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Transactions of 

the Asiatic Society of Japan 

Asiatic Society of Japan 




l^tbrarji 0f t^i S9^tisium 




The gift of ijMi MxoJju:. ^««^ 4- 

JurtlfrJUL %Jf^2^^Jyi\,. 



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R. MEIKLEJOHN & Co., No 49, 


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A Japanese Philosopher. By George Wm. Knox, D.D 1 

Note on Japanese Schools of Philosophy. By T. Haga 134 

A Comment upon Shushi's Philosophy. By George Wm. 

Knox, D. D 148 

Remarks. By Dr. T. Inoue 155 

*♦ Ki, Ri, and Ten." By George Wm. Knox, D. D 167 

Something more about Shushi's Philosophy. By T. Haga .... 178 
Chomei and Wordsworth: A Literary Parallel. By J. M. 

Dixon, M. A., F. R. S. E 193 

" A Description of My Hut." By J. M. Dixon, M. A., F. R. S. E. 206 

Specimens of Ainu Folk -Lore. By Rev. John Batchelor 216 

Feudal Land Tenure in Tosa. By Rev. R. B. Grinnan .... 228 
Suma Mura Fifty Years Ago. By Miss Hannah M. Birkenhead. 248 

Minutes of Meetings v 

Report of the Council xii 

List of Members xviii 

Constitution and By-Laws xxv 

Supplement : Parts I, II, III, V. 

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Meeting of October 21st, 1891. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on 
Wednesday, October 21, 1891, in the haU at No. 17, Tsukiji, at 4 
p.m., Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last meeting were taken as read. 

It was announced that three new members had been elected, — 
Mr. Harold G. Parlett, Rev. W. I. Lawrance, and Mr. M. de 

The Corresponding Secretary informed members that the Rules 
of the Society up to date had been printed, and copies could be 
had on application. 

Thereafter several papers contributed by Dr. Joseph Edkins of 
Shanghai were read by Mr. Dixon. They were three in number^ 
and entitled as foUows : *' Proofs that the Japanese Language 
belongs to the Ural Altaic Stem, and is more distantly related to 
European tongues ;" ** Pott's view of the Genealogical Relationship 
of the Japanese," and *' Ancient Chinese Civilization." 

A short discussion followed. Mr. Dixon remarked that in the 
edition of Chamber's Encyclopoedia now appearing, an article from 
the pen of Dr. Legge did not concede that the existence of Parsian 
elements in Chinese Civilization had been proved. 

The Chairman remarked that Chinese elements were to be 
traced in the Kojiki, Although he would not venture into Dr. 
Edkin's own field of roots, still he thought that many of the 
conclusions were a little fanciful. About the astronomical argu- 
ment, it counted for much less than might appear on the surface. 
The evidence depended on a special rendering of an obscure and 
highly rhetorical passage in the Shu Kien, a work not written by 
a contemporaneous author. The interpretation of the text might 
well be questioned. 

Vol. XX. -A 

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Dr. Divers endorsed the Chairman's remarks. The whole ques- 
tion seemed to be begged by the author of the paper. Mr. Droppers, 
taking up the references to the death of retainers and to Herbert 
Spencer, contended that Dr. Edkin's had proved nothing. The 
custom of retainers immolating themselves at their chief's grave 
was found even among the hill tribes of Africa. Its presence in 
China was as Uttle significant as its absence would have been, for 
the custom was wide-spread. Herbert Spencer's explanation, that 
the retainers thought it only right to follow their chief into the 
Spirit land, seemed quite a good one ; there was no need of postu- 
lating a Persian origin. 

The Chairman expressed the thanks of the Society to the author 
for his interesting papers, after which the meeting adjourned. 

Meeting of January 20th, 1892. 

A General Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall, No. 17, 
Tsukiji, Tokyo, on January the 20th, 1892, at 4 pjn., the Vice-Presi- 
dent, Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D., in the chair. 

The Minutes of the last meeting were taken as read. 

It was announced that the name of N. J. Hannen, Esq., for 
long President of the Society, had been added to the list of hono- 
rary members. Two ordinary members, Mr. R. de B. Layard, and 
Mr. F. J. Norman, and one life member, Mr. C. W. Low, M.B., had 
also been elected. 

It was also announced that the President, B. H. Chamberlain, 
Esq., who had just left for Europe on a year's visit, had previously 
placed his resignation in the hands of the Council. This resignation, 
however, the Council had decided not to accept, as they hoped so 
soon to welcome their President back again to Japan. This being 
all the business, the Vice-President vacated the chair, and J. M. 
Dixon, Esq., was called to fill it. 

Dr. Geo. W. Knox then read extracts from a lengthy and 
valuable paper entitled **A Japanese Philosopher." 

Dr. Knox also read a series of extracts from the Surugadai 
Miscellany, having apologized for the bald style of the translation, 
which does but scant justice to the musical flow of the original. 

The translation now offered set forth the philosophy and religion, 
the ethics and politics, both theoretical and applied, and the copious 

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Wstorical illustrations of this treatise. Other matter, as literary 
^criticisms, discussions on poetry, and mere ornaments of Japanese 
style, had been eliminated. 

Mr. Deeon expressed the greatest satisfaction with' the paper 
which Dr. Knox had presented to the Society. The introduction 
presented in a clear cut and systematic form the salient points of 
the philosophical history of Japan, regarding which our ideas were 
apt to be a little hazy. Among the literary men of the Tokugawa 
period Muro Kyuso held a prominent place, and is mentioned 
with Hayashi Kazan, Ogiu Sorai, and Arai Hakuseki. A few days 
ago Mr. Dixon was successful in finding his tomb. On the north- 
em slope of the hill upon which the Gokokuji Temple stands, 
and close to the paling of the Imperial Cemetery in Otsukamura, 
Eoishikawa, is situated a plot of ground known as Jusha Suteba — 
" The Place for casting away Chinese Scholars." The broad 
highway recently engineered to the new convict prison beyond, 
leads very close to the pathway conducting to this humble burying 
^ound. Kyuso's tomb will be found on the extreme right, a simple 
Btone pillar, about three feet high, of nearly square section, perhaps 
nine inches by eight. His wife's tomb, still more unassuming, 
rises on the left side of the husband's. She died in the 4th year 
of Horeki. Mr. Dixon hoped at the next meeting to be able to 
furnish members with a photograph of the spot. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Meeting of February 10th, 1892. 

A General Meeting of the Society was held at its rooms. No. 17, 
Tsukiji, on February 10th, 1892, at 4 p.m., the Vice-President, Rev. 
Geo. Wm. Knox, D.D., occupying the chair. 

The minutes of the^last meeting were taken as read. 

The resignation as a Councillor of the Society of the Rev. Jas. 
li. Amerman was announced, and reference was made to his former 
valuable service, as President, and the great regret which the Society 
felt at his departure. 

It was also announced that Dr. F. B. Stephenson, of the U. S. S. 
Marion^ and Rev. J. H. De Forest, of Sendai, had joined the 

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Some photographic prints of the grave of Kyuso, the " Japanese 
Philosopher," referred to at the last meeting, were handed about 
for inspection by those present. 

Before proceeding to the paper of the day, Professor Dixon 
asked leave to add a note to his last contribution to the Society, 
" On the Habits of the Blind in Japan." One method of teaching 
the blind the written characters is worthy of notice. The figures are 
traced by the forefingers of the teacher on the back of his pupil, 
who is thus enabled to reproduce them again. 

Professor Dixon then read a paper entitled, ** Chomei and 
Wordsworth : A Literary Parallel." 

The Chairman thanked the reader of the paper for the interest- 
ing article with which he had furnished the meeting, and went on to 
speak of the great difficulty of comparing Western and Eastern 
literature. To the Chinese much of our Western hterature seemed 
crude and unfinished. The Eastern attitude towards things was 
wholly different from ours, and the longer one resided there, the 
greater was one struck by the radical divergence. Nature to them 
was a kaleidoscope, — a series of change without rest. Chomei had 
been criticized severely by late authors of the Confucian school as a 
mere aesthete, in whose teaching righteousness and benevolence were 
absent. His attitude towards nature was certainly a very contracted 
one. This might be said of Japanese literature generally ; it circled 
round a few well threshed subjects. Take them away and nothing 
remained. For example, the moon was often referred to as a type 
of the transient in hfe, and the speaker quoted a poem to that effect. 
But what about the stars ? He remembered no reference whatever to 
them. Possibly it might be that astronomy was avoided as its study, 
according to one writer, was always marked by an increase of wicked- 
ness. Wordsworth's feeling towards nature, and to man as a solitary, 
was wonderfully different from that of Chomei. Dr. Knox quoted 
a passage from the Excursion to illustrate this point. 

Professor TrsoN had been struck by the indifferentism expressed 
in the paper. It reminded him of the English poet mentioned by 
Emerson whose teaching amounted to this — that nothing really 
msbttersd very mach. There appeared also mach that reminded 
him of Rousseau. 

Mr. Dixon said that Rousseau's teaching really was in singularly 
close sympathy with Japanese life. 

The Note on Dr. Knox's paper announced on the postal cards 
was held over till another meeting, owing to its unexpected length 
and importance. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

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Meeting of March 9th, 1892. 

A G3a3ral Mseting of the Asiatic SDciety of Japan was held in 
the RDDmi, No. 17, Tsukiji, on Wedasaday the 9th of March, 1892, 
at 4 p.m., the Vice-President, Rav. Gaorge Wm. Knox, D.D., occupy- 
ing the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Mae ting were taken as read. 

It was anuDunsed that M. N. WyckoSf, Es^., had beaa appointed 
Treasurer in roDm of Da J. N. SaymDur, resigaed, and that Professor 
Miln3 had bean elected a Cjunsillor to fill tha vacancy causad by 
Dr. Amarman's departure. 

Tha C^rrespDuding Secretary also informed the Maeting that the 
Presidant, B. H. Caambarlain, Esq., and F. V. Dlckins, Esq., had 
been nominated as dalegates to the Ninth laternational Congress of 
Orientalists, to be held in London in the autumi of the current year. 

Rav. D. C. GsEENE, D. D., was than called to tha C lair to 
enable the Vica-Presidant to read the lit3rary contributions of 
the day. 

Tha first papar was a " Note on Japanase Schools of Philosophy " 
by Professor T. Higi, oftha Imparial Uaiversity, which was read 
by D.-. Knox. This was foUowad by ' * Comment on the foregoing 
note," and a papar on " Ki, Ri and Ten," by Dr. Knox. 

Prof. Inouye, of the Imparial University, took part in the 
discussion which followed. 

Dr. Divers addressed the m acting, not as an ontologist, for he had 
no spacial knowledge of these subjects. Ha represented his colleague, 
Mr. Haga, to whom the Society was greatly indebted. Mr. Haga 
had studied thesa subjects with zaal soma years ago, merely as an 
amateur, and Dr. Divers had with difl&3ulty prevailed upon him to 
follow up with a reasoned out discussion a chance critical remark 
he had happaned to make. 

As to two books, which had been shown, with elaborate figures 
representing existence in all its phases — a complete system of 
natural philosophy,— Dr. Divers susp acted that Dr. Knox had read 
the idaas of modern philosophy into these ancient writings ; they 
seem 3d to him mystical rather than philosophical. He admired the 
way in which the Japanese, in philosophy as in other departments, 
had borrowed only to improve. Jinsai appaared to him far ahead of 
Bhushi — ^he only spoke as an outsider, however. 

Rev. Hugh Waddell protested against the flippant manner in 
which 'the audience had treated the circles and diagrams, illustrative 
of existence which had been shown to them. Surely it was a good 
thing that man in the Far East should busy themselves over thes 

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things. A circle was a very good emblem of infinity. For him th^ 
Teishu school seemed to be closely allied with the idea of the Stoics 
to be pantheistic, to recognize a God in nature, animating nature ; 
active but not extraneous. 

Dr. Divers expressed his pleasure that Mr. WaddeU had at length 
been drawn to express himself on these subjects. The Society had 
long been waiting for a philosophical contribution from his capable 
hand. Dr. Divers also expressed his surprise at the opinion Ohashi 
had formed of foreigners, as if they were all scientific men. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Meeting of April 27th, 1892 

A General Meeting of the Society was held at the Rooms, 17, 
Tsukiji, on the 27th April, 1892, the Vice-President, Rev. Geo. 
Wm. Knox, D.D., occupying the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were taken as read. 

There was a very full attendance. It was announced that the 
Rev. L. Ryde had been elected an ordinary member of the Society. 

A paper by the Rev. Jno. Batch elor, entitled *' Specimens of 
Ainu Folk-Lare," was read by the Corresponding Secretary. It 
contained several legends, the sequels of others already printed by 
the Society in Vols. XVI. and XVIII., of which the original Ainu was 

Mr. Milne spoke of the value of folk-lore stories, however 
childish in themselves they might be, as helping us to trace the 
race affinities of a people. He was sure the Ainus had some connec- 
tion with extinct races in eastern Europe. 

Mr. Dixon remarked that he was struck with a certain incohe- 
rence in the legends, an absence of picturesqueness, and of 
clearness, which made him a little suspicious of their value. He was 
not quite sure that the Ainu who had related them was not drawing 
upon a not over-fertile imagination. 

The next paper, contributed by the Rev. R. B Grinnan, was 
read_^by Mr.^Wigmore. It was entitled "Feudal Land Tenure in Tosa," 

Dr. Enox spoke of Tosa as a district in which he happened to 
have a special interest. It was a country studded with the ruins of 
castles, for the people in the earlier feudal times had never owned the 
Bway of any great lord and had developed considerable independence of 

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manner and character. They prided themselves on their frankness 
and courage. These qualities might result from the constant fighting 
in which even farmers engaged; and also the fact that many 
bold warriors had been driven from the mainland to seek a shelter 
in the inviolable recesses of the Shikoku mountains. Speaking 
of land-tenure, he understood that the rikosaku were perpetual 
tenants who had a right to all their improvements, and who at the 
Kestoration became complete owners. Another system of holding 
was where the upper three feet of the soil was granted by samurai 
Isuidlords to tenants who had brought the land under cultivation,; 
the landlord merely gained in social rank and importance and 
not monetarily. The Tosa farmers were as a rule neither large 
nor small. 

Mr. WiGMORB, in referring to the groups of five, ten of which 
made up a village guild, stated that this was a very old division 
dating back at least to the 5th or 6th centuries. He then criticized 
the use of the word " rent " as applied to the annual contribution in 
rice. Economically the use of the term might be defended, but 
legally their payment was a tax, as most of the proceeds went 
directly to the expenses of Government. 

Mr. KiRBY spoke of the division population into groups of five as 
dating from the time of Mencius, in whose works such a disposition 
was to be found. 

Dr. Knox, referring to a remark in the paper, mentioned one 
method by which hapless merchants could defend themselves againsi 
the otherwise complete tyranny of the samurai. If they spat on a 
iamurai he had to commit harakiri forthwith. 

Portions of a paper by Miss Helen Birkenhead, entitled '* Suma 
Mura Fifty Years Ago," were read. 

The CHAiBikfAN thanked the authors in the name of the Society 
for their interesting contributions. The meeting then adjourned. 


The Annual General Meeting of the Society was held in the- 
Rooms, 17, Tsukiji, on Wednesday, 8th June, at 4 p.m. The Vice* 
President, Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D., occupied the chair. 

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The minutes of the last meeting were taken as read. 

It was announced that Dr. L. Biese and Mr. G. Holmes had been 
elected resident. members, and Dr. Argyll Bobertson a life member. 

Professor Milne gave notice of a motion to amend Article 
VI of the Constitution so as to have $50 as a commutation fee 
for resident members, to be decreased $2.50 yearly for every 
Bubscription paid. Thus a subscriber would cease to pay in 
20 years. 

The Chairman asked Prof. Milne to reduce his amendment 
as proposed to writing, which was done in the following terms : 

"Any person joining the Society can become a life member 
by the payment of $50, or any person already a member can 
become a life member by the payment of $50 less $2.50 for each 
year in which be has been an ordinary member." 

The following reports were read and apf)roved of. 


The Council has every reason to congratulate the Society on 
a successful year of work. The permanent housing of the Library 
at No. 17, Tsukiji, where are provided convenient rooms for the 
Meetings of Council and the General Meetings, has proved an 
eminently suitable arrangement. 

The number of General Meetings has been fewer than usual, but 
this is not accompanied by any diminution in the material printed 
by the Society. General Meetings were held in October, January, 
February, March, April, and June — six in all. Dr. Edkins's papers 
on philology read in October were unfortunately lost by the 
Corresponding Secretary on the way home from the meeting in 
Tsukiji, and have never been recovered. It will be impossible 
to replace them, but the author has kindly promised fresh contribu- 
tions. The efforts of the Society's Committee on Ethnography 
have not proved fruitless, two at least of this year's papers being 
directly due to its inquiries. The Committee on the Tokugawa 
Laws, which owes almost everything to the active enthusiasm of 
Professor Wigmore, has already furnished the Society with voluminous 
matter, to be printed as a Supplement to the current volume. The 
Volume with its Supplement wiU contain more matter than the 
Society has ever yet printed in one year. 

At the beginning of the session the Council resolved to entrust 
its printing to the Yokohama firm which for many years was 
identified with the Society. 

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Owing to the increase in the number of Societies on the List 
of !l@xchanges, it was thought best to discontinue exchanging with 
several of them whose work hardly lay within the sphere of our 
interests and work. A comparison of this year's list with last 
year's (as found in Appendix B) will show what are the omissions. 

The Society is represented at the Ninth International Congress 
of Orientalists, which wiU hold its sittings in London, in the autumn 
of this year, by its President, B. H. Chamberlain, Esq., and by F. 
V. Dickins, Esq. 

New members continue to be added to the roU of the Society. 
During the past year nine resident and three non-resident members 
were elected. The Society conferred Honorary membership on its 
late President, N. J. Hannen, Esq. 

The Treasurer's statement continues to show a satisfactory 
balance in our favour. This will, however, be materially lessened 
by the heavy printing expenses connected with the issue of the 
Supplement to the current balance. 

During the current year the Society lost by death one of its 
oldest members, the Bev. James Summers, who for several years 
held important offices, and was ever zealous in the Society's interests. 

Appendix A. 

THE SESSION 1891-1892. 

"Proof that the Japanese Languge belongs to the Ural-Altaic 
stem, and is more distantly related to European tongues," by 
Bev. J. B. Edkins, D. D., Shanghai. 

"Pott's View of the Genealogical Belationship of Japanese," by 
the same author. 

"A Japanese Philosopher," by Bev. Geo. Wm. Knox, D. D. 

"Chomei and Wordsworth: a Literary Parallel," by J. M. 
Dixon, Esq. 

"A Note on Japanese Schools of Philosophy," by T. Haga, Esq. 

"A Comment on Shushi's Philosophy," by Bev. Geo. Wm. 
Knox, D. D. 

"Ki, Bi and Ten," by Bev. Gev. Wm. Knox, D. D. 

" Specimens of Ainu Folk Lore," by Bev. Jno. Batchelor. 

" Something more about Shushi's Philosophy," by T. Haga, 

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" Feudal Land Tenure in Tosa," by Rev. R. B. Grinnan. 
" Suma-mura Fifty Years Ago," by Miss H. M. Birkenhead. 
*• On Japanese Swords," by J. M. Dixon, Esq. 

Appendix B. 

List of Exchanges. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia ; Proceedings. 

,f „ Sciences of;Finland (Acta Societatis Scientiarum FinnicsB). 
Agricultural and Horticultural Sociel^ of India ; Journal. 
American Association for the Advancement of Science. 

„ Geographical Society, New York ; Bulletin and Journal. 

,, Oriental Society, New Haven ; Journal. 

,, Philological Association, Boston ; Transactions and JournaL 

,, Philosophical Society, Philadelphia ; Proceedings. 
Annalen des K. K. Natur Hist. Hofmuseum, Wien. 
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 
Anthropologische Gesellschaft in Wien ; Mittheilungen. . 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ; Journal and Proceedings. 
Australian Association for the Advancement of Science. 

,, Museum, Sydney. 
Bataviasch Genootschap ; Notulen. Tidjschrift. Verhandlungen. 
Boston Society of Natural History; Proceedings. 
Bureau of Ethnology, Annual Reports ; Washington. 

„ ,, Education, Circulars of Information ; Washington. 
California Academy of Sciences. 

„ State Mining Bureau ; Report. 
Canadian Institute, Toronto ; Proceedings and Reports. 
China Review ; Hongkong. 
Chinese Recorder ; Shanghai. 

Cochinchine Fran^aise, Excursions et Reconnaisances, Saigon. 
Cosmos ; di Guido Cora, Turin. 
Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Natur -und Yolkerkunde Ostasiens> 

Tokyo : Mittheilungen. 
Geological Survey of India ; Records. 
Geographical and Natural History Survey of Canada. 
Handelsmuseum, Wien. 
Harvard University, Museum of Comparative Zoology; Bulletin, 

Papers, etc. 
Imperial Observatory, Rio Janeiro. 

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Imparial Bossian Geographical Society ; Bulletin and Beports. 

M Society of the Friends of Natural Science (Moscow), Section 
of Anthropology and Ethnography ; Transactions. 
Imperial University of Japan, OoUege of Science ; Journal. 
Japan Weekly Mail, Yokohama. 
Johns Hopkins University Publications, Baltimore. 
Journal Asiatique, Paris. 
Eaiserliche Leopoldinische Carolinische Deutsche Akademie der 

Naturf orscher ; Verhandlungen, Nova -Acta. 
Mus6e Guimet, Lyons, Annales et Bevue, etc. 
Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fur den Orient. 
Observatorio Astronomico Nacional de Tacubaya, Anuario Mexico* 

„ Meteorologico, Monte Video. 

Omithologischer Verein in Wien, Mittheilungen. 
Boyal Asiatic Society of Great Britain ; Journal, etc. 
„ „ „ Bombay Branch ; Journal. 

„ „ „ Ceylon Branch ; Journal and Proceedings. 

„ „ „ China Branch ; Journal. 

„ „ „ Straits Branch ; Journal. 

„ Dublin Society, Scientific Transactions. 
„ Geographical Society ; Proceedings. 
„ „ „ New South Wales Branch. 

„ Society, London ; Proceedings. 
„ „ of Edinburgh ; Proceedings. 

„ „ New South Wales. 

„ „ Tasmania. 

„ „ of Queensland. 

Seismological Society of Japan ; Transactions. 
Smithsonian Institute, Washington D.C. ; Beports, etc. 
Sociedad Geogr4fica de Madrid ; Boletin. 

„ de Geographia de Lisboa, Boletin, Lisbon. 
Soci^t^ Aoad^mique Indo-Chinoise, Saigon. 

„ de Geographic; Bulletin et Compte Bendu des S6ances»- 

„ des Etudes Japonaises, Chinoises, etc., Saigon. 
„ d'Anthropologie de Paris ; Bulletins et M^moires. 
„ d'Ethnographie, Bulletin, Paris. 
Society Neuchateloise de Geographic, Bulletin, Neachatel. 
Sydney, Council of Education, Beport. 
University of Toronto. 
United States Geological Survey. 

„ „ Department of Agriculture. 

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Verein fiir Erdkunde, Leipzig : Mittheilungen. 
-Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandisohen Gesellschaft, Leipzig. 

Appendix C. 

Asiatic Society's Accounts for the Year ending May 31st, 1892. 


To the Hakubunsha, for printing $ 555.215 

To Postage and Stationery 25.955 

.To Insurance on Library and Transactions 32.500 

To Bent of No. 17, Tsukiji 100.000 

To Illustrations for Transactions 24.500 

To Librarian, for removing library ; books and postage . 62.540 

To Kelly & Walsh, Books for Library 70.750 

To Translation 140.000 

To Copying 13.800 

To Advertising 5.000 

Balance 2,318.435 


By Balance from last year $1,825,065 

By Entrance fees 70.000 

By Life Subscriptions 64.000 

By Yearly Subscriptions 562.000 

By Sale of Transactions 837.060 

By Interest at Bank . . . . 60.570 


M. N. Wyckofp, Hon. Treasurer. 
Audited and found correct. 

W.Jno. White. Uu^jors. 


Mr. Droppers spoke regarding the item allowed for translation 
•work, and hoped such payments would in future be sanctioned by the 
Council according to some fixed rule or principle. It seemed to 
him that abuses might result from the present system. Professor 
MUne, Dr. Divers, and Professor Liscomb also spoke as to the same 

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The following officers were elected for the ensuing year : — 
Pbesident — B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 

Vice-Presidents — ^Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D.; James Troup, Esq. 
CoRRESPONDiNa SECRETARY — ^Rcv. Clay McCauley. 
Recording Secretaries — ^A. Tison, Esq.; J. K. Goodrich, Esq. 
Treasurer — M. N. Wyckoff, Esq. 
Librarian — ^Rev. W. J. White. 

Councillors : 

Dr. L. Divers 
Rev. Dr. D. C. Greene, 
Rev. W. I. Lawrance. 
J. H. Longford, Esq. 
Rev. T. M. McNair. 

R. Masujima, Esq. 

J. Milne, Esq. 

W. J. S. Shand, Esq. 

Dr. H. Weipert. 

J. H. Wigmore, Esq. 

Professor Dixon read a note on the manufacture of Cloisonne. 

Thereafter a paper was read by Professor Dixon, entitled 
" Japanese Swords," 

Mr. Dixon displayed various illustrations of famous swords, 
showing one that he had himself seen made by a famous living smith. 
Mr. Liawo, of the Household Department, was then introduced to the 
meeting, and showed several fine swords in his collection, particularly 
a Masamune. A retainer of Viscount Akimoto's was also present 
with a Kanehira blade and several others. These were inspected 
with great interest by members, and various questions were asked. 
A vote of thanks was then passed to Mr. Inawo and the reader of 
the paper. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Digitized by 


( xviii ) 



Alcook, Sir Butherford, k.c.b., Athenseum Club, London, England 

Arnold, c.s.i.n., Sir Edwin, c/o Daily Telegraph Office, London, 

Arthur, Bear- Admiral W., c/o Messrs. HaUett & Co., Trafalgar 

Square, London, England. 
Aston, c.M.G., W. G., Woodlands, Seaton, Devon, England. 
Day, Prof. Geo. E., Yale College, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 
Edkins, d.d., Bev. Joseph, Shanghai. 
Franks, A. W., c/o Kegan, Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Ludgate Hill, 

London, E. C, England. 
Hepburn, m.d., ll.d., J. C, Pasadena, Cal., U. S. A. 
Norkenskjold, Baron A., Stockholm. 
Bein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am-Bhein, Germany. 
Satow, C.M.O., Ernest M., British Legation,' Montevideo. 
Wade, K.C.B., Sir Thomas F., Cambridge, England. 
Whitney, Prof. W. D., New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 

Lite Membebs. 

Anderson, p.b.c.s., W., 2 Harley Street, Cavendish Square, London, 
W., England. 

Atkinson,, B. W., Cardiff, Wales. 

Bisset, F.L.S., J., 72, Yokohama. 

Blanchet, Bev. C. T., Bolton, Lake George, New York. 

Brauns, Prof. Dr. D., HaUe University, Germany. 

Brown, Captain A. B., Central Chambers, 109 Hope Street, Glasgow, 

-Carson, T. G., Bannfield, Coleraine, Ireland. 

Clarke-Thornhill, T. B., Buston Hall, Kettering, Northampton- 
shire, England. 

element, E. W., 5,461, Washmgton Ave., Chicago, 111., U. S. A. 

Digitized by 



Cooper, LL.D., G. J., Hampton Lodge, Stoorton near Stour Bridge, 

Staffordshire, England. 
Peas, F. W., 12 Magdala Place, Edinburgh. 
Dillon, E., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, London, S. W., 

Dixon, P.R.S.E., J. M., Washington University, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A* 
Dixon, M.A., Bev. William Gray, Warrnambool, Victoria, Australia. 
Eaves, Bev. Geo., Poste Bestante, Denver, Colorado, U. S. A. 
Fearing, D., Newport, Bhode Island, U. S. A. 
Flemmich, O. C, Alton House, Hoehampton, England. 
Flowers, Marcus, National Union Club, Albemarle Street, London, W., 

Gowland, W., c/o F. Dillon, Esq., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, 

Kensington, London, S.W., England. 
Gribble, Henry, 134 Pearl Street, New York. 
Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., New York. 
Holme, r.L.s., C, The Bed House, Bixley Heath, Kent, England. 
Kinch, Edward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England. 
Knott,, P.R.8.E., Cargill G., Boyal Society, Edinburgh. 
Liberty, Lasenby, 13 Cornwall Terrace, Begent's Park, London 

Low, C. W., Powis Lodge, Vicarage Park, Plumsted, London. 
Lyman, Benjamin Smith, State Geological Survey Office, Philadelphia, 

Pa., U. S. A. 
Maclagan, Bobert, 9 Cadogan Place, Belgrave Square, London, 

Malan, Bev. C. S., West Cliff Hall, Bournemouth, England. 
Marshall, d.d., T., 48 McCormick Block, Chicago, Dl., U. S. A. 
Marshal, Prof., Queen's CoUege, Kingston, Canada. 
Morse, W. H., c/o Messrs. Smith, Baker & Co., 78 Yokohama. 
Napier, H. M., Glasgow, Scotland. 
Olcott, Colonel Henry S., Adyar, Madras, India. 
O'Neill, John, Trafalgar House, Faversham, Kent, England. 
Parker, E. H., c/o Postmaster General, Bangoon. 
Piggott, F. T., 36 Eaton Terrace, London, S. W., England. 
Bobertson, m.d., Argyll, 14 Charlotte Square, London, England. 
Satow, F. A., 6 Queensborough Terrace, Hyde Park, London, W. 

Stephenson, Dr. J. B., 76 Bartlett st. Boxbury, Boston, U. S. A. 
Todd, C. J., H. B. M. S. ** Mercuiy." 

Tompkinson, M., Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, England. 
Trower, H. Seymour, 51 Montagu Square, London, W., England. 

Digitized by 



Obdinaby Members. 

Akimoto, Viscount, Surugadai, Tokyo. 

Amerman, d.d., Bev. James L., Spring Valley, New York^ 

U.S. A. 
Andrews, Bev. Walter, Hakodate. 
Arrivet, J. B., Koishikawa, Kanatomi-oho, Tokyo. 
Baelz, M.D., E., 12 Kaga Yashiki, Hongo, Tokyo. 
Baker, Colgate, Kobe. 

Batchelor, Bev. J., c/o Bev. Walter Andrews, Hakodate. 
Bickersteth, Bight Beverend Bishop, 11 Sakae-cho, Shiba, Tokyo. 
Bigelow, Dr. W. S., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 
Booth, Bev. E. S., 178 Bluff, Yokohama. 
Brandram, Bev. J. B., Kumamoto. 
Brinkley, b.a., Capt. F., 7 Nagata-cho, Nichome, Tokyo. 
Brown, Matthew, 6 Yokohama. 
Burton, W. K., 9 Kaga Yashiki, Hongo, Tokyo. 
Center, Alex., 4-a Yokohama. 
Chamberlain, B. H., 19 Daimachi, Akasaka, Tokyo. 
Cochran, d.d., Bev. G., 16 Toriizaka, Azabu,^T6ky6. 
Cocking, S., 55 Yokohama. 

Conder, J., 13 Nishi-konya-cho, Kyobashi, Tokyo. 
Coudenhove, Count Henry, Austrian Legation, Tokyo. 
Cruickshank, W. J., 35 Yokohama. 
Dautremer, J., French Legation, Tokyo. 
Deakin, L. H., 20 Yokohama. 
De Bunsen, M., British Legation, Tokyo. 
De Forest, d.d., Bev. J. H., Sendai. 
Dietz, F., 70 Yokohama. 

Divers, m.d., f.r.s., Edward, Imperial University, Tokyo. 
Droppers, Garrett, 41 Shinzaka-machi, Akasaka, Tokyo. 
Du Bois, M.D., Francis, 48 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Duer, Y., Nippon Yusen Kaisha Head Office, Tokyo. 
Dumehn, A., Swiss Consul-General, 90-a Yokohama. 
Eby, D.D., Bev. C. S., 16 Tatsuoka-cho, Hongo, Tokyo. 
Enslie, J. J., British Consulate, Kobe. 
Fardel, C. L., Victoria School, Yokohama. 
Favre-Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama. 
Francis, Bev. J. M., 25 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Eraser, J. A., 143, Yokohama. 
Eraser, Hugh, British Legation, Tokyo. 
Gardiner, J. McD., 40 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Gay, A. 0., 2 Yokohama. 

Digitized by 



Giussani, C, 90-b Yokohama. 

Glover, T. B., 53 Koenchi, Shiba, T6ky5. 

(Goodrich, J. E., 2 Yokohama. 

Green, Rev. C. W., Glen Moore, Pa., U. S. A. 

Greene, d.d., D. C, 24 Nakanochd, Ichlgaya, Tdkyd. 

Griflfis, Rev. W. E., 638 Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

Grif&ths, E. A., British Legation, Tokyo. 

Groom, A. H., 35 Yokohama. 

Gubbins, J. H., British Legation, Tdkyd. 

Hall, J. C, British Consulate, Hakodate. 

Hampden, E. M. Hobart, British Legation, Tdkyd. 

Hannen, Judge N. J., British Consulate, Shanghai. 

Hardie, Rev. A., Ottawa, Canada. 

Hattori, Ichizo, Educational Department, Tokyo. 

Hellyer, T. W., 210 Yokohama. 

Hinton, C. H., Eanazawa, Eaga. 

Hunt, H. J., 62 Concession, Eobe. 

Irwin, R. W., 5 Eiridoshi, Sfikae-cho, Shiba, T6ky6. 

Isawa, S., 50 Dairokuten-ch5, Eoishikawa, Tokyd. 

James, F. S., 142 Yokohama. 

Jamieson, G., c/o Henry S. Eing and Co., Comhill, London, England.^ 

Jaudon, Peyton, 3 Aoi-cho, Akasaka, Tokyd. 

Eanda, Naibu, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Eano, J., Eoto Chugakko, Eumamoto. 

Eeil, O., 61 Yokohama. 

Eenny, W. J., British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Eing, Rev. A. F., 11 Sakae-oho, Shiba, Tokyd. 

Eirby, J. R., 8 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Eirkwood, M., 43 Shinzaka-machi, Akasaka, Tdkyd. 

Knox, D.D., G. W., 27 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Eobayashi, Beika, 12 Yokohama. 

Lambert, E. B., Doshisha, Eydtd. 

Lawrance, W. I., 19 Tsukiji, Tdkyd. 

Lay, A. H., British Consulate, Eobe. 

Layard, R. de B., British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Lisoomb, W. S., 41 Shinzaka-machl, Akasaka, Tdkyd. 

Ldnhohn, Dr. J., 8 Eaga Yashiki, Hongd, Tdkyd. 

Longford, J. H., British Legation, Tdkyd. 

Lowder, J. F., 28 Yokohama. 

Lowell, Percival, 40 Water St., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

MaoCauley, Rev. Clay, Eeidgijuku, Mita, Tdkyd. 

Maodonald, m.d., Rev. D., 4 Tsukiji, Tdkyd. 

Macnab, A. J., 42 Imal-ohd, Azabu, Tdkyd. 

Digitized by 



MacNair, Rev. T. M., Meiji-gakuin, Shirokane, Tokyo. 
Mason, W. B., 41 Koenohi, Shiba, Tokyo. 
Masujima, R., 21 Hiyoshi-cho, Kyobashi, Tokyo. 
Mayet, P., 3 Aoi-cho, Akasaka, Tokyo. 
McCauley, Rev. James M., Meiji-gakuin, Shirokane, Tokyo. 
MoCartee, m.d., D. B., 7 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
McKim, J., 7 Concession, Osaka. 

Meriwether, C, 857 N. Howard St., Baltimore, Md., U. S. A. 
Miller, Rev. E. Rothesay, c/o M. N. Wyckoff, Tokyo 
Milne, p.q.s., p. r. s., John, 14 Eaga Yashiki, Hongo, Tokyo. 
Miinter, Capt., 3 Aoi-cho, Akasaka, Tokyo. 
Miinzinger, Rev. E., 39 Eami Tomizaka, Tokyo. 
Norman, F. J., Hongo, Tokyo. 
Newton, J. C. C, Eobe. 

Palmfer, r.b., Maj.-Gen. H. S., 41 Imai-cho, Azabu, Tokyo. 
Parlett, H., British Legation, Tokyo. 
Patton, J. L., 18 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Perin, G. L., 15 Masago-cho, Hong5, TokyO. 
Quin, J. J., British Consulate, Nagasaki. 
Rentiers, J. B., British Legation, Tokyo. 
Riess, Dr. Ludwig, Tokyo. 

Schurr, G. J. H., 18 Nagata-cho, Ni-chome, T5kyo. 
Scriba, m.d., J., 13 Eaga Yashiki, Hongo, Tokyo. 
Seymour, b.a., m.d., J. N., 32 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Shand, W. J. S., 4-b, Yokohama. 

Shaw, Yen. Archdeacon, 13 ligura, Roku-chome, Tokyo. 
Smith, Rev. G. T., 152 Higashi-katamachi, Eomagome, Hongd, 

Soper, Rev. Julius, Hakodate 
Spencer, Rev. J. 0., Aoyama, Tokyo. 
Spinner, W., 12 Suzukicho, Surugadai, Tokyo. 
Stone, W. H., 3 Aoi-cho, Akasaka, Tokyo. 
Swift, J. S., 85 Myogadani, Tokyo. 
Taft, G. W., Tsukiji, Tokyo. 
Takaki, Dr., 10 Nishi-konya-cho, Eyobashi, TOkyO. 
Thomas, T., 50-b Yokohama. 
Thompson, A. W., 18 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Thompson, Lady Mary, ClifF End House, Scarborough, England. 
Tison, A.M., LL.B., A., Eaga Yashiki, Hongo, TokyO. 
Trevithick, F. H., Shimbashi Station, TokyO. 
Troup, James, British Consulate, Yokohama. 
Tsuda, Sen, Shimbori, Azabu, TokyO. 

Digitized by 



Tyng, T. S., 29 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Vail, Bey. Milton S., Minami-maohi, Aoyama, Tokjd* 

Van de Polder, L., Dutch Legation, Tokyo. 

Van der Heyden, m.d., W., General Hospital, Yokobamai 

Vassillief , T., Imperial Bussian Legation, Tdkyd. 

Waddell, Rev. Hugh, 6 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Walford, A. B„ 10 Yokohama. 

Walsh, T., Kobe. 

Walter, W. B., 1 Yokohama. 

Warren, Bev. C. P., Osaka. 

Weipert, Dr. H., German Legation, Tokyo. 

White, Bev. W. J., 6 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Whitney, m.d., Willis Norton, U. S. Legation, Yenokiaaka, 

Whittington, Bev. Bobert, Azabu, Tokyo. 
Wigmore, J. H., Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. 
T^eman, A. E., British Legation, T5ky5. 
Wilson, J. A., Hakodate. 
Winstanley, A., 50 Yokohama. 
Wyckoff, M. N., c/o Meiji-gakuin, Shirokane, Tdkyd. 
Yatabe,, B. Fujimi-cho, Eojimaohi, Tokyo. 

Digitized by 


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Revised June^ 1891. 

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Revised June, 1891. 

Art. I. The Name of the Society shall be The Asiatic Society 

OF Japan. 

Art. n. The Object of the Society shall be to collect and publish 
information on subjects relating to Japan and other Asiatic 

Art. m. Communications on other subjects may, within the discre- 
tion of the Council, be received by the Society but shall 
not be pubUshed among the Papers forming the Transac- 


Art. rV. The Society shall consist of Honorary and Ordinary 

Art. V. Honorary Members shall be admitted upon special grounds, 

to be determined in each case by the Council. They shall 
not be resident in Japan, and shall not pay an entrance 
fee or annual subscription. 

Art. VI. Ordinary Members shall pay, on their election, an en- 
trance fee of Five Dollars and the subscription for the 
current year. Those resident in Japan shall pay an annual 
subscription of Five Dollars. Those not resident in Japan 
shall pay an annual subscription of Three Dollars or a 
Life Composition of Sixteen Dollars. 

Any Member elected after 80th June shall not be re- 
quired to pay the subscription for the year of his election 
unless he wishes to receive the Transactions of the past 
session of the Society. 

Any person joining the Society can become a Life 
Member by the payment of Fifty Dollars; or any 
person already a member can become a Life Member by 

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the payment of Fifty Dollars, less Two Dollars and Fifty 
Cents for each year in which he has been an Ordinary 

Art. VII. The Annual Subscription shall be payable in advance, on 
the 1st of January in each year. 

Any Member failing to pay his subscription for the 
current year by the 30th of June shall be reminded of his 
omission by the Treasurer. If his subscription still re- 
mains unpaid on the 31st of December of that year, he 
shall be considered to have resigned his Membership. 

Art. VIII. Every Member shall be entitled to receive the Pubhcations 
of the Society during the period of his Membership. 


Art. IX. The Officers of the Society shall be :— 
A President. 
Two Vice-Presidents. 
A Corresponding Secretary. 
Two Recording Secretaries. 
A Treasurer. 
A Librarian. 


Art. X. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council 
composed of the Officers for the current year and ten 
ordinary Members. 


Art. XI. General Meetings of the Society and Meetings of Council 
shall be held as the Council shall have appointed and an- 

Art. Xn. The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be held in June, 
at which the Council shall present its Annual Report and 
the Treasurer's Statement of Accounts, duly audited by 
two Members nominated by the President. 

Art. XTTI. Nine Members shall form a quorum at an Annual 
Meeting, and Five Members at a Council Meeting. At 
all Meetings of the Society and Council, in the absence 

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of the President and Vice-Presidents, a Chairman shall 
be elected by the Meeting. The Chairman shall not 
have a vote unless there is an equality of votes. 
Art. XIV. Visitors (including representatives of the Press) may be 
admitted to the General Meetings by Members of the 
Society, but shall not be permitted to address the Meeting 
except by invitation of the Chairman. 


Art. XV. All Members of the Society shall be elected by the 
Council. They shall be proposed at one Meeting of 
Council and balloted for the next, one black ball in five 
to exclude ; and their Election shall be announced at the 
General Meeting following. 

Art. XVI. The Officers and other Members of Council shall be 
elected by ballot at the Annual Meeting, and shall hold 
office for one year. 

Art. XVn. The Council shall fill up all Vacancies in its Membership 
which may occur between Annual Meetings. 


Art. XVm. The published Transactions of the Society shall contain : — 

(1) Such papers and notes read before the Society as the 
Council shall have selected, and an abstract of the dis- 
cussion thereon ; 

(2) The Minutes of the General Meetings ; 

(3) And, at the end of each annual volume, the Beportt 
and Accounts presented to the last Annual Meeting} 
the Constitution and By-Laws of the Society, and a 
List of Members. 

Art. XIX. Twenty-five separate copies of each published paper 
shall be placed at the disposal of the author, and the 
same number shall be reserved by the Council to be 
disposed of as it sees fit. 

Ar^. XX. The Council shall have power to distribute copies of the 
Transactions at its discretion 

Art. XXI. The Council shall have power to publish, in separate 
form, papers or documents which it considers of sufficient 
interest or importance. 

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Art. XXn. Papers accepted by the Council shall become the property 
of the Society and cannot be published anywhere without 
consent of the Council. 

Acceptance of a paper for reading at a General MeeK 
ing of the Society does not bind the Society to itst 
publication afterwards. But when the Council has 
decided not to publish any paper accepted for reading, 
that paper shall be restored to the author without any 
restriction as to its further use. 


Art. XXIII. The Council shall have power to make and amend By-^ 
Laws for its own and the Society's guidance, provided 
that these are not inconsistent with the Constitution ; and 
a General Meeting by a majority vote may suspend the 
operation of any By-Law. 


Art. XXIV. None of the foregoing Articles of the Constitution can 
be amended except at a General Meeting by a vote of 
two-thirds of the Members present, and only if due notice 
of the proposed Amendment shall have been given at a 
previous General Meeting. 

Digitized by 


( xxxi ) 



Art. I. The Session of the Society shall extend oyer the nine 

months from October to June inclusive. 

Art. n. Ordinarily the Session shall consist of nine monthly 
General Meetings ; but it may include a less or greater 
number when the Council finds reason for such a change. 

Art. m. The place and time of Meeting shall be fixed by the 
Council, preference being given, when the Meeting is 
held in Tokyo, to 4 p.m. on the Second Wednesday of each 
month. The place of Meeting may be in Yokohama 
when the occasion is favourable. 

Art. IV. Timely notice of every General Meeting shall be sent 
by post to the address of every Member resident in 
Tokyo or Yokohama. 


Art. V. The Order of Business at General Meetings shall be :— 

(1) Action on the Minutes of the last Meeting ; 

(2) Communications from the Council ; 

(3) Miscellaneous Business ; 

(4) The Beading and Discussion of papers. 

The above order shall be observed except when the 
Chairman shall rule otherwise. 

At Annual Meetings the Order of Business shall in- 
clude, in addition to the foregoing matters : — 

(5) The Beading of the Council's Annual Beport and 
Treasurer's account, and submission of these for the 
action of the Meeting upon them ; 

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(6) The Election of Officers and Council as directed by 
Article XVI. of the Constitution. 


VI. . The Council shall appoint its own Meetings, preference 
as to time being given to 4 p.m. on the First Wednesday 
of each month. 

Vn. Timely notice of every Council Meeting shall be sent by 
post to the address of every Member of Council, and shall 
contain a statement of any extraordinary business to be 


VIII. The Order of Business at Council Meetings shall be : — 

(1) Action upon the Minutes of the last Meeting; 

(2) Reports of the Corresponding Secretary, 

of the Publication Conmiittee, 
of the Treasurer, 
of the Librarian, 
and of Special Committees ; 

(3) The Election of Members ; 

(4) The Nomination of Candidates for Membership of th« 
Society ; 

(5) Miscellaneous Business ; 

(6) Acceptance of papers to be read before the Society ; 

(7) Arrangement of the Business of the next General 


IX. There shall be a Standing Commitee entitled the Publi- 
cation Committee and composed of the Secretaries, the 
Librarian, and any Members appointed by the Council. 
It shall ordinarily be presided over by the Corresponding 

It shall carry through the publication of the Transao- 
tions of the Society, and the re -issue of Parts out of print. 

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It shall report periodically to the Council and act 
under its authority. 

It shall audit the accounts for printing the Trans- 

It shall not allow authors* manuscripts or printer's 
proofs of these to go out of its custody for other than 
the Society's purposes. 


X. The Corresponding Secretary shall : — 

1. Conduct the Correspondence of the Society ; 

2. Arrange for and issue notices of Council Meetings,, 
and provide that all official business be brought duly 
and in order before each Meeting ; 

3. Attend every Council Meeting and General Meeting 
or give notice to the Recording Secretary that he will 
be absent ; 

4. Notify new Officers and Members of Council of their 
appointment and send them each a copy of the By- 

5. Notify new Members of the Society of their election, 
and send them copies of the Articles of Constitution 
and of the Library Catalogue ; 

6. Unite with the Recording Secretaries, Treasurer and 
Librarian in drafting the Annual Report of the Council 
and in preparing for publication all matter as defined inr 
Article XYIII. of the Constitution. 

7. Act as Chairman of the Publication Committee, and 
take first charge of authors* manuscripts and proofs- 
struck o£f for use at Meetings. 


XI. Of the Recording Secretaries, one shall reside in Tokjd, 
and oiib in Yokohama, each having ordinarily duties 
only in connectioh with Meetings of the Society or its 
Council held in the place where he resides. 

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Xn. The Recording Secretary shall : — 

1. Keep Minutes of General and Council Meetings ; 

2. Make arrangements for General Meetings as instructed 
by the Council, and notify Members resident in Tokyo 
and Yokohama ; 

3. Inform the Corresponding Secretary and Treasurer of 
the election of new Members. 

4. Attend every General Meeting and Meeting of Council, 
or, in case of absence, depute the Corresponding Secre- 
tary or some other Member of Council to perform his 
duties, and forward to him the Minute Book ; 

5. Act for the Corresponding Secretary in the latter*s 
absence ; 

6. Act on the Publication Committee ; 

7. Assist in drafting the Annual Report of the Coimciland 
in preparing for publication the Minutes of General 
Meetings and the Constitution and By-laws of the 
Society ; 

8. Furnish abstracts of Proceedings at General Meetings 
to newspapers and public prints as directed by the 


Xin. The Treasurer shall :— 

1. Take charge of the Society's Funds in accordance with 
the instructions of the Council ; 

2. Apply to the President to appoint Auditors, and 
present the Annual Balance sheet to the Council duly 
audited before the date of the Annual Meeting ; 

3. Attend every Council Meeting and report when request- 
ed upon the money affairs of the Society, or in case of 
absence depute some Member of Council to act for him, 
furnishing him with such information and doouments 
as may be necessary ; 

4. Notify new Members of the amount of entrance fee 
and subscriptions then due ; 

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5. Collect subscriptions and notify Members of their 
unpaid subscriptions once in or about January and 
again in or about June ; apply to Agents for the sale of 
the Society's Transactions in Japan and abroad for 
payment of sums owing to the Society ; 

6. Pay out all Monies for the Society under the direction 
of the Council, making no single payment in excess of 
Ten Dollars without special vote of the Council. 

7. Inform the Librarian when a new Member has paid 
bis entrance fee and first subscription ; 

8. Submit to the Council at its January Meeting the 
names of Members who have not paid their subscrip- 
tion for the past year ; and, after action has been taken 
by the Council, furnish the Librarian with the names 
of any Members to whom the sending of the Transac- 
tions is to be suspended or stopped. 

9. Prepare for publication the List of Members of the 


XIV. The Librarian shall :— 

1. Take charge of the Society's Library and stock of 
Transactions, keep its books and periodicals in order, 
catalogue all additions to the Library, and superintend 
the binding and preservation of the books ; 

2. Carry out the Regulations of the Council for the use 
and lending of the Society's books ; 

3. Send Copies of the Transactions to all Honorary Mem- 
bers, to all Ordinary Members not in arrears for dues 
according to the list furnished by the Treasurer, and 
to all Societies and Journals the names of which are 
on the list of Exchanges ; 

4. Arrange with Booksellers and others for the sale of 
the Transactions as directed by the Council, send the 
required numbers of each issue to the appointed agents, 
and keep a record of all such business ; 

5. Arrange, under direction of the Council, new Ex- 
changes of the Transactions with Societies and 
Journals ; 

6. Draw up List of Exchanges of Journals and of addi- 
tions to the Library for insertion in the Council's 
Annual Beport ; 

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7. Make additions to the Library as instruoted by the 
Council ; 

8. Present to the Oouncil at its June Meeting a state* 
ment of the stock of Transactions possessed by the 
Society ; 

9. Act on the Publication Committee ; 

10. Attend every Council Meeting and report on Library 
matters, or, if absent, send to the Corresponding Score* 
tary a statement of any matter of immediate importance* 


Art. XV. The Society's Rooms and Library shall be at No. 17 
Tsukiji, Tokyo, to which may be addressed all letters and 
parcels not sent to the private address of the Cor« 
responding Secretary, Treasurer, or Librarian. 

Art. XVI. The Library shall be open to Members for consultation 
during the day, the keys of the book cases being in the 
possession of the Librarian or other Member of Council 
resident in the neighbourhood; and books may be 
borrowed on applying to the Librarian. 


Art. XVn. A Member may obtain at half-price one copy for his own 
use of any Part of the Transactions issued prior to the 
date of his Membership. 

Art. XVin. The Transactions shall be on sale by Agents approved 
of by the Council and shall be supplied to these Agents 
at a discount price fixed by the Council. 

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\..^ .... . - V 

NOV 9 1892 


By George Wm. Knox, D.D. 

IRead January 20, 1892.] 


Previous to the recent introduction of western literature 
and science, the intellectual development of the Japanese 
may be studied in three periods, each characterized by a 
distinctive system of religion and ethics. 

The j&rst period came to an end in the eighth century 
of our era. It was the period of Shinto and of pure native 
thought. It has been fully treated in the Transactions of 
this society ^^ 

The second period began with the introduction of 
Buddhism and, with it, of the Chinese civilization in the 
sixth and seventh centuries A.D. Thenceforth for a thou- 
sand years the new religion was supreme. " All education 
was for centuries in Buddhist hands. Buddhism introduced 
art, introduced medicine, moulded the folk-lore of the country, 
created its dramatic poetry, deeply influenced its politics and 
every sphere of social and intellectual activity."^ Beligiously 
its highest distinctively Japanese development was in the 

1 •• The Ko-ji-ki," translated by B. H. Chamberlain, Vol. X. 
Appendix ; " The Revival of Pure Shin-tau,*' by Ernest Satow, Vol. 
III. Appendix ; " Ancient Japanese Rituals,'' by the same, Vols. 
VII, IX; also "The Classical Poetry of the Japanese " by B. H. 

a •* Things Japanese," by B. H. Chamberlain, p. 71, 2nd Ed. 
¥•1. xx.~l 

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thirteenth century, when the Nichiren and Shin sects were 
founded. Its impress is deep upon the literary master- 
pieces of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.* 

The third period began with the establishment of peace 
under Tokugawa leyasu and continued until the period 
of Meiji in which we live. It is the period of the Chinese 
philosophy as interpreted by the great scholars of the So 
(Sung) dynasty in China. 

These periods intermingle and overlap. Kepeated in- 
stances of Chinese influence are detected even in the earliest 
remains of pure Japanese literature ; in the second period 
the influence of the earlier remained and the force of the 
Confucian teaching was strongly felt. And in the third 
period not only did the influences of the three intermingle, 
but they came to philosophical and religious self-consciousness 
and conflict. 

The Confucian ethics came to Japan early in the Chris- 
tian era, just how early is uncertain. The wide influence 
of Chinese thought and civilization date from the 
introduction of Buddhism ; but the distinctive triumph of the 
Chinese philosophy was in the seventeenth century of our 
era. In Japan as in China the prevalent philosophy must be 
distinguished from the traditional and dogmatic ethics. 


This distinction often has been overlooked and the 
philosophy has been identified with the teachings of the 
Sages. Then, as a second step, these teachings are described 
as ** an attempt to isolate the purely human side of 
morals,"^ finding its sole origin " in the conviction that 
human moral life has its basis and its safeguards in 
haman nature."^ The words of Confucius and Mencius 
appear to be ** a set of moral truths — some would 

8 James Troup's translations of the Shin teaching, Vols. XIV* 
XVII of these Transactions. 

* " The International Journal of Ethics," Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 307. 

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say truisms — of a very narrow scope and of dry 
<5eremonial observances, political rather than personal.'** 
However true this characterization of the early Chinese 
teachings may be, one dissents when it is set forth, finally, 
as " the creed of educated Chinamen *';^ nor, so far as my 
limited study goes, can I find that it has satisfied ** the Far- 
Easterns of China, Korea and Japan." 

It is not necessary to linger over the eflfbrts to prove the 
original monotheism of the Chinese nor to recount the 
religious elements in the teaching of Confucius.® After his 
death there was a rapid ** degeneracy,** for his " set of 
moral rules '* left an open door for other doctrine. In the 
time of Mencius scholars openly ridiculed the ** Master,** 
itnd in spite of Mencius 's opposition Taoism gained in 
strength. Later on for centuries Taoism had " the field 
pretty much to itself;"^ until at a subsequent date this 
mystical system received "Buddhism with open arms."® 

As early as 65 A. D. the Imperial sanction was given to 
the Indian religion, and thenceforth for centuries men were 
zealous for both Confucius and Buddha.® So in the time of 
the Eastern Tsin ** Buddhism was the chief religion, , . . 
and the doctrines of Confucius were much esteemed ;*'^° and 

5 •' Things Japanese," 2nd Edition, p. 92. 

•5 See "The Religions of China," Lecture I; and Faber's *' A 
Systematical Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius," pp. 44-53. 

7 *« The Religions of China," p. 180. 

8 *♦ The China Review " Vol. VIII, No. 1, p. 69. 

» Dr. Edkins (" The Phoenix " Vol. Ill, pp. 47-49) divides the 
intellectual development of China into five stages ;-l. Struggles for 
Confucianism against various speculations, with Taoist doctrine gain- 
ing yearly ; 2, The *• Han ", when the ton© of speculation was 
predominantly Taoist ; 3, The six dynasties, when Buddhism was 
triumphant ; 4, The " Tang," luxurious and poetical ; 5, The 
,* Sung," and on to our day. In none of these periods was " the 
purely human side of morals " the ♦' creed of educated Chinamen." 
Some addition was always needed to satisfy their intellectual and 
religious natures. 

10 The Middle Kingdom, Vol. II, p. 165. 

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again we read of the emperor Wuti of the Liang in the sixth 
century : ** Wuti did much to restore literature and the study 
of Confucius ; ... In his latter days he was so great a 
devotee of Buddhism that he retired to a monastery like 
Charles V.'*" This harmony continued with little to disturb 
it until the time of the So (Sung). 

It was during this period of Buddhist supremacy that 
the Chinese literature was brought to Japan, and here too it 
was honoured but made no effort to disentangle itself from 
its ally ; the Buddhist religion, and not the Confucian ethics,, 
bring characteristic of the period. 

When, however, under Tokugawa rule, Chinese thought 
a second time made conquest of Japan, it was no longer 
friendly to Buddhism. While Japan had slept its long sleep 
of centuries (from the twelfth to the seventeenth) China had 
been awake. At last Confucianism had taken on the form 
of a developed philosophy and with its new self- conscious- 
ness had attacked and routed its quondam friend. This new 
philosophy has satisfied the intellect of China and intro- 
duced into Japan won its way here also at once. The ages 
of Buddhistic faith came to a close and the intellect of Japan 
accepted in the place of the Indian religion the pantheistic 
phUosophy of Shushi (Chu Hi).^^ 

The luxury and poetry of the To (Tang) were followed 
by the struggles of the So (Sung, A. D. 970-1127, or includ- 
ing the ** Southern Sung'* until 1277). During the reigns 
of Chin-tsung and of his son Tin-tsung ** a violent contro- 
versy arose among the literati and officials as to the best 
mode of conducting the government. Some of them, as 
Sz*ma Kwang the historian, contended for the maintenance 
of the old principles of the sages. Others, of whom Wang 
Ngan-shi was the distinguished leader, advocated reform 

11 The Middle Kingd'om, Vol. II, p. 166. 

12 The Chinese philosophy is sometimes called *' agnostic," so 
*• a friendly German critic" in ** Things Japanese," p. 94, and that 
too was once my opinion, " Osaka Conference," p. 115. It is not 
agnostic, but pantheistic, as will abundantly appear. 

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and change to the entire overthrow of existing institutions. 
For the first time in the history of China two political par- 
ties peacefully struggled for supremacy, each content to de- 
pend on argument and truth for victory. The contest soon 
grew too hitter, however, and the accession of a new mon- 
arch, Shin-tsung, enabled Wang to dispossess his opponents 
and to manage state affairs as he pleased. After a trial of 
eight or ten years the voice of the nation restored the con- 
servatives to power, and the radicals were banished beyond 
the frontier. A discussion like this, involving all the cher- 
ished ideas of the Chinese, brought out deep and acute 
inquiry into the nature and uses of things generally, and the 
writers of this dynasty, at the head of whom was Chu Hi, 
made a lasting impression on the national mind."^^ 


The best known of the ** orthodox '* philosophers of 
the So are Chow Tun-i, (A. D. 1017-1078), the brothers 
Ch'eng (A. D. 1032-1085, and 1033-1107), and above 
all Chu Hi. Of the younger Ch'eng it is said, — '* His 
criticisms on the classics opened a new era in Chinese philo- 
sophy and were reverently adopted by his great successor 
Chu Hi."" The names of Ch'eng and Chu are associated 
together, and the dominant philosophy is called the system 
of Tei-Shu (Japanese pronunciation). 

These philosophers may be compared to the schoolmen 
of Europe. They were no longer satisfied with the earlier 
unsystematic exposition of the Confucian ethics, but called 
metaphysics to their aid and transformed the groups of 
aphorisms and precepts into an ontological philosophy. As 
the schoolmen mingled with the teachings of the prophets 
and apostles elements drawn from Grecian and Eastern 
philosophy, so did these Chinese schoolmen mingle elements 
drawn from Buddhism and Taoism in their system based 
ostensibly on the classics. Their indebtedness to these two 

13 The Middle Kingdom, Vol. II, p. 174. 
^^Mayers's •' Manual," p. 34. 

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religions was none the less real because of their vehement 
rejection of both as heretical. And as the teachings of the 
schoolmen ruled European thought for centuries and were 
the medium through which the words of Christ were studied, 
so were the teachings of the Tei-Shu school supreme in the 
East and the medium through which China and Japan 
studied and accepted the words of the Sages. To disregard 
their philosophy and suppose that the earlier and simpler 
teaching has remained supreme, is as if we should disregard 
the whole historical development of theology and state that 
the synoptic gospels have contented Europe for eighteen 
hundred years. 

Shushi was born in the year 1180 and died in the 
year 1200. He was historian and statesman as well as 
commentator and philosopher. Educated in Buddhism and 
Taoism, he rejected both and completed the system of 
Ch'eng. He was repeatedly employed by the emperor in 
posts of high importance, but finally died in retirement* 
His system has remained the standard in China and no 
deviation from his teaching has been permitted in the exami- 
nations. His commentary is the orthodox exposition and his 
philosophy the accepted metaphysic.^* " The Sect of the 
Learned '* designates his followers. 

15 Shushi's name is variously written by writers in China, Chu- 
hsi, Choo He, Chu He, Chu Hi and Ku Hsi. Dr. Legge has used 
much of Shushi's commentary in connection with his various trans- 
lations. Accounts of his life are given by Mayer, p. 25 ; Meadows, 
The Chinese, Chap. XVIII ; in the Chinese Kepository, Vol. XVIII, 
p. 206 f. A section of his writings has been translated by Medhurst, 
Chinese Repository, Vol. XIII, pp. 552, 609 ff. Also by Canon 
McClatchie, — " Chinese Cosmogony," being •' Section Forty-Nine of 
the Complete Works," with criticisms and defence in The China 
Review, Vol. Ill, p. 342 f.. Vol. IV, pp. 84, 342 ff. ♦♦ The Middle 
Kingdom" has various references to Shushi (Chu Hi), the most 
extended being Vol. I, pp. 682-685. An interesting account of some 
points in his philosophy is given by W. A. P. Martin, D. D., — '* The 
Cartesian Philosophy before Descai-tes, (Extract from the Journal of 
the Peking Oriental Society)." See also Faber*s " Doctrines of Con- 
fucius," pp. 32-33. Rev. Griffith Jolm, Journal of the North China 
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 37-44., The, 
Ethics of the Chinese." 

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The philosophy of Shushi (Chu Hi) is thus described 
by Eitel : — ** Though modern Confucianism has long 
discarded the belief in the one supreme God, of which 
their classical writings still preserve a dead record, and 
though they . substituted for the personal God whom 
their forefathers worshipped, an abstract entity, devoid 
of personality, devoid of all attributes whatsoever, yet 
they look upon nature not as a dead inanimate 
fabric, but as a living, breathing organism. They see a 
golden chain of spiritual life running through every form of 
existence and binding together, as in one living body, every- 
thing that subsists in heaven above or on earth beneathf 
What has so often been admired in the natural philosophy o. 
the Greeks, — that they made nature live ; that they saw in 
every stone, in every tree, a living spirit; . . . — this 
poetical, emotional and reverential way of looking at natural 
objects, is equally a characteristic of natural science in 

There is a ** child-like reverence for the living powers 
of nature," a ** sacred awe and trembling fear of the unseen," 
a ** firm belief in the reality of the invisible world and its 
constant intercommunication with the seen and temporal." 

** Choo-He's mode of thinking has in fact been adopted 
by modern Confucianism." According to him ** there was 
in the beginning one abstract principle or monad, called the 
* absolute nothing,' which evolved out of itself the * great 
absolute.* This abstract principle or monad, the great 
absolute, is the primordial cause of all existence. When it 
first moved, its breath^'' or vital energy congealing, produced 
the great male principle. When it had moved to the utter- 
ly ♦• Between heaven and earth there is nothing so important, so 
almighty and omnipresent as this breath of nature. . . Through it 
heaven and earth and every creature live and move and have their 
being. Nature's breath is, in fact, but the spiritual energy of the 
male and female principles." ** Feng-shui," p. 45. 

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most it rested, and in resting produced the female principle. 
After it had rested to the utmost extent, it again moved, and 
thus went on in alternate motion and rest without cessation. 
When this supreme cause divided itsell into male and female 
that which was above constituted heaven, and that which 
was beneath formed the earth. Thus it was that heaven 
and earth were made. But the supreme cause having 
produced by evolution the male and female principles, and 
through them heaven and earth, ceased not its constant 
permutations, in the course of which men and animals, 
vegetables and minerals, rose into being. The same vital 
energy, moreover, continued to act ever since, and continued 
to act through those two originating causes, the male and 
temale powers of nature, which ever since mutually and 
alternately push and agitate one another, without a moment's 

Now, the energy animating the two principles is called 
in Chinese K'e (Japanese Ki), or the breath of nature. 
When this breath first went forth and produced the male and 
female principles and finally the whole universe, it did not 
do so arbitrarily or at random, but followed fixed, inscru- 
table, and immutable laws. These laws or order of nature, 
called Li, were therefore abstractly considered prior to the 
issuing of the vital breath, and must therefore be considered 
separately. Again, considering this Li (Japanese Ri), or the 
general order of the universe, the ancient sages observed that 
all the laws of nature and all the workings of its vital breath 
are in strict accordance with certain mathematical principles, 
which may be traced or illustrated by diagrams, exhibiting 
the numerical proportion of the universe called Su, or 
numbers. But, . . these three principles are not directly 
cognizable to the senses : they are hidden from view and 
only become manifest through forms and outlines of physical 

" '* Feng-shui," pp. 6-9., See ♦' Ki, Ki and Ten " below. Also my 
*^ Comment " below for a further exposition, differing somewhat from 

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This is the system which came to Japan in the 17th 
century and won the adherence of all educated men. 
It displaced Buddhism at once and finally in the regard 
of the higher classes. Buddhism indeed made no defence 
but accepted its fate. Later on however the orthodox 
Chinese philosophy encountered other enemies. The revival 
of an interest in history, fostered by the Tokugawa, was 
followed by a revived interest in Pure Shinto, a Shinto 
disentangled from its Buddhistic ally and restored to its 
supposed early form. This religion was intensely national 
and intensely anti- Chinese in spirit.^® It waged its war, not 
wholly without effect, in the eighteenth and nineteenth 
centuries. ,It affected somewhat the later writers of the 
Chinese school. But the followers of Confucius, or better of 
Shushi, to the end commanded the assent of the great 
majority of educated men. And this, too, in spite of still 
another attack. This was made by the school of Oyomei 
3.ffi^Hfl. In opposition to the *' scientific philosophy" of 
Shu-shi it sought to substitute an idealistic intuitionalism. 

Shushi attempted to agree with the differing schools of 
Chinese thought, bringing them together in spite of their 
inherent differences. He was to this extent an eclectic. He 
was strongly conservative and held fast to the past, it being 
understood of course that his own interpretation was to be 
accepted as the teaching of the past. He was historian and 
commentator as well as philosopher. Already in his own 
time his views met opposition in favour of a free development 
of thought. And among the men of his time Rikusosan^^ 

18 See " The Revival of Pure Shin-tau," pp. 13-14, 21-34. 

^^ f&^ yU b. 1140 A. D. *• In opposition to the critical philoso- 
phical erudition of Chu-hsi, Lu desires rectification of heart and life 
to be the main point, as the commencement and aim of study. 
There is no doubt that in this Confucius stands on his side.'' 
Faber*s " Doctrines of Confucius," p. 33. 

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insisted that his own heart, and not the past should be the 
chief object of study. He however wrote little and his first 
great follower was Oyomei. 


Oyomei was born in the year 1472 A. D. and died in 
the year 1528. He was a provincial governor ** and in this 
capacity gained high renown through his conduct of military 
affairs. In 1518 he subdued an insurrection in Kiang-si and 
in 1527, conducted a campaign against the wild tribes in 
northern Kwang-si."^ He is famous for his humour and 
for his fine literary style. His style is clear and intellectual, 
and no one has since equalled it in China or Japan. He 
was peculiarly fond of studies pertaining to war. He was 
also a poet of originality and power. In China many 
scholars accepted his doctrine at once, but in Japan his 
following has been small, for the Tokugawa government gave 
its patronage wholly to the school of Shushi and forbade the 
public teaching of the doctrines of Oyomei. 

Oyomei was not a repeater of past wisdom, nor a 
commentator : he sought to find all truth within his own 
heart. He cared nothing for the scientific investigation of 
the outer world, nor for the study of history. He even 
thought that all reading might be dispensed with and refused 
to commiserate a scholar who was lamenting the loss of his 
sight, Oyomei assuring him that he should be content, since 
he bore all truth within his own heart and needed not eyes 
to aid in studying that. 


Differing thus in method he also denied the fundamental 
positions of the philosophy of Shushi. The latter, as we have 

^ Mayers's " Manual," p. 246. This brief paragraph is all I have 
been able to find in English. A lecture recently given by Prof. 
Inoue of the Imperial University is the authority for my account 
of Oyomei and his philosophy. Printed in the Bikugo Zasshi — 
Feb. 1892. 

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seen, taught the existence of both " ki '* and ** ri," spirit and 
law. His conception of ** ki " corresponded to the Stoic 
doctrine of ** pneuma.***^ Ki by no means necessarily im- 
plies personality. Sometimes it is described as if it were the 
essence, the inner power, of all things. It is not ** spiritual '* 
in our modern and defined use of the word. It is identified 
with the air. It exists in all things. All things may be called 
**ki,'* the grass, the trees, the human body. But man's 
heart is also ** ki" and shows its nature when the passions 
are aroused. From this point of view we might think 
Shushi as strict a materialist as the Stoics, but then too we 
should interpret matter in the Stoic and not in the modern 
sense. There are formless ki and ki impalpable and in- 
visible. Over against the ki is placed the ** ri," the law,, 
the principle of nature. Ei is invisible and is the same as 
the ** Way," as reason. It is not however merely abstract, 
for then would it be the same as the Buddhist ** nature." 
Hi is an entity as real as ki, indeed even more truly an 
entity for it (theoretically) preceded ki and ki depends on 
it.^ Still in the actual world there is no ki without ri 
and no ri without ki. Man's heart, his ki, is pohshed and 
refined by the ri, so the ri must be studied and thus the 
fundamental process is ** the distinction of things." ^ If we 
do not thus ** know," even the best action will not avail.^ 

21 Pneuma •• is the totality of nil existence ; out of it the whole 
visible universe proceeds, hereafter to be resolved into it again. . . . 
Out of it separated first the elemental fire, and this again condenses 
into air ; a further step in the downward path derives water and earth 
from the solidification of air. . . . From the elements the one sub- 
stance is transformed into the multitude of individual things." Enc. 
Brit., art. Stoics. Compare pp. 46-47 below. 

22 For an example of the process of this " reification of the con- 
cept" see p. 47 below. 

23 This method professes to rest upon a phrase of Confucius.. 
" the distinction of things." See p. 43 note, below. 

2* P. 72 below. 

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Now Oyomei was an idealist and would have none 
of this distinction into ki and ri. Outside of the heart 
itself there is no ri, no law, no principle. The heart 
and the ri are identical. All the ri is contained within 
the heart and there is no place for ** the distinction 
•of things." The heart is the same as the '* Way " and 
the ** Way *' is the same as ** Heaven." If a man 
knows his heart he knows the " Way " and if he knows 
the "Way" he knows Heaven. All depends on purifying 
the heart. Good and evil are all of it, and there is neither 
good nor evil apart from it. Men are all good as Shushi, 
after Mencius, taught, and can all purify their hearts if 
they will, though in this too there are natural differences. 
All men are divided into three classes, and the highest have 
sn intuitive knowledge that is their own innate standard. 
This innate knowledge is however in all men ; make it clear 
and all is clear. And it is purified by obedience to the five 
relations and the five virtues. We gain nothing from with- 
out ; all is already within and needs only to be thus studied 
by obedience. To act is to know. If we say we know, we 
already act or we do not truly know. Knowledge is the 
beginning of action and action is the completion of 

Thus ethical science is the only science and nothing else 
is worthy of our attention or thought.^ 

Oyomei fully accepted idealism. He asserted that apart 
from our hearts there is nothing. The flower comes into 
existence when it becomes known and ceases to be when it 
passes out of our knowledge. But he also teaches a cosmo- 
logical idealism, as he asserts that there is this all important 
innate knowledge, the best endowment of man, in every- 
thing, in grasses, stones, trees, in Heaven and in Earth. 

26 Oyomei' 8 system may be studied in thej||g^, Den-shu- 
roku, the Zen-sho and Zen-shu, fj^fiR^'^ ^^fi^M- 

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By virtue of it each thing is itself and all partake of the 
same ethical law. 

OyOmei was in his early years a believer in Buddhism 
and his writings show strong marks of its influence, but he 
rejected it as a system. He taught that his purpose differed 
from the Buddhist. The end of his doctrine was not self- 
absorption in mystic contemplation, but the attainment of 
virtue, the attainment of the practical virtue needed by men 
alive and of the world. 


The profound repugnance this system excited among the- 
followers of Shushi is well represented in the Shunda- 
Zatsuwa.^ The government of the Shogun forbade its propi 
agation and permitted only the orthodox teaching in its 
schools. Several well known scholars are reputed followers 
of Oyomei, although their published writings do not expreesly 
indicate the fact. Among others is Nakai Toju (Omi Seijin). 
He lived in the first half of the seventeenth century and was 
a voluminous writer. In his writings on ethics he does not 
profess his dependence on Oyomei, yet agrees with him in all 
the essentials of his system. 


** How can we be sure then of the proper course of 
conduct ? Hold fast in our hearts the great principles 
of unselfishness and humility, cast evil out of our hearts 
and follow truth. *'*^ His teaching does not expressly 
differ from the " orthodox " school, yet his emphasis is 
different. He exalts " heart learning," insists upon the 
supreme duty of ** polishing the illustrious virtue " of 
our hearts and proclaims the Confucian laws to be the 
" manifestation of the virtues of the heart." To him the 
heart learning is in all, but the sage intuitively beholds it 

«>Pp. 28 £. below. 

a^Okina mondo. Vol. II p. 3. 

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while others are indebted to his teaching. Still may all, 
even the ignorant, attain the blessedness of virtue, as the 
heart learning extends from lowest to highest, and all go 
therein, yet with distinction of powers and place. " The great 
highway is for all, but the travellers are not of equal 
strength. There are men and women, old and young, weak 
^nd strong; for every one there is a duty suited to his 
powers, and doing that he fulfils the law of filial piety." ^ 
** But," objects the questioner, '* this virtue is so broad 
that I cannot attain it." And the answer is, — " That is 
ihe suggestion of a bad heart. You can attain it just 
because it is so broad. The light of sun and moon goes 
everywhere, and each one according to the strength of his 
eyes can use it ; so every one, man and woman, learned and 
unlearned alike, can obey this virtue according to each 
one's ability. In Heaven it is called Heaven's * Way ' 
.and on earth, earth's * Way.' Originally it had no name, 
but for the sake of teaching the ignorant the Sages called it 
'* filial obedience' "^ *' It dwells in the universe as the 
.spirit dwells in man. It has no beginning nor end. 
Without it is neither time nor being. In all the universe there 
is nothing without it. As man is the head of the universe, 
its image in miniature, filial obedience is in both body and 
spirit and is the pivot of his existence." ** As a looking-glass 
reflects many shapes and colours but is itself unchanged, so 
does filial obedience reflect all the virtues, itself unchange- 
able. All the virtues, all duties may be resolved into it, 
<and it is called filial obedience, because obedience to parents 
is the beginning of the * Way.' Its essence is to perceive 
that as our bodies are derived from our parents and are yet 
one with them, so are their bodies derived from the spirit of 
heaven and earth, and the spirit of heaven and earth is the 
offspring of the spirit of the universe ; thus my body is one 
with the universe and the gods. Clearly perceiving this 

«^ Okina Hondo, Vol. V. p. 35. 
» " " Vol. I. p. 3. 

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truth and acting in accordance with it is obedience to the 
* Way.* This * obedience is like the great sea, and 
the various relationships are like vessels with which we 
dip out the water ; as the vessel is big or small, round or 
square, so the water appears, but it is all alike the water of 
the great sea."^ 

It is this implicit dependence upon the intuitions of the 
heart that gives the system of OyOmei its attractiveness to 
many Japanese. ** His followers were few, but were all 
strong men,"*^ we are told. And on the other hand, — 
" Shushi's teaching is admirable but it weakened and ener- 
vated the spirit of the Japanese." ^ 


The two systems differ, but their points of agreement are 
more than their divergencies. They are mere varieties of the 
Jukyo, " The Sect of the Learned." Both rest upon the same 
fundamental ethical propositions, however distinct their more 
metaphysical principles. They are alike in the belief that 
righteousness is life. The shortest time is sufficient, is the 
" true long life," if spent in conformity to the * Way.' A 
clear perception of the * Way * includes all the rest ; this is 
the true long life and wealth and peace, for if the heart be at 
rest outward circumstances matter not. And an evil heart 
includes all the curses ; sights and sounds are painful ; even 
without outward sorrow there is no rest." ^^ Both rest 
their authority ultimately upon the classics, though the Oyo- 
mei school put less stress upon mere learning. ** If one 
sentence of the Book of Changes be mastered it will teach 
all that is in the classics. But the Book of Changes is diffi- 

33 Okina MondO, Vol. I. pp. 8-7. The Okina Mondo is a posthu- 
mous work of Nakai Toju printed in 1650 A.D. I printed an abridged 
translation in *• The Chrysanthemum," Vol. II., Nos 3, 4, 6, 8. 

29 Prof. T. Inoue. 

80 The Kev. M. Uemura. 

81 Okiua Mondo, Vol. n., p. 34. 

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cult of comprehension, so Confucius wrote the Classic of 
Filial Piety. This will suffice ; but after it is mastered, ac- 
cording to time and strength we are to go on to others." 
This doubtless is a point of great practical diiference, the 
orthodox school recommending a study of the books that 
shall occupy the entire life. Yet both agree in reprobating a 
scholarship that is apart from morals, that is not expressed 
in action, that does not govern the life. ** True learning is 
disregard of self, obedience to the * Way * and the ob- 
servance of the five relations. Its eye-ball is humility. 
Wide learning applies all this to the heart. False learning 
desires the honour of wide learning, envies those who excel, 
wishes only for fame and makes pride its eye-ball. It has 
nothing to do with obedience and the more one has the 
worse he is. Let us beware lest we tread the evil way 
leading down to the brutes and the dominion of the devils. 
False learning fosters this pride and never thinks of casting 
it away."^ ** Humble folk who obey but cannot read are 
taught by others ; not reading it is as if they read. That is 
heart-reading, for it conforms to the heart of the Sages. 
Mere reading with the eye while the heart is far away is 
not true reading ; it is to read as if reading not. In 
the age of the gods, imitation of the conduct of the 
Sages was true learning. Now there are no Sages, and 
true learning consists in understanding the classics and reg- 
ulating conduct thereby. Thus may, we polish the 
illustrious jewel of our hearts. To cast away the classics 
and trust our dark misled hearts, is to cast away the candle 
and seek in the dark for that which is lost."** 


Both systems strongly express their hatred of Bud- 
dhism and ignore their indebtedness to its teaching. ** In 
India Shaka (Buddha) himself never got beyond the outside 

82 Okina Mondo, Vol. m., pp. 10-12. 

M *♦ ♦* Vol. III., pp. 12-14. Compare pp. 61 below. 

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of things. His purpose was indeed good but he was 
ignorant of the essential principles. After his death even 
the semblance of truth disappeared, and his system dis- 
suaded from virtue and excited to evil. It is to be classed 
with Taoism, and is a thorn in the * Way,' an obstruction 
to the gate of truth ; it is to be avoided as one would flee an 
evil voice and the temptations of lust.'*" 

Omi Seijin was the first great writer on the Chinese philo- 
sophy in Japan and his memory is still cherished as a man 
pure in life, strong in influence and great in letters. He 
established a school and had many followers, of whom Enma- 
zawa Ryokai is the best known. Later Oshio Heihachiro is 
the chief representative ot the Oyomei school. He left little 
in writing, but is ever3rwhere known for fierce opposition to 
Tokugawa and his connection with the Osaka insurrection of 


The scholar who is usually said to have been the first 
exponent of the Chinese philosophy is Seiga. He wrote no 
books. The great scholars of the orthodox school formed a 
group kt the end of the seventeenth century. Of these men the 
best known is Arai Hakuseki. With his name are associated 
the names Ito Jinsai, Ogyu Sorai ^ and Yamazaki Ansai. 

8* Okina Mondo, Vol. IV.. pp. 1-13. 

^ Dming a time of scarcity Oshio's wrath was excited by the 
heartless conduct of an' official in Osaka who refused to remit the 
taxes. So Oshio, influenced by his philosophical views to a democra- 
tic disregard of official rank and right, led an assault upon the 
government warehouses, took out the grain and distributed it to the 
people. The rising was quickly put down and Oshio suffered death 
as a criminal. Another account says that en route to Satsuma he 
was lost at sea — •* Dai Ni Hon Jim-mei Ji-sho. Vol. I : :^ H ^A^S¥# 
It is possible that the teachings of the Oydmei school were more 
dangerous to the existing order than appears to a foreign student, and 
that Tokugawa knew its own interests best as it forbade their propa- 

^ Jinsai and SOrai were not orthodox. See Mr. Haga*s *' Note ** 

Vol. XZ.-9. 

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These writers were transmitters of the wisdom of the 
Chinese and worshipped at the shrine of Tei-Shu. No 
Western ever held more closely to the plenary inspiration of 
the Bible as expounded by his favourite commentator than 
these men to the Chinese Classics, They contain the ab- 
solute, eternal truth of Heaven and Earth. By it the uni- 
verse with all its hosts were formed. This ** Way " is the 
unchanging wisdom, the everlasting reason, the Divine arche- 
type. No deviation from it can go unpunished and no varia- 
tion in its exposition can be endured. It is not more re- 
markable that the Japanese orthodoxy attempted no im- 
provement, no amendment in the Classics, than that our 
orthodox writers attempted no improvement or change in 
our sacred text. As western writers on theology fill their 
pages with Biblical references, these writers on the Chinese 
philosophy fill their pages with allusions to the classics. 
Direct quotations abound, and references and phrases, so 
that every sentence has its classical colour. 

It is surprising that the Japanese scholars have at- 
tempted no systematic exposition of either the orthodox or the 
heterodox philosophy. They have been content to go to the 
writings of Shushi and of his Chinese expositors. So too 
have his commentaries satisfied them. There is not an 
original and valuable commentary by a Japanese writer. 
They have been content to brood over the imported works 
and to accept unquestioningly polities, ethics and meta- 


This foreign system moulded the intellectual life of the 
nation. Within its boundaries thought moved and was 
confined. As the new was forbidden so was the old cast 
-off. Buddhism and Shinto were as heretical as the teaching 

37 The Ancient Learning School *' Kogaku '* also rested upon the 
modern Chinese School.— Faber's Doctrines of Confucius, p. 34 ; 
and Mr. Haga's " Note " below. 

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of Oyomei. Society, government, education, literature, 
religion and ethics, all were supplied from this one source. 
Buddhism, as we have seen, influenced the thought of the 
Chinese philosophers, but it was permitted no new influence, 
it was permitted to add no new ideas here in Japan where it 
had been supreme for a thousand years. Shinto effected no 
modification. And the Japanese produced no scholar who 
could do more than repeat what he had been taught. Yet 
this philosophy in thus permeating the nation's life could 
not fail to be modified. It felt the influence of the national 
ideals. It varied from its original standard, yet not as 
modified in statement or in system but as insensibly taking 
on a new colour and feeling a new spirit. 

It follows that one cannot readily point out the distin- 
guishing characteristics of the Chinese philosophy in Japan. 
There is certainly a difference. Here the samurai takes to 
himself the title reserved in China for the literati and adds 
arms to letters. The vocation of arms occupies thus the 
highest place of honour. So too does loyalty take precedence 
of filial obedience and the ethical philosopher can praise with- 
out qualification men who desert parents, wife and childi-en 
for the feudal lord. ^ And with this loyalty is an undue exalta- 
tion of a disregard of life, an exaltation that comes near to 
<;anonizing those who kill themselves no matter how cause- 
lessly, no matter though crime be the reason for an 
enforced suicide.^ The impetuous, uncompromising, war- 
like, partisan character of the people is reflected in their 


The Confucian literature in Japan so far instructed the 
mass of the people as to provide summaries of moral rules 
for them. But these moral rules could exist in harmony 

^ Similar instances are found, of course, in Chinese history. 
80 Pp. 41-42 below 

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with a prevailing Buddhism. And as in China for centuries 
and in Japan for a thousand years the Chinese ethics knew 
no quarrel with the religion of the Buddha, so even after the 
educated men in Japan had given up Buddhism it still re- 
tained its full power over the lower classes and could 
incorporate the Confucian ethics with itself. 

One effort, long continued, was made to win the people 
not merely to the Confucidn ethics but to the foreign 
philosophy. Toward the close of the eighteenth century a 
school of popular preachers expounded the rudiments of 
the Chinese system to the people. They made such con- 
cessions to Buddhism as they thought the case demanded, 
but sought to substitute their system for the people's faith.. 
They continued in a succession until the middle of the nine- 
teenth century but their failure was complete. They made 
no lasting impression upon the nation's mind. The Chinese 
philosophy remained the exclusive possession of the higher 
classes. *° 


The choice of the Chinese philosophy and the rejection 
of Buddhism was not because of any inherent quality in the 
Japanese mind. It was not the rejection of supematuralism 
or of the miraculous. The Chinese philosophy is as super- 
naturalistic as some forms of Buddhism. The distinction 
is not between the natural and the supernatural in either 
system but between the seen and the unseen. The Chinese 
philosophy does not reject the extraordinary ; it has a belief 
in an all-pervading natural " law ", but the wonderful and 
the prodigious are contained therein. It too has its Theo- 

*o Numerous translations of the sermons of this school have been 
printed, among the earliest in A. B. Mitford's *' Tales of Old Japan " 
pp. 288-326. The sermons called Eyuo Dowa and Shingaku Michi 
no Hanashi are best known. Besides these there are among others ; 
— Sha-5 Michi no Hanashi, Doni-o Do-wa, Shingaku-kyoyu-rokuV 
and Zoku-zoku Kyuo Dowa. 

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phanies and its faith-compelling signs. It was not the 
dejection of a religion for a philosophy, for Buddhism 
ean be as philosophical as Shushi or 0y6mei, in fact 
these drew much of their doctrine from its stores. And 
the Chinese philosophy is as religious as the original teach- 
ing of Gautama. Neither Shushi nor Gautama believed in a 
Creator, but both believed in gods and demons. By the 
twelfth century A. D. the earlier belief in monotheism, 
granting that once there was such belief in China, had 
disappeared. In a single passage the Shundai Zatsuwa seems 
to indicate belief in one personal God, but the expressions 
fade away, and there remains only a belief in the Divinity 
of the immanent forces of the universe.*^ It holds to " a 
power not ourselves that makes for righteousness'* and to 
our constant dependence upon the Unseen. It has little 
place for prayer, but has a vivid sense of the Infinite and the 
Unseen and fervently believes that right conduct is in accord 
with the ** eternal verities." Its morality ** is touched with 


In neither Shushi nor Oyomei is there firm grasp of the 
idea of personality. As there is no personal Creator, 
man is the highest expression of the forces of the universe. 
Even gods and devils fear his ** determined mind." But as 
in the makrokosm so in the mikrokosm : the ultimate reali- 
ties are force and law. Man has no immortal soul. He is 
highest in the scale of existence, yet is he only one in the 
endless series. The station is greater than the individual 
and it determines him. His whole duty is to live as befits 
his station. The Buddhist doctrine that a man may leave 
his station and become a priest is to be abhorred. It comes 
from the false doctrine of " three worlds." Shaka forsook 
his kingdom and became a hermit. He did not know fully 
the truth. To the Confucianist such asceticism is the act of 

*i P. 60 below. 

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a madman. Every man is to follow the " Way *' with un- 
shaken heart in the station in which he was born. To think 
certain acts virtuous is the error of the ignorant and the 


For all evil is disarrangement. Confusion is the 
essence of evil. Strictly speaking there is no other evil. 
" Nothing is bad by nature but everything is good, yet with 
a distinction of rank." When this distinction of rank is 
preserved all are good. But this ideal goodness is rarely 
realized. ** The gods are the activity of Heaven and Earth, 
the excellent power of the In and Yo, and of the true * law.* 

But as the gods come to the world there is both 

good and evil. For though the working throughout the four 

seasons of the five elements is of no evil at all, 

still as that * spirit ' is scattered throughout the universe 
and confused there arise unexpected winds, heat, cold and 
storms."*^ So is it with man and all that is his. As a part 
of nature he too is good, originally good, but as his ** nature 
is individualized both good and evil appear."" Let him put 
himself in harmony with the true nature, — above all let him 
obey with unshaken heart, and all will be well. 

So with the state, crime is " confusion." The ancient 
order has been lost and therefore evil appears. ** In the time 
of old the Sage was on the throne ; the Superior Man was 
next in authority and all who ruled were wise, the stupid 
occupying their natural position below the rest. So from 
highest to lowest wisdom determined the rank and there was 
none evil. The only distinction was of superior and in- 
ferior."*^ And the Sage ruled by doing "nothing." It 
was enough that he was enrobed, enthroned, with folded 

*a The Okina Mondo, Vol. V. pp-17-18. 

« P. 55 below. 

^ P. 55 below. 

« The Okina Mond5, Vol. II., p. 31. 

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arms. Not by vain exertions and strife may the empire or 
the individual be ruled. It is by doing nothing, by letting 
nature have its way that a Divine excellence is attained. 


Man's deepest " self* lies hidden far below his changing 
"self" of act and thought and desire and will. In mys- 
terious darkness it is nourished and by doing naught. Let 
not man break in on that depth ; let him not direct and will 
and wish. The springs of his being reach down to the 
springs of the universe itself. Without selfishness, without 
rash self-determination, let the truer, deeper **self'* be 
nourished and from that strength the life will come and then 
in act and word there shall be no danger of a fall.*^ And at 
death man shall return to the all pervading spirit, ** as a 
vapour in the sky melts away, as a drop mingles with the 
sea, as fire disappears in fire."*^ He can have no immortal 
soul. For his conscious self there is ** nothing beyond 
slipping into the grave." His highest hope is that 
his influence for good may survive ; and his greatest 
fear is that his memory may be accursed.*® He worships 
his ancestors as commanded by the Sages, but that 
worship does not necessarily imply the doctrine of a 
conscious, personal immortality.*^ ** The soul wholly dis- 

*^ P. 60 below. Compare a certain pbase of Christian mysti- 
cism : — •' Oh to be nothing, nothing ;" •* A broken and empty vessel ;" 
*' Emptied, that He might fill me ;" '* Broken, that so unhindered,. 
His life through me might flow." 

« The Okina Mondo, Vol. V p. 26. 

*8 P. 40 below. 

*» The worship of ancestors remains an inconsistency difficult of 
explanation in Shushi's philosophy. He teaches (in the Gorui If U) 
that at death we are like the flame : it ascends and disappears yet we 
cannot say that it has ceased to be. It is the law that man's spirit 
(ki ^) dissolves at death, vanishes into thin air ; but there are excep- 
tions. When men naturally, and, so to speak, willingly die the 
spirit thus dissolves, but when they die violently, with strong protest,, 
the spirit remains for a time collected and may return and show it* 

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solves at death but my spirit is one with the spirit of my 
ancestors. So though all other spirits dissolve yet does the 
root of this remain and when I worship their spirits gather 
again. So it was that the Sages enforced this worship. 
And as my spirit is one with the spirit of my ancestors, so 
is the spirit of the noble one with the spirit of his dominion, 
and when he worships the spirits of the dead respond* 
When I speak of the universe there is indeed only one 
spirit ; when I speak of myself, my spirit is the spirit of my 
ancestors and so it is that when I * feel,* they * respond.* 


Without critical examination and upon foith Japan ac- 
cepted the Chinese philosophy. Once it had accepted the 
Chinese ethics in alliance with the Buddhist religion ; as 
trustingly it adopted the philosophy of Tei-Shu with all its 
hostility to the Indian faith. Nor did the *' eclipse of faith** 
cost the scholars of the period of the Tokugawa any heart 
burnings. Buddhism went at once at the bidding of this 
new comer and left ** not a wrack behind.*' In acceptance 
and rejection alike no native originality emerges, nothing 
beyond a vigorous power of adoption and assimilation. 
No improvements in the new philosophy were even attempt- 
ed. Wherein it was defective and indistinct, defective and 
indistinct it remained. The system was not thought out to 
its end and independently adopted. Polemics, ontology, 
ethics, theology, marvels, heroes, all were enthusiastically 
adopted on faith. It is to be added that the new system was 
superior to the old, and this much of discrimination was 

It is not my purpose to discuss the Chinese philosophy, 
not even the Tei-Shu philosophy as represented in Japan. 

self and work harm. A man who was killed by his adulterous wile 
appeared to her undoing, for his hati^d held his spirit together until 
vengeance was executed. But such exceptions are only for a time ; 
finally all alike return to the primeval spirit. Shushi thus saves his 
philosophy and his orthodoxy. 

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I desire to represent the spirit and thought of Old Japan, of 
the educated men of the Tokugawa period. And a Japanese 
<5an best do this, a Japanese who gives his account with 
undisturbed faith and who is a recognized master among his 
countrymen. In the Shundai Zatsuwa of Kyuso Mur6 we 
have the ruling ideas of the Japan that has forever passed 


Muro Naokiyo was bom in Yanaka, in Musaslii, on the 
30th March, 1658. From the home of his ancestors, Ega- 
gori in Bichu, he called himself Ega. From his earliest 
childhood he was distinguished for his love of books and un- 
remitting diligence in study. His life was the wholly un- 
eventful career of a professional scholar. When fifteen years 
of age he went to Kaga and was employed by the prince Of 
that province. Here he lived in a dismantled cottage which he 
named The Pigeon-nest, and from the cottage he adopted the 
same name for himself, Kyu-so, a name by which he was 
thenceforth known, and that is inscribed on his tomb. 

Once when expounding The Great Learning before his 
prince the latter was so greatly pleased that he sent Kyusd 
to Kyoto to continue his studies in the school of the celebrat- 
ed Kinoshita Jun-an. Here Kyuso took first rank and 
made great progress both in acquirements and in literary 

From the year 1711 until his death he was employed 
by the Tokugawa Government and wrote several books at its 
command. He received the highest honour the Government 
could bestow, and rose to great influence and authority. He 
was the devoted advocate of the Tokugawa family and of the 
orthodox school of Chinese philosophy, and made small 
attempt to moderate his expressions when writing of their 
enemies. It was during his life that the famous forty-seven 
ronin performed their exploit, and Kyuso gave them the name 
by which they are still remembered, Gi-shi, the Righteous 

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He died on the 9th September, 1734, and was buried at 
his own request in Edo, Odzuka, Tsukuba-yama-no-ushiro, 
his grave marked by a simple stone engraved, " Kyuso Muro 
Sensei no Haka," the grave of the scholar Kyuso Mur6.*^ 

Since his death his reputation has increased, and he has 
taken a distinguished place among the scholars of Japan, 
being especially remembered for his great learning. 


The Shundai Zatsuwa, Suruga Dai Miscellany, thus named 
from Kyuso's residence on Suruga Dai, is a posthumous 
work first published by his grandson in the year 1750. It 
purports to be a collection of talks with his friends and 
pupils. They would linger a while after Kyuso had com- 
pleted his exposition of the Chinese books, asking questions 
and discussing themes suggested by the lecture. And 
these conversations written down were made into this book. 
It belongs to the class called ** miscellanies,'* the works 
which best represent the spirit and the attainments of the 
Japanese scholars. ^^ 

The Sundai Zatsuwa covers a somewhat wide range. It 
contains polemic against the enemies of the faith, metaphy- 
sics, fundamental ethical principles, politics, religion, the 
art of war, and the laws of literature and poetry. 

It has not been necessary for my purpose to translate 
all. The liter arj* criticisms, the discussions of poetry and 
of military strategy have been omitted. So too have many 
of the historical incidents. Where these incidents illustrate 

50 The ^^^f^^ is the authority for these statements. His 
burial place is in the section of the city now called Eoishikawa. He 
wrote many books ; among them the most celebrated are the following : 

:^*«r^iSAif< x-tjLffe^^ :^mm^M: is^Jii^ mm^^w 

51 Such collections are among the most valuable of the writings of 
the Chinese also, Confucius and Shushi, among others, using this 

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ethical principles or the ideas of the school they have heen 
retained. But Kyuso felt moved to rescue the memory of 
the righteous dead from oblivion, and relates incidents which 
add nothing to our understanding of his ethical and philo- 
sophical views. Many Chinese allusions and illustrations 
have been omitted. The book is famous for its learning, and 
abounds in phrases and incidents that are of significance 
only to one throughly versed in Chinese history and litera- 
ture. Some liberty, therefore, in the way of condensation 
has been taken. As the work is not a classic, and as the 
purpose is to set forth the ruling ideas and spirit of the 
Chinese philosophy in Japan, it has been thought wise to- 
sacrifice something of technical scholarship to intelligibility.. 
And it may be added, the retention of the literary and his- 
torical allusions in their fulness would precisely defeat the 
author's purpose, his ornaments in Japanese becoming 
blemishes in English. All that sets forth the philosophy 
and religion, the ethics and politics both theoretical and 
applied, with copious historical illustrations, have been 
translated. Perhaps half of the text is represented here. 

The sacred memories of the past, the treasures of 
philosophy and religion, the high aspirations after benevo- 
lence and righteousness, the ideals of the individual and of 
the state stand in the Shundai Zatsuwa, upon a literary back- 
ground flowing, full, poetic. No attempt has been made to- 
transfer this literary flavour, and at the end of his labours, 
comparing the result with the original, the barrenness and 
baldness of the one with the richness and smoothness of the 
other, the translator can only adopt as his own the author's 
lament ; — " Though his philosophy is the famous music of 
the world, yet now is it like Eikaku's Song of Spring among 
a people of barbarous speech." 

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I was born in Musashi, and when my hair w^as first 
fastened in a queue studied the Chinese poetry and history 
Thenceforth I wrote essays on themes which interested me, 
presented my writings to the daimyo and was entertained in 
their mansions. Or, with my box of books upon my back I 
lived like a traveller in Kyoto. Afterwards I made my 
home in the north,® ever studying the ancient writings, and 
constantly strengthened my purpose to perfect myself to the 
end of life. But, unexpectedly, I was summoned by my 
lord and returned to my native place.* Thus have I grown 
old and imbecile and wait for death to pillow my head upon 
the hills. Many years and months have passed away and 
now at seventy-four, in the old age of horse or dog, though I 
love learning and purpose to follow the ** Way," I have no 
virtue that fits me to be leader or teacher. Nor have I 
ability for aught else, and stay useless in the world. This is 
far other than I had purposed. So I expound that which I 
have learned to those who believe in the Old Man and come 
to him with questions. If I can help future scholars it will 
be the reward for my long life, and in illness and pain I com- 
ment constantly upon the books. ^ 

One day after the exposition, when the talk was of the 
•changes in the learning since the times of the So, one of 

1 The five books are named after the five cardinal virtues, but 
without especial significance. 

2 At fourteen or fifteen years of age his hair was tied in a queue. 
He lived with the samurai. And his home in the North was Kaga. 

8 To Edo, by the Shogun. 

* The expressions of humility are conventional. KyusO had the 
highest influence and honours given by the Tokugawa to a scholar. 
He was admitted to the immediate presence of the Shogun and was 
•consulted on affairs of state. 

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those present exjwessed doubts as to the philosophy of Tei- 
Shu ; ' and the Old Man replied : — 

When young I too studied with worthless teachers < 
I conned words and wasted time until suddenly I perceived 
the folly of such study and resolved to seek that wisdom of 
the men of old which is for one's self.® Yet alas ! Without 
teacher or friend I was bewildered by the conflicting^ 
opinions of scholars, and half doubted, half believed the 
teaching of Tei-Shu. So the time stiU passed in 
vain imtil I was forty years of age when I fully accepted this 
philosophy,*^ understanding that nothing could take its place. 
For thirty years I have read and pondered it. Looking at 
Hs heights, how transcendent ! Seeking to divide it, how 
compact ! Yet is it neither too far away and high, nor too 
shallow and near at hand ! Should Sages again appear they 
would follow it ! For the " Way " of Heaven and Earth is 
the ** Way " of Gyo and Shun :' the ** Way " of Gy6 and 
Shun is the " Way ** of Confucius and Mencius ; and the 
"Way" of Confucius and Mencius is the **Way" ofTei- 
Shu. Forsaking Tei-Shu we cannot find Confucius and Men* 
cius. Forsaking Confucius and Mencius we cannot find Gyo 
and Shun ; and forsaking Gyo and Shun we cannot find 
the " Way '* of Heaven and Earth. Do not trust implicitly 
an aged scholar, but this I know and therefore speak. If I 
say that which is false, that which I have not verified, may 
I instantly be punished by Heaven and Earth. 

5 The So, pp. 4-5 above. The philosophy of Tei-Shu, p. 5 

^ A teaching that governs one's own life. 

^ So Confucius *' at foity had no doubts." Analects, H ; lY, 3. 
At ** fifteen he bad his mind bent on learning." 

' The mythical Sage kings of China. Gyo according to the or- 
dinary untiiistworthy chronology began to reign B.C. 2357 and reign- 
ed 100 years, being succeeded by Shun, who reigned 50 years. ** The 
Middle Kingdom." Vol. II, p. 148. 

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:80 KNOx: a Japanese philosopher. 

At this all present straightened themselves and listened 
intently. The Old Man® continued ; — This has not waited 
for my oath, it has been determined these five hundred years. 
From Shushi's own time the great scholars of the So, the 
-Gen and Min with all who followed the Ethical Philosophy 
have fully accepted him. Men of great learning debated* 
indeed, his style and minor points but said nothing against 
his philosophy.^® So until the middle of the Min, learning 
was pure and the celebrated truth unimpaired. Then came 
0y5mei with his intuitionalism." He attacked Shushi and 
changed the learning of the Min. After his death his 
pupils accepted the Zen^ doctrines and thenceforth scholars 
were intoxicated with intuitionalism and weary of natural 
philosophy. They were either mere memorizers or they 
were Buddhists. That men without one ten-thousandth 
•of the learning of Tei-Shu should readily find fault is for a 
wren to mock a bo,^ for a caterpillar to measure the sea. 
As Kantaishi" says, — " To sit in a well and, looking at the 

^ Okiua, the old man, is a title of respect. 

» The Gen (Yuen) dynasty was Mongol, A.D. 1280-1368, and was 
•succeeded by the Min (Mings), 1368-1644. *' The Middle Kingdom," 
Vol. II., pp. 175-179. 

^^ The text here has a list of Chinese scholars whose names are 
omitted in the translation in accordance with what is said on p. — 
above. Of the So, Shiuseizan, Gikakuzan, of the Gen, Kiyorozai 
Kosoro, of the Min, Sek-kei-ken, Eo-kei-sai. 

11 Oyomei, p. 10 above. His *• intuitionalism " is the ]^ ^p If. 
See Mencius, Book VII., Part 1. Chap. XV., 1. p. 44 note below. 

12 The Zen sect of Buddhism, the contemplative sect which pro- 
fesses to use no book. 

18 The bo is a fabulous bird of monstrous size. For "natural 
philosophy," see " Ki Ri and Ten " below. 

1^ 1$ il -"^l Kantaishi was one of the eight most celebrated literary 
men of China. He was of the time of the To (Tang). *• He was 
foremost among the statesmen, philosophers, and poets of the T'ang 
dynasty and one of the most venerated names in Chinese litera- 

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sky, pronounce it small." But the superficial ignorant men 
who adopt these views because of their novelty are number- 

In our land with peace for an hundi*ed years learning 
has flourished. I cannot pronounce upon its value, but the 
ancient models and Tei-Shu have been firmly accepted, a 
cause for thankfulness. But of late some set forth false 
doctrine. They have established their school and gathered 
followers. Evil scholars appear above whom these men 
seek to advance themselves with senseless arguments, 
selfishly and wholly without shame. It is the fashion for 
all the dogs to join when one sets up his lying bark, so evil 
teachings and doctrines abound. Truly an evil fortune has 
befallen the ethical philosophy. 

Kantaishi lived when Buddhism and Taoism flourished, 
and comparing himself to Mencius attacked them single 
handed with an oath, — " The Gods of Heaven and Earth 
are above, and to the right and left." " My oath has not 
the strength of Mencius but I do not purpose to fall behind 
the oath of Kantaishi. See to it that you do not hear in vain !" 


The celebrated priest Genku sent his oath to Tsuki- 
nowa, Kujo, Kyoto. The document is still in the temple 

ture In A.D. 819 he presented a remonstrance to the emperor 

Hien Tsung against the public honours with which he had caused an 
alleged relic of Buddha to be conveyed to the imperial palace. The 
text of Han Yu's (Kantai's) diatribe against the alien superstition is 
still renowned as one of the most celebrated of state papers. But its 
only effect was " the banishment of the author. During his banish, 
ment Kantaishi laboured to civilize the barbarians with whom he 
lived, and his efforts are symbolized in a legend that he expelled a 
monstrous crocodile. Later he was restored to honour. Mayers, p. 50. 
16 The Doctrine of the Mean, XVI. The word for *• Gods " here 
is ki-shin. 

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of Shin-kuro-tani. I have not seen it but have oeen told that 
it is as follows, " If those who say nembutsu^® go not ta 
Heaven may I sink to Hell." Buddhists doubtless think 
that a strong oath, but from the point of view of our philo- 
sophy what could be more vain ? If there is no heaven, of 
course there is no hell ! It is easy to utter such oaths I 

In the old days when retainers died with their lords, ^^ in 
a certain clan many samurai were determined thus to end 
their lives. Among them was one young man who was 
especially lamented by every one. His kar6 called at his- 
house and sought to dissuade him. But in vain. Finally, 
however, as the kar5 continued importunate his multitude of 
words forced consent, and the samurai with an oath promised 
to forego his purpose. So the official went home content.. 
But on the morrow when he went to the temple with those 
who had resolved to die together there with the rest was this- 
samurai saying his farewells to the guests. ' The kar6 ex- 
claimed : " Though you deceive me how dare you break your 
oath ? It is impious !" But the samurai laughed as he replied,. 
" Forgive me for deceiving you. Yesterday had I not sworn 
you would not have left me, so I swore to satisfy you. As 
to the gods, though they punish me there is nothing more 
than death, and as I had determined to die I swore purpos- 
ing to break my oath." The kar6 had not a word to say. 

Such was priest Genku's oath. He knew there is no- 
Hell, nothing beyond falling into the grave. But my oath is 
not like these. ** With sovereign Heaven above, and tread- 
ing the sovereign Earth beneath,"'® by Heaven and Earth. 

^^ The Buddhist prayer, Namu Amida-butsu. 

17 The custom was. only abolished finally in A.D. 1664; Lay's 
♦* Japanese Funeral Bites." V6l. XIX., Pfc. III., p. 628 of these 
** Transactions." A karo was the minister of a daimyo. 

18 The commentary on The Spring and Autumn, Book V., Year 
XV. p. 165 of the Chinese Classics, Legge's edition. 

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I swear. So like Genku I purpose to swear tor my " Way " 
but if my oath is false I am punished by Heaven and Earth. 
Consider, in Buddhism " is " becomes ** is not *'^^ and truth 
is made falsehood. Only as that which ** is not *' becomes 
that which ** is ** can we make that which " is ** into that 
which " is not." Only as we turn lies into truth can we turn 
truth into lies. Though we know that this talk of Heaven 
and Hell is false, still is it taught as if falsehood and truth 
were one. So is it taught to many men without distinction 
of wise and foolish, that if we say nembutsu punishment will 
be destroyed. This is Buddha's mystery. And here in 
Japan are many priests who are like the founders of sects 
who hold this mystery in their hearts. They transfer it 
from heart to heart and never say that all the talk of Heaven 
and Hell is false. Genku's oath was such a propagating oath. 
There is neither Heaven for Tsukinowa nor Hell for Genku. 
** Is not " is put for ** is " and lies for truth, that men may 
be separated from birth and death. Such was Buddha's 

Compare their scheme with our philosophy which guides 
men by the very truth ! The difference is as the difference 
between the clouds and the earth. 


Once when the Old Man was ill his friends came to see 
him and he begged them to stay and cheer his loneliness. So 
they spent the day in conversation about the prevalent 
opinions. And one remarked : ** I have heard the leading 
scholars of Edo and Kyoto. Some expound what they call 
our national religion and confound it with the Way of the 

1° This refers to the Buddhist hoben, pious devices to lead the 
ignorant to virtue. 
V0U xz,~rf . 

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Gods : others follow Oyomei and his intuitionalism ; and 
others explain the ancient learning after new principles^ 
Where is the truth in this confusion of si^ange and familiar 
opinions ? What in your heart do you think ?' * And the Old 
Man replied : — 

** I too have heard of these schools which have esta* 
Wished themselves and teach heresy. Their wisdom is such 
as you described. But I cannot agree with them. For the 
** Way " is from Heaven and its source is on«. If we know 
that source we shall not distinguish the religion of our 
country from that of foreign lands ; nor will intuitionaUsm 
be opposed to natural philosophy ; nor will the learning of 
the Sages be put in opposition to Tei-Shu. The classical 
literature teaches all this, but it is not easy nor to be under- 
stood unless studied with humble and single minds. But 
scholars now-a-days are proud, and few of them thoroughly 
study the Tei-Shu works. Without knowing even the hedge 
of Tei-Shu they make their own hearts supreme and readily 
refute those great scholars. We shall postpone the con- 
sideration of their learning. We grieve over their thin^ 
light, restless, shallow learning. They have not thoroughly 
studied Confucius and Mencius and do not understand them, 
so how can they fail to doubt Tei-Shu ? They superficially 
attack them but I hear of no attacks on Confucius and 
Mencius. It is not that these scholars do not doubt the 
Sages but they know that Confucius and Mencius have been 
honoured and accepted by the world for two thousand years 
and that it will not listen to attacks upon them. But Shushi is 
modern and some in the age of the Min attacked him, so they 
feel at liberty to revile him. ** They act according to the 
man ** and not from established principles. They know 
that their philosophy can in no wise equal that of the Sages, 
and so make their excuses while they permit themselves to 
revile Shushi. Thus they hope to exalt themselves above 
him'. But be that as it may ! 

As to Shinto, it professes to help our country and calls 

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the Sages rebels.^ Such a " Way of the Gods *' is apart 
from Benevolenee and Righteousness. 

The illustrious virtue of intuitionalism is only the 
" nature " of the Buddhists. The intuitionalists call Musa- 
shibo Benkei ^ a samurai of wisdom, humanity and bravery ! 
Such intuitionalism is not of a heart that can distinguish 
good and evil. 

And there are men professing the ancient learning who 
declare that the Great Learning is not the work of a Sage,** 
and that Confucianism and Buddhism are one ! Such ancient 
learning is apart from virtue.** 

The Old Man doubts all these teachings. Only the 
philosophy of Tei-Shu unites oUter and inner, includes Bene- 
volence and Righteousness, makes past and present one, and 
^s the orthodox school descended in a straight line from Con- 
fucius and Mencius. My only deep anxiety is that its 
followers will merely argue and expound instead of practising 
what they preach. Such orthodoxy avails nothing. This 
evil abounded in the time of the Min, and so it was that 

* See Vol. Ill, Appendix, of the Transactions, The "Bevival of Pure 
Shin-tau " pp. 20-31 for the Shinto attack on the Chinese philosophy. 
The *'holy men" of China are there called ** merely snecessfol 
rebels." And in like spirit were they reviled long ago in China, 
** The Divine Classic of Nan-Hua" Balfour's, translation, pp. 112-113. 

31 Musashibo Benkei. The priest and robber samurai who be- 
came the most trusted retainer of Minamoto Yoshitsune. 

^ If by a Sage the author means Confucius then the Great 
Learning is not by a Sage, but is accepted as containing his teaching. 
The Chinese Classics, Vol. I. Prolegomena pp. 26-27. The author in 
the sections devoted to literature shows some familiarity with the 
results at least of criticism, but he does not apply it to the classics, 
uncritically accepting everything as written by Confucius which 
tradition ascribed to him. 

^ For the Ancient Learning School, see Mr. Haga*s " Note ** 
and my " Comment " below. The ** Illustrations Virtue *' is a phrase 
of the OyOmei School, p. 18, above. 

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Oyomei could reproach Shushi with this side issue. This is 
the source of heresy and the classics ever forbid such forget- 
fulness of practice and indulgence in empty talk. It is a 
subject for the most profound consideration. 


Then one remarked : ** We agree that we can best over- 
come heresy by exhorting each other and striving after righ- 
conduct. So did Mencius when he replied to the attack o^ 
Yo-Bu** for he disregarded the charge of being disputal 
tious and concluded his exposition of fundamental princi- 
ples saying: " The superior man returns to the right line." 
Still more should we degrade the ** Way " now-a-days when 
heresies and heretics are like weeds on a plain and evit 
principles and contemptible opinions are like the fallen leaves 
of a forest, were we to reply to each one. Recently I was 
astounded at the words of a philosopher : ** The way comes 
not from Heaven,'* said he, " it was invented by the sages. 
Nor is it in accord with nature ; it is a mere matter of 
aesthetics and ornament.^ Of the ^ve relations only the 
conjugal is natural, while loyalty, filial obedience and the rest 
were invented by the sages and have been maintained on 
their authority ever since." Surely among all heresies from 
ancient days until now none has been so monstrous as this." 

The listeners at this spoke together and laughed, and 
the Old Man said : — 

" You know Sotoba's** parable about the sun ? A man 

34 Mencius, Book III : Pt. II., Chapter IX. The quotation is 
not verbal. 

28 So from the beginning, because of the stress laid on rites. 

* Sotoba M9^t^ was one of the most famous of the Chinese 
literary men. He was of the time of the So (Sung) dynasty. He . 
was of the orthodox school, and, was statesman and poet as well as 
philosopher. Mayers, p. 190. 

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born blind once asked : " What is the sun like ? *' and was told : 
** It is round like this gong/* the speaker tapping the gong as 
he spoke. Oh ! It has a voice 1 the blind man thought. And 
another said, " It gives light," and put a candle before his 
eyes. The blind man touched the candle and thought : "The 
sun is long and slender !" 

- So is it with most men. Though they read books they 
are in the dark as to principles, and with open eyes they are 
blind in heart. And their much thinking is like this blind 
man's study of the sun. How can they fail to err ! It is 
not necessary to discuss such opinions : it would be like 
discussing good and evil with men, who have no hearts. 
Those who argue with them are like unto them. 

I know the origin of such notions. These men are 
mere students of the letter. They like to hunt through a 
multitude of books but do not establish their hearts upon 
the classics. They study words and commentaries but do 
not seek the profound truth. They are ignorant of their 
own darkness and are given over to learned vanity and the 
love of empty praise. So has it been since the time of the 
Min. These men desire high things, revile the former 
superior men and set themselves above the scholars of the 
past. But the wise man sees that their learning is "re- 
mote " and that they are intoxicated with the poison of Jun 
and So^^ and that their style is a mere culling of the or- 
naments of Ori. ^ With their heretical learning they declare 
that the "Way" is not from Heaven. Testing it with their 
own base hearts they say that only the conjugal relation is 

'7 Jun aud So ^5 ^ 3£ ^ Taoist writers. Jun was distinguished 
as a scholar and statesman. He committed suicide A.D. 212. So is 
the famous Chang, author of " The Divine Classic of Nan-Hua '* 
(trans, by F. H. Balfour) Mayers p. 198 and p. 30. 

28 Writers notorious for the meretricious ornamentation of their 

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** natural.'* Their arguments are weak but many believe 
them and the world seems to faney their base opinions. 
We shall grieve indeed that thus they may increasingly in- 
jure the minds of men, and the accepted truth. To prevent 
such evil, empty words were punished in the Book of 

But in such a world for me, without talent or virtue, 
to stop the evil is to prop up a great house with a single 
stick. Who would believe my polemic or my expositicm ? 
And how should I escape the reproach of not knowing the 
limits of my powers ? The Tei-Shu philosophy is like the 
ceremonial robes of former kings ; but this is like selling the 
garments of civilized men to savages. Though his philosophy 
is the celebrated music of the world yet now is it like Ei- 
kaku's Song of Spring*" among a people of barbarous speech. 
As the Book of Poetry says : " Who knows me says : He 
has sorrow in his heart ; Who knows me not says : Some- 
thing he seeks ; Blue, distant Sky ! What man is this ?"'^ 
So sang the officer of Shu in his sorrow over the downfall 
of the house of Shu, and such is my grief over the decay of 
the •* Way." 


But I do not seek collaborators in this present age. 
Evil customs and false opinions from of old have flourished 
like rootless things, and bloom, with noisy reputation, for an 

^ ffl ^ This reference to the punishment of " vain words " was 
not an empty threat. The Tokugawa government forebade all devia- 
tion from the Tei-Shu system in its schools, aud the great provincial 
; school went still further. 

so The Historical Records, jfc. |e, 

81 The Shih King, Lessons from the States, Book VI. Ode 1 " On 
seeing the desolation of the old capital of Kau." Sacred Books of 
the East, Vol. HI, p. 439. 

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hour. As the ages pass there is a sure return to the 
:** Way " though to look for it in haste shows inexperience. 

You know the works of Resshi.*^ He tells of a Mr. 
Fool who with his children laboured every day with pick 
jauad basket removing a mountain that stood inconveniently 
near his house. Mr. Wiseman jeered at the folly: **How 
can a few men remove a mountain ?'* But Mr. Fool replied ; 
" I begin the task, my children continue it, their children 
after them and grandchildren's children labour on and finally 
it will be done.'* Thereat Mr. Wiseman laughed the more. 

Such conduct men call silly and such men fools, and 
the critics are called ** wise.'* But with such a ** fool's " 
heart anything in heaven or earth can be done. And the 
men of wisdom with " Mr. Wiseman's " heart laugh at the 
Fool's mountain and accomplish nothing. For the world's 
folly is wisdom and its wisdom folly. 

After my death comes a day that will settle this debate 
of an hundred years. Meanwhile men laugh at my round- 
about ways, but I am old and stubborn, determined to go on 
in this purpose to the end. You may class me with Mr. 
Fool and his hill. 


But I have another thought. Beyond Shinobu-ga-oka 
is a village called Yanaka with a temple of the Shin-gon sect; 
and there I often played when a boy. Once I heard a priest 
tell this story : — 

In the period Kan-ei (A.D. 1624-1648) the Shogun came 
to Yanaka on a hawking expedition, and as he followed the 
birds, chanced upon the temple with only an attendant or two. 

8^ Bes-shi ^i] ^ A ChiDese metapliysician of the age preceeding 
Confucius. Mayers p. 126. His writings were edited in the fourth 
•century A.D. and take high rank among Taoist writings. 

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An old priest eighty years of age was grafting trees, and, 
with no notion of the Shogun's rank, continued at his work. 
The Shogun said: **What are you doing. Priest?" The 
priest thought the question foolish and replied shortly : 
*' Grafting trees." The Shogun laughed : ** Such an old 
priest will not live to see them grow. What is the profit in 
your hard work ?" The priest returned : " Who are you that 
says such a heartless thing ? Consider ! The trees will be 
big enough to darken the temple in the time of future 
priests. I work for the temple, not for myself alone." The 
Shogun was filled with admiration. Meanwhile attendants 
kept coming up bearing the Shogun's crest, and the priest 
recognizing his visitor fled in dismay. But the Shogun 
called him back and rewarded him. 

I am like this old priest. To the end of life I study the 
established principles, teach and write books that there may 
be the beginning of true learning in a future age. If I can 
help the ** Way " one ten-thousandth, though I die still shall 
I live.^** As one of old said : ** Though dead the bones do 
not decay." So think I. I do not labour for myself at all. 
Believe me ! Such is the Old Man's heart. 


But deep would be my shame were I to be like Sekko. 
From youth have I cherished the Sages and superior men, 
reading their books, but I know them only from books and 

^ SaidLaotz: *'He who dies but perishes not enjoys longev- 
ity." "Tau Teh King" p. 26. Chalmers' translation. »' This is 
identical with the Comtist version of immortality ; the man lives on in 
the posthumous results of his former works." Balfour. " Chuang 
Tsze " xix, note. 

'* may I join the choir invisible 

Of those immortal dead who live again 

In minds made better by their presence :" 

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understand only the beginning of their true character. Were 
I to meet a living Sage who should prove different from 
those I have been cherishing, might I not hate him ? I 
have such fears. And if I at all hate the Sages then all I 
say is false, a shame not comparable to the shame of hills 
and valleys. And how then should I wait for the coming 

In the olden time Sekko fancied dragons, painted them 
and spent days and nights in loving them. A real dragon 
heard of it and thought, if he is so devoted to painted 
dragons if I visit him how he will love me I So straight- 
way he put his head through the window, but Sekko fled 
panic -struck ! 

Among the scholars of the east and the west are some true 
men but most of them are proud and vain, desirous only of 
reputation and applause while professing to love the Sages » 
Should they meet a living sage they could not look him in 
the face. Their daily admiration is like Sekko' s devotion tcv 
dragons. Learning without the practice of virtue is like 
swimming in a field. In illustration of my meaning I will 
tell you ft story of thirty years ago. 

In Kaga I had a friend, a samurai of low rank named 
Sugimoto. While absent in Adzuma with his lord his son 
Kujuro, who was fifteen years old, quarrelled with a 
neighbor's son of the same age over a game of yo, lost his 
self control and before he could be seized drew his sword and 
cut the boy down. While the wounded boy was under the 
surgeon's care Kujuro was in custody, but he showed no- 
fear and his words and acts were calm beyond his years. 
After some days the boy died and Kujuro was condemned to 
hara-kiri. The officer in charge gave him a farewell feast 
the night before he died. He calmly wrote to his mother ^ 
took ceremonious farewell of his keeper and all in the house,, 
and then said to the guests: I regret to leave you all and 
should like to stay and talk till day -break ; but I must not be 
sleepy when I commit hara-kiri to-morrow so I'll go to 

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bed at once. Do you stay at your ease and drink the 
wine. So he went to his room and fell asleep, all being 
filled with admiration as they heard him snore. On the 
morrow he arose early, bathed, dressed himself with care, 
made all his preparations with perfect calmmess and then, 
-quiet and composed, killed himself. No old, trained, self- 
possessed samurai could have excelled him. No one who 
saw it could speak of it for years without tears. 

At the beginning of the aflfair I wrote to his father : 
** Though Kujuro commit hara-kiri he is so calm and col- 
lected there need be no regret. Be at peace." But as 
Sugimoto read the letter he remarked : ** A child often will be 
brave enough as others encourage it before the moxa is 
applied, and yet burst into tears when it feels the heat. My 
child is so young that I cannot be at peace until I hear that 
he has done the deed with bravery." As the proverb says, 
" Only such fathers have such sons." I have told you this 
that Kujuro may be remembered. It would be shameful 
were it to be forgotten that so young a boy performed such 
a deed. 

But there is another reason also. Were I anfl all who 
study the words and mimic the actions of the ancient Sages 
to meet a living one different from our notions we should be 
like the child who cries as he feels the moxa applied. 
Surely it were shameful to study for years, attain the name 
of philosopher, and yet be less brave than this child Kujuro. 

Therefore examine yourselves with this thought. 


At a later meeting the Old Man said: I have not finished 
what I was saying the other day about learning true and 
false. To day I'll make an end. 

Three classes of scholars attack Shushi : 
1st, the school of Oyomei. Oyomei was a strong man, 
.and although his arguments will not stand examination still 

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he was not wholly without reason. For in his day most 
scholars were busy with words and phrases and neglected 
self-examination. So he supposed that the " science ** of 
Bhushi was apart from righteousness and with his "intui- 
tions *' sought to examine himself.. We approve his purpose. 
But Shushi's " science *' does not neglect our intuitions but 
shows that they arise from " things." Apart from " things *' 
can we seek our intuitions, after the fashion of Oyomei ? 
But are not the classics, the ceremonies and music the 
teaching of former kings ? What are these if not "things "? 
There are the six classics and the hundred deeds. Loyalty 
and disloyalty, truth and falsehood, we know their princi- 
ples by " things." If intuitively we know all about reve- 
rence what need for the study of the ceremonies ? And if by 
nature we are peaceful what need for music*? Again, if 
intuitively we can govern our actions, making progress in 
loyalty and truth, if there is so short aud easy a path why 
did not the sages teach it instead of their long and difficult 
^*Way *'? Then further, with what shall we employ these 
" intuitions " if not with " things "? " Surely " they will 
say, " in self examination and and casting away lust we will 
employ our intuitions." Let me illustrate : The knowledge 
of the five sounds is by the ears, so let us mind our ears and 
know the &ve sounds without hearing them ! And the 
knowledge of the h\e colours is by the eyes; let us attend to 
them and know the five colours without seeing them I And 
the knowledge of the five tastes is by the mouth, so if we 
have a care for it we shall know them without eating ! Is 
it not plain that though the knowledge of the five sounds and 
of the rest is in ourselves, yet the colours, sounds and 
tastes are in " things " and that we know them only as we 
listen, look and eat ? Still less can we know the finer dis- 
tinctions of light and deep in colour, of pure and impure in 
in sounds, and of delicate and harsh in tastes apart from 
things, for these differences are in the things."^* 

^ Kaku-butsu-gaku I translate *' science." It is thus explained ; 

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Without study we know that we must love our parents 
and reverence our elder brother, yet by our performance of 
these duties do we investigate the principles. So is it with 
all the hundred virtues of the Superior Man. If we are not 
thus ** scientific " but use our intuitions merely, we shall not 
distinguish good and evil. Since filial piety is the beginning 
of the hundred virtues. I'll speak of that a while. 

All fihal sons know such precepts as **In the morning 
reflect and in the evening consider.'"^ Yet even that is not 
known to the rustics who do not lack loving hearts. Still 
more as to ** nourishing " our parents, all nourish them, 
yet is there the difference between merely caring for the 
body and nourishing also the heart. And though all re- 
verence parents, yet many do not follow the severe, strict 
way with such precepts as, — '* Do not speak of old age 
before them, "^ and ** Do not speak angrily before them, not 
even to a dog or horse."** All this is included in filial piety, 
and though a Sage might fulfil this law without learning the 
particulars one by one, surely not so an ordinary scholar. 

} '* Distinction of things is simply the same as study because all 
study is a discriminating contemplation of things whether real or 
abstract. Certainly one must contemplate them until from them a 
principle ^ has been drawn .... It may therefore be said, ^^ify is a 
sifting of materials. But it is not natural science. . . .it refers to 
men." ♦* A Systematical Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius," p. 
55. See the Great Learning, 4-5, '* Wishing to be sincere in their 
thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such 
extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things " 
The Chinese Classics, Vol. I : p. 222, Legge's translation. 

^ These quotations are from the " Book of Rites." 

8« Book VII., Part I., Chap. XV., 1. The ability possessed by 
men without being acquired by learning is intuitive learning, and the 
knowledge possessed by them without the exercise of thought is their 
intuitive knowledge." Legge's translation. The Chinese Classics, 
vol. II., p. 332. 

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Such an one would not simply fail to fulfil the whole law, 
he would fall into actual transgressions. 

We are not to cease obeying for the sake of study, nor 
must we establish all the laws before we begin to obey. In 
our obedience we are to establish its rightness or wrongness, 
examining ourselves as we read what the Sages say, tasting 
them carefully and reading them throughout. All the 
virtues are illustrated by what I have said. This is the 
scientific philosophy. Follow this course constantly and 
learn thoroughly these laws and at last you will not err, 
though you simply follow the dictates of your filial love. 
This is Tei-Shu's mystery, but only those who strive earnest- 
ly can know its flavour. 

The expression of Mencius, " To know without learning 
is intuitive knowledge"*^ means that there is in man, before 
he studies, a heart which loves parent and reverences elder 
brother. Make that heart the foundation, study and we 
shall strengthen that power. Mencius did not teach that 
we can be perfect without study ! This attempt to correct 
Shushi by casting aside the natural philosophy is not 
merely to misunderstand him. It is so to straighten the 
crooked that it bends backward. 

2nd. — The scholars who reject the ** ri-ki-tai-yo "^ 
doctrine of Shushi and declare that it is not taught by Con- 
fucius and Mencius. But in reply we remember that Con- 
fucius said "The nature is alike ;"^ and Mencius said, 
" The nature is good **** and he further set forth the " yo-ki- 
ya-ki " doctrine which is not in the more ancient books. 
Confucius did not use these words of Shushi, but the 
scholars of the So did not oflend against his principles. 
They knew none of these doubts and especially praised the 

'' 3S ^ It ffl (law, spirit, body, activity). 
M Analects, Book XVII; Chap. II. 
«> Book VI, Part I Chap. VI. 

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discovery of what the Sages had not taught. The age of ih» 
So was long after Confucius and Mencius, and the scholars 
were husy with arguments and in the explanation of the 
" Way," and were not so careful to repeat the words of the 
Sages so long as their principles were not violated. When 
Shushi teaches that which is not in Confucius and Mencius, 
let us learn his meaning by careful thought and study. If 
there seem to be disagreement let us restrain our doubts, for 
if we declare that his doctrine does not please us and that it 
is opposed to the Sages the superficiality of our scholarship 
will be manifest. Such notions show shallow carelessness. 
I cannot argue all of these points but will speak in brief of 
ki and ri (spirit and law.) ^ 

*o Book II, Part I Chap. II, 9-16. Dr. Legge translates " ki " g, 
*' passion nature" and remarks. — " On '^^^^^ there is much vain 
babbling in the Comm. to show how the ^ of heaven and earth i& 
the ^ also of man." And he translates 13 thus, ''This is the 
passion nature: it is exceedingly great and exceedingly strong* 
Being nourished by rectitude, and sustaining no injury, it fills up all 
between heaven and earth." The Tei-Shu school would perhaps 
question who is here guilty of vain babbling. If men like our author 
and bis master Shushi understood the classics, the ^ of heaven and 
earth may well be identified with the ^ in man. Indeed I do not 
see how their philosophy can be otherwise explained. Dr. Legge 
elsewhere writes ; "Khi (ki), or 'spirit,' is the breath, still material 
but purer than the Zing (essence) and belongs to the finer, and more 
active part of the ether." " The Yi King " p. 355 note, Vol. XVI 
" Sacred Books of the East." And again he writes, — " The name of 

the intelligent spirit is literally ' the knowing breath ' 

' the breath ' being used like the Hebrew ruach and the Latin 
spiritus." " I have adduced it to show how he (Confucius) held that, 
while man's body crumbles and returns to the dust at death, the 
liberated spirit, ' the breath ' as he phrases it, ascends to a brighter 
state." " The Beligions of China" pp. 119-121. In fact the Stoic 
* pneuma ' is the " ki " of the school of Tei-Shu, and so of the domi- 
nant system of Chinese thought to our day : — " The human soul, as 

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These scholars say : ** In Heaven and Earth there is only 
spirit (ki), flowing through the four seasons ; it produces all 
things and naturally ceases not. This is the Way of 
Heaven. Clearly is it as we see it. It is nonsense for 
Shushi to put above this spirit another formless thing called 
law.*'*^ Even in China there were formerly many scholars 
who could not rid themselves of these doubts though they 
professed to have studied carefully Shushi. They at least 
did not settle the matter at a glance like our Japanese 
scholars. Of course I cannot pretend to settle the mys- 
terious question of the priority of ki or ri at a sitting, but 
I will talk a while, taking an illustration from Laotze.** 

" Beckoning up the wheel there is no wheel ; reckon- 
ing up the year, there is no year.** Let us see, this is the 
rim, this the hub, this the axle, this the spoke ; but the rim 
is not the wheel, nor the hub, nor the axle, nor the spokes. 
Yet if we east these away the wheel goes too. But the law 
of the wheel preceded it and before the wheel was made the 

defined by the Stoics, is an inborn breath It is a part severed 

from the Deity." *♦ The latter pervades the world as an all per- 
vading breath The human soul is a part of the Deity, or an 

emanation from the same ; the soul and its source act and react upon 
each other. The soul is the warm breath in us '. Opinions differed 
as to its life after the death of the body. Ueberweg's History of Phi- 
losophy, Vol. I, pp. 194-196, Eng. trans. See "Ki Ri and Ten" 

*i See the Chinese Repository, Vol. XIII, pp. 552,609 et seq. 
for a translation of Shushi' s exposition of these words. Medhurst 
there translates **ri" immaterial principle and *'ki" primary 
matter. McClatchie translates ** ri " by •* fate " and " ki " by " air '* 
"Confucian Cosmogony." Eitel, above p., translates by "law'* 
and "vital energy." I by "spirit," and "law," the former in the 
Stoic sense of puneuma. GriflSth John translates " ri " " immaterial 
principle " and " ki " material principle. See my " Comment " 
below for a summary of Shushi's teaching. 

^ This quotation is not found in the Tao Teh King. 

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principle was determined. And because the law is imperish- 
able the carpenter follows it and makes the wheel. See 
then ! Does the wheel come from the spokes and rim or do 
these come from the wheel ? If we say the wheel comes 
from the parts we know its form but not its law. 

So with the year. Twelve hours make one day, thirty 
days make a month, twelve months make a year. This then 
we say, is an hour, a day, a month or a year, and if we cast 
them aside, without them there is no year. But on the three 
hundred and sixty-sixth day sun and earth return and meet- 
ing make the year. For the year is not in day or month, 
but its "law" was determined first and sun and moon 
revolve according to this plan. So for ages calendars have 
been made, and for years and days that are not yet, for an 
hundred years to come as for the hundred years past. For 
the " law " is not in day or month but is forever. So is it 
that " Heaven speaks not, yet the four seasons labour and 
all things are produced."*® For this is the centre, the main 
pillar of Heaven and Earth, the four seasons work by it and 
all things are begotten. This is the meaning of the expres- 
sion : Reckoning up the wheel there is no wheel, and 
reckoning up the year there is no year.'* 

Separated from ** spirit "is no ** law " for thus with- 
out form or place we should say simply ** reason " (dori). 
Confucius by the shape separated the upper and the lower 
and over against the utensil placed the ** Way "; and so 
Shushi by the form separated the before and after and over 
against the ** spirit " placed the " law." The reasoning is 
the same. To neglect the fundamental reason and argue 
from the leaves and^^branches is to cause only confusion : no 
conclusion can be reached. 

In like manner we reason of ** body" and ** activity." 
Where is activity there is always body. Body is quiet, 

*8 Analects, Book XVII, Chap., XIX, 3. 

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motionless, activity moves and acts. Quietly nourished 
activity dwells with body, reflecting and moving body works 
with activity. This is what the expression, body and activ- 
ity are one in origin without the least separation, means. 
Confucius said: "The Superior Man reforms that which 
is within with reverence, and establishes that which is 
without with righteousness.**** Shishi said : " With mod- 
eration and harmony establish the universal way.**** And 
Mencius : ** Benevolence and righteousness are the great and 
holy way."*^ Without the words " body " and ** activity ** 
yet is the reason the same in all, and **body ** and "acti- 
vity ** are in them all. But that crooked school of scholars 
rests content with the trifles it knows, and of course does 
not understand that perfect body and great activity are in- 
cluded in the " Way.** There is no necessity for a thorough 
argument with them. 

3rd. — rThese scholars are dissolute and weary of the 
illustrious virtue. They study only books and words. 
When once they hear the saying of Shushi : " With care and 
reverence establish the truth,'* they think it the common 
place of an antiquated scholar. They do not know that 
philosophers study by self-examination. As they noisily 
assail the ears of men with their babble, no reply is to to be 
made to them. We can only draw a deep sigh. 

Henjaku twice prescribed for the Duke of Sei, but the 
third time as he could do nothing more he cast away his 
medicine spoon and fled in dismay. Daily the disease of 

** Book of Changes, Appendix IV, Section" U, 6 
*5 The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. I. 4-5. Shishi was Grand- 
son of Confucias. 

*^ Book I, Part I, Chapter I, 3 amplified by the author. 
Vol. XZ.-4 

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philosophy increases. Even Henjaku could not cure it. StilT 
less can I, aged and talentless. I can only cover my mouth 
and flee in dismay.*^ 


When, one day, five or six students remained after the 
lecture to ask questions, one said : — I have a question^ 
Many scholars explain *Shin-t6' by saying that *Japan is the 
Land of the Gods.' But their teaching is fantastic and 
opposed to reason. Since even the Sage did not speak 
lightly of the Gods *^ such men as we cannot understand it. 
We wish your help. We shall gain food for future thought .^ 
And as all were of one mind Okina replied : — 

In the Book of Changes it is said, ** The Sages formed 
their teaching by the Way of the Gods.*'^* That is, their 
teaching is called * The Way of the Gods ' to manifest its 
Divine mystery, as we speak of the Way of Benevolence^ 
But the * Way of the Gods ' is not a religion by itself. So 
I cannot accept that which is popularly called Shin -to and 
that is exalted above the teaching of the Sages as our native 
religion. I do not profess to understand the profound 
reason of the Divinities but in outline this is my idea : — 

The Doctrine of the Mean speaks of the " virtue of the 
Gods *'^ and Shushi explains this word " virtue " to mean 
" the heart and its revelation." Its meaning is thus stated 

*7 Henjaku (Pien Ts'iao) was the title given to a physician who 
lived in the State of Chao about the sixth century B.C. He waa 
instructed in the mystic art of healing by a Sage possessed of magic 
powers. Henjaku dissected the human body. The Chinese theory of 
the pulses is derived from his discoveries^ Mayers's ** Manual '* p. 

" Analects VII ; 20. 

*» Appendix I: Sec. I : Hex. XX : 3. 

«> XVI: 1 

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in the Saden, ** God is pure intelligence, and justice.**" 
Now all know that God is just but do not know that he is 
intelligent. But there is no such intelligence elsewhere as 
God*s. Man hears by the ear and where the ear is not he 
hears not though as quick of hearing as ShikC ; and man 
sees with his eyes and where they are not he sees not, 
though as quick of sight as Riro ; " and with his heart 
man thinks and the swiftest thought takes time. But 
God uses neither ear nor eye, nor does he pass 
over in thought. Directly he feels, and directly does he 
respond. This then we should know is not two or three 
but just the virtue received from the one truth. Thus, in 
Heaven and Earth is a being of quickest eye and ear, 
separated from no time or place, now in this manner, com- 
municating instantaneously, embodied in all things, filling the 
universe. Having of course neither form nor voice it is not 
seen nor heard by men. When there is truth it feels and 
when it feels it responds. When there is no truth it feels 
not and when it feels not there is no response. Responding 
at once it is, not responding it naturally is not. Is not 
this the Divinity of Heaven and Earth ? So the Doctrine 
of the Mean says : ** Looked for it cannot be seen, listened 
to it cannot be heard. It enters into all things 1 There is 
nothing without it.***^ 

" The oldest commentary on The Spring and Autumn. Book. 
III., Year XXIII, Part II., Dr. Legge translates, (Chinese Classics, Vol. 
V, Pt. I, p, 120) ** The spirits are intelligent, correct, impartial.'* 
The word '* spirits '* is " shin " (kami) and in our passage can be 
rendered only by God or Gods. 

^ Biro oould distinguish a single hair at the distance of an 
hundred paces. Mayers, p. 119. Shiko had magical powers of 

w XVI ; 1. 3 Legge translates in the plural': ** We look for 
them " the text of course having no distinction of number. 

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It is like Priest Saigy5's verse at the Shrines in Ise,** 

" Though not knowing what it is, Grateful tears he 

Are not his tears from his perception of truth ? Before 
the shrine he stands, single hearted, direct, with truth ; and 
to his truth God also comes and they commune, and so it is 
he weeps. 

As the reflection in the clear water answers to the 
moon, and together moon and pool increase the light, so if 
continually in the one truth they are dissolved we cannot 
distinguish God and man, even as sky and water, water and 
sky imite in one. " Everywhere, everywhere, on the right 
He seems and on the left.'"^ This is the revealing of God, the 
truth not to be concealed. Think not that God is distant 
but seek Him in the heart, for the heart is the House of 
God. Where there is no obstacle of lust, of one spirit 
with the God of Heaven and Earth there is this communion. 
But except by this communion there is not such a thing. 
Saigyo did not weep before he went to the shrine and by 
this we know God came. 

And now for the application. Examine yourselves, 
make the truth of the heart the foundation, increase in learn- 
ing and at last you will attain. Then you will know the 
truth of what I speak. 

As thus he spoke all were silent, impressed by the 
great thoughts of the aged philosopher. They too shed 
grateful tears like the priest before the shrine. 

^^ Saigyo was a celebrated retainer of Yoritomo who became a 
priest. He died A.D. 1198. 

^ The Doctrine of the Mean, XVI: 3 ; Legge translates, "Like 
overflowing water they seem to be over the heads, and on the right 
and left of the worshippers.'* 

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The Old Man continued : Consider the saying, " Shun 
by doing nothing rules.** ^ The truth of the Sage is Divine. 
When anything there is we cannot use this phrase " doing 
nothing." Not knowing what it is or why but only that it 
is most holy and Divine " grateful tears he weeps.** When 
the Sage enrobed with folded arms is in the place of power'^^ 
the empire honours him as the sun and moon, imitates him 
as one imitates his parents and communes with him more 
than with the formless God of Heaven and Earth. Wher- 
ever he goes there is reformation as the fluid shapes itself to 
the vessel. When Shun was a farmer all naturally sought 
the enlargement of their neighbor's fields, and when he was 
a potter all turned out pieces without flaws. His thought 
is Divine and accomplishes that on which his heart rests as 
readily as one tm*ns his hand. When Confucius would work 
reformation he merely rested in the place and the result was 
attained, and when he willed to move men, all followed in 
peace. How far is this from the thoughts of ordinary 
men I*^*^ 

The Sages did not ** do '* wonders, but their truth can- 
not be hidden. When the Superior Man utters a word within 
his room the response comes from a thousand miles and 
still more is his neighborhood reformed. And if an evil 
word is spoken a thousand miles are changed, and still more 

66 Analects XV ; 4. 

M Book of Changes, Appendix 1 Sec, I, I, 6. Doctrine of the 
Mean, Chap. XXXI. 

M Mencius, Book VH., Pt. I Chap. XIII, 3. •♦ Wherever the 
superior man passes through transformation follows ; wherever he 
abides his influence is of a spiritual nature. It flows abroad above 
and beneath like tliat of Heaven and Earth." Legge's translation^ 
This npplication of the influence of the ideal sage to the historical 
Confucius is remarkably at variance with the facts of his ill success as 
a statesman when alive. 

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is the immediate neighborhood corrupted.*^* Not instantly 
does it go a thousand miles, but as the wind moves from 
blade of grass to blade so does that done in private go from 
house to province and on, increasing, to the empire. This 
is the nature of things, the truth that cannot be hidden. So 
the superior man is busy with self-reformation and cares 
nothing for outward eflfect and ornament, yet are his hidden 
riches revealed like a silken robe worn beneath a worthless 
wrap. But the vulgar man cares nothing for self-culture 
and only for display, like him who vainly seeks to cover up 
-decay which yet increasingly manifests itself. 

Maijo reproved the king of Go : "If you would not that 
men should know, do not act ; and if you would not have them 
hear, do not speak." ^ This is a celebrated saying, simple 
in expression but profound in meaning. To speak evil or to 
do it, thinking it will not be known, is to add interest to the 
principal and to bind a burden on the back which grows 
heavy day by day. At last its weight is great, how shall it 
be concealed ? All sin, except the Sage, even the superior 
man. But the superior man does not attempt to conceal his 
faults, but reforms them in the sight of men. Error and 
repentance are without attempt at concealment and thus 
virtue is increased. The error of the superior man is like 
the eclipse of the sun or moon, all see the error and all are 
impressed by his repentance.^ Though less than the truth 
of the Sage when men see such a face and hear such words 
they believe and follow, nor is any exertion necessary. This 
is the true '* communion." It never can be rivalled by the 
leadership of wisdom, power or gifts. How partial the 
saying, " Good stays within the gates but evil goes a thousand 
miles." Both when real go everywhere. 

so Book of Changes, Appendix III : Sec. I : Chap. VIII, 42. 

«'^5l:3c|fcE*^*Ht^+>^ti: Zoku-Bun-Sbo-KUHan- 
Ken-no-San. Ho-Tan-Bun-16-Mai. 

61 Mencius, Book II, Pt. II, Chap. IX., 4. Analects, Book XIX 
<;hap. XXI. 

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A listener asked : — Since God is just and quick to per- 
<;eive there may well be such communion with truth. But 
tradition from of old speaks of the appearance of evil things. 
Does reason account for them also? And the Old Man 
replied : 

The Gods are the activity of Heaven and Earth, the 
good power of the In and Yo^^ and of course of the true 
**law.'* Man's nature is originally good but as it is in- 
dividualized good and evil appear.^ So too as God descends 
to man's world there is good and evil. For though the 
working through the four seasons of the spirit of the five 
elements of the In and Yo is of the right " law " of Heaven 

^ The so-called male and female principles of Chinese cosmogony. 
See Mr. Haga's •* Note." 

® There is an ideal nature which is good. It is the same with the 
" ri," the *' law," but when it is individualized, when it unites with 
the •* ki-nature," both good and evil appear. Tbis " ki-nature " 
varies, is thin or dense, is the air, the breath, the essence of the 
five elements, forms matter. It is in man as his " spirit " which 
may therefore be thought of as material, but matter might also be 
thought of as etherial. The spirit within us " feels " the spirit witb- 
out and the latter " responds." So there is a revelation of tbe in- 
visible, a tbeophany, but it is of the will of man and not of the will 
of God, p. 61 above. Evil aeems to be confusion, the good powers 
appearing at the wrong times. The five elements are wood, fire, 
earth, metal, water. Perhaps the five elements would be better trans- 
lated, "the five activities " manifested in the five elements. lam 
indebted for this suggestion, as for many others, to tbe Bev. H. 
Waddell, A. B. 

The word spirit throughout this piece represents the character 
*• ki " ^. See the Journal of the N. China Asiatic Soc. Vol. II, No. 1, 
pp. 37-44. 

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and Earth and not of evil at all, yet as that "spirit" i» 
scattered throughout the universe and confused there arise 
unexpectedly winds, heat, cold and storms. Thus naturally 
there are evil spirits which are known as they are felt by 
men. When with a righteous "spirit" we feel, the right- 
eous "spirits" respond ; and when with an evil "spirit" we 
feel, the evil " spirits " respond. And as both good and bad 
come from this " feeling and response " with the In and 
Yo we cannot refuse to call the bad also, gods. In Heaven 
and Earth is no place where these " spirits " are not. The 
" feeling " of the good " spirits " whether great or small is 
all of the pure heart. So in the empire have the good quali- 
ties of humble men been perceived miraculously ; and, in a 
private station frost has been perceived in summer and Kan- 
taishi " felt " the alligator in the evil valley.^ Such events 
are extraordinary, but they are not to be doubted and are all 
caused by the pure " feeling." 

I read a while ago, in the writings of Shinseisan, of the 
daughter of a farmer. Her father was ill and she prayed 
that she might suflfer in his stead. Because of this " feeling 
and response " for one night many birds sang round the 
house, three great stars shone in the sky, lighting up the 
eaves like the moon ; and in the morning the farmer was 
well. Seisan was the head of the village and knew the 
tacts. He named the place, — " The village of great filial 
piety," and set up a memorial. This is a certain fact and 
an illustration of the feeling of which I speak. 

But in a degenerate age man*s heart is evil ; for the most 
part he " feels " the evil spirits and monsters appeal*. The 
Sage did not speak of wonders,^ of feats of strength^ 
confusions or divinities, yet as their " law " is included in 
" the distinction of things," they must be mentioned. 

^ Above note 14. 
65 Analects VII; 20. 

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In the Saden, Shinju of R5 thus writes of monsters : — 
" When men fear then monsters arise by the flickering flames 
of the spirit. Monsters arise from men.*'^ This accords 
well with our science. When the fire is undetermined the 
flame flickers, dying down and flashing up, and there is a 
state of man's spirit which is like this. As the proverb 
says, — ** Men wish to see the thing they fear." They cannot 
forget it and led by their fancies, as the flame flashes up and 
dies down, now they see it and then they see it not. At 
last so giddy is their spirit that they question their own 
identity and then, into that opening the spirits thrust them- 
selves and show their forms in visions and monsters and 
things of evil. These come by the flames of the spirit, and 
cease by the " feeling " of the good spirits. 

In the tales of To-So^"^ it is said that at Lake Do-tei is a 
temple to the water god, where travellers pray before they 
embark. A merchant of firm faith, and mindful of his 
prayers as he crossed year by year, was drowned at last in 
a storm. Thereupon his son in grief and anger came deter- 
mined to bum, on the morrow, the temple which had failed 
to aid in spite of prayers and gifts. But in his dreams the 
god appeared in fright and said : — " Forgive me and to-morrow 
you shall hear Divine music on the lake. I fear neither the 

66 Dr. Legge translates, — "When men are full of fear their breath 

as it were blazes up and brings such things If men give not 

cause for them they do not arise of themselves." " Chinese Clas- 
sics Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 92. I do not understand ** ki " here to mean 
*' the breath " but the " spirit." The spirits (ki) around us are con- 
fused and undertermined and powerless against a determined mind 
but when man's spirit (ki) is undetermined and flickers like a flame 
then he is deceived by the evil ♦' ki " and monsters appear. * 

67 A collection of common stories of the dynasties To and So. 

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burning of the temple nor your wrath, but seek forgiveness 
.since I cannot ward off the fixed determination of your 

This trifling story teaches that the gods fear a deter- 
mined mind. Had the man been undertermined whether 
he should burn or not, now resolute and now irresolute, he 
had been cursed. 

In the castle of Sumpu^ was a fox called Uba. It 
would put a towel on its head and dance, no form being 
..seen, only the towel waving in the air. As the towel was 
taken from the hand by the tox a rubbing was felt across 
the palm. And the young men would seek to hold the 
towel fast but could not. Okubo Hikozaemon,®^ however, 
held out the towel and the fox could not take it ; for he 
had resolved when he felt the touch to cut with his sword 
both fox and hand. The fox knew his purpose and was 
powerless. When the heart of the samurai is determined 
ihere is no entrance and the fox can work no ill. 
Still more is this the case with Sages and superior men. 
For evil melts before the righteous spirits like ice before 
the sun. Those who practice evil arts against such men 
find their curses returned upon themselves. But good men 
ai*e few and evil spirits abound. 

And, further, men worship at profane temples and 
believe in Buddhism. As a shadow goes with a body so if 
there is strong belief even where there is naught we shall 
construct a being. Wonders are seen and folks are more 
and more deceived and the truth is lost. Trifles are thought 
to be of the gods and the Buddhas and are fooHshly called 
their answers. The priests invent lies, deceive the people, 
assembling them together until the offerings of pennies are 
like mountains. These cheats are the thieves of the nation, 
A great evil to the empire. 

^ The Tokugawa castle at Suruga. 

«» A famous retainer of leyasu, Hidetada and lemitsu. 

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After a pause the Old Man continued : — This ** feeling 
and response " of the gods is the thoroughfare of the spirit. 
If there is the least " touch " of the spirit, though it show 
not in voice or face the gods know it at once. But when in 
perfect quiet there is no mixture of the spirit the gods can 
find no place to enter in. This is the true nature (honbun), 
what I call the ** self.** The verse of Sha-rei-un'° happens 
to set oflf my thought although he did not know the profound 
meaning of the ** self :" — 

**The perfect man exalts himself.** 

The Book of Changes says : "Heaven opposes not, still 
less does man or god.*' ^^ This of course is true of man, 
and also of Heaven and the gods. So the Sage, kings with 
this " self" were above the empire, — ** The empire is only 
I, who can break my resolution ?'* The later philosophers 
put " self** apart from ten thousand, and in the midst of the 
multitude knew only ** self.** 

Where then is this "self"? It is before all thought, 
the reality of the unmoved. Superior men cherish it, Heaven 
and Earth are given rank by it and by it all things are reared. 
From it " feeling *' goes to God and there is nothing apai^t 
from it. As Shokosetsu says, " If there is not a thought 
even the gods cannot know ; if not by self then not by any- 
one.**"" Here is a vulgar illustration which I heard in Kaga. 

A sawyer was making boards in the woods of Hidayama 
when he saw a hermit with a long nose, and took him 
for a goblin. Thereon the hermit said : " Why do you 
take me for a goblin and hate me and wish me away ?'* 
The sawyer in extremity picked up his things to depart 

^ Itt S af A scholar of the Miii dynasty. 

71 The Book of Changes, Appendix, IV. Sec. I. Chap. VI : 34. 

'* IB i^ t5 A famous poet and philosopher of the So danasty. 

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when a board slipped by chance and hit the goblin on the 
nose. ** You dreadful man," it cried, ** I cannot understand 
your thoughts," and ran away. It could not endure the 
unpurposed hit. So it is that, " if there is no thought even 
the gods cannot know." 

But ordinary minds are ever moved by the undeter- 
mined thoughts and fancies with which they are filled. So 
they are led by spirits, enchained by things and the ** self" 
cannot assert itself. We must nourish the source of 
** self" if we would not lose it and first of all by getting rid 
of lust. Without lust, in repose, and without plans or 
thought, from this empty quietness alone, in accord with 
right reason does movement come, determined before all and 
thus after all is no fall. This it is to command the gods 
and not be commanded by them. Without voice or odour it 
is the foundation of the empire, a formless body. Without 
thought or act it is the source of all.'^ 

Unknown of men the origin of a thought in darkness 
and solitude is like the coming of spring while winter still 
is here. Just as the thought begins to come there is the 
distinction of right and wrong, as this year and next divides 
while winter remains. A thousand miles of error oome 
from an inch. In the trifle is the separation of right and 
wrong, their division and their boundary gate. " Cease- 
lessly we must guard this gate " asking our hearts whether 
right or wrong is in our choice. Thus to forsake all evil 
aud follow good is the beginning of the practice of our 
philosophy. Cai-eless here, knowing good and evil only as 
shown in face and act, is to be too late. Struggle as we 
may we shall not attain. 

78 Thought and act are of the ki, the ti*ue self is of the ri, see 
Ki, Ri and Ten" below. 

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Many who had been absent for a time came again and 
excused themselves saying: We have been busy and so 
have been negligent. But the Old Man replied : 

It is the fiashion for scholars to say that occupation 
with the affairs of the world has made them negligent. I 
too have made that mistake. But the true difficulty is a 
want of resolution while we, unmindful of that, lay the 
blame on our occupation. This doubtless may interfere with 
our study of the books but ** learning " is the practice of the 
** Way " of the Sages. True, we must know the ** laws *' if 
we are to act ai'ight and these are learned not merely from 
books, though the study of the classics is to be put first. 
Bead, learn the '' laws '* and then search them out in conduct 
^d affiairs; this is true knowledge, the knowledge that is 
the beginning of right conduct. The ** Way '* of the Sages 
is not apart from the things of every day. Loyalty, obedi- 
ence, friendship, all the relations are in this '^ leai*ning,'* 
and not a movement, not even our resting, is without its 

Oyomei*s followers reproach the " science '* of Shushi 
and say: Doubtless it is admirable, but how shall busy men 
find time to learn its universal laws ? Thus they misunder- 
stand Shushi to teach that first at our leisure we determine 
** laws " and only afterwards begin to practise them. Not 
so J We learn loyalfcy and obedience as we are loyal and 
obedient. To-day I know yesterday's shortcomings and 
to-morrow shall I know to-day's. This is the knowledge of 
Uie scientific philosophy. In our occupations we learn 
whether conduct conforms to right, and so advance in the 
truth by practice. 

Big and little describe things and not principles, so 
everjrwhere and always may we learn philosophy, nor should 
we despise anything. For principles are decided by the 

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bta KNOX : a Japanese philosopher. 

things of Heaven and Earth. But all m proper order, not 
neglecting the important things of every day that the laws 
of trees or blades of grass may be determined. In the 
** Way " of Heaven and Earth there is nothing which comes 
not from deeds. And where there is anj^hing there is the 
rule. Just as with the six accomplishments we learn by 
practice and yet not without rules, so is it with the " Way.*' 
Though I have an intuition, if I know not the rule of its 
application I am like an unpolished jewel or unsmelted ore. 

An old samurai thus taught his pupils. Be not samurai 
through the wearing of two swords, but day and night have 
a care to bring no reproach on the name. When you cross 
your threshold and pass out through the gate go as men 
who shall never return again. Thus shall you be ready for 
every adventure you may meet. All men of deep earnest- 
ness think thus. The Buddhist is forever to remember the 
five commandments and the samurai the laws of chivalry. 
But these are easy, being of limited application. But 
philosophy is of all things, and in all the scholar finds his 
duty. And especially three things must never be forgotten, 
the blessings of parent, lord and Sage. Parents bestow and 
cherish the body, not a hair even is apart from them and 
their love. The daimyo gives us all we have, and maintains 
us, not a chopstick save from him. And the Sage instructs 
us and saves us from the state of the brutes. Kemembering 
these blessings the original nature is not lost. Heaven's 
reason is not destroyed and all the virtues are brought to- 
gether. This is the mystery of our philosophy. Impress 
it even on your bodies. 

But now-a-days young men seek only pleasure. Care- 
less of their duty to parent and lord they fall into selfish- 
ness. And their elders and scholars know not the blessing 
of the Sages but are proud and desirous of fame, without a 
drop of truth. Did they know this mystery they would 
curb their proud spirits and become helpers in the ** way" 
of virtue. But now, teachers and pupils laugh at the 

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truth of Shushi till head and stomach ache. Were they to 
hear my threefold mystery their stomachs would pain them 
to the point of throwing up. But all who truly know 
understand that it is not an empty and senile word. 



Eetuming from exercise some young men stopped one 
day, and the Old Man said to them : As your profession is that 
of arms constant drill is necessary ; hut good fortune is more 
important than skill since without it skill avails not. Mori 
Musashi no Kami was called the Demon of Musashi, so- 
skillful and strong was he : but at Nagakute ^ he was killed 
instantly by a bullet, and what benefit was there in his 
skill and courage ? Skill rests on fortune ; so study this 
most earnestly. Your instructors teach you arms but they 
know not the study of fortune. Such as I can teach you 

Then one repUed : I do not understand this study of 
martial fortune. Surely it is beyond man's control. Could 
it be acquired by study all the world would learn ! The 
Old Man shook his head : Yes, there is such study. Tell us 
of it then, the students said ; and the Old Man went on : 

Consider, all of you I Whence is fortune? From 
Heaven ! Even the world says, " Fortune is in Heaven.*' 
So then there is no resource save prayer to Heaven. Lei 
us then ask: What does Heaven hate and what does 
Heaven love ? It loves benevolence and hates malevolence.. 

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It loves truth and hates untruth. Its heart is this, that it 
forms all things and unceasingly begets men. Even when 
in autumn and winter it seems the spirit of death it is not 
so, but the root, the spirit of birth is gaining strength. So 
does the Book of Changes declare : " Birth is called 
change,"* and again: ** The great virtue of Heaven and 
Earth is called birth."' That which in Heaven begets all 
things in man is called love. So doubt not that Heaven 
loves benevolence and hates its opposite. 

So too with truth. For countless ages sun and moon 
and stars constantly revolve and we make calendars without 
mistake. Nothing is more certain 1 It is the very truth of the 
universe I When man leaves all else and is humane and true 
he accords with Heaven, it surely cherishes and embraces 
him. But with mere temporary virtue* comes no such 
revelation. We must always obey, being ever benevolent 
and injuring no one, being ever true and deceiving no one. 
As the days and months pass such truth appeals to Heaven, 
and Heaven helps so that even in battle we meet no misfor- 
tune nor strike against bullet or spear. This is the study 
of martial fortune. Do not think it an old man's foolish 

How sad is the condition of the world 1 Men seek only 
profit and hate their follows I With their wisdom they 
make a lying appearance and think it a skilful device for 
passing through the world. At last they are cast off by 
Heaven and how can there be any good for them ? I have 
noticed prayers for good luck brought year by year from 
famous temples and hills decorating the entrances to the 

1 In the war between Hideyoshi and leyasu, Bein p. 280. 

2 The Yi King, Appendix III, Sec. I. Chap. V, 29. 
» The Yi King, Appendix III, Sec. II, Chap, I, 10. 
* Mencius, Book II, Pt. I, Chap. II, 15. 

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abodes of famous samurai. But none the less have they 
been killed or punished, or their line has been destroyed and 
house extinguished. Or at the least, to many shame and 
disgrace have come. They have not learned " fortune " but 
foolishly depend on prayers and charms. Confucius said : 
" When punished by Heaven there is no place for prayer."* 
Women of course follow the temples and trust in charms 
but not so should men. Alas ! Now all are astray, those 
who should be teachers, the samurai and those higher still 1 
Whose fault is it then that this evil way wins the multitude ? 
Okina weeps as he repeats the verse of Moshi, — " Watching 
the crow — on whose roof will it alight ?"^ 


After a little some one said : I am much impressed with 
this new study of martial fortune, nor shall I forget it. But 
still I have my doubts. Do not men of humanity and truth 
meet with misfortune, while selfish, false men are happy ? 
Gankai the saint died young and poor ; Toseki^ the infamous 
robber was long-lived and rich. Do explain such facts. 

8 Analects, III ; 13. 

« Book of Poetry, Part II, Book IV, Ode VIII; 3 '* A lamentation 
ovei the miseries of the kingdom." These lines are ** illustrative 
of the uncertainty of the writer's position in the future." Legge. 

7 Of Gfin-kai Confucius said, "Unfortunately bis appointed 
time was short," Analects, (VI : II) ; and, when he died, — " Heaven is 
destroying me ! Heaven is destroying me ! " (XI : VIH) and again, — 
*♦ If I am not to mourn bitterly for this man for whom should I 
mourn ?" (XI : IX,) Legge's translation. Toseki had nine thousand 
followers and was eating a man's liver when visited by Confucius. 
The latter remonstrated with the robber, but was worsted in the 
encounter, at least according to " The Divine Classic of Nan-Hua" 
by Chuang Tsze, translated by Balfour, section " Che the Bobber." 
Tol. XX.-5 

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The Old Man replied : — The good are happy and the 
wicked miserable. This is the certainly determined and just 
law. But happiness and misery are not thus fore-ordained. 
They depend on circumstances. The Sages speak of the 
true law and not of the undetermined circumstances. If we 
would live long we abstain from drink and lust that the body 
may be strong. If in service we seek promotion we are 
diligent in duty. But some men who are careful of their 
health die young and some careless men live loug. Yet 
surely, care is not in vain ! So too some diligent men 
through misfortune gain no promotion and negligent men by 
chance have been advanced. Yet surely, diligence is not in 
vain ! Were we to think care of the body useless we should 
spend days and nights in drinking and lust until at last we 
should be diseased and die. And were we to think diligence 
in vain we so frequently should neglect our duty that punish- 
ment and degradation would be ours. Care of the body is 
the " way " of long life, as is diligence of promotion. These 
laws are unchangeable. Again consider ! When we make 
plans, do we leave all to chance or determine first the prin- 
ciples of our action ? Of course the latter, and then we do 
not repent even though we are unfortunate. We cannot 
arrange for chance. But to leave all to chance and fail, 
that leads to repentance. Sin is the source of pain and right- 
eousness of happiness. This is the settled law. The teach- 
ing of the Sages and the conduct of superior men is deter- 
mined by principles and the result is left to Heaven. Still, 
we do not obey in the hope of happiness, nor do we forbear 
to sin from fear. Not with this meaning did Confucius and 
Mencius teach that happiness is in virtue and pain in sin. 
But the " Way " is the law of man. It is said : ** The 
* Way ' of Heaven blesses virtue and curses sin." That is 
intended for the ignorant multitude. Yet it is not like the 
Buddhist hoben, for it is the determined truth. 

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Again he said ; — When men are many they win from 
Heaven, but when Heaven decrees it wins. It is a famous 
saying : Heaven always wius, evil cannot contend with 
right. Men, when many and strong, may succeed for a 
time, yet only for a time while Heaven is undecided ; after- 
wards it wins. Heaven is forever and is not to be under- 
stood at once, like the promises of men. Short-sighted men 
consider its ways and decide that there is no reward for 
vice or virtue. So they doubt when the good are virtuous 
and fear not when the wicked sin. They do not know that 
there is no victory against Heaven when it decrees. 

Gankai died young. TOseki Hved long, for Heaven'a 
decree was not yet formed. But now as we study the 
decree : Gankai indeed lived poverty-stricken and in 
obscurity, but his name lasts thousands of years with the 
sun and moon. Toseki had a thousand followers and walk- 
ed in pride but when he died his name perished before his 
body was cold; while his shame lasts an hundred generations,^ 
the memorial of many evil deeds. Was then Gankai's re- 
ward from Heaven small, and Toseki's great ? 

And seldom is the award so late ; geuerally it is at once. 
Sometimes it is delayed awhile and yet is received in person. 
Nowadays in Japan are many evil officials ; some ar& 
punished soon, some after a delay ; some are detected at once, 
some only by and by and some not until after death. For the 
collection and disbursement of taxes in town and province 
goes on unceasingly aud a deficit is not perceived. So the 
wicked man is wise in his own interest and, by many devices, 
appropriates the property of the government to his own use 
that he may live in luxury and ease. While still undiscov- 
ered he congratulates himself upon his cleverness. And 
when others are detected he puts it to their want of skill, 
and grows in pride instead of being warned. But surely his 
evil wisdom makes some mistake. He overlooks something 

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which reveals his wickedness, and cleverness and devices 
avail not when he is examined and every item studied. For 
a time lie was free, but soon or late there is no escape. 

Since thus something may be taken from the great 
stores of the government and the loss be not perceived 
at once, still more from Heaven whose treasures, lands and 
seas and men by millions, are very great. Evil and good 
mingle in vast numbers and awards cannot be made at once. 
It is not wonderful that bad men tread the dangerous evil 
way in search of gain. But Heaven too has its time for 
settling its accounts. Then the most clever accountant can- 
not rival the exactness of its perception ; and its awards, 
mild and bitter, heavy and hght are without the least mis- 
take. In China and Japan many strong men have prided 
themselves on courage, wisdom and plots, and. Heaven being 
still undetermined, have thought it could be moved by man's 
power. For a while as they strive with great and evil 
powers they seem to gain their ends, but Heaven soon 
decrees and body and house are lost. Many such instances 
there are, of old and now. To think that man may win 
from Heaven is the source of evil. For bad men see tem- 
porary gain and lejoice with shallow wisdom. But true men 
see and greatly fear the evil that is invisible. As the Book 
of Poetry says, — ** Fear the will of Heaven. Obey accord- 
ing to the limes." Truly ever fear and cherish it. 


One of the students who had been a Buddhist but now 
studied philosophy with the Old Man, said one day to an- 
other student ; — The Old Man teaches me the exalted truth 
of Confucius, but Buddhism too has truth not to be cast 
aside. Scholars are entangled by the world and deceived by 
reality and seek fame and gain. So they die without seeing 
the truth* Buddhism knows the world's a dream, a vision, 

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and though it is heresy still it leads many to the truth as it 
teaches the true nature of the Buddha. Good and evil are 
twisted together like the strands of a rope. Joy and sorrow 
stand ever at the gate waiting to enter. The fleeting world 
is like a dream ; how sball we find satisfaction in it ? To see 
that it is a dream is to find the beginning of the " Way." 

The Old Man replied ; — There is reason in what you 
say, and therefore many famous stimurai have forsaken 
philosophy for Buddhiom. They are like the guest who ate 
too much at a feast and went home in agony, holding his 
big belly with his hands. He met an empty bellied beggar 
seeking food and cried out : Oh I If I were only like that 
man ! Then I should not sufier so. Such are the scholars 
who, surfeited w itli the world aud offended with pliilosophy, 
turn to the teaching of the priests. They know not that 
the land of rest is in our teaching. 

From the beginning of Heaven and Earth the " Way " 
of the three relations and ^\e laws has not changed. It is 
Heaven's truth. It is not a dream. It is not a '* borrowed 
world." But men want rank and gain. They seek them 
day and night until death and pursue them west and east. 
Success and ruin quickly come and quickly go, all alike un- 
expected. Such unrighteous success Confucius called, 
*' Clouds that form and disappear." ®But in the Buduhist 
doctrine of " three worlds " all seems a dream. There is 
no distinction of truth and falsehood ; and the *' Way " of 
the three relations and five laws is destroyed and thrown 
away as rubbish. As if we should destroy eye and ear ! 
We see and hear by them and, forsooth, in sight and sound 
are errors ! Sball we then make ourselves deaf and blind 
and be content, hearing and seeing naught ? The heart is 
from Heaven, is endowed with all reason and responds to all 
things. Thus is the •* empty spirit"® exalted. Now if we 

8 Analects, Book VH ; XV. 

9 See p. 21 preceding. 

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deny both reason and things, the three relations and the 
five laws, and our own heart, what shall be the true 
heart ? These heretics even must make our wonderful 
consciousness to be the true nature of Buddha. 

The heart is like light. Fire is culled light because it 
shines on things. The phosphorescence of sea and hill is 
hke fire : yet lights nothing but dances in sohtude, in waste 
places far from men. Shall we exalt it and call it a light 
Divine ? Buddhism, separated from the ** Way " of the five 
relations and the five virtues, moves men uselessly, without 
real connection with reason or affairs. Vainly it talks of 
Divine knowledge. In Japan before the Empress Suiko, 
and in China before the Emperor Mei ^° were no such men or 
hearts. It is all useless but for a thousand years here and 
in China high and low have felt its influence. Lords and 
retainers, parents and children have been deserted by men 
who have become priests. And others look on with longing 
and say, — ** They have accepted the true religion." It is 
most contemptible, no matter what may be the purpose. 
Surely it is shameful ! And the Old Man was silent for a 

Reason comes from Heaven, he continued, and is in 
men. If we know it not in ourselves we know it not at all. 
This kind knowledge exceeds all former experience as we 
love our friend an hundredfold as we discover that he is 
bound to us by the ties of nature, is our lost father or 
brother. An abstainer knows that sake is sweet, but not as 
if he tasted it. And the sake drinker knows not the taste 
of mochi. The true philosopher knows the truth as the 
drinker knows the taste of sake and the abstainer the taste 
of sweets. How shall he forget it ? How shall he fall into 

10 In Suiko's reign, A.D. 593-628, Buddhism was openly adopt- 
ed by the court in Japan. In the reign of Mei, (Ming Ti) A.D. 58-76 
it received the imperial sanction in China. 

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error ? Lying down, getting up, moving, resting, all is 
well. In peace, in trouble, in life, in death, in joy, in 
sorrow, all is well. Never for a moment will he leave this 
" Way." This is to know it in ourselves. But I have not 
yet attained to this, nor do I truly know the " Way."" 


Matsunaga thus sings of the Morning-glory : — '* The 
Morning-glory of an hour, Differs not in heart from the 
pine of a thousand years." ^^ What profundity ! Many have 
sung of the morning-glory, of its short life, of autumn 
loneliness and the vanity of the world. So Hakkyoi : — ^* 
** After a thousand years the pine decays ; The flower 
has its glory in blooming for a day." That is pretty but it 
merely makes bloom and decay one. The ignorant think it 
profound but it is very superficial, Hke Buddhism and 
Taoism. Matsunaga's verse has other meaning, has it not ? 
I think it means. ** He who in the morning hears the 
*Way' may die content at night." ^* To blossom early, 
wait for the rising sun and die, such is the morning-glory's 
nature received from Heaven. It does not forget its own 
nature and envy the pine its thousand years. So every 
morning splendidly it blooms, waits for the rising sun and 
dies. Thus it fulfils its destiny. How can we despise this 
truth the flower reveals ? The pine differs not, but we 

11 Man's true nature is '* law," the eternal *' reason " within 
him. And as *' law " is the ideal benevolence and righteousness* 
these too are man's nature. It is therefore *' si^od." But only 
when this truth is comprehended and obeyed does man " attain." 
Kynso had not yet attained ; he could say naught else for so does 
Confucius speak of himself. Analects VII ; XXXII, XXXIII. 

12 Matsunaga. an unknown author. 

18 Hakkyoi. A famous poet of the To (Tang) dynasty. 

1* Analects IV, VIII. 

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learn the lesson best from the short-lived flower. The pine's 
heart is not of a thousand years nor the morning-glory's 
of an hour, but only that they may fulfil their destiny. 

The glory of the thousand years, the evanescence of 
the single hour are not in pine or flower but in our thought. 
So is it with unfeeling things, but man has feeling and is the 
head of all. Yet is he deceived by things and does not attain 
to this unless he knows the *' Way." To know the '* Way " is 
not the mysl ic contemplation of which Buddhism speaks. The 
*' Way " is so adjusted to all things that even miserable men 
and women may know and do it. And only as we truly 
know it can we truly do it. Otherwise even with practice 
we do not know, and even in doing it we find no profit. 
Though we are in the ** Way " until death we do not under- 
stand. Truly to know and act is to be like fish in water 
and bird in forest. 

Keason should be our life. Never should we separate 
from it. While we live we obey, and '* Way " and body 
together come to death. Long shall we be at peace. To 
live a day is to obey a day,^nnd then to die : to live a year is 
to obey a year and then to die. If thus in the morning we 
hear and die at night there is no regiet. So the morning- 
glory lives a day, blooms wholly as it had received, and 
without resentment dies. How greatly difler the thousand 
years of the pine in length, yet both fulfil their destiny and 
both are equally content. Thus, " The morning-glory of an 
hour, Dificrs not in heart from the pine of a thousand years." 
As Matsunaga shows his aspirations in his verse so I in 
imitation; " By the truth received from Heaven and 
Earth, The morning-glory blooms and fades." 

*' Kegret not what you see : Decay and bloom alike 
are morning-glory's truth." 

*' Hurting not, lusting not, This is the morning-glory's 
heart. Not difierent from the pine's." 

The verses are wretched as you see. But never mind 
their form, take their truth. 

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Said the students ; — When we read we see ouly the 
surface and do not know how to apply the lesson to the 
world, but you find profound reason in everything. We do 
not understand that which is close at hand, it is as secret as 
the eyelashes. 

And the Old Man replied ; — Confucius said of the 
common words of Shun, ** They show his wisdom" : the 
Sage does not neglect the speech of the vulgar. ** A boy 
thus sang: — When the river is clear I wash the strings of 
my cap ; when it is muddy I wash my feet." And its mean- 
ing is, the Sage is not stopped but moves with the current 
of the world. Confucius commented thus, — *' Because the 
water is clear he washes the strings of his cap, because it is 
muddy he washes his feet ; so the washing is not of man's 
goodness or evil but the water by its clearness or muddi- 
ness brings it on itself. Consider ! " ^^ So are praise and 
shame, misery and blessedness all of self and not of others. 
Blame not men but heed thyself ! Hear not unthinkingly 
even a common verse. 

When young 1 met an old philosopher in Kyoto who 
told me stories of the past, and among them this of leyasu. 
He once said to his followers ; — ** Would you avoid misfor- 
tune ? Here is advice for you in five syllables or in seven. 
Which will you have ? " ** Give us both," they said ; and 
he went on : — ** In five, — Do not look above, (ue wo mi na) ; 
and in seven, — Know thy own capacity (mi no hodo wo 
shire). Forget them not." 

But men look above and know not themselves. Ex" 
travagant, proud, fond of adornment, they crumble their 
property and invite misfortune. A great daimyo had a karo 
whose income was ten thousand koku and on a certain day 
lie went to the castle wearing a cotton robe dyed led. Get- 

16 Mencius, Book IV. Pt. I, Chap. VIH; 2-3. 

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ting wet ^71 route he Imng his robe in the sun to dry. The 
daimyo returning from the chase saw the robe and said, 
** Bed fades in the sun, take it inside.'' But iu the house 
of another great noble was an officer who gave ten gold ryo 
for the ornaments of his armour and remarked : " Weapons 
of war are most precious and from this expenditure my son 
and grandson will know my meaning." A third daimyo 
was thought especially wise. The son of his karo was fond 
of medicine cases and wore one, three coral beads ornament- 
ing the string. His lord remarked to him: — **Isee you 
are fond of medicine cases ; here is one that preserves the 
strength of the medicine for ever. Wear it,'* and gave him 
one whose beads were nuts. So all the officials renounced 

All this WHS sixty or seventy years ago but now everywhere 
is extravagance. We may well spend money on our weapons 
but luxury must be reproved. In the Osaka war great nobles 
and knights had only the simplest weapons and armour, 
while their houses and possessions were ruder still. Ex- 
travagance unrepressed destroys the empire. Its origin is 
selfishness, looking above and not knowing self. This is 
what leyasu meant. This disease, extravagance, is not 
merely individual and personal. It affects high and low. It 
leads generals to overestimate their own powers and despise 
their adversaries. So they lose the empire and themselves, 
like Nobunaga and many another in China and Japan. But 
leyasu did not become extravagant. He knew himself. 
Success did not make him proud, and so at last he ruled the 
empire. His syllables five and seven have profound meaning 


One day, after study was ended, the talk was of bene- 
volence and righteousness, and one of the company remarked : 
The heart of Heaven and Earth becomes man's heart. 

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Heaven's heart is to produce all things, and as this becomes the 
heart of man, love to his fellows will be the virtue of his 
heart. So is it that benevolence, the principle of love, is the 
virtue of the heart. And with this virtue are all the others, 
for they are included in it and come from it. This have I 
learned from you. Benevolence means the heart which 
loves mankind and is chief of the virtues. Many teachers 
give the chief place to compassion, and if enough meaning is 
read into it we may agree ; but this teaching that beuevolence 
is the virtue of the heart is not that ordinary shallow 
commonplace. Why is it that righteousness, propriety and 
truth are destroyed when there is no benevolence, even 
though compassion be made the virtue of the heart ? Talk 
to us awhile of this. And the Old Man replied : 

I agree with you and have nothing new to say, but still 
I will speak a little in detail. Benevolence in tbe heart is 
hke the vital spirits in the body, and as these are shown in 
the pulse so is benevolence shown in love. When the pulse 
ceases to beat man dies, and when the law of love is lost the 
heart is destroyed. Thus is benevolence the life of the 
heart. It lives with benevolence and pity. Naturally when 
we see our parents we love them, and naturally we reverence 
superiors ; naturally we are humble in the presence of old 
age ; naturally we respond to the story of righteousness and 
are ashamed as we bear of evil. But if there is no sym- 
pathy or pity the heart is hard hke demon, or beast, or 
wood, or stone, and we have no feeling. How then shall we 
love or reverence, respond to righteousness or be ashamed 
at wrong ?^® 

w Our word benevolence by no means precisely represents the 
Chinese word " jin." Faber translates '♦ humanity " and gives an 
excellent description of the virtue, •* Doctrines of Confucius," pp. 
71-76. But though *♦ jin " is the characteristic virtue of man, and 

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Thus are benevolence, righteousness, propriety and 
wisdom all of the virtue of the heart. They are separate 
laws and yet all of this one origin, benevolence. Without it 
men may have indeed a virtuous appearance and activity^ 
but they come not from the heart and are not true virtue or 
true law. For benevolence is the essence of virtue and the 
law of love. 

Bravery even comes from benevolence and is of the 
pitying heart. War seems a violent '* way," taking and kill- 
ing, and compared with benevolence like black compared 
with white. Yet only when benevolence is its foundation is 
the warrior's bravery true courage. Only as chivsilry, and 
letters too, and all spring from the heart and combine with 
benevolence are they true. With such a heart, even if we 
purpose not to aid our neighbors, still aid them we must and 


Another of those present spoke : — We now fnlly under- 
stand that benevolence is the virtue of the heart, the law of 
love, and that in its perfection all virtues are included. But 
righteousness is singled out and put with it. Explain, 
please, this righteousness. So the Old Man replied : 

his nature, yet as characteristic too of the heart of Heaven and Earth, 
humanity is a term at once too narrow and too broad. As St. PauU 
in 1st Cor. XIII., sums up all the Christian virtues in the word love, 
so does '• jin " comprise all the Confucian excellences. It is certainly 
noticeable that the words should so resemble each other, and when 
benevolence and righteousness are set forth as the very essence of 
Heaven and Earth we readily exaggerate the likeness of doctrine. 
But thought his Chinese philosophy has no place for a personal God,, 
yet these virtues are reflected in the operations of impersonal 
nature, its fertility and its regularity. 

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As are the In and Yo in Heaven, so are benevolence 
and righteousness in man. This is the teaching of the 
Book of Changes : — *' The * Way ' of Heaven is In and Y5 ; 
the *Way* of man is benevolence and righteousness."" 
And in the first figure of the Book of Changes the four 
seasons are all included in spring.^ Though the spirit of 
autumn seems to destroy and kill, yet really it strengthens 
the power that shall bring forth the verdure of the spriug. 
So is it with man's ** Way." The four virtues are all in 
benevolence but not indiscriminately, for without the rule 
of righteousness the living ** Way " of the heart is hurt aud 
benevolence is destroyed. 

As T once said to a beginner : Kighteousness is the 
"edge" of the heart. Shnshi called- it the ** ruler " of 
the heart. Usually, with action, coming and going, taking 
and giving, the heart is filled up and cannot be just. Such 
a heart, stuck fast, even when learned, cannot be wise. It 
Is without repentance and makes no rapid advance in virtue. 
So our action depends upon the '*edge" of the heart. 
Thus did Confucius speak of the superior man : * * Right- 
eousness is his nature."^® And he thus explains a passage 
in the Book of Changes : ** He purifies his heart with re- 
verence and his conduct with righteousness." ^° And again, 
he separates the man of true distrinction from the man of 
mere notoriety thus : " His nature is honest and he loves 

" Book of Changes, Appendix V, Chap. II ; 4. 

1® Book of Changes, Appendix I ; 1. 

" Analects XV ; 17. 

20 Book of Changes, Appendix IV, Sec. II, Chap. II ; 6. 

« Analects XII ; 20. 

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Our lusts hurt the heart and are the enemies of bene- 
volence and righteousness. Kven those who are benevolent 
and know pity, whose nature is tender, become hard and lose 
their communion with Heaven when they are led by evil 
wisdom and by external things. Lusts daily increase Uke 
the insects which devour trees, and when the vital spirit 
dies the great tree is dead. As the edge of the heart is 
dulled, alas ! righteousness disappears. Bust makes value- 
less the best cutting sword as the edge is dulled. So is it that 
the Confucian philosophy magnifies benevolence and teaches 
that self-conquest is essential to its attainment. 

When Gankai asked Confucius about benevolence, the 
Sage replied: "Conquer self and return to propriety.'*^ 
Propriety is the adornment of Heaven and Earth, man's 
rule for self-examination and instrument for victory over 
self. Gttukai sought the method of self-government. Men 
who know not this cannot conquer self, though they strive 
strenuously. So it is that the Great Learning put know- 
ledge of the truth before the reformation of the heart.^ 
Though we know that the ** Way " is benevolence and 
righteousness, yet we cannot attain perfection if we neglect 
propriety and knowledge. Thus does the Book of Changes 
speak of the virtue of the sage : '* Knowledge is high, pro- 
priety is low ; the height of the knowledge is Heaven, the 
lowHness of the propriety is Earth." ^ As the high increases 
so does the low improve. This is the '* Way," complete do- 
ing at first and complete doing at last. This has been 
philosophy's great law from Confucius' until now. 

28 Analects XII; 1. 

28 The Great Learning, 4-6. 

a* Appendix III : Sec. I : Chap. VII. 36. 

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When studying penmanship I read the sentence of 
Imagawa, ** If one of the four virtues is lost, the * Way ' 
cannot be fulfilled.'' Imagawa was not a great philosopher^ 
but this saying is truly great. I well remember it yet. All 
four are important, yet is righteousness next to benevolence, 
as we may learn from Mencius' teaching of the Broad Spirit, 
"Very great, very strong, filling Heaven and Earth !"** 
Consider how so great a thing can come from right- 
eousness. Endowed with the living spirit of Heaven and 
Earth man is naturally a broad being, but lusts dull the 
** edge " of the heart and the spirit grows small. So the 
broad spirit is from the ** edge "of the heart. Without 
it, as the proverb says, ** with one bound of an ox," we are 
wholly given up to self. Nor are we to be righteous all at 
once. Mencius says : ** It is by the accumulation of right- 
eousness."^ The broad spirit does not give forth its power 
at once, with one thing or at one time, but day by day using 
the ** edge " of the heart in accord with reason in all 
things great and small, important and unimportant, without 
any doubt, as with a sword you cut in two, deciding thus it 
fits well, this is the ** Way," so is the broad spirit produced. 
Thus ceaselessly, this spirit continuing, ever it grows strong 
and at last the spirit so aids the ** edge " of the heart 
that it unites with righteousness and the spirit is naturally 
very broad. 

So when in cold weather two men at daybreak are 
about to rise, the sake drinker does not hesitate while the 
abstainer shivers with the cold. For the spirit of the liquor 
aids his ** edge " of the heart. But the broad spirit 
comes from righteousness and yet helps the righteousness, a 
thing most wonderful ! 

as Mencius, Book II, Pt. I, Chap. U ; 11-16. 

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Last year I read in the Kam-bun-slio^ of a dragon. The 
dragon is a thing most wonderful and Divine ; and this one 
made a cloud with its breath and then rode thereon up to 
the moon and down to the depths. The dragon formed the 
cloud which aided it in its flight ! But not unreasonably 
are we to use the spirit strength to make the weak strong, 
or we shall be like the men of So who pulled up the rice 
that they might help it to grow long ! ^ That is to injure 
the *' Way " and prevent the accumulation of righteousness. 
It should be accumulated without definite purpose, yet 
constantly as day or night a man forgets not his important 
business. Neither forgotten nor unreasonably accumulated, 
this is this ** edge " of the heart. As the philosophers have 
said, *'Hold with reverence." Not too careful, or greater 
harm comes than from forgetting to have a care. ** Like 
holding an egg in the hand," not forgetting or down it goes ; 
not too tight or it is crushed. 

Not too careless and not too careful. The heart is 
wonderful and Divine. Empty and idle it cannot be. It 
must have intercourse with men aud act, or in. its idleness 
useless things come forth ; it considers things without root 
or dependence and is confused Hke hemp. Long ago in 
Kaga a samurai asked me of this control of the heart and I 
said to him : — The heart is like a horse of spirit and ** re- 
verence " is that which rides it. If the spirit is weak so 
are seat and hands, away the horse runs and we are thrown. 
This is the ** forgetting." If we hold too strongly the 
mouth hurts and the horse cannot go. This is to " nourish 
unreasonably." Not only is he unable to go : his evil spirit 
is aroused, he balks and rears and is no benefit but an 
injury. Not too loose nor too tight, but carefully in the 
mean, then fast and slow he comes and goes freely obedient 
to my desire. 

26 The writings of Kautaishi, p. 31 above, note. 

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So wrote I forty years since. Those to whom I wrote 
ure DOW of the long ago. 

Deeply moved was the old man as he spake these 


Once at the end of his exposition of the tenth book 
of the Analects, ** He bowed to those who bore the tables of 
the census/' the Old Man asked his guests : What is the 
meaning of the phrase, ** The people are the Heaven of 
the king and food is the Heaven of the People'* ? 

The people, replied one, are the foundation of the 
State ; when they are obedient the State remains, but when 
they rebel it is destroyed. As its preservation and destruc- 
tion are of the people the king must honour them as Heaven. 
And the people honour their food as Heaven, for it is their life 
and without it they die. 

You have explained correctly the meanings, continued 
the Old Man, as both honouring agriculture. When Heaven 
begets men it brings forth grain for their food. If there are 
men there is grain and if there is grain there are men ; if 
there is no grain there are no men. Nothing excels food. 
The farmers produce it and are entrusted by Heaven to the 
king who must honour them as he honours Heaven itself. 
Not one farmer may be abused. For this reason the census 
was received of old with honour by the king, and Confucius 
bowed when he met those who bore it. The people are to 
remember that they are entrusted with the production of 
this precious gift of Heaven and are to honour it as Heaven 
itself. They must not be idle, for their industry determines 
the land's prosperity. 

In the days of the Sage kings all this was heeded. 
Taxes were light and when the crops failed there was such 
aid that the people were not scattered abroad. They lived 
at home without anxiety and gave their produce to the king 

ToL XX.— tt 

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and no one failed to make *' food to be as Heaven/* 
Gradually their manners became the fashion with the officials 
and the city folk, and all were frugal and none lazy or luxurious. 
But later, in the time of the Shin dynasty,*^ the heart which 
made the people to be Heaven grew less, and cruel taxes 
were imposed until at last there was separation and rebellion. 
All was confusion and disintegration and the mob originat- 
ed. Again from the time of the Kan dynasty ,^^ though there 
was peace and safety, yet mauy were intent on gain and the 
great merchants lived like princes and in imitation the coun- 
try folk too fell into extravagance and competed in costly 
amusements. Kagi^ complained to the government, and as 
something of the heart that makes ** the people Heaven" 
istill remained, the Emperor repeatedly proclaimed that 
agriculture is the foundation of the empire, remitted the 
taxes and reproved the local officials. He exhorted to fihal 
obedience, brotherly respect and industry. So in the time 
of Bun-Kei*^ lord and servant were frugal and the land grew 
rich. It was the best period after the times of the Sage 
kings. *^ So our study shows that when the fashions of the 
country extend to the capital it is well, and when the capital 
influenced the country it is ill, for in the country is sim- 
plicity and in the capital extravagance. 

27 The Shin (Ts'in) dynasty reigned B.C. 255-209 and was follow- 
ed by the Kan (Han) dynasty. 

28 A celebrated scholar of the •' Han dynasty " who introduced 
various reforms. Mayers, p. 78. 

29 Bun and Kei were emperors of the Han dynasty and reigned 
in succession, B.C. 179-140. 

30 All good was in its perfection in the days of the Sage kings 
Gyo and Shun. But unfortunately, we know nothing of them or of 
their times historically. The golden age was already a thousand 
years in the past when authentic history began in China, the 12th 
century B. C. 

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Nowadays, so far as I hear, avaricious officials are 
many, and in the country too many who are outwardly 
obedient to the law amass wealth, are pleasure- loving, hide 
their faults, deceive the Government, injure their fellows and 
count all this shrewdness. At their feasts they eat only 
delicacies, gather women for song and dance, and spend 
immense sums in a day. They think it aesthetic ; and when 
they see a man who is frugal and honest they ridicule him 
as "rustic" and unaccustomed to the ways of the world. 
As an individual can do nothing against the multitude, these 
fashions become universal and even the remote regions are 
extravagant and false. Alas ! all the world praises ex- 
travagance and all the world desires money without which 
these lusts cannot be gratified. So those who are strong 
seize the wealth of the empire and its circulation is stopped. 
Gold and silver are scarce. But food grows every year, so it 
is cheap and money is dear. The samurai who are paid in 
grain must exchange cheap grain for dear cash and have not 
enough, while those who have money buy cheap grain with 
dear coin and increase their goods. But with limited coin 
their extravagance is uulimited and useful money goes for 
useless things. Money is less and less in quantity day by 
day and does not circulate. Kice grows ever cheaper, 
yet the poor country folk cannot buy it. The rich feast 
daily but the green-coloured ®^ are ever at their side. • The 
bad become robbers to save their lives. From extravagance 
comes poverty and from poverty theft. 

This has not come about in a day. Until sixty or 
seventy years ago there was prosperity. Some were extrav- 
agant but the majority were frugal, for many old men of the 
former age still lived, men who had endured hardship as 
soldiers and had known no luxury even in their dreams. 
But their descendants, trained in their houses, think frugality 
rustic. The elders were without outer adornments but their 

'1 The starving. 

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inner qualities were great. They loved labour and were 
loyal and sympathetic. But after their time the samurai 
with their hereditary pensions knew nothing of hardship in 
the times of peace. They desire drink and pleasure and 
know not its poison. Extravagant and vain and profligate, 
no wonder we are in such condition. Still worse are the 
money-getters and the givers of great entertainments. And 
the evil goes into the provinces. There remains even now 
something of the ancient customs, differing from the great 
towns. But the people are foolish and profligate, and some 
commit great crimes. Foolish and angiy in their misery, 
some even rise against the Government. Still they are not 
cheats like the townfolk. They are naturally honest, simple, 
easily moved by blessings, quick to follow reason and satis- 
fied with their daily food. When the officials remember the 
heart which makes the people Heaven, and modify the taxes 
according to circumstances and so treat the people that they 
may nourish parents and children without fear of death 
from cold and hunger, then the people are in peace. When 
the laws are made known showing the punishments for 
crime, forbidding extravagance, reproving the idle and dis- 
solute, then the people admire and obey. As they become good 
their virtue passes to the towns. The townfolk are not the 
tenth of the countrymen ; yet town fashions permeate the 
provinces. Were the countrymen content and prosperous, 
still more readily then would their fashions go throughout 
the empire conquering'extravagance and evil. Without doubt 
extravagance would give way gradually to frugality. 


Of old it was said : ** When the people are discontented 
they think of insurrection," so important is their peace to 
the empire. In the days of leyasu a certain samurai who 
loved philosophy was sent on a tour of inspection. Before 
starting he asked his teacher for advice and was told, " You 
will travel around the skirt of Fuji, study the plain on 

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which it stands. Such a mountain can stand only on so 
great a plain. Mountains stand secure because, they spread 
wide out theu: base. With top big and base small, over they 
would fall. Would you now serve the Government ? Care 
for the people. I have no advice to give but this.*' This 
is the meaning of that figure of a mountain standing on the 
earth in the Book of Changes.^ The mountain rears itself 
on high but the base clings to the earth. The earth is its 
source. So are rulers to make the top small and the base 
great. Then is the empire at peace, like the mountain. 
But if the top is increased and the base diminished there is 
danger ; it is a mountain upside down. 

This is my thought: — In the towns are many evil 
men who set fire to houses and work mischief. For the 
greater part they are wanderers from the country who have 
come aimlessly to town because of the misery in the pro- 
vinces. Should they return they would find no occupation 
and no place for their bodies. So their only resource is to 
rob and steal. Were the provinces unoppressed and the 
family relationship maintained, men would come to town only 
in exceptional circumstances. Should they find no work in 
town they would go home again. Had they friends they 
would not throw away their lives by committing crimes 
sure to be punished. Even the outcasts would go to their 
friends for aid. But now the provinces are in distress and 
all gather in the towns. And useless extravagance leads the 
fashion. The nobles, high officials and the rich put crowds 
of these fellows in livery. They gather in the long houses 
to drink and game. They drink until drunk, and by their 
carelessness the house catches fire and burns. The worst 
of them steal their master's money and fire the house to 
hide their misdeeds. The carelessness of the master permits 
such evils, but the real cause is the evil love of luxury. 
Stop the extravagant customs of the town and the provinces 
win prosper. 

^ Book of Changea. Appendix II., H«x. XXIII. 

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THE empire's treasure. 

But ever with a century of peace comes extravagance. 
That it may he replaced hy frugality, honest and econom- 
ical samurai must he given office. Mere laws and the 
machinery of government will not avail. So it is said: 
** Teach by example and they follow ; by words and they 
accuse." When the great officers are righteous the mass of 
officials naturally follow with reverence and fear. When 
the great officers teach with words the subordinates quarrel 
and disobey. Though laws be many and increase yet is 
control difficult. The real and final fault is the unfitness of 
the officials for their places. Laws are necessary, but their 
efficiency is according to the men who enforce them. As 
Confucius said, '* Government is by the man. With him it is 
complete ; when he is destroyed it ceases." 

The changes of man's heart are not according to a fixed 
system, but evil and good, falsehood and truth, are confused 
together. So the plausible excuses of Shoknfu, though he 
seemed to make out his case, were not accepted by Choseki- 
shi ; ^ and the efficient general was not dismissed when he 
was accused of stealing eggs ; ^ the seeming frugality of 
Kosonko in wearing a cotton robe was really evil extrava- 
gance, while the seeming extravagance of Eakushige " in the 
end was not to be reproved as wrong. We cannot govern 
a multitude of changing beings by unchanging laws. That 
is like playing a koto with its bridge made fast, like marking the 
side of the boat that we may fiud again the sword lost 
overboard. Not thus are changing conditions suitably met. 

w A councillor of Han Wen Ti, B. C. 179. 

^ Sain of Wei accused of stealing t«ro eggs when a boy. Betain- 
ed ** since no one is perfect," Chinese Repository, Feb. 1861. p. 103. 

^ D. 122 B. G. He had been a swineherd and became a minister, 
Mayers, p. 90. He used all of his own property for others. Kosonko 
affected economy that he might increase his popularity. 

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Fiud the proper man and entrust the laws to him. Let 
him assert or modify, advance or retreat, using the laws 
according to the times, using them as not immovably bound 
by them. He should skillfully roll them along aud not be 
rolled along by them. When all is entrusted to officials 
such as these, tbe Government is not obstructed, the laws are 
enforced, the people obey and there is continual peace* 
Jewels are not the treasure of the empire but wise men. 

Eeverently would I speak my admiration of the great le- 
yasu.** Once when an office was vacant he said to his minister 
(kard) : * 'I shall give the office to so and so. What is his charac- 
ter ?" But the karo replied, ** I do not know. He does not 
come to my house." leyasu changed colour and replied,** I am 
to be blamed if unreasonably I ask your opinion of the 
character of each one of my many men-at-arms and if it is 
not your duty to know. But so and so has rank and wealth » 
He is unknown to no one. What duty have you more 
important than to know the leading men and give me in- 
formation when I ask it ? Should you reply * I do not 
know' ? Not know ? I eiTed wlien I entrusted you with an 
office of such importance. Consider. The faithful samurai 
does not go familiarly to the house of his superior. You 
are to seek out the good men among them and know them 
that they may not be unemployed. That is your duty to me. 
When fine swords, daggers and articles for the cha-no-yu are 
spoken of you seek them that they may be shown to me. But 
the best of them do not serve the State. They are not 
essential. But I ever say that man is the * treasure of 
treasures.' And you are so inattentive that you can an- 
swer me like this ? If you know only those who call at your 
house you will corrupt the samurai. They will think they 

« leyasu is always referred to by his posthumous title, To-sho- 
gu, but I have retained his well known name. 

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must flatter the men in power. My samurai, modest and 
virtuous, are the life-power of the state. If their hearts are 
soiled and they hecome shameless and spiritless in every 
thing, putting up with insults that they may save their lives, 
they will have no heart to fulfil righteousness. So with the 
loss of their vitality will the vigpur of the State fail. Then 
the State will readily be overturned and destroyed. Fail not 
to remember what I say." 

So did leyasu make wise men his treasure, and their 
righteousness the life-power of the State. Of all our rulers 
he stands first. I need not dwell longer on his lecture to 
the karo. In the Book of Bites provision is make for an 
officer whose duty shall be the choice of man. But in time 
the good old way failed and men were chosen only for rank, 
words, literary skill, and such like empty things. So has it 
been for generations. And in Japan from the beginning of 
the Kamakura times ^ lord and karo never thought of advauc- 
ing men by the test of character. How such men would 
fear this sharp word of leyasu. All fear and follow him, 
So it is that from his time many men of high character 
appear who govern well. There is constant progress and 
all in the empire are at peace. This blessing is all from 
him. To worship such virtue day and night is not enough. 


Naught else is so essential to the empire as custom. 
The ruler's authority is like Heaven and his fear is as thun- 
der, who dare disobey ? But as the proverb says, " Against 
the multitude no hand,'* so against custom is no victory. 

*7 The beginning of the Eamakara times was toward the end of 
the twelfth century, when it was founded by Yoritomo. 

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Mandates and laws efiect a temporary reformation, but 
constantly do they yield and fail loug to influence thost 
beneath their sway. They permeate but a. little way and 
are lost in the mass. 

Custom is like a field and government like seed. Be 
the seed never so good, if the field is ill prepared it will not 
grow. Good laws accomplish nothing unless the customs 
too are good. First prepare the soil and then sow the seed. 
First reform customs if we desire good government. And 
the source of customs is the ruler himself. Let him govern 
himself aud thus inspire those who are below. This is the 
unchanging law. If he govern not himself there is no model 
for the people. 

When good or evil has hardened into custom there can 
be no immediate change. To go over to the bad is easy, but 
to become good is difficult. If reform is purposed, tie fast 
custom that there be no drift into evil. The ruler cannot 
accomplish it alone, but all the officials, small and great, must 
perceive his purpose, govern themselves and be examples to 
the people. Nowadays all know the frugality of the Shd- 
gun, yet the extravagance of the lower orders ceases not. 
Such worthless men as I ever celebrate the virtues of the 
ShOgun, still more should all the high officials approve him. 
Doubtless they are not all slothful and yet cannot at once 
reform the customs which have long been decayed. 

In the pmod Manji-Kwambun (1658-1672) quails were 
the fashion, and men of wealth competed for them aud they 
became very costly. Abe Bungo no Kami, Tada-aki, fancied 
th^n and kept a cage ever by his side. A daimyo knew his 
fancy and buying oue of highest price sent it to Abe by his 
physician. Bo the physician took it and said, '* Be so kind 
as to accept it.** But Abe merely replied, ''I'll consider 
it.'* Then in a moment he called his servant and told him 
to turn the doors of the cages to the garden and open them. 
Out flew all the quails, to the surprise of the physician, who 
said, *' Have they been so long. with you that they will come 

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back again ?" " No," was the reply; ** I have let them go. 
By the will of the Shogun I have been promoted and sbonld 
have no fancies. Unthinkingly I became fond of quails and 
now men bring them as presents. I'll care for them no 
more.'' That answer made the physician ashamed. It is 
difficult to give np one's fancy and there is no objection to 
the acceptance of gifts. But Abe forgot not the people of 
bis master. Trifles become the fashion, influence one's own 
rule and must be carefully guarded. And the other officials 
of the time were also pure and free from extravagance ; nor 
were they proud of their power. And as their customs in- 
fluenced those below them, the people too became pure' and 

So does custom generally pass from rulers to the people, 
but the opposite is sometimes true. When the source is 
pure the stream is clear, and when the source is impure so is 
the stream. But if mud heaps up at the mouth it dams the 
stream, and the impurity ascends even to the source. So 
nowadays the sous of wealthy merchants in company with 
samurai and officials, with rascals and dissolute townfolk, 
make brothels their home by day and night, and waste their 
time in play and drink. The custom penetrates higher 
circles, and even nobles and high officials go secretly to 
brothels and samurai are eager to be leaders in debauchery. 
This is the influence of the low upon the high. To amend 
it only good men should be made high officials and thus will 
the stream be purified at its source. Then next, the dis- 
solute among the people should be searched out and put 
under aiTest that the mud may be removed from the mouth. 

And there are other evils. The common folk are iax 
from the tribunals. They have the right to enter protest 
against wrongs but, ignorant of the ceremonies and without 
learned words, they cannot go to the fine office and minutely 
state their case. The minor officials do not wish to listen, are 
proud of their authority and ready with severe reproof for 
the smallest error, even of a word. So people dread 

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the trouble, even when their cause is clearly just. 
And with only one court the cases heap up Uke 
mountains, as petitions come in from the four quarters. The 
smallest affair takes days, the neighbors are repeatedly sum- 
moned as witnesses, until the whole village is involved and 
hates the whole affair. The expense is great, and so, for 
the most part, wrongs are the rather borne in silence. 
Bobbers and sins will never be diminished in this fashion. 

The distance of the court and the difficulty of the 
procedure are the source of the trouble. Small courts 
should be set up everywhere with good men in authority. 
They should be connected with the higher courts. The 
system of grouping five or ten houses together with mutual 
responsibility should be made more strict. Then bad men 
may be accused even though they do not actually violate 
the laws. They can be examined at once and released if 
their offence is trifling and sent to prison if it is great. All 
should be written out and sent with the prisoner to the 
central tribunal there to be judged. So there will still be 
communication with the Government in everything though it 
go not to the eentral tribunal first. As the smaller courts 
can decide at once there will be no delay. As the guilty 
cannot be hidden they will fear public opinion. They will 
not be influenced at once but still will naturally reform. 
But customs cannot be reformed while the tribunal prefers 
to be idle, and while it cares only when the laws are broken. 

In my opinion the reform of evil customs, while a 
way roundabout and slow, is the only efficient method. It 
is evil customs that obstruct the Government and destroy 
the virtue of the samurai. 

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When spring was giving way to summer and the days 
grew long, the leaves of the trees forming bowers more 
beautiful even than the flowers of spring, the Old Man spread 
bis books beneath the window, read history and reflected 
profoundly. His friends came to spend the day with him, 
reading and talking. In some connection, I have forgotten 
what, some one said, ** We cannot forget the former 
kings." ^ And the Old Man remarked : — 

The empire is peace. Men of rank and virtue may 
treat their parents as is becoming parents and their virtue 
as becomes virtue ; and the common folk too may And pleasure 
in their pleasure, profit in their profit, and leisure in their 
leisure. Thus our years pass away. It is all the blessing 
of peace. Since leyasu, his hair brushed by the wind, his 
body anointed with the rain, with lifelong labour caused 
confusion to cease and order to prevail, for more 
than an hundred years there has been no war. The 
waves of the four seas have been unruffled and no one has 
failed of the blessings of peace. We common folk must 
speak with reverence, yet is it the duty of scholars to 
celebrate the virtue of the Government. Not standing too 
much on ceremony, I have been thinking much of late of one 
detail in so great a mass of virtue and would proclaim it to all, 
as now to you. 

1 Book of Poetry— "The sacrificial Odes of Kau," Ode IV. 

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It is written, *' Let the lord of the empire forget not 
that the empire is the empire of the empire, and not of one 
man."^ Famous is that saving, and irrevocable for a 
thousand years ! In China, excepting the Sage kings, most 
of the emperors who quieted confusion took the empire to 
be their own, and not the empire of the empire. When 
one of the emperors'^ at the beginning of his reign heard 
that his most famous general was ill at the war, he recalled 
him in haste and vainly sought his cure by the aid of 
physicians. Then at last the emperor prayed to mountain, 
river, Heaven, ** Spare his life a few years, and take mine with 
his ! " He would not that he should survive his general, 
and so he swore by his own life, I am deeply moved as I 
read this incident. Of such a ruler it is said, *' An emperor 
in truth,"* But those who long rule naturally come to think 
the empire given for one's own pleasure. They hold the 
empire fast lest some one take it from them, as a child holds 
fast its favourite toy. With such a heart, even though the 
empire is taken, it cannot long be held, as Nobunaga and 
Hideyoshi^ illustrate. They had no benevolence and the 
loss of the empire was of course. They were not fit to hold . 
it. As men of old further said, ** Treasure hides deep in the 
mountain : the man finds it who seeks it not.'' 

2 Fropi the Rikuto of the ShicLisho. -t U ;?% f® 

^ Chu Yuen-chang, a plebeian by birth who overthrew the 
Mongols, A. D. 1868, and set up the Ming dynasty. ** The Middle 
Kingdom,"Vol. II,p. 176. 

^ So said the celebrated general Baen (Ma Yuan) of his emperor 
KwangWu Ti of the Han dynasty, who reigned in China, A.D. 25-58. 

B Kobunaga, when at the height of his power, was treacherously 
killed, A. D. 1582. Hideyoshi then seized the power, and died 
A. D. 1598. After a time of war and strife leyasa overthrew all ene- 
mies and became Shogun, handing down the position to his successors, 
forming the famous dynasty of the Tokugawa. 

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In the year A. D. 1586, after the battle at Nagakute, 
leyasu made peace with Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Hideyoshi 
sent a messenger to Hamamatsu in Enshu and invited 
leyasu to Osaka. But he refused to go, though repeated mes- 
sengers came with urgent invitations. At last Hideyoshi 
sent his mother as hostage and thus urged consent. Then 
leyasu agreed to go. But his followers feared treachery and 
sought to dissuade him ; — ** If you do not go it is true that 
Hideyoshi may renew the war, but your forces are the 
stronger and we are ready to throw away our lives. He 
cannot win though he bring an hundred times ten thousand 
men.'* But leyasu replied : — ** It is as you say, and I do 
not accept his invitation because I fear him. But think how 
constant has been the war for generations without peace in 
capital or provinces until now. At last we have peace. 
Should I fight Hideyoshi, war begins again to the misery of the 
empire. If I meet evil, for the empire I shall die." ^ With 
profound admiration all heard these words and could urge noth- 
ing more. He well knew his danger, and when he started for 
Osaka entrusted his affairs to his ministers li and Honda. 
Such words of truth affect both men and Heaven ; and 
as Heaven's decree was in accord with the hearts of men he 
took possession of the empire. As the Chinese emperor 
prayed by his own life for the life of his general, so did 
leyasu pray by his life for the peace of the empire. There 
was the same broad spirit in them both, not attached to 
treasures but to righteousness ; yet did leyasu exceed the 

Once when in a friend's house our host related this 
story of leyasu, and guests and host were affected to tears. 
Strategists and schemers may think it a plan for attaching 

^ See Bein's Japan, p.280. The comparative merits of Hideyoshi 
and leyasu are still stoutly debated. KyusQ is, of course, a thorough- 
going partisan. 

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men to self, and it may so seem to those who ever study 
from a false point of view. That cannot be helped. It is 
not told for the sake of such.. 


But ever in China and Japan alike most men when in 
power have thought the empire the empire of one man. 
They have been extravagant and have laboured for fame. 
But leyasu served the empire, not thinking it his own nor 
desirous of luxury. He made his rule strong and bequeathed 
it to future generations ; his glory remains and the empire 
rests in peace. 

After his great victory at Seki-ga-hara "^ some of his 
followers said to him, — ** The empire is yours, gather trea- 
sures that your name may last. Hideyoshi built Dai Butsu." ** 
But leyasu replied, — ** So, Hideyoshi will be remembered 
by his* Dai Butsu, but I care nothing for the transmission of 
my single name. I shall study the interests of the empire 
and leave it to my heir, that is far beyond building many a 
Dai Butsu." Doubtless their proposal seemed foolish to 
him. To conquer Korea, erect Dai Butsu and spend vast 
treasures is to injure the empire, though it be wonderful in 
the eyes and ears of fools. Already thoughtful men con- 
demn and the name remains to future time disgraced. But 
the Nikko shrines are reverenced in all the provinces. Do 
you not understand ? This is the true, illustrious undecay- 
ing name ever to be admired. 

7 The decisive victory by which leyasu won the empire, A. D. 

® At Kyoto. It was destroyed by an earthquake, 1598. Quite a 
different view of the conduct of leyasu in connection with the Dai 
Butsu is given in Satow and Hawes' *' Handbook," 1st. ed., p. 321. 
There he is represented as urging the heir of Hideyoshi to rebuild it 
on such a splendid scale as would exhaust his finances. And in 
connection with its dedication leyasu sought cause for offence and 
brought about the final downfall of his young rival. leyasu and his 
j^ndson are buried at Nikko. 

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leyasu excelled all, but was not vain of his wisdom. On 
the contrary he approved the honest remonstrance of his in- 
feriors. And indeed remonstrance may be put as the foun- 
dation of the wisdom of the ruler. Only the Sage does not 
err. If a man listen to reproof, though he err he is like a 
sick man who takes medicine and regains his strength. But 
however wise a man may be, if he will not listen to remon- 
strance he is like one who will take no medicine because his 
illness is slight and so the danger remains. But most 
strong rulers hate reproof and insist upon their own way. 
In China is the ofl&ce of censor, but it is of little use. It 
is only a name, for honest men are readily removed and 
flatterers given office. When there is error there is no 
reform, nor remonstrance when the Government is bad, a 
grief that lasts from ancient days until now. It is still 
worse in Japan with its feudal government ; the rulers 
govern by force of arms and inferiors must obey. Remon- 
strance ceases and sympathy with the people ends. Daily 
the evil grows, but those who know its cause are few. 

leyasu was born in the midst of war and turmoil. He 
was sympathetic to inferiors and ever opened the way of 
words. Most admirable of men ! Once in his castle, Honda 
Sado no Kami was present with some others. At the end 
of their business all withdrew save Honda and one other. 
The latter presented a writing to leyasu, who took it, asking, 
** What is this ?" ** Matters I have thought of much," was 
the reply, ** aud venture respectfully to suggest, thinking 
possibly one in ten thousand may be of use.** ** Thanks," 
said leyasu ; '< read it. There is no reason why Honda 
should not hear.** So he began, and leyasu assented to 
each of the many particulars and Anally took the paper 
saying, ** Always be free to say what you think necessary." 
Afterwards when Honda only remauied he said, ** It was 
rudely done, and not a suggestion of value in it all.*' But 
leyasu waved his hand dissentingly, ** Though it is not of 
great value still he had thought it over carefully and wrote 

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it in secret for my eye. His spirit should be praised. It 
he suggests anything of value 1*11 adopt it ; if not, TU let it 
alone. We^should not call such remonstrance rude. Men 
do not know their own faults, but common folks have friends 
who reprove and criticise. They have opportunity for re- 
form. This is their advantage. But rulers have no friends,, 
but constantly meet with their inferiors who assent respect- 
fully to every word. So they cannot know and reform, to their 
great loss. They lose their power and destroy their house 
because no one will remonstrate, and all they do is approved 
as right. Most essential is it that they be told their faults." 

Honda remembered this and told it to his son 
weeping, as he spoke of the ShCgun's deep heart and broad 
humanity. And when the young man asked the name of 
the man and the purpoi-t of his paper, thinking to ridicule 
him, Honda reproved him sharply : ** What have you to do 
with the man and his suggestions ? Think of your lord's 
finiB spirit !" 

Afterwards, said leyasu to his samurai : — ** A ruler must 
have faithful ministers. He who sees the error of his lord 
and remonstrates, not fearing his wrath, is braver than he 
who bears the foremost spear in battle. In the fight body 
and life are risked, but it is not certain death. Even if 
killed there is deathless fame and his lord laments. If there 
is victory great reward and glory are won and the inherit- 
ance goes down to son and grandson. But to grieve over 
his lord's faults and faithfully remonstrate when the words 
do not pass the ears and touch the heart is hard indeed. 
Disliked, distantly received, displaced by flatterers, his advice 
not taken, however loyal he may be at last he gives up the 
task, professes illness or retires into the quiet of old age. If 
he dares to risk his lord's displeasure in his faithfulness he may 
be imprisoned or even killed. He who fears not all this, but 
gives up even life to benefit his country, is highly to be praised. 
Compared with him the foremost spear is an easy post." 
To all ages should these words be repeated as a command. 
Vol, xx.-y 

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So then the foremost place iu the battle seems a place 
of difficulty but is not, and to remonstrate with one's 
lord seems easy, but is not. Lord and servant praise the 
foremost spear but I do not hear them praising him who 
loyally reproves. They should remember these words of 

In Kwan-ri Kan-ei, (1624-1648) the former lord of 
Echizen, lo no Kami, had a kard named Sugita Iki. He had 
risen from the ranks by his merits. It was his business to 
provide the funds for his lord's very expensive attendance in 
Edo. Not fearing his lord's wrath he was ever ready to 
reprove. And once it happened when lo no Kami was in 
Echizen that he went hawking, aud on his return his kard all 
went forth to meet him. He was unusually happy and said, 
** The young men have never done better. If they always 
work as well they are certain of employment by the ShCgun 
in case of war. Rejoice with me !" So all congratulated 
him except Sugita alone. He said nothing, remaining at 
the foot of the line. lo no Kami waited a while wonder- 
ingly, and then said, ** What do you think?" And Sugita 
replied, ** With due respect yet are your remarks a cause for 
grief. When the samurai went with you their thought was 
this, — if we do not please him he may kill us ; and they 
took final farewell of wife aud child. So I have heard. If 
they thus hate their lord they will be useless in battle. Un- 
less you know this it is foolish to rely on them." 

lo no Kami scowled, and his sword bearer said to 
Sugita, ** Go, please !" But Sugita scowled at him and said, 
**My task is not to go hawking with him and surround 
monkey or wild boar ! Do not tell me what is of use !" So 
he cast aside his short sword, went to lo's side and said : 
** Kill me ! It is far better than to live in vain and see 
your downfall 1 I shall count it as a sign of your favour !" 
So he folded his hands aud stretched out his neck to the 

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blow. lo went to his apartment without a word. And the 
other karo said to Sugita : ** What you say is true, but have 
a regard to the proper season. It was ill to mar the pleasure 
of his return.*' But Sugita replied: — "There is never a 
proper season for remonstrance. I thought it fitting to-day. 
I have risen from the ranks and doubtless look at things 
differently from you. My death is of no consequence." All 
listened with admiration. 

Sugita went home and prepared himself for harakiri, 
awaiting his lord's word. His wife had been with him from 
the time he was in the ranks, and to her he said : •* I have a 
word to leave with you. A woman cannot be directly 
honoured by our lord, but as he has honoured me you have 
shared in it. You are no longer the wife of a foot soldier 
but of a karo. You have many servants. It is an infinite 
blessing he has conferred on you, is it not ? After I am dead, 
remember this great blessing morning and evening and feel 
no hatred to your lord. If in your grief you hate him in 
the least and it appear in words, in the depths of Hades I 
shall know it and be displeased." In constant expectation 
he waited until late at night when there came a rapping at 
his door. Some one said : ** His lordship has business for 
you. Come to the castle." ** The time has come," Sugita 
thought, as he obeyed. But lo sent for Sugita to come direct 
to his bed chamber and said : **I cannot sleep for thoughts of 
your words to-day. So I have sent for you so late at night. 
I need not speak of my errors. I am filled with admiration 
at your straightforward remonstrance." Therewith he 
handed Sugita a sword as a reward.* At this so unexpect- 
ed an event Sugita wept as he withdrew. 

When I was in Kaga an Echizen man told me this. 
Sugita was such an one as leyasu praised. Such a karo has 
a station more difficult far than the foremost spear. 

^ The direct bestowal of a gift by the hand of the daimyo was 
regarded as the greatest of rewards. 

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Skillful flatterers are liked and find ready employment, 
bat in matters of importance strong-hearted men are the 
only resource. 1 have another story for you, different from 

During the winter war at Osaka, Katnkiri Ichi no Kami, 
a follower of leyasu, was in the castle of Ibaraki in Setsu, 
Hearing that Shibaynma Kohei in the castle at Sakae in 
Idzumi was in danger, Katakiri determined to send him aid. 
En route Katakiri's troops were surrounded by their 
enemies from Osaka at Amagaseki ; and as those in the 
Amagaseki castle refused all aid, the troops were every one 
slain. The lord of Amagaseki was a child and the castle 
was commanded by generals owing allegiance to Musashi no 
Kami. Now Musashi no Kami doubted the loyalty of 
Katakiri to leyasu aud therefore refused to succor his troops. 
But all the world believed that Musashi no Kami was 
secretly friendly to the enemy. 

After peace was made leyasu examined this matter in the 
Castle of Nijo in Kyoto. Musashi no Kami was represented 
by his karo Ban Daizen, a man well known to leyasu. Ban 
Daizen made his representations, but the wrath of leyasu 
ceased not. **You have excuses in abundance,*' he said, 
** yet Musashi no Kami allowed his allies to be killed before 
his eyes. That is his wretched heart 1'* and he started to 
leave the room, but Ban Daizen cast aside his short sword, 
crept to the Shogun's side and laid hold upon his skirt. He 
wept and cried,-** Oh ! How merciless ! Even if not your 
daughter's son, yet is not Musashi no Kami your grandson ?^ 
When can I speak if not now ?" His sincerity effected his 
purpose, and the Shogun said, ** Very well ! Go back at once 
and put Musashi no Kami at ease." Ban Daizen made 
obeisance with folded hands and bowed head, and retired. 

The Shogun said to those who remained, **Daizen's 

w Through adoption. 

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father's name was also Daizen. He was a betto. When 
Musashi no Kami's father was young and was still called 
Shozaburo, he was in the battle at Nagaknte. When his 
father and brother were killed he started his horse that he 
might go and die with them. But Daizen seized the bridle, 
stopped the horse, turned him about and fled with hinu 
ShozaburC in great anger shouted, "Let go!*' and for a 
quarter of a mile kicked Daizen about the head until the 
blood flowed from his face like a cataract. But Daizen kept 
his hold and brought ShozaburO off. Had he been killed his 
useless death would have ended bis family, so the feudal 
house of Banshu is the work of Daizen. The son is like the 
father. No one else would do what he has done just now. 
Musashi no Kami is favoured in having such a servant." 

And there is no other like instance. No other man 
of low rank has thus taken bis life in his hand and ap- 
proached the Shogun in behalf of the innocence of his lord. 
And so it was that the Shdgun listened, relented and admired. 
Truly it was not an ordinary affair ! And it illustrates too 
the great virtue of the Shdgun. He ever restrained his 
wrath and strengthened the faithfulness of his followers. He 
did not restrain and curb their courage, and they thought 
nothing of giving up their lives for his sake. Many wise 
and skilful nobles and generals have come to grief in the end 
because they curbed the feithfuloess of their followers and 
depended wholly on themselves. The profound wisdom of 
leyasu is in striking contrast, and it was this that made his 
bowmen and spearmen the best in the empire. 

But men say nowadays, *' Tokugawa won because that 
was his fate and fat« is irresistible !'' His humanity and 
virtue were great and naturally he satisfied the decree of 
Heaven. But this alone does not account for his suecess. 
The strength of his troops explains his '* fate." He cul- 
tivated their faithfulness. It is most essential thus to 
promote the faithfulness of the common people. How 
ihallow is this talk of his resistless fate ! 

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In the period Genko-Kemmu (1881-1885) many samurai 
were faithful unto death. I admire with tears a retainer of 
Ho-jo Takatokn named AndOzaimon Shoshu, the uncle of 
Nitta Yoshisada's wife. When Eamakura was taken by 
Nitta his wife secretly sent a letter to her uncle. He was a 
general fighting with the Hojo and agaiust Nitta. His 
soldiers were killed, himself was wounded and he was re- 
treating when news came that Takatoku had burned his 
castle and fled to Toshoji. AndOzaimon asked if many had 
killed themselves at the burning of the castle and was told ** not 
one." ** Shameful," he replied. ** There we will die." So 
with an hundred men he went on to the castle and wept as 
he beheld the smoking ruins. Just then came the letter 
from his niece. He opened it and read, — ** Since Kamakura 
is destroyed come to me. I'll obtain your pardon with my 
life." Very angrily he spoke, " I have been favoured by 
my lord, as all know. Shall I be so shameless as to follow 
Yoshisada now ! His wife wants to help her uncle ; but if 
Yoshisada knows the duty of a samurai he will put a stop to 
such attempts. He did not send it or agree to it. But if 
he did, if he meant to test me, she should not have peimitted 
such an attempt to destroy my name. He and his wife alike 
are worthy of contempt !" With grief and anger there 
before the messenger, he wrapped the letter around his sword 
and slew himself. 

Ah, what a man was that ! How pure his purpose ( 
W^ho can excel him ? 

But in recent years in the period TenshO (A. D. 1678- 
1590) a retainer of Takeda Eatsuyori named Eomiyama 
Naizen is most to be admired. He was the favourite of his 
master, until at last they were separated by a quarrel and 
Naizen was condemned through false witnesses and dis- 
missed from office. When the troops of Oda Nobnnaga 
attacked the province of Eai, Eatsuyori was defeated and fied 

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KNOX : A Japanese philosopher. 10^ 

with forty- two followers to Tenmokuzan. When Naizen 
heard of the disaster he wished to help and met Katsuyori on 
his retreat. All the false witnesses, all with whom 
Naizen had quarrelled had fled, deserting their lord. 
Sorrowfully spoke Naizen : ** My lord dismissed me, and now 
should I die for my country it will be a reflection on his- 
judgment ; but if I do not die I shall injure the fidelity of the 
samurai. Though I hurt his fame I must not forsake vir- 
tue," and he died with the forty-two faithful ones. As alt 
the others had fled and these forty-two samurai alone held 
faithful to their lord without a thought of disobedience, they 
all illustrate samurai fidelity. But Naizen was preeminent 
among them, for he had been unjustly condemned and came 
expressly that he might die. 

When Katsuyori and all his party had been destroyed* 
leyasu much admired the fidelity of Naizen and regretted 
that his worship should cease, as he had no children. So 
leyasu employed Naizen's younger brother, and before the 
battle at Odawara gave him a high command, speaking at 
length of Naizen's fidelity, — ** Naizen was a model samurai, 
and though his brother is so young I have given him this- 
command in token of my admiration of such loyalty." Truly 
that was praise after death, and the reward of loyalty. 


When in Eaga I heard a man remark : — '< All sins, great 
and small, may be forgiven on repentance and no scars remain,, 
except two ; the flight of a samurai from the post where 
he should die, and theft. These leave a lifelong wound which 
never heals. All born as samurai, men and women, are 
taught from childhood that fidelity must never be forgotten.*' 
Thereupon 1 continued : — Of course, and woman is ever 
taught that submission is her chief duty, and though she 
fully perform this high duty of fidelity, yet is she never to 

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forget this one thing. If in unexpected strait her weak heart 
forsakes Melity, all her other virtues will not atone. In 
•Japan and China alike have heen women whose virtue has 
exceeded that of mun. 

The wife of Nagaoka Itchu no Kami Tadaoki, was the 
daughter of Akechi Mitsuhide, the retainer of Oda Nobunaga 
who killed both his lord and his lord's son.^^ In turn he was 
•destroyed by Hideyoshi. Later Tadaoki, nt the time of 
8eki-ga-hara, went to join leyasu in the east. During his 
^absence Ishida Mitsunari^^ sent troops to Tadaoki's castle to 
seize his wife, but she exclaimed, ** I'll not disgrace my hus- 
band's house through my desire for life," and killed herself 
before the enemy got in. Excited by her virtue, the two or 
three samurai who were with her fired the mansion and slew 
themselves, and her women took hold of hands, jumped into 
the fire and died. E^en yet shall we praise that deed! 
The rebel Mitsuhide had such a child, scarcely equalled in 
•China or Japan ! As the proverb says : ** The general has 
310 seed," so I'll add,— The heroic woman has no seed.^* 

But a guest remarked : — ** Not so ; not having seed is 
still to have seed. Fidelity makes the nature of benevolence 
and righteousness its seed. Then without place or ancestor, 
without race, without the distinction of high or low, male or 
female, without family connection, good children come from 
evil parents, and evil children from the good." 

The Old Man was greatly pleased and said : — True ! 1 
had thought only of man's nature, not of Heaven's. Such 

" Bein, p. 270 and p. 276 

^3 Inhida Mitsunari was the chief opponent of leyasa, in the 
struggles following the death of Hideyoshi. Mitsunari vaiuly 
4^ttempted to attach Tadaoki to his cause but Tadaoki joined leyasu. 
Rein p. 296. 

IS For a somewhat similar incident see Bein, p. 279. In the war 
of the restoration in 1868 some samnrai wom^K of Aidzu slew tfaeir 
infant sons and themselTes when the oastle fell. 

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virtue of womeu and the vulgar must be praised as Heaven's 
nature. Thus will the samurai be excited to virtue and 
virtuous hearts will be produced. Let me speak of Shi- 
dzuka, the uneducated concubine of Minamoto Yoshitsune." 
She was a famous dancer in Kyoto, talented, beautiful and 
beloved of Yoshitsune. When he fled she went with him to 
Mt. Yoshino and then ]:eturned to Kyoto. Called to Kama- 
jLura and examined she replied : '* I know so far as Mt. 
Yoshino. No further." She hngered there until the birth of 
Yoshitsuue's child. Yoritomo desired to see her dance and 
commanded her presence at Tsurugaoka. ^* She refused 
repeatedly but was forced to comply at last. Yoritomo ex> 
pected a song and dance for his feast, but she sang : 
To and fro like the reel 
Would that old times might return ! 
I long for the trace of the man 
Who entered Yoshino's snow white peak. 
Yoritomo cried out in anger : *' You sing of that rebel 
Yoshitsune instead of celebrating the present time ! It is a 
crime ! " But at the request of his wife he forgave the girl. 
She caied not, but returned straight to Kyoto and lived in 
seclusion. Yoritomo's great power bent trees and grass but 
she feared it not. Her heart was wholly set on Yoshitsune 
and she excelled the samurai who died with him at Taka- 

I regret that the Kydto scholar, Nakamura Tekizai« 
omitted Shidzuka from his account of the famous women of 
China and Japan, the Hiine Kagami. Probably her low 
origin and occupation as a dancing girl accounts for her 
exclusion. But her story teaches an important lesson and 
must not be forgotten. The Book of Poetry says, ^* Take 
the herbs ; uproot them not as lowly bom." 

^ Bein pp. 239-240. The great popularity of YoBhitsune 
brought upon him the fatal jealousy of hit brother, Yoritomo, who 
was the first Sh5gun. 

IS Tsurugaoka, a temple near Kamakura. 

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Another dny the Old Man said to the assembled guests : 
This fidelity reveals itself in the stress of strange events. 
Even in peace and safety pure-hearted samurai are to be 
highly prized, for they perfectly perform their official duties, 
and when the emergency comes reveal their fidelity. In 
peace and in war they are invaluable. Every wise and 
brave samurai may be given office, and he will have his use ; 
but only the pure in heart must be placed in high position. 
Unless the heart is pure there is flattery and strife for power 
and fame, and apparent friends will hate each other. Then 
wisdom and bravery too will disappear. Timidly will 
precedents be followed, and each will so act that evil may 
not come to self. There will be no sign of anything su- 
perior, and duty will be slackly performed or wholly forgotten. 

In the period Ei-roku (A. D. 1568-1570), leyasu was 
in Mikawa.^^ He established the laws and appointed three 
officers, Koriki Yozaemon Kiyonaga, Honda Sakuzaemon 
Shigetsugu and Amano Saburobei Yasukage, popularly called 
Buddha Koriki, Demon Sakuza and Pliant Amauo ; for the 
first was merciful, the second severe and the third neither 
merciful nor severe but guided wholly by reason. All three 
were of pure heart and there was no competition between 
them. No one sought to conform to the others, but each 
followed his own judgment. So leyasu gave them the same 
office and each went his own way independently, but as 
their government was righteous and as everything was well 
cared for, all men admired Ieyasu*s clear judgment in the 
choice of men. 

I do not know particularly the characteristies of Honda 
and Koriki, but in the period Keicho (A. D. 1596-1614) 
Amano had the castle Kokokuji in Surnga, with an income 
of thirty thousand koku of rice.^ He had an immense 
number of bamboos cut, piled up and ready for use, with 

^ leyasu was the Daimyo of Mikawa before he became Sh5gnn. 
* A koku of rice is 5.13 bushels. 

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three foot soldiers in charge. Some men came from the 
estates of the Shognn and stole some of the bamboos, one of 
the robbers being killed by the guards. The men who 
escaped complained to Ide, a local official of the Shogun. 
Ide may have made a careful examination, but he seems not 
to have known of the theft of the bamboos, for he sent a 
messenger to Amano demanding the immediate capital 
punishment of the soldiers who had killed the robber ; ** For,'» 
said he, " the unauthorized killing of one of the people of the 
Shogun is a crime.'* But Amano replied, ** To kill 8 thief is 
according to the law. It is no crime. The solders killed 
him at my command. If it is a crime the guilt is mine." 
So he protected the guard. But Ide could not let the 
matter rest and appealed to the Shogun, who commanded 
Amano to give up the man. But Amano replied as before, 
aud obeyed not. Then leyasu said : ** Amano is not a man 
who will sin ; perhaps he is deceived. Vi\ examine into the 
aflfair again by and by," and he sent one of his high officers 
to Amano. And the officer said, *' Even though you are in 
the right yet will the authority of the Shogun be weakened 
if he is not obeyed. Draw lots among the three men and 
kill the one thus selected." Then Amano replied : ** As 
you urge the weakening of the authority of the Shogun I 
must consent. But," he added, ** the spirit of the strong 
samurai does not consent to the killing of the innocent that 
one's self may be exalted. I may well give up my rank ; " 
and he left his castle and disappeared. 

In the time of the next Shogun, a man in some place or 
other met an ascetic whom he took to be Amano, but 
whether rightly or not we do not know. No matter ; Amano 
Was truly a pure -hearted samurai. It was not right to slay 
the innocent and protect one's self. But were he not to kill 
the soldier he would disobey the Shogun. Neither course 
was permissible. So he could not remain in the world, and 
gave up his income of thirty thousand koku and disappeared 
forever. That is without a parallel. 

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But pure-hearted samurai cease not to appear. In 
Kwan-ei-Sho-ho (A. D. 1624-1647) was a branch temple of 
Tentokuji, iu Shiba, Edo, where always prayers were said 
without intermission. One day, at evening, as the piiest 
went out of the temple gate he observed a man with a bundle 
wrapped in oil paper. He seemed a traveller and not a 
•common man. When the priest returned from his errand 
there was the man still in the gateway. Thinking that 
fitrange the priest asked, **'Who are you? Come in and 
rest." ** I am listening to the temple prayers,** the man 
repHed, ** for I Hke to hear them said. On your invitation 
1*11 go in and have a cup of tea." So in they went and the 
priest inquired whence he came and whither he journeyed. 

The man replied, ** From Oshu. I once had a friend in 
Edo but I caunot find him. So I must find some place." 
And the piiest rejoined, ** Stay here to-night, it is so late." 
So he stayed, and the next day the priest asked him to 
remain until he should find some occupation. He thanked 
the priest and remained. It soon appeared that he was an 
educated man, and the head of Tentokuji called him and 
helped him and gave him various tasks about the temple, 
which were all diligently performed. By and by he was 
made a superintendent of many priests and became a person 
of importance in the temple. 

At that time it happened that a nobleman who had 
retired from active life was making researches into the 
history of the past and sought scholarly samurai to help him, 
paying them good salaries. The people of the temple told 
him of Yuge and highly recommended him as especially in- 
formed about the past. But Yuge thanked the head of tha 
temple when he was informed of it, and said, '* I do not 
intend to enter service again, but your kindness entitles you 
to know my past." So he told the priest his real name and 
that he had been a retainer of Gamo Ujisato, and continued : 

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"Since Gamo was destroyed I have no heart for service 
under any other and purposed to spend my life as a beggar. 
With no design on my pai-t I have become a recipient of the 
blessings of the temple, and now my one desire is to repay 
what I have received. But I find no means so to do.** 
Then he showed the testimonial Gamo had given him for his 
services in the battle at Kunohe, and elsewhere, and the^ 
letters he had received from many nobles offering him em- 
ployment. *♦ All are useless now," he said, and put them in. 
the fire.* 

So he lived long in the temple. And in the year A. D. 
1667, when Tentokuji was burned, Yuge said : *• Permit me to- 
help," and worked on after the chief priest and all the other 
priests had fled, saving the images, fumiture and books. 
When all were safe he sent off the men who had been help- 
ing him. 

Afterwards in the ruins of the main hall was found the 
body of a man, sitting with clasped hands like a priest. It 
was Yuge, and all the temple folk wept and grieved for him. 
But he had no desire to abide in the temple ; he had merely 
waited for an opportunity to return the favours he had 
received. At the fire he found the opportunity he sought, 
and after working to the end purposely perished in the 
flames. How pure and holy was his heart ! 

When I was young I heard a story about another 
samurai. He was a retainer of the late Abe Bungo no Kami, 
but had given up his position and taken a house in Hacho- 
bori, Edo. I have forgotten his name. As the years went 
by he grew poor until he was in need of food. His land- 
lord took pity on him and sent him food, but he became ill* 
Then his landlord sent him gruel, but he declined it as too 

* Gamo Ujisato was one of Hideyoshi's famous generals. He 
was made daimyo of Aidzu and aided in the subjugation of the north 
(Oshu) and among his battles was one at Kunohe. He was accused 
of seeking independent authority for himself and was poisoned. He 
was a Christian. 

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ill to eat. Then he fastened up his door so that no one could 
enter and his landlord could only stand without and make 
inquiries. By and by the responses ceased. Then the 
landlord called the neighbors, broke open the door and went 
in. Seated on straw matting and leaning against his armour 
box with his two swords upon his knees, the samurai was 
dead. By his side was a writing. It expressed his ap- 
preciation of his landlord's kindness, with money to pay his 
rent and for his funeral. His armour was carefully arranged 
in its box, and with it three gold pieces. His swords were 
old but had gold ornaments. He had only the clothes he 
wore and there was not a pot nor any furniture. Nor was 
there any appearance that he had eaten for an hundred days. 
The landlord iuformed the officials, and they told him to 
carry out the written instructions. "When Bungo no Kami 
heard the circumstance he was greatly grieved. The 
samurai had been a man of strength and always first when 
there was some great thing to do. I greatly grieve over his 
useless death by starvation ; and it would be wrong that 
such a man should remain concealed, unmentioned by any 


Nowadays customs are decayed and all men are selfish. 
But since man's nature is originally good, without regard to 
family or customs, there are men who know the right even 
among the beggars. 

Ten years ago on the 17th day of the 12th month of 
the year U, Mitsu no to, of the period Kyoho, (12th Jan. 
A.D. 1724) a clerk named Ichijuro, in the employment of a 
merchant of Muromachi, Edo, named Echigoya Kichibei, lost 
a purse containing thirty ryo as he was returning from 
collecting some accounts. He thought it had been stolen, 
but returned over his route looking for it carefully. At last 
a beggar met him and asked, ** What have you lost ? Is it 
money ?" Overjoyed Ichijuro told of his loss and the beg- 

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gar said that he had found the purse and was seeking its 
owner. So Ichijuro exactly described its contents, money, 
papers and all, and the beggar gave it back to him. In his 
joy at the unexpected event Ichijuro offered the beggar five 
ryo, but the beggar would not take them. *' But it was all 
gone and you returned it I Do take five ryO !" said Ichijur5. 
But the beggar persisted. ** Had I wanted five ryo I should 
not have returned the thirty. But I did not think it mine 
when I picked it up. I thought that some one had lost 
his master's money and would be in trouble. Some men 
might have kept it, but I found it and desired to give it 
back. Now as I have returned it my business is at an end." 
And off he ran as fast as he could go. But Ichijuro took 
an itchi bu from the purse and followed him crying, ** It is 
cold to-day ! Take this for sake." So the beggar took 
it and said, *' I'll drink the sake." And in answer to a 
question he said, '* I am Hachibei, a beggar of Kuruma- 

When Ichijuro weut home and told his story his master 
wept in admiration and determined to give the beggar the five 
ryo. So on the following morning he sent Ichijuro and his 
chief clerk to Zenshichi, the beggar's master, to ask him to 
try and persuade Hachibei to take the money. But Zen- 
shichi said, ** The beggar Hachibei got a bu somewhere last 
night and called his friends together and had a feast of fish 
and sake. He drank a great deal himself and whether it 
did not agree with him, he died this morning." Ichijuro 
was astonished and asked for the body, and asked the man 
not to send it off or have it buried, So going home 
Ichijuro told his master, who sent for the corpse and 
expended the five ryo on a funeral, interring it at Muenji in 
Hongo. It was certainly wonderful that a merchant should 
thus be affected by righteousness. He had often been 
employed by the Lord of Kaga, and on the twentieth of the 
month Ichijuro went to Kaga Yashiki and told the story to 
the officials there, and they told it to me. 

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Hachibei was, I judge, no ordinary man. He had 
doubtless entered the beggar's guild because poor and home- 
less. He saw no resource in life, and having fortunately 
money for a feast for his comrades be thought it a good end 
and choked himself. Had he been a samurai or in authority 
he would never have used his power to take that which be- 
longed to others. There are men whose name is splendidly 
samurai, but who in truth are beggars, but this man who was 
called a beggar was in truth a samurai. 

In Kaga is a place called Nodayama, the burial place of 
the Maeda family. Their retainers, too, are all buried at the 
foot of the hill. At the festival of the Bon, candles are put 
at all the graves aud wealthy folk build a miniature house 
over the grave and put a guard on watch. But for the 
most part the candles are simply lighted and left to burn 
themselves out. So bad men come, put out the candles and 
steal them. A beggar slept there wrapped up in matting. 
He forbade the thieves to touch the candles, saying, ** These 
offerings at the graves of ancestors are not to be touched.'' 
They reviled him, saying, ** A beggar has no right to speak !'* 
Then he replied, " True, I am a beggar, for I do not as 
you." That was very interesting. His words were well 
chosen and his meaning plain. 

As I constantly repeat, in both China and Japan men of 
fidelity cannot escape suffering. They may even lack sufficient 
clothes and food, and fall in field or stream unnoticed by 
the world. What is more lamentable? Surely it is our 
duty to reveal such hidden righteousness. There are many 
hke Yuge, the beggar Hachibei, and this beggar in Kaga. 
Yet I cannot help those of whom I do not hear ; but if I 
hear I cannot forbear to speak. 

Of old when the emperor commanded that books of 
poetry be made, the names of dancing girls and priests 
appeared with the names of nobles and even of the emperor 
himself. That is one of the merits of our Japanese poetry, 
for poetry knows no distinction of rank. So does my talk 

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of fidelity bring in samurai of distinguished families with 
dancing girls and beggars. Fidelity knows no distinction of 
high and low. This is its virtue. 

All present agreed with this opinion of the Old Man. 



When the dog days were half gone, some friends came 
to the Old Man's cottage on Saruga Dai to enjoy its 
coolness. The daily rain had ceased and the setting sun 
still lingered in the western trees. Cool the drops hung 
on tree and bamboo, and sweet was the odor of the lotus in 
the pond. The guests could not leave the scene, but stood 
on the balcony, and taking hold of its rail recited poetry, 
until at last in the gathering darkness white had melted into 
black. Then they went within and began to say farewell. 
But the Old Man urged them to remain and, consenting to 
pass the evening with him in talk, all sat down. As the 
lights were brought the Old Man hud a thought, and pointing 
to the candles said, ** Expound the proverb, * Dark is the 
Foot of the Candlestick'." 

So one took up the theme and said : — ** That which 
everywhere is spoken of is not known at home. We foolish 
men explain it thus and Mencius sets forth the reason, 
* The Way that is near men seek afar off' ;^ they are for- 
getful of the beginning and seek the end, as the archer looks 
at the distant mark'". Then another continued : — ** The verse 
of the nun Godo in works of the Kadaikyo ^ is an interest- 
ing illustration of the theme ; — ' Seeking spring all day we see 

1 Book IV, Part I, Chapter XI. 

2 A Buddhist priest said to be of India (?). 

Vol. xx.—S. 

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it not. The haze rests on the sandal-prints along the ridges 
of the rice fields. Returning laughingly we pick a blossom of 
the plum and as we smell it, lo I behold ! all the spring 
is present in the twig !* This is equally true of other things 
besides the * Way.* In the time of To-shin* Kanon at- 
tacked Sanshin, and when Omo came forth to meet him 
cried, * "VMiy do not the heroes of Sanshin come forth ? ' 
So dark were his eyes since no hero of them all excelled 
Omo. Not to know the hero before one's eyes but to ask 
the hero for heroes, surely that excellently sets forth our 
proverb. So has it ever been in China and Japan ! Great 
generals have sought distant enterprises and their renown 
has gone abroad even to the land of their enemies, yet have 
the enemies at home, within the hedge, remained unknown . 
so did Oda Nobunaga conquer east and west and yet, so 
dark was it close at hand, was slain by Akechi."* 

Then the Old Man spoke : — You have completely taught 
the meaning of the proverb as to the attainment of righceous- 
ness, but you have used this darkness near at hand in a bad 
sense. I would use it also iu illustration of the good. There 
is this further mejining in it. As the short poem of 
Kantaishi has it, — 'Vain is the candlestick eight feet long. 
The short one two feet long is victor in giving light.' For 
it is dark below the long and light below the short candle- 
stick, so as we wish to read and need a light close at hand 
we honour the short one, a foot or two in length. But it 
fails to illuminate the room and is useless in the great 
apartment filled with guests. So then, those which brighten 
the distance are dark close at hand. If from the darkness 
we see the light, it is all clear to our eyes ; but if from the 
jight we seek to penetrate the darkness, we can see it not. 
Thus to see the light from the darkness is to hide deeply and 
cherish profoundly one's own wisdom. Then if light shines 

3 The Eastern Tsin, A. D. 317-419. 
^ Kein's Japan, pp. 269-270. 

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out from such darkness it is naturally strong and clear and 
reaches to a distance. This is true light. But when proud 
of intellect we labour with celerity and clearness ta 
illuminate that which is close at hand, we look at the dark- 
ness from the light. Such light is weak, confined and 
superficial. It does not reach to the distance and merely 
illumiuates our fingers ends. So we are hke the unskilled 
go-player : we cannot see the end, and mistake at every move. 
In China and Japan men of great and clear wisdom 
have been modest and unwilling to use their gifts. So says^ 
Laotz :^ — '* The wise merchant keeps his treasure out of 
sight and the wisdom of the wise seems folly." Not long 
ago Itakura Suwo no Kami was judge in Kyoto. His quick 
intelligence revealed itself in his face, aud meu were discon- 
certed as they saw his heart, so that neither prosecutor nor 
accused could fully state his case. So when Itakura heard 
a cause he shut himself behind screens, ground tea and was 
as if he heard not. Now he is famous. When reasons good 
and bad were stated, he was as a god in decisions and none 
failed to obey his words. Even yet there are countlesa 
stories of him, and among them all I like this one best : 
Once as he passed through a country district a child cried 
out, ** There goes Suwo.'' As he heard the shout he 
said, *' No one any where in the capital or provinces, child 
or adult, man or woman, does not know that I am the 
Shogun's representative in Kyoto. No one calls me Suwo. 
But this child repeats what he has learned. The people of 
the house must hate me, and therefore call me Suwo." So 
he asked who lived within, and the following day summoned 
the master of the house and inquired, **Has any cause of 
yours been judged by me ? Do not be alarmed. Tell me 
the facts ?" After many excuses, as he could not get off, 
the man finally replied ; — " In such a month and year a 

* In his reputed conversation with Confucius. Chinese Classics 
Vol. I ; Prolegomena, p. 65. 

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relative and I quarrelled about the division of my father's 
"property. He was in the wrong but hired many false 
witnesses and gained Lis suit," and the man stated the 
particulars. So Lord Suwo told his men to examine the 
records and it was as the man had said. So the case was 
again reviewed and finally Itakura said, ** The decision was 
wrong. But it is long past and cannot now be reversed. 
I'll pay you for your loss and apologize for my error." So 
he gave the man his money. 

As the candlestick is long its base is dark, but its light 
shines far. So is the ** Way" of the superior man dark 
indeed but grows daily bright. If the candlestick is short 
the base is bright, but the light goes but a little way. So is 
the " way" of the little man destroyed day by day. But 
your explanation is the true one ; this of mine is apart. I 
have dwelt too long on this subject thoughtlessly, said the Old 
Man with a laugh. But the guests replied, " It is wonderful 
ivhat meaning you can find even in a theme like this." 


When the moon is full it wanes and the flower in full 
bloom scatters. Wc dislike the putting forth of full strength 
by anything. Seven or eight tenths of our strength should be 
used and the rest reserved. Should all be used, regret 
'follows fast. Not wholly should a superior man give him- 
self to joy nor to friendship without reserve. To accept 
hospitality too freely becomes rudeness and to become too 
intimate is to give offence. And the same principle holds 
with the government, as the vulgar saying is, ** The govern- 
ment of the land must be like the stick that stirs the rice in 
the box, it stops not at the coruers " ; and where it does not 
reach is the place of freedom. So the Book of Changes 
teaches us that when the king hunts the animals are sur- 
rounded ou three sides, that one side may be left open for 
their escape. There has never been a time when there were 

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not concubines and favourites, nor any country without evil 
men. Yet do the good win. Let ruler nnd ruled, high and 
low, show mercy and loyalty, then shall the foundations of 
the state be strengthened. 

And thus it is that the ancient rulers exalt intelligence 
but do not praise acuteness. The two are alike and yet 
differ. Intelligence is the candle that illuminates the room, 
and though the foot is dark the room is bright. Acuteness^ 
is Hke a lantern, excellent for finding things just at hand but 
useless at a distance. The virtue of the ruler is like the 
caudle and not like the lantern. 

The Imperial laws are lenient and broad, hke the 
river ; they are not narrow and small like canals. And just 
because the river is so big and well known it is easily 
avoided ; so deep and broad is it that it cannot be despised 
nor readily injured. But canals are many and small, narrow^ 
difficult to avoid and easily injured. No one steps into the 
river by mistake, but constantly men shp into the canals^ 
Still the government must not be mere leniency. Many 
details confuse the laws and make them cruel and hated, yet 
must they be severe according to times and circumstances. 
In times of perfect peace men float in lazy pleasure, and 
desiring luxury, security is thought most important of all,, 
then with ease ancient evils caunot be escaped. Reform the 
government, increase the severity of the laws and make new 
the people's eyes and ears. The people rejoice at the 
accompHshment ot the task: they cannot aid in its inception. 
They are foolish and look not to the good or evil of the^ 
state but only to their own. They are fault-finding and 
fertile in arguments. 

When Shislian ruled Tei he strenuously reformed the 
evil customs, forbade extravagance in dress and equipage 
and made rules for the dwellings of the people. The rich 
in fear hid away their clothes and the landlords gave their 
possessions to the government, which redistributed them to- 
their people. So the people sang, — ** We hide our hats- 

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and clothes. Our lands are taken and divided. We will 
not blame him who kills Shishan.'' But in a short three 
years extravagance had ceased and riot and crime had 
disappeared and then the people sang, ** Let Shishan teach 
our brothers and children ; Sliishau increases our fields ; 
should Shishan die who could take his place ?'* And Con- 
fucius said, — ** Shishan is a superior man."* So the 
government loves and cherishes the people with leniency and 
severity. When lenient, the people grow selfish, and with 
-severity comes reform. When severe, the people are harmed 
and then leniency must be invoked. Severity repairs the 
harm wrought by leniency, and leniency heals the wounds 
of severity. Thus is the government successful. As Con- 
fucius said, '* Neither should be used by itself." 

So the state reforms evils great and small and for the 
rest, ancient precedent should be followed unchanged. The 
•carpenter may indeed forsake the traditions of his craft and 
form new methods for himself, but how narrow will be his 
rules and how poor his workmanship. With much pains 
and great thought he accomplishes nothing. In everything 
it is easy to follow precedent and difficult to invent new 
ways. There are ever men ready to show their ability in 
inventions ; and though they may find something of value one 
iime out of ten, yet will it even prove only of immediate use, 
and not of value in the future. They see that which is easy 
only and not the many difficulties. Treasure and strength 
are wasted in the end. Especially should the good laws of . 
our ancestors and the tried institutions of the past be un- 
iouched. They are familiar to eyes and ears, and to be 
changed only at the risk of losing the people's hearts. 

But the rule is not absolute. Some laws were es- 

^ Shishan (Kung-sun K'iao) was chief minister of Cheng when 
lawlessness and disorder prevailed. When he had reigned three 
years the doors were not locked at night and lost articles were not 
picked up on the highway. Mayers, p. 221, Analects, Book Y, Chap. 

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tablished to meet peculiar needs. Such should not be 
continued but should be reformed. Otherwise society is 
harmed and government impeded in the name of the past. 
To reform such evils is really to fulfil the purpose of our 
ancestors. Not otherwise did they desire that government 
should be carried on and long for filial sons and grandsons. 

As thus the Old Man set forth his argument with 
instances ancient and modern, the short summer night 
showed the coming dawn ; the guests said farewell and took 
their leave. 


On another occasion when guests came to see the Old 
Man a copy of the Tsure-dzure Gusa^ was seen by bis side 
and he was asked, Do you like the Book? Kenko was 
witty and used language well in the description of emotions 
and scenery. ** No," was the reply ; " I only read it as a 
pastime to the children, while I am ill. I do not really like 
it." ** Do you iiot agree to the general opinion," asked 
another guest, " that Kenko was a wise man ? " And the 
Old Man replied, — Men who forsake the world fancy Kenko ; 
men who like him care neither for fame nor gain. But I 
am not so sure of that. The Taiheiki says that he wrote a 
lustful letter for Ko no Moronawo ; and the Entairiaku says 
that when he accepted the invitation of Iga no Kami, Tachi- 
bana no Naritada, and went to Iga he committed adultery 
with Naritada's daughter. Some of his poems were written 
at that time. So we see that he flattered the world and was 
lustful. He talked of deserting the world and despising 
fame and gain, but he lacked the firm purpose of the man who 
really deserts the world. He followed Buddhism ; and so 

7 Kenko was an official who became a priest on the death of his 
Imperial master. Kenko died A. D. 1350. A translation of the 
Tsure-dzure Gusa may be found in The Chrysanthemum, Vol. Ill, 
by the Rev. C. S. Eby. 

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there are poems of lust and siu mingled with his talk of 
forsaking the world. Manifestly he was not a wise man. 

Besides a few works on history like the Sankyo Ega 
Monogatari which record facts there are no books worth read- 
ing in our literature. For the most part they are sweet stories 
of the Buddhas of which we soon weary. But the evil is 
traditional, long continued and beyond remedy. And other 
books are full of lust, not to be even mentioned, like the 
Genji Monogatari,® which should never be shown to a 
woman or a young man. Such books lead to vice. Our 
nobles call the Genji Monogatari a national treasure, why I 
do not know, unless it is that they are intoxicated with its 
style. That is like plucking the spring blossom unmindful 
of autumn's fruit. The book is full of adulteries from begin- 
ning to end. Seeing the right ourselves become good, 
seeing the wrong we should reprove ourselves. The Genji 
Monogatari, Chokonka and Seishoki are of a class, — vile, 
mean, comparable to the books of the sages as charcoal to 
ice, as the stench of decay to the perfume of flowers. 

Long has Buddhism made Japan think of nothing 
as important except the worship of the Buddha. So it is that 
evil customs prevail and there is no one who does not find 
pleasure in lust. And the story books are full of the same 
things. Other writings contain for the most part low wit and 
vile lies, without a virtue. They are altogether worse than 
the Tsure-dzure Gusa. Take out the lust and Buddhism 
from that book, and scenery and the emotions are well de- 
scribed. There is a good deal that is silly, yet there is also 
reason and principles. Had he been learned in the ** Way '* 
of the sages he had not fallen into Buddhism. And moreover 

8 The Genji Monogatari was written in the year A. D. 1004, 
** Things Japanese," p. 269. It quite deserves the sharp judgment 
here given. The first part has been translated into English by Suye- 
matsu Kenchio. The Chokonka and Seishoki are Chinese books. 

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he sinned through lust, so that his filthy name remains. 
Alas ! Thus should we learn how dangerous are man's- 


What I ever hate is the conduct of Shigehira. It was: 
not a disgrace that he was captured by the enemy, but while^ 
imprisoned at Kamakura he went into the drinking hall and 
had all sorts of talk with the dancing girls. When: 
he was sent to Nara he asked his guardes to send 
him his beloved concubine. Surely these are things not 
to be done by a man ! It was most miserable, but he 
felt no shame. But on the other hand he felt he had 
committed a great crime, and was in great fear because in 
obedience to his father he had burned the Dai Butsu at 
Nara ! At Kamakura he confessed this and sought the 
forgiveness of Yoritomo; and again, when at Kyoto he met 
the priest Honen he mourned over it. Such repentance- 
shows a heart dark beyond all help.® 

Later on Matsunaga Danjo also burned the Nara Dai 
Butsu, and so strong a man as Nobunaga thought it a great 
crime. So when Danjo killed his lord Miyoshi Yoshinaga, 
and the Shogun Nobunaga put these crimes together to- 
his shame. How can Buddhism thus deceive the heart 
of man?® 

But in the period Kambun (A.D. 1661-1673) Matsu- 
daira Idzu no Kami Nobatsuna was in power and broke up- 
the metal of the Nara images which had been honoured for 
a thousand years and turned Dai Butsu into pence, a great 
profit to the empire quite unparallelled. His strong wisdom- 
was unique. With the advance of civilization since the estab- 

^ Shigehira was a Taira Kuge. Honen was the instructor of the- 
foander of the Hon-gwan-ji sect Shinran Shonin. Danjo became- 
Nobunaga's follower, after he had committed these crimes. 

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lishment of the Tokugawa rule such men frequently appear. 
"Should men like Shigehira hear of such deeds they would 
■die of astonishment. All of Idzu no Kami's Government 
was good, but three things are preeminent : his forbidding 
retainers to die with their lords, his stopping the custom of 
sending hostages to the Shogun and his conversion of the 
Dai Butsu into pence. By the first, an evil to future 
generations was prevented ; by the second, sorrow was 
averted in all the provinces ; and by the third a great error 
was corrected, an inheritance for future ages. 

There were many such men in power, aud their bless- 
ing comes to us in this continued peace. But Idzu no 
Kami was first among them all. He was sent to fight at 
Amakusa,io and after his victory he returned to Edo and went 
in to see the Shogun just as he was in travelling array. As 
he entered, all congratulated him ; and in the ante- room was 
Shinzaemon, to whom Idzu no Kami remarked as he passed 
through, " I have something to say to you when I return." 
So when he returned from his audience in the midst of a 
great crowd he said to Shinzaemon, ** It was determined 
that the great bell at my headquarters should give the signal 
for the gathering of the daimy6 for the attack. But I 
thought to myself, * Suppose some fool or some rebel should 
strike the bell to-night !' so I had the beam taken away and 
brought to my side. But then I thought * the bell can still 
be struck by something else,' so I had it wholly taken down 
and wrapped in a bags. As it turned out the rebels began 
the fight unexpectedly, and there was not time to get off the 
bags and hang the bell ; so we were obliged to fight and 
whip them without its aid. Then I remembered your 
words, * Be not over careful,' and thought this an excellent 
illustration.*' Though it was said in jest, yet he had not 
forgotten the word. An ordinary man would have had no 
thought at such a time for this. But Idzu no Kami showed 
the greatness of his heart by telling his mistake before them 

^^Auiakusa, — the war againFthe Christiana! Bein. p. 808. 

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all. That is true wisdom. But men who desire authority 
and outward ornament are indeed very low, like frogs in a 


From the beginning of the Kamakura regime HOjo 
Yasutoki was the best of all the men of these times. ^^ Few 
can be compared with him. He once said to Mioe of 
Togano, ** I am unequal to this great task of Government. 
How shall I cause strife to cease among the people ? " Mioe 
replied, ** Be unselfish.'' "But," said Yasutoki, "will 
the people be unselfish too if I am so ?" And the priest 
replied, ** No matter about the people I Try it and see !" 
So Yasutoki beheved him, and when his father Yoshitoki died, 
gave the inheritance to his younger brother and kept just 
enough for his needs. His mother remonstrated with him, 
saying. ** You have not kept enough ;" he replied, ** I in- 
herit the government. I have enough. I wish my bro- 
thers to be rich." She greatly admired him, and as time 
passed all of his relatives came to be on the best of terms 
and all Kamakura admiringly followed their example. Mioe 
was a priest, but his words agree with the reply that Con- 
fucius made to Kikoshi, — **If you covet not they will steal 
though theft be praised." ^* And the government of Yasutoki 
shows that the words of the Sage are true. 

While Yasutoki was in power he went every day to the 
office and laboured hard all day. He had a patient regard 
for the chief officials and was wise and impartial in his 
judgments, as is related in the Adzuma Kagami. Long ago 

^^ The Hojo family succeeded Yoritomo as the real rulers of Japan. 
They were the Regents of Kamakura, ruling in the name of the 
*• Puppet Shogun " for 120 years. *• Takatoki, the last of the 
line, became Begent at the age of nine." The Hojo family was 
overthrown by Ashikaga Taka-uji and Nitta Yoshisada, A. D. 1384. 
Satow and Hawes's *• Handbook," pp. 64-66. 

1* Kikoshi was troubled by the many thieves in his dominions. 
Analests XII : XVIII. 

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an old scholar told me this story of him : One day when 
hearing a case, while accuser and accused were face to face, 
the accuser suddenly said, ** I had thought my cause 
good and so entered complaint. Now I gee my error and 
will not add a word." There he stopped and Yasutoki in 
great admiration said, ** You are beaten in your case but 
you are victorious in reason. I have heard many cases, but 
never before have I seen a man thus yield to reason. If I 
do not reward you whom shall I reward ?" So he gave him 
a very special reward. 

So it was that quarrels gradually ceased and the judges 
had leisure. I have forgotten in what monogatari this is, 
but it illustrates Yasutoki 's justice, benevolence and truth. 
His work benefited his son and extended to future genera- 
tions as they imitated his virtue and accepted what he had 
accompUshed. Thus it was that Kamakura won the affec- 
tions of the people. 

Men think Tokiyori wiser, but I do not agree. He soon 
gave up his high rank, became a priest, liked quiet walks 
and thus saw the condition of the people. That seems 
admirable to those who do not know reason. He should not 
have deserted his post for the sake of the quiet of a temple. 
A born ruler should not thus injure virtue and lose the 
Government. His plan was petty, and ** dark at a distance.'* 
Neither he nor any other at Kamakura at all equalled Yasu- 
toki. When the Hojo rule began, many men of parts 
gathered at Kamakura, but they were men of mere 
strength and bravery, without knowledge or wisdom. 
Shigetada is preeminent among them, for when falsely ac- 
cused he refused to take an oath, saying, ** I have never lied, 
and why should I take an oath ?" So Yoritomo forgave 
him, but he was killed by the Hojd and died most purely. 
The crimes of Tokimasa and Yoshitoki were against both 
men and Heaven and death were an insufficient punishment. 
Were it not for Yasutoki the Hojo had been destroyed before 
the time of Takatoki. 

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When the year was more than half gone and the autninn 
scenery was qorne, the cool wind piercing the body, after 
long absence the friends gathered again at the house of the 
Old Man. They made the customary inquiries and were 
taking leave when he stopped them saying, — "The moon is 
very fine to-night. Do not go. Stop awhile and have some 
wine.'* So obediently they all sat down. And as the talk 
went on the people of the house set out food and wine, and 
the guests soon felt the influence of the wine and became in- 
teresting. One with his cup in his hand recited a verse 
of Rihaku^ in praise of the moon, another capped it, and a 
third continued and a fourth, and last of all the Old Man ; — 
" The men of to-day see not the moon of long ago : The 
moon of to-day shines not upon the men of long ago : The 
men of to-day and the men of long ago, Are like the flowing 
water. All are ahke as they see the moon. With verse and 
wine their one desire is that, 'J'he Moon shiue long upon 
the metal cask ;" so he made an end of it. But the drinking 
went on, and as they drank still more until the mountains 
seemed to fall, the Old Man continued : 

You all unite in praising the moon in verse and my 
heart is comforted as I see it. An emotion that ceases not 
arises, for the moon is the comfort of old aj^e. I bave many 
thoughts, and will give you one of them. When a child I was 
once sitting alone in the corner at the wine drinking on the 
fifteenth of the eighth month when a samurai, who was wholly 
illiterate, looked long at the moon and askod, — " How wide 

1 Rihaku, a famous port of the To dynasty in China. 

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is it ?" Then another like him said, ** It is cut off from some- 
thing. How deep is it ?'* All who heard it ate their tongues, 
and even as a child I thought it absurd. But really, 
are most men so different, as they praise the moon for its 
clear light and love its pure reflection and meet together to 
eat, drink and sing ? And the poets ornament their verses as 
they see the moon and labour over their form, and yet after 
all, aesthetic as it all seems, they are merely amused with 
the appearance of the moon and know not its profound 

What I said of " the emotion that ceases not '* refers to 
the love of the ancients, the study of their books as we know 
their hearts and the pain of separation from the world. It 
is the moon which lights generation after generation and 
now too shines in the sky. So may we call it the Memento 
of the Generations. As we look upon it and think of the 
things pf old, we seem to see the reflection of the forms and 
faces of the past. Though the moon says not a word, yet it 
speaks. If we have forgotten, then it recalls the ages gone 
by. This verse of Rihaku is the best of all the poetry about 
the moon, for it lets the mere appearance go and unites past 
and present in one spirit, all ** Are like the flowing water." 
Yet there is something wanting, for it does not speak of 
waiting for the coming age, and this is supplied in the 
ancient writing called So, — 

** The men who are gone come not to me 
The men of the future hear me not," 

and as I read it my admiration knows no bounds. For this 
is Kushi's^ thought : ** No one knows me, none of my own 
generation ; and the men of the past who were one in heart 
with me, with whom I would speak, are beyond my 
reach ; and the men of the coming age who will be of like 

2 Kushi, the author of the couplet, (Ku Yuan) was a minister 
who committed suicide, about B. C, 314. Mayers, p. 107. 

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spirit, hear me not and know me not.** So is it with every 
one who has a heart : it is not Kushi only who thus laments* 
I too see the moon with such a spirit and mourn. The- 
present is the past to the future, and in that age some one^ 
like me will grieve as he looks upon the moon. 


When the celebrated priest Saigy5 went on pilgrimage^ 
through the east he came to Kamakura and went with others 
to Tsnrugaoka. There Yoritomo noticed the superiority of 
his company and called him to his house, asked him of 
horsemanship, archery and poetry. Without fear of the 
splendour of Yoritomo or of the presence of his famous 
followers, Saigyo freely uttered his opinions. Yoritoma 
greatly admired him, but was unable to detain him or give 
him anything except a silver cat, and this Saigyo threw 
to the children in the street as he went away. Nor was it 
known whither he went. 

There was, at that time, a very bad priest at Takaa 
named Bungaku. He was very proud of his power, which 
was given him at Kamakura, and he hated Saigyo's character 
and said, ** If I meet him 111 insult him to his face." 
Once Saigyo came to Takao and Bungaku asked him to 
spend the night with him, full of joy at the opportunit3\ 
He said to his followers, ** See ! When he comes I'll 
strike him !" and waited with clenched fist. All were in 
troubled suspense, but when Saigyo came Bungaku's courage 
failed and he greeted him respectfully. So, afterwards, the 
followers said to Bungaku, ** Why did you not strike 
Saigyo?" But Bungaku replied, *• See the spirit of his 
face ! He should strike me ! " How apparent was Saigyo's 
high pure character and wonderful spirit ! Our only grief 
is that Confucianism was not yet made known to the world 
and so even such a man knew not the truth. With a clear 
pure character, he disliked the w^ays of the world and be- 
came a priest. Truly that was lamentable ! 

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To forsake parent and lord that one may save himself 
hy becoming a priest is indeed to forsake the world ; but 
instead of parent and lord it is not to forsake one's self. 
Unless we forsake our self we forsake not the world. The 
desire for fame and gain in the world, and the forsaking of 
the world in the hope of paradise, these differ as the pure 
and the impure, yet both alike are from the desire for one's 
■own happiness. Buddhism regards our human relationships 
as ** borrowed " and so teaches that parent and lord may be 
forsaken. Not so ! If we are to desert anything, first cast 
away reputation, gain and pleasure ! Then there will be no 
need to flee the world. But in the celebrated doctrine there 
is place lor natural pleasure. It is not necessary to forsake 
the human relationships or anything. But to forsake these 
through the desire tor paradise is a shauieful exhibition of 
the craving for happiness. 

There was once a woman who was ready to die of grief 
because of the death of her husband, and she refused to be 
comforted. But the priest reproved her : ** You may well 
love your husband ; Buddhism does not interfere with that, 
for it is most natural. But separated from him, with the 
marriage tie cut, in lonliness and for yourself to grieve, that 
is selfishness. It is a great increase of guilt. Consider 
this doctrine as you weep." So she repented and stopped 
her grief. It was wise advice, but the priest did not con- 
sider how it applied to himself. From of old all, high and 
low, men and women, who have clung to Buddhism huve 
found the sole origin for faith in regard for their own happi- 
ness. Even the wise among them have not the wisdom of 
this woman. How have countless generations wasted their 
precious bodies ! And the future too will show hke waste ! 
My grief I have put into this verse : 

** For an hundred generations the universe flows on ; 
Literature and the * Way ' are now destroyed. Our 
thoughts are sad ; Who knows ? Above the heavens just the 
one round moon, Long shines upon the lasting grief of man. 

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The Way of truth is cast away I With whom then shall I 
speak ? False principles and new heresies come forth day 
by day ; The clear moon knows the grief of a thousand 
generations, And kindly shines upon the old white head." 

The guests together repeated the verse, and just then 
the moon sank in the west and the morning broke ; and all 
went home. 


To the samurai first of all is righteousness, next life, 
then silver and gold. These last are of value, but some put 
them in the place of righteousness ! But to the samurai 
even life is as dirt compared to righteousness. 

Until the middle part of the middle ages customs were 
comparatively pure though not really righteous. Corrup- 
tion has come only during this period of government by the 
samurai. A maid servant in China was made ill with 
astonishment and fled home in dismay when she saw her 
mistress, soroban in hand, arguing prices and values. So 
was it once with the samurai. They knew nothing of trade, 
were economical and content. 

An old man told me this story of Hine Bichu no Kami. 
Wlien he went to Korea he borrowed money for his expenses 
and on his return sent to return it. His creditor, Kuroda 
Josui, directed the servants to take off the flesh from some 
tai which had been sent iu as a present and to make soup 
of the bones for his guests. As this severe economy was 
observed, the guests were filled with apprehension as to the 
probable demand for high interest on the loan. But after 
the wine when they offered to make payment Kuroda Josui 
would not take the principal. He was economical beyond 
expression, even with his fish that had been given him, even 
in the feasting of his friends, but did not hesitate to give an 
hundred silver pieces when his friend had need. That is an 

Tol. xx-9 

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admirable illustration of the character of the samurai of 
those days, simple and economical, yet unforgetful of righte- 
ousness and strong of heart. 

Even in the days of my youth young folks never men- 
tioned the price of any thing ; and their faces reddened if 
the talk was of women. Their joy was in talk of battles 
and of plans for war. And they studied how parents and 
lords should be obeyed and the duty of samurai. But 
nowadays the young men talk of loss and gain, of dancing 
girls and harlots and gross pleasures. It is a complete 
change from the customs of fifty or sixty years ago. In 
those days I had a friend Kurando, whose father was a 
Eaga samurai named Aochi Unimi. Aochi said to his 
son, " There is such a thing as trade. See that you 
know nothing of it. In trade the profit should always 
be on the other side. It differs from *go* in that if 
we win there is no peace in the victory.** But now, men 
greatly rejoice if they make a profit by exchange. To be 
proud of buying high priced articles cheap is the good 
fortune of merchants, but should be unknown to samurai. 
Let it not be even so much as mentioned. I remember the 
remarks of Arai Chikugo no Kami some years ago : — Call no 
man stingy. If one is stingy of money still more will he be 
stingy of life. Stinginess is another name for cowardice." 
So he spoke as he expounded the books before the Shogun. 
It is the truth. And samurai must have a care of their 
words and are not to speak of avarice, cowardice or lust. 

Nor must we waste our time. ** Strength comes not 
twice. A day is not twice to-morrow. At the time for labour 
we must toil. Years and months wait not for man." Born 
with a love for learning, let us not think that the age is 
without virtue and the future without reputation, and that 
we perish as the trees and grass. Strive dilligently every- 
day. There was a Kaga man who was fond of the aestheti- 

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cism of Bikiya^ and practiced the tea ceremonies assiduously. 
When ordered to Edo he took his outfit with him and even 
in the inns hung up his kettle and made his tea. His asso- 
ciates remonstrated, — ** Much as you like your tea, do take 
a vacation while en route.'* But he replied, — •* A day en 
route is no other ; it too is one of the days of my life ! So 
it is not a day for omitting my ceremonious tea." He made 
no diflference nor stopped a day. 

So must scholars set their purpose on the *• Way.'* It 
is not to be forsaken at all, and there is in all the life no day 
that is not for its practice. Going or coming, there is no 
place without it. We should not be in haste, lest we soon 
give it up. Not in haste and not in sloth must we ever 
purse the ** Way." 


Swiftly the days and months pass by. Day by day in- 
creases the disease, old age, and labour is of no avail. It 
is the seventy-fifth year, and not so long had the Old Man 
hoped to live with the billows of old age rolling on. He 
was paralysized too, so that hand and foot were not easily 
moved and with difficulty could he get up or down. For 
three years the spring beauty of the garden had not been 
seen, but the voice of the uguisu from the tree-top came to 
his bed awakening him from his lingering dreams. Patiently 
did he remember the past as the perfume of the plum 
blossoms visited his pillow. 

How blessed was he then that from his youth he had 
seen through the windows of philosophy the value of the 
passing years ; that he had followed Tei-Shu and sought the 
manners of the Sages ; that he had admired the literary 
style of Kantaishi and Oyoshu * and had learned haltingly to 
walk the ** Way." What consolation was this for his aged 

8 " The Chrysanthemum," Vol., 11., No. 6, pp. 198-200. 
* Oyoshu, Ou-Yang Siu, celebrated among the formost scholars 
and statesmen of the Sung dynasty, d. 1017 A. D. Mayers, p. 165. 

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wakefulness ! Through so mauy months and years well had 
he considered the passing, changing world, with its alternate 
ing adversity and prosperity, its bloom and decay. Are 
they all dreams and visions, ** the clouds that float above 
the earth *'? Fortune and misfortune are twisted together 
hke the strands of a rope. 

Among it all only the **Way *' of the Sages stands with 
Heaven and Earth. Past and present it only changes not. 
Men should wonder at it and pi*aise. But the world knows 
it not. Men are in darkness a? to righteousness, though wise 
in gain and lust. The ** Way " is forsaken and customs 
deteriorate. Alas ! Alas I but my low rank and feeble powers 
could not reform the customs or restore the doctrine ; as 
well might a gnat move a tree or one dip out the ocean with 
a shell. Yet is it our duty as scholars to grieve over the 
world and reform the people. We cannot give this task ta 
others. Why should aged teachers and men who are accounted 
scholars desire false doctrines, mix them with the truth and 
thus transform the ** Way " of righteousness and virtue ? 

I cannot agree to that. They work and argue, please 
the vulgar and go with the times. Deplorable ! As has been 
said of old, — ** A corrupt learning that flatters the world.'* 
Let it be so ! Let customs change ! I alone will follow the 
** way " of benevolence and rigliteousness nor lose the pat- 
tern I have learned I This is the sign of the scholar who 
honours the ** Way." In the New Year when men bless 
themselves with good wishes for a thousand worlds, I will set 
my heart on the ** Way*' of the five virtues only and will 
change not. This I think the rightful cause for congra- 
tulations. So I write, — 

This spring too I go unchanged 

Five times more than seventy seeking the ** Way.** 

This year I have been busy, from spring to autumn, 
collecting and writing my various talks with my dis- 
ciples. I finished it in the autumn, and though it is as worth- 
less as the refuse gathered by fishermen, yet if transmitted 

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to our company it may be one-ten-tbousandtb belp to tbose 
•wbo study tbemselves. So at tbe eud I wrote my New 
Yearns verse, ending yet begiuniug, and tbns reveal an end- 
less beart. 

Kyo-bo Jin-sbi no Tosbi, Fuyu Jugatsu (Winter, De- 
cember 1729), (signed) Kyuso. 

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By T. Haga. 
[Read 9th March, 1892.] 

In the introduction to his paper, entitled A Japanese 
PhilosopJier, and read before the Society, January 20th, 
Dr. Knox states that with the exception of a small 
school which follows Oyomei, Japanese Philosophy is that 
of Shushi. The correctness of this view of the matter is 
quite inadmissible. Of the opponents of the Tei-Shu philo- 
sophy I will mention a few, just as they come to mind : 
Jinsai, Sorai, Togai, Shuntai, Kinjo, Eiken, Nammei. I 
cannot remember them all. In the writings of these men 
he will find the fundamental ideas, sei, jin, and mtchi (way), 
to be different from those held by Shushi. 

Of the four writers selected by Dr. Knox as followers 
of the orthodox philosophy in this country, only the first 
and last can be said to belong to it, and of these the first is 
certainly not one of its best representatives. Hakuseki, 
like Kyus6, the subject of Dr. Knox*s paper, was a pupil of 
Kinoshita Junnan, whose views, though they inclined him to 
the Teishu school, were still quite liberal and somewhat 
affected by the older learning, and Hakuseki became even more 
liberal than his master. 

Yamazaki Ansai was indeed an * orthodoxist,' narrow- 
minded and violent in his opposition to those who did not 
accept Shushi*s doctrin es. 

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The other two names in Dr. Knox*s list, have just been 
mentioned by me as among the opponents of the * orthodox' 
philosophy, and so far were they from adopting Shushi's 
views, that they became the founders of the Kogaku school, 
or school of Ancient Learning. Jinsai was the first who 
systematically opposed the teaching of the Teishu school. 
His followers, including his distinguished son, Togai, exer- 
cised great influence. Sorai came a little later, and was 
equally opposed to Shushi, whom he wrote against very 
strongly and described as being a Buddhist. He spoke of 
Shurenki, Teishi, Shushi, and others as founders of the ri 
school, ritfakushaj and also referred to them as So-ju (So 
dynasty school men). His particular school surpassed that 
of Jinsai in the production of well-known men, Shuntai, 
Nankwaku, and many others. 

It would be a task beyond my powers to discuss fully 
and clearly the philosophy of the Teishu, Oyomei, and other 
schools. Indeed, it seems impossible to find English words 
at all equivalent to many of those in use in Chinese and 
Japanese philosophy. A word which to some degree seems 
to suit in one case, is found to be wrong when fitted to 
another. I can therefore only attempt to indicate some of 
the radical difierences between the Teishu and Kogaku 
Schools, the latter as represented by Jinsai and Sorai, 
although these two differ among themselves. 

Throughout the philosophy of Shushi there are the 
conceptions n and ki. They are themselves self-existences, 
and are concerned in the formation of all things and are present 
in all things. It may perhaps be nearly correct to say that 
n is the source of law and order, and ki is the source ot 
natural existence. Ei we are told is the perfection of Hea- 
ven. It is in inanimate things as well as in man, and 
pervades all space. Ki, from its twofold character, is also 
called in-yOf and from its fivefold character, go-gyo. The 
conception ot in and yo is that of duality, involving comple- 
mentary or equivalent opposition of parts of one thing. It 

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may be, and has been, compared with many states of such 
opposition between similars, and among others therefore, 
with opposition of sex, but this has been brought out more 
strongly in translations than it usually exists in the original. 
Association of positive and negative (polarity), as used so 
largely in certain sciences, is all that is meant by in-yo. As 
go-yyOy the five divisions of ki ai-e manifested in the categories, 
woodjjire^ earth, metal, water. 

Animals and things get only portions of ri, but man 
receives ri in full amount, and this becomes in him, sei, his 
real nature. He has thus within him the perfect mirror of 
Heaven and perfect understanding. There is no difierence in 
this respect between a seijin or a perfect man and an ordinary 
person. To both, ri is given uniformly. But ki, from 
which is derived his form and material existence, and which 
constitutes his kishitsu, is difierent in quality in different 
men, and is sometimes clear and sometimes dull. He has 
thus a certain capacity due to ki or kishitsu, such as 
being intelligent or stupid, weak or strong ; this is called 
kirin, Sei or man's real nature, although originally ri itself 
when it comes to reside in man, that is, in his IciMtsu, 
becomes affected or modified by his kirin, or capacity through 
hi. Thus a second nature is formed out of ri or the original 
sei, modified or affected by kishitHU, and this second nature 
is called kishitsu no sei. He has thus his second nature 
called kishitsu no sei through which he acts well or ill. 
When a man does evil, that is the result of his Idnn covering 
or interfering with sei, his original nature, and this action 
of his kirin is called kiMtsu no hei (cover) or kinn no kaka- 
wari (interference or hindrance by kinn ^with the original 
sei, honnen no sei, or tenchi no sei). By this interference of 
kirin, sei or the original nature of man becomes clouded, as 
ft mirror. Remove this corruption (kishitsu no hei) and the 
honnen no sei recovers its brightness, and man is perfect 
and can understand all nature. 

Thus it will hie seen that although the Teishu school 

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divide sei into kisJiitsu no sei and lumtien no ^ei\ these are 
both originally from rt, and this division can not be logically 
maintained in detailed application. 

In this school, sei, fundamental nature of man, is /t* itself, 
and in it the ri of benevolence, righteousness, etc., — jin, gi, 
reiy chiy are naturally found. i?t, m, and mchiy (* way *) 
are the same entity in different aspects, and it is called ri 
when spoken of as the order or law which pervades the 
universe, and viiclii (* way ') when looked on as what 
man and all things must pursue. Jin yi, reiy cJti are 
natural functions or parts of sei. Benevolence, righteousness, 
propriety of conduct, understanding, are not themselves jin, 
giy reiy chiy but the ri underlying them. When benevolence 
is felt, that is what is called yo, the application oijin ; while 
something prior to this feeling, when there is nothing yet 
felt, is called taiy the substance of jin. This is already 
natural to sei. Benevolence manifested in action is called 
the hodoho%hi oijin. 

Notwithstanding the distinctness marked out between 
sei [ri) and ki, the Teishu school make use, when explaining 
the Ancient Classicsy of the term kishiUu no sei for the nature 
ot man, sei, as affected by hi ; and have then to use the 
phrase, honnen no seiy to express the pure fundamental nature 
of man. Again, we are told we cannot rightly discuss the 
sei of man without reference to the Ai, nor the Id of man 
without reference to the sei. Now let us see how Jinsai 
handles these points. 

Jinsai and his school say with the ancient writers that 
ki constitutes all things, somewhat in the same way that in 
Western philosophy matter is said to constitute all (material) 
things. But they deny that there is anjrthing, any self- 
existence or entity, such as the sei of the Teishu school. 
All that led Shnshi to invent the notion of the existence of 
sei is nothing but the manifested nature of things, their 
dispositions, powers, qualities, actions, and all that go to 
constitute their existence. Jinsai makes use of the term 

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n, but only with its common signification of reason. The 
set or fundamental nature of man does not differ much from 
that of animals, and only in possessing the germ of goodness 
along with healthy tendencies or impulses. With Jinsai, aei 
being merely a name for man's nature, jirij gi, rei^ clii, be- 
come merely names for the several phases of conduct based 
on the possession of a good disposition — ^not for something 
self- existent, and already present before the mind feels its 
bent. When Mencius said man's fundamental nature (sei) 
is good, he meant no more than that it is his nature to be 
well-disposed. Without training men do good deeds through 
natural disposition, but unless cultivated and developed this 
disposition is overcome by evil passions and bad surround- 
ings. It is in the nature of an infant to love its parents. 
Without premeditation, and from good disposition only, a 
man hastens to the rescue of a child that has fallen into a 
well. That is to say, he does so because it is his nature to 
do so, not because of the presence in him of something 
Shushi calls ri. Such a disposition, attended to, becomes 
universal benevolence or love, jin. Shame of one's self in 
wrong doing, and condemnation of it in others are the out- 
come of an instinct for righteousness, a disposition to right- 
eousness, which duly cultivated becomes the conduct, gi. 
The faculty of discriminating between right and wrong is the 
instinct which urges to wisdom. 

Jinsai finds strange confusion in Shushi's distinction 
between kiahitsu no set and honneii no sei when applied to the 
ancient classics, because in his version of the meaning of 
these writings he gives to sei one or the other of these signi- 
fications, just as it suits his own views, and not because of 
anjrthing to be found in the classics themselves. 

Men of the Jinsai school argue : if merely by repressing 
kb'^n man becomes perfect, this should lead him to do nothing 
but contemplate r/, be composed, and meditate, as is taught 
so greatly by the Teishu school to be the means of restoring 
the original seL If the mere removal of passion from the 

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heart be enough, why did not the seijins give up all their 
endeavours to teach the world the way, instead of only 
counselling men to resist their passions? If a man can 
become perfect by such means, why have there been so few 
perfect men ? Eflfort in this direction is vain ; we must try 
day by day so to act that the mind gets so accustomed to 
do right that no evil can affect it. When we have trained 
ourselves to do no wrong, even to gain the whole world, 
then only can we be fairly said to be perfect men. Not 
contemplation, but action is the way. The way is by 
cultivating and encouraging and extending the natural good 

But should every man do only that which seems right 
to him, gi'eat mistakes might be committed. Hence, in order 
to lead men to perfection, the seijins have, in the classics, 
pointed out the way — pointed it out, not invented it — which 
is to follow man's natural and uncorrupted disposition. Thus 
the * way ' which in the Teishu philosophy is n, is a reality 
of man*s life, and not some silent imperceptible existence 
independent of his actions, and outside his consciousness. 
To consider j/w, ffi, rei, chi, as each a form of ri, is like 
saying that the fue is in the flint and steel, or the sound 
in the bell. 

Although to a certain extent there are a few men 
naturally wise, and a few hopelessly foolish, the perfect man 
differs from the ordinary man not so much by nature, as 
through habit and discipline of mind. 

To Shushi*s doctrine that jin is the ri of love, existent 
before it is felt, the yo so soon as it is felt, and the hodokoshi, 
when it is manifested by action, Jinsai objects that it is 
dividing jiii into three stages and giving the essential part 
of it, the real action, only the third place. Jin lies in the 
action itself. 

Oo-fiyd is merely the invention of Tochujo and YCyli, 
two philosophers of the Kan dynasty. 

Man by nature has desire for many things, and while 

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regulated and moderated there is no evil in it. Good and 
evil are only relative, and are not of different origin. If it is 
^he case that the good in man comes of sei, and the evil of 
JcisJdtsii, what is the reason that kisJiitsu is had ? It must be 
from ri (reason) and therefore we are to conclude that i-i is 
also evil I That the natural tendency is good is only a 
general statement of the fact that the great majority of men 
are good, or possessed of a good disposition. 

From the above summary it will be seen how Jinsai 
attacks Shushi at many points essential in his philosophy. 
Naturally, there must be agreement between them on some 

Sorai teaches that man is bound to follow Heavens' 
way. Every man, however mean, has some function to per- 
form in the world {ten shohu) appointed by Heaven, and it is 
his destiny to fulfil it, but it is not the lot of the multitude to 
know Heaven's way by themselves. Only a small number 
of wise men can know that, and then only through the seijins 
or classics. The multitude is simply to follow the seijins^ 
teachings. It is not taught or expected that every man 
should become a seijin. Some are only fitted to be common 
people and do common work as their duty. It will be seen 
therefore that the teaching of Sorai is more of the nature of 
a religion than of a philosophy. 

With Sorai and his followers the discussion of sei is 
quite a secondary matter, although Sorai holds that man has 
no more tendency to good or to follow the way than has a 
piece of wood to make or be made into a box or a house. 
The joiner or carpenter can use wood for his purpose, because 
its nature fits it to be made into a box or a house. But it is 
not the nature of wood to be a box or a house. The leading 
idea in Sorai*s philosophy is that man being a social being, 
and unable to live isolated, the true way must lie not only 
in training the individual mind and body in the virtue of jin^ 
but must also include the way to promote the welfare and 
order of the world. Hence his * way ' includes the different 

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institutions organised by the ancient seijinsy Qyo, Shurif U, 
TOf BnnnOf Buwo, Shuko, and Koshiy who were appointed 
by Heaven, to show the world Heaven's way. These institu- 
tions are ret (rules of social conduct) and gakii (music), and 
serve to keep people, unconsciously and without suffering, 
in the right way. Next to rei and gaku come kei (justice and 
law) and sei (government), and by these means people are 
kept in purity of thought and habit, so that slowly and 
without being conscious of it they act all according to the 
* way *, and finally evil thoughts can not affect them. Jin is 
indeed the greatest and most important virtue, but it is only 
one out of many, and is not the spring of all other virtues as 
taught in the Teishu school. Nor is it the whole of the way. 
Ri is used only in the ordinary sense of reason. Sorai does 
not deny that there may be something like ?t, but if there is, 
it is altogether arbitrary, and since everybody understands 
I'i and * way * from his own point of view, it can be of no 
value or significance. He does not believe in go-gyo although 
he believes in in-yo. It is vain to try to discipline the mind, 
he says, by contemplation. To try to discipline the mind by 
one's own mind is like a mad man trying to cure himself of 
insanity. Discipline from without is the supreme thing, and 
evil thoughts when not acted upon do not call for condemna- 

Sorai liked to write in the peculiar antiquated style 
called Kobnnjif introduced by Kihanryo or Riurin, a scholar 
of the Ming dynasty, and to believe that by this means he 
could understand the true signification of the ancient writings ; 
and believed that then, inspired by Heaven, he could 
make out the simple and original sense of these writ- 
ings. His ** GakusukUf'* or rules of teaching in his school, 
was written in this antiquated style. He considered that 
China was the only enlightened country and the only one 
producing seijinsy his own countrymen he regarded as little 
better than barbai-ians. 

He thinks that the saying of Mencius that sei, man's 

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fundamental nature, is good, and that of Shishi, Confucius's 
grandson, that self man's fundamental nature is to be fol- 
lowed, were written merely to protect Confucianism from the 
attacks of such contemporary writers as Koshi (Laotse), who 
declared that seijins are unnatural beings and their *way* 
unnatural. These words were written in controversy, and 
are not to be taken as among the normal expositions of the 

He criticises Shushi for making the way nothing but 
speculative philosophy. He agrees with Jinsai in doing away 
with the metaphysical entities (n*, aei, etc.), but considers 
him wrong in limiting the * way * to jiriy gi, rei, chi, and ko 
(filial love), tei (brotherly love), and in not going beyond 
the personal virtues. He attacks Jinsai for having taken 
Confucius apart from the more ancient seijins, and for 
having made his tenets to be merely the working out of the 
personal virtues, since, according to his own view, Confucius 
is the exponent of the way of Senno (ancient kings, such as 
Gyo, Shun, etc.) To him, Shosho or Shokyo (collection o^ 
records and teachings of the ancient seijins), aud Shi or 
Shikyo (a collection of ancient poems) are of the utmost 
importance, although he considers Shikyo as only a literary 
work, while Shushi treats it as an instrument for teaching 
morality. In Sorai's view, the * way * of the seijins is not itself 
difficult for ordinary people, but becomes so difficult by the 
introduction of discussions about sei, and the substance and 
application oijin, etc., that all the world gets in despair of 
doing good at all. He thinks the idea of modifying one's 
kishitsu to be an invention of the Teishu school, and does 
not believe in ri as existing in man's nature. 

Jinsai and Sorai are classed together as followers of the 
ancient learning, and they agree in their opposition to the 
Teishu school, but it will be seen that they also differ 
among themselves in minor points. 

Briefly told, the position of Japanese philosophy is about 
this. The Teishu school gained influence from the beginning 

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of the Tokugawa rule. lyeyasu and his successors were 
strong supporters of the Teishu school. But with the rise 
of the Rogaku school, scholars heganto doubt the truth of 
the teachings of Teishu. Although not publicly declared so, 
in the minds of many, Shushi-ism became a separate doctrine 
from the tenets of Confucius, and many attempts were made 
to get at the truth directly from the Classics. If the writings 
of scholars generally classed among the orthodox school be 
carefully examined, the number of those who accept Shushi 
^n all things will be found to be much less than appears at 
first sight. Those who did not accept all the doctrines of 
Shushi, but freely took from any school, were popularly 
called the Sechugaku- thinkers. As of this school, the names 
of Nakai Riken and Ota Kinjo may be mentioned. Some few 
followed what is called the Koshogaku (critical learning), 
but this school was very insignificant, and cannot compare 
with the critical school of the Chinese scholars under the pres- 
ent Manchurian dynasty. In reality, Koshogaku is a method 
rather than a philosophy. The rise of the heterodox school 
alarmed the Tokugawa Government, to which the Teishu 
school, as that to which lyeyasu belonged, stood some- 
what in the position of an Established Church. Matsu- 
daira Raku-o, the Daimyo of Shirakawa, who became First 
Minister, was strongly inclined to * orthodoxy,' and he 
promoted Shiba Ritsuzan, Koga Seiri, and others, to the 
post of * Scholar ' to the Shogun, and opened courses of 
lectures at Seido in Tokyo to the public, at the same time 
prohibiting as heresy all other learning except that of Shushi. 
This political interference had some effect. Sato Issai, Yoshi- 
no Kinryo, Shionoya Toin, etc., succeeded, and had many 
followers, but the heterodox school continued also to produce 
many distinguished men. Scattered over the country, some 
in the employ of daimyos, many orthodox and also heterodox 
scholars drew students from all parts of the land, and were 
slowly influencing the minds of those of the Chinese school. 
Among many teachers who lived to the end of the Tokugawa 

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period, ^Yasui Sokken is well known. He is one of the 
followers of the old learning. Yamada Hokoku, whom I 
have mentioned as remembered by me as heterodox among 
many others, leant much to Oyomei. He also lived to see the 
fall of the Tokugawa government. Whatever may have been the 
influence of Shushi's teachings, it is noteworthy to see that 
nearly all the followers of the Chinese philosophy now living 
or recently so, when they have freely spoken out their belief, 
have proved to belong to the mixed school, somewhat 
influenced by the writings of the Chinese writers of the 
Manchurian dynasty. Few only seem still to believe in 
Shushi's exposition of sei and 7'i, at least in their full sense, 
especially in the doctrines of two classes of sei, namely 
honnen no sex and kishitsu no sei. 

In confirmation of what I have said, I would here refer 
readers of Japanese to different published lectures at the 
Shibungakukwai, the earlier parts. 

Something similar has happened in China. Since the 
time of Shushi down to the latter part of the Ming dynasty, 
practically no deviation from Shushi was made. But from 
the latter part of the Ming dynasty scholars began to think that 
the Teishu philosophy is too narrow to hold all the truth. 
From the beginning of the present Manchurian dynasty 
many scholars attempted to study the Classics directly from 
the originals. As the result of this there arose a Kogaku 
school, something like that of Jinsai and Sorai, but, naturally, 
different in many points ; and also a Critical school, members 
of which have shown much skill and ability. 

As Shushi has been named a historian by Dr. Knox, it 
may be of interest to notice the part he played in this line. 
He did not write history, but took Tsuyany a history by 
Shiba Onko, and altered it to suit a conventional system, in 
which what is considered righteous is praised, what is wrong 
is made to be punished. By changing the text, the usurper 
is deposed or subordinated, and he who is considered to have 
been the rightful heir is made to occupy his place, although 

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as a matter of fact, the greater part of the country shall have 
been under the rule of this usurper, — and so forth. This was 
considered to be an imitation of Confucius 's Shunju (a kind 
of chronicle), the traditional method of interpretation of 
which was that every word implied punishment of wrong 
and upholding of right ; a theoretical exposition since 
abandoned by some scholars, including the distinguished 
Chinese Emperor, Kokitei or Seiso, the founder of the present 
Manchurian dynasty, although he was nominally a follower 
of Shushi. (For the way this emperor makes Shushi's words 
suit his own views, see the preface by him to Shunjudensetsn- 
isa7i, an exposition of Shunju written by many scholars 
under his direction.) 

The traditional exposition of Shunju so thoroughly filled 
the minds of scholars that not only Chinese but Japanese 
history also, especially that written by the Chinese school, 
came to have for its object not the studying the connections 
between events so much as the inculcation of morality. Hence 
those who were considered to be righteous were always made 
to be so, as far as possible, to show to the world as examples, 
and all notice of their minor irregularites of conduct was 
suppressed wherever it could be done. Conversely, those who 
were considered to be wrong were made out to be always 
wrong, to serve as a warning to the world, all the good done 
by them being treated as not sufficient to cover one action 
unpardonably wrong when judged by a certain standard. 
Histories thus framed contain usually, at convenient periods, 
short discussions and judgments (by the author) of the conduct 
of the persons described in the narrative. This is in imita- 
tion of the method of Chinese historians. Histories written 
during the Tokugawa rule, that is during the ascendancy of 
the Shushi school, are mostly of this description. Among 
them Dainihonshi, Nihongwaislii, etc, may be mentioned as 
being best known. They were written by scholars of the 
Chinese school, and in the Chinese language. 

Whatever may be the value of histories thus constructed 

T*l. xx.-lO 

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by scholars of the Chinese school, their political importance 
at the time was very great. Shushi's modification of Tsugan, 
called Tsugan Komoku, was looked upon as a continuation of 
ShunjUf and its spirit penetrated deeply into the minds of 
scholars. The Dainihonshi was written by Tokugawa Mitsu- 
kuni, the Daimyo of Mito, in a different fashion from that of 
Tsugan Komoku, yet in the same spirit, and it thus occupied, 
to some extent, the place which Tsugan- Komoku takes in 
China. This and works like it were very much valued and 
read, and from principles therein inculcated, scholars gradu- 
ally began to recognise that the rightful sovereign of the 
country dwelt in Kyoto. At the same time the Shinto school, 
represented by Kamo no Mabuchi, Motoori Norinaga, and 
Hirata Atsutane, brought forward the history of the ancient 
Imperial rule, and indirectly the rights of the Court at Kyoto. 
Strong protests were made against calling China, Chu-kwa, 
the centre of civiHsation, and other current notions pronounced 
absurd, and these found willing hearers among the educated 
class. In loyality to the rightful sovereign the two rival 
schools, the Shint6 and the Chinese, became completely 
united. Thus gradually the Chinese philosophy breathed 
in the spirit of the teachings of Shinto, and became thorough- 
ly national. Loyalty took the place of filial duty in Chinese 
teaching ; and to serve the cause of the Emperor became the 
most essential duty for those with cultivated minds. Some 
became avowed supporters of the Kyoto court, and were 
known as Kinno-ka. 

The followers of Shushi more readily than others adopted 
the Shinto teaching. Thus Yamazaki Ansai, an earnest 
disciple of Shushi, believed in Shinto teaching in his later 
years in spite of the remonstrances of Asami Kaisai and 
others of his pupils. One of the earnest advocates of the 
cause of Kyoto, persecuted by the Tokugawa Government, 
was Takeno-uchi Shikibu, who was a follower of Ansai. 
Yamagata Daini, and Fujii Umon, who were killed by the 
Tokugawa authorities, were also much affected by the Chinese 

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learning. Their successors, Takayama Hikokuro and Gamo 
Kumpei, also felt strongly the Chinese influence ; indeed 
OamO wrote books in Chinese. Matsudaira Sadanobu (or 
Kaku-6), a supporter of the Teishu school, while he pro- 
hibited other schools, yet encouraged the Shinto learning and 
was quite dutiful to Kyoto. In this way the Shinto and 
Chinese teachings became amalgamated in a common cause. 
This union of Chinese philosophy with Shinto teaching was 
still more successfully carried out by the scholars of the Mito 
clan, as represented by Tokugawa Nariaki (or Rekko), the 
Daimyo of Mito and a descendant of Mitsukuni the historian, 
and by Fujita Toko, Aizawa Kozo, and others, samurai of 
the Mito clan. They wrote in Chinese in spite of their being 
exceedingly national and patriotic, and their philosophy was 
essentially that of Shushi. These upheld as much as any 
one the rights of the Imperial court, and encouraged loyalty 
to it. For some time before the restoration of the Imperial 
Government these scholars exercised great influence on the 
minds of the samurai^ and indirectly did much to bring about 
the revolution. For many of those who played an important 
part in it had been, in one way or another, under the influence 
of their teachings. It will thus be seen that the whole move- 
ment of the Kinno-ka derived much of its impetus from the 
then accepted exposition of Shunjii, and from Shushi's Tsugan 
Komoku. It certainly is strange to see the Tokugawa rule 
much shaken, if not actually overthrown, by that doctrine, 
which generations of able Shoguns and their ministers had 
earnestly encouraged and protected. It is perhaps still more 
remarkable to see the Mito clan, under many able and active 
chiefs, become the centre of the Kinno movement, which 
was to result in the overthrow of the Tokugawa family, of 
which it was itself a branch. 

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( 148 


By George Wm. Knox, D.D. 

[Read 9th March, 1892.] 

The association of Jinsai aud Sorai with the orthodox 
philosophers in the introduction to my translation of the 
Shundai-Zatsuwa has called forth Mr. Haga's interesting 
** Note " giving details of the Kogaku school. Kyuso 
repeatedly refers to this school but always with sharp 
criticism and reproof / and the **Note" will enable the reader 
to test the fairness of his polemic. 

As Mr. Haga touches upon some of the fundamental 
positions of the Tei-Shu philosophy, it has seemed worth 
while to set forth Shushi's own teaching in a brief resum^. 
The quotations in this ** Comment " are from the forty- 
ninth section of Shushi's complete works. 

Ki is law conceived as an entity. It somewhat re- 
sembles the Platonic ideas. By it all things have their ideal 
nature. It is above all form ^ and of itself is neither motion 
nor rest.^ It has motion and rest, for while motion and 
rest are ki, their law is ri.^ Essentially ri is benevolence 
and righteousness and is wholly pure and good.*^ 

5 4 8 2 

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** ^ & « a 3S Sf ^ ifc .Jb 3S A 4 ^ ± ^ Rg g- 

* * PI? » 

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Ki diflfers, however, from the Platonic ideas as it is 
immanent. It is embodied in ki. Abstractly ri precedes 
ki ; but really there is no ri apart from ki, nor any ki apart 
from ri. Neither is prior for both are eternal.® Ri depends 
on ki and ki depends on ri.' Even when thought is 
pushed to the furthest point, beyond the beginning of 
any development, both ri and ki exist. This furthest 
point is named the Great Limit, and to prevent misappre- 
hension is also named ** The Limitless nnd the Great 
Limit."® Li it are both ri and ki, though they are 
distinguishable only after evolution has begun.® Shushi 
says that The Great Limit is only ri,^° but adds immediately, 
it is onty ki" and returns to his formula. Wherever there is 
ri is also ki.^* His all pervading dualism is not from an 
original monism." 

Ki is all that ri is not. It is rest and motion.^* It is 
always and everywhere of two kinds ^* and the In and the 
Yo are its all pervading manifestations.^® In is the west, 
the earth, the female ; it is dark, passive, selfish, avaricious 
and the way of all evil men belongs to it." Yo, is the east, 
heaven, the male ; it is light, active, pure, unselfish and the 
way of all superior men belongs to it." There never was 

17 16 15 14 


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S ^g 

O en O 


» c ^ 
g. o » 

c s » 

CO A m 

§ o S- 

12 11 10 

^ ' m 

iln M 

* T 

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a time when these opposites were not.^^ The cosmic pro- 
cesses are condensation and dispersion. ^^ Ki forms nothing, 
ki forms and makes ; and wherever ki condenses tliere is 
ri in its midst. ^ The kosmos was formed hy the action of 
the In and Yo ; the impure sediment setthng and forming 
the Earth, the lighter part formiug the Heavens.*^ The 
opposites grinding together, as the grain is scattered from a 
mill, so are all things formed ; there is both the fine and the 
coarse, and the former constitutes all that is worthy and 
noble, the latter all that is evil and ignoble.^^ Earth is thus 
ki, so are trees, stones and man's body. Heaven is also ki, 
as are likewise sun, stars, wind, thunder, lightning, man's 
soul aud mind.'^ Ki in fact is everything except the in- 
corporeal and ethical ri. In calling Shushi a dualist, then^ 
it must be remembered that motion and rest, matter and 
force, matter and mind are still all of one, and this one is 
ki. His dualism arises from the reification of ri. 

The universe is not created, but is an eternal process. 
The passages in the Classics which seem to ascribe creation 
and providence to Heaven are explained away. Heaven 
itself is a part of the unending process that comprehends 
the all. It is generated like all the rest.^* Ideally it is 

24 28 22 21 20 19 18 

\-k.^ mm (s*^*& :&m4^^m rft^^ is& m 

n^^ ^t^ JEfetB&i* 'ax*^7*, mini ^ ' 
r&mt ^M Hmum^ mm^mi mm - 
^B^, mm mxftiaj tinrnw- M^ & 

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ri, as are all other things by nature. Pyschologically and 
physically it is ki. When the Classics say that Jotei does 
this and that : that Heaven bestows, appoints, protects, 
generates, etc., Shushi explains, that the meaning is merely 
that the ri is thus and so. ^ At the same time Heaven is 
not a dead thing. Shushi is not a materialist in the modern 
sense. Whatever belongs to man's nature belongs in higher 
degree to Heaven. When man, e.g., is righteous. Heaven 
responds. All the universe is to Shushi instinct with life, 
and he identifies the all with the operations of man's mind 
rather than with matter. But in fact the distinction of 
spirit and matter is not his. He moves in a different 
intellectual sphere. (See ** Ki, Ri and Ten " below). 

Shushi thought it the distinguishing merit of the pre- 
ceding philosophers of the So (Sung) dynasty that they 
cleared up the greatest difficulty in the Classics, viz. the 
ascription of goodness to man's nature notwithstanding his 
present sinfulness. The Sages left this unexplained but 
the scholars of the So dynasty ascribed the perfect goodness 
to the ideal ri and the origin of evil to the imperfect 
receptivity of portions of the ki, and thus presented a theory 
which so far forth was intelligible aud consistent. Its 
refutation needs more potent arguments than the Kogaku 
school appear to possess. For Jinsai says : **If it is the 
case that the good in man comes of sei (ri) and the evil of 
ki-shitsu, what is the reason that ki-shitsu is bad ? It 

& s. 











3S & 






















lib - 











' ^ 






















































Digitized by 



must be from ri, and therefore we must conclude that ri is 
also evil." This conclusion would follow were ri the source 
of ki, and were ki essentially evil, but neither position is iu 
accordance with Shushi's teaching. 

He thus explains the origin of evil : — Ri is the law of 
all the virtues, tlie essence of benevolence and righteousness. 
Wherever ki forms there ri rests in its midst. But ki exists 
in two forms, as we have seen, and from these all things are 
developed with the distinction of fine and coarse. Certain 
portions and forms of ki are perfectly recipient of ri and 
there is virtue and goodness. Other portions and forms 
of ki imperfectly receive ri and there is sin and evil.* 
Ri is not evil, for where it is in its perfection is goodness 
and virtue ; its obscuration alone is evil. Nor is ki essen- 
tially evil, though it many obscure the ri as the morning mist 
obscures the sun. Ri is changeless and it is of ri that the 
superior man writes when he calls man's nature ** good." 
Ki is changeful and it is not fitting that he should write of 
it.*' As ki ever changes ri cannot be always evenly receiv- 
ed. Evil is thus of necessity, as always in pantheistic 
systems.^ Ki exists everywhere and always in its two-fold 
form, so that In and Yo, motion and rest, the fine and the 
coarse, being associated together, there is only a question 
of preponderance.^ In the meanest man good is not 
wholly absent, and in the best man an element of evil 

a se 37 


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n%^%^ is*^«iRiiii^ isj 


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^mm. ic^^^-m-'m. a 


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remains. Only the ideal ri is perfectly good.®^ And as 
condensatiou continues the ** Way '* (ri) disappears from 
among men ; the world returns to chaos, and the process 
begins again." 

Jiusai aud Sorai charge the Tei-shu school with making 
the ** Way " nothing but speculative philosophy, and the 
contemplation of ri. This is so far true that philosophical 
knowledge is represented as essential to virtue, in agreement 
with Plato. But it is not taught that knowledge terminates 
in itself. It leads to action and its end is a virtuous life.^ 

As natura iiaturaus and uatura uaturata are both ki ; as 
ki is both matter aud force, both soul and body ; as by its 
varying degrees of condensation there may be ki within ki 
and ki visible and invisible, Shnshi's own language is not 
always clear and there is room for diflfering interpretations. 
However, the theory is fairly consistent, though, as in all the 
philosophy of the Far East, clear definition is wanting. It 
may be questioned whether Shushi was always clear as to 
his own meaning. Ei is more difficult of explanation than 
ki, for it never condenses nor changes. It is forever one and 
yet each particular thing has its own. When the difficulty 
is forced upon him Shushi takes refuge in illustration and 
says : — As the moon is one and yet is seen in every stream, 
so is the ri ; an illustration which shows how far he was 
from solving his problem. 



M - ^ ^ ^ 



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ffij 7p ^ i± # ^ K »i ^ ^ 

m 1^ m r- 

^ « * * ,€ ^5 *^ « »i «6 

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The Kogftku school is right in its criticism of the quota- 
tion of the Classics in support of the Tei-Shu ontology. 
Kyuso praises the philosophers of the So dynasty for dis- 
covering that which was not taught by the Sages, but still 
cannot resist the temptation to quote Classical authority for 
the discomfiture of his opponents. His success is perhaps 
equal to that of most men who quote ancient proof texts in 
support of modern theory.*^ 

The polemic of the Kogaku school in general furnishes 
another illustration of the ordinary method of philosophical 
controversy in the past in the Far East. The Okina Mondo, 
the Heki-ja-sho-gen and Kyuso's writings, offer further 
illustrations. On the whole they justifj' Faber's severe 
comment on Shushi's own criticism of Buddhism and 
Taoism : — ** But the polemics seldom or never enter 
thoroughly into the doctrines which are really brought for- 
ward by their opponents, but instead, they caricature them 
so that their monstrosity is easily proved. In this way 
Mencius treated Meti, and it seems as if this method is 
especially adapted to the Chinese mind."** 

The Kogaku school succeeded in shaking the faith of 
many in the Tei-Shu doctrine, but did rot substitute any 
clear and defined system in its place. As constructive 
philosophers they do not appear worthy of a place with 
Shushi and Oyomei. The jirdgment of the orthodox 
scholars upon their teaching was perhaps not wholly un- 

In conclusion it may bo noted that the Tei-Shu philo- 
sophy still retains sufficient vitality in Japan to lead Dr. 
Inoue Tetsujiro, Professor of Philosophy in the Imperial 
University, in the current number of the Transactions of the 
Philosophical Society, to devote an article to the exposure of 
the absurdities of its teaching as to Natural Philosophy. 

w Pp. 47-49 above. 

^ The Doctrines of Confucius, p. 33. 

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( 155 ) 


Dr. Inoue, Professor of Philosophy in the Imperial 
University, expressed himself as much gratified with the 
exposition of Japanese philosophy given by Mr. Haga 
and offered the following criticisms. Mr. Haga had mention- 
ed the names of most of the Japanese philosophers who 
dissented from the Tei-Shu school, but he had forgotten to 
add a very famous writer, Kaibara Yekken (Jl i^ fe ff) who 
was the contemporary of Jinsai and Sorai. Among the 
numerous books written by Yekken, there is only one which 
claims especial attention from a philosophical point of view : 
his 'Taigiroku (:fcl^$8), which means ** Great Doubt,** so 
called because he explains in the book why he doubts the 
philosophical doctrine of Tei-Shu. In one place Yekken 
says : ** i?i and ki are surely one thing, but Shushi takes 
them for two different things. I am therefore embarrassed, 
and I cannot follow him.** Yekken was without doubt a 
monist, because he thought tbat ki alone is the fundamental 
principle of the world. But he had adopted his main idea 
from a celebrated Chinese writer, Basei-an (S S^ %), in the 
Ming dynasty. 

On the other hand Mr. Haga, he thought, might 
well omit some writers, for example Shiwonoya and Yasui, 
who had done n othing in the sphere of philosophy. 

Moreover it would have been advisable to trace the 
connexion between the Japanese philosophers, whom he 
mentioned, and the fChinese philosophers from whom they 
borrowed their fundamental ideas. Most of the Japanese 

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philosophers had adopted the views of some Chinese philoso- 
pher or other. Jinsai, for example, got some of his philoso- 
phical principles from Goteikan (^ 5t ^) in the Ming- dynasty, 
who wrote a book entitled Kissai-manroku (^ ?K S SS). Sorai 
got his principal idea from Junshi. Junshi considers human 
nature as origiually bad, and Sorai adopts this view implicit- 
ly, although he does not express it openly. Junshi 
considers rei (ceremony) as highly important, and rei has 
almost the same position as moral order in his philosophy. 
The views of Sorai approach very near to this, because he 
thinks that rei (ceremony) and gaku (music) are the moral 
principles of the sages. Sorai has also adopted some views 
of the savant Yoshoan (^ ^M), In the case of Oshio it 
would also be better to show in what points he is indebted 
to the philosophy of Oyomei, and whetlier ornot any of his 
views at all were his own,* 

Dr. Inoue thought that Dr. Knox had shovm a surprising 
acquaintance with Chinese and Japanese philosophy. He 
agreed with Dr. Knox that Shushi had never believed in 
anything like a Creator in the same sense as Europeans 
generally understand the term. The philosophy of Shushi 
was on the whole materialistic. The ri of Shushi just refer- 
red to could be held, he thought, as the reality in opposition 
to ki, just as the ** thing-in-itself " of Kant, although ki is 
not the manifestation of the ri. 

As regards the periodical change of the world, Shoko- 
setsu (^ M lfS) in the Sung dynasty had maintained that the 
world must undergo a radical change in every 129,600 years 
and become chaos once more, but after the same leugth of 
time it would be set in order again, so that the world would 
change in an eternal round like day aud night. 

The Mukyoku mentioned by Dr. Knox comes first in the 
Tao-te-ldng of Laotz. In the well known letter of Eikushd- 
zan to Shushi we find that this point is well noticed. 

* Oshio Introduction, note 35, above. 

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By George Wm. Knox, D.D. 

[Read 9th March, 1892.] 

The Japauese view of tbe Chinese philosophy is well 
represented by Ohashi Jmizo and Eaibara Yekken, The 
first is a fervid upholder of the Tei-Shu orthodoxy, and the 
second a modest and moderate critic of that system. 
In the following extracts from their writings passages have 
been combined and condensed that the essential points may 
be presented compactly. 

Ohashi Junzo was born near Utsunomiya, of a family 
which had lost its position and property. His fondness for 
books attracted the attention of a merchant of Utsunomiya, 
Kikuchi of the Sanoya, who adopted him, educated him and 
gave him his daughter in marriage. Junzo studied at the 
Confucian college, the Seido, in Edo, and after completing his 
studies opened a school in the suburb called Eo-m'me mura, 
beyond Mukqjima. 

He lived in the times when the old was giving place to 
the new, and strenuously opposed the opening of Japan to 
foreign ideas and civilisation. To his earnest conservatism 
the foundations of good government, of morals and of society 
seemed to be threatened ; and yet the scholars who had been 
his teachers were among the advocates of the new policy. 

Theiftf/a-jVi-s/io-/;^ was published Jan. 26th, 1857. It 
is an impassioned attack upon the sympathizers with the West 
from the position of implicit faith in the Tei-Shu philosophy. 

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JuDzo, at one time, had been a follower of Oyomei but final- 
ly rejected that system. The Tei-Shii ontology expressed 
the absolute truth to his mind, and though all others should 
forbear he was moved to speak his message. He felt him- 
self to be a witness for truth and righteousness, and, wholly 
in the spirit of the doctrine he professed, sealed his faith 
with a martyr's suffering and death. 

Junz5 was imprisoned in February, 1862, because of his 
opposition to the marriage of the younger sister of the Emper- 
or to the Shogun (December, 1861). The attack on Ando 
Tsushima no Kami was in February, 1862, and Junzo's stu- 
dents were implicated. Junzo himself was charged with 
instigating it and was repeatedly examined by torture. He 
maintained his innocence, however, and was released from 
prison, August 2, 1862. Exhausted by his sufferings he died 
five days after his release. 

His prophecies have been in part fulfilled, even in his 
own family. His two grand-daughters, by adoption, are 
students in a prominent school in Tokyo, and with the 
physics and astronomy of the West have accepted its 

The following description of Ki, Ri and Ten is taken 
from the second velume of the Heki-ja-sho-gen. 


In the thought of the Sages nothing is before Natural Phi- 
losophy or more important. The term occurs first in the 
Book of Changes, and the subject is treated in all the Classics 
under various names. He who would know the truth of 
Heaven and man without its aid, is like a boat without a 
rudder : his labour is all in vain. After Mencius, however, 
scholars knew the mere words and outer form of the doctrine, 
and failed to grasp the underlying truth until the philosophers 
of the So dynasty, who first comprehended the Sages and 

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showed that knowledge has its root in natural philosophy, 
and action its root in reverence. Should Sages again appear 
they would not oppose this exposition. 

Ri is in the spirit and form but is not ruled by them ; on 
the contrary they are ruled by ri. This teaching is so dif- 
ficult that some great men like Bikusosan and Oyomei have 
failed to understand it and have fallen into heresy. How 
impossible is it then that ignorant and purposeless men should 
comprehend ? 

Followers of the western learning steal this illustrious 
name and call themselves natural philosophers, shamelessly 
saying that the West knows the law of the universe. They 
are rebels who exhibit a forged seal of state and gather a vile 
rabble. True disciples of Confucius and Mencius should 
raise their banner, expose the counterfeit, and destroy these 
false scholars, that they may get their just reward from the 
spirits of the former Sages dwelling in Heaven. But scholars 
do this not. They join the rabble, praise the Western learn- 
ing and pierce the Sages as with a sword. My powei-s are 
all too small, but putting modesty aside I shall explain the 
learning of the Sages, the false luxuriance of the Western 
science and the meaning of natural philosophy. 

All know that the teaching of the Sages is of the ** Way *' 
and not of wonders, so if we know not the " Way," let our 
hearts be never so honest, we shall be like an archer 
without a mark, like a traveller who knows not the road, but 
depends upon his fancies and wanders guideless and chartless 
into byways. Therefore said the scholars of the So dynasty, 
** First know, then act." But modern scholars are not 
intent on this and have no true knowledge. They glibly 
say : ** The Way is benevolence and righteousness, obedience 
and loyalty," while knowing nothing of the reality, the 
source and body of the virtues. If we ask : Since the Way 
is one, what distinguishes the virtues ? How were Heaven 
and Earth formed ? By what do all things exist ? If man's 
nature is good whence comes evil ? By whose rule are all 

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men formed alike ? Why is there commuuion with our dead 
ancestors when we worship them ? Why is all the universe 
well ordered when my one heart is at peace ? If we ask 
any fundamental question the perspiration starts at once and 
they cannot reply at all. Or if they speak it is only from 
the fancy of the moment, and within they are like a hoat 
driven by the wind or a horse with a broken halter. Though 
they read a thousand books and their eloquence flow like a 
river, they are as drunken men. First of all then, we must 
know the ** Way,'* and the first'step is natural philosophy. 
This is the method of the holy learning. 

** Way " and ** ri " differ in form as narrow and 
broad, but the reality is one. If it is not studied we learn 
only appearances and forms, but as ri is formless, voiceless, 
odorless, it can be studied only as ki is earnestly investig- 
ated. The Universe is one ki. Divided it is the In and 
Yo, Heaven, Earth, the Five Elements, and all things, sun, 
moon, hills, streams, seas, men, birds, brutes, grasses, trees, 
insects, fishes. Though these all differ yet are they from the 
one ki. Its ethereal pure part revolving above is called 
Heaven, its heavy, impure part, stationary below, is called the 
Earth. Of the Yo and lighting the day, it is called the suu, 
and of the In and lighting the night, it is called the moon. 
Endowed with the five elements and resembling Heaven and 
Earth it is called man. Flying through the air it is called 
birds, creeping upon four feet it is called beasts ; and in each 
of these various kinds are divisions innumerable. But all 
are various appearances of the one ki. Condensed it forms 
all objects of shape and dissolved it is like the air, and there 
is no space without it anywhere. As it condenses, that 
which yesterday was not has form, and when it dissolves 
that which was until now perishes, condensation and disso- 
lution being alike constant and incomprehensible. In all the 
universe rain and sunshine, bloom and decay, man's birth 
and death, the past and present of Heaven and Earth, the 
changes of sea and land are solely because of the ceaseless 

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cbauges of tbe ki alone. The ki is fiue and coarse iu kind, 
aud tbougb all kuow tbe coarse tbe fiue is not so readily 
perceived. Tbe gods, tbe soul, tbe mind, knowledge, all are 
wonderful, nudefinable aud of tbe one ki. Tbey are of its 
finer part and subject to change, birth and dissolution. 
Tbey are not changeless like tbe ri ; but careless scholars 
identify them with it and think tbe coarser part only is ki. 

Ri is not separate from ki, for then were it an empty 
abstract thing. It is joined to ki and may be called, by 
nature, one decreed, changeless norm. It is the ruler of ki, 
tbe very centre, the reason why ki is ki. So tbe ancients 
roughly called it tbe origin of things and things tbey called 
its body, as if ri were like man's heart aud ki bis body. But 
remember that is an illustration only, for man's heart is not 
ri but ki. 

Fire and water are ki ; and their burning and flowing 
too are ki. But that water being water flows and does not 
burn, and that fire being fire burns and does not flow, that 
such is tbe decreed nature of tbe two, this is of their ri. 
Burning and flowing do not constitute tbe reality of the ri 
but it is their necessity, their unchangeableness. Flower 
and leaf, unfolding and bloom, all are ki. So too is sweet- 
ness and bitterness. But that bitter shall be bitter and 
sweet shall be sweet is decided unchangeably before birth by 
tbe ri, and hence there is no confusion, and bitter is never 
sweet nor sweet bitter. So with all tbe unchanging unity iu 
variety of nature, its reason is ri. So with man : eye, ear, 
hand, foot are ki; sight, bearing, walking, talking, all are ki, 
and because of ri their order is uudeviating aud their 
functions uncoufused. Tbe heart and its knowing, its 
feeling, its passions, all are ki; but that joy goes with good 
and grief with ill, that tears fall with sorrow and laughter 
comes with happiness, that all this is determined before 
birth for wise man and for fool, is ri. With differing things 
ri has differing names yet is it ever one, decreed, unchang- 
ing and tbe same. 

Tol. xx.-lil 

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As WO said before tbat in the universe there is no space 
-without ki, so now we say ofri, for wherever there iski there 
too is ri. Ki is ever flowing, ever changing ; that ever 
flowing, ever changing it is not confused, this is ri. Were 
ki without ri, ouly confusion could result. But the vulgar 
scholars who know only ki think it is first, and that ri comes 
from it, as if boat or cart were made without a thought of 
their future use ! Not so ! The thought of the use precedes, 
and the ri remains even after boat and cart are gone. But 
were ri without ki it would be pure nothing, Hke the 
Buddhist ** knowledge." 

Should we think the ** Way " to be of ki then with the 
changing ki, with its newness and its age, the Way too will 
change and neither the Way of the ancients nor their virtues 
will be ours. In the end we shall be like the brutes. 
Fearing this the Sages set forth the " Way** on high with 
the ri first and thus unchangeable amidst all the permutations 
of the ki. If we know not ri study is all in vain and leads 
to heresy, to the worship of the Buddhas and to prayers to 
the gods. 

This is the method of our study: — First with firm 
resolve we determine the great questions ; whether Heaven 
and I are one ? May all men become sages ? Is tnith one 
from the beginning ? Why have I become a man ? Beyond 
doubt tbat having the excellence of the five elements I am 
one with Heaven and Earth, and we will swear to study 
until death that we may know. Then, that the mind may 
be clear, passions must be subdued and evil thoughts put 
away. This is the foundation for the study of natural 
philosophy. Then may we study other things and acts ; — 
why the ri are not interchanged ; why the eye hears not and 
the ear sees not, and the like. In things, in books, in acts, 
in our own feelings, from our friends, ever without idleness, 
must we study and at last we sball comprehend. Though 
in the multitude of things we can never study all, still shall 
we know beyond all doubt that amid all changes, in all 

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beings great and small, in everything is ri. He -who studies 
"without knowing it is lost in a ciiy without a map, is like a 
multitude of workmen who follow neither plan nor leader. 
All this I know by my experience, but it rests not on my 
evidence for it has tbe full support of Shushi's testimony. 

To seek ri by the analysis of things is to seek the wind 
by the analysis of a fan or ideographs by the analysis of a 
pen. And such is the learning of the West. It knows only 
ki and deals with the seen. Analysis and the microscope 
increase its minuteness but show it no ri. It can analyse 
an egg but does not know why an egg of a barnyard fowl 
when hatched by a pigeon brings forth a barnyard fowl. It 
never can learn that the egg enfolds an unchanging ri, be its 
microscope never so powerful. 

So is it with the ** Way." The West knows not the ri 
of the virtues of the beart which are in* all men unchange- 
ably the same. Nor does it know that the body is the 
organ of the virtues however careful its analysis of the body 
may be. To suppose that the various duties which arise 
from our natural relationships can thus be discovered is 

The adherents of the Western philosophy, indeed, study 
carefully tbe outward appearances, but thus bave no right to 
steal tbe honoured name of natural philosophy. As when 
ki is destroyed ri too disappears so with their analysis of ki 
they destroy ri and thus this learning brings benevolence, 
righteousness, truth and loyalty to naught. Among tbe 
Westerns who from of old have studied details minutely I 
Lave not beard of one who was zealous for the Great Way, 
for benevolence, righteousness, loyalty and truth, and who 
opposed the absurdities of tbe Lord of Heaven (God). 
Their learning of an hundred things stops with an hundred 
things, and their learning of a thousand tbings stops with 
the thousandth. They are like students who learn indus- 
triously tbe forms of ideographs, and not the meaning. How- 
ever many they may learn, not one book can they understand. 

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The doctrine of the Sages knows and worships Heaven, 
and without faith in it there is no truth. For men and 
things, the universe, are born and nourished by Heaven and 
the »* Way," the ** ri " that is in all, is the " Way," the 
** ri," of Heaven. Distinguishing root and branch, the heart 
is the root of Heaven and the appearance, the revolution of 
sun and moon, the order of the stars, is the branch. The 
books of the Sages teach us to conform to the heart of 
Heaven and deal not with its appearances. The son is not 
filial if he know not his parent's heart, be he never so well 
acquainted with the shape of his father's face, with eyes and 
hair and the body in all its details. Such is the Western 
learning of our times. It studies only appearances and 
takes Heaven for* a dead unmoving thing. It falls into 
scorn and lust. But it is drawn out long like a thread, and 
men who know not Heaven's heart are deceived and think, 
— The AVest knows Heaven. How great their error I 

The books of the Sages say much of Heaven because 
Heaven and man are of the same ri. The ignorant think 
that Heaven is Heaven and that man is man, that man and 
Heaven are distinct. Such men believe neither reason nor 
the ** Way " and with their selfish false wisdom become like 
brutes. In pity the Sages earnestly set forth the truth. 

To know Heaven we must know man's body. It comes 
from our parents and is nourished by them as all know. 
How is it that from the beginning of our existence eyes, 
nose, face, front, back, hands, feet and all the members of 
all men, past and present, east and west, are in the same 
order? It is because there is one ri in all the universe, one 
lord and ruler, the great parents of us all, called Heaven. 
Its body we know as we study man. Our bodily members 

* Consistency requires that the word ten be retained in the 
translation with ki and ri, but as its translation is not open to ques- 
tion the English word has been used. 

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perform their duties unremittiugly, tears ever fall with 
grief and laughter comes with joy, because there is a heart 
within which is the iudweUiug Heaven. Man makes it not, 
but voiceless and shapeless it causes this wonderful activity. 
So the ancients called the heart ** the lord of Heaven ** and 
its virtue, ** Heaven's clear command "; but with the body 
removed we call it Heaven at once without other name. 
To show this oneness Mencius said, ** Knowing nature we 
know Heaven.'* Would we know Heaven then we must 
know the condition of our heart's nature. As our conduct 
conforms to ri, as in moderation we act, as our hearts 
rejoice when we are righteous and are ashamed at sins, as 
we know the least right or wrong within. Sage and dunce, 
emperor and peasant, differ not at all. This is man's nature 
and this is Heaven. What man's nature hates Heaven 
hates ; and what man's nature loves. Heaven loves. What 
is loved brings blessing and what is hated brings grief. So 
have all the philosophers taught. Heaven seems far away 
and strange, yet in truth it is the living ri that errs not nor 
ever is deceived. It can be worshipped only by benevolence, 
by perfecting our hearts in obedience, loyalty and truth, 
and by the faithful government of province and empire. 
Cast away evil, cherish the good, turn from the foolish, use 
the wise ; thus only can Heaven be served. 

Astronomy observes the movements of the heavenly 
bodies and makes calendars. It has its uses, but is only of 
the appearances. As we know its use, as it too comes from 
the heart which reverences Heaven, it should not be pursued 
carelessly. The Snges made calendars to strengthen the 
state, for the farmer works according to the times of Heaven 
and if he miss the seasons his labour is in vain. Beyond this 
need the Sages felt no interest in the mere movements of the 
heavenly bodies. The later Chinese astronomers became 
famous and went into the details seemingly beyond the 
Sages. But the true purpose was forgotten, and the labour 
was all for fame and accompanied with contentious rivalry. 

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It helped the fdrmers not at all. Long ago the Chinese 
scholars pointed this out. All that the astronomers taught 
the Sages knew but spoke in brief outline, for they dwelt 
only on that which is of benefit. 

The foreigners are worse, and like the brutes. Not 
reverent of Heaven, and ignorant of the purpose of the Sages, 
they follow the custom of their land and study all the details, 
measure distances, observe the stars and make astronomy a 
toy. Not knowing the parent's heart they handle and 
criticise his body. It is valueless, and in the end they scorn 
Heaven and their sin must be severely reproved. Unaided 
by man. Heaven, voiceless and shapeless, violates no law, and 
causes sun and moon to revolve, wind to blow and rain to 
fall a thousand, ten thousand years unchanged. But the 
barbarians with their little knowledge know this not and 
think Heaven, Earth, man, things, sun and moon, all 
separate and distinct. They would study all by the shape, 
and know not the wonder of the overshadowing Heaven. 
Be it never so minute such astronomy knows Heaven not at 

Northern lights, comets and shooting stare, are ordinary 
things, au4 not the reproofs of Heaven to the Westerns, who 
will not stand in awe of them . They think Heaven a dead 
thing not connected with these portents, and thus the Way 
of the Sages and man's obedient heart are both destroyed^ 
And some of our scholars are deceived, admitting errors and 
parables in the sacred books ; are filled with doubts and 
accept the new learning. Most pitiful I Most detestable ! 

Not without reason surely did the Classics bid us fear 
the signs of Heaven. When sons are wicked, disobedient, 
dissolute, drunken, idle, gamblers, sorrow fills the parent's 
heart and his body suffers too. He thinks of suicide ; the 
sorrow grows ; and as his ki hardens the head aches, hands 
and legs tremble, boils, carbuncles and the like appear. 
This is the cause though men know it not, for as a stretched 
rope feels a pull through all its length so are parents and 

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KNOX : BI, KI AND TEN. 1 67 

children one, affected alike and with the same feelings. 
With the distinction of great and small so is it with Heaveri 
and man : body and ki aie one. When rulers are virtuelesa 
and the ruled lawless, when scholars are wicked and 
ignorant men recklessly rise in mobs ; then Heaven and 
Earth feel the wickedness of their many sons and their ki 
hardens. Then come Northern lights, comets, thunder in 
"winter, snow in summer, earthquakes and famines. He 
who cares not for the suffering of his parent is not a man ; 
and what punishment is too severe if he remain at peace 
-while they for his sake are diseased ? Thus do the Sages 
teach us to reverence our great parents Heaven and Earth 
as we gaze on them. When signs appear let us examine 
"with all care ; — Is this disease because of evil in my heart ; 
or injustice in my government ; or hatred among the people ; 
or unjust laws ? Even if we find no wrong, yet has the 
portent come because we are unfilial to Heaven, and we 
must examine and reprove self with carefulness. The 
brutes from the West know this not and them I reprove 
not. But our scholars I Not to know this I For them to 
turn the teaching of the Sages into parables I With the 
hearts of fools they imitate the hearts of philosophers, and 
their folly exceeds that of the foreigners themselves. 

Such separation of Heaven and man, of our conduct and 
its signs is wholly opposed to the Sacred Books. Heaven 
rejoices when man is virtuous and bestows wind, rain, and 
harvest in their season so that the empire is at peace and 
men live out their appointed days ; thus are Heaven and man 
one in joy and in prosperity. Nor let ns fail to know that 
calamities and portents are for our sins and crimes. To 
separate man and Heaven, to cease to fear its signs and to 
fail to know our mutual communion, what folly is this ! 
what blindness ! 

One relationship have we all to Heaven, ruler and ruled 
alike. Yet has the ruler's sin more open and terrible effect. 
In the family oldest and youngest are alike loved, yet the sin 

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of the beir is most grievous since liis fall bears dowu the 
otliers too, aud so iu the state the ruler's siu is most griev- 
ous though the sin of the common man is neither over- 
looked nor unpunished. When many of the common people 
siu the whole body is threatened and the greater punishments 
appear. Not rulers only but all aflfect Heaven and it de- 
pends upon ail. Tbe teaching of the Sages is for high and 
low alike. 

Astronomy cares for the movements of Heaven, not for 
its heart. The benefits of its study are few and the injury 
is great. When in China astronomy flourished most, the 
morals of the people were most decayed. Only the branches 
and not the root of Heaven were known and when thus men 
are ignorant of Heaven's heart evil is within. 

Consider eclipses, for example. They follow law, and 
may be calculated so that men come to fear them not. Not 
so the Sages, who reverenced Heaven. The sun is the 
essence of the great Yo and ever gives light. Whether it 
lose its light according to law or unexpectedly is it less a 
change in Heaven ? Surely the filial son does not talk and 
laugh when his parent is ill, merely because the illness is 
periodical I So when an eclipse occurs he who reverences 
Heaven beats a drum, makes his offering, fasts, stops all 
music as did the Sages in ancient days. But nowadays all 
say that eclipses are ordinary things and not to be feared ; 
aud by and by folks will cease to examine self when there is 
unseasonable thunder, great winds, floods, drought aud 
pestilence. Tbe Sages's teaching that we should examine 
self is thought folly and Heaven too is scorned. Truly it is 
cause for the deepest grief. The evil comes from measuring 
Heaven and knowing not its heart. 

Western learning knows not Heaven but only its ap- 
pearances ; it ever discusses new views. As it exteuds 
Heaven will be thought a dead thing and will be sinned 
against and scorned. The gi'eat ** Way '* of the Sages will 
come to an end. As the adherents of the Westeru learn- 

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ing noisily teach aud make books they will at last go to 
the very end and be zealous for the Mausioiis of Heaveu.^ 
Should not this be feared ? 

All that is admirable in the Western learning was 
already in the ancient books. Without imitating the West 
we can study these, compare and master them, and on this 
foundation make true progress. It is not the part of schol- 
ars to leave the root and be zealous for the branches. If 
zealous for the branches we have no cause for pride toward 
the West, nor any cause for shame if we equal not its learn- 
ing. We must separate things weighty aud light, nor 
mingle them in choice. But alas ! Many are they who 
know not the great root and are overwhelmed at the 
minuteness of the learning of the West. 

The teaching of the Sages is the original truth and given 
to men it forms both their nature and their relationships. 
With it complete naught else is needed for the perfect fol- 
lowing of the ** Way." Let then the child make its parent 
Heaven, the retainer his lord, the wife her husband, and let 
each give up life for righteousness. Thus will each serve 
Heaven. But if we exalt Heaven above parent or lord we 
shall come to think we can serve it though they be dis- 
obeyed and like wolf or tiger shall rejoice to kill them. To 
such fearful end does the Western learning lead. 

Heaven is high, exalted far above our little efforts to 
extol or belittle it, beyond our pi*aise or blame. Would we 
benefit it we cannot ; would we kill it, it is beyond oar 
reach. Only as its Way is fellowed and its laws observed 
can it be served. Let each one die for duty ; there is 
naught else that we can do. 


Kaibara Yekken was a follower of the Tei-Shu school 
but in old age came to doubt its teachings. He wrote the 
^ The Christian Heaven. 

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Tai-gi-roku but did not print it or show it to many students. 
After his death it was found and edited by Ono Michiakira 
and printed in the year 1766. The editor prefaces the book 
with an essay by Daizai Shundai. To Daizai's thorough- 
going dissent Kaibara's ** Great Doubt " was little better 
than faith. Daizai writes : — 

** Kaibara only doubted, he did not reject, and remained 
within the Tei-Shu household. He too exalted Mencius and 
so was not a true follower of Confucius. Shishi^ already de- 
parted from the teaching of the Sage and Mencius differed 
from him still more. But Mencius was so engrossed in 
teaching the (debased) men of his own time that he did not 
notice his own divergence from Confucius. Nor did the 
philosophers of the So dynasty notice it, but put his writ- 
ings by the side of the Analects. Mencius said, * the nature is 
good' for his didactic purpose, but the philosophers of the So 
dynasty thought that the phrase could be explained only by 
distinguishing the ki shitsu no sei and the hounen no sei.^ 
Confucius did not use the terms heart, nature, ri, ki. They 
were introduced by Shishi, fostered by Mencius and brought 
to full luxuriance by the philosophers of the So dynasty, 
being made in all essential points identical with Buddhism 
and Taoism. Kaibara indeed doubted Tei-Shu but he did 
not doubt Mencius, and so failed to understand his own 

'* Buddhism and Taoism are opposed ; their seeming 
agreement is only in unessential points. The Tei-Shu 
doctrine is eight or nin^ tenths Buddhism and one or two 
tenths Taoism. Kaibara supposed that he was opposing the 
remnants of these doctrines which remained in Shushi's 
works. But he was far from thorough or he would have 
rejected Shushi altogether. 

** The words of Confucius are the only standard of doc- 
trine. Even Shishi and Mencius are to be rejected ; and 

1 The Grandson of Confucius. 

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still more other teacbers ; and still more these philosophers 
of a later age. But only they who study Confucius in- 
dependently are prepared to reject them. 

** Shushi's followers place him above Confucius and read 
no other books. How then can they doubt ? I too early 
read Shushi, but doubts arose which the Book of Changes 
and the Book of Eites confirmed. I cast Shushi aside and 
then, first, Confucius shone forth like the sun when clouds 
are dispersed. In other things I cannot equal Kaibara, but 
in my rejection of these philosophers I am his superior." 


Confucius was the first to set forth the ** Way" with 
clearness. After him Mencius spread abroad the best of 
Confucius' teaching, but later on truth almost disappeared ; 
only a thread remained until the So dynasty, when many 
philosophers appeared. The brothers Tei were chief of them 
fill, and since their time Shushi has been supreme. His 
writings are the most instructive of all the books since 
Confucius and Mencius ; it is indeed a blessing to have lived 
after him that one may study his works. Tei and Shu were 
the teachers and the models of philosophers. They must be 
honoured and their teaching believed. Yet Shushi was not 
a Sage nor can his teaching be put upon a level with the 
words of the Sage. The Tei- Shu doctrine does not agree 
in every point with Confucius and Mencius. So scholars 
must examine the Tei-Shu teaching with impartiality and 
thoroughness, accepting the true and rejecting the false. 
The philosophers were not Sages, and only the teaching of 
the Sages is infallible. Shushi himself thus writes : — * With 
great doubt comes great progress ; with little doubt is little 
progress ; without doubt is no progress.' But doubt may 
be either true or false ; true doubt considers profoundly and 
rejects only when forced so to do ; false doubt is merely 
destructive, it is not to bo taken as true. 

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172 KNOX : RI, Kl AND TEN. 

The philosophers of the So dynasty teach that : — the 
limitless is the source of the great limit ; iion-beiiig is the 
source of being ; ki and ri are two and distinct ; In and Yo 
are not the ** Way" but are in the category of form ; the 
nature of Heaven and Earth must be distinguished from the 
* ki-shitsu' ; sei (nature) and ri are one. and is born not and 
dies not ; but all of these doctrines are from Buddhism and 
Taoism and are opposed to the teaching of our Sages. Then 
further, the Tei-Shu school teaches that the heart is to be 
purified by quietness, isolation, contemplation, oneness with 
the ri of Heaven : a method they have taken from the mysti- 
cism of the Zen sect and that is not in accordance with 
philosophy. And once more, * That the clear empty divinity 
(rei) is the reality of the heart, and that Heaven's ri is 
unopposed, empty, broad,' is also from Buddhism and 
Taoism. They based their teaching on the Classics and yet 
included that which the Classics taught not and so we must 
accept and reject with discrimination. They severely 
criticized Buddhism and Taoism, and how it came about that 
they yet accepted these in part I do not understand. I can 
only doubt. 

The six Classics are the words of the Sages, the truth 
of the ages, to be believed and never doubted. Among them 
all the Book of Changes is preeminent, the profound source 
of the Classics. If we believe it not what shall we believe ? 
It teaches as follows : — 

* In and Yo are the Way, the rest and motion of the 
one ki. Best is In, motion is Yo ; the endless 
revolution is thus named.' Thus the Sages put one 
character (ki) above the In and Yo, with profound meaning. 
Their teaching was sufficient, the eternal truth, the founda- 
tion of right and one character (ri) was not omitted by them. 
Why has it been added then ? The ** Way " is the move- 
ment of the In and the Yo upon right lines (jo-ri), without 
confusion. Bi is the ri of the ki, they are not to be sepa- 
rated and made two. There is neither *' before *' nor 

Digitized by 



** after/ neither separation nor meeting, for ki and ri are just 
one thing. I cannot follow Shushi as he divides them. 

The Book of Changes says again : — * In and Yo are the 
Way ;' but Shushi teaches that while the body is born and 
dies the nature (sei, i.e. ri) is born not and dies not. And 
Bitaikei in complete agreement says : — * In ki is birth and 
death, in ri is neither birth nor death.' But I cannot 
understand this position and thus suggest my dissent while 
awaiting fuller instruction. As ki collects, man's body is 
born ; as ki disperses, he dies. Nature is the Ten-ri received 
at birth and ri is the ri of the ki. These are not two. If 
the body dies the ri is destroyed. Ki is the source of the 
body and ri is the ri of the ki, so when born the ri comes to 
exist and when the body dies there is no more its ri remain- 
ing. Coolness and heat are the nature of water and fire : 
when the water disappears and the fire ceases neither cool- 
ness nor heat remains, the nature too is destroyed. 

To put ri for sei is not good exegesis of the Classics. 
They teach that the decree of Heaven, what man receives 
from Heaven, is nature (sei). In sei is the distinction of the 
ordinary and the extraordinary ; the ordinary is the good and 
the extraordinary the evil. But the latter are few and do 
not contradict the teaching that the * nature is good.' All 
men like that which is sweet and dislike that which is bitter, 
yet with one in ten thousand the reverse is true. The ex- 
ception does not destroy the rule. That we receive from 
Heaven is the ki-shitsu. The nature of water is to flow 
and to moisten, and its true nature is pure ; but its 
nature and its purity are not two, they are one. 
The ki-shitsu no sei and the Ten-chi no sei are not to 
be separated by analysis. The latter is received by the 
former, and the former by the latter. If there is no 
ki-shitsu no sei there can be no Tenchi no sei, and thus 
the two are one and must not be set forth as two. Con- 
fucius and Mencius said nothing of two sei (natures) and so 
are readily understood. Sei at its origin is ever one ; but in 

Digitized by 



its divisions and branches it is all things. At its source it 
is perfectly pure ; but as things are formed, as the ki is 
received spontaneously, there is the diflference of pure and 
impure, thick and thin, and as thus received and become 
man it is his one, decreed nature. Thus the source of Sage 
and of fool is spontaneously different. 

The opponents of the Tei-Shu school since the Ming 
dynasty have been filled v\rith pride and ambition, desirous 
of distinction and reputation. They do not know their 
own true value, as they revile Shushi as if he were 
their inferior or a heretic and not a true follower 
of the Sages. It is not true criticism when we are without 
sympathy, but merely find fault and revile, picking out 
every flaw as if that were being frank, and rudely magnify- 
ing trifles into errors. Even if right such reproof angers 
him who is reproved, and gains no hearing. That is not the 
true *^ Way " of reproof. Such has been the criticism of 
Shushi by later scholars. His teaching was based on the 
Classics and not far astray. As he was not the equal of the 
Sages so are his critics inferior to him. They do not really 
understand him. On the other hand most scholars have 
accepted Shushi, but too blindly, as if he were wholly at one 
with the Sages. Thus the right has been somewhat injured, 
and again Shushi has been somewhat misunderstood. 

The Way of the Sages is readily understood, and easily 
followed and obeyed. Hence it is throughly obeyed, and 
brings forth great virtues, and there are many who follow it. 
So Mencius compared it to the great highway and said : — ^It 
is not difficult to understand it and I grieve that men go not 
therein. But the later scholars introduced their discus- 
sions making it difficult, too high, too distant, hard to be 
understood and obeyed. In this they differed from the 
original teaching of Confucius and Mencius. 

With the Sages filial obedience, reverence, loyalty and 
truth were the foundation, and learning was secondary. 
Theu' easy method was like the highway, even the fool 

Digitized by 



might readily know and follow it. Thus is there progress 
and a gradual advance toward perfection. But the philoso- 
phers of the Sd dynasty with their ** limitless and great 
limit** put progress in knowledge as the first thing: and 
made the purification of the heart through contemplation the 
foundation of right conduct ; and set forth fine, complicated, 
literary discussions as the foundation of learning. This is 
what I mean by " too high and too distant and too difficult.*' 
This is to put that which is useless and difficult before the 
virtues. It is too profound, too minute in its analysis, and 
in the end misses the plain and chief meaning. In this 
philosophy difiers from the Way of the Sages. 

Shushi was fond of Buddhist phrases, and never 
wholly emancipated himself from the influence of the* Zen 
doctrine, which he studied thoroughly in his youth. He 
was also fond of humour and misled his readers. He was 
also too much devoted to the teaching of Shushi^ and adopted 
his teaching so implicitly that he became a partizan in some 
things, especially in the doctrine of the limitless. 

The Book of Changes teaches that the Great Limit 
begets the two activities (In and Yo). Shushi says. 
Limitless and so the Great Limit. If we say only the 
Great Limit, it is just one and we cannot derive all things 
from it.* But the Great Limit is the In and the Yo before 
their separation, the name of the one mixed ki before things 
are formed and within it is the supreme ri of all things, the 
origin of Heaven, Earth and everything. So we should put 
" being " first and not say ** non-being.** So says the Book 
of Changes but * The limitless and so the great limit * is the 
lauguage of Buddhism and Taoism. Laoze in his fortieth 

1 Shushi (Chow Tun-i) ranked only second to Chu Hi in literary 

rank. (Mayers's Manual, p. 33.) " He wrote the " Tai-kyoku-zu- 

setsu," which taught that the mu-kyoku is the source of the tai-kyoku, 

and that by contemplation we may know man's kyoku (limit). The 

brothers Tei and Shushi followed him, and taught the ki-ri-shin 
(heart) -sei (nature) doctrine." Shundai's introduction to the Tai-gi- 

Digitized by 



chapter has it : — " All things come from being: being comes 
from non-being. *' Thus " non-being ** is made source of all. 
The Sages on the contrary teach that ** being " is the source 
of all. Our doctrine separates from heresy at this line. 
If we would say the great limit, we should not use the 
negative. If the great limit merely denotes formlessness I 
even can understand that, but there is no cause for Shushi's 
fear that we cannot derive all things from this one thing. 
However, this word ** limit " should not be explained to 
mean " formless,*' as Shushi explains it in his commentary, 
thus putting ** limitless '* (mu-kyoku) for formlessness. 

The ri is the ri of the ki, the one ki working in the four 
seasons with birth, growth, maturity, decay, unconfused, of 
itself orderly and without aberration. So we take the ri as 
of the ki. Thus the original nature of water is pure and 
flowing, bjit water is not to be set over against its flowing 
and purity as if these were two things. They cannot be 
divided into two and so it is that the regularity of the In 
and Yo is the **Way " while irregularity is not the original 
nature of the ki nor its ** Way." 

The Tai-kyoku refers to the very beginning, before all 
development, when as yet the form of the In and Yo was 
not revealed. The ** great" means the very highest of all 
(dajo) and kyoku means the very furthest boundary, and 
thus Tai-kyoku is the origin of the **Way," the root of all 
things. Nothing in all the universe is higher than this. 
We cannot name it but use this term Tai-kyoku for it. As 
the one ki moves it is called Yo, the movement of the Tai- 
kyoku : as the ki rests it settles and is called In, the resting 
of the Tai-kyoku. Then again it moves and rests, and so 
with endless alternations, and motion and rest are alike of 
the one ki and not of two ki. Viewed in its origin it is 
called the Tai-kyoku, in its separation it is In and Yo, in its 
regularity, on straight lines without confusion, it is called the 
original nature, the **Way" and ri. Thus the name 
changes with that which we intend to designate, but the 

Digitized by 



reality is just one. There is no ri without ki, nor ki with- 
out ri nor does ki come from ri, for these two cannot he 
separated, heing just one. 

At times there is confusion and evil, and the usual 
order is lost by an undetermined change of movement ; but 
this is not the original nature of the In and Yo, it is like 
water which is pure by nature but now soiled by its contact 
with mud. 

We may say that ki begets all things, and that ri begets 
all things, but not that ri begets ki, for the two are one and 
neither is before the other nor source of the other. But 
Shushi teaches that ri and ki are two, and this is his usual 
expression, contradicting the saying of the Sage : — " The In 
and the Yo are the Way.** So in my error I cannot escape 
from doubt. 

Tol. XX.-19. 

Digitized by 




By T. Haga. 

[Read April 13th, 1892,] 

The reception of my ** Note on Japanese Schools of 
Philosophy," written with the object of showing how far 
Japanese philosophy has departed from that of the Teishu 
school, has made it evident that the views of Shushi need 
to be brought out more fully than was done in that paper, 
in order that the difference between them and those of 
Jinsai and Sorai may be clearly perceived. For this reason, 
and also because I am convinced that the writings of Shushi 
are as yet but imperfectly apprehended by English writers 
on the subject, I will try to put into English, as closely 
literal as seems possible to me, some of the teachings of 
this celebrated Chinese philosopher. I wish to be under- 
stood to be here attempting not to expound Shushi's meaning 
and to derive from it a consistent theory of philosophy, but 
merely to place before others for their own judgments a 
faithful rendering of some of his statements. The definite- 
ness and clearness which characterise Dr. Knox's sketch of 
Shushi' s philosophy will be found wanting in what follows, 
but not to a much greater degree than in Shushi 's own text. 


In order to throw light upon Shushi's conception of 
taikyoku, something must be written upon the place of the 

Digitized by 



Buddhist terms tai and yd in his philosophy. Although 
these terms are used almost exclusively by him in connection 
with the * way,* they yet relate to everything. 

As Shushi does not give definitions of the words tai and 
yd, it is difficult to know exactly what he meant by these 
two terms. 'Tai is literally * body,* * substance *; but as far 
as can be made out of his use of this term he seems to mean 
something like the true state of a substance, its reality. It 
is the whole state of everything, and includes the power 
which can produce yd, Tai often becomes practically 
identical in signification with substance. 

1 0, literally * use,* may perhaps be more intelligibly 
looked upon as functional activity, and includes the mani- 
festation of things. Tai without yd is passive. Tai is 
primary and higher ; yd is secondary and lower. But while 
yd is thus contrasted with tai, it is pointed out that tai has 
present in it all the powers, and that yd proceeds from it. 
Rest is tai and motion is ?/o,° but I have not come across 
the converse statement that tai is rest, yd is motion. 

I can only attempt to give some idea of them by giving 
examples of Shushi* s own use of these terms. Jin, which 
may perhaps be rendered by * perfection,* is the tai ; * under- 
standing * is one instance of its yd} The * heart ' is the 

tUI, i^XCUX IV. 

UU. UXlgUb 


nugcx 1 XI 



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m EI 

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^ i^ <- m J* 

w ^ 

•ij * 

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etc., are its tjo or activities. Sei is tai, the substance of the 

* way.' But els where we are told that in sei are present as 
tai, perfection, righteousness, propriety and equanimity, and 

* understanding.'* The feeling of pity is the manifestation 
(yd) of * perfection ;' the feeling of shame in wrongdoing is 
the manifestation {yd) of * righteousness '; the feeling of 
respect is the manifestation (yd) of propriety ; the feeling or 
sentiment of right and wrong is the manifestation [yd) of 
understanding.** The * heart * is tai ; desire is ?/o.* Tran- 
quility is the tai ; the responding to external influences is 
yd J Unyieldingness is tai and courage is its yo,^ Brightness 
is tai and the actual shining is its yo,^ Thus we see that 
tai and yo having been distinguished primarily, what is tai 
may further be resolved into tai and yd. 

The heart of man being of one substance {tai) with the 
hearts of Heaven and Earth, when the former is all righteous- 
ness the latter become freed from imperfection. Again man's 
ki becoming perfect, the M of Heaven aud Earth become so, 
and this is the extreme * use ' (yo) of one's self (tai)}^ 

OF *'Rl" AND *«KI." :k% M% 

Shushi says the ultimate basis of the universe is tai- 
kyoku and that taihyoku is ri, but utterly devoid of form and 



f- SR; ^^i&$im^ #tS 



m Bpm 

ffl*(=^« mm^ 




(LtSLl^^'t #«& 



m sp 

m^i^mi: *>f-a 



^ fS 

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fS «)c 

*l!l^^* e# 

Digitized by 



phenomena or sensible qualities." He defines taikyoJcu to 
be the real substance, tat, of that whose motion becomes yd, 
and whose rest becomes in, but there is nothing to consti- 
tute it apart from in-yo. It merely indicates the real sub- 
stance of m-yo, and does not include in-yo}^ Thus then we 
see, tailnjoku is the substance of m-yo and does not include 
it. And, as Shushi always says, taikyoku is ri. It is, 
therefore, clear that the substance of ki (in-yo) is ri. Thus, 
such statements become intelligible as that ri begets ki ;'* that 
when it is born, ri cannot always control it ; that ki exists 
only after ri has come into existence ;^* that at the begin- 
ning of the universe there was I'i alone i^*^ and that 
wherever rl exists there is ki, but ri is the original basis. 

Literally translated, mukyoku nisJdte taikyoku means 
' no ultimate (foundation, back of all things) is the great 
ultimate.' We are by no means justified in translating kyoku 
as * limit * or * finite.' Mukyoku was added, Shushi says, 
by Shurenkei to the seijin's taikyoku, in order to prevent the 
possible misapprehension that taikyoku is a perceptible 
thing.^^ Taikyolni, we are told, is ri, but is utterly beyond 

Digitized by 



any perception of man. It has no form and makes no mani- 
festation." It is more ethereal than sound and smell, which 
are still perceptible as M, although without form.^® 

The whole subject is obscured by mystical language 
both by Shurenkei and by Shushi, but this much seems 
clear. Ri is the real substance or tai of ki, and is without 
form and manifestation. The motion of ri generates yd and 
its rest generates ^^ in. By its motion its tjo becomes 
manifest, and by its rest its substance or tai is fixed or 
realised.^° (It would seem almost as if * motion* and * rest' 
were considered by Shushi as being something actually 
separable from taihyoku,) Motion and rest, succeeding 
each other continuously, produce in-yOy and by the changes 
and combinations of in-yo the five elements — water, fire, 
wood, metal, and earth — are generated.^ From in-yo and the 
^VQ elements the male and female elements are formed. And 
from them myriads of things spring up. The details concerning 
the evolution of these are mystical and not worth translating. 
There need only be mentioned that every thing is a taihjoku 
and that taikyoku, although formless, contains myriads of 
things in itself.*^ 

Taikyoku is the * way.' It is the true substance of the 
* way.' It is in perfect rest, and is quite passive.*^ There- 

;^ n^m vm m m ^ m o ^ m ^ ^ wi m ii^ ^^/f ^ m 







»U^^ ^i 4 « 



it^Di® ^mn 


^ ^^t»m 

-^-ifc*^ »i$rj 


a '^ mt 

ffij n ti ^ s i 


iS ^ f ^ 

4 :5nfc mtsLm 


Digitized by 



fore, he points out, the seijins fixed the human ultimate 
(the ultimate standard for man) by making rest and quiet- 
ness the most important ideal.^ Sei is at first perfect rest.** 
Goodness succeeds.*^ Sei is taikyoku where it is at rest- 
When it responds to external influences, it no longer is 
under consideration as the substance in its resting state, but 
is now the activity or yd. The yo is not the whole of the 

* way.' In-yo has forms and manifestations or appearances 
and must be classed in a lower category than taikyoku.^ 
It is only fitted for the yo of forms and sensible qualities^ 
and does not serve for all the * uses * or yo of taikyoku. 
It must therefore be classed in the lower category of 

* utensils ' or common instruments ; but * utensils * are also 
the * way,* and the * way* is also * utensils* (thus is seen 
the original oneness o£ in-yo and taikyoku).^ The substance 
and activity, the tai and yd, are inseparable, and are from one 
source ; the apparent and the obscure have no boundary.^ 

The above is a synopsis of Shurenkei*s Taikyokudzmetm^ 
and of Shushi's exposition of the diagram in it, and of his 
two supplementary remarks on the same subject. Where 
these are not clear, other of Shushi's writings have been 

It will be evident that this interpretation of Unkyolcu is 
opposed to Shushi's own statements, that there is nothing 

28 87 26 25 S4 

)^ S - « ^ » ^ ^J -F It *i 

^ f^ n ^ t ir^ ^ ^ ^Wf m 

^ « H4 « ^ ^^ EI W ^ 1^ 







iilf ^ 



3f ^m 





















Digitized by 



called taihjoku which can be separated from in-yo, and that 
^ailnjoku is n*, — taikijoku is At. Thus, in spite of his words 
quoted above, he says distinctly that the phrase, taiki/oku 
nishite muhjokii means that there is extreme and ultimate ri 
in non-existence (that is beyond the existence known by 
form and phenomena), and that mtihjoku means that there is 
no form, aud taihjoku that there is H, ^ etc. Hence arises 
the objection of Riku-Shozan, that Shushi makes non- 
existence the basis of the cosmos ; and hence also the 
difference between Shushi and men like Ra-Seian*^ and 
Kaibara Ekiken, according to whom everything has a dual 
existence, (that is Existence itself and the Law of existence) 
neither ri nor ki exists by itself, and the existence of 
rl as an entity without form and phenomena is inadmis- 
sible. To conceive a thing without form and without 
sensible qualities to be in the state of motion and of rest, 
was no doubt the great difficulty for these men. 

It is said that Shurenkei got his diagram from one 
Boku-Hakucho (^ f^ ft) and he from Chin-Kii (If ^ ^), both 
of whom are said to have been followers of Laotse ; although 
Shushi believed that the picture could not have been made 
by any philosopher less than Shurenkei himself, and that 
therefore such stories are unworthy of credit. *^ Again, it is 
said that Shurenkei was a pupil of a Buddhist priest, Jugai 





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{^ iK), who lived in a temple called Kakuriuji (ii^ 9i1 ft ^ ^), 
liear which a shrine of Shurenkei used to stand, perhaps 
does so still. 

It is also said that the pictures of kato (iM g9) and rahusho 
(fj 4^), which Shushi brings forward in explaining the Clas- 
sic Eki (Book of Changes), are an invention of this Chin- 
Kii. Indeed, Shushi himself says that the other four 
pictures he brings forward as the invention of the mythical 
seijiny Fukki (ik ^), were handed down to him through 
several people from this Chin-Kii. It is the almost undivid- 
ed opinion of scholars that these four pictures also owe their 
origin to the inventive genius of Chin-Kii himself. 

The ideas of tai nnd yd are said to be a borrowing from 
Buddhist writers. Even the language describing them is 
said to have been that used by Buddhists. Muhjoku nisliite 
taihjolai, no * ultimate (basis) and so the great ultimate,' is 
said to occur in a Buddhist book, Kegou-Hokaikwan (^ SS 
^ ^^M.)' The two phrases, tai-yo idivjen (^ ffl '^ M), 
* substance and activity are from one source,' and yemhi 
imujen (^ ^ S Pn^), * the apparent and the obscure have no 
boundary,' are said to occur in a Buddhist book, Kegon-So 
(W Sc ^). Certainly Shushi's language^'* is often very much 
like that of Buddhist writings.^ Making rest and quietness 
the ultimate goal of man and the mode by which this end is 
achieved, namely by entirely getting rid of desires, must at 
once bring to mind the perfect rest of Nirvana. It is possi- 
ble that Shurenkei, the author of the diagram, meant more 
nearly what is conveyed by the literal translation of tai- 
hyoku nishite mukyokUy which is very much like Laotse's 
idea of existence being non-existence. The whole language 

Digitized by 



of Shurenkei's text and Shushi's interpretation is mysticftU 
Shushi goes into an explanation of the concentric semicircles 
found in Shurenkei's text, and of the direction of the curved 
lines joining the circles representing the five elements, but it 
is difficult to say how far such explanations were meant to 
be taken as any part of rational philosophy. 


Ki is not essentially evil. When it is first produced it is 
quite free from defect. But ni and yo eutaugling with each 
ether, attracting and repelling each other, coming and going 
to and fro, rising up and falling down, ever since the begin- 
ning of the world, there is naturally produced flat and plain 
spots, and rugged and inclined spots, the good and bad por- 
tions of Id,^* The difierent portions of ki are bright and 
dark, clear and turbid, pure and impure, free and obstructed, 
strong and weak, fine and coarse (in quality), good and bad, 
clever and foolish, thick and thin, deep and shallow, direct 
and oblique, resisting and yielding, quick and slow, etc* 
The inferior portions of hi, that is, portions which are either 
dark, turbid, impure, obstructed, weak, coarse, bad, thin, 
shallow, oblique, yielding, do not come under the control of 
li. On the contrary, these inferior portions of Jd restrain 

± »] :^ @ ^ '^, -t m SB, ^ r- m m t^ ^ 

^ ^ m m ^ ^m^^^^^mn 

« .€ ^ «• ^ f^mmm^i^^^^ 

^ a -K ^1 m ffi & ^ a » i§ jR ^ 3R 

fr^f<^fi. ^ m ^ ^ ^ m m »^ 

*s:bi.^ m. ^ ^ ^ »]**#? 

iJk « »i «§ ^ m m ^ » ^ ti ^ 

Digitized by 



tbe sei and render it bad and burtfal.^ Ki is tbe active* 
agent ; and 7*i\ wbicb resides in it, becomes completely 
dependent on it. Desires, wbicb prove so powerful in 
interfering witb sei, are also from ki. Evil does not arise^ 
from ki not receiving n, or from tbe absence of n, bnt from 
9*^ becoming subjugated by tbe bad portions of A*t. Altbough 
Jd alone and not united to sei does not constitute tbe active 
man, it bas yet tbe power to make even sei bad and burtful. 
Evidently, tberefore, evil is originally from ki, according to- 

Tbe Eogaku scbool's objection to Sbusbi rests on tbis> 
point. Tbey argue tbat since n and ki are ever togetber, and 
since every property and every motion of ki bas a reason 
(n), tbere must be some kind of reason (j-i) wby ki is some- 
times so bad, and wby it sbould exert ibis interfering or 
restraining force upon sei (ri) . 

Now tbe way to restore the original state of sei is 
evidently by conquering one's selfisb desires and modifying* 
one's kishitsii.^ Only when tbe kishitsu bas been completely 
reformed, — so tbat no defect remains in it and all selfish 
desires have been completely rooted out of it, and thus the 
whole body has become completely under the control of ri 
and in unison witb it, — then only is a man perfect. So 
great is the use of conquering desires, that should a man* 



Sit :p ^ tE ^ ^ «l « ^ a ^ 51 

Ji •& ■? 5r 3S 

If « l§ 


:^ ET Jd^ * 


«• fit ;!^ ^ 

i= » a 

:«• 58 5t ^ ^ T> -ia * 

^ & ^ m 

JP »1 El 


14 «& ^ M 

'^ ?A g 

^ S S K « f^ *» 4^ 

K m m m 

W Sc a 

JS T> * <b R; * rK 7J 

& m =^ ^ 

n ^ % 

r- m^ ^ ^ mm 

^ ffi tt la 


m m m ^ m i« <r> 

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^ f A 

3^ 4: * iS ^ 4). & 

* §1 ifc m 

m ^ 

^ ») J« Ei W fi»r tt 

^ p * f- 

Digitized by 



attain to tLis state of perfection be would convert the 
■woild.^^ Altbongb tbe Teisbu scbool encourage tbe study 
of ri in all tbiugs as tbe means of understanding n*, tbia 
study of tbings is to be done only by contemplation 
and can end only in contemplation. It is taugbt that if a 
man pe'-sistently endeavour to understand ru tbere will 
come a time when tbe reason of everything will be cleai.^ 
And further, that man's planning and scheming are injurious 
to. the attainment of good. As all study about then of tbings 
is vain when one's heart is ruled by desires, the first object 
must be the getting rid of desires. Such a doctrine is very 
nearly identical with tbe teachings of Buddhism, whose 
characteristic way to freedom from doubt and heresy lies 
through freedom from impurity and from evil longings of all 


As my statement that hishitsu no sei, although affected 
by My is originally only from ri, and that its distinctness 
from lionnen no sei cannot be maintained in detailed apphca- 
tion, may present difficulty to some, I will give here a few 
words in explanation. KuJiitsu no sei being used for man's 
actual present nature, it should logically be a combination of 
Jd and ri, yet Shushi maintains that it is from ri, and still 
remains as such. He says kiMtsti no sei is tencJii no sei 
(honnen no sei), and that if it is not from tencJd no sei then it 
loses all foundation.^® He teaches that sei, though affected 

89 88 87 

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haga: something more about shushi's philosophy. 189 

and modified by ki^ still remnius as sei, and does not form a 
combiutition, or a third existence, in which both ki and ri 
would be originally present. He teaches that the modifying 
effect of ki is not so deep-going as essentially to modify the 
sd, or that ki does not enter into the constitution of kishitsu 
no set, iSa remains as sei^ and A^* remains as /a;*° hence 
the name of kishitsu no sex. The modifying action of Id is a 
force applied externally. Its effect is only on the surface. 
Thus, Shnshi illustrates the state of existence of sei in 
kishitsu by glowing charcoal imbedded in ash, the dulling of 
a mirror on the surface, the bright sun veiled in mist, a 
brilliant jewel in turbid water, etc. Kishitsu no sei is sei (I'i) 
existing within kishitsu (ki). Honnen no sei is the real, 
transcendent, formless state of sei, 

Shushi's kishitsu, no sei is something like an Englishman 
settled among Japanese : he must become modified or 
affected in thought and manners by Japanese surroundings 
(for as Shushi says. Id is strong, n is weak) ; but he does 
not therefore become a combination of English and Japanese : 
his blood is free from mixture. Take away the inflaence of 
Japanese associations and he will be again the pure English- 
man. The union of sei and kishitsu is something like 
marriage between the two. It is not the becoming one 
individual. Hence the objections of men like Eaibara Ekiken 
to Shushi's division of sei into the two classes ; for these 
men see the difficulty in deteimining where honnen no sei 
itself exists, since it becomes kishitsu no sei so soon as it 
exists in At." 

When we come to the application of this division of sei, 
Shushi says " sei is originally good but is made impure by 

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.190 haoa: something more about shushi*s philosophy. 

M. This is like water made turbid by mud, which mast 
still be called water." Because the Teishu school maiutain 
that sei, when influenced and modified by kishitsu, still 
remains sei, and do not recognise that kishitsu no sei is a 
combination of n and ki, therefore they are forced to make 
such strange statements as that ^ sei is /rtV *ki is set,' and 
Evil must also be seL'*^ 


Although Shushi says repeatedly that Heaven is but n, 
yet he makes statements that cannot be understood without 
some kind of Supreme Being existing. For instance, though 
Heaven does not see and hear directly, it is said to see and 
hear through men's hearts.^ Again when a king is veiy 
tyrannical to his people, Heaven decides whether he should 
remain as king or not. So long as it is Heaven's order that 
he shall remain as king, the people must respect and obey 
.him, but on the day when this order is reversed the tyrant 
king loses all claim to be longer a king. A righteous sub- 
ject has now right to dethrone him and to become king him- 
self in his stead, provided the whole nation be rejoiced at 
this change. Whether Heaven approves or not of such a 
change is known through people's hearts.** When people 
are rejoiced at the fall of the old king and the election of the 

'^ ^ M 'S- H ti ^ ft ;± mBWim^± ^SE,^ 

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new, Heaven*s mind is satisfied at the ckauge. Heaven here 
and elswbere, is made to Lave both heart and mind. It is 
the heart of Heaven and Earth that everything should grow 
up and multiply.^ Shushi said indeed that there is no 
personal God who literally appoints, protects, etc., as written 
in the Classics. But elsewhere he asserts that to say there 
is no Lord (± ^) in Heaven is wrong ;*" and in spite of his 
•explaining away the words in the Classics as being metaphors, 
he himself takes special care to use such phrases as that 
* Heaven let the human race down (on earth); Heaven ap- 
pointed the seijins to govern and teach the people how to 
recover the original state of their set, etc ;*' Heaven gives, 
man receives ; and so forth, when it would have been very 
«asy to avoid such phrases and use others not liable to 
mislead. He says the word * Heaven ' in the Classics means 
sometimes the blue heaven, sometimes the Lord, and some- 
times simply ri,^ and it is therefore clear that it to him 
does not always mean rL But it would appear from his writ- 
ings that there are also these three meanings for Heaven in 
Shushi's own use of the word. All this seems to show that 
he had a vague idea of something presiding over the world, (in 
his language, shiisai * Lord *), who is a kind of First Cause, 
and prior to taikyoku. There is a possibility that Shushi 


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used such lauguage in order not to raise the prejudice of the 
popular belief. But this supposition is difficult to accept^ 
because Buddhism, which does not recognise any true Crea- 
tor, was accepted by the multitude iu Shushi's time. The 
only likely explanation is that he was trying to reconcile his 
teachings with the writings of the Classics, whose language 
evidently assumed the existence of a Supreme Being. No 
doubt ho made every effort to smooth away the differences 
between the Classics and his own teachings. 

The world is destroyed periodically after a certain great 
number of years, when men become hopelessly wicked, and 
then a new world begins again ; but Shushi is not clear 
whether each world begins spontaneously, or whether worlds^ 
succeed each other, the first having been started by some 
Cause. In this matter the Teishu school strongly resemble 
the Buddhists, who teach that the world is periodically 
destroyed by water, fire, or wind, and a new world begin? 
again. Yet it is not strictly a new world, for the beings in 
the new world are a kind of continuation of those who lived 
in the preceding world. 

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....♦ > 

APR 10 1893 

( 198 ) 


By J. M. Dixon, M. A., F, R. S. E. 

[Read, Feb. 10, 1892] . 

There are few couutries npon which nature has lavished 
BO mach beauty as Japan, and her inhabitants have not 
shown themselves heedless of their privileges. In the 
domain of art the beauties of nature liave been reproduced 
by Japanese artists in a way that has delighted the world, 
and effected a revolution in Western ideas of what constitutes 
beauty in ornament. In the domain of literature the Japan* 
ese have shown less power and originality. If the inhabi- 
tants of Europe have been fettered by conventionality in 
expression, this has been still more the case in Japan. It 
may be said with truth that except in a small department of 
composition, having an affinity with our sonnet,^ they have 
furnished nothing new or fresh in the realm of literature. 
But still we should expect to find a certain amount of truth- 
ful utterance respecting the aspects of nature, such as we 
find in English poetry since the time of Cowper. BeforeCow- 
per*s time classical and Hebraic influences had been too strong 
in Europe for the growth of what we might call in a restricted 
sense '* natural religion.'* A recluse in European countries, 

1 * The beautiful rhymeless short ode of Japanese poetry, for the 
knowledge of which we are indebted to Mr. Chamberlain.' — Theodore 
"Watts on the Sonnet in Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed. 

Vol. xx.->13. 

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194 DIXON : ghOmei and wordsworth. 

till Bousseau took up his abode on St. Peter*s isle in the Lake 
of Brienne, was always a religious devotee, a man of intro- 
spective habits who retired from the world to make up his 
account with his Maker. This habit of theological intro- 
spection, it is true, is absent in our Elizabethan poets, but 
then classical traditions were all powerful in their interpreta- 
tion of nature. Shakespeare's world is not simple outside 
nature as he saw it, but a world semi -Italian in its ideas and 
vocabulary. The prettiest song which he wrote is the 
sevenade in CymbeUne ; and it opens with a classical conceit: — 
Hark ! hark the lark at heaven's gate sings, 
And Phoebus 'gins arise 
His steeds to water at those springs 
On chaliced flowers that hes ; 
And winking Mary-buds begin 
To ope their wondering eyes : 
With everything that pretty is, my lady sweet, arise ; 
Arise, arise I 
It was Wordsworth's mission in English poetry to 
remove this foreign element of nature interpretation, and 
with a mind wholly receptive to study nature at first-hand 
and record the impressions which his mind received. He 
wished as much as possible to be a child again, and with 
this view he ran a tilt against theological dogmas hke that of 
Original Sin which seemed to him to cast a slur upon nature. 
He thus ignored in his treatment of the world the problems 
qf sin and atonement, and brought himself in touch with all 
such as, in any land and conforming to any religion, sought 
to enjoy the works of the great Creator. When, therefore, we 
find a Japanese literary character of the 12th century re- 
tiring to the hills and seeking to find communion with the 
monntains, the streams, with animate and inanimate life, we 
at once think of contrasting him with our high-priest of 
nature. This is why I have linked together Chomei and the 
bard of Eydal Mount* Both were recluses ; both were devout 
admirers of nature, and receptive in their attitude towards 

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her. Ohomei, the sou ot a priest iu the province of Yama- 
shiro, was born iu the middle of the 12th century. Disap- 
pointed in his hopes of worldly promotion, he sought 
retirement in the sequestered village of Ohara. Afterwards 
he became for a time the guest of Sauetomo at Kamakura, 
but again withdraw from the world, passing the remainder of 
his life in the province of Etchu. He is highly esteemed as 
a poet, and many of his pieces are popular. The passage 
offered in translation gives a very fair example of his 
philosophy and style. Though a good Buddhist, he does 
not seem to have been in any way a devotee, but rather to 
have mildly conformed with the requirements of that religion, 
whose tenets were no doubt congenial to him. In one 
passage of the extract occurs a reference to sin, the ap- 
pearance of snow suggesting to him sins which accumulate 
and then vanish away. To Christians the reference at once 
recalls the passage in Isaiah in which the promise is made 
that *' sins which are as scarlet shall be made white 
as snow." But there seems little beyond a surface connec- 
tion between the two statements. According to the Buddhist 
creed, sins are washed away by devotion, by prayer, and by 
good deeds. Chomei confesses that he was lax in attending 
to the rites of his religion ; certainly Wordsworth was the 
reverse of punctilious in these matters. Both of them seem 
to have found their chief delight in studying the varying 
aspects of nature. But Wordsworth's attitude towards 
society was infinitely more sympathetic and kindly, while in 
the background of his solitary walks and musings among the 
hills were an affectionate household and the realization of all 
that is most delightful iu home life. No doubt he was out 
of touch with town life, and disliked the din and rush of the 
city, but he was not indifferent to the sufferings and struggles 
of humanity and would have rejected the callous indifference 
of Chomei as animalistic. Many of Chomei's moral musings, 
indeed, remind us strongly of the sentimentalism of a mock- 
antiqne balled like Edwin and Angelina : — 

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Alas ! the joys that fortune brings 

Are trifling and decay, 
And those who prize the paltry things 

More trifling still than they : 
And what is friendship but a name, 

A charm that lulls to sleep — 
A shade that follows wealth or fame, 

But leaves the wretch to weep. 

The sentimentalism in each case is shallow and unsatis- 
factory, the misanthropy is a temporary phase of mind, the 
result of pique. ** Life," says Chomei ; ** is empty as the 
cast-off shell of a cicada." Here he speaks not as a philoso- 
pher but as a disappointed man of the world. His blood 
does not grow richer and warmer by his secluded life among 
the hills ; it seems to grow thinner and colder, and his whole 
being looks forward to the happiness of a mere passivity. 
It is not the gladness that accompanied the development of 
Wordsworth's life, spent also avowedly in conformity with 
nature, and with a desire to prove as receptive as possible 
to its influences. On his sixty-third birthday Wordsworth 
writes in a different strain from Chomei, very at nearly the 
same age : 

Teach me with quick-eared spirit to rejoice 
In admonitions of Thy softest voice ! 
Whatever the paths these mortal feet may trace 
Breathe through my soul the blessing of Thy grace. 
Glad, through a perfect love, a faith sincere 
Drawn from the wisdom that begins with fear, 
Glad to expand. 

This last phrase seems to sum up the whole divergence. 
Wordsworth's life among the hills was a life of yearly expan- 
sion : Chomei's was confessedly spent in a contraction that 
was finally to end in absorption in the Infinite. Self was 
to the latter a ** floating cloud," a ** drop of dew,*' soon to 
melt in the infinite and be heard of no more. The ideal of 

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his solitary life was trauquillity, the absence of worry, offence, 
and anxiety. He refrains from all attempts to proselytize, or 
preach to others. ** These remarks of mine," says he, com- 
mentiug upon the satisfaction he finds in living so simple a 
life, ** these remarks are not intended as a sermon addressed 
to the well-to-do." Here comes in the national iudifferentism 
which so often strikes the Western mind as strange, and which, 
though pleasing at first because of its inoffensiveness, is in the 
end irritating from its complete lack of moral glow and 
strength and warmth. We are reminded of the old question 
of Cain ; ** Am I my brother's keeper ?*' It is the sBsthetic as 
distinguished from the religious frame of mind. Now, 
Wordsworth is not an iudifferentist, but has always a didactic 
aim more or less in view. At the close of the Prelude 
addresing Coleridge, he writes : — • 

Prophets of ntiture, we to them (the nations) will 

A lasting inspiration, sanctified 
By reason, blest by faith : what we have loved, 
Others will love and we will teach them how ; 
Instruct them how the mind of man becomes 
A thousand times more beautiful than the Earth 
On which he dwells. 

No indifiereutism is to be found in an utterance like 
this. Again, in Chomei's attitude to flowers and trees, we 
find an affinity to the ways of the modern aesthete, pleased 
with the hue or curve of a bough or blossom. ** On my way 
Lome from the moor of Amazu," he remarks, ** I am fre- 
quently rewarded by finding a choice bough of cherry or 
maple or a cluster of fruit, which I offer to Buddha or reserve 
for my own use.'* Was Cain's offering of a similar gift to 
Jehovah rejected purely because of the mental attitude of the 
giver, or because of the nature of the gift ? Is there any 
underlying moral in the Bible story ? Can culled flowers 
and fruits be made to speak the language of moral truth ? 

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Or is their mission iu ibis respect limited to the department 
of sestheticism ? It is certain that Wordsworth had a 
repugnance to the plucking of flowers and twigs, as if it were- 
a kind of sacrilege : — 

Then up I rose 
And dragged to earth both branch and bough, with 

And merciless ravage : and the shady nook 
Of hazels, and the green and mossy bower. 
Deformed and sullied, patiently gave up 
Their quiet being. 

The remembrance struck him afterwards with pain, and 
he proceeds to advise his daughter to leave such scenes iu 
peace : — 

Then, dearest Maiden, move along these shades 
In gentleness of heart ; with gentle hand 
Touch — for there is a spirit iu the woods. 

The beauty of a creature is, so to speak, its own, and is 
independent of locality, while the beauty of the vegetable 
world belongs to the creative spirit of the Universe. Here 
comes in the Pantheism of Wordsworth, a Pantheism strictly 
conservative of the individual as a free agent, and dealing 
directly with the world of things. It was a protest against 
an irreverent attitude towards mountains, groves, and brooks, 
all of which silently interpret the mind of their Creator, if 
we will but read the lesson : — 

One impulse from a vernal wood 

Will teach us more of man, 
Of moral evil and of good, 
Thau all the sages can. 

It will be found that, when Wordsworth uses the objects 
of the vegetable or inanimate creation for a poetical purpose, 
they are never dissevered from their surroundings. It is the 
** primrose by tlie nver's brim'' ; ** the meanest flower that 
bioivs "• 

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A host of goldeu daffodils, 

Beside the lake, beueath the trees, 

Fluttering and dancing in the breeze. 

Or, when he talks of the modest Celandine : — 

Thou dost show thy pleasant face 

On the moor, and in the wood, 

In the lane — there's not a place. 

Howsoever mean it be 
But 'tis good enough for thee. 
The west, both to ChOmei and to Wordsworth, was & 
quarter from which came comfort in meditation. The valley 
in which the Japanese sage lived opened out, he remarks, to 
the west, the home of the happy, whence comfort came to 
him in his meditations. To Chomei it was a mild influence, 
significant of complete rest hereafter, when his soul would 
be lost in the infinite ; while Wordsworth refers to it as a 
goal, whither he is travelling and where possibly will be 
granted a larger and a fuller life : — 

Stepping westward seemed to be 

A kind of heavenly destiny ; 

I liked the greeting ; 'twas a sound 

Of something without place or bound ; 

And seemed to give me spiritual right 

To travel through that region bright. 

The voice was soft, and she who spake 

Was walking by her native lake : 

The salutation had to me 

The very sound of courtesy : 

Its power was felt ; and while my eye 

Was fixed upon the glowing Sky, 

The echo of the voice enwrought 

A human sweetness with the thought 

Of travelling through the world that lay 

Before me in my endless way. 

It will be observed in the extract that ChOmei refers 

to the cuckoo as having a mournful note. In this concep- 

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tion of the bird he follows the Chinese tradition, for in 
Chinese poetry it is always spoken of as having a sad and 
mournful cry. There is a transmigration story in Chinese 
literature, which makes the Emperor Bo of Shoku turn into 
a cuckoo after death, whence its Chinese name of Bo-tei. 
According to another tradition it tears its mouth in crying 
and blood issues forth, whence a second name given to the 
birk, Tei'ketsu or " Wailing- at- blood.*' Japanese writers 
have not clung to this foreign conception of the cuckoo, but, 
on the contrary, are loud in siugiug its praises as a herald 
of joy. In one of his poems Chomei himself speaks of 
it as a pleasant visitant, much in the mauner of Michael 
Bruce (or John Logan ?) — ** I was struck dumb with pleasure 
for a few minutes after hearing the cuckoo's note, sounding 
for the first time in the year." 

The bird is also credited with cherishing deep love for 
its mate, and the fact that it does not hatch its young is 
frequently commented upon. In Japanese poetry we find it 
usually associated with the moon, the Tachibana or orange 
shrub, with rain, with clouds, and with the Uyonohana 
{Dendzia Scrahra), Several of the valleys in the neighbour- 
hood of Kyoto, where the bird is rare, were noted for its 
song, and thither parties used to go when spring-time 
returned to enjoy the luxury of hearing its notes. 

In Mr. Chamberlain's delightful volume, Japanese 
Classical Poetry ^ two lyrics culled from the Mamjefusliifu 
(Manyoshu) will be found, which address the cuckoo in the 
most friendly terms : — 

Though through the livelong day 

Soundeth thy roundelay. 

Never its accents may 

Pall on my ear : 

Come, take a bribe of me ! 

Ne'er to far regions flee : 

Dwell on mine orange tree, 

Cuckoo so dear ! (p. 96.) 

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DIXON : ch6mei and wordsworth. 201 

The above is anonymous. A few pages further on 
occurs the second lyric, witten by Hironoha, and bearing 
the date, A. D. 750 : 

Near to the valley stands my humble cot, 
The village nestles 'neath the cooling shade 
Of lofty timber ; but the silent glade 

Not yet re-echoes with the cuckoo's note. 

The morning hour e'er finds me, sweetest bird 1 
Before my gate ; and, when the day doth pale, 
I cast a wistful glance adown the vale ; 

But e'en one note, alas ! not yet is heard, 

■(p. 113.) 

Still again, among the Short Stanzas^ (p. 119) in a 
piece attributed to Hitomaro, the cuckoo is associated with 
the wisteria as representative of early summer : — 

In blossoms the wisteria-tree to-day 
Breaks forth, that sweep the wavelets of my lake : 
When will the mountain cuckoo come and make 
The garden vocal with his first sweet lay ? 

This is far from the Chinese mythological and classical- 
Japanese notion, which makes thebird a herald of death and 
dissolution, whose note summons a soul to begin the ascent 
of the mountain of death. The same struggle is noticeable 
in English poetry between an un pleasing foreign and a 
pleasant indigenous conception of the cuckoo. Readers of 
Horace will remember the passage in the first Book of his 
Satires (VII, 81), where, in a street encounter, a passer by 
calls a rustic, cucidiim that is, ** lazy lubber,'' by way of 
contempt ^ : — 

Magna compellaus voce cuculum. 
In Drayton we discover this South-European conception, which 
had come to him through Italian literature : — 

** No nation names the cuckoo but in scorn," 

2 Compare the modern Scotch gowk=' stupid fellow.' 

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It was regarded as a type of selfish uess aud of unwarranted 
intrusion into domestic privacy and harmony. The coarse 
allusions to the cuckoo as an adulterous bird, so common in 
Elizabethan poetry, die out in the XVIIIth century. The 
term " cuckold," used contemptuously for weakling, lingered 
on, aud is perhaps last to be met with in Burns's drinking 
song, Willie Brewed a Peck o' Maut, A recent editor of a 
book of college songs has been censured for reproducing the 
term : — 

Wha first shall rise to gang awa. 
A cuckold, coward loon is he ! 

Milton in his first sonnet names it 'rude bird of hate ' — he calls 
upon the nightingale to sing : — 

Now timely sing, ere the rude bird of hate 
Foretell my hapless doom in some grove nigh. 

In another sonnet he classes it contemptuously with asses, 
apes, and dogs, animals which have a harsh and unpleasiug 
cry :-— 

When straight a barbarous noise environs me 
Of owls and cuckoos, asses, apes, and dogs. 

John Bunyan likewise treats the cuckoo very disparagingly,. 

blaming it because it is neither the first to welcome our 

spring, nor bring us its first tokens. He calls it a ** yawling- 

bawling cuckoo ": — 

* And since, while here, she only makes a noise 
So pleasing unto none as girls and boys. 
The Formalist we may compare her to. 
For he doth suck our eggs and sing ** Cuckoo"! 

It must be remembered that the earlier English con*^ 
ception of the bird, like our later and present attitude to- 
wards it, is altogether difterent, being thoroughly friendly. 
The first English song set to musical notes addresses the 
cuckoo as a cheerful bird, the messenger of spring : 

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DIXON: ch6mei and wordsworth. 20S 

Summer is y-comen in, 

Loud sing, cuckoo : 

Growetb seed 
And bloometh mead 
And spring 'th the wood now : 

Sing, cuckoo. 

Merry sing, cuckoo ! 
Cuckoo, cuckoo ! 
Well sing thou, cuckoo ! 
Nor cease thou never now. 
The poets of the XVUIth century reverted to this 
earlier attitude : — 

Sweet bird, thy bower is over green. 

Thy sky is ever clear, 
Thou hast no sorrow in thy song. 
No winter in thy year ! 
This freshest and brightest of XVIIIth century lyrics, 
originally published by Logan in 1770, is now generally as- 
cribed to his friend Michael Bruce. This lyric is a landmark 
in English poetry, the bugle-note of a new era. Its influence 
on Wordsworth was undoubted. That a poet should dare to 
adress seriously so commonplace a thing as a cuckoo, 
Scottice ** gowk," otherwise ** fool,*' was a new thing in 
polite literature. Here we establish a community with the 
nature lovers of old Japan, who made excursions to the 
green valleys of Yamato that they might listen to the 
cuckoo's voice. It is a noticeable fact that Miss Words- 
worth, in her Ufe of her relative, brings in his attitude 
towards the cuckoo as illustrative of his treatment of 
nature. While Tennyson, speaking of the bird, uses the 
language of mere sensation : — 

The cuckoo told his name to all the hills, 
Wordsworth speaks in the language of ideas, 
cuckoo, shall I call thee bird. 
Or but a wandering voice ? 

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204 DIXON : ch6mei and wordswobth. 

Our present attitude toward the bird may be summed 
up in the lines of a recent contributor to the London 
Spectator ; and it will be seen how closely this attitude 
approaches that of the Japanese, as unaffected by Chinesa 
influences : — 

Forbid the solace of home to know, 

Or dutiful ministry's crowning grace, — 
Some twist primeval has hardened so 
In the long career of a vagrant race ; 

Though he build no timely nest, 

Or semblance of a nest. 

In the way admired and best, 
His lay enchains the ear 
With an elfin power to cheer, — 

Cuckoo ! cuckoo 1 cuckoo ! cuckoo ! 

J^ote, — The Japanese cuckoo, of which there are four variet- 
res, is migratory like the European bird. These 
sub -orders are : — 

CucuLus CANORus, L. (CommoD Cuckoo) — Kakko, Omu- 
shikui ; Cuculus intermedius, Vahl. (Himalayan 
Cuckoo) --Tsutsudori, Poupondori; Cuculus polioceph- 
ALUS, Lath. (Little Cuckoo) — Hototogisu, Tokiwa- 
dori, Imosedori ; Cuculus hyper ythrus. Old. (A moor 
Cuckoo) — (wintering in China and the Philippines) 
Jyu-ichi, Jihishiucho. Of these the third variety is 
undoubtedly the poets' favourite. It is velieved to 
deposit its eggs in the nest of the Uguisu (Cettia 
«autau8) or Japanese nightingale. The Common Cuc- 
koo makes use of the nest of the Japanese Bunting 
(Hojiro). Our English cuckoo lays its eggs in the nest 
of the wagtail, which makes an affectionate fostei'- 
mother ; and also in the hedge-sparrow's nest. Tbe 
words of the Fool in Lear will be remembered : — 
The hedge-sparrow fed the cuckoo so long 
That it had its head bit off by its young. 

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( 205 ) 


By J. M. Dixon. 

[Bead Fehruarij 10, 1892.] 

Note. — ^For the original draft of this translation, as well as for much 
valuable assistance in the explanation of details in the translation 
and in the introduction, I must acknowledge my great indebt- 
edness to Mr. K. Natsume, a student of English Literature in 
the Imperial University. 

The water incessantly changes as the stream glides 
calmly on ; the spray that hangs over a cataract appears for 
a moment only to vanish away. Such is the fate of man- 
kind on this earth and of the houses in which they dwell. 
If we gaze at a mighty town we behold a succession of 
walls, surmounted by tiled roofs which vie with one an- 
other in loftiness. These have been from generation to 
generation the abodes of the rich and of the poor, and 

1 The Japanese title is Hojo-ki. The term Hojo literally signi- 
fies ten-feet-square and occurs first in a Buddhist work, the Uima- 
Hyo, where Uima is said to have collected a vast audience in a room 
which was only a hojo. The term came to be used for a priest's hut, 
then, as is so common in Japanese phraseology, for the priiest him- 
self. The term is frequently met with in the literature of the Toku- 
gawa times as npplying to the old rector or keeper of a Buddhist 

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yet none resist the destructive influence of time. Some are 
allowed to fall into decay ; others are replaced by new 
structures. Their fate is shared by their inmates. If, after 
the lapse of a long period, we return to a familiar locality, 
we scarcely recognize one in ten of the faces we were 
accustomed to meet long ago. In the morning we behold 
the light, and next evening we depart for our long home. 
Our destiny resembles the foam on the water. Whence came 
we and whither are we tending? What things vex us, what 
things delight us, in this world of unreality ? It is im- 
possible, truly, to say. A house and its occupant, changing 
perpetually, may well be compared to a morning-glory 
flecked with dew. Sometimes it happens that the dew 
evaporates and leaves the flower to die in the first glare of 
day ; sometimes the dew survives the flower, but only for 
a few hours ; before sunset the dew also has disappeared. 

During my two-score years of existence I have been 
fortunate enough to witness several notable spectacles. On 
the 28th day of April in the third year of Angen (1177), 
during a night of wind and storm, a fire broke out at eight 
o'clock in the eveuing in the south-eastern part of the 
capital,^ and spread rapidly in a north-western direction. 
One portion of the palace buildings, with the Official CoUege 
and the Home office, were before morning reduced to ashes. 
The conflagration was supposed to have had its rise in a 
temporary structure used as a hospital, and to have spread 
from this quarter northwards in the form of an open fan. 
Cloaking the distant houses in smoke, it licked the inter- 
vening ground with greedy tongues of flame. The sparks, 
dispersed aloft, and of dazzling brightness, illumined the 
sky for miles around. Amidst this rnddy chaos, the flames 
might be seen, urged on by the wind, leaping over whole 
blocks at a time, and finding a lodgment in a new quarter. 
The inhabitants ran hither and thither in a state of dis- 

1 Kyoto. 

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traction. Some fell down insensible, choked by the smoke ; 
others perished in the flames. Such as had the good 
fortune to escape with their lives lost all their property. 
An incalculable amount of treasure and of wealth was 
destroyed. Thousands of people and an immense number 
of cattle fell victims* to this merciless conflagration. Surely 
it is futile for a huiiuuiJ}eing to expect immunity from 
harm in so dangerous a spot as a city 1 

My next experience was also remarkable. On the 29th 
of February in the 4th year of Jisho (1180), a whirlwind 
arose in Kyogoku,^ and drove on with terrible fury towards 
Rokujo.* Travelling three or four hundred yards in every 
gust, it wrecked all the houses that lay in its path. Some 
"were thrown flat on the ground ; others were unroofed and 
left standing with only the bare posts remaining. The 
roofs of gates were blown ofi", fences were broken down, and 
landmarks swept away. Articles of furniture were whirled 
up into the sky, and the straw and bark which formed the 
roofing of houses were scattered through the air like the 
leaves of autumn. A blinding dust, thick as smoke, filled 
the air, and the noise of the elements drowned all human ut- 
terance, reminding one of the wind called go,^ which, at the 
«nd of the world, will sweep every thing before it. Surely, 
thought I, this visitation comes to us as a warning from the 
Unseen. (Here follows an account of the removal of the 
capital to Settsu in 1180, of the famine year, 1181, followed 
by pestilence, and of the earthquake in the second year of 
Oenreki 1185). 

Such are the woes that meet us on earth, so fleeting is 
life, so unstable are the habitations of men. Still greater is 
the discomfort we undergo through the constraints of social 
bonds. Those who enjoy the favour of the great may for 
a short season be steeped in pleasure, but they cannot attain 
permanent happiness. Forcing back their tears, they fre- 

^ Districts in Kyoto. ^ A Buddhist tradition. 

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quently counterfeit a careless smile, though always restless in 
demeanour. Like a sparrow close to an eaf^^le's nest, they live 
in a state of continual fear. The poor, on the contrary, are 
the slaves of their wretched condition ; they are forced to 
look upon the impotent envy of their wives and children ; 
they must pocket the insults of their rich neighbours; 
they are denied even a moment's peace of mind. Such, again, 
as dwell near crowded thoroughfares are unable to escape 
the fury of conflgrations ; but let them remove to the coun- 
try and they will suffer the inconveniences of bad roads, not 
to speak of occasional visits from burglars. A strong man 
knows no contentment, a weak man is the object of scorn ; 
to heap up wealth is merely to add so much to our cares ; 
poverty and distress go hand in hand ; dependence on others 
makes us their slaves ; charity imposes fetters of affection on 
the mind. To act exactly as others do is intolerable ; to 
pursue a wholly independent course seems to be madness. 
In what spot shall we find a resting-place, and what 
occupation will furnish distraction to our mind ? 

For long I lived on a property which I had inherited 
from my paternal grandmother. Having, however, lost my 
family, and passed through a series of misfortunes which left 
me weakened in body, I was at length compelled to leave my 
ancestral home, and at the age of thirty to take up my abode in 
the solitude of a hut, scarcely more than one-tenth the size 
of my former residence. It consisted of but one room, and 
was not a house in the ordinary acceptation of the term, 
A wall surrounded the enclosure in which it stood, but I 
could not afford a gate. The posts of the carriage shed were 
of simple bamboo. In a heavy gale or in a snow storm the 
hut ran great danger of being swept bodily away, or of being 
crushed under the superincumbent weight of snow. Moreover, 
as it stood close to the banks of a river, a flood might easily 
engulf it. Living in this uninviting abode for thirty years, 
I at length fell a prey to dejection. I had leisure to muse 
on the vicissitudes of human life and on the fickleness of 

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fortune. At length I formed the resolution of quitting the 
hut and the world together. I was bound by no family ties 
and could feel no yearning towards what I had left ; being 
no pensioner, why should I long for my former position 7: 
And so I migrated to the hills, and spent many springs and 
summers on the cloudy heights of Mt. Ohara. 

The dew of sixty years that was on the point of 
vanishing, crystallized afresh on a tiny leaf. My new 
habitation is small even when compared with its tiny prede* 
cessor, and might be likened to a night's shelter for a belated 
traveller, or to the cocoon which encloses an old silkworm. 
My life is slowly declining and my fortunes ebb with it. 
In structure the dwelling resembles no ordinary house. The 
single room measures ten feet by ten, and seven feet high. 
It occupies no permanent site, as I have felt little inclination 
to settle in any one place. The floor is of clay, the roof is 
is of thatch, the boards are fastened together with hooks for 
ease of transportation. Were I to change my home, what 
expense should I incur ? Two carts are sufficient to carry the 
whole structure. Only the slight price of the hire of these,, 
nothing more ! 

Secluded in the innermost recesses of Hino, I have 
added a few conveniences to my hut. On the southern side 
I have hung a temporary curtain, with a bamboo mat under 
it ; on the western wall a shelf has become the sacred recep- 
tacle for the image of Buddha, where his brow may catch the 
brightness of the western sun. On each of the two door 
leaves I have hung a picture — one of Hugen, the other of 
Hudo. Above the lintel of the northern door I have 
fastened a shelf, on which are placed several black leather 
boxes containing literary papers, Japanese songs, djio-yoshu^ 
and the like. Close by, leaniug against the wall, are a koto 
and a biwa, to which I have given the names of Oiigoto and 

1 A Buddhistic manual, in two volumes, written in Japanese- 
(not Sinico- Japanese). 
Vol. XX.— 14. 

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Tsugi-Miva, respectively. On the eastern side is my bed, 
consisting of a mass of ferns on a straw mat. Beside it, and 
close by the window, stands my writing-desk and a brazier, 
and these, with a pillow, complete the furnishing. To 
the north of the hut lies my garden, a small patch en- 
closed by a broken hedge and containing a selection of 
medicinal plants. South of the house a pipe conducts water 
to a reservoir which I have constructed of stones. The near 
vicinity of the well- wooded Toyama, with its vine-clad 
slopes, provides me with sufficiency of fruit and of fuel. 
The valley, though dark with thick underwood, opens to the 
west, the home of the blessed, thereby offering much help to 
my meditations.^ In spring I gaze on the purple clusters of 
the wistaria, which hang in wavy profusion all around. The 
mournful note of the cuckoo ushers in the summer, and puts 
me in mind of my latter end. With autumn comes the shrill 
chirrup of the cicadas, which I interpret as a dirge for life, 
empty as their cast-off shells. Snow has an attraction for 
me, because it seems to symbolize human sin, which increases 
in depth and then melts away. When indisposed I frequently 
fail to perform my devotions or to read the sacred books, 
and no one can call me to accouut for the omission. Nor 
have I any friend in whose presence I can feel ashamed 
when neglectful of my duties. The discipline of silence," 
towards which I have no special inclination, I perforce 
observe, having no frieud to tempt me to chatter. Being out 
of the reach of temptation, I run no risk of breaking the 
canons of Buddhism. When in the morning I happen 
to come to the river's margin, and watch the vessels plying 
up and down, I feel that my frame of mind and my position 
exactly resemble Manshami*s.^ Again, when the wind 

1 The west is, to Buddhists, associated with Gokuraku^ the land 
of beatitude, whither good men go after death. * Imposed upon 
Buddhist priests, as on the Trappist monks of Europe. ^ Manshami 
is a character in the Manyoshu. 

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rustles among the cinnamon leaves, I call to mind the 
scene in Junyo Bay, in the Junyoko off Hakurakuten, and 
begin playing on the biwa in imitation of Cinnamon Daina- 
gon.^ I have no special musical skill, but then there is 
no one to criticize my efforts ; I sing to myself, and thrum 
for myself, merely as a mental relaxation. 

At the mountain foot stands a small cottage, in which 
dwells the keeper of the mountain. His boy now and then 
pays me a visit and accompanies me on leisurely strolls. 
Though he is but sixteen and I am sixty, the difference in 
our ages makes no difference in the pleasures which we 
mutually share. We collect cranberries, gather kaya flowers, 
fill our baskets with mountain -potatoes, pick parsley, 
or weave mats from the fallen corn-stalks. When the 
weather is fine I ascend the mountain peaks to gaze from 
afar on my native district, and to revel in the beauty of the 
surrounding scenery. Of this delight I cannot be deprived, 
as nature is not the private property of any individual. 
And I often go on long excursions, over Sumiyama, and past 
Kasadori, visiting the shrine of Iwama, or making a pilgrim- 
age to Ishiyama. Sometimes I go as far as the moor of 
Awazn, where are the ruins of. old Seminaru's cottage, or 
linger by the grave of Sarumarudau, beyond the Tagami 
river. On my way home I am frequently rewarded by 
finding a choice bough of cherry or maple, or a bunch of ferns, 
or a cluster of fruit, which I offer to Buddha or reserve for 
my own use. A ** bright moon ou a calm night recaUs to me 
the men of old ; the cries of monkeys affect me to tears ; ** *- 

^ A famous biwa player who flourished at the close of the Xlth. 
century. * The poems of Toho, in the period of Fukyo, first refer to 
the chattering of monkeys as pitiful. The following is from 0' Sho- 
re!, a contemporary of Toho's, who flourished in the eighth cen- 
tury: — Among the fragrant orange plants we part at a river-side inn ; 
the wind from the river blows hard and sends the rain athwart the 
ship. Far hence, before the moon of Mt. Sho, alas, will the shrill 
«ry of apes prolong your grief even in your dreams. 

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the fire- flies in the herbage gleam like the torches of Magiji- 
ma. A moTDing shower sounds exactly like wind rustling 
through the trees. When I listen to the notes of a wild bird^ 
I speculate whether it is the male or female bird calling for 
its young. ^ The bold appearance of a solitary hart reminds 
me of the wide gap that exists between the world and me ; 
the plaintive voice of the owl fills my mind with pity. 
Scenes like these are found everywhere around in inexhausti- 
ble abundance, possessing for those who are profouuder in 
reflection and quicker in apprehension than myself still more 
varied attractions. Five years have elapsed since I first 
took up my abode in this place. The flimsy shed has 
now fallen into an almost dilapidated condition. Under the 
eaves there lias accumulated a thick mass of mouldering 
leaves. A coating of moss covers parts of the floor. From 
time to time tidings have come to me from the city of the^ 
death of many noble persons there. And it is an easy 
matter for me to calculate the number of humbler folks who 
have also been overtaken by the same fate. Many houses, 
too, must have been consumed in the numerous conflagra- 
tions. Only this unpretending cot of mine remains safe and 
undisturbed. Narrow though it be, it provides a couch by 
night and a seat by day, and suffices to shelter me. The 
shell-fish is content with its contracted abode ; the fish-hawk 
lives on a craggy and inhospitable shore that it may avoid 
mankind. Like them, I am fond of a single life, with no 
object of affection to cherish, no friendships to cultivate^ 
My sole desire is to find tranquillity, to be free from care. 
Others, when they build a house, build it not for themselves ; 

1 A reference to the lines of Uki Moto : — '• Whenever I hear a 
pheasant sing, JiorOy horo^ I wonder whether it is my father or my 
mother." The title of the poem in which the lines occur is "All 
beings are our parents." Boshio (16th century) also expresses the 
same idea :— " I long to see my father. I long to see my mother, 
whenever I hear a pheasant sing." The pheasant was typical of 
parental affection. 

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their bouses are for their families, or their instructors, or 
their lords, or even for their oxen, their horses and their 
treasure. But I have built mine for my own sole use, 
because I have no companion, and no friend to live with 
me. What is friendship but regurd for the rich and 
open-handed, and contempt for the upright and kindly? 
Better to make friends with music and with nature I Our 
servants, caring only for rewards and punishments, estimate 
our regard for them by the amount of largesses we bestow 
on them. We throw away kindness on those who neither 
need nor appreciate it. Let us rather be our own servants, 
using our own limbs — a manner of life, which, if somewhat 
irksome for the moment, is much easier thau to employ 
others. Let us make use of our bodies for two ends — 
our arms as our servants, our legs as our vehicles. 
The mind which acts in sympathy with the body, 
may use the latter when fresh, allow it to rest when tired. 
Let the mind be carefnl neither to overtax the body, nor, 
on the other hand, to encourage it in its disposition to be 
lazy. Exercise is health-giving ; why then sit in idleness ? 
To trouble others is a sin ; why should we ask for assist- 
ance ? With regard to my diet and clothing, I observe thO) 
same principles. A garment oij'ifji and a bed-quilt of hemp 
suffice to cover my body. My life may very well sustain 
itself on the kaya flowers which flourish in the wilds, and 
OQ the fruits that grow on the mountaiu side. My poor 
thinly-clad figure is no object of ridicule in these solitudes. 
Meals so scauty as I have described have still a relish for 
me. These remarks are not intended as a sermon addressed 
to the well-to-do, for I am merely comparing my previous 
life with the present. Since I renounced the world's 
pleasures, envy aud fear have vanished from my miud. 
Free from regret and reluctance, I pursue my course as 
Providence directs me. Looking upon self as a floating 
eloud, I place no dependence on it, nor, on the contrary, 
am I in the least dissatisfied therewith. Fleeting pleasures 

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have dwindled into insignificance over the dreamer's pillow ; 
his life-long desire finds its satisfaction in the contemplatiou 
of the beautiful in nature. 

The three worlds^ consist of only one mind. Trea- 
sures, horses, oxen, palaces, castles, — what boot they, so 
long as the mind is uneasy ? In this lone place, in this 
small cottage, I enjoy full peace of mind. Were I in the city,. 
I might feel shame in becoming a beggar ; but settled here, 
I pity those who toil and moil in the dusty highway of the 
world. Let him who doubts the truth of my words merely 
look at the denizens of the sea and of the air. A fish 
never grows weary of water; but its motive none but a 
fish can tell. So birds are fond of the woods ; ask them 
the reason why. The same may be said of seclusion ; it^ 
pleasures caunot be understood by one who has not led 
the life. 

The lunar course of my life is fast drawing to a close,, 
and every moment I draw nearer to the peak of death. 
When the time shall come for me to make a sudden start 
for the darkness of the "three ways," * of what use will it he 
to me to have troubled myself with earthly cares ? Buddba 
enjoins us to love nothing earthly. To love my moss-clad 
hut, this of itself is a sin ; even this cherished tranquillity i» 
an obstruction to salvation. Woe to those who, to while 
away the time, indulge in idle pleasures. 

One quiet morning after making these reflections I 
propounded to myself the following question : Granted that 
your object in forsaking the world and retiring to these 
woods and mountains is to tranquillize your mind and carry 
your principles into practice. But, though in appearance you 
are a sage, yet your mind is soaked with impurity. Though 
your hut resembles the dwelling of Jyomo,* yet your conduct 

1 The three worlds of matter, spirit and passion. ' The name 
of a river, which, like the Styx, has to be crossed by the dead. 
» The hero of Yaimagyo, a Buddhistic book. 

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falls short even of Shuri-Bandoku's. ^ Is this the result of 
poverty, or of inward impurity ? This question I left un- 
answered, but twice or thrice repeated involuntary prayers. 
Written in the hut at Toyama, on the last day of March 
in the second year of Kenreki (1212 A. D.) by Renin, the 

Alas ; the moon, now hid behind yon peak, 
Denies the constant light 1 seek ! 

1 A disciple of Shaka-Munyi, noted for his weak memory. 

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(216 ) 



By Rev. John Batchelor. 

[Read April 28th, 1892. 1^ 




Akoro sapo iresu liiue ram- 
ma kane oka an ruwe ue. 
Iresu ruwe eue oka-bi : — 

Kane^ umangai m umaugi 
uweoriro o. Kane umangi 
amangi kata ibe-op iioka ibe- 
tam noka cbaruwatore.'* Sliiri 
knnne koro ibe-op noka-ibe- 

The legend of How the 
younger sister of the wolf- 

I was brougbt up by my 
elder sister and always rec 
mained at borne. I was 
reared in tbis wise : — 

Tbe^ iron and wooden 
beams (of our Ivouse) were 
painted in diverse colours. 
Upon tbe iron beams were 
placed* pictures of swords 

* Legends I— VII and VIII— IX will be foimd in vols. XVI., 
Pt. ii. and XVIII., Pt. I. of the Transactions of this Society. 

1. The word here translated •• iron " is, in the original, kane; by 
some Ainus also pronounced hani. It is doubtful whether kane 
would not be better rendered by the word " beautiful " than by 
•* iron ;" thus we should read, — " the beautiful wooden beams, &c., 
(tee Legend VI Vol. XVI. y Part 11. note on verses 1 and 2.) 

2. *• Placed." Charuwatore really means •* to be placed in order ;'* 
" to be set in rotation." Hence it is doubtful whether the ** spears " 
and ** swords " here spoken of were not real rather than mere pic- 
tures or paintings, and were carefully placed in order upon the beams 
■88 may sometimes be seen in some few Ainu huts to-day. 

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batchelor: specimens of ainu folk-lore. 


tarn uoka sliikDu kamai ue ; ^ 
Arntam kochupii-chupu/ No- 
takop nipek, eembe uipek, 
sbukus toikuuDe, chisel up- 
sboro emukuatara okai au. 

Hike, rapoketa ; Kuuasliiri 
dirap, Sbamasbii'i^ uirup, 
makaugane remetok koro gii- 
su, tuini patek iraugetiipa ne 
ki yak aye. Arusbka gusu 
aemokoro kosbikiriirn au an 
rowe ne. Sbiue an ta akoro 
sapo tu uumou ibe^ anuruoka 

Okake an koro, botke ko- 
sonde ^ akoro sapo ikaseshke ; 
pirika mokoro annoy ekora 
aeramu an koro, bopuni an 
iue, aranikopasbtep nsbito- 

and spears. By nigbt these 
pictures of swords and spears 
became living gods^ and 
flashed about blindiugly.^ 
The brightness of these tools 
and sharp instruments lit up 
the inside of the house during 
the darkness. 

Whilst things were in this 
state it was said that, the 
inhabitants of Kunashiri and 
Shumashiri^ were beyond 
measure brave, and pursued 
war as a profession. I was 
so angiy at this that I was 
unable to sleep. 

On a certain occasion my 
elder sister cooked two days*^ 

After this she covered me 
up with the bed clothes^ 

3. *♦ Became living gods." Probably some secret drill was car- 
ried on by night with a view to future war. 

4. ** Flashed about blindingly." AruUm is snid by the Ainus to 
mean a •• flash " like a " flash " of lightning. Kochitpuchupu means 
*• to blink the eyes at." The flashes were here caused by the spears 
and swords knocking together when at drill. 

5. Kunashiri and Shunuushiri are Islands to the Northeast of Ezo. 

6. *• Two days' food." A poetical way of saying *• much food," 
or *' a large quantity of food." 

7. " Bed clothes ;" Ainu hotke kosonde. Kosonde appears to be 
the Japanese word kosode^ a wadded silk garment, and hothe is ** to lie 
down to sleep ;" hence hotke kosonde^ ** sleeping clothes " or •* bed 
•clothes." None but a ** well to do " Ainu could have a kosonde, and 
most likely the word is here used to show that our hero was a chief 
of the people. The Ainufl, however, maintain that kosonde is a real 
Ainu word whatever kosode may be. 

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mush. Orowa no, Kuuasbi- 
ri kotan Shumashiri kotan 
kopakehe aituyere. Arapa 
an, aine, pirika pou pet 
saui'ti kouna inaknatara. Pet 
putu ta arapa an, aige, pon 
urat' tapkop^ koi yange ui 
kurukashike oosor' usbi. 

Samata arapa an. lugan 
rnwe ene oka-hi : — Shiwen- 
tep aiuu retara kosonde 
utomchiure. Pon shiwen- 
tep sliongo iporo eipottum- 
ma ; shinuai kaue itnk an 
liawe ene oka-hi : — ** Ingai*a 
gnsu itak tunash guru itak 
okake akotuye ; itak moire 
guru itak etoko kotuye rame- 
tok a ne rnwe ne. Tunashi 
itak an." 

Itak an rokbe pou shiweu- 
tep hottoro kata kotususatki f 

and, when I judged her to W 
fast asleep, I arose and gird- 
ed on my sword. 

I then set out for Kuna- 
shiri and Shumashiri. 

As I went along a pretty 
little water-way opened up 
(before me). So I came to 
the river's mouth, and, a little 
mountain^ like fog was (Z 
saw) sitting upon a log of 
wood which had been cast 
up by the waves of the see. 

I went up to it ; and this 
is what I saw: — An Ainu 
woman dressed in white 
clothing. The little woman 
looked as though she had 
come with a message ; nev- 
ertheless I spake thus to 
her : — ** Look here, I am a 
person so brave that I cut 
down fast speakers ere they 
have finished talking, and 
slow talkei*s at the beginning 
of their speech. (So) speak 

As I spake the little woman 
trembled exceedingly ; * and, 

8. '* Mountain like fog." Urat or urara is '• fog," and tapkop iff 
a single, solitary mountain or hill ; or a mountain standing quit» 
alone. The ** fog " which looked like a ** little mountain " turned out 
to be an Ainu woman, as will be seen hereafter. 

9. •' Trembled exceedingly." The Ainu words are hottoro kata 
kotususatki^ lit: ''she trembled upon her fere-head." This is & 
phrase used to express great fear ; her forehead shook through fear. 

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tusft imnku niyerislipa iki rok 
ine, itak bawe eiie oka-hi : — 
** Tapan pon pet pet etokota 
liorokeu Kamai yai-inwak^° 
koro au rnwe ue. Kot'ture- 
&hi a ue liiiie uitek bawe eno 
aui : — ^Rametok koro wa Ai- 
nu ue yakka Kamai ue yakka 
komounnkurip. Sbumasbiri 
uirup Kuuasbiri uirup ue ra- 
we tapan. Sbiueu e ne wa e 
arapa yakka wen ruwe ue na. 
Akot'turesbi sbirika sak" 
yakka okkeu kasbi apirikare 
wa aekore kasa ue ua. 
Taiide wauo bosbipi ikore 
yau ; sekoro okaibe, akoro 
yupi ye utekkara ariki an 
ua," sekoro itak. Arasbka 
gusu yupke tarakuru akotere- 
kere. Hopumba tomuu tup 
ne rep ue ausatuye. luotu 
oroge bopumba bnmi keuro- 
totke ki rok ; awai iteksam 
peka ainu kurumam cbisbi- 
pusure ; aye rok kuui, boro- 
ken kamui aarakotonika koro 
wen buri euau kurukasbi 
cbiparasere. Kurukasbi ke 

cbewiug tbe sleeve of ber 
dress (as in fear) spake as 
follows : — ** At the source of 
tbis little river I bave a 
blood-relation ^o— tbe Wolf- 
god. I am bis younger sis- 
ter aud bave been sent to say 
tbis : — Tlie iubabitauts of 
Kuuasbiri and Sbumasbiri are 
men sobravetbatneitber gods 
uor men dare approach tbem, 
(so that) if even you go there, 
and aloue, it will be bad (for 
you). My j'ouuger sister is 
a poor worthless creature,^* 
but I will make up for that 
by giviug you some presents 
with her. So now return 
from here ; it was to say 
tbese tbiugs (to you) that my 
elder brother sent me here.** 
So spake she. I was augry 
at tbis aud therefore struck 
ber fiercely with my sword. 
I killed ber whilst she was 
rising. Her soul departed 
witb a great sound ; but Lo,. 
the shadow of a man ap- 
peared at my side; it was,. 

10. *' Blood relation." Iriwak are one's own blood-relations,, 
while distant relations are called iritak, 

11. ** Poor, worthless creature.*' Shirikasak means, '• destitute ;" 
" poor ;" *' worthless ;" ** ugly." The Wolf-god meant to say that 
his sister was utterly unworthy of the hand of our hero. However, 
be would make up for that by giving a large dowry or marriage por* 
tion with her. It was customary among to Ainus to give some dowry 
with a bride when she got married. 

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itak omare eue oka- hi : — 
"** Usaine katap, aiuu akpo 
irusbka sbiri aoyane iie ua. 
Kep weu itak ukot'tuieshi 
aeutek-kara e tanashi raige 
ki shiri tap au ? E ki riisui- 
be lai ue yak ne cbituuasb 
raige itasa paikiio aekarakara 
ki gusu ue ua.'* 

Sekoro itak koro, yupke 
iamkuru ikoterekere, aurai 
poka ayaikouiukesb, pekeu'- 
•reraue^^ tamtui kasbi ama- 
uuoyere. Itasa pakuo yupke 
tamkuru akoterekere. Ho- 
pumba tomuu, tup ue rep ne 
ausatuye. Inotu oioge bo- 
pumbahumi keurototke; asbi- 
ri pito^^ ue, uei a pou pet 
pet etoko kobnm beueue ; ka- 
sbokake chakkosauu. Orowa 
uo asliiriikinue Knuasbiri ko- 
tau akourepuui yupu arapa 

witbout doubt, tbe aforesaid 
Wolf-god. He bad anger 
depicted upon bis couuteu- 
auce. Now tbis is what be 
said : — ** It is ridiculous of 
you, my youug Aiuu brother, 
to get augry iu this way. 
What was there improper iu 
tbe speech I sent my youuger 
sister to deliver to you that 
made you slay her so sudden- 
ly ? If it is death that you 
are seekiug, I will slay you as 
quickly as you slew her.** 

When he had so spokeu be 
set upou me with bis sword^ 
but as I had uo wish to be 
killed outright I turued my- 
self into wind^ aud jumped 
above bis sword- sweep. I 
(then) attacked him as he 
bad doue me. I cut him 
down as he was rising^* up. 
His soul departed with a 
great sound, he became a 
^cw mau and weut round 
the mouu tains towards the 
source of the little river. 

12. PekeiV vera ne is •* became bright wind." Though the Ainus 
say that their aucesters had power themselves invisible by turning 
into air, yet all our hero intends to say here is that he made haste 
4o escape the sword sweep aimed at him. 

13. " Became a new man." Pito is often used in Ainu legends 
4ind seems to be from the Japanese word hito, *• man." Tbe Wolf 
.:god's spirit having been released from the body was renewed, and 
went off beyond the mountains. The victory belonged to the Ainu. 

Digitized by 




nn, aine, Eunasliiri kotan 
Shamashiri kotan akoshirepa. 

Pakuo ne koro, orowa no, 
Kanasliiri kotan kotan pnkehe 
kotan kesebe wen tumiram 
akolietukure. Orowa no, 
kunne bene tokap bene ro- 
rambe patek tumi patek aki 
rokiue, sbine okkaiyo a nep 
ne gnsu, taue anak ne ami 
kosonde beiu peuram atek- 
okbare. Nei rapoketa tnima 
kotan kotan tapka ta tap an 
kamui mau^^ tap an kamni 
kuru cbibetukbare, seenne 
moyo no kurukasbike pnse 
kamui bumrarire. Ariki ine, 
akot tnmuncbi kosbirepa. In- 
gav'an rawe, a un cbisei ta 
kane umangi ni nmangi kata 
arucborosbte ibeop nftka ibe- 
tam noka sbiknu kamui ne 
kamui mau etok uwesbiuoiba. 
Ariki ine, orowa no tumi koro 
katu nep araige sbomoki no 
po Sbumasbiri uirup knnasbiri 
uirup kotumi koro. Eattereke 
ne Sbumasbiri kotan Euna- 
sbiri kotan wentoikanto ako- 
kirukara. Pakno ne koro, 
senram sekoro ibeop noka 

After tbis tbere was peace.. 
Wben tbis was over, I walk- 
ed fast till I arrived at Euna- 
sbiri and Sbumasbiri. 

After tbis, baving arrived 
at Eunasbiri I stirred up a 
grievous war from one end of 
the land to tbe otber. And, 
as I was carrying on tbis 
war single-banded, botb day 
and nigbt, I found tbat my 
clotbes [icere torn so murk 
that) nothing but the front 
of my garment bung from 
my arms. By and by ther® 
arose over tbe distant moun- 
tain tops, such a mighty 
wind" and shadow, and 
above all, tbere was the 
sound of the approach of a 
great company of the gods. 
Yea, they came to the place 
where I was fighting. On 
seeing the gods fly before the 
great wind {1 reco(piised them 
as heiwj) tbe spears and swords 
which were placed upon the 
iron beams of our bouse ; they 
had become living gods. When 
they came, the war with tbe 
people of Eunasbiri and Sbu- 
masbiri was as nothing, for 
in a moment their country 

14. *• A mighty wind." Kamui man, lit : a wind of god. 

Digitized by 




ibetam uoka kamni man etok 
nwehopumba paye wa isam. 

Orowa no, akoro kotan 
kopakeheta ai tuyere. Ek an 
awa, tap au kamui mau kuru- 
kasbike pase kamni seeime 
moyo humrarire. lonkasbi- 
ke chikarure ; kuiiikasbike 
kamni itak ban boraocbiwe 
«ne oka-bi : — ** Ingara gusu, 
tan beikacbi, itak au cbiki, 
on n ere an. Asbinuma auak 
tap Poiyanmbe^* a ne rnwe 
ne. Tnmuncbi patek rornm- 
be patek aki rok ine, akoro 
kotan Sbinutapka ikesbui 
hine ariki an, awa, sbuma 
nturu nn beikacbi cbisb ban 
cbarototke. Tambe gnsu, 
ingar'an awa, pon beikacbi 
cbisb koro oka ; oro oyacbiki, 
Okikurnmi^® aiuu mosbiri 

was completely laid waste. 
Wbeu tbis was over, tbe 
spears and swords rose up in 
tbe air and departed in tbe 
same manner as tbey bad 
come, before a migbty wind. 
And so I returned borne. 
Wben going along tbere ap- 
peared a great bost of gods 
riding upon a migbty wind. 
Hovering over me a voice 
from a god came fortb, wbicb 
said : ** Look bere, my lad, I 
bave sometbing to say, so 
pay attention. As for me, I 
am tbat Poiyanmbe.^* I left 
my borne at Sbinutapka in 
wratb because tbere was 
notbing but war in tbe land. 
And, as I was coming along 
I lieard tbe voice of a lad 
crying among tbe stones ; I 
went tberefore to see wbat it 
was and found it to be a lit- 
tle lad weeping. Now, Oki- 
kurumi^* was tbe governor of 

16. Foiyaumbey " Brave Ainu." The speaker here makes known 
to one hero that he is a well known person — in fact — a brave man 
whose fame has spread far and wide. No further introduction was 
needed than •* that Poiyaumbe." [See Trans : Vol. XVI. Pt. ii, Page 
147 Note 1] . 

16. Okikurumi is the Ainu name for Kurdhangtcan Minamoto na 
Yoshitsiuu, who was driven to Yezo by his younger brother in the 12th 
century of our era, and who is said by the Ainus to have taught 
their ancestors the arts of fishing and hunting. 

Digitized by 




mosbiri uoshike epnugiue 
gnrn, nitue kamui shine- 
ikinne kotumi koro, Sbukup 
^bifcta^^ ki rok ine Nitue ka- 
mni iupep ne gusu atmu- 
tuiba. Okikunimi koro 
macbi hoku kemna^ tnmbe 
gosQ, pakkai ine boku okata 
tttmi koro aine auua-iuiba. 
Pon beikachi e ne, ine, sbu- 
ma ntatta eara kosoude e ko- 
karakari e anu a an. Ki rui 
masbkiu aekemnn gusu akot'- 
«bisei aeoresu, e poro pakuo 
akoro sapo e resu ruwe ne 
wa ne yakun, e poi*o koro 
Horokeu kamui kot'turesbi ek 
•orowa ne ynk, tap an mo- 
sbiri nosbike e epuugiue ki 
gusu ne ap. Moto isam no 
Eunasbiri kotan Sbumasbiri 
kotau e kotumi koro ; uei 
kasbita, Horokeu kamui uep 
wen keutum kou rok gusu 
turesbi tura no e iunasb rai- 
ge ? Irusbka an gusu e resu 
sapo teke apasbte ; taue anak 
^e ki sbiri na ua. Heue ki 
yakka, sbukup eturupak sbu- 

the middle of Aimi-land ; and 
(otice upon a time) the devils 
made war against him with 
one accord and slew every 
one of bis^^ men, for the 
devils were numerous. The 
wife of Okikurumi took her 
child upon her back and 
came to avenge the death of 
her husband, but she was 
slain. You were that little 
child which she took and 
wrapped up in a garment 
and put among the stones. 
As we much desired to 
avenge you we brought 
you up in our home ; and 
after our elder sister had 
reared you and the younger 
sister of the Wolf-god had 
(fome to you, it was settled 
that you were to govern the 
middle of Ainu-land. And 
now without cause you have 
warred against Kuuashiri and 
Sbumasbiri, but above all, 
what evil bad the wolf-god 
and his sister done that you 
should have so quickly killed 

17. We learn from this legend that Yoshitsune was slain while 
fighting. Who the *• devils ** were that slew him is not stated, but 
I have been told privately that he was killed in Earafto bj the Karafto 
Ainus in one oi their feuds witb the inhabitants of Yezo. Yoshi- 
tsune, it is here stated, left one son. He also, we are told, was after- 
wards killed in battle. 

Digitized by 




kap ekashu apa^^ ne koro 
ntan'ue koro e koro ki kunip 
tap ue ibetam iioka ibeop 
Doka ne rawe no na,'* sekoro 
kamui itak bau boraocbiwe. 

Ashirikiuue irusbka keu- 
tum ayaikoropare ; sapo obai 
aniikoteuge, tamparaparak ae- 
sau auimba. Cbisb au aine 
*' neita pakuo e cbisb ike e koro 
sapo e nnkar'beki yaiuu au 
giisu *' ayainanka piriba-piri- 
ba. Orowa uo akoro kotau la 
ek an ; awa, son uo ka un, akorb 
sapo tarape muni eotnyetaye 
oara isam. Orowa, sbiuen a 
ue wa an au, aige, sbiueanda 
cbisei soita aiua ariki, ioya- 
mokte aki, awa, aronnu 
rokbe Horokeu kamui kot* 
turesb poro cbitarabe^* sei 
bine ariki. Orowa no, iparo 
sbuke ramma kaue okai an. 
Nei rapoketa ibe-op noka ibe- 

tbem ? I am angry witb you 
for tbis and tberefore your 
sister bas been led away into 
captivity, yea, sbe is even 
uow beiug taken away. How- 
ever, tbese swords and spears, 
some of wbich are of your 
age and some of wbicb are 
your elders, are your frieuds 
aud relations." ^^ So spake 
tbe voice wbicb came down 
from tbe gods. 

Tben again I was angry, 
aud, weeping very bitterly, 
called after my sister. Wbile 
weeping I tbougbt to myself 
— " bowever much you weep 
it will uot bring your sister 
to you ** — so I wiped my face. 
Ou arriving at my borne I 
found that ray sister aud all 
ber furniture and ornaments 
had, in truth, entirely disap- 
peared. After tbis I lived 
alone. Now, one day, I was 
much surprised to bear peo- 
ple outside. It was tbe 
Wolf-god aud bis sister whom 
I bad killed that were com- 
ing ; tbey were bringing a 
very large bundle^' witb 

18. ** Belations." It is here clearly stated that the spears and 
swords which have hitherto been spoken of as having been painted 
on the beams of the hut, were, in reality, living men, or warriors. 

19. •• Large bundle.*' The marriage portion spoken of above. 

Digitized by 


batchelor: specimens of ainu folk-lore. 


tarn Doka shirikauue koro 
shikna kamai ue ; arutam 
kochnpnchnpa. Tambe pa- 
iek ayaiueusara ka okai au, 
ahie, Horokea kamui kot*- 
tnresh akor'ine okai au ruwe 

them. After this tbey stayed 
as servants ; tbeu the pictures 
of spears and swords came to 
life at uigbt and did nothing 
but exercise and talk together 
of old times. I tbeu married 
the younger sister of the- 
Wolf-godand we live together. 





Fusbkotoita eue an orusb- 
pe an-i ; — 

Nei okokko, **tam-mo8hi- 
tta okai an ko aep ka isam ; 
gusn, rep un guru mosbiri 
orun omau kusu ne/* aui 

Awa, nei terekeibe ene itak- 

** Shomo oman yakka piri- 
ka", ani itak: gusu, **nep 
gusu nei hawe ne ya ?*' ani 
itak. Awa, *< tam-mosbitta 
e an wa e ep isam cbiki, 
knani oat-cbikirihi rnki kane 
an ko auak ne kiionnn ; gu- 
su, shomo oman yakka piri- 
ka '*, ani terekeibe itak. Gu- 

Tol* xx«— Iff. 

The following is a tale of 
ancient times : — 

The snake said, *' I cannot 
stay in this country for there 
is no food ; I will, therefore, 
migrate to a foreign land.*' 

Thereupon the frog re- 
plied : — 

** There is no necessity for 
you to go away." Upon this 
the snake asked, ** Why do 
you say so ? ** The frog 
answered: "If in staying 
in this country you find you 
cannot obtain sufficient food, 
you will, if you swallow one^ 
of my legs, be fully satisfied ^ 

Digitized by 



43a, shomo Oman uo tarn- 
moshitta okai ruwe ne; wa 
gasxiy Dei terekeibe nuknra 
chiki, ruki patek ki rusui 
^oro okai ruwe i^e. 

there is therefore no necessity 
for you to go away." And 
80 the snake did not migrate 
but stayed in the laud; 
and now, whenever it sees 
a frog it always has a great 
desire to swallow it." 



** Eotau kara kamui kotan 
kara katu tap ne an ruwe ne 
yak aye. 

Turesh tura no kara wa, 
nei turesh anak no Anruru 
moshiri kara ; orowa, okkai 
kamui anak ne Chupka mo- 
shiri kara wa, uwetushmak 
wa kara yak aye. Awa, nei 
turesh shiweutep ne gusu, 
oiua kamui kot turesh an, 
aige, tura no monraige sho- 
moki DO nei turesh tura 
uweneusara. Rapoketa, ok- 
kai kamui kotau kara okere 
<ehange ; ne wa ambe nukara 
wa orowa no kimatek gusu, 
nei Anruru moshiri nei no 

** This is the way in which 
the maker of places is said to 
have created the world.* 

He and his younger sister 
made it between them ; the 
sister's portion was the West- 
em part of Yezo while the 
male deity made the Eastern 
part, and, it is said, they 
vied with each other in their 
work. Now, as the younger 
sister was but a woman, she, 
happening to fall in with the 
younger sister of the Divine 
Oina, instead of doing her 
work stopped to chatter. 
While this was going on the 
male deity came near com- 

1. The world here means the Island of Tezo only. 

Digitized by 


batghelor: specimens of ainu folk-lore. 227 

bura ; yakne tuuasbi uo kara pletiug bis portion of tbe 
kuni esanniyo gasu, wen no task ; seeiug tUis, sbe, being 
wen no kara katuhu ne wa surprised, made tbe Western 
gusu, tan Anruru mosbiri part after tbe slovenly mau- 
ayaikikip usbike patek poron ner it now is. It was tbere- 
no an rawe ne, ari ambe upa- fore becaase sbe did ber work 
sbuma an." in too great a burry tbat it 

was done so exceedingly 
badly ; and bence it is tbat 
tbe Western part of Yezo bas 
so many daugerous places 
about it. So runs tbe tale." 

Digitized by 


( 228 ) 


By the Kev. E. B. Grinnan. 

[Read 28th April, 1892.] 

The history of the land tenure of a country is always^ 
closely connected with its political development. This is 
especially true of aucient times, for then land was the sole 
or principal source of wealth and power, and came naturally 
into the hands of the strongest aud therefore the ruling 
class. It is necessary, in order to fully understand the 
question before us, to inquire who the early rulers of Tosa 
were, and by what means their authority was maintained. 
But here as elsewhere early history is obscure, and even 
with the help of old land-marks it is difficult to obtain 
more than mere suggestions respecting either the political 
relations of the time or the early systems of laud holding. 

Before the time of Chosokabe Motochika there does 
not appear to have been any one lord ruling the whole 
island of Sbikoku as under the daimyo of the Tokugawa 
regime. There were kokushi (governors) who were 
appointed by the Emperors, but their authority over the 
under lords was never great. Their rule was rather 
nominal than real. When it was that these kokushi were 
first sent to Tosa I do not know. My information on this 

Digitized by 


obinnan: feudal land tentjbe in tosa. 229 

subject has been obtained chiefly from a book called '* The 
Rise and Fall of ChOsokabe" (Chosokabe no Seisuiki) and this 
history does not antedate the entrance of that family into 
Tosa. Before speaking at length of this Cb6sokabe family 
I wish to call attention to the family of Ichijd, from which 
sprang the longest and most important line ofkokushi known 
in Tosa. The Ichij6 were of huge origin. At the time of 
the " Ojin no ran,'* (Rebellion of Ojin) a huge named 
Icbijd Eazabasa fled from Kyoto and bid himself in Hyogo. 
Chosokabe Fumikane of Tosa, hearing of his whereabouts, 
went to see him and persuaded him to return in his 
company to Tosa. His reason for performing this act of 
kindness was that Kazabusa's father had once taught him 
4)ertain necessary laws of court etiquette while he was 
visiting in Kyoto. It seems, further, that Fumikane 
sought to strengthen himself by means of the friendship 
of a man of high huge rank. The contending lords of Tosa 
had been in the habit of securing monhatsu or men of good 
family, when opportunity offered, with a view to strengthen- 
ing their positions socially and politically. After his arrival 
in Tosa, Kazubusa lived for two years in the castle of Oko, 
to which place came the various under lords to pay him their 
respects. He was afterwards appointed kokushi of Tosa, 
and it was arranged that he should live in the castle of 
Nakamura, situated in what is now known as Hatagori. 
From tbis time on for several generations the Ichijd family 
Hved in the castle of Nakamura and were the kokuslii of 
Tosa. No great interest attaches to any of them, except 
it be to Yasumasa, who became a Christiafi, as his name 
also seems to imply. It was for this reason that he was 
banished toUsaki in Bungo, where he remained, marrying 
the daughter of a Christian daimyo, Ichijo Tomomasa was 
the last of this family to become kokmld. He was banished 
by Chosokabe Motochika to lyo, where he died. These 
kokiuhi were the first to classify the lands so that the 
proper amount of tax could be collected for the Government 

Digitized by 



in Kyoto. They greatly promoted the progress of the 
country by assisting and directing in the opening up of 
new lands for cultivation aud in the building of proper 
river embankments. 


Under the kokushi were the shugokokushi who were 
the real native lords of Tosa. They were small daimyo who 
had in various ways risen to power, and they were constantly 
contending among themselves for supremacy. They paid 
homage to the kokushi and tribute to the Emperor, and after 
that they were unmolested in their wars one with another. 
There were seven of these under lords, whose names and 
places of residence are as follows : — 


Aki, who lived in Akigori in Aki no shiro (castle). 
Tsumo, ** *' Takaokagori in Hayama no shiro. 
Ohisa, ** <* «* ** Hasuike " ** 

ChOsokabe, who lived in Nagnokagori in Oko no shiro. 
Kira, ** " " Agawagori " Kiragamine. 

Yamada, " " ** Kagamigori ** Yamada. 
Motoyama " " Asakura. 

From what date these shugokokushi existed as such I 
do not know, but they were probably the seven leading 
under lords from the beginning of the rule of the Ichijo 
family. They helped materially in opening up the country 
for cultivation, and in laying out the honden (chief lauds) as 
these were afterwards found by Yamaguchi when he went to 
Tosa. Of the seven the family which rose to greatest power 
and influence was that of ChOsokabe. It was of Chinese 
origin and of very high rank. It is said that Koman 0, of 
China, came to Japan in 199 A. D., but for what purpose is not 
known. He was a great- great-grandson of Shikotei, who built 

Digitized by 



the great wall of China. Shintoku 0, the son of EOman 0, 
came to Japan in A. D. 288 and received from the Emperor 
the name of Hada. He became a resident, it is said, of 
the province of Yamato. In the 84th generation (dai) 
from Shintoku appeared one named Hada Yoshitoshi, 
who was sent as a kokushi to Tosa. The office was not 
continued to his descendants. Nevertheless they remained 
in Tosa where they became shvgokokushif and the possessors 
of much landed and other property. They lived for long 
in Sogabe mura, near the present town of Asaoka, and 
there the family came to be called by the name of 
Ghosokube. By far the most famous and powerful of them 
all was CliOsokabe Motochika. He was of the 21st genera- 
tion (dai) from Yoshitoshi, the fii-st of the family to go to 
Tosa. He succeeded in driving out the Ichijd family from 
Hatagori, and in subduing to himself all of the shugokokushi 
in Tosa, and finally in ■ obtaining control of the whole 
island of Shikoku. Hideyoshi, (1636-1598) fearing 
the growing influence of this man, restricted him 
by force to the single province of Tosa. At first Chdsokabe 
Motochika lived at Oko Castle, which was built on a hill a 
few miles to the north-east of the city of Kochi. He 
afterwards lived in the castle of Urado, which stands at the 
entrance of the Kochi Harbor. He was both a great general 
and a wise ruler. He established many laws of importance,, 
and opened up a great deal of the country which, until his 
time, had been left uncultivated. His son Chdsokabe 
Morichika became the lord of Tosa, but for siding against 
lyeyasu in the battle of Sekigahara (1600 A. D.) he was 
deposed and his daimiate given to a man named Yamanonchi 


Under the kokuahi and subject to them there were also 
,^A», Yotsu no iri, who were lesser lords than the shugo- 

Digitized by 



kokushi. Four families of these were promiDent in early 
Tosan history, viz. : — 

Mori, which lived in Ushinoe no shiro. 

Konisawa, '' *' '^ Odakasaka no higashi. 

Chiya, ** ** ** Kagamigori Takama no shiro. 

Kaido, ** ** " Kaida Sawa no shiro. 


There were also forty-five kokushi who were a kind 
of samurai under the kohushi (governors). They lived 
in very small castles and were owners of the surroondiug 


As stilted ahove, leyasu gave the daimiate of Tosa 
to Yamanouchi Katsutoyo, who with his descendants ruled 
the province down to the time of the Restoration. 
Yamanouchi was accompanied to Tosa hy his former 
samurai^ but as tliese were insufficient in number, he hired 
other samurai from various quarters to go with him. His 
native place had beeu Ktikegawa in Enshiu (Totomi), where 
he was only a small daimyo. Previous to the battle of 
Sekigahara this Yamanouchi had loaned his castle to 
lyeyasu, and had otherwise rendered him valuable assistance, 
itnd his promotion was a natural consequence. The daimiate 
of Tosa was rated at about 240,000 koku of rice. To say, 
however, that Tosa was a 240,000 koku daimiate does not 
mean necessarily that land producing this quantity of rice was 
actually enjoyed by the daimyo himself. The account seems 

^ The history thas far is gathered from the above-mentioned book. 
For collecting and verifying the statements made in the remainder of 
this article I am indebted to Mr. Sbibata Eaniobiro, a former karot 
4md Mr. Hosokawa Gisho, a former gdski. 

Digitized by 



"to have iucluded what was alloted to the karo (see below), 
i¥ho only gave to the upper lord a military contingent in 
time of war. When Yamanouchi Katsntoyo took possession 
of Tosn, he employed a man named Nonaka, a civil engineer, 
very skilfal for that day, who went with him as his best 
Jcerai (vassal). This man did a great deal of important 
work on the water courses, i.e., in the building of river 
-embankments and in digging canals for the proper irrigation 
of rice fields. He dug what is still called tlie Shinkawa 
(New River), which has been of immense benefit to the 
section of country through which it passes. It is said that 
Nonaka, in order to get the proper gradient for the 
canal, arranged a line of lanterns along the proposed course 
iuid was thereby enabled to obtain a satisfactory survey. 
Let us now consider the feudal system under the 
Yamanouchi regime. Nearest to the dmmyd came a sort of 
cabinet, consisting of three hugyo (superintendents), while the 
body of the retainers was made up of kar6, shikaku 
(samurai), goshi (country warriors), and keikaku (couutry 
gentry). I will describe these in the order named. 


When Yamanouchi Katsutoyo was sent to Tosa, the 
Shoguu sent also karo of rank to act as checks upon him. 
They possessed a rather extended power uuder the dainnjo. 
They owued lands, and had their own samurai and their 
own farmers also, who paid taxes to the karo only, not 
to the daimyo. There were eleven karo in all ; eight of 
whom lived in the joka or castle-town (Kochi), and owned 
laud in various places throughout the country; the re- 
maining three living in the country ; namely, in Nakamura, in 
Sakawa, and in Aki, where they had castles of their own. 
These were practically under-lords, the karo of Sakawa being 
the most powerful. His income was rated at 10,000 
h)ku of rice, and made him the subject of jealong 

Digitized by 



concern to the daimijo. The other karo had incomes vary* 
iug from 10,000 to 2,000 koku. None received less than 
the latter amount. The karo did uot render service to the 
damiyo by means of a tax paid in rice, but by providing him 
with a military contingent when called upon to do so. 


The shikaku, or samurai owing allegiance directly to- 
the daimyoy were of different ranks and all lived in the joka. 
The upper class wore the two swords and might ride on horses, 
in time of peace and of war. It was necessary for them 
to own a certain number of horses in accordance with their 
rank. They were paid not in rice but by receiving a certain 
amount oilwnden or shinden (see below), which was allotted to 
each man according to the number of kok-u of rice to which his 
rank entitled him. The lower classes oi samurai were paid 
in rice, not in lands ; they wore their two swords, but were 

2 Classes of samurai. I will give first the ranks according to the 
payment that was received. The samurai who received lands and 
not rice from the daimyo'x kura were called ^'/Aa fa ton, and the lands 
were called chigyo ; for example : it was said that a man was paid 
with so much chigyo, that is so much honden or shiiiden. Those 
samurai who were paid according to koMisu from the kura of the 
daimyd were called kura chi tori. There were also samurai who 
received fuchi kippu, which was the rice given from the kura of the 
daimyd, but not according to the knkusu (number of koku). Ichinin- 
fuchi was an allowance of 5 go of rice for one person for one day, and 
samurai were rated to receive so many fuchi ; for example s^ man 
Would receive gonin fuchi, which would be 25 go of rice per day. 
Those who received the fuchi kippu generally also received an addi- 
tion according to the k^kusn. 

Next below the daimyd of course were the karo; below them came 
the first class of the samurai proper, who were called churo. The 
churo were all paid in first class chigyo. 

The next rank was called uma mawari, some of whom received 
chugyo and were allowed to lide on horses. In this class were men 
who were paid with rice from the daimyo^s kura, but were not allowed 

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not permitted to ride on horses in time either of peace- 
or of war. Honden and shindeii were lands which a 
samurai or in fact any one could own in his own 
name, hut of these I will speak further on. 


When Ytimanouchi Katsutaro was sent to Tosa, ahout 
one hundred of the kerai of Chosokahe Motochika suh- 
mitted gracefully to the new goverumeut and hecame 
yoahi (country warriors), a class that is unique in the annals 
of Japanese feudalism. They were left in undisputed 
possession of the lands they had received from Chosokahe. 
Their number was strictly limited, at first to one hundred, 
as stated above, but after a time new goslii were created 
and the number was increased to eight hundred, where it 

to ride on liorses. These latter were not paid in full accordance 
with their rank. They carried the name of this rank without having 
the highest privileges of the rank. 

The next rank was called koshdgumi. Those in this rank were 
nearly all kura c hi tori. 

The lowest rank was called rnsuignmi. The men in this rank- 
were divided, some were jikatatori^ and some were paid in rice. 
Those who were paid in chigyo were men who had been gdshi 
for 30 years and had been raised to the class of samnrau After a 
man had been a gdshi for 30 years he became a samurai and in such 
cases his rynchi became yaguchi. 

All the classes of samurai below the uma mawari were called 

The diiferenoe between the lower class samurai^ who receive 
fuchi kippu and the keikaku who were also paid in rice, was in rank^^ 
The keikaku (who did not do farm work), had always to give way 
to the samurai. All samurai on the first day of each mouth went 
and paid their respects to the daimyo but the keikaku were not 
permitted into the presence of the daimyo. They were allowed to- 
pay their respects from a distance only on the first dny of 
the year. 

The kerai of the karo were nearly all jikatatori. 

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remained. Among the (foshi the right of primogeniture 
obtained, the eldest son inheriting the lauds and name of 
his father, while the remaining children fell to the Jvetmin 
(commoners) class and for the most part became farmers. 
% If a goshi wished to sell bis name, position, and lands he 
•could do so with the permission of the daimyoy and in 
this case the buyer, even though he were but a farmer, 
obtained all the privileges connected with the estate he 
received. A goshi might, if he wished sell part of his 
landed property and still retain his rank ; but it he 
sold ail, he was ipso facto reduced to the status of a 
heimin. The position of the goshi was midway between 
that of the samurai and the keikahu (see below). They 
owned lands, wore two swords, owned and rode horses, 
and went to war when called out by the dainiyo. Their 
followers were only common farmers possessing no rank 
whatever. The goshi became for the most part men of 
wealth, and they still retain their lands, which escaped the 
general confiscation at the time of the Restoration. The 
reason for this exception in their favor was that these lands 
had not been received from the Tokugawa Government, but 
had been held over from the olden time — the time of the 
Chosokabe. The goshi have long wielded a commanding 
influence in Tosa. 


Besides the goshi and the samurai there were keikaku, 
a class of country gentry, who ranked below the samurai 
and goshiy but above the common farming class. They 
did not live in the joka with the samurai, but on the 
outskirts of the city and in country towns that lay within 
a day's call of the joka. They were paid by an allowance 
-of rice, and were permitted to wear the two swords but not 
io ride on horses. 

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The farmers lived upon and tilled all the land of the 
province and paid a rent directly to the daimyo, hard, or 
samurai according as the land was of one or other 
of certain classes to be noted presently. The renters of 
honden drew lots every four years for plots of land under 
general cultivation ; but from such quadrennial change house 
lands were excepted. The right to the Imjibun (lot share) or 
plot of honden land thus subject to exchange could be bought 
and sold at will. This exchange by lot took place on all 
honden, whether it was held immediately of the daimyo or 
of some samurai to whom it had been allotted. Whatever 
changes took place in ownership of this land, the tenant 
held his kujibun and remained as before. One kujihnn was 
on an average about eight tan (1 «a7i = about J acre), in 
extent but varied somewhat. Farmers were not evicted 
except for very good reasons, such as incapacity as cultiva- 
tors or the non-payment of rent. A samurai was permitted 
to make changes among his lease-holders after giving fair 
notice of his intention, and tenants could also sell out their 
rights to others by properly notifying the land owners. It 
should be added that farmers did not fight in time of war, . 
but only carried burdens and performed manual labor. 


We next consider the different classes of land. First 
was the honden, (chief, original- laud) the most valuable 
land in the province. The earliest cultivators of the soil 

8 The hasakunin were only those who rented lands owned by the 
farmers. There were no kasakunin on the daimyd's lands. Each 
sTioya of the mura arranged for the rental of the lands to farmers 
who worked the lands themselves and did not sub-rent them. 

Lands owned by the farmers personally were divided into the 
uwatsuchi and sokoUuchi. The sokotsuchi was the earth below the upper 

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naturally first cleared up the fertile low-lands and these 
were marked off by the kokushi before the time of Chosokabe 
Motochika, in order, as has beeu said, that the proper 
4imount of tax could be collected for the central Government. 
By opening up new country to cultivation they added to 
ithese lands, as did also Chosokabe Motochika when he 
became a daimyo. When Yamauouchi Katsutoyo went to 
Tosa, these honden were rated as producing 240,000 koku 
of rice, the amount at which the daimiate was accordingly 
scheduled. These honden could not be bought and sold, 
>but parts of them were assigned to the higher class 
samurai J from which they received their annual supply of 
rice. Some portions also mast have been held by the karo, 
but the bulk of them supplied the rice that went directly 
into the storehouse of the daimyo. The shinden (new-land) 
were lands cleared up after Yamauouchi Katsutoyo 
received the daimiate. They were not as valuable 
as the honden but were easily the next best lands. They 
-could not be bought and sold, but, like the honden, had 
been partly allotted to the higher class samurai, not as 
property, but simply as lands from which their portions 
of rice should come. 

The yagnchi were lands that had been opened up by 
the samurai themselves, and therefore belonged to them. 
The samurai, who themselves were not allowed to work, 
had kumigashira (headmen) to look after the tenants and 

strata of 3 ft. The uwatsuchi was the upper strata of 3 feet of earth, 
which was supposed to have been enriched by manuring during 
cultivation. The farmer who really was the original owner of the 
land often owned only the sokotsuchi^ the uwatsuchi being owned by 
the kasakunin who had cultivated the land. This uwatsuchi was 
bought and sold without any change in the sokotsuchi mochi. After 
a kasakunin had cultivated the land for about 20 years he could not 
be evicted from the land but the uwatsuchi became his own. At the 
iime of the Bestoration all kasakunin who had cultivated the land for 
20 years became uwatsuchi mochi. 

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their farming interests generally. These lands were 

transferable but were not as valuable as either Jwnden 

or shindeuy because they were for the most part in 

mountainous regions. For example, a mmurai would buy 

a mountain from the Governmeut and clear it up for 

oultivation, and this would then become his yaguchi. 

In some cases tliese lands seem to have been given to the 

samurai by the daimyo, Ryochi were the new lands cleared 

up and owned by the goshu They also, like the yaguchi, 

were mountainous. If a goshi became a samurai y he gave 

np his I'yochi and received it back as yaguchi or if 

ryochi was sold to a samurai it became yaguchiy 

and vice versa. The yd»7d worked these lands 

themselves, and bought and sold them at pleasure 

There were also certaiu lands, which ordinary farmers 

would buy and hold in their own names, and they 

.constituted a sort of shinden, though not the true sldnden^ 

which could in no case be bought or sold. The farmers' 

shinden was generally mountainous land, opened up by 

themselves with the direct permission of the dairnyo. 

Sometimes, when a farmer could not get this necessary 

permission, he would borrow the name of a goshi and 

^arry on the work in that name, because (and very naturally) 

it was easier for a goshi to get the permission than for a 

•common farmer. Sometimes farmers opened up new lauds 

secretly, so as to escape the tax ; if this was detected, 

they were punished by fines. The whole of the land owned 

by farmers was not always contiguous. The plots were 

often in various places, according as they had been 

bought or opened up. Obviously the relative fertility of 

the soil in different sections would influence the clearing 

of the land. In addition to the foregoing, there were 

mountainous lands owned by the mura, but the great 

mass of mountain land was owned by the dairnyo 

of the province. The hard had large sections 

of country alloted to them, so that their holdings 

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eontained both lowlands and uplands — lands indeed that 
could be classed as honden, shinden, or mountain land. 
Over these they held complete control. From what has 
been said it will be seen that, with the exception of the 
lands of kaiv and goshi, all tbe best land was under the^ 
direct control of the dainiyo and could neither be bought 
nor sold. Only the less valuable mountain lands 
could be owned by the people and hence only such 
lands were transferable. The lands of the daimyd were 
all worked by tenants, and there was no distinction made 
between land which provided the lord's own rice and lands^ 
to provide rice for the samurai. This of course does not 
include lands specially allotted to upper class samurai for their 
support. Eice that was destined for the daimyO's private 
table was grown upon land that was set apart for that especial 

Considering the division of the lands from another 
standpoint, there were yashi/dchi (bouse lands), which 
of course were uncultivated ; ta (rice fields) ; and hata or 
Juitake (up-lands), where wheat and barley with vegetables 
of various kinds were produced. In addition to these 
there were grass-lands, not on the plains, but on mountains, 
where the people of the mura gathered grass for forage 
and for making manure. These lands were generally owned 
by the vun-a. Upon the mountains there were hara (waste- 
land) and also large forests, both of which classes of land 
belonged to the dainiyo. The uncultivated lands were 
very extensive owing to the extremely mountainous 
character of the country. 

The arable lands were divided into districts called 
azana. The size of these azana varied according to the 
manner and extent in which the land had been originally 
cleared up. They served no other purpose than that of 
marking off and naming for the sake of convenience the 
various districts of the mura. These names are often 
associated with the men who originally cleared up the land ;. 

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for example Torube Honden, or Tortihe Shinden, The small 
divisions between the plots of land were called aze. These 
plots varied in size according to the slope as leveled for 
irrigation purposes, but none of them were large. The^ 
narrow aze were subject to change, bat the broad onea 
coald not be removed, as they marked the larger divisions. 
Smaller plots were designated by their bango (number); 
for example Torube Honden No. 1 and No. 2, or Toi-ube 
Shinden No. 8 and No. 4, etc. 


The mura or village is the only other division of the^ 
country which we need to consider, and it is one of the 
most important. Under the kokushi (that is, practically^ 
at least as late as Yoritomo's time), the following arrange- 
ment obtained with regard to the mura. One man cultivat- 
ed eight tan, and this was called ichimyo, (one-name).. 
The amount differed in different mura; in some it was only & 
or 6 torn,. Next, five men were associated under one head 
man, and the combination was called go-myo (five-names). 
These five men were banded together to help one another 
in case of need, and any small difficulties which arose 
among them were settled by the headman. Ten of these 
gomyo, numbering in all 50 men, were united under one 
headman and constituted the gojiu myo (fifty-names) or 
isson (one mura). The headman of the 50 was the head- 
man of the mura, and had the general oversight of its affairs, 
settling all difficulties of importance that arose therein. 
Taxes were rated by the government not on the farmer 
directly but on the mura as such, each mura paying a 
certain fixed amount annually to the government officials. 
If any man was unable to pay his portion of the 
taxes, it had to be made up by his associates. 
It appears that in many cases the headmen of the 
gojiu-myo became wealthy and influential members of 

Y«L ZZ.-16. 

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society. Some of. them even developed into petty lords. 
These men, whenever possible, allied themselves with 
monbatm (men of good blood) from the other provinces, 
whose association secured for them a dignity not other- 
wise obtainable, and thus gave prestige to families that 
were originally of humble origin. In later times, under 
the Yamanouchi regime, the divisions known as mtira 
were territorially of various sizes, according to the 
population of the country, to the situation of the lands 
n mouDtains or plains, or to previously existing social 
and political arrangements. Some mura, where the 
populations were sparse, extended over broad sections of 
•country and possessed no real village centre. Other mura 
were restricted within narrow limits, consisting only of 
small collections of houses together with the adjacent fields. 
In some the houses were built together on one long street, 
and again in others they were scattered about among rice 
fields, and connected by mere paths along the aze. Thus 
it appears that there was no fixed rule for the size of a 7nura 
or for the arrangement of the houses of its inhabitants. 
Thus to understand the situation fully, we must not think of 
the mura as a collection of houses in one village, but rather 
as a territorial division of the country. The power of the 
^hoya and toshiyoH varied iu different mura. The gyoseikwan 
and shihokan were /lan-officials, not mura. The power of 
these officials up to a certain limit were exercised by the 
shoya. The head man of the mura was called the shoya, 
and was appointed by the daimyo. This office was for life 
and was hereditary. The family of the shoya samu was the 
most honored in the mura. It seems further that a man 
was more honored on account of his ancestors than of the 
land he might possess. Next to the shoya were the toshiyor^ 
(elders); these were paid in some places. There were also 
gyoseikwan kori hugyo (executive officers) and shihokwa/n 
(judges). These various officials settled all the troubles 
of the jnura. There were also kumlgashira^ unpaid company 

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grinnan: feudal land tenure in tosa. 248 

chief, who looked after the lauds generally throughout the 
mnra. In addition to these there were gonin-gashira (five 
men-chief) having the oversight of certain village sub- 
divisions. They were, however, not limited in their over- 
sight to five men, as the name would seem to imply. The 
office must have been derived from the headman of the 
gomyo, in the time of the kokmhi, the number five being 
retained in the name while, the real sphere of the office was 
enlarged. There were no elections in the miwaj nor was there 
a yoriai (assembly); the Jtoshiyori and kumigashira were 
elected ; and an assembly each year or at the time of a family 
festival, or there was a part mura. All executive business 
was transacted by the various officers. In the mura each 
farmer worked the land that he had rented, but 
the mura as a whole often owned mountain lauds, 
called kyoyazan. The nmra also often owned so-called 
shinden (land of the gods), the rice from which was either 
made into sake to be used on matsuri occasions, or was 
sold in order to obtain money for the expenses of the 
various matsuri. Each mura had to pay a settled amount of 
tax in rice, and this was collected, not by the mura officials, 
but by the tax collectors of the daimyo. 


The tax on lionden and shinden would more properly 
be called a rent. If the land was held directly from the 
daimyo the rent was of course paid to him; but in the 
cases of upper class samurai the rent was paid directly to 
them, the daimyo receiving none of it. The samurai and 
goshio who owned yaguchi and ryochi paid no tax to the 
daimyo for these lands. They received rent from the 
tenants — all of which they kept for their own use. All 
farmers or keikaku who owned land paid taxes thereon to 
the daimyo. The tenants occupying the land of a karo paid 
their rent directly to him, and he passed none of it on to 

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the daimyo. All rents were paid in rice. Even in certain, 
places where water rice could not be produced, an amount 
of rice was brought in based on the amount of dry land rice 
that could be produced there, whether the product of the land 
was in fact rice or not. This latter was not true of all 
lands that could produce dry land rice, but only of some 
very fertile low lands where there was a lack of water* 
Thus, though the rents were paid in rice, they were based 
not on rice as the actual product, but on rice as the standard 
of measurement of fertiHty. For example, if a renter had 
rice land assessed to produce tweuty koku of rice, he had 
to bring in, say, three-fifths of that amount in rice whether 
he produced rice or something else on the land. From 
some of the very mountaiuous districts from which it was^ 
difficult to bring rice the rent could sometimes be paid in 
money. The price of the lands and the amount of rent to 
be paid was determined in accordance with the amount of 
rice the land could produce. If it was very good land, the 
rent was high and vice versa. Neither the valuation of the 
laud nor the rent changed with the market ; these values^ 
had been settled and oftentimes continued the same for 
many years and even for centuries. 

For example, if a piece of land ought by the estimate 
to give ten koku of rice in rent, that amount was always 
required, even in cases of partial failure of crops. If^ 
however, the farmer's loss was excessive, the amount of rent 
required was lessened, in accordance with the law of human, 
fairness. The amount of reduction was generally settled by the 
officials and the farmers before the rice was cut. If na 
agreement could be made beforehand, the amount of rent 
was decided on by the officials after the harvest. Some 
times a portion of the crop would be cut and threshed out 
in the presence of officers of the law to let them see 
what the yield would probably be, and according to this an 
average was struck for the remainder. The rent was 
never wholly remitted. The amount of rice which the 

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tenant must pay was known beforehand by both parties 
io the contract, and the tenant on paying the rent received 
his receipt for the same. There were large kura (store- 
houses) in KOchi for the storage of the rice, and thither 
on set days the farmers brought their quota on horses 
^ly caparisoned with blue, red, and yellow trappings, and 
with tails tied up in long and variegated bags. The amount 
of rent paid on honden was on an average three-fifths of 
what the Jand could produce. That on shinden was 
less, averaging only two-fifths of the land's productive 
capacity. The tenants on the yaguchi of the samurai 
paid about four-fifths of the rice produced, — a heavy 
rent it would seem ; and yet we must remember that, 
besides the one crop of rice, vegetables and also a 
<5rop of barley or wheat could be produced annually 
on the same land, aud for these latter no rent was taken. If 
the government or samurai cleared up land for cultivation, the 
rent was determined by taking the average of the crops 
raised duriug three years. Sometimes a tenant would 
undertake to clear up land for cultivation on the understand- 
ing that no rent at all would be expected until after a certain 
number of years, greater or smaller, according to the expense 
of the clearing. Land owners could not at their pleasure 
raise their rents. If this were attempted, appeal would be 
made to the government. Sometimes, however, the land 
owners combined and raised rents, and generally the 
government granted its permission. In addition to the tax 
on rice lands, fish sold in the market were taxed (as indeed 
is the case to-day). This tax was first imposed by 
Chosokabe Motochi ka. The sale of paper and of cloth for 
clothing was also subject to the imposition of taxes. In the 
joka dwelling-house lands were firee. The merchants as a 
class possessed their own houses and engaged in trade, 
subject to no tax at all, but, as elsewhere in Japan in 
olden titae, they had to be very polite to the samurai 
on penalty of losing their heads and having their property 

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appropriated. There was further a kind of tax called 
tayaku. It consisted of compulsory work upon the 
water-courses or public works of various kinds or the 
castle. This work was done annually by those tenants who 
occupied the liondtn. In very early days it had been 
assigned to the samurai, but being distasteful to them their 
farmers were hired to do it in their stead, 'e«ich man receiving 
as his wage one sho of rice per day. At first the farmers 
were very glad of the opportunity to so add to their incomes, 
but in time the pay became relatively too small for the 
work done and they wished to withdraw from the bargain, 
but were not permitted to do so. As I have just remarked, 
this tayaku was connected with the honden only. Elsewhere 
the farmers were compelled to do the work on the water- 
courses without any remuneration whatever. 


The general law of inheritance amongst all classes 
was that of primogeniture, the eldest son of a property 
holder inheriting all at the father's death. When 
a man died without an heir his land reverted to 
the daimyo. As already stated, the eldest son of a goshi 
inherited his father's position and'property, and the younger 
sons became heimin. However, if there were no sons, 
the husband of the eldest daughter could as yoshi (adopted 
son) inherit both rank and property. When a tenant 
died, the continued cultivation of the land by his children 
depended on the circumstances of the case, or on the 
will of the kumigashira if the land belonged to a mmurau 
However, if the children were able to do the work and 
pay the required rent, they generally remained in 

Sometimes, when the eldest child was a daughter and 
the sons turned out badly, the father could by permission 
of the government adopt a son to become the daughter's 

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husband and make him the heir of his estate. Witk 
regard to adoption, if a father died without having selected 
a yoshiy no one could be subsequently chosen by the family 
and possess himself of the privileges of adoption and the 
estate consequently reverted to the lord ; but if a selection 
had been made before the father's death, it could be 
formally ratified, provided permission was obtained from 
the government before the burial took place. After the 
burial permission was not obtainable. Heuce it sometimes 
happened that a man's dead body was kept for eight or ten 
days, awaiting the government's permission for the adop- 
tion of a yoshi who had been selected but not as yet 
formally installed. 

There were no banks in Tosa, but riyogaeya (money 
changers) abounded. Mouey could be borrowed from 
individuals, and lands and goods were mortgaged to obtain 
it. It seems, however, that money was often borrowed 
on the simple promise to repay, which was considered 
a sufficient guarantee ; for among samurai if a man could 
not keep such a promise he committed haraljdri rather 
than bear the disgrace of a broken bond. 

Trade between Tosa aud other provinces was very 
limited in extent, for there was a law prohibiting general 
exportation, aud only a few articles were allowed to be sent 
abroad ; and even in these the trade was permitted only to a 
chosen few. Similar restrictions conditioned importation. A 
few tradesmen iu Osaka were permitted to send certain articles 
that were needed in the province, and that was all. There- 
fore, as was the case throughout Japan in pre-revolutioa 
days, the province of Tosa lived its own secluded life and 
the more readily developed a peculiar and striking 
individuality, — the traces of which are still so prominent 
iu its social life and its politics. 

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By Miss Hannah M. Bibkenhead. 

[Read 28th April, 1892.] 

The Province of Settsu, in which Suma is situated, 
was under the direct rule of the Sfidgun. The chief 
officers were Shoshidai, Bugyo and Daikwan. These were 
all Hatamoto when in Yedo. There was one Shoshidai 
(Kyoto), one Bugyo (Osaka), but many Daikwan. One of 
ihe last had charge of HyOgo and Suma. 

The Daikwati's duties were to gather rice, to settle 
disputes, to act as spy, aud to prevent neighbouring 
Daimyos from combining against the Tokugawa. If the 
Daikwan held his appointment directly from the Shogun 
the rice was sent to Yedo ; if from Skoshidaif to Ky5to ; 
if from Bugyo, to Osaka, or to a store-house at Hyogo 
to wait till a sufficient quantity had been gathered before 
sending away. 

Suma was itself a mura, extending from Myohoji River 
on the east to Sakai River, Harima, on the west ; and 
from Tainahata ynura on the north to the sea on the south. 
It was divided into East and West, and it is thought the 
original miira was situated in the middle. There was a 
street of dwellings — a continuation of the Tdkaido — with 
jBcattered farms outside. 

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Fifty years ago there were six great land-owners in 
Suma. Mayeda Sakujiro and Naoe Tozaemon in the west> 
Matsuda Gimbe, Tomokuni Magozaemon, Edamitsu Mago- 
zaemon in the east, and Tomokuni Zingozaemon in the 
north. Mayeda was the richest. He was Shoya or 
Headman, and was allowed to wear one sword. His fame 
was oelebrated in verse as follows : — 
Saite shiworete, 
Mata saknhana wa, 
Suma no Mayeda no 
(The flower which, having opened and withered, blooms 
again is the iris of Mayeda of Suma). 
And again : — 

** Suma no Mayeda no 
Eakitsu no naka ui 
Ayame saku to wa 
(We did not know the sweet-flag would grow among 
Mayeda's irises). Mayeda could pass fiom the eastern to the 
western boundaries of Suma without leaving his own land. 
The Empress Jingnkogo is said to have passed through 
Suma on her way to Corea (202 A, D.), and to have 
visited his ancestor's house. When the battle of Ichi-no- 
Tani, fought at Suma between Genji and Heike, is 
represented in drama, this once famous land-owner is 
always among the characters personated. The irises are 
still flourishing in the ditch in front of Mayeda*s house, 
but the old home has lost its glory. It is now a small 
tea-house kept by the latest representative of the onc6 
honoured name. 

The large land-owuers had no special privileges, but 
they were indirectly influential. They were eligible for 
Che office of headman. This position they sometimes got 

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250 bibkenhead: suma muba fifty yeabs ago. 

by appointment, sometimes by payment. The headmaik 
was allowed to build bis hoase in a special style, peculiar 
to the Shoya. Several of the men who held this positioa 
became rich by cutting down and selling trees belonging to 
the Government, which had been placed under their care^ 
and which the people were not permitted to touch. The 
Slwya claimed annually six koku of rice from the villagers. 
There were six or seven Elders {Toshiyon), but they 
received no remuneration . The Shoya and Elders alone- 
sat in the Village Assembly and voted. 

The only inhabitants of the mura not engaged in. 
agriculture were fishermen, and a few kago-kaki (carriers). 

Among present land-owners in Suma, Naoe Tozaemon 
in the west, and Tomukuni and Edamitsu in the east» 
claim to have held their ground the longest. Lately, in 
East Suma, an old tombstone was unearthed, with a 
date of about 1,200 years ago, and the name Tomokuni 


The chief productions were lice, wheat, and vegetables 
of various kinds. Rice was cultivated from May to August^ 
wheat from August to May, on the same fields — "fa'* land. 
Beans were grown in summer, and daikon, cabbages, and 
other vegetables in winter — on hatake fields. 

The most famous vegetable production of Suma — the 
meibutsu — was water-melon. It was peculiar in having 
red seeds, the melon of other phices generally having 
black ones. 


Each farmer had land in several parts of the mura^ 
and took new ground as he needed it. In case of shifting^ 
a middleman was employed, and a written account of tha 

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trausfer was exchanged by the parties concerued. The 
affair was reported to the Shot/a, so that at the time 
of gathering rice he might know what land each farmer 
had. An examination was held for this purpose every 

The rent was about one koku five to for each tan, 
a reduction of two or three to being made for poor ground. 
The rate of rent was settled by arbitration, the people of 
East Suma being always more quarrelsome than those 
of the West. 

Land could be leased for any length of time. If a 
tenant did not pay his rent the owner could take the ground 
back, but this was a rare occurrence. 


There were four temples in Suma : Genkoji, Myokoji^ 
Jotokuji, and Suma-dera. The last was the largest, 
and owned two chd of land. All had received their 
ground from the ShOgunate. Genkoji had many members, 
who made it rich with their offerings. The temple 
lands could not be taxed. All these were taken by 
Government at the Restoration except the grounds occupied 
by temple buildings, which are still free of taxation. 

Sumn-dera was founded by Hideyori, the son of the 
great Taiko Hideyoshi. Its priests had formerly political 
as well as religious influence, and were treated with 
great respect by the people. 

After the Restoration the farmers gave four tan ot 
land to Jotokuji, and three tan to MyokOji. 

Expenses for repairing the temple were drawn from 
the central temple in Yedo. 

The lauds were originally cultivated by priests, but 
afterwards by hired labourers. 

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£52 bibkenhead: suha mura fifty teabs ago. 

The priests had no right to sell or mortgage their 
lands, but they sometimes did so unlawfully. They could 
iet ground to farmers, who paid for it at the usual rate. 


Before the Restoration taxes were paid according to 
iihe estimated producing power of the land, partly in money, 
but chiefly in rice. The Daikwan made an examination 
and then gave a written statement of the amount due to 
the Government. (Appended is a translation of one of 
these documents.) The Daikivan could not be oppressive, 
as he had to consult with the Shoya and Elders of 
the mura. In time of calamity the Government excused 
those who were not able to pay their taxes. 

The people seem to have been peaceable and diligent, 
and there has never been any great struggle in Suma. 

Now, taxes are paid for the laud itself, at the rate 
^>f 2|^ % of its value, without regard to crops. 


There was land without owners which was cultivated 
by persons who took the crops and paid the taxes. At 
the Restoration the ground became the property of those 
persons. One such place was Tsuki-mi-Yama^ which now 
belongs partly to Government and partly to the people. 

When the Shogunate was abolished, the extent of land 
allotted to each person was changed by Government 
order. This was formerly settled by Shoya, who did it 
rather arbitrarily. 


When two persons wished to divide their lands by 
fences, each man made one on his own ground, and a free 

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path, one shaku wide, was left between. Both men were 
afterwards responsible for the keeping of the intermediate 
roadway in good condition. 

Suma has a dry, sandy soil. Its fields were formerly 
supplied with water by means of ponds near the sea, and 
wells on the mountain side. When the ponds or wells got 
out of order they were restored at the expense of the Govern- 
ment. In these days the farmers themselves have to 
pay for such repairs. 

Near Mayeda's house is a famous well called ^'Suga 
ido,'* the name having been given by Prince Sugawara 
Michizone. In winter, the water of this well keeps a cer- 
tain level, but in summer it overflows, and helps to irrigate 
the fields. 

The place where Suma railway station now stands 
was in olden days covered by the sea. 


The disasters were generally caused by storms or 
drought. The ones well remembered are ; — 

Meiji, 16th Year. — ^Drought, which ruined rice and 
" 17th " Too much rain, making wheat 

*' 19th ** Storm. 
*' 22nd " Drought. 
*' 24th ** Storm. 
^ The old people say it was much the same in their 
younger days. The big stoim of 1891, the greatest 
duriug the last seventy years, did much damage in Suma* 
Government had to help the farmers, but such help is 
unusual now. 

In entering Suma from the east, there is an aqueduct 
Qver which the river Tenjo runs. Sometimes the mtira 
is partly flooded by that river. 

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The eldest son of a family was generally the sole 
heir. When he came into possession it was customary 
for him to take his father's name. In this way, the head 
of one family would have the same personal and surnames 
for many generations. There was no law ahout succession 
except that it must he reported to the Shoya, It was 
not usual to make a will. 

In regard to successiou, women had no rights. When 
a father had a daughter but no son, the property was 
still kept in the father's name. If a son were adopted 
and made heir, he changed his name for that of his adoptive 

If the eldest son's conduct was very bad, it was 
not an uncommon thing for the second son to take his 

The heir had to pay all the debts of his ancestor, no 
matter how small the inheritance or how great the debts. 


Land in Suma is now rapidly rising in value. The 
plnce is only five mil. s by rail from Kobe, and is becoming 
noted as a health resort. Wealthy foreigners are leasing 
ground on the hill sides or by the sea, and building country 
homes, where they can enjoy the fresh breezes and the 
sweet scent of the spruces, and from where they can watch 
the sea-birds flitting across the stormy Straits of Akashi, 
as in the good old days of the Tokugawa, when the 
people sang : — 

"Awaji shima 

Kayo chidori no 

Naku koye ni 

Iknye nezamenu 

Suma no sekimori," 

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bibkbnhead: suma muba fifty teabs ago. 255 

(The guards of the Snma harrier hear in their dreams 
the cries of the sea-hirds going to and retoming from 
the Island of Awaji). 


ra=grain land. 

Hata^r^vegetable gardens. 

iirafam€=ohanged, as to crops. 

Shinden=uevr\j opened land. 

Okoshikaeshi=ial\ed ground. 

Mat8U'goki'tachi='pine trees and bushes. 


Honhata=u'p\sLnd fields. 


Take'ko-tachi=foreat of bamboo and other trees. 

Matm-ki'tachizzz-pine trees- 


The Fixed Taxes of Vshidoshi, For ten years from 
Zfshi to Inu, Total amount 1,020 kokuy 6 tOy 4 sJw. 
Higashi Suma mura, 

Yabegun, Settsu-no-kuni, 



930 koku, 9 to, 3 sho, 7 go. From this amount the 
following are taken out : 

103 koku, 2 to, 3 sho, ScfOy=groxmd taken up hy houses, 
etches, dikes and wells ; 

2 tOy 5 shoy 6 ^o=place8 where sand is deposited. 

Net Amount, 827 kokUy 4 to, 4 sho, 8 go. 


Amount 801 koJm, 4 go (=the value of the land 
measured hy rice). 

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256 birkenhebd: suma muba fifty ysabs ago. 


696 koku, 8 to, 8 «Ao=tax, 

The rate is 7 shaku^ 4 hu^ 5 ?tn, 2 mo (that is 
about AW- 

Amount, 6,970 go, Nennen Shinden. 

3,700 5fo=tax 6. 808 r. 

Amouut, 11. 151 go Mi. 

6.120 ^o=tax 4. 572 r. 

Amount, 1. 182 go, ** Inu,** Aratame Shinden. 

542 /;o=tax 4. 585 r. 

Amount, 102 go ** Inu, Mi.*' Shinden. 

46^o=tax 4. 500 r. 

Amount, 290^^0 " Mi, Hitsuji, Tori,'' Shinden. 

181 ^o=tax 4. 500 r. 

Amount, 416 <70 "Mi," Okoshikayeshi. 

187//o=tax 4.500 r. 

Amount, 222 go. " Mi, Hitsuji, Tori " Shinden. 

88 ^o=tax 8.964 r. 

Amount, 1.227 go. Last "I," Matsu gaki tachi 

128 5ro=tax 1.000 r. 

Amount, 8.549 ^i'o, "I" Okoshikayeshi. 

218i^o=tax 600 r. 

Amount, 1.885 ^o, Last "I" Magusaba okoshikaeshi. 

40^o=tax 300 r. 

The whole amount of ta land is 607 koku, 7 «/to=tax. 


89 koku, 7 to, 3 go. In this there is 181 go of ta 
changed into hatake land. From the amount the following 
are deducted : — 

120^0 — for land on which the village storehouse stands. 

82^0 — for sand deposits, erosive banks, and land 
broken by the river. 

Net Amount, 89 koku, 2 to, 8 sho, 1 go. 

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Amount, 70,588 go, Honhata. 

88.616 //o=tax 6.4672 r. 

Amount, 2.900 </o. Shinyajicbi. 

1,867 ^o=tax 6.498 r. 

Amount, 620 go, Neunen Shinden. 

276 go=t&x 6.808 r. 

Amount, 679 go, **Inu,'* aratame Sbinden. 

811^o=tux 4.684 r. 

Amount, 1,219 go. ♦^Mi, Hitsuji, Tori." Shinden. 

484//o=tax 8.970 r. 

Amount, 162 go. ** Inu, Hitisuji," Shinden. 

68 ^o=tax 8.600 r. 

Amount, 181 go. ** I **— The old ** ta " land chunged 
into hatake. 

46 (/o=lax 8.600 r. 

Amoujit, 247 go. ** Tori '* Oko»hikayeshi. 

842 //o=:tax 8.600 r. 

Amount, 2,666 go. ** Tori, U,** Okoshikayeshi. 

824 r/r>=tax 8.226 r. 

Amount, 827 go. ** Mi " Okoshikayeshi. 

105 //o=tax 8.217 r. 

Amount, 8,110 go. ** Tori *' Okoshikayeshi. 

933^,>=tax 8.000r. 

Amount, 1,896 go. ** Uma ** Okoshikayeshi. 

474 .^/o=tax 2.600 r. 

Amount, 181 go. Last **I*' Hatakata okoshikayeshi. 

86//^>=tax 2.000 r. 

AmDunt, 610 go. Last " 1 '* Take kotachi okoshi- 

61/y^=tax 1.000 r. 

Amount, 2,822 go. Last **I" Magusaba okoshi- 

86^o=tax 8.000 r. 

The whole amount of hatake land is 44 koku, 4 to, 8 go= 

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The tax on the best land is 651.478 go, 
Amouut 3 kokUf 4 tOy 6 shOf 6 yOy all Shinden, in the 
same mura. From this 886 go is deducted as allowance for 
laud broken by river and for sand deposits. Remaining 
amount 3,180 go. 

Amouut 2,566 go Honbata. 

642(/o=tax 2.602 r. 

Amount 222 go. Last < I ' Matsuki tachi okoshikayeshi. 

22 //o=:tax 1.000 r. 

Amount 342 go, Okoshikayeshi. 

20 //o^tax 685 r. 

Whole amount of taxes=684 go, * Ta ' land. Shinden 
of same mura. 

Amount 835 go, 

450i5f'j=tax 6.889 r. 

Total amouut of taxes for Shindeu, 1,134 go. 
The total amount of taxes iu rice is 652,607 go, 
612,499 qo is to be paid in silver ; 490,108 go is to be paid 
in rice. Besides these there are : — 
38 momtne, 5 bu, silver 
The Goverument forest grass tax ; 

615 go, rice. 
Expenses for lodging of post horses ; 

2050 goy rice. 
Expenses for nobles* 'kago' bearers ; 
153 nwtnme, 7 bu, i rin, silver. 
Expenses for Government store-houses. 


The area of laud is 74 cho, 9 tan, 7 s^, 14 bu. 
TotalRice— 655,272 //o— Silver, 192 momnie, 2 bu, 4 rin. 
The above being fixed, the farmers aud tenauts must 
meet aud pay their taxes before the 15th of December. 
(Signed) Ishibara ShiozaburO. (Daiktcan), 
October, 9lh year of Kansei. 

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3 2044 106 215 62 


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