two  gentlemen  become  sureties  that  the 
mairriage  will  be  completed,  under  the  penalty  of  £1000 
to  be  paid  to  Agnes  in  the  event  of  Donald  refusing.  It 
is  satisfactory  to  state  that  the  dispensation  came,  and  that 
the  regular  marriage  was  solemnised.  From  the  union  lias 
come  the  present  race  of  Lochiel. 

I  show  you,  as  a  specimen,  a  post-nuptial  contract,  dated 
1592,     between     my    own     ancestor,     Duncan     Mack  ay    of 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Achmoniei,  in  Glen-Urquhart,  and  Margaret,  daughter  of 
The  Ohieholm.  It  is.  a  business-like  Latin  document,  six 
inches  long,  and  it  provides  that  in  the  event  of  Duncan 
predeceasing  his  sponise,  she  will  have  the  revenue  of  the 
estate  of  Achmonie  during  her  life.  As  a  contrast  to.  it  in 
length,  I  also  show  you  the  contract,  dated  1710,  between 
my  great-great-granduncle,  Alexander  Grant  of  Shewglie, 
in  Glen-Urquhart,  and  Margaret  Chisholm,  also  a  daughter 
of  The  Chisholm  of  the  day,  consisting  of  a  roll  of  paper 
four  feet  long.  The  deed  of  1592  was  written  by  a  priest  ; 
that  of  1710  by  a  professional  lawyer!  One  of  the  witnesses 
to  the  deed  of  1710  was  Donald  Murchison,  the  famous 
factor  of  Kintail,  who  defeated  Government  troops  at 
Ath-nam-Muileach,  in  Glen-Affaric,  in  1721,  and  whose 
signature  I  give. 


There  was  as  a  rule  excessive  conviviality  at  marriages, 
the  rejoicings  extending  sometimes  over  a  wetek.  Until 
comparatively  recently  a  wedding  thait  did  not  last  three 
days  was  a  poor  wedding  indeed.  Among  the  humbler 
classes  the  guests  subscribed  towards  the  cost  of  the  enter- 
tainment; hence  the  mame  "  perinfy  wedding."  The 
marriage  usually  took  place-  on  a  Thursday,  and  the 
festivities  lasted  until  the  bride  was  kirked  on  the  following 
Sunday.  The  Sunday  afternoon  was  devoted  to  feasting 
and  dancing.  The  clergy  did  their  best  to  stop  these 
extravagances.  In  February,  1640,  the  Synod  of  Moray 
record  :  —  '  '  In  respect  of  ye  gryt  disorders  yat  haw  fallen 
out  in  dyverse  parts  o<ff  ye  land  by  drunkenness  and 
tuilzieing  [fighting]  at  penniei  brydalls,  therefore  it  is 
ordiained  that  thair  be  no  pennie  brydalls  maid  on  ye 
Sabbathe."  This  ordinance  was  ignored  by  the  Reverend 
John  Marshall  of  Dundorcias,  <as  appears  from  the  following 
minute  of  October,  1640:  —  "Mr  Johne  Marshall  being 
founde  to  have  maid  a  marriage  on  the  thursday,  and  wt 
ye  same  personesi  keiped  a  pennie  brydall  on  ye  nixt  Sabbath 
day,  hawing  a  minstrell  playing  to  ye  churche  and  from  ye 
same  befoir  them,  is  sharplie  and  grawlie  rebucked  in  y« 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  7 

faoel  of  ye.  Synod."  In  1675  the  Bishop  of  Moray  made 
an  effort  to  regulate  penny  weddings.  The  following  are 
his  rules :  — 

"  1.  That  the  usual  excessive  number  be  limited  to  and 
restrained  to  eight  persons  allenarlie  [only]  on  tfach 
side  of  the  married  persons. 

"2.  That  all  piping,  fiddling,  and  dancing  without  doors 
of  all  whomsoever  resorting  these  meetings  be  re- 
strained and  discharged  [prohibited.] 

"3.  That  all  obscene,  lascivious,  and  promiscuous 
dancing  within  doors  be  discharged. 

"4.  That  the  two>  dollars  consignee^  at  the  contract  of 
the  married  persons  (which  is  also  ordained  to  be 
deposited  not  only  as  pledges  of  performing  their 
intended  purposes  of  marriage,  but  also  of  the 
civil  and  sober  deportment  of  all  those  that  shall 
countenance  their  marriage  feast)  remaine  in  the 
Sessione  Clerk's  hands  until  the  Lord's  Day  after 
the  marriage,  that  in  case  of  contravening  one  or 
other  of  the  foresaid  articles  by  any  whomsoever, 
then  and  in  that  case'  the  foresaid  two-  dollars  shall 
be  confiscated  to  the  common  good  of  the  parish 
church,  and  this  by  and  attour  the:  public  censure 
to  be  imposed  upon  the  transgressors  of  the  fore- 
said  articles." 

These  rules,  however,  were  not  respected,  and  in  1709 
and  1710  the  excesses!,  which  still  prevail,  are  again  alludeoT 
to.  In  time  the  entertainment  was  gradually  modified,  but 
penny  weddings  still  continued,  and  as  late  as  1870  I  myself 
attended  tone  w!ith|in  two  miles  from  Inverness  and  con- 
tributed my  mite  towards  the  expense. 

DEATH. 

Even  death  could  not  suppress  the  native  mirth  of  the 
old  Highlander.  Ihiring  the  likewake  the  chamber  in 
which  the  body  lay  was  filled  day  after  day  and  night  after 
night  with  the  coronach,  and  with  jests,  songs,  and  tales, 
the  music  of  the  fiddle  and  the  pipe,  and  the  shout  aoid 
clatter  of  the  Highland  reel.  The  entertainment  was 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

liberal.     This  is  the  bill  for  the  wakei  of  Sir  Donald  Campbell 
of  Ardnamurchan  in  1651,  the  money  being  Scots: 

52  gallons  of  ale  at  20s  per  gallon  £52     0     0 

5    gallons  and   one   quart   whisky    at   £16    per 


gallon       

84     0     0 

8  wethers  .at  £3  each  .    .. 

24     0     0 

2    pecks    salt 

200 

2   stones  cheese      .    ... 

400 

Hlb.    tobacco* 

0   11     0 

1    cow       

23     6     8 

Total  cost  of  the  feast  £189   17     8 

As  in  the  case  of  kirkings,  baptisms,  and  marriages, 
the  Church  exerted  itself  to  stop  irregularities  in  connection 
with  likewakes.  On  8th  June,  1675,  the  Synod  of  Moray, 
being  "  deeplie  weighted  with  the  superstitione  'and 
heathenish  customs  prevailed  at  lykewakes  in  many  places 
within  this  diocese,  at  which  time  sin  and  scandal  does 
greatly  abound,  to  the  dishonour  of  the  great  Lord  and 
offense  of  sober  Christians,  for  redressing  whereof,  and  that 
the  deportment  and  carriage  of  such  who  resort  these  lyke- 
wakes may  be  as  becometh  Christianitie,  the  Lord  Bishop 
and  Brethren  foresaid  ordains  that  the  ordinary  crowding 
multitude  of  profane  and  idle  persons  be  debarred,  and  that 
none  frequent  or  countenance  these  meetings  but  those  of 
the  defunct's  nearest  relatives,  or  those  that  may  be  useful 
for  Christian  counsel  and  comfort  to  the  mourners  and 
afflicted,  discharging  strictlie  all  light  and  lascivious 
exercises,  sports,  lyksongs,  fiddling,  and  dancing,  and  that 
any  present  at  stuch  'occasions  behave  themselves  gravely, 
Christianly,  civily,  and  soberly,  spending  the  time  in  read- 
ing the  scriptures  and  conferences  upon  mortality;  ordain- 
ing this  Act  to>  be  publicly  read  throughout  the  diocese." 
In  1675  the  Presbytery  of  Inverness  ordered  the  Minister  of 
Moy  "  to  prohibit  dancing  and  piping  and  fiddling  at 
likewakee,  and  to  punish  the  guiltie  with  church  censures  " ; 
and  similar  references  appear  later.  The  wake,  however, 
continued  for  many  a  day.  It  has,  in  certain  districts,  not 
yet  quite  disappeared;  but  now  the  nights  -are  passed  in 
reading  the  Scriptures,  and  in  prayer  and  praise  and  quiet 
conversation. 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  9 

The  deceased  was  usually  buried  on  the  Sabbath,  and 
the  minister  frequently  deserted  the  pulpit  to  attend  the 
funeral.  In  1640  the  Synod  of  Moray  ordained  "  that 
ministers  exhort  from  burying  on  the  Sabbath,  and  that 
hereafter  no  minister  leave  his  own  flock  to>  go  to  burials 
on  the  Sabbath  unless  the  necessity  be  approven  by  the 
Presbytery."  The  invitation  was  a  general  on|e  to  the 
whole  country  side.  Special  letters  were  addressed  to  lairds 
and  men  of  importance.  I  show  you  the  funeral  letter  of 
the  Rev.  John  Mackenzie  of  Killearnan,  who  died  in  1635. 
There  was,  as  a  rule,  a  great  concourse  of  people,  and  much 
drink  was  consumed,  witih  sometimes  unfortunate  tfesults. 
At  the  funeral  of  one  of  the  lairds  of  Culloden  the  mourners 
were  entertained  so  liberally  before  leaving  Culloden  House 
that  when  they  did  start  for  the  Churchyard  of  Inverness 
they  left  the  coffin  behind  !  At  another  funeral  -a  similar 
mistake  occurred,  and  was  only  discovered  when  the  party 
arrived  at  the  churchyard  and  the  sexton  remarked,  "  It's  .a 
grand  funeral,  but  whaur's  Jean?"  It  is  told  of  an  old 
woman  iti  Gienmorijston,  who  lived  half-way  between  St 
Columba's  Churchyard  at  the  lower  end  of  the  glen  and 
Clachan  Mheircheird  at  the  upper,  that  when  her  funeral 
came  to  the  point  at  which  the  roiads  to  those  burial  grounds 
parted,  a  discussion  arose  as  to  whether  she  should  be  buried 
in  the  upper  or  in  the  lower.  The  dispute  led  to  a  fight, 
in  which  several  persons  were  killed.  The  survivors  then 
solved  the  question  in  dispute  by  burying  the  old  lady  where 
they  had  fought. 

Many  people  were,  in  the  old  days,  buried  within  the 
church.  This  led  to  a  very  insanitary  state  of  matters. 
In  1684  the  Presbytery  of  Inverness  has  the  following:  — 
'  The  said  day  Mr  Thomas  Houston,  minister  of  Boleskine, 
regretted  by  his  letter  to-  the  Brethren  of  the  Exercise  that 
all  persons  of  all  ranks  indifferently  buried  their  dead  within 
his  church,  not  only  his  own  parishioners  but  some  others 
of  the  neighbouring  parodies,  so  that  several  coffins  were 
hardly  under  ground,  which  was  like  to  be  very  dangerous, 
and  noisome  to  the  hearers  of  the  Word  within  the  said 
church,  'and  therefore  earnestlie  intreated  the  advice  of  his 
brethren  how  to  carry  thereaneint;  which  the  brethren  re- 
ferred to  my  Lord  Bishop  and  the  ensuing  Synod."  The 
General  Assembly,  at  an  early  period,  passed  an  Act  pro- 
hibiting burial  in  churches,  but  the  Highland  Presbyteries 


10  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

found  it  impossible  to  carry  it  into  effect.  In  1642  the 
Synod  of  Mioray  endeavoured  to  modify  the  custom  by 
making  a  charge.  The  fee  at  Kingussie  was  10'  merks,  or 
about  13s  sterling.  The  custom,  however,  continued,  and  some- 
times gave  rise  to  disturbances.  In  1650  Murdo  Maciver, 
one  of  the  elders1  of  Lochbroom,  was  deposed  "  for  avowing 
hie  resolution  toi  bury  in'  the  Kirk  in  spite  of  the  Act  of 
Assembly  ' ' ;  and  at  a  later  period  a  man  in  Petty  burst 
open  the  door  of  the  church  in  order  to  bury  his  wife  within 
the  sacred  fabric. 

There  is  a,  popular  impression  that  in  the  old  days  people 
lived  to  a  greater  age  than  they  do  in  our  own  degenerate 
time®.  The  contrary  was,  however,  the  case,  and  neces- 
sarily so,  for  in  the  past  people  were  not  so  well  housed  or 
clothed  or  fed  as  we  are,  and  smallpox  and  deadly  fevers 
were  not  so  much  under  the  control  of  medical  and  sanitary 
science  as  they  are  to-day.  The  Rev.  Master  James  Fraser, 
minister  of  Kirkhill  near  Inverness — the  author  of  the 
Wardlaw  Manuscript — kept  a  "  Bill  of  Mortality  "  from 
1663  to  1709,  in  which  he  recorded  the  deaths  that  occurred 
in  his  parish,  and  remarks  and  reflections  thereon.  At  the 
end  of  the  year  1674  he  writes: — "  The  Bill  of  Mortality 
reached  this  yeere  to  above  70  persons.  No  such  sudden 
deaths  and  malignant  fevers  ever  known.  Most  of  young 
and  old,  especially  children,  died  of  smallpox,  which  raged 
here  as  a  plague  for  two  yeeres."  At  the  close  of  1677  he 
records: — •"  A  malignant  fever  raged,  of  which  men  die^ 
in  three  days'  time";  and,  in  1697,  "This  was  the  yeare 
of  the  greatest  mortality  that  I  ever  remember  in  this 
corner  of  all  Scotland  over — a  running  contagion  off  plague, 
Fluxes  of  all  sorts,  of  which  most  persons  died.  Our  Bill 
this  yeare  extended  to.  112."  The  population  of  the  parish, 
according  to  the  last  census  (1911),  ie  1237.  The  pro- 
bability is  that  it  was  not  higher  in  Master  James's  time. 
If  that  was.  so,  the  death  rate  in  1674  was  56  per  thousand, 
and  in  1697  95  per  thousand.  In  1709  Mr  James  remarks: 
— "  It  is  worth  noticing  how  long  people  live  in  our  latter 
age,  and  our  ancestors  short  lived."  He  then  gives  a  list 
of  the  oldest,  mem  known  to  him  in  the  Highlands.  The 
most  aged  was  John  Mac  Phail  Duin  in  Abertarf,  who  was 
stated  to  be  90  years  old.  Then  follow  the  names  of  one  who 
wias  89,  another  88(,  five  87,  three  86,  one  85,  one  84,  two 
82,  three  80,  one  78,  one  77,  and  one  76.  No  register  of 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  11 

•birth©  was  kept,  and,  if  we  allow  for  the  tendency  to 
•exaggerate  the  years  of  aged  persons,  wei  may  assume  that 
the  above  ages  were  somewhait  overstated.  In  lany  case, 
the  meni  weore  BO  exceptionally  old  as  to  cause  as  much 
wonder  as  we  feel  to-day  wheni  a  man  reaches  100  years. 
The  fittest  only  survived,  and  even  they  did  not  reach  agea 
which  are  in  our  day  comparatively  common. 


THE  LAND. 

Individual  right  of  property  in  land  was  known  in  Scot- 
land at  an  early  period.  The  oldest  grant  of  which  we 
have  record  is  that  by  King  Brude,  whose  seat  was  at  Inver- 
ness, to  St  Columba  in  the  sixth  century.  After  it  come 
tne  grants  recorded  in  ancient  Gaelic  in  •  the  Book  of  Deer. 
These  were  probably  verbal  grants,  publicly  declared . 
Written  grants,  however,  sooo  became  common.  I  show 
you  an  original  charter  by  King  William  the  Lion,  bearing 
no  date,  but  granted  about  the  year  1170.  It  is  a  short 
Latin  document — so  short  that  I  shall  give  you  a.  complete 
translation  of  it :  — ' '  William  King  of  Scots  to  all  good 
men  of  his  whole  realm,  greeting.  Know  ye  both  present 
•and  to  come  that  we  have  granted  and  given,  and  by  this 
my  present  charter  have  confirmed  to  Orm,  son  of  Hugh, 
Glenduogin  and  Balemadethiii  by  their  right  meiths,  to  be 
held  by  him  and  his  heirs  o>f  me  and  my  heirs  freely  quietly 
and  honourably  from  all  service  saving  my  service  which 
belongs  to  that  land,  as  Earl  Duncan  quit-claimed  the  same 
in  exchange  for  Balebrevin;  Witnesses,  Andrew,  Bishop  of 
Caithness ;  Nicholas,  Chancellor ;  Matthew,  Archdeacon ; 
Richard  of  Morville,  Constable;  David  Olifard,  Justiciary 
Walter  Son  of  Alan  the  Steward:  at  Perth."  I  also  show 
you  am  original  charter  by  King  Alexander  the  Second  of 
the  same  lands  dated  5th  April,  1222.  It  is  somewhat 
longer  than  William,  the  Lion's  writ,  consisting  of  115  words 
as  against  the  older  deed's  92.  The  legal  verbosity  went 
on  developing  until  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries, 
when  deeds  attained  to  enormous  lengths.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  a  translation  of  a  charter  granted  in  1568  by  the 
Earl  of  Huntly  to  The  Mackintosh,  which  extends1  to  about 
1700  words.  In  the  two  early  charters  the  lands  are 
simply  described  as  Glenduogin  and  Balemadethin  by  their 
right  meiths  (boundaries).  The  conveyancer  of  1568  was 


12  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

not  satisfied  with  so  meagre  a  description',  and  he  gives  the 
following,  which!  I  think  beats  the  title  to  the  lands  of 
Bradwardme,  as  given  in  "  Waverley  "  : — "All  and 
Sundry  our  lands  of  Bandachar  [Banchor  in  Badenoch]  with 
the  Mill  of  the  same  and  their  multures  and  fishings  of 
salmon  on  the  water  of  Spey  ....  in  fee  and  heritage- 
forever,  by  all  their  right  measures  old  and  divided,  as 
they  lie  in  length  and  breadth,  limits  .and  bounds,  on  3very 
side,  in  woods,  plainsi,  muirs,  mosses,  ways,  paths,  waters v 
pools,  streams,  meadows,  grassings,,  pastures,  mills, 
multures,  and  their  sequels,  fowlings,  huntings,  fishings, 
peatbogs,  turfgrounds,  coal,  coalheughs-,  rabbits,  warrens,, 
pigeons-,  pigeon-cots,  smithies,  maltkilns,  brooms,  plantings, 
woods,  groves,  nurseries,  dykes,  woodcuttings,  quarries, 
mountains,  hills,  valleys,  with  power  of  digging,  labouring, 
and  cultivating  niew  lands  not  yet  cultivated  within  the 
bounds  and  limits  of  all  and  sundry  the  aforesaid  lands,  so 
far  as  they  may  bear,  stone  and  lime,  with  courts  and  their 
issues,  fines,  herezelds,  and  merchets  of  women;,  with  culture 
and  all  pasture,  with  free  entry  and  ish,  and  with  .all  other 
and  sundry  freedoms,  commodities,  profits  and  easements, 
and  their  just  pertinents  whatsoever,  as  well  not  named  ,as 
named,  under  the  earth  as«  upon  the  earth,  far  and  near, 
belonging,  or  that  may  in  any,  way  whatever  justly  belong 
in  future  to  the  foresaid  lands,  all  and  sundry,  with  their 
parts,  pendicles,  and  whole  other  pertinents,  freely,  quietly, 
fully,  wholly,  honourably,  well,  and  in  peace,  without  any 
impediment,  revocation,  contradiction,  or  obstacle  what- 
soever;, forever."  The  deeds  to  which  I  have  referred  are 
all  in  Latin,  but  Gaelic  writs  were  not  unknown. — witness 
the  Gaelic  charter  by  the  Lord  of  the  Isles  to>  Brian  Vicar 
Mackay  of  land  in  Islay  in  1408.  Ultimately,  English  came 
into  general  use'. 

In  the  old  days  the  owner  of  a  landed  estate  frequently 
borrowed  money  on  a  wadset — a  contract  under  which  the 
lender  got  actual  possession  of  certain  lands,  and  continued 
to  occupy  them,  virtually  as  proprietor,  until  the  money 
was  repaid,  sometimes  after  generations  had  passed.  I  show 
you  a  contract  of  wadset  of  1692,  which  consists  of  a  closely- 
written  roll  one  foot  wide  and  nine  feet  four  inches)  long, 
and  containing  about  10,400  words,  and  another  deed  of 
land  near  Inverness,  part  of  which  I  now  own,  dated  1702y 
and  35  feet  in  length. 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  13 

One  result  of  private  ownership  was  that  the  owners 
came  to  let  their  lands  to  tenants.  Leases  appeared  early. 
One  of  the  earliest  I  know  is  a  lease  granted  by  the  Bishop 
of  Moray  to  nay  ancestor,  Johni  Mackay  of  Achmonie  in 
Glen-Urquhart,  ia  1554.  The  period  was  19  years,  which 
is  still  the  common  period  in  Scotland.  The  annual  rent 
was  <£3  in  money,  two  firlots  of  dry  multure,  and, two  kids. 
The  tenant  bound  himself  to  give  the  usual  military  and 
civil  service®  to  the  proprietor. 

The  most  interesting  institution  in  connection  with  the 
land  was  the  Baron  Court.  The  baron — that  is,  the  owner 
of  land  which  had  been  erected  into  a  barony — had  almost 
unlimited  jurisdiction  in  civil  and  criminal  matters.  He 
himself  did  not  usually  preside  over  his  court.  That  duty 
he  devolved  on  his  factor  or  baron-bailie.  I  shall  refer  to 
the  minutes  of  certain  courts,  which  will  give  you  some  idea 
of  the  various  questions  which  came  before  them. 

At  a  court  held  in  Strathglass  in  February,  1691,  77 
persons  were  fined  for  killing  deer,  roe,  and  muirfowl,  and 
for  cutting  greenwood  and  sward  or  green  turf.  The  fines 
ranged  from  £5  Scots  for  cutting  sward  to  £50  Scots  for 
killing  a  deer,  and  amounted  in  all  to  £885  Scots — equal  to 
£74  sterling. 

At  a  court  held  in  Strathglass  in  May,  1692^  the  follow- 
ing is  recorded  :  — ' '  The  said  day  anent  the  grievance  given 
in  against  Hugh  Me  Hutcheon  Vic  Onill  in  Glencannich 
for  and  anent  his  exorbitant  drinking  o<ff  aqua  vytie,  and 
yrby  dilapidating  his  means  by  his  intemperance,  qrby  he 
is  rendered  unable*  to  pay  his  duty  [rent]  to  his  Master 
[proprietor],  the  bailyie  having  considered  the  said 
grievance,  heirby  statuts  and  ordains  that  whatever  aqua 
vytie  merchandsi  shall  sell  or  give  above  ane  half  mutchkin 
aqua  vytie  to  the  said  Hugh,  the  said  aqua,  vytie  shall  be 
oonfiscat,  and  iff  the  said  Hugh  force  any  more  yn  yt  allowed 
from  ym  he  shall  be  fined  in  £10  Scots  toties  quoties  as  he 
transgresses."  The  minute  does  not  explain  how  the  aqua 
vitce  is  to  be  confiscated  after  Hugh  Me  Hutcheoii  Vic  Onill 
(Hugh  son  of  Hugh  son  of  Donald)  has  drunk  it ;  nor  does 
it  staite  how  often  in  the  twenty-four  hours  he  is  permitted 
to  purchase  his  half  mutchkin>. 

The  following  rule  w-as  promulgated  at  a  baron  court 
held  in  Glen -tJrquh  art  in  1736: — "In  respect  that  a 


H  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

universal     hardship    is     imposed     on     the     Gentlemen     and 
Tenant®  of  this  Countrie  [i.e.,  Glen-Urquhart]  by  the  hired 
men  and  servants  both  mail  and  women,  and  this  is  repre- 
sented to  the  Judge;  the  same  is  to  be  enacted  in  the  manner 
following :  — That  any  servant  who>  can  properly  provide'  his 
master  in   all   the  materials  necessary  for  a  labouring  man 
is   to  have  ten  merks  [equal  to   lls   IJd  sterling]   of   wages 
once  in  the  half-year,  and  two>  pairs  of  shoes,  the  next  best 
to  have  eight  merks  and  two  pairs  of   shoes,   and   the  rest 
to    have    wage®    according  as  they  are  thought    deserving. 
And   as  to  the  women  servants,   such  ae  are  not  otherwise 
had  than  within  the  Cbuntriei,   and  are  not  capable  but  to 
serve  a  Gentleman's  house  exactly,   are  only  to  have  three 
merks  and   two*  pairs  of  shoes  and  one  apron  in  the  half- 
year.     And   although  if   any   servant   in   the   Countrie  who 
can  get  service'  at  Whitsunday  and  suspends  his  engagement 
until  the  shearing  time,  then  and  in  that  case  they  are  to 
receive  only   half   fees.     As  also  if  any  servant  naturalised 
in  the  Countrie,  who  is  getting  service  within  it,  desert  the 
Countrie  without  the  special  consent  of  the  Baillie,  and  the 
testification  of  the'  Minister  and  Elders,  the  said  Girls  and 
Women   to  return   to  the   Countrie  so  as  to>  have  habitual 
residence    within     it.        Also     any   man    being    within   the 
Countrie  who  asks  for  day's  wages  is  onlie  to'  have  one:- third 
of    a    peck    of   meal    and    his   dinner   for   every    day's   work 
betwixt  the!  1st  of  November  and  the  1st  of  March,  and  all 
the    rest   of   the   year  over   to   have   one-half   peck    and   his 
dinner   onlie ;   As   also  all   the  Meialanders   [that  is,   cottars 
paying  mail  or  rent  to'  proprietors  or  tacksmen]  within  the 
Countrie   to    be    required   to   give  two   days   a   week    to   his 
master  [proprietor]   for  his  dinner  and   supper,   and  also  to 
give  him  the  time  preferable  toi  any,  if  required.     And  all 
the  above  rules  to  be  observed  forthwith  both  by  the  master 
and   servants,   under  the  penalty  of   Ten   Pounds   Scots   by 
the  master  and  Five  Pounds  Scots  by  the  servant;  upon  all 
which  the  Judge'  promises    to  give   the    Sentence  upon  all 
persons  complained  upon,  and  if  the  complaint  is  instructed 
fyve  pounds  Scots  Money  to  be  to  the  informer ;  and  in  the 
case  of  the  master  being  complained  upon  by  their  servants 
who>  make  not  paymt.   within  half  a,  year  after  the  fee  is 
gained,  he  is  to  be  decerned  against  .and  in  favour  of  the 
servant,   who'  is   to  get  double  of   his  claim,    and    that  no 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  15 

servant  is  forced  without  asking  the  question  ,at  his  present 
master  under  the  within  written  penalty. 

M  John   Grant,    Baillie." 

"  July  the  last,   1736. 
"  Court,  Pitkerald  More. 

"  Considering  that  Customary  Swearing  and  Cursing  is 
offensive  to  God  .and  scandalous  among  men,  especially  be- 
fore any  sitting  in  judgment :  wherefore  did  and  hereby  does 
enact  that  any  person)  or  persons  guilty  of  the  said  sins  from 
the  time  the  Judge  enters  the  Court  House  untill  he  leaves 
the  siame  shall  pay  one  shilling  sterg.  to  ties  quo  ties,  and  his 
person  apprehended  and  keeped  in  Custody  untill  he  pay 
the  same. 

"J.   GRANT." 

I  now  refer  to  ,ai  more  solemn  record — that  of  a  court 
held  by  John  Grant  of  Corrimony,  as  baron  bailie  for  The 
Chisholm,  on  18th  January,  1699.  At  that  court  James 
Fraser,  in  Mayne,  Strathglass,  prosecuted  Donald  Mac 
Alister  Vic  Oill  Dui  (Donald  son  of  Alexander  son  of  Black 
Donald),  then  prisoner  in  Wester  Invercannichi,  for  theft. 
Christopher  MaKra  was  procurator  fiscal.  The  charges 
against  Donald  were: — (1)  Stealing  two  sheep;  (2)  stealing 
a  ' '  red  prick  horned  bull  ' ' ;  (3)  stealing  another  sheep ; 
(4)  "  Yee  are  further  .accused  for  breaking  up  ane  chist 
belonging  to>  Marie  Roy  [Red  Mary]  your  mother-in-law, 
in  the  year  1689,  and  takeing  furth  thereof  ane  certain 
quantity  of  yarn  and  other  commodity";  (5)  stealing  more 
yarn  and  plaiding ;  and  (6)  stealing  kadi  from  William 
Mcinduie  [William  son  of  Black  John].  The  court  was 
fenced,  the  case  called,  and  a  jury  chosen.  The  names  of 
some  of  the  jurymen  may  interest  you — James  Mac  Ean  Og, 
John  Mac  Alister  Rioch,  Donald  Mac  Ean  Mhic  Quiene, 
Ferquhar  Mac  Oill  Vic  Ferquhar.  The  witnesses  were 
examined,  and  the  verdict  of  the  jury  given  in  writing.  The 
unfortunate'  Donald  was  unanimously  found  guilty ;  and  the 
following  sentence  was1  pronounced: — "The  Bailly  having 
re-entered  in  Court,  and  the  verdict  of  the-  said  assize  being 
Returned,  and  under  the  signe  and  subscription  of  yr  said 
Chancellor  and  Clerk,  and  haveinig  considered  that  they  have 
found  the  within  written  articles  of  the  Indytement  proven, 
the  said  Bailly  decernes  and  ordaines  the  person  of  the  said 


16  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Donald  Me  Alister  Vick  Oill  Duy  to  be  brought  furth  of 
the  prison  qrin  which  he  now  lyes  in  Iiiverehaiinich,  to  the 
Muire  of  Oomar,  Friday  nixt  the  20th  day  of  January 
instant,  twixt  the  houres  off  an©  and  two  in  the  afternoon© 
yt  day,  and  yr  to  be  hanged  on  ane  gallows  set  up  on  the 
said  muire,  be  the  hand  off  the  hangman,  to  death,  and 
yrafter  to  be  outt  doune,  and  his  corpse  to  be  carried  away 
and  buried  at  the  back  syde  off  the  Kirkyaird  off  Comar 
Kirktowne;  and  ordaines  his  haill  moveables  to  b©  escheat 
to  His  Mjajesty's  use;  And  this  the  said  Bailly  pronounces 
for  doome. 

"  JOHN  GRANT/' 

WAE, 

Between  national  wars  and  tribal  feuds,  the  old  High- 
lander seldom  wanted  fighting.  In  a.  feaid  between  clans 
the  men  were  hastily  summoned  by  the  crois-tara — the  fiery 
cross.  When  the  war  was  national,  such  as  those  of  Queen 
Mary,  Montrose,  Dundee',  the  Fifteen,  and  the  Forty-five, 
the  preparation  was  more'  elaborate.  Committees  were 
appointed,  and  a  regular  system  of  recruiting  was  carried 
out.  In  thei  case  of  the  invasion  of  England  by  the  Scots  in 
the  time  of  Cromwell  the  proceedings  had  a  religious  element 
in  them,  and  a  fast  was  held  in  the  Highlands,  at  which 
the  clergy  were  ordered  to>  pray,  as  is  recorded  in  the  minutes 
of  the  Presbytery  of  Dingwall : — "That  the  Lord  wald 
provyde  for  the  neceesarie  preservation  of  the  lives  of  his 
people  from  sword  and  feared  famine,  yt  the'  Lord  wald 
mercifullie  lead  out  o<ur  armie,  inable  everie  on©  yrin  to 
keipe  themselves  from  everiei  wicked  thing,  covere  there 
head  in  the  day  of  battell,  teach  their  hands  to  warore  and 
there  fingers  to  fight,  and  make  them  have'  guid  successe  yt 
the  enemie  may  flie  and  fall  before  them."  The  High- 
landers and  Lowlanders  fought  like  lions  at  the!  battle  of 
Worcester),  but  they  failed  to  make  the  Ironsides  flee  or  fall 
before  them,  and  many  of  them  never  saw  Scotland  again. 
Many  were  sent  to  the  Carolina®,  where  their  descendants 
were  joined  by  Highlanders;  who>  were  transported  after 
Culloden,  and  who  were  horrified  to  find  black  slaves  speak- 
ing Gaelic. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Rising  of  the  Fifteen,  a  meeting 
of  the  gentlemen  of  Argyll  was  held  at  Inveraray,  at  which 


Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Olden  Times  17 

they  formally  resolved  (I  show  you  a>  fac-simile  of  the 
minute): — "To  stand  by  and  Defend  His  Sacred  Majesty 
King  George>,  His  Person  and  Government,  and  the  Pro- 
testant Succession  in  his  family,  with  their  Lives  and 
fortunes,  And  for  that  end  be«  in  readiness  with  all  their 
fensible  men  in  arms  to  obey  such  orders  as  they  shall 
happen  to  receive  from  his  Gra..  The-  Duke  of  Argyll,  their 
hereto  Lord  Lieutenant,  And  in  the  mean  time  they 
humblie  think  it  reasonable  that  (in  case  there*  be  occasion 
for  it)  before:  they  have  particular  Orders  from  His  Grace 
that  an  sufficient  man  upon  each  five  merk  land  in  the  Sbire 
be  in  readiness,  ,as  well  appointed  with  arms  as  their  circum- 
stances will  allow.  And  the  forenamed  Gentlemen  now 
present  Doe  hereby  frankly  engage  for  their  respective  pro- 
portions .accordingly.  And  they  Doe  Recommend  to  the 
Justice  Deput  to  transmitt  ane  Account  of  this  their 
Resolution  to  his  Gra.  the  Duke  of  Argyll." 

Again,  when  Prince*  Charles  landed  in  1745,  leading 
Jacobites  travelled  through  the  Highland  glens  urging  men 
to  join  his  standard  ;  and  on  Sunday  afternoons  the  people 
met  in  the  churchyards  and  discussed  the  great  question  at 
issue.  The  result  was  C'ulloden  and  the  enormities  that 
followed  it.  I  am  able  to'  show  you  the  original  written 
instructions  given  by  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  to  David 
Bruce,  his  Judge  Advocate,  on  5th  July,  1746,  for  the  trial 
of  the  men  who  had  fought  against  King  George.  They 
are  too  long  to  read,  but  I  may  quote  the  following : — "  You 
shall  send  to  His  Royal  Highness  an  alphabetical  List  of  all 
prisoners  taken  into>  custody,  with  a  distinct  account  of  the 
accusations  against  them  and  of  the  evidence  upon  which  those 

accusations  are:  supported You  will  take  special  care 

that  the  evidence  taken  against  every  person  be  clear  and 
distinct,  and  be  particularly  attentive  in  such  a  multiplicity 
of  things  that  each  witness  shall  know  by  name,  as  well  as 
sight,  the  person  he  deposes  against."  I  also  show  you 
the  original  lists  of  the  people  of  Urquhart  and  Glen- 
moriston  who  had  been  out,  but.  had  surrendered  on  the 
promise  of  protection.  The  promise  was  not  kept,  and  the 
men  were  first  imprisoned  within  the  Gaelic  Church,  Inver- 
ness', then  sent  by  sea  to>  London,,  and  then  transported  to 
Barbados  and  the  Carolinas  without  trial.  One  of  those 
transported  to  Barbados  was  my  great-grandfather,  Donald 

2 


18  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Mackay  of  Achmonie,  who  soon  escaped  to  Jamaica,  ,and 
ultimately  returned  to  his  native  glen,  where  he  rests.  A 
beautiful  mahogany  chest  which  he  brought  home  is  in  my 
possession. 

CONCLUSION. 

.1  have  now  endeavoured  to  clothe  the  dry  bones  of 
certain  old  writings  with  some  semblance  of  living  flesh. 
My  tattempt,  I  am  afraid,  has  not  been  too  successful.  I 
trust,  however,  that  I  have  helped  a  little  to  give  you  a 
truer  conception  than  you  before  had  of  olden  times  in  the 
Highlands.  In  the  lives  of  our  forefathers  there  were  many 
pleasant  features  to  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  allude, 
s\ich  as  their  pastoral  and  agricultural  customs,  their  fire- 
side amusements,  their  poetry  and  romance,  their  bravery 
and  fidelity,  their  kindliness  and  unbounded  hospitality. 
But,  while  that  is  the  case,  we'  must  confess  that  we  have 
reason  to  be  thankful  that  we  did  not  live  in  their  days. 
We  are  prone  to  look  back  on  the  past  ages  through  fairy 
spectacles  whch  conceal  the  evil  and  only  show  the  good  and 
the  beautiful,  and  to  sing  with  the  bard :  — 

"  The  good  old  times  have  passed  away, 
And  weary  are  the  new." 

That  is  a  pleasant  exercise,  and  may  not  be  altogether 
harmful ;  but  it  is  well  for  us  to  occasionally  lay  aside  the 
enchanting  glasses  and  to  look  at  the  evil  and  the  good  of 
the  dead  centuries  with  the  naked  eye  of  truth.  Thus 
shall  we  be  able  the  better  to  appreciate'  the  blessings  which 
we  enjoy,  but  to  which  our  fathers  were  strangers.  Thus 
also  shall  we  escape  a  very  old  rebuke.  "  Say  not  thou,"* 
said  the  Preacher  of  Ecclesiastes  to  the  discontented 
Israelites  who  looked  back  to  a  golden  age  which  had  never 
existed,  "  Say  not  thou,  what  is  the  cause  that  the  former 
days  were  better  than  these  ?  for  thou  dost  not  enquire  wisely 
concerning  this." 


Sgeulachdan  bho  Shlorramachd  Pheairt  19 

14th  JANUARY.  1915. 

At  the  meeting  held  on  thi?  date,  Mr* Alexander  E. 
Forbes,  Keornoch\,  was  elected  an  ordinary  member  of  the 
Society.  Thereafter  a  second  instalment  of  his  interesting 
series  of  papers  on  "  Gaelic  and  English  Words  to  Strath- 
speys and  Reels  "  was  read  by  Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh,, 
Inverness.  This  pa^er  has  been  published  in  Volume  28. 


21st  JANUARY,  1915. 

At  a  meeting,  held  on,  this  date,  the  following  paper, 
entitled  "  Sgeulaohdan  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt,"  con- 
tributed by  Mr  James  MacDiarmaid,  Muthill,  Perthshire^ 
was  read  :  — 

SGEULACHDAN    BH(i)    SHIORRAMACHD    PHEAIRT. 
MURTADH  CLOICHE  NA  H-INNSE. 

O  am  Eubha  sios  na  linntean  tha  drooh  mhnathan  air 
a  bhi  brosnachadh  am  fir  chum  uilc;  agus  is  truagh  r'a 
innseadh,  gu  trie  dh'  aontaich  na  baoghlain  dhaoine  aca 
an  drochbheart  a  chur  an  gniomh. 

'S  e  sin  mar  a  thachair  an  Gleann-lio<bhunn  o  shean. 

Bha  da  thuathanach  an  Creig-sheilg  nach  robh  cordadh 
ro  mhath,  is  thainig  an  eas-aonachd  gu  crich  mhuladaich. 
Air  la  grinn  fogharaidh  chaidh  crodh  fir  dhiubh  ann  an 
co ire  an  fhir  eiJe,  ie  ma  chaidh  cha  b'  e  an  oomain,  oir  bha 
coin  fhiadhaich,  theumach  air  an  stuigeadh  orra.  Ruith 
an  crodh,  is  iad  a'  beucail,  dhachaidh,  is  na  coin  aoi  sas 
'nan  luirgneari.  Thog  sin  co«rruich  an  tuathanaich  d'  am 
buineadh  an  orodh,  ach  cha  robh  e  'na  bheachd  am  fear 
eile  a  mharbhadh  a  thaiobh  an  drooh  charaimh  a  fhuair  a 
ohrodh.  Bha  a'  bhean  na  bu  mhiosai  na  esan,  is  thuirt  a* 
bhaobh  ris  an  cainnt  sgaitich — "  Cha  'n  'eil  annad  ach 
burraidh  mor,  is  cladhair  gun  mhisneiach;  na  'm  bithinn-ea 
cho  luath,  laidir  riut  cha  deanadh  an  t-ablach  grod  sin  cron 
tuilleadh  air  a'  chrodh  againn."  Chuir  na  facail  sin  an 
dearg  chuthach  air  a'  bhurraidh  bhochd,  is  thug  e  leis  fore 
f ebir  'na  laimh,  is  rufth  e  air  toir  a'  choimhearBnaich.  Thuig 
an  duine  sin  mar  a  bha  a'  chuis,  is  thug  e  na  buinn  as,  a* 


20  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

cumail  aghaidb  ris  a'  bhruthiach.  'S  ann  aoi  sin  a  bha  an 
reis  f hada ;  fear  a'  teicheadh  a*  chum  a  bheatha  shabhaladh, 
is  am  fear  eile  gu  dian  'na  dheidh. 

Thar  talamh  Baile-na-creig  is  Ruadh-shruth-ghearr 
chaidh  iad,  ach  uidh  air  n-uidh  bha  featr  an  fhuirc  a' 
oosnadh,  is  a'  dluthachadh  air  an  fbear  eile.  Thairis  adr 
Allt-dia-eug  leum  iad,  is  cha  robh  stad  air  an  reis  gus  an  do 
rainig  iad  a'  ohlach  mhoor  d'  an  ainm — "  Clach-na- 
h-Innse."  Aig  an  aite  sin  fhuair  an  dioighaltair  fuil teach 
euas  riei  .an  truaghan  bhochd,  is  gun  bhaigh  sam  bith  sparr 
e  am  foro  'na  chridhe.  Thuit  esan  m.arbh  ri  taobh  na 
cloiche. 

Dh'  fholaich  am  murtair  e  fein  nuair  a  thraogh  a 
bhuaireas,  is  a  fhuair  a  reusian  oibrieiachadh,  odr  thuig  e  cho 
deistinneach  's  a  bha  an  gniomh  a  rinn  e.  C'hiaradh  am 
feasgar,  is  cha  do  phill  na  daoinei,  is  bha  iomaguin  nach 
bu  bhaag  an  tighean  Chr'eig-sheilg.  Dh'  eirich  na  h-uile 
duine  is*  giollan  a  b'  urrainn  am  maoh  a  dheanamh  sireadh 
mairbh  air  an  da  fhear  a  bha  air  chall. 

Fhuair  iad  oo<rp  fir  dhiubh  ri  taobh  Cloiche-na-h- 
Innse,  ach  am  fear  eile  cha  'n  fhac  iad  sealladh  dheth. 

Grhiulain  iad  an  oorp  gu  mul,aclach  gu  seann  tigh  moine 
Ruadh-shruth-gheaar,  far  an  deachaidh  fhagail  re  na 
hi-oidhche  sin.  An  ath  mhaduinn;  chruinnich  an  sluagh 
a  chum  .a'  chuirp  a  chur  dhachaidh.  De  chfunnaic  iad  ach 
fuil  air  an  lar,  a  bha  air  sruthadh  as  a'  chorp  air  feadh  na 
h-oidhche,  is  le  sin  thuig  iad  is  bha  iad  oinnteach  gu  'n  d' 
tnainig  am  murtair  'san  oidhche  a  dh'  amharc  a'  chuirp  is 
chum  e  fein  a,  dheanamh  tearuinte  o'n  lagh  gu  'n  d'  thug 
e  ceum  thairis  air  a'  chorp.  'Se  sin  a  b'  aobhar  do  'n 
fhuil  >a  bhi  air  an  lar  .a  reir  barail  an  t-sluaigh  aig  an  am  sin. 

Co  dhiubh,  cha  d'  fhuair  iad  greim  .air  a'  mhurtair,  is 
cha  deachaidh  aogas  fhaicinn  tuilleadh  an  Glea.nn-liobhunn. 

AN  GOBHAINN  GALLDA,  IS  A'  MHAIGHEACH,  CEANN- 
LOCH-EIBE. 

Am  measg  nan  sgerulaohdaoi  a  dh'  innis  an  deagh 
Ghaidheal,  Domhnull  MacLabhruinn  dhomh  tha  an  sgeul 
a  leanas  a  sior  thighiiun  'nam  aire  is  cha  ghabh  i  diultadh. 

Bha  Domhnull  iao<n  uair  'na  thuathanach  an  Aird-bheich, 
Taobh-loch-Eire,  is  bha  e  'na  sgoilear  m;ath  Gaidhlig  is 
Beurla,  is  'na  bhard  ro  chiatach  :  thuilleadh,  bha  'chuimhne 


Sgeulachdan  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt  21 

laidir,  is  bha  e  'na  sheanachaidh  ro  chomasach,  oir  bha  e 
dearr  Ian  eolais  air  eachdraidh,  is  air  sgeulachdan.  na  duth- 
cha.  Bu  dual  dha  sin,  oir  dh'  aradcheadh  e  air  Taobh-loch- 
Eire  nuair  a  bha  a'  Ghaidhlig  'na  neart,  is  nuair  a  bha 
ceilidhean  air  an  cleachdadh  mu  'n  ouairt  de  aite  breth 
Dhughaill  Bhochannain.  Bha  e  mar  aoi  ceudna  'na  dhluth 
chompanach  aig  Gilleasbuig  Caimbeul  am  bard  aig  Ceann- 
loch-Eire.  Aig  an  am  sin  bha  moran  de  'n  t-sluagh  saobh- 
chrabhach,  is  bha  iad  ,a'  creidsinn  ann  am  buidseachd,  ann 
an  giseagan,  is  ann  an  iomad  ni  neonach  eilo.  B'  i  an 
dearbh  bheachd  gu  'n  robh  e  an  ooni'as  buidsich  dol  an 
riochd  maighioh,  an  riochd  caiti,  an  riochd  ciroe,  is  an 
rioohd  bheathaicheian  nach  'eil  feum  an  aiiimeaichadh  an 
drasda,  Ach  gu  deimhinn  tha  roinn  saobh-chrabhaidh  'isan 
duthaich  fhathast. 

B'  abhaist  do>  mhaighichean  tighinn  aoi  diibhlachd  a' 
gheamhraidh  a  stigh  do  gharaidihe'an  oail  nan  oroitearan 
nuair  a  bhiodh  an  t-a-cras  'gan  claioidheadh  gu  goirt.  Bha 
an  tuath  a'  gnathachadh  innleachd  no  dha  chum  na 
madghicheian  a  ghlacadh. 

Smuainich  an  Gobhainn  Gallda  gu  'm  b'  fheairrd'  a1 
phoit  a  lionadh  le  feoil  d©  sheorsa  eigin,  is  anmooh  air 
oidhche  araidh,  nuair  a  bha  'ghealach  aig  a  h-airde,  thug 
e  leis  a  ghunna  bharr  mullach  na  leapaoh.  Ghlan  e  an 
snith,  is  an  stur  dheth,  chalc  e  an  gunna  le  fudar  is  le 
luaidhie,  is  air  thurus  chaidh  e.  C'huir  e  leine  gheal  thar 
aodach,  is  ourrac  gheal  a  mhnatha  air  a  cheann  chum 
is  nach  biodh  e  ro  fhaicsinneach  'san  t-sneachd.  Mar  a.n 
ceudna  tharruin^r  e  seann  stooainnean  thar  a  bhrogan  a  chum 
nach  cluinneadh  na  maighicheian  tartar  a  choiseachd.  Bha 
nor  choltas  tannaisg  dheth,  is  b'  aobhar  eagail  e  do  dhaoine 
nai'n  coinnicheadh  aon  dhiubh  air.  Bha  deagh  fhios  aige 
c'aite  am  b'  fhearr  a  bhiodh  cothrom  aige  air  cur  ,as  do 
mhaigh.  Gu  ciuin,  is  'ga  chromadh  fein,  shnag  e  chum 
balla-garaidh  a  bha,  a,n  sin.  Tho^g  e  a  cheann  beagan  OiS 
cionn  a'  bhalla,  is  chunnadc  e  maigheiach  mhor  shultmhor 
'na  suidhe  gu  stolda  ian  deidh  a  siath  itheadh  de  'n  chal 
ghlae.  Gu  h-oallamhi,  ach  gun  fhuaim  sam  bith,  chaidh  a.n 
gunna  thogail,  is  a  stiuireadh  rithe  le  laimh  gun  chrith,  is 
le  suil  gheur.  Bhaj  an  Gobhainn  air  ti  an  t-iarrunn  leigidh 
a  tharruing  nuair  a  chunnaic  e  s^alladh  uamhasach. 
Mhiuthadh  a'  mhaighieach  gu  riochd  boirioimaich .  Leig  e 
sios  barr  a'  ghunna,  is  thug  e  suath  air  a  shuilean  le  laimh. 


22  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Thuirt  e  ris  fein — "  Gu  cinnteach  tha  mo>  shuilean  a'  toirt 
an  dubh  asam."  Dh'  amhairc  e  rithist  air  an  ni  ana- 
cneasda,  is  de  bh'  ann  ach  maigheach  mhbr. 

Thiog  ©  an  gunna  ri  shuil  an  dara  uair,  ach  ma  thog  cha 
robh  f  eum  ann,  oir  thionndadh  a'  mhaigheach  cho  luath  •  ri 
plath  dealanaich  gu  riochd  boirionnaich.  Thainig  fallus 
fuar  an  eagail  air  aghaidh,  is  thiormaich  e  i  lois  an  leine 
ghil  a  bha  idme.  Mu  'n  d'  fhag  o  taobh  a'  bhalla  thug 
e  siuil  do  'n  ghajnadh.,  is  bha  coslas  maighich  fathast  far  an 
robh  i  an  toi&each.  Bu  leoir  sin;  theich  e  dhachaidh  cho 
luath  is  a  bheireadh  a  chiasan  ann  e,  is  thilg  ©  an  gunna  air 
mullach  nia  leapafch.  Cha  deachaidh  »e  tuilleiadh  a 
shealgaireaichd  air  maighichean  an  deidh  bheul  na  h-oidhche, 
oir  gu  la  >a  bhais  bha  e  'san  Ian  bheachd  gur  i  buidseiach  a 
chunnaio  e  'sa  gharadh. 

GUIS  EAGAIL  PHARA  MHOIR. 

B'i  a'  cheardach  an  t-aite  da  rireadh,  ged  tha  ceardach 
Aird-eonaig  air  a  bhi  nisi  'na  laraich  fad  ioma  linn.  An  sin 
bha  gnothuiohean  caidtroniiaoh  na  rioghachd  air  an 
oeartachadh  gu  oothromach,  is  bha  deagh  chomhairle  .air 
a  toirt  do  Ard-sheaniaidh  na  h-eaglais  ciamar  bu  choir 
dhoibh  gluaead  anns  an  t-slighe  cheart.  Dh'  fheuchadh 
gach  fear  tapaidh  max  bu  choir  do  mhinistearan  an 
searmoinean  a  chnuasachadh,  is  a  liubhairt  chum  f€ium  do  'n 
luchd-eisdeachd.  A  thaobh  sgeulachdan  mu  thaibhseaii,  mu 
shithichean,  mu  iiruisgean,  is  mu  bhuideichean  c'ait'  .aan 
f  aigheadh  tu  uiread  diubh  is  a  gheibhoadh  tu  'ea  cheardaich  ? 
Thuilleadh  air  sin,  cha  robh  posadh,  breith,  no  bas  a' 
tadbairt  '.san  sgireachd  air  nach  robh  iomradh  aig  luchd 
tathaich  na  oeardaich. 

Bha  gobhainn  Aird-eonaig  'na  dhuine  tuigseiach,  coir  is 
foighidinneach  gu  leoir,  ach  thainig  crioch  air  fhoighidinn 
thaobh  Phara  Mhoir  Mhic-Labhruinn.  Thigoadh,  Paruig 
do  'n  cheardaich  le  ledsgeul  no  gun  leisgeul,  is  'na 
shuidhe  air  sean  innean  fagus '  do  'n  toine  chuireadh  e 
seiacliad  an  uine  ag  innseadh,  no  ag  eisdeachd  ri  naidh- 
eachdan.  Cha  robh  seana,  chailleach  'san  duthaich  air  fad, 
ni  bu  deidheil  air  tuaileas  is  goileam  na  bha  esan,  is^cha^'n 
fhalbhadh  ©  dhachaidh  gus  an  rachadh  dorus  na  ceardaich 
dhuniadh  mu  choinnimh  na  oidhche,  de  ar  bith  cho  anmoch  is 
a  dh'  fhaodadlii  sin  a  bhi. 


Sgeulachdan  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt     .        23 

Air  faasgar  araidh  thainig  figheadair  6g  a  Tullach-can 
do  'n  cheardaich  le  slabhruidh  bhriste  chum  gu  'n  caraich- 
eadh  an  gobhainn  i. 

Co  thainig  mar  an  ceudna  ach  Para  Mor  ged  nach  robh 
gnothuch  saoghalta  aige  an  sin.  Fhuair  an  gobhainn 
cothrom  air  beagan  bruidhne  a  dheanamh  ris  an  fhigheadair 
gun  fhios  do  Pharuig. 

Thuirt  e  ris — "  Bithidh  mi  moran  ad'  chomain,  is  bheir 
mi  rud-eigin  dhuit,  ma  chuireas  tu  deagh  eagal  air  an 
lunndair  mhor  sin;  oir  tha  mi  air  mo  sharuchadh  leis,  is  e 
'na  shuidhe  fa  m'  ohomhair  ri  glagaireachd  gun  bhrigh." 
"  Is  bargan  e,"  thuirt  an  t-6ganach.  Cho  luath  is  a  bha 
an  t-slabhruidh  caraichte,  is  mu  bheul  na  h-oidhche  ghabh 
am  figheadair  an  rathad  dhachaidh. 

Bha  craobh  dharaich  ri  taobh  an  rathaid,  is  suas  streap 
e  gu  sgiobalta,  is  shuidh  e  casi-gobhlach  air  meur  laidir  de  'n 
chraoibh  ai  bha  agaoileadh  thairis  air  pairt  de  'n  rathad. 

-  Bha  obair  a'  ghobhainn  criochnaichte  car  latha,  's  dh' 
fheum  Para.  Mor  neo'r-thaing  dha  imeachd.  Gu  socrach 
dh'  eirich  e  bharr  an  innein,  'ga  shineadh  fein,  is  a 
meunanaich.  Thuirt  Mac  Arta.ir  an  gobhainn  ris — :'  An 
droch  fhas  ort,  a  Phacruig  ;  's  ann  tha  thu  mar  gu  'n  robh 
thu  ri  obair  ghodrt  re  an  la."  Sgrog  Paruig  a  bhoineid 
mhan  thar  a  chnuaic  is  gun  tuilleadh  dail  thog  e  air.  Bha 
an  oidhohe  dorcha  gu  leoir,  is  cha  robh  e  idir  cinnteach  nach 
faodadh  sithichean,  uruisgean,  is  taibhsean  a  bhi  tuin 
eachadh  'sna  ooilltean  a  bha  roimhe.  Chuir  na  sgeulachdan 
uamhasach  a  chual  e  'sa  cheardaich  iomaguin  nach  bu  bheag 
air  inntinn. 

'San  staid  sin  rainig  e  a'  chraobh  dharaich. 

Gu  grad  thuit  an  slabhruidh  le  gleadhraich  oillteil  aig 
a  chasan,  is  chual  e  guth  eagallach  ag  radh' — "  Is  mise  an 
Ciabhul;  is  fhad  o'n  tha  mi  an  toir  ort,  ach  bithidli  tu 
agam  an  nochd ! ' '  Cha  mhor  nachi  deachaidh  Paruig  a 
oochull  a  chridhe  leis  an  eagal.  Ruith  e  cho  luath  ri  fiadh 
gus  an  do  rainig  e  aon  de  thigh ean  Thulaioh-chain.  'Stigh 
air  an  dorus  leum  e,  is  thuit  e  an  comhair  a  chinn  'na 
phaisean  air  an  lar.  Thoisich  fear  is  beian  >an  tighe  r'a 
cheartachadh  mar  a  b'  fhearr  b'  urrainn  daibh,  ach  re 
uine  fhada  's  gann  a  bha  plosg  am  Para  Mor.  Mu 
dneireadh  chaidh  iad  a.  dh'  iaiiruidh  comhnadh  o  mhuinntir 
an  ath  thighe  far  an  robh  am  figheadair  6g  ag  oibreachadh, 
is  a'  deanamh  comhnuidh.  Dh'  innis  iad  do  'n  t-sean 


24  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

fhigheadair  is  do  mhnaoi  mar  a  bha  cuisean  thaobh  Pharuig. 
An  deidh  sacithair  mhoir  leis  a'  cheathrar  aca  thainig  e  air 
ais  gu  roinn  de  thoinisg,  is  chuid  is  chuid  thuig  iad  mar  a 
thachair  dha.  Bha  bean  an  t-sean  fhigheadair  ainharusach 
mu  thimohioll  a'  ghille  odg,  is  thug  i  oirre  do  '11  t-seomar  far 
am  b'  abhaist  da  luidh,  a  dh'  fhaicinn  an  ro*bh  e  'iia  chadal. 
Gu  samhach  dh'  fhosgail  i  an  dorus  ,  is  ag  imeachd  air  a 
corragan  rainig  i  an  leabaidh.  Bha  eaan  a  reir  coslais  'na 
chadal  ro  throm,  is  srann  aig©  chuireadh  na  h-edch  ris  a' 
mhonadh!  Ged  a  ghlaodh  i  ris,  is  ged  a  chra,th  i  e  cha 
ghabhadih  an  gille  bochd  a  Shusgadh  a  shuain  !  B'  fheoidar 
dhi  leigeil  leis  is  pilltinn  dh'  ionnsaigh  na  cuideachd  a  dh' 
fhag  i. 

Bha  Para  Mior  'nis  air  dol  boagan  am  feabhas,  ach  bha 
e  cho  gealtach,  is  cho>  anmhunn,  is  gu  'n  d'  fheum  na  fir  eile 
chomhnadh  dhachaidh  do  Chamue-na-curaich. 

Fhad  is  bu  bheo  e  cha  rohh  ni  saoghalta  bheireadh  air 
Para  Mor  fuireach  anm^och  'sa  cheardaich  an  deidh  bheul  na 
h-oidhche. 

Mar  sin  fhuair  gobhainn  Aird-eonaig  a  mhiann,  is  cha 
robh  am  figheadair  6g  air  a  dhi-chuimhn^achadh  leis. 

TIGHEARNA  CHOMH-EUITH  IS   NA   SITHICHEAN. 

Anns  na  laithean  a  dh/  fhalbh  nuair  a  bha  na  sithichean 
lionmhcr  gu  leoir  'sa  Ghaidhealtachd,  is  a  bha  each  no 
tarbh  uisge  aims  gach  loch,  b'  abhaist  do  fhear  d^  na  seann 
tighearnan  a  bhi  gabhail  comhnuidh  an  tigh  mor  Chomh- 
ruith,  is  b'  e  nos  a  bhi  spaidsearachd  'sna  coilltean  gach 
feasgar  blath  samhraidh.  Ma^  ta.  air  feasgar  araidh  air  dha 
bhi  mach  's  na  coilltean  dh'  fhairich  e  e  fein  ro  sgith  is  shuidh 
e  sios  aig  bun  craobh  mhor  dharaich,  a  ghabhail  analach. 
Dhuin  a  shuilean,  is  ann  an  tiota  bha  e  'na  shuain.  Thainig 
an  dorchadais  ;  gidheadh  cha  do  dhuisg  an  duine  a  chadal 
trom.  Mu  inheadhon  oidhche  dh'  fhosgail  e  a  shuilean, 
ach  ma  dh'  fhosgail  chuir  an  sealladh  a  chunnaic  e  ioghnadh 
mor  air.  Bha  e  an  talla  fo  thalamh,  is  lochrain  bheaga 
'ga  lionadh  le  solus  dealrach.  Mu  'n  cuairt  da  bha,  ficheadan 
de  dhaoine  is  de  mhnathan  beaga  gu  cuimir,  siibailte  a'  cur 
nan  car  dhiubh  'san  dannsa,  is  "  ho'-ro-gheallaidh  "  mhor 
aca.  Bhat  na  piobairean,  is  na  fidhleirean  a'  seideadh,  is  a' 
cluicheadh  air  an  innealean  ciuil  gu  ro  thogarrach,  ged  bha 
am  fuaim  is  iam  fonn  ni  bu  sgalanta  na  bha  e  cleachdadh 
a  chluinntinn  o  phioban  is  o  fhidhlean  dhaoine.  Thaitinn 


Sgeulachdan  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt  25 

an  ni  a  chunnaic  is  a  chual  e  ris,  is  bha  e  gle  shuiindach 
car  seal,  ach  iiuair  a  chaidli  iiinseadh  dha  gu  'm  feumadh 
e  an  corr  de  bheatha  chaitheadh  maille  ris  na  sithichean,  chuir 
an  iiaidheachd  sin  droch  ghruaim  ,air  aghaidh,  is  thog  i 
buaireas  'nai  inntinn. 

Bha  tacan  measg  nan  sithichean  gle  thaitiiieach  laie,  aoh 
cha  robh  iarrtus  aige  comh-luadar  nan  sithichean  mhealadh 
gu  siorruidh;  b'  fheairr  leds  gu  mcr  a.  bhi  air  ais  an  Tigh- 
Chomh-ruith  far  am  faigheadh  e  comhradh  a  dheanamh  r  a 
chompanaich  thalmhaidh.  C'ia.  mar  gheibheadh  e  saorsa  o 
thigh  na  daorsa  aige  ?  Is  i  sin  a/  cheisd  a  bha  &  ro  thoileiaoh 
a  dh'  fhuiaegladh,  is  somiainich  e  air  iomad  doigh  chum  sin  a 
dheanaanh,  ach  car  uine  fhada  cha  robh  am  doigh,  no  an 
rathad  soilleir  dha.  Oidhche  an  deidh  oidhch©  bha  na  sith- 
ichean ri  sugradh  is  feala-dha  measg  nian  coilltean  is  nan 
cnoc,  is  bha  eean  'nan  cuideachd. 

tTair  de  na  h-uairean  thachair  gu  'n  robh  aon  de  shean 
shedrbheisich  '&&  choille  aig  a'  ch«art  am  ris  na  eithichean. 
Chunnaic  an  tighearn'  e  is  rinn  esan  oidhirp  dhiomhair  air 
faigEinn  fagus  do  ''11  t-eairbheiseach  gun  fhio'S  do  na  sith- 
ichoan.  Chaidh  aige>  air  sin,  is  fhuair  e  cothrom  air  ciagaradh 
an  cluais  a'  .sheiirbheisich ,  is  dh'  iniiis  e  do  'n  duine  mu  'n 
staid  's  an  do  thuit  dha  bhi,  is  de  an  seun  a  bha  feumail  do  'n 
t-seirbheiseach  a  ghiiathachadh  chum  is  gu  'n  rachadh  a 
mhaighstir  a  chur  fa  sgaoil.  Goirid  an  deidh  sin  fhuair  an 
seirbheiseach  an  cothrom  a  bha  dhith  air,  is  ghnathadch  e  an 
seun  guh-eifeachdach,  is  bhris.ea,dh  cuibhrichean  an  tigheama, 
is  chaidh  fhuasgladh  o  gheasaibh  nan  sithichean. 

Fhuair  e  dihachaidh ;  ach  coma  co  dhiubh  cha  robh  moran 
saimhe  aige  'na  thigh:.  Cha  bu  luaithei  thigeadh  sgail  na 
h-oidhche  Jna  thoisicheadh  an  tararaiich  is  an  upraid  a 
&  oillteir  ann  an  aoni  de  na  seomair,  is  leanadh  an  fhuaiim 
neoi- thalmhaidh  sin  gu  maduinn.  Bha  an  duine  bochd  gun 
fhois,  gun  chadal  re  na  h-oidhche,  is  dh'  fheum  e  cadal  a 
dheanamh  'san  la.  Is  math  a  thuig  e  car  son  a  bha  an 
fhfuaim,  is  de  a  b'  ao-bhair  dhi. 

Uime  sin  dh'  orduich  e  do  gach  neach  a  bha  'na  thigh  iad 
a  dh'  fhuireach  mach  as  a^n  t-seomar  fhuaimneach,  chunnart- 
ach  sin  ma  bha  curam.  idir  aca  do  am  beatha.  Chual  iad 
uile  an  earail  aige,  is  ghluais  iad  da  reir  sin,  aich  aon  a  mhain. 
Chuir  banacharaid  fir  an  tighe  a  dheagh  chomhairle  an  neo- 
shuim.  Chai  do  chreid  i  gu  'n  tachradh  ni  sam  bith  olc  dhi 
ged  rachadh  i  etigh  do  sheomar  nan  sithichean .  Thainig  an 
oidhche  is  thoisich  an  straighlich  mar  a  b'  abhaist. 


26  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

'Nuair  niach  robh  fear  am  tighe  lathair  shnag  i  chun  doruis 
an  t-seomair  is  steach  a  ohaidh  i  gu  dan  a  measg  nan  eith- 
ichean,  ach  ma  chaidh  cha-  do  phill  i  tuilleadh,  is  cha  deach- 
aidh  faicinn  an  deidh  sin  air  aghaidh  na  talmhainn. 

Dh'  fhag  na  sithichean  an  tigh  gu  tur,  is  bha  ciuineas 
'san  t-seomar  fhuaimneach. 

NA  H-EICH-UISGE   DONNADH   IS  KOLADH. 

Fagus  do  thigh  Ohomh-rnith,  is  air  an  taobh  an  ear  dheth 
tha  an  t-Allt  Liadnaig  a'  rnith  sea-chad  do  'n  abhainn  Eire, 
no  mar  their  na  Groill — "  Earni." 

A  reir  aithris  nan  seann  d'aoine  bha  beistean  deistinneach, 
is  olc,  is  cronail  a'  tuineachadh  'san  allt'  'sna  laithean  o 
chian.  Bha  aon  dhiubh  a'  deanamh  a  dhachaidh  aig  taobh, 
no  'san,  linne  ris  an  abair  iad — "  Cbire  an  Diabhuill."  'S  e 
ainm  do  'n  sput — "  Eas-Dhonnaidh."  Tha  an  t-eas  mu  dha 
mhile  air  astar  o  bhaile  Chomh-ruith.  Bhai  an  uile-bheist 
eilei  gabhail  cbmhinuidh  mu  cheithir  mile  o  Eas-Dhonnaidh, 
ach  na  's  airde  air  an  allt.  Feuniiaidh  gnr  iad  eich  uisge  a 
bha  'sna  beistean  anarcneasda  is  full  teach,  oir  dh'  itheadh  iad 
daoine  is  mnathan  cho  math  ri  crodh  is  oaoraich. 

'S  e  b'  adnm  do  'n  da  dhrocihi  bheist  Donnadh  is  Roladh  ; 
is  tha  eadhon  luchd  labhairt  na  Beurla  aig  an  la  an  diugh  ag 
radh :  "  Spo-ut  Rolaidh  "  ris  an  steallair  a  tha  fada  'n  airde 
an  Gleanin-Liadnaig. 

Cha  'n  fhios  dhomh  cia  aoa  bha  no  nach  robh  gille-solar- 
aidh  aig  Rolaidh,  ach  bha  fear  aig  Donnaidh  a  reir  teisteas  na 
diithcha,  is  tha  sin  a'  deanamh  an  gnothuch  cinnteaich  gu 
ledir.  Ma  bha  ainm  aig  an  fhear-solaraidh  ohaidh  e  air  di- 
chuimhne,  ach  ma  bheachdaicheas  einn  air  a  dheanadais,  is 
air  de  thachair  dha  aig  laimh  sean  mhnatha  thig  sinn  gun 
teagamh  gus  a'  bhairail  gur  e  seors  de  uruisg  a  bh'  ann.  A 
reir  cunntais  rinn  e  a  dhichioll  chum  Ion  a  chumail  ri  Bonn- 
aidh,  is  gu  dearbh  cha  b'  i  sin  an  obair  fhurasdai.  Bha 
faobhar  an  uilc  air  an  tbir  air  daoinei,  air  corodh  no  caoraich  a 
ghabhadh  greasadh  no  taladh  chun  an  eas,  is  chun  an  linne 
dhomhain,  uamhasaich  far  an  robh  Donnadh  gu  acrach  a* 
feitheamh  orra.  Tha  bruiaohan  na  linne  ro  chas,  is  tha 
i  fein  mar  choire  mor  Ian  uisge  is  e  air  ghoileadh.  Cluinnear 
fuaim  an  spuit  fad  air  astar. 

Bha  coire  mor  aig  Donnaidh  is  Rolaidh,  a,  chum  bruicheadh 
a'  chobhartaidh  aca  lann.  Aig  amanna  'nuair  a  bha  an  coire 
shuas  aig  Rolaidh  is  a  bha  feum  aig  Donnaidh  air  chum  a 


kSgeulaohdan  bho  Shiorramaehd  Pheairt  27 

dhinneir  no  a  shuipeir  a  dheasachadh  raoiceadh  e  ri  Rolaidh 
-an  gutb  oillteil,  coltach  ri  ulartaich  mhadaidh-alluidh — 

' '  Ouir  sio©  an  ooire  gu  grad  ;  tha  f  eum  agam  air. ' ' 

Thachair  gu  'n  deachaidh  an  uruisg  no  am  fear-solaraidh 
air  la  fuar  geamhraidh  car  air  faondradh  as  a'  choimh- 
earanachd  far  an  robh  e  eolach.  Air  dha  bhi  ga  fhair- 
eachduinn  fein  ro  fhuar,  is  ro  mhi-shuairnhneiach,  chaidh  e 
dh'  ionnsaigh  tigh  a  bha  'n  sin,  is  air  do  'n  dorus  a  bhi 
foegailte  dh'  imich  a  stigh  gu  dana.  Cha  robh  neach  'san 
tigh  ach  sean  chailleiach  liath  le  euilean  ro^  gheur  'na  ceann. 
Grbjabh  i  iongantasi  'nuair  a  chunnaic  i  an  loiriste  nior  romach 
luirgneach  dol  chun  an  fceinei,  aoh  tbug  i  aon  sealladh  air,  is 
bu  leoir  e,  thuig  i  'sa  cheart  am  co  e  an  diulanach  bb'  aic©, 
oir  bha  iomradh  a'  bheist  air  sgaoileadh  feadh  na  duthcha  air 
fad,  ged  na-ch  fhac  is»e  ria^mh  roimh  e.  Gu  modhail  thairg  i 
oathair  dhia,  is  thuirt  i — "  Dean  sfuidhc  fagus  do  ;n  teine 
chum  gu  'm  faigh  thu  do  gharadh  fein  gu  oeart."  Rinm  e 
sin  gun  umhail,  is  bhoir  a'  cha-illoach  air  a  chlobha  mar  gu  'm 
biodh  i  dol  a  cheartacbadb  an  teine.  An  aite  sin  a  dheanamh, 
ann  sgap  i  na  h-eibhleagan  dearga,  loisgeach  air  luirgnean 
an  uruisg.  Leum  esian  miach  as  an  tigh,  is  &  a  sgreuchail 
gu  fuathasach.  Dh'  fhag  e  choimhearsnachd  sin  gu  buileach, 
is  cha  robh  neach  duilich  uime.  Ma  chreideaa  sinn  beul- 
\aithris  nan  Gaidheal,  is  car-son  nach  creideadh  ?  is  ann  le 
teine,  no>  uisge  teth  a'  chur  air  gluintean  1101  air  ca®an  nan 
iiruiagean  a  fhuair  mniathan  tapaidh  buaidh-laraich  air  na 
h-uruisgean  a  bha  cur  dragh  orra. 

Ged  naoh  'eil  each-uisge  air  an  la  an  diugh  aig  Eas- 
Dhonnaidh,  cha  'n  'eil  teagamh  ssa.m  bith  nach  'eil  caoraach 
fHathast  dol  thar  an  spuit  do  'n  linne  dhombain  tha  foidhe. 

Thall  's  a  stigh  do  dha  fhichead  bliadhna  chaidh  nighean 
og  a  bhathadh  'san  linne.  Bha  i  a'  gabhail  seallaidh  de  'n  eas, 
ach  gu  tubaisteach  epeil  i  sios  a'  bhruaich  shleamhuinn  do  'n 
uisge.  Mu  'n  deachaidh  drochaideian  a  thogail  thiairis  air  an 
allt,  chaj  'n  'eil  teagamh  nach  do  chaill  iomad  neach  a  bheatha 
'sna  h-athan  'nuair  a  bhiodh  tuil  'san  allt',  is  faodaidh  gur 
ann  mar  sin  a  dh'  eirich  sgeulachdan  mu  dhroch  dheanadais 
nan  each-uisge. 

DOMHNULL   BAN    NAN   TAIBHSE. 

'Nuair  a  bha  Domhnull  Ban  Stiubbart  'na  ghille  6g  bha 
Gleann-cuiaich  Ian  siluaigh ;  bha  oiadan  ann  mu  choinneamh 
aiam  ficheadan  th'  ann  air  an  la  an  diugh.  Aig  an  am  sin  bha 


28  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

moran  sluaigh  a'  gabhail  comhnuidh  'san  da  Shithean,  ach, 
mo  thruaigh  !  tha  tigh©aii  Shithein  Shios  gu  leir  'nan  lar- 
aichtean,  is  cha'n  'eil  ach  da  thigh  air  ian  aiteachadh  an 
Sithean  Shua^,  tigh  croiteir,  is  tigh  a  bhana-rnhaighstir  sgoile. 
De  air  bith  a  bha  dh'  uireiasbhuidh  air  sluagh  Ghlinne-cuaich 
an  tim  Dhomlmuill  cha  robh  dith  air  cairdeas,  air  comhal- 
achd,  is  air  coibhneas  'nam  measg. 

'Sna  h-oidhchean  fad  a  geamhraidh  raciha/dh  iad  air 
cheilidh  do  thighean  a.  cheilo.  'S  ann  an  sin  a  bha  an 
t-aighear,  is  an  sugnadh,  ceol,  sgeulachdan  mu  na  Feinne, 
mu  thannasgan,  mu  iiruisgean,  mu  shithichean,  is  mu 
sholusan.  Faodaidh  sinn  a  thuigsinn  nach  biodh  an  oigridh 
cruinn  na  h-uil©  h-oidhche  gun  iad  a  bhi  toirt  taoain  air 
dannsia.  Mur  biodh  fidhlear,  no  piobair'  'sa  chuideachd, 
gu  cinnte'ach  bhiodh  fear  ann  aig  an  robh  triQ'mb,  is  chuireadh 
na  casan  aca  gu  clis  ris  a  checl  a  ice.  Ach  mur  biodh  aon  de 
na  h-innealaii  ciuil  sin  f'a.  fhaotainn  dh'  fhe-umadh  iad  an 
gnoithuoh  a  dheanamh  le  feadail,  no  le  poo*t-a-beul,  is  coma 
co-dhiubh,  is  iomad  ruidhil  gasda  chaidh  dhannsa  riutha  sin 
fein. 

Cha  robh  e  ach  gle  nadura  ged  bheireadh  na  gillean  is 
na  nigheanan  oidhirp  air  a  bhi  suiridh  'nuair  a  gheibheiaidh 
iad  an  cothrom  aig  a,'  cheilidh,  no  air  an  rathaid  dhachaidh. 

Thiaohair  gu  'n  robh  Domhnull  aig  comnea.mh  shuilbhir 
de>  'n  t-seorsia  sin  air  oidhch©  fhadai  gheamhrtaidh,  ach  thainig 
an  t-am  dealachaadh,  is  gu  mor  an  aghaidh  a  thoil  dh7  fheuxn 
e  togail  air  dhachaidh  do  Bhaile-iian-sum  far  an  robh  e 
'gabhail  comhnuidh  aig  an  am  sin. 

Bha  an  oidhcho  dubh  dorch.',  is  bha  e  air  a  sharuchadh 
gle  mhor  am  frith-«rathad  troimh  Chroit-ma-Sheioc  a  chum  ail. 
Chai  robh  duin©  maille  ris,  is  'iiUiair  rainig  e  preas  a  bha  'sa 
chroit  dh'  eirich  solus,  no  taibhsei  as  a'  phreas,  is  roimh 
Dhomhnuill  bhiodh  e  'ga  bhacadh  neo  'r  thaing  dha.  Thuig 
Do*mhnull  gur  ©  ni  mi-nadurra  bh'  ann,  ach  bha  mhisneachd 
cho  laidir  is  nach  do  thuit  ©  'na  phaiseani  ged  a  bha  a'  chuis 
mar  a  bha  i.  Thainig  ©  'na  inntinn  mach  robh  an  taibhe© 
ann  gun  ao'bhar  soniruicht©  a,'  cur  amhladh  air,  is  thuirt  e 
ris  an  ni  ana-cneasda,  "  Thig  mi  iadr  ais  air  f©asgar  mair©ach 
a  rannsachadh  na  cuis©  ma  leigeas  tu  as  mi  an  drasda." 

Dh'  aontaich  an  taibhse,  is  chaidh  i  as  an  t-s©alladh  'sa 
phr©as.  Ghreas  Domhnull  air  dhiachaidh,  ach  bha  inntinn 
neo-fhoisn©ach,  is  cha  robh  moran  cada.il  aig©  an  co'ir  d©  'n 
oidhch©,  oir  bha  smuain  an  d©idh  smuain  a'  cur  dragh  air 


Sgeu/achdan  bho  Shiorramachd  Pheairt  29 

inntinn.  An  ath  mbaduinn  chunnaic  a  chairdoan  gu  'n  robh 
&  ghnuis  glas,  is  ©  fein  gu  luaineach  dol  null  is  nail  gun  fhois. 
Mu  dheireadh  thuirt  aon  dhiubh  ris — ' '  Air  thalamh  bhos ! 
de  tha  cur  ort  'nuair  nach  '©il  agad  fe  no  fois  ?" 

Dh'  innis  Domhnull  de  thachair  air,  is  gu  'n  do  gheall  e 
dol  air  ais  aig  oidhch©  thoirt  ooinnimh  do>  'n  tannasg.  'Nuair 
a  thainig  beul  na  h-oidhcbe  bha  buidheami  d©  ghillean  deas 
gu  dol  comhla  ris  a  dh'  fhaicinn  an  gnoitnuch  crio€h- 
naichte.  Chuir  Domhnull  Biobul  fo  a<?hlais,  is  air  falbh 
ghabh  na  laoioh,  aoh  cha  robh  aon  dhiubh  b'  urrainn  cumail 
suas  ri  Domhnull  'na  ehiubhal.  Thar  a'  Chuaich  leum  e 
cho  subailt-e  ri  miolchu,  is  ruith  e  gu  luath  gus  an  robh  ©  mu 
choinnimh  Croit-ma-Sheoc,  an  sin  thairis  air  a-n  allt  ghabh 
©  rithist,  is  rinn  e  direach  air  a'  phreias  as  an  d'  thainig  an 
tannasg.  Bhruidhinn  latm  taibhs©  ri  Domhiiull,  is  thug  i  dha 
r'a  thuigsinn  gur1  isi©  spiorad  leinibh  ohaidh  a  inhurtadh  is 
adhlacadh  aig  bun  a'  phris,  ach  na'n  rachadh  na  cnamhan  a 
thogail  is  a  thiodhlacadh!  an  talamh  coisrigte  an  cladh,  nach 
biodh  solus  no  taibhise  r'a  fbaicdnn  na  'si  mo  aig  a'  phreas. 
Dh'  aontaich  Dornhnull  sin  a.  dheanamh,  is  chuir  e  fear  de 
na  h-6ganaich  a  dh'  ia,rraidh  oaibe. 

Bhuraioh  iad  aig  bun  a'  phris,  is  fhuair  iad  cnamham 
leinibh.  Dh'  adhlaic  iad  na  cnamhan  an  Cladh  Shithein,  is 
cha  do  ohuir  an  taibhse  dragh  tuilleadh  air  n©ach  sam  bith. 

An  deidh  sin  bha  Domhnull  aithnichte  an  Glean n-cuaich 
fo  'n  fhar-ainm — "  Dcmhnull  Ban  nan-taibhse."  Faodaidh 
sinn  a  radh  gu  'n  robh  ©  oair  n©6nach  'na  dhoighean,  is  'na 
naidheachdan  fhad  's  bu  bheo  ©.  Bha  ©  'sa  bheachd  gu  'm 
fac  ©  sithichean  iomad  uair.  Tha  te  d©  na  sgeulachdan  aige 
air  tighinn  sios  chun  na  linn  so.  A  reir  aithris  fein  bha  e  aon 
oidhche  aig  a'  Bhailo-N-odha  tba  aig  c©ann  tuath  Cnaoil- 
Ghlinn-amain.  Chunnaic  e  aireamh  mhor  d©  shithichean  dol 
thairis  air  an  rathad  is  piobairean  ag  imeachd  rompa.  Lean 
©  'nan  deidh,  is  chaidh  iad  uile  1©  c©um  aotrom  uallach  thairis 
air  s©an  dhrochaid  a  bha  fag  us  do1  'n  choille.  Threoirich 
na  pio'baireian  iad  stigh  do  'n  cboille  gus  an  do  rainig  iad 
ait©  boidheach  uain©  far  nach  robh  craobhan.  An  sin  ghleus 
nai  piobair©an  an  inn'©alan-ciuil,  is  thoisich  an  dannsa  b'  fbearr 
a  cbunnaic  Domhnull  riamh  'na  bheatha.  •  'Nuair  a  fhuair 
iad  uil©  an  sath  de  dhannsia  chaidhi  iad  uile  gu  leir  stigh  air 
fosgladh  a  bha  an  cliatbaich  cnuic,  is  na  piobairean  cluich- 
©adh  air  an  ceann.  Mar  sin  chaidh  iad  a-s  a  shealladh  gu 
sunndach. 


30  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

BEa  Domhnull  firinneach  an  gnothuichean  cumanta  na- 
beathai  so,  is  bha  e  clio  dian  'sa  bheachd  gu  'm  fac  e  na 
sithichean  iomad  uair,  is  mu  dheireadh  gu  'n  do  chreid  roinn 
de  shluagh  Ghlinne-cuaich  gur  i  an  fhirinn  bha  e  labhairt  mu 
na  sithichean.  Na'n  cuireadh  duine  sam  bith  a  sgeul  an 
teagamh  cha  robh  fearg  Dhomhnuill  furasd  a  chiosachadh. 

'Nuair  a  bha  e  'na  sheann  duine  's  amn  an  Achadh-nam- 
fad  a  bha  thigh. 

La  de  na  laithean  thainig  fear  ao>trom,  neomach  chun  an 
doniis.  'S  e  b'  ainm  dha  Iain  MacNeachdain,  ach  chaidh  e 
fo  'n  fhar-ainm,  "  Taillear-an-Rois."  Tha  ian  Bos  an 
Gleann-liobhunn.  Thug  an  tailletar  gleiang  cruaidh  air  an 
dorua,  is  gu  h-eialamh  thainig  Ealasaid,  nighean  Dhomhnuill, 
a  dh'  amharc  co  bh'  aim.  Thuirt  an  taillear  rithe  gun  dail — 
"Am  bheil  am  foar-seallaidh  stigh?"  Fhroagiair  Ealasaid 
gu  crosda — "  Cha  'n  'eil  no  fear-seallaidh."  Dh'  fheoraich 
an  taillear  a  rithist  gun  sgath  no  sgaoim — "  Am  bheil  am 
faidhe'  stigh?"  Fhreagair  Ealasaid  ann  am  boile  dearg — 
"  Cha  'n  'eil  no  faidhe."  Chrath  am  taillear  a  cheann,  is 
thuirt  e  an  guth  tiamhaidh  mar  gu  'm  biodh  e  ro  dhuilich 
jn'  a  h-aineolais — "  A  ghalad  !  a  ghalad  !  's  e  sin  na  bheil 
fhios  agad  ;  aon  uair  chaidh  t'  athair  is  mise  thar  Lairig-ia.n- 
lochain  o  Thaobh-Locha-Tatha  do  Ghleann-liobhunn,  is  bha 
eean  marcaichd  air  muic !  is  bha  mise  m,aroachd  iair  ooileach  ! ' r 

De  b'  urrainn  Ealasaid  a  dhetanamh  ;ach  .a  h-athair  a  chur 
a  mach  dh'  ionnsaigh  an  tailleir  chum  gu  'm  bruidhneadh 
iad  air  nithean  bheireadh  solas  is  toil-inntinn  do  gach  fear 
dhiubh. 


Ilth  FEBRUARY,  1915. 

At  a  meeting  held  on  this  date,  a  paper,  entitled  "  Some 
Rare  Gaelic  Words  .and  Phrases,"  contributed  by  Mr  Alex- 
ander Maodonald,  Inverness,  was  read  by  the  author. 

SOME  RARE  GAELIC  WORDS  AND  PHRASES. 

While  the  Gaelic  language  as  a  whole  may  not  be  dis- 
appearing so  fast  now  as  it  would  seem  to  be,  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  a  considerable  number  of  Gaelic  words  and 
phrases  are  becoming  more  and  more  obsolete.  This  is  so  for 
two  conspicuous  reasons:  first,  that  many  good  Gaelic  words 
and  phrases  do>  not  appear  to  have  ever  found  their  way  into* 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  31 

dictionaries ;  and,  second,  that  the  essentially  narrowing  oom- 
pa&s  of  Gaelic  speech,  on  account  of  the  almost  universal  use 
of  English  now  by  the  people  of  all  Gaelic-speaking  districts, 
is  directly  hurrying  the  disappearance  of  any  Gaelic  words 
and  phrases  not  in  common  use  from  day  to  day.  Such  being 
the  case,  is  it  not  the  obvious  duty  of  every  Highlander  to 
record  all  Gaelic  words,  phrases,  and  combinations  that  may 
strike  him  as  likely  to  be  falling  out  of  use,  with  a  view  to 
rescuing  them  from  becoming  irrecoverable?  For  this  pur- 
pose it  is  not  by  any  means  necessary  that  one  should  be  a 
philologist.  What  is  required  is  that  the  Gaelic-speaking 
people  should  be  got  to  take  some  interest  in  their  mother- 
tongue  as  still  a  living  language,  which  would  go  farther 
towards  its  reconstruction  iand  preservation  than  all  the  books 
ever  written  on  the  subject  of  etymological  science. 

We  now  give  such  of  these  as  we  have  not  been  able  to 
trace  in  the  Gaelic  dictionaries  which  we  possess,  along  with 
such  explanatory  remarks  as  we  hope  will  make  the  list 
sufficiently  interesting  and  intelligible  to  readers.  It  is  not 
presumed  that  the  list  is  by  any  means  exhaustive,  or  that 
some  of  the  words  may  not  be  found  in  dictionaries  not  at  my 
disposal ;  as  a  matter  of  f  act,  I  recently  noticed  that  some  of 
these  words  and  phrases  do  appear  in  at  least  some  of  the 
dictionaries  now  in  the  hands  of  the  public.  This  paper  was 
first  compiled  a  considerable  time  ago. 

I  may  be  allowed  to  mention  that  the  late  Dr  Macbain, 
after  .a  perusal  of  most  of  these  words,  desired  me  earnestly 
to  print  them  in  permanent  form,  and  I  do  not  think  I  can 
do  better  in  that  direction  than  to>  hand  the  list  over  to  the 
Inverness  Gaelic  Society,  with  ai  view  to  their  being  included 
in  the  "  Transactions,"  if  considered  worthy  of  the  honour. 
The  list  could  be  continued  to  a  very  great  length,  but  the 
following  may  be  found  at  least  suggestive :  — 

A  ghaolaich — A  term  used  in  addressing  a  man. 

A  theannaith — As  much  as  bargained  for  at  least.     A  way  of 

expressing  as  much  as  fit  for. 
Air  m'   fhoradh  fhein — At  my  own  sweet  will — "  Bheirinn 

ho!  airm'  fhorradh,  ho!"  ' 
Air  mi  oiream  fhein — Not  unlikely  from  Air  Moire  fhein— 

By   the   Virgin  Mary  herself ;   or  simply,    On   my   own 

word  and  honour. 
Air  an  fharradh — The  idea,  seems  to>  point  to  being  at  the- 

extremity  of  one's  means.     "  Bidh  iad  air  an  fharradh 


32  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

ambliadhna" — "They  shall  be  reduced  to  poor  fare 
this  year  "  ;  often  said  with  regard  to  cattle  when  a  long 
winter  leaves  little  for  spring  requirements. 

Air  a/  bhun-de — The  day  before  yesterday  ;  also  bhon. 

Air  a'  bhun-raoir — The  night  before  last  night ;  also  bhon. 

Air  faireadh — Coming  in  sight  afar  off — as  if  it  were  on  the 
sky-line.  No  doubt  related  to  "  faire." 

An  galair-suileiach — Eye-disease. 

Anada© — The  best  equivalent  for  this,  perhaps,  is  the  word 
"  healy."  "  Chuir  e  anadas  mor  orm — it  gave  me  a 
great  healy  " — remorseful  vexation. 

Arraidh — Suspicion.  "  Chuir  mi  arraidh  air  "  '  I  sus- 
pected him."  Sometimes  pronounced  "  f arraidh,"  and 
possibly  derived  from  "  aire." 

Bachull— As  applied  to  a  slovenly,  uncouth,  country  f ellow-  - 
"  Bachull  gille." 

Bagaisd© — A  ' '  lumber  ' '  of  a  person  ;  often  applied  to  one 
said  to  be  in  the  way- — "  Biagaisde  bodaich" — "  a  lumber 
of  a  carle."  (Baggage). 

Bab — A  reproach.  "  Cha  bhiodh  e  na  bhab  air  mo  chinn- 
eadh  " — such  would  not  be  ai  reproach  to>  my  clan. 

Baitidh — Having  the  appearance-  of  deadly  whiteness,  as  if 
drowned — deadly  pale;  related  to  "  bathadh,"  "  drown- 
ing." 

Bale — Misdeed  ;  an  act  of  wickedness  or-  folly.  "  Rinn  e  bale 
agus  theich  e" — "  He  oo^mmitted  a  misdeed,  and  fled." 

Baiiabachadh — The  first  signs  of  wear.  "  Cha  d'  thaiiiig 
banabachadh  air" — "It  does  not  show  the  slightest 
appearance  of  wear";  possibly  ban-abachadh. 

Barran — A  bandage  round  the  head  when  sorei — commonly  a 
handkerchief  round  the  head  and  tied  at  the  back. 

Bara-cobai — A  coup  barrow. 

Bara-da-lamh — A  two-handed  barrow. 

Bara-moine — A  peat  barrow. 

Baruisge — A  half-witted  man ;  probably  a  dialectic  adapta- 
tion of  the  word  "  baoghaire." 

Batar — Batter,  as  in  new  cotton,  etc. 

Beag-seadh — Witless ,  senseless . 

Beid— A  nest;  beid  luch — a  mouse's  nest.      (Bed). 

Biorag-an — Well-known  diminutive  of  "  bior,"  a  stick. 
"  Bioragan  an  flira^ch  "—"  Little  sticks  of  strong 
grown  heather  " 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  33 

Bonnan — Foot-marks  deep  in  the  ground  from  persons  stand- 
ing restlessly  for  a.  time  in  the  same  place.  "  Rinn  iad 
bonnan  ann"  '  They  made  deep  foot-marks  in  it." 

Bot — Given  in  Ma.cBain's  dictionary  as  Gaelic  for  a 
"  mound,"  or  "  river-bank  "  ;  is  also  used  in  our  district) 
as  Gaelic  for  "bog,"  from  which  or  from  "bught," 
perhaps,  derived.  "  Chaidh  an  t-each  ann  am  bot  orm  " 
— "My  horse  went  into  a  'bog.''  (See  also  under 
Spadh). 

Botadh,  or  bothaigeadh— Said  of  a  horse  when  rolling  itself 
on  the  grass.  "  Tha  'n  t-each  ga  bhothaigeadh  (bhotadh) 
fhein  air  an  fhaich  " — "  the  horse  is  rolling  itself  on  the 
green." 

Breachd — In  some  districts  a  very  common  form  of  the  word 
"  breitheachd,"  seizing.  "  'S  e  a'  breachd  (breith- 
eachd,  beirsinn)  air  a'  bhata  "  -"  And  seizing  his  staff." 
The  word  is  exactly  sounded  as  here  spelt. 

Bringleisean — Usually  applied  to  mean  ornaments  of  an 
inferior  kind. 

Brolam-as — The  state  of  being  reduced  to  a  liquid  mixture. 
"  Tha  'n  fheoil  air  a  bruith  gus  am  beil  i  'na  brolamae^ — 
"  the  meat  is  so  much  boiled  as  to  be  reduced  to  a 
mixture1"  (mess);  sometimes  spoken  "  strulamus,"  or 
"  srulamus,"  which  not  improbably  comes  from 
"  sruth,"  a  stream. 

Broineach — The  sta>te  of  being  ragged,  ill-put-on-looking ; 
fro>m  "  broineag,"  a  rag:  also*  "  broineiagan,"  rags, 
shreds. 

Bu  chara^ — More  likely.  Bu  chara  dhomh — it  were  more 
likely,  more  seemly,  for  me;  probably  from  "  car," 
friendly,  suggesting  relationship. 

Bughailteain— Bo  wels . 

Buille-treot- — A  hard,  steady  trot. 

Buiseaman— A  bandage  round  the  top -head  and  chin,  as 
against  "  barran  "  (which  see). 

Bunga-id — The  meaning  seems  to  be — a  somewhat  wickedly 
inclined  female.  "  A  bhungaid  a  thai  thu  ann  " — "  You 
wicked  hussie  tha-t  you  are";  said  often  of  a  restless, 
mischievous  young  girl. 

Burgadh — Bubbling. 

Busag — A  slap  on  the  mouth. 


34  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

Caban — An  instrument  used  for  breaking  up  hardened 
ground  or  dung;  from  "  cab/'  to  make  gaps,  to  notch; 
"  a'  cabadh  an  otraich  " — "  breaking  up  the  dung-heap 
with  the  caban." 

Caglachan — The  state  of  being  ground  into  a  loose  mass,  as  if 
by  the  grinding  of  teeth;  or  perforated,  as  if  by  shot 
at  a  short  distance.  "  Bha  e  na  ghlan  chaglachan  "— 
"  It  was  smashed  nearly  to  dust."  The  word  is  clearly 
from  "  cagnadh,"  to  masticate, 

Gaigeann — In  the  dictionaries  this  word  is  given  as  the  Gaelic 
equivalent  for  couple  (as  of  horses) — "  Carbad  an  da 
ohaigeann  "  "A  coach  and  four  ' ' ;  but  the  word  is 
frequently  applied  to'  a  feature  of  the  game  of  shinty, 
and  even  of  football,  known  as  "  scrimmage."  "  Seach- 
ainn  an  caigeann  "  — ' '  Avoid  the  scrimmage. ' '  The 
original  idea  would  seem  to>  be  what  in  English  is  gener- 
ally understood  by  the  word  "  group." 

Cailleagu — Calico ;  from  the  latter  clearly. 

Caiteas — As  used  for  English  "  sawdust,"  in  which  sense  it 
is  more  generally  in  vogue  now  than  for  ' '  shavings  ' '  or 
"  filings,"  the  older  meaning;  also  scrapings  of  linen 
and  refuse  of  carded  wool. 

Oamastrang — Quarrelsome  disputation.  "  'Cumail  suas 
camastrang  ri  'cheile  " — "  Disputing  quarrelsomely  with 
each  other  "  (wrangling).  There  is  a  word  "  oamhach," 
talkative. 

Caol-druim — The  small  of  the  back. 

Cas-bheag — A  few  peats  lifted  on  ends  together  in  the  process 
of  drying. 

Ceann-an-aidh — Sometimes  applied  derisively  to  one  who 
makes  himself  notorious  or  undesirably  prominent. 

Ceapag— A  wheelbarrow  wheel  made  from  the  stump  of  a 
tree.  MacBain  has  the  word  under  "  ceapaire."  It 
has  unmistakably  >an  individual  substantival  meaning  in 
the  language,  and  is  a  derivative  of  "  ceap,"  a  block. 

Cearrachas — Skill  in  playing  games. 

Ceolar — Not  to  be  confounded  with  cebl-mhor  (musical).  The 
best  equivalent  is  the  word  "peculiar."  "  'S  e  duine 
ceblar  a  th'  ann  " — "  he  is  a  peculiar  ma.n." 

Cha  b'  e  'monar  e — A  phrase  used  to  denote  comparison, 
frequently  derisively.  "  Cha  b'  e  'monar  e" — "  He  is 
not  to  be  despised — not  a  nobody." 


Seme  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  35 

Cha  bu  ghiomh — A  phtraee  expressive  of  regret.  "  Cha  bu 
ghiomh  learn  air  na  chunnaic  mi  riamh  na  thachair  " — 
' '  I  should  prefer  to  iall  that  I  have  ever  seen  that  such 
bad  not  happened." 

Cha  b'  uilear — A  phrase  indicating  quantity,  quality,  time, 

etc.,  in  comparisons.     "  Cha  b'  uilear  learn  sin  co-dhiu  " 

'  That  would  be  little  enough,"  or  "  I  should  require 

all  that  at  anyrate."     Likely  an   adaptation  of   "  Cha 

bu  leor." 

Cha  bu  tioc,  Cha  bu  teio — A  phrase  indicative  of  disappoint 
ment,  frequently  used  in  connection  with  misfortunes. 
' '  Cha  bu  tioc  an  darna  ni  ged  nach  tachnadh  an  ni  eile  '  * 
"  One  misfortune  at  a  time  would  be  enough,  to  say 
nothing  of  two."  Sometimes  "  Cha  tioc,"  when  in  the 
present  case. 

Cha  lamh — Cannot.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  how 
general  this  phrase  is.  In  numerous  districts  the  mean- 
ing is  expressed  by  "  cha  'n  'urra."  "  Cha  lamh  mi  " 
is  quite  common  along  Lochness-side  at  any  rate.  ' '  Cha 
lamh  mi  'dhol  " — "  I  cannot  go,"  etc.  In  Welsh,  "  a 
allaw  "— "  who.  is  able  "  (Y.  Gododin). 

Cir-mar-cha/r — Another  way  of  expressing  "  Car-mar-char  " 
— heels  over  head,  literally. 

deas — As  for  "  Coltach  ri"— "Like  unto,"  or  "  like."^ 
"  Tha  ;n  darna  neaoh  cleas  an  neach  eile  " — "  The  one 
is  like  the  other." 

Clioba — Manger  (prasiaich).  "  Ann.  an  clioba  'n  eich — in  the 
horse's  manger."  Macleod  and  Dewar  give  "cliobag," 
a  filly,  a.  young  mare ;  and  MacBiain  gives  "  clip,"  a  oolt, 
under  "  cHob." 

Clobhdach — Awkward,  as  in  handling  or  walking ;  sometimes 
pronounced  ."  cleabhdach." 

Cluain — As  for  wit,  wisdom.  "  Cha  'n  'eil  cluain  anm  "— 
there  is  no  wit  (no  practical  wisdom)  in  him.  Said  fre- 
quently of  a  dreamy,  irresolute  person.  I  find  in  Mac- 
Leod and  Dewar's  dictionary  the  word  "  cluainteir  "  for 
a  flatterer,  etc.  MacBain  has  "  cluain  "  for  deceit,  etc. 

Cnaimh-posaidh — The  miarriage  bone. 

Cnaiseadb — Grinding,  as  with  teeth.  A  companion  word  to 
Cnuaiseadh,  chewing — "  Cnuaiseadih  is  cnaiseadh." 

Caol-duim — The  wrist. 

Codha — A  gully.  "  CraigV-Chodha  " — the  craig  of  the 
gully ;  probably  the  same  as  "  oadha." 


36  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Cothaidh — Semi-frothy,  pulpy ;  generally  applied  to  turnips 
getting  into  a  state  of  softness.  "  Neip  chothaidh." 
The  dictionaries  give  "  cothan  "  for  froth,  etc. 
"  Spongy  "  would  be  a  good  equivalent, 

Clobhsaire — Applied  to  sun.  ungainly,  ugly-looking  person. 

Cracaire — A  conversationalist,  a  story-teller.  "  Cracker  " 
(Gaelicised) ;  sometimes  Chacaire. 

Cramhaiche,  or  cnamhaiche — Applied  generally  to  persons 
well  ripened  in  life.  "  Oramhaiche  duine,"  a  matured 
man.  / 

Cratach — Side.     "  C'hiurr  e  'ah.ra.tach  " — he  hurt  his  side. 

Criathrachan — A  small  sieve;  from  "  criathradh," 
"  criathrachan  tholl." 

Cornag — A  small  horn  (for  drinking  purposes). 

Carsaid — Corset  (Gaelicised) . 

Crannachan — Beiaten  f  oream — a  treiat  in  certain  districts 
closely  associaited  with  Hallowe'en  festivities. 

Cruibhean — Applied  to  the  hand  when  partly  closed  ;  from 
"  crubha,"  a  hoof. 

Cadbe-fad — An  instrument  used  in  cutting  divots';  also>  pro- 
nounced "  coibe-fad." 

Cuil — Backs,  slabs. 

Cuiseil — Much  caring  for;  a  derivative  of  "  cuisi."  (  Tha  e 
cuiseil  aisde  " — "  He  is  very  careful  abo'ut  her." 

Cular — Colour,  as  of  a  person's  countenance. 

Daidseach — A   "hit."     "Thug  mi  daidseach   air" — I  ga<ve 

him  a  "  hit." 
Dai — Frequently  used  to>  represent  "  when."     Apparently  an 

adaptation  of  "  an  uair." 
Deananaich — Working  away.     "  Deiananaich  air  rud-eigin  " 

"  Working  a-way  ait  something." 
Deoch-cadail — A  sleeping  draught. 

Deoch-gheal — A  drink  of  water  and  meal,  usrually  for  animals. 
Deoch-stallain — A   very    strong    drink,    as   if    for  >an   entire 

horsei. 

Dideag — A  peep;  a  diminutive  of  "  did." 
Dipeardian — The  airy  waiviness  that  seems  to  fle©  before  one's 

sight  when  looking  to  the  groiund  on  a  very  warm  sum- 
mer's day. 
Don-maithais — Applied  to  an   ill-rewarded  effort.       '  'S  ann 

agamsa    'bha    'ni   doin-mathais  " — "It   was   I   that   had 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  3T 

little  to  do  (disappointingly  or  regretf ully) . "  A  com- 
pound of  "  dona,"  bad,  and  "  mathas,"  service  or  effort. 

Dobhas — Bad  treatment,  as  from  cold,  hunger,  hard  work, 
etc. 

Domharaidh — Dark-looking,  ,as  before  a  storm.  Probably  a 
dialectic  adaptation  of  Dubharach,  shady  or  dark  (some- 
times dombharaidh) . 

Dreasair — Dresser;  from  the  English. 

Driceachan — Tricks1;  from  the  English. 

Dromlais — The  chain  across  the  saddle  on  which  the  cart- 
trams  hang. 

Druim/lagan — A  kind  of  cramp,  such  as  sometimes  one  feels 
in  the  wrist,  or  other  joints.  An  equivalent  for  lumbago. 
(Greim-loin) . 

Drunngair — A  drunkard.     The  transition  is  obvious. 

Druinneadh — Nestling,  as  it  were  in  a  manner  more  or  less 
aggressive  or  unwelcome. 

Duisdean — A  small  quantity  in  grains;  from  "  dusd," 
"  dust." 

Dunnsag — Applied  to  a  pretty  large  stone — "  dunnsag 
chloiche. ' ' 

Durc — Frequently  applied  to<  a  raw,  rough,  pachydermatous 
person.  "Durc  duine  " — "A  callous  (absolutely  un- 
impressionable) man."  There  is  ia>  word  "  durga  "  in 
the  dictionaries,  meaning  "  surly,"  "  sour." 

Dusdadh — A  beating.  "  Fhuair  e  a  dhusdadh  "  "he  got 
his  beating."  From  the  English  "  Dusting." 

Eabaisde — A  very  dirty  person,  as  if  covered  over  with  mud  ; 
fro'm  "  eiabar/'  mud,  slime,  filth,  etc. 

Eallachd — The  carcase  of  a  dead  sheep  found  outside;  pro- 
nounced "  lallachd  "  or  "  alchd." 

Eolais-adhair — ELnowledge  by  acquaintance;  such  as  wher» 
one  can  find  hisi  wa-y  with  his  eyes  closed. 

Fabhcaideach — Given  to  jokes.  Duine  fabhcaideach — a 
funny,  joky  man  (sometimes  abhcaideach) . 

Faiceallach1,  Faiceantat — Obsie'rvaot,  good  looking,  of  go>o<i 
ap'pearance. 

Fannan-feoir — A  phrase  used  to  denote  extreme  weakness. 
"  Cho  lag  ris  an  fhannan-fheoir."  The  woxd  "  fannan" 
alone  stands  for  a  soft,  gentle  breeze.  A  corruption  of 
"  fionnan-feoir,"  grasshoipper. 


38  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Farbhas — Much  smashing,  much  noisy  clamouring.  :'  Einn 
e  farbhas  mbr  " — "  He  made  a  great  smashing  "  or 
uproar.  The  better  spelling  might  perhaps  be 
"  fearrabhas." 

Farsan — From  home,  in  a  strange  place,  wandering  about. 
"  Bho  'n  is  farsan  learn  gach  la  "  (William  Ross). 

Fathamail — Reverent,  respectful;  a  derivative  of  "  fathamas." 

Feoidhrean — A  little  movement  as  of  air  or  breath.  "  Na  'n 
robh  feoidhrean  a  b'  fhiach  aige?" — "  Had  he  any  con- 
siderable strength  (breath-strength)  in  him?"  MacBain 
has  "  feothachan,"  a  little  breeze. 

Figear-an — Figure,  figures. 

Fireas — A  certain  sharpness  of  countenance  under  anger,  or 
disappointment,  or  displeasure. 

Fiugha. — Even,  as  when  associated  with  .numbers.  "  Gun 
fiugha  aon  "  — "  Without  even  one." 

Foicheannan — Applied  to>  the  feet  of  stockings  as  when  used 
for  protection  or  warmth  to  the  feet,  with  or  without 
shoes. 

Forrafhios^— When  a  person  or  thing  is  being  asked  for  or 
traced.  "  Am  beil  forrafhios  agad  air?" — "Have  you 
any  trace  of  it?" 

Frog -an — Frock,  a  little  frock;  quite  common.  "  Frog  ur  J> 
-"A  new  fro'ck"  ;  from  the  English. 

Gabag — A  clattering,  chattering  woman;  female  of   "  Gab- 


Gailo — Hurry,  excitement.  "  Chaidh  e  na  ghailc  "  "It 
put  him  about." 

Gallanta — Tall  and  well-formed,  as  in  "  Pearsa  ghallanta, 
dhireach  " — "A  tall,  well-formed,  straight  figure." 
Compare  gallan,  a  branch. 

Garraiceil — Gluttonous;  probably  from  garr,  garbh  fhiacaill. 

Garrag — Applied  to  the  ruffled  appearance  of  the  back  of  a 
dog  or  cat  when  threatening  fight ;  also  to  ruffled  waters 
as  in  a  storm — "  Tha  droch  gharrag  air,"  etc. 

Geard — Guard,  protection,  chain  (as  of  a  watch) ;  Gaelicised 
Guard. 

Gearrta — Sarcastic,  sarcastically. 

Geoiread — Sharpness;  a  dialectic  form  of  "  geurad,"  mean- 
ing the  same. 

Glaomaire — A  silly-looking  fellow. 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  39 

Gliobhaid — A  somewhat  continuous  storm  of  sleet;  a  deriva- 
tive of  gliob,  sleet. 
Glomhadh — A  voracious  bite.     ' '  Thug  an  cu  glomhadh  air ' ' 

— "  the  dog  made  a  gulp  at  it."     The  dictionaries  give 

' '  glamhadh  "  and  "  glamadh." 
Glung — A    hollow    noise,    as    made    when    anything    strikes 

against  the  bottom  of  an  empty  vessel. 
Gnothaidh — The   chilly,    cheerless   feeling   from    frost,    more 

particularly  at  the  back  of  the  sun.     Not  unlikely  to  be 

an  adaptation  of  gniuth,  a  frown. 
Godsiag-ani — A  tit-bit,  or  tit-bits  of  food. 
Gogadaich — Like  the  cackling  of  a  hen;  from  "  Gog." 
Gorag — A  sly  look.     "  Gorag  thar  an  dige" — "  a  sly  (careful) 

look  over  the  dyke  or  wall." 
Groideal — Thei  gridiron — not  the  brander. 
Groidleachan — A  small  bannock  on  the  gridiron.. 
Guileagan — The  custom   of   boiling   eggs  'Outside   on    Easter 

Sunday;  hence  "  Latha  Guileaigain,"  a  name  by  which 

Easter  Sunday  is  in  the  district  commonly  known. 
Gu-ma-h-anamoch  (dhuit) — Literally,   "  May  you  be  late  "; 

in  other  words,  "  Bad  luck  to  you." 

lobalag — A  despised  woimam;  &  female  oppressed  by  bad 
conditions.  "  Tha  i  na  h-iobalag  bhochd  "— "  She  is  a 
despised  (badly-treated)  woman." 

Ichd-achd — A  phrase  denoting  a  certain  measure'  of  defiance. 
"  Ni  mi  e,  ichd  achd  " — "  I  will  doi  it,  nolens  volens  " — 
"  Come  what  may."  (Sometimes  "  ic:ac  "). 

Lair-mhaide — Literally    "  A    wooden    mare,"    applied    to    a 

wooden  construction  used  sometimes  for  penalising.     (See 

Note  v.  to  "  Old  Mortality  "). 
Lamhag— -A   small   hand-axe;   probably   froan    "  lamh,"    the 

hand. 

Laoigh-f  hebil — Veal . 
Leileag — A  term  some  time  ago  generally  used  as  Gaelic  for 

dress     prints — "Frog     leileag " — "a     print      frock." 

Clearly  from  Lilac. 

Leith-chiallach — A  half-witted  person,  a  "  daftie." 
Leog — A  slap  on  the  cheek,  as  with  the  palm  of  the  hand. 

The  word  may  be  a  dialectic  form  of  "  sgleog,"  meaning 

a  siudden  knock. 
Leois — Open  sores. 


40  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Liathanach — As  denoting  iai  greyish  covering,  as  of  snow 
sometimes.  "  Liathanach  sneachda" — "  A  thin  greyish 
covering  of  snow";  from  "liath,"  grey. 

Liobag — A  flap,  as  of  a  pocket.     Probably  from  Lip. 

Lomag — Pretty  much  the  same  meaning  as  faicheag — a 
clean,  small,  grassy  green. 

Lon-chraois — A  water-glutton.  Believed  to  suck  the  blood 
of  drowning  people,  and  to  have  seven  holes  on  its  body — • 
— the  physical  embodiment  of  insatiableness,  and  trace- 
able to  aaioient  myth. 

Loirganach — As  meaning  (1)  such  a  depth  of  snow  ae  one 
could  track  another's  steps  by — "  Lorganach  sneachda  ; 
(2)  a,  child  at  the  heel — "  Lorganach  paisde." 

Luinns — A  lunge,  as  of  a  boat  on  the'  water.  ' '  Thug  i  luinns 
gus  an  dama  taobh  "  — ' '  She  lunged  to  the  one  side. ' ' 

Lurcadh,  Luroach — Greasing,  a©  in  cloth. 

Lurga — As  applied  to*  a  strip  of  ground — 

"  A'  buachailleachd  a'  chruith  ho-ri, 
Air  an  Lurgainn-Duibh  ho-rb." 

Maide-coire — The  spirtle. 

Maide-mullaich — The  great  log  at  top  of  house  'joining  the 
two  gable  ends.  f  Sometimes  applied  to  a  masterful, 
over-bearing  person. 

Meag — Movement  or  sign  of  life.  "  Cha  'n  'eil  meag  ann  " 
— "  There  is  no  movement  (or  sign)  of  life  in  him." 

Meanachdair — Vinegar  (Gaelicised) . 

MeiFeaii — A  word  which  seems  to  bo  in  ;a  meaerure  figuratively 
used  to  express  intention.  "  Ciod  a  tha  na  do  mheirean 
a  nise?" — "  What  do  yooi  mean  (intend)  now?"  (Meil- 
bhean). 

Mi-chuantai — Untidy,  inelegant,  bedraggled — (mi  plus  cuanta 
aspirated) . 

Miolchais — Flirtation.  The  dictionaries  have  "  miolasg," 
flattery,  fawning  as  by  a  dog. 

Mi-oileanach — Rough,  uncouth,  boorish,  irgnorant,  un- 
tutored . 

Miotagan — Mittens,  or  woollen  gloves. 

Monaid- — This  word  is  commonly  used  as  meaning  "  atten- 
tion." ((  Cha  d'  thug  mi  monaid  air  " — "  I  gave  it  no 
attention  (heed)."  There  is  a  word  "  monais  "  which 
means  "  inattention." 

Mod — Turf  when  used  as  bottom  for  dung-heaps. 


Some  Ran  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  41 

Moghach—Poorish  looking,  ill-favoured  looking.  Mogh  = 
slave. 

Mo  iiiarachd — A  phrase  used  to  suggest  fear.  "  Cha  b'  e  mo 
niarachd  a  rachadh  a  nochd  an  sin  " — "  I  should  rather 
not  go  theT©  to-night."  ''Si  mo  nearac  a  gheibh  tbu, 
a  laoich  laidir  long-phoitaich  " — (Suiridh  Oisein,  in 
Gillies'  Collection,  1786). 

Mu'n  t-iomaogan — From  time  to  time  unexpectedly.  "  Thig 
e  'n  rathad  mu'n  t-iomasgan  " — "He  comes  the  way 
from  time  to  time,  when  least  expected . ' '  This  is  a  very 
difficult  phrase,  but  it  would  seem  as  if  ' '  am  ' '  were  the* 
root  word.  It  may,  however,  be  from  the  Gaelic  word 
"  seamasan,"  for  hesitation,  delay,  and  dialectically 
altered . 

Muit — Asking  a  favour,  as  from  one  not  willing  to  oblige 
One  often  hears — "  Cha  bhithinn  g;a  'mhuit  airson  an 
«  t-saogliail  "  — "  I  should  not  be  asking  him  for  the 
world."  Probably  from  Moit,  sulkiness. 

Neo'r  uisgidh — Courageous,  bold -hearted. 
Na  dubha.ii  air  na  daithean — Making  white  look  black,  as  in 
•argument,  etc. 

Pajindaidh — Pandy  (G^aelicised) . 

Pasaid- — A  passage  (Gaelicised) . 

Pioc-an-co'imheach — -Applied  to  one  who  is  known  to  be  dis- 
liked generally.  Sometimes  .applied  to>  .a  hen  which  gets 
more  than  a  fair  share  of  plucking  from  its  kind. 

Piorna — A  pirn,  a  reel. 

Pipheanaich — Giggling.  "  A'  gaireachdaich  's  ai'  piphean- 
aich  " — "  Laughing  and  giggling."  Seems  to  me  to<  be 
at  least  related  to  "  peasanachd,"  in  some  districts  pro- 
nounced "  piosanachd." 

Plodadh — The  word  used  to  describe  the  taking  of  wood 
from  the  higher  to  the  lower  grounds  by  floating  it  in 
rafts  on  the  rivers — at  one  time  a  small  industry  in  the 
Highlands.  The  origin  of  the  word  is  obvious. 

Plotadh — Bad  boiling,  as  in  cooking.    Plout  in  Scots  English. 

Poireag-an — Rag,  rags.  c'Poireagan  aodaich  "  — "  Rags  of 
cloth."  The  original  word  is  "  paidreag,"  but  I  do  not 
think  it  is  much  used  in  speech  now-a-days. 

Pullaid — A  heavy  weight. 


42  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

Raidh — Bombastic  prating.  The  word  is  pronounced  like 
-rye." 

Raidseachd — Means  perhaps  "enchantment,"  a  companion 
word  to  "  buidseachd,"  witchcraft.  "  Ni  iad  buid- 
seach  dhomh."  "  Cha  dean  no  raidseachd  " — "They 
will  bewitch  me."  "  No,  nor  enchant  you."  (See  Mac- 
Alpine) . 

Ramaghall — Blethering.  "  R/amaghall  bhruidhne  " — ^rub- 
bishy (noisy)  speech ;  ' '  ramaghall  bhardachd  ' '  — un- 
poetic  (vaporous)  verse. 

Rap,   Rapadh — Rap,  rapping  (Gaelicised) . 

Rapaiche — Nastiness,  filth;  a  derivative  of  rapach. 

Rajspars— -Ignorant  boasting,  pride,  loud -silliness,  as  of  a 
bombast. 

Robht — A  stout  piece  of  anything.  "  Robht  maide," — a 
stout  piece  of  stick. 

Roideil — Applied  to  a  good  provider;  one  who*  likes  good 
things  in  hie  house,  such  as  a  gO'od  diet,  etc. 

Roiseag-an — A  very  small  potato,  ocr  very  small  potatoes. 
Sometime®  pronounced  "  froiseag,  froiseagan,"  a>nd 
would  seem  to  be  from  "  froiseadh,"  to  switch  the  seed 
off  the  sheaves.  The  original  idea  probably  is  "  fraeadh/' 
"  showering." 

Roisgean^ — Gutters  on  thei  hem  of  a  dress  ocr  trousers. 

Rop — A  sale;  from  roup. 

Hothall — Flattery ,  sycophancy . 

Ruiceach^ — Showing  undesirable  fondness,  or  attention ;  from 
"  rucas,"  the  nominatival  word.  But  there  is  also1  the 
word  "rule" — "  Gabh  bhuani  le  do  ruic  " — "Get 
away  from  me  with  your  unwelcome  attention." 

Ruileag— A  rag.  "  Cha  'n  'eil  ruileag  aodaich  agam  "  "I 
have  not  a  stitch  of  clothesi. ' ' 

Ru-ra — Disorder,  hurly-burly.     Ri-ra,  Ir.  Gaelic. 

Rutas — Greed .      ' '  Riitas  bodaichi ' ' — a  greedy  carle. 

Sad — As  frequently  used  for  "dad,,"  "aught,"  "nothing." 
One  of  the  meanings  of  the  word  is  "  dust,"  and  as  ex- 
pressive of  "nothing"  is  thus  applicable  enough. 
"  Cha  'n  'eil  aon  sad  agam.  " — "  I  have  not  as  much  as 
adust." 

'S  an  amaduich — A  phrase  commonly  used  to  denote  the 
staggering  movements  of  a  person,  as  with  drink. 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  43 

'S  an  damartachd; — A  phrase  of  somewhat  similar  meaning, 

very  probably  a  dialectic  adaptation  of  the  former. 
Sealftaobh — Here,  this  way,  look  here. 
Seit — The  nearest  equivalent  to  which  is  the  word.  "  pech." 

Applied  to  the  strained  breathing  experienced  alter   a 

heavy  meal. 

Seotal — The  shottle  of  a  trunk. 
Seithean — The   quick   breathing   that  results   from   running, 

hurried  walking,  or  climbing. 
Seansa — A  chance  (Graelicdaed). 
Sgalacraich — Howling,     bawling,     screaming,     peching ;     an 

adaptation  of  "  Sgalairtaich  "  (McL.  &  D.). 
Sgathaich — Mouthing,  senseless  talk,  much  blethering. 
Sgianadh — A  shy,  as  of  one  animal  after  another.      "  Thug  i 

sgianadh   as   a   deidh  ' ' —     She   shied    after   her  ' ' ;    fre- 
quently said  of  cows. 
Sglaocail — Looking  about  in  a  silly,  objectless  manner.       I 

find    in    the    dictionaries    ' (  sgleocach  "  —  f or    large,    ill- 
sighted  eyes. 

Sgleobht — ai  rough  piece,  as  of  bread — ' '  sgleobht  arain. ' ' 
Sgliobhag — A    light   blow ;    profoajbly    from    ' '  sgiobag, ' '    for 

same. 
Sgliuc — Dejected    aspect,    as   of   one  ill,    or   under    a  cloud. 

"  Cha  mhor  nach  'eil  sgliuc  a'  bhais  air  "      ''  He  almost 

looks  like  death." 
Sgoilleag — A  drive,  as  to  a  ball.     Cluich  sgoilleag — ^a  form  of 

shinty  for  practising  long  hitting  (driving)  of  ball.       A 

form  of  "  sgiailleag/'  from  "  sgaila" 
Sgollaigeadh — Washing  hard.    A  companion  word  to-  Sguradh 

— "A'   sguradh   's  a'   Sgollaigeadh" — "Scrubbing   and 

washing."     A  dialectic  'application  of  "sgoladh,"  from 

Sgol.     (Scalding). 
Sgonsair — A   well-known    word    used    in    Gaelic   to   mean    a 

"rascal"     of    the    money-grabbing    type.       "Sgonsair 

duine  "       'A  mam  of  no  business  honesty." 
Sgop — Foam,  froth.     The  word  must  be  the  same  a.s  "  cop  " 

of  the  dictionaries,  with  the  prosthetic  "  s,"  which  plays 

so  many  similar  trick®  in  Gaelic. 
Sgri'Osatn — The  trousseau. 
Sgrod — A     considerable    number,     as    of    children — "  sgrod 

chloinne. ' ' 
Sguad — A  squad.     Undoubtedly  an  adaptaton  of  the  latter 

word. 


44  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

Sgug  —  A     dejected,     unhappy     appearance.        See     Sglmchd 

(supra)  . 
Sguirean  —  A  complaint  ;  frequently  applied  to  a  story  of  sup- 

posed injustice. 
Similedr-ctDchaidh  —  A  hanging  chimney  —  a  form  of  chimney 

common  in  the  Highlands. 
Siorcuinn  —  A  stays,  corset.      (Jerkin). 
Siuga  —  A  jug  (Gaelicised)  . 
Sladhaigeadh  —  A    kind    of    custard    spread    over    bread  ;    no 

doubt  from  the  word    '  '  sladhag  "  —  "  a  sheaf   of   straw 

prepared  for  thatching  "  (McL.  &  D.). 
Sliopartan  —  Loose-fitting,  old  bootsi  or  shoes.     Probably  from 

"  slippers." 

Sluidseach  —  -Ungainly,  clumsy.      (Slouch). 
Smbgan  —  "  All  -fours."      "Air   a    smbgan  "  —  "Creeping   on 

all-fours.  '  '     (See  '  '  smagaon  ")  . 
Smuisleachadh  —  Would  appear  to  mean  movement  on  a  very 

small    scale.       "  Chaidil    mi    gun    smuisleachadh  "  —  "I 

slept  without  the  slightest  movement." 
Smut  —  A  puff  from  his  nose1  —  "  Smut  a  shrbin." 
Sopachan  —  A  small  bundle  of  heather,  used  for  cleaning  pot®  -t 

from  "  sop,"  a  wisp. 
Sosraich^  —  A   coarse  mixture    of    food  —  "  Sosraich    agus   rap- 

aiche." 
Spal  —  Aei  applied   to  the   foot.      '  '  Spal  mhbr  '  '  —  &  big  foot. 

Apparently    a>    poetic    application,    or    a    formation    of 


Speilg  —  Applied  most  frequently  to  mean  the  leg.      "  Cha  'n 

'eil  a'  speilg  ach  caol  "  —  "  The  leg  is  but  thin."       Not 

unlikely  to  be  from  Spealg,  a  splinter. 
Speireaig  —  A    ^hrewish,     sharpish     female.       "  An     speireag 

mhusach  —  "The     nasty     thing."        Speireag1  —  Sparrow- 

hawk. 
Speadh^  —  The  length  of  the  field  taken  in  one  direction  by  the 

reaper.       What  the  scythe  cuts  a,t  one  swing  is  called 

"bota."     (See  "  Bot  "). 
Spleadhadaich  —  ^Beaiting  wildly  with  the  feet  as  if  in  the  air; 

from  "  spleadh,"  a  very  large  foot. 
Spidean—  A    pinnacle,     the    highest    point.        "  Spidean    a^ 

chreaigain"-    "  The  highest  point  of  the  crag."     (Bidean). 
Spliuiinseag  —  A   snap   of   the   fingers,    often   indulged   in   by 

Highlanders  when  dancing. 
Spoithear  —  Applied  to  a  playful  fellow,  a  flirt. 


Some  Rare  Gaelic  Words  and  Phrases  45 

Sporbhan — A     rustling   movement,    as   of    a   bird   or    reptile 

amidst  fallen  leaves. 
Sporradh — A  space  of  time. 

Spruidhean — A  claw,  as  the  eagle's;  not  unlikely  to  be  re- 
lated to  ' '  cruibhean  ' '  (see  Armstrong) . 

Spursaigeadh — The  .muscular  weariness  and  pain  that  result 
from  a  violent  fit  of  coughing,  or  any  such  distressing 
ailment. 

Sputaireachd — Spouting;  from  "'sput,"  to  spout. 

Srulag — A  small  drop  of  water;  a  diminutive  of  sruth,  a 
stream. 

Stailoean — A  short  piece  of  stick — "  Stailcean  niaide." 
(Stalk). 

Steallag — A  weed  that  grows — sometimes  too  plentifully — 
among  the  corn. 

Steoram — A  big  drink;  from  jorum — "jorums  of  steaming 
punch." 

Sticeadh — Sticking  close  to ;  from  stic,  to  stick. 

Stileachd — The  meaning  seems  to  be  that  of  the  English  word 
"  mischief."  There  is  the  phrase  "  Droch  stileachd," 
meaning  "  misconduct,"  as  of  youths  misbehaving.  There 
is:  another  word,  deil  or  dil,  which  Mac  Alpine  renders  as 
for  "  diligent,"  "  persevering,"  etc.  There  is  frequently 
the  sentence,  "  Cha  tig  e  gu  dil  mhath." 

Stiongan,  Stionganach — For  most  applied  to  a  thin,  lanky, 
poorly -clad,  bad  looking  person. 

Stiorlach — Applied  to  very  thin  liquid,  such  as  tea,  or  gruel; 
"  Stiorlach  bhrochain,"  "very  thin  gruel":  from 
"  stiorlag,"  a  very  thin  person. 

Stiorpais — Restlessness  and  jumping  about,  as  of  children 
when  climbing  up  on  chairs,  tables,  etc. 

Stocadh/ — Statgnating,  as  in  the  case  of  clotted  blood.  "  Tha 
'n  fhuil  air  stocadh  'san  lot." 

Storach — Rugged  unevennesst,  as  of  teeth — "  Fiaclan  storach" 
— "  irregular  teeth." 

Storaidh — A  story,  or  storey. 

Stra-bhaillidh — A  huge  blow,  such  as  with  the  hand  or  a  stick. 

Stroineiseach,   Sroineiseach — Huffy,  sensitive. 

gt,u<j — Applied  when  one's  head  inclines  to  the  one  side; 
sometimes  to>  a  wry-neck. 

Stucach — Shy,  more  particularly  in  the  way  of  taking  food 
among  strangers;  sullen. 

Sunndag — A  light-heartedness,  as  when  happy,  or  as  some- 
times characterises  a  certain  measure  of  conviviality. 


46  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

"  Sunndag    dhaoraich  " — "Just   the    'we©   drap  '    that 
makes  merry/' 
Surram-sTiain — Dead  sleep. 


Tamhladh — A  gulphing-like  movement — "  Thug  e  tamhladh 

air  "  — "  He  made  ai  gulp  at  it." 
Tanidh — Tan  colour. 

Tar-asad — Hurry  on,  as  whent  being  sent  on  an  errand. 
Tein '  -aigheir — Bonfire. 
Thar-leam — I  thought,  I  imagined. 
Tighinn-am-mach — Responsiveness,  as  when  one  is  sociable  or 

communicative. 

Tiomsgaradh — A  parting  for  time. 
Tiobaid— Tippet  (Gaelicised) . 
Togsaid — A  hogshead  ;  frequently  applied  to<  a  big  unshapely 

woman. 
Tobhtag- — Another  word  for  "  culag  " — a  turf  for  the  back 

of  the  fire. 
Tomadach — Bulky;    "  Duine    tomadach  " — "A    bulky    but 

rather   well-formed   man  "  ;    from    "  tomad,"    "  bulk  "  ; 

al&o  "  tomadas." 

Torraagian — Peat-knife,  the  ins.trument  for  cutting  the  peats. 
Traodadh — In  the  way  of  giving  up  as  by  laughing,  choking. 
Troma-taibhsean — The  state  of  being  in  a  mild  delirium,  as 

from  fear,  anxiety,  expectation,  doubt,  etc.,  etc. ;  often 

pronounced  "  troma-taisean." 
Tii  (dii)  losgadh — Flatulence1,  heartburn. 
Tulan — A  vessel  used  for  keeping  water  or  any  other  liquid ; 

a  kettle  (Armstrong). 
Tulg — As  for  a  "  cloor."     "  Tha  tulg  nad'  'ad  " — "  There  is 

a  cloor  in  your  hat." 

Uchd-laraich — There  and  then;  on  the  spur  of  the  moment. 

Sometimes   pronounced    "  ochd-laraioh,"    with    a   strong 

nasal  sound  to  the  "  o." 
Uchdach — Good  breathing  capacity,  as  for  running,  walking, 

playing  pipes,  etc. 
Urrad — Sometimes  used  for  "  as  much  as,"  and  probably  ant 

adaptation   of   uibhear;    also'  used    for   up,    above,    and 

beyond . 
Urras — Down,  below,  under. 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  4T 

The  spelling  in  some  oases,  few  instance  whore  words  found 
to  be  out  of  relation  with  any  others  known,  is  very  difficult, 
and  must  be  uncertain;  but  I  wish  it  to  be  understood  that 
in  such  there  ia  little  or  nothing  to  guide  but  the  dialectic 
phonetics  of  the  woirds,  which  in  many  cases  .-ire  t/nlv  mis- 
leading. 


25th  FEBRUARY,  1915. 

At  a  well-attended  meeting,  held  on  this  date,  the  Rev. 
Archibald  B.  Scott,  B.D.,  Helmsdale,  read  the  following 
paper  on  ' '  The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  of 
Europe  "  :  — 

THE  CELTIC  MISSIONARIES  ON  THE  CONTINENT. 

No  I.—  S.  COLUMBANUS. 

(All  Rights  Reserved). 

S.  Columbanusi,  who,  like  S.  Moluag,  was  a  pupil  of  S. 
Comgall  at  Bangor,  is  an  attractive  and  powerful  personality 
as  we  see  him,  towards  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  standing 
out  among  the  Teutonic  barbarians  who  had  established  them- 
selves in  Eastern  France  at  that  time. 

Before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  Christianity  had 
already  been  firmly  rooted  in  Gaul.  Let  us  see  how  the  con- 
ditions arose  amid  which  S.  Columbanusi  settled,  200  years  or  so 
later.  S.  Martin,  first  of  Poictiers,  then  of  Tours,  the  master 
of  S.  Ninian,  died  A.D.  399.  He  had  popularised  moniasticism 
in  the  West  of  Europe  by  organising  his  disciples  like  the 
Celtic  clans .  Martin  had  one  big  community ,  and  many  branch 
communities  under  their  own  chiefs  ;  and  he  was  Ab  of  the 
big  community,  but  superior  or  over-chief  of  the  others. 
The  tribes  ;among  whom  S.  Martin  laboured  were  Gaulish 
Oelta,  penetrated  by  colonists  and  garrisons  of  Imperial  Rome. 
The  Roman  settlements  had  the  Imperial  forms  of  govern- 
ment, but  the  Celts  had  their  own  tribal  organisation,  which 
we  apeak  of  as  the  Clan  system;  and  S.  Martin's  religious 
olans  not  only  fitted  into  this  system,  but  were  more  appre- 
ciated by  the  Celts  than  a  monarchic  religious  organisation, 
like  the  episcopal,  which  was  really  modelled  on  the  institu- 
tions of  Imperial  Rome. 


48  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Before  S.  Martin's  death,  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, Gaoil  was  in  full  enjoyment  of  the  civilisation  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  The  land  was  rich,  and  though  not  fully, 
was  profitably  cultivated.  The  leading  Colonists  and  native 
Celts  lived  in  excellent  houses,  sometimes  luxuriously  fitted. 
There  were  centres  of  literature  and  learning  at  such  places  as 
Bordeaux,  Aries,  Vienne,  and  Lyons.  At  the  schools  and 
universities  the  very  latest  works  of  the  Latin  poets  were  read 
wdth  enthusiasm.  There  were  numerous  market-towns  in 
which  trade  was  encouraged  by  the  Roman  officials.  Courts 
were  held  in  at  least  fifty  different  towns,  and 
order  enforced  by  the  army  of  the  Empire.  The 
dominant  note  of  this  civilisation  was  pagan.  Even 
after  the  Emperors  extended  their  favour  to  the  Christian 
Church,  in  the  early  fourth  century,  this  was  so.  The 
"  official"  Christians  were  frequently  insincere,  temporising, 
and  more  careful  about  the  interests  of  the  Emperor  than  the 
cause  of  Christ.  The  Christians  themselves  were  not  united, 
and  were  divided  into  orthodox  and  unorthodox  parties. 
Paganism  among  both  Colonists)  and  Celts  profited  by  this 
division.  Not  until  the  fourth  century  was  well  advanced 
did  Christianity  take  an  effective  position.  This  was  due 
largely  to  the  courageous  work  of  S.  Hilary  of  Poictiers  and 
S.  Martin  of  Tours.  Neither  had  been  intended  for  the 
Church.  The  former  was  a  landowner  and  the  latter  a  soldier. 
These  Gallican  leaders  became  the  champions  of  the  orthodox 
faith.  They  showed  a  nobler  conception  of  duty  to  Christ 
than  the  Italian  Church  and  its  bishops  at  thia  time;  and 
S.  Martin  frequently  differed  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome. 
After  the  barbarians  had  settled  in  Europe,  the  Roman 
Church  appropriated  S.  Martin's  life  and  memory,  when  even 
Rome  knew  little  more  about  him  than  that  he  had  been 
orthodox  when  some  of  her  bishops  temporised. 

S.  Martin's  little  religious  clans  spread  into  many  of  the 
pagan  districts  of  Gaul;  and,  before  his  death  in  399  A.D.  the 
Gospel  was  widely  and  earnestly  taught.  North-Eastern  and 
North-Western  Gaul  seemed  destined  to  possess  a  Church 
deeply  influenced  by  the  genius  of  the  Celts.  How- 
ever, S.  Martin  was  scarcely  seven  years  in  hie  grave 
when  the  Teutonic  barbarians  east  of  the  Rhine  began  to 
move  westward.  Vandals,  Alans,  Suevi,  poured  into  Gaul 
like  an  inundation.  Roman  Colonist  and  Gallic  Celt  went 
under  ;  Christianity  was  eclipsed,  and  civilisation  disappeared 
for  a  time.  Again,  in  A.D.  451  Attila  and  his  Huns  surged 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  th?  Continent  49 

into  Gaul  as  far  as  Orleans,  and  were  only  driven  to  retrace 
their  steps  across  the  Rhine  by  the  indecisive  battle  of 
Chalons-sur-M'arne. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  the  barbarians  began 
to  organise  themselves.  In  470  A.D.  the  Burgundians  became 
united  under  their  king  Guiidioc,  and  sixteen  years  later 
Chlodo'vech,  the  founder  of  the  Frankisli  kingdom,  consoli- 
dated his  power  in  the  region  between  Soissons  and 
Paris.  In  A.D.  496  Chlodovech  was  baptised  at  Rheims  by 
S.  Remigius.  Gregory  of  Tours  tells  us  that  as  he  reaohed 
the  font  Remigius  ordered  him  to  stoop,  in  ,  the  haughty 
words,  "  Bow  thy  neck  in  humility,  0  Sicambrian ;  worship 
what  you  one©  destroyed;  burn  what  you  once  worshipped." 
Chlodovech 's  religion  was  very  superficial,  but  he  became  the 
champion  of  the  orthodox  barbarians.  The  other  barbarian 
chiefs  and  people  were  mostly  Arians.  The  rise  of  Chlodo- 
vecb  is  marked  by  struggles  between  the  divisions  of  the 
barbarians.  The  support  of  the  Roman  Christian  part}?-  was 
given  to  Chlodovech  and  his  family,  and  they,  in  turn,  sup- 
ported the  Churchmen  with  their  ruthless  swords. 

When  S.  Columbanus  entered  Gaul  he  found  three  king- 
doms ruled  by  different  descendants  of  Chlodovech.  The 
kingdom  of  Neustria  lay  between  the  Loire  and  the  Mouse  ; 
Austrasia  between  the  Meuse  and  the  Rhine;  Burgundia, 
mostly  east  of  the  Saon-e  and  the  Rhone.  Neustria  a-nd 
Austrasia  were  frequently  fighting  or  threatening  to  fight. 
During  the  stay  of  Co-lumbanus  in  Gaul  the  strife 
between  Neustria  and  Austrasia  was  fomented  by 
two  immoral  and  bloodthirsty  queens,  the  paiideress 
Brunchilde,  and  the  promoted  concubine  Fredigundia. 
It  is  humiliating  to  read  in  Jonas's  biography  of  Colum- 
banus that  Brunchilde  led  the  bishops  and  nobles  of  the 
Roman  Church  among  the  Franks  against  S.  Columbanus?  and 
tEat  her  licentious  grandson  king  Theodoric,  whom  she  had 
corrupted,  went  to  S.  Columban.ua  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the 
Church  to  demand  conformity  to  Roman  ecclesiastical  'law. 
This  alliance  between  the  Roman  clergy  and  these  Teutonic 
savages  is  neither  a  clean  nor  a  comforting  memory  to  Christen- 
dom. The  bishops,  with  the  aid  of  warriors  who-  were  crime- 
stained  ruffians,  were  abl-e  to  drive  Co-lumbar  us  out  of  Gaul, 
and  they  did  with  the  Frankish  Church  what  they  could  ^qt 
do  with  the  Celtic  Church — moulded  it  to  the  Roman  model. 


50  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

This  model,  as  we  see  it  at  this  time,  was  in  sorry  contrast  to 
the  Church  of  the  Apostles;  in  purity,  fidelity,  courage,  and 
Christlikeness,  it  did  not  even  bear  to  be  mentioned  in  the 
same  breath  with  the  Church  of  the  Celts  which  S .  Mar  tin  had 
so  conspicuously  led  in  that  very  country  about  two  centuries 
earlier. 

Colum,  or,  as  he  is  better  known  by  his  Latin;  name,  Colum- 
banus,  was  born  in  the  west  of  Leinster.  His  early  life  was 
apparently  affected  by  the  influence  in  this  district  of  the 
great  Pictish  Ab,  S.  Comgall  of  Bangor.  South-Eastern 
Ireland  was  the  country  of  the  MJanapian  Picts.  Before  he 
began  his  work  at Bangor  S.  Comgall  had  been  attracted  to 
them,  and  had  made  a  prolonged  visit  to  his  junior,  S.  Fin  tan 
of  Clonenagh,  whose  community  was  'among  them.  One  of  the 
princes  of  Leinster,  Cormac,1  became  a  monk  at  Bangor  under 
S.  Comgall,  and  gifted  three  Leinster  forts2  to  God  which 
S-  Comgall  turned  into  churches,  and  he  staffed  them  from 
Bangor.  In  this  district,  so  closely  -attached  to  Bangor, 
the  religious  centre  of  the  'north-eastern  Picts,  Columbanus 
first  saw  the  light  A.D.  543.  His  father  was  a  chief. 
He  was  sent  to  be  educated  at  Cluan  Inis*,3  an  Island  in 
Loch  Erne,  where  S.  Sinell4  had  founded  a  school5  and  where 
he  ruled  a  community.  The  hard,  clean,  life  of  the  scholar 
clerics  of  Cluan-Inis  attracted  the  youth,  and  he  determined 
to  adopt  their  life. 

No  incident  better  indicates  the  strong  character  and  iron 
will  of  Columbanus  than  his  attitude  in  carrying  out  this 
resolve.  He  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  holy  woman  who 
lived  a  secluded  ascetic  life,  and  she  encouraged  him  to  become 
a  cleric.6  The  mother  of  Columbanus  on  the  other  hand  was 
violently  opposed  to  such  a  step.  She  pleaded  and  reasoned 
with  her  son  until  objections  were  exhausted.  At  last,  as1  ha 
was  a.bout  to  depart,  she  threw  herself  down,  in  the  doorway 
to  block  his  exit ;  but,  unflinchingly,  he  strode  over  the  pro&- 
trate  form,  saying  firmly,  "  Whosoever  loveth  his  father  and 
his  mother  more  than  Me  is  not  worthy  of  Me."  The  poor 
mother  was  left  overwhelmed  with  grief,  but  Columbanus  went 
stedfastly  on,  steeled  in  eye  and  heart  for  a  life  that  required 
lion-like  courage  and  endurance'. 

When  Columbanus  had  turned  his  back  on  home,  he  set 
his  face  northwards  towards  the  kingdom  of  the  North-Eaetern 
Picts  of  Ireland.  There  he  arrived  and  at  once  joined  the 
Community  of  S.  Comgall  at  Bangor,  in  the  Ards  of  Ulster. 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  51 

He  was  at  Bangor  before  S.  Moluag  had  left  it.  He 
would,  therefore,  be  able  to>  watch  S.  Comgall  with  interest  as 
he  organised  his  important  mission  to  Pictland  (Scotland),  and 
sent  it  forth  under  S  Moluag's  leadership.  This  and  S.  Com- 
gall's  general  teaching  quickened  the  missionary  ambition  that 
burned  in  his  heart'.  Incessantly,  he  heard  an  inner  voice 
calling — "  Get  thee  out  of  thy  country,  and  from  thy  kindred, 
and  from  thy  father's  house  into  a  land  that  I  will  show  thee. ' ' 
The  traiiling  which  S.  Columbanus  received  at  Bangor  did 
credit  to  this  great  Pictish  centre  of  education  and.  religion. 
One  of  his  biographers  points  out  that  he  was  a  good  Latin 
scholar,  and  was  learned  in  Greek  and  Hebrew  literature.  He 
had  studied  the  Scriptures  in  the  original  tongues  carefully, 
and  was  well  acquainted  with  Continental  writings.  TTifs  apt- 
ness of  quotation  from  what  he  read  made  him  a  disconcerting 
opponent  in  controversy.7  He  was  a  practised  copyist  of 
manuscripts  in  the  Celtic  artistic  stylo.  Surviving  manu- 
scripts show  that  at>  the  monasteries  which  he  founded  in  later 
life  there  were  considerable  libraries,  indicating  a  love  of 
culture. 

Bangor  was  one  of  the  chief  centres  outside  the  territory  of 
the  Britons  where  the  "  Laus  perennis"  was  maintained.  The 
Lord's  Song  continued  throughout  the  twenty-four  hours,  and 
from  day  to  day  throughout  the  year.  About  three  thousand 
monks,  according  to  S.  Bernard,  were  in  residence  at  Bangor 
at  this  time.  A  proportion  of  them  formed  a  trained  choir 
which  was  divided  into  sections.  These*  sections,  in  turn,  kept 
the  praise  of  God  in  constant  celebration.  In  the  British 
communities  and  at  Ba.ngor  the  praise  was  expressed  at  first 
in  the  Psalms.  At  a  later  time,  as  we  discern  from  the  sur- 
viving manuscript  of  the  "  Antiphonary"  of  Bangor  and  the 
Rules  of  the  Gallica.n  Communities,  other  poetical  portions  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  what  the  later  Celt  calls  "  human  hymns" 
came  into  use.  The  strain  of  praise  was  never  silent.  It  wa« 
a  beautiful  idea,  and  could  only  be  adequately  carried  into 
effect  by  the  great  numbers  composing  the  "  muinntirs"  of 
the  Piotsi  and  Britons.  The  worshippers  in  Celtic  Churches 
were  aided  by  refined  and  impressive  music  when  the  congre- 
gations of  the  Teutonic  barbarians  were  accomplished  in 
nothing  but  the  harsh  battler-song  of  the  savage:  victor.  The 
divine  praise  which  was  a  feature  of  Bangor  became  also  a> 
feature  of  the  daughter-houses  which  S.  Columbanus  estab- 
lished on  the  Continent. 


52  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

When  S.  Columbanusi  reached  his  thirtieth  year,  S.  Com- 
gall  gratified  the;  longing  of  his  disciple,  and  sent  him  out  from 
Banger  to  lead  the  second  great  mission  that  had  passed 
through  its  gates.  In  imitation  of  the  Lord,  twelve8  disciples 
were  sent  with  him.  They  left  the  shores  of  Ireland  in  A.Q. 
573.  It  is  common  among  a  certain  school  of  writers  who  have 
made  no  attempt  to  understand  the  Celtic  Church  to  state 
that  S.  Columbanus  and  other  Celtic  missionaries  were  aim- 
less wanderers.  While  it  is  true  that  certain  Celtic  clerics, 
who  preferred  to  live  as  hermits  in  lonely  meditation,  wandered 
aimlessly9  hither  and  thither,  on  sea  and  land,  seeking  lonely 
islands  or  uninhabited  localities  where  they  might  seclude 
themselves,  it  is  also  true  that  other  clerics  who  preferred  to1 
live  and  work  as  heads  of  Communities,  devoted  to  missionary 
work,  set  out  with  their  work  well-planned  and  their  journey 
well  sketched  out.  S.  Comgall,  as  the  Rules  on  which 
Columbatmis  founded  hisi  practice  demonstrate,  was  one  of  the 
most  thorough  organisers  of  monastic  and  mission  work  in 
Celtic  Christendom ;  and  he  was  not  the  type  of  leader  to 
permit  any  disciple  to  go>  on  "  aimless"  journeys. 

From  the  "  Life  of  Cblumbanus"  we  learn  incidentally 
that  the  Church  of  the  Britons  had  already  established  mis- 
sions10 among  the  barbarians  who  had  overrun  Gaul.  Prob- 
ably the  chief  desire  of  the  Britons  was  to  keep  alive 
the  Faith  among  the  Celtic  Gauls  whom  the  Teutons 
had  conquered ;  but  the  work  would  in  course  of 
time  take  in  the  Teutons  as  well  as  the  Celts. 
Columbanus  did  not  enter  Gaul  at  once.  To  gain  infor- 
mation from  those  who>  already  had  experience  there,  he  visited 
certain  religious  communities  of  the  Britons  whose  names  have 
not  come  down  to  us.  He  was  able  to  attach  to  his  disciples 
a  Briton  called  Gurgan,11  who>  entered  Gaul  with  him,  and 
became  one  of  his  prominent  workers. 

From  S.  ComgalFs  example^2  it  was  evidently  the  practice 
of  the  missionaries  from  Bangor  not  to  settle  in  any  district 
without  the  consent  of  the  civil  ruler.  Therefore  S.  Colum- 
banus, after  landing  in  Gaoil,  went  direct  to  Sigebert,  the 
barbarian  king  of  Austrasia,13  whose  capital  was  Metz. 
The  meeting  of  S.  Columbanus  with  Sigebert  must  have 
been  as  striking  to  the  onlookers  as  it  was  impressive 
to  the  king.  On  the  one  hand  the  Saint  with  his 
little  band  of  Pictish  and  British  Celts,  wearing 
long  cucullae14  of  natural  wool  with  ample  hoods, 
carrying  skin  wallets  for  their  food  and  manuscripts, 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  53 

and  leaning  on  their  pilgrim  staves15;  on  the  other  hand, 
Sigebert,  with  his  Teutonic  warriors  in  fierce  war-garb,  the 
notorio'Us  queen  Brunchilde  and  her  women,  with,  perhaps, 
some  of  the  Roman  clerics  who  waited  on  her  orders.  Although 
there  were  missionaries  from  the  Church  of  the  Britons  work- 
ing in  Neustria  and  Austrasia,  Sigebert  had  hitherto  only  been 
in  close  conta,ct  with  the  servile  clerics  of  the  Italian  Church 
who  flattered  him  and  his  family  as  the  champions  of  ortho- 
doxy. If  he  had  known  anything  about  the  old  prophets,  he 
might  have  regarded  Columbanus  as  Elijah  come  to  earth 
again.  The  Saint  had  all  the  easy  manners  of  the  Celt  along 
with  the  Celt's  dignity,  self-respect,  and  power  of  assertion. 
Sigebert  was  deeply  impressed  by  him. 

"  What  seekest  thou?"  asked  the  King.  "  Permission  to 
pass  through  thy  dominions  in  search  of  a  '  desert'  where  we 
may  lead  simple  lives  and  do>  Grod's  work,"  answered  the 
Saint. 

"  Do  not  pass  through,"  pleaded  Sigebert,  "  but  settle 
among  us  and  pray  for  us,  and  we  will  provide  for. the  wants 
of  you  all." 

"  I  seek  neither  alms  nor  gifts,"  replied  Columbanus,  "  for 
it  is  written,  '  Whosoever  will  follow  Me,  let  him  deny  him- 
self and  take  up  his  cross  and  come  after  Me.'  ' 

Columbanus  represented  a  new  type  of  Christian  leader  to 
Sigebert,  although  he  represented  the  oldest  type  of  all.  The 
king  at  once  declared  that  he  would  not  stand  in  the  way  of 
the  life  which  he  wished  to  lead,  but  he  would  be  pleased  if 
the  "  desert"  could  be  found  within  the  bounds  of  his  king- 
dom, go  that  he  could  have  the  benefit  of  his  prayers.  In  the 
end  Columbanus,  with  Sigebert' s  sanction,  settled  at 
Anagrates,16  among  the  "Vosges  Mountains,  amid  the  ruins  of 
a  former  hill-fort  of  the  Roman  Empire.  We  learn 
that  at  Anagrates  there  had  been  one  of  S.  Martin's 
Churches.  It  had  originally  been  established  amid  the 
ruins  of  a>  temple  set  up  by  the  Roman  garrison.  S.  Colum- 
banua  knew  well  that  S.  Martin  had  been 'the  chief  founder 
of  the  Celtic  Church;  and  we  can,  understand  that  he  was 
djelighted  to  revive  worship  in  his  ruined  Church.  The 
account  of  this  Church  hasi  been  glossed  to  make  it  appear  that 
S.  Columbanus!  dedicated  it  to  St  Martin.  But  the  Celts,  at 
this  time,  did  not  dedicate^7  Churches.  Even,  the  Roman 
Churchmen  did  not  practice  dedication  in  all  oases,  and  thoee 
dedications  that  they  did  make  at  this  period  were  not  to  such 


54  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

aa  S.  Martin,  but  to  martyrs,18  (and  one  or  two  august  names 
in  the  Kalendar.19  The  fact  that  the  temple- church  at  Ana- 
grates  bore  S.  Martin's  name  shows  that  it  was  one  which  had 
been  founded  from  Marmoutier  by  S.  Martin's  direct  agency, 
and  probably  one  covered  by  the  statement  of  Sulpicius  that 
there  was  hardly  a  district  in  this  part  of  Gaul  which  did  not 
desire  a  "  bishop,"20  that  is,  a  chief  pastor,  from  Marmoutier. 
At  Aniagrates  life  was  hard  enough  to  satisfy  the  most'  rigid 
disciple  of  S.  Comgall.  The  community  often,  ran  sihort  of 
food.  A  certain  brother  Ethernan  (Autiernus)  found  the 
hardship  of  the  place  beyond  endurance,  and  he  longed  to*  be 
back  in  Ireland.21  In  hearing  of  the  Saint's  destitution  we 
learn  of  his  communion  with  the  missionaries  from  the  Britons. 
Garantocus,22  the  head  of  >a  mission  community  from  the 
Britons,  dreams  of  the  need  of  Columbanus  and  his  muinntir. 
He  thereupon  bids  Marcnlf  his  steward  to  load  the  ox-cart  with 
provisions  and  hasten  to  Anagratesi,  which  he  does  with  the 
help  of  the  sagacious  oxen  who  knew  the  way  better  than  he. 

The  state  of  Gaul  at  this  time  is  clearly  shown  by  Jonas.23 
The  country  was  frequently  devastated  by  marauding  tribes. 
The  bishops  neglected  their  work,  and  both  religion  and  morals 
suffered.  Such  a  state  of  things  one  can  well  understand  when 
Brunchilde  is  found  dominating  the  Churchmen.  The  clergy 
were  more  concerned  about  formal  adherence  to  orthodox  doo- 
trine,  and  to  fitting  everyone  into  a  place  in  the  Roman 
ecclesiastical  machine  than  abo'ut  purity  of  life  or  the  pro- 
tection of  the  people.  They  did  not  compare  well  with  snich 
Galilean  champions  as  S.  Hilary24  and  S.  Martin,  who  while 
maintaining  the  orthodox  faith  did  not  forget  the  moral  ideals 
of  Christ  or  the  ministry  to  the  poor;  and,  on  occasion,  took 
guidance  from  the  example!  of  Christ  and  their  own  consciences 
rather  than  from  a  foreign  bishopric. 

In  spite  of  the  hard  C'omgallian  discipline  at.  Anagratee, 
large  numbers  crowded  thither  for  the  spiritual  instruction 
and  training  of  Columbanus.  The  popularity  of  this  stern 
school  was  itself  an  indication  of  the  laxity  of  morals,  and  the 
insincerity  of  religion  outside.  Man  does  not  live  by, bread 
alone.  Men  were  prepared  to  starve  with  Columbanus,  at 
times,  if  only  their  eouls  were  fed.  The  Saint  was  compelled 
to  seek  a  site  where  he  might  collect  the  many  who  were  turned 
from  Anagratesi. 

Childebert  II.  (Sigebert's  successor)  and  the  Regent  Gun- 
thram,  king  in  Burgundy,  gave  Columbanus  a  new  home 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  55 

among  the  ruined  baths  of  the  ancient  Roman  town  of 
Lexovium,  better  known  as  Luxeuil.25  Luxeuil  attracted 
greater  numbers  than  even  Anagrates.  Within  a  few  years 
from  ite  foundation  Columbanus  was  compelled  to  establish 
an  additional  Community  at  Fontanas26  (Fontaines),  about 
nine  miles  from  Luxeuil. 

S.  Columbanus  and  his  Community  were  not  alone  in  seek- 
ing by  their  teaching  and  examples  to  convert  the  barbarians, 
and  to  recall  the  Christians  to  pure  faith  and  undenled  life. 
In  many  parts  of  Gaul  the  Gallic  Communities  founded  by 
S.  Martin  survived,  and,  like  Columbanus,  they  kept  alive 
S.  Martin's  ideals,  although  the  Roman  bishops  had  asserted 
an  ascendency  over  them,  making  them,  less  Galilean  and  more 
Roman  in  character.  South  from  Luxeuil,  among  the  Jura 
solitudes,  was  the  now  forgotten  community  of  Condatieco, 
which  had  been  organised  on  the  model  of  Lerins,  which  iteelf 
had  been  organised  according  to  S.  Martin's  teaching  and 
example.  Besides,  there  were  the  mission  Communities 
from  the  Church  of  the  Britons  already  mentioned. 
These  Continental  Communities  differed  little  from 
the  Community  of  Columbanus  in  constitution,  organ- 
isation, or  aims,  because'  all  alike  had  the  same  origin 
from,  or  through  S.  Martin.  Columbanus  was  observant 
enough  to  note  that  though  the  Gallic  Communities  approxi- 
mated to  his  in  organisation  and  method,  one  original  feature 
wa,s  being  taken  from  them.  They  were  no  longer  allowed  to 
exist  as  independent  religious  clans,  but  were  required  to 
come  under  the  control  of  the  Roman  Church,  through  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  who  had  the  civil  power  behind 
them.  Columbanus  had  no  desire  whatever  to  give  his  neck  to 
the  yoke  of  Rome.  With  characteristic  Celtic  diplomacy  he 
was  respectful  to  the  local  bishops,  but  would  not  attend  their 
Courts,  he  was,  up  to  a  point,  deferential  to  the  Bishop  of 
Rome;  but  he  would  have  been  fully  as  deferential  to  the 
holder  of  any  other  ancient  bishopric.  He  had  no  hesitation 
in  setting  the  usage  and  authority  of  Bangor  against  the  usage 
and  authority  of  Rome.  In  a.  direct,  letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  he  set  the  name  and  authority  of  Anatolius  against 
him.  The  religious  position  of  Columbanus  has  been  curiously 
misapprehended.  The  early  writers  were  fain  to  make  him  a 
Roman  Catholic,  and  even  glossed  his  biography  and  forged 
documents  to  this  end.27  Continental  writers  frequently  class 
him  among  Roman  abbots.  A  recent  Anglican  writer  puts 


56  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

him.  down  as  a  "  schismatic."28  There  was  a  great 
gulf  separating  Golumbaiius  from  the  Roman  bishops 
of  the*  Merovingian  barbarians.  Columbanus  repre- 
sented the  genius'  of  the  Celtic  people  with  its  love  of 
freedom  even  in  religious  matters.  The  bishops  represented 
the  passion  for  order  and  regulation  which  the  Churchmen 
had  caught  from  the  Roman  Empire.  Columbanusi  wished 
to  be  limited  by  nothing  except  the  life  and  example  of  Christ, 
and  his  conscience  enlightened  by  Holy  Scripture,  the  teach- 
ing and  examples  of  his  spiritual  fathers*  SS.  Binell  and  Corn- 
gall,  and  the  writings  and  examples  of  authorities  like  SS. 
Jerome  and  Martin.  The  bishops  wished  to  make  him  a 
wheel  in  ai  gigantic  ecclesiastical  machine,  that  he  might 
turn  in  unison  with  the  other  wheels.  Columbanus  wisibed 
to  keep  his  soul ;  the  bishops  wished  him  to  give  it  into  the 
keeping  of  Rome.  Columbanus  laboured  for  the  cultivation 
of  spiritual  life  that  self-denial,  love,  mercy,  holiness,  and 
brotherly  helpfulness  might  be  perfected  in  every  man  along 
with  an  -educated  mind  and  trained  hand.  The  bishops  pro- 
fessed to  labour  for  similar  ends,  but  they  sought  first  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Church  system,  conformity  to  prescribed 
order  and  ceremonies,  and  many  of  them  went  no*  further. 
Columbanus  believed  stoutly  that  the>  shepherd  of  the  Lord's 
flock  should  have  no  fellowship  with  evil,  not  even  in  high 
places.  The  bishops  fell  in  behind  the  wicked  Brunchilde  as 
if  they  had  been  sheep  instead  of  shepherds,  caring  only  that 
Columbanusi  should  be  removed  or  made  to  conform.  The  mania 
for  uniformity,  and  the  sacrifice  of  reality  in  religion  to  mere 
form,  are  seen  in  the  curious  plea  of  the  Romanized  monk 
Agrestin  aib  the  Synod  of  Macon,29  that  Columbanus  had 
used  more  prayers  in  his  service  than  Rome  had  prescribed. 
Apart  from  the  censures  of  Columbanus,  the  high  Christian 
ideals  of  himself  and  his  Community,  .and  the  simple,  un- 
affected, clean  life  of  his  clerics  reflected  unfavourably  upon 
many  of  the  Roman  clergy. 

To  keep  his  "  family  "  unspotted  from  the  world,  and  to 
regulate  the  communal  life  and  tasks,  S.  Columbanus 
enforced  the  Rules30  under  which  he  had  been  trained  at 
Pictish31  Bangor.  They  have  been  referred  to  by  Continental 
writers  as  excessively  hard;  but  there  were  high-thinking, 
plain-living  Celts  who  found  delight  in  them.  From 
the  Rules-  we  learn  the  terms  of  life  in  the  Com- 
munity. Poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience  were  imperative. 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  ST 

The  Ab  was  supreme.  He  was  not  only  spiritual  Father  of 
the  little  family  or  clan,  but  as  the  brethren  were  "  soldiers 
of  Christ,"  he  was  commander-in-chief,  and  possessed  the 
same  absolute  control  that  a  Celtic  chief  exercised  in 
active  service  on  the  field.  Th©  pride  of  the  Celt  was 
struck  at  by  a>  rule  against  vanity ;  and  the  impulsive  nature 
of  the  Celt  was  to  be  cured  by  a»  rule  enforcing  wisdom 
in  choice,  and  caution  before  action  (di&cretio) .  Thus  early 
did  the  Celtic  teachers  lay  emphasis  on  "  canniness." 
Another  rule  shows  that  the  educational  ' '  Rule  of  Silence  ' ' 
was  enjoined.  The  brethren  were  to  learn,  and  to  work  with- 
out unnecessary  exercise  of  the  Celtic  gifts  of  conversation  and 
eloquence.  The  body  with  its  appetites  and  cravings  was  to 
be  disciplined  into  control  by  the  purified  and  sanctified 
mind.  This  was  mortificatio.  An  erring  brother  was  not 
to  content  himself  with  an  expression  of  sorrow  for  his  fault ; 
he  was  to  go  farther  and  punish  himself  by  withdrawal  into 
solitary  confinement,  and  even  to>  apply  the  scourge  to  his 
own  flesh.  Columbanus  thought  that  the  sermon  on  the 
Lord's  Day  was  most  important,  and  no>  member  of  the  Com- 
munity, the  cook  and  gatekeeper  exoeipted,  might  be  absent 
from  it.  The  choirs  of  Luxeuil,  according  to  Doiiatus,  a 
disciple  of  Columbanus,  were  a  feature  of  the  establishment. 
In  one  of  his  rules^,  Columbanus  prescribes  the  order  and 
number  of  the  Psalms  and  Hymns.32  At  Bangor,  as  we  have 
seen,  Columbanus  had  been  brought  up  to  the  oelebation.  of 
perpetual  Divine  praise.  Each  hour  of  every  day  and  every 
night  without  break  the  praise  of  the  Lord  was  maintained 
by  choirs  that  succeeded  one  another  in  constant  rotation. 
He  made  this  "  perpetual  praise  "  a  part  of  the 
work  of  all  his  monasteries  in  Gaul.33  .  The  brethren 
were  never  allowed  to  be  idle.  When  not  engaged 
in  the  sanctuary,  or  in  works  of  mercy,  or  in  reading 
or  copying  mauscripts,  they  were  required  to  plough,  sow, 
reap,  thresh,,  or  cut  timber.  Neither  education  nor  rank 
gave  a  brother  any  privilege.  At  Luxeuil  the  monks  WOTO 
gloves,  less,  perhaps,  for  cold  than  .to  save  their  fingers  from 
being  rendered  rough  and  hard  in  view  of  their  delicate  pen- 
work.  Food  wasi  of  the  simplest  kind.  Cakes,  porridge, 
beans,  and  green  herbs.  A  light  kind  of  beer  was  used.  At 
Bangor  milk  was  reserved  for  aged  and  weak  brethren,  and 
only  one  meal  in  the  day  was  allowed.  The  same  practice 
was  continued  by  Columbanus.  Sunday  was  a  festival.  On 


58  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

that  day  S.  Com  gall  had  allowed  himself  an  ample  meal,  and 
fish  and  meat  .were  frequently  added  on  that  day.  So 
particular  were  they  to  take  away  all  austerity  from 
the  Lord's  Day  thait  one  of  the  Galilean  rules 
declares,  "  He  who  fasts  on  Sunday  sins."  Once 
at  Anagratesi  the  brethren  were  very  hungry  and  short 
of  supplies.  Ethernan  suffered  specially.  Columbanus 
took  him  and  Sonichar  into  the  hills,  and  taught  them 
how  to  live  for  over  a  week  on  one  loaf  of  bread.  He  then 
sent  them  down  to  the  river  in  the  valley,  where  they  caught 
a  stotre  of  fish.  Another  time  Columbanus  sent  Gallus34  to 
the  river  Bruscam  (Breuchin),  but  he  took  the  wrong  road 
and  arrived  at  the  stream  1'Ognon,  where  be  caught  nothing, 
although  he  used  a  net.  Gallus  returned  with  the  story  of 
his  luck  to  Columbanus,  who  sent  him  again  to  the  Bruscam, 
which  he  found,  and  brought  back  more  fish  than  he  could 
carry  comfortably. 

The  Roman  bishops  refused  to  leave  Columbanus  alone. 
He  was  Ab-hi-Chief  of  more  than  one  Community,  which  wae 
a  breach  of  Roman  rules,  although  it  had  not  been  in  S. 
Martin's  time.  Columbanus  celebrated  Easter  when  it  came 
round  according  to  the  old  reckoning  used  by  Rome  up  till 
A.D.  343.  Rome  had  changed  her  methods  of  reckoning,  but 
the  Celts  had  not  changed.  The  Celt  has  never  been  ready 
to  accept  an  innovation  in  religion,  and  Columbanus 
preferred  to  reckon  as  he  had  been  taught  in  Ireland. 
The  bishops  summoned  Columbanus  to  a  Council.  He 
did  not  go,  and  his  letter  of  apology  survives.  It 
is  a  characteristic  oommuni cation.  He  prefers  not  to 
go'  to  their  Synod  lest  he  should  have  to<  argue  against 
them.  He  is  thankful  that  so  many  holy  men  should  interest 
themselves  in  him.  He  would  be  glad  if  they  assembled 
ofteneri,  and  considered  not  only  the  Pascal  date,  but  matters 
of  Church  discipline,  sadly  neglected.  He  trusts  that  they 
will  not  foment  strife  among  Christians  which  would  please 
the  Jews,  the  heathen,  and  their  foes-.  He  declares  that  they 
are  all  members  of  one  Communion,  whether  they  be  Gauls, 
Britons,  or  Iberians.  Be  states  that  he  came  to  Gaul  for 
the  oause  of  Jesus  Christ.  He  prays  that  Gaul  may  be  wide 
enough  to  hold  them  all.  He  asks  to-  be  left  in  the  lonely 
silence  of  the  mountains  and  forests,  to  do>  his  own  work  ae 
he  had  been  taught.  He  affirms  that  he  and  his  companions 
will  follow  the  teaching  and  example  of  the  Lord  and  the 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  59 

Apostles.     He   prays   for  the   bishops,    and   invites   them   to 
pray  for  him. 

We  find  Columbanus  writing  to  Gregory,  bishop  of  Rome, 
a  few  years  after  this  letter  to  the  bishops.  He  had  read  a 
book  by  Gregory,  and  wrote  praising  it.  He  then  goes  on 
to  argue  the,  question  of  Easter  with  him.  He1  shows 
that  Anatolius,  whom  S.  Jerome  praised,  sanctioned  the 
method  of  calculating  Easter  which  the  Celts  followed.  He 
points  out  to  Gregory  that  to  condemn  Anatolius  is  to 
condemn  S.  Jerome.  He  hints  to  Gregory  that  he  is  not  in 
his  reply  simply  to  quote  his  predecessors,  especially  Leo. 
He  adds  that  &  living  dog  is  better  than  a  dead  lion-  and, 
therefore,  he,  a  living  bishop,  should  correct  the  mistakes  of 
his  predecessors.  The  letter  shows  that  thi&  presbyter Ab 
was  writing  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  a®  his  equal,  and  that 
there  is  very  little  thought  in  the  mind  of  Columbanus  of 
the  supremacy  or  finality  of  decisions  made  by  the  Roman 
bishop®.  Columbanusi  will  examine  whatever  Gregory  may 
write,  and),  if  he  approves,  will  commend  it.  One  of  the 
Astern  touches  in  the  letter  tells  Pope  Gregory  that  he  has  not 
yet  visited  Rome,  but  would  like  to  do'  so,  and  to*  confer  with 
him  about  the  sins  of  the  clergy  and  bishops  in  France. 

Gregory  had  ventured  to  discourse  on  the  prophet 
Ezekiel,  and  Columbanusi  begsi  the  bishop  to  send 
him  a  copy  of  his  discourses.  Gregory  did  not 
enter  upon  the  correspondence  into1  which  Colum- 
T>anus  sought  to  lead  him.  He  wrote  other  letters  to 
Gregory ;  but,  as  no  answer  came,  he  charitably  supposed 
that  Gregory  never  received  them.  There  is  no<  doubt  that 
Gregory  and  the  bishops  in  Gaul  perceived  that  this1  scholar 
from  the  islands  of  the  sea,  with  his  subtle  Celtic  intellect, 
and  power  of  expression,  was  an  ill  subject  to  meddle  with. 

If  S.  Columbanus  dealt  faithfully  with  the  Fratnkish 
bishops  and  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  he  dealt  no  less  faithfully 
with  the  king.  The  king  at  this  time  was  Theodoric  of 
Burgundy,  son  of  Childebert  II.,  who  had  given  Luxeuil  to 
Columbanus.  Theodoric  was  encouraged  in  immorality  by 
Brunchilde,  the  former  queen,  his  grandmother.  Colum- 
banus had  tried  to>  lead  the  king  to  a  regular  life,  and  urged 
him  to  marry,  but  his  influence  was  neutralized  by 
Brunchilde. 

One  day  Brunchilde  appeared  before  Columbanus  with 
three  of  the  king's  illegitimate  sons. 


60  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"  Bless  them,"  demanded  Brunchilde. 

' '  Who  are  they  ? ' '  demanded  Colunibanus. 

"  The  king's  sons,"  replied  Brunchilde. 

"  Offspring  of  improper  life,  they  shall  never  come  to 
inherit,"  commented  Columbainus. 

Brunchilde  wa®  furious,  and  took  the  children  away. 
She  roused  the  Court  against  Columbanus,  and  he  and  his 
communities  were  confined  to  the  bounds  of  their  settlements, 
Columbanus  now  went  to  the  king.  The  latter,  on  hearing 
of  his  arrival,  ordered  that  food  should  be  served  to  him. 
Columbanus  dashed  the  food  to  the  ground,  overturned  the 
wine,  and  smashed  the'  vessels,  declaring  that  the 
servant  of  the  Highest  spurned  the  gifts  of  the  wicked. 
Theodoric  could  not  help  respecting  this  stern  censor. 
He!  had  despised  the  regular  clergy,  but  this  Celt  bore  himself 
like  a  king  and  spoke  like  a  prophet.  He  promised  to 
amend  his  life — a  promise-  that  was  not  kept,  and  S. 
Columbanus  wrote  to  him  declaring  that  he  would  excom- 
municate him  if  he  did  not  turn  from  his  licentious  ways. 
It  is  magnificent  to  see  this  Pictish  cleric,  unsupported 
by  Rome  or  its  clergy,  by  the  authority  of  his  own  blameless 
life  and  his  Divine  commission,  upholding  the  law  of  God 
and  life  to  the'  face  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the 
barbarian  kings. 

Meanwhile  Brunchilde  was  not  idle.  She  organised  the 
Frankish  bishops  and  the  Burgimdian  nobles  against  Colum- 
banus,  and  also  prompted  the  king  to  act.  She  emphasised 
the  independence  of  Luxeuil  and  its  clergy,  and  the  fact  that 
the  services  differed  from,  the  services  in  the  Roman  churches. 
Theodoric  was  moved  himself  to  deal  with  Columbanus, 
and  went  to  Luxeuil.  He  found  the  Saint  reading  a  book 
in  the  gateway.  The  bishops,  knowing  that  Columbanus 
asserted  independence  in  spiritual  matters,  had  evidently 
urged  the  king  to  insist  on  having  the  monasteries  inspected 
by  the  king's  nominees. 

'  Why  do  you  not  adopt  the  usages  and  ceremonies  of 
the  bishops  ?  and  why  do  you  not  allow  the  inner  parts  of  the 
monastery  to  be  visited?"  the  king  demanded. 

"  I  do  not  need  the  assistance  oif  the  bishops,"  replied 
Columbanus  proudly;  "  and  none  but  my  monks  may  enter 
the  private  parts  of  my  house." 

The  king  then  reminded  him  that  he  had  been  kind  to 
him  and  to  his  Community. 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  61 

'  If,  O  king,"  thundered  Columbanus,  "  you  have  come 
here  to  make  your  way  into  our  most  private  plaices,  and  to 
pas®  judgment  on  the  ways  and  discipline  of  this  Community, 
I  would  have  you  to  consider  that  your  kingdom  is  nearing 
its  end,  and  that  your  progeny  will  soon  be  destroyed." 

Theodocric  was  somewhat  shaken.  He  explained  to  the 
Saint  that  he  was  not  aiming  to-  send  him  to  a  martyr's 
crown;  and  laid  the  blame  on  his  advisers  for  wishing  to  pry 
into  the  inner  life  of  the  Community.  Columbanu6>  merely 
warned  the  king  that  force  only  would  make  him  leave  Luxeuil. 
The  king  departed,  and  in  his  heart  he  had  determined, 
in  the  fashion  of  the  Merovingians,  to*  gratify  the  Roman 
clergy.  Bardulf,  a  captain,  was  told  off  to  watch  Luxeuil, 
to  secure  Columbanus  on  the  first  opportunity,  and  to  lead 
him  away;  to  leave  the  other  monks  undisturbed,  and  then 
the  ho'Uise  was  to>  be  brought  under  the  discipline  and  govern- 
ment of  Rome. 

The  life  of  Columbanus  now  became  filled  with  adventure. 
Bardulf  seized  him  and  locked  him  up  in  the  prison  of  the 
Castle  of  Besancon.35  Domaol,  his  attendant,  followed  him 
and  shared  his  captivity.  Columbanus  immediately  set  to 
work  in  the  prison  to  convert  his  fellow-prisoners,  and 
Domaol  set  to'  work  to  strike  off  their  fetters.  The  change 
which  the  Saint  wrought  upon  the  prisoners)  was  so'  great  that 
the  Governor  allowed  Columbanus  to  march  them  to<  the 
church,  where  they  confessed  their  sins.  One  day 
Columbanusi  made  his  way  out  of  the  prison,  and 
he  and  Domaol  took  the  high  road  back  to  Luxeuil. 
At  the  news,  Brunchilde  and  Theodoric  sent  a  detachment 
of  soldiers  to  re-arrest  him.  They  came  upon  him  sitting  in 
the  doorway  of  the  church  calmly  reading.  The  majestic 
presence  of  the  man  cowed  the  soldiers,  and  they  hesitated 
to  lay  hands  on  him.  At  last,  when  Columbanus  saw,  by 
the  king's  renewed  orders,36  that  continued  obstruction 
would  involve  the  wrecking  of  the  monastery,  Ee  surrendered 
himself  to  Ragamund. 

After  ruling  Luxeuil  for  about  twenty  years,  lie.  was  now 
driven  from  it  for  the  last  time.  His  guards  had  orders  to 
take  him  to  the  west  coast  and  to  put  him  on  board  the  first 
ship  bound  for  Ireland.  They  led  him  through  Besanpoiij 
Autun,  Avallon,  and  via  Auxerre  to  Nevers  on  ths  Loire. 
Here  he  entered  a  boat  which  floated  down  stream  by  stages. 
At  Orleans  a  Syrian  woman  offered  him  food.  The  guard 


62  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

did  not  tosh  to  stop  at  Marmoutieir  (Tours),  which  was  holy 
ground  to  a  Colt),  being  the  cradle  of  his  Church,  but  the 
boat  became  fast  in  a  mud-bank.  Her©  Bishop  Luparius 
showed  hospitality  to  the  Saint,  and  at  his  table  he  met  a 
noble  who  was  a  friend  of  Theodoric.  ' '  Gro  tell  Theodoric, ' ' 
said  Columbanus  in  the  course  of  conversation,  "  that  in 
three  years  he  and  all  his  will  utterly  perish."  At 
Nantes,  Suffronius,  the  bishop,  and  Count  Theobald,  acting 
under  orders,  were  ready  to  see  that  Columbanus  took  pas- 
sage in  a  ship  sailing  for  Ireland.  After  the  ship  had  sailed, 
she  ran1  aground  at  the  mouth  >of  the  Loire,  where  she^ 
remained  three  days.  The  master  had  to  lighten  the  ship, 
and  Oolumbaiius  and  hia  four  companions  were  put  on  sho>re. 
They  simply  walked  away  inland,  and,  once  more,  were  free. 

He  now  visited  Chloitachar  II.,  King  of  Neustria,  son  of 
Brunchilde's  enemy,  Fredigundia.  He  passed  through  Paris 
to  Meaux,  and  from  the  latter  place,  under  the  guardianship 
of  Chagneric,  an  Australian  official,  he  went  to  Metz,  to 
Theudebert,  King  of  Austrasia,  brother  of  his  enemy,  Theo- 
doric. He  was  within  communicating  distance  with  Luxeuil,. 
and  several  members  of  his  Community  came  to  see1  him. 
His  thoughts  turned  towards  a  mission  to  the  Allemani 
and  Slavic  Wends ;  but  after  working  for  a  time  at  the  ruined 
town  of  Bregenz,37  on  the  Upper  Rhine,  he  gave  up  the;  idea. 
S.  Gall,  however,  remained  to  carry  on  the  mission 
that  he  had  begun  by  the  Lake  of  Constance,  and 
by  which  he  is  still  remembered  in  Switzerland.  Inter- 
national strife  now  made  the  Rhine  province  a  perilous 
place  for  Columbanus.  His  friend  Theudebert  went 
to  war  with  his  brother  Theodoric.  Columbanus,  who  evi- 
dently saw  how  things  would  go,  advised  Theudebert  to 
become  a  cleric.  The.  king  refused,  and  the  courtiers  jeered 
: '  Who  ever  heard  of  a  Merovingian  laying  down  his  crown 
and  sword  for  a  tonsure  and  a  pilgrim's  staff?"  :'  Well," 
replied  Columbanus,  "  he  will  do  it  soon  against  his  will." 
At  the  battle  of  l*olbiac38  Theudebert  was  defeated  and 
fled.  When  captured  and  taken  to  Theodoric,  Bmnchilde,  his 
grandmother,  who  had  so  often  before  led  the  Roman  clergy 
against  Columbanus,  ordered  them  to  ordain  Theudebert  to 
the  holy  ministry  by  force.  Soon  after  the  ordination  had 
been  carried  out  she  sent  him  to<  a  cruel  death. 3^ 

Theodoric  and  his  grandmother  now  ruled  Austrasia  as 
well   as  Burgundy.     Consequently   Columbanus  found  it  to 


The  Geltic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  63 

his  safety  to  bid  farewell  to  the  Rhine.  The  triumph  of 
Theodoric  and  Brunchilde  lasted  only  a  year.  Theodoric  was 
on  his  way  to  attack  Chlotaiohar  II.  of  Neustria  when  he  took 
ill  at  Metz,  and  died.  In  613  A.D.  Chlotachar  became  Ruler 
of  all  France.40  All  the  sons  of  Theodoric  were,  a&  Colum- 
banus had  foretold,  slain.  Brunchilde  was  tied  to  the  tails 
of  fresh  horses,  and  dragged  by  them  where  they  galloped, 
and  died  as  the  result. 

Columbanus,  meanwhile,  had  gone  to  Milan,  the  capital 
of  LooQibardy,  to  Aigilulf,  the  Lombard  king.  Aigilulf 
was  an  Arian,  but  his  queen  Theudelinda  was  orthodox. 
The  Saint  asked  Aigilulf  for  a<  place  to  whicb  he  could 
gather  a  new  Community.  He  told  him  of  Luxeuil,  its 
situation  amid  the  ruins  of  a  Roman  city,  and  explained  the 
oharm  that  it  possessed  for  him.  A  gentleman,  of  the 
Court,41  who  was  a  listener,  said  that  there  was  a  place  such 
as  was  described  in  the  Apennines1.  This  was  Bobbio,  on  the 
Trebbia.  It  was  <a.  ruined  town  with  a  ruined  church. 
Aigilulf,  the  heretic,  resolved  to  treat  the  victim  of  the 
orthodox  clergy  of  the  Teutonic  barbarians  with  generous 
kindness,  and  he  offered  Bobbio  to  Columbanus.  The 
Saint  visited  the  place  and  found  it  aiccording  to  his 
heart.  He  made  Bobbio  a  second  Luxeuil.  The  contents  of 
its  library  show  that  it  kept  up  its  connection  with  the  parent 
house  of  Bangor  after  S.  Columbanus  died.  The  best  known 
member  of  the  Community  of  Bobbio  is  Jonas-,  whoi  wrote  the 
Life  of  Columbanus.  The  monastery  became  famous, 
and  its  library  would  have  been  priceless  had  all 
the  books  survived.  At  some  stage  of  its  history 
the  monastery  conformed  to  the  discipline'  of  Rome. 
A  catalogue  of  the  library,  with  notes,  is  ascribed  to  one 
of  its  tenth  century  (967-972)  Abbots,  Gerbert,  who  became 
Pope  Sylvester  II.  There  are  catalogued  479  manuscript 
books  which  had  come  from  various  sources,  and  220  pre- 
sentation MS.  books;  43  were  bequeathed  by  "  Dungal,  Prin- 
cipal of  the  Scots  ' '  (Irish) ,  32  by  ' '  presbyter  Theodore, ' ' 
and  4  by  Adalbert,  "a  brother."  There  were  copies  of  the 
classical  authors,  and  theological  writings.  A  copy  of  the 
Gospels  bore  an  inscription^  indicating  that  it  was  the  same 
book  which  the  Abbot,  blessed  Columbanus,  was  wont  to 
carry  in  his  wallet.  We  still  possess  the  contents  of  the 
famous  Fragment  known  as  the  Muratorian,  which 
was  found  at  Milan  in  1740,  and  which  came  from 


64  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Bobbio.  It  deals  with  the  Canon  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  supplements  the  Canon  of  Laodioea. 
Through  carelessness,  pilfering,  and  want  of  appreciation 
alter  the  invention  of  printing,  the  library  of  Bobbio 
dwindled.  From  700  manuscripts  in  the  tenth  century  it 
had  fallen  to  240  in  the  fifteenth,  namely,  170  Theological 
and  Clascal  works),  and  67  Antiphonaries  and  service-books. 
In  the  seventeenth:  century,  when  Pope  Paul  V.  made  his 
inventory,  only  a  few  manuscripts  remained  at  Bobbio ;  now 
they  are  scattered  throughout  the  libraries  of  Italy,  Austria, 
and  Germany. 

Columbanus  died  at  Bobbio  on  the  23rd  November,  A.D. 
615,  when  he  was  about  seventy-two-  years  old.  He  had  aeon 
his  royal  foes  brought  to  ruin  and  shameful  death.  He  saw 
His  beloved  Luxeuil  blessed  once  more  with  prosperity  as  at 
the  beginning.  Eustatius,  one  of  its  community,  returned 
from  Bobbio,  while  S.  Columbanus  was  alive,  to  be  second 
Ab  of  Luxeuil.  Donatusi,  another  disciple,  became  Ab  at 
Beeangon ;  Ado-  became  the  founder  of  the  Celtic  Community 
of  Jouarre  ;  Dado  the  founder  of  the  Celtic  monastery  at  La 
Brie;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  S.  Grail  presided  over  the  Com- 
munity at  the  place  which  still  bears  his  name  in  Switzer- 
land. 

The  name  and  work  of  Columbanus,  the  pupil  of  the 
Pictish  Community  at  Bangor,  ought  to  call  forth  the  admir- 
ation and  veneration  of  every  Celt.  As  a  missionary  few 
can  compare  with  him.  As  a  disciple  of  Jesus  Christ,  his 
personal  life  and  example  were  blameless.  His  moral  courage 
wae  apostolic.  His  ecclesiastical  ways,  are  sometimes  ignor- 
antly  designated  as  irregular.  There  wasi  no-  irregularity  ;  he 
simply  remained  by  what  he  had  been  taught  in  a  Church 
that  by  its  isolation  had  beard  nothing  of  the<  innovations  of 
the  Roman  Catholics.  His  ideal  of  Christianity  was  more 
apostolic  than  the  ideals'  of  the-  Church  that  persecuted  him 
in  Luxeuil.  His  championship  of  ordinary  moral  decency 
may  have:  forced  him  to  strong  utterance  ;  but  the  record  of 
it  is  less  a  reproach  to  Columbanus  than  an  abiding  shame  to 
the  Roman  Church,  which  advanced  its  control  with  the  aid 
of  the  swords  of  the'  most  ferocious  Teutonic  savages  that,  till 
then,  had  launched  themselves  on  the  Celtic  tribes  within  the 
civilization  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

The  heart  and  ways  of  Columbanus  were  pitiful  and 
gentle  in  spite  of  the  stern  discipline  which  he  enforced  for 


The  Celtic  Missionaries  on  the  Continent  65 

Christ's  sake'.  He  was  very  piatient  witli  the  common  people ; 
and  pity  for  the  Celts,  trampled  under  foot  by  the  Teuton, 
drew  him  from  his  home  in  Ireland  to  Graul.  When  he 
wished  to  teach  his  disciples  a  lesson  that  they  would  not 
forget,  he  carefully  went  through  it  all  with  them  himself, 
whether  it  was  a  hard  task,  or  a  long  spell  of  endurance. 
Like  all  the  Celts,  he  loved  Nature.  Often  one  feels  that 
his  long  retreats  in  the  deep  forests  and  rocky  solitudes,  for 
meditation  and  prayer,  came  in  some  measure  from  the 
Celtic  craving  to  be  alone  with  Nature.  He  had  no  fear  in 
the  wilds  any  more  than  before  savage  men.  The  wolf-pack 
sniffed  at  him  as  they  went  by.  The  bear  gave  up  its  lair  to 
him  at  his  command.  The  squirrel  came  down  from  the  tree- 
tops  to  curl  itself  up  in  his  bosom ;  .and  the  little  birds  perched 
on  his  hands  and  allowed  him  to  stroke  and  caress  them. 

How  often,  when  intolerant  and  narrow-minded  ecclesi- 
astics have  set  uniformity  before  liberty,  persecution  before 
tolerance,  and  hate  before  charity,  might  we  not  have  remem- 
bered the  appeal  of  Columbanus  to*  the  bishops  of  the  bar- 
barians^— "  Oh  that  Gaul  might  be  found  wide  enough  to  hold 
all  of  us  whom  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  will  receive,  if  as 
good  men  we  deserve  such  a  reward." 

1  V.  S.  Comg-.  (S.),  cap.  iii.,  pp.  586-588. 

2  Catharlach   (Car  low),   Foibran,   Ardarema. 

3  Also  written  "  Cleenish.." 

4  S.  Sinell  had,  like  S.  Cornwall,  studied  under  Finnian  of  Clonard, 

who  had  been  educated  among-  the  Britons. 

5  Certain  modern  writers  who  try  to  explain  the  Celtic  Church  by 

modern  Roman  institutions  actually  refer  to  S.  Smell's  estab- 
lishment as  if  it  were  a  sort  of  elementary  school. 

6  Cf.   V.  S.  Columb.     (Jonas),  cap.  iii. 

7  See  Patrologice  (Migne),  Vol.  Ixxx.,  and  Ann.  Bened.  (Mabillon), 

ix.  35,  p.  257. 

8  So  often  was  this  number  repeated  that  it  indicates  a  systematic 

desire  to  keep  close  to  Christ's  example. 

9  S.  Columcille's  friend  Cormac  is  the  classical  example. 

10  Carantoc,    a   Briton,    was    Ab  of    a   muinntir    at    Saulix,    Haute- 

Saone  (Salicio).  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Pictish  pupil  of  S. 
Com  gall  and  the  Britons  were  in  the  most  thorough  com- 
munion. 

11  Cf.  Ann.  Bened.,  viii.  51. 

12  It  was  S.  Comgall  who  introduced  S.  Columba,  the  Gaidheal,  and 

S.  Cainnech,  the  Pict,  to  Brude  at  Inverness  before  they  began 
their  respective  missions  in  tfoe  dominions,  over  which  Brude 
was  Sovereign.  Doubtless  also  S.  Comg-all  opened  the  way 
with  Brude  for  S.  Moluag,  his  own  lieutenant,  who  entered 
Pictland  at  the  same  time. 

5 


66  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

13  Roughly,  the  country  between  the  Meuse  and  the  Rhine. 

14  Called  also  casula  and  capa. 

15  The  Bachul. 

16  Annegray  in  the  Woevre,  Haute  Saone. 

17  Churches  were  called  after  their  founders  until  about  the  begin- 

ning of  the  8th  century. 

18  The  chapel  built  at  S.  Martin's  grave  by  Bishop  Brioc,  his  suc- 

cessor, had  to  be  dedicated  to  the  pro-martyr,  S1.  Stephen. 

19  Dedications  even  to  the  Virgin  were  unpopular  when  introduced ; 

and  it  was  necessary  to  add  All  the  Martyrs  to  her  name  when 
the  Pantheon  was  dedicated,  A.D.  610. 

20  The  bishops  referred  to  were  really  missionary  chief -pastors,  not 

diocesan  bishops. 

21  V.  S.  Columb.,  Jonas,  cap.  ii. 

22  His  Community  was  at  a  place  called  "The  Willows,"   Salicio, 

now  Saulix,  Haute-Saone. 

23  V.  S.  Columb.,  Jonas,  cap.  5. 

24  Of  Poictiers. 

25  About  8  miles  from  Anagrates. 

26  On  the  Roge. 

27  There  is  the  notorious  forgery  alleged  to  have  been  addressed  by 

Columbanus  to  Gregory  I.,  placing  his  monastery  under  the 
latter 's  protection. 

28  This   is   characteristically   Anglican.     The   truth   is   that   Oolum- 

banus  followed  no  divisive  courses,  and  did  not  divide  himself 
from  Rome.  He  was  the  son  of  a  Church  that  knew  little  or 
nothing  of  Rome.  If  the  Celtic  Church  and  Columbanus 
differed  from  Rome — which  they  did — it  was  due  to  Rome 
developing  away  from  the  usage  and  practice  of  the  early 
Church.  Not  only  did  the  Celtic  Church  follow  the  early 
Church,  but  the  type  of  monasticism  founded  in  the  West  by 
S.  Martin  was  a  deliberate  effort  to  recall  the  Church  to  the 
simpler  and  sincerer  apostolic  ways.  If  Columbanus  was  a 
schismatic,  so  was  S.  Martin  whom  he  followed;  and  indeed 
some  of  S.  Martin's  contemporaries  treated  him  as  if  he  were 
a  schismatic.  The  bishops  who  followed  him  in  Gaul  never 
rested  until  they  brought  S.  Martin's  monasteries  under  the 
control  of  the* diocesan  bishops,  beginning  with  Lerins  and 
such  monasteries  as  had  not  a  bishop-abbot. 

29  "  Masticon."     Held  624  or  625  A.D. 

30  Anglican  writers  frequently  refer  to  the  Rules  as  "  Benedictine." 

S.  Benedict  had  nothing  to  do  with  them.  His  rule  was 
milder. 

31  The  Rules   are  sometimes   called   "  Scotic,"    because    Continental 

writers  so  designated  them  as  coming  from  Scotia  (Ireland). 
They  are  Pictish. 

32  One  is  the  Sancti  Venite,  known  through  Dr  Neale's  translation. 

33  It  was   an   Eastern  practice.     Doubtless   it   came  to  the  British 

Communities,  where  it  was  carried  on  to  great  perfection, 
from  S.  Martin's  Community  at  Marmoutier,  before  the  bar- 
badian invasions.  S.  Finnian  taught  the  practice  to  S.  Corn- 
gall,  and  S.  Comgall  to  S.  Columbanus. 

34  Afterwards  to  become  famous  as  S.  Gall. 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  6T 

35  This  was  an  old  city  of  the  Celtic  Sequani. 

36  Count  Bertechar  and  Badulf  were  sent  to  insist  on  his  surrender. 

37  Bricantias. 

38  Theudebert  first  seized  Alsace  and  the  northern  territory  of  the 

Sequani.     Theodoric  defeated  him  at  Toul,  A.D.   612,  and  the- 
.same  year  completely  at  Tolbiac. 

39  V.  S.  Columban,  Jonas,  i.  28. 

40.  He  favoured  the  Celtic  monks  in  Gaul. 
41  Jocundus. 


29th  NOVEMBER,  1916. 

Owing  to  the  Great  War,  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed 
during  which  the  meetings  of  the  Society  were  practically 
suspended.  On  this  date  a  largely  attended  meeting  was 
held  in  the  Waverley  Hotel,  at  which  Mr  David  N.  Mackay, 
solicitor,  Glasgow,  read  the  following  paper  on  "  Clan  Wars 
in  the  Highlands.'1 

CLAN   WARS   IN  THE   OLD   HIGHLANDS. 

It  has  long  been  the  custom  of  historian©  to  speak  of 
Highlanders  as  "  men  of  a  fighting  race/'  During  the 
present  war  the  valour  and  endurance  of  our  Highland 
regiments,  and  of  the  thousands  of  North  and  West-country 
fishermen  serving  in  H.M.  Navyi,  have  earned  the  admiration 
of  friend  and  foe  alike.  It  may  be  asserted,  without  fear  of 
contradiction,  that  no  part  of  the  British  Empire  has  sur- 
passed in  practical  patriotism,  in  eager  recruitment,  or  in 
sacrifice,  the  record  of  the  Highland  Counties  of  Scotland. 
It  is  natural  to  enquire  why  the  men  of  Gaeldom  have 
exhibited  so  keen  and  noble  a  spirit,  surpassing  even 
the  deeds  of  their  forefathers  in  the  anti-Napoleonic  cam- 
paigns. It  is  certainly  not  because  they  have  been  the 
pampered  children  of  the  Empire.  Equally  certainly,  their 
gallantry  has  not  been  inspired  by  self-interest.  They  are 
among  the  poorest  citizens  of  the  United  Kingdom,  so*  far  as 
worldly  possessions  are  concerned.  Nor  have  they  been 
enthused  by  Imperialistic  dreams.  Their  interests  are 
domestic.  The  pageantry  of  Empire,  as  exhibited  from  time 
to  time  in  the  great  cities  of  tihe  the  homeland,  has  never 
been  displayed  near  their  villages  and  islands.  Whence, 
then,  came  this  impulse  to  risk  all,  and  to  suffer  the  untold 
horrors  of  war,  so  voluntarily  and  heroically?  Why  was  it 


68  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

that  the  Military  Service  Acte  found  so  few  eligible  men 
remaining  in  the  Highland  districts? 

The  ill-informed  observer  will  content  himself  by  quoting 
the  opinion  of  the  historians  that  the  Highlanders  are  a 
fighting  race.  By  doing  so  he  will  do>  less  than  justice  to  the 
Gael,  for  his  suggestion  can  only  mean  that  Highlanders  love 
fighting  for  its  own  stake,  that  they  are  by  nature  a,  combative 
people,  and  therefore  a  people  with  more  bravery  than  sense. 
This  idea,  though  commonly  held,  has  no  basis  in,  fact. 
Highlanders  have  exercised  a  fairly  sound  discrimination  in 
their  military  enthusiasms  during  the  nineteenth  century. 
They  have  not  shown  any  inclination  to  serve  as  soldiers  of 
fortune,  such  as  might  have  been  expected  from  men  of  a 
merely  pugnacious  breed.  Accordingly,  while  it  is  true  that 
Highlanders  have  always  given  at  good  account  of  themselves 
in  support  of  any  cause  for  which  they  drew  the  sword,  one 
may  claim,  and  every  true  Highlander  will  claim,  that  their 
valour  in  the  European  Wiatr  has  not  arisen  from  mere  love 
of  fighting,  but  from  a  sense  of  duty  and  responsibility. 

At  a  time  like  this,  however,  when  everything  is  organised 
on  a  war  basis,  we  naturally  enquire  into  the  military  records 
of  our  race,  and  it  is  my  task  to-night  to  discuss  with 
you  the  days  when  clan  wars  were  fought  among  our  native 
hills,  and  to  describe  briefly  the  war  organisation  of  those 
clans,  and  the  reasons  which  produced  strife. 

Let  me  say  at  the  outset  that  I  cannot  accept  the  view 
that  the  clan  wasi  primarily  a  war  organisation.  No  doubt 
it  is  true  that  there  was  a  time  in  the  Highlands  when  men's 
first  and  last  thoughts  were  of  defenqe  and  offence  ;  but  in 
the  clan  period  proper — from  the  thirteenth  century  to  the 
seventeenth  century — war  was  far  from  being  the  main  occupa- 
tion of  the  clansmen.  They  had  a  well -developed  com- 
munal life.  They  were  not  nomadic.  They  had  definite 
systems  of  law.  They  had  a,  literature  of  their  own.  They 
were  as  religious  as  their  neighbours,  and  they  had  musical 
tastes  of  a  high  order.  Unquestionably,  they  also  had  their 
ware,  their  hatreds,  and  their  diplomacies.  They  were 
probably  more  prompt  to  resent  an  atfront  than  were  the 
Southern  Scots,  and  they  had  long  memories  for  records  of 
injuries,  but  they  were  not  a  race'  of  ignorant  savages,  living 
for  war  and  by  war,  as  most  writers  of  history  have  imagined 
them  to  have  been.  Writers  of  fiction  have  found  in  the 
Highland  warrior  a  romantic  personage,  and  have  described 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  69 

his  qualities  with  dramatic  skill  rather  than  with  accuracy. 
Historians  have  mainly  failed  even  to  attempt  to  ascertain 
the  facts  concerning  Highland  civilisation.  They  were 
familiar  with  South-country  records  of  Highland  incursions, 
and  they  then  assumed  that  they  knew  all  about  the  High- 
land character.  It  would  be  just  as  reasonable  if  a  French- 
man professed  to  understand  Indian  civilisation  after  serving 
alongside  Indian  troops  in  France.  As  the  result  of  my 
reading  of  Highland  history,  I  am  prepared  to  assert  that 
while  the  Highlander  of  the  clan  period  was  a  fearless  and 
determined  soldier  when  there  was  fighting  to  be  done,  he 
did  not  fight  more  often,  or  more  ruthlesislv.  than  the  men  of 
other  European  races.  If  the  records  of  the  individual  clans 
are  examined,,  it  will  be  found  that  their  battles  were  not 
nearly  so  numerous  as  ignorant  people  imagine,  and,  as  I 
shall  show  later  on,  that  in  matters  of  chivalry  and  observ- 
ance of  what  are  popularly  known  ae  "  the  laws  of  war  " 
they  had  nothing  to  learn  from  English  or  Continental 
troops. 

In  war  the  fighting  forces  of  a  clan  were  led  by  the  chief 
or  captain.  The  term  captain  is  frequently  used  in  ancient 
writings,  and  is  generally  accepted  ias  being  at  least  as  old 
as  the  title  of  chief .*  Usually  the  captain  was  the  chief,  but 
if  the  latter  were'  too  old  or  too*  infirm  to  lead  the  clan  in 
battle,  he  appointed  a  captain  to  act  as  his  deputy.  For  all 
practical  purposes  we  may  regard  the  terms  as  synonymous. 
In  the  case  of  Clan1  Chattan  the  term  captain  is  still  generally 
used  instead  of  the  name  chief.  In  war,  as  in  peace,  the 
authority  of  the  chief  was  very  great,  but  naturally  he  had  to 
secure  the  consent  of  the  clan,  to  whose  goodwill  he  ^) wed  his 
recognition  as  chief,  and  by  whose  tacit  consent  he 
could  alone'  maintain  his  authority.  There  is  an  old  Gaelic 
proverb,  "  Stronger  than  the  chief  are  his  clansmen."  A 
chief  had  to  provide  for  the  social  well-being  of  his  clan,  and 
"  maintain  such  who  by  accident  are  fallen  to  total  decay  " 
(Burt's  Letters).  If  he  failed  conspicuously  in  either  his 
civil  or  military  capacity,  hi©  tenure  of  office  was  insecure. 
There  are  records  of  depositions,  or  clan  revolutions,  which 
show  that  the  clan  believed  itself  entitled  to  withdraw  the 
rights  of  their  chiefs,  though  of  course  there  were  fam- 
ilies, such  as  the  Colquhouns  and  the  Campbells,  who 
were  able  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  other  leading 

*  DT  MacBain   (Trans,  of  Gaelic  Socy.  of  Invss.,  Vol.   xvi.). 


70  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

families  to  substitute  the  feudal  for  the  tribal  system  of 
government.  Among  clan  chiefs  proper  there  were  several 
well-known  instances  of  depositions.  About  1460  Stewart 
of  Giarth  was  imprisoned  by  his  followers  because  of  his  fero- 
cious temper.  In  1498  Iain  Aluinn  MacDo<nald  of  Keppoch 
was  deposed  because  he  gave  up  a  clansman  to  the  Mackin- 
tosh Chief  contrary  to  the  will  of  his  own  clansmen  generally. 
Though  he  had  sons,  they  were  ignored,  and  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  uncle,  and  that  uncle's  descendants.  Ferquhard,  9th 
Chief  of  the  Mackintoshes,  found  it  convenient  to  renounce 
his  position,  because  "  his  friends  of  the  name  of  Clan 
Chattan  were  altogether  dissatisfied  with  his  way  of  managing 
affairs."  His  sons  were  not  considered  when  a  successor  was 
chosen."*  Dugald  MacRanald  of  Island  Tirrim  was  killed 
by  his  own  men  because  "  he  made  himself  obnoxious,  and  his 
fo>ur  sons  were  declared  ineligible  for  the  succession  to  the 
chief  ship  of  Canranald,"f  It  is  clear  that  the  lot  of  a  High- 
land clansman  was  very  different  from  that  of  the  retainer 
of  one  of  the  Lowland  "  Families  "  of  the  same  period.  The 
former  was  a  free  member  of  an  independent  social  organisa- 
tion, while  the  latter  lived  in  practical  serfdom.  The  former 
had  a  share  in  the  recognition  of  each  new  chief  (though  in 
practice  the  succession,  by  ancient  Celtic  law,  was  limited 
to  those  within  three  degrees  of  relationship  to  the 
last  chief),  while  the  latter  was  bound  to  feudal 
service  under  a  legally  appointed  superior.  It  is  true 
that  the  powers  of  a  chief,  when  installed,  were  very  far- 
reaching,  but  anything  like  tyranny  wa®  sure  to  end  in 
disaster  to  the  tyrant.  Ins  most  clans  there  was  a  council, 
composed  of  experienced  men),  who>  advised  the  chief  on.  ques- 
tions of  importance. 

When  on  active  service,  the  men  of  a  clan,  if  too  numer- 
ous to  act  as  one  body,  were  divided  into  two  or  more  regi- 
ments. Each  regiment  was  composed  of  various  companies, 
each  representing  a  certain  district,  and  commanded,  as  a 
rule,  by  the  chieftain)  of  the  cadet  branch  of  the  clan  who 
administered  the  district  in  question.  These  cadet  families 
enjoyed  a  considerable  amount  of  independence.  Thus  the 
Aberach  branch  of  the  Clan  Mackay  was  latterlv  in  many 
ways  ai  separate  organisation  from  the  branch  which  followed 
the  chief  of  the  senior  Mackay  family,  though  they  usually 

*  Dr  MacBain   (Trans,  of  Gaelic  Socy.  of  Invss.,  Vol.   xvi.). 
t  Book  of  Clan  Donald,  Vol.  iii.,  p.  175. 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands 


71 


took  their  place  in  the  clan's  councils  and  forces  when  great 
issues  were  at  stake. 

Prior  to  the  introduction  of  fire-arms — about  the  close  of 
the  sixteenth  century — the  Highlanders  used  the  bow  with 
very  considerable  skill,  but  their  main  confidence  was  founded 
on  the  use'  of  the  axe  (as  at  Bannockburn) ,  and  later  of  the 
sword — a  broad-bladed  cutting  weapon,  sometimes  made  for 
use  with  both  hands. 

Wyntour  wrote  in  his  "  Chronicle,"  about  1400,  an 
account  of  the  famous  combat  on  the  North  Inch  at  Perth,  in 
which  he  says  :  — 

"  At  Sanct  Johnstone  beside  the  Freris 
All  thai  entrit  in'  Barrens 
With  Bow  and  Ax,  Knyf  and  Swerd, 
To  deil  amang  thaim  thar  last  werd." 

John  Major  (1512)  says  the  clansmen  "  use  a  bow  and  quiver, 
and  a  halbert  (a  combination  of  spear  and  battle-axe)  well 
sharpened,  ,as  they  possess  good  veins  of  native  iron.  They 
carry  large  daggers  placed  under  the  belt."  An  Act  of  the 
Scottish  Parliament,  passed  in  1574,  dealing  with  weapon- 
shows,  prescribed  different  war  gear  for  Highlanders  as  com- 
pared with  Lo'wlanders.  The  former  were  expected  to  have 
"  ihabirschonis"  (short  sleeveless  coats  of  mail),  "steilbonettis" 
(steel  caps),  "  swerdis"  (swords),  "  bo>wis  and  dorlochis  (bows 
and  quivers),  or  ''culveringis''  (a  long  slender  piece  of  hand 
artillery).  It  must  not  be  assumed,  however,  that  the  ordinary 
warriors  in  a  clan  array  were  so  well  equipped.  In  addition  to 
the  sword  or  battle-axe  on  which  they  mainly  relied,  they  usually 
carried  a  dirk  or  a  smaller  battle-axe  on  their  right  thighs. 
The  Lochaber  axe  (a  kind  of  pike)  was  not  in  general  use 
throughout  the  Highlands,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain.  The 
shield  was  commonly  used.  It  was  made  of  bronze  or  leather- 
covered  wood,  and  it  was  carried  on  the  left  arm,  being  some- 
times provided  with  an  arm-strap  as  well  as  a  handle.  Great 
skill  was  displayed  in  the  use  of  the  shield.  The  combatant's 
most  valuable  characteristic  was  coolness  in  action,  so  that  he 
might  defend  himself  with  his  shield  and  await  the  opening 
in  his  opponent's  defence  which  gave  an  opportunity  for  a 
coup-de- grace  with  the  claymore.  A  blustering  horse-soldier 
in  the  army  of  Montrose  once  offered  to  fight,  with  sword 
alone,  any  Highlander  who>  would  face  him  with  sword  and 
shield.  A  clansman  (afterwards  known  as  "  Ranald  of  the 


72  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Shield")  at  o-nce  accepted  the  challenge,  but  came  forward 
with  a.  dirk  only,  so  confident  was  he  in  his  prowess  with  his 
shield.  The  fate  of  the  challenger  is  not  recorded,  but  the 
wielder  of  the  dirk  came  safely  out  of  the  fight,  and  lived  to 
enjoy  the  new  name  which  his  self-confidence  and  skill  had 
so  well  earned  for  him.  The  use  of  coats  of  mail  was  common 
among  the  chiefs  and  company  officers,  and  occasionally 
among  the  men  also.  Pitscottie  tolls  us  that  in  1460  i.he 
forces  of  James  II.  were  joined  by  the  Earl  of  Ross  with 
"  ane  great  army  of  men,  all  armed  in  the  Highland  fashion, 
with  halbershownes  (short  sleeveless  coats  of  mail) ,  bowes  and 
axes."  The  Highlanders  were  slow  in  adopting  fire-arms  as 
part  of  their  equipment.  This  was  partly  due,  no  doubt,  to 
difficulties  o>f  supply,  but  was  due  also  to  the  peculiarity  of 
the  Highland  method  of  attack.  The  clansmen  advanced 
towards  an  enemy  at  a  fast  walking-pace,  released  a  flight  of 
arrows,  threw  away  their  bows,  and  then  began  a  fierce  rush 
to  close  quarters  with  swords  or  axes.  If  the  charge  did  not 
settle  the  matter  (as  it  did  at  Glenfruin),  a.  general  melee 
took  place  (as  at  The  Park,  Blar-na-leine,  and  Mulroy),  and 
the  issue  was  seldom  long  in  doubt.  In  warfare  of  this  kind 
a  musiket  did  not  offer  any  very  distinct  advantage  as  com- 
pared with  the  bow.  A  musket  was  a  heavy  weapon,  with  a 
short  range,  and  was  cumbersome  to>  reload.  A  bow  and  arrows 
were  of  negligible  weight  on  the  march,  were  of  no  great 
value,  and  could  be  replaced  very  easily.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  even  in  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  it  wae 
suggested  that  one  of  the  Scottish  regiments  should  carry  the 
bow  instead  of  the  musket.  In  various  historic  encounters 
Highlanders  armed  with  the  ancient  weapons  of  the  Gael 
overcame  regular  soldiers  equipped  with  fire-arms  and 
bayonet®.  When  the  fight  was  going  on,  the  chiefs  and  other 
leaders  took  their  risks  as  freely  as  their  men.  One  of  the 
reasons  for  the  contempt  and  hatred  which  Highlanders 
lavished  on  "  the  Butcher  " — Cumberland — was  probably  his 
distant  location  during  the  fight  at  Culloden. 

What,  one  may  well  ask.  was  the  size  of  a  clan  array  on 
the  field  of  battle?  In  accounts  of  clan  battles  we  seldom 
get  any  reliable  estimate  of  the  numbers  engaged,  but  the 
number  of  old  castles,  and  the  other  signs,  show  that  in  the 
old  days  the  Highland  population  was  large.  * 

In  J.  A.  Robertson's  '  Concise  Historical  Proofs"  one  finds 
some  interesting  figures,  quoted  from  various  sources.  The 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  7 a 

strength  of  the  clans  which  could  have  been  raised  for  the  Jr  co- 
bite  cause  in  1704  is  stated  thus :  — MacDonalds  1800,  Macph-ar- 
sons  700,  Mackenzies  of  Seaforth  1200,  MacLeods  700,  Frasers 
1000,  Roses  of  Kilravock  500,  Rosses  of  Balnagowii  300, 
Grants  of  Balindalich  300,  Stewarts  of  Appin  200,  Farquhar- 
sons  700,  Chisholms200,  and  so  forth;  total,  10,700.  General 
Wade's  statement  of  the  Highland  forces  who>  were  out  for 
,the  Pretender  in  1715  was  as  follows: — Seaforth  clans  3000, 
Macdonalds  of  Sleat  1000;  Glengarry  800,  Moidart  800,  Kep- 
poch  220,  Camerons  800,  MacLeods  1000,  Gordons  1000,  Stew- 
arts of  Appin  400,  Robertsons  of  Struan  400,  Mackintoshes  and 
Farquharsons  800,  &c. — in  all,  14,140  men.  The  Campbells, 
Frasers,  Grants,  &c.,  "  believed  to  be  well  affected  to  the 
Government,"  totalled  8000 — making  22,140  in  all.  These 
figures  jwere  mere  estimates,  of  course,  and  need  not  be  taken 
as  representing  the  total  possible  man-power  of  the  Highland 
counties. 

The  official  estimate  (usually  credited  to  Lord  President 
Forbes)  of  the  number  of  men  whoi  could  be  brought  out  by 
Highland  chiefs  at  the  time  of  Prince  Charles'  Xising  is 
interesting  in  this  connection.  The  total  number  of  n\n  was 
given  at  31,930,  including  800  Mackintoshes,  400 
pheraons,  500  MacLeans,  200  MiacLachlans,  600 
700  Macgregors  (surely  an  over-estimate),  3000  Athol  clan\ 
men,  1300  Grants,  900  Frasers,  200  Chisholms,  2500  Mao> 
kenzies,  800  Mackays,  2330  MacDonalds1,  800  Camerons,  and 
700  MacLeods.  The  "  Stuart  papers"  state  that  about 
12,000  properly  armed  Highlanders  actually  took  the  field 
for  Prince  Charles,  and  that  those  on  the  Hanoverian  side  were 
nearly  equal  in  number.  It  seems  clear  that  from  the  earliest 
times  until  the  Highlands  became  the  prey  of  land  exploiters 
who*  were'  permitted  to  regard  money-making  a&  the  chief  end 
of  man,  the  Northern  Counties  were  inhabited  by  a  large 
population  who  found  a  sufficient,  though  not  a  luxurious, 
living  in  regions  which  aire  now  to  a  great  extent  desolate'. 

The  physical  endurance  of  the  clan  warriors  was  remark- 
able. Montrose's'  men,  though  ill-supplied  with  food, 
marched  nearly  40  miles  through  by-paths  among  the  snow* 
laden  mountains  on'  the  night  prior  to  their  victory  at  Inver- 
lochy,  and  made  a  continuous  march  of  90  miles  in  their 
retreat  from  the  city  of  Dundee.  Parts  of  the  retreat  of 
Prince  Charles  from  Derby,  pursued  by  several  armies  and  by 
cavalry,  provided  a  test  of  stamina  which  few  armies  could 


74  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

successfully  sustain  to-day.  Highland  armies  marched  three 
Abreast. 

The  use  of  horses  for  military  purposes  was  practically 
unknown.  Each  clansman  carried  his  own  food,  or  found  it 
when  on  the  march,  The  purely  inter-clan  campaigns  were 
short.  A  feud— like  that  between  the  Macgregors  and  the 
Colquhouns,  or  between  the  MacLeans  and  the  MacDonalds 
of  Dunnyveg — might  go  on  for  years,  but  it  consisted  of  a 
series  of  short,  energetic  campaigns  of  a  few  days  duration. 
Consequently  the  Highland  soldiers  who  fought  under 
Montrose  and  Dundee  soon  grew  impatient  when  the  cam- 
paigns showed  signs  of  lasting  for  months.  They  were 
not  above  talking  an  unauthorised  departure  from  the  banner 
of  a  cause!  in  which  they  had  no  direct  or  immediate  concern, 
except  that  their  chiefs  had  persuaded  them  to  fight  for  it. 

Discipline  was  very  lax,  according  to  modern  standards.. 
What  held  the  men  together  in  their  tribal  expeditions  was 
their  "  claptfishness, "  as  we  now  call  it,  rather  than  a  hard 
and  fast  dominiationi.  Each  revered  his  chief  as  the  repre- 
sentatp-e  and  upholder  of  the  old  traditions,  and  as  the  man 
to  wK>fti  the  clan's  destiny  had  been  committed.  They  knew 
algir  that  he  was,  during  his  lifetime,  the  divider  of  the  clan 
Irnds.  When  they  found  themselves  serving  under  a  merely 
military  leader  they  chafed  at  all  restraints.  Montrose  and 
Dundee  were  able,  with  some  success,  to  realise  the  clansman's 
point  of  view.  They  adopted  the  methods  of  the  clan  leaders, 
and  ruled  their  Highland  retainers  through  the  men's  own 
clan  officers.  When  Colonel  Cannon,  after  Dundee's  death, 
thought  he  could  enforce  ordinary  military  discipline,  he  very 
speedily  learned  that  he  could  not  do  so.  Many  Highland 
companies  revolted  and  went  home:  they  were  not  prepared 
to  accept  orders  from  a  mere  Colonel. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  the  clan  warriors  to  the  people 
of  a  conquered  area?  They  certainly  believed  in  the  old 
war- ad  age,  "  The  spoils  to  the  victors."  When  the  Munros 
went  south  to  Strathardle,  about  1454,  to  avenge  an  insult  to 
the  Tutor  of  Foulis,  they  brought  north  with  them  £he  cattle 
of  their  conquered  enemies,  and  incidentally  had  to 'fight  a. 
battle  with  the  Mackintoshes  near  the  modern  village  of 
Clachnaharry,  as  the  result  of  disagreement  concerning  the 
"  road  collop  " — or  share  of  the  spoil — which  the  latter  clan 
should  get  for  permitting  the  captured  bestial  to  traverse 
their  country.  The  MacDonalds  of  Clanranald  raided  the 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  75 

oountry  of  the  Grants  during  the  quarrel  that  culminated  at 
JBlar-na-leine  in  1544.  The  Mac-Donalds  made  a  clean  sweep 
in  the  lands  of  Urquhart  of  Cronnarty  prior  to*  the  Battle  of 
The  Park  about  1489.  "  Coll  of  the  Cows"  was  the  well- 
justified  name  of  the  Keppoch  chief  who  carried  on  a  bitter 
feud  with  the  Mackintoshes  prior  to  Mulroy  in  1688.  The 
names  of  other  raids  and  raiders,  will  <occur  to  any  student  of 
Highland  history.  It  does  not  necessarily  follow,  however, 
tnat  the  clansmen  were  fonder  of  other  people's  cattle  than 
were  th©  men  of  armies  generally,  or  that  cattle-lifting  was 
one  of  their  chief  sources  of  livelihood,  as  certain  conscious 
and  unconscious  romancers1  would  have  us  believe.  Prob- 
ably the  rounding  up  of  cattle  belonging  to  hostile 
clans  was  considered  a  very  reasonable,  and  even  commend- 
able, employment,  just  a®  privateering  was  deemed  a  fair 
enough  profession  when  directed  against  Spain  and  France 
not  so  very  long  ago.  Doubtless  the  Highlands  produced 
outlaws  and  robbers  in  as  natural  a  manner  as  did  other 
regions,  but  there  is  no  authority  for  the  view  that  any  of  the 
well-known  clans  subsisted,  even  to  a  limited  extent,  on 
organised  pillage  in  time  of  peace.  Many  of  the  Macgregors 
may  have  taken  to  criminal  methods  when  they  were  denied 
•the  ordinary  rights  of  citizenship  after  Glenfruin,  but  one 
cannot  regard  their  position  as  normal.  The  Lowland  con- 
ception of  Highland  character  was1  based  largely  on  the  con- 
duct of  the  Highlanders  who  were  exploited  by  ambitious 
southern  leaders  like  Montrose,  Dundee,  and  Prince  Charles, 
and  who  had  the  lax  regard  for1  the  rights  of  property  which 
prevails  in  some  invading  armies,  even  in  our  own  time. 

When  we  come  to  consider  the  conduct  of  clan  armies 
towards  the  lives  and  liberties  of  non-combatants,  we  find, 
on  the  whole,  that  they  did  not  practice  a  policy  of  "  fright- 
fulness."  In  some  cases  we  have  records  of  crime  which  can- 
not be  condoned  even  on  military  grounds.  The  smothering  of 
men,  women,  and  children  in  the  cave>  of  Eigg  towards  the 
end  of  the  16th  century  was  an  outrage  which  cannot  be 
forgiven.  There  are  at  least  three  traditions  concerning 
church -burnings,  when  congregations  are  said  to  have  been 
burned  to  death  or  massacred  by  suddenly-arriving  enemies. 
If  these  traditions  are  based  on  fact,  the  perpetrators  must 
be  regarded  as  murderers1,  not  warriors.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  whether  such  events  took  place,  but  if  a  judicial  attitude 
is  to  be  maintained  in  dealing  with  Highland  history,  as  I 


76  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

hope  it  will  be  maintained,,  one  is  bound  to  refer  to  the  exist- 
ence of  these  traditions .  Let  us  bear  in  mind,  however,  that 
the  traditional  basis  of  the  best  known  of  them — the  alleged 
church-burning  at  Kilchrist  or  Cillecriosd  (near  Beauly)-- 
has  been  to>  .a  large  extent  destroyed  by  the  researches  of  Mr 
Kenneth  MacDonald  (Trs.  of  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness, 
Vol.  xv.).  Let  us  also  remember  that  brutal  atrocities  wera 
perpetrated  by  most  armies  in  those  days,  and  that  even  the 
wars  of  the  Covenanters  were  disgraced  by  unnecessary  and 
wholesale  massacres  of  non-combatants  and  surrendered 
troops.  Nor  should  we  forget  that  the  man  who<  killed  some 
non-combatant  onlookers  after  the  battle  of  Glenfruin  was* 
so  execrated  by  his  Macgregor  clansmen  that  ever  after  he 
was  treated  as  a  pariah — (see  Sir  Wm.  Fraser's  "  Chiefs,  of 
Colquhoun,"  pp.  198-9).  As  regards  outrages  upon  women, 
I  rejoice  to  say  that  I  know  of  no  single  instance  of  that  typo 
of  crime  in  the  war  annals  of  the  North.  Nor  do  I  know  of 
any  record  of  maiming  or  ill-using  a  child.  Thecre  may  have 
been  criminals  in  Highland  armies,  but  I  assert,  without  fear 
of  question,  that  the  general  ideas  of  chilvalry  which  prevailed 
among  fighting  clansmen  were  at  least  as  high  as  those  h$ld 
in  contemporary  armies  in  Britain  or  the  Continent.  If  any 
one  should  think  of  reminding  me  of  the  treachery  associated 
with  the  massacres  at  Duiiaverty  and  G-lencoe,  I  disclaim  these 
events  as  not-  having  occurred  in  clan  wars,  and  as  strength- 
ening, by  contrast,  the  claims  I  make  concerning  the  soldierly 
qualities  of  Highland  warriors  among  the  clans. 

It  is  on  record  that  the  Irvines  of  Drum  and  the  Mac- 
Leans  of  Duart  were  wont  to*  exchange  courtesies  from  time 
to  time  during  the  fifteenth  century.  Why  did  they  do  so? 
The  reason  was  that  the  heads  of  these,  families  met  in.  per- 
sonal combat  at  the  Battle  of  Harlaw  in  1411,  and  fought  so 
desperately  that  each  killed  the  other.  Among  barbarians 
this  might  have  caused  a  blood-feud,  but  the  families  of  the 
two  men  only  saw  reason  for  honouring  the  memory  of  the 
two  victims,  and  for  generations  their  sucoessoTS  in  the  chief- 
ship  met  on  the  anniversary  of  the  fight  and  exchanged  swords 
in  token  of  their  strangely-found  friendship.  We  read  that 
the  Chief  of  the  MacDonalds  of  Moidart  interceded  for  the 
life  of  MacLean  of  Ardgour,  when  taken  captive  at  the  naval 
fight  in  The  Bloody  Bay  near  Tbbermory,  and  put  forward 
the  strange  but  chivalrous  plea  that  if  Ardgour  were 
dead  "  there  would  be  no  one  left  to  bicker  with,"  thus 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  11 

showing  that  he  would  have  appreciated  the  behest  of  a  poet 
of  our  own  day  (Sir  Henry  Newbolt) — 

'  To  honour,  while  you  strike  him  down, 
The  foe  that  comes  with  fearless  eyes." 

On  one  occasion  one  of  the  Lamonts  killed  a  son  of  a  Mac- 
gregor  chief  in  a  wayside  quarrel.  The  wrongdoer  was  pur- 
sued by  some  Macgregors,  and,  when  nearly  caught,  sought 
help  from  an  old  gentleman,  and  received  a  promise  of 
sanctuary.  Soon  it  was  ascertained  that  this  benefactor  was 
the  father  of  the  dead  lad.  But  he  had  given  his  word,  and 
he  kept  it,  according  to  the  honourable  tradition  of  the  North. 
Next  day  he  conducted  his  guest  to  the  borders  of  his  domain 
and  informed  him  that  he  could  go  in  safety,  but  that  for 
the  future  his  life  must  be  protected  by  his  own  sword  alone. 
In  later  days  the  Lamonts  more  than  repaid  the  debt  of 
gratitude  they  owed  to  the  Maogregor  chief.  (See  "  Statis- 
tical Account,"  1845:  Parish  of  Dunoon).  Were  these  the 
methods  of  a  barbarous  race  ?  In  'Highland  story  there  are 
few  more  bitter  pages  than  those  that  record  the  events  of 
the  feud  between  the  MacLeans  of  Duatrt  and  the  Mac- 
Donalds  of  lalay ;  yet  when  the  latter  clan  was  beset  by  the 
Campbells,  the  MacLeansi  came  to  the  rescue.  When  the 
army  of  Prince  Charles  was  passing  near  the  Lothian  resi- 
dence of  the  Earl  of  Stair,  the  Prince  became  apprehensive 
lest  the  MacDonalds  of  Glencoe  who  were  in  hie>  army  might 
wreak  upon  the  person  or  property  of  the  family  of  Stair  a 
belated  vengeance  for  the  Glencoe  massacre  of  1692.  The 
Glencoe  men  became  aware  of  the  Prince's  fears,  and  were 
so  enraged  that  he  should  think  them  capable  of  such  conduct 
that  only  special  appeals  and  apologies  prevented  their  imme- 
diate repudiation  of  the  Jacobite  cause.  From  an  unex- 
pected quarter  we  find  a  high  compliment  to  the  Gaelsi :  ' '  The 
Highlanders,  whom  more  savage  nations  called  savage,  carried 
in  the  outward  expression  of  their  manners  the  politeness  of 
Courts,  without  their  vice®,  and,  in  their  bosoms,  the  high 
points  of  honour  without  its  follies  "  (Dalrymple's  Memoirs). 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Kings  and  Courtiers  of  Edinburgh 
were  about  the  last  persons  to  whom  Highlanders1  would  have 
gone  for  instruction  in  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  Noblesse 
oblige.  In  1427  James  I.  summoned  the  Highland  chiefs  to 
Inverness,  where  he  was  holding  a  Parliament.  They  obeved 
the  summons  in  good  faith,  but  many  of  them  were  arrested 


78  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

on  arrival.  Two  were  beheaded  .and  the  resit  were  imprisoned. 
In  1540  King  James  V.  performed  a  similar  feat,  inviting 
many  chiefs  (including  the  chief  of  my  own  clan)  to  go  to  the 
fleet  in  which  he  was  visiting  the*  Western  Isles,  and  then 
clapping  them  under  hatches  until  they  giaive  hostages  for 
future  subservience,  or  chose  to>  languish  in  southern  jails. 
The  men  of  the  North  did  not  readily  forget  these  events  and 
others  of  .a  similar  character,  though'  not  attempted  on  so 
largo  a  scalei.  These  facts  should  not  be  forgotten  when 
ignorant  people  represent  our  ancestors  <as  a  lawless  race. 
They  had,  too  often,  the  best  of  reasons  for  regarding  the 
law  ,as  iai  mere  instrument  of  tyranny.  One  of  the  chief 
causes  of  dispeace  in  the  North  was  the  Government's 
attempts1  to  (enforce  the  feudal  systemi,  which  int  so  many  districts 
was  regarded  as  an  alien  and  hateful  regime.  Thus  a  line,  of 
conduct  which  was  patriotic  in  the  glens  looked  rebellious  and 
lawless  in  the  capital.  Seen  in  hiis  own.  home  country,  the 
clansman  was  usually  a  more  impressive  figure  than  when 
described  in  the  literature  of  Edinburgh.  In  1688  William 
Sachaverell,  Governor  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  who  presumably 
was  a  man  of  affairs,  visited  Mull  on  one  of  the  many 
treasure-hunts  for  the  Armada  ship  "  Florida."  In  1702  he 
published  an  account  of  his  experiences .  "  During  my  stay," 
he  says,  "  I  generally  observed  the  men  to  be  large-bodied, 
stout,  subtle,  .active,  patient  of  cold  and  hunger.  There 
appeared  in  all  their  actions  a  certain  generous  air  of  free- 
dom, and  contempt  of  those  trifles,  luxury  and  ambition, 
which  we  so  servilely  creep*  .after.  They  bound  their  appe- 
tites by  their  necessities,  and  their  happiness  consists,  not  in 
having  much,  but  in  coveting  little.  The  women-  seem  to 
have  the  same  sentiments  with  the  men  ;  though  their  habits 
(dresses)  were  mean,  and  they  had  not  our  sort  of  breeding, 
yet  in  many  of  them  there  was  a  natural  beauty  and  a  grace- 
ful modesty  which  never  fails  of  attracting.  .  .  .  Perhaps  no 
nation  goes  better  armed,  and  I  assure  you  they  will  handle 
them  with  bravery  and  dexterity,  especially  the  sword  and 
target,  as  our  veterane  regiments  found  to  their  cost  at  Gille- 
crankie." 

These  observations  deal  with  the  last  days  of  the  clan 
period,  but  I  believe'  that  in  the  main  they  are  not  inappli- 
cable to  the  whole  of  it.  Yet  the  clans  had  their  wars,  in 
which  blood  was  freely  spilt.  How  did  these  wars  originate  ? 
Let  me  give  a  few  facts,  and  then  proceed  to  draw  som» 


Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands  79 

reasonable  inference®.  The  famous  fight  at  The  Park,  near 
Strathpeffer,  about  1489,  aroso  out  of  the  circumstances  fol- 
lowing the  forfeiture  of  the  Earldom  of  Ross  in  1476,  and  is 
said  by  one  .account  to  have  had  its  immediate  cause  in  a 
gross  insult  by  the  Mackenzies  to  a  MacDonald  lady  who 
had  married  a*  Mackenzie .  Thei  MacLean-Cameron  feud 
at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  had  its  origin  in  an  earlier 
grant  to  the  MacLeans  of  Coll  by  Alexander,  Lord  of  the 
Isles,  of  certain  Cameron  lands  (Hugh  MacDonald 's  MS.,  and 
"  History  of  the  Gamer ons  ").  The  MacDonalds  of  Sleat 
had  a  bitter  feud  with  the  MacLeods  of  Harris  in  the*  16th 
century  and  in  the  first  years  of  the  17th,  arising  out  of  the 
disputed  possession  of  the  lands,  of  Trouterness  (Trotternish), 
of  which  the  former  claimed  immemorial  possession,  but  to 
which  the  MacLeods  procured  a  Charter  under  the  Great  Seal 
in  1498  (Reg.  of  Great  Seal,  xiii.,  305).  The  battle  of  Blar- 
na-leine,  between  the  MacDonalds  of  Clan  Ranald  and  the 
Frasere,  Grants,  &c.,  had  its  origin  in  the  kidnapping  of  the 
Clan-  Ranald  Chief  by  King  James  V.  in  1540.  The  Frasers 
supported  a  man  whom  the  MacDonalds  regarded  as  a  usurp- 
ing chief,  and  when  the  real  one  (John  Moidartach)  returned, 
a  series  of  campaigns  resulted,  culminating  in  the  bloody  con- 
flict at  Blar-na-leine  (Kinlochlochy)  in  1544  (Gordon's 
"Family  of  Sutherland^,"  p.  109;  MS.  "History  of  the 
Frasers  "  in  Advocates'  Library,  &c.).  The  civil  war  among 
the  MiacLeans  in  1561,  with  its  aftermath  in  1596,  arose  from 
the  claim  of  the  MacLeans  of  Coll  to  independence  as  regards 
their  former  allegiance  to  MacLean  of  Duart,  in  respect  that 
Coll  now  held  his  lands  direct  from  the  Crown  under  a 
feudal  title.  The  long  and  bloody  feud  between  the  Mac- 
Donalds  of  Islay  and  the  MacLeans  of  Duart  originated  in 
rival  claims  to  the  Rhinns  of  Islay,  founded  on  disputed 
feudal  claims.  The  Stewart-Oaanpbell  feud — which  lasted  in 
one  foon  or  another  for  200  years — originated  in  the  murder 
of  Campbell  of  Oalder,  as  the  result  of  a  political  conspiracy 
in  which  John  Stewart  of  Appin  and  other  Highland  chiefs 
were  implicated.  The  bitter  quarrel  between  the  Colquhouns 
and  Clan  G-regor,  which  preceded  the  latter 'si  victory  at 
Grlenfruin,  near  Loch  Lomondside,  in  1603,  is  said  to  have 
had  its  origin  in  reprisals  by  the  Macgre^ors  for  the  hanging 
by  the  Colquhouns  of  two>  Macgregors  who,  through  hunger-, 
became  sheep-stealers  nearly  a  hundred  years  before  that 
date.  The  dispute  between  the  MacDonalds  of  Glengarry 


SO  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

and  the  Mackenzies  of  Kintail,  which  lasted  into  the  17th 
century,  was  a  territorial  one,  connected  with  the  disputed 
ownership  of  certain  lands  in  Wester  Ross.  The  alleged 
Church -burning  at  Cillecriosd,  if  it  did  take  place,  was  an 
episode  of  this  contest.  The  Mackintoshes  and  Macdonaids 
of  Keppoch  were  at  einmity,  and  on  various  occasions  at  war, 
in  connection  with  the  disputed  ownership  of  certain  lands  in 
Lochaber  which  had  always  been  inhabited  by  Keppoch  ;e 
men,  but  to  which  the  Mackintoshes  had  feudal  title-deeds. 
As  recently  as  the  year  1688  this  quarrel  was  fought  out  in  the 
battle  at  Mulroy,  when  Coll  of  the.  Cows  defeated  the  Mac- 
kintoshes— and  fought  the  last  of  all  clan  battles. 

Such  were  the  causes  of  some  of  the  chief  clan  wars  on 
record.  I  have  taken  these  instances  at  random.  To  what 
conclusion  do  these  records  lead  us?  Can  anyone  seriously 
suggest  that  these  wars  were  less  justifiable,  or  less  explicable, 
according  to  the  ordinary  standards  of  human  conduct,  than, 
let  us  say,  the  various  wars  waged  by  Great  Britain  in  the 
nineteenth  century  ?  No  doubt  wiser  men  tnan  our  High- 
land ancestors  could  have  settled  all  these  quarrels  without 
hacking  each  other  with  claymores.  But  can  admirers  of 
modern  forms  of  Imperialism  and  militarism  afford  to  point  the 
finger  of  scorn  at  the  warring  Gaels,  and  call  them  barbarians? 
On  the  contrary,  the  clans,  who  at  times  hated  each  other  as 
heartily,  .as  blindly,  and  as  "  patriotically  "  as  the  nations 
of  Europe  have  been  accustomed  to  do,  have  been  much  more 
expeditious  than  the  great  nations  in  substituting  legal  and 
social  arbitraments  for  those  of  the  sword.  It  is  interesting 
to  observe  how  frequently  the  cause  of  clan  quarrels  is  found 
in  the  fact  that  an  area  which  belonged  -to  one  clan  by  racial 
possession  had  become  the  feudal  property  of  another  by  mere 
legal  convention.  In  this  respect,  and  in  many  respects,  the 
history  of  the  Highland  clans  might  form  a.  very  important 
branch  of  study  for  those  who  some  day  will  have  to  settle 
the  problems  raised  by  the  present  European  War.  The 
lesson  of  clan  history,  and  also  of  European  history,  is  shortly 
this — 'that  every  social  unit  which  does  not  own  its  own  soil, 
and  choose  its  own  destiny,  is,  and  must  always  be,  a  con- 
tinuing source  of  danger  to  the  general  peace. 

Such  is  a  brief  survey  of  the  clan  period  in  the  Highlands 
— a  period  of  which,  with  all  its  tragedies,  we  have  no  reason 
to  feel  ashamed. 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels       81 


20th  DECEMBER,  1916. 

On  this  date  a  further  contribution  of  his  papers,  entitled 
"'  Gaelic  and  English  Words  for  Old  Marches,  Strathspeys, 
and  Reels,"  wias  read,  by  Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh,  Inverness. 

GAELIC  AND  ENGLISH  WORDS  FOR  OLD 
HIGHLAND  MARCHES,  STRATHSPEYS  AND  REELS. 

This  isi  my  third  paper  to  the  Inverness  Gaelic  Society  on 
this  subject,  and  I  have  dealt  with  about  forty  old  Highland 
melodies,  and  a.  great  number  of  verses,  which  seem  to  me 
worth  preserving.  In  many  cases  I  have  given  the  history 
of  the  tunes,  so  far  as  that  can  now  be  known,  and  only  in 
one  or  two  instances  have  I  re-introduced  a  melody. 

These  verses  possess  little  or  no  poetic  value',  but  they 
have  compensating  qualities.  Though  fragmentary,  they 
fteem,  more  than  any  class  of  Gaelic  literature,  to  carry  with 
them  a  breath  of  the  atmosphere  of  olden  times,  and  give  us 
vivid  glimpses  of  customs  and  habits  Ions;  since  forgotten. 
They  deal  chiefly  with  simple  social  incidents,  mainly  humor- 
ous, which  writers  of  old  Highland  history  might  excusably 
regard  as  outside  their  domain. 

I  have  rejected  verses  which  seemed  to  me  to  possess  no 
interest  or  value,  such  as  meaningless  words  and  phrases  which 
doubtless.  ;served  their  primary  purpose,  but  had  no  other 
value  in  their  own  day,  and  have  none  in  ours. 

The  melodies  are  all  simple,  and  may  be  played  by  any 
amateur  on  fiddle,  piano,  or  bagpipe:  — 

"  C" arson  a  bhiodh  sinn  muladach, 
'S  c' arson  a  bhiodh  sinn  broiiach?" 

I  have  not  been  able  to  collect  much  reliable  information 
regarding  this  fine  old  pipe  march.  I  have  tried,  without 
success,  in  many  quarters  to  get  the  old  name,  for  the  follow- 
ing verse  suggest®  that  it  had  a  name  older  than  any  known 
to  me:  — 


82  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

1 '  Aig  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  chaidil  mi, 
Aig  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  bhi  mi ; 
Aig  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  chaidil  mi, 
'S  mo  leabaidh  anns  an  t-sithean." 

The  legend  associated  with  this  verae  i&  as  follows: — A  wife 
wae  captured  by  the  fairies  iand  carried  to>  their  home.  Some 
occasion  arose  which  enabled  her  to  escape,  and  she  made 
with  all  apeed  for  her  husband's  house.  Alas !  the  door  was 
barred,  and,  having  failed  to-  awaken  the  inmates)  in  time, 
she  took  refuge  in  the  cattle  fold,  but  this  did  not  afford  the 
protection  which  the  crossing  of  a  Christian's  threshold  would, 
and  she  was  recaptured  and  taken  back  to  the  fadriee' 
dwelling. 

The  tune  was  closely  associaited  with  the  Jacobites.  Dr 
Sinton  says  it  was  the  march  of  the  Badenoch  men  on  their 
way  to  join  Prince  Charlie.  It  is  known  in  some  places  *• 
"  Boyne  Water,"  and  its  playing  used  to  be  fiercely  resented 
by  Irifih  Ribbonmen\,  which  suggests  that  it  may  have  been 
the  march  of  the  Jacobites  at  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne,  which 
ended  so  disastrously  for  them,  and  it  is  the  air  to  which  the 
"Wee,  wee  German  Lairdie "  is  set.  There  are  several 
rather  good  Gaelic  verses  toi  it.  I  give  the  following :  — 

' '  C'iairson  a  bhiodh  sinn  muladach  ? 
C'arson  a  bhiodh  sinn  bronach? 
C 'arson  a  bhiodh  sinn  muladach, 
'S  gu'm  falbh  sinn  uile  comhla? 

"  'S  ioma  mathair  bhios  gun  mhac, 
Is  piuthair  bhios  gun  bhrathair, 
la  m-aighdean  bg  gun  leamnan  aic, 
Mai  lean  as  so  mar  tha  e. 

"  Tha  na  caileagan  fo  mhulad, 
Is  tha  iad  uile  bronach ; 
Bho  'n  's  ioima  saighdear1  boidheach  dearg 
Tha  'n  diugh  an  arm  High  Deorsa. 

"  Cha  'n  ith  mi  biadh  's  cha  'n  61  mi  deoch, 
Cha,  chluich  mi  port  's  cha  dhanns  mi ; 
Cha  'n  ith  mi  biadh  's  cha  'n  61  mi  deoch, 
Gu'n  ruig  mi  Port-na-Ban-Righ." 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels        83 

These  verses  are  tinged  with  despondency  bordering  on 
despair.  Numbers  two  and  three  are  specially  interesting, 
for  although  they  were  composed  nearly  two  hundred  years 
ago,  they  apply  with  much  greater  force  and  pathos  to  our 
day  than  to  their  own.  If  we  substitute  the  word  "  khaki  " 
for  "  red,"  the  composition  might  have  reference  to  the 
present  war  (1916).  At  the  sacrifice  of  the  pathos  and 
poetry,  they  may  be  rendered  thus: — 

Many  :a  mother  will  be  without  a  son, 
And  sister  without  a  brother, 
And  a  young  maiden  without  a  lover, 
If  the  present  state  of  things  continues. 

The  girls  are  sorrowful  and  said, 
And  very  melancholy ; 
For  many  a  bonnie  red-clad  soldier 
Is  now  in  King  George's  army. 

The  last  verse  looks  like  the  production  of  an  exiled  High- 
lander who  is  eager  to'  reach  the  Forth.  He  says  he  will 
neither  eat,  drink,  play  a  tune,  nor  dance,  till  he  reaches 
Queensferry. 


"THE  CAMPBELLS  AEE  COMING." 

The  history  of  this  pipe  march,,  like  most  old  Highland 
tunes,  is  unknown.  Stenhouse  says  of  the  song:—  '  In  the 
index  to  the  third  volume  of  the  '  Museum  '  this  song  is  said 
to'  have  been  composed  on  the  imprisonment  of  Queen  Mary 
in  the  Castle  of  Lochleven,  in  1567.  The  Earl  of  Argyle  was 
with  the  Queen's  party  at  the  battle  of  Langside,  in  1568, 
and  perhaps  the  tune  may  have  been  the  Campbells'  quick- 
march  for  twoi  centuries  past." 

Another  authority  says  "  the  great  Argyll  "  of  the  fol- 
lowing song  is  supposed  to  be  John  Campbell,  Duke  of 
Argyll,  Commander  of  the  Royal  Forces  in  Scotland  during 
the  Rebellion  of  1.715.  As  an  enlightened  statesman  and 
thoroughly  patriotic  Scotsman  he  was  universally  respected. 
The  well-known  martial  air  of  "  The  Campbells  are  coming  " 
is  very  old  :  — 


84  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

11  The  Campbells  are  coming,  O  ho,  O  ho, 
The  Campbells  are  coming,  O  ho,  O  ho; 
The  Campbells  are  coming  to  bonnie  Lochleven, 
The  Campbells  are  coming,  O  ho,  O  ho. 

"  Up  on  the  Lomonds  I  lay,  I  lay, 
Up  on  the  Lomondsi  I  lay,  I  lay ; 
I  looked  down  on  bonnie  Lochleven, 
And  I  saw  three  perches  play. 

'  The  great  Argyll  he  goes  before, 
He  makes  the  cannons  and  guns  to  roar ; 
Wi'  sound  01'  trumpet,  pipe,  and  drum, 
The  Campbells  are  coming,  O  ho,  O  ho<. 

' '  The  Campbells  they  are  ai'  in  arms., 
Their  loyal  faith  and  truth  to  show ; 
Wi'  banners  flying  in  the  wind, 
The  Campbells  are  coming,  O  ho,  O  ho. 

The  old  and  well-known  Gaelic  words  to  this  air  are 
descriptive  of  a  wedding  at  Inveraray.  A  disappointed 
guest  tells  how  he  fared,  and  gives  his  opinion  in  forcible 
language  of  the  event.  Although  an  invited  guest,  he  got 
no  dinner,  and  with  much  difficulty  obtained  any  supper. 
When  the  wedding  party  returned  to-  the  house  they  were 
surly  and  morose,  and  when  all  had  gathered  round  the  fire 
no  one  noticed  the  stranger  guest,  and,  he  adds,  it  wore 
bootless  to  wish  well  to  the  man  who>  was  to  pass  the  night 
with  these  people  :  — 

"  Bha  mi  air  banais  am  baile  lonbhair-aora, 
Blia  mi  air  banais  am  baile  lonbhair-aora; 
Bha  mi  air  banais  am  baile  lonbhair-aora, 
Banais  bu  mhiosa  bha  riamh  air  an  t-saoghal. 

"  Fhuair  mi  cuiraadh,  's  cha  d'  fhuair  mi  mot  dhinneir, 
Fhuair  mi  cuireadh,  's  cha  d'  fhuair  mi  mo'  dhinneir; 
Fhuair  mi  cuireadh,  's  cha  d'  fhuair  mi  mo  dhinneir, 
'S  cha  b'  'i  mo  shuipeir  a  b'  fhasa  dhomh'  fhaotainn. 

"  'Nuair   thainig    iad    dhachaidh    's   a   shuidh   sinn   mu'n 

teallach, 

CEa  chluinntei  guth  bruidhinn  ri  strainnsear ; 
Bha  iad  cho>  greannach  ri  craicionn  na  dalladg, 
'S  cha  toirinns'  mo  bheannachd  do  'n  fhear  a  bhiodh 

oidhch'  ann." 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels       85 

"  KENMUBE   IS   ON   AND   A  WAV 

There  are  several  good  Gaelic  verses  to  this  sprightly  old 
pipe  inarch,  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  never  hear  played 
now.  I  gave  some  of  these  verses  in  my  former  paper  to  this 
Society,  and  need  not  repeat  them  now;  but  I  got  recently 
from  Dr  William,  Mackay  another  verse  and  an  anecdote 
which  are  well  worth  preserving;  for  not  only  have  they 
somewhat  of  a-  local  interest,  but  they  give  us  a  glimpse  of  an 
interesting  stage  in  the  social  and  economic  evolution  of  the 
Highlands.  We  have  the  old  order  and  the  new  clashing. 

In  the  time  of  the  Chief  of  the  Grants  known  as  "  the 
good  Sir  James,"  who,  like  his  predecessors,  kept  a  piper  at 
Balmacaan,  Glen-Urquhart,  as  well  as  one  at  Castle  Grant, 
Strathspey,  the  factor,  a.  Macgregor,  and  the  piper,  a  Mac- 
donald),  at  Balmacaan,  quarrelled,  and  the  former  forbade 
the  latter  going  to  Balmacaan  House — "  an  Tigh  Mor." 
The  piper  disregarded  the  interdict,  and,  metaphorically, 
snapped  his  fingers  at  the  factor,  protesting  that  he  would  go 
to  the  big  house  in  defiance'  of  him,  and  adding  that  the  time 
was  coming  when  the  tables  would  be  turned,  and  the  piper 
would  be  shown  into  the  room  of  "  an  Tigh  Mor  "  and  the 
factor  led  into  the  kitchen :  — 

te  Ge  b'  oil  le  Mac  Griogair  theid  mise  'n  Tigh  Mhor, 
Ge  b'  oil  le  Mac  Griogair  theid  mise  'n  Tigh  Mhor; 
Ge  b'  oil  le  Mac  Griogair  bidh  mise  'gam  shireadh, 
'S  bidh  esa  'sa  chitsean,  's  bidh  mise  'san  rum." 

Macgregor  met  his  match  on  another  occasion,  and  in  an 
unexpected  quarter.  On  iai  rent  day  one  of  the  crofters 
pleaded  poverty,  saying  that  he  could  not  get  money  where- 
with to  pay  hie  rent.  The  factor  stormed  and  scolded,  and 
told  the  old  man  that  he  must  get  the  money.  The  crofter 
meekly  replied,  ll  Where  can  I  get  money,  Mr  Macgregor?" 
"  You  must  get  it,"  said  the  factor,  "  if  you  go  to  hell  for 
it."  The  crofter  departed,  and  next  rent  day  appeared  and 
paid  down  the  money  due,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the  factor, 
who  asked,  "  Where  did  £ou  get  the  money?"  "  I  got  it," 
replied  the  crofter,  "  where  you  told  me  to  go  for  it." 
"  And  what,"  queried  Macgregor,  "  did  the  devil  say  to 
you?"  "He  asked  me,"  replied  the  crofter,  "what  I 
wanted  the  money  for,  and  when  I  told  him  it  was  for  you, 
he  said,  '  If  it  is  for  my  friend,  Macgregor,  you'll  get  it  at 


86  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"JESSIE   SMITH." 

This  is  a  well-known  iaaid  popular  Strathspey,  but  I  have 
not  been  able  to  trace:  its  history.  It  is  not  in  the  list  of 
tunes  printed  before  1784.  It  is  a  favourite  with  some  pro- 
fessional dancers. 

I  may  remark  here,  what  perhaps  I  should  have  noticed 
before,  that  Strathspeys  ;and  reels. as  puirt  a  beul  are  sung  in 
their  simplest  foam- — possibly  in  their  original  form.  Elabor- 
ations and  variations,  such  as  are  found  in  most  old  tunes 
as  they  are  printed,  are  unsuitable  for  rapid  articulation. 

The  following  words  are  simple  and  pretty,  and  suggest 
the  atmosphere  of  the  sheiling.  The  writer  of  the  verses 
complains  that  he  is  unfairly  treated  in  the  matter  of  food, 
or,  rather,  drink.  A  black-haired  MOT  gets  cow's  milk  to 
drink,  while  he  gets  nothing  but  water,  and  bad,  peaty  water 
at  that:  — 

1  Bithidh  mis'  air  uisg'  an  lonain  duibh, 

Bithidh  mis-'  air  uisg'  an  Ic-nain ; 
•Bithidh  mis'  air  uisg'  an  lonain  duibh, 

Is  bainn'  a'  chruidh  aig  Mbraig. 

"  Bithidh  bainn'  a'  chruidh  aig  Mcraig  dhuibh, 
Bithidh  baiiin'  a'  chruidh  aig  Moraig ; 
Bithidh  bainn'  a'  chruidh  aig  Moraig  dhuibh, 
Is  mis'  air  uisg'  an  lonain." 

"  CAMERON   GOT   HIS   WIFE   AGAIN." 

This  is  a  popular  and  widely  known  Strathspey.  It  wa« 
first  published  about  the  year  1746,  but  as  nothing  is  said  in 
that  publication  about  its  history,  we  have  no  means  of 
tracing  it  further  back,  but  1  have  no  doubt  it  must  be  older. 
Although  the  time  is  the  same,  it  differs  widely  in  character 
and  composition  from  "  Jessie  Smith,"  and  it  does  not  lend 
itself  to  pathetic  or  sentimental  expression.  There  should 
be  some  good  and  clever  verses  for  it.  There  are  clever 
verses,  but  they  have  so  little  else  to  recommend  them  that 
we  ishall  pass  them  over. 

I  am  indebted  to  Mr  Alister  MacDonald  for  the  following 
verse,  or  rather  for  the  second  half  of  it,  for  the  first  couplet 
I  remembered  from  my  youth.  The  words  do  not  suggest 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels        87 

much.  They  merely  enumerate  the  descendants  of  an  old 
man  hailing  from  Braemar,  but  there  may  be  more  in  them 
than  appears  on  the  surface. 

In  the  not  very  distant  past,  when  communication  and 
intercourse  between  the  different  parts  of  Scotland  were 
limited,  the  inhabitants  of  some  districts  were  credited  with 
characteristics — mental,  physical,  or  social — which  earned  for 
them  a  reputation,  favourable:  or  otherwise,  outside  their  own 
borders,  and  this  reputation,  once  acquired,  passed  down  to 
tucceeding  generations. 

The  teirm  "  Bodaich  a  Braigh  Mharr  "  does  not  connote 
eeteeim  or  regard  for  this  patriarch  or  his  descendant*, 
Although  I  have  never  heard  iany  unfavourable  traite  of 
character  attributed  to  the  inhabitants  of  Braemar :  — 

"  A  mhic  a'  bhodaich  a  Braigh  Mharr, 
A  mhic  ia'  bhodaich  <a  Braigh  Mharr; 
A  mhic  a'  bhodaioh,  ogha  bhodaich, 
'S  iar  ogha  bhodaich  a  Braigh  Mharr." 

There  are  several  Scottish  songs  to  this  tune,  but  I  think 
"  Heather  Jock  "  suits  the  melody  best;  although  possessing 
little  or  no  poetic  merit,  it  is  exceedingly  clever.  "  Heather 
Jock  "  represents),  in  an1  exaggerated  form,  a  type  of  man 
not  uncommon  in  Scotland  a  generation  or  two  ago,  when 
policemen  in  rural  districts  were  fewer,  less  vigilant  and 
exacting  than  they  are  to-day.  And,  probably,  some  of  u» 
who  'are  country-bred,  and  can  look  back  over  two  or  three 
scores  of  years,  may  have  known,  or  known  about,  some  indi- 
vidual who  possessed  one  or  more  of  "  Heather  Jock'i  " 
natural  talents,  and  who  yet  with  cunning,  boldness,  and 
activity,  contrived  for  years  to  evade  the  arm  of  the  law :  — 

"  Heather  Jock  'a  noo  awa', 
Heather  Jock  'a  noo  awa' ; 
The  muircock  noo  may  crousely  craw 
Since  Heather  Jock  's  noo  awa'. 

"  Heaither  Jock  was  stark  and  grim, 
Fought  wi'  a'  wad  fecht  wi'  him; 
Swank  and  supple,  sharp  and  thin, 
Fine  for  gaun  against  the  win'. 


88  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"  Tawnie  face  .and  towsie  hair, 
In  his  cleadin'  unco  bare; 
Cursed  and  swore*  whene'er  he  spoke 
Nane  could  equal  Heather  Jock. 


Jock  kent  ilka  bore  and  bole, 
Could  creep  through  a  wee  bit  hole; 
Quietly  pilfer  eggs  and  cheese, 
Dunts  of  bacon,  skeps  o'  bees  ; 

Sup  the  kirn  and  steal  the  butter, 
Nail  the  hens  without  a  flutter; 
Na!  the  watchfu',  wily  cock 
Durstna  craw  for  Heather  Jock. 

Jock  was  nae  religious:  youth, 

For  at  the  priest  he  thrawed  his  mouth  ; 

He  wadna  say  a  grace  nor  pray, 

But  played  his  pipes  on  Sabbath  day. 

Rob't  the  kirk  o'  ban  and  book, 
Everything  would  lift  he  took ; 
He  didna  leave  the  weather-cock, 
Sic  a  thief  was  Heather  Jock. 

Nane  wi'  Jock  could  draw  a  trick er, 
'Mang  the  muirf  owl  he  was  sicker ; 
He  watched  the  wild  ducks  at  the  springs, 
And  hanged  the  hares  in  hempen  strings  ; 

Blaz'd  the  burns  and  spear 'd  the  fish, 
Jock  had  mony  a  dainty  dish, 
The  best  o'  muirfowl  and  black-cock 
Aye  graced  the  board  o'  Heather  Jock. 

Nane  wi'  Jock  had  ony  say 
At  the>  neive  or  cudgel  play ; 
Jock  for  bolt  nor  bar  e'er  staid 

Till  ance  the  jail  his  courage  laid. 

i 

Then  the  judge  without  delay 
Sent  him  aff  to  Botany  Bay, 
And  bade  him  mind  the  laws  he  broke, 
And  never  mair  play  Heather  Jock." 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels        89 

"CAKKICK'S   KANT." 

This  Strathspey  was  known  by  five  names — "  Carrick'* 
Reel/'  "  Glume's  Heel,"  "  Carriok's  Rant,"  "  Dinna  think, 
Bonnie  Laes,"  aJid  "  The  Smith's  a,  Gallant  Fireman."  It 
was  first  printed  about  1750,  and  I  have  not  been  able  to 
trace  it  further  back  than  that  date.  It  ie  said  to  have  got 
the  last  name  from  a  wandering  fiddler  who  obtained  warmth 
and  shelter  on  a  stormy  day  in  a  smithy  where  a  brawny 
blacksmith  was  hard  at  work.  The  fiddler  probably  knew  no 
name  for  the  tune  he  played. 

The  following  Gaelic  verses  suit  the  tune  very  well  as  it 
would  have  been  sung,  and  they  are  quite  in  the  spirit  of  it, 
and  have'  the  genuine  ring  of  the  simple  and  pretty  old  port 
a  beul.  A  man  is  announcing  his  approaching  marriage,  and 
naturally  dwells  on  the  charms  of  his  betrothed.  He  tells  us 
that  she  is  pretty  and  kindly;,  and  over  and  above  this,  she 
wears  buckle®  in  her  shoes :  — 

"  Tha  mi  dol  a  dheamamh  banais, 

Tha  mi  dol  a  phosadh; 
Tha  mi  dol  a  dheanamh  banais, 
Ris  a'  chailinn  bhbidhich. 

"  Ris  a'  chailinn  bhoidhich,  luraich, 

Ris  a'  chailinn  bhoidhich ; 
Ris  a'  chailinn  bhoidhich,  luraich, 
Buoaillean  'na  brcgan." 

"THE  EEJECTED  SUITOE  "— "  FEAE  NAN  CASAN  CAOLA." 

This  is  a  sprightly  pipe  reel,  and  the  words  are  good  and 
undoubtedly  very  old.  They  cleverly  pourtray  a- scene  which 
was  not  uncommon  a  century  or  two-  ago,  when  it  was  the 
custom  of  those  who>  could  afford  it  to  kill  a  fatted  cow  in  the 
autumn  for  the  winter  supply  of  meat.  The  killing  and 
dressing  of  the  cow  involved  a,  good  deal  of  labour,  as  all  the 
wholesome  and  edible  parts  received  careful  attention. 

The  slaughter  of  the  animal  was  usually  something  of  an 
event,  and  willing  hands  from  the  neighbourhood  attended 
and  assisted.  Not  the  least  important  of  the  purtenances  of 
the  cow  were  the  puddings,  black  and  white.  These  would 
be  cooked  on  the  occasion,  as  immediate  cooking  wae  necessary 
for  their  preservation,  and  they  would  be  available  for  ihe 
evening ' a  entertainment . 


90  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

The  words  suit  the  music  admirably.  We  are  told  that 
where  fiddlers  .are  girls  will  be,  and  where  black  puddings 
("  luban  dubh  ")  are  there  will  be  white  ones  ("  maragan"). 
The  house  now  gets  filled  with  fiddlers,  girls,  black  and  white 
puddings,  and  finally,  all,  including  the  puddings,  set  to 
dancing  in  earnest:  — 

•  "  Far  an  bi  na  fidhleireain 

'S  ann  a  bhios  na  caileagan, 
Far  am  bi  na  fidhleirean 
'  S  ann  ai  bhios  na,  caileagan ; 
Far  am  bi  na  fidhleirean 
'  S  ann  a  bhios  na  caileagan ; 
'S  far  am  bi  na  luban  dubha 
'S  ann  a  bhios  na  maragan. 

"  Lan  tighe  dh'  fhidhleirean, 
Lan  tighe  chailea.gan, 
Lan  tighe  dh'  fhidhleirean, 
Lan  tighe  chaileagan; 
Lan  tighe  dh7  fhidhleirean, 
Lan  tighe  chaileagan  ; 
Lan  tighe  luban  dubha, 
'S  Ian  tighe  mharagari. 

"  Dhanneiadh  na  fidhleirean, 
'S  dhannQadh  na  caileagan, 
DhannsaHh  na  fidhleirean, 
'S  dhannsadh  nai  caileagan; 
Dhannsadh  na  fidhleirean, 
'  S  dhannsadh  na  caileagan ; 
Dhannsadh  na  luban  dubha, 
'S  dhannsadh  na  maragan." 

"  LORD  MACDONALD'S  EEEL." 

The  following  words  are  pretty  good,  and  suit  the  tun« 
well.  "  Maighdeanan  a'  Choire  Dhuibh  "  are  the  still-pot* 
in  the  Black  C'orrie,  and  the  verses  express  the  wish,  and 
imply  the  longing,  of  some  involuntary  exile  to  be  again 
beside  them :  — 

"  Mhaighdeanani  a'  Choire  Dhuibh, 
Bu  mhaith  an  diugh  bhi  cuide  ribh ; 
Mhaighdeainan  a'  Choire  Dhuibh 
Bu  mhaith  an  diugh  bhi  laimh  ribh. 


.  Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels       91 

'  Bu  mhaith  an  diugh,  an  de  's  an  diugh, 
Bu  mhaith  an  diugh  bhi  cuidei  ribh ; 
Bu  mhaith  an  diugh,  an  de  's  an  diugh, 
Bu  mhaith  an  diugh  bhi  laimh  ribh." 

At  a  wedding  in  the  Braes  of  Kilmorack,  in  the  olden 
times,  the  company  found  it  impossible  to  dance  to  the  music 
provided,  for  the  fiddler1  had  neither  time  nor  tune,  and  they 
repaired  to  a  smuggling  bothy  in  the  neighbourhood  to  enjoy 
themselves!.  After  a  time  they  returned  to  the  barn,  where 
the  forlorn  fiddler  still  remained,  and  made  another  attempt 
at  dancing — this  time  with  complete  success ;  and  the  com- 
ment on  the  fiddler  passed  round  by  the  joyful  dancers  was, 
"  Nach  e  thog  air?" — "  Has  he  not  improved?" 

"  BEIG  O'  PEETH." 

We  have  two  interesting  and,  I  think,  suggestive  verses 
to  this  well-known  Strathspey.  The  bridge  itself  seems  to 
Jbave  aroused  much  interest.  To  people,  however  intelligent, 
unfamiliar  witlii  the  principle  of  the  arch  (and  the  first  stone 
bridge  of  Perth  was  built  in  1329),  a  stone  bridge  where  the 
greater  number  of  the  stones  appear  to  hang  in  mid-air  would 
be  regarded  as  a  risky  means  of  crossing  a  wide  and  deep 
river,  and  the  verses  seem  to  suggest  this  concern.  The  first 
tells  of  some  Finlay,  with  his  speckled  dog,  who  reeled  and 
danced  hither  and  thither  on  the  bridge  of  Perth.  An  obvi- 
ous inference,  that  Finlay  was  unduly  joyful,  is  not  sufficient 
to  explain  the  incident,  for  this  would  be  too  simple  an 
occurrence  to  be  commemorated  in  verse,  and  a  very  old  verse 
"at  that,  for  it  is  quoted  by  Mr  Forbes,  in  his  book  on  Gaelic 
names  of  animals,  to>  show  that  there  were  dancing  dogs  in 
olden  times.  In  view  of  the  second  verse,  which  makes  it 
plain  that  its  author  was  much  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of 
the  bridge^  of  Perth  collapsing,  it  looks  as  if  Finlay's  perform- 
ance wae  meant  either  to  show  his  own  bravery  and  contempt 
of  danger,  or  inspire  confidence  in  others  who  had  less  faith 
in  the  stability  of  the  bridge :  — 

"  Ruidhleadh  Fionnladh,    dhannsadh   Fionnladh, 
Ruidhleadh  Fionnladh  's  an  cu  breac  ; 
Ruidhleadh  Fionnladh,  dhannsadh  Fionnladh, 
Null  's  a  nail  air  Drochaid  Pheairt. 


92  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

' '  Ho  !  ma  thuiteas,  Hi !  ma  tbuiteas, 
Ho !  ma  thuiteas  Drochaid  Pheairt ; 
Ho !  ma  thuiteas,  Hi !  ma  thuiteas, 
Ho!  ma  thuiteas  bheir  i  glag." 

"  THE  WIND  THAT  SHAKES  THE  BAKLEY." 

This  is  an  old  and  very  popular  reel,  but  I  have  never 
been  able  to  trace  its  history  or  composer. 

The  purport  of  the  following  Gaelic  verse  is  not  quite 
clear,  but  it  looks  like  the  production,  of  a.  care-free  and 
appreciative  spectator  of  a  case  of  church  discipline  rigor- 
ously enforced.  He  tells  us  that  Malcolm  (presumably  the 
delinquent)  is  not  permitted  even  to  stir  from  his  seat,  let 
alone  rise  up  or  go  out :  — 

11  Cha  'n  fhaod  Calum  carachadh), 
Cha  'n  fhaod  Calum  eirigh ; 
Cha  'n  fhaod  Calum  dhol  a  mach 
Bho  Mhac  'ic-Iain  chleirich." 

There  is  a.  flippant  old  Scottish  verse  to  the  same  tune :  — - 

11  Some  siay  the  deil  is  dead, 
And  buried  in  Kirkcaldy ; 
Some  say  he  rose  again, 
And  danced  the  Hieland  Liaddie." 

Another  version  gives  the  equally  insecure  burial-place  of  the 
deil  as  Strathbogie,  and  he  celebrates  his  recovery  of  freedom 
here  by  dancing  the  "  Killioogie." 

The  following  verse,  I  think,  refers  to  one  of  those  wan- 
dering naturals  common  in  rural  districts  in  Scotland  in  olden 
times,  who  received,  often  with  little  gratitude,  the  hospi- 
tality of  kindly  and  warm-hearted  people.  Malcolm  was 
blind  of  an  eye,  very  unsociable,  and  difficult  to  please  with 
food.  Gruel — that  is,  oatmeal  made  into  soup — a-  wholesome 
and  nutritious  dish,  he  would  not  accept  unless  some  appetis- 
ing ingredient  was  added.  The  last  couplet  of  the  verse  was 
missing.  I  never  heard  it,  and  never  had  the  good  fortune 
to  meet  with  anyone  who'  had ;  and  on  expressing  my  regret 
to  a  friend,  who  is  both  iai  poet  and  a  distinguished  Gaelic 
scholar,  he,  in  a  moment  of  inspiration,  com  posed  a  couple  of 
lines  which  are  quite  in  the  spirit  and  character  of  the  older 
ones:  — 


Old  Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys,  and  Reels       93 


Calum 
Cha'n 
Calum 
Cha  'n 
Calum. 
Cha  'n 
'Sged 
'S  mor 


cam  croicheannach, 

61  e  brochan  gun;  rud  ann, 

cam  croicheannach, 

61  e  brochan  gun  rud  ann ; 

cam  croicheiannach, 

61  e  brochaoti  gun  rud  ann; 

&  gheibheadh  e  im  's  bainne, 

bu  docha  leis  an  dram." 


The  lines  were  sung  to-  the  first  measure  of  "  Lady  Mary 
Ramsay,"  eomewhat  different,  of  course,  from  the  printed 
version. 


STEATHSPEY— "  NEIL  GOW." 

I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  history  of  this  good  old 
tune.  The  name  affords  one  little  guidance.  Neil  Gow  was 
born  in  1727,  and  died  in  1807.  Whether  the  tune  was 
dedicated  to  him  during  his  lifetime,  or  afterwards,'  or 
whether  it  may  not  be  an  older  tune  to1  which  his  name  had 
been  given,  I  cannot  say.  The  Gaelic  verse  to  the  tune  is  a 
first-class  port-a-beul:  — 

"  Mur  b'  e  an  crodh  cha  ghabhainn  thu, 
Mur  b'  e  an  crodh  cha  'n  fhiii  thu; 
Mur  b'  e  an  crodh  's  na  laoigh  'nan  cois 
Cha  luighinn  air  do  chulthaobh." 

A  free  translation  of  which  might  run  thus — 

"  It's  for  your  cows  I  marry  you, 
But  for  them  worthless  are  you  ; 
Had  you  no  cows  and  sucking  calves, 
I'd  never  lie  beside  you." 

I  was  told  of  a  piper  in  Gairloch,  many  years  ago,  who 
had  a  penchant  for  playing  thisi  tune,  for  the  words  were  well 
known  in  the  district.  He  was  a  good  piper,  and  much  in 
demand  at  weddings,  and  when  he  knew  OT  suspected  that 
meroenairy  considerations  had  influenced  the  bride  or  bride- 
groom, he  was  sure  to  find  opportunities  for  striking  the  tune 
up,  although  he  well  knew  that  the  playing  of  it  would  entail 
on  him  a  curtain  lecture. 

I  shall  conclude  with  three  old  Gaelic  riddles  (Toimh- 
,  and  leave  you  to  solve  them :  — 


94  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"  Tha  bodachan  an  tigh  m'  athar, 
'S  bithidh  e  trie  a'  dranndan; 
Currac  air  's  e  dol  a  laighe, 
'S  cota  fada,  Frangach." 

"  A  little  carl  is  in  father's  house, 
And.  often  is  he  scolding ; 
A  long  French  coat  and  nightcap  is 
His  dress  when  he  is  sleeping." 

"  Bean  bheag  'tighinn  do  'n  bhaile  so, 
'  S  math  a  ni  i  dr anndan  ; 
Ourrac  de  'n  chochallainn  oirre, 
'S  cota  buidhe  plangaid," 

"  A  little  wife's  coining  to  this  town, 
And  good  is  she  at  scolding ; 
Her  bonnet  is  made  of  barley  beard, 
Her  coat  of  yellow  plaiding." 

"  Each  dubh,  dubh,  a  mire  ris  an  t-smth, 
'S  cha  'n  'eil  an  Eirinn  no  'n  Albainn 
Na  leumas  >air  a  mhuin." 

"  A  very  black  horse,  sporting  with  the  stream, 
But  neither  in  Ireland  nor  in  Scotland 
Is  there  one  who  will  mount  him." 

These  old  riddles  are  suggestive.  Were  the  little  people 
and  the  black  horse  novelties  when  the  riddles  were  current  ? 
If  so,  when  was  that?  And  why  is  England  left  out  of  the 
last  riddle  ? 


2nd  FEBRUARY,  1917. 

Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh  presided  over  this  evening's  meet- 
ing. The  office-bearers  elected  at  last  lannual  meeting  were 
re-elected,  and  the  filling  up  of  the  vacancies  caused  by  the 
death  of  the'  Chief  and  the  Secretary  was  deferred.  Mr  D. 
Butter  submitted  abstracts  of  the  accounts  for  the  years  1915 
and  1916,  which  had  been  aaidited  by  himself  and  Mr  D.  J. 
MiacDonald.  The  reports  were  adopted.  Mr  Alexander 
Macdonald,  Inverness,  then  read  the  underacted  paper, 
which  was  illustrated  by  selections  on  the  piob-mhor,  rendered 
by  Pipe-Major  MacDonald. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt 


FRAGMENTS  OF  GAELIC  SONG  AND  LILT. 

To  any  one  having  the  time  and  the  inclination,  I  can 
fancy  that  few  pastimes  should  be  more  agreeable,  than  the 
collection  and  arrangement  of  old  Gaelic  tunes  and  the  vari- 
ous words  associated  with  them,  together  with  as  much  as 
possible  of  the  history — local  or  general — that  attaches 
thereto.  Not  that  the  words  convey  much  of  historical 
importance;  but  while  that  is  so,  they  reveal  interesting 
glimpses  of  old-world  life  in  Gaeldom,  which,  I  am  tempted 
to>  say,  unfortunately  will  probably  be  in  evidence  never 
again.  Only  in  free  and  easy,  largely  .artistic,  conditions  of 
life  could  such  spontaneity  of  joy,  wit  and  humour  find 
expression.  Conceived  in  innocent  light-hear  tedness,  those 
compositions  were  fashioned,  even  when,  as  in  many  cases, 
pungently  satiric^  on  the  anvil  of  a  kindly  understanding 
between  man  and  man — at  common  brotherhood,  in  the  sun- 
shine of  which  one  would  not  condescend  to  take  advantage  of 
another,  unless  in  very  rare  circumstances. 

Already  the  late  Dr  K.  N.  MacDonald,  Edinburgh;  the 
late  Mr  Henry  Whyte,  Glasgow  ;  Mr  Andrew  Mackintosh, 
Inverness!,  and  others  have  done  excellent  work  in  this  im- 
portant field,  and  have  gathered  altogether  a  rich  harvest. 
But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  there  must  still  be  floating 
about  in  the  Highlands  a  large  volume  of  music  and  words— - 
particularly  the  latter — more  or  less  ready  for  the  collector 
and  the  editor. 

There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  importance  of  the 
material.  Many  things  still  difficult  to  explain  satisfactorily 
in  regard  to  the  origin  and  growth  of  Gaelic  music  are  vitally 
involved.  A  close  and  sympathetic  study  of  the  whole 
subject  on  broad  lines  would  probably  go  to>  throw  some 
interesting  light  on  the  evolution  of  wordsi  and  melodies.  The 
doubling  of  couplets,  quatrains,  and  even  more  pretentious 
measures  and  compositions  may  very  probably  be  ascribed  to 
the  influence  of  instrumental  music.  Then  there  is  the 
matter  of  the  accurate'  allocation  of  the  correct  words  to  their 
proper  tunes.  The  old  artists  never  made  a  mistake  in  this 
particular.  But  modern  editors  are  not  always  happy  or 
successful  in  their  efforts  in  this  field. 

There  are  many  compositions  that  meantime  occur  to  me 
as  not  yet  published,  or  not  well  enough  known,  or  to  some 
extent  at  least  variants  of  versions,  all  worth  preserving, 


96  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

They  are  fragmentary,  aind  it  may  be  stated  that  it  is 
increasingly  difficult  to  obtain  words  for  the  second  turn  of  a 
good  few  of  the  melodies.  I  hope  some  person  or  persons 
interested,  and  having  opportunities,  may  complete  these.  In 
any  case,  the  words  and  the  melodies  are  most  interesting, 
and  demand  careful  attention  at  our  hands.  I  am  not  to 
dip  deeply  into  the  history  of  these  fragments — simply  in 
light  vein,  as  occurs  to  me  to  do  in  the  passing,  my  principal 
object  being  to  preserve  the  words,  and  invite  attention  on 
the  part  of  any  able  to  assist  in  completing  as  many  as 
possible.  I  fear  there  are  a  good  few  that  are  still  imper- 
fectly known' — very  few,  if  any  indeed,  whole. 

PART  I.— DANCE  TUNES  AND  LILTS. 

To  the  tune  generally  known'  by  the  name  of  "  Stumpie," 
which  seems  to-  be  the  dance  setting  of  the  melody  called 
"  The  Highland  Wedding,"  we  have —  f 

(1)  Dar  a.  theid  thu  thar'  a'  mhonaidh. 

Thoir  do  ghunna  Guide  riut, 

(Same  again  twice"). 
'S  dar  a  theid  thu  Choir e  Mhonaidh, 
Thoir  Cloinn  Domhnuill  cuide  riut. 
The  reason  for  this  command  is  not  given. 

(2)  Cha  tugaimi  taing  air  fuachd  a'  gheamhraidh 

Na  'm  biodh  manndull  fad'  orm, 

(Same  again  twice). 

'S  aim  bu  shamhradh  learn  an  geamhradh 
Na  'm  biodh  manndull  fad'  orm. 

In  which  would  seem  to  be  conveyed  an  expression  of  great 
thankfulness — or  possibly  a  wish — for  the  possession  of  a 
warm  coat  for  winter  use. 

To  the  tune  known  under  the  name  of  "  The  Bridge  of 
Perth,"  we^  have:  — 

(1)     He  ma  thuiteas,  he  ma  thuiteas, 

Ho  ma  thuiteas  Drochaid  Pheairt. 

(Same  again  twice). 
Ho  ma  thuiteias,  he  ma  thuiteas, 
Ho  ma  thuiteas  bheir  i  glag 

—which  most  likely  are  the  words  of  the  first  stanza  of  the 
o  rigin  al  comp  osi tion . 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  97 

(2)  An  oidhche  bha  mi  'n  tigh  an  leanna, 

Gheibhinn  beam  air  bo-nn-a-sia, 

(Same  again  twice). 
Gheibhinn  bean  ann  gun  dad  idir, 
'S  fichead  air  a'  bhonn-a-sia. 

A  purely  frolicsome,  fun-provoking  expression. 

(3)  An  cluinn  thu  mis'  a  nighean  dubh, 

An  teid  an  orodh  an  diugh  na  ghleann? 

(Same  again  twice}. 

Ach  ma  theid  an  crodh  an  leth-ghleann, 
Bidh  na  geamarani  's  a*'  mheall 

— local  lines  evidently  indicating  the.  time  when  game- 
keepers first  were  on  the  look-out  for  cattle  trespassing  on 
forbidden  ground. 

And  to>  old  melodies  which  the  wordsi  will  suggest:  — 

(1)  Chaidh  mi  sios,  chaidh  mi  suas, 

'S  cha.  robh  ball  de  Ruaraidh  agam, 
Chaidh  mi  sios,  chaidh  mi  suiae, 

'S  cha  rcbh  agam  Ruaraidh;. 
An  uair  a  chaidh  mi  'n  raoir  >a  ohad«al, 

Chuir  mi  Ruaraidh  anns  an  leabaidh, 
'S  an  uair  a  dh'  eirich  mi  's  a'  mhaduinn, 

Cha  robh  agam  Ruaraidh. 

And  whether  Rory  was  discovered  or  not,  we  have  never 
heard. 

(2)  Tha  fortan  oirnn,  tha  deoch  againn, 

Cha  'n  'eil  am  brochan  gann  duinn, 
Tha  pailteas  anns  nai  poitean  deth, 

An  crochadh  air  an  t-slabhraidh ; 
'S  aon  fear  a  rinn  an  toiseach  e, 

'S  i  bhochdainoi  bha  cur  ann  da, 
'S  gur  truagh  nach  deach'  a  bhathadh, 

Mu  'n  do  thar  e  ae  an  allt'  e. 

— in  which  we  have^  what  seems  to  be  an  expression  of  ill-will 
against  gruel,   somewhat  in  parody  fashion,   after  the  style 
of    Duncan    Ban    Maolntyre'a    "  Ora,n   ia'    Bhranndaidh  "- 
11  Di-halum,  Di-halum,"  etc. 


98  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

(3)     Na'm  biodh  agam  trusdair  bodaich, 

Bhogainn  anns  an  allt  e, 
Na  'm  biodh.  agam  trusdair  bodaich, 

Bhogainn  anns  an  allt  e; 
Gu  'm  bogainn  e,  gu  'm  bogiainn  e, 

'S  gu  'm  bogainn  anns  an  allt  e, 
'S  mur  biodh  e  bog  'nuair  bheirinn  as  e, 

Chiiirinn  ai  rithisd  ann  e. 

Sung  to  the  tun©  whioht  Dr  K.  N.  MacDonald  names  "  Pease 
Strae." 

To'  a-  tune  of  the  jig  order,  known  in  Gaelic  by  the  name 
of  "  Long  a'  Mharaiche  "  :  — 

(1)  Thia  long  a'  mbairaiche  'tighinn  na  bhaile-sa, 

Tha  long  a'  mharaich©  'seoladh; 

(Same  again  twice). 

Tha-  long  a'  mharaiche  'tighinn  na  bhaile-sa, 
H-uile  latha  Di-dbmhnaich. 

(2)  Tha  mo  bhean-sa,  bithidh  mo  bhean-sa, 

Tha  mo  bhean-sa  diaonnan ; 
Tha  mo  bhean-sa,  bithidh  mo  bhean-sa, 

'Laighei  air  an  daoraich ; 
Tha  mo  bhean-sa  leth-chiad  bliadhna, 

'S  i  cho'  liath  ri  caora, 
'S  tha  mi  'n  duil  ged  bhiodh  i  'n  ciad, 

Gu  'm  biodh  i  'g  iarruidh  'n  diajoraich. 

Also  words  oo'mmencing  :  — 

(3)  Air1  cul  a'  phris,  air  beul  a'  phris, 

Air  cul  a'  phris  's  a'  gharadh,  etc.,  etc. 

Sung  to  the  well-known  tune  called  "  Cailleach  Liath 
Baarsaidh,"  the  following  words,  so  far  as  I  can  trace,  have 
not  yet  been  printed  :  — 

Hum-di-hiuro>-bhi , 

Sabhall  beag  a{   BhailUdh, 

(Repeat  twic*) 
'S  io^madh  rud  a  chunna  mi 

Ar?  ^abhall  beag  a'  Bhaillidn. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  99 

E,  ho  ro  b'  aighearach  e, 

Sabhall  beag  a'  Bhaillidh, 

(Repeat  twice} 
;S  iomadli!  rud  <a>  b'  aithne  dhomh 

An  sabhall  beag  ia'  Bhaillidh. 

'S  iomiadh  rud  a  chunna  mi 
An  sabhall  beag  <&'  Bhaillidh, 
(Repeait  twice) 

Cupaicheani  is  glaineachan 

An  sabhall  beag  a*  Bhaillidh. 

And  there  is  a  version  commencing  with  the  words :  — 

Calum  min  Moireasdan, 

'S  a  bhean  aig  air  a  ghualainn,  etc. 

Then,   to   the   good   old  'air   known   in   some   districts   ae 
"  Ardnamurchan  Lads  "  :  — 

Do«m  dom  doichean, 

Do'm  do'm  deilohean; 
Dom  doom  doicheian, 

Gilleain  Airde-Mlnur!chain  j 
Dughall  is  Domhull, 

Fionnladh  is  Iseabal ; 
•Diighall  is  Domhull, 

Gillean  Airde-Mhurchain. 
Dom  dom  doichean,   etc. 

Still,  to  a  somewhat  similar  tune,  known  by  the  name  of 
"  Domhull  na  Biodiaige  "  :  — 

Hu-oro,  fear  dubh  tha  mi  'g  iarruidh, 

Hii-oro,  fear  liath  cha>  ghabh  mi  e ; 
Hii-oro,  fear  dubh  tha  mi  'g  iarruidh, 

Hu-oro,  fear  liath  cha  ghabh  mi  e  • 
Domhrull  na  biodaige,  Domhull  nai  biodaige, 

Domhull  na  biodaige,  sireadh  na  caileige ; 
Domhull  na  biodaige  ;s  Uilleani  an  ciobair, 

'Sior  a/  strith  air  thi  na-  caileige. 

The  last  two  lines  occasionally  rendered^ — 
Hu-o-hi  air  thi  na  banaraicb 

The  following  lare  sung  to  the  excellent  old  melody  known 
among  pipers  as  ' '  The  Lads  of  Mull  "  :  — 


100  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Ho  tha  'n  tombaoa  daor, 

He  tha  'n  tombaca  ginidh ; 

(Repeat  twice) 
Ginidh  air  a  h-uile  punnd, 

Punnd  >air  a  h-uile  ginidh. 

Repeating — 

Ginidh  air  a  h-uile  punnd, 

Punnd  air  a*  h-uile  ginidh  ; 
Ginidh  air  a  h-uile  punnd, 

'S  unns'  air  an  t-sia  sgillinn. 

And  to  the  same  :  — 

Suid  an  rud  a  thogadh  m'  fhonn, 

Crbnan  iai'  ghille  Mhuilich, 
Sud  an  rud  a  thogadh  m'  fhonn, 

Cronan  a'  ghille  Mhuilich ; 
Cronaoai  a'  ghille  mhaoil, 
Cronain  a'  ghille  Mhuilich; 
Amaideais  a'  ghille  mhaoil, 
'S  faoineis  a'  ghille  Mhuilich. 

'S  aighearaoh  an  gille  maol, 
'  S  aoidheil  an  gille  Muileach ; 
Caileagan  a  h-uile  tiaiobh  ' 
An  gaol  air  3.'  ghille  Mhuileach. 
Sud  an  rud  a  thogadh  m'  fhonn, 
'   Cronan  a'  ghille  Mlnuilich, 
Crbnan  a'  ghille  mhaoil, 
Crbnan  a'  ghille  Mhuilich. 

To-  the  tune  "  Cawdor  Fair,"  associated  usually  with  the 
words — 

Ruidhle  Cheit  leis  a'  ghun  mhbr, 
Agus  Seatadh  Secnaid,  etc. 

Other  words  not  well  known  are:  — 

Chi  mi  'm  bodach  's  a  dha  chu, 
'Siubhal  dliith  le  chrbcan,  etc. 

Suil  dhai  '11  d'  thug  mi  thar  a'  chneagain, 

Chunna  mi  ami  coltas  famhair; 
JS  dh'  fhaighnichd  mi  dheth  ann  an  cabhaig, 

C"  ait'  an  robh  e  'chbmhnuidh. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  101 

Agus  f  hreagair  am  fear  eile :  — 

Tha  mi  chomhnuidh  air  an  Tom, 

Mar  bha  Noah  air  an  long ; 
'S  bho  'n  a  chuir  thu  'cheist  oho  trom, 

'S  mise  Goll  Mac  Mhoirni. 

'S  an  sin  thubhairt  am  fear  a  bhai  ris  an  dibhearsan :  — 

Cha  'n  'eil  caileag  anns  an  ait' 

Nach  d'  thug  uile  dhuit  an  gradh —     . 

'S  laithne  dhomhsa  te  no  dha 

Tha  'tairgse  'n  lamh  dhuit  ccinhla. 

'Direadh  a  mach  Torra-Chluain, 

Lo  do  ghunn'  agus  crios  gnaiir, 
'Nuair  a  lasadh  t'  fhudaa:  cluais, 

Bhiodh  damh  ruadh  is  leon  air. 

To  the  melody  called  "  The  Maid  of  Islay  " — a  favourite 
<me  for  short,  local  compositions — the  West  country  wordi 
run  somewhat  thus:  — 

Thugaibh  dram  do  Bhaldi  C'oillein, 

Thugaibh  dram  do  Bhaldi  mbr ; 
Thugaibh  drain  do>  Bhaldi  Ciobair, 

'S  thugaibh  tri  do  Bhaldi  mor. 

In  some  other  districts  of  the  Highlands  words  sung  to  the 
air  are :  — 

Tha  gaoth  mhor  air  Loch-an-t-Seilich, 
'S  tha  gaoth  bheag  air  Loch-an-Duin ; 

'S  ruigidh  mise  Loch-a'-Bhradain, 
Mu'n  teid  cadal  air  mo  shuil. 

The  Lochness-side  version,  beginning  with — 
Tha  mi  'n  duil  gu  'n  tig  an  clachair, 

will  be  found  om  referring  to  Vol.   XXV.  of  our  Society's 
"  Transactions." 

The  Lochness-side  version  of  "  Bealach  a'  Mhorbheinn,'1 
or  "  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaioh,"  so  far  as  as  I  could  gather  ite 
parts,  runs  somewhat  a®  follows  :  — 


102  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuernew 

;S  fhada  bhuam  fhin  Gleann-a'-Bheadaraidh, 
'S  fhada  bhuam  fhin  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaich, 
'S  fhadai  bhuam  fhin  Gleamn-a'-Bheadaraidh, 
Thugam  is  agam  air  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaich; 
Bho  ghleann  gu  gleann,  Gleann-a'-Bheadaraidh, 
Bho  ghleann  gu  gleann,  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaich; 
'S  fhada  bhuam  fhin  Gleann-a'-Bheadaraidh, 
Thugam;  is  agam  air  Bealach  a'  Mhoirbhaich. 

Bho  chul  naan  beann,  bonn  naan  bealaiohean, 
Bho'  chul  niaim  beann  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaichi; 
Bho  chul  nam  beann,  bonn  nam  bealaiohean, 
Thugaan  is  agam  air  Bealach  a'  Mhbrbhaich. 

Cul  nan  tulaichean,  bial  nam  bealaichean, 
Cul  nan  tulaichean,  Bealach  a'  Mhorbhaich ; 
Cul  nan  tulaichean,  bial  nam  beallaicEean, 
Thugam  is  agam  air  B^eadach  a/  Mhorbhaich. 

Of  the  same  order1  of  melody,  more  or  less,  is  the  one  to 
which  the  following  words  were  chanted,  sometimes  as  an 
exercise  in  Gaelic  pronunciation  and  articulation:  — 

Chunna  mi,  chfunna  mi, 

Chunina  mi  'n  t-iomlan ; 
(Repeated  twice). 

Chunna  mi  'n  t-Ionbhar, 

'S  chunna  mi  'n  t-Sron. 

Mullach  Ruidh'  Spidein, 

Is  bealach  Ruidh'  Chjaomhaidh, 

Bealach  Ruidh'  Spidein, 

Is  mullach  Ruidh'  Ghaomhaidh; 

Mullach  Ruidh'  Spidein, 

Is  bealach  Ruidh'  Chaomhaidh, 

Mullach  ,ai'  Chaol-doire 

'S  Goirtean-a'-Chois. 

Tiugainn  an  fhireach 

A  thilleadh  nan  caorach, 

(Repeated  twice). 
Tiugainn  a  laochain, 

'Shiubhal  nam  beann. 
Buachaille  ghobhar, 

Is  buachaille  chaorach, 

(Repeated  twice). 
Buachaille  laogh, 

Is  buachaille  mheann. 


Fragments  of  Gat  lie  Song  and  Lilt  103 

This  melody  is  usually  known  under  the  Gaelic  title  of 
"  Cailleach  a'  Ghobhainn  is  Cailleach  a'  Mhuilleir,"  the  local 
words  for  which  were  somewhat  as  follows  :  — 

'S  ann  a  bha  'n  othail  air  cailleach  a'  ghobhainn, 
'S  ann  a  bha  'n  othail  air  cailleacth  a'  mhuilleir; 
'S  ann  a  bha  'n  othail  air  oailleach  a'  ghobhainn, 
'N  uair  chunnaic  i  'n  t-ogha  aig  oailleach  a'  mhuilleir. 

Haoi,  ho,  air  cailleach  <a'  ghobhainn, 

Haoi,  ho,  air  cailleach  a'  mhuilleir; 

Haoi,  he,  air  cailleach  ai'  ghobhainn, 

'S  a>nn  bhuail  i  an  clobha  air  cailleach  a'  mhuilleir. 

May  not  the  following  be  the  oldest  words  to  the  air  of 
"  Tullochgorm  "  ?— 

Theid  mi  null  gu  Taobh  Loch-gorm, 
Theid  mi  null,  gu  'n  teid  mi  null  ; 
O  !  theid  mi  null  gu  Taobh  Loch-gorm, 
'S  thig  mi  nail  a  maireach. 

'S  boidheach,  lurach  Taobh  Loch-gorm, 
'S  tuim  is  tulaich,  glinn  is  mullaich; 
Mill  i®  mulain  Taobh  Loch-gorm  — 
Thig  mi  nail  a  maireach. 

Diridh  mi  ri  Taobh  Loch-gorm, 
Diridh  mi  ris,  tearnaidh  mi  leis; 
Fagaidh  mi  sin  Taobh  Loch-gorm, 
'S  thig  mi  nail  a  maireach. 

The  last  line  of  each  verse  on  Lochness-side  is  — 
'S  thig  mi  nail  am.  Bana. 

The  air  known  in  Gaelic  as  *'  Oairistiona  Chaimbeul  "  — 
("  The  Miller  of  Drone  ")  —  has  more  than  one  set  of  words 
associated  with  it.  The  late  Dr  MacdonaJd  has  two  in  his 
very  excellent  work  on  "  Puirt-a-Beul,"  a.nd  another  ia 
known  in  the  Western  districts  in  which  "  Cairistiona  "  is 
the  subject  of  ;a  sort  of  rhyming  dialogue  —  the  one  party 
praising  her  good  parts,  and  the  other  as  eloquently  pointing 
out  her  numerous  faults  and  failings.  It  is  a  somewhat 
lengthy  production:  — 

Tha  mo  leannan  air  an  fhaighir, 
Oairistiona  Chaimbeul. 


S  bi'dh  'n  t-anmoch  laoun  mu  'n  tig  i  dhachaidh, 
Gairistio>nia  Chaimbeul. 


104  Gaelic  Society  oj  /nuerness 

Tha  i  busach  's  tha  i  banadl, 
Cairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

'S  bi'dh  i  mireag  ris  na  balaich, 
Cairistioma  Chaimbeul. 

Thug  i  gealladh  dhomhsa.  'm  bliadhma, 
Cairistioma  Cliaiinbeiil. 

'S  ioimadh  fear  dba  'n  d'  thug  i  riamh  e, 
Cairistio'ina  Cliaimbeul. 

Thig  mo  ghaol-s'  an  cois  a  geallaidh, 
Cairistionia  Cliaiiiibeail. 

Mur  tig  fear  is  fearr  'na  rathad, 
Caaristioinia  Cnaimboul. 

Gur  i  banarachi  na  buaile, 
Oairis tioma  Chaimboul . 

Doirtidh  i  na  ni  i  bhleoghann, 
Caaristionia  Chaimbeul. 

Gur  i  banarach  a'  bLainne, 
Cairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

Olaidh  i  na  bheir  i  dhachaidh, 
Cairistiona,  Chaimbeul. 

Tha  i  math  air  fuaghal  faitheam, 
Cairistio'nja  Chaimbeul. 

Gu  'm  b'  fhearr  i  chartadh  na  ba-thigh, 
Cairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

Te  choi  m,ath'  's  dha  'n  tig  an  currac, 
Cairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

'S  mor  gu  'm  b'  fhearr  dha  'n  tigeadh  sumag, 
Cadristio'nia  Chaimbeul. 

Tha  i  aoidheil,  's  tha  i  siobhalt, 
Cairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

Mar  tha  mo  sheanmhair  ann  am  miothlachd, 
Cairistiooiia  Chaimbe-ul. 

'S  aotrom  -a.  ceum  air  a'  mhointich, 
Cadristicmia  Chaimbeul. 


frag  meats  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  105 

'S  cilia  dean  seiche  tairbh  dhi  brogan, 
Oairistiona  Chaimbeul. 

Gur  a  math,  -air  fuaghal  sioda, 
Gairistionia  Chaimbeul. 

'S  mor  gu,  'm  b'  fhearr  i  dheanamh  sioman, 
Cairistioma  Chaimbeul. 

Tha  i  dhomhsa  daonnan  dileas, 
Cairis tioana  Chaimbeul . 

JS  do  gach  oigear  anns  an  sgire, 
Gairistioma  Chaimboul. 

I  am  indeibted  for  these  words  to  the  columns  of  the 
"  Highland  News  Home  Journal,"  where  they  appeared 
some  years  ago. 

The  late  Dr  Macdonald's  versions  are  as  follow  :  — 

"  Posaidh  mi  thu  air  an  t-Samhuinn, 
'Chairistiona  Chaimbeul  ? 
(Repeated  twice). 
'S  ged  a  tha  do  chasan  oaola, 
'S  e  mo  ghaol  gun  taing  thu. 

Dh'  ith  thu  'n  rac  's  an  tunriag  odhar, 

'  Chairistiona  Chaimbeul . 
(Repeated  twice). 
'Chairistioina,    'Chursti  Anna, 

'Chairistiona  Chaimbeul. 

Gailleachi  is  mios-'  air  an  t-saoghal, 

' Chairistioina  Chaimbeul . 
(Repeated  twice). 
'Charistiona,  'Chursti  Anna, 

'Chairistiona  Chaimbeul." 

He  gives  the  following  as  the  Lochaber  version :  — 

"  Thog  thu  tigh  aig  ceann  an  rathaid, 
'Ch^airistionia  Chaimb'eul. 
(Repeated  twice). 

'S  bidhi  na  h-uaislean  art  a'  tathaich 
Fad'  na  h-oddhche  gheamhraidh. 


106  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuernesf 

'S  laghach  thu  aig  ceann  an  rathaid, 
'Chairistiona  Chaimbeul. 
(Repeated  twice). 

'S  ri  do  charaid  tha  thu  faoilteach, 
'S  faodaidh  e  dol  teann  ort." 

Th©  Lochness-side,  version  is  substantially  on  the  lines  of 
these,  more  particularly  of  the -first,  and  there  is  absence  of 
dialogue. 

An  air  well-known  at  one  time,  but  now  almost  forgotten, 
has  associated  with,  it  the  words :  — 

Domhnull  a'  ruith  nan  gobhar, 

Saoil  sibh  fhein  nach  fhoghainteach  e; 
Domhnull  a'  ruith  nan  gobhar, 

A'  mireadh  ria  an  nighean  donn. 
Air  an  deidh,  air  an  deidh, 

Saoil  eibh  fhein  nach  fhoghainteach  e; 
Air  an  deidh,  air  an  deidh, 

Air  an  deidh  feadh  nan  gleann. 

To  the  music  known  by  the  name  of  "  A  null  thar  nan 
Eileanan  Dh'  America  gu  ;n  teid  sinn  "  I  find  allocated 
the  words,  "  Mo  Ghealaichasach  nan  Caorach,"  in  Dr  Mac- 
Donald'e  "  Puirt-a-Beul  "  ;  but  there  are  different  tunes  to 
these  respective  words  on  Lochness-side,  and  a  slightly 
different  version  of  the  worde,  which  are:  — 

Mo  ghealachasach,  mo  ghealachasach, 

Moi  ghealachasach  nan  ca orach, 

(So/me  again  twice). 
Cha  leiginni  a  shiubhal  mhointich  thu, 

Air  thoir  nan  caorach  mhaiola. 

But  I  must  not  exclude  a  very  good  old  melody  known  in 
Gaelic  as  "  Gillean  nan  Caorach,"  the  words  to  which'  com- 
mence with  a  raither  pungent  reference  to  thin  legs — the 
horror  of  the  Highlanders  of  old :  — 

Fear  nan  oasan  caola, 

Oha  leiginn  na  mo  leabaidh  e,  etc.,  etc., 

the  more  commonly  known  words  to  this  melody  being  the 
well-known  words :  — 

Lan  tighe  dh'  fhidhlearan, 

'S  Ian  tighe  chaileagaii,  etc.,  etc. ; 

Lan  tighe  luban  dubba, 

'S  Ian  tighe  mharagan. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  ana  Lilt  197 

Tbe   words   usually   lilted   to   the   tune,    "  The   Braes   of 
Mar,"  are:- 

Feumaidh  mi  mo  ghun  a  dheanamh, 
Air  a  chulthaobh,  's  air  a  bhialthaobh ; 
Feumaidh  mi  mo  ghun  a  dheanamh, 
Mar  bhios  gun  nam  baintigheiarnan,  etc. 

The  version  on  Lochness-side  ran :  — 

Ho,  ro,   'nighean  dubh,  bheag  a'  chiteinn,     • 
Hi,  ri,  'nighean  dubh,  bheag  a'  chitsinn ; 
Ho,  ro,   'nighean  dubh,  bheag  a'  chitsinn, 
Bi'dh  na  fir  'gad  fhoighneachd,  etc.,  etc. 

To  the  tune  known  as  "  Cul  an  Tig.h-osda  "  — ' '  The  Back 
of  the  Change-House  ' '  — we  have  :  — 

'S  anm  chuir  am  bodach  feagal  O'rm, 
'S  ann  chuir  am  bodach  fearg  orm; 
'S  ann  chuir  am  bodach  feagal  orm, 
'S  e  'cleasachd  ris  an  t-seana  bhean. 
Am  buachaille  's  a'  bhanarach, 
An  sgalag  is  an  t-searbhatnt ; 
Fear  an  tighe  's  bean  an  tighe, 
'S  mo  sheanair  is  mo  sheanmhair. 

And  to  the  famous  "  Jenny  Dang  the  Weaver  "  :  — 

'S  com,ai  learn  buntata  carrach, 

Bho  nach  biodh  an  t-im  leo. 

(Repeated  twice) 
'S  coma  leam  >a  rithisd  iad, 

Dar  nach  biodh  iad  sgriobte. 

and  ai  few  words  which  furnish  an  interesting,  glimpse  of  old- 
world  life  in  the  Highlands — also  local  words  that  ar* 
interesting :  — 

Am  mart  a  bh'  aca  'n  lonar-gharradh, 

Sgarradh  oirre,  dh'  fhalbh  i; 
Am  mart  a  bh'  aca  'n  lomar-gharradh, 

Sgarradh  oirre,  dh'  fhalbh  i; 
Ach  cha  d'  fhag  an  t-Earrach  dhi 

Ach  ladhar  ague  earball, 
'S  bha  cuideachd  arm  a  thainig  trath, 

Is  dh'  ith  iad  Ian  am  balg  dhi. 


108  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Other  interesting  old-world  words  to  the  same  air  are:  — 

Briogais  air  ma  luirgean  loma, 

'S  boineid  air  na  maoileanaich,  etc.,  etc. ; 

Brogan  biorach   's  sailtean  doraich 
Air  na  casan  caola. 

There  is  a  distant  variant  of  "  The  Marquis  of  Huntly's 
Highland  Fling,"  known  in  Gaelic  under  the  title  of 
"  Maighdeannani  a'  Choir  e  Dhuibh,"  to  which  numerous  sets 
of  words*  used  to  be  lilted.  Among  the  oldest  of  those  is  the 
following :  — 

Tha  feiair  am  Beinn  an  t-Slocain  duibh 

A  bhios  a'  ruith  nani  boirionnach, 
Tha  feiair  am  Beinn  an  t-Slooain  duibh 

A  bhios  a'  ruith  nan  gruagach ; 
Firionnach  is  boineid  air, 

A  bhios  ,a'  ruith  nam  boirionnach ; 
Firionnach  is  boineid  air, 

A  bhios  a'  ruith  nan  gruagach. 

(See    Vol.    XXV.    of    the    Society's    "Transactions";    also 
"  Story  and  Song  from  Lochn ess-side  "). 

This  melody  appears  to  have  been  a  special  favourite  with 
composers  generally.  I  submit  the  following  song  as  indi- 
cating the  popularity  of  the  tune  and  the  refrain :  — 

Fonn — "  A  nigheau  og  a'  chcta  dhuibh, 

Bu  mhath  an  diugh  bhi  'n  cuideachd  's  tu, 
A  nighean  6g  a  chota  dhuibh, 

Bu  mhath  an  diugh  bhi  lamh  riut. 

"  Naile  's  i  mo  ghaol  a'  mhaighdean, 
Gorm  shuil  a  mhealladh  saighdeair ; 
Grid-he  soilleir  a  ni  soillse; 
Cha  'n  'eil  foill  'a  d'  nadur. 

"  'S  gile  thu  sneachd  air  mhunadh, 
'S  gile  thu  no  eaT  air  tuinne; 
Ciochan  corrach  air  a'  chruinneig ; 
Bean  is  grinne  nadur. 

"  Cas  is  d-eise  theid  air  urlar, 

An  uair  a  bhios  an  fhiodhal  sunndach; 
Cha  'n  'eil  gille  og  's  an  diithaich, 
Nach  bi  'n  duil  ri  Mairi. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  109 

"  A  High. !  gur  misei  thai  fo  mhulad, 
Is  mi  HI'  shuidhe  taobh  na  h-uinneig' ; 
A  sior  choimhead  air  a/  chruinneig, 
Agus  currac  ard  oirr'. 

'  A  High !  gur  misie  th'  air  mo  ghreadadh, 
Mo  leaoman  an  diugh  aig  fear  eile  ; 
'S  maarg  a  bheireadh  gaol  am  feasda 
Do  the  na/ch  seasadh  raithe. 

"•A  High !  gur  mise  tha  fo  smalan, 
A'  fuireach  an  so  aig  a'  bhaile; 
'S  nach  fhaigh  mi  maighdean  no  leannan, 
Rie  an  dean  mi  manran." 

After  a  long  interval  of  time,  Archibald  Grant,  the  Glen- 
moriston  bard,  composed  a  song  to  the  same  strain,  which 
will  be  found  in  his  published  works.  The  chorus  sings  :  — 

"  Na  maighdeannan  is  boidhche  cruth, 
'  S  ann  air  an  Rudhai  chunna,  mi ; 
Na  maighdeannan  is  boidhche  cruth, 
Bha  fuireach  ris  a'  bhata." 

I  think  I  shall  be  excused  for  including  in  these  selections 
a  very  interesting  production  known  for  long  among  lovers  of 
Gaelic  music  and  song  as  "  Ruidhle  Mhor  Shrath-Spe."  I 
am  indebted  for  my  copy  to  the  paiges  of  that  interesting 
little  history  popularly  kno>wn  by  the  name  of  "  Glenmore," 
now,  I  believe,  fast  falling  into  the  literary  rarities  among 
us.  The  words  are  :  — 

"  O  Phadruig  Bhaimi,*  seid  suas  gu  bras, 
'  S  o  do  shiuiinsair  gra-d  chuir  sinn  air  chas  ; 
Srann  suas  gach  crann  '»  thoir  dhuinn  le  bias 
Ruidhle  mhor  Shrath-Spe. 

"  Cluich  Tulach-gorm,  righ  nam  port, 
Na  Tulaichean,  is  Drochaid  Pheairt ; 
Is  daiinsaidh  sinn  le  'r  n-uile  neart 
Ruidhle  mhor  Shrath-Spe. 

"  Droch  shiubhal  air  jigs,  quadrilles,  is  bhals, 
Tha  peasanan  'toirt  nail  a  '  France  ' ; 
God  save  the  Queen — she  likes  to  dance 
Ruidhle  mhor  Shrath-Spe. 

*  A  famous  piper  and  violinist. 


110  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"  Faic  an  sud  air  feur  no-  faich', 
Daodne  's  mnatham  coir  gun  spraic, 
A'  lenini  's  a'  clabadaich  nam  bas, 
An  Ruidhle  mhc>r  Shrath-Spe. 

"  Faic  na  gillean  cridheil  og, 

'Strith  ri  caileagan  mu  'm  pog; 
'S  le  aighear  leumraich  as  am  brog 
Gu  Ruidhle  mhor  Shrath-Spe. 

"  'S  na  oaileagan  tha  aoidheil  tlath, 
'Mireadh,   'manran   's  fealai-dha; 
'S  a'  mealladh  cridhe  fear  no  dha 
An  Ruidhle  mhor  Shrath-Spe. 

"  Ach  a  Phadruig  Bhain  's  math  rinn  sibhso, 
'S  tha  sinn  gle  sgith,  fhir  dh'  orduich  mise, 
Cuir  ouach  gu  luath  mu  '11  coiairt  a  nise 
De  dheirgean  glan  Shrath-Spe. 

' (  And  let  us  break  up  with  a  toast, 
'  S  a  Phadruig  cuir-siai  phiob  gu  clos ; 
Hip  !  hip,  ho-re  !  our  noble  host — 
larla  mor  Shrath-Spe." 

What  a  surge  of  life ;  what  a  thrill  of  joy  ;  and  what  a  vibra- 
tion of  aoul  are  conveyed  in  those  vigorous  lines  ! 

The  famous  "  Reel  of  Tulloch  "  has  been  written  about 
by  moore  than  one  collector.  The  story  of  the  dance  is  fully 
related  in  "  Glenmore,"  and  there^  is  also  an  excellent  copy 
of  the  ancient  words,  while  Sinclair's  "  Oraaiaiche  "  contains 
a  lengthy  copy  of  the  verses.  The  words  usually  associated 
with  the  tune  hereabouts  within  recent  times  are :  — 

Tha  ruidhr  aig  na  tunnagaii, 
Tha  ruidhl'  aig  na  tunnagan ; 
Tha  ruidhl'  aig  na  coilich  dhubha, 
Am  bun  a'  bhruthaich  urad  ud. 

Bho  thulaichean  gu  bealaichean. 
Bho  thulaichean  gu  bealaichean; 
Bho'  thulaichean  gu  bealaichean, 
Gu  'n  d'  ith  na  coin  nai  ceannaichean. 

The  reference  to  the  gruesome  end  of  the  packmen  is  o<bscure, 
but  it  may  not  be  without  interest  to  mention  that  an  ancient 
legend  associated  some  rough  usage  of  human  heads  with  the 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  111 

title  of  this  tune.  (See  Dr  K.  N.  MacDonald's  "  Puirt-a- 
Beul  ").  A  few  of  the  Gaelic  words  aire  to  the  tune  of 
"  Lady  Mary  Ramsay." 

"  An  oidhche  bha  na  gobhair  againn, 
Na  gobhair  mhaol,  odhar  againn; 
An  oddhche  bha  na  gobhair  againn  ,- 

Ann  an  sabhall  Ruaraidh,"  etc. 

I  shall  conclude  this  section  of  my  paper  by  quoting :  — 

'S  e  mhisg  a  chuir  an  Nollaig  oirnn, 
'S  oha  chuir  i  tuilleadh  comain  oirnn; 
'S  e  mhisg  a  chuir  an  Nollaig  oirnn, 
JS  cha  chuir  ai'  Challuinn  dinn  i,  etc.,  eitc. 

The  tune  is  entitled  "  Christmas  Carousal." 


PART    II.—  MABCHING    TUNES. 

Of  these  there  would  seem  to  be  a  great  many  not  yet 
collected.  But  I  must  content  myself  with  a  few  examples  on 
this  occasion — such  as  I  think  ought  to  be  put  into  per- 
manent form.  These  that  I  submit  are  all  bagpipe  melodies, 
and  the  words  will,  in  many  cases  at  anyrate,  suggest  the 
music :  — 

1  "  Gillean  an  Fheilidh  "— "  The  Kilted  Lads." 

Ho-ri-oi  slan,  '&  ho'-ro  gum  a  fallain  doibh, 
Ho-ri-o  elan  do  ghillean  an  f heilidh ; 

Ho-ri-o  slan,  'a  ho'-ro  gum  a  fallain  doibh, 
Ho-ri-o  slan  do  ghillean  an  fheilidh. 

Gum  a  slan  do  na  gillean 

A  dhireas  am  fireach, 
'S  a  bheir  am  boc  biorach 

A  innis  na  geige. 

Ho'-ri-o  slan,  etc. 

Luchd  nan  dos  donna, 
'S  nan  claidheamhna  troma, 
A  dheanadh  am  pronnadh, 
'N  am  cromadh  na  greine. 
Ho-ri-o  slan,  etc. 


112  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

2  Tha  bean  again,  's  i  bhios  a-gam; 

Tha  bean  agam  fhin  tha  coibhneil ; 
Tha  bean  again,  's  i  bhios  agam  ; 
Tha  bean  agam  fhin  tha  coibhneil ; 
Tha  bean  dhileas,  dhileae,  dhileas, 
Tha  bean  dhileas,  dhileas,  ohoibhneil ; 
Tha  bean  agam  fhin  tha  dileas, 
Tha  bean  agam  fhin  tha  coibhneil. 

The  following  words  usually  accompany  the  well-known 
tune  known  in  Gaelic  as  "  C'ar  son  a  bhiodh  sinn 
muladach?"  :  — 

Seisd — C'ar  son  a  bhiodh  sinn  muladach  ? 

'  S  c'  ar  son  a  bhiodh,  sinn  bronach  ? 
C'ar  son  a  bhiodh  sinn  muladach  ? 
'S  gum  falbh  sinn  uile  comhla. 

Tha  na  h-ighneagan  fo  mhmlad, 

'  S  tha  iad  uile  bronach ; 
'S  a  liughad  saighdear  boidheach  dearg 

A  dh'  fhalbh  gu  arm  Righ  Deorsa. 

'S  ioma,  mathair  bhio®  gun  mhac, 

'S  piuthair  bhios  gun  bhraithair, 
'S  maighdeann  6g  guru  leannan  aic' 

Mia  mhaireas  so  mar  tha  e. 

How  tragically  true,  unfortunately,  in  our  own  time ! 

The  tune  to  which  we  heard  these  words  usually  sung  is 
a  very  well-known  bagpipe  march,  one  of  the  two-measure 
melodies  of  which  the  "  Cool  Meadhonach  "  of  the  past  sub- 
stantially consisted.  Like  many  more  tunes,  however,  this 
one  would  seem  to  carry  a  relationship  with  a  few  others, 
though  it  is  not  impossible  that  a  question  as  to  variants  may 
be  involved.  Let  us  take  the  well-known  melody  of  the 
world-known  song,  "  A  Mian's  a  Man  for  a'  that."  We  find 
sung  to  this  in  Gaelic,  at  anyrate  in  certain  localities,  the 
words :  — 

Am  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  chaidil  mij 

Am  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  bhi  mi ; 
Am  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  chaidil  mi. 

'S  mo  leabaidh  anns  an  t-sithean. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  113 

The  next  four  lines  we  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  recover ; 
but  one  almost  hears  a  voice  gently  whispering  from  behind 
a  green,  grassy  mound  :  — 

Am  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  chaidil  mi, 

Am  bun  a'  chruidh  cha  bhi  mi ; 
Cha  chaidil  mi  am  bun  a/  chruidh, 

'S  mo  leabaidh  stigh  '&  an  t-sithmn. 

Close  on  the  heels  of  the  foregoing,  and  sung  to  a  melody 
very  similar,  come  the  words :  — 

A  h-uile  latha  'buain  na  rainich ; 

A  h-uile  latha  'm  onar  • 
A  h-uile  la^tha  'buain  na  rainich, 

Anns  a'  ghleannan  bhcidheach. 
Tha  mi  sgith  '&  mi  learn  fhin, 

A  h-uile  latha  'buain  na  rainich  ; 
Tha  mi  sgith  's  mi  learn  fhim, 

A  h-uile  latha  'm,  onar. 
Cul  an  tomain,  beul  an  tomain, 

Cul  an  tomain  bhoidhich ; 
C'iil  an  tomain,  beul  <an  tomain, 

A  h-uile  latha  'm  onar. 

Sometimes  varied  by  :  — 

Cul  a'  chmnein,  beul  a'  chinnein, 

Cul  a/  chinnein  bhoidhich,  etc.,  etc., 
and — 

Cul  a'  phriseiri,  beul  a'  phrisein, 

Cul  a-'  phrisein  bhoidhich. 
Tha  mi  sgith  's  mi  learn  fhin, 

A  h-uile  latha  'buain  nai  rainich ; 
Tha  mi  sgith  's  mi  learn  fhin, 

A  chuideachd  air  an  smeorach, 

of  which  last  line  there  would  appear  to  be  various  differenr 
renderings. 

Still  another  air  claims  kinship  in  this  connection — t.h«t 
to  which  are  sung  the  words :  — 

O  !  '&  f heudar  dhomh  fhin 

A  bhi  tarruing  dachaidh  direach, 

O  !  's  fheoidair  dhomh  fhin 
A  bhi  'seoladb  : 


114  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

O  !  's  fheudar  dhoomh  fhin 

A  bhi  tarruing  dachaidh  direach, 

A  dh'  ionnisuidh  na  tir 
'S  am  beil  m'  eel  as. 

Also  rendered — 

O  !  's  fheudar  dhomh  fhin  a  bhi  tarruing  dachaidh  direach y 
O  !  's  fheudar  dhomh  fhin  ia  bhi  falbhan ; 

O  !  's  fheudar  dhom'h  fhin  a  bhi  tarruing  dachaidh  direach, 
Mu  's  tig  an  t-uisge  min  gu  bhi  gairbh  dhomh, 

the  last  line  in  some  districts  being; — 

A  dh'  ionnsuidh  na  tir  as  an  d'  fhalbh  mi, 
varied  in 'the  second  bar  sometimes!  to  read  :  — 

Mile  ague  mile 

Ceud  soraidh  leis  a'  phiobaire, 
Mile  agus  mile  gu  decnach ; 
Mile  agus  milei 

Ceud  soraidh  leis  a'  phiobaire, 
'Shiubhladh  na  miltean  le  ceol  dhuinn. 

Occasionally  otherwise  rendered  :  — 

Mile  agus  mile 

Ceud  soraidh  leis  a'  phiobaire, 
Mile  agus  mile  le  bhoidhchead ; 
Mile  agus  mile 

Ceud  soraidh  leis  a'  phiobaire, 
'S  trie  a  thug  e  fidhleireachd  's  ceol  dhuinn. 

The  melody  in  this  case,  while  suggestive  of  "  Macpherson  s 
Lament,"  is  also'  well-known  as  that  associated  with  the  good 
old  song  beginning  :  — 

Theid  sinn,  theid  sinn, 

Le   suigeart  agus  aoidh, 
Theid  sinn,  theid  ainn, 

Gu  deoiiach  ; 
Theid  sinn,  theid  sinn, 

Thairisi  air  a'  chaol, 
A  dh'  ionnsuidh  an  taobh 

'M  beil  ar  n-eolas. 

To  me  it  seems  that  there  is  at  least  a  suggestion  of  kinship 
running  through  all  those  tunes — one  00*  other,  of  which  will 
probably  be  the  lost  melody — in  any  case,  they  are  each 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  115 

and  all  good  bagpipe  melodies,  that  in  their  sweetness,  when 
well  rendered,  leave  many  more  modern  creations  far  behind. 
The  following  should  not  be  forgotten :  — 

C'  ait'  an  robhi  thu  'n  diugh  's  an  de, 
A  mhicein  ghasda,  'mhioein  ghasda? 
(Repeated  twice) 

Anns  a'  choille  ris  an  spreidh, 

'S  a'  buain  nan  dearcag,  buain  nan  dearcag. 

Known  generally  as  "  Highland  Laddie,"  the  melody  has  long 
been  in  great  favour,  and  the  few  simple  words  we  possess 
have  created  beautiful  and  interesting  associations  around 
them. 

The  Gaelic  words  for  "  The  Highland  Wedding  "  are,  so 
far  as  seem  toi  be  known :  — 

Nach  truagh  leat  mi  ma  's  droch  bhean  i, 
Nach  truagh  leat  mi  thug  dhachaiidh  i, 
(Repeated  tivice) 

Ithidh  i  'm  biadh  's  cha  dean  i  'n  gniomh, 
'S  nach  truagh  leat  mi  thug  dhachaidh  i ! 

To  the  tune   "  The  Hills   (or  Braes)   of  Glenorchy  "   we 
used  to  hear:  — 

Loisg-  a'  chailleach  a  casan,  air  eibhleig, 
Loisg  a '  c  hail  leach  a  casan  air  eibhleig ; 
Loisg  a'  chailleach  a,  casan  air  eibhleig, 
'S  chuireadh  i  feum  air  ola  nan  ron. 

And  this  reminds  me  of  the  words  sung  to  "  A  Cold  Wind 
over  Wyvis  "  :  — 

'S  toigh  leis  an  duin'  agam 

Bileagan  ;s  duilleagan, 
'S  toigh  leis  an  duin'  agam 

Duilleagan  cail ; 
'S  toigh  leis  an  duin'  agam 

Bileagan  's  duilleagan, 
'S  toigh  leis  an  duin'  agam 

Duilleagan,  cail. 

De  ni  mi  ma  dh'  fhalbhas  an  duin'  aga.m  ? 
De  ni  mi  ma  gheibh  e  am  bas  ? 
De  ni  mi  ma  dh'  fhalbhas  an  duin'  aga.m  ? 
Bidh  mi  foi  mhulad  's  e  tuilleadh  gu  brath. 


116  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Another  set  of  words  commenced  :  — 

Ho  ro  na  'n  tigeadh, 

Hi  ri  nan  'n  tigeadh ; 
Ho  ro  nai  'n  tigeadh, 

N,a  gillean  a  dh'  fhalbh,  etc. 

The  well-known  march,  "  Gabhaidh  sinn  an  Rathad 
Mor  "  ("  We  will  take  the  high- way  ")  has  at  least  two 
sets  of  words  associated  with  it.  The  older  of  these  is  :  — 

Gabhaidh  sinn  an  rathad  mc-r, 
Gabhaidh  sinn  an  rathad  mbr; 
Gabhaidh  sinn  an  rathad  mcr, 
Olo  air  mhath  le  each  e. 

Olc  air  mhath  le  luchd  nam  braoisg, 
Olc  air  mhath  le!  luchd  nam  braoisg ; 
Olc  air  mhath  le  luchd  nam  braoisg, 
'S  bodaich  chaol  an  lagain. 

Mar  ri  cuideachda  mo  ghaoil, 
Mar  ri  cuideachda  mo  ghaoil ; 
Mar  ri  cuideachda  mo'  ghaoil, 
Clann  an  t-Saoir  a  Cladaich. 

While  found  under  various  names  in  different  collections, 
this  march  is  originally,  it  is  believed,  one  associated  with  the 
Clan  Macintyre. 

There  is  a  much  longer  version,  composed  during  the 
Wiars  of  Montrose,  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  yet  another1  one  from  the  pen  of  the  famous  Dr 
John  MaicLeod,  "  the  High  Priest  of  Morven,"  which  at  the 
present  time  acquires!  renewed  interest,  and  deserves  in  many 
respects  to  be  placed  oni  permanent  record  in  our  Society's 
"  Transactions."  It  is  not  nearly  well  enough  known:  — 

Fown — "  Gabhamaid  an  rathiad-rnor, 
Gabhamaid  an  rathad-mor, 
Gabhamaid  an  rathad-mor, 
Olc  no  math  le  each  e. 

"  Gleius  a'  phiob  is  luthmhor  fuaam, 
Duisg  Mac-talla  as  a  shuain ; 
T'Ogaibh  iomal  tir  isi  cuain, 
Caithreain-bhuaidh  nan  Gaidheal. 


Fragments  of  Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt  117 

"  Sgaoilibhi  brartach  ard  nam  buadh, 
Tairneamaid  na  lannan  cruaidh; 
Dheodn  no1  dh'  aindeoin  gheibh  sinn  buaidh 
Mar  bu  dual  do  Ghaidheil. 

"  'N  eideadh-cogaidh  ri  uchd  blair, 
'S  trio  a  thog  na  laoich  iai'  ghair; 
'S  bliiodh  le  'n  lannaibh  anns  gach  ar, 
Toisoach  aig  na  Gaidheil. 

"  Ged  tha  tir  naim,  beann  fo  spreidh, 
Is  fo  chaoraich  is  fo  fheidli, 
Cuiridh  sinne  'n  cath  gu  treun' — 
Chiaoidh  cha  gheiU  na  Gaidheil. 

"  'S  ged  a  tha  ar  larach  lorn, 

'S  ged  tha  sinn  gun  or  gun  fhonn, 
Seasaidh  sinne  bonn  ri  bonn, 
Gual  ri  gual  mar  Ghaidheil. 

"  Eiribh  fheara  Chlann  nan  treun, 
Tairneaniaid  na  lannan  geur, 
Tairnibh  's  dearbhaibh  leis  gach  beum, 
Gur  gaisgich  ghleusd  na  Gaidheil." 

The  following  was  well-known  on  Lochness-side :  — 

Leiginn  mo  bhalachan, 

'Shiubhal  main  garbhlach, 
Leigimi  mo'  bhalachan, 

Dh'  fhalbh  nam  fi-richean ; 
Leiginn  mo'  bhalachan, 

'Shiubhal  nan  garbhlach, 
'Chumail  an  t-sionnaich 

Bho  'n  mheanbh-chrodh. 

Bheirinn  mo  chu  dhuit, 

Luaidhe  is  fudar, 
Bheirinn  mo  chu  dhuit — 

Cu  is  gille  dhuit; 
Bheirinn  mo  chu  dhuit, 

Gunnia  nach  diultadh, 
'Shiubhal  nan  situc, 

'S  main  garbhlach. 

One  version — probably  the  oldest — of  the  Gaelic  words  for 
The  Campbells  are  Coming  "  runs:  — 


118  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

"  Bha  mi  air  banaie  am  Bail'  lonar-aora, 
Bha  mi  air  banais  am  Baal'  lonar-aora; 
Bha  mi  air  banais  am  Bail'  lonar-aora, 
Banais  bu  mhiosa  blia  riamh  air  an  t-saoghal. 

"  Mo  dhith,  mo  dhith,  is  mi  gun  mo  dhinneir, 
Mo  dhith,  mo  dhith,  is  mi  gun  a,  faotainn  ; 
Mo  dhithi,  moi  dhith,  isi  mi  gun  mo  dhinneir, 
'S   nach  d'   fhuair  mi  de  bhraiceas  ach   partain  is 
maorach. 

"  Mo  dhith,  mo  dhith,  is  mi  gun  mo  dhinnedr, 
MJo  dhith,  'si  e  'n  dolaidh  a,  chuir  mi  aoi  taobh  so  ; 
Mo>  dhith,  mo  dhith,  is  mi  gun  mo  dhinneir, 
'S  cha  'm  i  mo  shuipeir  is  fhasa,  dhomh  fhaotuinn. 

"  Bha  mi  air  banais  am  BiaiF  lonar-aora, 
Bha  mi  air  banais  am  Bail'  lonar-aora; 
Bha  mi  air  banais  am  Bail'  lonar-aora, 

na  boehdainn  's  gun  oirr'  ach  am  maorach." 


The  theme  of  this  composition  and  variants  seems  to  have 
spirung  from  some  circumstance  with  which  a  certain  story 
wouIH  appeax  to>  have  been  associated  —  not  impossibly  con- 
tributory to  the  inspiration  which  Burns  derived  from  his  visit 
to  Inveraray.  In  any  case,  these  words  are  not  sufficiently 
well  known,  and  I  take  opportunity  to  include  them  in  this 
collection,  though  I  am  awai-e  that  Mr  And.  Mackintosh 
also  is  dealing  with  them  in  his  interesting  excursion  into 
this  field. 

I  have  now  arrived  at  the  close  of  my  paper.  My  selec- 
tions might  be  on  a  much  more  extensive  scale  ;  but  it  may, 
perhaps,  be  remarked  that  I  incladed  a  number  of  the  more 
commonly  known  fragments  in  '  '  Story  and  Song  from  Loch- 
ness-side,"  and  in  previous  volumes  of  our  Society's  "  Trans- 
actionsi  "—(see  specially  Vols.  XXI.,  XXIII.,  and  £XV.)  ; 
while  I  always  counted  it  a  pleasure  and  an  honour  to  give 
some  pieces  away,  here  and  there,  to  interested  friends. 
Perhaps,  however,  at  some  future  time  I  may  dip  into  those 
old-world  treasures  of  song  which  a  people,  blessed  in  their 
time  with  the  possession  of  much  that  reflected  the  artistic 
side  of  life,  threw  off  in  their  heartiness  as  the  birds  in  the 
morning  sunlight  their  tuneful  lays.  When  !  oh  !  when,  shall 
there  be  efuch  a  happy  time  again  ? 


Domhnull  nan  Oran 


119 


2nd  MARCH,  1917. 

On  this  date  Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided,  and 
Mr  John  N.  MacLeod,  Teacher,  Strath  errick,  read  a  paper 
entitled  "  Domhnull  nan  Oran,  am  Bard  Sgitheanach, "  which 
is  as  follows  :  — 

DOMHNULL   NAN    ORAN 
(AM  BARD  SGITHEANACH). 

Tha  cuid  againn  aig  ,aoi  robh  beagan  eolais  air  an  Urr. 
Niall  Grannd,  a  Gleann-dail  's  an  eilean  Sgitheanach,  agus 
tha  e  air  aithris  airsan  gun  do  thaehair  e  uair  ann  an  cearn- 
aidh  araidh  de  ;n  Ghaidhealtachd  anns  nach  robh  moran 
eolaia  air  fhein  no  air  an  aite>  's  an  d'  thainig  e.  Dh' 
fhoighnich  neach  araidh  dheth  co  as  a  bha  e.  "  Tha  mi," 
,ars'  esan,  '  *  a  aite  ris  an  can  iad  Gleann-dail — gleann  a  chuir 
an  deagh  bharr  dheth,  agus  is  mi  fhein  pairt  de  'n  toradh 
sin."  Chan  'eil  teagaimh  aig  Sgitheanach  sam  bith  nach 
d'  araicheadh  iomadh  laoch  agusi  curaidh  le  cridhe  treun  agusi 
inntinn  mhor  fharsuinn  anns  a'  ohearnaidh  so,  agus  aig  an 
latha  'n  diugh  tha  mic  a'  ghlinnei  shios.  is  shoias,  thall  's  a 
bhos,  air  fad  agus  air  leud  na  talmhuinn,  agus  tha  iad  a' 
sealltuinn  do  ghnath,  gum  b'  fhirinn  da  rireamh  briathran 
Neill — gun  do  chuir  an  gleann  ud  barr  mor  dheth.  Am 
measg  nan  Daileach  so  air  am  bi  deagh  chuimhne  tha  cuspair 
ar  n-oraid  Domhnull  MacLeoid,  no  "  Domhnull  nan  Oran," 
mar  as  fhearr  a  thuigeas  niuinntir  an  eilein. 

Rugadh  Dcmhnull  MacLeoid  anns  a'  bhliadhna  1787. 
B'  e  aon  mhac  Neill  MhicLeoid,  a  on  de  chroitearan  a' 
ghlinne,  agus  duine  air  an  robh  deagh  sgeul  an  comhnuidh 
aig  a  choimhearenaich.  Nam  biodh  eias-,aonachd  sam  bith 
am  measg  nan  nabuidhnean  airson  chriochan,  no  feamainn, 
no  meas  na  cramhaig,  b'  e  Niall  aon  de  na  ciroiteirean  a  bha 
an  comhnuidh  air  a  ghairm  airson  an  t-sith  a  dheanamh. 
a.gus  ooir  gach  neach  fhaicinn  suidhichte.  Bha  mathair 
Dhomhnuill,  Seonaid  Nic  a'  Phearsoin,  no  Nic  Mhuirich, 
'na  boirionmaoh  sitheil  suilbhire,  agus  'n  a  deagh  bhan- 
chosanach  a  chumiadh  a  taobh  fhein  de  'n  tigh  cho>  math  ri 
bean  's  a'  Ghleann,  agusi  mar  sin  faodaidh  sinn  co-dhunadh 
gun  d'  fhuair  Domhnull  an  deaghu  thogail,  aigus  nach  leigeadh 
e  a  leas  cromadh-cinn  a  bhi  air  airson  a  pharantan  ge  b'  e 


120  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

taobh  a  bheireadh  e  'aghaddh.  Tha  Mac-Coinnich,  deasaiche 
"  Sar  Obair  nam  Bard  Gaidhealaich,"  ag  inns©  gun  robh 
parantan  Dhbmhnuill  bochd,  ach  cha  leig  sinn  a  leas  moran 
creid©is  a  thodrt  dha  sin.  B'ha  pailteas  bainne  is  ina  is 
cais©  aioa,  bha  sgadan  ur  '&  an  trosg  's  an  langa— saoibhreas 
na  doimhn© — an  comhnuidh  fo  'laimh,  bhiodh  buntata  's 
bonmach  math  ooroa  aca,  agus  co  ris  a  b'  urrainn  a  radh  gun 
robh  iad  bochd.  Is  fhada  uatha  ghabh  e. 

Cha  d'  fhuair  Domhnull  moran  sgodle.  Cha  robh  sgoil  Js 
an  fhasan  aig  an  am,  agus  is  ioimadh  duine  bochd  a  chum  sin 
air  an  spaid  agus  a'  phiociaid  fhad  's  bu  bheo  e.  A  dh' 
aindeoin  sin  uile  tha  e  coltachi  ^>un  d'  rinn  ©  f^eum  cubha.idh 
de  an  bheagan  a  fhuair  e,  oir  tha  ©  air  inns©  gun  sgriobhadh 
agus  gun  leughadh  e>  B©urla  Shasunnach  mu  'n  d'  fhag  © 
an  sgoil.  "  Cha  dean  foghlum  minist©ir;"  m,ar  a  thuirt  a' 
chailleach  rodmhe,  is;  cha  mho  ni  foghlum  bard,  ach  air  a 
shon  sin  uile,  rinn  iam  beagan  ionnsachaidh  a  fhuair 
Domhnull,  f©um  mor  dha  an  uair  ,a  ghleus  ©  a  chlarsaoh,  a 
chionn  gun  tug  ©  dha  farsruing©a<chd  inntinn  agus  g©ur 
bhreithneachadh  anni  an  cur  a  smuainteian  an  ©agaibh  a>  cheil© 
gu  ceart. 

Bhiodh  na  Daileieh  a'  dol  air  cheilidh  air  a  cheil©  'e  na 
laithibh  sin,  agus  bu  toil  le  Domhnull  at  bhi  's  an  tigh  's  am 
biodh  aireamh  bhodach  is  chailleachan  a'  ghlinn©  a'  s©an- 
achas  mu  Fhionn  is  mu  Oisean  's  mu  Chu-chulainn,  agus  a* 
seinn  nan  s©ann  luinneiagan  a  dh'  aithris©adh  bho  bheul  gu 
beul  a  nuas  bho  aimsdr  chian.  Bha  cuimhne  ro  laidir  aig©, 
Agus  ge  b'  ©  sgeul  noi  6ra.n  a  chluinneadh  e,  cha  robh  di- 
chuimhne  gu  bhi  air.  Bha  an  tigh-ceilidh  mar  sin  'na 
cEuideiachadh  mor  dha  ann  a  bhi  faighinn  eolais  air  bardachd 
agus  bial-aithris  a  shinnsir,  agus  an  uair  a  leughas  sinn 
'orain,  chi  sinn  an  ouid©achadh  mor  a  thug  an  t-©olas  sin  dha. 

Cha  robh  e  ach  coig  bliadhna  diag  an  uair  a  rinn  ©  a' 
chiad  oran,  "  Aitreabh  Ruairidh,"  do  Ruairidh  Miac-Neill, 
ceannaiche  ann  an  St©inn.  Tha  sinn  duilich  nach  d'  fhuair 
sinn  gredm  air  facal  idir  d©  'n  orain  so,  ach  shaoil©amaid 
gum  biodh  cuid  an  Gl©ann-dail  aig  am  biodh  cuimhn©  air. 
Cha  do  chuir  e  facal  dheth  's  an  leabbar  oran  a  chuir  e  fhein 
ri  cheil©.  Is  docha  an  uair  a  dh'  fhaa  ©  na  bu  shin©,  's  a 
thainig  piseach  air  buadhan  'inntinn  gun  do  emaoinich  © 
nach  b'  fhiach  duanagan  a  leanabais  luiaidh  a  dh©anamh  orra. 

An  uair  a  bha  ©  mu  fhichead  bliadhna  dh'  aois,  bha  a' 
Ghaidhealtaohd  air  a  tonn-luasgadh  1©  oogadh  fuilteach 


DomhnuJI  nan  Oran  121 

Napoleon.  Bha  na  h-uachdarain  gu  trang  a'  togail  shaigh- 
deirean,  a«gus  is  iomadh  fcirneart  is  bruidealachd  a  bha 
timchioll  air  an  am  sin.  Tha,  eachdraidh  aig  ar  seiann  daoine 
gus  an  latha  'n  diugh  air  an  doigh  anns  an  robh  balaich 
thapaidh  air  an  goid  'a  air  am  feall-ghlacadh  le  oifigeirean 
an  airm,  is  bu  thrio  balach  tapaidh  a'  falbh  "  fo  'n  choill  " 
iomadh  latha  ainsion  car  m,u  chnoc  a  thoirt  an  diiil  ri  saorsa. 
Bha  NiaJl  agus  Seonaid  f  o  iomnaidh  gach  latha  airson  an  aon 
mhac,  is .  eagal  orra  gach  mionaid  gum  biodh  Domhnull  an 
laimh  a  lucbd-torachd .  G-u  miorbhuilleiach,  thearnadh  e  bho 
luchd  an  airm,  agus  an  iiine  ghoirid  fhuair  e  a.'  cheart  obair 
a  bhai  a  reir  inntinn  agus  a  mhiann.  Thai  e  coltach  gun 
cuala  MacLeoid  Dun-Bheagain  deagh  iomradh  air  troimh 
charaid  coir  a  bha  's  a'  chuirt,  aigus  le  sin  fhuair  e  a  bhi  'n  a 
fnear-ticnal  chisean  an  rathaid-mhoir  airson  an  eilein  gu  leir. 
Chuir  so  e  saor  bho  'n  arm,  agus  ged  nach  'eil  sinn  a'  creid- 
sinn  gun  robh  am  paigheadh  mor,  bha  cead  a  choiset  aig©  bho 
Rudhia  Hunais  gu  Rudha  Shleite,  agus  oha  robh  oran  no 
sgiala,  no>  "  eolas  "  no  "  leigheas  "  a  chluinneadh  e  eadar 
da  cheann  an  eilein  nach  robh  e  taisgeiaidh  suas  'n  a  chuimhne 
iongantaich,  le  Ian  run  gach  ni  dhiubh  sin  >a  thodrt  do  'luchd- 
duthcha  an  dubh  's  an  geal  an  deidh  laimh.  Chualai  sinn  air 
dheagh  urras,  iomadh  uair  nach  robh  duine  bee  r'a  linn  aig 
an  robh  am  barrachd  fiosrachaidh  air  bardachd,  beul-aithris, 
eachdraidh,  agus  cleachdaidhean  an  eilein  agus  .a  bha  aige- 
san.  B'  e  a  run  eachdraidh:  an  >eilein  a  chlo-bhualadh,  ach 
ged  a  dh'  ullaich  o  chuid  bu  mho  de  'n  leabhar,  cha  d'  thainig 
an  ni  riamh  gu  ire.  Tha  cuid  a'  smaoineiachaidh  gur  h-e  dith 
airgid  a  bu  choireach,  >agus  gabhaidh  e  creidsinn  gun  robh  clo- 
bhualadh  Gaidhlig  gle  chosgail  an  uair  sin;  ach  ce  b'  e  de  'n 
camadh  a  thainig  's  a'  chuis  cha  do  chuir  e  an  leabhar  r'a 
cheile,  agus  b'  e  sin  a'  bhochdainn.  Is  iomadh  oran  agus 
sgiala  agus  fiosrachadh  luachmhor  a  chailleadh  gu  siorruidh 
do  bhrigh  sin. 

Ged  a  chaidh  so  'n  a  aghaidh,  oha  do^  sguir  e  a  chur 
cruinn  bardachd  a  dhuthcha,  agus  anns  a'  bhliadhna  1811, 
an  uair  nach  robh  e  ach  ceithir  bliadhna  fichead  ia  dh'  aois, 
chuir  e  r'a  cheile  leabhar-oran  Gaidhlig,  anns  an  robh  cuid 
de  bhardachd  fhein,  comhla  ri,  sean  orain  eile.  Rinn  mi 
mor  rannsiaichadh  thall  's  a  bhos  airson  sealladh  de  'n  leabhar 
so  fhaighinn,  agus  mu  dheireadh  thall,  fhuair  mi  aon  diubh 
bho  bhantrach  a  mhic — iighdar  Clarxacli  an  Doire,  ar  sean 
charaid  coir  Niall  MacLeoid,  neach  nam  bu  bheo  dha  an 


122  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuernets 

diugh  a  bheireadh  dhuinn  bho  thus  gu  eis  eachdraidh  athar 
ann  an  rogha  na  Gaidhlig. 

Tha  sia  duilleagan  deug  ar  sia  fichead  's  an  leabhar  so, 
ach  tha  na  coig  duilleagan  an  toiseach  an  leabhair  air  chall. 
Chan  'eil  fhios  agam  mar  sin  ciod  e  an  t-ainm  a  thug  e  air  an 
leabhar,  ach  tha  fiar  bheachd  again  gun  d'  thuirt  Niall,  a 
mhac,  rium  uair-eigin  gur  h-e  "  Co-chruinneachadh  de  brain 
Ghaidhlig,"  leas  an  do  bhaist  e  e.  Tha  mu  fhichead  bran,  leis 
fhein  amis  an  leabhar,  aigus  ochd  no  naoi  air  a  "bheil  an 
sgrioibhadh  "  Le  E.  M."  ann  an  laimh  sgriobhaidh  Neill 
fhein,  ach  chaoi  'oil  fhios  againn  an  drasda  co  tha  sin  a 
ciallachadh.  Tha  aon  oran  le  Uilleani  Ros  ann — "  Ho  ro 
ladie  dhuibh,  ho  ro  eile,"  "  Mort  Ghlinne  Oomhann  "  leis  a' 
bhard  Mhu«anach,  "  Marbhrann  do  Sheumas  Do'mhnullach, 
Fear  Soeaboist,"  "  Oran  do  Shir  Seumas,  Triath  Chloinn 
Domhnuill,  a  dh'  eug  's  an  Roimh,  1766,"  agus  "  Oiamar 
dh'  fhaodas  mi  bhi  beo  "  le  Ailean  Ball,  agus  moran  eile». 
Tha  an  leabhar  a'  ciriochnachadh  le  "  Mordubh,"  a*  chiad 
oran  ann  an  <£  Sar  Obair  naim  Bard,"  air  an  d'  rinii  sinn 
iomradh  cheana.  Chan  'eil  litreachadh  nam  faclan  ro 
eagnuidh  ann  an  cuid,  agus  tha  '11  clo-bhualadh  bochd  ann 
an  coimeias  ri  grinneas  agus  snas  leabhraichean  an  latha  'n 
diugh,  ach  a  dh'  aindeoin  sin  'a  e  co-chruinneachadh  luach- 
mhor  a  th'  ann,  oir  cho  fada  's  is  aithne  dhomh-sa  's  e  an 
dilleachdan  mu  dheireadh  de  leabhraichean  "  Dhomhnuill  nan 
Oran." 

Bho  chionn  corr  agus  ceithir  bliadhna  diag,  fhuair  mi 
bloigh  de  leabhran  beag  bho>  'n  U-rr.  Do^rnhnull  MiacArtair, 
Sgitheanach  coir,  a  tha  nis  'n  a  mhinisteir  's  an  Eaglais 
Aonaichte  an  sgir  nan  Loch  an  Leodhas.  Tha  's  aai  iarmad 
de  'n  leabhar  so  sia  braiian  le  "  Domhniull  nan  Oran/' 
*'  Oran  do  dh'  eildeirean  an  Loin  Mhoir,"  air  a  bheil  cuimhn© 
mhath  fhathast  's  an  eilean ;  "  Dan  do  'n  ghrein  ":  "  Dan 
do  'n  ghealaich  "  ;  "Dan  a'  bhreitheanais  ";  "  Dan  do  'n 
uaigh  "  ;  "  Oran  do  thulaich  ghlads  ris  an  abrar  Tungag," 
agus  da  cheathramh  de  "  Oran  an  uillt-mhoir."  Tha  naoi 
duilleaga.n  de  'n  leabhran  -a  lathair,  ach  chan  'eil  sgiala  air 
an  aiiim  no  cuin'  a  chaidh  a  chlb-bhualadh,  Tha  a  h.-uile 
coltas  air  gur  h-anii  an  deidh  dha  a'  chiad  cho-chruinneaichadh 
a  chuir  an  clo  a  rinn  e  na  h-6rain  a  th'  aims  am  Leabhar  bheag, 
oir  chan  'eil  aon  diubh  's  a'  chiad  leaibhar.  Tha  Mac- 
Coinnich  ann  am  Sar  Obair  nam  Bard,  ag  radh  gun  deach- 
aidh  Domhnull  timchioll  na  Gaidhealtachd  anns  a'  bhliadhna 


DomhnuH  nan  Or  an  123 

1829  ag  iarraidh  cuideachaidli  airson  leabhar  iir  a  chur  an 
clo  anns  an  robh  e>  gealltuinn  nor  eachdraidh  Chaluim  Cnille, 
Choinnich  Uidhir,  agusi  cunntas  mionaideach  air  a  Bhreith- 
eamh  Leodhasach  agus  an  Taoitear  Saileach  bho  am  breith 
gu  am  bas.  Clia  deachaidh  an  obair  so  leis  ce  b'  e  de  an 
cnap-starra  thainig  's  an  rathad,  ach  faodaidh  e  bhi  gun  do 
ohuir  e  an  leabhran  beag  so  r'a  cheile  an  uair  a  chaidh  an 
obair  mhor  eile  air  an  robh  e  meonachadh  'n  a  aghaidh.  Cha 
d'  fhuair  mi  lorg  sam  bith  air  aon  eile  de  na  leabhraichean 
beaga  so,  is  mar  sin  chan  'oil  mi  comasach  air  beachd  saon 
bith  a  thoirt  air.  meud  aii  leabhair  no  suspainn  nan  oran  a 
chaidh  air  chall,  iach  tha  mi  an  dochas  gum  bi  mi  oomasaoh  ri 
tide  air  an  iarmad  so1  a  dh'  fhagadh  a  thoirt  do  mo  luchd- 
duthcha  ann  an  dubh  's  an/  geal. 

'N  uair  a  bha  Domhnull  naoi  bliadhna  diag  a  dh'  aois, 
theann  e  ri  suirghe  air  nighoan  Stiubhartach  Bhorghodail. 
Chan  'eil  eachdraidh  sam  bith  air  de  cho  fada  's  a  bha  iad  a' 
suirghe,  ach  bha  an  gaol  ann  air  gach  taobb  agus  ciod  e 
tuilleadh  a  dh'  iarradh  iad?  Cha  robh  Stiubhartach  a  reir 
coltais  ro'  dheidheil  air  am  bard  og  so,  mac  croiteir,  a  bhi  ann 
an  daimh  cho  dluth  dha  ri  fear-posda  'nighinn.  'S  dccha 
mar  a  tha  'n  t-6ran  ag  radh,  gun  robh  an  Stiubhartach  ag 
cantuinn,  "  g^n  robh  is©  o  shliochd  nan  uaisleaii  's  gun  robh 
esan  (Domhnull)  o  shliochd  na  tuatha,"  is  mar  sin  gun  robh 
doimhne  ro  mhor  ann  an  inbhe  eatorra  airson  gum  b'  urrainn 
am  posadh  a  bhi  ann,  ach  cha  deialaicheadh  am  barcj  ri  'luaidh 
fhad-a'  a,  bhiodh  an  t-anam  ann,  agus  bu  thric  e  tighinii  gu 
Borghodail  'n  uair  >a  ghabhadh  an  luchd  faire  mu  thamh 
airson  conaltradli  a  bhi  aige  ris  a'  mhaighdinn  a  b'  aille 
leis-san  air  thalamh.  Bhai  gille  6g,  Coiiineach  Stiubhart, 
mac  brathar  an  Stiubhartaich  am  Borghodail  aig  an  am  so, 
agus  cha  robh  uair  a  thigeadh  Domhnull  a  shuirghe  nach 
biodh  esan  a  feall-fholach  agus  ag  innse  d'a  mhathair  ciod  e 
bha  dol.  Chuala  am  bard  so,  agus  chuir  e  roimhe  gum 
biodh  a  latha  fhein  aige  air  Coinneach  6g.  Mar  a  thuirt  sinn 
cheana,  bha  na  maoir-thrusaidh  air  gach  bealach  a'  togail 
shaighdeirean  airson  an  arm-dheirg.  Bha  fhios  gle  mha.th 
aig  Domhnull  ciod  e  an  cearnaidh  de  'n  eilean  's  an  robh  iad 
gach  latha,  oir  bha  e  fhein  fhathast  a^  siubhal  an  eilein 
airson  cisean  an  rathaid  mhoir.  Oidhche  de  na  h-oidhch- 
©anan  nach  ann  a  thainig  e  gu  dorus  a,n  Stiubhartaich,  anail 
'n  a  uchd  agus  a  shuileani  'n  an  seasamh  'n  a  cheann.  Thainig 
bean  an  Stiubhartaich  a  dh'  ionnsuigh  an  doruis,  agus  thuirt 


124  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

Domhnull  rithe  gu  tiirsach.  "  A  bhana-charaid,  tha  mi 
duilich  innse  dhuibh  gum  bi  na  miaoir-thrusaidh  an  so  an 
nochd  ag  iarraidh  Choinnich.  Thainig  an  crann,  mo 
thruadghe,  air  Coinneach  a  nis."  Sud  Coinneach  ri  bruth- 
aich  cho  luath  'e  a  rinn  a  chasan  dha,  agus  dh'  fholaich  e  o 
fhein  an  uamha  fad  thri  miosan,  agus  bha  slighe  reidh  aig 
Domhnull  agus  a  ghaol  re  na  h-uine  sin.  Cha  robh  an  dan 
dhoibh  pbsadh  an  deidh  's  gu  leir :  chaochail  ise  an  uair  nach 
ro'bh  i  ach  bliadhna  ar  fhichead,  agus  chuir  sin  lionn-dubh 
air  a'  bhard  fad  iomadh  latha,.  '  S  ann  dhi  >a  rinn  e  am  t-oran 
caomh  milis  at  tha  's  a'  chiad  leabhar  aigo  air  fonn,  "  O  's  tu 
's  gur  a  tu  th'  air  m'  airo,"  agus  's  e  'n  t-ainm  a  tha  e  toirt 
air,  "  Oran  le  Domhnull  MacLooid  da  leannan,  air  dhith 
bhi  ro  bheairtach,  's  na  faicte  an  coir  a'  bhail'  e,  bhiodh  am 
bas  cinnteach  aige."  Tha  bran  gaoil  eile  dhi,  a'  leantuinn 
an  fhir  so,  agus  tha  roimh-radh  an  brain  so  a'  cur  an  ceill  na 
h-apn  eachdraidh — an  cunnart  a  bh'  a^n  dha  'bhi  dol  faisg 
air  a.n  tigh  annsi  an.  ro'bh  a  ghaol,  ach  mar  bu  mho  na 
duiligheadasan  's  ann  bu  mhilse  an  coinneachadh  agus  bu 
doirbhe  an  dealachadh. 

Dh'  fhas  e  sigith  de  bhi  siubhal  an  eilein  iairson  nan  ciseian, 
agus  air  dha  an  obair  so  leigeil  dheth,  rinn  MacLeoid  Dhun- 
Bheagain  ' '  iasgair  ' '  dheth,  ach  cha  ro'bh  so  cho  cailmhor 
leis  's  a  bha  duil  aige,  is  cha  b'  fhada  gus  an  do  ghabh  e 
dubh-ghrain  dheth,  agus  chuir  e  ro>imhe  seoladh  do'  America, 
far  an  d'  fhuirich  e  coig  bliadhna  diag.  Chuir  e  a  lamh  ri 
iomadh  obair1  's  an  duthaich  sin,  agus  thia  e  coltach  nach 
b'  aim  an  aon  chearnaidh  a  chaith  e  'uine  na  bu  mho.  Dh' 
fhairtlich  orm  cunntas  fhaighinn  air  a'  chuaart  's  a'  chearn- 
aidh  so,  agus  cha  mho  tha  fhios  agam  ciod,  i  an  o>bair  a  bha 
aige  re  na  h-uine  sin.  Bha  e  greis  ia<nn  am  muileann  mhine 
co  dhiu,  agus  faodaidh  sinn  a  chreidsinn  gum  biodh,  e  thall  's 
a  bhos  feadh  na  tire  far  am  biodh  obair  a'  dol  aig  a-n  am. 
Chan  'eil  -e  colta-ch  gun  d'  rinn  e  moran  bardachd  air  aineol, 
oir  chan  fhaic  mi  aon  lideadh  air  America  anns  na  tha  air 
sgiala  de  'brain  no  adr  na  fiosraichea^n  a  thachair  ris  air  a' 
chuairt.  Bha  e  nisi  fas  car  aosda,  agus  coltach  r'a  mha£  coir, 
Niall,  an  uair  a  bha  'fheasgar  a'  ciaradh,  b'  e  mhiann  tilleadh 
do  '11  ghleann  sin  's  an  d'  fhuair  e  'arach  eg.  Thainig  e  mar 
sin  a  nail  air  a'  Chuan  Siar  laguei  rinn  e  a  dhachiaddh  an 
Gleaiin-dail.  Chan  'eil  teagamh  againn  nach  d'  rinn  e 
beagan  airgid  \a»  chrur  ma  seiach  an  America,  oir  tha  sinn  a* 
leughadh  gun  do  chuir  e  suas  ceannachd  an  uair  a  thainig  e 


Domhnull  nan  Oran  125 

dhachaidh.     Phbs  e  caileag  6g  lurach,  tha  iad  ag  radh,  aois 
naoi  bliadhna  diag,  'n  uair  a  bha  e  fhein  tri  fichead. 

Is  breagha  an  taaghlach  .a  thog  iad,  oeathrar  ghillean 
agus  sianar  nighean.  Chan  'eil  Gaidheal  nach  cuaJa  iomradh 
air  a  mhac  coir,  Niall,  ughdar  Clarsach  an  Doire,  aims  a 
bheil  co-chruinneachadh  do  brain  Ghaidhlig  cho  binn  blasda 
tomadach  's  a  chaidh  riamh  an  clb.  Tha  aon  bhuaidh  air 
Niall  nach  'eil  air  moran  de  bhaird  na  Gaidhlig,  agus  '&  e  sin, 
nach  d'  rinn  e  aon  rann  riaonh  a  bheireadh  fiamh  ruthaidh  an 
gruaidh  an  neach  bu  mheasarra  chaidh  riamh  a'  chruth- 
achadh.  Chi  sinn  cho  nor  's  a  tha  sin  'n  uair  a  loughas  sinn, 
"  Oram  na  seana.  mhaighdinn,"  '.'  Oran  an  t-seana  ghille," 
"  Turus  Dhbmhnuill  do  Ghlaschu,"  "  Dughall  na  Sroine," 
a-gus  gach  lideadh  eile  rinn  e.  'S  e  bha  ann  an  Niall  nor 
Chriosduidh  deanadach  feumail  a  bha  airson  a  shealltuinn 
dhuinn  gu'm  fagd  sinn  leasain  chudthromach  fhbghlum  bho 
nithean  faoine  na  beatha  s>o,  agus  nach  'eil  suidheachadh  's 
am  faighear  sinn  anns  nach  'eil  feum  againn  air  trecrachadh 
bho  'n  Ti  is  airde. 

Bha  Iain,  brat/hair  Neill,  "  Iain  Dubh,"  mar  a  chanadh 
iad,  'n  a  dheagh  bhard  cuideachd,  ged  nach  roibh  e  cho 
stuama  bainnte  'n  a  bhardachd  '&  a  bha  Niall.  Saoilidh  mi 
gu  bheil  cuid  de  brain  Iain,  aig  muinntir  a'  Ghlinne  fhathast. 
Tha  fhios  agam  gu  bheil  beachd  math  aig  an  Urr.  Aonghas 
MacPharlain,  ministear  na  h-Eaglads  Aonaichte  an  Dubhras 
ague  a'  Bhanath,  air  bardachd  Iain,  oir  chuala  mi  e  luaidh 
orra  bho  chionn  ghoirid. 

Cliaochail  "  Dbmhjiull  nan  Oran  "  anns  a'  bhliadhna 
1873,  aig  aois  ceithir  fichead  's  a  sia,  agus  chaireadh  e  cbmhla 
ri  duslach  a  shinnsir  ann  an  cladh  Chille  Chomhghain  an 
Gleann-dail,  faisg  air  an  "  allt  mhor  "  air  am  b'  eolach  e  's 
air  an  do  sheinn  e  gu  trie  'n  a  latha. 

Tha  moran  beb  's  an  eilean  fhathast  a  chunnaic  Dbmhnull 
agus  a  bha  eolach  air  agus  bithidh  cuimhne  mhath  aca-san 
air  a  chruth  's  a  dhealbh.  Bha  e  'n  a  dhuine  tomadach 
meadhonach  ard,  agus  bha  croit  mhor  air  'n  a  shean  aois. 
Tha  mo  charaid  coir,  Mgr.  Dbmhnull  Mac- a- Phi,  fear 
deasaiche  An  Deo-greine,  ag  innse  gu  bheil  deagh  chuimhne 
aig'e-san  air  a>n  ad  ard  mholach  dhubh  agus  an  cbta,  mor  a 
bhiodh  air.  Tha  e  a,g  radh  gun  robh  e  riamh  aithnichte 
airson  cho  sgiobaJta  grinn  's  -a  bhiodh  e  a,  Shabaid  's  a 
sheachduin.  Bha  eblas  farsuinn  mor  aige  air  a'  Bhiobull, 
agus  chan  'eil  duine  leugh  pairt  de  bhardachd  nach  fhaic  sin 


126  Gatlic  Society  of  Inuerness 

air  a  shon  fhein.  Chan  'eil  teagamh  sani  bith  nach  robh  na 
Gaidheil  a  bh'  ann  ri  linii-san  a'  deanamh  am  barrachd 
rannsachaddh  air  na  Sgriobtuirean  Naomha  na  muinntir  an 
la  an  diugh.  Bha  sin  soilleir  leis  choi  spioradail  's  a  bha.  an 
inntinn,  is  cho  durachdach  'e  a  bha  moran  acai  fiachainn  ris 
an  Fhirinn  a  chur  an  ceill  'n  an  oaithe-beatha,  a  reir  an 
t-soluis  a  bh'  aica  air  na  nithean  sin.  Bha  e  Ian  cridhealais  is 
eibhinneachd,  agus  cha  robh  moran  'n  a  latha  chumadh  a' 
choinneal  ris  ann  an  gearradh-cainnte.  'N  uair  a  bha  e 
siubhal  an  eilein  airson  cisean  an  rathaid-mhoir,  bha  e  aon 
latha  fliuch  a'  dol  seachad  troimhi  bhaile  araidh,  far  an  robh 
na  croiteirean  trang  a'  glanadh  a'  bhuntata.  Arsa 
Domhnull  's  an  dol  seachad  ri  fear  dhiubh,  "  Tha  sibh  a' 
togail  'ime  "  (uime)  (sin  a  their  smn  'si  an  eilean  ri  bhi  'cur 
iiir  ris  a'  bhuntata).  "  Chan  'eil  no  caise,"  ars'  an  duine,  's 
duil  aige  gum  faigheadh  e  cothrom  air  glas-ghuib  a  chur  air 
geiread  a'  bhaird.  "  Chan  'eil  sdnn,  a'  togaal  ime  no  caise 
ach  uir  mu  'n  bhuntata,"  ars'  an  duine.  "  Seadh,  direach," 
arsa  Domhnull,  "  ach  nach  faodadh  sibh  latha  na  bu  tiorma 
na  an  diugh  fhaotainn  gus  a  dheanamh."  "  O  cha'n  ann  do 
shiol  a'  phocai-shalainn  a  tha  sinni,"  ars'  an  duine.  "  Ma  ta, 
mur  a  th'  ann,"  arsa  Domhnull,  's  e  'cumail  roimhe,  "  's  ann 
isi  luaithe  ghrodas.  sibh."  Kainig  e  Port-righ  gle  ananioch 
aon  oidhche  's  rinn  ©  direach  air  aon  de  thighean  osda  a' 
bhaile,  far  an  ro'bh  moran  dhrbbhairean  lei  'n  cuid  chon  a' 
feitheamh  ri  feill  Phort-righ  a  bhiodh  ann  an  ath,  latha.  'N 
uair  a  chaidh  e  steach  thoisich  na  coin  ri  comhartaich,  'e  co 
chunnaic  e  's  an  t-seoniar-cil  ach  drobhair  nach  robh  ro 
mhiadhail  aige.  "  An  do  chuir  thu  mach  na  coin  uile, 
Dhcmhiiuill  ?"  ars'  an  drobhair.  "  Cha  do  chuir  buileach," 
arsa  Domhnull,  "  tha  thu  fhein  a  stigh  fhathast." 

'S  ann  airson  a  bhardachd  a  bhios  cuimhne  air  Domhnull 
nan  Oran.  Bha  o  'n  a  bhard  bho  'n  chich,  's:  co  dhiu  thug  e 
bho  dhualachas  e  no  nach  d'  thug,  tha  sinn  cinnteach  gun 
do  thuit  an  fhalluinn  aige  air  a  dhithis  mhac.  Tha  geiread 
inntinn  agusi  saoibhreas  mac-meanmna  air  am  buileachadh  gu 
mor  air  na  baird,  aigus  bha  sin  da  rireabh  nrinneach  mu 
thimchicll-san.  A  bharrachd  air  sin  bha  cuimhne  neo- 
chumanta  laidir  iaige,  agusi  eachdraidh  no  sgeula  no  sean 
oran  sam  bith  a  chluinneadh  e  aon  uair  bha  inntinn  'g  an 
greimeachadh  air  a  leithid  de  dhoigh  'si  nach  robh  iad  am 
feasda  air  an  di-chuimhneachadh.  Mar  sin  gach  ni  a  dh' 
fhoghlum  e  ann  an  sgoil  na  ceilidh,  aig  casan  nan  seann 


Domhnull  nan  Oran  127 

Daileach  coir©,  chuir  ©  an  deidh  laimh©  iann  an  cmth  brain. 
Cha  robh  ciiil  no  cial  d©  'n  eilean  nach  do>  shiubhail  e,  agus 
mar  sin  bha  colas  mionaideaoh  aig©  air  sean  eachdiraidh  gach 
sgire  agus  tha  sin'  gu  trie  a/  tighinn  gu  follais  'n  a  bhardachd. 
Bha  'm  Biobull  aige  cha  mh6r  air  a  theangaidh  agusi  's  trie  e 
deanamli  feum  de  shamhlaidhean  Sgriobtuireil  ann  a  bhi  cur 
suspainn  agus  tabhachd  'n  a  bhriathran.  Bha  e  ro  fhileianta 
ann  an  labhairt  na  Gaidhlig,  agus  dea®  ann  a  sgriobhadli 
cuideaclid,  agus  tha  sin  feumail  an  diugh  oir  mur  a  bhiodh  e 
fhein  oomasachi  air  a  bhardachd  a  chur  air  paipear  mar  a 
rinn  ©,  's  cinnteach  sinn;  nach  biodh  a  dhileab  do  '11  Cheolraidh 
air  ar  bialaibh  an  clo  aig  an  la  'n  diugh. 

Chan  'eil  e  idir  furasda  dhuinn  b©achd  eagnuidh  a  thoirt 
air  a  bhardachd  a  chionn  nach  '©il  <againn  ach  b©agan  d©  na 
rinn  ©.  Is  trio  a  fhiuair  sinn  a  mach,  ann  an  ramnsachadh 
thall  's  a  bhos,  iairson  sean  6ra,n,  gur  h-iad  gach  aon  a 
b'  fhearr  na  cheil©  a  chailleadh,  agus  gur  h-iad  na  plaosgan 
a  bha  air  am  fagail.  Chan  'eil  so  nor,  's  a'  choitcheantas, 
mu  orain  Dhomhnuill,  oir  tha  deagh  bhardachd,  rogha 
cainnte  agus  smuaintean  cudthromach  anns  na  th/  againn 
air  sgiala  dh©  obair.  Tha  MacCoinnich,  ann  an  Sdr  Ob  air 
nam  Bard  a'  faighinn  oo>ir©  dha  airson  'orain  a  chur  an  clo 
cho  og  ri  ceithir  bliadhnai  fichead.  B'  ©  bh©achd-san  gum 
bu  choir  dha  bhi  air  dail  a  dheanamh  gus  am  biodh  e  air 
suidfi©  air  a  cheill,  gus  am  biodh  buadhan  inntinn  agus 
©anchuinn  air  fas  na  b'  abuich©.  Faotdaidh  sin  a  bhi  nor, 
ague  is  cinnt&ach  leiiin  uile  bho  ar  fein-fhiosrachadh  gur  mor 
>an  t-atharrachadh  a  tha  dian-ruith  nan  linn  a'  toirt  air  ar 
n-inntinn,  ach  mar  a  thuirt  an  Sgriobtur,  "  Is  e  an  diugh  an 
t-am  taitneach,"  agusi  mur  do  ghabh  Domhnuli  'cothrom  air 
a'  chothrom  'n  uair  a  ghabh  e  e,  's  docha  nach  robh  lideadh 
de  bhardachd  an  clo  an  diugh. 

Am  ineasg  na  th'  againn  d©  orain,  tha  mi  am  b©a,chd  nach 
'eil  aon  a.  tha  cho  bed  cuireideach  fhathast  's  an,  eilean  ri 
"  Rann  clo  Eildeirean  an  Loin  Mhoir."  Chaidh  ©  dh' 
iarraidh  baistidh  air  seisean  an  Lean  Mhoir."  Dhiult  iad  sin, 
's  ma  dhiult  cha  b'  fhada  gus  an  cuala  an  saoghal  an 
caithream  air  a  chluais  bu  bhuidhr©.  Tha  e  losgadh  orra 
leis  an  Sgriobtur,  aguei  a'  tilgeadh  O'rra  gum  bh©il  iad  coltach 
ris  na  h-6ighean  aanaid©ach  ai  thainig  gu  sporsail  an  cbdha.il 
an  fhir  nuadh-phbsda  1<&  cl©6cannan  aluinn  ach  Ibchrain  a  jbha 
dolum  agus  traighte.  Tha  e  ris  'g  a  shaimhlachadh  fhein  ri 
Rahab,  's  ged  a  b'  i  b'  fheblmhoir©  ann  an  lericho  fhuair  i 


128  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuernes* 

sealladh  air  trocair.  Dhe  nach  d'  fhuair  na  slbigh  a'  bh-a  'g  a 
caineadh.  An  deidh  dha  na  h-eildeirean<  a  ris  a  shamhlachadh 
ris  na  Phariseich  a  bha  glanadh  taobh  a  muigh  na  meise  agus 
na  spainne;  ri  Hainan  a  shuidhich  croich  airson  bas  aognaidh 
a  thoirt  air  Mordecad,  ach  a<  chrochadh  air  sgornan  'n  a  aite; 
ri  lob  air  an  d'  iarraidh  le  chair  dean  an  fhirinn  aicheadh 
agus  striochdadh  do  Shatan,  tha  e  'g  innse  nan  aobharan 
airson  an  do  chumadh  am  baisteadh  uaidhe: 

"  Ma  gheibh  thu  drama  bho  dhuin'  uasa,l, 
Tha  thu  'n  uair  sin  air  do  mhabadh : 
Mia  chuir  thu  oar  na  dd'  ghiiallainn, 
A'  sealltuinn  bhuait  le  feithe  gaire, 
Bheir  Iain  MacAlasdair  auas  thu, 
Leugh  thu  'n  Cuairtear  air  an  t-Sabaid, 
Fuiling  a  nis  do  bhinn, 
Bho  Chalum  Seang  's  bho  Eoghann  Taillear." 

Tha  eadhon  an  rann  so  fhein  a'  toirt  dhuinn  beachd  air 
farsuingeachd  inntinn  agus  tur  a'  bhaird. 

Rinn  mi  iomradh  chieana  air  an  da  oran  gaoil  a  rinn  e  do 
nighean  fir  Bhorghodail,  agus  chunnadc  sinn  gur  h-e  <l  O  's  tu 
's  gur  a  tu  th'  air  m'  awe,"  oran  gaoil  cho  taitneach  's  a.  rinn 
e.  Cha  b'  esan  a  rinn  a-m  fonn  idir — is  iomadh  linn  bho  '11 
a  bha  e  air  blar  mu'n  d'  rugadh  e;  ach  bha  o  'n  a  chleachdadh 
glo  chumanta  ria^mh  am  mea^sg  na.m  bard  Gaidhealach  a 
bhi  cur  ri  cheilo  oran  air  fonn  a  bha  cumanta  air  bial  an 
t-sluaigh  agus  sin  mar  a  tha  e  cho<  duilich  an  diugh  rainn 
fhuadain  a  sgaradh  bho  chuid  do  na  h-6rain  Ghaidhlig. 
Chaidh  na«rainn  am  nieasg  a  cheile  leis  gach  aithris  a  rinneadh 
orra,  's  an  tigh-cheilidh,  agus  cha  robh  sgriobhadh  air  a' 
chuid  bu  mho  dhiubh  airson  an  ath  linn  a  chumail  ceart. 

Bha  deidh  mhor  aige  air  cuimhno  nam  fiuran  a  b'  aithne 
dha  's  an  eilean,  ghleidheadh  a<nn  am  "  marbhrann."  Rinn 
e>  marbhrann  ciatach  do  Dhbmhnull  Domhnullach  an  Griser- 
nis  a  chaochail  's  a'  bhliadhna  1808.  Tha  e  'deanamh 
iomraidh  air  ionndrainn  an  aite  a.ir  an  duine  so  a  bha  'n  a 
reul-iuil  agus  'n  a  chomhairliche  do  gach  neach  a  bha  an  cas 
no  an  uireasbhuidh,  agus  tha  mi  smuaineachadh  gu  bheil  an 
rann  so  a/  nochdadh  gu  cuimir  cliu  MhicDhomhnuill :  — 

"  'S  g;oirt  ri  chluinntinn  do  mhuinntir, 
'Bhi  gun  righ  air  cheann  coinneimh, 
'S  trie  'n  an  cuimhn©  gach  puince, 
A  bha  'n  ad  bhuill  air  am  faiacn, 


Domhnull  nan  Or  an  129 

Lamb  gun  mheang  air  chul  peannta, 
Bu  mhath  oeann  's  gach;  giiiomh  soilleir, 
An  cainnt  a  reiticheadh  aimhreit, 
Cha'n  fhaiceacr  ann  ac'  thu.  tuilleadh." 

Rinn  e  niarbhrann  eile  do  Chaiptein  Alasdair  MacLeoid  ann 
a'  Bhatuinn,  am  briathraibh  molaidh  tlachdmhor  nach  'eil 
lideadb  air  dheireadh  air  a'  mharbhrann  edle  dh'  ainmich 
ainn.  Tha  fhios  againn  gum  b'  airidh  moran  de  shean 
uaislean  an  eilein  air  moladh  a,gus  dan;  oir  bu  daoine  iad  a 
bha  deidbeil  air  at  bhi  ;g  iomchar  uallaicbean  an  iochdarain 
agus  a'  dol  gu  uchd  an  dichill  air  son  an  cranncbur  a  dbean- 
amh  na  bu  sbona  na  bha  e. 

Tha  oumba  grinn  aige  do  tbeaghlach  Ois,  air  dhoibh 
coignear  bbain-tighearnan  agus  aon  mbac  a  cball.  Tba  a' 
ohuid  is  mo  de  'n  chumha  'g  ardachadh  cliu  oigbre.Ois,  agus 
tba  bron  nan  eolacb  air  a  chur  gu  snasail  sios  anns  an  rann 
so:  — 

"  Tbainig  sguabadh  an  tein'  oirnn, 

Far  an  d'  fhuair  sinn  ar  bioradh, 

Cbuireiadhi  Ruairidb  na  gile, 

Ann  am  fuarachd  am  filleadb  nam  marbh. 

Mur  b-i  'n  luatbaidh  rinn  ra-thad, 

Cba  robb  buaidh  aig  mac  mnatha, 

Air  do  bhuannachd  le  claidheamh, 

Fbir  a  b'  uabharaich  amharc, 

Le  ro-sbluagb  ann  an  aighear  a'  falbh." 

Anns  an  leabhran  bheag  a  tba  fa  ;r  cxDmhair  tba  dain  do  'n 
ghrein  agus  do  'n  ghealaicn.  Tha  na  dain  ,air  an  our  ri  cheile 
ann  an  cumadh  comhraidh  eadar  am  bard  agus  na  cuspaineaii 
sin.  Ged  nach  fhaodadh  moran  fiosrachaidh  ann  an  Reul- 
eolas  a  bhi  aig  a'  bhard,  gidheadh  tha  na  dain  so  a'  seaJltuinn 
gun  robh  an  cumhachd  diomhair  a  tha  stiuradh  na  cruinne 
,a'  toirt  emuaintean  troma  bho  'inntinn,  aigus  gun  robh  e  mu 
dheireadh  a'  tighinn  gu  beiachdan  araidh  a  bhi  aige  mu  churs- 
aichean  nan  saogbal  sin,  ged  a  dh'  fhaodadh  nach  seasadh 
fheallsanachd  ri  solus  foghluim  an  latha  'n  diugh.  Ars'  ©san 
mu  'n  ghrein:  — 

' '  Cbig  mile  bliadhna  is  ciada.n  corr, 
O  fhuaJr  thiu  eclas  air  do  churs, 
Chan  ebl  do  neach  air  bith  do  Ion, 
Ach  Iiornta4>ed  fa  chomhair  gach  sul. 


130  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

O  's  cian  bho  chuireadh  umad  cot', 

;S  cha  b'  aim  de  chloimh  no  sbeora'  a  buth, 

Ach  finealt,  inealt'  ann  an  gloir, 

'S  an  fhion-lios  posd'  lo  crdugh  triuir." 

Tha  a'  ghrian  a'  f reagairt,  ag  radh  :  — 

"  Ciad  mil©  muillion  mile  uair, 
Chuir  misie  cuairt  os  ur  cinn, 
'S  aithne  dhomh  iosal  is  ard, 
O'n  fhuair  mi  'n  talann  bho  'n  High. 
'N  uair  diuireadh  an  snaoim  air  Adhamh, 
Bha  mi  's  a'  gharaidh  'n  an  cainnt, 
Bha  e  niiar  misa  air  an  la  sin, 
Gu'n  d'  thug  -e  bas  air  ,ai  chloinn." 

Ann  an  "  dan  na  gealaich  "  tha  'm  bard  a'  cur  failte  mar 
so  air  a'  chuapair  sin :  — 

"  A  gheala<ch  tha  siubhal  nan  speur, 
'S  truagh  nach  robh  do  cheum  ,air  lar, 
Gum  boachdaiohinn  le  mo  shuil, 
Mar  tha  do  chursa  gun  ta-mh. 
Theid  thu  'n  a  do  dha  bhloigh  dhiag, 
'S  an  coann  gach  mios  bidh  tu  slan, 
Am  bheil  thu  pbsda  ris  a'  chuan, 
Is  sibh  a'  gluasad  's  an  aon  ghna-ths?" 

Tha  a'  gbeialaoh  a'  f  reagairt,  agus  an  deidh  innse  do  'n 
bhard  gu  bheil  ise  gach  uair  a'  cur  an  ceill  morachd  >a  cruith- 
fheir,  an  uair  nach  'eil  de  dhilsieachd  an  sluagh  an  t-saoghail 
ach  a  bhi  a'  losgadh  iobairtean  graineil,  tha  i  ag  innse  a 
chliu  fhein  do  'n  bhard  anns  na  briathran  so:  — 

"  Innsidh  tu  le  teanga  leomaich, 
A'  choir  a.  th'  agad  air  Parras, 
'S  do  chridhei  nimheil  an  Sodom, 
Solar  ghoisnichean  do  d'  bhrathair. 
Dhiiineadh  tu  dorus  na  trocair, 
Nam  faigheadh  t'  orduchadh  aite: 
O,  miorbhull  fhollaiseach  lehobhah, 
Mur  h-e  Tophat  do  thorn  tamha." 

Coltach  ris  gach  Gaidhea-1  coir  eile,  bha  a  mheas  a.gus  a 
mhiann  air  duthaich  araich,  agus  cha  robh  aite  air  an 
t-saoghal  cho  boidheach  leia-ean  ris  "  -a'  ghleann  's  an  robh  e 


Domhnull  nan  Oran  131 

bg."  Bha  gaeh  tulach  aigus  cnoc,  gach  allt  agus  6s,  a  labh- 
airt  ris-san  an  dbigh  nach  robh  iad  a/  deanamh  ri  muinntir 
eile,  agus  tha  sinn  a'  creidsinn  gur  h-iomadh  rann  aims  an  do 
chuir  e  ri  'cheile  mbrachdan  a'  Ghlinne,  iiam  biodh  iad  uile 
againn  air  clar  leabhair.  Tha  bran  againn  a  rinn  e  do 
thulaich  ghlais  ris  an  abrar  "  Tungag,"  agus  aims  iia  rainn 
sin  tha  ©  siealltuinn  gu  soilleir  dhuinn  an  comas  scnruichte 
bh'  aige  ann  a  bhi  tarruing  deilbh  nithean  cumanta-  ann  an 
,  rogha  na  Gaidhlig,  agus  a'  cur  grinnis  agus  loinn  orra  nach 
fhaiceadh  an  t-suil  choitchiooin  gu  brath.  A;  ,tighinn  air  a' 
choileiach  tha  e  ag  radh :  — 

"  Tha  'n  coileach  air  a  chomhdach, 
Le  cota  iomadh  dath, 
Le  choileirean  air  oradh, 
Gu  rbinneagach,  ruinnoagach  ; 
A'  tighinn  a  maoh  bho  bhun  a'  stac, 
Gu  suchdach,  frachdach,  furachair, 
Lo  chirean  dearg  tha  rosach, 
'S  le  bhotainean  fionna-gheal. 
Bha  'leannan  bamail  posda, 
Gu  oomhraideach,  furanach, 
Ri  mealladh  gean  a  ghogain, 
Gu  h-bislein©ach,  binn-fhaclach ; 
A'  falach  fead  mu  ghur  a  nid 
'S  a'  cogar  eadar  fhille-inoan,, 
Le  spiorad  mire!  is  bige, 
Gu  sblasach  suilleanach." 

So  dealbh  an  daimh  dhuinn  :  — 

"  Cha  aalaich  feiar  na  croice, 
A  bhrbg  air  a  bhioraichead, 
'S  an  fhalluinn  chainnaich,  mhbgaich, 
An  rbidean  a  h-innisean. 
Do1  fhallas  culaidh,  bainiijeaich,  cuilidh, 
Meallach,  duilleaeh,  binneagach, 
Gu  bearrach,  daileach,  oebthach, 
Gu  Ibinneagach,  slinneanach." 

Chan  'eil  rann  na  gealaig  dad  air  dheireadh :  — 

"  Tha  a'  ghealaig  leumniach  earrchaol 
Gu  balbh  anns  na  glumagan ; 
'S  a.  lainnir  air  a  ghainmhean, 
Gu  h-airgiodach,  oulagach. 


132  Gaelic  Society  of  fnuerness 

'S  i  'snapadh  guib  's  a'  snapadh  chuip, 
A'  oeapadh  thuice  ohuileagan, 
Gu  geimeach,  sailleach,  mealgaob, 
Gu  garbhanach,  cularach." 

Chan  'eil  air  sgial  agam  ach  da  rann  de  "  Oran  an  Uillt 
Mhoir,"  an  t-allt  sin  a  tha.  faisg  u-ir  an  aite  anus  am  bheil  a 
dhuslach  an  caradh.  Bheir  an  da  rann  sin  fhein  beagan  de 
bheachd  dhuinn  air  an  spiorad  anns  an  d'  rinneadh  a  chuid  a 
chailleadh  dheth:  — 

' '  An  deicheainh  la  de  tbe-asi  a,'  Mhaigh, 

Theich  uam  mo  nadur  broin, 
'S  mi  'm  sheasamh  lainh  ri  easan  gakeach, 

'Deiaroadh  blath  'n  Uillt  Mhoir. 
Mar  thaisbean  nadur  dreach  is  blaths, 

Bha  inealt  aillidh  's  oeol, 
Gun  teach  gun  bharr  gun  todc  air  lar, 

Ach  feartan  grais  mar  Ion. 

'N  uair  las  a'  ghrian  's  a  sgap  a  fiamh, 

Air  dealta  liath  an  fheoir, 
Chan  f hacas  gniomih  le  stailoeadh  mhiar, 

A  aheasadh  iall  nan  coir. 
Gach  aon  a  mach  air  elataig  uaine, 

'S  mab  dbe  duail  'n  a  dhorn, 
Bu  sgaoilteach,  taitneach,  blasd'  'am  fuaim, 

'S  an  gaisd  air  ghluasad  fodh." 

Tha  mi  deimhin  gun  d'  rinn  bard  cho  eirmseach  geur- 
fhaclach  ri  Domhnull,  mora,n  orain  eibhinn,  ach  a  measg  an 
iarmaid  a  th'  againn  de  bhardachd  's  e  aon  oran  abhaohdach 
©adar  fhirinn  is  mhagadh  a  tha  againn.  'S  e  sin  (<  Oran 
Mhurchaidh  Bhig."  Bha  Murchadh  'n  a  bhuachadlle  feoir 
aig  aon  de  eildeirean  na  h-eaglais,  agus  air  do  brduighean  a 
bhi  's  •&'  choimhearsnachd,  iiach  ann  a  fhuair  Murchadh  aon 
de  eich  a'  mhaighstir  airaoii  a  marcachd  dhachaidh  air.  Bha 
cumaii  mor  fo  achlaisi  air  muin  an  eich:  thuislich  ,an  t-each 
'&  bhriseadh  an  cuman  'n  a  chiad  clar  is  leonadh  Murchadh 
gu  dona.  Tha  am  bard  a'  cur  as  leith  Mhurchaidh  gur  h-e 
a'  phrois  a.  thug  air  tighinn  dhachaidh  air  diolaid,  'a  gum 
b'  e  an  fhearas-mhor  a  chum  e  gun  an  cuman  a  chur  air  a 
dhruim  ann  an  gadaig  mar  a  dheamadh  na  Daileich  bhochda. 
Tha  oran  ann  an  riochd  comhraidh  eadar  Murchadh  's  an 


Do mh null  nan  Oran  133 

t-each : — Murchadh  ag  iomchair  an  eich,  's  an  t-each  ag 
iomchair  Mhurchaidh.  An  deidh  doi  Mhurehadh  an  t-each  a 
chaineadh  gu  a  bhrogan,  tha  an  t-each  a'  freagairt  air  a 
ehocair  mar  so :  — 

"  A  Mhurchaidh,  na  bi  gorach, 
'S  na  toisich  '&  na.  ceannaibh  sin, 
Mu  'n  toir  m,i  tuilleadh  spoirs  ort, 
Do  oigridh  an  fhearainn  so. 

Gur  math  mo'  cheithir  bhrogan, 
^S  moi  dhorn  giur  .a  smiorail  i, 
'S  ma  gheibh  thu  mu  na  chluais  i, 
Bi'  cruaidh  ort  gun  cairich  thu. 

A  Mhurchaidh  Bhig,  nam.  biodh  tu  glio, 
Cha  b'  ann  ri  siod  a  dh'  fhanadh  tu, 
Ach  a  dhol  dhachaidh  gun  ,aon  each, 
O,  chleachd  thu  bhi  t'  fhear  cairiste. 

Bha  m;  eolas  ort  da  bhliadhna, 
'S  tri  mioisaii  a  bharrachd  air, 
'S  chan  fhaca  mi  each  dialta, 
Dol  riamh  gu  do  dhorusi  leat." 

Tha  Murchadh  a'  freagairt :  — 

"A  bheathaich  dhonna  phriobail, 

06  dh'  innseadh  mar  eachdraidh  dhuit, 

Gun  robh  mi  gun  each  dialta, 

'S  nach  b'  fhiach  dha  dol  dachaidh  learn. 

Gu  faodainn-sa  dha  dhiag, 

Chur  fo  shrianan  's  fo  shrapaichean, 

Gun  thusa  bhi  'n  ani  fhianuie, 

'S  glas  shiomain  mu  d'  chasan-sa. 

Mar  's  trie  bha  thu  air  chul  garaidh, 

Ann  an  aite  drabhasach, 

Airson  na  meirle  ge  do  tha  thu, 

Tighinn  an  drasd>a  ceannasach ; 

Gu  faca  mi  glafi-lamh  ort, 

Is  caine  mur  teannaicht'  i, 

Gur  trie  a  rinn  mi  caradh, 

'S  an  drasda  chan  aithreach  learn." 


134  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 


16th  MARCH,  1917. 

At  a  meeting  on  this  date  Angus  Cameron,  Esq.,  Sean  eld 
Estates  Office,  Elgin,  and  Mr  Win.  MacLeod,  Curator, 
Inverness  Museum,  were  elected  ordinary  members  of  the 
Society.  Thereafter  a  paper,  entitled  "  Donald  Matheson 
.and  other  Gaelic:  Poets  in  Kildonan  and  Reay,"  contributed 
by  H.  F.  Campbell,  Esq.,  Advocate,  Aberdeen,  was  read. 
The  paper  isi  as  follows :  — 

DONALD  MATHESON  AND  OTHER  GAELIC  POETS 
IN  KILDONAN  AND  BEAT. 

There  was  no  literary  efflorescence)  in  the  two'  northern 
counties  until  the  mididle  of  the  18th  century.  Gilbert, 
Bishop  of  Caithness,  early  in  the  13th  century,  is  credited  with 
a  Gaelic  translation  of  the  Psalms,  but  no  part  of  this  work 
is  now  extant.  For  five  centuries  after  the  time  of  Bishop 
Gilbert  the  literary  records  of  Caithness  and  Sutherland  are 
singularly  sterile.  In  the  17th  century  Alexander  Munro 
gave  religious  instruction  in  the  Reay  Country  by  means  of 
Gaelic  hymns,  of  which  a  specimen  is  preserved  in  Cameron's 
"  Reliquiae  Celticae,"  but  another  century  elapses  before  the 
waters  are  again  stirred. 

The  earliest  literary  efforts  of  the  Highland  people  in  the 
middle  of  the  18th  century  are  marked  by  two  leading  influ- 
ences, one  racial,  the  other  historical.  On  the  one  hand  the 
poetry  of  the  period  possesses  that  spirit  of  sadness1  which 
critics  trace  throughout  all  Celtic  literature,  while  on  the  other 
hand  it  is  permeated  with  the  Puritan  influence  which  was  so 
marked  in  England  and  the  south  of  Scotland  in  the  17th 
century,  and  only  penetrated  into  the  northern  counties  in 
the  years  following  the  Union  of  1707. 

The  Shorter  Catechism,  though  mainly  the  work  of  Cam- 
bridge Presbyterian  divines,  had  never  received  a  hearty  wel- 
come in  the  land  of  it®  origin  (where  it  soon  lost  all  influence), 
but  took  a  singular  hold  of  the  minds  of  the  people  in  the  far 
north  as  soon  as  it  wais  introduced  among  them.  Throughout 
the  latter  part  of  the  18th  century,  and  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  19th,  the  catechist  and  his  Puritan  theology  were  the 
dominating  religious  influences  in  most  Highland  parishes 
and  the  backbone  of  what  literary  activity  there  was. 


Donald  Matheson  and  other  Gaelic  Poets          135 

Fugitive  pieces  of  Ossianic  poetry  recited  in  Halkirk, 
Reay,  and  Kildonan  have  been  brought  thither  probably  by 
the  Maclvers  or  Iverachs  who  had  migrated  into  Caithness 
from  Argyllshire  in  the  16th  century,  and  who  maintained 
their  acquaintance  with  Ossianic  poems  by  oral  tradition  for 
five  or  six  generations.  In  the  Reay  Country  also  the  verses 
of  Rob  Bonn  (1711-1744)  took  a  great  hold  among  the  people, 
by  whom  they  were  committed  to  memory  and  orally  trans- 
mitted. His  songs  were  first  published  in  1829,  more  than 
half  a  century  after  the  author's  death.  Ossian  and  Rob 
Donn  were  the  only  rivals  to  the  powerful  influence  of  the 
catechists. 

One  of  the  favourite  forms  of  the  "  I>ain  Spiotradail"  or 
religious  poems  of  the  oatechists  was  the  "  Marbhrann"  or 
elegy,  which  afforded  scope  for  the  expression  of  sympathetic 
sorrow  as  well  as  of  religious  emotion. 

Writing  of  the  G-aelic  race  Renan  siaysi,  "  Its  history  is  in 
itself  one  long  lament.  It  still  'recalls  its  exiles,  its  flights 
across  the  seas.  If  at  times  it  seems  to  be  cheerful,  a  tear  is 
not  slow  to  glisten  behind  its  smile.  It  does  not  know  that 
strange  forgetfulness  of  human  conditions  and  destinies  which 
is  called  gaiety.  Its  songs  of  joy  end  as  elegies."  Along 
with  the  saddening  racial  land  theological  influences  which 
affected  the  poetry  of  the  catechists1,  account  has  toi  be  taken 
of  their  manner  of  life  and  their  scenic  surroundings.  Almost 
the  only  books  then  known  to  the  people  besides  the  Bible  and 
the  Shorter  Catechism  were  one  or  two  of  the  standard  writ- 
ings of  the  English  Puritans,  such  as  Baxter's  Call  and  the 
Sum  of  Saving  Knowledge.  Nor  could  it  be  said  that  the 
magnificent  scenery  of  Kildonan,  made  the  same  appeal  to  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  that  time  as  it  did  at  a  later  period 
to  their  children.  Religion  had  become  the  most  powerful 
civilizing  influence!  in  the  Highlands.  The  pastoral  life 
depicted  in  the  Old  Testament,  resembling  as  it  did  in  many 
of  its  leading  features  their  own  life,  appealed  to  them  with 
greater  force  than  New  Testament  doctrine.  Their  outlook 
upon  life  resembled  'that!  of  a  small  secluded  nation  like  the 
people  of  Judea  rather  than  that  of  the  cosmopolitan  peoples 
of  the  New  Testament  period.  In  the  18th  century  the  people 
of  the  North  Highlands  were  in  culture  and  civilization  like 
the  Waldenses,  the  Dutch  and  German  pietists  of  the  17th 
century,  and  the  South  African  Boers  of  the  19th  century. 
This  accounts  for  the  manner  in  which  they  were  influenced 


136  'Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

by  the  doctrine  of  Grace.  The  religious  man  endowed  with 
Grace  was  to  them  comparable  to  the  "  Man  of  God"  in  the 
Old  Testament  who  had  received  of  the  Divine  afflatus.  The 
marks  of  the  German  Protestantism  of  the  age  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus  was  also  to  be  traced  in  the  descendants  of  those 
who  had  served  in  the  Thirty  Years  War. 

Among  those  people  there  nourished  for  fully  a  century 
(from  about  1750  to  1850)  a  succession  of  Gaelic  poets,  hymn 
writers,  and  elegisits,  in  the  parishes  of  Kildonan  and  Reay. 
The  earliest  in  date  and  the  most  famous  of  these  Kildonan 
poets  was  Donald  Matheson  (1719-1782),  who  spent  his  early 
manhood  at  Kinbrace  <and  whose  family  afterwards  moved  to 
Badanloch  in  the  upper  part  of  Kildonan,  where  his  descend- 
ants are  still  to  be  found.  His.  poems  were  first  published  a.t 
Tain  in  the  year  1816  (Celtic  Review,  Volume  VIII.,  page  56). 
They  appear  to  have  been  issued  if  .not  edited  by  his  son 
Samuel  Matheson,  who  was  himself  also  a  poet,  and  published 
elegies  several  years  before  his  father's  writings  were  printed. 
There  was  a  second  issue  of  Donald  Matheson's  poems  in  1825, 
mainly  a  reprint  of  the  Tain  edition  of  1816,  with  a  brief 
advertisement  or  preface  signed  by  two  of  the'  best  known  and 
most  influential  ministers  of  the  day,  Dr  John  Macdonald, 
Ferintosh,  and  the  Rev.  John,  Kennedy,  Killearnan.  A  third 
edition  was  issued  at  Aberdeen  in  1849,  a  fourth  by  Mr  D. 
Fraser,  Bookseller,  Inverness,  in  1868.  There  were  also 
subsequent  editions  at  fringwall  and  Glasgow,  where  the  latest 
issue  of  his  poems  appeared  in  1899. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Donald  Matheson's  poems  were 
printed  during  his  lifetime,  and  the  eminent  ministers  who 
gave  the  publication  their  sanction  in  1825  stated  in  their 
preface  that  the  work  necessarily  laboured  under  the  disad- 
vantage of  a  posthumous  one.  They  explained  that  "  the 
dialect  in  which  it  was  written,  but  which  it  was  not  thought 
proper  to  alter,  may  not  be  quite  intelligible  to  those  in  the 
more  southern  districts  of  the  Highlands."  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Dr  Macintosh  Mackay,  in  his  edition  of  the  works 
of  Matheson's  contemporary  Rob  Donn,  which  appeared 
three  or  four  years  after  the  second  edition  of  Matheson's 
po-ems,  took  a  different  course  from  that  here  indicated.  Dr 
Mackay  endeavoured  to  modify  the  Reay  Country  bard's  lan- 
guage so  as  to  render  it  more  intelligible  to  readers  in  the 
southern  districts  of  the  Highlands,  with  the  result  that  the 
poetry  was  in  some  instances  rather  spoiled.  Matheson'e 


Donald  Matheson  and  other  Gaelic  Poets 


137 


contemporaries,  the  Rev.  Alexander  Pope  of  Reay  and  the 
Rev.  John  Mackenzie  of  Assynt,  the  most  noted  men  of  learn- 
ing then  in  the  northern  counties,  wrote  G-aielic  phonetically, 
so  that  the  imperfect  literary  knowledge  of  Gaelic  in  his  time 
was  an  obstacle  to  the  dissemination  in  writing  of  Matheson's 
poems  as  well  as  the  difficulties  of  rtialect.  It  may  be  added 
that  some  editions,  such  as  those  of  1868,  are  replete  with 
typographical  errors*. 

The  Matheson  family  was  fortunate  in  escaping  the  great 
Kildonan  "  clearance"  of  1819,  and  as  we  have  said  there  are 
still  Mathesons  at  Badanloch.  According  to>  the  biographer 
of  Donald  Matheson,  his  memory  was  in  1816  much  and  justly 
revelred  in  Kildonan.  At  that  time  his  sons  Hugh  and 
Samuel  (who  will  be  afterwards  referred  to)  both  resided  at 
Badanloch.  Dr  Macdonald  and  the  Rev.  John, Kennedy  had 
referred  to  Donald  Matheson  as  "  a.  Christian  poet  and  that 
in  no  ordinary  degree,"  pointing  to  his  poems  and  his  personal 
reputation  in  support  of  their  testimony.  It  was  as  a  Christian 
and  a  poet  that  the  Rev.  Donald  Sage  introduces  Donald 
Matheson's  name  in  his  "  Memorabilia."  Mr  Sage's  account 
of  the  Mathesonsi  when  he  wast  missionary  at  Achness  about 
1816  is  as  follows:  — 

"  Samuel  Matheson  lived  at  Badanloch.  He  was  second 
son  of  Donald  Matheson  of  Kinbrace,  catechist  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  parish  of  Kildonan  during  the  ministry  of  Mr 
Hugh  Ross,  predecessor  of  Mr  John  Ross.  Donald  Matheson 
was  a  very  distinguished  Christian  in  his  day.  He  was  also* 
a  poet,  and  composed  a  number  of  spiritual  songs,  which  his 
son  Samuel  printed  and  circulated.  Donald  Matheson  was 
the  contemporary  of  Rob  D'onn ,  and  the  character  of 
Donald's  poetry  may  best  be  understood  by  Rob  Donn's 
remark  upon  it.  They  met,  it  is  said,  at  a  friend's  house, 
and  each  sang  one  of  his  own  songs.  When  they  concluded, 
Donald  submitted  his  song  to  the  judgment  of  the  Reay 
Country  bard.  '  Donald/  answered  Rob,  '  there  is  more 
poetry  in  my  song,  and  more  of  piety  in  yours.'  Matheson 
lived  to  an  advanced  age.  He  was  a  man  of  much  piety,  but 
was  also  diligent  in  his  calling  of  cattle-dealing.  He  had  two 
sons,  Hugh  and  Samuel.  The  former  lived  at  Badanloch,  and 
was  a  deeply  exercised  Christian.  Samuel  was  also  a  man  of 
reputed  piety,  but  he  associated  with  the  separatists.  His 
wife  was  the  daughter  of  a  pio'US  widow  who  resided  at  Rhim- 
isdale  in  Kildonan,  and  afterwards  at  Ceann-na-coille  in  • 


138  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Strathna.ver.  Samuel  Matheson  was  also  a  self-taught 
inediciner  and  surgeon,  and  in  many  cases  was  most  mirac- 
ulously successful.  He  died  at  Griiamachdary  in  1829." 

According  to  the  biography  of  Donald  Mathceon,  prefixed 
to  his  poems,  he  was  born  in  1719,  and  died  in  1782.  His 
productive  period  as  a  poet  dates  from  about  the  time  of 
Prince  Charlie's  Rising,  and  continued  for  nearly  40  years. 
The  Jacobite  Rising  proved  to  be  a  fruitful  source  of  inspira- 
tion for  the  Highland  muse.,  but  it  Lad  little  or  no  influence 
upon  Donald  Matheson.  His  muse  was  of  a  different  type. 
His  poems  consisted  chiefly  of  meditations  upon  hisi  spiritual 
condition  or  upon  the  great  dogmas  of  Calvinistic  theology, 
interspersed  with  several  satirical  strictures  upon  the  men  of 
this  world  who  neglected  the  means  of  graoe.  The  spectacle 
of  water  rushing  over  the  mill-wheel  suggested  to  his  mind 
the  drought  of  his  soul  for  lack  of  grace.  In  illness  and  mis- 
fortune he  consoled  himself  by  relying  on  the  divine  help.  If 
earthly  things  did  not  prosper  with  him  he  looked  for  compen- 
sation in  the  world  to  come.  The  whole  scheme  of  salvation 
as  set  forth  in  the  Catechism  was  to  him  a  subject  for  "  dan 
apioradail."  The  frequent  recurrence  in  his  time  of  scarcity 
and  famine  provided  a  congenial  topic  for  his  -muse.  He 
could  then  contrast  the  earthly  "  gainne  "  with  the  heavenly 
"  pailteas"  available  to  all  who  sought  for  it.  The  con- 
temporary poet  to  whom  he  most  approximated  in  spirit  was 
Dugald  Buchanan,  though  Buchanan's  literary  power  and 
command  of  Gaelic  were  not  his.  Matheson,  also  delighted  in 
the>  composition,  of  elegies  upon  the  men  of  noted  piety  in  his 
own  part  of  the  country.  These  elegies  afforded  scope  for  the 
expression  of  his  somewhat  sombre  theological  views,  but  are 
redeemed  by  the  softened  tone  in  which  he  writes  of  the  worthy 
Christians  of  his  day. 

Some  of  his  songs  were  inspired  by  notable  events  which  at 
times  caused  a,  ripple  of  excitement  in  the  peaceful  glen  of 
Kildonan.  Such  an  event,  for  example,  was  the  emigration 
to  South  Carolina  which  occurred  about  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  George  III.  There  was  at  that  time  a  pretty  exten- 
sive emigration  from  various  parts  of  the  Highlands  to  the 
plantations,  and  many  of  the  Kildbnan,  people  joined  the 
throng.  A  good  deal  of  what  is  contained  in  Matheson's 
poem  might  be  applicable  enough  to>  some  of  the  ©migration 
-which  goes  on  from  Scotland  to  Canada  to-day.  It  alarmed 
him  that  pious  and  sinful  were  huddled  together  in  the  same 


Donald  Matheson  and  ether  Gaelic  Poets 


139 


ship  during  the  lengthy  voyages  of  those  times.  Many  were 
eager  to  go  to  those  distant  lands,  but  his  eye  wandered  to 
another  city. 

'S  arm  tha,  mo  shuil  ri  baile 

Is  fearainn  nach  bi  gann 
Far  nach  caochail  maighstir 

'S  nach  iomair  cliath  no  crann. 

Occasionally  reference  to<  local  events  enables  one  to  fix  the 
dates  of  Matheson 'a  poems.  For  example,  in  the  song  men- 
tioned above,  the  poet  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  chief 
magnates  of  the  county,  Lord  Reay  and  the  Earl  of  Suther- 
land, had  both  recently  died  leaving  an  infant  heir.  This 
reference  fixe®  the  date  of  the  poem,  about  1766.  The:  Rev. 
Hugh  Ross,  minister  of  Kildonan,  who  died  in  1761,  .was  the 
subject  of  one  of  Matheson's  most  admired  elegies.  Sage  pays 
a  tribute  to  this  minister's  reputation  for  piety,  and  leaves 
his  readers  to  infer  that  the  minister  of  Kildonan  was  just 
such  a  subject  as  was  most  congenial  to>  his  catediist'si  muse. 
Indeed,  the  aim  of  the  "  marbhrann"  is  to  express  admiration 
for  all  the'  minister's  good  qualities,  and  it  presents  a  pleasant 
picture  of  a  faithful  and  beloved  pastor,  the  guide,  philosopher, 
and  friend  of  his  people.  Much  of  the  popularity  of  Donald 
Matheson's  poetry  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  it  appealed 
to  the  peculiar  religious  instincts)  of  +he  people  of  that  period. 
Presbyterianism  had  never  really  penetrated  into  the  North 
Highlands  until  the  years  when  the  poet  was  an,  impressionable 
young  man,  and  this  elegy  upon  the  life  of  the  Rev.  Hugh 
Ross  bears  testimony  to  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Calvin- 
istic  doctrine  secured  a  firm  hold  upon  the  minds  of  the 
people.  Soon  after  the  introduction  of  Presbyterianism  into 
the  wide  stretching  and  roadless  Highland  parishes,  the  need 
arose  for  providing  aid  to  parish  ministers  in  the  task  of 
teaching  the  people  the  great  doctrines  of  the  faith.  And  so 
there  arose  the  important  class  of  men  known  asi  catechists. 
In  due  time  Donald  Matheson  was  appointed!  to  this  office  in 
his  native  parish,  so  that  next  to<  the  minister  he  became  the 
chief  religious  and  intellectual  influence  in  Kildonan.  This 
explains  ho«w  it  is  that  several  of  his  "  dain  spioradaiF'  were 
really  composed  to  enforce  the  lessons  of  the  Shorter  Cate- 
chism. The  people  of  the  parish,  as  it  were,  sang  themselves 
into  the  knowledge:  of  the  great  doctrines  of  the  Church. 
Scottish  Prssbyterianism  was  at  that  time  still  under  the  spell 


140  Gallic  Society  of  Inverness 

of  the  great  controversies  of  the  preceding1  century,  with. 
Rome  on  the  one  hand  and  with  Episcopacy  on  the  other. 
Naturally  the  catechists  soon  became  a  notable  order  of  men. 
Under  their  influence  the  Shorter  Catechism  -acquired  an 
authority  scarcely  to  be  distinguished  from  that  of  the  Bible 
it-self.  In  almost  every  parish  the  catechistsi  were  noted  for 
their  piety  and  religious  zeal.  In  some  instances,  where  the 
minister  might  happen  to  be  of  the  "  moderate'*  persuasion  or 
of  an  easy  going  disposition,  the  zeal  of  the  ciatechists  became 
more  pronounced.  Towards!  the  end  of  the  century  Peter 
Stuart  began  in  the  parishes  of  Halkirk  and  Reay  the  religious 
movement  known  as  "  separatism,"  which  spread  to  Kildonan 
and  other  northern  parishes.  People  were  taught  to  distrust 
the  ordinances  of  the  Church  and  the  services  of  the  regular 
ministry  and  to  follow  rather  the  teaching  of  the  "  men"  and 
the  catechista.  After  Peter  Stuart  was  appointed  catechist 
near  Inverness,  the  movement  which  he  began  was  maintained 
by  others  such  as  Samuel  Matheson,  Joseph  Mackay,  and  Neil 
Macpherson.  In  Kildonan  and  the  adjoining  parishes  of 
Caithness  this  Separatist  movement  continued  for  generations 
to  leave  its  mark  upon  the'  religious  life  of  the  Highlands, 
where  indeed  its  spirit  is  not  yet  extinct. 

After  his  death  Donald  Matheson's  name  and  his  spiritual 
songs  remained  a  powerful  influence  among  these;  Separatists 
at  whose  gatherings  his  "  D'ain"  were  frequently  sung.  To 
appreciate  the  influence  which  his  poetry  exerted  upon  the 
people,  it  has:  to  be  remembered  that  not  until  near  the  close 
of  his  life  did  the  Gaelic  version  of  the  New  Testament  get  into 
general  circulation,  while  the  translation  of  the  Old  Testament 
was  not  completed  till  many  years  after  his  death.  The  pre- 
vailing means  in  his  time  of  conveying  religious  instruction 
were  the  Psalter  and  the  Catechism,  seeing  that  few  of  the 
people  possessed  a  complete  copy  of  the  Scriptures  in  a  lan- 
guage which,  they  could  understand.  The  repetition  of 
Matrheson's  poems  served  in  many  a  cottage  to  balance  as  it 
were  the  recitations  of  the  Ossianic  tales  or  of  the  satirical 
songs  of  the  Reay  country  bard.  After  the  publication  of 
Macpherson's  Ossian  in  1762,  Matheson 's  neighbour,  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Pope  of  Reay,  acting  on  the  suggestion  of  Sir  John 
Sinclair,  began  to  collect  and  preserve  specimens  of  the  Ossianic 
poetry  then  circulating  by  oral  repetition  among  the  people 
of  the  glens  in  Halkirk,  Reay,  and  Kildonan,.  This  was 
really  the  first  attempt  in  the  north  to  commit  to  writing  the 


Donald  Matheson  and  other  Gaelic  Poets 


141 


literary  flotsam  and  jetsam  of  the  countryside,  ,and  it  was  not 
until  a  generation  later  that  Matheson's  songs  or  those  of 
Rob  Bonn  were  collected  for  publication. 

When  Donald  Matheson  was  oatechist  ui  Kildonan,,  the 
same  office  wais  filled  in  the  neighbouring  parish  of  Reay  by 
James  Macdonald,  whose  noted  piety  was  afterwards  commem- 
orated by  his  more  celebrated  son,  Dr  John  Macdonald  of 
Ferintosh.  James  Macdonald  died  at  Reay  in  1830  at  the  age 
of  ninety-five,  and  in  1838  his  son  published  the  well-known 
"  Uisgeachan  lordain,"  a  pious  elegy  in  three  parts1,  in  honour 
of  his  father's1  eminence  as  a  devotedly  religious  man,  This 
poem  is  also-  entitled  a,  spiritual  hymn  made  on  a.  noted  Chris- 
tian ("  Dan  .Spioradail  a  rinneadh  air  Criosdaidh  Araidh"), 
the  noted  Christian  here  referred  to  being  the  catechist  of 
Reay.  It  may  be  recalled  that  this  elegy  has  recently  been 
translated  into  English  by  the  Rev.  John  Macleod  of  the 
Free  North  Church,  Inverness. 

In  the  adjoining  parish  of  Halkirk  the  catechist  was  Neil 
Macpherson,  whose  memory  has  been  kept  green  in  a  well- 
known  "  marbhrann,"  sometimes  published  in,  editions  of 
Matheson' s  poems.  The>  most  not  3d  catechist  in  the  early 
part  of  last  century  was  Joseph  Mackay,  author  of  numerous 
elegies,  A  native  of  Strath  Hialladale,  he  married  a  daughter 
of  Adam  Gordon,  tacksman  of  Griamachdary,  the  father  of 
several  sons  who1  rose  to  eminence  in  the  army.  Joseph 
Mackay,  with  the  help  of  his  wife's1  brothers,  procured  a  com- 
mission and  served  as  a  lieutenant  at  Waterloo.  On  his 
return,  having  settled  in  the  parish  of  Reay,  he  became  a 
leader  of  the  Separatists.  His  elegies  were  published  in  the 
collection  of  spiritual  songs  ("  Dain  Spioradail  "),  issued  at 
Forres  in  1852.  It  is  significant  that  the  place  of  honour  in 
this  publication  is  given  to  the  Oran  na  Clear,  by  Peter  Stuart, 
the  founder  of  the  "  Separatist®, "  while  the  other  poems  are 
mainly  from  the  pen  of  one  or  other  of  Stuart's;  leading  fol- 
lowers. Most  of  the  elegies  in  the  volume  were  the  work  of 
Joseph  Mackay,  who  honours  with  a  "  marbhrann"  Peter 
Stuart,  catechist;  Hugh  Matheson,  Badanloch;  and  Charles 
Gordon,  Merchant,  Thurso.  In  due  course  "  marbhrainn  " 
were  composed  upon  Joseph  Mackay  himself  by  kindred  spirits 
named  Robert  Gunn  and  George  Mackay. 

Among  the  elegies  of  that  time  was  Samuel  Matheson's 
"  marbhrann"  to>  Sheriff  Hugh  McC'ulloch,  who  was  drowned 
at  Meikle  Ferry  in  1809.  Of  small  merit  from  a  literary 


142  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

paint  of  view,  it  secured  a  good  deal  of  vogue  on  account  of 
the  eminence  of  the  worthy  Sheriff.  The  Rev.  Donald  Sage, 
who  as  a  schoolboy  resided  with  Sheriff  McCulloch  at  Dornoch, 
has  left  a  memorable  picture  of  the  man.  "  Sheriff 
McCulloch,"  says  he,  "  shone  as  a  man  of  ardent  and  enlight- 
ened piety.  Saving  impressions  by  divine  truth  and  divine 
agency  had  been  made  upon  his  mjnd  at  an  early  age,  and  he 
advanced  in  the  Christian  life  under  the  training  and  in  the 
fellowship  of  the  most  eminent  Christians  and  evangelic  min- 
isters in  the  four  northern  counties."  The  Sheriff  left  Dor- 
noch to  go  to  Tain  on  a  market  day.  On  his;  return  from  Tain 
to  Meikle  Ferry  he  found  that  a  large  crowd  of  people  had 
assembled  eager  to1  return  home  to  Sutherland  from  the 
market.  Too*  many  people  crowded  into*  the  boat,  and 
although  it  was  a  dead  calm,  the  ferry-boat  capsized  when 
about  half- way  across1  the  Ferry,  with  the  result  that  over 
seventy  persons  were  drowned.  The  death  of  so>  many  people, 
including  a  man  of  such  eminence  as  the  Sheriff,  caused  a  pro- 
found impression.  The  .Sheriff's  body,  which  had  not  been 
recovered  for  some  time',  was  at  length  discovered,  owing,  as 
was  reported,  to>  a  revelation  made  in  a.  dream  to  one  of  his 
friends.  The  virtues  of  this  godly  man  iand  the  tragic  circum- 
stances of  his  death,  are  laboriously  summed  up  in  Samuel 
Matheson's  elegy.  The  Sheriff  had  been  wont  to  hold  religious 
services  at  Proncy,  which  were  faithfully  attended  by  the 
people  of  the  neighbourhood,  to  which  the  elegist  refers  in  the 
following  passage:  — 

'S  ami  learn  gur  cinnt'  gur  iad  bhitheas  tinn 

Aig  am  na  geinn  a'  criochnachadh  ; 
Bhiodh  cheols'  dol  suas  gu  High  nan  sluagh 

'S  bhiodh  leontaieh.  thruagh  gle  inntinneach. 

But  the  Separatists  were  not  allowed  to  have  it  ail  their 
own  way.  Some  of  the  "  Moderates  "  engaged  in  satirical 
attacks  upon  them.  One  of  these,  the  Rev.  John,  Macdonald, 
Alvie,  of  whose  work  as  parochial  schoolmaster  of  Dornoch 
Sage  furnished  a  most  detailed  account,  singled  out  Peter 
Stuart  for  severe  castigation  in  his  "  Imcheisd  Eaglais  na 
h-Alba."  Angus  Macaskill,  Eddrachillis,  wrote  satirical 
songs  of  which  he  afterwards  repented. 

It  remains  to>  notice  one  or  two  of  those  who,  towards1  the 
middle  of  the  last  century,  maintained  the  literary  traditions 
of  the  catechists.  William  Gunn,  Proncy  (near  Dornoch),  a- 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family  U3 

native  of  Kildonan,  who  died  a,bout  1840,  and  who,  as  well 
as  his  wife,  Janet  Mackintosh,  was  noted  for  piety,  composed 
several  "  marbhraimi."  In  1850  the  Rev.  William  Findlater 
of  Durness,  grandfather  of  Misses  Jane>  and  Mary  Findlater, 
published  at  Edinburgh  elegies  on  Dr  Macdonald  of  Ferintosh, 
the  Rev.  Alexander  Stewart,  Cromarty,  and  Mrs  Mackay, 
Sheggira,  known  throughout  the  north  as  "  Bean  a'  chreidimh 
mhoir."  Robert  Macdonald,  Gaelic  teacher  in  Inverness,  a 
native  of  Loth,  published  Gaelic  hymns  at  Inverness:  in  1836, 
and  rendered  several  of  John  Bunyan's  writings  intoi  Gaelic. 
He  survived  until  1868,,  thus  bringing  the  Kildonan  tradition 
down  to  a  comparatively  recent  date.  The  hymns  of  Donald 
Mackenzie,  catechist  of  Assynt,  appeared  in  1827,  but  a  new 
issue  edited  by  the  R,ev.  J.  R.  Mackay,  Inverness,  in  1909, 
shows  that  there  is  still  a  Highland  public  prepared  to  welcome 
the  spiritual  songs  of  the  catechists. 


13th  APRI  ,  1917. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  the  meeting 
held  on  this  evening.  Formal  business  transacted  included 
the  election  of  Mr  John  Mackintosh,  28  Telford  Street, 
Inverness,  and  Mr  Duncan  Matheson,  Old  Edinburgh  Road, 
Inverness,  as  Ordinary  Members  of  the  Society.  Mr  Fred. 
T.  MacLeod,  Edinburgh,  thereafter  contributed  the  following 
paper : — 

FURTHER  NOTES  ON  THE  DUNVEGAN  FAMILY. 

In  a  paper  read  by  me  to  this  Society  last  year,  I  dealt 
in  detail  with  hitherto  unpublished  incidents  in  the  life  of 
Sir  Roderick  MacLeod  of  Dlinvegan,  better  known  as  Sir 
Rory  Mor.  Toi- night  I  propose)  to  consider  Roderick  Mac- 
Leod of  Dunvegan;,  grandson  of  Sir  Rory  Mor,  who  at  the 
date  of  his  father's  death  in  1649  was  a  minor,  and  also 
Norman  MacLeod  of  Dunvegan,  who  was  born  in  1706. 
Each  of  these  men  lived  in  critical  times,  the  first  throughout 
the  period  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  the  second  during  the 
stirring  events  of  the  '45. 

The  years  of  Roderick  MacLeod's  minority  were  destined 
to  be  year's  fra>ught  with  great  danger  to  the  House  of  Dun- 
vegan  and  to  the  clan.  Charles  the  Second  wias  about  to 


144  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

engage    upon    a    campaign    against    the    Commonwealth    of 
England,  the  result  of  which  the  most  gifted  Highland  seer 
could  not  possibly  have  foretold.     In  the  light  of  subsequent 
history,    it    was    well    for    the  young"   chief  and  the  future 
members  of  his  family  that  in  Roderick  MacLeod  of  Talisker 
and  Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera,    young  Roderick's  uncles 
on  his  father's  side,  he  had  at  hand  two<  relatives  capable  of 
taking  an  intelligent  grasp  of  the  situation  and  of  guiding 
him   safely  through   the  stormy   years  that  were    to  follow. 
Both  of  these  men,  seem  to  have  inherited  those  qualities  of 
head  and  heart  the  exercise  of  which  had  gained  for  their 
father  the  title  "  Mor,"  or  great.       Talisker  at  once  assumed 
the    office    of    tutor    to    the    young  chief,  and  immediately 
declared  for  Charles.     He  was  a.bly  assisted  by  his  brother, 
Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera.       Never  was  fiery  cross  more 
enthusiastically   responded  to.        One   thousand  men    of   the 
young  chief's  clan,    led  by    Talisker  and  Bernera,   took  the 
field.        The  name  "  Worcester  "    should   be   emblazoned,    in 
bloodkred  letters   upon  Dunvegian's   banner.        Of  that   fine 
body  of  men  few  returned  to  their  native  glens.     Decimation 
is   the  only  word  that,  adequately  describes  the  fate  of  the 
MacLeods  at  Worcester.      That  the  clan  displayed  conspicuous 
bravery  is  admitted  on  all  hands.    The  sympathy  evoked  by  the 
loss  of  so  many  brave  clansmen  was  fittingly  expressed  in,  the 
resolution  said  to  have  been  come  to  by  the  other  clans  that 
the  MacLeods  should   be  allowed  sufficient  time  to  multiply 
and  recoup  their  shattered    ranks  before  again  being  called 
upon  to  engage  in  warfare.     Talisker  was  able,  with  difficulty, 
to    return    to     Skye,  but    Bernera  was  taken  prisoner,   and, 
after  being  confined  for  eighteen  months,  was  brought  to  trial 
for   treason.        During  the    period   that   elapsed,    consequent 
upon   a  point   of  legal  procedure,   he  managed  to  effect  his 
escape. 

Dunyegan  Castle  has  been  the  temporary  shelter  of  many 

distinguished  men— men  of  war  a.nd  men,  of  Lettera     A  most 

important  gathering  assembled  in  the   Castle  to  discuss  the 

situation   of   affairs   consequent  upon  the  defeat    of   General 

Middleton's   army    at  Lochgarry.        The   latter   attended,   in 

person,     accompanied    by  several    of    his    officers,    including 

iziel  and  Drummond.        The  leaders  resolved  that  it  was 

inexpedient    to    continue  the   war,   and     it    was    considered 

advisable  to  trust  to  the  clemency  of  the  English  Government 

e  disbanding,  the  eminent  services  of  Talisker  were  put 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family 

on  record  in  the  form  of  a  memorial  addressed  to>  Charles, 
the  tenour  of  which  throws  ^n  interesting  light  upon 
Talisker's  character  and  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held 
by  his  brother  officers.  On  the  restoration  of  Charles  the 
Second  in  1660  both  Talisker  and  Bernera  received  the 
honour  of  Knighthood  at  the  hands  of  the  King.  We  may 
look  in  vain  among  the  cold  documents  of  official  history  for 
an  accurate  delineation  of  the  character  of  Sir  Norman  Mac- 
Leod of  Bernera ;  but  the  memory  of  his  life .  has  been 
immortalised  by  our  own  sweet  singer,  Mary  MacLeod,  and 
by  the  great  contemporary  bard,  Niall  MacMhuirich.  In 
view  of  the  criticism  which  has  often  been  passed  on,  any 
attempt  to  translate  Gaelic  poetry  into  the  English  language, 
I  give  the  following  translation  by  Dr  Magnus  MaoLean,  in 
his  "'  Literature  of  the  Celts,"  of  one  of  Mary  MacLeod's 
poems  addressed  to>  Sir  Norman  MacLeod.  I  append  but 
f  o<ur  out  of  many  stanza® : 

"  I  sit  on  a  knoll 

All  sorrowful  and  sad ; 

And  I  look  on  the  grey  sea 

In  mistiness  clad : 

And  I  brood  on  strange  chances 

That  drifted  me  here ; 

Where  Scarba  and  Jura 

And  Islay  are  near. 

'  Where  Scarba  and  Jura 
And  Islay  are  near : 
Grand  land  of  rough  mountains 
I  wish  thee  good  cheer. 
I  wish  young  Sir  Norman 
On  mainland  and  islands 
To  be  named  with,  proud  honour 
First  chief  of  the  Highlands, 

"To  be  praised  with  proud  honour 
First  chief  of  the  Highlands; 
In  wisdom  and  valour 
In  far  and  Highlands. 
jr.H-  inctt  .3  and  manhood 
There's  none  may  compare 
With  the  handsome  MacLeod 
Of  the  Princeliest  air. 

10 


146  Gaelic  Society  oj  Itwerness 

"  And  the  blood  through  his  veins 
That  so  proudly  doth  fare 
From  the  old  Kings  of  Lochlain 
Flows  richly  and  rare. 
Each  proud  earl  in  Alba 
Is  knit  with  his  line ; 
And  Erin  shakes  hands  with  him 
Over  the  brine." 

Every  student  of  West  Highland  history  owes  a.  deep  debt 
of  gratitude  to  the  late  Dr  Cameron  of  Brodick,  whose 
indefatigable  labours  are  reflected  in  "  Reliquiae  Celticae," 
a  work  of  incalculable  importance.  To  decipher  seventeenth 
century  manuscripts  is  in  itself  a  task  attended  with  much 
difficulty,  but  when  added  to  that  there  are  the  additional 
difficulties  of,  first,  transliteration  from  ancient  phonetic 
Gaelic  into  modern  Gaelic,  and,  second,  translation  into 
English,  we  can  understand  why  the  works  of  our  old  Celtic 
chroniclers  and  poets  are  practically  unknown,.  In  forty -seven 
quatrains  Niall  MacMhuirich,  in  the  Book  of  Clan  Ranald, 
sings  the  praises  of  Sir  Norman  MacLeod.  This  long  poem 
Dr  Cameron  has  transliterated,  and  a  translation  of  it  appears 
in  "  Reliquiae  Celticae,"  vol  II.,  p.  265,  opposite  the  text. 

I  return  to  young  Roderick  of  Dun  vegan,  whose  years  of 
minority  have  called  forth  the  above'  introduction  of  two 
members  of  the  Dunvegan  family  who-  were  truly  chiefs  in 
deed  if  not  in  name.  Roderick,  on  attaining  majority,  was 
successful  in  obtaining  the  protection  of  Cromwell  through, 
it  is  stated,  the  influence  of  General  Monk,  upon  finding 
security  for  his  future  peaceable  behaviour  to  the  amount  of 
£6000  and  paying  a  fine  of  £2500.  The  influence  must  have 
been  great,  otherwise  the  terms  of  reconciliation  would  have 
been  much  more  severe.  Doubtless  the  fact  that  the  events, 
necessitating  a  reconciliation,  occurred  during  the  years  of 
his  minority,  before  his  mind  had  fully  matured,  weighed 
largely  in  balancing  the  amount  of  money  to  be  paid.  It  was 
during  Roderick's  tenure  of  office  that  the  incident  which 
gave  rise  to  the  composition  of  the  famous  pipe  tune,  "  I  gave 
a  kiss  to  the  hand  of  the  King,"  occurred. 

The  following  order  appears  among  the  Dunvegan  papers, 
which  I  insert  as  evidently  beajing  upon  Roderick  MacLeod's 
visit  to  London  after  the  Restoration  :  — 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family  H7 

"  These  are  to  require  you  on  sight  hereof  to  furnish 
the  Bearer  McCleoid  with  three  able  and  sufficient  Post 
Horses  and  a,  Guide  from  Stage  to  Stage  between  London 
and  Edinburgh  and  back  (if  he  have  occasion)  he  paying 
the  usual  rates  for  the  same.  Given  under  my  hand  and 
seal  at  the  Cock-pit  the  17th  day  of  March  1663— 

11  ALBEMARLE. 

"  To  all  Postmasters,  Constables  and  others  His  Majesty's 
Officers  whom  it  may  concern." 

If  we  leave  o-ut  of  consideration  Sir  Bory  Mor,  there  can 
be  no  question  that  Norman  MacLeod,  the  19th  Chief,  who 
was  born  in  1706,  after  his  father's  death,  stands  out  pre- 
eminently as  the  most  illustrious  member  of  the  Dunvegan 
family.  The  Rev.  R.  C.  MacLeod's  inference,  from 
correspondence  he  has  perused,  is  that  Norman  spent  his 
boyhood  with  his  mother,  his  two  sets  of  half-brothers  and 
half-sisters,  the  Fotheringhams  of  Pownie,  and  the  children 
of  Lord  Cromarty.  In  1726  he  married  the  sister  of  his 
friend,  Sir  Alexander  Macdonald.  He  separated  from  her 
in  1733  and  rejoined  her  in  1739.  This  domestic  incident  is 
referred  to  in  letters  written  by  him.  I  do*  not  think  much 
importance  should  be  attached  to  the  reference  by  others  to 
him  as  "  the  wicked  ma,n."  To-day,  in  a  glen  a  few  miles 
from  the  Castle,  if  a  man  use  his  razor  on  the  Sabbath  morn- 
ing he  quickly  earns  for  himself  a  title  no  less  objectionable. 
We  know  that  MacLeod  had  mixed  freely  in  the  best  society 
in  the  South  and  probablv  shared  in  the  amusements  of  his 
time,  then  regarded  as  the  hall-mark  of  a  gentleman,  but 
now  ranked  among  the  vices.  His  simple,  unsophisticated 
tenants,  hearing  rumours  of  such  things,,  probably  coined  the 
phrase  which  is  associated  with  his  name  to  this  day.  He 
inspired  very  warm  affection  in  many  people.  He  was  very 
good  natured,  often  seriously  embarrassing  himself  in  order 
to  help  others,  but  he  was  incurably  careless1  about  money 
matters.  MacLeod  married  as  his  second  wife  Ann,  daughter 
of  William  Martin  of  Inchfure.  He  represented  Inverness- 
shire  in  Parliament  from  1741  to  1753,  and  during  this  period 
of  his  life  he  lived  a  good  deal  in  London.  He  then  bought 
White  House  in  Edinburgh,  where  he  lived  until  he  went  to 
St  Andrews  about  1768,  For  a  short  time  he  held  a  Com- 
missionership  of  Police  worth  £400  a,  year.  During  the  latter 
part  of  his  life  he  was  very  much  embarrassed  by  pecuniary 


148  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

difficulties.  His  letters  shew  that  he  formed  many  schemes 
fc_-  retrenchment  and  economy,  the  most  important  of  which 
was  to  put  his  estate  in  the  hands,  of  trustees,  a  scheme 
which  was  never  carried  out.  Towards  the  close'  of  his  life 
he  suffered  severely  from  gout  and  other  troubles.  He  died 
in  July,  1772,  and  was  buried  in  St  Andrews,  where  there  is 
a.  monument  to  his  memory  erected  by  his  widow. 

I  have  thus,  shortly,  sketched  the  history  of  MacLeod, 
leaving,  so  far,  untouched  two  important  chapters  in  his  life, 
viz.,  the  part  played  by  him  in  the  abduction  of  the  unfor- 
tunate Lady  Grange,  and  his  association  with,  the  affairs  of 
the  'Forty-five.  That  MacLeod  was  deeply  involved  in  the 
scheme  to  isolate  Lady  Grange  where  her  tongue  could  work 
no  mischief  is  abundantly  clear  from  extant  documents  and 
other  trustworthy  evidence  which  I  do  not  think  requires 
recapitulation.  The  questions,  however,  how  far  he  was 
involved  in  inducing  Prince  Charles  Edward  to<  come  to  Scot- 
land, the  exact  time  when  he  changed  from  being  a  supporter 
of  the  Stuarts  to  a  supporter  of  the  reigning  House,  and  what 
truth,  if  any,  there  is  in  the  oft-repeated  allegation  that  he 
acted  the  part  of  a  traitor  against  the  Prince,  are  con- 
troversial. I  propose  in  what  follows  to  state  in  plain 
language  the  charges  made  against  MacLeod  at  the  time  and 
my  reasons  for  believing  that  MacLeod  was  not  entirely  guilt- 
less. MacLeod  has  left  behind  him  many  interesting  letters 
written  in  a  most  distinct  hand  and  characterised  by  as  clear 
a  style.  Most  of  these  letters  refer  to  the  period  of  the 
'Forty -five,  and  all  are  carefully  preserved  in  the  Advocates' 
Library.  These  letters  formed  the  subject  of  a.  paper  read 
by  Dr  William  Mackay  to  this  Society,  and  they  are  published 
in  full  in.  our  Transactions. 

There  are  two  standpoints  from  which  the  position  may  be 
reviewed.  One  is,  What  was  the  impression  MacLeod' si  actings 
conveyed  to  the  supporters  of  Charles  Edward,  who  had  hoped 
for  the'  assistance  of  so  powerful  and  influential  a  chief ,  always 
bearing  in  mind  that  the  only  so'urces  of  information  avail- 
able at  the  time  were  MacLeod's  overt  acts  and  the  repetition 
of  conversations,  and  alleged1  promises  given,  at  meetings 
where,  necessarily,  few  we're  present1?  The  other  is,  What  is 
the  impression  conveyed  to  our  minds  to-day  in  the  light  of 
available  extant  documentary  evidence? 

The  charge  made  against  MacLeod  is  that  he  was  guilty 
of  treacherous  conduct  against  Prince  Charles,  in  that,  having- 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family  H9. 


promised  his  aid  and  that  of  his  clan  in  the  ©vent  of  the 
Prince  raising  his  standard  in  Scotland,  he  not  only  refused 
to  implement  his  pledge,  but  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the 
first,  to  inform  the  Government  of  the  Prince's  arrival,  and 
that  he  thereafter  remained  a  steadfast  supporter  of  the 
Government,  actively  hostile  to  the  Stuart  cause.  As  regards 
the  latter  portions  of  the  charge  there  cannot  be  two  opinions. 
The  exact  date  when  MacLeod  threw  himself  whole-heartedly 
into  the  service  of  the  Government  may  be  a  matter  of  doubt, 
but  that  he  did  so  there  can  be  no  question.  We  may  go 
further  and  say  truly  that  but  for  his  individual  services  and 
the  influence  he  exerted  on  others  who  were  inclined  to 
vacillate,  the  difficulties  of  the  Government  would,  to  say  the 
least  of  it,  have  been  considerably  increased. 

I  take  first  the  correspondence'  of  Simon,  Lord  Lovat. 
A  letter  addressed  to  Lochiel  was  used  against  Lovat  at  his 
trial.  When  produced,  this  letter  bore  no  date  and  was  not 
subscribed,  but  the  date  was  proved  to  be  about  November, 
1745,  and  the  writer  Lovat.  I  excerpt  the  following:  — 

"  The  base  and  treacherous  behaviour  of  o>ur  wretched 
cousin,  the  Laird  of  MacLeod,  has  almost  cost  me  my  life 
already.  The  night  before  he  took  his  journey  to  the  Isle 
of  Skye  from  this  house,  sitting  before  me,  he  looked  up 
seriously  and  swore  to<  me  that  as  he  should  answer  to  God 
and  wished  that  God  might  never  have  mercy  on  him  and 
that  he  might  never  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  but 
that  his  bone®  might  rott  on  earth,  be  burnt  and  his  ashes 
blown  up  in  the  air  if  he  did  not  come  with  all  speed 
imaginable  and  with  all  his  men  that  was  already  prepared, 
and  come  and  join  my  son  and  the  clan  Fraiser  and  march 
south  with  them  to  the  Prince's  service  wherever  he  was. 
He  swore  the  same  terrible  oaths  and  imprecations  next  day 
to  my  son,  and  to  your  faithful  servant  Gortuleg.  And  if  he 
had  keept  his  oaths  and  word,  I  had  so  managed  that  about 
6,000  men  (had  marched  south  to*  the  Prince's  assistance, 
which  I  thought  wou'd  much  encourage  his  own  loyal  party 
and  frighten  the  English  to  his  obedience.  But  when  I  got 
MacLeod's  letter  twelve  days  after,  in  which  he  told  me  that, 
after  deliberating  fully  with  his  neighbour,  Sir  Alexander, 
and  weighing  the  arguments  on  both  sides,  he  and  his  neigh- 
bour had  resolved  to  stay  at  home  and  not  to  trouble  the 
Government. 


150  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

"  In  reading  this  line  I  had  almost  fainted  and  my  body 
swelled  with  >ang©r  and  vexation,  so  that  I  would  not  sleep 
nor  eat  for  several  days;  and  I  am  yet  far  from  being 
recovered,  for  I  have  a  severe  stitch  and  pains  in  my  left  side, 
which  keeps  me  from  my  nights  rest  and  has  entirely  taken 
away  my  appetite,  so  that  I  believe  the  treachery  of  that 
unnatural,  ungrateful  and  wicked  man  will  be  the  occasion 
of  my  death  very  soon.  .  .  . 

"  The  treacherous  behaviour  of  the  monstrous  Laird  of 
MacLeod  sihould  put  all  relations  ;and  intimate  friends  O'tt 
their  guard  not  to  fail  one  another,  for  he  has  by  his 
treachery  and  unnatural  behaviour  fixed  upon  himself  the 
moist  infamous  character  of  any  man  on,  earth.  That  traitor, 
instead  of  coming  to  this  house,  where  he  was  always  to  join 
my  son,  according  to  his  promise,  has  marched  the  other  side 
of  Kissock  this  day  with  400  of  his  chosen  men  and  gentle- 
men. I  believe  that  hearing  that  my  son®  regiment  was  in 
arms  in  this  country,  he  was  afraid  to  pass  through  it,  though 
its  the  best  way  to  Inverness.  His  fears  was  groundless,  for 
I  would  not  hurt  my  mother's  kin,  though  it  was  in  my 
power.  But  if  my  son  saw  the  Laird,  I  believe  he  would 
shoot  him,  or  bring  him  prisoner  to  the  Prince,  because  of 
his  abominable  breach  of  oath  and  promises  to  him. 

'  When  he  sent  a  little  sneaking  gentleman  here  with  his 
treacherous  letters,  my  son  and  G-ortuleg  made  two  bitter 
answers  to  them.  When  the  little  gentleman  sought  my 
answer,  I  told  him  to  tell  his  Chief  that  he  was  a  traitor  to 
the  King,  and  a,  murderer  of  my  son  .and  me,  which  he  might 
be  sure  I  would  resent  if  I  was  able;  but  that  I  would  never 
black  paper  to  a  man  that  had  so  basely  betrayed  me:  that 
since  he  went  to  the  Devill,  I  would  leave  him  there  and 
have  no  more  to  do  with  him/' 

It  is  necessary  to  keep  in  mind  that  the  alleged  incidents 
narrated  in  the  above  passages  refer  to>  a.  time  three  months 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Prince  in  Scotland.  There  are  other 
passages  in  Lovat's  letters  of  like  tenour,  but  I  have 
extracted  the  above  because'  of  the  specification  as  to  time 
and  place,  without  which  the  statement  would,  as  evidence, 
be  valueless. 

It  is  necessary  next  to  face  the  evidence  of  John  Murray 
of  Broughton,   Secretary  to  the  Prince1,   aa  contained  in  his- 
Memorials     published     by    the     Scottish     History     Society. 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  family  151 

Murray  states  in  clear  and  unambiguous  language  that  at  a 
meeting  between  the  Laird  of  MacLeod,  Appin  and  Lorn 
(Macdougall),  at  which  he  was  present,  a,  letter  was  delivered 
to  MacLeod  from  the  Prince.  This  meeting  occurred  in 
1744  subsequent  to  the  month  of  July  and  probably  towards 
the  end  of  the  year.  Murray  .states  that,  after  reading  it 
and  appearing  extremely  well  pleased,  MacLeod  expressed  a 
strong  desire  to  hear  a  description  of  the  Prince's  person  and 
character,  which  he  (Murray)  having  attempted  very  candidly 
and  without  reserve,  MacLeod  declared  in  a  kind  of  rapture 
that  he  would  make  it  his  business  to  advance  the  Prince's 
interest  as  much  as  was  in  his  power  and  would  join  him,  let 
him  come  when  he  would.  Murray  further  states  that 
"  Having  sat  a,  considerable  time,  which  was  all  spent  upon 
the  same  topic  and  MacLeod  having  again  and  again  repeated 
his  resolution  to  promote  the  Prince's  interest  and  join  him 
when  he  came,  we  broke  up  but  went  to  another  company  in 
the  same  house,  where  were  Lord  Traquair,  Mr  Stewart  of 
Appin  and  young  Glengarry,  where  MacLeod  was  no  sooner 
seated,  than  as  much  affected  with  what  had  passed,  he  called 
for  a  large  glass  and  drank  a  bumper  to  Prince  Charles." 
Murray  was  not  satisfied  with  MacLeod's  verbal  statements 
and  promises,  and  was  "  resolved  to  have  if  possible  every 
man's  opinion  and  (under)  his  own  hand,"  and  ultimately 
succeeded,  through  the  instrumentality  of  Lochiel,  in  pro- 
curing MacLeod's  consent  in  writing.  Murray  states  that 
MacLeod's  written  opinion,  as  far  as  he  could  recollect  it, 
was :  — ' '  That  having  maturely  considered  his  Royal  High- 
ness' resolution,  he  was  of  opinion  that  to  land  in  Scotland 
without  assistance'  from  abroad  might  prove  an  unsuccessful 
attempt,  but  as  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  interest  of 
the  Royal  Family,  if  he  should  land,  he  would  join  him  at 
the  head  of  his  clan."  I  pass  over  mere  expressions  of 
opinion  by  Murray  in  which  MacLeod's  subsequent  conduct 
is  referred  to  in  most  forcible  language,  and  deal  only  with 
matters  which  Murray  puts  forward  as  statements  of  fact. 

Passing  over  a  period  of  several  months,  in  May,  1745, 
Murray  states  that  a  letter  arrived  from  the  Prince  stating 
that  he  was  to  set  out  from  France  in  a.  short  time  with  some 
money  and  arms  and  expected  to  be  in  Scotland  in  the  month 
of  July ;  that  he  proposed  to  come  to  the  Island  of  Uist,  and 
would  make  certain  signals.  After  a  lapsie  of  some  little 
time — Murray's  narrative  proceeds — "  Doctor  Cameron 


152  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

returned  and  informed  us  that  he  had  taken  an  opportunity 
to  shew  this  letter  to  Lord  Lovat  and  MacLeod  together: 
that  Lovat  before  he  had  made  an  end  of  reading  it  said  in 
a  passion,  that  he  (the  Prince)  should  not  be  allowed  to  land, 
and  that  if  he  did  by  God  no  man  should  join  him  :  that  upon 
this  MacLeod  stopped  him,  desiring  he  would  not  be  in  such 
a  hurry,  saying  he  did  not  look  upon  these  things  to  be  so 
bad,  nor  was  he  to*  be  used  in  that  manner,  and  that  they 
ought  seriously  to  consider  it;  and  that*  after  much  con- 
versation, they  proposed  a  letter  should  be  written,  dissuad- 
ing him  from  landing."  Murray  states  that  Lochiel  gave  it 
as  his  opinion  thiat  as  to  MacLeod,  "  He  did  not  at  all 
hesitate  or  in  the  least  doubt  of  his  journey,  both  from  his 
behaviour  at  Lovats  and  his  voluntary  engagements  at 
Edinburgh,  when  there  was  neither  force  nor  obligation  upon 
him,  nor  any  great  pains  taken  to  persuade  or  entice  him." 
After  several  futile  attempts  on  the  part  of  Murray  to  meet 
MacLeod,  the  former  succeeded  in  getting  a  messenger 
through  to-  the  Laird,  who  brought  back  the  answer  that 
"  MacLeod  desired  him  to  acquaint  me  that  he  thought  it 
would  be  proper  I  should  write  and  inform  his  Royal  Highness 
that  some  of  his  friends  were  of  opinion  he  ought  to  return, 
but  at  the  same  time  desired  him  to  assure  me  that  did  His 
Royal  Highness  persist  in  his  resolution,  to  land,  he  would 
join  him  as  he  had  promised,  and  if  the  letter  was  sent  lie 
would  take  care  to  have  it  delivered;  he  likewise  promised 
to  appoint  a  proper  person  to  observe  the  signals,  and  con- 
cluded by  saving  that  though  he  was  hopeful  his  neighbour 
Sir  Alexander  McDonald  might  be  prevailed  upon  to  come 
to  the  same  resolution,  yet  he  could  not  take  it  upon  him  to 
answer  in  his  name."  Still  following  Murray's  narrative, 
after  the  Chevalier  had  been  a-  few  days  in  Arisaig,  he  set 
out  for  McDonald  of  Kinlochmoidart,  from  where  he  dis- 
patched young  Clanranald  with  letters  and  instructions  to 
Sir  Alexander  McDonald  and  MacLeod  to  acquaint  them 
with  his  designs  and  desire  them  to  raise  their  followers  with 
all  diligence,  and  to  know  what  number  of  arms  they  would 
require  and  desiring  their  opinion  in  regard  to  his  future 
motions.  A  meeting  was  held  between  MacLeod,  McDonald 
and  Clanranald,  and  Sir  Alexander  "  declared  once  and  for 
all  that  he  would  not  join."  Murray's  statement  of  the 
position  taken  up  by  MacLeod  is  that  he  "  conscious  to  him- 
self how  solemnly  he  was  engaged  by  frequent  promises  did 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family 


153 


not  then  care  to  resile,  but  took  occasion,  upon  Sir  Alexander 
leaving  the  room  to  tell  Clanranald  that  he  was  heartily  sorry 
his  friend  could  not  be  prevailed  upon,  and  tho'  he  dis- 
approved  of  the  Enterprise  in  the  manner  it  was  now  under- 
taken and  could  wish  that  the  Chevalier  could  be  persuaded 
to  return,  yett  never  the  less,  if  he  continued  firm  in  his 
resolution  to  stay,  that  he  would  join  him,  tho'  it  would  be 
impassible  for  him  to  get  his  people  together  in  so  short  a 
time  as  was  purposed,  many  of  them  being  in  the  Isles  at  a 
considerable  distance,  and  begd  to  hear  from  him  as  soon  as 
he  had  returned  to  the  Chevalier  with  his  fixed  resolution." 
The  last  statement  by  Murray  I  propose  to  cite  out  of  many 
is  that  about  the  middle  of  September,  1745,  there  being 
nothing  from  MacLeod  "  but  oaths  and  curses  that  so  soon 
as  he  went  to  Skye  he  would  raise  his  men  and  march  south, 
att  the  same  time  that  he  had  had  no  sooner  made  his  solemn 
promises  and  consulted  of  how  he  was  to  march  and  where  to 
meet  the  other  clans  than  he  went  directly  to  Mr  Forbes  of 
Culloden,  the  President  and  told  what  had  passed." 

The  next  testimony  I  adduce  is  "  The  Lyon  in  Mourning 
or  a  collection  of  speeches,  letters  journals  etc.  relative  to 
the  affairs  of  Prince  Charles  Edward  Stuart,  by  the  Rev. 
Robert  Forbes  Hi.M.  Bishop  of  Ross  and  Caithness  1746- 
1775." 

Under  date  Tuesday,  May  17th,  1748,  Bishop  Forbes 
states  that  when  in  the  Advocates'  Library  a  document,  from 
which  I  have  excerpted  the  following,  was  put  into  his  hands, 
the  writer  being  Mr  James  Mackenzie  (an  Orkney  man), 
writer  in  Edinburgh,  who  knew  the  facts  of  which  he  wrote 
well:  "  Next  to  Lovat's  irresolution  and  the  general  dis- 
trust entertained  of  him  on  that  account,  the  machinations 
of  the  Laird  of  MacLeod,  that  great  engine  of  Duncan's  plots, 
were  of  unhappy  consequence.  When  the  commonalty  were 
everywhere  gathering,  and  in  small  parties  marching  away 
to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  this  deceiver,  disguised  like  a 
friend  wrought  on  their  leaders  from  time  to<  time  to  halt 
for  him  and  the  Knight  of  MacDonald,  under  the  pretence 
that  the  Mackenzies  and  they,  by  marching  in  one  body, 
would  bring  a  credit  to  the  young  man's  affairs  which  would 
be  lost  by  repairing  to  him  in  divided  companies.  And  when 
men  at  last  began  to  suspect  him,  both  by  reason  of  his  studied 
delays,  and  of  his  frequent  consultations  with  Duncan,"  he 
sent  them  a  letter  in  answer  to  a  remonstrance  made  to  him 


154  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

on  these  grounds,  wherein  he  makes  profession  of  his  con- 
firmed purpo.se  of  arming  for  his  country,  and  concluded  with 
these  words:  "  For  my  own  part,  I  am  either  at  the  height 
of  my  ambition,  or  at  the  foot  of  the  gibbet  " — a  profession, 
it  must  be  owned,  but  too  easily  trusted,  and  so'  much  the 
more  that  his  fidelity  had  at  first  been  vouched  for  by  a 
messenger  sent  into  these  parts  by  the  young  man  in  order 
to  quicken  the  motion  of  his  friends.  In  a  consultation  being 
then  held  at  Castle  Dounie,  the  traitor  so  dissembled  his  duty 
that  he  outwitted  them  all,  in  as  much  as  that  afterwards 
when  men  expressed  a  distrust  of  him,  by  reason  of  his  con- 
trivance to  keep  things  back,  the  messenger  (Barrisdal©  by 
name)  still  gave  assurances  as  if  his  master  had  not  a  truer 
friend  upon  earth.  And  as  the  notoriety  of  his  accession  to 
the  call  for  the  young  man  had  gained  him  a  credit  with  his 
neighbours  from  the  beginning,  so  these  assurances  of  the 
messenger,  together  with  his  own  protestations,  both  by  word 
and  writ,  served  as  arguments;  to  increase  the  stock  of  it, 
till  at  length  certain  leaders  submitted  themselves  to  his 
direction,  and  then  their  eyes  never  open'd  till  they  saw  him 
with  his  men  at  Inverness." 

Further,  this  contemporary  note  appears  in  volume  29 
of  "  The  Lyon  in  Mourning  "  :  "In  this  rising  it  would 
appear  that  the  Grants  had  been  imposed  upon  and  made 
believe  that  they  were  to  have  joined  the  Prince'si  adherents. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  Laird  of  MacLeod  used  this  deceit- 
ful dissembling  art  to  rouse  his  own  following,  insomuch  that 
the  MacLeods  had  white  cockades  in  their  bonnets  at  their 
rising,  and  in  passing  from  the  Isle  of  Skye  to  the  continent, 
which  I  Robert  Forbes  have  had  affirmed  to  me  by  several 
persons  of  the  Isle  of  Skye,  who  had  access  to  know  this 
affair  well." 

The  Lyon  also1  contains  many  interesting  notes  concerning 
an  alleged  letter  siaid  to  have  been  sent  by  MacLeod  to  Mac- 
Donald  of  Kingsburgh  after  the  flight  of  .the  Prince,  to  Skye, 
which  letter  it  is  stated  was  widely  circulated  in  London  at 
the  time.  Though  interesting,  if  genuine,  as  throwing  light 
upon  MacLeod's  actions  when  the  Prince  was  a  fugitive,  it  is 
outwith  the  scope  of  the  present  enquiry,  and  as1  the  ecxjact 
terms  of  the  letter  are  not  extant,  I  think  it  better  to  leave- 
it  alone. 

I  now  refer  to  "A  G-enuine  and  True  Journal  of  tjia 
most  miraculous  Escape  of  the  Young  Chevalier  from  the- 


Further  Notes  on  the  Dunuegan  Family 

Battle  of  Culloden,  to  his  landing  in  Franc©  taken  from  the 
mouths  and  Journals  of  the  very  persons  who  assisted  aim 
therein— Partly  wrote  in  London  and  partly  in  Scotland 
I  could  have  used  instead  of  this  journal  statements  sub- 
stantially the  same  in  the  Lyon  in  Mourning,  but  I  think  r 
better  to  gather  the  evidence  from  sources  as  varied  as 
possible.  The  following  is  a  conversation  between  the  Prince 
and  his  devoted  follower,  Donald  MacLeod  of  G-altrigal, 
Skye:  "  The  Prince— I  desire  you'll  go  with  letters  from  me 
to  Sir  Alexander  Macdonald  and  the  Laird  of  MacLeod,  for 
I  am  persuaded  that  those  gentlemen,  notwithstanding  what 
they  have  done  will  yet  endeavour  to  protect  me."  This  last 
declaration  of  the  Prince  struck  Donald  with  surprise,  and  he 
immediately  told  the  Prince  "  He  would  do  anything  for  him 
except  that:  Because  says  Donald,  Your  Highness  knows 
they  have  played  the  Rogue  already;  and  you  must  not  trust 
them  again.  For  at  this  very  time  they  are  in  search  for  you, 
with  their  forces,  within  ten  or  twelve  miles  of  you,  if  they 
come  by  sea,  though  it  be  more  by  land,  and  therefore  the 
sooner  you  remove  from  the  place  the  better."  And  again, 
"  One  day  as  the  Prince  was  sailing  up  and  down  Loch  Bois- 
dale,  Donald  MacLeod  asked  the  Prince,  '  If  he  once  got  the 
Crown  what  would  he  do  with  Sir  Alexander  Macdonald  and 
the  Laird  of  Madeod,'  '  Oh  Donald  '  (said  the  Prince)  '  are 
they  not  o<ur  own  people  still,  let  them  ck>  whatever  they  will. 
It  is  not  to  be  imputed  as  their  fault  what  they  have  done; 
but  it  is  altogether  owing  to  the  Power  President  Forbes  has 
over  their  judgments  in  these  matters.  Besides  (continued  he) 
if  ever  the  Kins:  was  returned,  we  should  be  as  sure  of  them 
for  friends  as  any  other  whomsoever,  they  being  for  those  in 
power.  I  blame  indeed  (says  the  Prince)  young  MaciLeod 
much  more  than,  his  father;  for  he  was  introduced  to  me  in 
France,  and  solemnly  promised  me  all  the  service  in  his 
Power ;  but  when  put  to  the  Trial,  did  not  perform  the  least 
tittle  of  it.'  :  And  again,  when  the  Prince  and  Kings- 
burgh  were  going  from  Mugstot  to  Kingshurgh  the  Prince 
said  he  proposed  going  to  the  Laird  of  MacLeod's  as  being 
a.  place  the  Government  people  would  not  suspect.  But 
Kingsburgh  would  not  agree,  to  that,  and  gave  some  of  his 
rea,sons  to  support  his  opinion,"  "  What  (say®  the  Prince) 
do  you  think  that  MacLeod,  to  his  former  doings,  would  add 
that  of  thirsting  after  my  blood."  "  I  am  not  certain  of 
that  (replied  Kingsburgh)  but  I  have  received  a  letter  from 


156  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

The  Laird  of  MacLeod,  wherein  he  desires  me  to  deliver  you 
up,  if  yo<u  should  fall  into  my  way ;. and  said  I  should  thereby 
do  a  great  service  to  my  country."  .  .  .  Sometime  after 
this  the  Laird  of  MacLeod  asked  Kingsborough  for  this  letter 
again;  but  Kingsburgh  refused  to  give  it  to  him,  and  said, 
"He  would  keep  that  .to  shew  what  part  MacLeod  acted, 
under  MacLeod's  own  hand."  This  is  the  letter  I  have 
referred  to,  discussed  in  the  Lyon  in  Mourning. 

Lastly,  I  refer  to  the  statements  of  two  of  MacLeod's 
relatives,  his  grandson  and  the  late  Miss  MacLeod  of  Mac- 
Leod, to  the  latter  of  whom  Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie  acknow- 
ledges his  indebtedness  for  information  given.  Dealing  first 
with  MacLeod's  grandson,  Norman,  the  20th  Chief,  the 
following  statement  appears  in  a  manuscript  under  his.  hand 
dated  in  1785  :  "It  would  be  neither  pleasing  nor  useful  to 
enquire  how  deeply  he  was  concerned  in  the  preludes  to  the 
Rebellion,  nor  indeed  have  I  been  able  to  learn."  Miss  Mac- 
Leod of  MacLeod's,  statement  (on  the  authority  of  Mr  Mac- 
kenzie) is  that:  "  She  remembers  having  seen  in  the  family 
charter-chest  an  interesting  correspondence  between  His  Royal 
Highness  and  MacLeod,  in  which  the  latter  invited  the  Prince 
to  come  over  several  months  before  he  arrived,"  but  the 
letters  have  since  disappeared. 

There  is  no  answer,  so<  far  as  I  know,  to  the  statement 
that  MacLeod  was  a  party  to  inviting  the  Prince  to  come 
over.  I  know  of  no  contemporaneous  document  to  support 
the  statement  that  such  an  invitation  was  conditional  upon 
the  Prince  bringing  with  him  adequate  support  from  France. 
MacLeod  did  not,  at  the  time,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
learn,  contradict  in  writing  the  specific  charges  which  have 
been  made  against  him  of  acting  a  double  part  for  some  time 
after  the  Prince  landed.  Fortunately,  several  letters  that 
passed  between  MacLeod,  President  Forbes,  and  Lord  Lovat 
have  been  preserved,  from  which  we  may  fairly  draw  certain 
inferences.  Throughout  that  correspondence  MacLeod's 
position  is  absolutely  clear.  He  avows  himself  a  staunch 
supporter  of  the  Government.  I  attach  considerable 
importance  to  this  correspondence.  A  material  piece  of 
evidence  in  favour  of  MacLeod  is  contained  in  a  letter  written 
T>y  the  President  to  Gluny  dated  20th  August,  1745.  Cluny 
in  a  previous  letter  had  expressed  the  view  that  most  of  all 
the  Highland  Chieftains  were  with  the  Prince,  including  in 
all  probability  MacLeod.  President  Forbes  writes:  "  There 


Further  Notes  on  the  Durwegan  Family  157 

is  only  one  thing  which  I  wish  you  had  not  expressed  so  strong, 
and  that  is  when  you  say  that  most  of  all  the  Highland  Chiefs 
are  with  the  Young  Invader.  For,  contrary  to  what  you  have 
been  informed  of  concerning  Sir  Alexander  MacDonald  and 
MacLeod  I  do  assure  you  that  they  are  both  in  the  same  dis- 
position that  you  and  I  are ;  that  they  have  absolutely  refused 
to  join,  and  have  prevented  the  stirring  of  every  man  of  their 
dependants;  and  my  authority  for  saying  so  is  no  less  than 
a  letter  which  I  received  this  day  about  one  o'clock ;  it  is  dated 
the  17th  instant  2  o'clock  afternoon,  and  written  by  Mac- 
Leod in  answer  to  one  that  was  sent  him  by  express  from  this 
place  after  my  arrival.  I  mention  this  to  you  for  your 
private  satisfaction,  that  you  may  not  be  imposed  on  by 
reports  which  will  be  purposely  raised  to  intimidate  some  and 
delude  others;  but  I  would  not  have  their  correspondence 
with  me  spoken  of,  except  to  friends,  because  it  is  unnecessary 
it  should  yet  be  publick."  Again,  as  shewing  that  it  was 
known  at  least  in  Skye  that  MacLeod  was  supporting  the 
Government  (and  this  I  produce  also1  as  evidence  against  the 
statement  that  MacLeod's  own  men  marched  from  Dtinvegan 
under  a  delusion  wearing  "  the  white  cockade  ")  we  have 
MacLeod's  written  statement  to  the  President  on  23rd 
October,  1745  :  "  Sandy  MiacLeod  is  still  here  waiting  to  see 
his  uncle ;  he  has  made  some  attempts  to  raise  rebellion 
against  the  Knight  and  me  here,  but  with  very  bad  success." 
And  again,  in  the  same  connection,  I  quote  the  words  of 
Donald  MacLeod  of  Bernera,  who,  when  required  by  Mac- 
Leod to  attend  with  his  men  at  D'unvegan  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Prince,  wrote:  "  I  place  at  your  disposal  the 
twenty  men  of  your  tribe  who  are  under  my  immediate  com- 
mand, and  in  any  other  quarrel  would  not  fail  to  be  at  their 
head,  but  in  the  present  I  must  go  where  a  more  imperious 
duty  calls  me."  Lastly  (and  this  goes  to  meet  the  point  that 
about  the  middle  of  October,  1745,  MacLeod  was  promising 
support  to  the  Prince),  there  is  an  entire  absence  of  any 
incriminating  document,  correspondence  or  otherwise,  under 
his  hand.  Nay,  more,  we  find  MacLeod  writing  to  Lovat  on 
the  23rd  of  that  month  deploring  an  attack  that  'had  been 
made  on  the  President,  and  advising  Lovat  that  he  owed 
himself  and  the  world  a  public  vindication  from  any  sug- 
gested association  of  himself  (Lovat)  therewith,.  In  the  same 
letter  MacLeod  iadds :  ' '  My  son  is  in  great  agony  about  six 
of  hia  men  that  have  deserted,  and  I  own  it  gives  me  much 


153  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuernisf 

pain  to  see  ingratitude  so  strong  even  in  common  fellows. 
But  can  I  believ-e  the  rest  of  it,  that  they  were  entertained 
in  an©  outhouse  of  yours  and  then  sent  to  make  part  of  the 
Master's  rendezvous!.  I  cannot,  and  so  there  I  leave  it  till 
I  hear  more." 

In    an    enquiry  of    this    nature  necessarily  a  great   deal 
depends  upon  the  credibility  of  the  witnesses  whose  testimony 
has  been  adduced.     Fortunately,   for   the  partial  vindication 
of  MacLeod's  character,  the  two  Leading  witnesses  who  speak 
to  alleged  treachery — Simon  Fraser  of  Lovat  and  Murray  of 
Broughton — are  to>  a  large  extent  discredited  persons.        Mr 
D.   N.    Mackay,  in   his  introduction   to  the   latest  published 
Trial  of  Lord  Lovat,  emphasises  Lovat's  tendency  to  round 
on    his    old    friends,  and    instances  several  pungent  phrases 
attributing  the  blackest  qualities  to  men  "  whose  conduct  was 
clean  and  whose  career  was  honourable."     We  may  possibly 
not  go  far  wrong  if  we  discount  entirely  statements  made  by 
Lovat  which  are  unsupported  by  others.     But,  unfortunately 
for  MacLeod,  Lovat 's  statements  are  corroborated  largely  by 
statements    made    by  Lovat's     greatest     enemy,    Murray   of 
Broughton,        Wherever  there  is  smoke  there  must  be  some 
fire.     There  is  no  room  for  the  suggestion  that  Murray  and 
Lovat  concocted  a.  lying  plot,  and  therefore  a  certain  amount 
of  credibility    attaches  itself  to>  the  corroborated  statements 
of  even  a  past  master  in  duplicity,  and  one  who  was  willing 
to  save  his  neck  at  the  expense  of   others.     At  one  stage  of 
Lovat's   trial   it  was   contemplated     to     call     MacLeod   as   a 
witness  for  Lovat,  and   an  order  was  obtained  for  MacLeod 
to  attend  and  give  evidence.        In  the  end,   however,   it  was 
resolved     not  to   call   him.        It     may  be     argued     that     the 
resolution  on  the  part  of  Lovat   not  to  call  MacLeod  points 
to  MacLeod's  innocence  of  the  charges  brought  against  him 
at  the  trial.     On  the  other  hand,  notwithstanding  the  grave 
accusations  against  MacLeod  contained  in  the  letter  referred 
to,  produced  at  the  trial,  why   did  MacLeod,  if  he  had  the 
power,    not  tender  himself  as   a   witness,  in   contradiction   of 
these  accusations? 

The  charges  in  the  Lyon  in  Mourning  against  MacLeod 
are  grave,  and,  though  doubtless  exaggerated,  were  made  at 
the  time  and  not  contradicted.  Bip.hop  Forbes  was  possibly 
a  zealous  compiler  of  interesting  information,  but  at  the  same 
time  careful  to  a  degree.  Aq-ain,  many  of  the  statements 
therein  are  to  be  found  in  the  journal  from  which  I  have  also 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          159 

quoted,  against  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  there-  is  no  charge 
of  fabrication.  On  the  whole  matter,  I  incline  to  the  view 
that  MacLeod,  when  a  comparatively  young  man,  following 
the  early  traditions  of  his  family,  warmly  espoused  the  Stuart 
cause;  that  thereafter  o>n  reflection,  realising  the  futility  of 
another  attempt  to  restore  the  Stuarts  to  the  throne,  and 
having  come  under  the  influence  of  Lord  President  Forbes, 
resolved  gradually  to  dissociate  himself  from  so  forlorn  a  hope  ; 
that  while  still  corresponding1  with  President'  Forbes,  and 
known  by  him  to  be  a  staunch  supporter  of  the  Government, 
he  had  not  disclosed  to  others  that  he  had  entirely  thrown 
off  his  old  allegiance;  and  that  to  allay  any  suspicion  of 
adherence  to  the  Prince,  he  finally  deemed  it  necessarv  to 
become  an  active  agent  for  the  Government.  Had  it  been 
possible  for  him  to  consult  his  own  inclinations,  I  doubt  not 
he  would  have  preferred  to  remain  neutral.  Although 
perhaps1  late  in  the  day,  he  lent  his  active  support  to  the 
Government.  The  Highlands  to-day  are  enjoying  the  fruits 
of  that  decision.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  had  MacLeod 
throughout  the  'Forty-five  supported  the  House  of  Stuart,  the 
Government  would  have  been  confronted  with  a  much  more 
^difficult  and  complex  situation, 


26th  APRIL,  1917. 

The  meeting  on  this  evening  was  presided  over  by  the 
Rev.  Donald  Connell,  M.A.,  and  formal  business  transacted 
included  the  election,  as  Apprentice  Members,  of  Mr  Allan 
MacLeod  Armstrong  and  Mr  Donald  Henry  MacDonald. 
Thereafter  the  Chairman  introduced  the  Rev.  D.  Beaton, 
Wick,  who  read  the  following  paper:  — 

FAST-DAY  AND  FRIDAY  FELLOWSHIP  MEETING 
CONTROVERSY  IN  THE  SYNOD  OF  SUTHERr 
LAND  AND  CAITHNESS  (1737-1758). 

The  controversy  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  this  paper 
disturbed  the  peace  of  the  Presbyteries  within  the  bounds  of 
the  Synod  of  Sutherland  and  Caithness  for  many  years,  and 
was  ultimately  brought  to  an  end  in  1758  by  the  decision  of 
the  Commission  of  the  General  Assembly.  For  reasons  that 
shall  be  hereafter  mentioned  an  attempt  was  made  to  curtail 


160  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

the  number  of  days  usually  observed  in  connection  with  the 
administration  of  the  Lord's   Supper.       Friday  was  the  day 
around  which  the  battle  raged   most  fiercely.     The  effort  to 
do  away  with  the  Fellowship  or  "  Men's  "  Meeting  met  with 
strenuous  opposition.     This,  though  the  most,  prolonged,  was 
not  the  first  controversy  affecting  Fellowship  Meetings  in  the 
Church  of  Scotland.     As  early  as  1640  we  find  that  the  Aber- 
deen Assembly  had  its  attention  directed  by  Mr  (afterwards 
Bishop)     Henry     G-uthrie,     Stirling,      to      certain     "  private 
exercises  "     conducted     by     the    Laird     of     Leckie.       These 
"  exercises  "  had  been  resorted  to  in  the  time  of  persecution 
in  Ireland,  when,   according  to  Baillie,   "  our  countrymen  in 
Ireland,   being  pressed  there  by  the  bishops  to  countenance 
the    liturgy   and   all    the  ceremonies,    did    abstain    from    the 
publick    worship,    and    in   private',    among   themselves,    their 
ministers  being  all  banished,  did,  in  that  time  and  place  of 
persecution,  comfort  themselves  with  prayer  and  reading,  and 
other  exercises  of  religion,  whiles  in  the  night,  whiles  in  the 
day,    as    they  had    occasion  "  (Letters).        There    were  keen 
debates    on   the  matter,   and  some  of   the   most   outstanding 
evangelical    ministers  of  the  day   defended  the  right  of  the 
people   to   have  such  meetings.        When   Lord   Seaforth   and 
Guthrie  were  busily  engaged  wrangling  over  a  paper  brought 
in  by  a  committee  to  regulate  such  meetings,  Mr  Rutherford, 
who,  according  to  Baillie,  was  all  the  while  dumb,   "  cast  in 
a   syllogism,    and    required    them    all    to    answer   it,    '  What 
Scripture  does  warrant,  an  assembly  may  not  discharge ;   but 
privy  meetings  for  exercise  of  religion,    Scripture  warrants, 
James  v.    16 — Confess  your  faults  one  to  another,   and  pray 
one  for  another;  Mai.  iii.  16 — Then  they  that  feared  the  Lord 
spake  often  one  to  another,  etc.  :   Ergo,  thir  things  could  not 
be  clone  in  a  publick  meeting.'  ;       While  a  number  "  greedily 
haunsht  '      at    the    argument,     both    Seaforth    and    Guthrie 
entered  a  protest  against  "  Mr  Samuel  "  troubling  them  with 
his    :'  logick  syllogisms."     The   "  Irish  novations  "!  did  not 
end  here.       At  neixt  Assembly  (1641)  the  subject  was  again 
discussed,  and    the    Laird    of    Leckie  gave  in  a  bill  against 
G-uthrie  for  slander.        The  outcome  of  all  these  discussions 
abcut  private  meetings  was  the  passing,  in  1647,  of  an  Act  by 
the  General  Assembly  virtually  prohibiting  such  meetings  "  ,is 
tending  to   the    hindrance  of  the    religious    exercise  of   each 
fpmilie  by  itself,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  publike  ministery, 
to  the  renting  of  the  families  of  particular  congregations,  and 
in   progresse   of  time  of   the  whole  Kirk."        Yet,    notwith- 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  fellowship  Meetings          161 

standing  this  decision,  Baillie,  writing  seven  years  before, 
says:  "  Mr  Rutherford,  I  know,  in  a  treatise,  defended  the 
lawfulness  of  those  meetings  in  greater  numbers,  and  for  moe 
purposes  than,  yet  we  have  heard  practised ;  also>  Mr  Dickson 
had  written,  and  practised,  and  countenanced  some  things  in 
these  meetings,  that  now  both  of  them  finding  the  incon- 
veniences, and  seeing  the  great  opposition  they  got  from  many 
good  men,  and  especially  Mr  Hendierson,  were  content  to 
pass  from,  at  least  to  be  silent  of  "  (Letters).  Whether 
these  meetings  in  any  way  suggested  those  which  became  such 
a  feature  in  the  religious  life  of  the  north,  it  would,  with  our 
present  information,  be  difficult  to  say.  But  when  it  is 
borne  in  mind  that  the  rise  of  "  the  Men  "2  is  usually 
associated  with  the  name  of  John  Munro  (Caird),3  a  convert 
of  Rev.  Thomas  Hog,  who  was  minister  of  Kiltearn  from 
1654  to  1661,  and  again  from  1690  to  1692.  Hog's 
sympathies  would  naturally  lie  in  the  direction  of  those 
ministers  who  favoured  the  private  meetings,  though  dis- 
approving of  some  things  connected  with  them,  and  it  is  quite 
within  the  range  of  probability  that  such  meetings  suggested 
those  which  began  in  Kiltearn,4  and  afterwards  became  a 
feature  of  the  religious  life  of  the  Highlands.  There  is  an 
interesting  reference  in  >a  newsletter  from  Dundee  dated  8th 
January,  1651,  in  which  the  writer,  in  recounting  the  doings 
of  the  Commonwealth  troops  in  the  north,  says:  "  I  perceive 
by  Captain  Simpson  and  others  that  came  from  thence,  that 
there  is  a  very  precious  people  who'  seeke  the  face  of  God  in 
Sutherland  and  divers  other  parts  beyond  Invemesse,  which, 
but  that  I  had  itt  from  so©  good  hands,  I  should  have  much 
questioned,  considering  how  few  all  the  Southern©  parts  have 
afforded;  but  the  Spiritt  bloweth  where  Itt  listeth,  and 
though  there  were  very  few  in  any  part©  of  this  Nation  where 
ever  wee  came  that  would  bee  present  att  any  private  meet- 
ings, yet  the  people  in  those  parts  will  rather  leave  their  own© 
Ministers  and  com©  to-  private  houses  where  our  officers  and. 
souldiers  meete  together."5  From  this  it  would  appear  that 
those  who  sought  "  the  face  of  God  in  Sutherland  and  divers 
other  parts  beyond  Invemesse  "  were  not  averse  to  meeting 
with  Cromwell's  Independent  officers  and  soldiers  in  their 
private  gatherings. 

Intimately  associated   with  the  Fellowship  Meetings  were 
"  the  Men."     Their  origin,  tho<ugh  generally  traced  to  John 

11 


162  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Munro  (Caird),6  cannot  definitely  be  fixed.  The  -early  Church 
records  of  the  north,  asi  far  as  is  known,  have  no  references 
to  them  until  the  18th  century.7  In  a  brief  introductory 
notice  like  this  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into  a  detailed 
description  of  the  order  of  "  the  Men."  The  institution,  at 
one  time  such  a  powerful  factor  in  the  religious  life  of  the 
north,  though  now  far  from  what  it  once  was,  is  still  so  widely 
known  as  to*  be  quite  familiar  to  all  who  are  in  anyway 
interested  in  the  religious,  affairs  of  the  Highlands.  "  The 
Men  "  have  had  warm  admirers,8  who  have  carefully 
chronicled  their  sayings,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  they  have 
bad  critics,  who  neither  pitied  nor  spared.9 

In  estimating  the  position  taken  up  by  "  the  Mem  "  in 
relation  to  the  Church  and  the  ministry,  it  is  to  be  carefully 
borne  in  mind  that  there  was  a.  distinct  class  among  them 
who  went  under  the  name  of  Separatists).10  These  adopted  an 
extreme  attitude  to  the  Church  and  the  ministry,  and  even 
the  most  ardent  admirers  of  "  the  Men/'  such  as  Df  Kennedy 
and  Mr  Auld,  are  careful  too  make  a  distinction  between  "  the 
Men  "  generally  and  the  Separatists.11  Sage,  in  describing 
the  Separatists,  says  that  this  sect  "  while  professing  to 
remain  within  the  pale  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  at  the  same 
time  separated  itself  from  its  communion  and  other  public 
ordinances/'  The  founder  of  the  Separatists,  he  affirms,  was 
Peter  Stewart,  &  native  of  Strathmore,  Caithness,  a  noted 
catechist  and  a,  poet  of  some  ability.  Among  the  northern 
Separatists  were  men  of  outstanding  ability  and  piety,  and 
one  has  only  to  mention  such  names  as  Peter  Stewart,  Joseph 
Mackay,  John  Grant,  and  Alexander  Gair12  to  be  made  con- 
scious: of  the'  fact  that  some  of  them,  at  least,  were  mem  of 
no  ordinary  stamp.  But  while  giving  the  Separatists  all 
their  due,  it  is  but  fair  in  estimating  the  position  of  "  the 
Men  "  to  carefully  bear  in  mind  that  they  did  not  all  hold 
the  views  of  the  Separatists. 

With  these  introductory  remarks  the  way  is  now  clear  for 
the  discussion  of  the  controversy  on  the  Fellowship  Meetings, 
which  began  in  1737,  and  was  not  really  settled  until  1758. 
The  great  numbers  who  attended  the  services  in  connection 
with  the  administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  instead  of 
being  gladly  welcomed  by  the  ministers,  became  a.  source  of 
embarrassment  to  many  of  them.  A  movement,  accordingly, 
was  set  on  foot,  whose  purpose  was  to  curtail  the  number  of 
days  observed  on  such  occasions.  The  day  which  was  to  be 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          163 

cut  out  was  Friday,  which  "  the  Men  "  looked  upon  as  their 
special  day.  The  opposition  to  the  Friday  Meetings  was  not 
confined  to  the  more  worldly  of  the  ministers,  for  it  was 
backed  up  by  such  men  as  Kev.  John  Mackay,  Lairg;  Rev. 
Alexander  Pope,  Reay ;  Rev.  John  Sutherland,  Halkirk,  etc. 
These  ministers,  if  they  did  not  actively  oppose  the  meetings, 
at  least  fell  in  with  the  Synod's  attitude  towartb  them.  An 
interesting  development  of  the  controversy  about  to  be 
described  is  thus  referred  to  by  Sage:  ''  In,  the  North  of 
Scotland,"  he  says,  "  a  distinction  prevailed  in  the  annual 
administration  of  that  ordinance  [the  Lord's  Supper]  which 
in  the  south  was  utterly  unknown.  That  distinction  was 
made  between  the  public  and  the  private  or  parochial 
administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  any  parish.  The 
ordinance  was  considered  as  administered  publicly  when  com- 
municants from  other  parishes  joined  with  those  of  the  parish 
in  its  observance,  and,  when,  on  that  account,  there  were 
two  distinct  services,  one  in  Gaelic  and  the  other  in  English, 
and  two  different  congregations,  the  one  without,  the  other 
within  doors."13  Sage  -  tells  of  a  rather  painful  division 
between  his  father,  the  Rev.  Alexander  .Sage,  minister  of 
Kildonan  (1787-1824),  and  his  elders  in  connection  with  the 
administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  minister  wished 
to  have  the  ordinance  administered  privately,  or  parochially, 
about  the  middle  of  spring.  The  elders  wished  it  deferred  to 
the  middle  of  summer  and  to  have  it  public  as  usual.  Mr 
Sage  would  not  yield,  and  feeling  ran  so  high  that  the  elders 
refused  to  .assist  him.  The  Rev.  William  Mackenzie,  Tongue, 
who  assisted  at  the  preaching,  drew  large  congregations, 
larger,  indeed,  tha.n  could  be  accommodated  within  the  build- 
ing. Notwithstanding  repeated  requests  to  have  the  preach- 
ing outside,  Mr  Sage  stubbornly  refused,  with  the  following 
result  as  narrated  by  his  son :  "  On  the  Sabbath  during  the 
fencing  of  the  tables  and  the  table  services,  I  remember  seeing 
about  two  hundred  persons  assembled  on  the  north  side  of 
Torr-an-Niachaidh,  whilst  Donald  Macleod,  the  schoolmaster, 
read  a  few  chapters  of  the  Scripture^  to  them,  accompanied 
by  prayer  and  praise.  The  elders,  with  the  exception  of 
Rory  Bain,  kept  stoutly  to  their  resolution  to  take  no  part. 
Although  good  old  Rory  was  just  as  much  opposed  as  any  of 
them  to<  the  parochial  sacrament,  yet  he  attended  every  day 
and  officiated,  from  his  sincere  regard  and  attachment  to  his 
minister."14 


164  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Prior  to  Mr  Sage's  settlement  at  Kildonan,  the  Dornoch 
Presbytery  was  agitated  by  a.  controversy  on  the  same  subject. 
In  1782  it  would  appear  that  there  was  great  scarcity  in  the 
north,  and  the  Presbytery  appointed,  at  ite  meeting  held  on 
22nd  August,  a  Day  of  Humiliation  for  the  famine.  The 
following  year,  at  a  meeting  held  at  Golspie,  25th  March, 
the  Presbytery  resolved  "  that  the  state  of  their  several 
parishes  with  respect  to;  bread  renders  it  altogether 
impracticable  to  administer  that  ordinance  in  the  ordinary 
way  of  assembling  several  congregations  into  one  and 
admitting  indiscriminately  all  that  come  from  whatever  parish 
or  county  but  notwithstanding  this  difficulty  they  wish  to  do 
their  duty,  they  wish  to  do  what  is  in  their  power  to  give 
their  people  an  opportunity  of  partaking  of  that  ordinance. 
The  only  possible  method  that  occurs  to>  them  of  doing  this 
is  to  propose  to  their  people  to  receive  that  Sacrament  in  a 
private  way  i.e.  every  congregation  by  themselves,  and  assure 
them  at  the  same  time  that,  if  circumstances  admit  of  it  the 
next  year,  they  will  take  no  advantage  of  this  but  on  the 
contrary  be  the  more  ready  to  gratify  them  with  dispensing 
the  ordinance  in  the  publick  wiay  now  in  use  "  (Dornooh 
Pres.  Reg.).  This  course  suggested  by  the  Presbytery  met 
with  serious  opposition,  and  to  get  over  the  difficulty  they  hit 
on  the  plan  of  having  the  communion  on  the  same  day  in  the 
different  parishes  within  the  bounds  of  the  Presbytery  (Ibid,, 
4th  May,  1784). 

The  first  step  in  the  Fellowship  Meeting  controversy  was 
the  passing  by  the  Synod  of  Sutherland  and  Caithness,  which 
met  at  Dornoch,  1st  July,  1737,  of  an  Act  abolishing  Friday 
Fellowship  Meetings.  The  Act  is  in  the  following  terms: 
That  because  the  Communicants  in  each  Presbytery  in  our 
bounds  are  by  the  blessing  of  God  become  so  numerous  that 
their  meeting  all  in  one  Parish  to  partake  in  the  Sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  is  attended  with  several  inconveniences, 
particularly  that  the  Communicants  are  often  straitned  for 
want  of  room  in  the  churches,  and  that  the  work  is  render' d 
tedious,  therefore,  the  Synod  should  appoint  that,  at  least, 
in  the  Presbytery s  of  Caithness  and  Dornoch  where,  a 
sufficient  number  of  assistants  can  be  got,  the  foresaid 
ordinance  shall  for  hereafter  be  as  often  as  may  be  adminis- 
trated in  two  parishes  on  the  same  Lord's  Day.  As  also, 
that  because  the  meetings;  ordinarily  kept  on  Frydays  before 
the  administration  of  the  Sacrament  are  often  inconvenient 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          165 

to  the  ministers  who  join  in  the  ministration  by  diverting 
them  from  what  they  should  be  principally  employed  about, 
and  to  the  communicants  insomuch  as  their  coming  from  their 
apartments  and  attending  these  meetings  takes  up  a  good 
part  of  that  day,  which  ought  to  be  rather  spent  as  much  as 
may  be  in  meditation  and  other  private  devotions,  and  that 
the  main  design  of  these  Meetings  may  be  obtained  without" 
these  inconveniencys  by  the  people's  communicating  their 
cases  of  conscience  to  their  ministers  at  home.  Therefore, 
that  the  Synod  appoint  these  Meetings  on  Frydays  before  the 
Sacrament  to  be  foreborn  for  the  future  in  all  the  bounds  of 
this  Synod ;  and  appoint  the  ministers  before  they  come  from 
home  to>  assist  at  that  ordinance  to  give  the  Communicants 
of  their  respective  parishes  opportunity^  of  consulting  them 
about  such  questions  or  cases  relative  to  that  work  as  may 
happen  to  be  straitning  to<  them.  But  that  these  conferences 
be  as  private  as  may  be." 

The    Synod    ordered    this    Act,  which  was  passed  unani- 
mously, to  be  read  from  all  the  pulpits  within  their  bounds. 
The    members    of    Synod    present  were :    Revs.  Walter  Ross, 
Tongue;  John  Munro,  Halkirk;  James  Ferine,  Wick;   James 
Brodie,    Latheron;     David    Dunbar,    Olrig;     John    Mackay, 
L>airg;    Robert   Kirk,    Dornoch;    Francis  Robertson,    dyne; 
James  Smith,  Creich ;  James  Gilchrist,  Loth;   William  Rose, 
Kildonan;    John   Munro,    Rogart ;    William    Scobie,   Assynt; 
John  Sutherland,  Grolspie,  and  William  Henderson,  itinerant 
minister    in    the    Presbyteries  of  Dornoch  and  Tongue,   and 
afterwards  minister    of  Eddrachillis.        At    next   meeting   of 
Synod  (Thurso,  29th  June,   1738)  it  was   "  found  that  Pres- 
byterys  have  had  regard  as,  far  as  they  could  to  said  recom- 
mendation,   and  are1  resolved  to  continue  to   observe  it   and 
that  said  Meetings  are  foreborn."     When  the  Synod  met  at 
Dornoch  next  year  (27th  June,   1739)  the   following  request 
from  the  Presbytery  of  Tongue  wa.s  presented  and  agreed  to' : 
'  The  Presbytery  of  Tongue  represented  that  as  their  bounds 
are  very  discontiguous,  and  as  the  summer  is  the  only  season 
in   which  they  can  conveniently  administrate  the  Sacrament 
of  the  Supper  and  as  victual  is  then  very  scarce  in  their  bounds 
and  supplies  of  victual  at  a  great  distance  from  them  and  as, 
on  these  accounts,  the  people  who  meet  to  attend  said  Sacra- 
ment their  coming  to  the  parish  where  the  Sacrament  is  given 
on   Wednesday  of  the  week  before  to  attend  and  keep  the 
Fast  on  Thursday  and   their  continuing  there  till    Munday 


166  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

evening  thereafter,  is  burdensome  to  the  poorer  people  of  the 
Pai-ish°  where  they  ccnveen,  and  other  ways  inconvenient. 
Therefore,  said  Presbytery  design  that  in  their  bounds,  as 
most  of  their  communicants,  and  a  great  many  else,  oonveen 
to  every  sacramental  occasion  they  shall  observe  the  Fast, 
us'd  to  be  observ'd  on  Thursday,  before  the  Sacrament  in  all 
their  parishes  on  such  day  of  the  week  as  the  ministers  and 
their  sessions  shall  see  most  convenient  for  their  parishes 
respectively;  so*  as  the  people  of  other  parishes  may  have  no 
reason  for  meeting  in  the  parish  where  the  Sacrament  is  given 
sooner  than  Saturday's  morning  and  that  they  the  said  Presr 
bytery  want  to*  haive  the  Synod's  approbation  of  this  design. 
The  Synod  having  heard  and  considered  said  representation 
did  approve  of  said  Presbytery's  design."15  The  Presbytery 
were  not  only  determined  to  abolish  public,  but  also«  private, 
fellowship  meetings.  At  a  meeting  held  on  2nd  March,  1749, 
it  was  decided  to>  prohibit  these  private  meetings,  as  the 
following  minute  shows: — "  The  Presbytery  being  well 
apprised  that  there  are  in  the  several  parishes'  some  who  take 
upon  themselves  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  other  books  in  the 
Irish  language  to  the  people  and  to  solve  doubts  and  cases  of 
conscience  at  such  meetings,  and  that  siome  o^  them  are 
without  the  authority  or  allowance  of  the  minister  of  the 
parish,  and  that  it  isi  to  be  feared  that  such  as  so  officiate  are 
not  weel  qualified  for  it,  and  the  Presbytery  remembering  a 
melancholy  scene  that  happened  several  years  ago  in  one  of 
these  unauthorised  meetings  at  Halmadary,16  did  and  do 
hereby  prohibit  any  to  convene  the  people  to  reading  or  con- 
ferences except  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  parish  minister 
be  obtained."  Two  years  later  (13th  March,  1751)  a  resolu- 
tion changing  the  Fast-day  from  Thursday  to  Friday  was 
come  to.  "  The  Presbytery,"  so  runs  the  minute,  "  declare* 
their  resolution  of  keeping  the  Fast-day  before  the  Sacrament 
on  Friday,  and  not  on  Thursday  as  it  was  last  year  at  Dur- 
ness :  only,  Mr  Skeldodh.  [Farr]  craved  some  time  to  converse 
with  his  people  there  anent  " — (Register  of  Presbytery  of 
Tongue) . 

When  the  matter  comes  up  again  before  the  Church 
Courts  in  1750  it  is  ,as  a  petition  from  two  elders1  in  the 
parish  of  Dornoch,  and  has  reference  to  certain  happenings 
at  Lairg.  The  petitioners  plead  "  That  whereas  upon  inti- 
mation given  us  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  its 
being  to  be  given  at  Lairg  upon  the  twenty  fourth  of  June, 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          167 

there  was  also  an  intimation  that  there  would  be  no  sermon 
upon  the  Thursday  which  was  the  ordinary  day  appointed  by 
the  Church  of  Scotland  for  solemn  fasting  and  prayer  at 
such  an  occasion  since  the  hiaippie  Reformation  :  the  people 
having  conveened  and  being  disappointed  of  sermon  that  day, 
it  cannot  be  express  'd  what  murmuring  and  confusion  it 
occasioned  among  the  people  (a  very  unbecoming  frame  for 
the  great  and  solemn  work  that  was  to  be  gone  about).  We 
must  also  beg  leave  to  lay  before  you  that  if  this  or  the  like 
is  practised  any  further  it  will  not  only  occasion  a  coolness 
betwixt  private  Christians  themselves  but  also  a  coolness 
betwixt  several  congregations  and  their  ministers  the  conse- 
quences of  which  may  in  time  prove  dangerous.  Therefore 
it  is  ho'ped  and  earnestly  expected  that  you  will  take  the 
afoove  to  your  serious  consideration  and  use  the  power  lodged 
in  your  hands  for  preventing  such  practises  for  the  future, 
and  your  petitioners  shall  ever  pray.  Sic  subscribitur,  Adam 
McKy,  elder;  John  Sutherland,  elder." 

The  Synod  dismissed  the  petition,  and  charged  the  peti- 
tioners and  those  who  were  likeminded  with  them  as  "  highly 
to  blame  not  only  in  refusing  to  submit  to  regulation  thought 
necessary  by  their  ministers,  but  also  in  the  noise  and 
clamour  they  had  raised  and  the  disturbance  they  gave  to1  the 
administration  of  that  holy  ordinance)  and  the  insults  by 
some  of  them  offered  to  their  ministers."  The  Synod's 
sentence  was  ordered  to  be>  read  from  the  sieveral  pulpits  in 
the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch.  Mr  John  Sutherland,17  Golspie; 
Mr  James  Smith,18  Creich ;  and  Mr  John  Munro,  19  Rogart, 
appealed  against  this  decision*.  In  the  ((  Reasons*  of  Appeal  " 
it  is  pointed  out  that  a-  letter  "  directed  to  Messrs  George 
Sinclair  and  John  Donaldson,  merchants  in  Thurso,  sub- 
scribed by  one  Thomas  Munro,  a  well  known  Christian  in 
their  bounds,  and  that  in  his  own  name,  and  in  the  name  of 
the  other  communicants  in  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch  for- 
siaid,  but  as  this  letter  and  another  letter  written  by  com- 
municants of  the  parish  of  Far  concurring  with  the'  Dornoch 
petitioners  were  of  great  importance  in  this  question,  so*  by 
certain  ways  and  means  the  gentlemen  to  whom  they  were 
directed  made  no  use  of  them,  deserted  the  cause  and  thereby 
suppressed  the  evidences  the  people  gave  of  their  dislike  to 
the  change  complained  of."  The  charge  of  "  noise  and 
clamour  "  is  rebutted.  It  had  been  said  that  Mr  Mackay, 
Lairg,  had  been  insulted  by  the  people  who  came  from  the 


168  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

parish  of  Dornoch  on  Thursday,  but  there  was  no  proof  of 
th?s.  The  Synod  are  reminded  that  "  the  truly  serious  and 
godly  are  justly  complaining  of  the  withdrawings  of  the  Holy 
Spirit's  gracious  influences,  and  are  in  hazard  by  this  to  fall 
in  with  the  wild  and  extravagant  notions  o<f  the  Secession." 
The  Appellants  express  the  fear  that  since  the  Friday  meet- 
ings have  been  abolished  and  the  "  want  of  them  supplyed  by 
the  parish  ministers  preaching  &  chatechetic  discourse,"20 
that  further  encroachments  may  be  made  on  the  number  of 
days  observed  at  Communion  seasons. 

In  reply  to  the  Reasons,  of  Appeal  the  Synod  point  out 
that  "  in  June,  seventeen  hundred  and  fifty,  and  so  before 
the  next  annual  meeting  of  the  Synod,  a  minister  of  the 
Presbyter}'-  of  Tongue  being  to  .administer  the  Sacrament, 
that  Presbytery  agreed  unanimously  to>  have  the  Fast  on  the 
Fryday,  and  their  people  oame  peaceably  into  the  change, 
excepting  some  in  one  parish  adjacent  to  the  Presbytery  of 
Dornoch,  two*  ministers  of  Dornoch  Presbytery,  viz.,  Mr  John 
Mackay21  at  Lairg,  an  aged  and  worthy  minister,  and  Mr 
Hugh  Sutherland22  at  Kildonnan,  being  to  administer  the 
Sacrament  at  the  same  time,  resolved  not  to  have  the  Fast 
till  Fryday  as  judging  it  most  convenient  for  themselves  and 
their  parishes,  and  having  intimated  their  resolution  at  a 
preceding  meeting  of  Presbytery,  four  judged  the  change 
proposed  very  reasonable  on  sundry  accounts."  The  Synod 
further  point  out  that  Mr  Hugh  Sutherland,  minister  of 
Kildonan,  when  asked  by  communicants  from  the  parish  of 
Dornooh  to  have  services  on  Thursday,  advised  them  "  to 
retire  to  their  quarters  and  employ  that  day  in  private,  seeing 
no  publick  worship  was  intended  on  it."  These  communi- 
cants, however,  persisting  in  their  request,  found  a  spokes- 
man in  Thomas  Munro,  a  leading  man  among  them,  who 
said:  "  For  my  part  I'll  not  advise  any  to  follow  me  who  has 
not  the  same  clearance  with  myself,  but  I'm  resolved  to 
leave  this  place  as  I  have  no<  freedom  ;  for  my  conscience  does 
not  allow  me  to  join  ini  communion  where  such  alteration  is 
made."  With  these  wordsi  delivered  Munro  set  out  on  his 
journey  to  Dornoch,  followed  by  the  people  from  that  parish.. 
The  minister  sent  a  messenger  after  them,  informing  them 
that  services  would  be  held  on  Thursday  ;  on  receiving  this 
information  they  returned.  The  Synod  also  charge  the 
Dornoch  parishioners  who  went  to  Lairg  as  being  "as 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          169 

clamorous  and  indecent  in  their  behaviour"  as  they  who  went 
to  Kildonan. 

In  one  of  the  Answers  to  the  Reasons  advanced  by  Mr 
Sutherland,  the  Synod  say  that  their  action  in  changing  the 
Fast-day  to  Friday  was  in  the  "  interests  of  religion  and  the 
conveniency  of  all  concerned  in  their  parishes,  in  regard  that 
a  multitude  of  people  are  wont  to  throng  to  these  occasions 
who,  having  nothing  to  do  on  the  Fryday,  saunter  about  the 
neighbourhood,  and  being  idle  themselves  keep  the  rest  of  the 
parish  unemployed  also,  when  it's  well  known  that  people 
who  must  live  by  the  labour  of  their  hands  can  have  few 
vacation  days  without  real  prejudice  to  their  families.  Be- 
sides the  multitude  of  people  who  frequent  these  occasions, 
and  of  whom  many  are  servants,  when  they  continue  many 
days  together  cannot  but  be  burdensome  both  to  the  ministers 
and  parishioners,  especially  in  hard  seasons,  which  considera- 
tion itself  makes  it  prudent  in  the  ministers  to  keep  the  people 
no  longer  together  than  is  necessary.  Man}'-  come  from  the 
distance^  of  four  and  twenty  or  thirty  miles  who>,  therefore, 
cannot  be  fewer  than  seven  or  eight  days  absent  from  their 
families  and  service,  which  inconveniency  will  be  somewhat 
remedied  by  keeping  the  Fast  on  Fryday." 

When  the  Synod  met  at  Dornochi  the  following  year  (10th 
July,  1751),  it  enquired  what  the  Committee  which  had  been 
appointed  to  look  after  the  Synod's  interests  on  the  above 
matter  had  done,  and  also  whether  Mr  Francis  Robertson, 
Clyne,  whose  name  was  used  in  Mr  Sutherland's  Memorial  to 
the  General  Assembly,  had  acceded  to  the  Appeal.  The 
Sentence  of  the  General  Assembly  in  the  matter  was  then 
read ,  arid  was  as  follows) :  — 

'  The  General  Assembly  judge  thait  this  affair  is  not  ripe 
for  a  decision,  and  in  the  meantime  declare  that  they  cannot 
approve  of  the  judgment  of  the  Synod  of  Sutherland  and 
Caithness  censuring  the  elders  and  other  petitioners  request- 
ing the  Synod  to  continue  the  Fast  Day  before  the  Sacrament 
on  Thursday  as  formerly,  and,  therefore,  discharge  the 
intimation  of  that  censure,  and  recommend  it  to  all  the 
ministers  in  the  bounds  of  the  Synod  to  show  all  tenderness 
to  the  sentiments  of  the  elders  and  other  well  disposed  people 
under  their  charge.,  and  study  to  preserve  unity  and  brotherly 
love  with  one  .another,  and  further  recommend  it  to  all  the 
people  to  behave  regularly  and  quietly  and  shew  all  regard 


170  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

to  their  ministers,  and  judge  it  inexpedient  for  that  Synod 
or  the  Presbyteries  within  their  bounds  to  approve  any 
general  alteration  of  the  diets  of  publick  worship  at  such 
solemn  occasions  till  that  matter  is  taken  under  the  considera- 
tion of  the  General  Assembly." 

In  answer  to  the  Synod's  enquiry  as  to  what  the  Com- 
mittee and  several  Presbyteries  had  done  to  support  the 
Synod's  sentence,  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch  reported  that 
they  had  intended  one  of  their  number  with  Mr  Sutherland 
to  attend  the  General  Assembly  so  that  both  sides  might  be 
represented.  Mr  Sutherland  and  his  adherents  made  choice 
of  Mr  Francis  Robertson,23  "  who  at  the  time  he  was  named," 
the  minutes  got  on  to  say,  ' '  declared  that  he  was  not  to  go  to 
the  Assembly,  they  [Mr  Sutherland  and  his  supporters]  by 
the  help  of  some  ruling  elders  from  their  parishes,  who  were 
not  wont  to  attend  the  Presbytery,  and  whereof  some  by 
their  attendng  only  a  meeting  or  two  at  that  time  appeared 
to  have  been  brought  in  chiefly,  if  not  only,  for  the  purpose 
of  casting  the  ballance>  against  them  in  the  election  of  their 
Commissioners,  got  the  votes  for  Mr  Robertson,  foresaid,  and. 
Mr  Rose,24  one  of  the  Respondents,  to  be  equal ;  and  then, 
that  Mr  Sutherland,  the  Appellant,  gave  hisi  casting  vote  to 
Mr  Robertson  and  against  Mr  Rose,  tho'  Mr  Rose  had  voted 
for  Mr  Sutherland's  being  one  of  the  Preebyterie's  Commis- 
sioners." 

Mr  Robertson,  when  questioned,  denied  having  signed 
Mr  Sutherland's  Appeal ;  all  he  did  being  merely  to-  subscribe 
a  "  declaration  on  the  foot  of  their  Petition  importing  that 
he  knew  the  generality  of  communicants  of  the:  Presbytery 
were  disposed  to  have  the  Fast  Day  continued  on  Thursday." 
The  matter  of  Mr  Robertson's  subscription  did  not  readily 
end,  a,nd  the  pros  and  cons  were  threshed  out  between  himself 
and  Mr  Sutherland.  When  the  Committee  of  Synod  gave  in 
their  report  they  found  Mr  Sutherland  "  was  to  blame  for 
hindering  Mr  Rose,  one  of  the  Respondents  of  that  Presby- 
tery, to  be  elected  by  giving  his  casting  vote  to*  Mr  Robert- 
son, who  remonstrated  against  his  being  leeted,  and  declared 
he  could  not  go  to  the  Assembly  should  the  election  fall  upon 
him,  and  whom  the  Appellant  then  considered  as  being  on 
his  own  side." 

In  regard  to  the  Assembly's  Sentence,  the  Committee  say 
in  their  Report: — "  The  Synod  appointed  no  general  altera- 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings  171 

tion.  The  Presbytery  of  Dornoch,  where  all  the  noise  is 
made,  appointed  no  general  alteration  of  the  diets  of  publick 
worship,  and  therefore  if  the  above  recited  part  of  the 
Assembly's  Sentence  was  intended  as  a  Censure  on  the  Synod 
or  Presibyteiry  of  Dornoch  it  can  affect  none  but  the  Appellant, 
who  induced  them,  in  absence  of  the  Respondents,  to  appre- 
hend that  the  Synod  and  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch  had 
appointed  what  they  never  appointed  as  will  appear  from 

their  books For  there  is  in  truth  nothing  in  the 

Assembly's  Sentence  hindering  any  parish  in  the  bounds  of 
this  Synod  to>  observe  the  Fast  Day  on  the  Fryday  before  the 
administration  of  the  Supper.  The  Sentence  only  forbids 
the  Synod  or  Presbyteries  to  appoint  a  general  alteration, 
which  is  a  very  different  thing  from  permitting  an  alteration 
where  it  may  be  quietly  and  peaceably  effected,  which  was 
what  the  Synod  permitted,  and  all  that  the  ministers  who  had 
begun,  or  joined  in,  the  alteration  of  the  Fast  Day  contended 
for." 

Mr  Sutherland  dissented  from  this  finding.  The  Synod's 
decision  concerning  the  Assembly's  Sentence  is  characterised 
as  "  evidently  inconsistent  with  the  plain  meaning  and  sense 
of  the  words  of  the  forsiaid  Act."  He  further  adds  : — C(  The 
Synod  have  ventured  to  fix  a  meaning  upon  the  Assembly's 
Act  asi  if  it  would  patronize  the  change  of  the  Fast  Day  from 
Thursday  to  Frydary,  or  at  least,  left  every  member  of  this 
Synod  at  liberty  to  hold  the  Fast  Day  on  Fryday  if  he  pleased. 
And  yet  nothing  is  more  remote  from  the  spirit  and  words  of 
the  Act'.  For  does  it  not  expressly  discharge  the  intimation 
of  the  Censure  the  Synod  appointed  last  year  for  Communi- 
cants in  the  Presibytery  of  Dornoch  for  their  asking  only  the 
continuation  of  the  Fast  Day  before  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Supper  on  the  Thursday  ?  Doe®  it  not  recommend  all  tender- 
ness to>  the  sentiments  of  the  elders  and  communicants  of 
their  bounds,  and  judge  it  inexpedient  to  make  any  general 
alteration  in  the  diets  of  publick  worship,  and,  therefore,  the 
Synod  have,  at  least,  adventured  to  cavil  at  their  Superior's 
Sentence  because  it  affected  their  Sentence  last  year?" 

In  their  Reply  the  Synod  say: — "  Mr  Sutherland  com- 
plains of  the  Synod's  having  fixed  a  wrong  meaning  on  the 
Assembly's  Sentence  .  .  .  the  Assembly  seem  to  have  been 
incluced  to  apprehend  that  the  Synod  had  appointed  and 
meant  to  enforce  a  general  alteration  of  the  days  and  diets 
•above  mentioned  in  their  bounds.  The  Assembly,  however, 


172  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

only  judged  it  inexpedient  for  the  Synod  to  appoint  a<  general 
alteration  till  the  Assembly  should  consider  the  matter." 

When  the  Synod  met  in  1752  at  Thurso  it  appointed  a 
Committee  to  enquire  how  the  Assembly  Act  of  1751  25  enjoin- 
ing the  more  frequent  observance  of  the  Lord's  Supper  should 
be  carried  out.  Several  members  cf  Presbyteries  of  Tongue 
and  Dornoch  represented  the  peculiarity  of  their  circum- 
stances, such  as*  "  the  extent  of  their  parishes,  the  number  of 
communicants  and  other  hearers  that  ordinarly  gather  to- 
gether and  attend,  worship  upon  sacramental  occasions,  the 
difficulty  of  procuring  a  sufficient  number  of  assistant  minis- 
ters where  the  discourses  .are  very  numerous  on  account  of  the 
languages  that  are  necessary  to  use  on  these  occasions,  all 
which  render  it  impracticable  for  them  to  obey  the  Act  of 
Assembly,  1751,  requiring  the  administration  of  the  Sacra- 
ment at  least  once  a  year  in  every  parish." 

The  above  Committee  asked  the  Synod  to  make  this  known 
to  the  ensuring  General  Assembly,  and  to  ask  it  "  to  dispense 
with  the  Past  Day  on  Thursday  and  to  begin  the  public 
worship  on  Saturday  before  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrament 
as  a  measure  that  will  render  the  celebration  of  that  ordinance 
more  frequent  and  more  orderly,  and  if  the  Assembly  should 
judge  it  inexpedient  to  make  such  a  general  alteration 
throughout  the  whole  Church,  to  appoint  the  Thursday  to  be 
laid  aside  in  the  bounds  of  this  Synod,  where  nothing  but  the 
authority  of  the  Church  is  iieedfull  to  procure  obedience  to 
their  regulations  a.nd  laws."  Instructions  to  this  effect  are 
asked  by  the  Committee  to  be  given  to  the  Commissioners  to 
the  General  Assembly  from  their  respective  Presbyteries  ;  the 
enactment  of  such  a  law  will  in  their  opinion  "  ease  the 
ministers  with  respect  to  the  number  of  sermons,  and  a  load 
of  expencesi,  which  they,  nor  their  people,  are  well  able  to 
bear  by  the  vast  confluence  of  people  that  meet  together  on 
such  occasions."  This  request  of  the  Committee  was  not 
adopted,  however,  for  the  Synod  resolved  "  peremptorie  to 
appoint  to  all  members  of  this  Synod  to  obey  the  Act  of 
Assembly,  1751." 

When  the  members  of  Dornoch  Presbytery  were  asked  at 
the  Synod  if  they  had  given  "  obedience  to  the  Act  of  Synod 
discharging  ministers  to  hold  or  countenance  Fellowship  Meet- 
ings upon  FridayB  before  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  Supper,"  Mr  John  Munro,  Rogart,  confessed  that 
he  had  not  obeyed  the  Act.  The  Synod  "  find  him  faulty 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          173 

therein,  and  require  him  and  all  the  other  members  of  the 
Synod  to  observe  said  Act  in  all  time  coming,  resolving  that 
the  contraveeners  thereof  shall  hereafter  be  liable  to  severer 
censure. ' ' 

The  other  ministers  of  the  several  Presbyteries  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Synod  were  enquired  by  the  Synod  of  1753  if 
they  obeyed  the  Act  discharging  the  ministers  to  hold  or 
countenance  Fellowship  Meetings  on  Fridays.  The  ministers 
of  the  Presbytery  of  Caithness  report  that  they  give  obedi- 
ence to  the  Act.  Mir1  Alexander  Nicolson,  Thurso,  however, 
acknowledges  that  through  ignorance  he  had  not  done  so,  but 
promises  to  obey  in  future.  The  members  of  Dornoch  Pres- 
bytery confess  that  they  have  mot  obeyed  said  Act — "  some 
of  them  by  holding  Fellowship  Meetings  on  Friday  before  the 
celebration  of  the  Sacrament  in  their  bounds,  and  others  by 
preaching  or  lecturing  on  that  day."  Many  of  the  ministers 
of  the  Presbytery  expressed  their  intention  of  obeying  the 
Act  in  the  future,  "  but  expected  that  the  Synod  would  at 
the  same  time  secure  the  obedience  of  all  their  brethren,  with- 
out which  their  submission  would  rather  be  a  detriment  to 
the  interests  of  religion  than  of  any  benefit."  The  Synod  find 
all  the  members  of  the  Presbytery  censurable,  and  appoint 
them  to  be  rebuked  by  the  Moderator,  and  they  are  warned 
i(  that  if  they,  or  any  of  them,  are  found  in  time  coming  to 
have  refused  obedience  to  this  Act  of  Synod,  they  will  be 
proceeded  against  for  contumacy,  agreeably  to  the  rules  of 
the  Church."  Mr  Kirk26  requested  that  he  might  be  per- 
mitted to  meet  with  his  parishioners  en  Friday  before  the 
celebration  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  to  explain 
to  them  the  importance  of  the  Synod's  Act.  His  request  was 
granted,  and  Mr  Kirk's  own  willingness  to  submit  to  the  said 
Act  was  to'  be  testified  by  his  signature  to  the  minutes  of 
Synod. 

In  1754,  when  the  Synod  met  at  Thurso  (14th  August), 
it  'war.  reported  that  "  at  celebrating  the  Sacrament  in  Creech, 
in  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch,  in  the  month  of  April  last, 
there  was  held  a,  large  meeting  in  the  Church  there  upon 
Friday,  and  two  ministers  in  the  bounds  of  the  Synod  of 
Ross  preceeded  [?  presided]  at  said  meeting."  Mr  Robert 
Kirk  is  also*  charged  with  disobeying  the  Synod's  Act  "  by 
holding  a  meeting  with  a.  great  body  of  hie  communicants, 
and  of  the  communicants  of  other  parishes,  tho'  not  in  the 
church,  and  this  notwithstanding  of  his  voluntary  engage- 


174  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

merits  to  the  Synod  to  the  contrary  at  their  last  meeting.  It 
also  appeared  to  the  Synod  that  the  said  Mr  Robert  Kirk  had 
behaved  indecently  and  unbecoming  the  character  of  a  clergy- 
man in  denying  and  endeavouring  to  evade  the  charge  against 
him  in  the  manner  he  did."  Mr  Kirk  acknowledged  his 
offenc2i,  which  acknowledgment  the  Synod  accepted.  The 
Creich  Friday  Meeting  then  came  under  review,  when  it  is 
stated  the  twoi  ministers  referred  to  above  were  Messrs  Gilbert 
Robertson,  Kincardine,  and  John  Sutherland,27  Tain,  the 
latter  of  whom  it  is  said  "  was  a  member  of  this  Synod  at 
passing  of  said  Act."  The  Friday  Meeting,  it  is 
said,  "  is  irregular  and  disorderly,  and  tends  to 
propagate  the  animosities  of  the  people  in  these  bounds 
against  their  ministers,  who  have  judg'd  these  Meetings  to 
be  hurtfull  to  the  interests  of  true  and  solid  religion,  and  that 
this  Synod  may  prevent  such  disorderly  practices  in  time 
coming  ' '  a  letter  is  written  to  the  Synod  of  Rossi  complaining 
of  trie  conduct  of  these  ministers.  When  the  ministers  of  the 
Presbytery  of  Caithness  were  enquired  if  they  had  obeyed  the 
Synod's  Act  against  Friday  Meetings,  Mr  John  Sutherland, 
Halkirk,  acknowledged  he  had  transgressed  by  lecturing  .on 
Friday  before  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrament  in  April  last, 
but  promised  obedience  in  time  coming.  He  is  sentenced  to 
be  rebuked  and  admonished  by  the  Moderator. 

In  the  Synod  of  1755,  which  met  at  Dornoch,  the  whole 
subject  of  the  Fellowship  Meetings  was  again  opened  up  by  a 
petition  presented  by  William  Innes,  in  the  name  of  elders 
and  communicants  in  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch,  asking  for 
the  restoration  of  the  Fellowship  Meetings.  At  next  meeting 
of  Synod,  held  at  Thurso,  18th  August,  1756,  another  peti- 
tion is  presented,  in  which  the  petitioners  say  :—  "  It  is  with 
regrete  that  the  forsaid  Petitioners  find  themselves  under  a 
necessity  to  apply  so  often  to>  the  reverend  Synod  for  the 

return   of   a  privilege  so  long   enjoyed   by   them The 

General  Assembly  of  1751  have  expressly  recommended  that 
the  Synod  show  all  tenderness  to>  the  elders  and  well  disposed 
people  under  their  charge,  and  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch 
have  by  their  deliverance  to  the  Petitioners'  request  on  the 
7th  July  last  past  expressly  acknowledged  that  your  Peti- 
tioners were  wont  to'  have  such  Fellowship  Meetings-  on  the 
Fridays  proceeding  the  elebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and 
therefore  it  will  be  accounted  reasonable  and  a  proof  of  the 
Synod's  sympathy  that  the  forsaid  meetings  be  still  allowed 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          175 

to  continue,  having  ever  been  means  of  edification  and  com- 
fort when  observed  in  their  bounds  ....  Sic  subscribitur : 
— Parish  of  Golspic — Thomas  Munro,  elder;  John  Campbell, 
Jiobert  Innes;  Parish  of  Clyne — David  Ross,  John  McKay, 
Alexr.  Ross;  Parish  of  Kildonan — Robert  McKay,  elder; 
John  Mackay ;  Parish  of  Lairg — Patrick  Gray,  George  Mac- 
Donald,  William  Munro,  I.  MK.,  his  mark;  William  Mathe- 
son,  John  McKay,  John  McKay,  older;  Wm.  Mathesoii, 
elder;  Parish  of  Far — Willm.  McKain,  elder.;  John  Gordon, 
elder ;  Angus  McKay ,  John  McKay,  elder ;  Angus  McKay, 
elder;  James  Mathesoii,  Lieut.  Donald  Mackay;  Parish  of 
Creech — William  Ross,  elder ;  John  Martin,  Eneas  Mathesoii, 
elder;  John  Munro,  A.  M.  [Alexander  Munro],  Alexr.  Bain, 
Alexr.  Ross,  John  McKay ;  Parish  of  Eogart — John  Mathe- 
.so'ii,  John  Sutherland,  elder ;  Kenneth  Mackenzie,  elder  ; 
James  Gordon,  I.  S.  [John  Sutherland],  elder;  Parish  of  Loth 
— John  Murray,  elder;  I.  M.,  his  mark;  Dornoch  Parish — 
William  Gray,  elder;  John  Duncan,  Alexr.  McKay,  John 
Sutherland,  John  Hendry,  Wm.  McBeath,  William  Innes, 
elder."  The  Synod  refused  to  receive  these  Petitions,  and 
William  Innes,  while  intimating,  as  far  as  he  was  personally 
concerned,  his  indention  of  submitting  to  the  judgment  of  the 
Synod,  appealed  in  the  name  of  his  constituents  to  the 
ensuing  General  Assembly  against  the  Synod's  decision,  and 
promised  to  give  in  Reasons  of  Appeal.  These  Reasons  set 
forth  that  the  Synod  "  have  evidently  counteracted  the 
authority  of  the  Assembly,  expressly  requiring  the  forsaid 
Synod  to  show  all  tenderness  to  the  sentiments  of  the  elders 
and  well  dispose'd  people  under  their  charge."  It  is  further 
stated  that  "  no  good  reason  has  ever  been  given  why  the 
forsaid  Meetings  should  be  disus'd,  but  have  ever  been  coun- 
tenanced by  God  as  a  blessed  mean  to  edify,  revive,  and 
comfort  the  people  of  God." 

The  Synod,  in  its  reply  to  these  Reasons,  points  out  that 
the  Petition  is  only  signed  by  forty-six  persons  ' '  out  of  nine 
parishes,  many  of  whose  names  are  mark'd  by  their  initial 
letters!."  It  isi  further  stated  that  "  about  twenty  years  ago 
a  practice  [holding  Fellowship  Meetings]  had  creept  in  and 
prevailed  in  their  bounds,  which  was  then  found  and  would 
still  be  detrimental  to*  the  interest  of  true  religion  and  a 
hindrance:  to  the  frequent  and  regular  administration  of  the 
Lord 'si  Supper,  which  practice  the  Appellants!  would  have 
reviv'd,  and  the  Synod  cannot  agree  to  the  reviving  of.  ' 


17(»  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

"The  Fellowship  Meetings,"  it  is  said,  "  never  answered 
any  good  purpose  but  what  may  be  better  answered  in  the 
way  proposed  by  that  very  Act  [1737],  and  besides  the  reasons 
already  adduc'd  against  these  Meetings  where  they  haive  pre- 
vail'd,  they  have  been  accompanied  with  very  considerable 
hurt  and  dammage,  they  foster  pride,  and  vanity,  they  divert 
attention  from  things  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  as  a 
great  concourse  of  people  meet  together  at  such  times,  reli- 
gion is  very  often  discredited  by  the  discourses  of  persona 
who,  however  well  qualified  to1  live  and  act  like  Christians, 
are  ill  qualified." 

The  General  Assembly  referred  the  matter  to  their  Com- 
mission, which  met  on  6th  June,  1758,  and  passed  a  sentence 
setting  aside  the  Act  of  Synod  of  Sutherland  and  Caithness 
(1737)  abolishing  Fellowship  Meetings.  So  ended  a  long  and 
bitter  controversy,  in  which  the  advocates  of  the  Fellowship 
Meetings  triumphed  over  their  opponents. 

Near  the  end  of  the  18th  century  the  Fellowship  Meetings 
took  a  new  development,  and  were  not  only  held  during  Com- 
munion occasions,  but  frequently.  The  Dornoch  Presbytery 
took  the  matter  in  hand,  as  the  following  extracts  will  show : 
— "  Thereafter  the  Presbytery  taking  into  consideration  cer- 
tain facts  relative  to  the  conduct  of  some  Christians  under 
their  charge,  found  that  their  conduct  has  of  late  began  to 
be  more  glaringly  offensive  as  to  private1  meetings  for  the 
purposes  of  devotion  and  religious  conversation  than  formerly 
in  regard  that  some  males  and  females  stroll  about  from  one 
parish  and  from  one  village  to  another  under  pretence  of 
devotion  and  mutual  edification,  when  they  talk  upon  difficult 
passages  of  Scripture  pretending  to  divine  illumination 
though  hardly  acquainted  with  the  first  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion." — (Dornoch  Pres,  Reg.,  7th  April,  1789). 
The  Presbytery  asked  each  minister  to  enquire  in  his  own 
parish  who  presided  at  these  meetings  and  what  questions 
were  discusised.  They  express  their  determination  "  to  dis- 
courage all  religious  meetings  where,  questions  of  conscience 
are  handled  without  the  presence  of  a  minister,  and  even  to 
discourage  all  meetings  merely  for  the  purpose  of  devotion 
except  where  the  numbers  are  few  and  the  people  contiguous." 
It  is  to  these  meetings)  which  the  Presbytery  were  determined 
to  suppress  that  James  Haldane  makes  reference  in  his 
Journal .  "  Came  on  to  Dornoch,  the  county  town,"  he 
writes.  "  Heard  a  melancholy  account  of  the  state  of  reli- 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          177 

gicn,  and  of  the  doctrines  generally  taught;  at  the  same  time 
were  comforted  to  hear  of  the  good  that  was  done  at  prayer- 
meetings,  which  were  instituted  at  a  period  when  much  of  the 
power  of  godliness  was  experienced,  and  are  still  maintained 
in  many  parts  of  this  country.  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Dornoch  they  have  a  house  built  purposely  for  holding  their 
meetings,  which  are  held  once  every  one  or  two  weeks,  and 
are  very -numerously  attended.  In  other  parts  of  the  country 

they    meet    monthly    in    the     parish    church The 

parochial  fello>wship  meetings  are  now  all  so  numerous  that 
they  meet  in  church.  The  minister  acts  as  moderator.  .  .  . 
Occasions  of  this  nature  are  highly  and  deservedly  popular 
and  valued  by  the  people.  In  many  places  we  understand 
they  are  the  chief  means  of  maintaining  and  carrying  forward 
the  work  of  Christ." — (Journal  of  a  Tour  through  the 
Northern  Counties  of  Scotland  and  the  Orkney  Isles,  pp.  78, 
79). 

Among  the  laymen  who  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
controversy  as  to>  the  abolition  of  the  Fellowship  Meetings 
was  John  Martin,  parish  schoolmaster  of  Creich.  The  Synod 
singled  him  out  for  discipline,  and  ordered  the  Domoch  Pres- 
bytery "to  make  a  visitation  of  the  parochial  school  of 
Creich,"  and  to  make  enquiry  into  "  the  conduct  and  attend- 
ance of  John  Martin,  master  of  that  school,  who>  still  appears 
to  Se  an  idle,  strolling,  ill-employed  person,  in  fomenting 
differences  betwixt  ministers  and  their  people,  and  betwixt 
private  Christians."  The  Presbytery  reported  "  that  it 
seemed  to  them,  that  there  was  no  school  keeped  there,  that 
there  was  a  good  number  of  boys  mustered  together  on  the 
visitation,  day,  a  considerable  number  of  whom  they  found, 
upon  enquiry,  had  not  attended  the  school,  some  for  two, 
some  for  three  years  past;  that  they  were  conveened  on  said 
day  to  save  appearances ;  that  they  found  none  of  them  learn- 
ing Latin  or  Arithmetick,  and  two  only  Writing,  who  did  not 
attend  regularly,  and  were  not  served  with/tollerable  cop  pies 
to  write'  after.  That  in  the  general,  those  of  every  class  read 
so  inacurately  that  it  was  impossible  for  one  not  present  to 
believe  such  shocking  pronunciation  and  accenting."  His 
case  was  referred  by  the  Presbytery  to  the  Synod,  which, 
after  hearing  a  petition  from  the  heritors  of  Creich  seeking 
his  dismissal,  and  another  from  the  people  in  his  favour, 
declared  that  he*  was'  "  absolutely  unfitt  for  acting  in  the 

12 


178  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

station  of  a  publick  teacher."  The  Synod  tempered  judg- 
ment with  mercy  in  recommending  the  Presbytery  of  Dornoch 
to  use  their  influence  with  the  heritors  of  Creich  "  to  settle 
upon  this  poor  man,28  John  Martine,  for  life,  which  in  appear- 
ance cannot  be  long,  fifty  merksi  of  the  established  sallary  for 
a  schoolmaster,"  and  in  case  this  is  not  sufficient,  that  he  be 
appointed  session-clerk  when  ai  minister  is  settled  in  the 
parish ;  the  session-clerk's  salary  being  reckoned  at  twenty 
pounds  yearly  with  "  the  emoluments  of  baptisms-  and  mar-* 
riages,"  amounting  to'  "  about  forty  pounds  Scots,  which, 
with  the  generosity  of  the  well-disposed  people  in  the  parish 
and  neighbourhood,  may  afford  him  something  of  a  subsist- 
ence." When  either  of  these  schemes  was  carried  out,  John 
Martin  was  to  resign,  but  if  he  "  out  of  weakness  and  vanity 
should  decline  to>  accept  either  of  the  above  settlements,"  then 
the  Presbytery  was  to'  dismiss  him. 

NOTES  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  It  would  appear  from  what  Baillie  says  that  a  number  of  the 

people  in  Ireland  in  the  absence  of  their  ministers  had  adopted 
some  of  the  Brownists'  views,  and  when  they  came  over  to 
Scotland  "  their  private  meetings  were  overlooked/'  and 
"  some  of  their  conceits  "  were  let  alone  until  the  Laird  of 
Leckie  was  charged  with  "  using  his  Irish  form  of  private 
exercises  in  Stirling,  and  in  his  prayers  some  expressions 
which  were  prejudicial  to  Mr  Harry  Guthrie." — (Letters). 

2.  Kennedy's  Days  of  the  Fathers  in  Ross-shire,  p.  91,  4th  Edit. 

3.  There    is    an    inter  esing    account    of    this    noted    Christian    in 

Memorials  of  Rev.  C.  Munro,  Strathy,  pp.  298-300. 

4.  The  Rev.   G.  R.   MacPhail,  after  quoting  from  a  letter  of  Rev. 

Robert  Bruce,  the  famous  Presbyterian  preacher,  who  had 
been  banished  to  Inverness,  first  in  1605  and  again  in  1622, 
says  : — "  The  '  lingering  death  '  which  Bruce  deplored  resulted 
in  the  establishment  in  Inverness  of  meetings  for  prayer  and 
fellowship,  and  in  the  gathering  together  of  bands  of  godly 
men  whose  influence  continued  to  mould  the  religious  life  of 
the  Highlands  for  many  generations." — Hasting's  Encyclo- 
paedia of  Religion  and  Ethics,  VIII.,  543).  As  far  as  Caith- 
ness and  Sutherland  are  concerned,  the  Synod,  in  its  reply  to 
the  Reasons  of  Appeal  to  the  General  Assembly  of  1757,  says, 
in  reference  to  the  origin  of  Fellowship  Meetings  in  those 
parts,  "  that  about  twenty  years  ago  a  practice  had  creept  in 
and  prevailed  in  their  bounds,  which  was  then  found  and 
would  still  be  detrimental  to  the  interest  of  true  religion  and 
a  hinderance  to  the  frequent  and  regnlar  administration  of 
the  Lord's  Supper." 

5.  Firth's  Scotland  and  the  Commonwealth,  pt  31. 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings          179 

6.  "  We  think  we  can  gather  from  Mr  Hog's  Memoir  how  this  Order 

["  the  Men  "]  arose.  When  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  bless  Mr 
Hog's  labours,  and  when  a  gracious  change  had  been  wrought 
upon  a  considerable  number  of  his  people,  he  thought  it  would 
be  for  their  spiritual  edification  and  growth  to  form  the  most 
judicious  among  them  into  a  society  for  prayer  and  conference; 
these  he  kept  under  his  own  special  inspection,  and  heartily 
assisted  them  in  edifying  one  another." — (Memorials  of  Rev. 
C.  Munro,  Strathy,  p.  298). 

7.  Dr  Mackay,  in  his  introduction  to  the  Inverness  and   Dingwall 

Presbytery  Records,  says  : — "  It  was  long  after  the  period 
[1643-1688]  to  which  these  Records  refer  that  '  the  Men  '  who 
have  for  the  last  century  and  a  half  been  so  noted  as  catechists 
and  expounders  and  men  of  prayer,  first  appeared  within  the 
bounds  of  our  Presbyteries." — (Records  of  the  Presbyteries  of 
Inverness  and  Dingwall,  1643-1688,  p.  xxv.).  In  regard  to 
Urquhart  and  Glenmoriston,  he  says  : — "  The  Men — na  Daoine 
— are  a  comparatively  modern  institution.  They  appear  in 
Sutherland  and  Easter  Ross  about  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  but  there  were  none  in  our  Parish  before 
Culloden." — (Urquhart  and  Glenmoriston,  p.  382,  2nd  Edit.). 
As  far  as  the  extant  Church  records  of  Sutherland  and  Caith- 
ness are  concerned,  I  find  no  references  to  "  the  Men  "  or 
Fellowship  Meetings  earlier  than  the  eighteenth  century. 
This,  of  course,  does  not  necessarily  prove  that  the  order  of 
"  the  Men  "  did  not  exist  prior  to  this,  as  Church  records  do 
not  generally  refer  to  such  matters  unless  certain  disorders 
arise  in  connection  with  them. 

8.  Among  those  may  be  mentioned  Dr  Kennedy,  whose  Days  of  the 

Fathers  in  Ross-shire  has  passed  through  many  editions,  and 
also  Rev.  Alexander  Auld,  whose  Ministers  and  Men  of  the 
Far  North  is  worthy  of  a  high  place  as  a  record  of  the  sayings 
and  doings  of  "  the  Men  "  in  the  Far  North.  Other  books 
that  deal  with  this  subject  are  Rev.  John  Noble's  Religious 
Life  in  Ross;  Rev.  Roderick  MacCowan's  The  Men  of  Skye. 
Sage's  Memorabilia  Domestica  and  MacGillivray's  Sketches  of 
Religion  and  Revivals  in  the  North  Highlands  during  the 
Eighteenth  Century  (pamphlet)  contain  interesting  notices  of 
"  the  Men,"  especially  those  of  Kildonan  and  Strathnaver. 
George  Beaton,  a  Lewis  schoolnmster,  in  his  Dioghluimean  's 
na  h-Achaibh,  has  noted  down  in  Gaelic  the  remarks  made  by 
speakers  at  the  Friday  Meetings  in  different  parts  of  the 
Highlands.  There  is  also  an  interesting  chapter  on  "  The 
Men  "  in  Brown's  Annals  of  the  Disruption  (1884  Edit.),  pp. 
666-682). 

9.  Perhaps  the  most  powerful  and  rabid  critic  "  the  Men  "  has  was 

the  Rev.  Kenneth  Phin,  D.D.,  Galashiels.  Under  the  nom-de- 
guerre,  "  Investigator,"  he  unsparingly  attacked  them,  especi- 
ally those  of  Caithness  and  Sutherland,  in  his  pamphlets,  TV 
Church  and  her  Accuser  in  the  Far  North  and  Fanfiticijiw  in 
the  North.  In  his  account  of  the  narish  of  Golspie,  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Macpherson  is  scarcely  less  severe,  for  ne  says  :  — 
*'  A  set  of  illiterate,  fanatical,  and  disorderly  self-appointed 


180  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

teachers  of  religion  have,  by  their  wild  and  mystical  rhap- 
sodies, acquired  a  baneful  ascendant  over  the  ignorant  minds 
of  the  lower  orders  of  the  people,  not  only  in  this  county,  but 
•  in  other  parts  of  the  Highlands/' — (New  Stat.  Account — 
Sutherland,  p.  36).  The  Kev.  Gilbert  MacMillan,  Loth,  for- 
merly of  Berriedale,  in  his  Reminiscences  of  the  North  (1905), 
has  a  chapter  on  "  The  Men,"  which,  to  say  the  least,  is  a 
mere  caricature.  Over  against  these  attacks  made  by  minis- 
ters of  the  Establishment  may  be  set  the  generous  tribute  paid 
to  "  the  Men  "  by  the  Rev.  Lewis  Rose,  Tain,  which  is 
quoted  from  his  MS.  by  Prof.  John  S.  Blackie  in  Altavona, 
p.  333. 

10.  Sage's  Memorabilia  Domestica,  p.  270,  1st  Edit.). 

11.  In  addition  to  Sage,  Brown's  Annals  of  the  Disruption,  pp.  675- 

682  (1884  Edit.),  gives  an  account  of  the  Separatists  from  the 
pen  of  the  Rev.  Dr  MacLauchlan,  Edinburgh.  Rev.  D.  Mac- 
Lean's  Duthil:  Past  and  Present  (1910)  has  a  chapter  refer- 
ring to  the  Duthil  Separatists.  The  Gaelic  poems  of  Peter 
Stewart  and  Joseph  Mackay  are  included  in  the  collection — 
Dain  Spioradail  le  Ughdaraibh  Eug-samhail  (Forres,  1852). 
The  Letters  of  Joseph  Mackay,  John  Grant,  and  Alexander 
Gair  were  printed  and  published  a  number  of  years  ago  by  Mr 
(now  Rev.)  Cameron  Mackay,  School-house  of  Insoh,  Kingussie. 

12.  "  Alexander  Gair,   a  joiner,   and  a  native  of  Tain,  perhaps  the 

most  talented  of  '  the  Men/  in  addition  to  extraordinary 
eloquence,  possessed  powers  of  irony  and  scathing  sarcasm, 
which  might  have  made  him  a  rival  of  Lord  Beaconsneld  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  or  an  effective  writer  in  the  Saturday 
Review."— (Prof.  J.  S.  Blackie's  Altavona,  p.  334). 

13.  Memorabilia  Domestica,  pi.  129,  1st  Edit.). 

14.  Tbid.,  pp.  131,  132. 

15.  In  the  MS.  Diary  of  the  Rev.  Murdo  MacDonald,  Durness,  men- 

tion is  made  of  a  pamphlet  written  by  Rev.  Walter  Ross, 
Tongue  (1730-1761),  in  which  he  advocates  the  abridgment  of 
the  number  of  days  at  the  Communion,  limiting  them  to 
Saturday  and  Sabbath.— (Trans,  of  the  Gael.  Soc.,  Inverness, 
XI.,  302).  His  successor,  the  Rev.  John  Mackay,  formerly  of 
Eddrachillis,  was  also  "  a  strenuous  advocate  for  abridging 
the  services  at  the  ministration  of  the  Sacrament,  and  kept 
himself  and  others  in  a  strange  agitation  for  a  course  of 
years." — (Scott's  Fasti}. 

16.  For   an   account  of  this  affair,  in  which   legend  has  evidently   a 

prominent  place,  and  which  is  known  a«s  Tuiteam  Halmadairigh 
(The  Fall  of  Halmadary),  see  paper  by  Rev.  Neil  Mackay, 
entitled  "  The  Influence  of  the  Norse  Invasion  "  (Trans.  Gael. 
Soc.,  Inverness,  XX.,  100).  Dr  Henderson  makes  reference  to 
Tuiteam  Halmadairigh  in  his  Norse  Influence  in  Celtic  Scot- 
land, p.  70,  and  connects  it,  like  Mr  Mackay,  with  Norse 
superstition.  A  gross  form  of  the  legend  is  given  by  Prof.  J. 
S.  Blackie  in  his  Altavona,  pp.  334,  335,  from  the  MS.  of  the 
Rev  Lewis  Rose,  Tain. 

17.  Rev.  John  Sutherland,  son  of  Rev.  Arthur  Sutherland,  Edderton, 

minister  of  Golspie  from  1731  to  1752,  and  afterwards  of  Tain. 
A  notable  revival  of  religion  took  place  during  his  ministry 
at  Golspie. 


Fast-Day  and  Friday  Fellowship  Meetings  181 

18.  Rev.  James  Smith,  minister  of  Creich  from  1731  to  1758.     Scott's 

Fasti  says  : — "  He  is  mentioned  for  his  piety,  zeal,  and 
diligence." 

19.  Rev.    John    Munro   was    minister    of   Rogart    from    1725   to    1753. 

During  his  ministry  there  was  a  revival  of  religion  in  the 
parish,  notably  in  1740  and  1743-4. 

20.  Rev.    Murdo    MacDonald,    Durness,    writing    a    number    of   years 

after  this  (3rd  July,  1762),  ha"s  the  following  entry  in  his 
Diary  : — "  Yesterday  we  had  a  sort  of  meeting,  long  in  desue- 
tude at  such  occasions,  till  of  late  by  the  ignorant  zeal  of  the 
populace  supported  by  some  clergymen  who  affect  patriotism. 
I,  yesterday,  after  consulting  my  few  brethren,  offered  to 
read  a  piece  of  Henry  on  the  Sacrament,  and  ask  about  in  the 
congregation  who  had  best  understood  and  remembered  what 
was  read."  Quoted  by  Dr  Hew  Morrison  in  Trans.  Gaelic 
Soc.,  Inverness,  XL,  303,  304. 

21.  Rev.   John  Mackay,   minister  of  Lairg  from   1714  to   1753.     For- 

merly minister  of  Durness.  "  He  possessed  a  herculean  bodily 
frame,  and  corresponding-  vigour  of  mind,  with  an  enlightened 
zeal  for  the  forwarding  of  the  Redeemer's  cause.  His  labours 
among  his  rude  and  uncultivated  flock  met  with  a  remarkable 
measure  of  success  under  the  divine  blessing.  He  was  a  man 
of  outstanding  individuality."  For  further  account  see  Sage's 
Memorabilia  Domestica,  pp.  9,  10,  1st  Edit. 

22.  Rev.  Hugh  Sutherland,  minister  of  Kildonan  from  1740  to  1753, 

and  of  Rogart  from  1753  to  1773. 

23.  Rev.  Francis  Robertson,  minister  of  Clyne  from  1719  to  1763. 

24.  Rev.   William  Rose,   minister  of  Loth  from  1739  to  1755.       For- 

merly of  Kildonan. 

25.  This  question  was  asked  annually  at  the  Synod  for  many  years, 

and  some  of  the  answers  are  of  interest.  In  1756  Mr  Scobie 
Assynt,  offers  as  an  excuse  of  his  neglect  "  the  bad  harvest 
last  year."  Three  years  later,  Mr  Hugh  Ross,  minister  of 
Kildonan,  "  represented  the  very  great  and  unsupportable 
expence,  which  the  annual  celebration  of  that  holy  ordinance 
subjected  him,  on  account  of  the  great  confluence  of  people 
that  attended  on  these  occasions,  many  of  whom  he  was  under 
necessity  of  lodging  and  supporting  in,  and  about,  his  own 
house,  as  they  could  not  find  accommodation  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  hoped  the  Synod  would  not,  for  the  above 
reasons,  peremptorily  enjoin  and  require  obedience  to  the 
forsaid  Act."  The  Synod  suggested  that  brethren  in  Mr 
Ross's  circumstances  should  "  make  a  prudent  supplication  to 
such  of  their  well-disposed  and  best  circumstanced  people,  for 
their  kind  assistance  once  in  the  two  years  to  be  att  some 
part  of  the  expence  of  purchasing  the  elements,  which  it's 
hoped  they  will  not  grudge."  In  1772  the  Presbytery  of 
Tongue  reported  that  the  Sacrament  had  been  administered  in 
the  parish  of  Farr,  "  and  that  the  scarcity  of  bread  in  that 
country  prevented  its  being  administrated  in  the  other 
parishes."  The  ill-health  of  the  minister  was  not  an  uncom- 
mon excuse,  and  in  1753  the  Rev.  James  Smith,  Creich,  offered 
as  a  reason  for  not  administering  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's 


182  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Supper  "  the  valetudinary  state  of  his  family  :  his  wife  having 
been  in  a  languishing-  condition  all  that  time." 

26.  Eev.   Eobert  Kirk,  son   of  Rev.   Robert  Kirk,  minister  of  Aber- 

foyle,  was  minister  of  Dornoch  from  1713  to  1758.     "  He  was 
noted/'   says  the  Fasti,    "  for   his   piety,   diligence,   and  zeal, 
x    and  is  stated  to  have  been  '  a  Nathanael  indeed,  in  whom  was 
no  guile/  '' 

27.  The  Rev.  John  Sutherland,  formerly  of  Golspie,  who  had  taken 

such  an  active  part  in  the  controversy. 

28.  In  the  Synod's  Memorial  to  the  General  Assembly  John  Martin  is 

referred  to  as  "  a  poor,  light  headed  lad  who  has  both  the  lan- 
guages [Gaelic  and  English]  and  can  write/'  He  is  credited 
with  being  particularly  active  in  getting  signatures  to  the 
petition  that 'led  to  the  abolition  of  the  Synod's  Act  prohibit- 
ing Fellowship  Meetings.  This  "  light  headed  lad  "  was  an 
old  man;  "  lad  "  being  here  used  as  Scotice  for  bachelor. 


20th  DECEMBER,  1917. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  the  meeting 
held  this  evening,  and,  after  formal  business  had  been  trans- 
acted, Dr  J.  J.  Galbraith,  Dingwall,  delivered  a  paper  on 
Celtic  Art,  with  lime-light  illustrations.  The  text  of  the 
lecture  was  as  follows:  — 

CELTIC    ART. 

To  define  Celtic  art  is  comparatively  easy.  It  is  a  con- 
ventional decorative  art,  consisting  of  three  distinct  motives, 
the  spiral,  the  interlace,  and  the  fret.  None  of  these  three 
ornamental  styles  is  peculiar  to  C'eltic  art. 

The  spiral  is  met  with  in  Polynesia,  the  interlace  is 
practically  universal,  and  the  fret  occurs  in  many  regions, 
including  China.  The  characteristic  of  Celtic  art  which 
distinguishes  it  is  the  simultaneous  use  of  all  three. 

The  art  began  to  become  distinctive  when  the  bronze  age 
gave  place  to  the  early  iron  age.  The  oldest  of  the  three 
styles  is  the  spiral.  It  links  the  art  with  that  of  the  bronze 
age,  and  with  the  decadence  of  the  art  it  is  the  first  to  dis- 
appear. It  may  have  originated  in  the  Chinese  divided 
circle.  The  fret  I  believe  to  be  a  derivative  of  the  spiral. 
The  idea  of  substituting  a  spiral,  consisting  of  short  straight 
segments  with  intervening  angles,  instead  of  a  single  curve, 
may  have  been  derived  from  the  Greek  key  position,  but  I 


Celtic  Art  183 

have  seen  no  Celtic  pattern  of  this  type,  which  particularly 
resembled  the  Greek  key. 

I  believe  the  fret  pattern  arose  from  the  difficulty  of 
filling  in  rectilinear  spaces  in  a  design  with  curvilinear  or 
approximately  circular  figures,  like  the  spiral  and  interlace. 

Perhaps  one  might  further  qualify  the  definition  of  the 
art  by  saying  that  it  is  the  native,  and  the  only  native  art  of 
the  British  Islands.  Perhaps  nowhere  else  have  each  of  the 
types  of  ornament  been1  so  highly  developed  both  in  intricacy 
and  in  artistic  effect,  while  they  are  specialised  along  certain 
lines,  which  give  each  of  them  a  distinctive  appearance. 

Why  the  airt  should  be  called  Celtic  is  a*  question  not  so 
easily  answered.  From  the  point  of  view  of  ethnology, 
perhaps  no  term  ever  invented  has  been  so  unfortunate  as 
the  term  Celtic.  No  two  people  use  the  term  in  precisely  the 
same  sense,  and  many  use  it  with  only  the  vaguest  idea  of 
what  even  they  themselves  mean  by  it.  The  difficulty  has 
arisen  from  the  fact  that  there  are  different  usages  of  the 
term.  The  Greeks;  described  the  Keltoi  as  a  tall,  fair-haired 
type  with  blue  eyes,  essentially  different  from  the  pre- 
dominant brown-haired  race,  inhabiting  the  Celtic  districts 
of  Western  Europe  at  the  present  day,  and  varying  in  depth 
of  pigmentation  according  to  locality.  The  third,  is  the 
linguistic  Celt,  a  member  of  one  or  other  of  some  six  tribes 
speaking  a  so-called  Celtic  language.  These  people,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Bretons,  are,  if  we  exclude  modern,  emigrar- 
tion,  now  limited  in  distribution  to  the  British  Islands. 

The  period  covered  by  the  art  extends  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  early  iron  age,  and  closes  with  the  Reformation. 
Needless  to  say,  during  that  time  it  became  much  modified  by 
the  introduction  of  extraneous  types  of  ornament,  Grecian, 
Norman,  and  Gothic,  until  it  finally  disappears  as  a  separate 
art.  A  closely  allied  type  of  interlaced  ornament  is  found 
in  Scandinavia,  but  I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  the  rela- 
tions of  the  two,  though  it  may  prove  that,  as  the  Scan- 
dinavian Sagas  and  mythology  have  had  their  origin  in  a 
Celtic  basis,  the  relation  of  the  arts  may  be  similar.  The 
art  is  found  in  one  form  or  another  from  Shetland  to  the 
Channel,  and  is  identical  in  spirit  throughout,  though  of 
course  modified  in  certain  characteristics  in  various  localities1. 

The  Celt  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Celt  of  Caesar  are  perfectly 
intelligible  types,  though  obviously  different  in  origin.  The 
modern  Celt  is  not,  and  the  view  which  would  make  the  art 


184  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

tEe  heritage  of  all  the  British  people  necessitates  the  exploding 
of  the  "  Anglo-Saxon  "  myth.  The  modern  Celt,  using  the 
term  in  the  popular  sense,  is  the  product  of  the  Aryan  or 
linguistic  school  of  ethnologists.  Language  is  110  test  of 
nationality.  The  modern  Celt  calls  himself  Celtic,  because 
at  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  surnames  his  ancestors 
happened  to  speak  a  Celtic  tongue,  and  he  now  calls  himself 
Mac  o<r  O'  or  Ap,  and  has  nothing  else  to  differentiate  him 
from  his  neighbour,  who  is  called  Smith  or  Robinson.  He  calls 
himself  Celtic,  at  anyrate  in  Scotland,  because  the  glamour  of 
tha  '45,  and  the  almost  Successful  bid  which  four  or  five  Celtic 
families  made  for  the  conquest  of  the  entire  kingdom,  have 
cast  a  halo*  of  romance  round  him,  which  has  not  yet  faded. 
The  idea  that  a  man  is  classified  ethnologically  by  the 
language  he  speaks  is,  or  ought  to  be,  as  dead  as  the  Dodo. 
I  myself  speak  Gaelic,  and  am  therefore  a  Gaelic  Celt ;  I 
speak  English,  so  should  be  an  Anglos-Saxon,  while  my  name 
indicates:  that  I  have  some  connection  with  the  Brython  or 
Welshman. 

If  I  am  all  three,  I  obviously  cannot  be  classified.  The 
only  ethnological  classification  which  is  logical  is  the  anthro- 
pometric,  that  is  by  the  Cephalic  Index,  average  stature, 
proportion,  and  pigmentation.  In  regard  to  ancient  peoples 
it  is  easy  to  dogmatise,  but  dangerous,  especially  when  all 
that  is  to  be  known  can  be  reduced  to  writing  on  the  back  of 
a  postage  stamp.  The  Laird  of  Mcnkbams  was  neither  the 
first  nor  the  last  victim  of  the  antiquarian  propensity  for 
dogmatising.  Looking  at  the  question  broadly,  I  would  ask, 
Is  there  anything  to>  indicate  that  the  population  of  the 
British  Isles  is  substantially  different  from  that  found  here 
by  Cbsar  ? 

The  backbone  of  the  nation,  especially  intellectually,  has 
ever  since  been  a  medium-sized,  brown-haired  man.  The 
Teutonic  immigrant  is  a,  tall,  fair-haired,  blue-eyed  man; 
not  one  in  a  thousand  conforms  to  this  description,  more 
especially  in  the  intellectual  section  of  the  population. 

The  idea:  of  describing  the  civilization  of  the  British 
Islands  as  Anglo-Saxon  appears  to  me  ludicrous.  The 
Briton  of  Caesar's  time  was,  I  believe,  not  the  barbarian  he 
was  represented  to  be.  His  religion  was  highly  scientific, 
and  though  in  some  respects  he  was;  behind  the  Roman,  I 
hope  to  show  you  that  his  art,,  and  craftsmanship  in  bronze 
and  enamel,  show  that  he  was  not  a  savage. 


Celtic  Aft  185 

Under  the  Pax  Rom  ana  he  became,  from  the  martial 
point  of  view,  degenerate  ;  therefore,  no  army  in  the  modern 
sense  of  the  term  would  be  necessary  to  subjugate  the  Island, 
having  regard  to  the  relatively  small  population.  In  these 
days  there  were  no  Atlantic  liners  in  the  Baltic  and  Bight  of 
Heligoland.  The  crew  of  the  Dreadnought  of  the  period 
might  be  60-100  men  at  a  very  liberal  computation.  The 
Saxon  marauder  was  indistinguishable  from  his  cultured 
brother  of  to-day.  He  had  no  national  art  or  literature,  and 
his  sole  characteristic  was  an  insatiable  appetite  for  rapine 
and  slaughter.  The  people  whom  he  invaded  had  been 
romanised ;  they  had,  partially,  at  any  rate,  given  up  their 
language  and  adopted  that  of  the  Roman  conquerors.  They  once 
more  did  the  same,  and  emerge  as  Anglo-Saxons  again  because 
of  their  language.  The  small  number  of  immigrants  did 
not,  in  .my  view,  affect  the  general  ethnography  of  the  nation, 
though  it  may  have  dene  so  locally.  Perhaps  no  section  of 
the  British  Islands  has  been  so  deeply,  and  for  such  ai  long 
period,  exposed  to  Teutonic  influence  as  the  Shetland 
Islands.  They  were  right  in  the  stream  of  the  Norwegian 
invasion,  and  they  were  under  Norse  dominion  till  the  15th 
century;  their  language  till  the  17th  century  was  Norse. 
Their  personal  and  place  names  are  pure  Norse,  except, 
perhaps,  a  few  Celtic  ecclesiastical  namesi  which  have  sur- 
vived, and  yet,  during  six  weeks  which  I  passed  there  last 
year  as  Recruiting  Officer,  at  least  half  of  the  men  passing 
through  my  hands,  and  coming  under  my  observation,  would 
have  passed  for  natives,  of  Ross-shire,  although  they  would 
have  been  mortally  insulted  had  I  suggested  that  they  were 
the  modern  descendants,  true'  to  type,  of  the  ancient  Picts 
of  Ultima  Thule.  The  remainder  were  distinctly  Teutonic. 
The  same  remarks  apply  to  the  population  of  the  whole  ridge 
of  Britain,  and  the  Yorkshire  man  of  the  Ridings;  is  probably 
more  Celtic  than  the  native  of  Rosa  or  Lochaiber.  While 
language  and  traditions1  are  the  mainstay  of  nationality, 
they  are  no  evidence  of  origin  or  race.  Herr  Schmeide  may 
learn  to  speak  English.,  may  pay  for  his  naturalisation  papers 
and  become  a  British  citizen,  but,  on  his  own  admission,  he 
is  still  an  alien  until  he  has  lost  the  sentimental  attachment 
which  his  language  maintains1  with  happy  Deutschland.  The 
worst  aspects  of  national  character  in  England,  wrongly,  I 
think,  termed  insularity,  which  make  the  Englishman  dis- 
liked abroad,  are  derived  from  the  Teutonic  taint  implied  in 


186  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

the  term  Anglo- Saxon,  and  due  to  an  admixture  of  the  same 
blood  which  would  now  like  to  impose  a  culture  on  the  world. 
The  Highlander  has  only  to  look  back  to  the  '45  to  see  a 
German  general  with  English  and  Hessian  troops  meting  out 
kultur  on  a  small  scale  to  the  native  population,  which  in 
quality  yields  nothing  to  Wilhelm  and  his  Junkers.  He 
might,  with  profit,  reflect  that  it  is  not  well  that  he  should 
divest  himself  of  his  native  language,  which  is  the  only  bar 
which  prevents  his  submergence  in  the  tide  of  Anglo-Saxon 
civilisation — so-called.  This  may  seem  a  long  and  far-fetched 
and  perhaps  wearisome  digression,  but  only  the  other  day  I 
came  across  a  drawing  of  a  font  of  the  Celtic  Church,  that 
might  have  been  found  at  Nigg  or  Rosema*rkie,  described  as 
a  font  of  the  Saxon  period,  with  interlace  ornaments,  because 
it  happened  to  be  in  an  English  Parish  Church.  This,  I 
think,  proves  the  necessity  of  pointing  out  that  everything 
that  is  best  in  the  cultural  sense  of  England  is  not  Anglo- 
Saxon,  but  rather  the  reverse,  and  that  the  art  is  the  only 
atrt  which  is  the  product  of  the  native  population,  and  is  the 
same  in  substance  as  they  themselves  are  racially,  from 
Land's  End  to  John  o'  Groats. 

In  this  relation  I  would  point  out  that  it  is  the  art  of  a 
race,  perhaps  in  many  respects  primitive,  but  none  the  less  a 
cultured  people,  and  that  in  history  their  Christianisa/tion 
was  only  accompanied  by  the  m.artyrdoon  of  one  man,  so  far 
as  we  know,  St.  Donnan  of  Eigg,  and  in  his  case  there  may 
have  been  contributory  causes.  This  is  not  the  picture  the 
Anglo-Saxon  school  of  educationists  would- like  to  have  pre- 
sented, and  the  feeling  hasi  not  yet  died  down.  Dr  William 
Mackay  will  find  it  hard  to  convince'  the  Anglo-- Saxon,  in 
spite  of  the  early  Inverness  merchants,  and  the  trading  ven- 
tures of  the  Highland  gentlemen  up  to  the  19th  century, 
that  the  Highlander  wae  not  a  savage  barbarian,  and  that 
Inverness  was  not  an  oasis  in  a,  desert  of  savagery,  simply 
from  the  Saxon  element  in  its  population. 

The  art  was  ait  its  zenith  when  Ton  a  was  the  light  of  the 
Irish  Church,  when  the  Irish  Church  was  the  centre  of 
civilisation  and  learning  in  Western  Europe,  when  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  Christian  Church  at  its  source,  the  decadence 
of  the  Western  European  civilisation  under  the  flood  of 
invasion  of  the  ancient  Hun,  led  to  the  re-Christianising  of 
England,  where  the'  primitive  Roman  Church  had  succumbed 
to  the  pagan  Anglo-Saxons,  and  the  extension  of  the  move- 


Celtic  Art  187 

ment  across  the  Continent  to  the  gates  of  Rome.  Columbanus, 
a  Celtic  missionary,  who  shortly  after  A.D.  600  evangelised 
large  parts  of  France,  the  Rhineland,  Switzerland,  and 
Northern  Italy,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  occupant  of  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter  which,  for  scathing  rebuke,  cultured  tone, 
and  irreproachable  taste,  still  occupies  ,a  high  place  in  that 
class  of  literature.  These  are  the  people  who>  are  represented 
to  us  as  savages. 

The  remains  of  their  literature  are  scanty,  and  their  art 
is  limited  to  three  groups — let.  The  remains  in  bronze  and 
enamel  from,  the  early  iron  age;  2nd.  The  illuminated  MSS.y 
dating  at  their  best  from  A.D.  600-900;  of  these  the  book  of 
Kells,  which  may  conceivably  have  come  direct  from  the  pen  of 
Columba,  has  perhaps  never  been  surpassed  as  an  example 
of  artistic  illumination. 

The  book  of  Durrow,  which  is  almost  as  fine,  and  which  is 
even  more  likely  to  be  contemporary  with  Cblumba,  if  not 
his  own  handicraft,  and  the  gospels  of  MacDurnaoi,  are  among 
the  best  kfiown.  Toi  the  same  period  and  style  of  art  may  be 
referred  metal  objects,  such  as  brooches,  reliquaries,  and 
crosses  in  metal  and  enamel ;  and,  3rd  and  finally,  the  most 
familiar  of  all,  the  sculptured  stones. 

I  propose  showing  examples  of  each  of  these  styles,  and 
I  woiuld  limit  myself  practically  to  the  regions  covered  by 
the  direct  missions  of  the  lonan  Church  and  its  Pictish  pre- 
decessor, that  is,  from  Northumbria  and  Cambria  north- 
wards, although  I  shall  show  examples  for  comparison  from 
elsewhere.  I  would  not  to-night  be  tempted  to>  do>  much  in 
the  way  of  laying  down  exact  dates  of  examples,  as  that  can 
only  be  done  with  profit  after  going  into  the  subject  much 
more  deeply  than  I  can  in  the  time.  What  I  shall  endeavour 
to  show  you  is,  that  under  the  heading  Celtic  art  are  really 
several  schools,  each,  curiously  enough,  identified  with  a 
definite  tribe  or  kingdom. 

I  shall  enumerate  them  now,  demonstrate  the  differences 
later,  and,  I  hope,  lead  you  to  the  study  of  the  art  by  tenta- 
tive suggestions  as  to  its  use  in  throwing  light  on  ecclesiastical 
and  national  history.  Thus  (1)  the  area,  immediately  round 
lona,  roughly,  Dalriada  or  Argyllshire,  has  an  art  of  its  own, 
which  survived  till  the  Reformation,  or  to  the  close  of  the 
15th  century :  (2)  the  area  called  Pictland,  including  the 
Lothian?,  or  land  of  the  Picts  of  Mannan,  north  wards  to 
Shetland,  has  a  special  type  of  its  own,  with  characteristics 


188  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

which  raise  various  problems;  (3)  Strathclvde  had  a  separate 
type ;  (4)  Galloway  had  another  ;  (5)  Cumbria  another  ;  and 
(6)  still  another  is  found  in  the  territory  evangelised  by  the 
lonan  Church  in  Northumbria. 

This  latter,  and  the  lonan,  are  most  closely  related,  but 
present  essential  differences.  These  I  will  now  show,  and 
explain,  and  if  time  permits  I  will  give  a  few  short  notes  on 
certain  examples  which  can  be  dated,  and  some  conjectures 
regarding  the  light  which  the  art  throws  on  the  history  and 
the  vexed  question  as  to  the  extent,  period  of  influence,  and 
dates  of  the  Christianising  of  the  various  kingdoms,  beginning 
with  the  Pictish  Church  of  Ninian,  say  A.D.  400 ;  the  Strath- 
clyde mission  of  Kentigern,  say  A.D.  600  ;  the  Irish  mission  of 
Columba,  and  its  later1  offshoot  in  Northumbria. 

The  dating  of  examples  depends  on  (1)  the  style  of  the 
art,  (2)  the  execution  or  craftsmanship.  Here  we  meet  a 
difficulty,  that  a  primitive  example  of  poor  craftsmanship 
may  be  either  early  or  late — that  is,  may  be  an  attempt  to 
imitate  an  almost  forgotten  stylo.  These  are:  difficult  to 
differentiate.  If  we  consider  the  pagan  art  in  enamel  and 
bronze,  we  see  a  high  standard  of  craftsmanship  in  these 
materials,  and,  artistically,  the  sweet  curves  of  the  spiral 
ornament  are  behind  nothing  in  the  whole  art. 

The  art  of  the  iron  age  is  termed  late  Celtic,  a  misleading 
term,  and  tending  towards  the  post-dating  of  relics.  The 
late  Celtic  period  extended  into  the  Roman  occupation; 
though  called  late  Celtic,  it  is  the  earliest  in  date. 

Of  course,  although  the  bronze  o>bjects  are  definitely 
ascribed  to  this  era,,  it  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  some, 
at  anyrate,  of  the  stones  which  bear  symbols  only  being  also 
pre-Christian.  The  next  series  of  relics  which  can  be  dated 
with  any  degree  of  certainty  are  the  MSS. — the  books  of 
Burrow,  Lindisfame,  Kells,  MacDurnan,  and  the  Cathacdi 
Mor  of  St  Columba;  these  may  be  said  to  cover  the  period 
A.D.  650-900.  The  Cathach  is  said  to  be  the  psalter  which 
the  battle  of  Cul-dreibhne  was  fought  over.  St  Finnian  of 
Moville,  with  whom  St  Columba  was  a,  student,  possessed  a 
psalter,  which  was  copied  in  hi®  spare  time  by  Columba,  It 
was  claimed  by  St  Finnian,  and  the  dispute  was  referred  to 
King-  Diarmid,  who  delivered  himself  of  this  oracular  decision  . 
'  To  every  cow  her  own  calf,  to  every  book  its  copy."  It 
shows  little  illumination  or  decoration,  as  we  should  expect, 
from  its  being  the  work  of  a  student  in  his  spare  hours,  work- 


Celtic  Art  189 

ing  secretly.     That  it  differs  from  the  other  MSS.  attributed 
to  Columba  is  not  to  be  wondered  at. 

The  Book  of  Burrow  was  always  regarded  by  tradition  as 
the  work  of  Columba,  and  the  Colophon  contains  the  name 
Columba:  "I  pray  Thy  Blessedness  and  holy  presbyter  St 
Patrick,  that  whosoever  shall  take  this  book  into  his  hands, 
may  remember  the  writer,  Columba,  who  have  myself  written 
this  gospel  in  the  space  of  twelve  days  by  the  grace  of  God." 

Practically  the  consensus  of  opinion  is,  that  this  copy  of 
the  Vulgate  was  the  personal  possession  of,  and  written  by, 
Columba  himself,  and  it  was  preserved  in  a  jewelled  shrine 
at  Doiremagh,  or  Durrow,  the  chief  foundation  of  Columba 
in  Ireland  before  he  left  for  lona.  The  book  of  Kells  may 
be  of  the  same  date,  and  is  traditionally  referred  to-  as  the 
work  of  Columba.  The  only  objection  to  this,  which  is,  I 
think,  final,  if  correct,  is  the  statement  of  Miss  Stokes  that 
the  version  of  the  Vulgate  is  one  not  in  use  in  the  6th  century. 
Apart  from  that,  the  art  is  quite  conceivably  that  of  the 
period  of  the  saint,  or  shortly  afterwards. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis  refers  to  it  in  the  history  of  his  visit 
to  Ireland  in  the  12th  century  thus: — "  The  more  frequently 
I  behold  it,  the  more  delightfully  I  examine  it,  the  more 
numerous  are  the  beauties1  I  discover  in  it,  and  the  more  I  am 
lost  in  renewed  admiration  of  it,  neither  could  Apelles  him- 
self execute  the  like,  they  *sieem  to  have  been  designed  and 
painted  by  a  hand  not  mortal."  Professor  Westwood  says: 
I  have  examined  the  papers  with  a  magnifying  glass  for 
houjs  together  without  detecting  a  false  line  or  irregular 
interlacement.  Many  of  the  details  consist  of  spiral  lines 
which  are  so  minute  as  to  be  impossible  to  have  been  executed 
by  a  pair  of  compasses;  it  seems  a  problem,  not  only  with 
what  eyes,  but  also  with  what  instruments  they  could  have 
been  executed." 

The  book  of  Lindisfarne  is  as  typically  Celtic  and  almost 
as  fine,  but  written,  by  men  with  Saxon  names,  showing-  the 
absence  of  native  culture,  art,  or  literature  in  the  Saxon 
civilisation  of  the  period.  This  leaves  the  stones,  the  third 
survival  of  the  art,  still  to  be  dated.  References  are  found 
in  literature  to.  the  erection  of  crosses.  Columba  is  said  to 
have  erected  two  in  lona,,  and  Jocelyn  states  that  Kentigern 
erected  an  enormous  cross  in  the  cemetery  of  Glasgow,  which 
shows  that  it  was  a  custom  prior  to  the  year  600.  The 
present  argument  regarding  dates  may  shortly  be  summarised  : 


190  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

(1)  The  MSS.  date  from  A.D.  600-900;  (2)  the  art  of  the  stones 
is  derived  from  the  MSS.  art,  and  is  subsequent ;  (3)  it  would 
not  be  fair  to  expect  a,  complete  sequence  of  styles  from  the 
earliest  to  the  latest  types  of  stones,  because  the  art  is  borrowed 
wholesale. 

Now  in  regard  to  this  I  would  like  to  point  out  one  or  two 
lines  of  reasoning,  which  appear  to  me  to  invalidate  the 
whole  conclusions: — (1)  Because  we  have  only  survivals  of 
this  art  in  relatively  imperishable  materials,  stone  and  metal, 
we  are  not  justified  in  concluding  that  it  was  not  applied 
to  perishable  materials,  such  as  wood  and  textiles. 

The  MSS.  are  certainly  perishable,  but  have  been  pre- 
served by  a  combination  of  veneration,  care,  and  chance, 
which  has  preserved  and  recovered  numbers  in  libraries  and 
charter  chests  which  were  unknown  before  the  Celtic 
Renaissance;  (2)  we  have  no<  proof  that  the  only  MSS.  were 
sacred  and  venerated  ones;  (3)  practically  all  the  MSS.  which 
are  illuminated,  with  the  exception  of  the  latest  and  most 
decadent,  rank  high  as  artistic  productions.  Assuming  that 
the  art  developed  in  MSS.,  i.e.,  in  drawing  and  painting 
as  opposed  to  sculpture,  carving,  and  weaving,  where  are  its 
beginnings?  Does  this  not  lead  u«  to  the  conclusion,  that 
the  earlier  stages  are  missing,  and  that  the  MSS.  and  art  did 
not  first  appear  in  a  burst  of  splendour  in  the  era  of  Columba? 
It  may  be  conceded  that  the  existing  MSS.  can  be.  referred 
to  tlie  period  A.D.  650-900.  Weire  there  none  before? 

I  think  we  are  perfectly  safe  in  concluding  that  all  that 
remains  of  any  of  the  branches  uf  the  art  is  a  very  spall, 
perhaps  infinitesimally  small,  fraction  of  the  total,  having 
regard  to  the  frequency  of  the  Norse  raids,  and  the  ever- 
present  Iconoclast,  from  the  time  that  the  Norman  builders 
of  St  Vigeans  in  the  llth  century  used  the  sculptured  stones 
as  building  material,  to  the  present  day,  when  fragments  are 
now  and  again  rescued  from  the  clutches  of  the  mason,  build- 
ing dykes  and  barns  as  well  as  churches. 

Taking  next  the  stones,  I  can  see  no  insuperable  objection 
to  the  theory  that  the  art  may  have  developed  a,s  a,  whole,  and 
been  applied  simultaneously  to  all  the  various  media. 
Elaborate  designs  on  stone  and  wood  pre-suppose  even  now  a 
previous  draft  in  some  medium,  such  as  paper,  which  is 
capable  of  alteration,  and  from  which  the  design  can  be 
drafted  on  to  the  stone  or  wood.  The  fact  that  in  bronze 
and  vellum,  as  well  >as  in  stone,  the  existing  examples  have 


Celtic  Art  191 

been  preserved,  more  or  less  by  chance,  seems  to'  me  to  explain 
why  no  sequence  can  be  traced,  and  there  are  missing  links. 

Given  a  certain  style  of  art,  it  may  survive  with  little 
change  for  centuries.,  a,nd  the  fact  that  a  single  instance'  from 
a  series  of  similar  specimens  can  be  approximately  dated,  does/ 
not  make  it  impossible  that  any  of  the  others  can  be  earlier 
or  later. 

The  various  schools:,  of  which  I  think  I  have  sufficiently 
demonstrated  the  existence,  may  therefore  be,  many  of  them, 
contemporaneous.  The  date®  of  certain  examples  I  have 
indicated.  We  may  now  take  a  few  other  examples ;  the 
fragment  at  Abercorn  is  in  this  respect  particularly  interesting. 

Egfrid,  King  of  Northumbria,  one  of  the  Napoleons  of 
his  day,  extended  his  authority  over  the  country  south  of  the 
Forth,  or  what  was  then  known  as  Southern  Pictland. 

In  A.D.  678,  Theodore,  Archbishop  of  York,  appointed 
Trumwine,  bishop  of  the  province  of  the  Picts,  with  his 
church  at  Abercurnig  or  Abercorn.  Egfrid  was  defeated  by 
Brude,  King  of  the  Picts,  at  Dunnichen,  and  the  Anglican 
influence  was  banished  from  Scotland  in  A.D.  685.  I  think  it 
possible  that  this  stone  dates  between  these  periods.  It  is 
unfortunately  only  a  fragment,  but  its  art  suggests  a  fairly 
early  example  of  the  Northumbrian  school. 

Another  stone,  the  date  of  which  may  also1  be  discussed, 
is  that  at  St  Vigeans,  bearing  an  inscription  in  the  British 
language,'  held  by  Sir  James  Simpson  to  commemorate  Drost, 
King  of  the  Picts,  about  the  time  of  Kenneth  McAlpine,  A.D. 
850.  His  name  has  been  rejected  by  Skene  as  not  historical, 
on  the  ground  that  it  doee  not  occur  in  some  of  the  Pictish 
lists.  I  would  only  remark  that  the  Pictish  throne  was 
usurped  by  Kenneth,  and  we  know  there  were  rival  claimants. 
King  James  VII.  might  equally  well  be  said  to  have  dis- 
appeared in  1688,  while  a  Jacobite  chronicler  would  still 
mention  his  name  as  alive  at  a  later  date.  "  If  the 
history  of  the  time  depended  on  fragmentary  lists 
like  the  Pictish  Chronicle,  or  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  a  similar 
seeming  discrepancy  might  occur.  This  stone  is  of  a  style 
not  unlike  that  at  Abercorn.  If  in  this  way  it  is  possible 
provisionally  to  date  certain  specimens,  it  would  tend  to  fix 
the  dates  of  the  whole  class.  Other  stones  might  similarly 
be  discussed,  but  I  shall  limit  myself  to  a  class  bearing  a  cross 
of  a  Roman -British-  type  found  at  Whitho<rn,  the  centre  of 
the  Ninian  Mission,  and  conjectured  to  belong  to  a  period 


192  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

not  far  distant  from  his.  The  fact  of  it®  bearing  the  Chi  Rho 
shows  its  connection  with  Roman  Christianity  of  the  day, 
and,  if  anywhere  near  the  time  cf  Ninian,  is  another  proof 
of  the  connection  of  Ninian  with  Rome.  This  type  dates 
from  the  time  when  Roman  Christianity  flourished  in  Britain, 
This  mission;  was  only  a,  few  years  after  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Roman  legions,  and  the  swamping  of  the  native  Church 
by  the  Saxon  barbarian  pagans. 

Ninian  visited  Rome,  and  studied  under  St  Martin  of 
Tours,  which  may  explain,  the  presence  of  the  early  Roman 
cross  forms  at  Whithorn.  It  is  noteworthy  and  exceedingly 
interesting  that  a.  stone  in  the  island  of  Raasay  exhibits  a 
cress  of  similar  type,  with  Pictish  symbols — the  only  instance;  4 
I  know  of  on  the  West  Coast..  Does  it  indicate  that  the 
influence  of  the  Church  of  Ninian  extended  so  far  north  ? 
Nearly  opposite,  at  Applecross,  is  another,  which,  un- 
fortunately a.  fragment,  shows,  from  its  style,  design  almost 
certainlv  Pictish  also. 

I  would  conclude  by  saying  a  few  words  on  the  relation- 
ship of  the  various  types  of  art,  especially  as  regards  the 
Pictish  and  lonan.  The  symbols  are  limited  to  Pictland, 
and  are  unique,  and  I  have  no  time  to  go«  further1  into  the 
question  of  their  origin  and  meaning  than  I  have  done  in 
describing  the  slides,  but  other  points  require  mention.  The 
art  of  the  stones  is  more  like  that  of  the  MSS.,  which  came 
from  Ulster,  than  any  intervening  art.  The  lonan  is 
different,  less  Celtic,  shows  foreign  influence,  and  is  therefore 
presumably  later.  This,  I  would  suggest,  shows  that  the 
Ionian  art  is  subsequent  to  the  existing  MSS.,  but  that  the 
Pictish  is  contemporary  or  perhaps  earlier.  The  Pictish  is 
the-  most  pronounced  type,  quite  apart  from  the  symbols. 
It  is  the  most  Celtic,  and  it  differs  entirely  from  the  lonan. 
The  lonan  art  was  the  product  of  the  lonan  Church;  was 
the  Pictish  of  the  Pictish  Church,  seeing  the  very  similar 
MSS.  art  was  certainly  ecclesiastical?  If  it  was,  the  extent 
and  influence  of  the  Pictish  Church  was  co-extensive  with 
the  north  of  Scotland.  We  have  indications  that  the  artists 
of  the  Pictish  area  did  not  see  eye  to  eye  with  those  of  lona. 

At  one  period,  A.D.  717,  the  lonan  clergy  were  evicted  from 
Pictland.  During  this  period  there  is  distinct  evidence  of  a 
Saxon  influence  emanating  from  the  Northumbrian  Church, 
and  penetrating  into  Scotland.  King  Naitan  is  advised  by 
Northumbrian  olerics  with  tendencies  to  conformity  with: 


Celtic  Art  193 

Rome,  on  the  subject  of  Easter  and  the  tonsure.  Will  this 
influence  explain  the  seemingly  Northumbrian  traits  found 
in  the  monuments  of  Tarbat  and  Hilton?  Do  these  con- 
siderations not  point  to  the  same  conclusion  as  the  art,  that 
the  mission  of  St  Ninian  was  not  limited  to  the  Southern 
Picts  ?  We  know  that  Roman  Christianity  penetrated  be- 
yond the  wall  before  the  time  of  Ninian.  Is  it  not  likely 
that  the  mission  of  Ninian  extended  in  the  same  way  ? 
Columba  goes  011  a  mission  to  Inverness ;  on  the  way  he  visits 
a  dying  man  in  Glen-Urquhart  and  baptises  him.  Had  that 
man  no  previous  knowledge  of  Christianity  ?  Did  he  send 
for  Columba  when  in  a  state  of  total  ignorance  of  Christian 
tenets,  or  is  the  temple  of  Ninian  in  Gleii-Urquhart  mere 
than  a  name  ?  He  goes  to>  Inverness,  and  converts  the  whole 
court  and  kingdom.  Now  no  one  believes  Adamnan's 
account  of  the  conversion  of  a  people  by  one  missionary 
joiurney  due  to>  one  man.  Such  pentecostal  occurrences  are 
impossible.  Was  not  the  seed  already  sown,  and  Columba 
merely  the  waterer  or  the  reaper  ?  Columba  goes  to  Inver- 
ness without  danger.  His  companion,  St  Cormac,  goes  to 
Orkney,  and  escapes  martyrdom  through  the  influence  of 
King  Brude  at  the  court  of  the  local  kinglet.  Does  not  this 
indicate  that  Inverness,  as  opposed  to  Orkney,  was  already, 
in  a  sense,  familiar  with  Christianity  ?  This  would  appear  to 
support  the  view  of  Dr  Mackay,  that  the  saints  of  the  church 
of  Ninian  were  not  restricted  to  Southern  Pictland.  The 
only  other  explanation  that  I  can  offer  is,  that  the  native  art 
of  this  district  showed  a  vitality,  a  depth,  and  a  culture  of 
sufficient  stability  to  counteract  the  powerful  influence  of 
lona.  This  would  indicate  that  the  Picts  were  more  deeply 
cultured  than  even  I  am  prepared  to  admit,  and  it  does  not 
explain  the  exact  similarity  of  the  Irish  manuscript  art.  I 
woiuld  commend  the  point  to  your  attention,  as  I  think  this 
particular  way  of  looking  at  the  problems  is  new,  and  may 
lead  to  a  reconsideration  of  many  of  the  problems  and  diffi- 
culties connected  with  the  ancient  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
history  of  our  country.  The  accepted  date  of  these  relics 
bears  no  relation  to  history,  and  explains  none  of  the  vexed 
questions  on  which  light  is  so  scanty.  . 

I  may  say  that  my  remarks  are  practically  the  skeleton  of 
the  subject,  and  I  have  had  to  pass  over  the  details  and  the 
numerous  points  of  interest  that  must  have  suggested  thorn 

13 


194  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

selves  to  you,  but  I  thought  that  the  best  introduction  of  the 
art  was  by  a  general  survey,  rather  than  as  a  dry  argument 
regarding  points  of  detail,  however  interesting  in  themselves. 


1st  FEBRUARY,  1918. 

This  evening  the  Annual  General-  Meeting  of  the  Society 
was  held.  Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided.  .Agreed 
that  the  present  acting  office-bearers  be  re-elected,  and  that 
the  filling  of  the  vacancies,  caused  by  the  deaths  of  the  Chief, 
the  Secretary,  and  the  Piper,  be  deferred.  An  abstract  of 
the  Society's  accounts  was  submitted  and  approved.  There- 
after Mr  John  N.  MacLeod,  Errogie,  read  a  Gaelic  paper 
entitled  "  A  Ghaidhlig  ag-us  na  Parantan,"  which  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  discussion  relative  to  the  duty  of  Gaelic-speaking 
parents  towards  the  teaching  of  Gaelic  to<  their  children. 


14th  FEBRUARY,  1918. 

Dr  William  Mackay  presided  over  the  meeting  held  this 
evening.  Mr  James  Jack,  Commission  Agent,  Inverness.,  and 
Sergeant  John  Mackiiinon,  Inverness,  who  were  duly  nomin- 
ated at  the  previous  meeting,  were  unanimously  elected  Ordi- 
nary Members  of  the  Society. 

Thereafter  Mr  Alexander  MacD'onald  read  the  undernoted 
paper  by  Professor  William  J.  Watson,  LL.D.,  of  Edinburgh 
"University  :  — 

CLASSIC  GAELIC  POETRY  OF  PANEGYRIC  IN 
SCOTLAND. 

We  have  in  Scotland,  as  in  Ireland,  two  great  divisions  of 
Gaelic  poetry.  There  :s  on  the  one  hand  the  poetry  of  the 
trained  -prof essional  bards,  and  on  the  ether  hand  the  poetry 
produced  by  those  who  received  no  special  training  in  the  poetic 
art.  It  is  to  this  second  division  that  our  modern  Gaelic  poetry 
belongs,  and  it  will  be  as  well  .for  the  sake  of  clearness  to 
indicate  shortly  the  main  characteristics  of  this  modern  poetry 
in  respect  of  language,  metre,  and  general  tone.  The  language 
of  modern  poetry  is  the  current  Gaelic  of  the  poet's  day,  the 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  195 

language  of  the  people.  The  metre©  are  regulated  by  stress, 
like  the  metres  of  modern  English  poetry.  In  addition  there 
is  a  system  of  vowel  rhyme  or  assonance,  which  in  skilled  hands 
produces  an  effect  of  remarkable  melody.  Lastly,  the  poetry 
ii  in  the  full  sense  popular.  It  was  composed  by  men  and 
women  who>,  having  the  poetic  gift,  sang  because  they  must 
sing,  and  it  was  addressed  to  a  popular,  not  an  aristocratic 
audience.  The  subjects  were  as  varied  as  the  interests  of  the 
life  of  the  people,  and  the  poetry  expresses  that  life  and  its 
ideals.  This  poetry  was  widely  circulated  orally  and  also  in 
printed  form,  and  undoubtedly  exercised  a  strong  influence. 
It  is  not  necessary  here  to  attempt  a  discussion  of  the  exact 
period  of  its  introduction  and  the  history  of  its  earlier  develop- 
ment; it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  we  find  this  modern  poetry 
with  its  characteristics  of  language',  metre,  and  style,  in  full 
swing  during  the  first  half  of  the  17th  century,  and  that  it 
goes  on  still.  The  modern  school  is  rich  in  really  great  names, 
Mary  Macleod  of  Harris,  John  Macdonald  of  Lochaber,  Alex- 
ander Macdonald,  Duncan  Macintyre,  Rob  Donn  of  the  Reay 
country,  and  many  others  whose  poetry  still  lives  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people. 

I  now  proceed  with  my  subject  proper,  and  in  the  first 
place  it  is  necessary  to  give  some'  account  of  the'  professional 
poets  themselves.  In  Ireland  the  poets  formed  an  important 
and  influential  class  from  the  earliest  times  of  which  we  have 
record  or  tradition.  They  were  of  two  kinds,  the  "  fili  "  and 
the  "  bard,"  and  of  these  the  "  fili"  was  by  far  the'  superior 
in  training  and  status,  and  was  entitled  to  much  greater 
remuneration.  In  later  times  the  distinction  is  less  marked, 
but,  as  we  shall  see,  the  difference  in  station  between  bard  and 
fili  was  still  felt.  It  was  customary  for  each  ruling  family 
from  the  High-king  and  kings  of  provinces  down  to  the  so- 
called  kings  of  petty  districts,  to  support  a  bard.*  The 
function  of  the  bard  was  by  no  means  exclusively  poetical. 
He  was  the  repository  and  chronicler  of  the  genealogy  and 
history  of  the  family  in  particular,  and  also  of  the  history  a-nd 
traditions  of  the-  race.  He  acted  often  as  political  adviser, 
and  he  might  and  did  exercise  a.  restraining  influence  when 
his  chief  was  inclined  to  go  too  far,  or,  like  the  Gaulish  bards 
of  old,  in  cases  of  quarrels1.  On  due  occasion  he  composed 
poems  in  honour  of  his  chief  or  of  other  members  of  the  ruling 

*  Here  and  elsewhere  the  term  "  bard  "  is  used  in  the  non- 
technical sense  as  equivalent  to  "  poet." 


196  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

aristocracy.  It  was  also  his.  duty  to  act  as  preceptor  and 
instructor  to  the  young  men  who-  aspired  to  become  bards. 
Such  was  the  Irish  bard,  a  man  of  learning,  a  man  of  affairs 
and  of  high  position  in  the  sept  or  tribe  or  kingdom,  and  in 
Gaelic  Scotland,  whose  culture  was  essentially  the  same  as  that 
of  Ireland,  the  same  applies. 

In  Scotland,  as  in  Ireland,  the  office  of  bard  was  often  or 
usually  hereditary  in  a.  family  who  were  attached  to  the  court 
of  a  lord  or  chieftain,  resembling  in  this  respect  the  office  of 
Abbot  of  a  Celtic  monastery.  The  best  known  example  is 
the  family  of  MacMhuirich,  the  bardsi  of  the  great  house  of 
Clanranald,  whose  territory  extended  from  Shiel  to  Loch 
Hourn'  on  the  western  sea-board,  and  included  the  islands  of 
Eigg,  Rum,  Canna,  and  the  two  Uists.  The  MacMhuirichs 
were  of  Irish  descent.  About  the  year  1213  Muireadhach  Ua 
Dalaigh,  a  well-known  Irish  bard,  had  to  flee  to  Scotland, 
where'  he  stayed  for  some  years,  entertained  in  various  great 
houses,  one  of  which  was  that  of  Lennox,  where  lie  composed 
a  poem  in  honour  of  Alun  or  Alwyn,  son  of  Muireadhach,  Earl 
of  Lennox,  which  is  extant  and  is  printed  by  Skene  in  "  Celtic 
Scotland,"  vol.  iii.  In  consequence  of  this  sojourn  in  Alba, 
he  was  called  Muireadhach  Albannach,  and  it  is  from  him  that 
the  MacMhuirichs  claim  and  trace  descent.  In  the  year  1800, 
Lachlan  MacMhuirich  stated  that  he  was  the  18th  in  direct 
line  from  this  Irish  ancestor,  giving  right  off  the  first  nine 
steps  in  his  genealogy.  He  stated  also  that  it  was  an  obli- 
gation on  each  bard  to  train,  his  son,  or  in  default  of  his  son, 
to  train  his  brother's  son  or  his  heir  in  the  knowledge  neces- 
sary. The  last  of  the  MacMhuirichs  to  exercise  the  bardic  a,rt 
was  Donald,  specimens  of  whose  handwriting,  and  excellent 
writing  it  is,  in  the  cursive  Irish  hand,  are  preserved  in  the 
Advocates'  Library.  This  Donald  was  witness  to  a  deed  in 
Benbecula  in  1722. 

To  the  great  house  of  Argyll,  whose  chief  is  styled  in  Gaelic 
MacCailin  and  Mac  Mhic-Cailin,  there  was  attached  the  family 
of  MacEwen,  hereditary  poets  and  historians  (seanchaidh).  A 
MS.  in  the  Advocates'  Library  (34,  5,  22)  containing  a  gene- 
alogy of  MacCailin  states  that  the  account  is  given  as  "  done 
by  Neil  MacEwen  as  he  received  the  same  from  Eachern  Mao- 
Ewen  his  father,  as  he  had  the  same  from  Artt  MacEwen,  his 
grandfather  and  his  predecessors."  The  last  of  the  MacEwens 
is  stated  to  have  been  minister  of  Kilchoan  on  Loch  Melfort, 
where  the  MacEwen  patrimony  was  situated.  There  are  some 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  197 

indications  that  the  barde  of  MacLeod  of  Dunvegan  belonged 
to  a  family  called  O'Muirgheasan.  In  1614  Toirdelbhach  O 
Murgeasa  witnesses  the  contract  of  fosterage  whereby  MacLeod 
gives  his  son  Norman  in  fosterage  to  MacKenzie .  This  Norman 
was  Sir 'Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera,  who  died  in  1705,  and 
his  elegy  was  composed  by  Donnchadh  O  Murghesan.  Mac- 
Donald  of  Sleat  supported  hereditary  bards,  whose  family  were 
known  as  Clann  a'  Bhaird;  the  last  of  these  bards  appears  to 
have  been  Donnchadh  MacRuairidh.  It  is,  unfortunate  that 
our  knowledge  of  the  bardic  families  attached  to  other  great 
houses  is  but  fragmentary;  there  must  have  been  many  such 
among  the  various  branches  of  Clan  Donald,  the  MacLeods, 
the  MacGregors,  and  other  clans. 

As  befitted  men  of  their  status,'  the  court  bards  were  men  of 
substance.  For  their  maintenance  they  had,  in  the  first  place, 
a  grant  of  land.  The  MaeEwens,  as  already  noticed,  held  the 
lands  of  Kilchoan  from  MacCailiii.  The  MacMhuirich  bards 
held  the  lands  of  Staoiligearraidh,  and  the  four  pennylands  of 
Driomasdail  in  Uist.  I  do  not  know  the  extent  of  the  lands 
of  Staoiligeairraddh,  but  four  pennylands  were  equal  to1  the  fifth 
part  of  a  dabhaeh,  that  is,  about  80  acres,  including  pasture. 
John  MacCbdrum,  an  excellent  poet  of  the  modern  school,  who 
was  bard  to  Sir  James  MacDonald  of  Sleat  in  the  middle  of  the 
18th  century,  had  a  croft  rent-free  for  life,  together  with  five 
bolls  of  meal,  five  stones  of  cheese,  and  £2  5s  of  money.  His 
predecessors,  Claim  a'  Bhaird,  held  land  in  Trotternish,  named 
Achadh  nasm  Bard,  from  MacDonald  of  Sleat.  I  think  the 
last  Highland  chief  who  kept  a  bard  was  Glengarry,  who  in 
the  first  quarter  of  the  18th  century  maintained  AJlan  Mac- 
Doug'al  on  a  scale  somewhat  similar  to  that  on  which  Sir 
James  MacDonald  maintained  MacCbdrum.  Details  of  land 
assigned  to  bards  elsewhere  are  lacking,  but  we  may  suspect 
that  some  of  the  place-names  involving  "  bard  "  indicate  such 
assignment.  One  instance  is  Monzievaird,  near  Crieff,  which 
is  rendered  Campus  Bardorum,  The  Bards'  Plain,  in  the  Latin 
Chronicon  Elegiacum,  of  late  13th  century  date,  and  is  still 
called  in  Gaelic  "  Magh  Bhard."  Another  may  be  Balbardie 
in  Linlithgow.  The  land,  however,  was  a  retaining  fee,  and 
the  bards  had  other  perquisites.  They  received  substantial 
presents1  from  the  subjects  of  their  panegyric,  and  some  were 
by  no  means  bashful  in  demanding  recompense.  In  an  unpub- 
lished poem  by  one  of  the  latter  bards  of  the  house  of  Mac- 
Leod, the  poet  freely  though  courteously  remonstrates  with 


198  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

the  chief  John  MacLeod  of  Duiivegan  on  a  certain  amount  of 
unwillingness  to  come  up  to  expectation.  His  predecessors 
had  been  readier  to  part  with  their  treasure  :  — 

Ruairidh  budh  deine  deabhtlm, 

ean  goile  ag  Gaoidhealaibh : 
do  fhead  an  duine  re  dam 

a  thread  uile  do  iomain. 

Tormod  do*  choiseonadh  creach 

ar  mhile  lann  is  luireach, 
is  ollamh  ag  buain  a  ba. 

uaidh  go  h-ullamh  gan  aon-ghath. 

Roderick  in  conflict  keenest    • 

eagle  of  prowess  among  the  Gael : 
the  man  whose  craft  wais  song 

might  unhindered  drive  all  his  kine. 

Norman  would  win  a  spoil 

in  spite  of  a  thousand  blades  and  mail  corselets 
yet  a  poet  would  take  his  kine 

from  him  readily  without  a  single  spear. 

In  addition  there  were  other  perquisites  such  as  those  which 
Niall  MacMhuirich  (late  17th  century  and  early  18th  century) 
enumerates,  in  an  unpublished  poem  :  — 

Dlighidh  onoir  na,  n-ollamh 

a>  bheith  a.  ccomhaidh  re  h-iarla, 

agus  cuairt  gacha  tuaithe 
ceithre  uaire  'sa  bhliadhna. 

The  honour  of  chief  poets  is  entitled 

to  sit  at  table  with  an  earl, 
and  to  a  circuit  of  each  tribe 

four  times  every  year. 

'  These  privileges  from  the  time  of  Cbrmac  (i.e.,  third 
century)  are  cause  of  envy  of  filidh  (poets)." 

These  statements  by  MacMhuirich  may  be  illustrated  to 
some  extent.  The  claim  to  sit  at  table  with  an  earl  recalls  the 
statement  made  by  a  Greek  writer  that  the  Gaulish  bards 
enjoyed  the  right  of  "  sussitia"  or  co-messing  with  the  nobles. 
At  a  great  feast  at  Aros  in  Mull  in  the  15th  century,  where 
the  order  of  precedence  gave  rise  to  anxious  deliberation 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  '  199 

beforehand,  John  MacDonald,  Tutor  to  Clanranald,  took  on 
himself  the  onerous  office  of  Master  of  Ceremonies.  He  made 
Maclan  of  Ardnamurchaii  sit  down  first,  then  in  order  Mac- 
kinnon,  MacQuarry  of  Ulva,  and  the  men  of  learning,  Beaton 
the  physician  and  MacMhuirich  the  poet.  He  then  sat  down 
himself,  remarking,  "  As  to  the  resit  of  you,  you  can  sit  in,  any 
order  you  like."  As  the  rest  included  Maclean  of  Duart, 
MacNeill  of  Barra,  and  MacLeod,  it  is  not  surprising  that  John 
MacDonald's  haughty  decision  was  the  cause  of  strife  then  and 
afterwards.  It  is  known  that  the  Lord  of  the  Isles  had  a 
regular  council,  and  it  is  practically  certain  that  the  chief  poet 
of  the  Isles  was  a  member  of  it.  A  charter  of  Angus,  Master 
of  the  Isle®  and  Lord  of  Trotternish,  granted  in  1485  by  con- 
sent of  his  father  and  Council  to  the  Abbot  of  lona,  is  wit- 
nessed by  Lachlan  McMurghaich  Archipoeta,  Hullialmus, 
Archi-iudex,  Colinus  Fergus!!  (i.e.  MacFhearghuis)  domini 
cancellarius — all  evidently  of  the  Council  of  the  Isles. 

The  tribal  circuit,  which  MacMhuirich  asserts  to  have  been 
due  four  times1  a  year  or  once  a  quarter,  implied  free  mainten- 
ance for  the  poet  and,  his  retinue  of  bards  and  scholars.  How 
far  it  was  actually  carried  out  in  Scotland  we  do  not  know, 
but  these  circuits  might  easily  become  oppressive,  and  in 
Ireland  obey  were  oppressive.  A  poet  was  not  confined  to 
his  own  tribe.  Niall  Mor  MacMhuirich,  in  the  early  17th 
century,  celebrates  the  hospitality  of  Dunvegan,  where  he 
stayed  six  nights  and  (ould  get  drunk,  it'  he  liked,  twenty 
times  a  day.  Scottish  bards  went  on  tour  in  Ireland  and  Irish 
bards  visited  Scotland.  One  of  the  finest  and  most  pathetic 
poems  in  the  language,  the  lament  of  Maoil-Chiarain  for  his 
son  Fearehar,  was  composed  on  the  slaying  of  Fearchar,  who 
as  a  young  bard  desirous  of  winning  fame  and  reward  had  gone 
to  Ireland  "  on  poetic  foray."  A  fine  poem  in  praise  of 
Tomaltach  MacDermott,  Lord  of  Moylurg  (d.  1458),  by  a 
Scottish  bard  who  visited  Ireland,  is  preserved  in  the  Book 
of  the  Dean  of  Lismorei  and  in  one  of  the  Turner  MSS. 
Again,  an  Irish  poet  came  to  the  court  of  Archibald,  Earl  of 
Argyll,  on  an  embassy,  probably  in  1555,  when  Calbhaoh 
O'Donnell,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Tircbnnel,  came  to  seek  Mac- 
Cailin's  help  in  a  dispute  with  his  father.  He  sets  forth 
at  length  the  joys  of  MacCailin's  household.  When  Fionn 
and  his  men  weire  in  the  Bruighean  Caorthainn  (Rowan 
Dwelling)  their  feet  clave  to  thei  floor  because  it  was  spread 


.     200  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

with  the*  enchanted  soil  of  Innis  Tile :  *  that  same  soil  of 
Innis  Tile,  the  poet  avers,  forms  the  floor  of  MacCailin's 
house;  none  who  once:  stands  thereon  may  leave  it.  Even  as 
the  raven  sent  forth  by  Noah,  son  of  Lamech,  on  his  mission 
from  the  ark,  returned  to  the  ark  no  more,  so  will  he  return 
no  more  to  Ireland.  Poems  composed  by  bards  on  circuit  or 
"  on  poetic  foray, "  were  usually  panegyrical,  naturally:  the 
warmer  the  panegyric  the  better  the  reward.  The  relations 
between  the  poet  and  his  subject  are  well  expressed  in  a  poem 
in  MS.  xlii.  23,  a, 

Deocha  seirci  uadh  oirni, 

da  ria  me  mac  Somairle ; 
deocha,  molta  airsioii  uaim  : 

an  baisgeal  corcra  on  Chraobhruaidh . 

Draughts  of  love  from  him  to  us, 

when  I  reach  the  son  of  Somerled  ; 
draughts  of  praise  from  me  to  him, 

that  white  palmed  crimson-cheeked  scion  of  the 
Red -branch. 

To  this  rule  there  was  one  notorious  exception  in  the 
person  of  Angus  Ruadh  O'Daly,  otherwise  known  as  Aonghus 
nan  Aor,  Angus  of  the  Satires,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
Elizabeth.  In  the  course  of  an  extensive  tour  in  Scotland, 
Angus  satirisied  every  single  house  in  which  he  was  enter- 
tained, with  two  exceptions  of  a;  sort.  When  he  was  leaving 
the  house  of  Duncan  Campbell  of  Glenlyon,  proverbial  for 
his  hospitality,  Angus  had  the  impudence  to  say:  — 

Ma's  tii  Donnchadh  Ruadh  na  feile 

Is  f  ada  bheir  mi  f  ein  do*  chlii : 
An  am  tionndaidh  ar  da  chul  r'a  cheile 

Isi  mise  tha  gun  leine  is  cha  tii. 

If  then,  art  Red  Duncan  the  hospitable 

far  will  I  bear  thy  fame : 
as  we  turn  our  two>  backs  on  each  other 

it  is  I  am  shirtless  and  not  thou. 

Duncan  Campbell  at  once  threw  off  his  leine  and  handed 
it  to  Angus,  who  said  :  — 

*  Thule,  called  Thile  by  Dicuil ;  for  the  magical  properties  of 
its  soil,  see  Trans!  of  the  Ossianic  Society,  III.,  188;  of.  Plummer, 
Latin  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  I.,  clviii.  Monach  Mor,  son  of 
Balbuadh  Innse  Tile,  appears  in  a  pedigree  of  MacLeod,  quoted  by 
Beeves  in  his  edition  of  Adamnan's  Life  of  Columba,  p.  437. 


6Vflss/c  Gaelic  Poetry  201 

Molfar  Ua  Neill  'na  theach 

Is  gach  aoii  neach  'na  icnad  fein  : 
Ach  na  coimeasar  duine  de  '11  t-sluagh 

Ri  Dcnncliadh  Ruadh  ach  e  fein. 

O'Neil  shall  be  lauded  in  his  house, 

and  each  man  in  his  proper  place ; 
but  let  no  man  of  the  host 

be  likened  to  Duncan  save  himself. 

Angus  was,  however,  by  his  own  confession,  a.  misan- 
thrope, and  by  no  means  a  type  of  the  Gaelic  bard. 

1  may  here  say  a  little  about  the  legislation  which  wae 
enacted  from  time  to  time  in  Scotland  to  check  wanderers 
who  made  a  practice  of  quartering  themselves  011  the  people. 
In  1407  the  Scottish  Parliament  enacted  "  that  in  all  justice 
ayres  the  kingis  justice  tak  inquisicione  of  sornaris,  bardis, 
maisterfull  beggars  or  fenzeit  fulys,  and  other  banysh  them 
the  cuiitry  or  send  them  to  the  kingis  presone."  By  an  Aa 
of  1567  no  Irish  or  Highland  beggars  or  bards  are  to  be 
admitted  to  the  Lowlands.  In  1579  "  all  menstrallis,  sang- 
stares  and  tailtellaris  [sgeulaiche]  not  avouit  in  special  service 
ba  some  of  the  lordis  of  parliament  or  great  barronis,  or  be 
the  heid  burrowis  for  their  common  menstralis  ' '  are  liable  to 
be  scourged  and  burned  011  the  cheek  or  even  hanged.  Lastly, 
in  the  court  holdeii  at  Icolmkill,  on  the  23rd  August,  1609, 
by  Andrew,  Bishop  of  the  Isles,  it  was  enacted  of  common 
consent  that  "  no  vagabond,  bard,  nor  profest  pleisant  pre- 
tending liberty  to  bard  and  natter  be  received  within  the 
bounds  of  the  said  Isles  by  any  of  the  said  special  barons  and 
gentlemen  or  any  other  inhabitants  thereof,  or  be  entertained 
by  them,  but  in  case  any  vagabonds,  bardsi,  jugglers  or  such 
like  be  apprehended  by  them,  such  are  to  be  put  in  sure 
seizement  and  kept  in  the  stocks,  and  thereafter  to  be 
debarred  forth  of  the  country  with  all  goodly  expedition." 

It  is  just  possible  that  these  enactments,  o'f  which  the  last 
was  the  most  important,  would  interfere'  to  some  extent  with 
the  progresses  or  circuits  of  the  higher  class  bards,  but,  as  I 
have  shown  elsewhere,*  they  were  primarily  directed  against 
the  bands  of  wandering  bards  known  from  of  old  as  Cliar 
Sheaiichain  or  Seanchan's  Band,  who  had  no  fixed  residence, 
but  went  about  quartering  themselves  on  the  people  and 
often  behaving  in  most  insolent  fashion.  That  the  family 

*  Celtic   Review,    iv.,   80. 


202  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

or  court  bards  were  not  meant  is  sufficiently  clear  from  the 
names  of  the  chiefs  subscribed  to  the  statutes,  several  of 
whom  we  know  to  have  kept  a  bard  then  and  long  after- 
wards. 

An  important  general  statement  about  the  bards  is  made 
by  Martin  Martin  in  his  Description  of  the  Western  Islands, 
published  in  1703,  at  a  time  when  the  bards  were  not  yet 
extinct.  Mairtin,  as  a  Skyeman,  was  of  course  in  a  position 
to*  know,  and  his  remarks  deserve  quotation :  — 

'  The  orators,  in  their  language  called  '  Is-Dane  ;  (Aois- 
dana),  were  in  high  esteem  both  in  these  Islands  and  in  the 
Continent,  until  within  these  forty  years.     They  sate  always 
among  the  Nobles  and  Chiefs  of  Families  in  the  '  Streah  '  or  • 
Circle.     Their  houses  and  little  villages  were  Sanctuaries,  as 
well    as    Churches,    and    they    took    place    before   Doctors    of 
Physick.      The  Orators,  after  the  Druids  were  extinct,  were 
brought  to  preserve  the  genealogy  of  Families,  and  upon  the 
occasion  of  Marriages  and  Births  they  made  Epithalamiums 
and  Panegyricks  which  the  Poet  or  Bard  pronounced.       The 
Orators    by    the    force   of    their   eloquence   had    ai     powerful 
ascendant   over   the   greatest  men   in  their   time,    for  if   any 
Orator  did  but  ask  the  Habit,   Arms,   Horse,   or  any  other 
being  belonging  to  the  greatest  Man  in  these  Islands,  it  was 
readily  granted   them,   sometimes  out  of  respect,   and   some- 
times for  fear  of  being  exclaimed  against  by  a  Satyr,  which 
in   those    days    was    reckoned    a   great    dishonour,    but    these 
Gentlemen  becoming  insolent,  lost  ever  since  both  the  Profit 
and  the  Esteem  which  was  formerly  due  to  their  character  ; 
for  neither  their  Panegyricks  nor  Satyrs  are  regarded  to  what 
they  have  been,  and  they  are  now  allowed  but  ai  small  salary. 
I  must  not  omit  to  relate  their  way  of  Study,  which  is  very 
singular.     They  shut  their  Doors  and  Windows  for  a  day's 
time,  and  lie  on  their  Backs,  with  a  Stone  upon  their  Belly, 
and  Plaids  about  their  heads,  and  their  eyes  being  covered, 
they  pump  their  Brains  [for]  Rhetorical  Encomium  or  Pane- 
gerick  ;  and  indeed  they  furnish  such  a  Stile  from  this  dark 
Cell,   as  is  understood  by  very  few,   and  if  they  purchase  a 
couple^  of  Horses  as  the  Reward  for  their  Meditation,   they 
think  they  have  done  .a  great  matter.     The  Poet,   or  Bard, 
had  a  title  to  the  Bridegroom's  upper  Garb,  that  is,  the  Plaid 
and  Bonnet,   but  now  he  is  satisfied  with  what  the  Bride- 
groom pleases  to  give  him  on  such  occasions." 


Classic  Gallic  Poetry  203 

Those  statements  of  Martin  are,  I  believe,  in  the  main 
-correct.  His  translation  of  "  Aois-dana  "  by  orators  is 
curious,  for  the  term  is  a  well-known  generic  term  foir  men 
of  skill,  men  of  science,  and  specially  poets.  It  is  to  be 
observed  that,  according  to  Martin,  it  was  not  the  author  of 
the  poem  who  pronounced  the  Epithalamium,  <fec.,  but 
another  whom  he  calls  the  poet  ocr  bard.  This  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Irish  custom,  but  in  Ireland  the  man  who 
recited  the  panegyric  was  called  "  reaeaire."  Thomas 
Smyth,  a  Dublin  apothecary,  who  wrote  in  1561,  says:  — 
"  Now  comes  the  Rymer  that  made  the  Ryme,  with  his 
Rakry.  The  rakry  is  he  that  shall  utter  the  ryme ;  and  tlje 
Rymer  himself  sits  with  the  Captain  verie>  proudlye.  He 
brings1  with  him  also  his  Harper,  who  plays  all  the  while 
that  the  rakry  sings  the  rhyme.  •  Also  he  hath  his  Bard, 
which  is  a  kind  of  folise  fellow,  who  also  must  have  a  horse 
give  him  ;  the  harper  must  have  a  new  saf ern  shurte,  and  a 
mantell  and  a  hacnaye ;  and  the  rakry  must  have  xx.  or  xxx. 
kine,  and  the  Rymer  himself  horse  and  harness  with  a  nag 
to  ride  on,  a  silver  goblett,  a  pair  of  bedes  of  cor  all,  with 
buttons  of  silver."  It  is  clear  that  both  Martin  and  Smyth 
use  the  term  bard  or  poet  loosely  to-  denote  a  certain  person 
in  the  train  of  the  Aois  dana,  Ollamh,  o*r  Chief  Bard.  By 
Martin's  time  the  reward  of  the  reciter  was  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  bridegroom  ;  Niall  MacMhuirich,  who  was  a  contem- 
porary of  Martin's,  in  an  unpublished  poem,  indicates  th-^t 
the  reciter  was  entitled  to  the  upper  robe  or  covering  of  the 
bride  and  a  guinea  and  other  gifts  besides,  to  enrich  his  store. 

T'  aire  riut,  a  Ghiolla-easbuig, 

deana  freasdal  ar  th'  inmhe, 
o's  leat  an  t-eadach  nuachair, 

bias  ar  uachtar  gach  rioghna. 

Mas  srol  e  no  sioda, 

a  fhir  chriona  na  caill  si  : 
maith  do  chairt  ar  an  culaidh 

bias  fa  bhuiiaidh  na  bainnsi. 

Aon  bhonn  ai*  bharr  na  bhfichead 

dlighidh  sibhse,  a  fhir  dhana, 
's  a  luach  oile  do  ghibhdibh 

do-ni  do'  chiste  saidhbhir. 

Martin's  quaint  description  of  the  poet  at  work,  with 
his  aids  to'  concentration  and  a  good  supply  of  blood  to  the 


204  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

brain,  is  like  the'  description  given  by  Reid  of  the  methods  of 
the  great  18th  century  poet  Alexander  Macdonald,  whose 
"  manner  of  composition  was  to  lie  on  his  back  in  winter,  or 
on  the  grass  in  summer,  with  a  large  stone  on  his  breast, 
muttering  to  himself  in  a  low  whisper  his  poetical  aspira- 
tions." We  know  also  that  silence,  solitude,  and  darkness. 
were  the  conditions  of  composition  in  the  Irish  bardic  schools ; 
light  was  supplied  for  the  purpose  of  writing  down  the 
finished  compositions.  There,  too,  the  attitude  was  lying  on 
the  back,  and  the  expression  for  becoming  a  poet  was  "  luighe 
i  leabaidh  sgol,"  lying  in  the  bed  of  the  schools. 

The  Scottish!  bardic  schools  are  often  referred  to  in  the 
panegyrics  on  chiefs.  MacGregor,  in  a  poem  in  the  Book  of 
the  Dean  of  Lismore,  is  referred  to  as  the  head  of  the  schools. 
Niall  MaicMhuirich,  in  praising  Sir  James  MacDonald  of 
Sleat,  begins:  — 

Fuarasi  cara  ar  sgath  na  sgoile. 

I  have  found  a  friend  to  protect  the  school. 

A  note  in  the  Maclagan  MS.,  122,  says  "  there  were 
poetical  schools  or  academies  in  Skye  and  at  Inverness,"  but 
the  MacMhuirichs  in  Uist  and  the  MacEwens  in  Argyll  must 
have  had  schools,  and  there  were  doubtless  others,  just  as  in 
later  tmes  there  were'  schools  for  pipers  in  Skye,  Mull, 
Fortingal,  and  elsewhere.  Unfortunately  we  have  no  special 
information  as  to  the  course  of.  instruction  in  the  Scottish 
bardic  schools,  We  may,  however,  safely  assume  that  it  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  the  Irish  schools :  the  language,  style, 
treatment  of  subjects,  and  mental  background  of  the  alumni 
or  graduates  of  Irish  and  Scottish  schools  are  almost  if  not 
quitet  identical.  In  the  Irish;  schools  the  course*  of  instruc- 
tion extended  over  seven  years,  later  twelve  years,  at  the  end 
*of  which  the  student,  if  he  acquitted  himself  satisfactorily, 
became  an  Ollamh  or  Doctor.  By  this  time  he  had  been 
well  trained  in  language,  metre,  and  history,  and  especially 
in  the  great  traditionary  heroic  tales,  which  were  so  essential 
a  part  of  his  equipment  that  we  have  on  record  the  dictum 
' '  111  filidh  gan  scela  ' '  — he  is  no  fully  equipped  poet  without 
tales.  The  details  of  the  course  were  arranged  with  that 
precision  and  exactness  which  are  characteristic  of  Gaelic 
literature,  law,  a!nd  art,  but  for  these  I  must  refer  to 
O'Curry's  "  Manners  and  Customs,"  Professor  Douglas 
Hyde's  "  History  of  Irish  Literature,"  or  Dr  Joyce's  "  Social 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  205 

History  of  Ancient  Ireland."  On  the  various  degrees  of 
poets  useful  information  is  contained  in  the  treatise, 
"  Auraicept  na.  n-Eces,"  recently  edited  by  Dr  George 
C alder.  One  may  say  in  a  word  that  to  anyone  who  studies 
the  work  of  the  poets  whoi  received  their  training  in  these 
schools,  it  is  evident  that  they  were  in  reality  men  of  great 
learning  in  their  own  way  and  of  marvellous,  technical  skill. 

Before  dealing  more  closely  with  the  nature  of  the  poetry 
itself,  I  will  say  a  word  about  the  habitat,  so  to  speak,  of  our 
Gaelic  professional  bards.  So  far  as  wo  know  it  now,  their 
home  was  the  west  coast  from  Argyll  northwards  and  the 
Isles.  Red  Angus  of  the  Satires,  who  nourished  in  the  time 
of  Elizabeth,  has  left  his  impression  of  23  or  24  Highland 
magnate®  >amd  localities,  and  of  these  all  belong  to  the  west 
except  the  Chisholm  of  Strathglass,  Stewart  of  Garth,  and 
Duncan  Campbell  of  Glen  Lyon.  His  furthest  north  on  the 
mainland  was  Lochcarron.  The  probability  is,  though  we 
cannot  prove  it,  that  every  chief  or  chieftain  on  the  west  who 
reckoned  himself  of  any  consequence  maintained  a  bard  up 
till  the  middle  part  of  the  17th  century.  For  the  east,  apart 
from  North  Perthshire,  we  have  no  data,  nor  have  we  any 
data  for  the  great  Gaelic-speaking  district  of  Galloway  and 
Ayrshire,  to  say  nothing  of  Lanark  and  Lcthia.n.  It  is  hard 
to  suppose  that  the  great  families  of  the  eastern  Highlands 
and  of  the  south-west  had  no  bards,  but  if  they  had,  no'  trace 
of  their  poetry  has  come  down  to  us.  It  is  indeed  fairly  cer- 
tain that  Kennedy,  the  Carrick  poet  of  the  16th  century,  who 
had  the  "  flyting  "  with  Dunbar,  knew  and  spoke  Gaelic, 
but  the  only  specimens  of  his  poetry  that  have  come  down  to 
us  are  in  English. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  bardic  poetry  is  entirely  from, 
written  sources,  which  I  will  mention  briefly.  Apart  from 
some  poems  contained  in  the  Irish  MSS.  preserved  in  Dublin 
and  in  the  British  Museum,  the  chief  sources  are  three.  The 
first  is  the  Book  of  the  Dean  of  Lismore,  written  between 
1512  and  1529  by  Duncan  MacGregor,  and  probably  in  part 
by  his  brother,  James  MacGregor,  Dean  of  Lismoire,  natives 
of  Fortingal.  It  contains  twenty- two  poems  of  a  panegyrical 
type,  of  which  eight  are  in  praise  of  MacGregor,  two  of  Mac- 
Donald,  two  of  MacCailin  (Argyll),  two  of  MacDouga.il  of 
Dunolly,  and  one  each  in  praise  of  MacLeod  of  Lewis,  MacLeod 
of  Harris  and  Dun  vegan,  Stewart  of  Rainnoch,  MacSween  of 
Castle  Sween,  in  Knapdale,  and  MacNeil  of  Gigha.  Most  of 


206  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

these  poems  deal  with  men  of  the  Dean's  own  time  or  near  it. 
The  poem  to  MacSween,  however,  was  written  in  1310,  and 
one  of  the  MacGregors  addressed  died  in  1440.  Here,  then 
we  have  <a>  rough  idea  of  the  output  in  the  Dean's  immediate 
neighbourhood.  Keeping  in  view  that  his  taste  was  naturally 
in  favour  of  MacGregor  poetry^  and  that  he  seems;  to  have 
collected  most  of  it  that  was  composed  during  his  own  time, 
we  may  assume  that  if  he  had  cared  he  might  have  collected 
an  equal  number  of  poems  in  honour  of  any  of  the  great 
families  in  his  neighbourhood,  and  we  can  infer  how  large  a 
quantity  of  such  poetry  must  have  perished  before  and  after 
his  time. 

Our  next  source  is  the  Red  Book  of  Clanranald,  which 
contains  twelve  eulogies  and  elegies,  most  of  them  fairly  long, 
written  by  MacMhuirich  ba^rds  and  others  between  circa  1460 
amd  1720.  This  of  course  must  represent  only  a  very  small 
part  of  the  'activity  of  these  poets.  All  these  are  printed  in 
"  Reliquiae  Celticse,"  with  a  translation  of  which  the  best 
that  can  be  said  is  that  it  is  correct  occasionally. 

Thirdly,  we  have  the  MSS.  in  the  Advocates'  Library, 
xxxvi.,  xxxix.,  xlii.,  xlviii.,  Hi.,  and  Box  3  No.  3.  Three 
eulogistic  poems  from  xlviii.  are  printed  in  "  Reliquiae 
Celticae,"  one  of  them  a  very  fine  poeon  by  Cathal  MacMhuirich 
on  the  death  of  a  poet  friend,  John  MacBrian,  another  by 
Niall  MacMhuirich  to  Sir  James  MacDonald  of  Sleat,  and  a. 
short  poem  by  Cathal  MacMhuirich  on  the  Clanranald  in  Uist. 
The  Edinburgh  MSS.  contain  besides  about  twenty  poems  of 
this  class1,  some  of  them  fragmentary,  dating  from  about  th^ 
middle  of  the  16th  century  to  about  1730.  These  include 
some  very  fine  poems  presumably  by  the  MacEwen  barons  in 
honour  of  MacCailin,  and  also  poems  to  representatives  of 
the  great  families  of  MacLeod,  Clanranald,  Glengarry,  Mac- 
kinnoii,  MacDonald  of  Dun  Naomhaig  in  May,  and  Mac- 
Kenzie  of  Gairlcch.  All  these  I  transcribed,  and  some  of 
them  are  added  to  this  paper.  I  may  add  the  fine  elegy  on 
Sir  Duncan  Campbell  of  Glenorchy,  the  MS.  of  which  is  in 
the  General  Register  House,  Edinburgh,  and  which  I  re- 
edited  . 

These  MSS.  are,  with  one  exception,  written  in  the  old 
character  which  had  been  used  in  Ireland  since  the  intro- 
duction of  letters,  and  is.  derived  from  the  old  Latin  script. 
In  Scotland  the  last  to  use  this  character  to  any  large  extent 
was  Alexander  MacDonald  (died  c.  1770),  aom-e  of  whose 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  207 

MSS.  are  in  the  Advocates'  Library.  The  single  exception 
is  the  Book  of  the  Dean  of  Lismore,  written  in  the  Roman 
character  of  the  day  on  a  sort  of  phonetic  system  which  makes 
it  very  hard  to  understand.  The  writing  of  the  MSS.,  especi- 
ally of  MS.  lii.,  varies  considerably,  but  to  one  who  is 
familiar  with  the  style  presents  no  difficulty  apart  from 
dimness — which  is  quite  enough  by  itself. 

I  have  mentioned  that  the  language  used  by  the  poets  of 
the  modern  school  is  the  current  Gaelic  of  their  own.  time. 
With  the  professional  bards  this  isi  not  the  case.  They  used 
the  classic  literary  language  common  to  Ireland  and  Scotland, 
a  language  which  in  grammatical  form  and  in  vocabulary 
was  much  more  conservative  and  fixed  than  the  common 
speech,  and  was  therefore  not  easily  understood  except  by 
the  learned.  It  was  in  fact  a  special  diction,  based  upon  a 
long  tradition)  of  many  centuries.  I  do  not  mean  that  the 
language  of  the  poets  was  stereotyped,  but  it  changed  slowly, 
and  it  was  always  more  archaic  than  the  spoken  language. 
The  bards  wrote'  not  for  the  common  people,  but  for  the  com- 
paratively small  audience  that  consisted  of  the  aristocracy 
by  birth  and  the  aristocracy  of  training  and  learning.  A 
good  example  is  found  in  the  elegies  on  Sir  Norman  MacLeod 
of  Bern  era,  who'  died  on  3rd  March,  1705.  Three  of  these 
have  been  preseirved.  One  is  by  the  great  but  self -trained 
poetess  Mary  MacLeod,  and  it  is  readily  understood  by  any- 
one who  has  a  good  knowledge  of  t  the  Gaelic  of  th©  present 
day.  The  other  two  are  by  professional  bards,  and  they  are 
so  difficult,  even  for  scholars  conversant  with  the  older 
language  and  the  bardic  style,  that  it  is  impossible  to  suppose 
them  to  have  been  understood  by  the  people  then.  This  is 
what  Martin  means  when  in  1703  he  says  that  the  "  bards 
furnish  such  a  style  as  is  understood  by  but  very  few."  The 
long  tradition  that  lay  behind  this  class  of  poetry  has  its 
disadvantage®  as  well  as  its  advantages.  The  language  is 
perfect  in  its  way,  copious,  dignified,  sonorous,  splendid, 
completely  satisfying  the  ear  and  gratifying  the  sentiment. 
It  is  only  when  one  has  studied  a  quantity  of  it  that  one 
realises  how  much  of  this  is  merely  "  the  flowers  belonging 
to  the  art,"  and  is  in  a  position  to  assess  the  claims  of  the 
poet  to*  originality  of  style  or  of  treatment. 

The  metres  of  the  older  Gaelic  poetry  were  exceedingly 
numerous.  In  the  good  old  times  an  accomplished  Qllamh 
or  Doctor  would  know,  in  addition  to  all  his  other  knowledge, 


208  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

over  300  different  kinds  of  versification,  and  examples  of 
between  200  and  300'  of  these  have  been  preserved  in  MSS. 
In  later  times  comparatively  few  metres  were  in  common  use, 
though  a  pcet  might  on  occasion  experiment  with  an  unusual 
metre.  Most  of  the  bardic  poems  relating  to  Scotland  are 
composed  in  some  variation  of  the  standard  seven-syllable  line 
metre,  which  was  by  far  the  meet  popular  among  the  later 
poets,  and  which  was  originally  modelled  on  the  Latin  hymns. 
These  syllabic  metres  can  be  shown  to  bo  of  considerable 
antiquity,  going  back  well  into  the  Old  Irish  period,  i.e., 
before  1000  A.D.  For  their  effect  they  do  not  depend  on 
stress  or  beat,  nor  is  there  any  such  thing  as  feet,  trochee, 
iambus,  or  such  like.  The  poetry  is  to  be  read  with  the 
ordinary  emphasis,  and  each  syllable  receives  its  due  value. 
Hiatus  is  rarely  allowed ;  final  vowels  are  written,  but  when 
the  next  word  in  the  line  begins  with  a  vowel,  elision  takes 
place.  The  unit  of  poetry  is  the  rann  or  quatrain,  made  up 
of  two  "  lethrainn  "  or  couplets,  and  the  two  couplets  are 
similar  in  construction.  Custom  demanded  that  each  line 
should  give  nearly  complete  sense.  In  the  couplet  the 
approach  to  independent  sens;e  is  nearer.  The  quatrain  is 
always  complete  in  itself :  no  part  of  the  sense  is  ever  allowed 
to  be  completed  in  the  following  quatrain.  It  might  be 
supposed  that-  the  effect  of  this  would  be  stilted  and  mono- 
tonous, but  it  is  not  so:  the  art  of  the  poet  is  sufficient  to 
avoid  that  impression.  But  the  quatrain  has  to  be  embel- 
lished, and  as  the  Gaelic  sculptor  left  not  a  square  inch  of 
the  stone  without  its  ornament,  so  the  Gaelic  poet  embellishes 
each  line  of  his  quatrain,  by  no  means  at  haphazard  or 
according  to  his  own  will,  but  according  to  very  definite, 
precise  rules.  The  embellishments  used  were  two,  allitera- 
tion of  initial  consonants  or  vowels,  and  rhyme  terminal  and 
internal.  The>  method  and  effect  can  be  best  appreciated 
from  examples. 

That  the  poets,  composing  under  conditions  so  numerous 
and  complex,  should  succeed  as  they  usually  do,  in  expressing 
their  thought  not  only  without  appearance  of  effort,  but  with 
fine  melody  and  simplicity  of  structure,  shows  an  admirable 
mastery  of  language  and  technique.  The  achievement,  how- 
ever, took  time.  In  illustration,  I  have  come  across  this 
couplet  at  the  end  of  a  poem  of  18  quatrains  of  exquisite 
workmanship :  — 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  209 

da  raithe  dhamh  risin  duain 

ga  huaim  do  snaithe  ghlan  ghloir. 

two  quarters  I  took  to  the  poem 

knitting  it  from  the  thread  of  pure  speech. 

1  com©  now  to  the  poetry  itself  and  its  content.  The 
poetry  of  panegyric  was  practised  among  the  Celts  at  an 
early  period.  Athenaeus  relates  after  Posidonius  how,  early 
in  the  second  century  B.C.,  Lovernios,  prince  of  the  Averni, 
proclaimed  a  feast.  A  certain  poet  had  the  misfortune  to 
arrive  too  late,  and,  meeting  the  prince  as  he  drove  away  in 
his  chariot,  proceeded  to  chant  the  prince's  praises  and  his 
own  ill-luck.  Lovernios  threw  him  a  purse  of  gold,  which 
he  picked  up,  exclaiming,  "  the  tracks  on  the  ground  over 
which  you  drive  your  car  bring  gold  and  benefits  to  men." 
EJiodoirus,  too,  relates  that  among  the  Gauls  there  are  bards 
who  compose  praises  fo<r  some  and  satires  on  others.  In 
Ireland  this  sort  of  poetry  appears  at  every  stage  of  the 
literature,  but  it  was  specially  cultivated  from  iabout  1200 
A.B.,  to  the  comparative  neglect  of  other  forms  of  poetry. 
The'  reason  for  the  large  output  was  doubtless,  that  to  produce 
this  kind  of  poetry  was  a  special  function  of  the  numerous 
court  bards,  and  that  the  poetry  was  well  paid  for ;  though 
the  bards  composed  religious  poetry  and  poetry  on  the  old 
heroic  subjects,  the  stimulus  for  such  was  less. 

Poems  of  the  panegyrical  class  have'  inevitably  a  good 
deal  in  common,  and  in  the  case  of  the  poems  we  are  con- 
sidering there  is  in  addition  to  be  reckoned  with,  as  I  pointed 
out  already,  a  long  tradition  of  treatment  and  of  language. 
It  is  only  fair,  however,  to  say  that  there  is  a  considerable 
amount  of  variety,  and  each  poem  has  usually  features  of 
freshness  and  individuality.  In  this  sketch  of  the  content,  I 
shall  bring  out  the  more  important  characteristics  that  are 
more  or  less  common. 

There  is  laudation,  naturally,  of  the  chief's  person.  He 
is  blue-eyed  (nan  rosg  gorm) ;  his  eye  is  like  the  sheen  of  gold 
on  ice-flag ;  it  is  like  the  clear  blue  blade  of  steel.  His  hair 
is  smooth  tressed  (ciil  slim)  with  curling  ringlets  (a  chiil  fiar 
na  fainnedh  cruinn) ;  it  is  coiled  like  tips  of  heath  (bachlach 
mar  bhair  f  raoich)  ;  MacCailin  has  wondrous  locks  of  golden 
curls  (oiabh  iongantach  na  n-6rdhual).  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  with  the  Gaelic  ruling  race  as  with  the  Celts  of  Gaul, 

14 


210  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

the  standard  colour  of  hair  was  yellow  and  of  the  eyes  blue, 
Vergil,  who*  was  himself  a.  Gaul,  describes  the  Gauls  as  having 
golden  hair  (aurea  oaesaries)  and  milk-white  necks  (lactea 
oolla),  Aen.  8,  659.  The  chief's  countenance  is  passionless 
(gan  fhioch)  and  declines  not  combat.  His>  cheeks  aore  ruddy 
(dearg,  coircra),  smooth  (min),  sometimes  freckled  (breac, 
ballbhrea«c).  A  not  uncommon  epithet  is  deidgheal,  white- 
tootHied  :  MacGregor  is  "  seabhag  deidgheal  na  dtri  ghleann," 
the  white- toothed  hawk  of  the  three  glens  (Glen  Lyon,  Glen 
Orchy,  and  Glen  Strae).  His  palms  are.  slender  (seang,  bhas- 
sheang),  his  fingers  taper  (mearchorr) ;  his  feet  are  white-soled 
and  smooth  (boinngheal  blaith).  Reference  is  often  made  to, 
mental  qualities,  especially  wisdom  (glic,  gliocas),  sense  (ciall). 
With  regard  to  MacCailin  the  poet  says :  — 

Do  fhogluim  tii  as  do  thosach 

na  tri  treidhe  is.  ferr  ag  fiaith  : 
iomchar  goimhe  go<  h-uair  feadhma, 

croidhe  cruaidh  is  meanma  maith. 

Tho-u  has  learned  from  thy  first  outset 

the  three  qualities  that  are  best  in  a  prince  : 

to>  thole  malice  to  the  hour  of  action, 
a  firm  heart,  and  a  high  spirit. 

The  chief  end  of  a  lord  is  to  win  renown,  reputation,  fame 
(do  bheith  ag  cosnadh  clii) ;  it  is  a  reputation  for  great  deeds 
that  ennobles  a  man  (clu  oirbhirt  uaislighes  neach). 

A  poem  on  Allan  of  Clannaaiald  (died  1509)  expresses  a 
well-known  Gaelic  sentiment : 

Fame  lives  after  death,  O  Allan  who'  wast  not  slack  in 
fray ;  though  true  thy  death,  thou  hast  not  died ;  behold 
thy  nenown  behind  thee  evermore. 

The  two1  ways  to  win  renown  were  cooirage  and  dexterity 
in  the  field,  and  open-handed  generosity,,  to  poets  especially. 
The  foray  (creach)  is  often  alluded  to  as  a  la,udable  method  of 
displaying  enterprise.  "  Woe  to  them  on  whom  MacCailin's 
host  make®  the  Hallowe'en  foray."  Of  Angus  MacDonald 
of  Dun-Naomhaig  the  poet  says  : 

Thou  didst  waste  at  the  outset  of  thy  activity 
Innis-Eoighain,  thou  fair-haired.  .  .  .  Thou  didst  take 
the  Route  with  one  day's  chase  from  the  blood  of  Mac- 
Wheelan,  though  it  was  the  blood  of  kings.  .  .  .  Tiree, 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  211 

despite  the  men  of  Mull,  thou  didst  ravage  from  pert  to 
port.  .  .  .  The  Airds  of  Ulster  from  Oilean  Leamlma 
to  Strangford  Lough  thou  didst  harry. 

The  bard,  however,  tells  Angus  plainly  that  in  certain 
of  his  doings  in  Mull  and  elsewhere  he  has  gone  too  far ;  and 
adds  that  he  would  have  been  all  the  better  for  the  presence 
of  his  bard  and  counsellor  to  check  him  and  protect  the  people 
from  his  fury. 

6  chuan  Leodhuis  go  Loch  Eirus 

eagla  romhad,  a  rose  gorm ; 
is  t' eagla  ar  chach  um  Boinn  braonghlais 

gun.  sgath  roimhe,  a  Aonghuis,  orm. 

From  the  sea  of  Lewis  to  Loch  Erris, 
fear  goes  before  thee,  thou  blue-eyed, 

and  thy  fear  is  on  all  axound  Boyne's  wan  water ; 
no  dread  of  it,  O  Angus,  have  I. 

The  regular  term  for  high-hearted  generosity  is  "  einech," 
which  means  primarily  ' '  face. ' '  A  man  is  ready  to  *do 
almost  anything  for  the  sake  of  his  "  einech,"  and  the  chief's 
generosity  to  the  bards  and  their  schools  is  a  regularly  recur- 
ring topic.  MJacGregor  is  "  head  of  the  schools."  Torquil 
MacLeod  of  Lewis  (fl.  1500)  rivals  in  hospitality  the  Irish  king 
Guaire  of  Connaught.  "  The  slender-fingered  son  of 
Roderick  would  give  the  ancient  magic  sword  of  Fionn,  if  he 
had  it.  Had  he  the  Gray  of  Macha  or  the  Black  of 
Sainglenn,  Cuchullin's  magic  steeds,  he  would  bestow  them 
on  him  who  went  to  ask  them."  That  the  consumption  of 
wine  at  the  chief's  courts  was  large  might  be  inferred  from 
the  poetry ;  the  records  of  the  kingdom  bear  this  out,  and  we 
know  from  them  also  that  an  attempt  at  least  was  made  to 
restrict  it.  It  was-  said  of  Oisin  son  of  Fionn  that  he  never 
refused  a  man,  if  only  the  man  had  a  head  to  eat  withal  and 
legs  to  carry  it  away.  As  to  Oisin 's  father  Fionn — 

"  Were  but  the  brown  leaf  which  the  wood  sheds  from  it 
gold,  were  but  the  white  billow  silver,  Fionn  would  have 
given  it  all  away."  This  was  the  ideal  held  up  by  the  poets 
to  the  chiefs. 

The  bards  are  masters  of  magnificent  epithets  and  titles. 
MacLeod  is  Lion  of  Skye  (leoghan  Sgf)  ;  Warrior  of  Minginish 
(miledh  Minginis)  ;  Angus  MacDonald  of  Dun  Naomhaig  is 


212  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

King  of  the  Fingall ;  King  of  Islay ;  Leopard  of  Lewis  (Onchu 
Leodhuis) :  Prince  of  Ross,  though  the  title  of  Earl  of  Rosa 
had  been  forfeited  by  the  Lord  of  the  Isles  about  a  hundred 
years  before.  The  chief  of  Clanranald  is  King- Salmon  of 
Shiel ;  Glengarry,  too,  is  Salmon  of  Shiel,  and,  to  indicate  the 
MacDonald  connection  with  Ireland,  -and  with  Ulster  in 
particular,  ho  is  Salmon  of  Shannon,  from  Bush  from  Bann. 
Mackinnon  is  addressed — 

A  choinnle  Chill  Mo-ruibhe, 

a  mhic  ionmhuin  Fhionghuine, 
a  thalc  tuir  cat  ha  do  choir, 

a  Mharcuigh  Sratha  Suardail. 

Thou  torch  of  Kilmaree, 

thou  loved  son  of  Fingon ; 
thou  strong  tower  to  wage  battle, 

tho'U  Knight  of  Strathswordale. 

MacDo'Ugall  of  Dunolly  is  "  the  traverser  of  Cruachan  "  ; 
"  the  draigon  of  the  Cbnnel."  MacNeill  of  Gigha  is  the  slim 
clean  hawk  of  Sliabh  Gaoil ;  dragon  of  Lewis :  Salmon  of 
Sanas  (i.e.  Machriehanish) ;  '/Lion  cf  white-ramparted  Mull; 
hawk  of  smooth- plained  Islay "  (Leoghan  Muile  na  miir 
ngeal,  Seabhag  He  iia  magh  mm).  MacGregor  is 
'  White- toothed  hawk  of  the  three  glens  "  (Seabhag 
deidgheal  na  dtri  ghleann)  ;  "  Lion  of  Loch  Awe."  Mac- 
Cailin  is  Lion  of  Loch  Fyne ;  Lion's  Whelp  of  Loch  Long; 
Head  of  the  hosts  from  Inverawe  ;  topmost  nut  of  the  cluster ; 
Champion  of  the  Gael ;  heir  of  Arthur.  He  is  described 
also  as  Hector  of  the  land  of  Alba  ;  Pompey  of  the  plain  of 
the  sons  of  Duibhne  ;  Cato  as  regards  his  kingly  memory  ; 
Caesar  in  his  good  fortune  in  battle  ;  for  learning  Aristotle. 
Visible  signs  of  heaven's  favour  attend  the  reign  of  a  good 
chief.  This  is  a  commonplace  of  the  older  Gaelic  literature, 
and  is  one  of  many  points  in  which  it  illustratets  or  is  illus- 
trated by  ancient  Greek  poetry.  In  the  Odyssey  Penelope 
says  to  Odysseus : 

Thy  fame  goes  up  to  the  wide  heaven,  as  doth  the  fame  of 
a,  blameless  king,  one  that  fears  the  gods,  and  reigne 
among  men  mighty  and  maintaining  right ;  and  the 
black  earth  bears  wheat  and  barley,  and  the  trees  are 
laden  with  fruit,  and  the  sheep  bring  forth  and  fail 
not,  and  the  sea  gives  stores  of  fish  and  all  out  of  his 
good  guidance,  and  the  people  prosper  under  him. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  213 

So  of  MacCailin's  sway: 

'  In  the  time  of  the  Lion  of  Loch  Fyne,  trees  bend  with 
their  branches'  fruit ;  from  the  heat,  such  the  onset  of 
its  visitation,  it  comes  that  there  is  no  waterfall  on 
river. 

'  From  the  multitude  of  fish  in  the  estuaries,  no  man 
takes  thought  for  making  nets ;  sufficient  for  his 
praisei,  omen  of  his  righteous  rule,  the  produce  of  the 
sea  comes  on  shore. 

"  Herds  of  deer  by  bees  molested  are  at  each  hill  foot, 
cause  of  envy ;  the  slopes,  omen  of  productiveness,  are 
covered  with  coils  of  ripe  new  corn." 

On  the  death  of  Clanranald  : 

The  soil  is  without  corn  after  his  death ;  our  nut-trees 
are  without  produce ;  the  woods  decay ;  every  tree  is 
bare." 

In  an  early  16th  century  poem  on  Allan  and  Ranald  of 
Clanranald : 

Since  the  earth  covered  them,  flocks  have  noi  expecta- 
tion of  increase;  so  also  tEe  tall  trees  are  fruitless,  the 
produce  does  not  bend  the  forked  branches. 

' '  Owing  to  their  death  the  strand  yields  not  its  produce ; 
the  strain  of  storm  comes  with  bitter  notes;  small  is 
the  profit  of  the  feast  of  sorrow  that  has  chanced  in 
our  land. 

'  There  is  sound  of  wailing  in  the  mountain  streams,  a 
voice  of  lamentation  in  the  notes  of  birds ;  the  net 
gets  no  profit  from  the  pool ;  storm  has  ruined 
sprouting  corn  and  grass*. 

"  Cessation  of  rain  is  not  known  in  our  land;  the  lament- 
ing for  them  is  putting  me  out  of  my  mind  ;  the  grief 
of  the  schools  has  passed  concealment,  since  the  poets 
have  put  on  their  garb  of  mourning." 

Here  I  may  s.ay  in  passing  that  the  spirit  of  many  of  the 
elegies  may  be  well  compared  with  that  of  the  short  lament 
for  King  Alexander  III.  given  by  Wynton : 

Quhen  Alysander  cure  King  was  dede 
That  Scotland  led  in  luwe  and  le, 

Away  was  sons  off  ale  and  brede, 

Off  wine  and  war,  off  gaymn  and  gle. 


214  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Our  gold  was  chamgyd  into  lede. 

Cryst,  borne  into  Virgynyte, 
Succoure  Scotland  and  remede 

That  stad  is  in  perplexyte. 

The  poems  have  occasionally  political  interest  wider  than 
the  tribe  or  clan.  A  spirited  poem  addressed  to  Archibald 
of  Argyll  exhorts  the  Earl  and  the  clan  to  battle  against  the 
English,  who  desired  to  have  Scotland  under  tribute."  "  So  of 
old  the  Fomorians  had  Banbha  under  their  sway,  till  Lugh 
of  the  Long  Arm  cam©  across  the  sea  and  slew  the  Fomorian 
chief  Balor,  grandson  of  the  war-god  Net.  Thou  Gillespick, 
Earl  of  Argyll,  art  the  Lugh  of  this  present  time.  Arise 
and  smite  them,  slay  and  burn!  Remember  your  ancestors! 
Awake,  MacCailin  !  Not  good  is  too  much  sleep."  The 
vigorous  quatrains  which  I  have  summarised  may  well  have 
been  composed  just  before  the  battle  of  Flodden  (1513),  in 
which  the  Earl  of  Argyll  was  slain. 

It  is  interesting  also  to  observe  the  claims  made  in  certain 
poems  to  the  headship,  "  ceannas,"  or  hegemony  of  the  Gael. 
While  the  Lordship  of  the  Isles  lasted,  the  "  oeannas  "  lay 
of  course  with  the  MacDonald  dynasty,  whose  bards  were  not 
slow  to  claim  it. 

The  headship  of  the  Gael  to  the  children  of  Coll !  it  is 
meet  to  proclaim  it. 

The  last  Lord  of  the  Isles  and  Earl  of  Ross  was  forfeited 
finally  in  1494.  The  downfall  of  this  great  house  was  the 
rise  of  the  Campbells,  and  their  claims  are  duly  urged  in 
several  poems  of  merit,  hitherto  unpublished,  composed  in 
the  16th  century.  One  begins: 

A  good  charter  is  the  headship  of  the  Gael 
— and  claims  it  for  MacCailin  : 

Maith  an  chairt  ceannas  na  nGaoidheal, 

greiiTi  uirthe  geb  e  'ga  mbi ; 
neart  sloigh  san  uair-si  do  arduigh  ; 

coir  is  uaisle  a  n-Albuin  i 

Giolla-easbuig  iarla  Ghaoidheal 

glacuis  cairt  ceannais/  an  t-sluaigh  ; 

do  bhi  riamh  6  choir  'na  chartaigh 
riar  an  t-sloigh  gan  ant  oil  uaidh. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  '215 

A  good  charter  is  the  headship  of  the  Gael, 
whoever  it  be  that  has  a  grip  of  it; 

a  people's  might  at  this  time  it  has  exalted; 
it  is  the  noblest  title  in  Alba. 

Giolla-easbuig,  earl  of  the  Gael, 

has  grasped  the  charter  of  the  headship  of  the 

people ; 
in  hisi  charter  it  has  ever  been  of  right  to  rule 

a  willing  people  without  self-seeking. 

Another  begins  frankly : 

Triath  na  iiGaoddheal  Giolla-easbuig. 

urraim  gach  duine  dho  is  dual : 
cuiridh  iarla  Gall  is  Gaoidheal 

riaighail  ar  gach  aoinfhear  uadh. 

Lord  of  the  Gael  is  Giolla-easbuig ; 

reverence  from  all  men  is  his  ancestral  due ; 
the  earl  over  Galls  and  over  Gaels 

sets  his  rule  on  each  and  every  man. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  note  that  while  the  MacDonalds 
vaunted  descent  from  Conn  Cetchathaeh  (died  c.  157  A.D.) 
and  Colla  Uais  (fl.  350  A.D.),  MacCailin's  bards  disclaimed 
Irish  connection,  and  traced  the  line  of  MacCailin  up  to 
Arthur  of  the  Round  Table,  emphasising  the  British  origin. 

Do  fhreimh  ghlan,  a  Ghiolla-easbuig, 

go  h-Artur  airmhinn  gach  glun : 
orm  'na  chruas  ni  bhfuil  an  t-aradh 

suas  o  shoiii  go  h-Adhamh  ur. 

Deich  ngliiin  uaibhsi  'sail  fhein  curadh 
Cailin  longnadh  na  n-eacht  mbu.an  : 

ubhal  oumhra  chrioch  na  nGaoidheal : 
ni  frith  umhla  d'  einfhear  uadh. 

En  glun  deg  6  Chailin  longnadh 

d'Artur  bhreaghlan  an  bhuird  chruinn : 

ri  do  b '  f heairr  ar  f ud  an  domhain  ; 
do  rug  geall  an  toraidh  thruimm. 

Thy  pure  descent,  Giolla-easbuig, 

I  could  recount  to  Arthur  every  step ; 

not  hard  for  me  is  the  ladder 

thence  upwards  to  goodly  Adam. 


216  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Ten  generations  from  thee  in  the  heroic  warrior-host 
comes  wondrous  Cailin  of  lasting  feats, 

fragrant  apple  of  the  bounds  of  the  Gael : 
submission  was  found  from  him  to  none. 

Eleven  steps  from  wondrous  Cailin 

to  Arthur  comely  and  pure  of  the  Round  Table, 
the  best  king  throughout  the  world, 

who  took  pledge  of  their  weighty  produce. 

I  have  not  exhausted  my  subject,  but  I  have  probably 
said  enough  to  give  an  idea  of  the  sort  of  men  and  the  sort  of 
poetry  we  have  to>  deal  with.  In  the  Homeric  poems  the 
bards  of  the  Achaeans,  and  the  heroes  too,  when  they  have 
put  from  them  the  desire  of  meat  and  drink,  are  stirred  to 
sing  the  glories  of  men  "  klea  andron,"  there  amongst  the 
chiefs  encamped  or  at  the  court.  So  the'  Gaelic  bard 
rehearsed  and  magnified  his  lord's  "  cliu  "  :  the  two  are  com- 
pletely parallel,  and  the  parallel  is  no<  accident,  for  the  old 
Gaelic  society  was.  in  many  ways  a  replica  of  Achaean  con- 
dition®. The  Gaelic  bards  after  their  period  of  nearly  2000 
years,  during  most  of  which  they  were  powerful,  honoured, 
feared,  finally  died  out  in  the  person  of  Donald  MiacMhuirich 
about  1740,  long  after  the  last  of  the  Irish  bards  had  gone. 
The  Celtic  bardic  poetry  that  had  its  roots  in  Gaul  long 
before  the  Christian  era,  ends,  so  far  as  the  Gael  are  con- 
cerned, in  a  humble  home  in  South  Uist.  When  Martin 
says  that  the  influence  of  the  bards  was  decayed  about  forty 
years  before  his  day,  he  is  doubtless  right.  It  is  a  significant 
fact  that  though  the  Clanranald  took  a  leading  part  in  the 
campaign  of  Mont  rose,  and  though  at  that  time  they 
possessed  distinguished  poets  of  the  old  school  in  the  Mac- 
Mhuirichs,  the  poet  selected  to  be  honoured  by  Charlesi  II.  at 
his  Restoration  in  1660  as  his  Gaelic  poet  laureate  was  not 
MacMhuirich  nor  any  trained  professional  bard,  but  the  self- 
trained  poet  John  MacDonald.  Their  decay,  however,  was 
really  due'  to  the  decay  of  the  society,  the  position  of  the 
aristocratic  ruling  race,  of  which  they  were  part  and  parcel, 
and  apart  from  which  they  could  not  exist,  for  their  raison 
d'etre  wasi  gone.  Their  connection  with  this  society  is  one 
of  the  reasons  that  gives  the  study  of  their  works  a,  peculiar 
interest.  The  other  reason  is  that  this  study  forms  a 
corrective  to  the  ignorant  ideas  that  have  been  prevalent  as 
to  Gaelic  civilisation.  It  discloses  a  continuous  polished 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  217 

literature,  the  heir  of  a  long  and  learned  tradition  main- 
tained by  this  bardic  caste  right  up  to  the  very  end  of  the 
conditions  in  which  it  originated. 

Note. — Since  the  above  was  written  I  have  been  informed 
that  the  land  of  Staoiligearraidh  is  reckoned  at  present  to  keep 
between  20  and  25  cows.  In  further  illustration  of  the  term 
pennyland,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  island  of  Boreray, 
North  Uist,  comprised  eight  pennylands,  and  that  its  area 
above  high- water  mark  is  562  acres,  including  fresh-water 
loche.  Isle  of  Oransay,  North  Uist,  comprised  six  penny- 
lands;  it  measures  224  acres  above  high-water  mark.  The 
Monach  Isle®  comprised  either  nine  or  ten  pennylands ;  their 
area  is  806  acres.  These  statistics  indicate  that  the  penny  land 
varied  in  size  according  to  the  capacity  of  the  land  for 
supporting  stock.  For  the  measurements  I  am  indebted  to 
Mr  John  Mathieson,  of  His  Majesty's  Ordnance  Survey. 


APPENDIX   I. 
A. 

Adv.  Lib.  MS.  LII.,  3a,  and  29a. 

Maith  an  chairt  ceannas  na  nGaoidheal, 

greim  uirthe  geb  e  'ga  mbi ; 
neairt  sloigh  san  uair-si  do>  arduigh ; 

coir  is  uaisle  a  n-Albuiii  i. 

Ceannas  Ghaoidheal  mhoighe  Monuidh 

maith  an  chairt  chuirther  le ; 
cios  6  shluagh  goirm-grea.nta  Gaoidheal 

tuar  oirbhearta  d'aoinfhear  e. 

Ceannas  Ghaoidheal  maicne  Miledh 

mana  ratha,,  ni  reim  mion  ; 
lucht  coiiigleaca  6s  each  do  chongbhail 

tuar  oirbhearta  d'  fhoghbhail  d'  fior. 

Cuirfead  ceisd  ar  fhear  a  n-eaglais 
.fa  fhuil  Ghaoidheal  na  ii-iodh  n-6ir : 

cia  'ga  bfuil  6  choir  a  gceaimas, 
na  sloigh  6  thoil  theannas  toir  ? 

Fuaisgheolad  fein  fath  na  ceasda 
chuirther  orm,  cruaidh  .an  chios: 

ceannae  Ghaoidheal  'na  cheim  cleachtuidh 
ag  aoinfhear  d'  fhein  Breatuin  bhios. 


218  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Gio'llareasbuig  iarla  Ghaoidheal 

glacoiis  cairt  oeannais  an  t-sluaigh  ; 

do  bhi  rianih  6  choir  'na  chartaigh 
riar  an  t-sloigh  gan  autoil  uaidh. 

Do  ceangladh  a  gcairt  a  shinns'ear 

sealbh  na.  iiGaoidheal  do  dhul  do  ; 
leis  buaidh  an  duluinn  'siia  daoine, 

urruim  shluaigh :   ca  maoine  is  mo  ?        MS.  maine. 

Ceaunas  G-atoidheal  oilein  Albaoo. 

aige  aris,  bu  rioghdha  an  chair t ; 
do  dhearbh  grios  a  ghruadh  a  ttachar 

cios  a  shluagh  ar  achadh  Airt. 

Damhna  meaiima  do  Mac  Gailin 

codhnach  Gaoidheal  ris  do  radh ; 
annamh  toir  no1  raon  nach  reidhigh 

an  chaor  shloigh  nar  fheimigh  agh. 

Leis  6  choir,  budh  cheannas  rioghdha, 

rogha  a-  seabhac  sealg  a  sliabh  ; 
rogha  a  ccolg  is  a  iigreagh  ngoile 

ar  loTg  a  sean  roimhe  riamh. 

Rogha  an  luireach  'sa^  larin  leabhair 
leis  'na  choir,  budh  cheannas  buan  : 

oongna*mh  sluaigh  is  each  is  eididh : 
buain  a  chreach  ni  fheidir  liadh. 

Leisi  rogha  a  sed  'sa  ccorn  ccurnhduigh, 

cios  a  n-inbher,  iasg  a  loch ; 
baird  a  miir  tar  ghairbhe  a  nglaistren, 

daingne  a>  ndun  'sa  gcaistel  chloch. 

Se  'na  airdbreithoamh  6s  Albain, 

onoir  oil©  'ga  thaobh  taisi; 
a  ttigh  an  riogh  gur  bean  braighe : 

fear  dhiobh  gacha  laimhe  leis.  MS.  lamiia. 

Aireomhad  fos  cuid  d'a  cheaainas, 
cosg  fedlli  is  snadhmadh  siodh  ; 
is  beg  do  chrothuibh  nach  ceartuigh 
«        oet  crochuidh  fa  reachtuibh  riogh. 

Ciir  dligheadh  fa  dhortadh  fola, 

f  uasgladh  braighdeadh  6  chuing  chruaidh ; 

dligheadh  caingne  is  dion  daoine 

daingne  an  riogh  an  tacibhe  tuadth. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  2'1't 

An  uair  ghoirthear  a  ghairm  thinoil 

teguid  uime  gaeruidh  ghall ; 
gairg  fhir  6  chrich  ghairbh  na  nGaoddheal, 

gan  dioth  airm  ar  aoiiifhea.r  ann. 

Coir  ar  tus  ag  cur  san  chaithreim 

claim  Domhnuill  chuige  611  tir  thuaith ; 

na  fearchoin  as  dana  an  doghruinn, 

ealchuing  agha  an  chomhluinn  chruaidh. 

Aireomhad  fein,  feirde  a  eachtra, 

armuinn  uaisle  Innsi  Gall, 
tig  don  nos  sin  deabhtha  is  doghruinn  : 

cethra  toisigh  fhoghbhuim  ann. 

Clann  Ghiolla-Eoin  na  n-echt  n-aigmheil 

iadhuidh  uime  crosfhal  colg  ; 
aiad  'na  cheanii  6  mhionmhuigh  Muil© : 

rioghruidh  teann  na,.  mbuille  mborb. 

Sirthe  sloigh  fan  gced  ghairm  chuige 

6  Chenn-tiri  na  bhf'edh  bhf lar  ; 
tig  a  h-Ile  d'  uaim  ai  h-eachtra 

line  sluaigh  rer  dhea<iria  diall. 

Clann  Raghnuill  uime  ar  dhoigh  deabhtha, 

diorma  roimhear  leitmheach  laoch ; 
ni  reidh  a  n-eachtra  ar  uair  bf  eidhme :  MS.  bfeadhma. 

ealta  sluaigh  na  meirgeadh  ma€th. 

Fine  Leoid  na  m.bra,tach  mbodhbha 

bid  'na  ttionol,  ni  thriall  mall ; 
raon  da  n-eolus  soin  fa  anbhuain, 

Leodhasuigh  caor  armshluaigh  ann. 

Go  Mac  Cailin  ceann  an  tionoil 

tig  a  Barraidh  'na  mbroiii  bhuirb 
ealta  sluaigh  gan  fhuireach  n-uaire ; 

drong  fhuileach  is  cruaidhe  cuilg. 

Clann  Fhionguine  ar  inneal  troda 

teaguid  go  laoch  Locha  Long ; 
feirde  a  eachtra  d'  uaim,  na  n-oirear 

ealta  sluaigh  na  ocloidheamh  coorr.  I 

ladhar  uime  duimhneach  d'   ogbhuidh 

an  dail  deabhtha  ar  diultadh  siodh  ; 
fal  tuagh  is  lamha  gan  loige 

don  t-sluagh  dhana  is  groide  gniomh. 


220  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

Tigi  le  meanma  go  Mac  Cailin 

cuirt  deaghlaoch  nach  seachnann  sioc; 

cod  lie  chuir  a  fadchluimh  feile 

d'  fhuil  Artuir  is  Beine  Briot.  MS.  Beinn. 

Teaghlach  garbh  fa  Ghiolla-easbuig 
da  fhuil  fein,  budh  feirde  a  briogh ; 

a  gclii  ar  cuimhne  ni  cheileabhi : 

cru  Duibhxie  gach  deighfhear  diobh. 

(A)  fhpirneadh  a  measg  a  mhileadh 

do'  mac  Cailin  is  tus  teinn ; 
....  a  reacht  'ga  miaoidheamh  maraidb,  MS.  mairidh. 

do'  neairt  Ghaoidheal  gabhuidh  greim. 

Gabhthar  leis  a  lar  na  nGaoidheal 

go  grinneal  ghliadh  mur  as  dii, 
mana  ratha  da  dbeirc  dhosoiigh, 

beirt  chaitha  le  chosain  clu. 

Le  sen  buaidhe  fan  mbeirt  gliaisgedh 

gabhuisi  leinidh  sheghuinn  sihroil, 
d'  uadm  ghrinn  budh  dheacra  do  dhenamh, 

goi  sgim  eialta,n  eanuigh  oir. 

Triobhusi  donnsroil  gan  chlaon  ocumtha 

cruirther  uime,  moide  a  mhuirn ; 
ceann  an  t-sluaigh  6  Inbher  Abha, 

do  sduaim  ingean  bhrogha  Buidhbh. 

Gabhuis  trath  fan  troightheach  mboinngeal 

da  bhroig  chumtha  uachtair  oir, 
nach  bacami  leim  luith  no  lamhaigh : 

>a  cheim  ciiil  ni  tharuidh  toir. 

Cuirther  cctiin  choileir  ordha, 

do  h-innledh  do  ghreis  6  'n  Ghreig, 

fa  leoghan  lonn  Locha  Fine  : 
sonn  catha  gach  tire  a  tteid. 

Gabhuis  luirigh  leabhuir  lonnruigh 

lochlannuigh  nguirm  ttaobhghil  dtrein ; 

cru.aidh  sgeine  ni  mhill  a  mhaille, 
rinn  sleighe  116  gainne  gheir. 

Gabhuisi  sgaball  beannchor  bodhbha 
do  bhi  ag  Eachtair  nior  mac  Primh  ; 

ai  sgel  6  'n  Traoi  Horn  a  linibh, 

do  bhi  ag  Fionn  'aiiior  mhilidh  min. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  221 

Duinter  uime  re  h-uchd  catha 

crios  cathbuadhach  nach  taobh  toir, 
do  dhearbh  butaidh  gach  taobh  'na  tioxnchall, 

go  sgin  chruaidh  go  n-iomchur  oir. 

Cloidheamh  re  thao>bh,  moide  a  meanma, 

mur  mac  an  Luin  an  ghleo  gill, 
no  oolg  cruaidh  Osgair  no-  Fhearguis: 
,    buaidh  chosgair  ar  ghealbhois  ghrimi. 

Gabhfuis  go  gliaidh  Giollareasbuig 

a  n-aioei  ain  chuilg  sgath  an  sgeith ; 
budh  relta  sluaigh  go  sen  bf  oghla 

bixaidri  a  h-en     d'a  oo'mhdha  a  ccleith. 

Teagar  chuige  a  bfreasdal  feinneadh 

f  edlrn.  chatha  go  sela  sroil ; 
'ga  mbi  cinnte  an  eoil  san  iorghuil, 

a  h-eoin  impe  ar  iomdhing  oir. 

Ar  ndul  do  'na  dheisi  catha 

budh  ceim  curadh  dul  'na  dhail, 
ar  mbuain  tuinne  a  chraoisich  comhluinn 

's  taoisich  uime  ar  fhoghluim  aigh. 

Mar  sin  teid  a  cceann  a  churadh 

cuilen  leoghuin  Locha  Long ; 
da,mhna  teithidh  re  gleo  Gaoidheal, 

beithir  bheo  na  coaoilshleagh  ccorr. 

Ar  tt&aoht  do  'na  dheisi  chatha 

iii  chcugbhuidh  each  a  ghort  ghliadh  ; 

ni  eir  6  shin  aon  'na  aghaidh 

do  bheir  taobh  re  oabhair  chliar. 

Ar  ngabhail  ceannais  gach  cinnidh 

ceangluidh  siothchain  ;na  sath  bhuain ; 

congbhuidh  6  shin  neacht  is  riaghuil, 
do  bhir  ceart  gan^  iarraidh  uaidh. 

Ceangluidh  se  gan  cheilg  da  cheile 

ouraidh-uaisl©  Innsi  Gall ; 
leigther  'do  thoil  geill  a  geimhlibh : 

ni  fhuil  dreim  ri  eigHribh  ann. 

Gloir  na  n-en  fa  oighre  Artuir, — 

an  enf  hoghair  is  oeol  crot ; 
gan  ghaoth  re  bun  &  fuacht  earraigh 

ag  cur  cuart  fa  cheannuibh  cnoc. 


221  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerntss 

Re  linn  leomhuin  Locha  Fine 

fiodhbhuidh  liibtha  6  chnuas  na  ccrann  :      MS.  lupa. 
tig  do-  '11  teas  ar  thi  ai  tadhaill 

nach  bi  eas  ar  abhainn  ann. 

Tainig  d'iomad  iasg  na  n-inbher 

gan  uidh  duine  ar  denamh  lin  ; 
lor  d'a  mholadh,  mana.  reachta, 

toradh  mara  ag  teacht  a  ttir. 

Ealbha  fhiadh  is  beich  dam  buaidhreadh 
fo  bhun  gaeh  beinne,  is  tuar  tniiidh ; 

learga  tuar  o  tharbha  taguidh 
fa  dhual  arbha  abaigh  uir. 

Cloidheamh  cruaidh  cosnamh  an  lagha 

nacb  kibann  1©  cealgadh  caich, 
d'&  ngoirther  iarrla  6  Earr-Ghaoidheal, 

ar  cceann  riaghla  ar  n-aoinfhoar  aigh. 

Do  ni  iarrlai  aicmi  Duibhne 

diobira  feille  is  f ogra  an  uilc ; 
oroidhe  mear  gan  oungach  ceille, 

fear  do  chumhdach  cleire  ar  chuilt. 

Do  fhoghluim  tu  as  do  thosach 

na  tri  treidhe  is  f  err  ag  flaith : 
iomchar  goimhe  gu  h-uair  fedhm^a, 

oroidhe  cruaidh  is  meianmnai  mhaith. 

B. 

Adv.  Lib.  MS.  LIL,  34a. 

Nior  ghlac  cliath  colg  no  gunna 

sgiath  re  linn  no  lann  tana 
oothrom  cruais  do  ghleo  an  ghiolla, 

eo  Sionna  6'n  Bhuais  6'n  Bhanna, 
Buaidh  a  biodhbhadh  go^  mbeireadh  MS.  mbeire. 

do  nos  a  rioghruidh  roimhe ; 
uair  eigni  do  iarr  d'  eire, 

eigne  Seal©  grian  goile. 

A  n-uaigh  le  galax  greisi 

do  chuaidh  baramhla  ar  mbraisi ; 
go  leir  ar  ttoirm  sar  ttreisi, 

ler  seisi  ar  muirn  sar  maisi. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  223- 

Eg  mic  Alasdair  airmigh 

do  bhreg  toradh  6'r  ttiribh, 
's  do  bheir  ar  ccrioch  fa  chanuigh, 

's  dioth  lamhuigh  mhir  ar  mhilidh. 

Do  reic  na  renna  a  ruma 

do  cheilt  ceiangail  ar  ocora  ; 
tug  diiinn  reabhadh  an  realla  : 

deiredh  tenaa  i  Chuinn  chrodha. 

Cnoideord  go  doirbh  6'n  dedhal, 

ni  doibh  nach  garbh  an  galar  : 
mairg  ni  a  gcenn  a  cumhadh, 

ealbha.  airgni  is  pudhar  ( ?) 

Morron  an  fonn  'ga  foisge 

morchumha  go  lonn  loisge ; 
6  ta  each  gan  ceill  coisge, 

leim  aisda  trath  dod  toisge. 

Bualadh  bos  le  caoi  cleire 

do'  clos  suae  taobb  gach  tire, 
ge  dp  chuir  ben  sa  mbraighe 

raitho  guil  ma  fhear  n-Ile.  MS.  raidhe. 

Inbhir-nisi  fa  chradh  cumha 

do  bhaidh  sdo  cheisd  i  Cholla ; 
6  bheith  fa  bhr'on  do  'n  bhaile 

gan  aire  ar  61  a.g  urra. 

Ni  h-iongnaidh  caoi  do  chluinsin 

6  Mhaoil  He  go  h-Asain, 
(is  mar)  sin  um  fhonn  Uisnech, 

(is)  trom  tuirseach  soir  Sagsain.  do  MS. 

Teasda  ruir©  glic  G-aoidheal, 

ni  thig  tuile  gan  traghadh  ; 
cas  truagh  an  seal  san  saoghal : 

mo'  miar  baoghal  fhear  n-Alban. 

Albain  gan  chaomh  re  cheile, 

argan  ar  taobh  gach  tire 
och,  ca  bed  duinn  is  doilghe, 

tre  eg  oighre  fuinn  He. 

Do  thuit  go  brath  an  balla 

do'n  bhas-sa  .  .  .  chloinn  Cholla. ;         MS.  dom  basa, 
tug  a  chall  oeim  tar  chumha,  &c. 

nach  leir  urra  a  n-am  orra. 


224  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inuerness 

Claim  Domhnuill  uadh  gan  inbhe, 
gaii  chomhla  gan  chruas  laimhe ; 

san  gniomh  do  chur  tar  chuimhne 
a  mbrugh  riogh  duilghe  a  .... 

Cadhus  san  chill  ni  fhoghbhuim 
tareis  riogh  f reimhe'  Raghiiaill  ; 

do  dhith  morbhair  Mi.c  Domhnuill 
trie  doghruinn  's  argan  anbhail. 

O  Nis  go  criochuibh  Colla 

gus>  a  noisi  riaanh  ni  rabha 
gan  triath  an  trath  na  tagha: 

sgiath  lagha  ag  gach  sca(radh). 

An  Morbhairiii  is  magh  Muile, 
ar  morbhair-iie,  a  bfer  fair©, 

cenn  an  sluaigh  's  a  n-gniomh  ii-goile  : 
diol  toile  is  buaidh  gach  baile. 

Triath  do  cuirfedh  re  cheile 
fir  Uibhisd,  lath  moighe  lie  ; 

gos  a  thriall  go  h-uir  n-uaighe, 
siiil  uainne  ria1mh  re  si(re). 

A  n-urradh  dhuinn  gan  doghra 

far  seisi  cubhuidh  calma? 
a  De,  fa  deas  mur  ia,rla, 

me  ;a,m  bliadhna  ag  meas  a  mh(arbhna), 

Fer  caidreabha  ag  cing  Serins 
111  fhuil  aige  mur  Acnghus, 

sheasas  a  chul  is  choiigmhas, 

foghnas  d'a  chrun  no  chaomhhas. 

C. 

CATHAL   MAC-MHUIREADHAIGH   cc. 
Adv.  Lib.  MS.  LIL,  27a,  28b. 

Leasg  linn  gabhail  go  Geairrloch 

d '  eagla  ar  meas  go  mi-mheanmach ; 

do-bhi  trath  nach  saoilte  sin, 
gion  go  fath  faoilte  a  faicsin. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  225 

Gion  go  bhfuilngim  a  faicsin, 

an  tir  aluiim  oirdheirc-sin  : 
mo  gaii  chleith  bhudh  cinnt©  linn 

ar  mbeith  innte  go  h-aoibhinn. 

Beag  do  shaoileas  san  mhi  Mhaidh, 

an  tir-sin  'ga  tta  ar  n-urghrain, 
gion  go  ndiongnuim  go1  suairc  sin, 

nach  tio'bhruinn  cuairt  san  chrich-sin. 

D'a  fics  dc-theidhinn  le  toil, 

da  madh  i  an  uair-si  an  uraidh  : 
ni  sodh  d'  ar  gcabhair  far  gooim 

an  broil  'na  aghaidh  aguinn. 

Gan  bheith  beo  'na  beathaidh, 

inghean   Domhnaill   doiniicleathaigh : 
ag  sin  ar  bhfath  do'n  tir  thall 

iiach  bhiiin  gach  trath  'ga  tadhall. 

D'  eag  iiigine  i  Cliollai 

'gar  shaodl  me  nior  n-urrama, 
tug  doimheaaima  giodh  luath  linn  : 

fuath  nai  h-oilsamhna  am  inntinn. 

Do  clos  um  Ghearrloch  gair  ghuil 

tar  f huairn  tuinne  a  n-am  a.nf  I  uidh  ; 

tig  tre  Chaitirfhiona  fhinn 
nach  braiter  siona  a  soiiiinn. 

Ni  theid  cridbe  linn  tar  loch 

d'  fhechain  fheinedh  fhuinn  Ghearrloch: 
bosghlaic  shlim  ro-m-sni  a  surma, 

's  nach  faiciiiin  i  eatorra. 

Bom  ham  6  nach  faicfinn  fein 

sa.n  bhanntracht  a  gniiis  ghlainreidh : 

suil  ar  mhnaoi  oile  d'  fhechain  * 

caoi  dom  chroidhe  cuimhneachadh.^  *  Sic. 

Na  curuidh-si  chlann  Choinnigh 

'siad  d'a  h-ea,g  ni  h-ionchoinnibh  : 
gach  dearc  is  a  bron  d'a  brath, 

gaii  teacht  ar  61  no  ar  aonach. 

Tig  d'a  cumhaidh  fan  taoibh  tuaith 

nach  fuil  eintir  gan  anbhuain, 
gan  dath  ban  ar  bhois  bhfinnghil 

fa  chlar  Rois  mum  righinghin. 


226  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

An  trath  do  sgaoileadh  an  sgeal 

dob  iomdha  a  ndianihraibh  droibheal : 

a  ttus  laoi  fa  Ghleann  Garadh 
caoi  go>  teaiin  'ga  tiomsughadh. 

Do  leathnadh  fa  Loch  Abacr 

d'a  bas  mur  do  bhiodhgadar :  ' 
tuilleadh  ag  mnaoi  ar  theann  guil, 

's  caoi  ar  gach  ceann  do'n  chonair. 

Fa  bhord  Sleite  na  sreabh  seang 

?na  diaidh  ni  sirthe  soineann : 
aidhbhle  i  ngaeh  leas  ag  cumadh :  MS. 

maighre  a  h-eas  ni  iarramar. 

An  t-ionadh  ar  eag  sisi 

tig  dobhron  an  bhaili-si : 
gach  file  ar  cclodh  a  chnimhne, 

gan  61  tighe  tabhairne. 

Is  iomdha  a  cciiirt  6  cCblla 

ar  n-eag  don  fhinn  eatorra, 
meanma  bhroin  fa  mhnaoi  go  moch 

leis  nar  dhoigh  caoi  gan  chompach. 

Fa  tuireadh  mar  do-bhi  an  banntracht 
d'a»  chaidribh  's  d'a  chomhalltacht, 

is  snuadh  dorcha.  ar  gach  dreich  ghil : 
cleith  a  n-orchra  niorbh  eidir. 

A  nDun-tuilm,  cuirt  na  ccuradh, 

fir  is  mna  ar  mearughadh ; 
a  ttusi  laoi  nach  cunnail  cruth, 

's  iad  gan  urruini  d'a  ccomthach. 

Teid  an  chumha  tar  sial  siar 

ar  fheadh  Uibhisd  go  h-imchian ; 

ni  h-iad  sloigh  as  f  hearr  eagar : 
fa  gheall  broin  do  bhuaileadar. 

Gan  a  h-altrom  aguimi  fein, 

truagh  nach  raibhe  a  gmiis  glilainreidh : 

is  moide  doimheanma  ar  ar  ndruim, 
oigo  a  h-oileamhna  eadruinn. 

Annamh  bean  d'a  nos  a  nois ; 

mairg  file  fuair  a  h-eolus ; 
bhudh  raibhthe  leoin  a  labhra 

aithne  a  h-eoil  no  a  h-ealadhna. 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  227 

Ar  ghloine,  ar  dhrecht  diamhra, 

si  mar  do  bheith  bainiarla ; 
ni  fuighthe  mar  bheidheadh  ann 

bean  budh  cuirthe  'na,  eonchlann. 

Fios  a.  h-aigne  misde  me, 

annamh  bean  tra.  d'ar  ttuigse; 
nior  chuir  an  saoghal  laimh  linn : 

ao'nar  ataim  ;na  timchill. 

Mairg  buime  'ga  mbi  dalta 

nach  f aghann  seal  saoghalta  ; 
mairg  as  oide  'na  deoidh  dhi : 

gr'oide  'na  dheoir  do  dlighfidh. 

Mi  thigh  aire  ar  oighre  De, 

an  fear  'ga  bhfuil  a,r  bhfine ; 
fath  aoibhnis  triall  a  thoaghe: 

grian  taoibhshlis  na  trocaire. 

A  breith  uainn  d'  airdri  nimhe, 

cred  na«h  budh  e  ar  n-impidhe? 
oighre  De  nior  dhearmuid  dhi, 

an  te  do  dearrluig  dhuinno. 

A  measg  bhanntracht  fp'uirt  fparrthals, 

djong  gam  uabhar  n-iomarbhuis, 
's  i  roinn  ag  rochtain  do  nimh 

i  n-a  h-6igh  d'  fhochladh  aingil. 

A  beith  a  ndunadh  De  athar, 

Mac  De  dhi  do  dheonachadh  ; 
gach  laoi  ag  ar  gcur  chuige : 

sgur  d'ar  gcaoi  is  cornicle. 

Fath  oile  do  chosg  cumhadh 

cubhuidh  dhuinn  a  chuimhniughadh, 

tre  luadh  ar  cheinnbhile  6g  Chuinn, 
sduagh  do  deirbhfine  Domhnaill. 

Damhna  d'  ar  gcosg  d'ar  gcumhaidh, 

fath  meanman  do  mheadughadh, 
bheith  d'a  iomradh  6s  cionn  ccaigh : 

Horn  niorbh  iomnair  an  onair. 

Ordog  a  n-aghaidh  glaioe 

mur  ta  is  tuar  tiodhlaice, 
go  faobhar  ngliadh  mar  do  ghabh 

'n  a  aonar  tre  fhiadh  n-Alban. 


228  Gaelic  Society  of  Inve.t.ess 

Is  fath  dar  ccur  6  chumhaidh 

breith  a  bhuaidhe  6s  bhiodhbliadiimbh  ; 
tug  sinn  d'a  chaol  abhra  cion : 

aon  damhna  gill  na  nGaoidhiol. 

Domhnall  Gorm  na  gcleae  ccuradh 
's  e  do' n  righ  a.g  riarughadh ; 

61  a  shlainte  dhuinn  dleaghair : 
diiil  ,re  &  bhfailte  ag  fileadhuibh. 

Treig  orclira.,  a  inghean  Choinnigh ; 

bi  go  h-aoibhinn  ionchoinnimh ; 
sgair  do  chumhaidh  red  chuimhne : 

gabh  go  cubhuidh  comhairle. 

An  fhuil  do  dhoirt  Criost  san  gcranii 
dom  dhion  a,r  uamhaii  if reann  : 

'n  a  eideadh  linn  ar  ar  leas : 
iia  leigeadh  inn  ar  aimhleas. 


APPENDIX  II.  , 

ELEGIES  AND  EULOGIES   BY   SCOTTISH  BARDS. 
(A)— BOOK   OF  THE  DEAN  OF  LISMORE. 

The  references  are  to<  the  pages  of  the  MS.,  to  Reliquiae 
Celtics,  I.  (C)  ;  and  to  Dr  Thomas  MacLauchlaii's  edition  of 
part  of  the  Dean's  Book  (M). 

A  chinii  Diarmaid  Ui  Chairbre,  MS.  55  ;  M.  72  ;  by  the  Dean 
of  Knoydart,  on  Diarmaid  Ua  Chairbre,  who  murdered 
Angus,  son  of  John,  Lord  of  the  Isles,  in  or  about  1490, 
and  was  executed  therefor ;  7  quatrains  (Deo  Greine, 
May,  1922). 

A  Mhic  Dhubhghaill,  tua,r  acain,  MS.  129;  C.  98;  M.  90; 
by  Donnchadh  mac  C'aibe,  to  Donnchadh  mac  Ailin, 
MacDo'Ugall  of  Dunollie. 

A  phaidrin  do  dhuisg  mo  dhear,  MS.  148;  C.  99  (part);  M. 
96;  by  Aithbhreac  inghean  Corcodail,  on  the  death  of 
MacNeill  of  Gigha  and  Castle  Sween  (her  husband  ?)  ; 
about  1470;  16  quatrains  (Deo  Greine,  Jan.,  1922). 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  229 

Aithris  fhreimhe  ruanaidh  Eoin,  MS.  208;  M.  104;  by 
Donuchadh  mac  Dhubhghaill  Mhaoil,  in  praise  of  Eoin 
mac  Phadruig,  chief  of  Clan  Gregor,  who  died  in  1519; 
17  quatrainsu 

Ar  sliocht  Gaoidheal  6  ghort  Ghreag,  MS.  204;  M.  102; 
incomplete  at  the  beginning,  and  anonymous;  a 
!<  brosnachadh  catha "  to  MacCailin — Giolla-easbuig, 
son  of  Cailin,  who  fell  at  Flodden  in  1513  ;  20  quatrains . 

Buaidh  thighearnai  ar  thoiseachaibh,  MS.  209;  M.  108;  by 
Mac  Ghiolla-Fhionntaig,  to  Maol-Coluim,  son  of  Eoin 
Dubh,  chief  of  Clan  Gregor,  who  died  in  1440;  22 
quatrains. 

Coir  feitheamh  ar  uaislibh  Alban,  MS.  6;  anonymous,  to 
"  Eoin  Stiubhart  a  crich  Raineach,"  son  of  Sir  Robert 
Stewart;  19  quatrains. 

Da  urra  i  n-iath  Eireann,  MS.  244;  by  Giolla  Criosd 
Bruilingeach  (a  Scottish  barTi)  in  praise  of  Tomaltach 
mac  Diarmada,  so>n  of  Conchobhar  (Tomaltach  ,an  Einigh, 
"  rogha  Gaoidheal  Erenn  "),  who  died  in  1458,  and  in 
dispraise'  of  an  Ulster  chief,  whose  name  is  Thomas,  and 
whose  style  is  spelled  "  maa.  gwil,  ma.  gwil,  ma,  guile, 
mak  gwil  "  ;  24  quatrains. 

Dal  chabhlaigh  ar  chaisteal  Suibhne,  MS.  263  ;  C.  102  (part)  ; 
M.  116;  by  Artur  Dall  mac  Gurcaigh,  to  Eoin  mac 
Suibhne  on  his  setting  out  from  Ireland  to  recover  his 
ancestral  lands  in  Knapdale,  about  1310;  see  Orig. 
Paroch.  II.,  pairt  I.,  p.  40;  28  quatrains. 

D;atharraigh  sean  ar  siol  Chuinn,  MS.  130;  M.  92  ;  by  Eoin 
miac  Eoghain  mhic  Eachthighearna,  elegy  on  Eoin  mac 
Eoin,  styled  "  Ua  Gofraigh,"  i.e.,  MacDougall  of 
Dunollie ;  33  quatrains. 

Dicmbach  me  d©  'n  ghaioith  a  deas,  MS.  39  ;  M.  106  ;  author's 
name  uncertain ;  to  Eoin,  som  of  William  MacLeod  of 
Dunvegan,  chief  of  the  MacLeods  of  Harris  and  Skye ; 
7  quatrains  (Deo  Greine,  August,  1921). 

Fad  a  ataim  gan  bhogha,  MS.  104;  M.  86;  by  Fionnlagh 
Ruadh  an  Bard,  in  praise  of  MacGregor ;  13  quatrains. 


230  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Fhuaras  mac  mar  an  t-atbair,  MS.  217;  C.  100;  M.  112; 
anonymous,  to  Torcul  mac  Ruairidh,  chief  of  the  Mac- 
Leods of  Lewis;  about  1500;  17  quatrains  (Deo  Greine, 
July,  1921). 

Fhuaras  mo'  rogha  theach  mhor,  MS.  304 ;  by  Fionnlagh  an 
Bard  Ruadh,  in  compliment  of  MacGregor;  19  quatrains. 

Fhuaras  rogha  na  n-6g  mbrioghmhor,  MS.  158;  by  Giolla 
Padruig  mac  Lachlainn,  a  high-flown  panegyric  on 
Seumas  mac  Eoin,  James  Campbell,  son  of  John  Camp- 
bell of  Lawers,  whose  wife  Margaret,  grand-daughter  of 
Sir  Duncan  Forester  (geal  ua  glan  Sir  Donnchaidh 
Forsair),  died  at  For  dew  in  Strath  earn,  and  was  buried 
in  the  parish  church  of  Stirling  in  the  aisle  of  St  Andrew, 
on  the  last  day  of  October,  1527 ;  34  quatrain® ;  difficult. 

Gabh  rem  chomraigh,  a  Mhic  Ghriogoir,  MS.  281  ;  by  Fionn- 
lagh Ruadh  an  Bard  maith,  who  has  been  absent  from 
MacGregor's  court  owing  to  some  difference  between 
himself  and  his  patron ;  13  quatrains. 

Gealladh  gach  saoi  do'n  each  odhar,  MS.  103;  M.  84;  by 
Fionnlagh  an  Bard  Ruadh,  in  praise  of  MacGregor's 
steed;  13  quatrains. 

Lamh  an  fhir  fhoirfeas  i  n-Eirinn,  MS.  153  ;  by 
Giolla  Criost  Bruilingeach  (a  Scottish  bard),  in  lauda- 
tion of  Tomaltach  Mac  Diarmada,  son  of  Cbnchobhar, 
Lord  of  Moylurg  in  Connacht,  who  died  in  1458.  A 
version  is  preserved  in  the  Turner  MSS.  ;  see  Rel.  Celt., 
II.,  326;  26  quatrains. 

Mor  an  feidhm  freagairt  na  bfaighdheadh/thig  fa  seach, 
MS.  177;  by  G(iolla)  Co(luim),  probably  Giolla  Coluim 
mac  an  Ollaimh,  011  the  impudence  and  exactions  of 
"  fir  na  faighdhe,"  or  "  thiggers,"  ending  with  a 
"  ruaig  molta"  to  Eoin  MacDomhnaill,  the  last  Lord 
of  the  Isles;  a  humorous  and  very  interesting  poem, 
somewhat  in  the  style  of  a  "  crosanacht" ;  imperfect 
transcription  in  the  MacDonald  Collection,  p.  385 ;  36 
stanzas  (several  of  six  lines)  of  Setrad  ilGairit. 

Ni  h-eibhneas  gan  Chlainn  Domhnaill,  MS.  28;  C.  91;  M. 
70 ;  by  Giolla  C'aluim  mac  an  Ollaimh,  on  the  downfall 
of  the  MacDonald  power  about  1490 ;  17  quatrains  (Deo 
Grtine,  March,  1922). 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  231 

Parrthas  torraimh  an  Diseart,  MS.  278 ;  C.  107 ;  by  an  Giolla 
Glas  mac  an  Tailleoir;  an  elegy  on  Donnchadh  mac 
Griogoir,  probably  hei  whose  death  is  recorded  in  1518; 
24  quatrains. 

Rioghacht  ghaisgeadh  oighreacht  Eoin,  MS.  155;  M.  98;  by 
Dubhghall  mac  an  Ghiolla  Ghlais,  in  praise  of  Eoin  mac 
Phadruig;  23  quatrains  (Deo  Greine,  June,  1922). 

Thainig  adhbhar  mo<  thuirse,  MS.  240;  C.  101;  M.I  12;  by 
Giolla  Caluim  mac  an  Ollaimh,  o>n  the  murdeir  of  Angus, 
son  of  John.  The  "  uirsgeal  "  on  p.  58  of  C.  and  p.  34 
of  M.  is  really  part  of  this  poem ;  23  quatrains,  exclusive 
of  the  "uirsgeal  "  (Deo  Greine,  April,  1922). 

Theasta  aon  diabhall  na  nGaoidheal,  MS.  216 ;  C.  99  ;  M. 
110;  by  Fionnlagh  an  Bard  Ruadh :  a  bitter  satire  on 
Ailin  mac  Ruairidh,  chief  of  Clan  Ranald,  who  died  in 
1505;  17  quatrains. 

(B)— KELIQUI^E    CELTICS. 

Mostly  from  the  "  Black  Book  "  and  the  so-called  "  Red 
Book  "  of  Clan  Ranald.  The  references  a,re  to  the  pages  of 
Vol. XL,  except  where  otherwise  stated. 

Alba  gan  dion  a  ndiaidh  Ailin,  216;  Mac  Mhuirich,  on  Ailin 
(ob.  1505)  and  Raghnall  his  son  (ob.  1509),  chiefs  of 
Clan  Ranald. 

Cennus  Gaoidheal  do  chlainn  Cholla,  208 ;  to  Eoin  a  h-Ile 
(ob.  1386),  by  O  Henna. 

Cioniias  mhaireas  me  am  aonar,  Adv.  Lib.  MS.  xlvii. ;  Rel. 
Celt.,  I.,  129;  by  Cathal  Mac  Mhuirich  on  the  death  of 
his  friend,  Eoin  mac  Briaiii. 

Clanii  Raghnaill  fa  Eoin,   127  ;  by  Cathal  Mac  Mhuirich, 

Coir  failte  re  fear  do  sgeil,  240 ;  Cathal  Mac  Mhuirich  to 
Domhnall  mac  Eoin  Mhuideortaigh ;  about  1650. 

Cum  ha  oeathrair  do  mheasg  me,  232 ;  Cathal  Mac  Mhuirich, 
on  Raghnall  mac  Ailin,  Raghnall  mac  Dhomhnaill, 
Domhnall  Gorm  mac  Aonghuis,  and  Eoin  mac  Ailin,  all 
ob.  1636. 

Cumha  Sheimis  ag  lot  laoch,   274 ;   anonymous,   on   Seimeas 
Domhnaill,  ob.  1738. 


232  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Da  chiiis  ag  milleadh  ar  meanma,  280 ;  anonymous,  on  the 
exile  of  Raghnall,  chief  of  Clan  Ranald,  1715-1725; 
incomplete  copy  in  MS.  Hi.,  32,  begins  at  rann  3  and 
lacks  the  three  final  quatrains. 

Deireadh  d'aoibhnes  Innsi  Grail,  244;  by  Niall  Mac  Mhuirich, 
on  the  death  of  Domhnall  mac  Eoin  Mhuideortaigh, 
chief  of  Clan  Ranald,  in  1686. 

Do  thuirlinii  seasuimh  sioll  Cuinii,  248;  by  Niall  Mac 
Mhuirich,  on  Ailin  of  Clan  Ranald,  who  fell  at  Sheriff- 
muir  in  1715. 

Do  thuirn  aoibhneas  Innsi  Gall,  264 ;  Niall  Mac  Mhuirich, 
on  the  death  of  Sir  Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera  in 
1705.  Another  (and  better)  copy  ascribes  it  to 
Donnchadh  O  Muirgheasan  (Mackinnon's  Catalogue, 
p.  280). 

Failte  d'ar  n-Ailin  righ  nan  Raghiiallach,  286 ;  Niall  mac 
Mhuirich,  to  Ailin,  chief  of  Clan  Ranald,  1686-1715. 

Fior  mo  mholadh  ar  Mhac  Domhnaill,  264 ;  anonymous,  to 
Eoin  a  h-Ile  (ob.  1386). 

Foraois  eigeas  Innsi  Gail,  224  ;  by  Cathal  Mac  Mhuirich,  to 
Domhnall  mac  Ailin,  who  married  Mary,  daughter  of 
Angus  of  Dun  Naomhaig,  and  died  in  1617.  (It  is  a 

eulogy,  not  an  elegy  ;asi  stated  on  p.  172). 

Fuaras  ca.ra  ar  sgath  na  sgoile,  II.,  132;  by  Niall  Mac 
Mhuirich,  to  Sir  Seamus  MacDomhnaill  of  Sleat,  some- 
time after  his  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  MacLeoid  of 
DnnvegaJi  in  1661. 

Is  truagh  m'  imtheachd  6  chuirt  Mhic  Cailin,  Turner  MS. ; 
Rel.  Celt.,  II.,  321;  anonymous  eulogy  of  the  Earl  of 
Argyll — not  "  marbhrainn  "  (elegy),  as  the  title  has  it. 

O  's  uaigiieach  a  nochd  Clar  Ghiorra,  Tuirner  MS. ;  Rel.  Celt., 
II.,  322;  anonymous  elegy  on  Dubhghall  6g,  Tighearna 
Achaidh  na  mBreac. 

Tuirseach   an    diugh    criocha    Gaoidhiol,    Turner   M.S. ;   Rel. 
Celt.,    II.,    311;    anonymous    elegy    on    John,    Duke   of 
Argyll,  who  died  in  1743.     The  poet  records  his  famous 
.  answer  to  George  II.  :  — 


Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  23$ 

'S  ©  dh'innis  do'ii  righ  le  colg, 

'n  trath  bhagair  'iia  fheirg  a  sgrios, 

iiach  suidheadh  a  chlann  gu  callda 
ri  faicainn  a.  tair©  leis. 

'N  trath  mhaoidh  e  Alba  a  phairceadh, 

'9  ai  lionadh  Ian  fhiadh  is  ©arb, 
thigeadh  mo  righ  ghleusadh  choii 

chum  bhith  reidh  air  son  an  sealg. 

The  poem  is  defective  metrically. 

Se  h-oidhche  dhamhsa  san  Diiii,  I.,  121;  II.,  284;  by  Niall 
mor  Mac  Mhuirich,  to  Sir  Ruairidh  Mac  Leoid  of  Dim- 
vegan  (Ruairidh  Mor). 

To>  the  above  may  be  added  : 

A  Mhic  Pharlaiu  an  Arthair,  printed  in  Leabhar  na  Feinne, 
p.  xvii.,  and  ascribed  to  "  Bard  Loimonach,"  i.e.,  a 
Loch  Lomond-aide  bard.  It  is  addressed  to  MacFarlane 
of  Arrcchar,  chief  of  Clann  Pharlain,  the  name  of  whose 
heir  wasi  Donnchadh,  and  it  seems  to  belong  to  the  16th 
century. 

Mor  an  broinsgel  bas  i  Dhuibhne ;  elegy  on  Sir  Duncan 
Campbell  of  Glen  Orchy,  who  died  in  1631 ;  anonymous, 
on  a  sheet  of  parchment  in  the  Register  House,  Edin- 
burgh;  fac-simile  in  National  MSS.  of  Scotland,  III., 
96;  23  quatrains  (Deo  Greine,  1917). 

(C)— UNPUBLISHED. 

The  references  are  to  manuscripts  in  the  Advocates;' 
Library,  Edinburgh.  (For  unpublished  poems  of  this  type 
in  the  Dean's  Book,  see  (A)  above). 

Adhbhuar  tuirsi  ag  fuil  Fhionghuiii,  LII.,  33,  a;  ^anonymous ; 
c^n  the  death  of  Eoin,  son  of  Lachlann  Mac  Fhioiighuin 
of  Strath-suardail  in  Skye ;  31  quatrains,  incomplete  at 
end,  and  partly  illegible  about  the  middle. 

An  sith  do  rcga,  a  rig  Fioiinghall  ?  XLII.,  23,  ai ;  anonymous; 
to  Angus  of  Duii-Naoaiihaig ;  probably  about  1590  :  24 
quatrains. 

Ar  ttriall  bhus  esguigh  go  Uilleam  ;  anonymous  ;  to  William 
MacLeod,  son  of  Sir  Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera ;  in  or 
soon  after  1705  ;  26  quatrains. 


234  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Dia  bheatha  ar  ar  los,  a  leinbh,  XL VIII.,  9,  b;  by  Niall 
MacMhuirich,  on  the  birth  of  Allan  of  Clan  Ranald  in 
1673;  11  quatrains. 

Dual  freasdal  ar  feirg  flatha,  XXXIX.,  31,  a;  anonymous; 
a  remonstrance  and  threat  to  Eoin,  styled  "  Ua  Olbhuir/' 
chief  of  the  MacLeods  of  Harris  and  Skye ;  22  quatrains. 

Is  maith  mo  leaba,  is  olc  mo  shuaiii,  XXXVI.,  114,  a; 
on  the  imprisonment  of  the  Marquis  of  Argyll  in  1661  ? ; 
14  quatrains. 

Leasg  linn  gabhail  go  Gearrloch,  LII.,  27,  a;  by  Cathal 
MacMhuirich,  on  the  death  of  Caitirfhiona,  daughter  of 
Dcmhnall  Gorm  of  Sleat  and  wife  of  MacKeiizie  of  Gair- 
loch,  who  died  between  1635  and  1640  ;  printed  above. 

Maith  an  chairt  ceannas  iia  nGaoidheal,  LII.,  3,  a; 
quatrains  11-22  inclusive:  occur  also  in  LII.,  29,  in 
beautiful  writing;  anonymous;  to  MacCailin;  printed 
above. 

Maith  an  sgeal  do  sgaoil  'nar  measg,  LII.,  12,  a;  "  A  n-ainm 
an  Atha.r  agas  an  Mhic  agasi  an  Sbiorad  Naomh.  Amen. 
Niall  MacMhuiradhuigh  cc7  ' ' ;  on  the  home-coming  of 
the  chief  of  Clan  Ranald;  14  quatrains. 

Mor  an  aiiiimh  a,  n-»iath  Eilge,  Adv.  Lib.  MS.  LII.,  43,  b; 
elegy  on  "  ua  agus  iarbhua  Ruaidhri,"  the  grandson 
and  great-grandson  of  Sir  Roderick  MacLeod  of  Dun- 
vegan — i.e.,  Eoin  Breac  and  his  son  Ruairidh,  who  died 
in  1693  and  1699  respectively;  both  are  named  ;<  frag- 
ments— 9  quatrains. 

Nior  ghlac  cliath  colg  no  gunna,  LII.,  34,  a ;  anonymous,  and 
incomplete  at  the  beginning  and  end  :  on  Angus  of  Glen- 
garry (Lord  MacDonnell  and  Arcs),  who  died  about 
1680  :  printed  above. 

Rug  an  fiieibe  a  terme  a  steach,  Adv.  Lib.,  Box  3  ;  anonymous 
elegy  on  Sir  Norman  MacLeod  of  Bernera,  who  died  in 
1705 ;  19  quatrains,  with  additional  addressed  to  Sir 
Norman's  widow.  (Maokinnon's  Catalogue,  p.  280). 

Rug  eadrain  ar  iath  n-Alban,  XXXVI.,  81,  a;  anonymous; 
the  prayer  of  a  bard  to  MacCailin  for  restoration  to  the 
position  of  his  fathers ;  26  quatrains. 

Triath  na  n-Gaoidheal  Giolla-easbuig,  XXXVI.,  79,  b; 
anonymous  panegyric  on  MacCailin  ;  37  quatrains. 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  235 

Tugadh  oirne  easbadh  mor,  LIL,  47,  a;  -a  fragment  contain- 
ing 6  quatrains  of  the  beginning  of  Maol-Chiarain's 
lament  for  his  son ;  compare  the  corrupt  fragment  in 
Eel.  Celt.,  II.,  332. 

Tuar  doimheanma  dul  Eaghnaill,  LII.,  14,  a;  anonymous 
elegy  on  Eaghnall  of  Glengarry,  who  died  in  1705 ; 
incomplete  at  the  end ;  21  quatrains. 

To  these  may  be  added : 

Dual  ollamh  do  triall  le  toisg,  LII.,  8,  b,  and  LII.,  10,  a; 
by  an  Irish  bard  to  MacCailin,  to>  whose  court  he  has 
come  on  an  embassy;  about  1560;  45  quatrains  in 
plaices  illegible. 


13th  MARCH,  1918. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  this  evening's 
meeting,  when  the  Rev.  Cyril  H.  Dieckhoff,  O.S.B.,  Fort- 
Augustus,  read  the  undemoted  paper  :  — 

MYTHOLOGICAL   BEINGS  IN  GAELIC  FOLKLORE. 

Owing  to  the  .advance  of  ethnology  and  similar  sciences 
in  recent  years,  we  know  that  only  very  few  of  the  fabulous 
creatures  of  folklore  all  over  the  world  are  merely  the  outcome 
of  direct  invention  through  the  exercise  of  poetical  imagina- 
tion. In  most  cases  several  causes  have  been  at  work  in 
slowly  creating  them,  e.g.,  exaggerated  traditions  concerning 
the  existence  in  remote  ages,  of  animals  now  extinct — of  races 
differing  much  in  appearance  and  customs  from  later1  genera- 
tions— of  survivals  of  ancient  pagan  beliefs  in  gods  and  god- 
desses— of  symbolical  personifications  of  the  great  forces  of 
nature — of  crude  speculations  by  the  mind  of  primitive  man 
about  certain  elementary  psychological  and  religious  facts,  &c. 

Guided  by  this  consideration,  I  propose  to  go  through  the 
list  of  the  more  prominent  fabulous  beings  in  Gaelic  folklore, 
and  to  point  out  some  of  the  chief  influences  that  seem  to  have 
been  at  work  in  creating  traditions  concerning  them. 

It  will  be  useful  in  this  connection  to  compare  the  beliefs 
of  the  Gaidhealtachd  with  certain  aspects  of  Russian  folklore, 
much  of  which  is  of  very  remote  origin,  and  has  been  carefully 


236  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

collected  by  the  various  learned  members  of,  e.g.,  the  ethno- 
logical section  of  the*  Society  of  Naturalists  at  the  University 
of  Moscow. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  divide  my  subject-matter  as 
follows  :  In  the  first  place  I  would  like  to  deal  with  a  group 
of  beings  of  a  generally  benevolent  character;  secondly,  with 
those  of  a  generally  malevolent  or  mischievous  character  ;  and 
thirdly,  with  certain  aspects  of  the  Fairy  problem,  which 
occupies  an  important  place  by  itself  in  Gaelic  folklore. 

I.— BEINGS  OF  A  GENERALLY  BENEVOLENT  CHARACTER. 

These  are:  The  Caoineag,  the  Nigheag,  the  Gruagach  and 
Brand.  Of  these  the  first  two*  seem  to  represent  the  type  of 
ancient  Celtic  goddesses,  who>  used  toi  preside  over  certain 
localities,  and  who*  were  in  many  ways  similar1  to  the  nymphs 
and  naiads  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans.  It  seems  the 
Caoineag  and  Nigheag  are  fading  :aiway  from  the  Gaelic 
mind.  I  have  never  been  able  to  hear  a  description  of  them, 
and  have  to  borrow  my  remarks!  concerning  them  from  Dr 
.CarmichaeFs  valuable  notes  to  the  Carmina  Gadelica,. 

(1)  The  Nigheag  or  Bean-nighe  (i.e.,  the  little  washer- 
woman) "  isi  the  naiad  or  water-nymph  who  presides  over 
those  about  to  die,  and  washes  their  shroud®  on  the  edge  of  a 
lake,  the  bank  of  a  stream,  or  the  stepping-stones  of  a*  ford. 
While  washing  the  shrouds  the  water-nymph  sings  the  dirge 
and  bewails  the  fate  of  the  doomed.  The  nigheag  is  so 
absorbed  in  her  washing  and  singing,  like  the  blackcock  in 
his  gyrations  and  serenading,  that  she  is  sometimes  captured. 
When  this  occurs  she  will  grant  the  captor  three  requests." 

(2)  The  Caoineag  (i.e.,  the  lamenting  nymph).      "  This  is 
a  naiad  who  foretells  the  death  of  and  weeps  for  those  slain 
in   combat.        Unlike  the  Nigheag,   the  Caoineag   cannot  be 
(approached  nor  questioned.      She  is   seldom   seen,   but  often 
heard  on  the  hills,  in  the  glen,  and  in  the  oorrie,  by  the  lake, 
by  the  stream,  and  by  the  waterfall.    ...  It  is  said  that  she 
wae  •  heard   several   successive  nights   before   the  massacre   of 
Glencoe." 

(3)  The  Gruagach  (i.e.,  the  one  with  abundant  hair)  is  a 
kindly  spirit  who  lives  about  human  dwellings.     It  used  to 
be   well   known    everywhere   in    the   Highlands,    although   in 
many  cases  a  name  borrowed   from  a  Lowland  cousin,  viz., 
the  Brownie,  Gaelicised  Bruni,  is  applied  to  it.     Thesie  two 
have  much  in  common  with  the  domestic  tutelar  spirits   of 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  237 

the  old  Romans,  called  Lares,  and  also  with  the  corresponding 
Russian  domestic  spirit,  the  Domovoi. 

It  is  a  strange  coincidence  that  both  the  Gruagach,  alias 
Bruni,  and  the  Doimovoi  are  associated  on  the  one  hand  with 
abundance  of  hair,  and  on  the  other  with  fondness  of  work 
among  the  cattle.  From  certain  particulars  in  Russian 
beliefs  it  is  clear  that  some  symbolical  meaning  is  attached  to 
this  hairiness  or  shagginess,  to  which  I  shall  refer  presently. 
In  the  case  of  the  Gruagach,  who  is  represented  as  a 
female  helping  people  to  milk  the  cows  and  to  mind  the 
cattle,  especially  at  the  time  of  their  stay  in  the  summer 
eheilings,  abundance  of  hair  may  indicate  merely  the  idea  of 
the  handsome  appearance  of  that  lady.  This  seems  to>  be 
clear  from  the  following  remarks  of  Dr  Carmichael :  ' '  There 
is  probably  no  district  in  the  Highlands  where  the  Gruagach 
could  not  be  fully  described.  A  woman  living  in  the  remote 
island  of  Heisgeir  described  her  so  graphically  and  pictur- 
esquely that  her  interested  listeners  could  almost  see  moving 
about  in  the  silvery  light  of  the  kindly  moon  the  Gruagach 
with  her  tall  conical  hat,  her  rich  golden  hair  falling  about 
her  like  a  mantle  of  shimmering  gold,  while  with  a  slight 
swish  of  her  wand  she  gracefully  turned  on  her  heel  to 
admonish  an  unseen  cow." 

There  are,  however,  also  male  Gruagachs  mentioned  in 
old  Highland  tales,  e.g.,  in  Mir  Campbell  of  Islay's  collection. 

In  trying  to  explain  the  meaning  of  the  shaggy  appearance 
o?  these  beings,  I  find  that  certain  beliefs  prevalent  among 
Russian  peasants  about  the  Domovoi  throw  some  light  on 
this  question.  I  have  gleaned  these  and  other  beliefs  which 
I  am  going  to  mention  from  the  valuable!  material  contained 
in  the  Transactions  of  the  Ethnological  Section  of  the  Society 
of  Naturalists  at  the  University  of  Moscow. 

In  some  districts  the  Domovoi  is  believed  to  look  after 
tlie  farm-yard  as  well  as  after  the  house,  while  in  others  his 
son  is  entrusted  with  the  care  of  thisi  department  and  Mrs 
Domovoi  looks  after  the  bathroom,  unless  that  important 
part  of  the  peasants'  home  is  under  the  care  of  a  special 
spirit,  the  Bainushko. 

The  Domovoi  is  described  as  hairy.  When  he  is  specially 
fond  of  an  animal  or  ai  human  being  he  will  get  hold  of  its 
mane  or  the  hair  during  the  night,  the  result  of  it  being  that 
in  the  mooiing  the  hair  is  so  much  twisted  together  in  tufts 
or  knots  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  disentangle  it.  When 


238  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverntss 

the  peasant  has  bought  a  cow  or  horse,  and  is  taking  it  to  the 
farm-yard,  he  recite®  the  following  words: — "  A  shaggy  beast 
for  a  rich  farm-yard ;  give  it  drink,  give  it  food,  dear  little 
.  master  of  the  house  (khozyainushko) ,  and  make  it  smooth 
with  your  little  mitten."  If  the  animal  does  not  look  smooth 
by  that  time  it  is  a  sign  that  the  khozyainushko  will  not  be 
pleased  with  it,  and  the  owner  will  try  to  sell  the  beast  again 
even  at  a  loss.  All  this  seems  to  show  that  the  idea  of  the 
ahagginess  of  domestic  tutelar  spirits  has  something  to  do 
with  the  car©  of  cattle  and  other  domestic  animals. 

I  have  an  idea  that  possibly  at  a  very  early  stage  of 
primitive  man's  history,  when  human  souls  were  believed  to 
be  able  to  enter  into  animal  bodies  for  a  while,  this  may  have 
been  believed  about  ancestral  spirits  as  well ;  hence  these 
would  be  thought  of  as  living,  e.g.,  in  the  shaggy,  wolf -like 
dogs  of  the  hunters'  and  shepherds'  home:,  or  in  the  cattle. 

Or  the  association  of  shagginess  may  have  been  brought 
about  by  the  fact  that  in  northern  climates  shaggy  hair  is  a 
valuable  protection  against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather; 
hence  it  was1  natural  to  endow  the  tutelar  domestic  spirit  with 
this  particular  attribute. 

The  long  hair  mentioned  in  the  case  of  certain  deities 
presiding  over  rivers  and  lakes  requires  a  different  explana- 
tion, which  I  shall  mention  later  on. 

To  return  to>  the  Gruagach.  This  spirit  possesses  another 
feature  in  common  with  the  other  representatives  of  the  same 
group,  viz.,  it  is  apt  easily  to  get  offended  at  people's  negli- 
gence or  want  of  respect,  and  in  that  case  will  revenge  itself 
by  causing  material  damage  to  the  guilty  parties.  A  libation 
of  milk  used  to  be  made  to  the  Gruagach  in  a  hollow  on  the 
surface  of  a  boulder  when  the  women  were  milking  the  cows 
in  the  evening.  In  case  of  neglect  of  this  act  of  gratitude, 
the  cows,  notwithstanding  all  precautions,  were  found  broken 
loose  in  the  morning  and  enjoying  a  good  feed  in  the  corn  ; 
and  if  the  libation  was  still  omitted,  the  best  cow  was  found 
dead  in  the  field. 

(4)  The  Bruni  exhibits  practically  the  same  character  as 
the  Gruagach,  as  can  be  seen,  e.g.,  from  the  description 
given  me  by  one  of  the  old  people  at  Invergarry  of  how  the 
Bruni  looks  after  the  comfort  of  those  under  his  care. 

Bha 'm  Bruni  aims  a  Chaisteal  dubh  ann  lonbhargaradh. 
Ach  se  rud  cairdeil  a  bhiodh  e  dianamh.  Bachadh  e  a  stigh 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  239 

a  dli'  oidhche  agusi  chuireadh  e  'n  t-aodach  orrasan  air  nach 
robh  e." 

Concerning  the  Glenmoriston  sept  of  the  Bruni  class,  MX 
Alexander  Macdonald  remarks  in  his  interesting  book, 
"  Story  and  Song  from  Lochness-side"  :  "Of  all  these  (viz., 
various  uncanny  beings)  the  Brownie  was  the  best  known. 
Their  peculiar  trait  was  an  extraordinary  capacity  for  work, 
a  circumstance  of  which  farmers  were  always  willing  to  take 
advantage.  Any  quantity  of  corn  put  out  for  them  at  night 
was  thrashed  by  morning.  It  seems  sometimes  they  expected 
remuneration  for  their  services.  It  is  said  of  one  of  them 
that,  after  having  long  served  a  certain  farmer,  he  left 
because  no  kind  of  reward  had  been  offered  him.  He,  how- 
ever, occasionally  returned  at  night  and  disturbed  the  far- 
mer's rest  by  exclaiming  at  his  window : 

' '  Mur  f haigh  Bruni  ' '  If  Brownie  won't  get 
Mir  'us  currachd,  bread  and  a  hood, 

Cha  dean  Bruni  Brownie  will  do  no 

Obair  tuillidh.  more  work." 

The  impression  one  gets  from  the  various  stories,  vis;., 
that  the  Bruni  is  a  domestic  tutelar  spirit  whose  cult  may 
have  survived  from  the  days  of  ancestral  worship,  seems  to 
be  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  he  is  practically  always  asso- 
ciated with  some  ancient  taigh  mor  or  castle. 

Besides  the  Bruni  inhabiting  the  old  castle  of  Invergarry, 
I  might  mention  that  of  Inchnacardoch  House,  near  Fort- 
Augustus,  and  old  Culachy  House,  the  residence  of  the 
Fraeers  of  Abertarff,  which  has  disappeared,  together  with 
its  Brownie,  to>  give  place  to  the  present  building.  The 
Brownie  there  manifested  his  displeasure  at  one  time  by 
noisily  moving  furniture  about  during  the  night,  everything, 
however,  being  in  its  usual  place  each  time  the  inhabitants 
made  an  inspection,  as  I  was  told  a.  few  days  ago  by  an  old 
native  of  Fort- Augustus  who,  with  her  father,  was  present 
i*t  the  time,  and  who  believes  that  the  Brownie  objected  to 
their  coming'  to  the  house.  I  understand  there  lived  a 
Brownie  at  Taigh-an-aigh,  near  Moniack  Castle,  the  ruins 
of  which  are  still  visible. 

It  is  strange  how  closely  the  Russian  Domovoi  resembles 
the  Brownie  in  every  way,  not  only  on  account  of  the  noise 
he  makes  in  certain  circumstances,  but  also  with  regard  to 
the  willingness  to  help  in  domestic  work,  and  also  by  being 


240  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

most  particular  as  to  respectful  treatment.  When  a  peasant 
is  going  to'  live  in  a  new  house,  he  has  to  go  through  a 
formal  ceremony.  Food  is  placed  on  the  table,  and  the  new- 
comer bows  towards  each  corner  of  the*  room,  saying  at  the 
same  time :  ' '  Dear  little  lord  and  master  of  the  house 
(khozyainushko  gospodin)  receive  us  and  let  us  have  a  rich 
farm-yard,  substance,  livelihood,  and  wealth." 

When  the  peasant  takes  a  bath  he  carefully  avoids  loud 
noise  and  talking  in  order  not  to  irritate  the  Bainushko. 
Having  finished,  he  leaves  hot  water  and  other  necessaries 
for  that  worthy,  and  going  out  of  the  room  expresses  his 
thanks  for  the  pleasant  bath  he  was  allowed  to  enjoy. 

When  the  Domovoi  for  one  reason  or  another  takes  a 
dislike  to  people,  he  begins  to  bang  and  knook  about  in  every 
part  of  the  house'  to>  such  an  extent  that  the  unfortunate 
family  at  last  can  stand  it  no>  longer  and  has  to  leave.  But 
as  a  rule  he  makes'  himself  useful,  e.g.,  by  prophesying  future 
events  and  by  giving  a  hand  in  the  farm-yard.  All  the 
animals  of  which  he  is  fond  are  healthy,  smooth,  and  clean. 
When  he  takes  a  dislike  to  a.  cow  or  horse,  he  will  take  away 
its  fodder  and  give  it  to  a  favourite  animal,  and  v/ill  chase 
the  other  poor  beast  about  all  night.  When  the  peasant 
notices  in  the  morning  that  an  animal  looks  thin  and  worn, 
he  at  once  suspects  the  cause,  and  sets  to>  work  to  set  matters 
right.  He  makes  ;a  bunch  of  a  plant  called  the  "devil- 
chaser  "  (tshertogon),  and  runs  *  about  the  farm-yard  dealing 
vigorous  blows  with  it  in  all  directions,  and  calling  on  the 
mischievous  sprite  to  behave  himself  and  keep  the  law  of 
God.  In  the  case  of  special  obstinacy  a  more  powerful  means 
of  punishment  is  used,  viz.,  incantation. 

People  tell  you  of  little  incidents  like  the  following :  — 
"  At  such  and  such  a  farm  there  used  to1  be  a  khozyainushko 
who  was  wont  to  look  after  the  cattle  at  night,  giving  them 
water  and  carrying  it  himself  to>  the  animals ;  but  on  one  occa- 
sion he  got  angry  with  the  farmer  and  strangled  them  all." 
These  fits  of  temper  on  the  part  of  the  Domovoi  are,  how- 
ever, not  always  due  to  mere  irritability,  but,  to  his  honour 
let  it  be  said,  they  occasionally  proceed  from  a  profound 
sense  of  retributive  justice,  as  in  the  following  incident:  — 

"  There  lived  in  a  certain  house  a  spiteful  old  hag  who 
did  nothing  but  scold  the  children  and  tell  them  to  go  to  the 
devil.  What  happened  ?  One  day  when  she  went  to  have 
a  bath  the  Bainushko  tore  off  her  skin  from  head  to  foot." 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  241 

II.— BEINGS  OF  A  GENEEALLY  MALEVOLENT  CHARACTER. 

While  the  group  of  creatures  we  have  been  considering 
so  far  may  be  said  to  have  as  its  common  characteristics  a 
close  and  sympathetic  association  with  the  affair's  of  human 
life,  interrupted  only  now  and  then  by  a  pardonable  irrita- 
bility of  temper,  the  group  I  am  going  to  describe  now 
belongs  to  an  entirely  different  type.  Its  characteristic 
feature  is  hostility  to  man,  visible  in  a  greater  cr  lesser 
degree  in  the  various  representatives  of  that  group.  I  think 
it  will  become  clear  from  the  sketch  I  am  going  to  draw  of 
them  that  their  hostility  is  founded  on  the  fact  that 
they  represent  certain  forces  of  nature  which  at  times 
come  into  conflict  with  the  human  race,  e.g.,  storm,  light- 
ning, frost,  &c. 

(a)  WATER  SPIRITS. 

A  large  section  of  this  group  is  represented  by  creatures 
which  haunt  the  water  and  places  near  the  water.  The  fact 
that  the  ancient  Celts  had  a  remarkably  large  number  of 
tutelar  deities  connected  with  water  may  account  for  the 
more  recent  belief  concerning  spirits  presiding  over  that 
element,  while  the  large  number  of  those  deities  may  be  due 
to  the  fact  that  Celts,  in  any  case  in  Britain,  attached  great 
importance  to  water  as  a  natural  defence  of  their  settlements. 

(1)   The   Glaistifi. 

This  creature  was  once  a  familiar  figure  in  Gaelic  beliefs, 
as  can  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  its  name  occurs  in  a  number 
of  variations,  e.g.,  as  glaisnig  and  glaisrig.  Dr  Carmichael 
derives  the  word  from  glae,  an  ancient  Gaelic  word  for  water, 
and  stic,  an  imp. 

The  appearance  of  the  Glaistig1  was  partly  that  of  a  woman 
and  partly  that  of  a:  goat.  She  lived  near  lonely  lakes  and 
rivers,  and  was  much  feared.  This  description  calls  to  one's 
mind  certain  deities  with  which  the  imagination  of  the  ancient 
Greeks  and  Romans  peopled  their  woods  and  valleys,  viz.,  the 
Satyrs.,  Pansi,  and  Fauni,  who  were  represented  with  the  feet 
of  goats  and  with  horns  on  their  heads,  these  evidently  being 
the  emblems  of  their  office  of  owners  and  protectors  of  the 
flocks  or  wild  goat®  and  other  animals  of  the  forest. 

16 


242  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Many  .stories  used  to  be  told  of  the  Glaistig.  The  best 
known  is  perhaps  that  of  the  Glaistig  of  Lianachan  in  Loch- 
aber,  who  was  caught  by  big  Eoghaii  Kennedy  of  the  Mac 
Uaraig  branch  of  that  clan.  He  made  her  swear  on  the  colter 
of  his  plough,  which  he  had  heated  for  the  purpose,  not  to 
harm  either  man  or  beast  in  the  future,  whereupon  she  in  her 
fury  uttered  the  famous  curse  over  the  Kennedys : 

Fas  mar  an  luachair  daibh, 

Orion  mar  an  raineach  daibh, 

'S  diombuan  mar  cheo  nam  beann. 

Growing  like  the  rushes  to  them, 
Withering  like  the  fern  to  them, 
And  passing  like  the  mist  of  the  hills. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  iron  seems  always  to  play  a 
part  when  it  is  a  matter  of  man  asserting  his  power  over  hostile 
spiritual  influences1,  the  best  known  instance  being  the  case  of 
a  mortal  entering  a  fairy  knoll.  If  he  sticks  a  dagger  or  other 
bit  of  iron  into  the  ground  at  the  entrance,  the  fairies  have  no 
power  to  keep  him,  apparently  a.  vague  reminiscence  of  the 
superiority  given  to  the  Celt  over  the  aborigines  of  the  stone 
age  in  consequence  of  the  use  of  iron  weapons,  or  else,  as  I 
believe  is  the  case  concerning  certain  points  of  Russian  folk- 
lore, iron  may  here  be  one  of  the  emblems  of  the  benevolent 
deities  of  warmth,  day  and  summer. 

A  dagger  plays  a  part  in  a  curious  little  story  about  a 
Glaistig  which  I  got  some  years  ago  from  a  very  interesting 
old  man  in,  Moidart,  Mr  Iain  MacGregor,  at  the  Mointeach, 
who  died  since  at  a  great  age. 

''  Bha  Mac  an  Diar  (he  was  a  famo<us  robber' in  those  parts) 
agus  Raoll  a  bhrathair  aims  a  Ghortan  ann  Aird-na-Murchan. 
Thainig  glaistig  a  stigh  is  lliuirt  i:  '  nach  b'  airidh  air  bior 
mi  de  'n  ffoeoil ;  bha  mi  anns  a  Chuilfhionn  Sgitheanach  nuair 
a  leum  sradag  as  a-'  chlcich.'  '  Gheobh  thu  sin/  thuirt  e, 
agus  thug  ©  dhi  bior  de  'n  fheoil  a  bha  bruich.  Bha  Raoll 
gabhail  snaoisein.  Dh'  iarr  a  ghlaistig  air  snaoisean  a  chur 
air  barr  na  h-uilne  ;aig  le  barr  na  bioda-i^e  gus  a  chur  air  an 
uilinn  aice.  Thug  ise  ionnsaigh  air  cois  na  biodaige  agus 
bhuail  esan  ise  leis  a  bhiodaig  agus  thuirt  ise:  '  '8  faisge  dorn 
na,  uileann,  "  dar  nach  d' fhuair  i  greim  air  cas  na  biodaige 
sin . ' ' 

While  the  Glaistig  has  a  prominently  human  appearance, 
the  other  two  unearthly  guardians  of  rivers  and  lakes  are 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  243 

described  as  having  altogether  the  appearance  of  animals, 
although  they  are  credited  with  jjaving  the  power  of  assuming 
the  shape  of  a  human  being  as  well  as  that  of  various  animaLi. 

These  two  creatures  are  the'  Each-uisge,  or  Water-kelpie, 
and  the  Tarbh-uisge  or  Water-bull. 

(2)  The  Each-uisge  or  Water-kelpie. 

The  belief  that  the  Each-uisge  really  exists,  or  existed,  is 
expressed  with  so  much  unshakable  conviction  (just  like  the 
belief  in  Fairies)  that  I  feel  inclined  to  regard  this  conviction 
as  a  faint  inherited  consciousness  that  certain  very  large  or 
very  fierce  animals  were'  contemporary  with  the  ancestors  of 
the  Celtic  race  in  very  remote  ages,  though  not  necessarily 
after  the  immigration  of  that  raco  into  Britain,  a  view  which, 
as  far  as  I  can  see,  would  be  quits  in  harmony  with  geological 
science.  Stories  a®  to  how  on 3  of  thesei  prehistoric  monsters 
was  successfully  hunted  in  some  district  must  have  made  a 
profound  impression  on  succeeding  generations,  and  must  have 
had  a  good  chance  of  preservation,  at  least  aa  the  nucleus  of  a 
highly  embellished  and  greatly  amplified  tradition. 

The  Each-uisge  is  described  as  having  the  appearance1  of  an 
ordinary  horse,  but  possessing  a  particularly  fine  shape  and 
bearing.  Its  uncanny  character,  however,  betrays  itself  occas- 
ionally  by  the  sparks  which  are'  seen  coming  out  of  its  nostrils. 

Mr  Campbell  of  May  ("  Tales  of  the  Western  Highlands") 
obtained  a  description  of  its  appearance  when  it  paid  a  noc- 
turnal visit  to  some  lonely  house  on  that  island  as  an 
"  unearthly  creature,  very  tall  and  large,  rough  and  hairy, 
with  no  skin  upon  his  face,  but  a  dark  livid  covering." 
Accounts  of  the  snorting  of  the  water-horse  may  be  simply 
•explained  by  the  similar  noise  otters  make.  Very  common  is 
the  idea  that  when  once  on  the  back  of  the  water-horsa  you 
cannot  get  off  any  more,  and  will  infallibly  be  drowned  when 
it  gallops  off  into  the  lake  where  it  lives.  However,  as  there 
are  exceptions  to  every  rule,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  a  plucky 
Glengarry  boy  managed  to  save  his  brother's  life  in  the  follow- 
ing way,  according  to  an  Invergarry  tradition :  — 

''  Bha>  each-uisge  an  Eilean-na-cloinne  (in  the  river  Garry 
between  Torr-na-carraidh  and  Innis-an-lagain  near  Tomdonn). 
Bha  e  fo  riochd  eich.  Nan  cuireadh  duine  lamh  air,  leanadh 
i  ris  an  each .  Bha  brogach  ann  agus  a.  bhrathair  air  muin  an 
eich,  agus  ghearr  e  chorrag  dheth,  agus  chaidh  am  fear  sin  a 
shabhaladli." 


244  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

(3)  The  Ttwbh-uisge  or  Water-bull. 

Mr  Campbell  of  lalay  ("Tales  of  the  Western  Highlands") 
makes  the  following  remarks  about  this  specie® :  — "  The  water  - 
bull  is  like  a  common  bull,  though  he  is  amphibious  and  super- 
natural, and  has  the  power  of  assuming  other  shapes.  He  may 
have-  been  a  buffalo  or  bison  or  bos-primogenius  long  ago  or^ 
even  a,  walrus,  though  mythology  may  have  furnished  his  attri- 
butes. There  were  human-headed  bulls  at  Nineveh,  and  sacred 
bull's  in  Egypt  which  had  to  do  with  inundations.  Bulls  are 
sculptured  on  ancient  Scottish  stones,  and  there  is  a  waiter- 
bull  in  nearly  every  .Scottish  loch  of  any  note.  Loch  Ness  is 
full  of  them,  but  they  never  go  up  to  the  Fall  of  Foyers." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  bulls  occupied  a  prominent 
place  in  the  ritual  observances  of  the  ancient  Celts.  Prof. 
Henderson  quotes  a  passage  from  the  old  Irish  tale,  "  The  Sick- 
bed of  Cuchulainn,"  in  which  <a  bull-feast  is  described:  A 
white  bull  was  killed,  whereupon  a  man  ate  of  it  to  satiety. 
During  the  sleep  which  would  easily  follow  this  performance, 
four  Druids  chanted  a  spell  over  him,  expecting  as  a  result  a 
vision  in  his  dreams  of  the  shape  of  him  who  was  going  to  be 
king. 

The  connection  of  the  bull  with  religious  worship  is  likewise 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  an,  ancient  Celtic  altar  is  preserved 
at  Paris — a  similar  one  having  been  discovered  at  Treves,  on 
which  a  bull  is  represented  with  three 'birds  of  the  crane  type 
over  him.  It  is  quite  possible  that  these  cranes  represent  the 
bittern,  a  bird  which  used  to  be  common,  in  the  marshy  dis- 
tricts of  Great  Britain,  but  which  now  is  almost  completely 
extinct.  It  is  very  probable  that  its  weird  cry,  which  is 
described  as  something  between  the  sound  of  a  drum  and  the 
bellowing  of  a  bull,  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  the  origin  of 
the  tales  about  water-bulls. 

It  seems  the  bull  was  a  symbolic  expression  of  the  attri- 
bute® of  strength  and  fertility.  In;  this  connection  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  the  bull  was  associated  with  the  rites  of  the 
very  ancient  festival  kept  by  the  Gaels  in  common  with  other 
ancient  European  races  at  the  time  of  the  winter  solstice.  It 
was  the  custom  still  in  recent  years  for  one  of  the  partakers  of 
the  feast  to  put  on  a  bull's  hide  and  then  to  run  as  fast  as  he 
could,  while  young  fellows  were  dealing  vigorous  blows  at  the 
hide  with  their  shinty  clubs.  A  graphic  and  entertaining 
description  of  this  feast  is  given  by  Dr  Norman  Macleod  in 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folhlore  245 

his   "  Caraid  nan  Gaidheal."        While  boating  the  skin  the 
following  verses  were  said,  according  to  Dr  Macleod's  version  : 

' '  A  Challuinn,  a  bhuilg  bhuidhe  bhoicinn. 
Buailibh  an  craicionn, 
A  Challuinn  so." 

The  fact  that  we  are  dealing  here  with  a  very  ancient 
custom  will  become  more  clear  when  we  compare  this  festivity 
with  the  corresponding  one  still  kept  in  some  remote  districts 
of  Northern  Russia..  The  Russian  form  of  the  feast  corres- 
ponds in  many  ways  to  the  Gaelic  one.  It  is  remarkable,  e.g., 
that  in  the  first  place  the  sacrifice  of  a  goat  is  still  remembered, 
and  forms  a  part  of  the  rite  analogous  to  that  played  by  the 
bull  in  the  Gaelic  countries. 

Secondly,  in  both  countries  the  feast  is  kept  on  New  Year's 
eve.  In  some  districts  of  Russia  so  much  importance  is 
attached  to  this  point  that  the  old  people  wont  allow  you  to 
begin  the  feast  before  the  twilight  is  over  and  night  has  com- 
menced, excepting  the  children,  who  go  about  during  the  day 
singing  appropriate  little  songs  at  different  houses,  where  they 
receive  cakes  and  other  little  presents  as  a  reward.  Special 
cakes  are  baked  for  them,  and  others  for  the  inmates  of  the 
house.  Some  of  the  cakes  have  the  shape  of  fantastic  animals. 

Thirdly,  the  name  of  the  feast  itself  tells  a  tale  when  com- 
pared with  the  Gaelic  name.  They  are  strikingly  similar  as 
far  as  their  roots  are  concerned,  and  I  believe  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  Gaelic  name  collainn  or  callainn  enables  us  to  explain 
the  Russian  word  kolyada,  which  has  puzzled  Russian  scholars 
in  the  past  to  such  an  extent  that  about  a  dozen  different 
explanations  have  been  offered. 

As  regards  the  sacrifice  of  the  goat,  there  exists;  an  old 
Russian  tale  called  Tsarevitsh  kozlyonotshek,  which  in  English 
may  be  rendered,  "  The  King's  son  who  was  turned  into  a 
little  kid."  From  the  context  of  the  tale  (mentioned  by 
L.  W.  Losievski  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Natu- 
ralists, etc.,  at  the  University  of  Moscow,  Vol.  IV.,  1874-1877) 
it  appears  that  the  kid  represents  the  moon,  while  his  sister, 
who  leads  him  by  the  string,  is  the  sun.  Just  at  the  time 
when  she  is  being  freed  from  the  spell  of  witchcraft  which  kept 
her  under  the  sea,  people:  get  ready  to  kill  the  kid  in  the 
palace.  This  tale  is  interesting  also  in  so<  far  as  it  confirms 
Prof.  D.  Airbois  de  Jubainville's  theory  that  mythological 
creatures  to  whom  horns  are  attributed  often  represent 


246  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

ancient  deities  of  the  night  whose  horns,  originated  in  a  typical 
representation  of  the  moon,  viz.,  as  crescent. 

Considering  the  important  part  the  moon  plays  in  northern 
countries  during  the  autumn  and  winter  months,  may  we  not 
consider  both  the  Gaelic  and  the  Russian  form  of  Jbhis  festivity 
to  contain,  as  it  were,  a  solemn  leave-taking  of  the  deity  of 
night  and  winter,  connected  with  a.  sacrificial  feast  at  which 
an  animal  is  slain  which  represents  that  deity  symbolically. 
The  Gaelic  rite  of  driving  off'  the  man  in  the  bull's  hide  looks 
uncommonly  like  such  a  farewell  in  the  boisterous  way  natural 
to  occasions  of  that  sort,  and  corresponds  well  to  the  send-off 
given  to  the  sun  in  various  countries  on  the  Continent  not  so 
very  long  ago  by  letting  burning  wheels  run  down  a  hill -side 
on  midsummer's  eve. 

Before  concluding  my  rather  lengthy  remarks  about  this 
ancient  celebration  of  the  winter  solstice,  I  would  like  to  give 
a  few  more  specimens  of  the  verses  recited  by  the  children  or 
young  people  in  both  countries  on,  that  occasion.,  as  they 
resemble  each  other  a  good  deal.  To  start  with  the  Gaelic 
part.  Mr  Alexander  Macdonald  gives  the  Glenmoriston 
version  as  follows  :  — 

"  A  Chullainn,  Challuinn,  Chaisg, 
Buail  am  boiceann  air  an  sparr, 
Mur  toir  thu  dhomhsa  mo  bhannag 
Na  biodh  bliadhn'  ur  agad  gu  brath. 
Eirich  a  chaillich 
Is  thoir  a  nuas  a'  mhulchag  chais." 

The  lather  impolite  and  bold  language  adopted  by  the 
youngsters  in  both  countries  when  speaking  to  the  old  people 
in  some  of  these  rhymed  addresses  is  very  likely  the  outcome 
of  the  general  idea  of  this  feast,  viz.,  that  of  giving  the  first 
place1  of  importance  to  the  young  and  growing  generation, 
while  the  old  ones  have  to  take  a  back  seat  together  with  the 
declining  winter. 

The  following  variation  I  got  from  the  late  Mr  Angus 
Mackintosh,  tenant  of  Lord  Howard's  farm  Cliff,  near  Dorlin. 
According  to  him  young  fellows  us-ed  to>  beat  a  skin  on  the 
feast  called  oidhche  Coinnle  or  latha  Challuinn;  they  also 
went  round  reciting  the  following  verses  -at  each  house  they 
went  to : — 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  247 

1.   Duan,  duan  ghille  dhuibh 

'G  ioman  a  chruidh  air  an  traigh. 
An  te  nach  toir  dhomhsa.  an  t-im, 
Is  ciunteach  gum  faigh  i  am  baa 
Chan  'oil  gaol  agam  air  im, 
Is  chaii  'eil  pradh  agam  air  cais, 
An  rudan  beag  as  a>  bhuideal : 
Tha  mo  shlugan  air  a  thi. 

It  is  inte'resting  to  notice  her©  the  reference  to  cattle  by 
the  seashore,  which  looks  like  a  link  with  the  water-bull  and 
with  the  Russian  idea  of  having  the  kid  sacrificed  at  the  time 
of  the  return  of  the  sun  from  the  sea. 

2.   Cholluinn  so,  Chaluinn  so, 
Bhuilg  bhuidhe  bhoicinn 
Buailibh  an  craicionn. 
Cailleach  sa  chuil, 
Cailleach  sa.  chill ; 
Cailleach  eile 
An  ceann  an  teine; 
Stob  na  goile 
'S  i  'na  teine  dearg. 

Here  are  some  specimens  of  the  verses  recited  by  Russian 
children.  One  of  the  song's  (given  by  Mr  Losievski  as  quoted 
above)  runs  like  this :  — 

Urodilas  kolyada 
Nakanunye  Rozhdyestva 
Za  rekoyu  za  bistroyu, 
Oi  kolyadka,  oi  kolyadka,  etc. 
of  which  I  oifer  the  following  translation  :  — 

The  kolyada  has  been  brought  forth 

On  the  eve  of  Christmas 

Beyond  the  river,  beyond  the  swift  one — 

O  little  kolyada.,  O  little  kolyada. 

There  are  standing  the  wild  forests, 

In  those  forests  fires  are  burning, 

Great  fires  are  burning, 

Round  about  these,  fires  benches  are  standing, 

Benches  of  oakwood  are  standing. 

Good  young  fellows  on  those  benches, 

Good  young  fellows,  beautiful  girls. 

They  sing  the  songs  of  the  dear  little  kolyada. 


248  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

O  little  kolyada,  O  little  kolyada, 

In  the  midst  of  thorn  an  old  man  is  standing, 

He  sharpens  his  knife  of  steel. 

The  hot  kettle  is  boiling; 

Beside  the  kettle  a  goat  is  standing, 

They  intend  to  kill  the  goat ; 

O  little  kolyada.,  O  little  kolyada,. 

This  last  verse  reminds  us  of  the  corresponding  refrain  in 
the  Gaelic  rite  of  that  feast :  — 

A  Cholluinn  so,  a  Ghalluinn  s,o. 

In  some  districts  kolyadki  are  called  the  fancy  animals 
made  of  paste.  After  breakfast  the  children  start  on  their 
journey  through  the  village,  while  the  older  members  of  the 
community  begin  the  feast  at  night.  Just  like  the  young 
fellows  in  the  Highlands  the  children  in:  Russia,  demand  con- 
tributions of  food  from  the  owners  of  the  houses  where  they 
recite  their  verses.  This  is  seen,  e.g.,  in  the  following  words : 

"  Kolyada,  kolyada, 
Give  thou  us  a  cake 
Or  a  piece  of  bread, 
Or  half  a  rouble  in  money." 

Perhaps  it  may  be  of  interest  to  make  a  few  remarks  about 
the  Russian  counterpart  of  the  Gaelic  group  of  malevolent 
water  spirits,  viz.,  the  Vodyanoi,  since  in  his  case  it  can  be 
seen  with  special  clearness  how  the  attributes  of  mythological 
being's  are  frequently  simply  the1  characteristic  qualities  of  that 
part  of  nature  over  which  these  beings  preside. 

The  Vodyanoi  enjoys  a  bad  reputation.  His  very  appear- 
ance is  repulsive,  for  he  is  black  and  shaggy.  He  is  dark, 
like  the  water  over  the  deep  holes  in  which  he  lives.  He  aima 
at  the  destruction  of  man,  because  the  element  in  which  he 
lives  does  so.  The  places  where'  he  lives  are  recognisable  by 
the  fact  that  there  the  water  whirls*  round.  No  wonder  then 
that  he  is  fond  of  drawing  people  down  by  the  feet,  and  then 
of  whirling  them  round  and  round  till  they  are  dead,  The 
bluish  spots  visible  on  the  bodies  of  drowned  people  are  the 
marks  of  his  fingers.  Sometimes  he  takes  it  into  his  head  to 
stick  his  victims  into  fish-baskets  or  under  stones,  or  he  twists 
their  head  round  till  it  comes  off  the  body.  At  last,  when  he 
has  amused  himself  enough,  he  throw®  the  body  out  of  the 
water.  Occasionally  you  see  him  swimming  about  in  company 


Mythological  ^Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  249 

of  his  wife,  the  Vodyanikha,  and  his  children.  The  Vodyan- 
ikha, like  her  cousins  in,  many  other  countries,  is  seen  occasion- 
ally sitting  on  a  rock  and  combing  her  long  hair.  Long  flowing 
hair,  when  ascribed  to  water  deities,  is  without  doubt  meant 
to  represent  the  flowing  waves  and  the  hairlike  floating  vege- 
tation of  river  and  sea. 

There  is  a  curious,  custom  kept  up  in  some  villages  which  is 
evidently  a  remnant  of  human  sacrifices  made  in  remote  age® 
to  the  water  deity.  When  a  dangerous  storm  rises  all  the1 
bald-heads  of  the  village  community  are  counted,  and  for  each 
a  mark  is  cut  011  a  pieo©  of  wood.  This  piece  is  then  thrown 
into  the  water  with  an  accompanying  refrain.  This  custom 
conveys  to  one's  mind  the  painful  impression  that  prehistoric 
man  was  not  very  enthusiaistic  concerning  this  business,  but 
was  shabby  enough  to  pick  out  'the  "  bald-heads,"  i.e.,  the 
oldest  and  most  useless,  members1  of  the  tribe  as  a  present  for 
the  god  of  the  water!  We  hav-e  now  to  deal  with  another 
group  of  disa.greea.ble  beings  in  Gaelic  folklore,  viz.,  the 

(b)  SPIRITS  OF  THE  FOREST. 

These  are  represented  mainly  by  the  Uraisg,  who  corres- 
ponds to  the  Russian  Lyeshi.  The  attributes  of  the  latter 
can  be  more  clearly  traced  back  to<  the  character  of  that  part 
of  nature  over  which  he  presides.,  while  the  Uraisg  is  far  more 
a  thing  of  the  past,  and  consequently  has  lost  somewhat  its 
definite  outlines  which  no  doubt  he  had  in  the  traditions  of 
the  Gaels  a  century  or  two  ago. 

The  Uraisg  haunts  wild  and  remote  spots.  Dr  Carmichajel 
gives  the>  follo<wing  description  of  it: —  "  Uraisg,  a  monster, 
half  human,  half  goat,  with  abnormally  long  hair,  long  teeth, 
and  long  claws,  frequenting  glens,  corries,  reedy  lakes  and 
sylvan  streams."  Although  this  creature  is  [rapidly  dis- 
appearing from  the  horizon  of  the  Gaelic  mind,  yet  it  has 
impressed  itself  so  vividly  on  the  imagination  of  former  gener- 
ations' that  the  word  has  become  an  opprobrious  epithet  applied 
to  an  unkempt  man. 

Accidentally  I  came  across  a  little  piece  of  information  con- 
cerning the'  Uraisg  through  a.  conversation  with  a.  gentleman 
who  remembered  having  read  an  old  book  on  Scottish  tradi- 
tions in  the  library  of  Fetternear  House,  near  Aberdeen. 
The  story  was  to  the  effect  that  a  certain  man  of  great  bodily 
strength  happened  to  go  through  a.  forest.  There  he  met  an 
Uraisg,  a  hairy  being  with  long  nails,  called  also  the  "  wild 


250  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

man  of  the  woods."  He  led  the  stranger  to*  a  cave  where  a 
lot  of.Uraisgs  were  assembled.  They  jeered  at'  him  and  told 
him  that  he  had  no  chance  of  getting  away  alive,  but  he,  look- 
ing the  danger  squarely  in  the  face,  seized  his  treacherous 
guide  by  the  feet  and  used  him  a®  a  club,  with  which  he  most 
successfully  smashed  the  heads  of  the  whole  company. 

According  to  Canon  Macculloch,  the  Uraisg  is  not  alto- 
gether a  malevolent  being,  but  it  depends  on,  his  mood  whether 
he  will  harm  thei  wayfarer  or  help  him.  Dr  C'armichael 
informs  us  that  the  Uraisg  may  even  condescend  to  tell  terri- 
fying stories  of  the  things!  of  this  world  and  the  world  below 
and  above  to  those  who^  treat  him  respectfully,  but  all  the  same 
even  strong  men  would  avoid  hisi  vicinity  at  night. 

To  complete  this  portrait  of  a  spirit  of -the  Forest  it  will  not 
be  o>ut  of  place  to  say  something  about  the  counterpart  of  the 
Uraisg  in  Russian  popular  beliefs,  the  Lyeshi  (connected  witli 
the  word  lyes  wood).  This  spirit,  is  more  tricky  and  mis- 
chievous than  vicious,  although  occasionally  he  does  not  mind 
killing  people:  e.g.,  he  will  guide  a  peasant  who  late  at  night 
comes  from  a  jollification  in  a  neighbouring  village,  and  who 
omits  to  protect  himself  by  prayer,  to  the  nearest  hole  in  the 
river  ioe  ir  order  to  push  him  through  as  a  welcome  present 
for  his  friend  the  water  spirit,  whose  business  is  rather  slack 
during  the  winter  season,  as  there  are  very  few  cases  of  drown- 
ing then. 

Just  as  the  attributes  of  the  Vodyanoi  reflect  things  con- 
nected with  rivers  a.nd  lakes.,  so  those  of  the  Lyeshi  are  taken 
from  things  belonging  to  the  forest. 

The  Lyeshi  is  the  lord  of  the  forest,  and  lives  in  the  thickest 
and  most  inaccessible  parts  of  it.  He  is  black  like  the  depth 
of  the  forest  and  shaggy  like  the  wild  animals  over  which  he 
rules,  but  often  he  assumes  the  appearance  of  an  ordinary  man. 
The  echo  is  his  cry.  He  tries  to  confuse  people  and  lead  them 
astray  in  the  wilds  of  the  forest,  and  when  be  succeeds  he 
enjoys  the  joke  so  much  that  he  claps  his  hands  a.nd  breaks  out 
into,  loud  Daughter. 

The  reason  for  his.  being  associated  so  much  with  noise  may 
lie  in  the  fact  that  sounds  of  any  kind  make  a  great  impression 
on  anybody  who  has  lost  his  way,  and  who  with  the  prospect 
of  starvation  or  death  through  the  teeth  of  wolves  or  bears  is 
wandering  about  in  the  silent  forest. 

When  the  peasant  is  in  the  forest  he  deems  it  improper  to 
break  out  into  loud  laughter,  or,  worse  than  that,  to  whistle, 


Mytholoqical  Beings  in  Gallic  folklore  251 

-evidently  because  these  things  are  reserved  as  a  privilege  for 
the  lord  of  the  forest  in  whose  kingdom  he  happens  to  be  at 
the  time.  Woe  to  him  if  he  does  not  observe  this  law,  unless 
he  succeeds  in  protecting  himself  by  adopting  the  measure 
recommended  by  wise  old  men,  viz.,  to*  turni  his  coat  inside 
cut — for  that  mighty  ruler  has  got  the  attributes  of  the  storm 
too,  and  when  offended  will  step  across  rivers  and  lakes  with 
the  speed  of  lightning,  and  in  his  rage  will  smash  everything 
on  the  way. 

When  a  storm  rages  the  people  say :  "  Lyeshi  idyot,"  i.e., 
the  spirit  of  the  forest  is  walking.  With  this  agrees  his  fond- 
ness for  chasing  and  dispersing  animals,  just  a®  the  storm 
scatters  and  drives  the  leaves  in  all  directions.  When  an 
unusually  large  number  of  wolves  are  roaming  about,  the 
people  say:  "  volk  idyot  v  voinu  u  lyeshi  potyeshaetsa,"  i.e., 
the  wolf  go>es  to  the  war  a,nd  the  Spirit  of  the  Foreist  is  enjoying 
it, 

Some  of  the  attributes  I  have  mentioned  are  shared  by  an 
important  group  of  mythological  creatures  in  Gaelic  folklore, 
about  which  I  have  to  make  a>  few  remarks  too,  viz.,  Giants 
and  Hags,  in  Gaelic,  Famhairean  and  Cailleachan. 

(c)  FAMHAIREAN  AND  CAILLEACHAN. 

The  majority  of  these  represent  the  great  forces  of  nature, 
as  a  rule,  in  their  destructive  aspect.  It  seems  that  in  many 
instances  the  long"  contact  with  the  Scandinavian  invaders  gave 
an  increased  prominence  to  this  part  of  the  Gaelic  Olympus, 
since  the  whole  of  Scandinavian  folklore  is  pervaded  with  these 
creature®. 

Hags-  of  this  type  who  accidentally  built  up  Little  Ben 
Wyvis  by  dropping  earth  and  stones  out  of  their  creels  might 
figure  in  any  Scandinavian  tale. 

Dr.  Carmichael  mentions  a  rough- weather-hag  who  tries  to 
keep  the  vegetation  down  in  the  early  spring,  and  when  unsuc- 
cessful gets  into  a  fearful  rage  and  disappears  in  a  whirling 
cloud. 

The  Cailleach  a'  Cbrathaich  mentioned  by  D'r  Mackay  in 
'  Urquhart  and  Glenmoriston,"  and  by  Mr  Alex.  Macdonald 
in  "  Story  and  Song  from  Loehness-side,"  who  lies  in  wait  for 
wayfarers  in  order  to  kill  them,  seems  to>  belong  to  the  Glaistig 
type.  Her  method  of  getting  hold  of  the  bonnet  of  the  victim 
and.  then  of  rubbing  it  till  a  hole  appears  in  it  which  causes  the 
•death  of  its  owner,  is  an  interesting  example  of  beliefs  assooi- 


252  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

a.ted  with  the  idea,  of  what  ethnologists  call  "  the  external 
soul/'  a  well-known  instance  of  which  is1  the  attempt  to  do 
harm  to  your  enemy  by  dissolving  a  "  oo'rp-criadh,"  i.e.,  a 
clay  figure  representing  him,  in  a  river. 

As  "regards  giants  (Gaelic  famhairean,  a>  word  identical  with 
the  ancient  Irish  Fomor),  it  is  interesting  to  learn  from  an 
article  in  the  "  Celtic  Review"  by  Mr  Donald  Mackenzie,  that 
there  is  a  difference  between  Scottish  and  Irish  folklore  con- 
cerning them.  The  giants  of  Scottish  tales  represent  not  merely 
monsters  ;and  deities  of  night  and  winter,  but  occasionally  also 
deities  of  light  and  summer,  ai  function  reserved  in  Ireland 
to  the  Tuatha  De  Danaan.  Passing  over  other  items  of 
interest,  I  would  like  to  single  out  one  problem  for  considera- 
tion, as  it  has  a  bearing  on  the  third  and  last  part  of  my 
lecture,  viz.,  the  question  whether  possibly  some  of  the  stories 
about  giants:  may  be  due  to>  the  nursery  tales  of  representatives 
of  a  small  race  conquered  by  and  amalgamating  with  the  taller 
invaders. 

Is  it  possible  to  regard  the  great  antagonist  of  giants  in 
Gaelic  folklore,  Fionn  and  his  band  of  warriors,  apart  from 
their  mythological  attributes,  as  idealised  representatives  of 
an  ancient  race  prior  to  and  smaller  in  stature  than  that  of 
the  more  recent  Celtic  invaders'?  I  think  there  are  quite 
sufficient  reasons*  for  formulating  a  theory  concerning  this 
matter. 

It  seems  to  be  certain  that  definite  historical  facts  which 
might  serve  as  a  foundation  for  the  deeds  of  Fionn  and  his 
followers  are  very  scanty.  On  the  other  hand,  the  wide  circu- 
lation and  the  firm  hold  on  the  popular  mind  which  the  latter 
have  or  had  among'  the  Gaels  surpasses  that  of  any  other  group 
of  tales.  According  to  Canon  Maeeulloch  ("  the  Religion  of 
the  Ancient  Celts"),  "  It  is  among  the  folk  that  the  Fionn 
saga  has  always  been  popular,  and  for  every  peasant  who  could 
tell  a  story  of  Cuchullainn  a  thousand  could  tell  one  of  Fionn." 
The  Cuchulainn  saga  flourished  more  among  the  aristocratic 
and  lettered  classes.  These  were  more  purely  Celtic  in  Great 
Britain  as  well  as  on  the  Continent,  where  the  common  people 
were  a  mixed  race  with  a  large  percentage  of  non-Celtic  blood. 
Professor  Watson  happens  to  make  the  following  remark  in 
connection  with  this  question  in  his  article  on  "  Classic  Gaelic 
Poetry  of  Panegyric"  in  the  "  Northern  Chronicle,"  March 
13th,  1918:  "  It  is  to  be  noted  that  with  the  Gaelic  ruling 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  253 

race  as  with  the  Celts  of  Gaul  the  standard  colour  of  hair  was 
yellow  and  of  the  eye®  blue." 

On  the  Continent  the  bulk  of  the  population  in  the  Western 
Celtic  area  was  formed  chiefly  by  Iberians,  in  Britain  partly 
by  Iberians,  partly  by  other  pre-Celtic  races. 

When  we  consider  on  the  one  hand  that  the  common  people 
would  be  more  in  touch  with  the  traditions  of  their  own  past, 
and  on  the  other  the  fact  that  weighty  reasons  suggest  the 
existence  in  pre-Celtic  times  of  a  dwarfish  population  in  Scot- 
land and  in  Ireland  which  appears,  to  have  been  akin  to  the 
Laplanders  of  the  present  day  who  are  merely  a  stunted  branch 
of  the  Finnish  race — is  it  altogether  impossible  to  believe  that 
the  name  Finn  or  Fionn  may  be  a.  reminiscence  of  descent  from 
the  northern  race  of  that  name'? 

An  objection  which  may  be  raised  apropos  of  this  matter, 
viz.,  that  the  name  Finn  is  not  used  either  by  Finlanders  or 
Laplanders  themselves,  but  is  applied  to  them  by  Aryan  out- 
siders, admits;  of  an  easy  explanation,  if  it  is  assumed  that  the 
Aborigines  in  Britain!  were  gradually  incorporated  in  the  Celtic 
nationality,  and  must  have  substituted  Celtic  names  for  their 
own  as  easily  as  Ga^Ko  names  have  been  replaced  in  numerous 
instances  by  English  ones 

To  show  that  the  theory  I  have  mentioned  is  more  than  a 
mere  playing  with  namesi  I  would  like  to  point  out  a  number 
of  facts  which,  when  taken  together,  appear  to  be  sufficient 
to  concede  the  rank  of  a  possible  hypothesis — pending  further 
investigation — to  this  view 

1.  According  to  an  old  Flemish  chronicler,  quoted  by  Mr 
MacRitchie  in  the  "  Celtic  Review,"  the  dwarfish  Aborigines 
of  Belgium  were  called  Fenlanders. 

2.  Mr  Campbell  of  Islay  was.  so  struck  with  the  similarity 
between  Finnish   dwellings    and  certain   prehistoric    buildings 
in  Scotland,  that  he  felt  certain  that  there  must  have  been 
a  Finnish  population  in  Scotland.        It  is  to  be  remembered 
here  that  the  ancient  Finns  in  Eastern  Europe  are  described 
as  leading  the  same  life  as  Laplanders  nowadays,  who,  owing 
to   unfavourable   circumstances,    havei   not   progressed   as    the 
other  Finns  did. 

3.  There  occurs  in  Gaelic  tales  a  p-erson  called  Fionnlaidh, 
who  rules  over  the  Fairies,   the   "  Daoine-beaga,"   i.e.,   the 
little  men. 

4.  The  name  Fionn  in  Welsh  dress1,  viz.,  Gwyn*,  occurs 
in  Welsh  stories  as  that  of  the  King  of  the  Fairies. 


254  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

5.  There  exists  an  ancient  story,  entitled,  "  Fionn  in  the 
land  of  the  big  men." 

6.  Finnish  tribes  in  very  early  times  formed  the  aboriginal 
population  of  Russia,  having  spread  over  Eastern  Europe  from 
Northern,  Asia.     At  the  present  day  certain  tribes  in  Siberia, 
the  Finns  in  Finland,  the  Esthonians  along  part  of  the  Baltic 
Sea,,  and  the  Magyars  of  Hungary,  are  scattered  remnants  of 
the  original  race  which  was  gradually  pushed  back  or  absorbed 
by   the   ancient  Slavs   who  spread   from    the  Danube  in   an 
easterly  direction. 

Is  it  impossible  to  assume  that  waves  of  immigration  took 
place  in  neolithic  times  from  the  Baltic  shore  towards  the 
warmer  districts  of  North-Western  Europe?  It  has  been  sug- 
gested by  geologists  that  Great  Britain  was  still  connected  with 
the  Continent  across  the  Channel  in  paleolithic  times.  Even 
if  this  assertion  should  happen  to  be  incorrect,  it  is  probable 
enough  that  the  distance  between  Britain  and  the  Continent 
wa:9  less  in  neolithic  times  than  it  is  now.  In  a,ny  case  it  is 
quite  conceivable  that  an  immigration  across  the  sea  as  it  is 
at  present  should  have  taken  place  even  in  that  early  age. 
I  would  like  to  go  as  far  as  to  suggest  that  the  word  Fin  may 
have  been  a.  collective  name  applied  to  people  of  a  mongoloid 
or  northern  type,  just  as  the  word  Welsh  in  Teutonic  language 
is  used  as  a  vague  collective  term  referring  to  people  of  Celtic 
or  Latin  nationality. 

When  suggesting  as  a  possible  theory  that  the  ancient 
mixed  Celtic  population  of  Scotland  thus  idealised  its  own 
past  through  the  name  of  a  hero  who  represents  their  original 
race,  I  am  of  course  in  no'  way  trying  to  deny  that  other  influ- 
ences, mythological  ones  in  the  first  place  and  historic  ones 
too,  have  likewise  been  at  work  in  building  up  and  shaping  the 
Fionn  Saga. 

III.— THE  FAIRY  PEOBLEM. 

It  remains  for  me  now  only  to  define  my  opinion  as  to  the 
question  which  of  the  theories  concerning  the  Fairies  or 
'  Daoine  beaga"  is.  the  more!  plausible  one— the  one  which 
assumes  the  existence  of  a,  prehistoric  dwarf  race',  or  the  one 
which  sees  in  the  little  men  merely  ancestral  spirits  haunting 
the  tumuli  in  which  their  bodies  were  laid  to  rest,  or  considers 
them  to  be  survivals  of  the  deities  called  Tuatha  De  D-anaan. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  harmony  between  the  traditional 
Gaelic  Tales  and  certain  facts  disclosed  by  modern  archaeology, 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  255 

ethnology,  and  anthropology  leaves  no  doubt  about  the-  real 
existence  in  remote  ages  of  a  dwarfish  race  in  Scotland  and 
other  parts  of  the  British  Isles. 

As  this  line  of  argument  has  been  admirably  set  forth  by 
Mr  MaeKitcliie  in  the  "  Celtic  Review,"  I  will  confine  myself 
to  selecting  certain  points  of  special  interest  and  to  offering 
some  suggestions  in  connection  with  them. 

Here  again  I  fully  admit  that  a  great  amount  of  mytho- 
logical belief  has  overgrown  the  foundation  of  historic  fact,  but 
all  the  same  I  would  like  to  emphasise  the  existence  of  that 
fact,  which  is  made  clear  through  the  accumulative  force  of 
various  mutually  independent  arguments. 

To  start  with  a>  point  connected  with  philology.  „  The 
Fairies  are  known  to  Gaelic  speakers  under  the  name  of  daoine- 
beaga,  also  of  daoine-sidh  and  sithichean  (sith  is  the  modern 
form  of  the  ancient  sid). 

Mr  M,acRitchie  shows  that  these  last  two  words  are  the 
Gaelic  equivalent  of  "  mound-dwellers,"  corresponding,  e.g., 
to  the  Danish  word  for  dwarfs,  "  berg  folk."  Even  where  on 
the  Continent  stories  about  the  dwarfs  are  confused  and  devoid 
of  detail,  they  invariably  give  as  a  characteristic  of  the. little 
men  that  they  live  inside  mountains. 

The  traditional  Gaelic  tales  make  the  little  men  live  in 
green  mounds,  describing  them  consistently  in  a  way  which 
corresponds  strikingly  with  the  appearance  of  the  grass-covered 
conical  mounds  in  which  little  men  still  exist  at  the  present 
day,  e.g.,  in  the  far  north  of  Europe,  a  detailed  account  of 
which  has  been  given  by  Mr  Campbell  of  Islay  in  the  notes  to 
hig  "  Tales  of  the' Western  Highlands,"  since  he  saw  a  good 
deal  of  the  life  of  the  Laplanders.  Now  what  I  would  like  to 
point  out  in  this  connection  is  that  the!  Gaelic  word  for  a  fairy 
knoll,  sithea.n,  mea.ns  a  conical  mound.  Sith-ean  is  the  diminu- 
tive form  of  a  word  sith,  which  means  a  hill,  in  particular  a 
conical  hill,  a  pyramid,  as  I  have  seen  it  expressed  by  an 
.  authority  whom  I  cannot  remember.  In  any  c3.Me  there  exists 
a  striking  illustration  of  what  this  word  means  in  the  case  of 
a  conspicuous  landmark  within  the  sight  of  which  I  live,  viz., 
the  very  symmetrical  conical  hill  near  Invergarry  of  a  height 
of  almost  3000  feet.  ' '*This  hill  is  called  on  maps  Beinn 
"  Tee,"  also  Beinn,  "  Tigh,"  and  often  in  conversation  B«inn 
"  Shee,"  not,  however,  by  the  natives  of  the  district,  who 
pronounce  the  word  "  beinn  an  t-sith,"  exactly  as  it  ought  to 
be  pronounced  if  the  meaning  is  "  a  conical  hill." 


256  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Therefore  the  daoine  sith  or  sithicheaii  are  people  who  live 
in  little  "  beinn  an  t-siths,"  or  "  sitheans,"  i.e.,  conical 
mounds,  exactly  like  the  Laplanders  whom  Mr  Campbell  of 
Islay  visited. 

I  would  like  to  add  that  as  a,  rule  conspicuous  features  of 
the  landscape  are  clearly  described  as  such  by  the  names'  given 
them  in  the  Gaelic  language.  There  are  several  other  inter- 
esting examples  of  this  kind  near  Fort-Augustus,  of  which  I 
might  mention  Beinn  a'  bhacaidh,  or  "  the  hill  of  the  shelf" 
the  latter  being  very  conspicuous  when  seen  west  of  Fort- 
Augustus-— and  Leek,  the  name  of  a,  once  well -populated 
village,  the  remnants  of  which  are  situated  near  a  hill-side 
which  is  covered  in  a  conspicuous  way  with  flat,  slab-like  parts 
of  rocks  that  are  exposed  there  on  the  surface  (viz.,  lie  is  the 
plural  of  leac,  a  slab). 

Concerning  the  archaeological  aspect  of  the  Fairy  problem, 
I  would  like  to  say  that  the  custom  of  living  in  subterraneous 
dwellings  is  not  so  extraordinary  as  some  objectors  to  this 
theory  seem  to  imagine.  At  the  present  day  the  custom  exists 
even  among  Southerners  like  Georgians,  Tartars,  Kurds,  and 
Armenians  of  using  places  of  that  sort  in  the  upper  glens  of 
their  hills  during  the  winter  months,  where  they  live  even  in 
company  of  their  cattle.  Many  of  these  dwellings  consist  of 
a  perfect  labyrinth  of  passages  aaid  chambers  (see  Zhivopisnaya 
Rossia,"  IX. ".  and  X.). 

There  is  a  tradition  lingering  in  some  parts  of  Northern 
Russia,  e.g..  at  Nikolsk  in  the  government  of  Vologda,  that 
the  first  Russian  immigrants  there  found  a  "  pcganyi,"  i.e., 
uncanny  pagan,  non-Russian  people  there1  who  hid  themselves 
away  out  of  the  sight  of  the  new-comers  in  pits  which  were  on 
the  top  covered  with  earth.  The  immigrants,  however,  broke 
these  earthen  roofs,  which  fell  on  the  top  of  the  aborigines 
hiding  below  and  suffocated  them. 

Apropos  of  the  very  small  dimensions  of  doors  and  passages 
in  Scottish  and  Irish  Taighean-larach  or  Earth-houses,  the 
measurements  of  which  are  given,  e.g.,  by  Mr  MacRitchie  and 
other  authors  as  ranging  between  15  ingfaes  and  4  fest  for  the 
height  of  the  passage®,  and  3  feet  te^jB?  feet  for  that  of  the 
chambers,  it  will  be  instructive  to  give  a  list  of  the  sizes  of 
some  of  the  various  dwarf  races  existing  at  the  present  day. 

According  to  Mr  Scott-Elliott  ("  Prehistoric:  Man  and  his 
Story"):  The  Tapiros  (a  tribe  in  Dutch  New  Guinea),  have 
an  average  height  of  4  feet  9  inches.  Another  tribe 


Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic  Folklore  257 

discovered  a  few  years  ago  in  the  then  German  part 
of  New  Guinea  showed  the  following  figures :  — men 
average  4  feet  10  inches;  women  4  feet  8J  inches.  The  abor- 
igines on  the  Island  of  Zambales  in  the  Philippines,  4  feet 
9  inches.  According  to  RatzeFs  Ethnology,  the  Samoyedes 
(North- Western  Siberia),  4  ft.  8  inches;  Laplanders:  men  are 
4  ft.  9  inches ;  women  4  feet  7  inches ;  Greenland  Esquimos  : 
men  4  feet  9  inches ;  women  4  feet  7  inches. 

In  connection  with  the  anthropological  side  of  this  subject 
it  is  interesting  to  note  how  well  the  description  given  of 
certain  features  of  the  dwarf  races  agrees  in  the  following 
three  instances:  — 

1.  Mr  Scott-Elliott  describes  living  dwarf  races  in  general 
as.  having:    "  Broad   cheek-bones,    a  blunt   nose,    and   wide- 
spread nostrils." 

2.  The  Swissi  anatomist,  Professor  Kollmann,  found  that 
the  skulls  of  the'  South-European  prehistoric  dwarf  race  have 
"  flat  broad  faces,  flat  broad  low  noses  and  large  nose-roots." 

3.  An    18th   century  account  quoted   by   Mr  MacRitchie 
saysi  of  the  inhabitants  of  certain  districts  of   the  northern 
and   eastern   coasts  of   Ireland :     ' '  They   are   of   a   squat-set 
stature,  have  short  broad  faces,  thick  lips,  hollow  eyes,  and 
noses  cocked  up,  and  seem  to  be  a  distinct  people  from  the 
Western  Irish." 

People  of  a  dwarfish  stature  are  mentioned  in  another 
18th  century  account  as  living  in  a  certain  part  of  Caithness. 
It  seems,  therefore,  very  likely  that  remnants  of  the  daoine- 
sidhe  lingered  on  almost  down  to  our  own  time. 

There  is  another  point  I  would  like  to  mention  in  con- 
nection with  the  Fairies  as  a  real  race.  It  is  remarkable 
with  what  consistency  the  Fairy  Tales,  not  only  of  the  Gael, 
but  qf  other  nations  too,  mention  the  caps  worn  by  the  little 
people.  Why  did  this  headgear  make  so  profound  an 
impression  on  all  who  came  into  contact  with  them  ?  I  think 
it  is  very  probable  that  the  little  men  lived  under  semi-arctic 
conditions,  and  that  they  would  very  probably  continue  by 
force  of  habit  to  wear  a  specially  ample  headgear  which  had 
once  been  necessary  to  keep  off  the  cold.  The  herds  of  deer 
(i.e.,  reindeer)  kept  by  the  "  Fairies,"  and  probably  also  the 
long  entrance  passages  in  the  Taighean-lairach  point  to  a 
severe  climate,  the  latter  because  it  is  the  custom  not  only 
with  the  Esquimaux,  but  also  with  some  tribes  in  Siberia,  to 

17 


258  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

protect  the  entrance  to  the  home  against  the  blasts  of  arctic 
blizzards  by  building  a  passage  in  front  of  it  which — at  least 
in  the  case  of  the  Siberians — is  of  a  bent  shape. 

The  colour  of  the  cap  is  frequently  mentioned,  e.y.t  green. 
in  the  casie  of  the  Fairies  of  Gaeldom,  and  red  in  the  case  of 
the  little  men  found  by  the  Frisians  on  the  Isle  of  Sylt.  It 
has  occurred  to  me  that  the  little  men  were  possibly  guided 
in  their  choice  of  colours  by  the  exigencies  of  protective 
colouring.  They  were  keen  hunters  (as  the  pygmies  of 
Africa  and  Asia  istill  are),  and  besides  this  there  exists  an 
ancient  quatrain  in  which  this  appreciation  of  protective 
colouring  is  explicitly  mentioned.  A  sithiche  in  North  Uist, 
when  presenting  :a  friendly  huntsman  with  his  grey  dog, 
said  : 

"'Soilleir  fuil  air  cu  ban, 
Soilleir  cu  dubh  air  liana  ; 
'S  nam  bithinn  ris  an  fhiadhach 
B'  e  'n  cu  riabhach  mo  roghainn." 

—"  Celtic  Review,"  Vol.  V. 

Before  concluding,  I  must  touch  in  passing  on  the 
mythological  aspect  of  the  Fairy  Tales.  Canon  Macculloch 
explains  how  the  ancient  deities  called  the  Tuatha  De  Danaan 
in  course  of  time  began  to  be  associated  with  the  mounds. 
They  were  gods  of  light  and  summer ;  music  and  the  fine 
arts  flourished  under  their  care. 

Hence  it  is.  natural  that  we  should  find  a  great  deal  of 
the  brighter1  superhuman  element  represented  in  the  life  of 
the  Fairies.  The  chief  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danaan  himself, 
the  Dagda,  is  called  the  king  of  the  '  side  '  (the  ancient  form 
of  the  word  sidh).  As  he  is  an  ancient  sun  god  (curiously 
similar  in  name  to*  the  ancient  Russian  sun  god  Dazh-bogh, 
Gaelic  Da  and  Russian  bogh  meaning  god),  we  need  not  be 
astonished  to  find  glowing  accounts  in  the  traditional  Gaelic 
stories  of  the  brilliant  light  which  floods  the  rich  sub- 
terranean palaces  and  'attracts  the  fortunate  mortal  who 
happens  to  pas®  a  fairy  knoll  at  an  hour  when  it  is  kept 
open  by  the  gay  dancing  little  folk. 


The  Gael  in  the  Lothians  259 


19th  DECEMBER,  1918. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  a  meeting  held 
on  this  date.  A  gift  of  ten  volumes  to  the  Society's  Library 
from  Mr  P.  J.  Anderson,  The  University,  Aberdeen,  was  inti- 
mated and  an  appreciation  of  the  donor's  kindness  was 
recorded, 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society  on  the 
motion,  of  the  Chairman,  seconded  by  Mr  Alex.  Macdonald  :  — 
Messrs  Angus  Henderson,  Stirling;  J.  S.  Mackay,  Stirling; 
George  Mackay,  M.D1.,  Edinburgh;  J.  G.  Mackay,  Portres  ; 
and  Mr  James  Macdonald  Stuart,  Perth. 


16th  JANUARY,  1919. 

The  Annual  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  this 
evening  in  the  Waverley  Hotel.  The  Reverend  Donald 
Connell,  M.A.,  presided  over  a  good  attendance  of  members. 

After  discussion,  it  wasi  unanimously  agreed  that  the  office 
of  Chief  and  that  of  permanent  Secretary  be  left  vacant  for 
the  present.  The  other  office-bearers  were  re-elected,  and 
Pipe-Major  John  Macdonald  was  appointed  Honorary  Piper. 

On  the  motion  of  Dr  Miackay,  seconded  by  ex-Bailie  John 
Mackenzie,  the  undernoted  were  unanimously  elected  mem- 
bers of  the  Society  :  — The  Reverend  Lauchlan  Maclean  Watt, 
M.A.,  B.D.,  Edinburgh;  Mr  J.  G.  Mackay,  London;  Captain 
J.  H.  Mackay-Scobie,  Edinburgh;  the  Reverend  Thomas 
Fenton  Fyife,  West  Cornforth,  Co.  Durham ;  the  Reverend 
Duncan.  Macrae,  Grantully,  Perthshire;  Mr  J.  P.  MacLean, 
Ohio,  U.S.A.;  Mr  M.  C.  MacLeod,  Dundee;  and  Mr  Alex- 
ander Dugald  Cumming,  Callender. 

In  the  unavoidable  absence  of  the  author,  Mr  Alexander 
Macdonald,  Inverness,  read  a  paper  by  Professor  William  J. 
Watson,  LL.D.,  Edinburgh,  entitled,  "  The  Gael  in  the 
Lothians. "  This  paper  having  been  published  elsewhere  is 
not  included  in  the  published  Transactions  of  this  Society. 


260  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

30th  JANUARY,  1919. 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  a  meeting  of 
the  Society  held  this  -evening,  at  which  the  following  paper 
was  read  by  Mr  J.  G.  Mackay,  Portree  :  — 

SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  SKYE  FROM  LEG-END1  AND  STORY. 

PART.  I. 
PLACE-NAMES    IN    STOKY. 

In  studying  the  social  life  of  any  place,  there  i$  no'  subject 
more  interesting  than  the  story  of  Place-Names.  Many  of 
them  have  something  interesting  to  tell,  if  we  can  only  trace 
their  history.  In  a  district  like  Skye  where  there  have  been 
such  ^changes  in  language  and  people  it  is  rendered  more 
difficult  both  by  the  Gaelicising  of  Norse  names  and  the  Angli- 
cising of  Gaelic  ones.  Naturally,  after  the  long  occupation  of 
the  island  by  the  Norsemen  they  have  left  their  mark  upon  the 
place-names,  but  not  nearly  to>  the  extent  that  is  generally 
supposed. 

The  late  Dr  MacBain  was  of  the  opinion  that  Norse  names 
were  about  50  per  cent,  of  the  names  in  Skye,  but  that  is 
giving  far  too  liberal  a  share.  He  took  his  particulars  from 
the  Valuation  Roll  and  from  Black's  one  inch  tourist  map. 
As  everyone  knows,  the  Valuation  Roll  is  only  a  list  of  home- 
steads, and  these  are  the  very  places  where  the  Norsemen 
made  their  settlements.  Black's  map,  on  the  other  hand, 
gives  very  few  names  of  any  description.  Besides  my  own 
local  knowledge,  I  have  carefully  gone  over  the  largest  size 
Ordnance  Survey  map,  and  counted  the  names,  and  make 
them  out  as  follows: — 1500  Gaelic,  300  Norse,  and  200 
Hybrid,  or  names  made  up  of  both  languages,  and  both  mean- 
ing the  same  thing,  such  as  Glendale,  Glenhinisdale,  Strath- 
Suaradale,  Sronuirinish,  Ardnish,  Ardtresornish.  The  Norse 
names  are  for  the  most  part  along  the  coast:  those  places 
which  would  be  special  landmarks  for  seafaring  men.  Of  the 
lochs  and  anchorages,  twelve  have  distinctly  Norse  names, 
while  only  eight  have  Gaelic.  The  larger  headlands',  sue  a  : .3 
Mmginish,  Trodernish,  Duiriness,  Waterman,  Idrigill, 
and  some  others  are  Norse,  but  a  shoal  of  smaller 
ones  are  unmistakably  Gaelic.  Almost  all  the  higher  hills 
and  most  of  the  glens  are  Gaelic.  A  very  outstanding  name 
in  Skye  is  that  with  thei  termination  '  bost,'  from  the 
Norse  Bolstadr,  a  dwelling  place;  of  these  there  are  seven- 


Social  Life  in  Shye  261 

teen,  such  as  Skeabost,  Husabost,  etc.;  another  is  "Shadder, 
from  the  Norse  Setr,  a  residence,  a  mountain  pasture.  Of 
these  there  are  the  same  number,  such  a®  Marrishadder, 
Airmishadder,  etc.  The  former  are  all  in  MacLeod's  country, 
while  the  latter  are  in  Trotternish.  But  more  numerous  are 
those  denoting  land-measurement,  or  value,  such  as  Peighinn 
an  Fhidhleir,  Peighinn  a'  Ghobhainn,  Peighinn  an  Lighich, 
etc.  Another  numerous  class  is  that  beginning  with  Camus, 
such  as  Camus-Mallaig,  Camus- tianavaig,  Camus-ban,  etc. 
The  Church,  however,  claims  by  far  the  greater  proportionate 
number  of  place-names ;  between  Cills,  Clachans,  Holy-wells, 
etc.,  I  have  counted  eighty-two.  Another  series  which  occu- 
pies a  prominent  place  both  in  the  names  and  landscape  of 
Skye,  is  the  Dims ;  I  believe  there  are  at  least  fifty  of  them. 
A  number  of  writers  on  Skye  claim  these  Duns  to  be  Danish, 
but  that  idea  is  exploded.  Two  prominent  forts,  Dun- 
Scathaich  in  Sleat  and  Dun  an  Deirg,  near  Staffin,  are  both 
regarded  as  residences  of  ancient  warriors ;  the  former  that  of 
the  mighty  Cuchullin,  and  the  other  of  the  less  celebrated 
Dearg  mac  Druibheil. 

Dun  an  Deirg  is  built  on  the  edge  of  the  well-known  preci- 
pice Creag  an  Fheilidh,  three  hundred  feet  sheer  down  to  the 
beach.  There  is  a  flight  of  stairs  on  the  landward  side,  the 
steps  of  which  would  weigh  from  one  to  three  tons  each .  They 
are  of  white  granite,  taken  from  the  beach  below.  In  no  other 
plaoe  in  the  island  is  that  stone  to  be  found;  but  how  were 
these  huge  stones  raised?  They  had  to  be  taken  up  the  cliff, 
they  could  not  be  carried  round ;  it  would  be  a  distance!  of 
several  mile®  over  impossible  ground.  The  work  was  not  that 
of  barbarians. 

These  Duns  are  placed;  in  such  positions  that  the  one  can 
be  seen  from  another  all  over  the  island ;  some  of  them  were 
merely  watch  towers  from  which  fire  signals  could  be  sent  on 
the  approach  of  an  invader,  and  it  is  possible  that  they  were 
built  by  the  natives  when  the  Norsemen  first  began  to>  make 
raids  into  the  island.  Others  were  built  for  defence,  and  had 
accommodation  for  sheltering  the  cattle  as  well  as  the  inhabi- 
tants. There  are  also  three  prominent  hill-tops  called  after 
Fionni,  from  which  a  view  can  be  had  round  the  whole  coast 
as  far  north  as  the  Butt  of  Lewis  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  Tiree 
on  the  other*  Fire-signals  were'  common  in  the  Highlands 
as  late  as  the  "  '45."  Some  of  these  erections  were  styled  bv 

*  These  are  known  as  "  Aite  Suidhe  Fhinn." 


262  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

the  Norsemen  Burgs  (borg),  such  as.  Scudaburg,  Re&aburg, 
and  in  another  form  Borve;  these  usually  had  a  village  about 
them.  Notwithstanding  the  long  occupation  of  the  island  by 
the  Norsemen,  th-ey  left  little  mark  on  the  language  of  the 
people. 

Now  for  a  few  specimens  of  Place  Names  in  Story.  "  Caol- 
Reath" — the  narrow  strait  between  Sky©  and  mainland  at 
'  G-lenelg — so  called  from  the  drowning  of  one  of  the  Fenian 
warriors,  Mac  Heath,  on  the  occasion  of  the  burning  of  Halls 
of  Tatira,,  losgadh  Tigh  Formail  no  Teamhra,  as  it  is  variously 
called.  Several  places,  claim  to  be  the  scene  of  this  tragic 
event,  but  from  the  place  names  and  the  local  surrounding's 
Skye  seems  to<  have  the  best  right  to  it.  The  Feinne  were 
hunting  in  Skye;  the  place  must  have  been  Bealach  Udail, 
opposite  Glenelg  :  their  dwellings  were  on  the  opposite  shore 
of  Glenelg  ;  the  ruiiisi  are  still  to  be  seen,  and  are  called 
locally  "  Na  Fiannaichean."  To  tourists  and  to  strangers 
they  are  "  Pict's  houses."  Suffice  it  to1  say  that  when  the 
flare  of  the  burning  was  seen  by  Fionn,  he  immediately  sum- 
moned his  warriors.  They  rushed  to  the  narrowest  part  of 
the  Kyle,  and,  not  waiting  to  get  to  their  boats,  each  man 
vaulted  across  on  his  spear,  and  Mac  Reath  slipped  and  was 
drowned  in  the  Kylei — the  tide  runs  at  a.  terrible  force  at  that 
spot.  As  the  tale  has  it — 

Do  bhrigh  an  dcchais  bh'  aig  na  laoich 
A  liith  an  cos — 's  cha  bhreith  chlaon — 
Leum  gach  fear  air  bharr  a  shleagh 
Is  chailleadh  Mac  Reaith  's  a  chaol. 

Because  of  the  faith  which  the  wiarriors  had 
In  their  power  of  foot — not  wrong  the  judgment — 
Every  man  leapt  on  the  point  of  his  spear ; 
And  Mac  Reath  was  lost  in  the  Kyle. 

On  the  Glenelg  side,  right  opposite,  there  is  a  bank  or 
mound  known  by  the  name  of  "  lomair  nam  fear  mora,"  or 
the  ridge  of  the  giants.  About  the  beginning  of  last  century, 
some  retired  military  officers,  of  whom  there  were  many  in  the 
district  at  the  time,  took  it  into  their  heads  to  open  the 
mound.  They  came  upon  a.  cist  containing  a  skeleton  of 
immense  size.  They  were  in  the  act  of  measuring  the  jaw- 
bone to  the  face  of  a.  very  big  man  of  the  party  (which  reached 
over  the  top  of  his  head),  when  suddenly  a.  terrific  thunder- 


Social  Life  in  Shye 


263 


storm  arose.  They  hurriedly  threw  everything  back  in  its 
place,  covered  it  up,  <aiid  went  home  fully  convinced  that  it 
was  a.  warning  for  desecrating  the  tomb  of  the  mighty  dead. 
It  is  quite  believed  locally  that  this  is^the  tomb  of  Mac  Heath. 
There  are  many  Fenian  place-names  in  Skye,  and  the  presence 
of  the  Feinne  in  the  island  must  have  been  very  frequent 
during  their  time.  Jhree  places  are  called  Suidhe  Fhinn ; 
then  there  are  Duii-Scathaich  and  Dun  an  Deirg,.  Leac  iiam 
Fiann,  So-much  co-ire  Fhinn,  two  standing- stones  where  they 
were  said  to  boil  their  cauldron  when  cooking  their  food. 
Beinn-iaiiabhaig,  opposite  Portree,  is  said  to  be  the  place  where 
Diarmaid  killed  the  wild  boar,  and  at  Peisfhinnrmhor,  near 
by,  is  Tobar  an  Tuirc,  from  which  Diarmaid  besought  Fionn 
to  get  him  a  drink.  There  is  a.  Dun  Diarmaid  at  Totardor ; 
the  crabbed  Conan  is  well  remembered:  there  are  two*  lochs, 
a  hill,  a  river,  and  a  glen  dedicated  to  him;  and  there  are 
Beinn-thobhta,  Gorm  Shuill,  and  Loch  Ghorm- Shuill. 

To-  come  to  more  recent  times — Torran  nan  Gillean,  near 
Portree.  On  a  Hogmanay  many  years  ago,  a,  party  of  young 
men  from  the  parish  of  Portree  went  for  their  Hogmanay  to 
MacLeod's  country.  It  was  the  habit  then  for  grown  up  lads 
to  go  long  distances  on  such  errands;  they  dressed  in  fantastic 
fashion,  and  managed  to  get  a.  good  deal  of  fun  out  of  the 
expedition,  besides  profit,  which  was  usually  spent  in  a  jolli- 
fication after  their  return.  On  the  occasion  mentioned,  a 
similar  party  from  MacLeod's  country  came  to  Portree  on  the 
;same  errand.  Among  the  other  donations  received  by  the* 
MacLeod  party  was  an  old  bull  from  Nicolson  of  Scorrybreac. 
After  finishing  their  rounds  the  MacLeod  party  started  for 
home,  laden  with  their  booty,  and  driving  the  bull  before 
them,  when,  as  the  fates  would  have  it,  they  met  the  Portree 
lads  returning  empty-handed,  just  where  the  U.F.  Manse  now 
stands.  When  the  latter  saw  the  others  going  home  laden 
and  they  returning  empty,  some  one'  instantly  proposed  that 
the  MacLeods,  should  be  made  to  disgorge,  to  which  there  was 
a  willing  assent.  A  row  soon  got  up  ;  from  words  they  quickly 
came  to  blows.  The  poor  bull  came  in  for  a  good  deal  of  the 
fight,  each  party  driving  him  their  own  way,  so  that  very  early 
in  the  battle  he  became  a  casualty.  Whichever  side  claimed 
the  victory,  there  were  a  number  killed,  and  the  bodies  of  the 
strangers  were  buried  on  the  knoll  which  I  have  mentioned, 
which  is  known  as  "  Torran  nan  Gillean"  to  this  day. 


264  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

NA  BUANNACHAN. 
FIONNLADH    NA  PLAICE   BAINE. 

(FlNLAY    .OF    THE    WHITE    OB    UNDYED    PLAID). 

In  the  old  clan  days  a>  Highland  chief  had  a.  band  of  the 
most  valiant  men  of  his  clan  as  a,  body-guard,  who  always,  went 
about  with  him  wherever  he  went.  They  were  selected  for 
their  prowess  and  swordsmanship,  and  were  frequently  the 
cause  of  many  of  the  disturbances  which  took  place  in  the 
country.  These  were  called  Luchd-taic  or  Buannachan. 
When  a  chief  went  about  in  his  own  clan  district  they  were 
billeted  out  among1  the  tenantry,  and  there  were  grievous 
complaints1  sometimes  of  the  oppressive  demands  of  these 
gentry. 

By  an  Act  of  Privy  Council  in  January,  1616,  the  number 
of  these  followers  was  restricted  as  follows,  viz.: — "It  is 
therefore  decreed  and  enacted  with  uniform  consent  of  the 
foresiaid  persons,  barons  and  gentlemen  within  named,  that 
they  and  each  of  them  shall  sustain  and  entertain  the  par- 
ticular number  of  gentlemen  in  household  underwritten,  to 
wit,  Angus  MacDonald  of  Dunneveig  6  gentlemen,  Hector 
MacCleane  of  Dowart  8  gentlemen,  Donald  Gorm  MacDonald 
of  Slate,  Horie  McCloyde  of  Dunvegan,  and  Donald  McOallum 
Mhic-Ian  of  Ardnamurchan  each  one  of  them  6  gentlemen, 
Lachlan  MacClean  of  Coll,  and  Rorie  McKynnoun  of  Strath 
each  one  of  them  3  gentlemen,  Lachlan  McCleane  brother  to 
the  said  Hector,  3  servants,  and  the  said  gentlemen  to  be  sus- 
tained and  entertained  by  the  fore-named  persons  each  one 
for  their  own  parts,  as  is  above  rehearsed  upon  their  own 
expenses  and  charges,  without  any  supply  of  their  country." 
Before  the  passing  of  this  Act  McDonald  had  a  retinue  of  16. 
who  were  called  "  Se  buannachan-diag  Mhic-Dhomhmiill  " 
the  16  henchmen  of  McDonald)  ;  M-acLeod  was  content  with 
12.  It  is  with  these  twelve  that  my  tale  is  concerned.  When 
these  men  had  nothing  special  to  do  they  went  about  either 
fishing  or  hunting  as  they  fancied,  and  billeted  themselves  on 
any  tacksman  by  the  way  for  their  food.  On  such  an  occasion 
the  party  happened  to  be  in  G-lendale,  and  when  they  felt 
hungry  they  called  at  the  house  of  Finlay  MacLeod  of  Galtragil 
and  demanded  food.  Finlay's  wife  placed  before  them  a 
plentiful  supply  of  bread  and  butter,  cheese  and  milk.  This, 
however,  did  not  satisfy  the  taste  of  the  gentlemen.  They 


Social  Life  in  Skye  265 

demanded  butcher-meat ;  the  good  woman  protested  that  she 
had  none,  but  on©  of  the  gentlemen  seeing  a,  good-looking  stirk 
grazing  in  front  of  the  house,  went  o<ut  and  stuck  his  dirk 
into  it,  and  they  soon  skinned  it  and  brought  a  piece  in,  and 
told  Finlay 's  wife  to  oook  that  for  them.  Mrs  MacLeod  quietly 
sent  one  of  her  little  boys  to  tell  his  father,  who  was  doing 
something  on  the  hill  not  far  away.  Finlay  came  back,  and 
going  into  the  barn  took  with  him  the  flail.  On  passing  the 
window  he  noticed  that  the  visitors  were  seated  round  the 
table,  and  immediately  decided  on  a  course  of  action.  Enter- 
ing quietly  into  the  room,  he  twirled  the  flail  round  their 
heads  and  ordered  them  to  throw  their  claymores  on  the  floor ; 
any  man  refusing  immediately  had  the  flail  uncomfortably 
circling  round  his  head,  and  all  had  to  accept  the  situation  as 
best  he  could.  After  he  had  in  this  way  disarmed  them  all, 
he  cried  to  his*  wife  to  bring  in  a  number  of  gadagaii,  or  ropes 
made  of  rushes,  and  throw  them  into  the  room.  He  now 
ordered  each  man  to  tie  his  neighbour's  hands  behind  his 
back,  .and  he  took  good  care  that  it  was  properly  done;  the 
last  man  he  tied  himself.  Then  with  the  assistance  of  his 
wife  he  tied  them  in  pairs,  ordered  them  out,  and  marched 
them  in  file  to  D'unvegan.  With  the  flail  constantly  circling 
round  their  heads  he  had  no  difficulty  in  keeping  his  unique 
band  in  marching  order.  When  drawing  near  to  Dunvegan 
they  saw  MacLeod  of  MacLeod  coming  to  meet  them.  Mac- 
Leod was  much  amused  at  the  procession,  and  on  their  coming 
up  to  him  he  asked  Finlay  what  was  the  meaning  of  the 
thing?  Finlay  answered,  "  There  are  your  champions  for 

C.,  and  if  you  have'  no  use  for  them  you  better  send  them 
le  and  be  not  having  them  going  about  oppressing  people  as 
they  are  in  the  habit  of  doing."  When  MacLeod  heard  the 
story  of  what  they  had  done  he  was  very  wroth,  and  compli- 
mented Finlay  on  what  he  had  done,  and  told  the  men  that 
this  kind  of  thing  must  happen  no  more. 

When  a  Chief  went  on  a  journey  or  visited  his  friends  he 
was  always  accompanied  by  the  Luchd-taic  or  Tail  as  they 
were  called  in  the  Lowlands,  and  it  must  have  been  a  matter 
of  serious  consideration  for  those  who  were  called  upon  to 
entertain  such  a.  goodly  number.  These  following^  were 
frequently  the  cause  of  serious  disturbances,  especially  in 
Edinburgh,  when  chiefs  who  were  at  feud  met  on  the  street 
with  so  many  of  their  friends,  It  was  no  uncommon  thing 
for  the  citizens  to  be  disturbed  from  their  first  sleep  with  the 


236  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

clang  of  the  Highland  claymore  and  targe  and  the  peal  of  the 
Highland  slogan,  as  each  party  insisted  on  "  having  the  crown 
of  the  causie."  On  the  occasion  of  a>  plea  before  the  Privy 
Council,  by  the  Earl  of  Caithness  against  Sir  Donald  Mackay, 
first  Lord  Reay,  for  the  slaughter  of  several  of  his  friends  at 
the  arrest  of  the  coiner,  as  stated  in  the  tal©  of  Paclruig  Og 
MacCruimein,  the  Earl  was  accompanied  by  his  son  Lord 
Berriedale,  Lord  Gray,  Sinclair^  of  Hoslin,  the  Laird  of 
Cowdenknows,  and  his  two  brothers,  Sir  John  Sinclair  of 
Greenland,  and  James  Sinclair  of  Murkle.  Sir  Donald 
Mackay  was  accompanied  by  Lord  Gordon,  son  of  the  Marquis 
of  Huntly,  Sir  Robert  Gordon,  the  Earls  of  Winton,  Eglinton 
and  Liniithgow,  Lords  Elphinston  and  Forbes,  Munro  of 
Foulis  and  the  Laird  of  Dufftts.  They  met  between  the 
Tron  Church  and  the  Cross,  and  began  by  jostling  each  other 
for  the  "  crown  of  the  causie."  High  words  were  used,  and 
from  \^ords  they  soon  came  to  blows;  swords  were  drawn  and 
a,  general  fight  ensued,  which  for  a,  time  threatened  to  become 
serious.  '  At  length  the  Earl  of  Caithness  and  his  party, 
finding  that  they  were  likely  to>  be  overpowered  by  superior 
numbers,  made  a  precipitate  retreat  down  one  of  the  adjoin- 
ing closes  where  they  lodged.  The  other  party  paraded  up 
and  down  before  the  Earl's  lodgings  for  some  time  provoking 
them  to  come  out,  but  they  prudently  remained  inside.  This 
melee,  though  such  scenes  were  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
High  Street,  created  more  than  usual  sensation  in  the  city, 
and  the  next  day  the  two  parties  were  called  before  the 
Council,  when  a,  reconciliation  was  brought  about. 

HEREDITARY  JURISDICTION. 

Not  the  least  of  the.  changes  brought  about  by  the  break- 
ing up  of  the  clan  system  was  that  of  the  abolition  of  the 
Hereditary  Jurisdiction.  In  the  old  days  every  chief  acted 
as  judge  in  his  own  district ;  courts!  were  held  in  stated  places 
where  cases  were  decided  by  the  chief  with  the  assistance  of 
some  of  the  principal  men  of  the  district  as  councillors.  Some 
of  these  places  are  known  in  Skye  as  "  Tbrran,"  one  in  the 
parish  of  Strath,  and  one  in  Raasay,  and  "  Cnoc  an  Eirig"* 

"  Near   it    (Duntulm)    Chock    [Cnoc]    an   eirick,    or,   the    hill   of 
pleas  :  such  eminences  are  frequently  near  the  houses  of  all  the  great 
men,  for  on  these,  with  the  assistance  of  their  friends,  they  deter- 
mined all  differences  between  the  people. — Pennant's  Tour  (1772)    p 
304.     He  means  eireachd— [ED.]. 


Social  Life  in  Shye 


267 


in  Kilmuir,  near  Duntulm.  The  Rev.  Donald  MacQueen,  of 
Kilmuir,  writing  in  1774,  says  "  that  the  local  customs,  and 
such  new  statutes  as  occasion  required,  enacted  by  the  pro- 
prietor, his  bailey,  and  some  of  the  better  sort  of  people,  were 
reduced  to  writing,  not  above  a  century  ago,  in  the  Isle  of 
Skye,  and  proclaimed  annually  at  the  church-doors.  Some 
of  these  regulations  are  surprisingly  regular  and  distinct,  and 
under  the  administration  of  a  humane  master  and  judicious 
bailey,  the  people  found  themselves  happy  enough." 

Occasionally,  when  some  difficult  caise  arose  which  the 
chief  and  his  councillors  could  not  decide,  it  was  referred  to- 
the  judgment  of  some  local  man  of  more  than  usual  shrewd- 
ness. Such  a  man  was  Tague  MacQueen  of  G-lenvaragil .;  the 
site  of  whose  house  is  still  pointed  out,  and  known  as 
'  Tobhta  Thaoig, ' '  or  the  ruins  of  Tague's  house.  He  was 
frequently  consulted  by  the  Skye  chiefs  for  the  settlement  of 
some  knotty  points  in,  disputes  a.mong  the  tenants.  On  one 
occasion  two  old  men  at  Portree  were  fishing  on  the  rocks  at 
Meall;  one  used  a  rod,  the  other  a  "  tabh,"  a,  large  species 
of  landing  net,  which  is  let  down  into  the  water,  and  bait 
thrown  in,  and  when  the  fish  are  seen  to  go>  in  after  the  bait, 
the  net  is  lifted  and  the  fish  landed. 

The  day  was  wet  and  stormy,  and  when  the  man  with  the 
"  tabh"  reached  round  to  get  some  bait  out  of  his.  basket,  he 
accidentally  slipped  into  the  sea  and  was  being  carried  out 
by  the  tide  and  wind.  The  other  man  attempted  to  reach 
him  with  his  rod,  but  he  was  being  carried  out  beyond  him. 
Seeing  there  was  no  time  to  lose  he  made  a  whip  at  him  with 
the  rod  thinking  to  catch  on  to  his  clothing,  but  unfortu- 
nately the  hook  caught  into  his  eye,  so  he  had  to  make  the 
best  of  the  hold  he  had  got.  He,  however,  managed  to  land 
his  fish,  but  destroyed  thei  eye.  The  other  man  now  thought 
that  he  had  .a  claim  against  him  for  the  loss  of  his  eye,  and 
went  to  MacDonald  to  make  his  daim.  MacDonald  con- 
sidered the  case  with  the  assistance  of  his  councillors,  but 
they  could  not  come  to  any  decision,  in  the  matter.  As  a  last 
resource  they  went  to  Tague,  and  MacDonald  stated  the  case 
and  asked  his  judgment  upon  it.  Tague  turned  to  the 
plaintiff  and  said,  "  The  first  day  of  the  same  kind,  a  storm 
from  the  west,  with  heavy  showers,  you  come  to>  me,  and  we 
will  throw  you  out,  and  if  you  can  come  ashore  without  assist- 
ance, you  will  have  a  claim  against  the  other  man;  if  not, 
you  have  none."  Naturally  the  plaintiff  gave  up  his  claim. 


26S  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Another  case  from  MacLeod's  country.  A  cow  belonging 
to  a  man  in  Glendale  went  over  a  rock  at  Vaterstein.  She 
unfortunately  fell  into*  a  boa,t  drawn  up  under  the  cliff,  with 
the  result  that  the  boat  was  broken  and  the  cow  killed.  The 
owner  of  the  boat  made  a.  claim  for  the  loss  of  the  boat,  and 
the  owner  of  the  cow  made  a  claim  for  the  cow.  MacLeod 
could  make  nothing  of  the  dispute;  at  length  they  went  to 
Tague.  When  Tague  heard  the  story  he  asked  "  Which  of 
the  men  did  the  boat  belong  to?"  MacLeod  pointed  to  the 
man.  "  And  the  cow  to  the  other?"  MacLeod  assented. 
Tague  then  asked,  "  And  to  whom  does  the  rock  belong?" 
"  To  me,"  says  M,acleod.  "  Then,"  said  Tague,  "  you  will 
have  to  pay  for  both  the  boat  and  the  cow,  for  if  it  was  not 
for  your  rock  the  cow  would  not  have  fallen,  and  the  boat 
would  not  have  been  broken." 

DAOINE  GLICE  LOARGAIL — THE  WISE  MEN  OF  LOARGIL. 

Not  so  happy  was  the  experience  of  two  men  from  Loargil ; 
they  had  a  quarrel,  which  the  good  council  of  the  neighbours 
failed  to  settle.  At  last  said  the  one  to  the  other,  "  tiugainn, 
a  choin";  the  other  answered,  "  c'aite  a  choin.  ?"  "  gu 
Hamaira,  a  choin"  ;  "  c'ar  son,  a  choin?"  "  air  son  ceartais, 
a.  choin."  MacLeod  of  Hamara  was  one  of  MacLeod's  coun- 
cillors, and  settled  minor  disputes.  The  two>  then  made  up 
their  minds  to  submit  the  case  to  Fear  Hamara,  but  the  whole 
nine  tenants  determined  to  accompany  them  to>  see  fair  play. 
Next  morning  they  all  went  to>  the  mod,  but  they  did  not  go 
far  on  their  way  when  they  fell  out,  and  from  argument  they 
came  to  blowsi.  Night  came  on  and  there  was  no  sign  of  their 
returning,  and  their  friends  got  anxious  about  them.  A 
search  party  was  organised,  and  with  '  aithinnean  teiiie  '  (fire^ 
brands)  they  proceeded  to  Hamara.  They  did  not  go  more 
than  half-way  when  they  found  the  nine  men  in  nine  different 
bog-holes,  badly  mauled.  In  commemoration  of  the  event, 
the  neighbours  raised  a  cairn  of  stones  where  each  man  lay, 
which  went  under  the  name  of  "  Daoine  Glice  Loargail." 

But  to  return  to  Tague.  Besides  being  a  shrewd  and 
sagacious  man,  he  was  a  wealthy  mian  as  wealth  went  in  those 
days;  but  better  still,  he  had  what  then  counted  for  wealth, 
four  stalwart  sons  and  three  strapping  daughters,  so  that  he 
was  a  very  desirable  tenant.  He  had  not  been  getting  on 
well  with  MacDonald,  and  this  coming  to  the  knowledge  of 
Mackinnon,  he  offered  him  a  suitable  farm  in  Strath,  which 


Social  Life  in  Skye  26* 

Tague  gladly  accepted.  MacDonald  was  very  much  displeased 
at  this,  and  on  the  term  day  he  sent  three  ground-officers  to 
put  a  stop  to>  the  flitting.  A  good  part  of  the  effects  were 
removed  when  the  officers  arrived,  and  the  young  men  were 
away  with  loads  at  the  boat  which  was  to  convey  the  furni- 
ture, etc.,  to  Broadford,  and  nobody  about  but  the'  father  and 
the  daughters,  who'  were  busy  packing.  The  officers  immedi- 
ately proceeded  to>  put  their  warrant  into  execution;  the  old 
man  advised  them  to  let  things  alone,  which  they  ignored; 
the  daughters  looked  at  each  other  at  a  given  signal,  they 
seized  a  man  a  piece,  knocked  him  over,  and  with  the  assist- 
ance of  some  boys  who  had  arrived  on  the  scene,  tied  them  as 
round  as  a  wedder  (cho  cruinn  ri  molt),  and  went  on  with  the 
flitting  as  if  nothing  had  happened.  When  all  was  finished, 
they  loosed  them  and  said,  "  they  hoped  that  they  had  not 
been  put  to  much  inconvenience,  and  that  they  might  give 
their  best  respects  to  MacDonald,  and  say  that  he  was  too 
late  in  thinking  of  making  his  peace  with  Tague." 

SUPERSTITION. 

There  is  very  little  superstition  left  in  Skye  to-day ;  at  all 
©vents  one  hears  nothing  of  ghosts,  fairies >  brownies,  or  second 
sight.  Even  as  far  back  asi  the  year  1842,  both  ministers  of 
Dunvegan  and  Kilmuir,  writing  in  the  Statistical  Account, 
say  that  superstition  has  almost  entirely  disappeared.  Up  to 
the  beginning  of  last  century,  however,  it  entered  largely  into 
the  life  of  the  people. 

THE  MINISTEKS  OF  KILMUIR  AND  THE  OTHER  WORLD. 

After  the  Reformation,  an  Episcopal  minister  was  settled  at 
Kilmuir  and  another  at  Stenchcl.  It  appears  that  their  know- 
ledge of  theology  was  not  very  profound;  at  all  events  it  is 
related  that  they  entered  into  an  agreement,  that  whichever 
of  them  should  die  first,  should  com©  back  to  tell  the  other 
what  the  regions  beyond  were  like.  It  so  happened  that  the 
minister  of  Stenchol  was  the  first  to  be  called  to  his  account. 
On  the  day  of  the  funeral,  some  young  men  from  Kilmuir 
were  returning  home,  and  on  climbing  the  hill  at  Bealach- 
Chualasgairt,  near  Quirang,  they  saw  the  figure  of  a  man  on 
the  sky-line  before  them,  and  standing  on  the  pathway.  He 
stood  in  front  of  them,  and  accosted  them  thus: — "  Tell  the 
minister  of  Kilmuir  that  I  am  waiting  him  hene  according  to 
appointment."  The  young  men  recognised  the  figure  as  that 


270  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

of  the  man  they  had  assisted  in  burying  a  few  hours  before. 
They  hurried  hom>e  and  delivered  the  message.  The  minister  of 
Kilmuir  had  just  returned  and  had  sat  down  to  supper;  lie 
immediately  got  up  to  obey  the  command,  but  his  wife  pleaded 
with  him  not  to  go  out  that  night.  He,  however,  said  that 
he  must  go,  and  immediately  got  up  and  wrapped  his  plaid 
about  him,  and  started  to  do  the  long  and  weary  tramp  to 
the  Bealach.  The  young  men  determined  to  follow  him. 
They  noticed  that  he  went  round  to  the  back  of  the  house 
and  lifted  a  stone  with  which  he  knocked  the  coulter  out  of 
the  .plough,  which  he  hid  under  his  plaid.  The  lads  kept  a 
distance  from  him,  but  sufficiently  near  to  wiatch  the  pro- 
ceedings. When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Bealach,  there  was 
the  late  minister  of  Stenchol  waiting.  When  the  two  met  the 
Stenchol  man  held  out  his  hand,  but  they  noticed  that  the 
other  held  out  the  coulter,  which  the  Stenchol  man  gripped. 
They  stood  in  earnest  conversation  for  some  time,  till  a  cock 
crew  down  at  Sartil.  Immediately  they  shook  hands,  the 
Kilmuir  man;  presenting  the  coulter  as  before.  The  Stenchol 
man  now  disappeared  in  smoke,  and  the  other  made  his  way 
home  as  fast  as  his  legs  would  carry  him.  On  arriving  at  his 
own  house  he  threw  the  coulter  towards  the  plough.  After 
he  went  in  the:  lads  examined  the  coulter,  and  to  their  horror 
it  was  burnt  to  a  cinder,  which  left  no  doubt  in  their  minds 
a;s  to  the  road  the  minister  of  Stenchol  went. 

WITCHCRAFT. 
THE  Loss  OF  IAIN  GARBH  MAC  GHILLE-CHALUIM. 

Iain  Garbh  Mac  Ghille-Chaluim  of  Raasay  was  universally 
admitted  to  be  the  strongest  and  beat  built  Highlander  of  his 
time,  and  the  gallantry  of  his  exploits  are  household  words  in 
Raasay  to  this  day.  He  perished  in  a  storm  in  the  Minch  in 
returning  from  Stornoway,  where  he  had  been  visiting  his  rela- 
tive the  Earl  of  Seaforth.  He  was  much  esteemed,  and  his  un- 
timely fate  was  deeply  felt  by  all  who  knew  him.  The  famous 
Skye  poetess,  Mairi  nighean  Alasdair  Ruaidh,  composed 
a  touching  lament  to  his  memory,  as  did  also  his  own  sister, 
and  the  celebrated  Padruig  Mor  MacCruimein  commemorated 
the  sad  event  by  composing  the  famous  piobaireachd  ' '  Cumha 
Iain  G-hairbh  Mhic  Ghille-Chaluim,"  which  is  one  of  the  most 
popular  piobaireachds  to  the  present  day.  So  much  for 
history.  The  Raasay  family  owned  a,  portion  of  land  on  the 
mainland  of  Skye,  which  drove  a  wedge  into  that  of  the 


Social  Life  in  Skye  271 

MacDoiialds  in  the  parish  of  Snizort.  This  was  very  irritating 
to  MacDonald,  and  he  could  not  hide  his  annoyance  at  it, 
and  what  added  to  his  feelings  in  the  matter  was,  that  he  was 
told  that  Iain  Garbh  was  reported  to  have  said  "  that  he 
would  yet  possess  as  far  as  Clach  ard  Uig."  Iain  Garbh  was, 
however,  too  formidable  a  man  to  quarrel  lightly  with,  for  be- 
sides being  a  valiant  man  himself,  he  was  connected  with  some 
of  the  most  powerful  clans  in  the  Highlands.  He  was  son-in- 
law  to  Ruaraidh  Mor  MacLeod  o<f  Dun  vegan,  and  nephew 
to  the  Earl  of  Seaforth.  What  therefore  MacDonald  did  not 
care  to  do  by  fair  means,  he  determined  to  do  by  foul.  His 
foster-mother,  who  also  happened  to  stand  in  the  same 
relationship  to  Iain  Garbh,  lived  in  Trotternish,  and  was 
reputed  to  have  the  gift  of  witchcraft.  She  was  very 
anxious  to  get  a  piece  of  land  known  by  the  name 
of  "  Falach  Taine,"  and  frequently  pled  with  Mac- 
Donald  to  give  it  to  her.  When  MacDonald  heard  that 
Iain  Garbh  had  gone  to  Lewis,  he  sent  for  the  woman, 
and  told  her  that  if  she  would  sink  the  Raaisay  birlinn  on  the 
return  journey  she  should  get  the  land.  The  woman 
went  home  and  set  to  work  to  carry  out  her  nefarious  scheme. 
She  got  a  tub  which  she  filled  with  water ;  into  this  she  placed 
an  egg  shell,  and  then  set  to  watch  for  the  galley.  In  a  few 
days  the  galley  was  seen  approaching  the  Skye  coast  under 
easy  sail,  with  a  gentle  breeze  from  the  south.  The  woman 
now  set  her  implements  in  order.  She  climbed  up  the 
slabhruidh  (the  chain  for  hanging  the  pots).  She  gave  her 
daughter  a  stick  with  which  she  was  told  to  stir  the  water  in 
the  tub,  slowly  at  first,  then  quicker,  then  to  the  right,  then 
to  the  left,  which  raised  a  commotion  in  the  tub.  It  was 
noticed  by  people  watching  on  the  shore  that  the  galley  was 
suddenly  in  distress.  All  at  once  a  most  extraordinary  thing 
took  place:  the  wind,  which  all  day  had  been  blowing  from 
the  south,  now  at  one  and  the  siame  time  blew  also  from  the 
north,  and  the  valley  was  thus  caught  in  the  eddy  between 
the  two.  Some  of  the  onlookers  declared  that  they  saw  a 
black  cat  ascend  the  mast,,  and  that  Iain  Garbh  was  seen  aim- 
ing a  blow  at  it  with  his  battle  axe.  In  any  case,  the  galley 
laboured  heavily,  and  suddenly  plunged  down  head  foremost ; 
and  thus  perished  miserably  the  brave  and  fearless  Iain  Garbh, 
with  his  stalwart  crew,  on  a  beautifully  fine  day,  within  sight 
of  numbers  of  people  lining  the  shore,  who  were  struck  dumb 
ai  the  sight.  Immediately  after,  an  immense  wave  rushed  on 
to  the  shore,  carrying  with  it  a  huge  body  of  sa.ncl,  which 


272  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

formed  a  great  bank  called  to  this  day  "  Mol  Steiseal,"  and 
the  natives  declare  that,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  loss  of  Iain 
Garbh,  the  incoming  tide  makes  a  terrific  roar  on  the  Mol, 
which  can,  be  heard  for  miles  around. 

The  woman  lost  no  time  in  applying  for  the  reward,  and 
reporting  the  success  of  the  undertaking,  but  MacDonald 
refused  to  perform  his  part  of  the  bargain.  When  she  pressed 
him  he  turned  on  her  and  said,  "  TJist,  bi  samhach;  cha'n 
fhuilear  do  MhacDhomhnuill  falach  toine  bhi  aige  dha  fhein" 
(whist,  be  quiet;  MacDonald  requires  "  hide  buttocks"  to 
himself),  which  saying  has  become  a*  proverb  on  the  West 
Coast  to  this  day.  The  woman  got  indignant  and  vowed 
vengeance,  but  MacDonald  threatened  to  get  her  burnt  as  a 
witch. 

This  was  not  the  end  of  her,  however.  She  was  one  day 
fishing  on  a- rock  at  B/udha  nam  Braithrean  (Brothers'  Point), 
when  it  so  happened  that  her  sister  by  profession  over  at 
Harris  was  similarly  engaged  on  a.  rock  a  little  to>  the  south  of 
the  island  of  Scalpay.  Their  hooks  got  entangled  in  the 
middle  of  the  Minch,  and  each  pulled  and  better  pulled. 
The  one  was  a®  stubborn  as  the  other,  and  both  had  faith  in 
their  own  prestige.  It  was  a  battle  of  the  mighty,  and  for 
some  time  the  decision  was  doubtful,  but  at  last  with  supreme 
effort  she  of  Harris  proved  the  stronger,  and  she  pulled  the 
other  into  the  sea,  where  she  was  drowned,  not  far  from  the 
spot  where  she  herself  had  drowned  Iain  Garbh. 

Tlis  spot  where  the  Ha.rris  witch  sat  is  still  pointed  out. 
There  is  a  deep  impression  in  the  reck  like  to<  the  seat  of  an 
easy  chair  where  she  is  said  to  have  pressed  down  the  stone 
with  the  strain  of  the  pull. 

There  is  another  story  that  Iain  Garbh  was  drowned 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  witch  of  Badenoch,  but  the 
local  people  point  out  that  such  would  be  absurd,  for  they 
say,  What  knowledge  could  a  Badenoch  witch  have  of  the 
winds  and  tides  in  the  Minch? 

FAIKIES. 

The  belief  in  fairies  continued  to  a  much  later  date  than 
in  witches.  There  are  many  Fairy  Knolls,  Sithean  or  Duin- 
Sith,  all  over  the  island,  and  each  has  its  own  tales  of  the  little 
men  and  their  wonderful  doings),  their  dances  and  their  child 
stealing.  The  following  may  be  given  as  characteristic 
instances: — Long  ago,  when  the  clan  system  was  in  full 


Social  Life  in  Shye 


273 


swing,  two  men  from  Sleat  went  to  Ferintosh  for  a  supply  of 
whisky  for  the  New  Year.  Skye-men  were  not  well  up  in  the 
art  of  making  whisky  (though  they  could  drink  it  occasion- 
ally). They  had  a  pony  apiece  with  a,  small  keg  on  each  aide 
of  the  pack-saddle-,  with  a  smaller  keg  on.  top,  in  which  «.liey 
carried  some  for  their  own  refreshment,  and  also  to  treat 
people  who  might  befriend  them  by  the  way.  This  small  keg 
was  called  "'buideal  cul  sra,thair.';  All  went  well  with  them 
on  the  way  o-ut,  and  they  duly  started  on  the  return,  journey. 
Nothing  of  consequence  happened  till  they  reached  Gknsliiel. 
It  was  a  fine  moonlight  night ;  they  travelled  at  night  sc  as 
not  to  attract  attention  for  fear  of  being  relieved  of  their 
charge.  They  hid  in  some  corrie  during  the  day,  and  fet- 
tered the  horses  near  by,  where  they  would  not  be  seen.  On 
this  night  they  had  not  well  started  when  they  heard  the 
most  delightful  music  that  could  be  imagined,  and  steed 
listening  for  some  time,  wondering  what  it.  was ;  at  length 
they  drew  near,  and  the  sight  that  met  their  eyes  fairly 
staggered  them.  Here  was  a  company  of  the  most  beautiful 
young  men  and  maidens  that  ever  they  saw,  dancing  in  and 
out,  out  and  in.  They  stood  fairly  bewitched  for  some  time ; 
at  last  the  younger  of  the  two  threw  his  rein  to  the  other, 
saying,  "  So,  cum  an  t-srian  gus  an  teid  mi  a  dhannsa  " 
(Here,  keep  my  rein  till  I  have  ,a  dance).  The  other  urged 
him  not  to  go,  but  he  took  no  heed,  so  into  the  dance  he  went, 
and  entered  into  it  with  all  his  might.  His  companion  stcod 
for  some  time  waiting  till  he  got  weary  ;  he  went  a?-  near  as 
he  could  venture  and  cried  to  him  to  come  away,  but  the  only 
answer  he  got  was  b.coching  and  snapping  of  fingers.  It  was 
now  getting  daylight,  so  he  had  to  go  to  a  corrie'  to  hide  for 
the  day  ;  when  it  got  dark  again  he<  went  to  the  same  place 
to  look  for  his  friend,  and  there  sure  enough  he  was  dancing 
like  mad.  He  went  right  up  to  him,  and  this  time  ordered 
him  peremptorily  to>  come  away,  but  no  us© ;  next  night  he 
went  through  the  same  performance  with  the  same  result. 
There  was  now  nothing  for  it  but  to  start  for  home  next 
night,  alone,  in  a  very  disconsolate  mood.  He  knew  quite 
well  that  his  story  would  not  be  believed,  and  such  was  the 
case :  the  friends  of  the  missing  man  would  not  credit  his 
story.  They  charged  him  with  doing  away  with  the  man. 
It  so  happened  that  Donald  Gorm  MacDonald  (the  chief)  was 
at  D'untnlm  in  the  other  end  of  the  island  at  the  tiiv<?.  and 

18 


274  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

nothing  could  be  dome  till  his  return,  so  the  poor1  man  had  to 
remain  on  pa-role  till  he  came  back.  At  long  last  MacDonald 
came  and  the  case  was  duly  put  before  him  ;  the  usual  mod  was 
held,  and  Angus,  for  that  was  his  name,  stated  his  case  a<s 
clearly  as  he  could;  but  notwithstanding  the  superstition  of 
the  time,  he  was  not  believed,  and  sentence  was  about  to  be 
passed  on  him.  At  this  stage  one  of  the  councillors  suggested 
that  he  should  be  allowed  to  go  again  to  look  for  the  missing 
mtan,  accompanied  by  two  others,  and  if  he  was  not  found  he 
would  have  to  suffer  the  penalty.  This  was  agreed  to,  and 
he  took  the  road  for  Glenshiel  again,  accompanied  by  two 
men  fully  armed  for  fear  of  his  trying  to  escape.  In  the 
course  of  a  few  days  they  arrived  at  the  glen,  and  searched 
high  and  low,  but  no  sign  of  the  missing  man  could  they  find. 
One  day  they  met  an  old  man,  to  whom  they  told  the  object 
of  their  search.  He  told  them  that  it  was  a  very  likely  story, 
and  recommended  them  to  go  home  in  the  meantime,  and  to 
return  on  the  anniversary  of  the  night  on  which  he  was  lest, 
and  to  bring  with  them  a  stick  of  fiodha\gach  (bird-cherry). 
They  were  to  approach  the  fairy  knoll  at  the  very  hour  of  the 
night  on  which  the  man  was  lost,  and,  when  the  music  and 
dancing  began,  Angus  was  to  go  boldly  up  and  call  upon  the 
man  by  name  and  ask  him,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,  to  come  out  of  that. 

Acting  on  the  old  man's  advice,  the  three  went  back  home 
a,nd  made  their  report ;  the  case  was  still  not  considered  satis- 
factory, but  as  they  had  gone  so  far  it  was  decided  to  give 
him  another  chance.  Accordingly,  on  the  last  day  of 
December  following  the  three  proceeded  up  Glenshiel,  and  in 
the  gloaming  arrived  at  the  knoll.  They  waited  patiently 
for  some  time,  and  at  length  they  heard  the  moot  beautiful 
music  as  if  it  came  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  imme- 
diately the  face  of  the  knoll  opened  and  there  appeared  the 
Sleat  man  in  the  middle  of  a  throng  of  young  men  and 
TP  aid.  ens,  dancing  and  hooching  and*  snapping  his  fingers  as 
before.  Angus  now  took  his  courage  in  his  hands,  went  for- 
ward, pushed  the  stick  into  the  face  of  the  knoll,  and 
reioe^ted  the  formula  given  by  the  old  man.  Immediately 
the  lights  went  out,  the  music  and  dancing  stopped,  and  the 
dancers  disappeared,  and  the  Sleat  man  was  left  alone. 
Turning  to  Angus,  he  said,  "  Man,  its  you  that's  in  the 
hurrv  ;  why  did  you  stop  the  fun  ?  I  never  enjoyed  myself  so 
in11  eh  in  my  life."  The  upshot  of  it  was  that  thev  all  went 


Social  Life  in  Skye 


275 


home  together,  and  Angus  was  soothed  with  what  remained 
of  the  whisky  of  last  year  and  got  his  liberty. 

SOCIAL  CUSTOMS. 

There  is  nothing  in  which  the  changes  which  have  taken 
place  in  the  country  are  more  noticeable  than  in  the  relation- 
ship between  master  and  servant,  and  landlord  and  tenant. 
In  olden  times  a  considerable  portion  of  the  rental  of  the 
smaller  tenants)  was  paid  by  services.  The  churchee,  mills, 
boundary  dykes  and  all  other  public  institutions  were  kept 
up  by  the  labour  of  the  smaller  tenants.  The  tacksmen,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  to  feed  the  labourers  each  in  turn  while 
at  the  work.  The  tacksman  let  a  portion  of  his  land  on  a 
kind  of  share  system  to  men  who  were  called  "  mealers  " 
i.e.,  labourers  who  gave  in  return  for  the  use1  of  the  land 
three-quarters  of  the  meal  produced.  The  tacksman  supplied 
one-half  of  the  horse  labour,  the  labourer  having  alsoi  the 
grazing  of  one  or  two  horses  and  a  few  sheep. 

Theore  was)  a  second  class  who  worked  on  a  system  called 
'  Lethcoise  "  or  one  foot,  who'  received  the  one  quarter  or 
half  of  the  crop,  according  to  agreement,  the  tacksman  pro- 
viding the  horses  and  feeding  of  same.  These  men  also'  had 
grazing  for  a  stipulated  number  of  cows  and  a  few  sheep. 
The  buachaille  or  cattleman  attended  the  cattle  on  the  low 
ground,  and  frequently  did  all  the  marketing  in  connection 
with  them .  He  was  considered  a  superior  servant ;  he 
received  a  house  and  land  for  tillage  and  two  cows'  grass. 
The  buachaille-fasaich,  or  moor-herd,  attended  the  younger 
cattle  on  the  hills,  and  had  similar  wages  to  the  buachaille. 
Men-servants  living  in  the'  house  had  from  <£2  to  £2  10s  in 
the  half-year,  with  two1  pair  brogues ;  maid-servants;,  18s  to 
21s  in  the  half-year,  with  two  pair  brogues  ;  labourers,  6d 
per  day  with  food  ;  brogue-makers,  6d  per  pair  with  food,  or 
8d  without  food ;  tailors,  joiners,  and  masons,  Is  per  day. 

Martin,  a  native  Skyeman,  writing  in  1702,  says: — "  The 
Diet  used  by  the  Natives  consists  of  fresh  Food,  for  they 
seldom  taste  any  that  is  sialted,  except  butter.  The  gener- 
ality eat  little  flesh  ;  only  persons  of  distinction  eat  it  every 
day,  and  make  three  meals,  for  all  the  rest  eat  only  two,  and 
they  eat  more  boiled  than  roasted.  The  ordinary  diet  is 
butter,  cheese,  milk,  potatoes,  col  worts,  brochan,  i.e.,  oat- 
meal and  water  boiled.  The  latter  taken  with  bread  is  the 
constant  food  of  thousands  in  this  and  other  Mes  during  the 


276  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

spring  and  winter.     They  undergo  many  fatigues  both  by  sea 
and  land,  and  aire  very  healthful." 

The  servants'  wages  mentioned  above  were  the  current 
rates  up  to  the  beginning  of  last  century  and  pretty  well  on 
into*  the  century. 

"  THE  CAIRBHIST." 
FEAR-BHREACAIS — THE   TACKSMAN   OF   BREAKISH 

In  the  olden  time®  the  township  of  Breakish  in  the  parish 
of  Strath  was  occupied  by  a  tacksman  who  was  known  as 
Fear-Bhreacais,  or  the  goodman  of  Breakish;  his  memory  is 
still  unsavoury  in  the  district.  On  one  occasion  the  mill  at 
Broadford  was  undergoing  repair,  and  according  to  the 
system  of  "  Cairbhist  "—a  kind  of  feu-duty — the  feeding  of 
the  work-people  was;  upon  him  at  the  time. 

The  food  sent  out  to  the  workers  consisted  of  barley  ban- 
nocks and  brochan.  The  brochan  was-  sent  out  in  a  small 
keg,  which  was  usually  covered  on  the  open  end  with  a 
dressed  skin  used  for  the  purpose,  and  called  "  iomiadal." 
On  this  occasion  the  iomadal  was  mislaid  and  oo-uld  not  be 
found ;  Fear-Bhreacais,  however,  was  not  particular,  he  took 
an  ordinary  sheepskin  and  tied  it  over  the  mouth  of  the  keg. 
Some  person  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  woolly 
side  was  next  the  keg.  "  Coma  leat,"  says  he,  "  is  ann  is 
tighe  a  bhios  am  brochan  "  —  ("  Never  mind,"  says  he,  "  so 
much  the  thicker  will  the  gruel  be."  The  keg  was  carried 
on  a  horse's  back  to  the  mill,  and  of  course  was  well  shaken 
on  the  way,  and  got  the  full  benefit  of  the  woolly  skin.  It 
arrived  in  such  a  condition)  that  no  one  could  use  it :  the 
consequence  was  the  men  struck  work  and  went  home.  Word 
was  sent  to  Mackinnon,  the  chief,  who  immediately  got 
another  tacksman  to  take  up  the  cairbhist,  for  which  Fear- 
Bhreacais  had  to  pay,  and  incurred  the  strong  disapproval  of 
his  chief. 

MINI  STEAK  AN  T-SRATHA  AGUS  NA  SGALAGAN. 

The  first  Protestant  minister  of  Strath  was  a  very  mean 
man;  his  greed  is  still  proverbial  in  the  parish.  On  week- 
days he  gave  his  work-people  two  meals  a  day,  but  on 
Sunday,  as  they  were  idle,  they  only  got  one. 

He  lived  at  a  place  called  Suishnish,  and  kept  two  ser- 
vant lads ;  the  poor  fellows  dreaded  when  Sunday  oame  as 
they  were  always  so  hungry.  One  Sunday  after  the  minister 


Social  Life  in  Skye  277 

had  gone  to  Cille-Chriosd  to  preach  on  "  Good -will  to  men," 
the  lads,  a&  they  sat  on  a  sunny  knoll  tightening  their  belts 
to  keep  the  wind  out  of  their  hungry  stomachs,  discussed  the 
situation,  and  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be 
better  for  them  not  to  have  a.  Sunday  at  all  than  to  starve 
like  this,  and  they  arranged  that  when  they  saw  the  minister 
returning  from  the  church  they  should  betake  themselves  to 
the  ca.s-chrom  and  work  as  if  it  were  an  ordinary  week-day. 

By-and-by  they  saw  the  people  returning  from  the  church ; 
they  then  stripped  their  coats  and  started  with  the  cas-chrom 
as  if  they  had  been  at  it  all  day.  The  minister  was  accom- 
panied by  some  friends,  and  was  shocked  to  see  his  lada 
working  in  the  field.  When  he  got  within  hail  he  cried  to 
them  did  they  not  know  what  da.y  it  was  ?  One  of  them 
answered  their  bellies  knew  it,  if  they  didn't.  It  was  all  very 
well  for  him  tci  have  a>  Sunday  who  could  get  a  meal  when  he 
was  hungry,  but  they  would  prefer  to  have  no  Sunday  than 
to  starve.  Needless  to  say  they  got  a  second  meal  on  Sunday 
in  future. 

TAOITEAR  MHIC  DHOMHNUILL  AGUS  NA  GILLEAN. 

Possibly  at  an  earlier  period  than  that  of  the  previous  two 
anecdotes  the  following  took  place. 

The  brother  of  a  Highland  chief  usually  acted  as  tutor 
to  the  heir,  and  was  responsible  for  his  education  and  all  the 
training  necessary  to  fit  him  for  hi®  future  position.  He 
invariably  had  a  special  farm  allcted  to  him  neaor  the  chiefe 
residence.  The  MacDonald  tutor  had  the  farm  of  Aird,  near 
Duiitulm,  as  his  portion,  and  on  the  occasion  of  the  following 
story  had  nine  young  men  engaged  at  the  spring  work.  The 
breakfast  provided  for  the  men  consisted  of  barley  bread  and 
oatmeal  brochan,  or  gruel.  The  brochan  was  contained  in 
a  cuman  or  ccgie  with  one  of  the  staves  prolonged  eight  or 
nine  inches  higher  than  the  others,  which  formed  ai  handle. 
The  men  sat  round  the  table;  the  bread  was  placed  on  a  large 
wooden  platter  on  the  middle  of  the  table,  from  which  every 
man  helped  himself.  Each  man  in  turn  took  the  cogie,  took 
a  sup,  and  passed  it  to>  the  next,  and  so  on  round  the  table 
time  after  time  till  they  were  done.  On  this  occasion  one  of 
the  men  happened  to  be  a.  stranger,  and  when  the  cogie  came 
to  him  he  kept  it  and  finished  its  contents.  The  other  men 
had  to  finish  the  remainder  of  their  bread  dry,  and  when 
they  went  out  they  began  to  grumble  and  refused  to>  work, 


278  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

and  lay  on  the  sheltered  side  of  the  byre  and  fell  asleep.  The 
work  for  the  day  was  mucking  the  byre  ;aind  putting  the 
manure  into  the  fields  by  means  of  sledges  (carn-slaoid).  In 
those  days  the  winter's  manure  was  left  in  the  byre:  each 
morning  a.  layer  of  heather  or  bracken  was  scattered  over  it, 
and  it  was  left  till  spring,  when  it  was  wanted  for  the  field. 

The  men  slept  on  till  near  dinner  time,  and  when  they 
awoke  they  s^aw  the  tutor  coming,  and  were  in  a  flurry  ae  to 
how  to  explain  the  state  of  matters.  When  he  came  up  he 
noticed  that  there;  was  nothing  done,  and  asked  the  reason. 
The  grieve  told  him  the  whole  circumstances,  and  said  that 
the  men  could  not  work  without  food.  "  Go  you,"  said  the 
tutor,  "  and  take  the  best  farrow  cow  in  the  fold  a<nd  kill  it, 
and  let  the  men  have  meat  every  day  while  they  aire  at  the 
spring  work,"  and  thus  was  the  first  trade  dispute  in  Skye 
settled. 

It  w!as  said  that  Donald  Gorm  MacDonald  would  have  no 
man  in  his  body-guard  unless  he  could  lift  the  cogie  of 
brochan  for  twelve  men  in  the  one  hand  and  drink  out  of  it 
without  spilling  any  of  its  contents. 

LAND   AND   PEOPLE   IN   THE   CLAN   DAYS. 
TACKSMEN,   JOINT-TENANTS,   AND   SUB-TENANTS. 

No  paper  on  Skye  would  be  complete  without  some  refer- 
ence to  this  subject,  for  in  some  quarters  there  are  very 
vague  ideas  as  to  social  life  in  the  Highlands  in  those  days. 
Some  people  affect  to  doubt  the  existence  in  the  Highlands  of 
the  substantial  tenants  of  former  times,  but  the  uniform 
traditions  of  times  not  so  far  distant  are  not  to  be  so  lightly 
cast  aside.  We  have  many  well  authenticated  instances  to 
show  in  support  of  the  fact,  one  or  two>  of  which  I  may 
mention.  Writing  in  the  year  1774,  the  Rev.  Donald  Mac- 
Queen,  of  Kilmuir,  Skye,  says: — "  On  the  side  of  the  chief, 
no  art  of  affability,  generosity  or  friendship  which  could 
inspire  love  oir  esteem  was  left  untried,  to  secure  a  full  and 
willing  obedience  which  strengthened  the  impression  of 
education),  while  they  were  not  yet  abused  by  the  chief  at 
the  instigation  of  luxury,  and  the  ambition  of  cutting  a,n 
unmeaning  figure  in  the  low-country.  .  .  .  All  the  while, 
the  people  preserved  a<  good  deal  of  their  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence'." In  the  year  1829,  the  Rev.  Dr  Mackintosh 
Mackay,  in  the  memoir  of  Rob  Donn,  the  Mackay  Country 


Social  Life  in  Skye  279 

bard,  gives  the  following  anecdote:  —  -"  At  the  wonted  season 
of  making  provision  for  the  winter  according  to  the  country's 
custom,  by  slaughtering  of  beeves,  o<ur  bard's  father  on  one 
occasion  happened  to  slaughter  two-.  One  was  found  inferior 
in  quality  to  the  other.  The  smallpox  was  at  the  time  com- 
mitting mournful  devastations  among  the  youth,  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood. While  busy  in  the  necessary  avocation  of  curing 
the  winter's  beef,  the  father  says,  '  Now,  the  best  of  this 
beef  is  not  to  be  touched  till  we  see  who  survives  the  email- 
pox.'  The  youthful  bard,  scarcely  yet  able  to  articulate  or 
walk,  on  hearing  this,  exclaimed,  '  He  who  departs  will  have 
a>  poor  share  of  it.'  '  The  story  is  authentic;  it  was  pre- 
served in  the  country,  not  as  evidence  of  the  father's  means, 
but  of  the  son's  wit,  and  Dr  Mack  ay,  himself  a  native  of  the 
district,  sees  nothing  uncommon  in  a  Durness  crofter  killing 
two  cows  for  the  use  of  the  family. 

Writing  in  the  year  1836,  the  Rev.  John  MacRae,  Glen- 
ahiel,  says:—  ''  The  period  which  preceded  the  last  era.  (1745), 
so  important  in  the  history  of  the  Highlands,  seems  to  have 
been  one  during  which  the  inhabitants  of  this  parish  enjoyed 
a,  large  measure  of  prosperity.  It  is  still  referred  to-  as  a 
species  of  golden  age,  and  after  making  every  allowance  for 
the  fondness  with  which  it  is  natural  that,  the  memory  of 
better  times  should  be  cherished,  under  the  pressure  of 
present  misery,  it  is  likely  that  the  people  during  the  period 
in  question  possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  substantial  com- 
forts of  life." 

In  the  year  1886,  the  late  Mr  Lachlan  MacDonald  of 
Skeabost  published  a  pamphlet  giving  the  rent  roll  of  the 
three  'estates  in  Skye  as  they  stood  in  the  old  clan  days — The 
MacLeod  for  the  year  1664,  the  MacDonald  for  1733,  and 
the  Miackinnon  for  1757.  The  different  farms  and  townships 
with  the  names  of  the  tenants  are  given  in  detail,  with  the 
amount  of  the  rent  opposite  each  name  in  Scots  money.  The 
rents  are  made  up  partly  in  money  and  partly  in  kind,  and  it 
is  interesting  to  notice  that  the  prices  did  not  vary  from  the 
year  1664  to  1733.  A  wedder  was  worth  2*  in  1664  and  it 
was  worth  the  same  in'  1733,  hens  were  3s  a  dozen,  and  butter 
Is  a  stone.  What  makes  Mr  MacDonald's  pamphlet  specially 
interesting,  however,  is  the  lierht  it  throws,  on  the  distribution 
of  land  in  Skye  in  the  old  clan  days.  The  late  Professor 
Mackinnoii,  of  the  Celtic  Chair,  reviewed  this  pamphlet  in 
the  columns  of  the  Scotsman  at  the  time,  and  made  a  most 


280  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

interesting  analysis  of  it,   from  which  I  propose  to  make   a 
lengthened  quotation .     He  says  :  — 

"  When  the  rental  of  200  years  ago  is  computed  and 
summed  up  under  its  various  items,  and  transferred  into 
sterling  money,  and  compared  with  the  rental  of  the  present 
time,  it  is  found  that  the  present  rental  of  the  Isle  of  Skye 
is  ten  times  what  it  was  200  years  ago.  The  land  in  Skye  at 
that  time  was  occupied  by  3  proprietors  and  139  tacksmen  iajt 
a  rental  of  £2008,  and  517  joint-tenants  paying  a  total  rent 
of  £900,  sums  which  represent  to-day  a  rental  of  £20,080 
land  £9000  respectively.  Mr  MacDonald  makes  out  that  there 
were  1031  sub-tenants  who>  held  of  the  tacksmeii ;  ho  states 
only  the  amounts  paid  by  the  sub-tenants  in  the  parish  of 
Sleat,  which  he  gives  a,s  19s  2d,  or  £9  12s  of  the  present 
money.  If  therefore  we  take  somewhat  less  than  the  average 
of  Sleat,  and  say  £9  instead  of  £9  12s  as  the  average  paid  by 
sub- tenants,  the  distribution  of  land  under  the  clan  system 
in  Skye  would  work  out  as  follows  :  — 142  chiefs  and  tacksnien 
holding  la,nd  rented  at  £10,801,  or  an  average  of  £76  each; 
517  joint-tenants  holding  direct  from  the  chief,  £9000,  or  £17 
8s  each  ;  1031  sub- ten  ants  holding  from  the  tacksmen  with  an 
estimated  valued  rental  of  £9279,  or  an  average  of  £9  each. 
The  same  lands  are  occupied  at  the  present  time  as  follows  :  — 
7  proprietors  rated  at  £3652  Is,  or  £521  14s  5d  each;  29 
tacksmen  rented  at  £14,951  6s  2d,  or  £515  4s  4d  each  ;  44 
farmers  and  others  paying  £1460  19s,  or  £33  4s  each  ;  2043 
crofters  paying  £9367  9s,  or  £4  11s  7d  each. 

"  In  1750  the  population  of  Skye.  was  10,671,  and  Mr 
MacDonald  is  of  opinion  that  it  wias  pretty  station  airy  during 
the  previous  one  hundred  years.  In  1881  it  was  17,797. 
Allowing  five  persons  for  each  family,  there  were,  200  yeare 
ago,  2134  families,  of  whom  142,  or  6.6  per  cent.,  were 
resident  gentlemen  with  lands  averaging  £76  :  517,  or  24.2 
per  cent.,  were  substantial  crofters  with  lands  averaging  £17; 
1031,  or  48.3  per  cent.,  were  sub-tenants  with  lands  averaging 
£9  :  leaving  444,  or  20.8  per  cent.,  landless.  Since  that  time 
villages  have  increased  at  perhaps  a  greater  ratio  than  the 
population  ;  but  against  the  2134  families  of  the  past  we  may 
not  be  far  wrong  in  taking  3350  families  as  living  on  the  same 
lands  to-day.  They  are  distributed  as  follows: — 36,  or  1  per 
cent.,  are  proprietors  and  tacksmen  with  lands  at  £516  e^ch  ; 
44,  or  1.8  per  cent.,  are  hotelkeepers  and  others  (merchants 
and  others)  with  lands  at  £33:  2043,  or  61  per  cent.,  are 


Social  Life  in  Skye  281 

crofters  with  lands  at  £4  11s;  while  1227,  or  36.6  per  cent., 
are  landless. 

'  These  are  sweeping  changes.  No  one  can  say  that  they 
are  for  the  better,  either  for  Scotland  or  fox  Skye.  Probably 
never  again  will  142  families  of  proprietors  and  proprietors' 
relatives  be  found  residing  in  Skye,  but  the  loss,  socially  and 
educationally,  to  the  rest  of  the  community,  consequent  upon 
the  disappearance  of  this  class,  is  simply  incalculable.  The 
517  substantial  tenantry  composing  one- fourth  of  the  entire 
population  have  vanished  and  left  not  even  a  trace  behind. 
The  1031  sub-tenante  have  been  transformed  into  2043 
modern  crofters  who  hold  from  the  proprietors  miserable  sub- 
divided crofts  of  half  the  surface  which  a  tacksman  allowed 
to  a  cottar  200  years  .ago.  The  landless,  after  their  fashion, 
have  multiplied  threefold.  The  population  of  Skye  has  in 
the  interval  multiplied  some  70  per  cent.,  but  the  number  of 
the  high  and  wealthy  has  shrunk  from  6  per  cent,  to  1  per 
cent,  of  the  population.  The  well-to-do  croftsr,  the  principal 
eleirent,  which  secured  the  stability  of  the  social  system  and 
bridged  the  ever-widening  gulf,  has  entirely  disappeared, 
while  the  ranks  of  poverty  and  discontent  haive  been  doubled 
and  trebled.  A®  in  Skye  so  everywhere  else  in*  these  parts. 
In  no  parish  in  the  north-west  Highlands  is  there  to  be  found 
to-day  a  vigorous  and  healthy  community  composed  of  all 
ranks  and  classes  with  an  easy  gradation  from  one  to  the 
other,  such  as  flourished  in  Skye  two  centuries  ago.  Tc  get 
matters  put  upon  a  permanent  footing  in  the  north  various 
measures  are  necessary — all  which  require  time  and  trouble 
and  patience  for  their  full  development.  Immigration,  emi- 
gration, education,  .development  of  the  fishing,  extension  of 
the  means  of  communication — all  must  contribute  their 
quota-  The  consolidation  of  the  present  wretched  crofts  into 
larger  holdings,  the  breaking  up  of  unwieldy  farms  into 
reasonable  dimensions,  form  an  essential  part  of  the  changes 
that  must  be  made.  It  will  add  little  to  our  self-esteem  to 
have  to  confess  that,  so  far  as  the  distribution  of  land  is  con- 
cerned, things  were  infinitely  better  200  years  ago  than  they 
are  now.  The  tacksmen  of  those'  days  held  their  lands  upon 
lease.  Being  in  many  cases  near  relations  of  the  chief,  the 
conditions  of  the  lease  were  determined  aei  much  by  personal 
as  by  commercial  considerations.  Often  the  rent  was  easy 
and  the  lease  was  long.  The  sub-tenant  held  from  the  tacks- 
man  by  yearly  tenure.  His  security  and  generally  his  com- 


282  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

fort  depended  upon  the  character  of  the  person  from  whom 
he  held,  just  as  the  comfort  of  the  modern  crofter  depends 
upon  the  factor  whoi  represents  the  absentee  landlord.  In 
Skye,  200  years  ago,  the  proprietors  were  resident  and  the 
tacksmen  were  numerous.  There  w.as  every  security  that  the 
cottar  would  be  treated  with  indulgence.  Accordingly  we 
find  a-  sub-tenant  in  1733  declaring  that  '  he  and  his  neigh- 
bours held  their  lands  at  the  same  rate  as  Glenhalton  held 
the  lands  from  Sir  Alexander  MacDonald,  only  that  some  of 
them  who  possess1  a  farthing  of  land  give  an  acknowledgment 
to  the  Liady  Glenhal ton  of  two  marks  and  a  half  of  kitchen  (i.e., 
butter  and  cheese)  for  being  continued  from  year  to  year  in 
their  possessions.'  Subsequently,  in  Skye  as  elsewhere,  when 
proprietors  resided  less  frequently  on  their  estates,  when  the 
number  of  tacksmen  became  fewer,  when  their  holdings  be- 
came larger,  and  the  cottars  more  numerous,  the  hardship  of 
this  class  of  tenant  increased.  Towards  the  end  of  last 
century  the  whole  literature  of  the  subject  is  filled  with  the 
privations  to  which  the  sub-tenants  were  subjected  by  exact- 
ing masters  who>  lived  and  waxed  fat  upon  the  labour  and 
industry  of  their  poor  dependents." 

As  evidence  of  the  treatment  of  sub-tenants  after  the 
introduction  of  eh. eep-f arming,  I  may  give  the  following  from 
the  statement  by  Rev.  J.  L.  Buchanan,  who  was  employed 
for  several  years  as  missionary  minister  by  the  Church  of 
Scotland  in  the  Outer  Isles  during  the  latter  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  He  constantly  travelled  over  the  dis- 
trict from  the  Butt  of  Lewis  to  Barra  Head,  and  was  inti- 
mately acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the  people,  and  the 
changes  consequent  on  the  breaking  up  of  the  clan  system. 
He  was  a  Gaelic-speaking  Highlander,  and  mixed  freely  with 
people  of  every  class.  He  says: — "  But  I  must  here  observe 
that  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the  mild  treatment 
which  is  shown  to  sub-tenant®  and  even  sgalags  by  the  old 
lessees  descended  of  ancient  and  honourable  families,  and  the 
outrageous  rapacity  of  those  necessitous  strangers  who  have 
obtained  leases  from  absent  proprietors,  who*  treat  the  natives 
as  if  they  were  a  conquered  and  inferior  race  of  mortals. 
Formerly  a  Highlander  would  draw  his  dirk  even  against  a 
laird  if  he  had  subjected  him  to  the  indignity  of  a  blow:  _at 
present  any  tyrannical  tacksman,  in  the  absence  of  the  laird 
or  lord,  whose  presence  alone  can  enforce  good  order  and 
Justice,  may  strike  a  sgalag  or  even  a  sub-tenant  with  im- 


Social  Life  in  Shye  283 

puiiity In    short,    they    treat    them    like    beasts    of 

burden,  and  in  all  respects  like  slaves  attached  to  the  soil,  as 
they  cannot  obtain  new  habitations,  on  account  of  the  com- 
binations already  mentioned,  and  are  entirely  at  the  mercy 
•of  laird  or  tacksman/' 

I  must  now  notice  the  distinctive  character  of  the  old 
social  life  in  the  Highlands  before  the  advent  of  sheep- 
f aimers  and  strangers  in  our  midst.  The.  "  upper  "  and 
lower  classes;  ' '  were  not  then  separated  by  any  wide  gap 
as  at  present.  The  chiefs  and  lairds  then  lived  .among  their 
people,  and  went  in  and  o<ut  among  them,  and  were  in  daily 
intercourse  with  them.  They  knew  every  one  by  name,  and 
were  familiar  with  all  their  circumstances;  they  spoke  their 
language,  entered  into  all  their  joys  and  sorrows,  and  treated 
them  with  sympathy  and  kindness,  and,  except  in  outward 
circumstance,  were  in  all  respects  like  one  of  themselves.  The 
poorest  man  in  the  country  could  converse  in  the  frankest 
manner  with  his  laird,  as  with  a  friend  he  could  trust,  and 
by  doing  so  he  honoured  his  chief  and  respected  himself. 
The  old  Highland  tacksmen  of  later  yearis  were  men  of  educa- 
tion .and  culture;;  large  numbers  of  them  served  in  the  army 
abroad,  or  perhaps  the  armies  of  foreign  countries,  and  were 
able  to  converse  in  several  foreign  languages.  Dr  Johnson 
on  several  occasions  expressed  his  astonishment  at  the  educa- 
tion and  high  breeding  he  found  among  ladies  and  gentlemen 
"  occupying  habitations  raised  not  very  far  above  the  ground, 
but  furnished  with  unexpected  neatness  and  convenience,  and 
where  they  practiced  all  the  kindness  of  hospitality  and 
refinement  of  courtesy."  Rev.  Dr  Mackintosh  Mackay,  in 
his  memoir  of  Rob  Donn,  already  mentioned,  in  commenting 
on  the  extraordinary  intelligence  displayed  by  the  bard  (who 
was  quite  illiterate)  of  the  world  a»d  its  affairs,  says  that 
"  it  was  the  custom  of  gentlemen  in  those  days  regularly  to 
assemble  their  servants  and  tenants  in  the  kitchen  and  read 
to  them  the  newspapers  and  whatever  periodicals  came  to 
their  hands,  and  it  is  incredible  the  propriety  and  acuteness 
with  which  they  made  r'emarksi  and  drew  conclusions  on  the 
politics  of  the  day.  .  .  .  Such  was  the  effect  of  this  inter- 
course- that  iniquity  was  ashamed  and  obliged  to  hide  its  face, 
a  dishonourable  action  excluded  the  guilty  person  from  the 
privileges  enjoyed  by  his  equals."  The  poorest  born  High- 
lander was  taught  to  believe  that  be  was  cf  as  good  blood  as 
the  best  of  his  race,  and  that  he  was  bound  to  conduct  him- 


2&4  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

self  sc  that  he  would  bring  no  disgrace  on  his  people  and 
country.  Look  how  we  find  this  running  down  through  the 
ages.  "  Lean  gu  dluth  ri  cliu  do  ahinnsir,"  says  Ossdan. 
"  Ged  tha  mi  bochd,  tha  mi  nasal,  buidheachas  do-  Dhia  'se 
Leathanach  a  th'aiinain,"  said  poor  Maclean.  "  If  any  one 
flinches,  I  will  get  his  name  posted  on  the  door  of  his  parish 
kirk  at  home,"  says  Sir  Colin  Campbell  to*  the  Highland 
'  Rories  "  at  Balaclava,  and  the  "  Thin  Red  Line  "  stood 
like  a  "  Gaelic  rock  tipped  with  steel." 

There  is  one  thing  of  melancholy  interest  to  be  seen  from 
Skeaibost's  pamphlet,  and  that  iei  the  almost  total  disappear- 
ance of  the  native  clan  names  from  the  Skye  rent-rolls.  Two 
hundred  years  ago  the  clan  names  on  the'  MacLeod  lands  were 
54  per  cent  of  the  tenantry :  to-day  they  are  under  ten  on 
the  same  lands.  There  is  a  prophecy  attributed  to  Cbinneach 
Odhar,  "  that  in  the  days  of  Norman,  son  of  the  third 
Norman,  there  would  not  be  as  many  gentlemen  of  his  name 
as  would  row  a  four-oared  galley  round  the  Maidens."  Alas, 
it  has  come  too  true :  to-day  there  is  only  one  clansman  above 
the  rank  of  a  crofter,  a  tenant  on  these  lands.  Two  hundred 
years  ago.  on  the  MacDonald  lands  clansmen  numbered  32 
per  cent,  of  the  tenants:  they  have  also  dwindled  down  to 
under  10  per  cent.,  while  there  is  not  one  aboriginal  tenant 
of  the  name  above  the  rank  of  a  crofter.  The  Mackinnons 
have  held  their  ground  somewhat  better.  While  two  hun- 
years  ago  they  numbered  66  per  cent,  of  the  tenants,  in  the 
western  half  of  the  parish  (Strath)  they  are  still  the  same, 
and  taking  the  whole  parish,  which  include©  the  villages  of 
Broad  ford  and  Kyle  akin,  they  are  yet  34  per  cent.  To 
pursue  this  subject  still  further,  and  taking  other  lands  which 
formerly  were  owned  by  the  MacDoiialds  and  MacLeods — 
Harris  and  Uist — in  both  these  islands  the  clan  names  are 
still  in  a,  good  majority.  And  even  to  go  further  afield,  in 
the  island  of  Lewi®,  which  has  been  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
MacLeods  for  nearly  two  hundred  years,  the  clan  name  still 
holds  its  own  ;  and  to>  go  farther  north,  to1  the  district  of 
Assynt,  though  the  lands  have  been  alienated  for  very  many 
years  the  MacLeods  are  still  the  predominant  name.  Con- 
tinuing in  the  same  direction,  in  Edrachaolais  the  Morrisons, 
at  one  time  the  owners,  are  still  the  most  numerous  name  in 
the  parish  ;  and  to  take  my  own  clan  country,  though  in  the* 
hands  of  strangers  for  nearly  a  century,  the  Mackays  are- 


Social  Life  in  Skye  285 

still  in  Durness  30  per  cent.,  Tongue  50  per  cent.,  Farr  41 
per  cent.,  Strathy  47  per  cent. 

Hew  to  account  for  these  facts  I  know  not,  but  to  me 
they  bring  a  very  melancholy  thought,  that  it  is  in  these 
districts  where  the  native  chiefs  have  remained  that  the 
clansmen  have  disappeared,  and  that  they  have  held  their 
own  in  the  places  where  the  chiefs  have  gone.  I  confess  to  a 
very  keen  feeling  of  clannishness,  and,  notwithstanding .  all 
that  has  come  and  gone,-  to  a  great  love  for  the  old  chiefs, 
and  I  wish  I  could  find  a  satisfactory  solution  for  this  state 
of  matters. 

THE  OLD  HIGHLAND  SHEEP. 

No  sooner  was  the  Rising  of  the  "  '45  "  put  down  than 
shoials  of  land  speculators  from  the  south  turned  their  atten- 
tion to1  the  Highlands  as  a  field  for  enterprise ;  it  was  found 
that  the  Highland  hills  afforded  most  excellent  pasture  for 
grazing  sheep  on  a  large  scale.  The  native  Highlanders 
depended  more  on  the  grazing  of  black  cattle  than  on  the 
rearing  of  sheep.  Each  family  reared  a  number  of  the  small 
native  Highland  breed  for  their  own  use,  but  there  was  no 
attempt  at  sheep-farming  on  a  large  scale.  The  native  sheep 
was  a  small  and  hardy  animal  with  extremely  fine  wool,  much 
finer  thiam  anything  raised  in  this  country  at  the'  present  day. 
Specimens  of  tartan  cloth  made  from  this  wool  are  still  to*  be 
seen,  which  are  marvels  of  finenesis  as  well  as  of  manufacture. 

In  a  report  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  on  the  Fishing 
Industry  in  the  West  Highlands  in  the  year  1782,  by  James 
Anderson,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  R.S.A.,  he  says,  inter  al-ifi.  :- 
"  Among  the  animial  productions,  these  islands  possess  two 
articles  singularly  precious,  which  have  scarcely  yet  been  con- 
sidered as  of  any  value  by  the  inhabitants,"  one  of  which  is 
"'  wool  of  a  kind  extremely  valuable,  being  not  only  fine  in 
quality  but  possessing  a  peculiarly  silky  softness  and  elas- 
ticity that  is  not  to  be  equalled  by  any  other  wool  known  in 
Europe ;  of  the  finest  of  this  wool  some  ladies  here  (in  Skye) 
have  made  shawls  nearly  if  not  equal  in  fineness  and  softness 
to  tnose  of  India.  Should  the  coarser  parts  of  these  fine 
fleeces  be  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  flannels,  it  would 
give  them  such  a  superiority  over  others  in  respect  of  warmth 
and  softness  as  would  ensure  a  ready  sale  in  every  part  of  the 
world  where  that  useful  stuff  is  known.  Yet,  on  account  of 
the  laws  that,  under  the  severest  penalty,  prohibit  the  car- 


S86  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

riage  of  wool  by  sea  but  under  regulations  that  cannot  be 
complied  with  in  those  countries,  the  natives  have  in  general 
hitherto  been  obliged  to  rely  on  cattle  as  their  principal 
stock,  and  thus  to  forego  one  of  the  chief  advantages  that 
nature  had  conferred  upon  them.  These  fine-wool' d  sheep 
are  suffered  to  stroll  about  neglected  in  small  numbers,  and 
no  national  benefit  has  been  felt  from  the  wool.  At  present 
the  natives,  from  never  being  able  to  derive  much  advantage 
from  that  wool,  .scarcely  knew  anything  of  its  value  in  a  com- 
mercial light.  And  should  they  come  to  discover  its  value, 
if  the  present  laws  remain  in  force,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  it  may  be  converted  to*  the  benefit  of  rival  nations,  by 
improving  their  manufactures  rather  than  our  own.  For  as 
the  risk  is  really  smaller  to  smuggle  wool  at  present  to  France 
and  Holland,  by  means  of  the  smuggling  vessels  which 
frequent  those  coasts  with  spirits,  it  is  natural  to  think  that 
they  would  embrace  that  as  their  surest  and  best,  market  for 
this  commodity.  That  the  foreigners  begin  to  know  the  value 
of  this  wool  appears  probable  from  the  following  story  the 
reporter  heard  in  many  places  in  his  late  tour.  That  some 
person  in  the  islands,  finding  his  wool  at  present  in  little 
request  among  themselves,  had  been  tempted  to'  try  if  it 
could  be  sold  to  advantage  in  France,  and  that  it  had  far 
exceeded  his  expectations,  as  he  had  there  received  an  anker 
of  brandy  (worth  at  his  own  home  from  fifty  shillings  to 
three  pounds)  for  each  stone  of  wool ;  and  this  at  a.  time  when 
the  wool  on  the  mainland,  which  isi  indeed  of  a  much  coarser 
quality  (the  produce  of  south  country  sheep),  could  not  be 
sold  at  more  than  four  shillings,  and  even  not  at  that  price/' 
The  following  is  from  the  Old  Statistical  Account,  by 
the  Rev.  Archd.  Campbell,  of  North  Knapdale: — "Much 
industry  and  expense  has  been  incurred  in  introducing  a 
breed  of  larger  sheep  to  this  part  of  the  country.  There 
cannot  be  a  more  capital  mistake;  the  natives  of  the  soil,  of 
whatever  species,  answer  best.  The  true  Highland  sheep,  if 
the  experiment  was  fairly  tried,  would  produce  finer  wool 
and  more  delicate  flesh ;  the  native  wool  now  sells  at  2s  a 
stone  more  than  the  Galloway  wool,  but  it  is  contended  that 
the  country  breed  does  not  arrive  at  such  a  size,  or  to  such  a 
weight  of  flesh.  The  fact  is  admitted,  but  let  one  pasture 
the  native  sheep  in  the  place  of  the  foreign  breed,  and  balance 
the  profit  and  loss  as  follows  :  — Native  sheep  are  not  ias  liable 
to  braxy  and  other  maladies  as  the  foreign  ;  the  wool  is  of 


Social  Life  in  Shye  287 

superior  quality ;  the  flesh  is  of  superior  delicacy ;  and  upon 
the  same  pasture  that  eight  foreign  sheep  require,  nineteen  of 
the  native  breed  may  be  fed  :  the  argument  is  unanswerable. 
Besides,  no  experiment  has  yet  been  tried  to  what  size  the 
native  sheep  could  be  brought." 

Rev.  Donald  Maclean,  of  Small  Isles,  says  (Old  Statis- 
tical Account) :  —  '' '  In  Ruin  there  is  a  considerable  number 
of  small  native  sheep :  their  flesh  is  delicious  and  their  wool 
valuable.  A  quantity  of  it  is  sent  yearly  to  the  Redcastle 
market  near  Inverness,  where  it  often  sells  at  14s  the  stone, 
while  other  wool  sells  at  about  half  that  price."  He  adds 
the  touching  information  that  "  this  island  seems  best  calcu- 
lated for  rearing  sheep,  but  the  proprietor  (Maclean  of  Coll) 
has  such  an  attachment  to  the  inhabitants  that  it  has  hitherto 
prevented  its  being  stocked  with  sheep."  When  sheep- 
farming  was  introduced,  farmers  and  shepherds  from  the 
Borders  looked  with  contempt  on  everything  native ;  the 
sheep  were  cleared  off  as  useless,  and  in  Skye  even  the  very 
collie  dogs  were  cast  aside,  and  it  is  interesting  to  know  how 
these  dogs  were  preserved,  though  under  a  different  name. 
Some  of  the  Border  shepherds,  in  returning  home,  took  some 
of  them  with  them  as  a  curiosity.  After  a  time  they  found 
thiat,  when  trained,  they  were  the-  better  dog  of  the  two,  and 
they  eventually  found  their  way  back  to  their  own  country 
under  the  name  of v"  beardies." 

The  Highland  chiefs  were  so  fascinated  with  the  prospect 
of  a  large  and  immediate  increase  of  rent  that  they  took  no 
time  to  consider  as  to  how  they  could  make  use  of  the  wealth 
at  their  doors,  or  of  the  animals  which  Nature  had  bestowed 
upon  the  country.  Had  they  only  thought  of  delevoping  and 
improving  the  native  sheep,  and  taking  means  to  instruct  the 
native  tenants:  in  proper  modes  of  management  and  in  a 
knowledge  of  agriculture',  what  an  amount  of  bitter  experi- 
ences might  have  been  saved  to  the  country. 

As  an.  illustration  of  the  farming  stock  in  the  country 
prior  to  the  introduction  of  Lowland  sheep,  the  following 
from  the  Old  Statistical  Account  is  interesting: — In  1792 
there  were  in  the  parish  of  Strath — Black  cattle,  2213  : 
horses,  501  ;  sheep,  2486 ;  goats,  180.  In  the  parish  of 
SnizoTt  there  were  597  horses,  against  130  to-day ;  Portree. 
362,  against  103  at  the  present  day.  These  horses  were  used 
entirely  for  the  tilling  of  the  land  and  carrying  home  the 
'  peats.  Such  has  been  the  course  of  civilisation  that  men 


288  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

and  women  have  to  drag  the  harrows  and  act  the  beast  of 
burden  in  carrying  home  the  peats,  &c.,  which  in  less  civilised 
times  was  done  by  the  horse.  I  may  here  refer  to  the  frequent 
notice  taken  by  strangers  of  this  unfortunate  part  of  our 
social  economy.  They  overlook  the  fact  that  such  labour  is 
inseparable  from  the  small  croft  system .  Wherever  land  is 
divided  into  minute  particles  as  it  is  unfortunately  at  present 
in  Skye,  siuch  labour  is  inevitable,  both  in  tilling  their  patches 
of  land  and  carrying  home  the  peats,  and,  of  course,  in  the 
case  of  the  landless  there  is  no  other  alternative.  But  after 
all,  the  back  is1  made  for  the  burden.  I  never  heard  a  Skye- 
woman  grumble  at  carrying  home  the  peats,  but  I  have 
frequently  heard  them  make  sarcastic  remarks  at  the  expense 
of  fine  ladies — "  Nach  aim  alee  tha,  an  druim  air  son  a 
chleibh  ?"-  "  Isn't  it  herself  that  has  the  back  for  the  creel  ?" 
But  why  should  so  much  be  made  of 'this?  It  is  not  the 
fault  of  Skyemen  that  their  wives  and  daughters  have  to 
carry  the  creel:  it  is  their  misfortune.  If  strangers,  how- 
ever, would  look  at  their  own  doors  they  would  not  need  to 
go  far  afield  with  their  commiseration..  I  remember  the  first 
time  I  went  to  Glasgow,  en  landing  en  the  Broom  ielaw  I  was 
much  astonished  at  seeing  a  number  of  women  meeting  the 
steamer  and  taking  delivery  of  boxes  of  herring,  which  they 
loaded  on  to  hurley  barrows  and  hauled  along  the  streets, 
and  them  as  hoarse  as  crows,  crying,  "  Lochfyne  fresh  heir- 
ring,  new  come  in,  new  come  in  !" — herring  that  I  saw  my- 
self shipped  at  Loch-Hourn.  On  another  occasion,  on  land- 
ing in  the  Waverley  Station,  Edmburgh,  there  I  saw  a  string 
of  Newhaven  fishwives  with  creels  on  their  backs.  I  listened 
to  their  conversation,  thinking  surely  they  must  be-  frrm 
Skye;  but  no,  the  cry  of  "  Caller  herrin'  "  had  not  a  sound 
of  Skye  accent  in  it.  But  surely,  I  thought  to  myself,  these 
women  must  be  from  Skye,  or  how  else  could  they  be  carry- 
ing creels  and  drawing  barrows  like  beasts  o.f  burden  1 

Shortly  after  this  the  crofter  agitation  began,  and  the 
Scotsman,  which  usually  takes  upon  itself  the  task  of  putting 
everybody  and  everything  right,  at  once  enlightened  the 
public  as"  to  the  cause  of  the  trouble.  One  day  it  was  the 
climate  ;  next  day  it  was  the  Highlander's  love  for  whiskv  : 
but  at  last,  one  wiseacre  smarter  than  the  rest  made  the 
interesting  discovery  that  it  was  the  Gaelic.  He  had  been  in 
Skye,  "  where  Gaelic  is  perseverin^ly  and  perversely  main- 


Social  Life  in  Skye 


289 


fained,  where  people  lived  in  houses  built  of  stones  and  turf, 
as  their  ancestors  did  in  the  days  of  Saint  Columbia. ' ' 

On  the  other  hand,  on  enquiry  by  another  source,  it  was 
found  that  at  Charleston,  six  miles  south  of  Aberdeen,  the 
same  remarkable  phenomenon  existed :  the  people  lived  in 
houses  built  of  stones  and  turf,  burnt  peats,  and  drank 
whisky,  but  there  has  been  no>  Gaelic  spoken  in  the  place  for 
a  hundred  years.  Ignorant  people  thought  it  was  the 
isolated  nature  of  the  locality  that  was  the  cause  of  it; 
but  they  were  wrong,  it  was  the  echo  of  the  Gaelic  cadence 
that  still  lingered  among  the  hills.  Again  it  was  found  that 
there  was  a  place  between  Settle  and  Carlisle  where  the  people 
lived  in  even  more  primitive  houses — wooden  huta  covered 
with  skins.  It  could  not  be  traced  that  the  oldest  inhabitant 
had  ever  heard  Gaelic  or  the  bagpipes,  or  even  seen  a  kilt. 
This  was  a  puzzler,  until  it  was  discovered  that  the  station- 
master  at  Salkeld  had  a  copy  of  Ossian's  poems  in  the  Gaelic 
tongue. 

A  great  deal  has  been  made  of  the  fact  that  in  the  islands 
cattlei  were  housed  under  the  same  roof  as  the  tenants.  It  is 
not,  however,  generally  known;  that  the  custom  was  prevalent 
in  the  Lowlands  of  Scotland  till  after  the  '45,  and  till  very 
recently  in  the  county  of  Fife.  The  parish  minister  of 
Meigle,  in  the  lowlands  of  Perthshire,  writing  in  the  Old 
Statistical  Account,  says: — "'Since  the  year  1745,  a  for- 
tunate epoch  for  Scotland  in  general,  improvements  have 
been  carried  on  with  great  .ardour  and  success.  At  that  time 

the  state  of  the  country  was  rude  beyond  conception 

The  education,  dress,  manners,  furniture,  and  table  of  the 
gentry  were  not  so  liberal,  decent,  and  sumptuous  as  that  of 
the  ordinary  farmers  at  preeent.  The  common  people, 
clothed  in  the  coarsest  garb,  and  starving  on  the  meanest 
fare,  lived  in  despicable  huts  with  their  cattle." 

These  people  were  up  to  that  time  without  leases,  a  fact 
which  also  had  the  same  effect  in  the'  West  Highlands,  which 
can  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  within  twenty  years  of  the 
passing  of  the  Crofters  Act  the  crofters  of  Skye  had  built 
over  900  comfortable  new  houses,  entirely  at  their  own 
expense,  and  at  an  average  cost  of  £120.  There  is  another 
thing  that  must  be  taken  into  account  in  considering  the 
housing  question  in  the  Western  Isles,  and  that  is  the  scarcity 
of  timber.  Till  within  very  recent  years  there  was  very 

19 


290  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

g 

little  growing  timber  in  Skye,  and  none  at  all  in  the  Outer 
Isles.  I  knew  a  man  myself  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
removed  three  times,  and  on  each  occasion  he  had  to-  carry 
with  him  the  timber  of  his  house — the  last  time  for  a  distance 
of  thirty  miles. 


6th  FEBRUARY,  1919. 

Mr  William  Mack  ay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  the  meeting 
held  this  evening,  when  the  Reverend  Dugald  MacEchern, 
M.A.,  B.D.,  Minister  of  Bower,  Bard  to  the  Society,  read  the 
following  paper :  — 

HIGHLAND  SECOND  SIGHT. 

War  and  Death  have  broken;  and  crushed  the  flower  of  the 
youth  of  Europe.  Men  therefore  with  new  interest  ask, 
"  Does  the- spirit  survive?"  Is  the  spirit  different  from  the 
body  and  independent  of  it,  even  as  the  music  is  something 
distinct  from  the  violin,  the  instrument  of  its  manifestation? 
The  study  of  the  second  sight  of  the  Scottish  Highlanders  here 
obviously  has  a  value.  It  contributes  to  'an  answer  to  the 
supreme  questions  which  religion  and  philosophy  try  to  answer. 
Forty  years  ago  a  Society  of  Science  would  have  scoffed  at  this 
statement.  Men  were  then  in  the  dreary  wiaste  of  Material- 
ism. The  witchcraft  and  other  superstitions  of  the  Middle 
Ages  had  led  to  a  reaction  against  all  spiritism.  At  the  same 
time  the  splendid  discoveries1  of  physical  science1 — of  a  Galileo 
aaid  a  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  culminating  in  the  theories  of  Darwin 
— had  attracted  many  able  minds  to>  the  pursuit  of  the  study 
of  outward  physical  nature  with  its  revelation  of  law  and  order 
and  development,  with  all  their  wonder  and  beauty.  We  do 
these  noble  scholars  justice.  Yet  it  is  the  fact  that  many  of 
their  followers  exaggerated  the  claims  of  physical  science. 
Nothing  was  to  be  believed  that  could  not  be  accounted  for 
by  a  material  philosophy.  The  splendid  House  of  Life; — none 
of  its  rooms  were  to<  be  tenanted  but  the  one  chamber  of  the 
physical.  Herein  they  "  shut  themselves  in,"  as  Mr  Stead 
justly  said.  "  from  the  unseen  world,  fearing  lest  they  should 
see  or  hear  or  scent  anything  inconsistent  with  their  snailsli-cll 
philosophy." 

Now  there  is  once  more  a  reaction :    now  there  is  a  more 
truly  scientific  attitude  among  thinking  men,  and  some  of  ch& 


Highland  Second  Sight  291 

most  distinguished  physicists  themselves  now  seek  to  open  the 
doors  of  the  other  rooms  of  the  House  of  Life,  and  they  join 
us  in  saying  "  Let  us  explore  life's  magic  and  mystery." 

Of  this  magic  and  mystery  the  Celtic  races  have  ever  been 
apostles.  To  the  Celt  the  ideal  is  the  only  reality,  and  out- 
ward things  are  but  the  vesture  or  the  shadow  of  the  unseen 
realities  that  surro'und  us.  Professor  Campbell  Sharp  once 
said  of  the  logical  faculty  that  "  it  cannot  break  into  the 
unseen  world,  and  falls  back  paralysed  whem  it  tries  to  enter 
it."  The  Celt  has  never  allowed  the  claim  of  the  so-called 
logical  faculty  to  be  the  sole  avenue  of  knowledge.  Logic 
itself  depends  on  intuitions  whose  truth  it  cannot  demonstrate, 
and  it  has  no  right  to-  deny  the  validity  of  other  intuitions. 
The  word  "  reason"  has  been  unduly  limited.  We  may  not 
divide  our  consciousness  into'  compartments.  We  must  take 
our  consciousness  in  its  totality ;  and  our  consciousness  of  the 
spiritual  is  as  much  a  fact  as  our  consciousness  of  a  physical 
external  world.  Validity  belongs  to'  the  spiritual  conscious-- 
ness as  much  as  to  the  consciousness  of  the  physical. 

Flammarioni,  the  great  astronomer,  said  that'  observation 
prove®  the  psychic  world  is  as  real  as  the  material  world.  The 
Gaels,  and  the  Celts  in  general,  seem  to  be  endowed  in  larger 
measure  than  any  other  race®  with  the  psychic  faculty. 

The  Celts  of  Brittany  in  France  are  strong  believers*  in  the 
second  sight.  At  C'arnac,  the  centre  of  the  Celtic  world, 
visitors  like  Dr  William  Mackay,  Inverness,  tell  us  that  mysti- 
cism envelopes  the  whole  district.  Beside  the  immemorial 
gigantic  ruins1  of  Carnac,  Mr  Reginald  Span  tells  us,  lives 
Eugenie  Le  Port,  about  fifty  years  of  age,  now  a  seeress  of 
visions,  of  fairies,  ghosts,  and  spirits.  According  to  M.  Jean 
Couton,  all  the  natives  of  that  region  believe  that  the  spirits 
of  the  dead  live  amongst  them.  Most  of  their  other  beliefs 
are  paralleled  by  the  beliefs,  as1  to  second  sight  in  the  High- 
lands. We  must  not  dismiss  the  subject  by  saying  that  second 
sight  is  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  mature,  a  subverting  of  the 
order  of  nature.  We  do  not  know  the  laws  of  nature  except 
in  part.  If  these  things  happen,  they  happen  as  part  of  the 
totality  of  existence,  that  "  Natura,  Rerum,"  that  general 
order,  of  which  the  material  order  may  only  be  a  small  part. 
Miracle  itself,  then,  whilst  happening  not  according  to'  any 
known  law,  yet  happens  according  to  unknown  laws  and  from 
unknown  forces ;  nor  does  miracle  violate,  suspend,  or  subvert 
known  laws  and  forces,  but  only  co-operates  with  them,  or 
conquers  their  effect.  Miracle  itself  is  part  of  the  general 


292  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

order  of  the  universe,  and  happens  according  to  higher  laws 
and  higher  forces.  Thus  the  appearance  of  a  spirit  would 
really  happen  as  recorded,  as  the  result  of  some  beautiful  law 
and  force  in  a  higher  order — perhaps  not  a  physical  order,  but 
of  a  sphere  which  yet  impinges  on  and  affects  the  physical 
sphere. 

Darwin's  rival,  Alfred  Russell  Wallace,  and  Sir  William 
Crookes,  brilliant  physicists,  both  took  such  a  view:  spirit 
phenomena  themselves  are  part  of  the  general  order  of  the 
Universe  of  Being.  The'  laws  and  forces  of  a,  higher  order  or 
sphere  may  neutralise  those  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  the 
everyday  physical  world.  As  Dr  Andrew  Tait  wrote:—  "If 
men  admit  creation  to  be  the  result  of  the  action  of  an 
Almighty  Being,  they  must  be  ready  to1  admit  miracle;  for 
what  isi  creation  but  an  innovation  upon  the  ordinary  course 
of  providence,  and  the  neutralising  of  a  lower  law  by  the 
superimposing  of  a.  higher." 

FIVE    SENSES   AND   THE    TOTAL    COSMOS. 

We  must  approach  the  subject  not  with  the  intellectual 
conceit  that  boldly  asserts  what  is,  and  what  is  not,  possible. 
We  have  to  remember,  for  one  thing,  that  o>ur  five  senses  are 
limited  in  range,  e.g.,  we  only  hear  those  sounds  which  are 
within  the  range  of  eleven  octaves.  The  vibrations  of  notes 
above  or  below  that  range  are  imperceptible.  The  sounds 
occur:  we  cannot  hear  them.  So  with  light.  Rays  whose 
vibrations  exceed  or  come  short  of  a  certain  number  are  not 
able  to*  give>  us  the  sensation  of  sight. 

Again,  the  number  of  our  senses  is  limited.  Five  senses 
give  us  cognition  of  five  kinds  of  phenomena.  It  is,  however, 
conceivable  that  there  may  be  five  thousand  kinds  of  phe- 
nomena, five  thousand  worlds,  of  which  we  have  no  cognition, 
not  having  the'  senses  or  faculties  needed  for  perceiving  their 
existence.  The  physical  sphere  may  be  only  one  of  many 
spheres. 

Again,,  the  physical  world  itself  —  I  mean  the  material 
world— daily  shows  itself  to  be  somewhat  different  from  our 
eld  conceptions  of  it,  e.g.,  we  cannot  affirm  the  solidity  of 
matter ;  we  scarcely  can  affirm  that  it  is  in  the  ordinary  sense 
of  the  word  substantial.  Sir  G.  G-.  Thomson  and  other  savants 
tell  us  that  the  atom  is  so  small  that  the  human  eye'  even  with 
the  microscope  will  probably  never  be  able'  to  see  it,  and  that 
each  yet.  consists  of  little  electrons  spinning  round  in  orbits, 


Highland  Second  Sight  293* 

as  the  ea-rtb  moves  round  the  sun.     But  what  axe  these  elec- 
trons in  themselves?     Each  again  may  itself  be  a.  Cosmos! 

The  beautiful  philosophy  of  Berkeley  (in  O'Ur  own  day  re- 
expounded  by  my  old  teacher  Professor  Campbell  Eraser)  has 
lately  had  an  enormous  influence  in  combating  materialism. 
Berkeley  has  often  been  misunderstood.  He  did  not  deny  the 
reality  of  matter,  but  gave  a  theory  of  what  is  meant  by  its. 
existence.  He  said  that  the  reality  of  matter  consisted  in  its 
being  an  idea  (or  a  combination  of  ideas),  apprehended  by  some 
mind.  To  the  objection  that  every  man  would  have  a  different 
world  he  answers  that  it  has  a  permanent,  universal  character 
independent  of  any  individual  human  mind,  since  it  is  the 
idea  conceived  by  a  universal  and  eternal  mind.  The  eternal 
mind  imposes  the  idea,  upon  the  individual  human  mind.  Thus 
there  is  a  universal  or  absolute:  element  in  matter.  And  may 
I  not  add  that  this  seems  very  near  the  glorious  and  sublime 
doctrine  of  the  Bible  that  God  spoke  and  the  world  stood  fast. 
The  world  is  a  word  of  God,  i.e.,  the  expression  of  God's 
thought.  The  world  is  the  eternal  idea  expressed.  In  the 
ideal  philosophy  of  Berkeley,  e.g.,  an  apple  is  known  to  us  as 
a  bundle  of  ideas  in  o<ur  minds  about  it,  viz.,  roundness  and 
smoothness  and  redness,  and  so  on :  we  have  these'  ideas,  but 
cannot  demonstrate  that  there  is  any  substantial  reality  out- 
side of  our  mind,  as  we  only  know  the  reality  by  these  ideas. 
What  it  is  in  itself  we  cannot  say :  it  may  not  correspond  to 
our  supposition  about  it.  So  with  all  the  so-called  external 
physical  world — we  know  it  \as>  associations  of  ideas  in  our 
minds,  but  we  have  never  been,  nor  can  we  get  outside  of  our 
minds  to  it.  We  know  it  by  ideas  alone. 

In  the  great  storm  of  1832  in  N.  Shetland,  fishing 
boats,  including  one  hundred  men  with  their  crews, 
were  lost.  Dr  Edward  Charlton,  who  was  at  Shetland 
at  the  time,  wroJte  in  his  "  Journal,"  '  I  was 
solemnly  assured  by  an  old  white-haired  fisherman  of  Fetlar 
that  he  and  his  companions  saw  a  white  boat !  with  six  men 
in  white  dresses,  the  same,  except  in  colour,  as  they  them- 
selves wore,  running  broadside  to  the  stormy  sea  and  upsetting 
two  boats  alongside." 

The  Rev.  Dr  Dodd,  late  of  Caithness,  now  of  Dundee,  told 
me  that  Mrs  Faed,  the  wife  of  the  artist,  told  him  as  follows :  — 
Mr  and  Mrs  Faed  and  their  child  were  in  the'  Highlands  one 
autumn  or  summer  and  got  surrounded  by  mist  on  a  rocky 
mountain.  Suddenly  a  figure  like  a  Highland  chief  stood 
before  them  on  the  path  and  warned  them  not  to  advance 


294  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

another  step;  and  then  the  spectre  vanished.  When  the  mist 
cleared  away  they  found  themselves  on  the  verge  of  a  precipice. 
Mrs  Faed  was  convinced  that  the  spectre  had  saved  their  lives  ; 
and  to  her  London  friends  she  used  to  say  that  it  had  been 
the  most  striking  experience  of  her  life. 

I  wa.s  for  ten  years  minister  of  the'  parish  of  Coll,  an  island 
which,  along  with  its  neighbour,  Tiree,  has  long  had  Sdoond- 
sighted  men,  Mr  Fraser,  once  minister  of  Tiree  and  Coll, 
wrote  one  of  the  first  accounts  of  the  faculty.  In  my  present 
parish  of  Bower,  Caithness,  there  are  some,  yet  fewer,  tradi- 
tions. In  Coll  are  still  to  be  found  men  with  "  an  taibhsear- 
achd."  "  D.  S.,"  lately  writing  in  the  Viking  Club 
Miscellany,  tells  of  a,  seer  in  Bower,  named  E.wan  McLeod,  a 
servant  on  his  fathei's  farm.  "  Ewen  was  always  seeing 
strange  sights.  He  would  predict  a  funeral  a  w-eek  or  so 
beforehand,  and  could  see  a  coffin  had  just  gone  past  to  such 
a*nd  such  a  house,  even  where  there  was  no  person  ill  or  dead. 
He  would  look  into  the  fire  and  poke  it  up ;  it  was  a,  study  to 
aee  his  face  when  doling  so,  as  the  consternation  depicted  plainly 
showed  his  state  of  mind.  There  was  one  sight  or  vision  that 
he  often  mentioned,  viz.,  a  boat  labouring  in  a  heavy  aea; 
he  would  mention  the  names  of  the  men  in  the  boat  with  the 
exception  of  one  whom  he  did  not  know,  as,  he  said,  his  back 
wa«  always  toward  him.  Ho  would  give  a  graphic  description 
of  the  loss  of  the  boat  and  the  struggle  of  the  men  as  they 
were  being  drowned.  Strange  to  say,  this,  same  Ewen  McLeod 
was  lost  at  sea  in  the  above  manner,  and  the  person  whose 
back  was  always  towards  him  was  evidently  himself/'  I  may 
add  that  the  prophetic  nature  of  the  sight  is  the  more  remark- 
able that  Bower  is  an  inland  parish  where  few  of  the  inhabi- 
tants ever  deal  with  boats. 

The  late  Rev.  Mr  Sinclair,  the  poet  minister  of  Rannoch, 
wrote  in  1905  a  chapter  on  the  second  sight.  "  Rannoch," 
he  wrote,  "  was  famous  from  olden  times  for  the  number  of 
persons  connected  with  the  district  who'  were  supposed  to 
possess  the  gift  of  second  sight.  The  mysterious  gift  is  said 
to  have  been  originally  confined  to  one  family ;  but  as  it  would 
appear  that  it  was  more  or  less  transmissible  to  posterity,  it 

gradually  came  to  be  considerably  extended A  very 

worthy  and  intelligent  old  lady  who>  was  a  member  of  the 
deuteroscopian  family  seemed  to  have  had  this  faculty  ab- 
normally developed  in  her."  She  saw  apparitions  of  those 
who  w-ere  soon  to  be  buried ;  sometimes  contests  between  good 
and  bad  angels  for  the  soul  about  to  depart ;  she  by  her  skill 


Highland  Second  Sight  295 

•discovered  drowned  persons.  When  interviewed  by  the  Com- 
missioner of  the  late  Marquis  of  Bute  in  June,  1895,  she 
agreed  with  him  that  the  prophets  of  old  and  other  inspired 
writers  of  the  BibLe  had  been  endowed  with  the  gift  of  second 
sight. 

When  wo  speak  of  the  unseen,  materialism  may  scoff  and 
seek  to  identify  spirit  and  brain  its  instrument ;  but  material- 
ism is  contradicted — 

(1)  By  Identity:  I  am  not  the  same  body  I  was  ten  years 
ago  but  I  am  the  same  person. 

(2)  Materialism   is   contradicted   by   moral   responsibility, 
which  implies  freedom  of  will,  which  could  not  be  if  thought 
and  will   were    determined,   necessitated,   by  the   motions  of 
molecules  of  matter  impinging  on  nerves  and  brain. 

(3)  Movement  of  matter  could  not  produce  sensation,  and 
sensation    produce   thought,    without    presupposing   a    person 
who  feels.     The  verb  "  sentio,"  I  feel,  presupposes  a  subject. 
Without  that,  "  sensation"  is  but  an  abstraction — an  empty 
phrase. 

John  Aubrey,  Fellow  of  the  Eoyal  Society  at  Gresham 
College^,  Liondon,  in  Aubrey's  Miscellaniesi,  1696,  gives  an 
account  of  second-sighted  men  in  Scotland,  in  which  are  two 
letters  from  "  a,  learned  friend  in  Scotland  who  had  got  his* 
information  from  different  hands  in  the  northern  parts  of  Scot- 
land, including  '  a  minister  living  near  Inverness.'  :  Aubrey 
also  gives  a  letter  he  received  from  "  a  gentleman's  son  in 
Strathspey,  being  a  student  in  Divinity,  concerning  the  second 
eight."  He  tells  how  '  Makphetrson'  of  Clunie  in  Badenoch  was 
wooing  Lady  Garelooh's  daughter,  and  how  one  that  had  the 
second  sight  told  Lady  G-areloch  that  "  unless  he  marry  within 
six  months  he  will  never  marry"  ....-"  for  I  see  him  all 
enclosed  in  his  winding  sheet,  except  his  nostrils  and  his 
mouth,  which  will  also  close  up  within  six  months,"  which 
happened  even  as  he  foresaid  :  within  the  said  space  he  died 
and  his  brother  Duncan  Makpherson,  this  present  Clunie,  suc- 
ceeded," 

James  Grant  in  Glenburn  had  the  sight.  "  He  used  ordi- 
narily, by  looking  to  the  fire,  to  foretell  what  strangers  would 
come  to  his  house  the  next  day  or  shortly  thereafter,  by  their 
habit  and  arms  and  sometimes  by  their  names;  and  if  any 
of  his  goods  or  '  cattel'  were  missing,  he  would  direct  his 
servants  to  the  very  place  where'  to  find  them." 


296  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Note  the  gazing  in  the  fire  :  compare  the'  gazing  a.t  a  crystal, 
or  at  <a  mirror  or  bright  light,  which  has  an  effect  on  the  brain 
perhaps  chemical — putting  the  seer  into  a  trance-like  state. 

Rev.  Robert  Kirk,  minister  of  Aberfoylei  in  the  17th 
century,  wrote  a  treatise,  probably  published  by  him,  and  re* 
printed  later  in  1815  from  a  MS.  in  the  Advocates'  Library, 
Edinburgh.  His  book  wias  called  the  "  Secret  Commonwealth 
of  Elves,  Faunes,  and  Fairies."  He  deals  with  the  second 
sight.  He  was  a  scholar,  and  translated  the  Psialms  into 
Gaelic. 

Martin  Martin,  of  Skye,  graduated  at  the  University  of 
Edinburgh  in  1682;  and  in  1705  published  his  "  Description 
of  the  Western  Isles.  Be  tells  of  the  "  taish"  (taibhse). 
"  The  sight  is  a  singular  faculty  of  seeing  an  otherwise  invisible 
object  without  any  previous  means  used  by  the  person  that 
sees  it  for  that  end."  .  .  .  "  They  neither  see  nor  think  of 
anything  else  except  the  vision  as  long  as  it  continues.  At 
the  sight  of  the  vision  the  eyelids  of  the  person  are  erected, 
and  the  eyes  continue  staring  until  the  object  vanishes." 
Sometimes  "  the  inner  part  of  his  eyelids  turn  so*  far  upwards 
that  after  the  object  disappears  be  must  draw  them  down  with 
his  fingers,  and  sometimes  employs  others  to  draw  them 
down."  "  The  faculty  of  the  second,  sight  does  not  lineally 
descend  in  a  family,"  be  says.  I  may  state,  however,  that 
some  families  do  seem  to  have  it  handed  down:  through  several 
generations,  e.g.,  a  Rannoch  family  well  known  as  having  the 
second  sight.  Martin  says  that  the  faculty  is  not,  so  far  as 
he  can  learn,  communicable:  others,  however,  say  that  the 
faculty  can  be  communicated  from  a  seer  to  one  who  has  not 
the  .gift,  by  placing  his  foot-  on  the  other's  foot,  or  by  some 
other  personal  contact.  Martin  gives  rules  by  which  they 
calculate  the  time  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  forecast,  e.g.,  a 
shroud  seen  on,  a  living  person  prognosticates  his  death,  death 
being  near  or  far  away  by  the  height  to  which  the  shroud 
oomeis  on  the  person :  if  towards  the  head,  within  a  few  days. 
A  woman  seen  staging  at  a  man's  hand  forecasted  their 
marriage.  The  apparition  of  several  women:  standing  at  a 
man's  hand  meant  that  he  would  marry  them  in  succession. 

Seers  were  of  both  sexes.  The  building  of  houses  and 
planting  of  trees  and  of  gardens  could  be  foretold.  A  spark 
of  fire  on  the  breast  or  arm  was  the  forerunner  of  a  dead  child 
to  be  seen  in  the  arms  of  those  persons.  An  empty  seat  where 
a  man  was  really  sitting  meant  his  early  death.  The  seer 
would  sometimes  fall  into  a  swoon.  The  seer,  after  the  vision. 


Highland  Second  Sight 


297 


would  sometimes  come  in  sweating.  A  funeral  in  which  the 
parties  attending  it  might  be  recognised  or  might  not,  was  a 
common  sight.  The  corpse  itself  was  not  recognised  (indeed, 
in  the  vision  it  would,  of  course,  seem  covered).  A  seer 
beholding  a  vision,  and  his  companion  seer  not  seeing  it,  the 
one  would  communicate  it  to  the  other  :  he  would  designedly 
touch  his  fellow  seer  at  the  instant  of  a  vision's  appearing. 
The  fore-telling  of  death  might  be  by  a  cry  resembling  the 
voice  of  the  particular  person  about  to  die.  Smelling  also 
foretold  events,  e.g.,  the  coming  of  fish  and  flesh.  Songs  and 
other  sounds  musical,  like  harp  or  pipe,  like  crowing  of  the 
cock  and  the  grinding  of  querns,  were  also  heard.  Children, 
horses,  and  cows  could  see  the  second  sight  as  well  as  men, 
and  women '  advanced  in  years.  The  seers  are  very  tem- 
perate. Both  sexes  are  free  from  hysteric  fits,  convulsions, 
and  several  other  distempers  of  that  sort:  no  madmen  are 
among  them  nor  any  instance  of  self-murder.  (This  seems  to 
differentiate  the  state  of  the  .seer  from  catalepsy,  epilepsy,  etc.). 
A  man  drunk  never  sees  the  second  sight,  nor  is  he  a  visionary 
in  other  affairs  of  life.  They  are  not  impostors.  Although 
illiterate,  they  are  altogether  devoid  of  design.  They  have 
nothing  to  gain  by  it.  The  people  are  not  credulous:  but 
believe  because  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction.  If  the 
seers  were  deceivers,  can  it  be  reasonable  to  suppose  that  all 
the  Islanders  should  combine  together  and  offer  violence  to 
their  understandings  and  senses  to  force  themselves  to  believe 
a  lie  from  age  to  age.  Some  seers  are  persons  of  birth  and 
education.  Some  visions  are  fulfilled  in  the  lifetime  of  the 
seer ;  other  visions  not  till  after  his  life-time.  It  is  less 
common  now  than  twenty  years  ago.  It  is  also  found  in  Hol- 
land, Wales,  and  Isle  of  Man.  It  is  not  enviable,  as  it  is  not 
a  very  reputable  gift.  A  preventive  was  to  wear  a  plant  called 
"  fuga  demonum,"  sewed  in  the  neck  of  the  coat.  John  Mor- 
ison,  Bernera,  a  seer  of  Harris,  never  saw  visions  again  after 
doing  so. 

Such  is  a  summary  of  the  account  given  by  Martin  Martin. 
Other  authorities!  add  that  it  is  not  necessarily  hereditary. 
Yet  it  sometimes  descends  in  a  family  as,  e.g.,  in  Skye,  and 
in  the  case  of  the  Mansons  in  the  Mackay  country,  and  the 
MacGregors  in  Rannoch.  Some  thought  it  was  due  to>  a.  compact 
with  the  devil.  "  They  foresee  murders,  drownings,  wed- 
dings, burials,  combats,  manslaughters . ' '  Visions  are  seen 
"  sometimes  within  and  sometimes  out-doors  as  in  a  glass." 
Godly  persons  may  have  it :  vicious  may  have  it.  The  impres- 


2(J8  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

sioii  is  often  sudden  and  painful :  it  is  involuntary.  The 
sights  are  pleasant  sometimes,  more  often  painful.  The  mean- 
ing of  the  sight  is  not  always  understood  till  after  the  event. 

The  Rev.  John  Fraser,  minister  of  Tiree  and  Coll  in  the 
Inner  Hebrides,  wrote  a  Treatise  on  Deuteroscopia  (second 
sight),  published  after  his  death,  in  Edinburgh  in  1707.  Born 
in  1647,  he  was  educated  at  Glasgow  University.  His 
instances  of  second  sight  are  all  got  direct.  One  instance  is, :  — 
John  Macdonald,  a  servant  of  Maclean,  the  Laird  of  Coll, 
meets  his  master  on  a  fair  day,  and  "  seeth  his  cloathe®  shineing 
like  the  skins  of  fishes  and  his  periwig  all  wet  through,  indeed, 
the  day  was  very  fair,  whereupon  he  told  me  privately,  even, 
then  to  one  of  Coil's  gentlemen,  that  he  feared  he  should  be 
drowned.  .  .  .  The  event  followed  about  a  year,  thereafter, 
for  the  Laird  of  Coll  was  drowned  in  the  water  of  Lochy  in 
Lochaber."  Rev.  Mr  Eraser's  theory  of  the  second  sight  was 
that  "  images  are  printed  on  the  brain  and  then  revived — 
laid  up  in  the  brain,  will  be  reversed  back  to  the  retiform 
coat  a,nd  crystalline  humour,"  the  result  being  "  a.  lively  see- 
ing as  if  '  de  novo'  the  object  had  been  placed  before  the 
eye."  * 

So  far,  this  is  similar  to  the  modern  theory  that  the  mind 
simply  draws  from  its  stores  of  remembered  past  visual  experi- 
ences. But  Mr  Fraser,  recognising  that  the  mind  and  imagin- 
ation of  the  seer,  although  the  agent  or  instrument,  could  not 
be  its  prime  origin  where  the  prophecy  of  improbable  events 
was  concerned,  asked,  "  Who  revives  the  impressions?"  His 
answer  was  that  good  or  bad  angels  for  their  own,  purposes 
revive  these  images  that  had  been  stored  in  the  memory. 

Here  is  the  principle  that  although  the  vision  is  not 
objective,  but  subjective,  yet  the  origin  of  the  subjective  vision 
is  outside  the  seer's  personality,  in  spirits!  or  angels.  Since 
he  that  has  the  second  sight  generally  sees  what  his  companions 
do  not  see,  it  is  probable  that  the  vision  ha®  no  corresponding 
outward  objective  material  reality.  But — and  here  is  the 
crux  of  the  matter — that  is  not  to  say  that  it. is  the  product 
of  the  seer's  imagination,  or  that  the  apparition  is  originated 
in  his  own  personality.  All  we  can  say  is  that  his  imagination 
is  the  instrument  of  the  vision  ;  but  the  question  still  remains : 
Is  the  cause  or  origin  of  the  vision  in  the  seer's  own  person- 
ality or  is  it  from  without,  perhaps  from  some  other  person.- 
ality  ?  If  the  vision  should  show  a  knowledge  of  the  distant 
or  of  the  future  beyond  what  the  seer's  own  consciciisr.-ess  or 
sub-conscic>u£jness  could  account  for,  it  is  evident  that  the 


Highland  Second  Sight  299 

vision,  even  if  subjective,  must  have  its  source  in  something 
foreign  to  the  seer's  own  personality.  If,  for  example,  I  see 
my  far-distant  brother  in  the  article  of  death,  or  I  have  to-day 
a  vision  of  what  takes  place  to-morrow,  of  siuch  a  nature  that 
no  sub-conscious  "  balancing  of  probabilities"  could  lead  my 
mind  to*  the  forecast,  then  the  vision  of  sight,  although  sub- 
jective, without  a  present  material  object  being  present  to  be 
Been,  must  have  an  origin  outside  of  the  seer's  mind,  and  bg 
explained  by  some  foreign  cause,  such,  as  telepathy  from  a 
human  being  or  telepathy  from  a  higher  spirit, 
or  telepathy  from  the  highest  spirit  or  some  other 
cause  foreign  to  the  seer's  personality,  which  would  possess 
that  knowledge  or  fore-knowledge  which  the  steer  himself  lacks. 
It  is  not,  then;,  ^enough  to  dismiss,  the  subject  with  the  words 
!c  hallucination"  and  "  subjective."  The  hallucination  can- 
not result  from  auto-suggestion,  but  must  have  a  foreign 
origin. 

Why  sho-uld  some  men  have  the  second  sight  and  not 
all  men  have  the  faculty  ?  We  answer :  — 

1 .  Perhaps,  all  men  have  got  it,  but  in  a  small  degree ,  only 
a  few  having  it  in  an  effective  degree. 

2.  All  men  may  have  otioe  had  it,  though  most  have  now 
lost    it,    the    contact    with    modern    life    having    blunted    or 
atrophied    the    faculty,    life    now    being    a    struggle    for    the 
material — food,  clothes,  housing,  and  pleasure. 

3.  Or  perhaps  in  the  development  of  the  human  race  we 
are  developing  this  faculty,  some  being  ahead  of  the  rest  where 
conditions  are  favourable.     All  may  yet  have  it. 

Thus,  highly  gifted  men  like  Hugh  Miller  of  Cronmrty, 
author  of  "  My  Schools  and  Schoolmasters,"  or,  in  England, 
the  poet  .Shelley,  may  have  retained  powers  that  other  men 
have  lost ;  or  they  may  have  in  a  higher  degree  powers  that 
all  men  have  in  an  ineffective  degree ;  or  they  may  be  in  the 
vanguard  of  the  human  race  and  developing  a  power  of  appre- 
hending the  unseen,  when  we  read  of  their  seeing  apparitions. 
Their  visions  might  be  attributed  to  their  imaginations,  were  it 
not  for  the  correspondence  of  the  event.  Highly  endowed  in 
many  respects,  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  should  have 
spiritual  powers  that  many  men  have  not — at  least  in  the  same 
degree. 

Domhnull  Ruadh  was  a.  pious  Highland  seer,  and  from  him 
Hugh  Miller,  who  tells  the  following  experience  of  his  own, 
.seems  to  have  inherited  some  of  the  seer's  faculty.  On  the 


300  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

evening  of  October  10th,  1807,  his  father  being  then  at  seay 
and  the  night  stormy,  Hugh  Miller  tells  us,  "  My  mother  was 
sitting  beside  the  household  fire,  plying  the  cheerful  needle, 
when  the  house-door,  which  had  been  left  unfastened,  fell 
open,  and  I  was  despatched  from  her  side  to  shut  it.  What 
followed  must  be  regarded  as  simply  the  recollection,  though 
a  very  vivid  one,  of  a  boy  who  had  completed  his  fifth  year 
only  a  month  before.  Day  had  not  wholly  disappeared,  but 
it  was  fast  passing  on  to  night,  and  a  grey  haze  spread  a  neutral 
tint  of  dimness  over  every  more  distant  object,  but  left  the 
nearer  ones  comparatively  distinct,  when  I  saw  at  the'  open 
door,  within  less  than  a  yard  from  my  breast,  as 
plainly  as  ever  I  saw  anything,  a  dissevered  hand 
and  arm  stretched  towards  me.  Hand  and  arm  were 
apparently  those  of  .a  female :  they  bore  a  livid  and 
sodden  appearance;  and,  directly  fronting  me,  where  the- 
body  ought  to  have  been,  there  was  only  blind,  transparent 
space,  through  which  I  could  see  the  forms  of  the  dim  objects 
beyond.  I  was.  fearfully  startled,  and  ran  shrieking  to  my 
mother,  telling  her  what  I  had  seen  ;  and  the  house-girl,  whom 
she  next  sent  to  shut  the  door,  also  returned  frightened,  and 
said  that  she  too  had  seen  the  woman's  hand,  which,  how- 
ever, did  not  seem  to  be  the  case.  And,  finally,  my  mother 
going  to  the  door,  saw  nothing,  though  she  appeared  much 
impressed  by  the  extremeness  of  my  terror  and  the  minuteness 
of  my  description.  I  communicate  the  story  as  it  has  fixed 
in  my  memory,  without  attempting  to  explain  it.  The  sup- 
posed apparition  may  have  been  only  a  momentary  affection 
of  the  -eye  of  the  nature  described  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  in,  his 
'  Demonology,'  and  Sir  Walter  Bre  water  in  his  '  Natural 
Magic.'  I  experienced  110  after  return,  and  the  coincidence 
in  the  case  with  the  probable  time  of  my  father's  death, 
seems  at  least  curious." 

His  father's  ship  had  left  Peter  head'  that  day  in  a  storm. 
She  was  last  seen  tacking  out  to  sea,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
gone  down  with  all  on  board,  never  being  heard  of  again. 

Hugh  Miller  tells  this  other  experience  of  his.  As  a  boy, 
playing  at  the  foot  of  the  staircase  of  his;  father's  house,  he 
suddenly  felt  a  presence  on  the  landing  above  him,  and  looking1 
up  saw  the  form  of  a,  large,  tall,  very  old  man,  attired  in  a 
light-blue  greatcoat,  regarding  him  steadfastly.  He  was 
frightened,  but  divined  the  figure  to  be  his  buccaneering  great- 


Highland  Second  Sight 


301 


grandfather,    who  had  built   the  house,    and  had   been   dead 
some  sixty  years. 

Captain  Williams  in  his  Diary  speaks  of  a  vision  seen  by 
Shelley  during  the  last  days  of  his  residence  at  Lerici :  — 

"  Monday,  May  6th,  after  tea,  walking  with  Shelley  on 
the  terrace,  and  observing  the  effect  of  moonshine  on  the 
waters,  he  complained  of  being  unusually  nervous,  and,  stop- 
ping short,  he  grasped  me  violently  by  the  arm  and  stared 
steadfastly  at  the  white  surf  which  broke  upon  the  beach  under 
our  feet.  Observing  him  sensibly  affected,  I  demanded  of  him 
if  he  were  in  pain,  but  he  only  answered  by  saying — '  There  it 
is  again !  there !  He  recovered  after  some  time  and  declared 
that  he  saw,  as  plain  as  he  then,  saw  me,  a  naked  child  rise 
from  the  sea,  and  clap  its  hands  as  in  joy,  smiling  at  him." 
This  happened  on  May  6th,  1822.  Two  months  later  he  was 
drowned  in  the  sea.  For  some  years  his  death  was  considered 
to  have  been  due  to  the  storm ;  but  many  years  afterwards  a 
dying  sailor  confessed  that  his  boat  had  attacked  the  boat  in 
which  Shelley  was,  with  a  view  of  robbing  Lord  Byron,  whom 
they  thought  to-  be  on  board.  They  sank  it. 

Dr  Samuel  Johnson  and  his  friend  Boswell  visited  the 
Hebrides!  in  1773;  and  the  Doctor,  while  not  convinced,  still 
admitted  that  the  evidence  raised  a  presumption  in  favour  of 
the  reality  of  the1  second  sight.  He  at  least  treated  the  sub- 
ject fairly,  and  as  we  might  expect  from  a  philosopher.  Dr 
Johnson  had  read  with  great  interest  Martin  Martin's  book 
and  its  account  of  the  second  sight.  When  in  Skye,  in  Mac- 
kinnon's  Stratn,  he  deprecated  the  attitude  of  so  many 
thinkers  that  whatever  does  not  conform  to  what  they  call 
common;  sense,  or  to  what  they  call  "  principles,"  is  to  be  set 
aside.  Rev.  Mr  Macpherson  of  Sleat  had  said  that  he  was 
resolved  not  to  believe  in  the  second  sight  because  it  was 
founded  on  no  principle.  But  Dr  Johnson  said,  "  There  are 
many  things),  then,  which  we  are  sure  are  true  that  you  will 
not  believe.  What  principle  is  there  why  a  loadstone  attracts 
iron  ;  why  an  egg  produces  a  chicken  by  heat ;  why  a  tree  grows 
upwards  when  the  natural  tendency  of  all  things  is  downwards  ? 
Sir,  it  depends  upon  the  amount  of  evidence  that  you  have." 

MacQuarrie  -of  Ulva,  told  Johnson  and  Boswell  a  strong 
instance  of  the  second  sight.  He  had  gone  to  Edinburgh  and 
taken  a  man-servant  along  with  him.  An  old  woman  who  was 
in  the  house  said  one  day,  "  MacQuarrie  will  be  at  home  to- 
morrow and  will  bring  two  gentlemen  with  him"  :  and  she 


302  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

said  she  saw  his  servant  return  to  him  in  red  and  green,  He 
did  come  home-  next  day.  He  had  two>  gentlemen  with  him, 
and  his  servant  had  a  new  red  and  green  livery,  which  Mac- 
quarrie  had  bought  for  him  at  Edinburgh  on  a  sudden  thought, 
not  having  the  least  intention  when  he  left  home  to  put  his 
servant  in  livery ;  so  that  the  old  woman  could  not  have  heard 
any  previous  mention  of  it.  This,  he  assured  us,  was  a  true 
story  j" 

I  myself  had  -experience  of  a  similar  occurrence.  At 
Christmas,  1902,  in  the  Isle  of  Coll,  I  was  at  a  children's  party 
in  the  Castle,  and  in  the  same  room  where  Dr  Samuel  Johnson 
and  Bos  well  had  passed  much  of  their  time  on  their  visit  to 
Coll  in  1773.  I  was  leaning  against  the  piano  when  a  candle 
set  fire  to  my  jacket  sleeve.  Next  day  I  started  for  Rochester, 
Kent ;  and  at  Glasgow,  en  route,  I  bought  a  ready-made  jacket 
for  travelling  use  in  lieu  of  the  one  destroyed.  I  could  get 
nothing  to  fit  except  an  indigo  blue  suit — the  blue  brighter 
than  ordinary  Navy.  In  the  train  I  also  wore  my  Royal  blue 
University  cricket  cap.  When  I  arrived  in  Rochester  next 
afternoon  Miss  B.,  my  host's  daughter,  exclaimed,  "  Oh! 
last  night  I  dreamt  that  you  came  dressed  in  blue."  Now,  I 
had  never  worn  a  blue  suit  in  my  life  since  a  child  in  a  sailor's 
suit,  grey  being  my  favourite  colour,  and  black  the  colour  of 
my  ministerial  dress.  It  was  the  accident  of  the  burning — 
an  accident  improbable  and  wholly  unforeseen — that  led  me 
to  buy  a,  suit  otherwise  not.  required  and  of  a  colour  not 
desired.  In  ten  thousand  clays  I  had  only  worn  a  blue  suit 
once,  and  it  was  the  only  day  on  which  anybody  dreamed  of 
me  in  that  colour.  This  incident,  along  with  MacQuarrie's 
story,  gives  a  presumption,  in  favour  of  the  theory  of  "  a,ura" 
and  human  radiation  which  I  discus®  further  on. 

Another  old  writer  or  second  sight  called  himself 
Theophilus  Insulanus."  He  was,  as  Dr  William  Mackay, 
the  distinguished  Gaelic  scholar,  has  told  me,  William  Mac- 
lecd  of  Hamar,  Skye.  (See  "  Letter-Book  of  Bailie  John 
Stuart,  of  Inverness — Scottish  History  Society,"  p.  53).  His 
bock,  published  in  1763,  was  called  "  A  Treatise  on  the 
Second  Sight,  Dreams  and  Apparitions."  His  book  was  re- 
published  with  others  under  one  cover  by  "  W."  in  the  year 
1818,  and  we  must  be  careful  not  to-  confound  the  views  of  the 
Editor  "  W."  with  those  of  Theophilus  himself,  an  error  apt 
to  be  made.  The  editor's  theory  was  that  the  apparitions 
have  an  atmospherical  origin,  on  the  analogy  of  the  Spectre  of 
the  Brocken,  or  the  Fata!  Morgana,  in  Sicily.  Theophilus,  on 


Highland  Second  Sight 


303 


the  contrary,  looks  upon  second  sight  as  a  revelation  from  the 
spiritual  world,  his  o-bject  in  writing  being  to  cast  light  on  the 
immortality  of  the  soul  and  the  existence  of  a  Divine  Provi- 
dence, and  so  to  assert  the  dignity  of  human  nature. 

Theophilus  says: — "  Lucretius  himself,  though,  by  the 
course  of  his  philosophy,  he  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  the 
soul  did  not  exist  separate  from  the  body,  makes  no  doubt  of 
the  reality  of  apparitions,  &nd  that  men  have  often  appeared 
after  their  death.  This  I  think  very  remarkable;  he  was  so 
pressed  with  the  matter  of  fact,  which  he  could  not  have  the 
confidence  to  deny,  that  he  was  forced  to  account  for  it  by 
one  of  the  most  absurd  unphilosophical  notions  that  ever  was 
started.  He  tells  us  that  the  surfaces  of  all  bodies  are  per- 
petually flying  off  from  their  respective  bodies,  one  after 
another;  and  that  these  surfaces,  or  thin  cases  that  included 
each  other,  whilst  they  were  joined  in  the  body,  like  the  coats 
of  an  onion,  are1  sometimes  seen  entire,  when  they  are  separ- 
ated from  it;  by  which  means  we  ofteni  behold  the  shapes  or 
shadows  of  persons  who  are  either  dead  or  absent." 

This  argument  of  Lucretius,  the  famous  author  of  the 
Atomic  theory,  strangely  forecasts  the  modern  doctrine  of  the 
radio-activity  of  certain  bodies.,  and  jbhe  doctrine  of  the  move- 
ment of  the  particles  of  seemingly  solid  matters  and  also  the 
doctrine  of  telepathy  or  thought-tiranisference  by  rladiation 
between  minds  at  a  distance  from  each  other. 

Of  modern  books,  "  Highland  Second  Sight,"  by  Norman 
Macrae,  with  introduction  by  Rev.  William  Morison,  M.A., 
F.S.A.,  is  one  of  the  best,  giving  a.n  excellent  outline  of  the 
subject.  I  do  not,  however,  agree  with  Mr  Mbrisop/s  opinion 
as  to  the  nature  of  second  sight.  He  does  not  flatter  our  race 
when  he  says,  "  It  is  but  the  simple  truth  to  say  that  in  the 
Highlands  of  .Scotland  to'-day  many  are  in  a  state  of  pupil- 
arity  as  regards  their  mental  attitude'  to  this  question  of  the- 
second  sight.."  He  seems  to  believe  that  the  seers  are  subject 
to1  gross  delusions;  and  the:  chief  conclusion  he  comes  to  is 
that  the  second  sight  is  founded  on  :e  Lord  Bacon's  second 
principle  that  probable  conjectures  or  obscure  traditions  many 
times  turn  themselves  into  prophecies,"  the  idea  being  that 
the  mind  swiftly  and  perhaps  sub-consciously  draws  from  its 
store-house  in  the  memory,  and,  from  the  experiences  of  the 
past  rapidly  balancing  probabilities,  so  forecasts  the  future. 
Mr  Morison  says: — "This  analysis  of  second  sight  is  sug- 
gested by  all  the  observed  facts  of  this  peculiar  mental  phe- 
nomenon." It  seems  to  me,  on  the  contrary,  that  few  of  the1 


304  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

observed  facts  are  solved  by  this  theory.  How,  e.g.,  can.  any 
"  balancing  of  probabilities"  lead  the  seer  to  foresee  an  acci- 
dent which  in  itself  is;  most  improbable?  How  could  such 
balancing  of  probabilities  lead  the  Harris  seer  always  to  see 
a  certain  Harrisi  gentleman  with  an  arrow  in  his  thigh  so  that 
many  were  certain  that  he  should  die  through  an  arrow-shot? 
He  died  without  such  an  accident ;  yet  at  his  burial  there  was 
a  fight  between  two  funeral  parties  struggling  for  precedence, 
and  an  arrow  let  fly  transfixed  the  dead  man's  thigh.  The 
story  is  well  authenticated.  It  was  told  to  Lord  Tarbat  by 
Sir  Norman  MacLeod,  who  had  been 'present.  Again,  at 
the  manse:  of  Moy  one  morning  I  told  my  brother  that  I  had 
just  dreamed  that  my  upper  lip  was  swollen  to<  an  enormous 
extent.  We  had  risen  early,  and  at  6  a.m.  were  launching 
our  boat  on  the  Loch  when  I  was  suddenly  stung,  and  my  lip 
rapidly  swelled  as  in  my  dream.  How  could  the  memory, 
drawing  from  its  store  of  experiences  and  balancing  proba- 
bilities predict  this — a  thing  most  unlikely  to  occur  in  the 
cold  mountain  air  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  ? 

Andrew  Lang's  bock,  "  Cock-Lane  and  Common  Sense," 
is  valuable  a,s  a  reservoir  of  interesting  facts,  but  is  valueless 
otherwise,  owing*  to  his  flippant  treatment  of  the  subject. 
Evidently  infected  by  the  materialism  of  the  seventies,  he^  is 
pr€-cletermined  against  any  fact  that  does  not  seem  to  fit  in 
with  his  philosophy.  He  gives  a  theory  that,  we  admit, 
applies  to  some  cases  of  second  sight,  but  he  ignores  hundreds 
of  ether  well-authenticated  cases  to  which  his  theory  does  not 
apply — the  very  cases  whose  explanation  is  in  question.  This 
is  to  trifle  with  the  subject.  His  theory  is  that  our  savage 
ancestors  were  subject  to  sfreat  mental  confusion  :  that  they 
did  not  distinguish  between  dreams  and  waking :  that  their 
condition  of  life  and  scanty  supplies  of  food  were  favourable 
to  trances  and  hallucinations,  and  that  they  practised  a  kind 
of  elementary  hypnotism.  From  all  these  would  arise  a  set 
of  unfounded  beliefs.  These  beliefs,  like  myths  ajid  customs, 
would,  endure  among  thei  peasant  class.  The  folk  would 
inherit  the  traditions  as  to  what  hallucinatory  phenomena 
they  might  expect,  and  as;  a.  result  of  self-suggestion  and  of 
expectant  attention  these  phenomena  they  would  actually 
behold.  This  would  account  for  the  continuity  of  phenomena., 
which  again  are  fraudulently  imitated  by  mediums. 

This  theory  of  Lang's  might  account  for  the  vision  but  not 
for  its  fulfilment.  How  could  "  self-suggestion"  or  expectancy 
give  an  insight  into  a  future  act  in  itself  improbable?  e.g., 


Highland  Second  Sight  305 

how  could  it  prophesy  an.  unforeseeable  accident  ?  Or  how, 
e.g..,  could  the  Rannoch  woman  with  the  second  sight,  who 
had  never  been  in  England,  know  that  the  missing  Rannoch 
boy  had  been  murdered  in  England,  that  his  body  had  been 
first  hidden  in  a  quarry,  and  then,  taken  out  and  flung  into  a 
pool  near  by?  To  account  for  the  fulfilment  of  a  vision  Lang 
ever  takes  refuge  in  the  blessed  word  ' '  coincidence, ' '  by  which 
he  means  chance  coincidence.  But  hisi  age  looked  upon  matter 
or  dust  as  the  origin  and  end  of  existence :  hisi  age  could  not 
understand  that  Celtic  race  tc  whom  the  material  world'is  but 
a  shadow,  or  a  symbol  and  expression  of  a  spiritual  world. 
Thank  God  the.  dreamers  in,  the  Highland  glens  have  a.  lesson 
to  teach  :  there  is  a  Horeb  in  the  wilderness  of  materialism  : 
every  bush  is  afire1  with  spirit,  and  Sinai  is  aflame  with  God. 

Greater  men  than  Lang  made  the  same  mistake.  Kant 
gratuitously  assumed  that  the  Infinite  God  would  not  com- 
municate with  men's  spirits. 

Lang  and  others  seem  to  think  that  if  these  phenomena 
can  be  paralleled  in  other  countries  they  therefore  have  less 
value!  E.g.,  because  crystal  gazing  has  been  practised  in  all 
ages  and  in  every  part  of  the  world,  and  because  other  prac- 
tices and  beliefs1  are  co-extensive  with  the  human  race,  there- 
fore, he  concludes,  there  is  nothing  in  them.  Is  it  not  more 
likely  that  experiences  that  are  common  to>  all  nations,  ages, 
and  climes,  have  something  in  them  ?  Spiritual  instincts  deep 
seated  in  the  human  race,  and  supported  by  occurrences  that 
are  reported,  not  only  by  the  Bible  writers,  but  by  the  records 
of  all  nations,  are  not  to  be1  lightly  scoffed  at  or  dismissed  as 
delusions. 

Belief  in  the  faculty  of  second  sight  is  still  strong  in  the 
Highlands,  in  spite  of  what  travellers  like  McCulloch  may  say 
to  the  contrary.  But  in  a,  sceptical  age  the  sensitive  High- 
lander will  not  speak  of  his  belief  nor  of  his  experiences  to  the 
stranger  nor  to  the:  unsympathetic.  The  second-sight  is  a 
faculty  still  possessed  by  many,  however1  it  may  be  accounted 
for.  It  is  a  fact  which  science  must  admit,  however  it  may 
explain  it;  e.g.,  my  colleague,  Rev.  A.  Macrae,  U.F.C., 
Bower,  told  me  yesterday  that  when  he  was  playing  as  a  boy 
with  a  young  brother,  an  elder  brother  wasi  told  by  a  seer  that 
he  saw  the  young  brother  in  hisi  grave-clothes.  "  Oh,  no:  it 
will  be  his  pinafore  you  see,"  was  the  reply.  "  No,"  said  the 
seer,  "it  is  his  grave-clothes."  That  day,  Tuesday,  the  boy 
seemed  in  perfect  health,  but  died  suddenly  on  the  Friday. 

20 


306  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


DIVINING  BY  LIGHTS. 

The  Gaels  believe  in  teir>e-sith  or  the*  fairy  flame.  The 
soul  has  often  been,  regarded  aa  a  name'.  Mysterious  lights 
were  seen  on  the  Black  Islands  in  the  Kyle  and  taken  as  a, 
presage  of  disaster.  That  night  three  men  were  drowned 
there,  the  empty  upturned  boat  being  found'  next  day.  I 
officiated  at  the  funeral  of  one  of  the  victims. 

Mr  Young,  Barrock,  Bower,  tells  me  that  his  mother, 
a  well-reiad  lady,  belonging  to  the  parish  of  Latheroii,  was 
sitting  near  the  bed  where  slept  her  two  children,  then  in- 
perfect  health,  when  she  saw  a  light  brighter  than  her  candle 
ascend  right  over  one  of  the  children.  Within  a  few  days  this 
child  sickened,  and  died  within  six  days  of  the  vision.  This 
is  practically  the  corpse-candle.  Compare  the  fire®  seen  at 
Roslin  before  the  death  of  St  Glair.  Mr  Young  himself  one 
night  dreamed  that  some  strange  beast  like  an  adder  bit  his 
hand.  Within  a  week  his  little  child,  who  had  been  quite 
well,  suddenly  sickened  and  died.  This  is  an  example  of  the 
symbolic  dream,  where  the  symbol  suggests  some  sinister  or 
some  happy  event  about  to  take  place. 

Mr  B.,  a  friend  of  mine,  schoolmaster  at  Achnacarry  in 
Lochiel's  country,  walking  one  night  with  a  pupil,  suddenly 
grasped  his  arm  and  said,  ''  Look  at  these  four  men  carrying 
a  little  coffin/'  The  boy  -saw  nothing.  That  night,  fifty 
miles  away,  his  brother's  only  child  was  born  and  died,  and 
next  day  was  buried  at  Inverness,  the  coffin  being  borne  by 
four  mourners — the  whole  company — on©  of  whom  was  my 
father,  Rev  Charles  MacEchern  of  Inverness.  The  mother, 
Mrs  B.,  at  Inverness,  can  also  vouch  for  the  story. 

Again,  my  brother,  Victor  MacEchern,  was  assistant  min- 
ister in  Edinburgh.  Rev.  L.  W.  was  preaching* as  a.  candidate 
for  a  church.  Victor,  who  that  Sunday  morning  was  on  holi- 
day at  Kinloss,  Moray,  dreamed  that  W.  was  preaching,  and 
that  he  walked  down  from  the  pulpit,  up  the  aisle,  and  back, 
leaning  on  a  crutch,  whilst  all  the  congregation  were  weeping. 
My  brother  told,  his1  dream  in  the-  morning  to  his  brother  John, 
asking  what  he  thought  of  it.  "  It  seems  to  mean,"  answered 
John,  "that  L.  W.  will  be  elected  to  St  -  — ,  and  will 
begin  with  eclat,  but  soon  something  disastrous!  will  occur 
forcing  him  to>  lean  on  the  staff  of  the  church,  i.e.,  the  other 
clergy  of  the  church."  This  dream  was  fulfilled  by  W.'s  elec- 
tion, and  his  early  illness — enduring  for  three  years,  during 


Highland  Second  Sight 


307 


which  he  officiated  only  a,  few  times — and  his  death  in  August, 
1914.     There  had  been  nothing  to  suggest  such  a  dream. 

Hibbert,  writing  to  Sir  Walter  Scott,  gave  a.  theory  of 
apparitions,  viz.,  that  the  apparition  is  seen  when  the  seer  is 
on  the  borderland  between  sleep  and  waking,  i.e.,  when  one 
is  falling  asleep  or  just  waking.  Say  that  you  air©  dreaming 
of  a  friend :  you  awake  and  see  the  real  surroundings  of  your 
bedroom ;  but  the  dream  overlaps  the  waking  moment,  and 
for  a  moment  the  dream  is  superimposed  on  the  reality ;  and 
the  vision  of  the  absent  friend  is  seen  in  the  real  surroundings 
— the  dream  persists  for  a  moment  into  the  waking  moment 
with  its  reality;  and  vision  and  reality  thus  appear  together. 

I  myself  have  had,  in  the  town  of  Thurso,  such  a  waking 
vision.  Also  my  brother  Charles,  in  Texas,  U.S.A.,  on  watch 
amid  great  danger  from  floods,  and  probably  on  the  borderland 
between  waking  and  sleep,  three  times  in  the  real  surround- 
ing's, awake,  saw  the  vision  of  his  mother,  yet  knowing  it  to>  be 
a  vision,  hisi  mother  being,  he  knew,  thousands  of  miles  away. 
But  Hibbert's  theory,  while  it  explains  some,  does  not  explain 
all  apparitions. 

Miss  Frances  Power  Cobbe  explained  dreams  and  pre- 
sentiments as  being  the  sub-conscious  revelation  of  the 
diseased  body  to  the  brain.  Thist  of  course  might  explain 
certain  premonitions  of  death — a  man's  disease,  perhaps 
hidden,  subconsciously  suggesting  its  natural  issue,  death, 
•especially  as  death  is  often  a  process,  a  gradual  progress  of 
decay.  But  this  theory  explains  only  a  few  cases.  But  a 
death  by  accident' — accident  that  could  not  be  foreseen — is 
often  preceded  by  a  presentiment  that  cannot  thus  be  ex- 
plained. No  "  sub-conscious  cerebration  "  could  suggest  it. 

That  the  mind  can  act  on  another  mind  without  the^ 
medium  of  words  is  now  generally  admitted.  The  theory  of 
the  German  Mesmer,  that  there  is  a  fluid  of  magnetic 
character  between  brain  and  brain,  is  discredited ;  yet  the 
theories  of 

(1)  Suggestion  from  without,  and 

(2)  Hypnotism,    are    now    finding    favour;    and    Emile 

Boirac  holds  that 

(3)  Human  Radiation,  by  means  of  vibrations  like  those 

of   light   and   electricity,    send   thought   from   one 
brain  to  another  at  a  distance. 

The  theories  of    Suggestion   and   Hypnotism   depend   on   the 
principle  of  Spinoza  and  Dugald  Stewart,  that  "  every  idea 


308  Gaelic  Society  0}  /nuerness 

tends  to  affirm  and  realise  itself,  at  least  when,  it  is  not  pre- 
vented by  a  contradictory  idea  of  equal  power."  In  certain 
states  of  the  nervous  system  the  field  of  consciousness  is 
contracted  (or  at  least  the  field,  of  attention)  to  perhaps  one 
idea,  which,  imposed  upon  the  patient  by  the  hypnotiser, 
controls  and  dominates  the  mind  of  the  patient.  The  patient 
has,  perhaps,  previously  been  sent  to  sleep  o<r  into  a  trance 
by  physical  means,  such  as  gazing  at  a  bright  light,  or  at  a 
rotating  mirror,  or  at  a  crystal :  this  trance  state  is  peculiarly 
favourable  to  the  receiving  of  suggestions;  but  all  men,  even 
when  awake,  are  the  subjects  of  suggestion,  human  language 
being  the  medium  by  which  one  mind  imposes  its  idea  on 
another.  But  why  should  there  not  be  other  mediums  of 
communication  besides1  language' — secret  hidden  processes,  at 
present  unknown  to  us  ? 

In  passing,  note  that  the  crystal  or  bright  light,  at  which 
so  many  seers  gaze  before  they  are  able  to  receive  their  visions, 
probably  has  some  chemical  or  other  effect.  Kenneth,  the 
Brahan  Seer,  the  most  famous  of  Highland  seers,  who, 
although  many  of  the  prophecies!  attributed  to  him  may  never 
have  been  made  by  him,  is  certainly  mentioned  in  civil 
records,  used  a  Divining  or  Magic  Stone. 

The  Magic  Stone,  or  Divining  Stone,  of  the  seer  is  not 
necessarily  merely  a  symbol  or  badge  of  the  seer's  profession. 
It  may  have,  and  probably  has,  properties  that  affect  hie 
highly  sensitive  organism.  The  Divining  Stone  of  tne  Brahan 
Seer,  whether  it  was  a  small  round  stone,  perhaps  flat  with  a 
hole  in  the  middle,  and  beautiful  and  smooth  as  a  pearl,  or 
not,  probably  was  at  once  a  symbol  and  a  means  of  concen- 
trating the  seer's  attention  and  of  withdrawing  the  attention 
from  the  external  surroundings,  so  putting  the  seer  into  a 
kind  of  trance,  during  which  he  saw  the  visions.  But,  more 
than  this,  the  crystal  or  magic  stone  had  probably  in  itself 
chemical  or  other  powers  which  conduce  to  the  trance  state — 
powers,  perhaps,  such  as  radio-active  bodies  like  radium 
possess,  these  probably  affecting  the  seer's  nervous-  organism. 
E.ff.,  we  are  told  that  the  Seer  of  Brahan,  while  he  looked  at 
the  magic  stone,  found  the  new  faculty  of  second  sight ;  but 
he  paid  for  it  at  the  same  time  by  losing  the  natural  sight  of 
one  eye.  This  suggests  that  the  stone  probably  has  peculiar 
properties.  Keichenbach  and  others  have  experimented  to 
show,  and  claim  to  have  proved,  that  quartz,  limestone, 
metals,  and  other  materials,  affect  the  body  and  therefore 


Highland  Second  Sight  309 

the  nervous  system,  which  again  is  the  organ  of  the  mind. 
Charcot,  the  French  biologist,  has  shown,  as  "  Sepharial  " 
points  cut  in  his  "  Second  Sight,"  "  the  rapport  existing 
between  the  sensitive  subject  and  foreign  bodies  in  proximity" 
— e.g.,  a  bottle  of  poison  touching  the  neck.  The  quartz  or 
beryl,  crystal  or  rock  crystal,  has  been  found  by  experience 
of  the  ages  to  have  a  power  of  stimulating  the  faculty  of 
ecstatic  vision.  The  visions  of,  say,  the  Brahan  Seeir  are  not 
in  the  glass ;  but  the  glass  conduces  to  the  seer's  ecstatic  state. 
In  this  connection  ' '  Sepharial  ' '  siaysi :  "  It  has  been  observed 
that  the  inhabitants  of  basaltic  localities  are  more  generally 
natural  clairvoyants  than  others.  Basalt  is  an  igneous  rock, 
composed  largely  of  a.ugite  and  felspar,  which  are  silicate 
crystals  of  calcium,  potassium,  alumina,  etc.,  of  which  the 
moonstone  is  a  variety.  The  connecting  link  is  that  clair- 
voyance is  found  toi  be  unusually  active  during,  and  by  means 
of  moonlight.  What  psycho'-physical  effect  either  basalt  or 
moonlight  has  upon  the  nervous  system  of  impressible  sub- 
jects appears  to  be  somewhat  obscure,  but  there  is  little  differ- 
ence between  calcium  light  and  moonlight,  except  that  the 
latter  is  moderated  by  the  greater  atmosphere  through  which 
it  comes  to*  us.  It  is  only  when  we  come  to  know  the  psycho- 
logical value  of  various  chemical  bodies  that  we  can  hope  for 
the  solution  of  many  strange  phenomena  connected  with  the 
clairvoyant  faculty.  I  recollect  that  the  Seeress  of  Prevost 
experienced  positive  pain  from  the  near  presence  of  water 
during  her  abnormal  phasis."  Compare  Kelly,  the  wonderful 
sensitive  water-diviner  of  the  British  Army.  Along  with  the 
power  of  the  crystal,  the  seer  sometimes  uses,  although  not  in 
the  Highlands',  the  mirror,  sometimes  a  rotating  mirror,  some- 
times of  polished  copper  or  of  black  japanned  surface.  The 
mirror  probably  acts  on  the  nervous  system  by  focussing  the 
light;  and  we  have  to  remember  that,  judging  by  the  speed 
of  electricity  and  light,  they  are  probably  varieties  of  the  one 
force  ;  and  chemical  force  is  probably  a  third  variety  of  the 
same  force. 

Is  Telepathy,  or  Thought  Transference  from  one  human 
mind  to  another  at  iai  distance,  an  adequate  explanation  of 
second-sight  ?  I  answer  that  there'  are  many  cases  of  second- 
aight  which  may  be  so  explained,  viz.,  the  cases  in  which  the 
aeer  beholds  an  event  distant  in  respect  of  place  but  which 
13  happening  at  the  same  time.  Other  cases  are  not  to  be  so 
explained.  The  case  of  the  two*  Highland  clergymen,  father 


310  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

and  son,  might  be  so  explained.  The  one  Rev.  Mr  Cunnison 
was  minister  in  Kintyre,  and  his  son,  Rev.  Mr  Cuiinison, 
minister  in  the  island  of  Mull.  The  son  in  Mull,  "  being 
visited  late'  at  night  by  &  neighbouring  gentleman ,  who  was 
followed  by  a,  largo  greyhound,  they  took  supper  ;  but  after 
they  had  gone  to  bed,  the  greyhound  quarrelled  with  the 
house-oat,  and  soon  dispatched  it;  he  then  attacked  a  maid- 
servant, who  giving  the  cry,  the  minister  came  to  rescue  her, 
but  unfortunately  was  wounded  in  several  parts  in  the  fray  • 
which  his  wife  observing,  both  she  and  his  sister  (a  young 
maid  in  the  house)  came  to  the  minister's  assistance,  and,  in 
the  scuffle,  received  wounds,  having  with  much  ado  turned 
out  the  maid  dog  :  he  entered  a  cottage  or  two  •hard  by,  where 
he  destroyed  three  persons :  all  that  he  bit  died  in  the  greatest 
disorder ;  only  Mr  Ounnison  caused  himself  to  be  bled  to 
death.  Mr  John  Cunnison,  his  father,  being  also'  a  minister 
and  living  in  Kintyre,  had  a  revelation  of  the  above  melan- 
choly scene,  and  told  his  wife  and  family  that,  upon  that  very 
night,  his  son,  with  his  wife  and  several®  of  his  family,  had 
suffered  a  violent  death." 

In  the  above  case  there  was  nothing  of  the  prophetic 
element.  The  vision  and  the  tragedy  weirie  contemporaneous  ; 
and  a  theory  of  telepathy  or  thought  transference  might 
.answer  here. 

Scottish  Highlanders  seem  to  be  well  endowed  with  tele- 
pathic powers — e.g.,  my  own  mother,  Christina  Cameron,  of 
the-  Camerons  of  Rannoch,  a  district  noted  for  its  female  seers. 
On  two  occasions  my  mother  woke  from  a  dream  just  in  time 
to  save  my  life,  she  having  dreamed  that  I  was  in  great 
danger.  Again  in  Perthshire  she  dreamed  that  her  eldest 
boy,  then  in  the  United  States  of  America,  had  written  home 
to  say  that  he  had  got  work  at  the  wage  of  twelve  shillings 
a  week.  A  fortnight  afterwards;  she  received  from  him  a 
letter  saying  that  he  had  got  work,  at  a  wage  of  twelve  dollars 
a  month.  She  was  so  struck  with  the  identity  of  the  figures 
and  the  identity  of  the  values  that  she  wrote  enquiring  when 
had  h©  written  the  letter.  On  making  the  equation  of  time 
it  was  found  that  he  was  writing  the  letter  at  the  same  hour 
as  she  was  receiving  the  revelation  in  her  dream. 

Mr  M.,  Inverness,  awoke  one  night  vividly  impressed 
with  the  appearance  of  his  brother  to  him  in  a  dream,  his 
brother  being  then  in  Australia.  He  noted  the  date  in  his 


Highland  Second  Sight  311 

diary.     Three  months  later  he  received  word  of  his  brother 
having  died  that  night  of  the  dream. 

Human  Radiation  is  one  theory  of  telepathy.  Emil 
Boirac,  Rector  of  Dijon  Academy  in  France,  expounds  this 
theory — viz.,  that  the  human  brain  constantly  radiates  by 
means  of  vibrations  similar  to>  those  of  light  and  electricity. 
Thought  thus  radiates  in  all  directions.  If  we  ask  how  only 
some  persons  would  receive  the  thought — the  radiations — the 
answer  would  be  that  the  radiations  are  only  received  by 
minds  in  tune  with  the  sender,  just  as  the  wireless  message, 
passing  all  installations  whose  wave  lengths  are  not  in  tune 
with  the  wave  length  of  the  transmitter,  is  received  by  the 
installations  that  are  tuned  to  the  same  wave-length.  Simi- 
larly, my  piano,  harp,  and  'cello  are  all  tuned  to  one  another ; 
I  strike  D  on  the  piano :  the  harp  and  'cello  D  strings  at  once 
vibrate,  .and  will  not  respond  to  any  other  note. 

If  there  be  such  a  thing  as  this  human  radiation,  we  can 
well  believe  that  it  might  often  be  so  weak  as  to  be  imper- 
ceptible in  its  effects,  but  that  in  times  of  a  great  concentra- 
tion of  nervous  energy  its  effect  would  be  appreciable.  We 
knew  that  intense  emotion  can  concentrate  nervous  energy, 
as  when  a  man  in  a  passion  ha,s  the  "  strength  of  ten,"  as 
in  the  case  of  .men  in  battle,  or  as  in  the  case  of  the  man 
stronger  than  Sandow,  yet  with  no'  abnormal  muscular 
development,  his  strength  being  in  his  extra,  concentration 
of  nervous  energy.  So  the  human  mind  in  a  moment  of 
supreme  emotion!,  e.g.,  in  the  article  of  death,  say,  going 
down  in  the  Titanic,  with  an  intensified  nervous  energy, 
radiates  thought  in  a  supreme  degree,  so  that  the  distant 
friend  is  affected.  Indeed,  we  know  that  distance  is  no 
objection  in  radiations:  what  matters  is  the  being  in  tune — 
transmitter  and  receiver. 

Mr  Fraser,  Australia,  was  affected  by  his  mother's  death 
in  Scotland.  He  knew  of  it  although  he  had  no  reason  to 
•expect  it.  I  had  this  from  his  sister  the  other  day.  For  I  wish 
you  to  note  that  all  the  old  phenomena  of  second  sight  are 
still  common  among  Highlanders. 

In  regard  to  "  Human  Radiation  "  we  might  point  out, 
in  passing,  that  belief  in  an  "  aura  "  or  "  halo  "  is  as  old  as 
civilization ;  and  some  claim  to  have  observed  it  especially  in 
children. 

We  used  to  see  the  pictures  of  the  angels,  with  haloes 
round  their  heads.  (Of.  the  shining  ones  at  the  Transfigura- 


312  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

tion).  A  well-known  London  physician  claimed  to  have 
rendered  visible  the  haloes  by  which  every  human  being  is 
surrounded,  just  as  flowers  have  invisible  odours  and  other 
bodies  exhale*  perfume.  Mr  Herbert  Slater  thus  defines 
aura:—  "  Not  only  human  beings,  but  all  animals,  are  sur- 
rounded by  what  is  generally  called  an  '  aura/  a  sort  of  mist 
extending  to  a  foot  or  a  foot  and  a  half  from  the  body.  This 
is  seen  by  those  who  have  the  faculty  of  vision,  to  be  radiating 
from  the  body  as  the  air  shimmers  in  the  sunlight.  It  is 
generally  bluish  in  colour,  but  liable  to  frequent  changes. 
Other  colours  are  red,  brown,  purple  tinged  with  gold — a 
very  high  order  of  aura,  and  many  shades  of  grey  or  blue- 
grey.  When  the  subject  is  ill,  the  aura,  whatever  its  colour, 
does  not  radiate  freely.  Children  can  often  see  it,  especially 
in  the  dark,  but  after  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  the  faculty  is 
generally  lost.  The  reason  of  this  is  that  the  usual  modes  of 
living,  and  more  particularly  unsuitable  diet,  blunt  thei  psychic 
facultie&  to  such  an  extent  that  they  become  practically  non- 
existent." 

Vegetables  and  minerals  have  an  aura.  This  radiation  of 
all  matter  finds  corroboration  in  the  discovery  of  radiation 
from  radium,  and  in  the  theory  of  the  moving  particles  of 
apparently  solid  matter.  (See  "  Problems  of  the  Border- 
land," by  Herbert  Slater). 

Can  Mind  move  articles  at  a  distance?  Sir  Wm.  Crookes 
claimed  to  have  demonstrated  that  it  can.  Certainly 
magnetic  radiations,  and  gravitation  itself,  are  examples  of 
one  body  moving  another  body  ;at  a  distance  without  contact, 
although  do-ubtless  there  is  the  physical  medium  between  in 
the  ether  or  whatever  the  medium  be.  Should  the  theory  of 
' '  Human  Radiation  ' '  be  true,  would  it  also  account  for  these 
phenomena  which  are  yet  common  in  the  Highlands,  as,  I 
believe,  they  are  in  Brittany,  viz.,  divining  by  falling  picture, 
ringing  of  bell,  etc.  Mind,  or  thought,  certainly  moves 
muscles  a  few  feet  distant:  why  not  object®  more  distant, 
seeing  that,  in  radiation,  distance  is  no  objection  ?  My  own 
father  has  often  told  us  that  events  like  births  and  deaths  in 
our  family  were  announced  by  the  mysterious  ringing  of  a 
bell.  I  know  of  three  such  cases  in  my  own  experience.  My 
father's  mother  belonged  to  Tiree,  an  island  famous  for 
centuries  for  its  second-sight.  In  the  neighbouring  island 
of  Coll,  also  noted  for  its  seers,  and  of  which  I  was  parish 


•     Highland  Second  Sight  313 

minister,   I  saw  in  the  schoolhouse   Sir  Hector  Macdonald's 
picture  fall  from  the  wall  the  day  he  died  in  Paris. 

The  theory  of  human  radiation,  however,  is  not  of 
itself  adequate  to  explain  those  instances  in  which  the 
element  of  fore>-casting  or  prophecy  comes  in.  And,  indeed, 
in  tEe  majority  of  the  cases  of  Highland  second-sight  the 
prophetic  element  comes  in,  and  the  theory  of  "  human 
radiation  "  is  inadequate.  Wherever  second-sight  forecasts 
improbabilities,  if  we  attribute  it  to  telepathy,  it  must  be 
telepathy  from  higher  spirits  that  have  fore-knowledge,  oir 
from  that  Highest  Spirit  whose  name  is  God.  In  sliort,  we 
must  postulate  communication  with  the  unseen  spiritual 
world.  And  here  there  are  two  views.  "  Occultists," 
Theosophists,  and  Pantheists  in  general  believe  that  the 
humani  soul  is  part  of  the  world-soul  or  universal  soul,  which 
is  a  mirror  in  which  past  and  present  events  are  all  seen  at 
the  one  moment. 

Theists,  again,  like  myself,  have  another  view,  viz.,  that 
the  Divine  Spirit — or  other  spirits! — reveals  the  distant  or  th« 
future  to  us,  and  that  all  second-sight  that  forecasts  impro- 
babilities must  be  thus  explained. 

Both  of  these  views,  the  Pantheist's  ;and  the  Theiet's, 
teach  Inspiration  and  Mysticism — direct  converse  with  the 
Divine.  Indeed  the  Christian  doctrine  of  Immanence  (as  in 
St  John)  is  close  to  the  best  forms  of  Pantheism — if  the 
Divine  Spirit  is  not  "  the  All,"  he  is  at  least  in  "  the  All." 
"  Every  bush  is  afire  with  God." 

The  only  alternative,  if  we  reject  these  two  theories  of 
second -sight,  is  to  attribute  it  to  chance  coincidence.  But 
the  well-accredited  facts  are  against  this. 

Are  there  higher  spirits  that  may  make  such  revelation* 
to  us?  Christianity  says  Yes.  Science  itself  must  own  it 
probable.  For  at  the  very  first  step  Science  takes  through 
the  universe  it  finds  on  this  planet  "  Tellus,"  or  the  Earth, 
the  spirits  of  men  and  the  lower  spirits  of  the  lower  animals, 
in  innumerable  legions.  How  probable  then  that  in  the 
myriad  constellations  there  are  other  races  of  spiritsi !  Then, 
in  the  etherial  worlds — worlds  that  may  interpenetrate  our 
own  visible  world,  including  the  earth — what  legions  of 
spirits  there  may  be  of  whom  we  have  no  cognisiance  except 
dim  intimations !  And  then  there  may  be  other,  non- 
physical,  spheres  which  yet  may  affect  us.  For  as  Mrs 
Beeant  has  well  said :  ' '  All  these  things  are  looked  upon  ai 


314  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

superstitious  by  the  ordinary,  modern  man  of  the  world. 
Yet,  since  the  visible  world  is  interpenetrated  and  surrounded 
by  the  invisible,  it  is  not  irrational  that  the  influence  of  the 
latter  should  play  on  the  former."  It  is,  indeed  (since  the 
universe  of  being  is  a>  unity),  a  certainty  that  every  part  and 
every  person — near  or  far,  human,  angelic,  or  divine — must 
play  upon  each  other.  How  ?  The  complete  answer  depends 
partly  on  the  nature  of  Matter,  about  whose  ultimate  secret 
we  yet  are  ignorant.  Therefore,  of 'visions  we  must  say  with 
the  Apostle,  "  Whether  in  the  body  or  out  of  the  body,  T 
cannot  tell."  The  untutored  babe  has  an  instinct  to  seek  its 
mother's  breast :  its  instinct  does  not  deceive  it.  So  with  our 
other  deep-seated  instincts :  they  do>  not  lie ;  they  are 
Nature's  voice,  and  Nature  is  true.  So  with  our  instinct 
spiritual :  it  ha,s  its  real,  if  mystic,  correspondence.  And  as 
I  have  said  in  my  "•  Angels  of  Mons  " 

And  who  shall  say  that  never 

There's  a  lifting  of  the  veil, 
When  spirit  walks  with  spirit 

And  wanders  on  the  gale? 
Around  us  may  be  many  a  world 

Our  senses  never  find, 
Where  loveliest  radiant  beings  roam 

With  God  and  the  mountain  wind  ! 

To  the  Hebrew  seer,  cradled  on  the  Nile,  it  was  given  in 
Horeb  to  behold  the  Burning  Bush.  To  the  Celt,  cradled 
beside  the  Atlantic  wave  and  nursed  on  the  breasts  of  the 
mountains,  it  is  given  to  apprehend  that  ever-living  spirit 
world  that  penetrates  the  world  of  matter — "  This  muddy 
vesture  of  decay." 


The  following  paper  on  "  The  Place-Names  of  Coll,"  by 
the  Rev.  Dugald  MacEchern,  M.A.,  B.D.,  was  read  on  let 
February,  1906,  and  was  subsequently  mislaid,  thus  falling 
out  of  its  place  in  proper  sequence. 

PLACE-NAMES  OF  COLL. 

If  we  take  up  Blaeu's  Map  of  Coll,  1662,  out  of  about 
thirty  names  given,  only  five  or  six  are  Gaelic,  the  rest  being 
evidently  Norse.  To-day  all  the  chief  names  (with  one 
exception,  Arinagour)  are  Norse,  although  most  of  the 


Place-Names  of  Coil  315 

smaller  names  are  Gaelic.  Coil's  history  is  in  general  that 
of  the  Hebrides,  and  its  more  particular  history  may  be 
found  in  Dr  Erskine'  Beveridge's  valuable  book  on  the 
Antiquities  of  Tiree  and  Coll.  I  may,  however,  in  a>  few 
words  outline  that  history,  so*  far  as  it  boars  on  the  place- 
names. 

As  will  appear  later  in  this  paper,  Coll  is  just  mentioned 
in  Adanman's  Life  of  St  Columba,  but  little  is  known  of  it, 
and  little  reference  made  to  it,  in  comparison  with  Tiree. 
The  two  islands  were,  however,  so  intimately  related  to  one 
another,  especially  ecclesiastically,  that  I  aim  inclined  to 
think  that  the  name  Tiree  (Terra  Ethica,  Regio  Heth,  etc.) 
was  often  used  to  embrace  tho  two<  islands — e.g.,  Kilchainie 
of  Tiree  is  paralleled  with  Kilchainie  of  Coll ;  the  former  is 
known  to  have  been  founded  by  St  Kenneth  of  Kilkenny  in 
Ireland,  who  resided  some  time  in  Tiree.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  Kilchainie  in  Coll  was  also  part  of  his  cure. 

In  798,  802,  and  806  the  Norsemen  were  ravaging  the 
Hebrides.  Ketil  Flat-nef  is  the  first  prominent  Norse  settler 
mentioned  in  records  of  the  Hebrides,  having  either  been 
sent  by  Harold  Fair-hair,  King  of  the  Hebrides,  to  the 
Hebrides,  or  been  an  emigrant  not  in  favour  with  the  King. 
Harold  was  born  .about  853,  and  Ketil's  daughter  Aud 
married  King  Olaf  the  White,  who  ruled  then  the  coasts  of 
Dublin  over  the  Finghaill  and  the  Dubhghaill,  the  Nor 
wegians  and  Danes,  who  were  so  called  probably  not,  as  has 
been  suggested,  because  of  the  colour  of  their  ships  or  of 
their  sails,  but  because  Danes  were  then,  as  they  are  to-day, 
a  little  darker  than  Norwegians.  Ketil's  father  was  named 
Grim,  and  his  grandfather  was  named  Bjorn.  One  of 
Ketil's  sons  was  disgusted  that  the  rest  of  the  family 
accepted  Christianity.  Ketil  died  in  the  Sudereys  before 
884.  The  Norse  settlers  seemed  gradually  to*  be  Christianised, 
although  Norway  did  not  nationally  adopt  Christianity  till 
the  year  1000.  Thorstein  the  Red  was  Ketil's  grandson. 
Thorstein's  daughter  married  Kol,  who  was  fostered  in  the 
Sudereys,  and  who  from  Iceland  later  on  kept  up  his  con- 
nection with  the  Hebrides.  About  the  year  1000  we  find 
Earl  Gilli,  a  chief  tributary  to  Earl  Sigurd  of  Orkney,  and 
evidently  having  his  residence  in  Coll  (Kola).  Gilli  married 
Sigurd's  daughter  and  took  her  to  the  Hebrides,  probably  to 
Coll.  According  to  Munch,  Gilli  was  ancestor  to  Somerled 
Holdr,  the  descent  evidently  being: — Gilli,  Gille  Brighde, 


316  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Somerled,  Gilla  Adomnan,  Gilla  Brigde,  Somerled  Holdr, 
If  so,  Gilli 's  son  being  Gilla  Brigde,  and  his  great-grandson 
again  being  a  Gilla  Brigde,  it  seems  not  unlikely  that  Earl 
Gilli  of  Coll  had  his  name  shortened  from  Gille  Brigde.  One 
of  the  three  saints  to  whom  shrines  have  been  dedicated  in 
Coll  was  St. Bride — we  have  still  Kilbride  in  Coll.  Earl 
Gilli,  if  his  name  be  Gaelic,  may  have  been  more  of  a  Gael 
than  of  a  Norseman,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  Somerled's 
other  ancestors  who'  bore  Gaelic  names.  The  first  Somerled, 
called  "  son  of  Gilla  Brigde,  King  of  Innse  Gall  " — the  Irish 
name  for  the  Sudreys — seems)  to  have  been  born  just  about 
thirty  year's  after  Gilli 's  marriage,  and  if  Gilli  was  .his 
grandfather  as  the  above  table  set®  fortTi,  the  dates  work  out 
suitably  enough.  The  great  Somerled  Holdr  married 
Ragnhildis,  daughter  of  Olaf  Bitling,  his  four1  sons  being 
Dugald,  Rognvald,  Angus,  and  Olaf.  Till  the  battle  of 
Largs  (1263)  the  island  kings  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of 
Norway;  but  King  Haco's  defeat  ended  the  Norse  rule. 
Norsemen  were  then  either  to  leave  the  Hebrides,  or  remain 
provided  they  were  loyal  to  the  Scottish  throne'.  Many 
Norsemen  evidently  stayed. 

Coll.  which  had  been  Earl  Gilli's  seat  in  983  and  succeed- 
ing years,  is  found  again,  between  1187  and  1229,  as  the 
chief  residence  (according  to  Skene's  "  Celtic  Scotland, " 
"Vol.  III.)  of  Reginald,  King  of  the>  Isles,  being  addressed 
as  "  King  cf  Coll  "  in  an  Irish  poem.  So  Mr  Beveridge 
points  out.  This  brings  us  to  the  thirteenth  century.  In 
the  next  century,  according  to  Coll  tradition,  Maclean  of 
Duart,  on  his  way  to  Tiree  calling  at  Coll  for  provisions,  was 
told  by  a  woman  that  he  was  unworthy  of  them  so  long  as 
he  allowed  Lochluinnich  or  Norsiemen  to  possess  Coll.  He 
thereupon  attacked  the  three  brothers  from  Lochlinn  who 
held  Coll  then,  viz.,  Amlamh  Mor  on  the  island  fort  Duri 
Anlaimh  in  Loch  nan  Cinneachan,  another  in  Dun  Bithig 
in  Totroiia.ld,  and  another  at  Dun  Dubh  in  Grisbol  hill. 
The  fight  took  place  at  Grimsary. 

Maclean  of  Dua,rt  had  Tiree-  by  charter,  1390.  The  Mac- 
leans of  Coll  held  Coll  for  472  years,  ending  with  1856. 
This  would  make  1384  the  year  of  their  possession  of  Coll. 
Maclean  of  Duart  is  known  to  have  received  a  charter  for 
Feall  in  Coll  in  1409,  and  his  grandson,  John  Garve' — gener- 
ally counted  the  first  Maclean  of  Coll — seems  to  have  had  an 
inherited  right  to  Coll  when  he  slew  his  mother's  second 


Place-Names  of  Coll  317 

husband,  Mac-Neil  of  Barra,  as  being  a  usurper  ot  his 
(John's)  inheritance  of  Coll.  His  mother  was  a  MacLeod. 

Coll  was  sold  in  1856.  Daughters  of  the  last  Maclean  who 
possessed  Coll  are  still  living,  having  been  born  in  Coll  Castle 
when  it  was  their  father's.  Their  brother,  the  last  chief  of 
the  Coll  Macleans,  died,  I  think,  about  1882.  Col.  Stewart 
of  Coll,  the  present  proprietor  of  the  estate',  bears  the  surname 
of  him  who  overthrew  the  Norsemen  at  Largs; — that  Stewart 
who  commanded  the  Scottish  army  that  day. 

The  two>  ends!  of  the:  island  are  the  property  of  Campbells — 
sisters — one  of  them  Mrs  Buchanan  of  Tiree.  These  parts  of 
Coll  formerly  belonged  to  the  Dtike  of  Argyll. 

The  etymology  of  the  name  Coll  itself  is  interesting.  The 
word  is  pronounced  really  in  two<  syllables  in  Gaelic  Colla, 
the  second  being  a  very  short  indefinite  a.  As  the  name 
is  pre- Norse,  derivation  from  Norse  is  out  of  the  question. 
Dr  MaicBain  suggested  that  the  derivation  of  the  word  was 
Call,  old  Irish  Gaelic  Coll  =  modern  Calltuinri,  "  hazel," 
"  Hazel  Island"  being  the  meaning.  Unlikely  as  that  seemed 
in  an  island  so  destitute  of  trees  and  bushes,  I  found  that  the 
hazel  had  once  been  plentiful.  Hazel  nuts  are  found  in  "  any 
amount/'  'as  the  crofter  will  tell  you,  in  the  peat.  Branches 
of  trees  and  roots  of  various  kinds  are  met  with  in  the  peat — 
often  with  difficulty  cut  by  the  axe,  and  a  hard  black  wood 
is  found  that  is  difficult  to  saw.  That  trees  were  once  common 
is  proved  by  these  remains,  and  that  large  trees  are  actually 
grown  to-day,  although  in  sheltered  spots,  viz.,  at  the  Castle 
garden  and  Grisbol.  There  is  a  bay  called  Bagh  na  Coille  in 
the  N.E.  end  of  Coll  which  used  to  be  a  chief  harbour  for  dis- 
charging building  material  for  the  island.  And  that  bay 
being  the  nearest  port  to  the  channel  between  Coll  and  Ardjiar 
murohan  would  naturally  be  often  frequented  by  boats  and 
ships  voyaging  north  and  south.  The  wooded  character  of  the 
bay  might  be  so  striking  as  to  suggest  a.  name  for  the  whole 
island.  In  this  connection  we  note-  that  Adamnan's  life  of 
St  Columba  uses  the  term  "  in  saltibus"  in  reference  to  the 
lona  of  that  day.  As  late  as  the  years  1580  or  1590  a  report 
on  Coll  says  that  Coll  is  "  very  fertile  alsweill  of  corns  as  of 
all  kind  of  catell.  Thair  is  gium  little  birken  woodis  within 
the  said  He." 

We  have  the  name  Col  in  the  records  of  the  Norsemen, 
"  Thadan  heldu  their  nordr  til  Kola,"  where  all  authorities 
identify  Kola  with  Coll  (except  Munch,  who  makes  it  to  mean 


318  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Colonsiay).  The  Life  of  St  Columba,  written  by  his  successor 
Adamnan,  Abbot  of  lona,  has  hitherto  been  supposed  to  make 
no  reference  to>  Coll. 

The  late  Mr  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson,  indeed,  thought  that 
he  had  discovered  it  in  the  last  syllable  of  Adam  nan's  Artdain- 
uirchol,"  which  he  proposed  to  explain  as  "  Heights  of  the 
Sea  of  Coll,"  and  Dlr  MacBain  did  not  repudiate  the  idea. 
But,  as  Professor  W.  J.  Watson  has  pointed  out  to  me,  Mr 
Nicholson's  explanation,  is  untenable,  and  that  for  two*  reasons. 
"  ArtdainuircnoP '  is  represented  by  the  modern  Ardna- 
murchain,  which  is.  stressed  on  the  last  syllable  but  one,  but  if 
the  name  meant  originally  what  Nicholson  says  it  meant,  the 
stress  should  be  on  the  laat  syllable'.  Even  when  names  get 
modified  for  one  reason  or  another,  the  position  of  the  Eitress 
remains.  Also,  the  grammar  is  impossible  for  Old  Irish, 
tho'Ugh  it  might  pass  in  Gaelic  of  to-day.  The  second  reason 
is  the  very  interesting  one  that  Adamna,n  does  mention  Coll 
twice,  though  the  reference  has  not  been  generally  recognised. 
In  chapter  23  of  his.  second  book,  he  relates  Columba's  en- 
counter with  a  certain  marauder  in  Ardna.murch.an,  who  sailed 
away  with  his  booty  in  defiance  of  the  Saint-.  Columba,  being 
at  the  time"  in  Ardnamurchan,  spoke  to  his  companions  in 
that  hour  these  terrible  words,  saying,  "  This  miserable  wretch 
.  .  .  will  never  return  to  the  port  from  which  you  have  seen* 
him  set  sail  (Aitchambas  in  Ardnamurcban),  neither  shall  he 
nor  his  wicked  associate®  reach  the  land  for  which  they  are 
bound."  As  the  Saint  and  his  followers  sat  there  on  the 
higher  ground,  "  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  moments,  a  cloud 
arose  from  the  sea.,  and  caused  a>  great  hurricane,  which  over- 
took the'  plunderer  between  the  Malean  and  Colosus  islands 
(inter  Maleam  et  Colosum  insulas),  and  overwhelmed  him  in 
the  midst  of  the  sea"  (Malea  insula.  is  Mull).  Bearing  in 
mind  the  words  "  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  moments,"  we  can 
infer  that  by  Colosus,  Adamnan  means  Coll.  Skene  identified 
Colosus  with  the.  larger  Colonsay,  which  would  demand  not 
a  few  moments,"  but  many  hours  of  sailing.  Professor 
Watson  informs  me  also  that  Colonsay  means  undoubtedly 
:c  Kolbein's  Isle,"  a  name  of  Norse  origin.  The  other  refer- 
ence to  Colosus,  which  we  may  now  safely  identify  with  Coll, 
is  in  Book  I.,  c.  33,  where  Adamnan  tells  how  Columba 
instructed  two>  of  the  brethren  to  sail  over  to  Mull  and  look 
for  Ere,  "  a,  robber  who  came  along  last  night  in  secret  from 
the  island  of  Colosus"  to  steal  seals,  from  a  small  island  "  where 


PI  ace-Names  oj  Coll 

our  young-  seals  are  brought  forth  and  nurtured."  Adainnan 
does  not  say  that  Ere  was  a  native,  or  even  a  regular  inhabi- 
tant, of  Colosus,  nor  need  we  be  anxious  to  claim  him  as  such, 
but  hi®  is  certainly  the  first  petrsonal  name  to  be  connected 
with  Coll.  How  the  identification  of  Colosus  with  Coll  affects 
Dr  MacBaiii's  derivation  from  "  coll,"  hazel,  I  do  not  pre- 
tend to  say. 

A  note  on  the  Personal  Name®  of  Coll  may  be  of  interest. 

There  are  four  prominent  names — Maclean,  pronounced 
in  Coll  exactly  as  Mac'IU'eathain,  McFadyen,  Mac- 
Kinnon, and  MacDonald.  There'  are  also  Campbells,  Mao 
Inneses,  Kennedys,  MacDougalls,  and  Johnstons.  In  the 
Kirk  Session  records  of  1735  in  general  there  are  patronymics 
but  no  surnames,  except  in  the  case  of  the  members  of  Session. 
By  1776,  when  a  census  of  the  island  was  taken,  the  938  of  a 
population  all  have  surnames.  Amongst  the  names  found 
then  and  later  in  these;  records,  in  addition  to  those  already 
mentioned,  iare  Beaton,  Mathison,  Daroch,  Bet-hune, 
McMillan,  Ferguson,  McQuarrie,  McCasgi,  McCasgie,  and 
McCasgail;  McLugais  and  Lucas — now  McDougall — and 
Marion  McKillipatrick.  Una.  occurs  several  times,  sometimes 
as  tinny,  and  we  find  also  Abram,  Clementina,  Julian,  and 
Condulli.  MacFadyen  is  spelt  generally  McPhaiden.  Neil 
Rankin  (1800)  and  Quin  Rankin  represent  the  family  of 
Rankin,  hereditary  pipers  to  Maclean  of  Coll.  The  Condulli 
mentioned  above — I  forget  his  surname — -I  suppose  is  a  son 
of  Neil  Rankin,  and  the  same  as  the  Major  Condulli  Ranldii, 
Neil's  son,  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  American  War  of 
1812-14,  and  in  the  land  agitation  in  Prince  Edward  Island 
in  1837.  Dr  MacBain,  in  his  '"  Early  Highland  Names,"  has 
an  interesting  note  on  this  family  who-  were  known  as  Claim 
Duilidh,  and  amongst  themselves  as  Con-duiligh  (Cu-duiligh), 
which  seems  to  mean  the  "  ea^er  hound."  Raingce,  father 
of  Conduiligh,  is  given  in  1450  MS.  as  great-great-grandfather 
to  Gilleoin,  the  first  of  the  Clan  Maclean  so  named.  Close  to 
the  Coll  Castles,  old  and  new,  there  was  a  hut  in  1773  called 
Tigh  an  Fhrangaich,  visited  by  Bo'swell  and  understood  to  be 
"  the  Frenchman's  Hut."  I  suggest  it  may  have  been  the 
cottage  of  one  of  the  Rankins,  one  of  whom  must  have  been 
rmarbered  near  the  castle  in  the  times  when  the  piper  had  to 
be  within  call  of  the  chief's  house.  To-day  a>  descendant  of 
the  Rankins  has  the  Christian  name  Quin  or  Queen. 


3-20  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

The  name  Sween  MacSween  found  in  the  old  census  was 
not  a  Coll  name,  he  and  his  wife,  Una  MacDoiiald,  being 
newcomers  to  Coll  from  Skye.  They  are  also  mentioned  in 
the  records  of  Dr  Johnson's  tour.  Mrs  MacSween,  dressed 
in  tartan,  and  able  to  converse  only  in  Gaelic,  made  tea  for 
the  great  lexicographer  and  his  companion,  Boswell.  The 
Atlantic  surged  almost  up  to  the  door  of  Grisbol  House.  It 
was  there  that  John  Garve  had  slain  the  usurper  MaoNeill. 
A  few  steps  away  was  the  spot  where  the  Gille  Riabhach  had 
made>  his  wonderful  leap  over  the  stream,  and  a  few  hundred 
yards  away  was  the  hillock  where,  till  eight  years  before, 
had  lain  the  bones  of  the  son  of  the  King  of  Lochliii.  What 
a  contrast  the  scene  presented  to  Dr  Johnson's  Fleet  Street 
tavern,  or  to  the  home  of  thei  Thrales  ! 

Another  Christian  name  found  in  the  census  record  is 
Gornmill,  or  "  Blue-eye."  Oighrig  is  still  in  use  and  Eng- 
lished as  Euphemia,.  We  also  have  Raol  or  Raonull,  Note. 
— Quin  (of  the  Quin  Rankin  mentioned  above)  may  be  from 
Con,  and  a  short  form  of  Con-duiligh.  We  have  also  Sheel 
(G.  Sil)  for  Julia.  Sil  Fheall  =  Julia  of  Ben  Fell. 

Of  the  personal  names  mentioned  in  this  sketch  of  the 
island's  history  the  following  appear  in  the  place-names  of 
Coll: — Kenneth,  Bridget,  Olaf  or  Amlaimh,  Grim,  Bjorn, 
Thorstein  (?),  Kol  (?),  Rognald  (Raonuill),  Leod,  viz.,  in 
Kil-Chainie,  Cill  Bhride,  Dun  Anlaimh,  Loch  Anlaimh  or 
Loch  nan  Cinneachan,  Grimsary,  Bernary  (not  Bern  era), 
Toristaiii,  Tot-Raonuill  or  Tobhta-Raouill,  and  Airigh- 
Leoid.  The  name  Aud  I  have  seen  equated  with  Uniiy. 
In  any  case,  Unny  and  Una  appear  frequently  in  the  per- 
sonal names  of  Coll  of  a  century  ago. 

PLACE-NAMES. 

Sodisdale,  pronounced  now  Sorisdale  (o  very  long)  ;  Sodisdel 
1662.  Evidently  the  Terra  de  Sotesdal  of  Pope  Inno- 
cent's charter,  1203.  Sedustill  1558.  The  meaning  is 
probably  Soti's  Dale  ;  Soti,  ''  Sooty,"  was  a  man's  name, 
or  rather  nicknaone. 

Soa — Norse  saudr,   a  sheep,   and  ey,   an  ialand — Sheep- isle. 

Bousd — Bolstig  and  Port  Bolstig  in  Blaeu's  Map,  1662,  also 
as  Pollis,  1558;  now  called  Bousda.  Nor&e  bolstadr,  a 
stead,  and  vik,  a  bay.  Bousd  is  also  found  in  Arina- 
bost,  and  in 


Place-Names  of  Coll  :*21 

Mibcst — Norse  injo,  narrow,  and  bolstadr,  a  stead — Narrow- 
stead  . 

Gri&hipoll— G.  Gris'bol  (Grisbol,  Blaeu,  1662;  Crecepoldo 
1528)  ;  Norse  griss,  boar,  and  bolstadr,  ai  stead — Wild- 
boar  stead.  (Griss  may  be  a  man's  name' — Ed.).  Bos- 
well,  in  "  Johnson's  Tour,"  says,  "  We  then  proceeded 
to  Grissipol  or  the  rough  pool,"  but  his  etymology  seems 
defective  hero.  Grishipoll  is  interesting  not  only  as 
having  seen  Sween  MacSween  entertadn  Boswell  and 
Johnson,  but  as  having  been  the  scene  of  that  encounter 
between  John  Ga,rve  Maclean  and  MacNeil  of  Barra — 
Maicleain's  step-father,  his  mother's  second  husband. 
John  Garve  killed  MacNeil  at  Grishipoll.  Maclean's 
servant,  "  an  Gille  Riabhach,"  who  also  was  in  the 
encounter,  on  being  pressed  by  his  opponent  leapt  back- 
wards over  the  brook  at  a  spot  now  called  after  him 
"  Leum  a'  Ghille  Riafohaich."  The  Macleans  of  Gar- 
many  are  of  the  Grishipoll  family.  They  went  to  Ger- 
many about  1750  I  think.  One  of  them  holds  the 
Prussian  Bjronze  Cross  for  his  audacious  riding  into 
Versailles  with  Fes®  than  a  dozen  men  during  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War.  He  threatened  to  destroy  the  town  if 
it  did  not  immediately  surrender.  Imagining  that  the 
Prussian  Force  was  at  hand,  Versailles  and  30,000  troops 
surrendered.  He  is  called  the  Conqueror  of  Versailles. 
Hisi  son  and  his  brother  have  visited  Coll  lately. 

Fiskary  (Fiskarg),  pron.  Fioscara — Perhaps  Fish  shieling ; 
from  Norse  fisk.  The  district  is  near  that  shore  of  Coll 
beside  which  most  of  the  fishing  is  done. 

Calgary — Dr  MacBain  suggests  kaldr,  cold,  and  gerdhi.  Cf. 
Calgarry  Point  in  Mull,  its  position  being,  like  Calgary 
in  Coll,  a  point  in  the  furthest  weat  and  most  exposed 
part  of  the  island. 

Ben  Feall — G.  Beinn  and  Norse  Fjall,  a  fell.  The  hill  is  one 
of  the  two  highest  hills  in  Coll,  Ben  Hogh  being  the 
other;  Ben  Feall  is  therefore  a  tautology.  Maclean  of 
Dowart,  slain  at  Harlaw  1411,  held  at  least  Feall  in  Coll 
by  charter  of  date  1409,  Tyrvnghafeal — Tirunga  Feall 
— being  mentioned,  Tirunga  being  a  measurement  of 
land,  like  davach.  Blaeu,  1662,  has  Ben  Faill  and 
Faill.  Langlands,  1794,  Feaul.  Feall  isi  also  given  to 
the  district  round  the  hill. 

21 


322  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Cornaig :  CoTnaigmhor  and  Cornaigbheag  (Konnaig,  Blaeu, 
1662) — Norse  Corn  and  vik,  Corn-bay;  mor  and  beag 
of  course  being  later  Gaelic  additions  to  the  name. 

Crossipol — Norse  Kross,  a  «ross,  and  bol-,  a,  stead  or 
"  toun  " — town  of  the  Cross.  It  has  a,  burying-ground, 
still  used,  and  site  of  a  chapel,  and  forty  years  ago  it 
had  the  abaft  of  a  fine  sculptured  cross,  which  has  now 
disappeared. 

Grims-ary — Norse  Grim,  a-  proper  name  (from  adj.  grim,  ugly); 
and  erg,  a,  sheiling,  Grim's  abetting.  Dr  MacBain  points 
out  that  the  Norsemen  borrowed  erg  from  the  Gaelic 
airigh . 

Claich  Chrosamul — Sometimes  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  r  and 
1  in  the  Coll  pronunciation.  R  in  "  mart"  gives  way  to 
s,  mast.  Again,  "  thairis"  becomes  "  fairis,"  as  it  does 
in  some  other  districts,  and  "  their"  (fut.  of  verb  "  to 
say  ")  is  "  feir."  Sometimes  like  Chrosamur. 

Chrosamul — Norse'  cross,  and  muli,  end  of  a,  ridge. 

Uig — Norse  vik,  Wig  (1528),  a,  bay.  It  is  the  district  above 
Breaoacha  Bay,  one  of  the  largest  bays  in  Coll. 

Feairnis  is  a  promontory  south-west  of  Hogh  Bay.  Probably 
from  Norse  fjar,  ebb-tide,  and  nes,  a.  nose  or  promontory. 
But  compare  Norse  for-nes,  a  promontory. 

Sgolinus — Norse,  probably  from  skolli,  ai  fox,  and  nes,  nose 
or  point — Fox-promontory. 

Ornsay,  pronounoed  Orasa,  or  rather  Ora-asia. — Norse  Orfrist-ey, 
Ebb-tide  Isle,  a  common  island  name  in  the  Hebrides. 

Caolas  (Kelis) — The  narrow  between,  Cbll  and  Tiree — the  Kyle. 

Freslan,  Friesland,  Fresland  (Langlands), pronounced  Freaslan 
as  a  in  English  "  faoe").  Dr  MacBain  suggests  Threelan 
or  Thraslan,  Thrasi's  Land,  from  Thrasi,  a  proper  name, 
as  in  Freswick  in  Caithness,  which  was  originally  Tras- 
wick. 

Loch  Urishaig,  of  Langland's  map,  1794,  is  evidently  a  mis- 
print for  Loch  Urbhaig  (which  see). 

Coille  Chainasigaig — Chanasgaig  seems  Norse .= wood  of 1' 

strip. 

Eagamul — Eag  na.  maoile  of  the  ma.p  should  be  written  Eaga- 
mul  according  to  the  pronunciation,  accent  on  first  syllable 
only.  Probably  Norse  egg,  a  notch,  and  holmr,  islet,  or 
else  muli,  a  ridge.  I  have  not  visited  it.  Beside  it  is 

Suilghorm  on  map,  but  it  too  may  be  Norse,  sul,  a  pillar.  Cf . 
Suiliskerry. 


Place-Names  of  Coll 


323 


Ben  Hogh,  Baile-Hogh,  Traigh  Hogh— "How"  in  Blaeu  1662, 
from  Nora©  haugr,  a.  burial  mound  or  cairn.  Beinn  Hogh. 
is  also  pronounced  Beinn  T'ogh  (t  being  often  prefixed  to 
Norse  h),  both  ways  bein?  frequent.  It  is  the  highest 
hill  in  Coll,  and  has  traces  of  a.  cairn  or  dun  on  tl\e  top. 
A  few  yards  from  the  summit  is  a,  heavy  mass  of  rock 
weighing  many  tons,  flat  like  a  table  or  altar,  and  resting 
on  three  little  stones  a®  feet  a.n  inch,  or  two>  high,  the  rock 
being  about  six  feet  deep.  Boswell  in  1733  went  up  the 
hill  to  examine  it,  whilst  Dv  Johnson  remained  at  the  foot 
reading  a  book.  Rider  Haggard  in  his  book  "  A  Farmer's 
Year,"  which  records  one  of  his  visits  to  Coll,  argues  that 
although  the  rock  is  native  to  the  spot,  the  little  stones 
which  might  have  supported  it  for  a  few  centuries  could 
not  have  borne  the  weight  for  long  cycles  of  time,  and  that 
therefore  it  was  so>  set  on  its  supports  by  human  hands. 
There  is  a  similar  boulder  similarly  set  not  far  away,  and 
they  have  been  found  elsewhere.  The  tradition  that  the 
stone  on  Ben  Hogh  was  an  ancient  "  Sacramental  table" 
may  have  come  down  from  pagan  times.  The  endurance 
of  ancient  tradition  and  custom  is  marvellous  when  I 
remember  that  even  in  the  Modem  Athens  I  used  as  a 
boy  to  form  part  of  the  company  which  ascended  to  the 
top  of  Arthur's  Seat  to  see  the  sun  rise  on  the  first  of 
May.  Unconsciously  I  was,  I  suppose,  keeping  up  a 
pagan  form  of  sun  worship. 

Clach  a  Log — Log  or  Lok  also  comes  into  the  name 

Traigh  Logabhaig  (or  Logavick,  which  is  further  north  on  the 
same  shore.  Logabhaig  seems  to  represent  Norse  "  lauga- 
vik,"  Leek  Bay;  compare  lauka-gardhr,  a,  leek  garden. 
Clach  a  Log  is  a,  great  boulder  on  the  shore  which  is  flat 
but  rocky,  and  has  other  boulders,  but  this  one  is  bigger 
than  the  rest.  It  is  only  a  few  hundred  yards  along  the 
shore  from  another  curiosity  called 

The  Queen's  Stair,  where  a.  volcanic  disturbance  has  left  the 
rocks  as  if  great  steps,  about  seven  feet  long  and  two  feet 
deep  and  wide,  had  been  roughly  thrown  down  parallel  to 
one  another  to  form  a  stairway  sloping  gradually  from  the 
grass  above  the  high  tide  mark  two  or  three  hundred  yards 
right  out  to  sea.  At  one  of  these  steps  is  another  curi- 
osity, 

Tobair  Nighean,  an  High,  or  the  Well  of  the  King's  Daughter. 
The  well  is  circular,  about  two  feet  in  diameter,  an.  inch 
or  two  deeper  than  a  man's  bare  arm  can  fathom,  and  it 


324  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

is  chiselled  smooth  in  the  rock  with  mathematical  accu- 
racy, possibly  the  tide  working  little  stones  inside  it  has 
so  shaped.it.  The  stone  beside  it  has  the  appearance  of 
a  chair,  and  probably  in  pagan,  times  the  Stairway  and 
the  well  in  combination  have  had  some  sacred  character. 
Cla,ch  a  log  is  inside  a  few  hundred  yards  along  the  shore. 
North  Trelvick  and  South  Trelvick,  pr.  Treal'vaig — Pro- 
bably from  Norse  troll,  a.  troll  or  elf,  and  vik,  a  bay— 
Haunted-bay.  The  bays  are>  in  a  desolate  part  of  Coll, 
and  have  the  character  of  being  haunted. 

Traigh  nan  Acan,  Tobar  Traigh  nan  Acan — In  Skye  we  have 
Kyleakin,  C'aol-Acan,  called  after  King  Haco,  of  La-rgs 
fame,  according  to  tradition.  The  shore  might  have 
been  called  after  the  Hacos  by  their  Norse  subjects  in 
Coll. 

Island    Vigastill — Island    of    Castle    Bay :     Eilean    Biagh    a 
Chaisteil,    beside   the   Breacacha   Castles.        The    bay   is 
now  called  Breacacha  Bay. 
Ardnis — Ardnis  is  Gaelic  "  ard-innis,"  High  Mead,  or  Cape 

Mead. 

Lech  Urbhaig — There  is  an  Urvaig  on  north  shore  of 
Tiree.  In  Coll  it  is  not  an  arm  of  the  sea,  but 
is  near  the  sea-shore,  from  which  the;  name  may  have 
got  transferred.  It  is  also  near  the  haunted  Trelviks. 
Probably  Norse  urdhar-vik  (shortened)  ;  from  Urdh,  a 
heap  of  stones  on  the  sea,  beach.  In  Arran  there  is  the 
rocky  ridge  called  Ceum  na  C'aillich  Urd,  meaning  Leap 
of  the  Witch  Urd  (according  to  the  oldest  men  in  Arran, 
although  now  shortened  to  Ceum  na  Caillich),  suggesting 
one  of  the  three  Norns  or  Weird  Sisters. 

Tobar  nan  Clach  Uaine — Well  of  the  Green  Stones.  This 
is  near  the  site  of  the  old  chapel,  near  what  is  now  Mac- 
lean's tomb.  The  custom  was  for  every  visitor  to  it 
to  leave  a,  little  stone  beside  it.  .It  was  said  that  if  yo>u 
carried  dulse  from  Soa  in  one  hand  and,  with  a  stone 
in  your  hand  from  the  shore,  drink  from  the  well,  -you 
would  never  die  in  Coll. 

Cuith  Mhic  Dhomhnuill  Bhaiii,  Cuith  Dhughaill,  etc. — Na 
Cuithean,  the  enclosures  or  folds.  Norse  kvi,  a  fold  for 
sheep  or  cattle.  This  word  is  common  in  Coll.  It  is 
found  in  Cuith  nan  Druineach,  Fold  of  the  Craftsmen, 
or  artificers. 


Plaoe-Names  oj  Coil  325 

Acha,  and  Dun  Acba,  but  its  full  name  is  Dun  Acha  Bhcr- 
rclam  ;  also  Dun  Bhorlum  Mhic  Anlaimh  righ  Loch- 
lainn.  The  tradition  is  that  on  this  height  or  short 
ridge,  which  itself  is  a  natural  castle,  there  was  a  fort — 
the  stronghold  of  a  Norseman,  son  of  Olaf  or  Anlamh, 
and  that  it  was  set  fire  to.  There  are,  it  is  said,  still 
traces  of  its  having  been  destroyed  by  fire.  Borlum  is 
"  board-land, "  the  home  farm  of  a  residence  or  mansion, 
and  the  name  as  it  stands  means  "  the  Board-land  of 
the  son  of  Anlaf,  king  of  Lochlann."  The  people,  how- 
ever take  Borlum  to-  be  a  proper  name. 

Eileaii  Bhoramuil  seems  to  be  the  Voialum  of  Blaeu's  Map, 
1662 ;  perhaps  a  misprint  for  Eilean  Voralum :  the  1 
and  the  m  transpose  very  readily.  This  would  make  it 
Fort  Island,  from  Norse  borg,  a  dun,  and  holmr,  an. 
island.  Many  of  the  islands  on  north  of  Tiree  shore 
have  this  ending,  -lum  or  -lam,  evidently  for  holmr — 
e.g.,  Vadelum  and  Mhealum  of  Blaeu's  Map. 

Rubh'  a  Bhaile  of  the  maps  is  wrong,  as  the  pronunciation  is 
Rubha  Val  (long  a).  Cf.  Vaul  in  Tiree.  Valla,  gen. 
pi.  of  Norse  vellir,  fields. 

Poll  Fadhain— 

A  Mhealaach — The  sands  overgrown  with  bent  grass.  From 
Norse  melr,  bent  grass.  Cf.  Melvaig  and  Cnoean 
Mealbhain  in  Tain.  Melr  itself  is  not  used  in  Coll,  the 
word  for  bent-grass  being  muran,  which  gives  usi  Port  a* 
Mhurain,  at  the  end  of  a  mile's  stretch  of  sandhills  cove'red 
with  bent.  Blaeiu's  map  1622  has  Mealum  as  name  of  an 
island  in  Tiree* — proba.bly  Norse  melr,  grass,  and  holmr, 
an  islet. 

Fi-islum  (accent  on  first  syllable),  (wrongly  Feshim  in  modern 
map). 

Fiosdlum — Last  syllable  may  be  Norse  holmr,  an  islet.  I  have 
not  visited  Fioslum,  but  was  told  therei  is  an,  islet  there. 
It  is  at  the  S.E.  shore. 

Toristan — Torristry,  Blaeu  1662;  Toressa,  Mag.  Sig.  1528 
(Balleraig  is  about  the  same  place1,  accent  on  first  syllable) ; 
probably  Norse  Thori's  Stein,  Thor's  Stone,  or  Thorstein, 
^roper  name  (cf.  English  name  Thurston).  Thor  or  Thori 
is  common  in  Norse  place-names  in  Highlands. 

Cliad,  with  Loch  Cliad  and  Traigh  Gliad.  Claid  (1528.  Mag. 
Sig.  liber  22).  Cf.  Cliadal  in  Egg.  The  Gaelic  dictionary 
has  cliata.,  a,  meadow.  And  on  the  analogy  of  Norse  setr 


326  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

which  in  Orkney  is  often  settr,  e.g.,  in  Folsetter),  which 
become®  siadaor  in  Lewis,  one  might  expect  cliad  from 
klettr.  But  klettr  elsewhere  becomes  cleit.  In  Tiree  it 
is  common,  and  is  used  there  for  a  sea-rock.  Blaeu's  map 
of  Coll  and  Tiree,  1662,  has  kliad  for  Coll,  whereas  the 
Tiree  rocks  .are  named  *'  clet."  On  Loch  Cliad  are  two 
island  duns  with  causeway  under  the  water.  Blaeu's 
map,  1662,  shows  a  house  or  fort  pictured  on  the  Eilean 
Loch  dead  or  Claad,  .and  C.  Kliad  beside  it,  and  Kliad 
east  of  the  Loch.  C.  may  be  for  Caisteil.  The  farm  is 
now  north  of  the  Loch,  and  the  name  is  used  more  for  the 
district  on  the  north- west  side  of  the  farm. 

Eilean  Ascaoineach  and  Askeren  of  the  modern  maps  are 
geographer's  mistakes  for  Eilean  Askanis.  The  island  is 
evidently  called  after  the  point  of  land  which  is  near  it, 
which  has  probably  once  been  called  Askanis,  pronounced 
in  Gaelic  Ascnis  (a  long).  The  long  a  forbids  a  derivation 
from  Norse  "  askr,"  ash,  but  the  name  may  be  contracted 
from  Asgrim's  Ness  or  Cape;  compare  Askarry  in  Caith- 
ness, which  is  known  to.  have  been  originally  Asgrims- 
ergin,  Asgrim's;  Shiel. 

Cnoc  Choirbidh  and  Cnoc  Orbidh — Of  the  maps  I  have  not 
heard.  It  looks  like  Cnoc  Shoroby.  Cf.  Soroby,  one  of 
the  two  old  parishes  of  Tiree.  Norse  probably — "saudr," 
a  sheep,  and  the  termination  "  by"  (as  in  Grimsby),  a 
town,  from  boer — or  it  may  be  the  same  as  Eoroby  in 
Ness,  Lewis,  from  Norse  Eyrr  and  boer,  town  on  the 
beach. 

Cnoo  a  Bhadain — Knoll  of  the  Clump.  So  pronounced  now, 
but  Mr  Johnston,,  Coll,  tells  me  that  old  people  maintained 
it  should  be  pronounced  C'nocaibh  Aidinn,  being  so  called 
after  a  King  Aden.  There  are  remains  of  a  burying 
place — pre-Christian,  according  to  Beveridge  (Antiquities 
of  Coll).  Stones  of  stone  cist  still  visible.  The  knowe 
is  above  the  innermost  point  of  Arinagour  Bay,  where  a 
small  boat  might  have  landed  with  royalty.  Or  a  king 
or  petty  island-king  may  have  been  buried  them  Mr 
Johnston  did  not  know  what  Aden  was  referred  to,  nor 
would  he  or  his  informants  be  likely  to  think  of  the  plural 
locative  caise,  so  his  idea  is  interesting. 

Cnoc  Cam  Mhic  an  Eigh,  beside  Grisbol,  where  according  to 
tradition  Norsemen — men  of  Lochlinn — were  buried.  Just 
before  the  time  of  Dr  Samuel  Johnson's  visit  to  Coll,  three 


Place-Names  of  Coll 


327 


men  from  "  Lochlinii"  came  to  Coll  (about  1765),  opened 
the  grave,  and  took  iaway  the  remains  found,  as  being 
their  kin. 

Cantray  Fad,  so  pronounced,  seems  to  be'  "  Ceann  na  h-airigh 
fada."  We  have  in  the  map  "  Druim  an  airigh  fhad," 
evidently  referring  to  the  same  place. 

Achamor  (Big  Field) — Herei  Dr  Johnson  and  Bo-swell  stayed  a 
night.  It  is  near  Loch  Arinabost,  a  loch  that  was  drained 
and  that  has  now  become  a  field. 

Gallanach,  with  article  always — "  a'  Ghallanach"  or  "  a 
Ghallanaich."  (Galdanach,  Mag.  Sig.  1528).  This  name 
occurs  several  times  in  the  Highlands.  There  is  Gallanach 
of  the  MacDo'Ugalls,  and  there  are  one  or  two  Goldanacha 
or  Galdanachs  about  Stranraer,  I  think.  They  may  not, 
however,  all  be  the  same  word.  "  A'  Ghallanach"  in  Coll 
is  probably  "  The  place  of  g-allana,"  the  gallan  being  a 
rhubarb-like  plant  which  grows  all  along  the  marshy  side 
of  a,  ditch-like  burn  which  flows  through  the  middle  of 
Gallanach.  This  plant  used  to-  be  very  plentiful  there 
about  thirty  years  ago,  and  also  at  Clabhach.  It  has  now 
disappeared  from  Clabhach,  and  is  less  plentiful  at  Gall- 
anach than  when  the  men  of  to-day  were  boys  hiding 
themselves  amongst  it  at  hide-and-seek.  Gallan  .also 
means  a  branch  or  sapling,  and  also  ai  "  fine  able-bodied 
looking  man,"  of  whom  they  say,  "  Nach  e  'n  gallan  e?" 
There  is  also  a  similar  word  for  "  a  standing  stone."  The 
idea  in  all  these'  seems  ro  be  a  straight  stalk-like  thing. 

Dun  Borbaidh  should  be  Dun  Borbh  (bh  like  v.)  ;  so  pro- 
nounced in  Coll.  Probably  borg,  a  f ort ;  cf.  Borvo. 
There  are  remains  of  an  old  fort  here,  the  rock  being 
most  suitable  for  defence,  with  cave  beneath  entering 
from  shore,  about  which  there  is  a  tradition  of  a 
massacre . 

Eilean  Borbaidh  and  Traigh  Borbaidh  should  also  be  cor- 
rected as  above.  Tiree  has  a  Dun  Boraige. 

Breachacha,  to-day  pr.  Breacacha,  spotted  field.  In  Martin 
it  is  Braki.  We  also  find  Bnakalli,  Brakauch.  But  Mr 
Johnston,  Coll,  says  the  old  people  maintained  it  waa 
originally  Brochacha  or  the  like,  referring  to  a  broch  or 
borg,  or  fort.  Breacacha  is  the  site  of  the  old  castle  of 
Coll,  whose  walls  are  still  almost  intact,  and  of  the 
modern  castle  of  Coll,  built  a  century  and  a  half  ago. 
It  was  here'  that  Dr  Samuel  Johnson  and  Boswell  stayed 


328  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

during  their  ten  days'  visit  to  Coll.     Dr  Macbain  sug- 
gests that-  it  is  from  brekka,  a  slope. 

Baliaraig  is  at  Toristan ;  perhaps  Norse,  "  Field-bay,"  vellir- 
vik.  Baliaraig  has  the  accent  on  first  syllable,  about 
which  there  is  a  rhyme — 

Baliaraig,  Baliaraig,  Bealach  na  gaoithe, 
Eadar1  Craig  Amusgaig  's  Stalla  na  Maoile. 
A  stalla  in  Coll  is  a  rock  or  rock- hill,  not  necessarily  at 
the   sea.        The    Maoile   is   the   high    rocky    promontory 
which  you  round  as  you  enter  the  bay,  and  is  called  in 
Coll     The    Moyle.        Amusgaig     probably     contains    the 
Norse  skiki,  a  strip. 

Bernera: — Not  so  pronounced,  but  Bernary  or  Bearnairidh. 
It  is  between  the  hillsi — &  shieling.  Bearn-airigh  may  be 
"  Cleft-shieling,"  or  Biorn-airigh,  for  Norse  Bjarnar- 
erg,  Bjorn's  shieling  or  Bear  shieling. 

Bealach  Dubh,  near  Cliad — the  Dark  Pass. 

Bruthach  na  Rubha  Duibhe — Brae  of  the  Dark  Promontory. 

Bodha  a'  Phiobair — The  Piper's  Rock.  A  rock  that  reaches 
just  about  the  surface  of  the  water  is  a  bodha. 

Balmeanach — Baile-meadhonach,    Middle-town. 

Clabbach,  always  with  the  article  A'  Chlabach  and  A'  Chlab- 
aich — Clappachi,  where  present  Established  Church  and 
manse  are,  above  Traigh  Ghrianaig.  It  is  at  the  old  centre 
of  the  isla.nd,  near  Beinn-mheadhonach,  and  the  root 
may  be  dab,  a  wide  mouth,  referring  to  the  bay  with 
the  noisy  ocean  which  is  always  breaking  on  the  cliffs 
there.  It  is  the  only  part  of  Coll  where  the  old  road 
comes  near  to  the  open  ocean  on  the  west  side  of  the 
island.  The  burn  is  also  called  the  Clabbach  burn.  All 
the  maps  copy  one  another  in  writing  Clabhach,  which 
is  wrong. 

Feadan   is    also    always   used   with   the   article,    Am   Feadan, 

'  The    Whistle"  ;    beside   the    Clabbach    burn    where    it 

narrows   amongst  the  heather.        Feada.n   is,    I   believe, 

used  elsewhere  for  a  narrow  burn  half  hid  in  the  heather. 

Fasachd — The  Wilds:  an  appropriate  name.  Beside  it  are 
Ceann  Fasachd  and  Rubha  Fasachd. 

Sgeir    Pharspaig — G.     Sgeir    Farspaich ;     from    farspach,     a 
sea-gull,  bigger  and  blacker  than  the  ordinary  sea-gull. 
,      "  Sea-gull's  Skerry." 

Bacan  Seileach,  near  the  place  from  which  one  ferries  to 
Tiree.  According  to  an  old  inhabitant,  it  should  bt 


Place-Names  oj  Coil 

Bacaii  an  t-Sealla,idh,  or  View-bank,  being  a  bank  from 
which  they  get  the  view  of  Tiree.  Norse  bakki,  a.  bank. 
Bacaii  is  so  used  in  Cell  \  never  used  for  a  hollow  as 
sometimes"  it  is  elsewhere. 

Hyne  : 

AGiida.raidh : 

Ccrr  Eilean  (O.S.  map) — Taper  or  Pointed  Isle.  Cbrrllen, 
in  Laiiglaiid's  map,  1794,  is  pronounced  like  the  latter, 
with  accent  on  Corr.  It  is  an  island  in  Breacacha  Bay, 
and  is  also  called  Coral  Island). 

Skennaraig  of  the  O.S.  map  should  be  Sgeir  a  Mhurain, 
being  so  pronounced — Skerry  of  the  Bent  Grass — being 
in  the  end  of  the  bay  at  Grossipol,  where  a  mile  of  sands 
are  overgrown  with  the  bent  called  "  muran  "  in  Coll. 

Port  Aoir,  or  Port  Aor  (Port  an  t-Saor  in  a  map  (modern), 
and  another  Port  Aoir,  called  Port  Aoir  Ardnis,  the 
latter  at  Ardnis  (ard  cr  airde,  Gaelic,  a  height,  and 
Norse  nes,  ;a  headland).  Port  Aoir  is  considered  a  very 
noisy  place.  Although  on  the  west  of  Coll,  the  sound  of 
the  s^a  at  Port  Aoir  is  said  to  be  often  heard  as  far  a« 
Mull.  N.  eyrr,  gravel  beach. 

Kilbride— Gill  Brighde,  or  the  Shrine  of  St  Bridget.  There 
was  a>  St  Brighde  of  Magh  Luinge,  near  Hylipol  in  Tiree. 
There  were  at  least  thirteen  saints  of  this  name.  One 
legend  makes  the  first  St  Bride  to  have  been  the  servant 
maid  at  the  Inn  at  Bethlehem,  who-,  ordered  by  her 
master  not  to  admit  strangers  in  his  absence,  could  not 
admit  Mary  and  Joseph,  but  in  her  compassion  for  them 
gaive  them  the  grotto  or  the  stable.  The  site  of  Kil- 
bride in  Coll  is  still  known. 

Lochgualabrick  of  Lang-land's,  map  is  pronounced  Loch 
airigh  Meall(a)  bhride,  and  is  not  very  far  from  Kil- 
bride. Loch  of  the  shieling  of  Bridget's  Hill. 

Cnoc  Ghille  Breidhe  of  Beveridge's  map,  near  Gallanach 
farm,  is  pronounced  Cnoc  Eilebrig  (accent  en  first 
syllable  ;  last  syllable  from  brekka,  a  slope.  The  rocky 
kncwe  has  a  fairy  legend  attached  to  it.  The  story  is 
this  :  — Two  young  men,  hunting  after  their  stock  in  the 
pagan  times  before  Cclumba's  day,  heard  strange  voice* 
singing  in  this  knoll.  They  sang  a  verse  or  verses  of 
which  all  I  can  get  is  this — 


330  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

'  Breugach  bradach 

b'  am  aid  each  d  sud." 
"  Lying  and  stealing, 

that  were  foolishness." 

Each  of  the  youths  took  a  piece  of  the  verses  away. 
What  was  considered  strange  about  the  verses  was  that 
their  morality  was  in  advance  of  the  times,  lying  and 
stealing  being  rather  virtues  than  vices  then.  Such  is 
the  story  and  the  comment  on  it.  It  is  a  coincidence 
that  near  this  rock  of  the  elves  or  fairies,  about  a  hundred 
yards  distant  in  the  field  of  Gallanach,  are  the 
Fairy  Rings.  There  are  four  rings,  two  large  and  two  small 
ones.  Each  ring  is  a  band  of  grass  darker  than  the  rest 
of  the  grass,  the  band  being  about  a  foot  broad  and 
running  round  in  a  circle  of  about  eight  yards  diameter 
in  the  case  of  the  large'  rings,  and  of  six  feet  diameter  in 
the  case  of  the  smaller.  The  grass  is  neither  longer 
nor  shorter  than  the  rest,  the  ground  being  all  perfectly 
smooth,  but  the  difference  in  the  colour  perfectly  marks 
out  the  circles  which  almost  touch  one  another.  White 
mushrooms  in  their  season  grow  on  the  rings,  but  neither 
outside  them  nor  inside,  but  merely  on  the  circumfer- 
ence;  henoe  the  rings  are  white.  These  are,  I  suppose, 
the  fairy  circles  of  the  children's  songs — 

"  Merrily,  merrily  let  us  sing, 
Dancing  in  a  Fairy  Ring." 

Mr  Clement,  the  farmer  at  Gallanach,  tells  me  there 
are  similar  circles  on  Ben  Feall.  He  is  not  superstitious, 
but  he  has  seen  the  hares  scampering  round  the  circles, 
and  it  is  well  known  that  hares  have  dealings  with  the 
fairy  world. 

Fairy  Rings  are  now  explained  by  scientists  as  being 
caused  by  the  growth  of  fungi,  which  spread  outwards 
from  ia  common  centre. 

Kilchainie  is  in  Blaeu's  map,  1662,  and  another  map.  He 
has  also  Kilchainio  in  his  map  of  Tiree.  Tiree's  Kil- 
keniieth  is  still  to  the  fore,  part  of  its  walls  standing, 
but  Coil's  Kilkenneth  is  hardly  known  of.  An  old  man 
told  me  it  was  somewhere  between  Ballyhough  and 
Grishibol.  The  present  Established  Church,  mid-way 
between  these  farms,  at  Clabbach,  may  be  on  or  near  the 
site  of  St  Kenneth's  Chapel.  There  i&  a  place  between 


Place-sanies  of  Coll  331 

it  and  the  shore  which  looks  like  an  ancient  chapel  site. 
The  Cainneach  who  founded  Tiree 's  Kilkenneth  was  the 
Cainneach  whose  name  we  have  in  the  Irish  Kilkenny. 
Cainneach,  the  founder  of  the  Aghaboe  Monastery, 
came  to  Hinba,  visited  St  C'olumba,  and  then  resided 
some  time  in  Heth  (Tiree).  He  was  Columba's  com- 
panion on  that  famous  journey  to  Inverness  which 
resulted  in  the  conversion  of  King  Brude.  Coll  has  at 
least  fourteen  sites  of  chapel,  but  no  Cadbeal  as  in  Tiree, 
where  we  have  Tir-a-Chaibeil,  beside  the  glebe,  and 
Caibeil  Thomais.  Nor  has  Coll  any  teampuU  as  Tiree 
has  at  Hylipol. 

Kil-fhionnaig  is  so  pronounced  by  some  natives  of  Coll,  and 
Kil-fhionnaich  by  others  (the  -ch  after  a  narrow  vowel 
is  more  guttural  in  Coll  than  on  the  mainland).  Blaeu's 
map,  1662,  has  Kilynaig.  In  1528  it  was  evidently  also 
called  Kirktown.  The  chapel  walls  are  still  standing, 
and  the  burial  ground  is  one  of  the  two  still  used  in  Coll. 
Reeves  calls  it  Kilfinnaig.  There  was  a  St  Fiiidchan  in 
Tiree,  and  more  than  one  Irish  saint  was  called  Finnian. 
"  Origines  Parochiales  "  suggests  that  it  was  dedicated 
to  St  Senaic.  One  of  the  Morven  churches  was  of  old 
called  Killindykt,  Kilfynnyc,  Kyllyntag,  Killintag  (see 
"  Origines  Parochiales,"  II.,  p.  189).  Reeves  says 

that  that  church  was  probably  dedicated  to  St  Findoc 
the  Virgin.  This  may  be  the  saint  to  which  Kilynaig 
in  Coll  is  dedicated.  Here  rest  generations  of  Mac- 
leans. Hector  Maclean,  minister  of  Coll  and  Tiree,  who 
had  the  hardihood  to  disagree  with  the  great  Samuel 
Johnson,  who  paid  him  a  visit  at  his  manse  in  Coll,  is 
buried  here.  Dr  Johnson  said  of  him  that  he  was  not 
surpassed  in  dignity  by  any  one  he  had  ever  seen.  Near 
it  among  the  sand-hills  I  saw  this  month  two  open  stone 
cists.  The  lair  has  always  contained  bones,  which  of 
recent  years  have  gradually  disappeared,  and  a  piece  of 
bone  an  inch  long  was  the  only  fragment  left  when  I 
visited  it  last. 

Trialn  (Treela  Mag.  Sig.  lib.  122,  No.  40)— Trealan  (Blaeu's 
map  1662) ;  pronounced  Tri-alun  (accent  on  Tri)  ;  also 
Traigh  Trialn. 

Eilean  Eithearna,  in  Loch  Eithearna,  now  the  chief  bay  and 
port  in  Coll.  Blaue's  ma,p  1662  has  Loch  Yurrn,  Loch 
Yern;  Grin  1786  (Knox's  Highland  Tour).  The  natives 


332  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

understood  it  to  refer  to  the  eithear,  a  small  boat.  Port- 
narh-eith-eir  (Port  na  Eatha.  of  the  map  and  Port  an 
Eathar)  is  not  far  distant  from  the  mouth  of  this  bay. 
Coll  men  do  not  use  eithear,  but  understand  it  and  say 
that  the  Uist  people  use  it.  An  eithear  was,  according 
to  Mr  Johnston,  Coll,  originally  a  coracle  built  of  hides 
and  a,  wooden  frame ;  but  through  time  it  was  built  larger 
and  solely  of  wood.  In  Loch  Eithearna,  Dr  Johnson  and 
Bos  well  slept  on  board  their  boat  on  the  night  prior  to 
their  departure  from  Coil.  Lately,  in  a  cove  beside  Loch 
Eithearna,,  the  ferry-boat  took  shelter  awaiting  tho 
steamer  "  Fingal"  on  a  cold  stormy  morning,  Rider 
Haggard  and  a  friend  and  rryself  being  passengers,  the 
novelist  passing  the  time  for  us  by  giving  us.  vivid  sketches 
of  the  Zulus  and  tales  of  their  great  warrior  Chaka. 

Airigh  is  a  common,  term%  in  Coll,  meaning  the  hill  pasture 
around  the  shieling.  The  Nona©  term  erg  borrowed  from 
the  Gaelic  is  always  at  the  end  of  a  word,  as  -ary. 

Arinagour — Airigh-nan-gobhar — Shieling  of  the  Goats..  Now 
the  village  and  port  of  Coll,  with  a  fourth  of  the  popu- 
lation resident  there,  but  in  18th  century,  when  Call 
population  was  much,  larger,  Arinagour  had  only  eleven 
souls.  Its  site  was  then  between  the  loch  a,nd  the  Car  nan. 

Arinabost— G.  Airigh  and  Norse  Bost  =  Bolstadr,  a  stead,  a 
hybrid  (also  Arnabust,  Amapoldo  1528). 

A :;righ  Chracarai — Cracary  shieling.  Cracaraidh  may  be 
Norse  kraku,  a  crow,  and  aerg  or  erg,  a,  shieling.  Of  late 
thene  were  trees  there. 

Airigh  bhuidhe,  near  Gallanach.     The  .yellow  shieling. 

Ariiitluichd — Airigh  'n  t-Sluic,  Shieling  of  the  Slough  or 
Gully.  Once  the  site  of  a  chapel  and  cemetery  according 
to  Reeves. 

An  Airigh  Bhoidheach — The  beautiful  shieling. 

Airigh-Leoid — Leod's  Shieling;  Norse  Ljotr.  (The  mother 
of  John  Garve  Maclean,  1st  of  Coll,  was  a  daughter  of 
MacLeod  of  Harris). 

Arimhaorach — Shieling  of  the  limpets,  is  beside  the  shore  of 
Arinagour  Bay,  with  plenty  limpets  on  the  rocks  at  hand 
where  fishermen  get  bait.  This  appears  Arivirig  m 
modern  maps,  but  is  pronounced  Arimhaorach  and  Arimli- 
aoraig. 

Loch  Airigh  Sitheachaidh — Loch  of  the  Fairy  Shieling. 

Cncc  na  h-iolaire — The  eagle's  knowe. 

dice  a(n  duin — Knoll  of  the  fort. 


Place  Names  of  Coll  333 

Cnoc  na  h-osnaiche — Knowe  of  the  groaning. 

Cnoc  an  tuir — Tower  knowe. 

Ciiocan  nam  ban — Little  know©  of  the  women. 

Cnocan.  leithach  slighe — Half-way  knowe. 

Carnan  Cnoc  nam  beannan — Little  earn  of  the  knowe  of  the 
points  or  corners. 

Coille  Buidheag — Wood  of  the  yellow  birds. 

Clach  ard — The  high  stone. 

A  Chorairidh — Probably  "  odd  shieling,"  i.e.,  standing  by 
itself;  "  corr  "  also  means  "  taper,"  and  hence  un- 
steady, steep. 

Creag  Mhor — The  big  rock. 

Clachan  is  used  for  "  causeway,"  but  Tobair  a  C'hlaohaiii  at 
Mibost  was  a  "  namely  well,"  probably  therefore  a  sacred 
well  of  healing,  and  probably  near  the  ancient  church. 

Ceum  Creagach — The  rocky  stride. 

Ciioc  na  Slainte — Hill  of  Health. 

Cnoc  Leathaim,  now  called  Broad  hill. 

A  Chroic  of  the  Highlands  and  Islands  map  is  a  mistake  for 
Cnoc,  knock,  knowe,  cnoc  being  the  local  pronunciation. 

Carnan  Mora  and  Carnan  Dubh — Cam  is  so  common  that  it 
evidently  means  a  natural  cairn  or  rocky  point.  Cf. 
Ptolemy's  Carnonacae. 

Changehouse,  or  "  Tigh-Seinnse,"  was  once  an  inn,  but  is 
now  Arileod  Farm. 

An  Carnaii — The  little  cairn. 

Tobair1  a  Charnain — Well  of  the  little  cairn. 

An  Caisteal — Site  of  old  fort  near  Hogh  Bay. 

Cam  a  Bhraighe — Cairn  of  the  Brae. 

Craig  Fheuran — Crag  of  the  feuran,  a  plant  of  the  onion 
species,  which  grows  there. 

Lochnasguir  : 

Loch  Rathilt  (Loch  Railt,  Langland's  miap)  : 

Loch-na-bust — Hybrid,   Norse  bolstadr — Loch  of  the  stead. 

Loch  Ronard — Theire  are  two  lochs  of  this  name,  one  in  the 
east  end  and  one  in  the  cenre  of  the  island.  The  pro- 
nunciation is  as  above,  but  an  O.S.  map  gives  the  stream 
that  flows  from  one  of  them  as  "  Allt  na  roinn  ard." 

Loch  'Hie  Chaluim,  or  Loch  Airidh  'ille  Chaluim,  may  be 
connected  with  some  Malcolm  whose  airigh  or  shieling 
was  there.  Malcolm  was  the  name  of  the  old  chief  of 
the  Macleans. 

A  Mhuclaich — The  place  of  pigs :   locative  case. 


334  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Meall  nan  Uan — Hill  of  the  lambs. 

Meiall  na  h-Iolaire — Meall  is  very  common  in  Coll  for  a  hill. 
It  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Maol,  Englished  in  Coll 
as  The  Moyle. 

Crannaig  or  Crannag  (in  middle  of  island) — From  Crannag,  a 
pulpit  or  a  cFaunok.  It  is  used  with  the  article  a,' 
Chrannag.  I  do  not  know  why  it  is  so  called. 

"  Rubha  an  Crannaig"  of  the  maps,  S.W.  shore  of  Coll,  accord- 
ing to  a,  crofter  in  Coll,  is.  wrong,  and  should  be  Rudha  a ,' 
Chrannaich,  the  idea  being  the;  "  Promontory  of  the 
desolate  or  forlorn  looking  place." 

Bagh  Craimneach  and  Ighremoch  of  the  maps  (modern)  are 
evidently  attempts1  at  what  is  pronounced  as  Traigh 
Ghrianaig,  the  Shore  of  the  Green  Bay.  Norse  gronn, 
green,  and  vik,  bay. 

Machair  Mor — The  great  Plain  of  Coll.     Beside  it  is 

Lon  ban— The  White  Marsh. 

Fruchlan — Cf.  "  Island  of  Freuch  or  Fruchlan  in  the  Sound 
of  Islay  "  ("  Orig.  Parobb.")- 

Crossapol  Bay,  with  remains  of  what  looks  likely  to>  have 
been  ia  lake  dwelling 

A  Chairidh  Mhor  and  A  Chairidh  Bheag — The  stepping- 
stones  across  the  estuary ;  also  the:  causeway  or  dry  built 
dykes  of  stones  that  form  the  approach  to  the  island 
duns.  These  causeways  generally  barely  reach  the 
surface  of  the  water,  are  about  three  feet  broad,  and 
flat  on  top.  They  follow  a  curved  course  so  as  to  be 
safe  only  for  those  who  were  familiar  with  them. 

A  Chairidh,  the  northmost  islet  north  of  Crossipol  peninsula., 
is,  according  to-  Mr  Johnston,  Coll,  pronounced  with 
accent  on  second  syllable  (ethere),  and  he  said  it  might 
mean  a  place  with  its  head  to  the  sea, — i.e.,  very  exposed 
— ceann  ris  a  mhuir.  I  give  this  as  I  got  it. 

A  Chachaileith  Mhor — Big  gate. 

A  Chachaileith  Bheag — Little  gate. 

A  Chachaileith  Dhearg — Red  gate. 

Cachaileith  na  Spagaich — Club-foot  gate. 

Cnoc  na  Croich,  or  Cnoc  a  Chrochadair — Hangman's  Hill. 
Four  skeletons  were  recently  unearthed,  one  being  that 
of  a  child. 

A  Chinnt-ear — The  east  end  (of  the  island). 

A  Chinnt-iar — The  west  end. 


Social  Life  in  Shye  335 

California  and  Caonadia  are  recent  names  given  because  of 
returned  emigrants. 

Caolas — "  Tirunga  do  Killia  "  (Retours,  Argyll) — The  Nar- 
rows. 

Eilean  Tumala — Isle  of  the  Tumulus  or  Burying  Mound, 
according  to  a  native  of  Coll,  with  traditions  of  priests 
having  been  there  and  of  tumula  being  a  priest-word  for 
burying  place,  and  of  its  having  been  a  burying  place. 
When  Caolas  was  Church  land  burials  were  made  in  Eilean 
Tumala.  Theire  are  cists  there  belonging  probably  to'  very 
old  times,  Eilea,n  Tuinn-lan  in  map  but  pronounced 
Tumala..  I  also  heard  Eilean  an  Tumha.  Dr  MacBaiu 
suggest®  "  hummel,"  as  in,  Scotch  a  hummel  cow,  a  hornr 
less  cow.  Beside  it  is  the  modern  mausoleum  called 
Maclean's  Tomb.  A  mausoleum  built  in  1730  by  Maclean 
of  Coll  to1  receive  the  remains  of  hisi  wife,  as  the  sand-drift 
was  threatening  to>  overwhelm  the  former  burying  place — 
Kilynaig,  I  suppose.  The  inscription  is  quaint,  a®  !t 
remarks  on  the  physical  beauty  o>f  the  dead  wife:  — 
"  Catharina  Cameron,  wife  of  Alexr.  Maclean  of  Coll, 
died  at  Clifton  10  Feb.  aged  46 :  The  beauty  of  whose 
person  was  only  surpassed  by  the  virtues  and  amiable  dis- 
position of  her  mind." 


6th  MARCH,  1919. 

Mr  Alex.  MacDonald  presided  over  a  meeting  of  the 
Societ^held  this  evening,  at  which  Mr  J.  G.  Mackay,  O.B.E., 
J.P.,  Portree,  read  the  second  of  his  papers  on  "  Life  in 
Skye, ' '  which  was  as  follows  :  — 

SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  SKYE  FROM  LEGEND  AND  STORY. 

PART  II. 

Skye,  in  the  clan  days,  was  partly  inhabited  by  >a  branch  of 
the  Clan  Donald  (Clann-Uisdein) .  They  occupied  the  parish 
of  Sleat  and  the  district  of  Trotternish  comprising  the 
parishes  of  Portree,  Kilmuir,  and  one-half  of  Snizort.  The 
MacLeods  of  the  Siol  Thormaid  branch  occupied  the  parishes 
of  Duirinish,  Bracadale,  Minginish,  and  the  other  half  of 


336  Gaelic  Society  oi  Inuerness 

Snizort.  The  Mackinnons  occupied  the  parish  of  Strath,  and 
Claim  Mhic  Ghille-Chaluim  (a  branch  of  the  Siol  Thorcuil, 
or  MacLeods  of  Lewis),  the  adjacent  island  of  Raasay. 

One  of  the  usual  ways  which  the  Scottish  kings  had  for 
civilising  the  Highlanders  was  to>  grant  to  one  clan  the  lands 
of  another,  which  of  course  provoked  a  quarrel,  created  blood- 
shed, and  reduced  the  population.  Following  this  principle, 
the  MacLeods  were  granted  the  district  of  Trotternish  over 
the  heads  of  the  MacDonalds.  The  MacLeods,  however, 
though  their  territory  was  larger,  were  not  numerous  enough 
to  oust  the  MacDonalds,  but  very  bitter  enmity  and  many 
severe  battles*  were  fought  over  it.  The  Mackinnons,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  only  a  small  territory  in  Skye,  their  lands 
being  divided  between  Mull  and  Skye,  which  perhaps  saved 
them  from  interfering  in  the  other  clan  fights. 

To  shew  the  enmity  existing  between  the  MacDonalds  and 
the  MacLeods,  I  may  quote  the  following  old  wish:  — 

Gaoth  an  iar  air  rubh'  na  Feiste, 

Oidhche  dhorcha,  ceo'  is  uisge, 

Claim  Domhnuill  air  bhbrdaibh  briste — 

Learn  cha  mhisde — 

Birlinn  chaol  chorrach, 

Siuil  ard-bhinneach, 

Sgioba  fhann  fheargach, 

Gun  urnain  aon  d'a  cheile. 

(West  wind  on  the  point  of  Feiste, 

A  dark  night  with  mist  and  rain, 

The  Clan  Donald  on  broken  boards — 

I  don't  object — 

A  slender  crank  galley, 

High  peaked  sails, 

The  crew  weak  and  angry, 

None  respecting  his  fellow). 

The  different  districts  had  their  local  nicknames.  The 
MacLeod  country  (locally  Duthaich  MhicLeoid)  was  called 
:'  Duthaich  nam  mogan,"  or  the  country  of  the  footles  stock- 
ings. For  many  years  after  the  making  of  the  roads,  people 
preferred  to  walk  on  the  moors,  alleging  that  the  roads  hurt 
their  feet.  Trotternish  is  "  Duthaich  na  stapaig  '"  (cold 
water  and  oatmeal.  Another  saying  is,  "  Bruthaiste,  brcchan 
is  brofii,  Trondarnais  mo  chreach  "  (pottage,  gruel  and  brose, 
Trotternish  my  woe).  Trotternish  in  the  old  days  produced 


Social  Life  in  Shye  337 

much  corn,  and  the  people  lived  greatly  upon  it.  The  author 
of  the  saying  did  not  relish  a  cereal  diet.  Nioolsons  were 
numerous  in  Trotteriiish ;  hence  ' '  Mac  Neacail  a'  bhrochain 
's  an  droch  arain  eorna,  nam  potagan  mine  's  nan  craigeanan 
feola,  "  (Nicolson  of  the  gruel,  the  bad  barley  scones,  the 
lumps  of  dough  and  the  junks  of  beef).  "  Brochan  Chloinn 
Mhic  Neacail,  tog  air  sop  e;  lite  Chloinn  Mhic  Neacail,  tog 
'nad  uchd  i  "  (Nieolson's  gruel,  lift  it  on  a  straw;  Nicolson's 
porridge,  lift  it  en  your  lap).  On  account  of  their  great 
plenty  of  meal  they  made  these  article®  thick. 

An  Srath  Fhicnghaineach  geal, 
'San  grinne  beus  gun  smal ; 
An  Srath  'san  cruaidhe  clach, 
'S  an  sgaitiche  cu  is  bean  ! 

(White  Strath  of  the  Mackinnons, 

Of  the  most  unsullied  virtue ; 

The  Strath  of  the  hardest  stones, 

Of  the  most  railing  women  and  the  snarliest  dogs). 

Clanii  Mhic  Fhionghain  nam  faochag  (Mackinnons  of  the 
wilks).  Sleite  riabhach  nam  ban  boidheach  (russet  Sleat  of 
pretty  women).  Na  coilich  Shleiteach  (the  cockerels  of  Sleat). 
Mo  chuidoachd  fhein  coin  Tnrondarnais  (my  oiwn  folk,  the 
dogs  of  Trotternish).  This  saying  arose  in  this  way:  when 
the  people  of  Skye  were  in  the  habit  of  going  to>  the  Lothiaiis 
to  the  shearing,  before  the  days  of  mowers  or  even  scythes, 
they  went  in  batches.  Those  from  a  district  always  went 
together,  and  frequently  got  employment  from  the  same 
farmer.  On  one  occasion  there  happened  to  be  in  one  of  the 
companies  an  old  man  and  his  wife ;  the  man  wasi  very  crusty 
and  short-tempered,  and  was  constantly  grumbling  at  some- 
thing or  other.  He  was  employed  binding  the  sheaves  after 
a  squad  of  young  men  from  his  own  district,  who,  in  order  to 
torment  him,  made  the  sheaves  so  large  that  he  could  not  get 
the  ends  of  the  bands  to  meet.  This  made  him  set  up  a,  con- 
stant grumbling,  until  at  last  his  wife  asked  him,  "  Clod  a* 
tha  cur  dragh  ort  a  nis  ?  Co  tha  riut  ?"  To  this  he  answered, 
"  Co  ach  mo  chuideachd  fhin,  coin  Throiiclarnais."  (What 
is  troubling  you  now  ?  Who's  at  you  ? — Who  but  by  own 
people,  the  dogs  of  Trotternish)— which  has  lasted  as  a  saying 
in  Skye  to  this  day.  Ol  mor  Thobhtardair :  61  a'  bhrochain 

22 


33 s  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

air   an  tea  (the  great   drinking   of   Toftardor :    drinking   the 
gruel  atop  of  the  tea). 

The  following  descriptions  of  potatoes  got  in  different  dis~ 
tricts  show  a  wonderful  similarity  of  badness  and  expression : 
Skye. — Buntatai  beaga,  boga,  carrach,  aiiimig,  mi-lion- 
mhor,  nan  tolla  dubha,  agus  milleadh  bhiasd  agus  moran  de 
mhiileadh  greine  orra — (Potatoes  small,  soft,  sca.DDed,  few 
and  not  plentiful,  of  black  holes,  spoiled  by  beasts,  and  much 
destroyed  by  the  sun). 

Rintail. — Tha  iad.  beag,  bog ;  tha  iad  carrach  aiiimig  ;  tha 
iad  'nam  mill  dhubha ;  tha  iad  'nam  meallan  gonna;  's  cha 
mho  iad  na  suilean  nan  oodleach — (They  are  small,  soft  ;  they 
are  scabbed  iand  scarce ;  they  are  black  lumps ;  they  are  in 
blue  knobs,  and  they  are>  no  bigger  than  a  cockerel's  eyes). 

The  Reay  Country. — Tha  iad  beag,  bog,  tearc,  gun  bhi  idir 
licnmbor ;  mhill  a'  chlach  dhubh  iad,  agus  loisg  &  ghrian  iad  : 
cha  bhruich  teine  iad,  's  cha.  phronn  iarunn  iad  ;  tha  iad  Ian 
de  'n  a  sgreab,  's  cha'n  fhiach  iad — (They  are  small,  soft, 
scarce  a,nd  not  at  all  numerous  ;  the  black  stone  has  spoiled 
them,  and  the  sun  has  burnt  them  ;  fire  won't  boil  them,  and 
iron  won't  masih  them,;  they  are  full  of  thte  scab  and  are 
worthless) . 

AN   T-EACH    URSAINN— (THE   HERIOT). 

So  called  from  the  fact  that  the  horse  stabled  next  the 
door  was  frequently  the  best,  as  he  always  got  the  first  and 
best  of  the  provender. 

There  was  ai  custom  prevalent  in  the  olden  time,  when  a 
tenant  died,  which  gave  the  chief,  or  laird,  a  title  to  the  best 
horse,  or  cow,  whichever  he  chose,  belonging  to  the  deceased. 
This  was  known  as  An  t-Each  Ursaimi  in  the  north,  and  in 
the  Lowlands  and  in  England  as  the  Heriot  Horse.  I  have 
been  unable  to  discover  when  this  barbarous  and  cruel  custom 
was  introduced  into  the  Highlands  ;  but  there  is  no  doubt  it 
is  one  of  the  relics  of  feudalism,  and  was  introduced  from  the 
south  with  that  system.  It  was  practised  in  England  to 
within  a  very  recent  date,  though  for  a  long  time  it  has  been 
changed  in  form  from  what  it  was  to  that  of  doubling  the 
rent  for  the  year  after  the  death  of  a  tenant :  surely  a  cruel 
increase  of  the  burden  when  the  back  is  weakest.  In  any 
case,  it  was  finally  discontinued  in  Skye  some  time  before  tne 
"  '45  "  owing  to  the  following  occurrence:  A  man  of  the 


Social  Life  in  Skye  339 

Clan  Mackinnon,  in  the  parish  of  Strath,  having  died,  the 
ground-officer,  as  usual,  presented  himself  the  day  after  the 
funeral  and  demanded  the  best  horse.  The  poor  widow 
resisted  the  execution  of  the  cruel  order  with  such  persistence 
that  the  ground-officer  lost  his  temper  so  far  as  to  beat  her 
to  the  effusion  of  blood.  At  length  all  the  poor  woman  could 
do  was  to  utter  the  hope  that  the  little  boy,  hex  son  who  was 
at  her  side,  would  yet  be  revenged  on  him  for  that  day's 
work.  Years  after,  the  same  ground-officer  was  engaged  on 
a.  similar  errand,  when  whom  should  he  happen  to  meet  but 
young  Lachlan,  the  widow's  son,  then  grown  to  be  the 
strongest  man  in  the  parish.  Lachlan  demanded  to  know 
what  poor  widow  he  had  robbed  of  the  horse,  and  ordered 
him  at  once  to  return  it  to  its  rightful  owner.  This  inter- 
ference the  ground-officer  challenged  in  the  strongest  terms. 
'It  is,"  said  Lachlan,  "  eighteen  years  to-day  since  yooi 
robbed  my  mother  in  the  same  way,  and  you  will  never  rob 
another,"  and,  drawing  his  claymore,  he  told  him  to  defend 
himself.  The  ground-officer  was  a  powerful  man,  and  well 
up  in  the  use  of  the  broad-sword  ;  but  he  soon  found  that  he 
was  no  match  for  young  Lachlan,  who  was  in  no  humour  to 
play  with  him.  After  a  pass  or  two  he  ran  him  through  the 
body.  He  then  cut  off  his  head  and  washed  it  in  a  well  near 
by,  which  to  this  day  is  called  "  Tobar  a'  Chinn,"  or  "  The 
Well  of  the  Head."  He  then  mounted  the  horse  and  rode  to 
the  chief's  house  with  the  head  hanging  by  the  hair  to  the 
saddle.  When  Lachlan  reached  the  house  the  servants  rushed 
to  their  master  and  told  him  that  big  Lachlan  was  present 
with  a  man's  head  hanging  to  his  saddle.  The  old  chief  came 
out  and  was  horrified  to  find  that  it  was  quite  true,  and  also 
that  it  was  the  head  of  his  own  ground-officer.  Lachlan  gave 
him  an  account  of  the  whole  transaction,  and  of  the  inhuman 
treatment  to  which  his  own  mother  was  subjected  eighteen  years 
before,  and  ialsoi  that  the  whole  clan  very  much  resented  the  im- 
position of  such  a  cruel  burden  upon  them,  and  he  assured  the 
chief  that  they  were  in  no>  humour  to  stand  it  any  longer. 
The  chief  granted  a  free  pardon  to  Lachlan,  and  assured  him 
that  no  widow  of  his  clan  should  again  be  deprived  of  her 
property  ;  and,  further,  he  offered  him  the  post  of  ground- 
officer,  which  Lachlan  accepted.  That  was  the  last  occasion 
on  which  the  custom  was  practised  in  Skye. 


34:0  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

AN  DAMH   UESAINN— (THE   STALL   OX). 

An  equally  tragic  incident  happened  in  Argyllshire.  In 
the  Cowal  district,  on  the  death  of  a  tenant,  the  laird  went 
himself,  and,  instead,  of  talking  an  ox,  as  was  the  custom  in 
the  district,  took  the  beet  cow  in  the  fold.  The  widow  did 
all  she  could  to>  dissuade  him  from  taking  this  cow,  as  she 
could  ill  afford  to  part  with  her  at  the  time,  and  offered  him 
any  other  animal  in  the  fold.  The  laird  had  long  coveted 
this  cow,  and  thought  this  a  good  opportunity  of  getting  her 
without  having  to*  pay  for  her.  AT,  length  the  poor  widow, 
driven  to  desperation,  expressed  the  hope  that  the  cow 
would  be  a  curse  to  him,  and  that  she  would  yet  be  revenged 
upon  him  through  the  progeny  of  that  cow  for  his  cruelty  to 
her  that  day.  The  laird  only  laughed,  -and  got  the  coveted 
prize  driven  to  his  own  fold.  Some;  time  after  this  event  the 
cow  dropped  a  fine  bull  calf,  which  the  laird  reared  with 
great  care:  It  grew  into  a.  very  fine  animal,  was  the  pride  of 
the  glen,  and  was  as  gentle  aa  it  was  handsome.  One  day 
the  laird  ran  out  of  snuff,  and,  every  person  about  being 
busily  engaged  at  the  harvest,  he  despatched  the  herd-boy 
to  the  nearest  dealer  for  .a  quantity,  telling  him  that  he  would 
mind  the  cattle  until  his  return.  No  sooner  had  the  lad 
gone  than  the  laird  took  a  walk  towards  the  field  where  the 
cattle  were  grazing,  to  have  a  look  at  the  young  bull.  There 
standing,  at  such  a  distance  that  he  could  admire  the  bull's 
fine  points,  he  looked  over  his  shoulder  and  saw  the  widow 
passing  down  the  road.  She  stood  looking  over  the  dyke,  but 
said  not  a  word.  The  laird,  ,as  if  to  vex  her,  drew  nearer  to 
bull,  and  the  animal,  which  up  to  the  present  had  been  noted 
for  its  gentleness,  suddenly,  without  any  warning,  rushed  at 
the  laird,  and,  before  anyone  could  come  to  his  assistance, 
goired  him  to  death.  So  ended  the  heriot  in  the  district  of 
Cowal. 

THE  HEEIOT  IN   SUTHERLAND  SHIKE. 

The  custom  was  put  an  end  to  in  a  much  less  tragic 
manner  in  the  Mackay  country.  In  the  yzar  1626  Sir  Donald 
Mackay  raised  a  regiment  of  his  clansmen,  and  took  part  in 
the  Thirty  Years'  War  under  the  great  Gustavus  Adolphus. 
For  many  years  after,  young  men  of  the  clan  went  in  large 
numbers  to  the  Continent  and  served  in  the  cause  of  liberty 
under  the  leaders  of  the  Protestant  cause.  One  of  these,  on 


Social  Life  in  Shye  341 

returning  home,  arrived  in  the  early  morning  at  his  brother's 
(Mackay  of  Mudale)  house,  and  noticing  two  men  leading  a 
young  horse  each  from  a,  neighbouring  township,  he  at  once 
suspected  that  they  were  heriot.  Like  many  of  his  country- 
men who  served  in  these  Continental  wars,  Iain  mac  Iain 
mhic  Raibeirt  mhic  Mhurchaidh  had.  come  under  the  influence 
of  religion,  and  was  very  much  shocked  to  see  an  instance  of 
this  barbarous  custom  as  a  first  incident  on  arrival  at  his 
home.  He  waited  till  the  horses  were  stabled,  and  then,  to 
satisfy  himself,  asked  the  ground-officer  what  they  were.  On 
his  surmise  being  found  correct,  he  w<ent  toi  the  house  and 
rapped  at  the  door.  After  being  admitted  he  asked  if  Donald 
Mackay  was  at  home.  He  was  told  that  he  was  not  yet  out 
of  bed.  "  Tell  him,"  said  he,  "  that  there  is  a  man  here 
wanting  to  see  him."  The  brother,  after  getting  up,  barely 
recognised  his1  visitor;  but  when  he  discovered  whom  he  had, 
he  received  him  with  hearty  welcome,  told  him  to  be  seated, 
and  ordered  the  servants  to  hurry  001  with  the  breakfast. 
"  Before  I  sit  or  eat  a  bite  in  your  house,"  answered  John, 
"  I  want  to  know  what  are  those  horses  that  I  saw  taken 
dcwn  the  glen  and  put  into  your  stable?"  *  "  O  !"  answered 
the  brother,  "  you  would  not  have  heard  that  Uilleam  Mac 
Alasdair  Mhoir  and  Iain  Domhnuill  Ruaidh  are  both  dead, 
and  these  are  the  heriot  horses  that  were  taken  home."  Iain 
asked  who  their  wives  were ;  and,  on  being  told,  he  turned  to 
his  brother  and  said:  "  Well,  Donald,  little  did  I  think  that 
this  would  be  the  sight  that  would  first  meet  my  eyes  when  I 
came  home.  I  will  neither  sit  nor  eat  in  your  house,  nor  will 
I  stay  a  day  in  the  country  wherein  my  own  brother  would 
rob  poor  people  in  such  a  heartless  manner :  boys  and  girls 
that  "we  played  with  when  we  were  innocent  children!  To 
think  that  we  would,  in  their  darkest  hour  of  trial,  turn  on 
them  in  suoh  an  inhuman  manner."  Having  delivered  this 
impassioned  speech,  he  turned  to  the  door  and  walked  out. 
His  brother  followed  him  and  cried:  "  Here,  Iain,  before  I 
can  allow  my  brother  to  turn  from  my  door,  not  only  will  I 
send  back  those  horses,  but  I  will  promise  you  that  no  widow 
shall  be<  deprived  of  a  horse  or  any  other  thing  which  belongs 
to  her  as  heriot  by  me  while  I  own  a  clod  of  land  in  the 
country."  John  Mackay  remained  in  his  brother's  house  for 
some  times,  during  which  his  influence  for  good  in  the  country 
was  very  great.  He  was  a  fearless  man,  and  being  a  poet  of 
considerable  merit,  and  with  a  scathing  tongue  like  his 


342  Gaelic  Society  of  Inuerness 

countryman  Rob  Donn,  he  did  not  spare  evil  doers  wherever 
he  found  them.  The  story  of  the  Mudale  heriot  hor&es  got 
noised  abroad,  with  the  result  that  the  practice  was  shamed 
out  of  existence  in  the  county  of  Sutherland. 

Before  parting  with  Iain  mac  Iain  mhic  Raibeirt  mhic 
Mhurchaidh,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  he  composed  a  good 
deal  of  sacred  poetry  which  was  popular  in  his  native  country 
for  many  years.  It  is  related  that  it  was  through  hearing 
one  of  John  Mackay's  poems  that  Dugald  Buchanan  was 
moved  to  compose  the  first  instalment  of  his  beautiful  sacred 
poetry.  It  happened  in  this  way.  A  party  of  Sutherland- 
shire  Militia,,  during  the  Jacobite  risings,  were  stationed  at 
Dunkeld.  A  party  cf  twelve  men  were  sent  to  Rannoch,  and 
on  the  Sabbath  they  enquired  if  there  was  any  one  in  the 
district  who'  preached  or  read  the  Scriptures  en  the  Sabbath. 
They  were  told  that  there  was  a  schoolmaster,  named  Dugald 
Buchanan,  who  addressed  all  those  who  chose  to  go  to  hear 
him.  The  party  went  to  hear  him,  and  were  so  much  taken 
with  him  that  they  remained  after  the  service  and  spent  the 
evening  with  him.  It  was  in  the  course  of  that  acquaintance 
that  one  of  the  «men  sang  some  of  John  Mackay's  poems. 
Dugald  Buchanan  was  much  taken  with  them,  and  there 
was  110  doubt  of  his  own  dormant  muse  awakening  to  such 
good  purpose. 

THE  HERIOT  IN  MODERN  TIMES 

That  the  heoot  is  not  dead  yet  will  be  seen  from  a  recent 
issue  of  the  Dundee  Advertiser,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
cutting  :  — 

'  The  announcement  that  the  executors  of  a  Tonbridge 
Wells  gentleman  have  been  called  upon  to  pay  '  the  best  horse 
on  the  estate  or  a  piece  of  plate  '  to  the  Lord  of  the  Manor 
comes  as  a,  reminder  that  the  '  Heriot  '  still  lingers  in  our 
midst.  This  vexatious  incident  of  copyhold  tenure  is,  says 
the  Manchester  Guardian,  of  great  antiquity.  In  Saxon 
times  even  the  King's  thegns  were  subject  to  a  very  consider- 
able heriot,  while  the  humbler  tenants  of  the  manor  were 
often  called  upon  to  surrender  a  large  proportion  of  their 
chattels  by  way  of  Succession  Duty.  The  payment  of  a 
heriot  by  the  heir  of  a  deceased  tenant  seems  to  have  implied 
a  personal  connection — as  of  patron  and  dependent — between 
the  lord  and  the  tenant,  which  might  or  might  not  be  renewed 


Social  Life  in  Skye  34$ 

with  the  tenant's  successor.  The  heriot  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  '  relief,'  which  was  a  money  payment  by  the  heir  by 
way  of  recognition  that  his  succession  depended  on  the  favour 
of  the  lord,  and  not  on  any  claim  of  hereditary  right. 

!<  In  the  modern  law  -the  old  customary  money  payments 
have  become  fixed,  but  the  heriot  of  the  best  beast  or  some- 
times the  best  chattel  may  still  in  many  cases  be  demanded. 
The  insistence  upon  this  right  may  lead  to  considerable  hard- 
ship, as,  for  example,  if  a  famous  picture  or  a  valuable  race- 
horse were  to  be  seized  in  respect  of  an  almost  worthless  copy- 
hold tenure.  Lord  Cranworth,  in  his  speech  upon  the 
Enfranchisement  of  Copyholds  Bill,  showed  that  even  in 
modern  time®  the  law  of  heriot  has  been  enforced  in  such  a 
way  as  to  become  a  very  grievous  practical  hardship.  He 
mentioned,  in  particular,  the  case  of  Sir  C.  Bunbury,  whose 
famous  racehorse  Smolensko,  worth  some  £3000,  was  seized 
for  a  heriot.  Then  there  was  the  case  of  the  Pitt  diamond, 
which,  being  pledged  to  a  pawnbroker  who  occupied  a  small 
copyhold  tenement  in  Westmoreland,  passed  on  his  death 
into  the  possession  of  the  lord  of  the  manor.  Lord  Cran- 
wo'rth  also  related  how  Lord  Abinger  was  reported  dead  while 
on  circuit,  and  how  the'  agent  of  the  lord  of  the  manor 
hastened  to  secure  three  of  his  horses  in  London,  without 
enquiring  too  closely  into  the  truth  of  the  rumour.  This 
must  have  been  a  particularly  annoying  experience — more 
annoying  even  than  the  discovery  of  one's  obituary  in  print." 

FISHING  INDUSTRY. 

GLAGAN-GLUIN   AGUS   AN   DEASACH   MOR. 

(The  Knock-kneed  Mackimion  and  the  Big  Southerner). 

Not  for  many  years  after  the  Rising  of  1745  did  the 
people  of  the  Western  Isles  take  in  any  great  degree  to 
fishing  as  an  occupation.  The  inaccessability  of  the  country 
and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  nets  to  fish  with,  and  also  the 
want  of  convenient  markets,  but,  beyond  all,  the  impossible 
restrictions  to  their  obtaining  salt,  made  it  almost  hopeless 
for  anyone  in  those  bounds  to>  engage  in  the  industry.  It  is 
almost  impossible  at  this  time  of  day  to  imagine  anything  so 
oppressive  as  the  salt  laws  of  those  days.  If,  for  instance,  a 
man  from  Portree  meant  to  prosecute-  the  fishing,  he  had  first 
to  go  to  the  nea.rest  Custom  House,  which  was  situated  at 


344  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Oba.n.  He  had  there  to  discharge  his  cargo  of  duty  free 
salt  which  he  had  brought  from,  say,  Leith  or  Liverpool,  and 
get  it  weighed ;  then  to  provide  two  sureties  to  enter  into  a 
bond  with  him,  under  very  severe  penalties,  that  the  salt 
would  be  used  for  nothing  else  but  for  the  salting  of  herring. 
If  he  caught  or  bought  herring,  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  sell 
a  single  barrel  of  them — not  even  to>  us©  them  in  his  own 
family — till  they  had  been  carried  to  the*  Custom  House  and 
entered  there.  If  iany  of  the  salt  remained  over  after  the 
season's  fishing,  it  had  to  be  carried  to  the  Custom  House 
and  entered  there,  and  a  new  bond  granted  for  it.  This  is 
not  an  imaginary  case.  The  exact  thing  happened  in  the 
year  1782  to  a  man  from  Portree  who  got  a  cargo  of  bonded 
salt,  used  the  whole  in  curing  herring  save  five  bushels;  but, 
before  he  could  recover  his  bond,  he  had  to  hire  a  boat  and 
send  these  five  bushels  to  Oban,  which  cost  him  £5  of 
expenses.  In  the  year  1783,  James  MacDonald,  of  Portree, 
purchased  in  Leith  a  cargo  of  duty-paid  salt  and  shipped  it 
by  permit  to  Portree.  It  was  there  regularly  landed  and  a 
Custom  House  certificate  returned  for  the  same.  With  this 
salt  he  intended  to  cure  fish,  but,  there  being  no  fishing  on 
the  coast  that  year,  he  did  not  get  an  opportunity  of  using' 
it.  Next  year,  1784,  he  fitted  out  a  small  sloop  to  prosecut » 
the  fishing,  on  board  of  which  he  put  this  salt  and  the  permit 
along  with  it.  The  vessel  then  proceeded  to  Loch  Broom, 
where  a  fishing  had  started,  and  when  she  was  off  Rona-head 
she  was  intercepted  by  a  Revenue  cutter,  who  seized  sloo-p 
and  cargo,  provisions  and  all.  She  was  then  taken  back  to 
Portree  loch,  .and  anchored  at  Camus-ban,  and  a  prize  crew 
put  on  board.  Soon  after,  a  storm  of  north  wind  arose  and 
tne  vessel  was  driven  ashore,  and  both  herself  and  the  cargo 
were  lost.  After  a  very,  protracted  and  costly  litigation, 
MacDonald  recovered  the  value  of  both  vessel  and  cargo,  but 
lost  several  seasons'  fishing  besides  a  large  sum  for  extra- 
judicial  expenses. 

Such  were  the  hardships  to  which  people  on  these  coasts 
were  put  in  those'  days,  and  this  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
the  natives  of  the  West  Highlands  were  slow  to  make  use  of 
the  wealth  with  which  the  sea  on  their  coasts  abounded  at  the 
time.  The  herring  fishing  was  prosecuted  in  the  western 
lochs  for  many  years  prior  to  the  dates  mentioned ,  by  men 
from  the  East  Coast  and  Loch  Fyne,  by  Dutchmen  and 
Frenchmen.  They  came  in  what  were  called  herring  busses 
— sloops*  of  from  50  to  80  tons,  each  buss  accompanied  by 


Social  Life  in  Skye  345 

four  or  five  skiffs,  and  carrying  altogether  18  or  20  men.  The 
fishing  was  done  with  the  small  boats,  and  the  anew  lived  on. 
the  sloop,  which  also  carried  the  salt,  barrels,  and  other 
stores. 

This  brings  me  now  to  my  tale  of  ' '  An  Glagan-gluiii  agus 
an  Deasach  Mor."  I  take  it  that  the'Deasa-ch  was  a  Loch- 
fyne  man;  for,  if  he  had  been  a  Lowlander,  he  woiiild  have 
been  called  a  Gall.  But  being  a  south  Highlander  he  would  be 
called  Deasach,  in  the  same  way  as  a  north-country  man 
would  be  called  Tuathach.  The  Deasach  Mor  was  a  very 
strong  man,  and,  like  many  a  strong  man,  he  was  very  proud 
of  his  strength,  and  took  a  very  peculiar  way  of  showing  it. 
His  catch  of  fish  was  usually  placed  in  a  heap  on  the  beach 
above  high-water  mark  while  it  was  being  gutted  and  salted. 
It  was  customary  for  some  of  the  natives  to>  come  looking 
aro'und ;  and,  if  the  Deasach  saw  a  strong  man  standing  near 
the  bing  of  herring,  nothing  delighted  him  more  than  to 
come  on  him  unawares  and  pitch  him  head  first  into  the  heap.- 
He  then  enjoyed  the  fun  of  seeing  the  discomfited  man  emerge 
from  the  heap  all  covered  with  the  slime  and  oil  of  the  fish, 
As  often  happened  to  others,  he  played  this  prank  once  too 
often.  On  this  occasion  he  was  fishing  in  Loch  Slappin,  and, 
as  usual,  played  hi®  senseless  joke  upon  a  number  of  men. 
The  news  soon  spread  over  the  district  and  came  to  the  ears 
of  Glagan-gluin,  who  lived  at  Suishnish.  He  was  a  very 
powerful  man,  and  resented  very  much  such  an  indignity 
being  oast  upon  the  people  of  the  place.  When  he  heard  of 
it  he  said,  ."  He  won't  throw  me  into  his  heap  of  herring." 
Next  morning  he  went  down  to  the  beach  where  the  Deasach 
had  his  station,  and  walked  in  an  indifferent .  sort  of  way 
round  the  bing,  but  at  the  same  time  keeping  his  eyes  about 
him.'  Immediately  the  Deasach  saw  him,  his  heart  beat  with 
delight.  This  was  the  chance  of  his  life:  to  throw  such  a 
man  as  that  head  first  into  the  fish  would  be  a  record  ^er- 
formance.  He  must,  however,  "  gang  warily,"  as  he  recog- 
nised it  would  not  be  child's  play  to  throw  Gla.gan-gluin.  He 
therefore  proceeded  to  stalk  his  quarry  with  great  care  till  he 
got  sufficiently  near  to  make  a  spring  upon  him.  To  his 
astonishment,  therefore,  in  place  of  getting  Glagan-gluin  by 
the  back,  as  he  intended,  he  went  right  into  his  embrace,  and 
he  realised  then  that  they  were  not  the  arms  of  a  maiden 
that  were  thrown  about  him.  Now  began  a  tussle  with  a 
vengeance,  for  they  were  pretty  well  matched.  They  wrestled 
and  tugged  at  each  other,  making  the  shingle  on  the  beach 


*46  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

scatter  in  every  direction  with  their  feet,  till  at  last  they  were 
up  to  their  waists  in  the  water.  Glagan-gluin  then  made  a* 
supreme  effort,  giving  his  opponent  one  powerful  swing  and 
throwing  him  on  his  back  on  a  big  boulder  of  stone,  where  he 
lay  moaning  for  some  time  till  he  was  carried  on  board  his 
sloop.  Next  morning  the  Deasach  Mor  sent  word  to  Glagan- 
gluin  that  he  wished  to  see  him.  But  the  neighbours  pressed 
him  not  to  go,  as  they  feared  that  the  invitation  was  a  trap 
.to  do*  him  an  injury.  Glagan-gluin,  however,  would  go.  "  Is  it 
that  he  should  be  afraid  !"  A  number  of  young  men,  anxious 
for  his  safety,  insisted  on  accompanying  him  on  board,  and 
were  ready  to  rush  to  his  assistance  on  the  least  sign  of  foul 
play.  He  found  the  Deasach  Mor  lying  in  his  berth  sorely 
bruised.  He  said  that  he  wished  to>  see  him  very  specially, 
because  he  was  the  first  man  that  had  put  his  back  under 
him,  and  he  new  recognised  what  a.  foolish  and  cruel  prank 
he  had  been  following.  As  he  lay  in  pain  all  night  he 
thought  of  the  many  men  he  must  have  hurt  during  all  those 
years  he  had  indulged  in  it.  He  now  wished  to  shew  his 
respect  for  Glagan-gluin  by  making  him  the  following  offer : 
that  he  was  toi  accompany  his  men  to  the  fishing  every  night 
until  he  had  learned  how  to  manage  herring  nets,  and  after 
they  had  filled  their  stock  of  barrels  and  left  for  the  season, 
he  would  leave  a  boat  and  a  complement  of  nets  with  him,  he 
being  often  astonished  that  the  natives  of  Skye  did  not  take 
up  the  herring  fishing  and  "so  get  the  benefit  of  the  wealth 
that  came  annually  to  their  shores.  He  hoped  Glagan-gluin 
would  agree  to  his  proposal.  This  he  was  not  slow  in  doing, 
and  Glaga.n-gluin  was  the  first  man  in  Skye  to  own  herring 
nets  and  to  prosecutei  the  fishing. 

There  is  a  stone  across  the  burn  between  Boreraig  and 
Suishnish,  forming  a  bridge  for  foot  passengers,  and  this 
Glagan-gluin  carried  a  quarter  of  a  mile  and  placed  across 
the  stream.  The  stone  is  so  large  that  no  man  in  the  parish 
of  Strath  today  cculd  lift  one  end  off  the  ground  ;  it  still 
goes  under  the  name  of  "  Drochaid  Glagain-ghluine." 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  narrate  the  proceedings'  necessary 
to  engage  in  the  fishing  business  in  those  days.  The  Govern- 
ment, with  the  view  of  encouraging  the  fishing  industry, 
intended  to  exempt  salt  that  was  to  be  employed  in  curing 
fish,  from  Excise  duty,  which  at  that  time  amounted  to  ten 
shillings  per  bushel.  But  no  salt  for  any  other  purpose  could 
be  used  without  paying  the  duty.  It  was  therefore  an  intri- 


Social  Lije  in  Skye  347 

cate  task  to  devise  plans  to  prevent  fraud.  Any  one  wishing 
to  engage  in  the  fishing  had  fiirst,  after  importing  ,a,  cargo  of 
salt,  to  land  it  at  a  custom -house,  where  it  was  weighed,  and 
the  importer  had  either  to  pay  the  duty,  or  to  enter  it  for  the 
purpose  cf  curing  fish,  in  which  case  it  was  duty-free.  But, 
in  that  event,  he  had  to  give  bond  with  two  sureties  of  £100 
each  that  it  should  be  used  for  no  other  purpose  than  the 
curing  cf  fish.  In  consequence  of  that  bond  he  had  either 
to  produce  that  salt  at  the  custom-house  by  the  5th  of  April 
following,  or  fish  in  sufficient  quantity  to  prove  it  having  been 
used,  which  fish  he  had  to  declare'  upon  oath  was  cured  with 
the  salt  for  which  he  had  given  bond.  If  any  of  the  salt 
remained  unused,  a  new  bond  had  to  be  procured  for  it  in  the 
same  way.  It  could  not  be  removed  from  one  vessel  to 
another  although  both  vessels  belonged  to  the  same  man,  nor 
could  any  cf  it  be  sold  to  another  party,  even  for  the  curing 
of  fish,  without  procuring  a  new  bond.  It  can  therefore  be 
seen  how  hopeless  it  was  for  anyone  on  the  West  Coast  to 
attempt  to  take  up  the  business  of  fish-curing  in  those  days 
when  there  were  no  postal,  travelling,  nor  transport  facilities. 

In  the  year  1782  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  appointed 
Professor  Anderson,  cf  Aberdeen,  to  visit  the  West  High- 
lands and  report  on  the  cause  of  the  people  on  these  coasts 
not  engaging  in  the  fishing  industry.  The  Professor  made  a 
long  and  interesting  report,  in  which  he  made  many  far- 
seeing  suggestions  for  the  development  of  the<  -country,  some 
of  which  have  materialised  and  have  been  cf  benefit.  He 
strongly  advocated  the  repeal  of  the  salt  duties  and  the  har- 
assing regulations  connected  with  them.  Among  other 
schemes  he  advocated  the  founding  of  villages  in  certain 
localities,  viz.,  Lochinver,  Ullapool,  Stornoway,  Kyleakin, 
Plocktcn,  Portree,  Stein,  Dunvegan,  Tarbert-Harris,  Loch- 
maddy,  Loch  Boisdale,  Tobermory,  and  Bunessan  ;  also  the 
making  cf  reads  and  the  establishment  of  a  postal  service,  and 
•a  sailing  packet  service  between  the  islands  and  the  Clyde. 
One  instance  which  he  gives  shows  the  difficulties  under  which 
the  inhabitants  laboured.  A  man  in  Ullapool  wrote  to 
another  in  Gairloch — a  distance  of  only  a  few  miles.  The 
letter  had  to  travel  all  the  way  to  Edinburgh  and  then  back 
to  Gairlcch,  taking  three  months  on  the  way. 

The  natives  caught  their  fish  usually  with  rods  or  spoon- 
nets.  The  spoon-net  was  an  instrument  like  a  large  landing- 
net,  and  could  be  used  either  from  a.  rock  or  a  boat.  It  was 


348  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

gently  let  down  into  the  water,  and  bait  thrown  in,  and  when 
fish  were  seen  to  go  into  the  net  it  was  lifted  and  emptied  of 
its  contents.  Herring  were  largely  caught  in  yairs 
(oairidhean),  which  were  dykes  built  in  semi-circular  form 
at  the  estuary  of  rivers  or  the  side  of  a  loch.  The  fish,  after 
coming  in  with  the  tide,  were  unable  to  go  out,  and  were  left 
high  and  dry  when  the  tide  receded.  These  yairs  belonged 
to  stated  districts,  and  there  were  regulations  for  the  use  of 
them. 

The  most  important  "  cairidh  "  in  Skye  was  that  on  Loch 
Snizort;  it  was  demolished  only  a  few  years  ago.  Many 
salmon  were  caught  by  it  every  year,  and  the  late  Mr  Mac- 
Donald  of  Skeabost  got  the  people  to  agree  to  take  down  the 
wall  of  this  yair  in  return  for  their  rents  being  reduced.  It  was 
reduced ;  and  there  has  been  many  a  sore  heart  over  it  since'. 
In  the  old  days,  Mac  Ghille-Chaluim  of  Ramsay,  on  account 
of  his  possessing  land  in  the  parish  of  Snizort,  had  the  right 
to  <ai  day's  fishing  in  each  week  by  means  of  the  cairidh. 
Thursday  was  the  Raasay  day.  One  week  there  was  a  heavy 
herring  fishing  in  the  cairidhi;  but  when  Thursday  came 
round,  in  place  of  herring  the  cairidh  was  full  of  saith,  or 
sacidhean.  Next  Thursday  the  same  occurred,  and  the  next 
again.  All  the  time  that  the  fishing  lasted  the  saith  came 
for  the  Raasiay-men,  and  owing  to  the  occurrence  the  nick- 
name of  "  Saoidhean  "  has  stuck  to  the  Raa&ay-men  till  this 
day.  Until  recent  times  it  would  not  be  canny  to  cry 
"  Saoidhean  "  after  a  Raasay  or  Rona  man. 

TRADITIONS  OF  THE  ISLE  OF  RAASAY. 

Writing  of  R,aasay  in  1549,  Sir  Donald  Munro,  High 
Dean  of  the  Isles,  says: — "  Twa  myles  off  sea  fra  the  ile  of 
Scalpay  forsiaid,  lyes  ane  ile  calit  Ra»arsay,  seiven  myle  lange 
from  the  southe  to  the  northe,  bet  ane  myle  of  sea  from 
Trcnternesse,  and  twia  myle  of  breid,  with  pairt  of  birkin 
woodis,  maney  deires,  pairt  of  profitable  landes,  inhabit  and 
manurit,  with  twa  castles,  to  witt,  the  castle  of  Kilmer  ocht 
and  the  castle  of  Brolokit,  with  twa  fair  orchards  at  the 
eaids  twa  castles,  with  ane  paroehe  kirk,  callit  Eillmo- 
lowoicke,  ane  ronghe  countrey,  bot  all  full  of  free-stanes  and 
guid  qua,relles.  It  is  excellent  for  fishing,  perteining  to 
McGyllychallan  of  Raarsay  be  the  sword,  and  to  the  bishope 
of  the  iles  by  heritage.  '  This  same  McGyllychallan  shuld 
obey  McCloyd  of  the  Lewisi. 


Social  Life  in  Skye  349 

'  Boaay. — At  the  northe  end  of  Raarsay,  be  half  myle 
of  sea  frae  it,  layes  ane  ile  oalit  Ronay,  mair  than  a  myle  in 
leiihe,  full  of  wood  and  heddir,  with  ane  havin  for  heilaiid 
galeys  in  the  middis  of  it,  and  the  same  havein  is  guyed  for 
fostering  of  thieves,  ruggairs,  and  reivairs,  till  a  nail,  upon 
the  peilling  and  spulzedng  of  poure  pepill.  This  ile  perteins 
to  McGillychallan  of  Raarsay  by  force,  and  to  the  bishope  of 
the  iles  be  heritage. ' ' 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  Mac-Ghille-Chaluim 
held  his-  lands  by  • '  coir  a'  chlaidhimh,"  or  the  "  right  of 
the  sword,"  and  as  he  very  rarely  paid  any  dues  to;  his 
superior,  the  bishop,  he  was  a  kind  of  chronic'  outlaw.  At 
one  time  one  of  the  Macleans  of  Dochgarroch  was  the  holder 
of  the  bishopric,  and  he  determined  to  collect  his  dues  by 
force.  He  sent  a  strong  party  of  armed  men  to  Raasay  for 
that  purpose.  They  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  island  in 
the  gloaming ;  and,  with  the  intention  of  arriving  at  Brochil 
Castle  unawares  and  taking  the'  Raasay  people  by  surprise, 
they  made  for  the  castle  in  the  dark.  It  so  happened  that 
the  Gille-Mor  was  out  hunting,  and  was  making  his  way 
home.  It  was  a  fine  evening  in  the  late  autumn,  and  the 
light  was  lingering  ,as  if  it  was  loth  to  gc  to  rest.  He  thought 
he  heard  footsteps  on  the  heather  behind  him,  and,  turning 
round,  he  saw  the  figure  of  a  man  following  in  his  wake. 
Standing  at  attention,  he  accosted  the  man,  and  at  once 
recognised  by  his  accent  that  he  was  from  the  eastern  High- 
lands, and  knowing  the  relations  which  existed  between  his 
master  and  the  bishop  he  was  at  once  on  his  guard.  The 
stranger  asked  the  way  tc  Brochil  Castle.  The  Gille  Mor 
replied  that  he  was  going  in  that  direction  and  would  point 
it  out  to  him.  The  Gille  Mor  endeavoured  to  find  out  the ' 
business  of  the  stranger,  but  he  would  tell  him  nothing.  This 
roused  his  suspicions,  and,  looking  ever  his  shoulder,  he  saw 
that  they  were  being  followed  by  a  considerable  body  of  men. 
He  therefore  reasoned  that  their  errand  boded  no  good,  and 
he  immediately  madei  up  his  mind  what  to  do.  He  knew  that 
there  was  in  front  of  them  a  rent  in  the  hill-side,  the  work  of 
volcanic  action  in  the  bygone  ages :  the  hill-face  is  cut  in 
two-,  leaving  a  chasm  about  four  feet  wide  and  of  great 
depth.  Knowing  the  exact  position  of  the  chasm,  he  turned 
a  little  to  the  left  and  leaped  over  it,  but  his  companion 
dropped  over  without  a  word,  the  others  following  one  by  one 
as  they  came  up.  The  Gille  Mor  then  proceeded  home  as  if 


350  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

nothing  happened,  and  reported  what  had  taken  place.  Next 
morning  a  muster  was  called,  and  men  went  with  ropes  and 
rescued  those  that  were  alive  of  the  invaders,  and  they  were 
tended  in  Raasay  until  they  were  able  to  go  home."  The 
progeny  of  those  who*  were  not  able  to  do  that  are  in  Raasay 
until  this  day. 

UAMH   CHALUIM. 

It  was  quite  a  common  thing  for  Highland  chiefs  to  get 
into  trouble  with  the  Government,  and  outlawry  was  their 
punishment  as  often  as  otherwise.  Mac  Ghille-Chaluim  of 
Raasay  was  no  exception  among  Highland  chiefs.  He  was 
on  one  occasion  under  sentence  of  outlawry,  and  things  were 
getting  rather  black  for  him ;  the  net  was  gradually  being 
got  round  him.  The  King  was  making  preparations  to 
reduce  him  to  order  j  but  the  wily  old  fellow  managed  to  get 
the  sentence  removed  by  the  following  subterfuge.  There  is 
a  cave  on  the  east  of  the  island  which  is  quite  flat  on  the  top 
where  there  is  a  fine  green  sward.  MacLeod  and  his  son  one 
moirning  went  to  the  cave,  the  old  man  going  inside  and  the 
son  standing  on  the  turf  above.  After  this  ceremony  the  son 
proceeded  to  Edinburgh  and  arranged  with  a  friend,  who  was 
in  favour  at  court,  to  walk  together  past  Holyrood.  The 
friend's  part  in  the  function  was  to  call  at  the  palace  and 
obtain  audience  of  the  .King,  while  young  MacLeod  was  to 
shew  himself  in  front  of  the  palace.  The  ruse  succeeded  as 
desired.  When  the  King  saw  the  handsome  young  High- 
lander dressed  in  his  war  paint,  he  asked,  "  Who  is  that 
fine-looking  young  Highlander?"  On  being  told  it  was 
young  Raasay,  he  ordered  him  to  be  brought  into  his 
presence.  After  being  introduced,  the  King  asked  him, 
"  How  is  that  arch-rebel  your  father?"  The  young  man 
answered  :  "  Your  Majesty,  I  left  him  under  the  sod  on  the 
morning  on  which  I  left  home."  '  "  O,  indeed,"  &aid  the 
King;  "so  he  is  dead!  Then,  as  death  endeth  all  things, 
and  as  yon  have  wisely  come  to  make  your  submission,  we 
will  have  the  sentence  of  outlawry  recalled,  and  I  hope  yo<u 
will  be  a  better  subject  than  your  father."  The  young  man 
said  nothing,  and  bowed  his,  acknowledgments.  The  sentence 
was  recalled,  and  old  Mac  Gille-Chalum  lived  many  a  day 
after  being  under  the  sod.  The  cave  has  since  been  called 
*'  Uamh  Chaluim,"  or  "  Malcolm's  Cave." 


Annual  Assembly  351 

20th  MARCH,  1919 

Mr  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  presided  over  a  meeting  held 
this  evening,  when,  the  Rev.  William  A.  MacLeod,  Austin, 
Texas,  U.S.A.,  and  Mr  Murdo  Mackenzie,  J.P.,  25  Old 
Edinburgh  Road,  Inverness,  were  unanimously  elected 
Ordinary  Members  of  the  Society.  On  behalf  of  Mr  J  R. 
MacPhail,  K.C.,  Edinburgh,  Mr  Alex.  MacDonald  read  a 
paper  by  the  former,  entitled  "  Memorial  for  Fassifern." 
This  /paper  has  been  published  elsewhere,  and  is  not,  there- 
fore, included  in  the  published  Transactions  of  the  Society. 


3rd  APRIL,  1919. 

Mr  Roderick  MacLeod  presided  over  the  meeting  held  this 
evening,  when  Mr  Murdo  Mackenzie,  M.A.,  1  Southside 
Road,  Inverness,  was  unanimously  elected  an  Ordinary 
Member  of  the  Society.  Thereafter  the  Chairman  read  a 
paper  by  Mr  Fred.  T.  MacLeod,  Edinburgh,  entitled  "  Tir 
nan  Og,"  which  is  meantime  held  over. 


llth   JULY,   1919. 
ANNUAL  ASSEMBLY. 

After  an  interval  of  several  years  during  the  war,  the 
Society  held  its  annual  assembly  in  the  La  Scala  Picture 
House  on  Friday.  From  every  point  of  view  the  concert  was 
a  complete  success.  The  house  was  crowded  in  every  part, 
and  late^  comers  had  to>  be  content  with  standing  in  the 
passages.  The  chair  was  occupied  by  Lochiel,  who  was 
accompanied  by  Lady  Hermicne,  Dr  William  Mackay,  Rev. 
Mr  Connell,  M.A.,  Dr  F.  M.  Mackenzie,  Mr  D.  Davidson, 
Mr  Alexander  Macdonald,  and  Mr  Murdo  Mackenzie,  J.P. 

The  concert  was  sustained  by  artistes  of  established 
reputation.  Chief  among  them  were  Mr  Roderick  MacLeod 
and  Mr  Scott  Skinner,  whose  eighty  years  have  not  lessened 
his  technical  skill  with  the  violin.  The  other  artistes  were 
Mr  W.  Campbell,  Contin ;  Miss  Phemie  Marquis,  Mrs  C. 
MacLeod,  and  Miss  Rhoda  MacLeod,  all  Mod  prize-winners; 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

and  a  party  contributed  Highland  dances.  The.  Inverness 
Strathspey  and  Keel  Society  gave  violin  selections,  while 
Pipe-Marjor  John  Macdonald,  piper  to<  the  Society,  played 
some  selections  of  Highland  music.  The  artistes  acquitted 
themselves  in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  reputation,  and  the 
evening's  entertainment  was  altogether  delightful. 

Lochiel,  in  course  of  his  speech,  said  that  they  were 
resuscitating  the  time-honouired  custom  of  the  Gaelic  Society, 
which  had  been  to  give  their  annual  concert  on  the  week  of 
the  Wool  Fair.  He  hoped  that  the  concert  might  continue 
for  years  to  come  without  further  interruption.  Within  the 
next  few  days  they  were  to  take  part  in  peace  celebrations, 
and  hei  hoped  that  in  these  celebrations  the  soldiers  would 
take  .a»  leading  part.  One  of  the  dreams  he  used  to  have  was 
of  the  Cameron  Highlanders  coming  back  after  their  victori- 
ous march  down  the  Under  Der  Linden  and  passing  along  the 
streets  of  the  Capital  of  the  Highlands  and  forming  such  a 
sight  as  we  never  saw  before.  Unfortunately  such  had  not 
been  the  case.  We  had  seen  the  men  of  our  home  battalions 
coming  back  in  twos  and  threes  instead  of  a  victorious  march 
and  an  enthusiastic  welcome,  and  he  was  certain  that  no  city 
in  the  kingdom  could  give  such  a  welcome  as  Inverness  to 
the  returning  heroes.  He  had  noticed  accounts  of  the  return 
of  the  men  of  the  6th  and  7th  Battalions  of  the  Cameron 
Highlanders — battalions  in  which  he  took  a  very  great 
interest  and  which  he  helped  to-  raise — and  that  they  returned 
without  anybody  knowing  anything  about  it.  That  was  not 
giving  the  soldiers  the  welcome  home  they  deserved.  The 
treatment  accorded  to  the  4th  Battalion — the  Inverness-shire 
Territorial  Battalion — was  worse1  than  the  treatment  accorded 
to  any  other  battalion  in  the  British  Army.  The  battalion 
was  disbanded  in  ths  middle  of  the  war  without  just  cause, 
as  many  of  them  thought.  They  had  been  given  a  promise 
that  the  nucleus  would  be  retained,  and  that  the  battalion 
would  be  re-formed  in  France  so  as  to  come  back  to  Inverness 
as  a  complete  unit.  That  promise  had  not  been  kept,  and 
to  this  day  the  4th  Battalion  had  not  been  resuscitated.  Con- 
sidering what  the  men  had  suffered,  he  thought  it  was  a  great 
shame  that  our  Territorial  Battalion  had  been  treated  in  that 
way.  It  was,  however,  no  use  to  dwell  on  the  past.  It  was 
for  us  to  see  now  that  the  pledges  given  to  the  soldiers  during 
the  war  were  amply  fulfilled  by  the  Government.  Referring 
to  Lord  Roberts  Memorial  Workshops,  for  which  the  proceeds 


Social  Life  in  Shye  353 

of  that  concert  were  to  be  devoted,  Lochiel  expressed  the 
conviction  that  the  necessary  £10,000  would  be  raised  in 
Inverness  as  one  way  of  paying  a  small  portion  of  the  debt 
we  owe  to  our  soldiers. 

MT  John  N.  MacLeod,  Errogie,  delivered  the  customary 
Gaelic  address  in  the  following  terms:  — 

Fhir  na  Cathrach  agus  a  chairdeian, — Is  ion  gu  'm  bithinii 
mor  as  a'  cbuireadh  a  thug  Comhairl©  Gomuinn  Ghaidhlig 
loiibhair-nis  domh  a  sheasamh  air  an  ard-urlar  so  an  nochd 
agus  beagan  fhacal  a  labhairt  an  canain  Tir  nam  beann.  Is 
beachd  learn  gur  beag  an  earrann  de  'n  chuideachd  mhoir  so 
tha  cruinn  an  nochd,  a  thuigeas  mo  chomhradh  ;  ach  biodh 
sin  mar  a  dh'  fhaodas  e,  is  iomchuidh  gu  'nl  biodh  sealan 
de  'n  uine  aig  a'  chuirm-chiuil  so  air  a  chaitheamli  air 
labhairt  na  Gaidhlig. 

Is  cliuiteach  an  obair  a  rinn  Comunn  Gaidhlig  lonbhair- 
nis,  re  iomadh  bliadhna,  a  chum  bratach  na  Gaidhlig  a 
chumail  an  airde.  Bho  am  gu  am  chlo-bhuail  iad  oraidean 
air  iomadh  aobhar  Gaidhealach  mar  chaidh  iad  a  leughadh 
aig  an  coinneaonha,n  •  agus  is  dileab  luachmhor  sin  fein  do  'n 
al  a  thig  'nan  deidh ;  oir  gheibh  an  t-al  sin  aunt  a  eolas  a 
bhios  soan  do  chuid  agus  nuadh  do  mhoran.  Tha.  iomadh 
Co^munn  eile  'nar  tir  a  tha  feuchaiim  air  aoii  doigh  110  doigh 
eile  air  cuis  na  Gaidhlig  a  bhrosnachadh  '9  a  dh'  ardachadh  ; 
agus  bu  qhoir  dhuinn  a>  bhi  buidheach  de  gach  neacli  a  bha 
oidhirpeach  as  leth  math  ar  canain. 

Ach  ciod  e  a  tha  sinn  fein  a'  deaiiamh  as  a  leth  ?  Am  bi 
sinn  a'  cleachdadh  a  labhairt  ri  cheile  mu  'n  teallaich,  air  an 
t-sraid,  no  air  feill  is  margadh.  Am  bi  sinn  'ga  teagasg  do 
ar  cloinn  ?  No  an  e  ar  beachd  gu  'm  bheil  a'  chanain  a 
dh'  cl  sinn  fein  le  bainne  na  ciche,  oho  guarach  's  nach  ion  a 
teagasg  d'  ar  mic  's  d'  ar  nigheanan  ?  An  giiath  leinn 
leabhraichean  Gaidhlig  a  cheannach  a  reir  mar  cheadaicheas 
ar  spoirrain  ?  An  e  ar  cleachdadh  an  leughadh  le  durachd  le 
suil  ri  tlachd  a  dh'  fhaotainn  duinn  fein  >asda,  110^  ri  misneach 
a  thoirt  do  'n  dream  dhileas  sin  a  tha,  dh'  aindeoin  gach  di- 
mhisneachadh  agus  anntlachd  a  bhios  'gan  coinneachadh,  a' 
our  ri  litreachas  na  Gaidhlig. 

Is  fior  gun  amhaxus  -an  sean-fhacal  so:  "  Nithear  earn 
mor  de  chlachan  beaga  "  ;  agus  leanaidh  e  bho  'n  fhirinn  a 
th'  ann,  na  'n  deanadh  gach  neach  againn  am  beagan  beag 
a  tha  'na  chomas  a  chum  sineadh  saoghail  a  thoirt  do  'n 

23 


354  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

•jhaidhlig,  gu  'n  tigeadh  piseach  oirre  fos  agus  gu  'm  "  bith- 
eadh  an  dithreabh  ait  agus  gu  'n  tigeadh  e  fo  bhlath  mar 
an  ros. 

At  the  close  of  the  concert,  the  Chairman  proposed  a  vote 
of  thanks  to>  the  artistes,  to  Mr  Frank  Fraser,  and  Mrs  David 
Logan,  who  played  the  accompaniments,  and  to  Mr  Roderick 
MacLeod,  who  did  much  in  organising  the  entertainment. 

Dr  William  Mackay  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Lochiel. 
He  expressed  approval  of  what  Lo«chiel  had  said  about  the 
shameless  treatment  accorded  to  o-ur  Highland  regiments. 


GAELIC  SOCIETY  OF  INVERNESS. 


Roll   of  Members-November,  1922. 


HONORARY   CHIEFTAINS. 

Mackay,  William,  LL.D.,  Solicitor,  Craigmonie,  Inverness 
Watson,  William  J.,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Celtic  Languages, 

Literature    and    Antiquities,    University    of    Edinburgh,    8 

Spence  Street,  Edinburgh 

LIFE   MEMBERS. 

Atholl,  His  Grace  The  Duke  of,  K.T.,  C.B.,  M.V.O.,  D.S.O., 
LL.D.,  Blair  Castle,  Blair  Atholl 

Baillie,  James  Evan  Bruce,  of  Dochfour,  Dochfour  House,  Inver- 
ness-shire 

Brodie,  W.  A.  G.,  Edinburgh 

Burgess,  Peter,  Will  an  hall  House,  near  Coventry 

Cameron,  Colonel  Donald  Walter,  of  Lochiel,  C.M.G.,  A.D.C., 
Achnacarry,  Inverness-shire 

Cromartie,  The  Right  Hon.  The  Countess  of,  Tarbat  House, 
Ross-shire 

Finlay,  The  Right  Hon.  The  Viscount,  P.C.,  G.C.M.G.,  Phillimore 
Gardens,  London 

Fletcher,  James  Douglas,  J.P.,  of  Rosehaugh,  Ross-shire 

Forteviot,  The  Right  Hon.  Lord,  Dupplin  Castle,  Perthshire 

Eraser,  Edward  D.,  The  Elms,  Peebles 

Fraser-Tytler,  Major  Neil,  D.S.O.,  of  Aldourie,  Aldourie  Castle, 
Inverness-shire 

Grant,  Ian  R.  J.  M.,  J.P.,  of  Glenmoriston,  Inverness-shire 

Grant,  John  Peter,  J.P.,  of  Rothiemurchus,  Aviemore,  Inverness- 
shire 

Littlejohn,  Alexander,  of  Invercharron,  Bonar- Bridge,  Sutherland- 
shire 

Lovat,  The  Right  Hon.  Lord,  K.T.,  K.C.M.G.,  K.C.V.O.,  C.B., 
D.S.O.,  Beaufort  Castle,  Inverness-shire 


356  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

MacColl,   J.G.,   Box    1134    G.P.O.,    Sydney,    New    South   Wales, 

Australia 
Macdonald,   Sir  Alexander  W.    M.   Bosville,  Bart.,  Thorpe  Hall, 

Bridlington,  Yorks 
Macfarlane,  Donald,  New  Zealand 

Mackenzie,  Major  Louis  H.L.,  Tomich  House,  Beauly,  Inverness- 
shire 

Mackenzie,  W.  Dalziel,  of  Farr,  Daviot,  Inverness-shire 
Mackinnon,  W.A.,  Gollanfield  House,  Inverness-shire 
Maclean,  Hugh,  Elmhurst,  Greeiiock 
Maclean,  Lachlan,  Cape  Town,  South  Africa 
Macleod,  Duncan,  of  Skeabost,  Skye 
Macleod,  Sir  Reginald,  K.C.B.,  Vintners,  Maidstone 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  William  Houldsworth,   M.A.,    B.D.,   Fuinary, 

Shandon,  Dumbartonshire 
Mason-Macfarlane,   Colonel   David,    C.M.G.,    C.B.E.,   T.D.,   M.D., 

Turin,  Forfarshire 

Munro,  Colonel  Sir  Hector,  Bart.,  A.D.C.,  of  Fowlis,  Ross-shire 
Novar,  The  Right  Hon.  The  Viscount,  P.C.,  G.C.M.G.,  Secretary 

of  State  for  Scotland,  Novar,  Ross-shire 
Russell,    The   Very    Rev.    James    Curdie,    D.D.,   V.D ,    9    Coates 

Gardens,  Edinburgh 
Seaforth.  The   Right  Hon.    Lord,    Brahan  Castle,  Conon-Bridge, 

Ross-shire 
Watts,  Mrs  Mary  Seton,  Lunnerlease,  Guild  ford,  Surrey 

HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

Anderson,  P.  J.,  The  University  Library,  Aberdeen 
Bartholomew,  John,  Glenorchard,  Torrance,  near  Glasgow 
Beaton,  Alexander,  Gleannbreac,  Saskatchewan,  Canada 
Bentinck,    The   Rev.    Charles    D.,    B.D.,    The   Manse,    Dornoch, 

Sutherlandshire 
Black,  George  F.,  Ph.D.,  New   York   Public  Library,  New  York, 

U.S.A. 

Cameron,  Duncan,  J  P.,  Dunellan,  Muir  of  Ord,  Ross  shire 
Campbell,    Captain    George     Hay,    Yr.,    of    Succoth,     Garscube, 

Glasgow 
Cameron,    Lieut. -Colonel    George    Sorel,     Cameron    Highlanders, 

Aldershot 
Campbell,  John  Macleod,  The  Captain  of  Saddell  Castle,  Saddell, 

Argyll 

Cassillis,  The  Right  Hon.  The  Earl  of,  Culzean  Castle,  Ayrshire 
Chisholm,  John  A.,  Mayor  of  Cornwall,  Ontario,  Canada 


Members  357 

Dallas,  James,  Brae  of  Cantray,  Gollanfield,  Inverness-shire 
Davidson,  Donald,  Waverley  Hotel,  Inverness 
Davidson,  Malcolm  0.,  M.A.,  Mus.B.  (Cantab  ),  Tarland,  N-iirn 
Duff-Dunbar,    Mrs    L.,    of    Ackergill,     Ackergill    Tower,    Wick, 

Caithness 

Farquharson,  J.  A,,  Holly  mount,  Radcliffe,  Lanes. 
Fowler,  Alice  Lady,  Royal  Hotel,  Inverness 
Fraser,  George  M.,  Summerlea,  Portree,  Skye 
Fraser,  John,  HA  Ballifeary  Road,  Inverness 
Fraser  Mackenzie,    Mrs   Beatrice   A.,   O.B.E.,    Bunchrew    House, 

Inverness-shire 

Gardner,  Alexander,  J.P.,  Publisher,  Paisley 
Gibson,  John,  25  Academy  Street,  Inverness 
Grant,  R.  M.,  Manager,  "  Chronicle  "  Office,  Inverness 
Grant,    Vice-Admiral    Sir    Heathcoat,     K.C.M.G.,    C.B.,    Boath, 

Auldearn,  Nairn 

Gunn,  Colonel  Gilbert,  15  Learmouth  Gardens,  Edinburgh 
Henderson,  Thomas,  B.Sc.,  47  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh 
Lauchlan,  James  Allan,  Boulevard  Victor   Hugo  23,  Neuilly-sur- 

Seine,  France 

Lindsay,  Professor  W.  M.,  3  Howard  Place,  St  Andrews 
Livingstone,    Lieut.    Neil    St    Clair,    927    Edgemount    Blod,   Los 

Angelos,  California,  U.S.A. 
Macalister,  Sir  Donald,  K.C.B.,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  D.Sc.,  D.C.L ,  Ph.D., 

Principal,  Glasgow  University,  Glasgow 
Macau  lay,  Angus,  Berryburn,  Greenock 
MacDhomhnuill,  F.  S.  R.,  Box  1068  G.P  0..  Johannesburg,  South 

Africa 

Macdonald,  Alex.  Robert  Dawson,  F.A.A.,  Hubert  Place,  Lancaster 
Macdonald,  Dr  D.,  Glen-Urquhart,  Inverness-shire 
Macdonald,    The    Rev.    James    Duff,    M.A.,    3    Warrander   Park 

Terrace,  Edinburgh 

Macdonald,  John,   Sutherland  Arms  Hotel,  Golspie,  Sutherland- 
shire 
Macdonald,   Sir  Murdoch,   K.C.M.G,   C.B.,  M.P.,   C.E.,   26   Half 

Moon  Street,  London 
Macdonald,  Ranald,   O.B.E.,   Provincial  Commissioner,  Blantyre, 

Nyassaland,  Africa 
MacEchern,  The  Rev.    Dugald,   B.D.,  Bard   to  the  Society,  The 

Manse  of  Bower,  Caithness 
Macgillivray,     The    Rev.     Donald     Cameron,     M.C.,     Box     125, 

Antigonish,  Nova  Scotia,  Canada 
Macgillivray,  William  L.,  J.P.,  Eoligarry,  Barra 


358  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

t 

Macllraith,  Dr  W.  N.,  Duntulm,  2  White's  Terrace,  Manningham, 

Bradford 

Mackay,  Andrew,  20  Carrington  Street,  Kettering 
Mackay,   George,    M.D.,    F.R.C.S.E.,    26    Drumsheugh    Gardens, 

Kdinburgh 

Mackay,  John  Charles,  A.M.Inst.C.E.,  J.P.,  Hatterall,  Hereford 
Mackfiy,  J.  G.,  India  Office,  Bank  of  England,  London 
Mackay,  J.  G.,  O.B.E.,  Beaumont  House,  Portree,  Skye 
Mackay,  Mrs  William,  Craigmonie.  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  Miss  Kathleen  H.,  of  Fan-,  Daviot,  Inven  ess-shire 
Mackenzie,  Dr  M.  Tolmie,  Scolpaig,  Lochmaddy,  N.  Uist 
Mackenzie,  Dr  Ridley,  42  Gloucester  Square,  Hyde  Park,  London 
Mackenzie,     Theodore     Charles,     M.D.,     F.R.C.R.,     Ruigh     Ard, 

Inverness 
Mackenzie,  William  C.,   94  Church  Road,    Richmond-on-Thames, 

Surrey 
Mackinnon,   A.    D.,   C.M.C.,   O.B.E.,   M.D.,  Dunringell,  Kyleakin, 

Skye 

Mackinnon,  Neil,  Royal  British  Hotel,  Perth 
Mackintosh,  A.  M.,  The  Hermitage,  Nairn 
Mackintosh,  The  Mackintosh  of,  Moyhall,  Inverness-shire 
Maclachlan,  The  Rev.  John,  The  Manse  of  Lochcarron,  Ross-shire 
Maclean,   The  Rev.   Donald,    D.D.,  Professor   of  Church  History, 

Free  Church  College,  Edinburgh 

Maclean,  Roderick,  C.A.,  1  Lombard  Street,  Inverness 
Maclean,  William  James,  9  Academy  Street,  Inverness 
Maclellan,  The  Rev.  Neil,  Hill  House,  Inverness 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  Donald,  B.D.,  M.C.,  Broomhill,  Inverness 
Macpherson,  A.  C..  D.L.,  of  Cluny,  Cluny  Castle,  Kingussie 
Macpherson,  Charles  J.  B.,  of  Balavil,  Kingussie 
Macpherson-Grant,  A.,  Gorseland,  Hurley,  Hants 
Macrae,  Donald,  Browns,  Southland,  New  Zealand 
Macrae,  The  Rev.  Donald,  B.D.,  The  Manse  of  Edderton,  Ross  shire 
Macrae,  Horatio  R.,  of  Climes,  57  Castle  Street,  Kdinourgh 
Macrae-Gil  strap,  Lieut. -Colonel  John,  of  Kilean  Donan,  Ballimore, 

Otter  Ferry,  Argyll 

Macritchie,  David,  C.A.,  4  Archibald  Place,  Edinburgh 
Matheson,     Hugh,     M.A.,     922     Pollokshaws     Road,    Shawlands, 

Glasgow 
Morrison,  Murdo,  M.A.,  Director  of  Education  for  Inverness-shire, 

13  Lovat  Road,  Inverness 
Morrison,  W.  Murray,  M.Inst.C.E.,  137  Whitehall  Court,  London, 

S.W.  1 
Munro,  Donald,  Morven,  Inverness 


Members  359 

Munro,  Neil,  LL.D.,  Cromalt,  Helensburgh 

Napier,  Theodore,  Magdala,  Woodland  Street,  Essendon, 
Melbourne,  Australia 

Neil,  James  L.,  F.E.I. S.,  The  Schoolhouse,  Abriachan,  Inverness- 
shire 

Powers,  Francis,  32  Albany  Avenue,  Hartford,  Conn.,  U.S.A. 

R  >bertson,  Angus,  Dunholme,  Hamilton  Drive,  Pollokshields, 
Glasgow 

Ross,  Finlay  M.,  136  Bath  Street,  Glasgow 

Ross,  General  Sir  Walter,  of  (Jromarty,  Ross-shire 

Somerville,  The  Rev.  James  Ewing,  D.D.,  Castellar,  Crieff 

Stewart,  Provost  Andrew,  Palace  Hotel,  Fort-William 

Tait,  Arthur,  Altonsyde,  Nairn 

Townsend,  E.  R.,  Paymaster  Sub.  Lieut.,  R.  N.,  Boundary  Oak, 
Waterlooville,  Hants 

V.irdell,  The  Rev.  Charles  G.,  D.D.,  Flora  Macdonald  College, 
Red  Springs,  N.C.,  U.S.A. 

Warr,  The  Rev.  Charles  L.,  M.A.,  St  Paul's  Manse,  Greenock 

Watt,  The  Rev.  Lachlan  Maclean,  D.D.,  7  Royal  Circus,  Edinburgh 

Young,  John,  J.P.,  Drumnamarag,  Crown  Drive,  Inverness 

ORDINARY   MEMBERS. 

Alexander,  William  M,,  c/o  "The  Free  Press,"  Aberdeen 

Anderson,  John  N.,  Solicitor,  Stornoway 

J^aillie,  Miss  May,  Lochloy,  Nairn 

Bain,  George,  Rosebank,  Nairn 

Barren,    Evan     Macleod,    M.A.,    Editor,     "  Inverness    Courier," 

Inverness 

Barron,  Roderick,  M.A.,  H.M.I.S.,  Glen  Oran,  Inverness 
Beaton,  Major  M.,  Myrtle  Bank,  Drummond  Road,  Inverness 
Black,  Miss  Elizabeth  Jane,  Secretary,  Arraii  Society,  ivanhoe,  N.C., 

U.S.A. 
Black,  Captain  J.  D.  M.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  The  Schoolhouse,  Culcabock, 

Inverness 

Boyd,  The  Rev.  Alexander,  M.A.,  The  Manse  of  Glencoe,  Argyll 
Boyd,    The    Rev.    Angus,   M.A.,    The    Manse    of    Glen- Urqu  hart, 

Inverness-shire 

Brown,  John,  34  Baron  Taylor's  Street,  Inverness 
Brown,  Mrs  J.,  48  Kenneth  Street,  Inverness 
Buchanan,  F.  C.,  Clarinish,  Row,  Helensburgh 
Burn,  The  Rev.  Ronald,  B.A.,  The  University,  Glasgow 
Burn-Murdoch,  William  Gordon,  J.P.,  Artist,  Arthur  Lodge,  60 

Dalkeith  Road,  Edinburgh 
Cameron,  Angus,  Seafield  Estates  Office,  Elgin 


360  Gaelic  Society  oj  Inverness 

Cameron,  Major  E.  D.  C.,  23  Wellington  Square,  Chelsea,  London, 

S.W.  3 

Cameron,  Donald,  Ardlarich,  Ctilduthel  Koad,  Inverness 
Cameron,  Duncan,  Stationer,  3  Drummond  Street,  Inverness 
Cameron,  James,  Pembroke,  Beaufort  Koad,  Inverness 
Cameron,  James  A.,  M.D.,  Firhill,  Nairn 
Cameron,  Kenneth,  Factor,  Ullapool,  Koss-shire 
Cameron,  William  M.,  10  St  Colme  Street,  Edinburgh 
Cameron  Swan,  Captain  Donald,  78  Park  Lane,  Croydon,  Surrey 
Campbell,  Hugh  F.,  Advocate,  25  Union  Terrace,  Aberdeen 
Campbell,  Sheriff,  St  Gilbert's,  Abertarff  Road,  Inverness 
Carmichael,  Eoghan  K.,  C.E. 
Cheape,  General  R.,  of  Tiroran,  Mull 
Clarke,  Miss,  Achareidh,  Nairn 
Connell,  The  Rev.   Donald,  M.A.,  West  U.F.  Church  Manse,  49 

Fairfield  Road,  Inverness 

Cook,  John,  J.P.,  21  Southside  Road,  Inverness 
Corrie,  John,  J.P.,  Burnbank,  Momiaive,  Dumfries-shire 
Cox,  E.G.,  University  of  Washington,  Seattle,  U.S.A. 
Gumming,  Alexander  D.,  Headmaster,  Public  School,  Callander 
Currie,  Miss  Jenny  M.  B.,  The  Hotel,  Ford,  by  Kilmartin,  Argyll 
Davidson,  James,  24  Queen's  Gate,  Inverness 
Dingwall,     Alexander,    M.A.,    M.B.,    C.M ,    9    Lynedoch    Street, 

Glasgow  . 

Doak,    James    K    R.,    B.A.    (Cantab.),    c/o    Messrs    Butchard    & 

Bennett,  17  E.  Craibstone  Street,  Aberdeen 
Donald,  William,  8  Drummond  Street,  Inverness 
Duff,  Miss  Rachel  Ainslie  Grant,  Delgaty  Castle,  Turriff 
Elder,   William    Nicol,   M.D.,   F.R.S.M.L.,   6    Torphichen    Street, 

Edinburgh 

Fergusson,  Dr,  Lylestone  House,  Alloa 
Finlay,  Miss  Margaret,  Reay  House,  Inverness 
Forbes,  Alexander  R.,  31  Kilmaurs  Road,  Edinburgh 
Fraser,  Alexander,  7  Union  Street,  Inverness 
Fraser,  Alexander,  23  Tomnahurich  Street,  Inverness 
Fraser,  Donald,  14  Young  Street,  Inverness 
Fraser,    D.    Munro,    H.M.I.S.,    40    Kelburn    Avenue,   Dumbreck, 

Glasgow 

Fraser,  Lieut.  Frank  W.,  Solicitor,  28  Queen's  Gate,  Invernefcs 
Fraser,   Hugh  A.,  M.A.,  The  Schoolhouse,  Glen-Urquhart,  Inver- 
ness-shire 

Fraser,  James,  C.E.,  19  Old  Edinburgh  Road,  Inverness 
Fraser,  John,  25  Railway  Terrace.  Inverness 
Fraser,  John  Smith,  Solicitor,  28  Queen's  Gate,  Inverness 


Members  361 

Fraser,  William,  40  High  Street,  Inverness 

Fyffe,  The  Rev.  Thomas  Fenton,  The  Vicarage,  West  Cornforth,. 

County  Durham 

Gall,  Mrs  H.  L.,  13  Lombard  Street,  Inverness 
Galloway,  Mrs  Lindsay,  Kilchrist  Castle,'  Campbeltown,  Argyll 
Gill,  William  Walter,  of  Ballaguare,  Dalby,  Isle  of  Man 
Gillies,  Kenneth,  M.A.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  14  Ardross  Street,  Inverness 
Gilmour,  Mrs  Allan,  Invernauld,  by  Invershin,  Sutherlandshire 
Gilmour,  Miss  Isobel  Buchanan,  Rosehall,  Sutherlandshire 
Graham,  Donald,  Teacher  of  Gaelic,  Higher  Grade  School,  Inver- 
ness 

Graham,  Hugh  M.,  Solicitor,  51  Church  Street,  Inverness 
Grant,  Francis  James,  W.S.,  20  George  Square,  Edinburgh 
Grant,  James  Alexander,  M.A.,  Royal  High  School,  Edinburgh 
Grant,  Thomas,  Creag  Mbor  Hotel,  Newtonmore 
Grant,  William,  Gresham  Insurance  Office,  London 
Grant,  William,  Kildary  Villa,  Kingsmills  Road,  Inverness 
Henderson,  Angus,  9  King  Street,  Stirling 
Henderson,  James  T.,  2  Porterfield  Road,  Inverness 
Henderson,  John,  Town  Clerk,  Fortrose 
Hunter,  J.  Murdoch,  Banker,  35  Queensgate,  Inverness 
Jack,  Evan  C.,  The  Exchange,  Inverness 
Jack,  James,  Dempster  Gardens,  Inverness 
Kerr,   George   England,   M.B.,    C.M  ,  Ardkeen  Tower,  Culdutljel 

Road,  Inverness 
Lamont,    The    Rev.    Donald,    M.A.,   The  Manse    of   Blair-Atholl, 

Perthshire 

Lucas,  Miss  Robina  C.,  7  Argyll  Street,  Ullapool,  Ross-shire 
Macadam,  The  Very  Rev.  Donald  M.,  V.F.,   P.P.,  Sydney,   Nova 

Scotia,  Canada 

MacAlister,  Alexander,  373  Bath  Street,  Glasgow 
Macbeau,  Lachlan,  Editor  of   "  Fifeshire  Advertiser,"  etc.,   Kirk- 

caldy,  Fife 

MacColl,  Angus,  20  Eastgate,  Inverness 

MacCowan,  The  Rev.  R.,  F.C.  Manse,  Kiltarlity,  Inverness-shire 
MacDhughaill,    Eachann    MacGill-Eathain,    62    Elderslie    Street, 

Glasgow 

MacDiarmid,  James,  Oakleigh,  Comrie,  Perthshire 
Macdonald,  Alexander,  Accountant,  Highland  Railway,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  Alexander,  H.M.I.S.,  73  Beasonsfield  Place,  Aberdeen 
Macdonald,  The  Rev.  A.  J.,  The  Manse  of  Killearnan,  Ross-shire 
Macdonald,  Andrew  E.,  Solicitor,  51  Church  Street,  Inverness 
Macdonald.  Angus,  Han    Yang    Estate,   c/o    Selitar  P.O.  Singa- 
pore, S.S. 


362  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Macdonald,  The  Rev.  Archibald,  The  Manse  of  Kiltarlity,  Inver- 
ness-shire 
Macionald,  C.  M.,  M.A.,  D.Litt.,  Director  of  Education  for  Argyll, 

Education  Office,  Dunoon 

Macdonald,  Donald,  33  Union  Street,  Inverness 
Macdonald, .  D.  F.,  Solicitor,  42  Union  Street,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  D.  J.,  Librarian  to  the  Society,  22  Harrowden  Road, 

Inverness 

Macdonald,  The  Rev.  D.  J.,  Killean  Manse,  Musdale,  Kintyre 
Macdonald,  H.,  Accountant's  Office,  H.R.,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  Hugh,  2  Glendale  Place,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  Hugh,  25  Railway  Terrace,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  John,  M.B.,  C.M.,   D.P.H.,   26  Old  Edinburgh  Road, 

Inverness 
Macdonald,    Pipe-Major  John,   Piper  to  the  Society,  5  Perceval 

Road,  Inverness 

Macdonald,  Murdo,  22  Bridge  Street,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  Thomas,  28  Castle  Street,  Inverness 
Macdonald,  William,  Scourie,  by  Lairg,  Sutherlandshire 
Macdonald,  William,  18  Sinclair  Street,  Thurso 
Macdonell,  The  Rev.  Father,  O.S.B.,  M.C.,  Box  277,  Leamington, 

Ontario,  Canada 

MacErlich,  Captain  Roderick,' 112  Polwarth  Gardens,  Edinburgh 
Macfadyen,  Duncan,  Jr.,  M.B.,  Ch.B.,  1  Ardross  Terrace,  Inverness 
Macfarlane,  The  Rev.  A.  M.,   U.F.C    Manse,  Lochend,  Inverness- 
shire 
MacGilchrist,  The  Rev.  John,   D  D.,  B.A.   (Oxon),  The  Manse  of 

Go  van,  Glasgow 
MacGillivray,  Angus,  C.M.,  M.D.,  D.Sc.,  J.P.,  23  South  Tay  Street, 

Dundee 

Macgillivray,  John,  Old  Ground,  Invergarry,  Inverness-shire 
Macgregor,  Donald,  Inverchaggernie,  Crianlarich 
Macgregor,  John,  W.S.,  3  Coates  Crescent,  Edinburgh 
Macgregor,  The  Rev.  P.,  B.  I  >.,  The  Manse  of  Duthil,   Inverness- 
shire 

Macgregor,  Robert  J.,  Kessock  Lodge,  Inverness 
Macgrtier,  Alexander,  Park  Cottage,  Glen-Urquhart  Road,  Inverness 
Macintosh,  Andrew,  J.P.,  Balfriseal  House,  Fort- Augustus 
Macintosh,  William,  Fife  Estates  Office,  Banff 
Macintyre,  Peter,  1  Grosvenor  Terrace,  Edinburgh 
Mackay,  Alexander,  of  Glencruitten,  Ob;tn 
Mackay,  Alexander,  '2  Reay  Street,  Inverness 
Mackay,  Miss  Alexandrina,  High  School,  Inverness 


Members  363 

Mackay,    Lieut.    David    N.,    Writer,    93    West    Regent    Street, 

Glasgow 

Mackay,  Donald,  J.P.,  Braemore,  Dunbeath,  Caithness 
Mackay,  Donald,  London 
Mackay,  Mrs  Donald,  London 

Mackay,  Donald  M.,  Bookseller,  27  High  Street,  Inverness 
Mackay,  The  Rev.   George  W.,  M.A.,  The  Manse  of  Killin,  Perth- 
shire 

Mackay,  J.  S.,  11  Bellfield  Road,  Stirling 

Mackay,  Captain  William,  Solicitor,  19  Union  Street,  Inverness 
Mackay- Scobie,  Captain  J.  H.,  Seaforth  Highlanders,  Fort-George 
Mackenzie,  Sir  A.  G.  R.,  Bart.,  of  Coul,  Ross-shire 
Mackenzie,  Alexander,  The  Schoolhouse,  Elphin,  Sutherlandshire, 

by  Lairg 

Mackenzie,  Alexander  J.,  Solicitor,  62  Academy  Street,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  Duncan,  The  Royal  Hotel,  Stornoway 
Mackenzie,  George,  Editor,  "  Northern  Chronicle,"  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  Hector  H  ,  J.P.,  Balelone,  Lochmaddy,  North  Uist 
Mackenzie,  Miss  Jessie  E.,  Merkinch  School,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  John,  22  Castle  Street,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  John,  29  Kenneth  Street,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  J.  W.,  M.D.,  O.B.E.,  4  Ardross  Terrace,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  Captain  Murdo,  37  Union  Road,  Inverness 
Mackenzie,  Murdo,  42  Castlehlll  Road,  Ayr- 
Mackenzie,  William   Mackay,  M  A.,  Secretary,  R»yal   Commission 
Ancient  and  Historical  Monuments  (Scotland),   33  Howard 
Place,  Edinburgh 

Mackillop,  Ian  W.,  14  Ballifeary  Road,  Inverness 
Mackinnori,  Sergeant  John,  The  Castle,  Inverness 
Mackintosh,  Angus,  14  Westhall  Gardens,  Edinburgh 
Mackintosh,  Duncan  H.,  Drumalin,  Drummond  Road,  Inverness 
Mackintosh,  James,  Invercargill,  New  Zealand 
Mackintosh,   Mrs  J.,  Loch   Maree  Cottage,    14   Southside  Road. 

Inverness 

Mackintosh,  John,  Loch  Maree  Cottage,  14  Southside  Road,  Inver- 
ness 

Mackintosh,  John,  Solicitor,  15  Queensgate,  Inverness' 
Mackintosh,  Neil  D.,  of  Raigmore,  Inverness 
Mackintosh,  R.  L.,  J.P.,  of  Inshes,  Inverness 
Maclaren,  George,  3  Beaufort  Road,  Inverness 
Maclean,,  Donald,  M.A.,  12  Mardale  Crescent,  Edinburgh 
Maclean,' Dugald,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  8  Bank  Street,  Edinburgh 
Maclean,  James,  Merchant,  Beauly 


364  Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 

Maclean,  J.  P.,  Ph.D.,  218  Euclid  Avenue,  Grenville,  Darke  Co., 

Ohio,  U.S.A. 
Maclellan,  Angus  Y.,  Margaree  Island,  Inverness  Co.,  Nova  Scotia, 

Canada 

Maclennan,  Duncan,  29  Tomnahurich  Street,  Inverness 
Maclennan,  The  Rev.  Duncan,  M.A.,  The  Manse  of  Kintail,  Inver- 
ness-shire 

Maclennan,  The  Rev.  D.  S.,  The  Manse  of  Laggan,  -Kingussie 
Maclennan,  John,  M.A.,  Rector,  High  School,  Dundee 
Maclennan,  The  Rev.  Malcolm,  D.D.,  Sfc  Columba  U.F.   Church, 

Edinburgh,  6  Polwarth  Terrace,  Edinburgh 
Macleod,  Angus,  Seaforth  Mansions,  Inverness 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  Donald,  The  Manse  of  Gairloch,  Ross-shire 
Macleod,  D.  J.,  M.A,  H.M.I.S  ,  Porterfield  House,  Inverness 
Macleod,  Frederick  T.,  Solicitor,  123  George  Street,  Edinburgh 
Macleod,  John,  Printer,  20  Hamilton  Street,  Inverness 
Macleod,  John,  7  Beaufort  Gardens.  Beauly 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  Professor  John,  Free  North  Church,  Inverness, 

Aden,  Annfield  Road,  Inverness 
Macleod,  Sir  John  Lome,  C.B.E.,  LL.D.,   72  Great  King  Street, 

Edinburgh 

Macleod,  John  N.,  The  Schoolhouse,   Knockbain,  Kirkhill,  Inver- 
ness-shire 

Macleod,  Kenneth,  M.A.,  Rector,  The  Academy,  Fortrose 
Macleod,  Malcolm,  5  Church  Road,  Ibrox,  Glasgow 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  Malcolm,  M.A.,  The  U.F.C.  Manse,  Lochgilp- 

head,  Argyll 

Macleod,  Malcolm  C.,  Publisher,  183  Blackness  Road,  Dundee 
Maclt- od,  Norman,  M.A.,  35  Park  Drive,  South  Whiteinch,  Glasgow 
Macleod,  Norman  A.,  22  Beaufort  Road,  Inverness 
Macleod,  Roderick,  10  Drummond  Street,  Inverness 
Macleod,  The  Rev.  William  A. 
Macleod,  William  C. 
Macmaster,  The  Very  Rev.  Canon  W.,  Catholic  Church.  Taynuilt, 

Argyll 

Macmillan,  The.  Rev.  Father 
Macnab,  John,  F.E.I.S.,  Peinora,  Kilmuir,  Skye 
Macnaught,  The  Rev.  John  C.,  B.D.,  The  Manse  of  Kilmuir-Eastcr, 

Ross-shire 

Macnaughton,  W.  A.,  M.D.,  County  Buildings,  Stonehaven 
Macniven,  Angus,  13  Great  George  Street,  Billhead,  Glasgow 
Macphail,  J.  R,   N.,   K.C.,   Sheriff  of  Stirling,    Dumbarton,   and 

Clackmannan,  17  Royal  Circus,  Edinburgh 
Macphail,  S.  Rutherford,  M.D.,  Linden  Lodge,  Loanhead,  Midlothian 


Members  365 

MacPharlain,  Calum,  139  Main  Street,  Elderslie 

Macphee,   John  J.,  Box  32  P.O.,    New  Waterford,   Cape  Rreton, 

N.S.,  Canada 

Macpberson,  D.,  3  St  John's  Road,  Pollokshields,  Glasgow 
Macpherson,  Duncan,  Bernera,  Glenelg,  Inverness-shire 
Ma'cpherson,  John,  6  Inglis  Street,  Inverness 
Macpherson-Grant,    G.    B.,    D.L.,    O.B.E.,     F.R.G.S.,    of    Craigo, 

Montrose 

Macrae,  The  Rev.  A. 
Macrae,  Donald,  26  Eastgate,  Inverness 
Macrae,  The  Rev.  Duncan,  26  Douglas  Crescent,  Edinburgh 
Mactavish,  P.  D.,  Solicitor,  21  Church  Street,  Inverness 
Matheson,  Roderick,  Lech-a-bhraoin,  Braemore,  Ross-shire 
Mathieson,  Duncan,  1  Muirneld  Road,  Inverness 
Miller,   Alexander  Cameron,    M.D.,    Lieut.-Col.,   R.A.M.C.,  T.F., 

Craig-Linnhie,  Fort-William 
Morgan,  Arthur,  1  Glengyle  Terrace,  Edinburgh 
Morrison,  J.  Coutts,  M.A.,  Headmaster,  Merkinch  School,  Inverness 
Morrison,  William  Mackenzie,  L.R.C.P.,  D.P.H.,   Inaclete  House, 

Annfield  Plain,  Co.  Durham 

Munro,  The  Rev.  Donald,  Free  Church  Manse,  Ferintosh,  Ross-shire 
Munro,  John  Farquhar,  13  High  Street,  Invergordon 
Munro,  Thomas,  Architect,  62  Academy  Street,  Inverness 
Murcheson,  Alexander  M.,  Caledonian  Hotel,  Portree,  Skye 
Murray,  The  Rev.  Alexander,  U.F.  Church  Manse,  Beauly,  Inver- 
ness-shire 
Murray,  Captain  Keith   R.,   B.A.  Cantab.,  Graitney  Hall,  Gretna, 

Dumfries-shire 
Newlands,   Alexander,   C.E.,   Chief  Engineer,    Highland  Railway, 

Oakdale,  Broadstone  P?rk,  Inverness 
Nicolson,  Alexander  Neil,  Secretary  to  the  Society,  6  Queensgate, 

Inverness 

Nicolson,  Mrs  Jean,  LL.A.,  23  Abban  Street,  Inverness 
Noble,  John  M.,  42  Midmills  Road,  Inverness 
Paterson,  Major  J.,  12  Glencairn  Crescent",  Edinburgh 
Paul,  Miss  Emily  L.,  The  Hill,  Hampstead  Heath,  London,  N.W  3 
Petrie,  Alexander  F.,  43  Argyll  Street,  Inverness 
Poison,  Alexander,  7  Ardconnel  Street,  Inverness 
Reid,  James,  "  Dumfries  Courier,"  Dumfries 

Ritchie,  The  Rev.  Robert  L.,  The  Manse  of  Creich,  Sutherlandshire 
Roberts,  Major  William,  C.E.,  County  Buildings,  Golspie,  Suther- 
landshire 
Robertson,  The  Rev.  Charles  M.,  U.F.  Manse,  Port  Charlotte,  Islay, 

Argyll 
Robertson,  John  L.,  LL.D.,  C.B.,  Maybank,  Inverness] 


366  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Rose,  Alexander,  28 'High  Street,  Nairn 

Ross,  Alexander,  LL.D.,  Architect,  28  Queensgate,  Inverness 

Ross,  Major  David,  Solicitor,  63  Church  Street,  Inverness 

Ross,  G.  A.,  Rhynie,  Ross-shire 

Ross,  Captain  H.  D.,  Solicitor,  63  Church  Street,  Inverness 

Ross,  The  Rev.  Neil,  B.D.,  12  Mentone  Terrace,  Edinburgh 

Ross,  William  A.,  Solicitor,  32  Harrington  Place,  Edinburgh 

Scott,  The  Rev.  Archibald  B.,    B.D.,   The   Manse  of  Helmsdale, 

SutherlandsMre 

Shaw,  William,  Broadford,  Skye 

Shaw,  Captain  W.  J.,  Headmaster,  Central  School,  Inverness 
Sinclair,  The  Rev.  A.  Maclean,  Hopewell,  Pictou  County,   Nova 

Scotia,  Canada 

Sinton,  The  Rev.  Thomas,  D.D.,  The  Manse  of  Dores.  Inverness- 
shire 

Smith,  John,  Dores,  Inverness-shire 
Smith,  J.  Grant,  D.S.O.,  Inverallan,  Grantown-on-Spey 
Sprott,  John  Chappell,  11  Gray  Street,  Sandyford,  Glasgow 
Steven,  Frank,  Caledonian  Hotel,  Inverness 
Stewart  John,  3  Duff  Street,  Inverness 
Stewart,  Mrs  J.  M.,  Punjab,  India 
Stewart,  Dr  William,  Invercargill,  New  Zealand 
Stuart,  James  Macdonald 

Sutherland,  W.  G  ,  4s  Old  Edinburgh  Road,  Inverness 
Tolmie,  D.  J.,  Clerk,  Education  Authority  for  Inverness-shire,  11 

High  Street,  Inverness 

Urquhart,  Andrew,  M.A.,  Rosehall,  Invershin,  Sutherlandshire 
Urquhart,  David,  M.  A..,  L.C.P.,  The  Schoolbouse,  Ferintosh,  Ross- 
shire 

Urquhart,  Miss  Euphemia  J.  M.,  1  Hillside  Villas,  Inverness 
Wallace,  H.  Frank,  Authors'  Club,  St  James,  London,  S.W.  1 
Ward,  Harry  Hull,  The  Station  Hotel,  Inverness 
Watson,  Mrs  E.  C.,  8  Spence  Street,  Edinburgh 
Watson,  John  Lachlan  Macgillivray,  Invercargill,  New  Zealand 
Wilson,   H.    F.,   M.C.,   M.B.,   B.C.,    F.R.G.S.,  Clachbheo,   Nethy- 

Bridge,  Inverness-shire 

Wolfenden,  William,  Duke  of  Gordon  Hotel,  Kingussie 
Wotherspoon,  Robert,  Solicitor,  63  Church  Street,  Inverness. 
Young,  David,  J.P.,  1  Ardross  Street,  Inverness 


Members  36T 

SUBSCRIBING  LIBRARIES,  Etc. 

Dublin  University,  per  Messrs  Hodges,  Figgis,  &  Co.,  Booksellers, 

20  Nassau  Street,  Dublin. 

Edinburgh  Public  Library,  per  Ernest  A.  Savage,  Chief  Librarian 
John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester,  per  T.  T.  Shann,  Treasurer 
National  Library  of  Wales,  per  John  Ballmger,  M.A.,  Aberystwyth 
University  of  New  York  and  Chicago,  per  Messrs  B.  F.  Stevens  & 

Brown,  4  Trafalgar  Square,  London,  W.C.  2 
West  Highland  Museum,  Fort- William,  per  The  Hon.  Secretary, 

Victor  T.   Hodgson,   F.I.Archts.  (Scot),  Cuilcheanna,  Onich, 

Inverness-shire 

SOCIETIES  EXCHANGING  PUBLICATIONS. 

• 

Caledonian  Medical  Society,  per  Lieut.-Colonel  D.  Rorie,  D.S.O., 

M.D.,  D.P.H.,  Cults,  Aberdeenshire 
Royal    Scottish     Geographical    Society,    per   Geo.    G.    Chisholm, 

Secretary,  Synod  Hall,  Edinburgh 
Society  of  Antiquaries  of   Scotland,  per  the  Director,  National 

Museum  of  Antiquities,  Queen  Street,  Edinburgh 

MEMBERS  DECEASED -1918-1922. 

Armstrong,  Adam,  19  Church  Street,  Stornoway 

Barron,  James,  Editor,  "  Inverness  Courier" 

Beveridge,  Erskine,  LL.D.,  St.  Leonard's  Hill,  Dunfermline 

Burnett,  J.  Russell,  Architect,  Inverness 

Butter,  D.,  Glenlyon,  Inverness 

Fraser,  Hugh  Ernest,  M.A  ,  M.D.,  The  Royal  Infirmary,  Dundee 

Fraser,  Miss  Kate,  Inverness 

Gossip,  James  A.,  Knowsley,  Inverness 

Grant,  James,  21  Kelvingrove  Street,  Glasgow 

MacCormick,  Rev.  F.,  Wellington,  Salop 

Macdonald,  The  Rev.  A.,  The  Manse,  Waternish,  Skye 

Macdonald,  Kenneth,  Town-Clerk,  Inverness 

Macdonald,  Lieut.-Col.  T.  R..  The  Haven,  Inverness 

Mackay,  Donald,  Reay  House,  Hereford 

Mackay,  Eneas,  Bookseller,  Stirling 

Mackay,  Major  Ian,  19  Union  Street,  Inverness 

Mackenzie,  Dr  F.  M.,  Glenoran,  Inverness 

Mackenzie,  William.  Secretary,  Crofters'  Commission,  Edinburgh 

Mackintosh,  Canon,  Chapel  House,  Fort-William 


368  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

Maclagan,  R.  C.,  M.D.,  5  Coates  Crescent,  Edinburgh 

Macleod,  Alexander,  Millmount,  Crown  Drive,  Inverness 

Macleod,  William,  Curator,  The  Museum,  Inverness 

Macphie,  Donald,  F.E.I.S.,  5  Victoria  Terrace.  Dullatur 

Macqueen,  Rev.  Monsignor,  Chapel  House,  Inverness 

Matheson,  Sir  Kenneth,  of  Lochalsh,  Ross-shire 

Maxwell,  T.  E,  Hall,  of  Dargarvel,  15  Queen's  Terrace,  St  Andrews 


LIST    OF    BOOKS 


IN 


THE  SOCIETY'S  LIBRARY 


NAMES  OF  BOOKS.  DONORS. 

Adhamh  agus  Eubh,  by  Lachlaii  Macbean     Mr  L.  Macbean 
Agriculture,  First  Report  of  the  Secretary 

of  (1889) Mr  J.  P.  Maclean 

Agriculture,  Chemistry  of.    C.  A.  Cameron, 

M.D.  (1857) Mr  John  Murdoch 

Agricultural  Class- Book.      Rev.  Mr  Hickey 

(1862) ditto 

Aig  Tigh  Na  Beinne.     K.  W.  Grant         .     P.  J.  Anderson 
Annals,  Ritson's,  volumes  I.  and  II.  (1828)     Sir  Kenneth   J.    Mac 

kenzie  of  Gairloch 
Antiquaries  of  Scotland,  Society  of  (vols. 

42,  43,  44,  45.  46,  47,  48,  49,  51,  53, 

54,  and  55)  .....  The  Society 
Antiquities,  Ancient  Caledonian.  Rev.  J. 

Macpherson,  D.D..  Skye  (1768)          .     Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Apocrypha  in  Gaelic  (tr.).     Rev.  A.  Mac- 

gregor  (1860) The  Translator 

Avesbury,    The    Winged  Sons  of.      Owen 

Morgan  (Morien)  (1901)  (two  copies)     Mr  J.Mackay,  Hereford 

B 

Badenoch,   The    Poetry   of.       Rev.   Thos. 

Sinton,  D.D.  .  '  ..  .  .  .  The  Author 
Banking,  The  Elements  of.  H.  D.  Macleod, 

M.A.  (1891)  ...  .  The  Author 

Bardic  Stories,  The,  of  Ireland.  Patrick 

Kennedy  (1871)  /  Mr  John  Murdoch 

24 


370 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


NAMES    OF   BOOK*. 

Bibliotheca     Scoto-Celtica.        John    Reid) 
(1832)  (two  copies)  .  .  f 

Bible,  English  and  Irish,  from  Genesis  to 
Joshua.  Rev.  John  MacHale  (1868) 

Beatha  na  Banrighinn  anns  a  Ghaidheal- 
tachd  ...... 

Biobla  Noamtha  (Irish),  partly  MS. . 


DONORS. 


Mackay, 

Hereford,    and    Mr 
J.  Craigie,  Dundee 

Canon  Bourke 

H.M.  King  George  V. 
J.  Mackenzie,  M.D.,  of 

Eileanach 
Mr  L.  Mac  bean. 


Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 

Mr  A.  R.  MacRaild 
Mr  L.  Mackintosh 


The  Author 


Mr  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 


Biobul,  Old  (1823)  .    .  •;  . 

Biobla  Noamhtha  (Bedel)  (1817)       . 

Biobull  Noamhtha  (1855) 

Biobla  Naomhtha  (Bedel)  (1685)       . 

Biobla  Noamhtha  (Bedel)  (Irish)  (1830)    , 

Bible  (Welsh)  (1859)       . 

Bishop   MacDonell.     J.   A.   MacDonell  of 

Greenfield         ... 

BliadhnaThearlaich.  JohnMackenzie(1844)    Mr  Alex.  Mackenzie 
Boyds   of   Penkill  and  Trochrig.       Major 

Seymour  Clarke        . 
Bride  of  Lammermoor,  Illustrations  from 

(1875)      

Brigade,  The  Highland.  Jas.  Cromb  (1886) 
Britannia,   The  Light  of.     Owen   Morgan 

(Morien)  ......  ditto 

Bruce   of    Bannockburn,    The.      M.    Mac-\  Mr    ^Eneas    Mackay, 

Millan,  D.Litt.  .  ./       Stirling 

Bull  "  Ineffabilis,"  The,  in  Latin,  English, 

Gaelic,    and    French.       Rev.    U.    J. 

Burke  (1868) Canon  Bourke 

Boston    agus    na    Mairtirich.        Aonghas 

Macdhomhnuill  (1863)      .          .          .     Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Burke,   Edmund,  The  Works  of  (8  vols.)  \  Mr    Colin    Chisholm, 

(1808) J      Inverness 

Burt's  Letters  from  the  North  of  Scotland)  L.        Macdonald       of 

(Jamieson  edition)  (1876).          .          ./     Skeabost 
Bute    Docks,    The.      John    M'Connachie, 

C.E.  (1876) The  Author. 


Library 


371 


Mr  J .  Mackay,  Hereford 
Dr  Maclauchlau 


The  Author 


Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
vi.,  vii.,  ^  The    Publishers    and 

.  j      Purchased 

Dr  Alex-  [  Mr     yEneas    Mackay, 
Stirling 


NAMES   OF  BOOKS.  DONORS. 

Caledonian  Medical  Journal  (incomplete) 

(April  1896  to  date). 
Carmina  Gadelica  (2    vols.).       Alex.   Car- 

michael  (1900)          .   ;  '   ; 
Celtic  Gleanings.     Rev.  Thos.   Maclauch- 

lan  (1857)         ..... 
Celtic    Language,    Affinity   between    the 

Hebrew    and    the.       Thos.   Stratton, 

M.D.  (third  edition)  (1872) 
Celtic    Language,    The    History    of.       L. 

Maclean.     F.O.S  (1840)  . 
Celtic  Magazine,  vol.  in.,  iv.,  v., 

viii.,  ix.,  x.,  xi.,  xii.,  and  xiii 
Celtic  Mythology  and  Religion. 

ander  Macbain  .... 

Celtic  Origin  of  Greek  and  Latin.     Thos. 

Stratton  (1870) 
Celtic   Race   and    Language,    The   Aryan 

Origin     of.       Rev.     U.     J.     Bourke, 

M.R.l.A.  (1875)       .... 
Celts,  The    Literature    of.     M.    Maclean, 

M.A.,  D.S.C Messrs  Blackie  &  Son 

Chronicles  of  Eri,  Fragments  from  (Ger-"\  Mr     John      Mackay, 

man).     O'Connor  (1838)  .          .          ,j       Ben  Reay 
Church  of  Scotland,  The   Ancient.     Mac-)  Mr  A.  Burgess,  Gair- 

kenzieE.C.Walcott,B.D.,F.S.A.(1874)j 
Church,  The  Early  Scottish.     Rev.  Thos. 

Maclachlan,  D.D.  (1865)   . 
Clan   Battle    at    Perth.       A.    Mackintosh 

Shaw  (1874)     ...... 

Clan  Donald.     Vols.  i.  and  ii.      Revs.  A. 

J.  and  A.  Macdonald  (1899-1900)      . 
Celtic    Tradition,    Waifs   and    Strays   of. 

Rev.  J.  G.  Campbell  (1895)       . 
Clan  Maclean,  History  of.     J.  P.  Maclean, 

Cincinnati  (1889)     .... 
Clan  Maclean,  Renaissance  of  the.       J.  P. 

Maclean,  Ph.D 

Ctarsach  an  Doire.     Neil  Macleod  (editions 

1883  and  1893)  .     The  Author 


Rev.  Alex.  Macgregor 


Mr  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 


loch 

Rev.  Dr  Maclauchlan 
The  Author 
The  Authors 
Miss  Yule,  Tarradale 
Purchased 


The  Author 


372 


Gaelic  Society  of  /nuerness 


NAMES   OF   BOOKS. 

Clarsach  nan  Beann.     Eobhann  Maccolla 

(second  edition,  1838) 
Clearances,  The  Highland.     A.  Mackenzie,  \ 

F.S.A.  Scot / 

Club  of  True  Highlanders,  The  Book  of, 

C.  N.  Macintyre  North  (1881)  . 
Coinneach  'us  Coille,  Songs  and  Poems  in 

Gaelic.  A.  Macdonald,  Inverness (1895) 
Comhraidhean  'an  Gaidhlig  's  'am  Beurla. 

Rev.  D.  Machines  (1892)  . 
Common  Order,  The  Book  of  (Carsewell). 

(Maclachlan's  edition,  1873)  (Gaelic). 
Corso  di  Lingua  Italiana.     (1819)    . 
Cuchullinn  Saga,  The,  in  Irish  Literature. 

E.  Hull  (1898) 

Culdees,  The   History  of.      Rev.    Duncan 

M'Callum  (1855)       .... 
Culloden,    The    '45.       Major-General    Sir 

Alex.     B.    Tulloch,    K.C.B.,    C.M.G. 

Preface  by  K.  Macdonald,   Inverness 
Culloden  Moor  and  Story   of  the  Battle. 

Peter  Anderson. 


DONORS. 

Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Mr    ^Eneas    Mackay, 
Stirling 

Purchased 
The  Author 
The  Author 

Purchased 

Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 

Miss  Yule,  Tarradale 

Rev.  A.  Macgregor 

Mr    J^neas    Mackay, 
Stirling 

P.  J.  Anderson 


Daiii    agus    Grain,     Gilleasbuig    Grannda 

Gleannamoraisdain  (two  copies) 
Dain  Spioradail.     Rev.  Jas.  Macgregor     , 
Dain  Spioradail.      Iain  MacGilleain. 
Dain  Spiovadail,  Laoidhean  agus.    Rev.  G.  \ 

K.  MacCallum,  M.A.,  LL.D.  (1894)  ./ 
Dan  an  Deirg,  etc.      C.  S.  Jerram,  M.A. 

(1874)  (two  copies)  .... 
Dan    Uile-Lathaireachd    Dhe   (tr.)      Rev. 

John  Lees,  A.M.  (1837)  (two  copies) . 
Dean  of  Lismore,  The  Book  of.     Rev.  T. 

Maclachlan  (1862) 
Dictionary,  Gaelic,  Armstrong's  (1825)     . 

Dictionary,    Gaelic   and    English.      Alex. 

Macdonald  (1741)     .... 
Dictionary,   Gaelic.      A.    Macbain,   M.A., 

LL.D.   (1896)  .  *      .';*.*. 


Mr  Charles  Mackay 

P   J.  Anderson 
Mr     A.     R.      Forbes, 
Keornoch 

The  Author 

J.  Craigie,  Dundee 

Rev.  Dr  Maclauchlan 
Mr     A.     R.     Forbes, 
Keornoch 

Rev.  Alex.  Macgregor 
The  Author 


Library 


373 


NAMES   OF    BOOKS. 

Dictionary,  Gaelic,  Highland  Society's 


Macdonald's  (vols.  i. 

M' Alpine 
Macleod  and  Dewar's 


Dictionary,  Gaelic. 

to  xi.) 

Dictionary,  Gaelic. 
Dictionary,  Gaelic. 

(1830)      .          

Dictionary,  Gaelic.     Shaw   (1780)    . 
Disruption,  The,  Dialogues  in  Gaelic  (tr.) 

Rev.  Alex.  Clark  (1843)    . 
Doctrine,  The   Christian.      Archbishop   of 

Tuam       .         .      '•. 
Druids,     Toland's    History    of    the.       R. 

Huddleston  (1814)    . 

Duain  Ghaelig.  MacDhuinn-leibhe  (1858) . 
Duain  agus  Grain.     Uilleam  MacDhumn- 

leibhe      .         .         .         .    , 


DONORS. 

Sir  Ken.  S.  Mackenzie 
of  Gairloch,  Bart. 

The  Publisher 
Maclachlan  <fc  Stewart 

Rev.  Dr  Maclachlan 
Rev.  A.  Macgregor. 

Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
MrC.  GrantjBaltimore 

Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Mr  John  Murdoch 

P.  J.  Anderson 


The  Author 


The  Author. 


B 

Eachdraidh  Beatha  Chriosd.       Iain  Mac- 

ruairidh  (1893) 

Eachdraidh   na    h-Alba.       Rev.    A.    Mac- 
kenzie (1867)  (2  copies)    . 
Earail    Dhurachdach.       J.     Alliene     (R. 

Baxter)    . 
Eisemplier     Shoilleir.        Ceasnuighe     air 

Leabhar   aithghearr   nan    Ceist  (tr.) 

Leis  an  UrramachEoinWillison(1799)     Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundet 
Eminent  Scotsmen,  Chambers's  Biography 

of.     Vols.  1  to  9  (1859)    . 
English  Language,  Gaelic  Etymolcgy  of. 

Charles  Mackay,  LL.D.  (1877).          .     Mr  J.Mackay, Hereford 
Epistles   and    Gospels,    The    Catholic,    in 

various  Celtic  Languages  . 


Mr  A.  R.  Macraild 


ditto 


F 

FairMaid  of  Perth,  Illustrations  from.  (1878)    Miss  Fraser,N.  Berwick 
Fians,  Fairies,  and  Picts.      D.    Macritchie 

(1893)      ....  .The  Author. 


374 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


NAMES   OJ   BOOKS.  DONORS. 

Fingal,  The,  of  Ossian.      Ewen  Cameron  \  A.     H.    F.    Cameron, 
(1777) /      Esq.  of  Lakefield 

Fingal,  an  Epic   Poem.     Archibald  Mac- 
donald  (1808)  


Fingal,  Macpherson's  (1762)  (2  copies) 


ditto 

L.  Macbean  and 
C.  Eraser-Mackintosh, 

LL.D. 
Fingal's  Cave.      J.  P.  Maclean,  Cincinnatti 

(1890)      ...  .         .     Purchased 

Fulangais  Chriosd.     Duncan  Macfarlane  .     Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 


G 

Gael,  Thoughts  on  the  Origin  and  Descent 

of  the.     Jas.  Grant  (lo  14)         .      ,  .  " 
Gaelic    Antiquities.      Rev.    John    Smith,  \  Col. 


ditto 
Mackenzie 


of 


Kilbrandon  (1780)    . 
Gaelic  Astronomy.     D.  M.  Connell  • . 
Gaelic  Charter,  Photograph  of.     1408 

Gaelic  Journal  (Irish),  1891  to  date  . 
Gaelic   Language,  Antiquity  of.     Rev.  D. 

Macintyre  (1865)       . 

Gaelic  Poetry,  The  Beauties  of.     J.  Mac- 
kenzie (1872)   

Gaelic    Primer    (new).        James    Munro, 

H.M.E.L,  L(5.  andO.S.G.,  etc.  (1873) 
Gaelic  Society  of  Glasgow,   Transactions. 

Vol  i.,  1887-1891      .... 
Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  Transactions 

of.    Vols.  i.  to  xxix. 
Gaelic  Songs,  Collection  of.      Pat  Turner 

(1813)  (2  copies)      .... 
Gaelic  Songs,  Collection  of  (old) 
Gaelic  Songs  and  Poems  ("  An  Duanaire"). 

Donald  Macpherson  (1868) 
Gaidheal— "AnGaidheal"  (1873)    . 
Grammar,  Gaelic,  Elements  of.     Rev.  Alex. 

Stewart  (1801) 

Grammar,  Gaelic.  James  Munro  (1843)  . 
Grammar,  Gaelic  (Irish).  (1808)  (2  copies) 
Gu'n  d'thug  i  speis  do'n  Armunn. 

MacCormaig     . 


j       Parkmount 
Mr  Chas.  Mack  ay 
Rev.  Wm.  Ross,  Glas- 
gow 
The  Publishers 

Mr  John  Murdoch 
Rev.  W.Ross,  Glasgow 
Maclachlan  tk  Stewart 
The  Society 


Mr  A.Mackintosh  Shaw 


Maclachlan  &  Stewart 
The  Publishers 


Mr  Duncan  Mackintosh 
Purchased 
Canon  Bourke 

Iain  (  Mr    JEneas    Mackay, 
.  (       Stirling 


Library 


375 


FAMES    OF   BOOKS. 


Gypsies,  Scottish,  under  the  Stewarts. 
Macritchie  (1894)     . 


D. 


DONORS. 


The  Author 


Harp  Music,  Collection  of  (French)  . 
Heart  of  Midlothian,    Illustrations    from 

(1873)      

Hebrides    and    Highlands     of     Scotland, 

History  of.     J.  Walker,  D.D.  (1812) 

(2  vols.)  .          .     "  . 
Hermit,  The,  in  Edinburgh  (1824)  . 
Highland    Clans,   Language,   Poetry,  and 

Music  of.     Lieut.  D.  Campbell  (1862) 

Highlanders,  Home  Life  of  the  (1400-1740) 

Highlander,  The.     May  1873  to  May  1874 

Highlander,  The.    May  1874  to  June  1877 

Do.  June  1877  to  NOT.  1878 

Do.  Nov.  1878  to  May  1881 

Highlanders,     Sketches     of.       Stuart    of 

Garth  (1822)  (2  vols.) 

Highlanders,    The,    of   Scotland.     W.    F. 
Sl^ene,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.  (1902)    . 

Highlands,  The  Old  (1908)       . 
Highlands,    Letters    from    the.       Robert 

Somers  (1848) 

Historia  Scotiae.     Buchanan  (1762). 
Historic  de  Gil  Bias,  De  Santillane  (French) 

(1831)      

Hymns,  Spiritual  (Gaelic).  D.Dewar  (1806) 


Mr  C.  Fergusson 
Miss    Fraser,     North 
Berwick 

I  Sir    Kenneth  S.  Mao 
j       kenzie  of  Gairloch 

Dr  Cameron,  Liverpool 

Mr  J.  Murdoch 

R.  Dey,  M.A. 

Dr  Cameron,  Liverpool 

I  Mr  Wm.  Mackay 

Col.      Mackenzie      of 

Parkmount 
The  Editor 
Alex.  Macbain,  M.A., 

LL.D. 
Glasgow  Gaelic  Society 

Mr  John  Murdoch 
Mr  William  Mackay 

Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 


Inscriptions    The     Vernacular,     of     the 

Ancient  Kingdom  of  Alban.     W.  B. 

Nicolson,  M.A.    (1896)      .         .         .     The  Author 
Inverness  Bibliography.     P.  J.  Anderson.     The  Compiler 
lona,   The   Family    of,  and  other  Poems 

(1850) 
Ireland,  Ecclesiastical  History  of     Right 

Rev.  P.  J.  Carew  (1838)    ...     Mr  Win.  Mackay 
Ireland,   The    History    of.       G.    Keating, 

D.D.  (1902) 


376 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


NAMES   OF   BOOKS. 

Irish  Texts  Society.     Volumes  I.,  II.,  III. 

and  IV.  (1899-1902)          .         . 
Iron  Smelting   in  Sutherland,    Notes  on. 


DONORS. 


The  Society 
The  Author 


D.  W.  Kemp  (1887). 
Islay,  Sketches  of.     William   Macdonald, 

A.M.,  M.D.,  and  John  Murdoch  (1850)     Mr  John  Murdoch 


Leabhar  nan  Sgoilean  Gaidhealach  an  Dara 
(1826)  .  ... 

Leabhar  nan  Sgoilean  Gaidhealach  an 
Treas  (1837)  .  ...',. 

Leabhar  nan  Sonn.  Alex.  Fraser,  Toronto 
(1897)  ..... 

Legend    of   Montrose,   Illustrations    from 


D. 


Lexicon,  Greek  and  English  (1831)  . 

Lighting,    Artificial,     Address     on. 

Bruce,  Peebles,  F.R.S.C.  (1888) 


The  Author 

Miss  Fraser,  N.  Berwick 
Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 

W.  Kemp,  Esq. 


The  Publishers 


&  Son, 


The  Author 


Literature    of  the     Celts    (Dr     Magnus  I  A/r 

-\/r    -i       \  \  iviessrs 

•1  Edinburgh 
Loch  and  River.  Rev.  T.  Sinton, 

D.D. The  Author 

Luinneagan  Luaineach.  Sur.-Col.  Mac- 

gregor      . 

M 

Mackay,  The  Book  of.     Rev.  A.  Mackay  .     Mr  Win.  Mackay 

Mackay 's  Regiment,  History  of.  J.  Mac- 
kay, late  of  Herrisdale  .  .  .  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 

Mackenzies,  History  and  Genealogies  of. 
A.  Mackenzie  (2nd  edition)  (1894)  . 

Mackintoshes,  The.     A.  M.  Shaw 

Man,  Manual  of  the  Antiquity  of.  J.  P. 
Maclean,  Cincinnati  (1887)  . 

Mastodon,  Mammoth  and  Man.  J.  P. 
Maclean,  Cincinnatti  (1880) 

Melodies  and  Original  Poems,  etc.  Donald 
Macpherson  (1824)  .... 

Moore's  Melodies,  Irish  (Tr.)  Rev.  John 
MacHale  (1871)  .... 


The  Author 
The  Author 

Do. 

Do. 

Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundtt 
Canon  Bourke 


Library 


377 


NAMES   OF   BOOKS.   ,  DONORS. 

Mound.   Builders,    The.      J.    P.    Maclean, 

Cincinnatti  (1887)    ....     The  Author 

Mountain  Heath,  The.     Poems  and  Songs,  f  A.     H.     F.    Cameron, 
David  Macdonald,  Inverness  (1838)  ,\      Esq.  of  Lakefield 

Music,  Collection  of.     J.  Anderson,  Inver- 
ness (1808)  (MS.)     ....     Dr Cameron, Worcester 

Music,  Highland,  Collection  of.     Capt.  S.  (  Mr    Mackenzie,  'Bank 
Fraser  of  Knockie's  (newedition,  1874)  |       Lane,  Inverness 

N 

North  Uist,  Its  Archaeology   and  Topog- 
raphy,     <fec.        Erskine      Beveridge, 


LL.D. 


The  Author 


Obscure  Words  in  Shakespeare,  Glossary  of. 

Dr  C.  Mackay  (1887)        . 
Oireachtas,  The  Proceedings  of  (1897) 

Oiteagan  o'n  lar.      lain  MacCormaig         .  | 

Grain  Nuadh  Ghaeleach.     Dombnul  Mac- 

Leoid  (1811)    .  ... 

Grain Ghaidhealach.     Donnachadh  Mac-au- 

t-Saoir  (1804)  .  ... 

Grain  Ghaidhealach.     Raonall  MacDhomh-  \ 

nuill      (Turner's      Edition)      (1809)  j. 

(2  copies)          .          .          .          .          .  ) 
Granaiche,  "  An  t-Oranaiche ."    (Collection) 

(1879).     A.  Sinclair.          .          . 
Granaiche  Nuadh  Ghaidhealach.     Alasdair 

MacDhonihnuill  (1799) 
Oratio  Dominica,  in  various  Ian  guages(  1715) 
Qssian,    Dain  Osiein    Mhic  Fhinn    (1818)  f 

(2  copies)          .         .          .          .          .  1 
Gssian,    Dain   Gisein  Mhic  Fhinn   (1807) 

(Maclachlan's  Edition)  (3  vols.) 
Ossian,  Dain  Osiein  Mhic  Fhinn 

Do.  do.  do.      (Maclachlan) 

(1902  Edition)          .... 


Ossian 's  Poerns. 


J.  Smith,  D.D.,  Camp- 
belton  (2  copies)  (1787) 


Mr  J .  Mackay,  Hereford 

Mr     ^Eneas    Mackay, 
Stirling 

Rev.  D.  Macleod,  B.D. 

Maclachlan  &  Stewart 
F.       C.       Buchanan, 
Helensburgh,      and 
A.  M.  Mackintosh 

The  Compiler 


Mr  J.  Mackay,  Here  ford 
Col.      Mackenzie      of 
Parkmount 

ditto 
Maclachlan  &  Stewart 

P.  J.  Anderson 
Colonel  Mackenzie  of 

Parkmount  and 
Mr  L.  Macbean 


378 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


NAME8   OF   BOOKS.  DONOR*. 

Ossian's  Poems    (Macpherson's).      Mr    L. 

Macbean 
Do.          1  Volume,  with  Dissertations  by 

Dr  Blair  (1809). 
Do.         Report   on,   Highland    Society  |  Col.      Mackenzie 

Committee  (1805)       .         .  j       Parkmount 
Do.          Illustrations  from,  Paolo  Priolo, 

(1873)       ....     Purchased 


of 


Pedigrees,  Irish.     John  O'Hart  (1876)      .     The  Author 
Pentateuch,  The  first  two  books  of  (Irish). 

(1820)      

Piobaireachd,  MacCrimmon's  (Collection), 

Macleod  of  Gesto  (1828)  .         .         .     Rev.  Alex.  Macgregor 

/Sir    K.    S.    Mackenzie 


Rev.  A.  Macgregor 


Piets  and  Scots,  Chronicles  of.     Skeiie 

Pococke's  Tour  in  Scotland.  Scottish 
History  Society  .  .  .  . 

Poems,  Collection  of.    Vols.  ii.  <k  iii.  (1763) 

Poems,  Death  of  Cuchullin,  etc.  (Wod- 
row)  (1769) 

Poems,  Gaelic  (Collection).  P.  Macfarlane 
(1813) 

Poems,  Gaelic  (Collection) 

Poems,  Gaelic  and  English.  Mary  Mac- 
kellar  (1880)  (3  copies)  . 

Poems.     A.  Macgregor  Rose  (Gordon) 

Poems,  Struan's        .          .          .          .          . 

Poetical  Works.     Alex.  Macdonald  (1839) 

Prayer  Book,  English  Church,  Gaelic  (18 19) 

Presbytery  Records,  Inverness  and  Ding- 
wall  (1643-1688).  Edited  by  Wm. 
Mackay,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  Inverness 

Poems.     W.  J   Cameron  (1909) 

Printed  Broadsides.  Catalogue  of  a  Col- 
Collection  of 

Prints  of  the  Past  around  Inverness. 
Prof.  W.  J.  Watson. 

Prophecies    of   the    Brahan    Seer.      Alex.^ 
Mackenzie         .          .          .          .         .  j 

Psalm  Book,  The,  and  Shorter  Catechism, 
Gaelic  (old)  (1783)  .... 


I      of  Gairloch 

D.  W.  Kemp,  Esq. 
Mr  D.  Mackintosh 

Mr  A.  Kennedy 

Miss  Hood 
R.  Dey,  M.A. 

The  Authoress. 
Robert  Dey,  M.A. 
Mr  A.  Kennedy 
Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Rev.  A.  Macgregor 


The  Editor 
The  Author 


R.  Dey,  M.A. 

Mr    JEneas 

Stirling 


Mackay, 


Library 


379 


NAMES   OF   BOOKS.  DOKOR8. 

Psalms,     The,    and    Shorter     Catechism, 

Gaelic  (old)      .....     Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
Psalms  of  David,  Gaelic  (edition  1659) 
Psalms  of  David  in  Irish  (1836)  (2  copies)     Rev.     A.      Macgregor 

(1  copy) 
Psalms,  Scottish   Metrical.      J.   W.   Mac- 

meeken  (1872).         ....     Mr  J.  Fraser,  Glasgow 


R 

Rathad  Dhe  gu  Sith  (tr.).  H.  Bonar, 
D.D.  (1865) 

ReayFencibles,  The.  John  Mackay  (1890) 
Do.  do.  Capt.  J.  H.  Mackay 

Scobie,  F.S.A.  (Scot )  (2  copies) 

Red-Gauntlet,  Illustrations  from.     (1875-6) 

Reliquiae  Celticse.  Dr  Cameron.  Edited 
by  Dr  A.  Macbain,  M.A.,  and  Rev.  J. 
Kennedy  a  894)  . 

Royal  Dublin  Society,  Economic  Proceed- 
ings of.  November  1899  to  April 
1908  (incomplete)  .... 

Royal  Dublin  Society,  The  Scientific  Pro- 
ceedings of.  Jan.  1886  to  June 
1908  (incomplete)  . 

Royal  Dublin  Society,  The  Scientific 
Transactions  of.  April  1888  to 
February  1906  (incomplete) 

Royal  Irish  Academy,  Proceedings  of. 
Volumes  i.  to  No.  4  of  Volume  v. 

Royal  Irish  Academy  (Todd  Lecture 
Series).  Vols.  i.  to  vii.,  1882  to  1900 
(incomplete)  ..... 

Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  and  Historical 
and  Archaeological  Association  of  Ire- 
land. 1884  to  1891  (incomplete)  . 


Saints,  Everlasting  Rest. 


S 
R.  Baxter 


Mr  J .  Mackay,  Hereford 

The  Author 

Miss  Fraser,  N.Berwick 

The  Editors 


The  Society 
The  Society 

The  Society 
The  Publishers 

The  Publishers 
The  Publisher* 


Mr     A.    R. 

Keornoch 

Scotland,  History  of.     Vols.  i.  to  viii.  (with)  L.       Macdonald 
Index).     John  Hill  Burton  (1876)     .}       Skeabost 


Forbes, 


of 


380 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


NAMES    OF    BOOKS. 

Scotland's  Mark  on  America.    G.  F.  Black, 

Ph  D.  (1921)    .          . 
Scotland,  Place  Names  of.      J.  B.  Johnston 

(1892)      

Scots  Magazine,  The.     Vol.  xix.  (1767)     . 
Scottish   Geographical    Magazine.       From 

Jan.  1889  to  date     .         ... 
Scottish  Story,  The  Book  of.     (1884) 
Seafield,  In  Memoriam  of  Ian  Charles,  ) 

VIII.  Earl  of.     (1884).  .J 

Seanchaidh    Na    Traghad.        Iain     Mac 

Cormaig  .... 


Searmoiia  Eobhann. 
(2  copies) 


'MacDiarmid  (1804) 


Searrnoinean  Gaelig.     Arch.  Cook     . 
Sermons,  Gaelic  (M.S.)     H.  MacDiarmid. 

Volume  i.  (1772-1773)      . 

Sermons  in  Gaelic  (tr.)     Dr  Blair  (1812) . 

Sermons,  O'Gallagher's,  (Irish  Gaelic),  etc. 

Rev  Canon  U.  J.  Bourke  (tr.)  (1877) 

Session  Records,   Inverness.     A.  Mitchell 

(1902)      

Sgeulaiche,  An  (3  vols.)  .         . 
Sgeulaiche  nan  Gaol.     J.  MacFadyen 
Shaw,  Highland  Families  of.     A.  Mackin- 
tosh Shaw  (1877)      .... 
Skye    Crofters,    The     Past    and    Present) 
Condition  of.     L.  Macdonald  (1886).  / 
Skye,  Historv  and.  Traditions  of.    Cameron 

(1871)  "  

Smuggling  in   the  Highlands.     Ian  Mac-"l 

donald,  I  S.O ' 

Songs    of    the    Highlands,    Gaelic,    with 
English  translation  set  to  music,  with 
piano  accompaniment 
Songs  and  Poems,  Gaelic.     William  Ross. 

(Second  Edition)  (1834)    . 
Songs  and  Poems.     Robert  Mackay  (Rob 
Bonn)      (1829).     (Dr     Mackintosh's 
Edition)  (two  copies) 

Songs,   Spiritual.      Gaelic    and     English. 
D.  Grant  (1862)       .         .         .         . 


DONORS 

The  Author 

MrW.  A.  G.  b-.odie 
Mr  A.  Macbean 
The    Royal     Scottish 
Geographical  Society 
Mr  A.  Burgess,  Gairloch 
The     Dowager-Count- 
ess of  Seafield 
Mr    vEneas    Mackay, 

Stirling- 
Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
and  Mr  Colin  Mac- 
callum 
P.  J.  Anderson 

Rev.  A.  Macgregor 
Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 

Mr  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 

The  Editor 
Alex,  N.  Nicolson 
P.  J.  Anderson 

The  Author 
L.  Macdonald  of  Skea- 
bost 

Mr  John  Murdoch 
Mr    ./Eneas     Mackay, 
Stirling 

Messrs  Logan  &  Coy., 
Church  St.,  Inverness 

Maclachlan  &  Stewart 


Mr  J.  Craigie,  Dundee 
ditto 


Library 


NAMES   OF   BOOKS. 


St  Columba,  Life  of. 
St  James's  Magazine. 


Dr  Smith  (1798)    . 
(April  to  July,  1861) 


St  John,  The  Gospel  of  (Latin).     Hamil- 

tonian  System  (1824) 
Statistics,  Lands  of  Inverness,  Ross,  and 

Cromarty.     H.  C.  Eraser  (1871) 
Steuart's      Letter      Book      (1715-1752). 

William  Mackay,  LL.D.    . 
Story  and  Song  from  Loch  Ness-side.     A. 

Macdonald  '    . 

Stuart  Papers,  Correspondence.       Vol.   i. 

(1847)   .      .  .   •;'.  -    . 

Stuart,   Relics  of    the    Royal    House   of. 

Gibb  &  Skelton  (1890)      . 
Sushtal  Scruit  liorifh  yn  Noo  Mian  . 
Sutherland    Papers,    The.       Edited     by 

Donald  Macleod,  M.A.  (1888)    . 


DONORS. 

Mr  J,  Craigie,  Dundee 
MrWm.  Mackay, book- 
seller, Inverness 

Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 
The  Author 
The  Editor 

ditto 

Mr  A.  Burgess,  Gairloch 
Mr  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 

D.  W.  Kemp 


Tain,  The.     Mary  A.  Hutton  . 
Teachdaire,  "AnTeachdaire  Gaidhealach" 

(2     copies).      Dr    Norman    Macleod 

(1830)    •. 

Testament,  Greek 

Testament  Gaelic  (1800) 
Testament  Old  Irish    1685)  (Bedel). 

Testament,  Irish  (1828)  . 

Tradition   *  The     Testimony    of.       David 

Macritchie  (1890)     . 
Tour  through    Great    Britain,    Diary   of. 

Wm.  Macritchie  (1897)     . 
Tour   in   the    Highlands    (Dr    Johnson's 

Remarks  on).  Rev.'D.  Macnicol  (1852) 


The  Author 
|  Col.      Mackenzie 


of 


^>      Parkmount  and  Mr 

J.  Murdoch 
Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 
Mr  L.  Macbean 
Mr     Paul     Cameron, 

Blair-Atholl 
Dr      Cameron,    Wor- 
cester 

The  Author 
The  Editor 
Mr  John  Murdoch 


UiBt,  "  The  Uist  Collection.' 
Songs  (Gaelic).  Rev. 
donald  (1894)  . 


U 

Poems  and 
Arch.    Mac- 


The  Editor 


382 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


KAMBS    OF   BOOKS. 

Unconverted,  Call  to  the,  (Gaelic).  Bunyan 
Urnuigh  an   Tighearna.       Rev.   A.   Mac- 

Diarmid  ...... 

Urquhart    and    Glenmoriston.        William 

Mackay,  LL.D.  (1893)      . 

Do.       do.      (2nd  Edition,  1914) 


DONORS. 


Alex.  N.  Nicolson 

The  Author 
ditto 


Valuation  Roll  of  Counties  of  Inverness  and 

Ross  (2  volumes)  (1869-70,  1871-72)      Mr  Chas.  Fergusson 
Vocabulary,  English   and  Welsh.     Thos. 

Evans (1804)   


W 

Wales,  The  Proverbs  of.  T.  R.  Roberts 
(1885)  (2  volumes)  .... 

Wardlaw  MSS.,  Eraser  Chronicles.  Edited 
by  William  Mackay,  Esq.,  LL.D., 
Inverness  . 

Waverley,  Illustrations  from  (1865) 

West  Highlands,  Popular  Tales  of.  J.  F. 
Campbell  (3  volumes)  (1860-1862)  . 


Mr  J.  Mackay,  Hereford 


The  Editor 
Miss    Eraser, 
Berwick 


North 


Mr  Alex.  Mackenzie 


List  of  Books  bequeathed  to  the  Society  by  the  late 
John  Mackay.  Esq.,   C.E.,  Hereford. 

Abercrombie's  Achievements.     (2  vols.) 

Chalmer's  Caledonia.     (2  vols.) 

Molls's  Atlas  of  Scotland.     (1  vol.) 

Great  Historical  Families  of  Scotland.     Taylor  (2  vols.) 

History  of  the  Macdonalds.      Mackenzie  (1  vol.) 


Do. 
Do. 
Do 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 


Macleods. 

Chisholms. 

Camerons 

Mackenzies. 

Munros. 

Erasers. 

Mathesons. 


(1  vol.) 
(1  vol.) 
(1  vol.) 
('  vol.) 
(1  vol.) 
(1  vol.) 
(1  vol.) 


Library  383- 

Antiquarian  Notes.     Fraser-Mackintosh  (1  vol.) 

Letters  of  Two  Centuries.          „  (1  vol.) 

Minor  Septs  of  Clan  Chattan.   „  (1  vol.) 

Macdonalds  of  Isla.  „  (1  vol.) 

History  of  the  Macleans.     Maclean  (1  vol.) 

Clan  Macdonald.     Macdonald  (3  vols.) 

Clan  Gillean.     Maclean  Sinclair  (1  vol.) 

Garnet's  Tour  in  Scotland  (1  vol.) 

Origines  Parochiales  Scotise  (1  vol.) 

History  of  Ross.     Bain  (1  vol.) 

Red  Book  of  Menzies.     Menzies  (1  vol.) 

Brave  Sons  of  Skye.     Macinnes  (1  vol.) 

Loyal  Lochaber.     Drummond  Norie  (1  vol.) 

Literature  of  the  Cymru.     Stephens  (1  vol.) 

National  Eisteddfodd,  1883.     (1  vol.) 

In  the  Shadow  of  Cairngorm.     Forsyth  (1  vol.) 

Language,  Poetry,  and  Music  of  the  Highland  Clans.     Campbell 

(1  vol.) 

Authenticity  of  Ossian.     Graham  (1  vol.) 
Topography  of  Galloway.     Maxwell  (1  vol.) 
Names  of -Places.     Edmund  (1  vol.) 

Do.  Johnston  (1  vol.) 

Celtic  Researches.  Davies  (1  vol.) 
Celtic  Nations.  Pritchard  (1  vol.) 
Poems  of  Ossian.  Clark  (2  vols.) 
Gaelic  Antiquities.  Smith  (1  vol.) 
Gaelic  Proverbs.  Nicolson  (1  vol.) 
Sean  Dana.  Smith  (1  vol.) 

Place  Names  of  Strathbogie.     Macdonald  (1  vol.) 
Irish  Names  of  Places.     Joyce  (vols.  i.  and  ii.) 
Thoughts  on  the  Gael.     Grant  (1  vol.) 
Orkneyinga  Saga.     Anderson  (1  vol.) 
Cornish-English  Dictionary.     Williams  (1  vol.) 
English-Cornish  Dictionary.     Jago  (1  vol.) 
Manx  Dictionary.     Cregeen  (1  vol.) 
Highlands  of  Scotland,  1750.     Lang  (I  vol.) 
Rebellion  of  1745.     Chambers  (2  vols.^ 
Letters  from  the  Mountains.     Mrs  Grant  (2  vols.) 
Celtic  Gleanings.     Maclauchlan  (1  vol.) 
Moray  Floods.     Dick  Lauder  (1  vol  ) 
Tour  in  Scotland.     Pennant  (3  vols.) 

Do.  Knox  (1  vol.) 

Journey  in  Scotland.     Heron  (2  vols.) 
Tales  and  Legends  of  the  Highlands.     Mackenzie  (1  vol.) 


384 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


Clarsach  nam  Beann.     Maccoll  (1  vol.) 
Proverbs  of  Wales.     Roberts  (1  vol.) 
Last  Monarch  of  Tara.     Bourke  (1  vol.) 
Antiquities  of  Greece.     Potter  (1  vol.) 
Antiquities  of  Constantinople.     Ball  (1  vol.) 
Zenophon  De  Cyri  Institutions 


LIST  OF   PAMPHLETS,   fife.,   fife. 

IN    THE    SOCIETY'S   LIBRARY 


NAMES    OF   BOOKS. 

Abstinence  Defended.  Dr  F.  R.  Lees, 
F.S.A.,and  John  Fordyce,  M.A.  (1879) 

Abstract  of  Accounts,  Parochial  Board  of 
Boleskine  and  Abertarff  (1880) . 

Amadain  agus  Oinsichean.  Mr  D.  Macleod, 
M.D.  (1901) 

Answer,  Form  of  Libel  before  Presbytery 
of  Aberdeen.  Professor  Robertson 
Smith  (1878)  (several  copies)  . 

Apocalypse,  The,  Unveiled.  Mr  Wm.  Gow 
(1888)  .  

B 

Bodleian  Library,  Donations  to  the,  year 
ending  Nov.,  1873  .... 


DONORS. 


The  Author 


Caledona  Anthologie.  The  Eight  Cale- 
donian Dialects  (1862)  .  . 

Caraid  a'  Ghaidheil — Discourse  on  Life  of 
Rev.  N.  Macleod,  D.D.  (1863)  . 

Celtic  Language  and  Dialects.  An  English- 
man, B  D.  (1867)  .  .  .  . 

Celtic  Race,  Historical  Characteristics  of. 
Prof.  Geddes  (1885)  (several  copies)  . 

Celtic  Tongue,  Philological  uses  of.  Prof. 
W.  D.  Geddes  (1872-1874) 

Celtic  Trews.     D.  Macritchie   . 


Mr  John  Muivoch 


(/anon  Bourke 


Mr    D.    Maciver    and 
the  Author 


Library  385 

NAMES  OF  BOOKS.  DONORS. 

Church  of  Scotland  Assembly  Papers — 

(The  Poolewe  Case)  (1880)  .  Mr  W.  Mackenzie 

Clan  Chattan.  Notes  on  the  Names  of. 

John  Macpherson,  Esq.,  MD.  (1874).  The  Author 

Clan  Maclean,  Renaissance  of,  and  History 
of  Dubhaird  Caisteal.  J.  P.  Maclean, 
Cincinnati  .....  The  Author 

Climate  of  Oregon  and  Washington  Terri- 
tory, Letter  of  the  Chief  Signal 
Officer  on  the  (1889) 

Co-Operative  Farming  in  Ireland.  James 

Hayes,  Esq.,  C.E.  (1872)  .  .  Mr  John  Murdoch 

D 

Dain  Spioradail.     C.  MacNeacail      .         .     R.  Dey,  M.A. 
Dotair  Ban,  An.     Mr  D.  Macleod,  M.B.,  of 

Beverley  (1899)        ....     The  Author 
Duan  Gaidhilg  le  "  Ughdair  Tagraidh  nan 

Gaidheal "  (1859)     .... 
Dun-Aiiunn.        Iain      MacCormaic.       Fo 

Laimh  Chaluim  Mhic  Pharlain  .     R.  D«y,  M.A. 


Eaglais  Shoar,  An,  1843  (Poem)       .         .     R.  Dey,  M.A. 
Earail  do  dh'  Oigridh   na   Gaidhealtachd 
(Gaidhlig) 

P 

Flora    Macdonald    in    America.      J.    P. 

Maclean,  Cincinnatti         .         .         .     The  Author 

G 

Gaelic  Songs  (Old).     Mr  Colin  Chisholm, 

Inverness          .....     The  Collector 
Game  Laws,  The.  R.  G.  Tolmie,  Esq.  (1871)     Mr  W.  Mackay 

H 

Hebrew   Language,   Gaelic   Elements   of. 
J.  P.  Maclean,  Cincinnatti 

2ft 


386  Qatlic  Society  of  Inuerncss 

NAMES   Or   BOOKS.  DOWOM. 

Highland  Echo,  The.     March  10th,  1877, 

to  Feb.  2nd,  1878  (2  Sets)        .         .     Purchased 
Highland  Garb,  The.    J.  G.  Mackay  (1878) 
Highlander,     The.       August,     1881,     to 

January,  1882  (incomplete)       .         .     Purchased 
Historical   Characteristics   of    the    Celtic  ( 

race  (Sir  William   Geddes,  Aberdeen^  Lady  Geddes,  Aberdeen 

University)       .         .         .         .         \ 
Highlanders   The,   Home   Life  of  (1400- 

1746)      ...  . 


Inscriptiones  Latines  de  L'lrelande.   M.  H. 

Gaidoz  (1878) ... 
Irish    Language,    The.       Patrick     Lynch 

(1815)      .  .         .         .  '       .     R.  Dey,  M.A 

Islay,    Review   of    Eight    Days    in.     The 

Islay  Association      ....     Mr  John  Murdoch 


Kelto-Saxon.      J.  P.  Maclean,  Cincinnatti 

(1887) Mr  John  Murdoch 

Kentucky  Revival  and  its   Influence   on 

the  Maimi  Valley.     J.  P.  Maclean     .     The  Author 
Kilchonan      People     Vindicated.        Islay 

Association  (1867)    ....  ditto 


Language  of  Ireland,  Review  of.  M.  E. 

Murtagh  (1870)  .  .  .  Mr  John  Murdoch 

Leabhar  Cheist  Protastanach.  R.  P. 

Blakeney,  LL  D R.  Dey,  M.A. 

Lecture,  Highland  History.  Mr  W. 

Livingston  (1860)  ....  Mr  John  Murdoch 

Literary  and  Scientific  Societies,  Trans- 
actions of  the  Northern  Association 
of  (vol.  ii.,  parts  i.,  iii.,  iv.,  and  v.)  . 

Loohran,  An.     Rev.  J.  Forbes.         .         .     R.  Dey,  M.A. 


Library 
M 

NAME*   OF   BOOKS. 

MacLean,   Lachlan,   of  Arnabost.      J.   P. 

Maclean,  Cincinnatti 
MacLean,  M.S.  (Arnabost).    J.  P.  Maclean, 

Cincinnatti  (1716)    . 
MacLean,  The  Family  of.     J.  P.  Maclean, 

Cincinnatti       . 
Mac  Talla,  1896  to  1899  (incomplete)       . 


387 


DONORS. 

The  Author 
ditto 

ditto 

Mr  W.  Mackay,  Inver- 
ness 


Philological  Society,  Action  and  Time  in 

the  Irish  Verb.     Professor  Strachan .     The  Author 
Do.     Deponent  Verb  in  Irish.    Professor 

Strachan       ....  ditto 

Do.     History  of  Middle   Irish   Declen- 
sions.    Prof.  Strachan  .          .  ditto 
Do.     Sigmatic  Future  and  Subjunctive 

in  Irinh.     Professor  Strachan  ditto 

Do.     Substantive    Verb    in   Old    Irish 

Glosses.     Prof.  Strachan         .  ditto 

Phonetics  of  the  Gaelic  Language  and  a 
System  of  Phoi  ography.  Malcolm 
Macfarlane  .  .  R.  Dey,  M.A, 

Pioneer,    May    1875    to    May    1876    (in- 
complete)        ..... 
Primitive   Christianity  in  Scotland.     Mr 

W.  Livingston  (1859) 
Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries 
of  Scotland  (3  issues) 


Regalia,  The  Scottish,  Essay    . 

Religion  des  Gaulios.     H.  Gaidoz  (1879) . 

S 

Scoto-Celtic   Philology,    Some   Helps    in. 

Lord  Neaves,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.E.  (1872) 

Scots  Charitable  Society  of  Boston  (1878) 


Mr  John  Murdoch 


The  Author 
Mr  John  Mackay  (Ben 
Reay) 


388  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 

NAMES   OF   BOOKS.  DONORS. 

Searmoinaibh    leis     an     Urramach.      Or 

De6rach,  Glasco        ....     Maclachlan  &  Stewart 
Sermon,  by  C.  H.  Spurgeon  (Sept.  1883) . 
Do.      by   Edmund  Kell,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 

(1857)  

Do.       (Gaelic).     Dr  Candlish        .         .     R.  Dey,  M.A. 
Do.       (Highland  Clearances).     Rev.  E. 
J.  Findlater,  M.A.  (1855)       . 

T 
Trees,  Shrubs,  Plants,  (fee.,  Gaelic  Names 

of.     Mr  C.  Fergusson  (1878)     .         .     The  Author 

U 

Urquhart,  The  Glen  and  Royal  Castle  of. 

W.  Mackay,  Esq.,  LL.D.  (187S)         ,     The  Author 

V 

Vestigia  Celtica — Celtic  Footprints  in 
Philology  Ethics  and  Religion.  Rev. 
D.  Masson R.  Dey,  M,A. 

W 

Woicester    Diocesan,    Architectural    and  }  Dr    Cameron 
Archaelogical  Society         .         .         .  }      Worcester 


INDEX 


Annual  Assembly,  1919,  351. 

Art,    Celtic.        By   Dr   J.    J.    Gal- 

braith,  182. 

Assembly,  Annual,  1919,  351. 
Beaton,   The  Eev.   D.       Fast   Day 

and   Friday   Fellowship   Meeting 

Controversy     in     the     Synod    of 

Sutherland  and  Caithness  (1737- 

1738),  169. 
Campbell,  Hugh  F.    Donald  Mathe- 

son    and    other    Gaelic   Poets    of 

Kildonan  and  Reay,  134. 
Celtic  Art.   By  Dr  J.  J.  Galbraith, 

182. 

Celtic    Missionaries    on    the    Con- 
tinent of  Europe,  The.     No.  I. — 

S.    Oolumbanus.       By    the    Rev. 

Archibald  B.  Scott,  B.D.,  47. 
Clan  Wars  in  the  Old  Highlands. 

By  David  N.  Mackay,  67. 
Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  of  Panegyric 

in   Scotland.       By  Professor   W. 

J.  Watson,  LL.D.,  194. 
Coll  Place  Names.       By  the  Eev. 

Dugald   MacEchern,   B.D.,  314. 
Constitution  of  the  Gaelic  Society 

of  Inverness,  xiv. 
Contents,   Table   of,   Vol.    XXIX.. 

xxi. 
Deceased    Members    of    the    Gaelic 

Society    of   Inverness,    1918-1922, 

367. 
Diechkoff,     The     Rev.     Cyril     H., 

O.S.B.     Mythological    Beings    in 

Gaelic  Folklore,  235. 
Domhnull    nan     Oran,     am     Bard 

Sgitheanach.     By  John  N.  Mac- 
Leod, 119. 
Dunvegan   Family,   Further   Notes 

on  the.*    By  Fred.  T.  MacLeod, 

143. 


Fast  Day  and  Friday  Fellowship 
Meeting  Controversy  in  the 
Synod  of  Sutherland  and  Caith- 
ness (1737-1738).  By  the  Rev. 
D.  Beaton,  159. 

Fragments    of     Gaelic    Song    and 
Lilt.     By  Alex.   MacDonald,  94. 
Further    Notes    on    the    Dunvegan 
Family.*       By     Fred.     T.    Mac- 
Leod, 143. 

Gaelic  and  English  Words  for  Old 
Highland  Marches,  Strathspeys, 
and  Reels.*  By  Andrew  Mackin- 
tosh, 81. 

Gaelic       Folklore,       Mythological 
Beings   in.       By   the  Rev.    Cyril 
H.  Diechkoff,  O.S.B. ,  235. 
Gaelic       Poetry       of       Panegyric, 
Classic.       By    Professor     W.    J. 
Watson,  LL.D.,  194. 
Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness — 
Constitution  of,   xiv. 
Office-Bearers      of,      1915-1919, 

xviii. 
Libraries,  &c.,  Subscribing  to, 

367. 
List  of  Books  in  the  Society's 

Library,  369. 
Members  of,  1922,  355. 
Members    of,    Deceased,    1918- 

1922,  367. 

Gaelic  Song  and  Lilt,  Fragments 
of.  By  Alexander  MacDonald, 
94. 

Gaelic   Words    and   Phrases,    Some 

Rare.     By  Alex.  MacDonald,  30. 

Galbraith,   Dr  J.   J.       Celtic  Art, 

182. 

Highland  Second  Sight.  By  the 
Rev.  Dugald  MacEchern,  B.D., 
290. 


*  See  also  Volume  XXVIII. 


390 


Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness 


Introduction  to  Volume  XXIX.,  v. 
Library,    List    of    Books    in    the 

Society's,  369. 
Libraries,  &c.,  Subscribing  to  the 

Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  1922, 

367. 
Life  in  the  Highlands  in  the  Oldeu 

Times     as     illustrated     by     Old 

Writings.     By  William  Mackay, 

LL.D.,  1. 
List    of    Books    in    the     Society's 

Library,  369. 
MacDiarmid,  James.      Sgeulachdan 

bho  Shiorramachd   Pheairt,    19. 
MacDonald,    Alexander — 

Fragments    of   Gaelic   Song    and 
Lilt,  94. 

Some    Rare    Gaelic    Words    and 

Phrases,  30. 
MacEchern,     The     Rev.      Dugald, 

B.D.— 

Coll  Place  Names,  314. 
Highland  Second  Sight,  290. 
Mackintosh,    Andrew.     Gaelic    and 

English  Words  for  Old  Highland 

Marches,         Strathspeys,         and 

Reels,*  81. 
Mackay,  David  N.     Clan  Wars  in 

the  Old  Highlands,  67. 
Mackay,    J.     G.,     O.B.E.       Social 

Life   in    Skye   from   Legend    and 

Story- 
Part   I.,   260. 
Part  II.,  335. 
Mackay,    William,   LL.D.     Life   in 

the     Highlands     in     the     Olden 

Times    as     illustrated     by     Old 

Writings,   1. 
MacLeod,  Fred.  T.     Further  Notes 

on  the  Dunvegan  Family,*  143. 
MacLeod,  John  N.     Domhnull  nan 

Oran,  am  Bard  Sgitheanach,  119. 
Marches,    Strathspeys,    and    Reels, 

Gaelic    and    English    Words    for 

Old  Highland.*    By  Andrew  Mac- 
kintosh, 81. 
Matheson,  Donald,  and  other  Gaelic 

Poets    in    Kildonan     and    Reay. 

By  Hugh  F.  Campbell,  134. 
Members,      Deceased,      1918  -  1922, 

Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  367. 


Members,  Roll  of,  Gaelic  Society 
of  Inverness,  1922,  355. 

Missionaries,  Celtic,  on  the  Con- 
tinent of  Europe.  No.  I. — S. 
Columbanus.  By  the  Rev.  Archi- 
bald B.  Scott,  B.D.,  47. 

Mythological  Beings  in  Gaelic 
Folklore.  By  the  Rev.  Cyril  H. 
Diechkoff,  O.S.B.— 

I.  Beings      of     a     Benevolent 

Character — 

(1)  Nigheag,  236. 

(2)  Caoineag,  236. 

(3)  Gruagach,  236. 

(4)  Bruni,  238. 

II.  Beings    of    a    Malevolent 
Character — 

(a)  Water  Spirits — 

(1)  Glaistig,  241. 

(2)  Each-uisge,  243. 

(3)  Tarbh-uisge,  244. 

(b)  Spirits    of    the    Forest, 
249. 

(c)  Famhairean    and    Caill- 
eachan,  251. 

III.  The  Fairy  Problem,  254. 
Omce-Bearers  of  the  Gaelic  Society 

Society    of    Inverness,    1915-1919, 
xviii. 
Old  Highlands,  Clan  W^ars  in.    By 

David  N.  Mackay,  61. 
Olden    Times,    Life    in    the    High- 
lands in  the.     By  William  Mac- 
kay, LL.D.— 
Birth,  1. 
Death,  7. 
Fosterage,  3. 
Land,  The,  11. 
Marriage,  4. 
War,  16. 
Place  Names,  Coll.       By  the  Rev. 

Dugald  MacEchern,  B.D.,  314. 
Publications,  Societies  Exchanging, 
with  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inver- 
ness, 367. 

Roll  of  Members  of  the  Gaelic 
Society  of  Inverness,  November, 
1922,  355. 

S.  Columbanus.  By  the  Rev. 
Archibald  Scott,  B.D.,  47. 


See  also  Volume  XXVIII. 


Index 


Scott,     The     Rev.     Archibald     B., 
B.D.        The    Celtic    Missionaries 
on  the  Continent  of  Europe.     No. 
I. — S.    Columbamis,  47. 
Sgeulachdan      bho      Shiorramachd 
Pheairt.  By  James  MaeDiarmid — 
An     Gobhainn     Galda,     is     a' 
Mhaigheaeh,       Ceann  -  Loch- 
Eire,  20. 

Cuis  Bag-ail  Phara  Mhoir,  22. 
Domhnull  Ban  nan  Taibhse,  27. 
Murtadh    Cloiche    na    h-Innse, 

19. 
Na    h-Eich-Uisge    Donnadh    is 

Roladh,  26. 
Tighearna  Chomh-Ruith  is  na 

Sithichean,  24. 

Siorramachd  Pheairt,  Sg-eulachdan 
bho.     By  James  MacDiarmd,  19. 
Social   Life   in    Skye   from   Legend 
and   Story.       By  J.    G.   Mackay, 
O.B.E.— 
Part  I.,  260. 
Part  II.,  335. 

Societies  Exchanging  Publications 
with  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inver- 
ness, 1922,  367. 

Second  Sight,  Highland.  By  the 
Rev.  Dug-aid  MacEchern,  B.D., 
290. 


Skye,  Social  Life  in,  from  Legend 
and    Story.     By    J.    G.    Mackay, 
O.B.E.— 
Part  I.— 

Cairbhist,  276. 
Daoine  Glice  Loargail,  268. 
Fairies,  272. 

Hereditary  Jurisdiction,  266. 
Na  Buanna'chan,  264. 
Old  Highland  Sheep,  285. 
Place  Names  in  Story,  260. 
Social  Customs,  275. 
Superstition,   269. 
Tacksmen,  &c.,  278. 
Witchcraft,   270. 
Part  II.— 
An     t-Each     Ursainn     (The 

Heriot),  338. 
Fishing  Industry,  343. 
Traditions    of    the     Isle    of 

Raasay,  348. 

Some     Rare'    Gaelic     Words     and 
Phrases.       By     Alexander    Mac- 
Donald,  30. 
Table  of  Contents  of  Vol.  XXIX., 

xxi. 
Volume    XXIX.,    Introduction    to, 

v. 

Watson,  Professor » W.  J.,  LL.D. 
Classic  Gaelic  Poetry  of  Pane- 
gyric in  Scotland,  194. 


PB 
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