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TRANSACTIONS 



OP 



THE ASIATIC SOCIETY 



OF JAPAN. 



VOL. XIX. 



TOKYO : 



THE HAKUBUNSHA. 



1891. 



Prixted at t^e "• Hakvrcxsha»" No. u Shich<^me« Gin£.a» TokyO^ 



CONTENTS. 



Page. 
The Depth of the Pacific off the East Coast of Japan, with a 

Comparison of other Oceanic Depths. (With Map.) By 

George E. Belknap, Rear- Admiral, U.S.N i. 

Mental Characteristics of the Japanese. By Walter Dening .. 17. 
i^^^^otes on Land Tenure and Local Institutions in Old Japan. 

Edited from Posthumous Papers of Dr. D. B. Simmons. By 

John H. Wigmore 37 

The Music of the Japanese. By F. T. Piggott 271 

The Gekkin Musical Scales. By F. Du Bois, M.D 369 

Remarks On Japanese Musical Scales. By C. G. Knott, D.Sc, 

F.R.S.E 371 

The Mito Civil War. By E. W. Clement 393 

Abridged History of the Copper Coins of Japan. By L^on van 

de Polder 419 

Notes on the Eirakusen. By J. H. Wigmore 501 

Notes in Reply to Mr. E. H. Parker. By W. G. Aston, C.M.G. 505 

Japanese Funeral Rites. By Arthur Hyde Lay 507 

Hana-awase. By Major-General H. Spencer Palmer, R.E 545 

Notes on the Summer Climate of Karuizawa. By Cargill 

Q. Knott, D.Sc, F.R.S.E 565 

The Habits of the Blind in Japan. By J. M. Dixon, M.A., 

FJ.R.S.E -. 578 

A Comparison of the Japanese and Burmese Languages. By 

Percival Lowell 583 

Minutes of Meetings v 

Report of the Council xviii 

List of Members xxv. 

Constitution and By-Laws. 



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(vi) 

tion of civilisation. During these centuries Japan received practically 
no stimulus from without. As a consequence her poetry, for example, 
is really antiquated, and has not had the continuity of development 
from old through middle to modern which so characterises our English 
poetry. It is a fact of history that a nation left entirely to itself cannot 
develope to advantage ; and Mr. Nose's idea that Japan should strive to 
preserve her national characteristics and develope along her own lines 
seems to he a fair illustration of unpractical and speculative theorising. 
What philosopher ever formulated such a maxim to his race? What 
need indeed for such a formula? Except possibly as a conservative 
watch-word, it can have no real influence upon the development of a 
strong race in the midst of other equally strong races. In a certain 
sense nations like children do develope along their own lines ; but it is 
never as a resujt of predetermination so to do. Mr. Dening had made 
a great deal of the Japanese distaste for money-making pursuits ; but 
he seemed to the speaker to be somewhat too emphatic on the materialist- 
ic tendencies of the age. It was afler all a question of finding scope 
for individual energies ; and when a full commercial life became possible 
to the Japanese they would be as eager after wealth as any western 
peoples. England did not begin her commercial career till after the 
Wars of the Roses bad destroyed the last vestiges of feudalism ; and 
Japan is only a generation removed from her feudal times. 

Mr. Clement thought that the precocity and conceit of the Japanese 
student were largely due to over education and high pressure in the 
schools. For the same reason their logic was all in a narrow groove. 
There seemed to be too much of the purely intellectual in their training, 
leading to a cold intellectuality. 

Mr. Denino agreed with the last speaker as to the evil results of the 
Japanese educational system ; and pointed out that one of the defects 
of the best private school in TokyO was pushing the student at too early 
an age into the study of abstruse subjects. In reply to Dr. Knott's 
criticism that he had emphasised too strongly the Western desire after 
money-making he would point out that his paper did not deal with the 
Western character as a whole, but was intended to draw attention to 
the differences between the Western and Japanese habits of thought. 
And there is no doubt the average Japanese has less regard for money 
than the average European or American. They are not troubled over 
a loss of money as we are. Also they do not regard their debts in the 
same serious way as we do. Quite recently a prominent politician was 
highly lauded by many of the journals because, although he was owing 
money all round, he still refused to accept a Government post. 

Mr. LiscoMB wondered whether the difficulty frequently experienced 
by foreigners in getting information about places (for instance) from 
Japanese living in the vicinity was due to a lack of interest in things 
beyond the usual horizon of their thoughts. He once heard a story of 



(vii ) 

a Japanese, very worldly-wise in his own estimation, displaying the 
lack of this quality in a friend by suddenly asking him the price of rice. 
Yet when he (Mr. Liscomb) asked this worldly-wise gentleman some 
simple questions about Japanese banks, he got nothing but a shake of 
the head and an introduction to a banker. This tendency to fall into 
ruts of every day life, and to see nothing or little beyond, must be a 
hindrance to progress of every kind. 

Mr. Dbning thought that the Japanese do not really lack curiosity. 
They may not take an interest in things that we are more specially in- 
terested in ; but they certainly take a profound interest in their own 
affairs and in their own way. 

The President drew attention to what he had often noticed among 
his own servants. They knew the meanings of pictures and artistic 
designs, and the names of the painters and artists in a way that is very 

■ 

characteristic of Japan. With us the servant class as a whole is 
absolutely ignorant of like matters. 

Mr. Droppers, in reference to the question of the logical powers of 
Japanese students, gave as his experience in the teaching of political 
economy that they did not reason in the way that we would regard as 
direct. From our recognised standards the Japanese seem to argue 
round things and arrive at their conclusions in what is to us an in- 
direct manner. 

Rev. Clay McCaulay thought that as regards the radical mental 
phenomena on which character is based, the Japanese people were to be 
characterised by emotionalism rather than by intellectuality. They 
act more upon impulse than from reason. Intellectually they possess 
intensity of feeling rather than clearness of perception. They have 
closest affinity with the peoples of the South of Europe. 

The meeting th^n adjourned. 



Meeting of December xoth, 1890. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, Tokyo, on Wednesday, December 
xoth, i8go, at 4 p.m., N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, in the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting having been published in the Japan 
Mail were taken as read. 

The President, in opening the meeting, remarked that it was 
probably beyond the memory of a good many present that the late Dr. 
Syle had for many years been an officer in the Society. Those who 
had known him, however, knew with what devotion he served the 
Society in its .earlier da3rs in Japan, and what a constant interest he 
took in. its proceedings after he had left Japan. Quite lately he had 
offered his services to act as the Society's deputy in important gather- 
ings in England. He was the Society's first Secretary, and subsequent- 



( vMi) 

ly filled the offices of Vice-President and President. In 1877 he read 
a paper before the Society <*0n Primitive Music; especially that of 
Japan " (see Vol. V. of Society's Transactions). He died in London, 
October 4th« 1890, a very few weeks after the death of his wife. It 
must be with sincere regret that the Society chronicles the death of one 
of its founders. 

The President then called on Mr. Wigmore to read the joint 
paper by himself and the late Dr. Simmons entitled " Notes on Land 
Tenure and Local Institutions in Old Japan." 

The President, after thanking Professor Wigmore in the name of 
the Society for the great trouble he had taken in editing Dr. Simmons' 
full and valuable notes, and generally in preparing the paper, portions 
of which they had just heard read, said there was one point about these 
notes which made them less valuable than they might otherwise have 
been. He referred to the fact that Dr. Simmons had often omitted to 
give authority for his statements. Many of these had been gathered in 
conversation with his Japanese friends; and a doubt naturally arises 
in one's mind as to how far these are reliable. All that can be said is 
that many of the views expressed in Dr. Simmons' notes were enter- 
tained by the Japanese themselves. What was desiderated in these 
notes was a clear reference in every case to the source of information, 
whether documentary or oral. This, he understood, had not been done 
by Dr. Simmons. It was interesting to note how in some respects the 
same thing cropped up no matter where we went. Similar circum- 
stances gave rise to similar facts. For example it had been noted that 
those who conducted legal afEairs in these communities were not sup- 
posed to receive any fees. The same rule held in Rome; and in 
England a barrister's payment is in the eyes of the law an honorarium 
not a fee. Interesting as the extracts read had been, he was sure that 
members would find in the paper when published a collection of still 
more interesting facts and opinions. 

Dr. Ambrman said that, although he quite agreed with the remarks 
made by the President, he thought it well to point out that, however 
much Dr. Simmons had relied on his conversations with Japanese, he 
had not relied altogether on such. He had collected quite a library of 
books both printed and in manuscript. Some of these had been very 
difficult to obtain, being collections of traditions which had come down 
for centuries before being put down on paper. It was matter of deep 
regret that some of the more valuable of these had quite disappeared 
since Dr. Simmons' death, and could not be traced anjrwhere. 

Mr. Wigmore said that in the preface (which he had not read 
to the meeting), he had catalogued all the sources of information used 
by Dr. Simmons ; and that wherever it was possible he had obtained 
corroborative or contradictory evidence from trustworthy sources. In 
all sncfa matters there are two distinct sources of information, docu- 



mcntuy and oral. Where a written law exiits nothing more is to be 
done. But there are many ttaditions and custonw for which no written 
law exists ; for tbese information must be oral. From some old book 
a written law might be uneaithed and translated, which a short con- 
versation with an intelligent Japanese would prove to have fallen into 
disuse many years ago. In fact Information derived from written law 
was of Utile value, where information derived from unwritten custom 
was of supreme importance. In the paper he had indicated where 
documentary or oral would be best. 

Mr. Drofpbrs remarked that having come late he had possibly 
missed portions bearing more particularly upon land tenure, that is upon 
the relation of tenant and landlord in regard to rent, taiea, and so forth. 
The portions he had heard dealt rather with village customs than vritb 
land tenure. Accordingly he wished to know if Dr. Simmons had 
collected any information calculated to throw light on a very dark sub- 
ject indeed. 

Mr. WiOHoKB replied that as the subject was not one which 
Dr. Simmons had given close attention to, his notea bearing on it were 
naturally incomplete. In a part of the paper which had not been read, 
he had himself tried to draw some conclusions, guided in large measure 
by what is known to have occurred in Europe. The subject of land 
tenure in Japan is an exceedingly difficult one. The cnstoms and laws 
no doubt varied greatly from daimyate to daimyate. A very elaborate 
study of Che numerous records preserved all over the country would be 
the first step in attacking the problem. Perhaps fifty years hence, the 
Asiatic Society may be prepared to give the subject a lucid discussion. 

The meeting then adjourned. 



Meeting of January I4lh, iSgi. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji. Tokyo, on Wednesday, January 14th, 
i8gi, al 4 p.m.. Rev. Dr. Amerman, Vice-President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were taken as read. 

The election was announced of the following gentlemen as resident 
members of the Society;— Dr. J. Liinholm, L. van de Polder, Esq., W. 
B. Mason, Esq., C. Meriwether, Esq. 

The Chairman then called on Mr. Piggott to read his paper on "The 
Music of the Japanese." 

The Chairman thanked the author in the name of the Society fin 
his valuable and instructive paper. In the early years of tbe Society, 
Dr. Sy)e and a little later Dr. Veeder, had taken up some pmnts in 
connection with Japanese music ; and still earlier Dr. Muller had 
written in the yapati Mail on the sutgecl. Nothing, so far as he 
knew, had been done latelvi and Mr. Picreott'a eresent oaoer, which 



(X) 

seemed much more technical and complete than any of his prede- 
cessors, cannot fail to be an extremely valuable addition to the Soci- 
ety's Transactions. He would also convey the thanks of the meeting 
to Mr. Yamase for his kindness in illustrating the different tunings of 
the Koto. 

Mr. MiLNB said that the President, by his references to the work 
of Dr. Syle and Prof. Veeder, had given to the meeting the early 
history of what had been done by the Asiatic Society relating to the 
Music of Japan. However, one more reference might be made, and 
that was to the discussion which took place some 15 years ago or 
thereabouts, respecting some metallic objects which looked like coal 
scuttles. These, which had been dug up in some parts of the Empire, 
were too old to allow the supposition that they were really what they 
looked like. But what were they ? Were they ornaments for temples ? 
Were they helmets, or were they bells? The bell theory might be 
considered as having a distant relationship with the subject now under 
discussion. Bells were musical instruments, and they had been 
spoken of as such by the author of the valuable paper the meeting 
had just heard. Just as Japanese music was difficult to reproduce 
on European instruments, Mr. Piggott told as that the music of our 
own bells was difficult to reproduce. This Mr. Milne regarded as 
being possibly a fault in our bells arising from the difficulties in 
manufacture — it being an unusually difficult matter to cast a bell free 
from beats and with the desired note. Referring to the work of Dr. 
Syle and Prof. Veeder, Mr. Milne was of opinion that this had been 
too lightly touched upon. If he remembered rightly these gentlemen 
showed that the number of vibrations per second in any of the notes 
of the Japanese scale did not correspond with the number of vibrations 
per second in any of the notes in the European scale. What might 
this indicate? Possibly certain physiological differences between 
Eastern and Western organization. In the East and in the West 
the same emotions existed, but these were satisfied by different quan- 
tities. The Westerns for example satisfied these feelings of pleasure 
by combinations or the rhythmical succession of one set of notes, whilst 
the Easterns filled a similar gap with the combinations, &c., resulting 
from another set of notes. Another subject Mr. Milne said he would 
like to hear about, was the history of Japanese music. If you knew 
the history of a subject, the better were you able to understand it — 
music had to do with muses, now who were the muses of Japan ? — 
the Beethovens, Mozarts, and Handels for example ? Has Japanese 
music been developed along the same lines as European music or 
along different lines ? In all nations we first had the recitative, then 
let us say the tom-tom^ so that primitive music possibly began with 
one note. After that came instruments of a higher organization, with 
2 or 3 notes, and now we had our pianos with 12 notes. Had Japanese 



(xi) 

music had an evolution along similar lines, and if it had, to what stage 
had it reached ? Possibly it had been evolved in a manner totally 
different. Certainly as it stood, so far as Europeans were concerned , 
its functions were not the same. Europeans certainly derived pleasure 
from European music, but as the author of the learned paper had 
hinted, it could not be said that when the lights were out and the shoji 
drawn Europeans derived pleasure from the twanging of the samisen. 
Japanese liked Japanese music, and Europeans liked European music, 
so whether the reason was a matter of education or physiological 
difference it was hard to say. 

In reply to Mr. Milne, Mr. Pigoott mentioned, as among the great 
composers of Japan, Yatsuhashi and his pupils. After the first few 
generations, however, the names were lost. The music that is played 
'at the present day is about 200 years old. 

In reply to a question put by Dr. Du Bois, as to the character of 
the Gekkin scale, Mr. Piggott said that the Gekkin was Chinese, and 
used fret notes depending on pressure, so that it was impossible to find 
any definite scale on it. 

Captain Brinklby asked why, if Japanese and Western music could 
be represented on the same scale, it was so difficult for Europeans to 
remember Japanese tunes. 

Mr. Piggott said that was due to the prevalence of awkward inter- 
vals, to which the Western ear was not accustomed. Some of these 
intervals were indeed very extraordinary. Nevertheless, when one's 
attention was given specially to it, it was possible to remember Japan- 
ese tunes. He had himself been able to remember six tunes in one 
year. As Dr. Du Bois suggested, it was possible to play any Japanese 
tune on the piano. 

Dr. Divers expressed his sense of the importance of the contribution 
which Mr. Piggott had made to the Society upon Japanese music. By 
its fulness of treatment from ^le artistic aspect of the subject it seemed 
to afford opportunity of studying the peculiarities and possibilities of 
Japanese music to an extent not hitherto within the reach of most 
persons. They were therefore greatly indebted to the author for his 
paper. He would have seen by the comments already made that he 
was not to expect general acquiescence in the soundness of all his 
views, but no doubt that would not disappoint so earnest a student 
of the subject provided that he saw his work become, as it probably 
would, the basis of further investigations by others along the same 
lines. Dr. Divers himself could not admit with the author that to 
the adoption of the system of equal temperament in instrumental music 
was due the recognition of the nature of the emotional effects of dif- 
ferent music. The emotional effect was due to the nature of successive 
musical intervals in a piece, not upon the pitch of the notes. Equal 
temperament was an unnatural deviation firom the natural scale, valu- 



(xii ) 

able only, though most highly so, because of the possibilities it gave 
to such a simple instrument as the piano of reproducing such elaborate 
harmonised effects. Now the author, adopting the equal temperament 
scale as the standard Western scale, and then submitting the Japanese 
scale to a similar smoothing down or equalising process, could hardly 
have failed in making the two scales fit in or overlap as it were. But 
this, it seemed to the speaker, was setting aside the peculiarities dis- 
tinguishing the systems rather than accounting for them. There yet 
remained, however, much in this part of his treatment of the subject 
that made the author's investigations very interesting and important. 
There was one other part of the paper Dr. Divers would be glad to 
be allowed to notice, in the hope of having it made clearer, which 
was that upon the fall of the accent in the bar of Chinese drum music. 
Mr. Piggott had stated the last note of the bar was the accented note. 
How could this be ? Was not music measured by the recurrence of 
the accented notes and these notes conventionally made the first of 
the bars ? A reporter of any music whatever which was capable of 
being taken down would always make the accented notes begin the 
bars, and therefore would treat Chinese drum music in the same way. 
Would, therefore, the author kindly explain how he had formed the 
opinion that the accented notes were last in the bars ? 

In reply to Dr. Divers' questions, Mr. Piggott said that he laid so 
much stress on the equal temperament scale simply because it was 
the scale on which modern music was based. Practically there was 
no such thing as the diatonic or the Pythagorean scale. As to the 
accent in Chinese musid falling on the last note of the bar, it was 
certainly so, the preceding notes leading up to the accented note which 
ended the bar. 

The Chairman, before declaring the meeting adjourned, drew the 
attention of members to the fact that there were now in Japan complete 
sets of movable music type, with which it was possible to get very good 
printing done. 



Meeting of February nth, 1891. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, Tokyo, on Wednesday, February 
nth, i8gi, at 4 p.m., N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were taken as read. 

Mr. Clement read a paper on the ** Mito Civil War." 

After some discussion, the President conveyed the thanks of the 
Society to the author for his interesting paper. 

The meeting then adjourned. 



( xiii ) 

Meeting of March nth, 1891. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society^s Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO, on Wednesday March nth, 
1891, N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The election of G. J. H. Schurr, Esq., as a member of the Society 
was announced. 

The President intimated that, in consequence of the sudden and 
lamented death of the Honourable J. F. Swift, United States Minister to 
Japan, the Society would show its respect for his memory by ad- 
journing the present meeting till Tuesday, March 17th, at 4 p.m. 

The meeting then adjourned. 



Meeting of March 17th, 1891. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO, on Tuesday, March 17th, 1891, 
at 4 p.m.. Rev. Dr. Amerman, Vice-President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The Chairman then introduced Mr. van de Polder who read a paper 
entitled "An Abridged History of the Copper Coins of Japan." 

The Secretary read a supplementary communication from Mr. 
Wigmore, who was unfortunately prevented from attending the meet- 
ing. 

The Chairman said they must bear in mind that Mr. van de Polder 
had not only condensed the work of eight or ten years' investigation 
of this subject, but he had also, his paper being long and somewhat 
technical, taken on himself the further labour of preparing an abstract , 
of it, to which they had just had the pleasure of listening. For that, 
and for his kindness in bringing his large collection of copper coins, 
the society was much indebted to him, and the Chairman had much 
pleasure in extending to him the thanks of the members. 

Dr. Knox remarked that in the earlier part of the paper Mr. van de 
Polder repeatedly spoke of the tribute brought to Japan from Korea, 
which included Chinese silver and gold coins. Were any of these still 
in existence ? 

Mr. van de Polder said he had spoken simply of silver and gold — 
not in the form of coins. The first coins made in Japan were of silver 
and gold brought from China. 

Dr. Knox had been interested by the thought that light might be 
thrown on the history of that time in Japan, if coins then brought 
were still in existence. There were many things that people were 
inclined to doubt, the invasion of Korea and indeed most of the occur- 
rences alleged to have taken place before the 4th century. But of 
course silver and gold, other than coins, would leave no trace behind. 



( wv ) 

Mr. VAN DE Polder said it was stated that the Empress Jing5 KOgO 
brought back from Korea a coin shaped like a bird, but of that he had 
found no sign. There was a person in Osaka who had a specimen of 
the first silver coin struck in Japan. 

The Chairman noticed that Mr. van de Polder had several coins in 
his collection to which were attached images of Daikoku-fukujin and 
Ehisuko ; were these rare ? 

Mr. VAN DB Polder said they were rare. They were called Miya- 
settf and were Sendai coins. When they were first struck some were 
made specially as offerings to temples, and hence the gods, and the 
name Miya-sen. 

Mr. Dixon said that would furnish the answer to a question that was 
asked in Notes and Queries in December last, whether there were coins 
struck in Japan bearing the guardian angel of Japan. 

The meeting shortly afterwards dispersed. 



Meeting of March i8th, 1891. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Public Hall, Yokohama, on March i8th, i8gi, at g p.m., N. J. Hannen, 
Esq., President, in the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were taken as read. 

The President introduced Captain Taylor, U. S. N., who gave a 
lecture on "The Nicaraguan Canal in relation to the Commerce of 
Japan." 

A vote of thanks to the lecturer terminated the meeting. 



Meeting of April 8th, i8gi. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO, on Wednesday, April 8th, i8gi, 
at 4 p.m., the Rev. Dr. Amerman, Vice-President in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were tak^ as read. 

The election of the Rev. G. L. Perrin as an ordinary member was 
announced. 

Mr. A. H. Lay's paper on '*The Funeral Rites of Japan " was read 
by the Recording Secretary. 

The Chairman said he was sure the meeting would accord its thanks 
to Mr. Lay for his interesting paper, and to the Recording Secretary 
for reading it. 

Mr. Clement said in regard to the abolition of the custom of junshi, 
he believed that Mitsukuni, the second Tokugawa Prince of Mito, might 
claim the honour of being one of the earliest, if not himself the earliest, 
to discontinue the practice. At the time of his father's death Mitsukuni, 
anticipating that the practice would be followed, gave strict orders 



( XV) 

against it. It was also singular that the Mito Princes and people, 
though they had very little sympathy with Buddhism, retained the 
Buddhist ceremony of burial. There was another custom — he did not 
know whether it was peculiar to Mito — that of burials taking place at 
night, which was said to have been ordered by Nariaki, the leader of 
the yoi party in the present century, the intention being that funerals 
should be conducted with as little pomp and expense as possible. 

In reply to the Chairman, 

Mr. Clement said he could give no reason why the Buddhist funeral 
ceremony had been retained in Mito. 

Mr. Dixon pointed out that the custom of burying the dead at night 
had a parallel in former times in the interment of famous men in 
England. Addison, for instance, was buried in Westminster Abbey at 
night. 

Mr. Clement said he had somewhere heard a remark about the 
Japanese being Shintoist in life and Buddhist in death. 

Dr. Du Bois then read a short paper descriptive of the Gekkin, and 
its musical scales. 

Dr. Knott followed with a longer paper on "Japanese Musical 
Scales." 

At the close votes of thanks were accorded to Dr. Du Bois and Dr. 
Knott for their interesting papers, and the meeting adjourned. 



Meeting of May 13th, i8gi. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO, on Wednesday, May 13th, 
iSqt, at 4 p.m., the Rev. Dr. Amerman, Vice-President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were taken as read. 

The Recording Secretary announced that at the next general meeting 
there would be presented for consideration and final action a Revision 
of the Society's Constitution and By-Laws. Proof copies of the 
proposed Revision were at the disposal of the members and would be 
supplied on application to the Recording Secretary. 

Major-General Palmer read a paper on '* Hana-awase, a Japanese 
Game of Cards." 

In the discussion that followed, Messrs. Clay MacCaulay, Knott, and 
Wigmore took part. 

The Chairman conveyed the thanks of the meeting to General Palmer 
for his interesting paper and declared the meeting adjourned. 



Meeting of June loth, 1891. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Society's Rooms, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO, on Wednesday, June loth, 
1891, at 4 p.m., N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, in the chair. 



( xvi ) 

The Corresponding Secretary announced the election as ordinary 
members of J. F. Lowder, Esq., Rev. G. T. Smith, and Rev. J. McKim. 

A short note by Mr. Aston, in reply to certain criticisms of Mr. Parker, 
was read by the Corresponding Secretary. 

A paper on »* The Habits of the Blind in Japan " was read by J. M. 
Dixon, Esq. 

Mr. Chamberlain pointed out an omission in the paper, which had 
neglected to mention the fact that the practice of usury was common 
among blind men, and brought them considerable unpopularity from the 
strict way in which they treated their debtors. 

The President in the name of the Society thanked the author for 
his interesting paper. 

Dr. C. G. Knott then read a paper *• On the Summer Climate of 
Karuizawa. 

The President after conveying the thanks of the Society to the 
author for his instructive paper, remarked by way of criticism of the 
Karuizawa climate that the great range of daily temperature at Karui- 
zawa seemed to him likely to be trying on the health. Dr. Knott 
explained, however, that the rise and fall were not sudden or arbitrary, 
but marked the difference between cool nights and warm days, the 
nights being specially cool. Mr. Wigmore expressed surprise that 
one month's observations only had been placed before them ; could 
these results be looked upon as thoroughly representative ? Dr. Knott 
replied that, considering the nature of the results and the normal wea- 
ther experienced, he was inclined to be satisfied with their essential 
trustworthiness. Mr. Lowell expressed a wish that the 2 a.m. readings 
had been taken, as, in certain tropical countries he had visited, the night 
colds were simply excessive, and a peculiar danger to health. Dr. Knott 
however, pointed out that the minimum readings were taken regularly, 
and seldom registered more than 1° C below the observation at 6 a.m. 

The Rev. Clay MacCauley pointed out that the mean temperature 
during the month was a very unsafe guide in judging of the climate 
of a place. He thought the most important features of a good climate 
were an equable temperature with small daily range and a dry atmos- 
phere. It hardly seemed that Karuizawa fulfilled the conditions. Along 
the west coast the rainfall was very much less according to the statistics 
just given ; could not a pleasanter summer resort be found there ? 

Dr. Knott replied that in drawing general conclusions regarding the 
climate of a place we must pay attention to all the means and ranges 
and not merely to the temperature means. A comparatively small 
rainfall was, however, no advantage if the moisture were present all the 
same in the form of great humidity. Fushiki with its small rainfall and 
high humidity was not the place for a foreigner to go to who was 
seeking fresh air. 

The Revision of the Constitution of the Society, as announced at the 



( xvii ) 

last meeting was laid before the meeting. On the motion of Mr. 
Tison, seconded by Dr. Amerman, the Twenty-four Articles of the 
Constitution as printed in proof copy were adopted unanimously. 
The meeting then adjourned. 

Annual Meeting. 



The Annual General Meeting of members of the Asiatic Society of 
Japan was held on Wednesday, 23rd. Juns, i8gi, yesterday in the 
rooms of the Society in Tsukiji, TokyO. Rev. Dr. Amerman presided, 
and there was a large attendance. 

The minutes of the last meeting, having been already published, 
*were confirmed. 

A paper was then read by Mr. Percival Lowell, entitled ** A Compari- 
son of the Japanese and Burmese Languages." 

The Chairman thanked Mr Lowell for his interesting paper, and 
invited discussion. 

Mr. J. M. Dixon expressed the great delight with which he had 
listened to the paper, which he said was full of electricity. It was 
extremely pleasant to have heard Mr. Lowell merely as a mental 
gymnastic. Not being a student either of Japanese or of Burmese he 
could not speak *as to the value of Mr. Lowell's conclusions, but in any 
case they were extremely suggestive. 

Rev. G. T. Smith asked whether Mr. Lowell could make any com- 
parison as to mathematics : how far could the Burmese count ? 

Mr. Lowell could not answer that question. The Burmese derived 
their numerals from the Palu. Their numerals, so far as he could see, 
presented no resemblance to the* Chinese or Japanese. But such 
languages could not be taken in the same way as we would our own 
languages. 

The Chairman had expected that a paper upon such a subject would 
have given rise to a most animated discussion, and in that respect he 
had been disagreeably disappointed. However, he was sure all had 
shared in high enjoyment of Mr. Lowell's paper, and if criticism were 
not passed that must no doubt be referred to the general pleasure the 
paper had given. He thanked Mr. Lowell in the name of the society. 

Mr. Lowell was sorry that Mr. Dixon had spoken of electricity 
because that meant shocks, and that was just what he did not want to 
give. He had cut out the best parts, just that he might not do so. 

Mr. Dixon suggested that shocks might be of a pleasurable nature. 

Mr. Lowell and the Chairman having invited further discussion, 

Mr. Droppers said Mr. Lowell seemed to approach the subject of 
language from a living, human nature point of view. His paper was a 
very living presentation of the subject, but the question was : Conld not 



( xviii ) 

the same thing be done with almost any two languages, for human 
nature was necessarily very much alike all over the world ? 

Mr. Lowell said the question might be answered logically — thus if 
it could be done with all languages he was not wrong in doing it with 
two ; and next, if it could not be done with all languages and he was 
wrong in doing it, then he was right. — (Laughter.) It was the com- 
bination of all the coincidences that made the thing impressive. It was 
not a question of verbs, or of adjectives, or of pronouns, or of numerals, 
or any one of these things separately, but of all them occurring con- 
comitantly. Take our own languages, and see how many of them could 
be compared on these lines of thoughts. He was of opinion that 
Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Burmese were all of the same family, 
though that was not proved yet. 

Mr. Agassiz, as a visitor, availed himself of the Chairman's invitation, 
to say that Mr. Lowell's comparison would hold good with any nations 
in which there was a similarity of original methods of thought, for there 
were only a few ways in which men could think. 

Mr. Lowell contended that the comparison could not be made 
verbally, and for it one must go back to the forms of thought. 

Rev. G. T. Smith asked whether in Burmese there was not a word she^ 
used as the Japanese used suru, 

Mr. Lowell thought there was such a word, but did not know 
whether it was so used or not, but pointed out that Burmese had not 
yet reached the agglutinative stage. 

Dr. DivBRS asked whether Mr. Lowell meant that the two languages 
had a common origin, or that in the course of time languages that had 
a common origin lost their common words but in the most marvellous 
way preserved their common thoughts. 

Mr. LowBLL meant that they were of the same family. 

Dr. Divers thought Mr. Lowell's paper suggested rather a common 
racial origin because their language showed a common primitive order 
of thought. 

Rev. Clay McCaulby instanced the case of tribes of North American 
Indians to show that people closely allied might evolve different 
languages. 

Dr. Florenz expressed the opinion that the Burmese and Japanese 
languages were entirely different, and cited various points to prove his 
contention. 

The meeting then proceeded to general business. 

Mr. Chamberlain read the following Report : — 

report op the council for the session 

OCTOBER, l8gO — JUNE, i8gi. 

The session now brought to a close has been a highly productive one. 
Two Parts of the volume of *' Transactions " for the current year 



( 5C« ) 

(Vol. XIX.) have already been published, and a third is in the printer's 
hands. 

Ten General Meetings of the Society have been held in TokyO, 
at which thirteen papers have been read, and two in Yokohama, at one 
of which a paper was read, while at the other a popular lecture was 
delivered. A glance at Appendix A will suffice to show how great is 
the variety of subjects that have been treated. The Society has further- 
more endeavoured to enlist in the cause of Japanese studies even those 
who do not belong to its ranks, by issuing in pamphlet form a series of 
Questions on the subject of Japanese Land Tenure. Copies of this 
pamphlet, both in English and Japanese, have been distributed 
throughout the country to missionaries, school teachers, and others 
whose opportunities may enable them to give assistance in a matter of 
such interest to the student of early Japanese law and customs. 

The list of Exchanges (Appendix B) gives the titles of the periodical 
publications of other learned societies which are at the disposal of the 
members in the Reading-room, No. 17, Tsukiji, TokyO. 

The Treasurer's statement (Appendix C) bears witness to the satisfac- 
tory condition of the Society from a financial point of view. This it is 
that has permitted of the setting apart of a suni of $300 for the 
purchase of sundry valuable books on Japan, and for the purpose of 
enabling Professor J. H. Wigmore to carry out the plan of translating 
and editing several volumes relating to civil and commercial customs 
and to judicial matters under the Tokugawa Shogunate. 

The Society has sustained the loss of one of its founders and most 
valued Honorary Members, the Rev. Dr. E. W. Syle, who passed away 
at an advanced age, respected and regretted by all. The general 
membership of the Society has slightly increased, bearing witness to 
the sustained interest felt in the Society's labours both here and beyond 
seas. 

The Council are pleased to be able to announce that they have con- 
cleded an arrangement whereby the library has been placed in No. 17, 
Tsukiji, and a reading room for members opened in connection with it. 



Appendix A, 

LIST OP PAPERS READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY 
DURING THE SESSION iSgO-lSgi. 

'• The Depth of the Pacific off the East Coast of Japan, with a 
Comparison of other Oceanic Depths," by Rear- Admiral G. E. Bel- 
knap, U. S. N. 

*' Mental Characteristics of the Japanese," by Walter Dening, Esq. 

'* Notes on Land Tenure and Local Institutions in Old Japan,'* by the 
late Dr. D. B. Simmons and Prof. J. H. Wigmore. 



{XX) 



(t 



The Music of the Japanese " by F. T. Piggott, Esq. 

" The Gekkin Musical Scale," by Dr. F. Du Bois ; *• Remarks on 
Japanese Musical Scale," by Dr. C. G. Knott. 

•• The Mito Civil War " by E. W. Clement, Esq. 

"Abridged History of the Copper Coins of Japan" by Leon van 
de Polder, Esq. 

"The Funeral Rites of Japan," by A. H. Lay, Esq. 

** Hana-awastf a Japanese game of Cards," by Major-General 
H. S. Palmer, R. E. 

" Reply to Dr. Parker," by W. G. Aston, Esq., C. M. G. 

"The Habits of the Blind in Japan," by J. M. Dixon, Esq. 

"The Summer Climate of Karuizawa," by Dr. C. G. Knott. 

"A Comparison of the Japanese and Burmese Languages," by 
Percival Lowell, Esq. 

A Lecture on " The Nicaraguan Canal in relation to the Commerce 
of Japan" was delivered by Captain Taylor U. S. N. 



I) 

»» 
»» 



Appendix B. 

List of Exchanges. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia ; Proceedings. 

„ ,, Sciences of Finland (Acta Societatis Scientiarum Finnicae). 

Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India ; Journal. 
American Association for the Advancement of Science. 

Geographical Society, New York ; Bulletin and Journal. 

Oriental Society, New Haven ; Journal. 

Philological Association, Boston ; Transactions and Journal. 

Philosophical Society, Philadelphia ; Proceedings. 
Annalen des K. K. Natur Hist. Hofmuseum, Wien. 
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 
Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien; Mittheilungen. 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ; Journal and Proceedings. 
Australian Association for the Advancement of Science. 

n Museum, Sydney. 
Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Notulen. Tidjschrift. Verhandlungen. 
Boston Society of Natural History ; Proceedings. 
Bureau of Ethnology, Annual Reports, Washington. 

„ „ Education, Circulars of Information, Washington. 
California Academy of Sciences. 

„ State Mining Bureau ; Report. 
China Review ; Hongkong. 
Chinese Recorder ; Shanghai. 

Cochinchine Francaise, Excursions et Reconnaisances, Saigon. 
Cosmos ; di ;Guido Cora, Turin. 



1) 



( x« ) 

Canadian Institute, Toronto ; Proceedings and Reports. 

Deutschen Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde, Ostasiens, TokyO : 

Mittheilungen. 
Geological Survey of India ; Records. 
Geographical and Natural History Survey of Canada. 
Handels Museum, Wien. 
Harvard University, Museum of Comparative Zoology; Bulletin, 

Papers etc. 
Imperial Observatory,' Rio Janeiro. 

Russian Geographical Society ; Bulletin and Reports. 
Society of the Friends of Natural Science (Moscow), Section 
of Anthropology and Ethnography ; Transactions. 
Imperial University of Japan, College of Science; Journal. 
Japan Weekly Mail, Yokohoma. 
Johns Hopkins University Publications, Baltimore. 
Journal Asiatique, Paris. 
Kaiserliche Leopoldinische Carolinische Deutsche Akademie der Natur- 

forscher; Verhandlungen, Nova Acta. 
Mus6e Guimet, Lyons, Annales et R^vue, etc. 
Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fiir den Orient. 
Observatorio Astronomico Nacional de Tacubaya, Anuario Mexico. 

„ Meteorologique, Monte Video. 

Ornithologischer Verein in Wein, Mittheilungen. 
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain ; Journal, etc. 

, Bombay Branch ; Journal. 
, Ceylon Branch ; Journal and Proceedings. 
, China Branch ; Journal. 
, Straits Branch ; Journal. 
Dublin Society, Scientific Transactions. 
Geographical Society ; Proceedings. 

New South Wales Branch. 
Society, London ; Proceedings. 

of Edinburgh ; Proceedings. 



>i fi It 

fi )i >i 

>1 M »t 

»» »f »l 

tl 

»» 

ft »t *> 

*i 

>» II 

„ „ New South Wales. 

„ „ of Tasmania. 

If If 



of Queensland. 
Seismological Society of Japan ; Transactions. 
Smithsonian Institute, Washington D.C. ; Reports, etc. 
Sociedad Geografica de Madrid; Boletin. 

„ de Geographia de Lisboa, Boletin, Lisbon. 
Soci^te Acad^mique Indo-Chinoise, Saigon. 

de Geographic ; Bulletin et Compte Rendu des Stances, Paris, 
des Etudes Japonaises, Chinoises, etc., Saigon. 
„ d'Anthropologie de Paris ; Bulletins et M^moires. 
„ d'Ethnographie, Bulletin, Paris. 



If 
ff 



( xxii ) 

Soci6t^ Neuchateloise de G^ographie, Bulletin, Neuchatel. 

Sydney, Council of Education, Report. 

University of Toronto. 

United States Geological Survey. 

„ ,, Department of Agriculture. 

Vereins fiir Erdkunde, Leipzig: Mittheilungen. 
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig. 



Appendix C. 

Accounts for the Year ending May 31ST, 1891. 

Dr. 

To Hakubunsha for Printing 420.24 

„ „ Stationery 45*i3 

Postage 21.07 

Insurance of Library and Transactions 32.50 

Illustrations &c. for Transactions 16.68 

Carriage of Books '. .. .. 11.00 

Yokohama Public Hall 20.00 

Advertisements . . ' 6.00 

Japan Directory 2.00 

Error in Last Year's Account 10.00 



584.62 
Balance 1825.06^ 

2409.68^ 

Cr. 

By Balance from Last Year 1114.43^ 

Entrance Fees 75-oo 

Life Subscriptions 128.00 

Yearly Subscriptions 743«oo 

Sale of Transactions 327.ro 

Interest at Bank 22.15 



Examined and found correct, 



2409.68^ 
J. N. Seymour, Treasurer. 



. ' ^. r Auditors. 

A. Tison. ) 



June 2ist, 189T. 

The Chairman explained, in justice to the Treasurer and the Bank 
as well, that the error referred to in the accounts arose from no laxity 



( xxiii ) 

of theirs, but that one of the members paid into the Bank twice as 
much as he ought to have paid, and they had to pay him back. 

The report and accounts were unanimously adopted. 

The election of Officers and Councillors for the ensuing year resulted 
as follows : — 



President — B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 

Vice-Presidents — Rev. Dr. G. W. Knox. James Troup, Esq. 

Corresponding Secretary — J. M. Dixon, Esq. 

Recording Secretaries — A. Tisoa, Esq. J. K. Goodrich, Esq. 

Treasurer — J. N. Seymour, Esq. 

Librarian — J. McD. Gardiner, Esq. 



Councillors : 



Rev. Dr. J. L. Amerman. 
Dr. E. Divers. 
Rev. Dr. D. C. Greene. 
Rev. Clay MacCauley. 
Rev. Dr. D. Macdonald. 



Rev. T. M. MacNair. 
W. B. Mason, Esq. 
R. Masujima, Esq. 
Dr. H. Weipert. 
J. H. Wigmore, Esq. 



The Chairman said they had all hoped to have the pleasure of the 
presence of Judge Hannen, but he had written saying it was impossible 
for him to be present, and asking the Chairman to thank the meinbers 
for electing him as President, and to express the sorrow he felt in 
severing his active connection with them, and also the interest he 
should always take in their prosperity. — (Applause.) In conclusion, 
Dr. Amerman expressed the deep regret with which the members viewed 
the loss of Judge Hannen and Dr. Knott, and their high estimate of 
the most valuable services rendered to the society by those gentlemen. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Honorary Members. 

Alcock, Sir Rutherford, k.c.b., Athenaeum Club, London. 

Arnold, Sir Edwin, c.s.i.n., London. 

Arthur, W. Rear-Admiral, c/o Messrs. Hallett & Co., Trafalgar Square, 

London. 
Aston, W. G., C.M.G., Woodland, Seaton, Devon. 
Day, Prof. Geo. E., Yale College, New Haven. Conn., U. S. A. 
Edkins, Rev. Joseph, d.d., Shanghai. 
Franks, A. W., c/o Kegan Paul Trench Trubner & Co., Ludgate Hill, 

London, e.g., England. 
Nordenskjold, Baron A., Stockholm. 
Rein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am-Rhein, Germany. 
Satow, Ernest M., c.m.g., Montevideo. 
Wade, Sir Thomas F., k.c.b., Athenaeum Club, London. 
Whitney, Prof. W. D., New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 



Life Members. 

Anderson, f.r.c.s., W., 2 Harley Street, Cavendish Square, London W. 

Atkinson, b.sc, R. W., Cardiff, Wales. 

Bisset, F.L.9., J., 78, Yokohama. 

Blanchet, Rev. C. T., Bolton, Lake George, New York. 

Brauns, Prof. Dr. D., Halle University, Germany. 

Brown, Captain A. R., Central Chambers, 109 Hope Street, Glasgow, 

Scotland. 
Carson, T. G., Bannfield, Coleraine, Ireland. 
Clarke-Thornhill, T. B., Ruston Hall, Kettering, Northamptonshire, 

England. 
Cooper, LL.D., C. J., Hampton Lodge, Stourton near Stour Bridge, 

Staffordshire, England. 
Deas, F. W., 12 Magdala Place, Edinburgh. 

Dillon, E., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, London, S. W. 
Dixon, M. A.. Rev. William Gray, Warrnambool, Victoria, Australia. 
Eaves, Rev. Geo., Poste Restante, Denver, Colorado, U. S. A. 
Fearing, D., Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A. 
Flemmicb, O. C, Alton House, Roehampton, England. 



t 



( XXV ) 

Flowers, Marcus, National Union Club, Albemarle Street, London, W. 

Gowland, W., c/o F. Dillon Esq., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensing- 
ton, London. S. W. 

Gribble, Henry, 134 Pearl Street, New York. 

Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., New York. 

Holme, C, f.l.s.. The Red House, Bixley Heath, Kent, England. 

Kinch, Edward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England. 

Liberty, Lasenby, 13 Cornwall Terrace, Regent's Park, London, England. 

Lyman, Benjamin Smith, State Geological Survey Office, Philadelphia, 
Pa., U. S. A. 

Maclagan, Robert, g Cadogan Place, Belgrade Square, London. 

Malan, Rev. C. S., West Cliff Hall, Bournemouth, England. 

Marshall, d.d., T., 48 McCormick Block, Chicago, 111., U. S. A. 

Marshall, Prof., Queen's College, Kingston, Canada. 

Morse, W. H., c/o Messrs. Smith, Baker & Co., 78 Yokohama. 

Napier, H. M., Glasgow, Scotland. 

Olcott, Colonel Henry S., Adyar, Madras, India. 

O'Neill, John, Trafalgar House, Faversham, Kent, England. 

Parker, E. H., British Consulate, Pagoda Island, vi^ Hongkong. 

Piggott, F. T., 36 Eaton Terrace, London, S. W. England. 

Satow, F. A., 6 Queensborough Terrace, Hyde Park, London, W., 
England. 

Tompkinson, M., Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, England. 

Trower, H. Seymour, 51 Montagu Square, London, W. 



Ordinary Members. 

Akimoto, Viscount, Surugadai, TokyO. 

Amerman, d.d., James. L., 19 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Andrews, Rev. Walter, Hakodate. 

Arrivet, J. B., Koishikawa, Kanatomi-chO, TOkyO. 

Baelz, M.D., E., 12 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TokyO. 

Baker, Colgate, Kobe. 

Batchelor, Rev, J., c/o Rev. Walter Andrews, Hakodate. 

Bickersteth, Right Reverend Bishop, 11 Sakae-chO, Shiba, TOkyO. 

Bigelow, Dr. W. S., Boston, Mass. U. S. A. 

Booth, Rev. E. S., 178 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Brandram, Rev. J. B., Kumamoto. 

Brinkley, r.a., Capt. Frank, 7 Nagata-ch5, Ni-chOme, TOkyO. 

Brown, Jr., Matthew, 6 Yokohama. 

Burton, W. K., 9 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TokyO. 

Center, Alex., 4- a Yokohama. 

Chamberlain, B. H., 19 Daimachi, Akasaka, TokyO. 



( xxvi ) 

Clement, E. W., 30 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Cochran, d.d., G., Los Angeles, CaL, U. S. A. 

Cocking, S., 55 Yokohama. 

Conder, J., 13 Nishi-konya-chO, KyObashi, TokyO. 

Cniickshank, W. J., 35 Yokohama. 

Dautremer, J., French Legation, TOkyO. 

Deakin, L. H., 20 Yokohama. 

De Becker, J. E., 142 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Pening, Walter, 40 Imai-chO, Azabu, TokyO. 

Dietz, F., 70 Yokohama. 

Divers, m.d., f.r.s., Edward, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Dixon, M.A., F.R.S.B., James Main, 85 MyOga-dani, Koishikawa, TokyO. 

Droppers, Garrett, 41 Shinzaka-machi, Akasaka, TokyO. 

Du Bois, M.D. Francis, 48 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Duer, Y., Nippon Yusen Kaisha Head Office, TOkyO. 

Dumelin, A., Swiss Consul-General, 90-A Yokohama. 

Eby, D.D., C. S., 16 Tatsuoka-chO, Hongo, Tokyo. 

Enslie, J. J., British Consulate, Kobe. 

Fardel, C. L., Victoria School, Yokohama. 

Favre-Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Fenollosa, Prof. E.F., Boston, Mass. U. S. A. 

Francis, Rev. J. M., 25 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Eraser, J. A., 143 Yokohama. 

Fraser, Hugh, British Legation, Tokyo. 

Gardiner, J. McD., 40 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Gay, A. O., 2 Yokohama. 

Giussani, C, 90-B Yokohama. 

Glover, T. B., 53 KOenchi, Shiba, TokyO. 

Goodrich, J. K., 2 Yokohama. 

Green, James, 118 Concession, Kobe. 

Green, Rev. C. W., Dover, Del., U. S. A. 

Greene, d.d. D. C, 24 Nakano-chO, Ichigaya, TOkyO. 

Griffis, Rev. W. E., 638 Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

Griffiths, E. A., British Legation, TokyO. 

Groom, A. H., 35 Yokohama. 

Gubbins, J. H., British Legation, TOkyO. 

Hall, J. C, British Consulate, Nagasaki. 

Hampden, E. M. Hobart, British Legation, TOkyO. 

Hannen, N. J., Judge, British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Hardie, Rev. A., Ottawa, Canada. 

Hattori, IchizO, Educational Department, TOkyO. 

Hellyer, T. W., 210 Yokohama. 

Hepburn, m.d., l.l.d., J. C, 245 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Hinton, C. H., Kanazawa, Kaga. 

Hunt, H. J., 62 Concession, Kobe. 



( xxvii ) 

Irwin, R. W., 5 KiridOshi, Sakae-chO, Shiba, TOkyO. 

Isawa, S., 50 Dairokuten-chO, Koishikawa, TOkyO. 

James, F. S., 142 Yokohama. 

Jamieson, G., c/o Henry S. King and Co., Cornhill, London, England. 

Jaudon, Peyton, 3 Aoi-chO, Akasaka, TOkyO. 

Kanda, Naibu, Imperial University, TokyO. 

KanO, J., Fujimi-chO, ItchO-me, Kojimachi, TOkyO. 

Keil, O., 12 Yokohama. 

Kenny, W. J., British Consulate, Yokohama. 

King, Rev. A. F., ix Sakae-chO, Shiba, TokyO. 

Kirby, J. R., 8 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Kirkwood, M., 43 Shinzaka-machi, Akasaka, TokyO. 

Knott, D.sc, F.R.S.B., Cargill G., Royal Society, Edinburgh. 

Knox, D.D. G. W., 27 Tsukiji, TOkyO. 

Lambert, £. B., DOshisha, Kyoto. 

Lay, A. H., British Consulate, Kobe. 

Liscomb, W. S., 41 Shinzakamachi, Akasaka, TOkyO. 

Lloyd, Rev. A., Toronto, Canada. 

Loenholn, Dr. J., 8 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TOkyO. 

Longford, J. H., British Consulate, Hakodate. 

Lowder, J. F., 28 Yokohama. 

Lowell, Percival, 40 Water St., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

MacCauley, Rev. Clay, KeiOgijuku, Mita, TokyO. 

Macdonald, m.d., Rev. D., 5 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Macnab, A. J., 42 Imai-chO, Azabu, TokyO. 

MacNair, Rev. T. M., Meijigakuin, Shirokane, TokyO. 

Mason, W. B., 41 KOenchi, Shiba, TOkyO. 

Masujima, R., 21 Hiyoshi-chO, KyObashi, TokyO, ^ 

Mayet, P., 3 Aoi-chO, Akasaka, TokyO. 

McCauley, Rev. James, 15 SankOzaka, Shirokane, Tokyo. 

McCartee, m.d., D. B., 7 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Meriwether, C, Sendai. 

Miller, Rev. E. Rothesay, Morioka, Iwate-ken. 

Milne, f.o.s., f.r.s., John, 14 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TokyO. 

Miinter, Capt., 3 Aoi-chO, Akasaka, TokyO. 

Miinzinger, Rev. K., 11 Suzuki-chO, Surugadai, TOkyO. 

Odium, £., Coburg, Ontario, Canada. 

Palmer, Maj.-Gen. H. S., r.e., 41 Imai-chO, Azabu, TokyO. 

Pole, Rev. G. H., 6 Concession, Osaka. 

Pownall, C. A. W., m. i. c. e., 3 Aoi-chO, Akasaka, Tokyo. 

Quin, J. J., British Consulate, Nagasaki. 

Rentiers, J. B., British Legation, TokyO. 

Schurr, G. J. H., 18 Nagata-chO, Ni-chOme, TOkyO. 

Scriba, m.d., J., 13 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, Tokyo. 

Seymour, b. a., m.d., J. N., 15 Masago-chO, HongO, TokyO. 



( xxviii ) 

Shand, W. J. S., 4-B, Yokohama. 

Shaw, Ven. Archdeacon, 13 ligura, Roku-chOme, TokyO. 

Smith, Rev. G. T., 152 Higashi-katamachi, Komagome, HongO, TOkyO. 

Soper, Rev. Julius, 15 Tsukiji, TOkyO. 

Spencer, Rev. J. O., Aoyama, TokyO. 

Stone, W. H., 3 Aoi-chO, Akasaka, TOkyO. 

Summers, Rev. James, 33-A, Tsukiji, TOkyO. 

Takaki, Dr., lo Nishi-konya-chO, KyObashi, TokyO. 

Thomas, T., 49 Yokohama. 

Thompson, A. W., 18 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Thompson, Lady Mary, Cliff End House, Scarborough, England. 

Tison, A., A.M., L.L.B., 6 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TOkyO. 

Trevithick, F. H., Shimbashi Station, TOkyO. 

Troup, James, British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Tsuda, Sen, Shimbori, Azabu, TokyO. 

Vail, Rev. Milton S., Minami-machi, Aoyama, TokyO. 

Van de Polder, L., 3 KiridOshi, Shiba, TokyO. 

Van der Heyden, m.ix, W., General Hospital, Yokohama. 

Vassillief, T., Imperial Russian Legation, TokyO. 

Waddell, Rev. Hugh, 26 Ichibei-machi, Ni-chOme, T6ky6. 

Wagener, Dr., G., 18 SuzukichO, Surugadai, TokyO. 

Walford, A. B., 10 Yokohama. 

Walsh, T., Kobe. 

Walter, W. B., i Yokohama. 

Warren, Rev. C. F., Osaka. 

Watson, E. B., 46 Yokohama. 

Weipert, Dr. H., German Legation, Tokyo. 

White, Rev. W. J., 6 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Whitney, m.d., Willis Norton, U. S. Legation, Yenokizaka, Akasaka, 

Tokyo. 
Whittington, Rev. Robert, Azabu, TOkyO. 
Wigmore, J. H., 13 Miyamura-chO, Azabu, TokyO. 
Wileman, A. E., British Legation, TokyO. 
Wilson, J. A., Hakodate. 
Winstanley, A., 50 Yokohama. 
Wyckoff, M. N., c/o Meiji-gakuin, Shirokane, TokyO. 
Yatabe, b.sc, R., Fujimi-cho, Kojimachi, TOkyO. 



THE 
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF JAPAN. 



Revised June, 1891. 



THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 

ASIATIC SOCIETY 

OF JAPAN. 

Revised yuney 1891. 

NAME AND OBJECTS. 

I 

Art. I. The Name of the Society shall be The Asiatic Society 

OF Japan. 

Art. II. The Object of the Society shall be to collect and publish 

information on subjects relating to Japan and other Asiatic 
Countries. 

Art. III. Communications on other subjects may, within the discre- 
tion of the Council, be received by the Society but shall 
not be published among the Papers forming the Transac- 
tions. 

MEMBERSHIP. 

Art. IV. The Society shall consist of Honorary and Ordinary Mem- 
bers. 

Art. V. Honorary Members shall be admitted upon special grounds, 

to be determined in each case by the Council. They shall 
not be resident in Japan, and shall not pay an entrance fee 
or annual subscription. 

Art. VI. Ordinary Members shall pay, on their election, an entrance 
fee of Five Dollars and the subscription for the current 
year. Those resident in Japan shall pay an annual sub- 
scription of Five Dollars. Those not resident in Japan shall 
pay an annual subscription of Three Dollars or a Life Com- 
position of Sixteen Dollars. 

Any Member elected after 30th June shall not be required 
to pay the subscription for the year of his election, unless 
he wishes to receive the Transactions of the past session 
of the Society. 

Art. VII. The Annual Subscription shall be payable in advance, on 
the ist of January in each year. 



Any Member failing to pay his subscription for the 
current year by the 30th of June shall be reminded of his 
omission by the Treasurer. If his subscription still re- 
mains unpaid on the 31st of December of that year he 
shall be considered to have resigned his Membership. 
Art. VIII. Every Member shall be entitled to receive the Publications 
of the Society during the period of his Membership. 



OFFICERS. 

Art. IX. The Officers of the Society shall be : — 

A President ; 
Two Vice-Presidents ; 
A Corresponding Secretary ; 
Two Recording Secretaries ; 
• A Treasurer ; 

A Librarian. 

COUNCIL. 

Art. X. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council 

composed of the Officers for the current year and ten 
ordinary Members. 

MEETINGS. 

Art. XI. General Meetings of the Society and Meetings of Council 
shall be held as the Council shall have appointed and an- 
nounced. 

Art. XII. The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be held in June, 
at which the Council shall present its Annual Report and 
the Treasurer's Statement of Accounts duly audited by two 
Members nominated by the President. 

Art. XIII. Nine Members shall form a quorum at an Annual Meeting, 
and Five Members at a Council Meeting. At all Meetings 
of the Society and Council, in the absence of the President 
and Vice-Presidents, a Chairman shall be elected by the 
Meeting. The Chairman shall not have a vote unless 
there is an equality of votes. 

Art. XIV. Visitors (including representatives of the Press) may be 
admitted to the General Meetings by Members of the 
Society but shall not be permitted to address the Meeting 
except by invitation of the Chairman. 



ELECTIONS. ■ 

Art. XV. All Members of the Society shall be elected by the 
Council. They shall be proposed at one Meeting of 
Council and balloted for at the next, one black ball in five 
to exclude ; and their Election shall be announced at the 
General Meeting following. 

Art. XVI. The Officers and other Members of Council shall be elected 
by ballot at the Annual Meeting and shall hold office for 
one year. 

Art. XVII. The Council shall fill up all Vacancies in its Membership 
which may occur between Annual Meetings. 



PUBLICATION. 

Art. XVIII. The published Transactions of the Society shall contain : — 
(i) Such papers and notes read before the Society as the 
Council shall have selected, and an abstract of the dis- 
cussion thereon ; 

(2) The Minutes of the General Meetings ; 

(3) And, at the end of each annual volume, the Reports and 
Accounts presented to the last Annual Meeting, the Con- 
stitution and By-Laws of the Society, and a List of 
Members. 

Art. XIX. Twenty-five separate copies of each published paper shall 

be placed at the disposal of the author, and the same 

number shall be reserved by the Council to be disposed of 

as it sees fit. 
Art. XX. The Council shall have power to distribute copies of the 

Transactions at its discretion. 
Art. XXI. The Council shall have power to publish, in separate 

form, papers or documents which it considers of sufficient 

interest or importance. 
Art. XXI I . Papers accepted by the Council shall become the property 

of the Society and cannot be published anywhere without 

consent of the Council. 
Acceptance of a paper for reading at a General Meeting 

of the Society does not bind the Society to its publication 

afterwards. But when the Council has decided not to 

« 

publish any paper accepted for reading, that paper shall 
be restored to the author without any restriction as to its 
further use. 



MAKING OF BY-LAWS. 

Art. XXIII. The Council shall have power to make and amend By- 
Laws for its own and the Society's guidance, provided 
that these are not inconsistent with the Constitution ; and 
a General Meeting by a majority vote may suspend the 
operation of any By-Law. 



AMENDMENTS. 

Art. XXIV. None of the foregoing Articles of the Constitution can 
be amended except at a General Meeting by a vote of 
two-thirds of the Members present, and only if due notice 
of the proposed Amendment shall have been given at a 
previous General Meeting. 



BY-LAWS. 
GENERAL MEETINGS. 

I. The Session of the Society shall extend over the nine 
months from October to June inclusive. 

II. Ordinarily the Session shall consist of nine monthly 
General Meetings; but it may include a less or greater 
number when the Council finds reason for such a change. 

III. The place and time of Meeting shall be fixed by the 
Council, preference being given, when the Meeting is 
in Tokyo, to 4 p.m. on the Second Wednesday of each 
month. The place of Meeting may be in Yokohama 
when the occasion is favourable. 

IV. Timely notice of every General Meeting shall be sent 
by post to the address of every Member resident in Tokyo 
or Yokohama. 



ORDER OF BUSINESS AT 
GENERAL MEETINGS. 

V. The Order of Business at General Meetings shall be : — 

(i) Action on the Minutes of the last Meeting ; 

(2) Communications from the Council; 

(3) Miscellaneous Business; 

(4) The Reading and Discussion of papers. 

The above order shall be observed except when the 
Chairman shall rule otherwise. 

At Annual Meetings the Order of Business shall in- 
clude, in addition to the foregoing matters : — 

(5) The Reading of the Council's Annual Report and 
Treasurer's account, and submission of these for the 
action of the Meeting upon them ; 

(6) The Election of Officers and Council as directed by 
Article XVI. of the Constitution. 



MEETINGS OF COUNCIL. 

VI. The Council shall appoint its own Meetings, preference 
as to time being given to 4 p.m. on the First Wednesday 
of each month. 

VII. Timely notice of every Council Meeting shall be sent by 
post to the address of every Member of Council, and shall 
contain a statement of any extraordinary business to be 
done. 



ORDER OF BUSINESS AT 
COUNCIL MEETINGS. 

VIII. The Order of Business at Council Meetings shall be : — 
(i) Action upon the Minutes of the last Meeting; 

(2) Reports of the Corresponding Secretary, 

of the Publication Committee, 
of the Treasurer, 
of the Librarian, 
and of Special Committees ; 

(3) The Election of Members ; 

(4) The Nomination of Candidates for Membership of the 
Society ; 

(5) Miscellaneous Business ; 

(6) Acceptance of Papers to be read before the Society ; 

(7) Arrangement of the Business of the next General 
Meeting. 



PUBLICATION COMMITTEE. 

IX. There shall be a Standing Committee entitled the Publi- 
cation Committee and composed of the Secretaries, the 
Librarian, and any Members appointed by the Council. It 
shall ordinarily be presided over by the Corresponding 
Secretary. 

It shall carry through the publication of the Transactions 
of the Society, and the reissue of Parts out of print. 

It shall report periodically to the Council and act under 
its authority. 

It shall audit the accounts for printing the Transactions. 

It shall not allow authors' manuscripts* or printer's 
proofs of bhese to go out of its custody for other than the 
Society's purposes. 



DUTIES OF CORRESPONDING 

SECRETARY. 

X. The Corresponding Secretary shall :— 

1. Conduct the Correspondence of the Society; 

2. Arrange for and issue notices of Council Meetings, 
and provide that all official business be brought duly 
and in order before each Meeting; 

3. Attend every Council Meeting and General Meeting 
or give notice to the Recording Secretary that be will 
be absent; 

4. Notify new Officers and Members of Council of their 
appointment and send them each a copy of the By-Laws; 

5. Notify new Members of the Society of their election, 
and send them copies of the Articles of Constitution 
and of the Library Catalogue ; 

6. Unite with the Recording Secretaries, Treasurer and 
Librarian in drafting the Annual Report of the Council 
and in preparing for publication all matter as defined in 
Article XVIIL of the Constitution; 

7. Act as Chairman of the Publication Committee and 
take first charge of authors* manuscripts and proofs 
struck off for use at Meetings. 



RECORDING SECRETARIES. 

XL Of the Recording Secretaries, one shall reside in T&ky6, 
and one in Yokohama, each having ordinarily duties 
only in connection with Meetings of the Society or its 
Council held in the place where he resides.. 



DUTIES OF RECORDING 
SECRETARY. 

XI L The Recording Secretary shall : — 

1. Keep Minutes of General and Council Meetings; 

2. Make arrangements for General Meetings as instructed 
by the Council, and notify Members resident in Tokyo 
and Yokohama ; 

3. Inform the Corresponding SecKtary and Treasurer of 
the election of new Members ; * 



8 



4. Attend every General Meeting and Meeting of Council, 
or, in case of absence, depute the Corresponding Secre- 
tary or some other Member of Council to perform his 
duties, and forward to him the Minute Book; 

5. Act for the Corresponding Secretary in the latter *s 
absence ; 

6. Act on the Publication Committee ; 

7. Assist in drafting the Annual Report of the Council and 
in preparing for publication the Minutes of General 
Meetings and the Constitution and By-laws of the 
Society ; 

8. Furnish abstracts of Proceedings at General Meetings 
to newspapers and public prints as directed by the 
Council. 



DUTIES OF TREASURER. 

XIII. The Treasurer shall :— 

1. Take charge of the Society *s Funds in accordance with 
the instructions of the Council ; 

2. Apply to the President to appoint Auditors, and present 
the Annual Balance sheet to the Council duly audited 
before the date of the Annual Meeting ; 

3. Attend every Council Meeting and report when request- 
ed upon the money affairs of the Society, or in case of 
absence depute some Member of Council to act for him, 
furnishing him with such information and documents 
as may be necessary ; 

4. Notify new Members of the amount of entrance fee 
and subscription then due ; 

5. Collect subscriptions and notify Members oF their 
unpaid subscriptions once in or about January and 
again in or about June ; apply to Agents for the sale of 
the Society's Transactions in Japan and abroad for pay- 
ment of sums owing to the Society ; 

6. Pay out all Monies for the Society uppon application 
of the Officers, making no single payment in excess of 
Ten Dollars without special vote of the Council ; 

7. Inform the Librarian when a new Member has paid 
his entrance fee and first subscription ; 

8. Submit to the Council at its January Meeting the 
names of Members who have not paid their subscrip- 
tion for the past year ; and, after action has been taken 



by the Council, furnish the Librarian with the names 
of any Members to whom the sending of the Transac- 
tions is to be suspended or stopped ; 
9. Prepare for publication the List of Members of the 
Society. 



DUTIES OF LIBRARIAN. 

XIV. The Librarian shall : — 

1. Take charge of the Society*s Library and stock of 
Transactions, keep its books and periodicals in order, 
catalogue all additions to the Library, and superintend 
the binding and preservation of the books ; 

2. Carry out the Regulations of the Council for the use 
and lending of the Society's books ; 

3. Send Copies of the Transactions to all Honorary M em- 
bers, to all Ordinary Members not in arrears for dues 
according to the list furnished by the Treasurer, and 
to all Societies and Journals the names of which are 
on the list of Exchanges ; 

4. Arrange with Booksellers and others for the sale of 
the Transactions as directed by the Council, send the 
required numbers of each issue to the appointed agents, 
and keep a record of all such business ; 

5. Arrange, under direction of the Council, new Ex- 
changes of the Transactions with Societies and Journals. 

6. Draw up a List of Exchanges of journals and of additions 
to the Library for insertion in the Council's Annual 
Report ; 

7. Make additions to the Library as instructed by the 
Council ; 

8. Present to the Council at its June Meeting a state- 
ment of the stock of Transactions possessed by the 
Society ; 

9. Act on the Publication Committee ; 

10. Attend every Council Meeting and report on Library 
matters, or, if absent, send to the Corresponding Secre- 
tary a statement of any matter of immediate importance. 



LIBRARY AND MEETING ROOM. 

XV. The Society's Rooms and Library shall be at No. 17, 
Tsukiji, Tokyo, to which may be addressed all letters and 



10 



parcels not sent to the private address of the Corre- 
sponding Secretary, Treasurer, or Librarian. 
XVI. The Library shall be open to Members for consultation 
during the day, the keys of the bookcases being in the 
possession of the Librarian or other Member of Council 
resident in the neighbourhood ; and books may be borrow- 
ed on applying to the Librarian. 



SALE OF TRANSACTIONS. 

XVn. A Member may obtain at half-price one copy for his own 

use of any Part of the Transactions issued prior to the 

date of his Membership. 
XVI H. The Transactions shall be on sale by Agents approved of 

by the Council and shall be supplied to these Agents at a 

discount price fixed by the Council. 



&<.i^t 



<^tJl^A^J(^ 



THE DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF 
THE EAST COAST OF JAPAN, 

WITH A COMPARISON 
OF OTHER OCEANIC DEPTHS. 

(With Map) 



r 

/ 



BY 

George E. Belknap, Rear-Admiral, U.S.N, 
(Read i^th October^ i8go.^ 



In the late spring of 1874, I had the honour of laying 
before your learned Society a paper on Deep Sea Soundings. 
H.M.S. Challenger was at that time engaged in making 
her famous voyage of deep sea exploration round the world, 
and the U.S.S. Tuscarora^ under my command, had just 
arrived in this bay on a similar work, so far as pertained 
to deptlTs, currents, character of bottom soil, and ocean 
temperatures. 

The main object of the Tuscarora expedition was, how- 
ever, to determine the feasibility of a cable route across the 
mid-North Pacific from the coast of California to this port, 
via Honolulu and the Bonin Islands ; and on the homeward 
run to survey a second route from a point on the East 
coast of Japan on a great circle running through the 
Aleutian chain of islands, and ending at Cape Flattery 
at the entrance of Puget Sound. 

The mid-Pacific line of survey had been successfully run, 
and the Tuscarora^ entering Yedo Bay on the morning 
of the 22nd April, anchored off Yokohama that afternoon, 



2 BELKNAP : DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

a welcome haven of rest after much hard work and 
anxiety. 

After a few weeks of needed recreation on the part of the 
officers and crew, and after the season favourable for 
resumption of the survey had arrived, the Tuscarora put to 
sea on the loth of June, to begin the line of soundings on 
the Northern route. From what had gone before it was 
anticipated that the work ahead would prove to be compar- 
atively light and easy, and all hands were jubilant over 
the thought of the holiday promise that seemed to be in 
store. No excessive depth— the greatest 3,287 fathoms — 
not quite 3f statute miles, had been found in the line just 
completed, where, if in any part of the Pacific, it might 
have been expected very deep water would be disclosed ; 
and from the Bonin Islands to the entrance of Yedo Bay 
the greatest depth found was 2,435 fathoms. It was also 
known that up to that time the soundings of the Challenger 
in the South Pacific had not exceeded 2,900 fathoms ; 
indeed, in all her deep sea work in that region of ocean 
she never sounded beyond that depth. 

But a rude awakening was soon to occur, for hardl}' had 
the ship gotten a fairly good offing when, at a distance of 
only 100 miles from the coast, a sounding was made in 
3,427 fathoms, the water having deepened more than 
1,800 fathoms in a run of 30 miles. The next cast was 
still more startling; for when 4,643 fathoms of wire had 
run out it broke without bottom having been reached. 

This was in the Knro Shiwo or Black Stream of Japan, 
and the current was so strong that the wire, in spite of all 
that previous experience could suggest, was swept under 
the ship, finally parting under the strain. The purpose of 
the survey and amount of wire on hand forbade continued 
experiment, nor was it believed a cable could be laid in 
such deep water, encountering so strong a current. The 
ship was therefore headed in shore to run up the coast and 
begin a new line. The great circle was taken up again 
in lat. 40^ N., but here the water also deepened rapidly, 
and at the third cast from the initial curve of departure the 



BELKNAP: DEPTH OK THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 3 

lead dropped to 3,439 fathoms, followed by depths of 3,587 
fathoms and '3,507 fathoms, 40 and 80 miles further on. 
Then in the next 40 miles the lead was found to drop to 
the great depth of 4,340 fathoms, and the Miller-Casella 
thermometer came up a perfect wreck from the resultant 
pressure. The next six soundings at intervals of 40 miles 
apart revealed depths of 4,356 4,041, 4,234, 4,120 4,411 
and 4,655 fathoms respectively. The total time occupied 
in making a cast in 4,356 fathoms, and getting back a 
bottom specimen, was 2h. 26m. 57s. 

Good specimens had been brought up from four of these 
depths, and in one other the specimen cup had struck solid 
rock. 

At the last two and deepest of these casts the wire had 
parted. In the first instance the accident was due to over 
confidence and carelessness in reeling in, but in the last 
and deepest cast the wire fairly pulled in two, being part of 
a new batch of wire received at Yokohama, and not so 
strong as the wire originally supplied. In view of these 
remarkable depths developed the conclusion was irresistible 
that the great circle route would have to be abandoned, and 
a new line of less depth adopted if it could be found. It 
was therefore determined to run back to Hakodate for a 
fresh supply of coal ; then to skirt the Kuriles for a con- 
siderable distance before heading over for the Aleutian 
chain. 

These deep soundings had been made under exceptionally 
favourable conditions — ^^light wind, smooth sea and gentle 
swell. No sinker could have dropped straighter into 
a well than the wire ran down in these four and five miles 
depths: — 

** Deeper than e'er plummet sounded " 
had no meaning here. 

The great bard wrote at a time when the depth of the 
sea was an impenetrable mystery. Yet his fine dictum 
remained good until within the latter half of this century, 
for from the beginning until within a very recent period the 
ocean depths had remained an unanswered problem which 



4 BELKNAP*. DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

in every phase and epoch of civih'zation had baffled the skill 
and patience of the seaman, the quest and genius of the 
philosopher, the curiosity of the idler, and the impracti- 
cability of the dreamer. 

But now the veil had been lifted, and the problem had 
been happily solved. 

The appliances in use to-day for measuring the depths 
are so simple, so accurate in their working, that no doubt 
lingers to question the results obtained. 

Hakodate was left on the 30th of June, and, skirting the 
Kuriles until Lat. 48° N. was reached, the course was laid 
across to Aggatou of the Aleutian group. But again the 
water deepened rapidly, and a depth of 3,754 fathoms was 
found about no miles west of Cape Lopatka, whence the 
bed rises and forms a ridge between that point and the 
Aleutians, like the " Dolphin Rise " on the so-called cable 
plateau in the North Atlantic. The depression near the 
Aleutians and only 70 or 80 miles from land, revealed a 
depth of 4,037 fathoms, thus giving us another surprise on 
the Northern line. The depth on the summit was 1,777 
fathoms. 

Turning back now to the series of depths, ranging from 
3,500 fathoms to 4,600 fathoms and upwards to the south- 
ward and westward of this ridge, it is seen that a trough 
or basin of extraordinary depth and extent is developed 
along the east coast of Japan and the Kurile Islands, and 
under the Black Stream of greater extent than any similar 
or approaching depression yet found in any other region of 
the great oceans. 

In her passage from Yokohama to Honolulu in 1875, the 
Challenger found a depth of 3,750 fathoms, some 200 miles 
due east from Cape King, and 3,650 fathoms, some 200 
miles further on. Thence eastward 1,700 miles, or until 
nearly up to the Meridian of the Hawaiian Islands, her 
soundings were all less than 3,000 fathoms. 

Her first two soundings after leaving Yokohama probably 
indicated somewhere near the beginning of this great de- 
pression of the ocean bed at its southern part, and an 



BELKNAP : DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 5 

inspection of the chart with the positions of all these deep 
soundings plotted, leads to the reasonable inference that 
this deep submarine valley extends along the coasts in a 
parallel direction for more than 700 miles, with a probable 
width of some 250 miles. 

Now, taking the deepest cast of 4,655 fathoms, or 27,930 
feet, which is something more than five and a quarter 
statute miles — the deepest water yet found — its marvellous 
character will be more vividly apprehended if we consider 
the fact that could the great mountain of Japan — the noble 
Fujiyama — be slid off into this deep basin, another moun- 
tain of like mass and height might be piled on top of its 
peaks and yet its doubled height would be nearly two-thirds 
of a mile under water 1 

But interesting as are the facts so far disclosed in the 
development of this wonderful valley in the ocean's bed, 
the story is by no means yet complete. Further research 
would doubtless reveal still greater depths ; define the 
boundaries of the great depression ; and determine the 
varying directions, strength, depth, breadth, length, and 
temperatures of the great Black Stream. 

For many years the Government of the United States 
employed its Naval officers and officers of the Coast Survey 
in investigating the extent, depth, and other physical 
characteristics of a similar river in the ocean — the Gulf 
Stream, which sweeps along its Atlantic coast. 

Many facts and phenomena of interest and importance 
were thus added to our knowledge of the physics of the sea, 
and much credit accrued to all engaged in that research. 

The officers of the Japanese Navy would confer like 
lustre upon their own service and country, and benefit to 
the world, were they permitted to do a similar work in their 
own Kuro Shi wo. 

In surveying the coasts and harbours of the empire they 
have made an excellent showing; the exploration of the 
Kuro Shiwo and the deep valley under it, would undoubtedly 
yield rich results ; it would also add notably to the experi- 
ence of the Japanese officers and men in hydrographic work. 



ti r.F.l.KNM': l)I.!'Tn OK I III- I'ACinC OFF JAFAN*. 

and give them a confiJencc in that direction possibly not 
heretofore felt. 

This re«;i()n of the Pacific has been named by the 
(lerman jijeoi^rapher Fetermann ** The Tuscarora Deep/' 
and there would, seem to be no more promising field for 
oceanic investigation than these waters laving the east 
coast of Japan present to-day. 

There surely could be no belter school for seamen than 
prolonged cruises for deep sea research. 

In passing to a comparison of other ocean depths with 

this deep water olT the Japanese coast, let it be noted that 

at the eastern end of the Aleutian chain, a depression 

similar to the one discovered at its western extremity was 

developed though not quite so deep. The Tuscarora found 

there a depth of 3,664 fathoms, and in i88S the U. S. Fish 

Commission steamer Albalross sounded some 200 miles 

W.vS.W. frv^m the position of that cast, and parallel with 

the coasts of the Aleutians, in a depth of 3,820 fathoms. 

These soundings, eighty and ninety miles from the land, 

represent depths of over four miles, and from the rugged 

formation of the group and the facts which recent hydrogra- 

phic researches have established, it is more than probable 

that this deprtssion skirts the tiitirc Ungth of the chain on 

its southern or Pacific side. This, therefore, is another 

section of the North Pacific that would likely well repay 

further investigation. 

To account for the soundings quoted from the Fish 
Commission, let me digress here a moment to say that the 
United States Commission of Fish and Fisheries have two 
steamers, the Fish Haivk and the Albatross, engaged in 
the Atlantic and Pacific, to determine the species, the 
habits, haunts and breeding places of the finny tribes 
inhabiting the waters within the jurisdiction of the United 
States and in neighbourly proximity thereto, and in the 
transplanting of food fishes from one locality to anoth.^r 

u *u ^. ..T- r'rtnrlitijns Will adn^it of it. 

whenever the necessary conai"*-'"^ 

T«f 1 ^-.-^riTind bv officers and men of tU.^ 

These vessels are manner l* ^ i^u 01 uie 

Navv: and soundings, tra\vi*»>c.- c- ^-^ v.ik...^ ^t 



BELKNAP: DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 7 

temperatures and the multifarious duties of the naturalist, 
go on continuously. Hence it comes about that in the 
prosecution of this beneficent work much hydrographic 
information is furnished to the Government.* 

As stated in my paper read before your Society in May, 
1874, the deepest reliable sounding made anywhere in the 
ocean up to that time, was one obtained by the Challenger 
in a depth of 3,875 fathoms some 80 miles north of the 
Virgin Islands, in the North Atlantic. 

In 1876 the U.S.S. Gettysburg got sounding in that 
immediate locality in depths of 3,595 fathoms and 3,697 
fathoms. Two or three years later, 75 miles west from the 
Challetiger's deep cast, and 70 miles north of Puerto Kico, 

* Since presenting this paper to the Society, intelligence has been 
received of the arrival of the •* Albatross " at San Francisco on the 26th 
ultimo, from a season's exploration in Behring's Sea. 

Lieut. Comdr. Tanner, U.S.N., commanding that vessel, reports that 
the principal work done was the examination of the cod fish and halibut 
banks in that sea from Ounimak Pass to Bristol Bay, and the deter- 
mination of the 100 fathoms line along the Northern coasts of the 
Aleutian Group, carrying it Westward to the 175th meridian. 
. The return trip was made along the Southern coasts of the chain, and 
deep sea soundings had, "off and on," confirmed the theory advanced, 
to the effect that there is a submarine trough or valley running parallel 
with the Aleutian Group on its Pacific side from 3000 fathoms to 4000 
fathoms in depth. — This trough Commander Tanner estimates to be 
some 30 miles in width. 

He also says ''When the discovery of the deep water near the 
Eastern end of the Group was made by Captain Belknap in 1874 it was 
quite a mystery. — It was a question with Geologists whether it was an 
isolated hole or a trough lying parallel with the islands." 

On that point the writer would remark that from the great depths 
found at both ends of the chain in 1874, he has never had any doubt but 
that systematic investigation of the depths in that region of the North 
Pacific would disclose a deep depression of the ocean bed along the 
South coasts of the Aleutians similar to the great submarine valley 
developed by the lead along the East coast of Japan. 

It may not be amiss to add that, the *' Albatross" found the cod 
banks to cover a very extensive area in Behring's Sea along the shores 
of the Alaskan peninsula, and that the fish will compare favorably as to 
quality with the Atlantic species, beside covering a much greater 
extent of range of ground. 



8 BELKNAP: DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

the U.S. Coast Survey steamer Blake brought up a good 
specimen of the bottom soil from the extraordinary depth of 
4,561 fathoms or only 94 fathoms less than the Tuscarora^s 
deepest sounding off the coast of Japan. The B/rt^^ also 
got other depths in that vicinity of 4,529 and 4,223 fathoms. 
This deep depression in the North Atlantic, apparently 
circumscribed in extent, has been named the International 
Deep. A few years since a German ship-of-war got a 
depth of 3,825 fathoms about 500 Smiles E. by E. from 
Bermuda. No other depths approaching by a thousand 
fathoms this great depression, have so far been found in 
any other region of the Atlantic either north or south of 
the equator. About midway between Bermuda and the 
Virgin Islands a depth of 3,370 fathoms has been found, 
and less than 40 miles west of Bermuda a depth of 2,650 
fathoms has been measured. The greatest depth yet 
sounded in the South Atlantic is 3,284 fathoms. That 
depth was found by two ships of the United States in 
dilVerent localities — the Essex and the Wachnsett, 

There are perhaps no other regions of the great oceans 
where the depth and contour of their bed have been so 
thoroughly determined and mapped out by the lead as the 
sections of the North Atlantic comprising the enclosed seas 
of the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean. This explora- 
tion, which included trawling, dredging, and the determina- 
tion of currents and temperatures, and other points of 
scientific interest and value, was mostly conducted by 
Commanders Sigsbee and Bartlett, U.S.N.. Associated 
with Sigsbee for two or three seasons was Mr. Alexander 
Agassiz of Cambridge, Mass., upon whom the mantle of 
his illustrious father, the late Prof. Louis Agassiz, has so 
worthily fallen. 

In the western part of the Gulf of Mexico, a compara- 
tively shallow body of water, there is an extensive basin 
of 2,000 fathoms depths and more. 

The western part of the Caribbean, too, has a long, 
narrow, submarine trough with depths of upwards of 3,000 
tfahoms, and not more than 25 miles from the island of 



BELKNAP: DEPTH OP THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. Q 

Grand Cayman, in this locality, the great depth of 3,428 
fathoms exists. These depressions have been named the 
'* Sigsbee " and ** Bartlett Deeps " respectively. 

Some of the channels leading into the Caribbean through 
the West Indian chain of islands from the Atlantic, dis- 
close wonderful depths. At the entrance of the Anegada 
Passage, for instance, there is a depth of 3,045 fathoms or 
3^ miles. 

For some two and a half years past H.M. surveying ship 
Egeria has been engaged in surveying certain sections 
of the South Pacific. Captain Wharton, R.N., the Hy- 
drographer to the Admiralty, states the purposes of the 
survey to be as follows : — ** The time having arrived, in the 
general interests of navigation, for a systematic examina- 
tion of the bed of the Pacific Ocean between New Zealand 
and the Sandwich Islands, in order to verify or disprove 
the many doubtful dangers reported, as well as to f\x the 
positions of, and to survey, such groups of islands as lie 
on the track between the British possessions of Canada 
and Australasia, there being a growing desire to see these 
countries united by sub-marine cables, H.M, surveying 
vessel Egeria was selected for this service, and arrived in 
New Zealand, April, i888.*' Vide Reports, Hydrographic 
Department, Admiralty, 1888-1889. 

The Egeria has achieved remarkable results. Up to the 
period when she began work, the deepest water yet found 
south of the equator, either in the Atlantic or Pacific, was 
a sounding of 3,367 fathoms, or a depth of 3f miles, off 
the coast of Peru in July, 1881, by the U.S.S. Alaska, 
then under the writer's command. This cast had been 
made about 100 miles west of Callao Bay. But now the 
Egeria was to take away the palm for such supremacy, for 
in August, 1888, that vessel, then under the command of 
Captain Pelham Aldrich, R.N., had the good fortune to 
sound in a depth of 4,428 fathoms, Lat. 24'' 37' South, 
Long. 175° 08' West. Twelve miles south of that position 
the ship got another cast in 4,295 fathoms. 

These soundings were in the vicinity of the Friendly and 



lO BELKNAP : DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

Cook Islands, the nearest land, Tongatabu, being some 360 
miles distant. The total time occupied in making the 
deepest of these casts, and hauling back the specimen tube, 
was 3 hours 15 minutes. In June of the next year, i88g, 
the ship, now under the command of Commander C. F. 
Oldham, R.N., found the still more remarkable depth of 
4,530 fathoms. This was in Lat. 17° 04' South, Long. 
172^ 14' West, or about 170 miles N.E.|E. from the nearest 
island of the Friendly Group. On this occasion the sa- 
tisfaction of bringing back a sample of the bottom soil 
was not had. The sinker would not detach, and the wire 
broke from the excessive strain when an attempt was made 
to reel it in. Only those who have experienced similar 
mishaps in deep sea sounding can take in and appreciate 
the disappointment and vexation of such untoward mo- 
ments and happenings ! 

The Challenger had, in March, 1875, .found a depth of 
4,475 fathoms in Lat. n° 24' N., Long. 143° 16' E., or 
about 150 miles S.W. by S. from Guam of the Ladrone 
Islands, the deepest water found in all her researches of 
three and a half years in the great oceans. The next 
deepest water found by her in the North Pacific was about 
500 miles north of the centre of the Hawaiian Group, 
where a cast was made in 3,540 fathoms. North of that 
position, and in a distance of 600 miles, she made four 
other casts in considerably lesser depths, the deepest and 
most northern in 3,125 fathoms. The sounding line used 
on board the Challenger was of the best Italian hemp, 
specially prepared for the expedition. The No. i size, 
mostly used, was one inch in circumference with breaking 
strain of 14 cwt. 

The Egeria discarded the hempen line, and used galvan- 
ized wire of guage 20. To those who have seen the 
workings of both line and wire in great depths, there can 
be but one conclusion, viz : that the soundings with wire 
are the more accurate and are made with greater facility, 
together with a saving in time and lessening of labour. 

Perhaps there is no need to recall the fact that the 



Tnscarora in making her survey, used the admirable ma- 
chine invented by Sir William Thomson of Glasgow Uni- 
versity, for sounding vvilh piano wire, the first extended use 
of the apparatus after its conception and construction by its 
distinguished inventor. 

That machine, in modified forms, is now used exclusively 
for deep sea work on board the vessels of the United States, 
whether of the Navy, Coast Survey or Fish Commission 
services. 

It may be said in passing, that every man with the least 
strain of genius in his composilion is a bit of a crank. No 
sooner does such a man get hold of an invention or creation 
of another, than he sets about at once to improve, tinker, 
or modify it. 

This simple machine, devised by Sir William Thomson, 
forms no exception to such practice, though, from the 
experience of the writer, but few modifications of the ma- 
chine were needed for its beautiful working, except in the 
direction of strength, which the inventor himself recognized 
after he had once experimented with it at sea. 

Some of the modified machines now in use are so 
difierent from the original apparatus that Sir William 
would hardly believe the sense of his own eyes could he 
see them, but the principle which governs them all and 
gives to them their incomparable value, is a conception 
solely his own. 

The Tnscarora had been at first supplied with a duplicate 
apparatus for sounding with rope. It consisted of a heavy 
iron reel and dynamometer with donkey engine, accompani- 
ed by forty odd miles of rope of varying sizes. Its use was 
soon discarded. 

The modest little Thomson machine, in its snug iron 
tub, seemed absurd in contrast, but like David and Goliath 
of sacred story, the little drum, which with five miles of 
wire wound upon it weighed no more than 140 pounds, was 
the easy victor, 

Lieut., now Lieut. Commander, Geo. A. Norris, person- 
ally attended the management of the machine, and one never 



12 BELKNAP: DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

tired watching the working of the reel at its place in the 
gangway, so noiseless and perfect in its action, and the 
wire so fine that it could hardly be seen from the poop deck 
in cloudy weather or when passing clouds threw shadows 
over the ship. Sometimes at the approach of evening the 
writer stood in the cabin doorway watching in the deepen- 
ing twilight the Inovements of the drum, and could detect 
instantly the moment of striking bottom, although the 
revolutions could only be distinguished by certain discolora- 
tions on the sides of the drum as they struck the eye in 
passing round. At night too, the gleams of the lantern 
flashing on the drum, only needed for the reading of the 
counter and the noting of the splices, recording the amount 
of wire out, revealed its motion at the far ends of the ship 
equally well. 

The apparatus for the automatic detachment of the sinkers 
when bottom is struck, and the tubes, cups or cylinders for 
bringing back specimens of bottom soil, in use on board the 
ships of Her Majesty and the United States, are the in- 
ventions of British and American naval officers, and others 
of their respective services. 

Every now and then it is announced in the newspapers 
and periodicals that eight and nine miles depths have been 
found in the Indian Ocean. Such announcement is based 
on the reports of sporadic attempts at deep sea sounding 
some thirty-five or forty years ago, when guess work enter- 
ed largely into the efforts of that period. 

As a matter of fact, the Indian Ocean is shallower than 
the other great oceans. 

The deepest water, indeed, that has been discovered in 
that ocean, save one depth of 3,080 fathoms off the coast 
of Sumatra and near the Keeling Islands, is in the great 
bight that indents the south coast of Australia. Soundings 
made by a German ship of war in that region developed 
depths of from 2,800 fathoms to 3,063 fathoms and quite 
close to the land. 

In my former paper I said : — **The theory has been that 
the greatest depth in the Pacific would be found in the 



Eastern part, but, so far, the line of soundings run by the 
Tuscnrora across the mid-North Pacific, would seem to 
prove to the contrary, the deepest water having been found 
hear the Bonin Islands," 

I may say now that up to this sixteen years later period, 
the greatest depths have all been found in the western parts 
of both the Atlantic and the Pacific. The theory then by 
the demonstrations of the lead, must be regarded as re- 
versed. Another theory was also broached some years ago 
to the effect that great depressions in the ocean bed, pro* 
bably correspond to elevations of like extent on the great 
continents and in proximity to them. 

From the great mass of data — clear and indisputable — 
now in our hands, I venture the opinion that such pro- 
position must be amended to conform to the evidence now 
before us, that, as a rule, the deepest water is found, not in 
the central parts of the great oceans but near or approxi- 
mately near, the land, whether of continental mass or island 
isolation. 

The popular belief has doubtless been that the greatest 
depths would naturally be found in mid-ocean, but the 
results of deep sea exploration, notably during the past 
twenty years, show that such belief is incorrect. 

As has been intimated in Other parts of this paper, 
different sections of the great oceans have been given 
special nomenclatures on Physiographic Maps published 
since the completion of the explorations of the CAoWewg'er, 
Tiiscarora, Blake, and other vessels. The German geo- 
grapher Petermann introduced nomenclatures as follows, 
viz : Challenger Rise, Challenger Deep, Nares Deep, Thom- 
son Deep, Jeffrey's Deep, Carpenter Deep, Tuscarara Deep^ 
I}elknap Deep, and Miller Deep. To a Physiographic 
Map in Appleton's Physical Geography, published in New 
York in 1887, the writer suggested the following additions 
to such nomenclatures, viz : — Enterprise Rise, Darker Rise, 
Alaska Rise, Inter natiottal Deep, Alaska Deep, and Norris 
Deep. The suggestion was adopted. 

Glancing back in review, it will be seen that the TsHCa- 



14 BELKNAP : DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 

rora found the first depths of 4,000 fathoms and approach- 
ing 5,000 fathoms : that the Challenger discovered the great 
depression considerably upwards of 4,000 fathoms in the 
bed of the North Pacific; that the U. S. Coast Survey 
steamer Blake developed the 4,500 odd fathom depth in 
the North Atlantic, at a locality first indicated by the Chal- 
lenger s soundings; and that lastly, the Rgeria now comes 
forward with her great depths of more than 4,000 fathoms, 
discovered in the South Pacific. 

These four vessels are the only ones that, so far have 
discovered such deeps, but the work of oceanic survey is 
progressing in some quarter of the globe all the time, and 
in order that the primacy in the depths may be maintained 
for the North Pacific off the coast of Japan — so far as our 
searchings with the lead over the vast waste of waters can 
determine it — the suggestion is again urged upon the 
officers of the Japanese Naval Service to take up the 
waiting threads of investigation that seem to beckon them 
to action along their own coasts — in waters of rare in- 
terest and rich promise. 

The impartial student of ocean literature will accord 
merited prominence to Great Britain and the United States 
in what has thus far been accomplished in deep sea 
exploration, whether as regards the amount of work done, 
its scope, scientific grasp and value, commercial impor- 
tance of results or thoroughness of execution. 

It seems hardly necessary to add that this breaking of 
the spell of the depths, and successful interrogation of its 
secrets, has been due principally to the diligent effort, 
dogged purpose, undaunted energy, inventive genius and 
ready adaptation of ideas and methods from whatever 
source, towards the accomplishment of desired ends, so 
notably characteristic of the kindred peoples of the British 
Isles and of the United States. 

** I'll put a girdle round about the earth " 
was no idle boast ; it has already been practically done. 
To-day, over the continents and along through the deeps, 
runs the fine girdle of copper wire through which flash the 



BELKNAP: DEPTH OF THE PACIFIC OFF JAPAN. 15 

happenings of the day and the forecasts of the morrow. 
** On the wings of the morning" our questions may fly 
through its magic thread to the uttermost parts of the 
earth, and the shades of evening bring back reply ! 

That we are enabled to do this wondrous thing is due, 
in great part, to the happy solution of the problem of the 
depths, and to the fact that the contour of the ocean bed 
and the character of its soil have been so satisfactorily 
made known to us. For this achievement in the com- 
pelling of one of the great and mysterious forces of nature 
to minister to our daily use and welfare, our thanks, it is 
submitted, are due to the seaman as well as to the 
scientist. 

Note: In the accompanying sketch map of the routes of the 
Tnscarora and Challenger y only the more interesting depths are entered, 
and especially those referred to in the paper. 



MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF 
THE JAPANESE. 

BY 

Walter Dening. 
(Read 12th November, i8go.j 



The aggregate of circumstances combining to form the 
character of any fairly educated human being is sd com- 
plex that anything like a complete analysis of them is a 
work of great difficulty and delicac}', demanding intellectual 
powers of the highest order. Our greatest novelists have 
undoubtedly owed their pre-eminence to master}^ of the 
art of delineating subtle traits of character, of detecting 
connection and relation where ordinary observers would 
never have dreamed of looking for anything of the sort. 
We realise how difficult is this art when we bear in mind 
that there is hardly any living person concerning some 
essential part of whose character entire agreement exists 
even among his intimate acquaintances. Our observa- 
tions and generalisations can only be carried on in a 
rough way. The whole subject of ethology, or the science 
of character, is so intricate that even the most expert 
literary artist finds it necessary to confine his investiga- 
tions to an extremely limited area. When from. the 
study of the character of individuals we pass to that of 
nations, we perceive the variety of type to be so great 
that generalisation and classification become increasingly 
difficult. It is obvious that little more can be done than 
to indicate the most prominent and remarkable of traits. 
This I purpose doing in the case of the Japanese ; and 
my excuse, if, indeed, excuse be needed, for drawing the 



l8 DENING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 

attention of this Society to the subject just at present is 
that, if I mistake not, these prominent mental charac- 
teristics will exercise no small influence in moulding the 
events of the next few years. Mental habits and preju- 
dices that have taken ages to form are not to be rooted 
out in one or two generations. No amount of popular 
representation and parliamentary government will prevent 
the Japanese from acting as their national proclivities 
dictate. What the most pronounced of these are I now 
propose to inquire. 

The first prominent mental characteristic inviting notice 
is the early precocity of Japanese youths. In discussing 
theories, in advocating or combating political opinions, the 
Japanese boy of twelve or thirteen shows a proficiency 
altogether beyond his age. Doubtless various causes have 
combined to bring this about. The most potent seems to 
be the nature of the education imparted. The books which 
infant students have been first taught to read — the Japan- 
ese " Peep of Day " and ** Line upon Line," so to speak, — 
have been the Confucian classics. Fancy one of our infants 
repeating after his teacher at his first lesson such sentences 
as the following : — *' What the great learning teaches, is, 
to illustrate virtue, to renovate the people, and to rest in 
the highest excellence. The point where to rest being 
known, the object of pursuit is then determined ; and 
that being determined, a calm imperturbability may be 
attained. "'•= We in the West commence to teach our boys 
and girls simple little facts about cats, dogs, cows, and 
daisies. Not so the normal Japanese. He commences 
with abstract ideas. He puts into the young scholar's lips 
words whose full meaning some of us take more than half 
a lifetime to acquire, and not infrequently fail to master 
even then. "Great Learning;'* ** illustrious virtue;" 
** highest excellence ; " *' the point where to rest ! " — why, 
these are subjects that occupy our subtlest metaphysicians. 
This early superficial acquaintance, — for it cannot be 



* We quote from Dr. Legge's translation. 



dening: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 19 

more, — with abstract questions and principles, with theories 
of life and morals, produces a certain kind of mental preco- 
city. I have often been utterly astounded at the logic- 
chopping power of Japanese youths of twelve or thirteen 
years of age. But as an educational agency the early 
study of the sages of antiquity has done more harm than 
good. It has evolved a theory-loving, unpractical state of 
mind ; a habit of endeavouring to reach abstract truth by 
other than the proper method— a careful study of the con- 
crete. Forwardness i^ attained at the expense of thorough- 
ness, which has a decided tendency to produce conceit. 
Indeed, in a very large number of cases that proves to 
be the result. I have repeatedly conversed on this 
subject with Japanese interested in education, and they 
seem unanimous in thinking that such early precocity 
should be discouraged, and that the mental condition of 
Japanese youths should be brought into greater conformity 
with that of the Western boy. 

The characteristic we are considering is the real source 
o£ a good deal of the wild journalism and hare-brained 
political oratory so conspicuous in this country during the 
last ten years. No land contains such troops of boy- 
politicians as Japan. One is sometimes astounded on 
being introduced to individuals who have been figuring as 
journalists and stump-orators to find that they are of an 
age when if Englishmen they would hardly know whether 
they had any political opinions at all ; or if they had such 
opinions, would deem it the essence of audacity and conceit 
to make them the subject of a public speech or a news- 
paper article. It is only in Japan that young men are to 
be found audacious enough to write a lecture to grey- haired 
statesmen in reference to their foreign policy, such as the 
Kokumin-no-Tomo contained some time ago. There are 
few countries where irresponsible flippant speech and 
writing are so much indulged in as in Japan ; few countries 
wher^ men having no practical knowledge of politics can so 
easily gain a reputation for profundity by the skill with 
which they theorise. 



20 DENING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 

Allied to the characteristic I have noticed, and for the 
most part inseparable from it, is another conspicuous 
quality of Japanese minds— ujipructlcalify. It has often 
been referred to by both Japanese and foreign writers. 
Mr. Fukuzawa is of opinion that this characteristic, like 
the last, is the result of the system of education followed 
until very recently. He maintains that the lack of interest 
in industry, agriculture, and commerce, so apparent among 
Japanese young men, is the outcome of the training they 
have received. The books that youUjs have hitherto been 
taught to hold in high esteem treat of subjects far removed 
from the every-day life of men of business. It is to be 
hoped that the educational system now pursued in Govern- 
ment schools will do much to remedy this evil. Certain 
it is that in the past, agriculture, commerce, and industry 
have been for the most part handed over to the tender 
mercies of men whom ignorance, prejudice and superstition 
render alien to reform of all kinds. Until a more practical 
state of mind characterises the educated portion of the 
Japanese people, the accumulation of national wealth must 
necessarily be slow. 

I pass on to notice a still more fundamental difference 
between Japanese and foreign minds ; a difference the 
removal of which seems to us absolutely necessary if Japan 
is to compete successfully with Western nations. I 
refer to the distaste that men of education and refinement 
entertain for money-making pursuits. This is something 
distinct from the characteristic referred to above. To 
lack the qualifications for business is quite different from 
holding business pursuits in contempt. A man competent 
to win wealth may yet shrink with repugnance from the 
attempt. Such is the case with certain typical Japanese. 
The life of bread-earning appears to them to be a gloomy 
existence which men may be driven to pass but would 
never voluntarily choose. They dream away their days amid 
dwarfed trees, miniature lakes, and imaginary Fuji, They 
are of opinion that Occidentals are nothing the better for 
their big machines and appliances ; that, on the contrary, 



DENING: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 21 

by perpetual toil, bustle, and worry they render themselves 
unfit to enjoy the pleasures which nature places within 
their reach. They deem it a mistake to suppose that 
the chief object of human life is toil. 

This sentiment the Japanese have inherited from their 
ancestors ; it is far too deeply ingrained to admit of speedy 
eradication. From a philosophical point of view there is 
much to be said in its favour. Considering the brevity of 
human life, it does seem an anomaly that most of us should 
live at high pressure during the greater part of our exis- 
tence; that, during the time when our senses and our minds 
are at their best, we should be obliged to spend most of 
our energy on mechanical work, should have to rush along 
at railway speed without time to reflect what this life is 
or is not capable of yielding. Viewed from a philosophical 
standpoint, the lives which we Westerns lead — have to 
lead indeed, for the keenness of competition leaves us 
no choice — will not bear comparison with the life of the 
Japanese man of taste and quiet pleasure. We grind at 
our professions till either physical weakness or mental 
weariness incapacitates us for the enjoyment of hardly 
earned leisure. The faculties of enjoyment, like all other 
faculties, are apt to grow atrophied by disuse. And so it 
often happens that even the most successful among us 
having acquired much to retire upoUy have nothing to 
retire to : our capacity to enjoy the exhaustless loveliness 
of nature has been irrecoverably lost. The spirit of the 
age forces us to sacrifice life to living — the end to the 
means. Moderation is forbidden to those who would suc- 
ceed. Only those who can bear the longest strain stand 
a chance of rising above mediocrity. Thus amid all our 
bustle, we are conscious that the Japanese view is right ; 
that our habitual neglect to cultivate the faculty of enjoy- 
ment, though a result of events and circumstances over 
which we have no control, is calculated to transform us 
into mere machines, warranted capable of being worked so 
long, but condemned to be laid by at last as so much 
useless lumber. Every now and again one of our own 



22 DENINO : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 

philosophers reminds us that man is designed for higher 
enjoyment than he experiences. **That life was given us 
to be enjoyed," writes one of our modern idealists, ** few 
men in their sober senses, not distracted by unendurable 
anguish or rendered morbid by a perverse theology, have 
ever seriously dreamed of doubting. The analogy of the 
lower animals confirms the consciousness. Human infancy 
holds the same language. The brutes that perish, but 
never speculate and the young whose native instincts are 
not yet marred by thought, alike listen to nature, and 
alike are joyous. The earth is sown with pleasures, as the 
heavens are studded with stars — wherever the conditions 
of existence are unsophisticated. Scarcely a scene that is 
not redolent of beauty ; scarcely a flower that does not 
breathe sweetness. Not one of our senses that, in its 
healthy state, is not an avei;ue to enjo3^ment, not one of 
our faculties that it is not a delight to exercise. Provision 
is made for the happiness of every disposition and of every 
taste — the active, the contemplative, the sensuous, the 
ethereal. Provision is made for the happiness of every 
age, for dancing infancy, for glowing youth, for toiling 
manhood, for reposing age."* 

So have thought the Japanese from time immemorial, 
and so they might go on thinking were they content to 
remain isolated. It is the extreme complexity of our lives, 
our craving for conveniences and luxuries never missed 
because never known by the normal Japanese ; in a word, 
the conventionality of our lives, that renders incessant toil 
an absolute necessity to us. And Japan will have to follow 
suit in this, as in so many other things. Once having 
entered the comity of Western nations, she will have for 
a while to sacrifice her poetry and romance to the stern 
necessities of the new situation. It is no longer a question 
of choosing the more exalted, the more desirable kind of 
life. She has to determine what kind of life is best 
suited to successful competition with the nations that now 

* •* Literary and Social Judgments," by W. K. Greg. 



DENING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 23 

control the destinies of the world. Hence the national 
characteristic on which I have been dwelling is under- 
going a process of gradual but sure eradication. For that 
reason I think it worthy of a place among the archives of 
this Society. 

Our analysis of the anti-sordid characteristic of the 
Japanese mind would not be complete without showing its 
connection with chivalry, and without pointing out how it 
affects the conduct of individuals and public bodies in 
modern days. Some of the mental characteristics of 
nations may be called primary, that is, they have been- 
prominent ever since the dawn of the history of those 
nations. ** The French of the nfneteenth century," Pro- 
fessor Ribot remarks, "are in fact the Gauls described by 
Caesar. In the Commentaries, in Strabo, and in Diodorus 
Siculus we find all the essential traits of our national 
character : love of arms, taste for everything that glitters, 

• 

extreme levity of mind, incurable vanity, address, great 
readiness of speech, and disposition to be carried away by 
phrases. There are in Caesar some observations, which 
might have been written yesterday. ' The Gauls,' says he, 
* have a love of revolution ; they allow themselves to be led 
by false reports into acts they afterwards regret, and into 
decisions on the most important events ; Ihey are depressed 
by reverses ; they are as ready to go to war without cause 
as they are weak and powerless in the hour of defeat.' " * 
Unfortunately in the case of the Japanese we have not 
the advantage of being able to compare observations made 
by an intelligent foreigner more than eighteen hundred 
years ago with what we see to-day ; but we may safely 
say that as far back as history carries us contempt for the 
business of mere money-making was a prominent charac- 
teristic of the Japanese people. There is hardly an 
authentic tale of any length that does not furnish facts 
proving this. The merchant, the usurer, the middleman, 
were regarded as the pariahs of ancient Japanese society, 

* Heredity, p. no. 



24 DENING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 

to the level of whose life the noble samurai would rather 
die than descend. An age of chivalry has always produced 
this feeling: but not in every country has the sentiment 
shown the same tenacity as in Japan. The prosperous 
days of chivalry may be said to have closed with the 
accession to supreme power of the first Tokugawa Shogun. 
Yet thenceforth, during two hundred and fifty years, the 
old spirit lived on, despite a perpetual dearth of events 
calculated to preserve it. And to a large extent it has 
even withstood the influences in operation during the 
past twenty years. 

Associated with this absence of sordidness are some 
noble traits :-a keen sense of honour; great independence ; 
extreme generosity and unselfishness ; a taste for simplicity 
of living : love of espousing the cause of the weak and 
the oppressed — virtues to all of which in the case of the 
vast majority we fear we shall have to say ave atque 
vale. For as the spirit of commerce and the thirst for 
gain become more and more prevalent, such virtues in- 
evitably grow more and more rare. Happily we still 
encounter instances where the display of these traits is 
conspicuous. The spirit of independence among a cer- 
tain class of Japanese is as strong as ever. Numerous 
are the instances in which it leads men to throw up 
lucrative posts rather than further policies of which they 
disapprove. In fact we may go so far as to say that 
there is no virtue more highly esteemed in Japan to-day 
than the absence of servility. A man may have serious 
defects and still be immensely popular if he will show 
himself independent. But like other virtuous traits, this 
characteristic is apt to develop into a vice. When 
carried to excess it becomes the source of endless 
dissension, and leads to the formation of innumerable 
cliques and cabals. The disintegration that Japanese 
political parlies have undergone of late 3'ears owing to 
the undue prevalence of this spirit has been such as to 
render successful cooperation a task of almost insuperable 
difficulty. 



DENING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE, 27 

understood in a wider sense than their author designed 
them to bear, well describe the habitual seriousness of 
our western minds. The groaning of creation, the dis- 
appointed hopes, the melancholy evanescence of all the 
best of things — these and similar sad features of human 
existence have forced themselves imperatively on our 
attention. But the Japanese are in a state of happy 
unconsciousness as regards the gloomy aspects of life, and 
hence are able to enjoy to the full the world's sunshine. 
How long it is possible for them to retain this childlike 
simplicity amid the numerous influences now working in 
their midst, we cannot pretend to say. Being an extre- 
mely imitative people, it is not improbable that in a few 
centuries they will be as grave as we. 

An alleged characteristic which calls for a short notice ; 
is fickleness. The impression which the Japanese have 
left on a large number of observant foreigners is that 
they are fond of new things, that they love change for 
change's sake. An American observer remarked not long 
ago that there is nothing fixed in Japan but change. That 
this is a mental characteristic of the Japanese as we know 
them to day I have no doubt ; but the question is : how 
far is it the result of recent events, and how far is it an 
original trait of national character ? I am inclined to 
think that this peculiarity is accidental, not inherent. For 
centuries prior to the revolution, the Japanese in all 
essential respects steadfastly adhered to one mode of life, 
to one way of thinking. There was no lack of perma- 
nence in their laws, institutions, and pursuits in the days 
of their isolation. They borrowed much from China, 
but they assimilated what they borrowed with great per- 
sistency of character. In modern times they have found 
themselves suddenly introduced to an entirely new world ; 
it would be perhaps more correct to say, to several new 
worlds. Their attention has been attracted by such a 
multitude of things apparently far superior to any thing 
they already possess that they have found great difficulty 
in making a judicious selection. Thus the changes sue- 



28 DENING: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 

ceeding each other so rapidly and in so many directions 
in this country have not, in my opinion, been usually 
dictated by mere fickleness, but have resulted from the 
wish to prove all things with the view of eventually 
holding fast that which is good. Naturally great difficulty 
has been felt in adapting foreign systems and institutions 
to local conditions. Hence when success has not been 
attained by one method, another has been tried. In 
endeavouring to decide on what are and what are not 
national traits, it is hardly fair to take events that have 
transpired during a period of transition and under extra- 
ordinary circumstances as evidence of permanent mental 
characteristics. In my opinion, therefore, it is premature 
to say that fickleness is a permanent trait of Japanese 
national character. 

A back number* of the Journal of the Japanese Edu- 
cation Society contains an extremely interesting paper 
from the pen of Mr. Nose on the subject which we are now 
discussing. Though I do not in every case agree with 
the conclusions at which Mr. Nose arrives, I welcome 
the paper for the sake of the facts it contains, and think 
it worthy of being reproduced in summary here. As a 
statement of Japanese national characteristics as they 
appear to a native well acquainted with Western thought, 
it has a special value of its own. 

After remarking that every nation has distinctive charac- 
teristics, produced by its soil, climate, history, and tradi- 
tional customs — manifesting themselves in physical and 
mental peculiarities, in different modes of dress, in different 
diet, and great discrepancy of taste — Mr. Nose observes 
that it is desirable that every country should endeavour 
to preserve intact, as far as possible, its peculiarities, its 
national individuality ; since it is for its possession of ele- 
ments of character not found in the same degree in other 
nations that it will gain the respect and deference of 
foreign countries. Independent development of national 

• No\'ember, 1889. 



■p_ 



DBNING : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OP THE JAPANESE. 2$ 

It should not be forgotten that the contempt which the 
Japanese gentleman feels for mere money-making finds a 
parallel to some extent in the aversion with which our 
country and town gentry in England, to say nothing 
of our nobility, regard the tradesman who has retired 
on a fortune. But with us contempt is aroused not so 
much by the occupation by means of which money is 
made as by the vulgarity and pompous display too often 
accompanying its expenditure. 

Let us pass now to notice another mental characteristic ; 
which, though partly derived from the trait just considered, 
has other sources as well. I refer to the levity which 
the Japanese display on occasions when a foreigner would 
be grave and concerned. They bear great pecuniary 
losses and sore bereavements with an equanimity that 
is astounding. Where money is concerned the general 
feeling in reference to it, as described above, accounts 
for the unconcern with which its loss is borne. But 
since the Japanese are by no means lacking in domestic 
affection, how is it that to us foreigners they appear so 
stoical when the death of near relatives takes place ? 
Various views on this subject have been held by students 
of Japanese psychology. Some maintain that such levity 
in the presence of bereavement is only apparent ; that the 
Japanese feel quite as keenly as we do under reverses, 
but that they consider it a breach of good manners to be 
demonstrative on such occasions ; in fact, that it is deemed 
a proof of great strength of mind and character to be able 
to suppress emotion and show a calm front at times when 
there is strong temptation to give way. Those who hold 
this view maintain that there is a marked difference in 
the manner in which m*' . and women bear misfortune 
in Japan. Among the letter the display of feeling is quite 
as violent as that of their Western sisters when similarly 
circumstanced. But the men have inherited from their 
warrior ancestors power to control the strongest emotions. 
Such a power was. not one of their original endowments, 
but was developed by centuries of training ; and according 



26 DENING: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 

to this view the stolidity of the Japanese savours more of 
the nature of etiquette than of actual lack of emotional 
feeling. Others there are who maintain that the levity 
and unconcern so noticeable in the Japanese is real and 
deep-seated ; and that it is the result of the fatalism and 
scepticism which form so prominent a feature of Japan- 
ese thought. The shikata-ga-nai'^ feeling, these critics 
affirm, permeates everything, and reconciles the Japanese 
to events that would cause Westerns the gravest con- 
cern. Moreover, say they, the Japanese, having no 
belief in a hereafter, look upon death with sang froid. 
Did they, in common with Christians believe death to 
be but the entrance to another existence, the close of 
life would be regarded by them in quite a different 

light. 

These considerations, though doubtless they have some- 
thing to do with the characteristic we are considering, 
do not seem to us to wholly account for it. The fact is 
that the tastes, education, and whole life of the Japanese 
tend to produce light-heartedness, and conspire to prevent 
their taking to heart events which Westerns feel keenly. 
In the first place, they have cultivated a most intense 
enjoyment of nature. No people revel in a fine spring or 
autumn day more than the Japanese. Over many Western 
minds a gloomy theology and a philosophy that scrutinises 
closely the darker aspects of human existence have cast 
a deep shadow. To such influences the Japanese are as 
a nation entire strangers. The teaching of religionists 
about a future life possesses little interest for them ; no 
fear of future retribution interferes with their festive mirth. 
Their speculation has never gone very deep. They have 
not reached the strata of stem facts on which our best 
poets and our best prose writers are wont to dwell. Dr. 
Newman's lines : 

** Dim is the philosophic flame 

" By thoughts severe unfed," 

• Lit. ** there b no help for it." 



DENINO : MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 29 

characteristics and powers is what elicits the admiration 
of neighbouring countries. The principal national virtues 
of the Japanese, according to Mr. Nose, are loyalty, filial 
piety, benevolence, chastity, and personal cleanliness. He 
maintains that the contention of some writers that these 
virtues were originally derived from China or India is not 
warranted by facts. Though the terms now in use to 
express them are in many instances Chinese in origin, the 
virtues themselves are national heirlooms. Had there 
been no national virtues prior to the spread of Buddhism 
and Confucianism in this country, the writer contends, 
it would have been impossible for the nation to main- 
tain its independence. For twelve or thirteen hundred 
years, says Mr. Nose, with the exception of disturbances 
among the Ainos, there was no rebellion against the esta- 
blished authority, and in those early times emperors with 
but few attendants frequently travelled long distances with 
perfect safety. This the writer attributes to the loyalty of 
the people. It was a long time even after the arrival of 
Buddhism and Confucianism before those creeds gained 
any influence over the lower orders ; and even after their 
tenets had been studied and adopted by a large portion of 
the educated, the latter had a code of honour known as 
tnembokUf which was quite distinct from the teachings of 
foreign creeds, and the due observance of which often cost 
them their lives. Under the Tokugawa regime the Chinese 
classics were diligently studied, but more for the sake of 
their general teaching on politics than as furnishing a 
standard of morals. For the latter, Mr. Nose maintains, 
the Japanese invariably fell back on their national senti- 
ment, on the moral instincts they had inherited from their 
forefathers. Mr. Nose adds that even those who were 
best acquainted with Confucianism never regarded its 
moral precepts with anything like the veneration which the 
Christian feels for the teaching of the Bible. 

The writer next proceeds to define more precisely what 
he conceives to be the purely national elements of Japanese 
virtue. These, he says, are extreme aversion to disgrace. 



30 dbning: mental characteristics op the Japanese. 

• 

and a high regard for unspotted honour, loyalty to supe- 
riors, dutiful feelings towards parents, straightforwardness, 
cleanliness, and chastity. ** In other countries," observes 
Mr. Nose, " ethical terms are derived from sacred writings ; 
the terms in vogue in China come from the classics ; those 
of Europe from the Bible ; those of India and Turkey from 
the Koran or Buddhist scriptures ; but in Japan the words 
which are best known as expressive of moral states, ac- 
tions and feelings are, with few exceptions, purely native, 
and have no connection with any religions creed whatever." 
Mr, Nose gives the following twelve specimens of words 
not derived from Chinese classical literature and yet ex- 
pressing moral ideas :—ai-sumauu (inexcusable, improper, 
wrong); memhoku-nai (ashamed, crest-fallen); fu-todoki- 
seniban (audacious, insolent); mottai-nai (wrong, improper); 
kinodokn (concern for others, regret); appare (splendid, 
admirable); furachi (unprincipled, lawless, wicked); kawai 
(lovable, dear, pretty); otonashii (quiQiy obedient, meek); 
muri-no-nai {just, reasonable, righi) ; fugydseki (wicked or 
immoral conduct) ; tahetsu shigoku (of the greatest conse- 
quence, of the highest value) ; ikiji (obstinacy, an unyielding 
temper) ; ritsugisha (an upright, straightforward person) ; 
huclwho (ignorant, awkward, bungling) ; kuchioshii (a thing 
to be deplored or regretted). 

This list it, will be perceived, contains words derived 
from China, but such terms are mere adaptations, in Mr. 
Nose's opinion. His argument here is far from con- 
vincing. It would have been better had he excluded from 
his list all Chinese words. There would be no surer way 
of finding out what precisely were the ethical notions of 
the ancient Japanese than by making an exhaustive list 
of all the moral terms in use prior to the introduction 
of writing. This could be done by a careful examination 
of the Kojiki and the book of poems known as the 
** Collection of a myriad Leaves." This latter work was 
published in the middle of the eighth century, and it 
embodies the most ancient forms of speech. Mr. Nose 
contends that the above terms refer to no standared 



dbning: mental charactbristics op the JAPANESE. 31 

of right and wrong outside the minds of the people who 
use them ; that when, for instance, an ancient Japanese 
uttered the word sutnanUj he did not employ it in the 
sense of our word ** unchristian," nor did he refer to a 
standard set up by individuals like Confucius or Mencius. 
He spoke and thought of impropriety in the abstract, in 
the nature of the action of which this quality was pre- 
dicated ; and when he spoke of himself as memhokunai^ 
the standard of conduct which rendered him crestfallen 
was a purely national one, and had nor eference what- 
ever to a supposed divine revelation. Mr. Nose asserts 
that the feelings of ancient Japanese on such matters 
were well expressed by Sugawara Michizane when he 
wrote. 

•* Kokoro dani 

Makoto no michi ni 
Kanainaba, 

Inorazu totevto 
Kamiya mamoran.'' — 

«* As long as the heart is in harmony with truth, even 
though there be no praying, God will protect." 

For the chastity of her women, for the loyalty and 
bravery of her great heroes, for the moral obligations which 
even the most uneducated of her sons feel themselves 
under, Japan, Mr. Nose affirms, is indebted to no religious 
creed, but to those inherent moral sentiments that have 
characterised her people ever since they have been a nation. 
He proceeds to show that though the terms for many of 
her virtues now in use are Chinese in origin, the qualities 
denoted by such terms are purely native. And he main- 
tains that the loyalty of her sons and the chastity of her 
women are at once distinct . and superior to anything found 
in China. The objection to second marriages, which was 
so strongly felt by the Japanese women of former days ; 
the native disregard of death when obligations had to be 
fulfilled, which was so conspicuous in the men — all this 
the writer contends finds no parallel in Chinese morals. 



32 DENING: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 

t 

Mr. Nose admits that the ambition to die honourably 
rather than live in disgrace was in Japan in excess of 
what is desirable; but nevertheless contends that as an 
exhibition of strength of moral purpose it was very remark- 
able, and adds that the determination which enabled men 
to die without regret when duty demanded the sacrifice 
of their lives, would, had it been rightly directed, have 
sufficed to enable them to bear the shame to which they 
were exposed and to commence afresh life's battle. He 
thinks that the fundamental difference between Japanese 
and foreign mental characteristics is in the value put upon 
life. He admits that the fortitude which enables a man 
to survive disgrace and attempt to regain his lost reputa- 
tion is of a higher order than that which nerves and 
sustains him in the hour of self-destruction, and hence 
that the foreign view is preferable to that of the ancient 
Japanese. 

Mr. Nose passes on to discuss the vendetta. He does 
not attempt to deny that this practice received the moral 
sanction of the nation for many centuries. But this, he 
says, was owing to the imperfection of the laws of those 
times. The justice which should have been administered 
by the State was dispensed by private individuals. But 
the desire to punish the wicked and to avenge the death 
of relatives was in itself highly virtuous. After the manner 
of most Japanese writers on this subject, Mr. Nose dwells 
on the loyalty to the throne manifested in Japan as some- 
.thing entirely unique. 

Mr. Nose, at the conclusion of his paper, laments that 
there are at present so many signs of deterioration in the 
moral feelings of the Japanese, and points out that upon 
the increased cultivation of these depends the future 
prosperity of the empire. He remarks that the old disre- 
gard of death, the willingness to sacrifice life to the 
country's honour, is occasionally seen now-a-days, but that 
it no longer gains the respect of the nation, owing to the 
ignorance and bigotry with which it is associated. Mr. 
Nose maintains that it is quite possible to find all that is 



DBNING: mental characteristics of the JAPANESE. 33 

required in the way of an ethical standard in the hereditary 
moral sentiments of the nation, and thinks that if these 
sentiments be nurtured in the family and the school, a 
type of character inferior to none of those said to be 
the result of religious teaching in the West will certainly 
be produced. 

Mr. Nose, in a work entitled Kioiku-gaku, treats the 
subject of Japanese mental characteristics at still greater 
length. His point of view is that of an educationalist, but 
the conclusions which he reaches are of deep interest to the 
student of Japanese psychology. The following brief 
summary of his views taken from a notice of the work 
which I prepared for the Japan Mail some time ago 
I think worth inserting in this paper. 

The temperature, the climate, the physical characteristics 
of the country, the fertility of the soil — these are all con- 
ducive to high development. But unfortunately, for the 
three hundred years that preceded the Meiji era,* the bene- 
ficent effects of these physical influences were counteracted 
by the baneful nature of the social and individual agencies 
at work, Mr, Nose maintains that it was hardly possible 
to find an atmosphere less congenial to mental develop- 
ment than that which existed under the grinding despotism 
of the Tokugawa Shoguns. All forms of original thought, 
all attempts to encourage independent investigation, were 
suspected and suppressed. He is of opinion that it will 
take some generations to eradicate the evil effects of the 
social influences of old Japan. They are still to be traced 
in the fundamental ideas of the agriculturalist and the 
mechanic; they account for his lack of enterprise, and for 
the fatalistic manner in which he clings to his environment, 
as though it were unalterable. Not less are the effects of 
these influences manifested in the lives and thoughts of the 
learned classes of society. With the majority learning is 
no more than a pastime. It is pursued with no practical 
end in view, and is valued more as a polite accomplishment 

* The name of the present era. 



34 PENINO : MBNTAL^CHARACTBRISTICS OP THE JAPANESE . 

than as an organ of enlightenment and a means of amelio- 
rating the condition of suffering humanity. The mental 
qualities which, according to Mr. Nose, need most cultiva- 
tion in Japan are tenacity and stability of purpose, and 
a determination to bring to a consummation that which 
has once been commenced. 

As I have already observed, I am not prepared to 
endorse Mr. Nose's views. I think that his main con- 
tention that the fundamental ethical notions of the Japan- 
ese were not derived from China is incontrovertible. But 
the native origin of the ethical ideas of the Japanese is 
not to be elevated to the rank of a distinguishing national 
characteristic. When Mr. Nose tells us that the terms in 
vogue in China came from the Classics ; those of Europe 
from the Bible ; those of India and Turkey from the Koran 
or Buddhist Scriptures, but that in Japan the words which 
are best known as expressive of moral states, actions and 
feelings are, with few exceptions, purely native, and have 
no connection with any religious creed whatever, he 
confuses two distinct things, namely ethical notions and 
the language in which those notions are expressed. It is 
no distinguishing mark of Japan that she had a stock of 
moral ideas long before she came into contact with a 
foreign civilization. Nobody imagines that the Bible, the 
Koran or the Buddhist scriptures could be rendered into 
the language of a people utterly devoid of all moral 
notions. The thoughts, in however vague and indefinite 
a form, must have been present in the minds of the people 
whom these sacred books have furnished with terms. 
But this does not make the obligation we are under to 
the writers of the books anything the less. And the same 
may be said of Japan. We think that Mr. Nose under-es- 
timates the influence which Confucianism and Buddhism 
have exercised in giving shape and definiteness to the 
ethical creed of the Japanese as we find it in their best 
books. The list of what he deems adopted terms might 
be confronted with a still fuller list of purely Chinese 
terms. Japanese ethics owes much to China. Had the 



mm 



DBNINO: MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OP THE JAPANESE. 35 

native system been allowed *"to develop itself unaided by 
foreign thought, it would to-day be no less meagre and 
effete than the Shinto creed. 

What I have said about the lack of peculiarity in the 
ethical language used by ancient Japanese applies to the 
notions themselves as stated by Mr. Nose. Nations have 
distinguishing marks, doubtless, but they do not consist of 
discrepancies in fundamental moral notions. What Mr. 
Nose designates the principal national virtues of the Japan- 
ese : loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, chastity, and personal 
cleanliness are virtues possessed by all nations who pretend 
to any kind of civilisation. These qualities are not then to 
be reckoned as distinctly national virtues. The regard 
in which the Japanese hold the person of their Sovereign is 
supposed by Mr. Nose and a crowd of other writers to be 
unique. But we all know that extreme veneration for 
sovereignty is a universal characteristic of nations in the 
earlier stages of their development. 

While valuing many of the facts with which Mr. Nose 
furnishes us, we think that the inferences which be draws 
from them are by no means warranted. 

I have done no more than trace the outlines of a great 
and interesting subject ; confining myself for the most 
part to jotting down the results of my own observations, 
extended over many years. I may return to the discus- 
sion on a future occasion. It would be interesting to know 
how far the views expressed in this paper are shared by 
other foreign students. I say foreign students, as it is 
of course plain that distinguishing marks of nationality 
must be more discernible to a foreigner than to a native, 
on the principle that to few is it given to see themselves 
as others see them. 

I have purposely omitted from this paper the notice 
of some traits to which my attention has been frequently 
called by foreign observers, for the reason that I have my 
doubts whether the number of cases in which such 
characteristics are displayed is sufficiently large and suffici- 
ently typical to warrant my including them in a list of 



36 DENING: MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE. 

distinctively national traits. As I observed at the outset, 
the subject is one that requires very delicate handling and 
one in which, perhaps, it is impossible to do more than 
arrive at an approximately correct opinion. Nevertheless 
I think it worthy of the attention of this Society, and 
trust that, since it is a topic on which all old residents 
must have formed some definite notions, this paper may 
induce such to give the Society and the public the benefit 
of their observations. 



NOTES ON LAND TENURE AND 

LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN 

OLD JAPAN. 

Edited from posthumous papers of Dr. D. B. Simmoks. 

BY 

John H. Wigmore. 
(Read December loth, 1890.) 



CONTENTS. 



r. Preface by the Editor... 



• • • • • • *« i 



Page. 

37 



II. Notes of Dr. Simmons ... 

/. Introductory, 



• • • • • • 



49 



I. 1 ne spirit ot local institutions 


49 


2. Local government from above 


5 


//. Land law. 




I. Division of territory 


64 


2. Size of holdings 


67 


3. Classes of land 


77 


4. Classes of landholders 


78 


5. Mortgages 


88 


6. Succession 


90 


///. Local rural institutions. 




I. The mura in general 


92 


2. The ^on/n-^w;;ii system 


95 


3. Mura officers 


100 


4. Mura written laws 


113 


5. Mura taxes 


115 



Pagb. 

6. Local justice and procedure ii8 

7. Temple administration 129 

0» \^HAl 1 L V ••• ••• ••> ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• t m » 1. S^ 

9. The family 131 

IV. Serfdom and the yeta 
classes, 

1. Early serfdom 133 

2. The ^^/a classes 141 

III. Summary by ti:e Editor 149 

XV* a\s IT J&M IJlJ^ ••• ••• ••• *.•* ••• ■•• ••• ••«Xy7 

I. Specimens of ^w/«i-/://5 „ 

II. Other laws for iiiMra 211 

III. House communities in Hida ... 217 

IV. Complaint of farmers, 989 A. D 221 

V. The military system of early Japan 224 

VI. Rules in regard to the station in life {bnngen) 

\J\ lanilCFS ••« «•• ••« •«• «•• .•• ... ••• it *tQ 

VII. Early Japanese civilization 239 

VIII. Map of a m«ra 247 



I. PREFACE BY THE EDITOR. 



The character and career of Dr. Duane B. Simmons, the 
author of these Notes, are too well known to residents of 
Japan to need any preliminary notice. For the benefit of 
others, however, it will be necessary, before referring to the 
Notes themselves, to speak briefly of the personality of 
their author. 

Dr. Simmons was a native of Glens Falls, New York, 
and was born about 1834. He began his medical education 
in 1852, studying in his native town with Dr. M. S. 
Littlefield. He then spent two years attending medical 
lectures in Albany, and in 1854 went to New York, where 
he graduated, in 1855, at life College of Physicians and 
Surgeons. The next year he served as Assistant Surgeon 
at King's County Hospital, and the year 1856 was spent 
in medical studies at Paris and in travel on the Continent. 
On his return he settled in Williamsburgh, New York, to 
follow his profession ; but in 1859, feeling (as his diary 
says) that his sphere was too limited for his temperament, 
he accepted an offer to accompany as surgeon a missionary 
body sent out by the Dutch Reformed Church of New York. 
From November 2, 1859, when he landed in Kanagawa, he 
made his home in Japan, practising his profession and 
becoming undoubtedly the most eminent physician in 
the country, and perhaps (among the Japanese, certainly) 
of all foreigners the one whose name was best known. 
During an absence of a year or so, in 1862-3, he took the 
opportunity to continue his medical studies in Berlin, 
under Virchow and von Graefe. In 1869 he was offered 
the directorship of the Imperial Medical School and 
Hospital, then newly established in Tokyo, but for some 
reason it was declined. Not long afterwards he establish- 
ed the Jiizen Hospital in Yokohama; and the instruction 



38 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

which he offered to voluntary classes of Japanese practi- 
tioners Avas of lasting benefit to the cause of medical 
education here. In addition to the duties of this post, he 
filled the positions of Sanitary Adviser to the Provincial 
Government, Sanitary Inspector of the Port, Surgeon to 
the Police Hospital, and Chairman of the Foreign Board 
of Health. In 1877 cholera was under his direction 
treated for the first time in Japan with the methods of 
modern sanitary science. In 1881 his health broke down, 
and he returned to America. But after a few years' 
absence his love for Japan proved irresistible, and he 
returned to its shores, with his mother, in 1887, his plan 
then being to spend the best part of his time in the study 
of Japanese social institutions during the feudal period. 
With this object he began, with some system, to seek 
information from the scores of educated Japanese whom he 
counted among his friends, to have books translated, and 
to make copious notes upon'a wide range of subjects. At 
the end of 1888, however, aggravated symptoms appeared 
of Bright's disease, which had long threatened him. He 
began with new vigor to arrange the materials he had been 
collecting, but it was now too late, and in February, 1889, 
he passed away. 

Among the Japanese his friends could be numbered by 
the hundred, — cabinet ministers, government officials, 
doctors, priests, scholars, local officials, ^farmers, mer- 
chants, rich and poor, old and young. His travels in the 
interior made him known everywhere among the people, 
and his medical services, usually gratuitous, caused him to 
be remembered by them. It has been said that there was 
hardly a village in Japan where he did not have a friend or 
an acquaintance. 

He was loved by the Japanese who knew him as no other 
foreigner in Japan, with perhaps one or two exceptions, 
ever has been. It was the earnest request of his Japanese 
friends, after his death, that they alone might have the 
privilege of following his body, as it was carried from his 
house in Tokyo to the railway station ; and the hundreds 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 39 

who joined the procession formed a gathering of eminent 
men in all departments of life such as probably never 
occurred before in the capital. 

During his twenty-five years' residence he was continu- 
ally making inquiries and absorbing information. His 
sympathy had the widest range, and his queries embraced 
innumerable subjects, from daimyo to beggars, from games 
and festivals to crime and immorality. In later years 
it would seem that his chief interest lay in the direction of 
land tenure and local institutions, which form the principal 
subjects of the Notes here collected. His reading on those 
topics was, perhaps necessarily, not extensive, and his 
eagerness to explore each new subject that opened before 
him resulted continually in unfinished work which lacked 
the scientific value that it might easily have had. He had 
the enthusiasm for facts as facts which characterizes the 
true scientist, and it seems to have been an excess of 
the same quality which has deprived his study of the 
stability and coherency that it should have had. He 
himself recognized the direction of his failing. During 
his last year or two, he often expressed a hope that some 
younger man, some one with a fresher acquaintance with 
modern science and with a capacity for systematization, 
would come across his path and would share his labors, 
moulding into form the material, written and unwritten, 
which he had collected, and carrying out the unfinished 
investigations which he had begun. Undoubtedly this 
was exactly his need ; and undoubtedly, through his failure 
to meet with such good fortune, science has lost irretriev- 
ably. The man was unique, and his opportunities were 
unique, and the portion of knowledge which is contained in 
these Notes and in his still unpublished manuscripts, is, 
like the unsubmerged peak of an iceberg, but a small 
portion of what might have been secured for science. 

Of the special opportunities which he had for ob«erving 
and investigating, he himself writes as follows : " The 
social and domestic condition of a people can only be 
studied by a long life among them and by actual residence 



40 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

for a longer or shorter time in some of their representative 
households. My long residence in Japan afforded me 
frequent opportunities for doing this. My knowledge of 
the language and my profession of physician brought me 
on these occasions into the most confidential relations, dis- 
arming suspicion, relieving from restraint, and thus enabling 
me to arrive at facts and conclusions which under less 
favorable circumstances would have been sure to be marred 
by exaggerations on the one hand and by concealment on 
the other. One of the most remarkable features in the 
rapid development of progress in Japan was the eagerness 
with which all classes and more especially the higher and 
educated sought the advice and aid of foreign physicians. 
For many years in charge of one of the largest hospitals, 
my opportunities for becoming familiar with all classes of 
the people were exceptional. Certain families were in the 
habit of coming long distances almost every summer to 
my Hospital and of taking rooms and living in it as if at 
a sanitarium. With many of them I formed lasting 
relations of friendship, and was frequently invited to come 
to their homes and stay as long as my convenience and 
inclinations dictated. Some of these invitations were 
gladly accepted from time to time. Whenever journeying 
in the country I constantly met old familiar faces of whose 
whereabouts I had had no knowledge. My arrival in a 
village, especially if I remained all night, was sure to be 
the occasion of a general reception from old patients and 
their friends, partly complimentary and partly to obtain my 
medical advice. Among them most conspicuous would 
be the village doctors. Some of them had been my 
students ; others had on various occasions brought their 
difficult cases to me for consultation. In this manner 
I became acquainted with the domestic and social life of 
the rural population and the large landed proprietors. 

** Much in the same manner I was brought in contact 
with the higher and ruling classes. As one of two or 
three pioneers of western medical science, the gates of 
feudal lords were thrown open to me, — gates which had 



(/ 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 4X 

ever been closed against the foreigner, and within which 
all was deep mystery to those who came here from the 
western world during the centuries of Japanese national 
hermitage. By frequent visits to these families, I was 
enabled to see and study the social life of old Japan in 
places where the customs and usages of centuries past 
were preserved in all their purity. The opportunity was 
well timed, for already there had begun to appear the signs 
of a civil strife resulting ultimately in overthrow and 
destruction so sudden and so thorough that at this date 
only a trace remains of the pomp and circumstance of 
feudal pride." 

Of the passing away of the old customs and of the 
necessity for a diligent and speedy use of fast disappearing 
opportunities, he says : ** Some of the most attractive 
subjects to the student, the organization of society, the 
institutions of the family, and especially the system of 
rural government forming the whole superstructure on 
which the nation was built, have in Japan up to this time 
been comparatively little studied by foreigners. This is 
chiefly due, first, to the difficulty of investigating without a 
good knowledge of the language, and, secondly, to the 
want of opportunities, by close relationship with the people, 
to appreciate the spirit as well as the form of their institu- 
tions. But the subject of the laws and customs of old 
Japan is fast becoming a matter of history only. Since the 
abolition of feudalism in 187 1 and the restoration of the 
Mikado to power, great and marvellous changes have been 
going on in the social and political condition of the country. 
The historic oriental forms of social life and government 
are being as fast as possible remodeled on western princi- 
ples, and if the present rate of change continues, the time 
is not far distant when the main features will have disap- 
peared or will have become so modified by mixture with 
western ideas and methods that it will be difficult to 
separate the old from the new. Already there is a 
younger generation ignorant of most of the customs charac- 
teristic of the feudal and rural life of old Japan. Not even 



42 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TBNURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

the names of the books from which chiefly I have drawn 
my information are known to the younger educated Japan- 
ese. Their contents are known to but few of even the 
older Japanese. Many of the written laws especially, and 
the records of the customs on which they were based, were 
till the fall of feudalism preserved in manuscript form only, 
and of these manuscripts numbers are now to be found 
only after much search in old booths or junk shops where 
they are held at a value little more than that of waste 
paper. Even though these may be rescued and preserved 
for the use of future students of Japanese history their 
extreme brevity and simplicity will fail to convey the spirit 
of the institutions and customs of the times to which 
they refer. The present day therefore is one of great 
importance in researches of the kind. Now the living 
representatives of the past times may be reached ; now the 
opportunity exists for personal inquiry from those who 
were not only familiar with the laws and customs of those 
times but who were, as officials, the only possessors of the' 
manuscripts containing the records, laws, and decisions. 
Some of these persons I am fortunate enough to number 
among my friends, but their gray hairs and tottering steps 
warn me that no time is to be lost if this source of 
information is to be utilized. In addition to this, the fact 
that I am one of a dozen at most of living foreigners who 
have been actual observers of the forms of society and 
government in old Japan makes me feel still more the im- 
portance of pushing on with the work which I have under- 
taken. In what I write I shall not pretend to have ex- 
hausted the subject, but shall aim only to give a brief 
outline of it in a connected form as a basis for farther and 
more extended observation by myself and other more able 
students."^ 

I. The author of the ChihO Seido-tsu szys: "All intelligent people 
regret keenly the sweeping away of ancient customs that ensued after 
the Meiji Restoration. Good or bad, they were all included, on the 
score of being opposed to free institutions. There were numerous 
customs which performed an important service in preset ving social 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 43 

He felt a natural satisfaction in the fact that he was the 
first to study these phenomena of local institutions and to 
bring to light facts of such interest and importance to 
science. ** As showing the great importance and value to 
the student of anthropology of the Village Communities 
wherever they are still living institutions, Sir Henry Maine 
remarks in his * Village Communities :' * For many years 
the discovery and recognition of the existence of the Village 
Communities of India has ranked among the greatest 
achievements of the Anglo-Indian Government.* I must 
admit, therefore, that it was with no small degree of satis- 
faction that I discovered, now some years ago, the Village 
Communities of Sir Henry Maine to exist in Japan. I say 
* discovered,' because I am not aware that they had been 
recognized by any previous observer. Be this as it may, it 
matters little to me, as long as I have at last the leisure and 
the opportunity for their study." This was written shortly 
before his death. While it is necessary to refuse assent 
to the exactness of the parallel here predicated between 
the Japanese community and those sketched by* Sir Henry 
Maine, it is perhaps not an exaggeration to say that the 
study of the Japanese Village Community approaches if 
not equals in scientific importance that of any other such 
communities outside of Western Europe. 

It is unnecessary to speak here of the circumstances 
under which his manuscript came into the hands of the 

order, but theite were carried away in the general inundation, side by 
side with the really pernicious institutions. Among the former were 
the observances in regard to the common meadow and forest land. 
These, before the Restoration, were public property of wi/ra, han^ etc., 
and were preserved from destruction by salutary regulations. But after 
that great event the authority of the old rules was weakened, and evil 
consequences followed. Now that the hand of control was loosed, 
people began to act as their wish dictated. Before long the subdivision 
of commons, even their sale, came to pass. It is much to be lamented 
that at the present time little or no trace of the old law on this subject 
can be found. Here and there, in mura lying in mountainous districts, 
some traces remain, for the people of the mountains arc conservative in 
their nature, and are not ready to suffer sudden changes in their old 
customs." 



44 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

editor, except to say that it was by the kind permission 
of those who had the authority to dispose of it. A few 
words, however, must be said about the material for the 
Notes. The manuscript left by Dr. Simmons included 
nearly one hundred notebooks and packages of loose papers, 
containing memoranda, jottings, extended notes, half-begun 
articles, plans for books and essays, etc. etc., covering 
scores of topics, and utterly without index or arrangement. 
It was necessary to find out what portions of this material 
were homogeneous, and then to extract and arrange 
selected passages, and to attempt to put them in a form fit 
for publication. One result of this condition of things was 
^hat the material going to make up these Notes was found 
scattered in perhaps a thousand separate passages, now 
woven into continuous text, and that the editor has been 
obliged to take the responsibility of arranging this material, 
of correcting hastily written passages, of amplifying memo- 
randa, and of condensing the frequently occurring repeti- 
tions. The hasty and unfinished nature of the writing 
made this in most cases a necessity. It was thought better 
that the reader's attention should, if possible, not be dis- 
tracted by formal inadequacies which the author, had he 
lived, would never have allowed to remain. For the sake 
of presenting the individuality of the author as closely as 
possible, much has been retained the form of which did not 
commend itself to the editor personally. On the other 
hand, perhaps one third of the whole material is in the 
language of the editor ; though for the sake of the credit of 
the author it is to be regretted that it was impossible clearly 
to distinguish those passages for the wording of which the 
editor alone is responsible. Another consequence of the 
chaotic condition of the papers is that it is out of the ques- 
tion to make certain distinctions bearing on the scientific 
value of the statements made, (i) It was impossible, in all 
but a few minor instances, to assign dates to passages ; that 
is, to ascertain whether they represented the earlier or the 
later views of the author. (2) It was next to impossible to 
determine whether a given passage was based on observa- 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 45 

tion, on the translation of a book, or on statements by 
Japanese friends, and, in the last case, to determine the 
source of the statements. This drawback is of the less 
consequence, however, for this reason. On the subject of 
local institutions and land tenure. Dr. Simmons* customary 
informant (other than his provincial friends, ex-officials, 
etc.) was a Japanese scholar, Otomo Rokujir6 by name, 
occupying a high place, though not the highest, as a 
student of those subjects. This scholar (whom he calls 
" my teacher " in some passages) gave him the full benefit 
of his researches and attainments. The largest part of 
these Notes may be taken as based on the authorit}' of Mr. 
Otomo, or of Japanese books translated by him for Dr. 
Simmons and therefore stamped with his authority. Mr. 
Otomo died a few months before the author of these Notes, 
and we are unfortunately left without the light which he 
could throw on the sources of information in detail. Mr. 
Fukuzawa, who lent Dr. Simmons a number of Japanese 
books and shared his interest in the subject, had no direct 
companionship in his studies, and can give no help on this 
point. (3) Many obscurities remain, which no collation 
of passages and no effort at inference can dissipate. These 
must be accepted as inevitable. 

The Japanese works on which Dr. Simmons seems to 
have drawn most largely were two ; i) jfikata Hanrti- 
roku (collection of provincial regulations), a work con- 
taining a great deal of miscellaneous information on the 
subject of local rural institutions. Written at some 
unascertained time by Oishi Ijuro, a scholar of some 
standing and a local official of Takasaki Han, who died 
about 1794, it was first brought to light about 1840, when 
Mizuno Tadakuni, a feudal noble, made an effort to 
collect rare and valuable books. A scholar named 
T6j6 KO (using the nom de plume of Kintai) formed the 
intention of revising and completing it, but political 
imprisonment interfered with his purpose and it was not 
carried out until 187 1, when the completed work was 
published in twenty small volumes. It is probably the 



46 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

best known book on the subject, and the amount of original 
material which it contains makes it particularly valuable. 2) 
jfikata Ochibo-shil (collection of fallen rice-ears in the 
provinces), an anonymous collection of notes on land 
tenure and local institutions, written about 1799. 

From one point of view these Notes have the highest 
importance. They mark the first step in the study of 
local institutions in old Japan, and they have opened the 
way for more extended study. They are largely the results 
of investigation made on the spot and under specially 
favorable opportunities, and may be taken to represent, in 
any given instance, the actual practice among the people, 
rather than the theoretical rule. From another point of 
view the value of a large portion of them is but temporary 
and their authority only provisional ; for later students will 
be able to consult much better written authorities, to reach 
wider conclusions, and to construct sounder theories. In 
any case we must be deeply grateful for the enthusiastic 
spirit and the sympathetic observation which has given 
us this valuable nucleus and has made us aware of the 
richness of the field of investigation. 

The foot-notes are invariably those of the editor. The 
Japanese authorities there cited are as follows: i. The 
Chiho Seido-tsHf an account of the local government 
system of old Japan, in two volumes, written about 1878. 
The author is said to have been a Mr. Murata, of the 
Genroin (Senate) ; the copy • used for reference was in 
manuscript, and is the only one known to the editor : 
2. The Sendai Han Gun-shi'Son-cho Seido-ko, a manu- 
script account of local government in the fief of Sendai, 
written within recent years by officers ot the new province 
of Miyagi (whicH contains the town of Sendai), under the 
direction of Mr. Yamada : 3. The Yamato Hansel, a 
manuscript volume, copied from a manuscript now at the 
Nara Gun-yakusho (office of Nara county), giving a short 
account of the local institutions in the old province of 
Yamato. The authors were certain officials of the Gun- 
yakusho : 4. The Den-yen jfikata Kigcn, an account of 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 47 

the origin and history of various institutions connected 
with land tenure; written by Mr. Asakawa Teigo, and 
existing only in manuscript : 5. The Dai Nihon Fudosan, 
a history of real property in Japan down to the time of the 
Restoration ; written in 1888 by Mr. Yokoye Tokifuyu, 
a Tokyo scholar of eminence : 6. The Minji Kwanrei- 
ruishii, a collection of local customs relating to land 
tenure, contracts, etc., made about 1878 by officials in the 
various provinces under the supervision of the Shiho-sho 
(Department of Justice): 7. The Shoj'eu-kOf bl history of 
shoyen or manors, by Mr. Kurita Kwan, of Mito. 

The first four were kindly loaned for translation by 
Mr. Matsuzaki Kuranosuke ; the sixth by Mr. Ishii. 

For the translation of the third and sixth of these the 
editor is indebted to Mr. Ushiba Tetsuo, a student of the 
School of English Law ; of the first, fifth and seventh, to 
Mr. Nagashima, a recent graduate of the Keiogijuku 
College ; of the second and fourth, to Mr. Kambe Torajiro, 
a student of the Law Department of the Keiogijuku 
University ; and for the translation of the fourth Kumi-cho 
in the Appendix to Mr. Ishii Kikujiro, a graduate of the 
Law Department of the Imperial University. For explana- 
tions on many points of translation there is a special 
indebtedness to Messrs. Ushiba and Ishii. Several Japan- 
ese scholars of high rank have also been consulted for 
criticism of the conclusions reached by Dr. Simmons, and 
where an opinion was of special consequence it has been 
mentioned. Chief among these were Mr. Konakamura 
Kiyonori, professor of Ancient Japanese Law in the Im- 
perial University, and one of the three or four leading 
authorities upon the subject; Mr. Kurita Kwan, curator of 
the Shoko-kwan Library at Mito, editor and reviser of the 
national history Dai Nihoti'Shiy and author of numerous 
works on old Japanese law and custom ; Mr. Miyazaki 
Michisaburo, professor of Roman Law in the Imperial Uni- 
versity, and a thorough student of early Japanese institu- 
tions ; Mr. Matsuzaki Kuranosuke, assistant professor at 
the Imperial University and one of the best of the younger 



48 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 



Japanese scholars ; and Mr. Komeyama Yasusuke, professor 
of Old Japanese Law in the Keiogijuku University. It is 
a matter of extreme regret that there does not exist among 
these and other scholars, foreign and native, greater 
co-operation in the investigation of early and mediaeval 
institutions. 

For the meanings of the various Japanese terms the 
editor and his translators are responsible, though for con- 
venience sake the meanings are usually placed in the text 
itself. Thanks are due for assistance in this matter and 
in that of etymologies to Mr. J. H. Gubbins, the learned 
Japanese Secretary of H. B. M.'s Legation. 

A table of equivalents for Japanese measures is here 
appended for reference. 

I ri = 2.4403 miles 

I chd = 357.92 feet 

I ken = 1.9884 yards 

I shaku = 11.9305 inches 

1 ri = 5*9552 square miles 

I chd = 2.4507 acres 

I tan = 0.2451 acre 

I tsubo =3 3.9538 square yards 

I kokic = 4.9629 bushels 

J to = .496 bushel 

I sho = '1985 peck 

I go = .0199 peck 



Linear measure. 



Square measure. 



Dry measure. 



II. NOTES OF DR. SIMMONS. 



/. INTRODUCTORY. 



I. The spirit of local institutions. 

We think of government as a kind of instrument or 
machine for making laws, and, when they are made, as 
charging itself with their enforcement. In fact not an 
inconsiderable portion of society in the West regards the 
law as its enemy. 'In old Japan society was a law to 
itself. Its civil rules went out and up from the people 
instead of down and upon them. Customs matured by 
centuries of growth and experience took the place of writ- 
ten codes of laws (except in the case of criminal laws) 
and a system of arbitration took the place of courts, 
judges and lawyers. The rural communities were highly 
organized and within certain broad limits were indepen - 1/ 
dent and democratic in the conduct and administration of 
their municipal affairs. The government of these was 
social rather than political, their head men advisers, not 
rulers, arbitrators, not judges.j 

The governmental methods of rural Japan were a 
product of the growth and development of tribal customs 
and usages, modified by edicts and laws promulgated at 
various epochs from the central sources of power, the 
Mikados and the Shoguns or military chieftains. (The 
customs and laws of the village communities as they 
existed before the restoration of the Mikado (1868) had > 
their origin in three sources ; ist, The traditions and 1/ 
customs of the early periods ; 2nd, The beliefs and practices 
imported and developed by the Buddhist missionaries ; 3rd, 
The edicts promulgated from time to time by the Mikados, 
Shdguns, and daitnyo. j It seems to have been the policy 
of the ShOguns (the originators of mi^tary rule), commenc- 
ing with Yoritomo, to change as little as possible, when 



50 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

coming into power, the laws and customs affecting the 
agricultural population. Especially was this /the case 
with the Tokugawa Shoguns, the general principle being 
carried out that any custom of the rural districts which 
. had existed for 50 years or more should be respected and 
recognized as law. \ This points to a conclusion just 
opposite to what has been often asserted, that the laws 
governing the Japanese peopfe were unknown to them, 
their perusal being allowed only to the Go-roju or Council 
of State. The fact is that the Go-roju was more a 
high court of appeal from the decisions of the rural and 
municipal chief magistrates than a source from which laws 
were promulgated for the people at large. UThe laws for 
the government of the feudal lords and their retainers 
(with which, of course, the people had little or nothing 
to do) must not be confounded with those affecting the 
common people, especially the laws relating to titles to 
land, to the collection of taxes, to irrigation, and to the 
thousand and one questions involving the rights and 
privileges of an essentially agricultural community^ Instead 
of there being an ignorance of the laws and hence of indi- 
vidual rights, there was probably no country in the world \/ 
where the mass of the people, down to the smallest farmer 
in the possession of a few square yards of land, were 
more familiar with their rights and duties than in Japan. 
In fact it will be seen that in a vast majority of cases 
the people themselves, by means of a system of arbitration 
which they were encouraged to employ instead of appeal- 
ing to the established courts, were the executors of their 
own rights. 

There was a Kyoto saying ** Tenka-hatto, mikka-hatto*' 
— government-made laws are but three-day laws. All 
laws, that is, and all officials are constantly changing, are 
not fixed on solid ground. The government of the people 
by themselves— mMz-rt-Z/o, village rule, chd-lio, town rule, 
ka-hOf family rule — these are the true sources of order, of 
the permanent and deep-seated modes of action which 
constitute true government. 



V^' 



/ 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 5I 

2. Local Government from above. 

The whole organization of the government* was based on 
a plan of national and social economics having no parallel 
in any other country in the world. This we find especially 
marked in the administration of the agricultural districts. • 
Having decided, especially since the commencement of the 
Tokugawa regime, on a policy of seclusion and of non- 
communication with the rest of the world, the problem 
gradually evolved as to how a constantly increasing popu- 
lation on a comparatively small space could be kept sup- 
^ plied with the necessities of life. It is doubtful whether 
this problem was completely formulated by the founder of ( 
the 270 years dynasty. But the plan having been adopted 
of isolation, of permitting no emigration or immigration, 
no commerce, no exchange of hand labor or machinery for 
products of other countries, the solution of the problem 
developed by successive gradations and gave rise to certain 
natural expedients for effecting the purpose. The pro- 
found peace eliminated the destruction of life in battle and 
the various concomitants of war and want. The laws 
enforcing storage of rice and other products, against the 
accidents of failure of crops, etc., tended to counteract the 
opposing tendency to over- population. 

The result was a wonderful system of agriculture and an 
economical use of the products of the soil and the necessities 
of life. One of the fruits of this is seen in the simplicity of 
the dwellings, mode of life, etc., which is still to be obser- 

2.^ fact to be kept in mind in studying the political institutions of 
Old Japan is the separate and distinct character of the life of the com- 
mon people and that of the rulers. The distinction has until recently } 
been so much neglected that it can hardly be too much emphasized 
nowO It was clearly recognized by Dr. Simmons, and was always pre- 
sent in his mind. In order, therefore, to understand where the line of 
separation (of course not by any means a sharp one) began to be drawn, 
it was thought best to place first those portions of the Notes giving an 
account of the local officials of the feudal lords and the central Govern- 
ment, and of their functions; the reader then passes to the portions 
bearing more directly on the land laws and the internal aspect of local 
life. 



52 SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 
• 

ved. In most other countries simplicity of life has tended 
towards carelessness and neglect of cleanliness, but here 
the opposite is the case. 

^he chief local administrative official was known as 
gundai (district-deputy) or daikwan (deputy-official). These 
were appointed by the central government, whether Shogun 
or daimyo. They were in reality different grades of the 
same office. The district under them was of varying size. 
For the daikwan it ranged from an assessed production of 
50,000 koku of rice downwards. For the gundai it ranged 
from 50,000 to 100,000 koku,^ In the daimiates the officer 
was sometimes called kori-hugyo.^ ] 
t^The office may be briefly described as that of revenue- 
officer- in -chief of the executive authority, judge in criminal 
cases, and court of appeal in civil cases. ^ The house of the 
daikwan with jail, office, and court room, was cMtdijin-goya 
{or jin-y a) or camp (lit., army-little-house). The assistants 
were taken from the merchant class, because of the experi- 
ence of such persons in money matters. The staff of a 
daikwan, in a 50,000 koku district, averaged eighteen men, 
with, say, seven more as staff-bearers, etc. The salary of 
the position varied in different places from 136 to 556 koku 
per annum. The assistants received no fixed salary, but 
were allowed a compensation at the end of the year.' 

3. In K5riyama Han (Matsudaira Kai no Kami) the three daikwan* s 
districts included 65, 62, and 65 mura respectively (Yamato Hansei). 
In the district of the daimyo Yagyu Tajima no Kami, which was no 
more than 10,000 koku in size, there were ioui daikwan (Yamato Hansei), 
It was not always, perhaps not usually, true that these offices were 
the same, varying in name only according to the size of the district. 
In a number of instances the gundai was at the head of the administra- 
tion, with one or more daikwan under him. This was so in KOriyama, 
in the territory of Tajima no Kami, in that of Izumi no Kami (Yamato 
Hansei)^ and in Sendai Han (Sendai Han Seido-ko). 

4. District-superintendent. KOri and gun are the respective Japanese 
and Sinico- Japanese terms, and are expressed by the same ideograph. 

5. In the Chiho Seido-tsu the constitution of the daikwan^s office is 
described as follows : '* In the office of the daikwan were the following 
officers. I. Daikwan, He was appointed by the Bakufu, (a name for the 
ShOgunate) and had full control of the subordinates. His salary, 84 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 53 

/The first daikwan under the Tokugawa rule were Ina 
Bizen no Kami and Hikosaka. '^They were celebrated in 
the history of the country as the organizers of the Toku- 
gawa system of taxation and agricultural adminstration.l 
This system, first applied in the territories of the Toku- 

hohu yearly, was paid by the Bakufu. 2. Motojime-tedai (source-office 
deputy). These were 2 in number, and had charge of financial matters, 
under the direction of the daikwan. The salary was 52^ hyd (bundles) 
of rice (i Aiy(7= about two fifths of a koku), 3. Hira-tedai (common 
deputy). These were 8 in number and had charge, under the direction 
of the daikwan^ of miscellaneous matters. The salary was 20 ryo of 
money and i8 hyu of rice (for one grade), 15 ryu of money and 13^ hyo 
of rice (forthe other). 4. Kaki-yaku (writing office). These were 3 in 
number, and their occupation was the writing and copying of letters. 
The salary was 7 ryd of money and 9 hyo of rice. 5. Yo-nin (chamberlain, 
more literally, business-person). This officer attended to the house- 
hold affairs of the daikwan ; his salary was 7 ryu of money and 9 hyo of 
rice. 6. Samurai. Three samurai attended the daikwan constantly, to 
do his bidding. The salary was 4 ryo of money and 4^ hyo of rice. 7. 
Chftgen (servant). Seven of these seryants waited on the daikwan. 
The salary was the same as that of the samurai.^' 

The statements of Dr. Simmons as to the supplies of the office are 
apparently based on an imperfect reading of the Jikata Hanrei-roku^ and 
may be corrected by comparison with the following quotation from 
the Chihu Seido-is&. *'Ifwe take a district of 50,000 koku^ the total 
amount of supplies from the Bakufu for that office would be yearly 550 
ryu of money and 315 hyo of rice, the rate being no ryd and 63 hyo for 
every 10,000 koku of assessed value. Districts of less than 30,000 koku 
but more than 10,000 koku were to receive the supplies of districts of 
30,000 koku. Districts of less than 10,000 koku but more than 5000 
koku were to rank as of 10,000 koku. For every 10,000 koku over 
50,000 koku, an extra supply of 50 ryo and 81 hyd was granted. But 
this schedule applied only in the region east of Harima; west of that 
the rate was as follows : In the districts called Sanin-d5, SanyO-dd, and 
Nankai-dO, for every 10,000 koku^ 124 ryd and 63 hyd\ in the district 
of Saikai-dO (Kyushu), for every 10,000 koku^ 140 ryd and 63 hyd.'' 

Apparently there must have been some conversion of money into rice, 
for the sum total of the Bakufu allowance does not tally exactly with the 
sum of the salaries above described. There was doubtless a large 
margin in the allowance which went to pay for incidental expenses, and 
perhaps in some cases to line the daikwan's pockets. 

It must be added that in Dr. Simmons' statement the salary of the 
daikwan is evidently confounded with tfie supplies of the office. 



54 SIMMQN9 & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

gav^aJiniily, was afterwards adopted throughout thq domi- 
nion of the Shogunate, and was imitated in the domains of 
dauuyo and tenigles. ^Hikosaka afterwards became gover- 
nor of Yedo, and developed a genera! system of city govern- 
ment which was retained in all important features until the 
Restoration of Meiji. 

The office was generally hereditary, usually in an old 
family of the locality. Still the length of any one incum- 
bency was about five years only. Usually a small hatamoto^ 
often a goshi, occupied it. The occupant was never called 
on to do military service as a bearer of arms ; he served, if 
at all, only as commissariat officer. The directions given 
in the jfikata Hanrei-rokii are that these officials should 
be men trained to the keeping of accounts, should have a 
general knowledge of civil and criminal law, and should be 
familiar not only with the customs of the locality over 
which they presided, but also with those of adjacent regions. 
Their education was especially in the line of finance, par- 
ticularly in early times. Other than themselves and the 
bozu (priests) few had education enough to fill the position 
of tax collector and accountant. Thus they really formed 
a special class trained for this life. 

The office was not subject to political jobbery, I am told, 
though there is reason to believe that this was not always 
the case. tsThe position was in some degree patriarchal in 
the respect which it received, and though its incumbents 
were subject to removal for corruption and bad manage- 
ment, such an occurrence was comparatively infrequent. 
As has been said, the policy of the Tokugawa Shoguns, 
especially of lyeyasu, was to change as little as possible 
the established customs of the different localities. -The 
advantage of the system was a thorough acquaintance by 
the officials with the districts and the special requirements 
of each. /Again, in the little-changing population of those 
times the daikwati came to be the nominal supreme 
authority. /The people heard that there were such persons 
as a Mikado, a Sh6gun, a daimyo^ but to them the daikwaUy 
whose family had in many cases been the governors of 



SIMMONS & WIGMORR : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS, 55 

their ancestors for generations, became, to their limited \ 
view, the Government^ 

r^He took supervision of all minor cases of crime and of 
disputes in regard to land. Important cases, however^ 
were sent to the nearest machi-bugyo (city-governor). The 
decisions of the daikwan in all matters respecting individual 
rights were open to appeal to the highest court of the coun- 
try, a -privilege especially used where rights to land were in 
question, (jhe power of the daikwan and their exercise of 
it may be said to represent the character of the government 
of the country ;j/They were the medium through which the 
sole revenues of the ShOgun or daimyo must come. In 
this respect they were the instruments of the lords whom 
they represented. Yet great latitude was given to them in 
all matters of a local nature outside of the established 
revenue which they were expected to return to the Shogun 
or dainty qA 

Still this was not left to the caprice or avarice of the lord 
alone. (Thus I found in the yikata Hanrei-roku the 
following directions as to the spirit in which the daikwan 
should exercise his function : His duties were to adjust 
the boundaries of large divisions of land, such as mura 
(which in mountain districts because of imperfect surveys 
often became the subject of dispute), and of individual 
holdings; to assist in the complicated and difficult 
management of water supply for irrigation, of the repairs of 
dikes and of embankments ; to carefully inquire into and 
equitably adjust the causes of failure, partial or entire, of 
crops from overflow, winds, insects or insufficient supply of 
water, and to make a just re-assessment of taxes on such 
land ; to see to it that the local officials advised with the 
farmers about the kinds of seed and their quality, about 
improvements in methods of cultivating various kinds of 
land, about ploughing and manuring, and about every- 
thing pertaining to the best method of agriculture. 
Especial attention was recommended to the adjustment of 
the regular assessment on land of all kinds according to its 
productive power, to the quality of the soil, to its exposure, 



56 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TBNURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

favorable or unfavorable, to the prevalence of destructive 
winds, to the quality of unfailing water supply, in fact to 
every possible thing which could affect the quantity and 
quality of the product^ of the soil, — the official thus 
shielding the farmer from unjust assessments, and at the 
same time securing to the lord the just return in taxes. In 
prosperous times the farmers were to store up (against 
failure of crops, epidemics,* etc.), without removing the 
husks, such grains as did not spoil. This the officials were 
to encourage and urge the people to do, so as to prevent 
alarm on the approach of dry weather or of epidemics. 
They were to be encouraged also to plant wet land with 
trees and shrubs, and also to plant trees to protect the 
fields from the winds. 

^ Lin the administration of affairs by the daikwati, their 
instructions were based on high moral and philosophical 
principles^ In the books used as their guides Confucian 
maxims are plentifully introduced. Equity and jiialice 
seemed to be ain ied at in all cases. Rarely should an old, 
well-established custom be changed — such were the instruc- 
tions—but if found to be very bad the change should only 
be made after careful consideration by the old local officials 
and the farmers. For example, when lyeyasu took the 
province of Kai, no change was made in the old customs 
and rules. Politico- economic questions were to be carefully 
studied, to secure the prosperity of the farmers and to 
equalize the interests of both the Government and the 
people without detriment to either. Recently (says the 
writer of the jfikata Hanrei-roku) the farmers have 
become extravagant. The gnndai and nanushi should 
admonish the farmers in this matter not to wear fine 
clothes, build fine houses, or be ambitious to become 
officials or samurai, or merchants, but to fulfil diligently 
their duties in the honorable cultivation of the soil. But, 
says the essayist, the daikwan and his officials should not 
be severe or dictatorial, or the people will be irritated and 
obstinate ; nor should they be too familiar and indifferent, 
or the people will lose respect for their superiors. /A 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 57 

dignified middle course should be aimed at by the daikwan 
in all their dealings with the people. However skilful 
officials may be in applying the technicalities of legal 
administration, if they have not sufficient regard for justice, 
if they neglect to take into careful consideration all 
extenuating circumstances, if they are unnecessarily strict, 
they will not have done their duty. J Even if people seem 
to be prosperous, technicalities should not be in all cases 
insisted on as if it were praiseworthy to do so. /The spirit 
of all administration of land revenue is to give the farmer 
the benefit of all doubts and not to insist on technicalities. 
His prosperity should excite the satisfaction rather than 
the cupidity of the lord.J 

C-No short-sighted policy governed the Tokugawa adminis- 
tration, nor any consideration of temporary gain by severe 
taxation. The daikwan who by his sharp practices in 
collecting revenue or in drawing the line against the farmer 
to the utmost limit in order to gain special favor, was 
almost sure to come to grief sooner or latere •^The 
hyakushd-tsUbure or ** farmer-destroyer*' was a role utterly 
opposed to the economic policy of the founder of the 
dynasty and of his successors. Taxation might be pushed 
to the utmost ability to pay, but it was never, permitted to 
go beyond this and to force an industrious farmer into 
bankruptcy or to borrowing on a mortgage. If he could 
not pay his taxes and live in a fair degree of comfort, a 
careful and impartial investigation was instituted into the 
causes for this, and all reasonable extenuating circum- 
stances were considered. LAs by far the greater part of the 
revenues were drawn from rice cultivation, every encour- 
agement was given to secure an abundant product, j More 
than this, the abandonment of rice cultivation by a farmer 
was not permitted, or at least, he was never so oppressed 
by taxes as to make it necessary. Everywhere in the 
dealings of the Shoguns with the farmers the importance 
of the latter's function was recognized. They were allowed 
more latitude than any other class of persons and were 
ranked next to the samurai. A decided and firm appeal 



58 SIMMONS & WIGMORE ! LAND TENUPR & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

against injustice was nearly always successful. The 
individuality and independence of the farmer were cher- 
ished and carefully preserved by the Government. 
. On the other hand the farmers sometimes carried their 
idea of their rights to a chivalrous degree. Uniting in 
bands they at times assailed the tax office of the gundai, 
and even the small castle-less daimyo, regardless of 
consequences. These were rare occasions, but when the 
oppression had grown to such a magnitude as to arouse 
them, they went to claim their rights as a soldier goes to 
battle, taking their life in their hands. When a gathering 
of from 50 to 100 after serious deliberation joined in this 
forlorn hope and appealed for mercy from the tax col- 
lector, there was no resisting them ; for if the petition 
was refused and the matter came to the ears of the 
authorities at Yedo, it became a scandal upon the adminis- 
tration of the daikwan or the daiwyo which usually 
brought retribution. A daimyo who used violence, if he 
was not one of the eighteen great ones, was surely 
punished by a removal to a less profitable domain. Exam- 
ples of this are well known. In order, however, to prevent 
too frequent or unreasonable demands for reduction of 
taxes, it was forbidden by law for the farmers to combine 
to make such demands ; but, whatever may have been the 
punishment indicated for this offence, extenuating circum- 
stances were allowed to annul the punishment or secure a 
pardon.* 

/The steady policy of the government was to preserve 
and protect the tillers of the soiU The merchants were 
below them in the respect and consideration awarded them 
by the lords of the empire. Indeed a farmer was not 
permitted to become a merchant without the consent of the 
Government, the idea being that this was a lowering of 
his position and that the dignity of the cultivators of the 
soil should be preserved. 

Taxation as understood or felt by people of most 

6. On this point, see further the notes under " Local Justice and 
Procedure," infra. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS* 59 

countries is a burden imposed, a kind of robbery of thq 
results of hard-earned means pf the people ; but it was 



as a rule quite differently regarded by the people of 
Japan. The payn^eiU oQaxes did not seem to be re garded 
by the peasantry as—an-burden, (^U^as a lo yal djity,^ in 
which <^^y tgok mnrft c\T Iprr pridft. It was aQj)ffering, 
as the word mitsugi-mono signifies. 

^he time of the annual payment of the rice at the 
collectors' storehouses where each farmer's rice was submit- 
ted to inspection, instead of being an occasion of sorrow 
and irritation, was more like a fair where each vied with 
the other in presenting for official inspection the best 
return of rice. »/ It was always a source of mortification 
for any one when his rice was rejected or declared 
improperly cleaned for market, prizes were awarded for 
the best quality and yield of rice which stimulated the 
farmers in its production. TThe tax rice was regarded 
as a precious thing not to be defiled, y) A story illustrating 
this is told of the third Shogun, who became for a time 
the real ruler of Japan. Stopping one day at a farmer'9 
house he inadvertently sat down upon some bags of rice 
which had been carefully prepared for transportation to 
the collector's storehouse. The farmer immediately in 
an angry tone ordered the Shogun (whom he did not know) 
to get off, saying that was the lord's rice and was not 
to be defiled or treated in a disrespectful manner. The 
story goes on to state that the great chief, in admiration 
of this spirit of the poor farmer in his loyalty to his lord, 
rewarded him by calling him to a place in his service. 
An old friend, the son of a former provincial governor, 
has given me his recollections of the annual collection 
of the tax rice, when he used to go with his father to 
see the delivery at the government depot. Z^The farmers 
seemed to vie with each other in the neatness of the 
straw package and in the* quality and cleanliness of the 
grain. In each bag was a tag of wood on which were 
written the names of the farmer and of his nittra^ so that 
any attempt at fraud in weight or quality could be easily 






60 SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

traced. 3 Another tag or slip of bamboo was fastened to 
the outside of the package, for convenience of identifica- 
tion. The bags were made of rice straw coarsely braided, 
cylindrical in shape and nearly flat at both ends. They 
were not tied as bags of cloth were, but were fastened by 
interweaving straw cords. The whole was very firm and 
quite durable and easy to handle) 

This much may be' said of the administration of the 
Tokugawa territory and that of the immediate vassals 
of that family. U While the form of the administrative 
system elsewhere was not essentially different, there was 
nevertheless in many cases a great disparity between the 
condition of the people within the dominions of the Sh6- 
gunate and those without, and this disparity flowed largely 
from a difference in the spirit and manner of administration^ 
C In several it may be said that the more independent and 
powerful the daimyo^ the more severe his treatment of 
the people, and the worse their condition. In the provinces 
of Satsuma, Choshu, Higo, Tosa, Inaba, Akita, Nambu, 
and Tsugaru this distinction was especially marked^ In 
all these provinces there was great severity. Perhaps it 
would not be an exaggeration to compare the condition 
of the farniers with that of the negroes in the United 
States under slayery. The general principle in those 
provinces was,l**Tax up ^o such a point that just enough 
for subsistence remains.'* J^The division of the product 
in the Shogunate domains was, to the government, five 
parts, to the farmer, five parts : in the other daimiates, 
to the daimyOi six or seven parts, to the farmer, four or 
three parts, iflumiliation and sumptuary restrictions were 
systematically imposed. Even the use of umbrellas, socks, 
and clogs was often forbidden.^ Practically every item 
not included in the most restricted manner of life was 
a privilege and had to be bought. These privileges were 
usually given in return for a forced loan. Money loaned 
would perhaps be cancelled by such a privilege. This 

7. See the ** Rules relating to the station in life (buugen) of farmers," 
Appendix. 



I 

I 
I 
I 



StMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENUR^ & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 6l 

practice, however, never obtained in the Tokugawa do- 
minions. / The Tokugawas, too, never taxed mulberry, 
tea, paper and sundry other minor staples; in fact if they 
had done so the farmers would have destroyed the planta- 
tions with salt, ashes, 'seaweed water, etc., and abandoned 
the cultivation. J (But among the independent daimyo taxes 
on these staples were laid and were collected. ^5uch was, 
the favorable reputation of the Tokugawa administration, 
in contrast with other regions, that the farmers always 
objected to the handing over of their fief to a daimyo 
(perhaps by exchange or in consequence of some bargain), 
and their stout protest sometimes prevailed. Qln Echigo 
was found perhaps the best condition of things outside 
of the ShOgunate territory. Heie several causes combined 
to produce prosperity .j Much of the land was originally 
swamp land and was very rich. The rivers often overflow- 
ed and renewed the fertility of the soil. The land had 
never been exactly measured, and the farms were usually 
of greater extent than was called for by the tax-register. 
QThe daimyo of the region did not possess extensive 
domains, and, being less powerful, were less arbitrary and 
less oppressive than elsewhere. Finally, as the products 
of the soil were plentiful, the daimyo were rich, and were 
less inclined to levy exorbitant taxes, j There were few 
small independent land owners ; yet the condition of 
tenants and farm laborers', compared with many other 
districts, was very good.s , 

8. The contrast between the condition of affairs in the large daimiates, 
as here sketched by Dr. Simmons, and in the Tokugawa territory, as 
set forth in such a favorable light a few pages previously, must suggest, 
to any one acquainted with Japanese history, the unl ikelihood of so 
m arker^ a difference. There can be little doubt that the i mpre ssion 
received from the description o f the Tokugawa admin istration is an 
over-fayn ra rble on e.- It is true that under the great daimyo the people 
fared as is here set forth. It is true also that a decided contrast must 
be drawn, favorable to the Tokugawa administrators. But we may 
safely say that in spirit they were far from possessing that anxiety 
for the well-being of the farmer, that unselfish interest in his prosperity, 
that sense of a moral duty on his behalf which the Conf\ician maxims 



62. SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

inculcated. It is the suggestion, if not the express assertion, by the 
author of the Notes that such a spirit moved their actions; and this is 
apt seriously to mislead. There is no reason to doubt that on the whole 
the statements in the text with reference to the care lavished on the 
farmer's success, the anxiety to maintain him in full vigor, the pains 
taken to prevent his bankruptcy, his desertion, his discontent, are entire- 
ly true; but all this was done for the same reason that a race-horse 
receives the most lavish care that money can procure, — for reasons 
of policy, not of affection or of duty. Just as there were among the 
slave-holders of the South many who found that good treatment of the 
negroes was in the long run more profitable, merely as a matter of 
self-interest, sotthe genius of lyeyasu lay in his far-sighted agricultural 
policy, — a policy which believed that a dozen prosperous and contented 
farmers were a better possession than twenty poor and oppressed ones.^ 
It was a part of the singular force of character which marked lyeyasu 
that he was able amid the remnants of anarchy and war to establish 
a system of administration based on this policy, and to settle it so firmly 
that for two centuries and a half it was carried out substantially on 
the lines he had laid down. In the results achieved by him in this 
respect We need not hesitate to compare lyeyasu's genius with that 
of Frederick the Great. It is a noticeable fact that the crown lands 
of Prussia before this century, like the ShOgunate possessions in 
Japan, were in a far better condition than the districts of the territorial 
nobles. \ 

(^But if it was a far-sighted policy, and if necessarily the creation 
and maintenance of a prosperous and contented agricultural community 
was a part of it, yet this policy was none the less a calculating and 
a cold-blooded one.A(CLicensed to live in contented humility, the farmer 
was crushed without a scruple when he attempted to assert himself 
or dared to be dissatisfied with the role of a well-fed, plodding beast of 
burdenrv The law cited later, by which the punishment of death might 
be infii<^ed on farmers taking part in an armed protest, is only one 
instance of this. In many passages of these Notes will be found further 
evidence of the sagacious but thoroughly selfish point of view from 
which the administration was conducted. Attention may be here called 
to one or two illustrations not contained in the JSIotes. In a form 
of petition (translated in Dr. Simmons' papers) to be forwarded by 
the daikwan for Governm3nt assistance in case of drought, flood, etc., 
occurs this passage : *• The river X has overflowed many times this 
summer, its banks are broken through in many places, and the whole 
of the rice-land in the villages Y, Z, etc., over which I preside was 
seriously injured, the houses being submerged and the rice-stores of 
last year carried away. The people are now starving and are coming 
to me for food loans. I have examined the condition of affairs, and 
have ascertained the number of persons really in need of food, omitting 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 63 

those who have means to provide for themselves. I have of course 
explained to them that even though their present suffering be relieved 
by a loan of food, they will find it difficult to repay the loan, and that 
it will be better for them to obtain the means of subsistence in some 
other way, if possible. But they have absolutely no means of providing 
for themselves, and unless the Government supplies food, they will go 
starving, and hence may become unable to cultivate their land. It will 
not do, under the circumstances, to withhold the loan." Observe the 
real cause for alarm on the part of the Government, that the land 
will remain uncultivated, and hence the tax-rice unproduced and 
unpaid. 

Again, in the code known as Kujikata Osadamegaki^ Book I. Art. 35 
(MittheiL d, D. Gesells, Ostas.^ Heft 41, p. 54) we find this provision: 
" Farmers have always been strictly forbidden not only to indulge in 
gaming and the like, but also to take part in any other time-wasting 
occupation or to learn bad ways ; for thus they come to neglect the 
cultivation of their fields. These orders shall now be renewed.'* Here 
/the habit of gaming and sundry unmentioned vices are seen to be 
reprehensible, from the Tokugawa point of view, because they lead 
tn^ajiirnjniphe-d agricultu ral product ion.) 

In both of these instances the books from which the passages are 
taken were intended for the private use of officials, and considerations 
of policy could be freely expressed. 



//. LAND LAW. 



I. Division of territory. 

The common terms relating to the division of the country 
were : 

1. Kuni or koku (province). 

2. Kori (in compounds fi^ori) or gini (district.)' 

9. On the origin and early history of kuni and gun Mr. Kurida writes 
as follows, in Shoyen-kd. 

**The learned Mabuchi explains kuni as meaning 'circle,^ and 
derives it. from kune, a fence. We find in the early records that the 
titles of kami or so-called * gods' often contain the word kunij as, 
Kuni-tokodachi, Kuni-satsuchi, Toyo-kuni-nushi, etc. In some cases 
we find the term wake occurring, — Awaji-no-hono-sa-wake, Toki-yori- 
wake, etc. — ^where the kami was the son of the original pair Izanagi 
and Izanami. This word wake signifies *' divide," •• apportion," and 
seems to indicate that the kami were assigned to various regions, and 
we may infer that a kami was assigned to each kuni, and that thus the 
term kuni became a part of the title. Such an arrangement (the govern- 
ing of kuni by nobles whose title contained wakv) was at any rate in 
existence under Keik5 TennO (A. D. 71-131), and probably existed earlier. 
There are moreover records which expressly mention that when 
Jimmu Tenno defeated the savage aborigines and conquered their 
country, he placed officers called miyatsuko over kuni, — Utsuhiko as 
miyatsuko of Yamato kuni, etc. This practice was followed until 
the time of Kotoku TennO (A.D. 64.5-655). A miyatsuko was appointed 
for every kuni, and the office became hereditary. The kuni at that 
time, however, was a very small district, perhaps not larger (in most 
cases) than a gun of today. This accounts for the large number said 
to have existed (144) in the reign of Keitai Tenn5 (A.D. 507-534). 
But in the next century there came about a fixing of boundaries and 
a making of surveys which altered the extent of the early kuni, and 
we find in the reign of Mommu Tenno (.^.0.697-708) that there were 
apparently 58 kuni, which in extent and in names corresponded in 
general to the kuni of to-day. Several changes were afterwards made, 
but in the course of the next century or so the number of kuni came 
to be 66, and no alteration afterwards occurred. 

** The kuni were divided into agata, and the record of this subdivision 
appears as early as the time of Jimmu TennO. The learned Motoori 
explains the etymology of agata as follows : * Agata is formed from 



i 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 65 

3. Machi (town), ydka-machi was a town at the base 
of a castle or feudal lord's residence. Shnkn was a 
post-town on one of the kaido^ (great roads). Ryoshi 
or ura was a fishing town. 

4. Miira, zai-go, or k6 (village, agricultural community). 
Zai-machi was a trading village, the population being 
half farmers, half merchants. Demura was a branch 
village. Mago mura or ** grandchild-village " was a 
similar term frequently used. 

The early method of fixing the boundaries of the terri- 



aga^ higher, and ta^ land ; that is, It is high land where no irrigation 
is needed.' To substantiate this he produces a good deal of evidence ; 
but Kurokawa Harumura rejects his evidence, and offers the following 
explanation. * The agata is not land which dees not need irrigation. 
The term seems originally to have been nari-kaia, fruitful region. 
This became ari-kata^ and then akata or agata. It is of course 
land which pays tribute or tax, but not high land.' There can be 
little doubt that agata included the various kinds of land, — vegetable- 
land, forest, etc. The agata in Yamato were called mi-agata (honor- 
able agata)y for the vegetables used by the Tenno were there raised. 

" The chief official of the agata was called agatamishi. There were 
two classes of agata, and the mtshi of the two classes were called 
respectively o-{gTca.t)-agata-nushi and ko-(!ima\\)'agata-nu5hi. But in 
the case of some of the largest agata the official was called agata- 
miyatsuko. Under the agata-nushi came the inagi-nushi^ and under 
the inagi-nushi came the mura-nushi. The changes in the establish- 
ment of agata were endless ; but the whole number seems to have been 
about 590. 

" In the reign of Kotoku TennO A.D. (645-655) a change took place, 
and officers called kuni-tsnkasa and giin-tsukasa were substituted for 
kuni-miyatsuko and agata-nushi. The kuni-tsukasa were chosen from 
the TennO's court on the basis of merit, while the gun-tstikasa were 
appointed from those who had been kuni-miyatsuko^ and the members 
of their families who were capable and efficient were appointed to 
subordinate positions in the gun office. My friend Mr. Konakamura 
Kiyonori has suggested to me that the kuni-tsukasa existed before 
the time of Kotoku TennO, and corresponded to the kokusal mentioned 
in the Kojiki; that his authority was at first subordinate to that 
of the kuni-miyatsuko, and that as he came by degrees to surpass 
the latter in influence and to reside permanently in the kuui, it was 
easy to effect the change made by Kutoku. For this suggestion I 
am greatly indebted, and it is certainly an ingenious one. But 
although it is perhaps not possible to fix a date for the establishment 



66 SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

torial divisions was the natural one of taking the physical 
conformation of the country. Thus, mountain ranges and 
large rivers were taken for the great divisions ; hills, 
valleys, and small streams for the secondary divisions. 
For practical purposes this was all-sufficient. Surveying 
instruments, though possessed by the Japanese (who borrow- 
ed from China) were not used for the general survey of the 
country. They were brought into requisition only in the 
g^se of boundary disputes between feudal lords or local 
communities.*) 

( In the sur^eyj)f farm land the method was the primitive 
one of driving a number of stakes at the outer margin and 
stretching a straw rope around it.^^ach piece or plot of 
land, however small, had its name, and was indivisible 
in ownership. The name, with that of the owner, was 
written on a map of large scale, with different tints for 
different portions, a copy, of which was kept in the office 
both o f the ttanushi and-of the daikwan, 

of the change, and although it is doubtless true that there were huni- 
isukasti before the reign of Kotoku and as early as Nintoku (A.D. 313), 
still it must be pointed out that this officer was at first known as 
ktmimikotomochi \ and, notwithstanding the same ideograph is used 
for that term and for htni-tsukasa, there was a real difference of 
some kind between the earlier and the later periods, for the former 
term means merely * one who executes the commands of the Tenn5,' 
while the latter means * the ruler of a kuniJ* " 

Mr. Satow has a note upon kuni and agata in ** Ancient Japanese 
Rituals," (Trans. As. Soc. Jap., VII, pt. 2, pp. 129 — 30, notes 32, 39). 
In the Sosci Zayu (Reference Book for Laws relating to Agriculture) 
of Mr. Komeyama Masahide it is noted that s/t« and yu were Sinico- 
Japanese equivalents of kuni^ and that ken was similarly used for agata, 
before gun came into use. See also Dr. Florenz's article quoted in 
Appendix VII. 

Between kuni and kOri the han has here been omitted. This word 
may be rendered by Jief. KOri or gun were subdivisions of the 
han ; for it would seem that as a rule han indicated a district held 
by a territorial lord having some administrative independence, and 
appointing his own executive ofhcials. The actual arrangement of 
han, the feudal geography, so to speak, of the whole countrv-, seems 
hitherto not to have been explained by any foreign investigator, and 
should receive a thorough study. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 6/ 

The spirit of liberality shown in the trea tment of Jthe 
agciculturaL-ckiss, which hasCjfrom earliest times dharacter- 
ized Japanese tu\^ has tended to present re- survey s of land 
e xcept on rare oc casix)nA>^ The tax collector was not called 
upon to question the ancient measurements of the farms, 
which often had been for two or three hundred years in the 
same family. Had they done so, the farmers would have 
been in the vast majority of cases greatly the losers, as the 
approximate figures which had stood so long on the official 
maps were sure to be found favorable to themselves ; and ' 
thi§ they well knew. 

/^The last attempt at anything like a correct estimate of 
the size of individual holdings was made by Hideyoshi.^ 
The work was begun i n sou thern and western Japan, and"^ 
carried tOJLhe HnUcmejr^nge of jmoufttains, when -Hide- 
yosh i!s death p ut an end to the workflowing to Iyeyasu*s 
policy of disturbing as little as possible all preexisting laws 
and customs, especially those affecting the agricultural 
classes, the re-survey of that portion of Japan north and 
east of the Hakone range was nev er co mpleted, and through 
the whole period of supremacy of the Tokugawa Shoguns 
the farmers of that region greatly profited thereby r) 

So far as the land survey was concerned, the farmers of 
northern and eastern Japan would have resisted stoutly, 
even with their lives, any attempt to re-make it. Indeed, 
there were (several reasons why it was next to impossible to 
change the title deed measurement: ist, the lack of easy 
communication with distant places ; 2nd, the opposition of 
the farmers, who would have fought in a body ; 3rd, the 
probable bribery of the daikwan, ^ 

2. Size of holdings. 

It seems from the laws of the ancient code Taiho-ryo 
that in the 7th century the. system of parcelling out the 
land into small holdings of 2 tan (half an acre) to each 
male, and f of a tan (J of an acre) to each female, would 
give to an average family of 5 persons between 2 and 3 



68 SIMMONS & WIQMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

acres of land. In the well known book from which I 
am now largely quoting, substantially the same thing 
is stated, though the authority is not given.*" The state- 
ment is that in early times the Mikado gave to all males 
of 20 years of age one hyappo or from 2} to 3 acres. 
This was given to the head of a home, or to an eldest 
son, regardless of the number of daughters or other sons. 
After the age of 16, other sons received 25 ho (about \ an 
acre), and when the younger sons married, which was 
at the age of about 30, 75 ho was added to the share of 

10. The author of the Notes here begins to erect a fabric of inference, 
which, while it corroborates the views expressed in the preceding and 
following text in regard to the agricultural policy of the rulers of 
Japan, must be regarded as unsound. It will be necessary to call 
attention to material errors underlying the assertion that there existed 
in fact an agricultural unit of one cho or thereabouts. At this point, 
however, it will be sufficient to notice the statement that the possession 
of a family in the earlier times was a plot of 2^ or 3 acres. It does 
not appear what book is here referred to. It will be remembered that 
10 ttin = \ cho^ and that i f/i«i = 2.4507 acres. 

In the first place the statement that J of a tan is } of an acre is 
of course an error. Taking ^ of an acre as the true extent, we find 
that the average family of five, even allowing three of its members 
to be males, would possess only i| acres. This result does not tally 
with the ^h to 3 acres of the succeeding passage. Furthermore the 
amounts prescribed for distribution by Taiho-ryo were several times 
changed by subsequent legislation. Last, and more important, the 
family of the Tat ho period was beyond all doubt not the family of 
the present day, but a much larger body, a household containing 
certainly more than two generations, together with collateral relations 
and slaves. The constitution of the early Japanese family is a 
subject of great interest upon which we do not as yet know all (Sec 
NVeipert. ** Japanisckes Familien una Erb-Rcchtr Mii:ht:L d. D. GcstUs^ 
Ost.^ Hfft 43. passim) but we may be sure that it was of the patriarchal 
type peculiar to certain primitive communities, and not of the t^'pe of 
to-day. An illustration happens to be at hand. An extract (quoted in 
Fn(/iVs.i'i) from a register of the Ta:h~' period shows the following 
members in a certain family : •• Total number oi members in the Ishitari 
family, 13: The head, Ishitari. a soldier, a^je. 33: Kunitari, an cider 
brother, a^e. 34 : Yasunobu, a son. a^c. 6 . Takashima. a younger 
brother, a si>ldicr, .i^c, 27 ; Y.isoniaro. a yo un^rer son. age, 2 : Kuromaro, 
a younger brother, a^jc. 25 ; Okuma, a younger brother, age, 20 ; 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 69 

each one, making the lOO ho allowed for a household 
or family. This 2^ or 3 acres, the endowment of a 
single family at that period, is nearly the average size of 
the holdings at the present day. It seems, from these 
statements and from those of the Taiho-ryOj that, from time 
immemorial, about half an acre has been the amount of 
land regarded as sufficient for the support of one person.** 
Again, in the Jikata Hanrei-roku it is said that in 
172 1 the Shogun Yoshimune forbade a family possessing 
only one cho or less to divide it among the members of the 

Hirokuni, a younger brother, age, ig; Tomoka, a younger brother, 
age, 18; Nasimaro, a nephew, age, 10; Maname, the mother, age, 
37 (?) ; Shiyata, the wife, age, 32 ; Anime, a child of Okuma, age, 2." 
In another extract, the family is seen to ^consist of seven men, eight 
women, and a child. Of course in these cases any such reckoning 
as that now under comment must fall to the ground. It is for many 
reasons out of the question to believe that at any early period the 
land was divided into holdings of equal or nearly equal size; but 
the subject is one which cannot be settled in a few words, and what 
has been said must suffice merely to warn against implicit reliance on 
the statement of the Notes. 

Some explanation of *• hyappo " is necessary. The word is a contrac- 
tion of hyaku-ho (100 ho). The ho was 36 bu or tsubo, one-tenth of a tan. 
According to the Fudosattj ho was a measure in the Chinese system 
on which the Japanese measurements were founded. But it does not 
seem that the ho itself was adopted. Between bu and tan no other unit 
corresponding to ho seems to have been used until se came into vogue 
in the sixteenth century. Perhaps this might be considered as casting 
suspicion on the value of the statement relied on by Dr. Simmons. 
Moreover one hyappo would be 3600 bu, or one chO of that date; but as 
the cho (since the time of Hideyoshi) contains now but 3000 bu or tsubo, 
one hyappo would be \ cho or 3 acres, not *• 2^ or 3 acres." 

II. If some of the Japanese writers are to be relied upon, the amount 
of land regarded as sufficient for the support of one person was about 
one half of the area here stated. In the Tokushi Toron, an authority 
quoted in the Den-yen Jikata Kigen, it is said : " In ancient times one 
tan consisted of 360 bu, because the rice produced from one bu fur- 
nishes sufficient food for one person for one day." In the Toku Noka 
Kwanho also quoted in the Den-yen Jikata Kigen, we read : '* In ancient 
times one tan consisted of 360 bu ; and from one bu was produced 
one shu of unhuUed rice, or from one tan 360 shrt^ that is, 3 koku 6 
tOt which would make i koku 8 to of hulled rice. According to the 



70 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

family.*' In other words i cho or i^ acres was still fixed 
as the land necessary to support a single family. One chd 
of land, therefore, seems to have been the economic unit. 
These facts serve to throw light on one of the interesting 
problems of Japanese land tenure, the origin of the present 
system of small holdings, and of the patchy appearance of 
the cultivated land throughout the country. Though a 
large body of land may be seen under cultivation at a given 
place, not more than 2} or 3 acres of any part of it is cul- 
tivated by a single family;'* and the broad rice-fields of a 
mile or more in extent are the property of hundre(ls of pea- 
sant proprietors. (Where a large landowner possesses in a 
compact body several acres of ricefields or other cultivated 

old calendar, in one year there are 360 days. So that i koku 8 to 
(the produce of one tan)^ that is, 1800 gOt divided by 360, would 
5 go for each day, and in our country 5 go per day is a proper amount 
of food." The table of dry measure is; 10 go = i sho, 10 shd = i to^ 
10/0 = 1 koku. It seems from these authorities that one tan produced 
sufficient for the support of a single person for a year ; so that 5 tan 
(or 1 1 acres) would produce more than enough for an ordinary family 
of two adults and three children. This would dispose of another of 
the supports for Dr. Simmons' belief that the average holding was 2^ 
or 3 acres. 

1 2. This law I do not find, but the statement in the text is corroborated 
by the twenty first article of the anonymous kumi-cho in the Appendix. 
Yet the extent of this ultimate indivisible holding was variable ; in Kaga 
it was fixed at 50 koku (the Minji Kwanrei-ruishu), that is (as will be 
shown shortly) a piece of land of at least 2^ chd (or over 6 acres) in 
area; in the Kdriyama kumi-cho (see Appendix, art. 37), the minimum 
amount is 10 kokn land; in the Chiba kumi-cho (see Appendix, art. 2), 
the minimum amount is 2okokii land. . 

13. This is, perhaps, the best place to notice the assertion made in the 
above sentence and in the preceding paragraph, that the ordinary hold- 
ing of later times, down to the present day, was from 2^ to 3 acres in 
area. It is at the present day not true that even the average of all hold- 
ings (if this was what Dr. Simmons meant) per family is 2^ or 3 acres. 
The reports of the Naimu-sho (Home Department) show that the average 
of per capita holdings in different provinces is ^ to 2^ acres (giving ^w' 
family from 2^^ to 12^ acres), with an average for the whole country of 
from 5 to 10 acres. But even if the statement of the text were true, it 
would be immaterial, if it referred merely to the average of all holdings; 
for the theory advanced by Dr. Simmons is that the unit of agricultural 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 7I 

land, it is found to be worked by a number of tenant families,"j 
the share of each b eing 2^ or 3 ac res. Th e 2^ or 3 acres , 
however, do not alway s lie in one compact bo dy. They are 
often in broken patches, quite distant fro m each ot her, rfn 
ar range ment which is apparently a source of inconvenience 
and lo ss of ti me to the farmer. 

Of the cause s to whicli this small size of the holdi ntis is 
to be attributed, perhap^Kne chief one is the historical pre- 
valence of small holdings, as just explained, ^(nother is 
said to be the limited extent of land which can be cultivated 
by a single family. In the yikata Hanrei-roku it is stated 
that 8 tan of rice-field or 6 tan of dry land (upland) is all 

division has been and is about 2^ acres, and if this is so, all the hold- 
ings, taken individually, must be shown to be units of this size or mul- 
tiples of it, just as in England the units of the acre and the virgate can 
be traced today. Dr. Simmons' theory strictly requires something 
more, for it is part of his contention that as the Government has judi- 
ciously managed to keep for each family enough to support it, and to 
preserve the holdings at a level neither too high nor too low, the hold- 
ings with few exceptions are very nearly 2^ acres in area, and are not 
even multiples of that unit. This is not the place to attempt a complete 
disproof of that contention, but the evidence of the Chibadera kumi-cho^ 
set out in the Appendix, may here be noticed. The richest citizen, the 
nanushit is credited with 39 koktt, (omitting fractions) ; there is one 
person with 25 koku, two with 19, several with 10 or more,, and a large 
number with less than i kokut besides six having no land at all. What 
extent of land corresponded to these assessments ? From various au- 
thorities cited in the Fuddsan and in the Den-ycn jfikata Kigen it appears 
that the product of one tan of wet land of the first quality was expected to 
be, in the time of Hideyoshi (Bunroku, 1592 — 1596) and previously, from 
I koku 5 /(7 to 2 koku. At the present day the average yield is placed 
at I koku 5 to (Kinch, '• Agricultural Chemistry of Japan, Trans. Asiat. 
Soc. Jap. VIII, 396) We may estimate the holding of the uannshiy then, 
at 2§ chO or nearly 7 acres; of the next richest, at i§ cho^ or 4 acres. 
Only ten approach the 2^ acre holding of the author of the Notes, the 
rest being far below in the extent of their holdings. We do not know, 
it is true, whether the land was wet or dry, was of first, second, third, or 
fourth quality ; nor do we know how correct the assessment was. But 
the great range in the sizes of the various holdings has a significance 
which does not depend on our knowledge of those circumstances ; and it 
indicates the improbability of there having been, in the last two hundred 
years, any uniformity in the size of individual holdings. 



^'<a 



72 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

that one family of 5 persons can properly cultivate. An- 
other is the prohibition placed upon the transfer of land, to 
be referred to later. ^^JK third cause must not be forgotten. 
The perpetuity of the family being the basis of the social 
fabric, the inheritance of the family received a peculiarly 
sacred character. The integrity of the inheritance received 
from the ancestors was to be preserved at all cost. No one 
generation had a right to the exclusive use of it. It be- 
longed to the line, and no one should divert it by sale or by 
devise. There was therefore a strong dislike on the part of 
the great majority to dispose of their landed property. 
A reason for the division into very small patches is the 
vantage to bto gained in irrigating and in the economic 
use of water. V^nother is the fact that the possessor of 
only 2 or 3 acres is obliged to plant a variety of products in 
order to equalize the chances of the failure of any given 
crop.y Cfnother reason is that the cultivation of land in 
Japan is in its ^Jiiiit and its methpds horticulture, @& agri- 
culture, gar dening rather than farming ; and wi th th is ^is fj^ 
a tendency towar d^ diversity of crops -and -culttvatioa in 
sjiialLpatchesi"^ (.pull another reason is the great importance 
attached to the exposure of land.^ The order of preference j 
is : South, East, North, West. Hence the possession of 
small pieces of land of different exposures equalizes the 
value of various holdings, and hence the advantage of not 
having all of one's holding in one location.^* 

14. It is to be regretted that here, too, one is compelled to dissent from 
the author's views of the origin of this division into small patches. We 
are as yet not in a position to form final opinions as to what is to be deem- 
ed the true origin. It miy be said, however, that there seems to have 
been originally a laying out of the land into units of small size (fifty or 
sixty feet square, for instance), and an apportionment of these units 
among the various freemen, tenants, or slaves, according to some system 
of rotation. It may be supposed that a state of things still exists here, 
which has left its traces in England and else where, — the ownership of 
scattered tracts, containing an agricultural unit or a multiple of it, by 
each of tlie various landholders of a mum ; and that this arrangement 
may be traced back, as it has been by Mr. Seebohm in England, to 
a method of measurement and distribution peculiar to early times. 
But this is as yet hypothesis only. Still the considerations mentioned 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 73 

To return to the influence of the prohibition against 
t he transfer of land. We gather from the laws prnpinl. 
gate d in th& - ^h cent trry (the Taiho-ryo, already referred 
to) that t he principle of peasant prnpriefrnrship had in 

effect been e stabl ished^ though perhaps not with design. 
The sp irit of the leg islation can be interpreted only as 
ainiingat a provision against extremes ^f^_weaUh. „and 
poyerty. The sa me spiri t J5jids-£xpression-in -the laws 
qf_the_^^okugawa Shoguns, (^rticulariy that__one_4J]::ahi- 
bit ing the sale of farm lands, pas sed in _j^jj (20th year 
of Kwansei). ^ The purpose of the prohibition is thus 
described in the jfikata Ochibo-shu, ** If farmers are 
permitted to sell their land, a ronin^ samurai^ merchant, 
rich farmer or other person might become the possessor 
of a whole mura or kori, and thus be able to defy the 
government and sow the seeds of disturbance. Again, 
poor and indolent men for trivial reasons might be tempt- 
ed to sell their land and thus lose their homes and 
their positions as cultivators of the soil, and become 
the dependants of rich men. This would be a great 
misfortune." If the law was transgressed, the offender 
was imprisoned or banished. If he had died, his son 
suffered the same punishment. The buyer was fined 
and his land confiscated, and, in case of death, his son 
suffered instead. If there had been a witness to the 
sale, he was fined, but his son was not responsible. 

by the author do not seem sufficient to explain the facts, although it 
is not improbable either that they operated to influence the original 
distribution, or that they assisted in preserving it when its origin had 
been forgotten and reasons were needed for perpetuating it. 

That the land is so divided into small patches is a fact which any one 
can verify ; and that the practice has serious drawbacks is indubitable. 
One of the problems with which the Department of Agriculture and 
Commerce (Noshumu-shd) is now occupied is the question how these 
patches may be so exchanged and consolidated as to facilitate the em- 
ployment of modern agricultural methods. 

To give to those who have not had an opportunity to observe a Japan- 
ese field some idea of its arrangement, a map has been prepared and 
will be found in the Appendix. 



74 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

The nanushi of the viiira was ordered to resign his 
office.*^ 

rThe land lawsofjapan show an int^ntiorL—to—inake 
the cultivationa nd ownership of la rge-tractfr;,By>a sifif^lft 
proprietor, or even b y tenants of such propr'^^^^'g, ciun-- 
to'gOme and of litj lfi^-profit. (^This was especially the 
case for non-resident proprietors.^/ ^The executors of the 

15. I do not find in the revised code the Kujikata Osadamegaki any 
note of this law of 20 Kwansei. In 2 Gembun (1737), however, the 
prohibition was repeated, and a law forbidding the mortgaging of land 
for more than ten years (for mortgages seem to have been resorted to as 
a means of evading the prohibition upon sales) was promulgated at the 
same time. (See the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ II, Art. 30 Mittheil. d, D, 
Gesells. Ost.^ Heft 41, p. 73), " Punishment of those who sell their land 
in perpetuity or without giving proper notice.") 

The statement of the author of the Notes, that " the spirit of the leg- 
islation can be interpreted only as aiming at a provision against extremes 
of wealth and poverty," so far as it applies to the Tokugawa legisla* 
tion, is refuted by the extract from the Ochiboshu immediately follow- 
ing. It there appears clearly enough that what the Shogunate feared 
was a disturbance of the feudal equilibrium which they had established 
and with which they were well satisfied. The history of land tenure in 
previous epochs had been a history of the passage of land from the poor 
to the rich, from the small to the great, and it was seen that at any time 
new concentrations of landed property might occur and new centres of 
disturbance be created. To keep matters as they were was the proper 
policy of the Tokugawa family, and the prohibition against the transfer 
of land was one of the means they adopted to that end. Mr. Yokoye, 
in the Fudosnn^ touching on this subject, says : ** The Tokugawas knew 
well that when the rich acquired large territories, they would become 
powerful and would be able to muster large bodies of retainers, with 
which they could defy the Government." 

But the question presents itself, if, as seems probable, this was the 
first time that an order was addressed to the common people, forbidding 
them to sell land, how was it that this had been reserved for the Toku- 
gawa Government to provide for, and that it had not been done before ? 
Or, to question a little deeper, if the sale of land by the common people 
had from the beginning been free, is it not impossible to suppose that 
there had not been, before the Tokugawas, some similar prohibition 
which helped to stem the tendency to consolidate land and turn small 
owners and tenants into laborers ? The answer to these questions seems 
to be that up to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the mass of the 
cultivators had been serfs : that the bonds of this serfdom were tho- 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 75 

laws were instructed directly or given to understand that 
the principle on which their judgment was to be based 
in any cxmflj ct of th e rich an d the poor was to giv e the 
l atter th e full benefit of any doubt./^ C ustom and public 

opin ion (Tecqgnized^3^e broad^ jrindple that__the_jgos- 

se ssion o f propenty, especially in land, was. Jthe inherent 
ri ght of th e many, not of the few. "^he products of labor 

roughly loosened in the internecine conflicts of the fourteenth, fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries; that as the seventeenth century dawned, the 
cultivators were beginning to feel an independence, to deal with the 
land of their ancestors as if they were owners ; that this tendency it was 
which then, and then for the first time, it was found necessary to check ; 
and that it had not been the subject of legislation before lyeyasu's time 
because it had not existed, because serfdom had until then been a hard 
and fast system. On behalf of this view it may be said that no previous 
prohibition regarding the common people seems to have existed. This 
fact alone would perhaps be colorless. But it may be coupled with the 
fact that during the five hundred years preceding the Tokugawa as- 
cendency the gentry and nobility from time to time suffered certain restric- 
tions in regard to the transfer of land, as shown by the codes Shimpen — , 
Shingen — , and Kemmu Shikimoku. Moreover among numbers of early 
deeds of the period, quoted in full by Mr. Yokoye, in the Fuddsan, and 
selected quite at random (with reference to this point), we find one or two 
only, in the earliest centuries, signed by members of the plebs^ while in 
the later centuries the number increases. These are but straws *, yet they 
serve to indicate that there is evidence of the existence of an adscriptio 
glcbce, the adscripti, as a matter of course, not having any voice whatever 
in the transfer of the land, but being transferred with it. What is needed, 
of course, is an examination of a representative collection of deeds of the 
times. It is well known that the deeds of the monasteries of France, 
Germany, and Switzerland have made clear the concentration of land in 
the hands of the nobles after the ninth century, simply because there 
appear few donations or none at all from the small proprietors. Possibly 
the Temple Todaiji, with its deeds, may prove the S. Gall Abbey of Japan. 
It is certain that the law prohibiting the sale of land had no force in 
some districts, though it is impossible to mark out distinctly the bound- 
aries of its validity. It appears from the Miuji Kwaurei-rnishu that the 
sale of land was permissible in Uzen and Izumo ; that in Tosa it was 
permissible as to shin-den only ; that in Kubiki gun of Echigo it was 
permissible to sell to fellow-villagers ; while in Uwonuma gun of Echigo 
all sales of land were forbidden. There was therefore no common 
custom and no generally enforced law upon the subject. Even within a 
single kuni the practice varied. 



y6 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

of any kind were the heritage of the toiler to the extent 
of leaving him a reasonable support, without regard to 
the share of the employer. If_ any__fin5 ..>vas to.be 
sacrificed^it_svaa more likely Xo be the lando\yner than 
the cultivator. Any surplus, which the former might have 
accumulated in times_ of plenty was by _ custom _to. be 
returned as a loan to the latter in time . of ji stress, (qjT) 
else a rebate in th e fixed rental was allowed, sufficient to 
enable the producer to support himself and _his family. 
^vTction' was almost(jankjio\v)i. ^A few days ago the Prime 
Minister told me that he had bought a place on which 
were living a few poor people who were keeping small 
tea-houses. He said he had been trying for some time 
to get them to move, as they had no legal right to remain ; 
but he found it impossible, ^he general principle was 
that no one could beggar another by the exercise of his 
legal right to do so as owner or proprietor of landf) There 
was therefore little opportunity foremen to possess them- 
selves of broa d acres.^ The few-Jarge landed proprietors 
seem generally to have acquired their possessions, not by 
purchase from bankrupt farmers ;^5y~~lTie foreclosure of 
mortgages, or by allotment of government land, but by the 
drainage and reclamation of lakes, swamps, and river- 
bottoms. 

O n the other hand it may be said that there was little 
inducement for the peasant farmers to advance or -to ac- 
cumulale. (The comparative security of their position, with 
a reasonable amount of industry, would leave them in the 
position of pensioners, with provision for their support as 
long as they might live^^y The difference between then and 
now is radical. Now the land tax leaves little or no profit 
for the farmer. So it was then also ; but in the old times 
there were no bankruptcies ; the patriarchal principle govern- 
ed and society did not recognize evictions ; the homes 
were perpetual ; and the landlord or the tax collector, when 
necessary, returned what had been taken, in loans which 
were paid when good times came again. Now the un- 
fortunate is evicted, and all paternal care is withdrawn ; the 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 77 

money lender or the capitalist takes the homes, and the 
poor farmer goes out to subsist as best he can. The rich 
become richer and the poor poorer.'^ 

3. Classes of land. 

\y The classes of land were as follows : 

1. Ta ; rice-producing low lands. 

2. Hatay hatake ; arable uplands or dry land."^ 

3. Hara, shiba-chi, makusa-ba ; grass land, meadow. 

4. Taku-chi, yashiki'Chi ; building land. 
^ 5. Hayashii mori ; forest. 

6. San-rin ; mountain land. 

7. Shin-den; new land, reclaimed land. 

Taku-chi, yashiki-chi. By a very old regulation the 
amount to be used as a building site, to be covered by the 
house and out-buildings, and to be used for threshing and 
drying grain, was fixed at 150 tsubo for every holding of 
3000 tsubo. The object of fixing the amount was to 
prevent overreaching the tax-collector, for building land 
was exempt from taxation. No proprietor could increase the 
extent of this^land or erect buildings outside of it, without 
special permission from the daikwafi. In southern and 
western Japan this land was inseparable from the cultivated 
land ; in the northern and eastern region it was regarded as 
distinct. 

Hayashi, viori. The latter name applied specially to 
forests owned by temples. 

Shin-den.^^ This included hill land, swamps, land 

16. The Japanese Government is now engaged, with the help of the 
various provincial officials, in a thorough investigation embracing the 
whole subject of the distribution of land ownership, the condition of. 
the agricultural class, and kindred topics, and when the information 
collected is made public we shall be in a better position to judge of 
the correctness of the statements here made. 

17. There were also special kinds called yama-{movLnt2imyhata\ no- 
(waste or moor)-Aa/fl ; and Anze'rt-(river-land)-/rt [Den-yen Jikata Kigen). 

18. Shin-den was known as konden, in the Taihu-ryu period. It was 
regarded at first as private, untaxable property for three generations 
only, but it gradually became a permanent holding. 



yS SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

subject to periodic overflow, shallow inlets, sea marshes, 
etc. There were various systematic methods of reclajiDing 
it. Swamps repaid a large profit, as their lands were 
always rich, and required less manure. ^Sometimes a 
daimyo had the work done, advancing money to farmers. 
/ v) At other times the members of a mura joined in reclama- 
tion, cin this case the land was worked by the mura and 
the profit divided^Sometimes the reclaimers acted for 
their individual benefit. Those engaging in this kind of 
work had ^ rebat e~x^ taxes for a certain number of years, 
the number varying with the expense attending the work. 
*^pecial encouragement was held out for the restoration 
of rice lands, as they brought increased revenue to the 
government. 
(The richest farmers of the country are found occupying 
restoTfid^land.N The vicinity of Toky6 contains a great 
deal of rich shin-den, and the farmers are among the most 
prosperous. ^ In Ediigo there are large areas oi shin-den ; 
in o ne p LageLan entire Jake has been drained. To this day 
the whole province is one of the most fertile and prosperous 
in the country. 



4. Classes of landholders, 

rT) lOoshi or ynisho no hyakusho, (country-samurai ; origin- 
farmers). The origin of this term dates back to the 
times before Yoritomo and the beginning of the military 
government (1192). Goshi were nanushi or mura chiefs 
who were ambitious, and by taking up a family feud, or 
otherwise, extended their influence over neighboring mura, 
and finally emerged as territorial lords or daimyo. These 
by degrees^ became independent of the Mikado's govern- 
ment and stood out against, it, and the result was the 
feudal system. > I find it stated that they held land 
originally without a title from the Mikado, but paid a 
tax. Afterwards they bought a title from the Mikado, 
and thenceforward paid no tax. l^ot only did almost 
all goshi become daimyo; a daimyo often became goshi. 






SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 79 

That is, a military chief, with his adherents, ceased 
fighting, withdrew to his land, and became a farmer, 
keeping his rank as samurai, but paying a tax to a 
daimyo or the shOgun like any farmerJ . 

In the southern region the goshi had small holdings, as 
a rule ; but in the northern provinces — Echigo, Musashi, 
ShimOsa, Sagami, Dewa, etc. — there were very rich ones, 
having in some instances estates of 100,000 koku. The 
great goshi of Dewa was Homma, probably the largest in 
Japan, who owned more land than his lord. During the 
Ashikaga period he had been a daimyo. 

The yikata Hanrei-roku, vol. 4, gives the following 
account of goshi. / " In early times the division of hyakusho 
and samurai was unknown ; all were farmers (nofu). 
During the wars the strong farmers went to fight, and the 
weaker ones remained to till the land. Finally, between 
1321 and 1334, the commencement of the Ashikaga period, 
when the greatest internal confusion^isted, the sepa ration 
between the farmer_dass(arTd the s atnurai class occ urred, 
rom this time jgoshd and samurai {orm ed the s word- 
earin g^ cljiss. pThus the goshi of to-day represent the 
source from which farmers and samurai alike sprang. ^The 
goshi, however, did not become warri ors and *feceive an 
income from a territorial lord. ^. They owned and cultivated 
their own lands. They were not subject to military service, 
except for the defence of the province, '^hey differed on 
the other hand from ordinary farmers, and were quite above 
them in rank. Clhe goshi had the privilege which dis- 
tinguished the upper classes of being addressed in public 
by his family name.) The family of lyeyasu v/2LS_qi_goshi 
][ descent. H e was the ^j i^tih^in. jjne^ofLg" adopted son.,of 
|l Mals udaira Tarozayemon, a g oshi of Mika:w^a. The family 

of Satsuma and, in fact, those of most daimyo, were of goshi 

• • If • 

origin. 

/under the Tokugawa regime the goshi occupied the 

the position of squires or even of pe tty n obles.^ They could 

become feudal nobles by forming a feudal attachment to 

some central power, — a daimyo or the shogun. 



II 



n 



80 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

They had all the rights of nobility, /bilj Wfere subje ct to 
rvone_of^its.xeslraints.CiJ^They cou] d_ assume the.^ate be- 
longing to their^ rank, (^ they could lay it aside and go 
( about as co^rrmbne^sjlj^hey had the right to wear swords, 
to ride on horse back, and to carry spears before them. As 
a class existing u nder the Toku c ravv a rule, they pr obabl y 
represented those large land-owners and minor territorial 
lords ^ho did not take any part in the wars attending 
the—rise of Tokugaw^ an(^on submitting were left in 
possession of their land^ 

/'a farmer well-off was sometimes rewarded by the 
Tokugawa government, for services rendered, by the title 
and rank of gosh i^ The rec ord of t his was always k ept in 
the office of the daikwa n, ffhis differed from the bestowal 
of samurai rank for e.g. charitable action in time of 
distress, repairing a dike, etc. Rich men, in hopes of 
receiving this honor, often performed such work. T The titl e 
wa s for life on ly, r ^t hereditary as that of goshi was, and 
the tech nical n ams was Ichidai taito-gomen (one- life- 
wear-sword-permission). 

/In the province of Izumi, in the village of Kaizuka, there 
was an old man named Bokwan, who hi d lyey asu after a 
defeat which occurred durTITg his struggle for supremacy. 
The latter afterwards offered to make him a dainiyo. The 
old man refused, for he preferred his quiet and humble 
life. lyeyasu then offe jied h im the land that could be 
included Tn the waving of his stick, with the tit le of gosh i 
and this he accepted. The karo of Sasaki, in Omi, were 
made goshi by lyeyasu. It happened in this way. When 
Nobunaga wished to go to Kyoto, he asked Sasaki's 
assistance, and on the latter's refusal, he turned to lyeyasu, 
who sent several hundred of his best men, took eighteen 
of Sasaki's castles in one day, and thus opened the road to 
Kyoto. After the battle of Sekigahara, the karo of Sasaki 
were conciliated by making them goshi. In Kai, when 
Katsuyori, the fourth son of the famous Takeda Shingen, 
was overthrown by Nobunaga, the adherents returned to 
their homes, and either settled down there as farmers or 



SIMMONS $C WIGMORE : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 8l 

took up new land. In the wars of lyeyasu which followed, 
they took no part against him, and as a return he made 
them goshi, and allowed them t o retain th^ir land witho ut 
taxes. It ^ was intfCal^ in fact, that the lar gest number of 
goshi existed. The goshi of Mino, Omi, Kai, and Goshi 
gori in YarfTato, received their land under the go-shnin or 
great red seal of the ShOgun, and those who derived their 
title in this way paid no taxes.*' Outside of those kuni 
there were comparatively few. In 1333, when the Mikado 
Go-daigo, attempting to take the reins of government into 
his own hand, was defeated, he fled to a poor mountain 
district in Yamato. There he lived, supported by the 
landowners. (When lyeyasu came to power, he made some 
of the largest of these owners goshij under the red seal, 
in honor of their service to Go-daigo. }ln Ise there was a 
goshi, ItO Kuranosuke, who owned an entire town, Kuna, 
and paid no taxes to any one. Nobunaga had for some 
reason granted him an immunity from taxation, and 
this grant had been confirmed by Hideyoshi and by 
lyeyasu. 

(^ After the Restoration of 1867, ^^^ estates of the feudal 
nobility were confiscated and the titles abolished.^ The 

II goshi f however, retained their land, though they lost theiT 

' titles." 

/^ GO'Zamurai, The goshi must be di stinguished from the 
gO'Zamnrai, (Having probably the same origin, they came 
to dittef somewhat^ MThe go-zamurai pr no-shi (farmer- 
samurai), or inaka-zamiirai, were true samurai, rendering 
military service, but owning land and cultivating it with 
kerai (servants), and not living at the yashiki or joka of 
their territorial lord.^(Th eir posi tion was mo re indepe ndent 
than tha t of the ordinary samurai, and sometimes ap - 
pr oached that of a soshir^ They had the right, as true 
samurai, to give to their retainers while in their service 
the right to wear two swords, and tKis the goshi had 
not. 

19. In the Fudusan this rule is corroborated, that land granted under 
the red seal of the ShOgun paid no taxes. 



A 



82 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Go-zamurai were plentiful in Satsuma, Higo, Chikugo, 
Saga, Tosa, Yamato, Sendai, and some other provinces. 
In Satsuma, in fact, al l owners of land were s amurai; 

# those in the country were inaka-zamtirai , tho se in the 

( to wns joka -zamurai. In Senda i ( Hese go -zamura} v aried 
gre atly in po ssessions ; s ome, were very poor, ot her s lived 
in the sty le of nobles. (Jji this region they did not confine 
themselves excFusively to the cultivation of land ; they 
spent the time alternately in the country and in the 
joka. \ 

In Hachioji there were a thousand or more families of 
them ; they had as a charge the guarding of Nikk6 against 
fire, each serving three years at a time. 

The general term for farmer was hyakush o, (or, in 
S i ni^o Japanese, nom in). " 

{^(yTaka-mochi^^ were large land owners, renting farms to 
others^ They were n ot necessarily of high position in 
th e commun ity. Farmers who were originally Diizunomi 
or kosaku sometimes became rich, much more so than 
the knsawake. Then perhaps would come a strife for 
position by the use of money : a marriage, for example, 
or an adoption into the kusawake was bought. In 
such a case they were called deki-hyakusho (come-out 
farmers). 

\^ I jusawqk e (grass-divider, that is, pathfinder). These 
formed a class higher than even the vcroi, and were 
the origina l reclaime rs of the land, the pioneers. ^Some- 
times a whole village was made up ot Irom two to six 
families of them. Motomachi, in Yokohama, was such 
a quarter, and contained only six families. /Sometimes 
these took up land which was out of the reach of the 
tax-collector, and lived in patriarchal fashion for years. 
They became t he respected l andholders of the community ; 
and when others joined the village, the des cendants ^f 
th ese pioneers were tor geneTations the nanushi find) 

20. Taka means the amount of produce for which a farmer or a mura 
was assessed, the full term being koku-daka, Taka-mochi (taka posses- 
sing) signifies ** one who is assessed for a large amount." 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 83 . 

t oshiyori . In old times these kusawake became goshi^s 
then dainty 6 y etc." ' 

(^^ Ne-oi (root-born) hyakusho were f armerPi ^nrn in th** 
mura, and owning and cultivating; their own land. These 

comprised the vaRt- majnnfy nf t|iR farming class, -^any 

of them had inherited their possessions for several 
generations, and not a few were unable to give one 
any idea of when or how their ancestors came into pos- 
session of their homes. Their title was perpetual as 
lon gas they paid the g^o Yf.rnmf"*^ ^^ C onfiscation for 
fai lure to pay the tax was^far^ If sickness was the 
cause of failu re to p ay," ^ftrs^ the rel ation s, next the 
kutn i, lent aid Cuntil the means of payment could be 
obtained.) The transfer of nobles from one province to 
another did not affect the fa rmy directly ; be beloagfidJtP 
t he la nd, /^he u eoi-byakusho, o r nwp^|-g nf lanH, were 
the o nly on^s w ho had the right to participate in the lo cal 
g gvernme nt.^ 

(fc) Koshi'Saku (cross-over cultivation). This was a term 
applied to land-ow ners who lived in one mura^ but owned 
land in anothe r als o. T his additional lan d was ^enesD 

Cobtainejy by th e lapsing of mortgag es. They haf] civil ■ 
r ights onl y in the mura where they lived . They 
wgp,e co mparatively fe w. ^A mnra disliked to have mem- 
bers of other mnra own land within its territory when 
acquired in that way. - Rather than permit*" this, the 
tnura often paid the mortgage and became owner of the 

land. 
^^^osaku or jikari-byaknsho (small-cultivation ; land- 
borrowing) was th e gener al term for a renter of land. 
^Kosakii used by itself, and not as part of a compound, 
si gnifies a renter born in the mura . Many of them c hang - 
d about frO"^ ""p landlnrj to anothe r, (^victionjof shoit- 
term t enants for good cause was not infrequen t :Jput 
throughout the country generally a farmer who had rented 
a piece of land for twenty years or more was difficult to 

21. According to Professor Komeyama, the term kusawake was 
restricted to the pioneers themselves ; and this seems very probable. 



W 



84 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

eject for any cause.** rYei-{\ong timt)-gosaku was the term 
applied to a kosaku who had occupied rented land for an 
indefinite period or for generationsTJ It should be added 
that if the produce returned by the tenant was insufficient 
to cover even the tax, eviction could take place at once. 

^jfiki-{nQxt)-gosaku was a mortgag or who attorned as 
tenant to the mortgagee^ (^eistr{dif^GTtnt)-gosaku was 
any renter of mortgaged land other than the mortgagor.^ 

^n-(enter)-^osa^z* was a renter of land who lived in an- 
other wiMra."\ 

vJ Mizunomi (water-drinking) were f armers w hn fgy ygrionn 
reasons — poverty, family troubles, etc. — had emigrat ed 
f rom their native mura, and going to som e other mura ha d 
hired out as workmen or as farm hands. v/After a time 
their masters, pleased 'with Iheir good conduct, would 
conclude to take them into permanent service or would 
allow them to rent a portion of the land. '^They would then 
build a house on the yashiki-chi, or, by permission of the 
daikwaUy on a piece of unproductive hillside^ surrender 
their former nimhetsU'Cho, send for a satisfactory certificate 
from their former naniishi^ and receive a nitnbetsu-chd in 
their new home. (^Vhen thus established, they were called 

22. On this point the Jikata Hanrci-rokity quoted in the Fudusan^ says 
further : " When such a tenant fails to pay his rent, he may report 
the fact to the proper ofhcer, and the latter should urge him to pay 
his rent, if possible ; but the tenant cannot be deprived of his land for 
that cause." The author of the limirci-roku^ however, attributes 
this permanency of tenure to th^ yci-^osakuy and states that those who 
had been in possession for twenty years were assimilated to the position 
o{ yci-gosakn. This seems to have been the correct statement of the 
principle. In the case of Kimoto vs, Ando^ in the Supreme Court of 
Japan, in 1881 (?), it was held that one who had for twenty years held 
land as kosaku obtained by prescription the rights oi yci-gosaku. (Minji 
Hankctsn-rokUf vol. II, p. 300). There is at present a general desire 
on the part of the proprietors of land subject to these perpetuities 
to rid themselves of such tenancies, and this has expressed itself in 
litigation. It has created for the legislators a special difficulty in the 
adjustment of proprietary rights. See M. Boissonade's remarks in 
the Projct dc Codv Civile livrc II, irc partic^ pp. 293-297. 

23. Other terms arc mentioned in yikata Ilanrci rokn : " Mci-den- 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 85 

yntzunomi-byakusho. Their descendants however, became 
kosakn proper. > 

y^hough eviction for misconduct, etc., was, as has been 
said, not infrequent, the tenant was so rarely dispossessed 
for non-payment of rent that this may almost be said not 
to have occurred. If the yield, from whatever cause, was 
a bad one, the landlord accepted a rebate as the necessary 
consequence of the bad luck. Though no law prevented 
him from dispossessing the tenant (on the contrary, the 
law sanctioned such a proceeding), so strong was the 
popular sentiment against summary measures of this 
kind that they were next to impossible. Tl-^y l ^ndlnr/i 
occupied a position more like that of a patri arch ; his 
tenants were as his children, and he their guardian. Kind- 
ness, ge neros ity,, fo rbearance , an d all the parental virtu es 
were expected i n the conduct of the landlord toward 
his tenants . Jin cases of sickness or distress the latter 
immediately sought their landlord and he never turned 
a deaf ear. ^ I n the large cit ies it was the custom after 
a fire to give the land rent free for loo days or such 
other reasonable time as sufficed for building another 
home. 

gosaku was a tenant who farmed land that was too extensive to be 
cultivated by its owner personally. De-sakn (go-out farmer) was the 
term applied to the iri-gosaktt by members of the mura where he 
lived. /^moW-(hou8e-manager)-5'05fli^M was a lesse who acted as agent 
for the collection of rent. A man who had a great deal of land, and 
was also too much occupied with other matters to attend personally 
to its leasing, would employ another to take charge of the matter, a 
piece of land being let to him gratuitously by way of salary." 

bmall owners of land were sometimes called hira-byakusho (lower 
farmers) or ko-byaknsho (small farmers). Kosaku, meaning literally 
** small cultivators," seems to have, suffered a change of meaning. 
Mizunomi was sometimes used contemptuously by the upper 
classes of the village as including both kosaku and mizunomi 
proper. Professor Komeyama says that in some cases the kosaku 
class represented the descendants of the early serfs, who had gradually 
risen in position ; in other cases they were, as Dr. Simmons observes, 
merely mizunomi families who by long residence became able to look 
down upon more recent arrivals. 



86 SIMMONS & WIGMORE ! LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

If a tenant was notified to leave, no rent could be collect- 
ed from the day of the notice, no matter how long there- 
after the man remained on the land.** 

'^}yi5lia-ryd (temple-fief) hyakusho were farmers who cul- 
tivated the temple lands {go-shuin-chi) given by the 
Shogun under the great red seal to various sects. The 
Nikko and the Shiba temples have the most extensive 
holdings . Th eje gra nts were grea tly increased under_t he 
T oku g ^awa ru le. The taxes on them were exceedingly low. 
The rate of the Nikko land was three in ten. / A curious 
fact which I observed at Nikko was that the p eople ^ n 
the temple lan ds were very p oor, while those of the neigh- 
T)oring daitnyo's domain, where the tax was severe, were 
thrifty and prosperous.^ 

yComimmal ownership. Such C Qmmon ownership of lan d 

as characterized a inura was in general o f three kiad s: 

{J^ first, temple lands, endowments given bythe parishioners; 

\^p)sQQ,onCii shin-den reclaimed by the ;w « ra )^third, grass land 

or meadow, for the most part perpetually fallow, and tracts 

of forest and mountain land.v The m&adows {hara) were 

lof ten large, and frequen tly belonged to seV-Cral mura-in 

common. They were not cultivated as mead ows ; the 

grass was cut when ne eded. This land was often the 

sj^urce of quarre ls and^anguinary contests between villages 

over the question of boundaries^ Even a co urt dec ision 

was som etime s disregarded, and the p olice or the mi litary 

were called \n, ^iucli of the waste landQv^longefl) to the 

towns and villages, ^ o one had a right /to cut the timber) 

24. The subject of tenancy is here touched upon only enough to 
stimulate our desire to examine further. It must be understood that 
the statements of the text probably do not apply outside the districts 
of the northeast unJer the direct influence of the Shoorunate adminis- 
tration. The individuality of the more distant provinces doubtless 
expressed itself in their customs with reference to landlord and tenant. 
Ill .^atsuma especially, as well as in Tosa, and other southern regions, 
we must look for a special development. Fortunately the land tenure 
of To'-a forms the subject of an extended manuscript work, recently 
r.ni>!K\l but as yet untranslated, by a local scholar; and it is reported 
that a similar work is under wav in Satsuma. 



I 






SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 87 

or (To use the lands Jwithout the co nsent of the villa gers 

as a body, ^when a piece of the land was to be sold, the 

villagers were called together, the nanushi presiding, and 

a price agreed upon. This procedure is still in use. 

v^he ko-c ho (head of the village) rec ^ves the p rice, and 

I p uts it in the hands of the government bank ers. The 

( villa gers never receive it dir ectly, and it is used to liqui- 

j date the yearly taxes. 

(^No stranger coming to a village could take up a piece 
of new land for improvement without the written consent 
of all the farmers. N In former times such strangers must 
have been farmers by occupation, but in recent times the 
privilege had been extended to men of means of other 
occupations ; still in such a case permission was to be 
obtained from the daikwan, 

C In some places land was given to the mura for ferries 
and bridges^ 'i-rand coming to the mura by confiscation, 
as described later, must also be noted here. 
^The 7nura also own^d sometimes a place for burying 
dead animals. V The cemeteries usually belonged to the 
temples, but in some places there were burying-grounds 
which belonged to the mura. 

some regio ns, especially wh ere the land was shin-de n ,1^ 
(obtained by draining a lake or a swamp), there existed a \ 
pe culiar sy stem of farming, still to be seen. *The land 
owner had an establishment which in size almost equalled 
that of a daimyo. A lar g'e number of peasant families lived 
in a villa gp w ithin the enclosu re set apart for residence, 
and were fed from a common kitc hen. They ^yorked t he 
land as serfs^ and many generations had preceded them in 
the same occupation. They p aid some sort ot a tax to 
t he landow ner, ^t is said that the pu rj)ose of this arra nge- 
ment orig inally was to have about the farmer, in disturbed 
times, those who might p rotect hi m from robbers and 
predatory nobles. The tro ^ii maintained a similar bod y 
of dependants , and these (Gecan}3 the . nucleus of the pj<We r 
ch ultimately made many of them daimyo . Today 
this system of cultivation may be seen in Echigo, Devva, 



,0JJ 

y (whi 



88 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Satsuma, Tosa, and a few other places. (Some of the 
large merchants in western Japan also lived in the same 
7 way. jfThe (gerfe^were yari gusly known, accordin^r to th e 
' locality, as^iidai, monya^ niwago, kaJj^,*'^ 



5. Mortgages, 

Mort gages of Ja nd were ^ntrolledj by q ui tq d j ffV*r<m f 
customs in dif lferent re<yiaD s.'^ The following were the 
common rules. 

^ 11 mortgages were tn \ie. recorded and sealed by J he 
iia nnshi and kup ^i-ff^^JfJyi When a nanushi made a 
mortgage, he had to procure the seal of another nanushi 

25. The communities here noted would seem to be remnants of the 
manorial system of mediaeval Japan, the cultivators never having been 
able to free themselves to the extent reached in other parts of the 
country. The localities where these communities are stated to have 
existed (localities removed from the possibility of frequent interference 
from the Tokugawa family or of indirect subjection to its influence) are 
those where that system and its incidents are likely to have remained 
longest. I have inserted here the notes on this subject simply for want 
of a better place, as it does not clearly appear that there was any com- 
munity of ownership or even of cultivation among these serfs. At the 
present day much might be learned from a visit to the districts where 
the traces of the system remain. 

For a brief account of some joint-family communities in Hida, see 
the Appendix. 

26. The mortgage law, which seems to have been largely customary, 
is one of the most interesting topics for the student. It would be out 
of place to give here any further account of its details. The notes of 
Dr. Simmons, though they touch on a few points only, ace substantially 
correct. But it is almost impossible to make general statements upon 
the subject of mortgage customs, for in no other department was there 
a greater divergence between the practice in diflferent localities. It is 
worth noting that in some provinces there was evolved a double form 
of mortgages, corresponding almost exactly to the English common law 
mortgage, in which the ownership passed to the mortgagee, and the 
English mortgage as administered in courts of equity (or the ordinary 
mortgage in most of the United State.s to-day) in which the transaction 
simply gave the mortgagee a lien on the land, the ownership remain- 
ing in the mortgagor. Either of these forms could be used, as the 
parties wished. 



A 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 89 

or of a toshiyori, A portion of a name-land (each piece 
of land had a name) could not be mortgaged ; for the 
name-land must not be subdivided. Qj[^payment was not 
made at the appointed time, the title of the mortgagor 
did not become absolute?) Payment wit h interest at an y 
time in 2 years after the making of the mortgage was 
sufficien t. txTT the mortgage was for less than lo years, 
only fivQ years after the date of default were allowed for 
payment. Money was sometimes loaned with a provisio n 
for repa yment whenever the borrower coul d raise it. In 
such a case ten years was taken as the limit. A fter that 
ti ihe f&r eclusure- luuk v[ }nr s-, — Even if it clause provided 
for foreclosure one day after default, sixt v days' grace was 
u sually £;iv en. kf^the year 1721 a law of the Sh6gunate 
fixed ten years as the maximum limit of a mortgage.*' A 
s econd mortgage by the lender needed the consent and 
seal of the first mortgag or. Xlf the land named in the 
deed did not correspond in description with the same 
land in the village register, the seller and all whose seals 
were on the deed were punished, if the matter came 
into court. If payments were made on the debt during 
the term but a final default occurred, foreclosure ensued 
without regard to the payments made, /in case of fore- 
closure, the mortgagor had the first right to work the 
land (Jiki-gosahi), if he was not an undesirable charac- 
terN If temple land gi ven bv the government was mor t- 
gaged, the l and wa g rnr^fisr^tf^H and given to another 
priest, and the offenders (borrower and lender) p unish ed by 
Cbanishmen ^r om the great cities. 

27. For provisions relating to mortgages, see the Knjikata Osadame- 
gakif I, Art. 57, II, Art. 31 ct passim {Mittheil, d. D. Gesells, Ost,^ Heft 

41). 

It is likely that in many districts there was no limit to the time 
within which redemption might occur, and that practically such a 
mortgage often became a perpetual or at least a life-long one. 



go SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

6. Successions^ 

The e ldest son was the heir apparent to the father*s title 
and to the homestead, and in certain professions — such 
as doctor, artist, and various others — he was expected, 
it is said, to foIIOw that of his father. In the division 



of th(^ prnpprtj'^^mnlpK^re ceived no sha re. An except ion 
to this rule app eared, however, i n the case of old fanii lies 
or large landed estate s, ^heg ) th ere was no male is sue. 
The eld est [?] dau ghter was then be trothed to someo ne 
o f the parents* cho ice, Qind Ihe ho mestead then went_t o 
thi s cou ple, ^^y^n instance of this happened in the 
family of a friend of mine. In this case the woman 
had the better business ability, and a large estate, includ- 
ing one of the best known hot springs, was managed 
chiefly by her ; the husband found his pleasure in books 
and paintings. In t he disposition of property, the wi ll 
of th e family memhers had no effpf^t. A testament, if 
made, had to be signed and sealed by the naniishi an d 
kumi-gds/nra jj^oughj if land was not given by it, the 
names and seals of the members of the family or of 
relatives were sufficient. 

/If the land was less than one cho in area, it could not 
be divid ed. ^^ If it was greater, the excess could be given 
as the testator pleased. 

The usual mode of dividing^ an estate by will was th is : 

*^nrhe eldest _s on would receive the homestead and half the 

entire possessions of the father ; fne r emain der would then 

be divided equally among the other son s. (As an offset 

28. The subject of Succession has already been systematically treated 
by Dr. H. Weipert, of the Imperial University, in his ♦•ya/rtniJcArs 
Famillen- und ErbrccJW (MHthcil. d, D. Gcsclh, Ost,, Heft 43, 
1890). But, as Dr. Weipert remarks, ''of the m/srra //ffcs and their 
legal relations the Japanese annals and laws make very little 
mention ; '' and it is because the information of Dr. Simmons was 
beyond any doubt acquired by oral relation and represented the customs 
in actual force among the commoners that it seemed best to preserve 
his notes on this subject. To fullness and system they of course have 
no claim. 

29. See note 12, Chapter II, 2, ante. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. Qt 

to^this ^ppa^^"*^ 1* p ^qn a 1 1* ty J it must bc Said that the eldest 
takes virtually the place of father to the nth^fs.*^ If at 
any future time one of the younger sons meets with 
misfortune, the elder brother's roof must always provide 
shelter for the younger one and his family. This assist- 
a ace may con tinue for a longer or shorter time, until 
the un fortunate one can establish an independent hom e 
a ga in ; but in doing this, too, the elder is bound to assist. 
/Sometimes the widow and children of a younger brother 
come to claim shelter. I had a friend who in this manner 
had eighteen of his relations to feed and shelter. 

In r;^5^^ of a sudden calam ity^ such as fire, not infrequent- 
ly all the o ther members of a famil y join in reestablishing 
t he unfortunate o ne in a home and in replenishing his 
stock of goods, if he carries on such a business as requires 
one. The money thus giv en is sometimes called a loan ; 
bu-^ it is a sort of perpetual lo an ; iLt|ift ^ gbtor can pay, 
h e doe s ; Q£jiecanng5| — well, it is all in the family^ an d 
no one complain^^^^There is of course an end to for- 



bearance and generosity ; and i£^ny me mber of the f amily 
is incorri gibly th riftless, he may be e xpelled from th e 



homestead. 



///. LOCAL RURAL INSTITUTIONS. 



T. The mnra'^ in general. 

The. size of a village was fixed by the Taiho-ryd at 
fifty houses or families. It would then have represented 
fifty holdings of land. The size at present, however, is 
variable. It ranges in size from a single street a quarter 
or half a mile long to a town of several hundred houses. 
The name of the mura is taken from the name of the 
principal cluster of houses in it. Scattered dwellings are 
the exception, even in the rural districts, the cultivators 
usually living in the village on the principal highway and 
going out thence to work in the fields. 

The population is exceedingly stable, as a rule. The 

30. This word is accounted for by Messrs. Satow and Chamberlain as 
follows, in explaining the word "//;i/6r," the name of a clan or family 
of priests often mentioned in early literature : ** Imihc is compounded 

of imi — , to dislike, and bc^ said to be identical with pu^ a 

contraction of mure, flock or body of persons, with which are connected 
mura, village, and muragaru, to flock together. "(Satow, in Trans. 
Asiat Soc. Jap., VII, pt. 2, p. 132, note 44.) '* Ivtibe is derived from 

imw, to avoid, and muri\ a flock or collection of persons, a clan/* 

(Chamberlain, id., X supplement, p. no, note 32.) •*Muraji" in the 
Kojiki, with the meaning " chief of a tribe," often occurs. 

Other terms were yu, sato^ zai-zal and go. Go in later usage 
signifies usually a cluster of mum. In some places a natural cluster 
seems to have been meant ; in other places an artificial grouping formed 
by arranging all the mura of a daimiate in several fr,-,. According to a 
kuml-cho quoted in the Chihn Scldo-tsn, there was in every go a public 
storehouse for the tax-rice coming from the mura included in sl gO, In 
the Yamato Hansciy gn is used as a collective name for all the mura of a 
han ; the gn was said to be divided into ku and mura. 

The following explanation of the ancient terms go^ r/, and sato is 
given in Mr. Kurida's Shoycn-kn, His account (which is satisfactory 
as far as it goes, but docs not for the purposes of research do greatly 
more than make plain the accepted uses of the terms) is an intricate 
one and has been paraphrased. ** In the second year of Tailava (A. D. 
647) the gun were classified as follows : one of 30 to 40 ri was a great 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 93 

villagers are for the most part engaged wholly or partially 
as cultivators of land, and in the vast majority of cases 
many generations of cultivators have been born and have 
died on the same spot. This I know from the almost 
numberless replies that I have received in answer to 

gun^ one of 4 to 30 ri was a medium gun, one of 3 ri or less was a small 
gun. Now this ri was not the measure of length used today, but was a 
grouping of families, every 50 families forming a ri. But in the period 
WadO (A. D. 708-715) the term ri was changed to gO. The country 
was thus divided into kuni, gun, and go instead of ri. We find 
complete evidence of this in the comparison of the village names of the 
period as they are written in different books. The term ri (or saiOy its 
equivalent) is replaced in the later books by go and refers to the same 
districts. We find also from the same evidence that parts of the same 
ri or sato (afterwards go) were called mtira, as, Soni mura in the 
northern part of Narihama sato. But another change of terms took 
place; the ^5 was regarded as subdivided into ri; that is, ri and mura 
became equivalent, the word mura finally surviving. So that the 
subdivisions of ri and mura were afterwards called go and r/, and then 
go and mura. In the Jori-Zu-Chokd a book published in 1884 by Mr. 
Motoori-Uchito, there is a very good explanation of the reasons for 
these changes. He says : '* In the survey and allotment of farm lands 
in early times, the terms c/r«, r/, and jo were used, 36 cho making one 
rij and 36 ri one jO, When a piece of land was referred to, it was said to 
be in the second ri of the first jw, for example. But the term ri was also 
applied to the administrative subdivision of 50 houses. Ri therefore 
might refer either to an area of land or to a political district ; and to put 
an end to the confusion which ensued, the word W, meaning a district, 
was replaced by go. In official documents thenceforth the terms go and 
mura were used. But the people in private documents still continued to 
use ri in speaking of the political district ; that is, they said ♦ X ri in Y 
gun,^ But the term • X ri \nY go' might still be used to refer to a 
given plot of land, and the place of a person's residence was often 
expressed in this way. So that the n, instead of being denoted by 
numbers, came to have special names, and there came to be a confusion 
between the political districts (called mura by the officials but ri by the 
people) and the plots of land. So that finally the use of the word mura 
exclusively was required in referring to the political district. We have 
no account of the boundaries of the various go or their changes; but the 
total number seems to have been a little over 4000." 

If we accept this explanation, we may suppose that the mura was a 
small settlement formed by the enlargement, in the course of years, of 
single families or small groups of families. The original family or group 



94 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

inquiries. The answer usually is: **We do not know 
where our ancestors came from or when they came to live 
on this spot. Our temple-register {tera-cho) may tell, but 
we have never thought about the matter." If I ask when 
they became one of the kumi they answer that they do not 

of kinsmen may have established a home corresponding in the course of 
its development to the Germanic Einzclhof, Just as the Einzelhof (if 
we adopt one of the theories as to Germanic institutions) grew into a 
Gchoftrschaft or cluster of farms, so the ke (single family) or he may 
have grown into the mura. It is not possible, without further 
information, even to speculate upon the question whether the mura^ if 
it thus arose, was the growth from a true Einzelhof ot free proprietorship, 
or was composed oi Hubengcmcindc or dependants. But it seems clear, 
apart from possible analogies, that in the beginning the ri was simply 
an arbitrary group of fifty families, perhaps widely scattered, and that, 
as time went on and the settlements enlarged themselves, they needed 
a new generic term; thus mura came to be the lowest political sub- 
division, and the expansion of the original settlement obliterated the 
old boundaries and made the W, afterwards the go^ of minor importance. 

It is obvious, however, that the explanation quoted by Mr. Kurida 
does not account for the choice of the particular term mura^ in place of 
ri, and more light is still to be sought on this point. Other circum- 
stances must have brought the word mura into use and must have made 
it a term to which resort would naturally be had as a substitute for ru 
What were those circumstances ? I believe that the true significance 
of mura is to be found in the etymology already given (mure^ be, tribe, 
clan, collection of persons) and in related facts, and not in any direct 
connection with the administrative district ri of the Taihd period. If it 
is true, as I have been told by a well-known Japanese scholar, Mr. KatO 
Hiroyuki (now the President of the Imperial University) that it was 
the name for the clans of the common people only, the dorei or slaves, 
ke or ka being the term used for the families of the conquerors, who 
become the gentry, then the use of mura, as a word of later times, 
applicable presumably to newer groups or settlements, may furnish the 
means for tracing the settlements and colonies of slaves as distinguished 
from those of freemen. Dr. Ross, among others, has emphasized the 
necessity of distinguishing between the two ; and, as in Europe, so in 
Japan, we must have clear notions on the course of development in this 
respect before we can solve the problems relating to land tenure and 
local institutions. 

Since the above was written I have found that Dr. Florenz, in his 
" Altjapanischc Cnlturzuitdndc,'' confirms the foregoing signification of 
the term be^ and his statements are given in full in the Appendix. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 95 

know ; nor do they know when the gonin-gitmi system 
began. " Our fathers and greatgrandfathers belonged to 
our kumit and for all we know it has always existed. We 
never heard any one say when it began, or that it was ever 
very different from what it is now." The people of country 
towns and rural hamlets of whom these inquiries were 
made are no less wise on this point than the better- 
informed people of the great cities. 

2. The Gonin-gumi system. 

The chief feature in the arrangement of the mura was 
this gonin-gumi system. Every 9i\Q families were united 
as a kumi or company." In various places the mode 
of grouping differed, but the principle was always the 
same, — contiguity of residence. Sometimes every ^vq 
consecutive houses on the same side of the street were 
united ; but if the houses were two or more deep, this 
order would not be followed. Where the houses were 
scattered the grouping was more irregular, but was still 
done so as to unite adjacent homes in the same company. 
Sometimes the houses of a kumi were scattered among 
other houses, but this was rare and arose from the building 
of new houses between scattered homes originally united 
into a kumi at an earlier time. In such a case the old 
grouping was always preserved, and the new houses were 
arranged (by the nanushi and kumt-gashira) into new 
groups. The kumi were all numbered, beginning usually 
at the north or west end of the village. 

In the formation of the groups no regard was paid to 
the class or condition of the individuals except that the 
yeta were always excluded. Thus it might happen that 

31. Often the kumi consisted of six householders, as appears from the 
Chiba kumi-cko, in the Appendix. In the territory of TOdO Izumi no 
Kami, in Yamato kunif some kumi held more than ten householders. 
Probably in some cases an effort was made to restrict the kumi to a 
uniform size, while in others no care was taken and new homes were 
indiscriminately registered in old kumi without regard to the number 
already included. 



q6 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

a rich farmer with extensive possessions was grouped 
with his poorest tenant. A wealthy merchant would 
be found with a blacksmith or a cooper, the najinshi with 
a pauper farmer or the most humble mechanic or trades- 
man. Thus all classes, without regard to their possessions, 
occupations, or social standing, were brought together in 
a kumi on an equal footing. There was no room for 
choice. Each heir to the homestead accepted without 
qufistion his associated neighbor in the kitmL He had 
received his place from his father, and he in turn from 
his ancestor, who in the extension of the mura or in the 
settlement of new land, centuries before, had been one 
of the original units allotted to this kumi. 

One of the number was selected by themselves as 
headman (go-cJid) or seal-bearer.'* To this office would 
naturally be chosen the most intelligent or the wealthiest 
of the k:imi. Other thing being equal, however, intelli- 
gence and antiquity of ancestry took precedence of mere 
extent of possessions. He was also called kumi-oya^ 
(company-parent) or ban-gashira (watch -chief), and was 
required to be a land-owner, and, in a farming district, 
the owner of farm land. His seal was affixed to all 
written agreements or other documents in which the kumi 
was concerned. In certain cases this seal was necessary 
in order to establish claims against individual members 
of the kumi, e.g. in case of a mortgage of land. In fact 
the courts were slow to recognize a loan of an}' kind unless 
evidenced by the stamp of the kumi to which the alleged 
borrower belonged. Hence the private busiaess of each 
member of the kitmi came under the supervision and con- 
trol of the kitmi as a body. In this way the more shiftless 
were prevented from involving themselves improperly in 
liabilities detrimental to the kumi. For as a rule, the 
kumi as a body was responsible for the defaults of its 

32. In Sendai //nt«, however, tlie heads of the kitml were appointed 
bv the kimO'iri or chief of the mitra. This illustrates the strictness 
and lack of liherty which were typical of the administration of daivtyO 
in contrast with that of the ShOgunate. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TBNURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 97 

members, and even of their wives, children, and servants. 
The carelessness or evil-doing of a single member meant 
full responsibility on the part of the other four also. 
If, however, any member persistently failed to conduct 
himself properly, he could be reported by his fellow- 
members to the mura officials. 

The gonin-gumi system was not limited to any particu- 
lar region. It penetrated to the most remote parts, in- 
to every corner of the land. It was if anything, more 
distinctive and less unchanged in the more distant regions. 
In Tokyo it seems to have been less thoroughly kept up ; 
but in Kyoto its integrity was complete. 

As to the origin of the system no very satisfactory 
information exists* At the beginning of the Tokugawa 
regime, the system was thoroughly investigated and a 
search made to disccvwr its origin, but no information 
was obtained. The author of the Jikata Hanrei-rokn fails 
to give any authoritative explanation, but refers vaguely 
to a Chinese system of military organization in which 
five men seem to have been the unit of subdivision, and 
surmises that this furnished the model for the Japanese 
system. In the Taiho-ryo it is stated that the population 
was to be \organized into companies of ?iWQ each. As far 
as I am aware this is the earliest mention made of the 
system.'^ Though the passage in the Taiho-ryo might 
at first glance convey the impression that the custom 
did not previously exist, I think it is not assuming too 

33. According to the Chiho Scido-tsu and the authorities cited therein, 
the hd^ of the Taiho-ryo period, the original of the gonin-gumi of 
later times, possessed even at that date very similar features. It was 
conposed ordinarily of five families, but there might be more or fewer. 
There was a hO-chD or chief of the h(\ whose duty it was to oversee 
the conduct of its members "so that they should fall into no vices." 
When a stranger lodged at one of the homes of a ho^ or when any 
of its members set out on a journey, due notice was to be given ; and 
the responsibility for the conduct of the members seems to have 
rested on the hd-cho. When a member of the ho deserted his land, 
the others were to cultivate it for three years, at the end of which 
period it was confiscated. 



gS SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

much to believe that it was already in existence. In 
China there exists or existed the division of a town or 
community into groups of five, each of which furnished 
a soldier. A grouping for the same purpose now exists 
in Corea. In that country the purpose seems to^be a 
military one only, while in Japan the military purpose, 
if it existed, has been entirely lost sight of. In view of 
the intercourse then existing between Corea and Japan 
and of the constantly accumulating evidence that a large 
number of the early customs of Japan, especially those 
relating to the governmental and military organization, 
were adopted from Corea, it is quite unnecessary to 
attribute the existence of five-groups in Corea and Japan 
to a mere coincidence. My own opinion is that the 
gonin-gnmi system had for its object the furnishing of 
soldiers, and that it was copied from the similar system 
in force on the continent. Certainly, if this were its 
purpose, there need have been no objection on the part 
of this or that family to associate with those of widely 
different social conditions. Indeed the grouping of higher 
and lower classes together indiscriminately for military 
purposes would have a decided advantage, as it could easily 
be arranged by the richer members of the kumi to send 
one of the poorer members to the army. An investigation 
of the kumi system of Corea would throw some light on 
the origin of the Japanese system. In view of the fact 
that simple juxtaposition furnished the principle of group- 
ing, it is impossible to conceive of its having been a 
voluntary organization as regards the method of grouping. 
The elements were too incongruous. As an illustration 
of this we may recall the impossibility now experienced 
of reorganizing the kumi which have been disbanded.'* 

34. The passage from the Toiho-ryo^ given above, seems to show that 
even at that early date the ho (the kumi of later times) were regarded 
in the light of an administrative device for securing order and good 
conduct. This would seem to negative the supposition that there was 
a military purpose in the beginning. If it is true that the mass of 
the people were serfs, there may have been an incidental military 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 99 

I have had no time to lose in the investigation of this 

subject from original sources, as the system, except in ^ 

remote districts, has already gone into decay, — a result, 

of course, of the wide-reaching changes which have 

.followed in the train of what is known as the " Restora- 

:ion.** What is most surprising is that thousands of 

:he rising generation have never even heard of the gojiin- 

'umi, and not one in a hundred of the educated classes 

ftas any idea of its past scope and importance. Yet 

it\ is beyond a doubt that the social importance of the 

kii^ii system was immense." Characterized by a method 

of grouping whose tendency was to level all distinctions 

of ratak, wealth, or person, the influence of the kiimi in 

mouldang and determining the form of society, especially 

significance to the Aw, for eacj^o^ner of serfs may have been required 
to furnish ?' BUWfHf horn every hu or from^some multiple of a ho. 
But the military services of a not much later period seem to have been 
calculated according to the production of the fief or holding, as in 
Europe, each soldier, horse, etc. being represented by and perhaps 
commutahle into a quantity of rice. This would bear against the 
probability of a different system having existed in the Taiho period. 

In an Appendix is given a translation of an article by Mr. Kurida 
upon the origin of the kumi system. 

The continuance of the hd and kumi system throughout the middle 
ages, if it is a fact (and it is mentioned from time to time in the chroni- 
cles), tends to corroborate the view that the peasants of later times 
were the successors of the early serfs and that as late as the sixteenth 
century serfdom was only beginning to wear away. For the preserva- 
tion, amid the changeful and stirring times of the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries, when daimyr> families sprang up by the score and 
any man might seize power and territory, of so rigid a system of local 
administration as the goningnmi system, shows in ^hat subjection 
the cultivators of the soil must have been kept during the whole 
period. 

35. The author of the Yamato Hansel, commenting on the goningumi 
system as carried out in the territory of Yagyii Tajima no Kami, speaks 
as follows: "The goningumi system, as administered here, was 
admirably perfect. A kumi was indeed lil^e a family; its members 
felt a similar interest in each other, and. the pains and pleasures of each 
were shared by the others in a wonderful degree. The welfare of each 
kumi was felt to have an important influence on the political importance 
of the fief." 



too BIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS* 

in the rural districts, was marvellous and has no parallel 
in the history of any country with which I am acquainted. 
It was in fact one of the three foundation stones, so to 
speak, of the whole social structure, — the other two 
being the principle of ancestral worship and its derivative^ 
practices, and the institution of the nimbetsu-cho or temple; 
register. 

The five-home grouping must not be confounded wit! 
another grouping of six, which was what might be callei 
an informal one, for social purposes. It was not a fixji 
grouping, but was simply the cluster of houses nearist 
to each house. The idea was expressed by the poffllar 
saying, ** Muko-sangen, ryo-donari,'* — ** Three louses 
opposite, and one on each side." It was a conventional i 
arrangement which represented and kept alive the spirit 
of neighborly friendship and assistance. When a family 
arrived in a neighborhood, it was customary to send to 
its three opposite and two adjacent neighbors from three 
to fivQ boxes of buckwheat cakes, with a request for friend- 
ship.'* 

3. Miira officers* 

Nantishi,^^ At the head of the mnra was the nanushi. 
For the same office the term used west and south of Hako- 
ne was shoya. The nanushi of a miira subject to a small 

36. This custom seems still to survive. 

37. The origin of the terms nanushi and shoya is connected with some 
of the most difficult problems of Japanese history, the solution of 
which rests as yet on hypothesis only. A brief explanation must here 
be sufficient. Towards the end of what may be called the Taiho-ryd 
period (700-1150 circa) a larger and larger area of land came to consist 
of the tax-exempted holdings called shoyen. A process of concentra- 
tion of land into the hands of the few seems to have been going on ; 
small free tenures disappeared ; and the distribution of the land became 
manorial in its charactei^ Shoyen, indeed, so striking were the re- 
semblances, both in origin and in incidents, may well be rendered 
manor. Professor Konakamura's statement is that those who were 
placed in charge of the shoyen by the ryoke (governing-family) or 
lord of the manor, were known Sis^shiji or shrya. If there was a 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. lOI 

hatamoto was sometimes given the flattering title of ddi- 
kwan. The office of course varied somewhat in character 
and influence in different places, and, as will be seen, 
the chief differences occurred in the region where shoya 
was the title. But the office had the same distinctive 
character everywhere, and the term nannshi will here be 

shoya for each muray the connection in the use of terms would thus 
be direct and clear. Whether the office of shoya under the Tokugawa 
was in fact a direct development is not clear; but the term had the 
above origin. 

Shoyen consisted largely of shin-dcn or land newly cultivated. Such 
land had special privileges of tax-exemption, and the reclaimer gave 
his name to the plot reclaimed. Thus the term myDdcn (name-land) 
arose. The manor lord whose domain was large was called daimyo 
(great-name [-land-owner] ) ; one whose territory was small was called 
shomyu (lesser-name [-land-owner]). The person placed in charge 
of any portion was a myo-shu (name [-land] -steward). Now the same 
ideograph represents myd-shu and na-nushif the latter being the Japan- 
ese reading, the former the Sinico-Japanese. A nanushij therefore, 
was not essentially different from a shoya, I may add that this ety- 
mology of these terms throws some light on the fact that nanushi 
was a term confined, as a rule, to the northern and eastern provinces ; 
for these localities were settled at a later date, and would have been 
for the most part shin-detij so that the terms myo-den, myo-shu^ and 
nanushi would naturally have been most prevalent in those regions. 

Professor Miyazaki also holds to the above etymology. Na^ further- 
more, he states, still means in Tosa ** a piece of land," and the farmers 
are called na-ko (children of the soil). In the Shoyen-kO Mr. Kurita cor- 
roborates the above opinions as to the origin of the term uanushL The 
complete term, he states, was nanushi-shoku^ and old documents are 
cited in evidence. The term shoya is not mentioned by Mr Kurita. 
Professor Komeyama asserts that this term did not come into use 
until the time of Hideyoshi (1590 circa), who in reforming the system 
of taxation replaced the nanushi^ in many quarters, by shoya. This 
does not seem to me probable. 

In the island of Kyushu, in the periods Keicho and Genua (1596- 
1624), the title betto was used (the ChihO Seido-tsu). In Sendai han 
the title correspondrng to nanushi was kimoiri. This word means 
•literally •* liver (heart ?)-roasting," and evidently refers to the person 
who presides at some ceremony. In the records (sent me by the 
Governor of Miyagi ken, where Sendai is situated) of some curious 
societies called variously koju, kumiai, keitci, etc., I find that the pre- 
siding member was called kimoiri^ ^ 



I02 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

used as the general term applicable, except where it is 
explicitly contrasted with shoya. 

In a large mura there were sometimes two nanushi ; 
more often two small mura had a single nanushi. 

From the point of view of the lord of the soil, the 
nanushi was responsible for the conduct of the peasants, — 
for their payment of taxes, for the commission of small 
offenses, and for the general peace and order of the 
community over which he presided. From the point of 
view of the local community the nanushi was their repre- 
sentative in their relations with their lord, and their chief 
in matters of local autonomy. He was the patriarch of 
the village. He was the final judge in all matters in which 
an appeal did not lie to the daimyo or the Shogun. He 
entertained travellers, and gave money to poor ones. He 
often made up from his own pocket the rent of poor 
villagers. It was rare that he was corrupt. As a rule 
he was always ready to use every means to deceive the 
lord on behalf of the farmers. The occasion for this was 
most frequently the kenimi {ken, measurement, miru, see) 
or examination of fields for the purpose of determining 
upon a rebate of taxes. This proceeding, which was 
attended with considerable expense, took place only at 
the request of the people. Some viura never required 
it ; others were always asking for it. The nanushi made 
out beforehand maps and estimates and submitted them 
to the (faikivaUy who often verified the estimates by 
personal inspection. The time taken was noon, for in 
the forenoon the crops look best, in the afternoon worst. 
If the nanushi was skilful and devoted to the interests 
of the people, he led the inspectors over the worst parts. 
Bad rice seen from a high place looks comparatively good ; 
hence the nanushi tried to take the lowest road. In fact 
th? ff^^rners o^^^Ti made their roads with this object, in 
view. They even spent their skill in raising bad rice for 
a year at two in order to get the tax abated. 

In these ways and in all others the nanushi was the 
people's representative and protector in all relations with 



SIMMONS & WIGMORP :»LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. IO3 

the lord of the soil. A wise nanushi kept on good terms 
with the daikwan and was able to exercise great influence 
with him. Quite a different kind of influence was some- 
times exercised, for the daikwan was not always proof 
against bribes. The condition of the people of a given 
miira, therefore, depended somewhat on the character of 
their nanushi. If he was able and discreet, he advanced 
their welfare greatly ; if he was weak' or careless, the 
people suffered from the encroachments of the lord's 
officials and their condition deteriorated. In the south 
and west, where the shoya were never the champions of 
the people to the degree that the nanushi were in the 
north-east, and in the domains of the daimyo generally, 
where the people received less consideration than at the 
hands of the Shogunate, the condition of the people was 
a far inferior one. 

The office of nanushi until the eighteenth century was 
everywhere an hereditary one, belonging usually to the 
oldest and most respected family of the mura. If the 
incumbent died, leaving only a child to succeed him, the 
ktmii'gashira acted as regent until the young man's maturi- 
ty ; in the south and west, the toshiyori fulfilled the same 
duty. If, too, the son proved not a very competent person 
the advice of the kumi-gashira or the toshiyori became 
the controlling influence, and the latter practically filled 
the office. 

The hereditary nature of the office had been infringed 
upon in many cases. /There were frequent instances in 
history of the inheriting family being changed by the choice 
of the people. But as this was always done through 
the daikwan, the exercise of choice was of course ham- 
pered, and it can hardly be said that there was any 
custom of election. The rule was inheritance, the excep- 
tion election. In the year 17 16, however, when Kanno 
Wakasa no Kami, a man of wide reputation, was Kanjo- 
hugyo of the Shogunate, the rule which required that 
the choice of a new nanushi be made at the office of the 
daikwan was abolished. From this time on the election 



I04 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

took place at the house of the kumi-gashira (or toshiyori) 
or of the hyaknshd-dai. There was never any nomination 
by the daikwan, but a free Choice by the villagers. If, 
however, the nominee was not a prominent and highly 
respected man, if he had gained the place by wire-pulling 
or perhaps even by bribery, the daikwan, giving his reasons, 
would advise the farmers to reconsider their choice, and 
if their selection had been a bad one the farmers seldom 
failed to be convinced. The choice however, fell usually 
on the most prominent and respected member of the 
community. It was not always the richest man, who 
perhaps had too much other business to attend to ; but 
some one less rich who was of good family. The ofBce 
was a desirable one, and the large farmers who were am- 
bitious would train themselves for the position by study of 
its duties. The sons of the better class of farmers in dis- 
tricts near Yedo would go to the Gundai Yashiki in Yedo 
for the purpose of studying to become nanushi. After 
17 1 6, when the election of the nanushi became free, and 
was no longer confined as a rule to a single family, the in- 
cumbent was changed frequently, in some places every 
year or two. If, however, the office was left vacant by 
death, a son who was capable and had been trained for 
the place would probably step into his father*s shoes. 
But all this was true, as a rule, only of the dominions of 
the Shogunate and the other daimiates where its influence 
predominated. South and west of Hakone the old custom 
prevailed ; the office remained hereditary, and any choice 
of the people, when made, was eftected through the dai- 
kwan. 

The change in the north and east was brought about 
by a petition of the farmers, who preferred to choose 
their own officers. I Their proximity to Yedo was indirectly 
the cause of their being able to petition so effectively ; 
for one result of the well-known custom by which it was 
the privilege and the duty of the farmers of the Shogun's 
dominion to send their daughters for a term of service 
in the residences of the Shogun and the daimyo in Yedo 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. IO5 

was the creation of a powerful influence in their behalf 
in the official circles of the Shogun's capital. There was, 
however, in addition, a difference in character between 
the farmers of the north and east and those of the south 
and west. The latter were inclined to be more submissive, 
both to officials and to samurai; the former were more 
independent and less cringing.'^ As a result of the change 

38 •• This difiFerence between southerners and northerners " Dr. 
Simmons goes on to say (he is here repeating what Mr. Otomo has 
told him) '• was to be seen in other qualities also. The northern men 
were frank and open ; they spoke out at once and said all they had 
to say. If there was a quarrel, it was fought out at once, and laid 
out of the way. The southerner was secretive, cherished his animosi- 
ties, planned future revenge, and returned again and again to the same 
grievance. The northern men made and spent money freely. Hotels 
were prosperous, and commerce and industry generally were thriving. 
In the south there was little money moving. Trade was on a small 
scale. A southerner could commence business upon fifteen yen; a 
northerner would require five hundred yen. For a southerner who 
was a laboring man fifteen yen was a small fortune, and not one in 
a thousand ever accumulated that amount of money. In Mr. Otomo's 
opinion one cause of the difference was a separate race origin." 

As to <he cause of the difference of character between nnnushi and 
shoya^ one or two other considerations may be noticed. The com- 
munities of the Kwanto and the north were formed by the settlement 
of colonies at a later period than those of the centre and south-west. 
The gentry as well as the peasants were likely to have a much more 
enterprising and independent spirit. The adventurous nature of their 
undertaking and their (for a time) semi-independence of the central 
government must have had the same results in their case as in that 
of all colonists. Moreover, the nature of their situation was to facilitate 
slightly the passage of individuals from one class to another. As there 
were probably free colonies as well as colonics of serfs, certain dis- 
tinctions must have lost their radical character. In the course of 
the feudal development, from which the peasantry emerged distinct 
from the military gentry, there must have been a fusion between the 
freemen engaged in agriculture and the serfs of former times. The 
result of this was a depression of the small freeholders but an elevation 
of the general mass of cultivators, with an incipient loosening of their 
bonds and the growth even of local autonomy. On the other hand, 
in Satsuma, a type of the regions earliest settled, no such general 
flux could occur. No separation of the military and agricultural classes 
took place. The gentry (samurai) were land-holders, apparently as 



X06 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

of 17 16, the farmer class were left almost entirely to them- 
selves in local matters. The power of the nanushi became 
less and the farmers grew more and more independent. 

The method of election was as follows. The voting 
took place usually at the house of the kumi-gashira (or 
the toshiyori) or of the hyakusho-dai, sometimes in a 
temple. The rules for the election were written out, and 
were as follows : 

** I. All votes must express the individual choice of 
the voter. Any vote which is the result of agree- 
ment with other persons (sodan-fuda) is void. 

2. A ballot without the voter's seal is void. 

3. As the election of nanushi is an important matter, 
the candidate should belong to a highly honorable 
family, should be a man of independent means and 
a land-owner ; if he has no means, he cannot be 
a capable man of business or hare the confidence 
of the people. 

4. If the man who receives the highest number of 
votes does not fulfill the above requirement, it is 
in the power of the kumi-gashira and hyakusho-dai 
to take the person receiving the second highest 
number of votes, and so on, choosing the one who 
in their judgment is best fitted for the place. 

5. Any one not wishing to vote must give notice in 
writing before the day of election to the kumi-gashira 
and the hyakusho dai. 

When these rules had been subscribed by all the voters 
and were returned to the kuvii-gashira or hyakusho-daiy the 
voting could begin. Only those who held land in their 
own name could vote. Renters could not. Although, 

free tenants of the land, and under them were still the serfs, as they 
had always been^ No fusion could occur to any extent, because no 
circumstances occurred to favor it. The result was the acquisition 
of little or no autonomy by the communities of cultivators. The land 
system of Satsuma, important as a knowledge of it will be, is still 
unknown to us ; but there is some reason to doubt whether the culti- 
vators so much as formed villages, and whether they did not continue 
to be merely groups of servants attached to small estates. 



SIMMONS & WIGMOKR : LAND TBNURR & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. IO7 

t 

as the first of the above rules shows, efforts were made 
to restrain wire-pulling and bribery, there was still election- 
eering in many cases. Sometimes a tie vote was cast. 
Even if the vote was close but not a tie, it was not 
considered conclusive ; a decided majority was necessary. 
In voting, each man made out his own ticket, folded it 
or put it in a sealed envelope, stamped his seal upon it, 
and put it in a box. After the voting was over, the 
box was taken to the house of the daikivan and there 
opened in the presence of the village officers.'' 

The salary of the namishi was fixed by the government. 
It was paid by the inura and depended on the assessed 
yield of rice. A village assessed at 100-150 koku paid 
2 hyo (a little less than a koku) ; and the salary ascended 
as follows; 200-300 kokUy 4 hyo; 400-600 koku , 5 hyo; 
700-800 kokuy 8 hyo; 1000-1500 koku^ 10 hyo. The 
villagers moreover, generally presented him with first- 
fruits. In addition to this he was excused from mura 
taxes to the amount of 20 koku. If he did not pay 
that sum in taxes, the village must make up the amount. 
The salary was arranged for in some places by setting a 
side a piece of land, the revenue of which went always to 
the nanushi.^^ 

39. Substantially the same account (though not in such detail) is given 
in the Chihd Seidotsu. Both accounts probably draw largely from a 
common source, the Jikata Hanreirokii. 

It does not appear whether these regulations were framed and 
enforced by the Governmnnt or by the mura. It is probable that the 
qualifications of the electors were settled by the mura custom. 

40. The /ryo, or bale, usually contained 2 to 4 sho ; but in some places 
it measured only 3 to 6 sho (the Den-yen yikata Kigen). In the Chiho 
Seido-tsa the salary is stated as follows, '* 100 — 200 koku^ 1 hyo; 300— 
400 koku^ 4 hyo ; 400—600 koku, 5 hyo ; 600 — 1000 koku, 8 //yw." Neither 
this account nor that of Dr. Simmons is entirely right, as will be seen 
at a glance. I venture to suggest the following as the actual arrange- 
ment : 100 — 200 koku^ 2 hyo ; 200 — 400 koku, 4 hyo ; 400 — 600 koku^ 8 hyo ; 
1000 koku and upwards, 10 hyo. The salary, however, was not always 
graded so systematically. Probably the above schedule held good for the 
ShOgunate dominions only. In KOriyama Han the salary of the shoya 
varied from 5 to 10 koku ; in the territory of Izumi no Kami, it was fixed 



/ 



loS SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

2. Kumi-gashira (company-head). This official was 
frantically a w'lCQ-nanushi, He was chosen sometimes by 
acclamation by the chiefs of kiimiy sometimes by the 
nanushi, and in some places the office was hereditary. 
But even where it was hereditary, if a change was desired 
on account of the youth or inefficiency of a successor, a 
new election could be called for by the people. Large 
mura seldom contained over twenty kumi of five families 
each, and in the farming districts, for convenience of 
administration, five or six kiimi only were grouped under 
a kumi-gashira ; so that there might be two, three or four 
in a mura. The salary was a rebate of taxes equal to 
half that of the nanushi or lo koku ; and in some places 
he received also a salary calculated in the same ratio as 
that of the nanushi.^^ 

Sit I koku 2 to (in I koku there are lo to) for every loo koku in the as- 
sessed product of the mura ; in both these cases the niura paid the salary. 
In the territory of Izumi no Kami, the shuya received i koku from the 
Government and about 3 koku from the mura (See the Yamnto Hansei). 
In Sendai the kimoirl received a varying salary from the mura] and was 
also excused from taxes, Government (apparently) as well as local. 

This immunity from taxation was called hiki-doka (subtract-amount). 
According to the Chiho Seido-tsilj the amount (in the Sh&gunate domi- 
nions presumabl>) was, as Dr. Simmons says, 20 koku; and if his local 
taxes did not amount to 20 koku^ the amount was made up by a direct 
contribution of rice from the mura. 

41. The kumi-gashira was originally just such an officer as the name 
indicates, the head of sl gonin-gumi. In several districts this continued 
to be the signification of kumi-gashira. In KOriyama Han, probably in 
other parts of the knmi-gatd, and in Sendai Han this was the case. (See 
the Yamato Hansei, the Sendai Han Siido-ko, and the Chiho SeidotsU). 
In Sendai Han there was an o-{gctsii)- kumi-gashira one being usually 
appointed for every fifty houses ; but his office was not as important as 
that of kumi-gashira in the Sh5gunate territory. How the name began 
to be used to designate the executive officer next in importance to the 
nanushi is not explained. Probably the nanushi first chose one of the 
most efficient of the heads of kumi as his assistant, and then as other 
names (such as ban-gashira, go-chO) came into use to designate heads of 
kumi, the term kumigashra was exclusively used for the executive 
officer. Certainly the early significance of the name came afterwards 
to be lost (in those districts where it was applied to the executive offices), 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. ICQ 

3. Toshiyori (old person ; elder). The toshiyori was an 
advisory officer. His advice was of moral rather than of 
legal effect, and his position was that of a revered patriarch. 
In fact in the northwestern provinces he could hardly be 
called an officer, for he received no salary or rebate of any 
kind. In the south and west he received the same salary 
as the knmi-gashira. As a rule he was better off than the 
namishi. He was chosen by the people.*^ 

since the kumigashira were not invariably heads of kumif as a glance at 
the Chiba kumi-chd in the Appendix will show. If we may assume that 
the heads of kumi were first named in the list of members, then only one 
of the five knmi-gashira in that mura was the head of a kumi. 

The kumi'gashira as an executive officer does not seem to have existed 
in the south and west, or in Sendai Han f-in fact, in just those regions in 
which the name continued to signify the head of a kumi. The assist- 
ance which the kumi-gashira of the ShOgunate territory rendered to the 
nannshi seems to have been supplied elsewhere by the toshiyori^ which 
serves to account for the fact that in the ShOgunate territories the toshi- 
yori received no salary, while elsewhere he was a paid officer. 

42. The number of toshiyori seems to have varied (at least in the 
south and west, where the office was a salaried one) with the size of the 
mura. In KOriyama Ha», the number in each mura varied from i to 3 ; 
in the territory of Izumi no Kami, from "i to 3 ; in the territory of Tajima 
no Kami, from i to 5 ; in the territory of Matsudaira JirO, from i to 3 
(the Yamato Hansei). In Sendai the toshiyori were in some places also 
called murasodai (jo-</<i» = all-agent, i.e. deputy for a body of persons) 
{Sendai Han Seido kd). In the Kamigata (a general name for the central 
western districts, often used as complementary to " KwantO ") the toshi- 
yori was often called naga-byakushd ^the ChihO Seido-tsfiJ, 

It is possible that the toshiyori may be found to be the true patriarch 
of the mura^ the head of the oldest family, the source of authority in the 
customary law of the mura; the nanushi being the direct successor of 
the early bailiff of the manor lord, and having gradually absorbed more 
or less of the authority in customary matters which formerly belonged 
to the toshiyori. In fact the toshiyori may prove to be, in the history of 
land tenure in Japan, the counterpart of the propositus of the English 
manor — one of the leading husbandmen who was ^elected by the tenants 
in each village and was to some extent responsible to the lord of the 
manor or his bailiff for their conduct, — while the nanushi originally an- 
swered to the English bailiff. In the Kamigata, and in the north, where 
the liberal administration of the ShOgunate had not interfered to any 
extent to make changes, we find the shoya^ usually appointed from 
above, much more of a bailiff, even at a late date, than the nanushi of 



no SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

4. Hyakiisho-dai (farmer-representative). This officer 
was elected by the farmers and was particularly their 
representative in all matters. He was a sort of oya- 

the K\vant5. This distinctive character of the nannshi^ as an officer 
more intimately connected with the Government than with the people 
seems to have presented itself to the mind of the author of the Chihd 
Scido-isft, for he remarks : *' We may conclude that of the three officers, 
namishiy kumi-siishira^ and hyakusho-dai^ only the nanushi can properly 
be called an otiicial. For notice the salaries of these men; the nanushi 
receives a salary, properly so-called, as well as a hikl-daka ; the kutni- 
gashlra not only does not receive a salary, but his hiki-daha has no 
fixed amount; while the hyakushildui has neither salary nor hikl- 
daka. So in the election of officers, the choice of a nanushi may be 
set aside by the Government, while there is perfect freedom in the 
choice of hyakusho-dai and kumi-gashiray The same considerations 
distinguish the toshlyori from the nanushi. Even where he received a 
salary, it was paid by the mura^ not by the Government (the Yamaio 
Hansci). 

On the whole, notwithstanding Dr. Simmons* assumption to the con- 
trary, there is ground for believing that the toshiyori, as a person of 
authority in a mura^ was peculiar to the south-west, and was wanting in 
the ShOgunate territory. We have the evidence of the Chiba kumi-chd 
(from the eastern coast) in the Appendix, which contains no mention of 
the toshiyori ; of the ChihO ScidotsR, which names the officers of mura 
in the Kamigata as sh'iya, toshiyori, and hyakusho-dai, and of mura in 
the KwantO as nanushi, kumigashira, znd hyakushO dai ; and of these 
Notes themselves, in a later passage, where the term Sauyaku (The 
Three Offices) is stated to have been applied to the nanushi, kumigashira^ 
and hyakusho'dai ; for if there had been another office of any consequ- 
ence, it would not have been thus passed over. It is true that these 
items might all be explained on the ground that the mention of of- 
ficially recognized functionaries couKl alone be expected in any of these 
instances ; though this argument applies with least force to the failure of 
the Chih't Scido-tsfi historian to menlion the toshiyori. But what could 
have been the need of a toshiyori ? The executive duties which he had 
in the Kamigata were in the cast given to the kurnigashira ; while the 
advisory and paternal character which was his also was in the more in- 
dependent communities of the east adopted by the nanushi, who was 
thoroughly the representative of the people. It may be answered that 
this argument, if valid, would only show that the toshiyori in the east 
lost his importance and disappeared as a distinct figure in the life of the 
mura. The more interesting question, however, how, if there was no 
toshiyori in the east, this difference of institutions had occurred, can as 
yet be a matter of speculation only. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. Ill 

bun^* for the farmers. If in the making of the assessment 
of the land by the nanushiy the hyakusho-dai did not con- 
sider that the farmers were fairly treated, he refused his 
assent, and urged the claims of the farmers. There was 
usually one hyakusho-dai in a muray but in a large mura 
there might be two or more. There was no salary for this 
office. 

5. Osa-hyakusho (head-farmer). This was a person who 
assisted at the mura elections. He was the largest land- 
holder and the richest man of the mura. In the south- 
west he received the same salary as the knmigashiray but 
in the north-east he received nothing. 

Such were the mura offices. As a rule they were held 
by the old families, generally well-to-do, and, it might be 
said, the aristocracy of the local community, who by their 
possessions and their social position were able to occupy 
the chief posts often for generations. The nanushiy 
kumi-gashirat and toshiyori, it should be added, had the 
privilege of wearing two swords. The first two, with the 
hyakusho-dai were called the Sanyaku (Three Offices). 

There was another office, intervening between the na- 
nushi or shdya and the daikivan^ about which information 
is less easily available. This was the 6-nanushi or o-jd- 
jrt.** Yoritomo seems to have created the office. Its 

43. Oya-bun (parent-place) is explained, in another part of Dr. Simmons 
notes (not included here, because it relates to town life only), as a term 
applied to those persons in cities who acted as friends and advisers to 
the friendless and homeless, helping with money, advising in trouble, 
reconciling disputants, and admonishing'wrong-doers. 

44. The u-joya (great shoya) seems not to have been an officer of any 
distinctive character ; he served merely as an intermediate supervisor of 
affairs. In KOriyama Han there were ten u-joya^ and their districts in- 
cluded from ten to twelve mxira each. They served usually for ten years 
or more ; and it was the custom for them to preside at the election of 
the shnya and the toshiyori. In that portion of Izumi no Kami's terri- 
tory which lay within Yamato there were seven d-joya^ each one ad- 
ministering a district (called kumi) of from fifteen to forty mura. In 
the jito-sho (district of a jitd or lesser lord) of Matsudaira JirO, a hata- 
motOy near KOriyama, there was a single o-joya. In the Go-ryo-sho or 
royal domain (of the Shogunate) in which the ancient city of Nara lay, 



112 SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

incumbents had great power. It came to pass that the 
daimyo gave salaries to them, so that they took the side 
of the ^a/;«jo against the people. In 1720, however, the 
ShOgun Yoshimune abolished the office, for it had become 
hereditary, and security of power made its holders too 
strong. This abolition, however, had direct force only 
in the Shogunate dominions. In place of this office the 
yoseba-natiushi^^ was created. This person was elected 
by the nanushi of several muni, and acted in some way 
as superintendent. It seems to have been an office of great 
responsibility, held in high estimation.*^ 

the place, of the d-j.iya was taken by officers called ktintiai-sodai, each 
presiding over a district of from three to ten mnra^ and-a rather notable 
circumstance elected by the shoya of each district. This contrast to the 
practice of the neighboring daimiatcs, where even the shdya were usually 
appointed from above, serves to illustrate the fact noted by Df. Simmons 
that the Shogunate territories were always allowed much more liberty 
of action in self-government than the daimiates. (Yamato Hansci), 

Where the kimoiri took the place of nanushi^ as in Sendai //««, there 
was an o-kimoiriy corresponding to the d-jryn. 

According to the yikata Hanrei-rokUy as quoted in the Chihd Seido-tsil 
*' there was in former times an office in each village called dai-shdya 
(great shdya) or sd-shdya {ch{e( shdya) or kcn.ian^ who supervised several 
shdya; but it disappeared in the Kydhd period (1716 — 1736).'* In this 
shape the statement seem** improbable. We may suppose, however, 
that there was such a supervising officer over the various shdya of a 
shdycn, and that with the growth and expansion of the scattered settle- 
ments into mura, there came to be one shdya for each mura^ while the 
superior officer, who may have corresponded to the seneschal of the 
English manor, remained as the o-jdya. 

45. Yoseha (meeting-place) was used of the house where the meetings 
of the nannshi were held; and the nanushi at whose house they occurred 
was presumably the (5hief nanushi. 

46. One of the regrettable lacunae in these Notes is the absence of any 
account of the popular assemblies of the mura. The material from 
other sources which has thus far come to my notice is so slender that it 
is not worth setting forth at this time. A few names may be mentioned 
however, for the sake of those who may have an opportunity to obtain 
further information. The general term for the assembly of the villagers 
was yoriai (assembly-meeting). The principal business of the yoriai was 
the discussion of the local tax-levy. In Izumi this assembly was called 
Sudan kwai (conbullation-assembly). Za, in a district called Gakunin- 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 1 13 

4. Written laws of the vinra. 

There was no special book or record of the customs 
peculiar to each mnra. There was, however, a document 
which purported to contain certain leading regulations. 
It consisted of a series of rules relating to several general 
subjects, written in a book, and followed by the seals and 
signatures of the mnra officers and all the heads of families, 
arranged by kiinti. The list began usually on the north 
or east side of the mnra. The rules were expressed accord- 
ing to no set form, and varied a good deal in detail. I 
am disposed to believe that the use of this written in- 

sho (the fief of the Gakunin or chief musician of a temple in Nara), was 
used to designate an assembly which met for religious purposes, to 
decide, for example, on the mode of celebrating an approaching festival. 
This ta is the same word which now signifies •' theatre," and there is 
an evident connection, which doubtless will some day be traced. 

Another subject on which much more light remains to be thrown is 
that of the grades of rank among the villagers with reference to social 
position, to political privilege, and to landed rights. The division into 
kyd-ka (old families) and shin-ke (new families), which is mentioned in 
the Bungen document, translated in the Appendix, is extremely important 
in its bearings on the growth of the mnra and its original forms. 
Other terms having an historical and political significance were osa' 
(chief)- ftj'n^MsAo' and kn-(sxm\\)-hyakHsho. According to Professor 
Komeyama there was a class of farmers in each tnura who enjoyed a 
special social eminence and from whom and by whom alone the officers 
of the village — nanushi, etc. — could be chosen. This class went by 
various names in various regions, osa-byakushd being the only term 
known to him. They represented the descendants of the original 
settlers, who had reclaimed the land and transmitted in their families 
the right of managing mura affairs. Lands were sold or rented to 
newcomers from time to time but the mura management was not shared 
with them. In most places, however, these lines were more or less 
broken in upon, and other villagers owning land were admitted to rights. 
Certainly these shin-ke or new families were given places (though of 
lower rank) in the yoriai or meetings of the mura; but the right to 
elect and be elected seems to have been always confined to the class 
corresponding to osa-byakushd. It is evident, from this account of 
Professor Komeyama, that classes denoted by nc-oi-byakushu (see above), 
kyu-kOf osa hyakushd^ and chu-byakusho^ shade into each other, and that 
some oi these terms are interchangeable. The term mura yakunhiy 
meaning literally *' wz/ra-officers,** must be added to the list, for it is 



114 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENUgE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

strument (called kumi-cho) is comparatively modern, that 
it was the outcome of the policy of lyeyasu in his efforts 
to root out Christianity by the strictest police measures. 
At the same time the rules relating to Christianity appear, 
from the irrelevancy of the adjacent rules, to have been 
later additions.*' 

said by some to be synonymous with osabyakushu. The usages of 
difiFerent localities, however, were undoubtedly difiFerent ; the osabyaku- 
shuf for instance, were but few in some miirtif and in others included 
nearly the whole of the villagers. The whole subject, particularly in 
its historical aspects, remains to be thoroughly investigated. 

In the Hundred Laws of lyeyasu, Art. ig {Mitthcil. d.D. Gcsells.. Ost 
Heft 41, p. 7) occurs the following passage : 

** Among the common people in the districts, villages and hamlets of 
the different provinces there are always a few of old pedigree (yuisho). 
They are not to conform to the rules for common farmers, and are to be 
considered in the choice of officials." It seems clear that reference is 
here made to the osa-byakusho class. If this is so, thenihe term yuisho 
seems to have been applied to ordinary farmers as well as to gOshi ; for 
we may suppose that Dr. Simmons* iiiformant, in stating yuisho no 
hyakiisho to have been another term for gdshi^ was not mistaken in 
regard to a usage so common and so easily ascertainable. 

47. A general idea of the contents of these documents may be gathered 
from the specimens translated in Appendix I. The name employed in the 
Chiho Scido-tsu is knmicho ; but I have found that this'is by no means 
a well-known term, and that no single expression is generally current. 
In fact Japanese scholars seem generally not to be acquainted with these 
documents, perhaps because they have not studied the subject from 
that point of view. Shi-oki-cho (enactment-book) is the name given 
by Professor Konakamura. 

Not more than half a dozen copies have come to my notice ; but there 
may be others at the libraries of the Imperial University and of the 
Historical Bureau, as well as at the ohokt^kwan Library in Mito. In the 
hands of old nanushi^ of course, many others would be found. The 
oldest of these specimens does not antedate the eighteenth century ; but 
the probability of finding very much older copies is not very great, as 
the documents seem usually to have been renewed every year, and the 
preservation of the earliest copies is hardly to be expected. 

The chief question of interest is as to the nature of the material con- 
tained in the kumi-cho. Is this document the record of purely local 
customary law, or is it a memorandum of the regulations of feudal 
superiors ? Leaving out all a priori argument, it seems quite clear that 
the kiunicho^ in its form and in the greater part of its contents, was the 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE *. LAND-TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. II5 

5. Local Taxes, 

An estimate of the necessary local expenses was made 
out in duplicate by the nanushiy kumi-gashira, and toshi- 
yori. This document was called hii'Sen-iriydcho (wages- 
expense- necessity-list). It was limited to a certain number 

result of commands issued from above. In many cases the nature of the 
rules contained in it betray this character very clearly ; they are such as 
must have been imposed, not voluntarily adopted. In still other cases 
the connection may easily be traced between the regulation of a kumi-cho 
and the law of the ShOgunate on which it was evidently founded. As 
many citations as possible of this sort have been made in notes to the 
kumi-chu in the Appendix. Sometimes a case occurs {the Reigaki^ Art. 
34, Mittheil. d. D. Gesells. Ost., Heft 41, p. 116) in which a min is not 
punished because the particular prohibition was not contained in the kumi- 
cho of his mura. In another place (the Knjikata Osadamegaki, I, Art. 
57, Mittheil. etc. supra, p. 57) we read at the end of an enactment, where 
the order for promulgation is given, "This is to be promulgated in the 
vtura. As no goningumi-chd is kept in some mura^ the daikwan of the 
nearest district is to attend to the matter.'* Some of the provisions 
which seem most likely to be of local origin are thus found to be regula- 
tions of the Government, — for example, the provisions for the payment by 
the mura of the expenses of the journey to Yedo by its representatives in 
litigation (see the Kujikata Osadamegaki, II, Art. 24, Mittheil. etc., supra, 
p. 71), and the custom in regard to the tags on the rice-bags, etc, (see 
Appendix I) which Dr. Simmons seems to have thought a mark of the 
farmers' o.vn care and zeal. The form of the document was by no means 
that of a record of local customs, made as between the villagers them- 
selves. Usually the nanwihi or the mura-yakuniu speak, and promise 
to carry out the regulations in their conduct of the office which they 
have been permitted to fill, oom^tim^s the whole mura speaks for itself 
in the kumich'u But there is in almost every case the attitude of accep- 
tance of rules imposed from above and the promise of submission. 

If any further evidence were needed, it appears in the shape of a docu- 
ment recently sent me by Mr. Kitagaki, Governor of Kyoto, called 
'' Baku/u Rytljomokusho'' (Collection of Articles of Law promulgated 
by the ShOgunatc). This collection of rules (which unfortunately has 
no date) contains all those articles usually occurring in the kumicho, 
and is evidently the general form prescribed by the 'Sh^^gunate, or rather, 
sent out as a model for the various daikivan to work upon. At the end 
of the document are columns showing how the year, month, and day, 
the kori and mura, and the names of the farmers, are to be entered. It 
is vcrv clear that the kumi-chj were intended by the bhOgunate as the 



^l6 SIMMONS & WIG MORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

of pages of a certain kind of paper. At its head the 
following principles were rehearsed : 
** I. Unreasonable things which the officers wish to do 

without the consent of the farmers are not to be 

done. 

2. Nothing proposed by the naniishi for selfish purposes 
can be done without the consent of the farmers. 

3. There must be economy in the use of money for 
village purposes. 

4. This paper, if agreed to by all, is to be final, and the 
money appropriated is to be paid.** 

vehicles for conveying to the people the regulations to be observed by 
thenif and the annual reading and sealing at the beginning of each 
year was a part of the same plan. Some discretion seems to have been 
left to the daikwan in each case, for there are many variations between 
different kumi-cho. Whether these documents were in use outside of 
the ShOgunate dominions I do not know, but it may be doubted. It 
seems probable that the use of the knmi-chd was an invention of the 
great administrator lyeyasu himself or of some one of his officers. 

Some local customs must have crept into the kumi-chdy but an extend- 
ed comparison can alone afford a basis for conclusion on this point. It 
is also to be remembered that even where a Governmental regulation is 
found to cover the subject of a kumi-cho rule, the law may have intend- 
ed simply to recognize a custom, and the rule may be none the less of 
popular origin. Take for example those clauses of the Buke shohatto 
(Art. 12, Mitthcil. etc., supra, p. 27) and the Kujikata Osadamegaki (II, 
Art. I, ib. p. 66) which provide for a system of private arbitration before 
resort to the courts. It can hardly be doubted that chnsai or arbitra- 
tion was a custom of longs landing among the people, was in fact an 
inheritance from earliest times ; and the laws above-mentioned were 
intended rather to stem a tendency, perhaps in cities, to break away 
from it. than to impose a new regulation upon the people. 

The kumi-chu served in part to facilitate the system of making the 
popular officers responsible for the conduct of their townsmen and of 
making neighbors responsible for each other. This system, as will be 
seen by an examination of the kiimi-chn^ was carried out thoroughly. 
The principle seems to have been one ot long standing, for in the time of 
Hideyoshi's expedition to Corea (1592) we find, in an order for the levy 
of soldiers, the announcement that in case any one is detected in evad- 
ing the conscription " the nanushi and the kumi shall be punished " (the 
Fuddsan). Its efficient carrying out was one of the great causes of the 
success of the Tokugawa administration. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. XI7 

The farmers were then called together, the estimate 
laid before them, and each item considered. There was a 
proverb referring to the experience of the people in these 
assemblies: **go-tabun ni-wa moremasen^'' — the majority 
is made up of non-thinking persons.*^ 

When all the farmers had signed and sealed, the esti- 
mate became valid. It was then taken to the daikwan 
and sealed in approval by him. The daikwan had no 
power to increase the estimate or forbid its being adopted. 
He could only examine and advise. His duty was to see 
that the nanushi did not ** squeeze '* or oppress the people. 
If the farmers had doubts about the proper use of the 
money, they could demand and have an official examina- 
tion.*' 

48 The apparent meaning is " I will go with the majority," the verb 
being morerti. Possibly this is not the meaning it bore in Dr. Simmons' 
mind, and he may have transliterated his informant incorrectly. But 
the turn of thought is probably this: Most people prefer not to decide 
for themselves, but to wait and do what the rest decide on ; they let 
others do their thinking for them, and the thought in the mind of such a 
person is ^* go-tnbun ni-wa moremasen.''^ 

49 A short passage from the Scndai Hon Seido-ku will serve to throw a 
little more light on the methods of local taxation : •• The objects of ex- 
penditure in each mura were as follows : the salaries of the kimoiri and 
his assistants ; the salaries of the keepers of dams and aqueducts : the 
salaries of the keepers of mvra storehouses and the incidental expenses 
of the storehouses ; the expenses relating to the transportation of public 
goods from one mura to another ; (in some mura) the salary of the ken- 
dan (a kind of post-official) and the cost of paper, ink, and pens used by 
him. 

These expenses were divided into three classes and were levied as 
follows: Expenses connected with the registration of inhabitants, upon 
each inhabitant ; expenses connected with land, on each piece of land ; 
expenses incurred for salaries, for paper, ink, and pens, and for mis- 
cellaneous matters, upon houses and land." 

From the CkikO Seido-tsR we obtain some additional information, and 
a somewhat different classification of expenses is given : '• The expenses 
in a go or mura were divided into three classes : expenses in the office of 
the nanushiy pens, ink, paper, etc. ; expenses of the three officers when 
they travel to other mura on official business ; miscellaneous and ex- 
traordinary expenses incurred by the mura. Expenditures of the first 
class were to be recorded in two books, in duplicate. In the seventh and 



Xl8 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

6r Local jfustice and Procedure. 

The general method of settling civil cases of every kind 
was arbitration ; the only court, in the ordinary sense of 
the word, was at the office of the daikwan. The practical 
result of the principle of arbitration (which was known as 
chU'Sai or nai-sai'^) was that a civil case rarely, if ever, 
came before the regular courts, but was settled before reach- 
ing it. The principle operated thus. In case of a disagree- 
ment between members of a kuinif the five heads of families 
met and endeavored to settle the matter. All minor dif- 
ficulties usually were ended in this way. A time was 
appointed for the meeting; food and wine were set out, 
and there was moderate eating and drinking, just as at 
a dinner party. This, they thought, tended to promote 
good feeling and to make a settlement easier ; for every- 
body knows, they said, that a friendly spirit is more likely 
to exist under such circumstances. Even family difficul- 
ties were sometimes settled in this way. Thus if a man 
abused his wife she might fly to one of the neighbors for 



twelfth months of each year they were to be added up, and charged to 
the people of the mura. The nanushi^ the other officers, and the people 
were then to affix their seals. At the end of the year the books were to 
be delivered to the daikivan for his inspection and indorsement, and one 
copy to be preserved in the daikwan s office, the other in the office of 
the nanushi. In the first month of each year, before the books were 
used, they were to receive the indorsement of the daikwan. 

" Minor incidental expenses were to be paid by the officers of the 
mura themselves as the occasion arose, the mura afterwards reimbursing; 
them. Large or extraordinary expenses were to be provided for only 
after consulting with the people and receiving special authority. The 
consent of the people was necessary for all local taxes. The apportion- 
ment of the tax was to be based on the revenue of land. The apportion- 
ment was to be supervised by the hyakusho-dai. At the time it took 
place, he was to attend, examine the levy as drawn up by the nanushi 
and humi-gashlra and, if he regarded it as equitable, give his consent." 
The statements of the Chihr, Scido-tsU are based on the authority of 
the works Jikata Hajirci-rokUy NOsci Zayu^ and yikata Taisci. 

50 Chfi-sni, between-decis'on (a judgment rendered by one who comes 
between disputants and separates them); nai-saiy within-decision (a set- 
tlement arrived at among the paiilc^ themselves). 



\ 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. II9 

protection, and when the husband came to demand her, 
the heads of families in the kumi would meet and consult 
over the case. If a settlement failed or a man repeated his 
offence frequently, he might be complained of to the next in 
authority, the kumi-gashira; or else the neighbors might 
take matters into their own hands and break off intercourse 
with him, refusing to recognize him socially. This usually 
brought him to terms. An appeal to the higher authorities 
was as a rule the practice in the larger towns and cities 
only, where the family unity was somewhat weakened, and 
not in the villages, where there was a great dislike to 
seeking outside coercion, and where few private disagree- 
ments went beyond the family or the kumi. 

A case which could not be settled in this way was 
regarded as a disreputable one, or as indicating that the 
person seeking the courts wished to get some advantage 
by tricks or by dishonesty. In arranging for a marriage 
partner for son or daughter, such families as were in 
the habit of using this means of redress were studiously 
avoided. It was a well-known fact that in those districts 
where the people were fond of resorting to the courts 
they were generally poor in consequence. The time spent 
and the money lost reduced the community to poverty. 
Examples of this were Tsuru gori and Kaino gori near 
the Hakone mountains. 

One of the abuses of chu-sai was that the small fine 
which was often imposed by the arbitrators was generally 
used up by them in a ** spree," so that the real sufferer 
received very little of it. 

If even the kumi-gashira could not settle the matter, 
it was laid before the higher officers, the toshiyori, and 
the nanushi. In fact the four chief officers {nanushif 
toshiyorif kumi-gashira^ and hyakusho-dai) might almost 
be said to form a board of arbitration for the settlement 
of appeals, for in deciding the case the nanushi received 
the suggestions of the other officers. It was discreditable 
for a nanushi not to be able to adjust a case satisfactorily, 
and he made all possible efforts to do so. In specially 



I20 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

difficult matters, he might ask the assistance of a neigh- 
boring nanushi. If a decision was reached by the nanushi^ 
three copies of the evidence and the arguments were made 
out, and the seals and names of the parties and the wa- 
nushi were affixed. 

If the nanushi was unable to settle a case, it was laid 
before the daikwan, who almost invariably sent it back, 
with the injunction to settle it by arbitration, putting it 
this time in the hands of some neighboring namishi, 
preferably one of high reputation for probity and capacity. 
In case a nanushi other than the original one settled the 
case, a special form of decision or rescript was made out. 
There were also other forms for other stages. When the 
people of the mura as a whole brought a complaint before 
the nanushi and kumi-gashiraj the hyakusho-dai appeared 
on their i>ehalf. As a rule, in other cases, every man was 
supposed to advocate his own cause. To obtain payment 
of a claim on behalf of another, receiving a share in 
payment, was an offence. Still many made a business 
of acting thus for others. They claimed a relationship 
with their client and represented that he was sick and 
unable to attend. It was a business in which much 
money was made. The receiving of a fee, however, was 
clandestine ; ostensibly the service was i:endered as a favor. 
There were no court fees, either before the nanushi or in 
the daikwan s court. 

When a case came before the daikwan for decision, it 
passed from the region of chil-sai, and became kuji or 
dciri. From the daikwan it might pass to the higher 
officials.*^ But if litigation was discouraged by local 
sentiment, none the less was it frowned upon by the 
rulers. The daikwan were instructed to discourage all 

51. For an account of the judicial system of the Tokugawa Shogunate, 
see Mr. Rudorffs article, '* Rcchtspflege unter den Tokugawa^'' Mit- 
theil. d. D. Gesclls. Ostns., Feb., 18S8, {Hf/t 38, Scite 378). For 
further information relating to the history of the HyojD-sho, the highest 
judicial body, see the same writer's " Tokugawa-Gcsetz-Sammlung " 
(ib., II eft 41, Seitc 36). 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I2L 

litigation, and to cooperate with the local officers to this 
end. They were to be especially careful in those localities 
where there was a litigious tendency, as the people were 
thereby impoverished and the government lost the benefit 
of a plentiful production. '^ The bad men who stirred up 
the people to seek redress in the courts were to be carefully 
watched, and if they were found especially active and 
troublesome, they were to be suitably punished. 

Criminal cases of importance were not to be compro- 
mised, but were to be laid before the daikwan. If this rule 
was transgressed, the case was re-opened, and the nanushi 
banished. In case of homicide, the matter would be 
immediately reported to the daikwan. If on investigation 
it appeared that the deceased was a wicked fellow, or that 
the killing was done in the heat of passion, or during 
intoxication, or under other circumstances suitable for the 
exercise of clemency, the offender might escape death, 
provided the family of the dead man came to the daikwan 
and asked that mercy be shown.'' Perhaps it would not 

52. The self-regarding point of view (already spoken of) of the Toku- 
gawa Government, in its regulation of the welfare of the people, is 
again illustrated in this statement of the reason for its discouragement 
of litigation. 

53. " When anyone commits murder at the instigation of another, and 
escapes, he shall, at the request of the relatives of the deceased, be 
condemned only to geshi-nin or karyO.'^ 

100 Laws of lyeyasu, Art. 46 (Mitthcil. d. D. Gesclls Ost., Hefi 41, 
p. 12, infra). 

*' Criminal case (^744.) Defendant, Yagor6, adopted son of Rizayemon, 
of Aimari mura^ of the province of Ushfi. 

"This YagorO had become insane and killed two men, one named 
Sansuke, the other Zembei. By Zembei's relatives the death penalty 
was not demanded ; but by Sansuke's it was. Although the insanity 
was clearly proved, the question was whether death should be inflicted. 

* When a man becomes insane and soon after kills another, he shall 
be punished with death.' This law rests on the idea that it is often 
doubtful whether a man has not feigned madness in order to escape the 
death penalty. On the other hand, death would not be inflicted if the 
insanity was clear and the dead man's relatives asked for a remission of 
punishment. When this law was again explained to the relatives of 
bansuke, they considered the matter again carefully and declared 



122 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

be difficult for them to see that under the circumstances 
the sacrifice of two lives would be useless; and justice was 
considered to be satisfied by the arrest of the offender. In 
such a case the matter ended by the offender becoming a 
priest, the head priest of the sect giving a guarantee for 
his future good conduct. 5* If the dead man's family were 
left destitute, the family of the killer would often pay them 
a sum of money or support them. 

When an offence was charged, one of the hantaro or 
regular police of the mura (who will be afterwards described) 
arrested the accused immediately and took him before the 
nanushi. No farmer or other respectable person could be 
arrested without an order from the nanushi, unless in 
flagrante delicto. This rule did not apply in the case of 
one who had been cast out by the community — a sort of 
farmer rd7ti7i — for instance, one who had defied all law and 
was incorrigible ; such a person became almost an outlaw, 
and could be beaten or arrested with impunity. 

The villagers often administered justice in their own 
way, without regard to legal forms. Suppose that in a 
rural district a man had established a house of prostitution 
or other nuisance. A placard would be posted, stating that 
Mr. So-and-so was maintaining a great nuisance, and that 
it was intended to burn him out. Then a night would be 
chosen, preferably when a high wind was blowing, and his 
neighbors warned to move away valuables and to have 
water ready. Great consternation would follow, and the 
man would be obliged to yield and rerAove. But the 
punishment for the participators, if they were detected, was 
the same as if fire had actually been set. One whose care- 
lessness originated a fire (it may here be said) was often 



that, if the insanity was clear, they by no means insisted upon their 
demand. It was therefore inquired whether this Yagoru should be 
given into the custody of his relatives and confined by them : and this 
course was approved." 

Reigaki^ Art. 35 [Mltthcil. cte., supra, p, 116). 

54. Cf. Kujikata Osndamcgakl, II, Art. 97 (Mitthcil. d. D. Gesclls. 
Ost., Heft 41, p. 98), •• In regard to a request that a convict's son, who 
has been placed in the custody of his relatives, may become a priest." 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I23 

banished from the village. Another method of summary 
punishment was this. When a man was detected in an 
offence, the farmers pursued and caught him, tied him to a 
post, smearing his face with oil and lampblack, and left 
him to the scoffs and taunts of children and passers-by. 
When he was released a jeering crowd followed. Nor did 
the disgrace end speedily, for it was almost impossible to 
remove the stains. Trespasses on land and petty thefts of 
grain or vegetables were tacitly left to the farmers them- 
selves to punish. The posts which I saw standing at 
intervals in the cultivated districts were those which had 
been used for the summary punishment of sneak thieves. 
If in an offender's struggles with the farmers as they strove 
to bind him, he should sustain injury, perhaps meet his 
death, the participators were usually released with a nomi- 
nal punishment, perhaps with none at all. 

Often a farmer abandoned his land and ran away from 
the village, perhaps because of a crime, or on account of 
some quarrel, of inability to pay his taxes, or even of extreme 
poverty. Such a person was kake-ochi (run-escape). The 
matter must be reported to the daikwaUy and the cause of 
the man's de'sertion investigated. At first thirty days were 
given for the investigation, the time being extended if ne- 
cessary, from month to month up to six months. Mean- 
while the family or the kumi worked the land." If at the 
end of the above time the man did not return, the land was 
taken by the mum to work and the house sold by sealed 
proposals. Usually it was rented to the deserter's family. 
In some places the kunii worked the land and paid the 
taxes, even for years ; but this seems to have happened only 
when a whole family had deserted. If at any time the 
man or some member of his family returned, the land was 
given back to him, if the inura so decided, unless some 
crime had been the cause of the flight. Even in that case, 
however, if the offence was not a heavy one, the land might 

55. This rule that the ^«mi should work the land of a member who 
abandoned it is found as far back as the period of the Taihu Ryd (Chihu 
Seido'tsfi)^ as has been already mentioned. 



Z24 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

be returned to him after a suitable punishment had been 
imposed. Confiscated land was tori-age-denji (take-up- 
land). Abandoned land was agari-denji. It was only under 
extraordinary circumstances that land was utterly confis- 
cated, for this meant the complete breaking up of the 
family." An interesting case involving this question is 
the found in Ruirei Hiroku (Private Record of Decisions), 
vol. 3, no. 55. In this case the land had been confiscated 
by the government for crime. A piece of land thus taken 
was usually handed over to the mura to work until a 
purchaser could be found, the mura paying the government 
tax and keeping the remaining profit. But there were 
also mura taxes to be paid, and for these the government, 
as the owner, ought to be liable. If it did not pay, a 
greater share would fall on the other land, and the farmers 
would cultivate the Government land so laxly that it would 
not yield even its ordinary tax. The decision of the 
finance officer was that the local tax was not to be paid 
by the government, but that as an offset the dry-field 
[hata) tax of that piece of land should be remitted. 

One can thus see why it was regarded as desirable to sell 
such land as soon as possible. This, however,' was not an 
easy matter, as the farmers did not care to buy the land 
that had belonged to a disgraced neighbor. 

Where a renter of land failed to pay, and the holding was 
sold for the debt, the tools of his trade were exempt from 
sale. In general, on execution for debt, the whole of the 
debtor's property, with the above exception, was sold and 
the proceeds divided proportionately among the creditors.*^ 

If a servant ran away but returned within three days, he 
did not become kake-ochi^ and he was dealt with by his 
master. If he did not return in that time, he became 

56. See the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ II, Art. 27 {Mitthcil. d.D. Gesclh. 
Ost.f Heft 41, p. 72) •' Confiscation of the property of convicted persons." 

See also the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ I, Art. 40 (ib. p. 54), '• Punish- 
ment of sons and other relatives of a felon." 

57. See the Kujikata Osadamcgaki^ II, Art. 29 (Mitthcil, d.D, Gesells, 
Ost.j Ileft 41, p. 73), **0f the procedure in shindai-kagiri (execution)." 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE :'LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I25 

kake-ochi and the matter came within the province of the 
officials. 

The desertion of a master by a servant, a father by a son, 
a teacher by a disciple, for a second time, was followed by 
the loss of the nimhetsu-cho, F'orfeiture of the nimbetsu 
was called gizetsu. Disinheritance by a father or repu- 
diation by a teacher or master was kando cho-gwai. 
Breaking off of intercourse by an elder branch of the 
family or by relations generally was kyilri cho-gwai. But 
the disinheritance of a son was a solemn matter. If he 
ran away, and did not return for six months, an investiga- 
tion was held by the kumiy after the family had reached a 
decision. The matter then went before the four higher 
officers, and was referred to the daikwan for a final decision. 
Disinheritance, therefore, involved repudiation by the whole 
community.'* With the loss of the nimhetsu-cho went also 
erasure from the shi'imon-choy or register of the religious 
sect to which the delinquent belonged. 

A question once arose whether forfeiture of the nimbetsu- 
cho was proper where the father-in-law had come to live in 
the son-in-law's house, the father-in-law having in that case 
the status of a guest only, not of head of the family. It 
was decided that with the consent of the head of the kumi^ 
the nanushi, and the daikwan^ the nimbetsu-cho could be 
forfeited. But this consent was necessary in every case. 

One who harbored a runaway was punished by imprison- 
ment. Even in a temple a man had no right to take refuge, 
if he was avoiding arrest for crime. A runaway, therefore, 
never acknowledged having been harbored by any one, but 
always claimed that he had travelled as a hi-yatoi-nin or 
day-laborer, in other words, as a tramp. 

58. This is not so clear, according to Dr. Weipert {** yapanisches 
Familien-u. Erbrechf' {MittheiL d, D, Gesells. Ost., Heft ^3, p. 118). 
But perhaps the statement of the latter represents the theoretical rule, 
that of Dr. Simmons the common practice. 

See the law requiring notice of disinheritance to be given to the 
authorities in the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ I, Art. 50 {Mittheil, etc., Heft 
41, p. 56). 



126 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITU TIONS. 

Evert when one had forfeited his niinbetsu-cho, if he com- 
mitted a crime in a distant region, his family had still to pay 
the expenses of imprisonment. This was the regular method 
of meeting the cost of prison-maintenance, though in the 
case of small offences the rule was usually not enforced. 
If the subject of a daiinyo was confined in a ShOgunate jail, 
the expense of his maintenance was charged against the 
daiwyo, who collected it from the /////m or the family. 

Where the whole community or any of its members wish- 
ed to appeal to the higher authorities — to a daiwyo himself 
or to the government at Yedo for redress against official 
malfeasance, there were several methods of proceeding. If 
a journey to Yedo or elsewhere was necessary, the expenses 
of the person or persons bearing the petition were paid by 
the mura,'^ Kago-so (^a^'O-complaint) consisted in press- 
ing a letter upon the official as he passed in his kago. 
Hari-so (fasten-complaint) consisted in fastening a petition 
to the gates of an official's residence. In hako-so (box- 
complaint), the petitioner placed his document in a box 
hanging outside the daimyo's castle-gate, or the gate of the 
Hyojo-sho in Yedo.<^* This box was opened three times a 

59 See Kujikata Osadamcgaki^ II, Art. 24 (Mitthcil. d.D. Gesclls, 
Ost.f Heft 41, p 71) •• Of the expense of the journey to Yedo in case 
of litigation between mura^ and of the share of the villagers.'* 

60 The rules established in the latter case were as follows : 

** In the following cases direct complaint may be made to the HyojO-sho: 

1. When a reform is to be suggested; 

2. In cases where an official has conducted himself improperly ; 

3. In law suits where the management or decision by the proper 
authority is long delayed, in which case immediate investigation 
must follow after information has been given to the official con- 
cerned. 

In the following cases direct complaint cannot be made. 

1. In cases where only the private interests of the complainant are 
involved ; 

2. In matters where the complainant acts on information only, not 
on personal knowledge ; 

3. In complaints which are not brought to the proper office or in 
which no decision has been reached." 

Kujikata Osadamegaki, I, Art. 8 (Mitthcil. etc., supra^ p. 45). 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAti INSTITUTIONS. 1 27 

month. Usually its contents were referred to. the local 
officials. In these cases the daimyo or the Yedo official 
would often put up a notice, saying that he had received a 
petition, but had burned it without reading it. In fact, 
however, he would read it, and send out spies to investigate. 
Local officials were often changed an account of complaints 
made in this way. Mon-so (gate-complaint) was a desperate 
remedy. The farmers of a district collected and went in a 
body to the daimyo's house, either in the province or in 
Yedo, and declared that they would not leave until their 
petition was granted. If each stuck a sickle, in his belt, or 
carried a sharpened bamboo, it was a symbol of final 
desperation.^* The daimyo seldom failed to take notice of 

61 This ntonso was not looked upon with favor by the central govern- 
ment, and legislation against it is several times recorded : 

" Punishment of farmers who make complaint to the lord with menaces 
and then desert their village. 

*' For the ringleaders, death : for the nanushit banishment from the 
province for a long period ; for the kumi-gashlra^ banishment from the 
viuray with forfeiture of land; for the mura itself, a fine based on the 
amount of its assessment. 

" However, the punishment may, according to circumstances, be 
mitigated one or two degrees if: the lord has been guilty of unjust 
conduct, and especially is severe punishment to be avoided if the 
farmers are not in arrears for their' taxes." 

Kujikata OsadamegakU II. Art. 28 (1741). 

(MittheiL etc., supra ^ p. 73). 



" Punisnment of those who assemble before the gate of a lord and 
make complaint with menaces. 

." For the ringleaders, banishment. But if it cannot be ascertained 
who was the ringleader, let that one of the participants whose name, on 
inspection of the temple-register (shnmon nimbetsu-cho) is found to 
stand first be selected and punished with banishment. As to the other 
farmers of the village, let those who were present before the gate bie 
placed in irons for from 30 to 50 days ; let the rest be severely reprimand- 
ed. A fine may or may not, according to the circumstances, be imposed 
upon the whole village. However, any one acting with the ringleader 
is to be banished from Yedo. 

** If a village official was ringleader, he is to be banished. If while 
an official he takes part in the gathering, let it be banishment for a 
moderate period, but in the case of a nanushti banishment forever from 
the village. However, if the officials take no part in the mob but 



ttS SnCMOJtt & WIGMOSE : LAND TBXUSE ft VOChJL IXSTITUTIOXS. 

such a demonstration, for it was regarded as an evidence of 
nul-administration in his fief, a great disgrace. But if no 
redress was promised, they went thence to the office of the 
Go-rdjA (Council of State] in Yedo and made appeal. For 
this further impertinence they were usually bound and im- 
prisoned, psrhaps beaten, and this proceeding, therefore 
was only resorted to in extremities. But it was an effective 
one, for investigation always followed and the daimvOj if in 
the wrong, was punished, perhaps by being transferred to a 
smaller fief.** 

endeavor to quiet the fiuncrs, they need not be panisbed, eren though 
their eflorts were iniitless;. 

^* Those vho carry sickles or such weapons on such an occasion shaH 
be punished as participators in a complaint made vith violence.'^ 

Recf^akif Art. 7S (1771) {Jiittk^sl. etc, sm^, p. 117). 

*' Of conspifing to make complaint by menaces, of assembling ia 
crowds beibre the gate oi a lord, of ahaadoaing a tillage, and of foccibfie 
re^ewge. 

*" If vul3^er$ coRSptie to make complaint by show ofriolence or to 
abandon their village, those who have resorted to vioience oat of 
levenge, or any other participants except the ringteaders, may l e c e iv e a 
mitigatioa of pumshoaeat appropriate to the degree of their gtExIt. Evece 
the ringleaders may be similarly £atvored. if the resort to violence has 
been provoked by the injustice of the Eocd- 

"^ The same rule applies to tUbe CLOgteaders of mobs asscmbHn|^ at a 
kxd^s gate Sot the purpose of making complaint {mon-so).^ 

Ska-ritsu^ (186-2) Art. to (JiittlulL etc., suprtZy. p^ 157). 

A gradual decrease in the severity of punishment may here be 
noticed. 

&2 The law spoke emphatacaQy spoa this point : 

'•^ When koku-shity ryO-shtt or Ju-ska^ be they fudtd or to^sama^ vio- 
late the laws and oppress the people, they shall, without any exception, 
whether they possess large incomes or are related to us or not, be ex- 
pelled &om their castles and land and be treated as enemies o£ tihe 
country. It is the duty of the ShOgun*s fiimily to carry out this 
measure.'^ 

too Laws of lyeyasu, .\rt. 1 1 {Mittkeil. etc., mfra p, 6). 

Or according to another reading : 

** If kokii-iku. or ryO'skn even though possessing large incomes, act 
contrary to the people's welfare, they shall for punishment be deposed 
from office and removed to a distant province.** 

loo Laws of lyeyasUt .Vrt. 20 (ib. p/7, in/ra)' 



SIMMONS & WIQMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 129 

Sometimes a fine was imposed upon a whole miira by 
the territorial lord. A loo-koku inura, for example, might 
be fined fifteen yen. 

7. Temple Administration, 

No tax for temple purposes was imposed by the mura» 
The members of each sect provided for the expenses of 
its temple. The parishioners of a temple were danna\ 
dankCf dampOy^^ and one's own temple was danna-dera. 
The parishioners selected a chief, called danka-gashira, 
who must come of an old and respected family. No 
samitrai could fill the post ; nor was it to be obtained 
merely by profuse gifts to the temple ; still, he who was 
chosen was expected to give generously towards its 
support. There were a number of persons called sewn- 
nin (committee) who acted as vestrymen, and one of them 
served as treasurer. The temples were practically the 
only school for the common people, and the priests the 
only learned men or teachers. Each temple had a 
register (shumon-cho) in which were recorded the names 
of members of the sect. In travelling it was usual to 

63. Mr. Gubbins writes ; " The derivation of these words as a whole 
I cannot trace. Dan, the first syllable, means sandal-wood, which 
can have no possible connection with the terms in question. It is 
probably one of the many instances in which the terms are of Buddhist 
origin and the Chinese phonetic equivalents have been applied arbi- 
trarily. As to the final syllables, ke or ka is ' house,' which has 
often the meaning of * person ;' pd is merely ho, * side,' * person. " 

In the ** Chrysanthemum" for 1881, under •• Notes and Queries " (p. 
456), I find the following ; " The word danna is really an importation 
from India, and owes its origin, philologically, along with the Latin 
do, datum, to the Sanscrit dha, the first of the six paramitas, or fords 
to the other shore of this sea of misery, — almsgiving. Buddhist mendi- 
cants from India would call those who filled their rice-bowls something 
like danna, and so the giver of charity to the mendicant became 
' parishioner ' to the sect, and, as giver of all home blessings, the danna 
(master) of the house. The Buddhist teachers themselves, as givers 
of the doctrine, became danna, and the temple to which one belonged, 
and from which religious benefits were received became the danna- 
dera,'' 



130 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

carry a letter of recommendation from the priest of one's 
sect. 

Nimhetsu-cho (person-difference-document). This was a 
register of births, marriages, and deaths, arranged by 
families, and in duplicate, one copy being kept at the 
chief temple, the other at the office of the nannshi. In 
travelling a certificate copied from this register was carried 
about with one, serving as a means of identification, a 
guarantee of respectibility, and a title to protection and 
hospitality. On the occasion of marriage the bride's name 
was erased from the nimbelsu-cho of her family and added 
to that of her husband's family.^* 



8. Charity, 

When one of the villagers fall sick, the members of his 
humi gave him all possible assistances, and cultivated 
his land for him, if necessary. But if this conliuned and 
the burden become too great, the kumi-gashira or nannshi 
was appealed to. He represented the matter to the 
villagers, and they all contributed. Whenever a farmer 

• 

built or repaired his house, his fellow-villagers joined in 
and helped him without pay, the beneficiary giving wages 
to the carpenters only, but supplying food for all. If he 
was very poor, even the carpenters were paid for. from 
a village fund, used for such purposes and for emergencies 
of all sorts — fires, plagues, etc. Poor people, when some 
calamity destroyed their home, usually took refuge in 
a temple for a month or so. When a whole village was 
burned, the neighboring villages turned out and helped, 
the lord and the large land-owners supplying wood gratis. 
If a stranger was taken sick on the road he was cared 
for and forwarded by the nannshi to his home, if it could 
be ascertained. If a stranger was found dead, he was 

64. The distinction between nimbctsu-chd, shumon-chdy and tcra-cho 
does not clearly appear in the notes left by Dr. Simmons. From other 
evidence it is probable that they were different terms foi the same 
thing. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I3X 

decently buyed, and the nannshi of the inura was notified, 
so that his friends might send for the body. If he did 
not carry his nimbetsu-chd about him, and no friends could 
be found, he was properly buried at the expense of the 

• 

9. The family as a social unit. 

The complex customs of a Japanese village were binding 
only upon the heads of families. The head of the 
family had his seal, which represented at the same time 
his power and his responsibility. As the seal-bearer he 
was not only the moral head of the family, which constitu- 
ted a social unit ; his responsibility extended to the acts 
of all members of the household. The liability for debts 
of the male members was subject to some restrictions 
founded on justice ; thus, he was not liable for debts 
contracted by them at a wineshop or in a house of prostitu- 
tion. No document signed by any member of the family 
was valid without the seal of its head. Nor could any one 
not having a seal, properly registered, rent a house or a 
piece of land. 

The family often included the sons and daughters for 
several generations, all living under the same roof. Wives 
were brought from without for the sons, and sons-in-law 
were adopted for the daughters. There was no joint 
ownership or sharing in profits. The father, or after him, 
the heir, received all, paid all, and was responsible for all. 
All stood under his power like employees or servants, 
whatever their particular occupations or duties. 

A somewhat peculiar feature was that each family had 
its own independent roof. Whether poor and humble, or 
large and commodious, the dwelling was occupied by but 
one family. 

Many small mura were almost entirely composed of 
families bearing the same name. In many others only 
three or four names were to be found. 

65 See Appendix I, kumi-chd. 



/ 



/ 



132 SIMMONS & WIGMORE .' LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

In Awomori there seems still to be a system of house 
communities of some sort, which no one, however, has as 
yet investigated. 



/ 



IV. SERFDOM AND THE YETA CLASSES, 



I. Early serfdom/'^ 

Up to the present time the native historians of Japan 
have never made any attempt to analyze closely the 
origin of their own people. They have for various reasons 
relied on the legendary stories of ancient times. There 
has been a systematic attempt from earliest ti^nes in 
Japan to conceal the true history of the nation for the 
sake of upholding the theory of the divine origin of the 
Mikado. This spirit of concealment has entered into the 
whole political and educational system. Whence came 
the original Japanese, no one inquires. 

The materials for the following sketch have been taken 
from authentic sources, which have always been accessible ; 
but the facts, though plainly recorded, have been construed 
to suit the theory that Japan was made first, and all the 
world, including China and Corea, after it. It is only 
by reading between the lines that the truth is to be 

discerned. 

• 

66. In these Notes on early serfdom, the author only touches on a 
subject in which the whole history of tenure and local institutions is 
locked up. The evidence of serfdom offered by him is only a small 
part of that which exists and ought to be thoroughly investigated. 
The real value of this part of the Notes lies in the emphasis laid upon 
two historical truths, i) that the serfs of early times represented the 
conquered peoples (whether aborigines, strictly speaking, or only earlier 
immigrants); 2) that the mass of the common people of to-day re- 
present the descendants of the early serfs. I believe that Dr. Simmons* 
for the first time among foreign students, puts the proper emphasis 
upon the facts bearing on these truths. The whole subject of early 
serfdom has been treated in a scholarly essay, recently published, by 
Dr. C. A. Florenz, ** Altjapanische Culhirzustdndct^^ (Mitthctl. d. D, 
Gesclls, Ost.t Heft 44). Here will be found the systematic survey and 
the citation of authorities which are lacking in Dr. Simmons, Notes on 
hat subject. In the Appendix the principal portions are translated. 



134 SIMMONS & WIGMORE '. LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

The admission is made in the histories, that the Mikado, 
when he came from heaven, was accompanied by a court 
and a retinue of servants numbering some eighty thousand. 
Among all these primitive men none are related to have 
been born in Japan ; they all came from Heaven. It is 
further admitted by this record that Japan was already 
peopled. For on the arrival of this heavenly crowd there 
were guides with them, among others a chief called Saruda- 
hiko.*^ To this day, wherever there is a Shinto festival, 
the Santta, with a kind of retinue of servants, acts as 
guide to the procession. This band of guides is quite 
distingjjished from the kami cr deity of the procession ; 
and its costume, my teacher says, is that of Cochin China 
officials. Whether these guides were of Malay or of Aino 
origin, or whence they came, it is difficult to conjecture. 
It may be remembered, however, that at a later time (as 
recorded in the Kojiki) Keiko Tenn6 heard of a country of 
Hikami, to the north of his dominions, said to be very 
fertile, and peopled with Emishi, who tattooed themselves, 
and allow their hair to grow uncared for, and from the 
fact that the sight of these people then made such an im- 
pression upon those who told of them, we may infer that 
the rulers of Yamato had not previously come into contact 
with these aborigines (who were obviously connected with 
the Ainos), but had confined their conquests to related 
tribes, whose ancestors were immigrants like themselves.^* 

Let us turn next to the story of Sosa no wono Mikoto. 
Tensho-daijin, a heaven-born goddess, had a younger bro- 
ther, Sosa no wono Mikoto, who threw one day into her 
bedroom, as she was weaving, the carcass of a recently 
skinned horse. She ran away in a fright, and hid herself in 
a cave, closing the door with a stone. Upon this Japan 
became dark : and her followers and high officers, desiring 

67. See the Kojiki^ translated by Professor Chamberlain (Trans. As. 
Soc. Jap. vol. X, p. 108, note 16). 

68. See a similar conclusion drawn by Rein, *• Japan," p. 217 ; Satow, 
"Ancient Japanese Rituals" (Trans. As. Soc. Jap., vol. IX, pt. 2, 
p. 203). 



I 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I35 

to call her out, came together with songs and music, and 
Tensho, to see what the noise was about, opened the doof 
of the cave a little. Some one sprang forward, pulled away 
the stone, she came out, and day was restored. It was 
hereupon decided by all that Sosa no wono Mikoto should^ 
be punished ; but not awaiting his sentence, he fled hack to 
Corea, with his family, to a place called Soshimori-mnra,^^ 
Now soshi means " place of an ancestral tomb,** and mori is 
a grove or wooded hill. My teacher thinks this is good evi- 
dence that his home had been in Shinra, one of the ancient 
divisions of Corea. This account is taken from a history 
written three hundred years ago, in one hundred and seventy 
volumes, by Hayashi Doshun, a teacher of lyeyasu. The 
book was called HoncJio Tsugan and was soon after sup- 
pressed, and the blocks were destroyed, the object being to 
protect from assault the theory of the Mikado's divine ori- 
gin ; but some copies were extant at least until Meiji.^" 

After a time not exactly determined, say eight or ten 
years, Sosa built a ship or ships and returned to San- 
in-do in Izumo. Here he established himself, and built 
a city of beautiful houses. It is supposed that he did 
not come alone, but brought with him a large number 
of artisans and women. At this place now is the town 
of Oyashiro, with a large ShintO temple, which before 
Meiji had a large landed property and stood only second 
in popular estimation to the temple at Ise, the ancestral 
one of the Mikado. Within the last two or three hundred 
years there was dug up in the neighborhood of Oyashiro 
a large flat stone, on which was an inscription engraved 
in an old hieroglyphic of Chinese origin. Within a 
few years it has been examined, by Japanese linguists 
and the inscription found to be in the style of Li Ki, the 
second book of the Chinese classics. 

6g. See the story, as told in Nihongi, in *• Ancient Japanese Rituals," 
sitprttf p. 200; as told in Kojiki, see the translation supray p. 60. 

70. See Satow, article "Japanese Literature,*' American Cyclopaedia, 
vol, IX. p. 551, where the same work is referred to as follows: 
** Hayashi Kazan (i383-x657), in conjunction with his son^ GahO. ot 



136 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Again, Inai Mikoto, also one of the heaven-born, became 
afterwards king of Shinra, in Corea. The wife of Ame- 
hiyari Mikoto, another heaven-born, declared that she 
wished to return to her native country Shinra, whereon 
her husband, incensed, sent her off to San-in-d6, in the 
province of Tajima. 

Chinese history, too, corroborates these traces of im- 
migration to Japan ; for there is abundant evidence that 
about 230 B.C., during a great revolutionary period, a 
large number of emigrants left the country. They went 
with families and slaves, and with all the appurtenances 
of Chinese civilization. They seem to have left, some by 
way of Chefoo and Shanghai, some by Amoy, Formosa, 
and Loo Choo, and some no doubt through Corea. Near 
Tosa, in Kanagawa Ken, is a village called Corai-ji. Now 
Corai is the Japanese name for Corea. My friend Sadajiro 
thinks that the greater part of the people of Sagami are of 
Chinese or Corean descent, especially the carpenters and 
other artisans. The location of those of Corean descent 

bhunsai, compiled a general history of Japan in 273 books, entitled 
Honchd Tstigan, beginning with Jimmu TennO and ending with the 
34th year of Go-yOzei TennO. A supplement to this work was com- 
pleted in 1703 by the great-grandson of Kazan ; it is entitled ^oAms/i/ 
yitsuroku, and forms 79 books. Both of these works exist only if 
manuscript." The Ilayashi family for several generations took the 
leading part in the revival of education and literature which occur- 
red under lyeyasu and his successors. DOshun, not Kazan, seems 
to have been the common name of the founder. The story of the 
suppression of this history is thus told in the ** Outline History on 
Japanese Education," (Japanese Department of Education, 1876, Ap- 
pleton & Co.) : ** Shunsai established an historiographer's office, and 
here he worked at the completion of the above mentioned history. 
This work was completed after seven years of labor, during which 
time he was assisted by his two sons and by more than thirty as- 
sistants of his own training; upon these daily wages and monthly 
allowances were bestowed by the government. When this history was 
about to be published, it was subjected to the revision of the Princes 
of Owari, Kii, and Mito; and the last of these, Mitsukuni, Prince of 
Mito, attacked it, and was strongly opposed to its being published, 
because, he said, it contained singular opinions concerning the Emper- 
or Jimmu. Its publication was on this account stopped." (p. 87) 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I37 

seems to be Sagami, Koshu, the Sanyo-d6, and the Hoku- 
roku-d6; of those of Chinese descent, Shikoku, Kyushu, 
Omi, and the Gokinai ; of those of mixed Chinese descent, 
Mino and Owari. 

The later immigration from the continent may be divided 
into two classes. First, there came many teachers, at the 
invitation of Japanese rulers. Secondly, there came chiefs 
exiled or flying from defeat at honrte. They brought with 
them in many cases companies of workmen and artisans, — 
farmers, silk and tea growers, etc ; — virtually serfs. These 
chiefs afterwards figured prominently in Japanese political 
life, while those they brought with them took their place 
among the common people, already in serfdom. 

We have many indications, then, that the heaven-born 
were immigrants of a higher class, who subdued a much 
lower class of beings then inhabiting Japan. The as- 
sumption of divine origin for themselves by the conquerors 
seems to indicate their advanced stage of civilization as 
compared with the conquered tribes. Bringing with them 
many of the arts, they were necessarily looked up to by 
the semi-savage people as deities or superior beings. 

We come now, in the histories, to recognize the people 
of Japan divided into two great classes, the nobility or 
gentlemen, under various names (shu-chOj kun-cho^ shn- 
kntiy arujif danna, tono-sama),'^^ and the lower classes or 
slaves {dorei, yakko). As a means of distinguishing the 
ownership of slaves, each one was tattooed with his 
owner's device. This system of tattooing existed until 
lately in Satsuma, all the officials of the daimyo being 
known by certain dots on the fingers.^* In Uda-g6ri in 
Yamato, in Shinano, Musashi, and Yamashiro, the lower 
classes were and are marked in large numbers by a tattoo 
on the face. 

71. S/««, chief, chof superior; kun^ lord; arujij the Japanese word 
represented by the character pronounced shu^ in Sinico-Japanese ; 
danna^ master ; torw, lord ; sama^ a title of respect. 

72. For the practice of tattooing, see Aston, *• Early Japanese His- 
tory" (Trans. As. Soc. Jap. XVI, p. 57). 



138 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

. All these slaves were bought and sold like any other 
property. In 645 A.D. a law was enacted by Kotoku 
Tenno, determining the status of children of mixed paren- 
tage. If the parents were both of the nobility, the child 
belonged to the father's ; but if the mother was a slave, 
the child was the property of her master, though even if 
the master was the father, the child was still illegitimate. 
Where the father was the slave and the mother noble, the 
child was also considered illegitimate. In the succeeding 
year is recorded a law by which the Mikado confiscated 
all the slaves of the great families called Omi, Omuraji, 
and Kokusa, to the use of the State. No reasons were 
given, but a check upon their power was probably intended. 
About 676 A.D., Tenbu, the thirty-ninth Mikado, declared 
all private slaves the property of the State. Among these 
certain classes were set free, — such as the makers of paper, 
the Kudara people (from a large province of Corea, called 
Hakusai in Chinese),^^ who had been employed especially 
in the private finance department of the Mikado, the musi- 
cians, including drummers and fifers, the sailors and 
captains of junks, the hawk-keepers, the dyers and the 
weavers, the apothecaries, the doctors, the assistants in 
hospitals for the poor, the milkmen supplying the sick 
and the poor, the cutlery-makers, the blacksmiths and the 
armorers, the gardeners, the well-diggers and the water- 
carriers, the masons, the potters, the basket-makers, the 
mat-makers, — in fact, probably all artisans. Restrictions 
of freedom still existed, but the legitimacy of children by 
marriage with free persons was conceded. 

In 668 A.D., Tenchi Tenn5 had instituted a general 
register of all the people, and had required each person to 
have his nimbetsii-cho. The reason of this seems to have 

73. Shinra (in oinico-Japanese), or Shiragi (a corrupted form), was 
one of. the three states into which Corea was anciently divided, the 
other two being known as Kudara and Konia (in Sinico-Japanese 
Hyakusai and Korai). (Chamberlain, Koj'tki, supra^ p. 232.)» See, 
on this point and on early Corean intercourse with Japan, Parker's 
V Race Struggles in Corea " (Trans. As. Soc. Jap., vol. XVIII, pt. II, p. 
157), and " Early Japan," (China Review, Feb. 1890). 



SIMMONS & WIGMORt : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS, X3g 

been an effort on the part of the lower or native element 
to assume foreign heaven -born or noble ancestry and 
thus escape from the low-class distinction of slaves. Again 
in 814 A.D. Saga Tenno issued an order to trace out and 
record the genealogy of the nobility as distinct from the 
slaves, declaring it not right that this should be neglected. 
A bureau in the Imperial Court was established for this 
purpose, his son Manta put at the head, and a book 
compiled. A copy presented by Mr. E. M. Satow is now 
in the British Museum. From this book it appears that 
the Japanese people, as therein described, had descended 
from three chief stocks, first, from the family of the heaven - 
born Mikado ; secondly, from the families of his heaven- 
born servants or retainers ; thirdly, from Corean and 
Chinese immigrants.^* The aborigines are not taken into 
account at all. It should be said that though Saga was 
the first to record the genealogies' in a volume, InkyO 
Tenno, in 415 A.D., had caused the family records of the 
nobility to be searched and verified ; slaves, that is, natives, 
being omitted. 

When I the nimbetsu-cho was instituted, government 
slaves and those in charge of burial places were specially 
registered as such ; but all other slaves were registered 
in the nimhetsii-cho of their masters. In the Sh6so-in 
in Mitsugura, Nara, there may still be found any number, 
of slave niutbetsu-chd, with other documents relating 
to the old form of slavery. But the registry of a slave 
never contained his family name ; this was the disting- 
uishing mark of a slave. Up to the period Meiji only the 
aristocracy could use the family name. Even priests; 
could not. Doctors and teachers could while they exercised 
their profession. Many did not even know their family 
name. I have often asked, ** What is your name ? '* 
**Nikichi.*'— "What* is your family name?"—"! don't 
know." My friend Sadajiro, a samurai, on coming to 

74. Seishi-roku or Shoji-roku was the name of this work. See the 
full account in the Appendix in the passages from Florenz's *^ Alijapa- 
nische CuUurzustande.^^ 



^40 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Kanagawa, was able to buy some land by taking out, with 
the connivance of the nanushi, the nimhetsu-chd of a farmer, 
which was of a different style from his own. 

Another bit of evidence relating to the old slavery system 
is the manner of cutting men's hair. Up to the Meiji 
period, the Mikado and all his court, Shint6 priests, and 
doctors wore their hair uncut, after the Corean style. 
Buddhist priests and some few others shaved the head 
completely. But all others shaved half the head, on top, 
and made a queue. As boys they did not cut the hairi 
but on arriving at manhood they cut it in this particular 
style. Now up to the time of the Ashikaga ShOguns, 
more definitely, up to the first Takauji (1334 A.D.) this 
was the style of hair used by all classes except the kuge^ 
doctors, Shinto priests, and military men. It was called 
yakko-atama or dorei-atama ** slave-head ; " the other style 
was called sohaisu, "all-hair." 

Under the feudal regime, slavery as a system became 
weaker and weaker, one of the principal causes being 
the disorganization of society and the changes arising 
from wars and conquests. At the same time the prohibi- 
tion against family unions between higher and lower 
classes disappeared. 

We must here speak briefly of the farm laborers. There 
were two principal kinds ; 

1. Hokonin (one who offers to a superior). 

2. Fudaif niwago, monya, kahoJ^ 

I. Hokonin^ properly so called, were unmarried servants, 
serving for a certain period. If found for a number of 
years, they were called nen-ki (year-term). The longest term 

75. These terms seem to be somewhat obscure, and the inability of 
many scholars to explain their etymolog>' leads me to think that Dr. 
Simmons may not have transliterated quite correctly. Niwa-go Mr. 
Gubbins explains as compounded oinitca^ '* garden,'' and ko^ ** child," 
and applied to the children of cottier-tenants who were employed by 
the great farmers whose estates their parents cultivated. Mouya^ the 
same authority suggests, may be mo-ya^ *' main-building." Fudai 
means ** hereditary." See further the passages in the Appendix from 
Dr. Florenz's ** Altjapanischc Culturzustandc,'* 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I4I 

allowed by law was ten years. They were usually taken 
at from fifteen to twenty- six years of age. They never 
married until their time expired. This form of service was 
considered the most desirable for both parties. If the 
agreement was for a month, the name was <5M^t-(month)- 
yatoi. If from day to day, hi-{da.yyyatoi. These were of 
both sexes. They were taken on in busy times, and often 
came from a distance at the required season yearly. 

2. These names were used in different regions to denote 
the same relations. They were serfs, and lived together 
on the premises of a large farmer, with their families. 
Something more has been said of them in another place- 
But there were some who could not release themselves 
from the extreme class distinctions imposed by the system 
of slavery. Three classes existed as late as the Meiji 
period — the yetUy the kawara-mono, aud the bantaro or 
yama-battj — who showed very clear traces of the primitive 
serfdom. Let us take these up in this order.^^ 

2. The Yeta classes. 

I Yeta. This class of persons is variously known as 
yetttf chori, kwanbo. The first term was the one generally 
used, but the second wds the officially recognized term, 
always employed in government communications.^^ They 
stood at the bottom of the social scale, and were regarded 
by all above them with feelings of repulsion and contempt. 

The Japanese are apt to claim that this class of people 
were of a different race from themselves, but this is not 
proven. Their origin is not certainly known. I have 
expressed the opinion that they were the remnants of 
the lowest class of the aborigines, who show the most 

76. It is difficult to tell from the manuscript of the Notes which were 
the large divisions of these people, — ^whether, for instance, yeta was a 
general term for all, or whether it did not include bantaru and kawara- 
mono ; whether it included hinin or not. Some inevitable obscurity on 
this point, therefore, remains in the Notes. 

77. Choriy according to Mr. Gubbins, was applied only to the chief of 
the yeta. 



142 SIMMON'S & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

recent traces of slavery. Another explanation, which was 
given to me many years ago, is as follows. At two or 
three periods in the history of Japan, teachers have been 
invited to inmigrate to this country. Taking advantage 
of the intercourse springing up between Japan and the 
continent, a class of immigrants far from desirable found 
their way here. In consequence of wars and the interrup- 
tion of intercourse, it was not convenient to send these 
people back, and they were provided for by being distributed 
among the towns and villages, each house in turn furnish- 
ing them a day's rice. Having no trade, but being strong 
and healthy, they were asked, as might be expected, by 
those who gave them their daily ratious, to do such 
unpleasant jobs as needed to be done,— carrying away and 
burying dead animals, etc. These errands were quite 
common, as the flesh of cattle was never eaten, and all 
died a natural death. This sort of work at length became 
their sole occupation ; and as time advanced, little com- 
munities sprang up in almost every town of any size. 
Coming from a foreign stock and following an occupation 
looked upon with especial disgust, they were kept apart 
and were looked upon as little better than the beasts whose 
skins they worked upon. 

The residence of the ycta was usually on the outskirts 
of the town or village. They were not allowed under any 
circumstances to buy or occupy land in any other part of 
the region. Intermarriage with any but members of their 
own class rarely if ever took place. Their chief occupation 
was the tanning of leather. Once the leather was made, 
no stigma attached to its manufacture into various articles, 
and such trades were followed by others as well. The 
yetaj however, had the monopoly by custom of the 
manufacture of leather shoes and of drum-heads. Any 
other person who undertook these manufactures would at 
once be beset and interfered with by a crowd of these 
people, till he was glad to yield and to pay a good sum to 
rid himself of them. 

Other special families had special occupations. The 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I43 

sweeping and cleaning of the Mikado's gardens was 
in the hands of the yeta. Eight families went daily to 
perform this service. They bore the name of Koboshi, 
and lived in Renda mura, near Kyoto. About one and a 
half ri from there, in Sai imira, the chief held from the 
Mikado land of 200 koku revenue; the cultivating farmers, 
however, were not yeta. The yeta of Yamato ktnii gave 
the hat and the straw shoes worn by the Mikado, and 
received in return a present of rice. These were called 
Kasuga yeta, and lived in Hannyazaka mura. Their 
chief was of very old family, and ranked with Danzayemony 
the Yedo chief. The grounds of the Shogun's castle at 
Kyoto were also swept by a yeta family, Shimo mura. 
Shosuke by name, living in Tanaka mura, Mr. Sadajiro 
thinks that, like the hospital yeta in Yedo, this was an 
old samurai family, fallen into disgrace. This Tanaka 
mura family had the monopoly of using indigo dye in all 
the district south of Owari, and by exacting a tfeix from all 
others using the material they became very rich. North 
of Owari another j'^/a family had a similar monopoly. 

There were several different classes. Chori or yeta was 
the generic name, as was samurai for a large group of the 
feudal nobility. The different classes were as follows. 
I. Shinkti, These were occupied with the soil, usually as 
laborers, e.g. in well-digging and well-cleaning; of these 
occupations, they had a monopoly. A few, however, 
were cultivators and owners of land. 2. Shomnn, These 
were of a better class than the preceding, and not only 
owned and cultivated land (in certain fixed localities) but 
in some cases were very well-to-do, and even became rich 
as land owners. They also took up commercial pursuits, 
chiefly, however, relating to leather and leather goods, 
bones of animals, and bone manure. These two classes, 
were hereditary. The next was not. 3. Hinin (not-men) 
or beggars, also called kojiki, or kotsu-jiki. This class 
was recruited from many sources, even from the samurai. 
The opprobrium attached to it, not arising from any 
hereditary occupation, was due chiefly to the shameless, 



144 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIOMS. 

dishonored character of the men who entered it.^* Thus 
the recruits from the Samurai would be men who had dis- 
graced the name of the family and who had not the courage 
to commit harakiri ; for if the offence had not been a 
capital one, they could escape death by joining the 
binin. Stories are told, too, of a samurai falling in 
love with a yeta maiden and relinquishing his rank and 
title to join the yeta and marry her. So, too, bankrupts, 
broken in spirit and discouraged, tramps and waifs of all 
kinds, joined the hinin, thus making a public declaration 
that they relinquished all rights as members of respectable 
society and therewith all obligations to respectability and 
the expenses it demanded. They were thus left free to 
live as they pleased, and by the least amount of effort 
to obtain the necessaries of life. For such men the hinin 
brotherhood furnished a convenient asylum. They need 
not descend so far as to become beggars. In fact some 
even became rich, through the economy which here became 
possible. As members of the brotherhood they paid to 
the chief a tax which went into a common fund, used 
for their support in case of absolute inability to supply their 
wants even by begging. One of the results was that 
decent society was entirely freed from the need of caring 
directly for those who were outcasts and vagabonds by 
choice. 

There were three chief of the yeta ; in Yedo, Danzaye- 
mon, in Osaka, Watanabe, in Ky6to, Amabe. The Yedo 

78. This case indicates something of the position held by the hinin 
in popular estimation : 

*' Criminal case, loth month, ist year of EnkyO (1744); Defendants, 
Jirobei, Isoyemon, Kohachi, Shinyemon, Juzayemon, a gonin-gumi of 
Awonashi mura^ province of JOshu. 

** These persons, when their townsmen Juzayemon had killed a hinin 
of Kaneko mura^ felt sorry that he and his children should suffer for this 
act, and secretly approaching the officers of Kaneko mura bribed them 
to settle the matter privately. To the question, whether they should 
not be fined three kwammon apiece for the crime of compounding a 
murder, even though the victim was only a hinin^ an affirmative 
answer was given." 

Reigaki, Art. 12 (Mitthcil. d. D. Gcsclls, Ost,, Heft 41, p. 109.). 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. X45 

chief claimed, it is said, to be descended from an illegiti- 
mate child of Yoritomo by a farmer's daughter. She made 
him promise that he would not claim the child, but the 
latter on coming of age, asked for some position to be given 
him, and received the appointment of chief of the ^'^^a. 

When lyeyasu first came to Yedo, the Danzayemon of the 
time went to meet him, and informed him that Danzaye- 
mon*s family had been chief of the yeta from the time of 
the Kamakura Shoguns. So lyeyasu confirmed him in 
the office. A certain Tarozayemon laid claim to the office, 
but was rejected. In 1692 a hostile claim was again made, 
but the Danzayemon family were again confirmed. At this 
time the chief submitted the following document in support 
of his claim. ** My family furnished the leathern straps 
for the shoes of lyeyasu's horses. On the eleventh day of 
the New Year we took a monkey into the Sh5gun's stables 
to charm away disease from his horses. As chief I wear 
two swords and an official dress, and the kumi-gashira of 
the yeta wears one sword. I now use the Kuhi-cho seal of 
the battle of Sekigahara. Since 1622 we yeta have 
supplied the wicks for the candles of the ShOgun's castle. 
We have also furnished the drums for the castle and the 
horse-trappings for high officials. We have in addition, 
performed the office of executioner. '* In 17 19, at the time 
when the famous Oka Echizen no Kami was machi-bugyo 
of Yedo, the ShOgun Yoshimune ordered the hugyO to 
inquire into the origin of tlje privileges of Danzayemon. 
Danzayemon's answer was : ** I have no written record of 
my duties, but have only learned them by verbal instruc- 
tions from my predecesser. I have learned simply that 
my ancestors came from Settsu kuni to Kamakura. I 
know, too, that when we go to the Sam-bugyo, we wear, as 
of old, two swords and an official dress. If we have been 
mistaken in this, we humbly ask pardon. Heretofore I 
have not attended personally to the duties of my office at 
the Hospital, and have sent my chief officers instead. But 
hereafter I will myself take charge. Please permit me 
however, as heretofore to wear two swords and the official 



146 SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS* 

dress." This request was granted ; and Danzayemon 
again sent word: ** Now I will write down what I have 
learned only verbally from my predecessor. My remote 
ancestor cams from Ikeda ?nura, in Settsu, to Kamakura. 
There he was given the care of yeta and others of that 
class. At that time he received a written authority for 
his privileges from Yoritomo. But this document was 
placed in Hachiman Temple. Those who question our 
authority may go there and get a copy of this document.** 
To this day the ycta go to the viatsiiri which is held 
each year at the Hachiman temples in Kamakura and 
Kyoto. " 

The authority of the chief over the members was complete 
and was summarily exercised.'' A story is told of a man 
who sent a drum to one of the yeta to be repaired. The 
workman, in want of mone}', pawned it for a time, and the 
owner, not being able to get his drum, complained to the 
chief. The latter called all his workmen, and the owner 
picked out the oiTender. The man confessed, was seized 
and taken around behind the horse, and in a few moments 
his head was brought to the owner of the drum. Shocked 
at such speedy justice, he said that it was his drum, not 
the man's head, that he wanted ; such retaliation for a 
thing worth only a few tempo was cruel. But the chief 

79. Where the offence did not concern _>'t'/a or hinin alone, the ordinary 
police anthorities seem to have retained some jurisdiction. *' It is true 
that soothsayers, hermits, blind persons, beggars. vt/«, and vagrants, 
have of old had their own chiefs. But should they engage in strife 
or overstep their position and break the laws, it is proper to punish 
them." 100 Laws of lyeyasu, Art. 35 (Mitthcil. d. D. Gcsclls. Ost., 
Heft 41, p. 10). 

'^ Punish mcnt of hinin. The culprit is to be handed over to the ycta 
Danzayemon whose duty it is to punish hinin. Addendum. If a hinin 
outside of Yedo is to be punished, it is ordered that the head of the 
place in question shall carry out the punishment.*' The Kujikata Osa- 
damcgaki, (173^) II, Art. 102 {Mitthcil, etc., supra, p. 103). 

'• Ycta and hinin who have been delivered to a head of the ycta to 
undergo proper punishment may like ordinary persons receive the 
benctit of a pardon." Sharitsu, (1862) Art. 20 [Mitthcil. etc, supra, 
P- 139)- 



SIMMONS) & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I47 

said that the penalty which had been inflicted was the 
regular one, and that no man of his should be found to 
fail in the smallest point. 

II. The second of these classes was the Kawaramono 
(river- people). These were without fixed homes. Their 
occupation was that of strolling players, and out of their 
occupation grew the theatre. 

III. The third class was the Bantaro (watchman) or 
Yamaban (mountain-watch). These formed a sort of 
volunteer police, who could be hired by villages and towns, 
or by private persons for the protection of their property. 
The large cities had their own police systems, but the 
daikwan, small daivtyo, and hatamoto usually employed 
bantaro. In a village the bantaro went every morning 
to the naniishi to inquire if there was anything to be done. 

They had no power to arrest without an order, unless 
in fiagrante delicto. When an order was desired, it had 
to be obtained from an officer of the daikivan or the bugyo, 
the nanushi having no authority in criminal matters. A 
small prison called ori stood near the bantaro house, and 
was used as a temporary place of confinement until the 
proper official arrived. Arrested persons were bound with 
cords differing according to the kind of offence, in case of 
murder with a blue-black one, in case of theft with a light- 
colored one. Samurai were always bound with iron 
clamps or wristlets, never with cord. The bantaro were 
very skilful in capturing criminals. When a criminal 
escaped from Yedo, a letter was sent on to the first bantaro 
in the direction taken by the fugitive. Search was begun, 
and the letter sent on rapidly to the second, to the third 
bantaro, and so on. Sometimes a distance of forty-five 
ri was thus covered in twenty-four hours. The bantaro, 
however, was always a guard or watchman, never a spy. 
Detection duty was performed by the ohappiki, under the 
direction of officials. The bantaro themselves were never 
known to commit a theft or other crime of any kind, and, 
remarkably enough, they did not even ** squeeze" or levy 
blackmail. They had no house tax. They went about 



148 SIMMONS & WIGMORB: LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTlfUTIONS. 

every morning with a small covered pail, and received 
from each house the cold victuals left over; this they 
often sold to beggars. Instead of food, they were 
sometimes given a cash or two. They were most polite 
and respectful in their behavior. Their occupation was 
hereditary, and the}' could never rise to any higher rank. 



III. SUMMARY BY THE EDITOR. 



Of the growth of social institutions in Japan not very 
much has been discovered by Western students. We 
know something of the chronicles of the ruling class, 
of its wars, of a few old customs, and of its general 
political structure at one or two epochs ; but of the rise 
and the change of the various institutions, of the history 
of landholding,8o of the development of the manorial and 
the feudal systems, of the growth of towns, of the guilds 
and the commercial customs, of the agricultural system, 
of the local political life, of the village communities, of 
freeman and serf, tribe and family, country and town, 
priest and parishioner, — of all these topics and many relat- 
ed ones, we know comparatively little, certainly nothing 
that is thorough and satisfactory. Our attention has 
hitherto been taken by the things that are dissimilar and 
un-Occidental. We have still to turn our attention to 
those subjects in which we may find a kindred course 
of development, in which the history of Japan may throw 
some light on the history of Europe, and may furnish 
facts which may be grouped with the facts of European 
development and used as a foundation for contrast and 
generalization. 

Before proceeding to review briefly the subjects of the 
preceding Notes, something must be said in regard to 
the collateral importance of the same general class of 
facts in their bearing on one of the most interesting 
ethnological problems relating to Japan, — the source of 
the primitive Japanese people. That problem has now 
been examined from many points of view, — from the 
archaeological by von Siebold (to name one name only) ; 

80 See the brief but valuable supplement to the " Report on Taxation 
in Japan/' by J. H. Gubbins, Esq.. (British Consular Commercial 
Reports, 1883). 



150 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

from the zoological, by Blakiston ; from the geological, 
by Milne; from the mythical and traditional, by Cham- 
berlain ; from the philological, by Parker ; from the anthro- 
pological, by Baelz. But from what may be called the 
institutional standpoint, it still remains to be considered. 
Yet this aspect must ever be an important one. Take 
the single set of facts upon which Dr. Simmons is the 
first to lay the proper emphasis, — the facts relating to 
early serfdom. The existence of serfdom among primi- 
tive peoples points almost always to a greater or less 
difference between the stock of conquerors and conquered. 
Given, as in this case, the fact that there was a conquering 
of Japan by certain primitive immigrants, and we know- 
that there must have been some difference of stock be- 
tween the invaders and the opposing inhabitants. Further 
investigation of the nature of the serfdom which ensued 
would help to decide whether the subjected classes were 
strictly aborigines or were merely descendants of earlier 
immigrants from the home of the invaders. A study of 
the later development of the serfdom would make it clear 
whether the common people of to-day are to be identified 
with the primitive serfs. Furthermore the history of 
early European tenure may be of assistance. In the 
case of some of the early Germanic tribes, for instance, 
we find them with families and slaves, settling in new 
territory and out of their own numbers populating the 
district and developing into communities. In the case 
of the Saxon and the Norman conquests of England, 
on the other hand, we find bodies of warriors descending 
on an insular population, presen'ing the existing com- 
munities, but bringing them into subjection. It is 
obvious that the relative number of the serfs and the 
servile mode of life would dift'er in the two cases. These 
instances and others furnish several different types of 
early communities, in which the history of the conquest 
and settlement are more or less intertwined with the 
nature of the serfdom. Given the facts bearing on the 
kind of serfdom and we mav be able to reconstruct the 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I5I 

course of previous history. In the case of Japan, for 
example, the number of serfs makes it necessary to sup- 
pose that the conquest of the country resembled that of 
England by the Angles and the Saxons. At the same 
time, we may find, in the history of a given people, that 
it has at various times partaken of various tj'^pes. One 
of the interesting features, in the present instance, is 
that we find traces in Japan at one time of a develop- 
ment like that of England, at another of a practice of 
colonization such as characterized the early Germanic 
tribes, at another of a system resembling the Roman 
provincial administration. The possibility of reasoning 
from a tooth or a vertebra to an entire skeleton is not 
peculiar to zoology alone ; and the proper investigation 
and comparison of the facts bearing on early serfdom 
in this country would yield rich results to the ethnologist. 

As an illustration of the way in which the facts of 
primitive institutions must be used to verify inferences 
resting on other grounds, let me call attention to some 
conclusions reached by the learned Dr. Baelz of the Imperial 
University. (^^ Korperlichen Eigenschaften der Japan- 
ischcr,'' Mittheil. der D, Ges. Ost.j Heft 28, s. 330). These 
are, briefly, that three ethnical elements are represented 
among the Japanese people: i. The Ainos, the original 
inhabitants of Middle and Northern Japan, but very sparsely 
represented in the people of to-day : 2. A Mongoloid tribe, 
resembling the better classes of Chinese and Coreans, 
immigrating from the continent across Corea, first settling 
in the south-western part of the main island, and thence 
spreading over it ; this class possesses a slender figure, 
narrow face, dolichocephalic skull, a fine curved nose, and 
a small mouth: 3. Another Mongoloid tribe, bearing a 
distinct resemblance to Malays, first settling in the southern 
island of KyOshu, then crossing to the main island and con- 
quering it; this class has a stout frame, short skull, broad 
face, flat nose, and large mouth, and is preponderant among 
the common people ; it is most purely represented to-day in 
Satsuma, and includes also the Imperial famil}'. 



i 



152 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Now it is not too- much to say that when the subject of 
early serfdom is fully examined it may become necessary to 
modify these opinions. For they involve the conclusion 
that substantially the entire present people of Japan are 
descended from the immigrant invaders. Yet, once it is 
established that the common people of to-day represent the 
serfs of the first five centuries of this era, and that the serfs 
of that day must have been a conquered aboriginal people, 
an hiatus occurs in the learned writer's analysis ; for the 
race of the common people is not accounted for. His iden- 
tification of the Satsuma type as that of the Imperial 
family and of the conquerors of the Izumo dynasty is 
doubtless sound ; but the reference to Satsuma only serves 
to show the necessity of some modification ; for it was 
precisely in Satsuma that the emphasis of class-differences 
was greatest, that serfdom continued longest and was most 
pronounced, and the tracing of the type of the ruling 
classes in Satsuma leaves the lower classes still unaccount- 
ed for. Moreover, the early difference of status being so 
great between the upper and the lower classes, is it likely 
that the type of men who became the conquerors of the 
main island and to-day are found in the Imperial family 
would also occur most largely among the masses, — in other 
words, would become at the same time conquerors and 
serfs ? On the other hand, anthropological data, when 
interpreted according to the facts of early institutions, 
may be found to tell a different story. Two immigrations 
by two stocks of invaders are clearly indicated ; the con- 
quering of the northern settlement by the southern cer- 
tainly followed ; but perhaps both had originally been 
conquerors of a native people ; and though the two 
immigrant tribes probably made some kind of a compro- 
mise or division of authority, it seems likely that neither 
was subjected to the other, and that the mass of the 
inhabitants remained below both. If this was so, the 
apparent anthropological resemblance between the Satsuma 
type and the type common among the people must be 
again examined. Certainly the inferences from data of 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I53 

that kind are by no means unmistakable ; and it is, 
I believe, the opinion of Dr. Baelz himself that final 
conclusions in that department have not yet been reached. 
My purpose in alluding to the subject is merely to suggest 
that valuable assistance may be gained by examining it 
anew from the institutional standpoint. 

Turning from this ethnological problem, the light thi*own 
by these Notes upon the growth of land tenure and of 
feudal, local, and family institutions, is not a bright one. 
They only introduce us to the subject and suggest clues. 
But even these clues lead us into topics of the deepest 
interest and importance. We are tempted by what is 
here given us to speculate on what is not given. The 
number of analogies that may be traced between the 
growth of institutions in Japan and in Europe as well 
as in India and Chinas while it does not necessarily 
indicate ethnological relationships (though that aspect is 
not without some importance in view of the Accadian 
kinship ascribed by Baelz, Garczynski, and others to the 
Japanese), portrays a parallelism of development which 
cannot fail to be of great consequence to the European 
student of feudalism, land tenure, and local institutions. 
A few words calling attention to the possibilities of 
material here indicated will not be out of place. 

It is of course not to be expected that we shall find 
specific resemblance in the land system, early or late, 
so far as that depends on methods of agriculture. Rice- 
culture and wheat-culture are essentiall}' different in 
their requirements. Maine's remark, made in reference 
to India, is here applicable. **The conditions of agricul- 
ture in a tropical country are so widely different from 
those which at any period can be supposed to have 
determined cultivation in Northern and Central Europe 
as to forbid us to look for any resemblances, at once 
widely-extended and exact, to the Teutonic three-field 
system. Indeed, as the great agent of production in a 
tropical country is water, very great dissimilarities in 
modes of cultivation are produced within India itself by 



154 SIMMONS Sc WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

relative proximity to running streams and relative exposure 
to the periodica] rain-fall." Though Japan is by no 
means a tropical countrj', it is characterized by an abandant 
precipitation of rain, and v^ater is here, as in India, the 
great agent in rice-cultivation. For any marks of early 
customs which would have been a result of the three- 
field system or of the use of the plough, we need not 
look. The size, therefore, of the plots forming the early 
units of distribution has no relation to the oblongr atrri 
or acres; the terms ** furlong," ** headland," *^ anwende,'' 
etc., have no relevance. 

In the early division of land the lowest units were 
all square, as was the Roman provincial unit. We 
do not find an oblong measure of land until we reach 
the tan (.245 acre), the sides of which were in the 
proportion of 30 to 12 (later, 30 to 10), and 'this was 
composed of a number .of these square units. The 
latter apparently had their origin in the length of a 
measuring rod used in the setting off of land, but I 
have not yet learned to what circumstance the length 
of this rod is to be ascribed. There can be no doubt, 
however, that its length was determined, just as was 
that of the European rod, by some peculiarity of the 
early system of cultivation which made a certain implement 
of nearly fixed dimension preeminently convenient as a 
measure of length. The balk, however, was an exigency 
under either system of cultivation, and this we find in 
Japan, under the name of aze. This, as in Europe 
was often cultivated. It appears that there were rules 
determining the appropriation of the grass grown upon 
it. Whether, as in England, the lord ever claimed 
any right to its product, does not yet appear. But 
no one who has seen a Japanese field of to-day can doubt, 
that the balk, which varies as much in size and direction 
as it did in England, must have played an almost 
equally important part in the agricultural economy. 

Each portion enclosed within certain of the larger balks 
bore a name, and such a piece was called *^ name-land " 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I55 

(myd-detif mei-den^ na),^^ The name once was that of 
the occupying family. A piece of land, for example, 
was called ** Takehisa-«a'* or ** Nagahira-wa," after its 
reclaimer. The name did not shift with the occupant, 
and each owner, no matter how many pieces he possessed, 
still distinguished by their titles the different ** name- 
lands." That such separate entity should continue for 
a long space of time is a priori probable. Moreover 
it will be remembered that Dr. Simmons was told that no 
" name-land " could be mortgaged or subdivided by will. 
In the Minji Kwanrei-rnishu there is mentioned the ge- 
fnda, a certificate copied from the land-register (nayosc- 
ch6)y showing the total possessions of each individual. 
** In the ge-fnday' it is said, ** a person's property is 
recorded as a whole. The different pieces of land do not 
have each a separate ge-fuda. When therefore the owner 
of several portions of land wishes to sell a single one, it 
is impossible to do so at short notice, for as the transfer 
of the ge-fiida is necessary, a new ge-fuda must be made 
out, and this can only be done at the time of the revision 
of the land -register, which ought to occur every March, 
but in practice takes place only once in about three 
years." This custom is related of the province of Suw6, 
and indicates that to a very recent date the ** name-land " 
there preserved its integrity. Even the land-register was 
called ^^nayose-cho,'' that is, collection of ;m, or "name- 
lands." We are here reminded of the fact that the English 
virgate was often known by a family name, and that it 
was probably at one time indivisible by succession. In 
an Essex manor the names of the several owners of a 
single hide were bracketed ; and in some cases the manorial 
services continued to be assessed as though no subdi- 
vision had occurred, and the occupants united to pay 
the single assessment. 

We do not yet know the size of the Japanese " name- 

81. Myo and mei are the Sinico- Japanese, na the Japanese, pronun- 
ciation of the same character, meaning "name;" den means "wet 
cultivated land." 



156 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAXD TEXURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

land/' but it is likely that it was much smaller than 
either the bide or the virgate, perhaps smaller than 
the acre. It is not possible to determine the size from 
the assessments named in the kumi-cho (see Appendix), 
for the assessments varied according to the quality of 
the land. For example, we learn from a document of 
the period Bunroku (1592- 1596) that the four grades 
j6',chu'fge-f and gege-den (best, medium, poor and poorest 
rice-land) were assessed respectively, per iauy 1.5 koku^ 
1.3 koku^ and i.i hokn, the lowest grade being left to 
the discretion of the officers. Under these circumstances 
a determination of the area of the holdings from such 
evidence is impossible. There were, however, mura and 
gun records which contained not only the quality of 
each piece of land assessed, but also the area itself. 
In a nayose'cho recently placed in my hands the area 
of each holding is given ; but it is by no means as easy 
as in the case of the English records to determine the 
size of the original ** name-land " unit, if indeed there was 
a uniform size, and a thorough collation of various sorts 
of evidence will be necessary for the purpose. 

The ** name-lands" in the possession of a single owner, 
it should be added, were scattered about within certain 
limits, and it is in this respect that the Japanese system 
draws near again to that of Western Europe. It is true 
that the three-field system is in the case of the latter partly 
responsible ; but even within the single fields this scattered 
ownership appears, and its kinship with the similar pheno- 
mena occurring in Japan is not unlikely. What is here 
needed is the careful examination and collation of as many 
field-maps as possible. Such documents formed a part of 
the public records in some villages, and ought to be acces- 
sible now. It was the custom in the middle ages, with 
many large landowners, to make a map of their possessions 
and transmit it with the title-deeds, and many of these 
should be available. The study of the arrangement of fields 
at the present day in the more secluded parts of the interior 
would afford complementary data of great value. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I57 

This subject leads us necessarily to the question of 
the early distribution of land among the immigrant tribes- 
men. Back of the manorial system of shoyen^ which was 
a later development of the ninth and tenth centuries, 
we find an account of a method of allotment indicating 
an earlier stage of tenure similar to the earlier stages 
traceable in Europe. This was the allotment of kn-bun- 
den (mouth- share-land) described in the code Taiho-ryo, 
published 702 A.D. A summary of its important pro- 
visions has already been given in these Transactions 
(vol. VIII, part 2) by Mr. Tarring, but I will here quote 
from the text as set out in the Fudosan, ** A piece of 
land shall be given to each person in the district where he 
lives. Even when the boundaries of a district are«changed, 
one does not lose title to land which thereby falls within 
a different district. Every 6 years an examination will 
take place, and the number of those who have died will 
be ascertained. Their land will then be given to those 
who have reached the proper age or have immigrated 
since the last distribution. Each male of 5 years of age 
or over is to receive 2 tan, and each female of that age 
one-third of the amount ; but according to the size of 
the district the quantity may vary. Slaves under public 
authority shall receive 2 tan, and those belonging to 
individuals shall receive one-third of this amount. "** But 
this system, as promulgated in the Taiho code, was 
evidently not merely a new one, but the final stage of 
a system already passing away. At successive periods 
in the next two hundred years proclamations commanding 
an allotment were made, but they seem to have been 
carried out for a short time and in scattered regions. For 
one period of forty-eight years no new allotment was 
made, and in some of the proclamations the law, as if 
aware of the difficulty of reestablishing the practice, fixes 
the time for re-distribution at 10 years instead of 6 
years. We cannot help feeling that in the epoch before 
the seventh century, where records are not plentiful, the 
82. These amounts were somewhat changed by subsequent legislation. 



158 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

system of allotment was in full force ; and that the TaiJio 
legislation was merely a strong effort to preserve from 
dissolution a system against which circumstances were 
too powerful. Certainly at that time a process of change 
was going on. The smaller freemen were falling into 
the power of the local cliiefs. Oppression by subordinate 
officers and the necessity arising from scanty resources 
was driving the body of the people into subjection to the 
powerful landholders. ** Many officers of provinces {knni- 
tsiihasd) gave waste land to the people, while they kept 
the good land. Officers and rich men forced others to 
exchange good land for poor. Thus people became unable 
to pay their taxes. The names of deceased persons were 
not reported, and the ku-bun-den began to be held perma- 
nently. Names were fraudulently added to the register 
to secure an extra share in the distribution." (Fudosan). 
The central Government made decree after decree, de- 
nouncing these practices, but without success. After the 
period Engi (goi-922), kti-bun-den distribution seems not 
to have been heard of. Meantime a new impulse was 
given to the tendency towards the acquisition of large 
properties and the subversion of small ones. Settlements 
in the north and east produced a class of powerful land- 
owners, who had brought rich shin-den (new land) into 
cultivation, doubtless by colonies of slaves, and a new 
military aristocracy began to spring up, out of which 
came later the government of the Sh6gun Yoritomo, with 
his capital at Kamakura on the eastern coast. Here a 
process of absorption (to be referred to again), similar to 
that known in Europe as ** commendation," began to take 
place. The temple lands, too, increased enormously by 
gifts of land, the owners transforming themselves into 
tenants. All these influences militated against the ku- 
bun-den distribution, and it disappeared entirely. The 
most probable view of its significance, as it appears in 
the Taiho code, is that it was the early system adopted 
for the division of lands among the members of the 
various tribes, that the circumstances mentioned in the 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. X59 

Fudosan had before the eighth century begun to weaken 
this early custom, and that we see it in the Taiho code 
at a time when its dissolution was becoming apparent, 
and when the vain attempt was made by legislation to 
prop up a practice which when it was in full force lay 
only in custom, — in other words, a time when the tendency, 
seen in early communities, of such a re-distribution to 
become theoretical only, was beginning to be clear. 

It has been pointed out by Sir Henry Maine, if not 
by others, that where a system of re-distribution exists 
in a tribal community, the re-distribution at short year- 
periods denotes an earlier stage of development than 
the re-distribution at death. In the present case we find 
the re-distribution occurring at death, and it may be 
argued that this corroborates the view that the Taiho 
code embodies this practice in its waning period, and 
that there had been an earlier one when the practice was 
a general one and consisted in that frequent re-distribution 
characteristic of many tribal communities." 

What is needed is a careful comparison of the distribu- 
tion systems already known to us in other early tribes 
with that of early Japan. Considerable Hght will also thus 
be thrown on the subject of early serfdom. One collateral 
benefit of such a comparison will be the necessary abandon- 
ment of the ideas of pomp and regal sovereignty which are 
associated with the early history of the Japanese conquerors. 
Much harm has been done in this respect in the way of 
obscuring the true paths of investigation and of concealing 
important clues. It is not necessary to declare, with the 
Philistine, that the so-called Emperor Jimmu was only a 
Tartar pirate ; but it is indispensable to recognize that early 

Japanese history deals with the doings of tribes and clans 
83 The learned conclusion of Dr. H. Weipert, proceeding on the 
authority of the Densei-hen (a history of real property), is that the facts 
are to be explained on another hypothesis, namely, that the distribu- 
tion system was introduced from China by Kotoku TennO (645-655 A.D.), 
with whose reign is associated the adoption of many Chinese practices, 
but that it never obtained a firm hold, in spite of governmental efforts. 
(Mittheils, d.D. Gesells. Ost., Heft 43,/. 124). 



l6o SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

of primitive habits and institutions, that the leaders were 
chiefs and not emperors, and that their annals have as much 
human interest and are as capable of rational explanation 
as are the records of the European tribes whose story is 
better known to us. It is for this reason that (if I may 
venture to call in question the conclusions of a learned 
scholar) one may regret the use, in Professor Chamber- 
lain's translation of the Kojiki, of such terms as ** Prince," 
** Suzerain," *' Duchess," ** Grandee," ** Departmental Su- 
zerain," as representing certain elusive terms of the or- 
iginal. Difficult as the task of establishing a nomencla- 
ture must be in such a case, one result of the system 
adopted is to add a glamor of grandeur to the history 
which cannot but obscure the true simplicity of the 
records and may perhaps mislead one who is not con- 
stantly on the watch to make the necessary mental 
correction. 

Whether or not the distribution o{ kii-bun-den was made 
on a principle similar to that over which a controversy 
has arisen among students of European history — the prin- 
ciple of distributing, not equally, but to each head of 
a family according to the number of slaves, pro nnmero 
cultoruin — is another of the interesting questions. It 
seems clear that the total holding of each family was 
made up of the several amounts of land due to each man 
and woman therein ; that is, if there were five men and 
three women the total holding would be 12 tatiy and this 
would be the property of the family as a unit. The same 
principle was also followed with reference to the holdings 
of the slaves of the family ; in fact, it is out of the question 
that these can be supposed to have possessed a separate 
interest in land. The statements of Dr. Weipert, in ^a- 
panisches Faviilienrecht,'" and Dr. Florenz, in ^^ Altjapan- 
ische Cnlturzustdnde " (see Appendix) make this quite 
clear. In this way, too, we understand why it is that we 
meet at the threshold distinctions between the rich and the 
poor; for in the distribution the preference, it was said, was 
to be given to the poor, — that is, those already possessing 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. l6l 

little or nothing — as against the rich, — those who through 
the large number of dependants had already received large 
allotments. The ** public slaves" who received the full 
share of a freeman would seem to have been communities 
of the conquered native tribes, settled probably in villages 
of their own, who, submitting in large numbers at one 
time and by treaties of peace, had not been appropriated 
by individual invaders, as were those who resisted in 
battle ; and these, though they remained serfs, yet lived 
in their own communities, and were naturally given a 
larger share of land. Unless this is true it is impossible 
to suppose the truth of the statement, already referred 
to, that be was a term applied to tribes or communities of 
serfs, for there would otherwise be no communities to 
which the term could refer. This supposition, too, would 
help to explain the fact that the land of public slaves was 
fn-zci-deUj i.e. could not be alienated. It was quite 
unnecessary to say that slaves of individuals, living in 
or about the master's homestead, and palpably adscripti 
glebaCf could not dispose of land ; but it would be im- 
portant to declare that those who were left in their original 
communities and were not attached to the household of 
a freeman should not dispose of their land ; for with them 
the natural tendency would be to treat their land as free 
from restrictions. The distinguishing mark of such serfs 
would be, not their mode of residence, but their inability 
to deal with their land. 

A portion of the system of distribution recorded in the 
Taiho code is quite distinct in principle from the kubntt' 
den allotment, and seems to be the growth of a later time 
(perhaps at the period Taiho it was comparatively new) 
when the conquest of new regions placed a larger territory 
at the disposal of the conquering race. Conditions some- 
what similar to those attending the Roman conquest of 
Gaul seem to have resulted in a similar disposition of 
conquered territory. Circumstances brought it about that 
the Germanic tribes whose system of distribution, current 
in purely tribal epoc!is, had some resemblances to the 



l62 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

ku-bufi'dettf were not called upon, as were the Romans, 
to manage the distribution of vast areas distant from 
their centres of political life. But in Japan the indications 
are that the same invaders, who in a simpler stage of 
development employed the ku-hun-den system, were later 
required to administer a large conquered territory, and 
that certain measures were then adopted, perhaps from 
China, which resembled the Roman provincial land system 
and ended in similar results. Large shares of land were 
given to the administrators of the provinces, and also large 
discretion in management. To the soldiers were granted 
amounts of land varying with the grades of service. This 
land and that given to the officials was free from taxation. 
The new settlements of the north and east made shitt-deti, 
— a term which might almost be rendered latifimdia. The 
same growth of large estates, and the same oppression 
by the provincial officials^* characterized each country. 
Just as, in the ager puhliciiSy the relative standing of the 
occupants came to be veterani^ colonic Ineii, so there 
was a tendency for the land-endowed soldier to rise in 
importance as the free owner of a small plot degenerated. 
The survey of the land, too, based on rectangular units, 
here resembles the systematic, artificial arrangement of 
the Romans. 

The tendencies alike of the system thus applied to the 
newly settled ager publicus of Japan and of the ku-bun-den 
system in the old land were not different from those which 
appeared under like influences in Europe. If we do not 
find, in the condition of affairs which followed, a method of 
tenure corresponding exactly to the type known as the 
manorial system, it is at least certain that similar causes 
were at work and that the result as regards the distribu- 
tion of land and differentiation of the classes of population 
was almost precisely the same. 

84. In Appendix IV will be found a copy of an interesting protest 
against official oppression, valuable not only upon that point, but for 
the various features of the system of taxation and tenure which it 
incidentally reveals. 



1 

) 



t^i/ffj*'-'' . •-—'■•'' "^^^ 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I63 

In the first place, the strife between local chieftains and 
the fortunes of war led to the conversion in many regions 
of free proprietorship into tenancy. The same result came 
about in other and perhaps more numerous instances 
through the stress of taxation, which forced the owners of 
small holdings to better their position by the process of 
surrendering and receiving back their lands well known 
as " commendation." The familiar immunity of nobles and 
large landholders from taxation was here as common as in 
Western Europe ; it was in fact foreshadowed in the Taiho 
code ; and beginning with the ninth century we find a 
continual effort, and a successful one, by the holders of 
shoyen or untaxed land to increase their tax-free holdings by 
every means in their power. The corresponding distress 
on the part of the smaller proprietors is also clear. The 
phrase in many of the deeds of the time is: "This land 
has been owned by my ancestors for many generations, 
but now, owing to pressing need, it is transferred to the 
present purchaser for a price." Another of the parallel 
traits is the frequency of gifts to temples and the extent of 
the acquisitions made by ecclesiastical bodies. One deed 
of the year 1323 shows the process in a nutshell : " This 
land has been hitherto cultivated by the owners as kn-biin- 
den, but henceforward it is to belong to the temple Todaiji, 
and the cultivators are to render chishi (a rent in kind)." 
One of the common motives for these transfers to temples 
is apparent in this passage from a deed of the ninth centu- 
ry : ** This land was transferred tome by Arata-kimi-ina, 
when he was dying, with the injunction to transfer it to 
the temple Todaiji ; and I now do so, in obedience to his 
behest. Now Arata will attain happiness in the other 
world, and 1 and my descendants will also be blessed for- 
ever." One result of this is that here as in Europe some 
of the richest sources of material for the reconstruction of 
mediaeval institutions are the collections of documents 
carefully preserved in the temples. 

On the whole, even in the present state of our informa- 
tion, we may without risk employ this passage of Dr. Ross's 



164 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

in describing the condition of things in mediaeval Japan.*' 
'*The effect of the immunity grants was verj* remarkable. 
On the one hand there were certain g^eat lords paying no 
tax upon their lands. On the other hand there was the 
mass of the people paying an annual and often a very 
burdensome tax. The result was that the estates held 
under immunity grants swallowed up all the rest. The 
property of the people at large was gathered into the hands 
of a few men. For the holders of the immunity grants 
said to those who held them not, * Give us your lands, and 
we will give them back to you, and you shall pay for them 
a fixed rent, which shall be less than the state tax, and 
unchangeable.* The argument was unanswerable. By it 
the mass of the people were led to convert their allodial 
lands into tenures, themselves into tenants. In this way 
the allodial landlordship, which through the early time had 
been distributed among the j^eople at large, was gathered 
into the hands of a few great lords. There was an enormous 
concentration of property during the Carolingian period. 
In reading the monastic records, the student should observe 
how through the eighth and ninth centuries the number of 
acquisitions from private persons is very large, while after 
the beginning of the tenth century the kings and great 
nobles seem to be the only benefactors of the Church. The 
explanation of this is that the class of small proprietors had 
almost entirely disappeared. They had no longer any 
lands to give away."^* 

85. ** Early History of Landholding among the Germans," p. 99. 

86. Since the above was written, a translation of Mr. Kurida's Shoyen- 
ko^ containing the following remarkable passage, has been put into my 
hands : ** ShOyetit so-called, arose in several ways. It originally meant 
land apportioned to members of the Imperial family, or given to some 
one as reward for meritorious deeds in war or peace, or offered to a 
temple [for all such land paid no taxes] . But the largest part of the 
shfyen consisted of waste land reclaimed and owned by persons of high 
rank or great power. This land was cultivated by ordinary subjects. 
The peasants were very anxious to become cultivators upon such land, 
because the owners had no Go\'ernment taxes f pay, and thus the ten- 
ants paid a rent much lower than the tax they would have paid to the 
Government, if they had cultivated other land. The result was that the 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 165 

What was the result upon the classes of the population ? 
On the one hand the landed nobles came to draw practically 
the whole revenue of the country. The taxes rendered by 

people preferred to be tenants of these powerful families rather than 
holders of ordinary land. People evaded the payment of taxes by con- 
veying their land to shoycn owners and taking refuge under the immunity 
of the latter. These practices began about the reign of NimmyO TennO 
(834 — S51 A.D.) and became very common in the reigns of Uda TennO 
(888—898) and Daigo TennO (898—931). From the period HOki (715— 
717) the shuyen in the hands of priests began to increase in the same 
way, for people contributed land to temple shuyen also. So that the 
more shuyen increased, the less taxes were paid to the Government, 
until at last both land and people came under shoycn ownership and 
became independent of the central Government." The parallelism of 
development indicated in this passage and that of Dr. Ross is remark- 
able, and the coincidence in the tenor of the two extracts is the more 
striking when we remember that the one quoted in the note was written 
by a scholar who never saw a book upon European land tenure and until 
the past summer had never known of the existence of manors and fiefs. 
That under these circumstances he should have, in his survey of Japan- 
ese history, seized the salient points of its development and recognized 
the leading influences at work is a testimony to his clear perception and 
critical faculties. We cannot but regret that it is not possible for him 
to treat this historical material in the light of European history and 
analogies, for we shall probably never see a Japanese scholar more fitted 
for the task by natural capacity and by thorough acquaintance with the 
original sources of information. 

The passage above quoted shows anew how inviting a field there is 
here for the student of European feudalism and tenure, and how much 
interest would lie in the tracing of similar influences. The points at 
which Japanese and European feudalism touch are numerous enough 
to attract the student of the latter, and yet the points of difl'erence 
are enough to enable us to feel that we are examining a new species 
of the same genus, not merely a new instance of the species, and are 
thus enlarging our generalizations. 

As to the etymology of the word shdyen^ it is sometimes said that 
it was synonymous with vieiden or new land ; the inference being that 
the growth of shuyen was due in the beginning to the extension of 
new settlements. Another opinion, and probably a better one, is that 
shuyen^ garden-land, signified the portion about the residence, takn-chi 
or yashiki-chif such residence-land being untaxed. Thus, under the 
pretence of enlarging their gardens, the large land-owners and the 
nobles assimilated new territory, until shoycn lost its former signifi- 
cauce and acquired a new one. 



l66 SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

the mass of the cultivators were now due to the territorial 
lords, not to the central Government. This seems to have 
been the immediate cause of the decline of the Mikado's 
power. Whatever indirect causes may have been of prime 
importance, the lack of revenue, a sort of political anaemia, 
must have been the direct cause of the ultimate loss of 
authority. 27 Among the territorial aristocracy thus formed 
no equilibrium was permanently attained until the genius 
of lyeyasu established it ; and this endured until the advent 
of the foreigners in the present century supplied the shock 
necessary to destroy it. 

On the other hand the classes below the territorial nobles 
and independent landed proprietors were constantly assimi- 
lated, to a greater or less degree. The small free proprie- 
tors became free tenants ; the serfs became servile tenants. 
The freemen degenerated in position ; the serfs rose 
somewhat. A general class of cultivators arose, single in 
being separated widely from, the landed nobles, but multiple 
in that it contained well-marked subdivisions, resting more 
or less distinct. It has been said that the cultivators of the 
Gaul of the seventh century might be classed as follows, 
(a) free tenants rendering services, (b) servile tenants 
rendering baser services, each of these distributed under 
manors which were either (i) ecclesiastical or (2) private, 
the latter being divisible according as they had arisen by 
private appropriation or by the usurpation of one having 
public official authority. This description may with little 
hesitation be applied to the condition of Japan a few 
centuries later. 

87. One of the Imperial decrees, directed towards the prevention of a 
further increase of shoyciij and dated 11 27 A.D., recites the following 
state of affairs : " Those who have become tenants in shdyen never 
return to their former status ; and the slwyen are all filled with farmers, 
while the public land in the gun and go is left wild and uncultivated.** 

It is worth noting that in the same decree it is stated that **the 
shoji (officers put in charge of shoycn by the owners) are earnestly 
inviting holders of public land to become tenants of the sAc'y^w,'* an 
exact parallel to the attitude of the European barons as delineated in 
the above passage of Dr. Ross. 



)Jmm 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I67 

One of the subjects which, if thoroughly known, would 
contribute great light in the verification of this description, 
is that of manorial services. Obviously the distinction 
between free and servile tenancy must rest almost entirely 
on the nature of the services rendered, and it is just here 
that at present but little information can be offered. 
In the Japanese literature of taxation, however, a large 
amount of material is waiting, and the documentary 
sources will also prove abundant. Even as it is, many 
familiar traces may be detected. The services of mediae- 
val times in Japan were rendered with money, with the 
products of the soil, and with labor. There were precariae 
as well as fixed services. One cannot expect to find the 
same products rendered or the same labors performed as 
in Europe. Mutatis mutandis, however, the general 
nature of the duties and the methods of performance were 
entirely parallel. In an old temple document the following 
list of services is given : " The occupants of this piece 
of land will render these things to the Atsuta temple : 

" In the first month, ; in the second, turnip and dock ; 

in the fifth, a shibadengaku (a kind of play) and the labor 
of one man to clean the temple enclosure ; in the sixth 
the labor of one man to plant rice on the temple land ; in 
the seventh, a stand for offerings ; in the eighth, a contribu- 
tion for the expenses of the temple ; in the ninth, the 
same ; in the eleventh, turnip and dock." Each han or 
daimiate seems to have developed, in later times, a system 
of labor services by which land of a given area or assess- 
ment was to furnish the labor of one man for a given 
number of days in each year. These services included, 
besides the ordinary work of cultivation, the furnishing of 
transportation, the repairing of roads and buildings, the 
manufacture of cloths of different kinds, and other incidents 
found also in the European manors and fiefs, A com- 
mutation of personal services into the payment of money 
or of cloths and other articles also took place in the later 
periods. It is reasonable to suppose that further investiga- 
tion would reveal a development similar to that which 



l68 SIMMONS & WIGMORE: land tenure & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

occurred in the history of European services, a progress 
from continuous and indefinite amounts and kinds to 
periodical, limited, and definite amounts and kinds, from 
incommutable personal labor to labor commutable into 
monetary units and payable in money. At an earlier 
period, too, we see traces of another interesting phenome- 
non in the history of services, — the change from voluntary 
offerings to regular obligations. 

We are here brought to consider briefly the constitution 
of the hati and the shoyeit. Just as the English manor was 
chiefly made up of a number of **hams" or **tuns,'* so a 
number of mura went to make up a shojeii, and a Iiatt 
represented simply several clusters of similar communities. 
There were of course castles and castle-towns, forest land 
and waste; yet the jiinra was in its relations to the 
territory of the feudal lord almost identical with the ** ham.*' 
Even in the names of places at the present day we find the 
suffix -mura playing the same part as -ham,-tun,-Jor/. 
Forest and waste land seems to have been, as in Europe, 
partly in the hands of the lord, partly in those of the 
villages. Of the number of mura under the various lords 
and of the relative arrangement it is as yet impossible to 
speak with certainty. In one document we find a man 
conveying seven mura. In a list of the assessed products 
of the different parts of the fief called I-garOj made in 1587, 
we find two castle towns and twenty-three villages 
included. The terminations of the village names show the 
varied character of the territory embraced, — forest, moun- 
tain-pass, upland, and lowland. Much will be revealed 
when something has been done in the way of collating and 
examining the local maps of the time and of reconstructing 
the various Iian and shoyen. 

Something has already been said (in the foot-notes to 
the Notes) on the analogy between seneschal and daikwan' 
or kori-hngyo. It should be said that the account of these 
officers given in the Notes refers only to the smaller 
districts. In each han of any size there was of course 
a central administrative office controlling the various bngyo 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 169 

and other officers, and a study of this central system has yet 
to be made. It was the chief counsellors and managers 
of these central offices who took such a leading part in 
the efforts which resulted in the overthrow of the ShOgu- 
nate, and the sterling capacity for government which 
they have since exhibited may be ascribed in some degree 
to their training and experience as administrators of the 
fiefs. 

The suggestion has been made (in the foot-notes to the 
Notes) that the toshiyori^ though not the shoya or the 
nanushij corresponded to the prceposiius of the English 
manor. In the north-east, however, we have still to face 
the fact that the position of nanushi, at first hereditary, 
was afterwards filled by choice among the members of a 
given family, and finally by unrestricted election. There is 
in this some indication of an office not superimposed by a 
central Government, but local in its origin,— a chief or 
village headman, at first holding by virtue of family rank, 
but afterwards by g^eneral choice. The subject is still 
necessarily obscure. 

Of the faber, the carpentarius^ and other village me- 
chanics, almost officers, certainly public servants, who 
occur so generally in Indian and European village com- 
munities, neither the Notes nor other material at hand 
afford any information. It is observable, however, that 
the system of payment used in the case of these men 
was applied to the compensation of some of the mura 
public servants ; for it will be remembered that the namislii 
was paid in part, the kiimi-gashira and the toshiyori in 
many cases entirely, by hiki-daka or exemption from local 
taxation ; while the nanushi was sometimes paid by the 
setting apart of a piece of land whose revenue was devoted 
to his salary. 

The Notes of Dr. Simmons, so far as they relate to the 
interior life of the ;w/<rrt are obviously concerned with the 
facts of a comparatively recent period and of districts 
where the greatest movement towards independence had 
occurred. Whatever may have been the case in those 



lyO SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

regions where the incidents of feudalism remained longest, 
in the Tokugawa dominions, — the principal field of obser- 
vation for both Mr. Otomo, Dr. Simmons' chief informant, 
and the author himself, — where th3 Government had 
become really only a great landlord and where there 
had been a strong tendency towards uniformity of tenure 
and services, we find that the old distinctions between 
classes, so far as they had been clearly marked by different 
relations with the territorial lord, had disappeared, and 
thj class differences had become essentially social. The 
traditional position of certain families was now seen 
in the predominant influence which they enjoyed in 
directing the affairs of the mura. The order of prece- 
dence was distinctly marked and strictly preserved. In 
the yoriai or assembly it determined the seats of the 
various members. It had weight in the decision of 
debated points. We cannot now certainly distinguish 
the descendants of freemen and those of serfs, nor the 
villages of freemen and those of serfs ; nor can we 
estimate tlie relative numbers of each. In the class- 
distinctions {osa-hyakushOy ncoi, kyuha, etc.) already point- 
ed out, we are strongly reminded of the structure of the 
village communities in the Punjab and elsewhere; and 
it can hardly be doubted that we shall find these and 
other terms to be more or less connected with historical 
differences between freeman and serf, proprietor and tenant, 
family or clan villages and colonies. In the practice 
of admitting outsiders as miztuiomi and of promoting 
miznnonii to become kosakn, we have very clear analogies 
to the way in which Saxon servi became coltarii^ and to 
the practice in India and elsewhere of admitting out- 
siders, often ** broken " men; to the lowest place in the 
community. Mizunomi, ** water-drinkers," — that is, men 
having nothing to sustain life but water — expresses in a 
similar way the abject condition of these .recruits from 
other regions. 

This material of recent times becomes important in 
its bearings on the subject of communal property. In 



SIMMONS & WIGMORIi: LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTION 



;s. ^l 



one sense the facts of Japanese village life have a 
special importance ; they show how many communal 
customs, apparently purely local in origin, were the result 
of superimposed laws. It is possible that the numerous 
instances of this sort may be suggestive and helpful in 
the examination of Western village communities. Takej 
for example, the cultivation of the land of a deserting 
farmer by his kniiii or by the village. Nothing could 
at first sight point more clearly to a certain community 
of property, a corporate holding of land by the village. 
But on further examination this custom proves to have 
been commanded by the Government, with the object 
of preventing a diminution of revenue. Take, again, 
the necessity of obtaining the seal of the nanushi for all 
transfers of land, in mortgage or absolutely. This, we 
suspect at once, is analogous to the necessity of the 
consent of the kinsmen or villagers to the alienation of 
land, noticeable in early communities. Yet in Japan 
a law of the Shogunatc required it; and even though 
we may yet discover that the Shogunate merely sanctioned 
an existing custom (which is unlikely), we have neverthe- 
less seen the necessity for caution and for a thorough 
examination of all the apparently local customs having 
a communal character. In the foot-notes to the Notes 
I have for this reason endeavoured to cite all accessible 
laws bearing on the customs described by the author. 
Some means of testing such customs may be afforded 
by further work on the same lines. In certain volumes, 
for instance, of the collection of decisions and statutes 
called Tokugawa Kinrei-ko, are to be found minute rules 
governing the mode of cultivation of mortgaged land, 
etc., etc. ; and such sources must be examined before 
final conclusions are reached. 

We must, too, draw a distinction, here as else- 
where, between earlier communal customs arising from 
family, house community, or tribal life, and later ones 
arising from the existence of a superior authority, that is, 
from the corporate responsibility imposed in many ways 



\j 



172 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

by the manorial or feudal lord upon the communities of 
cultivators. Phenomena of the latter sort are perhaps 
not welcome to those who are interested in proving the 
theory of a primitive tribal and village community of 
property ; the tracing of many communal customs to an 
origin no further back than the manorial system has 
furnished the opponents of that theory with plentiful 
material. These facts have in Japan also an interest 
and importance. They differ from the examples given 
above, for in those cases the practice has in no sense 
become a custom, a habit of local life ; it is always a thing 
commanded, the direct result of a law ; while in these 
instances the practice is only the indirect result of a 
law of the superior, and its form is determined by local 
choice. These include all those customs which flow from 
the fact that the mura was from the standpoint of the 
lord the producing unit. The necessity of the mnras 
consent for the use of forests and for the sale of any 
part of the common forest, the local settlement of local 
taxes, the power of returning confiscated land to a 
repentant deserter, — these were some of the more direct 
results. Perhaps the only custom, mentioned in the 
Notes, which might be claimed as a distinct mark of the 
early tribal community is the necessity of the consent 
of all the farmers to the settling of strangers on village 
land. But even this case is not an unmistakable one 
and at best throws no light on the question whether the 
land was merely held in common in undivided shares or 
was held by the village as a corporate body. It must be 
left to future investigations to determine clearly what 
practices, if any, would be characteristic of an early tribal 
community of freemen and what practices point merely 
to the community of interest characteristic of later ma- 
norial villages. There are as yet no data of this sort 
sufficient to assist in the solution of the mooted question 
whether the community of property of later mediaeval vil- 
lages is a result of manorial or other later influences 
or isa remnant of an earlier tribal communism. The 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I73 



J 



whole subject of the common property of the mxira is yet 
to be examined ; but, unfortunately, the material is not 
easily available. 

It remains to call attention to a few customs of a 
miscellaneous character, which may serve to show that 
the interest of the material we are considering is broader 
than the subjects that have been touched upon. 

The family was of course the unit of social life, and the 
coherence of the family, with the practices and institutions 
involved in it, was still a marked feature. Although there 
existed a Government prohibition against the sale of land, 
it will be remembered, as Dr. Simmons states, that there 
was a strong dislike to alienate a family inheritance, — a 
sentiment noticed particularly in India and elsewhere. 
We find, too, that, in this respect a distinction v^as made, 
as in India, between inherited property and property 
reclaimed or acquired from others. It is stated, in the 
Minji Kwanrei-ntishUj that in some districts shin den (new 
land) alone could be sold (and it is noticeable that Tosa, of 
which this statement is made, is a region where the early 
customs have been extremely well preserved) ; and a similar 
rule is laid down in some of the mediaeval family codes 
(Hausgesetze), such as Shin-ko Shikimoku, providing that 
inherited land should not be sold to any but nobles. A 
similar characteristic sentiment, the unwillingness to 
alienate to strangers, has already been noticed in the 
practice of requiring unanimous consent for the admission 
of new reclaimers of tnura land : and in Echigo (as noticed 
in one of the foot-notes) alienation of land to fellow- 
villagers alone was allowed. 

The distribution of a patrimony during the life of the 
father was quite common in mediaeval and even later 
times. The retirement {inkyo) of the father followed as 
a matter of course, and in the account (in the Appendix) 
of the Hida House Communities is noticed a peculiar 
consequence of this, that the father thereafter eat hiye, 
with the rest of the family, while the son alone eat 
rice. In the land-registers of mura one notices num- 



174 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

bers of plots designated inkyo-bim^ the portion of one 
who has becolTie inkyo^ and there seems to have been a 
system of nonalienable settlements somewhat resembling 
our own. 

Upon the question of primogeniture I have no informa- 
tion throwing any light. It may be noticed, however, that, 
as has been observed in India and elsewhere, the eldest 
son often takes not the whole, but only the largest share 
of the patrimony. Tiie frequency of adoption suggests 
interesting questions. It seems hardly possible to explain 
it entirely on grounds of the desire for the perpetuity of 
the family. More than one fact — for instance, the occur- 
rence of laws forbidding adoption just before death — points 
to the desire to evade customary restrictions on alienation 
as an imj)ortant influence. 

The strength of the ties of what has been called Literary 
Fosterage, observable alike in Japan, in India, and in early 
Ireland ; the existence here as in India of an hereditary 
class of persons outside the social pale — the j^/a, — whose 
touch was impure and who followed special occupations 
and lived in separate quarters ; the widespread employment 
in later times of a system of suretyship not based on 
family ; the gonin-gnmi system, which seems for the past 
three hundred years to have been not much different in 
principle from the AngloSaiXon frilh-guild ; the system of 
long-term mortgages, closely paralleled in India, and sug- 
gesting the heklemregt of Groningen ; the yei-gosakUy or 
emphyteusis, a variety of a tenure well-known in Europe ; — 
these and numerous other customs and institutions, as yet 
almost wholly unexamined, may be cited as evidences of 
the opportunities that exist here for the student of com- 
parative institutions. 

It must be understood, however, that the analogies that 
have been noticed in calling attention to these oppor- 
tunities are put forth as suggestive and tentative only. 
An effort has been made merely to point out the pos- 
sibilities of a comparative study of Japanese and European 
institutions. The writer does not pretend to more than 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I75 

an amateur knowledge of the European literature of the 
subject; and even if it were not so, the Japanese evidence 
is as yet too slender to admit of drawing final conclu- 
sions. 

What is now needed is the utilization of the stores of 
original material to be found in the temples, a few libraries, 
and numberless family treasure-chests. It must be admit- 
ted — and without discredit to Japanese scholars — that the 
volumes written upon the subject in Japanese are beyond 
a certain point useless. Learned and accomplished as their 
authors are, they have never looked at the subject from 
the standpoint of the European scholar, for their training 
has made it impossible. The result is that the facts which 
the European student wishes are not to be found in their 
books. The solution of the problems on modern scientific 
lines can be attained only through the younger generation, 
trained under modern methods, or through foreign students 
having before them the material to be investigated. That 
this result in no way casts disparagement upon the enormous 
industry and the vast acquisitions of the older generation 
of Japanese scholars need hardly be said. That it is in- 
evitable, they themselves are the first to admit. It is 
to-day a subject of deep regret to more than one of the 
most eminent that it is too late for them to attempt to 
make acquaintance with European scientific literature. 
Cooperation in work between the older and the younger 
generation would seem to be the only method of utilizing 
fully their accumulated stores of learning. It is to such 
of the younger scholars as Kaneko, Miyazaki, Matsuzaki, 
Suzuki, and others that we must look for immediate and 
strenuous eftbrts to make accessible the material that exists 
so abundantly. It is not unlikely that the Japanese Gov- 
ernment will come forward in a liberal spirit and give 
official assistance in the rescue and preservation of the 
documentary treasures. If, as in the case of the treasures 
of art, a commission could be appointed to visit the temples 
to collect, examine and classify the records they contain, 
and to publish translations of a part or of the whole, the 



176 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

first and most important step will have been taken towards 
the solution of the historical questions that are forcing 
themselves upou our attention, and a lasting benefit will 
have been conferred upon science. 



APPENDIX. 



/. SPECIMENS OF KUMI-CHO, 



I. A7t anonymous kutni-chd,^ 

1. A kumi is formed by uniting the five families that 
are nearest to each other, whether they are jikari, 
kosakUf viizunomiy or of any other class. 

2. Filial piety and faithful service to a master should 
be a matter of course, but when there is any one 
who is especially faithful and diligent in those 
things, we promise to report him to the daikwan 
for recommendation to the Government. [There 
are cases where for especial merit of this kind taxes 
have been remitted or a money reward given. The 
name of the person thus distinguished is inscribed 
on a large board hung at the entrance of the miira 
and bearing the announcement Shoyaku Go-wen, 
" All Taxes Remitted."] 

3. If any member of a kumi, whether farmer, merchant, 
or artisan, is lazy and does not attend properly to 
his business, the ban-gashira will advise him, warn 
him, and lead him into better ways. If the person 
does not listen to this advice, and becomes angry 
and obstinate, he is to be reported to the toshiyori. 
As fathers, sons, members of families, relatives, 
and fellow-villagers, we will endeavor to live in 
peaceful and kindly relations ; as members of a 

* knmij we will cultivate friendly feeling even more 
than with our relatives, and will promote each 

I This translation was found among the papers of the author. 
Neither the original of the translation, nor the name of the mura or 
kumi from which it came, nor any translation of the signatures, ap- 
peared among the papers. The clauses in brackets are by the author. 



178 SIMMONS & WIGMORE '. LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Other's happiness as well as share each other's 
griefs. If there is an unprincipled and lawless 
person in a kumi, we will all share the responsibility 
for him. 

4. Every year, between the first and the third month, 
we will renew our shumon-cho. If we know of any 
person who belongs to a prohibited sect, we will 
immediately inform the daikwan and strictly observe 
the rules on that subject placarded in different 
places. Servants and laborers shall give to their 
masters a certificate declaring that they are not 
Christians. ^ 

5. In regard to persons who have been Christians but 
have recanted, — if such a person comes to or leaves 
the village, by reason of marriage, adoption, or 
otherwise, we promise to report it to the daikiuan. 

; 6. If a uaniishi, sJioyay kiiini-gashira, or toshiyori is 
objectionable, we will not secretly combine to remove 
him, but will declare our wish to the daikiuan and 
ask his permission.^ 

7. We recognize the seals used in this knini-cho and in 
the shilmon-cho as the binding seals in all matters 
in which a seal is necessary. If the seal of a 
uaniishiy /Hunigasliinif or toshiyori is lost or burned, 
the new one is to be registered at the office of the 
daikwan; if that of any other person, at the office 
of the iianushi or toshiyori, 

8. We will obey the law of the Government against 
selling our land, and if we mortgage our land, we 
will not do so for a term longer than ten years, 
and will always have the mortgage sealed by our 
kiimi and by the nanushi, 

9. We will not buy any of the property of temples 
nor take a mortgage on it. 

2 Knmi-gashira in this document apparently is the chief of a kumi. 
The word shdya, occurring in this article after nanushi^ is clearly an 
error in translation, for there was never a shuya in the same village with 
a nanushi. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I79 

10. We will not buy or receive in pawn any article of 
clothing, any metal ornament, or other thing what- 
ever that is stolen property. 

11. As nanushi we will buy and wear silk and build fine 
homes, but will not otherwise indulge in luxury and 
extravagance. 

12. On occasions of receiving a bride or performing the 
ceremony of adoption, we will not, merely because 
it occurs only once in a life-lime, be foolishl}' ex- 
travagant. 

13. At the time of a great wind-storm, rain-storm, 
drought, or visitation of insects, the Government, as 
is the custom, may give food to starving farmers, or 
those who are well off may lend foocj or seed to 
the jHura ; still, if the misfortune should continue 
for years even the Government could not continue 
to supply us. For this reason we will try — all who 
can — to store away some of our surplus crops, if 
any. 

14. Whatever our business or occupation, we will not 
neglect it,^ nor waste time in amusements of any 
kind, nor engage in unlawful practices, nor urge 
people to engage in law suits. If there are any of 

. our number who are unkind to parents or neglectful 
or disobedient, we will not conceal or condone it, 
but report it [probably to the toshiyori^ for this is 
the spirit of his office.] 

15. When men who are quarrelsome and who like to 
indulge in late hours away from home will not 
listen to admonition, we will report them. If any 
other kitmi neglects to do this, it will be a part of 
our duty to do it for them. 

16. In case of over-taxation or the need of food or seed 
in times of scarcity, where a demand for redress or 
an appeal of any kind is made by combining and by 

3 " Each class of the people shall apply itself to its own business, 
and not attempt to rise above its station."^ loo Laws of lyeyasu Art. 63 
{MUtheil, d, D, Gesells. Ost.^ Heft 41, p. 15, infra),. 



l8o SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

using force against the Government officials, — such 
means of redress we declare improper and dangerous 
and not to be employed. 

17. If a young man who has been temporarily in the 
service of a daimyo or hatamoto and has thus ob- 
tained the privilege of wearing two swords returns 
to his village, he is not to continue to wear them, 
as this is contrary to ancient custom, and we, the 
knniif nanushiy and toshiyoriy will consider ourselves 
responsible in the matter. 

18. Gambling or any practices like gambling, it goes 
without saying, are wrong ; and we will not engage 
in them, nor rent our houses or permit them to be 
used for such purposes. Nor will we make any 
contract for the labor or services of any person for 
a longer term than ten years, nor will we make such 
a contract for more than one year with any person 
who does not furnish a proper person as guarantee. 

19. If the servant or laborer is a relative, or the relative 
of a person well known to the employer, and the 
nanushi and kumi. are consulted, it will be sufficient. 
If any trouble of a legal nature befalls the guarantor, 
we, the kumi, will give our assistance to prevent 
trouble and to smooth matters. 

20. So far as possible we will choose for adoption those 
who are relatives or members of the family. But 
if only a female remains, and there is among the 
relatives and family members no male of proper 
age, then we will select from without. Even if there 
is a son, still if he is a bad fellow and the repeated 
advice of namishi, toshiyori, kumiy and relatives 
is not listened to, he may be rejected as heir, if 
the reasons are properly laid before the nanushi 
by the father and his kumi, and a bloodless (i. e. 
unconnected by blood) person may be adopted. [It 
would seem that in this mura the consent of the 
relatives to disinheritance was not necessary.] If 
there are three or four sons, and the eldest is sickly, 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. l8l 

or is incorrigibly bad, unkind to parents, and dis- 
obedient, and the father thinks he is not justified 
in making him the heir, he can make the second 
or other son the heir, upon consulting with the 
kumi and reporting to the namishi, 

21. No one who has less than ten ta7i of land can divide 
it among his children ; all land beyond this amount 
may be divided. A son other than the eldest may 
be put to any business that will give him a living; 
if he is not capable in such matters, he may be 
bound out {lioko-nin.) 

22. Every one in the vtiira must take care to prevent 
fires. If one occurs, the whole niura must assist 
in extinguishing it and in preventing its spread. 
In case of robbers, too, everyone must turn out. 
Nanushi and toshiyori will carefully inquire into 
the cause of any delinquency in this respect. • 

23. If any one goes away to a neighboring mura to 
remain over three days, kumi, najiitshi, and toshi- 
yori will be informed ; the same notice will be given 
on leaving for a distant place to take service, on 
business, or for pleasure. 

24. No person not having a nimhetsu-cho is to be allowed 
to remain even one night in the mura.^ When a 
stranger dies in the tmira, notice must be given to 
the nanushi. When a stranger arrives wounded or 
otherwise injured, a doctor is first to be called, and 
then the case reported to the nanushi. 

25. Any person coming from another part of the country 
and asking permission to live in the mura will be 
permitted to do so, on giving his nimbetsii-cho and 
naming a responsible person as security. 

26. Priests, yama-hushi (fortune-tellers), doshin^ any 
hinin who come to a mura must be carefully 
watched, and if objectionable must be sent off. 

4. See the Kujikota Osadamegaki. II, Art. 25 {Mittheil. etc., supra, 
p. 72). " Punishment of those who harbor persons having no nimbctsu- 

chor 



/ i ' I ' J 



l82 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

27. If any robbers or company of bad persons appear 
in a mnra, the officers must be immediately notified. 

28. If a stranger passing through the mura is taken 
ill a doctor must be called, and if the illness is 
serious, means must be taken to send him to his 
home as soon a^ possible. The nannshi and the 
daikwan must also be notified. 

29. Street-shows cannot exhibit without permission from 
the daikwan, 

30. yoro (prostitutes), yard (low fellows), and kagema 
(boys used for sodomy), are not to be permitted in 
the miira^ and if they arrive from other parts, houses 
are not to be rented to them.' 

31. Children are not to be abandoned, no matter how 
poor the parent.^ [Poor persons in distress often 
sold their children, rarely into prostitution, some- 
•times as geisha, and most often as laborers in the 
silk districts. The common term in the last case 
was from three to seven years. If the child was 
between seven and ten years old, an advance of 
one yen a year was given ; if older, sometimes from 
three to ?i\t yen, — Intelligence offices for men 
and for women and for all kinds of employment 
existed in Yedo.] 

32. Horses and cattle must not be driven off to other 
villages. [This was an easy method of avoiding 
payment for the burial of an aminal who was at 
the point of death and useless.] When a stray 
animal is found, it must be returned to the owner, 
if he is known ; otherwise, an officer must be notified. 

5. " Prostitutes, female dancers, young boys used for improper 
purposes, and people who wander about at night, must inevitably 
exist in cities and flourishing towns in the country ; although men's 
morals are often corrupted by them, yet greater evil would arise, 
if they were strictly prohibited. On the other hand games at dice, 
drunkenness, and debauchery, are strictly forbidden." 

100 Laws of lyeyasu, Art. 86 (Mittheil, etc., supra p. ig. infra). 

6. See the Ktijikata Osadamcgaki^ I, Art. 62 {Mittheil. etc., supra, p. 
58), " Ordinance forbidding the abandonment of children.'* 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIO-NS. 183 

Cattle and horses must not be bought unless the 
sellers are known to be the owners. 

33. The building of new iera (Buddhist temples) and 
miya (Shint6 temples) is forbidden. Shrines, 
stones inscribed with Buddhist prayers, stone im- 
ages, and commemorative tablets, are not to be 
erected. If there are old ones they may be preserved, 
but new ones are not to be built.^ 

34. As little money as possible is to be spent on 
matsuri. If the priest of a temple is changed, the 
daikwan must be notified. 

35. The permission of the daikwaji must be obtained 
whenever a temple is opened to the public for 
worship. No images are to be brought from other 
viura. 

36. None but licensed hunters (rydshi) are permitted 
to hunt birds and aminals. [This was a special 
business and paid a tax]. Even these are not to 
kill storks or hakuchd (a kind of goose). [These 
were the Shogun's game only : not even a daimyo 
could kill them.] If these birds are seen of offered 
for sale in any mura, the daikwan must be im- 
mediately notified. 

37. Only ryoshi may carry guns. If others use them 
secretly, they will be punished. A ryoshi may 
lend his gun to a son or a relative ; but if a ryoshi 
dies, his son must obtain a new permit for the use 
of the gun. 

38. Trees a^d grass in the Shogun's forest and trees 
along the great roads (kaido) must not be cut with- 
out permission from the daikwan. Even in private 
forests large trees must not be cut without such 
permission. 

39. Where trees or their branches in the Shogun's 
forests or along the great roads have been broken 



7 See the Knjikata Osadainegaki. I, Art. 37 (Mittheil. etc., supra, p. 

54), " Ordinance relating to the Shinto and Buddhist religions 

Nothing new shall be undertaken." 



184 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

off or are decayed, the nanushi must report to the 
daikwan. When a road is cut through the forest 
for the purpose of removing trees cut by government 
order, the expense of replanting the portion cut out 
for a road must be reported by the nanushi to the 
daikwan. 

40. No new permits for sake manufacture, in addition 
to those now existing, shall be given. 

41. The farmers must attend to their business diligently. 
The best seed must be selected and great care taken 
as to the time of sowing and planting. That they 
should look well after the fields and the water-supply 
is to be expected. The namishi and the toshiyori 
must from time to time inspect their work. They 
must inquire into it, if any fail to attend to their 
work for any cause ; and if sickness is the cause, 
they must see that the kumi assist in the work of 
cultivation. 

42. Where land is left uncultivated for a long time be- 
cause of an overflow, etc., and some one afterwards 
brings it under cultivation, this must be reported. If 
not, the nanushi and the toshiyori will beheld re- 
sponsible. 

43. Where mountain land, swamp land, or flowed land 
is. brought under cultivation, it must be done in 
winter, so as to save time. 

.^4. All drains must be looked after carefully. 

45. During a freshet the nanushi and the toshiyori with 
the farmers must turn out and prevent the dikes 
from breaking. Elinor repairs of roads and bridges 
must be immediately attended to, but matters of 
great expense may be reported to the daikwan, 

46. Large undertakings necessary for irrigation the 
Government will assume. Estimates for food to be 
supplied by the Government to the laborers coming 
from each mura must be sent in advance. If on 
the great roads despatch is required by the Govern- 
ment or by a dainiyo and extra horses are required 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 185 

from the farmers, care must be taken to notify 
the farmers in advance, so as not to cause delay. 
Attention and care must be given not only in the 
case of merchants paying high price for transporta- 
tion, but also in the above case, so that an 
average will be reached [since they carried for 
the government and daimyo at a relatively low 
price] . 

47. Transportation facilities on the great roads must be 
supplied so as to cause as little delay as possible to 
those requiring them. 

48. All the expenses of a mura office — pens, paper, ink, 
etc, — and of the officers when engaged in public 
business must be kept account of in duplicate, and 
at the first of the year be submitted by the nanushi 
to the daikwan. When the account has received 
the stamp of the latter, it is to be returned to the 
farmers for their approval ; when all have approved, 
it is to' be paid.^ Where any important improve- 
ment for the mura is contemplated, the larger 
farmers as well as the officers must meet and decide 
as to the need of the work and the amount to be 
assessed on each farmer. The estimate must be 
made out in duplicate, one copy being deposited with 
the daikwan, and no other estimate will be valid. 

49. Neither at the time of assessing an abatement of 
taxes on account of short crops (kemmi) nor at any 
time may presents of any kind be made to the 
daikwan, his wife, or his servants, nor are loans 



8 "General taxes and other imposts, as well as mura taxes, are* 
annually to be recorded in books by the nanushi and kumi-gashira, and 
after they have been exhibited to determine their correctness, the latter 
are to affix their seals and the nanushi and kumi-gashira are to certify 
with their seals at the close of the document. 

*• Although these rules are not new, there are places where they are 
not observed, and litigation is often the result. Hereafter they are 
to be observed without fail." 

The Kujikata Osadamegaki, I, Art. 32 (1740) [Mittheil, etc., supra, p. 

54)- 



Z86 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

of rice or of money to be made under any circum- 
stances to the datkwan or to members of his family. 
If such things occur, even other mnra will be held 
responsible for disclosing the name of the mura 
where it has been done. 

50. When the datkwan or his officers are travelling 
through their district on business, and stop at a 
house for the noon meal or at night, the food to be 
set before them is fixed at one course of fish or 
vegetables and one course of rice and plain relish. 
Nothing more must be eaten or called for or set 
before them. The host is responsible for any 
violation of this rule. [There were no hotels in the 
smaller villages, and it was the custom for the 
datkwan y therefore, to lodge with the nanushi or 
one of the large farmers. But if he took any other 
food than the established allowance, he had to pay 
for it at a fixed rate] . 

51. When an abatement of taxes is made on account 
of short crops, it is announced to the nanushi by 
a letter from the daikwan, [This was copied by 
the nanushi and affixed in a conspicuous place at 
the kosaisu-ba (place for public announcements) 
for inspection by all the farmers from the largest 
to the smallest, and all who were content affixed 
their signatures. Whoever was not content could 
appeal again to the' datkwan ; this appeal could 
not be refused, but must be reported to the Govern- 
ment.] 

After the tax rice has been taken by the farmer to 
the storehouse, a receipt is to be given for it by the 
nanushi. 

The tax estimate of the daikwan and the estimate 
of viura expenses must not be made at the same 
time. [This was probably in order to avoid making 
both calls on the poor at the same period. In 
general the tax was paid at the last of the year. 
Daimyo required this, but in the Shogun's dominions 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 187 

a later date was customary, so as to make it easier 
to pay.] 

If any one runs away because of his inability to 
pay his tax, the kumi, ttanushi, and toshiyori are 
responsible for the tax. 

52. Tax rice must be of good quality. Broken rice and 
partly filled bags must not be handed in. [Inside 
every bag of rice was a tag (naka-fuda) telling the 
ktmif korif and inura where it was packed, and the 
names of the ftanushi^ the inspector, and the 
measurer. Outside was a soto-fuda, containing the 
names of kunif kdri, and muray and of the fax-payer, 
with the date and the weight. In shipping the rice 
by sea great care was taken, and with each cargo 
went a man (the kumi-gashira ?), called uwanori 
(outside-rider) to see that it was not stolen by sail- 
ors, or otherwise lost. On its arrival the uwanori 
was to notify the daikwan, and on the same day to 
take a note of the condition of each bag. If while 
waiting in charge of the rice he went to places of 
amusement or houses of prostitution, or if he bribed 
any of the Government officials, severe penalties 
were inflicted.] 

53. While the rice is at the storehouse of the niura 
{gO'gura) the people of the mura must watch it, to 
prevent theft or fire. If the rice is lost or destroyed 
before the Government official has given his receipt 
for it, the loss falls on the mura ; if afterwards, on 
the Government.' 

The foregoing rules must be carefully observed. 
Every year they must be read to the people, and 
each must affix his seal. 

9 According to a kumi-cho quoted in Chihd Seido-tsu, the grain was 
to be at the risk of the mura until it reached Yedo. 



2. Kumi-cho from Kobayashi tnura Minami-Kiiwata gtitij 

Kameoka Han, (near Kyoto, y-^ 



Regulations presented by us concerning our 

gonin-gumi. 

1. As it is considered necessary to reform our gonin- 
gumi system, established in obedience to your order, 
we hereby, in accordance with your wish, form all the 
inhabitants into gonin-gumi, — including tenants, ser- 
vants, wivesj and children, as well as house owners. 
But, in forming the kumi, we shall take care not to 
form them exclusively of near relations or intimate 
friends ; we shall put together all classes of people ; 
and those who refuse to enter a kumi shall be pun- 
ished. Whoever abandons his kumi shall be report- 
ed by the nanushi, the toshiyori, and the hyakusho- 
dai, and upon investigation shall be punished. 

2. We shall require children to respect their parents, 
servants to obey their masters, husbands and wives, 
brothers and sisters, to live in harmony, and the 
young to revere and cherish their elders, — in short, 
we will endeavor to lead the people to walk right- 
eously. Whoever fails to do so shall without fail 
incur your punishment. 

On the other hand, if any person is distinguished 
by obedience to .parents, diligence in duties, or 
praiseworthy conduct in any other matters, he 
shall be reported by us and rewarded by you.^* 

10. The original of this translation is a copy of the original document 
kindly sent to me by Mr. Kitagaki Kunimichi, Governor of KyOto. 
Unfortunately the copy contained neither date nor signature^, and I 
have not been aWe to secure them. 

11. •' Ingratitude to parents is to be punished." 

Bukc'shohatto of 1617, Art. 21 (Mitthcil. d. D. Gcstlls. Ozt., Heft 
41, p. 15). 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 189 

3. All samurai living in our district shall be considered 
as farmers. AH tradesmen and farmers, when they 
are met on the road by any person oi samurai rank 
or by the retainer of such a person, shall, if on 
horseback, dismount and wait until he has passed, 
and shall also refrain from doing anything to trouble 
or to inconvenience him. In case of a breach of 
this rule, any punishment may be inflicted which 
you may think is deserved. 

4. All those who profess Christianity shall be punished 
in accordance with your reformed regulations ; sus- 
pected persons shall be reported without delay. 

5. Each kumi shall carefully watch over the conduct 
of its members so as to prevent wrong-doing. 
Whenever any person is found to have misbehaved, 
and his kumi have negligently failed to discover it, 
the kumi shall be considered culpable as well as 
the nanushi and the toshiyori. 

6. All heretics, robbers and other evil-doers shall be 
reported. We hear with pleasure of your order 
that all informers against such person shall be 
rewarded, and we shall therefore exert ourselves to 
the best of our power to detect evil-doers and to 
encourage the people to inform against them and 
not to shield them. Whoever is guilty of conceal- 
ment shall merit your punishment. Accomplices 
in any evil-doing shall also be punished. 

7. Gaming and betting of every kind shall be forbidden. 
If anyone disobeys this, he shall be reported to you. 
Those who let their houses for such purposes, as 
well as those who are present, shall without fail 
be punished. Officers guilty of concealing such 
offences shall be fined. 

8. The people shall be ordered not to indulge in 
luxuries unsuitable to their condition, and to busy 
themselves diligently in their occupations, so as 
to be able to support themselves, and shall always 
punctually pay all taxes that may be imposed. 



igO SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Any person, without employment as farmer or 
tradesman, given to exciting litigation or stirring 
up trouble among the people on various pretences, 
shall be reported by any one, even a near relation, 
who knows of such conduct. If the naniishi/ toshi- 
yori or the kumi had negligently failed to detect 
and report such conduct they shall be punished 
without fail. 
9. All services due either to the lord {go-ko-yo) or to 
the miira (kono-ho-yo) shall be punctually performed. 
But such performance shall not be oppressive to the 
people. 

10. All annual taxes shall be paid in full on the 
twentieth day of the twelfth month. Payment 
of all other debts whether of money or of rice shall 
be postponed until all taxes are fully paid. 

11. Payment of taxes shall be recorded in a register and 
attested by the seals of all the people, affixed at a 
public meeting called for the purpose. 

12. If a person who fails to pay his taxes designs to 
desert the mnra he shall be immediately report- 
ed. Whenever owing to the negligence of viura 
officers the taxes of any person are in arrear his 
himi and the natmshi shall be responsible for the 
amount. 

13. If an officer whether nanushi or toshiyori plans a 
refusal to pay taxes he shall be reported by the 
people. In case of delay the people shall be fined 
to the amount of the taxes. 

14. When tax-grain is brought to the mtira storehouse 
its amount must be verified before it is stored by the 
nanushi, the tax-payer himself {home-7noto) and the 
measurer (jnasu-tori); and tags bearing the name 
of the tax-payer shall be fastened one outside and 
one inside of each bag. When all the tax-grain 
has been stored a watch shall be placed at the 
storehouse night and day, especially when there is 
wind or rain. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. IQI 

15. In measuring the grain the kiyomasu (masu = 
measure)" shall be uniformly used and no other. 

16. In case of a fire all shall run immediately to the 
storehouse and try to save it. Those who wilfully 
absent themselves shall on investigation be deemed 
culpable. Special care shall be taken against fire. 
When it occurs all shall go to the place and put 
it out as soon as possible. If the tax-grain is 
destroyed, the people shall repay the quantity 
destroyed. 

17. News of robberies and night-attacks shall be given 
by the ringing of bells or otherwise, and all who 
hear shall join in pursuit till the offender is taken. 
Any one wilfully refraining shall on investigation be 
punished. 

18. Wills (yuigon) of real property shall be reduced to 
writing by the relatives (shinrui) of the testator 
during his life-time, in order to avoid subsequent 
misunderstandings. They shall be attested by the 
nanushi and the kumiy and a copy shall be kept by 
each relative. 

ig. The right of primogeniture shall be respected, 
whether the testator be a small land-owner or a 
large one, and however numerous his children 
there shall be no division of lands, forests, or 
buildings of any kind among the children ; the 
whole estate shall go to the eldest son. But if 
any circumstances prevent the sole succession of 
the ddest son, they shall be reported to you for 
your decision. 

20. When a person dies without heirs it shall be un- 
lawful for the nanushiy the toshiyoriy and the people 
to distribute his estate. They shall always report 
the event to you and receive your orders. If the 



12. The history of Japanese measures is of course a necessary element 
in the study of land tenure, and an extended account may be found in 
the Dcn-ycn yikata Kigcn. The kiyomasu was one of the standard 
measures of capacity. 



ig2 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

estate in such a case is divided among the people, 
the nanushij the ioshiyori and the people shall be 
deemed culpable. 

21. If any person falls ill and his family also, so that 
his land is not cultivated, his kumi and the people 
of the viura shall work the land so as to produce 
the amount of his taxes. If they fail to do so they 
shall be responsible for the taxes. Orphans shall 
be supported at the expense of the viura. 

22. The rules prescribed by you for the sale of land 
shall be observed. Mortgages (shichi-ire) of land 
shall be attested by the nanushij the toshiyoriy and 
the kumi. If they are not so attested, and any 
difficulty afterwards arises therefrom, the land shall 
be confiscated, and mortgagor and mortgagee shall 
be deemed culpable. 

23. Sales of cattle, cloth, and other things shall be made 
by bill of sale {nriage- shorn on). If the buyer offers 
upon deliv'fery a poor article, the case shall be re- 
ferred, even though the parties may arrive at an 
adjustment, to the nanushi or to the kuwi-gashira 
for decision. If a difficulty arises through neglect 
of this rule the parties shall be deemed culpable. 

24. No mortgage shall be given on land already mort- 
gaged or on land or buildings belonging to a temple 
or on land endowed by the government under the 
great red seal {go-sJiuiti-chi). No nanushi or kitini 
shall attest such a mortgage. 

25. Every transaction {shoji) shall be evidenced by a 
written instrument [shomon), and if any difficulty 
arises through the absence of an instrument the 
parties shall ba deemed culpable, and shall take 
no advantage by the oral transaction. 

27. Set off [sashitsugi-kanjo) is forbidden. Usury, of 
course, will not be allowed. 

27. Counterfeiters of coin shall be reported. 

28. It has reached your ears that on the various oc- 
casions when the inhabitants assemble {yoriui) for 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. I93 

the purpose of public business {ko-yo shi-yo) there is 
much unnecessary spending of money in eating 
and drinking. Hereafter this shall be stopped, and 
only simple food shall be supplied. 

29. All those who are employed in the repairs of dikes, 
trenches, water-gates, aqueducts, etc., shall work 
diligently under pain of being deemed culpable. 
Breaches in aqueducts, etc., shall be immediately 
repaired. 

30. Roads and bridges shall be kept in good repair. 
In case of the passage of the Shogun's ambassador 
{go-josJii) the streets shall be specially cleaned and 

* repaired. If rains have injured a road, workmen 

shall be sent and the road immediately mended so 
as to allow his passage. No road shall be lessened 
in width. 

31. If uncultivated land is discovered, not belonging to 
any one and not in another district, you shall be 
informed, and your permission asked before it is 
cultivated. ^^ If the reclaimer is not able to bear 
the expense he may ask your assistance. As this 
permission is granted to any one and as such under- 
takings promote the public interest, all land capable 
of cultivation but not yet cultivated shall be at- 
tended to. 

32. Improvements made shall be reported without fail 
and be examined by some officer of the government. 
When hata is converted into ta, the owner, if he 
has incurred special expense in so doing, shall for 
the next two years be taxed on the value of hata 
only. 

33. Restoration of land which has become waste, and 
cultivation of new land, however small the area, 
shall be reported. If no report is made, the na- 
nushi and the kumi as well as the farmer him- 

13. *' If any one applies for permission to lay out new fields, he may 
do so, if upon investigation there is no objection." 

100 Laws of lyeyasu, Art. 32 {Mitthcil. etc., supra, p. 10, infra) 



194 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

self shall on detection be punished as you think 
fit.** 

34. All orders given by you {go-kcgi) or by' us {kono ho 
yoji fitrejo), shall be announced throughout the mura 
as soon as possible. In case of delay any punish- 
ment you think fit shall be inflicted. Persons Sum- 
moned by you shall appear without delay. 

35. No persons shall enter into combination to demand 
anything from the government. When a grievance 
exists in the opinion of any one, he shall petition 
by himself, not in concert with others. 

36. Wh^n there is a dispute with another district over 
boundaries, fights with swords, spears, clubs, etc!, 
shall be avoided. 

37. Quarrels among the people shall be forbidden. In 
case of dispute, the matter shall be reported. If 
this is not done all parties shall be indiscriminately 
punished. Drunkards doing mischief shall be puni- 
shed. An officer taking a bribe for the decision of 
a dispute shall be deemed culpable. 

38. Every one shall render assistance in capturing an 
evil-doer, whether the latter belongs to the mtira or 
not. When an evil-doer is caught, a guard shall 
be placed over him. 

39. Persons escaping from justice or banished shall not 
be allowed to remain in the mura a moment. If 

any one harbors such a person he as well as the 
nauushi and the kuwi-gashira^^ shall be deemed 
culpable. 

40. Every person leaving his home on business must 
inform the naunshi and knmi-gashira before starting. 

14. For a case involving the alleged transgression of this rule by a 
number of persons in a mura, see Rcigaki Art. 28 (Mitthcil. etc. 
supra t p. 115.) 

15. Knmi-gashira here signifies "head ofsikumi,'' being written in 
the original ** gonin-gumi-gashira.''^ See the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ i, 
Art. 53 (Mittheil. etc., supra p. 56) " Town ordinance in regard to 
the concealment aud harboring of persons sentenced to banishment 
or other punishment." 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. ig5 

Those who go to Yedo to take service with a master 
must first obtain permission from you. If any one 
. leaves the mura without doing so, and afterwards 
is guilty of any offence, he as well as the nanushi 
and kiimi'gashira shall be deemed culpable. 

41. No lodging shall be given to any passing ronin, 
priest, yama-hushi, yeta, beggar, etc., whose name 
and destination are not fully know. If lodging is 
given, the nanushi and the kiimi must be informed. 
If a traveller falls ill on the road he shall be taken 
good care of and upon recovery shall be sent to 
his destination^*, notice being first given to the 
nanushi and the toshiyori. If he dies, his clothes 
and his family crest (inon) shall be examined by the 
above officers and the kumi-gashira. 

42. When a person comes from another region and 
wishes to take service with a member of the mura, 
his native province and his home shall be ascertain- 
ed and he shall be required to find a surety for 
his conduct.^^ When permitted by the nanushi 
and the kumi-gashira, he may be employed, and his 
name must be entered in a register. Even parents, 
brothers, sisters or other ne?.r relatives of a member 
of the mura, if they have been absent for a long 
time, shall not be allowed to remain, unless their 
return is reported to the nanushi and the kumi, and 
by them to you, and permission is given to remain.^' 

16. For a case involving the transgression of this rule, see the 
Reigakiy Art, 27 (Mittheil. etc.^ supra^ p. 113). See also the Kujikata 
Osadamegakiy II, Art. 93 (ib, p. 98) " Punishment of those who send a 
sick traveller on from one inn to another." 

17. For provisions relating to the sureties of servants, see the Kujikata 
Osadamegakiy II, Art. 4. (Mittheil. etc.^ supra^ p.jg); also, 16. I, Arts. 
73, 74. The law of personal suretyship was a very important body 
of rules. 

18. The following is a good example of a transgression of this article. 
"1752. Province of Kashu, AnayamachO. Hachiyemon, defendant. 

'* This Hachiyemon had a barber concealed at his house and represent- 
ing falsely to the village official that this person was his servant and 



igS SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

43. Horses required by persons 'of samurai rank shall 
be supplied without delay, whether by day or by 
night. The baggage of such persons shall be carried 
with care. If these rules are not observed, any 
punishment which you think fit shall be inflicted. 
All travellers shall be respectfully treated, especially 
the various dalmyo and their retainers, even the 
lowest. 

44. Dancing, wrestling and other public shows shall 
be forbidden. Singing and dancing girls and pros- 
titutes shall not be allowed to remain a single night 
in the viura. 

45. It shall be unlawful to cut even a branch of a tree 
in a Government forest. Any one doing so shall 
be punished. Private forests shall be preserved, 
in order that there may always be an abundance 
of wood, for the construction and repair of govern- 
ment buildings.*^ 

46. New buildings shall be erected with as little expense 
as possible. At marriage feasts the food shall consist 
of shiru (soup) and one other dish. In no such 
occasion shall the gathering of a large crowd or the 
drinking of wine be allowed. 

47. No person, however well off, except the shoya,^^ 
shall be allowed to wear silk clothes. All clothes 
shall be made of cotton or of hemp. 

48. No katana (long sword) shall be carried by the 
common people, whether at home or in public.^' 

had a document of suretyship, in which principal and surety were 
properly named, vouched for his position and character. It was asked 
whether for this misdemeanor he should suffer banishment in the third 
degree. Sentence, banishment in the second degree." 
Rcigakiy Art. 65 {Mitthcil. etc., supra p. 124). 

19. " Unless a special necessity arises, no one shall cut timber in the 
forests for purposes of trade." 

Kujikata Osadamegaki, I, Art. 21 [Mitthcil. etc., supra p. 51.) 

20. The occurrence of this word can hardly be anything but a slip of 
the copyists. 

21. See the A'ly/A'a/fi Osadauirgaki, il, Art. 94, [MittJicil. etc., supra p, 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 197 

No wakizashi (short sword) shall be ornamented 
with gold or silver. No person, not even the na- 
nushi noF women, shall be allowed to ride in a 
kago}^ 

49. The practices of selling one's self to another for a 
period (danjo-yeitai-uri) and of hiring servants for 
long terms (yeinenki-hoko) for purposes of prostitu- 
tion, etc., have been condemned and prohibited by 
the Government. We, therefore, in obedience to 
your high will shall endeavor to detect offences of 
this kind. 

50. Those who cause annoyance to the neighborhood 
by quarrelling about their land, etc., shall be deemed 
culpable and their land shall be confiscated. 

51. A complainant when proceeding to court shall be 
accompanied by the nanushi. If he appears in 
any other way, he shall be punished, no matter how 
good his claim. 

52. When a person wishes to change his seal, the new 
seal shall be sent to the nanushi. When a seal 
is lost, the nanushi must be informed. No person 
shall use more than one seal. 

53. Messengers sent by us on public business shall not 
be given money, grain, clothes, or other things as 
presents by the farmers. No sum shall be lent to 
them under any pretence. If they cause people to 
sell by means of force or threats they shall be report- 
ed. 

54. No service in the shape of manual labor or trans- 
portation by horses shall be performed for them 

98), " Punishment of farmers and townspeople who carry swords ;'* 
also. ib. I, Art. 35. 

22. " Only the following persons may use kago without permission : 
kokushu and jdshu with incomes of 10,000 koku or more; sons of 
kuni-daimyo and the eldest sons of jOshu^ jijfi and higher officials; 
people who are fifty years old or more, physicians, and sick people. 
Kacha may sometimes make use of kago; kugc and priests may use 
them when they please." Bukc-shohatto of 1634, Art. II (MittheiL 
tc.f supra p. 26.) 



ZgS SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

under any pretence. If such services are required 
a written warrant must be shown by them. 

The above rules, which have been approved by 
you, shall be read aloud annually to the people as- 
sembled at the office of the naniishi^ and shall be 
observed by them without fail. Whoever is so bad 
as to disobey these rules shall be immediately report- 
ed by his kiimi. If the latter knowingly fail to do 
so, and you learn of the offence from other sources, 
the nanushiy the toshiyori and the kumi-gashira 
shall be deemed culpable. 

3. Knmi'Chd from Koriyama HaUy Yamato Knni^^ 

1. All laws hitherto made or hereafter to be made by 
the Government shall be strictly observed. 

2. Ktimi shall be formed of every five adjacent house- 
holders. . 

3. The decree for the abolition of Christianity shall be 
rigorously enforced, and suspected persons shall be 
reported. 

4. Children shall be obedient to their parents ; hus- 
bands and wives, brothers and sisters, and relations 
shall love each other. All those who quarrel with 

23 This translation has for its original a copy of a kumi-chd as given 
in Yamato Hanseiy a manuscript volume lent to me by Mr. Matsuzaki. 
The author states that this was the form of kumi-chd established " for 
all the go and mttra in the dominion of the daimyd of KOriyama han^ 
He therefore fails, as a matter of course, to give dates and signatures. 

After setting out the kumi-chd as translated above, the author of 
Yamato Hansel goes on to make the following curious statement. 

*' The above regulations had a nominal force only, and were seldom 
enforced. Throughout the Tokugawa dynasty they continued to be 
a dead letter and underwent no changes, although in the meantime no 
tittle change had taken place in the constitution of the general govern- 
ment and in the manners and customs of the people. But, strange 
to say, the kumi-chd still continued to be law, and at the end of every 
two years was read aloud in the presence of the assembled people, and 
signed by the shdya, the toshiyori, and the chiefs of the different kumi. 
What a curious condition of things ! " 



SIMMONS &. WIGMORB : LAND TENURE &. LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. iqq 

t 

theii* relatives and refuse to listen to their good 
advice, or disobey their parents, or are unkind to 
their fellow-villagers, shall on investigation be re- 
ported by the shoya^ the toshiyori and the kumi. 
Our own occupations shall not be neglected. 

5. It shall be unlawful, according to the law already 
passed, to abandon children. When any one finds 

* an abandoned child or old man, he shall take him 
in and support him, and report to the Government. 

6. No gun shall be kept by any one. 

7. Sales of men Qiito-haibai) are absolutely forbidden. 
When a person hires a servant he shall make 

* enquiries about the servant's religion and shall 
require, a reliable surety. When any one wishes 
to leave for service under a master in the dominion 
of any other lord he must first report, his intention 
to the Government. 

8. No horse shall be abandoned. Abandoned horses 
when found shall be taken care of, and a report shall 
be made to the Government by the shoya, and the 
toshiyori, 

^9. When public officials pass through a mnra on public 
business horses and men shall be furnished, espe- 
cially at night, or in rainy or windy weather. 
Rudeness towards travellers of any kind is forbiden. 

10. No person shall be compelled by force to sell or buy 
any thing. Merchants coming from other regions 
shall not be rudely treated, even though of mean 
rank. 

11. The sale of lands in fee s\mY>\Q (ta-hata yeitai-uri) 
is absolutely forbidden. Mortgages shall not be 
given for a longer period than ten years. Mortgage 
deeds shall be attested by the shoya, the toshiyori 
and the kumi, and a copy shall be kept by each 
party. When land is mortgaged to a resident of 
another daimiate, the Government shall be informed. 

12. No public-house or' wine-shop in addition to those 
now existing shall be opened. 



200 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

13. When any unusual event occurs, such as a fire or a 
disturbance of the peace, report shall be made imme- 
diately. 

14. When a fire occurs, the people shall immediately 
hasten to the spot, each one bringing with him a 
bucketful of water, and shall endeavor under the 
direction of the officers to put out the fire. When 
the fire is put out, some one shall hasten to the 
office of the daikwan, and inform him. Those who 
absent themselves shall be deemed culpable. Each 
kumi shall take special precautions against fire 
within its own limits. Meadows (110-hara) shall 
not be set on fire. Children especially shall be 
warned against doing so. 

15. No traveller shall lodge for even one night in a 
house other than a public inn, unless information 
is first given to the shoya, the toshiyori and the 
kumi. Even in the case of public inns travellers 
intending to remain a long time must first be examin- 
ed by the above officers. No inn-keeper shall 
receive any traveller of a suspicious character. 
Articles found in the room of a traveller after his 
departure shall be returned, if he can be overtaken. 

16. If a traveller falls ill or becomes intoxicated at an 
inn, the shoya and the toshiyori shall examine his 
belongings, find out his name, and take his property 
into their custody, until he recovers. If the ilhiess 
is serious, the Government shall be informed. 

17. Wounded persons, coming from other districts shall 
be taken good care of by the shoya and the toshiyori, 
and the proper inquiries shall be made by them. 

18. In the case of persons found dead on the highway, 
the shoya and the toshiyori shall go to the spot, 
examine the body, seal up the belongings of the 
deceased, and set a guard over the corpse. 

19. When a fugitive from another viura passes through 
this miira, and his pursuer follows and informs the 
niura officers of the facts, the people of the imira 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 201 

shall assemble and assist him in capturing the 
fugitive, 
ao. All kinds of gaming shall be absolutely forbidden. 
No house shall be used for such purposes. No one 
should fail to inform against such offenders. Even 
an accomplice shall be not merely acquitted, but 
perhaps rewarded, if he testifies against his fellow- 
offenders. 

21. Quarrels and disputes shall be stopped as soon as 
heard of. A murderer planning flight shall be 
arrested and a report shall be made. If he escapes 
from the mura, he shall be pursued and arrested. 
This rule shall apply to all other fugitives from 
justice. 

22. Temples, forests, mountains, etc. shall occasionally 
be searched to discover robbers and other evil- 
doers. 

23. Watch shall be kept throughout the mura as 
formerl}'. If the watchman notices any person 
acting suspiciously, he shall shout and call the 
people together. When a burglar is seen entering 
a house, the watchman who sees him, as well as 
the neighbors, shall hasten to the spot and arrest 
him, care being taken, however, not to kill him. 
Those who wilfully absent themselves shall be pun- 
ished. Every house shall be provided at all times 
with a piece of wood suitable for use as a torch. 

24. No new temple shall be erected. Every change of 
the head-priest {kannnshi) shall be reported. 

25. Wrestling, dancing, and other public amusements 
shall be forbidden. If in consequence of this rule 
any hardship occurs, it shall be reported. There 
shall be no singing girls, dancing girls, or prostitu- 
tes in the mura. 

26. Any combination of persons, for whatever purpose, 
shall be unlawful. If any one thinks his rights are 
injured, he shall go before the shoya^ the toshiyort, 
and the kumi, and have his grievance settled. From 



202 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

their decision a further appeal may be made [to the 
daikwan] . 

27. The boundaries of private land shall be clearly defin- 
ed, so as to avoid disputes. Re-claiming of waste 
land and cultivation of new land shall not be kept 
secret. Land not yet cultivated but suitable for 
cultivation shall be reported. 

28. Rights to use water shall be clearly defined so as 
to avoid disputes. 

29. In case of floods the shoya, the toshiyon^ and all the 
people shall exert themselves to their utmost to save 
the fields from overflow. The repair of dikes, wells, 
and trenches shall not be neglected. 

30. All streets, lanes, and bridges shall be kept in 
repair at all times. No increase of private land 
shall be effected at the expense of existing highways 
or trenches. 

31. Charges on river-boats and ferry-boats shall be those 
already prescribed. If a boat is accidentally injured, 
the neighbors shall assist in repairing it. 

32. Bamboo and other trees, whether in public or private 
forests, shall not be wantonly cut down. 

33. Circular letters {kaijo) shall be promptly transmitted 
from mnra to inura, and at every transfer a written 
receipt shall be given by the receiving mnra to the 
delivering mum, 

34. When a pledge is made the pledgor shall furnish 
a reliable surety. 

35. Money spent on houses shall be proportionate to the 
means of the owner, and no conspicuous buildings 
shall be erected. No person except the shoya^ the 
toshiyori, and their wives and children, shall wear 
silk clothes. No person shall be allowed to ride in 
a kagOf or to wear the katajia, or otherwise to live 
luxuriously. 

36. No land less than ten koku in value shall be alienat- 
ed, except under unavoidable circumstances, of which 
information shall be sent to the daikwan. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 203 

37. The selection of a husband and the adoption of a 
son are to be made only with the sanction of the 
shoya, the toshiyoriy and the kumij and these persons 
shall carefully investigate the matter so as to prevent 
future dissatisfaction. The expense of a marriage 
shall be made as small as possible. 

38. When a stranger comes to reside here, inquiries 
shall be made 'as to the mura whence he came, and a 
surety shall be furnished by him ; the daikwxin shall 
then be informed. Even when a native of the miira 
who has been absent a long time returns home, his 
return shall be reported to the daikwan. 

39. If a person wishes to remain for even a single 
night in another mura, he shall report his intention, 
if shoya to the toshiyori, if any one else to his 
kumi, 

40. The succession to property must be determined on 
and reduced to writing before the death of the owner, 
and the document must be attested by the shoya^ 
the toshiyori and the kumi so as to avoid disputes 
after his death. Therefore if a man seems to be 
at the point of death, his will must be made in the 
presence of the shoya, the toshiyori and the kumi, 
and must be signed by them and by the relatives, 
so as to avoid subsequent disputes. If any one dies 
suddenly without making a will his affairs shall be 
examined and the amount of his property ascertained 
by the shoya, the toshiyori, and the kumi, and an 
inventory sent to the daikwan. 

41. When any one wishes to begin a suit or to make a 
petition he shall inform his kumi of his intention, 
and the shoya and the toshiyori shall be requested 
to undertake the suit or the petition on his behalf; 
but in case they refuse, he may act for himself. 

42. Neither shoya nor toshiyori shall oppress the people, 
nor shall the people trouble or vex these officers. 

43. No insult shall be offered to any person oi samurai 
rank. 



204 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

44. No present or loan whether of money, grain, clothes, 
or wine, shall be made to any Government officers 
or to other samurai or their retainers, even the 
lowest. When Government officers visit a tnura no 
choice food shall be set before them. If any such 
officer or his retainers annoy the people of the tnura, 
they shall immediately be reported. 

45. No grain shall be disposed of before the taxes are 
paid. 

46. If the shoya or the toshiyori changes his seal, the 
daikwan must be informed and the new seal sent to 
him. When any other person changes his seal, the 
new seal must be sent to the shoya, 

47. The expenses of the tnura for each year shall be 
recorded in a book, and the shoya and the toshiyori 
shall certify to it by signing their names, so as to 
avoid subsequent disputes. If through neglect of this 
rule any dispute arises, the shoya and the toshiyori 
shall be punished. 

The above rules shall be strictly observed. In 
case of their violation, the offender, his relatives, his 
kumi, the shoya and the toshiyori shall be deemed 
culpable. 

These being the rules which you have prescribed 
for the government of our mura, we shall endeavor 
constantly to have them observed by the people. 

In case of their violation the offender, as you 
have said, his relatives, his kumif the shoya, and 
the toshiyori shall be deemed culpable, and shall be 
punished as you may think fit. In accordance with 
your high will, we now offer you a copy of our 
goningumi-cho. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 205 

4. Kumi-cho from Chibadera Mura^ Chiha Gdriy 

Shimosa Kuni,*^ 

1. We hereby sincerely swear to obey not only the 
general law of the country (go-hatto) but also the 
laws and orders of our daimyo. 

2. We will not make absolute sales of land (yeitai-hai- 
bai). If a sale for a- term of years (nenki-baibai) 
is made, the nannshi, kumi-gashiray and chief of 
kumi shall attest the document. Second mortgages 
shall not be given. 

{Extra Clause), Sales of human beings shall not 
be made. 

3. The succession {ato-shiki) of a farmer's estate shall 
be settled in accordance with his will {i-zoku), attest- 
ed by the nanushiy kumi-gashira, and gonin-gumi. 
In distributing the estate, the nanushif kumi-gashira, 
and gonin-gumi shall all meet and act in concert. 
An unattested will shall have no effect. An estate 
of less then twenty koku shall not be divided. If 
a man dies intestate, leaving no children, the nearest 
relative shall inherit, with the consent of the other 
relatives, the nanushiy the kumi-gashiray and the 
gonin-gumi. The performances of tax services by 
an heir shall be guaranteed, and notice of a proposed 
choice must first be given to the proper officer. 

4. When there is a dispute or a suit at law in our mura 
or in another, no one not concerned in the controversy 
shall foster or take part in it. If any one officiously 
intermeddles in such matters, or by swearing to the 
gods (shimmon sum) or drinking the sacred water 
{shinsui nomuy^ endeavors to encourage litigation or 
to defraud others in any way, he shall be punished. 

Extra clause. When a burglar is found in our 

24. The original of this kumi-cho was lent to me by Mr. SatO, 
Guncho (County Superintendent) of Chiba^M«, Qhibd^ken. The ex- 
istence of date and signatures makes it especially valuable. The trans- 
lator was Mr. Ishii. 

25. See appendix II, 2. Art. 2 



206 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

vtura or when any loud noise is heard, the people 
shall hasten to the spot. 

5. We will not become surety (Jiito-uke) for any but 
our fellow-villagers (son-cku). In case some one 
is obliged to become surety to a relative in another 
ffiuray he shall do so only with the consent of 
his nanushij kumi-gasfyira, and gonin-gumi. If a 
suit {deiri) is brought against a servant, {hokonin) 
his surety must fulfil his obligation as such. 

6. When any one comes to live in our mura^ even 
though he is only a relative of some inhabitant, 
notice must be given to the daikwan, 

[Extra clause). If any one wishes to travel to 
another province, or to marry and reside in another 
province, or to take service elsewhere, he shall ask 
permission of the daikwan, through the nanushi and 
the kumi-gashira, 

7. When merchants from other provinces visit our 
injira, even those who make a custom of doing 
so, the nanushi aud the kumi-gashira must be im- 
mediately informed. If a ronin comes, the daikwan 
shall be immediately informed of his name and other 
facts concerning him, and he shall be treated as 
the daikwan shall direct. 

8. New temples shall not be erected. 

9. AH taxes shall be assessed according to the rate 
recorded in the account-book (wari-tnoto) of the 
nanushi and the kumi-gashira, and the rate shall 
not be changed every year. If a poor farmer be- 
comes unable, from sickness or other unavoidable 
cause, to cultivate his land, one of the gonin-gumi 
shall inform the nanushi, and the villagers shall 
give assistance by cultivating the land for him. 
If the land is left uncultivated, all the inhabitants 
shall be held responsible. 

10. When a person is found dead on the highway, the 
nanushi and the kumi-gashira shall examine the 
articles found upon him, and take charge of them 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 20/ 

SO that they may not be stolen, setting some one to 
guard the corpse, and the proper officer shall be im- 
mediately notified. When a person is found ill on 
the highway, he shall be taken care of; if his home 
is known, he shall ber sent to it ; if it is distant, the 
daikwan shall be informed, and shall make such 
order as he thinks fit. Oxen, horses, dogs, hens, and 
other domestic animals found on the highway shall 
not be maltreated {somatsunaru-gi).^^ 

{Extra clause). When any thing is found on the 
highway, notice shall be given to the daikwan 
through the nanushi and the kumi-gashira. 
II. Gaming and lotteries of all kinds shall be forbidden. 

{Extra clause). Great care shall be taken against 
fire. Fire-places shall be constructed according to* 
the regulations therefor. When a fire breaks out, 
all shall hasten to help put it out. 

The above rules shall never be violated. We here- 
by present this document with our seals, which have 
been carefully inspected and certified by the heads of 
kumi. If any one loses or changes his seal, he shall 
immediately give notice, and the new seal shall be 
placed on this document instead of the old one. 
When a seal is changed, of course both seals cannot 
be used. 

These articles shall be read every year, in the 
presence of all the inhabitants of our niura^ so that 
they may not be forgotten. 

Shimosa Kuni, Chiba Gori, Chibadera Mura, 
Seitoku, Sixth year, (17 16) first month, 
Nanushi, 

Tokuyemon, Kichiyemon. 
Kumi-gashira, 

Heiyemon, Sahei, Hambei, Hikobei, Zenjur6. 

■ ■ . — ' 

26. Mr. Ishii interprets this as follows. The boys of a village would 
play pranks on a neighbor by driving off his cattle or fowls, or by beat- 
theni, if found on the road, and frightening them off in another direc- 
tion. These escapades would be most likely to be directed against 
some one unpopular among his fellow-villagers. 



208 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Hosoda Rihei |*7 

Watanabe Kichizayemon j 



Name 



Age Assessed value of land. 







KOKU 


TO SHO GO 


'Shiroyemon 


69 


... Is ... I ... 4 ... 4 


Yosoyemon 


50 


... 10 


9 ... 6 


•< Riyemon 


, 61 




... I ... 4 ... 4 


Kichibei 


48 . 


.. 14 . 


... I ... 3 ... 7 


Juzayemon 


69 . 




... I ... 2 ... 


'Hambei ... . . 


. 46 


... II 


» • • X • • • 


Kichiyemon 


. 40 


••• 39 


... I ... 4 ... 


- Jirozayemon 


. 61 


... 19 


... I ... I ... 


Hikobei 

Jchisuke 


65 




... 2 ... 4 ... 3 


■ 23 




6 ... 6 


'Hikoyemon 


• 53 


... 7 


... 2 ... 7 ... 8 


KichijurO 


■ 31 


... 9 


.. 4 ... 3 ... 9 


- Hanjuro 


35 • 


•• 7 ■ 


.. 7 ... 8 ... 8 


Takisaburo 


5+ 


••• 3 


... 8 ... 4 ... 9 


.Shoyemon 


44 


... 14 


... 6 ... 8 ... 7 


Kinjuro 


44 


... II 


.. 6 ... 


Moyemon 


• 47 


2 


... I ... ... 2 


JZembei 


41 , 


.. 3 . 


.. 9 ... I ... 9 


Gorobei 


28 , 


... 23 


... 9 ... 7 ... I 


Kichibei 


• 45 




... I ... 4 ... 3 


'Denzayemon 


38 


... 13 


... 9 ... 4 ••• 9 


SojurO 


39 




6 ... 6 


< Matabei 


36 


... 25 . 


.. 3 .- 3 ... 8 


Magobei 


• 53 


... 19 . 


4 ... I ... 8 


^Shirobei 


• 25 




takanashi (landless) 


/Hachirobei 


40 , 


9 


... 4 ... 2 ... 


Hanshir6 


• 40 




.. 4 ... 2 ... 


Kayemon 


38 




... 4 ... 2 ... 


Gohei 


61 . 




.. taka-nashi ... 


ShOkuro 


35 • 




11 


\Monjur6 


• 40 


^ ^ • • • •^ • • • • • • 


27. Apparently the daili 


',u'an and 


perhaps hij 


3 secretary. 



SIMMONS & WIQMORB : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 209 



i 



i 



< 



Name 

/Kichirobei 
Chojiro ... 
Chuyemon 
Zenzayemon 
Gorobei ... 
Shichiyemon 

/Ichiyemon 
Masabei ... 
Seibei 
Seiyemon 
Suteyemon 

VJinzo 

/'Seijur6 ... 
Shinyemon 
ZenjirO ... 
Sanzayemon 
Zentar6 ... 

VZenzaburo 

/Choyemon 
ZenjurO ... 
Sutesaburo 
Niyemon 
ChObei ... 

VToyemon 

/ChOzaburo 
Mohei 
Sukejuro 

•^ by Uyemon 
relative) 
ChOshiro 
Zembei ... 

,'K6juro ... 
Shichirobei 

•! Kanshichiro 
Kihei 
Hachibei 



i 



(a 



Age 

36 
66 

16 

41 

50 

50 

58 
29 

39 
29 

46 
67 

51 

•63 

27 

31 
26 

34 

53 

41 
28 

76 

•59 
55 
51 
55 
47 

58 

45 
32 

59 
50 
42 
42 

50 



Assessed 

KOKU 



TO sh5 



8 

II 

2 

4 
3 



7 
4 



3 

5 

5 

3 

4 
2 

9 

7 
8 

6 

4 
2 

4 

5 
6 

5 
4 
3 
5 
9 
3 
3 



2 

4 

4 

4 
6 

8 
o 

7 

9 
I 

8 



6 
o 
o 
2 
6 

4 

4 

3 
6 



taka-nashi 

3 ••• 6 
taka-nashi 



[signing for SukejirO.] 



3 

I 

3 

3 
taka 

7 
3 



• 4 

-.. 4 

nashi 

" 4 
•. 4 



g6 

7 



6 
2 
8 
2 
o 



8 
2 



7 
5 
9 



2X2 SIMMONS & WIQMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

10. Gambling of all kinds, lotteries, and cock-fighting 
are forbidden. 

11. Quarrels and fights are bad and should be avoided. 
But if a fight occurs and some one is injured, the 
local officers should detain the parties and report 
to the daikwan. 

12. If a traveller, even a beggar, is taken sick so that 
he cannot proceed, the local officers must call a 
doctor to give the necessary care, and report to 
the daikwan. [My teacher thinks that this regula- 
tion existed for the benefit of spies of the Govern- 
ment. A case occurred in Kanagawa, where a 
certain man, a~Government spy in disguise as a 
beggar, was taken seriously ill ; thinking that would 
die, he sent his secret commission to the daikwan, 
who took the greatest care of him] . 

13. Farmers should look to it that they are industrious 
and should not spend time in amusements or in 
dissipation. If they do, they are to be reported to 
the daikwan, 

14. Meetings of thoughtless, irresponsible persons, for 
purposes of opposing the law or of appealing to the 
Go-rojil, should not take place. If the farmers have 
real grievances, redress must be sought by petition 
made under seal of those aggrieved, and presented 
through the local officers. 

15. On the occasion of Shinto or Buddhist inatsnri or 
of a wedding, it is advised that much money be not 
spent [Cases of excess of this sort sometimes occur 
in Tokyo, where under excitement large sums of 
money are spent by poor people] . Only matsnri 
of old standing should be celebrated, not new ones 
[For instance, in the case of an hayari-kami-san or 
popular god, if a remarkable cure occurred, branch 
shrines of this god would be established in various 
places. This was the subject of the above prohibi- 
tion] . 

i6. Farmers are not to wear two swords. 



//. OTHER LAWS FOR MURA. 



I. Proclamation issued by a new daikwan to the people*^ 

1. All laws of the Government, and all the good meas- 
ures of the previous daikwan I promise to observe, 
as also the various old customs relating to the privi- 
leges of the seaboard. 

2. I will carefully search for all Christians, in the man- 
ner already customary. 

3. All persons are forbidden to cut trees in the forests 
without permission. 

4. Farm lands long occupied cannot be sold. If a 
mortgage is given, it must be registered and must 
be sealed by nanushi and knmi-gashira, 

5. No new comers wishing to rent land or become 
servants who have not the certificate of the priest 
of their sect, declaring that they are not Christians, 
can be allowed to settle. Theatrical performers and 
showmen and persons having no nimhetsu-cho are 
forbidden to remain in the village. 

6. In regard to the villages where the Shogun goes 
hawking — ,birds . are not to be frightened, and 
strange dogs are to be tied up. 

7. All are warned to be prompt in the payment of the 
tax. Whoever fails will be imprisoned [Usually it 
was the shiftless only who could not pay] . 

8. If there is a fire in a neighboring tntira, all must 
turn out and assist. Those who do not are to be 
reprimanded. 

9. When an alarm of robbers is given, all must imme- 
diately go to render assistance. Whoever does not 
will be reprimanded. 

29. This translation was found in the author's papers without any 
trace of the source of the original or of the places where it applied. 
The clauses in brackets are the author^s. . . 



2Z4 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

In witness whereof we each affix our seals" 

2. Rules for mnra [mura-gcsatsii) issued in 172 1 by the 

Shogun Yoshimune.^^ 

1. In every viura the people, including both large and 
small farmers, should organize into gonin-gumi, 
in a permanent and thorough manner, and for the 
sincere observance of the laws. In case any dispute 
arises, it must be first taken into consideration by 
the gonin-gumi, 

2. All meetings of the people for conspiracy or sedition 
and all drinking together of the cup of water is 
forbidden. [It is a custom when going to war, to 
a duel, or on any dangerous errand, to drink a cup 
of pure water and repeat a prayer to the god or gods 
of the 7nura for success in the undertaking.] 

3. Farmers who have ten tan or less of land are for- 
bidden to divide it among their children. Any land 
over this amount may be divided. 

4. Wills of land are void without the seal of the na- 
nusht. 

5. No one is to alter the size of his house without 
permission from the daikwan ; but merchants are 
excepted from this rule. 

6. No one is to cultivate new lands without permission. 

7. Holding new matsuri and getting up great excite- 
ment at a matsuri is forbidden. 

8. Land must not be sold. 

9. The secret sale of land in the name of another is 
forbidden. 

10. Heretofore there has been no limit to the length of 
time for which land could be mortgaged. Ten 
years is now fixed upon as the limit. 

11. If a nanushi wishes to mortgage his land, the seal 

of the kumi-gashira and the toshiy ori is necessary. 

30. This translation and the next were found among the author*s 
papers. Neither the original nor any reference to its source appeared. 
The clauses in brackets are by the author. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : L\ND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 215 

12. Secret sale by way of mortgage is forbidden. 

13. On the death of a mortgagor, only a son or grand- 
son can redeem it. If such a one has been adopted 
by another family, he too is excluded. 

14. All must examine carefully the tax list of the mura 
posted at the nanushi's residence. 

15. When one comes into possession of land by descent 
he must immediately report it to the naniishi. 

16. If when a new survey of land is made, a portion is 
left over, it must not be divided by the mura but 
must be reported. 

17. Speaking disgraceful things of another man, or. 
publicly posting him as a bad man, even if he is 
so, is forbidden. 

18. When a forest is resorted to by the farmers for leaf- 
manure, its enjoyment must be arranged in common ; 
no one is to take more than his share. 

19. A kosaku who has held his land for twenty years 
cannot be dispossessed. 

3. Rules for sea-coast-villages (tira-gosatsii) issued in 
171 1 hy the Shogun lyeuobu,^^ 

1. Care should be taken during storms to look out for 
distressed or wrecked ships, and assistance must 
be given by the villagers. 

2. In case of wreck, the salvage for flotsam shall be 
one-twentieth, for jetsam, one-tenth. [In rivers, the 
shares were respectively one thirtieth and one twen- 
tieth.] 

3. When a junk arrives which has jettisoned its cargo, 
the daikwan and local officers are to visit it im- 
mediately and investigate the condition of things. 
If a fraud is discovered, the captain, the crew, and 

31. As has been said, no authority for this law is mentioned by the 
author. But it is almost identical in its tenor with a law dated 171 1 
and appearing in the Kujikata Osadamegaki^ II, art. 17 (MittheiL d, 
D. Gesclls. Ost.t Heft 41, p. 48) ; and may be taken to have been drawn 
from that source. 



2l6 SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

the buyer are to be beheaded. [During storms the 
people of the sea-coast villages were apt to refuse 
assistance and even to wreck vessels intentionally. 
This was especially the case with vessels carrying 
tax-rice. The nanushi and daikwan not infrequently 
connived at this in sending out the rice from the 
villages, and were thus able to falsify successfully 
the amount sent to the Government. All guild 
chiefs engaged in such a matter were beheaded and 
the daikwan or bugyo in charge was banished.] 

4. If a vessel seems to remain in a harbor unnecessarily 
long after discharging cargo, it should be visited by 
the nanushi and the daikwan and the cause inquired 
into. If the weather is good, and the vessel remains 
without good reason, the local ofBcers must notify 
it to leave. 

5. Tax-rice vessels or private freight vessels, if badly 
equipped, insufficiently manned, or otherwise unsea- 
worthy, should be prevented from going to sea. 

6. Where wreckage is saved and no one claims it 
within six months, it shall go to the village ; no 
claim thereafter made shall avail. 

7. Gambling in port is forbidden. Any one who dis- 
closes fraud which has been committed on ship- 
board will be pardoned, if an accomplice, and 
rewarded. 



///. HOUSE-COMMUNITIES IN HID A. 



The attention of scholars deserves to be called to the 
apparent existence in some parts of Japan of what have 
received the'name of House-Communities or Joint Undivi- 
ded Families. Whatever may be the true explanation 
of the origin of the instances known to exist in Russia, 
India, and elsewhere, it is certainly a matter of the highest 
interest that we should be able to examine additional 
instances of an institution so seldom found at the present 
day and so valuable for the student. Perhaps it is not 
too much to say, in advance of thorough investigation, 
that the conservative and slowly changing character of 
Japanese social institutions makes it likely that the 
instances occurring in this country will be better preserved 
than elsewhere. This is the more probable as the (hitherto) 
best-known example lies in the most conservative corner 
of this conservative country, in the old province of Hida, <- 
a district surrounded by some of the highest mountain 
ranges of Japan, almost inaccessible during some parts 
of the year, and little known even to Japanese travellers. 
Students of history appear for some time to have known 
vaguely of a curious mode of living practiced in these 
mountains, but only recently has an account appeared of 
observations made on the spot. It is written, however, 
from the point of view of the antiquarian, and is entirely 
inadequate upon the facts pertaining to the social order 
of the family and the community. The account is publi- 
shed in volume III of the Bulletin of the Tokyo Anthro- 
pological Society {Tokyo yinmi Gak-kwi Zasshi) for 
July, 1888 (no. 29, p. 305), and is written by Mr. M. 
Fujimori. 

The relevant portions are as follows ; ** In the province 
of Hida is a place called Takayama. In all the mura 
of Hida situated north-east of Takayama, there are the 



2l8 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

same customs as in the rest of Japan, but in the i):ura 
west of Takayama there are many curious differences. 
In the western part of Ono gtin lies a village called 
Shirakawa fnura, bounded on one side by mountains of 
the provinces Kaga and Echizen, lying on both sides of 
the river Shono-gawa, and extending from Ogami mura 
to the river Koshira-kawa. The mura is divided into 
twenty-three kumi ; in old times the mura was called 
Shirakawa go^ and each ] of the twenty-three kumi was 
called a mura. Of these twenty-three, the seven kumi 
Hokiwaki, Hirase, Kitani, Nagase, Miboro, and Fukushima 
are united, and are called Naka-giri. 

** The customs, architecture, and mode of living of all the 
inhabitants of the mura are the same. There are however, 
two types of people to be seen, one having a slender face, 
high -bridged nose, and little hair, the other with broad 
forehead, flat nose, thick black hair, and strong bony 
frames. 

** One of their most curious customs is that they live 
together in the same house. They do not care to separate 
from the family {kanai) and go to housekeeping for 
themselves as younger sons or daughters usually do. 
There are therefore, in each family many adults. The 
family of Mr. Yoheiji, in Kitani kumiy consists of thirty 
persons ; that of Mr. Otsuka, of thirty-seven ; and so on. 
Still, among so many persons, there are usually only two 
or three married couples. For, except in the case of the 
heir apparent (sozoku-jiin)^ no lawful marriages are made 
by the sons or the daughters ; they have illicit relations 
with those of other families. One result is that the number 
of members of the family increases in proportion to the 
number of daughters it contains, for a child of such an 
illicit relation is brought up by the mother in her family. 
The head of the family supplies only the child's food ; 
the mother must supply everything else ; though if she 
cannot provide, the father assists. Formerly when a 
birth occurred, and notice was sent, as required by law, 
to the Kocho (head official of a mura under the Meijf 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 2Zg 

Government), the child was represented to be that of the 
married son or daughter in whom the succession was 
vested (sozoku-nin). But recently the Kocho, beginning 
to think that the children of these couples were very 
numerous, discovered the truth. He then advised them 
to put an end to such customs and to contract lawful 
marriages, and to give up the practice of living together 
as one family and either establish 'separate homes or emi- 
grate to other provinces. But these are their ancient 
customs, and, in spite of the advice of the Kocho, they 
have not changed them. 

** Farming is their principal occupation. They cannot 
produce rice, however, in this region, so they cultivate a 
coarse grain called hiye. Besides this they cultivate pease, 
beans, barley, wheat, and mulberry. Raising silk-worms 
is an important occupation with them. They do not make 
silk, however, but sell the cocoon to merchants in other 
provinces ; recently, however, silk-manufacture has been 
started. The head of the family does not take part in 
the work of the field, but stays at home and superintends 
household affairs ; an overseer (fjBTgo^ the fields and directs 
the work. If one wishes to know the amount of the yearly 
cocoon product or its price, one must ask the head of 
the family ; for the others are only laborers and do not 
know anything about the subject. 

** The head of the family once a year gives a suit of 
summer clothes, made of hemp and colored with indigo, 
to each member of the family. There are certain days, 
however, when the latter work for themselves, keeping 
whatever they can earn. These are, in spring-time, one 
day in every seven, and in summer-time, one in every five. 
So that a thrifty person can earn enough to provide for 
himself a great many things besides the clothes given by 
the head of the family. On the other hand, a thriftless 
person will earn very little more, and the result is that, 
among the members of the same family, some may be rich 
and others poor. 

** Their houses are sometimes of three or four stories. 



220 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

There is of course a difference to be seen between the 
houses of the rich and those of the poor, but the general 
construction is the same. 

** On account of the scarcity of rice, the head alone of all 
the family uses it. When, therefore, a father bequeaths 
his property to his son or daughter, and retires from the 
headship (inkyo suru)^ he is obliged to give up rice and eat 
hiyCj while the son puts aside hiye, and now eats rice. 

** We are accustomed to add san or sama to a name as 
a token of respect, and we omit it only with inferiors. 
But these people say *Taro' or * Jiro,' not *Taro san' 
or *Jir6 san,' to all persons alike, high or low, gentry 
or common people, superior or inferior. Again, we usually 
.say *diinna' of the master of a house, and ^ okamisan' 
or ^ okii'Sama' ' or ^ go-shinzo-sama' of the mistress of 
a house. But these people say * dsa ' for the former, 
and *o6a* for the latter. Again, we say *7nusuine* and 
*musiiko' for 'daughter' and *son;' they say *trier6' 
and *6o.' Our word for * mother* is *haha;' theirs 
is * utna-nma,' They have many other peculiar expres- 
sions.' 



IV. COPY OF A. COMPLAINT MADE BY THE 

FARMERS OF THE PROVINCE OF OWARI 

TO THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT 

AGAINST THE PROVINCIAL 

GOVERNOR {KUNITSU- 

KASA) FUyiWARA 

MOTONORiy 



Thirty -one articles of complaint against the 
Kunitsukasa Fujiwara Motonori, 

Fujiwara Motonori has extorted in excess of what was due 
330,248 bundles of unhulled rice, and 120, 174^ bundles as 
interest. 

He does not observe the distinctions between different 
taxes, but has collected as large a proportion in other taxes 
as in the land tax. 

He has imposed a tax 3 to 6 sho of rice per tan in excess 
of the rightful amount. 

He has extorted rice without any just cause. 

He has imposed the payment of 13 bundles of rice per 
tan in excess of the rightful amount. 

Under the name of an exchange he has extorted from us 
quantities of silk, hemp, and Shinano cloth, of lacquer, of 
grease, and of cotton, but we have received no goods in 
return from him. 

He has extorted from the district officials (gun-tsukasa) 
and farmers clothing and rice which the kuni-tsukasa ought 
himself to have given freely to the^people. 

Under the name of a loan he has extorted from us 1212 
bundles of silk. 

He has failed to dispense to the poor the 150 hohti of 
unhulled rice which every kuni-tsukasa is accustomed to 
give. 

32. Quoted in the FudOsan ; only the heads of the articles of com- 
plaint, however, are there given. - " 



222 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

He has not supplied to post-stations or the postofficials 
the legal compensation equivalent to the product of 156 
cho of land. 

He has not supplied the 6790 bundles of unhulled rice 
which should be given to post-stations for miscellaneous 
expenses. 

He has not supplied the 13000 bundles of unhulled rice 
which has become due in the last three years for expenses 
connected with rivers and lakes. 

He has extorted a quantity of wheat which he pretended 
was due as the price of land. 

He has not waited until the regular time for collecting 
the silk cloth dues, but has sent officials every five or six 
days to collect them. 

He has placed cruel officers in every district, who have 
extorted things from the people, sometimes by force. 

He has compelled us to grind and give to him the rice 
which was left at the end of the year. 

On the pretence that it is for the use of the Government, 
he is preparing unjustly to collect from us 170 koku of 
rice. 

Whenever he crossed a river, he would call on us to ferry 
his retinue across. 

He does not pay the expenses of the huni-tsukasa office. 

He does not pay the salaries of the persons employed in 
the office. 

He has forced us to carry his rice and other merchandise 
to his house at cheap prices. 

He has forced people to carry merchandise to Kyoto and 
Asame, although it was not a customary service. He has 
not supplied the 18000 bundles of unhulled rice required for 
the cost of repairing of Kokubun temple. 

He has not supplied the 12000] bundles of unhulled rice 
due for the support of the priests and nuns. 

He is not familiar with the needs of the province, because 
he has had no experience in such matters. 

His vassals, brothers, and retainers have greedily extorted 
many things from us. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 22$ 

His son Yorikata especially has been guilty of numerous 
acts of extortion. 

His vassals, sons, brothers, and relatives have by a forged 
map cheated us of the harvest of a large portion of ter- 
ritory. 

He has brought many wicked fellows with him, on his 
return from KyOto. 

He has not notified us of three of the nine proclamations 
which the Government has issued since the third year of 
Kwanwa (987 A. D.) 



V. ON THE MILITARY SYSTEM OF THE 

EARLIEST TIMES,'^ 



By Kurita Kwan, 

It is generally believed that the military system of 
incorporating five men into a go and fifty men into a tai 
was borrowed from China ; but this system, as well as 
that of placing a military divis'on in each ktuiif really 
had its origin in our own country, at a remote period, 
certainly earlier than Taikwa (645-650 A. D.). The system 
of go was in use among both classes of people in the 
earliest times. ** When the Father of Heaven sent his 
grandson to earth to rule the people, he sent with him 
gods of five be or 6//, ordering them to attend the youth." 
From the words ** five be " in this passage, it seems that 
the socalled ** gods of five be " were the heads of their 
respective be or clans. These ** gods of five be " are the 
itsutomono-wo of the Kojiki, tomono-wo meaning 6w- 
choj chief of a clan. Each of these clans was accus- 
tomed to attend its chieftain to the National Festival and 
to the battlefield. This division into five be^ therefore, 
shows how in early times the system of go existed even 
among those holding civil, not military, positions [since 
the " gods of fiVQ be '* were ordinarily only civil offi- 
cials.] This is a sample of the arrangement as it was 
applied to civil officials : 

33. The object of this article is to show that the military system of 
the earliest time was based on a division into companies of five units ; 
that it was of Japanese invention, not borrowed from China: and 
(impliedly) that the gonin-gumi system was an outgrowth of this 
military arrangement, not a borrowed institution. 

The article appeared in the magazine Kok-ko, in the number for 
July, 1890. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 225 

Name of chieftain Name of he 

Nakatomi no Muraji Nakatomi 

Imibe no Obito Imibe 

Kagami-tsukuri no Muraji ... Kagamitsukuri 
Tama-tsukuri no Muraji ... Tamatsukuri 
Same no Kimi Sarume. 

So much as to the civil orders ; now as to the military 

class. We read in the Kojiki that **when Amano- 

oshiho-mimi no Mikoto gave soldiers to Nigihayahi no 
Mikoto, he sent *the men of five he' from heaven, and 
ordered them to accompany Nigihayahi as tari (atten- 
dants)," and that he also " sent Miyatsnko of five he, 
appointed them as Tomo-no-Miyatsuko, and ordered them 
to accompany Nigihayahi, leading * Amatsu-monohe,' " Now 
these Miyatsuko were the chieftains of the five he of which 
Amatsu-monohe was constituted, forming altogether hye 
divisions of troops in one. But each of these he was 
again subdivided into five he ; and in fact we read in the 
Kojiki that ** the men of twenty- five he,'* that is, of these 
smaller he, accompanied Nigihayahi. Each of the smaller 
he contained fifty men. The arrangement would thus be 
as follows : 



Name of Miyatsuko Name of small he. 

/Futata no monohe 



Futata... 



Tayema ,, 
Serita 



II 



Torini „ ,, 

^Yokota 



}} II 

II II 



II II 

a II 



\yiXll inr A ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• • 

A UOv/ ••• • • • ••• ••• ••• • 

OcLivclOC «•• ••• ••• ••• • 

Five monohe, therefore, under a single Miyatsuko, made 
two hundred and fifty men, and the whole force consisted 
of twelve hundred and fifty men. Besides the soldiers, 
there were blacksmiths or armorers {amatsu-tsumara)^ 



226 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & L6CAL INSTltUTtON^. 

makers of hats and rain-coats (kasamihe), and carpenters 
{ina-he). There were also sailors {fnna-ko), steersmen 
(kaji-tori), and captains (sen-cho) for the ships. These 
troops were all under the command, it seems, of Nigihayahi, 
who led them all to Kawachi, and thence to Yamato. We 
may safely conclude, then, that the system of go was 
already in use in the age of the divinities. 

Let us now turn to the evidence relating to the posting 
of soldiers in each kntti. That soldiers were thus posted 
is indeed true ; but they were not soldiers by trade ; they 
cultivated the land in the ordinary time of peace, and only 
in case of war did they lay aside the plough and the 
spade and accompany their chiefs to battle. For example, 
Nakatomi be accompanied Nakatomi no muraji^ Imi-he, 
Imibe no Obi to. We find too, in the Wamyo-shOf that 
the names of places in various kuni correspond with the 
above clan name. For example, we find Nakatomi go, 
in Harima, Iho gorl ; another Nakatomi go in Buzen, 
Nakatsu gorl; Imibe go, Awa, Oye gorl; another Imibe 
go in Kii, Nagusa gorl; another in Izumo, Ire gori ; 
Kagami-tsukuri go in Yamato, Shishimo gori; Kami go 
(a corruption of Kagami) ; in Tosa ; Kakumi go in Settsu 
and in Mino; Tama-tsukuri ^d in Shimosa and in Mutsu. 
These places seem to have been inhabited by the descen- 
dants of the people of the original five chiefs (itsn-tomo-no- 
wo) above mentioned. We find additional instances in 
the Watnyo-sho : a Mono-no-be go in Owari, Suruga, 
ShimOsa, Mino, Shimotsuke, Tamba, Tango, Echigo, Bizen, 
and Iki, where descendants of the people of Mono no-be 
Muraji seem to have settled; a Tomp-be go in Hitachi, 
Sagami, Awa, and Hizen ; a Tama go in Etchu and 
Higo ; a Sayeki gori in Aki ; a Sayeki go in Echigo, 
Tamba and Mino. This military system, then, by which 
in each kitni there were men who when called upon left 
their fields and went to war, was of very early date, and 
when Kotoku Tenn6 (645-655 A. D.) introduced the more 
systematic military system called gnn-dau, very few object- 
ors were found. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 227 

The order of things, at this time, then was neither 
exclusively military nor exclusively. As the farmers were 
by turns soldiers, the whole nation was military. Civil 
government involved military matters, so that a governor 
might be a general and a general might be a governor. 



VI. RULES RELATING TO THE STATION IN 

LIFE (BUNG EN J OF THE FARMERS 

OF MAIZURU HAN. 



I. OF THE BUNGEN OF A FARMER OF lOO KOKU 

ASSESSMENT OR OVER. 



A farmer of 76 koku or over is treated as 
belonging in this grade. 

1. Such a farmer may build a house whose length, with 
the privy, is 10 ken [i ^^m =5.98 feet] . But there 
must be no parlor {zashiki), and the roof must not be 
tiled. If the householder wishes to tile the roof, to 
protect it against fires, he must first get permission. 

2. On the occasion of the marriage of a son or daughter, 
the gifts of the householder must be limited to the 
following : 

Two nagamochi (a chest used for bed clothes) 

One tansu (a chest of drawers) 

One tsuzura (a vine used in basket-making) 

One hasami'hako (a case for scissors) 

A yuino obi (a present, usually the sash called obi, 

exchanged at the time of the wedding) 
One sensti (a fan) 
One taru (a vessel containing wine) 

Surume (a kind of fish) 

Kobu (a kind of sea weed) 

Tai (a kind offish, used in occasions of ceremony). 

3. The viands on the wedding-day must be as follows : 
i) Zoni-zuimono (a kind of soup) ; 

2) The things placed on the honzen (a small table) : 
a) in the hira (one of the dishes), namasii (a kind 
of fish), b) in the choku (the other dish), some- 
thing roasted or broiled ; 

3) Hikimono (viands taken home by each guest) : 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 229 

a) suimono (soup), two kinds, h) torimono (a 
liquid), two kinds, c) hikigashi (a kind of cake). 

These three kinds altogether ntust not make 
more than a small amount. 

4. The family must never wear silk clothes. If a son 
or daughter is to marry a person whose station 
allows the use of silk, the householder must request 
him not to use it on the occasion of the wedding. 

5. No guests should be invited other than relations of 
the family, ko-biin (people who are under obligations 
to the householder for kindness received and stand 
in the place of children), and a few of the most 
intimate friends. But this rule refers only to the 
day of the wedding. 

6. At a wedding or a New Year's call, the use oijH 
(lacquer boxes, containing confectionery, given as 
presents) is forbidden. 

7. When a member of the family makes a visit to.a rela- 
tion or elsewhere, he should not carry valuable pre- 
sents. When he is visiting a sick person, he may 
take anything which happens to be at hand. 

8. When there is death (Jnko), and people come to the 
house on visits of condolence, no wine should be 
offered. 

9. At a funeral (hutsuji) wine should not be offered to 
the persons who follow to the grave. 

10. On such occasions the viands should be of five 
kinds only ; but there should be no wine. If wine is 
offered, it should be given in soup cups, not in wine 
cups, nor should tori-zakana (a dish served only 
with wine) be prepared. 

11. On the occasion of the birth of a first child {Ui- 
zan) the presents from the grandparents should be 
as follows only : 

A cotton garment : 

One set (four boxes) oi ju ; 

One tarn ; 

Viands. 



230 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

From the other relations only small money-presents, 
if any, should be sent. 

I?. When the child is taken to the mura temple (the 
occasion called mlya-mairi) ju may be offered to the 
grandparents, but not to others. 

13. At the time of hatsu-bina (the first third-of-March 
festival after the birth of a girl ; presents are ex- 
changed and a feast given) and hatsu-nohori (the 
first fifth-of-May after the birth of a boy ; nobori, flag, 
is the typical present, as hinay doll, is at the girls' 
festival) grandparents and other relations should not 
present hina and nobori ; the whole family should 
present a single kami -nobori (paper flag) and two 
yari (spears), and relatives may also make small 
money-presents. 



II. OF THE BUNGEN OF A FARMER OF 50 KOKU 

ASSESSMENT OR OVER. 



Those above 40 koku are treated as belonging 

to this grade. 

1. The house, with the privy, may be seven and a half 
ken in length. Tiles should not be used, unless 
special permission is given. 

2. The presents at a wedding may be : 

One nagamochi ; 
One tansu ; 
One isuzura ; 
One hasami-bako ; 

A yuind worth not over 200 hiki (50 sen) 
in all. 

3. Silk clothes are forbidden. Even in private only 
tsnmugi (a poor silk) is to be used. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB .' LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 2^1 

4. At a wedding the honzen and hikimono together 
should not exceed fiVQ kinds, the soup, one kind, the 
food with wine, one kind. 

5. The rules for the number of guests at a wedding, for 
the presents at the birth of a child, for tniya-mairi, 
hatsU'bina and hatsu-noborij fuko, and hiitsiiji, are 
the same as in the previous grade. Presents on the 
occasion of a wedding, a new year's call, a call on a 
sick person, and other calls should consist only of 
what happens to be at hand. 



III. OF THE BUNGEN OF A FARMER OF 20 KOKU 

ASSESSMENT OR OVER 



Those having over 16 kokti are to he treated as 
belonging to this grade, 

1. The house, with the privy, is not to be longer than 
six ken. The woods called hinoki and keyaki and 
other ornamental materials are not to be used. The 
roof should be covered with straw or bamboo thatch. 

2. Mats {tatami) are not to be used. Those who 
already have them must inform the officials^ and 
must put away their mats, using them only on 
occasions of ceremony. 

3. If a storehouse (kiira) is to be covered with tiles, as 
a protection against fire, . permission must first be 
obtained. 

4. On the occasion of a wedding, the presents must be 
no more than the following : 

One nagamochi ; 

One tsHznra ; 

Aytiino of not more than 100 hiki; 

One taru ; 

One sensu ; 

Sakana, 



232 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

5. At the time of a wedding or great entertainment, 
clothes of cotton and silk mixed may be worn ; at 
other times, in public, cotton clothes only. At such 
entertainments the viands should be only one kind 
of soup, three other dishes, wine, and a dish accom- 
panying it. Roast viands and fish are forbidden, as 
ozara (a large, toothsome dish) 

6. The rule about guests is the same as in the previous 
grade. 

7. As to haki-mono (foot-wear), women should use 
clogs or sandals having cotton thongs only, and 
should not use setta (a sandal having iron heels and 
bound with leather) or nara-zori (a sandal made at 
Nara), and men should use sandals made of take- 
iiokawa (bamboo). 

8. Men should never wear tahi (socks) ; but men over 
sixty years old rqay wear them privately at home 
and women on occasions of ceremony (tairei), 

9. Hair-ornaments should not be of silk (lakenaga), 
KtisJii {combs) f kogaiy and kanzashi (kinds of hair- 
pins) should not be made of tortoise-shell. Kushi 
of wood or o{ chosen-zoge (a poor kind of ivory from 
Corea) should be used. 

10. Higasa (sun-shades) should not be used. 

11. As to other things, the rules are the same as in the 
previous grade. 



IV. OF THE BUNGEN OF FARMER OF 10 KOKU 
ASSESSMENT OR OVER. 



Those under 10 koku are also included. 

I. The house may be five and a half ken in length, 
including the privy, and the roof should be of straw 
or bamboo thatch. 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 233 

2. If a kura is built to protect articles from fire, the 
roof should not be tiled. 

3. The presents at the time of a wedding may be : 

One nagamochi. 
Y titan (a cover for a chest of drawers) are not to be 
given. As to viands, one kind of soup and two 
kinds of sat (a dish eaten with rice) may be set 
out; but roast things and large wine cups are for- 
bidden. Wine and one accompanying dish are 
allowable. 

4. Silk or mixed cotton and silk clothes are forbidden. 
Combs and hair-pins of tortoise-shell are forbidden ; 
combs of wood or Corean ivory must be used. 

5. Hair-ornaments {kami-kazari) should consist of nori- 
hiki and motoi, and nothing more. 

6. Foot-wear should be narazori, not setta. Women 
are to wear bamboo-thonged sandals ordinarily, but 
at occasions of ceremony sandals with cotton 
thongs ; men should wear only bamboo-thonged 
sandals on all occasions. 

7. At the time of hatsnzan the clothes given to the child 
should not be mixed cotton-and-silk ; for other ar- 
ticles of clothing, the rules of the previous grade 
apply. 

8. At the time of hatsu-nobori the grand parents may 
present sl yari (spear), and at the time of hatsti-bina, 
a kami-bina (paper-doll) or tsuchi-ningyo (earthen - 
doll). 

9. At the time of a funeral {biitsiiji) one kind of soup 
and two of sai may be used, but the latter must be 
vegetables {yasai). For other dishes the rules are 
the same as for the previous grade. 



134 SIMMONS & WIGMORB: LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

V. OF THE BUNGEN OF MIZUNOMI, 



1. The house may be of the same size as in the pre- 
vious grade. 

2. The presents at a wedding may be. 

One tsuzura, 
Nagamochi are forbidden. 

3. At entertainments, one hira and one soup may be 
offered, but not in cups. 

4. The collar and the sleeve-ends of the clothes may 
be ornamented with silk, and an obi of silk or silk 
crepe may be worn, but not in public. 

5. The rule for hair-ornaments is the same as in the 
previous grade. 

6. The same is true of foot-wear. 

7. At the time of Ui-zan the grandparents may send 
two jil and money for rice and fish ; other relations 
and friends should send only money for fish. 

8. At the time of hatsu-nohori and hatsu-bitia the rules 
of the previous grade apply. 

9. In all other matters the rules of the previous grade 
apply. 



VI. GENERAL MATTERS. 



1. Mura-yakunin and the d-hyakusho (large farmers) as 
well as chiefs of kumi. (gashira-byakushd) may use 
karakasa (umbrellas) but ko-byaknsho (small farmers) 
and mizunomi must use only wino (straw or hemp 
rain-coats) and kasa (broad straw hats) ; still, when 
there is great need, they may use karakasa, 

2. A family ranking less than 20 koku must use the 
Takcda-wan (a cup made in Takeda mnra) and the 
Nikko-zcn (a small eating-table, made at Nikko ; 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE I LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 235 

both of»these articles were of the cheapest sort). If 
they have more costly articles already, the)' must 
get permission before using them. No articles of 
luxury of any kind are to be used, even if now on 
hand. 

3. There are some families which are assessed at only 
40 or 50 koku and yet enjoy net incomes of loo 
koku or more and wish to live accordingly. In 
such cases after consultation and decision by the 
kiimi or the villagers the family may be ranked in 
the 100 koku grade. 

4. There are some families which are not assessed at 
• all as farmers, but have from other sources incomes 

of perhaps 50 koku. In such cases the kunii and 
the villagers should treat the family as of 50 koku 
rank; yet not quite the same, for such a family 
belongs in the merchant class, which is a less 
honorable one. Still if the family is of old standing 
and has a good name, it should be treated exactly 
the same as a family of 50 koku rank. 

5. Servants {hokdnin)^ whether men or women, should 
in their bungen rank as mizunomi. If they violate 
the rules, their masters are responsible. 

6. Mura-yakunin should be treated by every one with 
greater consideration than others of equal income. 

7. A family of more than 50 koku assessment may give 
120 sen as a present {sakana-dai) literally, money 
for fish ; a family of over 20 kokuy 75 sen ; and a 
ko-hyahusho or mizunomiy 50 sen. 



VII. KOKOROYE (RULES TO BE KEPT IN MIND). 



I. In some villages there are continual disputes about 
iyegara (family rank) and about whether a family 
is kyilka (an old family, standing in high rank 



236 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS 

among the farmers) or shinke (a new family, in low 
estimation, even though well off). Now kyilka 
should be treated by all persons as such, even 
though at the time the family is poor; and shinke 
should be regarded as such, even though at the 
present time it happens to be rich. All families 
should respect the kyiika. But if a kyiika continues 
poor for three generations and is so reduced as to 
have to ask assistance from others, then it should 
be regarded as shinke. So if a shinke continues 
rich for three generations, it should be regarded as 
kyuka. 

2. There are sometimes persons who treat with con- 
tempt a family that has immigrated from another 
village. This is very wrong, and henceforward 
immigrants shall not be so treated. 

3. There are sometimes families who on account of 
there being many children, or of sickness, or of 
having to assist relations in need, have themselves 
become poor and unable to support themselves. 
These is the result of what may be called natural 
causes, and is unavoidable. In such cases a mnjin 
(a combination or club for the purpose of contribut- 
ing to the support of poor persons) should be formed. 
But there are also families who build dwellings so 
large and costly that they can scarcely meet the 
expense, or indulge in delicacies of the table that 
are beyond their means and at last have to sell the 
property they have inherited from their ancestors. 
Where there is such a family, the fellow-villagers 
should in a friendly way look after them and keep 
them from extravagance ; all the villagers should 
also be diligent themselves to keep within their 
station and their means. 

4. According to the rules here set forth, the bungen 
of cho-byakusho (large farmers), ko-byakusho and 
ynizunomi are distinctly separated in rank. These 
rules, however, are not made to force families of 



/■ 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 237 

one rank to be equally intimate with all others of 
the same rank, or to prevent a family from occupy- 
ing a high rank merely because it is poor ; but be- 
cause unless some such rules are laid down, families 
are very likely to be unable to live upon their means 
in the station they would like to occupy, and thus 
would come to grief. So that these hungen have 
been established and rules carefully laid down. Still, 
the kami-{u^ipQv)-byakHsh6 must not be arrogant 
with the shimo-{\oy^GT)-byakusJi6f and the shimo- 
hyakusho and miziinomi must not hate or dislike 
the former. Shimo should respect kami, and kami 
-should treat shimo kindly. This is the natural law, 
established by Heaven, and it should be obeyed, 
not struggled against. The community will then 
be orderly and peaceful. 

Another reason for the making of these rules is 
the habits of luxury and extravagance which have 
grown up of late years among the people of this 
han. The result has been that many families have 
ruined themselves, and have been obliged to sell 
their patrimony, so that the community is disordered, 
and quarrels between this man and that man and 
this village and that are constantly occurring, and 
it is difficult to maintain order. The lord of the 
han has come to the conclusion that if rules of this 
sort about hungeji are established, these bad ways 
will cease and order will be restored ; and so 
the mura-yakiniiiij by order of the lord of the han^ 
have held a meeting to discuss the subject of bun- 
gen and have made these rules. But, as they are 
very complicated and minute, it is to be supposed 
that people may sometimes find it necessary to 
violate them, and in such a case one may, if one is 
within one's own home, act according to his dis- 
cretion. 

These rules are to be observed by all the people 
for ten years, that is, from this year of the Dragon 



238 SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

to the year of the Ox. If any one violates them 
without due excuse he is to be punished, and his 
kitnti will also be held responsible. So that every 
member of a kitwi must carefully watch the conduct 
of his fellow-members. 

Each one will strive to increase his income and 
rise to a higher biini^en ; but he must of course 
commit no wrong in order to succeed and must 
faithfully pursue his vocation. 

These rules are established in order that people 
may be frugal and economical. 



VII. ''EARLY JAPANESE CIVILIZATION r 



(The following extracts are from Dr, Florenz's 
essay, already referred to,)^^ 

The nation which resulted from these earlier and later 

immigrations was far from being a political unit : it was 
rather a number of units, holding together only loosely. 
These units were the so-called nji or clans, that is, the 
patriarchal families including a number of persons related 
by blood. We must distinguish between the greater and 
the lesser nji. The former are the chief families, the latter 
the branches of these. The branches were subordinate to 
the respective chief families. In case one of the latter died 
out, the fittest of the branch nji was chosen to succeed. 
The word nji is identified by Japanese scholars with uchi 
(inside) and signifies a family inclusive of ancestors. 

These nji had each at the head an hereditary chief or 
patriarch, and were called sometimes after the place of 
residence, sometimes after the calling they followed. They 
had also, in their corporate capacity, their own landed poss- 
essions and their own serf population, called tami, then 
shiiiabey then tamihey then hukyoku. It is further self-evi- 
dent, as the constitution of the early family requires, that 
orders emanating from the head of a chief family were 
always addressed to the other heads as representing their 
iijiy and never to the individual members, who as such had 
generally no importance. The predecessors of the present 
Japanese Emperor played at that time a special role, which 
however was quite different from the later development of 
imperialism. If we retain the term ** Emperor" in the Japan- 
ese chronicles in speaking of this earliest ruler, we must 
nevertheless, if we would avoid a very natural error, not 

34. ^' Altjapanische Cultiirzntdnde,'^ by Dr. C.A. Florenz, of TOkyO, 
in MittheiU d. D. Gesellss, Ostas.^ Heft 44. 



240 SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

fail to remember that the Emperor was nothing but the 
chief or patriarch of one of many ttji. His uji was, to be sure 
(reckoning all its branches), larger and more powerful than 
the others, and it grew constantly in size and strength and 
acquired a more and more influential position in the group 
of clans which had originally possessed equal privileges. 
The Emperor's rights over teil^itory and subjects had never 
extended beyond his own uji and its branches, and in this 
respect he stood on the same plane with every other chief. 
Over the remaining itji of the group he possessed only three 
privileges, which, though they formed the source of a 
genuinely imperial sovereignty, show how little they were 
in the beginning to be identified with real imperial authority. 
In the progress of time the growth of the family-power of 
the Emperor (that is, his rights over the blood- relations 
subordinate to him) was accompanied by greater definite- 
ness in these privileges, and the final result, especiall}' 
after the grafting of the Chinese conception of imperialism, 
was the centralisation of the administration in the hands 
of the leading family of the chief Uji, It is worth remark- 
ing, however, that Japanese scholars always deny that the 
Emperor belonged to an uji. ** Since the creation of the 
world, the Tenno has had no kahane (see infra), no uji. 
His lineage has been a direct one in all generations, for 
he has stood in the highest place and has never lost his 
authority " (Konakamura Yoshikata, Nikon Seido-tsil, vol. 

II). 

The three above-mentioned prerogatives of the Emperor 
were; i. The representation of the ditTerent uji before the 
ancestral deity (at first of the chief family only, finally of 
the whole people) Amaterasu, and thus the possession of 
the functions of a high-priest ; 2. The representation of 
the difterent uji in foreign relations, for example, with Corea 
and China, whose envoys were sent to him ; with this 
prerogative was involved the supreme command in war ; 3. 
The right to regulate the aftairs of the uji, — including the 
settlement of disputes between individual uji, the nomina- 
tion of a new patriarch when the direct line in any tiji came 



SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 24I 

to an end, the creation of new nji and the degradation or 
even extinction of an existing nji which had been guilty of 
conduct seriously affecting the common welfare. 

Seishi-rokii, also called Shoji-roku, is a 

catalogue of Japanese family names, compiled by Prince 
Mata in the fifth year of Konin (814 A.D.), under the Em- 
peror Saga, for the purpose of making clear once more the 
proper rank of the various families, for the social changes 
that had occurred had resulted in a pernicious confusion of 
caste-relations. This work divides families into two 
classes, those living in Kyoto, and those living in the pro- 
vinces. Both are divided into kobetsiij shimhetsUy and 
bambetsHy and in these divisions we find another classifica- 
tion into sei. These sei (or kaba^iCy in the early Japanese 
equivalent) have absolutely nothing to do with the Chinese 
sei (except that the characters are the same), as Japanese 
scholars have thought ; they are the ** colors " or relative 
rank of the different ** castes," and correspond exactly to 
the Indian word varna, ** color" that is, *' caste." The 
kabane of the patriarchal time were the oniiy muraji^ kuni- 
no-miyatsukoj toino-no-miyatsuko, wake, kimif atae, agata- 
nushiy inagi, and sukuri. Every nji belonged by descent 
to one of these kabane. The kabane^ and with it the 
occupation and calling, could not be changed. Kabane 
and ** calling" are identical. After the period Taikwa, 
however, a distinction began between kabane and ** call- 
ing." A given occupation was no longer hereditary and 
unalterable in each ujij the necessary result of which was 
a confusion in the former classification. The Emperor 
Temmu was therefore obliged (684 A.D.) to make new 
regulations in regard to these castes. He divided the uji 
into eight sei or kabane f named after colors. It is this divi- 
sion which Seishi-roku sought to make clear. 

But in the above-mentioned division into kobetsUj 

shinibetsH, and banibetsn, we recognize one of the oldest 
classifications, based on the closeness or distance of rela- 
tionship between the individual iiji\ i. Kobetsu were the 
imperial families, who traced their descent from the greatest 



242 SIMMONS &. WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

national deity Amaterasu or Tensho-daijin ; they appear first 
in Japanese histories as the relatives of Jimmu Tenno ; 2. 
Shimhetsu were of divine ori^^in, divided into tenshin 
(heaven-deities) and chiki (earth-deities). The former are 
the descendants of those who came with Jimmu Tenno 
from Heaven, that is, his co-immigrants, those who had 
come to Tsukushi with the chief uji. The latter are the 
descendants of those who were found by the Tsukushi 
immigrants already settled in Yamato ; their ancestors were 
worshipped as local deities ; 3. Damhctsu or hanzokn were 
those who at different later times had immigrated from 
Corea and China and afterwards became uji or slaves. 

But this classification, though it gives the essential ele- 
ments forming the Japanese people, is nevertheless a 

theoretical rather than an actual one VVe must 

first distinguish between free and unfree persons ; the 
former must then be divided into ?iWQ classes ; I, the im- 
perial family; II, omiy nobles of kohelsn descent; III, 
tfturnji, nobles o{ shimhetsu descent; IV, kuniuo-fniya- 
tsuko ; V, tomonotsnkOf including the fuliito. We will 
consider first the slaves. 

On this point Mr. Chamberlain, in his 

introduction to the Kojiki (p. XLI) makes a strange remark 
when he says: >' The absence of slavery [in early Japan] 
is another honourable feature." This erroneous conception 
is founded doubtless on the absence of the word nuhi^ which 
is even yet the customary term for slaves. The word occurs 
first and as a regular designation in Taiho-ryOy the oldest 
Japanese code, and is a Chinese word (jiu meaning a male 
and hi a female slave). But before the time of Taiho-ryo 
we find instead a whole group of terms of purely Japanese 
origin. 

I. As the oldest designation for slaves we meet the word 
toniobe, Tonio means *' group," "band," and he (now 
occurring only in proper names like Watauahe) means a 
tribe or clan which is bound to a special place. We find, 
also, other very old words. 2. Yakahc. Yaka is *' house," 
"family;" thus yakahe is "bound to a family." 3. Kakihe. 



SIMMONS & WIOMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 243 

To kaki (house), an old and forgotten word, corresponds the 
modern kakij signifying *' hedge," ** enclosure," ** bound- 
ary " and may be traced back by a special, earlier meaning 
of ** boundary of a house." The kakibe are thus **the 
dependants of a house." Of later origin must be the follow- 
ing word, which occurs in the Nihongi, 4. Watakiishi-no- 
tami, meaning ** private people." The conception of private 
ownership, unknown in earlier times, must be set against 
the equally unknown idea of '* government." 
...The tomobe always belonged to a special nji. They were 
regarded as property and were therefore bought and sold. 
Originally their owners had unlimited power over th6ir 
lives. In numerous articles of Taiho-ryo and Ritsu the 
slaves were placed in the same category with cattle and 
lifeless things. 

After the disappearance of the patriarchal system 

and the establishment of a true administrative system there 
came about many limitations on the rights of the masters 
over their slaves. First a distinction arose between slaves 
related by blood to .the master and those not so related, 
between kenin or kajin and nuhi. The word kenin appears 
in the authorities in Nihongi at the same time that nuhi 
comes into use. In earlier times, so long as they employed 
the vernacular expression kakibe^ the conception of kenin 
was unknown or at least not distinguished from kakibe, 
Kenin signified slaves related by blood to the family, but 
obliged by circumstances (e. g. poverty) to enter into re- 
lations of dependency with their own iiji. They ranked 
somewhat higher than the mthiy as appears in several 
instances. They could not be employed for all kinds of 
work, but only in special matters, as is remarked in a com- 
mentary on the passage of Taiho-ryo which enacts that the 
children of kenifi shall also be kenin and shall belong to the 
owner of the parents. According to the same passage, 
kenin could not be bought and sold. 

In the sixth century the State began to interfere 

in the buying and selling of slaves, by establishing a special 
office called shokaisu no kwanshi, where a slave -register 



WIS rr.aiz :j:. :'-: :r-:r.sa::!:r. Ci:rr.n:ur.: cited, and official 

. ...As re-:.irl> :r.^ rr!ce r^^iJ iVr slaves, there were of 
c:»-rse vi.r.A:..r:s irrer-iir^: rr. ace ar.i nr.::Iy : there Avas, 
hc'.vevcr. an av-ra^e price: :cr?5;::* • bundles* of rice, for 
instance, w^re ::.'.*; n in Tt7':r\5-s':'':: 147-157 A. D. for a 

Thrre v.\is rVr slaves in Japanese, as for slaves in 

K.vr.e. n." such thiniT as ..•;.:..'::*•; ; their union in marriage 
.^ which ccuLi exist v^nly hetween two slaves) must be com- 
pared t."* the Roman cc ::ubin:::ir:...An case of a union 
K?:ween a free pcrsv^n and a slave, the children were in all 
cases slaves. 

The ori trin of slaver}* in Japan is a subject which 

still needs critical examination. We can here offer only 
a few positive assertions. If a man fell into debt and was 
unable to pay, he became the slave of his creditor. A thief 
who was unable to make restitution of the stolen property 
and pay the proper fine became the slave of the aggrieved 
person. An offence acainst the Emperor was often punish- 
ed by dCiTradation to slavery. It is probable that the 
aboriiTi nes, the Aino. were made slaves, so far as they were 
not exterminated by the conquering tribes or driven to the 
north or into inaccessible mountain districts. Finall}-, the 
immicr-mts from China and Corea were serfs; but where 
they possessed some special useful accomplishment and 
were on that accouTit deemed worthy of a better position, 
they were then established as free persons. 

The second rank of Japanese society, counting 

from beneath, and at the same time the first grade of free 
persons, of the people properly so-called, was the tomo-no- 
tniyatsuko (usually abbreviated to toniouotsuko) ot tonio-no- 
zt'o. Those nji were so-called who followed a trade, usually 
an hereditary one. They generally had to labor for a 
special need of the imperial nji. So the Siisahiio followed 
the trade of sasa^ that is, sake- brewing ; the viiyahe were 

builders of the imperial mansions and temples; 

Wc have already mentioned that those immigrants fronj 



SIMMONS & WIOMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 245 

China and Corea who possessed some particular trade 
became not serfs but iomonotsuko. The trades they follow- 
ed were almost all such as we do not find among the early 
Japanese and had been introduced into japan by the more 
highly civilized immigrants. The extraordinary utility of 
these people explains the position which they took in its 
society. As foreigners they would necessarily occupy a 
lower position than native Japanese ; but on the other hand 
their services were so important that they received great 
consideration, and so it came about that they occupied a 
scarcely inferior position to the next higher grade. The 
tomonotsuko following trades (for upon the others, such as 
mononobe and otomo we will not risk any opinion) are all to 
be regarded as foreigners, that is, as Chinese, Coreans, 
or their descendants following the hereditary trade ; and 
it is our opinion that the p>osition of the tomonotsuko owed 
its origin entirely to the immigrants. 

Characteristic of the well-known centralization of the 

government is the fact that the tiji of tomonotsuko were 
always attached to the chief itji^ in order to help strengthen 
the imperial power. The number of tomonotsuko-uji seems 
to have been quite large, for the old texts speak of momo- 
yaso no tomo (i8o clans). Within the tomo no tsuko we 
find another class, the so-called fnhito^ sometimes placed 
as a separate grade next to the tomonotsuko* These fuhito 
(fudcy pen, hito^ man) were those who could read and 
write, — in Chinese, of course, for the Japanese had no 
writing of their own. In all known instances the fuhito 
were from China or of Chinese descent. 

The third grade from below, ranking only a little above 
the tomonotsuko^ was the kiuii no miyatsuko, or more 
briefly kunitsuko. Over the signification of the term 

miyatsuko various opinions have been expressed To 

understand it properly, one must go back to the word' 
ja/sM^o, which was used in contrast with kimiy ** prince," 
" Emperor," and is still in use in modern times with the 
signification "knight." 'By yakko were afterwards meant 
also the lowest retainers of a dabnyoy who were not samurai 



246 SIMMONS & WIGMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 

and couid carry only a short sword. The ;/// of miyatsuko 
is the honorific prefix occurring in mikado ; it indicates a 
relation of the j^fl/5//^o with the Emperor. 

The kiinitsuko were the agricultural landholders. The 
large landowners were called okunitsitko, the smaller ones 
agata-nushiy inagi^ sugiiri or mura-nnshi. The nji in this 
grade are known by place-names, rather than true family- 
names. In Seishi rokuy above referred to, forty-two nji 
are given who bear place-names. The Nihongi and 
Kogo-shoi relate that the kuni no miyatsuko and the agata- 
nushi were established by Jimmu Tenno. The number of 
their uji under Yuryaku Tenn5 must have increased to 144. 
If their land was in an island, the title of the owner was 
shima no miyatsuko. After the time of Keiko Tenno (71 — 
130 A.D.) the Nihongi mentions several instances in which 
descendants of the Emperor were owners of large amounts 
of land. These were for five or six generations known as 
kinti or wakcy but after the sixth or seventh they usually 
became kunitsuko. It is proved by a whole series of in- 
stances that the kunitsuko were the absolute, independent 
lords of their land and soil and not merely feudal lords 
holding imperial land. If a kunitsuko had been guilty of 
an offence against the Emperor for which he became liable 
to punishment, he could make satisfaction and obtain 
immunity from further punishment by giving up to the 
Emperor a piece of land belonging to his nji. 



VIII , MAP OF A MURA. 



(Umahashi mura, Tama gori, 
Musashi knni,) 

Schedule of proprietors of land in the viura^ 

with extent of land and number of 

lots owned by each. 



NAMii OF Azana 


No. OF Lots 




Area 




Kind 


Cho 


Tan 


Se 


1 Bu 


Or 

Land 


I. Kan Minami 


I to 75 


9 


I 


9 


20 


U 


(South of Road) . . 




I 


8 
9 


7 
4 


20 
13 


H 
F 
G 








7 


8 


29 


B 


Total . . 




12 


8 


22 




II. Nishihora 


76 to 158 




2 


16 


22 


L 


(West Meadow) . . 




7 


3 
9 


7 
4 


25 

4 


U 
H 






3 


9 
8 


7 

I 


20 
17 


F 
B 


Total . . 




13 


4 


3 


28 




III. Hommura 


159 to 281 


2 


3 


8 


• 16 


L 


(Main Village) 




8 


8 


3 


5 


U 






I 


6 


7 


13 


H 






2 

I 


5 

2 


5 

15 

8 


13 
26 


F 
B 


Total . . 




16 


9 


13 




IV. Uchide 


282 to 438 


4 


2 


8 


L 


Mnsidt:^ 




9 

I 


3 

4 


3 


"4 
2 


u 




H 






3 


7 
I 


7 

5 

8 


8 
24 
18 

»3 
12 


F 
M 
G 
T 
F 






I 
20 


3 


2 


18 


B 


Total . . 




3 


6 


27 





iraixi-i-i i viiJCM-i 1..^^" ri:*~ i-£ i i:Cw :xir:rr 



-r-lXi 






• .. • m 



i cci- rcc iLz 



- rci. 



Tcf^ 



• 


r.-! 


s. 


Xm. 


1 ,^yp 




« 


m 


L 


-- 


i 


« 


3 


U 


I 


I 


2 


* 


U 


«. * 


I 


^ 


^ ^ 


F 




«. 


^ 


^^ 


M 






£ 


-5 


G 


; 


»• 






B 


* 


r 


- 


:5 




- 


w 
^ 


«L 


^ 


L 


«5 


» 
^ 


• 


« 


U 


^ 






4ft ^ 


H 


^ « 


• 




:> 


F 




^ 


^ 


IX 


M 




« 


X 


• ^ 

A « 


G 




9 

« 


* 


3 


T 


5 


^ 


? 




B 


VX 






15 





SIMMONS.& WIGMORB '. LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS* 2^g 



N> 



Name of Owner 


Lot 


Area 


Kind 

^0 










OF 




No. 


Tan 


Se 


£u 


Land 


Aizawa Kihei 


385 

150 
151 




5 
6 


24 
20 


M 


AtSLi ImSLfiTorO 




F 


A &A %mm A mAA **P^ ^#A ^^ ••••••■••••••• •••••• 


3 


4 


8 


U 








4 


23 


B 




153 




6 


21 


U 








I 


16 


B 


• 


154 




2 


7 


F 




157 




7 


12 


H 




274 




8 


29 


L 




425 


2 




19 


i» 


• 








15 


B 


Arai SctiurO 


34 
.35 


- 


5 
. . 9 


6 


F 


m ^» ••• K^ ^^ J ^^ ^^ •••••• •••••••• ■■■•■* 


• * 


7 


H 




36 


4 


I 


2 


U 








I 


13 


B 


• 


37 


2 


7 


19 


U 








I 


2 


B 




38 


2 


2 


22 


U 




39 




6 




F 


Asaera ShOtarO 


50 


X 


4 
4 


29 

II 


u 


A A*' ■^ Ck "^ "i^ *A^^ w«^A *^ VV «•■••• •• VVBVVW •• 




B 




161 




5 


29 


H 




l£2 




.6 


6 


F 




165 


3 




2 


U 




« 




3 


16 


B 


• 


166 


I 


5 


2 


U 


Asa?a OcorO 


61 


I 


6 


16 


u 


AA«9C*^K* "X^ Ky^^* ^^ #••• •••■•«•• ■••••••• 




1 


2 


29 


B 




64 


I 


9 


25 


U 




65 


I 


6 


24 
28 


It 
B 




146 


2 


2 


24 


U 








4 


26 


B 



350 SIMMONS & WIOMORB ! LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 



Name of Owner 



Asaga Urakichi 



Asaga Yukichi 
Asaga Kihachi 



Asaga HanzO 



Asaga ItarO 



Lot 

No. 



63 

72 
73 

74 

75 
81 

301 
302 



160 

163 

164 

177 
178 

246 

247 
404 



Area 



405 




406 




413 


I 


414 




415 




482 


I 


483 


2 


484 


4 


485 


3 


492 


I 



Tan 



I 
I 



2 
I 



Se 



2 
2 

7 

I 

5 
8 

I 

2 

8 

2 



5 
2 

2 

6 

7 
4 



2 
2 

9 

I 

4 

3 
I 

2 
3 
5 
3 
3 



Bu 



2 

14 

29 
29 
20 
21 
26 

7 

3 
26 

26 
18 



12 
23 
27 
25 
27 

19 
22 

"5 

25 

9 

15 

17 



Kind 

OF 

Land 



U 
B 
F 
U 
B 
F 
H 
U 
U 
B 
U 
B 

H 

U 
B 
U 
B 

F 
H 

U 
B 
F 

U 
B 
L 
L 

»» 



3 


>« 


6 


U 


4 


B 


3 


F 


27 


U 


8 


B 


3 


U 


18 


B 


15 


U 


27 


H 


27 


F 



SIMMONS & WIQMORB : LAND TBNURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 251 



1 


Lot 




Area 




Kind 


Name of Owner 


No. 








^19 


Tan 


Se 


Bu 


Or 

Land 


Asasra ItarO 


493 


I 


4 
7 


25 


H 


• s^# ^^f^ ^^ ^> •*•■ ^^ ■WVsVV9##V VVSVvvVVSV 


494 


I 


U 








2 


4 


B 




562 


3 


8 


22 


F 


t 


563 


2 


6 


4 


It 


Asaea UshitarO 


407 


I 




27 
16 


L 


^ w ^^ ^^^f^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ « V ^P ^^^^ ^^ vv ^^ Vvvw VV VV W 9 VV 






B 




524 




6 


29 


F 




525 


• 


9 


12 
26 


H 
B 




526 




6 


24 
20 


U 
B 




527 




6 


10 


U 








I 


II 


B 




553 


4 


5 


25 V 


U 








5 


2 


B 


Asaga Tokumatsu 


496 


T 




5 

24 


u 




X 


3 


B 




554 


I 


4 


2 


F 




555 




9 


24 


H 




556 




5 


18 


F 


Asaga TatsueorQ 


528 
533 


^ 


A 


27 
8 


F 
F 


Q ■"■—Q ■»'—'-' WW *««• ««•« ••■•9« 


I 


4 
7 


Government 


349 
457 




8 

2 


13 
6 


T 




F 




458 


I 


4 


2 


T 




474 




I 


9 


II 




481 




8 


9 


II 


Hida Shigemasa 


390 


T 


A 


A 


L 
B 




X 


4 


4 
13 




420 




9 


9 
8 


L 
B 




421 


I 


I 


13 


L 
B 



3sa uxvom & wigvorb : laxs TmKcac & locil 

Lot AsEA K;st 

Nave or Owner ,. cf 

Hida ahigemisa <J3 i 3 :f L 



I:; Ks=u;:rO 



SfMMONS ■& WIOMORE i LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 253 



Name of Owner 



Kaneko SatarO 



Kawara TanizO 



Kawara KumajirO 



Lot 
No. 



116 

118 

367 

399 

« 
402 

403 

500 

504 
557 

558 



Area 



9 
10 

25 
28 



15 
16 

26 

27 

29 

172 

173 
175 



Tan 



3 
2 

2 



X 

2 



I 
2 

I 
2 



Se 



3 
3 

3 

7 

I 



9 

I 



5 

9 

3 
2 

4 



3 
8 

8 
5 



8 

9 
3 

6 

4 
5 



Bu 



29 
10 
22 

8 

29 
8 

19 

23 

4 

19 

27 
26 

9 

15 
21 

25 
23 

12 
II 
26 



19 

I 

23 

5 



5 
18 

15 
10 

15 
6 

12 

12 

13 
26 

13 



Kind 

OF 

Land 



»» 
B 

U 
B 
U 
B 
U 
B 
L 
B 
U 
B 
U 
B 
F 

»i 
U 

B 

U 

B 



U 
H 
U 

tt 
B 



U 

B 
U 

if 
F 
U 
B 
U 
B 

U 



254 flMMONS ft WlGlIOBB{ LAND TBMVRK & LOCAL INSTITVTMm. 





Lot 




Area 




Kind 


Name of Owner 










#v^ 


No. 


Tan 


Se 


Bii 


OF 

Land 


Kawara KumaiirO 




j 


I 


24 

25 


B 




176 




3 


F 




179 


X 


2 


»3 


H 




260 




3 


3 


L 


■ 


261 




9 




>t 




262 




6 


7 


*t 




447 


4 


2 


21 


F 


Kawara TokujirQ , . . , » 


76 




6 


27 


H 




77 




6 


25 


F 




78 




8 


28 
18 


U 
B 




79 




8 


10 


F 




80 


2 




17 


U 








2 


18 


B 




139 




7 


29 
x6 


U 
B 




418 


X 


X 


II 

3 


L 
B 


Kawara Ivemon 


199 


2 


I 
4 


16 
19 


U 


^v ^B ^^^ * V ^^^mr ^^^ ^v w ^^ ■ w ^^ ^«VVVV VVVVVVVVVv^VVV 


B 




238 


2 




22 


U 








3 


18 


B 




239 


I 


7 


22 


U 








3 


2 


B 




241 




3 


15 


F 




242 




9 


19 


H 




243 




4 


6 


F 




252 


X 




9 


L 
B 




320 




7 


9 

7 


U 
B 


Kawara BunshirO ....• 


298 
299 


X 


8 
2 


9 

16 


F 


^^ V^ *T VWA W A^ W C«#*# A A ^r VVVVvVV* VVVSVVWV 


U 








2 


3 


B 




300 




9 


22 


U 




304 




3 


5 


F 




305 




6 


28 


H 



uMuoHB ft wioHMn i t-AMD TBNURB ft LocAJ. tmtttvnoiw. »$i 



Name op Owkkr 



Kawara BunshirO . 



Kawnia KumaKorO 



Kawashima Suyc^rfi . 



ilTokichi 3S7 



256 SIMMONS & WIOMORB: land TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 



Name of Owner 


Lot 


Area 


Kind 










OF 




No. 


Tan 


Se 


Bh 


Lanq 


Otani Tokichi 


519 
520 


I 
I 


5 

7 


21 
24 


F 


^^^ ^ ^ • ^ ^ ^ ^m ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ *^^ VVVVVVVV •• •^•W*" v~ 


»» 




550 


2 


3 


26 


*« 




551 


2 


8 


15 


U 








3 


7 


B 




553 


3 


4 


'5 


U 








2 


25 


B 


Seikenii (a templet 


21 




8 


25 
6 


F 


^■^^ ^v • a ^ ^v V V ■ ■ 1 ^^v ^p ^^ A ■ V K V • ^^ ■ vwvv vv vvvvvw 9V 


22 


I 


5 


H 










29 


B 




23 




3 


13 


U 




24 


I 


I 


22 


U 


Sekiguchi KinjirO 


487 


• 


8 
2 


2r 


u 




I 


10 


B 




490 


3 


5 


6 


U 








2 


I 


B 


Seki?uchi Kintard ..••• 


541 
542 




4 
6 


II 


F 


*^p %^ # w ■ C^ wA %W ISA A&SsAV 1>% • \^ 9# ■■ ■■ ■■ ■* VWVV 




12 


»» 




543 


I 




6 


H 


Sekiiruchi Tsunasrorc^ 


267 




8 




T 


^^' ^^ ^^W * B^k ^^B ^^ * ■ ^ ^B V^ W ■ ■ ^^^ V^k ^^ A* VV VV «V VVVVVV 




%# 


3 


B 




268 




9 


29 
24 


L 
B 




291 


z 


9 


15 


F 




293 


I 


2 




M 


Sekio^uchi SeizO ,, 








^% V 


U 
B 





303 


I 


5 
9 


21 
15 




312 


I 


3 




F 




313 


I 




2 


U 




314 ! 

1 


I 


I 


6 


H 




357 . 


2 


3 


2 


U 








I 


8 


B 




358 


2 


3 


6 


U 








3 


2 


B 




391 


I 


6 


17 


L 




514 


I 




15 


F 




515 


I 


2 


21 


»» 



LAND TEHUKB & LOCAI, IHSTlTUTIONa. 357 





Lot 


Akea 




Kind 


Name of Owner 




















No. 


Tnn 


S) 


Su 


Land 


aekiguchi HsiiO 


5ie 

475 






H 


F 


Sekiguchi Heikichi 






U 








20 


B 




478 


• 




29 

7 


U 
B 




479 
40S 


' 






H 

F 


Sekiguchl Uhei 


534 






24 


F 




533 






14 


H 




536 


1 




12 


F 




537 


I 


g 








538 






9 






54+ 


^ 




^ 


U 
B 




545 


' 




9 


U 

B 




546 






23 


B 


Sekiguchi Ukichi 


5,8 


2 




, 


U 










'9 


B 


Hekiguc hi Amigoru 










F 




"3 


3 




" 






124 


I 




7 


II 




"3 


I 




*4 


U 




,., 






'7 


B 




<30 
'3< 

132 


1 




29 


F 
U 
B 
F 




■33 






9 


U 
B 




'34 


= 




.1 


U 
B 




135 






21 


L 




136 






'4 
8 


B 



*$i aiKHOHs & wiOKOkB : L.un> tbkurb ft local iHsrtTUTtotta. 





Lot 


Ahe* 




Kino 


N'AMii OF Owner 










No. 


Tan 1 5^ 


-81. 


Land 


^ickiguchi AmigOT^ .->>->... i ,,, , 


'37 








u 








.0 


B 




ijS 


I 


3 


11 


U 




142 


I 




3 


F 




"43 


^ 




"5 

7 


U 




'♦4 


= 




8 


U 
B 




145 


J 




'7 


F 




'47 


* 




23 


U 




14a 


' 




7 


B 




'49 


' 




'7 


L 
B 


Sckiguchi MasugorS 


■14 


, 


, 


ag 


H 




45 


1 i e 




U 




45 1 ! 3 


4 










3 


3 


B 



Sckiguchi Kakuts.. 



„ ! 



J16 

1 317 





9 


5 




6 
5 


6 

iS 1 


' 


R 


3 


2 


6 


^7 


^ 


6 

7 


z8 


' 


9 


. 


' 


9 


19 



SIMMONS & WIOMO&B : L4Nn TSNURB & LOCAL INSliTUTIOKS. 2$^ 





Lot 




Area 




Kind 


Namb OP Owner 










^\,W% 








OP 




No. 


Tan 


S« 


Bu 


Land 


SekifiTUchi KakuzO 






2 


22 


B 


^^^ ^^r^^^ ^ B^k ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^np ^^9 W ^^ ^^^W w~^~^W^^ 9 » » » 


321 




2 


23 
10 


U 
B 




330 


I 


I 


16 


F 




331 




6 


6 


H 




332 




2 


8 


F 




416 




5 


3 
13 


U 
B 




417 




2 


27 


L 








1 


2 


B 




430 




6 


13 
23 


U 
B 




505 


2 


9 




F 


Sekicoichi YeiiirO 


X26 


I 


4 
3 


26 


u 


^^^ ^^v^V^F^ f^ ^^^ ^^ ^ V ^ ^^ ^^P ■ ^V ^ ^ ^^ VVVV VvVV VVVVVVVV 


127 




10 


H 


SekifiTUchi KvazO ••.......•. 


198 


2 


6 


19 


U 


^^ ^^'B^ ■ Bi^ ■• ^^ • • • J Wi*** ^^ •••• ••^••••W VWWV 


233 


2 




15 


»» 








2 


4 


B 




233 




3 


26 
12 


U 
B 




234 




9 




F 




235 


2 




12 


U 




236 


I 


9 


20 


H 




237 




9 


2 


F 




240 


I 


6 


»5 


U 




322 


I 


9 


I 


i» 




. 




I 


3 


B 




323 


2 




10 


U 








I 


9 


B 




324 


I 


2 


»7 


U 








I 


22 


B 




424 


I 


6 


12 
15 


L 
B 




472 


2 


I 


5 


L 
B 



i6o SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 





Lot 




Area 




Kind 


Name of Owner 










^^Ty 


No. 


Tan 


Se 


Bh 


OF 

Land 


SekifiTUchi Kviizo 


473 
486 




I 


19 
2 


L 


■h^ ^V^ACk *M ^^A* ■ ^^w ^m m^ ^r m 9 w 9 vvvvvw •••• •• 


3 




U 








3 


16 


B 




521 


2 


4 


3 


M 




522 


2 


9 


5 


U 








I 


II 


B 




523 


2 






F 


Shimbori KuwaiirO 


lOI 


I 


6 


8 


u 


^^ KA A AAA B^^^A A A^b VA v w *^ 1 ~ A ^v ■W#AVW AVWV 9AVV 






*# 


22 


B 




102 


I 


I 


10 


F 




174 


I 


2 


8 


U 




180 




7 


8 


H 




184 


I 


I 


25 

12 


U 
B 




185 




5 


8 
24 


U 
B 




394 


I 


I 


8 
9 


L 
B 




395 




I 


29 
3 


U 
B 


Shimbori TomoiirS 


256 


w 


T 


22 


L 


m^ m^mmikmm^^^m m ^ ^^*»*^# ■•» %^ .......■.•■■.. 


I 


X 


17 


B 




258 




6 


17 

3 


L 
B 




294 




6 


18 


F 




296 


2 


5 


24 


U 


. 






2 


5 


B 




345 


I 


2 


27 


F 




346 


I 


6 


23 


H 


Shimbori Suveiird 


325 


T 


4 

I 


4 
23 


U 


^■■^4 A J AAA fc^>^A A ^^ •• T ** 1 AAX^ •*•••••■**••**■■ 


X 


B 




326 


2 


4 


21 


U 








2 


7 


B 




327 




8 


2 


U 




> 






5 


B 




328 


I 


5 
2 


22 


U 
B 




329 


I 


I 


14 


F 



SIMMONS & WIGMQRE : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 26t 



[Name of Owner 



Kawashima GinjirO 



Masuda Tatsunosuke 



Ninomiya KamejirO 



Okata Isuke 



Okata KunigorO, 



Lot 
No. 


Area 


Tan 


Se 


Bu 


49 




9 


18 


5^ 


I 




I 


5^ 


2 


2 


7 






2 


10 


53 


2 




13 


54 


I 


3 


10 
24 


55 




6 


10 


56 




6 


16 
12 


57 




8 


10 


386 


I 


5 


25 
19 


408 




2 


6 
4 


410 




4 


19 
7 


40 


I 


2 


15 


41 


5 


2 


22 
25 


62 




8 


15 


71 


2 


3 


21 






3 


29 


^55 


I 


6 




156 


I 


2 


12 


ft 

42 


2 


' 


20 
25 


43 


I 




5 


58 


X 




8 






I 


2 


59 


I 


6 


II 


60 


X 


9 


21 
24 


152 




9 


6 
13 


158 




7 


8 



Kind 

OF 

Land 



U 
B 
U 

ti 
B 
F 
H 
B 
F 



L 
B 

L 
B 
L 
B 

F 
U 
B 
F 
U 
B 
F 
H 

U 
B 

U 

t« 
B 

F 
U 
B 
U 
B 
H 



262 SIMMONS & WIQMORB : LAND TENURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 





Lot 




Area 




Kind 


Name of Owner 






. 




OF 




No. 


Tan 


Se 


Z^M 


Land 


Otani Sasuke 


17 
87 


I 


2 
I 


10 

7 


u 




If 








4 


2 


B 




88 




5 


6 


U 








2 


27 


B 




89 


I 


6 


3 


U 








5 


24 


B 




90 


2 


2 


6 


U 






■ 


6 


27 


B 




91 




4 




F 




92 




' 


12 


f» 




93 


2 


4 


3 


U 








6 


13 


B 




94 • 




2 


6 


F 




95 


2 


2 


21 


U 








2 


24 


B 




96 




7 


3 


U 




97 




9 


5 


II 




107 




9 




F 




108 




8 




11 




109 




4 


»7 


II 




no 


2 




8 


II 




III 


I 


I 


2 


H 




112 


2 


5 


2 


II 




167 


2 




3 


U 








3 


16 


B 




168 


I 




7 
26 


U 
B 




169 




6 


13 


U 








I 


I 


B 




170 




8 


19 


U 








2 ■ 


27 


B 




171 


2 


I 


14 


U 








I 


21 


B 




186 


I 


3 


15 


U 








4 


■^ 


B 




187 




5 


10 


U 




188 


I 


5 


* 


fi 








I 


17 


B 




189 


I 


2 




F 




190 


I 


4 




II 



SIMMONS & WIGMORE : LAND TBNURB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 263 



Name of Owner 


Lot 


Area 


Kind 










OF 




No. 


Tan 


Se 


Bu 


Land 


Otani Sasuke ••• 


191 


2 


2 


15 

12 


H 


X^ w WW ■ • • ^^ mtm^m vn •• ^0 *■ VS 9VVV ■■ VV BV V* WVV* 


B 




192 




5 


18 


F 




193 




4 


20 


ti 




194 


I 


4 


13 


ft 




195 


I 


6 


6 


If 




196 


I 


4 


3 


•t 




197 




5 


10 


It 




200 


I 


8 


19 


U 








4 


16 


B 




201 




9 


18 


U 








2 


9 


B 




202 




2 


25 


F 




203 


I 


2 


16 


U 








3 


25 


B 




209 




9 


19 


H 




244 


I 


4 


20 


F 




248 


2 




9 


»i 




263 




9 


22 
12 


L 
B 




264 




7 


29 


L 




265 




S 


7 
14 


M 

B 




266 




8 


24 
6 


L 
B 




271 




8 


25 

20 


L 
B 




272 




2 


14 


L 




273 


I 


3 


10 
14 


»» 
B 




276 


I 




25 
6 


L 
B 




277 


I 




8 
16 


L 
B 




279 




5 


27 


L 




280 




4 


5 

2 


B 




281 




5 


27 
16 


L 
B 




295 






12 


F 




309 




8 


10 


U 



954 fUiHoiiaAwK)Mi»S( ] 



a TSHUKB & LOCAL 





Lot 


Area 




Kind 


Name OF Owned 










No, 


Tan 1 Si 


Bk 


Land 










=4 

23 


B 





.76 




3 


F 




179 


t 


2 


'3 


H 




260 




3 


3 


L 




261 




9 








261 




6 


7 


„ 




447 


^ 


' 




F 


Kawara TokujiiD , 


;6 

77 




6 
6 


27 
as 


H 




F 




;8 




a 


18 


U 
B 




79 




8 ' 


10 


F 




60 


' 


J 


17 
iB 


U 

B 




139 




7 


ag 
16 


U 
B 




418 


' 


' 


3 


L 
B 


Kawata Ijemon 


>99 


J 


, 


16 


U 








4 


19 


B 




»38 


1 


3 


tS 


U 
B 




339 


' 


7 
3 


" 


U 
B 




141 




3 


'S 


K 




342 




9 


>9 


H 




»43 




4 


G 


F 




151 

320 




7 


9 
9 


L 
B 
U 
B 


Kawara BunshiiO 


igg 




8 


9 


F 




, 




16 


U 








I 


3 


B 




300 




g 




U 




304 




3 


5 


F 




30s 




6 


zS 


H 



stmiONs A wibHom ; i 



D TattuRB ft iKKJo, tmntvnoNs. 15J 





Lot 


Ahe* 




Kind 


Name of Owser 




















No. 


Tan 


s. 


Am 


Land 


Kawara Bunshira 


306 




— 

5 


18 
"5 


B 




F 




307 




9 


18 
S 


U 
B 




30S 


' 


. 


a8 


U 
B 


Kawara Kutnagoro 


311 


^ 






U 




4 


I 


11 




389 


9 

i 


g 


L 


Kflwashima Suvegorfi , . 


65 


I 




u 










18 


B 




67 




6 


4 
16 


H. 

B 




G8 


5 


iS 


U 
B 




6g 


6 


12 


F 




a.i 


' ' 


6 


U 
B 




84 


3 


3 


I' 


Otani TCltichi 


383 


S 


23 
7 


I. 
H 

B 




43. 


4 




L 




m 




" 


10 


I, 
B 




436 


' 


6 


'7 


U 
B 




437 


' 




8 


U 




438 


' 






u 

B 




446 


3 






F 




44a 


a 










449 


a 


4 


so 






450 


2 




at 






453 


I 




13 


F 




454 


■ 




S 


H 



a66 siMMaNs & wioiiaRB : lahd t 





Lot 


Arba 




KittD 


Name of Ownsr 




















No. 


Tnn 


S* 


Bh 


Land 


Shiono Sakichi 


, 


^ 




■4 


F 




3 


I 


8 


4 


U 




4 

S 


; 


3 
4 


15 


B 
F 




6 
"3 


I 




'7 

16 


U 




314 

.18 




6 
7 


7 
27 






219 


■ 


7 
7 


38 
'5 


H 
F 




IZZ 


3 3 


II 


U 






4 


27 


B 




»23 


3 ! 8 

i 5 


'3 


U 
B 




a»4 


I 1 S 


7 


F 




217 


' 5 
1 ^ 


18 
6 


U 
B 




719 






20 


U 
B 




350 






7 


L 
B 




as I 


' 




'g 


L 
B 




153 


' 




■3 

7 


L 
B 




^54 


' 




9 


L 
B 




255 






22 


L 
B 




4'9 


' 


3 


»5 


L 
-B 


Shiono MigoiirO 










H 

U 




8 


a 


S 


16 








I 


18 


B 




ao6 


I 


5 




U 




4»3 




8 


14 


L 
B 



SXIIMONS & WIQMORB : LAND TENURE & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 267 



Name of Owner 


Lot 


Area 


Kind 










OF 




No. 


Tan 


Se 


Bu 


Land 


Shiono TomoiirO , 


204 


2 




15 

24 


U 


^^mMm^^MW^^ ^m ^^AAa^^ ■•• ^^ VV «V VVSVVVVVSVVV 




2 


B 




228 


2 


3 


4 


U 








2 


2 


B 




229 


I 


I 


20 


F 




230 


I 


7 


29 


H 




231 


2 


6 


15 


U 








3 


10 


B 




245 


I 


5 


10 


U 








2 


23 


B 




422 




6 


20 
15 


L 
B 


Shiono ShinsrorO at. ••••••••••... 


275 




9 


13 
10 


L 


^^*AA^^««^^ ^^ m-mmmM^^^^m ^^ VV VVVV** ■VVSVVVV 


/ J 




B 


Shiono KametarO 


392 


I 




9 

7 


T 


^^AA*^^#a^^ ^ AVn AJkA^^ w«MA %r VV VVSVVVVVVVVV#S 


B 


Shiono MafifoiirO ••»*••••........ 


559 




3 


5 
24 


u 


l^AAA%#ftA\# ^** **r^ J * * ^^ •■ »••••••••••• •• 


^0*^ ^ 




I 


B 




560 




9 


17 


F 




561 


I 


9 


16 


U 








I 


14 


B 




564 


Z 


4 


12 


F 


Shiono ShintftrO 


205 
211 




9 
5 


10 
20 


F 


•^•••^^••^^ ^M#»C ■ W V^^PW ^^ •••• VVVV SVVVVVvV 


•• 




212 




7 




H 




225 


2 


6 


15 


U 




226 


3 


3 


18 


»» 


■ 


400 


z 




3 
6 


L 


Takahashi Yasohachi . . • . • 


82 


I 


3 

I 


II 
II 


u 




B 




85 




6 


20 


U 




86 




5 


5 


H 




98 


2 


I 


23 


U 




99 


I 


5 


7 
18 


it 
B 



LAND TBHVRB & LOCAL INSTITUTIONS. 





Lot 


-Akea 




Kind 


NameofOivseb 




















No. 


Tan 


Sc 


Bu 


Land 


Takahashi Yasohachi 




^^ 




'4 
3 


u 






, 


B 




103 




5 


iS 


F 




104 


I 


a 


7 


H 




105 


X 


3 


H 


F 




106 


I 


a 


12 






257 




9 


13 

7 


L 
B 




159 




7 


'7 


L 
B 


^aklh^h] Shinyemon . , ■ . » , 






6 














14 


B 




290 




' 8 


S 
•7 


U 
B 




368 




5 


17 
25 


U 
B 




3fi9 




6 


25 


U 




371 




^ 


'3 


B 




372 






5 
8 


U 
B 




373 




8 


6 


H 




374 




^ 


9 
8 


F 
B 




3°7 




a 


21 


F 




503 




8 


23 


„ 




509 




* 


9 


■■ 


Takahashi Yui6 


330 




5 


"i 


U 
B 
U 
B 




35' 




8 


25 

>7 


U 
B 




356 




7 
4 


24 
>9 


U 
B 




382 






"7 


1' 




383 




^ 


7 
3 


H 
B 




384 




3 


83 


F 




465 




4 


17 


■■ 





Lot 


Arsa 




K[N1> 


Name of Ownbr 




















No. 


Tan 


St 


Ba 


Land 


Tdlcithashi Vuiil 


*7° 

47' 








(J 




^ 


2 


11 


U 








4 


37 


B 




497 


i 


6 




U 








4 


26 


B 




5°3 


^ 


5 




F 


Takiliaslii Tetsugotfl 


351 


. 


7 


"4 


u 














17 


B 




353 


■ 


7 


18 


U 
B 




354 


■ 


6 


12 


U 
11 




355 


I 


4 


ilO 


F 




376 


I 


6 








377 


I 


3 


*7 


,. 




378 


I 


9 




.. 




379 


' 


3 


"4 


U 
B 




380 




4 


13 


F 




381 
5'7 
S'8 


' 


g 


29 


: 


Umeliaia IwagorO 


01 








L 










^ 


B 


Umciiaia Iwajira 


393 








j_ 






5 


's 


U 




44° 


3 






u 


"■ 










B 




44' 






as 


L 




44» 


' 




M 


U 
B 




444 


3 




21 


H 




•445 




8 


'5 


G 




455 


3 




18 


1' 




456 


2 


6 


8 


U 




459 


= 


' 


8 









Lot 


Amea 




Kind 




Name or Oivnhh 
























No. 


Tan 


S* 


B« 


L^HD 




ra Iwajiru 








25 


B 












460. 


I 


S 


25 


H 






46. 




9 


2* 


U 
U 






^91 


" 


, 


™ 


u 

B 






539 




4 




V 






540 




7 


2! 


u 
u 




s . 


45' 








u 




ra.aso^cmon 




5 


B 






452 


3 




,6 


u 

B 






466 




9 




F 






■\f>7 




6 


34 


H 






16S 


r 


4 




U 






463 




5 


^4 




Umeha 


ra Kisuke 


439 


J 


, 




u 










I 


24 


B 






+62 




q 


i4 


F 






463 


1 


3 


13 


H 






4li4 
476 

477 


5 


3 

7 
3 


& 


F 
U 
B 

F 


Vokut; 


V 


375 




9 


3 

16 


F 


Vi>ncd. 




F 


Vo^l.iLl 


.ToKv.rvm 


7° 

140 
141 


3 


8 

5 
3 


8 
3 

■5 

8 


U 
B 
F 
M 
L 



^ 



t 




THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

BY 
F. T. PiGGOTT. 

(Read January 14th, 1891 J 



Knowing that the unwritten motto of the Society is, 
" Above aH things diligence : and above all things com- 
pleteness : and above all things accuracy," I should have 
hesitated for the present to lay the material I have 
gathered, and the opinions I have formed, before the 
Society, had not the force of circumstances determined 
otherwise. I cannot pretend to an approach even towards 
completeness, but I think there is sufficient material to 
form a basis for others to work upon if the spirit should 
move them to do so. There are many points also on 
which I could have wished to express myself with greater 
clearness and perhaps accuracy ; the absence of the neces- 
sary books of reference must be my excuse. I could not 
trust my memory even so far as to say whether the 
connexion between the early Chinese instruments and the 
instruments of the West has been traced or not : and I 
have to say the same with regard to the Chinese scale. 
I have therefore limited myself to giving independent 
descriptions and measurements of the instruments, and 
the results of my own investigations into the scale. With 
regard to the instruments, many of them are full of 
interest: the music written for the sho, for example, if 
it were possible to investigate it with more ease : and the 
tuning of the six strings of the Yamato-goto^ if it were 
possible to find out something of its history, would give 
us, I think, important information as to the earliest notions 
of harmony. With regard to the notes of the scale, the 



272 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Society has already had laid before it the accurate measure- 
ments of their vibrations made by Dr. Veeder. As to the 
scale itself I have dealt with the practical aspect of the 
question rather than with the scientific. 

Generally it seems to me that there are two points which 
are of special interest and worthy of study : first, the old 
music of Japan, and its reduction on to the Western 
stave : second, the spirit of the more modern koto music 
with a view especially to ascertaining whether it is quite 
exhausted, or whether it is not possible to develop it along 
the lines laid down by those whom I have no hesitation in 
. calling its great masters. 

I have made use of the following authorities in compil- 
ing the following paper. 

SokyokU'tai'i Sho : by Yamada Ryu. 1781. 

Miyako-no-nishiki : by Miyakoji Bungo. "^I^S* 

Seikyoku Ruisan : by Saito Gekkin. 1840. * 

Kahti'Ongaku Ryakushi : by Professor Konakamura. 

1887. 

MS. Records of Ancient Music : by Abe Suyenao. 

The Encyclopaedia Sansai Ziiye, 

Honcho Seidan : by Kikuoka SenryO. 

The translations have all been made by Mr. A. T. 
Kawaji of Tokyo, who has also interpreted a great number 
of conversations with various musicians. 

In the following list of instruments it has not been 
possible to distinguish accurately those of Japan from those 
of China. A few instruments are indigenous to Japan : 
others are of Chinese origin and have been modified in 
Japan : others again preserve their original Chinese form. 
The list therefore includes all instruments in use in Japan, 
but it cannot pretend to be complete with regard to Chinese 
instruments. 



MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS OF JAPAN. 



KOTOS. 

The koto is the chief of modern Japanese instruments, 
nearly the whole of the national music having been com- 
posed for it during the two hundred years it has been in 
vogue. Parts for the samisen and kokyu are generally 
added, occasionally also a part for the shakuhachi. Ja- 
panese music in its highest development is written for a 
quartette of two kotos ^ samisen, and kokyil, somewhat in 
the manner of Chamber music in the West. These quar- 
tettes form the classical music of Japan. 

The koto as now used is the last of a long series of in- 
struments originating in China, the one developeu out of the 
other, some with many strings and some with few, of which 
at least six different kinds remain in use at the present 
time. Its name means literally * things': but in accordance 
with the teaching of the oldest times which connected 
music with purity and sacred things, the word has been 
looked upon as an abbreviation of Kanii-no-norigoto the 
oracles of the gods, and hence koto playing as synonymous 
with invocation of the divine advice. In this way the 
Japanese name for the instrument has been paralleled 
with' kin ^ its Chinese name, said to have been given 
to it on account of the similarity of sound with kin 
tl * prohibition,* whence the idea sprang that the sounds 
carried with them the prohibition of anything impure, 
and that the music was symbolical of the purity of the 
human heart. 

Its form, a number of strings each with its own bridge 
stretched over a long narrow sounding-board, seems to 
have been the same at all periods of its existence ; the 



274 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

variations in the different kinds consisting chiefly in 
the number of strings, and consequent tunings, and 
in the size of the sounding board ; minor changes, in the 
tsume — the playing nails — the quality of the gut, the height 
of the bridges and so forth, having been made in more 
recent times to improve the tone. Like the kin^ the koto 
is fantastically supposed to be a dragon symbolical of all 
that is noble and precious, lying on the seashore ; by his 
side the angels come to listen to the music of the waves. 
The various parts are named accordingly. 

The upper surface is the dragon's back ; the under 
surface his belly. The upper part of the side is the sea 
shore, oiso ; the lower, ko-iso, the lesser shore. The oval 
of tortoise-shell at the right end of the upper surface, umi, 
the sea. The long bridge at the right end the dragon's 
horn, ryokaku ; the long bridge at the left end the horn of 
cloud, or angel's seat, temmyo. The angular projection at 
the right end is the dragon's tongue, ryo-no-shita ; the other 
end, kashiwaba, his tail. The cavity at the right end of 
the under surface- is the hidden moon, ingetsu, and that at 
the left end, marigata, bow shaped. 

According to the ** Outline of the origin of the so-no-koto 
music *' written by Yamada Ryu, a master of the Japanese 
kotOj and the inventor of the form of it in principal 
use at the present time, the period in which the kin 
is supposed to have originated in China is that of the 
Emperor Fukki — B. C. 2000. It measured 7 feet 2 inches, 
(one foot longer than the modern instruments) and had 
only five strings. In the Chew dynasty 150 years later, 
a sixth string was added ; and later still a seventh. As a 
seven-stringed instrument the early kin remained for a 
long period, and as such it is generally quoted in the books* 
It was made in two sizes, the smaller being an octave 
instrument measuring 3 feet 6 in. An * octave* to the 
koto—^ihQ hangoto — used, in old Japanese days, to form 
part of a traveller's luggage ; and it seems reasonable to 
suppose that the small kin in older times was made for 
the same purpose, and was called into being by the same 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 275 

fondness for its music. In the Chin dynasty another 
miniature kin, 3 feet 7 in. long, seems to have been in 
vogue, and also a one stringed instrument, ichigenkin, 
which disappeared from China to reappear in later times in 
Japan under the same name. 

An endeavour to make the kin a twelve- stringed 
instrument seems to have failed, probably because the 
need for a many-stringed instrument was alread}' supplied 
by the hitsu-no-koto, which is attributed" also to the reign 
of the Emperor Fukki. The precise differences in construc- 
tion between the kin and the hitsu-no-koto are difficult 
to discover, the only record being as to the number of the 
strings. At first the hitsu-no-koto had fifty ; but in the 
reign of the Emperor Kotei the number was reduced to 
twenty five ; by the Emperor Shun, it was again reduced to 
twenty-three, ** many other alterations being made at the 
same time." It measured 8 feet i in. long, by i foot 
9 inches broad. After a time three more strings were 
discarded. 

Two further varieties are noticed in the books : the 
sho-hitsu-no-koto, 7 feet 3 inches long, with twenty five 
strings, and ** ornamented with precious stones :** and the 
chiku-no-kotOf a thirteen^-slringed instrument struck with 
a short bamboo — chiku. ** Even the kin '* says the historian 
"was sometimes struck with a stick, the idea having 
originated with a poet who derived inspiration from striking 
the strings with his pen." 

The Encyclopaedia gives drawings of two Corean kotos, 
the Kudaragoto and the Shiragigoto, said to have been 
sent from Corea to China. The information is not very 
reliable, and I have not discovered any further reference to 
them. The drawings (see Plate I. Fig. i) show one to have 
been in the ordinary form with a figure-head of a man 
at one end; and the other to have more resembled the 
traditional form of the ancient harp. 

At the points of greatest interest in the history of Japa- 
nese music, when the thirteen-stringed kin was finally 
established. in China, and which of the many forms al- 



276 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

ready noticed came to Japan, we unfortunately find the 
greatest doubt. The Chinese instrument now used for 
Chinese music in Japan is neither the pure kin nor the 
hitsu-no-koto, but the so-no-koto ; and even in the sober 
work of so accomph'shed a musician as Yamada Ryu, 
its introduction into these islands is surrounded by angels, 
mountain-tops, clouds and* lovely ladies. The period 
is given as the reign of the Emperor Temmu, about 
A. D. 673 ; and 'this roughly coincides with the date 
given by other historians of the advent of Chinese music, 
and the construction of the musical bureau (Uta-Ryd or 
GagakU'Ryo) for its special study. 

The chikii is the first thirteen-stringed instrumen 
mentioned but this again is treated as quite distinct from 
the so-no-koto. The number, though as a matter of 
course it is connected with all other human and divine 
things which have settled themselves into thirteen, seems 
undoubtedly to have been finally determined upon because 
it could give the full octave of ritsu or semitones, one 
string for each, when they were required. 

Somewhere then in the mists of the Chinese dynasties 
about two thousand years ago the s6-no-koto developed 
out of the hitsu-no-kotOy and came to Japan with 
Chinese music, dancing, and the rest of the Chinese 
orchestra, about the middle of the seventh century. It 
remained the fashionable instrument of the Court for 
upwards of a thousand years, but was used for Chinese 
music alone. National music was left to the Yamato-goto, 
of which more hereafter, the satsumabiwUf and the 
other instruments which had gradually developed in Japan. 

The development of the Japanese koto out of the so-no^ 
koto is however given by Yamada Ryu with some precision. 

In the year 1527 a priest of the Zentoji Temple in Chi- 
kugo became very famous as a player on the so-no-koto 
of the Tsukushi-gakUf or Kyushu music, then very popular 
with all classes. He taught Kenjun a priest of Hizen, and 
Genjo of the Keiganji Temple also in Hizen. Among 
Genjo's pupils was a young priest of the Zentdji Temple, 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 277 

Hosui, who came to Yedo during the reign of the 
Emperor Go-mizo-no-o, in 1614, and played before many 
noble families, and was much admired. His fame 
reached the ears of a blind biwa player, Yamadzumi Koto 
of Oshu, who thereupon came to Hosui for instruction : 
and who afterwards completed his education in Hizen 
under Genj6. Having become a first-rate Tsukushi 
musician he returned to Yedo with the higher degree of 
Kengyo, and assumed the name of Yatsuhashi. 

Yatsuhashi was the inventor of the Japanese koto and 
the father of modern Japanese music. He thought that 
the solemn Tsukushi music might give place occasionally 
to something lighter and more melodious, and that a * 
wider audience might so be obtained among the people. 
Taking his subjects from the famous novels the Ise- 
monogatari and the Genji-monogatari he composed thir- 
teen pieces called kumi — one for each string of the koto, 
or one for the twelve months with one over for the leap- 
month. These pieces are the classical standards of the 
present day, the well-known Umegae which I shall have 
to refer to frequently in the course of this paper being among 
them. The date given for the first production of kumi is 
1649. Within a very short time the grace of the new 
music appealed successfully to popular taste, and many 
composers of kumi arose ; among them a daitnyo of Iwaki 
is specially referred to, though not by name. 

In the meantime Hosui the young priest of Hizen had 
become a layman, still teaching the koto, under the name 
of Kashiwaya ; his former pupil became his master, and an 
intimate friendship sprang up between them. They spent 
their time practising the new music and composing fresh 
pieces. Yatsuhashi attained to the highest proficiency, 
taking the degree of Soroku, and not content with his 
past cahievements elaborated a second series of composi- 
tions, shinkyoku or **new pieces." 

During this period the composer had gradually been 
improving the instrument, turning his attention in the 
first place to the selection of hard kiri wood for the 



278 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

sounding-board, and to its proper seasoning. His earliest 
attempts he christened akikiri-gata — the ** Autumn mist*' 
koto: matsu-nami — the ** murmuring of the pines** kotoi 
and yame-gata. 

From these developed what is now called the Ikuta-goto, 
from the name of its maker Ikuta, a pupil of the second 
generation from the master ; and finally, towards the 
close of the eighteenth century, the Yamada-gotOf called 
after Yamada Ryu its originator who brought the manu* 
facture of the instrument to its highest pitch. It seems 
capable indeed of no further development. 

It has been impossible to give more than the barest 
indication of the differences between the earliest different 
forms of koto; but with regard to the three now in 
use, the so-no-kotOy the Ikiita, and the Yamada-gotos, 
they can be pointed out with mure precision. The so- 
nO'koto has low bridges, the gut is somewhat coarse, 
and the tsume — or playing nails — are of thick paper, gilt 
or silvered, with a very small piece of bamboo let in, not 
more than one fifth of an inch in length. In playing 
the paper stall first rubs the string and the bamboo strikes 
with very little force ; the result is a soft woolly tone. In 
the Japanese koto, these three points are altered ; the 
bridges are raised, the gut is of finer quality, and the 
tsume are of ivory standing clear of the leather stall, 
enabling the strings to be struck clean. The result is a 
clear bright tone, tending naturally to the production of 
lighter and brighter music. 

The Ikuta-goto is used now almost exclusively in 
the west of Japan, though occasionally in the east by 
ladies. Its sides and extremities are covered with 
elaborate lacquer designs and inlay of tortoise-shell, ivory 
and silver : the strings are of different colours, like 
those of the Western harp, enabling the octaves to be 
more easily distinguished. The tsume are of thick ivory 
or tortoiseshell set in laquered leather stalls, and are cut 
square at the top. In the Yamada-goto, used by all the 
profession in the east of Japan, superfluous ornament is 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 279 

discarded, the whole energy of the maker being devoted 
to the selection of the finest wood for the body ; only on 
very costly instruments is a liitle gold lacquer ornament 
of the most severe kind introduced. The bridges have 
again been raised ; they are made much stouter, and are 
either tipped with ivory or made of solid ivory ; the strings 
are of the finest white or yellow gut. The tsume are 
about an inch long, of ivory in leather stalls, with an 
elliptical top. On the whole the instrument is more 
substantial and more workmanlike than the delicately built 
Ikuta-gotOy and gives a much clearer and more resonant 
tone. 

The chief compositions of Yatsiihashi are comprised in 
the following list, all of which are frequently performed at 
the present day. Uvie^ae, Kokorozukushi, Tenkataihei. 
Usuyuki. Yuki-no-asa.^ Rokiidan. Seiro, Ktimo-no-ue. 
Usugoromo, Kiritsubo, Hachidan, Midare, Suma. 
Kumoi, Shikino-kyoku. Ogi-no-kyoku, 

His chief pupils through several generations were Kila- 
jima, Ikuta, Kurahashi, Mutsuhashi, Yasumura, Hisamura, 
and Ishizaka, all of whom held the degree olKengyo. Most 
of them were composers of kumi, and were thus admitted 
to the honour of founding a house of musicians. 

Thus much for Yatsuhashi and his work. 

We have now to go back to the old koto of Japan, the 
Yatnato-goto — otherwise called Wagon — which difters es- 
sentially in structure and principle from any that have 
been described. The Japanese authorities agree, and I see 
neither reason nor authority for disputing with them 
in claiming it, as the name indicates, as a purely national 
instrument. In such a paper as the present it would 
be out of place to mention the mythical personages who 
in the dusky ages were either charmed by its tones, or 
were themselves the charmers. The story of its develop- 
ment from six long bows tied side by side is a familiar 
one : and the form of the instrument suggests that it is by 
no means an improbable one. It is to be remembered that 
in almost all cases the old instruments which are in use 



28o PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

in the present day preserve their old forms intact. 
Improvements have developed new instruments ; but when 
the old music is performed the old instrument takes its 
place as it did hundreds of years ago. 

The sounding board of the Yamato-goto is cut at one 
end into hwQ long notches, the six strings being attached 
to the six * bow ' projections by thick coarse cords. The 
bridges are made of untrimmed joints of maple twigs : the 
strings themselves being of coarse gut. The idea of the 
roughness of the instrument is further preserved in the idea 
that it ought not to have a case of any sort. Crude though 
its construction is, its tone is very sweet and mellow. 

Again, the principle of the instrument is entirely different 
from that of the ordinary koto. The six strings are tuned 
in the following order— D.F.A.C.G.C, the major triad of the 
tonic, and the minor triad of the second of the diatonic 
scale of C major: an interesting and harmonious combina- 
tion with which Western musicians are perfectly familiar. 

The method of playing is as follows. In the right hand 
a small slip of ox-horn, or other hard material, is held with 
which all the six strings are scratched (literally koto-saki) 
rapidly, from the sixth to the first, close to the long bridge 
at the right end of the instrument. The strings are then 
at once damped with the left hand, and a little melody 
accompanying the voice is tinkled out with the left little 
finger, the ** scratch" coming to mark the pauses in the 
rhythm. 

The instrument is used now only on the rare occasions 
when the music which was originally written for it is 
performed : the Kagura, the Saibara, and the rest of the 
old music of the country. 

The following diagrams of the proper positions of the 
hand in playing the koto are taken from Abe Suyenao's 
** Records of Ancient Music.'* 



POSITIONS OF THE HANDS IN PLAYING TH 





/ 



^ 



POSITIONS OF THE HANDS IN PLAYIN 




i 



A> 




PRINCIPAL MEASUREMENTS OF THE 
FOUR KOTOS NOW IN USE. 





Yamato-goto. 


So-no-koto. 


Ikuta-goto. 


Yantada-goto, 




(Oldjapanese) 


(Chinese) 


(Modern 


Japanese) 


Length 


6 feet 3 inches 


6 feet 4^ inches 


6 feet 3 inches 


6 feet 


Breadth 


5f in. upper 

end 
9^ in. lower 

end 


lo in. 
9h in> 


of inches 


9} inches 


Depth of 










sound board 


2 in. 


if in. 


3 in. 


3 in. 


Height of upper 


4i >n- 


4iin. 


5 in. 


5iin. 


lower 










end 


3 in- 


3h in. 


2^ in. 


3h in. 


Height of 










string bridges 


2^ in. 


2 in. 


2 in. 


2j in. 


Upper bridge 










from end 


3 in. 


4iin. 


5i in. 


4iin. 


Lower bridge 










from end 


Length of fast- 
ening ropes 
11^ in. 


10 in. 


9^ in. 


8 in. 


Strings apart 


^ in. at up- 
per bridge 

i^ in. at rope 
fastening 
Notches of 
' bows' project 

2j in. from 
lower end 


S in. 


1 inch 


J inch 



The following are subordinate varieties of the koto, 
HaugotOy the half or octave koto; the ordinary instru- 
ment nn miniature, used while travelling. The idea of 
an octave instrument, as I have already indicated, had 
its origin in the earliest times. 

YagotOy the eight-stringed koto. This koto I have only 
seen once and then unstrung : it would be exceedingly 



282 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

interesting to get some reliable information about its 
history and the music played upon it. Its distinguishing 
features are that it is double strung and has no separate 
string bridges. The only information I have at present 
is that it is a purely Japanese instrument, and has been 
developed out of the Yamato-goto, Certain points in its 
construction would seem to bear out this statement. 

The sounding-board measures 3 feet 7 in. long, by 
about 5 inches high : and is more convexed than that of 
any other koto,' The eight double strings pass over two 
long low bridges giving a string length of 32 inches. 
Above the upper bridge they pass through ivory holes let 
into the surface of the sounding-board, and are wound 
round eight long tuning pegs which are fastened under- 
neath. These pegs terminate in small spear-heads which 
project from the upper end of the instrument. 

Yokin. A miniature intrument which has some affinity 
with the kotOy though it is constructed on different 
principles. It is said to be of Japanese origin. The 
sounding-board is of black wood, 26 inches by 10 : it is 
4 inches high, convexed, and decorated with metal orna- 
ments. It is strung with 13 double brass wires, attached 
to a double row of pins at either end placed beyond two 
low bridges which run across the sounding-board. ' I have 
no definite information as to the tuning or method of 
playing: nor do I feel very certain about the statement 
that the instrument is of Eastern origin. It is possible 
that it may have been adapted from the Zither, which is 
found occasionally under the name yankiji^ with fifteen 
double wires, and is said by the instrument-makers to have 
come to China from Italy. 

Ichigenkhif or Suma-gofo, A one-stringed instrument, 
first made at Suma near Kobe. It is supposed to have been 
invented in the golden Engi era by an exiled prince. I 
am not sure that it was not revealed to him in a dream, 
this means being adopted by the spirit of the defunct 
Chinese one-stringed instrument (as indeed it was adopted 
by other antique instruments, as the histories affirm) for 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 283 

coming back to the earth to charm the monotonous leisure 
of many weary mortals. 

It is made of kiri wood, almost flat, 3 feet 7 inches 
long, by 4^ inches broad. Its one string, 2 feet gj inches 
Jong» passes over an ivory bridge at one en^ and round a 
peg, 4^ inches high, at the other. It is played with an 
up stroke of an ivory cylindrical tsume held between the 
thumb and the first finger of the right hand, striking near 
the bridge; the notes are produced by placing a heavy 
ivory cylinder, 2} inches long, and worn on the second 
finger of the left hand, on different parts of the string; 
small white spots painted on the body of the instrument 
indicate the proper position for the cylinder to rest on the 
string. It is tuned to F^, the second string of the koto, 
and fundamental note of the scale. 

Nigenkin : a two- stringed variety of the siima-goto. 
Its dimensions are the same, but the body, instead of being 
almost flat, is hollowed to a depth of 2 inches. The pegs 
are generally of ivory and 2\ inches in length. The two 
strings are tuned in unison to Fijf, and are struck together. 
On leaving the pegs they pass through a hole in a small 
piece of brass, over an ebony bride with one notch, and at 
the other end over a second bridge with two notches half 
an inch apart. The notes are indicated by small metal 
nails let into the body. 

Yakumo-gotOy the old form of the nigejikin, which it 
resembles except that the body is a true sounding-board. 

Sangenkin : a three-stringed variety of the siuna-goto. 
The dimensions are the same as those of the one and 
two-stringed instruments, but the body has become a 
regular sounding-board in which three wires are loosely 
strung to produce a slight vibration, like those of the viol 
d'amore. The upper end of the sounding-board is cut into 
three bow notches, showing the affinity between this in- 
strument and the Yamato-goto : it is also bound thrice in 
its length with wicker to preserve the idea of the three 
bows tied toi^ether. Purple tassels hang from two small 
holes in the side. 



284 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The outer strings are tuned in unison to C^f , the middle 
one to F4f : thus 



^^ 




The same heavy tsume and cylinder are used as for the 
sunia-goto, the position of the notes being indicated as in 
the fiigenkin by smallm etal nails let into the sounding- 
board. The three strings are sometimes struck together, 
and sometimes the third alone, when the melody does 
not permit of the harmony of the common chord of the 
tonic. 

It is almost superfluous, I suppose, to add that the 
sounding-boards of these three instruments are sometimes 
made of a broad piece of split bamboo. 

Shichigenkin, a seven-stringed instrument without 
bridges, differing in some respects from those just mention- 
ed and in others resembling them. It is exceedingly rare, 
and I have not been able to obtain any very reliable 
information as to the method of playing on it. Like the 
suma-goto there are marks on the sounding-board indicat- 
ing the position of the finger for pressing the different 
notes ; in this case they are of ivory ; but no tsume are 
I believe used either for pressure or for striking, the first 
and second fingers of the left hand being used for the 
former, and the strings * plucked * by the thumb and first 
finger of the right hand. The strings are not in unison, 
but are tuned to G, D, F, E, F, D, E : thus. 




^^ o Q a ^ .^ g 



I have been unable however fully to understand the use 
of the first to the sixth strings, the melody apparently 
being played only on the seventh. 

The strings are fastened to loops of silk cord which are 
fastened underneath the sounding board to seven small 
pegs : the cords come up to the upper surface through small 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 285 

holes, the knots between the cords and the strings resting 
on a ridge, half an inch high, which serves to keep the 
strings free of the sounding-board. On the ridge the 
strings are Jths of an inch apart; from this point they 
converge, and passing over the lower end within a space 
of ij inch, they are tightly wound round two stout pegs 
fastened underneath the sounding-board one foot from the 
end ; these pegs serve as rests for the instrument. It will 
be observed from this description that the strings of the 
shiehigenkin can only be tuned by untying the knots at 
their upper ends. 

The length of the sounding-board is 3 feet loj inches, 
with a string length of 3 feet 7 inches. The breadth is 
6J inches, tapering to 4 J : the height 3J inches; the 
thickness i inch at the outside edges, and if inches in 
the centre. I can find no authority for assuming that 
there is any resemblance between the shiehigenkin with 
the old seven-stringed kin of China. 



nilVAS, AND STRINGED INSTRU- 
MENTS WITH FRETS. 

Xhe hugakuhiwa was introduced from China by the 
commissioners sent to that country by the Emperor Jimmyo 
to study its music. It came originally from the * Bar- 
barians,' according to the chronicles, about A. D. 935. It 
is a massive stringed instrument with a gourd-shaped body 
measuring 3 feet 3 inches long and 16 inches across the 
broadest part of the face and having a string length of 
25 inches. It is said formerly to have been played on 
horse-back. Now it rests on its lower edge on the ground 
between the knees of the performer ; the neck is bent back 
at right angles to enable it to rest on its back at a slight 
angle when it is being tuned. 

It has four strings passing over three high frets and 
collected in a notch at the upper end. The normal tuning 
is a combination of niagari and sansagari. The other 
tunings will be found in the diagram of the tunings of the 
so-no-koto with which it is invariably used for private 
performances of the bugakti dances. It is played with a 
bachi of hard wood ; but this is very much heavier than 
that of the saviisen, and has rounded instead of pointed 
ends. It is grasped firmly in the right hand and dragged 
over the band of black leather which runs across the face of 
the instrument, and over the strings, which are strung close 
to the body, actually striking only the third or fourth string, 
on which the melody is thus played. The effect of the 
music therefore is that of a series of open chords. The 
tone of instrument is sonorous and rich. 

The body of the biwa is made of shiian, the neck of 
willow, and tuning handles of peach: the bachi of * yellow 
willow.' The side, like that of the koto^ is called o-iso, the 
sea shore. The measurements are given with the corre- 
sponding ones of the satsumabiwa for convenience of 
comparison. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 287 

The satsnmabiwa is a smallei; and more delicate instru- 
ment than the Chinese biwa from which it is derived ; but 
is constructed on the same principle. Four frets rather 

less than half an inch in breadth are placed at intervals on 

* 

the neck; the Chinese biwa has three frets only, and 
these are much lower. The different notes are produced 
by different pressures above the frets, the strings being 
struck with a very big bachi ; a peculiar bird-like trill is 
imparted to the notes by the vibrations of the string on 
the broad surface of the fret. These delicate vibrations are 
emphasized by the up and down stroke with the bachi, 
which is a chief characteristic of the music. The instru- 
ment is used to accompany heroic recitations, and ancient 
songs of love and war. The chief recitation is the famous 
Heike-monogatarij which tells of the conflict between the 
Heike and the Genji clans, the discomfiture of the Heike, 
and the drowning of the infant Emperor Antoku. This 
accompaniment shows the instrument at its best, and taxes 
the powers of the musician to the utmost. Short phrases 
of the poem corresponding almost exactly with operatic 
recitative are chanted, and after each of them comes des- 
criptive music, increasing in vigour as the battle wages, 
and sinking into melancholy cadences with the retreat of 
the vanquished. This descriptive music is of the simplest 
nature, consisting merely of rythmical beats on the lower 
strings with occasional beats on the wood, or a series of 
very rapid sweeps over all four strings each finishing with 
an upstroke on the fourth : the dexterity with which these 
passages are executed astonishes, but their simple appro- 
priateness gives the whole composition, without exaggera- 
tion, a charm which not all ancient music, even in the 
West, can be said to possess. Apart from these descrip- 
tive passages the music is rugged, and devoid of melody. 
Onewshort lilting phrase, which has without doubt descended 
to the modern music of the samisen, alone remains in the 
memory, and this occurs in nearly every composition. 
The repertoire consists of over one hundred pieces, of 
which however only thirty are considered classical. Bhva 



288 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

players are almost entirely confined to the region round 
Kagoshima where the Heikemonogatari first came into 
existence, the defeated clansmen having taken refuge there. 
The story of the war seems gradually to have taken poetic 
shape among their descendants, and was handed down 
like a Saga from generation to generation. It was not 
reduced into its present from till about the year 1445. 

There are said to be at present two professionals only 
of first rank, and this is not to be wondered at considering 
the difficulty of mastering the instrument. Its tones 
depend for their accuracy both on the position of the 
fingers between the frets, and also on the amount of 
pressure placed upon them : the frets stand up from 
the neck about an inch, and as many as ?iVQ semitones 
can be produced by a finger in one position. This seems 
to form a link between the biwa and the koto^ which has 
both single and double pressures. 

The leathern band which runs across the body of the 
bugakubiwa is replaced by a broad band of black orna- 
mented lacquer : the belly is made of polished mulberry or 
cherry wood, the back and neck being inscribed with 
poems and the fanciful name of the instrument in bold 
gold lettering: e.g. ** Phcenix-voiced ! ** At the point 
where the neck meets the back it expands into a large 
conical form, called toyama, the distant mountain. 

The following are the accurate measurements of the 
instrument : the figures in brackets are the measurements 
of the bugakubiwa : 

full length : 3 feet [3 ft. 3 in.] 

length of neck measured from lowest fret, 13 inches 
[Si in.] 

breadth of neck, tapering from 1.2 [i in.] inch to 1.4 
[1.5] : depth about 1.3 [1.2] 

length of neck-rest in which the handles are placed, ii 
inches [9^ ; the handles themselves measuring 5 inches [4] 

greatest breadth of belly, 13 inches [16] 

greatest thickness, 2 inches [2] ^ : both faces are slightly 
convexed, the thickness of the body at the edge being i 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 289 

inch [ij] : in the face are two ivory crescents * new 
moons,' 6i inches [n] from the lowest fret: in each of 
these a very small aperture is cut. In the hugakuhiwa^ 
the apertures are themselves crescent-shaped, and are 
rather larger : there is also a circular aperture underneath 
the string holder. 

breadth of lacquer band, 4.8 inches [7.25] 

The strings are fastened at the base to a large holder, 
3. 2 inches long [3. 5] by 4. 8 [5.25] broad, which stands 
.8 of an inch [.5] clear of the body except at its lower end ; 
the strings at the holder are one inch apart in both 
instruments : they get closer together as they pass over 
the frets, finally meeting in an ivory [ebony] notch at 
the head of the neck which comes down at right angles to 
the body. The handles are 5J inches long [4J] . 

The fret measurements are as follow : 
length of string from the holder to the first fret at the 
nape of the neck, 17^ inches [25 in.] 
between first and second frets 2. i inches [i in.] 
„ second ,, third „ 2 ,, [i. i] 

third ,, fourth ,, 4. 8 ,, 
,, ,, fourth „ ivory notch, 1.6 „ [5* i in. 

between 3rd fret and notch] 

The frets are .45 [.3] inch broad ; the three lower 
ones 2.5 [i. 2 and i in.] inches long, the upper one 1.8, 
sloping down to about an inch where they are fastened to 
the neck. 

Their heights are i inch [.3], i. i [.35], i. 3 [.4], i. 5, 
respectively : thus allowing the strings to pass clear of the 
lower frets when the pressure is on one higher up. 

The strings are tuned to A, E, A, C. 

The first and second are almost invariably used as open 
strings : the third string is also often used open, very few 
touched notes being played on it, the melody being left 
almost entirely to the upper string which is drawn clear 
of the others by the little finger of the left hand. Being 
lighter than the bugakuhiwa it is played sitting with 
the instrument resting on the right leg. The bachi 



ff 



2go 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



is 6J inches [7I] long, with a striking edge of gj [2f] 
inches. 

The gekkin is sometimes called the miniature biwa, 
and sometimes the * Moon-shaped koto,' Although it 
differs entirely in construction from the biwa, its high frets 
put it clearly in the same class of instruments. The 
body is circular, 14 inches in diameter, and i\ inch thick, 
the two surfaces being parallel ; they are without apertures, 
on the upper face are generally placed two carved flowers 
where the apertures would be. The neck is one foot long, 
and I J inch broad, capped by a large flat-headed orna- 
ment. There are in all nine frets, decreasing in height, 
like those of the biwa : the upper one over which the 
strings pass to the pegs is half an inch in height, and is 
placed 5^ inches up the neck. Four of the frets are on 
the face of the instrument, one at the join of the neck 
and the body, the remainder on the neck. 

There are four strings 16 inches in length tuned in 
pairs to a fifth, the first and second to C, the third and 
fourth to G, thus 




The frets give the Chinese scale in two octaves in the 
following way : 



$^ 



No. of fret. 



1st and ind strings, ird and ^th strings. 



I 

2 

3 

4 

5 
6 

7 
8 



[open strings] C 




F 



C 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 29T 

second strings, the sixth fret giving the octave to the 
open string, is characteristic of the tunings of the Chinese 
koto, but as the note is given on the third and fourth 
strings, I doubt whither this fact supplies any argument 
in support of what I think is often stated, that the seventh 
is omitted in the Chinese diatonic scale. The music for 
XhQ gekkin consists entirely of quaint little Chinese songs, 
many of them very melodious and pretty. It is played with 
a small ivory or tortoise-shell plectrum, the double strings 
giving a trill to the notes which is accentuated by the 
vibrations of a wire fastened loosely inside the body : this 
wire produces a curious jangling whenever the instrument 
is moved. The up and down stroke of the plectrum, which 
is characteristic of Chinese and Japanese music, acquires 
additional grace by coming on different strings. 

The genkatiy another Chinese instrument of the same 
class which has evidently developed out of the gekkin, 
being without apertures, and containing a wire vibrator 
in the body. The chief differences are a shialler and 
hexagonal body, and a longer neck. The sides of the 
hexagon are 4J inches, and the measurement from side to 
side 10 inches. The neck is 2 feet long, and the string 
length also 2 feet. In addition to the upper fret which 
gives the open notes, there are eleven frets on the neck 
and one on the body giving the full diatonic scale, includ- 
ing the 7th which is absent in the lower strings of the 
gekkin. The four strings are tuned in pairs to C and G, 
the compass of the instrument being two octaves and two 
notes : 



^ 



THE SAMISEN, FIDDLES, AND 

STRINGED INSTRUMENTS 

WITHOUT FRETS. 

The samisen, the popular instrument of geisha and 
beggar women, the leading instrument in the orchestra 
of the theatre and later forms of No dance, is supposed to 
have been introduced from Liu Chiu about 1560 where it 
was used more as a plaything than as a serious musical 
instrument. It was advanced to this dignity by the biwa 
players who found it a more portable instrument than their 
own, and was first used for accompanying jdruri'httshi. 
The names of the chief players were Nakanokdji, and his 
pupil Torasawa ; and later, in the Keich6 era, Sawazumi, 
who became proficient in the ko-uta and other offshoots 
of the joruri-monogatari. He settled at Osaka, and his 
two pupils Kagaichi and J6hide came to Yedo, where they 
acquired same reputation and afterwards took the degree 
of Kengyd, with the names Yanagawa and Yamahashi. 
Yamahashi Kengyd is regarded as the father of the modern 
samisen players : he gave the instrument the name 
*sansen' — three strings, which was afterwards converted 
into the three character word * samisen' or ** three tasteful 
strings." Another but rather doubtful theory is it that the 
instrument existed in Japan at the time of the Ashikaga 
dynasty (15th century). It is probable however that it was 
in use in China during the twelfth century, and travelled 
thence to Liu Chiu. Originally the belly was covered with 
snake's skin, and it was strung with two strings only, the 
third being added by one Ishimura. There are three tun- 
ings, used merely for convenience in the way of getting 
as many open strings as possible : they are all adapted to 
hirajoshi, the plain tuning of the koto. It is rarely 
used when the koto is tuned in any other way, though 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 293 

the possibility of using it is recognized. The three tunings 
are as follow : — 

Honchoshi D G d 

Niagari D A d 

Sansagari D G c 

There are also these two special tunings used only for 
comic music : — 

Ichisagari C G d 

Sansagari D G B flat 

The samisen is played with a bachi of wood, ivory, or 
tortoise-shell, which strikes the strings just below where 
the neck joins the body; at this point the face is strength- 
ened with a small extra piece of parchment, which recieves 
the first blow from the bachi : there are thus produced two 
distinct sounds, the drumming on the face, and the vibra- 
tion of the strings. In the fingering great care is used 
to let the strings be pressed by the fingernails. 
The measurements of the samisen are : 

the body, yf inches long, by 7 inches broad, by 3^ 

inches deep, 
the neck, 2 feet 5J long, tapering from i inch broad to 

seven tenths, 
the pegs, 3 inches long. 

the bachiy 8J inches long; rather less than an inch 

square at the top, and 3J inches long at the lower 

edge. 

The jamisen is the original instrument from which the 

samisen has descended. The neCk is somewhat shorter 

being only 2 feet long : the body however is the same size 

but with rounded edges. It is covered with snake skin 

on both sides. 

The jamisen is a Chinese instrument whose history I 
have not been able to trace clearly. Although it differs in 
the construction of its body from the samisen it so much 
resembles that instrument in other respects that there 
seems very little doubt that they both sprang from the 
same source. Both front and back of the body of the 



294 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

jamisen are covered with snake's skin, but instead of 
being a hollow rectangular frame like that of the samisen, 
the body is an oval block of hard wood, measuring 6 inches 
in length, 5 in breadth, and 2f in thickness, in which a 
hole 2 inches in diameter is cut. It has three strings 
which pass over a small ivory bridge and are fastened to 
an ivory knob at the base of the belly. It is played with 
a small tortoise shell plectrum. The neck is two inches 
shorter than that of the samisen^ but the pegs are much 
larger. The strings are tuned to honchoshi. 




^ 



^ 



The kokyii, the Japanese fiddle, seems to hav« come to 
China from Hindustan ; thence it travelled through Liu Chiu 
to Japan. It is described in the Encyclopaedia as having 
been originally used by the Southern Barbarians to ward off 
the attacks of venomous reptiles on account of its mournful 
tone. Originally the bow was of one stout gut string In 
the shape of the long archery bow ; it is now made of a 
bundle of loose horse hair two feet and a half long. It has 
four strings nearly always tuned to sansagari, the third 
and fourth — the upper and not the lower as with us — strings 
being tuned in unison, imparting to the high notes a 
greater strength and clearness, thus: Frjf ,B,E,E. 

It is played resting on the floor in front of the left knee 
of the musician, a metal pivot fixed in the base of the body, 
enabling it to be turned in order that the outer strings may 
be pulled clean. This position and the cumbersome bow 
with its heavy swaying tassel prevent any elaborate music 
from being played upon it : it has thus been relegated to a 
subordinate position among instruments, being used merely 
to reinforce the melody. It is not often that one hears the 
kokyU well played, as the system of instruction is entirely 
at fault: it ignores * position,' the fingers of the left hand 
learning their places on the strings by rote, the pupil sitting. 

The omission of the 7th of the scale on the first and 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 295 

fingering both of the kokyU and the samisen is recognized 
by the double fee which is charged by the masters. With 
so crude a n^ethod of teaching the playing of any but first- 
rate professionals must necessarily be lamentably careless 
and untrue : but in their hands the notes are pulled with 
great accuracy and precision, and I find the tone exceeding- 
ly sweet though somewhat plaintive. It is curious to note 
too that the loose bow string is capable of making the sound 
float from the string without a trace of * scratching.* A 
small wooden rest, with a hole in it for the pivot, fixed in 
the obi enables the kokyu to be played by beggars in the 
street : and, when held under the left knee, by foreigners 
sitting in a chair. 

The measurements of the kokyu are : 

the body, 5J inches long, by 4.9 broad, by 2.3 deep. 

the neck, 18 inches long, tapering from #.7 toijf .6. 

the pegs, 2^ inches long. 

the bow, 3 feet Sf long, with a bend at the upper end 3 
inches long : length of horsehair 2 feet 6J inches. 
Keikin, a four-stringed Chinese fiddle, with a body made 
of a small segment of bamboo, 5 inches long by 4 in 
diameter ; the neck measures 27 inches. The pegs are 
placed one below the other and project beneath the neck ; 
the strings pass separately through an ivory notch half 
way down the neck and over a small ivory bridge on the 
face of the body, the string length being only lo^ inches. 
They are tuned in pairs to a fifth (I think). The most 
curious feature of this instrument is that the horsehair 
of the bow is twined in and out of the strings, making 
it impossible for a single note to be produced. The only 
fingering which is possible is by pressure on the strings 
between the lowest peg and the ivory notch : they are 
then quite close together. The bow is pulled close to 
the body on which a lump of resin is stuck. 

The face of the body is covered with snake's skin ; the 
back with an open black-wood ornament. 

Kokiftj a two-stringed variety of the keikin. The body 
is only 4 inches long by 2 in diameter, and the neck of 



296 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

bamboo 18 inches long. There is no ivory notch on the 
neck, but the strings are tied back with a loop of gut. 
They are tuned to a fifth, the bow being twined in and 
out of them as in the larger instrument. The face of 
the body is covered with snake's skin, and the back is 
uncovered. It has a lump of resin stuck on to it. 

Teikittf another form of Chinese fiddle. It is the same 
length as the keikln, but has only two strings, and the 
pegs project at the side of the neck. The body is spherical 
in form and made of black-wood with carved open work at 
the back. The face is of lighter wood 4 inches in diame- 
ter. The strings are tuned to a fifth and pass over a 
small ivory bridge, to which they come straight from the 
pegs. The bow is twined in the strings as in the case of 
the keikin and kokin, and there is also a lump of resin on 
the body. 



- FLUTES, AND BAMBOO WIND 

INSTRUMENT. 

The /uye or flute, is said to have originated in North- 
West Asia, and thence to have come to Japan through 
China. The Japanese however claim their flute as in- 
digenous to the country. The Chinese flute is called 
oteki or in Japanese yokobuye, — * Side blowing flute ' — 
probably to distinguish it from the hichiriki which is blown 
from the end. It is also called ryuteki^ the Dragon-flute. 
It has seven fingerholes, and was made originally of 
monkey-bone, but afterwards of bamboo. There were two 
kinds, the long and the short ; the latter alone seems to 
have been in frequent use. It measures 15.5 inches in 
length : the internal diameter being about .55 inch : and 
the lip-hole 10.9 inches, the first finger hole 6.5, and 
the last 1.3 from the end. The long variety was made 
of a thinner bamboo and produced more delicate notes. 

The Japanese flute or yamaiohuye of which we hear so 
much in the chronicles of early times, is claimed by mytho- 
logy to have been first made by Amano-Usume, the divine 
singer and dancer who drew Amaterasu from her cave ; 
she gathered the bamboo on Amano-kagu-yama, the moun- 
tain of the heavenly fragrance, and christened the flute 
Amano-Toriy the Bird from Heaven. 

It is, like*all the Eastern flutes, lacquered red inside, and 
closely bound outside between the holes with string laid 
on with paste and afterwards fixed with lacquer. The 
string is a substitute for strips of cherry-tree bark which 
was formerly used, this itself being a substitute for the 
bark of the ^a6a-tree of China, with which the old Chinese 
flutes were bound. The top is plugged with lead wrapped 
in rolls of paper fastened with wax, and finished at the 
end with wood decorated either with brocade or a highly 
finished metal ornament. 



298 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The ixistruments are kept for an extraordinary number 
of years, many of those now in use being said to be over 
a thousand years old ; a list of the temple flutes was kept 
at Court, and like most of the old instruments they were 
known by special names, such as * The Snake charmer,* 
* Green leaves,' * The Fisherman.' 

It is difficult fully to appreciate the clear tones of the 
Japanese flute, as the notes are seldom blown * clean.' 
Weird quarter-tones disfigure both the beginning and the 
end of all sustained notes, the musicians being specially 
taught to acquire the art of producing them ; and for some 
reason which much enquiry has not revealed to me, the 
music would be considered as shorn of its beauties if they 
were omitted. 

It has 6 holes, and measure 17J inches long, with an 
internal diameter at the base of slightly less than half an 
inch. The lip-hole is 12.6 inches, the first finger-hole 
7.5 and last 2.7, inches from the end. The yamatohuye 
were divided into two classes : the kagurabuye^ the 
measurements of which have just been given ; and the 
azumahtiye^ made of a thinner bamboo and giving a more 
delicate tone. As their names imply the former was used 
in the kagura orchestra, the latter in that of the azuma- 
asohi. In the same way the Chinese flute is sometimes 
called the bugakubuye. The azumabuye has now given 
way to the Corean flute, kotnabuye, which is usually 
carried by the temple musicians with the kagurabuye 
in a doublebarrelled lacquer case. 

The komabuye has 6 holes and is made of very thin 
bamboo, 14^ inches long, with an internal diameter of only 
.4 inch. The lip-hole is 9.9 inches, the first finger-hole 
5.7, and the last 2 inches, from the end. 

Seitekif a primitive Chinese flute, used with the gekkin, 
teikin and keikin which are often played together^ It 
is made of plain bamboo, unlacquered inside, 21 inches 
long, with six finger-holes. Its chief peculiarity is that 
between the upper finger-hole and the lip-hole there is 
opposite to the teacher. The difficulty of teaching the 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 299 

another hole which is covered with paper before the 
instrument is played, which gives a quaint buzz to the 
music. At the lower end also holes are pierced for a cord 
and tassel. 

The Encyclopaedia gives two additional forms of flute. 

Dosho, or * cave flute,* said to have been much used 
during the Tong dynasty in China. It measured 2 shaku. 
It was originally made as a toy, but was afterwards adopted 
seriously and bound with ornamental strings. It was never 
popular with the Japanese. 

Chif a bamboo flute with seven holes, said to have been 
first made about 1000 B.C. The tones resembled a baby's 
crying, and hence it was never much used. 

Hichirikif the * sad-toned tube,' in appearance and struc- 
ture resembles a small flute, bearing the same proportion to 
the flute, as the piccolo does in the West. It is made of 
bamboo, lacquered inside, and bound with lacquered string 
like the flute, with seven holes above and two thumb holes 
below. It is however played with a loose reed mouth- 
piece which is inserted at one end and bound with paper 
which, having been damped, swells and keeps it firmly in 
its place. The instrument is the diapason of the classical 
orchestra, and on it must be laid the blame of those sounds, 
often attributed to the shoy which are entirely gruesome 
to Western ears. 

Hichiriki players are even greater sinners than the flau- 
tists in the matter of those superfluous quarter tones 
already referred to : the antecedent slur is often a prolonged 
wailing slide through a full tone, more or less ; the note 
finishing with an excruciating risj of a semitone, more or 
less, cut off short. These sounds seem always to have 
pleased the Japanese ear, the old hichirikis being as much 
prized as the old flutes, and their history recorded with as 
great care. It is more correctly kept in a box shaped like 
a closed fan, but a cover is only an invention of modern 
times. It measures 7.1 inches long, with an internal 
diameter tapering from .6 to .4 of an inch. The first hole 
is 1.4 inches from the top, the last i.i from the bottom. 



300 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The under holes are 1.9 and 4.1 from the top respective- 
ly. The reed mouthpiece, shita, is 2.3 inches long, 
but when in place it only projects one inch from the end 
of the instrument. Special instructions are given for the 
manufacture of this mouthpiece. It should be made from 
cane cut at Udono in the province of Yamashiro, in the 
depth of winter, and dried slowly in the kitchen. It should 
be bound with the best Mino paper. 

The Encyclopaedia refers to a larger form of the in- 
strument, the ohichirikL The only detail given concern- 
iner it is that it has nine finger holes instead of seven. 

The shakuhachi is made of thick bamboo lacquered 
inside, measuring from 20 to 20J inches long. The ap- 
proximate measurements from joint to joint are 6f , 5^ , 4, 
3J inches respectively, but in the best instruments these 
measurements should be 6, 5, 4, 3, sun. The internal 
diameter measures i inch at the top, and ij at the base : 
the external diameter i\ inches at the top, and 2 inches at 
the base which is cut so as to include the swell of the reed. 

Well played it is one of the mellowest of wind instru- 
ments ; but the exceeding difficulty of playing it at all 
justifies the tradition of secrets which have been handed 
down from Omori Toku, a hermit of Yedo, from genera- 
tion to generation of patient teachers and patient pupils. 
The principle of the instrument corresponds with that of an 
organ pipe, being no more than a hollow tube with a 
slight cut at the end fitted with a hard ebony * voicing.' 
The under lip of the player almost covers the upper cavity 
and thus takes the place of the language of the pipe, the 
breath entering between the edge of the lower lip and the 
* voice.' It has four upper holes, the centre of the first 
being gj inches from the lip, and a thumb hole underneath 
Si inches from lip. By dint of half-opening the holes the 
full Chinese chromatic scale is produced. 

There are some small kinds of shakuhachi, some of 
them being most elaborately carved. 

Hitoyogirif given by the Encyclopaedia as a variety of 
shakuhachiy a little shorter but of very sweet sound. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 3OI 

It measures 21 inches and is made out of two joints of 
bamboo only; the finger-holes coming below the ring, the 
lip above. The difficulty of finding the necessary bamboo 
probably accounts for its scarcity. 

Shonofuye, See Plate I, Fig. 2. A very ancient 
instrument composed of 22 pipes arranged side by side like 
panpipes. The Encyclopaedia gives no information as to 
how it was played. The largest pipe measured 17 inches. 

A smaller variety contained only 16 pipes. 

The sho [shi-yo), is composed of a compact bundle of 
seventeen thin bamboo reeds fixed into a circular lacquer 
wind-chamber of cherry wood or hard pine, the air passing 
in a channel round the central support. It is fitted with a 
silver mouthpiece. 

The following are the precise details. 

Wind box: height 3.4 inches; diameter 2.8 which de- 
creases slightly at the base. 

Projection of silver mouthpiece .7 inch : length 1.8 ; 
breadth i. i. 

Rectangular hole in mouthpiece .35 by .6. 

Height from wind box of silver band holding the reeds 
an position, 5^ inches. 

The reeds are arranged in two sets, those opposite one 
another being of equal height : each set is also arranged 
like the front pipes of an organ, the longest in the 
middle, the remainder getting shorter in couples, one on 
either side. The longest pipes are in a line with the 
centre of the mouthpiece, these are the 4th and the 13th, 
the first being on the right side. The following diagram 
shows the arrangement and measurements in inches and 
decimals. 



300 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The under holes are 1.9 and 4.1 from the top respective- 
ly. The reed mouthpiece, shita, is 2.3 inches long, 
but when in place it only projects one inch from the end 
of the instrument. Special instructions are given for the 
manufacture of this mouthpiece. It should be made from 
cane cut at Udono in the province of Yamashiro, in the 
depth of winter, and dried slowly in the kitchen. It should 
be bound with the best Mino paper. 

The Encyclopaedia refers to a larger form of the in- 
strument, the ohichirikL The only detail given concern- 
ing it is that it has nine finger holes instead of seven. 

The shakuhachi is made of thick bamboo lacquered 
inside, measuring from 20 to 20J inches long. The ap- 
proximate measurements from joint to joint are 6J, 5^, 4, 
3J inches respectively, but in the best instruments these 
measurements should be 6, 5, 4, 3, sun. The internal 
diameter measures i inch at the top, and i^ at the base : 
the external diameter i\ inches at the top, and 2 inches at 
the base which is cut so as to include the swell of the reed. 

Well played it is one of the mellowest of wind instru- 
ments ; but the exceeding difficulty of playing it at all 
justifies the tradition of secrets which have been handed 
down from Omori Toku, a hermit of Yedo, from genera- 
tion to generation of patient teachers and patient pupils. 
The principle of the instrument corresponds with that of an 
organ pipe, being no more than a hollow tube with a 
slight cut at the end fitted with a hard ebony * voicing.* 
The under lip of the player almost covers the upper cavity 
and thus takes the place of the language of the pipe, the 
breath entering between the edge of the lower lip and the 
* voice.* It has four upper holes, the centre of the first 
being g^ inches from the lip, and a thumb hole underneath 
8J inches from lip. By dint of half-opening the holes the 
full Chinese chromatic scale is produced. 

There are some small kinds of shakuhachi^ some of 
them being most elaborately carved. 

Hitoyogiriy given by the Encyclopaidia as a variety of 
shakuhachiy a little shorter but of very sweet sound. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 3OI 

It measures 21 inches and is made out of two joints of 
bamboo only ; the finger-holes coming below the ring, the 
lip above. The difficulty of finding the necessary bamboo 
probably accounts for its scarcity. 

Shonofuye, See Plate I, Fig. 2. A very ancient 
instrument composed of 22 pipes arranged side by side like 
panpipes. The Encyclopaedia gives no information as to 
how it was played. The largest pipe measured 17 inches. 

A smaller variety contained only i6 pipes. 

The sho {shi-yo), is composed of a compact bundle of 
seventeen thin bamboo reeds fixed into a circular lacquer 
wind-chamber of cherry wood or hard pine, the air pissing 
in a channel round the central support. It is fitted with a 
silver mouthpiece. 

The following are the precise details. 

Wind box; height 3.4 inches; diameter 2.8 which de- 
creases slightly at the base. 

Projection of silver mouthpiece .7 inch : length 1.8 ; 
breadth i. i. 

Rectangular hole in mouthpiece .35 by .6. 

Height from wind box of silver band holding the reeds 
m position, 5J inches. 

The reeds are arranged in two sets, those opposite one 
another being of equal height : each set is also arranged 
like the front pipes of an organ, the longest in the 
middle, the remainder getting shorter in couples, one on 
either side. The longest pipes are in a line with the 
centre of the mouthpiece, these are the 4th and the 13th, 
the first being on the right side. The following diagram 
shows the arrangement and measurements in inches and 
decimals. 



300 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The under holes are 1.9 and 4.1 from the top respective- 
ly. The reed mouthpiece, shitUy is 2.3 inches long, 
but when in place it only projects one inch from the end 
of the instrument. Special instructions are given for the 
manufacture of this mouthpiece. It should be made from 
cane cut at Udono in the province of Yamashiro, in the 
depth of winter, and dried slowly in the kitchen. It should 
be bound with the best Mino paper. 

The Encyclopaedia refers to a larger form of the in- 
strument, the ohichirikL The only detail given concern- 
ing it is that it has nine finger holes instead of seven. 

The shakuhachi is made of thick bamboo lacquered 
inside, measuring from 20 to 20J inches long. The ap- 
proximate measurements from joint to joint are 6f , 5f, 4, 
3J inches respectively, but in the best instruments these 
measurements should be 6, 5, 4, 3, sun. The internal 
diameter measures i inch at the top, and i^ at the base : 
the external diameter i J inches at the top, and 2 inches at 
the base which is cut so as to include the swell of the reed. 

Well played it is one of the mellowest of wind instru- 
ments ; but the exceeding difficulty of playing it at all 
justifies the tradition of secrets which have been handed 
down from Omori Toku, a hermit of Yedo, from genera- 
tion to generation of patient teachers and patient pupils. 
The principle of the instrument corresponds with that of an 
organ pipe, being no more than a hollow tube with a 
slight cut at the end fitted with a hard ebony * voicing.* 
The under lip of the player almost covers the upper cavity 
and thus takes the place of the language of the pipe, the 
breath entering between the edge of the lower lip and the 
'voice.* It has four upper holes, the centre of the first 
being g^ inches from the lip, and a thumb hole underneath 
8J inches from lip. By dint of half-opening the holes the 
full Chinese chromatic scale is produced. 

There are some small kinds of shakuhachi^ some of 
them being most elaborately carved. 

Hitoyogirif given by the Encyclopaedia as a variety of 
shakuhachi, a little shorter but of very sweet sound. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 30I 

It measures 21 inches and is made out of two joints of 
bamboo only; the finger-holes coming below the ring, the 
lip above. The difficulty of finding the necessary bamboo 
probably accounts for its scarcity. 

Shonofuye. See Plate I, Fig. 2. A very ancient 
instrument composed of 22 pipes arranged side by side like 
panpipes. The Encyclopaedia gives no information as to 
how it was played. The largest pipe measured 17 inches. 

A smaller variety contained only 16 pipes. 

The sho {shi-yo), is composed of a compact bundle of 
seventeen thin bamboo reeds fixed into a circular lacquer 
wind-chamber of cherry wood or hard pine, the air pissing 
in a channel round the central support. It is fitted with a 
silver mouthpiece. 

The following are the precise details. 

Wind box: height 3.4 inches; diameter 2.8 which de- 
creases slightly at the base. 

Projection of silver mouthpiece .7 inch : length 1.8 ; 
breadth i. i. 

Rectangular hole in mouthpiece .35 by .6. 

Height from wind box of silver band holding the reeds 
an position, 5^ inches. 

The reeds are arranged in two sets, those opposite one 
another being of equal height : each set is also arranged 
like the front pipes of an organ, the longest in the 
middle, the remainder getting shorter in couples, one on 
either side. The longest pipes are in a line with the 
centre of the mouthpiece, these are the 4th and the 13th, 
the first being on the right side. The following diagram 
shows the arrangement and measurements in inches and 
decimals. 



300 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The under holes are 1.9 and 4.1 from the top respective- 
ly. The reed mouthpiece, shitUy is 2.3 inches long, 
but when in place it only projects one inch from the end 
of the instrument. Special instructions are given for the 
manufacture of this mouthpiece. It should be made from 
cane cut at Udono in the province of Yamashiro, in the 
depth of winter, and dried slowly in the kitchen. It should 
be bound with the best Mine paper. 

The Encyclopaedia refers to a larger form of the in- 
strument, the ohichirikL The only detail given concern- 
ing it is that it has nine finger holes instead of seven. 

The shakuhachi is made of thick bamboo lacquered 
inside, measuring from 20 to 20J inches long. The ap- 
proximate measurements from joint to joint are 6J, 5f, 4, 
3J inches respectively, but in the best instruments these 
measurements should be 6, 5, 4, 3, sun. The internal 
diameter measures i inch at the top, and i^ at the base : 
the external diameter ij inches at the top, and 2 inches at 
the base which is cut so as to include the swell of the reed. 

Well played it is one of the mellowest of wind instru- 
ments ; but the exceeding difficulty of playing it at all 
justifies the tradition of secrets which have been handed 
down from Omori Toku, a hermit of Yedo, from genera- 
tion to generation of patient teachers and patient pupils. 
The principle of the instrument corresponds with that of an 
organ pipe, being no more than a hollow tube with a 
slight cut at the end fitted with a hard ebony 'voicing.* 
The under lip of the player almost covers the upper cavity 
and thus takes the place of the language of the pipe, the 
breath entering between the edge of the lower lip and the 
* voice.' It has four upper holes, the centre of the first 
being 9J inches from the lip, and a thumb hole underneath 
Si inches from lip. By dint of half-opening the holes the 
full Chinese chromatic scale is produced. 

There are some small kinds of shakuhachi^ some of 
them being most elaborately carved. 

Hitoyogiriy given by the Encyclopaedia as a variety of 
shakuhachi y a little shorter but of very sweet sound. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 3OI 

It measures 21 inches and is made out of two joints of 
bamboo only; the finger-holes coming below the ring, the 
lip above. The difficulty of finding the necessary bamboo 
probably accounts for its scarcity. 

Shonofuye, See Plate I, Fig. 2. A very ancient 
instrument composed of 22 pipes arranged side by side like 
panpipes. The Encyclopaedia gives no information as to 
how it was played. The largest pipe measured 17 inches, 

A smaller variety contained only 16 pipes. 

The sho {shi-yo), is composed of a compact bundle of 
seventeen thin bamboo reeds fixed into a circular lacquer 
wind-chamber of cherry wood or hard pine, the air pSssing 
in a channel round the central support. It is fitted with a 
silver mouthpiece. 

The following are the precise details. 

Wind box: height 3.4 inches; diameter 2.8 which de- 
creases slightly at the base. 

Projection of silver mouthpiece .7 inch : length 1.8 ; 
breadth i. i. 

Rectangular hole in mouthpiece .35 by .6. 

Height from wind box of silver band holding the reeds 
»in position, 5^ inches. 

The reeds are arranged in two sets, those opposite one 
another being of equal height : each set is also arranged 
like the front pipes of an organ, the longest in the 
middle, the remainder getting shorter in couples, one on 
either side. The longest pipes are in a line with the 
centre of the mouthpiece, these are the 4th and the 13th, 
the first being on the right side. The following diagram 
shows the arrangement and measurements in inches and 
decimals. 



300 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

The under holes are 1.9 and 4.1 from the top respective- 
ly. The reed mouthpiece, shita, is 2.3 inches long, 
but when in place it only projects one inch from the end 
of the instrument. Special instructions are given for the 
manufacture of this mouthpiece. It should be made from 
cane cut at Udono in the province of Yamashiro, in the 
depth of winter, and dried slowly in the kitchen. It should 
be bound with the best Mino paper. 

The Encyclopaedia refers to a larger form of the in- 
strument, the ohichirikL The only detail given concern- 
ing it is that it has nine finger holes instead of seven. 

The shakuhachi is made of thick bamboo lacquered 
inside, measuring from 20 to 20J inches long. The ap- 
proximate measurements from joint to joint are 6J, 5J, 4, 
3J inches respectively, but in the best instruments these 
measurements should be 6, 5, 4, 3, sun. The internal 
diameter measures i inch at the top, and i^ at the base : 
the external diameter i^ inches at the top, and 2 inches at 
the base which is cut so as to include the swell of the reed. 

Well played it is one of the mellowest of wind instru- 
ments ; but the exceeding difficulty of playing it at all 
justifies the tradition of secrets which have been handed 
down from Omori Toku, a hermit of Yedo, from genera- 
tion to generation of patient teachers and patient pupils. 
The principle of the instrument corresponds with that of an 
organ pipe, being no more than a hollow tube with a 
slight cut at the end fitted with a hard ebony * voicing.' 
The under lip of the player almost covers the upper cavity 
and thus takes the place of the language of the pipe, the 
breath entering between the edge of the lower lip and the 
'voice.' It has four upper holes, the centre of the first 
being 9J inches from the lip, and a thumb hole underneath 
8J inches from lip. By dint of half-opening the holes the 
full Chinese chromatic scale is produced. 

There are some small kinds of shakuhachi^ some of 
them being most elaborately carved. 

Hitoyogiriy given by the Encyclopaedia as a variety of 
shakuhachi^ a little shorter but of very sweet sound. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 3OI 

It measures 21 inches and is made out of two joints of 
bamboo only; the finger-holes coming below the ring, the 
lip above. The difficulty of finding the necessary bamboo 
probably accounts for its scarcity. 

Shonofnye. See Plate I, Fig. 2. A very ancient 
instrument composed of 22 pipes arranged side by side like 
panpipes. The Encyclopaedia gives no information as to 
how it was played. The largest pipe measured 17 inches. 
A smaller variety contained only 16 pipes. 
The slid {sJii-yd)f is composed of a compact bundle of 
seventeen thin bamboo reeds fixed into a circular lacquer 
wind-chamber of cherry wood or hard pine, the air passing 
in a channel round the central support. It is fitted with a 
silver mouthpiece. 

The following are the precise details. 
Wind box: height 3.4 inches; diameter 2.8 which de- 
creases slightly at the base. 

Projection of silver mouthpiece .7 inch: lengtt :-5 
breadth i. i. 

Rectangular hole in mouthpiece .35 by .6. 
Height from wind box of silver band holdiii^ zk 
in position, 5^ inches. 

The reeds are arranged in two sets, tiuae 
another being of equal height : each aet is 
like the front pipes of an oi^n, tbt 
middle, the remainder getting sbcHler in 
either side. The longest pipei BaitJ.bK ^^ ^ 
centre of the mouthpiece, these an 
the first being on the right aide. Tkt 
shows the arrangement and neuBBBMi^ -* *'^^ 
decimals. i>(^s. 

,nd 13th 



r^ 



ocore gives the notes of 



302 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 




No. 


Name. 


Length. 


True Pipe length. 


I 


Hii 


8.3 


4-7 


2 


MO 


10.7 




3 


Kotsu 


13-5 


10.2 


4 


Bok 


17.2 


8.2 


5 


Jo 


13-5 


3-4 


6 


Gy6 


10.7 


5 


7 


Hichi 


8.5 


4.1 


8 


Gon 


5-9 


3-6 


9 


Ya 


5-9 




10 


Hachi 


8.3 


2.8 


II 


Ichi 


10.7 


9. 1 


12 


Bei 


13.8 


6.2 


13 


Ku 


17.2 


8.6 


14 


Otsu 


13-5 


6.9 


IS 


Gei 


10.7 


5-9 


16 


Jeu 


8.3 


5-8 


17 


Sen 


5-9 


2-5 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 303 

The inner numbers, given also in the last column, are 
the heights of the bases of the slits above the upper surface 
of the wind-box, and give therefore the true pipe length. 
These slits are inside, with the exception of those of the 
8th and 9th pipes, which are on the outside and silver 
mounted: the tops of the 8th, 9th, and 17th pipes are 
also silver mounted, all the others are plain. The 2nd, 
and 9th are dummies. The pipes are made of the oldest 
bamboo procurable, much of it being obtained from old 
country houses ; their internal diameter is .3. They are 
closely packed side by side, some of the outer surface being 
cut away to allow them to fit tightly ; they are inserted 
into the wind- box to the depth of 1.2 inch. Inserted in 
their bases are small metal reeds which are silent till the 
finger holes are closed : these are all one inch from the 
top of the wind-box, except those of the 6th and 7th 
pipes, which are 1.9 inch: those of the 14th and 15th 
pipes are inside ; that of the first pipe at the side facing 
the player. The breath is inhaled very gently, the player 
having always at his side a hihachi over which he occasio- 
nally warms the wind -box to prevent the accumulation of 
moisture. 

The instrument is held to the mouth with the both 
hands, the pipes being disposed among the fingers for 
stopping as follows : 

ist finger right hand. 14th and 15th pipes, hole 

inside : and ist pipe, with 
outside of the second 
joint of the finger. 

2nd ,, ,, ,, 3rd, 4th, and 5th pipes, 

thumb ,, „ i6th and 17th pipes, 

thumb left hand. 8th, loth, nth, and 13th 

pipes. 

ist finger „ ,, 7th pipe. 

2nd „ ,, ,, 6th pipe. 

The first line of the following score gives the notes of 



304 



PIGGOTT : THE ^3USIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



the shd (an octave up); and the other three lines (also 
played an octave up) give chords that occur in music 
written for the shd. 




There seems to have been a great variety of shd at 
different periods, varying chiefly in the number of reeds. 
One is mentioned as having had 36, and others with 26, 
19, and 13 respectively. A curious form with a * tea-pot 
spout' mouthpiece, said to have been called in China the 
* Barbarian shd,' is figured in Abe Suyenao's " Records,'* a 
copy of which is here given. The shd is probably the 
oldest Eastern instrument; the date of its introduction 
into China being given as the early part of the Chin 
dynasty, 400 years before the time of Confucius. 




The " Barbarian Sho " 



DRUMS. 

The generic name for drums of all kinds in Japanese 
is taiko ; they are however divided into three classes : 
the taiho proper, the kakko^ and the tsuzumi. But 
this classification, in the case of the taiko and kakko 
is one of nomenclature simply; a better one may be 
made which depends on construction. The three classes 
will then be I, plain cylindrical drums; II, drums with 
braces or cords ; III, drums with dumbbell shaped bodies, 
or tsuzumi. 

« 

/. PLAIN CYLINDRICAL DRUMS. 

Odaiko, The large drum used occasionally in temple 
services. It is generally seen in large temples standing 
on the right of the altar; it also forms part of the daidai- 
kagura orchestra. It rests on a black lacquer stand, the 
surface of the cylinder being usually elaborately decorated 
cither with gold clouds or coloured dragons, the faces 
having a large black mitsndomoye on a plain ground. 
In the cylinder are fitted two large iron rings which 
enable it to be carried, as it sometimes though rarely 
appears in processions. 

The origin of this drum, beyond the fact that it came 
from China, is not clear. It is said to have been developed 
from the bugakuddiko (tsuridaiko), but the connexion 
between the two, if it exists at all, would seem to be the 
other way round. 

The faces measure 2 ft. 5 in. in diameter, the parchment 
overlapping 5 inches on to the cylinder to which it is 
festened by two rows of heavy studs. The cylinder is 2 ft. 
9l long, its section being slightly convexed, giving a central 
dtamctcr of 2 ft. 10. With its stand the height is 4 ft. 10. 



'•Mm-*' 



DRUMS. 

The generic name for drums of all kinds in Japanese 
is taiko ; they are however divided into three classes : 
the taxho proper, the kakko^ and the tsuzumi. But 
this classification, in the case of the taiko and kakko 
is one of nomenclature simply ; a better one may be 
made which depends on construction. The three classes 
will then be I, plain cylindrical drums ; II, drums with 
braces or cords ; III, drums with dumbbell shaped bodies, 
or tsuzumi, 

I. PLAIN CYLINDRICAL DRUMS. 

Odaiko. The large drum used occasionally in temple 
services. It is generally seen in large temples standing 
on the right of the altar ; it also forms part of the daidai- 
kagura orchestra. It rests on a black lacquer stand, the 
surface of the cylinder being usually elaborately decorated 
either with gold clouds or coloured dragons, the faces 
having a large black mitsudomoye on a plain ground. 
In the cylinder are fitted two large iron rings which 
enable it to be carried, as it sometimes though rarely 
appears in processions. 

The origin of this drum, beyond the fact that it came 
from China, is not clear. It is said to have been developed 
from the bugakudaiko (tsuridaiko)^ but the connexion 
between the two, if it exists at all, would seem to be the 
other way round. 

The faces measure 2 ft. 5 in. in diameter, the parchment 
overlapping 5 inches on to the cylinder to which it is 
fastened by two rows of heavy studs. The cylinder is 2 ft. 
9J^ long, its section being slightly convexed, giving a central 
diameter of 2 ft. 10. With its stand the height is 4 ft. 10. 



3o6 piggott: the music of the Japanese. 

Kodaiko. A small form of odaikoy used chiefly in 
processions and in the orchestra for some of the shorter 
performances of the kagura. The cylinder of the orches- 
tral drum is decorated, and it rests on a stand ; the 
processional drum is plain : in both cases the faces are 
undecorated. It is placed in an cubical frame suspended 
from a pole carried on the shoulders of two men, the 
drummer walking by the side delivering vigorous blows 
on the parchment with two plain thick sticks of hard 
wood without knobs or leather : these sticks are about 
one foot in length and over an inch and a half in diameter. 
Before the procession starts it is placed at the temple 
gate where it is beaten continuously for two hours or more 
to summon the people. 

Either this drum, or a smaller variety, was formerly used 
in battle. 

The faces measure i foot loj^ inches in diameter, the 
parchment overlapping 3J inches. The convexed cylinder 
is 2 feet 2\ inches in length, with a central diameter of 2 ft. 
4J in. With its stand the height is 3 ft. 11 in. The stand 
however is occasionally much higher, as in the Temple of 
the second Tokugawa Shogun at Shiba. 

TsuridaikOf the hanging drum — more commonly called 
simply taiko. The larger of the two drums used in 
the bngaku orchestra. It is a shallow cylinder very 
slightly convexed, hung in a circular rim or frame on 
a stand, and so arranged as to height that the drummer 
sitting in front of this instrument may, without the 
slightest stretching of his arm, strike the exact centre of 
the face. The sticks have leather-covered knobs, and 
measure only 1 1 inches : when not in use they are placed 
in rings at the side of the frame. The right stick is called 
obachi, the male stick: the left mebachi^ the female stick. 
Both faces and the cylinder are elaborately painted in 
the usual style of temple decoration, the phoenix or the 
dragon being surrounded by gorgeous clouds. The stand 

The inner measurements give the height from the surface 
of the wind box to the base of the slit in the pipe, and 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 307 

and frame are richly lacquered and terminate with the 
kwayetif the flame ornament, and balls of fire, made in brass. 
In tone the drum is very full and mellow. Its use in 
the orchestra is to mark the larger divisions of the time — 
the hydshi — which are practically equivalent to the Western 

* bars.* 

On very great occasion a much larger drum — dadaiko 
— is used : but this belongs properly to the second, or 

* braced ' class. 

The tsuridaiko drum varies slightly in size ; its average 
dimensions however are as follows : diameter of face 20 
inches : diameter of circular frame 32 inches, the rim being 
2 inches broad and one inch thick. The cylinder is only 
8 inches long. The height from the floor to the top of the 
kwayen ornament is 4 feet 3 inches. 

Very special instructions are given for playing this drum. 
As will be seen in the analysis of the time of bugaku 
music given after the description of the kakko^ a loud 
drum point with the * male ' is invariably preceded by a stof 
beat with the * female ' stick. The position of the sticks 
at the time of striking is indicated in the following cut. 




Kerd, See Plate II. Fig. 3. A -small drum used in 
China, according to the old records, about the period of the 
Tong dynasty, to signalize the appearance of dawn. It is 
now used in Japan for the purpose of marking the time for 
processional orchestras : being hung round the leader's 
neck by a cord which he holds in his left hand together 
with the rattle, fiiritsuztimi (Fig. 4.), beating the hydshi 
with the stick in the right hand. The face measures only 
6J inches in diameter, with a cylinder 6 inches long, the 
sides slightly convexed, giving a central diameter of 74 
inches. The faces are silvered, with black mitsudomoye^ 
and are fastened on to the gilt cylinder by gilt studs, the 
parchment overlapping as in the large drums of the class. 



308 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

//. DRUMS WITH BRACES. 

The chief characteristic of this class is that the faces 
have a larger diameter than the cylinder, giving roughly 
the following section : 



•SS^ 


r^ 




' 




^ 



The braces, generally of thick silk or hemp cords, run 
through holes cut in the rims of the faces, as in the dotted 
lines in the diagram, and are drawn tight by a central cord. 

Dadaiko. (Plate II., Fig. i). * The large drum used 
only on the greatest occasions in the bugaku orchestra 
instead of the tsuridaiko. It is erected on a special 
platform, draped and tasseled, with a gold railing and 
steps. The drummer, who must be specially selected for 
his skill, stands in front of the drum, the directions being 
that he should, for greater vigour in striking, place his 
left foot on the platform, and his right on the upper step. 
It is surrounded with a broad rim ornamented with phcenix 
and dragon, and edged with red flames karayen. This 
frame which is fixed into a socket in the platform. The 
whole is surmounted by a black lacquer pole, 7 J feet in 
length, which supports a gold sun more than a foot in 
diameter, with rays 18 inches long. The faces are gilt, 
and bear in front a black mitsudomove, and at the back 
a /MtatsudomoYC, The cylinder is richly decorated on 
red lacquer; the hemp braces are black white and red, 
and are nearly an inch in diameter. 

The diameter of the faces is about 6 feet 3 in. The 
length of the cylinder 5 feet, with diameter 4 feet 2 in., the 
wood of which it is composed being 2} inches thick. The 
drum is not fastened to the pole, as appears in the 
accompanying sketch, but rests on a stand, which is 
shewn in a sepaiate cut (Plate III., Fig. 1). The cylinder 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OP THE JAPANESE. 



309 



(Plate III., Fig. a) is provided with two 'cars' which servo 
as handles. In, Fig. 3, Plate III. is Bhown the form 
of the internal supports of the case of the body of the da- 
daiko. 

The description and rough sketches of this huge drum 
are laken from the Suyenao's M S. Records of Ancient 
Music, the drums themselves being exceedingly rare. 
The two belonging to the Temples at NtkkO are hopelessly 
broken ; another sent to the Vienna Exhibition in 1873 lies 
at the bottom of the sea. 

Nidaiko, the 'portable' drum (Plate II., Fig. 2). The 
smaller processional variety of the dadniko. It is 
carried by a black lacquer pole, 8 feet long, on the 
shoulders of two men, the drummer, as in the case of the 
kodaiko walking by the. side. The tone is very poor 
and thin. Us gilt faces with black mitsudomoye, red 
lacquer body and coloured strings correspond with those 
of the larger drum : it has however no outer rim, and is 
merely surmounted by one red flame, 15 inches high by 
20 broad. The diameter of the faces is 2 feet 7 inches: 
the cylinder is i foot 3 inches long, and i foot 8 inches in 
diameter. 

Happu, a very.old Chi- 
nese drum filled with rice 
powder. It was similar 
in shape to the nidai- 
ko, but was hung in- a 
circular frame on a stand 
embellished with flame 
ornament like the tsuri- 
daiko, and was probably 
about the same size. 
The figure in the annexed 
cut is taken from the 
Encjrclopiedia. 




3IO PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

KakkOf called in the Encyclopaedia * the Barbarian Drum 
which came through China from Turkestan and Thibet.' 
It is the small drum of the bugaku orchestra, and the 
leader, its function being to mark the * beats * of the 
music. It is composed of a painted wooden cylinder, 
one foot long and 6.2 inches in diameter, with a parallel 
section. The projecting faces are 10 inches in diameter: 
these faces are painted white. The drum is braced eight 
times with thick silk cords. It rests on a small stand 
in front of the player, the height of the whole being, 15 
inches; the sticks are unpadded, 15^ inches long, and 
knobbed like those of the Western kettledrum. 

It is struck in three dififerent ways. 

Katarai : a number of quick strokes with the left stick 
slightly increasing in speed. 

Mororai : a number of alternate strokes with both 
sticks, also increasing in speed, making a slow roll. 

Sei : a single tap with the right stick. 

The stroke is a circular motion, figured in the ** Records " 
as a tomoyCf thus. 




Bugaku music is divided into bars, hydshiy which are 
each subdivided into divisions or beats called kobydshi ; 
the half beat of each kobydshi is called kage — corresponding 
with * and ' in Western counting. Katarai, or mororai, 
exactly fills one of the full beats, and as the time is about 
alia breve, the length of each roll can easily be estimated. 

There, are three species of time, yohyoshi or shihyoshi, 
containing four beats, the common time : yahydshi or 
hachihyoshi, with eight beats; and muhydshi or roku- 
hydshiy with six. 

The conclusion of every hydshi is marked by a tap on 
the kakko, (sei) and a forte stroke on the taiko with the 
right stick (obachi), which is itself prepared by a piano 
stroke with the left stick (mebachi) at the half- beat im- 
mediately preceding it : in the common time at * three and.* 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE, 



311 



It will thus be seen that this music differs from Western 
music in working qp to its accent, instead of starting with 
it. 

The emphasis of the dance follows naturally the accent 
of the music, the drum point being marked by the stamp 
of the foot with which those who have seen these dances 
are familiar. 

KUf the places where the singers take breath, correspond 
with the kohyOshi, 

These explanations will be sufficient to explain the fol- 
lowing scheme of the different * times.' 



Yohyoshi. 


Beat 


. Kakko, 


Tsuridaiko, 


the bar of 4 beats] 


I. 


mororai. 






2. 


sei 






3- 


katarai 






and 


kage 


mebachi 




4- 


sei 


obachi 


Yahyoshi, 


I. 


mororai 




[the bar of 8 beats' 


2. 


mororai 






3- 


mororai* 






4- 


sei 

. katarai 
sei 




• 


6. 
7- 


sei 

. katarai f 
sei 






and 


kage 


mebachi. 




8. 


sei 


obachi. 


Muhydshi, 


I. 


mororai 




[the bar of 6 beats] 


2. 


mororai 





* This is not continuous roll for three beats; the mororai recom- 
mences at each beat, 
t Katarai follows the sei immediately. 



312 piggott: the music of the Japanese. 

(Muhydshi) 



3- 


mororai 


- 


and 


katarai '^ 




4-. 
5- 


sei 

. katarai 
sei 




and 


kage 


mebachi. 


6. 


sei 


obachi. 



In addition to these a mixed time, tadabydshif is some- 
' times though rarely used, which contains three beats. In 
this there are no rolls on the kakko, 

ist hydshi i sei 

9t and kage 

2 sei 

and kage 

3 kage mebachi 
and kage 

2nd hydshi i sei obachi 

and kage 

2 sei 

and kage 

3 kage mebachi 
and kage 

^rd hydshi i sei obachi 

D. C. from* 

The full time of tadabyoshi contains four hydshi which 
are all alike, except that the forte beat on the big drum 
on the first beat of the bar does not occur in the first bar: 
and the last bar is incomplete, containing only the obachi 
beat. The cycle of four bars is ranked as a species of ya- 
hydshi. 

The principle of time is the same in music which is com- 
posed without drums. 

Daibydshi, sometimes called dkakko, A large form of 
the Kakko used in the kagura orchestra. 



\. 

V 



piggott: the music of the Japanese. 313 

Its dimensions are: diameter of face i ft. 6^ inches, 
with a gold band 3 inches broad, and an inner black band 
about f inch broad : length, i ft. 6f , diameter of the 
cylinder 1 1 inches : it rests on a small stand, the whole 
standing 2 ft. 2f from the ground. It is strung with 12 
braces and is struck with plain sticks, without knobs, i 
foot 10 inches long. 

The name, the 'grand time beater,' signifies the in- 
strument used to mark the beats on a special occasion. 

When the short benedictory dance, the modern kagura, 
is performed at festivals this drum is always used to mark 
the hyCslii, 

KaikOf * an enliarged and shortened kakko,* not now in 
use. See Fig. 4, Plate III. According to the "Records 
of Ancient Music*' it was called 'the third processional 
instrument,' the nidaiko and the nishdko probably 
being the first and the second. It was carried on the left 
shoulder and struck, or rubbed with the fingers of the right 
hand, the beating being accompanied by short shouts, 
which it is said caused the instrument to be disliked. The 
face, painted white, measured 14 inches in diameter: the 
length of the cylinder was 6^ inches with a diameter of 10 
inches : it was painted red and decorated in the usual 
elaborate manner ; the thick red cords formed eight braces. 

Uiadaikoy the " song drum ; ** commonly called shime- 
daikoy the ** tied drum ; " and also gezadaiko, the drum 
of the geza theatres. The commonest of the Japanese 
drums, used in the theatres, in the orchestra of sarugaku^ 
and on many other occasions. In shape it resembles the 
kaiko, its dimensions being practically the same. The 
painted body of the Chinese drum gives place however to 
one of plain kiri wood, and the white face to one of plain 
parchment with a black lacquer border i^ inch wide. It 
is played with two plain sticks without knobs, the drum 
being placed in front of the player in a wooden frame 
which gives it a slight forward inclination, so that the 
lower edge of the instrument is 7 J inches high, the upper 
II inches. It seems to have been first played about 



314 piggott: the music of the Japanese. 

1546 A.D. by Koixiparu Gon-no-kami, a taiko player in the 
court band, and one of the famous house of Kom]3aru. 
The cords are as usual orange red, but the dignity of the 
pale blue and lilac cords used formerly to be conferred on 
the celebrated players. 



///. DRUMS WITH DUMB-BELL SHAPED 

B ODIES—TS UZ UML 

This class of drums seems to be a modification of the 
kakko. They have overlapping faces, but a curious dumb- 
bell shaped body has been substituted for the straight 
cylinder. It came to Japan from China but, like the kakko, 
is not of Chinese origin ; it is said that it was used by the 
barbarians 1000 years before the time of Confucius. It 
was always used to accompany the worship of the gods. 
In Japan its chief use is to supply the place of the kakko 
when the orchestra is standing. 

The body is red and highly decorated ; the leather face 
painted white with eight metal faced holes for the red 
cords. It is struck with black sticks one foot long.. 

The drum is made in three sizes. 

Ichi-nO'tsuzumiy or ikko ; the face 8 inches in diameter : 
length of cylinder 14 inches, and diameter where it meets 
the face 6 inches. See Fig. 5, Plate III. 

Ni-no-tsuzumi : mention of this drum is to be found 
only in ancient records, it is now never used : its dimen- 
sions were, diameter of face 10 inches: length of cylinder 
16 inches, and diameter 7J inches. 

San-no-tsuznmi : used only for koma, or Corean music. 
Its dimensions are not given, but are probably: diameter 
of face 12 inches, length of cylinder 11 inches, and 
diameter 9 inches. 

From this drum the Japanese variety was invented by 
the Crown Prince Umayado in the reign of the Empress 
Suiko, at the beginning of the eighth century. The Japan- 



PIQGOTT : THE MUSIC ^OP THE JAPANESE. 3X5 

ese drums are of two sizes both smaller than the ikko; 
the cords are grasped tightly in the left hand, and the drum 
struck with the right, the larger being held over the left 
thigh, the smaller over the right shoulder, the musician 
sitting in the usual Japanese position. 

Ototsuzu9nif or kotsuzumi ; the 'younger,' or shoulder 
drum. Diameter of face 8f inches: length of body ii^ 
inches, diameter at ends 4 inches, and in the centre 2 
inches. 

Etsuzumif or dtsuzumi ; the 'elder,' or side drum. 
Diameter of face 8 inches : length of body, 10 inches : 
diameter at ends 3^ inches, and in the centre i^ inches The 
faces of the side drum are plain ; those of the shoulder 
drum have black lacquer rims, one ring inside, and trefoil 
ornaments at the six holes through which the cords pass. 

The red body of the Chinese drum is replaced by black 
lacquer with gold decoration, and the parchment faces are 
unpainted. Th\5 only difference in the structure of the 
body is that the centre part of the dumb bell is moulded 
in the Japanese drums, and has a parallel section in the 
Chinese. 

Yamato and KyOto produced the most famous drum- 
makers. The colour of the silken cords denotes the grade 
of the musician : the ordinary colour is orange red, the 
next rank has light blue, and the highest lilac. This 
rule applies also to the tUadaiko. 

The function of the drum in the orchestra was to mark 
and emphasize the rhythm of the dance : the orchestra of 
the later N6 contained one side and three shoulder drums : 
they are tuned together, but they do not necessarily play 
all together. 

The tone is much fuller than might be expected, more 
especially that of the Otsuzumi which is struck with more 
vigorous strokes than the shoulder-drum. 



GONGS. 

Shoko, The gong of the bugaku orchestra and the first 
metal instrument introduced into Japan. In China it 
dates from a little later than the time of Confucius. It 
is said that until brass instruments were made in Japan 
it was used in the place of a bugle for the words of 
command. It is of bron;:e, saucer shaped, and measures 
5^ inches in diameter and f inch in depth : it is struck 
with two very hard knobbed sticks i8 inches long, joined 
by a cord, giving a very acute sound. It is used to 
emphasize the hydshi beat of the tsuridaiko, the 
authorities on the ancient dancing saying that it is always 
struck immediately after the big drum. It is suspended 
by orange silk cords from a lacquer stand resembling in 
form that of the taiko^ but with a proportionately longer 
stem : it stands 2 feet 5^ inches from the ground, the 
player sitting in front of it in the usual Japanese position. 
The diameter of the circular part of the stand is 11 inches : 
the rim being i^ inch broad by f thick. 

There are two larger sizes of shoko, corresponding with 
the two large sized drums, nidaiko and dadaiko with 
which they are respectively used. Both the nishdko 
and the daishoko are exceedingly rare instruments and 
not often seen, I have therefore again had recourse to the 
** Records of Ancient Music,** already referred to for illus- 
trations. 

Nishdko, the * portable * shoko, carried by two men on 
a long pole, and used to accompany the nidaiko in 
processions. See Fig. i, Plate IV. 

It is gilt, and has an elaborate frame of clouds and fire, 
measuring 3 feet 5 inches in height by 2 feet wide. 
The black lacquer pole is 7 feet long, and the gong 8 inches 
in diameter. 

Daishoko, the * grand * shOko, (Plate IV., Fig. 2) used 
to accompany the dadaiko. Like the drum it stands 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 317 

on a special platform with its steps, draperies and tassels, 
2 feet high and 3 ft. 7 in. square : the railing g inches 
high. The gong is gilt and has the usual frame of fire 
which fits into a socket into the platform ; the frame is 
5 feet high, and 3 feet broad at the base. The gong is 14 
inches in diameter. 

The shoko sticks are shown in Fig. 3, Plate IV. 

Keif or hokyb. The temple gong which stands on a 
table at the right of the altar. It is of solid metal three 
fifths of an inch thick and is often gilt, being suspended 
by curiously interlaced silk cords from a lacquer stand 2 
feet 3 inches high, by i feet 10 inches broad : it is struck 
with a very hard knobbed stick, i foot long, and gives a 
lower and mellower note than the shdko. 

There are various shapes, but they may all be roughly 
described as a truncated half lozenge. 

The length of the gilt kei in use in the NikkO Temples 
is 8^ inches at the top and lof at the bottom, with an 

« 

average breadth of 4^ to 5 inches. 

A smaller and thinner variety in plain bronze measures 
6} inches at the top, 9} at the bottom, with an average 
breadth of 3 to 3f inches. 

Dobachif the copper cup. The large cup-shaped gong 
used in the Temples. It is placed on a cushion on a 
lacquer stand, and struck with a short stick covered with 
leather. The best tone is produced by an upward stroke, 
the stick just catching the rim of the gong. It is called 
keisu by some sects who use it instead of the kei. 

The following instruments are taken chiefly from the 
Encyclopaedia Sansai Zuye, 

DokOf a small brass or copper gong from Southern 
China, it is hung on a stand, and generally arranged in a 
set of three. See Fig. 3, Plate I. 

Kertf a small gong originally made of porcelain, the size 
of a goose's egg. It was pierced with six holes and was 
tapped with a stick. See Fig. 4, Plate I. 

Kuretsuzumif a wooden ring, struck with sticks : from 
South China. 



3i8 piggott: the music of the Japanese. 

Hiy a tea-cup shaped porcelain gong, its use having been 
suggested by the sound of drinking cups when accidentally 
struck. See Fig. 5, Plate I. 

ShokUf a box of wood or metal, 2 ft. 5 in. by i ft. lo : 
a clapper was fixed inside with which the player struck 
the sides of the box. See Fig. 6, Plate I. 

MokugyOf the * wooden fish ; * a wooden gong used in 
the temples, struck with a padded stick. It was formerly 
shaped like a fish bent backwards with its tail in its 
mouth: it now takes the shape of a bird in the same 
position. 

DorUf the ordinary gong. It was originally used in 
China by the night watchmen. 

Waniguchi, the ' shark's mouth * gong : a gilt gong 
hanging at the entrance of the shrines, struck with a 
hanging rope by worshippers. 

GyOy a hollow wooden figure of a recumbent tiger, i foot 
long; it was struck with a small broom or split bamboo. 
See Fig. 7, Plate I. 

Dobyoshi, brass cymbals of different sizes : now only 
used in temples. See Fig. 8, Plate I. 

The name, like that of the drum daibydshiy indicates 
its use, to mark the hyOshi of the dance : they are the 
' copper time beaters.' 

Hydshigif two hard wood clappers, used on a variety of 
occasions (Plate I., Fig. 9). In the Theatre they are 
beaten on the floor rapidly to emphasize confusion. The 
conductors of juggling, athletic and other performances use 
them to attract attention : also the night-watchmen during 
their perambulations of the streets. The word hyoshi again 
appears : these are the * wooden time beaters.' 

Byakushif nine long tablet-shaped pieces of hard wood 
strung together ; used as clappers. Now made of bamboo. 
See Fig. 10, Plate I. 

Yotsudake, * the four bamboos :' clappers like the pre- 
ceding, used at the theatre and by beggars. See Fig 11, 
Plate I. 

Furitsuzumi, the * shaking ' drum, or tdko : a rattle 



piggott: the music of the Japanese. 319 

used in processions. It is composed of two miniature 
drums, about 3 inches in diameter, and 4 in. length placed 
at right angles one on top of the other, at the end of a 
stick about 20 inches long. Five or six little bell rattles 
are hung on the drums by short strings. The faces of 
the drums are silvered with black mitsudomoye painted 
on them, and are surrounded by a row of gilt studs. The 
bodies are red and elaborately ornamented : the stick is 
painted red and black, and terminates with a gilt spear- 
head 3 inches above the drums. The rattle is held by the 
leader of the processional band with the small drum kerO, 
See Fig. 4, Plate II. 

Filriny the *wind bell.' A bell with a broad flat clapper 
coming below the body of the bell which catches the wind. 
Occasionally streamers were tied to the clappers. 

Mokkin^ thirteen wooden tablets on a frame in the forms 
of a Western Harmonicons. It measures 20 inches long 
by 9 in. high, by 9 in. broad. It is played with two sticks. 



BRASS. 

Rappa, A brass bugle used in camp : sometimes called 
the * foreigner's flute.' See Fig. 12, Plate I. 

Dokaku. Another bugle made of copper, and formerly of 
wood. See Fig. 13, Plate I. 

Chariimera. A keyed bugle. Both the charutnera and 
Dokakn are said to be much used in Corea as proces- 
sional instruments. See Fig. 14, Plate I. 



TECHNICAL TERMS USED FOR 

KOTO MUSIC. 

RitsUj 3L semitone. 

OsUf to press a string below the bridge, and thus sharpen 
its tone. The pressure should raise the natural note of the 
string one ritsn^ the term is therefore equivalent to the 
Western * sharp:' e. g. kit osu, the gth string pressed is 
properly translated A^f. It is most commonly however 
called kUf the Japanese sign being "Aj. 

Nijil oshi, * double pressure,' which raises the natural 
note of the string a full tone. In some places it seems 
proper to render it as the Western * double-sharp : * but 
its use, as explained by Mr. Yamase, is to produce the 
notes of the scale which the open strings do not give. 
Thus the phrase in Kasugamode 

9 

10 

to osu 
to nijil oshi 
is translated on the Western stave thus 




Ef the sharpening of a note after it is struck, the pressure 
being continued until the next note is played. I use this 
sign to indicate e ^ ; the Japanese sign is 2. On the 
Western stave ku e ,for example, should be rendered 




YUf a shorter form of e, the string being allowed to 
slacken again immediately after it has been pressed. I 
use this sign to indicate yti ^ ; the Japanese sign is <^. 
On the Western stave ku yu should be rendered 



piqgott: the music of the Japanese. 321 




Ke^ another form of sharp introduced into the vibrations 
of a string by twisting it slightly with the thumb and first 
finger below the bridge. 

I use this sign to indicate ke ^] ; the Japanese sign is T. 
On the Western stave ku ke, should be rendered, the two 
as being tied, but the second one played. 



^m 



Agarif to raise a string from its normal tuning one 
semitone or more, by moving its bridge up. 

Sagarif to lower a string a semitone or more, by moving 
its bridge down. One of the tunings is called gosagari 
rokuagariy in consequence of such changes in the fifth 
and sixth strings. 

There is obviously no other way of flattening the natural 
npte of a string: where it is necessary therefore the bridge 
is moved by the left hand when the flattening is required. 
This occurs to the 6th and to strings during the progress of 
the tune Kuramajishiy written in hirajOshi with those 
strings raised a semitone. 

Kakif * to scratch :' two adjoining strings struck rapidly : 

thus kaki on ist and 2nd would be 



m 



m 



and on the sth and 6th would be 



/ 



m 



m 



It is often used to mark a pause in the melody, as in 
Sakurai ; and in the same way to mark the conclusion 
of a part of the composition, or as we might say 
Variation,* as in rokiidan. In this case the kaki is 



322 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



always on the ist and 2nd strings, and is played more 
vigorously, like a short roll on a drum, a strong accent 
being laid on the second note. 

In the Japanese notation the strings on which kaki is 
to be played are not always indicated : like many other 
things they have to be remembered bythe player. I have 
indicated the strings in the following way. 



12 34 56 67 78 

These five are in commonest use ; they are played with 
the first or second finger. 

Hayakakif quick or double kaki : two kaki beats played 
in quick succession, thus represents hayakaki on the 6th 
and 7th strings. 




Warizume an inverted kaki on the eighth and seventh 
strings, with an * after sharp' [e) on the seventh: it is 
played slowly, and is often used in the concluding phrase 
of a composition, the e being prolonged : it may be thus 
rendered on the stave 




Another inverted kaki is sometimes found on the 
thirteenth and twelfth strings, the latter sharpened : it 
has however no distinct name being written simply kin i 
osu ; on the stave this is 




PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



323 



Hazumu, a short phrase in frequent use conn posed of the 
tenth string and an inverted kaki on the ninth and 
eighth : thus lo, 98 ; and on the stave thus 




KakCf the name given to a phrase of five notes of 
frequent occurence : it may be given on any string, the 
number of the string on which it ends being written before 
the word kake : the phrase consists of two consecutive 
strings played with the first finger, then two, one string 
lower, played with the second, then one with the thumb, 
four strings higher : thus 



to kake 



i kake 



78 6 y to ^j-!r- 



^ 



89 



78. - j J I ^4 



kin kake 91089 kin 



ju kake ^756 10 



hachi kake \ ^ 34 8 



roku kake 2312 6 




^ 



e 




91 " I 



^^ 



4j^ ' ^'^ ' 



and so on. 

The piece umegae is built up on this phrase. An 
interesting variation of it occurs, in which the kake is 
shorn of its last two notes : thus shichi kake^ 3, 4, 2, 3, 7, 
appears as 3 4 2 




324 PIGQOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

So far as I have been able to observe no common 
phrases with the exception of kake and hazumu have 
special names given to them, kake is literally *to 
superpose,* referring evidently to the thumb note which 
stands up prominently above the gentle swaying of the 
first four notes of the phrase : and with the exception of 
roku kakCf this superposed note is the octave of the third 
note. 

Nagashi, * to flow * : a slide or glissando with the first 
finger over the strings : both the first and last strings of 
the slide are given : nagashi is however generally used for 
the common glissade i to kin, 

Hikiren is used for shorter glissades from the first 
string, as from i to 6, i to 10. For both these terms I use 
the following sign \ ; thus \ 3^. 

In rapid movements hikiren is often only a swift sweep 
over the strings from right to left, of the first and second 
fingers K^ together, without much regard to the actual 
strings struck. 

Uraren is also used for short glissades, those starting 
downwards from the last string. This is a very graceful 
glissade often used in finishing part of a composition : 
it is played with the first and second fingers turned back 
moving slowly with a slight circular motion outwards, 
finishing with an inverted kaki on the indicated string 
played with the thumb. 

Thus rokutnade uraren is a slide from kin to 6 : or kin 
to 76. 

Namigaeshi^ * waves coming and going :* probably in 
allusion to the fanciful idea of a dragon lying on the sea 
shore which the form of the koto suggests. Nami- 
gaeshi is made up of the two motions uraren^ to draw 
outwards, and omote or nagashi^ to draw inwards. It is 
a double glissade over all the strings, from i to kin^ and 
back from kin to i : this is done once or twice, and 
occasionally thrice, in all cases terminating with a hikiren 
from I to 56. 

ShU^ * to whistle :' a moderately rapid sweep from right 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 325 

to left on one string, generally the 6th ; the first and second 
fingers are used close together : it must be cleanly finished. 

I use the following sign for shUf 6"[ 

SurizumCf ' rubbing with the fingers :' a double sweep, 
from right to left and back from left to right, also on one 
string, which is held tightly between the ivories of the 
first and second fingers. Surizume^ like shUf is modera- 
tely rapid, must be cleanly finished, and is usually confined 
to the sixth string. I use the following sign : 6ti 

Awaseru, * to put together,' hence *to harmonize.' 

It is used both for octaves as well as other harmonies, 
the commonest examples of which have already been 
noticed. I indicate * harmonies ' thus : 

3-' 5 -■ 2^ 8 ^ the Japanese sign being -&. 

In octaves the upper note is called kan^ the lower ryd, 
Awaseru is also used for the unison of the first and fifth 
strings which is frequently met with. 

fi 

HanerUf an up stroke with the first or second finger : for 
which I use this sign. 

Sukuij an up stroke with the thumb, commonly used 
to finish a sequence of beats on the same string. 

A down and an up stroke with the thumb are often used 
in rapid succession ; no special name is given to this ; 
as however the effect is quite different I use<^ for sukui 
as well as for hanern and<^ for the double stroke. 

Both the single and the double stroke are played on 
,the samisen ; when however the double stroke occurs on 
the koto a trill is played on the samisen by touching the 
string lightly with the third or fourth finger above the 
finger which presses the note directly after the string is 
struck with the hachi. The following are examples from 
KasugamddCf of the single and double stroke rendered on 
the stave. 



326 



piggott; the music of the Japanese, 

No. I. 



=?^-Z 



^r^^^" ^ ^^^ !^-^ 




¥^W 



Koto 



No. 2. 



=it^< 



^(^^*M^'^^^^^/^^^^^i^=^ji=i^-4= 



Samlsen 



:Ifi:?^^jr^^llfe^ll^ ^ 




Although triplets accurately represent the samisen 
phrase, they would alter the character of the phrase on 
the koto : the accent however is on the first note of each 
of the 'doublets,' both in No. i. and No. 2, of the same 
nature as the accent on the first note of a triplet. 

MaotorUf * to measure the interval :' a rest or pause. 

Uchi, beating with the left hand on the strings below 
the bridges, during long pauses : used whether the song 
is continued during the pause or not. 

The word hyaku is sometimes used as we use acceler- 
ando. Where the notes are of less value than the common 
unit of time, which I have taken for commoner illustra- 
tions as a crotchet of ^ time, a passage of quavers for 
example, the numbers of the strings are written close 
together. 

In the following diagram are given, on the left, a speci- 
men of the notation used for koto music : on the right, 
an English rendering of it. It is half of the first verse 
of umegae. Each column of the Japanese is divided 
ijjto four; on the left s^v^ the words of th^ song: then 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 327 

follow three kinds of circles, which serve as guides to 
the eye : the numbers of the strings come next, and 
lastly the directions for playing as to the different 
kinds of sharps, and other matters. The circles are 
placed at the full and half bar, the small circle being 
always used for the latter. It will be observed that 
* the commencement * kandoy is also marked by a small 
circle, and that the bars at the bottom of a column run 
over on to the next. I have not found any satisfactory ex- 
planation of this. Quavers and shorter notes are placed 
close together so as to fill the space allotted to the beat. 

I fancy that the fingering is indicated in thie following 
way : for the first finger, the numbers are placed close 
to the circles ; for the second, they are further away : the 
normal position in the centre being reserved for the thumb 
which does most of the work.* 

On an instrument with so little resonance as the koto 
minims are naturally diffcult to produce : crotchets fol 
lowed by a rest are therefore of frequent occurrence : the 
' rest * mark fX {uchi, stroke) is placed close to the circles ; 
in playing, the rest is indicated by a beat with the left 
hand below the bridge. The sharp marks do not need 
special reference. 

The only other point to be noticed is the little stroke 
which indicates a repetition of the note it follows. A some- 
what similar sign is used under the same circumstances 
in Western notation. 

These explanations will I think explain the Japanese 
notation for the koto : I am bound to say that it is 
amply sufficient for its purpose: and in the translated 
form, as I have given it, I find everything that is needful 
for playing the instrument. 

All other instruments have a notation : their chief 
characteristic being that they do not indicate the note, 
but the position of the hand or fingers. 

* This is a suggested explanation of the arrangement of the Figures. 
As the notation is so little used it is exceedingly difficult to get any 
reliable information. 



THE JAPANESE SCALE. 

I approach the difficult question of the Japanese scale, 
or rather the expression of the basis of Japanese music in 
terms of the Western art, with much diffidence for two 
reasons. First, because it involves a very accurate defi- 
nition of the terms used, and for any faults I must plead 
the absence of the necessar}' books of reference ; secondly, 
because very positive statements have already been ad- 
vanced as to the nature of the scale which I must beg 
leave to criticise freely though in no unfriendly spirit. 

The first of these statements is to be found in Professor 
Chamberlain's * Things Japanese,' and it is given too 
authoritatively to pass without notice. ** Like the scale of 
Mediaeval Europe it has for its chief peculiarity a semitone 
above the tonic " I can find no authority for this. If we 
apply the ordinary meaning to the terms used, it means 
that instead of the semitones occurring as they do in the 
diatonic scale of the West between the 3rd and 4th and 
7th and 8th, they come between the tonic and the second 
and the 7th and 8th. Assuming the first and fifth strings 
of the ^0/0 to be Cijf, the sixth string will be D, in the 
normal tuning hirajoshi, I suppose therefore that C:Jf 
is intended to be the tonic, and we should get the diatonic 
scale of Japan composed in the following way, 

C#. D. E, F#. G:jf . A#. Bijf. C^ : the scale of C# 
minor with a flat second. Any other note taken as the 
tonic gives notes which do not exist in the normal tuning 
of the koto; and even in this arrangement it would give 
the fourth koto string as A:jf instead of A. And then 
there are the two missing notes E and B^ to be accounted 
for. 

The second statement is to be found in Mr. Izawa's 
Report on Music, published in 1883. Probably Mr. Izawa 
will now be the first to admit that the statement needs 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 329 

revision. <' In the tuning called hirajoshi, the ist and 
the 5th strings being in unison, are taken as the Tonic; 
the 2nd string is tuned as the Fifth, the 3rd as the Fourth, 
the 4th as the Third below the Tonic, and the 6th string 
is the Fourth above the tone last obtained, or minor 
Second from the Tonic * * '^^ But if we assume the 2nd 
string to be the Tonic, then the relations of the several 
tones will stand in the following order which is essentially 
the same as the natural minor scale.*' This statement 
involves the fundamental error of assuming that we can 
get two independent diatonic scales with fixed strings. 
To imagine a changeable tonic with one tuning is to miss 
the idea involved in the word * tonic' 

Then there is the broad general statement that the 
Japanese scale 'differs from the European scale, which 
has practically passed into a conversational formula. Its 
currency has relegated Japanese music to the limbo 
where all is chaotic, has helped to stamp it as a concourse 
of weird sounds, and therefore not worth a moment's con- 
sideration. 

Before examining the structure of the scale, it is necessary 
to determine what the expression " different scale " really 
means. This much I think may be taken for granted, 
that the fact that the same notes recur, though at a 
different pitch, as sound gradually rises is instinctively and 
universally recognized. It seems also to have been known 
universally and at all times, that half the length of any 
sound-producing body, whether string, pipe or wooden 
tablet, produces the same note one degree higher, the 
• octave ' as we call it in the West. The octave with the 
intervening notes is obviously therefore the basis of all 
scales, and the variation in scale will depend on the varia- 
tion of the intervening notes. Now if the sound distance 
between the lower and higher notes of the octave be 
divided in one system of music into twelve equal parts, 
and in another system into thirteen, it is obvious that 
we have two different sets of notes, two different chromatic 
scales, and consequently the diatonic scales of the two 



330 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

systems will differ radically. Campanology gives us 
examples of such different scales, and I believe the octave 
in the Arab scale is divided into twenty six notes, but I 
speak without the book. If however two systems divide 
the octave into the same number of notes, and if the sound 
divisions are equal, then the notes of the two systems are 
identical, and their chromatic scales are identical. The 
diatonic scales may however vary. 

This I know is most unscientific. The chromatic scale 
did not precede in construction the diatonic scale but 
followed it. The octave in the West is not divided into 
twelve intervals whose ratios are identical. Dr. Veeder 
has gone very thoroughly into this matter in his learned 
paper on 'Japanese musical intervals,' read before this 
Society in October, 1878 (Transactions Vol. VII. p. 76.). 
Any one who cares to read the explanation of the Pyth- 
agorean scale will find that the ratios of two semitones 
(SS) multiplied together give more than the ratio of the 
full tone (|-) ; and conversely that the square root of the 
ratio of the full tone gives less than the ratio of the semi- 
tone. He will find too that in the diatonic scale there 
are both major tones (}) and minor tones (jyi), and that 
the semitones used between the third and fourth, and 
seventh and eighth (j^), are larger than the Pythagorean 
semitone by a * comma ' (|^). Yet further he will re- 
member from the earliest years of his musical instruction 
that the black notes on the Piano do double duty for 
sharps and flats ; that A^ and B ^ , for example, are both 
represented by the same note which scientifically is 
neither : mathematically, because the result of multiplying 
the ratio of the preceding interval by the ratio of the 
semitone is not identical with the result of dividing the 
ratio of the succeding interval by that semitone ratio, 

I introduce this parenthesis to put myself right with 
science. The point I wish to emphasize is that for 
practical purposes these slight differences are disregarded ; 
and they are disregarded too with much benefit to music, 
for it has resulted in giving a wider scope to its expression, 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 33 1 

each key having peculiar and characteristic qualities, 
enabling the musician the more easily to pourtray pathos, 
vigour, tenderness, energy, and so on. One key has clear 
ringing tones suitable for martial music; another seems 
fitting only to express the muffled tones of woe. This 
point as to disregarding small differences is important, 
because the question now before us is the comparison of 
Japanese and Western music from a practical rather than 
from a scientific point of view. Seeing that the basis of 
European music is neither the scale of Pythagoras nor 
the scientific diatonic scale, but the eminently practical 
equal temperament scale of the Piano, the question is 
whether the ratios of the intervals of the Japanese scale 
are sufficiently near to the ratios of intervals in the diatonic 
scale in use in the West to enable us to disregard the 
differences : whether it is possible to put Japanese music 
on to the Western stave, and play it on that most scien- 
tifically inaccurate instrument, the Piano, without altering 
its character very perceptibly. Reverting to campanology 
for a moment to illustrate my meaning, it is common 
knowledge that it is often quite impossible to put the 
music of a peal of bells on to the Piano. Is it the same 
with Japanese music ? 

Dr. Veeder has shown us very accurately what these 
differences are. They are seen to be slight scientifically ; 
and my own experience is that practically they may be 
disregarded. 

Now I think that I may safely revert to my original 
heresy of the equal intervals, and to the convenient idea 
of treating the diatonic scale as a sequence of notes selected 
from the chromatic scale. 

Speaking then very broadly, the Chinese scale, from 
which the Japanese has descended, is made by dividing 
the octave into twelve equal intervals, and so also is the 
Western scale. These intervals are called in Chinese, 
ritsu : in the West, semitones. '^ 

* The origin of the twelve Chinese ritsu is given, mythologically 
thus " when in the year xooo B. C. Wantai, Emperor of China, esta- 



332 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Pitch pipes are used for determing the sound of the 
twelve Chinese semitones, but they are scientifically obtain- 
ed in the following way on the thirteen strings of the 
koto ; from the three fundamental intervals of the fourth, 
the fifth, and the falling fourth : or using the numbers of the 
strings, * the upward six,* (junroku) * the upward eight ' 
{junpachi) * the downward six ' (gyakuroku). The addi- 
tion of the three semitones to junroku which makes jun- 
pachi, and the subtraction of them from junpachi to arrive 
at gyakuroku, is called in both cases sanbunsonyeki. 

The * bearings' of the scale are therefore obtained by 
tuning the ist to the 6th to a fourth, the ist to the 8th 
a fifth, the 8th to the 3rd a falling fourth : and then the 
remainder of the notes come by using the fifth and the 
falling fourth alternately in the following way : 
ist to 6th . fourth — ^junroku. 

ist ,, 8th . fifth — junpachi — C 

falling fourth — gyakuroku. — G 

fifth — ^junpachi 

falling fourth — gyakuroku 

fifth — ^junpachi 

falling fourth — gyakuroku 

falling fourth — gyakuroku 

fifth — ^junpachi 

falling fourth —gyakuroku — G4f,, D^f- 

fifth — ^junpachi — D^fi, A^f. 

falling fourth — gyakuroku — A^f,, F. 

fifth — ^junpachi — F ,, C. 

octave — C ,, C. 

blished music, he found out the composition of sound in the following 
way. His servant Leyling, who was a natural musician, went one 
day into a deep glen and cut some bamboo into twelve lengths. He 
did this because the number 12 governs all human affairs: thus there 
are 12 months, 12 signs, and so forth. On blowing through these 
pieces of bamboo he found that some had strong sounds like heavenly 
thunder, and some were gentle and of a wavelike murmuring, and 
some were metallic, others wooden, and others earthy. Then he 
named them, Ichlotsu^ Dankin, Hyojd^ Shozeht^ Kamu, Siijo, FushO^ 
OshO, Ransho, Banshiki, Shinsen, yomu.^* 



8th „ 


3rd 


3rd „ 


loth 


loth ,, 


5th 


5th „ 


I2th 


i2th „ 


7 th 


7th „ 


2nd 


2nd ,, 


gth 


gth „ 


4th 


4th „ 


nth 


Ith „ 


6th 


6th „ 


13th 


ist ,, 


13th 



— C to 


F. 


-c „ 


G. 


-G „ 


D. 


-D „ 


A. 


-A „ 


E. 


-E „ 


B. 


-B „ 


F*. 


-F#„ 


c#. 


-c#„ 


G#. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 333 

Granted then that we may, for all practical purposes, 
disregard the diflferences in the number of their vibrations, 
and treat the notes of the two systems as identical, the 
first position at which we arrive is that the * different scale * 
of Japan, if it exists, exists because different notes have 
been selected from those which have been selected in 
Europe to form its diatonic scale, or basis of its musical 
composition. From the same chromatic scale it is ob- 
viously possible to construct many different diatonic scales. 
In Western music there are three in common use ; the 
major, the ascending minor, and the descending minor. 
The question is therefore considerably narrowed. There 
is however one more previous question to be determined : 
what is the meaning of the word 'scale.' It is, I think, 
a natural and continuous sequence of sounds. Continuity, 
or the absence of breaks, is essential. The chromatic 
scale is such a sequence. But the ear accepts the tone 
as a unit of natural progression just as much as the 
semitone ; that is to say, it does not feel the omission of 
the intermediate note. But with a larger interval than a 
full tone it is at once conscious of an omission. A se- 
quence that has any larger interval than a full tone is 
not natural, and does not satisfy the condition which the 
definition of ' scale ' implies ; but any sequence which is 
composed of tones and semitones does. It will be remem- 
bered that < natural ' is one of the names given to our scale 
in the West. If this were not so, not only the six notes 
of the koto should be called a scale, but also the three 
notes of the samisen, the three notes of kokyH^ the four 
notes of the hiwa^ would be the scales of those instruments 
respectively, which is obviously a misuse of the word. 
These are tunings not scales. 

Let us now see what the sequence of notes is on which 
modern Japanese music is based. Now one thing at least 
is certain ; whatever the scale may be it must contain all 
the notes which are to be found in the normal tuning of 
the koto. It may contain more, but it must contain 
these. The curious scale of medisyal Europe alluded to 



334 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

above is therefore put out of the field at once because it 
has A# in its Composition instead of the A k^ of the koto. 
The question then arises, does this normal tuning of the 
koto, to which we must confine ourselves for the present, 
express the full scale of Japanese music ? The notes are 
five in number, and taking the pitch of the second string 
to be represented by F:tf on the Piano, these notes are 
C4f F:jf G^ AD. Now there is no reason on the face 
of it why the koto strings should not, like those of the 
violin, be tuned to selected convenient notes of the scale. 
The height of the bridges does not admit of the strings 
being raised by pressure more than a full tone, but the 
gaps are not sufficiently great to need more than this to fill 
them in. 

But even supposing that gaps are not filled in in this 
way, are we to assume that because these two notes are 
not used therefore they do not exist in the scale, that the 
scale is limited to the notes of hirajoshi, and that it is 
consequently what is called a six-tone scale ? I see 
absolutely no reason for it. We have only to turn to the 
yamatogoto to have this idea at once dispelled. Its six 
strings are tuned to the major triad of the tonic and the 
minor triad of the second of the Western diatonic scale 
that is to say the seventh of the scale only is omitted. 
Reverting however to the modern koto^ if the gaps which 
exist in its tuning exist also in the scale, the music which 
is built on such a six-tone scale must refuse to recognize 
the existence of any notes to fill them in : it must refuse 
them, that is to say, in its science : the musician must 
not feel the want of them, nor be conscious of their ex- 
istence: and further if they are introduced, the trained 
musician will feel not only that they are out of place, but 
that if they are used in harmonizing his national melpdies 
their character will be gone. 

Let us assume that the existence of two notes in these 
two gaps is probable, the question arises what are these 
notes? It is legimate now to refer to the diatonic scale 
of the West for a suggestion, but only on one hypothesis 



2nd 


string 


to 


3rd 




to 


4th 




to 


5th 




to 


6th 




to 


2nd 




to 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 335 

which is important: it is that the fiVQ koto notes are to 
be found in the diatonic scale. Now the notes F,4f G^f » 
A, C4f , D, will be seen to form part of the scale of A 
major, or of F^f minor descending. I assume as before 
the pitch to be F^f for convenience of argument: but even 
without definite names to the notes we get, starting from 
the second string, the following order of intervals : 

3rd string full tone 

4th ,, halftone 

5th ,, major third 

6th ,, half tone 

7th ,, major third 

7th ,, octave 

Now if we divide each major third into the two full 
tones of which it is composed we get the following result : 
2nd string to 3rd string full tone 
3rd ,, to 4th ,, half tone 

- ,, ^ r major third 
full tone) '' 

5th ,, to 6th ,, halftone 
(5th ,, to 7th „ full tone 

full tone, 

2nd ,, to 7th ,, octave 
This sequence of intervals is the sequence of the des- 
cending minor diatonic scale of the West. 

The suggestion is inevitable that between the fourth and 
fifth strings of the koto normal tuning there is a note 
in the Japanese scale which is a full tone from both ; and 
that there is a similar note between the sixth and seventh 
strings. Taking the pitch as before, these notes would 
be B and E, and if they are legitimate we get the perfect 
Western scale. 

Now I have a certain amount of evidence to show that 
these two notes are legitimate, and may be conveniently 
though not accurately called the * missing notes ' of the 
modern national music. This evidence is of two kinds : 
the statements of an old koto teacher of the old school 
who knows nothing of any oth^r music ; and those of Mr. 



major third 



336 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OP THE JAPANESE. 

Yamase Sh6in a professional of the highest rank who has 
however come under the influence of Western music. 

After many conversations with my teacher, and after seek- 
ing the information in many various and devious ways to 
avoid error or even doubt, she told me that she felt, and 
always had felt, that there was a note between the fourth 
and fifth strings, and one between the sixth and seventh. 
What these notes were she did not know, nor had she any 
means of finding out. It is most important to explain 
that a Japanese is not taught music in the broad sense 
of the term : she learns only the music of her special 
instrument. 

I then took the kohyUy and avoiding every thing which 
might * lead ' to the answer I hoped to get, I played A, 
A# B, C, C4f , several times, both in and out of order. 
She selected B as the note which satisfied her; and in 
the same way she selected E to come in between D and 
F:)f . The full scale of A major as I then played it to 
her satisfied her completely; more than this she picked 
it up rapidly, and played it with evident pleasure. Avoid- 
ing the intricacies of our minor scale, I told her to begin 
on F^f, and substitute h^ for A:}f and so on; we then 
had the scale of F# major and pleasure still more evident. 
Finally we went to the Piano, and when I had told her 
about the black notes and the white notes, she proceeded 
to fumble out the diatonic scale for herself on any note 
I chose to start her on. Our lessons thenceforward in- 
variably terminated with a little scale- playing by the old 
lady on the Piano. 

It was possible however to go a step further. If the 
scale is what I assume it to be, if these are really * missing 
notes,' yet another test must be satisfied. A melody 
must be capable of being harmonized without losing its 
character. With such tunes as I have harmonized I 
have never found the character altered in any way : and 
what is more to the point, the many Japanese to whom 
I have played them have agreed with me in this opinion. 
Obviously here I could appeal to a larger body of witnesses. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 337 

On account of the presence of, to us, awkward and 
unaccustomed intervals, I find n^uch of the advanced 
music very difficult to harmonize satisfactorily. But 
this, as musicians will recognize, is beside the present 
question. 

Yet another matter has to be mentioned as pointing in 
the same direction. . My teacher has told me more than 
once that the second string is the * fundamental ' note, and 
that it is regarded as such when they tune down to it, as 
from the dominant, from the first string. The difficulties 
attending accurate interpretation, caused not only by the 
language but by the absence of sufficent musical know- 
ledge in the teacher herself, made it difficult for her to 
explain exactly what she meant by * fundamental,* but it 
was evident to my mind that she had some idea in her 
head as of a key-note. 

The next point has I think great value. It will be 
observed in the second scheme of tones and semitones 
given above, that the scale of A major lies between the 
fourth and the ninth strings. But as the minor predomi- 
nates in Japanese music, the relative minor, Frjf, lying 
between the second and the seventh strings, seems to be 
indicated as the prevailing scale. This is confirmed in 
a remarkable way by the popular New Year's Song — 
hitotsutoya — which not only permits the full scale of F# 
minor to be used in harmonising it — including the use of 
the sharp seventh, E:tf , of the ascending scale — but in 
its variations recognizes the essential difference between 
the minor and the major, which points at least to the 
existence of a fundamental idea of scale and key corre- 
sponding to the fundamental idea of Western music. 

Mr. Yamase has supplemented my own observations in 
the following manner : my only reason for not putting them 
first is that I cannot quite decide whether his opinions 
have not been to some slight extent tinged by his studies 
of European music. 

He says that the second string, F#i has always been 
considered as the fundamental note in the tuning, not 



338 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

only of hirajoshi, but of all the others; F^f and the C^f 
of the first string being constant throughout. As to the 
missing notes he says that certainly the existence of 
some others has always been known, because the koto 
tunings were founded on the Chinese chromatic scale, and 
also because they could be produced on the kokyU, And 
further that B and E are distinctly pointed to as the mis- 
sing notes, because in tunes written in hirajoshif the 
* double pressure ' (nijii oshi) invariably occurs on the 4th 
string — A — giving, B, and on the 6th D giving E ; and 
also on their octave strings respectively the gth A and to D. 

We now come to the other tunings of the koto which 
are set out in the accompanying diagram. 

No. I is hirajoshi. No. 2 shows the first string lowered 
an octave as used by the professionals. No. 3 is a 
variation of hirajoshiy the last three strings being changed 
from D, F#, G^f , to F#, G#, C#, the loth and kin 
strings giving an octave : hence this variation is called 
kin jU. In No, 4 we have another variation of hira- 
joshif all the strings being raised a fifth, thus giving 
three additional notes above the normal kin string, A. 
C:j^:. D:j^:. It is not very clear why this upper D is 
sharpened. It is probably introduced either for the sake 
of brilliancy, or for the sake of the extra semitone, the 
I2th string sharpened giving D k^ when wanted. This 
tuning as it gives a higher range of notes enables pieces 
to be played an octave higher ; when two kotos are used 
together one of them is usually tuned to it, the performers 
playing in octaves. In the upper part, which is taken by 
the leader, innumerable graces and complicated little varia- 
tions are introduced on to the melody, much in the manner 
of the Treble part of duets on the Piano, which adds con- 
siderably to the charm of the performance. In No, 5, we 
come to the first new arrangement of the strings. It is 
CRWed a kebonOf and springs directly out of hirajoshi ; dif- 
fering only in the sharpening of the 6th and nth strings, 
and introducing E on the 7th and 12th, instead of F:|^. If 
any thing were wanted to complete the proof that the 



> I 



• • 






»"• 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 339 

five notes of the koto do not constitute the Japanese scale, 
and declare it to be * six-toned,' it is supplied by this 
tuning which has six notes, the missing £ appearing in 
it. 

The notes belong to the scale of E major, giving it with 
the omission of one note only, B, which can be produced 
by the double pressure on the 4th and 9th, in the same 
way as B is supplied in hirajdshi. It seems however that 
the tuning is not used in this way, though it has an 
important position in the scheme of keys. The most 
frequent pressed notes are simple pressures on the 4th, 7th, 
and 9th, giving A:jf and E^f : and in consequence the 
scale of F4f major. This is in accordance with the Japan- 
ese idea which connects akebono with hirajoshi. 

No. 6 is kumoiy the * cloud ' tuning, which next to the 
normal tuning is in most frequent use, being ranked by the 
Japanese as the second principal tuning. The third and 
4th strings are G and B instead of G:tf and A; the 8th, 
9th, and 13th, being tuned to the octaves respectively. 
These changes give a different character to the music, 
suggesting the introduction a fresh key ; and analysis bears 
.out this suggestion in rather a curious manner. The five 
nbtes D, F:tf , G, B, C#, form part of the Western scale 
of D major, or B minor descending ; and applying the same 
process of reasoning that was adopted in the case of 
hirajoshij the missing notes are E and A. We do in fact 
get a fresh key. But perhaps the most interesting 
feature of this new key is that, in what I may call the koto 
expression of it, the same two notes are omitted, the fourth 
and the seventh. This enables koto music to be easily 
transposed from hirajoshi . to kumoi. The relation 
between the koto tuning and the Western scale is borne 
out in precisely the same manner as before ; the missing 
notes can be supplied by double pressure on the sixth and 
eighth strings ; and the double pressures on these and the 
to strings are in fact frequently to be found in pieces 
written in humoi, I do not know how far the knowledge 
of the relation which exists between kumoi and hirajoshi 



340 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

extends, probably a very little way. Even so perfect a 
koto musician as Mr. Yamase, who has always more than 
suspected the existence of such an intimate relation 
between hirajoshi and the Western scale as I have pointed 
out, had not observed that the relation between kumoi and 
that scale was precisely identical. He knew that the 
hirajoshi music could be transposed into kumoiy and as 
a matter of fact he could transpose it without the slight- 
est difficulty. But directly we get below the highest rank 
of professional, the rote-teaching of the music steps in to 
prevent the acquisition of the knowledge because all the 
tunes would have to be learnt twice over. This seems 
almost sufficient to account for the very scanty use of the 
kumoi tuning, the ordinary capacity and energy being 
exhausted on the acquisition of hirajoshi. 

I mean that a tune, hitotsutoya for example, is learnt by 
the numbers of the strings thus— 9, 9, 10, 9, 10, 10, etc., 
and not as we should learn it, by the intervals of the 
scale, thus 3rd, 3rd, 5th, 3rd, 5th, 5th. Transposing on the 
Japanese system involves therefore the learning of a fresh 
sequence of strings : thus in kumoi— 6, 6, 7, 6, 7, 7. 

No. 7 is sakura which stands in the same relation to 
kumoi that kin jil does to hirajoshi y a much higher note 
being introduced on the 13th string of the variation. The 
tuning might be called on the same principle kin ku, the 
new note being an octave to the 9th. 

We now come to a curious tuning called hankumoi 
or half- kumoi. It is a mixture of hirajoshi and kunioif 
the first seven notes being in the normal, the next five in 
the 'cloud* tuning. The Gijf of the 13th string is 
probably to be explained in the same way as the D:jf of 
hirajoshi when raised a fifth — (No. 4). 

At first sight, and indeed for some time after, this 
arbitrary tuning seems to upset any idea that may have 
been formed from what has gone before, as to the existence 
of a Japanese scheme of scale and key. The explanation 
however is perfectly simple. It is sometimes necessary to 
change rapidly from kumoi to hirajoshi. The first and 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 34 1 

second being constant, from the third to the seventh 
strings are put into hirajdshi, but the kumoi notes are 
played by pressures. The 13th string has been kept to 
Grff , the loth, nth and 12th are common to both scales, so 
that there remain only the 8th and gth to alter when it is 
necessary to go into hirajdshi. 

No. 9, iwato, is the third important tuning. It springs 
out of kumoi by lowering of the fifth and raising of the 
sixth strings. The constant quantity of all the tunings, 
the C4f and F^f of the first and second strings, is 
preserved, but the first string is seldom used in iwato 
music. As the first and the fifth strings are normally in 
unison, the former never holds a very prominent position 
in koto compositions, being used only to reinforce the fifth 
or to get a slightly different intonation when the two are 
struck consecutively by the second finger and thumb. 
This tuning is constructed on precisely the same principle 
as hirajdshi and kumoi, the notes giving as before a 
major and a minor scale ; G major and E minor, the 4th 
and 7th of the diatonic scale being omitted as before. 

No. 10, gosagari rokuagari, the lowered fifth and rais- 
ed sixth, is a mixed tuning, developed out of iwato, and 
used to facilitate rapid changes from iwato to kumoi, in 
the same way as hankumoi is used as a ^ go between * for 
kumoi and hirajdshi. The tenth string is C^f instead of 
C ^ , giving the kumoi tenth when necessary, and facilita- 
ting the bridge-sharpening of the 5th when required : the 
sixth and eleventh strings then have to be changed from E 
to D, and the G^ of the thirteenth to G b^ . 

These are all the regular tunings ; in addition however 
there are some special tunings, which have no distin- 
guishing names, being only used for certain tunes which 
require a note not in the regular tunings ; they frequently 
revert to the regular tunings during the progress of the 
piece. Thus No. ii, is the tuning for the piece Kurama- 
jishi, D^f being frequently used in the early part: after a 
time however D ^ reappears, and at given points the 
bridges of the 6th and of the nth strings are moved back to 



342 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

their normal positions, and the tuning reverts to hirajdshi. 
In the same way in No. 12, the fourth and the ninth strings 
start sharp, and are afterwards lowered to the normal of 
hirajdshi. 

And now what are the conclusions which this analysis 
forces upon us ? 

In the first place that * scale ' and *key' were principles 
with which the early founders of Eastern music were 
familiar: they possibly did not thoroughly so understand 
them as to be able to reduce what they knew into transmis- 
sible thoughts : but what they knew was precisely what we 
know in the West — That music must be built upon a 
systematic sequence of notes, their instinct leading them 
to a sequence which is the sequence of the West, thus 
confirming in a remarkable manner our somewhat arrogant 
assumption that we alone had received nature's revelation. 
They knew that music acquired brilliancy when played 
upon a range of notes of a high pitch, and solidity and 
profundity when their range was lowered : so, even with 
* parallel * keys alone they knew that music was able to 
express the simpler emotions, the power of expressing more 
complex emotional gradations being denied to them as it 
was denied to all musicians until the * equal temperament' 
tuning revealed new worlds for musical souls to wander in. 
Above all they knew that the major and the minor modes 
are the national exponents of the two chief emotions of 
mankind, gaiety and sadness. 

But their chief instrument was one of limited capacity : 
it was limited by its dimensions, and it was limited arbi- 
trarily. By its dimensions, because they could not put 
the whole scale on to an instrument with thirteen strings 
only without curtailing its compass. By an arbitrary 
limitation, because for reasons which I think are to be 
understood they insisted on the first and second strings 
remaining constant. 

First then as to the necessities imposed by the dimen- 
sions of the koto. Certain notes of the scale had to be 
selected from the ' open notes,* the others being produced 



PIGGOTT \ THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 343 

by double pressure when wanted. Why the fourth and 
seventh of the minor scale, or the second and fifth of the 
major were omitted there is no tradition to tell us : but a 
suggestion may be made. One of the features of the 
oldest music of Japan, that of the Yamatogoto, was a 
scratch of the plectrum over the six strings : this seems 
without doubt to have been the origin of the modern sweep 
with the tsume over all the thirteen strings. It was 
obviously necessary that this characteristic feature of their 
music should be melodious, and it is the first thing that 
strikes the student of Japanese music how melodious is the 
sequence of the strings. The open strings of Hirajoshi 
give an arpeggio cadenza which would have rejoiced the 
heart of Mendelssohn, who revelled in such aeolian music. 
But this selection of notes led almost inevitably to the 
construction of melodies built on the selected notes, the 
open strings, alone. The composers of the severe classical 
school might use pressures and double pressures, and build 
their music on the full scale ; but the songs for the chil- 
dren and the melodies of the lighter sort came inevitably 
to rest on the notes of this seolian arpeggio, and on those 
alone : and so as it seems to me came into being the koto- 
Ufa of the present day, for which I can find no name less 
graceful than arpeggio -music. In the West Scarlatti had 
done the same once as a tour de force ; he had built the 
subject of his * Cat's Fugue ' upon the five black notes of 
the Piano. 

Secondly, as to the necessities arbitraril}' imposed by the 
founders of the music themselves. It needed musical 
capacity of the most primitive order to understand that 
a lower pitch could be given to Hirajoshi by moving all 
the bridges down a degree, but in the first place a greater 
contrast was desired, the lowering a fifth, than could be 
effected practically by moving the bridges; and in the 
second place they realized that when the pitch is altered 
a different set of scale intervals come under the normal 
position of the fingers. For example, if the right hand 
on the Piano is on the notes C. E. G, we are in the key 



344 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

of C major; by moving the thumb a semitone lower we 
have the notes B. E. G. and the key of £ minor : and so 
on. Now this points seems to be of the first importance : 
many fresh arrangements of the strings might have been 
devised, other arpeggios might hive been invented, with 
a fresh series of melodies ; but the Japanese musicians [I 
think here I may use Japanese as distinct from Eastern] 
deliberately set themselves to work as the Western musi- 
cians worked ages ago : the fresh arrangement of the 
strings was to depend on the arpeggio established by 
Hirajoshif it was to bring a fresh series of scale intervals 
into position, but the relation of the first and second 
strings was to remain constant, and the F# of the se- 
cond string was to lose as little as possible of its 
fundamental importance. Western science would have 
told them at once that the key of the sub-dominant would 
give what was wanted, making as it does the tonic of the 
old key the dominant of the new key. Without that 
knowledge they lighted upon a re-arrangement of strings 
giving the same arpeggio cadence in a different order and 
in a different key. Again they had a harmonious sequence 
composed of the notes of the diatonic scale with the second 
and fifth of the major, the fourth and seventh of the minor, 
omitted. The arpeggio of Hirajoshi is made up of the 
following major intervals : the 3rd, 6th, 7th (below the 
tonic) ist, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, 8th etc.: oi Kumoi it is the 
4th, 7th (below) ist, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, 8th, loth, etc 

Yet again we find the same principles applied to the 
evolution of a third principal tuning — Iivato — formed out 
of Ktimoi in precisely the same way as Kumoi was formed 
out of Hirajoshi, Again the pitch is lowered a fifth and 
a fresh set of intervals brought into position, and again 
we find the key of the sub-dominant taken the next in the 
order of the scale sequence. Iwato gives E minor with 
its relative G major, the minor fourth and seventh, or 
major second and fifth, being omitted as before. The Crf 
of the first string remains as has already explained ; the 
F:)f of the second string has become the second of the 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 345 

minor scale, its importance being correspondingly dimini- 
shed. The arpeggio of Iwato is 7th (below) ist, 3rd, 
4th, 6th, 7th, 8th| etc.. With Iwato the sequence of scales 
ends, the key of its sub-dominant requiring F I) , which 
would involve an alteration in the second string. 

The principle of the bridge changes in the consecutive 
tunings is revealed in the name of the mixed tuning — 
gosngari rokuagari — used for facilitating the transition 
from Iwato to Kumoi. Iwato is obtained from Kutnoi by 
lowering the fifth string a semitone, and raising the sixth 
a full tone : or in terms of the diatonic scale lowering the 
leading note and raising the tonic. And this is precisely 
the way in which Kumoi was obtained out of Hirajdshi : 
the leading note G^f of A major, is lowered to G k^ ; the 
tonic A is raised to B. In Japanese terms this application 
of the principle might be called sansagari shiagari. 

Here then we have the practical factor by which the 
scale sequence was made ; and if the first and second 
strings were not constant, it might be applied for the 
formation of all the other scales : thus. 

For making Kutnoi from the normal, lower the 3rd 

string a semitone, and raise the 4th a full 

tone 
For making Iwato from Kutnoi^ lower the 5th string 

a semitone, and raise the 6th a full tone. 
For making the next scale from Iwato^ lower the 7th 

string a semitone, and raise the 8th a full 

tone, 
and so on. 
So much for the principal tunings : but the groups of 
scales clustered round the C:)f and F:j^ of the first and 
second strings is not yet quite accounted for. There is 
the normal F^ minor with its relative A major: secondly 
there is the scale of the sub-dominant B minor with its 
relative D major: thirdly, again the scale of the sub- 
dominant E minor, with its relative G major. But these 
three relative major keys are, as far as I have been able 
to trace, quite ignored. Probably owing to the important 



346 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE, 



position held by the second string, and for other reasons 
with which musicians are familiar, the transition from 
grave to gay, of the method of which the variations of 
hitotstitoya are good examples, would be better effected by 
using the keys of the natural majors, instead of the re- 
lative majors. Thus the major corresponding to the F# 
minor o{ Hirajdshi, would be F^f major, and not A major. 
For short transitions the simple pressure on the 4th and 
its octave gth would be sufficient; for longer cheerful 
compositions however Akebono was invented. This tu- 
ning, and other variations already noticed are not recog- 
nized by the Japanese as choshi : they are called te ; and 
it is not necessary in these subordinate tunings, invented 
purely for convenience, to look for diatonic scale 
notes. Thus in Akebono there is no difficulty about the 
A k^ of the fourth string: A^ is producible at pleasure by 
pressure, but an open string A k^ is convenient /or those 
short transitions into the minor, and vice versa , which are 
so frequent in Japanese music. 

The key of B major has not been specially provided for 
Kumoi in the same way, but the possibility of making 
such a tuning, if it were required, seems to be admitted. 
Curiously enough the E major, which, as I have already 
pointed out, exists in Akebono, would serve the purpose for 
IwatOf but as the position of the notes on the trings 
would be different it is not so used. 

We have now a perfect sequence of keys. 



A major. 
F# minor. 
F# major 



Hirajdshi 
HirajCshi 
Hirajdshi 



D major 



Hirajdshi 
Akebono, 



Kumoi 



not used. 

by pressure on the 4th 
and Gth strings, and their 
octaves, for short transi- 
tions, or 

by bridge changes (No 12) 
for longer passages, or 
for pieces in the major 
key. 

not used. 



PIOQOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



347 



B minor 


Kumoi 




B major 


Kumoi 


by pressure on the 6th 
and 8th strings, and their 
octaves. 


G major 


Iwato 


not used. 


E minor 


Iwato 




E major 


Iwato 


by pressure on the 8th 



and loth strings, and 
their octaves ; or 
Akebono by transposition of 

strings : not used. 
Transitional tuning for Iwato to Kumoi — gosagari roku- 

agari, 
,, ,, for Kumoi to Ilirajdshi — Han kumoi 

The sequence principle is therefore a fall of a third, alter- 
nately major and minor: or from major to major, and 
minor to minor, a fall of a fifth. And this is precisely the 
backward scale-sequence of Western music. 

The principle of the Western sequence backward is, a 
fall of a fifth and fiatten the seventh : the principle of the 
Japanese sequence is the * sagari-agari* rule already ex- 
plained. The principle of the Western sequence forward 
is, a rise of a fifth and sharpen the fourth : the principle 
of the Japanese sequence the other way about, that id to 
say from Iwato to HirajGshi, is obviously the reverse of 
the rule just given, and might be called * agari-sagari,' 

This is not a question of theory, it is supported by facts 
derived from the Japanese themselves, though not in the 
way I have explained it. The fact that the highest pro- 
fessionals know something, but that something very dimly, 
of the relations between the tunings, does not affect the 
truth of the broad statement that the theory is absolutely 
lost and unknown. But the practical test is that, if the 
theory is sound, transposition on open strings should be 
possible on the koto. And the best of the musicians 
can invariably transpose melodies in the three principal 
tunings of HirajOshi^ Kumoi and Iwato. 

I give the tune Saitasakura in the three tunings, side 



SAITASAKURA. 

In Kumoi (B minor) 

[Written to actual notes] 




^Mf#i^ 



f^ fi' r I g} P4i J ^fe 



#^i^ 



^^ 




• • ... ••• 

• • ••• I 



•• •« 

• •• • 



SAITASAKURA. 



In Iwato (E minor) 

[Written an octave higher than the koto] 




^m 







^^^^^^m 



i 



t 



farr i r^ 'rr 



^M 



ZE 



^; 



i 




^^#^ 






-rf-frPfa 



m 



^ 



l£^ 



8/A Z 8~~"--«s 



fei 




^^E 



^' r ri^f7 









PITCH. 

The subject of pitch is one of considerable importance. 
The Japanese scale has been compared with the Western 
equal temperament scale. A skilled violinist could 
obviously produce the Japanese notes accurately : but for 
practical purposes we have nothing but the equal- tempera- 
ment Piano on which to render Japanese music. Now 
where we have only one scale, that is to say, where, 
whatever the pitch may be, the ratios of the scale intervals 
are always the same, the different keys may be accurately 
described by the word * parallel.* But where we have many 
scales, that is to say, where the ratios of the intervals 
change slightly for every key, it is obviously much too 
broad a generalization to talk about comparing the Japanese 
scale with the scale of the Piano : it is necessary to 
determine which of the twelve scales of the Piano is 
sufficiently near to the scale of Japan to allow transposition 
of Japanese music on to the Piano. Scientifically this 
could be ascertained. The ear however seems to me 
to be a not unreliable guide. Although a pitch-pipe is 
sometimes used, the first string, which is tuned first as 
I have already said, is within limits arbitrary : for a loud 
singer, for example, it is tuned up, for a soft singer it is 
tuned down. The note approximately is C, but I have 
invariably taken it as C#, because the key of F:)f minor 
on the Piano more nearly renders the plaintive character 
of the koto music in the normal tuning. This is not 
altogether a matter of opinion. I have used it invariably 
in transcribing on the Western stave as the other keys 
are to my mind too clear and open, or too heavy and 
lugubrious ; and it is when I have played in this key that 
the Japanese musicians have agreed with my conclusions. 
It has too the practical advantage of avoiding the use of 
flats, which impede the clear rendering of the music on 
the Western stave, as the flat is not known on the koto^ 
and sharp pressures would often have to be translated by 
naturals. 



TIME. 

On the question of transcription one other question 
remains — the time. In spite of many seeming lapses from 
regular and metronomical time, the beat is alternate and 
equal. The unequal beat of our ordinary common time 
seems hardly suited to Japanese music. I therefore always 
use f time which seems accurately to convey the idea of 
the hyOshi marks in the example of koto notation already 
given. Many of the phrase difficulties are apparent only, 
and are caused by the presence of innumerable grace notes, 
and also I am bound to say by the carelessness of the 
musicians. 

The discussion on the Japanese scale should have been 
preceded by an examination into the Chinese scale : but for 
many reasons the difficulties of getting at it, of decipher- 
ing the sounds, and of transcribing any music which could 
explain it, are infinitely greater even than in the case of the 
Japanese scale. The tunings of the So-no-koto however are 
of great assistance, and will enable us to determine with 
some degree of accuracy, what the work of Yatsuhashi really 
was. These tunings are set out in the accompanying table. 

There are two terms which require explanation, ritsnsen 
and ryosen. They are interpreted by Japanese musicians 
who are familiar with Western music as equivalent to the 
minor and major respectively, and I think this interpret- 
ation is sound. They indicate, as is usual with things 
which go in couples and are the complement of each other, 
the male and female elements : the major is represented 
by the male, ryosen; the minor by the female, ritsusen ; 
and it will be seen that each of the tunings has the two 
modes. They are all composed of f\we notes with their 
octaves, and as before these five notes may be taken as 
indicative of the scale and key of the music based on them : 
though it is beyond our power to apply the tests of harmony 
and transposition as in the case of the Japanese tunings. 

A careful examination reveals a constant difference be- 
tween the notes of the ritsusen and ryosen of the different 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 35I 

tunings ; one note only is changed and that lowered a 
semitone from the minor to the major. 

Thus in hyojo the five notes oi ritsusen F^f Gqf B C^f 
D:?j: become in ryosen F# G# A:^ C^f D#, the B falling 
to A:ff : and so in hanshiki F:jf becomes E:jf : in oshiki 
E becomes Dqpf : in ichiotsu A becomes G4f : and in 
sojo D becomes C^f. Hyojo appears to be Frjf minor 
in ritsusen, the ascending scale with the third omitted and 
the seventh: in ryosen, F:jf major with the fourth and the 
seventh omitted. 

If this is true it is built on the same diatonic scale as 
Hirajoshiy though with different intervals. And the word 
hyojo has precisely the same signification as HirajOshi, 
implying ** normal tuning.'* In the change then from 
ritsHsen to ryosen, the alteration of the one note a semitone 
gives the third of the major scale in lieu of the fourth of the 
minor : the minor third for ritsusen being probably supplied 
by-pressure on the 3rd and 8th strings. This supplies the 
necessary key which explains the other tunings : the alter- 
ation is from the fourth of the minor scale to the third of 
the major. This gives for hanshiki tuning the keys of 
Cif minor and major: for oshiki B minor and major: 
for ichiotsu E minor and major : and for sojo A minor 
and major. With a key sequence of A, E, B. F^f , C:jf ; 
a progression of fifths. 

But beyond this sequence of keys, and the fact that six 
notes of the diatonic eight only are taken for each tuning, 
there seems to be no connecting link between the Japanese 
and the Chinese tunings. I cannot discover in the Chinese 
any such symmetrical scheme of construction as the Japan- 
ese tunings revealed. In the absence of any authentic re- 
cord, and in the presence of the impossibility of ascertaining 
anything at all reliable as to the nature of the Tstikushi- 
gnkuy which came between the bugaku music and the 
music of Japan, — that Kyushu music which a certain Lady 
Ishikawa learnt on Mount Hikosan, according to the tradi- 
tion, from an unknown Chinese musician, — the only con- 
clusions at which we can arrive must be purely hypothetical. 



352 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Nevertheless I think these are warranted, for they depend 
simply on the strength of the human brain, and refer to a 
time when knowledge depended on Uiis alone, and neither 
came in dreams nor was revealed to lovely ladies upon 
mountain tops by divinities in cloud- encircled groves. 

I think that a diatonic scale almost certainly existed 
in China which was identical in construction with the 
diatonic scale of the West, and which was composed of 
notes whose vibration do not differ from those of the equal 
temperament scale more than the notes of either the scien- 
tific diatonic scale, or the scale of Pythagoras, differ from 
the vibrations of those unscientific sounds : that something 
remarkably like this scale existed independently in very 
early times in Japan, at least if the evidence which the 
tuning of the Yamato-goto supplies is worth any thing 
at all : that in Japan all knowledge of the properties of 
scale and key was absolutely wanting, and in China was 
somewhat chaotic : that Yatsuhashi, learned in such 
knowledge as existed in both countries, unravelled, by 
the aid of the elements which his learning afforded him, 
those mysterious properties, and reduced chaos to order : 
that he based the modern music of Japan on what he 
had accomplished : yet that his accomplishment falling 
short, as how should it not, of complete knowledge, he 
left much to be supplied, and in the music, much to 
be desired : and that between his time and ours tradition 
has barred the way to progress, none of his later followers 
reaching the height to which his undoubted genius soared : 
that the cramp of tradition has tended rather to decadence, 
and that it remains for the Japanese musicians of to-day, 
for whose skill I have the most profound respect, to yield 
to the influence of the ebbing and flowing of the waves 
of Western melody and harmony which is surely coming 
upon them, and to build on the music which exists, for 
which indeed I have a great admiration, a music national 
as all other music is, and which being national, and being 
Japanese, will reflect still more the grace and charm of 
the people of a most favoured nation. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



353 



Phrases and Intervals, 

A cursory analysis of the music reveals two qualities, 
the one good, the other bad : the first charms us, the second 
irritates us ; and I am bound to say that in the struggle 
between the two the victory has remained with the latter. 
Apart from the question of * form ' which I shall consider 
separately, the good quality consists in the abundance of 
little graces of melody which constitute the first surprize 
that Japanese music has in store for us. The bad quality 
consists of the prevalence of awkward arid* ungainly inter- 
vals, and as a natural sequence a queer formlessness of 
many phrases. Of these points, which are of course 
matters of taste, the following short extracts will serve as 
examples. Hoping that any good impression the music 
may create may be permanent I put the bad first. 

Full close of Matsuzukushi 



^4=J mil I J iU^^ 





Opening phrase of 






From Rokudan ^^^ ^ 




From Kurama-jishi 




354 




PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



From Matsuzukushi 



^^^^^^mm0^ 




Half-close from Utnegae 




^m 



m 



^Si^ 





From Rokudan 





J_4-i_ij 



=^^^= ^^ ^ ^-Jp^f^ 




^^^ffT-EiEEjit 



i.::^^^ 





. Harmonw 

The statement that Japanese music is devoid of harmony 
is perhaps the only one among so many which at all 
approximates to accuracy. So far as my observation goes 
there is some, but very little : but again I have to remark 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 355 

that until we can examine the higher forms of koto music 
our judgment must remain in suspense. My impression 
is that when an elaborate composition like Adzumajishi 
is studied we shall find a great deal more harmony than 
we at present imagine. I have at present however to 
deal with facts not' impressions. 

The simple fact that two notes may be played together 
with pleasing effect is recognized by the existence of the 
term awaserti, literally to put together: it is used as well 
for the reinforcing unison of the first and fifth strings, as 
for the octave which is frequently used in whole passages. 

We need not look further for an example than hitotsn- 
toya^ the first and one of the simplest of the kotonta, 
I confess that it is curious that three at least of the state- 
ments made with reference to Japanese music are easily 
refuted from this simple song. It is unmelodious. Why 
here is a little melody full of grace, catching to the ear, 
to be whistled, to be hummed, to be strummed, like any 
Western popular song. The difference between the major 
and the minor is unrecognized. And here is this tune 
which in its first variation goes into the major distinctly 
and in a manner which no tyro among musicians can fail 
to recognize ; and much in the same way as Western 
composers in VAirs with Variations,' invariably devote one 
or two to treating the melody in the minor mode. Lastly, 
there is no harmony. In the third variation occurs a 
harmony of the sixth which adds vigour to the melody. 




and also of the minor seventh used with great effect and 
emphasis, 




Using Western terms, the interval of the sixth is clearly 
part of the common chord of the tonic, the key for the 
two variations being F4f m\jor: 



356 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 



bLLz^ 







i 



s 



and the interval of the seventh, part of the chord of the 
minor seventh on the second. 



J) J^ J^ J>, J 




The first of these two chords, the fifth string and the 
sharpened ninth, I am disposed to sa}', as might be ex- 
pected of the common chord of the tonic, is of frequent 
occurence. Thus the phrase which commences each frag- 
ment of Matsuzukushi is as follows : 




H-\-H^ 



a variation of the leading phrase of hitotsutoya in the 
major. 

The following is another example of its use, from 
Kuraviajisliif 




^^ 



In Goshognriinin the eighth and sharpened to string occu^ 
in harmony : 




a major fifth. 



Form. 



Perhaps the most interesting fact which a study of 



PIQGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 357 

Japanese music reveals is that it is not formless and void, 
and more than this that it is built on an elaborate system 
of construction, which if its products were filled out with 
harmonies and that complicated musical verbosity which 
is' the delight of Western musicians, would entitle it to 
a very favourable comparison with our own music. What 
Japanese music shows us is, as it were, the skeleton of 
construction ; and I find it a very interesting, well-knit, 
and cleverly articulated skeleton. 

The rules established by Yatsuhashi dealt only with the 
dimensions of the composition and did not touch its 
interior structure : in this matter he seems to have thought 
example better than precept. 

Koto music, apart from the short songs, is divided into 
two classes, dan and kitmL The danmono are written in 
parts — * steps ' or * grades ' — in a severe style with connect- 
ing ideas, and without a voice part. The parts are called 
respectively ichidan^ ntdan^ saudan, and so on, and the 
whole piece is often named after the number of dan of 
which it is composed : thus there are pieces called godart, 
rokudan, shichidan^ hachidan^ kudan. Each dan is com- 
posed of 52 hyoshi or bars. The first however may have 
54, and the last 50. This is the case in rokudan, as 
will be seen from the printed version of it on the stave 
given at the end, and I believe also in all the other com- 
positions of the class. 

The kumi are somewhat lighter in style, but are, like 
the danmono, written in several parts ; they are invariably 
accompanied by the voice. The parts correspond with 
the verses of the song, and are called hitouia, futauta 
and so on. Each verse is divided into 8 sections, and 
each section into 8 hyoshi. The * verse* is therefore 12 
bars longer than the dan. 

As to the internal structure, or principle of composi- 
tion, I have been unable to discover anything in the shape 
of rules or suggestions in the later books, and the koto* 
musicians have very little to say on the matter. Ignorant 
of the Japanese idea, we can only look at it therefore 



35^ PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

with Western eyes, and to this end I have analysed the 
piece Uincgae, "the Plum Branch," one of the first of the 
knmi which is taught to beginners. It is given on the 
Western stave at the end. It is built entirely on kake, the 
undulations of the phrase having probably suggested the 
name. In No. i., the subject is given out seven times, 
making seven distinct phrases, which I have numbered 
A, B, C, D, E, F, G. Variety, or colour, is given by 
starting the subject on different strings. This is in fact 
the common device in contrapuntal music, where the sub- 
ject often reappears a third or fifth higher or lower, and 
so on, sometimes modulated into another key, but as 
often not. The peculiar feature of the repetition of the 
hake subject is, as has been pointed out in the preceeding 
explanation of terms, that as the relations of the strings 
are constant, the musical intervals composing the phrase 
must vary. Thus, in A [to kake) and B (f kake) the first 
interval is a second, in E (jil kake) and F (liachi kake) a 
third. Finally on its seventh appearance the subject is 
decapited, having three notes only instead of five : it is 
really shichi kake^ an octave below the / kake of D. 

The chief feature of the remainder of the seven phrases 
is the recurrence of a short phrase composed of the loth, i, 
tOy strings arranged in different ways: thus, f, /o, lo : lo, 
t, to : /, tOy t, 10 : and so on. The phrase D has a second 
part written in a freer slyle with more graces and slides, 
which I have lettered D'. The short rallentaudo close 
is constant in the first five variations. The passages 
marked with upwards and downward pointing arrows are 
hikiren and uraren respectively, and read : 




PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 359 

So much for the first or chief part : we may now follow the 
construction through the six parts. The phrase A begins 
all through with the subject in its normal form, to kake. 

Apart from the first phrase however, each succeeding 
variation throws off some feature of the first part, and 
specially elaborates one or more of its phrases : and further 
each variation borrows some feature from its predecessor. 

In No. 2., A i« identical, and B almost, with A and B 
of No. I. C introduces some slight changes. 

The second part of D is omitted, but E is elaborated 
with a second and a third part in which entirely new 
subjects are given out; in E' an interesting phrase of 
quavers ; and in E", an equally interesting phrase in oc- 
taves, syncopated in the Western method. F and G are 
discarded, E" running on into the eighth section introduc 
ing the close by a glissade. In No. 3, at B, i kake be 
comes y?Z kake ; at C, to kake is given out an octave lower 
as roku kake, a charming chime-like variation of the prin 
cipal subject caused by the rise to C^ on the third note 
instead of the usual fall. D this time carries the variations 
which extend over three sections, D', D", and D"''. D' is 
founded on the D' of No. i ; D" has some of the 
characteristics of the E' of No. 2 : in D"' the octave 
phrases of the E'' of No. 2 appear ; but descending instead 
of ascending. E and F are discarded, but G reappears 
in its decapitated form. In No. 4, the B phrase begins 
with jil kake as in No. 3. The C phrase begins with 
hachi kake instead o{ to kake as in No. i. E is discarded, 
and F is elaborated with two parts on the same lines as 
E' and E'' of No. 2. G remains, decapitated as in No. 3. 
In No. 5, B begins with jil kake as in Nos. 3 and 4, but 
this time has a second and a third part in the style of D' 
of No. 3, with the phrase, i. i. 5, in B" introduced from 
the preceding variation. C and D are omitted. E remains 
in a simple form, beginning with jil kake; and F is 
elaborated with a second part, new in style, in which a 
fresh kaki beat is introduced. F' runs on into the eighth 

« 

section which concludes with the close as before. 



360 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Finally in No. 6, B, C, D, and E, are discarded, a long 
and elaborated second part being inserted after A which 
occupies five sections. This is the climax of the composi- 
tion, the Namigaeshif most elaborate of graces, being 
reserved for it, and it contains suggestions of most of 
the subordinate ideas scattered throughout the second parts 
in the preceding variations. 

The composition is then closed in a sedate and dignified 
manner with a continuous rallentando. The phrase F is 
used concisely with hachi kake decapitated. At G the 
shichi kake, which has hitherto been decapitated before 
the half close, is given in full to introduce the full close to 
the song. 

I have gone at length into the anal3'sis of this piece, 
because one such careful study at least is necessary to 
understand the Japanese idea of composition. I do not 
imagine that every composition when subjected to the same 
rigorous analysis would reveal so intricate a construction. 
But when we find it in the least advanced example of the 
severer music, we are certainly entitled to assume that the 
principles of construction are not ignored in the more 
elaborate compositions : a complete mastery of the science 
of *form' must be in the East, as it is in the West, the 
corner-stone of all successful composition. It seems fully 
in accordance with the Western idea too that in the ele- 
mentary compositions of a rigid or classical nature, the 
elements of the science should be easily discoverable, their 
clothing of phrases being only the thinnest of coverings. 
What then is the Japanese idea as we see it after our 
analysis? A composition built on a principal theme, con- 
stantly recurring but in varied forms : to the principal theme, 
subordinate themes added from time to time, these again 
recurring in varied forms : finally a gradual working up to 
a climax which is full of pleasant reflexion of all that has 
gone before, being in fact the themes and pretty phrases of 
the composition woven together. 

Surely the Western idea does not altogether differ from 
this. In means for carrying it out, for inventing grander 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 361 

themes, for elaborating them, for beautifying them, for 
involving them one with the other, for mystifying the clear 
vision of the brain by surrounding everything with a de- 
lightful mist of sounds, yes : the music of the East cannot 
compare with the music of the West : but again I say we 
must remember the few pitiful strings, the imperfect know- 
ledge of the scale, the deficient knowledge of the capacity 
of some of their instruments, and then I think what has 
been done is a thing to wonder at^ind not to scoff at: and 
again I say we have no notion how far this modern Japan- 
ese music has gone, because we don't listen to it, and we 
wont listen to it, and as yet there is no means whereby we 
may study it for ourselves when the sliding doors have 
been drawn to, and the tea-house candles have been ex- 
tinguished. 

Diplomas or Licences, 

A koto pupil usually receives her first diploma after i 
year's study, when she has learnt and can play accurately 
about 17 pieces: many do not go any further, but are 
content to become the ordinary musicians of the tea-houses. 
But for the first-rate professional an elaborate course of 
instruction lies beyond this stage, and a regular series of 
progressive diplomas. On receiving the first diploma — 
omotenoyurushi — * the front licence ' — a present cf five yen 
is made to the teacher, together with a dish of sekihan — 
rice mixed with red beans. The fellow pupils also receive 
gifts o{ sekihan, A dinner is given by richer pupils instead 
of the sekihan. The course begins with hitotsiitoya — 
counting song — Saitasakura — the song of the blooming of 
the cherry-trees : it includes practically all the easy pieces 
which are written invariably in Hirajoshi ; and also a certain 
number of complicated ones, such as Umegae — the song 
of the plum tree; it ends with rokndan^ — the * six grades,' 
or variations. 

During this first course the fees paid for tuition are 3 yen 

With the second course the pupil begins to learn the 

other tunings of the instrument. Tunes written in Kumoi 



362 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

and Hankumoi alone are studied : the course begins with 
Kumononye—ih^ ^ong oi X\\Q clouds— whence the name of 
the tuning * kufuoi,' and ends with midare — * Confusion.* 
The second diploma is then granted— wa^awoj//rws/ji — the 
intermediate licence, or urdnoyurushi, the rear licence, the 
teacher receiving a fee of eight yen ; the presents of rice 
are made as before. 

In the third course pieces written in the Iwata tuning 
are learnt. It begins with godan — * fivQ grades' or 
variations, and ends wifli Hiyen-no-kyoku — the song of the 
swallows The third diploma is then granted — okuno- 
yurnshi — the innermost licence — the fee for which is fifteen 
yen, with the dinner or rice present as before. 

When this diploma has been obtained the first string of 
the koto may be lowered an octave in hirajoshi and all 
other tunings, which are now open to the student. 

The fourth course begins with Ogi-no-kyokn — the song 
of the fan — and ends with Hiyen-no-kyoku — the song of 
the swallows. 

When this course is finished a fee of twenty yen is paid 
to the teacher for a sign-board, and permission to use his 
name. The student thenceforward becomes a professional 
teacher. The distinction was marked by a ceremony, dis- 
continued only fifteen years ago. The new professor pro- 
ceeded with his friends and fellow pupils to the Island of 
Enoshima, where in the stillness of caves he solemnly 
performed a piece of music named Enoshima after the 
island. The use of the teacher's name corresponds to the 
grant of * one character ' among artists. 

Diplomas were formerly only granted by teachers who 
had received one of the three degrees — 7v'd/o, Kengyo^ or 
Soroku — but latterly any of the male teachers have been 
allowed to grant them. A female teacher however can 
only obtain diplomas for her pupils through her former 
master who attends the school on special occasions to hear 
the performances of the pupils. 

The three degrees just mentioned were formerly con- 
ferred on blind musicians (and also on * blind pin-prickers'); 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 363 

the right to confer them being vested in the house of 
Yoshida of the Imperial Household. The claim for a 
degree was supported by a recommendation from others in 
the same profession. The fees were loo yen 200 yen, 
and 1000 yen respectively : the money for them and for 
the necessary pilgrimage to Kyoto was found in great part 
and often entirely by the pupils of the candidate. About 
ten years elapsed between each degree. 

Special forms of Joruri, chiefly called after the name 

of the inventors, 

Gidayn-bushiy music for the marionette stage : invented 
by Takemoto Chikugo, pupil of Inouye Harima, a learned 
man and fertile composer, who was a pupil of Toraya 
Genjitsu of Yedo, who was a pupil of Satsuma J6un of 
Izumi, the inventor of the * new music * of the Kanyei 
and ShOho eras. 

The words for Gidayu-hnshi were written by Chikamatsu 
Monzayemon, called by many the * Shakspeare of Japan.' 

Itchu-bushi, softer songs than the Gidayil-bushi, com- 
posed by Miyako Itchu. These are said to have degene- 
rated into indecency and were suppressed by the Govern- 
ment. 

BungO'bushiy songs invented by Miyakoji Bungo, which 
were afterwards suppressed by the Government as indecent. 
They were afterwards started afresh in Yedo by Miyako 
Bunyemon. They were however too soft for the popular 
taste, he therefore invented Tokiwazu, 

Tomimotobushiy songs invented by Tomimoto Buzen, 
a performer of I'okiwazu. 

KiyomotO'bushij songs invented by Kiyomoto Enjusai 
in the Kansei era. 

Kadayil-biishiy songs invented by Uji Kadayu of Kyoto. 

FtijimatsH'bnshi, songs invented by Fujimatsu, a descen- 
dent of Miyakoji. His pupil Tsuruga invented Shinnai, a 
low class music of an indecent character, described as 
*' very sweet and birdlike." 



364 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Classes of hanta and konta, 

Nage-bushif small poems invented in K3'oto in the 
Genroku era : * up and down ' songs. 

l^sugi'bushi, 

Dote-hushiy the embankment song. 

Komuro-bushi, Yoshiwara songs. 

Magaki-bnshi, 

Kaga-bnshiy invented in the Manji era — 1658. 

Shibagaki'bushi, invented in the Meireki era — 1656. 

Ryutatsti'bushiy at first sung without accompaniment : 
afterwards sung with samisen and shakuhachi, 

Osaka^koutay accompanied by samisen and koto. 

Rosei-bnshi, 

Hautay proverbs or comic songs. 

Outay more set pieces. 

Nagautay short songs for children, with 31 characters. 

Kontay shorter songs, with 26 characters mostly. 

Different varieties of small songs, • 

Daijinmaiy the wealthy man's song and dance. 

Torioiutay minstrel's song. 

Bon-odoriutUy moonlight dance of peasants on the sea- 
shore in July. 

Yotsndakeiitay a song accompanied by the Yotsudukey 
or * four-bamboos.' 

Chatsumiutay tea-picking song. 

Mariiitay girl's ball song. 

Sumiyoshiodoriutay the priest's chant when he is ac- 
companied by his stick and umbrella bearers. 

Tally euta, rice-planting song. 

Ustthikiutay pestle and mortar song, sung by two girls 
pounding tea or rice. 

Iseondoutay the Ise song : the guests are seated in the 
room, the dancers and the orchestra, kotOy samiseUy and 
kokyily being on gallery running round the room, which is 
gradually elevated. . 

Kiyariy the name given to the workmen's shouting at the 



• _ • 



: : ••• ••• 



• « 



Ti|snq-o2ung iqsnq-o^ouio.^i}^ iqsnq-ns^Biuifn^ iqsnq-o^o 



{$ouvp uv/s^/Coq) 



(n>iBS-ui3s)-n>iBS-njBS 



(^ 



Samisen)=^ 



{va 



aga-uta 



366 PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAPANESE. 

Next comes ishokusashif the consideration of the rank. 
The sing^er should accomodate his voice to the character 
of the person about whom he sings, whether it be a hero, 
for example, or a woman. Thus if he sings of a priest he 
should be priestlike; or if of a woodcutter he should simu- 
late his voice, and so forth. 

Next comes choshiomoiy the consideration of the tuning. 
Now although our samisen has only three strings, yet all 
the twelve sounds are there and to be played upon them. 
So the player ought to take deep consideration of all these 
twelve sounds.''' 

Next comes ouseiiashitni, the preparation of the voice 
in the chest, by opening the lungs. Now every phrase 
may be sung in two breaths ; yet the singer must not 
avail himself of this rule and sing coarsely. He ought 
to try and produce as sweet a sound as possible, which can 
only be done by keeping the body in its proper position. 
So while singing he must not bow too much, but let the 
voice come from the chest. No human voice has a sound 
higher than ftisho. Therefore straining to produce higher 
sounds such as oshd must be avoided. This is called 
uragoe, the production of bad sounds. 

Next comes Kivaigono-hen^ the consideration of open- 
ing and closing the mouth, so as to avoid a slovenly 
pronunciation of the words. 

Opening the mouth is the male principle ; it is equivalent 
to spring and summer: it is ryo. Shutting the mouth is 
the female principle; it is equivalent to autumn and winter: 
it is ritsii. 

Finally comes sekijo, the consideration of the audience. 

• The twelve sounds are the tweh'e Chinese ritsn or semitones. This 
direction puzzles me somewhat : it may refer to one of two things, 
either to the pitch, as to which there is no special direction if this does 
not refer to it : or to the tuning of the instrument, whether honchdshii 
niagarlj or sansngari. It is quite possible however that it refers to 
both : that the singer is to be careful to select the right tuning for the 
music, lest it should miss any of its due effect by not getting the proper 
open notes, and he must be careful too to pitch it so as not to strain his 
voice. 



PIGGOTT : THE MUSIC OF THE JAl'ANEKR. 367 

If in the songs which are to be sung any fact is 
menlioned which would be unpleasant for any of the 
audience to hear, it should be omitted or altered ; and if 
any name is referred to which corresponds with the name 
of any person present, it should be changed, so that 
anything that might appear to he a personal reference may 
be avoided. 

Finally a singer should be temperate, drinking little, and 
of quiet sober conduct in his every day life, for bad conduct 
spoils both the character and the voice. 



A table for the production of sounds^ kteaigo-iio-beit — . 

The Chinese characters used for musical sounds were live 
in number. 

kyil. slid, kakii. chi or cho. u. 
but they are not simple sounds and are more like syllables. 
Therefore the simpler kana sounds are used 

and these with different consonants prefixed are used for 
the formation of the voice according to the following table. 



in addition to these there are the ^osei or ^o/u — the 'five 
voices' — 

gn la da ba \ and also the jiseiin, 



ROKUDAN (ichi-dan) 



allegretto 




^ J X4 I ^ J 



• • •*• *** 

! • • • :• 

• • • • • 

• • • • 



k* *• 



ROKUDAN (ni-dan) 




^^^^ 




^^^m 







^H^£P 



tf'h-t 




•■Hf r i r^^ ^ 




i-&+^ 



^^ 




• • «•« ••• 

• • • • f. 

• • • • • 

• • • • 



■ ** i 



M^. 



ROKUDAN (san-dan) 




I i- i' U At »— 



• • . . :• 

• • • • • 

• • • • 



k* *■ 
» •• • 



li 



ROKUDAN (yodan) 




■^I^UjJ i J jj i .J ^ 





g 



a 



f 



I/} I .? *J 




t i^ I i ri^J^ ^ 





r*r i .< * 




s 



.V r^h n 




^'i.i.'i'i^ ij i 



• • ••• ••• 

• • • • 



•• • 



!! 



[s ' 






ROKUDAN (godan) 






^ ^^rta 








t±^:^±i=^ ^ 



^m 





^P^ - jrJjii 



Si^^^ 



V • ^ 






ROKUDAN (roku-dan) 











J fi i ^ij r i ^^^ P 



m 



m 



g 




=f^tP ^^ 




EALL. 



^ 



W- 



s 



• • 



? • •••••• •• *€ 

• • . • •• •• 

• • ;r* ;• : 
• • •• • • r 



» • k 



Umegae — No. I. 



andante 




^m 









J J i jj i n r ^ 



.y JA l iirt 




'^M 



^^^^^^m 




• • < 



•. • 






Umegae — No. II. 










Umegae— No. III. 




• ■ 






•V 



Umegae — No. IV, 




HTlPljil^L 



J^F;=bMjM=F4 



^ ^=^^ 



^W 




^^m 



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^^^ 




i^^^' 



^^i^i^^^^ 




^^^^ 



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jKl 



^^ 



I 



fe^Egtf:^ 



"• ^f^^ ^^^^^ 




m 



=s 



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c ' 



Umegae — No. V. 




Nte^^l^ 




b^-^^^i 



/ 



Umegae— No. VT. 




THE GEKKIN MUSICAL SCALE. 



BY 

F. Du Bois, M.D. 
(Read Sth April y 1891.; 



The gekkin is a Chinese instrument of music much used 
in Japan. It consists of a circular, double, flat, imperforate 
sounding board about fourteen inches in diameter and an 
inch and a half in thickness. Inside the sounding board 
a piece of metal is loosely attached which jingles when the 
instrument is played upon. The handle is about ten 
inches long. In the head of it are inserted four winding 
pegs which serves to tighten two double strings in 
mandoline style ; only the strings are not made of wire but 
of hemp. The handle and part of the face of the sounding 
board are divided off into spaces by frets of bamboo 
bone or ivory (such as we find on the handle of the man- 
doline or the guitar) to show where the pressure is to be 
applied in forming the notes. These frets limit the number 
of sounds and render these invariable in each tuning. Now 
Japanese tunes and Chinese tunes are produced upon the 
gekkin. We have therefore in the frekkin an instrument 
which should enable us to arrive at some positive notions 
about Japanese music. 

There are eight intervals between the frets which with 
the two open strings give exactly the eighteen notes this 
instrument is capable of producing; but several of these 
eighteen notes are duplicates and others are an octave 
higher than is commonly used. The range of notes is 
an octave and a quarter though the tune is generally 
run within the limits of an octave. 



370 i)u nois : tiik gkkkin musical scalk. 

Two tunings are made use of in playing upon the 
gekkin. One is called honchoshi and the other niagari : 
In honchoshi the lower open string corresponds to 

Do and the upper open string to Sol, 

In niagari the lower open string corresponds to Re 

and the upper open string to SoL Chinese tunes are 

all played in honchoshi while Japanese tunes are many 

of them played in niagari and others in honchoshi. 

The Japanese scale is composed of seven notes which 
correspond very nearly to our own but they have no sharps 
or flats. They can therefore have but one scale. Their 
Mi and their Si are both flatter, than ours the other notes 
correspond almost absolutely. 

The scale which corresponds most to the Japanese is in 
6 flats or G flat. I have transposed honchdshi tunes 
however into the natural scale of C and those of niagari 
into the scale of G major. This however is a mere 
question of personal convenience. 

Niagari tunes can be played upon the Ave black notes. 

There is written music in Japan but the characters used 
do not perform exactly the same function as with us. 
They were originally Chinese and have been adopted by 
the Japanese. These musical characters represent frets 
rather than notes, for they always indicate the same place 
on the siring to be pressed whatever the tuning may be. 
Thus ± represents the lower open string and corresponds 
to Do in houchoslii and to Re in niagari^ and the character 
/\! corresponds to Re in honchoshi and to Mi in niagari 
while Sol and La are represented by the same signs in 
both tunings. 

It becomes therefore rather important on seeing a piece 
of written Japanese music to know whither it is to be played 
in honchdshi or in niagari There is a very simple way 
of telling. If the character X appear it must be in hon- 
choshi ^ if not it is in niagari ^ for tunes in niagari are 
played on five notes — A*t', il//, Sol^ La^ Doy and although 
X represents Mi in honchdshi it represents Fa in niagari 
and is not used in melodies in this tuning. The musical 



l)U hois: lllF. CilUsKlN MUSICAL SCALE. 



371 



characters are nine in number corresponding to the seven 
' notes of our musical scale, two of the notes having duphcate 
signs. They are : 
Do Re Mi Fa Sol La Si Do He Mi 



■ HonchOshi 



± 


R 


X 


)l 


5*<.^ 


ra.E 


L 


r. 


n 


in 


jan 


che 


kon 


han 


riu.ho 


sui, u 


1 


takai 
jan 


takai 
che 


takai 
kon 




jan 


che 


X 


II 


It 


X 


II 


11 


• 1 



Niagari 

Notes above the octave are indicated by placing the sign 
-f befoie the corresponding lower sign. 

In the examples of transposition given below it will be seen 
that all thejiotesof our scale come into use in Chinese tunes; 
that two of our notes Fa and Si do not appear in Japanese 
tunes written in niagari; but that in Japanese tuneswritten 
in honchoshi all the notes appear except 5/, and for aught 
I know there may be tunes in which that notes appears. 

In playing our tunes on the gekkin they are satisfactory 
up to a certain point. The evident flattening of Mi and 
Si however do not produce the most pleasing expression. 
They must all be transposed into Jtonchdshi and it must 
be remembered that no accidentals can fmd expression on 
the gckk ill or in their musical characters. 

Any player on the gekkin should be able to write out any 
Japanese air in their Japanese musical characters. The 
object of this paper is to enable any one to transpose such 
written music into our scale and adapt it to the piano. 

Niagari 

J: 
K 

& 
\\\ 

IT. 





HonchOshi 


Do 


i-. 


Re 


K' 


Mi 


I 


Fa 


K. 


Sol 


'^^ 


La 


van 


Si 


X. 


Do 


i\: 


Re 


ill 


Mi 


ir. 



± 



K 



iu 



it 



# 






rjS 



•u 



^^ 



^K 



A:^ 




^K 



itj 



>fx 



4^ 



Diagram showing the positions and symbols of the Frets 

on the Gekkin. 



SPECIMENS OF POPULAR MELODIES 
PERFORMED ON THE GEKKIN. 



(i.) A Chinese Tune in Honchdshi ; 
with seven notes to the scale. 



Legato 



I fr i fP i ri' i rni'i' i M 



m 



I rr i pi'iTn^^ 




m 



$ 



TC 



i.f i rr|ff|M' 



TL 



^Sho: 



m 



% 



^ 



.OL 



^ 



O a 



fHf-r-hTf 



f i rr i "^"^ ! 



^^ 



■w 



^ 



=F=5: 



nsr* 



fX:. 



1 



(2.) Hitotsutose; 
a tune in Niagari — very common in Japan. 





^ 



rfffrrrr i rrr^ 



pi' ^ 




! 



(3.) Ta^^ Saw; a tune in Niagari. 



p& F^f' If ,. I rr |»-pffwMTiJ^ 



^^^r-TTTTT^I r If* I 



i 



(4.) Inshu Inaba ; A tune in Honchdshi. 



Adagio 




i=fc^t^ 



ri^r^JjiJ 




REMAEKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL 

SCALES. 

BY 

C. G. Knott, D. Sc, F. R. S. E. 
(Read 8th April, iSgiJ 



Mr. Piggott has communicated to the Society a very 
interesting paper on the music of the Japanese. In its 
treatment of the koto tunings and analysis of koto music 
the paper is of especial value. The tendency of the paper 
as a whole is to emphasise the resemblances and minimise 
the differences between Japanese and Western music. 
Scales and Tunings are represented on our stave and by 
our symbols. Such representation is, we are told, prac- 
tically accurate ; and the test of this appears to be made 
to depend on the performing of Japanese airs on the piano. 
But I am disposed to think that this method is not by any 
means so satisfactory as its converse, in which, instead of 
playing a Japanese air on the piano, we play one of our 
Qirs on a Japanese instrument. Even on a piano in bad 
tune we readily recognise a familiar air, but ascribe the 
false intervals to the bad tuning. Now when we hear an 
unfamiliar air on a Japanese instrument, the intervals seem 
a little out ; but we unconsciously put them right in our 
mind and when we play the semblance of the air on the 
piano we think we have got it straight. Suppose, how- 
ever, that we play or get played a well known Western 
melody on a Japanese instrument in Japanese style. Then 
evidently we are in a position at once to draw conclusions 
having some claim to accuracy. I am not aware that this 
method has been adopted by any investigator; but it 
certainly commends itself as likely to lead to good results. 



374 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

In this way I have studied the notes of the gekkitt and 
the shdf since these are instruments which offer little 
difficulty in experimenting with. 

Before discussing them I shall make a few remarks of a 
general character, chiefly by way of criticism of Mr. 
Piggott's main position. He refers every thing to the 
piano scale, that is, the so-called scale of equal tempera- 
ment. For many purposes this is legitimate enough ; but 
not for all purposes. 

The arbitrary division of an octave into 12 semi-tones is 
not an essential part of our music. For fixed tone instru- 
ments like the piano and organ, the equal temperament 
system provides endless facilities for modulating into 
different keys. That is its sole merit. Its demerits are 
numerous. It has destroyed perfect consonances, and 
made the musician's ear tolerate dissonant chords which 
ought to have been intolerable. It has done away with 
those delicate feelings of tonality which natural scales alone 
can give ; and it exaggerates the importance of harmony 
in giving character to a melody. 

This last of course was inevitable when all intervals 
were smoothed off into so many multiples of a semi-tone. 
As a matter of historic development it wa? harmony that 
determined the tonic. In days when the principles of 
harmony were taking form there was no true tonic. 
Melodies, as we say now, ended on almost any note; and 
the character of these melodies depended wholly upon the 
manner in which the intervals followed each other. As 
harmonic music developed the grand major triad became 
the nucleus of all that was lasting in music. The major 
third came into greater and greater prominence. Out of 
what we should now regard as chaotic sequences of chords 
arose by a process of natural selection the fundamental 
principles of progression in harmony. Closing phrases 
more and more demanded a particular treatment in which 
the chord of the dominant, less frequently the chord of the 
subdominant, had to precede the final chord of the tonic 
in order to give what the modern ear calls a natural close. 






KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 375 

This determined the particular arrangements of harmoni- 
cally related notes which we call the diatonic scales. Our 
diatonic scale, in ita major and minor forms, is the strong 
harmonic survival of sequences of tones which for lack of 
a better name we call scales. We are too much inclined, 
however, to give to these ancient Greek or mediaeval 
ecclesiastical *< scales" many of the characteristics which 
never really belonged to them. As a question of pure 
melody, there is no reason why the last note of an air 
should be,' in the vast majority of cases, reached by a falling 
major second or a rising minor second. This is generally 
the case with our modern music, so that the tonic 
becomes the final note. Occasionally we end on the 
dominant or the third, which are the only other notes that 
occur in the fundamental chord of the tonic. Hence has 
sprung the widely prevalent idea that a melody most • 
naturally ends on the tonic, or at any rate on some note 
belonging to its chord. The consequence is that certain 
most exquisite cadences are practically relegated to oblivion. 
Some of the most beautiful of Scottish airs are rarely heard 
now, because they do not end on a note which belongs 
to the chord of what seems to be the tonic. The truth is 
these airs do not possess a tonic in the harmonic signifi- 

t 

cance of the term. They are difiicult to harmonise, exactly 
as, according to Mr. Piggott, Japanese airs are difficult to 
harmonise. In fact they will not harmonise along the 
lines of modern harmony. 

As examples, take ** The Hroom o' the Cowdenknowes," 
** Lassie wi' the Lint White Locks," and the Psalm tunes, 
** Bangor" and '* Martyrs." In diatonic phraseology all 
these end on the second, or in tonic sol-fa language on 
ray ; and they are commonly said to be in the Dorian 
mode. The scale of notes beginning with ray might be 
described and no doubt 'has been described as a minor 
scale with a sharpened sixth and a flattened seventh. A 
melody in this mode may be played on the piano or organ ; 
but its delicate tonality is lost completely. In the truest 
musical sense an air like ''The Broom o* the Cowden- 



37^ KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

knowes" or a tune like "Martyrs" cannot be reproduced 
on an instrunient of fixed tones tuned on the equal tempera- 
ment system. It is usually possible, however, to find on 
any piano a key in which the peculiar wild flavour of these 
melodies is approximately given. This is the same as 
saying that no piano is really accurately tuned to equal 
temperament. As an old tuner said to De Morgan when 
the latter was lamenting his inability to tune two sets of 
strings independently to the same equal temperament, 
'* equal temperament is equal nonsense." No tuner in fact 
ever gains equal temperament. 

Certain of Mr. Piggott's remarks go to establish the 
same conclusion ; and all pianists know that a distinctly 
different colouring is sometimes given to a piece when it is 
transposed into a key a semitone higher or lower. No doubt 
the difference of touch in playing the black and white notes 
with their slightly different leverages has some influence. 
But this cannot exist on the organ ; and in strumming 
out a Japanese air on the piano the refinement of touch 
can hardly be regarded. Hence when Mr. Piggott says 
that Japanese tunes go best on F^f minor, that proves (i) 
that his piano is not accurately tuned to the equal tempera- 
ment system and (2) that the tonality of the Japanese scale 
differs appreciably from the tonality of the equal tempered 
scale. For it is incontestable that on a piano accurately 
tuned to equal temperament the tonal relationship between 
a given succession of tones and semitones would be the 
same in all keys. 

In the evolution of our modern scale of equal tempera- 
ment as it is intended to exist on pianos and organs we 
may recognise three stages. First, there is the develop- 
ment of harmony leading to the recognition of the "tonic" 
and the fixing of the diatonic scales. Second, there is a 
loss of the feeling of tonality as exhibited in the delicate 
shades of expression producible by melody alone, harmony 
supplying a far more powerful and varied mode of uttering 
musical expression. Third, with the demand for facile 
transition from key to key so as to increase the resources 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 377 

for harmonic expression, there has been a complete dis- 
regard for scale tonality, and the scale has been smooth- 
ed away into the comparatively expressionless scale of 
equal temperament. 

Now to use the term ** tonic " in relation to a style of 
music which is in the lowest stages of harmonic develop- 
ment is essentially an anachronism. Mr. Piggott criticises 
Mr. Isawa for imagining ** a changeable tonic with one 
tuning" thereby missing *' the idea involved in the word 
tonic." But have we any right to use the term tonic at all 
in relation to Japanese music? Or if we do use it, should 
it not be in the somewhat vague sense in which it is 
employed by Mr. Isawa ? Where no true harmony exists 
we must be guided to the choice of a ** principal note " — I 
shun the term key-note as connoting too much — by melody 
only. For example in Rokiidan as transcribed by Mr. 
Piggott the piece begins on C:}^ and ends on C^f. The 
characteristic phrase of the piece is, in the same notation, 
F# D C4f or its echo C# A G#, which the tonic sol-fa- 
ist would probably sing lah/a-we, viedoh-te. These notes 
belong to F^f minor, no doubt ; but tney belong as truly to 
A major while by far the most important note in the melody 
is certainly the one corresponding to C:jf . 

It must be admitted of course that if Japanese music is 
to be transcribed into the Western stave, the method 
adopted by Mr. Piggott and by others before him is quite 
reasonable. Only the limitations under which the tran- 
scription is made should be kept in mind, and the Western 
terms used ought not to be taken in their full significance. 
It is legitimate enough from a melodic point of view to 
regard the note corresponding to the first and fifth strings 
of the koto as the important note although it does lead to 
what seems to us an unnatural scale. But, outside the 
conditions imposed by harmony, a descending semitone 
or ascending full tone is no more unnatural than a 
descending full tone or an ascending semitone. In the 
Scottish air **John Anderson my Jo" the penultimate 
note ought to be a full tone below the final note, although 



378 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

in most modern arrangements for the piano this second 
last note is sharpened into a leading note. This mangh'ng 
of an exquisite cadence is done to satisfy the laws of 
harmony — the more's the pity ! 

One of Mr. Piggott's arguments seems to me to refute 
his whole position in regard to the tonic. Having 
assumed F^ minor as the true tonic of Hirajoshif he 
proceeds to point out that the second string, which 
corresponds to this note, has something of a fundamental 
character in the eyes of the Japanese musicians. It is the 
fundamental note of the tuning. But the ** tuning" is not 
to be confounded with the **tune." That Mr. Yamase 
does not so confound them is evident from Mr. Piggott's 
own statement (see p. 339); for there it appears that the 
second string is the fundamental note " not only of Hira- 
joshi but of all the others, F# and the C# of the first 
string being constant throughout." But Mr. Piggott puts 
Kiimoi into B minor, and Iwato into E minor, and ex- 
pressly makes the 4th and 6th strings respectively the tonics. 
In Japanese eyes the second string remains fundamental in 
all the tunings, so that if ** fundamental " is to betaken 
as in any way comparable to our *' tonic " Mr. Piggott's 
elaborate discussion of the key relations of the different 
tunings comes to nought. It is this very discussion, 
however, which shows Mr. Piggott at his best ; and so 
long as we bear in mind that there is no evidence of the 
existence of a true tonic in Japanese music there can be 
no difficulty in accepting many of his conclusions. 

It is a fact of some interest that the Japanese tend to 
tune by fourths rather than by fifths. For example in 
tuning the koto in Hirdjoshiy the musician first tunes 
the I St and 2nd strings a fifth apart. The 3rd is then 
tuned by chord a fourth below the 1st. The 4th is tuned 
by ear a semitone above the 3rd. The 5th is tuned in 
unison with the ist; and the correctness of the preced- 
ing semitone tuning is tested by the arpeggio succession 
given by the 5th, 4th, and 3rd strings. The 6lh string 
is then tuned a fourth above the 4th ; and the 7th 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 379 

a fourth above the 5th. Thereafter the tuning is by 
octaves. 

Within the compass of an octave there is therefore a 
tendency to arrange tonal cycles whose period corresponds 
to the musical fourth. This is exactly the characteristic 
of the Greek Tetrachord. Now we know that this tetra- 
chord varied greatly in the manner in which the four 
notes succeeded each other. Sometimes the succession 
approximated to our d r m f — I use the tonic sol-fa notes 
only as indicating intervals — sometimes to r m f s (or 
1 1 d r)j sometimes to m / s I {or t d r m); but at other 
times the succession was of notes not occurring in our 
harmonically fixed diatonic scales of today. Very much 
the same fluidity, as it might be called, seems to exist in 
the tonal succession that makes up the Japanese cycle 
of the fourth. This consideration suggests why the 
Japanese in taking the thirteen stringed koto from 'the 
Chinese, flattened down certain strings until the semitone 
interval was obtained. If we look at the tunings of the 
Chinese koto we see that the strings are tuned to the well 
known scale 

d r m s I d^ r' m' etc. 

Here the succession s I d^ is an echo of the succession 
r m 5, and by pressure on the string beyond the bridge 
a fourth note can be interpolated between the last two so 
as to make up the tetrachord. And this probably the 
Chinese do. -The Japanese, however, wish a greater 
fluidity or flexibility, besides an easy method of getting 
what seems to be very characteristic in their music, 
namely, a semitone cadence. This is at once effected by 
flattening what we should call the third and sixth, so that 
the succession of notes becomes in approximate sol-fa 
notation 

1 1 d mf 1 1 d mf I etc. 

The tetrachord from d to / or from m to / can then be 
filled in in a variety of ways by properly applied pressures. 
Practically however it appears to be impossible to get 



380 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

beyond the double pressure, so that, for example, the 9th 
string in Hirajoshi (doh) cannot be sharpened to a semitone 
below the loth string [me). By careful listening to Mr. 
Yamase's playing of Rokiidan I have convinced myself 
that the double pressure raises the pitch by a flat major 
second ; and this opinion is supported by a comparison of 
Mr. Piggott's transcription oi Rokiidan with one transcribed 
under the supervision of Mr. Yamase and published by Mr. 
Isawa in his Report of 1883. Where Mr. Piggott writes 
A^f I Mr. Yamase would write B or A double sharp; and 
where Mr. Piggott writes D:jf, Mr. Yamase would write 
E. My own belief is that the koto player by means of his 
double pressure brings in a note that is neither the one 
nor the other but lies between them, nearer however to the 
higher note. 

The necessity for different koto tunings arose from the 
desire to have certain melodic successions at different 
pitches, combined with the practical impossibility of playing 
true with too many double pressures.* The tetrachord 
skeletons, so to speak, which build up the succession of 
koto notes consist only of three notes, which I have sym- 
bolised already in descending order as m rf / or I f m. I 
shall now speak of it as the koto trichord ; and then fol- 
lowing the customary terminology we may call the 
sequence //m m ^ t conjunct trichords and the sequence 
m d t If m disjunct trichords. Clearly it is the latter which 
gives a succession of notes that end with the octave 
below the beginning note. In the conjunct trichords one 
note belongs to two trichords, so that there are only hvQ 
strings involved. If we symbolise the ascending trichord 
by the letter T, we may represent the conjunct trichords 

* Mr. Yamase demonstrated this to me in a very practical way by 
playing at my request '* Auld Lang Syne " a tune now very familiar 
to Japanese. Taking the 7th string as the key note, he played it 
perfectly by using single pressures on the 9th and nth strings. He 
then pointed out how it was practically impossible to get it true in 
any other way, although theoretically it should be playable by means 
of double pressures if we make the gth string the key note. 



« 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 381 

by TT, and the disjunct by T+T. The various tunings 
of the koto may then be represented as follows, those 
Strings which do not make parts of complete trichords 
being indicated by their number. Thus in Hirajoshi the 
trichord does not begin till the 3rd string, and the last 
trichord ends on the 12th string. The 2nd and 13th strings 
are terminal notes of what would be new trichords. 

SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION OF KOTO 

TUNINGS IN TERMS OP 

TRICHORDS. 

Tuning Chief note 



5th string 
3rd „ 

2nd „ 
4th „ 



Hirajoshi i, 2, TT+TT, 13 

Akehono i, 2, T+TT+T 

Hankumoi i, 2, TTT+T, 13 

Kumoi I, T+TT+T, 13 

Iwato I, TT+TT, 12, 13 

In this scheme the disjunct trichords T+T make an 
octave ; and we may regard the first note of this succession 
as the key note or let us say the chief note, to avoid any 
confusion ; the corresponding string is given in the second 
column. 

The ist string is always a fifth above or a fourth below 
the second string and both are invariable throughout. 
The 1 2th string is two octaves above the second except in 
Akehono, The 13th string is two octaves above the 3rd 
except in Iwato when it is two octaves above the 4th string, 
a fact which gives additional strength to the view that it 
is this note which should be taken as the chief note or 
tonic. This view has already been expressed by others ; 
and it is because Mr. Piggott has criticised it adversely 
that I have discussed the question here so fully. I believe 
the treatment I have given in terms of the component 
trichords to be the only scientific treatment possible. The 
scheme shows at a glance what key transitions the succes- 
sive tunings may be said to correspond to. We simply 
follow the change in position of the octave symbol T+T. 



382 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

In the normal tunings, the conjunct and disjunct come 
alternately, as they must do because of the octave sequences. 
In the transition from Hirajoshi to Kumoif the disjunct 
trichords are moved up one whole stage or trichord ; 
and the 2nd string becomes the first note of the lowest 
disjunct pair. This corresponds to a transition into the 
key of the subdominant. 

From Kumoi to Iwato^ exactly the same transition is 
made, the disjunct trichord being lifted another stage. 

The permanency in pitch of the ist and 2nd strings 
gives to these transitions relations which are identical with 
our transitions into the subdominant. So far we are in 
agreement with Mr. Piggott. 

In AkebonOf however, our analysis leads to the conclusion 
that it is derived from Hirajoshi by moving the disjunct 
trichord down a stage; and then the i3lh string becomes 
at once the last note of the second disjunct trichord. 
Now this corresponds to the fall of a fourth or the rise of 
a fifth — in other words to a modulation, into the key of 
the dominant. Mr. Piggott makes A kebo7io correspond to 
F^f major. Working along his lines I should be inclined 
to consider it as corresponding to E Major or C^f minor. 
Either of these keys will be found to include every string, 
whereas Mr. Piggott is compelled to make some apology 
for the presence of A instead of A^f (see page 346). 

Hankiimoiy or half Kumoi^ is evidently as its name 
indicates. Here the alternation of disjunct and conjunct 
trichords is not kept up. It is not regarded as a normal 
tuning. 

Sakura differs from Kumoi only in the 13th string, and 
has therefore the same synthesis of trichords. 

The three other tunings given by Mr. Piggott can be 
treated in exactly the same fashion ; in these however the 
two trichords are not echoes of each other. 

From the trichord analysis just given we see that under 
the prescribed conditions of koio tuning, namely the in- 
variableness of the ist and 2nd strings, it is impossible 
to obtain other distinct tunings than those described. 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 383 

It may be mentioned that the Chinese koto tunings may 
be discussed in exactly the same way, although it is 
probably preferable to consider the succession of five notes 
d r m s I as a unit in itself. . The transitions of key are 
easily followed, ryosen being in all case^ a modulation from 
the corresponding ritsusen into the key of the subdominant. 
A close study would possibly reveal other points of contact 
between the Chinese and Japanese methods. 

My belief is that Japanese koto music is as little suited 
for modern harmonic treatment as is much of the old 
Scottish music. It has cadences which will not harmonise 
satisfactorily along Western lines, which simply means 
it has modes and scales that have no true equivalent in 
modern European music. Played on an equal tempered 
instrument of fixed tones like the piano, a Japanese tune 
is robbed of its peculiar flavour which depends on melodic 
and not harmonic tonality. 

There is one peculiarity in Japanese koto music, which 
cannot even approximately be reproduced on the piano, 
namely, the effect of the pressures on the parts of the 
strings beyond the bridge. These are classified into 
single and double pressures, and are said to correspond 
to the rise of a semitone and tone respectively. Only thus 
no doubt can the effect be expressed in pianoforte vocabu- 
lary. But the melodic effect of a pressure upon a koto 
string is very often something for which we have no name. 
It might be called a ** pitch-swell " or a ** pitch-crescendo" 
or a ** pitch-diminuendo." It is in fact a rising or a falling 
instead of a mere rise or fall. A somewhat similar effect 
is produced in violin playing ; but to approximate to it at 
all on a piano would require the use of quarter tones. On 
the flute, shakuhachiy and hichiriki, the same slurring, 
as we should call it, is produced though in a much less 
agreeable manner. Mr. Piggott (page 299) speaks of 
them as ** superfluous quarter-tones ; " but they are no 
more superfluous in Japanese music than the swell on 
our organ or the trill or portamento of operatic singers. 

Of all instruments, however, the Satsuma-biwa is the 



384 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

most expressive in the matter of these intervals in con- 
tinuous motion. The wild and yet pathetic music of it 
depends not so much upon the fact that * as many as five 
semitones can be produced by a finger in one position ' 
but that between desired limits of pitch a continuous 
gradation can be secured. This peculiarity depends upon 
the high frets, which are fully described bj' Mr. Piggott 
(pages 288-9). A similar effect can be produced on the 
gekkifiy whose frets are considerably higher than they 
are in our guitar. It does not appear, however, that the 
Japanese play the gekkin in this way. The frets are 
sufficiently numerous to give a complete scale of a kind ; 
and so far as I have been able to learn the present day 
performers are content with the slightest pressure that 
can bring a given fret into play. 

Dr. Du Bois, in his note, has very materially supple- 
mented and corrected Mr. Piggott description of the 
gekkin. My attention being drawn to the subject, I 
proceeded to examine its scale with some care. Some of 
the results of the investigation are extremely curious and 
seem to throw a fresh light upon the comparative musical 
feelings of the Chinese and Japanese. 

There are in Japan two distinct schools of gekkin 
players; and their instruments differ appreciably. Mr. 
Nagahara, a brilliant performer on the Chinese violin, is 
president of an orchestra known as the Nagahara Society, 
in whose concerts the gekkin is an important instrument. 
Two of the gekkin used by this orchestra I obtained 
permission to inspect and measure. The other school, 
which is more modern, was established by Nippon Keian, 
a celebrated player of forty years ago. I had the good 
fortune to obtain temporary possession of a gekkin made 
by Keian himself. Then besides these two schools of 
high class gekkin players, there are innumerable lower 
class orders of players, whose instruments cannot of 
course be expected to be so good. In the eyes of the 
Japanese, Chinese made instruments are regarded as being 
much superior to the home-made article. 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 385 

The instrument which Dr. Du Bois possesses is one 
of the imported gekkin. I have compared it with other 
instruments in daily private use, and have found very 
slight differences in the arrangements of the frets. We 
shall take Dr. Du Bois' instrument as a type of the 
popular class ; and shall compare it with the Nagahara 
and Keian gekkin already mentioned. 

Since the gekkin notes are produced by a light pressure, 
we should be able to get the numerical relations subsisting 
between the different notes by measuring the lengths of 
strings brought into play by use of the corresponding frets. 
The same frets are used for both pairs of strings so that 
each string-pair will give the same succession of intervals. 
Confining our attention meanwhile to one string, and 
assuming that the vibration numbers are inversely as the 
lengths of the strings, we get the following numerical 
expressions for the notes corresponding to the successive 
frets. For convenience the open string note is taken as 
300, a sufficiently approximate representation of the 
number of vibrations per second corresponding to it. The 
first column gives the frets in order ; the second the relative 
pitches of the corresponding notes in Dr. Du Bois' gekkin 
(Chinese) ; the third the same for the Nagahara gekkin ; 
the fourth the same for the Keian gekkin; and the fifth 
the successive notes of the major diatonic scale built upon 
the note 300. 



Fret. 


Chinese. 


Nagahara. 


Keian. 


Major Scale. 





300 


300 


300 


300 (doh) 


I 


335 


337 


333 


337-5 (^^y) 


2 


365 


368 


371 


375 (*^^) 


3 


400 


398 


397 


400 (fah) 


4 


443 


446 


447 


450 (soh) 


5 


505 


500 


497 


500 (la) 


6 


598 


598 


595 


600 (doh) 


7 


681 


671 


667 


675 (ray) 


8 


815 


797 


800 


800 (fah) 



Leaving out of consideration for the meanwhile the 2nd 



386 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

fret, we see that there is fair correspondence between the 
various notes up to the 6th fret inclusive. The 6th, 
7th, and 8th frets are meant to be the octaves of the open 
string, and the ist and 3rd frets respectively ; and they are 
so very accurately except in the case of the Chinese instru- 
ment. The deviation must be ascribed to carelessness on 
the part of the maker. In all cases the succession of tones 
given, when the second fret is omitted, is the well known 
Chinese scale of hvQ notes which form also the tuning 
of the Chinese koto, 

I have compared these to the major scale beginning with 
doh. But the succession of notes could be represented as 
well by the tonic sol-fa series 

r m s I t ot s I d r m 
In the Chinese and Keian's gekkins the first fret is a 
minor tone (^) rather than a major tone (f) above the 
open string. To any one whose ear for tonal relations 
has not been destroyed by constant practice with the piano, 
the Dorian character of many Japanese cadences is very 
evident. In one of the gekkin pieces transcribed by Dr. 
Du Bois the phrase 1 1 s m r is most characteristic ; and 
this is exactly the phrase that would be given on either of 
the gekkins mentioned if it is tuned in niagari. The 
first two notes are then given with the ist fret of the 
higher string; the third note with the open higher string; 
the fourth note with the ist fret of the lower string; and 
the last note with the open lower string. 

Still omitting consideration of the 2nd fret, we see that 
a single string gives three similar trichords of the form 
s I d. The first and second are disjunct, the second and 
third are conjunct. Thus the scale of the single string, 
minus the 2nd fret, may be represented symbolically as 

T+TT 
where T is the Chinese trichord made up of a note, its 
second, and its fourth. 

If now the higher string is brought into play, the higher 
frets on the lower string become of little importance, and 
the scale produced will depend upon the tuning. In 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 387 

honchoshi, which seems to correspond to the Chinese mode 
of tuning, the higher string is tuned a fifth above the lower. 
The scale obtained consists now of four trichords arranged 
this 

T+T+TT 
the first only being given by the lower string. In niagari 
on the other hand the strings are tuned a fourth apart 
and the scale becomes 

TT+TT 
It is the higher string then which seems to correspond to 
the principal note in niagari tuning. And this view is 
quite borne out by the name ; for niagari means raising 
the second string a tone. By the second string on the 
gekkin -must be meant the lower string; and it is this 
string which corresponds to the real second string on the 
samisen. 

If we regard the open lower string as the principal note 
then in niagari tuning we cannot get a scale corresponding 
to a Western scale at all. We get in fact a scale with a 
minor seventh, which at once suggests a modulation into 
a minor key. Hence the general feeling that Japanese 
music is all in a minor key. 

So far there is no difficulty in understanding the tonal 
relationships of the gekkin notes. But when we bring in 
the 2nd fret, we meet with something quite foreign to our 
conceptions of musical progressions. A friend, who knows 
nothing of the theory of music, said when, in playing the 
scale, he came to the second fret, " Why, that's no note at 
all." On the Chinese gekkin^ on the Japanese copies of 
the same, on the instruments used by the Nagahara 
School, the 2nd fret gives relatively to the open string 
neither a major third nor a minor third, but a nondescript 
interval lying somewhere between the two. One is tempted 
to regard the existence of this fret as an attempt to break 
a somewhat large interval into halves — a true minor third 
being divided into two three-quarter tones. Its position 
shows that the Chinese had no true conception of a 
major third, a remarkable illustration of the historic fact 



388 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

that the major third as a recognised melodic interval is an 
evolution of harmony. 

It might be objected that the Chinese have a major third 
— the interval for example given by the 3rd and 5th frets 
on the gekkin. This interval is, however, probably purely 
adventitions. The cadences and phrases peculiar to both 
Chinese and Japanese music are constructed on the 
fifth, fourth, second, and perhaps minor third (itself the 
difference of the fourth and second). Major thirds, or 
rather notes having approximately this relation, come in 
simply by the way. 

It is really very remarkable that this 2nd fret should not 
give a note nearly identical with our third, in accordance 
with the scheme of rising fifths and falling fourths given 
by Mr. Piggott on page 332. Such a succession by true 
(not tempered) fifths and fourths would give the following 
numbers for the first, second, fourth, and fifth frets. 
Beginning with 300 for open string 

we add a half and get 450 ,, 4th fret 

subtract a quarter ,, ,, 337-5 »i ist ,, 

add a half „ „ 506.3 „ 5th „ 

subtract a quarter ,, ,, 379'7 a 2nd ,, 

We arrive, of course, at a sharp so-called Pythagorean 
third — an intolerable interval in harmony but melodically 
much nearer the tempered or even the true harmonic third 
than the interval as given on the Chinese gekkin. 

Now the Chinese are supposed to have been acquainted 
with this method of progressively determining a sequence 
of notes in the octave. Mr. Piggott lays great stress on 
the 12 ritsn as being equivalent to our 12 semitones. But 
I think the gekkin frets prove what authorities of Chinese 
music have all along said, namely, that the 12 ritsu were 
purely theoretical and had no practical effect on the Chinese 
musical scale. Indeed not till after the days of European 
intercourse with China have we any evidence that the 
theoretical, paper, or mythological musician had conceived 
the ritsu as being equal. The twelve pitch pipes measured 
by Dr. Veeder give most irregular intervals, and cannot be 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 389 

regarded even for practical purposes as building up a scale 
of successive equal semitones. 

The tunelessness of the note given by this second fret is 
very apparent if we try to play a familiar melody such as 
" Home Sweet Home ** on the gckkin. We may, how- 
ever, by properly choosing our key note play a ** five-note " 
melody like ** Auld Lang Syne " with fairly accurate intona- 
tion on this instrument. The one condition is that the 
2nd fret must not come in. With this second fret, however, 
the Chinese scale as given on the gekkin cannot be brought 
into line with our scales at all. And since the Japanese 
are satisfied with it the conclusion is inevitable that they, 
too, use intervals and scales that have no equivalents in 
Western music. 

So far we have purposely omitted mention of Keian*s 
gekkin. Now it will be seen from the table of vibration 
numbers that Keian has raised the pitch of the second fret 
note ; and his gekkin gives, indeed, in honchoshi tuning 
quite a good major scale. His aim seems to have been to 
make the gekkin more serviceable for purely Japanese 
music. It was absolutely necessary then that in some 
way the falling semitone should be obtained ; and this is 
ingeniously effected by shifting the 2nd fret nearer to the 
3rd. A little consideration will show that this attains the 
end in the simplest possible way and yet leaves the gekkin 
available for Chinese derived music. In Keian's instru- 
ment we have a scale built up of two tetrachords, disjunct 
or conjunct according as the tuning is honchoshi or niagari. 
This tetrachord is a melodic succession nearly identical 
with the first four notes of one scale. Even in this instru- 
ment, however, there is suggestion of falseness in the note 
of the second fret ; and the tonality of our phrases is not 
quite reproduced on it. 

Keian's attempt to modify the gekkin and make it suit- 
able for Japanese musical phrasing seems to have had little 
effect upon the popular taste. The Chinese gekkin is still 
the favourite one, and is much cultivated by the lower 
orders. Having fixed frets it is more easily played than the 



390 KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 

samiscftf the manipulation of which is practically confined 
to the professional musicians. In fact the^^^^m is an 
instrument of fixed intervals like the guitar and banjo. 

I believe a great deal is to be said in favour of the idea 
that the Japanese scale is built up of Tetrachords, just as 
the old Greek scales were. We know that, although our 
harmonic diatonic major scale is not really composed in this 
way, its direct preharmonic ancestors were, as is also its 
make-believe the modern equal temperament scale. With 
the koto of thirteen strings, only trichords are used in the 
tuning, but there is an easy method of completing the tetra- 
chord by interpolation of pressure notes. If these thirteen 
strings had been tuned in tetrachords, the range of the 
notes would have been diminished, and the power of the 
instrument seriously curtailed. Now in the sho we have 
the same method of tuning beautifully exemplified. If we 
look at the succession of notes given by Mr. Piggott on 
page 304, the first feeling is one of confusion. The scale — 
if scale it may be called — proceeds quite naturally until the 
7th note is reached, when a short chromatic succession is 
introduced. An echo of this follows on, a fourth higher; 
and then the last three notes give a sequence of two full 
tones. 

This apparent confusion resolves itself very prettily 
under touch of the principle of the Tetrachord. In fact two 
tunings, so to speak, are superposed. If we take the first 
four notes ABC^fD as the Tetrachord and call* it T, we 
have for the one tuning 

T+TT+T 
and for the other 

TTT+T 
The last tetrachord is incomplete in both cases. In these 
two tunings many same notes occur. There are indeed 
only two notes in the second tuning which do not occur in 
the first ; and three in the first which do not occur in the 
second. In our technical musical language we should call 
the first tuning the scale of A major ; and the notes left out 
of it occur in the scale of G nujvH which is veo* nearly as 



KNOTT : REMARKS ON JAPANESE MUSICAL SCALES. 39I 

complete as the scale of A major. No other imaginable 
scale contains a complete octave of successive notes. 

To try the tonality of the intervals I played some simple 
tunes in the two keys of G and A ; and the result showed 
appreciable difference in tonality. Whether this i^ to be 
set down to defective tuning or to the essential character 
of the instrument it is impossible to say. My own feeling 
is that many of the thirds were too sharp, partaking of the 
character of the Pythagorean rather than of the equal 
temperament interval. Sounded as chords most of these 
thirds were very harsh, though occasionally a tolerable 
consonance was obtained. It was abundantly evident in 
fact that the scales of the sho have not been evolved along 
harmonic lines. It is possible that had the Japanese been 
left to develope their own music uninfluenced by Western 
ideas, they might have worked out an harmonic music 
essentially identical with ours. We can only speculate 
on what European music would have been without the 
fostering care of the Church in the early and middle ages. 
But we should probably not be far wrbng if we were to refer 
the thinness of Japanese music to the lack of the devotional: 
element, and the consequent non-development of singing- 
in chorus. 



THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 

BY 

Ernest W. Clement.* 
(Read nth February, iSgi.J 



To the true historian a mere list of names and dates, 
however necessary for establishing facts, is insufficient. 
Inasmuch as he sees in history ** one increasing purpose," 
he desires to trace the progress of mankind, and to indicate 
as clearly as possible the causes and the effects. Herein 
he at once encounters a difficulty, and soon ascertains, 
that he must distinguish carefully between what are only 
occasions, and what are real causes. For instance, if we 
are studying the American Revolution, we can not apply 
the word ** cause," either to the Lexington and Concord 
affair, or to the Boston Massacre, or to the Tea Party, 
or even to the Stamp Act. Those were merely occasions 
which made manifest the real cause, and helped to bring 
on a conflict which was inevitable, as long as the American 
colonies felt the injustice of ** taxation without representa- 
tion." 

Likewise, if we study the Japanese Revolution, we are 
confronted with the same distinction. For instance, it can 
not properly be claimed, that either the opening of Japan 
to foreign intercourse ; or the civil strifes, which, beginning 
at Mito, spread to other principalities ; or personal jealous- 
ies within the bakufu ranks, were causes of the Revolution 
of 1868. They were only occasions which manifested the 
real feeling, and helped to bring on a conflict which was 
inevitable, as long as there was a strong sentiment of 
hostility to the usurping Shdgunate, and of loyalty to the 

• See Note A. 



39^ clement: on the mito civil war. 

At the beginning of this century, there was in Mito a 
learned Chinese scholar, named Tachihara Jingor6, who 
occupied the honorable position of head librarian of the 
Shoko-kwan. Among his pupils was one Fujita Jirozae- 
mon, the son of an old-clothes merchant. This person 
from youth showed great ability in understanding Chinese; 
so that, casting aside the humble profession of his father, 
he diligently studied under Tachihara. In time he ob- 
tained the honor of becoming a teacher, was subsequently 
promoted to be a Samurai y and thus gained for himself a 
number of studejits. Fujita next formed the purpose of 
writings/it (history of industry, arts, etc.), as an appendix 
to the Dainihonshi ; while Tachihara insisted on not 
attempting at all to write minutely on those topics, and 
wished merely to discuss them very briefly here and there 
in appropriate places in the main part of the work. 
Moreover, Fujita thought, that, as Dainihonshi had been 
given only as a private title, it should not be publicly used 
without obtaining the Emperor's sanction ; but Tachihara 
thought such a course unnecessary. 

At about the same time Fujita built a school and named 
it " Seiranshay'' which means ** bluer than original blue." 
This phrase gave an opportunity to some scholars, envious 
of their old school-mate, who had risen, like Cicero, "with 
no favor of ancestry," to slander Fujita to Tachihara on 
the ground that the former was too proud and too ambi- 
tious in openly hinting, that he was wiser than his 
teacher. This slander greatly irritated Tachihara, who was 
already on unpleasant terms with Fujita, and who, though 
the latter is said to have apologized several times, went so 
far as to erase Fujita's name from his list of pupils. The 
trouble between the teachers infected their pupils, who 
began to take part in the dispute, which continued to 
create ill-feeling within the clan. 

In 1829 Prince Narinaga, posthumously known as Ai- 
k6, died without an heir : but there was a brother, named 
Nariaki, who was a very bold and active man. Some of 
the Mito vassals, fearing his sagacity, attempted to have 



CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 397 

a son of the Shdgun made heir of the principality, but 
failed ; and thus Nariaki became the next prince. When 
he came to the power, he reformed many abuses, and im- 
proved the condition of all parts of the administration of 
affairs. He was wise enough to perceive the disunion of 
his subjects arising from the rivalry of the two schools ; 
and he tried to effect a reconciliation by employing both 
parties. From the Fujita party he selected Fujita Torano- 
shin (son of the teacher), Toda Ginjird and Kawase Shichi- 
roemon ; from the Tachihara party he chose Tachihara 
Jintard (son of the teacher), Komiyayama Jiroemon and 
Tanobe ShOsuke. His efforts were not in vain, so that for 
a while things went on very smoothly and peacefully. 

Ten years later (1839) the prince was expected back in 
Mito after the expiration of his legal residence in Yedo. 
A great agitation then arose in Mito. It seems that 
previously, on account of the famine which swept the 
Empire in 1836, the allowance of samurai had been 
diminished half, and that many were suffering not a little 
in consequence of the. scanty income. They realized, 
that, if the prince returned to Mito, he would be sure to 
review their military drill. *' Spear and sword were red 
with rust ; the lacquer of the sword-sheath had been 
scratched off; the armor was too old to wear on such a 
public occasion; the horses were lame and exhausted; 
and there was no money for putting these things into a 
proper condition." Consequently many of the vassals 
formed a league, into which some higher officers also 
entered, and petitioned the prince not to return to Mito, 
unless he restored the allowance of the samurai to the 
former amount. The prince was very much enraged, and 
deprived two councillors of their offices. 

The next year (1840) Nariaki returned to this province, 
and removing from the chief offices the old and incapable 
men, appointed in their places young and active persons. 
Udono Heishichi and Toda GinjirO became first council- 
lors; Takeda Hikokuro and Yuki Toraju, second council- 
lors ; and Fujita Toranoshin, the privy councillor. Later 



400 CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 

them back to Mito, where they became prisoners. The 
next year two sons of these loyalists went to Yedo for the 
same purpose, and met the same fate ; and from this time 
many others went up to the metropolis on a similar errand. 
The YQki party used all its power to prevent this ; so that 
there was a great disturbance in this city, and the Mito 
vassals became divided into three parties. One party, 
called Yilki-to from the name of its leader, is better known 
as the Kan-to (Wicked Party) ; while the opposing faction, 
consisting of Fujita, Toda and their friends, then went by 
the name of Tengu-to (Hob-goblin Party), but is commonly 
known as the Sei-to (Righteous Party); and a "third 
party," called Yanagi-to (Willow Party), comprised "those 
who, having no principles, vacillated between the other 
two parties, helping whichever one was favorable to them." 
Inasmuch, however, as the good titles were self-applied, 
and the bad titles were bestowed by rivals, we can not 
judge the parties from their appellations. The so-called 
" Wicked Party " consisted of those who were friendly to 
the policy of the Shogun ; the so called ** Righteous Party" 
comprised the enthusiastic royalists, and supported the 
policy of Nariaki ; while the so-called "Willow Party" 
undoubtedly included some true independents, who, not 
from fickleness, but from principle, refused to become 
implicated in the strife. In the following pages we shall 
employ the terms ^'Sei-to'' and ^^ Kan-to,'' as they seem 
to have been most commonly used by native writers. 

"In July of the 6th year of Kayei [1853] the American 
fleet stole into the quiet waters of Yedo Bay, 'which had 
never before been ploughed by a western vessel, and, 
amid the roaring of cannon, loudly knocked at the door 
of Uraga to awaken us from our long sleep." There- 
upon, as the baku/Uj now too late, recognized Nariaki*s 
foresight, the latter was summoned to come out once 
more into public life; and Fujita, Toda and others were 
replaced in their former position. Nariaki, in answer to 
the inquiry in regard to the foreigners, insisted upon declar- 
ing war : but his true aim seems to have been to rouse up, 



clement: on the mito civil war. 401 

by the cry of fighting, the relaxed spirits of the people, and 
to maintain the dignity of the Empire. 

In Mito now the Yuki party, having been detected in 
its schemes, began to melt away "like the dew in the 
sunlight." The leader was to have been put to death, 
and escaped meeting that fate only by the kind intervention 
of his rival, Fujita; but he was imprisoned in the mansion 
of a great vassal. All the patriots of the Empire n6vf 
looked toward Mito : but, unfortunately, in the great 
earthquake of 1855 Toda and Fujita fell victims. (Fujita 
is said to have lost his life in saving that of his mother). 
The death of these two able men was much lamented by 
all persons, except their enemy, Yuki, who, when he 
heard of it, had his son entreat the Prince of Takamatsu, 
a branch of the Mito fartiily, to obtain pardon for him. 
But all his secret plans were discovered ; and he and many 
of his followers were condemned to death in 1856. 

From this time the internal affairs of Mito might have 
proceeded quietly, if the matters of the Empire had not 
began to enter into greater confusion. As the policy of the 
hakufu in regard to foreigners was only to obtain a 
temporary peace, many patriots went up from their 
provinces to Yedo or Kyoto, and, severely condemning the 
mismanagement of the bakufu, loudly cried out for fighting 
to *' expel the barbarians." The policy of KyCto was 
in direct opposition to that of Yedo, so that there were 
constant clashings between the two authorities. In 1858 
the hakufu sent Hotta Masaatsu to Kyoto to explain the 
unavoidable necessity of opening the country, and to 
receive the sanction of the Emperor in the matter: but, 
as the Kyoto officials were too strong for Hotta, he failed. 

About the same time the Shogun, lyesada, became very 
sick. Most persons, as the impending difficulties could 
be solved only by a prince wise and experienced, began 
to look toward Keiki, the seventh son of Nariaki, as the 
next Shogun. After a short time, when Hotta returned 
from his fruitless mission to Kyoto, his influence began 
to decline, and li Naosuke, Prince of Hikone, became 



4</^ LLhMHiil : O.N IHE MHO CIVIL WAR. 

lb« Vtimti Minibter (Tatro) of the Shogun. li, rejecting 
ihc advice of Owari, Kchizen and other powerful princes, 
rai(>e/l to the Shogunate a young prince of the family 
of Kii ; and, an the American ambassador urged the 
pron)itied anKwer, fmally made the treaty without the 
Imperial Banction, Viewed only by its effects upon the 
Shbgunate, thia bold move may properly be called a 
••miHlake," aa it undoubtedly exhibited so clearly the 
UHurping power of the Shogunate as to make its speedy 
dcnvnfrtll certain. Hut viewed from the ultimate influences 
upon the ilevelopment of civilisation in Japan, it must be 
denominated a ahrewd stroke to cut the Gordian knot 
of internal complications, I believe that even the enemies 
of li admit, that he was a very sagacious statesman, whom 
it wttvS dilVicult to over-reach. 

The Kmperor» hearing of the haughty conduct of li and 
of his insulting move in the matter of foreign treaties, 
w^is very much provoked. l\v the advice of some officers 
who were in intimate relations with many patriotic samurai 
^whowcre a11 revolutionists, desiring to sever the connec- 
tion hetwecn K>OTo and Yedo\ the Emj^ror, through 
I'kA; K\ch:-'Aen^.^n. the Mito aj^er.t in Kv^to, sent a 
better t^> ih- M;:o jMince. This letter, quoted in Gritfis's 
*" Mikjtx's^ s Kjvi^re tr^^jr. Satows irarNUi;on of "A':>5^i 

;S; . ,. c V • « ^"^ ^-^- «*^x"^ >^ i\jX "*V Si ^t j:^3^ C'^C'2^^^Z 
^K Xv. A.v -Nv .'^x .N,\x *^s^> X. V \ ,\^ "^x;-^ C^< ^Ti» 



CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 403 

views, if he honestly held such views, began to change to 
opinions more favorable to foreign intercourse. 

The bold Tairo (li) now sent Manabe Shim6sa no Kami 
up to Kyoto to apologize for his mistake, as he put it; 
but it was only a pretext. Manabe, a remorseless fellow, 
during his stay in the capital, arrested many reformers, 
among whom were Ukai and his son, and carried them 
to Yedo. He also compelled some Imperial officers, who 
were very anxious to restore the declining dignity of the 
legal government, to resign. li, through the influence of 
Prince KujO,'*' with whom he was in close relations, in 
1859 condemned Ukai and others to death, and sentenced 
Nariaki, on the ground that ** his heart was not good," to 
be imprisoned for life in Mito. / 

About the same time the bakiifu demanded that Prince 
Yoshiatsu should return the Imperial letter. At this the 
Mito vassals were much stirred up ; and such men as 
Takahashi Taiichiro (the leader of the radical party) tried 
to compel the officer not to obey the unlawful command. 
Nariaki and his son, the prince, wished to obey the 
command ; and, therefore, the former issued instructions 
to that effect to his subjects. But, none the less, one 
samuraif in order to warn the officer who was to carry the 
letter to Yedo, committed suicide. The messenger, named 
Oba, was so much moved by this event, that he declined 
to start immediately, on the pretext that his body was 
too much stained by blood to carry the holy document. 
One month later (in March, i860) seventeen Mito and 
one Satsuma samurai at the Sakurada gate assassinated 
li Kamon no Kami.f In September of the same year 
that his great rival was thus put out of the way, Nariaki 
died, as some say, poisoned by the bakiifu party. His 
death took place, according to the native calendar, on 
the fifteenth day of the eighth month, when by immemorial 
custom the Japanese people in the evening flock to the 

♦ Prime Minister of the Emperor. 

f His head was not brought to Mito, and publicly exposed, as is 
stated in •♦ Mito Yashiki." See Note B. 



^tfj UJfMtiti't : Ofi 1i:h MllO CIVIL WAS. 

\ftttU*> tiitt\ oihfJ public places or to special localities to 
v)« w ih'; l/nf;fit arxl hilvery autumn moon. But the 
(ailhful viinniiln of Nariaki, even to this day, shutting 
tlKrntir^tvr*!* lip in their houses, refuse to desecrate the 
tiMttnoty of their maNtcr by indulging in the merry pastime 
n\ hukimi (moon view). Nariaki received the posthumous 
nrtinn of Hfkko (Orderly Prince), by which, as well as by 
hU noni fh plume ^ Kcizan^ and by his official rank, 
i'hiifiOf>oii^ hr IH well known to the public. 

A thorough analyMiN of the character of this remarkable 
\\u\\\ in well nigh in)p()KNil)lc. All portrayals of his cha- 
irtotn, whether by friend or by foe, are probably more or 
Imn coloird by prrjudicc; so that I hardly feel competent 
to lot in n wittinfuctory judgment. In the main, however, 
I nco no rcAHOn to modify the opinions expressed in a 
prtpov which I hrtd the honor of reading before this society 
u> tSxS\) upon ** The Tokugawa IVinccs of Mito."* Nariaki 
\\A,x undoubtedly a very intelligent, able and ambitious 
m^n. Tnhke most of the tiitimvcs, who were content 
t\> K\^ve the trying nutters of government to favorites, 
And tv'^ bxe m drunkennes^f And debauchery, this Mito 
|MutvV vv,>d<it%vk j>crs\NnAlly, Ard j^erfvMnied diligently, 
tN^ C^'^Nvn>5V.rr.t vM h:s cUn* In th;s mJinAc^naent of 
A.'^A^^s^ Nc d;d i>ot is\ ibe IcAsl c:ivVo.rA;:t* the Urr habits 
A^v* OAsx ) ?V '.'.^t*^ which tV jNCv^j\le Sav-. SAlVer: ihrcsigh 
^w^; ;^,\'^>* ^':c^A,:cs ^v jv^ACc, M^t. :v\sn;Xv, >v tcx> sodien 

V ^JiiN Ax-^NnXx V Ni S,'A t^\ St >^** A.;5C iTHSCbic, 
V \v \ vx^ V V>v»i; N-\,« \^«, \v ^v-sc^-C* ^^'^ its Jkt 



CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 405 

expressed before this society.* The present members of 
the Mito family resent a little my suggestion, that 
** jealousy, or ambition, may have been the motive ** which 
prompted him in his opposiiion to the Shogunate. They 
say that he never disobeyed the Shogun ; and that he was 
not opposed to the institution of a Shogunate, but to the 
usurping power of the ShOgunate ; in other words that he 
wished not so much to overthrow, or abolish entirely, 
the Shogunate, as to degrade it to its proper position, 
subordinate to the Emperor. Perhaps I expressed it a 
little too strongly by using the definite article, and ought 
to have said, ** jealousy may have been a motive." I 
am sure that it would have been only human nature for 
a man of Nariaki's active and ambitious character to 
become jealous of the power of li, Prince of Hikone, who 
was only a fudai, and of the ascendency of Kii in the 
Shogunate. This impression is strengthened by the 
circumstance, that Owari, which, like Mito, though one 
of the ** three honorable houses," was entirely slighted 
in the various successions to the Shogunate, likewise 
became disaffected and intensely Imperial. But, while 
I still think, that jealousy may have been one of the 
motives impelling Nariaki to his attitude of opposition to 
the Shogunate, or to the baku/Uy I do not wish to place 
undue preponderance upon that, or to slight the Imperi- 
alistic sentiments, which, instilled into the minds of Mito 
lords and vassals by the teachings of Giko (Mitsukuni), 
must have become by the beginning of the present century 
a strong inherited idea. I am willing, therefore, to modify 
my original statement, and to say, that jealousy was, 
perhaps, a minor motive, and loyalty to the Emperor was 
the major motive. 

Taking up now international affairs, I wish to reiterate 
my previously expressed opinion,! that Nariaki, though 
the leader of the jfoi, or anti-foreign party, may not have 
been at heart so much opposed to foreign intercourse. 

• Vide Vol, XVIII, Part I, of the '♦ Transactions " of this society, 
t Vide Vol, XVIII, Part I, pp. 14 and 15, of the "Transactions." 



4o6 clement: on the mito civil war. 

He was a student of geography, and himself constructed 
some wooden globes, one of which -he presented to the 
Emperor, and two or three of which may now be seen in 
one of the buildings of the ShokO-kwan, in Mito. He was 
also a student of western science, history, and, perhaps, 
even of the despised ** foreign sect," Christianity. He 
may, possibly, have been led into anti-foreign opinions 
through the influence of his privy councillor, Fujita, who 
has been well described as follows : — ** A stern samurai 
of the old type, highly educated and loyal to the traditions 
of his time, he set himself stoutly to oppose foreign 
intercourse, and doubtless used his influence in that 
direction with the well-known Chunagon^ the Prince of 
Mito, whose confidential adviser he was."* But I am 
rather inclined to think, that to a great extent the compli- 
cations of national politics aflected his opinions on 
international affairs. Even a superficial student of 
Japanese history knows, that among the Revolutionists 
of 1868 were many patriots, who had been opposed to 
the foreign treaties, because the hakufn was in favor of 
them ; who, though not personally inimical to foreign 
intercourse, had used the ^^ J6i battle-cry" as a pretext 
for arousing the nation against the alarmingly increasing 
usurpations of the Shogunate ; and who, having once 
succeeded in restoring the Emperor to his ancestral power 
and dignity, proceeded^urther, by opening intercourse with 
the nations of Asia, America and Europe, to develop a 
** New Japan." I have an idea, that this Prince of Mito 
was of the same type as the Princes of Satsuma and of 
Choshu, who were also ** yoi " partisans ; and that, had he 
lived till the Revolution, he would have had a prominent 
share, not only in its destructive phase, but also in the 
constructive phase which followed. 

After the death of li, the policy of the hakufu naturally 
underwent some change ; and the order to Mito to return 
the Emperor's letter of instructions was recalled. But 
AndO Tsushima no Kami, who succeeded li, ** was too 

* Japan Weekly Mail for February 15, 1889. 



CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 4O7 

obstinate and ignorant to learn anything from his predeces- 
sor," and pursued an unwise course. In February of 1862 
seven conspirators, of whom six (not ** three," as I stated 
before)"^ belonged to Mito, attacked and wounded him near 
the Sakashita gate. A few months later, the Emperor 
sent Ohara Saemon no Kami to Yedo, with Shimazu 
Hisamitsu and 600 soldiers to guard him. As a conse- 
quence of this Imperial ambassador's visit, the son of li 
was stripped of 100,000 koku of his dominion ; Manabe, Andd 
and others either received the official censure, or were 
divested of more or less property ; Ukai and other reformers 
were pardoned ; and posthumous honors were bestowed 
upon Nariaki. 

In 1863 the Emperor called the ShOgun, lyemochi, and 
many of the chief princes (including Mito), to meet at 
Kyoto, to consult about the foreign policy : but nothing 
definite was determined. Soon there were risings of 
reformers, led by Imperial officers, and comprising in their 
ranks some Mito men, and having in the Mito han many 
sympathizers ; but they failed to accomplish anything. 
However, a young man, named Fujita KoshirO, son of 
Nariaki's privy councillor, in disgust at the weakness of 
the bakufuy held secret consultations with many who were 
of a similar opinion ; and finally, in the early part of 1864, 
he ** hoisted a reformation banner in the cold wind of 
Mount Tsukuba, which soon became the vortex of a 
hurricane which swept over the neighboring provinces." 
Recognizing himself to be too young (only about 25) to 
conduct the mob-like army, he made Tamaru Inanoemon, 
an old and popular soldier, general of the forces. The 
army was collected, not only from Hitachi, but also from 
Shimosa, Shimotsuke, Utsunomiya and Shinano. Remo- 
ving from Mount Tsukuba, they intended to fortify 
themselves at Nikk6 ; but, failing in that purpose, they took 
possession of Ohira-yama, near Tochigi, in Shimotsuke, 
and remained there for a time. From that place they 
sent forth their declaration of " Sonno jfoi " (" Honor 

• Vide Vol. XVIII, Part I, p. 16, of the "Transactions.*' 



4o8 clement: on the mito civil war. 

the Emperor and drive out the barbarians"). Prince 
Yoshiatsu, hearing of the movement, sent two persons 
(Yamakuni and Tachihara) to dissolve it. These men 
persuaded Fujita and his band to go back to Mount 
Tsukuba, and lie quiet there, where no princes of the 
neighborhood dared attack them. 

Meanwhile the policy of Kyoto, for some reason or other, 
began to change, and to coincide with that of Yedo. Then 
the remnants of the Kan-to party, which had been for a 
long time lying dormant, lost no time in attempting to 
regain their former position. The leaders, such as Ichi- 
kawa Sanzaemon, Sato Zusho, Asaina YatarO and others, 
collected the pupils of the Kodo-kwan, and persuaded 
them, that, if the ** robbers " in the province were not 
annihilated, the future of the Mito family would be 
uncertain. They went up to Yedo with about 700 young 
men, advised the ** fickle prince " to try to put down the 
"rebellion," and accused Takeda Hikokuro, a councillor, 
and others. Consequently Takeda and Sugiura were ex- 
pelled from their positions, and Ichikawa and friends 
became councillors. Ichikawa tried to have Takeda put 
to death : but the old patriot, being rescued from that fate, 
was imprisoned in Mito. 

In July of that year (1864) the bakufii sent out an army 
against Tsukuba; and Ichikawa joined it with 300 pupils: 
but about a month later they were severely defeated at 
Shimozuma, their head -quarters. Those samurai who 
were in Mito were not a little enraged at the condition of 
affairs, and, compelling Takeda, though he was under 
imprisonment in his own house, to join the expedition, 
went up to Yedo. A number of merchants and farmers 
united with them, so that ** a great current flowed day and 
night toward Yedo." But the hahnfu prohibited the Mito 
vassals from passing the barricade at Matsudo, in 
Shimosa ; and permitted only a few persons to enter Yedo. 
Those who succeeded in passing through saw Yoshiatsu, 
and used all their powers to prevail upon him to displace 
the Ichikawa party. Finally they succeeded ; Ichikawa 



CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 409 

and others were deprived of their offices, and were ordered 
to be imprisoned. 

At that time, of the Kan-to leaders, Satd only was in 
Yedo ; and he unlawfully went down with several hundred 
men to Mito. On their way, he met Ichikawa, who, after 
the defeat at Shimozuma, was hastily returning to Yedo. 
The latter, however, changed his route, and, together with 
Sat6*s party, entered Mito by the road from Kasama, in 
order to avoid the rival party, who were crowding along on 
the main road to Yedo. Miura Tadafusa, the guardian 
of the Mito castle, refused to permit the Kan-to men to 
enter the castle; but, being unable to prevent them from 
forcing an entrance, committed suicide. The Kan-to 
leaders, then, in spite of the protests of the wise widow 
of Nariaki, imprisoned some of the councillors, the wives 
and children of Takeda and others ; arrested about 70 
** yoi " partisans, some of whom were secretly killed in 
prison ; destroyed the houses of some merchants who went 
up to Yedo with the Sei-t6 samurai ; and put to death even 
some women and children. 

The Tsukuba army, which had a little before removed 
its head-quarters to Ogawa, in East Ibaraki County, 
hearing of the successful entrance of the rival party into 
Mito, invaded this city with only 300 men, but were 
repulsed. In August the hakufu sent out a second army 
against the Sei-to. Tanuma Gemba no Kami was the 
leader; and the soldiers were numerous (13,000) and well- 
disciplined. Only a few days later. Prince Yoshiatsu, who 
wished to quell the disturbance peacefully, despatched 
Matsudaira Oi no Kami, of Shishido, as his agent, to 
undertake the difficult task of pacification. Sakakibara, 
Torii, Okubo, Tani and other eminent Mito vassals 
accompanied him, and the party of Takeda followed ; 
so that the whole company numbered about 3,000. On 
the way, they met slight opposition ; and, when they 
reached this city, they were unexpectedly welcomed with 
bullets by Ichikawa's men. The latter proved so strong, 
that Matsudaira found it impossible to enter at once, and 



410 clement: on the mito civil war. 

retired first to Isohama and Iwaimachi, and afterwards to 
Minato. Here he was soon joined by Fujita, who, 
declining the aid of the mercenary and turbulent rabble 
from all parts, kept only his picked and brave Mito men. 

In September Tanuma arrived at the town of Yaki, 
whither Ichikawa went, and, persuading him to assist 
against the Minato army, thus gained a large re-inforce- 
ment. Matsudaira then tried to enter Mito, but was 
repulsed with great loss, and retired again to Minato, 
where he was besieged by Ichikawa*s and Tanuma's united 
forces. This large army slowly but steadily encompassed 
Minato; so the circle of the besieged grew narrower day 
by day. ** The fields and groves of the neighboring 
villages were filled with the cold and silvery light of bright 
armor and polished weapons. In the night the torch- 
lights of the sentinels changed the eastern sky into red." 
The army in Minato, especially the old Tsukuba band, 
fought bravely in many battles ; but in vain. 

In the bakufu army was a young officer, who sympa- 
thized with the misfortune of Matsudaira, and purposed 
to arrange good terms of peace for him. One day in 
November, in the midst of a battle, he came, unarmed and 
waving a fan, into Minato, and called for Matsudaira. 
He then recommended Matsudaira to go to Toda Kozuke, 
who had just come down from Yedo, as the commander 
of the besieging force. Matsudaira, although many of 
his vassals objected to such a rash course, a few days 
later, with only twenty of his vassals, proceeded to Toda's 
camp. Just before his departure he acknowledged to 
Takeda, that his attempt was rash and dangerous ; but 
added, that if his death could prove their true purposes, 
he would die willingly ; and then he separated in tears 
from his companions. The next day it was reported in 
Minato through a letter from one of his vassals, that 
Matsudaira had gone with Toda to Yedo : but this was 
only a scheme on the part of Ichikawa to deceive the 
Minato army. In truth Matsudaira, having fallen into 
the hands of a relentless enemy, because he had, by 



clement: on the mito civil war. 411 

opposing an official army of the bakufu^ technically com- 
mitted treason, was deprived of his offices, and compelled 
to commit suicide by hara-kiri. The vassals who were 
with him suffered the same fate. 

Several days after Ichikawa tried to divide the Minato 
forces by persuading Sakakibara, Tani, and others, who 
were already regretting that they **had entered the 
whirlwind,** to surrender. A large number surrendered 
their swords to Ichikawa, and about 100 were put to death. 
But the Tsukuba contingent, having stood to the last, 
determined to push their way to KyOto.* Only 800 
veterans, guided by the old and heroic Takeda, began to 
take the unsafe journey ; but they were afterwards joined 
by 200 more. ** Their tired feet had to climb many 
steep passes, and creep down countless dangerous preci- 
pices. Their weary arms must break various strong 
barricades, and kill thousands of opponents. In the 
interval of 150 ri there lay endless hardships and cal- 
amities.*' They pushed through Shimotsuke (where they 
defeated the army of the Kurobane Aa«), Kozuke (where 
they defeated the army of the Takasaki han)^ Shinano 
(where they defeated the armies of the Takashima han 
and the Matsumoto han)^ and in the middle of January, 
1865, arrived in Mino. There hearing that a large army 
filled the usual road into Omi, they changed their course, 
and, entering Echizen, reached the village, Niho, near 
Imash6. "The keen north-west blast froze the fingers 
of the warriors ; the snow was knee-deep ; their clothes 
were thin ; food was scanty ; and a large army stood before 
them." Filled with disappointment, Takeda sent the 
Prince of Kaga a letter, begging him to pity the sufferings 
which they had incurred on account of their patriotism. 
Finally they surrendered, and were at first treated with 
generous hospitality. [See Note C] 

That Takeda, Fujita and their band were on their way 
to Ky6to, was known to Keiki, who was then in the 
capital, and who was appointed commander-in-chief of 

* To see Keiki, Nariaki's seventh son. 



4X2 clement: on the mito civil war. 

the army despatched against them. He went, however, 
with the main hody of the army only as far as Kaiiu, 
in Omi ; while the van pressed on, and finally intercepted 
the fuf^itives. The commander of the Kaga army was 
one Nngahara JinshichirO, who was very loyal and kind, 
and knew the true reason, why Takeda and the others 
had taken up arms. He went to the head quarters at 
Kai/u, and apologized for them to Keiki ; but could not* 
obtain pardon. Keiki, in his heart, wished to save 
them : but he feared, that, if he was too kind to his own 
Hubjecta who had risen against the hakufu, he might be 
accused of complicity with them. At that time in the 
biikHfu armv was a cruel officer, named Yui Zusho, who 
wished to show them no pity; and notwithstanding that 
many princes (Kaga, Inaba, Bizen, Hamada, Shimabara 
and Kitsuregawa"^ and ot^cers entreated for pardon, 
insisted vMi putting them to death. The prisoners, in 
the moAntimo* had been removeil to Tsuruga, and impris- 
oncxl in three temples, where they were treated, like 
Kvmmon criminals, with great cruelty. (Among the 
number was au v^ld \\\>mAn of ^6. who was the mother 
of one of TAkedAS soldiers* and preferred to be killed 
wah her son than to die in Miio\ Finallv about the 
middle v>f NlAu^h. i^c^ wrre co:^demncd to banishment; 
TAkeslA y^AjiTf^d c^i\ YAmAkxv.^: v^ii^' '•-^* Fu;:t3i and about 
^xO o;hn^ wej^e put to vU Ath : but. by son^e good fcvtrsnet 
rAk?^*A's j:vAi>d^M\ Ai;t\^ iSs escAiVvi. In May the wives, 
c^-^hvI^ A^^J j;i\\i\? cb.*Ji'e*.'i of TAxtNiA, Yirijikuni and 
x^Sei* x\ric *o;": to x:cAth :*.^ >?.:o; a:"^: the beads of 
Vav^va * ^x,^e^ S xva: s^.\- s^oi\ A'-'i^t : i ^t'A^ cvi ^::Tm3d«o, 
\^\^v e\i\^^*A■ is^ tNs' i^vN c S<^e No:e I^. 

r>.^s. tV \ * .." s^A '^.\- A oo.vo\:c > cto.-^. Tahrcb was 

v\N.* xw* Vv ' ^r> *»■>■* *V>» tV-* *' ■^\\>-^"»«'< '^* •V*-*" ■^ » »♦ - iL » •»»» 

A V N\s\> . xv'. V xV<. V X- .^^t "> N\x- ^ ■ VNr A^rcxMrLTce 

>->NX>^ \Nx' < S' <t \'V ^x Wx-V x>C!<Si»\\ O- * ^ CV^**^ 



clement: on the mito civil war. 413 

days." The slaughter of this internecine strife had been so 
dreadful, that the vitality of the Mito clan was completely 
drained; and Mito, therefore, had no important part in 
the actual hostilities of the Revolution, in which she ought 
to have been found as a leader, side by side with Satsuma, 
Choshu, Tosa, etc. In fact, Mito has not yet fully 
recovered from the desolating effects of that civil War; 
and has now but slight influence in official circles. 

The Revolution of 1868, of course, changed entirely the 
state of affairs in Mito. The Kan-td who favored the 
Sh6gun, at first intended to stay in the castle; but 
learning, that many of their followers were on the point 
of deserting, they fled to Aizu. The remnants of the 
Sei-tOf improving the opportunity, sent an army against 
them. Finally the strong castle of Aizu, though garrisoned 
by brave soldiers, sunk to the ground. Ichikawa, Asaina 
and others then turned back, and again entering Mito, 
where there was only a small number of old samurai, 
almost succeeded in getting possession of the castle. But 
re-inforcements of Sei-to men soon appeared, and, after 
bloody fighting, defeated the Kan-to forces. The latter 
fled into Shim5sa ; but, being quickly pursued, were com- 
pletely destroyed. Some who failed to make their escape 
from Mito were put to death by the Sei-tO. Asaina and his 
son were killed ; Sato died in Echigo ; Ichikawa escaped, 
but the next year (1869) was arrested, brought to Mito, and 
publicly crucified head downward in broad daylight. 

When peace was finally established, the bodies of some 
who had been killed, or had died, in other provinces, were 
allowed to be buried in Mito. The family of Matsudaira 
Oi no Kami was re-established. In 1875, at Matsubara, 
in Tsuruga, where the bodies of Takeda, Fujita and 
others repose, a temple was dedicated to those brave 
warriors. In 1878, when the Emperor visited the Hoku- 
riku-do he stopped at Tsuruga, and contributed 500 yen 
to that temple. In 1880 a large monument was built, 
for which the Governor of Shiga Ken wrote the inscription. 
In 1889, at the time of the promulgation of the con- 



414 CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 

stitution, the elder Fujita was promoted in rank; and 
about the same time the younger Fujita, Takeda and others 
were enshrined among the heroes to be worshipped at the 
ShOkonsha, in T0ky6; while Ichikawa and others of the 
Kan-to received pardon. In Mito now the old hatred 
between the factions has disappeared, and peace reigns ; 
and 'one of the Kan-td samurai is watchman of the cemetery 
at Zuiryu, Where lie the mortal remains of some, whom 
in their life he bitterly fought, but in their death he 
zealously protects. 

In conclusion, permit me to say, that I am aware, that 
there are indefinite and unintelligible matters in this paper. 
The materials at hand were very confusing and often 
contradictory ; so that sometimes it was impossible to 
ascertain with certainty the truth. I am also aware, 
that, strictly speaking, the Mito Civil War was of short 
duration, and occupies an exceedingly small portion of 
this paper. But it was not possible to limit this topic 
to its literal interpretation ; for the war would be completely 
unintelligible without a consideration of the causes and 
occasions which led to the bloody battles. And, although 
actual hostilities did not break out till in the *6o's, the 
spirit of jealousy and strife was stirring up the Mito han 
from at least as far back as the beginning of the present 
century. I understand, that the Mito family are super- 
vising the preparation of a history of the Civil War, and 
purpose to treat the subject impartially. I trust, that that 
work will throw light on the indistinct phases of that strife, 
and will enable students of Japanese history, local and 
national, to form an accurate and unprejudiced judgment of 
the Mito Civil War, which undoubtedly had no small share 
in precipitating the Revolution of 1868. 



iNOTE A.] 

I wish to acknowledge my special indebtedness, in the preparation 
of this paper, to a colleague. Professor C. Tani, who, by consulting 
various native works, and furnishing me with translations, has rendered 
most valuable assistance. 



[NOTE B.] 

THE SAKURADA ASSAILANTS. 



The number of assailants in this affair has been variously stated at 
"sixteen," ••seventeen" and ••eighteen." The discrepancy may have 
resulted from the fact, that one person gives the number only of 
Mito samurai; while another includes the one Satsuma samurai who 
was connected with the affair. I am able now to correct all former 
mistakes, including my own,* and to verify the number "eighteen," 
given in Chapter XXIX of '• Mito Yashiki." The names of the samurai 
are as follows ; — 

Sano Takenosuke. Ozeki WashichirO. 

Arimura Jiroemon. Koibuchi Kaname. 

Hasuda Ichigor5. Okubo SanjurO. 

Kurosawa ChuzaburO. Mori QorokurO. 

SaitO Kemmotsu. Sugiyama YaichirO. 

Inada JuzO. Moriyama Hannosuke. 

Hirooka YojirO. Yamaguchi Tatsunosuke. 

Masuko KimpachirO. Hiroki Matsunosuke. 

Kaigo Saganosuke. Seki Tetsunosuke. 

Of these Arimura, the Satsuma man, being severely wounded, com- 
mitted suicide on the spot ; Kaigo and Seki ran away,' and escaped 
punishment ; the remaining fifteen, having confessed to the authorities, 
were in due time put to death. Sano was the leader. 

• Vide Vol. XVIII, Part x, p. z6, of the " TraiiMctiont." 



4t6 CLEMENT : ON THE UITO CIVIL WAR. 

[NOTE C] 

ANECDOTES OF TAKEDA 
AND FUJITA. 



The following incidents of that remarkable retreat are taken from 
Nos. 79 and 80 of the Koknmin no Tomo^ which gave an interesting 
sketch of " Takeda KOunsai," otherwise known as Takeda HikokurO, 
or Takeda Iga no Kami : — 

On Nov. 14 (o.c.) they arrived at Shimmachi, which was defended 
by the large army of the Takasaki han ; so that they had to change 
their road, and encamped that night at a village which belonged to 
a small prince, who offered no resistance. The next day they reached 
a village, called Nanuka-machi, which was a military post of the 
Maeda family. When they were about to enter the barricades, they 
found only one samurai^ who, dressed in ceremonial robes, sat genteelly 
by the side of the gate. The aide-de-camp of the army waved his 
fan, and the army stopped at once. Then dismountng, the aide-de- 
camp inquired of the solitary samurai^ whether he were a vassal or 
not of Maeda, and if so, whether he could permit them to pass 
through. The samurai answered : " It is unlawful, of course, for 
you to walk through in arms: but, though my province is too small 
and too weak to resist you, yet, if I allow you to pass through without 
shooting an arrow, there will be no excuse for me to plead to the 
bakufu. Be kind enough, therefore, to pass along another road; but 
if that is impossible, cut off my head. As long as I live, I should 
not permit you to pass the town." The young men of the army, 
hearing this, excitedly cried out : ** Down with him 1 Down with 
him." But Takeda stopped them, and changed his route. This 
solitary samurai^ it is said, was a g^eat drunkard, who frequently 
indulged in abusive language to the disgust of others, and who 
voluntarily ventured to ward off the calamity which was hanging 
over that place ! 

At another village (Shimonida) the inhabitants sent a messenger to 
implore the army not to spend the night there; because, if the 
pursuing army should come up with them, the battle must take place 
within that village. Takeda refused to change the orders already 
given to the army to stop there ; but promised, if his pursuers caught 
up with him, to leave the village. And it so happened that near 
day-break the Takasaki army reached that village, and Takeda, 
agreeable to his promise, withdrew his army out of the village, and 
gained a victory. 

That same nigh Fujita stopped at the house of a man, named 



clement: on the mito civil war. 417 

Sugihara. When the alarm was given of the arrival of the enemy, 
he was still in bed. Hearing *the sound of the guns and the noise of 
the cannon, he rose calmly and washed his face. When a messenger 
of the army came from head-quarters to urge him to make haste, he, 
as if not hearing the message, deliberately finished his breakfast, and 
then went out. Very soon he came back, and saying that he was cold, 
asked for a cup of sake. When his host gave it to him, he said: 
** This is too little ; please give me another larger cupfull.'* The host, 
having intended to ask Fujita to write a poem on a fan, took this 
opportunity to proffer his request, which Fujita granted. The host 
then requested one more poem, which Fujita agreed to write, if he 
could have one more cup of sake. Then, having received his drink, 
and having written another poem, he went out to the battle-field. This 
is rather a striking illustration of the stoical calmness of the ancient 
samurai even under trying circumstances, and is the more interesting, 
because Fujita was only twenty-five years of age. 



[NOTE D.] 

FAREWELL POEMS. 



The following poems, of the morituri salutamus order, were written 
just before the death of the composers, and are supposed to represent 
the feelings of each, in view of the appproaching fate. They are 
characteristically Japanese in many respects. 

L Written by Takeda, on a screen in a hotel in ImashO, Echizen ; 
and supposed to represent his anxiety concerning the future of 
his country. 

*' Fuku tabi ni 

Hana ya ikani to 
Tachitsu itsu 

Kokoro-zukushi no 
Haru no yama-mori.** — 
*• At every blast of the wind, the mountain-watchman in- the spring is 
exceedingly anxious [lit. "standing, sitting"] how the flowers [will fare]. 
II. Written by Mrs. Takeda to express her sorrow at dying an 
infamous death. 

'* Kanete mi wa 

Nashi to omoedo 
Yamabuki no 

Hana ni niowade 
Chiru zo kanashiki.*' — 



4l8 CLEMENT : ON THE MITO CIVIL WAR. 

" Though I always thought I have no life, it is pitiful to wither away 
without becoming the fragrant blossomof the yellow rose." (There is 
in this ode a punning allusion to the fact that the yellow rose, though an 
exceedingly beautiful flower, has no seed {mi) ; while she herself has no 
life {mi)t and perishes in a sad and untimely death). # 

III. Written by Yamakuni, who, being perhaps the oldest (72) of 
the band, might have been expected to entertain some solemn 
ideas, but who indulges in what may be called, both literally 
and metaphorically, ^* dare-devil " sentiments ! 

*' Iza saraba 

Meido no oni to 
Hito ikusa." — 
*• Now, farewell I one [more] fight, with the devils of hell I" 

IV. Written by Fujita to illustrate his hope, that his prime purpose, 
to uplift the dignity of the Emperor, though it seemed to have 
failed, would eventually be achieved. Only three years later 
the fruition of his hope came in the Revolution. 

" Mono-nofu no 

Omoi-kometaru 
Azusa yumi 

Hiki-tsumete koso 
Nani tayumu beki." — 
*• The warrior's zealous azusa* bow which has been bent (stretched), 
how can it be unbent ?'* 
(can never be loosened). 



[NOTE E.] 

The accompanying portrait was drawn by Prof. Tatebe, of the Ibara- 
ki JinjO Chu GakkO ; and was taken from a portrait drawn when the 
prince was about 35 years old. It is said to be a very good likeness. 

* A kind of wood much used for bows. 




Nariaki (RcUO 1 



ABRIDGED HISTOUY OF THE 
COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

BY 

Leon van de Polder. 
(Read lyth March ^ iSgi.j 



For several years past I have occupied myself in col- 
lecting old coins. At first, of course, having only a 
few specimens, my interest in the subject was not so 
great as, I presume, would be the case with any one 
collecting not only coins but any other objects. By 
degrees, however, as the number of my coins grew larger, 
my interest and attention also increased, until at last, 
I have come to think that there are few things more 
interesting to collect than old coins. It is in leisure 
time, not only an agreeable but even a deeply interesting 
pursuit. Many historical passages of high interest are 
to be found in, or are connected with these small pieces 
of metal coin. The main difficulty connected with it lies 
in procuring the necessary information respecting them. 
But few works, if any, have been published upon this 
subject, therefore many persons desirous of ascertaining ^ 
the dates when the coins were struck, and other particu- 
lars relating to them, find themselves quite unable to carry 
out their purpose on account of their not knowing the 
language. I hope, therefore, in the present little work to 
make things somewhat easier and more satisfactory for 
future collectors. 

It is only by the arduous study of a number of ancient 
Japanese books that I have been able to gather together 
the present particulars ; particulars which, on account 



420 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

of the numerous historical passages connected with the 
numismatical- records which I give, will, I trust, make 
this little work interesting. 

In classifying the coins according to their antiquity, 
I have found great assistance in the newly published 
book in two volumes entitled Meiji'Shinsen-sempu QBfSSf9( 
RiSby the late Mr. Narushima, who in the Tokugawa 
time was first tutor at the court of the ShOgun and 
afterwards Hohci-Bugyo or commander-in-chief of artillery 
under the same government. 

Although this may, in general, be relied upon for its 
accuracy, yet I cannot quite agree with what is said in 
the Preface— that the old books published in Japan upon 
numismatics cannot be relied upon on account of the 
meagre knowledge and instruction of the authors of former 
years, inasmuch as the old books in my possession give, 
as a general rule, the same years and periods as Mr. Naru- 
shima, and in manv cases thev have afforded me more 
details and particulars which are often rather lacking 
in the Meiji'Shinsensempu, which is only more systema- 
tically drawn up than its ancient predecessors upon which, 
after all, it is entirely based. 

The old books consulted by me, and belonging to my 
collection are : 

1. BiimpO'Zensho 7?V£S, volume No. g. This book 
is in thirteen volumes, and is a kind of encyclopedia of 
which volume 9 is entirely devoted to coins. It dates 
from the seventh year of Genroku x;H (^A.D. 1694.) 

2, Kishd'hvaknven, fi^|tl5H bv one Mura-Useki of 
Osaka, is in one volume and dales from the ist vear of 
Kwansei Kft ^A.D. 17S0V and treats only of coins. 

^. Kcsfi'kcsfnk.iCitffii'ifiiisci t^lE'^ iiX.'k^ in one nx)!- 
ume, dates from the 7th year Kwansei S ft lA. 0.-1795). 
This also treats onlv of coins. 

^, MiiJi'Shinsni'Snnpii 3g f ^ p R ft Sg in two voumes 
by Narushima Ryuhoku. published in the 15th year and 
iSth year of Meiji flf^ (A.D. iSSi-iSSf and treating only 
of coins. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 42 1 

5. Kosen-chinkwafn "SSI^WW by Ozawa Tatsumoto, 
in one volume dating from the 15th year of Temmei 
^W(A.D. 1815). 

6. Shinkosei'kohO'Zukan Sr tt IE fL ^ ■ ■ by Kariya 
Kwaishi, dated from the 12th year of Bunkwa ^ffc 
(A.D. 1815) in one volume. 

7. Wakan-sen-i In 3(^11 by Yoshikawa Naoyuki. The 
coins of China and Japan, in one volume, dated the ist 
year of Temmei ^W (A.D. 1781). 

I have further been able, thanks to the kindness of my 
friend Mon'sr. D. Chiossone of the Imperial Printing 
Bureau or InsatsiikyokUy who lent it to me to consult, 
the work entitled ; 

8. Dainihon-kwaheishi -k^^VtKi, or History of the 
Coins of Japan, published in the gth and loth years of 
Meiji H^f^ (A.D. 1876-1877) by the Okurashd or Finance 
Department, in the time of Count Okuma's administra- 
tion. 

I am glad to be able to say that after great difficulty, 
I have been able to find a copy of this work which I have 
now added to my collection of books bearing upon the 
present subject and consisting of 46 volumes. 

From the above mentioned works I shall now make the 
following extracts, which I think will be found interesting. 

The Era of Jing6 K6g5 StJAS/ff. This Empress, 
the consort of Chuai Tenno f^f'S^S who died in the 
gth year of his reign (201 A.D.), became Regnant and 
reigned for 69 years, until her death in the year 269 A.D. 

In the year 201 A.D. she crossed over to Shinra ^K 
a part of Corea, embarking at a place called Wakitsu 

The King of Shinra without taking up arms or 
showing any opposition whatever, submitted, and gave 
himself up .to her, and Her Majesty returned to Japan 
with 80 vessels laden with gold, silver, and other precious 
things. The two kings of KCrai ^98 and Hyakusai 
Si?J, two other parts of Corea, also submitted to her. 
These particulars are taken from a work entitled Nihon- 



422 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

shoki n>|c§|E. After this time, it would seem that 
tributes of gold, silver and other precious things were 
received. It is said that she also brought some coins 
or money of the shape of a bird. This coin however is 
only mentioned in old books, no drawing being given. 
In my collection I have a coin which may be the one in 
question. 

In the 38th year of the regency of the Empress JingO 
Kog6 WJAS© (238 A.D.) it is said that gold and other 
precious things were received as presents from China. 

In the 14th year of the reign of the Emperor Ojin 
Tenno HW^S (282 A.D.) it is stated that Yuzuki- 
kun ^ fl IS) later on said to be a son of the King of 
Hyakusai JS a part of Corea, came to Japan bearing 
gifts of gold, silver etc. and according to the work en- 
titled Dainihonshi -kU^^ or History of Japan, His 
Majesty the Emperor was highly pleased to accept these 
presents, and, as guerdon, accorded him permission to 
reside in the Empire, and further assigned to him a gift of 
land. I find in my Japanese Shinsen-nempyo SrS^S 
or Japanese Chronology, an article corresponding in date 
with the arrival of this Corean, which, although it has 
no connection with Numismatics, is nevertheless from 
a historical point of view very interesting. I shall 
therefore give it : ** At the same time, two women were 
** sent over from Corea as presents, to teach in Japan 
** the way of weaving silk with figures or brocade ; they 
** were kept at the court, and there they instructed pupils 
** in their art. These two women were sisters, one being 
** named Ayaha WrW and the other Kureha W^W\ 
** The elder, Kureha, really did the weaving while 
** the younger, Ayaha, sat above the loom raising the 
** threads as the work proceeded, as was necessary to 
"produce the figures in the woven cloth." Now even 
down to this day that part of the work in this trade is 
still called Ayadoru a word derived from this woman's 
name; so in like manner, is the term Gofuku ^flS which 
the Japanese apply to woven goods, is derived from the 



VAN DE POLbER: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 423 

name Kureha which is only another reading of the same 
character. 

In Kyoto these women came to be deified and worship- 
ped as the tutelary goddesses of that trade. 

According to the work Dainihon-kwaheishi ":fc H ^ 
WK ft there was silver money in the time of the Emperor 
Genso TennO Mn^^S (485. A.D.) ; one piece was of one 
sun diameter (i Jap. inch or = centm.), and weighed 
I momme 8 /«« = 104.97 grs. troy. Another of the same 
diameter weighed 3 momme (174.99 grs. troy). The 
fact that since the time of the Empress Jing6 KCg6 
quantities of gold and silver were received, and the exis- 
tence of the above mentioned pieces conclusively prove 
that coins were already in use in Japan at that time. 
In Genso Tenno's time we find even that on account 
of the crops having been plentiful and the consequent 
prosperity of the farmers, the price of rice was fixed at 
one silver piece per one koku. 

In the time of the Emperor Hansho Tenno ]Sfj£^S 
(406-11 A.D.) there were gold, silver and copper coins, 
and all these must have been made from metal received 
from abroad inasmuch as it is not recorded that gold, 
silver, or copper, had, up to that time, been found in Japan. 

In the time of the Empress Suiko Tenn6 JiA'^S 
and in the 13th year of her reign (605 A.D.) according to 
the work Nihonshoki EI$#IE gold was received as 
tribute from Korai ^ SB, a part of Corea, and of this gold, 
by Imperial Decree, and by order of the Prince Imperial 
and the ministers, an idol was made, and when the King of 
Corea heard of this, he sent. a further tribute of 300 gold 
ryo & H H IS. 

The origin of gold, silver and other tribute being paid to 
Japan by Corea is said to be really this : 

One night the Empress Jingo Kogo dreamed that the god 
of Sumiyoshi or Sumiyoshi-MyCjin whose shrine and temple 
are in Osaka, appeared to her and said : * I give the gold 
and silver countries Korai, Hyakusai, Shinra, and Ninna 
fiBB to the Emperor you bear within you ' Her Majesty was 



424 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

pregnant at that time, and it was on account of this dream, 
that she undertook to cross over and take possession of 
those countries, appointing officials to administer the realm 
during her absence, and stationing guards along the coast 
to j^rotect the Empire from invasion. 

The same work Nihonshoki records also a very 
clever and apt saying of the Emperor Senkwa Tenn6 
jLffcl^S who reigned from 536 to 539 A.D. that: — "Food 
** is the principal thing required under this Heaven; thou- 
** sands and thousands of pieces of gold will not nourish 
**you, nor will thousands of precious stones quench one's 
" thirst/' 

Shoku wa Tenka no moto nariy 

Otron ma Jig wan uye wo ryo sn bckarazu, 

Hakiigyoku scnko nanzo yoku rei wo snkii^van. 

In the first year of the Empress Kokyoku TennO 
Sf^^l^ (642 A.D.) tribute of gold and silver was received 
from Korai borne by an embassy which landed at Naniwazu 
or Osaka. 

In the work Shinsen-ncmpyo I find that again in 647 
A.D. and 653 A.D. embassies came from Corea to Japan 
bearing tribute. 

In the 3rd year of the reign of the Emperor Temmu 
Tenno ^iK'J^Si (675 A.D.) in the 3rd month silver was 
received from the Island of Tsushima and regarding 
this, in the Nihonshoki we read that in that month 
the governor of Tsushima — Oshiumi Okuni iSvS'^ffl 
found, for the first time, silver in his province, and 
presented it to the Court. This was the first silver found 
in this Empire, and consequently the precious metal was 
first offered up to the different gods, after which portions 
were given to the high officials and to all of the rank of 
Shokin »biSl and Daibn -k^. The governor of Tsu- 
shima received the rank of Shokin in recompense for 
the zeal and activity which he had displayed in the matter. 

In the 8th year and loth year of the reign of the Em- 
peror Temmu Tenno (6S0-82 A.D.), tribute was again 
received from Shinra (a part of Corea) consisting of gold, 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 425 

silver, copper, iron, piece goods, silk, deer and other skins, 
fine hemp, and banners embroidered with gold and silver. 
As a proof that the tributes must have been very plentiful 
at that epoch, I may adduce the fact that in a sumptuary 
law promulgated in that year the costumes to be worn by 
the different classes from the princes down to the lowest 
of the people were regulated and fixed. In the same 
decree the wearing of gold and silver embroideries was also 
placed under certain restrictions and regulations. 

In the time of the Emperor Kotoku Tenn6 #^^S 
(645-654 A.D.) a law was already passed forbidding the 
burial of the dead with gold, silver, copper, or iron in the 
coffin, as this had become an almost universal custom 
with the people. 

In the 1 2th year of the reign of the Emperor Temmu 
Tenno (684 A.D.) it is said that copper coin was first 
circulated, the circulation of silver coin being stopped. 
But in the same year the silver coinage was resumed. 
This was the loth year after silver was first found in the 
Empire, and thus the silver coin spoken of will probably 
be that which was made in the time of Gens6 TennO 
jR^ ^ S (485-487 A.D.). I may further remark with regard 
to the decree in which the use of copper coin is prescribed, 
that it is the first notice which we find of the existence of 
such coin at all, and as the decree contains nothing but 
the bare prescription that copper coin in future is to pass 
current, we have no basis upon which to ground a state- 
ment as to where these coins came from or when they were 
struck ; it is, however, most probable that it was a Chinese 
coin brought over through Corea, although it is possible 
that it may have come from China directly. 

In the 4th month of the ist year of Shucho S<J6 
(686 A.D.) tribute was again received from Shinra 
(Corea) but was this time only brought to Tsukushi 35t S? 
(at present known as Chikuzen and Chikugo). This 
tribute consisted of gold and silver pure; articles wrought 
in gold and silver; gold and silver embroidered stuffs 
gauze and other tissues ; gold and silver bells and various 



426 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

Other articles of the precious metals ; and horses, mules, 
and dogs. 

In the second year of the reign of the Empress Jit6 
Tenno ^lBE:3'^S (691 A.D.) tribute was received from 
Shinra consisting of gold, silver, copper, and iron. This 
time the ship bearing the tribute came to Dazaifu "k^lS 
in Chikuzen. At the same time idols, embroideries and 
paintings on silk, birds, horses etc. were brought ; and an 
envoy of the name of Sorin 1^'^ himself presented to the 
Court several beautiful articles wrought in gold and silver. 

In the 5th year of the reign of the Empress JitO TennO 
(694 A.D.) a silver lode was found in lyo-no-kuni #IRH in 
Shikoku, and silver and silver ore were presented to the 
court. In the 7th month of this year the governor of 
lyo named Tanaka ason HSmaro ffl^'SBSiifS and others 
found a silver lode in the mountain called Mimma-yama 
W.^Ul in the county of Uwagori ¥ft8B, and they sent 
3 kiiiy 8 ryo H Jf A ^ of silver and a basket of ore as 
sample to the Court. This is mentioned in the work Dai- 
nthonshi and in the NihonshokL 

In the 8th year of the reign of the Empress Jito TennO 
(697 A.D.) or first year of the reign of the Emperor Mombu 
Tenno 3fc IK ^S one named Nawo-no-hiroshi Odakemaro 
JM.lM&'k^^ was appointed director of the mint Tosenshi 
^S5^. Up to this time there had been no official position, 
and this therefore was the first appointment accompanied 
with a definite rank that was made and is another proof 
that coin was already struck here at this time. Some books 
also state that copper coin was made ; if this be so, it must 
have been made from copper received from abroad seeing 
tliat copper had not yet been found in Japan. 

In the 2nd year of the reign of the Emperor Mombu 
Tenno ^SC:^S (698 A.D.) copper ore was received from 
Inaba Hffi at present known as Tottoriken ; and from lyo 
#Si at present known as Ehimeken tin and tin ore were 
received. From Suwo ^ R5 at present Yamaguchiken 
copper was brought and some, also, was received from 
Tsushima Stf %. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 427 

It is further said in some of the books in my possesion 
that it was only in the I2th month of the 3rd year of the 
reign of Emperor Mombu Tenn6 (699 A.D.) that a 
director of the mint was appointed, and that this function 
was called Tosenshiy still this position was created 
already two years ago as aforesaid, but at this time now 
a new director was appointed one named Nawo-no-Oshi 
Nakatomi ason Imimaro iI':fcS1^SSBSiRf5Rfii. 

The first copper piece of Japan is said to be a coin quite 
plain, and without any characters on it, in shape it is circular 
and has a round hole in the centre. On the face around 
the hole, are four small round marks with a cross. At the 
back there is nothing, the surface being entirely smooth. 
It is very roughly made. 

See No. i of the Japanese coins. Illustrations of this 
coin are found in nearly every old book treating on coins, 
and it is always stated to have been struck in the time 
of Mombu Tenno (697-709 A.D.) ; but it is impossible 
to find out either the exact date or its size and weight, 
and I believe that although we see that copper ore had 
lately been found and presented to the Court, still the 
quantity then found was small and the true method of 
coining was not yet well understood in Japan, and this 
is probably the reason why this piece is youghly made 
and rather uneven. It is most likely that it was made 
from copper received from abroad, as that was at this 
time much more plentiful than that which was mined 
here. 

In the 4th year of the reign of the Emperor Mombu 
TennO (700 A.D.), Prince Osakabe ShinnO JfllfflRiE and 
two other ministers were ordered by His Majesty to make 
regulations and laws, and in these laws it was ordered 
that the'i Oku rasho "kWi^ or Ministry of Finance should 
have the administration of the entire finance and taxes, and 
should decide the values and prices of coins, gold, silver, 
precious stones, copper, iron, ivory, feathers, lacquer ware, 
and piece goods, and regulate weights and measures, in 
the interest of commerce in general. It was further laid 



428 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

down that the Okurnshd should enjoy a monopoly of the 
minting of gold, silver, copper, and iron coins. 

In an article of the above laws, relating to mines it 
was enacted that mines which were discovered, and not 
taken over by the government, might be worked by the 
farmers themselves, upon application being made for 
permission at proper quarters. 

In the ist year of Taiho ■:^fF (702 A.D.) an envoy 
was sent to Mutsu B R now Miyagiken and Awomoriken 
to have the gold mines there worked and the ore smelted. 

At this time a tribute of gold arrived from Tsushima. 
In the 3rd month of the same year an officer was sent to 
Mutsu in connection with the working of gold mines — this 
statement is found in the work Zoku nihonki iR Ef $tE — 
and in the same month a tribute of gold was again received 
from Tsushima. Now, as gold had been found in several 
places in this year, the denomination of the period was 
changed and a new era inaugurated and the ist year of 
Taiho -kfi commenced. These characters mean ** Great 
Treasure." 

Some time before this, one Mita Gose HPiSiM of 
Oshimigori in Yamato-no-kuni was sent to Tsushima to 
commence the working of a gold mine and in the 8th 
month of th^ same year (701 A.D.) in recompense for 
the zeal displayed by him in the matter, this Gose received 
the rank of Shorokui lE:^^ (or ist of the 6th grade). 

In the 3rd year of Taiho -kV (703 A.D.) silver was 
received from the province of Kii-no-kuni JE#ffl and it is 
further said that from the two counties in this Kii-no-kuni, 
named respectively Nakagori SKSS and Nakusagori 45 Et 
CT, in this year instead of the taxes being levied in linen 
they were received in silk, and from the three counties of 
Ategori RSSP, litakagori tS^gP and Murogori $igCT, the 
taxes or revenue were collected in silver, which proves 
that at that time this metal was found in Kyushu. 

According to the works Zoku-nihoftki and the 
Mizukagami 7K0E, in the reign of the Empress Gemmei 
TennO SBW^S in the ist year of Wado feffi (708 A.D.) 



VAN DE POLDER I COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 429 

copper was received in payment of revenue from the 
province of Musashi ^01 where a director of the mint or 
Tosenshi H^ ^ @] was appointed. 

The copper coin called Wado-kaichin fe^lB^ was put 
in circulation at that time. There were however two kinds 
of this coin WadO-kaichin, for, besides the copper one, we 
find another made of silver, and of the copper one different 
varieties again were made. In the same year (708 A.D.) 
in the ist month WadC fc 31 (meaning ** Our Copper" or 
** Copper of Japan,") from the county ChichibugOri SUlXW 
in the province of Musashi copper was presented to the 
Court, and it was in commemoration of this, the first 
discovery of copper in the Empire, that, by Imperial 
decree, the denomination of the year was changed and 
a new era called WadO ^M was inaugurated. 

According to the works Zoku-nihonki and Ruijii- 
koknshi JSSHS, in the 2nd month of this year (708 
A.D.) one named Tajibi-no-Mahito Miyakemaro of the 
rank of jfugoijd 'lA£S&±lri^ltjRAH^^ was appointed 
director of the mint in Musashi or Tosenshi, 

In the 5th month of this year (708 A.D.) the first 
silver coins made of Japanese silver were put in circula- 
tion ; and in the 7th month of the same year copper coins 
were minted in Omi-no-kuni Jfi*)lH and were put in 
circulation in the 8th month, and these according to the 
works entitled Sen-i jftS and Senkwa-kagami fkSHVk 
were the above mentioned coins called Wado-kaichin. 

See No. 2. This is a fac-simile of the silver piece of 
Wado-kaichin fti PI K 3^ which four characters are on the 
face, one on each side of the square hole in the centre. 
The diameter of this coio is 8 bn or 24^ mm., its weight 
is 2 momme i pun (about 122^ grs. troy). 

The silver coin is very rare, being now hardly ever to 
be met with, but a gentleman named Naruta Zembei of 
Osaka is in possession of one. 

See No. 3. This is the fac-simile of the copper WadO- 
kaichin coin. The characters are disposed in the same 
manner around the square hole in the centre ; its diameter 



430 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

is also 8 bu or 24J mm. and its weight i momme or 58. 
33 grs. troy. 

See No. 4. This is the same piece as No. 3 ; it has the 
same diameter and differs only in weight, being 8 fun or 
46.64 grs. troy. 

Many books treating on old coin have been published 
at different periods and they all say that this Wado coin 
was the first true coin made here. Still, although the 
composition of the metal is not well known, the fineness 
is very good. It must have been made in different parts 
of the Empire, but is now very rare. 

The first of the Wado coins were made in the Province 
Omi-no-kuni jftilffl now the Sigaken. Later on the same 
coin was made in Dazaifu :*: ¥ Iff in Chikuzen and in 
HarimafSJS now embraced in the HyOgoken. Later on 
Nagato-no-kuni now Yamaguchiken was, it seems, defi- 
nitely set apart as the place for minting these coins. The 
main reason for the choice of this place was that by 
degrees as copper at the places Suwo J3 RS, Harima tttf, 
Inaba SifS, Bitchd ffi 4», Bingo fSSS and others, was more 
and more produced, this place was found to be more 
centrally situated, and therefore more convenient. 

In the 2nd year of Wado (709 A.D.) it was prohibited 
by Imperial decree for private persons to make silver 
coin. We find also in books that at different times silver 
coins were abolished and copper ones only ordered to be 
used. 

In the 3rd year of Wado (710 A.D.) copper was again 
received from several places such as Dazaifu and Harima 
and another decree was promulgated prohibiting the use of 
silver coin over the whole country or Tenka :^ T. 

The meaning of the word Tenka ^ T was the whole 
world or everything under Heaven, as it was not then 
supposed that other countries existed ; or the impression 
may have been that the sky hung only over Japan. 

We find in the Zoku-nihonki that in the 4th year 
of Wado frKI (711 A.D.) 6 sho y^ff or over g quarts of 
rice was worth i mon or one cash, and now the same 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 43! 

quantity is of about 600 times that value. At this time 
a law determining the salaries of officials was made ; and 
another law was made providing that persons who saved 
money should obtain rank, and on the other hand, that 
those found coining money on their own account should 
sulTer decapitation. 

According to the work Zoku-nihonki it was in the 
loth month that the above Rokuho 19^^ or scale of official 
emoluments or incomes according to rank was fixed as 
follows ; 

The yearly income of a Nihon — ft or Prince of the 
second rank and all Nii n '^ or officials of the second 
grade was fixed at 30 piki of linen cloth H + )E, or 60 tan 
as one hiki equals two tan (One tan or piece of dry goods 
was 30 feet in length* At present the length depends upon 
the kind, make and value of the cloth, varying from 
24 to 30 feet), plus 100 kin or pounds of raw silk J^S^ 
(the character H^ kin or pound is written now Jf .) and at 
2000 mon or cash gjn^^, that is to say, about 2 yen 
of the present currency. 

The yearly income of a prince of the 3rd rank or 
Osainmi 3EHfit was 20 piki te— +aE of linen cloth, and 
1000 moHy or cash, which would now be equal to about 
one^'^w. 

That of an official of the 3rd grade or Shinsanmi SH &, 
was linen cloth 10 piki, and money looo mon. 

Of a Prince of the 4th rank or Oshii 3E W ^, it was linen 
cloth 6 piki and 300 mon. 

Of an official of the 5th grade or Goi £ & it was linen 
4 hiki and 200 mon. 

Of an official of the 6th grade Rokui 5^ fe and of the 7th 
grade or Shichii -btSL it was linen cloth, two hiki and 40 
mon. 

Of an official of the 8th grade or Hachii A & and of the 
lowest grade Shoi ^ & it was linen cloth i piki and 20 
mon. 

Although no comparison can be drawn between the 
dresent enlightened Era of Meiji and the times from the 






432 VAN DB POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

annals of which I am giving extracts, yet, as the official 
ranks of that period still exist to-day, it is interesting to 
note the contrast : thus, the present Naikakii or Privy 
Council is composed of officials, ten in number, who are 
all of the second rank Nii — ^. I am afraid that with the 
present style of living, a yearly income such as was enjoyed 
by their predecessors of 60 pieces of linen, 100 pounds 
of raw silk and 2000 ** cash " would not go very far. 

We can see that the people, and especially the farmers, 
had no desire at that time to use coin, and in order to 
teach them its value as a medium of exchange, an Imperial 
edict was promulgated in which it was decreed that as the 
farmers, being accustomed to the old system of barter, 
did not seem to be willing to understand the value and 
utility of money, they should begin gradually to take it 
in lieu of their produce and in their other business transac- 
tions ; and in order to encourage their use of it, it was 
further decreed that every person who should have ac- 
cumulated over 10 kwammon +S3fc or 10,000 cash should 
be entitled to receive a rank below that of yurokui jS A 'fe 
or 2nd of the 6th grade, and anyone who should have 
amassed above 20 kwammon ;i + R^,or 20,000 cash two 
ranks higher, and for every 5 kwammon or 5000 cash above 
this, one grade higher, up to the 8th grade, which having 
attained, it became necessary to possess io,ooo cash or 
10 kwammon for every grade higher. 

In the same edict, however, it was stated that anyone 
borrowing coin from another person wherewith to obtain 
rank would be exiled for one year, and the carrying into 
execution of this clause was placed in the hands of the 
Dajokwan "k,^*^ or Council of State. All who were 
found guilty of having coined money on their own account, 
would be decapitated, and if officials, be first degraded 
and then they and their whole families should be exiled ; 
and if the neighbours dwelling in the two houses on either 
side of theirs, or the Gonin-gumiy that is to say the ^\g 
families composing a subdivision of the ward to which the 
culprit belonged (see Dr. Hepburn's Dictionary under the 



( 

« 

( 
I 

^ 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 433 

word Kumi ffl) knew about it, they would all be punished 
in the same wa}', but if they were innocent of all know- 
ledge of it, their punishment should be mitigated by 9ivt 
degrees. 

All this enables us to form an idea of the high esti- 
mation in which copper coin was already held by the 
officials ; and we find here the origin of the term kwan or 
kivammon^ as in the document ten and twenty kwammon 
are used to express fixed sums in the counting of cash : 
thus I kwammon was 1000 vwn or cash. This number 
of cash was generally threaded on a string ; in fact the 
character kwan S itself means anything strung upon a 
string. 

In the gth month of the 5th year of Wado (712 A.D.) 
an order was made that travelers should carry money to 
defray the expenses of their journeys, instead of the heavy 
loads of goods which they had hitherto carried about with 
them for that purpose, and in the 12th month of the same 
year another order appeared saying that all duties or taxes 
etc. would be received in coin from the different provinces 
and fixing the value of i jo of linen tp-'IS at 5 mon or 
cash (one 70 had a length of 16 feet). 

According to the same before-mentioned work, in the 
3rd month of the 6th year of Wado (713 A.D.) an Imperial 
decree appeared saying that county and higher officials, 
whether intelligent and studious etc. or not, unless they 
had a fortune of 6 kwan or 6000 cash, could not be 
advanced in position and ; on the same day a decree was 
promulgated saying, that by the sale of any rice fields, the 
price should be decided and paid for in cash, and in case 
the sale should be effected by exchange against any articles, 
such rice fields and articles as well would be confiscated. 

According to the work Fusoryakki tt^SIE in the 
5th month a decree appeared, ordering that in the records of 
each province should be minutely mentioned the quantity 
of silver and copper etc. that had been produced. 

In the gth month 7th year of Wado (714 A.D.) appeared 
a decree saying that by examining the coins, if any one 



434 ^'^^ ^E POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

should reject a coin which he should know to be a real 
povernment-made one he would be condemned to receive 
lOo blows with a stick, and if a bad coin was found the 
order was to break it up and take it to the official of the 
district. 

In the reign of Emperor GenshO Tenno xiE^S in the 
gth month of ist year Reiki SS (715 A.D.) a decree ap- 
peared pardoning all criminals except those who had been 
found guilty of making counterfeit coin. 

In the 2nd year of Reiki (716 A.D.) 6th month, a decree 
appeared prohibiting the farmers at Dazaifu keeping any 
Hakkatsu &iB f pewter). This had been from prohibited 
long before but no notice was taken and secretly a good 
deal was in the market with which the bad and counterfeit 
money was made, so this time it was ordered that if 
found it should be confiscated. 

In the 5th year of Yoro S ^ (721 A.D.) in the ist month 
appeared an Imperial decree fixing for the benefit of the 
farmers, the value of the silver sen or cash at 25 copper 
sen or cash, and one silver ryo (SR^f^ or 4 silver cash) at 
100 copper cash. 

According to the work Zokn-nihonki in the 2nd month 
of 6th year of YorO H^ (722 A.D.) by Imperial decree, 
and in the interest of the business transactions, amongst 
the farmers the value of the copper cash was fixed at 200 
copper sen or cash for r ryo silver. In the 9th month of 
this years all taxes etc. were received in cash from the 
provinces Iga fi»j!, Ise fl*^, Owari K5R, Omi jStC, 
Echizen g W, Tamba J^B, Harima « S, Kii IEfl», and 
others. Naturally the above changes in the value of the 
copper towards silver had become more and more necessary, 
for by this time copper was found in great quantities in 
many places. 

In the 2nd year of Tempei ^^ (730 A.D.) in the reign 
of Emperor Shomu Tenno le^^S the copper that was 
produced from the mines Tatsurizan j^Hdl in the Province 
Suw5 M Hr was forwarded to the mint in Nagato S W to be 
minted there. 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 435 

According to the before- mentioned work and the Rut- 
jil-kokiishi HKSBBft it is said that in the 7th year of 
Tempei ^^ nth month (735 A.D.) a mint was established, 
but I think this is better to be understood in this way that 
for a while the working of the mint had been stopped, and 
as at this time a want for coin was shown again the 
working of the mint was again resumed. 

In the 2nd month ist year of Tempei-kamp6 ft^A^ 
it is said that for the first time gold was found in Mutsu 
BIS and was presented to the Court; this good news was 
widely proclaimed by His Majesty over the whole Empire. 
This gold, conformably to the Imperial information, was 
found in Mutsu in the county OdagSri <h SE under the 
jurisdiction of the Mutsu-no-kuni-no-Kami or governor 
a Jngoijo ^SS^J: called Hyakusai-0 Keifuku K* ^ H 
^'3*HSI-/I®iij5. It was in the 21st year of Tempei 
^^ that this precious metal was found, and for that 
reason and in commemoration of it the denomination of 
the year was changed into ist year of Tempei-kampO or 
in other words the two last characters of KampO Jfi V or 
** exciting gem or treasure" were added to the already 
existing denomination of the year. The same governor, 
in the same month sent again a quantity of this precious 
metal, this time 900 ryo of gold, to the Court. 

This Hyakusai-0 ^9I3E called also Keifuku who was 
governor of Mutsu must have been a descendant of the 
Hyakusai-0 (which means, King or Prince of Hyakusai a 
part of Corea), or son of the King of Hyakusai who as 
was said in the commencement of this work, came to 
Japan in the year 282 A.D. and to whom the then Em- 
peror gave land. It is most probable that the land or 
province in which he was installed was Mutsu where his 
descendants remained known always as the governors or 
Kami of that province and keeping the same name. 

The old books are wrong in saying that this gold of 
Mutsu was the first found in Japan, while we have men- 
tioned that gold had already been found in Tsushima, from 
where it had been sent to the Court in the year 701 A.D. 



43^ VAN DE polder: copper coins of japan. 

and for which happy discovery the denomination of the 
ist year of TaihO :;k ff was given to that year; unless at 
that time Tsushima was not considered to form part of 
this Empire's dominion, which may very well have been 
the case, specially when I note from Japanese books that 
speak of tributes which were at certain times received 
from that island. 

In the 3rd month of 2nd year of Tempei-shoho ^^fll? W 
(750 A.D.) the governor of Suruga ^M named Narahara 
Azuma and others discovered gold along the sea beach 
Tago-no-ura ^^M and presented it to the Court. The 
governor got in compensation the rank of jfugoijo ^3i& 
± or ist of the 2nd class of 5th rank and to the other 
people miners etc. was given the rank of yurokuige i£y^& 
T or 2nd of the 2nd class of 6th rank. 

In the 4th year of Tempei-shoho (752 A.D.) the taxes 
and revenue of the Mutsu-no-kuni or province of that name 
and north of Taga ^ ff , were taken in gold, but from the 
counties south of Taga they were as before received in 
linen goods. 

This, says the Dainihon-Kwaheishi proves that from 
the Province of Mutsu much gold was produced. 

According to the work Zoku-niJwnki in the 8th month 
of the 2nd year Tempei-hoji ^^W^ (748 A.D.) one 
Fujiwara ason Nakamaro a first minister of the Court, 
who it seems being the only one who could make the Em- 
peror laugh and merry, received for that reason to his 
name the two characters of Emi SJ H (meaning " laugh- 
ing") and was called thereafter Emi-no-oshikatsu JBUff Sf, 
petitioned for the right to mint coin, and this request was 
accorded to him, but, as from that time no proof exists 
of any new style of cash having been made, those which 
he made must have been also the Wadosen fpHgl. In 
the 6th year of Tempei-hoji we find that this Emi-no- 
oshikatsu became the owner of two iron mines one in 
the county Asai 81 W and one in the county Takashima 
& Si in the province Omi jfi'JX. 

In the reign of Emperor Junjin Tenn6 5$ C^S in the 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 437 

4th year of Tempei-h6ji (706 A.D.) the cash called Kaiki- 
8h5h5 Bi£i?V» the one called Taihei-gempO "k^ycV 
and one called Mannen-tsuh5 K^UV were minted and 
made of 3 difterent kinds-one of gold, one of silver, and 
of one copper. 

By Imperial decree the coin Kaiki-shOhO was to be of 
gold (see No 5). Its weight is 3 momme i pun (abt. 180.83 
grs. troy) it has a diameter of ^ of a sun (or over 24 
mm.) and was worth ten of the silver pieces. 

The silver piece was the one called Taihei-gempO (see 
No. 6). Neither the design, size nor weight are given 
because the piece itself has not yet been found, but as 
the writer says by excavating, since these many unknown 
coins have been discovered, with patience this silver piece 
will probably be found hidden away somewhere. This 
silver coin was worth ten new copper coins called the 
Mannen-tsuhO of which two kinds were made, the first (see 
No. 7) weiging i momme 2 fun (69.99 grs. troy) and 
having a diameter of 8 bit (24 mm.) and the second kind 
(see No. 8) It weiging i momme (58.33 grs. troy) with 
the same diameter as No. 7. 

These copper coins were worth lo of the old copper 
coins and conformabjy to the works on coins called Sen-i 
Si SI and Kosen-Haibunko SSW^fc^, the characters 
cast on these coins were written by the famous penman 
Kibi Mabi W fli 9t fS who was one of the ist ministers of the 
Court, and as regards the gold coin above mentioned, 
it was the first that was minted and put in circulation 
says the work Hoka-jiryaku VWSS. The decree ac- 
companying the emission of these new coins stated, 
that this new emission was made for the benefit of the 
people and farmers, for through the private fabrication 
of counterfeit coins a great deal had become to be of 
very bad quality, and that withdrawing all from cir- 
culation, would occasion too great a loss to the people, 
so they were advised to use the old with the newly emitted 
according to the fixed value above mentioned. (This must 
have been a very agreeable surprise to a man who had for 



438 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

example a fortune of io,ooo cash or man and who found 
himself all at once to be in possession only of a loth part 
of that amount, very good sort of people they must have 
been indeed). 

In the time of Shotoku TennO SJB^fl in the ist year 
of Tempei-jingo ^^WH (765 A.D.) i to (or 3^ of a koku 
— I koku about 150261 grammes) of unpealed rice was 
priced at 100 cash. 

In the gth month of this year the coin called Jing6-kaihd 
ftimWV was coined. This was of copper and was put in 
circulation at the same standard as those lately made. 

The before mentioned market value of rice is extracted 
from the work *^ Zoku nihonki in which it is said that 
in the 2nd month of that year (765 A.D.) the rice produced 
in left and right Kyo or Kyoto was sold at auction, (this 
district was then divided in two, one part called the 
Sakyo is ;^ or left Kyo and the other the Ukyo i j|[ 
or right Kyo). 2000 koku of rice from each part were 
sold by auction in the east and west markets and fetched 
the price of loo sen or cash per i to and in the 4th 
month again 1000 koku of rice of each part of Ky6to 
were sold in the markets. This was generally done when 
the crops were bad, and these sales were in those times 
generally made from the rice kept in reserve just 
in case of the crop being bad, and when the price had gone 
up these sales took place in order to reduce the prices and 
assist the wants of the people. 

The characters cast on the new coin JingO-kaihO were 
written by Kibimabi also (see No. 9). 

The weight of this cash was i momme 5 tin (about 61. 
24 grs. troy), and it had a diameter of 8 bu (over 24 mm.). 
There were two more kinds of this same coin cast, one 
(see No. 10) which had a weight of over 8 fun (or about 
46.66 grs. troy) and a diameter of over 8 hu (over 24 
mm.) and the second (see No. 11) had a weight of 7 fun 5 
tin (73.74 grs. troy) and a diameter of 8 hu (over 24 mm.). 

In the second year of Tempei-jingO (766 A.D.) those 
who were found guilty of making counterfeit coins were 



VAN DE POLDER I COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 439 

handed over to the director of the mint and were condem- 
ned to work there for the government. 

In the 2nd month of this year Xht Juhachiige (or 2nd 
of the 2nd 8th rank) Tachibanado Takashimaro 'tSAfeT 
fS^SSSF presented the Court with i, 000,000 sen or cash, 
and for this he was made Jugoige i*££tiLT or 2nd of the 
2nd 5th rank. 

In the 2nd month of ist year Jingo-keiun J4i34(S the 
mayor of the Ochi county of the province lyo the Sho- 
shichiige (or 2nd of the ist 7th rank) Ochi nawo Asuka- 
mAToJE-h^TM^M^^JS presented 230 pieces of linen 
cloth and 1200 kwan of se7t or cash making 1,200,000 cash 
to the Court. He was made for this jfugoige 2nd of the 
2nd 5th rank. In the nth month one Okiyomaro 3E?ItB 
and 40 others, who were found guilty of making counterfeit 
coin were exiled to Dewa ttj It and received the family 
name of Tosenbu ^^U meaning Coin Caster's plot or 
Tribe. 

In the time of Emperor KOnin TennO Jttl^S in the 
3rd year of HOki VA (772 A.D.) and by Imperial decree 
of the 8th month the new and old cash were again declared 
to be used on the same footing or value. 

The decree explained that the government had found 
wrong the decree emitted in the 4th year Tempei-h6ji 
3rd month by which the new cash were declared to be 
worth 10 old ones, for on the contrary it was found that 
the old ones were made of a much better quality of metal 
and alloyage and consequently that such a decree was thus 
an injustice committed towards the farmers and people. 

Later in the loth year of HOki (779 A.D.) in the 8th 
month the same decree was anew promulgated as it seems 
that in some places the people were unaware of its ex- 
istence. 

In the nth year HOki (780 A.D.) new laws were pro- 
mulgated for the punishment of counterfeit money makers. 

In the time of Emperor Kammu Tenno fiS^S in the 
1st year of Enryaku SB (782 A.D.) by order of His 
Majesty the mint was closed, and the reason was that the 



440 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

coin stood at that time at a good rate so that the Court, the 
people and temples were all in good pecuniary condition, 
so both the ordinary mint or Tosenshi iS^RI and the 
mint for coins with designs or Hokwashi ttttWI were 
closed. (Here we see there was a mint for coins with 
designs at that time already or for the cash called also 
Esen fl^ and of which I have found a good many. 

In the loth month of gth year of Enryaku (790 A.D.) 
the mint was again opened. 

In the 15th year of Enryaku (796 A.D.) the copper coin 
or cash Ryuhei-yeiho IS^^TSf vvas minted; two kinds 
were made, the first (see No. 12) weighing 9 /«« 9 r/w = 

57.71 grs. troy and having a diameter of 8 bu or 24 mm. 
The other (see No. 13) has a weight of 7 fun 5 rin or 

43.72 grs. troy with a diameter of 8 hu = 2\, mm. 

By Imperial decree it was decided that these new cash 
should be used at the value of one equal to 10 of the old 
kind, allowing only 4 years more for the old coin to remain 
in circulation, by which time the old were to be entirely 
replaced by the new. In the same month the new cash 
were offered to the big temples of Ise, of Kyoto Kamigamo 
and Shimogamo, of Matsuwo and other temples and also 
to the Prince Imperial and other princes of the blood and 
to officials of ist of 6th rank ]£/?&. This cash was made 
from this year to the 8th year of Konin S/»C (817 A.D.) 

In the 1 6th year of Enryaku (797 A.D.) an order appeared 
prohibiting the keeping or too much collecting of cash, the 
farmers were warned that they would do well not to lay too 
much cash by but to lay on the contrary more rice by, for, 
in case there should be a bad crop and famine, boiling cash 
would not make food for them. 

This is a striking contrast with some years before when 
the farmers did not wish to see any coin, and now they 
were putting it by and did away with all their produce in 
order to get money for it. 

In the 17th year of Enryaku (798 A.D.) a similar decree 
appeared but rather more severe. It said that the circula- 
tion of money was very useful and commodious, and that 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 44I 

every one outside of the Imperial Court's domain or Kinai, 
keeping and laying it away, was a general hindrance, so 
all taxes would be received in cash and those who should 
hide the cash wishing only to pay their taxes in produce, 
should have their savings confiscated by the government, 
one fifth of the amount being given to the person who had 
given the information about it. The above is according to 
to the work called Ruijil'Satidaikakn JS S H f? +5. 

According to the work Nihon-isshi H^jcjggg jn the 
ist month of the i8th year of Enryaku (799 A.D.) His Ma- 
jesty on the occasion of a feast pardoned criminals and 
presented new cash to all officials from the 5th rank or 
Goi S &. Those of the 3rd rank or Sammi H fe received 
3000 cash, those of the 4th rank or Shii 69 fe 2000 cash, 
and those of the 5th rank or Goi £& looo cash. 

In the 2nd month of 19th year of Enryaku (800 A.D.) a 
decree was promulgated abolishing that which allowed 
titles of rank or nobility to be obtained for money. 

We find further several times that on certain grand occa- 
sions, criminals were pardoned, but with the exception 
always of those who had made counterfeit cash. 

During the reign of Heijo TennO ^IS^fi'in the 5th 
month of 3rd year of Daido -k M (808 A.D.) a decree was 
promulgated ordering the old and new cash to be used on 
the same footing or standard. * 

In the reign of Emperor Saga Tenn6 l!fiiliS^S in the ist 
year of Konin 5/»C (810 A.D.) with the copper which was 
remaining at the mint 1,040,000. new cash were minted, 
bearing the inscription of Ryuhei-yeih6 IS^ftff the same 
as Nos. 12 and 13. 

In the 4th year of Konin 5AC (813 A.D.) a certain fixed 
income was given to the officials of the mint. 

According to the work RuijCt-kokushi iSsRfflft in the 
7th year of Konin (816 A.D.) we find again that the mint 
in the Emperor's domain Kyoki j^flR, was abandonned and 
closed. 

In the 3rd month of 9th year of Konin (818 A.D.) the 
governor of Nagato or Nagato-Kokushi BP^HHJ was ap- 



446 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

came to buy rice, and was in reality keeping food out of 
each other's mouth. It was also preventing those who 
wanted to buy cotton or cloths, from covering themselves 
and getting warm. ** I wish," said the Emperor, "that 
this order be made public and placarded along all the 
roads, and any one who does not obey my order shall be 
flogged." This is taken from the work called Sandai-jitsu- 
roku H rt fl[ SI. 

In the 2nd month of 8th year of Jogwan (866 A.D.) the 
market price of rice was decided and fixed for left and 
right Kyoto at 40 mon or cash for i sho white rice, and 
30 mon or cash for i sho unpolished rice, (i s/i5 = 
iog.752. cub inches or i gt i pt. and J gill). Before 
this I sho of white rice was 26 mon or cash, or 14 mon 
less, and the black or unpolished rice was per i sho 18 mon 
or 12 mon less. 

According to the last named work Sandai-jitsuroku on 
the 22nd of 4th month of 9th year of Jogwan (29th May 
867 A.D.) for the first time the rice kept by the govern- 
ment in case of emergencies, was put to auction at 
Kyoto and was sold at 8 new cash per sho or 80 old 
cash. At this time the crops had failed and caused 
rice to be scarce, so this government-rice was sold to the 
people, because it had risen in the market to a price of 
1400 cash per koku. 

On the loth of 5th month (15 June, 867 A.D.) a decree 
appeared repeating what had once been promulgated 
already on the 23rd of 9th month 17th year of Enryaku 
jS^ (5 November 798 A.D.) by which it was prohibited for 
people to accumulate quantities of cash, as it was consider- 
ed detrimental to business transactions ; and this time it 
was proclaimed that, those who were found to possess more 
than what was considered reasonable, should have their 
cash confiscated, and the person who would bring the 
information to the ears of the government should get \ of 
it, the rest going to the government. However it was 
notified that this rule would not be put in force in the 
provinces Iga, Omi, Wakasa, Tamba and Kii. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 447 

On the 26th of 6th month loth year of JOgwan (19 July 

868) the term of office for the governor of SuwO to be 
at the same time director of the mint of that province was 
fixed at 4 years. 

On the loth of 7th month nth yearof JOgwan (21 Augost 

869) the Jugoige (ex-governor of Echigo), or Echigo-no- 
Kami Kiyowara Maliito 2nd of the 2nd 5th rank was sent 
to the province Yamashiro-no-kuni to superintend the ex- 
tracting of copper of the mountains Okadayama W ffl |ij. 

In the ist month of 12th year of jOgwan (February, 870) 
according to an Imperial decree, the new cash called 
JOgwan-eihO K IS ^ V was made and put in circulation. It 
was made of copper of the provinces Bitchu, Bingo and 
others, and was to be used like the former cash but was 
worth 10 of the old cash. It was cast from this year till the 
ist year Kwampei %^ (889 A.D.). The characters on 
the piece were written by the Court Minister Fujiwara Uji- 
mune. In the 2nd month, copper for the minting of 
cash was obtained from the provinces Bitchu and Bingo. 
The usual gifts of the new cash were made to the Imperial 
family and amongst the officials etc. In the nth month 
a special envoy was sent to offer the new cash to the 
temples of Ise Daijingu. On the 13th day of I2th month 
(7 J^"* 371 A.D.) it was decreed that 6 tan and 352 ho 
of farming land in Yamashiro-no-kuni Kadono-gOri were 
to be taken in for the use of the mint. 

The new cash above mentioned were as follows ; 

See No. 22. It has a diameter of 6 bu=zi^\ mm. and 
weight of 7//i«=40.8i grs. troy. 

See No. 23. It has a diameter of 6 6« = i8i mm. and 
weight of 5/«w 5 n« =32.06 grs. troy. 

See No. 24. It has a diameter of 6 6m 5 rin or 20 mm. 
and weight oi ^ fun or 29.15 grs. troy. 

On the 25th of 9th month 14th year of JOgwan (30 Oct. 
872) as it was found that the cash were badly made and very 
inferior, the mints were specially and severely reprimanded 
by the Court and ordered to make the coin of good quality. 

The 4th of 8th month i6th year of JOgwan (18 Sept. 774 



44^ VAN DE polder: copper coins of japan. 

A.D.) a decree was promulgated by His Majesty for left 
and right KyOto, deciding the indemnity to be paid by each 
farmer of 15 motit this freeing them from the obligation 
they were in to go and ser\'e for a certain time at the 
samurai houses after the harvest. 

On the 13th of 6th month 17th year jOgwan (19 July, 
875 A.D.), to the 15 big temples, new cash was given, to 
each about from 2000 to 3000 cash, this was in order to 
implore or pray for rain as that year there was a great 
drought. 

On the 27th of 3rd month i8th year of J6gwan A (R (25 
April, 876 A.D.) by Imperial decree, farmers were prohibi- 
ted from making according to their own wish, as they 
were accustomed, all sorts of articles of the copper they 
dug out themselves of the mountains of Nagato and which 
they were selling, as this was prejudicing the minting. of 
the coins. 

On the 15th of 2nd month 2nd year of Genkei xR (22 
March, 878 A.D.) new copper governmental seals were 
made, of which one was handed to the director of the 
mining office in Bitchu. 

By Imperial decree of the 5th of 3rd month (11 April, 
878 A.D.) some 100 men of Dazaifu were sent to Buzen 
H m to work the copper mines there in the county Kiku- 
gOri ^BlfflJ. 

On the 26th of 6th month (29 July, 878 A.D.) the far- 
mer's yearly indemnity which was fixed at 15 cash before 
in order to be liberated from doing a certain time of work 
at the samurai's, was doubled, and they had consequently 
now to pay 30 cash. 

Up till this several times we find that for one or 
other occasion, criminals were pardoned, but never were 
those who had been found making counterfeit coins ; still 
on the 4th of 12th month 4th year of Genkei xR (7 Jan. 
881 A.D.) even that class of criminals was pardoned. 

In the 3rd month 5th year of Genkei xR (April, 882, A.D.) 
copper was found in Iwami ^ SI (neighborhood of Ikuno) 
in several places of the mountains Tomo-no-g6-Maruyama 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 449 

of Minog6ri KJRSP, and one named Magabe Yasuwo was 
sent there to investigate the place. In the 6th month 
(Jui>e, 88i A.D.) the mining bureau of Okada in Yama- 
shiro-no-kuni was closed. 

Under the reign of Emperor K6k6 Tenn6 36#^S on 
the loth of 3rd month of ist year of Ninna Cft (29 March, 
885 A.D.) from Nagato-no-kuni, by order of the Dajokwan 
(or government), one miner and one smelter were sent to 
Bungo-no kuni to superintend the working of the copper 
mines there, as the people in that locality were not well 
up to the working of mines. 

On the 15th of 2nd month of 2nd year of Ninna Cftl (24 
March, 886 A.D.) it was decided that from the ist 
month of this year every month 4000 mon or cash should 
be allowed by the Okurashd -kWi^ (Finance Dept.) for the 
private table expenses of His Majesty. 

In Emperor Uda TennO's ¥lr:^S reign, in the 5th 
month ist year of Kwampei K^ (June, 889 A.D.) the cash 
called Kwampei-taihO JK^^fcW was made, and the model 
for the characters on the coin was written by the hand of the 
Udaijtn (3rd Minister of the Court) Sugawara Michizane 
"ff W iS R and these cash were : 

See No. 25. It has a diameter of 6 6m = 18} mm. and 
weight of 7//i« 5 nn =43.72 grs. troy. 

See No. 26. It has a diameter of 6 hu = i^\ mm. and 
weight of 5 /«w = 29.15 grs. tory. 

See No. 27. It has a diameter of 6 6m = i8j^ mm. and 
weight of 4/«« = 23.32 grs. troy. 

Of this coin different sizes were made and thus they 
varied also in weight ; there were some made of a diameter 
of 6 hu 5 rin or 20 mm. and weighing 9 fun or 52.47 grs. 
troy, and some of i momme i fun of weight or 64.16 grs. 
troy. 

In Emperor Daigo Tenno's BIB8!^S reign, in the 3rd 
year of EngiSS (903 A.D.) it was prohibited to buy 
secretly any articles from China ; and with regard to 
the above prohibition the proclamation of His Majesty of 
the ist of 8th month of that year (25th August, 903 A.D.) 



450 VAN DE POLDETi: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

was as follows : ** From what I have heard, lately when a 
Chinese merchant-ship comes, before the official envoy 
of the ship has been np to the Court, from the ten>ples 
and Miyay from the daimyd and ministers, emissaries are 
sent to buy things up with great eagerness, and the weal- 
thy people of Kyoto also desirous to get articles from far 
lands at any high price can not get them. This leads to 
the fact that these articles come to have no price, that 
there is no market value for them. The fault of all 
this mismanagement is greatly due to the bad admini 
stration of the custom officials who do not fulfil their 
duties. The article of the law seems to be forgotten, 
where it is said that any one who, before the government 
have given their approval, does any commercial transac- 
tions secretly with the hanjin (savages or foreigners) will 
be considered as a thief, judged accordingly and be con- 
demned to 3 years hard labour." 

" It is further said, that before the government have 
performed the necessary transactions any one who secretly 
does make purchases from the people of foreign countries, 
will have said articles confiscated ; the person who gives 
the information of it will get one half the government 
taking the other half, but if found out by the government 
everything goes to the latter. My desire is thus that the 
regulations be well observed by the officials, who should 
always keep their eyes well open ; by the little attention 
paid to the rules by the officials, the people are led to 
misbehave, consequently until we permit transactions 
openly and in general, the existing rules must be strictly 
followed and any one who, contrary to this, does any tran- 
sactions secretly, will have not only his things confiscated 
but will be heavily punished beside." 

On the 3rd of nth month of 7th year of Engi 9£ 9 (10 
Dec. 907 A.D.) by order of His Majesty the cash Kwampei- 
taih5 )K^':fcW was minted over again and the coin newly 
made from it was called Engi-tsuhO SSiflW. This was 
put in circulation and one of these new coins was decided 
to be worth 10 of the old. This cash was made from this 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 45I 

year up to the ist year of Tentoku ^W (957 A.D.) and the 
model of the characters on it was written by Emperor 
Daigo Tenn6 BIBJ^a. 

Three different kinds were made as follows : 

See No. 28. Diameter 6 bti or iSJ^ mm.; weight i 
momme or i 58.53 grs. troy. 

See No. 29. Diameter 6 hu or 18J mm.; weight 7 fun 
or i 40.81 grs. troy. 

See No. 30. Diameter 6 hu or 18J mm.; weight 5 fun 

5 tin or i 32.06 grs. troy. 

At this time some coin of this same denomination was 
made of lead, and some of it must still exist. 

In the work Dai-nihonshi "k B^i, we find a petition 
of the great savant of the Court, Miyoshi Kiyotsura S# 
tfijf in which the last named minister advises His Majesty 
to order a stop to the existence of a class of people which 
took all to a sort of priestlike kind of a life, shaving their 
heads, but having habits and characters worse than brutes ; 
he said two thirds of the population had joined in this 
league, these people or so-called priests would act entirely 
like thieves and ruffians when in number, and they were 
the people that made the false coins of the Engi period. 
They were called Tosentd K ^ ^. 

On the 13th of loth month 8th year of Engi S S (9 Nov. 
908 A.D.) the new coin was offered up to the different 
temples. 

In the 5th year of EnchO SS (927 A.D.) the law called 
Engi-shiki S S A, or the Laws of Form of the Engi Period, 
was promulgated. 

In the time of the reign of Emperor Shujaku TennO 
^^^S on the 22nd of loth month 3rd year of Tenkei 
l/tBt (24th Nov. 940 A.D.) one Fujiwara-no Sumitomo If JR 
KISC created a rebellion, he took and burned the place 
called Dazaifu, and the 7th of nth month (8 Dec. .940. 
A.D.) the same Sumitomo burned the mint in Suw6. 
(This disturbance or rebellion was created by both one 
Taira-no Masakado who was governor or Daijd of Kazusa 
and the above named Fujiwara Sumitomo who was govcr- 



452 VAN DE polder; copper coins of japan. 

nor or Daij6 of Shikoku. Masakado was dissatisfied with 
his position ; he had in Ky6to solicited for the post of Kebi- 
ishi tttif StiC or governor of Kyoto (or this title might 
be better translated by Head of the Police), but this post 
he did not obtain ; he and Sumitomo were made then 
DaijO of the provinces as above mentioned, and the day 
of their separation and leaving Ky6to for their respective 
posts, Masakado said to his friend Sumitomo, "We are 
living in an exciting period ; I am one of the last Taira 
or HeishinnO ^|I3E or Heishi Prince; your name is Fuji- 
wara and consequently you belong to the old kerai or servi- 
teurs family, you be my kerai and assist me in my scheme 
which consists in taking Ky6to and overthrowing the Em- 
peror, and when I am Emperor you shall be Dajddaijin or 
premier. In two or three years we may do it by attacking 
Kyoto each from a different direction or each from his 
side, the one from north and the* other up from south, 
now we go and take possession of our posts." Masakado 
was thus to the north of KyOto being in Kazusa, and 
Sumitomo to the south being in Shikoku. These were 
really the first, and we can say the only, revolutionists 
who wanted to overthrow the Emperor. They for a long 
time made their preparations, and Sumitomo began his 
operations from the south northwards with the force he 
had been able to accumulate in boats, attacked Dazaifu, 
burned and plundered the place, and fought up to Suw6 
where he burned the mint. The rebellion of this pirate army 
as they were called, lasted for about six years but it was 
finally subdued in Shikoku without the leader being able 
to came up to Kyoto. Masakado was fighting his way 
down from north southwards ; he took the whole of Kazusa 
and ShimOsa which he put under his rule; he made his 
castle in ShimOsa in the place called Sarujima; and the 
remains of this castle are still to be seen. (It seems he 
put also Musashi under his rule, but he did not pass the 
Hakone ranges, and it was when he wanted to put JOshu 
under his rule that he was defeated by the governor of 
KOzuke or the KOzuke-no Daijd named Tawara TOda 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 453 

Hidesato, who organised a Strong army and by whom 
Masakado was killed, this putting a stop to his rebellion 
which lasted about fivt years.) 

During the reign of Emperor Murakami Tennd 44 ± ^ ft 
on the 25th of 3rd month of 2nd year of Tentoku fitR (16 
April, 938 A.D.) the coin called Engi-tsuhd ^SttV was 
replaced and the new coin called Kengen-taih6 iftjt'kV 
was made. The model of the characters of this coin was 
written by the Imperial Prince AhO Yasuyuki ShinnO W{R 

Two kinds were made as follows : 

See No. 31. Diameter 6 6« = i8J mm.; weight y /un=i 
40.81 grs. troy. 

See No. 32. Diameter 6 bu=siSj^ mm.; weight ^fnn^ 
29.15 grs. troy. 

. According to a law which was promulgated the 28th of 
3rd month 2nd year of Tentoku :??J8 (28 April, 958 A.D.) 
some of this same coin was made of lead. Now from 
this time to about 600 years later or up till the period 
ofTensh6^jE (1573-91 A.D.) we find in different books 
that in Emperor Godaigo TennO's reign (1319-37 A.D.) 
there was a coin called Kenkon-tsuh6 tt^ilV in circula- 
tion. This was in the time that the Imperial Court was 
divided into the North and South Courts, still not one of 
these coins has yet been found ; and during that time and for 
many years, the old coin formerly made in Japan and 
further mostly cash imported from China were all that was 
used. The quantity that was imported from abroad must 
have been very great, still the amount is not known. 

During this time affairs being very unsettled and the 
government not minting any coin, many imitations must 
have been and were made of the Chinese coins by private 
individuals ; and this being the case and not finding any 
reliable records about the minting of coin during about 600 
years after the last made here, we can speak with some 
certainty only of the coins made from the period of WadO 
fpPI (708-14 A.D.) till that called Kengen-taihO Kx':fcW 
(958 A.D.) as described already. 



456 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

to the other Emperor. For instance according to the work 
called Nosei-honron ^ift^Jfi in the time of Emperor 
Shirakawa Tenn6 6 IBl^S (1073-1129 A.D.) His Majesty 
had large and small idols made to the amount of over 
3000, and this is without counting what the priests had 
made of cash and others. This was the Emperor who said 
that the whole of Japan was obeying him except the Kamo- 
gawa or the Kamo River in KyOto and the priests of Eizan 
tXUl (a mountain behind Kyoto). 

In the reign of Emperor Gohorikawa Tenn5 Ui^^^Sk 
(1222-32 A.D.) in the 2nd year of Karoku jfi jj^ ist of the 
8th month (25 Aug. 1226 A.D.) coin was used again, and 
the exchange of articles or business transaction by barter 
was prohibited ; and although the state of affairs in this 
country was far from being quiet as they were in the very 
restless and revolutionary time of the Hoj6 family, who 
did entirely according to their own will, we find that de- 
crees were promulgated as on the 24th of 6th month 2nd 
year of Kwangi JIB (4 Aug. 1230 A.D.) fixing the price of 
rice at 1000 tnon for a koku or 2j picul. 

In the period of Emperor Shij6 Tenno BB R j'J S in the 
1st year of of Katei tkM (1235 A.D.) in Kamakura a large 
bell was made of copper coin. 

On the 29th of 6th month (15 July, 1235 A.D.) of this 
year 30,000 copper coins more were added for the recasting 
of a bell which had been made in the middle of that 
month, but which casting had not succeeded well, and in 
which already 300,000 coins had been used. This is ac- 
cording to the work called Aznma-kagami KK and was 
probably the same bell as mentioned before. 

In the period of Emperor Gofukakusa Tenn6 ^W%%9l 
on the nth of loth month 6th year of Kencho IIS (22nd 
Nov. 1254 A.D.) and according to the above same book, 
a decree was promulgated fixing the price of i horse load 
of charcoal at 100 mon or cash. 

In the time of Emperor Kameyama Tenno llUli^ft on 
the loth of gth month of 3rd year of KOchO 3A S (13 Oct. 
1263 A.D.), by Imperial decree it was prohibited to use 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 457 

any more the kirisen or cut coin. (This shows that there 
must have been copper cut coin as well as gold and silver 
cut coin which consisted of long thin pieces of metal of 
which just the quantity required for payment was cut. It 
is a pity that some drawing of it is not given in any of 
the works I have consulted). 

In the time of Emperor Gouda Tenn6 K ¥^'^S in the 
3rd year of Kenji ftfS (1277 A.D.) some merchants were 
sent to Gen S or China with gold in order to get copper 
cash for it, as cash was wanted in this country and no 
more was made at this time. 

It was in the China Gen tB period that people went 
over with gold to exchange it against copper coin. Later 
on Ashikaga Yoshimitsu or 3rd Ashikaga (1394-1408 A.D.), 
sent gold to China, in the Min Wl period and copper cash 
was obtained in exchange. In Ashikaga Yoshinori's time 
(the 6th 1429-41 A.D.) copper cash was also received 
or sent from Min or China, and later in Ashikaga Yoshi- 
masa's time, (the 8th 1449-90 A.D.) three times copper 
coin was received from Min or China. During this time 
as is seen a great deal of copper coin was always in 
circulation in Japan, but as in the last years none was 
made here it had to come from abroad, and in revenge a 
great quantity of gold and silver was exported to foreign 
countries as is well known. From years gone by, by Japan 
gold and silver were always very highly appreciated, they 
were used very little, and if used in payment of anything 
they were weighed out by small quantities, but they were 
never lawfully allowed in that time to be used as a currency. 
There were some gold and silver coins, but they were very 
rare and hardly used at all. The only things gold and silver 
were used for in those times were for making ornamenta- 
tions for temples and idols, playthings and small ornaments 
for decorating saddles and harnesses, habiito or helmets, 
gusokn or armour, dresses, swords, and for other orna- 
mental purposes also as decorations or rewards to persons 
who had distinguished themselves. They were also used 
for presents to foreign countries, to show a proof of 



458 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

friendly relations. So in reality the only money that was 
in circulation among the people was the copper coin ; 
there was always enough in circulation, without being 
obliged to use gold or silver, but more and more times 
changed, and as years went on, the wants grew larger, and 
as copper cash was no longer sufficient to meet the wants, 
gold and silver monies were bound to come in use. 

It is however only in the period of Tensho :^ IE (1573- 
92 A.D.) that the minting of gold and silver coin com- 
menced on a great scale, and in nearly all the provinces 
each daimyo had some made. 

Now from this Tensho :^ IE period till Kwanyei %fk 
time (1624-40 A.D.) when the introduction of foreign 
religion was strictly prohibited, a great many foreign ves- 
sels used to come to Japan, and still there seemed not to 
be any special prohibition against their landing as they 
used to arrive at any seaport, and moreover daimyds and 
rich merchants had themselves also ships which were sent 
out to do commerce with foreign lands ; and as for such 
purposes only copper coin could not be used, for these 
reasons also the minting -of gold and silver was done on 
a much larger scale, as great quantities were required for 
the transaction of business abroad. 

In the time of Emperor Godaigo Tenn6 SSBISB^S in 
the 1st year Kemmu S^ (i334 A.D.) the copper coin 
called Kenkon-tsuh5 K JtilW was minted. 

On the 28th of 2nd month of this year (3 March, 1334 
A.D.) His Majesty jn his decree with regard to this coin 
said : ** In our Empire coins were minted in former years, 
from the year Temmpei-h6ji Jt^V^ (757 A.D.) till 
the year Tentoku ^M (957 A.D.) and during that time 
over ten times the coins were reminted or new ones made ; 
but since many years now a great quantity of foreign coin 
has been introduced and used by the people, and it is still 
all over in circulation, while coins of the country are not 
used. This is a great mistake and disadvantage ; conse- 
quently, in order to comply with the wants of the country, 
the government will mint this new coin for the benefit 



VAN DB polder: COPPER COINS OP JAPAN. 459 

and usage of the people. The characters on it will be 

Kenkon-tsuhd tif^UVt and it is hereby ordered that 

this coin be used and circulat<»d the same as the other 
coins and as the paper money." 

The above is according to the book Dainihonshi 

As is said here the coin that was in circulation in the 
Empire at that time, was for the greatest part all coin 
imported from abroad, and this was a quite newly minted 
coin in Japan ; but what kind of a coin it was or how 
this new Kenkon-tsiihO looked are not known as we have 
not been able to find a specimen of it yet. 

Now taking into consideration that the reign of this Em- 
peror was very short, that soon after commenced the 
great revolutions and division of the Imperial Court into 
South and North branches, it is most probable that the 
government had not had the opportunity of having much 
of this coin minted ; and consequently, as the government 
was only a short time in His Majesty's hands after this 
when the revolution broke out again, much of it cannot 
have been put in circulation. Hence the reason why it is 
difficult to find any specimen of it. 

In the time of Emperor Gokomatsu 'TennO K<l>%^ft 
on the 13th of 5th month of 8th year of Oyei IB 3R (24 June, 
1401 A.D.) Sh6gun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (or 3rd) sent a 
letter to the Emperor of Min W (China) and 1000 ry6 in 
pure gold and other things. 

In the loth year of Oyei B fR (h^S A.D.) Chinese ships 
laden with coin arrived at Sagami, and these coins were 
taken and put in circulation in the district. 

In that year, says the work entitled Kokka-kingin- 
sempu BSdtBHM Chinese ships arrived at Miura in 
Sagami, the ships being heavily laden with Chinese copper 
coin. Ashikaga Mitsukane, who was then governing 
Kamakura, took the coin and had it put in circulation 
in his district. 

The copper coin called Eirakusen IKMH was a coin 
from abroad or rather from China. This coin's being 



460 VAN DB POLDER : COPPER COINS OP JAPAN. 

of a very good quality, wras the reason why it was used 
for 80 long in Japan. From there came also the custom 
or habit of the Ei or ^ price or Ei 3R way of counting, 
as the prices of things differed according to which coin 
they were calculated for, and in fact at the time this coin 
was taken as the standard coin for any calculation. 

In every book which may be consulted, it is said that 
the Chinese ships brought Eiraku coin, this would lead 
us to believe that none but this kind was imported; still 
that is wrong, as other coins were shipped to Japan also, 
it may be true that the greater part was Eirakusen, but 
cash of other denominations came also in by great quanti- 
ties from China, so it would be better to call the imported 
coin simply China coin. 

The Eiraku coin was only made from the gth year of 
Eiraku (1411 A.D.) and as since many years before that 
Japan received great quantities of China coin, it is im- 
possible that only Eiraku cash could have been imported. 

There are difierent reports as regards the quantity of 
cash received by the Kamakura government from these 
Chinese ships, so the true amount is not known ; still 
from letters found of ShOgun Ashikaga Yoshimasa (the 8th) 
it is shown that great quantities of cash were received 
from China during the period of Eiraku (1403-24 A.D.), 
so it is supposed that the shipment, which was bound for 
Osaka or Sakai purposed to be forwarded to KyOto, and 
which by mistake landed at Miura in Sagami, contained 
quite a big value of coin and which Ashikaga Mitsukane, 
governor of Kamakura must have been pleased to make 
use of. 

This Eiraku coin being of very good quality, very soon 
all round in KwantO or Kwan-hasshil (the eight province 
north of the Hakone ranges, or Sagami, Musashi, K6zuke, 
Shimozuke, Kazusa, ShimOsa, Awa, and Hitachi,) the 
people would not receive any other coin but this, and 
refused to take that which was called bitasen or the old 
Japanese-made cash at the same rate. 

It got so far that many disputes and fights took place 



VAN DB POLDER : COPPER COINS OP JAPAN. 46Z 

about this coin question, so H6jd Nagamasa, then governor 
oftheKwant6 province (1502-8 A.D.), who had taken the 
power in hand of his own accord, promulgated a decree 
ordering that one Eiraku coin should be worth 4 bitasen 
and the coins were to be used in circulation as such. 

From this time then all the bitasen made their way 
down to Kyoto where they took the name of kydsen and 
in KwantO provinces only the Eiraku 5k9tVk was used. 
. The copper Eiraku-tsuh6 JKIRiSV or Eiraku-sen is as^ 
follows : 

See No. 33. Diameter 8 6« = 24i mm.; weight z 
momme i pun = 6^,16 grs. troy. 

See No. 34. Diameter 8 6^ = 24^ mm.; weight i 
momm<? = 58.33 grs. troy. 

See No. 35. Diameter 8 6m = 24^ mm.; weight 8 /ww = 
46.64 grs. troy. 

Of these Eirakusen there were difU'erent sorts, still all of 
the same size of 8 bu in diameter or 2^J mm. They used 
oi)ly to dilVer in weight and the best quality and the most 
in demand were those of course of i momme and over. 

In the time of Emperor Gohanazono TennO t&PiWi^A 
in the 6th month of 6th year of EikyO ^ t- (July, 1434 A.D.) 
an embassy came from Min (China) bringing 300,000 kufan 
of cash or 300,000,000 copper coin, according to the book 
Zoku-kdchd-shtryaku fl[ S $!B ^ C 

In the 7th month of 3rd year of H6toku Vffi (July, 1451 
A.D.) from the Ryukyu people came a present of 1000 
kivan of copper cash or looooo, cash which ShOgun Ashi- 
kaga Yqshimasa (the 8th) presented to His Majesty. 

In the 5th year of Kwanshd KIE (1464 A.D.) ShOgun 
Ashikaga Yoshimasa sent a letter to the Emperor of China 
Min V} asking for copper coin in return. 

In this year ShOgun Yoshimasa wrote a letter to the 
Emperor of China Min W in which he said that during 
the period of Eiraku China had sent a great quantity of 
copper cash, but he found that in late years she had not 
done so, consequently the financial offices were all in 
great want and could not come to the assistance of the 



464 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

where in Art. i it was said that the putting in circulation 
of bad cash was prohibited and in Art. 2 of same, it 
was said that of late years, people had the habit of 
sorting the cash which was very wrong and bad for t^e 
interest of business, and every one was ordered to use 
the cash old or new which came from China, all on the 
same standing. 

During the period above mentioned nearly all the cash 
in circulation was from China, so if there were any bad 
cash, it must have been some that were broken or some 
on which the characters were not very readable, moreover 
it will have probably been also those made in Japan as 
many imitations were made. • 

In the work called Senka-kagami iKttK it is said that 
in the time of the war when Yamana-uji Ul£R made 
his entry into Kyoto (1450-70 A.D.) Yamana had some 
bronze Buddha statues melted and had coin made of them ; 
these also are believed to have been the bad cash referred 
to in the above decree (and the saying that old or new, all 
cash from China were to be used, in the same way, meant 
that all were to be used as even difterent sorts of cash 
came from China). 

In the 1st year of Eisho 3RjE (1504 A.D.) the cash in 
use in the province of Aizu "fr^ was that called Taikan- 
tsuho ':^Kial V as is said in the work called Aizu-shika- 
goko t^J^raiKw^, and according to the information 
found in the diary of the temple MyohOji W»ii^ in the 
province of Kai fp4P, in that province in the 24th year of 
Tembun :?t 3fe (1556 A.D.) there was a cash in use which 
the people called Sen-nankin ^Am (or Nankin or China 
coin), but this must have been the Chinese Kiraku and 
other China coin which were in quantity in use in many 
places. 

In the time of Emperor Ogimachi Tenno jERWI^'^fi in 
autumn of 13th year of TenshO :^jE (1485 A.D.) Toyotomi 
Hideyoshi gave out to the daimyos -kS and shomyds *bS 
5000 gold mat or obans and 30,000 ginniai or silver tnai 
(i gold mat had 43 momme weight of gold or 2508.19 grs. 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 465 

troy or 161-53 grammes, and silver mat had a weight of 
43 momme also, and a daimyd was a feudal chief with 
an income of over 10,000 koku of rice, and a shdmyd was 
one with an income of under 10,000 koku of rice, a koku 
being 2J picul). 

In the annals of Toyotomi Hideyoshi we find that in the 
5th month of 17th year of Tensh6 •:^iE (1589 A.D.) the 
Kwamhaku had distributed out up to a value of some 
365,000 ryds in gold and silver, but this was probably given 
out on two occasions. 

In the same works it is said that it was in the i6th year 
of TenshO :^ IE (1588 A.D.) that the first 6han and koban 
were made. In the work called HCkwa-jiryaku VttW 
it is said also with regard to the denomination of mai 
which is used for them, that these coins were made already 
before that time, and that the Oban and the silver coin 
called chdgin etc. were existing, and that the dban must 
be considered as having existed already from the time of 
Ota Nobunaga (1556-82 A.D.). But whatever may be 
said in different books about it, the real shape of these 
gold coins, or their kinds if any, was not known before the 
TenshO "jf^iE period which began in 1573 A.D., and it is 
only since that period that the shape, kinds and quantities 
of those coins did decidedly become known. 

In the time of Emperor Goy6zei TennO tSUjA^ft in 
the 15th year of TcnshO ^iE (1587 A.D.) the coin called 
TenshO-tsuhO :^IEilW was made in two kinds one of 
silver and the other of copper, says the book Sen-i Jftit 
and the Sankwa-zui Htt Hit. 

The silver coin was : 

See No. 36. Diameter 7 bu 5 rin or=23 mm.; weight 
I momme 8 rin or 62.99 grs. troy or about 15 sen. 

The copper coin : 

See No. 37. Diameter 8 bu or 24J mm.; weight 8 bu 
5 rin or 49.56 grs. troy. 

In the work called Konyd-manroku RMMft it is said 
that in this TenshO ^lE and Keichd KS period the 
people in KwantO (environs of Yedo) had made some lead 



466 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

coins which they were circulating and using, so this shows 
that at this time lead coins were in circulation also. 

To show that there was a gold piece in the shape of 
an oban before those known as being made in Hideyoshi's 
time, the Dainihon-kwaheishi -fc R >js Vf ffif S6 gives a passage 
out of the work called Sankwa-zui HVf ■id, in which it 
is said that in the Hoyei W3R period (1704-10 A.D.) a 
farmer of Seki (Sekigahara) while digging, found an 6han 
of nearly pure gold, of which the natural size is given and 
which was : 

Length 4 sun 9 hu 5 rin or 15 cm., width 3 sun 5 rin or 
9 cm. and 3 J mm.; its weight was 44 momme 7 fun 
(or equal to about 2607-33 grs. troy or about 165-29 gram- 
mes. This piece was then considered worth 10 ryd, but 
would have a value as gold now of over j^u 156.45). It 
had no stamp nor any characters on it. 

It was taken by this farmer to an exchange place in 
Ky6to where it was decided that it was the gold dban 
without letters or stamp made in the time of Ota Nobunaga 
and of which they used to cut pieces when any payment 
had to be made, but these 6han had not been much in 
circulation. 

In the period of TenshO :^jE in Hideyoshi's time gold 
and silver coins, were made the same shape as the copper 
cash with the inscription of Eiraku-tsuh6 ^SliSW on 
it ; these coins were also used in K6shu, for we find in the 
Annals by KondO-Morishige jfiW*9rfilllE that in the loth, 
year TenshO ^lE (1582 A.D.) the daimyd of KOshu, Takeda 
Katsuyori, made a present to the people of Kdshn gold and 
of 15 silver Eiraku coins. 

In the work called Zokn-honchO'tsngan DiTi^fR^AfSbitx^ 
said, that in the 18th year of Tensho JilE (1590 A,D.) 
Hideyoshi used to go out on the battle field with a string 
of gold cash, which he used to distribute to those who 
won a battle ; further in the work called Yashi Rf £ it 
is said also that Hideyoshi every time he was going out, 
used to have a bag with silver cash with him, but, as 
is said in the work Sankwa-zui H Vf ■ lIR, these gold and 



VAN UE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN, 467 

silver Eiraku coins which were minted under Hideyoshi 
in the TenshO period became in use in all the provinces 
although Hideyoshi generally used them only as compen- 
sation for bravery in war. 

In the 1st year of Bunroku 3ficM (1592 A.D.) also in 
Hideyoshi's time the coin called Bunroku-tsuho AJSUJV 
was minted ; two kinds were made, the silver and the 
copper ; the former : 

See No. 38 had a diameter of 7 bu or 2ij^ mm.; 
weight unknown ; and the copper. 

See No. 39. Its size and weight are unknown to the 
present time although it seems it was generally in circulation. 
In the time of Emperor GoyOzei TennO SJWjS^S in 
the ist month of 9th year of Keichd Kg (Febr. 1604 A.D.) 
by decree of the Court, it was ordered that one Eiraku 
coin was to be used in future for 4 bitasen Mt^ (these 
bitasen were the cash really made in Japan and which 
were called the bad coin, the character Bita A means bad 
or shameful metal). 

In this time also conformably to an order of Tokugawa- 
uji one koban of one ry6 gold was worth i kwammon of 
Eirakusen or 1000 Eiraku cash, and 250 Eirakusen were 
worth one Ichibu (which shows at what a high price or 
value, copper cash was held). 

In the nth year of Keicho Kfi (1606 A.D.) a coin called 
Keicho-tsuhd K 3 19 V of copper was minted : 

Till this, as has been seen, the Eirakusen or coin was 
mostly in use but when this new cash was made by order 
of the court this was to be put in circulation at the same 
rate as the Eiraku coin. 

Since the year before this or 1605 A.D. the mines in 
the province of Izu #@. had produced a great deal of gold 
and silver, consequently one named Okubo Ch6an *AAft 
A 4? was appointed director of those mines, and on the 
i8th of 6th month nth year of KeichO KS (22 July, 1606 
A.D.), to one named Watanabe Bingo |ftttf|@! was given 
the order to make further researches after gold and silver 
mines says the book called Tokugawa-jikki iB )l| V8C. 



468 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

Of this KeichO coin some were made of silver : 

See No. 40. Diameter y bu ^ rin==2^ mm.; weight 
I tnomme i />ttw =63.76 grs. troy, the copper coin was: 

See No. 41. Diameter 7 6w 5 r/n = 23 mm.; weight 6 
pun 2 n« =35.94 grs. troy. 

In the 12th month of 13th year of Keicho (Jan. 1609 A.D.) 
by order of the Court the circulation of the Eirakusen was 
prohibited and this was done because although by Im- 
perial decree the Bitasen (or bad coin) was ordered to be 
used on the same scale as the Eirakusen yet the people 
would keep on discarding the Bitasen, 

In the 14th year of KeichO K B (1609 A.D.) the value of 
gold, silver and other metals was decided upon and a new 
pecree was promulgated prohibiting the circulation of the 
Eirakusen. 

It was in the 7th month (July, 1609 A.D.) of this year 
that the value was decided ; gold one ryo was to be worth 
I kwammon of Eirakusen or 1000 Eiraku cash and 4 kwam- 
mon of kyosen or Japanese cash of KyOto. Further i ryo 
gold was decided to be worth 50 me of silver (this would 
be to-day, as one me or momme silver is at an average of 
13 sen^^to yen 6.50 the gold ryo). 

In the 8th month (Sept. 1609 A.D.) a new Imperial 
decree was promulgated, prohibiting again the circulation 
of the Eirakusen, and this was necessary because as for 
payment of taxes the government offices in Suruga and in 
Yedo had accepted Eirakusen from the people and farmers, , 
they thinking the circulation was allowed again, recom- 
menced to use it amongst themselves, but then a stop was 
put to it. 

(The idea was not so bad, as naturally Eirakusen was 
known to be the best coin, the people preferred it to the 
other, which the government wanted absolutely the people 
to use the same as the Eirakusen, and now prohibiting the 
use of this good coin the government on the other side 
were quite willing naturally to accept it in payment 
of taxes.). 

In the reign of Emperor Gomizuo Tenno 8f ♦IS^fi in 



VAN DB POLDER : COPPER COINS OP JAPAN. 469 

the 2nd year of Genna xfp in the 5th month (June, x6i6 
A.D.) an Imperial decree appeared, fixing; the rate of sen 
or cash at xooo or i kwan for i bu gold and prohibiting 
any one from rejecting any sen or cash except the six 
kinds hereafter mentioned, and if any one should be found 
guilty of rejecting any other cash, that person would re- 
ceive a stigma or burnt mark on the face. The six kinds 
admitted to be rejected were : 

1. Pieces badly broken or with big pieces out of them. 

2. Cracked pieces which were generally mended with 
paper and so held together. 

3. Pieces on which the inscription was illegible. 

4. Newly made false pieces. 

5. Pieces badly made ; too small. 

6. Lead pieces. 

In the 3rd year of Genna xfn (16x7 A.D.) the cash 
called Genna-tsuhO xfnttW was minted. They were 
made in two sorts, silver and copper. 

Regarding this period, we find in the work called TokU' 
frnwa-jikki ffMIKRC a decree which appeared on the 20th 
of 5th month of above year (23 June, 1617 A.D.) fixing 
the travelling expenses along the TOkaidO or rather 
the lodging fee, and deciding it to be in each stopping 
place, per one person for one night 4 kyd oash or Japanese 
KyOto-made cash, and for one horse 8 cash, but if the 
traveller should bring his own wood (for boiling his rice), 
the inn keeper could only charge in that case, the half of 
the above fee. 

The copper cash above named was : 

See No. 42. Diameter 7 bu 5 tin or 23 mm.; weight 
g/un or 52.47 grs. troy. 

Again on the 12th of 2nd month 4th year of Genna %fp 
(7 March, 1618 A.D.), this was in the time of the 2nd 
ShOgun Tokugawa Hidetada, a new decree appeared pro- 
hibiting the rejection of other cash but the six kinds 
already mentioned before, and as people seemed still to 
go on with the habit of rejecting, the punishment of the 
stigma or burnt-mark on the face was again promulgated. 



470 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

Further it was anew decreed that the value of one ry6 
would be 4 hwammon or 4000 cash and any one who should 
disobey this latter decree would have the whole amount of 
the transaction confiscated, both parties to be dealt with in 
the same way, besides where such an infringer of the law 
should be found, the village officer would be fined 5 hwam- 
mon or 5000 cash and each house of that village 100 cash. 

In the 3rd month of 8th year of Genna xft (April, 1622 
A.D.) and on the 27th of 8th month 2nd year of Kwanyei 
%% (26 Sept. 1625 A.D.) the above same decree with 
punishment and fines had to be repeated. 

In the I2th month of 4th year of Kwanyei % % (Jan. 1628 
A.D.) in each province a director of the mines and of 
finance was appointed. 

In the 6th month of 13th year of Kwanyei % % (July, 1636 
A.D.) the new copper cash called Kwanyei-tsuh6 KKilV 
was made and put in circulation on the same footing as 
the former cash. One named Doi Oi-no-kami Toshikatsu 
±ff ':fct^KflI iS was appointed director for the minting of 
this coin. In the same month, by decree, it was promul- 
gated that this coin would be minted in two places, in 
Sakamoto S* of the Province Omi ?SU and in Yedo 
VX ^, and that it was prohibited to privately make it in 
any other place. It was decreed also that the new as well 
as the old cash would have to circulate at the rate of 4 
hwammon or 4000 cash for one ryo gold, and if any one 
should be found to make any difference in the value of these 
cash, the person so found guilty would have double the 
amount of the transaction confiscated and the officer of 
the village would be fined 200 pxht or 2000 cash and each 
household of the same village 10 pihi or 100 cash : further 
the prohibition of rejecting any cash other but the 6 sorts 
already mentioned and any other infraction, would be 
punished by the offender being exposed for 3 days on the 
public road or by getting 10 days imprisonment ; the punish- 
ment for the rest of the district or village of the offender 
would be the same as above mentioned. 

The above Kwanyei-tsuhO Jl f:ii W cash were : 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 47I 

1. See No. 43. Diameter 7 6w 5 rin =or 23 mm.; 
weight 9/«n=or 52.47 grs. troy which was made in Shiba 
2 in Yedo. 

2. See No. 44. Diameter 8 bu =zor 24J mm.; weight 9 
fun or =52.47 grs. troy which was made in Sakamoto, Omi. 

3. See No. 45. Diameter 8 bu=OT 24J mm.; weight i 
momme or 58.33 grs. troy which was made in Asakusa, 
Yedo. 

4. See No. 46. Diameter 8 bu^ov 24J mm.; weight i 
wiomm^ = 58.33 grs. troy which were made in Asakusa at 
Yedo. 

The last kind has a round dot at the back above the 
square hole. These two last mentioned coins were made 
from the 13th year of Kwanyei Jl* till the period of 
Meireki.WIB or 1655-57 A.D. As this Kwanyei-tsuhO 
K fill W coin was made in many different places and during 
many years, it has been impossible to ascertain how many 
were really minted, but one thing has been ascertained, and 
that is that in the Ansei ^fk period (1854-59 A.D.) the 
Bakufu or Tokugawa government had in its vaults alone 
2,114,246,283 of these coins, which amount taken at the 
then rate of 6000 for a yen represented about 352,375 yens. 

In the 8th year of Kwambun J|* (1668 A.D.) a coin 
Kwanyei-tsuhO was made : 

See No. 47. Diameter 8 6m = 24^ mm.; weight 9 fun 
or =5 2. 49 grs. troy. 

This coin was made in KyOto of the bronze Daibutsu 
statue, which was melted for that purpose. The minting 
of this coin was kept up till the period of Tenwa ^fc 
(1681-83 A.D.) and in order to define it from the other 
Kwanyei-tsuhO coin, it had the character bun * on the 
back above the square hole. 

In the same year or 8th year of Kwambun J|* (1668 
A.D.) another coin Kwanyei-tsiihO was made : 

See No. 48. Diameter 8 6/1=24^ mm.; weight 9 
fun or 52.47 grs. troy. 

This coin had also a small star at the back above the 
square hole, but where this coin was made is not well known. 



472 VAN DE polder: copper coins of jaean. 

Another coin Kwanyei-tsuh6 K^KilW: 

See No. 49. Diameter 8 bu = 2^^ mm.; weight x 
momme i fuH = 6^.i6 grs.troy, was made in the Kwambun 
tt* period (1661-72 A.D.) in Yedo at the place called 
Kameido tHi^ P \ some say however that this coin was 
also made in the Shotoku jElB period (1711-15 A.D.) 

Another coin K wanyei-tsiihO K !R 11 W : 

See No. 50. Diameter 8 6« = 24j mm.; weight r 
momme i pHn = 6^,i6 grs. troy was made in the 4th year 
of Genroku 5c jR (1691 A.D.) in Kameido also in Yedo. 

Two other coins Kwanyei-tsuho tt fRSW were made : 

See No. 51. Diameter 7 bu 5 n«=23 mm.; weight 7 
fun=zov 40.81 grs. troy. 

See No. 52. Diameter 7 hn 5 rin=:2^ mm.; weight 7 
/w« = 40.81 grs. troy. These two coins differ very little 
from each other as regards the formation of the characters 
on the face, their weight and diameter is the same, they 
were made one in Yedo and one in KyOto at Shichi- 
jO -fcf* in the 12th year of Genroku xi8 (1699 A.D.). 

Another kind of KwanyeitsuhO KSRiiW copper cash 
was made : 

See No. 53. Diameter 8 6^ = 24^ mm.; weight i momme 
=58.33 grs. troy. This was made in Yedo at Kameido 
from the 5th year of H6yei W * (170S A.D.) till the 4th 
year of Shotoku jE J8 (17 14 A.D.). 

In this 5th year of Hoyei W f^ (^7^^ A.D.) a large 
copper cash called H6yei-tsuh0 Taisen TfffliiW^SI or 
big cash was made, and by decree this cash was ordered to 
be used in circulation without any objections. This piece 
was worth lo of the ordinary cash and the value of copper 
coin was settled to be for i ryo gold, from 3 kwan 300 mon 
(or 3300 cash) to 4 hcan (or 4000 cash) says the work 
Tokufrawa-jikki ftOMlf 8E. In the 9th month of this year 
(Oct. 1708 A.D.) although a new decree appeared ordering 
to use this large coin the same as the gold, silver or 
other smaller coin, still the people found the use of it 
not convenient and it would not get popular. The 
people would not get accustomed to it, they were informed 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 473 

that they would be punished for not using it, and orders 
were given to report every one who should refuse to take 
it. 

This coin wa's : 

See No. 54. Diameter i sun 2 bu or 36^ mm.; weight 
2 momme ^/un or 128.32 grs. troy. 

On the back) each in a small round circle, were the fol- 
lowing 4 characters ; i was fk 2 was A 3 was Ift and 4 
was A. 

In the 6th year of HCyei W^R (1709 A.D.) or the next 
year this large coin had to be taken out of circulation. 
It is not at all surprising that the people did not like to 
use this big coin as ordered equal to 10 of the ordinary 
cash, while its real value was only about equal to 3 ordinary 
small cash. 

Another interesting point is that at this time it seemed 
that those who had coin laid aside, kept it so preciously 
and prevented it so well from coming in circulation that 
there came a scarcity of coin which was very much felt 
in the daily business transactions, and cash got even to 
be very dear, so on the 29th of loth month 6th year of 
HOyei (30 Nov. 1709 A.D.) by decree it was promulgated 
that 5000 kwan (5,000,000 cash) would be sold by public 
auction at the rice godowns of Asakusa in Yedo by the 
superintendent of these godowns. 

Another Kwanyei-tsuhO K ft ilff coin : 

See No. 55. Diameter 8 ^w=24j mm.; weight 8 fun 
=.-46.64 grs. troy. It was made in Kameido til^P at 
Yedo il^ from the commencement of ShOtoku period JEM 
(1711-15 A.D.). 

From the 4th year of Sh6toku IE 111 to the 5th year of 
ShOtoku (1714-15 A.D.) a copper coin Kwanyei-tsiihO JtfR 
SB V was made : 

See. No. 56. Diameter nearly 8 bu or 24^ mm.; and 
weight 9 /m« =52.47 grs. troy. It was made in Aikawa ¥i)\\ 
in the province of Sado (£IS B and bears on the back above 
the square hole the character {£ 5a. 

From the nth year of KyOhO tfR (1726 A.D.) a coin 



474 V^^ ^^ POLDER : COI'P£R COINS OF JAPAN. 

called also Kwanyeitsuho Kf:ilW was made in Ky6to 
or Heian ^^ (**the place of peace and tranquility*' as 
Kyoto was also called), at Shichij6 -fc tt : 

See No. 57. Diameter 8 bu=2J^^ mm.* and weight i 
>;/o;/i;if^ = 58.33 grs. troy. 

From the nth year to the 17th year of Kydhd 3^ |R 
(1726-32 A.D.) a coin called also Kwanyei-tsuhO was made 
in Yedo H P at the place called Fukagawa 91 jlj : 

See No. 58. Diameter nearly 8 ^;< = 24j mm.; weight 
8/««=or 46.64 grs. troy. 

From the 13th to the 15th year of KyOho tJSk (1728-30 
A.D.) a coin called also Kwanyei-tsuhO K jKISV was made 
at Nambamura itiS^t in the province Settsu IRWH (near 
Osaka) : 

See No. 59. Diameter 8 ^^ = 24^ mm.; weight i 

momme=^S,23 grs. troy. 

In the 13th year of Ky6h6 3|C fift (1728 A.D.) a coin also 
called Kwanyeitsuhr) K^iiff was made in Settsu }RW 
in Mutsu I^K and Sado {£!|[. Those made in Mutsu or 
Oshu were minted during 6 years in the place called 
Ishinomaki ^^ and up to an amount of 400,000 kwan 
(400,000,000 cash) were made. At the back of these cash 
is above the square hole the character sen 1|I| of Sendai. 
There were two pieces or coins made : 

See No. 60. Diameter nearly 8 bu = 2^i mm.; weight 
9/mw S W« =55.38 grs. troy. 

See No. 61. Diameter 7 J ^^ = 23 mm.; weight i 
w/o;/iw<? =58.33 grs. troy. 

In the same year a coin also called Kwanyei-tsuho as said 
before was made in the province of Sado (£18 in the place 
called Aikawa tB )M. This coin had the character sa {£ of 
Sado on the back above the square hole : 

See No. 62. Diameter 8 bH=OT 24^ mm.; weight 8 
/K«=or 46.64 grs. troy. 

In the same place at the same time was minted also 
a coin of the same denomination with also the character 
of 5a {£ on the back above the square hole : 

See No. 63. Diameter 8 6M=or 24i mm.; and weight 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 475 

I momme 5 WM=or 61.25 6^8* ^^oy and another coin of 
the same denomination and mark was made : 

See No. 64. Diameter 8 bu—i\^ mm.; and wcight-g 
fun 5 nw=»or 55.39 grs. troy. 

In the 14th year of KyOhO <:(55 (1729 A.D.) by decree 
the interest on money, gold and silver, was decided and 
was not allowed to be over 5% per year, says the work 
called Tokugawa-jikki M HI If BE, because too heavy interests 
were charged to the people, who were suffering under it, 
and this new rate of interest was to be applied on all 
borrowed moneys already from as far back as the 15th 
year of Genroku 5c jR (1702 A. D.). 

Conformably to the same book, in the 12th month 20th 
year of KyOhO tfiR (Jan. 1736 A.D.) a decree was pro- 
mulgated ordering the rice of ist quality to be sold at i 
koku 2 to s shd and the 2nd quality at i koku ^ to ^ shd 
for I ryd gold (by taking the gold ry6 as being worth then 
400 cash, rt made about 3 cash ^ for one sh6 as ist quality 
rice and 2 cash 96 or nearly 3 cash for i sh6 2nd quality 
rice, while now i sh6 of rice is about i^-^ sen). 

In the ist year Genbun 5B2flC (1736 A.D.) at the place 
called Jumantsubo +Uff at Fukagawa iRHI in Yedo & /* 
two kinds of copper Kwanyei-tsuhO coins were made, the 
first was : 

See No. 65. Diameter nearly 8 6m = or 24^ mm.; weight 
8/wn or 46.64 grs. troy which had at the back above the 
square hole the character jil + or ten. The other was 
without any character at the back : 

See No. 66. Diameter a little over 7 bu 5 nn = or 23. 
mm.; weight 8/m« or 46.64 grm. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A.D.) two copper coins also 
called Kwanyei'tsuhd JlLfKilW were made in the province 
Yamashiro Ui M'at Yoko-6ji fli ':fc S8 in Toba JA H ; one was : 

See No. 67. Diameter 7 bu 5 rin^or 23 mm.; weight 
8/Mw=or 46.64 grs. troy ; and the other : 

See No. 68. Diameter 8 bu =:or 24^ mm.; weight i 
mommc =iOr 58. 33 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A. D.) in Kommemura *httW at 



476 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

Yedo two copper coins were made bearing both at the back 
above the square hole the character ko «h ; one was : 

'See No. 6g. Diameter 7 hn 5 rin or 23 mm.; weight 
8/w« = 46.64 grs. troy; and the other: 

See No. 70. Diameter 7 bu 5 n«=?or 23 mm.; weight 
also 8 /«« = 46.64 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A.D.) a copper cash called 
KwanyeitsuhO K^iBW was made at Wakayama ^Ul in 
the province Kishu IE ff tH : 

See No. 71. Diameter 7 bu 5 nw = 23 mm.; weight 7 
fun 5 rfw = 43.72 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A.D.) a copper cash called 
Kwanyei-tsuh6 H^RifiW was also made in the province 
Kishu at the places called Udo ?IS and Nakajima 

See No. 72. Diameter over 8 bu or 24J mm.; weight 
9/m«=52.47 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A.D.) a copper cash called also 
Kwanyei-tsuho was made in the province Yamashiro UlM 
at Fushimi ^ H. (near KyOto) : 

See No. 73. Diameter nearly 7 bu 5 rin or 23 mm.; 
weight 7/m« or ^ .81 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1736 A.D) a copper cash of the same 
name Kwanyei-tsuhd was made at Sado (tlfiffl at the place 
called Aikawa fS )II and bears at the back above the square 
hole the character sa (£ ; it was : 

See No. 74. Diameter 8 bu or 24J mm.; weight T fun 
or 40.81 grs. troy. 

In this same year, 6th month (July, 1736 A.D.) with 
regard to the copper sales transactions, an order was sent 
to the governor of Nagasaki ordering him to diminish the 
numbers of Chinese ships which used to take copper away 
from that port and the number of such vessels was now 
limited to 25 in a year. 

In this year a cash called also Kwanyei-tsuh6 was made of 
iron, and a decree was promulgated prohibiting people from 
laying cash aside or from accumulating cash. As is seen 
in this time, in many places coin was made in Yedo il P 



VAN DB polder: COPPER COINS OP JAPAN. 477 

as well as in KyOto iKtV and other places, and notwith- 
standinf; this, there was not much to be found in circulation, 
which must have originated from the great quantity that 
was exported to China, so this is probably why, we find 
that a decree was promulgated in the gth month of this 
year (October, 1736 A.D.) prohibiting entirely the exporta- 
tion of cash. By this we see the entire turn of things, 
first it was Japan that wanted copper coin from China but 
now China came to purchase copper and imported even 
the copper coin from Japan. 

At this time at the mint at the place called Jiimantsubo 
+ U J1? in Fukagawa, Yedo during 7 years every year 150,000 
kwammon (or 150,000,000 cash) was minted, and at the 
mint of YokoOji flI'AK (KyOto) every year for lo years 
50,000 Kwammon (or 50,000,000 cash) was made. 

From the Gcmbun period JfX (1736 A.D.) to the KeiO 
period Hffi (1865-67 A.D.) 6,332,619,404 iron cash or coin 
were made and put in circulation. 

In the 2nd year of Gembun jttC (1737 A.D.) two pieces 
called Kwanyei-tsuhO K ff[ ill W were made in Yedo at 
Kameido ; these cash are : 

See No. 75. Diameter nearly 8 6w==or 24^ mm.; weight 
8/MW=or 46.64 grs. troy ; and : 

See No. 76. Of the same diameter and weight as 75, 
the difTerence can only be noticed by the rim of the square 
hole at the back. 

In this time more Kwanyei-tsuhO of iron were made in 
great quantities in Kameido in Yedo; every day 150 kwam- 
mon or 150,000 of those cash were turned out. 

In this same year (1737 A. D.) in Akita W: W in the pro- 
vince of Dewa UJ 11 three sorts of copper cash called 
Kwanyei-tsuhO were made ; they were : 

See No. 77. Diameter over 7 bu *5 tin or 23 mm.; 
weight 8/Mn=or 46.64 grs. troy. 

See No. 78. Diameter over 7 bu 5 rin or 23 mm.; and 
weight as No. 77. and : 

See No. 79. Diameter and weight also the same. 

Hero in Dewa tU fi in Akita ^ ffl for ten years every 



478 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

year 100,000 kwammon or 100,000,000 copper cash were 
made. In the villages Udo ¥ ^ and Nakajima 4> ft in 
the province Kii tC#S was also made a Kwanyei-tsuhS 
K Sl^il V cash from the copper of the mines Kumano ffi ff, 
and here in these two villages in 7 years 80,000 kwammon 
or 80,000,000 copper cash were made, and iron cash was 
made here also according to the records kept by one KondO 
Morishige j& 9^ ^ S. 

In this same year 2nd year of Gembun 5c3fiC (1737 A. D.) 
Yedo at Onagigawa *h^>tcjll (Honjo) was made a copper 
cash called also Kwanyei-tsuho with the character kawa )\\ 
at the back above the square hole : 

See No. 80. Diameter nearly 8 bH=ox 24! mm.; weight 
I momme 2/ww=or 69.99 S^'s- troy. 

In this same year (1737 A.D.) a copper cash called 
Kwanyei-tsuho was made in Fujisawa HliS in the province 
of Sagami ffi #! : 

See No. 81. Diameter 8 hu=or 24J mm.; weight i 
momme = or 58.33 grs. troy. 

In this same year (1737 A.D). a copper cash called also 
Kwanyei-tsuho was made at NikkO H 3t at the temple 
Jakkoji S)t # : 

See No. 82. Diameter 7 bit 5 rin or 23 mm.; weight 
y fun or 40.81 grs. troy. 

In the 3rd year of Gembun x^ (1738 A.D.) in the pro- 
vince Settsu SI if Nishinarigori BfiSSP in the village Kami- 
nakajimamura ±4* Btt near Osaka, copper Kwan3'ei-tsiih6 
cash was made. They were minted for 10 years at 100,000 
kmammon or 100,000,000 cash a year. Some iron cash 
were made also, and a copper mint was established at 
Osaka -kWL^ 

' In this year and on the 4th of 4th month (22th May, 
1738 A.D.) by decree it was promulgated and ordered that 
all the copper that was extracted in the different provinces 
out of the different copper mines, was to be sold by the 
people to the newly established copper mint in Osaka "hWi 
and was not allowed to be kept back or in possession by 
the owners. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 479 

In the same month there appeared also a decree order- 
ing that unless the copper extracted from the mines was not 
first examined by the copper mint officials and afterwards 
the necessary permission obtained from the Machi-bugyo 
HUJI^ff or governor, nobody was allowed to make any cash. 

In the same month appeared a decree informing that on 
the loth of I2th month (19 Jan. 1739 A.D.) at the govern- 
ment warehouses at Asakusa (Yedo) a sale of cash would 
take place and ordering the intending buyers to send in 
their tenders by the 8th of that month. 

In the 4th year of Gembun yclfC (1739 A.D.) a copper 
cash called Kwanyei-tsuhd K^JIW was made at the place 
called Oshiage ff ± (Honjo, Yedo) : 

See No. 83. Diameter 8 bH = 2^i mm.; weight 8 /un = 
or 46.64 grs. troy. 

From the Gembun 5c2flC period (1736 A.D.) till the Kwam- 
poJKfiS period (1743 A.D.) a copper cash Kwanyei-tsuh5 
was made in Yedo at the place called Jumantsubo +Slff 
near Fukagawa : 

See No. 84. Diameter 8 bu 5 rin=26 mm.; weight i 
momme 2 fun =^6g,gg grs. troy. 

From the Gembun 5t 3fiC period (1736 A.D.) till the Kwam- 
p6 JIfiR period (1743 A.D.) a copper cash called Kwanyei- 
tsuho was made which has the character Ichi — behind above 
the square hole, but it is not well known where it was made. 

See No. 85. Diameter nearly 7 bu 5 r/« = 23 mm.; 
weight 8/««=46.64 grs. troy. 

In the 4lh year of Gembun 5t^ (i739 A.D.) in Hirano- 
shinden ^BSrffl in Fukagawa SKJM (Yedo) in 3 years 
150,000 kwammon or 150,000,000 cash were made of 
Kwanyei-tsuho K ^ il W. 

At the village Oshiagemura Jf ±<^ at Honjo "^fR Yedo 
during 6 years from 30,000 to 70,000 kwammon or 
30,000,000 to 70,000,000 Kwanyei-tsuho cash were made, 
and at Sendai iiliS Ishinomaki ^^i during 3 years every 
year 70,000,000 cash Kwanyei-tsuho were made. 

In the 4th month of this year (May, 1739 A.D.) the dai- 
my6 of Nambu or Nambu Toshimi BlfflJflliS put the copper 



480 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

mines that were in his dominions, at the disposal of the 
Government and forwarded the copper that was produced, 
to the ports of Osaka and Nagasaki. 

In the ist year of KwampoKS (1741 A.D.) a copper 
cash was made at Kozu ^ S in the province of Settsu SkW 
(Osaka). This piece, of which 3 designs are given, is called 
also Kwanyei-tsuhO ; they are all three of same size and 
have the character gen 5t at the back above the square hole, 
because it is noted that the order for minting these cash had 
been given in the Gembun 7C3fiC period or the year before 
(1740 A.D.). Yearly 200,000 kwammon or 200,000,000 of 
these cash were made according to the work called Sen- 
kivd-johosho S6W±t2Sand that called Kondo Morishige 
Hikki IS » ^ 1 » IE. 

See Nos. 86, 87 and 88. Diameter 7 bu 5 r/« = 23. 
mm.; weight i wo;;//;;^ = 58.33 grs. troy. 

In the 2nd year Kwampo KtS (1742 A.D.) at the place 
called Ashiwo JER in the province Shimotsuke T R was 
made the cash called also Kwanyei-tsuho bearing at the 
back above the square hole the character ashi JE : 

See No. 8g. Diameter over 7 bu 5 rm = 23. mm.; 
weight I >«o;;i;;z^ =58.33 grs. troy. 

This cash which has the character ashi & at the back was 
called by the people Ashijisen J£*#^3, it was made during 
5 years at the above said copper mines called Ashiwo-dozan 
JBMSIjII in the county Asogori ^iS?85 and 40,000 kwam- 
mon or 40,000,000 of these cash were made every year. 
(Note : The above mentioned mines belong now to one Mr. 
Furukawa Ichibei of Tokyo who has in the last few years 
managed to make these mines produce very well. I have 
been myself to visit them in the month of August i88g, 
and — although the road which I took out from Chuzenji, 
above Nikko, crossing the lake and over the pass Asegata- 
toge which is 400 feet above the lake was very bad. and in 
many places really dangerous through land-slips occasioned 
by the heavy rains they had there, but which are rendered still 
more extensive through their having made the jsurrounding 
mountains nearly quite bare, not a single tree having been 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 481 

left, everything cut for the mines, a state of affairs, which 
can not be very good for the rivers either — the trip was 
most interesting and I can say that it has become quite 
an extensive place thanks to the great enterprising spirit 
of its present owner, but of course we must not forget 
that matters have entirely changed ; in former years, as 
soon as a mine was known to render well, the Tokugawa 
government laid its hands on it and it was even about the 
same in the commencing of the present enlightened era. 
I was really surprised to see in the midst of these wild bare 
mountains what we may call a small town, and after these 
mines had been lying dormant for years, the great change 
which has taken place there and which is to the great 
advantage of the people, for it keeps busy and procures a 
living to thousands I may say, has only been arrived at 
since the last few years when this Mr. Furukawa Ichibei 
undertook their working on a great scale. The working of 
these mines is mostly performed with the aid of foreign 
machinery, Specially for the smelting part ; for the washing, 
crushing and sorting for the greatest part the foreign 
system is there adopted also. I noticed also that a good 
man}' convicts were very advantagously utilized at the 
mines.) 

From information I have been able to obtain from the 
Kdzankyoku or Mining Bureau in the Ndshdmusho or Agri- 
culture and Commerce Department, it seems that during 
the year i88g these mines rendered : 

Ore Sfi\.Sjy28i kwa mm e and 900 me or about 31,886,718 
kil. gr. or about 319,867,180 lb troy and copper 1,275,054 
kwamme and 300 me or about 4,790,379 kil. gr. or about 
47,903,790 lb troy ; and 4,184,077 men were employed. 

In the 4th month of this year (2nd year Kwampo) (May, 
1742 A.D.) by decree it was prohibited in future to bury 
people putting gold, silver or the usual 6 cash in the coffin. 
The habit was before always to put at least the Rokudosen 
5^ iSSI in the coffin or in the tub with the dead body. These 
were the cash for the travelling expenses up to heaven (the 
travelling expenses for that journey cannot have been very 



484 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

>tcW was made an iron coin called Kwanyei-tsuh6. It has 
behind above the square hole the character kyU ^ and 
below the square hole behind, the character fti :::. 

See No. 97. Diameter 7 bu 5 n« = 23 mm.; weight 8 
/wM = 46.64 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1769 A.D.) and in the same place was 
made also a copper coin of the same denomination Kwanyei- 
tsuho, which had also above the square hole behind the 
character kyfi f\ and below the square hole that of «i ^t 

See No. 98. Diameter nearly 8 6^ = 24^ mm.; weight 
8 /w« =46.64 grs. troy. 

In the same year (1769 A.D.) and in the same place an 
other Kwanyei-tsuho copper coin was made. This has 
only behind above the square hole the character f\,. 

See No. 99. Diameter nearly 8 6m = 24^ tnm.; weight 
S/un 5 nn = 49.56 grs. troy. 

In the reign of Emperor Gomomozono Tenno ^tfiH 
^S in the Anyei ^ fR period (1772-80 A.D.) at Aikawa 
tB III in Sado ffiiS a copper cash was made called Kwanyei- 

tsuh^5K*ffiW: 

See No. 100. Diameter over 7 bu 5 rin=S^ mm.; 
weight 6 fun 5 r/« =37.90 grs. troy. 

During the same period (1772-80 A.D.) at the same place 
in Sado (SiS another copper coin called Kwanyei-tsuh6 
was made with the character sa ffi at the back above the 
square hole : 

See No. 10 1. Diameter over 7 bun 5 n« = 23 mm.; 
weight 7 /m« = 40.8i grs. troy and at the same place an 
other coin of the same denomination and with the same 
character at the back was made : 

See No. 102. Diameter over 7 6« = 2iJ mm.; weight 
6 /m« =34.98 grs. troy. 

In the reign of Emperor Kokaku Tenno Jt^S ^S (1780- 
1817 A.D.) in the 4th year of Temmei ^W nth month 
(December, 1784 A.D.) the daimyo of Sendai f lU ii Matsu- 
daira Shigemura ^S^ fi t^ made the necessary application 
to be allowed to have Kwanyei-tsuhO cash minted in his 
province. This was consented to and iron cash were then 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 485 

made at the place called Ibhinomaki >S^, and in the same 
year at the mint of this place Ishinomaki ^^ another 
copper cash called Kwanyei-tsuho was made : 

See No. 103. Dianieter 7 bu 5 rin = 2^ mm.; weight 
7/wn=4o.8i grs. troy. 

The above mentioned cash made by the daimyd of Sendai 
were made during 5 years and only circulated in his own 
dominion. 

Note : (In the commencement of the reign of Emperor 
Kokaku Tenno JttS^S there originated a rebellion in 
Sendai which is called the Sendai-sdddy and as an indemnity 
or punishment for allowing such an uproar to happen in 
his dominion, the daimyd of Sendai, Matsudaira Mutsuno 
kami Shigemura. was ordered by the Shogun to make at 
his own expense, the cutting or canal in Yedo which is call- 
ed the Sendai-bori, which is behind Surugadai, and which 
allows now the communication by boat from the Ushigome 
and Koishikawa districts of Tokyo to Meganebashi and the 
sea ; and it is said that in order to facilitate the paying of 
this great work, when he once had the permission to mint 
this coin, and in order to keep always on good terms with 
the inspecting officials who would come now and then, 
when they were coming Sendai-tsuho square iron coin was 
made, but as soon their backs were turned iron Kwanyei- 
tsuhO coin was minted. By land it would have been dif- 
ficult to forward any great quantity of this coin in Yedo, but 
as communication by boat from Sendai with the Yashiki 
or Palace of the then daimyd of Sendai, which was near 
the sea shore where now the Shimbashi railway station 
grounds are, was quite easy, these coins were brought in 
Yedo without any difficulty and mixed with the ordinary 
good Kwanyei-tsuho, put on string and used for paying 
these works. Of course as is said before this the Govern- 
ment had already been making iron coin in Kizaki and also 
in this same Ishinomaki but it seems that those made by 
Sendai on this occasion were the worst and very much 
disliked). 

In the 8th year of Tenmei ^^(1788 A.D.) the minting of 



486 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

the yellow copper cash Kwanyei-tsuh5 4 tnon piece was 
stopped. 

With regard to this, according to the paper Fure-tasshi- 
dome JBJSffl it was said by decree ii\ the 12th month of this 
year (January, 1789 A.D.), until this every year 10,000 kwam* 
mon of these Shimonsen or 4 monsen or 10,000,000 were 
made ; from the 4th month of this year this was brought 
down to ^ but now it is hereby notified that the minting of 
this coin will be stopped entirely. (Now as they began the 
making of this coin in the 5th year of Meiwa Wfti (1768 
A.D.) they must thus have made till this time of stopping 
in 1788 A.D. at the rate of 10,000 kwan during 20 years, 
as much as 200,000 kwan plus 7000 kwan, in all 207,000 
kwammon or 207,000,000 pieces of this coin). 

In this Tenmei ^W period (1781-88 A.D.) there was a 
copper cash made, called also Kwanyei-tsuho minted at the 
place called ZtzQ Ml^ in the province Omi-nokuni ^SixH. 

See No. 104. Diameter nearly 8 hu=^2\\ mm.; weight 
I rnomme or 58.33 grs. troy. 

In the reign of Emperor Ninko Tenno C^^S in the 
6th year Tempo ^^- (1835 A.D.) the copper coin called 
Tobyakusen "Sf 81 was made. This is the well known coin 
called also Temp6 of which a good deal is still in use. It is 
oblong and has also a square hole in the center and is called 
Tobyaku iSH meaning-equal to ioo = or 100 cash or mon. 
In the gth month (October 1835 A.D.) by decree this coin 
was ordered to be put in circulation the same as the former 
coins as this was specially made for the facility and com- 
modity of the people, its value was decided to be 100 tnon 
or cash although it was really only worth 96 cash or ku- 
roku and from this has sprung up the expression of Tempo 
which is sometimes said of a person, meaning a fool or a 
person with something lacking ; they say thus he is only a 
Tempo which means he is a fool. This coin is : 

See No. 105. Long i sun 6 bu=^Sh mm.; width i sun 
5 rin=^ii'mm.; weight 5 momine 5/««=320.8o grs. troy. 

On the face of this piece is written Tempo ^ % above the 
square hole and Tsuh6 II V below the square hole, and 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 487 

behind above the square hole is written TObyaku Hlf @, and 
below the square hole the signature of the official of the 
mint. 

In this same year some iron cash Kwanyei-tsuhO were 
made again, although the minting of these cash had been 
stopped for some time, but by decree new ones were emit- 
ted again, because the saying was that in the country in 
many places there was a scarcity of cash. 

Conformably to the work Ky ilk waheihy 6 HVtBIJl, from 
the 6th year of TempO (1835 A.D.) in a few years only 
the number of the TempO coin made, had reached to 
484,804,054, and the first that were made were composed 
of 78% of copper 10% of tin and 12% of lead. Very soon 
this coin was very much liked and a great deal more was 
minted, but it got worse in quality, and its alloyage becom- 
ing also worse its value got consequently less. 

In the 6th year of TempO (1835 A.D.) this coin was 
made for the first time but it was only after some time in 
the year Manyen M^ (i860 A.D.) that great quantities of 
this coin were made, and the reason for this was, because 
at this time all the Hans or Daimiates had such great 
quantities of paper money in circulation, so it was with a 
view of redeeming all this paper money in the different 
dnimyO territories that such a great quantity of TempO coin 
was made. Every day in Yedo 300,000 TempO coin were 
made, but very soon copper began to give out and the 
quantity of Tempo coin had only augmented but all the 
paper money of the daimyos could not be redeemed. 

The Tempo's value at first was 40 for i ryd. In Ansei 
period ^ilk (1854-59 A.D.) it was 60 for one ryOf but from 
the Manyen year lt@ (i860 A.D.) it was 100 TempO coin 
for I ry6y and now at the time of the publication of the 
work Dainihoft'kwaheishi 'k ^^VtflU or gth year of 
Meiji (1876 A.D.) 125 TempO coin are equal to a yen. 

In the time of Emperor KOmei TennO ^'WJ^S in the 
4th year of Ansei ^iS (1857 A.D.) cash were made in Yedo 
called Kwanyei-tsuhO of red copper, yellow copper and of 
iron ; at this time cash were made also at Hakodate, which 



488 VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

were called Hakodate-tsuho. The Kwanyei-tsuh6 red and 
yellow copper cash were : 

See No. 106. Diameter over 9 bu or 27J mm.; weight 
over I viomme i fu?i or 64.16 grs. troy. These cash had 
10 waves at the back. 

The iron cash was without anything on the back: 

See No. 107. Diameter nearly 8 6m = 24^ mm.; weight 
9 /«w = 52.47 grs. troy. 

According to the work called Kokhwa-rei BVf'^ the 
Hakodate-tsuho ffilBlflW which was made in that place 
was of iron and was put in circulation at Hakodate in 
Yesso and Matsumai but it was not allowed to be used in 
circulation anywhere ; also : 

See No. 108. Diameter over 7 6« = 2iJ mm.; weight 9 
/z/«=52.47 grs. troy; this piece contrary to any others, 
instead of a square had a round hole. 

In the ist year of Manyen jKS (i860 A.D.) in Yedo at 
Kosuge Honjo «hflf $^ an iron cash also called Kwanyei- 
tsuhd JE^iifilW was made, this was of so-called steel and 
was a shiny piece of coin ; it was made about in the 12th 
month of this year (January, i86i A.D.), at the Ginza or 
silver mint in Yedo and by decree it was ordered to be used 
by the people over all Japan at the value of 4 cash of 
the ordinary cash, it being thus considered to be worth 4 
vion EB ^. However this cash did not become very popular, 
the people did not like it, and although it was shining and 
looking very nice at the beginning, they could not see why 
this piece of iron could be worth 4 of the copper i mon cash. 
It had 10 waves at the back : 

See No. 109. Diameter nearly 9 bu 5 rin =2g mm.; 
weight I viomme i/««=64.i6 grs. troy. 

I further will give here the coins and remarks which I 
found in the appendix called Kwanyci-scmbn K9:@En 
volume No. 6 of the work Dainihon-kwaheishi -kl^^Vt 
fU ft Sankwabufuroku HitSUPfl*®^, and which were not 
directly in circulation, or of which the circulation was soon 
stopped, also coins that were made in other provinces. 

Amongst these coins is one of copper with Kwanyei- 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 489 

tsuh6 IK 5R 11 W on the face and four characters ft tS EB ^. or 
Ushi 14th year (1637 A.D.) at the back above the square 
hole and on the left of the square hole the four characters 
H ^ ^ R or " Sangatsu-kichinichi." 

See No. no. Diameter 3 sun 7 6m 5 n« = Ti4 mm.; its 
weight is not given. The drawing in the book of this pFece 
was taken of the original coin itself and was made in the 
14th year of Kwanyei (1637 A.D.). It is not known where 
this large coin was made, or if it was only in one certain 
province, like that called Ryukyu-tsuh6 ; but the design 
of this coin was found in the work Senkivahiko ^WltR 
and as said before was taken from the original piece and 
as Ushi 14th year is on it, this corresponds with the 14th 
year of Kwanyei or 1637 A.D. 

We further find a copper coin called Gindai-tsuh6 ffirtJfi 
V; it has : 

See No. in. Diameter 9 bu=2ji mm.; weight i 
niomtfie ^ fun — 61. 2i\. grs. troy. 

In the i6th year of Genroku xi8 (1703 A.D.) a merchant 
in Kyoto requested for the permission to mint 200,000 
kwan or 200,000,000 of the above mentioned cash, and 
the Government allowed it, but as from some other parties 
objections were lodged, the circulation of it was stopped. 

In the Ansei ^iffc period (1854-59 A.D.) an iron coin was 
made in Hakodate, called Hakodate-tsuh6 fSIBfflW. The 
hole in it is round. 

See No. 112. Diameter over 7 6w = 2ii mm.; weight 9 
/mm =: 52.47 grs. troy, 

During the Bunkyu 3fc^ period (1861-63 A.D.) in Satsu- 
ma a copper coin of the oblong Temp5 shape was made, on 
which is written above the square hole Ryukyu SlJSand 
under the square hole TsuhO JHW, at the back above the 
square hole the character to ST, and below the square hole 
IS hyakn is written, the last two characters meaning worth 
100 or 100 fnon or cash. 

See No. 113. Length i sun 6 fcM=49 mm.; width i sun 
I 6m = 33 J mm.; weight 5 momme 6 /mm =209.97 %^^* 
troy. 



490 VAN DE polder: copper coins of japan. 

In Satsuma was made also in the same period as above 
(1861-63 A.D.), a large round coin with a square hole, on 
which is written on the face Ryukyu SKIS, but in the style 
of writing called Reisho }t#, and at the back it has Han- 
shu ^^, the first character of these two above, and the 
second below the square hole : 

See No. 114. Diameter i sun 4 6^=42^ mm.; weight 
9 momme or 524.97 grs. troy. 

In the period of Bunkyu iSC^ (1861-63 A.D.) jn the pro- 
vince Ushu 3^/i1 (Dewa) at the Ani-dozan PUCSIUl copper 
mine, a round coin of copper was made without any hole ; 
on the face were only waves as they call it, 21 in number 
and on the back, which is smooth, is a little on the side the 
character of aki ^ : 

See No. 115. Diameter i sun 3 bu=^o mm.; its weight 
is not given. 

At the same place and period was made a square coin of 
copper with the corners rounded and a long square hole in 
it ; it looks very much like a tsuba I? or the guard on the 
hilt of a sword. On the face it has two paradise birds, and 
at the back round the hole are the marks sangi Hii* used 
by the fortune tellers or also called the eight diagrams : 

See No. 116. Height i sun 7 6^=51 J mm.; width i sun 
5 6m 5 Wm=47 mm.; its weight is not given. 

In the same period and same place another copper coin, 
long square with a round hole, was made, on the face it has 
D6zan-shih6 ffiUl^W, and at the back it has above the 
hole "Si tOf and below the hole @ hyakuy and in the middle 
on the right of the hole kyu i\, and on the left ni :::, which 
must mean probably that it was made in Bunkyu 3flC {\ 2nd 
year (1862 A.D.), and having on the back Tobyaku (equal 
to 100) like on the Temp6 it must mean that it had the 
same value of 100 cash. 

See No. 117. Height i sun 6 bu ^ rin=50 mm.; width 
I sun I bu 5 Ww = 35 mm. 

In Sendai iiltt there were two kinds of copper coin 
made, both somewhat square with rounded corners and a 
square hole in the center. The first the smallest one, has 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN.- 49I 

Sendai-tsuho fASHV on the face and nothing on the 
back. 

See No. ii8. Height nearly 7 bu 5 rin==2^ mm.; width 
the same; weight i woww^ = 58.33 grs. troy. 

This piece was made in Temmei ^W period (1782-88 
A.D.). 

The next piece is somewhat larger, long square with 
rounded corners, it was made in the year Genji 5c f§ (1864 
A.D.) it has on the face also Sendai-tsuho, but at the back 
it has the 5 characters Togin-ichifnomme ttffift^S mean- 
ing equal to one momme silver or 58.33 grs. troy or about 
164 cash : 

See No. 119. Height over i si/n =or 30^ mm.; width 8 
bu 5 rin = 26 mm. 

There was further a piece or coin made of lead minted 
in Sendai in the province Iwate Iff ¥. It has a square 
shape with rounded corners : 

See No. 120. Height i sun 9 6m 5 rm=59 mm.; width 
the same. 

On the face it has the characters Tobyaku-hosokura 
•^Wlffl^ which mean equal to 100 cash, and the name 
of Hosokura must be the name of the person who had 
it minted ; at the back below the square hole is a signature 
or kakihan, but in what year this was made is not known. 

Besides these there were further coins called : 

Keian-tsiih6B!??fflW. 

Teikyo-tsuho jl ¥ ffl W. 

Genroku-tokuho 5cffll38W. 

Another coin with only H6yei W*. 

Sh6toku-tsuh5 JEHJIW- 

Kyoho-tsuh6 ¥fiSilW and others, but these were more 
considered as gems. 

According to the 6th volume of the work Taihei-nempyd 
:fe^^$ in the 2nd year of Bunkyu 3fe^ (1862 A.D.) on 
the 24th of 2nd 8th month (17 October) by decree it was 
promulgated that until this the administration of all the 
copper extracted from the mines of the different provinces 
was left only to the copper mint of Osaka, but as at this 



492 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

time a copper mint agency or bureau had been opened at 
Yedo and Nagasaki, irrespective to the quantities, all cop- 
per obtained from the mines was to be brought to these 
agencies as well, and where a proper price would be paid 
for said copper according to the quality. 

In the 3rd year Bunkyu 3fc^ (1863 A.D.) a copper coin 
called Bunkyii-yeiho 3flC^3<W was made in Yedo ll^ 
Hashiba 1SIR. 

In the 2nd month of this year (March, 1863) by decree 
it was promulgated that for the general use of the world 
(Japan !) this coin was put in circulation, being equal to 
4 mon or 4 old cash. This cash was called thus the 
Shimon sen BB * gl5. 

Three kinds were made : 

See No. 121. Diameter nearly g bu=:2y^ mm.; weight 
I momm^ =58.33 grs. troy. 

On the face of it was Bunkyu-yeiho as above, and the 
model of the inscription on it was written by the daimyo 
of Echizen, Matsudaira Yoshinaga wl^o was the regent of 
the Sh6gunate at that time. For No. 2 of this kind : 

See No. 122. Diameter nearly g 6^ = 27 J mm.; weight 
g/wn = 52.47 grs. troy. 

The inscription on this second one was also Bunkyu- 
yeih6 3fcA^W but the character ho was different and the 
model of it was written by the Gorojil^ Itakura SuwO-no- 
kami. The 3rd was : 

See No. 123. Diameter nearly g 6^=27 J mm.; weight 
8 /mm = 46.64 grs. troy. 

The inscription on this was the same as on the last, but 
the model of it was written by the last Shogun Keiki or 
Tokugawa Yoshinobu. All these coins have waves at the 
back 10 in number. 

In all of this coin or Bunkyusen the quantity that was 
minted amounted to 8gi,5i5,63i cash and they were for 
a great part made out of the old one mon cash. At first 
this Bunkyusen was worth 4 mon or 4 old cash and now 
(gth year Meiji 1876 A.D.) it is worth i tin and ^ or ^\ 
tenth of a sen. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 493 

With this ends the history of the old style of copper 
coin. The fabrication of this Bunkyu-yeihO coin however 
was kept up till the year Genji 5c J^ (1864 A.D.), and 
the Tempo coins were minted still in the Kei6 period R fS 

(1865.68 A.D.). * 

In the 1st year of Meiji 4th month (1868 A.D.) and by 
Imperial decree of the 24th of that month (16 May, i868 
A.D.) it was informed to Tayasu Chunagon who was then 
representing the Tokugawa government, that the finances 
of the country were always the properly of the government, 
and as in this past winter the Tokugawa. Keiki had 
surrendered the government or had abdicated, he was to 
hand to the Imperial government all gold and silver 
money, all copper and other coins and the finance ofBces 
with everything, utensils, machinery etc. as they were. 

In the 2nd 4th month of this year (May, June, 1868 
A.D.) by Imperial decree it was promulgated that where- 
as since the restoration the finances are to be administra- 
ted by the Imperial government, the value of gold, silver 
and copper monies has now been settled and decided upon, 
and is to be as follows : 

(Note : As I have treated in this work only the copper 
coins I will limit myself by giving the officially decided 
comparative rates of those coins alone.) 

The coin with waves at the back called Kwanyei-namisen 
K^RfllSI which was worth till this 12 mon or cash, was 
to be worth now 24 motif or in other words 4 would be 
equal to a Tempo as a Temp6 was always considered to 
be worth Kuroku A •n or 96 mon or cash. 

The ordinary coin called Kwanyei-dosen JK 3R 8388 without 
waves behind, which was worth till then 6 7non or cash, was 
to be worth now 12 mon^ or 8 would be equal to a Tempo. 

The coin called Bunkyu-dOsen iSC^Sia which till then 
was worth 8 mon was to be worth now 16 mow, or 6 would 
be equal to a TempO. 

The value of the coin called Temp6hyakumonsen ^{R 
S^J9 or the Tempo, was kept on the same footing as 
before viz. of 96 mon or cash. 



494 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

The official value of the Dollar was then decided to be 
3 Ichibu-gin or silver bu ^, 

Further the official average weight of the different coins 
was decided at that time to be : 

100 Dollar cents copper equal in weight 250 w^ = 14582. 
50 grs. troy. 

347 Kwanyei-dOsen JK JKSf^ coins equal 250^/1^=14582. 
50 grs. troy. 

250 Bunkyu-dosen ^ A 31 81 coins equal 250 wi^ = 14582. 
50 grs. troy. 

191 Kwanyei-namisen JK^?3|3 coins equal 250 w^ = 
H58y-50 grs. troy. 

44 Yedo-made Hyakumonsen S^gJ or TempO equal 
250 we = 14582.50 grs. troy. 

45 Osaka-made Hyakumonsen M ^ SI or Tempo equal 
250 we = 14582.50 grs. troy. 

245 Mimijirosen S 3 ^ light yellow copper Kwanyei 
cash with the character bun ^ on the back equal 250 ;/ie = 
14582.50 grs. troy. 

The weight per hundred pieces of the Japanese copper 
coins was : 

100 Kwanyei-dosen JK ^81 1^=72 ;;io;;i;ne =4199.76 grs. 
troy. 

100 Bunkyu-dosen 3fe ASI85-=ioo me 5 /w« = 5833.00 
grs. troy. 

100 Kwanyei-namisen H3<J3fS=:I3I ;«ow;/ie =7941. 23 
grs. troy. 

100 Hyakumonsen MiScSS or Tempo made in Yedo from 
550 to 570 vie or from 32,081,50 grs. troy to 33,248,10 grs. 
troy. 

100 Hyakumonsen or Tempo made in Osaka from 550 to 
560 vie or from 32,081,50 grs. troy to 32,664,80 grs. tory. 

100 Mimijirosen S&3=i02 momwe=5949,66 grs. 
troy. 

After this on several occasions the comparative value 
of these different coins changed again, but I think it is 
not necessary for me to give it here as it can not be of 
very great interest. 



VAN DE polder: COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 495 

In the 8th month of ist year Mciji Wik (Sept. 1868 
A.D.) the machinery contracted for some time before through 
the intervention of the English firm Messr. Glover & Co. 
and which had been in use in Hongkong, for the mint, 
arrived here and was brought to Osaka, and the place 
called Kawasaki, where in the Tokugawa time the rice ware- 
houses were, was decided to be used for the mint. 

In the nth month (Dec. 1868 A.D.) one Mr. Waters 
was engaged for the superintending of the erection of the 
necessary buildings for the mint. 

In the 2nd year of Meiji, 8th of 7th month (15 Aug. 1869 
A.D.), the Kwaikeikivan ftifS or Accomptants Bureau 
which had been created the year before was abolished, and 
the Okurashd -kW*^ or Finance Department was esta- 
blished and under its administration were put the different 
bureaux called : 

ZCheikyoku SKA or the Mint Bureau. 
Suinoshi ti] M ^ or Treasurer's Office. 
Sozeishi ttJftW or Revenue ,, 

Kantokushi K^^ or Inspector's „ 
Tsilshdshi IS iS W or Commerce 
Kozanshi tt^ ^ or Mining 

Before, when the finances were still in the hands of the 
bureau called Kwaikeikwan tUt'S, the Vice-governor or 
Director of this bureau or Fukuchiji BUfflV was Okuma 
Shii ■:f; IS HI fit who thus now became the chief or Director 
of the new-department. 

At that time the Gaikokukwan-chijl ^hB'ff fil • or gover- 
nor or Director of the Foreign Bureau, was Date Chunagon 
#3£^MW and we find that at this time, the before named 
Okuma-shii made an agreement with the Oriental Bank or 
ToyOginkO St'^Sf? by which the Japanese government 
undertook to engage foreigners to be employed in the mint 
and consequently the said Bank was ordered to superintend 
the working of the foreigners and to be the agent responsi- 
ble towards the Japanese government. 

In the 2nd year of Meiji, i8th of loth month (21 Nov. 1869 



it 



496 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

A.D.), by decree it was promulgated that although a new 
mint had been erected for the minting of new coins, still 
for the use of the development and colonisation of the 
Hokkaido JtSgxi some more Tobyakusen •ffiiHSl or Temp6 
were made. 

In the 3rd year Meiji, 4th month (May, 1870 A.D.), the 
mint staff which was engaged from England, Messr. Kinder 
and others, arrived at Osaka. 

On the 29th of loth month of this year (22 Nov, 1870 
A.D.) the Minister and Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs 
informed the Representatives of England, France, America 
Germany, Holland, Italy and Spain that the following 
coins would be made : 



Gold = 10 yen 


pieces 


5 




2i „ 




Silver = I ,, 




0.50 sen 




0.20 ,, 




O.IO ,, 




0.05 „ 





And that 3 kinds of copper coins would be made, further 
that the silver i yen piece was decided to be the standard 
coin. 

In the ist month of next year 4th year Meiji ^BfS (Feb. 
187 1 A.D.) it was communicated to the foreign represen- 
tatives before mentioned that the 2^ yen gold piece would not 
be made, and instead a 2 yen gold piece was to be minted. 

From this time no old system of coins was made any 
more. 

In the 2nd month 15th day of this year (4 April, (871 
A.D.) the ofBcial inauguration of the Zoheiryo SWfSF (the 
mint in Osaka), took place in presence of the then Udaijin 
Sanjo B.VkM'k^ (the present Prince Sanj6 Lord Keeper 
of the seals), the Sangi Okuma ':^FS#it (the present ex- 
Minister of foreign affairs, Count Okuma) and some 30 
other high officials, foreign representatives and consuls. 



VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 497 

At Brst the three kinds of copper coin were: a piece of 
I setty Issen —81; of J a sen or Hansen 4^ 81; and of a t^ 
of a sen or Ichirin — ■• 

By decree the Regulations of the mint were published, 
and in it was said that from the i6th of 6th month of 
this year (2nd Aug, 187 1 A.D.) the Jiganekyoku Jft^R or 
bureau for " metal brut " would be open every day from lo 
a.m. till I p.m. (except on the days notified at the same 
time which were to be observed as holidays), for the recei- 
ving of any metal brut or other for annalisation and ex- 
change against new coin. 

Later other regulations appeared, by which the people 
were informed that the mint would be ready from the 15th 
of i2th month (24 Jan. 1872 A.D.) to receive old gold, 
silver and other coins as metal brut, and in consequence 
of this the approximate value of the different coins was 
then also published as follows : 

125 TempOsen pieces (See No, 105) was equal to i yen* 

500 Kwanyei-tsuhC> pieces or the yellow copper cash with 
waves at the back 93,942 (See No, 106 and 109), was equal 
to I yen, 

669 Bunkyu-yeih6 pieces copper cash with waves at the 
back (See No. 116) was equal to i yen. 

1000 Kwanyei-tsuh6 pieces copper cash without anything 
at the back and also those called Mimijirosen 31^81 and 
all other ordinary cash of the value formerly of i wio«, was 
equal to i yen. 

In the 9th month of sth year of Meiji WW (Oct. 1872 
A.D.) other regulations were promulgated by the mint 
regarding the exchange also of old iron coins. The ap- 
proximate value of these was decided at : 

4000 of the Kwanyei-tsuhO pieces or iron Seitetsusen 
or so-called steel coin which was formerly worth 4 mon (See 
No. 104) was equal to }^ yen, 

8000 of the Kwanyeitsuho pieces iron also known under 
the name of Nabesen worth formerly i mon (See No.) was 
equal to ^ yen. 

On the a9th of 9th month 6th year of Meiji Q! M (29 June, 



500 VAN DE POLDER : COPPER COINS OF JAPAN. 

KwanshO period JJIE (1460-65 A.D.) under the reign of 
the Ryukyu King, Seik6-u Sh6toku. 

(Note : In my collection I have two specimens of this 
coin one of iron and another of bronze which shows that 
they were not made of iron only). 

See 32-a. This is a copp