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TRANSACTIONS
THE GAELIG SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. I
VOLUME XXL
1806-97
\-KjLaXAs. rv
Gin or
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TRANSACTIONS
THE GAELIC SOGIETY OF INVERNESS.
VOLUME XXI.
1896-97.
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V
«4
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TRANSACTIONS
OP THE
GAELIC SOCIETY
OF INVERNESS.
VOLUME XXI.
1896-97.
(Sfonn nan (Satbkeal an (SnaiUcsn a ©wilt.
. • • • «
f liberties* :
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
1899.
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Iitbertus* :
PRINTED BY THE NORTHERN COUNTIES NEWSPAPER AND PRINTING AND PUBLISHING
COMPANY, LIMITED.
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INTRODUCTION.
This, the 21st volume of the Gaelic Society of Inverness Tran-
sactions; though a majority volume, is published in the Society's
28th year of existence. The publication of a yearly volume has
long been found impossible or impracticable ; and this volume,
like its two immediate predecessors, contains a year and a half s
work — from January of 1896 to June of 1897. The volume
claims to be unique in one respect : it is the largest which the
Society has yet issued, coming as it does within a few pages of
the five hundred. Its characteristics otherwise are the same as the
later volumes of the Society — few general or elementary papers,
but several papers containing original research or original docu-
ments. It is not invidious to draw attention to the historical or
documentary value of the " Bighouse Papers" and the " Gleanings
from the Cluny Charter Chest;" but it will be seen that the
Society has not forgotten the other aspects of its work — Highland
folklore, Gaelic literature in all its phases, Gaelic dialects, and
local as well as clan history.
Our death-roll for this volume is heavy, both in number and
quality. Alexander Mackenzie, well known under the sobriquet
of the " Clach" (which arose from the name of his first shop in
Inverness — " Clachnacuddin House"), died on the 22nd January,
1898. He was one of the most notable men in the Highlands
for the last generation — Highland politician, editor, and clan
historian. Born on a croft in Gairloch in 1838, he had little
opportunity for schooling, and at an early age he had to earn his
living as navvy, ploughman, and the like. About 1860 he joined
the Scotch Drapery Trade in England, and soon made his way in
business. In 1869 he settled in Inverness, first as clothier,
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308261
VI. INTRODUCTION.
developing latterly into editor and publisher of the Celtic Magazine
and Scottish Highlander. He has left seven clan histories, all
works of great genealogical value. He was one of the founders of
the Gaelic Society of Inverness, and took an active part in all its
proceedings to the last. Sir Henry C. Macandrew, who had held
the office of Chief of the Society, and who so often acted as
chairman of its public meetings when the actual chiefs could not
be present, died on the 26th September of last year ; he was born
in 1832. Another enthusiastic and energetic member was the late
Captain Macra Chisholm of Glassburn. Within the last few weeks
the Highland publishing world has had to mourn the loss of two of
its most valued heads. Mr Archibald Sinclair of Glasgow, " deagh
mhac an deagh athar," died on the 1st February, at the early age
of 48. From his " Celtic Press " have issued many Gaelic publi
cations during the last thirty years. Mr Robert Livingston,
manager of the Northern Chronicle, and practically the Society's
publisher, died suddenly at Edinburgh on the 3rd March, much
regretted by everyone that knew him. The poetess, Mrs Mary
Macpherson or " Mairi Nighean Iain Bhain," must also be added
to our death roll. She was born at Skeabost, in Skye, in 1821,
and died there in November, 1898, at the ripe age of 77 years.
In taking our customary glance at Celtic literature, we have
to record a fair output for the Highlands. Gaelic works are few.
Surgeon-Colonel John Macgregor has greatly enhanced his poetic
reputation by his Luinneagan Luaineach (Nutt). Two volumes
are now published in handy and cheap form of Kev. Mr Macrury's
racy and accurate translation of the "Arabian Nights" —
Sgeulachdan Arabianach ("Northern Chronicle"). Dr George
Henderson has laid the Gaelic world under a great debt of
obligation to him for his excellent work Leabhar nan Gleann,
which contain a three leading features : one-third of it consists of
transliterations from the Fernaig MS. to the extent of half the
MS., one-half is taken up with a collection of Hebridean poetry,
and the rest contains an English translation of Prof. Zimmer's
important paper on " Matriarchy among the Picts." Mr Henry
Whyte has published, under the title of Leabhar Na Ceilidh, an
i
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INTRODUCTION. Vll.
excellent selection of Gaelic readings and recitations in prose and
verse. A new edition of Rob Donn's poems, edited by Mr Hew
Morrison, with a memoir, has given rise to a very lively contro-
versy as to whether the poet was a Calder or a Mackay. Of
English works on Highland subjects, we may first mention the
late Alex. Mackenzie's posthumous "History of the Munros," which
merits to be placed among his best books. Dr Charles Fraser-
Mackintosh has published the "Minor Septs of Clan Chattan,"
wherein he shews his usual clan enthusiasm and accuracy of
research. Mr W. Drummond-Norie has written a most readable
popular history of Lochaber under the title of " Loyal Lochaber,"
where the legendary element bulks largely. " Inverness County"
was published last year by the Blackwoods in their County
Histories series ; Dr Cameron Lees, the author, has done the work
with his usual literary power. Captain Ellice's " Place-Names of
Glengarry and Glenquoich " is a very creditable performance, and
we should like to see more ©f this class of work done ; the last
similar book was Mr Liddall's "Fife and Kinross Place-Names"
(1896). Mr E. B. Nicholson, the Bodleian Librarian, spent some
vacations in Golspie, and the result is an " omnium gatherum "
work, entitled "Golspie: Contributions to its Folklore," very
readable, and, save on Pictish inscriptions, reliable. Mr Andrew
Lang has edited a Spy's Account of the "Highlands in 1750,"
with introduction and notes. It is a useful book, giving a
valuable if prejudiced report upon the clans and their capacities.
•Of new editions we may mention Dr Kennedy's "Days of the
Fathers in Ross-shire," edited by the Revs. J. Noble and J.
Kennedy; "Leabhar Nan Cnoc," republished largely at the
expense of that enthusiastic Highlander, Mr John Mackay of
Hereford ; and Mackay's Collection of Pipe-Music (Logan & Co).
In regard to periodicals and journals, The Caledonian Medical
Jowrnal and the Highland News deserve special mention for their
Gaelic and Highland matter. Mactalla, of Cape Breton Island,
still continues to be our only purely Gaelic journal.
Outside Scotland there has been some slackness in book
publishing, but magazine articles are as numerous as ever. A
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Till. INTRODUCTION.
new periodical has been added to the list, again "made u*
Germany •" it is called the " Archiv fur Celtische Lexikographie,"
and is edited by Dr Whitley Stokes and Professor Kuno Meyer.
The "Revue Celtique " and the " Zeitshrift fur Celtische Philologie"
flourish greatly. The last number of the latter contains an
article on the Fernaig MS. by Dr C. Ludwig Stern, marked by his
usual brilliancy. It should be read along with Dr Henderson's
Leabhar nan Gleann. "The Annals of Tigernach" have been
published in full by Dr Stokes in the Revue Celtique. Mr Nutt's
second volume of Bran, the Son of Febal, is published, and "con-
tains a brilliant discussion on the " Celtic Doctrine of Rebirth.""
Miss Hull has published with Mr Nutt the whole story of
Cuchulinn, under the title of the "Cuchulinn Saga" — an
excellent piece of work. Prof. Macalister has written the first
part of a work on " Irish Epigraphy," dealing with the Ogams.
The " Celtic Renaissance " seems to be in abeyance at present -r
but we had one or two excellent novels dealing with the High-
lands during the last year. Mr Neil Munro's " John Splendid,"
a novel of the Montrose wars, is written with the true Highland
spirit ; and the late William Black published at the same time hia
iC Wild Eelin," the scene of which is laid mostly in Inverness town.
It is one of Mr Black's best efforts.
A Pan-Celtic congress was lately held at Dublin, and one of
the most interesting items brought forward was the distribution
and number of the Celtic population in Europe. About three and
a quarter millions speak one Celtic tongue or other. Of these
Brittany comes first with 1,322,000, of whom 679,700 speak
Breton only. Then comes Wales with 910,000, of whom as many
as 508,000 speak nothing but Welsh, leaving 402,000 who speak
both Welsh and English. Ireland has 680,000 Gaelic-speaking
people, of whom 38,000 can speak Gaelic only. Scotland comes-
next with a quarter of a million Gaelic-speaking people, of whom
42,700 speak Gaelic only. In the Isle of Man from two to three^
thousand speak Manx Gaelic. The divisional sections in Scotland
are very interesting. Most people believe that Gaelic is confined
to the west and the isles, but (as returned by the census of 1891)*
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INTRODUCTION. IX.
even the eastern and southern counties have a large proportion-
There are fewest in Galloway, but it is certainly astonishing that
there are 6000 Gaelic-speaking people in Mid-Lothian, 500 in
Berwickshire, 100 in Haddingtonshire, 174 in Roxburghshire, and
800 in Fifeshire ; while between Dundee and Peterhead (leaving
out Perthshire) there are 6000. Lanarkshire comes out with no
fewer than 25,000; Inverness-shire, Ross and Cromarty, and
Argyll come first with respectively 62,000, 56,000, and 42,000.
The large Celtic Colonial population must be nearly as numerous
as the European; but no attempt has been made as yet to
estimate it all. Canada, according to the latest estimate, has a
quarter of a million of its inhabitants capable of speaking Gaelic.
In the preface to our last volume we stated that the Scotch
Code recognised Gaelic in four different ways : — (1) The children'^
intelligence might be tested in Gaelic, and Gaelic might be taught
for this purpose during Government hours ; (2) an extra Gaelic-
speaking P.T. could be employed for bilingual instruction, and a
shilling extra of grant would then be paid on the average attendance,
such P.T. also receiving a grant like any other P.T.; (3) Gaelic
might be taken as a specific subject; and (4) Gaelic-speaking
P.T.'s might receive additional— as many as for Latin and Greek
— marks for Gaelic at the Normal entry examination, over and
above the two languages to which other P.T.'s are confined. The
Code of 1899, which is simply revolutionary, though in the right
direction, in many vital matters of education, has considerably
altered the position of Gaelic. Only points 2 and 4 appear in the-
new Code ; 1 and 3 have disappeared. Number one may easily
be restored, but Gaelic as a specific subject is doomed, for the Code
has abolished Specifics. There is no separate payment for any
such, though the standard of examination insisted on in the
Advanced Department is founded on the old specific schedule.
No doubt teachers will be allowed to take Gaelic as part of the
Advanced Department curriculum, to be counted on an equality
with Latin or French ; but this point also requires clearing up.
Inverness, 15th March, 1899.
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COMUNN GAELIG INBHIRNIS.
CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.
1. 'Se ainm a' Chomuinn "Comunn Gailig Inbhir-Nis."
2. 'S e tha an run a' Chomuinn : — Na buill a dheanamh
iomlan 's a' Ghailig ; cinneas Canaine, Bardachd agus Ciuil na
Gaidhealtachd ; Bardachd, Seanachas, Sgeulachd, Leabhraichean
agus Sgriobhanna 's a' chanain sin a thearnadh o dhearmad ;
Leabhar-lann a chur suas ann am baile Inbhir-Nis de leabhraichibh
agus sgriobhannaibh — ann an canain sam bith — a bhuineas do
Chaileachd, Ionnsachadh, Eachdraidheachd agus Sheanachasaibh
nan Gaidheal no do thairbhe na Gaidhealtachd ; c6ir agus cliu nan
Gaidheal a dhion ; agus na Gaidhei! a shoirbheachadh a ghna ge
b'e ait' am bi iad.
3. 'S iad a bhitheas 'nam buill, cuideachd a tha gabhail suim
do runtaibh a' Chomuinn ; a^us so mar gheibh iad a staigh : —
Tairgidh aon bhall an t-iarradair, daingnichidh ball eile an tairgse,
agus, aig an ath choinneamh, ma roghnaicheas a! mhor-chuid le
crannchur, nithear ball dhith-se no dheth-san cho luath 's a
phaidhear an comh-thoirt; cuirear crainn le ponair dhubh agus
gheal, ach, gu so bhi dligheach, feumaidh tri buill dheug an crainn
a chur. Feudaidh an Comunn Urram Cheannardan a thoirt do
urrad 'us seachd daoine cliuiteach.
4. Paidhidh BaU Urramach, W bhliadhna . £0 10 6
Ball Cumanta 0 5 0
Foghlainte 0 10
Agus ni Ball-beatha aon chomh-thoirt de . 7 7 0
5. 'S a' cheud-mhios, gach bliadhria, roghnaichear, le crainn,
€o-chomhairle a riaghlas gnothuichean a' Chomuinn, *s e sin — aon
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GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
CONSTITUTION.
1. The Society shall be called the "Gaelic Society op
Invebnbss."
2. The objects of the Society are the perfecting of the Mem-
bers in the use of the Gaelic language; the cultivation of the
language, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands; the res-
cuing from oblivion of Celtic Poetry, traditions, legends, books,
and manuscripts ; the establishing in Inverness of a library, to
consist of books and manuscripts, in whatever language, bearing
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and
the material interests of the Highlands and Highland people ; the
vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ; and,
generally, the furtherance of their interests whether at home or
abroad.
3. The Society shall consist of persons who take a lively in-
terest in its objects. Admission to be as follows : — The candidate
shall be proposed by one member, seconded by another, balloted
for at the next meeting, and, if he or she have a majority of votes
and have paid the subscription, be declared a member. The ballot
shall be taken with black beans and white ; and no election shall
be valid unless thirteen members vote. The Society has power to
elect distinguished men as Honorary Chieftains to the number of
seven.
4. The Annual Subscription shaD be, for —
Honorary Members £0 10 6
Ordinary Members . . . . .050
Apprentices 0 10
A Life Member shall make one payment of . 7 7 0
5. The management of the affairs of the Society shall be en-
trusted to a Council, chosen annually, by ballot, in the month of
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Xll. C0-8HUIDHEACHADH.
Cheann, tri Iar-chinn, Cleireach Urramach, Kunaire, Ionmhasair,
agus coig buill eile — feumaidh iad uile Gailig a thuigsinn *s a
bhruidhinn ; agus ni coigear dhiubh coinneamh.
6. Cumar coinneamhan a' Chomuinn gach seachduin o thois
each an Deicheamh mios gu deireadh Mhairt, agus gach ceithir"
la-deug o thoiseach Ghiblein gu deireadh an Naothamh-mios. 'S
i a' Ghailig a labhrar gach oidhche mu'n seach aig a* chuid a's
lugha.
7. Cuiridh a' Cho-chomhairle la air leth arms an t-Seachdamh-
mios air-son Coinneamh Bhliadhnail aig an cumar Co-dheuchainn
agus air an toirear duaisean air-son Piobaireachd 'us ciuil Ghaidh-
ealach eile ; anns an fheasgar bithidh co-dheuchainn air Leughadh
agus aithris Bardachd agus Kosg nuadh agus taghta ; an deigh sin
cumar Cuirm chuideachdail aig am faigh nithe Gaidhealach rogh-
ainn 'san uirghioll, ach gun roinn a dhiultadh dhaibh-san nach tuig
Gailig. Giulainear cosdas na co-dheuchainne le trusadh sonraichte
a dheanamh agus cuideachadh iarraidh o 'n t-sluagh.
8. Cha deanar atharrachadh sam bith air coimh-dhealbhadh
a' Chomuinn gun aontachadh dha thrian de naJm bheil de luchd-
bruidhinn Gailig air a' chlar-ainm. Ma 's miann atharrachadh a
dheanamh is eiginn sin a chur an ceill do gach ball, mios, aig a'
chuid aJs lugha, roimh7n choinneamh a dh'fheudas an t-atharrachadh
a dheanamh Feudaidh ball nach bi a lathair roghnachadh le
lamh-aithne.
9. Taghaidh an Comunn Bard, Piobaire, agus Fear-leabhar-
lann.
Ullaichear gach Paipear agus Leughadh, agus giulainear gach
Deasboireachd le run fosgailte, duineil, durachdach air-son na
firinn, agus cuirear gach ni air aghaidh ann an spiorad caomh, glan,
agus a reir riaghailtean dearbhta.
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CONSTITUTION. xill.
January, to consist of a Chief, three Chieftains, an Honorary
Secretary, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and five other Members of the
Society, all of whom shall understand and speak Gaelic ; five to
form a quorum.
6. The Society shall hold its meetings weekly from the
beginning of October to the end of March, and fortnightly from
the beginning of April to the end of September. The business
shall be carried on in Gaelic on every alternate night at least.
7. There shall be an Annual Meeting in the month of July,
the day to be named by the Committee for the time being, when
Competitions for Prizes shall take place in Pipe and other High-
land Music. In the evening there shall be Competitions in Bead-
ing and Keciting Gaelic Poetry and Prose, both original and select.
After which there will be a Social Meeting, at which Gaelic sub-
jects shall have the preference, but not to such an extent as
entirely to preclude participation by persons who do not under-
stand Gaelic. The expenses of the competitions shall be defrayed
out of a special fund, to which the general public shall be invited
to subscribe.
8. It is a fundamental rule of the Society that no part of the
Constitution shall be altered without the assent of two- thirds of
the GaeKc-speaking Members on the roll ; but if any alterations
be required, due notice of the same must be given to each member,
at least one month before the meeting takes place at which the
alteration is proposed to be made. Absent Members may vote by
mandates.
9. The Society shall elect a Bard, a Piper, and a Librarian.
All Papers and Lectures shall be prepared, and all Discussions
carried on, with an honest, earnest, and manful desire for truth ;
and all proceedings shall be conducted in a pure and gentle spirit,
and according to the usually recognised rules.
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GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1896 OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1897
CHIEF.
J. E, B. Baillie, Esq. of Doch-
four, M,P.
CHIEFTAINS.
Mr Jamea Fraser, C.E.
iVfr Alex, Macbain, M.A.
Mr John L. Robertson, H.M.I.S.
HON. SECRETARY.
Mr William Mackay, Solicitor.
SECRETARY AND TREASURER.
Mi- Duncan Mackintosh, Bank
of Scotland.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Mr John Macdonald.
Mr Duncan Mactavish.
Mr William Fraser.
Mr Alex. Mackenzie.
Mr Wni+ Macdonald.
LIBRARIAN.
Mr William Fraser.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie.
BARD.
Mr Neil Macleod, Edinburgh.
CHIEF.
Cluny Macpherson of Cluny
Macpherson.
CHIEFTAINS.
Mr John Macdonald.
Mr James Fraser, C.E.
Rev. Thomas Sinton.
HON. SECRETARY.
Mr William Mackay, Solicitor.
SECRETARY AND TREASURER.
Mr Duncan Mackintosh, Bank
of Scotland.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY.
Mr Alex. Macdonald.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A.
Mr Alex. Mackenzie
Mr William Macdonald.
Mr Thomas A. Mackay.
Mr William Fraser.
LIBRARIAN.
Mr William Fraser.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie.
BARD.
Mr Neil Macleod, Edinburgh
J
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CONTENTS.
Introduction . -v.
Constitution x.
Office-bearers for 1896-97 xiv.
Twenty-fourth Annual Dinner (1896) .... 1
Minor Highland Families (No. X.) — The Cuthberts of
Castlehill, styled " MacSheorais" — Dr Charles Fraser-
Mackintosh ........ 10-
Scraps of Unpublished Poetry and Folklore from Glen-
moriston — Mr Alex. Macdonald, Inverness . . 22
Strathspey Raid to Elgin in 1820— Ex-Bailie W. G. Stuart 37
The Mission of the Celt — Mr L. Macbean, Kirkcaldy . 56
Sketches of the Early History, Legends, and Traditions of
Strathardle (No. V.) — Mr Charles Fergusson . . 69
Second Sight in the Highlands — Miss Goodrich Freer . 106
Annual Assembly (1896) 115
Selections from the Family Papers of the Mackays of
Bighouse (No. I.) — Capt. Wimberley, Inverness . 120
Beagan Dhuilleag bho Sheann Bhardachd Eilean a* Che6 —
Mr Neil Macleod, Edinburgh 171
Twenty-fifth Annual Dinner (1897) 187
Mr Skene v. Dr Skene — Mr A. Macbain, M.A., Inverness . 191
Some Unpublished Gaelic Ballads from the Maclagan MSS.
(No. I.) — Rev. J. Kennedy, Arran . . . .214
The Gaelic Dialect of Arran — Rev. C. M. Robertson,
Inverness 229
Fauns and Fairies — Rev. James Macdonald, Reay . . 265
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XVI. CONTBNTS.
PAGE.
Minor Highland Families (No. XL) — The Robertsons of
Inshes — Dr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh . . . 289
Further Gaelic Words and Etymologies — Mr A. Macbain,
M.A., Inverness 306
Early History, Legends, and Traditions of Strathardle
(No. VI.)— Mr Charles Fergusson .... 326
Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean (No. I.) —
Rev. J. Macrury, Snizort 369
Early Sources of Scottish Gaelic — Mr J. L. Robertson,
Inverness 379
Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest (No. III.) —
Provost Macpherson, Kingussie .... 391
Members of the Society —
Honorary Chieftains 455
Life Members 455
Honorary Members . 456
Ordinary Members ....... 457
Deceased Members 465
■Society's Library — List of Books 467
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TRANSACTIONS.
28th JANUARY, 1896.
TWENTY-FOURTH annual dinner.
The Twenty-fourth Annual Dinner of the Society took place in
the Station Hotel this evening. The chair was occupied by J. E.
B. Baillie, Esq. of Dochfour, M.P., Chief of the Society for 1896,
who was supported by Major Jackson of Swordale ; Capt. Malcolm,
Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders ; ex-Provost Ross, LL.D.; Rev.
Dr Norman Macleod ; Provost Macpherson, Kingussie; Mr
Duncan Shaw, W.S.; Mr Alexander Mackenzie, publisher; and
Mr Duncan Mackintosh, Secretary of the Society. The croupiers
were Mr John L. Robertson, H.M. Inspector of Schools, and Mr
William Mackay, solicitor, Honorary Secretary of the Society.
Among those present were — Mr H. V. Maccallum, solicitor ; Dr
Munro Moir, Inverness ; Rev. John Kennedy, Caticol, Arran ;
Mr Alexander Macbain, rector, Raining's School ; Mr Jchn Mac-
leod, M.P.; Mr Guild, Thornbush Brewery ; Mr James A. Gossip,
The Nurseries ; Mr Steele, agent, Bank of Scotland ; Mr Donald
Fraser of Millburn ; Rev. Mr Morrison, Kintail ; Mr James
Barron, Ness Bank; Mr Alexander Mactavish, ironmonger; Mr
Charles Macdonald, Knocknagael; Mr David Munro, solicitor;
Mr iEneas Fraser, writer ; Mr Mac waiter, of Messrs Marr <fe Co.,
music-sellers; Mr Mackay, contractor; Mr H. Rose Mackenzie,
solicitor ; Mr A. M. Ross, Dingwall ; Mr John S. Fraser, solicitor ;
Mr Fraser, farmer, Balloch ; Dr F. M. Mackenzie ; Mr John Mac-
kenzie, merchant, Greig Street ; Mr John Cameron, bookseller ;
Mr Freeman, Union Street; Mr Arthur Medlock, jeweller; Mr
William Fraser, Greig Street; Mr Alexander Macdonald, High-
land Railway ; Mr Keeble, Church Street ; Mr M'Hardy, Chief-
Constable ; Mr Duncan Mactavish, grain merchant ; Mr Wark,
1
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2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Lancashire Insurance Company ; Mr Ross, solicitor ; Mr Mac-
pherson, merchant, Inglis Street ; Mr Samuel Davidson, Union
Street, and others.
After an excellent dinner had been done ample justice to,
during which the Society's Piper, Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie,
Gordon Castle, played stirring and well-selected music,
The Chairman, who was received with applause, gave the
loyal and patriotic toasts, in course of which he sympathetically
referred to the great loss the Royal Family had recently sustained
by the death of Prince Henry of Battenberg. He was sure he was
only expressing the feelings of every one present when he said
they deeply sympathised with the Queen and widowed Princess.
Captain Malcolm replied for the Army and Navy, and Major
Duncan Shaw replied for the Volunteers.
The Secretary then read a long list of apologies for absence
from members of the Society, and submitted the annual report of
the Executive, Avhich was as follows : — The Council have pleasure
in reporting that the Society have had another useful year.
During the year fifteen papers were read at the Society's meetings,
and the nineteenth volume of the Society's " Transactions " was
issued and delivered to the members. Volume twenty is in the
press, and will, it is expected, be issued before the date of the
annual assembly in July. The syllabus for the current session is
in the hands of the members present. The Treasurer's report is
as folio ws : — Balance from last year, £55 2s Id ; income during
year, £116 Is 5d ; total, £171 3s 6d; expenditure during year,
£146 Is 9d— Balance in Bank of Scotland, £25 Is 9d. During
the year the Society was joined by 1 life member, 4 honorary
members, and 39 ordinary members. On the other hand, the
Council greatly regret the death of several members, including
Field-Marshal Sir Patrick Grant, Chief of the Society for past year;
Mr Colin Chisholm, one of the honorary chieftains of the Society ;
and ex-Bailie Alexander Mackenzie, Silverwells, who was for
several years one of the chieftains of the Society.
The Chairman, on rising to propose the toast of the evening —
" Success to the Gaelic Society of Inverness " — was received with
great enthusiasm. He said — My position upon this occasion is
to a certain extent an awkward one, as I am deficient in the very
point which is the object of the existence of this Association. I
think this deficiency may, however, be forgiven me, when you
consider that all my boyhood days \*ere, spent in foreign countries,
where my father had to live owing to his being in the diplomatic
service. But I have always deeply regretted this want of know-
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Annual Dinner. 3
ledge, which would have enabled a closer and more intimate
relation between myself and the people with whom 1 am most
closely connected. I never regretted it more than I do now, as it
prevents me speaking intelligently to such a large number of
those whom I have the honour to represent in the House of
Commons. I can, however, value and respect Gaelic without
knowing it. It is impossible to allow the language of a
nation to die without losing with it many of the mental and
intellectual characteristics of the people. It is not only a matter
of historical interest to preserve the peculiarities of this national
temperament ; it is, I believe, a matter of great importance in the
.history of a nation that the characteristics and every one of the
elements of which the national life is composed should be
preserved. The Highlanders have lessons to teach to Great
Britain, and lessons to teach to the age in which we live. The
Scotchman of the Lowlands brings into the national life thrift
carefulness, and determination of purpose, and a singleness of aim
in life which brings him to the front as a man of business ; the
Englishman has these noble qualities — a sense of justice and
honesty and respect for law, which makes him the best ruler in
the world ; but both of these have a tendency to the material
and matter of fact side of life ; it remains for the Highlander to
introduce the romantic element, which finds so large an expression
in his literature. Again, it is a common complaint that family
ties and public loyalty are weakening every day. Surely the
people whose love of name, race, country, and home is so
proverbial, may have a place as teachers in such an age. I only
wish I could prove the value I put upon this matter by learning
Gaelic myself, but I fear it is too late to do so now. In con-
clusion, let me only say how glad I am to have this public
opportunity of expressing the sympathy I feel for the objects of
this Association, and to assure you that I shall always warmly
second any efforts you may be making to carry on this work,
which I consider as of such great importance.
Provost Macpherson, Kingussie, in giving the toast of The
Language and Literature of the Gael, said — The subject of this
toast has been so often and so ably thrashed out at successive
gatherings of this Society, for many years, that one feels quite at
a loss to say anything fresh on the point. I desire, therefore,
simply to confine myself to a few words as to the language, and to
a brief reference to the labours of those who, during the last half
century — without going further back — have done so much in the
way of rescuing and preserving the literature of the Gael. And
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4 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
first as to the language, so appropriately termed " A' chainnt bhinin
bhlasda a bha aim o chein." While the English tongue is now as
indispensable as English coin in the business of e very-day life, we
find in the Gaelic language, in the more sacred home-life of a
Highland community, treasures — as has well been said — of
devotion and affection, a balm for bruised hearts, a music of old
times, reminiscences of genuine Highland hospitality, a vehicle of
fire-side talk, and patriotic inspiration, and of young love whisper-
ing in the twilight of a summer evening in our native glens, such
as no Highland heart will ever find in equal luxuriance in the
chilly English speech. Let me recall in this connection a few of
the many wise and patriotic sentiments to which Professor Blackie
— that warm-hearted friend and admirer of the Gael, whose recent
death awakened feelings of the deepest sorrow among Highlanders
all over the world — so frequently gave expression. " I respect and
reverence the Gaelic language," he said on one occasion, " and learn
from her lips more tenderness, and, perhaps, more wisdom, than
from the most recent school book, bound with red tape, and
patronised by Her Majesty's inspectors. If the language," he
continued, " is to die speedily the fault will mainly be with the
Highland people themselves. ... No doubt the Celt is a
British citizen, and ought to be taught English. That should be
placed in the foreground, but unless circumstances are very un-
favourable— unless he is ill-treated by others, or ill-treats him self t
and looks only to what affects his pocket, rather than to what
makes his bosom swell with noble emotion and sentiment — he
ought not to neglect his mother tongue ; and he is a monster if
he does not love it. He may have the misfortune to have a father
who told him to avoid the mother tongue, and who sent him to
Eton or Harrow to learn to read Horace and to be licked into an
Englishman, and who did not know that the best thing for a
Highland laird was to be familiar with the language of his own
people, and the history and traditions of the ancestral glens."
" No people," said Trelawny, the friend of Byron and Shelly, " if
they retain their name and language need despair," and that
pledge of liberty and guarantee of nationality, let us hope that, in
some measure at least, we still possess. And now a few words as
to the literature of the Gael. The question has not un frequently
been asked by would-be cynics whether such a thing as Celtic
literature exists at all, but to enlarge upon such a question at a
gathering of this Society would surely be altogether a work of
supererogation. "The moment," says Dr Douglas Hyde, in an
interesting little volume recently published — entitled " The Story
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Annual Dinner. 5
of Early Gaelic Literature" — "The moment that the English
reader embarks on the sea of native Irish literature (and this
applies with equal force to the literature of the Highlands) he
finds himself in absolutely unknown waters. It is not merely that
the style, the phraseology, the turns of speech, the entire metrical
system are as unlike English as though the whole of Europe lay
between the two countries, but its allusions are to things, and
times, and events, and cycles, and dynasties strange and unknown
to him, and he thus finds himself suddenly launched into a new
world, whose existence was, by him, perfectly unsuspected. He is
beset on every side by allusions which he cannot nnderstand,
similes he cannot grasp, and by ideas which are strange to him."
Confining myself to the period I have mentioned, and to this side
of the Border, the labours of such well-known Celtic scholars as
Dr Skene, Mr J. F. Campbell, Dr Maclauchlan of Edinburgh, Dr
Clark of Kilmallie, Dr Cameron of Brodick, Dr Hately Waddell,
Mrs Mary Mackellar, Professor Blackie, Sheriff Nicolson, Rev.
Mr Campbell of Tiree, Rev. Mr Macgregor of Inverness, Mr
Hector Maclean of Islay, and others, who have all now gone
over to the majority, are, I have no doubt, familiar to most
of you. Let me specially refer to the Teachdaire and
Cuairtear of that Highlander of Highlanders, the elder Dr
Norman Macleod, of St Columba's, Glasgow — a man, it has
been justly said, " worthy to be remembered with affec-
tionate veneration by all lovers of the Scottish Highlands,
their people, and their language ; whose perfect knowledge of
Gaelic proverbs, and happy use of them, gave a special charm to
his Highland dialogues, which, in wisdom, humour, tenderness, in
height of aim, pureness of spirit, and simple beauty of style, have
not been surpassed in the literature of any country." Need I
allude to these admirable, but now, alas ! defunct, periodicals,
The Gael, The Celtic Magazine, and The Highland Monthly, and
to our northern newspapers, which have all done such excellent
service in the way of promoting the cultivation of the language,
poetry, and music of the Highlands ? The three magazines which
I have mentioned have unfortunately ceased to exist, but let me
specially commend their successor, so to speak, that bright and
attractive little periodical, The Celtic Monthly, at present so
admirably conducted by Mr John Mackay, of Glasgow, which, I
believe, is steadily increasing in circulation among Highlanders
both at home and abroad. Among the many admirable papers
given in The Celtic Magazine, I may be pardoned for specially
alluding to the delightful " Snatches of Highland Song," collected
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6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in Badenoch by our worthy friend, Mr Sinton, the minister of
Dores, which have greatly interested natives of Badenoch, and
which I hope may soon be published in book form. I would
desire also to refer to the racy papers appearing in the Inverness
Courier from time to time, from the pen of that genial and
accomplished clergyman, " Nether Lochaber," which many of us,
I am sure, do not peruse with less interest, from his decided
Jacobite leanings. Of special interest to Highlanders have also
been many of the papers in the Northern Chronicle, from the pen
of Mr Campbell, the able and accomplished editor of that news-
paper. Coming nearer home, let me refer to the labours of Mr
Alexander Mackenzie, of the Scottish Highlander, the well-known
author of so many clan histories, to whom such a splendid and
well-deserved tribute of admiration was made this afternoon by
such a large number of subscribers, representing all shades of
political opinion. Let me also mention the name of Mr Alexander
Macbain, who has been appropriately termed " one of the best-
living Celtic scholars." If you will pardon a personal remark, not
a few members of this Society, while admiring the attainments of
our friend, Mr Macbain, *as a Celtic philologist, do not by any means
endorse all his historical opinions, and I may perhaps be allowed
to express the hope that, as regards some at least of these
opinions, he may come to see " the error of his way." In the
meantime, as loyal members of the Gaelic Society, we must of
course " agree to differ." But this by the way. Within the last
four or five years no little literary activity has prevailed in the
way of publication of very meritorious works connected with the
Highlands. During that short period we have had the poems and
songs of Mary Macpherson, the Skye poetess ; a collection of
original Gaelic songs and poems by Allister Macdonald, Inverness ;
and fuller editions of the works of some of our earlier poets have
been issued by Neil Macleod, the bard of the Society. We have
also had the literary remains of that accomplished Gaelic scholar
and native of Badenoch, Dr Cameron, of Brodick, in two portly
volumes, ably edited by Mr Macbain and Rev. John Kennedy.
Another remarkable volume — justly characterised as " a model
parish history" — is " Urquhart and Glenmoriston," by our highly
esteemed friend, Mr William Mackay, one of the original members
of the Society, and one of the most frequent and valued contributors
to its Transactions. Within the same period, Mr Mackenzie has
issued a new and improved edition of his "History of the
Mackenzies," which has been received with a chorus of approval,
alike from the clan and from the general public. We have also
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Annual Dinner. 7
had " Eachdraidh Beatha Chriosd" from that master of racy and
idiomatic Gaelic, Rev. Mr Macruiy of Snizort ; "The Last Mac -
donalds of Isla," already out of print, from Mr Fraser-Mackintosh ;
" Personal Names and Surnames of the Town of Inverness," from
Mr M*cbain ; " Memorable Highland Floods of the Nineteenth
Century," from Mr Nairne, the talented sub-editor of the Chronicle ;
and " Gaelic Incantations and Charms," from Mr William Mac-
kenzie, the secretary of the Crofters Commission, for some time
the energetic secretary of this Society. In course of the present
ye?.r we have also the promise of several very important works
connected with the Highlands. Among these are Mr Macbain's
"Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic Language"; "The History
of the Erasers," by the indefatigable clan historian, Mr Mackenzie;
" The Records of the Presbyteries of Inverness and Dingwall," to
be edited by Mr Win, Mackay for the " Scottish History Society;"
"The Clan Donald," by Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Kiltarlity,
and Rev. A. J. Macdonald, Killearnan ; and " Sutherland and the
Reay Couutry," by Rev. Adam Gunn, of Durness, and Mr John
Mackay, the editor of the Celtic Monthly, The toast was coupled
with the name of Rev. John Kennedy of Caticol, Arran, whom Mr
Macpherson characterised as one of the best Gaelic scholars of our
time, and who had been associated with Mr Macbain in the
publication of Dr Cameron of Brodick's Eeliquioe Celticce*
Rev. Mr Kennedy, Arran, said he had to thank Provost Mac-
pherson for the extremely kind way in which he had referred to
himself. This was the first time he had been in the capital of the
Highlands, and he enjoyed immensely the pleasure and privilege
of being present that night. To begin with, he had to congratulate
the Gaelic Society of Inverness on the motto which headed the
programme this evening —
" A' chuirm sgaoilte ; chualas an ceol,
Ard sholas an talla nan Triath."
The feast spread ; the music was heard,
High holiday in the hall of the heroes.
All present to that extent were heroes, and as Mr Macpherson
had so splendidly given them an account of all that had been
done during the past 50 years, he wrould only acknowledge
in one word their indebtedness to him for criticising the
work accomplished. Their chairman that evening, seeing he was
so young, need not give up the idea of acquiring the Gaelic
language. Mr Macpherson of Belleville acquired in two months a
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8 Gaelic Society of inuerness.
fair knowledge of the language, and in two years he was able to
speak to his tenantry. He was a credit to all landlords. It was
sometimes said that something might be done for the Highlands,
in Gaelic or in English, in the line of what had been done for the
Lowlands by Barrie, Crockett, and Ian Maclaren. Crockett him-
self said his book was often asked for thus — "Have you the
Crockett Minister by Stickit." They had Miss Fionna Macleod
now doing the very best in that direction for the Highlands — the
pioneer in a sphere where a great amount of work might yet be
done.
Mr William Mackay, solicitor, gave the toast of the Clergy.
He said the Highland clergy were the best working members of
the Gaelic Society of Inverness. Indeed, if they removed the
work of the clergy from the Celtic field there would be very little
left. He coupled the toast with the name of Dr Norman Macleod,
who was the representative of a family who had done more for
Celtic literature than any other in the country.
Dr Norman Macleod, in replying, congratulated Mr Macbain
upon the completion nf his Gaelic Dictionary. He had the pleasure
of meeting Dr Whitley Stokes, and when he found he was a Scots-
man, and before he knew he was a Highlander, he remarked,
" Do you know Macbain, of Inverness ?" He assured them every
member of the Gaelic Society would have been proud and gratified
if they heard the way in which that eminent man spoke of Mr
Macbain as a Celtic scholar. He did not know if the Highland
clergy of the present day could be compared in literary power with
those who wTent before, but he ventured to hope that they were
not less assiduous in the discharge of their sacred duties. He
could only hope that the clergy in their ecclesiastical associations
should remember the Highland war-cry, " Clann nan Gaidheal an
guaillibh a ch&le." Although they represented different denomi-
nations, they all belonged to the same grand army, were fighting
with the same weapons against the same foes, and looking, he
trusted, to the same victory.
A number of other toasts followed, and, at the close,
Mr Steele proposed, in appropriate terms, the health of the
Chief. The toast was enthusiastically pledged with Highland
honours and the playing on the bagpipes of " A man's a man for
a' that."
The Chairman, in reply, thanked the company for the cordial
way in which they had pledged his health. He also thanked
them for the honour they had done him in electing him as Chief
of this Society. He could not help feeling that the members
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Annual Dinner 9
might have chosen some one better fitted to fill the position. He
felt that the Chief of this Society ought to be the head of some
ancient warlike clan, or some one well versed in the Gaelic
language and literature. But if a true love of the Highlands and
Highlanders and an earnest desire to further and cultivate the
promotion of the real interests of his fellow-countrymen were a
sufficient qualification, then, in this respect at least, he could
accept the compliment with an easy conscience. He thought it
was the late Sheriff Nicolson who once remarked that the man
who did not love his native place should have been born some-
where else. He believed the Sheriff might have added that a
Chief of the Gaelic Society who did not love the Highlands should
not have been born at all. Mr Steele had kindly coupled his
name with the toast as the representative of Inverness-shire — the
greatest of Scottish counties. Such a position brought with it
many responsibilities. He again thanked them for their kindness,
and he trusted they might be long spared to work together for
the well-being of their fellow-countrymen and the support of that
Empire in which they gloried.
The proceedings, which -vere enlivened by occasional selections
on the bagpipes by Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie, songs from Mr
^Eneas Fraser and Mr R. Macleod, and the singing of "Auld
Lang Syne," in which all heartily joined, brought a most successful
meeting to a close.
6th FEBRUARY, 1893.
At the meeting this evening, Mr Thos. M. Batchen, C.E., Mr
Murdo Macdonald, C.E., both of Highland Railway, Inverness, and
Mr James A. Gossip, Knowsley, Inverness, were elected ordinary
members of the Society.
The Secretary announced the following donations to the
Society's Library :— " British Inscriptions," by E. B. Nicolson,
Bodleian Library, Oxford, from the author, and "The Deponent
Verb in Irish," by Professor Strachan, from the author.
Thereafter, the Secretary read a paper contributed by Charles
Fiaser-Mackintosh, Esq. of Drummond, entitled " The Cuthberts
of Castlehill." The paper was as follows : —
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10 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
MINOR HIGHLAND FAMILIES.
No. IX.— THE CUTHBERTS OF CASTLEHILL, STYLED
"MAC SHEORAIS."
The recent valuable analysis of the names of the population of
Inverness, compiled by Rector Macbain, shows that the predominant
surname in the town at present is that of Fraser. That of Mac-
kintosh was predominant in last century, and before then was the
once leading name of Cuthbert, now disappeared, like those of Wans
and Barbour.
The name Cuthbert is a very ancient Saxon «>ne. St Cuthbert
was popular both in England and Scotland, and many churches
were dedicated to him.
It is generally admitted that the original Castle of Inverness
•stood on the Crown lands, and that after its destruction, and the
reconstruction of the new one on the height overhanging the river,
the words " Auld Castlehill " came into use. It may also be fairly
assumed that the upper part of Castle Street, formerly " Domes -
dale," was cut out from the Barnhills, or deepened as it now is, for
the greater security of the new Castle.
It will be kept in view that the Castles of Inverness were
essentially fortifications, and that while the new one was well
defended by the river at its foot on the west side, it was at the
same time essential that it should so far as practicable stand
isolated from the adjoining heights on the east or Barn hill side.
Anyone who examines the sites of the old and new Castle hills
will see at once how much stronger, both for attack and defence,
the new position was.
The extent of Auld Castlehill may be fairly arrived at, as it is
known that while part extended to the sea, the valley of the
Millburn, perhaps the stream itself, would have formed the
boundary to the North-East, as it is unquestionable that the lands
of Knockjntinnel, on which the Barracks are now built, bounded
Auld Castlehill on that side.
These lands of Knockintinnel, as also the barony of Culcabock
immediately adjoining to the South-West, with Auld Castlehill,
comprehended the only lands independent of Inverness burgh
until you come to Culloden proper, all the remainder, including
Broomhill, Stoneyfield, and Culloden's Carnlaw, being included
within the territory of the burgh of Inverness. The property of
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Minor Highland Families. U
Castlehill with which the Cuthberts were so long associated is
mentioned at a very early date, but the surnames of the early
proprietors, if any, have not been handed down.
The authentic antiquity of the family of Cuthbert is sufficient
to stand on its own foundation, without giving credence to the
imaginary genealogy of the well-known Bore Brief of 1686.
Among some of the oldest Inverness charters existing there are
charters to and by the old proprietors of Castlehill, such as by
Edoua of the "Auld Castle," one of the daughters and heiresses
of the late Thomas, 4th March, 1351 ; Sir Robt. de Chisholm,
superior, 14th September, 1362 ; and Donald of the "Auld Castle,"
14th April, 1447 — all except Chisholm's without surnames.
The lands were then held in feu, Sir Robert de Chisholm being
superior, as already mentioned, in 1362, as was Thomas de Weike
in 1458-1477.
The Cuthberts were free barons, although by the Valuation
Roll of 1691 the valuation of George Cuthbert only amounted to
£224 Scots, whereof £168 lay in Inverness and £56 in Croy
parishes.
In 1644 Janet Mackenzie, Lady Castlehill, is rated at £266
13s 4d Scots. Hence it follows that Auld Castlehill, not extending
to £400 Scots of valuation, must to constitute a freehold have
been a forty shilling land of old extent.
A Thomas Cuthbert does appear as one of the witnesses to a
charter of 1458, but the first Cuthbert of whom authentic record
exists connected with Castlehill, and with whom I commence, was
I. William Cuthbert, who is said to have been a son of John
and a grandson of George Cuthbert, who fought in 1411 at Harlaw,
at the head of the contingent sent by the burgh of Inverness
against Donald of the Isles, whose predecessors' visits to the town,
being generally followed by sack and destruction, were not
welcomed or appreciated.
From the charter of 1478 it appeal's that the lands of Auld
Castlehill, " lying within the Earldom of Moray and the Sheriffdom
of Inverness," were personally resigned into the King's hands by
Sir James Weike, chaplain, and of new granted by James III. to
William Cuthbert, burgess of Inverness, at Edinburgh, 23rd July,
1498, these being witnesses — John, Bishop of Glasgow ; William,
Bishop of Moray, Keeper of the Privy Seal ; Thomas, Bishop of
Aberdeen ; Andrew, Lord Avondale, Chancellor ; Colin, Earl of
Argyll, Master of the Royal Household ; David, Earl of Crawford,
Lord Lindsay ; James, Lord Hamilton ; Mr John de Colquhoun of
that Ilk, Knight; Mr Archibald Whitelaw, Archdean of Lothian,
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12 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the King's Secretary ; Mr Alexander Inglis, Dean of Dunkeld,
Clerk of the Rolls and the Register. The next Cuthbert who is
noted was
II. John, probably a son of the above William. John was
succeeded by his grandson,
III. George, who received from Queen Mary, dated at the
monastery of Haddington, 24th July, 1548, a charter as grandson
and heir of John Cuthbert, some time of Auld Castlehill. This
George, who married Agnes Rose of Kilravock, had with his wife
another charter from Queen Mary on the following day, 25th
July, 1548, of the following subjects : —
"12 acres of land of the lordship and heritage of Auld Castle-
hill, in the Sheriffdom of Inverness, viz.— 8 lying continuously
between the lands of Saint Michael and the heirs of the late
Robert Vans, the Queen's Street and the sea ; 4 acres upon the
Castlehill, viz. — one in Milnfield, between the lands of the heirs of
the late James Cuthbert, the land of the Chaplain of the Holy Rood,
the road which leads to the mill, and the rig which leads to Broom-
town ; the other in the rield between the lands of John Cuthbert,
the land of the said Chaplaincy, the street leading to the mill,
and the rig leading to the Draikies ; the third between the lands of
the said John Cuthbert and the street leading to the Draikies : the
fourth lying between the lands of the late Robert Vaus, the land
of the Chaplaincy of the Blessed Virgin Mary's High Altar, and
the way leading to the Draikies ; which the said John Cuthbert of
Auld Castlehill resigned, reserving his frank tenement of four
acres of said lands, to be holden to the said George and Agnes in
conjunct fee, and to his heirs-male of their marriage."
George was Provost of Inverness and is found in the years
1554 and 1561. In 1559 he, as Provost, with the Bailies, received
the property and Church utensils of the Friars, conform to an
inventory bearing their receipt and acknowledgment, at Inverness
the 22nd of December of 1559, quoted in the Book of Kilravock.
Those who " pulled the ropes " acted with great prudence, and
in the interest of the Burgh as they imagined.
The Magistrates had taken step after step for months to
possess themselves of the Friars' property, but had hardly got it
when they parted with it, voluntarily or involuntarily it does not
appear, but unwillingly — I should hope — to the Cuthberts, which
was their game from the moment the Friars were seen to be
friendless and powerless and on the brink of being wiped out.
Hitherto the Cuthberts had been loyal and devout Churchmen,
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Minor Highland Families. 13
but now, like the impecunious Scottish nobles, they strove to
acquire such ecclesiastical property as they could grasp, and one
of them, William, also Provost of Inverness, betwixt the years
1570 and 1578, got a tack, first, of all the Friars' property,
turning out the old occupants, and, later on, getting an absolute
right by charter from the Burgh — in other words, from themselves.
This clerical zealot Provost, fattening upon the spoils of the
ancient Church, is found, in 1573, directing that four men be
selected to perambulate the town on Sundays, in order that the
public be hunted out and compelled to attend the new worship.
Shortly afterwards the Cuthberts appear to have had some
compunctions, and gifted to the Burgh as a place of interment,
certain acres surrounding St Mary's Chapel, afterwards and
now known as the Chapel- Yard. Over the gate these words,
which have disappeared for more than a hundred years, were
placed, "Concordia* res parvae cresciint," of a cynical nature,
suggesting a very different meaning from that intended by Sallust.
George Cuthbert was succeeded by his son,
IV. John, who was served heir to his father on 25th April,.
1587, and received a Royal charter from James the Sixth, dated
at Dalkeith, 19th August, 1592. The charter runs in favour of
John Cuthbert of Auld Castlehill and his heirs-male whatso-
ever " bearing the arms and surname of Cuthbert, the lands,
of Auld CastlehilJ, which the said John resigned for this
infeftment, and which the King of new gave to him for
his good service ; with mills, multures, mill lands, woods, fishings,
as well of salmon as of other fishes in salt waters and in fresh ;
and incorporated with the same into one free barony of Auld
Castlehill, for which one sasine, taken at the Manor House thereof,
should stand for all ; And whereas the King was aware that these
lands were surrounded by insolent men, and of diverse, powerful
families, not obeying the laws, who, entering to any part of the
said lands during ward, etc., wished continuously to retain them,
therefore he wills that whenever these lands shall be in the hands
of the King by reason of ward or non-entry, the said John shall
pay five marks yearly during the time of ward and non-entry, ten
marks for relief, and 100 marks for marriage when they shall
happen ; for which sums the King grants to the said John, the
ward and relief, non-entry and marriage when they shall happen."
John added to the family estates by the acquisition in respect of
unpaid loan, of the lands of Drummond in the parish of Dores.
This estate did not remain with the Cuthberts for any time,
although at a much later date a succeeding proprietor, finding
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14 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Drummond among the subjects included in the old titles, served
himself heir to that estate, but ineffectually. The name of J.ohn
is also found in 1600 and 1611, in which latter year the name of
his son and apparent heir, William, is found.
V. William, who, on 13th July, 1624, is retoured heir to his
father John, but does not appear to have survived long after his
succession to the property — for while the retour of William is
dated in 1624, a charter under the great seal is granted to his son,
VI. John, dated 1 August 1625. Contemporary with this
John was his cousin James Cuthbert of Draikies. It may be con-
venient here to make some brief reference to the Cuthberts of
Draikies, cadets of Castlehill. There were three Draikies — Wester,
Mid, and Easter Draikies, whereof Middle and East, otherwise
Meikle Draikies belonged to one family, and West Draikies, some-
times called Little Draikies, to another. Meikle Draikies fell into
the Castlehill family in the beginning of last century as after-
mentioned. After passing through several hands, the three
Draikies, as well as Castlehill, have become part and parcel of the
Raigmore property.
I happen to have the testament testament ar of Elizabeth
Dunbar, the wife of the above-named James Cuthbert of Draikies,
who died upon the 5th of April, 1618, under the seal of the
Commissariat office of Inverness, loth November, 1618. This
inventory shows that Mrs Cuthbert was a very industrious person
and good manager. She was a sister of Robert Dunbar of Easter
l>inns in Moray, and amongst her effects were 17 drawing oxen,
4 queys, 52 sheep and hoggs, 2 work horses, a brown nag, and a
brown hackney nag. She also possessed a deal of corn, and a
chain with a tablet of gold estimated at XI 1.
Amongst her debtors were Angus Mackintosh of Aldturlies,
Duncan "in the Vennel," Thomas- vic-AUister-vic-Uomas in the
Leys, Joseph Marjoribanks, burgess of Edinburgh; Alexander
Mackenzie, fiar of Gairloch ; John Dunbar of Benneagefield,
Zachary Dunbar, without designation, and Robert Munro of
Assynt.
Amongst her creditors were Mr James, Bishop of Inverness,
and her servants, John Dow, David Munro, and Sandie Johnston.
Her daughters, Christian and Elizabeth, shared her property,
excepting that Christian, the eldest, is specially left a gold chain
and a pair of gold bracelets.
The above James Cuthbert was Provost of Inverness, and held
considerable estates in Ross-shire. George Monro of Meikle Tarrell,
dispones to him Lochslyne and Pitnellies by disposition, dated
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Minor Highland Families, 15
Tarbat, 27tli May, 1622. The said George Monro also grants
James Outhbert a disposition of Amatnatua, in Ross, of same date.
He did not, however, retain Lochslyne long, for there is a con-
firmation by the King, dated 25th August, 1624, of a disposition
and ratification by him with consent of his wife, Aber-
crombie, in favour of John Mackenzie of Applecross, dated at the
Chanonry of Ross, 3rd June, 1624, witnessed by Colin, Earl uf
Seaforth ; Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleat, Knight ; Donald Mackay
of Strathnaver, and others.
In 1737 the last Cuthbert of Draikies conveyed the estate to
Castlehill, head of his family. In 1664 and 1676 notice is found
of John Cuthbert of Alturlies, in the parish of Petty.
It is generally admitted that John, the sixth Cuthbert, served
in the Swedish wars under Gustavus Adolphus, as also in Germany,
and that after the death of his protector he returned to Scotland
and married one of the daughters of Cuthbert of Draikies, probably
one of the two heiresses before named, but as the only indication
of her Christian name is " N.," the identification is not certain.
Of John's marriage there were nine daughters, who were all
married, and one son,
VI I. George, who succeeded, and married Magdalen, daughter
of Sir James Fraser of Brae, with issue — three sons and a daughter.
George does not seem to have been retoured heir to his father until
21st April, 1677.
It was in the time of this George that the French branch
applied for a certificate from the Scots' Parliament of gentle birth.
The statement is to a great extent fabulous, but there can be no
doubt of the antiquity of the French family of Colbert. There is
a most interesting little volume, " Note sur la famille Colbert,"
printed at Pans in 1863, which I long tried to get without success.
Its perusal, however, was kindly given me by the Rev. George
Seiguelay Cuthbert, present, and 1 5th of his house, son of the late
Seignelay Thomas Cuthbert, and grandson of Lewis Cuthbert, the
last laird of Castlehill, afterwards referred to. From it much
information can be had, but it must not be relied on on every point.
The short preface is signed by " N. J. Colbert," and it is understood
this family is still represented by Baron Colbert, who holds some
land near Calais. The family of Colbert in France was long
distinguished in the Church, Senate, and Army, holding numerous
titles of honour. I have an engraving, in good preservation, of
Louis XVI.'s famed minister, dated 1660, an intellectual face, with
much reserved power. George was succeeded by his eldest son,
VIII. John, who has a sasine as heir to his father on 20th
April, 1699, and married Jean, only daughter of the Right Rev.
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16 Gaelic Society of Inverness
N. Hay of Dalgetty, last of the old Bishops of Moray, who, upon
7th May, 1700, was infeft in the barony of Castlehill. On 6th
November, 1731, John makes his last will and testament. He
was succeeded by his eldest son,
IX. George, who, with his wife, Mary Mackintosh of Blairvie,
was infeft in Castlehill, in 1735. By this lady, it is recorded,
he had a large family, of whom eight were living at their
father's death.
This George was for a long time Sheriff-Substitute at Inver-
ness. His affairs had fallen into disorder, and he was so
embarrassed that after his death the family had practically sunk.
The estate was under sequestration for nearly thirty years.
The old Lady Castlehill, Jean Hay, bestirred herself on her son's
death, and, with some of her boys, first went to London to crave
the aid and protection of her brother, Dr Hay. He was in fair
practice, but not in favour with Government, and told his sister
to invoke the protection of the French relatives so influential in
that country. This the plucky Dowager carrisd out, and got two
of her grandsons put in a very fair way of succeeding in the
world, becoming, and brought up as, Roman Catholics.
X. Alexander, who was known as " L'Abbe Colbert," came to
Edinburgh after an absence of about thirty years and bought
back the estate. His eldest sister, Jean, who had married
Thomas Alves of Shipland, Inverness, wrote to her brother con-
gratulating him on the purchase, and the Abbe's reply has been
fortunately preserved. It is now given, and I am sure every
reader will sympathise with him and appreciate his high-toned
and thankful spirit.
" Edinburgh, 5th January, 1780. — Dear Sister, — I received
your kind and most agreeable letter, of the 21st December,
congratulating me on my success as to the purchasing the old
Duchus, for which I return you my most grateful thanks. If I
have succeeded, it was indeed against the greatest opposition and
difficulties on every side, as you observe. My power and abilities
were inconsiderable, but I have all reason to thank God for it,
and for believing that He directed and assisted me in obtaining
my wish. My patience and perseverance were great and much
put to a tryal, but the happy event compensates for all, and the
due submission to the will of God commands my gratitude even
under these tryals, and gives me hope of His further Almighty
protection, without which the wisest undertaking of men will be
baffled. I am rejoiced to learn from yourself that you have got
the better of your cold, and hope you'll keep free of it the rest of
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Minor Highland Families. 17
the session. The winter has been severe on many people's
constitutions here — few or no families have escaped colds and
chin-coughs. I have, however, stood it out hitherto, God be
thanked. I hope now to continue to do so. With my best wishes
of the season to yourself, Miss Molly, the Misses Low, and all
friends, I ever remain, dear sister, your most affectionate brother
and humble servant, (Signed) " Alex. Cuthbert."
(Addressed) " Mistress Alves of Shipland, at her house on the
Shore, Inverne88.,,
Note. — Letter wafered and appears to have been despatched
by private baud — No post mark. — C.F.M.
It would appear that the Abbe" could not hold the property,
being a Roman Catholic ecclesiastic and naturalised in France,
and it passed in respect of a small pecuniary consideration into
the hands of his youngest brother, George, who was Provost-
Marshal of Jamaica.
XI. George had hardly come into possession of the estate — in
fact, never came back to Scotland — when he died, and was
succeeded by his brother,
XII. Lewis, who married Jean Pinnock, after whom a farm on
the estate of Castlehill was called Pinnockfield, which long since
has fallen into disuse. Lewis lived in the North at Cradlehall for
some years, and was warmly welcomed by the neighbouring pro-
prietors and the people of Inverness.
To the name of Cradlehall is assigned a curious history. It
was occupied after the battle of Culloden for several years by a
Colonel Caulfield. The upper part of the house had not been
properly finished, and was reached by a moveable stair or ladder.
The Colonel was exceedingly hospitable, and many of his visitors
could neither find their way home nor be conveyed up these stairs
to bed with safety. With the assistance of a confidential English
servant of a mechanical turn, who was often puzzled how to dispose
•of " overcome " guests with unsteady feet, the Colonel contrived
An apparatus somewhat in the form of a cradle into which these
weak-kneed mortals were placed, and the machine attached to a
pulley, they were wound up to the attics. Hence the name of
"Cradlehall." Alexander Baillie, during the re-building of
Dochfour House, and later Mr Lewis Cuthbert, lived at Cradlehall.
which has retained its name although the cradle itself has long
•disappeared.
Lewis Cuthbert, when he came to reside at Castlehill, had good
prospects of enjoying his new position, and entered on the posses-
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18 Gaelic Society of Inverness
sion of his property with e rery disposition to maintain the credit
of his ancient house, and in answer to a letter of congratulation,
wrote very much in the same terms as the Abbe* Cuthbert had done
some years previously. I regret to find when writing this paper
that the letter, having been mislaid, cannot be given now. He
raised considerable sums in Jamaica for the establishment of the
Inverness Royal Academy.
It would almost appear as if the family were again to take root
and recover their former influential position, but this " wras not to
be." Sheriff Cuthbert had not a very good reputation, and in my
younger days, when old families with their traditions and old local
stories and events were the constant subjects of evening conver-
sation, the ultimate downfall of the Cuthberts was attributed to
two causes — 1st, their high-handed seizure of ecclesiastical pro-
perty after the Reformation : and, 2nd, the judicial murder, for it
could not be otherwise described, of two poor aged women, who
were burnt as witches, under sentence of Sheriff Cuthbert, at the
foot of the stream at Altmurnich, which separates Knockintihnel
from Broomtown, now Raigmore House grounds. It was also
alleged that the unfortunate women called down Heaven's curse on
the Sheriff and his descendants. There can be no doubt that very
many families of those who acquired spoils of the Church have,
according to a well-known work, died out or become impoverished
— whether through the anathemas of the Church or not is a matter
of question.
For a few years, between 1792 and 1795, Lewis Cuthbert lived,
much respected, at Cradlehall, and I have the good fortune of
possessing his best tea service of Rose Swansea china. The road
by Cradlehall towards the Culloden woods is one of my favourite
drives, but I never pass without regretting that the place, with
its commanding outlook, and splendid trees of the old rule, now
present such a ragged and down-in-the-world aspect.
Mr Cuthbert unfortunately became security for the holders of
certain patent offices in Jamaica, whereby he became seriously
involved ; and, for the protection of his bankers in London, had to
execute a disposition of his property to Mr Abram Roberts, about
the year 1796. The estate had been bought by the Abbe Cuth-
bert in 1779 for a little over £8000. It had now to be disposed of
to clear Mr Lewis Cuthbert's cautionary obligations, and, like other
Highland estates sold before the close of the Peninsular War, it
brought an enormous increase, not much short of £80,000 — the
chief purchasers being Culloden, who extended his lands from
Carnlaw, by Stoneyfield and Broomtown to Knockintinnel ; Gordon
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Minor Highland rami lies. 19
of Draikies ; the Right. Hon. Charles Grant ; Duff of Muirtown ;
the Hon. Archibald Fraser of Lovat ; Welsh of Millburn ; and
others.
Litigation continued, and as late as the year 1832 the Castlehill
affairs were not completely wound up, but notwithstanding the
frightful litigations and disputes among the creditors themselves
as to preferences, all the debts were paid.
Going back a little, I wish to note that John, the eldest son of
Sheriff George (9th) Cuthbert, was killed at Louisburg under
General Wolff, and died without issue. Another son went to South
Carolina, and his male descendants represent the family.1
1 When this paper first appeared in the newspapers, it attracted the
attention of two of the Cuthberts in the United States, viz., Lucius Montrose
Cuthbert, formerly of South Carolina, now of Denver, Colorado ; and Miss
Katharine Trescott, of Washington ; and from both I received most pleasant
letters. Miss Trescott, writing on 27th July, 1896, amongst other things says
that she is the great-great-grand-daughter of John Cuthbert (8th) and of Jean
Hay. That the Abbe Colbert was not a brother, but uncle of the Bishop of
Rodez, is shown by a letter from the Bishop to her great-grandfather, which
letter is dated Gloucester Place, London, 25th August, 1802, the house of
Lord Gray, and immediately after Lewis Guthbert's death. Miss Trescott
possesses a miuute knowledge of the American Cuthberts, and of the family
generally. Mr Lucius Cuthbert is great-great-grandson of James, second son
of George (9th) of Castlehill, whose eldest brother John was killed at Louis-
burg fighting under Wolfe. James Cuthbert, who emigrated in 1 737, went to
South Carolina, and settled at Beaufort, in which place the family continued
in honour and comfort on their own estate until the war of 1860-1864, when,
joining the Confederates, their estate was devastated by the Federals, and
nearly all the family plate, papers, and other valuables either destroyed or
appropriated.
James Cuthbert married Miss Hazzard of South Carolina, whose eldest
son, James Hazzard Cuthbert, married Miss Furze of South Carolina. Their
eldest son, Lucius Cuthbert, married Miss Charlotte Fuller, great-niece
maternally of Arthur Middleton, one of the signers of the Declaration of
Independence. Lucius Cuthbert's eldest son was the Rev. Dr James Hazzard
Cuthbert. Dr Cuthbert married Julia Elizabeth Turpin of Georgia, a lady of
high English and French descent. One of her predecessors may be mentioned,
Louis Jean Baptist Champeron, Chevalier d' Antignac, Colonel of King Louis'
First Company of Musketeers, who, on settling in America, raised a regiment
in 1776 at his own expense, serving with distinction at its head during the
Revolutionary Wars. Dr Cuthbert died in 1890, leaving three daughters and
two sons, the eldest, Lucius Montrose Cuthbert, my correspondent, and
Middleton Fuller Cuthbert, both unmarried. Mr Lucius Cuthbert, notwith-
standing the family losses of property, papers, valuables, and the break-up of
their ancestral home, has gathered up the threads of his family history, inter-
esting himself greatly in all that concerns them, and it is much to be hoped
that fortune w3l smile upon him and enable him to restore the family to the
high position formerly occupied by them, attained through their own merits,
and by their marriages with some of the oldest and most historic families of
the Southern States, sprung from the ancient nobility of Great Britain
and of France.— C. F. M.
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20 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Another of George's sons was Seignelay, Bishop of llodez,
who, on the breaking out of the French Revolution, had to fly
from France, and lived for many years in England, where he died.
The Bishop was in the North on several occasions, and I have
some documeuts to whicli his signature is attached. 1 had one or
two letters of his, but they have unfortunately disappeared. His
sister, Magdalen, married Major Johnstone, with issue — two sons
and one daughter. Neither of the sons had any children. The
daughter, Mary Ann, married the 15th Lord Gray, and the Bishop
himself died at Lord Gray's house, near London.
One of the Bishop's brothers was Lewis, as above stated, the
last proprietor of Castlehill. There were also two brothers,
Lachlan, who died without issue, and George (11th), Provost
Marshal of Jamaica, who also died without issue. Of George's
(9th) daughters I have already mentioned Magdalen ; the second
was Rachel, who married Simon Fraser, last of Daltullich, and left
several children ; Mary, married David Davidson 1st of Can tray ;
and Jean, formerly mentioned, married Thomas Alves of Shipland.
One of the descendants of the Alves marriage married Inglis of
Kingsmills, of whom the present family derive. Another married
William Welsh of Millburn.
Lewis Cuthbert died in 1802, and was succeeded by his eldest
son,
XIII. George, sometime of Jamaica, who, dyiug without male
issue, was succeeded by his brother,
XIV. Seignelay Thomas, of the Honourable East India Com
pany's Service, thereafter res ding at Clifton.
Lewis Cuthbert at his death was survived by his wife, Jean
Pinnock, and two sons — George and Seignelay Thomas, a»«ove
mentioned, and three daughters — Mary, Anne, and Elizabeth.
Though there is not a single Cuthbert now to be found in the
north, there are rumerous connections by marriage, the nearest
being the families of Can tray and Kingsmills. Merely to
enumerate the names in the 17th century would exhaust my
limits, so 1 confine myself to one near connection of the Castlehill
family, Alexander Cuthbert, who was Provost of Inverness. He
possessed a vast number of small subjects within the town and
territory of Inverness, the mere description in the year 1680
extending to twelve closely-printed pages. His heritable estate
fell to his grandson, John Cuthbert, Town Clerk, reserving the
life-rent to Elizabeth Fraser, the Provost's widow.
Provost Alexander left a laige family, including, it is snid,
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Minor Highland Families. 21
nine daughters, whereof, according to the information of the
venerable Dr Aird, late of Creich, one married John Macpherson of
Dalraddy, who purchased the estate of Invereshie, and through
whom the present Ballindalloch. The late Thomas Alexander
Lord Lovat, in 1832, on behalf of his g»eat political ally, the first
Sir George Macpherson-Grant, tried to clear up the connection
through the late accomplished antiquarian, Mr John Anderson,.
W.S., but failed, as their idea was that the Cuthbert in the
Invereshie pedigree was neither of Castlehill or Draikies. Another
daughter, according to Dr Aird, married Davidson of Cantray, but
this was not so, as the first Mrs Davidson of Cantray was a Castle-
hill, as already mentioned. Another daughter married the well-
known Provost Hossack, of Inverness. Two others married Ross
of Culrossie and his brother ; and the youngest, Anne, married the
Rev. James Chapman, a native of Inverness, minister, first of
Cawdor, and afterwards of Cromdale, who died in 1737, and was
uthor of a very curious and fabulous history of the Grants.
Their grand-daughter, Anne, married Gustavus Aird, farmer,
in the parish of Kilmuir Easter, who was born a very few years
after the Battle of Culloden, father of the worthy and well-known
Gustavus Aird, D.D., one of the chief antiquarians of the north,
who has the heart}' good wishes of all Highlanders in his retire-
ment from active ministerial life.
Upon Seignelay Thomas Cuthbcrt's death he was succeeded by
his son,
XV. The Rev. George Seignelay Cuthbert, formerly Vicar of
Market Drayton, and now Rector, residing at The Warden's
Lodge, Clewer, near Windsor.
The Rev. Mr Cuthbert, representative in Britain of Castlehill,
paid his first visit to Scotland and the north in the autumn of
1895. Both he and Mrs Cuthbert are deeply attached to the
north and the old Duchus, and they were warmly welcomed by
those on whom they called during their brief visit, and on whom
they created a pleasant impression, mingled with regret that they
must have felt as mere sojourners for a time in a strange land.
Mr Cuthbert has no family, but it is hoped that some of the
American Cuthberts, recovering from their vicissitudes, may yet
re-establish the old name of " MacSheorais" permanently among
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22 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
12th MARCH, 1896.
At tke meeting this evening, Mr Angus D. Macleod, Winder-
mere, and Mr Donald Ross, travelling auditor, Highland Railway,
were elected ordinary members of the Society. Thereafter Mr
Alexander Macdonald, Highland Railway, Inverness, read a paper
entitled " Scraps of unpublished Poetry and Folklore from Glen-
moriston." The paper was as follows : —
SCRAPS OF UNPUBLISHED POETRY AND FOLKLORE
FROM GLENMORISTON.
I have always considered it one of the primary obligations of
our Society to encourage the collection of unpublished Gaelic
poetry and folklore. Of both there is unfortunately a great deal
more still floating about than should be. As poets and story-
makers the people of the olden times were remarkal ly prolific.
Circumstances favoured them. Having few or no books to read,
the literary faculty — which, perhaps, has in no stage of any
people's history been entirely a *.v anting — asserted itself iu song
and story ; and the importance of such in arriving at a fair idea
of the social condition of the ancient Highlanders requires no
advocacy here.
Glenmoriston in past times had its own share — a very con-
siderable share — of song-makers and story-teHers. While it is not
necessary to account for the fact it is none the less a fact that in
this respect it wrould compare favourably with most Highland
glens. It may safely be stated that but a limited portion is yet
available of all that is still to be found in the district, much of
which could be rendered very interesting.
My first contribution this evening is a poem composed by John
Grant, the father of Archibald Grant known as the Glenmoriston
bard. The father was, in my humble opinion, however, by far
the better poet of the two, though not perhaps the better
seanachie. John Grant composed several poems, songs, and some
hymns, which possess considerable merit. The subject of the
following production is of melancholy interest. It appears that
two young gentlemen, closely related to the Glenmoriston family,
were returning one winter evening from Fort-Augustus, when one
of them, in crossing a burn much swollen by a great ) ain- storm,
stumbled and was drowned. The sad accident awakened the
sympathy of the whole country around, and the bard's record of
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore. 23
it is perhaps fully as interesting as the local newspaper paragraph
of our^enlightened age would render it : —
'S ann tha ?n diubhail an drasd'
Air ar culthaobh 'm Portchlar —
Fear an t-sugraidh 's an sta
'N ciste duinte fo 'n fhad,
'S gu 'm bi iomagain gu brath
Air an duthaich is fhearr cdir ort.
'S ann tha 'n sgeula nach binn
'N diugh ri sh&nn anns an t\r —
Mu 'u fhear cheutach 'bha grinn,
'S iad an deigh thoirt a l\nn ;
'S truagh a dh' eirich* dbornh fhin
Nach fhacas ri m' thim be6 thu.
Thug a Cballuinn oirnn sgr\ob ;
5S olc a dh' fhairich sinn i ;
Thug i 'm fait bharr ar c\nn ;
Thainig dosgainn ri 'linn
Fear do choltais 'thoirt dhi'nn
Ann an aithghearra th\m ;
'S tu air do ghearradh a t' fh\or bheo-shlaint
Tha a chairdean fo ghruaim,
'S ann an casmhor tha cruaidh,
0 'n chaidh Padruig thoirt bhuath,
'S nach bu nar e ri luaidh —
Fear do uaduir 'us t-uails'
'Bhi ga d' fhagail 's nach gluais ceol thu.
Thuit a chraobh ud fo bhlath,
'S cha tig aon te na h-ait' ;
'N uair a shaoil leinn i 'dh' fhas
'S ann a chaochail a barr ;
'S leir a dhruidh sid air each ;
'S soilleir dhuinn gu'm beil beam' mh6r asd'.
Tha do bhrathair gun sunnd
0 'n a chaidh tu 's an uir ;
'S nach bu gharlaoch gun diu
Bha e 'g airidh ach thu,
Fhir bu tlath sealladh suil ;
'S anns gach aite bha cuis mhor ort.
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24 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'X uair a thionail an sluagh,
Eadar chumand' 's dhaoiu uails1,
Bha iad uile fo ghruaim,
Mu chul bachlach nan dual
'Bhi ga thasgaidh cho luath,
Ann an clachan 's an uaigh ;
Sgeul bu duilich ri luaidh
Aig gach duin' ort a fhuair eolas.
Fir an t-Shratha so thall —
Thainig iadsa na'n ceann,
Ga'r 'n robh Jn cairdeas cho teann
Ris na dh' fhag thu 's a' gbleann,
Chnir do bhas orra snaim
'N uair a cbaidb iad na'n rang comhla.
I find that the story of this beautiful poem is so far attested by a
gravestone in Tnvermoriston Churchyard, which bears the fol-
lowing inscription : — " This stone is placed here by Alexander
Grant, Portclair, in memory of his brother, Patrick Grant, who
departed this life on 31st December, 1789, aged 33 years."
My next contribution is of a different character. It also,
however, possesses elements of the touching interest of sadness.
It tells, in beautiful and glowing words, a tale of disappointed
love — "the old, old story, yet always new." In one of the
appendices to Mr W. Mackay's " Urquhart and Glenmoristou,"
reference is made to a " character" frequenting the parish in
olden times known as "An t-amadan ruisgte" — the nude fool —
who, judging from the fragments of poetry ascribed to him,
and still sung by the older generation, possessed poetic powers
of no mean order. The best known of his compositions, so far as
I am aware, is the one which follows : —
Gur a mor mo chilis mhulaid
Mun ni nach urra mi inns',
Luidh sachd air mo chridhe,
Nach tog fiodhall na piob ;
'S cha dean lighichean feum domh
Na dad fo n' ghrein ach aon ni —
Gu'm faicinn mo cheud-ghradh.
*S mi 'call mo cheille ga 'dith !
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore, 25
Cha 'n 'eil an cadal, an cadal,
Cha 'n 'eil an cadal an dan,
0 nach fhaic mi mo leannan,
An r\bhinn fharasda, thlath ;
Tha da ghruaidh mar an caorrunn,
'S a alios mar fhaoilinn air charn ;
'S 's e 'bin 'sealltuinn na t-aodann,
A bheireadh 'ghaoil dhomh mo shlaint'.
Innsidh mise mu m' leannan —
Gruaidh than' dhearg mar ros,
Suil ghorm fo chaol mhala,
Slios mar eaT air an Ion ;
Benl is binn' na na teudan,
Fait mar chleitean dhe 'n 6r,
Calpa cruinn a* cheum eutrom,
A thogadh m' eislean 's mo bhron.
Tha mo shuilean a' sileadh
A cheart cho mire ri allt,
Tha mo bheul air fas tioram,
'S tha mo bhil' air fas mall ;
Tha mo chridh' air a reubadh,
'S gach ball a r^ir sin de m; chleibh,
0 'n a dhealaieh mo leannan
Rium aig cladach Portrigh.
'S gur a diiimbaeh mi m' pharantan,
5S air mo chairdean gu leir,
Nach do leig iad learn posadh
Na cailinn oig u b' f hearr beus ;
'S e thubhairt m' at hair 's mo mhathair —
Fhir gun naire gun cheill,
'S ann a thoill thu do shracadh
As an aite le srein.
'S ged a chuir iad mi 'n Olaind'.
Cha 'n 'eil se61 orm, 's cha bhi ;
'Nuair a shuidheas mi m' onar
Bidh mi smaointeachd na m' chridh*
Ged bhiodh agam mar stdras
Na bheil a dh'dr aig an righ,
B' fhearr bhi c6mhla ri m' Sheonaid
Ann an seomar leinn fhin.
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26 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Ach na 'n deanadh sinn pdsadh
Cha bhiodh do she6mraichean gann,
Bhiodh do chrodh mun na cromtean,
'S t'eich air lointean nam fang ;
'S mi gun deanadh dhuit brbgan,
Bileach, boidheacha, teann —
Do chuid core agus eorna,
'S cha bhiodh storas dhuinn gann.
'S i so a' bhliadhna chuir as domh,
'S a thug am fait 'bharr mo chinn,
A' chuid a dh' fhuirich air glasadh,
JS a' falbh na shad leis a ghaoith ;
'S cha dean lighichean feuin domh,
Na dad fo n' ghrein ach aon n\ —
Gu'm faicinn mo ch^ud-ghradh,
'S mi 'call mo cheille ga dith.
I am aware that another version of this song exists, containing a
few more verses, which, however, are pretty much repetitions, if
not indeed part of an entirely different song, as I should be dis-
posed to think they are. One somewhat suggestive difference
occurs which may be worth referring to : the line rendered
above —
" 'S ged a chuir iad mi 'n Olaind',
is given —
" 'S ged a chuir iad mi 'n Oil-thigh."
There may be something in this.
Little is known concerning the author of this passionate lyric,
except what is to be gathered from the eftusion itself and some
vague traditions. He is said to have been a native of Skye —
another tradition says a native of Gairloch — born and brought up
in good circumstances. As the story goes, he appears to have
fallen deeply in love with his father's serving maid — some say his
father's dairymaid — a pretty Highland lassie, whom he calls Jessie
in his song. His passion was warmly reciprocated, and the
attachment having aroused the suspicion of the young man's
parents, they dismissed the girl. She soon afterwards died,
leaving her heart-broken lover in utter misery. It is related
further that, in his wild despair, he one day visited her grave to
shed tears of sorrow over her memory, and, while there, that he
was seized by his relations, stripped of his clothes, and lashed
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore. 27
with reins. Ever afterwards he could suffer no clothing, and, his
mind giving way, he left his native place and wandered from country
to country during the rest of his life. People are still living who
remember having seen him carried from house to house on a
blanket. It was his pastime it is said, when left alone to tear such
clothing as might be put about him to pieces with his teeth. When
being supplied with meals, he, it is also said, was in the habit
of asking, as his door was being opened — " An tu a th' aim a
Sheonaid ? " (" Is that you, Jessie ? ") It may be worth semark-
ing that the above piece very much confirms these few particulars
of the author's life, and suggests more. Let it be supposed that
he, as the song says, was sent to Holland, or to a University,
in order to forget his sweetheart. It is not impossible that he
would have parted with her at Portree as mentioned ; nor is it
improbable that he would have taken an early opportunity of
returning to his native country. In the interval, however, Jessie
may have died; and on discovering the occurrence of the sad
event, he may, naturally enough, have paid a visit to her
grave.
Let me now submit some verses to y« u bearing on an institu-
tion at one time all important in the Highlands — the airidh. Than
the circumstances in which the Highlanders of old lived while in
the midst of such ideally pastoral conditions as their life on the
sheilings essentially afforded none more productive of poetic
sentiment can well be imagined. It is not too much to say now
that passing a considerable portion of every year in such condi-
tions must have tended to render the Highlander the contemplative,
freedom-loving being he is. Around airidh-life are at anyrate to
be found many of the sweetest and most perfect lyrics in the
Gaelic language, which, from the peculiarly pure and elevating
character of their sentiment, cannot be too well known. I should
like, some time in the near future, to see a popular collection of
tiiridh songs available. The following verses appear to be of
Perthshire nationality. They are well known in Glenmoriston.
I do not remember having ever seen them in print : —
Chunnacas gruagach 's an aonach
'S gum bi gaolach na'm fear i.
Chunnacas, etc.
'S a chiall ! gur trom 'luidh an aois ortn
O'na dh' fhaod mi bha ma' ri.
'S a chiall, etc. •
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28 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'S trie 's gnr minig a bha mi
'S tu air airidh 'm Braigh Raineach.
'S trie 's gur, etc.
Air chnocan an easain
Far 'n do leig sinu ar n' anail,
Air chnocan, etc.
Ann am bothan an t-sugraidh
Gun ga 'dhunadh ach barrach.
Ann am bothan, etc.
Bhiodh mo bheul ri d' bheul cubhra'
'S bhiodh a ruin mo lamh tharad.
Bhiodh mo bheul, etc.
'S thigeadh fiadh anns a bhuirich
Ga ar dusgadh le langan ;
'S thigeadh, etc.
Boc biorach an t-seilich,
Agu8 eilid an daraich.
Boc biorach, etc.
Bhiodh a' chubhag 's an smudan
A' seinn ciuil dhuinn air chrannaibh,
Bhiodh a, etc.
'S cha 'n 'eil i 'n Cill-Fhaolain
Bean aogais mo leannain.
'S cha *n 'eil, etc.
Air ghilead, air bhoidhchead ;
Air ehoiread 's air ghlainead.
Air ghilead, etc.
Bean shiobhalta, shuairce,
'S i gun ghruaim air a mala.
Bean shiobhalta, etc.
Tha do bheul mar na iosan,
'S tha do phog mar an caineal.
Tha do bheul, etc.
Tha do ghruaidh mar an caorrunn,
% 'S tha do thaobh jnar an eala.
Tha do ghruaidh, etc.
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As part of this song a few other verses are sung, which seem,
however, to be a " reply," though even as such they do not
appear consistent. In olden times, it may be noticed, it was by
no means uncommon for lovers to carry on a sort of corres-
pondence in poetry, somewhat as is now done in letters, but
much more pronounced and passionate — probably because the fear
of breach-of-promise experiences did not disturb. This maiden's
"reply" — if such it can be taken to be — throws some very sug-
gestive light upon the social differences which existed at the time
she composed it. It would seem to more or less reflect dis-
paragingly upon the women of the airidh. It says : —
'S i mo mhuine 'rinn m' fhoghlum,
'S ciamar dh' fhaoduinn 'bhi ni' chaile.
'S i mo 'mhuime, etc.
'S nach do chuir i riamh buarach
Air bo ghuaillfhionn na bhallach.
'S nach do chuir, etc.
'S ann a bhiodh i ri fuaghal
Ma' ri gruagaichean glana.
'S ann a bhiodh, etc.
5S 's ann a bhiodh i ri leintean
'S a si6r chur ghreis orra 'dh' fheara'.
'S 's ann a bhiodh, etc. \
Ann an uinneagan riomhach
A' cur an t s\od' air na banua'.
Ann an uinneagan, etc.
Gloomy death sometimes visited the Highland sheiling, and
under circumstances which naturally appealed to the Muse for
expression. The following poem records the accidental death of a
young woman by her lover's gun going off while he was playing
with her in the little bothy. 1 leave it to tell its own tale : —
A fhleasgaich is cumaire
Gumma' mi 'n de thu,
'Direadh a' mhullaich
'S do ghunn' air dheagh ghteusadh.
Hoirionn 'us 0,
Hi hurabhaidh G,
Hi hoirainn 'us oro ho.
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30 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Direadh a* mhullaich
'S do ghunn' air dheagh ghleusadh ;
'S t' iosgaidean geala
Fo bhreacan an fh&lidh.
T iosgaidean geala
Fo bhreacan an fheilidh ;
Ach dh' fhag thu 'ghruagach
Dhonn gun eirigh.
Dh' fhag thu 'ghruagach
Dhonn gun eirigh ;
Dearg fhuil a cridh'
Ann am broil leach a leine.
Dearg fhuil a cridh'
Ann am broilleach a leine ;
Tbeirig-sa dhachaidh
'Us innis mar dh' &rich.
Theirig-sa dhachaidh,
'Us innis mar dh' &rich ;
Innis do 'mathair,
Nach caraich i breid oirr'.
Innis do 'mathair
Nach caraich i breid oirr' ;
'S innis do h-athair
Nach tar e gu 'reitinn.
Innis do h-athair
Nach tar e gu 'reitinn ;
'S innis do 'braithrean
Gur craiteach an sgeula.
Innis do 'braithrean
Gur craiteach an sgeula —
'Bhanarach bhuidhe
Na 'luidh' air an deile.
'Bhanarach bhuidhe
Na 'luidh' air an deile ;
'Mhulachag 's a' mheag
Mar 'dh' fhag i fhein i.
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore. 31
'Mhulachag 's a' mheag
Mar 'dh' f hag i fhein i ;
'N t-im air a' mhuighe
Mar 'dh' fhag i 'n de e.
'N t-im air a' mhuighe
Mar 'dh' fhag i 'n de e ;
'M buachaille galach,
'S a' bhanarach d^urach.
'M buachaille galach,
'S a' bhanarach deurach ;
'S a bho mhaol dhonn
A sior gheumnaich.
Another very fine song lamenting the death of a young woman
by her lover's dirk, under similar circumstances, will be found in
Vol. XII. of the Celtic Magazine.
Notwithstanding that a very considerable number of songs in
praise of whisky is already abroad, let me give the world
one more, which, I think, has never yet received pub-
licity. It is the composition of one of Macphadruig's herds
who lived a few generations ago. It shows us how the herds — at
any rate occasionally — passed their spare time. The words are still
suug to a stirring air : —
• Gur trie a' falbh na Sroine mi
A chuideachd air na smeoraichean ;
'S e sid a dh' fhag cho eolach mi
Air stopan na te ruaidhe.
Tha buaidh air an uisge-bheath',
Tha buaidh air nach coir a chleith ;
Tha buaidh air an uisge-bheath' ;
'S co math teth 'us fuar e,
Gur math an am an earraich e,
'S cha mhiosa 'n am na gaillioinn e ;
'S e 'n cu am fear nach ceannaich e,
'S e 'n t-umaidh dh' fhanas bhuaithe.
'S math 's aithne dhomh co 'dh' 61as e —
Luchd fearainn saor 'us dr6bhairean,
Ceannaichean 'us osdairean,
'S an seol'dair cha d' thug fuath dha.
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32 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ui8ge-beatha 'cheatlain,
Le siucair geal na chuapan anu ;
'S aim learn bu mhiann bhi 'n taice ris,
'S e 'dol na 'lanair uaine.
The " te ruadh" (red-haired lady) referred to was the mistress
of an establishment in the vicinity of the herd's grounds,
where he and other knowing ones could procure "a drop on the
sly." This little song shows clearly enough that the visitors knew
how to enjoy their dram fully. In this connection let me quote
a verse, sung, I think, to the tune of "The ewie wi' the crookit
horn," in which the " whisky-still," onse so common in the High-
lands, is described with considerable allegorical aptness —
A* chaora crom a th' air an leachduinn,
Bhleothnadh i pinnt agus seipean ;
'S chuireadh i le seid a sroin
An gille-craigean air a dhruim.
I have, however, heard other interpretations put upon these lines,
of whieh more than one rendering seems to occur.
I will now entertain you with a song of a character which will
probably suggest to you a few others of a similar kind. It is a
production of womanly love, disappointed feelings and pride.
When the maidens of the present enlightened age lose their
-charmers, they either bring them to a court of law or leave them
severely alone. When the young ladies of the olden time lost
their sweethearts they adopted the much more classical course of
giving embodiment to their feelings in verse. What the new
woman will do in this direction I am not here called upon either
to discuss or to guess. By the following composition, the
.authoress, Margaret Macintyre, not so very long ago dead, showed
how she felt under the smart of unfulfilled promises. She goes on
to say, addressing her lost lover —
Thug thu corr 'us raithe bhliadhna
'S tu ga m' iarruidh air mo chairdean ;
'S o nach d' fhuair thu na bha mhiann ort
Chaidh tu 'dh' iasgach sios am Bana.
Char thu, char thu mi a dh' aindeoin,
'S cha dean aithreachas bonn sta dhomh. ;
'S o nach dean 's ann 's fheudar lubadh
Leis a' chuis a bhi mar tha i.
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore. 33
Tha thu dileas dhomh mar charaid,
Tha thu dealaidh dhomh mar nabuidh ;
Tha thu do leannan dhomh os 'n iosal,
'S o nach fhiach thu rirni thu m' fhagail.
Cha 'n 'eil ni a dheanadh te 'ile,
Ris nach cuirinn fhe*in mo lamh dhuit ;
Nighinn 'us dh' fhuaighinn do leine,
'S leiginn do spr&dh air an airidh.
Tha mi cho math ris na fhuair thu
Ged nach 'eil mo bhuail' air airidh ;
Tha mi 'Chloinn-an-t-Shaoir o 'n Chruachan
'S a dh' f trior f huil uasal Tigh Mhic-Phadruig.
Chaidh tu 'dh' iarraidh nighean Studdart,
'S tha i leamhach buidhe grannda ;
'S cha 'n 'eil aon a tha mu'n cuairt di
Nach 'eil suarrach air a nadur.
Ach na'm bidhinn-sa cho beairteach
Ris an te a ghlac air lamh thu,
Bhidhinn sinte 'nochd na d' achlais,
'S ise 'dearras ma' ri 'mathair.
I will now quote four stanzas of what is supposed to be a lost
song, by Mhiri Nigh Jn Alasdair Ruaidh. These verses are well
known in Glenmoriston, where the following tradition is told
concerning them. — I submit the story for what it is worth, and hi
the hope that it will arrest interest and receive some attention,
with a view to the recovery of the whole song. According to this
story there seems to have been some mystery about Mary's
paternity. She appears to have been known as the daughter of
Alexander Macleod, son of Alasdair Ruadh, who was, according
to Mackenzie's biographical sketch ("Beauties of Gaelic poetry"),
" a descendant of the chief of that clan." It is said, however, to
have transpired, when she was pretty well advanced in years,
that she was the daughter of a distinguished Macdonald of the
time; and that when she discovered the fact herself she
composed a song, the following verses of which are all that I have
ever heard : —
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34 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Thoir tasgaidh bhuam 'an diomhaireachd
0 chionn an fhad so 'bhliadhnaichean —
Cha 'n airgiod glas 's cha 'n iarunn e
Ach Ridire glic riasanach
'Fhuair meas 'us misneachd iarlaichean ;
'S o'n 'fhuair mi 'nis gu'm iarraidh e
Gu'n riaraich mi Sir D6mhnull.
'S o'n fhuair, etc.
Mo chuid nihdr gun airceas thu,
Mo chleasan snuaghmhor, dealbhach thu ;
Mo ghibht ro phriseil ainmeil thu ;
O'n chuimhnich mi air seanchas ort,
Be 'n dichiumhn' mar a h-ainmicht thu ;
'S na'n leiginn bhuam air dearmad thu
Gu dearbha cha b'e 'choit e.
'S na 'n leiginn, etc.
'S gur craobh de'n abhall phriseil thu,
De 'n mheas is blasda brldhealachd,
'S is dosraich an am cinntinne,
'S a' choill 's uach biodh na crionagan
De 'n fhior fhuil uasal fhionanach ;
'S gu'm bi mi dhoibh cho dichiollach
'S gu 'n inns' mi 'nis' na 's eol domh.
'S gu'm bi mi. etc.
Thig sliochd mh6r Mhic Cathain leat
'S an dream rioghail Leathanach,
'Bha uasal, uaibhreach, aighearach,
'S bu chruadalach ri labhairt riu
Fir Chinntlre 's Lathuirne ;
'S gur mairg luchd B^urla bhraitheadh tu
'S nam maithibh sin 'an toir ort.
'S gur mairg, etc.
I have left myself little time to go to any extent into the folk-
lore of Glenmoriston. . This will form the subject of a separate
paper at some future date. I will give you, however, the local
version of a Glenmoriston folklore tale of some interest, and of
which a few variants are to be met with. This is the story of
Cailleach a' Chraich (the Hag of the Craach) : — In olden times
almost every Highland hamlet had its hag, or "cailleach." These
extraordinary beings — whatever they were — according to a
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Unpublished Poetry and Folklore. 35
common tradition, all frequented the wildest, weirdest, and most
solitary parts of the districts where they were to be found, but
yet very often such places as drovers, packmen, and travellers
generally had from time to time to pass. An interesting feature
of the belief in them was that while some of them were considered
inimical, particularly to members of certain clans, others were
looked upon as friendly. The parish of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston, about a hundred years ago or so, contained no less than
five or six of those " cailleachs," most prominent among whom was
Cailleach a? Chraich (the Hag of the Craach). The Craach is a
wild high-lying district about half-way between Corriemony and
Achnanconeran, in the hills of Glenmoriston. Here by the side of
Loch-a'-Chraich (the Lake of the Craach), and under the shade of
Creagan-a'-Chraich (the Rock of the Craach), this wicked old hag
is said to have for years met and molested and murdered many a
weary wayfarer. Like most similar regions the " Craach " always
had an evil reputation. Numerous stories are still told thoughout
the parish as to loss of life at this place under " uncanny ,; circum-
stances. One man of the name of Ala&dair Cutach (Short Sandy),
while running after a young mare that had escaped from Coire-
Dho, was lost sight of at the Craach by his companions, who were not
so swift of foot as he; and though searched for diligently for days,
he was never found, alive or dead. Some time after, it is told,
another man was lost at this same place, and nothing was known
concerning his disappearance until his "ghost" spoke to a friend,
describing the circumstances of his death at the Craach as
unspeakably awful, and adding that none ever saw such a fearful
sight there as he since Alasdair Cutach went amissing.
According to one tradition Cailleach a* Chraich's pet aversion
was the Clan Macmillan. There is some evidence, however, to
show that members of the Clan Macdonald were particularly the
objects of her malice and spite. In an old song one of them says
regarding her : — ♦
"Cha teid mi an rathad
A dh' oidhche na 'latha ;
Cha 'n 'eil deagh bhean an tighe
'S a' Chraach.
" Tha i trom air mo chinneadh
Ga 'marbhadh 's ga milleadh ;
'S gu'n cuireadh Dia spiorad
Ni 's fhearr ann."
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36 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
(I shall not go the way
By night or by day \
She's not the best of good-wives
That's at the Craach.
She's hard on my clan —
Killing, destroying our men ;
0, that God would place a kindlier
Spirit yonder).
This remarkable member of the hag world appears to have had
a peculiar way of bringing about the death of her victims. After
struggling with a man for a time, she usually deprived him of his
bonnet, in which she danced furiously until a hole was made in it,
when, as common belief says, he dropped down dead. On one
occasion she accosted a man belonging to Inverwick, Glen-
moriston, and gave him a most severe handling, but, with the
assistance of a faithful dog, he got out of her clutches. However,
he lay ill for some months aftewards, while the poor dog was
almost flayed in the encounter with the " cailleach." On another
occasion a Macdonald from Glengarry was met by her as he was
passing the notorious " Craach." After a brief struggle, she ran
off with his head-gear. Believing that his life depended upon its
recovery before she could make a hole in it he pursued her. A
fierce fight ensued, with the result that in the end Macdonald had
the best of the situation, but not until he had buried his dagger
in the body of the " cailleach." In another version of this tale
it is stated that Macdonald merely recovered his bonnet from the
hag, and that she told, him, as he was running out of her sight,
that he would die at a certain hour on a certain day within the
year, which is said and believed to have actually taken place.
26th MARCH, 1896.
At the meeting this evening, Dr Samuel Rutherford Macphail,
M.D., Medical Superintendent, Derby Borough Asylum, was
elected an ordinary member of the Society. Thereafter Mr A.
Macbain, M.A., read a paper contributed by Mr W. G. Stuart,
entitled " Stiathspey Raid to Elgin in 1820." The paper was as.
follows : —
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 37
STRATHSPEY RAID TO ELGIN IN 1820.
Elgin and the rich agricultural plains of Moray afforded
abundant spoil to Highland caterans and rievers in the days when
" Sweeping faulds and tooming of the glen
Had still been held the deeds of honest men."
On the 3rd of July, 1402, Alexander Macdonald, third son of the
Lord of the Isles, with a band of his many followers, plundered
the Cathedral, as well as many of the private houses, and returned
home rich with the spoils of the burgh. Nearly three hundred
years later, in 1691, the Clan Grant organised a cattle-lifting
expedition, and made a descent into the valley of Dallas and the
neighbouring districts of Pluscarden and Duffus. Sir Robert
^Gordon of Gordonstoun, on hearing of the raid, gathered a few
of his retainers and overtook the Strathspey men as they were
driving the creack on the heights above Knockando. Sir Robert
•demanded by what authority they acted in plundering and robbing
the tenantry under cloud of night. " By order of the Laird of
"Grant," replied the leader. t% I cannot believe that," said Sir
Robert, " unless you show me his writing." " Here it is, then,"
again answered the leader of the expedition, handing a letter to
the Baronet, who immediately turned his horse, rode off to Edin-
burgh, produced the letter, and obtained decree againot the Laird
of Grant for the whole amount of his losses.
It was one thing, however, to obtain a decree, and quite
another matter to enforce it ; and a Sheriff-officer entering Strath-
spey in those days on such business embarked on a very dangerous
enterprise, as Gordonstoun's unfortunate messenger very soon
found out. In Dunbar's " Social Life in Former Days," there is
a copy of the complaint made by the messenger in question
regarding the hard usage he met with at the hands of the Strath-
spey men : —
" I, Hugh Thaine, messenger, hireby declaire that I am not at
this tyme able to goe the length of Edinburgh, by reasone of
sickness and unabilitie of body, Uaveing beine now sex or seven
weeks werry unabell, by reasone of the hard usage I mett with in
Strathspey, in the wood of Abernethie ; and therefor I doe heirby
dyser and give full power, to Sir Robert Gordone of Goidonstoun
(who did imploy me about executing of Councell letters in that
place) to suplicat the Lords of ther Majesties Privie Concill, or
any other of thir Majesties Judges to whom it may belonge, that
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38 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the saide Lords or Judges may, in ther prudence, apoyant some
way for reddressing and punishing the abuses comitted against the
law and government upon my persone, and those in my company,
which wer as followith, viz., I (having upon the fyftinth of
October last citted some witnesses, and upon the sixteenth thereof
citted the Laird of Grant ; and upon the seventinth thereof, be
eight houres in the morning, as I went about three myles from
Ballichastell, towards Culnakyle, both the Lairds houses, at a
place called Craigmuir, at the wood of Abernethie), and three men,
called Peter Morrison, in Fochabrs ; John M'Edwart, in Glen-
rinnes, and Alex. Bogtoun in Khieclehik, that were with me were
seized upon by a pearty of armed men who most maisterfullie and
violently struck me with their gunnes ; gave me a stobbe with a
durke in my shoulder, and a stroak with my owen sword ; robbed
me of my money, my linnens, some cloathes, my sword and pro-
vision ; and of the principal Councell letters many coppies thereof
and uther papers ; then bound me and my company and always
threatened me with pressnt death ; for executing the foresaid
letters, and examined me on oath whither any of those men did
belonge to Gordonstoun that they might instantly kill him and
offred his liffe to anyone of our companie that wold hange the rest
of us ; thereafter laid us down and secured us with horse-roapes
on the ground within the wood, wher we leay in cold, hunger,
and great miseries for four days and three nights, threatened
hourly with present death. My conditione of healthe is welle
knowen to the minister and neighbours in the paroch wher I live
and may be atested by them if neid require. In testimony of the
verity heirof, I have written and subscribed ther presents with
my hand at Fochabers the fourt day of December jajvcj nynty one
yeires (1691)."
Although the messenger was " thus badly treated, it was not
with the object of avoiding payment, but rather to show their
resentment at the means employed. The Laird of Grant at this
time was Sir Ludovic, who with his son, the Brigadier, ruled at
Castle Grant. The Brigadier was one of the foremost men in
Scotland in his day, distinguished in the camp, and the Court,
and a bosom friend of John — the great Duke of Argyll." The
Knight of Gordonstoun was therefore summoned to come in
person to Castle Grant and receive the full amount of his claim.
Sir Robert, on entering the Castle, was received with every mark
of respect. On receiving the money he immediately handed it to
the Brigadier, saying, "This is a present from Robert of Gordon-
stoun, and I will see my tenants righted myself." The Brigadier
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 39
stood up, and after warmly thanking Sir Robert for his chivalrous
generosity, said, " If ever I become Laird of Grant, I will gar the
rash bush keep the cow and the pin in the cot door the sheep in a*
time coming " — a promise which, from that day to this, has been
faithfully kept by all the chiefs and clansmen of Strathspey.
But the Strathspey raid of 1820 must not be placed in the
same category as an ordinary cattle-lifting expedition. It is of
interest historically, being the last rising of a clan in Scotland ;
and although the event happened 76 years ago, almost in the
middle of this 19th century— called by its critics the utilitarian
age — the expedition presents features of loyalty and devotion to
chief and clan as romantic in their character as anything that
happeaed in the golden age of chivalry and romance.
The country lying between the two Craigellachies has now
been in the peaceful possession of the Grants for over 500 years ;
and though more exposed than most Highland districts to the
peaceful and more commercial invasion of the Lowlander, yet
76 years ago the Highlanders of Strathspey were primitive and
unsophisticated to a degree of which those who have known them
only during the last 30 years or so can form but a very faint
conception. The late minister of Abernethy, Rev. Mr Stewart,
used to tell a quaint story of an old poacher and smuggler who
died in my own day. James had built himself a bothy under the
shadow of Cairngorm, and with his musket bade defiance to all
intruders. When over 80 years of age he had to wrestle with the
grim king of terrors ; and the minister, hearing of his illness,
visited the old man and reminded him of his spiritual duties,
saying, " You know there are just two places beyond the grave, to
either, of which all the human race must go." "Well," replied
James, " I'll tell you the plain truth about myself. In my young
days I had a lot of companions, and we were always together. I
was wi' them at Baiteal nam Bat' (Battle of the Sticks) in Elgin,
and I was in the middle of the big fight at Tomintoul market.
Och, och ! many a spree and fight and ploy we had ; but now
they are all gone before me, I feel gey lonely and forsaken now,
and when I die I would just like to join my old companions
wherever they are." Surely this will parallel the exclamation of
Bardolph on hearing of Falstaffs death, "Would I were with him
wheresoever he is."
In the country of the Grants, chieftainship, though legally
deprived of its ancient and arbitrary authority, was neither
forgotten nor disowned. Its spirit and all its finer features
survived, and to a great extent regulated the relations between
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40 Gaelic Society of Inverness
landlord and tenant. The chief was still the father of his clan ;
and his tenantry showed anything but a disposition on their part
to sever their allegiance. For generations — and it is the same
still — it was a point of honour with the I^airds of Grant never to
remove an old tenant, and a list of the tacksmen's names in Strath-
spoy reminds us of one of the early chapters in 1st Chronicles,
where son succeeded father in endless succession. In the days of
the clan feuds the Grants, owing to the position of their country,
their strength, and unity, managed to hold their own without
having to fight their neighbours. Yet in the hour of our country's
danger, there was no lack of courage and military spirit among the
men of Strathspey. In the years 1793-1794, when the " good Sir
James "
" Kept his castle in the North
Hard by the thundering Spey,
And a thousand vassals dwelt around,
All of his lineage they,"
General Stewart . of Garth tells us that Sir James raised the
Strathspey Fencibles all from his own estates, and within two
months of the declaration of war with France the regiment was
assembled at Forres, being so complete in numbers that 70 men
were discharged as supernumerary. As soon as Sir James Grant's
Fencibles were embodied he made further proposals to raise a
regiment for present service, and accordingly the 97th Regiment
of the line, consisting of 1000 men, all from the Grant estates,
with the exception of two or three companies, was formed. From
the parish of Abernethy, in particular, a large number joined the
army, and during the Bonaparte wars the military spirit ki this
parish was kept brightly burning by the pulpit ministrations of
Rev. John Grant, popularly known as the "minister of the
Gazette." Mr Grant, before settling down as minister of Aber-
nethy, was for some years in the army as chaplain to a Highland
regiment, and he took a passionate interest in the loyalty and mili-
tary spirit of his flock. When many of them were away fighting the
battles of their country, he used to allay the anxiety of their
relatives at home by reading the " Gazette " newspaper to his con-
gregation before dismissing them on Sabbath. After the downfall of
Napoleon, a great many pensioners returned to Strathspey to tell
a younger generation of the battles and sieges in which they had
been engaged. In 1820, for example, there were 22 half -pay
officers living in Strathspey, besides a large number of discharged
non-commissioned officers and privates. It was at this time, then,
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Strathspey Haid to Elgin. 41
when the French war just over had fostered a lighting spirit among
all classes of the people, that the death of George the Third
caused a General Election, and the Goddess of Discord, in the form
of Politics, seized the opportunity of throwing her apple among
the Electors of Elgin, and setting them all by the ears.
Prior to the Reform Bill, the group of burghs consisting of
Elgin, Cullen, Banff, Inverury, and Kintore, sent a member
to Parliament, the Town Council of each burgh choosing a dele-
gate to represent the community, and each burgh, in its turn,
being the returning burgh where the other delegates met, and
where the election was made.
The family of Grant, for nearly 100 years, possessed a para-
mount influence in Elgin politics ; and Cullen, since the accession
of the family to the Seafield estates and title, was also theirs.
Banff, though now and then a little erratic, was generally true to
the Duff interest ; while Inverury and Kintore were entirely under
Lord Kintore's influence. It was one thing, however, to command
a burgh and another thing to retain the command. The Magis-
trates, Councillors, and Deacons had to be constantly feasted,
petted, and favoured. The good Sir James Grant of Grant was,
according to General Stewart, the best patron Elgin tradesmen
were ever blessed with, for most of them were mainly supported by
his liberality and bounty. When resident at Grant Lodge, in the
immediate vicinity of Elgin, the parish ministers, elders, Magis-
trates, and Town Council were generally invited to their Sunday
dinner with him. • When Sir James died he left a family of two
sons and three daughters? — Lewis Alexander and Francis William,
aud the daughters, Ann, Margaret, and Penuel. Owing to the
delicate state of his brother's health, Colonel Francis was really
the laird from the time of his father's death, and during the long
period of 40 years he was unwearied in his efforts to promote the
best interests of every one on his estates. He was also animated
by the same desire as his father before him to cultivate the friend-
ship of the citizens of Elgin, but as it was in Ossianic times —
" In Alpin, in the days of the heroes, Fingal neglected to call
some of the Fingalians to the feast he gave at Druim Dialg. The
proud rage of the heroes was aroused."
On the occasion of Prince Leopold's visit to Elgin, Colonel Francis
Grant, with the Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council, were in
waiting at the town's marches to confer on him the freedom of the
city, after which Colonel Grant invited the Provost and Town
Council to dine with the Prince at Grant Lodge, while the
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42 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
inhabitants of the burgh were feasted at a free banquet on the
lawn. Owing to a mistake of the Town-Clerk, Patrick Duff, who
issued the invitations, the Deacons of the Trades, who were often
joined to the Council, and possessed great influence among the
Freemen of the Burgh, were overlooked, and, thinking themselves
insulted, would neither take bite nor sup.
When Colonel Grant heard of this he went himself personally
to the Deacons and made an ample apology. He assured them it
was entirely a mistake of the Town-Clerk, and he trusted they
would pass it over. He asked them to partake of the entertain-
ment provided, and, if not satisfied with that, to go to any house
or inn in the city, and regale themselves with the best of meat
and drink, and he would pay all expenses. " No, no," they
answered, " he had looked over them before the Prince, and the
King might come in the cadger's way yet." They could feast at
their own expense. Accordingly they adjourned with their friends
to the Trades' Hall, sent for a cask of whisky, got uproariously
drunk, and then proceeded to perambulate the streets, conducting
themselves in a lawless and disorderly manner. This was the
beginning of the rift which culminated in the raid of the High-
landers later on. A slight somewhat similar in character a short
time before resulted in the loss of the burgh of Inverury to the
Kintore interest ; so that in 1820 the Earl of Fife had the com-
mand of Banff and Inverury, and the Kintore and Seatield interest
had Kintore and Cullen, while Elgin was supposed to be doubtful.
To secure the Cathedral City then was the grand aim of both
parties.
In the previous Parliament the sitting member was a Seatield
nominee — Mr Robert Grant, afterwards Sir Rooert Graut, Governor
of Bombay, and brother of Lord Glen dg. When he heard that
he was to be opposed by General Duff, brother of Lord Fife, he
got frightened, and declined to stand, and accepted an English
burgh provided for him by the Government. The Kintore party
then brought forward Mr Archibald Farquharsou of Finzean, a
gentleman of very moderate ability, and quite unknown in the
constituency. The traditions of both the Grants and the Kintores
lay too much in the direction of Pope's axiom, that u whatever is,
is right," to satisfy the aspirations of the more advanced electors ;
while General Duff was supposed to be favourable to reform. It
may be taken for granted that in these circumstances Lord Fife
was not unwilling to take advantage of his opportunity to
make himself popular to the citizens of Elgin. His lordship
then was in the prime of life, gay, affable, and generous;
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Strathspey Raid to tlgin. 43
and these qualities soon made him very popular in Elgin.
He frequently took up his abode in the town, and made
himself acquainted with the Burgesses, their wives and daughters,
loading them with gowns, bonnets, ribbons, shawls, and
rings ; while he scattered money freely among the humbler
classes — until, when he walked the streets, he was followed by a
train of idlers singing his praises, and every door and window was
filled with maidens and matrons whose devotion was rewarded by
a ring or a silk gown, while the poor husbands and fathers had no
rest or peace unless they supported the gay and gallant Earl. The
Town Council of those days consisted of 17 members ; the Council
electing the new when their year of office was expired. A political
agent who could contrive to keep nine good men and true in the
Council was sure of electing a delegate favourable to the interest
of his party when a general election should come.
There was a good deal of canvassing on both sides ere it was
known which party had the majority, some declaring openly for
the Grant party, others for Lord Fife, while some would not
declare themselves. This, with the absence of the Provost, Sir
Archibald Dunbar, in Edinburgh, and one of the Councillors,
Bailie Innes, professing to stand neutral, kept the inhabitants in
a state of anxious suspense. The Grants feared that the Burgh,
and with it the election, should be lost, for the Duffs canvassed
with such success that they prevailed on seven to declare for
General Duff; so that the state of the parties was understood to
stand eight for the Grant interest and seven for the Fife party.
The great object then of tho Fife party was to bring over one of
the majority to the other side. Every form of bribery was tried,
but as yet unsuccessfully. As soon as the Provost returned he
was petitioned by 200 burgesses to support General Duff, but he
refused to have the petition presented to him, and remained firm
in his allegiance to the Grants.
Party feeling reached a white h^at when it was rumoured that
the Grants, fearing the fate of their cause, had endeavoured in the
drad of night to kidnap Lewis Anderson and James Culbard, two
^ Lord Fife's supporters. To steal a Councillor and send him out
of the way, to lock up a poor Bailie in defiance to all law and
justice, was a rough-and-ready method of defeating an opponent
joften resorted to in the electioneering contests of a past genera-
tion ; and, curiously enough, however innocent the Grant party
may have been of man-stealing designs on this occasion, it is quite
certain that they employed a somewhat similar stratagem to
ensure the election of their Chief seventy years before. At that
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44 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
time the proprietor of Kinsteary opposed Sir Ludovic Grant of
Grant as a candidate for the representation of Elgin. The High-
landers of Strathspey, indignant that any Lowland er should
presume to compete with their Chief, the Laird of Grant, came in
detached parties to the neighbourhood of Elgin, where they were
seen loitering about for days. When any of them was questioned
as to their business they always pretended to be looking for a
" beastie cattle that they lost." After watching every movement
of their destined prey for a week, they at last seized a favourable
opportunity, threw a plaid over Kinsteary's head, and hoodwinked
his companions in the san e manner. The candidate for the burghs
was detained among the hills of Strathspey until the laird of Grant
was returned for the county. It is only justice to Sir Ludovic to
mention that he was no party to this transaction, and it was many
years after the event before he understood that the bold effort to
ensure his election was made by his own clansmen.
The attempt at kidnapping in 1820, if ever made, was not so
successful, but it had the effect of rousing the ire of the Duff,
who, baffled in their efforts to obtain a majority in the Counc,
determined to retaliate on their opponents by kidnapping some f
the Council favourable to the Grant interest. So, on the morning
of Saturday, the 11th March, while a worthy Councillor, Mr
Kobert Dick, was removing his shutters from his shop windows,
some three or four men came behind him and put a handkerchief
over his eyes, and carried him up Craig's Close, round by Batchen
Lane, to Mackenzie's Inn, where a carriage was waiting. The
Councillor's daughter, who was a party to the plot, and who
received a present of two diamond rings from Lord Fife, came up
with a change of linen for her father. He was then put into the
carriage, and, guarded by a couple of men, was driven rapidly to
Burghead, where a well-manned boat was in readiness to receive
him. He was soon transported to the other side of the Firth, and
landed at Dunrobin, where he was hospitably entertained by some
Morayshire gentlemen who were in Sutherlandshire at this time.
After a few days' enjoyment, the worthy Councillor and his escort
started leisurely by land for Elgin, where they arrived too late for
the election of a delegate.
In like manner another Councillor, but of higher grade, being
no less than a Bailie, and at the time acting; as Chief Magistrate,
while taking a turn behind his garden, as was his usual custom in
the morning, was seized by a party of Duffs, carried to Bishopmill,
hurried into a chaise, conveyed in like manner to the seaside, where
an open boat transported him and his captors to the same destina-
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 45
tion. But Bailie Taylor and his captors were not so fortunate as
Councillor Dick ; a strong head wind had sprung up, they were all
night on the sea in an open boat, and after having nearly lost their
lives they managed, with the utmost difficulty, to get into the
harbour • f Brora, after being 1 7 hours on the passage. His family
did not know what had become of him, and his wife was in such a
state of grief and anxiety that some of the Fife party who were in
the secret had to tell her that her husband was safe. Bailie
Taylor, like his companion in adversity, made his way home by
land, and arrived in Elgin too late for the election of a delegate,
Having in this summary fashion secured a majority in the Council
favourable to the Fife interest, they immediately called a Council
meeting, which the Grant party did not attend, and as the Town
Clerk refused to appear or deliver up the keys of the Council
Chamber, another Clerk was chosen for the time, and the following
Wednesday was appointed for the election of a delegate.
In consequence of the manoeuvres related above, Elgin was in
a most excited state. Colonel Grant was in Italy, and the Earl of
Seafield was living in retirement at Grant Lodge with his sisters,
Lady Ann and Lady Penuel. The beautiful Lady Ann was a
woman of commanding presence, great wit, and force of character,
and for some <?ays previous to this she dared not appear on the
streets without being jeered and insulted by the riff-raff of Elgin ;
while in the evenings and at night, howling mobs surrounded the
house and policies, singing rubbishy rhymes and uttering insulting
cries, " Lord Fife for ever," and " May the diel pick out the
Grant's liver." At last, so completely was Grant Lodge invested
by the townspeople in the Fife interest, that no one was allowed
to enter or leave the house.
The high-spirited Lady Ann resented this disgraceful treat-
ment, and between Saturday, 11th, and Sabbath morning, the
12th March, 18*20, she contrived the escape of one of her grooms,
who sprang on a horse, and galloped to Castle Grant, a distance
of over 30 miles, in three hours, the noble steed, it is reported,
like Dick Turpin's celebrated mare u Black Bess" at York, falling
under him dead upon reaching the Castle door. The message that
Lady Ann sent to her clansmen was that her family were held
prisoners in their own house by the burghers of Elgin. This
intelligence produced an extraordinary effect in Strathspey, where-
Lady Ann was universally beloved. No fiery cross ever sped on
swifter wing proclaiming the magic gathering word, " Stand fast,
Craigellachie," than the news that Lady Ann was in danger
travelled through the Strath. The men of the village of Gran-
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46 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
town were collected by tuck of drum just as they were preparing
for Church. In Cronidale, the Rev. Gregor Grant received the
message in the pulpit, stopped the sermon, announced the call to
the rescue, and offered up a short prayer in Gaelic for success.
Forthwith might be seen gathering from every hill and glen,
as in the palmy days of old, every man who could grasp a stick, so
that within two hours of receiving the summons about 300 men,
with the minister at their head, marched for Elgin. Captain
Grant, Congash, the factor on the Strathspey estates, sent
messengers in all directions to rouse the tenantry. Mr Forsyth,
Dell, father of the present minister of Abernethy, Dr Forsyth,
assisted by Mr Grant, Rothiemoon, assembled the Abernethy men.
Patrick Grant of Auchterblair, who afterwards became Field-
Marshal General Sir Patrick Grant, performed a like service in
Gleann Chearnach — the glen of heroes- -as the parish of Duthil
was anciently called ; so that in the course of a few hours some
700 men had assembled at the different points of rendezvous, or
were across the mountains, seeking the shortest route to the place
where their chieftainess was imprisoned. In fact, the Highlanders,
to a man, turned out, and, travelling all night, hundreds were in
Elgin on Monday morning ere many of the burghers were out of
bed.
As we can imagine, the excitement in Strathspey among the
women and the old men who stayed at home was very intense, and
the wildest rumours prevailed ; one woman circulating the report
that they had taken with them the " Armoury " at Castle Grant ;
another that a battle had already been fought, that many had
been killed, and that Lady Ann herself was amongst the wounded.
But, leaving the Strathspey women to imagine all sorts of horrors,
let us see how they are preparing in Elgin for the onslaught. The
civic rulers had a vague suspicion that something of the kind was
contemplated, and when the first body of the Highlanders, consist-
ing of the Cromdale and Ad vie men, arrived at Aberlour, about 1 1
o'clock on Sabbath night, one of Lord Fife's tenants, a Mr Inkson,
suspecting the cause of so many men passing down Speyside,
hurried on horseback to Elgin, arrived there about three o'clock
4m Monday morning, proceeded to Mackenzie's Inn, wrhere such of
the Council as were favourable to Lord Fife were kept under a
strong guard, and informed the quaking burghers that the Grants
had risen as in ancient times, and that a band between two and
three hundred were already on the march, and within a short
distance of the town. The tidings caused the greatest consterna-
tion and terror amongst the burghers. The bugle blew, the drum
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 47
beat, and those of the guard that could be spared ran in all
directions to awaken the inhabitants. Soon the streets
were crowded with panic-stricken and bewildered citizens
who imagined that the Highlanders had come to sack the town, as
the Macdonalds of the Isles did centuries before. For greater
security the Council were escorted under a strong guard, from the
hm to the Tolbooth : and when, a little before five, the alarm was
given that the Highlanders were at hand, the citizens, who hid
armed themselves with staves, swords, and other weapons, flew to
the Tolbooth, which happened to be the place farthest from
danger, with a determination to stand by it to the last. Others
of the citizens, more aggressive in spirit, stationed themselves at
the gate of Grant Lodge, provided with baskets filled with broken
bottles, to hurl at any one who might attempt a rescue. Mean-
while the Highlanders were marching on, silently at first, until
the Sabbath was over, and then the word was given to Peter Bane,
the celebrated piper and fiddler, who, with the Abernethy men,
followed in the wake of Cromdale and Advie, to tune up his
drones, "0 Pharig 'nis seid suas gu brais i," and the rest of the
journey was enlivened by his stirring strains. There were not
many people astir as they passed along, but such as were up could
not conceive what was ado, and no further information could be
obtained from the Highlanders than that they were going to the
market. u Where was the market ?' " Och, just at Elgin the
morn." The Duthil men followed some hours later, and took the
most direct route, as they had much further to go. About two
miles from Elgin a general rendezvous was held, and the army
was easily arranged in military order. As it was only five years
after the peace, many of the men were old soldiers, and among
them were several half-pay officers who had seen service in almost
every quarter of the glohe, while the factor and leader of the
expedition, Captain Grant, Congash, was an old militia officer.
About 5 a.m. on the morning of March the 13th, a memorable
day in the annals of Elgin, the first detachment of the Highlanders
made their appearance. Marching up Moss Street, with pipers
playing, they proceeded to Grant Lodge. Their numbers, and the
resolute wTay they grasped their sticks, was enough for the broken
bottle brigade ; the siege was immediately raised, the burghers fled,
and the Strathspey men quietly entered the policies of Grant
Lodge, where they were joyfully welcomed, Lady Ann, genial,
kind-hearted, and aftable, going about amongst her clansmen, and
showering her smiles and grateful greetings on every one. It wag
a serious business to feed seven hundred men at a moment's notice
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48 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
after such a long journey, but a number of bullocks were
slaughtered at Linkwood, a cask of whisky was broached, and
provisions were prepared for the entire party on the lawn. As
the blood of. the Highlanders was up, the difficulty was in pre-
venting a collision between them and the townspeople. The
Provost was so afraid of a conflict that he crept into Grant Lodge
by a back door, and implored Lady Ann on his knees to get the
Highlanders to save the town and return to their homes. This
appeal was backed up by the Sheriff, who, accompanied by the
clergy of the town, waited on Lady Ann, and urged on her the
absolute necessity of ordering the Highlanders to return home
before anything more serious would happen. Her ladyship
replied that the men had made a very long journey, and would
require refreshment and a good rest before they were in a con-
dition to march home again ; and, further, that she must have an
assurance from the Sheriff and Town Council that special con-
stables vvould be sworn in to preserve the peace, and the inmates
of Grant Lodge would no longer be molested. This the Sheriff
and Town Council promptly agreed to do. The Highlanders, after
being satisfied that the freedom and safety of the Earl and his
sisters was assured for the future, agreed to return home that
same afternoon.
It was insinuated by the Fife party that the object of the
expedition was to settle the election as they did 70 years before,
but that this idea was wholly unfounded will be apparent when
we consider how easily they were persuaded to return home as
soon as they were satisfied that their Chief and his sisters were
safe. They left their homes almost at a moment's notice, some of
the men from the western part of the parish of Duthil marching a
distance of 47 miles in ten hours. They expected to have to fight
their way through a mob of thousands of infuriated Lowlanders.
But they never shrank from the ordeal. They relied upon
courage, firmness, and a natural talent for fighting to overcome
the formidable hosts which rumour told them were arrayed
against their Chief. When they arrived in Elgin they found that
numerically they were much stronger than their opponents, and
it reflects great credit on their forbearance and respect for law and
order that they agreed to return home again without cracking a
few Lowland heads. They left at three o'clock on Monday after-
noon, with drums beating and pipes playing.
The Highlanders having arranged to go home by a different
route, Lady Ann, with thoughtful consideration, sent orders to
Forres and every inn on the road to give them anything they
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 49
wanted. At Forres they made a night of it, eating, drinking, and
dancing till the morning, and then on to Strathspey without a
halt, many of the men from Duthil and the more remote parts of
Abernethy having walked fully 80 miles without going to bed.
Even after the departure of the Highlanders, Elgin continued in
an indescribable state of excitement. All the able-bodied citizens
were sworn in as special constables, drilled, and placed under the
com maud of one of the many retired military gentlemen residing
in the town. Patrols were established, sentries placed, and rounds
made, and the town put as nearly as possible under military law.
In the course of the forenoon the inhabitants were strengthened
by Lord Fife's tenantry pouring in from the surrounding districts,
armed with sticks and other weapons ; while rumour, with her
hundred tongues, every now and then brought reports that the
Highlanders had not returned to Strathspey, but were lurking in
the adjoining woods, ready to enter the town after nightfall and
carry off Lord Fife's supporters.
About 10 o'clock at night, a false alarm that the Highlanders
were going to attack the town put all on the alert. The horn of
alarm was again sounded, the drums beat, and the inhabitants
armed themselves as best they could, and, with the constables,
paraded the streets for hours, while instructions were given to the
occupiers of all houses fronting the streets to have their windows
lighted up with candles, so that if a Highlander was lurking about
he could be immediately detected. Accordingly, an extensive
illumination took place. Many of the Grant party were obliged
to light up their nouses as well, to prevent their windows being
broken. But no enemy appeared, the report originating by two
or three poor fellows having got too much drink, who were seen
loitering about the woods, and whose numbers were magnified into
as many hundreds.
On Tuesday the town was a good deal excited, the special
constables still continuing at their posts, and the guards at theirs,
and old women of both sexes seeing a Highlander ready to pounce
on them at the corner of every street if they crossed the door after
nightfall. Wednesday was the day appointed for electing a
delegate, and an immense crowd gathered on the streets, while
the constables, with the Sheriff at their head, walked through the
town to see that no riot took place. As none of Colonel Grant's
friends appeared, the Fife party met alone and nominated a dele-
gate to represent them .at Cullen. This was hardly a legal
proceeding, there being only a minority of the Council and no
Town-Clerk present. After a number of party meetings, Coun-
4
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50 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
cillor Dick, who had returned from Sutherlandshire, was brought
over to the Fife interest, and with Bailie Innes standing neutral,
the Council was equally divided. The Provost, who was a sup-
porter of the Grant interest, had both a deliberative and a casting
vote, so after a number of protests, Mr Farquharson was declared
duly elected by the Chairman's casting vota. Parliament met on
the 21st of April, and Mr Farquharson's title was sustained.
The disgraceful disturbances associated with this memorable
election could easily have been prevented if those responsible for
the peace and good government of the town had exercised a little
more firmness, and promptly apprehended the ringleaders, instead
of making theatrical displays at Graut Lodge, and military
masquerading in the street. In connection with the kidnapping
of the Bailie and Councillor, the matter was reported to the Lord
Advocate, and the transaction was looked upon as highly uncon-
stitutional by the Government. Four of Lord Fife's supporters
from Elgin were tried at the Circuit Court of Justiciary, held at
Inverness in September, 1820, on a charge of stellment, or man-
stealing. They were defended by Mr John Peter Grant of
Kothiemurchus ; but as the parties stolen did not take the matter
very seriously, a convenient flaw iu the indictment was discovered,
and the trial broke down. A great procession went out to meet
the accused on their return to Elgin, where they were feasted by
Lord Fife's supporters. At the annual meeting to elect a new
Council, the Fife party were triumphant, and the General was, on
the first opportunity, duly elected member for the Elgin burghs.
So ended this, the last struggle under the old system of self-
government which gave rise to one of the most remarkable traits
of the feudal system which the present century has seen. It
would be difficult to approve and justify the policy which
instigated this remarkable demonstration on the part of the
Strathspey men, but one cannot help cherishing a feeling of
admiration at the courage, loyalty, and chivalrous love which
animated the breasts of those true and warm-hearted Highlanders.
To the outward eye, however, the picturesque appearance that
we associate with the rising of a clan was almost entirely absent,
as very few of the men wore the Highland dress, which Duncha'
Ban nan Oran so eloquently describes as " the clothes that dis-
play the strife of colours in which the carmine prevails." There
was, consequently, a want of that characteristic distinction which
should have separated the Saxon from the Gael. The Strathspey
men were, as a rule, dressed in coarse home-made tweed or hodden
grey cloth, a capital, warm, and serviceable dress, but in no way
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 51
characteristic of the Highlander and the Highland Clan. Yet the
raid of Elgin furnished a splendid exhibition of the loyalty of the
Strathspey men to the House of Grant, and it was so understood
by Royalty itself. On the occasion of George the Fourth's visit
to Scotland in 1822, when the King attended the ball given in his
honour by the Peers of Scotland in Holyrood Palace, he asked one
of the lords in waiting to point out the lady on whose account so
many of the Strathspey Highlanders went to Elgin two years
before. Lady Ann being pointed out, the Monarch emphatically
remarked — " Well, truly, she is an object fit to raise the chivalry
of any clan," and he took the first opportunity of raising her to
the peerage. As might be expected, the incidents cf the " Raid,"
the kidnapping, and the political battle, are referred to in the
songs and poetry of the period. The Lowland muse is not par-
ticularly successful in " waking to ecstacy the living lyre," as the
following samples will show : —
" Success to all Fife's voters now,
And to them wevwill humbly bow,
And gi'e that reverence due to them
Which they deserve as honest men ;
But let the Grants for ever stand
A haughty but a shameless band.
They brought themselves into disgrace,
I trust we'll never see their face."
Electioneering Song.
" Now let us all to Elgin hie
Where each his can is drinking,
And fill the bowl to noble Fife
While Seafield's cause is sinking.
Success to Alexander now,
Each honest heart is cheering,
The dubious kind of votes to bind,
We'll go electioneering.
" See Banff in all her native grace
Shakes hands with Inverury ;
While rotten Cullen turns her back
And hides her face of fury.
But Elgin sure will never give
Each raving prayer a hearing,
But votes to find for noble Fife,
They'll go electioneering."
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52 Gaelic Society of Inuerness
Most of the verses, however, are mere doggerel —
" Oh, the Grants they are a filthy race,
Have brought themselves into disgrace ;
For they made the drums and pipes to play
At Grantown on the Sabbath day."
The following is rather a better specimen, and styled " A Patriotic
Wish for the Prosperity of Elgin " : —
" Oh Elgin, I would gladly sing
The beauties that around thee spring ;
Thy woods and groves with music ring,
And rich adorn ;
While smiling seasons plenty bring
Of grass and corn.
" But why, oh why, do'st thou complain,
In such a loud and plaintive strain,
And groan beneath a load of pain,
As heaven would fa' ?
Why nearly fifty years they ta'en
My rights awa\
" Ah, waes me for't, my ain good toun,
That's reared so mony a canty loon ;
Who oft has trod the world roun'
With honoured name ;
And never was ashamed to own
From thee he came.
" But what a fright to mony a mother,
To bee so mony from the heather,
Seven hundred of them a' together,
Come frae the hill ;
What errand brought so mony hither
Is known iu! well.
" I venerate the hardy sons
Bred 'mang the heather and the whins,
Who gallantly have used their guns
In our late war ;
And from the head even to the shins
Bear mony a scar.
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 53
" They fought and bled at Waterloo,
And twined fair laurels round their broo,
The brightest plumes that ever grew
Their heads adorn ;
Memorials of that overthrow
Shall long be worn.
" But gladly these returned hame
From our good town the way they came ;
Their leaders gained but little fame
For a' their toil,
Ne'er need they play another game
On CallanV soil.
" Amid the darkness of the night
We hailed the flambeau's shining light ;
In self-defence we stood for right
Along the streets,
Prepared with all their boasted might
Our foes to meet.
" We mustered out a numerous throng
Of rich and poor, old maids and young ;
The streets with blended voices rung
And youthful glee ;
Each avenue was guarded strong
With jealous eye.
" With weapons of the rustic kind,
Supported with an ardent mind,
Which no compulsive power can bind,
We stood our ground,
And thankful are we now to find
All safe ana sound."
In pleasing contrast to the common place sentiments of the Low-
land bards on the raid, take the following Strathspey song, full of
Celtic fire and fervour, and for many years popular round the
ceilidh fire in that district. And yet there are indications in its
quaint transitions and Saxon innovations that the old modes of
thought and speech were beginning to crumble away : —
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54 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" Ye Highland lads, sing loud huzzas,
'•S bidhibh sugach, greannar,
Tha onair mhor 's cliu as ur,
Tigh'nn air an teaghlach Ghranntach ;
Craigellachie will shout with glee,
Gus am freagair cnuic 's coilltean
0 bidhibh ait', a Ghaidheil ghasda,
Gacb 6igear agus maigbdean.
" For now a toast we have to boast,
Fhad's dh'ara's sruth na planntain —
Gum beil Miss Grannd air ardachd rang
'S air a stilig 'nis na 'Ban-Tighearn'.
Oh who would not drink out this toast,
Cha'n'eil iad 'n so air am planing*
Nacb deanadh a h-61 do bhurn an loin .
Air slainte an 6g oigh Ghranntach.
" It's well our part to join one heart,
Gu cliu a chuir an c&ll dhuibh
Oir 'sea ruin a tighinn car uine
A thamh ;measg luchd na feile.
The lads so clean, with tartans green,
'S ann asda dh'earbs' i'n cairdeas ;
0 b'e a run 'bhi 'tarruing dluth
'Nuair bhiodh na Goill ga 'sarachd.
" Wben the Chief of Grant abroad did rant,
Bha feum air gaisgich Ghaidhealach
Gu dhol air ball air feadh nan Gall
'Chumail ceart nam meirlich ;
With bonnets blue and hearts so true,
Kinn iadsan Eilginn 'sguabadh
'S na Goill gu dluth ruith anns gach cuil
Gun toil, gun surd gu bualadh.
" The river Spey will sooner dry,
TV fhurasd' Carngorrn a thionndadh,
Na ittdsan buaidh thoirt air an t-sluagh
T3i?i 1 1. is an glac nam beanntann.
Now hero, adieu, Miss Grant, to you
Po dlioagh dheoch slainte 'sa 'Ghailig,
'S mu bhios feum air daoin' Strathspe
Cba threig iad thu 's cha'n fhailluing.
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Strathspey Raid to Elgin. 55
" And Col. Grant we'll not forget,
Tha 'nis aig' onair dhubailt,
'S lion an aird' mo ghloin' gu barr,
'S olaidh mi dha ciipan ;
Long may he man the Highland Clan*
Le onair, aighear, 's aillteachd,
Is bidh ainm air luaidh le cliu 's buaidh
Air machair 's air Gaelteachd.
" When times began to take a turn
'S dar bha sinn air ar sarachd.
Chuir e gu deis thun 'n-taobh-deas
A* cheannach bidh gu ar n' arach ;
Both corn and meal he did retail
Do na h-uile bha na 'n eiginn,
'S e is barail leinn gun chapmhainn e roinn
Bho basach'd air na sleibhtean.
" When meal was dear and far from here
'S an t-airgiod bhi gle ghann duinn,
'S nach robh siol cur an taoibh-s' do'n mhuir
A rachadh 'chur 's na beanntan :
And when with frost our crop was lost
Bha sgread ro chruaidh 's a' Ghaelteachd
Le cridh' blath thug es' gun dail
Mhan beagan de nam mail dhuinn.
u Who would not then all join as one
'Thoirt cliu dha 'n Choirnal bheusach,
'S bidh chreag ud shuas 'cur fuaim a nuas
'S bidh Carngorm ag eisdeachd ;
The forests round will hear the sound
S* ni iad fuam 'bhios fuasach,
;S thig Ne'ich mhan na tonnan ban
'S i 'g eigheachd ri Spe 'bhi 'gluasad.
" Let mirth abound and health go round,
Deoch slainte do Chaiptein Grannda,
S' e 'chuir air luaidh air moch Dilua^n,
'S e mach air leathad nan beanntan ;
By four o'clock he made a smoke
'S bha biadh an sin 'san am sin,
Bha mac na brach' an sin ga'r baisd'
Le aighear 's ce61 's dannsa.
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56 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" I don't incline the rest to name,
De uailsean ghasd' Shrath-Spe dhuibh,
Cha 'n urrainn mi an Innseadh le biigh
Na 'n cliu a chur an ceill dhuibh ;
But- they are true and hardy too,
Is gaisgich iad an elginn ;
'S iad 'churaadh ceann ri clann nam beann
Is Granntaich na'in bidh feum orra.
" High are their bens and deep their glens,
Tha slainte ri fhaighinn annta,
0 '8 e 's mo ruin air maduinn chiuin
An siubhal air latha samhraidh ;
They're full of joy, no cares annoy,
Tha feidh 's laoigh moran,
'N coileach dubh 's a' chearc gu-gu
'S a' mhadainn binn ag 6ran.
' By crystal springs the cuckoo sings
0 's ait' learn bhi ga h-eisdeachd,
'S an smeorach bhinn ri ceoil do 'linn
A' measg nam preas 's nan geugan ;
By rising sun through every den
Bidh 'n tunnag fhiadhaich 's a h-al ann ;
0 '8 e mo ruin gus an duin mo shuil
Bhi' seinn air chu na Gaelteachd."
2nd APRIL, 1896.
At the meeting this evening the Secretary read a paper
contributed by Mr L. Macbean, Kirkcaldy, entitled " The Mission
of the Celt." The paper was as follows : —
THE MISSION OF THE CELT. '
I.— THE GAELIC RENAISSANCE.
The revival of interest and activity in Gaelic life has now
reached a point when it is time to review our position, and, if
possible, form some intelligent idea of our mission and destiny as
a people. The race is becoming conscious of itself, and feeling its
unity as never before, and the moment is therefore opportune to
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The Mission of the Celt 57
reflect intelligently on its place in the world, its power, and
its future. In considering so wide a subject, we must first
enquire what are the tendencies of the currents around us.
The most potent fact here is the tide in the affairs of the Gael
which has flowed with increasing strength and volume through
the present century — a revival of life and interest which is at
once a sign and a cause of the brighter era which is dawning upon
our people. It will be interesting to examine the nature and
origin and aims and methods and achievements of this revival.
It is, broadly speaking, an outburst of race feeling shown in love
of coantry, and people, and language, and music, and traditions —
not an unprecedented phenomenon in the history of the world.
It may be compared with the Slavonic dreams of a united race
that adds a tinge of romance to the politics of Russia and the
Turkish principalities, or to the Greek revival, which led to the
resurrection of Greece , or even to .the old Hebrew patriotism so
vividly pourtrayed in our Bibles. In all these instances the race
feeling has been allied with politics or religion — in our case it is
almost entirely literary or social ; and yet, in the case of Gael, and
Greek, and Jew, and Slav, the great object in view is the welfare
of the lace and the triumph of its genius. Now, this triumph is
of the utmost value to the world, as well as matter of natural
satisfaction to the race immediately concerned ; for it is to this
that we owe the splendid contributions made by Hebrew, Greek,
aud Roman to the life of mankind. Every race must add its own
endowment to the common heritage of man, and the Celt must
take care that the Celtic contribution is not, through cowardice
or ignorance, withheld.
(1) — Gaelic Language..
The first feeble symptoms of new life were sh^wn in connection
with the Gaelic language. The Gael suddenly awoke to the
alarming fact that his native tongue, which more than anything
else was the distinguishing mark of his tribe, was dying out before
the tongue of the Southron. The thought touched his sensitive
and melancholy nature as nothing else could.
" 'Tis fading, oh 'tis fading, like leaves upon the trees,
In murmuring: tone 'tis dying like the wail upon the breeze,
'Tis slowly, surely sinking into, silent death at last,
To live but in the memory of those who love the past."
People never know how much they value a thing until they are
threatened with its loss, and so the thought of the approaching
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58 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
death of the dear old language aroused the Gael to some appreci-
ation of its beauties, and to the discovery that it could throw
valuable light, not only on his own past, but on the history of the
other races of Europe. In this connection it may be noted that
the first beginnings of the Gaelic revival were peculiarly Celtic
and extreme. Not only was a fabulous antiquity ascribed to the
language, but a close relationship was claimed with other vener-
able tongues where no such relationship exists. We have lived
to outgrow these early follies, and our enthusiasm for the old
language is tempered by some degree of knowledge regarding its
history, and changes, and real -pi ace in the family of languages.
(2) — The Preservation op Gaelic.
One of the aims of the Gaelic revival waft, and to some extent
is still, to perpetuate Gaelic as a spoken language. The reasons
adduced for its preservation are — (1) Its interesting history as the
language of Ossianic poets, early Scottish kings, and the native
Christian Church ; (2) its unique, though limited, literary
treasures ; (3) its advantages as the language alike of song and
religion ; (4) its value as a bond of race, which is so necessary
that, if it did not exist, we should have to invent it. The methods
employed to perpetuate the use of Gaelic as a spoken language are
societies, concerts, books, magazines and newspapers, and teaching
in schools. Among the societies that have done excellent work
are the Gaelic Society of London, established in 1777, and still
alive ; the Highland Society of London ; the Highland Society of
Scotland, to which we owe the great Gaelic dictionary ; the Gaelic
Society of Inverness, the Gaelic Society of Glasgow, the Gaelic
Society of Perth, the Gaelic Society of Toronto, and similar
societies in Aberdeen, Greenock, snd elsewhere. At none of these
societies is Gaelic commonly spoken, which may be taken as a sign
that they do not consider the preservation of Gaelic essential.
The concerts at which Gaelic songs are sung are generally well
attended, and Gaelic vocalists are perhaps as popular as were the
old bards and harpers in other days. Perhaps the day will come
when we shall have a Gaelic drama. Schiller's " Wilhelm
Tell" has already been translated into Gaelic, but I hope
our first drama publicly performed will be Gaelic in subject
as well as in language. Coming next to publications, it is
gratifying to note that quite 'a number of Gaelic grammars and
lesson books have been published ; and, as many of them have
had a very large sale, it is evident that there are to-day more
readers of Gaelic than at any previous time in our history. The
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The Mission of the Celt 59
magazines that have aided most in the enriching and perpetuation
of Gaelic have been — "An Teachdaire Gaidhealach," "Cuairtear nan
Gleann," " Fear Tathach nan Gleann," " An Gaidheal," " Bratach
na Flrinn," and the Gaelic Records of the Churches. Our most
recent monthlies, such as the Celtic Magazine, the Highland
Monthly, and the very excellent periodical published in Glasgow
— the Celtic Monthly, havs been chiefly printed in English, but
they have contained Gaelic songs and articles; and Gaelic columns
have also been given in many of our northern newspapers, such as
the Highlander, the Scottish Highlander, the Northern Chronicle,
and the Oban Times. All these supply sufficient evidence of the
reality of the Gaelic revival, and an agency even more important
for the purpose in view has been the teaching of Gaelic in High
land Schools. But here also much more successful work might be
done if rich Gaels and rich societies were to offer substantial
prizes and bursaries to the best Gaelic scholars, or grants to the
most successful Gaelic teachers. We may even go further and
say that society meetings and concerts, the publication of books
and magazines, and the teaching of Gaelic in schools, do not
exhaust the resources of civilisation that can be used to prolong
the life and increase the usefulness of Gaelic. It will uo an
immense amount of good, not only for this purpose, but for the .
intellectual progress of our people, if we can have Gaelic lecture-
ships throughout the Highlands. I would fain desire that lectures
in Gaelic on social or scientific subjects should be delivered in
every parish ; and, if discussion in the same language were
allowed after each lecture, it might lead to a Gaelic debating
society being established in many a Highland glen, to the great
gain of the inhabitants : and perhaps the way would thus be
prepared for the business of our Highland parish councils being
conducted in the language of the people.
In the meantime, discouraged Highlanders should remember
that the Gaelic language, at one time spoken only by a small
tribe in the Western Highlands, has lived to crush out the Pictish
tongue in the east of Scotland, the Welsh in Strathclyde, and the
Norse in the Western Isles ; and that it is to-day spoken over a
wider area, and by a far more numerous people, than in the days
of Cuchullin or Columba.
(3) — Philology.
The second aim of the Gaelic revival has been the scientific
study of the vocabularies and grammar of the old language. For
a long time, indeed, Celtic philology, like many other goods,
might be labelled " manufactured in Germany," for its first and
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60 Gaelic Society of Inverness*
most successful exponents were large-minded Teutons like Zeuss.
But their labours have been continued with interesting results by
able Highland scholars.
(4). — Literature.
In the department of literature, the revival of interest has
been very fruitful. The antiquarian stores of Gaelic have been
ransacked, and the tales of the senachies have been collected ; the
songs that lived only on the tongue of the Highland maid have
been solidified in cold type, and our strange, stunted growths of
medical and botanical and zoological science have been carefully
preserved. Among the most important books given us by the
Celtic revival in Scotland are Skene's "Celtic Scotland," the
printing of the " Book of the Dean of Lismore," MacLauchlan's
" Celtic Gleanings " and " Early Scottish Church," Campbell's
" Leabhar na Feinne," and his "West Highland Tales," John Mac-
kenzie's " Beauties of Gaelic Bards," Pattison's " Translations of
Gaelic Poetry," Blackie's " Language and Literature of the Scot-
tish Highlands," Macneill's " Literature of the Highlands,"
Sinclair's " Oranaiche," Henry Whyte's " Celtic Garland," Malcolm
Macfarlane's " Phonetics of Gaelic," Mackenzie's " Eachdraidh na
h-Alba," the collection of hymns edited by John Whyte, Camerons'
t; Reliquiae Celticee," Alexander Mackenzie's Clan Histories, various
books on music and place-names, and several volumes of poetry by
talented Gaelic bards who are still living. We have some reason
to be proud of the men who have stood foremosc in the literature
of the Gaelic revival. In history we have had Skene, Mac-
Lauchlan, Keltie, Brown, Macneill, and Mackenzie ; in poetry —
Maccoll, Campbell of Ledaig, Maccallum, Mrs Macpherson, and
Mrs Mackellar ; in music, collectors like Charles Stewart and
Henry Whyte ; in lexicography — Macleod and Dewar, Macalpine,
Cameron, and Alexander Macbain; in grammar — Stewart and
Forbes, Munro and Macpherson ; in folk-lore, collectors like J. F.
Campbell, Hector Maclean, and A. A, Carmicbael ; and in editorial
work, men like Norman Macleod, Dr Clerk, A. M. Sinclair,
Fraser-Mackintosh, Dr MacLauchlan, and John Whyte ; and in
natural history, the Rev. Dr Stewart, Nether Lochaber. The
revival has led to great activity in translation. A large number
of English books, chiefly religious, have been translated into
Gaelic ; and there have been numerous translations from Gaelic,
chiefly poetry and fairy tales. In view of all this literary activity,
it will be necessary for us to have a complete dictionary of Gaelic
works, or perhaps an edition of Reid's " Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica"
brought up to date.
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The Mission of the Celt 61
(5) — Music.
Music is the only fine art in which the Gaelic revival has been
felt. Our forefathers originated the Celtic cross, the mysteries of
Celtic ornamentation, the marvellous beauties of illuminated
initials, and even the audacious design of the tartan ; but our
environment in a barren country prevented us from making any
progress in painting or sculpture. But in music the renewed
energy of our people has already shown itself in the collection and
printing of the fine old melodies bequeathed to us by a more
gifted ancestry ; and we may expect that before the Gaelic
revival has quite spent itself, we shall have a national style of
harmony in keeping with those splendid old tunes, and who knows
but some talented Highlander will yet give us a Gaelic opera or a
Gaelic oratorio.
(6) — Highland Customs.
The Gaelic revival has also been felt in the observation of old
customs. Old Highland sports and the old Highland garb are
preserved by the numerous Highland athletic gatherings that are
held all over the country, and, although this is not very important,
it shows how the tide is flowing.
(7) — Material Progress.
But there is another department of life in which the re-
in vigoration of the national spirit has shown itself to some
purpose — I mean the sphere of social and material progress. In
our day there is a growing determination that our countrymen
-who remain at home in the Highlands — and especially the poorer
classes among them — shall have at least fairplay. For the first
time since the days of Prince Charlie, Gaelic has been used as an
effective instrument of politics, and this use of the language of the
people is a sign of a wish to respect their feelings. Of course, we
know that the Highlands are too poor and barren to maintain all
our people in comfort, but in each of our large cities a new
Gaeldom is rising up, and the Gaelic revival has shown itself
there in the form of clan societies for mutual aid and for the
support of poorer countrymen.
II.— FUTURE OF THE GAEL.
Having now glanced over this heaving tide of new Celtic life
which has overflowed the fields of literature, music, customs, and
social progress, it remains for us to ask, What of the future ?
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62 Gaelic Society of Inverness
The Gael are awakening to consciousness, and as a man when he
becomes conscious, first asks, What am I ? Whence am I ?
What am I here for ? So the Gael must ask, What are we %
What are our capabilities ? What is our destiny ?
Cbltophils and Cbltomaniacs.
For more than a century there have been two views regarding
the future of the Gaelic-speaking Highlander — the one held by
supercilious Englishmen and echoed by feeble Highlanders, the
other held by a small but patriotic set of Highlanders. The first
view is that the Celt, as a Celt, is a relic of barbarism, a nuisance
in the way of civilisation that must be speedily swept out of the
way, with the exception that Celts who can transform themselves
into imitations of Englishmen, be allowed to live on in sub-
ordinate positions suitable to their capabilities. There has really
been a great deal of seeming reason for this view. The Celtic
race in these Islands, not only in Scotland, but in England and
Ireland, has apparently been driven westwards to the uttermost
borders of the land, and even in those remote coasts the rising
tide of Saxon civilisation has threatened to overtake and sub-
merge them. The second view of the position and duty of the
Gael has been that of the few patriots who protested against the
invasion of the English tongue and English ideas, and declared
that extinction was preferable to submission.
Both Wrong.
We have now arrived at a point whence we can see that both
views have been wrong. The Highlander is really in a better
position than either the one party or the other dreamed of. Our
fate as a race is neither to die out nor to be Anglicised. On the
contrary, it is important even for the future of Saxon civilisation
that certain qualities of the Celtic nature should be preserved.
Our Contribution to Saxon Civilisation.
The time has come when the Gaelic race must give its own
contribution to the progress of humanity. We cannot give
religious insight like the Hebrew, nor the perception of beauty
like the Greek, nor civic law like the Roman, nor the fruits of
plodding industry like the Teuton. But it happens that the Gael
has the very qualities in which the Saxon is most deficient. It is
ideality, it is sentiment, it is enthusiasm, it is elan, it is
strenuousness, it is intensity, it is imagination, delicacy of fancy,
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The Mission of the Celt 6$
humour, love of colour, love of nature. It is, in a word, all that
is spirituelle and opposed to the sordid and the worldly. These
are the very qualities which the Teutonic race and modern
utilitarian civilisation lack most, and the mission of the Celt is to
supply them.
A Caveat.
Now, no Scottish Highlander could advance such a claim
before a Gaelic audience on behalf of the Gaelic race but for two
things. The first is — That so far from being a Celtic invention
this view has been first broached and supported by English
writers of the highest rank, like Henry Morley and Matthew
Arnold. The second is — That the claim is a general one, and
does not affect any individual Gael. Every Highlander does not
possess the Gaelic temperament ; nor, on the other hand, must
we imagine that every true Englishman is dull and unimagi-
native. The Gaelic temperament is often found in sunny
England, and still oftener in Lowland Scotland ; while a stolidity
that might do credit to any phlegmatic Teuton may be found to
the north of the Grampians. The fact is that we British are a
mixed people, and there is in these islands no such thing as
purity of race. The blood of Dane, and Pict, and Briton, is
probably mixed with the Gaelic current in your veins and mine.
There are Teutons in Caithness and Celts in Yorkshire. But still
we must hold to the broad facts. The German or the Dutchman
— dull, heavy, disciplined, slow, is a very different being from the
Scottish Gael, with his verve and dash and alert mind. And the
Englishman, while situated between these two extremes, has in
him more of the German than of the Celt. Of course an educated
Englishman is smarter than an ignorant Highlander ; but taking
both races on the lowest level, I think a lecturer or vocalist would
be more likely to find an intelligent and responsive audience
among the crofters of a Highland clachan than among the heavy,
clod-hopping, honest hinds of an English rural district. The
truth is that the Gael (like all Celts) is nervous, sensitive to the
influences from the unseen, much impressed by the awful fact of
death (as anyone familiar with our Highland peasantry can tell),
keenly sensitive to the lash of conscience. He is by nature an
idealist and enthusiast, and the peculiar note of his high-strung
temperament is heard more or less clearly all through his history,
his literature, his proverbs, his tales, and his music.
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64 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Growing Celticism op Britain.
(1) — Celtic Influence.
This short disquisition on the Gaelic temperament has prepared
the way for the proposition I am now to lay down. It is a
remarkable thing that while there has been a revival of race
feeling in Gaeldom there has been in English literature a recognised
growth of Celtic influence. As an English litterateur has lately
suggested, the Celtic fringe, the wreckage and relics of Celticism,
driven to the borders of the land before the tide of Saxon aggres-
sion, have been resurging back upon that dark tide in the form of
a certain foam and tinge of thought and sentiment. It has not
been generally observed that Scottish literature has long been
growing more and more Celtic in character. To see this quite
clearly you have only to compare the Anglo-Saxon poetry of old
writers like Dunbar, Henryson, and Douglas with the thorough
Celticism of Ferguson, Burns, and Scott, as shown in their love of
nature and colour, their brilliance of imagination, and their
frequent use of Gaelic words and fondness for Celtic ideals of love
and valour. This Celticism, which has long and increasingly
pervaded the literature of Scotland, is now being felt in the more
imperial literature of England. This is not fully accounted for
by the fact that Celtic poets like Thomas Campbell, Charles
Mackay, Eric Mackay, George Macdonald, and William Allan
have left their mark on English verse, or that novelists like
Robert Buchanan, William Black, and Ian Maclaren have intro-
duced the Highland spirit into English fiction, for in every
department of literature there is a new vivacity and earnestness
and delicacy which seem echoes of Celtic thought, and which at
any rate are not Teutonic. The same remark applies to the field
of music. It is not only that we now find among eminent
composers Gaels like A. C. Mackenzie and Hamish MacCunn,
but that the musical ideals of England are being illuminated by a
Celtic spirit. In the political world it is a matter of common
remark that nearly all our Parliamentary leaders and nearly all
our Colonial governors are Scotsmen with a large share of Celtic
blood in their veins, but it is more to my present purpose that
Celtic ideals of freedom, and Celtic sentiments of humanity and
lofty principle are making themselves felt in the seat of power.
In religion we have the same phenomenon. Good Celts like
Livingstone and General Gordon and Mackay of Uganda and
Moffat have carried the Highland ideal of religion to the ends of
the earth ; but, what is more important, the religious world is
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The Mission of the Celt 65
becoming imbued with new ideals of true humanity, which is true
divinity. But while thus becoming more tender, religion is
becoming more honest. Having learned in solitude to measure
somewhat of the realities of the moral world, the Gael judges
himself severely, and the idea of accepting lightly Divine forgive-
ness is abhorrent to his nature. That is why ultra-evangelical
religion (no less than ritualistic religion) has never obtained a
footing among the Gaelic people, and I do believe that this Celtic
feeling after reality is becoming more general in religion. I need
not go over other departments of life. Our army has, of course,
been long permeated by the peculiar Celtic gallantry, and this
quality is to-day as strongly marked as ever. In short, we must
admit that what Mr Grant Allen and others say is true — that
modern British life is becoming Celticised. The Celtic popula-
tion had to recede before the aggressive Saxon, but the Celtic
spirit conquers in the end.
(2) — Celtic Population.
This remark about the population brings me to my third
point. We have seen that of late there have been side by side a
conscious revival of Celtic feeling in the North, and an uncon-
scious growth of Celticism in the higher manifestations of English
life. But we have now to see that these developments are not
accidental things, not the carrying out of any human purpose,
but products of the spirit and tendency of the age. For even
our population is becoming more Celtic. There is a resurgence
and reflux of Celtic blood, as well as of Celtic spirit. I have long
suspected this in regard to many of our large towns, and in
writing this paper T had the curiosity to put the matter to the
test by comparing the Highland names in current directories
with those of twenty years ago. In every case the surnames of
Northern origin have increased enormously as compared with the
rest of the population. No doubt there are sound natural
explanations of such changes. For one thing our vastly increased
facilities for travel must lead to more movement and mixing of
the population, and for another there is a continual flow of the
population from the country to the towns. But those things only
confirm the statement that the population, especially in the
larger centres of civilisation, is becoming more Celtic — the result
of Highland transmigration in Scotland, and of an infusion of
Scottish, Irish, and Welsh Celts in the English towns. That
statement, I think, may be taken as fact. The truth is that city
5
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life is so enfeebling that few families are able to stand it for more
than two generations. The population of our British cities has
to be constantly recruited, and our own Highland glens furnish
excellent material for the purpose. The Royal Commission on
the crofter question reported — "The crofter and cottar popu-
lation of the Highlands, small though it be, ^s a nursery of good
workers and citizens for the whole empire. In this respect the
stock is exceptionally valuable. By sound physical constitution,
native intelligence, and good moral training, it is particularly
fitted to recruit the people of our industrial centres." That
deliverance by a Royal Commission more than bears out the
truth of my contention, and although 1 do not like to make too
much of the stress laid by the Commission on the physical,
mental, and moral value of the Gaelic stock, any one will see
from the census returns that in Sutherland, Ross, and other
Highland counties, you have the highest longevity of all Scotland.
The Registrar's returns show that these counties are far above the
average in morality, at least in one department, while the
ordinary criminal calendar is equally satisfactory in regard to
other departments.
Mission op the Celt.
Well, now, we have looked at these three currents of our
times — the rising tide of Celtic revival among ourselves, the flow
of Celtic sentiment and ideas in English life and literature, and
the stream of Celtic blood into city life — and we should now be
in a position to guess what is the mission and destiny of the Celt.
It is surely by infusion of ideas and transfusion of blood to leaven
modern civilisation with its own awakening spirit. It is to touch
to higher issues and transform by nobler sentiments the results
of art and science and culture as these have been evolved by the
sturdy Anglo-Saxon race. That seems a high enough mission for
any people. And yet, I daresay, we may all feel inclined to say —
It is a good and worthy task ; but, in the meantime, what of our
own race ?
Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Celt.
Are we Gaels to be simply lost in the great ocean of Saxon
civilisation ? Must we become extinct as a race, our only immor-
tality being a slightly more spirituelle aroma about English
literature, and a slightly less German cast of the features of English
people ? We are all ambitious for our own race. We should like
to see our small but gallant Gaelic nation playing a high and
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The Mission of the Celt 67
noble role even yet on the stage of history. Some of us may
perhaps have even wondered in our younger days whether it
might not be possible some day for the Highlanders to descend
from their mountains and seize the reigns of empire, as Cyrus
and his Persians swooped down on ancient Babylon. The thing
would not be worth doing, even if it were possible. All that is
best in the empire is already ours for the taking, and what is even
better, the opportunity of serving the empire is open to us all.
But to the real question — Whether the Gaelic race as a race is to
survive and take a recognised part in the moulding of the civili-
sation of the future? The answer must depend on our race
itself. If the Gael is to be a real and acknowledged factor in
that work, two things are necessary — he must preserve his
heritage of Celtic ideals, and he must endeavour to rid his
character of its historic weaknesses.
Our Weaknesses — (1) Instability.
The first and most noticeable of these weaknesses will be
recognised as instability. The Galatians of Asia Minor, an
offshoot of our race, were the most ready and ardent disciples
that St Paul ever made, but with all their exaggerated devotion
they were the first to fall away. All down our history, and
perhaps most of all in the career of the great Celtic nation of
France, we have frequent examples of the volatility and instability
of the race. Our own hard training in northern Scotland has
done much to eradicate this weakness, but the ill-advised out-
break of '45, with its fruitless victories, as well as many a little
outburst of temper since, must convince us that two centuries of
industrialism and Calvinism have left us still Celts, with some
of the racial weakness — spasmodic effort, ardent enthusiasm, with
the inevitable reaction.
(2) Pride.
The second Celtic vice is pride. Two thousand years ago
Diodorus wrote that we Celts were fond of enigmas, revelling in
hyperbole, and with an overwhelming contempt for others. In
our own day the expression " Highland pride and poverty " is
proverbial, and when we see ourselves reflected in such mirrors as
the novels and poems of Sir Walter Scott, we cannot overlook the
hauteur there displayed. Now, before we can do any good in the
world we must learn the graces of humility and brotherliness
towards other races. If, as is generally supposed, the Celts are
the oldest Aryan race in Europe, they ought to act the part of an
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elder brother. The Gael ought especially to make himself master
of English literature and science and art. He is the heir of all
the ages, and for the perfecting of his own nature, as well as for
the serving of the empire and the world, he must cast away hi*
traditional pride, and assimilate the best that modern civilisation
can produce.
(•3)—r Pessimism.
There is a third weakness at the bottom of our character as a
race, which is, I think, the worst of all. It is the old fatalism
and pessimism which fifteen centuries of Christianity have left
quite untouched. In our Pagan Gaelic we speak of Rath and
manadh. We say, Bha e 'an dan da or Bha 'uair d feitkeamh air.
In our proverbs we have constantly recurring the idea of relent-
less fate, and this notion of immovable destiny colours Highland
ideas of life. That is why we are such ultra-Calvinists, and that
is why every nation in Europe talks of "the melancholy tempera-
ment of the Celt." It is because we are pessimists at heart.
This creed our forefathers learned in the hard school of adversity,
where they struggled long and bravely with the cruel facts of life.
No doubt they were right, as pessimists are still right, as to these
facts, but there may be a question as to the point of view. The
greatest optimist the world ever saw looked on the glorious
texture and colour of a lily, and remembering that it bloomed
only to fade on the morrow, pointed out the wonderful prodigality
of nature when even the short-lived lily is so endowed. The
pessimist genius of the Gael would be inclined rather to wonder
at the mystery of awful fate when even the most perfect beauty
lives but for a day. It is all in the point of view. Now, this
melancholy fatalism is in our blood ; it saddens the whole circle
of Ossianic poetry, it rings through the Gaelic folk-tales, it gives
its own weird colouring to Highland religion, and until we escape
from it into a more happy atmosphere, our race can never have
the buoyancy and cheerfulness which are quite necessary if it is to
be a recognised factor in the evolution of civilisation.
Preservation of Celticism.
We shall be better Celts when we rid ourselves of these
weaknesses, but if we are to remain Celts at all, not to speak of
Celticising the British nation, we must keep in touch with the
spirit of the race as embodied in our literature and traditions, for
any real progress must bear some relation to the past. While
appropriating the civilised institutions, the industrial arts, the
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Sketches of Strathardle. 69
literature, and even the language of the Saxon, we must remain
Gaels. It is only thus that we can have any real power. Civili-
sation has terrible problems that await solution. Side by side
with its enormous increase of intellectual and material wealth
there is an increase of degradation and vice. It needs the
touch of some Celtic fairy to change it into some semblance of
her own ideals. The British Empire, just as much as the old
-empires of Babylon and Egypt, is founded on brute force, and it
needs to .be inspired with Celtic sentiment and sympathy, and
lofty idealism, and the generous chivalry of Ossian and Fionn. I
think it is clear that it is on some such lines as these that
Providence intends the Gael to accomplish his mission.
Gospel op the Gael.
This, then, is the Gospel of the Celt. Until quite lately, we
seem to have been a race under some evil enchantment. We
were ashamed of our Gaelic, ashamed of being Highlanders, and,
like a people in dotage, living only in the past. Our music was
^11 in the minor key —
Dubh-bhr6n mar an sruthan diomhair
Ag iarraidh fo iochdar na bruaich.
But all this is changed ; the spell is broken. There is a new
temper abroad. The Gael feels the current of youth coursing
through his veins. He knows that a high destiny awaits him,
-and that if he is true to himself, " the world's great future lies
with him."
9th APRIL, 1896,
At the meeting this evening, Mr Charles Fergusson, Fairburn,
read his fifth contribution to the Society on the " Early History,
Legends, and Traditions of Strathardle." The paper was as
follows : —
SKETCHES OF THE EARLY HISTORY, LEGENDS, AND
TRADITIONS OF STRATHARDLE AND ITS GLENS.
—No. V.
1600. — This is certainly the most disturbed and unsettled
period of Strathardle history that I have had to deal with since I
began to trace it from the year 1 ; nothing, but raids and cattle-
lifting forays by caterans and unfriendly clans from all directions
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70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
— from the east came the Earl of Montrose's men from Kincar-
dine ; from the 30uth the Earl of Drummon.d's men and the Clan
Gregor from Glenstrae ; from the west came the Clan Menzies and
the Campbells of Glenlyon, and the Robertsons of Struan ; and
from the north the Clan Chattan, and the Macdonnells of Keppoch
and Glengarry — all these and many more came at this time to
slay and to plunder ; and; to make matters worse, feuds, discords,
and tumults raged amongst the natives, so that we find that t he-
Privy Council Records for this period bristle with acts of caution,
in which the Strathardle lairds are bound in very heavy sums of
money not to harm each other or their neighbours. Religion had
also a good deal to do with these disturbances, as the Robertsons
of Straloch and many others had at the Reformation become
zealous Protestants, whilst others stuck to the old Catholic faith,
so that we find that, as Burns say, " Even at the Lord's House on
Sunday " they could not restrain their rivalry : as we read in the
Rev. James Robertson's "Barons Robertson of Straloch," page 14,
writing of the "Baron Cutach " (John VI.), he says — "The
Protestant religion was beginning to take footing in Strathardle,
and the Baron, being not only a Protestant but the principal man
in the country, it was necessary for him to go to the kirk in a
warlike manner to protect the minister, Mr Sylvester Rattray of
Persie, his brother-in-law, and also to prevent and quell tumults
occasioned by Rattray of Dalrulzean and Spalding of Ashin-
tullie."
I may here mention that there was an old feud between the
Robertsons of Straloch and the Spaldings of Ashintully, and so
bitter did it become that the Privy Council in an Act of Caution,
17th February, 1590, bound Robertson of Straloch in .£500 not to
harm Spalding. And by another Act, on 10th March of the same
year, James Wemyis of Myln of Werie becomes surety for Andrew
Spalding of Ashintullie in £1000 not to harm John Robertson of
Straloch or his son. The Spaldings were always such a wild,
restless race, and were so often in trouble, that it was found
necessary here, as usual, to lay a double fine upon Spalding, and
it will always be noticed as we go along that in all cases of
caution or fines, however lightly the other Strathardle lairds get
off, the Chiefs of the Spaldings always get extra heavy penalties.
However, they always seemed to have had the art of slipping
quietly out of their difficulties and getting clear when the others
had to pay the piper.
Now, the Rev. James was very proud of all his ancestors, the
famous " Barans Ruadh," and he specially extols the bravery and
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Sketches of Strathardle. 71
other good qualities of the Baran Cutach ; but, as becomes a rev.
divine, he draws the line at playing the bagpipes when going to
kirk on Sunday, as he says : — " John VI., called Cutach (short),
was of a genteel, generous disposition, loved to live high and to
make a figure in the world. Went with a piper and a retinue
attending him, and so fond was he of that attendance that I have
heard it said that he commonly went to church on Lord's day
with his piper playing before him. This, if true, was neither
grave nor religious."
It will be seen that the rev. historian lets the Baran Cutach
off as easily as possible for his Sunday pipe-playing, and, in fact,
excuses it as necessary to protect his brother-in-law, the minister
of Kirkmichael. He then goes on to tell us something of the
week-day exploits of the Baron and his famous piper : —
"The Baran Cutach was famous for suppressing robbers. It's
storied of him that one time he himself, with his piper only in his
eompany, turned a hership or prey of black cattle, driven by
eighteen well armed men, by the following stratagem : — Having
come within sight of the thieves, he caused his piper to stay
behind a rising ground and play on his pipes ; and he had the
courage to march forward alone till he was within shot of the
robbers, and then stood upon a little eminence and cried with a
loud voice — ' The thieves are here ! Haste up the people imme-
diately ! Let a good party cast about and run before them, and
let the body of the people come up straight and they are all our
own.' How soon the thieves heard this bold call, and withal
heard the piper play, they left their prey, all their baggage, and
many of their weapons, and took them to their heels, leaving
all to the Baron and his piper. He never used to go single.
He had two other men with him besides the piper, and called
them to move from place to place, as if to call in a body of people,
crying — ' Barons, come forward ! the thieves are here ! ' Then
the piper played a march, which, when the thieves heard, they
fled, for the Baron's name was a terror to all such people, as he
seldom went any distance without men in arms, which was much
in use for men of any note in those troublesome times. Going to
Glenfernate some time after, as he was passing Tom-an-Tuirc, one
of his servants who waited on his cattle informed him that some
Highland robbers, to the number of fifteen or sixteen, had com-
mitted a great deal of abuse and robbery in and about his sheals
arid bothies. He hastened up to that place with a number of his
tenants, whom he levied as he went forward, and found the thieves
eating and drinking his milk and cheese. He fell upon them ;
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72 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
killed them, and buried them in a hollow place not far from the
bothies, where some nettles grow to this day. This occasioned a
byword, still remembered, which is * Bithidh urad mu dhdibhinn, ys a
bha mu dMihhinn itheadh caise a' Bharajn Euaidhe ' — * There will
be as much about it as about eating Baron Reid's cheese.' "
" On another occasion some Highlanders came down and killed
a gentleman in Glenshee — one M'Omie or M'Homie (M'Combie).
The Baron caught two of them, and instantly caused them to be
hanged on birch trees in the wood at Ennochdhu. Their graves
are to be seen there to this day. Their names were Donald-na-
Hogg and Finlay-na-Balior." I have often when a boy heard the
old people relate the story of the capture and execution of these
two caterans, which took place at the famous "Fuaran Fhionn-
laidh" — Finlay's Well — which took its name from Finlay-na-Balior.
This well lies about two hundred yards south-east of Ennochdhu,
at the foot of the bank between the higher and lower fields, and
about midway between Dalreoch Bridge and where Dirnanean
Burn joins the Ardle. Its water is extra good, and it used to
supply the village, but since the bank was planted and fenced the
pathway to it is now stopped, and it is seldom visited.
Finlay-na-Balior was the leader of the caterans who raided
Glenshee, and slew M'Combie, who had attempted to rescue his
cattle. Knowing that the Glenshee men would rise in force to
revenge the death of M'Combie, the caterans relinquished their
prey, smd scattered in diflerent directions to baffle pursuit, all
going ij«.rth or west except Finlay and Donald, who turned south
to Strathardle by Dirnanean, and at daybreak they took refuge in
the thick wood of Ennochdhu beside the well, where they
lay hid all day to avoid being discovered, as the country was
now alarmed and parties hunting for the fugitives everywhere.
At night they sallied forth in search of food, but could find
nothing, until at last they came across a cow belonging to an
old widow who lived in a cottage near the wood. They at
once drove off the cow, killed her, and roasted part of her, and then
lay down to sleep in the thicket. Tn the morning the widow
missed her cow, and went in search of her. There had been a
very heavy dew that night, so the widow soon came across the
trail of the cow and her captors where their feet had brushed the
dew of the long grass ; she followed this trail till she came to the
well, where, to her great grief, she saw the half- skinned carcase
of her poor cow, and the two caterans lying sound asleep beside it.
She took in the situation at a glance, and quietly withdrawing,
she at once hastened to the Baron Cutach, and told him her
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Sketches of Strathardle. 73
story. He at once guessed that they were the murderers of his
friend M'Combie, so calling his piper and some of his people, he
hurried to the wood, and forming a circle, they surrounded the
well where the caterans still slept soundly, but they soon got a
rude awakening, as the Baron ordered the piper to blow up his
pipes, which he did with vigour, composing extempore a new tune
for the occasion, which is well known to this day, called " A' bho
dhubh, 's a' bh6 dhruimfhionn" — " The black cow, the black white-
backed cow," which was the colour of the widow's slaughtered
cow. The robbers sprang up, and endeavoured to escape, but
they were instantly taken, and the Baron at once hung them on
two birch trees. Just before being strung up, Finlay asked for
a last drink out of the well, which he got, and the well is called
after him to this day. The Baron sent the cow's carcase home to
the old widow, and a live cow as well, to replace her beloved
"Black, white- backed" cow, and as a reward for her share in
bringing the caterans to justice.
1601. — We have just seen in the previous year that Spalding
of Ashintully raised tumults in Kirkmichael Kirk during service
on Sundays^ A wild, lawless, turbulent race were these Spaldings,
regular Ishmaelites ; their hand was against everybody, and every-
body was against them. The first of the race is said to have
belonged to the town of Spalding in Flanders ; he came over with
the Conqueror in 1066. After taking his full share in the hard
fighting of the time, he got a grant of lands in and about
Berwick-on-Tweed. There his descendants flourished till 1318,
when, as we read in " Ty tier's History of Scotland," Vol. I., page
1 33 — " King Robert the Bruce determined to proceed with the
siege of Berwick, a town which, as the key to England, was
fortified in the strongest manner. Fortunately for the Scots,
King Edward had committed its defence to a governor whose
severity and strict adherence to discipline had disgusted some of
the burgesses, and one of these, named Spalding, who had married
a Scotch woman, was seduced from his allegiance, and determined
on the night when it was his turn to take his part in the watch
rounds to assist the enemy in an escalade. This intelligence he
communicated to the Marshal, and he carried the news direct to
Bruce himself, who was not slow in taking advantage of it.
Douglas and Randolph, along with March, were commanded to
assemble with a chosen body of men in the evening, and at night,
having left their horses at the rendezvous, marched to Berwick,
.and, by the assistance of Spalding, fixed their ladders, and scaled
the walls, and took the town." In reward for this service, we find
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in "The History of the Carnagies, Earls of Southesk," page 48 2,
that Spalding received from King Robert the Bruce on 1st May,
1319, in exchauge for his lands and tenements at Berwick, the
lands of Ballourthy and Petmethey in Forfarshire, together with
the keepership of the royal forest of Kylgerry.
This was their first footing in the North. Hardynge, in his
Chronicle, page 308, tells us " that Spalding after betraying the
town vfent into Scotland, and was afterwards slain by the Scots."
His name was Peter de Spalding, and I do not find any other
mention of " his being slain by the Scots," though it is exceedingly
likely, as most of his race died a violent death. In 1397 his son
was slain by Sir Alexander Moray of Abercairney, who, as we read
in the " Scottish Nation," Vol. II , p. 205, u Had the misfortune
to be concerned in the slaughter of one Spalding, and was obliged
to plead the privilege of Clan Macduff, as being within the ninth
degree of consanguinity to the noble family of Fife, and the privi-
lege was granted to him." I may mention that this famous*
privilege of Clan Macduff was granted to Duncan Macduff, the
celebrated Thane of Fife of Shakespeare, by King Malcolm
Canmore for great services done, and consisted of — " 1st, That he,
and his successors lords of Fife, should have the right of placing
the Kings of Scotland on the throne at their coronation; 2nd,
That they should lead the van of the Scottish armies whenever
the royal banner was displayed ; 3rd, That if he, or any of his
kindred, to the ninth degree, committed slaughter of a sudden ty,
they should have a peculiar sanctuary, girth, or asylum, and obtain
remission on payment of an atonement of money."
For centuries the Spaldings increased in power, and extended
their lands in Perth, Forfar, and Fifeshires. In 1400 King Robert
III. gives James Spalding a charter of the lands of Fermell and
Fornachty, in Forfarshire ; and Richard Spalding at the same time
had a charter of confirmation of the lauds of Lumbtham and
Craigaw, in Fifeshire. In 1583 the Spaldings built Ashintullie
Castle, and in 1615 their lands of Ashintullie were by Act of Scots
Parliament created into a barony with many privileges, including,
of course, the right of pit and gallows, of which they took full
advantage, so that, many a poor wretch was hung on the old ash
tree on the Gallow-hili — " Tom-na-croiche " — at Ashintully without
any trial but the laird's whim, though no doubt often enough
innocent of the crime laid to his charge. Thus these warlike
barons of Ashintully increased in wealth and power, and luied
with a high hand on the Braes of Ardle till after the '45 ; but at
the beginning of last century their power began to decline, and
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Sketches of Strathardle. 75
they gradually lost all their extensive lands, and for the last two
centuries it has been one of the best known traditions of the
Strath, and firmly believed in to this day, that their then chief,
Andrew Spalding, and his brother David, of Whitehouse, brought
a judgment on their race by a dark deed of murder done by them,
for which they blamed and hung an innocent man.
At that time their lived, at Bleaton, a farmer of the name of
Andrew. Fleming (ancestor of the late Alexander Fleming,
Davan), who was also a great drover, and in the habit of buying
all the spare cattle in the district, and taking them to the
southern markets, where he sold most of them to the famous
Rob Roy Macgregor, who was a great crony of his, and who used
often to visit him at Bleaton, on which occasions they both always
went and spent a night with Spalding in Ashintully Castle, where
the room in which they slept is called Rob Roy's room to this
day. Having taken an extra large drove of cattle to the south
and sold them at a good profit, Fleming was returning home up
Strathardle with a large sum of money in his possession, when he
was waylaid at Whillie's Burn, near Bridge of Cally, by Spalding
of Ashintully, and his brother, David of Whitehouse, who knew
when he was to return, where they robbed and murdered him,
and threw his body in the burn. Spalding had arranged that his
butler should go to Blairgowrie on that day, and return about
the same time as Fleming, and as he was the only one seen pass-
ing that way after Fleming, he was accused of the murder by the
Spaldings, who had him tried, condemned, and hung at Ashin-
tully. Froni that day began the decline and fall of the family,
everything seemed to go against them, so that their power and
their lands dwindled away, and their race died out, so that, at
last, sad to tell, the widow of the last laird became a homeless
tramp, begging her bread from door to door in Strathardle and
Glenshee, and 1 have heard old men, whose grandfathers had
given her food and shelter, relate how to the last her proud
spirit and fiery temper were a terror to the good wives and
children in the houses she frequented ; she was also a big power-
ful, masculine woman, and always carried a huge stick, which she
freely used when occasion required.
But to return to the year 1601. Of all the wild and warlike
race of Spaldings, the then chief, Andrew, and his son David,
wore the most noted. They were never out of trouble, and for
many years about this time there were several cases both for and
against them at every meeting of the Privy Council, and there
are scores of acts of caution binding them to keep the peace, to
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which, of course, they paid no heed whatever. In this year they
were before the Privy Council many times, especially for a raid
they made on the lands of Catgibban, but they got off for want of
proof. A clear case of " Guilty but not proven."
In this year the Clan Menzies of Weem made a raid on
Strathardle, and carried off the cattle belonging to William
Chalmers of Nether Cioquhat, who complained to the Privy
Council, and Alexander Menzies of Weem was at once ordered to
enter Donald Menzies, the leader of the raid, on a certain day
before the Council. The Menzies chief agreed to "enter the
said Donald, provyding he wer leving." When the day of trial
came, at Perth, on 7th August, 1602, Donald was not "leving,''
so the Laird of Menzies pleaded " that he could naways enter the
said Donald, quha hed been cruellie and unmercifullie slain by
certain of his seruandis." So the Lords ordered Menzies to pay
,£81 to Chalmers as compensation for the stolen cattle under pain
of rebellion.
1602. — But of all the raids of this stirring period, the most
unfortunate for Strathardle took place on the 4th August of this
year, when Alexander M 'Ranald of Gargavach, the tenth Chief of
the M'Donnells of Keppoch, with 200 men, consisting of the
McDonnells of Keppoch and Glengarry, the Mackintoshes,
and the Macgregors of Glenstrae, made a raid on Glen-
isla, Glenshee, and Strathardle, slew many of the people,
plundered and burnt their houses and carried off 2700
cattle and 100 horses. This Alexander M 'Ranald, the then
chief of Keppoch, was the renowned " Alastair nan Cleas,"
Alexander of the Tricks, so famous in song and story, and the hero
of so many Highland traditions, especially connected with the
" Black Art," of which he was reckoned the greatest master ever
known in the Highlands. He received his early education at
Rome, where he also attended the school of Black Art, of which
old Satan himself specially acted as head professor. Here he
proved so able a scholar that he ultimately outwitted his teacher,
the grand master himself. As the story goes, Satan's reward was
that at the end of every day's teaching he carried off the last
student who remained in the room. Now Alastair generally
managed to be out amongst the foremost, but the other students
being jealous of him, they formed a plot to block his way and
keep him back. In this they succeeded, and as he was going out
of the door last, Satan caught him and claimed him as his lawful
fee, but Alexander of the Tricks was equal to the occasion, and in
good Lochaber Gaelic he said — "Thafear eile na m' dheidh " —
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Sketches of Strathardle. 77
" There is another fellow after me," at the same time pointing to
his shadow, which the bright sunshine threw on the wall. Satan
instantly let him go and grabbed at the shadow, so Alastair
escaped " that time," and at once returned to Locbaber, where his
father, Ranald, having died during his absence, be at once
succeeded, but ever after to the day of his death, let the sun
shine ever so bright, he cast no shadow, as Satan had gone with
it. Such is the old tradition so well known and so firmly believed
in all over the Highlands during the last three centuries, and it
almost seems a pity to spoil it by the modern up-to-date version
given in last December's Celtic Monthly, where, in an
account of the Chiefs of Keppoch, the following occurs : —
"Alasdair X. of Keppoch is said to have been in Rome
finishing his education at the time of his father's death.
He was famous in his day and in his country as a per-
former of miracles. It would seem that part of the education
he received at Rome was a knowledge of arts akin to the
'three card' and other 'sleight of hand' tricks of to-day, a
knowledge which would have been beyond the understanding of
his uninitiated countrymen, and which could easily account for the
marvellous powers attributed to him. It was owing to his having
been an adept in this way that he came to be known as l Alasdair
nan Cleas ' (Alexander of the tricks). He was considered one of
the most accomplished men of his day."
After Alastair and his Lochaber men had harried Glenisla, they
journeyed west through Glenkilry and "Strathardle with their
plunder, and driving the 2700 cattle and 1 00 horses before them. The
Glenisla men had sent word of the raid, and asked the assistance
of the Strathardle people, so the fiery cross was sent round, and a
party of Strathardle men under the Baron Ruadh of Straloch, and
Spalding of Ashintully attacked the Lochaber men near Ennoch-
dhu, where a fierce and bloody battle took place. The Baron
Ruadh, a wise and prudent soldier, seeing the enemy in such force,
was following them up in the rear, waiting till all his people would
have time to gather, but Spalding of Ashintullie, always hasty and
headstrong, coming up with a few men, at once began the battle,
so to save him the Baron had to join in also, but though they
fought with desperate valour, the Strathardle men were so few in
numbers that they got badly cut up before the main body of their
men could gather. There were sixteen gentlemen of the district
slain in this attack, besides a great many men, as we are told in
the Privy Council Records — " They slew the nowmber of sextene
special gentlemen of the countrie, hurtit and wounded to the deid
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a grite nowmer of uthir persons." But the Strathardle men began
to gather in force from all directions, and fought so bravely that
Keppoch soonsawthat he would have to retreat and leave all his spoil
— " and because they could nocht guidlie get the said guidis caryit
away with thame, they maist barbarouslie and crewellie hochit, slew,
and gorrit the maist pairt of the said cattel to the great hurt and
prejudice of the common weal." At last the Lochaber men were
totally defeated with great slaughter, and fled up Glenfernate,
pursued to the marches of Badenoch by the enraged Strathardle
men. The following complaint was laid before the Privy Council
by the Strathardle lairds on December 16th, 160fi : — Privy Council
Records, Vol. VI., page 500. "Complaint by John Robertson of
Straloch, Andrew Spalding of Ashintullie. Lauchlan Farquharson
of Bruchdearg, John Rattray of Dalrylane, Walter Rattray of
Borland, Colin Campbell in Glenisla, Archibald Campbell of Persie,
John Ogilvie cf Freuch, and the other good subjects in Strath-
ardle and Glenshee, as follows : — Upon 4th August last, Alex.
M'Ranald of Gargavach, Donald and Ranald M'Ranald his
brothers, John Dow M 'Ranald, Allane and Angus M'Ranald his
sons, Allester M'Eane Vclnnes, John, Angus, Donald, and Ranald
his sons, with others to the number of 200 persons, all theives and
sorners of the Clan Chattan and Clan Gregor, and all Donald
M'Angus of Glengarry's men, armed with bows, haberchons,
hagbuts, and pistolets, came to Glenyla, and there reft all the
goods within the said bounds, consisting of 2700 nolt, 100 horses
and mares, with the plenishing of the country, whereupon the
' effray being rissen in the country/ the complainers, in obedience
to the laws and acts cf Parliament anent rising at affrays, and
following of theives, ' conveint thamsellfs togidder, sa mony as
they could mak on a suddene, and followed the said theives and
lymmers of puipose and intention to have releivit the geir, and to
have apprehendit and presentit the offendours to justice. And so
many of the said complainers as were convenient for the time
having enterit with the said theives, they maist crewellie and
unmercifullie set upon the said complainers, slew the nowmer
of fyftene or sextene special gentlemen of the country, hurtit
and woundit to the deid a grite nowmer of uthir personis, and
because they could not guidlie get the said guidis caryit away with
thame, they most barbarouslie and crewellie hochit, slew, and
gorrit the maist pairt of the said guidis to the gret hurt and pre-
judice of the common weal." Now, George, Marquis of Huntley,
and Lachlan Macintosh of Dunauchtane ought to enter the
defenders because they are their men, and dwell upon their 'lands.
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Charge had been given to the Marquis to appear himself, and
enter the said men, ps also to the said Donald M 'Angus of Glen-
garry, and to Allastair M'Gregor of Glenstrae — many thieves and
broken men of whose clan were present by his direction at the
said deed — to appear and 'answer ; and now Andrew Spalding of
Ashjntullie appearing for himself and the other pursuers, but none
of the defenders appearing, and the said malefactors not having
been entered, the order is to denounce Huntley, Glengarry, and
Glenstrae rebels. The letters of horning are, however, to be
suspended to Candlemas next, that the King and Council " may
yet understand quhat diligence the said Marquis will do " in the
entry of the said Allester by that time towards the redress of the
complainers.
Instead of appearing, as ordered, before the Privy Council in
Feb., 1602, to answer for their great raid on Strathardle, "Alex-
ander of the Tricks," and the other M 'Ranald chieftains of the
Keppoch Clan, did what was far more to their taste, they
assembled, but, instead of going to Edinburgh, they went north
the way of Inverness on a plundering expedition as usual, and
which they carried out with their usual feiocity. This is proved
by the following complaint to the Privy Council by John Campbell,
Commissary of Inverness, P.C. Records, Vol. VI., page 369 : —
"That the M 'Ranalds to the number of 60, all theives and sorners
of clans, and all by the causing of the said Alexander M 'Ranald of
Gargavach, came armed with bows, &c, to the complainers,
houses and lands of Moy in fair daylight, and divided themselves
into two companies for purposes of outrage. One company
remained at pursuer's own place, " quhar thay tresscnablie and
awfullie raised fyre, brunt, and destroyit his haill houssis and
spulzied all. The other company passed to the house of the late
John Buchan, pursuer's tenant, which they first spulzied and then
tressonablie brunt, and moreover they took the said late James
and Patrick Buchan his son and Robert Anderson his servant, and
11 having maist schamefullie, cruellie, and barbourouslie cuttit of
their leggis and armis, and utherwise dismemberit thame at their
pleasour, they kaist thame quick in the fyre and thair brunt
thame within the said houssis." They also carried off 20 oxen and
60 sheep belonging to complainer, and " wrakit and herryit his
haill pure tenantis within the said toun the lyk of whilk barbarous
and heistlie cruel tie, commit tit so far within the incuntrie hes
seldome bene herd of."
The law was too weak at this time to reach Lochaber, so
Keppoch and his clan escaped punishment for all these savage out-
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rages and many more. Not only that, but I find that six years
later, in 1608, Alexander M'Ranald had influence enough at
Court to get the king to grant him a free pardon for these and all
his other offences against the law. Truly he was well named
" Alexander of the Tricks." Thi* pardon is preserved in the
Register of the Great Seal:— " 2106 Apud Edinburgh 16 th June
1608. Rex dedit litems remissionis Alexandro, alias Allaster
M'Rannald de Gargavach pro ejus vita duraturas — pro arte and
parte necis in Straythardill et Glenschie a.d. 1602, ant eocirca
commissee ; ac pro arte et parte ignis excitati in domum Commis-
sarii de Inverness, <fcc, et pro ceteris offensis, &c." The purport
of which is that the King grants a free pardon to M'Rannald for
his raid on Strathardle and Glenshee ; and also for burning the
house of the Commissary of Inverness, &c, and for making a raid
on Atholl in June 1608, and burning the house of Neil Stewart
M'Gillecallum, and for many other offences.
Alexander of the Tricks carried on the same kind of life for
thirty-eight years after his famous raid on Strathardle, and held
his lands of Keppoch by the right of the sword for over fifty
years against the Government and all the powerful families of the
north, and at last died a very old man in his bed — a death which
few, indeed, of his race ever died. The gallant fighting Keppochs !
they won their lands by their swords, and they kept them by
their swords, but they trusted too much and too long to their
claymores, for when the old fighting days were past and gone, and
when all the other lairds in the Highlands had secured charters
for their lands, still the Keppochs refused to hold their lands by
a " sheep-skin" charter, and still stuck to the sword, but others
secured the despised parchment charters for the lands of Keppoch,
with the result that, when the pen became mightier than the
sword, the gallant Keppochs lost their lands, and to them the
words of their old pibroch tune are only too true — " Tha a'
Cheapach na 'fasach," " Keppoch is desolate."
This was a very stirring time for Strathardle, for besides its
own internal feuds, it being one of the main passes into the
Lowlands caused it to be traversed by marauding clans from all
quarters, as we can see from the Privy Council Records. Besides
the complaint already given against the M 'Ranalds, there are other
three in this same year. One on August 7th, by William
M'Gillimoyle in Glenbrierachan, against the Robertsons of Struan
for a raid on his lands ; another on September 9th, by Fergus
M'Coull, in Straloch, against the Breadalbane Campbells ; and
one on November 23, by Andrew Spalding of Ashintullie, against
Lord Drummond and his clan for raiding his lands of Glenbeg.
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Sketches of Strathardle. 81
In the year 1600 a feud broke out between two great Angus
families, the Ogilvies and Lindsays, and in a skirmish, in which
the former, under the Master of Ogilvie, defeated the latter, who
were led by Lord Spynie, who was Alexander Lindsay, fourth son
of the tenth Earl of Crawford, the Robertsons of Straloch
assisted the Ogilvies. Lord Spynie complained to the Privy
Council, and the Ogilvies were ordered to come up for trial, Sir
John Ogilvie of Inverquharity becoming surety for £10,000 that
the Master of Ogilvie and all the others would enter in ward at
Haddington within 48 hours to stand trial. But they did not,
and the case was adjourned from time to time till 15th September,
1602, when the Master of Ogilvie gave assurance, under pain of
10,000 merks, and his brother, Sir John Ogilvie of Craig, under a
penalty of 5000 merks, that the said Lord Spynie would be
unharmed of them till 1st January, 1603: — "Yet, upon 26th
November, 1602, when the said Lord Spynie, accompanied only
by his wife, bairns, and three or four servants, was in his own
dwelling place of Kinblethmont, and without armour, the said
Master of Ogilvie, with Sir John, Mr David, Mr Francis, and Mr
George, his brothers, Baron Reid, younger of Strathardill, and his
brother, Leonard Robertson, Patrick Guthrie, son of Robert
Guthrie, sometime of Kinblethmont, and others, resolvit upon
ane nicht attack upon the said hous, be a maist detestable and
unlauchful ingyne ef weir callit the pittart (petard). That nicht
the said defenders, accompanied be an force of their freends to the
nowmer of six score person is on horse and foot came to the said
hous, and not only brocht with them the said detestable ingyne
the pittart, bot lykwise feilding pieces, for beseigng the said
place, gin the pittart shauld fail. Having affixit the said pittart
to the principal yett of the said place, they forcablie blew up the
said yett or ever the personis within knew of their being thair,
and immediately at the blowing up of the yettis they schot, and
dischargit thair feilding pieces at the windous of the said place of
purpose to have slain sic personis, as upon the noise of the blow-
ing up of the yett should cum to the waindois to understand what
the matter meant. And so finding the yetts open to them they
ruscheit in the said hous with their pistoles and drawn weapons
in thair hands. They then serchit the said hous for the said
Lord and his wife to murder them, bot be the provydence of God
the said Lord had conveyed himself and familie out of the said
house. Thereupon they assaltit the servandis and threatned to
t.ortor them gin they did nocht reveil where thir master was.
They endid by taking the hale plenishing, evidents, gold and
silver in the house."
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For this outrage the Ogilvies and Baron Reid were again
ordered to appear before the Council, but failed, so their sureties
were forfeited and the King denounced them rebels: — "Baron
Reid, younger of Strathardill, and Leonard Robertson, his
brother, being charget till appear, but not appearing, therefor
His Majesty commands his Heines leiges and subjects quatsomever
that nane of thame ressett, suplee, intercommoun with the said
Baron Reid, younger, and Leonard Robertson, &c, denouncit
rebels, and put to the horn for the crymes respective aboun
written, nor furnis thame meit, drink, hous, nor harbory, ryde nor
gang with thame, kype trystis, conventionis, nor meitings with
thame, nor assist, nor tak pairt with thame in their actions and
interpryssis during the time of their rebellion, under the pain of
deid ; certifying thame that feilzes that they sal be taken,
apprendit, and punneishit to the died without favour or mercy."
To us, who are now accustomed to see the sentences of the law
carried out, this seems rather a formidable sentence, but the
Master of Ogilvie and the Baron Reid simply paid no heed
whatever to it, but went on their way in search of new adventures.
1603. — Still another raid on Strathardle, as Andrew Spalding
of Ashintullie lodges a complaint with the Privy Council, on
February 8th, against John, Earl of Montrose, whose men had
raided his lands of Ashintullie. Andrew Spalding of Ashintullie,
and his son David, are, as usual, tied down by several Acts of
Caution this year not to harm their neighbours. On November
15th Andrew Herring of Glasclune and his sons give Angus
Fergusson, in Easter Cally, a charter of some lands there, " with
their moors, fishings, and shealings " (Reg. Mag. Sig. VI., 2157).
1605. — Kirkmichael, the capital of Strathardle, is a very
ancient place, and in the days o* old was a place of much im-
portance. At the very dawn of Christianity a church was built
there, dedicated to St Michael, which, of course, gave it its name
— Gill MJiwheil — the Cell or Kirk of St Michael, whose day, the
Feill-Mhicheil — Feast of St Michael — is the 27th September, which
is still commemorated by the Kirkmichael market. We have
already seen that in King Robert Bruce's charter to young Neil
Oampbell, in 1314, it is Killmychill, but it also, from its noted
church, got several other clerical names, which we often find in
different deeds about this time, such as KirkhUl, Kirkhillocks,
Tom-an-t-Shagairt — the Priest's Hillock — and Tom-a'-Chlachain —
the Hillock of the Stones. For instance, in a charter to David
Spalding of Ashintullie, which shall afterwards be given in full at
ts date in 1615, we read : — " Villas et terras de Kirktoun, vulgo
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Kirkhillock, alias Tomchlachan." This last name — " The Hillock
of the Stones " — is the most ancient of all, and carries us back to
the dim, misty, heathen ages when the Druids worshipped in their
circles of stones. We have already seen in the beginning of this
history of Strathardle that it is the most noted district in Britain
for Druidical remains, and Chalmers, in his "Caledonia," says : —
" In Kirkmichael, Parish of Strathardle, * the distinguished site of
Druid remains in North Britain,' there are a number of Druid
cairns in the vicinity of Druidical circles and other remains."
Well, one of these Druidical circles stood at Tom-a-Chlachan —
the Hillock of Stones — where the Manse of Kirkmichael now
stands, and there two thousand years ago our rude ancestors
worshipped, according to their faith, in their circle of stones, and
there, as elsewhere, when the pioneers of Christianity came to the
-district, they found it expedient to place their new church where
the old circle of stones had stood, so the first church of St Michael
was reared where the old clachan stood, on what the natives
already considered holy ground.
Colonel Robertson, in his " Gaelic Topography of Scotland,"
page 261, says — "The next prefix is one of much interest, as it
is such clear proof that almost all the names were given in
heathen times. It is that of clack and clachan, meaning a " stone"
^,nd a " circle of stones." But clachan, besides meaning that last,
is a distinctive appellation for a fane or place where heathen
worship was held. Since Christianity was introduced, churches
came to be built where the pagan stone circles had existed ; and,
still later, in many cases where the clachans had been, houses, as
well as a church, came to be built, and so these not acquainted
with Gaelic, fancied clachan meant a hamlet or village, which is a
mistake. There is an expression still used by the Highlanders
which has reference to the point now spoken of, and which proves
very strongly the Gaelic language of the present day being the
same as spoken by the heathen Caledonian. This is in the
expression employed in asking the question as to going to a place
of worship, when it is common to say, Am bheil thu 'dol do'n
chlachan, the meaning being, " Are you going * to the stones.' "
No reference to a church, but " to the stones." From whence is
it possible for this expression to have arisen except it had been in
use by the heathen ancestors of the Highlanders when going to
their stone circles, stones of sacrifice, and others dedicated to their
deities ? and, of course, the meaning of the expression is, " Are
you going to the worship to be held at the stones of sacrifice and
.such like."
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84 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Kirkmichael was at a very early date made a free burgh of
barony, as I find in a charter of this date (1605) the lands of
Kirkmichael, Balnauld, and Bain ak ill e (the latter also taking its
name from the church — baile-na-cille — the town or place of the
church, cemetery, or burial-ground), spoken of as "anciently-
erected into a free burgh of barony." The good folk of Kirk-
michael may well be proud of their ancient burgh, and though
the tide of its prosperity for a time ebbed to rather low water^
still, now when that tide has returned, and is flowing so strongly
and rapidly towards high water, I feel confident that the good old
burgh will very soon surpass all its ancient grandeur and become
a thriving and populous town, as well as become the capital of
bonnie Strathardle.
The charter I have just mentioned of Kirkmichael, <fec, was
granted by King James VI. to Lord John Wemyis and his son,
David Wemyis, a family who for long before and after this held
tLo lands of Mill of Werie, above Kirkmichael. I may give the
L llowing extract from this charter, as it is given in the " Register
of the Great Seal of Scotland":— "27 January 1605. Rex con-
cessit et pro bono servito Dominus Joannis Wemyis de eodem
militis, de novo dedit Davidi Wemyis filio maximo natu, et heredi
apparenti dicti Dominus . . . Villas Kirkhill — Kirmichael,
Ballinkellie et Ballinnald, ab antiquo in liberos bur go baronia
erecta" The Lord Wemyis' reign over Kirkmichael, &c, however^
was only a short one of ten years, as we will soon see that in 1615,
when David Spalding got his lands of Ashintullie erected into a
free barony, he, along with many others, got the lands of Kirk-
michael, Ballnakillie, and Balnald added to Ashintullie.
With all the trouble that the Privy Council had with the
fighting lairds of Strathardle, one would think the Council would
rather discourage war and fighting ; instead of that, we find them
passing a special Act on January 3rd of this year, binding the
Strath lairds, under heavy penalties, to buy arms from John, Earl
of Atholl, and Sir Robert Crychtoun of Cluny, as follows : —
"George Maxwell, son and heir of the late John Maxwell of Bal-
girsho, for John Rory in Balmacrochie, John Mustard there,.
Thomas Fergusson in Balmacrochie, John Bryson in Easter
Dalnabric, John Schaw in Wester Dalnabric, John Keill M'Allane
there, Allastair Bryson at the Mill of Pitcarmick, William Mawis
there, John Schaw there, Thomas Murray in Balnabroich, DonaJd
Dowlie in the Merkland, Andrew Reid in Balmy le, John Stewart
there, Robert Rory there, Allastair Stewart in Wester Ballamaines,
James Crichton in Bleaton, John Murray there, Donald Spalding,
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Sketches of Strathardle. 8S
in Enoch, Donald Harper there, John Adaine in the Lair, Richard
M'Ewan Dowy, Lachlan Farquharson in Bruchdearg, James Spalding
in Corydon, and AUastair Rattray in Mill of Enoch, each of them
to buy from John, Earl of Atholl, and Sir Robert Crychton of
Cluny such quantity of arms as it shall be found they ought to
buy, under the pain of £50 for each stand."
Tt was well for the Strathardle men that they got their new
arms, and also that they could use them so well, for immediately
after their old enemies, the Campbells of Glenlyon, under their
young chief, Duncan Campbell, apparent of Glenlyon, made a
sudden raid on Glenshee and the Braes of Ardle, when some
desperate fighting took place ; but the Campbells, being a very
strong party, got off with the spoil, by slipping quickly out of the
country, up Glenderby and by Logierait and Strathtay, into the
Breadalbane country, before the Strathardle men, who were mostly
all away at a great wedding at the lower end of the Strath, could
be gathered to pursue them. Spalding of Ashintullie complained
to the Kinjr, and the Captaiu of the Guard "was orderit to hae
Duncan Campbell, apparent of Glenlyon, and his associates appra-
hendit for stealing frae William M'Nicoll in Little Fortere 70 head
of oxen and kye out of Rowenry in Glensche ; and 44 oxen grazing
n Glen Tirrie belonging to Spalding of Ashintullie."
1606. — The Spaldings of Ashintullie being at feud with
Chalmers of Drumlochy, they assaulted him in his place of
Cloquhat, and did a lot of damage there. Drumlochy complained
to the Privy Council, and the Spaldings were ordered to appear,
but of course did not, so on March 20th the Council decreed : —
•" That A. Spalding and uthers being persewed be Drumlochie for
oppressioun and not compeirand decreit is given against
thame, and they are ordainit to be chargit — be oppin proclama-
tion at the Mercut Crpce of Perth, because they are brokin
hielandmen — to enter in wardie within XV. days* under paine
of rebellion." As usual they paid no heed to the terrors of the law.
As this was the golden age of cattle-lifting in Athole, when every-
one either " lifted " or " was lifted," it is only natural that some
men would come to the front and shine above their fellows in this
exciting and, as it was then reckoned, honourable profession. The
old song says of Rob Roy : —
" Let England boast her Robin Hood,
Auld Scotland had a thief as good."
Now, if we change the word Scotland into Strathardle, Athole,
Lochaber, or almost any other district in the Highlands, we find it
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86 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
equally applicable, most districts haviDg had " a thief as good " of
their own. Strathardle's foremost thief who flourished at this time
was the famous Iain Dhu MacSheoc — John Dhu M'Jokie or Spald-
ing, in Bleaton, who is described in the Privy Council Records
(Vol. VIII., p. 274) as " Johnne Dow M'Jokie alias Spalding, in
Bleaton, a notorious thief" It was this MacSheoc or M'Jokie,.
"the Son of Little John," that first originated the well-known
Strathardle proverb: — "Mur biodh rau'n phoit ach MacSheoc's an
liadh " — " If there were none about the pot but MacJokie and the
ladle ." The origin of this proverb was at a great feast given
by the chief of the Spalding9 at his Castle of Ashintully, to which
not only the Spaldings were invited, but also the Baron Ruadh,
Small of Dirnanean, Rattray of Dalrulzion, and all the other great
men of the Strath. After the dinner was over, M'Jokie, who had
been away on some of his cattle-lifting expeditions, arrived on the
scene, and the chief of Ashintullie, with whom he was a great
favourite, at once proceeded to get him some food, and offered him
his choice of all left on the table. M'Jokie, looking round, espied
a large pot sitting beside the great hall fire, containing some
warm broth, which he at once lifted on to a side table,
and, getting hold of a large silver ladle, he proceeded to
help himself therewith out of the pot. Ashintullie also
brought him a huge sirloin of beef, and as he did not see a
carving knife about he drew his own richly mounted silver dirk
and laying it beside the beef told M'Jokie to help himself when
ready, and passed on to attend to his other guests. Now it so
happened that a very near relation of Ashintullie's, who had long
coveted his beautiful dirk, happened to come the way, and seeing
the dirk lying there, and as all the other guests were otherwise
engaged, and M'Jokie exceedingly busy with his ladle, with his
head deep down in the huge pot, he could not resist the tempta-
tion, so he quietly lifted the dirk and slipped it into the folds of
his plaid. Ashintullie coming round soon after missed his dirk
and asked M'Jokie for it, who truly told him he knew nothing
about it. The hot and hasty Chief did not believe this, and at
once got in a towering passion and accused M'Jokie of stealing
his dirk, and it very likely would have ended in his usual way of
settling these matters, by instantly ordering M'Jokie to be
hanged, had not Small of Dirnanean, a very shrewd, observant
gentleman, who had seen the whole performance from a quiet
corner, stepped forward, and laying his hand on Ashintullie's
shoulder, said — "Mur biodh mu'n phoit ach Mac Sheoc 's an
liadh " — " If there were none about the pot but M'Jokie and the
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Sketches of Strathardle. 87
ladle " — then he gave the guilty man a long, steady look which
made him look very guilty and confused, and Ashintullie at once
guessing how matters stood, finished the sentence by adding —
" cha robh mo bhiocjag air chall " — " then my dirk had not been
lost," and not wishing to bring public disgrace on his own family,
he turned away and ordered his piper to strike up a Highland
reel, and very curiously, when the dance was ended, the dirk was
found stuck upright in the sirloin of beef, and after that all was
mirth and fun ; and ever since that night, when one loses anything
and does^not like publicly to accuse their neighbour, they use the
careful, canny expression of the old laird of Dirnanean — " If there
were none about the pot but M'Jokie and the ladle" — and, like
him, they leave the rest unsaid.
We must now leave Black John Spalding of Strathardle, for
Black John Stewart of Atholl — " a thief as good " if not better
than M'Jokie himself — who also flourished at this time, and who
got into trouble this .year. He was the notorious Ian Dhu
M'Gillecallum, Black John Stewart of Auchinarkmoir, who, along
with his brothers Neil and Allistair, were the most daring cattle-
lifters that ever wore the Atholl tartan, and that is saying a great
deal, as the district at this time swarmed with daring cattle-lifters.
We read in " Chambers' Domestic Annals " : — " Atholl of auld was
most quiet and peaceable, and inhabit by a number of civil and
answerable gentlemen, professed and avowed enemies of thieves,
robbers, and oppressors. It now had become very louss and
broken, an ordinary resett for the thieves and broken men of the
north and south Highlands, and moreover a nowmer of the native
people, sic as John Dow M'Gillecallum, and his complices, shakin
aff ail fear of God and reverence for his Majesty and the laws, ar
become maist insolent, committin wild detestable murthers, open
reifFs, privy stoutrie, barbarous houghing and goring off oxen, and
uther enormities." John Dhu was a great favourite with everyone
in Atholl from the Earl downwards, as he was very brave, and
kind-hearted to the poor, and ever ready to avenge, with interest,
any raid on the district by neighbouring clans, so he was aided
and resetted by the Earl and all the gentlemen of Atholl, especially
in Strathardle by the Baron Ruadh of Straloch.
So notorious had John Dhu become that we at this time find
the King writing from London about him to the Chancellor of
Scotland, the Earl of Dunfermline, *nd other Privy Councillors : —
"Whitehall, Dec. 10th, L606. — Richt trustie and well-beloved
cosins and Councellouris, wee grite you heartily well : — Whereas
wee are certified of the mony detestable villanyies and murthers
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$8 Gaelic Society of Inverness
committit by John Dow Mack Gyllychallum Stewart in Atholl,
and herewith being surely enformed that he is resette and
ordinarily entertainit by Baron Reid in Atholl, Allester Tarlach-
son of Inchmagreunich, Neil Stewart M 'Gyllychallum, brother to
the said John Dow, and Neil Stewart of Fosse, thereupon wee
have thought good to will and require you, that yee give present
order for the apprehension of these four persons, resetters and
entertainers of the said John Dow Mack Gyllychallum, and upon
their taking, that \ee presentlie committe thame to sorqe warde
and prison, there to remain till the said John Dow be exhibited
and produced before you for their relief out of warde. Which
being done, yee shall then certify us thereof, to the effect we may
signify our further pleasour, and will concearning the aforesaid
fower personis also, and remitting the same to your special cair
and deligence wee bid you heartily farewell." — Records Privy-
Council, Vol. VIII., p. 504. On the receipt of this letter, the
Privy Council at once ordered the Earl of Atholl to produce the
Baron Ruadh, and the other three gentlemen named, before them,
but he refused to do so.
1607. — Though warned several times, the Earl of Atholl still
refused to give up the Baron Ruadh, and other resetters of John
Dhu, so the Privy Council denounced him a rebel, and passed a
special Act not to relieve him of his rebellion till he surrendered
himself to them in the Castle of Edinburgh. The Council
answered the King's letter as follows: — " Anent the. state of the
Heylandis, we haif not had any great insolence thair this long
tymc. Yitt upoun the first bruite thereof and your Majestie's
directions thairanent delyverit be your Majestie's Secretair at his
returning, they directit chairges against the Earl of Athole for
exhibition of the criminals, and in respect of his dissobedyence
after two continuations granted unto him, he is denouncit and
registered to the home, and ane Act made that no suspension sal
be grantit till he first enter in warde within the Castell of Edin-
burgh."— Records Privy Council, Vol. VII., page 508.
As the Privy Council strongly enforced the Act of rebellion
against the Earl of Atholl, he had " to enter himself in warde,
within the Castell of Edinburgh," and when the King a\hs
informed of his surrender, he wrote again to the Council as
follows :-- Feb. 21st, 1607. " Quhairas we understand that the
Earl of Atholl is committit to warde in the Castell of Edii* burgh
for not exhibiting before you of John Dow McGyllychallum, and
certain other broken men, and sorneris having thair stay, resi-
dence, and common resett within the boundis of Atholl, we have
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Sketches of Strathardle. 89
"therefore thocht meete to signify unto you our will and pleasour,
that not onlie would we have you detain the said Earl of Atholl
still in wardt>, and upon no condition ony way relieve him furth
thereof, till first these broken men for which he is chargit be
enterit, bot that you also call the chief gentlemen and principal
men of quality within the boundis of Atholl before you, and such
of thame as ather ar justilie suspectit of ony re sett of these broken
men, or whose stealling may mak them be presented, we would
liave to be committit to some of your prisons, in lyke manner
therein to remain quhill be the dilligence of their friendis and
servandis that our countrie may be purged from keeping within it
ony of such dissobedyent subjectis, and, willing you upon no
respect without exhibition of these people to grant ony favour,
herein we bid you richt heartily farewell." — Records Privy
-Council, VII., page 511. As John Dhu M'Gillecallum could not
be captured, the Earl of Atholl was kept on a prisoner in Edin-
burgh for over a year, till the King saw that his detention did
no good. Then he sent for the Earl to Court, and gave him a
great lecture, and sent him back to Atholl to try and pacify the
country. Meantime the Privy Council appointed a guard or
watch over Atholl, to try and keep the peace, and James Gordon
of Lismore undertook to apprehend John Dhu M'Gdlecallum and
his brother Allister, " and at- length he lichtit upon the limmers,
an after a lang an het combat, and the slaughter of fower or five
of the principal of thame, the said Allister was apprendid, and
John Dhu, being very evill hurt, by the darkness of the nicht
escapit." Allister, who had many murders on his head, was
brought to Edinburgh, and in spite of all the efforts of his friends,
was tried and hanged
1609. — When the Earl of Atholl was sent back by the King,
after being so long in ward in Edinburgh Castle, to Atholl, he
found the district so disturbed, and his estates so much in debt,
that he offered to sell his earldom to the King, who, however,
thought the debt too heavy, so His Majesty chose Lord Blantyre
for the bargain. Atholl got a lot of money from Lord Blantyre,
and then escaped from his lordship's house, where he was placed
in custody till the agreement would be settled, and returned to
Atholl. Upon hearing this, the King at once ordered Atholl to
be again apprehended, and recompense to be made to Lord
Blantyre for the money advanced to Athoil, and the King wrote
again to the Privy Council, as follows : — " Whitehall, March 7tl«,
1609. — Richt trustie and weill-belovit cosins and councellors we
greete you weele : — ' The disourderit estate of the boundis of
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90 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
At holl, and the daily increase and growth of brokin men ard
sornaris committing divers insolences and outrages lx>th within
that bound is, and als in the neighbouring pairts moved us to com-
mit the Earl of Atholl (who be his place ought to haif remedit the
same) in warde within our Castell of Edinburgh. Bot finding his
retaining to procure small amendment, we did therefore send for
him to our Courts «fcc., <fcc.' " The letter then goes on to tell of
the bargain with Lord Blantyre, and of Atholl's escape, and orders
him to be apprehended again.
1610. — Two days were appointed for Atholl to appear before
the Privy Council, but he paid no heed, but lived with his friends
in Atholl, the chief of whom was the Baron Ruadh, our old friend
the Baron Cutach, and upon this being reported to the Council,
the Baron and others were denounced rebels, as will be seen by
the following: — "August 1610. — Complaint by Sir Thomas-
Hamilton for His Majestie's interest that notwithstanding the
proclomation made at the Mercat Croces of Banff and Perth,
discharging the leiges from resetting on intercommuniug with
James Earl of Atholl, wl o had been put to the horn 28th Febru-
ary and 7th March, 1609, for not appearing before the Council
to answer for escaping from Walter Lord Blantyre, to whose
custody he had been committed by His Majestie's direction, yet
John Cummison of Edradour, Johnne Robertson of Straloche, and
Donald Reid in Logierait, have at divers times since the said
denunciation resetted and entertained the said Earl in their
houses as if he were a free man. Defenders for not appearing to
be denounced rebels." Records Privy Council, Vol. IX.-113.
The Baron Ruadh also got into trouble at the same time for
rescuing our old friend of the ladle — John Dhu M'Jokie or
Spalding, from the Murrays, who had been sent to Strathardle to
apprehend him by their Chief William, Master of Tullybardine,
Sheriff Principal of Perthshire : — " David Spalding of Eschentullie
appears as procurator for John Robertson of Straloch, and gives
in a copy of letters raised by William, Master of Tullybardine,
Sheriff Principal of Perthshire, charging Robertson to appear per-
sonally this day, and bring with him Johnne Dow M'Jokie alias
Spalding, in Bleaton, a notorious thief, and also to answer a com-
plaint by the said Sheriff for taking the said John Dow off the
hands of David and Thomas Murray's in Strathairdill while they
were bringing him to the Sheriff. The said procurators having
enterict the said John Dow, protests in respect to the absence of
the Sheriff that Robertson shall not be held to answer further in
this matter till newly warned : and the Lords admit the protest."
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Sketches of Strathardle. 91
Records Privy Council, Vol. VIII.-274. No sooner was this rest-
less Baron Cutach out of one scrape or skirmish than he was into
another ; so we next find him along with Farquharson of Inver-
cauld, and other five gentlemen of the Clan Farquharson, engaged
in a raid, in which they slaughtered James Clerk in Auldranie.
Clerk's widow appealed to the Privy Council against the
" slauchterers" of her husband, though she does not seem to have
mourned very long for him, a<j we find her married to another in
a few months. According to Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, the Baron
and the Farquharson's were : — " Dilaitit of airt and pairt of the
slauchter of umqle James Clerk in Auldranie committit in anno
1610. Compeirit Thomas Sinclair and Robert Auchinleck as pro-
curators speciallie constitute be Elespeth, now the relict, and be
Andro Howie, now his spous, for his enteries, <fcc, «fco. — And in
name and at command of the said Elspeth, and hir spous, past
simplicitir fra the persute of the haill personis or pannells, &c, &c.
The pannells protests that thai wer nane of thame, be callit on
persewit for the said allegit slauchter in ony tyme coming." No
doubt the Council thought that Elspeth did not deserve com-
pensation for her first husband, when she got a second in a few
months, so they took no more notice of the case.
At this time and for three years after we also find David
Spalding of Ashintullie once more in trouble with the Privy
Council for harbouring and resetting Alexander Ruthven of Free-
land, who, along with the whole race of Ruthven, was outlawed
by King James for the Gowrie conspiracy. Spalding had to
appear four times before the Council — " for the allegit tressonabie
resetting, supplying and maintaining of Alex. Ruthven, His
Majestie's declared tratour, within his dwelling places of Essin-
tullie and Enoche." Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, Vol. III. p 72.
As there was no evidence against Spalding, these trials were
always adjourned, and at last were quietly dropped.
1611. — We have already seen that the Clan Fergusson held
most of the lands in Middle Strathardle and the third part of
Glenshee, and we now find Finlay Fergusson of Baledmund
getting a charter of most part of Glenbrierachan. — Records of the
Clan Fergusson, page 91 :— "The original Feu-charter of Bal-
edmund is dated 17th Dec. 1611, and by it Sir Arch. Stewart of
Syunart, Knight, conveys all and whole the forty-shilling land
of Baledmund with the three pendicles of Glenbrierachan on the
east part of Edraharvie, called the funny runrig of Tomquhollan,
and other two pendicles called the east part of the Glen, vulgarly,
the est end of the Glen, and the sheilings called Ruichragan,
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92 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ruicraigvrackie, and the half of Ruibaslintuirk, and siclike all
and whole the twenty-shilling eightpenny land of the west end of
the Haugh of Dalshian, &c, in favour of Finlay Fergusson of
Baledmund, his heirs and assignees." Sasine was taken on 16th
January, 1612.
1613. — At this time the cruel laws against the persecuted
Clan Gregor, were carried out with great vigour, and we find a
great many of the leading gentlemen of Atholl and Strathardle,
especially of the Clan Fergusson, very heavily fined for resetting
them, and supplying them with food and shelter. Amongst
others, we find our old friend the Baran Cutach of Straloch fined
2000 merks. I think the bold Baron and the other gentlemen of
Strathardle deserve great credit for doing so much and suffering
so much for Clan Gregor, considering that only eleven years had
passed since the Macgregors in strong force assisted Keppoch and
his M 'Ranalds in their great raid on Strathardle, when they
carried off 2700 cattle, and killed fifteen gentlemen of the Strath.
The following are the names and amount of fines, from the Privy
Council Records, Vol. X., page 148:—" Sept. 15th, 1613. For-
samckle as the resetts and supplie which the infamous theives and
lymmairis of the Clangregour hes had in divers pairtes of the
countrie According whereto the Commissioners
within the scheriffdom of Perth, hes desceruit, adjudgit, and fynit
the persons particularly underwritten, and every one of them in
the soumes of money following : — Adam Fergusson in Drum-
fernate, 100 merks ; Allaster Fergusson in Ballvoulin, 200 merks;
Donald Fergusson in Inchndow, ,£100 ; John Fergusson of the
Haugh, .£50 ; Thomas Fergusson of Ballyoukiu, 500 merks ;
Adam Fergusson of Ballichandie, 300 merks ; John Fergusson of
Inch, 50 merks : Patrick Stewart of Straloch, 1000 merks ; Charles
Fleming there, 100 merks ; Allaster Stewart M William M'Neil in
Straloch, 500 merks; Walter Rattray of Borland, 200 merks ;
Allaster M'Intailzeour in Glenbrierachan, £100 ; John Moncrieff
in Edraharvie, 500 merks ; John Robertson of Straloch, alias
Baron Reid, 2000 merks." The Baron Cutach's usual smartness in
getting out of difficulties failed him on this occasion, as he " was
fynit, and every one of thame, in the soumes of monie mentioned."
So the Baron paid the fine, and with the assistance of the Mac-
gregors, he very soon repaid himself with full interest by raids on
his foes, Celtic and Saxon.
Now, though we have had to deal with nothing but wars and
rumours of wars in Strathardle for a long time, we must not con-
clude that the arts of peace were totally neglected there during
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Sketches of Strathardle. 93
those troublous times, and it is pleasant to record that early in
this year, the minister of the parish of Rattray, who was John
Rattray, of the family of Craighall, petitioned the Privy Council
to get a bridge built over the river at Craighall. A great many
lives were being continually lost there when the river was in flood,,
and as the pass is so very narrow, there could be no traffic pass
except when the river was very low, and this being the only
entrance to Strathardle, and one of the great passes into the High-
lands, a bridge was urgently needed there. The good minister's
petition says : — " In stormy weather there is no ford, and very oft,
for the space of aucht days together, all passage of the water,
either by boat, horse, or foot, is interupted, to the great hinder of
His Majesty's subjects, and to the extreme hazard of many of
their lives, of whom, during the time the supplicand has attended
the Kirk of Rattray, auchteen persons to his knowledge have
perished in that water." The petition was successful ; an order
was issue.d for a general subscription to build a bridge, and it was.
built this year, and it proved one of the most useful and beneficial
things ever done in the district.
1615. — On January 10th of this year, the lands of Ashintullie-
were erected into a free barony in favour of David Spalding, with
many privileges, amongst which were, that he was to have the >
ancient free burgh of Barony of Kirkmichael, " of old erected,"
with the privilege of holding a weekly market there, to be held on
the lands of Balnakille and Balnauld I may here mention that
for over two centuries these weekly markets were held on
the march between these two lands of Balnakille and Bal~
nauld, at the little burn that crosses the road half-way
between Kirkmichael and Balnauld, and as it became the
custom at these markets for the buyer to stand on one side of the
burn and the seller on the other, and as all monies were paid
across the burn, it got the name of " Allt-an-airgioid " — Money
Burn, or as it is more commonly called, " the Siller Burn," to this
day. Spalding also got the privilege of holding two yearly fairs
on the same lands. One of these, " ane yeerlie free ffair, on the
penult day of Sept. callit Michaelmas ffair," which was to last for
five days, was the origin of the famous " Felll Mhicheil," Michael-
mas market, which, for two hundred years, was the greatest
market in all Scotland, where all the Highland drovers met their
customers from the Lowlands, who came there to buy cattle to
carry into England or the south of Scotland. This great fair
used to last sometimes for a fortnight before all the business waa
done, during which time many hundreds of both Highlanders and
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94 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Lowlanders used to be encamped on the market stance. This
continued on till about the beginning of this century, when, to a
great extent, Scotch drovers ceased going to England with cattle,
and English dealers came themselves to buy the Highland cattle ;
and as they grumbled at having to come so far north as Kirk-
michael, the Highlanders compromised the matter by going the
length of Falkirk to meet them, as being a more central meeting
place. So the business gradually became transferred there,
and the glory of the great Michaelmas Market departed from
Kirkmichael, very much to the regret of the youth of the Strath,
to whom the fair was the great holiday of the year, and for which
their few pennies wrere carefully hoarded up for months.
As this Ashintullie charter is a very interesting and valuable
document, I may give the most of it here : — " Hereby, our
Sovereign Lord, with the advice and consent of the Lords Com-
missioner of the Treasurie — Gives, grants, and dispones, to the
said David Spalding of Ashintullie, and airs male of his body,-
whilks failzing, to his airs male whatsomever, and their assigneyes
heretablie and irredeemablie all and haill the said David Spalding
his third part of the Lands of Strathardell, comprehending the
lands, and others particularly underwritten, viz. — all and haill
the Mains of Ashintully, towns and lands of Over and Nether
Weries, Viith the mill, mill-lands, multures, and sequells of the
same. The town and lands of Spittal, with the mill thereof, mill-
lands, multures, and sequalls of the same, with the crofts called
the Chappell Crofts ; the glen commonly called Glenbeg ; town
and lands of Cammis, of Tomzecharrow, of Dathnagane, of
Soilzeries, over and Nether Tomenamowen, Tomphin and Bal-
lachraggan. The lands of Pitviran, towns and lands of Easter
Downie, of Balnald, of Balnakillie, of Glengenat (Glen Derby), of
Dalreoch, of Wester and Middle Inverchroskie, of Kirktoune,
commonly called Kirkhillock, alias Tomchlachan (Kirkmichael).
With all and sundrie their towers, fortalices, manor-places, woods,
fishings, annexis, connexis, dependances, tennents, tennendries,
services of free tenants, pairts, pendicles, and universal pertinents
whatsomever of the aforesaid third part of the saids lands of
Strathardell, alswell not named as named within the Sheriffdom of
Perth. With the privilidge of ane zeerlie free flair to be holden
upon the ground of the said lands of Kirktoun, commonly called
Kirkhillock, or upon the said lands of Balnauld or Balnakille, the
penult day of Sept. called Michaelmas flair. And ane weeklie
mercat together with the Burgh of Baronie of Kirktoun, vulgarly
-called Kirkhillock, alias Tomchlachan, of old erected, together
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also with the advocation, donation, and right of patronage of the
Paroch Church and Parochin of Kirkmichael, with the teinus,
parsonage, and vicarage of the same, and which haill lands, Burgh
of Baronie, patronage, and others above disponed, with the per-
tinents, are erected in one haill and free Baronie, to be called the
Baronie of Ashiutully, conform to this charter granted by us
under our Great Seal in favour of David Spalding of Ashintully
upon this date, 10th January I.m VI.C and XV. years." This
charter was again ratified and confirmed in 1674, and again more
fully in 1681, when more lands in Strathardle were added, with
more privileges by King James VII., all of which I will notice
when I come to those dates.
1618. — With the view of stopping the continual feuds and
fightings in the Highlands, the Scots Parliament had passed an
Act forbidding the carrying of firearms, to which Act, however,
the clansmen paid no heed what aver, but went on with their raids
and feuds as usual for some years, till the Privy Council at length
resolved to prosecute any defaulters they could lay hands on for
contravening this Act. So, as Strathardle lay just inside the
Highland border, and as its leading men were in the constant
habit of visiting the Lowlands, always of course fully armed,
contrary to this new law, it was easy for the authorities to get
proof against them, so we find in this year the Council prosecuting
the following worthies " for having fur six years carried hagbuts
and pistoles, against the law " : — David Spalding of Ashintullie ;
Patrick M'Leith, in Camis, Glenshee ; Richard M'Endowie, in the
Spittal ; George M'Eane Vc Condoquhy and Allistei M'Condoquhy,
in Cuithill ; Allister M'Phatrick Vc Comis in Stornloyne ; Robert
M'Intoshe in Dalvungie ; William Spalding and Allister Anderson
in Innedrie ; William Ferquhair, in Fayingang ; Patrick Tearlach-
son, in Laiz ; John M'Intoshe alias M 'Ritchie, in Soilzerie ; David
Wemyss, son of James Wemyss, Mill ot Werie ; Allister Robertson,
in Downie ; Robert Robertson Rioch, in Cultolonie ; John Neilson,
son of John Dow Neilson, in Dalnagarden ; Duncan Robertson, in
Kirkmichael ; Allister Robertson, son 6f Duncan Neilson, some-
time in Mill of Inverchroskie ; Alexander Robertson of Straloch ;
John M'Intoshe alias M'Eane, in Dallcharnich ; Allister Wilson in
Craiginache ; John Stewart, son of P. Stewart, Straloch ; John
Fleming, portioner, Wester Inverchroskie ; and John D ,
Wester Dalnabrick. All these were found guilty and fined.
Spalding of Ashintullie, as usual, seems to have been the worst
offender, as he was fined £40, whilst Robertson of Straloch — the
Baron Ruadh — and all the rest got off with a fine of only ten
merks.
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After the preceding trial, the whole of these men were again
summoned before the Privv Council, and they had to find caution,
one for the other of them — "not to carry hagbuts or pistols, or to
shoot wild fowl or venison/ Records Privy Council, Vol. XL, p. 364.
Here again the Council found it necessary to tie the redoubtable
Spalding of Ashintullie tighter than his neighbours, as Allister
Robertson of Downie had to become cautioner for him for .£500,
whilst Allister himself, Straloch, and all the rest got off for .£100.
No doubt these warlike worthies of the good old days thought it
a far more iniquitous and unnatural law to be forbidden to shoot
wild fowl and venison than to carry hagbuts and pistols to shoot
their foes and fellow-creatures. However, little they cared for
these new laws, and once they got above the Pass of Craighall,
they were as ready as ever to shoot either man or beast, and as
for going about without arms, they would as soon think of going
about without clothes. As yet, and for some time after this, only
the getlemen of Strathardle and a few of their principal retainers
had fire-arms, as the common people still stuck to their ancient
weapon the bow and arrow, which they knew so well how to
handle, and which, in the hands of an expert bowman, was a far
superior weapon to the rude lire-arms of those days. I may here
give the story of a famous archer of this time, just as I gave it in
the recently published "Records of the Clan Fergusson" (page 34)
— " Long, long ago, according to Strathardle tradition, before fire-
arms were so common in the Highlands, the most expert bowman
in Strathardle was an old man ot the Clan Ferguson, named Adi
fiiorach, Sharp-faced Adam, who lived on the north side of the
river near Inverchroskie Lodge. The only one who could come
anything near him as a marksman was a neighbour who lived
opposite him on the south or Dalreoch side of the river. Many
were the trials of skill they had, but Adam always, came off
victorious, which made the other very jealous. They were also
very keen cock-fighters, and had the two best fighting cocks in the
district. One day \dam was sitting on a stone at the end of his
house engaged in feeding his favourite fighting cock, which was
so tame that it would feed out of his hand, when his neighbour,
who had been watching him, drew his bow and sent an arrow
across, which killed the cock as it fed out of his hand. Adam
thought this very sharp practice, but slipped quietly into the
house, and waited his opportunity. Some time after this, the
slayer of the cock proceeded to thatch his house, and with the
assistance of his wife, the work proceeded rapidly. After the
thatching was done, he was laying a row of turf along the ridge,
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and fastening each turf with a wooden pin, and when he was
placing a turf in position, and both his wife and himself still had
a hold of it, Adam, who had been watching the performance, sent
an arrow over, and pinned the turf to the thatch, just where the
wooden pin should go. Though startled, the old fellow took it
very coolly, and ordered his wife to hand him another turf, which
he placed in position, and then asked for a wooden pin to fix it.
As his wife handed him the pin, another arrow from Adam's ready
bow dashed it from their grasp. This was too much for him, so
he quietly slid down the back of the house, and gettiug his pet
game cock, he despatched his wife with it as a present and peace-
offering to Adi Biorach, along with a pressing invitation to that
worthy to come across and spend the evening with him, which
invitation was readily accepted, and, according to the custom of
the time, a very jovial evening was spent, and they mutually
agreed that there was no occasion for any further trials of skill in
archery between them, and they afterwards lived and died in
peace."
At this time also, though very young, lived in Glenshee the
most noted of all Perthshire bowmen, the famous Cam Rnadh, but
as I will have to deal with him and his exploits in 1644, we will
leave him till then.
No sooner was the ever-restless David Spalding of Ashintully
back from attending the meetings of the Privy Council in
Edinburgh, and paying his fines, than he and his crony and
cautioner, Allister Robertson of Downie, " sought pastures new,"
in the way of breaking the laws. No doubt, as the Privy Council
had objected to their carrying hagbuts and pistols, and shooting
either men, wildfowl, or venison, they thought, just for a little
change, this time to try some more peaceful occupation. So they
shouldered their axes (and no doubt took their hagbuts and
pistoles as well), and, calling their men, set off to the Braes of
Mar, and began cutting down "certain great growing trees,"
belonging to the Earl of Mar, in the great pine forests there. As
they had neither bought the timber nor asked the Earl's permis
8ioh for it, this was of course against the law, so the Earl objected,
and they had to appear once more before the Court, and we find
it recorded in " Pitcairn's Criminal Trials," Vol. III., p. 458 : —
"Nov. 18th, 1618. David Spalding of Essintullie and Alexander
Robertson of Myddill Downie, dilaited of airt and pairt of the
cutting down of certain grit growand treyis, and away-taking
thereof furth of Johnne, Erie of Mar his Forrestis and woidis
within the boundis of Braemar, Cromar, Strathdie, and Glengairn.
7
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In respect of thair compeirance offerit thame selffis to the tryall
of the Law, as altogidder innocent thairoff; and protestit for
thair cautioners releif ; and that thai sould nocht be trubillet or
chargit for the said allegit crymes." They pleaded innocent, and
as there was either not enough proof, or the Earl did not wish to
press matters too far, the affair was allowed to drop.
1620. — The gypsies, or " Egyptians," as they were then called,
had become so numerous in Scotland about the beginning of the
seventeenth century, and were so much given to thieving, robbery,
and murder, that King James, in 1609, passed an Act of Pari la-
ment against them, forbidding any of his subjects to " resset,
supplie, or entertain " any of them. All the district of Atholl,
and especially Strathardle, had a full share of these " lymmaris
and vagaboundis," and we now find Alexander Rattray of Dal-
rulzion and our old friend, David Spalding of Ashintullie, getting
into trouble for harbouring them, as follows : — " Complaint by
the King's Advocate that the Act of Parliament of 28th
June, 1609, forbidding any one to 'ressett, supplie, or enter-
tain' ony of these vagabondis, theives, sornaris, and lymmaris
callit Egyptians, after the 1st day of August thairaftir under pain
of confiscatioun, had been contraved by David Spalding of Ashin-
tullie, Alexander Rattray of Dalrullion, Finlay M'Inroy in Moulin,
and Thomas Arioche in Brae of Tullymet. Bye thir contempt of
law thae saidis counterfoote theives, sornaris, and vagabondis, are
encourageitt to remain within this countrie agains the tenour of
the saidis Act of Parliament and to continew in their accustomat
and wicket trade of thift, sorning, and abewsing of his Majestie's
guid subiects;" The Advocate appearing personally, as also
David Spalding and Alex. Rattray, the Lords assoilze David
Spalding ; remit Alex. Rattray to be taken order with by the
Treasurers ; and depute and order the other defenders to be
denounced rebels. (Records, Privy Council, Vol. XII., p. 562.) So
Spalding once more got clear of the law, and still continued to
harbour Egyptians, in whom he found valuable allies, as they were
ever ready to engage in all the desperate enterprises in which he
was so often engaged. It was during this time, when David
Spalding had so many cases before the Privy Council in Edin-
burgh, that he, in his hot-blooded haste and anger, slew his
famous serving man — " Daidh Crom" — Crooked Davie, so called
from his being hunchbacked, a faithful clansman, and the fleetest
runner ever known in all Atholl. In justice to Spalding, I must
say that he committed this foul deed under a misapprehension,
and that he ever after regretted it, and always declared that of
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all the men ever he had slain, Davie was the only one that he
wished alive again.
Ashintully received a message from the Privy Council saying
that unless certain papers were lodged in Edinburgh before sunset
on such a day, he would be outlawed, and all his estates and goods
confiscated. Now, owing to some delay, he only got the message
late on the night before the appointed hour, so he at once
got the papers, tied them up in a packet, and gave them
to his fleet-footed retainer, Davie, telling him to start betimes in
the morning, as he must deliver the packet in Edinburgh
before sunset next evening. Now, as Edinburgh is about seventy
miles from Ashintully, even as the crow flies, by Perth and
Queensferry, I am afraid most of the degenerate retainers of the
present day would as soon undertake a journey to the proverbial
Jericho as go such a distance on foot. Not so the light-footed
Davie Spalding ; he thought nothing of it ; he had often done it
before. But it so happened that there was to be a great feast
and a dance at the castle next night, and naturally such a light-
footed youth as Davie was very fond of dancing ; and, besides,
had he not a sweetheart there, a bonnie, comely lassie, who did
not care though Davie's back was a little crooked, for she knew
that his heart was not crooked. Davie thought of all this and a
great deal more, but those -vere not the days when a clansman
dare grumble or disobey the orders of his chief, least of all such a
haughty chief as that of the Spaldings. So Davie Crom took the
papers quietly ; but instead of waiting till daylight, he at once
slipped out at the castle gate, and made a bee-line for Edinburgh,
faster than ever he had done before, over hill and dale. He
arrived there in good time, delivered his packet of papers, and
j^ot another packet in return, and at once set off on his return
journey, and arrived at Ashintully late in the afternoon of the
same day. As the laird was out hunting on the hills, Davie
sought the great hall of the castle, where he had some food, after
which he lay down and stretched his tired limbs on the floor under
the huge table, and was soon fast asleep. It so happened that
Ashintully had but bad luck and poor sport that day, and so
returned to the castle in a very surly mood, and upon entering
the great hall, the first thing he saw was crooked Davie curled up
fast asleep under the table, amongst a lot of hounds, with the
packet of papers clasped in his hand, and it at once struck him that
Davie had never yet started for Edinburgh, and that the important
papers that were to have saved his estate were still there unde-
livered. So, blind with rage and fury, he drew his dirk and plunged
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it in the heart of poor bleeping Davie. It was only when he lifted
the blood-stained packet of papers, and saw it was the answer
back from Edinburgh, which the fleet-footed messenger had
brought him in such an incredibly short time, that he saw, when
too late, his fatal mistake, and that his ever-ready dirk had sent
poor Davie on his last long journey from which there was no
return. There was no feasting or mirth in the Castle that night,,
as all mourned for Davie, and even the proud and haughty chief
himself unbent so far as to admit that Davie was the only one he
wished alive again of all the men he had ever slain. Aye, and I
have heard old men tell how that, as long as there were Spaldings
in Ashintully, before any of the family died, travellers between
Ashintully and Kirkmichael were often startled by seeing a hunch-
backed young Highlander with flowing tartans and a packet of
papers in his hand flash past them like lightning. It was the
ghost of Crooked Davie bearing the summons of death to some
one of the Spaldings of Ashintully.
We have already seen that in 1603, Herring of Glasclune and
Herring of Cally gave a charter to Angus Fergusson, alias M'Innes
(M 'Angus), of part of the lands of Easter Butter's Cally, and now
we find these same two lairds giving a charter of part of Wester
Butter's Cally to Robert Fergusson, alias M4 Angus, in Wester
Dalnabrick ; — " Solarem tertiam partem terrarum et ville de
Wester Butteris Calie per current em rigam cum ejus moris
piscationibis, lie girssingis et Schealingis. Keg. Mag. Sig., VI.,
2156. 16th March 1620." Among the witnesses to this charter
was James Fergusson in the Hill of Cally.
The various families of the Clan Fergusson in Strathardle
and Glenshee had each their own patronymics to distinguish
them. Thus the old Fergussons of Balmacrochie were always
known as MacAdi — Sons of Adam, of Wester and Easter Cally ;
MacAonghais — M 'Angus, or M'Innes, of Glenbrierachan ; Mac-
Fhionnlaidh — M'Finlay, of Balnacult, in Straloch ; MacFheargkuis
Dhuibh — Sons of Black Fergus, of Downie ; MacRobi — M 'Roberts ;
whilst the Glenshee Fergussons, who were of the Downie
family, were Clann Fheargkuis Dhunie — Clan Fergus of Downie*
Connected with the latter we have a very fine old Strathspey
tune, which was a great favourite with Robert Petrie, Robert
Peebles, the Rev. Allan Stewart, and other famous old Strathardle
musicians. It is called u An t' sean Ruga Mhor," which, being
interpreted, means " The Big Old Termagant." M 'Alpine, in his
Gaelic dictionary, gives the meaning of " Ruga " as "a rough
female," which, when the big and old are added, exactly describes.
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our heroine. She was a huge muscular, masculine, half-witted
dame of the Fergussons of Dounie, who, upon hearing that some
of her kinsfolk, the Fergussons of Glenshee, had been ill-treated
by some of their neighbours there, headed by a M'Combie, who
lived at Dalmunzie, she set off by Dounie burn, paat Ashintully
Castle, and up the glen to the great hill and pass of Burroch, and
descending on Glenshee, reached Dalmunzie, and coming upon
M'Combie unawares, she caught him and handled him so roughly
that she nearly shook the life out of him, and at last threw him
senseless in a dirty pool of water on his own midden, out of which
he crawled when he recovered, and making his way across the
Cairnwell, never to return, he sought refuge in Aberdeenshire,
and settled there, and from him are descended the M'Combies of
these parts. This tune, and its Gaelic words, are still well known
in Strathardle, but the latter, when describing the rough handling
she gave M'Combie, are scarcely refined enough for ears polite of
the present day, but I may give a few verses : —
" Sud i null am Burrach, am Burrach, am Burrach,
Sud i null am Burrach,
An 't sean Ruga Mhor."
* " Thig cobhair as an Dunie, an Dunie, an Dunie,
Thig cobhair as an Dunie, '
Ars an t' sean Ruga Mhor."
41 A chobhair Chlann 'Earrais an Dunie, an Dunie, an Dunie,
A chobhair Chlann 'Earrais an Dunie,
Thain' an t' sean Ruga Mhor."
" Rainig i Dailmhungie, Dailmhungie, Dailmhungie,
Rainig i Dailmhungie,
An t' sean Ruga Mhor." — <fcc., &c.
" She's off across the Burroch, the Burroch, the Burroch,
She's off across the Burroch,
The old Ruga Mor."
* " Help will come from Dounie, from Dounie, from Dounie,
Help will come from Dounie,'
Says the old Ruga Mor."
44 To help Clan Fergus of Dounie, of Dounie, of Dounie,
To help Clan Fergus of Dounie,
Came the old Ruga Mor."
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" She has reached Dalmungie, Dalmungie, Dalmungie,
She has reached Dalmungie,
The old Ruga Mor."
Here we %ill leave the old " Ruga Mor," upholding the honour
of her clan at Dalmungie, but before leaving her clan for the
present, 1 may mention that on 16th March of this year I find a
confirmation of the charter of 16th November, 1603, by which the
late Andrew Hering of Glasclune, David Hering, his son and heir,
and Andrew Hering of Cally, second son of the said Andrew
Senior, granted in feu to Angus Fergusson, alias M'Innes, in
Eister-Butteris-Callie — " quarterium terrarum et ville lie Eister
Butteris-Callie (intra bondus specificatas) cum moris, piscationibus,
lie girsinggis et schealangis per eum occupat, vie. Perth — Reg.
Mag. Sig. VI., 2157."
On July 26th, John Fergusson (Iain M'Kerras Dowy) of Bal-
nacult, in Straloch, was unlawed in 100 merks for not entering
certain persons accused of carrying off "ane simple puir man" to
Blair-Atholl, where he met with a miserable end — Clan Fergusson
Records, 60.
Now, these " certain persons," whom this clannish Black
Fergusson refused to enter for trial, were his kinsman, John Bowy
M'Kerras Dowy, Fair John of the Black Fergussons, and his
neighbours, Robert M'Coule in Wester Kindrogan, and Robert
Glas there, as we find in Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, p. 491 : —
"July 2tith, 1620. Taking captive, oppression, starving to death.
Robert M'Coule in Wester Kindrogan ; Robert Glas thair ; and
John Bowy M'Kerras Dowy in Straloche. Dilaitit for usurpatioun
of our soverane lordis authoritie, in taking of vmqle Allaster
M'Gilliemule, in Innerridrie ane simple puir man furth of the
duelling hous of Johnne Roy M'Gilliemule vpon the lands of
Bordland, within the scherifdome of Perthe, binding him hand and
fute and cayring him as ane captive and prissoner with thame to
the Castell of Blair in Atholl, and stryppit him naikit of his
claithes and thaireftir casting him in the pit of the said castell,
quhair in the deid tyme of wynter, viz. in December last, he
fameischet with hunger and cald, efter he had remainit foure
dayis and four nichtis thairintill, and thairafter cayreing him out
of the said pitt to ane gibbit (being deid) vpon the landis of Blair
quhair thay hang him up, as ane malefactour, but no power or
commission gevin till thame, or ony preceiding tryell tane of his
guiltiness of ony crime. The Justice ordainit Johnne Fergusson
of Belnacult in Straloche as cautioner and sourertie, to be vnlawit
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for nocht entrie of ilk ane of the saidis personis in the pane of ane
hundreth merkis. And siclyk, that they sail be denoimcit rebillis
and put to the home and all thair moveabil guidis to be escheit."
1621. — We have already often seen that the Strathardle folk
were always leal and true friends of the persecuted Clan Gregor,
and though as lately as 1613 many of them were heavily lined
for harbouring and resetting the Macgregors, yet they still
persisted in giving succour and shelter to the clan that was
" nameless by day." So now we find some of them in trouble
again : —
"Edinburgh, 10th August, 1621. — Caution by James Weymis
of the Mill of Werie, that David Spalding of Eschintullie shall
pay to Arch. Prymrose, wrriter in Edinburgh, and Arch. Campbell,
brother to Sir James Campbell of Lawers, commissioners appointed
by the Lords of Council for uplifting of the fines imposed upon
the resetters of the Clangrigour, and with consent of Archibald,
Earl of Argyll, donator of the fines, the sum of 2000 merks as the
fine imposed upon the deseased Johnne Robertson of Straloch, for
which the said Spalding became cautioner if found liable. With
clause of releif .
" Signed James Weimess, Cautioner.
"David Spalding."
— Records, Privy Council, Vol. XII., p. 562.
"Edinburgh, 10th August, 1621. — Caution by David Spalding
of Eschintullie for James Weymes of the Mill of Werie, that he
will pay to the said Commission the fine of 1000 merks imposed
upon Thomas Fergusson of Belleyewcane for the resett of the
Clangregour, for which he became caution if he be found liable.
With clause of releif. " Signed David Spalding, Cautioner.
" James Weimes."
It is a great credit indeed to these wild reckless lairds of
Strathardle and Atholl that they stuck so loyal and true to their
ancient friends the Macgregors all through their long and bitter
persecution. It was truly a very unselfish policy for them to
pursue — they had all to lose and nothing to gain — yet they
cheerfully, time after time, paid ruinous fines, and suffered long
imprisonments for the sake of Clan Alpine.
Our old friend, John Robertson, the Baron Cutach of
Straloch, with all his pomp and pride, had very little spare cash
about him, Spalding of Ashintully had less, whilst James
Weymess of the Mill of Werie was but a sma', sma' laird ;
yet these brave men and many others often cheerfully paid fines
of 2000 merks in Edinburgh for resetting Clangregor, and then
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hastening home to their native glens, celebrated the occasion by
again resetting double the number of poor hunted Macgregors.
Of all the Highland clans, as wo have already seen, the most
inveterate resetters of Clangregor were the Fergussons of Atholl,
Strathardle, and Glenshee, and why not? Were they not con-
nected by the sacred ties of clannish kindred ? Were they not
cousins only sixty-eight times removed? What man of the
Fergusson clan but claims to be descended from King Fergus,
the first King of the Scots ? In the old Gaelic song, " The
Gathering of the Clans," we have —
" Ach c'uim* an leiginn dearmad air
Clann Fhearghuis nan garbh thurn ;
Sliochd a cheud High Albannaich,
A chum ar coir 's na garbh-chriochan."
And wherefore would I now forget
Clan Fergus of the brave deeds ;
Descendants of the first King of Alban,
Who defended our rights to our mountain-land.
And another old bard sings of Clan Fergus : —
" Sliochd nam fear nach robh cearbach
Thanig sios o R\gh Fearghuis,
A righich air Albainn 'o thus."
Sons of the men who were never afraid,
Who descended down from King Fergus,
The first king who reigned over Alban.
And to show their royal descent from King Alpine, don't the
Macgregors proudly bear above their crest the Gaelic motto — " 'S
rioghail mo dhream " — My race is royal. To a Saxon, the kinship
between these two clans may seem veiy remote, but to these old
Highlanders, the clannish bond of being descended from the same
ancient royal race made the Clan Fergus stick truly to the
Macgregors through all the long, long years of their bitter
persecution.
1622. — Once again I find about forty of the principal men in
Strathardle and Glenshee summoned before the Privy Council
for carrying hagbuts and pistols, and shooting wild fowl and
venison. A few of them, no doubt the most innocent of the lot>
appeared before the Council, and : — " The Lords assoilze the
defenders appearing personally, because they have denied the
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Sketches of Strathardle. 105
charge on their oaths of verity and order the absent members to
be denounced rebels." As these persecutions against almost every
man of standing in Strathardle and Glenshee went on continually
for about ten years at this time, and as the charge always was,
carrying firearms and shooting wild fowl and venison, while there
is no mention of, or objection to, their carrying their ancient arms
of bow, dirk, and claymore, which were such deadly weapons
against human beings, I am a little afraid the Government of the
day were really more alarmed for the destruction which the rapid
spread of firearms at this time made amongst wild fowl and
venison than they were for the loss of life through constant and
bitter feuds between rival clans.
At anyrate, the result of all these persecutions was that about
three-score of the principal men of the district all paired, each
Incoming caution for the other in 300 merks not to carry fire-
arms. Foremost amongst those worthies who both gave and took
the caution were the lairds of Straloch, Ashintullie, Dalrulzion,
and Bleaton, none of whom, I am afraid, paid any heed to the
law, or showed a good example to men of lesser note.
80th APRIL, 1896.
At the meeting this evening, in the Caledonian Hotel, which
was largely attended by members and the general public — Mr
Duncan Campbell, Craignish, presiding — Mr Callum Macdonald,
Highland Club, Inverness, was elected an honorary member of the
Society ; and Mr John Macleod, M.P., Inverness ; Mr John Mac-
kenzie, factor, Dunvegau, Skye ; and Mr D. Macleod, M.B., of
Beverley, Yorkshire, were elected ordinary members of the Society.
Thereafter Miss Goodrich-Freer, London, delivered an interesting
lecture on " Second Sight in the Highlands," of which a summary
is given.
The Secretary has received the following letter from Miss
Freer : —
27 Cleveland Gardens, Hyde Park, London, W.,
6th November, 1897.
Dear Sir,
I am returning you a corrected copy of the news-
paper report of my address on Second Sight in the Highlands.
You will note that out of regard for your space I have subtracted
all that necessitated the use of a diagram, and all the stories which
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106 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
served as illustrations of tlie points which the diagram was intended
to explain. I think that such persons as are likely to be interested
by what I had to say can %vrobably supply more and better stories
than I.
Will you allow me, in your pages, to again thank all tlvose
correspondents who were good enough to communicate with me after
my appearance among you, and to thank them with that special
fervour which is gratitutle for favours to come ? I am most grateful
for all the information they are willing to send me; and to some wlia
have apologised for triviality, I would say that, in such an enquiry
as this, nothing is trivial that is relevant and (rue. The most
trifling experiences are often the most suggestive, and I am still
asking for more.
I am, faithfully yours,
A. GOODRICH-FREER.
SECOND SIGHT IN THE HIGHLANDS.
It is but seldom that one is privileged to tell one's fellow-
creatures that they are, or have, something which is far more
valuable than they are at all aware. As a rule, we are all quite
sufficiently well satisfied with ourselves and our possessions, but T
think the Highlander is but little conscious of the immense value
to students of psychology of that faculty, so characteristic of the
Celtic race, which is known as Second Sight.
I was myself born south of the Tweed, but like the man who-
was born in Glasgow, " I canna help it." My ancestors, however,
were more fortunate, and I venture to speak to-night as a High-
lander to Highlanders, and for that reason I shall not waste your
time and mine by showing that such a faculty as Second Sight
does exist. I think that probably a large proportion of those here
present would think it due to their own reputation to allege that
they didn't believe in anything of the kind. " There is no such
thing as Second Sight," you would say, " or if there ever were, it
has ceased to exist except in auld wives' fables, and a few remote
districts. But . . ." And then would follow some valuable
and interesting story, which nothing would induce you to believe
if it hadn't happened to yourself, or to some one you know very
well, and which you feel is very mysterious, though far be it from,
you to say it was second sight ! That is just the sort of story I
am anxious to discuss ; not local legends, or something which.
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Second Sight in the Highlands. 107
happened long ago, or family traditions (all of which are immensely
interesting as folk lore), but the sort of story which begins with a
" But," and ends with, " That is perfectly true, aud I can prove
it."
It is in the hope that what I have to say may lead some of
you to bring me such stories, that I venture to dwell, with some
emphasis, on the importance of the subject both to literature and
to science ; not to those of small party feelings, and theories cut
and dried, Spiritualists and Theosophists and theorists of one sort
or another, but to those whose held of enquiry is — Man : his
nature, his faculties, and his history, past and future. From this
point of view, Highland beliefs and Highland history are of very
great importance indeed to the literary and the scientific world.
There is no need for me to talk to you about the literary worth of
your history. We all know the very valuable family histories
that have emanated from this very town of youro, by a felluw-
townsman — books that are not only valuable from a literary and
historical point of view, but are absolutely teeming with stories
dealing with the subject that it is my business to speak to you
about to-night. I have found, in going through the Highlands
and Islands, that many of the Highlanders have very little idea
of what an immense value these stories are to the world of science.
The time was when stories of Second Sight were regarded as
having in them necessarily something of the supernatural, and
were therefore not believed ; but a reaction has now set in, and we
are beginning to realise that if these stories are true, if the
evidence accumulated is of such quality and quantity as to remove
them from the explanation of being mere chance coincidence, the.i,
by being true, they become a part of nature, and though they
may appear to us to be mper-normal because at present we have
no sufficient explanation of their occurrence, they cannot, ipso
facto, be supernatural.
Of course, on this hypothesis, very much must depend upon
the nature of the evidence, and the care with which it is examined.
You are probably aware that there is a society in London, known
as the Society for Psychical Research, which is occupied with the
collection and examination of evidence of this kind. There are
many well-known names among its members, names famous in
connections so different that one feels the more confidence that
the Society is not maintained and worked by a few faddists, the
misleading people who have a theory to prove, but by those
whose concern is to enquire and to learn. Among such names I
may mention the Marquess of Bute, Mr Arthur Balfour, Mr
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108 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Gerald Balfour, the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, Mr Gladstone,
and some dozen at least cf prominent men of science, doctors and
professors, both English and foreign.
For about eight years, the working members of this Society
have been occupied with collecting first hand well attested
experiences which appear to be super-normal, and the comparison
of evidence has led, in a large majority of cases, to the conclusion
that there is, in fact, no need to suppose them in any sense super-
natural. Once granted the possibility of the existence of thought
transference and of sub-conscious mental activity, much evidence
which was formerly regarded as the natural prey of spiritualists
and other superstitious persons has now been established as
scientifically demonstrable fact, of which so large a proportion has
a normal and " common-sense" explanation that we are encouraged
to await with confidence some such explanation as to the remainder.
Such cases lie mainly among stories of so-called ghosts, haunted
houses, clairvoyance, and many of the illusions and delusions of
" seances," " spirit-rappings," " mediums," aud the like.
But there is one class of stories for which at present we have
absolutely no hint of explanation to offer — the whole series of
experiences which come under the head of Piemonition, and which
includes Second Sight, as found largely among the Celtic races,
especially in the Highlands of Scotland. The liberality of the
Marquess of Bute enabled the Society for Psychical Research to
make some special enquiries into the subject. The Society had
recently collected a Census of Hallucinations in every part of the
world, and proposed to make their enquiries in the Highlands on
the same system. The Rev. Peter Dewar, of Rothesay, kindly
undertook the office of secretary, and sent out nearly two thousand
schedules to ministers, schoolmasters, doctors, heads of police,
land owners, aitd, as far as possible, to representatives of all
classes in Gaelic-speaking districts of the Highlands. Out of
these but sixty were leturned duly filled up, and but half answered
in the affirmative the following questions : —
1. Is "Second Sight" believed in. by the people of your
neighbourhood ?
2. Have you yourself seen or heard of any cases which appear
to imply such a gift 1 If so, will you send me the facts ?
3. Can you refer me to any one who has had personal experi-
ence, and who would be disposed to make a statement
to me on the subject ?
4. Do you know of any persons who feel an interest, and who
would be disposed to help in this inquiry ?
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Second Sight in the Highlands. 10£
At the end of six months, Lord Bute issued a further circular
in his own name, with somewhat better results, two hundred and
ten being filled up, of which sixty-four answers were more or less
affirmative.
It was of no use, however, to disguise the fact that the
attempt was a failure, The Highlander is independent and
reticent. If he does not like to answer questions in the cause of
science, he is quite right to hold his tongue ; but it was dis-
appointing. It was not till I came to the Highlands for the
purposes of this enquiry myself, that I realised how entirely
unlikely it was that such an attempt should have any success. I
found that, in a great number of instances, the circulars had been
neglected, not from indifference or lack of attention, but because
many recipients felt that a subject which, if not a motive force
in their own lives, was at least a tradition reverently received
from their ancestors — one too great for their powers of handling,
too sacred for discussion with strangers.
Moreover, the inquiry is inevitably one which cannot be
adequately dealt with by correspondence merely. In a* great
number of instances the persons who are likely to give most
valuable help in the matter, are those unaccustomed to express
their thoughts in writing, or who have not leisure to relate long
histories, even when they have the inclination to do so.
Moreover, even in the wildest glens and islands, the school-
master is abroad, and a generation is fast arising that knows
little of romance and poetry, and simple faith, and reverence for
tradition; and those to whom these things are most dear are
learning — in proportion as they feel their reality and power — to
disguise and minimise the fact of their belief.
Again, in those parts where Presbyterianism is strong, with all
its essential modernness, its imprimatur of reform, its association
with political feeling* there is, among the people, an attitude of
apology for their interest in psychical experience which one does
not find where Church teaching, either Anglican or Roman, with
its more picturesque presentation of sacred truths, its historic
buildings, its manifold associations, has never been interrupted.
The Presbyterians more especially showed a reluctance to commit
their experiences to writing, though entirely courteous and willing
when personally approached.
Hints are thrown out in certain of the schedules as to the
possibility of personally communicating experiences which could
not be written down, and, moreover, as to certain traditional
methods of acquiring the faculty of Second Sight. These hints
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110 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
led, in the end, to a request from the committee appointed to
carry out the investigation, that, being a woman of leisure, deeply
interested in the subject, and in most cordial sympathy with all
that is Highland, I would make a personal visit, and advise as to
future possibilities. Accordingly, with a friend and a dog, I
visited the districts specially indicated, and have been received
with such kindness and courtesy that I have volunteered to make
myself responsible fur the Report to the Society for Psychical
Research on Second Sight in the Highlands. We continue to feel
that the amount both of pleasure and profit has far exceeded our
-expectations ; the Highlander is, in every rank of life, a gentleman ;
we have met with unfailing kindness and courtesy, and we look
forward to repeating our visit with even more satisfaction than
that with which \*e first undertook the trust.
The subject is quite too abstract and quite too difficult to be
•decided upon, or theorised about, without a far larger amount of
material than we have at the present moment ; but it I am spared,
and help is given me, I hope to continue the inquiry until 1 have
evolved something. One special reason why I have come all the
way from London to Inverness to-night was the hope that I might
stimulate a certain amount of interest among you in this inquiry.
In so difficult a subject one needs all the help available, and you,
who live on the spot, could give me hints that perhaps might take
me six months to work out for myself.
The special characteristic of Second Sight in the High-
lands is that it is mainly, or at all events largely, pre-
monitory. I do not think the phenomenon exists in the
same degree in any part of the world as it does in the Highlands.
When you get anything like Second Sight elsewhere it is also in
the mountainous country that you find it — in the Balkans, in the
Himalayas, and the mountains of Italy ; but nowhere do you find
the evidence given with such reverence, sincerity, and simplicity
as in the Highlands of Scotland. Out of justice to England I may
say you hear of it in the Highlands of Devonshire and York-
shire, and other solitudes of mountains, among people who, to a
certain extent, are separated from the rest of the world. I do not
pretend to give the explanation ; but I offer the fact for your con-
sideration. I wish definitely to say for myself and for a large
proportion of the Society to which I belong, that we are not
Spiritualists ; that we are merely scientific inquirers, or, I should
prefer to say, sympathetic inquirers in a scientific way. My
special interest in Second Sight, as a subject for psychical
research, lies in the very fact that it is one which the Spiritualist
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Second Sight in the Highlands. Ill
has not yet seized and vulgarised, but that the stories, even if
possibly exaggerated, are, nevertheless, told with characteristic
Highland reverence, a reverence which, I venture to think, forms
an essential part of all science worth the name, reverence for the
mind and faculties and associations of man, and for the God in
whose likeness he is made.
One might ask why should certain individuals or certain races
be gifted with this power of Second Sight rather than other races
and other individuals ? Why should one man be a poet and not
another 1 Why should one man be an artist and not another ?
Why should one man have the gift of expressing his thoughts and
not another? I believe that the question of the difference of
faculty is simply that of " the personal equation." We have most
of us a great number of faculties of which we know very little ;
we all of us have a great number of faculties of which we make
little or no use — powers often of a higher kind than those we are
aware of and in which we take pride. You may have gone out of this
beautiful city of Inverness this April morning, and have heard the
sky-lark in the air. It was something delicious, that made the morn-
ing more beautiful than before ; but when the poet Shelley heard
the sky-lark as you did, he not only felt, but was able to express
the feeling for us in poetic language ; the feeling was common to
us also, but he alone was able to externalise it. This Second
Sight is simply the power of externalisation in a visual form of
knowledge which somehow has got into our minds, just as the
poet externalises in words emotion which has somehow got
into his. Very often those of us who have the seer
faculty are able to get at that which is in other people's minds.
Imagine a country boy taken from a little village where he had
few opportunities of society, of the world, and of education, and
sent to a university, where he looks out upon the world and
meets his fellow-creatures. In doing so you have made " another
man " of him. You have educated him — you have called out the
powers that were in existence, though unsuspected, before they
were drawn out by this process of association and education. My
contention is that the faculties of which we are conscious are not
necessarily the whole of our personality ; that the "you" I know,
and the "me" you know, is only a part of you and a part of me.
Many old forms of divination may be explained as being artificial
methods of getting at information which is all the time lying at
the back of one's mind, but is not accessible at the moment, just
as when you forget a name in conversation you know that if you
go on talking it will very likely " come to you." Crystal-gazing
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112 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in all its forma is one of these. Its Highland equivalent is
gazing at the shoulder-blade of a sheep, or even in some parts the
more modern superstition of go zing into a tea cup. The effort of
concentrating the gaze concentrates the faculties of memory and
observation at the same time ; you recall things you are hardly
conscious even of having known, things which have come into
your mind only in association with something more important or
more interesting, and when you utter them they may seem, to
yourself and your hearers alike, supernatural in origin. Or again,
you dream of some fact you have known but have not thought of
for years. Your memory still has been sub-consciously at work,
and has brought up this fact by some force of association you find
it now impossible to trace. I convinced myself strongly when
experimenting in crystal-gazing that the visions I got in the
crystal were often like dreams, and brought to my mind what I had
apparently forgotten, or had hardly known of, or which I had observed
and stored in my memory before I consciously knew or noticed it.
Through the eye the brain can take its own pictures without our
conscious knowledge. When we once realise this, we are able to
account for much of the occasional possession of knowledge we are
unconscious of having acquired, and this fact has been of the
utmost use in psychical investigation. It has helped to explain
many mysteries, for, after all, the mental and subjective mystery
is much greater than the physical and objective one. It is not
difficult to understand that a person in the habit of making mental
pictures, of seeing things in his "mind's eye," should see visions and
dream dreams ; the mystery is far greater as to " the stuff that
dreams are made of." It is not difficult to understand that persons
should have hallucinations of other senses as well as sight; that they
should in all good faith think they hear voices, or feel touches ;
the real mystery is when the voices tell them something true
which they believe they did not know before, but which may
have lain unrecognised in their minds all the time without their
being aware v of it. Crystal-gazing and automatic writing, and
dreams and visions, are not in themselves mysterious, they merely,
at the best, and supposing the process to be honest, externalise
something already in the mind ; the mystery is how it got there.
The water-dowser's rod dips near a spring. There is no mystery
in that. He (quite unconsciously, very likely) makes it dip ; the
mystery is how did the knowledge that he was near water get into
his mind ? In all these matters we are bound in honesty, before
resorting to any supernatural explanation, to remember the
immense amount of mental activity of which we are not conscious.
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Second Sight in the Highlands. 113
Or again, a long and careful enquiry and comparison of
statistics has shown that it seems very probable that there is
a good deal of communication between one mind and another
"by channels other than that of words or signs spoken or written,
and which we call the thought-transference. How often it
happens that our mind turns towards some friend, perhaps
after a long interval of silence or estrangement, at the very
time when a letter from him is passing through the post, or
he is on his way to pay us a visit ! How often two persons who
are much together find they have been silently thinking about
the same thing, or even that one will answer the other's unspoken
question, or respond to a remark that has not been uttered aloud.
How often we are conscious of even the silent and inactive
influence of some person of strong individuality, of the tone of a
household ; in short, what a tremendous power is thought, even
when unuttered by word or deed ! We all know stories of friends
communicating with each other at a distance or in the moment of
death, or other crisis. Why should we not recognise that such
communication may exist under less powerful stimulus? This
would extend still further our possible sources of knowledge. We
may perhaps, then, sub-consciously acquire information not only
from our own observation, memory, and deduction, but by reading
the thoughts of those about us. It is even conceivable, and there
is a great deal of evidence which seems to show that it is probable,
that this transference of thought is quite independent of distance,
and possibly even continues after death. This, at least, would help
to explain many so-called ghost stories — to do away with the so-
called " supernatural " element in many houses alleged to be
haunted.
Self-suggestion is a third hypothesis which explains many
cases apparently supernatural. If you tell weird stories over the
fire, in the gloaming, you are very likely not anxious to walk
home alone afterwards. You suggest (unconsciously) unknown
horrors to your own mind. Expectation is the strongest possible
incentive to all emotion, and if you are m. the habit of seeing
pictures in your mind — as most of us Celts are — it will not be at
all incomprehensible if you really do see something before your
lonely walk is over. Hypnotism is largely employed in medicine
to facilitate suggestion ; suggestion is the secret of half the quack
medicines, and a good many other medicines too ; it is the method
of the mother who says, " Baby hurt ? mother will kiss it better,"
as of the teacher who says, " I know you will tell me the truth."
It is probably the explanation of such successes as are achieved by
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114 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
so-called " mediums," as well as of the magicians and fakirs of the
East.
These three possible hypotheses, with some others which are
of less value, go very far to subtract from the number of the
mysteries which come under the observation of those engaged in
psychical research. It will, however, be observed that they
apply only to such experiences as refer to either the past or the
present. We may be able to construct the immediate future
by deduction from the past. Unconscious memory and observa-
tion may create visions and dreams which may prove true, yet
for which we cannot account ; self-suggestion and expectation
may serve to create marvels which we are not \n condition at the
moment to investigate or reason upon.
The special interest of Second Sight, however, is that it relates
almost entirely to the future, and that future very often distant
by months and even years. In Tiree I heard of more than one
well-attested case of prevision of events fulfilled fifty years later.
In all parts of the Highlands I have heard stories of lights in
fields where a railway was later constructed, of the sound of
singing where a church was afterwards built, of lights on a loch
where a pier came to be placed, and so on. With all its industry
and ingenuity, Psychical Research has as yet no hypothesis of
explanation for such facts as these. The Anglo-Saxon goes so far
as to deny their existence, often while accepting others for which
the evidence is infinitely less. He will not try to observe for
himself,* he will not read Martin and Theophilus Insulanus, and
Frazer of Tiree ; and he thinks because he has asked a few super-
ficial questions of a gillie at a shooting lodge, and the gillie — and
I don't blame him — has told the Sassenach what he seemed
anxious to hear, that* he has settled the whole question, and that
Second Sight in the Highlands is an extinct superstition. He
does not know the proverb, " He who pays the piper calls the
tune," and he fancies he has acquired information.
But it is not only to justify the beliefs and traditions of our
forefathers, nor to acquire information upon an obscure question
of psychology, that I think this problem of the explanation of
Second Sight worth the attention of careful observers and honest
thinkers. In these days of scepticism one cannot but feel that
this superstition — if superstition it be — may be the twilight path
to faith, and minister more to the needs of man than the
materialism which is the darkness no lamp of hope illumines.
Only this morning, gazing over the grey distance of Culloden
Moor, I felt the vivid presence of the Past —
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Second Sight in the Highlands. 115
" the days of Prince Charlie,
When the North spent its valour in vain"
• — a past that has gone, and in which we have no part but that of
memory. But the Future is ours still, our stimulus here, our
aspiration beyond, and 1 think it is no mere sentiment which
makes one feel that all which concerns our relation with the time
that is to be, demands our special reverence.
If the tradition of Second Sight is a mere delusion it will fall
into the obscurity which awaits all that is not true and therefore
eternal. On the other hand, if in less complex times and among
our simpler ancestors there were those who were now and then
permitted to turn a leaf of the book of the Future, we should not,
I think, suffer any aspersion on the memory of those who may
have had other, and perhaps higher, faculties than we. Or again,
if here and there we may still find those, living as a rule near to
the heart of nature, away from the bustle and the strife of towns,
who have not wTholly lost a faculty which, in its occasional use,
reminds us of the seers of the past, the}' should be the objects
neither of our ridicule nor of our fear, but should be observed
with the care which lays the foundation of such knowledge of
jnan as leads to that reverence which is the knowledge of God.
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY.
9th JULY, 1896.
The Twenty-fourth Annual Assembly was held in the Music
, Hall this evening. The chair wras occupied by Rev. Dr Stewart,
minister of Onich, who is kuown the world over as " Nether-
Lochaber." The fact that Dr Stewart had consented to preside
raised lively feelings of anticipation, and rendered the assembly
specially interesting to many. On either hand the Chairman was
supported by representative gentlemen, including Provost Mac-
bean, ex-Provost Ross, Mr E. H. Macmillan, manager of the
Caledonian Banking Company, Limited ; Mr William Mackay,
solicitor ; Brigade -Surgeon Grant, Rev. Mr Macqeeen, Rev. Mr
Cameron, Arpafeetie ; Mr Steele, Bank of Scotland ; Colonel
Alexander Macdonald, Portree ; Major Napier, Mr Kenneth Mac-
donald, Town-Clerk ; Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Mr James Barron, Mr
Wm, Eraser, Rev. Dr A. C. Macdonald, Mr Duncan Mactavish,
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116 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Millburn ; Mr A. Macdonald, Highland Railway ; Mr John Whyte,.
Mr A. M. Ross, Dingwall ; Mr Duncan Mackintosh, secretary of
the Society, and other gentlemen.
Dr Stewart, who was received with loud applause, said — I am
exceedingly obliged to you for your kind reception, and very glad
to be present with you here this evening. " It's a far cry to
Lochaw," and almost as far to Lochaber ; yet from Nether-
Lochaber, across the whole breadth of Scotland have I come, with
no other end or aim or object than to take a small part in this the
twenty-fourth annual reunion of the Gaelic Society of Inverness.
I had the honour to be present, along with many distinguished
men — the greater number of them now, alas ! no more — at the
institution, or birth, so to speak, of the Gaelic Society ; and I am
now glad to be present, to shake hands with it, so to say, on
having attained its majority — a lusty, healthful majority, and a
matureness of manhood which entitle it to a position second to no
society of the kind in the kingdom. During the 24 years of its
existence the Gaelic Society of Inverness has done a great deal of
good work, of which its members may well be proud. The visitor
to St Paul's, London, which my friend Provost Ross will admit is
the noblest non-Gothic cathedral in the world, will find on the
tomb of Sir Christopher Wren, the architect of that magnificent
pile, the very strikiag and appropriate inscription — Si monu-
mentum requiris circumspice 1 "If you seek for his monument, look
around you !" And if auyone seeks to know what the Gaelic
Society of Inverness has done to entitle it to be held in very hjgh
respect, I would point to its nineteen volumes of "Transactions,"
and say, look at these volumes, and confess that the Society has
done yoeman service — a vast amount of good work in elucidation
of the language and literature, the antiquities and folklore of the
Highlands ; and when I say the Highlands, I use the term in its
widest sense — all the Highlands from, so to speak, Dan to Beer-
sheba. But the Gaelic Society has not only done much admirable
work directly, but also indirectly. It has stimulated gentlemen
within its sphere of influence to undertake and happily accom-
plish a large amount of literary work of a high order of merit —
work that but for the Society might never, perhaps, have been
undertaken at all, or, if undertaken, that but for the Society
would hardly have attained to the liveliness of phrase and general
excellence of style which so markedly characterise it. Let me
mention the Celtic Magazine, so long and so ably conducted by
my friend, Mr Alexander Mackenzie — also his excellent Clan
Histories, far and away the best works of the kind in existence.
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Annual Assembly. 117
Let me refer to the " Urquhart and Glenmoriston" volume of my
friend, Mr William Mackay, hon. secretary of the Society; to
" Church and Social Life in the Highlands," by Mr Macpherson, of
Kingussie ; to "An Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic
Language," by Mr Macbain; to the two handsome volumes,
"" Reliquiae Celticse," so ably edited by Mr Macbain and Rev. Mr
Kennedy ; to Nicolson's "Gaelic Proverbs," to Blackie's " Language
and Literature of the Scottish Highlands," and to a recent little
volume of Gaelic lyrics by Alexander Macdonald. Here, too, I
should like to say how admirably written and intensely interesting
are the volumes of Transactions published from time to time by
the Inverness Field Club. I do not of course mean to say that
the Gaelic Society can in any proper sense of the term claim the
percentage of all or any of these works ; but I do not think I am
wrong in saying that their authors did their work all the more
cheerily, and were stimulated in the direction of excellence of
achievement because of the existence of the Gaelic Society of
Inverness, and their connection with it as ordinary or honorary
members. I only regret that circumstances have prevented Mr
Baillie of Doehfour, our knight of the shire, from presiding here
this evening. I also regret the absence this evening of our friend,
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, our excellent representative in Parliament
for so many years, and one of the best, as he is one of the most
accomplished, of living Highlanders. We must, however, do the
best we can, although deprived of the genial presence of these
gentlemen, and of others who might be mentioned. I once knew
an old man, a native of the Island of Mull, who owned a small
sloop, with which he traded between Tobermory and the Clyde.
He was once asked if his sloop was a good sailer, when he
answered — " Well, she has no great gift of going to windward, but
give her wind and tide in her favour, and you would be surprised
how nicely she gets along." Now, ladies and gentlemen, I am
like that Mull man, your skipper this evening. You are, so to
speak, the sloop, of which I am in temporary command. We
have an excellent programme ; we are all in good humour and
-willing to be pleased, wind and tide in our favour ; and like
Hector Mackinoon's sloop in similar circumstances, there is no
fear but we shall get on famously, there being no adverse circum-
stances to bar our enjoyment.
Dr Stewart expressed his deep regret that Mr Macbain, M.A.,
who had promised to deliver a Gaelic address, was prevented by
the state of his health from being present. In Mr Macbain's
absence, he called upon Mr Alex. Mackenzie, publisher, who
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118 Gaelic Society of Inverness
delivered a racy speech, ia the course of which he read the
following poem on the Society, which had been written by Mr
Neil Macleod, Edinburgh, the bard of the Society : —
Com c xx Gailig Ixbhirxis.
Tha samhradh eil' air teachd mu'n cuairt,
Tha ceol 'us luathghair feadh nan crann ;
Tha maise 'sgeadachadh nam bruach,
Tha trusgan ur air cluaiii 'us gleaim.
Tha clann mo ruins' a rithist cruinn
'Am baile rioghail tir nam beann ;
A. dheanamh iomradh air na suinn,
\S air eachdraidh bhuan nan linn a bhs ami.
A chumail suas na Gailig bhinn,
'S a h-ionmhasan gun dith gun chearb ;
Seasaidh a cliu bho linn gu linn
Air chuimhne mhaireannaich nach sear^r.
Canain nam bliadhnaibh cian a thriall,
JS a gniomharan cha teid, air chul,
Taisgaidh ar 'n anam cainnt nan triath,
Ga h-altrum suas le miadh 'us muirn.
Dh' fhag iad au eachdraidh glan na'n deigh,
Dhearbh iad an trenbhantas gu trie ;
Leanadh an sliochd air luirg an ceum,
Gu fearail, fiughail, gleusda, glic.
Cho fad 's a shiubhlas uillt gu cuan,
Cho fad 's a bhuaileas tonn air traigh ;
Biodh clann mo dhuthcha, 's cainnt mo shluaighr
A' cosnadh buaidh bho al gu al !
A hearty vote of thanks having been awarded, on the motion
of Mr E. H. Macmillan, to Dr Stewart, for his genial conduct as
Chairman, the assembly concluded with " God Save the Queen "
and " Auld Lang Syne," which were played on the bagpipes by
the Society's piper, Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie, Gordon Castle.
The following is a copy of the programme for the evening.
The singing was of a high class throughout. Miss C. Fraser pre-
sided at the piano.
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Annual Assembly. 119
Part I.
Address Chairman.
Song (Gaelic). " Mairi bhan og " Mr R. Macleod.
Song, " Angus Macdonald" . . . Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan.
Song, " Scots wha hae " . . . ' . . Mr ^Eneas Fraser.
Song, " Cam' ye by Atholl " Mrs Munro.
Violin Solo, " Scotch Selections " Mr Alex. Watt.
Song, " Sound the Pibroch " . . . . Miss Kate Fraser.
Dance, Argyle Sword Dance ; Pipe-Major Sutherland, Pipe-Major Ferguson,
Mr D. Macdonald. and Mr Angus Mackay.
Song, " Air Fal-al-al-o " Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan.
Song, " Scotland yet " Mr R. Macleod.
Song, " Annie Laurie " Mrs Munro.
Bagpipe Music by Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie, Gordon Castle,
Piper to the Society.
Dance by Pipe-Major Sutherland.
Part II.
Address (Gaelic) ... Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A.
Song (Gaelic), " Caismeachd Chloinn Chamrain" . Miss J. N. Maclachlan.
Violin Selection, " Scotch and Highland Airs " Mr Alex. Watt.
Song, " Willie's gane to Melville Castle" .... Mrs Munro.
Song (Gaelic), " Moladh na Lanndaidh " ... Mr R. Macleod.
Duet, " The Crookit Bawbee" . Miss Kate Fraser and Mr JSneab Fraser.
Song, " The Dear Auld Hame " . . . Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan.
Dance, "Reel of Tulloch" Oganaich Ghaidhealach.
" Auld Lang Syne."
11th NOVEMBER, 1896.
A meeting of the Society was held this evening for the purpose
of confirming a recommendation of a meetiDg of Council on 9th
November to present the following ladies and gentlemen with
some suitable token in recognition of their services to the Society
for many years, in connection with the Summer Assemblies,
namely, Miss Cosey Fraser, music teacher; Miss Kate Fraser,
teacher ; Mr ^Eneas Fraser, writer ; and Mr R. Macleod, clothier,
which was agreed to, after the names of Pipe-Major Ronald Mac-
kenzie and Pipe-Major D. H. Ferguson had been added to the list.
The recommendation of the same Council meeting to open the
session with a social meeting on the 19th was remitted back to
the Council for further consideration, after which it was arranged
to open the session on that date in the ordinary way.
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120 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
10th NOVEMBER, 1896.
At the meeting this evening, Thomas Mackenzie, Esq., Dailuaine
House, Carron, was elected a life member ; Captain D. Winiberley.
Inverness, an honorary member ; and Mr Wm. Krupp, Victoria
Hotel, Inverness, an ordinary u- ember of the Society. The
Secretary laid on the table a copy of " Presbytery Records of
Inverness and Dingwall" from the editor, Mr Wm. Mackay, lion,
secretary, and intimated the receipt of £o from John Mackay,
Esq., Hereford, as a donation towards the Society's funds. There-
after Mr Duncan Campbell read the first part of a contribution by
Captain D. Wimberley, Inverness, entitled " Papers from the
Bighouse Charter Chest," which was as follows : —
SELECTIONS FROM THE FAMILY PAPERS OF THE
MACKAYS OF BIGHOUSE,
Consisting Mainly of Letters Addressed to John Campbell
of Barcaldine, some time one of the Government Factors
on the Forfeited Estates after the '45.
Mr Colin Campbell Mackay, the present representative of the
Bighouse family, having kindly consented to the publication of
various letters and a few other miscellaneous papers now in his
possession, an offer of copies of them is made to the Gaelic Society
of Inverness for insertion in their Transactions by instalments.
The greater poition consists of letters written to John Campbell of
Barcaldine, descended from Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy,
and long factor on part of the Breadalbane estates, by various
correspondents, including John, Lord Glenorchy, afterwards third
Earl of Breadalbane ; different members of the Barcaldine family,
one of whom was the ill-fated Colin Campbell of Gl enure ; Baron
Maule, one of the Barons of the Exchequer, who for some time
managed and controlled the accounts of the forfeited estates ; Mr
Charles Areskine of Alva and Tinwald, Lord Justice-Clerk ; the
Hon. Hugh Mackay of Bighouse ; the Hon. George Mackay of
Skibo ; and Colonel John Crawford, who commanded at Fort-
William at the time of Glenure's murder. Among the miscel-
laneous letters and papers are one from John, first Earl of Bread-
albane, denying all complicity with, or knowledge of, the massacre
of Glencoe until after the event ; this letter is addressed to Alex-
ander Campbell of Barcaldine, grandfather of John of Barcaldine,
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The Big house Papers. 121
and is dated 26th May, 1692 ; a notarial copy of a Decreet of the
Court of Justiciary, dated Inverness, December, 1695, against
John Macdonald, the eldest, and Alexander, one of the younger
sons of Maclan of Glencoe, for a raid committed on the farm of
Dalshangie, in Glen-Urquhart, in 1689 ; an Inventory of Writs
and Evidents of the Estate of Kilmun, delivered by Patrick
Campbell of Barcaldine (father of John), for himself and in name
of his spouse, Agnes Campbell, only lawful daughter to the
deceased James Campbell of Kilmun, to Col. Alex. Campbell of
Finab, dated Edinburgh, 9th May, 1705 ; an anonymous letter,
dated 1753, anent Allan Breck, bearing internal evidence of
being the production of James Mor DrummonJ or Macgregor ;
and a copy of the Oath of Allegiance to George II., and of abjur-
ation of James VIII., in Gaelic, of date 1754 ; and also two
•curious communicatioQS of much later date, 1809, relative to one
mermaid seen near Thurso, and another apparently near Reay
Manse. Lord Glenorchy's letters are of general interest, referring,
as they do, to various topics of the day between 1745 and 1757.
These include public events at the commencement of the Jacobite
rising, and the appointment of the Duke of Cumberland to the
command of the Royal army ; the movements of the Highland
army, their campaign in the North of England and retirement
northwards ; the raising of the militia and granting of commissions ;
the sending of Highland prisoners from Edinburgh to Carlisle ;
Lord Lovat's trial ; the abolition of heritable jurisdictions ; the
forfeited estates, and opinions as to the education of the sons of
the Jacobite lairds ; the search for the Prince after Culloden, and
speculations whether he had escaped abroad ; the success of Ard-
sheal, Ludovick Cameron, and Cluny in remaining in hiding ; the
trials and executions of Jacobites, and, in particular, Tirindrish ;
an alleged visit of emissaries from the Prince to Cluny in his
hiding-place ; the prosecution of Glenure's murderers, and refer-
ences to James Mor Drummond or Macgregor, and to Admiral
Byng's trial. The letters from members of Barcaldine's family,
several of whom were soldiers, serving in regiments of the British
army, are full of interest, relating personal incidents during the
campaign, 1745 46, in the American war, at the assault on
Ticonderoga, &c, ; at the attack on Pondicherry in India ; and at
the capture of the French man-of-war, the Foudroyant, by the
British ship Monmouth, on board of which the writer of the letter,
a young officer in command of a small party of General Whit-
more's regiment from Gibraltar, only thirty men, took part.
Many letters relate to the murder of Colin Campbell of Glenure,
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122 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and the trial and execution of James Stewart of Acharn ; to the
attempts to effect the arrest of Allan Breck, and the suspicion
attaching to Fasnacloich and others ; some letters refer to the
trial and execution of Dr Archibald Cameron, and some to the
arrest of Cameron of Fassifern.
It will probably be most convenient to give the correspondence
arranged chronologically, as in many cases letters from one person
help to explain allusions in letters from others.
I beg to draw attention to a long and carefully prepared
" Memorial" (as it is called) drawn up by Lord Glenorchy with a
view to clear John Campbell of Barcaldine and his half-brother,
Colin of Glewure, from the suspicion of having any Jacobite
tendencies while engaged as Factors on forfeited estates ; it is
undated, but probably belongs to the year 1750, and contains
interesting information about his two kinsmen and protegees,
whose grandfather, Alexander, had been Chamberlain on the
Breadalbane estates at the time of the Glencoe massacre.
I shall commeuce by giving a short account of the Barcaldine
family, as without this it is often difficult to understand the
allusions, and to know who the writer of a given letter is : many
of the writers were members of the Clan Campbell, but pretty
widely connected by marriage, e.g., with the Camerons of Lochiel,
Mackays of Bighouse, Sinclairs of Ulbster, and Sinclairs Earls of
Caithness. I shall also show briefly the connection between the
Lochiel family and that of Glenorchy and its cadet Barcaldine,
and also that of Achalader.
D. W.
The families of Campbell of Achalader and Campbell of Bar-
caldine were both cadets of the Glenorchy family ; the first of the
former is said to have been a son of Sir Colin, 6th of Glenorchy,
but I understand his uame is not given in the Black Book of Tay-
mouth as one of his sons ; he got a tack of the lands of Achalader
for 90 years from Sir Colin in 1567, and according to the family
papers was an only child of Sir Colin by his first marriage with
[Margaret] daughter of Grahame of Inchbraikie, others say with a
Margaret Stewart, daughter of Alexander Stewart, Bishop of
Inveraray, and widow of Peter Grahame of Inchbraikie. The first
of the latter (the Barcaldines) is said to have been a son of Sir
Duncan, 7th of Glenorchy and 1st Bart., known as " Donacha
Dubh a Churraichd" and also as " nan Caistealan," from his
owning seven Castles, viz., Balloch (or Taymouth), Finlarig,
Edinample, Lochdochart, Culchurn, Achalader, and Barcaldine.
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The Big house Papers. 123
The above mentioned tack for 90 years was granted by Sir
Colin in favour of Gillespie Campbell, known as Gillespie Dubh
Mor, of the lands of Achalandour in Glenorchy, and mention is
found uuder date 1683, among other names within the lands of
Glenorchy, of John MacPhatric vie Gillespie in Achalandour. — See
a Hist, of the Campbells of Melfort (supplement). In General
Stewart of Garth's "Sketches of the Highlanders of Scotland," it
is stated in a note that ' during 55 years in which the late Mr
Campbell of Achalader had the charge of Lord Breadalbane's
estate there was no instance of tenants going to law. Their dis-
putes were referred to the amicable decision of the noble proprietor
and his deputy ; and as the confidence of the people in the honour
and probity of both was unlimited, no man dreamt of an appeal
from their decision."
The first or founder of the Barcaldine family, though he does
not appear to have been ever designed as " of Barcaldine," was
Patrick Campbell, known as u Para dubh beag ;" authorities differ
as to the date of his birth, but agree as to his being a son of the
Sir Duncan of Glenorchy above mentioned. According to one he
was the eldest natural son of that knight, and born before his
marriage with Lady Jean Stewart, daughter of the Earl of Athole,
which took place in or about 1573-74 : his reputed mother was
Janet Burdown, who also bore a eon named James to Sir Duncan.
Para is said to have got a charter from his father of the lands of
Dalmarglen, near Innerzeldies, in 1596 (but possibly in childhood),
and his brother James is said to be mentioned in that charter.
On the other hand Para's tombstone in the burial ground at
Ardchattan Priory bears that he died in 1678, aged 86, which
would make the date of his birth 1592.
Sir Duncan had no less than three sons named Patrick, besides
a brother of that name, viz. : — 1. Para dubh beag; 2. Para dubh
mor, a natural son, the first of the family of Edinchip, a property
granted him in 1620 by his father, from whom he had previously
got the lands of Murlagan beag in Glenlochy, parish of Kenmore :
he was also ancestor of the Campbells of Ardeonaig, later
of Lochend ; 3. Another son, Patrick, was legitimate, being Sir
Duncan's eldest son by his second spouse, Elizabeth Sinclair : " he
got from him Stakir and Culdares, &c, in 1625."
Returning to Para dubh beag, we find that " Sir Duncan gave
the three merk lands of Kingart to Para dubh beag, Patrick
Campbell * fiar of Dalmarglen,' his natural son." I have no date
for this, but perhaps it was on his marriage, for I am also told
that Para on his marriage is designed " fiar of Dalmarglen."
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124 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Again, " Sir Duucan's natural son James coft the lands of Inner-
zeldies in June 1655." These lands probably fell on the death of
James to his brother Para, as mention occurs later of Patrick of
Innerzeldies. Again, " Donald Campbell and Patrick Innerzeldies,
natural sons of Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, legitima ed
under the Great Seal.', 1 have no date for this, but am told that
an extract has been obtained from Register in Edinburgh, and
that this must refer to Para dubh beag, who was afterwards " of
Innerzeldies." Again, Sir Robert of Glenorchy, son of Sir Duncan,
gave to John Campbell, lawful son to Patrick Campbell of Inner-
zeldies, going in the Marquis of Argyle's troop to England, horses,
arms, clothes, and money wrorth the sum of 1000 merks."
Thus Para appears to have been designed " fiar of Dalmar-
glen," " of Dalmarglen," and " of Innerzeldies," and he is said to
have exchanged Innerzeldies with his half-brother, Sir Colin of
Glenorchy, for Barcaldine [from Dunstaftnage's notes] ; yet John
his son is styled "of Innerzeldies" on 26th June, 1681, after the
date of Para's death, according to his tombstone ; but it was John
who got the first charter of Barcaldine.
Most of the above information has been got for and sent to
me, in the shape of notes taken from the Black Book of Glen-
orchy [or Taymouth], but not what refers to Janet Burdown and
the charter of 1596 of Dalmarglen, which I received from another
correspondent.
Alexander, 3rd of Barcaldine, was Chamberlain to John, 1st
Earl of Breadalbane ; and John of Barcaldine and John of Ach-
alacler were evidently for some time factors on parts of the
Breadalbane estates to the 2nd Earl ; the latter is perhaps the
Achalader mentioned by General Stewart, who also states in
another passage that "the late Achalader and his father were
upwards of 90 years factors to two successive Earls of Bread-
albane," and quotes the following from George, Lord Lyttleton : —
" But of all I saw or heard [at Taymouth] few things excited my
surprise more than the learning and talents of Mr Campbell of
Achalader, factor to Breadalbane. Born and resident in the
Highlands, I have seldom seen a more accomplished gentleman,
with more general and classical learning."
A Short Account of the Family of Campbell of Barcaldine,
mostly taken from Burke's Peerage and Baronetage.
I. Patrick Campbell, said to be born about 1592, and according
to his tombstone aged 86 in 1678, the first of the Campbells of
Barcaldine (a son of Sir Duncan Campbell, 1st Baronet cf Glen-
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The Big house Papers. 125
orchy), had the lands of Innerzeldies, in the parish of Comrie, and
other lands in Perthshire, and Barcaldine in Argyleshire. He was
known as Para dubh beag. He married, 1st, in 1620, Annabel,
daughter of Campbell of Dunstaffnage, by whom he had, with
other issue, a son and heir, John, and a daughter, Annabella, wife
of John Campbell of Kinloch. He married, 2nd, Bethia, daughter
of Murray of Ochtertyre, by whom he had, with other children, a
son,1 Colin, ancestor of the Campbells of Achnaba. He was
wounded at Inverlochy, died 25th March, 1678, was buried in
Ardchattan Monastery, and succeeded by his eldest son.2
II. John Campbell of Barcaldine, who married, 1st, in 1647,
Margaret, daughter of Campbell of Clathic, by whom he had a
son, Alexander, his heir ; 2nd, a sister (some say a daughter) of
Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel. by whom he had another son,
ancestor of the Campbells 'of Balliveolau. He died about 1690,
and was succeeded by his eldest son.3
III. Alexauder Campbell of Barcaldine, who married, in 1676,
Mary, daughter of Colin Campbell of Lochnell ;. he died in 1720,
and was succeeded by his son.4
IV. Patrick Ruadh (his second but eldest surviving son) of
Barcaldine, born in 1677, who married, 1st, Agnes Campbell, last
of the family of Campbell of Kilmun, by whom he had issue : —
1 Colin, son of Patrick, 1st Laird of Barcaldine, is said to have been min-
ister of Ardchattan and Muckairn for nearly 60 years ; b. 1644, d. 1726.
2 His children by first marriage were, according to one authority — 1,
John ; 2, Alexander ; 3, Duncan ; 4, Donald Glas, and three daughters, the
2nd, Margaret, married John Campbell of Keithock ; and by his second mar-
riage 4 sons and 5 daughters.
According to another pedigree, by first marriage — 1, John ; 2, Jean,
married Archibald Campbell of Lix ; 3, Annabel, married John Campbell,
Kinloch ; 3, Gilies, married Colin Campbell of Bragleen ; and by second
marriage — 1, Colin, ancestor of Achnaba ; 2, William, minister of Balquhidder ;
3, Duncan of Blarcherin ; 4, Alexander of Glenairm ; 5, Donald Glas of Inver-
inan ; 6, a daughter, married Maclntyre, wadsetter of Glenoe ; 7, a daughter,
married to Robert, son of , otherwise to Stewart of Appin ; 8, a daughter,
married to Donald Campbell of the house of Kirkton ; 9, a daughter, married
to Colin Campbell, South Ardchattan.
3 Issue by 2nd wife — 1, Colin of Balliveolan ; 2, Duncan of Auch ;
3, Robert of Dalmally ; 4, Allan or Alexander of Invei-eich ; 5, Annabel,
married Alexander Stewart of Balachulish ; 6, Isobel, married Cameron of
Kinlochleven ; 7, Margt., married Macdougall of Corrielorn ; 8, Barbara, mar-
ried Patrick, son to Campbell of Auchnara ; 9, Catharine, married Archibald,
son to James Campbell of Lix. The Christian name of John Campbell of
Barcaldine's wife of the Lochiel family is given as Isobel.
4 Other sons, John of Corries, James of Raray, Colin Dubh, Alexander,
and 5 daughters.
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126 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1. John of Barcaldiuc, who succeeded his father.
(1). Anne, married Charles Campbell of Ardchattan.
Patrick of Barcaldine married, 2nd, in 1707, Lucia (otherwise
Luisa), daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, by whom he
.had issue.
2. Colin of Glenure. who served in Loudon's Highlanders in
Scotland and abroad, aud retired after the peace ; that
regiment was disbanded in 1748. He was factor for
Government on the forfeited estates of Stewart of Ard-
sheil, of Cameron of Callart, and of Mamore, part of that
of Cameron of Lochiel : murdered on 14th May, 1752,
by Allan Breck Stewart or some assassin unknown, when
his brother Duncan succeeded as heir male to Glenure.
He married 9th May, 1749, Janet, eldest daughter of
Colonel the Hon. Hugh Mackay of Bighouse, son of
Lord Reay, and had issue three daughters : —
(1). Louisa, who inherited the estate of Bighouse on the
death of her grandfather in 1770 ; she married, 11th
June, 1768, her cousin, George Mackay of Island-
handa, and had issue 19 children. [Note. — The Hon.
Hugh Mackay's daughter, Kobina, married William
Baillie of Rosshall (or Rosehall), in Sutherland, 2nd
son of Alex. Baillie of Dochfour].
(2). Elizabeth, died unmarried.
(3). Colina, born posthumous, married James Baillie, Esq.
of Ealing Grove, Middlesex, merchant in London, 2nd
son of Hugh Baillie, Esq. <,f Dochfour, Inverness-shire,
and had issue.
3. Donald, Surgeon R.N., died unmarried in the West Indies.
4. Alexander, a Lieutenant, and perhaps afterwards Captain,
in Loudon's Highlanders, but perhaps a Lieutenant
in Montgomery's Highlanders in 1757, wounded at
Louisberg in 1758, died at Quebec 1759.1
5. Duncan, of whom presently.
" 6. Robert, a merchant at Stirling, apparently married, with
issue, and had a son Patrick.
7. Archibald, an officer of the army.
1 Among the officers in Loudon's Highlanders (raised in 1745) were
Patrick CM son of Achallader ; Alexander C, brother to Barcaldine ; Colin C.
of Glenure. A Lieut. Alexr. C. (Balcaldine) was wounded at capture of Louis-
bourg in 1 758, probably an officer in Montgomery's Highlanders or in Fraser's
Highlanders.
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The Big house Papers. 127
8. Allan, an officer in one of the three Companies of Black
Watch raised in 1 745 ; he served many years in that
regiment, and was afterwards a general officer.
(2). Isobel, married John Campbell of Achallader, her first
cousin, their mothers being daughters of Sir Ewen
Cameron of Lochiel. [JVbte.— »Achallader begins his
letter to Barcaldine " My dear Brother."]
(3). Mary, married Alexander Macdougall of Dunolly.
(4). Annabel, married Archibald Campbell of Melfort.
(5). Jane, married Campbell of Edinchip.
Patrick Campbell of Barcaldine died 1738, and was succeeded
by his son.
V. John Campbell of Barcaldine, born approximately about
1700, one of Lord Breadalbane's factors on part of his estate, a
captain in Argyllshire Militia in 1745, later factor on the forfeited
Perth estate, and living at Crieff; a J.P. in Argyle and Perth
shires, a Commissioner of Supply, and a D.L.; he married Margaret,
daughter of Campbell of Keithock, and had issue —
1. Alexander, born about 1729; at 16 years old he joined
the Argyleshire Militia as a volunteer at his own expense,
served throughout the rising in '45 and '46, and owing
to his services got the command of one of the Indepen-
dent Companies in the Expedition to the East Indies
under Admiral Boscawen in 1748, appointed Major in
Montgomery's Highlanders in 1757; Lieut. -Col. 48th
Regt., 1759; and a Colonel in the army August 1777 ;
Deputy Governor of Fort-George, 1771. He married
1st August, 1765, Helen, born 8th June, 1747, daughter
of George Sinclair, and sister of the Right Hon. Sir
John Sinclair of Ulbster, M.P., and had issue —
1. Patrick, who died unmarried in 1783.
(i). Janet, married ^Eneas Mackay of Scotstown.
(2). Matilda, who died unmarried.
(3). Jean, married at Thurso Castle 2nd January, 1784, to
James, 1 2th Earl of Caithness, and died at Edinburgh,
2nd April, 1853, leaving issue.
(4). Isobel, born 1773.
Colonel Alexr. Campbell never succeeded to the family estate ;
he died at Bath, 22nd April, 1779 ; his widow died at Edinburgh
5th April, 1787, aged 40.
2. Patrick, referred to in letter No. 81, from his uncle,
Robert.
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128 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
3. David, a W.S., Edinburgh, who evidently got into some
trouble, and went to New York; he married a Miss
Campbell of the Argyll family.
4. Colin, a letter from him dated 14th Deer., 1762 ; died
unmarried, in Grenada, West Indies.
Others, including probably George, in General Gage's regi-
ment ; he died unmarried. Mungo, a Lt.-Col. killed at
Fort-Montgomerie, N. America, in command of 52nd
Regiment. I understand he was a natural son, and
he was with Glenure, his uncle, when the former was
murdered by Allan Breck. Col. Mungo was married, and
had issue.
(1). Margaret, married John Campbell of Danna.
(2). Annie, married Capt. Trapaud.
(3). Matilda, married Capt. Neil Campbell of Duntroon.
John Campbell of Barcaldine, being deeply involved in debt,
sold the family estates to his half brother, Duncan, and so was
succeeded by —
VI. Duncan Campbell of Barcaldine and Glenure, fifth son
(but fourth by the second marriage) of Patrick Campbell of
Barcaldine ; he was born about 1716, was at one time Sheriff-
Substitute for Perthshire at Killin ; married, in 1744, Mary,
daughter of Alexander Macpherson, Esq., and sister of Sir James
Macpherson, Bart., and died in 1784, having had issue —
1. Alexander, his heir.
2. Patrick, appointed Lieutenant 77th Atholl Highlanders,
1778 ; captain in Wallers Corps in 1783, afterwards a
major ; he appears to have become blind, and lived later
with his cousin at Thurso Castle ; married a daughter
of James Pearsall of New York, and had issue.
3. James, Lieut. 42nd, and later captain 77th Atholl High-
landers, 1777, died 1782.
4. Colin, Captain 2nd Batt. 42nd, raised 1780; wounded at
Paniane, 1782.
5. Hugh, an officer in the army ; a Lieut, in Fraser's High-
landers, 1775; married a daughter of a brother of
Cameron of Fassifern.
iJ. William, appointed Ensign 77th, 1782 ; Lieut. 1783,
placed on half-pay on reduction 1783.
(1). Lucy, married Sir Ewen Cameron, Bart, of Fassifern.
Duncan of Barcaldine and Glenure was succeeded by his eldest
Beta
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The Big house Papers. 129
VII Alexander Campbell of Barcaldine and Glenure, a mem-
ber of the Faculty of Advocates, born 30th April, 1745, married
22nd September, 1785, Mary, daughter of John Campbell, Esq., of
Edinburgh, and died 17th March, 1800, having had issue : —
1. Duncan, created a Baronet.
2. John, died s.p. in 1808.
3. Peter William, in the Military Service of the E.I. Com-
pany; died in Bengal in 1819 s.p.
4. Colin Alexander, Major 74th Foot, born 23rd September,
1796, died s.p. 10th March, 1863.
(1). Caroline Louisa Anne, died unmarried 19th March, 1848.
(2). Maria Helen, married 8th October, 1818, the Rev. Hugh
Fraser, Ardchattan, and died 4th January, 1862, having
had issue.
Alexander Campbell of Barcaldine and Glenure died 1800, and
was succeeded by his eldest son.
VIII. Sir Duncan Campbell of Barcaldine and Glenure, born
3rd July, 1786, created a Bart. 30th September, 1831 ; was
Captain in the Scots Fusilier Guards ; served at Copenhagen, in
Walcheren Expedition, and in Peninsula ; acted as A.D.C. to his
cousin, General Sir Alex. Campbell, of the Achalader family, at
Talavera ; a Magistrate and D.L. for Argyleshire ; he married
22nd February, 1815, Elizabeth Dreghorn, daughter of James
Dennistoun of Dennistoun, Co. Dumbarton, and had
1. Alexander, 2nd Bart., born 1819, and six other sons and
four daughters. Sir Duncan died 2nd April, 1842, and
was succeeded by his eldest son.
IX. Sir Alexander Campbell, J. P., Sergeant-at-Arms in the
Queen's Household, Captain Argyle and Bute Militia ; born 15th
June, 1819, married 1855 Harriette, daughter of Admiral Henry
Collier, R.N., and had issue ; —
1 . Duncau Alexander Dundas, present Bart.
2. Eric Reginald Duncan, Captain 2nd Battalion P.V. Royal
Irish Fusiliers, born 28th November, 1857.
(1). Harriette Beatrice Mabel.
(2). Flora Mary Muriel.
Sir Alexander died 11th December, 1880, and was succeeded
by his eldest son.
X. Sir Duncan Alexander Dundas Campbell, Bart, of Barcal-
dine, Captain 4th Battalion Highland Light Infantry, Gentleman
Usher of the Green Rod, b. 4th December, 1856.
9
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130 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Descent of the Campbells op Achalader, taken from a Memorial
History of the Campbells of Melfort.
I. Archibald, or Gillespie Dubh, son of Sir Colin Campbell*
sixth laird of Glenorchy, by Margaret, daughter of Bishop Alex.
Stewart and widow of Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, married
Mary, daughter of John Dubh na Lainne, alias Macgregor, and
had a son.
II. John Dubh, who married Mary, daughter of Donald
Stewart, Invernayle, whose grandmother on the father's side was
a daughter of Lochiel ; they had a son.
III. Archibald, who married Margery, daughter of Colin Mac-
pherson of Bear [Qy. Brin], whose mother was a daughter of Hugh
Fraser of Lovat ; and Margery's mother was a daughter of Macleod
of Harris ; they had a son.
IV. Allister Dubh, who married Agnes, daughter of John
Macnab of Borane, by Mary, daughter of Duncan Campbell of
Glenlyon ; John Macnab's mother was Catharine, daughter of Sir
Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy ; they had a son.
V. John, who married in 1713, Katharine, daughter of Sir
Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, and had 3 sons and 4 daughters.
1. John of Achalader.
2. Archibald, of old 78th (Campbell's Highlanders), killed in
German War at Felinghausen, 1761, as Major.
3. Patrick, joined Loudon's Highlanders, 1745, died in
America.
(1). Louisa, married Campbell of Achline.
(2). Jane, married Cameron of Fassifern, her cousin, father
of Sir Ewen of Fassifern.
(3). Anne, married Patrick (Para Dubh an Achaidh) Camp-
bell of Auch.
(4). Margaret, died unmarried.
VI. John of Achalader married his cousin, Isabella, daughter
of Patrick Campbell of Barcaldine, and had issue.
1. John, Lieut.-Col. Breadalbane Fencibles, died 1799
unmarried.
2. Patrick, married Ann, daughter of Livingston, Esq.
3. Archibald, Colonel 80th Regiment, died 1825, married
Margaret, daughter of Admiral Edwards.
4. Sir Alexander, K.C.B. and Bart., who married 1st, Olympia
Elizabeth, daughter of William Mosshead, from whom is
descended Sir Alex. Cockburn Campbell, and 2ndly,
Elizabeth Ann, daughter of liev. F. Pemberton.
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The Bighouse P&pers. 131
5. Colina, married John Campbell of Melfort, son of Archibald
(Melfort), by Annabel, daughter of Patrick Campbell of
Barcaldine.
6. Louisa Maxwell, married Patrick Macdougall of Macdougall
(Dunollie), whose mother was Mary, daughter of Patrick
Campbell of Barcaldine, by his wife Lucia, daughter of
Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel.
VII. Patrick of Achalader, 2nd son of John, married Ann*
-daughter of Livingston ; he bought Ballied, now called
Achalader, and died there 1811. They had an only child John
Livingston.
VIII. John Livingston of the Coldstream Guards married Ann,
-daughter of Reginald Macneil of Barra, by whom he had a son,
John Livingston, father of the present representative of the family
Major John Colin Livingston Campbell, R.E., of Achalader, and a
•daughter Jane.
The Camerons of Lochiel, from Sir Ewbn (Evandhu), as given in
"Burke's Landed Gentry," edit. 1846, with some additions.
Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, born 1629, married
1st, Mary, daughter of Sir Donald Macdonald of Slate; no
issue.
2nd, a daughter of Sir Lachlan Maclean of Dowart, by whom
he had
1. John, his heir, who succeeded him.
2. Donald, Maj. in service of States of Holland ; d. s. p. 1718.
3. Alan, died at Rome, in service of Chev. St George, leaving
3 daughters, of whom the eldest married Campbell of
Lochdochart.
(1). Margaret, married to Alex. Drummond (otherwise
Macgregor) of Balhaldie.
(2). Anne, married Alan Maclean of Ardgour.
(3). Katharine, married William, brother german of Sir
Donald Macdonald of Slate.
(4). Janet, married Grant of Glenmoriston.
3rd, Jean, daughter of Barclay of Urie, and had by her
4. Ludovick, married his cousin.
(5). Christian, married Alan Cameron of Glendessary.
(6). Jean, married Macpherson of Cluny.
(7). Isobel, married Archibald Cameron of Dungallon.
(8). Lucy, married Peter Campbell of Barcaldine.
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132 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
(9). Ket, married John Campbell of Achallader.
(10). Una, married Robert Barclay of Ury.
(11). Marjory, married Macdonald of Morar.
Note. — Sir Ewen's father, John Cameron, yr. of Lochiel, pre-
deceased his father, having married Margaret, eldest daughter of
Sir Robert Campbell <>\' Glenorchy, by whom he had Ewen, who
succeeded his grandfather, and Donald, ancestor of the Camerons
of Glendessary and Dungallon.
Sir Ewen Cameron died in 1719, aged 90, and was succeeded
by his sou, John, as representative of the family.
John Cameron of Lochiel, called John Macewen, had joined the
Earl of Mar in 1715, for which he suffered attainder and forfeiture.
He married Isobel, sister of Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, by
whom he had issue.
1. Donald, his heir.
2. John, of Fassifern, married Jane, daughter of John
Campbell of Achalader, his cousin ; father of Sir Ewen
of Fassifern, who was created a baronet in 1817, for the
gallant services of his son, Colonel John Cameron, who
fell at Quatre Bras in command of the 92nd.
3. Archibald, a physician, who was out in the '45, escaped to
France, and was first a Captain in Lord Ogilvie's regi-
ment, then of Grenadiers, and a Captain in his brother's
regiment, and probably for some time an Army Surgeon.
He appears to have also held a Colonel's commission
in the Spanish service. (See " Stuart Papers," No.
CCLVI.) He was in Scotland in the winter of 1749 on
a mission with Lochgarry and others, when they got
some of the treasure belonging to the exiled Stuarts,
which was hidden at Locharkaig, apparently on instruc-
tions, perhaps forged by some one, but gave Cluny a
receipt. He and Lochgarry were again sent on another
mission by Prince Charlie towards the end of 1752, but
the Dr was apprehended near Inversnaid 20th March,
1753, sent to London, tried, and executed. He married
Jean, daughter of Archibald Cameron of Dungallon, her
mother, Isobel, being a half-sister of his father, and had
by her four sons and one daughter.
John Cameron of Lochiel died at Newport, in Flanders, in 1748,
and was succeeded in the representation of the family by his
eldest son.
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The Big house Papers. 133
Donald Cameron of Lochiel, who had succeeded to the family
•estates on the death of his grandfather, Sir Ewen, rejoined Prince
Charlie in 1745. After the Battle of Culloden he retired to France,
a,nd was attainted and forfeited. He got command of the
44 Regiment of Albany," with power of naming his own officers, and
was enabled to Mve suitably to his rank. He married Anne,
daughter of Sir James Campbell, fifth baronet of Auchenbreck, by
whom he left at his death (in the same year as his father), 25th
October, 1748—
1. John, his heir.
2. James, Captain in the Royal Regiment of Scots in France;
died unmarried in 1759.
3. Charles, who succeeded his brother, John.
(1). Isobel, married Colonel Mores in the French service.
(2). Janet, died in a convent at Paris.
(3). Henri et, married Captain Portin in the French service.
(4). Donalda.
John Cameron of Lochiel succeeded his father, Donald ; he
had served as a Captain in his father's regiment, and, after his
death, in the Royal Scots. He returned to Scotland in 1759, and
died in 1762, when he was succeeded by his brother, Charles
-Can.eron of Lochiel, great-grandfather of the present Lochiel.
Selections from the Bighouse Papers,
no. I.
*' Letter from John, first Earl of Breadalbane, to Alexander
Campbell of Barcaldine, dated Edinburgh, 26th May, 1692.
Note. — It is addressed ' ffor Alexr. Campbell of Barcaldine/
and doequeted * Lr. anent the Glenco men.'
"Edr. 26 May 1692.
" I did yesterday receive yours of the 18th instant : I have
already taken too much pains to blame all persons who hade t
accessione to the killing of the Glencoe men, iff they cane be
made beleive that I had the lest thought yrof : and amongst other
lyes this enclosed is absolutely false in matter of fact ffor Major
Fforbes wes come from London befor I cam yr. and I met ym.
upon the road many weeks befor that misfortoune of Glencoe ;
nor doe I believe that C. A.1 writt any Letter or any such thing
to Glengarie. I wish to know the person that saw the Letter or
M. A's Letter which I also little belive to have been writen. Iff
1 Perhaps Campbell of Ardkinglass, Sheriff of Argyle.
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134 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
ye Glencoe men will not be satisfyed that I am also Inocent of
that affaire as the Chyld unborne is I will not take any more
pains upon ym. They may understand its all malice — to hound
ym. at me that maks this discourse and could tell ym. that iff
they prefer the ffalse sugestiones of enemies to the trewths yrof . I
assure you I doe warne them that in case they doe me any hurt
they will ffynd me yr. enemie which is the desyre of many persons.
But I expect they will be better advysed and take all ye good I
can doe for ym. in this the tyme of their miserie, and ffor soe
doing let ym. offer to doe me all the service in yr. power to
dissappoynt such designs. I sent my advyse already how they
should carie themselves, which is all at present. But yt. I assuire
you I never spock of Glencoe nor Glencoe men at London nor
elseqr. to my Lord A. l untill I heird off that slaughter and yn. I
expostulat extreamly with ym. their men should be accessorie to
it, and yir answer was that they behoved to obey orders. —
I remaine, (Sd.). " Breapalbane."
" Notarial Copy of Decreet before the Court of Justiciary at
Inverness at the instance of James Cumiug of Dalshangie
and others against John Macdonald of Polveig Laird of
Glenco and others.
"20th Deer. 1695.
" Justiciary Court holden within the Tolbooth of Inverness on
the Twentieth day of December One thousand six hundred and
ninety-five years Be Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun [left
blank], Cuming of Altyre, Sir Alexander- M'Kenzie of Coul, Sir
Donald Bayn of Tulloch, Mr Alexr. Rose <>f Clava, Mr Simon
M'Kenzie of Taraden, Mr David Poison of Kinmylies, Mr William
M'Intosh of Aberarder, Farquhar M'Gillivray of Dunmaglass,
Alex. Sutherland of Pronsie, Mr .John Gordon of Carroll, Sheriff"
Depute of Sutherland, Commissioners of Justiciary appoiuted for
secureing the Peace of the Highlands within the Northern District
conveened for the time, when the said Sir Robert Gordon was-
chosen Preses of the meeting curia legitime affirmata That day
annent the Lybelled Precept Raised and pursued before the saids
Commissioners at the instance of James Cuming of Dalshangie
elder, James Cuming younger thereof, Alexr. Roy M'Comas there,
1 " My Lord A." Perhaps the Lord Advocate, but more probably Lord
Aberuchill, who with Stair is said to have kept back the date of M'lan's.
taking the oath.
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The Bighouse Papers. 135
Donald M* William there, and Duncan M 'William Bayn there,
Tennants and Servants there, Parties Leased1 and David Cuming
Pro'r fiscal of the said Court for His Majestie's interest against
John Macdonald of Polveig Laird of Glencoe, Ranald M'Donald of
Leckinloym, John M'Innish vie Allan in Laraclj, Donald M'Donald
of Achatriechatan, Donald M'Alister Roy in Brealerlaid, Alexander
M'Donald Brother to Glenkoe, Angus M'Donald alias M'Alister
Roy in Stroan, Alexander Cameron in Gargoich and against Robert
Steuart of Appin and Donald Steuart Tutor of Appin as Masters
to the forenamed persons, dwelling on their lands Make and
mention that albeit the Common Law, Municipall Laws dayly
custome and practig of this kingdom the crimes of theft, recept of
theft, stouth of robberies oppressions and others of the like nature
be expressly forbidden and the Committers thereof punishable
accordingly, Yet true it is and of verity that the forenamed
persons complained upon are Acters, Receptors art and part of the
saidis crimes In sua far as they with severall others their accom-
plices of their causing sending hounding out Command Precept
assistance and Ratihabitione came to the bounds of the lands of
Dalshangie houses and folds thereof, in the month of October
one thousand six hundred and eightie nine years upon one or other
of the days of the said month, and therefrae most masterfully
Robbed wrongously intromitted with and away took from the
saids complra. seven score fifteen cows great and small, worth Ten
Pounds Scots money the piece overhead, Item Threttie twa piece
of horse and mears worth the like sum of Ten Pounds money for-
said the piece overhead and the haill portable household plenishing,
armes pertaining to the said Tennants above named worth one
hundred pounds money forsaid, which cattle horse plenishing
armour and others forsaid Robbed and masterfully away taken as
said is were driven by the persons above complained upon and
their accomplices to the Lands of Glencoe, Appin and Gargoich,
and the saids persons there receive possessions thereof, where they
were perpelled, divided and disposed of be them at their pleasure
Through want of which cattle, horse and others Lybelled with the
Devastation of their lands and provisions the Complainers sustained
the damage and loss of one thousand pounds money above written
Besides and by and attour the sum of [left blank] Debursed
and carried out be them In reference to the Premisses, And there-
fore the persons above complained upon and Ilk one of them in
solidum ought and should be Decerned to make payment to the
1 Leased, i.e., hurt or injured.
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136 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
saids complainers of the particular avails prices above written
with the damage and expenses above mentioned and also ought to
underly the law for the criminal part as accords and their Rexive1
masters a named ought to present them to that effect or be
decerned in solidum with their said men in the Terms of the Act
of Parliament as in the Priull. Lybelled precept raised in the
said matter at lenth is contained The Saids pursuers Compearand
personally with William and Alexr. Cumings writers their Procurs. ,
who repeated their Lybell and craved Decreet conform to the said
conclusion thereof and the saids Defenders both men and their
saids masteis being of times called and not compearand though
they were lawfully summond be John Monro Sheriff and Justiciary
Officer to have compeared at this Court to have answered at the
saids Pursuers- Instances in manner to the effect and for the causes
Lybelled with Certification the saids Commissioners of Justiciary
Held and hereby Hold the saids Defenders all pro Confessis and
have Decerned and hereby Decern them and ilk one of them in
solidum both men and masters to make payment and satisfaction
to the saids Complrs. of the said sum of Ten Poands Scots money
as price of ilk one of the said number of Seven score fifteen Cows
great and small and the like sum of Ten Pounds money forsaid as
price of ilk one of the said number of Threttie tua piece of horse
and mears young and old with the said sum of one hundred
pounds money forsaid as price of the household plenishing and
armes all masterfully wrongously intromitted with and away taken
in manner and at the time @ written As also to make payment of
the said sum of one thousand pounds money forsaid of damage
sustained by the Pursuers through want of their said cattle horse
and others above written, devastatione of their Lands extending
in all to the saids prices and damage to the sum of Two thousand
nine hundred and seventy pounds, and sicklike to make payment
of the sura of Two hunder ninety Seven pounds as the Tenth part
of the said haill accumulat sums due to the saids Commissioners
themselves conform to their Comnjission which Tenth part the
Commissioners @ named have unanimously assigned and hereby
assigns to the saids Pursuers, and have Reconnr ended and hereby
Recommends to the Commanders of his Majestie's forces in the
rexive1 adjacent Garrisons to give their aid and concurrence to the
execution of this Decreet Because the saids Defenders both men
and masters have been lawfully cited to have compeared at this
Court to the effect above written, and that they nor no other in
1 Rexive : for Respective,
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The Big house Papers. 137
their names compeared and that the pursuers made faith giveing
their Oath in Litem upon the value of their Cattle horse and
others above mentioned and Damages forsaicl Therefore the saids
Commissioners of Justiciary have Holden and hereby Holds the
saids Defenders pro confessis and gave their Decreet in manner
above sett down ordaining all execution necessar to pass thereupon
in form as effeirs. Extracted by me (sic subscr.)
" Ja. Baillib Clk. Dept.
" What is above written is an exact copie of the principall
Decreet of the date tenor and contents before recited without any
addition thereto or Diminution therefrom being faithfully com-
pared by us Notary s Publick subscribing and as such attested by
us at Inverness the twenty-third day of November IajvijC and
fifty-two years before these witnesses Lieut. Simon fFraser, son to
Dunballoch, John Greig vintner in Inverness, and James Cuming
and Donald M'Bean both writers in Inverness.
" John Macklean [?] wr. N.P. Willm. Ffraser, N.P.
" Simon Fraser wittness.
"John Grieg witness.
" Donald Macbean [?] wr. witness.
" James Cuming [?] wr. witness."
NO. III.
" Inventar of the Wrytts & Evident;: of the Lands and
JfcTATE of Killmun Delivered by Patrick Campbell of
Barcaldine ffor himself *>nd in name and behalf e of Agnes
Campbell his spouse only Laull Daughter to the deceast
James Campbell of Killmun to Coll. Alexander Campbell of
ffinab. •
"Jmprimus, precept of clare constat and Charter containing
ane novo-damus by Archibald Marquis of Argyle in favours of
Archibald Campbell of Kilmune a§ son and air to Archibald
-Campbell his fFather his airs male and Assigneys of the Lands of
Killmun e Auchalnechar Cafflad Coillemeineth Clerynie ? neting
and salmond ffishing and of certain @ rents therein mentioned
containing several priviledges Dated the Twenty second day of
Jany. IajvjC and ffyftio eight (1658).
" Item, Sasine following thereupon Dated the eighth Day of
Apryle IajvjC an fFyftie eight Registrat at Edinr. upon the fyfth
Day of June yraftr.
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138 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" Item, a Tack of the Quarter Teinds of Kilmune by John
Bishop of Lessinore to Archibald Campbell of Kilmune Dated the
Sixteen day of March IajvjC and twelve (1612).
" Item, Ane other Tack of the said Teinds by Andrew Bishop
of Lesmore to Archibald Campbell, Provost of Kilmune Dated the
seventh day of January IajvjC & thirty three (1633).
" Item, Charter by Archibald Earle of Argyle . to Duncan
M'Eanduy vie Angus alias M'Laucblan of the four merk land of
Ardnadane Dated the penult of June IajvC & nynty four (1594).
" Item, Lyferent Charter by Duncan M'Lanehlan of Ardnadan
to Eliz ibeth Campbell alias nean vie ean of two Merk land of t! e
said ffour merk land of Ardnadan Dated the last day of July
LvjvC and nyntie seven (1597).
" Item, Disposition by John M'Lauchlan eldest son and
apparent air to the said Duncan M'Eanduy vie Angus alias.
M'Lachlane of Arnadane to Archibald Campbell of Kilmune of the
said flour merk land of Ardnadane Dated the Eight day of
December IajviC and thirtie six (1636).
" Item, Instrument of Resignatione following thereupon Dated
the Twentie third day of November IajviC and ffourtie one (1641).
"Item, Charter by Archibald Marques of Argyle upon the
said Resignatione of the said Lands of Ardnadane in favour of the
said Archibald Campbell of Kilmune Dated at Edinr. the Twenty
seventh day of Nover. IajviC & ffourtie one (1641).
" Item, the said Archibald Campbell of Kilmune his gene rail
Retour as air to his ffather Dated the second day of December
IajviC and ffourtie six (1646). *
" Item, ffew Charter of the Lands of ffinbacan by Mr Niel
Campbell Bishop of Argyle to Duncan Dow M'Lachlane of Ardna-
dane and Allason Nian vie ean his spouse Dated the Twenty
seventh day Of March IajvC and ninetie eight (1598).
" Item, Contract of Wodset past betwixt Coline Campbell of
Straquhar with consent of Anna Campbell his spouse on the one
part and Jannet ffraser Relict of uniqll. Archibald Campbell of
Kilmune and Archibald Campbell their son with consent of his"
Curators on the other part whereby for the soume of six thousand
merks the lands of Craigen and others therein contained are
wodset to her in liferent and to her said son in ffie which Contract
is dated the eight day of Novemt er IajvjC and ffyftie one (1651).
" Item, Charter by the said Coline Campbell of Straquhar with
consent of his said spouse of the said three merk Land of Craigen
and others therein contained In favours of the said Jannet ifrazer
Relict of uraqll Archibald Campbell of Kilmune in Life-rent and
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The Big house Papers, 139*
Archibald Campbell her son in me Dated the ffourteen Day of
March IajvjC and ffyftie ffour (1654).
" Item, Sasine thereon of the same date Registrat at Edr. the
tenth day of April e yr aftr.
" Item, prinll bond by Coline Campbell of Straquhir To Archi-
bald Campbell of Kilmune for the sou me of aue thousand merks
Scots with a rent and penalty Dated the Sixth day of ffebruary
JajvjC and ffyftie ffour.
"Item, Charter by the Provost and Chaplains of Kilmune
with consent of the Earle of Argyle as patron In favours of Archi-
bald Campbell of Kilmune Dated the third and fourtenth days of
July IajvjC and two of the Lands of Kilmune and others (1602).
"Item, Assignations by Mr Alexander Colvil Provost of
Kilmune to [ ] cf any Right which he could pretend
to the Maills and Dueties of Blairmore Dated the Twentie first
Day of January IajvjC and ffyftie eight (1658)
" Item, Charter of erectione of the Burgh of Barrony of Kil-
mune by King James dated the Twenty first day of November
IajivC and nyntie (1490).
" Item, Sasine of the Lands of ffmbarkan In favours of Duncan
Dow M'Lauchlan Dated in the year IajvC and nyntie nyne (1599).
" Item, Agreement betwixt James Campbell of Kilmune and
Mr James Smollct dated the Twenty first day of December IajvjC
and seventie two (1672).
" Item, protestation James Campbell of Kilmune against
Eliangreg anent his keeping Courts on Kilmunes Lands.
" Item, Discharge Archibald Campbell of Drumsynie to James
Campbell of Kilmune In part payment of ane bond of a thousand
merks Dated the Twentie third day of December IajvjC and sixtie
three (1663).
" Item, Discharge Hugh Campbell of Garvchorie To James
Campbel of Kilmune of ffour Hundred merks Dated the ffourteen
day of July IajvjC and nyntie six (^1698).
"Item, Tack Sir DowTgall Campbell of Auchenbreck to A»chi-
bald Campbell of Kilmune of the Lands of Kilihamaig and Garta-
brith Dated the Twentie eight day of May IajvjC and nynteen
(1619).
" Item, Instrument Kilmune against the Earle of Argyle's
Chamberlane in the year IajvjC and nyntie one (1691).
" Item, Generall Discharge Mr James Smollat to James Camp-
bell of Kilmune Dated the Twenty first Day of November IajvjC
and seventy seven (1677).
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140 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
"Item, Severall Discharges of ffe.\ Dueties Coline Campbell
and others Chamberlanes to the Earle of Argyle to Kilmune.
" Item, Discharge the Bishop of Argyll to James Campbell of
Kilmune of Seventeen Bolls one firlot for the Quarter Teinds of
Kilmune and Twenty eight pounds ffyfteen shilling for Viccarage
Dated in IajvjC and Seventie two (1672).
" Item, Discharge Coline Campbell of Straquhur to James
Campbell of Kilmune of the flew Dueties he possesses in Straquhur
Dated the Twenty sixth day of December IajvjC and seventie six
(1676).
" The Grounds of Blyths wood's Adjudicatione.
u Item, Bond by Archibald Campbell of Kilmune to Colin
Campbell merchant burges of Glasgow for ffyve Hundred merks
with @ rent and penalty Dated the Twelfth Day of January IajvjC
and ffourtie ffour (1644).
" Item, Another bond by Archibald Campbell of Kilmune as
prinll and James Campbell of Ardkinglas and Coline Campbell of
Lochnell as Cautss to the said Coline Campbell therein designed
Colin Campbell of Blythswood in name and behalfe of his sons
therein named for the soum of Seventeen Hundred merks with @
rent and penalty Dated the Twenty seventh of Aprile TajvjC and
ffyftie eight (1658).
" Item, Bond by the said Archibald Campbell of Kilmune to
Elizabeth ffrizel Relict of umqll Walkinshaw of that ilk and to
Susanna Walkinshaw her daughter for ane Thousand merks with
@ rent and penalty Dated the Twenty second day of December
IajvjC and ffourcie (1640).
" Item, Assignation thereof by the said Susanna Walkinshaw
to Coline Campbell of Blythswood Dated the Twenty sixth day of
October IajvjC and six tie ffyve (1665).
" Item, Bond by the said Archibald Campbell of Kilmune to
Archibald Campbell Uncle to Duncan Campbell of Carrick for the
soum of a Thousand murks Dated the Seventeen day of July
IajvjC and ffourtie three (1643).
" Item, Assignation thereof by the said Archibald Campbell of
Kilmune to John McEwin merchant in Kilmichel in Glassie Dated
the nynteen day of Apryle IajvjC and sixtie ffour (1664).
" Item, Decreet following thereupon obtained before the Lords
of Council and Sessione At the instance of the said John McEwin
against James Campbell of Kilmune air at least Lawfully charged
to enter air to the said Archibald his father Dated the sixteen
Day of November IajvjC and eightie one (1681).
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The Big house Papers. 141
" Item, Translatione thereof by the said John McEwin to the
said Coline Campbel of Blythswood Dated the ffourth day of
Apryle IajvjC and sixtie fFyve (1665).
" Item, Bond Archibald Campbel of Kilmune To Walter
Watsone Nottar in Dumbartone for Three Hundred and ffyftie
merks Dated the nyntb Dav of January IajvjC and ffyftie seven
(1657).
" Item, Assignation by the said Walter Watson thereof to
Blvthswood Dated the fourth day of Aprvle IajvjC and sixtie ffyve
(1665).
" Item, Contract of Marriage betwixt Mr Alexander Gordon
Minister at Inveraray and Margaret Campbel daughter to the
deceast Archibald Campbel of Kilmunewith consent of her ffrends
therin named Dated the tenth Day of November IajvjC and ffyftie
one whereby Archibald Campbel of Kilmune her Brother and
Jannet Shearer her mother bouud and obliged them to pay to the
said Mr Alexr Gordon the soum of Two thousand ffyve Hundred
merks in name of Tocher with his sd Spouse (1651).
" Item, Assignation therof by the said Mr Alexander Gordon
to the sd. Coline Campbell of Blythswood dated the fourth day
of Apryle IajvjC and sixtie ffyve (1635).
" Item, Generall Charge to enter air the said Coline Campbel
against James Campbel of Kilmune to enter to the sd. Archibald
his Brother.
" Item, Renunciation by the said James Campbell to enter air
. to his said Brother Dated
" Item, Decreet of Adjudicatione Cognitionis causa at the
Instance of the said Coline Campbell of Blythswood against the
said James Campbell and the lands and Estate of Kilmune follow-
ing upon the forsaid bonds Dated the Eight day of July IajvjC
and Sixtie six (1666).
" Item, Letters of Horning at his instance against the
Superiors for infefting him in the Lands contained in said Decreet.
" Item, Summonds of Maills at his instance agst the Tennents
of Kilmune.
" Item, Act following thereupon Blythswood against the said
Tennents.
" Item, Disposition by Coline Campbel now of Blythswood son
and air served and retoured to the said Coline Campbel of Blyths-
wood of the forsd Decreet of Adjudication Grounds and warrands
therof Lands and soumes of money therin contained In favours of
Alexander Campbel of Barcalden Dated the seventh day of October
one Thousand seven Hundred and two.
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142 Gaelic Society of Inverness
" Item, Disposition and Assignatione thereof by tbe sd. Alex-
ander Campbel to Patrick Campbel his son Dated tbe Twenty day
of January IajvjjC and three.
*' Item, Cancelled Backbond be Colin Campbell of Blythswood
To Susanna Walkinshaw relative to the debt therein mentioned
assigned by her to him.
"Item, Discharge by John M'Ewen to James Campbell of
Killmun Dated the Twenty second day of January IajvjC and
Eightie fry ve (1685).
" Item, Discharge by the said John M'Ewen to the sd. James
Campbell of Killmun Dated the ffourteen Day of ffebruary IajvjC
and Eightie ffour (1684).
" Item, Suspension Campbel of Kilmun contra M 'Arthur of
{ ] dated in anno one Thousand six hundred and eightie
six.
"Item, Inhibitione Archibald Campbell of Kilmun agst.
Campbell of Arkinlas anno IajvjC and Twenty nyne Regrat. at
Edr. anno IajvjC twenty nyne (1629).
" Item, Act of the Lords of the Sessione Campbell of Killmune
against Campbell of Ardkinglass in March IajvjC and thirteen
(1613).
" Item, Assignatione be Campbell of Straqr. to John Campbell
his uncle of the Bishops quarter Teinds of Kilmune Dated the
Eight day of June IajvjC and seventie six (1676).
" Item, Recept of poynding James Campbell of Killmune
against severall persons for Teinds anno IajvjC and nyntie twro
(1692).
1 " Item, Tack of Teynds by Duncan Campbell Provost of
Killmun with consent of the Earl of Argyle In favour of Archd
Campbell of Kilmun dated the twenty fourth of July IajvjC and
two years (1602).
" Item, Obligation Coline Campbell of Strathquhar to Jannet
ffrazer Relict of Archibald Campbell of Kilmun ffor giving ane
herell. bond for six thousand merks Dated in December IajvjC
and ffourtie nyne (1649).
" Item, Discharge Hugh Campbell of Garrowcherran to James
Campbell of Killmune of Two Hundred merks of his Tocher, anno
IajvjC and nyntie ffyve (1695).
" Item, an Agreement betwixt Archibald Earle of Argyle and
John Campbell provost of Kilmun his Brother with Coline
Campbell of Balquhidder their Brother dated the twelvth day of
May one thousand ffour Hundred and ffyftie (1450).
1 This Item is added in the margin of the Inventory.
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The Big house Papers. 143
"Item, Discharge be J hn McEwen to Janet Campbell of
Killmune Dated the nynth Day of May IajvjC and eightie ffyve
<1685).
"Item, Contract of Marriage betwixt Coline Campbell of
Strachurr and Anna Campbell daughter to Archibald Campbell of
Killmun whereby he is bound to pay ffour thousand pounds of
Tocher to Strachurr Dated the Twentie first day of October IajvjC
and tfourtie three (1643).
" Item, Discharge be Campbell of Strachurr to Campbell of
Killmun of the said sum of ffour Thousand Pounds of Tocher
dated fifth Febry. IajvjC and fifty four (1654),
" Item, Disposition and Assignatione Robert Campbell of
Silvercraige To Patrick Campbell younger of Barcaldine of ane
apprysing Ledd at the instance of the said Robert against the
Lands and Estate of Kilmune which Dispositione is dated at Edr.
the Twenty second day of Apryle IajvjiC and two (1702).
"Item, Disposition be William Mcffarlane of Drumfade To
James Campbell of Killmun of ane bond ffor Three Hundred and
ffyfty merks of prinll with @ rent and penalty granted to Archi-
bald Campbell of Killmun to Walter Watson Nottar in Dumbarton
and to which bond the said William Mcffarlane hes right in
manner mentd. in the sd Disposition which is dated the sixth day
of December IajvjC and seventy eight (1678).
"Item, Bond of Corroboration fer the prinll scum of Seven
Thousand merks granted by John Campbell of Strachurr with
consent of his Interdicter therin mentioned to Agnes Campbell
only Lawful Daughter to James Campbell of Kilmun and Patrick
Campbell younger of Barcalden her husband fer his interest Dated
the ij and eigh tenth of Janry and third of May IajvjjC and fyve
(1705).
" Which wrytts and Evidents contained in the above wrytten
Inventar are delyvered by the said Patrick Campbell of Barcalden
for himselfe and in name and behalfe of the said Agnes Campbell
his Spouse to the said Coll Alexander Campbell of ffinab wherof
the said Collonell grants the Recept and obleidges him his airs
and successors to make the samen together with such Charters as
he has gote from the Duke of Argyle of the said Lands forth-
coming ffer the better enabling them to defend in any Actione of
Eviction that may be intented against him or his forsaid of the
said Lands and Estate now Disponed by the said Patrick and
Agnes Campbell to him, or that may be Intented against them as
representing the said deceast James Campbell of Killmun or any
other of the said Agnes her predecessors And as to such of the
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144 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Grounds or Warrands of Blythswoods Adjudication and Silver-
craigs Apprysing as are wanting and not contained in the Estate
Inventar the said Collonell Alexander Campbell takes his hazaid
of recovering the same from the Havers thereof and shall not
burden the said Patrick or Agnes Campbells their airs or suc-
cessors with seeking out or delivery of the same. In Witness
whereof Both of them have subscrybed thir presents (written be
James Ogston wrytter in Edr. At Fidinburgh the nynth day of
May IajvjjC and fyve years before these witnesses Colen Campbell
writer to the signet and Colen Kirk writer in Edinburgh inserter
of the place date and witnesses names and designationes and of
the marginall note).
" Co. Campbell, Witness. " Aler. Campbel.
" Colen Kirk, Witness. " Pat. Campbell."
Note by Editor Northern Chronicle : — James Campbell, the last
of the old lairds of Kilmun, died about the beginning of last
century. His only daughter was the wife jf Patrick Campbell of
Barcaldine. The estate was sold to Colonel Alexander Campbell
of Finab, or Fonab, in Atholl, who repelled Glenlyon's invasion of
Argyll, with his Perthshire Jacobites, in 1715. Barcaldine handed
over the evidents of Kilmun to Finab, as per inventory, on the
9th of May, 1705. From the many names of persons and places,
back to the end of the fifteenth century, it contains, the inventory,
we think, must be interesting to Cowal people, and useful to
Argyll historians. The parish of Kilmun — in Gaelic Cil-a-Mhuna
— has long been united with the parish of Dunoon, and, so to
sp^ak, lost in it. It was ecclesiastically of old the more important
of the two. Since 1442 the old Collegiate Church of Kilmun,
founded in that year for a provost and six prebendaries by Sir
Duncan of Lochawe, first Lord Campbell of Argyll, has ever since
been the burial place of the Argyll family.
NO. IV.
" Letter Anthony Murray of Dollerie to the Laird of Barchalden. '
" Sir, — Ye are at full freedom to be sharer in the stones ye
mention, altho I hade any view of use for them, which is not the
case at present, and I may even as yet name ane proverb of Scot-
land That the longest liver bear the burn furthest, so that I plead
with my willingnesse your taking what of these big stones your
occasions demand from any ground to which I have right. Janet
and I offer our good wishes to Lady Barchalden and your familie,
heartilie wishing you livelie and prosperous accounts of my
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The Bighouse Papers. 145
acquaintance your son George, amongst other your American
friends — I am, Your most obedt humble sent.
" sd. Anthony Murray.
" Dollerie May 25th 1727.
" James Conell desires me to inform you that I know Patrick
Mershall is provided in ane room by Cultowhey. James hath
hopes ye have ane vacancie for him : I believe them both to be
discreet men, and am vexed enough they remained so long unpro-
vided in rooms by their neighbours assuredly breaking their
promise to me."
no. va.
Letter from Colin Campbell, Glenure, to his brother, John
Campbell of Barcaldine, the cover addressed to "John
Campbell of Barcaldine Esq. to the care of the Postmaster
of Inveraray," and docqueted "Edr. 22 Feby. 1744 Letter
Colin Campbell of Glenure."
"Edr. 22dFeb. 1744.
*' Dr. Broyr — I have had so many letters from you that I'm
ashamed to own I have made so few answers : let this long scrawle
which I fancy will tire you be an Appologie for former ommissions.
" I ended wt Appine before he left this place which you need
not make a secrete of and have sent my Charter of Portcharran
to be confinn'd by Lord Glenorchy, which is not yet return'd : I
had many mo. difficulties to fix matters with the Laird than I
imagin'd but now all is over. I'm told you had some skirmishes
wt that country I hope you was not foil'd.
" I'm very sory for poor Pet. Cam. : it's a very great loss to us
all, Ld. Breadalban and especially Ld. Monzie are in a great
concern for him.
" I remitt you to the Gazetts for Publick News all Britain is
allarm'd wt an Invasion which is now past a Joack. Expresses
arrive here every day from London wt fresh orders and its asserted
that Warrands are given out to apprehend suspected persons,
particularly young Ld. John Drummond the Duke of Perth's
Broyr.
" Private news : your old Mistress Annie Campbell, Ld.
Monzie's daughter run off wt Lewt. John Menzics heir presumptive
of Appine of Dow a few nights ago, which has put that good
familie in great affliction.
" The Master of Glen, is much better, Jack is very well, My
Lady goes this night to the playhouse from thence to a privat
Bawll and tomorrow to the Assembly.
10
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146 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" This Parragraff for my sister Mrs Robison and all her good
familie are well. Peggy goes to as many Diversions as is necessary
for a young Ladie, but neglects no part of her learning in which
I'm told she makes great progress and is a most charming Dancer.
She is extremely happy in having Mrs Robison for her Guardian
who is an exceedingly good kind woman and mighty well regairded
here.
"To be forwarded to Glencrerin Ballevolan's Daughter is a
very fine lassie applys her schools very closs and I hope will
convince John that his 40 stots are well bestow'd.
" All I have to add for myself is that I begg you tell Allan
whom I hope you will not neglect it in case they begin to sow in
Gleniure and Creagan before I get home that he see they sow
right seed corn and likewise desire the Boumen1 of Gleniure by no
means to kill any calves of the cows that were double Isued2 on
the Straith of Gleniure, the Brown Bull I got from Airds is their
Syre, and I want to keep them, male and female.
" I assure you for all the stay I have made here I have not in
the least dipt in love hitherto.
" My kind complements to my sister Miss Robison and the
young familie and all oyr friends that please to enquire for me.
— I am Dr Broyr Yours "Colin Campbell."
no. v6.
Letter Colin Campbell, Glenure, to John Campbell of Barcaldine.
" Edr. 15th Novr. 1744.
" Dr Broyr — Just as I am writing this I receive yours and will
diliver your Commission about lease to Lord B. Lord Glenorchy
went of yesterday for London. I can say nothing of Mr DowgalPs
afair, only it has no bad aspect yett and you may believe I'm not
idle about it tho' 1 cannot promise for success.
" The judiciall Rentall was scandalous and to be sure for no
good designe but I expected no oyr from that Quarter. Your
letter to the Shirref was a very strong pathetick one and I wish
you wow'd write such anoyr as the scroll you sent me under cover
to me to be delivered or not as I see cause I have not yett seen
the Shirref but propose to see him tomorrow.
1 Boumen, herdmen or cattlemen.
3 Double Isued probably mavis having twin calves : all such Glenure
wished to be kept, in spite of the common bel that twins of different sexes
would not breed.
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The Big house Papers. 147
" Mr John M'Lachlan is come to town, but I hope he'll miss
liis errand.
" I wish you wowd send in the Shirref s answer to my sister's
Letter or a scroll, as likewise a scroll of the Judicial Rentall taken
loy Airds and Esraggan.
" I am oblidged to stay here to clear my ffayrs. Intromission
wt. the estates of Locheil and Clanronald, which accounts, as
Sandie knows how my papers ly, I have writt him to send me pr.
-express. I referr you to Sandie about his own affair of Corregeil
I was resolved to risque my Court on it.
" I am just now playing all my Polliticks to procure a Com-
iiiission for Allan in one of the head Companies for the Highland
Regt. but cannot promise for the success but will write you of it
.soon. I hope Allan is as diliigent for me at Gleniure and Creagan.
" James Campbell l the Lieut, was here one night, saw Ld. G.,
dined wt. me and went straight to winter quarters to put an end
-to the toils of the Companie. Senior Joanino told me upon his
parting wt. James very gravely he wowd be none of Cuticks
Tutors, that he had once acted for James Campbell and wowd not
disseart him, which I as gravely take to be a matter of no great
moment. I believe we'll get the brunt of the battle ourselves.
" If you resolve I shou'd do anything in that affair while I am
here I begg you send me in all the papers relating to it by the
-express Sandie sends me, and especially the paper of Judge
you got by Ld. G.'s letter if you don't they'l not overtake me here
James did not open his lips to me on the subject nor I to him
but I think 'tis xtime to do something in it now or never, Iff. you
-are not apply'd to to submit it Butt if you are not pray send in
ail the papers that we may have some advice and light in the
matter which James has and we want all this time.
" I begg you'll take the trouble to send Gilpedder wt. a line to
Duncan Campbell Lessmore to desire himself as well as the oyr.
Tennants to have all their monie reaplie for me when I go home,
jou may L elieve I'll be very well appetis'd for it. I have no step
but to clear the factor accounts. I likeways begg you desire
Allan to keep a watchfull eye over them in Gleniure and Creagan
.and to give proper orders about my Cattle both there and in the
parks of Bars and be as diligent for me as I for him, tho' the
success does not depend on myself.
1 James Campbell, the lieut., perhaps James of Glenfalloch, who was
appointed a lieut. in the Highland Regiment or Black Watch (then the 43rd),
on 25th Oct., 1739, and was killed at Fontenoy. The writer's brother, Allan,
.got a commission as ensign in the same regiment, 25th Dec., 1744.
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148 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" I heard some odd stories here of my Broyr. Dun.1 and Gibbie
M'Person about the litle Girle his sister pray desire Duncan to
write me the whole story as it happen'd. My best wishes to ray
sister and all your young familie.— I ever am yours
"Colin Campbell.
" P.S. — Tell Peggie I hear she's married and that I hope soon
to see her at her own fireside : what further occurs I'll write by
next post. M'Dougall will write you by next. He received your
letter this day."
Contemporary Letters on the Rebellion of 1715.
Prefatory Notes by the Editor of the "Northern Chronicle.""
Lord Glenorchy, whose letters to the Argyllshire factor of his
father form a very interesting portion of the Bighouse Papers, was
a man of high character and sterling ability. He was sent as
Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Denmark in 1718,
when only twenty-two years old, and succeeded in renewing former
treaties and concluding a new one. He was atter wards British
Ambassador at St Petersburg for some years. He was twice
married, first in early youth to Amabel Grey, eldest daughter of
Henry Grey, Duke of Kent. By her he had two children,
Jemima, afterwards Marchioness Grey, who inherited her grand-
father the Duke of Kent's estate, and a son, who died in infancy ;
and secondly to the younger of the two daughters of the squire of
Sugnall, in Staffordshire, who, subsequently, through the failure
of male heirs, became co-heiress with her elder sister of the Sug-
nall property. The son of this second marriage, the Lord Glen-
orchy who died in 1771, eleven years before his father, was the
husband of the pious Lady Glenorchy. The death of this Glen-
orchy without surviving issue opened, in 1782, the succession to
the titles and estates of Breadalbane to the son of the Carwhin,
who is chaffed about his admiration of his new sword in one of our
Lord Glenorchy's letters.
Lord Glenorchy does not begin his correspondence with Bar-
caldine until after the Prestonpans battle was fought. Apparently
he came down from England after that event, to act for his
father, the second Earl of Breadalbane, who was broken down by
years and infirmities. Before his coming, John Campbell of Glen-
1 Duncan, the brother of the writer, married Mary Macpheraon, sister of
Sir James Macpheraon ; probably the reference is to her. Their sister,
Margaret, married John Campbell of Danna,
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The Big house Papers. H9
lyon and John Menzies of Shian had made a bold, and not alto-
gether unsuccessful attempt to raise the Breadalbane men for the
Pretender, in spite of the old Earl, who was a douce Presbyterian
Whig. Lord Glenorchy tells how he refused to see Glenlyon when
he called on him at Tay mouth. The reason, which he does not
give, was that Glenlyon and Shian had sent, in an incredibly
short time, the fiery cross round Loch Tay in defiance of
his father's prohibition ; and it was suspected with the
connivance of old Achalader, the Chamberlain of Breadalbane,
who pleaded sickness in excuse of seeming negligence or
connivance. But, while the two audacious Jacobites were
able to defy the Earl of Breadalbane, they were thwarted,
in a manner on which they had little calculated, by the
power of the Church. Mr Douglas, minister of Kenmore ; Mr
James Stewart, minister of Killin ; and, still more fiercely, Mr
Fergus Ferguson, minister of Fortingall, backed by their respective
Sessions, worked mightily, in the midst of threatenings, wrath,
and manifest dangers, to array their parishioners in defence of the
Protestant constitutional monat-chy and civil and religious liberty.
The Church had in the southern Highlands become by this time
so powerful that lords, chiefs, and lairds found out they had lost
most of the influence they possessed and unscrupulously exercised
in 1715. But still the cry of Oighre dligheach a chruin was not
without effect ; and so the fiery cross was not sent round Loch
Tay altogether in vain. Some thirty young men of Glenlyon also
broke off from their people to fight for the Prince, five of whom
were killed at Culloden. The other 250 took up arms on the side
of the Government when the new companies were formed. The
strength was in the cause of hereditary descent, and not in Glen-
lyon and Shian. Both of them were "wee lairdies" in embarrassed
circumstances. Glenlyon, in 1745, had nothing of Glenlyon but
the ancestral title. He possessed nothing but the small estate at
the west end of Fortingall. Shian had nothing then but the four
merkland of Western Shian in the Perthshire Glenquaich. The
founder of his family was, strange to say, Mr William Menzies,
minister of Kenmore, a stern Covenanter of the best type, who at
his death, about 1658, left to his son John, the grandfather of the
Jacobite, the four merkland of Western Shian, with half the
village of Pittintrane, near Crieff, and some leasehold lands in
Appin of Dull.
Alexander Robertson of Struan, the poet Chief of Clan Don-
nachaidh, John Campbell of Glenlyon, and John Campbell of
Achalader were middle-aged men when they fought for the
Stuarts at Sheriffmuir in the wing of Mar's army, which, as they
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150 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
boasted, was not defeated. They were too old to take the field iir
1745, but the first two worked hard to set the heather on fire,
while the third got sick unto death. John Menzies of
Shian was in the '15 rising also, but he was younger than
the other three. Younger than all of these was James
Menzies of Culdares, who was scarcely of age when captured
with Mackintosh of Borlum's men at Preston. Struan, Glen-
lyon, and Culdares went to France after the rebellion until
they got pardoned ; and when he returned in 1718, Culdares, the
wise young man, brought back with him the first specimens of
larch plants ever seen in Britain from the Tyrol. He was, as
Lord Glenorchy says, " too cunning" — too wise he should be
called — to join openly in the 1745 rebellion, although he sent a
gift horse, the each odhar, to the Prince, by John Macnaughton, a
Glenlyon man, who was a watchmaker in Edinburgh, and who was
afterwards executed at Carlisle for killing Colonel Gardiuer when
he lay wounded on the field of Prestonpans.
In " Waverley " Sir Walter Scott made Grandtully Castle, in
Strathtay, the Tully-veolan of the Baron of Bradwardine,
and Shian, in Glenquaich, the residence of the Highland
Chief, Fergus Mac Ivor. He also introduced the real contem-
porary Rannoch robber, Do'ull Ban Leathan, into the story as a
Jacobite agent at times, which he truly was. We do not know
that any John Mor, descendant of the minister of Kenmore,
indulged in forays, or had a " Bodach Glas ; " but Archibald
Menzies, the son of Shian, met, in the retreat from England, with
Fergus Mac Ivor's misfortune. He was captured, but he could
not have been executed at Carlisle, because he was one of the
people specially excepted from the Act of Indemnity, and a true
bill was found against him at Edinburgh, in ) 748. His father,.
Colonel John Menzies of Shian, never returned from Cullodeu.
It was said that he crossed the Nairn with the party that did not
break up at once, that he was wounded, and that, having taken
refuge iu some hut, he refused to surrender, and that after he had
shot some of his besiegers, the others fired the hut, and that he
thus, like an old Viking, perished unsubdued in the flames.
NO. VI.
Letter Lord Glenorchy, evidently to John C. of Barcaldine,
but without address. It is docqueted "9th October, 1745.
Letter Ld. Glenorchie."
" Octr. 9th.
"Sir, — I am very glad you interposed in preventing the
curiosity of those Glenorchy people, who seemed fond of visiting
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the sacks of the travellers, and that you extinguished the sparks
which are beginning to appear. One Breadalbane man whom you
mention in your letter to John is of the right stamp. I wish all
the country thought as he does or pretends.
" I have heard nothing of Ld. Seaforth and Sir Alexr., but
that they and their men have been long talked of, but are pro-
bably quiet at home.
" Tis said the M'Phersons, with Cluny himself, are coming
forward, and that they wait only to be join'd by Ld. Lovat's men.
What makes this likely to be true is that Lady Cluny pass'd last
Thursday for Edinr. But, on the other hand> the delaying so long
makes it doubtful, and when Lovat hears of the troops being
landed, he may probably change his note. Kinlochmudert's
brother pass'd north two days ago, with 15 horses loaded with
baggage, got probably since the battle.1 The M'Kinnons were
some days ago at Blair. The D. of At. was to go to-day with all
his men to Dunkeld, and from thence to Edinr.
" I'm glad the Person in whom you say you are nearly con-
cerned resolves to be quiet.
4< Inclosed are the last newspapers I've receiv'd. I believe the
Troops design'd to come north may be at Edinr. before the end of
this month. Mareshal Wade is to command in this expedition,
and I believe Sr. Jo. Legoniere and Ld. Tyrawley are appointed to
act as Lieutenant-Generals. — I am, yours, " G."
Note. — "The Person " — Possibly Campbell of Keithock, whose
sister was John Campbell of Barcaldine's wife.
NO. VII.
Letter Alexander Campbell to John Campbell of Barcaldine, Esq.
"Octr. 11th, 1745.
" Dr. Brother, — I have received your's wherein you desire that
I tell Carwhin that his people are beginning to besturr themselves,
and I have since heard that M'Dougald2 is likewise turned light
in the head. Wherefore I beg that you deal with him to stay at
home if he has the least regard for his family, for there are 21,000
regular forces march'd from London the 21st of Septr. against the
Highlanders, of which 14 regiments from Flanders and our whole
army are embark'd from Flanders. So you may see what a
miserable plight these poor gentlemen that are engaged with the
Prince are in. I believe we shall soon be oblig'd to march, which
1 Battle, viz., Prestonpans, fought 20th September.
2 M'Dougald of Dunolly.
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I hope you'l keep a secret till I write you again. Your sord
[sword] is out upon command, and I shall send it to you as soon
as the command corns home, by express. Please make my com-
pliments to my sisters and all the family at Tnverargan, and I
always am, your loving broyr.,
"Alexr. Campbell."
Note. — The writer was a lieutenant in Loudon's Highlanders,
his commission dating from 8 June, 1745. Ewen Macpherson of
Cluny was appointed a captain at the same time.
NO. VIII.
Letter Lord Glenorchy, evidently to John Campbell of Bar-
caldine, but not addressed. Jt is docqueted " Taymouth,
14 Octr., 1745. Letter Lord Glenorchie."
"Taymouth, 14th Octr., 1745.
" Sir, — I send you the inclosed papers, the written one is sent
me from London. It is very odd to stir up the old story of
Glencoe again, and it is thought by some in Edin. to be done with
a particular view.
"Ld. Monzie went suddenly last Friday into the Castle of
Stirling, I don't know his reasons. I have had odd hints in letters
from Edinr. I don't know but I may be soon at Armadie. This
is the season of woodcocks. If I come there I'll let you know it.
" 1 have heard nothing of the M'Phersons, M'Intoshes, or
Frasers, only that the former were expected at Dunkeld last
Saturday. If they were come I believe I should have been
inform'd of it.
" I'm told two gentlemen from the Isle of Skie pass'd lately
thro Athol, who gave out they were going to Edinr. to settle the
time and manner of Sir Alexr. and M'Leod's men joining the army;
but that it was thought their intention was to see how matters
stand before they form their resolution.
" The blockade of the Castle1 is taken off so that they have
provisions at liberty.
" Shian finds a great deal of difficulty in raising Struan
Robertson's men again. About 130 soldiers taken at the Battle,
who were committed to the care of Shian, and were listed by him,
have escaped from his guard, and are gone into Stirling Ca^le.
" A small ship (said to be a smuggler) came lately to Monross,
and landed three gentlemen, one of whom is the Master of Strath-
allan, with arms for about 500 men, and some money. — Yrs.,
" G ."
1 Blair Castle.
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NO. IX.
Letter Lord Glenorchy, evidently to John Campbell of Barcal-
dine. Docqueted "Achmore, 25th October, 1745. Letter
Ld. Glenorchie."
" Auchmore, 25th October,
" Sir, — I send you (as yon desired) the following parts of the
-Glencoe affair described in the newspapers.
" I can see no reason for the alarm sent me from Edn. Ld.
"M. had some intelligence of an attempt to be made upon his
person, upon which he went to the Town of Stirling (not the
Castle, as I first heard), from whence he rides about in the
neighbourhood. His House has been since search'd for arms and
Horses. Of the former they found only one gun, belonging to
Lachlan, which they took away ; and of the latter they found
none for their purpose, the Ly. (Lady) having sent- them all away
before. When the Troops in Perthshire march, I believe he will
come home again.
" All who pass the Bridge of Tay say the Isle of Skie men and
the Frasers are coming forward, but this has been so often said
that I shall not easily believe it. Young Cluny brought the
McPhersons into Athole about 8 day? ago, and went himself back
to fetch more, which makes some think he will stay at home to
avoid future consequences; about 200 of his men have been in
Glenlyon forcing Culdares' men to rise, who refused it, unless their
master went with him, but he is too cunning to expose himself,
and has prevailed on Duncan Duneaves' brother to head them,
with whom they went yesterday willingly. Shian1 has at length,
with the assistance of the McPhersons, forced out the Appin of
Dol men, much against their will, and yesterday they all march'd,
" The Athole men were not march'd two days ago, but intended
it very soon, the D. being at Perth receiving some cannon,
ammunition, and money, landed somewhere near Peterhead in a
second ship from France, and I'm told a third ship is also landed,
but I did not hear where.
"Eight regiments last order'd from Flanders landed on the
11th inst. at Newcastle, and arrived the Monday following at
Berwick. The army coming by land from the South consists of
8000 men, who were, on the 15th, at Doncaster, Yorkshire, and
must be at or near Berwick now. There will be at least 14,000
men, besides the Dutch, who are commanded by Counts Nassau
and Schwartzenburg. I don't know their number, having heard
1 Sbiant John Menzies of Shian.
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only of 3000 being landed, but I suppose the rest are also arrived^
Marshall Wade, with the Generals Weutworth and Halke, and
Brigadier Churaley, command the British.
" I don't at present think of going further west ; when I do^
I'll acquaint you with it.
"Achalader is in* a very bad state of health, very much alter'd
since you saw hiui ; he has not breath to walk, and hardly to
speak without difficulty. When I came here he came iX * chaise,
not being able to ride.
" I wonder several who went North to bring up their men are
not yet return'd, particularly Ludovick Cameron and Barrisdale.
I think they have not much time to loose. — Adieu. Yrs.,
"G .
"Mr Drummond (Lord Strathallan's brother) my Banker at
London, is broke, with £700 of my money in his hands, which was
remitted to him out of Staffordshire just two days before he broke.
This loss, added to the difficulty of getting rents this year, will be
very inconvenient to me. If you know any body who can let me
have four or five hundred «£ on my Bond, I wish you could pro-
cure it ; the Interest shall be regularly paid and the Principal
when demanded."
Note. — Auchmore, near Kill in, was occupied for ninety years
by the two Achaladers, father and son, Chamberlains of Breadal-
bane. Both were called "John." The "Young John" mentioned
by Lord Glenorchy in his letter of 11th November, was old
Achalader's son and successor.
no. x.
Letter from Allan Campbell, an ensign in Lord John Murray's
(afterwards the 42nd) or the Highland Regiment, to John
Campbell of Barcaldine. This letter is so addressed and
docqueted: "Perth, 26 Octr., 1745. Letter Allan Camp-
bell."
" Dr. Brother, —This is to aquent you that I am in health and
still a Prisoner on Parole; we have the liberty of the town of
Perth and two miles round it ; we pass our time very agreeably,
their bding about fifty of us Prisoners and a great many of them
very pretty gentlemen.
" I never was so idle, having nothing to do but sleep, dress,
and walk. I believe such a life would agree very well with my
Brother Duncan.
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"Please tell Mrs Campbell at Drimouick that her Brother
Archy is in very good health, who is a very honest, pretty fellow.
"I have no news but that thar was a great many smal arms
and six pieces of cannon that came from France pass'd throw this
town last day, under ye care of the Duke of Athole's people and ;
some Irish men that were in ye French service, about 20 in
number, for ye Prince's use. Make my compliments to all friends
in ye Country, and to my sister in particular, and I ever am, Dr.
Br., your affec. and lov. Br. " Allan Campbell.
"Perth, 26th October, 1745."
Note. — Allan Campbell, with his Captain, Sir Patrick Murray,
and Lieut. James Farquharson, yr. of Invercauld, was at the
Battle of Prestonpans, and the whole Company were either killed
or taken prisoners. See Gen. Stewart of Garth. His Commissions
were — -Ensign, 25th December, 1744 ; Lieutenant, 1st December,
1746; Captain, 13th May, 1755; Major, 15th August, 1762;
removed to half-pay 1763; brought in on full pay to 36th;
and died a Lieut. -General in 1795.
NO. XI.
Letter from Colin Campbell (evidently Sheriff of Argyle),
to John Campbell of Barcaldine. It is docqueted
" Inverary, 10th Nov. Letter Colin Campbell."
" Dr. Br. — -The Duke of Argyle has at last given his orders to
raise the Militia. Such of the Deputy- Lieutenants as came got
their Commissions, and have by a sederuut of yesterday's date
appointed intimations to be sent to the several Parishes to have
on (I one) man on the twenty shilling land ready to come when
called for.
" General Campbell is coming down from Liverpool, with arms
and provisions, to head them ; and, as soon as he arrives, the
Militia will be called here. It's by the cess note the Militia is to
be levied. Glengyle came down thorow Cowal beginning of this
week, as it's thought to cover the rising of some men, which
alarmed this town, and occasioned the calling in all the Militia
hereabouts. He was last night at Duncan Brecks upon his return.
I believe there is a party to march this day of 150 men to inter-
cept him at the head of Lochgyle, but I reckon he'll endeavour to
give them the slip. The Edin. post has not come in yet. Airds
will give you all their news by the post, and, if I have anything
worth, I'll write you from Glenorchy, where I go to day to con-
cert about the Militia of that Countrey. I leave it to you to name
the officers of your own and my Lord Breadalbaners men in the
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Parish of Ardchattan. I think John Auchnaba would do very
well to be Captain over them. In my opinion, wee should make
the best show wee can, and march in all my Lord Breadalbanc's
men in a body, and order them all to meet at Clathaik ; but of
this wee have time enough to think, and probably I may see you
before they may be called, to concert some generall plan to
follow. The Highland army marcht from Edinr., as it's said, for
England, and accounts came in last night by express from
Glasgow that they returned back again. — I am, Dr. Sr., yours,
" Co. Campbell."
Note — General Campbell. General John Campbell of Mamore,
afterwards Duke of Argyle.
NO. XII.
Letter Lord Glenorchy, evidently to John Campbell of Bar-
caldine, docqueted " Tay mouth, 11th November, 1745;
Letter Ld. Glenorchie."
"Tay mouth, 11th November, 1745.
" Sir, — 1 received n letter yesterday from the Sheriff, dated
the 4th, which had, I suppose lain so long by the neglect of the
officer thro whose hands it came. He informs me that he has
received orders for raising the Militia, and that he expected
General Campbell there soon, wind and weather serving, which
was likewise writt to me from London a fortnight ago.
" When the Militia is rais'd, all in my estate must be on the
same footing with the rest, of the shire, and I hope my friends
who are to command them will qualifye as the Law directs,
especially if the D. of A.'s friends do it.
" A distinction would look extremely ill, and might be very
hurtfull +o my interest at this time.
" T have not heard from Edin. nor London for a long time. An
Express whom I sent ten days ago is not yet returned. I heard
accidentally from Sterling that as the man was going into Edn ,
he was heartily beat by some mob, because he had the appearance
of a Highlander, tho' very little of the garb. So much was the
face of affairs changed at Edn. since the army left it on the last
day of October and the first of this month.
" Great numbers of Highlanders pass to the North, 20 and 30
in a body. Above 150 have pass'd lately thro this countrey.
Some of them give out that they are sent back to form a Body of
observation in the North, others say they have leave to return
to take care of their own countrey, but 'tis most probable they
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have neither orders nor leave. They are all well arm'd, some
doubly.
" 'Tis now pretty certain that none from the Isle of Sky are to-
stir. The Frasers have been long talk'd of, and preparations have
been made for them on the road, but if they had set out when it
was reported, they must have pass'd long ago : about 140 of Glen-
garie's men pass'd ten days ago southward, and about 200
M'Intoshes and M'llcvrays from the Braes of Mar pass'd lately.
" A deserter yesterday said he left the army at Moffat, and
that they were marching the West road in 3 columns.
" Old Glenlyon came here yesterday. I sent to tell him to go
away immediately. He was in a chaise. Young John ask'd him
some questions, but he could answer nothing ; nor did he know
which road the army had taken.
"A disturbance at Perth has maie a good deal of noise,
occasion'd by some people of the town assembling to celebrate the
30th of October, and one man of the town was kill'd, and one
Frenchman who came over in one of the small ships with arms.
" The Sheriff writes to me that he had a letter from Berwick
telling that Mareshall Wade was at Newcastle with 16,000 men,
where he was to make a halt, and would be at Berwick on the 7th,
and that more Forces were landed in the Thames from Flanders,
Horse, Foot, and Dragoons. I suppose Wade will cross the
Coxintrey to meet the Highlanders. There is not a word true of
any landing from France or Spain.
" A gentleman from Edr. tells me that Sr. Watkin Williams
Wyn has subscribed a large sum of money jointly with other
gentlemen, who are known friends to the Government, for raising
of Troops. Adieu. Yrs., " G .
" Achalader continues much the same, too weak to go thro his
accounts, or to mind much business.
"My letters are this moment come from Edr. Tis certain
that Wade had 11,000 men with him in Yorkshire, besides 4000
more in other parts of the County, and that 30 ships were come
into Newcastle with Forces from Flanders.
" The Edr. Mercury mentions a Proclamation by Wade that,
whereas several people have been seduced into the Kebellion,
whoever returns home before the 11th of this month shall not be
molested, upon which 500 had pass'd northward thro Kilsyth one
day, and 300 the next day.
" I hear there is great unanimity and high spirits in London
being no ways apprehensive of an Invasion."
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NO. XIII.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy, evidently to John Campbell of
Barcaldiue, docqueted "Tayrnouth 3rd Deeemr. 1745 —
Letter Lord Glenorchie."
"Taymouth 3rd Deer. 1745.
" Sir, — I have received yours of the 27th past with the names
of the officers of the Militia. I suppose Carwhin was so taken up
with trying on his Broad sword that he forgot to send their names
to me. 1 think they are very well chosen, and I daresay the
young nameless Ensign from Dalfour won't degenerate from the
behaviour of his ancestors. I'm glad you are in a way of getting
quit of your gout, and that you'll soon appear at Inveraray. I'm
very glad McDougal judges so right, but Appin's conduct sur-
prises me a little.
" The Sheriff writes to me that he is inforni'd Glenoe is in a
treaty with Glencoe, and hopes I will put a stop to it. I desire
you by all means to prevent anything of that kind, and you may
tell Glenoe that instead of expectiug my friendship I shall be the
greatest enemy he has in the world if he should affront me by
breaking his promise to me, and no man with half a grain of sense
will engage on that side as matters now stand with them.
"I don't think there is any reason for blaming the Forces in
England for letting the Highland Army advance so far, nor do I
think their getting Carlisle of any conseqnence to them. I have
been very often there, it being my road from Sugnall, and I know
it to be of no force, the Fortifications being ruinous, and only 500
men of Invalids hardly able to carry a musket which is call'd a
garrison. Upon this occasion indeed part of the Militia of the
County was in the Town, and one Durand (who I suppose is an
officer sent thither for the present) declares that he would have
held it ten days against the whole highland army if the Inhabi-
tants had not obliged him to capitulate for fear of being plundered,
but I don't believe him.
"Lochiel was sent back with a detachment to demand the
baggage which they had left at Lockerby and which was taken
by the men of Dumfries, but before he reached Dumfries he was
recalTd to the army. Marshal Wade came from Newcastle (where
lie had staid so long in order to see which way the Highlanders
should take) but was stop'd by the snow when he was about 25
miles from Carlisle, and hearing that their army was advancing
towards Lancashire he would loose no more time by waiting for a
change of weather but return'd to Newcastle and took the Great
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Hoad (tho' round about) which leads into Lancashire in order to
follow them. Sir John Ligonier's army was within 50 miles of the
Highlanders and superiour in number to them, for I don't think
"there can possibly be above 3000 real Highlanders, considering
the great desertion, and those at Perth and that neighbourhood,
which amount to 16 or 1700 men ; and I'm told those in England
were joyn'd in the South of Scotland only by 2000 men at most.
" I saw a letter from one in their army at Carlisle who owns
that none have joyn'd them there but a very few of the lowest of
the people. If they should happen to push through Ligonier's
-army, they will meet a third army composed of the best troops in
England, and I do assure you that the very name of a Highlander
is detested by the people all over England.
" I have a letter from Col. Campbell inclosing a copy of one
from the General to him, in which he desires him to advise with
me about the officers for 8 Independent Companies, in which he
says the men must be listed regularly for a year certain or to the
^nd of the Rebellion. He does not say on what footing the
officers are to be afterwards, whether they are to keep their ranks
and to have half-pay, but to be sure they will be upon the same
footing as those Companies rais'd in the North. I have recom-
mended you and McDougall for each a Company in order that
my friends may not take the Lord's name in vain. Tell
McDougall of it, and let me know immediately if you or he have
any objections to it, for I find the Genl. expects to have those
•Companies compleated as soon as possible without waiting for him.
•Send me a List of some gentlemen proper to be Lieutenants and
Ensigns in those Companies.
" 'Tis said by all hands that McLeod has joyn'd Lord Loudon
with 430 men, and that his Lds. has 1400 men with him.
" Ld. John Drummond landed last week at Montrose ; as soon
as the news of it was spread about the Guns of Down Castle were
fired, and 'twas given out that he has brought 8000 men with
him. The accounts from Perth call them 800, and other accounts
bring them down to 400 and 100, so that they are probably few
and Irish.
" The Laird of McLachlin, or as some say one Capt. McLachlin,
went lately thro Strathern from Carlisle to Perth. The cause of
his coming back is not yet known, some imagine 'tis to bring tho&e
men after the army. • He was attended by 20 Hussars of the
Carlisle edition that is Angus men with Fur Bonnets.
" The Second Barrisdale was (I'm told) some days ago alone at
Dalnakerdoch, I suppose he went to Perth. — Adieu, yrs.
" Glenorchy.
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"I hear nothing of the Frasers, 100 of them came some time
ago to Perth, about 120 M'Leods of Rasa are there, Ld. Cromartie
has 200 McKenzies, Ludovick Cameron is there with the Camerons
who came thro Glendochart as also Stewarts and Gleneo's men.
There are Farquharsons and M'Intoshes there and some of Glen-
garie's men.
" This goes by an express to Armadie who leaves it with the
officer of Glenorchy, you may send your answer back, which will
be taken up there by the man on his return from Armadie."
Note. — The young nameless Ensign from Dalfour, probably
Barcaldine's son Alexander, who joined the Argyleshire Militia as
a Volunteer at the age of 16 about this time. Dalfour is near the
present mansion-house of Barcaldine.
NO. XIV.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy to John Campbell of Barcaldine,
docqueted "Taymouth 6 Deer. 1745 — Letter Lord Glen-
orchie."
"Taymouth, 6th December, 1745.
" Sir, — I received this afternoon yours by the Bearer, and I
suppose you've seen before now by my last that as soon as I got
the account from Inverary I thought of you. I'm glad I prevented
your writing to me about it, and I suppose there can be no diffi-
culty in it.
" I hear from London that the Duke of Cumberland is gone to
command the army which Sir John Ligonier was to have com-
manded, but he was taken suddenly ill, however he is recovered
:.md sut nut with the Duke. The army consists of about 9000 men
of old Regiments, most of them come from Flanders, and 3000 of
new Regiments, Two Battalions of the Guards from Flanders
are with them, and all our Troops are now com 3 over. Their only
apprehension at London is that the Highlanders will get into
Wales and escape them for some time.
" A French atrip is taken by one of our men of war and carried
into Deal, near Dover, having above 60 officers aboard, and 'tis
thought P. Henry is with them. Ld. Derwentwater is in that ship
and Kelly j and it was talk'd at London that Adml. Martin had
destroyed the whole fleet that was coming over, but this perhaps
is not true. Another of our ships has taken a Frenchman and
carried him into Dover but it is not known how many men were
aboard, and a rhird ship is carried into Leith with about 130 men*
There were arms and ammunition in all of them.
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" It is reported at Perth that Adml. Bing's ship was seen off
Montrose in chace of three French ships very near them.
"Ld. Jo. Drummond has about 140 men with him. There are
at Perth in all near 2000 men. Several Frasers pass'd lately
towards Perth.
" Loudon is said certainly to have with him 400 M'Leods, 100
Grants, 100 Guns, 100 Munroes, 100 M'Kays, 100 Sutherlands,
Capt. Sutherland's Company com pleat, about 40 of Major
M'Kenzie's Company and as many of Ld. Chs. Gordon's Company,
and two Companies of Guise's Regiment.
" Your Brother Allan is just come In here on leave for some
time. — Adieu, yrs. (Sd.) ■ " Glenorchy.
"I've sent two English and two Scots News papers to
Achalader to read and desired him to send them forward to you.
Tis the Laird of M'Lachlin that is come to Perth but his errand
is not known. Achalader is a good deal better.
" The Highlanders were counted at two Bridges in England,
and were a little above 6000 men. They have been joyn'd by none
since they enter'd England."
Notes. — Prince Henry. Not long after the arrival of Lord
John Drummond at Montrose with his own regiment and other
troops from France, it was intended to send another expedition,
which was to land on the English coast, and that Henry, Duke of
York, should accompany it ; but apparently before the necessary
arrangements were completed, Prince. Charlie commenced his
retreat from Derby, and the plan was not executed.
Lord Charles Gordon, 2nd son of the Duke of Gordon,
commanded a Company in Lord Loudon's regiment.
NO. xv.
Letter from Lieut. Alexander Campbell1 to his brother, John
Campbell of Barcaldine, docqueted "Corregyle2 6 Deer.
1745. Letter Alexr. Campbell," and addressed "to John
Campbell of Barcaldine Esq."
" Corregile Deer. 6th 1745.
" Dr. Broyr.,^This morning I was ashured that Barisdle with
700 men are to be in the Breas of this country this night with
what Intent I cannot tell, but it is belived with an intent to pay
1 Alexr. Campbell and Colin Campbell, Glenure, brothers of John of Bar-
caldine, and their cousin, Patrick, son of Achalader, were all Lieuts. in Loudon'*
Highlanders.
2 Corryghoil is in Glenorchy, about 4 miles east of Dalmally.
11
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a visit to Inverary : we are likewise told that there are two
thousand to com from Perth to join him and to come in a body
into this Shire Please receive by the Bearer a trunk with all the
Papers I have within it, which I hope you'l take the same care of
as you'l do of your own Papers if the Rebels begin to Plunder the
Shire (which you'l soon be informed of) I think you should put
your Castle1 in a pouster of Defence without loss of time and put
in all your own and friends most valuable things. I talk as if
•you was in perfect health tho' I know the contrary but I hope
you'l not neglect to cause Do it, and the sooner the Better.
Please make my complements to my sister and family and I ever
am yours till death. " Albxr. Campbell."
no. XVI.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy to John Campbell of Barcaldiue,
docqueted " Taymouth 15th December 1745 — Letter Ld.
Glenorchie."
"Taymouth 15th Deer. 1745.
"Sir, — If I wrote to you that Genl. Campbell expected the
Companies should be compleated before his arrival I certainly
exceeded my own Intention, for I only meant that I wrote
pressingly about them and hoped they would be pretty far
advanced by the time he came. Your objections to so much haste
are very obvious, and what I can give no answer to, for (as I
believe I mentioned before) I know nothing about the establish-
ment of them, no more does Colonel Campbell till his father's
arrival who brings blank Commissions with him, and will certainly
be desirous of raising the Companies as fast as possible.
" I will have regard to the persons included in your list as far
I can, but I am not sure if they will not exceed my property if
there are but three officers to a Company, for I have already
recommended Archibald Glenfalloch's Uncle, Jo. Campbell Ach-
naba's nephew now carrying arms in Sr. Pat. Murray's Company
and gleid Duncan to be Lieutenants, I will certainly insist on
young Achnaba,2 and procure him to be your Lieut., if no objec-
tion starts up to it (I mean as to being in that Company) which I
don't at all foresee. You say it will be difficult and take high
bribing to get men to list for a year or to the end of the Rebellion.
1 Barcaldine Castle, at the entrance of Loch Creran.
3 John Campbell, younger of Achnaba, got a Commission, and received a
wound at Culloden, of which he died two days afterwards, and was buried in
Inverness-shire.
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The Bighouse Papers. 163
I can't see wherein this difficulty lies, for I think it would be
easier to get men to enlist for a certain time for nothing, than to
engage for life in the common way for a considerable sum of
money.
" McDougall desires to know how many men each Company is
to consist of, what Levy money is to be allowed, what time will
be given for raising the Companies, and if the Officers are to have
half-pay when disbanded. He says 'tis necessary for him to know
these things, otherwise he may plunge himself into an affair that
may quite disconcert his present way of living if the Commissions
should be of short duration. These are questions certainly very
proper for him to ask, but impossible for me to answer at present,
as I have writt to him. He likewise desires if he has a Company,
that he and his friends may be freed from the Militia, which is
not in my power to grant, and wishes to know his subalterns, of
which I cannot inform him, and desires to have Creganich for his
Lieut, if I am not pre-engaged. My inclosed answer contains that
as I am desirous of serving him and his family, I thought this
might be an opportunity of doing it, but that I can't answer any
one of his questions because I don't know what footing these
Companies are to be on. That if he apprehends such a Commis-
sion will not answer the end I propose, which is serving his family,
he is not in the least bound by what I have done, and as the Com-
panies will certainly not be of long duration very possibly it may
not suit his affairs, in which case I shall be very willing to procure
him any Benefit 1 can some other way. This is the contents of
my letter to him, but I'll tell you that I have been very lately
inform'd that some difficulties may be thrown in his way at
Inveraray, I suppose for private reasons. The Lieuft. Col. in
auswer to my letter naming you and McDougall for Captains,
Duncan, Archibald and John for Lieuts., only says that he will
communicate my letter to his father on his arrival, and that my
recommendation will have weight with him.
" If you apprehend M'Dougall may be objected to, I should
really think it better to drop it than to start a difficulty of this
kind, since he does not appear extremely keen in it himself, and
very possibly it may not suit with his other affairs. I suppose
his desire of being freed from the Militia is in order to put those
same men in his Company, but I doubt if he can be exempted
from the Service of the Militia. 1 would not mention anything to
him of this difficulty, which I did not in the least imagine at first,
and possibly may yet be nothing, but if there is any probability
of it I really think you would do right to put him off it.
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164 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" Five hundred Frasers are gone lately to Perth as I'm
informed, and I hear they make the number about 2000, and that
there are about 1500 Irish landed in different parts. Old Looheil
came over with Ld. Jo Drummond.
" I'm told they are cutting a deep broad ditch round the town
of Perth and intend to put cannon on it when they can get them
over the River, but the boats are too small for them. All the
Country about will be ruin'd, they plunder terribly, and have
kiird some farmers who would have defended their Houses.
" I expect a man from Edinr. daily. Ill send you the News-
papers. By the last accounts the highland army was at Man-
chester at the south end of Lancashire, a most populous City
where are great manufactures, and yet they could get but 100
men to whom they were forced to pay 6 guins. each. And tho'
Lancashire is always reckoned the most Jacobite County in
England they have not been joyn'd by one man. The Duke of
Cumberland's army consisting of 9000 men from Flanders and
3000 new raised, were about 30 miles from them, but the High-
landers by going to Manchester turn d out of the direct ftoad to
them as if they would avoid them. Marshal Wade was marching
back southward slowly. I believe a part of his army will be sent
to Scotland. — Adieu, yrs. " G •— ."
Note. — The General Campbell referred to is the Hon. John
Campbell of Mamore, afterwards 4th Duke of Argyll ; his son
Col. C. was afterwards 5th Duke. The General arrived at Inver-
aray on 21st December to command the troops and garrisons in
the west of Scotland.
M'Dougail. — Alex. M'D. of Dun oily who was married to Mary,
sister to John C. of Barcaldine, and was restored to his father's
estate, which had been forfeited after 1715, by charter from the
Duke of Argyle in 1745.
NO. XVII.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy to John Campbell of Barcaldine
docqueted " Taymouth 18th Deer. 1745 — Letter Ld.
Glenorchie."
"Taymouth 18th Deer. 1745.
" Sir, — I wrote to you in my letter that I had a hint given me
of some objections that would be made to a friend of yours. I
have heard nothing further about it nor can I till the General's
arrival. But if there is any grounds to expect objecting, it would
be mnch better for him to decline it of himself.
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The Big house Papers. 165
" I've sent two news papers to Achalader who is to send them
forward when he has read them. 'Che Highland army is trying to
avoid the Duke of Cumberland, which looks ill for them. They
were pass'd all Lancashire^ which is the most Jacobite shire in
England, and were join'd by none but a very few Rabble. They
attempted to go to Wales but a part of the Duke's army got
before them, and he himself began his march towards them with
the rest of his army at eleven o'clock at night. They afterwards
turn'd short to the East which obliged him to march back, and
they were about 17 or 20 miles asunder, each within 70 miles of
London. I think their game was to attack him directly, but
probably they think him too strong. If they should march faster
than he and go to London, they will find an army there to enter-
tain them till the Duke comes up which must be in some hours
after them.
" There were 22 officers taken in the French ship which the
Sheerness man of war took, and with them is Ld. Derwentwater
whose Brother was beheaded in the 1715. Sixteen officers were
taken in the ship brought into Leith besides several Serjeants ana
private men in both : all of them Scots and Irish.
" Im told 400 Frasers are come to Perth, and that they are
casting a ditch round Oliver's Citadel on the South Inch, where
they intend to put Cannon.
" I've heard from Fort William that Lord Loudoun came from
Inverness to Fort Augustus with 600 men, and staid there some
days, and that he has 1300 men at Inverness.
" A man who left Perth last night tells me that 1000 men
with 8 Field Pieces march'd yesterday from thence towards Crief.
They gave out they were going to Sterling, but the smallness of
the Cannon is a proof they don't intend anything there. — I amyrs.
"G ."
NO. XVIII.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy to John Campbell of Barcaldine,
docqueted " Taymouth, 19th Deer. 1745 — Letter Lord
Glenorchy."
"Taymouth 19th Deer. 1745.
" Sir, — I wrote to you last night and sent you two newspapers
and acquainted you with what I heard of affairs. But I have just
now received accounts of much greater importance. An express
came yesterday to Genl. Blakeney at Sterling from Genl. Guest
informing him that the Highland army after retreating very fast
was overtaken by the Duke of Cumberland near Lancaster on the
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166 Gaelic Society of Inverness
13th or 14th, where after a smart action they were rorced to fly
into the town of Lancaster, and were immediately surrounded by
the Duke's army ; and that the P. and the D of Perth had escaped
with 100 Light Horse, and all the country was up in pursuit of
them.
" The Town of Lancaster is open on all sides, So that I don't
see how any can escape, unless some could have time to pass the
Bridge on the North side of it, and to break it down, but I don't
imagine the Duke will give them an opportunity of that.
" Lancashire is fatal to the Highlanders. I have just now
heard that part of that body which went from Perth on Tuesday
came that night to Crief and march 'd yesterday towards Down.
The rest came last night to Crief and tollow'd them this day. — I
am, yrs., " G .
" Upon recollection I think it very possible that my author
from Sterling (who saw Blakeney's letter) may have mistaken
the name, and that 'tis Manchester not Lancaster. This would
make no difference, only that the further south the harder for any
to escape."
Note. — Lord Glenorchy's iuformant was right: the Highlanders
were at Lancaster on the 13th and 14th, and marched for Kendal
on the 15th : as they left the town some of the English horse
entered it, and followed the Highland army for two or three miles,
but no engagement took place.
NO. XIX.
Letter from Lord Glenorchy to John Campbell of Barcaldine,
docqueted "Taymouth, 26th Deer. 1745. — Letter Lord
Glenorchy."
"Taymouth, 26th Deer. 1745.
" Sir, — I received this day yours of the 22nd, to which I have
nothing to answer. I suppose Genl. Campbell did not arrive at
In vera my so soon as was expected after his landing at Camp-
bell town, otherwise I should have heard it by a man whom I sent
there last week, and is (I suppose) detain'd by the Sheriff till his
arrival
" I intend to be at Inveraray next Wednesday, and wish you
could meet me there or soon after. I have sent three newspapers
to AehuLuler, wrho is to forward them to you. There does not
seem to have been any battle at Lancaster. The Highlanders,
indeed, ran away and very fast before the Duke's army, and I'm
told in a letter :hat the men ran and the Baggage horses gallop'd.
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The Bighouse Papers. 167
By their extortions, contributions, and other severities (besides
gathering Taxes), it seems as if they never intended to return into
those counties, where the name of a Highlander is now become
odious. I believe they were incensed at not being join'd by any
but a few common fellows to whom they gave great Levy money,
tho' the counties of Lancaster and Stafford are reckon'd the two
most Jacobite Counties in England. In Staffordshire the people
would take no payment for their Horses and Carriages with the
Duke's army, and they lodged all his men gratis. The Duke of
Devonshire has raised 600 men, and pays them all himself, he
won't take any money for it from the Government. His family
has always been distinguished Whigs, but 'tis a great deal for any
subject to do.
" I doubt if the Duke's Horse can come from Carlisle for want
of forage. If it is possible lie will continue to follow them, for he
has shown so much activity aod judgment in always crossing
between the Highlanders and London, and in pursuing so fast
without overfatiguing his Troops, that he is so beloved by them
they will go through any dangers with him cheerfully.
" [ hear the Highlanders march'd 30 miles some days, and
once 35 miles. I should think many of them would desert as
soon as they can. I suppose part of Wade's army will be im-
mediately in Scotland.
'" At Kdinr. all is confusion. The Banks are carried up to the
Castle, and people are leaving the Town again.
" The House of Commons have address'd the King, desiring
him to order the Provost of Edinr. to be continued in custody. —
Adieu, yrs., " G."
NO. XX.
Letter from Lieut. Alexr. Campbell to John Campbell of Bar-
caldine, his brother, docqueted "Aberdeen 18 April 1746,
Letter Alexr. Campbell " ; and addressed " John Campbell,
Esq. of Barcaldine at Dal four."
"Aberdeen, Aprile 18th 1746.
" Dear Brother, —I received yours this Day afternoon and I
understand by it that you did not receive the Letter that
Auchuaba wrote giving a distinct account of my misfortune. The
bearer of it was John McCintyre once gardener at Clifton. He
sett oiit from this upon the tenth current.
" But as I understand that that account is not come to your
hand I shall give you a distinct narration of my misfortunes, which
is as follows, Upon the ninet enth of the last month I was ordered
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168 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
by Coll. Campbell out with a party of Sixty foot and thirty Light
Horse from Strathbogie to Keith, which is six miles distance, in
order to intercept some of the Rebell Hussars : my subalterns
were Ardslignish and Petty Ardchattan, Robie Balivolan was
volunteer along with me and severall other young gentlemen, we
stayed at Keith all that Day and I myself with twenty of the
Light Horse rode out from Keith untill we came within half a
mile of Foccabirse and Reconitred the enemy's camp on Speyside
and all the Intelligence I could get the Enemy had crossed Spey
that evening to their camp, whereupon 1 cam back to Keith and
ordered the half of my party both horse and foot to mount guard
and made Ardslignish Captain of the Guard and ordered the other
half of the foot to ly in their Cloaths and arms in the Church
beside him : and he and I both planted the Centuries in the most
convenient parts from the town to the number of nine or ten, this
far I have given you a History of my Management in vindication
of my conduct, I sate up till near one in the morning at which
time I thre\\ myself upon a bed in ray cloaths and arms and just
as I was falling asleep I heard firing begun at our Guard House
door which was within the Churchyeard. 1 ran out of the house
and gott down to the Church stile, when I observed the whole
Churchyeard filled with the Enemy, but luckily their backs was
upon me. I drew my ^word and rushed thro' them untill I gott
to the Guard house. They fired severall shots at me as I passed
but missed me. When I came to the Guard house I found every-
thing in disorder, four of the men killed, the Captain wounded and
what remained of the men in the house quite inactive in their
duty. I told Ardslignish that the only chance left us now for our
Lives and Reputation was to make a brisk attempt to gett thro'
the enemy back again which He agreed to, we both Rushed out of
the house but could not make our post good. He was immediately
taken Prisoner upon his getting out of the Door, I stood longer to
my defence tho' I was frequently offered Quarters and my Reason
for not taking quarters v as that I was almost sure that I would
be cutt to pieces after being taken Prisoner which was at last my
fate, for a fellow came behind me with a clubbed firelock and
knocked me down, and then they slashed at me till they left me
in the miserable pickle I am now in ; for I gott no cutt while I
was standing except one across the Face and Nose. After I was
flatt upon the ground I gott a wound in the head, one in the right
shoulder, and a very bad one in the left wrest which is the one
now confines me to my bed, all the rest of my wounds are in a
very good way and almost whole. The cloaths I had on will yet
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The Big house Papers. 169
show how many wounds were designed for tne, tho' the number of
hands that were striking at me at the same time hindred their
blows from being so deadly as they would have been was there but
one striking at me and in the above situation did they leave me
for dead on the ground but Returning in a little they found that
I was not quite dead, whereupon they sett me upon horseback in
order to carry me away to their camp but after they had carried
me about a mile off they again threw me off on the ground for
dead and there left me.
" After they were away about twenty minutes 1 gott up and
wandred for about a mile till I perchance lighted upon a farm
house which I went into but the people of the house observing how
I was, ran out of the house and left it to myself, whereupon I left
the house and went into another house in the same Village, the
People of the house left me the same way as the former, but there
was a good fire in the house, and I laid myself down at full length
by the side of it which comforted me much, as I was quite chilled
with icold and faint with loss of blood. The Landlord was not in
the house when I came to it, came in then and seid the miserable
situation I was in wallowing in my blood by the fireside, He gott
water and washed my wounds and Immediately called a Surgeon
who dressed my wounds, all the above happened before daylight,
the enemy's numbers that attacked us by the best Information I
could gett afterwards were about six or seven hundred, so far you
have a distinct history of my misfortunes. Our own people came
by ten a cloak that same day with a Surgeon and gott me aright
dressed, In spite of all the care could be taken of me 1 was obliged
to stay for eight days in the Farmer's house before I wTas fit for
being carried upon a Litter for Strathbogie, when the Army
marched from Strathbogie I was sent here upon a horse Litter
where I now ly. God knows if ever I rise for I am in a weak
situation.
"I wish from my heart that it was possible that Sandy
Campbell, Auchnaba's Brother, could come here, was he but to
stay for two nights, there are three Rideing horses of my own,
and a servant lying idle in Glenorchy and horse ffurniture conform
which he might take the use of for the greater expedition, this is
ail I have to desire of you at the present which if you can agree
to will give me vast ease of Body and mind. Please make my
complements to my Sister and the rest of your ffamily when you
write them and I ever remain Your Lov. Brother
"Alex. Campbell."
Note. — The writer was a Lieutenant in Loudon's High-
landers. See note at end of next letter.
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170 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NO. XXI.
Letter from Colin Campbell, Glemire, to his brother, John
Campbell of Barcaldine, docqueted "Aberdeen 21st April
1746— Letter Colin Campbell."
u Aberdeen 21st Apryle 1746.
" Dr. Broyr., — I found your servant here whom I keept till
this moment to try and send you the best accounts I could gett
of the Victory gained by His R.H. over the Rebells.
" I have sent you a printed account which was the first : But
every account that comes here makes the number of the killed
and Prisoners more than the first. J have sent you enclosed a
list as was given up by an Express how [who] came here from our
army this day, whom I saw examined here in the town house.
The Argyleshire men by all accounts behaved gallantly and did
great execution in the chase. I'm told they had two officers and
20 men killed but can't tell the officers nfimes : Coll. Campbell i&
safe. It gives me great pleasure our friends behaved so well.
" We have not yet gott so distinct accounts of particulars, but
[it] is most certain it was a compleat victory and what I'm per-
suaded will put an end to the Rebellion. Numbers of prisoners
are brought every moment. It's affirm 'd the Pretender is
wounded in his knee and thigh and gott off in a Chaise towards
Fort Augustus.
" I will now give you an account of poor Sandie. I found him
just alive, and most miserably mangled, his spirits are better
since I came hear. I think he'll live, but can never be a firm
man : his face is much disfigured by the want of his teeth, but
his worst cut is in his Hand, which I'm much afraid will be of
little use to him. It's lucky 'tis his left hand. Lord Crawford
was so good as allow me to come here for a few days, I must
return to Perth in 2 or 3 days and design to &end Robie here from
Stirling to stay closly with Sandie till he carries him home. I
begg upon recept of this you send express to Robie to tell him
that he meatt me at Perth and let him know that he must come
and wait of our Broyr here : Butt att any rate he wait at Perth
till I come there. I hope you'll not neglect this and I think you
should write Bailie Dauskin the necessity there is for his parting
with Robie for a month.
" Ld. Crawford told me the moment I returned from this I
must go to Argyleshire so that you may expect to see me over
this or next week. — I am Dr. Broyr. yours &c.
"Colin Campbell.
u I send you Sandie's letter, which was writt before I came."
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Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a' Cheo. 171
Note. — Colin Campbell of Glenure was at this time an officer
in Loudon's Highlanders : his brother Robert was a young mer-
chant at Stirling. Lord Crawford had been the first Colonel of
the Independent Companies, which in time became the 42nd ; he
was at this time commanding a large force of Hessians and others,
located in the central dist) icts of Scotland — Perth, Stirling, <fec. —
and watching the passes. The party which surprised and routed
the detachment at Keith was one of 200 foot and 40 horse, under
the command of Major Glascoe, a French officer of Irish origin.
They were sent from the Prince's army, encamped beyond the
Spey. It is stated th*t only a few of Campbell's detachment
escaped, the remainder being killed or taken prisoners, and that
an officer, probably Ardslignish, 1 non-commissioned officer, and 5
privates were killed, and that 12 of Major Glascoe's party were
killed or wounded. Campbell's party was sent to Keith by order
of General Bland from Strathbogie. See Browne's History of the
Highlands.
Of the Argyleshire Regiment, John Campbell, yr. of Auchnaba,
was mortally wounded at Culloden.
[to be continued.]
9.6th NOVEMBER, 1896.
At the meeting this evening Mr Robert Stuart, 46 Shore
Street, Inverness, was elected an ordinary member of the Society.
Thereafter Mr A. Macbain, M.A., read a pai er in Gaelic, con-
tributed by Mr Neil Macleod, Edinburgh, Bard to the Society,
entitled " Beagan Dhuilleag bho Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a'-
Che6." The paper was as follows : —
BEAGAN DHUILLEAG BHO SHEANN BHARDACHD
EILEAN-A'-CHEO.
Cha robh suidheachadh aims am biodh an seanu Ghaidheal,
co dhiu ab'e aighear no bron, soirbheachd no doirbheachd, nach
robh luinneag no duanag 6rain aige a bha freagarrach air cor
inntinn aig gach am.
Mu 'n robh leabhraichean agus paipeiran-naigheachd air an
cl6-bhualadh agus air an craobh-sgaoileadh air feadh na Gaidhealt-
achd mar a tha iad an diugh, bha gach eachdraidh, ceol, bardachd,
agus uirsgeul, air an giulan air aghaidh o linn gu linn air cuimhn'
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172 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
agus meomhair an t-sluaigh. Dh' fhag sin na Gaidheil na 'n sluagh
g&ir-chuiseach, beachdail, agus fiosrach air eachdraidh agus bard-
achd nan linntean a dh' fhalbh. Bha mdran de spiorad na
bardachd anns na Gaidheil gu nadurra. Cha 'n 'eil teagamh nach
do chuidich an d6igh caithe-beatha, agus maise na duthcha anns
an d' fhuair iad an crannchur, ann a bhi 'g arach an spioraid sin
annta. Tha ea^al orm nach ann a' beothachadh a tha 'n spiorad
rioghail sin ann an Gaidheil an latha 'n diugh, ach a' basachadh.
Agus bu mhdr am beud e. Ach gu bhi tighinn a dh' ionnsuidh
ar ceann teagaisg. Bheir sinn dhuibh a chiad duilleag bho 'n
obair aig Raonull Domhnullach, no mar «bu trie a gheibheadh e,
"Raonull Mac-Iain-'Ic-Eobhainn." Bha Raonull, 'na dhuine
sunndach, abhachdach,, aighearach, agus 'na dheadh bhard. Chuir
e mdran ri 'cheile de bhardachd bhinn, cheolmhor, ach 's e gl6
bheag a chaidh riamh ann an clo dhe 'shaothair. Rinneadh an
t-6ran a' leauas do choille bhig ris an abradh iad " Grimsaig," mar
gum b' i fh&n a bhiodh ga dheanamh.
Grimsaig.
'S e labhair Grimsaig 's a' mhaduinn,
Gu moch 's i teannadh ri seanachas, —
Gur a lionmhor m' aobhar smaointinn
Bho 'n thainig orm aois 'us aimsir ;
'S beag an t-ioghnadh mi bhi tursach
'N uair a bheir mi suil mu'n cuairt dhomh,
An dreach a bh' orm ri linn m' oige
Fath mo bhroin e bhi as m' aonais.
Bu bhadanach, soilleir, sughmhor,
An cruth 's an ro mi 's an am sin,
Gu fluranach, duiliench, aluinn,
'S mi 'g elridh ri blaths an t-samhraidh,
Gu meurach, meanglanach, bileach,
Gu h-ianach ribheidach ceolmher,
Gu bocach, maoisagach, meannach,
Nach iarr 's an earrach an crodhadh.
Bu shlatach, cabarach, lionmhor,
Mo chuile dhiomhair, 's bu sheasgair,
Gu gallanach, fada, fior-ghlan,
Gu h-6ganach, d\reach, seasmhor.
'S iomadh boc 'us maoiseach tharr-fhionn,
Agus gabhar bhallach mheanbh-bhreac,
'N uair dh' fhairicheadh iad fuachd na gaillionn,
A thigeadh fo' m' bharrach gu tearmann.
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Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a'-Cheo. 173
Far am biodh cronan nan damh,
Gu croic-cheannach, corrach, ard,
Slios* air nach luidheadh an dealt,
'S trie a thug mi fasgadh dha ;
'S iomadh fear a ghabh air fath,
Air a tharr ri sail nan cnoe,
'S mu 'n tugadh e cheann a sas
Bhiodh e ri lar air a lot.
Cho fad 's a' rachadh duthar nam beann
Chuirinu-sa faileas mo chrann ;
Ach chaoohail mo chumadh 's mo ghreann,
7S chaill mi gach urram a bh' ann ;
Chaill mi gach buaidh a bha romham,
Chaill mi mo dhreach 'us mo shnodhach,
Chaill mi meanglain air gach taobh dhiom,
Chaill mi mo chaorunn 's mo chnomhan.
Chaill mi mo dhuilleach 's mo bharr,
Chaill mi h-uile h-agh a bh' agam,
Ghrod mo fhr^umhan anns an lar,
'Us ard a chuireadh blath bho 'n talamh ;
Ach dh' fhas mi 'na m' choille lomain,
Tha mi air pronnadh 's air gearradh,
Cha 'n 'eil geug annam gun lubadh,
Gu h-iosgadach, gluineach, meallacb.
Oran an Uisgb-bhbatha,
Chaidh an t<>ran sunndach so a dheanamh leis an ughdair
ch^udna. Tha 'n t-6ran so gle thric air ainmeachadh, " Cuach
Mhic-IU,-Anndrais,,/ ach cha 'n 'eil c6ir no buntuinn aig an dara
h-oran ris an 6ran eile : —
'N am e'iridh anns a' mhaduinn dhomh,
'S mi dol a mach gu m' sheirbheis,
Gu 'n thachair oigfhear gasda rium,
*S bu charthannach a sheanachas ;
'N uair thaituinn fhearas-chuideachd rium,
'S ann cuide ris gu 'n d' fhalbh mi,
Thug esan bharr an rothaid mi,
'S dh' fhag sin an gnothach ainmeiL
Ged dh* fhalbh mi air an turus ud,
Air m' urras bha mi smaointinn,
Gu 'm bu mhath an tearnadh dhomh,
Na *n tarainn a bhi saor uai' ;
Digitized by VjOOQlC
174 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Thachair cuid dhe 'chairdean ris,
Dha 'm b' abhaist a bhi 'n gaol air,
'S cho fad 'sa mhaireadh fairdein dhaibh
Bhiodh pairt dhe air a thaobh-san.
'N uair bha mi greis 'na 'chomunn,
Bha mi 'n sin a' togairt falbh as,
Ach fhuair mi e cho caoimhneil
'S gu 'n do dh' fhaighnich mi cia ainm dha ;
Thuirt esan " dean air t-athais,
'Us glaodh fhathast air an t-searbhanta, —
Lion an soitheach s61achadh,
Am fear 'tha 'n stop mar ainm air."
Ghnog mi mas a' ghurraich,
'S chuir mi cuireadh air an t-searbhanta,
Smaonich mi bho 'n dh' fhuirich mi
Gum faighiun bun a sheanchais ;
Dh7 fhe6raich mi co shloinneadh dha,
Ged cheileadh e de b' ainm dha,
*S ann thuirt e rium gu faoilidh —
" Cha bhi h-aon dhiu ort an dearmad."
" Ma tha thu 'g iarraidh edlais orm,
'S gu ;m bheil thu 'feorach m' ainme,
Gu 'm faigh thu fios mo shloinnidh
Le bhi uine bheag 'na m' sheanchas ;
'S mi mac na poite-duibhe
Bhios 'na suidhe am* bun a' ghealbhain,
'Se 'n t-eorna buidhe is athair dhomh,
'S i 'n atharnach mo sheana-mhathair."
" Ma sa tusa an urra sin
Bha thu 'na d' churaidh calma,
Cha chuala mi fear eallaich
Bheireadh barrachd ort an Alba ;
Gu dearbh bu deadh fhear gnothaich thu,
'S bu chomharraichte air falbh thu,
Bu dannsair math le fidhill thu,
'S ad* shuidhe bu tu 'n seanachaidh."
"Buleoghann treubhach, sgairteil, thu,
Cha robh thu lag no leanabail ;
'S mar biodh iad ga do bhaisteadh,
Gum biodh cuid dhe d' bheairtean ainmeil.
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i
Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a'-Cheo. 175
Dhuisgeadh tu na cadalaich,
'S gu 'n lagradh tu fear amasguidh,
'S gu 'n deanadh tu fear lapach
'Chur an staid an fhir bu mheannaichV
" D£ nis is aite fuirich dhuit,
No 'm bheil do bhunait dearbhte,
No 'm bi thu aig daoin' uailse
Mar bha thu uair dhe t-ainisir ?
'S minig a bhiodh fuaim ac' ort,
Ga d' chur an cuachan airgioid,
Bhiodh uisge teth 'us fuar aca,
Ri truaiileadh do mhac-meaninainn."
" Cha 'n fhuiling iad an trath-sa mi,
Tha ailleas agus anabharr
Ga 'n lionadh leis an staitalachd,
Tha aileadh sa ro shearbh leo ;
Cha leig iad ball na 'n lathair dhiom,
Bho 'n tha mi 'fas an Alba,
Ach fion, 'us ruma, 'us branndaidh,
Rud tha tigh'nn an nail air fairge."
" Tha 'n gnothach sin ro chruadalach,
Ma chumair uainn do chdmhradh ;
Theid a' chuis bho eireachdas
Ma cheilear air an st6p thu-«—
Ga d' ghlasadh ann an seilearan,
Gun choire tha e neonach ;
'S gur iomadh fear a theireadh
Nach bu bheag air thu 'na shedmar."
Oran an Acrais.
Bheir sinn aon duilleag eile dhuibh bho 'n obair aig Raonull
cbir, agus an sin gabhaidh sinn ar cead de aig an am so. Tha e
coltach gu'n robh Raonull agus an t-acras gu math eolach
air cach-a-che*ile, agus cha b' ann coirde bhitheadh iad. Ach
cluinneamid beachd Raonull fh^in air a' chuis : —
Gur edlach air an acras mi,
Tha theachdaireachd neo-inntinnach,
Gur trie a thug e turrag orm
An uiridh roimh am dinneireach.
Digitized by VjOCKMC
176 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Am fear a bhios 'n a dhraghaire,
Neo-aghartach, mi-dh\chiollach,
Cho luath '8 a gheibh e e61as air
Cha deonach leis a chuiteachadh.
Thug e na h-ochd seachduinnean
Air fasdadh 'n a rao theaghlach-sa,
Dh' fheuch e ri mo sporan,
Fhuair e cothrom math air fhaothachadh ;
Thug e gach ni bhuineadh dhomh,
A bhuileachadh dhe 'n t-saoghal dhiom —
Cha mhor nach tug e' m bas dhomh
Ach gu 'n d' fhag e 'na mo Kaonull mi.
Cha 'u eol dhomh fear do bhuitheis
Anns a h-uile cuis a dh' innsinn ort,
Gu 'm fag thu air bheag luiths
Am fear a bhios tu dluth do 'n mheis aige.
'S iomadh duine giulanta
Dha 'n d' ionnsaich thu droch innleachdan,
'S gu 'n cailleadh fear a naire
Dol air sgath na teachd-an-tir ugad.
'S eol dhomh cuid dhe d' chleachdaidhean,
Bidh fasanan ro rahiodhoir agad,
'S trie a bhios tu 's deifir ort
A* dol a dh' fheitheamh mhireanan ;
'N uair thigeadh tn 's an fheasgar
Cha b' fhear greisaid thu air sior-obair,
'S gur iomadh oigfhear beadarrach
A rinn do chleasan cllleag dhe.
'S corrail an am gluasaid thu,
Cha dualach dhuit bhi siobhalta,
Cha 'n fhaicear fiamh duin'-uasail ort
A latha fuar no shide math ;
'N uair theannadh tu ri miananaich
Bu diachainneach air chlbhlean thu,
'S a righ gur iomadh sgiabadh
'Thug thu air mo bhial na 'n innsinn e.
Tha mi 'n duil gu 'n d' theich thu uam
A bhleidein 's dearbh' bu tlm dhuit sin,
Bu trie a thug thu greis agam
'S bu leisg do dhol an Ire dhomh ;
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Sheann Bhardachd Ei/eana'-Cheo. 177
Cha 'n fhaic mi ball 's a' gheamhradh dhiot,
Cha b' e sin am do sMnnsireachd,
Ach ruigidh tu mi 's t-samhradh
Bho 'n '8 e uair bu ghann mo libhrigeadh.
Mo bheannachd do 'n bhuntata
Bho 'n 's e 'ghrainich bhuam a' chiad uair thu,
Cho luath 's a thug mi dhachaidh e,
Cha 'n fhacas bad a' bhliadhn, ud dhiot ;
Ma sguir thu dhe mo thaghal
Gur e sin mo roghainn iarradais ;
Mo mhallachd as do dheighaidh
'S math a' chobhair learn gu 'n thriall thu bhuam.
Chaidh an t-oran a' leanas a dheanamh le bean uasal, ghrinn,
thalanntach, Baintighearna D'Oyly, fior bhana-Ghaidheal, agus
deadh bhana-bhard. Bhuineadh Baintighearna D'Oyly, do
theaghlach Mhic-'Iir-Challum, Rasair. Rinn i m6ran bardachd
nach ro riamh ann an cl6. Tha coig dhe cuid 6rain anns a' cho-
chruinneachadh aig Mac-na-Ceardaidh— an " t-Oranaiche." Tha
luinneag bhinn, che61mhor leatha ann an " Sar-obair nam bard
Gaelach" — "Thainig an gille dubh 'n raoir do 'n bhaile" — ach 's
beag sin dhe na rinn i de bhardachd. Agus ged a rugadh 's a
thogadh a' bhean uasal, ghrinn so ann an teaghlach mhuirneach
agus ard-inbheach, cha d' thug sin oirre taire dheanamh air seann
cbanain a sinnsir. Lean i riamh gu seasmhach, dileas, eudmhor,
a' dion na Gailig, agus cliu nan Gaidheal.
Oran do Rasair.
Eilean ghaolaich, eilean ghradhaich,
Eilean anns an d' fhuair mi m' arach ;
'S ge do chunnaic mi iomadh aite
'S e 'n Clachan grianach riamh a b' fhearr learn.
Fior shiol Thorcuill a ruaigeadh fairge,
Nam birlinn caol leis an sgaoilte an garbh-thonn;
'S nan lannan g^ur leis an r^ubt' an targaid,
'S nan cuilbheir gteusda gu f^um an t-sealgair.
Sliochd Iain Ghairbh, an gaisgeach treubhach,
Cha d' fhag thu 'n Alba fear do bheusan ;
Fear laidir, meanmnach, gu cath na seilge,
'S tu d* fhag an t-ainm ged a b' 6g a dh' ^ug thu.
12
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178 Oaelio Society of Inverness.
Tlr nan gaisgeach, tir nan uasal,
Na Leodaich ghasda, ghleusda, uaibhreach ;
Na fleasgaich 6ga, gun smal gun ghruaimean,
Gu direadh bbeanntan, 's gu siubhal chuantan.
Tlr nam maighdean bu chaoimhneil failte,
Nam bilean m\n-dhearg, 's nan dexidaibh aluinn ;
Nan suilean dubh-ghorm, 's nan leadain f hainnteach ;
'S an anail cubhraidh mar dhriuchd an fhasaich.
Eilean fallain gur pailt gach Ion ann,
Nan gleannan grianach ; nau sliabh 's nam mbinteach ;
Gheibhte fraoch agus craobhan mor ann,
Bho Chnoc-an-Ratha gu Carn-nan-neoinean.
B' e sin an talamh bba rioghail, 6rdail,
Bu trie daoin' uaisle nan suidh' aig b6rd ann ;
Bha mais' 'us buaidh air gach lagan uaine
'S a* mhuir mu 'n cuairt air le luingeas she61aidh.
'S ann a chluinnte fuaim nam ploban,
Cluich air chlarsaich 'us fonn air ftdhlibh ;
Bhiodh danns' 'us ceol ann, bhiodh mir' 'us sp6rs' ann,
'Us fuinn air orain am measg nan nlghneag.
An am an iasgaich bhiodh mile seol ann,
Air linne ghrianaich bho thir mo sholais ;
'S air gach taobh dheth na beanntan mora,
Bho 'n Chuillin ard gu Dimcanna 'n fheoir ghlais.
Dh' fhalbh an uair sin, dh' fhalbh an tlm sin,
Dh' fhalbh mo chairdean, dh' fhalbh mo'mhuinntir ;
Tha daoine Galld' ann an tigh mo shinnsir,
O, eilean ghradhaich cha 'n fhaic mi chaoidh thu.
Iain oig Mhic-'IUe-Challum,
Mu 'n d' rugadh thu bha sud air aithris —
Gu 'm falbhadh uatsa do thuath 'us t-fhearann,
Do chliu 's do bhuaidh, 'us do lamh bhi falamh.
Seic thu t-oighreachd, reic 's do dhuthaich,
Bha aig do theaghlach roimh am nan Stiubhart ;
Ach 's iomadh cridhe bha briste, bruite,
Air feadh do mhuinntir 'n uair chuir thu cul ri.
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Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-tf-Cheo. 17$
Oran.
Le Iain Mac Dh6mhnuill-'Ic-Alasdair.
Eugadli Iain Domhnullach, no mar is trie a gheibheadh e, Iain
Mac-DhomhnuilVIc-Alasdair, ann an Uige. Bha e beagan
bhliadhnaichean 's an Reiseamaid Dhubh. Cha robh athair
dednach e bhi 's an arm agus cheannaich e as e. An deigh an
t-arm fhagail thainig e air ais do Ghleann Uige. Thug e fichead
sanihradh 'sa h-ochd aig iasgach an sgadain. Bu trie leis a bhi
aig an tigh 'sa a' gheamhradh. 'S ann air falbh aig an iasgach a
bha e 'n uair a rinn e 'n t-6ran so. Rinneadh iomadh oran agus
duanag laghach le lain. Ach tha eagal orm gu 'm bheil moran
dhiubh nach gabh faotainn an iris. Rugadh e mu 'n bhliadhna
J 797, agus chaochail e 's a* bhliadhna 1875.
Dh' eirich mise maduinn chiuin,
'S gu 'n thog sinn siuil ri garbh-chruinn,
Chunnacas diibhradh mor is dudlachd
An dam taobh Jn uair dh? fhalbh sinn ;
*S gu 'n sh&d i bras le borb-thuinn chas,
'S i tighinn a mach gu gailbheach ;
'S i ruith le sugh air bharr gach stuchd,
Ri togail smuid na fairge.
Bu mhath bhi 'n uair sin feadh na luachrach,
Shuas aig airidh Uige,
Far 'in bi na h-uain Js na caoraich luaineach,
Ruith mu 'n cuairt gu siubhlach ;
Mi fhin Js mo chruinneag ri mo ghualainn
'S deamhais chruadhach duint' aic',
Gach fear 'us gille ruith mu 'n cuairt,
'S bhiodh D6mhnull Ruadh le 'chu ann.
Sud an gleann is boidhche sealladh
Ann am maduinn reota ;
Le caoraich gheala, dhubh, 'us ghlasa,
Cuid dhiu tarr-fhionn, br6gach ;
'S bidh lair le 'n searraich 'm bun gach beallaich,
Suas ri srath nan 16intean,
'S a dh' aindeoin ^aillionn no fuachd Earraich
Cha 'n iarr mart ann crodhadh.
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180 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'S iomadh caileag chuimir, ghuanach,
Tha ann ri cuallach spreidhe,
Le cuman 's buarach dol do 'n bhuaile,
'S laoigh mu 'n cuairt di 'geumnaich.
B' e 'n ce61 nach b' f huathach learn an duanag
'Na suidhe luadh air cleithidh,
Mi-fhin gu h-uallacb 's piob ri m* ghualainn
Cluich nan nuallan &bhinn.
'S iomadb caileag bboidheacb, chuimir,
Bhios na 'n suidh' aig cuibhle ;
Sniomh nan rolag, seinn nan luinneag,
Bidh gach iorram bhinn ac', —
An snath is boidhche falbh bho meoirean,
Cothroin, c6mhnard, slnte,
'S am fait na chuaich air chul an cluais,
'S e togta suas le cirean.
'N uair bha mi 6g mu 'n d' rinn mi posadh,
Bha mi gorach, aotrom,
Falbh gu sp6rsail 'measg nan oighean,
Sud an seol bu chaomh learn ;
.'S an te bhiodh coir 's a bheireadh pog dhomh
Shuidhinn stolt* ri taobh-sa ;
'S o 'n te nach f uilingeadh ball 'n a 'c6ir dhiom
Gheibhinn d6rn mu 'n aodann.
'N uair thig an geamhradh 's am nam bainnsean,.
Gheibh sinn dram na T6iseachd ;
Bidh Nollaig chridheil aig cloinn-nighean
'S aig na gillean 6ga ;
Na mnathan fein gu subhach, eibhinn,
'S iad a' gleusadh oran,
'S bidh dram aig bodaich anns an fhodar —
JSogan orra 'comhradh.
Gheibhte sgialachdan ro bhriadha
Aig bodaich Hatha cheanna-ghlas ;
B' iad sud na se6id 'n uair bha iad 6g
Gu iomart bho feadh gharbhlach ;
Gu'm biodh iad trie 's an Eaglais-bhric
Ag iomain cruidh feadh ghart)h-chrioch,
'S cha rachadh brog a chur mu 'n sp6ig
Gu ruigte an ceo o 'n d' fhalbh iad.
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Sheann Bhardaohd Eilean-a'-Cheo. 181
Iain-Ic-Thearlaich far do lamb,
Tha sinne cairdeil daonnan ;
Tha thus' a' fas is mise cnamh,
'S mo cheann cho ban ri faoileig ;
Bu mhor an toileacbadh do phaisde
Gheibheadh blath ri taobh thu ;
'N uair tbig an gearabradb bidh ta 'n sas
Aig nighean bhan Mhic-Mhaoilein.
'S iomadh oidbche fbluicb 'us fbuar
A gbabh mi suas an t-ard-cbnoc,
A sbealltain air a' chaileig ghuanaich,
Bean nan gruaidbean narach ;
Olc no matb le lucbd ar tuaileis
A luaidh, gus mi gad* fhagail,
Phos mi 'n sin thu 's tbug mi uatb tbu,
'S bba sud cruaidb le Padruig.
Fhir a shiubbleas gu mo dhuthaicb —
'S ann a Uig a db' fhalbh mi —
Tboir beannacbd dubailte ga Jn ionnsuidh
Cbosdas cruintean airgioid ;
'Us can ri Seochd Jtba anns aJ Chuil,
An co-dhunadb mo sbeanachais,
Gur barail learn gu 'm faic mi 'gbnuis
Mu 'n teid an uir air Armcbul.
Oran Bhonapartb.
Rinneadb an t-6ran a' leana^ le Aonghas Shaw (Mac-an-Lighich),
deadh bhard agus deadh shaigbdear. Db' fbuiling e moran
amhgbair agus alaban, ann an iomadh cearn de 'n t-saoghal ann an
seirbheis a rigb 's a dhutbcha. Rinn e 'n t-6ran fearail so aig
criochnachadh cogagb na Frainge. Tha e air aithris gu 'n do
thachair Mac-an-Lighich agus am bard Couanach, ri cheile aon
uair ann an Tigh-6sda Dhunbheagain. Tha e coltach gun ro am
bard Conanach 'na luidhe air an urlar leis a' mhisg. Sheas Mac-
an-Lighich os a chionn, agus thuirt e : —
" Tha 'm bard Conanach gu. tlnn,
Air a drium an tigh an oil ;
'S ge bJ e phaigh air son na deoch,
Bbeir e biadh do choin Mhic-Le6id."
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IBS Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ach bha 'm bard Conanaeh cho deas ris fhein. Thionndaidh e
agus fhreagair Mac-an-Lighich, air ais leis an rami a' leauas : —
" Thug thu masladh do Mhac-Ledid,
'S dhomhsa cha bu choir a ohleith —
Nach fhaigheadh a chuid con de Ion
Ach na ni luchd 6il a sgeith."
ORAN BHONIPARTE.
Na 'm b' fhear-focail bhiodh giar mi
Gun lochd bhi 'na m' bhriathran,
Gu 'n innsinn nam b' f hi ach leibh,
An sgiala so a th' ann ;
Ma 'sa h-eachdraidh tha fior i
Thug a' phacaid an iar dhuinn,
Tha na naimhdean a phian sinn
Air an ciosnachadh teann ;
'S ann 's a* rahUe 's ochd ciad,
Agus coig-bliadhna-diag
Thainig naidheachd na sithe
Bho chriocbaibh na Fraing ;
Bha sinn fada 'g a h-iarraidh
'S tha Breatainn Ian riaraichte,
Tha na Frangaich air striochdadh
Le diobhail ar lann.
Rinn lamhaich fir Lunnuinn,
Agus cabhlaeh ar luiugeas,
Bonaparte chur an cunnart
Ged a dh' fhuiliug e stri ;
Neart laidir ar gillean,
Anns nach tarmaicheadh giorag
'S nach saraicheadh fionnachd
Fo shileadh nan speur ;
Rachadh dana ri teine,
Anns na blaraibh gu minig ;
Buaidh larach gach fine
Ag io^ain an treud,
Rinn spairn an cuid piostal
An garradh a bhristeadh,
Ghabh Spain! aich, 'us Turcaich
'Us Prusaich ratreut.
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Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a'-Cheo. 183
Gu'n d' illsich sirni " Boni,"
Ged a b' ard a bha cboileir,
Le ailleachd 's le olachd,
Le cbonas 's le shannt ;
Thainig beam' air a dhorus,
Far an d' f haillig am balla,
Chaidh am meirleach ri talamh,
Leis a* characbd a bh' ann ;
Cba robb stath 'n a chuid chanan,
Cbaidb a phairtaidh an tainead,
Rinn a dbanadas cearrail,
A cbuid fearainn a cball ;
Cbaidb a phalais a ghlacadh,
Le h-airneis 's le b-aitreabb,
'S tba 'n Spain air a creachadb
*S cha robb 'chaagairt ud fann.
Na 'm biodb tre6ir na mo neart-sa,
'N uair bba 'n rogaire ud glacte,
Ged nach b' bheo mi fad seachduin,
Cbuirinn acaid na cbom ;
Gheibbinu c6crach a nasgaidh,
Bbiodb na rdpan an cleachdidh,
Cbuirinn c6rd dbi ga tbacbdadh,
'S e gun tacsa ri' bbonn ;
Bbiodh a shedmraichean daingeann
'S a cb6mhla air a barradh,
Gun aon de6 tbighinn dhe anail
Ged Vobb theanga 'n a poll ;
Bbiodh a l&ne dbe 'n darach,
Cba bhiodh feuni air an anart,
'S bbiodh an rebal fo 'n talamh
'S leachd thana ri' thorn.
Sgriobhainn aintn a lic-san —
Fear mharbhadh nam fichead,
Ceann armailt a bhristidh
Ceann stuice gaub rog,
Ard cbealgair nam piotal,
Air an alachaig bu trie thu
Chuir am farbhas 'na d' dhrip tbu,
'S chuir e sgiotadh 'na &1 e6in ;
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184 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Cha V e 'n caiman do thiotal,
Cha b' e chalmachd bu mheas dhuit,
Rinn fir Alba agus Blucher
Do chuid isein a' le6n ;
Murtair arraailt na creiche,
Robair airgioid na Tuirco,
Cluinnear t-ainm anns gach litir,
Fhir nach d1 fhiosraich a' ch6ir.
Fear gun naire ,gun mheas thu,
Gun chairdeas, gun gliocas,
Gun bhaigh ri fear briste,
Gun iochd ri fear leoint' ;
Graine mullaich an t-sluiehd thu,
Tom gabhaidh na buidseachd ;
Bha bathadh 'na d* shlugan
Air son slugadh an oir ;
Cha 'n 'eil geard no tigh-cuspainn
Eadar Paras is Lisbon,
Nach robh 'meirleach 'n am measg ann,
Gus an ruigeadh e 'n R6imh ;
Ged a sharaich thu mise,
Le geard is le piocaid,
Chaidh aird ort an nise ;
'S fhearr fo 'n lie thu na beo.
Tha gach maighdean 'us caileag
Le deoir air am malaidh,
Bho na mheall thu 'n cuid leannain
A dh* aindeoin am bonn.
Gach og agus sean bhean,
Ri strdiceadh am bannaig,
Bho na she61 an cuid fearaibh
Bho chala nan long ;
Gach seang-bhean 's bean thorrach,
'■S leat fuidhleach am mallachd,
Thug thu 'n coimh-leapaich shona
Bbo 'm broillaichcan trom ;
Tha gach mathair 'us muime,
Leughadh gasaid na dunach,
Sgeula bais an cuid luran
Fuar, fionnar, fo 'n torn.
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Sheann Bhardachd Eilean-a'-Cheo. 185
Fhir a shiubhlas an rat had
Gu duthaich ar 'n athar
Air chul nam beann srathach
Far an tathaich an ce6,
Thoir le durachd mo naigheachd
A dh' ionusuidh nan coimhearsnach,
Ceannardan thighean,
Nach biodh coimheach ma 'n Ion ;
'S e mo dhurachd gach latha
Gu 'm faie mi sibh fhathast,
Agus deireadh mo bheatha
Bhi ga caitheamh 'n 'ur coir ;
Fhir a leughas an ealaidh
'N uair a bhios tu ga gabhail,
Bi toirt cuimhn' air an t-Seathach,
'S uisge-beathe ga 61.
Bheir sinn aon duanag ghoirid eile bho 'n obair aig Mac-an-
Lighich, agus cuiridh sin crioch air a' phaipeir so. Kinn Mac-an-
Lighich, an t-6ran a' leanas 'n uair a ghabh e 's an arm an toiseach.
Faodaidh cuid a bhi faotainn coire do 'n doigh litreachaidh a tha
air cuid a dh' fhacail aims a' phaipeir so. Ach tha iad air an cur
si os car air a* mhodh air am bheil a' Ghailig air a labhairt anns a
chearn anns an d' rinneadh na h-oiain so.
Oran a* Ghunna.
Tha 'n oidhche 'n nochd gle fhuar
'S mi ri uallach mo cheile,
Ga giiilan air mo ghualainn
Cha tuairisgeul br&g e ;
Cha 'n fhaod mi dol a dh* uaigneas
No chluaineis ri te/ ile
'S cha 'n urrainn mi cur uam
Ged nach d' fhuair mi bho 'n chleir i.
*N uair fhuair mi as an Tur thu
'S tu ur bharr na faille,
Bu bheachd learn gu 'm bu chliu
Bhi ga <T ghiulan gu h-eutrom ;
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186 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'N uair tharruinn mi thu dlu dhomh
'S mi 'u duil a bhi r&dh riut ;
Cha tuiginn guth dhe d' chanain
An Gailig no 'm Beurla.
Nach mairg a fhuair ri giulan
T^ ruisgte gun eldeadh,
A chaidleas anns na cuiltean,
'S nach ionnlaid mo leine ;
A chuireas feum air burn
Gu bhi 8giiradh a creubhaig,
Lo cudrom chupla phuund
Eadar uilleadh 'us bhreidean.
Bho 'n chiad la chuir mi snaim ort
Ohaidh maill* air mo l&rsinn,
Chaidh til lead h air mo chuimhn'
Agus buidhread air m' &sdeachd ;
Chaidh m' aigneadh uil' air aimhreit,
'S mo cheann troimh-a-cheile,
Nach bochd dhomh bi fo' d' chuing
'S tu gun suim dhe mo chr^uchdan.
Freagairt a! ghunna —
Ged tha mi 'n duigh gun storas,
Gun ch6ta, gun leine,
Gu 'n chuir mi roimh an t-6r
*N a do dhorn nach robh gleidh teach ;
Fichead guinea comhla
'N uair phos sinn le eibhneas,
Gur cinntcach dhuit an corr
Ma sa beo sinn le cheile.
Cha choir dhuit a bhi rium,
Ged nach cunntais mi spr&dh dhuit ;
Tha dollair dhuit ga 'n cuinneadh,
'Us flux air gach feill dhuit ;
Bidh muic-fheoil, 's mairt-fheol ur
Anns gach biitha do 'n teid thu ;
'S leat aran cheithir punnd,
'S do chuid leann cha bhi 'n eis ort.
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Annual Dinner. 187
12th JANUARY, 1807.
TWENTY-FIFTH ANNUAL DINNER.
The Twenty-fifth Annual Dinner of the Society took place in
the Caledonian Hotel this evening, under the presidency of Cluny
MacpherBon of Cluny, chief of the Society for the year. Cluuy
was supported on the right by Sir Jacob Wilson, Sir Henry C.
Macandrew, and Provost Macpherson, Kingussie ; and on the left
by Dr Alexander Boss, Rev. Dr Norman Macleod, and Mr Robert-
son, factor to the Duke of Athole. Mr Alexander Maobain, M.A.,
and Mr Alex. Mackenzie, publisher, were croupiers, and over sixty
gentlemen were present.
The Chairman, who was received with applause, gave the
customary loyal and patriotic toasts, which were pledged with
enthusiasm.
Mr Duncan Mackintosh, secretary to the Society, then read a
long list of apologies for absence, from members of the Society, aud
submitted the annual report of the Executive, which was as
follows: — In submitting the twenty-fifth annual report, the
Council have pleasure in reporting that the Society has had
another useful year. During the year 1 life member, 3
honorary members, aud 14 ordinary members joined the Society.
Volume XX. is in the hands of the printer, and the Publishing
Committee will endeavour to have it issued to the members as
soon as possible. The membership of the Society stands at
present- 32 life members, 51 honorary members, and 340
ordinary members. The Treasurer's report is as follows : —
Balance from last year, ,£25 Is 9d ; income during year, £136 7s
8d ; total, £161 9s 5d ; expenditure during year, £100 2s Id,
leaving a balance to the credit of the Society's account in the
Bank of Scotland of £61 7s 4d. John Mackay, Esq., J. P., Here-
ford, "has within the last month generously sent a special contribu-
tion of £5 towards the publishing fund, and during the year a
number of interesting volumes have been added to the Society's
library, including a copy of the " Presbytery Records of Inverness
and Dingwall," from the editor, the honorary secretary of the
Society, Mr Wm. Mackay, solicitor. It may be mentioned that
the Society's annual assembly in July last, presided over by Rev.
Dr Stewart, Nether- Lochaber, was the most successful ever held
under our auspices, and it is evident that the Society continues to
do excellent work ; and with a greater command of funds would
still extend in influence and usefulness.
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183 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Cluny, who was enthusiastically received, in giving the toast
of the evening, "Success to the Gaelic Society of Inverness,"
said — I desire very heartily to thank the Council for the high
complimeut they have paid me in electing me " Chief of the
Society " for the current year. I appreciate the honour all the
more from the fact that my father, who was much esteemed by all
Highlanders, was its " first " Chief, and that he continued to take
the warmest interest in the prosperity of the Society down to the
date of his death. .Re-elected as Chief for the second time in
1873, I find from the third volume of the Transactions that he
presided at the annual dinner on 13th January, 1874, just twenty-
three years ago, and proposed the toast of "Success to the Society"
in the old mother tongue so dear to us all. I regret that, though
I am conversant with Gaelic to a certain extent, I am unable to
make a speech in it, not having learnt it in my boyhood, and
since then having been so long absent from the country in the
service of Her Majesty. Followed as my father was in the Chief-
ship of the Society by such distinguished and patriotic
Highlanders as Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, Mr Fraser-
Miickintosh of Drummond, Professor Blackie, Mr Mackay of
Hereford, Mr Maclonald of Skeabost, Rev. Dr Maclauchlan of
Edinburgh, General Sir Patrick Grant, Lord Dunmore, Lochiel,
Mr Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail, Mr Munro- Ferguson of Novar,
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Sir Henry Macaudrew, Mr Murray
Grant of Glenmoriston, Mr Douglas Fletcher of Rosehaugh, Rev.
Dr Norman Macleod, aud Mr Baillie of Dochfour, the history of
the Society since its institution in 1871 has been, I am glad to
say, one of uninterrupted prosperity and progress. As you
are aware, " the objects of the Society are the perfecting of the
members in the use of the Gaelic language ; the cultivation of
the language, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands ; the
rescuing from oblivion of Celtic poetry, traditions, legends, books,
and manuscripts ; the establishing in Inverness of a library, to
consist of books and manuscripts in whatever language bearing
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and
the material interests of the Highlands and the Highland people ;
the vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ;
aud, generally, the furtherance of their interests, whether at home
or abroad." These are most laudable objects, and I am sure you
will all agree with me that right nobly has the Society, so far,
carried them out. The nineteen admirable volumes already
published, a set of which I am proud to have the privilege
of possessing, are a perfect mine of information regarding the
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Annual Dinner. 189
poetry, traditions, and legends of the Higlands. I am particularly
gratified with the exceedingly valuable papers contributed to the
transactions elucidating the history and old folk-lore of the wide
and extensive district of Badenoch, with which for many centuries
my forefathers have been so intimately connected, and in which I
am myself naturally so much interested. While it is very satis-
factory to find that within the last few years so many clan
societies have been formed with similar aims, although to a more
limited extent than those of this Society, it seems to me that these
societies are, as a rule, if I may be allowed to say so, given to
spending too much of their funds on social functions, in the shape
of various entertainments, such as concerts, balls, and so on, t he
results of which, although otherwise enjoyable for the time, are
generally very evanescent. It certainly would be well, I think*
if all such societies were to follow, so far, the example of this
Society, and devote the larger portion of their annual income to
the publication of old documents and traditions, as well as the
founding of bursaries for deserving arid promising young students
connected with their respective clans. Without further remarks,
let me ask you, gentlemen, to drink a very hearty bumper, with
all honour, to the success of the Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Long may it continue to flourish, and foster, as it has so success-
fully done in the past, the noble objects for which it was
instituted — " A' nise 6lamaid na h-uile soirbheachadh do Chomuun
Gailig Inbhirnis."
Sir Henry Macandrew proposed " Tir nam Beann nan Gleann 's
nan Gaisgeach " — (applause). He believed the person in charge
had endeavoured to compress this toast list, and had committed
to him the duty of giving a very comprehensive and very ancient
toast. It embraced almost everything to which they could wish to
drink upon such an occasion. It embraced the country and the
people in it. When they drank to both they drank to what all
of them felt in their inmost hearts ; they drank to the influence
of their country as it bound them, the ideals existing in them, and
to the memories that live for ever. His toast also embraced the
people of this country — and he believed it was a very ancient toast
this "Tir nam Beann nan Gleann 's n*an Gaisgeach"; it was also very
instructive, in as much as it taught them the way in which their
ancestors looked upon their ancestors, upon the kind of people they
believed themselves to belong to : it was a country of heroes.
The poet had said that the old times looked beautiful because they
were far off. It might be that their ancestors were not as great as
they were thought to be ; but was it not possible that they of the
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190 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
present day were better than they thought themselves ? But there
were heroes in this country, and they need not go very far back
either in history or traditions to find them. They fouud people in
this country living a great life in so far as they did it because they
looked to the high ideal behind them and wished to maintain it in
their own time. Coming nearer their own period, they knew that
during the last great war in Europe this country rose from being
an Island into an Empire. By our own right hand we held our
own against the whole of Europe. There were many brave and
great men then ; and he thought, considering their area, the High-
lands occupied the greatest prominence in the number of great
soldiers and great statesmen it gave the country. At that time,
as they knew, we lost a great part of our Empire, America — a very
thinly-populated and small country then — but while that was so,
we gained, mainly through the exertions of a Highland gentle-
man, our great Indian Empire. He referred to Charles Grant,
son of a not very distinguished family in Glen-Urquhart,
who rose up to be a great statesman, and a benefactor
of his country. Coming to their own time, the question
they should ask themselves was, were they worthy of the Past ?
Why were their ancestors heroes? He would say first because
they felt the influence and associations of the glorious country in
which they lived. Then they looked always to a high ideal — it
might be to a family, a chief, a clan, but still it was something
above the man himself, something for which he lived above his
own life, and for which he was willing to sacrifice his life to gain —
not those material concerns upon which, he was afraid, they at the
present day placed too high a value. That, he thought, was why
the people of old called themselves heroes ; and it was only by
keeping some high ideal before them that they could in some
degree become worthy of those associations. He concluded by
giving them this ancient toast, and called upon the company to
drink it with Highland honours.
Provost Macpherson, Kingussie, in replying,, said that he
appreciated very highly indeed the honour of being asked to
respond to the very important toast so eloquently proposed by
Sir Henry Macandrew. If he remembered rightly, this was the
first occasion on which "Tir nam Beann nan Gleann 's nan
Gaisgeach" had been proposed afra dinner of the Society, and no
more appropriate toast could, he thought, be given at such a
gathering of Highlanders. The very name "Tir nam Beann"
stirred up in their hearts tender and bubdued memories of bygone
days, and recalled many of the most pleasant associations of their
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene. 191
lives. Mr Macpherson delivered a lengthy reply, and in con-
clusion he expressed the hope that " Tir nam Beann " would in
future be given an honourable place in the toast-list of the
Society dinners, and that it would be always as ably proposed, and
as heartily received, as it had been that evening.
A number of other toast6 were proposed and heartily responded
to. Gaelic and English songs were sung, and the Society's piper,
Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie, played appropriate pipe music
at the dinner and between the toasts.
28th JANUARY, 1897.
At the meeting this evening Mr R. Paterson, Town Chamber-
lain, Inverness, and Mr H. M. Graham, solicitor, Inverness, were
elected ordinary members of the Society. Thereafter Mr A.
Macbain, M.A., read a paper entitled " Mr Skene v. Dr Skene."
The paper was as follows : —
MR SKENE VERSUS DR SKENE.
My reason for writing a paper appealing from " Skene Young"
to " Skene Old" is due to the fact that the popular historian and
the clan controversialist prefer Dr Skene's earlier work of 1837 to
his maturer work of forty years later on " Celtic Scotland," or, at
any rate, quote the two works as of equal value. Hence blunders
about " maormors," cadet " toiseachs," and the Culdee Church are
repeated, and the authority of the earlier book is cited to bolster
up a genealogy, such as that of the Macdonalds as against the Mao-
ri ougalls, while the later work has quietly corrected the errors of
the first book, and makes the Macdougalls, for instance, the
eldest descendants of Somerled, as they undoubtedly are. The
reason why the earlier book is popular, and the later book is not,
is simple enough : the work on the " Highlanders" is a youthful
production, full of the cock-sureness and consequent clearness and
easy reading characteristic of youth. " Celtic Scotland" is, in the
words of the poet, "sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought;"
it is a learned, laborious work in three portly volumes, with
infinite notes and references, balanced arguments, and con-
structive theories reasoned out before the reader's eyes — a difficult
book to read, and, for most readers, a difficult book to understand.
It deals with clan origins in a generalised and scientific way,
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192 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
whereas the early book treats each clan by itself, and gives a
short sketch of the leading clans to the number of about thirty.
Over the one book hangs as an atmosphere the certainty of youth,
over the other the hesitation and caution of age. And the public
naturally prefer the former.
A more serious point on which the influence of Skene has been
harmful and will be so for some time to come is the ethnology of
early Scotland. The views which he held on the origin and
language of the Picts and on the Scottic conquest of 843 were
revolutionary in the extreme : they were a reversal of all docu-
mentary and traditional history, and the only other historian
before him who maintained similar views, and who in fact was
the originator of the new theories, was Pinkerton, who in his
"Enquiry into the History of Scotland" in 1789, glorified the
Picts and depressed the Dalriads. Skene worked out his
" uniform itarian" theory of Scottish ethnology wherein the Picts
are proved to be the direct ancestors, genealogically and linguisti-
cally, of the present-day Highlanders : there was no change in
the language or race made in the 8th and 9th centuries of our era
in Northern Scotland, as the former historians maintained. This
plausible but revolutionary theory has completely captivated the
popular historians and other writers on historic subjects in Scotland.
In fact they do not seem to know now that Skene's views are
revolutionary. Fordun in the 14th century formulated the old
and orthodox view of Scottish history wherein the Scots conquered
the Picts and imposed their language on Pictland ; . Wyntoun
put the same history into Scottish rhyme ; Boece overlarded it
with fables and fictions ; Buchanan embalmed it in Livian Latin ;
Father Innes in 1729 put it on a scientific footing, making the
Picts simply the " Painted" Britons and kin to the Cymry in
language ; and Chalmers made it encyclopaedic in his "Caledonia,"
adopting Innes' " British" view. But Pinkerton and Skene
changed all that, and the worst of it is that the general reading
and intelligent public have not observed that these two authors
have revolutionised early Scottish history. For instance, the
" County Histories" now in course of publication by Blackwood
have one and all hitherto accepted Skene's views as a matter of
course, seemingly never having any idea that another and older
view existed. And yet the older view is the one which now Celtic
scholars here and on the Continent hold with more or less modifi-
cations.
A few words as to the life-history of Dr Skene are not out of
place in considering his earlier and later work. William Forbes
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene. 193
Skene was born in 1809, the same year as Gladstone and Tenny-
son : a Highlander, too, by birth, which took place at Inverie of
Knoydart, on the Glengarry estates. His father was James
Skene of Rubislaw, near Aberdeen, Scott's great friend, a lawyer
and litterateur ; his mother was a daughter of Sir William Forbes
of Pitsligo. He received his e arly education at Edinburgh High
School, and even at this early stage devoted attention to Gaelic,
which was all the easier, as he was connected maternally with the
Glengarry family. Besides, he was, on Scott's suggestion, boarded
for a time with Dr Mackintosh Mackay in Laggan. These facts
account for his bias in after days towards the families of Cluny
and Glengarry as against Mackintosh and Clanranald. Tn 1824
he went to Germany with his brother, where he acquired a taste
for philology, which, however, never passed the amateur stage.
Thereafter he passed a session at St Andrews, then served his
legal apprenticeship with Sir William Jardine, his uncle, and
became W.S. in 1832. He practised as W.S. for forty yearR, and
soon after passing for the title he became clerk of the bills in the
bill chamber of the Court of Session, an office which he held till
1865. During the later portion of his life he devoted himself, in
the comparative freedom which he attained from his business cares
and engagements, to putting his thoughts and researches into
Scoto-Celtic history into shape, and " Celtic Scotland " appeared
in 1876-1880, his magnum opus. He never married; he took a
great interest in religious and church matters, being an Episcopalian
in church politics.
His first book was the " Highlanders of Scotland," published
in 1837. It was a youthful essay, written for the Highland
Society, whose prixe it won. It has nothing of the grasp and
accuracy of another work published then by nearly as young a
man as himself — I mean Gregory's "Western Isles," a book which
is still a standard authority, while Skene's work ought to be
obsolete. Skene's next considerable work was the Introduction
to the Dean of Lismore's Book in 1862. Here he maintained the
general authenticity of Macpherson's " Ossian," and in so doing
attacked the early history of the Irish annals, drawing a line
across the historic page at 483 a.d., the date of the Battle of
Ocha, where the Hy Neill vindicated their claim to the Irish head
kingship. It may be said at once, to use a well-known phrase,
that it would surpass the wit of man to draw any sueh line with)
any regard to the character of these annals; old Tigernaoh (a.Dv
1088) proposed to draw such a line at Cimbaeth in 305 bjq\, with
almost equal justice. Where fiction and artificial chronology end
13
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194 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and fact and correct dates begin is impossible to say within two
or three hundred years or more. Nor does it aftect Macpherson's
fictitious and factitious history; he sins against the literature of
the race — the history embalmed therein and never departed from
before or after Ocha ; and no attack on the genuineness of that
history can get over the fact that Macpherson's history is made
up of his own ignorance and invention. In 1868 Skene published in
two volumes " The Four Ancient Books of Wales," where he
displays his besetting tendency to accept documents as belonging
to the time at. which they pretend to have been written, though
appearing, as in this case, in MSS. six hundred years later. His
" Chronicles of the Picts and Scots " is a valuable work, where all
the MS. materials of British and Irish origin bearing on the history
of Scotland anterior to Malcolm Ceannmore are brought together
The introduction describes the material and its sources, and
propounds his well-known views on the descent of the Dalriadic
monarchs. He edited Fordun for the " Scottish Historians "
series, and also Reeves's " Adamnan." His great work on " Celtic
Scotland " appeared in successive volumes in 1876-1880, forty
years after the "Highlanders of Scotland." Skene was made
D.C.L. in 1879, and succeeded Burton in the honorary office of
histriographer royal for Scotland in 1881. He died at Edinburgh
in August, 1892.
Skene's genius is constructive, not critical ; and in the present
state of our historic material it is criticism that is wanted, His
proneness to accept the professed date of a composition, despite
the lateness of its appearance in MS., is fatal in Celtic studies.
His glorification of the Albanic Duan is a case in point : it pro-
fesses to be composed for Malcolm Ceannmore, but it appears only
in late MSS., its language is late Middle Irish, and, in fact, its
composition is at least three hundred years later than it professes
— a poor manufacture of the 14th century at the earliest. Yet
Skene bases his great theory of the disappearance of the Dalriadic
kingdom in the 8th and early 9th century upon it and Flann ;
and Flann, too, is not the real Flann who died in 1056, or else he
is able to record events for 73 years after his own death ! The
use which Flann's continuator makes of the expression "ri
Alban" is the cause of the whole confusion. The four or five last
kings before Kenneth Mac Alpin whom he gives were kings of
Pictland, not of Dalriada, or even Alba ; but they were kings in
Alba coeval with the Irish monarchs whom he mentions. Skene
ought to have remembered that the Mormaers of Moray are called
kings of Alban when Malcolm Mac Kenneth was really the king —
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 195
Finlay in 1020 and his nephew Malcolm in 1029. In fact, Skeno
himself blundered sadly on this very point in 1837. Against all
history and tradition he insisted that Malcolm, Mormaer of Moray,
was king of Scotland from 1004 to 1029, simply because the
Annals of Ulster record his death in 1029 as ri Alban: So Flann
lias to be reiki critically, and the Albanic Duan simply puts
Flann's kings down, omitting four, with dates of reigns, which, as
vie shall see, are simply absurd for the first part of the 9th
century. Dr John Mackintosh,' author of the " History of Civili-
sation in Scotland," says bluntly but truly of Skene : — " He was
very industrious and painstaking ; but his mind was narrow and
glimmering. He had no philosophic grasp, and very little of the
•critical faculty."
For the questions which he essayed to clear up — the early
history and ethnology of Scotland — he lacked two absolute
•essentials : he knew no scientific philology, in which his work is
no great advance on Chalmers ; and he had no equipment at all
in anthropology, so that he was quite unable to appreciate the
profound significance of the Pictish law of succession or heirship
through females. He made no use of archaeological results : he
depended entirely on literary documents. The Celtic language
and Celtic culture belong, as we now know, to the wider Indo-
European or Aryan area, full cousins to Latin, Greek, and
Teutonic early civilisation. This itself is enlightening, but it
does not enlighten Skene's pages, who seems to regard the Celticised
Picts as aborigines, and whose comparisons of their early customs
.are made, though daintily, to Kaffir tribes and Indian clans.
Where did the Celts come from, and who inhabited Britain before
them ? How did the Scots come to Ireland, and when ? We look
in vain for an answer in Skene. True, he speaks vaguely of an
Iberian foundation, and, in 1862, he maintained that the Feinn
were the ancient inhabitants of Ireland, Britain, and Lochlann
(Denmark and Scandinavia), and in Scotland he argued that these
were latterly the Cruthnigh or Picts. These Cruthnigh he saw
•everywhere ; he filled Ulster with them, and " bagged" for them
all the heroic figures of Gaelic myth and legend — Cuchulainn,
Fionn, and the rest
The Pictish succession he regarded in his earlier work as a
variation of the ordinary Celtic or Gaelic tanist law. Among the
•Gael a son did not necessarily succeed a father : if the son were
young, or anyways incompetent, he did not succeed ab once, and
in the latter case not at all The tanistear, or next heir, suc-
ceeded, or an election was held, and the chief or king appointed
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196 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
from the male meml>ers of the royal or chief family. In shorty
succession was in the male line of the royal or chiefs family, but
it was elective. A far out cousin might succeed, though it rarely
was the case. This is far from being the Pictish rule. Their
succession was through the females : a prince succeeded to the
throne because his mother was royal through her ^mother. His
heir was either his brother, by the mother's side, or his sister's
son. In any case, the right of succession passed to his sister,
whose son was the real heir. Her daughter again carried on the
succession. This system of succession prevailed among the people
as well ; all property descended through females. Now, what is
the meaning of this extraordinary custom ? It is thoroughly non-
Celtic, and indeed non-European in historic times otherwise.
Such succession, however, is well known outside Europe among
barbarian and savage tribes. The explanation given by many
modern scholars is that the Picts were a non-Celtic and pre-Celtio
race, still enduring in Scotland, and having a primitive marriage
system, where only maternity was certain, and where exogamy, or
marriage outside one's clan and name, prevailed. This theory is
no doubt correct, save on one point : the Pictish language in
historic times was Celtic, for the Celts had evidently conquered
€a pre- Celtic tribe and imposed their language on it, while many of
the customs — especially the marriage customs — of the conquered
race were allowed to survive. Skene is satisfied with explaining
the custom as due to low ideas about marriage, and he therefore
misses the ethnologic significance of it. In his early work, as I
have said, he regards the custom as only a variety of the ordinary
Celtic system of elective male succession ; it was merely a rule
that the son of a former king could not occupy the throne !
In regard to Celtic philology, Skene belonged to the old
popular school. He knew that p of Welsh interchanged with
Gaelic c at times ; and we are told by Bede that the Koman wall
end was called in Pictish Pean-fahel, where pean is the Pictish for
" head," cognate with Welsh perm and Gaelic ceann. It can be
shown that Pictish possessed the letter p ; old Gaelic had no such
letter initial and rarely otherwise. Skene, therefore, missed the
significance of pet or pit as a place-name prefix, the Gaelic of
which is really cuid, older cuit. Another word which he did not
appreciate was aber or ober, a confluence. Such is its meaning in
Welsh ; but old Gaelic abar meant a " marsh," as it did in the
name of Loch-aber. Minor mistakes in phonetics occur : in the
Clan Chattan genealogy he has two such. First, he regards
Cattan as standing for Cathan, from cath, war ; but the hard t.
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene. 197
-could never become th. The name is the same as that of cat, a
cat. Similarly " Donald in Caimgilla," Donald the One-eyed, he
thinks, in 1837, might be Donald from Cowal, where m becomes
v ; in 1880, he deduces from this epithet Quhele, the name of the
mystical Clan Quhele ! M'Gillivray he regards as M'Gillebride ;
and the M'Nicols he takes from an ancestor, Krycul, where he
shows that he did not know that n after c usually becomes r ;
Mac Krycul is in fact Ma-cnicol. In regard to his Ossianic phil-
ology, Dr Whitley Stokes says : — " When Mr Skene connects
Adamnan's Kegio or Mons Cainle with the man's name Ainle, and
the river name Ness with the man's name Naisi, and when he
invents a place-name Arcardan in order to connect it with Ardan,
he must excuse Celtic and indeed all other scholars from declining
to follow him."
Skene also allows himself to be over-ridden by a theory. He
discovered in 1837 that "captain" was a title borne in the 15th
and 16th centuries by certain Highland chiefs, notably Duncan
Mackintosh, captain of Clan Chattan, and Allan Cameron, captain
of Clan Cameron. He maintained that these were cases where
the oldest cadet family had ousted the true chief's line ; the
Mackintoshes ousted the Macphersons from the lands and leader-
ship of Clan Chattan, -although by descent both belonged to the
Macphyersons. Similarly the Camerons of Lochiel ousted the
4 Macmartins. In all these cases there is also a myth about the
usurping family marrying the heiress of the old line. Hence they
were " captains," not " chiefs" of the clans. This theory in a
milder form obtains a place in " Celtic Scotland." The awkward
fact that Sir John M'Farlane, chief of his clan in the latter part
of the 15th century, calls himself " Capitaneus de Clan Pharlane"
is explained away on Skene's favourite method of "it appears,"
which latterly develops into a certainty, "It appears" that
M4Farlane had no natural right to the title of chief ! It simply
"appears" so because Skene's theory demands it. There is no
break in the M'Farlane genealogy, and to hint and argue so is
highly unscientific, if really honest at all. Now, the truth in this
matter is very simple. The Celtic clan chief was in proper Gaelic
called t&iseach ; this we know from Irish sources and from the
Book of Deer. The regular Latin translation of this was
capitanus, sometimes fnrther explained as capitanus sive praecipuns
dux. The mediaeval English for this also varied; first it was
simply "captain," though in Ayrshire the Gaelic title of cerih
cineil, " Kenkennol," Major's caput progenei (Gaelic ceann-cinne),
appears in the 14th century. Thereafter it was " captain, chief
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198 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and principal man," and, in the 1587 Act, we have the roll of
clans who " hes capitanes, cheiffs, and chiftanes whome on they
depend." The fact is, the word " chief" meant the " head," and
meant no more a Highland chief than the corresponding French
chef then meant "cook." Both are historic developments ; the word
"chief" itself has a life history which must be studied ere an
argument can be built on it. About the first use of the term
" clan" borrowed into English was its application to Clan Chattan
and the North Inch of Perth — certainly its first literary appear-
ance, though it occurs once or twice in charters before that.
What led Skene astray was the fact that captain meant more
than chief in the 16th century; it was applied to the leader of
the clan when the chief was a minor or an incapable. Skene
concluded rashly that this was always its meaning, and hence
tried to bolster up his theories about Clan Chattan by antedating
the 16th century extended use of "captain."
His views about the Picts differ slightly between 1837 and
1876 : the Midland Picts (of Atholl) disappear by 1876, for these
were Picts settled in Meath, as later knowledge disclosed. The
Southern Picts have more prominence in 1837, and he regards
them as the Piccardaich of the Annals, incorrectly of course ; but
in one point the 1837 book is better than "Celtic Scotland." It
allows that the Dalriads conquered the Southern Picts in 843 ;
that, in fact, was the Scottic Conquest. The Northern Picts were
unaffected by this conquest, went on speaking their native Gaelic,
and became the ancestors of the modern Highlanders. The
Southern Picts were linguistically different also in 1837, for Bede
says the Pictish was a language, one of five, and Skene restricts
the application of this to Southern Pictland. The philologic
mistake of calling the Northern Picts Cruithen-tuath is also made
(vol. I., p. 63), an expression which means " Pictish-nation :" this
mistake was of course duly repeated in the late history of Inver-
ness County. " Celtic Scotland" knows of no Scottic Conquest of
843 in Southern Pictland : it has much to say of a Pictish con-
quest of a hundred years earlier in Dalriada ; a change of dynasty
was all that occurred in 843, and a change in the law of sucession
— so we have it in " Celtic Scotland."
The history of the period from 843 to 1 057 is in the 1837 work
ostentatiously taken from new sources — Norse Sagas chronologised
by Irish Annals. And the result is really wonderful. It is a
small detail that he insists on two Kings Malcolm from 1004 to
1034, one of whom dies in 1029. He discovered later that this
was only the mormaer of Moray, dignified by the Annals into the
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene.
199
" King of ilba," just like his predecessor Finlay, who died in 1020
as " King of Alba" (Book of Leicester Annals). The exaggerations
and confusions of the Sagas are taken seriously, and the history
of Northern Scotland is re-written from them. " Celtic Scotland"
accepts the native annals, which are really older, more authentic,
and more local to the events than the Sagas. The result is
accuracy, and a good full account of events from the Scottic
Conquest to the death of Macbeth. He acknowledges his earlier
error about the Kings Malcolm in " Celtic Scotland," I., p. 400.
His defence of Macpherson's " Ossian" in 1837 is different from
that of 1862, and there is no mention of the Fingalian heroes in
"Celtic Scotland." He proves to his own satisfaction, in 1837,
that Macpherson agrees with the old Irish Annals ; he knows
better in 1862, and consequently abuses old Irish chronology as
artificial. What Macpherson really did was to adopt the Irish
kings' names which he found in the ballads and in Toland's
" Druids," and make a kingly system of his own. He had not
read either Keating or Flaherty, though both books were pub-
lished before his "Fingal" (1762). His errors were pointed ^out
at once, and he attempts to correct them in " Temora" (1763).
Skene compares his kings' list with that of the Annals : —
Irish System.
Conn, K. of Temora
i
Art
I
Cormac
I
Cairpre
Macpherson and
Skene.
Conar, a Gael
from Alba
I
Art
Cormac, killed by
Cairpre
Macpherson^
final list.
Conar
I
Cormac
I
Cairbie
i
Artho
I
Cormac
I add Maepherson's final and real list as a third column. Such
is Maepherson's agreement with the Irish Annals ! And Skene
adds that Tigernach, the annalist, does not mention Cairbre's
father ; so he may have been of the For Bolgs, as Macpherson has
it! No such nonsense appears in 1862. There, however, he
identifies the Feinn with the early Picts, and finds them also in
Denmark and Norway, in Britain and in Ireland. That he
changed his view on the whole subject is clear from the significant
silence of " Celtic Scotland."
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200 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The 1837 work unfortunately has the old account of the Celtic
Church, where of course it became the Culdee Church, and he
regarded it then as episcopal. Within the last two years histories
have appeared where these earlier views are repeated. Yet the
second volume of " Celtic Scotland" is entirely devoted to the
Celtic Church, and it is an excellent account of it, under the
guidance of Bishop Reeves. There the Culdees are shown to be
anchorites of the ninth century or thereabouts, gradually becoming
amalgamated into collegiate bodies, somewhat after the fashion of
the canons of the Continental Church. There was never a Culdee
Church. The early Celtic Church was monastic purely — tribal
monasteries, with a presbyter or priest abbot, and a bishop or two
kept on the premises for the sake of ordination. In doctrine it
nothing differed from Rome, and in ritual it differed little, and
that only because it grew old-fashioned when the Anglo-Saxons
cut Ireland and the Cymry off from the Continent in the sixth
century.
The account given in 1837 of old Celtic polity is obsolete. I
have already remarked on the errors in regard to Celtic and
Pictish succession. The title of mdrmaer is written maormdr, an
error which persists in nearly every work thereafter, except
"Celtic Scotland." The mdr or "great" comes first: it practi-
cally meant " earl," and was translated by the Norse jarl ; but
even to the last Skene does not seem to have noticed that it still
persists in the general Gaelic title of moirear, which translates
"lord." He blundered also in regard to the next rank to the
mormatr : this was the toiseach or clan chief. Skene made him,
in 1837, the head of the eldest cadet family of a clan, who, on
occasions, might be "captain" of the clan. The title is now
obsolete. Skene's early errors on these points were also lately
reproduced in Highland clan histories. Another title over which
he stumbled in 1837 is the imaginary one of abthane. Fordun
spoke of Abthane Crinan, and historians have reproduced the error
ever since till Skene put it right in " Celtic Scotland." The title
is a popular derivative from abthania or older Gaelic apdaine,
" abbey-lands," which of course is derived from the title abbat.
The Appins of modern Gaelic topography attest to its old pre-
valence and meaning. There never was an "abthane;" the title
was that of " abbot." The old ideas about it will be found in
" Highlanders," vol. 2, pp. 129-132; the corrected ideas are best
given in the second volume of " Celtic Scotland."
In a note at page 365 of Vol. Three of "Celtic Scotland,"
Skene says : — "In the main the author has seen little reason to
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 201
alter the distribution of the clans in an earlier work, The High-
landers of Scotland, published in 1837, to which the reader is
referred for their detailed history." The earlier work is more
systematic and definite ; the later work is more scientific,
inasmuch as it avoids the excessive and, at times, inaccurate
classifying of the 1837 book. The Gallgaidheal or Norse-Gaels
occupy a promieut place in the early book, spreading over Western
Scotland and Gallowav, including the diocese of Dunkeld ; and
they were Picts also ! Picts and Norse mixed. The Gall-
gaidheal actually were the Norse-ruled, Norse-mixed, and probably
paganised inhabitants of Man, Galloway, Arran, Bute, Kintyre,
and the Argyle seaboard — the outer isles being purely Norse, and
known as Innse Gall or Isles of the Foreigners. The great Mac-
donald clan sprang from the Gall-gaidheal, as Skene says. Their
seat was Lorn — the Norse Dali or " Dales," where the Orkney
Saga places King Somerled ; and under that chieftain they
acquired the rule of the northern half of the Gall-gaidheal from
the King of Man and the Isles, who, however, retained Man and
the Hebrides (Skye and the Long Island), and was the original
44 Ri Finn-ghall," or King of the Hebridean Norse, proudly
claimed by the Macdonald chiefs. The Lordship of Garmoran
also discreetly takes up small space in "Celtic Scotland," for
therein the clans are treated by their separate localities, little or
no grouping being attempted.
The Macdonald history is weak and confused in the 1837
work ; in " Celtic Scotland" it is clear and accurate, thanks to
Gregory's "Western Isles," which is duly acknowledged. Somer-
led's grandson Somerled, who succeeds him in 1 837, is not found
in the 1880 work : Dugall, the eldest son, there succeeds his
father in the cradle of the race in north Argyle ; Reginald succeeds
in Kintyre and the Isles, and the third son somewhere northwards,
the latter and his family being finally obliterated by Reginald and
his sons. This is no doubt correct. Another great improvement
n the Macdonald and Macdougall genealogy also takes place in
1880. The earlier book maintained that the Macdougalls of Lorn
were descended from Dugall, son of Reginald, not Dugall, eldest
son of Somerled, which deprived that clan of being the eldest
representatives of the race of Somerled — the real u Clann
Somairli," as the Book of Lecan truly calls them. Skene was led
astray by the MS. of 1450, which, as well as its guide the Book
of Ballimote, curiously makes Dugall second son of Reginald, son
of Somerled. The Book of Lecan, which is equal in age with the
•other, gives the correct genealogy and the most accurate naming
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202 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of the Clan Macdougall in calling them clan Somerled. " Celtic*
Scotland" more than once records the facts, but never hints at the
grave error of 1837, which has lately found a place in the history
of Clan Donald. To clinch the argument, the earlier book main-
tains that King Ewin of Argyle, undoubtedly descended from
Dugall, son of Somerled, diod without male heir, Alexander of
Argyle being not his son, but a descendant of Dugall Mac
Reginald. " This," he adds, " is confirmed by the chartuiary of
Cupar, for the manuscript [1450] makes Alexander de Ergadia,
the son of Dnncan, son of Dugall, son of Reginald ; and in that
chartuiary Duncanns de Lornyn witnesses a charter of the Earl of
Atholl of the lands of Dumfallandy, dated certainly between 1258
and 1270, while during that period Ewen was in possession of the
lands of this branch of the family." So specious is this argument
that Mr A. Brown, in his " Memorials of Argyle," says that the
Cupar Chartuiary gives Alexander's genealogy as above (son of
Duncan, <fec.) Alas, the Duncan de Lornyn in the Cupar charter
was no Argyle magnate : he was laird of Lornie, near Perth !
It goes without saying that in 1837 Skene regarded the Glen-
garry family as the senior and premier family of the Clan Donald
— iu short, Glengarry was chief of the Macdonalds. Ranald, son
of John of Isle, was the common ancestor of Clanranald and
Glengarry, and he or his family got or acquired the lordship of
Garmoran, with its seat of Castle-Tiriru, his mother having been
heiress thereof. Skene and Gregory make him the youngest son
of Amy M'Rory and John of Isle ; but M'Vurich, with more proba-
bility, ranks him first, and, besides, shows that he was steward of
the Isles under his aged father, and tutor of his half-brother
Donald, to whom he handed over his patrimony honourably, though
the men of the Isles wanted him to continue himself as chief.
Anyway, from his sons, AJlan and Donald, were descended the rival
houses of Clanranald and Glengarry. Skene regarded Donald as-
eldest, and proves it by asseverating that this was no other than
the Donald Balloch who led the clan at Inverlochy in 1431 L
" Celtic Scotland " knows better than this. M'Vurich represents
Donald, ancestor of Glengarry, as dying in 1420, which is likely
correct, eleven years before Inverlochy. Besides, we know well
the life-history of Donald Balloch. The tradition and historic fact
are that Allan was eldest son of Ranald ; he had, besides, the
cradle estates of the M'Rorys, always a proof of primogeniture.
In fact, Skene was unlucky in his choice of sides in a clan
controversy ; he was swayed by his feelings, and by what ought to
have been, but unfortunately was net. The Macneills of Barra, no
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene. 203
doubt, ought to have been and to be chiefs of the clan, but in 1530
we find that Torkil Macneill of the Gigha family is addressed by
the Crown as " chief and principal " of the name. Skene was all
for the Barra family. He is on the Duart side in the case of the
Macleans, where, no doubt, he is right as to the seniority of the
two brothers whence Duart and Lochbuie are descended, but 1
As regards the Macleods of Dunvegan and Lewis, Skene's first
mistake is to regard them as mainland clans at all ; but he finds
them first mentioned in connection with Glenelg and Assynt
respectively in 1343, and concludes that they belonged to his
great Garmoran lordship lot. Here tradition and geography agree
admirably with philology. The Macleod names are exclusively
Norse. Tradition connects them first with Lewis and Harris as
their cradle, and the Norsemen as their ancestors, while historic
geography demands that Lewis is their place of origin and spread.
If so, the Macleods of Lewis, as the older writers held, such as the
Mackenzie historians and Buchanan of Aucbmar, were the eldest
cadets as having the family " nest." Skene, however, says there
is no " vestige of authority " for the Macleods being Norse : if by
authority he means charters and contemporary documents, he is
right ; otherwise, he is wrong, for there is plenty room for scientific
inference. Of course he decides for the Dunvegan Macleods as
being the elder branch : they should be so, on the principle of the
survival of the fittest, which seems to have swayed Skene here.
Gregory refuses to decide the case ; Skene, " Old," has no word on
the subject, though he is still for the Celtic descent of the clan.
Wrong or nearly so in the case of Macdonalds v. Macdougalls,
Clanranald v. Glengarry, Macneills of Barra against those of
Gigha, the Lewis Macleods v. those of Dunvegan, his champion
perversity appears in the case of the Clan Chattan. Even in his
" Celtic Scotland" he shows a sad lack of critical insight —
especially in the "Captain" argument already referred to —
together with a lack of knowledge of the history and rise of the
Mid-Highland clans. The poor genealogies of MS. 1450 have to
suffer much overhauling. Skene manages to connect the second
genealogy of the Clan Chattan given in the MS. with the family
of the Mormaers of Moray through Head, son of Nectan (circ.
1100), whence the Mac-heths, the possessors of, and claimants to,
the earlship of Moray and even the throne of Scotland. In the
MS. the name is Tead, which Skene regards as the later name
Shaw. His son Sween is father of Muirech, the parson, whence
Mac " pherson" and M'Vurich, circ. 1173, whose son the
" Camgilla" gives his name, even in " Celtic Scotland," to Clan
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204 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Quhele! The genealogy in 1837* offered to the Macphersons is
very unlike the one they believe in themselves ; but neither in
1837 nor in 1880 does Skene trouble himself with the genealogy
given by the 17th century seanachies for the Macphersons : here,
and elsewhere, he is above that sort of thing, if his theory
demands it. In " Celtic Scotland" this genealogy is mercifully
assigned to the "old" Mackintoshes, and the other is assigned
to the present Rothiemurchus and Moyhall lot. The Mac-
phersons get recompensed by being referred to Duncan Persoun
(1438), a fellow-prisoner with the Earl of Ross in Tantallon Castle !
Their further connection with Clan Chattan he shows to be that
one of the " old " Mackintoshes or Shaws of Dalnavert married a
daughter of Kenneth Mac-vuireach — the same Muireach as the
" old" Shaw himself is descended directly from ! — who is Fordun's
leader of two thousand in 1427, viz., Kenneth More. If Skene
thinks this Kenneth More was ancestor of Cluny, and had two
thousand men in 1427, he has much misread Highland history.
In 1837 Kenneth More was the ancestor of the Mackenzies, also a
guess, but possibly not far wrong. Kenneth More's son is
Duncan Persoun, who is in gaol with the Earl of Ross in 1438.
Both Duncan and Kenneth are in the Macpherson genealogies ;
but that Duncan Persoun had any connection with Kenneth More
is highly improbable. The whole thing is unscientific guesswork.
In 1837, the combatants at the North Inch in 1396 were
Mackintoshes and Macphersons, the former Clan Quhele, the latter
Clan Ha or Heth. In 1880 the combatants come to be the
Mackintoshes and Camerons, the former Clan Quhele (Clann a*
Cham-gille ! ! !) and the latter Clan Ha, that is, Clann Mhaol-an-
fhaidh, from Maol-an-fhaidh, Prophet's Servant, which he thinks
might be curtailed to Clann-an-fhaidh. The name Maol-an-fhaidh
was a Cameron one, and the M'Gillonies or M'Lonvies were there-
from, but it can hardly be the origin of Clan Ha, simply because
the true name is Mael-anfaid, "servant of storm," with the
accent on the an of an/aid, not on /aid. How Skene
exactly stands in regard to genealogy when he has married Shaw-
Mackintosh M'Vurich, descended of the " Cam-gilla," and direct
representative of the "Old" Mackintoshes, to the daughter of
Kenneth More M'Vurich, seeming chief of the " Old" Clan Chattan,
and descendant also directly of M uirech the Parson, I cannot tell ;
it is a pretty bungle. All he says about the chiefship in 1880 is
in a note on page 329 : " The Clan Vuireach or Old Clan Chattan
seldom recognised the authority of the Captain " — Mackintosh, to
wit.
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Mr Skene versus Or Skene. 205
As the matter is of the highest importance for the early history
of Northern Scotland, I will in conclusion endeavour to give what
appears to be the real history, checked by native and Irish
chronicles, of
The Scottic Conquest op 843.
When Bede closes his history in 731, he tells us that the four
nations inhabiting Scotland are then at peace. The Picts have a
treaty of peace with the Angles ; the Scots, satisfied with their
own territories, neither plot nor combine against the Angles ; and
the Britons throughout Scotland and England are helpless. But
scarce a year had passed since the nations of the Picts and Scots
had each passed through the stress of civil war and interna-
tional fight. In Dalriada the Cinel Gabran had rightfully the
supremacy of Dalriada as descended from the elder son of Ere ;
but the Cinel Lorn asserted claims to the kingship, and made
them good, thus making Dalriada a miniature Ireland, where
kings were elected alternately — or, it should be, alternately — from
the Northern and Southern O'Neills. The Cinel Gabran ruled
from 503 to 675, seemingly without interruption; but in 675
Ferchar Fada, of the Bouse of Lorn, became King of Dalriada,
doubtless not by election, but by the sword. Adamnan (circ.
700) records the low ebb of Cinel Cabran, which Columba had
prophesied Ferchar died in 697, and his two sons succeeded
him, Selbach, the latter son, being king "off and on" for some 25
years, and a powerful king, too. Curiously enough, he is noticed
as king in Flann's " Synchronisms" (12th century) only. In 725
his son Dungal was ejected from his throne, and the rival house
ruled in the person of Eochaidh, son of Eochaidh, who managed to
keep his position, though old King Selbach left his monastery to
oust him. Eochaidh died as " Ri Dalriada" in 732.
In Pictland we know nothing of the striving dynasties ; we
know only the kings' names, and the districts they represented
more or less. Nectan MacDerili, famed in the pages of Bede as
the first Pictish king that conformed to Rome, had left the
monastery to which he had retired, and in 727 joined in the civil
fray to oppose the formidable King of Fortrenn, Angus MacFergus.
Angus had already, in two battles that year, completely over-
thrown Alpin, King of the Picts, who himself was a usurper, for he
had previously expelled King Drust, Nectan's enemy (725).
Nectan and Angus met at ths Lake of Lochy, possibly at the upper
end of Loch Tay, and Nectan was defeated. King Drust then
resumed his throne ; him, too, Angus encounjtered and slew in 728.
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206 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The loss of a fleet of 150 Pictish ships is recorded, evidently
foundered in a storm. To add to the confusion, the men of
Dalriada intervened in the proceedings, and the Picts were con-
quered by them at Murbulg in 730. The last fight in the Pictish
Civil War was in the same year between Brude, son of Angus, and
Talorgan MacCongus, no doubt representing the Northern Picts,
who was defeated, but escaped.
We may pause here to consider the extent of territories denoted
by Pictland and Dalriada respectively. The Pbts were mainly
divided into two districts, one of which had for its minimum area
the district of Fortrenn (Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan),
but which, at its best, extended from the Forth and Roman Wall
along the East Coast to Aberdeen, Magh-Chircinn, or Mearns,
forming the part most important of it next to Fortrenn. It
included also eastern Perthshire. In the third century classical
writers called the people Maeatae ; in the fourth, Vecturiones,
which has been happily corrected by Professor Rhys into Vertu-
riones, or Men of Fortrenn ; and Adamnan, no doubt, refers to
the district in speaking of the Miathi. Bede calls them practically
Cismontane Picts, as opposed to the Northern Picts, those beyond
the Grampians. In the third and fourth centuries the second
nation of Picts dwelling in western Perth — Athole — and the North
are called Caledonians. The Dve-Caledonii, or Bi-Caledonians,
of Ptolemy, may have meant that the tribe was separated into two
by the Grampians.
The extent of the Scottic power is a more difficult matter to
determine. We must banish from our minds the notion that the
Dalriadic colony of 503, under the sons of Ere, was the first Gaelic
invasion of Scotland. Conquests were made in the third century
along the whole coast of Britain, settlements being even made in
Wales, though under Roman dominion. In the fourth and fifth
centuries the Scots and Picts were allied in harassing the Roman
province ; and it is then that the Gaelic settlements in Wales
mostly took plase. We may legitimately infer that the Isles and
portions of the western mainland of Scotland were then taken by
the Scots. Argyle, or Oirir-Ghaidheal, "Coast of the Gael,"
extended from Kintyre to Lochbroom, as ancient charters attest ;
but Dalriada was confined to Argyle. Aedan, son of Gabran
{573-605), annexed part of Perthshire, and his sons fell in battle
in the Mearns (Circinn, Adamnan's Miathi). They appear to have
possessed or claimed most of Dumbarton, Menteith, and Strath-
earn. How much the Gaelic Scots pressed on the Picts in the far
north it is impossible to say; but the earlier colonies were
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 207
evidently more northerly, and made to move northward by the
Dalriads ; and their dialect is still remembered in the northern
dialect of Gaelic as opposed to the southern — the dialect of
Dalriada and its conquered province of Perth.
Muredach, grandson of Ferchar Fada, assumed the Chiefship
of Lorn in 732, and seemingly also the Kingship of Dalriada, as
be is named in the Kings' list. But Dnngal, son of Selbach, was
active. In the same year a Scottish fleet was sent to help the
Irish King, and seemingly Brude, the Pictish King's son, either
joined, or was on the sea. Anyway Dungal dragged him from
sanctuary in Tory Isle ; war in any case ensued ; a battle was
fought at Callender between Dalriada and Fortrenn, where
Talorgan, son of Fergus, put to flight another grandson of Ferchar
Fada. Angus in person invaded the district of Dalriada, took
Dunadd, burnt Creic (?), and captured Dungal and his brother,
wasting the country as well. The date of this event is 735.
Angus was a "sanguinary tyrant," as an English chronicle has
it ; and, as a consequence, we need not wonder that Talorg, son of
Congus, who fought in Mearns against him, on being betrayed into
the hands of the " Piccards" was drowned (733) — a fate which in
738 also befell Talorgan Mac Drostan, King of Athole, at Angus's
own hauds. These "vere the leaders of the Northern Picts.
Angus's brave but turbulent son, Brude, died in 735, shortly after
the Dalriad raid. In 740 Angus again visited Dalriada, and gave
it a " smiting" (percussio), as the old annalist has it. But evil
days were in store for this powerful and restless warrior. War
broke out between the Picts and Britons in 749, aad a battle was
fought at Mugdock, on the Dumbarton borders, wherein fell
Talorgan, Angus's brother, amidst great slaughter of the Picts ;
and the annalist adds the significant remark, "Ebb of Angus's
sovereignty," for the wane of his power had come. Internal
dissensions again broke' out in Southern Pictland ; a battle was
fought in the year 751 in the " Strath" of Mearns, where fell
a chief with the well-known name of Brude Mac Mailcon. Possibly
this was another attack upon Angus by the Northern Picts.
Simeon of Durham records that Eadbert, the Anglic King, and
Angus of Pictland joined forces against the Britons, advancing as
far as Dumbarton Rock, where they received the surrender of the
Britons, but the conquering army was nearly all destroyed in
returning homewards (756). Angus died in 760, styled " King of
the Picts ;" but his brother, who succeeded him, died in 762
merely as King of Fortrenn. This dynasty had then shrunk to its
former measure of power.
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208 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The "devastation" of 735 and the "smiting" of 740 passed
over Dalriada, as did similar invasions of Scotland at the hands of
the English in later times. The Cinel Lorn ruled till 747. We
are tcld that Muredach grandson of Ferchar Fada assumed the
rule of Lorn in 732, but the King of that house given in the Latin
lists is Ewen, son of Ferchar Fada, who ruled from about 732 —
the date of Eochaidh Mac Eochaidh's death — till 742, when the
lists recognise the Kingship of Muredach. The latter is succeeded
by his son, Ewen ; and then we are ou the firm ground of refer-
ence by the annalists in regard to the next King, Aed Finn, son of
Eochaidh, of the Cinel Gabran, who succeeded in 747, and whose
death as King of Dalriada is recorded in the Annals of Ulster
under 777. He was evidently a powerful monarch, but the only
incident of his reign recorded is a w*ar with the Picts in 767.
" War in Fortrenn," says the annalist, " between Aed and
Kenneth." *This appears to prove that Aed had a good hold in
Western Perthshire. On his death in 777 he was succeeded by
his brother, Fergus, whom the annals record as dying in 780,
" King of Dalriada." The Annals of Ulster, which forms so valu-
able a check on the king lists, unfortunately records no purely
Dalriadic event from 780 till 857, the death of Kenneth Mac-
Alpin. After Fergus the Latin lists enter Selbach, son of Ewen,
the Lorn King who died in 747, as King for twenty-four years ;
then Eochaidh the Venomous, son of Aed Finn, for thirty years,
his name appearing in all the lists save in the Albanic Duan (but
placed by Flann next to Fergus) ; thereafter the Latin lists
of the 12th and 13th centuries alone have at this point
Dungal, son of Selbach, for seven years ; and Alpin, son of
Eochaidh, for three years — which brings us to the year 843, and
to Kenneth Mac Alpin. Flann, however, followed by the Albanic
Duan, places Dungal and Alpin about 1 00 years earlier, evidently
making Dungal the son of the great Sealbach and Alpin brother
of King Eochaidh MacEochaidh, who died in 732. There is no
good reason for doubting the correctness of the Latin lists,
especially as the later Alpin must have existed, as he was father of
the historic Kenneth.
Meanwhile in Pictland events of importance had taken place.
Brude, brother of Angus, died King of Fortrenn in 762. His
successor was Kenneth, King of the Picts, who, as was seen,
fought with Aed Finn in Fortrenn, with what result we know not.
The annals record his death in 774. Alpin, son of Wroid (774-
779), Drust, son of Talorgan (779-'83), and Talorgan, son of Angus
(783-786), follow one another in quick succession in the lists^
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 209
Only two entries occur in the Ulster Annals for these years, and
they both concern the year 779. The one records the death of
Alpin, who by mistake is made King of the Saxons (compare the
Saxon Alfwin); the other states that Dubh-talorg, King of the
Cismontane Picts, " perished." Skene thinks that Talorgan, the
last king mentioned, was the son of King Angus, and that he was
therefore a usurper, having no right by Pictish succession law to
the throne. The next King bore the very Gaelic name of Conall,
son of Tadg, or Connell MacTeague ; his father was doubtless a
Dalriad or Scot. Civil war broke out again, if it was not chronic,
in 788. Conall was defeated, but escaped to Dalriada, and the
conqueror, Constantine, son of Fergus, reigned in his stead. Conall
himself was afterwards, in 806, slain in Kintyre, by one Conall
MacAedan. It was in the early years of Constant ine's reign over
the Picts that the Norsemen and Danes appeared in the northern
and western seas. They attacked the Western Isles in 793, and
laid them waste. Iona escaped till 801, when it was burned and
ravaged, and in 805 the whole community of 68 persons were put
to the sword. Constantine is said to have founded the Church of
Dunkeld, possibly in view of the loss of Iona as an ecclesiastical
centre. He died in 820 : the record calls him King of Fortrenn
then. He was succeeded by his brother Angus, who reigned till
833, when the Annals of Ulster again record the title as King of
Fortrenn. Confusion now reigned among the Picts. Drust, son
of Constantine, contrary to the Pictish law of succession, tried to
rule, but the rightful heir apparently was Talorgan, son of Wthoil,
and there was a corjoint reign for some four years. Alpin, the
Scot, according to the late chronicles, took advantage of this state
of things, attacked the Picts at the Easter solemnities, and
defeated them (834) ; but, elated with victory, he again engaged
them a few weeks later, and was defeated, losing his life thereby.
Skene puts the scene of this battle at Pitelpie, or Pit-Alpin, near
Dundee. The next King of Fortrenn was Eoganan, son of
Angus, who ruled from 836 to 838. The distracted and tottering
kingdom of Pictland — if such a thing now existed as " kingdom"
or common action between the Northern and Southern Picts —
received its final coup from the Norsemen or Danes in 838. The
simple record of the Annals of Ulster is here given : the tragedy
has to be read between the lines as usual — " Battle by the
Gentiles against the men of Fortrenn, in which fell Eoganan, son
of Angus, and Bran, son of Angus, and Aed, son of Boanta ; and
almost countless others were slain." Kenneth Mac Alpin took
advantage of the distracted staije of Pictland, and some authorities
14
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210 Gaelic Society of Inverness*
have it that he grasped the Pictish supremacy in 838 after the
Danish defeat. The Kings' lists give two further monarchs for
Pictland — Wrad, son of Bargoit, for three years, and Brude (Bred
in the lists), one year. Kenneth united the Picts and Scots in
843 in one kingdom of Scotia, then and for some time thereafter
known to outsiders, however, as Pictland, as a witness of which
we have the Pentland Firth, Norse Pettland, that is Pictland or
Scotland Firth, and the Annals of Ulster record Kenneth's death
in 857 as King of the Picts. Kenneth had some struggles with
his Pictish subjects, it is said, for the first seven years of his
reign, but thereafter he ruled in peace.
The immediate cause of the collapse of the Pictish power was,
no doubt, the defeat and damage inflicted by the Danes. The
kingdom was also torn by civil dissension, possibly eaused by the
law of succession to the throne. Heirship was traced through the
mother, not the father, as I pointed out already. A king's son
could not succeed him, for the right lay in the King's mother,
and it passed from her to her daughter. In fact, the heir to the
iing was his own brother or the son of his sister. Pictish
Princesses married outsiders often — in fact were exogamists ;
possibly they were queens of British Strathclyde or Dalriada, or
the outside Princes may have had them as " hand-fast" wives on
a sojourn or in exile in Pictland. Thus, Talorgan (657-661) was
son of Eanfred, an Anglic Prince, son of Ethelfred, King of
Anglia, himself afterwards King of Northumbria. He was an
exile among the Picts when he fell in with the Royal Princess.
The next two Kings— Gartnait (661-667) and Drust (667-674)
— were sons of Domhnall or Donald, a Dalriadic or Scottic
name, and no doubt a Prince of the Scots. The next King
we may, without any great doubt, regard as the son of the King
of Alclud or Dumbarton, viz., Brude, son of Bili (674-695), Bili
being the father of the British King Owen, who killed Domnall
Brecc in 641. In fact Nennius censures Ecfrid, the Anglian
King, for attacking Pictland in the last half of the 7th century,
calling it an " uncousinly" act. This one-sided exogamy must
have been a source of weakness from making the Kings too
friendly with external states ; but it was still more so from a
dynastic point of view, for it in fact destroyed dynasty founding :
a man fought, not for his own, but for his sister's, house.
Another weakness in the Pictish kingdom, so called, was its
physical character : it was divided naturally by the Grampians
into Northern and Southern Picts, and they certainly did not
work harmoniously together. Evidently also there was a King of
Athole who could give trouble.
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 211
The real crux of the Pictish question, after all, is not the con-
quest by the Scots : the difficulty is the rapid disappearance of the
language, not a literary specimen, scarcely an ordinary word, of which
remains. Every authority is now agreed that it was more or less
different from both Gaelic and Welsh : even Skene, after seeing the
-Cornish names in the Bodmin Manumissions in the first volume of
the " Rev. Celtique," acknowledged that there was a British element
in the list of Pictish Kings, but it was Cornish, not Welsh : in fact,
the Picts between the Tay and the Forth, belonging as they did
to the British Damnonii, were, he says, British by race in all pro-
bability ; but the Northern Picts were pure Gael of Alban, direct
ancestors of the modern Gael, language and all, he thinks. What
greatly contributed to kill the Pictish so soon- was the fact of its
not being a literary language like the Irish or Gaelic. Besides, the
ecclesiastical language, outside Latin, was Gaelic. Skene's idea
that the Columban monks and church were banished from Pictland
is untenable in the light of subsequent faces : Nectan's " expulsio "
of Colnmban monks in 716 was merely a burst of reforming zeal,
and conformity with the Roman calendar would ensure non-
molestation. We may be sure most conformed ; and in any case
Iona itself conformed next year ! The pressure of the Norse on
the West and North of Scotland (possibly on the East as well) also
confined the range of both languages, and made the struggle, such
as it was, all the shorter and keener. Like its sister language, the
British of Strathclyde,1 Pictish soon disappeared, leaving its impress
strongly laid on the landscape of Pictland. Every available source .
of information — names in the Kings' lists, other names, and the
ancient and modern place-names — prove that the Pictish language
was of the same Celtic branch as the Welsh.
The reality of the conquest of the Picts by the Scots was never
•doubted till the publication of Pinkerton's "Enquiry into the
History of Scotland" in 1789. Pinkerton, working on the
■"Albanic Duan," found that Dungal, son of Selbach, and Alpin,
son of Eochaidh, were placed at about 730, while the Latin lists
-end the line of Dalriadic Kings with these two names — Kenneth
MacAlpin, son of the latter, becoming King of the united peoples.
His idea was that the Dalriadic Kingdom came to an end in 730
or thereabout, through the exertions of Angus Mac Fergus of
1 Indeed it may be said that the British language of Strathclyde disappeared
with greater suddenness and thoroughness than Pictish. Strathclyde had a
separate existence till the middle of the tenth century, when the Scots
absorbed it. Gaelic dominated the west coast from Renfrew through Ayr to
Galway for several centuries thereafter ; and it has left its impress still strong
on personal and place names there.
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212 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Fortrenn, who, in short, wiped it out, and annexed the country to
Pictland. It is a minor matter that he regarded the Picts as of
Gothic descent : they were too gcod to be of Celtic descent !
Skene arrives at similar conclusions from these and other
premises. Alpin he makes the last King of Dalriada. A battle,
called the battle of Dun Cathmail, fought really by the Irish
Cruithnigh, is transferred by him to Galloway, and there, in 741,
he somehow manages to kill off A.lpin, the last Dalriadic King.
Of course, Angus Mac Fergus is his hero : he conquered and
annexed Dalriada. The awkward facts of Aed Finn's sovereignty
of that country (747-777), and the still more awkward fact of
Kenneth Mac Alpin, a Scot of Dalriada, becoming King of the
unconquered Picts is as awkwardly got over. Aed " attempted to
restore the Dalriadic Kingdom," and Alpin, father of Kenneth,
" Scot by paternal descent," claims inter alios the Pictish throne
in 834, and his son Kenneth, with the help of the Danes, makes
good the claim ! Such, in brief, is Skene's answer.
In the first place, Skene has misread the history of Angus Mac
Fergus. An important sentence in the Annals of Ulster was mis-
read by Dr O'Connor, and Skene has not got it in his extracts in
the "Chronicles of the Picts and Scots." This is the remark
which follows the account of the war between the Britons and
Picts in 749, " Wane of the sovereignty of Angus " It is correctly
given in Hennessey's new edition of the Annals. Besides, there is
no indication in the Annals of any annexation of Dalriada or any-
thing beyond an ordinary invasion, cruel of its kind. The
Dalriads were more often the invaders than the Picts. Aed's war
in Fortrenn in 767 is ample disproof of Skene's position : here we
have the Scots at their old game of fighting east of Perthshire, as
they did in the days of Aedan (573-605).
Skene has not, as already said, shown high critical faculty in
dealing with the Latin king's lists as against Flann's "Synch-
ronisms" and the Arbanic Duan. The Latin lists bring the kings'
names and reigns down to William the Lion, and Skene correctly
regards the original list as composed about then. The best one is in
the Colbertine fourteenth century MS., which Skene reproduces in
fac-simile. This MS. contains the Pictish list of kings as well ;
and it is amusing to note that, whereas the Pictish part is given
as belonging to the tenth century, and given on the first page
onwards, the Scottic part is relegated to page 130 and the
twelfth century!. Some Latin lists, those followed by Fordun,
place a King Maolduin after Donald Brecc (641), and in this they
are right. In fact, Flann puts Donald's three brothers and two
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Mr Skene versus Dr Skene. 213
nephews between him and Ferchar Fada from 641 to 675. Flann
Mainstrech died in 1056, and Skene regards the u Synchronisms "
he quotes as belonging to Flann and to the eleventh century.
But these " Synchronism^ " end in 1119, and can hardly be
Flann's. Anyway they are valuable, but little discernment seems
to have been exercised in choosing the kings' names : any leading
prince seems to have got a place ; and the last five kings, if not
more, before Kenneth MacAlpin were Pictish kings or princes
shoved in much on the principle that Finlay, Macbeth's father,
and Malcolm, his cousin, are recorded as " Kings of Alban " in the
Irish Annals, in 1020 and 1029.
Skene, however, makes much of the last kings given by Flann
before Kenneth : it proves, he thinks, that the Pictish kings were
also kings of Dalriada. It just proves that Flann's continuator
was generous in his interpretation of what constituted " ri Alban."
The pitiable mess made by the Albanic Duan in assigning them
years of reign might have warned Skene that something was
wrong. Thus Constantine, who really reigned in Pictland thirty
years, is made in the Albanic Duan to reign only nine. The Duan
is evidently founded on Flann, or Flann's sources ; but differs
from Flann in giving the length of the reigns, and in omitting the
great Selbach ; Eochaidh MacEochaidh ; Fergus, brother of Aed
Finn ; and Eochaidh the Venomous. Skene, as we saw, regards
it as having been written in Malcolm Ceannmore's time, but it is
plainly a production of a much later age. In fact, it has far less
value than the Latin lists from which it differs. Skene, however,
regards itself and Flann as prior to the lists, which is undoubtedly
a mistake in critical judgment. He simply repeats the same
mistake as he made in 1837 in rejecting these native Latin lists
and chronicles in favour of the Norse Sagas for the history of the
period from 843 to 1057. The native chronicles after all turned
out to be correct; and "Celtic Scotland" follows them for
843—1057 : Why not for 731 to 843?
Skene, in maintaining that the Picts absorbed the Scots, as
against the old-established view that the Scots overcame the Picts,
further held that the Pictish language and race still exist in the
Highlands ; in short, Pictish was Gaelic. He appealed to the
unlikelihood of such a disappearance of the language as almost to
leave no trace, forgetting the similar disappearance of the British
language of Strathclyde ; and by some antiquated philologising he
proved that there was nothing to disappear, for the Gaelic and Pictish
were one. The historical objection to his views is great: his
theory runs counter to all the traditions and literature of the race.
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214 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In view of these, his theory is bizarre and revolutionary, yet so
plausible is it that it now holds the field among Scottish scholars
And the worst of it is, as I said, that every man that writes a local
or county history accepts Skene's views a<s a matter of course, and
does not seem to dream even that he is accepting views which are
revolutionary and contrary to the historic material and traditionary
lore of his country.
4th FEBRUARY, 18V7.
At the meeting this evening Mr David Boss, solicitor, Inverness
and Rev. Charles M. Robertson, Inverness, were elected ordinary
members of the Society. Thereafter Mr A. Macbain, M.A., read
a paper contributed by Rev. John Kennedy, Arran, on "Some
Unpublished Gaelic Ballads from the Maclagan MSS." The
paper was as follows : —
SOME ^UNPUBLISHED GAELIC BALLADS FROM THE
MACLAGAN MSS.— No. I.
INTRODUCTION— MEMOIR OF MACLAGAN.
Many of our members who are interested in ancient Gaelic
lore are more or less familiar with some of the contents of these
MSS., although they may know very little regarding the collector
of them In the Highland Society's " Report on the authenticity
of the poems of Ossian," 1805, there are frequent references to
these MSS. At pp. 153-156, we find that Maclagan helped Mac-
pherson to get some well-known ballads. Mr Maclagan also
made a valuable Ossianic collection for the Highland Society of
Scotland, but it seems to have been lost. The materials from
which he worked it were kept in his family, who kindly lent them
to the editors of " Reliquiae Celticse," to make good the loss of the
original. (See " Reliquiae Celtic®, " Vol. I., xiv.) Mr Maclagan
contributed most of the Ossianic poetry in Gillies's collection
(1786), and many other songs to be found in that work. There
is much in the MSS. still unpublished, and the following poems
arc only a few out of many, selected on the grounds of variety of
theme. The following biographic sketch of this industrious
collector of Gaelic poetry, taken from Rodger's "Scottish Min-
strelsy," Vol. III., will doubtless be of interest to our members : — ,
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 215
" James Maclagan was the son of a small farmer at Ballechin,.
in the parish of Logierait, Perthshire, where he was born in 17228,
Educated at the University of St Andrews, he received licence as
a probationer of the Established Church. Through the influence
of the Duke of Atholl, he was appointed to the Chapel of Ease at
Amulree, in Perthshire, and subsequently to the chaplainship of
the 42nd Regiment, his commission to the latter office bearing
date the 15th of June, 1764. His predecessor in the chaplainship
was Dr Adam Ferguson, author of the " History of the Roman
Republic," who was also a native of the parish of Logierait.
Than Mr Maclagan few could have been better qualified for the
duties of chaplain to a Highland regiment. He was intimately
conversant with the language, character, and partialities of the
Gael, and was possessed of much military ardour, as well as
Christian devotedness. He accompanied the regiment to America,
and was present in several skirmishes during the War of Inde-
pendence. Anecdotes are still recounted of the humour and
• spirit with which he maintained an influence over the minds of
his flock ; and Stewart, in his " History of the Highlands," has
described him as having essentially contributed to form the
character of the Highland soldier, then in the novitiate
of his loyalty and efficiency in the national service. In 1776,
while stationed with his regiment in Glasgow, he had the
, freedom of the city conferred on him by the Corporation. After
discharging the duties of military chaplain during a period of 24
years, he was in 1788 presented by the Duke of Atholl to the
parish of Blair- Athole, Perthshire. He died in 1805, in the
seventy-seventh year of his age. A pious and exemplary clergy-
man, Mr Maclagan is still kindly remembered in the scene of his
parochial ministrations. An accomplished Gaelic scholar, and
with a strong admiration of the poetry of the Gael, he recovered,
from the recitation of many aged persons large portions of the
poetry of Ossian, prior to the publication of the collections of
Macpherson. He composed some spirited Gaelic lyrics during the
period of his connection with the army, but the greater portion of
his poetry still remains in MS. A collection of Gaelic songs under
his editorial superintendence, was published anonymously.
" Mr Maclagan was of fair and ruddy complexion, and was
under the middle stature. He was fond of humour, and his
dispositions were singularly benevolent. In youth he was
remarkable for his skill in athletic exercises. He married
Catherine Stewart, daughter of the Rev. James Stewart, minister
of Killin, the originator of the translation of the Scriptnres into
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216 Gaelic Society of Inverness
the Gaelic language. Of a family of four sous and three daughters, ,
one son and two daughters still survive ; his eldest son, the Kev.
James Maelagan, D.D., was successively minister of the parishes
of Auchtergaven and Kinfauns, in Perthshire, and ultimately
Free Church Professor of Divinity in Aberdeen."
Kann Obunn.
Labhair rium am Bradan tapaidh —
" 'S mionach cait th' agad ri d* bheist,1
Sud is cuile2 bhuidhe, lacunn,
'S ni nach taitneach le Righ &sg."
Parson —
" 'S maith a thachair thu ri parson,8
. So dubh'4 gasda 's 6r an gleus."
Salmon —
" Sin an ceart ni a bhios agam,
Dh' ain-de6in acuinn agus cleir."
Thuirt mise — " Laimh dinars', cha'n fhaigh thu ;
Tha teud righinn air a d&gh ;
Tha mi fern sgath5 aingidh laidir
'S bidh cruaidh spairn againn mu 'n bh&st."
Thug e ruathar — am bradan tapaidh —
Chuile ghlac e ann a bhe*ul,
Thug sinn fichead car W ghlac-shruth
Thug mi mach e, 's chaidh e £ug.
An Gille Dubh Gaolach.
Ise.
Mo ghille dubh gaolach eatrom acfuinneach,
Sunntach, suairc gun ghruainn air aigneadh
Is miannach learn do chomhradh taitneach
Gu 'n siubhiainn fada o'm dhaoine leat.
'S e mo ruin an t-digfhear suairce,
' 'Shiubhias gleann is beinn is fuaran,
Beith do choiliobh air do ghualainn,
Shiubhlainn cuan is caolas leat.
1 Dh&8t=bait.
• 2 cuile =cuileag — fly.
3 parson = probably the author, Rev. Mr Maelagan.
4 dubh' = dubhan — hook.
* sgath = somewhat.
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 217
*S e mo ruin an Gaidheal rimheach,
Beul gun bhruaidneal, is suairc a labhras ;
Ge do dhiultain cuirteir Gallta,
Shiubhlainn beinn is aonach leat.
Faill ill o ro uill ho ro
Faill ill o ro uill o ho
Faill ill o ro uill ho ro
Gur h-e mo ghille dubh gaolach e.
Eise.
Ghruagach 6g nan oir-chiabh faineach
Modhail, beusach, ceillidh, narach,
A ruin mo chl&mh, cha deanainn tair ort,
Beith mi ghnath do t-inndraichinn.
Deud mar chalice labhras suairce,
Gruaidh mar ros aig oig-mhnai uasail,
Do shiios mar nonain air Ion fuarain,
B' e mo luaidh bhith sugradh riut.
Do bheul cumhraidh mar an cainneal
T* anail ur mar ubhla meala
Tha do shuil mar dhruchd air bharrach
Mo ruin geal thu, lubainn leat.
Faill ill, <fcc,
Gur i mo chaileag shugach i.
Air Comhbao Bhax. Lb Tailbir am Muilb.
'S coma leom na.mnathan fadhair,
Nach gleadhadh an an-tlachd,
Tha mo chluasan air fas bodhar,
Le glodhar bhur cainte.
Noise o chuaidh sibh o riaghailt
Leigim srian le bhur n-aimhleas ;
Teannuidh mi gu aite diomhair
O mhio-thlachd bhur cainte.
'S ann sud bha 'm firam, farum,
Chiris, chairis chainte,
Shaoileadh gach fear reachadh seachad
Gu 'm bu chlach le gleann e ; #
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218 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
N uair dh* eliigh an t-shipe, shoipe
Am measg a' phrascain bhantrach
Geodhlair air mnathan na tartraioh,
'S droch fhasan a dh' ionnsuich iad.
Dh' ionnsuich iad bhi beurrach, sgaiteach
La fan t' ann an cainte,
Gun aon t£(a) dhiubh 'gabhail suasadh,
Is iad 's a bheirt cho coimh-dheis
Ge do chairich an Riogh cail-dhreach orra
Caoin air ascaoin thionntaidh iad,
Mo cheud mollachd aig a' phaca
Thr&g an tlachd air an-tlachd.
Sin 'nuair thoisich iad da rireadh,
*S shin iad air na h-armaibh,
Tharruinn(g) t£(a) dhiubh cuigeal direach
*S tapan mln-gheal, marrachunn
An snath bu choile na 'n s\de,
'S e gu sliobhta, ballachruinn,
'N deis a tharruinn(g) as a* ghriosaich,
Aig ro mhiad na h-argumaint.
Sin 'nuair chunna bean na ceirtle
Lasair ris an abhras,
Dorn air bhuirbe *s air ghaisge,
Air chaise 's air chainte ;
'S mor gu 'm b' fhearr a seachnadh,
Na 'glacadh 's an am ud ;
Rug i air cuaile maith bata
'S shlac i feadh nan ceann iad.
Cha raibh crumach 's cha raibh cailleach
'S cha raibh bean 'ga seanntachd ;
Cha raibh gruagach 6g na cailinn,
Bean-baile no banntrach,
Nach d' &righ nam frime, frama,
B' i sud an eangach aimh-reit,
Fallas gach te(a) air a mala
'S malairteach a' sealltuinn.
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 219
Ian Lom, &c.
Is mise bhiogh gu h-aighireach,
Nam faighinn mar a dh' iarruinn
An ceann thoirt do Mhac-Cailein
Agus fail air Mac loin Riabhach.
Ciod an cagnadh th* agad oirnn daonan ?
Cha 'n e 'bhi gar cagnadh bu doilich leom,
Ach nach b' nrrainn domh bhur slugadh.
Dol a chreachadh nan srathaibh
Is srathair air a' bhliadhnach.
Is fuath leom ceile bhiodh carrach,
Is fuath leom cailleach ri ,p6sadh,
Is fuath leom oiseach gun oran,
Is fuath leom, Och, Och, gun tinneas.
Am Fonn Ilbach.
*S daor a phai(gh) mi 'm Fonn Ileach
'S leir do m' Righ nach e 'n t-airgead :
'S i creach Sheumuis a le6n mi, ' .
Dhol am feoil bhrathar a mhathar.
'S ur an tugsaig a leagadh,
Air an ebir bhig bhlatain.
'S daor a cheanuuigh mi 'n t-saighead,
Rinn an rathad gu gathainn,
A chuir maillid air th' amharc,
A mhic na mna o 'n Ghairbhil.
Ann an Cilie-Chomain an Ilea,
Ghabh do dhilsin fern fardoch.
Ach a cheile Catriona,
Fear dileas, treun laidir ;
Agus Ruaraidh na f&le
Bheireadh feusda da chairdean.
Ach a* Bhothag a' ghlinne,
Leom is binn thu na clairseach ;
Ach a' Bhothag an Easain
Leom is leisg bhi ga t' fheachain,
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220 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
O nach fhaighinn 'na shuain ann
Am fear ruadh mar a b' abhaist.
Iurram Bata.
Hoirinn o u ho ino,
Iuru o ro hug eile,
Hoirinn o u ho ino.
i.
Mo cheiad air fear a' chnii dosraich
Dh' aitb'ninn air thoiaeach nan ceud e.
n.
Mo luaidh air fear a' chuil doalaich
Cha b' e bnachaille nan spreidh e.
in.
Mo cbeist air fear a' chuil bhuidheadh,
A dhireadh am bruthach gu h-eatrom.
IV.
Shiubhladh, shiubhla, shiubhlainn fein leat
A dh' aon taobh gu'n teid thu.
( Tarialum) Rachainn leat air chul na greuie.
v.
Shiubhlainn leat coillc na 'n cabair
Ge do bhiodh sneachd air na geugan.
VI.
Chunncas do long sios an rudha
'S i na siubhal fiu Ian ^ididh.
VII.
'S minic chualas fuaim do chrannaig,
Siubhal roimh laethe (la) air chuan Eirinn.
vin.
Bha mo leannan f^in air stiuir ann
;S ro mhaith thig gach cuis mu }n teid e,
IX.
Bha roo leannan fein air stiuir ann
'S cha robh curam orm mu dheimhinn.
x.
Fhad *8 a mhaireas crainn gun lubadh
S a mhaireas na siuil gun reubadh.
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 221
FtJATH NA H-UlSEAG.
Ceithir nithe gu 'n tug mi f uath ,
Do mnai luath dhubh is do chu mall
Do sheann duine (oighre fearthuin) gan bhi glic
Agus slios (also var.) nach tuga clann.
ii.
Is f uath learn oiseach gan oran,
. Is fuath learn ochain gan tinnis,
Is fuath learn dubh Ghall gan Bhearla,
Is fuath learn teidin gan bhinnis.
in.
Is fuath learn loohan air lar nis,
Is fuath learn gan chlachan thairis,
Is fuath leam neid natharach an dris,
Is fuath leam balach air banais.
IV.
Is fuath leam cogar re boghar,
Is fuath leam loghar (lame) an coisiridh (travelling)
Is fuath leam mo cheilidh a bhi carrach,
Is fuath leam caileach a phosadh.
v.
Is fuath leam tigh mor, falamh, fas,
• Gan bhlas gan teine gan bhiadh ;
Is fuath leam bean 6g bhruineach bhrais,
Is fuath leam duine cas liath.
VI.
Is fuath leam bain-tighearna labhar,
Is fuath leam Abhal l gan ubhlan,
Is fuath leam ceann cleiridh gun teagas,
Is fuath leam cearcal nach lubadh. .
VII.
Is fuath leam miosgain nam fear part,
Is fuath leam troda na mna gaoil (loving),
Is fuath leam suidhe fad an cill
Air droch comun is air luinn daor.
1 1 take abhal to be the true etymology of Athell, as it abounds with
wild apples. Or if it be ahol, which in old Gaelic signifies mouth, it is the
mouth or entrance into the Grampian Mountains.
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222 'Gaelic Society of Inverness.
VIII.
Is fuath learn diulta gan iartas,
Is fuath learn fiatachd gan fhe6rach,
Is fuath learn aigne 's i sgaoilte
Aig neach nach saoilte bhi gorach.
IX.
Is fuath learn iarna gan chonn,
Is fuath learn long a bhios gan stiuir,
Is fuath leam duine lochdach searbh,
Is fuath leam talamh dearg gan siol.
Is fuath leam suireach fai teach (shy)
Air mnai shuilbhir nan rose mall,
Is fuath leam an uair a gheabhadh e cheid
Gu 'm bithidh an eleas air chall.
XI.
Is fuath leam ceann fedna (leader) gan bhi cruaidh,
Is fuath leam sluath nach togadh creach ;
Is fuath leam an cogadh na 'n sith
Am fear nach cuiridh ni ma 'n seach.
(Note). — There is another verse awanting to complete this poem, which
I'll soon get. I have obscured several words through bad spelling, which I
hope, sir, you'll excuse me. Those I thought doubtful I wrote their meaning
in English immediately above.
(The spelling of the original has not been interfered with. — J. K.)
Lb Fear Shrath-Mhathaisidh [M. Gillies].
Tha sluagh an t-saoghail-se 'nan deannaibh,
Fear ag scaoileadh 's fear ag tional,
Fear ag carnadh 6ir 's ga mhuchadb,
S fear eile ga mhuin re balladh.
Uainn a dhaoine, 's gabhaidh 'n seol e,
Bhi ro ghlic, no bhi ro gh6rach,
Leigibh dhibh e 's leanaibh mise
Seall sibh noise dhuibh mo dh6idhse.
Gun bhi ro chaiteach, no nam dhaolaig,
Cruinneach, 6ir, no ga scaoileadh,
Ma gheabh mi biadh, teine 's earradh,
Ta mi toilichte dhe 'n t-saoghal.
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballade. 223
'Nuair a bhuaileas an t-eug a ghath orm,
Tha mo Shlan-fhear air a chathair,
Bheir e mi cho luath do Pharrais,
'S ge b' e Kigh na Spainne m' athair.
Altuchadh nam Meirleach.
Le Alastair M6r Mac a Lonabhidh.1
A Mhic Dbonuill Duibb moir o Lochai, Dean trocair oirne, is
aim duit bu dual ; thu fein agus odhacban do dha sbeanar, Fear
Chuil-cbeannan, Fear an earracbd agus Fear nan Oluainte.
Alastair Mh6ir Ghlinn-deiseir, fs tu bheireadb maitheambnas
duinne, an uair a bhitheadh cuid chaich aguinn. A mbic a
Lonabhaidb as an t-Sroin, Cuireamaid ar dochas annad ; Is trie a
thug thu dhuinn greim rathaid, gun bhonn a gbabhail ga cheann.
Ach guidhidhmid air Fear Ghlinn-Eamhais, o na 's ann air a tha
sonus na fe61a. Is trie a cheil e 'n toir ann sa mhona gun bhonn
a sea a chuir a 'r pocaid. Gu ma h-amhluidh sin a bhios sinn foi
ghrasaibh Mhic Dhonuil Duibh Mh6ir a Lochai Sir (tir ?) Ailein
nan creach o'n Chorpaich.
Mu 'n t-Sniomhacha.
Tha na caileaga 'n trasa
Ga 'n saruch le cuigeil
Edir latha Fheill Sraide
'S la Fheill Padruig le'n dusan.
'S tosach driochain san fhajdoichT
Ma bhios failing an cut deth,
Is ole a fhuair thu le d' mhainne
Gun mo mhalsa bhith cuideachd.
'S m6r iargain do mhail dhomh,
'S e dh' fhag sream air mo shuilean,
Seach 'n uair ghoireadh an coileach,
'S ann bbiodh an oirionn ga m' dhusgadh.
Rachadh chrois ud a tharruing
'S bhiodh i ealamh gu cunntadh,
'S mur biodh an dusan re taraing
Bhiodh Jm am chairis ga dhunadh.
1 This is one of the famous M'GilloDy Camerons of v Strone, Lochaber. — J. K.
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224 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Bhiodh tu d' chairis gu dhunadk
'S beag sunt th' ort ga ionnsuidh,
Caitheadh min agus m6ine
Air do thoin re a gheamhruidh,
'S m6r mo ruith ris a ghiumhas,
'S goirt mo shiubbal d'a ionnsuidh,
Ga mo phronnadh ga choisneadh
Ann an clodach cruaidh lainteach
'S m6r t-iomradh mu ghiumhas
'S m6r do bhruighinn mu mh6ine,
Cha ludh' do chuid iargain
Mu m' bhiadh diomhain Dia-d6mhnu
'S ann a bhios tu gam tharruing (ag gearan)
Anns gach ait am bith comhdhail ;
'S mar f hairche re taming
Ga m* shir sparradh an comhnuidh
Feadai nise do sparradh
Cha ghabh thu fall us na naire,
Ged tha muinntir a' bhaile
Toirt an aire do d' ghnathach
'S am a bhios tu gad' gharadh
'N am tarruing an t-suaine,
'S mise a fhuair an cnap-starra
Nach duin bealach mo mbail domh.
Dhuininn bealach do mhail duit
Nam biodh tu samhach do d' bhruidhinn,
'S ann a bhios tu gam' naraeh
Anns gach ait am bith buidheann.
Ach thig oirne an samhradh
Agus am dol &' an ruidhe,
Sin fagaidh mise dhrandan,
'S gheabh mi aon ratha sughach.
Ged is sughach an samhradh
Cha 'n ann gu tamh 'tha air 6rdach' ;
Ach bhi bisidh re cuibhle,
'S 'cur gach ni mar bu ch6ir dha,
Sniomh cl6th agus cath-dath,
'S 'cur na plaide an 6rdugh,
'S 'nuair a gheabh mi thu dhathigh
Bithidh tu 'm fasta 'san e6rna
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 225
'Nuair a gheabh thu mi dhathigh
Cha toir thu caidridh na lamh dhomh,
Ach gam chnamh 's gam shlr-chagnadh
0 n' tha e agad mar natur !
Tha bhliadhna so fada
'S cha 'n 'eil teireachd gu ceann oirr*
Ach 's math am modh a bhi samhach
O na thaine mi t-ionnsuidh.
0 na thaine tu m' ionnsuidh
Bha thu mall an cois gniomha,
Bha thu dian an cois cutoig
'S tu thrusadh am biadh leat
'Nuair a thigeadh an t-aran
'S ann a bhiodh an gallop air t' fhiacail
'S ge do bhithinn s' ga cheannach
Bhiodh tu 'n ain-iochd ga chriochadh.
A Bhban Uinsinn Odhar.
'S beag an t-iongnadh dhuit bhith br6nach
'N uair a chaidh thu lea a phbsadh
5G amharc air na mearaibh mora
'S air na cr6gan uinsinn,
Agad tha 'bhean uinsinn odhar,
Ud, ud, a 'bhean uinsinn odhar,
Agad tha 'bhean uinsinn odhar
'S a' bhean odhar uinsinn.
'S ann agad tha 'n aghaidh lacunn,
'S an smig a ghearradh na clachan ;
Da shuil uain' air dhreach na lasrach
Ann do chlaigionn uisinn
'N uair a theid i chum na h-airidh
Cha dean i calanas no stath dhuit ;
Millidh i t' im is do chaise
Leis na crogan puinsin.
'N uair a theid thu chum a' chlachain
Cha bhith do leithid re fhaicinn,
Ch' uile fiacail ann do chlaigionn
Cho fhad re cabar uinsinn.
15
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226 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
N' uair a thekl thu chum na feille
Cha 'n fhaic thu do leithid fhein aim :
Bithidh na ribeinin 's an leinnich
Air na feithibh uinsinn.
0 Ian Mac Neill k Barra.
Leis a' Bhearrtha (February) cuir da aon,
A leith 's a' Mhairt, dha 's an April,
Triuir 's a' Mhai do d' mheanmna,
Cearthar 's a luin na co-leanmhuinn,
Cuig le Iuli a's glan grian,
'S le August ni 'n droch ciall ;
Iarr a h-ochd le September,
Ochd le October.
Nobhember da chuig gun chol,
December deich a dhiithear,
Aois do reitheach a ta
An so (lo ?) d' an mhi 's an Epac.
0 Dhunachai Mac Mhaol-Domhncjich.
Far mile agus chuig ceud,
Cunt sud na naoi-deug,
Linn na corra bhliadhna mar sin
Uibhir oir na bliadhna sin.
Airthear leat an uibhir oir
Aon uair deug 's ni dol ea-coir,
Ag deanamh thriachad dhuibh gu beachd
Am bi da eis an Epac.
Suim dh mhios o Mhart amhain,
An Epac 's an la do 'n mhi
Os cionn tri clieud fui ge b'e,
Aois do reithe dhe do ni.
Nionag a* Chota Bhuidhe. (Jas. M 'Lagan):
i.
Tha nighean hall ud na suighe
Da 'n tug mise gaol mo chroidhe ;
Gad' bhiodh an abhainn 'na siubhal
Kachainn fein am ruidh a nunn.
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Unpublished Gaelic Ballads. 227
A nionag a' chota bhuidhe
Deansa suidhe cuide reom (rium)
A nionag a' chota bhuidhe
Chota bhuidhe, chota bhuidhe
A nionag a' chota bhuidhe
(do-reom) var. Dh* fheuda' tu suidheadh learn.
ii.
Gad budh leomsa Leos is Uibhist,
Is na h-Earadh cuide riubha,
Bheirinn sud uam is a thuille
Air chota buidhe leis na bh' ann.
in.
Ged' budh leomsa do fheudail,
Na h-edir so is Dun-eidinn,
Gu 'n tugainn thairis dhoibh fein e,
Chionn thu bhith 'g &righ cuide riom.
IV.
Ged' bhithinn air bord am shuidhe
Far am biodh ceol agus bruidhinn,
B' fhearr leom na clairseach is fidheall
An cota buidhe leis na bh' ann.
Na 'm faighinnse toil na Cl&re,
T" athar 's do chairdin le cheile,
Luidhinn leat as do l&ne,
'S cha bhiodh ar n-&righ ach mall.
Ged' bhiodh do mhathair an gruaim reom
Is t* athair air tldh mo ruagaidh,
Cha tug, is cha tabhair mi fuath do
Dh' ainnir shuairc nan rosg mall.
VII.
Mur dean t* athair reomsa r&te
Ni mi tuille mor ga eacoir,
Th&d mi edir thu 's do l&ne
Gun toil na Cl&re bhith ann.
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228 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Lb Mr Aonab Morasan.
'N uair (n'ar) shuidheas a* choir gun cheart
'S iad a ni bheirt chlaon ;
Cha bhi Mac-Caonaich gun mhart,
A fad sa bhios an c- na mhnaoi.
Oran a rinnbadh do Mhac Dhomhnuill Shlbitb a dh' bug
ANN AN LUNDUINN AG CoMHNADH TbAGHLAIGH LANCASTER.
Ged' tha 'n oidhche nochd fuar,
'S beag air chadal mo luaidh,
'S cha 'n e tainid no fuairid m* eididh.
Ach bhith 'g acain an laoich,
Da 'm bu Shuaicheantas Fraoch,
'S e mo chreach nach do fhaod thu eirigh.
Le do chuilbhir caol glas,
Nach diultadh an t-srad,
'S a leagadh damh bras an t-sleibhe.
Ann an Sasgan fo 'n uir,
A dh' fhag mi *n tasgaidh mo ruin
Ann an caibeall nan Tura gle-gheal,
Ann ciste dhaingeann nam b6rd, .
'N deis a sparradh le h-6rd,
A ghaoil, cha duisgear le ceol nan teud thu.
Am baile Lunduinn nan cloc,
A dh' fhag mi urra mo le6in,
'S leat bu doilghich e Dhomhnuill Sheitich1
A High gur mis' tha fo sproc,
'S each mu t' fhearann ag trod,
'S a ghaoil nach suidhich thu cnoc da 'n r&teach.
Och, 0 Kigh is beag mo luaidh,
A dhol do'n Dairre so shuas,
Far an oluinnteadh a chuach 's a Cheitinn
'S mis' a chunnaic do Chuirt,
Lan do mhire *s do mhuirn ;
Tha nois inneal do chiuil gun ghleus orr\
1 Shl&tich.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 229
Var. 'S mis' a chunnaic do cbiiirt,
'S i gun mhire gun mhuirn,
Agus inneal do chiuil gun ghleus orr'.
'S maith thigeadh bonaid o'n bhuth,
Air agbaidh sboilleir mo ruin,
Cota Lunduinneacb du-ghorm eutrom.
Ann Tigb lagba 'm biodb cuirt,
Far m* bu radharcach thu,
Cha bu cbladbaire cbunntagb f&ch ort.
11th FEBRUARY, 1807.
At tbe meeting tbis evening, Mr John Wbyte read a paper
contributed by Kev. Charles M. Robertson, Inverness, on " Arran
Gaelic Dialect." The paper was as follows : —
THE GAELIC DIALECT OF ARRAN.
Tbe more prominent features of the Gaelic spoken in Arran
are among the vowels the attenuation of a and ao with tbe accom-
panying development of a semi-vowel w, and the partiality shared
with Irish for i, in lieu of ui ; among the consonants the preval-
ence as in the islands of Argyll of the unaspirated sound of
•slender n, the loss of slender cA, as in Irish and Manx, the
occasional attenuation of the mediae and of bh and mh (as/), the
hardening of final dh and gh with broad vowels, and an absence
as compared with northern dialects of vocalisation. Bh and mhx
for example, under the last-named feature, as a rule, receive their
full value, viz., v not u or nil, as in arbhar, ruamhair, geamhradh,
samhradh, &c. ; it might not be correct to say that they retain
their v sound, as the pronunciation " cavasair" (and " cavastair")
of cabhsair, from English causey, would alone suggest the possi-
bility of a re-development of the v sound. Slender dh and gh
at the end of a syllable which are sounded on the West Coast
generally are silent in Arran (except in one word, an deidh). The
phonetic tendencies in general are at a less advanced stage than
in more northern dialects ; witness Sasgunn for Sasunn, nunn for
null. The elision or loss of slender ch even may be a proof not of
a swifter but of a slower advance, for the suggestion has been
made, and not without facts seeming to countenance it, that the
pronunciation in modern Scottish Gaelic of that sound is a
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230 Gaelic Society of Inverness
re-development and not a retention of the old pronunciation. The
pronunciation of ao may also be an instance of the retention of
older sounds. The position that the vowel variously represented
of old by de, di, 6e, 6i, and now by ao (and eu sometimes), has
changed in representation only and not in sound, as Professor
Khys seems to hold (Manx Prayer Book), is hardly tenable in
view of the great diversity of pronunciations in modern Gaelic,
both in Ireland and in Scotland. The probability is that there
was like diversity in the old language, and that not only in
different dialects but at different periods, as is suggested by the
fact that de, di are more general in Old Irish, while de, di are
more frequent in Early Irish.
Natives of Arran recognise three dialects, viz., Northend,
Shiskine, and Southend. Northend Gaelic is more like Kintyre
Gaelic than the others are. It is Southend Gaelic that is specially
dealt with in the following pages. The use made of " Northend,"
"Shiskine," or "Southend" is to limit the statement with which
the word is associated to that particular dialect. When no such
limitation is made, Shiskine and Southend dialects are understood
to agree, as does also the Northend in many, probably in most
oases. The divergences between Shiskine and Southend consist
of little more than the application or non-application of common
principles in particular instances, and the same may be true of
the Northend also. The nearest approach to a difference of prin-
ciple is the treatment of mh after Mac in surnames in which it is
attenuated at Shiskine (Mac Faolain, Mac Furchaidh, <fec), and
elided at the Southend (Mac 'Aolain, &c).
Some characteristics are recorded which are not peculiar to
this dialect alone, but only such as are more or less local and
limited in their range. Among other pleas that might be urged
in favour of that course, the representation cf the dialect is more
complete and the determination of the range of such character-
istics is facilitated.
In the phonetic re-spelling of words the letters are meant to
have their standard Gaelic values, e.g., u means the sound of u in
Gaelic "guth," of oo in English "food;" i means that of i in
Gaelic " sith" and in English " piano." Vowel sounds that differ
only in length, e.g., u and u, i and \. &c, have not been separ-
ately treated, but are distinguished in the usual Gaelic way.
Apostrophes are used in room of silent letters, especially of vowels
whose sole use in the word is to stand between a broad consonant
and a slender vowel, e.g., s'im for suim, or between a slender
consonant and a broad vowel, e.g., t'anga for teanga. The
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 231
suppressed slender ch is represented sometimes by an apostrophe,
sometimes by gh. The mark ? indicates that the vowel over
which it is placed is nasalised.
a.
The vowel a has two sounds, open and close, though the differ-
ence is less marked than in the case of o and e. The close sound
is usually, if not always associated with the liquids, as seems to
be the case also in Manx. In Arran the close sound is found
before m, a double liquid, or a liquid and mute, excepting r
followed by g, b. or bh, e.g., amadan, cam, ball, gann, barr earn,
<lalma, calg, bard, gart. So also la (day), adhlac, balach, parant,
prab (rheum in the eye), prat (a tantrum). So damh, samhradh,
but not lamh, namhaid.
The open sound of a, except in combination with other vowels,
is rare in accented syllables, e.g., gabh and agus, but is always the
sound of the diminutive suffixes ag, an. In the combinations ia,
ua, ai, a has its open sound, e.g., biadh, fiadh, ruadh, tuagb, aird,
aimsir, aingidh, faidhidinn (patience), cainnlear (candlestick),
saighead, saighdear, aig, saibhir, E. Ir. saidber (risk), gairid, 0. Ir.
garit (short), an rair (last night). Ai in those examples is a
diphthong, i being distinctly sounded except in aird and gairid.
In other accented positions a has the sound of Gaelic open e,
English a in "care," "fare," or e in "less," which gives in Arran
pronunciation a perfect rhyme with " cas" in the local verse —
" Nevertheless
Na bris do chas
A ruith do chearc
Di-Domhnaigh."
In the poems of the Kev. Peter Davidson, of Brodick (Glasgow :
Wm. Munro, 81 Virginia Street), who was a native of Arran, that
sound gives many of the rhymes, e.g., lamh, neamh (p. 35), snamh,
sgeimh (p. 105), which rhyme together perfectly. The sound
being that of open e, may be conveniently called slender a.
The influence of i in preserving the broad sound of a is not
confined to the digraph ai, but may be exerted from the following
syllable, especially if liquids are present, e.g. : abair, abhainn,
Samhainn, aluinn (Northend e'lainn), cathair, athair, mathair,
brathair, lathair, abuich, abhaist, athais. Such words as anail,
acuinn, pronounced e'na'l (Manx ennal), e'ca'ng, are exceptions
more seeming than real, however, as i is not the sounded vowel of
the second syllable. Broad a is restored also whenever i is intro-
duced, and is made slender whenever i is thrown out in inflection,
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232 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
&c, e.g., a is broad in the accented syllables of the nominatives
athair, mathair, brathair, nathair, in the genitive cail, in the
plural naimhdean, in slainte, aige, aice, but slender in the genitives
athar, mathar, brathar, nathrach, in the nominative cal, and the
singular namhaid, in slan, agam, agad, and also againn, agaibh,
although g is elided. In naire a is broad, but in nairich, perhaps
better naraich, it is slender.
In a few instances ai is close e, viz., maille, airean (plough-
man), cait (oblique case of cat), caibe (a spade) ; it is nasal e in
bainis (or banais) and bainnse, and in caith (wear, use). The
remarkable thing is that in several other dialects a never is
sounded as e except in the digraph ai.
Another peculiarity of Arran Gaelic is associated with that
slender a and with ao, which also is a slender vowel in Arran, viz.,
the development of a w sound between the altered vowel and the
preceding consonant, .plain or aspirated, especially b, f, p, I, m, n
before a long vowel, e.g., bata, ban, fas, Papa, Ian, mag, mal, mam,
mathair, namhaid, nadur, naraich. The use of w as the symbol is
apt to give an exaggerated impression of the sound, which is
better described as a very short o, and may be reproduced by
inserting such an o between the consonant and the slender a
sound. In the case of short a the sporadic sound sometimes
obscures the vowel of the syllable, so that a is apt to be taken for
o, whence we have such representations of Arran Gaelic as
"moith'' for " maith," "fola" for "fada." The true sound,
however, is o-e open. The same sporadic sound is found in one
instance where the vowel is open e, viz., in the phrase "co
mbeud."
An explanation of the phenomenon has been suggested by Mr
John Whyte. The broad sporadic vowel is required as a stepping-
stone between the consonants, some of which are themselves
broad, and all formerly followed by a broad vowel, and the now
slender vowel. It is, in short, the old broad sound of a still
asserting its influence upon the consonant.
The feature suggests comparison with the w found with the
broad vowels in Manx, e.g., mwaagh, a hare ; bwoirryn, a female ;
twoaie, the north, where w has the same sound as u or w in such
English words as "quick," "dwindle" (Rhys' Manx Prayer Book,
II., 58). Compare also the Manx moir, mother ; moddey, a dog,
which were formerly written meier, moaddy, and baa, formerly
bu6, genitive of booa, a cow.
It seems to be a somewhat similar sound that is intended by
h in Macalpine's phonetic representation of the words math,
mathair, buidhinn, namely, mha, mhahyer, bhiie-enn.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 233
As in the other dialects, there is sometimes an interchange of
a and o. In the substitution of a for o in such words as cas,
cadal, facal, &c, Arran follows Scottish Gaelic ; so fad, a peat,
not fbid ; gallan-gaoithe, a swallow ; and the borrowed words
afaig, an office or position, Argyllshire ofaig ; searmainn (not
searmoinn), sermon (Southend) ; lad, a load ; baban, a bobbin -r
and Southend cadan, cotton.
It is o on the other hand in sporr-an-tighe, the rafters (South-
end) ; doingean, Shaw's doimhean, deep ; trosnan (Southend), a
crutch, for trosdan, from trast ; mollachd, a curse, and verb
niollaich; and also in smot, a bite, a mouthful; bolgum, a
mouthful of liquid ; bos, in the sense of " a slap," 0. Ir. bossr
palm of the hand ; tochraisg, wind (yarn) ; boiche (Southend), but
also baiche and bathaigh (ba'i), a byre ; fomhair, a giant, Irish
fomhor, E. Ir. fomor. Roimh, troimh, gheibh, falbh, may be
noted here also. The tirst two, which have ei in some dialects,
are both pronounced alike, ro. The latter two are gheo (close o) ;
folbh.
o.
0 has its open sound in cota, le6ghann, pchd, ooda-ban (four-
penny piece) ; foirfeach (an elder), brollach (breast), folbh (for
falbh) ; compaid (company), Shaw's compailt and Macalpine's-
compairt (partnership). It has its close sound in obainn, olainn,
sroin, lodan (puddle), loch, lothag (a filly), solas and clo (thick
cloth). The words m6r and m6ran, as is very generally the case,,
have the vowel close, except when they are emphatic, and then it
is open. Thoir (give) has close o except in the interrogative and
subjunctive forms, in which o is open.
Open o is found in place of u in molt, a wedder (Southend) -r
rogaid, a slattern ; rogadh, rough handling ; mosach, nasty ; boin,
belong to ; oircean, a young pig ; oidheam, accoutrements ; and
also in s6rd, condition, with its derivative s6rdail ; and brothasr
brose.
On the other hand, it is not o but u in one or two words — uirrer
on her ; guiseag, a stalk, from goise ; and cnu, or as it is pronounced
cnutha, a nut.
u.
This vowel receives somewhat exceptional treatment ia the
following words, in which it is long : — cnutha, a nut, for cnu or
end, has been mentioned already. Similarly burn, water, is
bu'arna ; gun, gown, is gu'ann, and is written gughann by Mac-
Alpine ; and the borrowed word bulas, a pot-hook, is bu'al, written
buthal by Shaw.
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234 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The Argyllshire partiality for the close sound of e appears in
Arran in the words teth, leth, leubh, deng, geug, beuc, peacadh,
teas, seas, seasgann, neasgann (an eel), easbach (regrettable),
teaghlach, reidh with its derivatives. In reub, ceithir, sneaghan
(an ant), the vowel is open e.
The Inverness-shire tendency to pronounce ea as ya has been
remarked by Mr Macbain in Badenoch Gaelic, but it is only a
difference of degree between that district and the rest of Scottish
Gaeldom, with the exception of Lochaber, where^ that digraph
always has the sound of e simply. In Arran the ya sound is
found in searrach, sealbh, teann, ceann, greann, geal, which Mr
Macbain cites from Badenoch, and also in beachd, cleachd, feachd,
reachd, sneachd, deachaidh, teanga, dream, feamrach (seaweed),
sealasdair (yellow iris), leamh, leamhragan, leatha (broader), leatha
and leaiche (with her) gleadh (keep) creadh (clay), one pronuncia-
tion of geadh (goose), ceath (cream), seath (six), seathar (six men),
breagh (Northend, as in Kin tyre, bre), and for ei in ceirtle,
meirleach (so Mac Alpine for these two). So also sreathartaich for
sreothartaich.
Ea is sounded eo in treabh (till), geadh (goose), in one pro-
nunciation geo'ach, Mac Alpine ge-atfgh. Earball is urball, as on
the West Coast generally. On the other hand, rud, a thing (Ir.
rud and raod, Manx red, 0. Ir. ret), is read ^ close e) short, and
rudacb, kindly, is reudach at the Southend.
Some dialects have i in certain words, where others have e.
Arran takes *, and extends it to a large numbei of words, e.g.,
a miosg, mios, smior, mil for a measg, meas, smear, " nisi" (honey).
An original i is retained in sileadh, Neacail, eannchainn, tionn-
dadh, ionnsaich (pronounced ios'i, \ nasal), Mac a Bhriuthain,
ruig, fiodh, and at Southend eadhon, i'coinn, liubhar, li'har,
pirnean (a " pirn"), where e, a, u, <fec, may be heard in other
dialects. Let it be observed that i is the only vowel sound in the
accented syllables of the examples mentioned and to be mentioned
in this connection.
An original e is replaced by i in eirich (Manx iree), meas,
meag, reannach (a mackerel), meadar (milk pail), reudan, Eauruig,
cuibhill, pronounced ci'all, snaoisean, to which add measgadh,
measa (worse), mean (small), where an original i became e at an
early period. So deirge, deilg, and other ei oblique forms of ea
words, and at Shiskine rionnag (a shooting star), Shaw rinnag for
Digitized by VjOOQlC
The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 235
reannag. In sibhreag a fairy i represents ia, from original ei,
according to Mr Macbain.
In the digraph ui, i as a rule suppresses u, e.g., thuige, suim,
cluinn, ruith (Shaw rith), pronounced thige, s'im, <fcc, without
changing the broad sound of the preceding consonant. So ciota
(Shaw also), a tub, cf. cudainn, ciostag, the little finger, cf.
cuisdeag, and the loan words crup, cuifean, or ceafan, Scotch coof,
and ciofanachd, cuffing. In ludag, little finger, ludallan, a hinge,
Shiskine ludan, u is pronounced at the Southend as i, I and d
retaining their broad sound ; at Shiskine it is French u, which is
MacAlpine's pronunciation.
It is i in some words having o originally, but now showing
various vowels, e.g., oidhche, suidh, tuig, cuimhne, cuinge, smuain,
maoth (tender), a'on, Di-h-aoine, druim, Cuimein, Naoghas (Angus),
ceaird (trade), pronounced cird, and Southend struidheach
(prt digal).
On the other hand, i is avoided in meadhon (me'an, open e),
uibhir (u'ir), sgiuirt, English " skirt" (sg'u'rt, Gaelic u at South-
end, at Shiskine French u), Mac Eanain (M'Kinnon), and Claim
Eanain. This last suggests that the name was received through
Lowland Scotch. Timchioll, at Shiskine tiomall, is tiumall at the
Southend.
In Ireland the usual pronunciation of the digraph ui (and also
of to) as in duine, cnuic, nisge, is that of English i in "hit," " fill."
Oidhche is pronounced in Ireland as it is in Arran. In Manx oie
(night) is in one pronunciation simply Gaelic " I," and we may
also note dreeym (back), riiym, I shall run, and jirgid (redness).
Druim is very generally pronounced dr'im in Scottish Gaelic.
Compare also uireas and ioras.
ao.
The sound given to this, the most variable, vowel in the
language, is that of Gaelic close e, the same sound as occurs in
English " whey," and it is the same, except in some instances in
length, whether it represents an older ae, ai, oi> or a past or
present agh, adh, &c. For example, the vowel sound of the
accented syllable of teaghlach is e, and of lagh, laghach, aghaidh,
ad hare, ladhar, rogha, &c, is the short sound of the same close e.
The tendency to that sound is so strong that natives of Arran
who try to follow the Northern pronunciation give ao the sound
of e, e.g., in foghlum, North faolum, Arran folum.
The same close e sound takes the place of oi in those words in
which that digraph receives the sound of ao in some dialects, e.g.,
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236 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
oillt, coille, coileach, boile (madness), toill, coinneal, oighre,
soitheach. At Shiskine the vowel of the numeral aon, viz., e, is
retained in onrachd and its derivative dnrachdach.
The sporadic w or o developed before this pronunciation of ao,
has been referred to under a. Instances are laogh and lagh.
In Arran poetry there are numerous instances of ao rhyming
with 6 (and also with e and attenuated a). For example —
" Mar threudich math a choimhdas cruin na caoraidh,
Innaltradh nuadh bhith's, go trie, ag iarridh,
Chaoidhas luchd cailt, luchd seachrain threoruichas,
'S an oiche ghleadhas, *s an la innaltras ;
Na uain og togidh suas 'n a lamh go caomh,
Gach aon ag altram, ann a uchd mar naomh :
Marso mor-churam do an chinadh dhaon\
Gabhidh Ath'r caomh nan lin a tha 'n ar deidh"
" Faic mic us nighana tha 'n diugh gan bhreith,
Faic feadh do chuirt na h ail a tha gan bhith,
Am buidh'nan cruin ag1 eirich air gach taobh,
Ag iarridh beatha, deonach bhith air neamh.
Faic ducha coimhach gu do dhoirsa teithadh,
Trial ann do shollus, ann do theampul feithadh ; .
Ma t' altair ghraonach tha na riogha cruin,
Us gibhta trom do fhas nan Sabean."
— Shaw's Translation of Pope's " Messiah"
vv. 49-56, 87-94 (a.d., 1780).
" 0 shiorruidheachd, do runaich thu
An iompachadh 's an t-saogKl ;
?S trid umhlachd agus bas do Mhic
An deanamh reidh riut/em."
— Davidson's Poems, p. 110.
" Cha cbreidinn faidhean no cairdean De,
Gu'n gabhadh Criosd ri neach cho bre'un \
7S ann a shaoil mi gu'm feumainn paigheadh
Airson an t-saoibhreas tha iomlan saorP
— Gaelic Poems by Alex. Cook, p. 14 (Glasgow :
W. Munro, 80 Gordon Street. 1882).
The peculiar Gaelic system of assonance, it may be remarked
in passing, is observed in the last quotation, viz., De and gabh
a as e ; paigh and saoibh aoi as ai.
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^J
The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 237
The Irish pronunciation of ao is, as in Arran, that of 6, except
in Connaught, where it is Gaelic t, and in Ulster, where it is
French u. The Manx pronunciation is nearly that of French eu
in "jeune," "peur."
ia and ua.
The diphthong ia is found in iarlas at the Southend and in
Shaw (at Shiskine earlais) arles, and in ceud but not in riasladh,
deug, or iad, de'g, e'd. So Manx shey jeig (sixteen), but ceead
(hundred). As already noted, a is open in those diphthongs.
Semi- Vowels.
The semi-vowel y takes the place of initial e or i, followed by
a broad vowel in words containing liquids, e.g., callach, eolas, ionn-
drainn, iuchair. W occurs for u in dawaireug (accent on last
syllable), i.e., da-uair-dheug (twelve o'clock) ; cf. Irish dareug
(twelve persons).
Nasal Vowels.
The accented vowel is nasalised in faigh, caith, oidhche, uchd,
ubh, ubhall, crudha (horse shoe), and at Shiskine ith; and in
fuaim, stuaim, gruaim, guaim, uam, uainn.
Consonants.
The partiality which we have seen for slender vowel sounds,
associated with the tendency which exists to attenuate the mediae,
forms perhaps the most general characteristic of Arran speech.
In some districts the sounds of the language seem to be produced
at the very back of the mouth or even down in the throat, what
is described as taking a mouthful of one's words ; in other
districts they seem to be produced in the middle of the mouth ;
in Arran the attempt seems to be to produce them in the extreme
front of the mouth, and to squeeze them out through as narrow
an opening as possible.
A common effect of that peculiarity is to cause the tenues to
be written for the mediae. It may be for that reason that
* brodail appears as protail in Mr Macbain's Dictionary. In Shaw's
Dictionary we find piast, a worm ; peist, a worm, beast, monster ;
peisteog, a little worm, all with p f or b ; ceis for gais (loathing),
ciotadh, creatachan, which are still the pronunciations of cioda
(a tub), greadachan (a churn-staff). So b and d in beadaidh,
Criosd, coda-ban (a groat), which MacAlpine also pronounces cota-
ban ; brog ; and g in geannaire (hammer), aingidh, brogach,
colagan (collops), and, as now pronounced, Shaw's carruigag (a
pancake), and (at Southend) boga-leo, bumpkin. Druid (starling),
pronounced truideag, is truid in Early Irish.
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238 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The v sound of aspirated b and m is similarly attenuated
occasionally, e.g., fomhair (giant), siobhag (a straw), sibhreag (a
fairy), griobhach, are pronounced fofair, siofag (so in Islay), sifreag,
griofach (so in Kin tyre). Mac Creamhan (English Crawford) is
'Ac Creafan, and Mac Mhurchaidh is 'Ac Furchaidh at Shiskine
(at Southend 'Ac 'Urchaidh).
There is an attenuation or explosive enunciation of m and n
also in initial position. In some cases the reverse may be heard,
as in cuirnean (a pin head, so Irish), pronounced guirnean ; taca,
traon-ri-traon, pronounced daca, drionaidh dreun ; cf. blangaid,
butan, Biobull, all pronounced with initial b, not as in some
dialects p. At Shiskine, afaig (for oifig) is abhaig.
The Liquids.
The elision of m and mh noticed above is a feature in the use
of the surnames generally. Mac in surnames only is always
pronounced 'ac, whence comes Shaw's word " ac, a son," which is
quoted by Armstrong, e.g., Mac Nicol, now Nicol in English, is
still 'Ac RiocaiJ in Gaelic ; Mac Mhuirich is pronounced 'Ac 'Uiri',
at Shiskine 'Ac Fuiri,' and is still further curtailed in the English
form Currie. Macintyre suffers at the Southend still greater
abbreviation : Iain Mac-an-t-Saoir, for example, is simply Iain
t-Saoir. The usage in great part of Argyllshire is much the same
— only c remains of Mac in surnames.
Medially mh is retained more often than in other dialects, e g.,
ruamhair, fomhair (giant).
Finally it is generally retained except in words of more than
one syllable. The infinitives deanamh, caitheamh, caramh, and at
Southend seasamh, feitheamh, end as in Argyllshire in adh, pro-
nounced ag, as does also creideamh. In talamh, ealamh, falamh,
claidheamh, and at Shiskine also in annamh, ullamh, coinneamh,
britheamh, aireamh, seasamh, feitheamh, mh is retained. It is
elided in the ordinal numbers which MacAlpine writes with the
termination adh, e.g., ceathramh, pronounced ceathro, and so
written by Shaw ; so also theagamh, except when followed by
gu'n, when it is theag'. In other instances in which mh is gone at
the Southend, a has either the sound of the indistinct vowel (ao
short), as in annamh, ullamh, coinneamh, and an alternative
pronunciation of creideamh, or it has the sound of Gaelic short u,
as in aireamh, britheamh, and an alternative pronunciation of
ealamh. At the Northend, seasav, coinneav, and theago occur.
There is no inserted u before m, nn, 11, as there is in Northern
Gaelic, e.g., cam, bonn, toll, pronounced even in North Argyll
caum, bounn, toull.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 239
The liquids have the usual sounds, except that r has lost its
ui) aspirated broad sound. According to Shaw, I, n, r, seem to
sound as if reduplicated in places of aspiration ; so, labhram (I
speak), labhair mi (I spake), pronounced llabhair mi (Analysis, pp.
16, 17). It is in the case of n that the different sounds are most
easily distinguished, viz., the plain broad n, the plain slender n,
and the aspirated n, the two n's not being distinguished when
aspirated, i.e., when standing in positions in which other con-
sonants would be aspirated. Slender n, however, is scarcely ever
aspirated, to use a convenient expression, except in initial position.
Medially and finally, except in one or two words, such as fein
(self), sin (that), slender n has the sound which in such positions
is always represented in Gaelic by a double n, that is, the sound
ot French gn, or of English n in "vineyard ;" e.g., teine, min, and
Southend minig, are pronounced as if they were teinne, minn,
minnig ; so also cuimhnich, cruithneachd, and at Southend
aoibhneas, caoimhneas. An apparent exception is minidh (an
awl), which, however, seems rather to be mionaidh ; cf. Mac-
Alpine, meanaidh, Ir. meanadh, E. Ir. meanad. Even broad n
receives the pronunciation of slender nn in mionaid (a minute),
feun (a waggon), eadhon (namely), and in the phrases " air 'ar
n-athais," " air 'ur n-athais," pronounced minneid, feinn (a " load "'),
iocoinn ; and in the suffix -an when affixed to a word whose final
vowel is slender, e.g., grainnean (a small quantity), cuirnean( a
pin head), pronounced grainn'ainn, guirn'ainn. The same pro-
nunciation is given to that suffix by MacAlpine, and if we may
judge from his examples, firean, uircean, Ailpean, with the restric-
tion in his dialect also to words with preceding slender vowel.
We may note here also that the Arran pronunciation of slender n,
medial and final, prevails throughout the islands of Argyllshire.
In a few instances broad n is unaspirated, viz., ionad (a place),
Ir. ionad and ionnad ; beachan (a bee), gun (a gown), pronounced
gu'ann in Arran and in Islay. Sean, old, is always se'n, nev-er
seann (syann). The aspiration of n in " as a nodha " (anew) s
noteworthy.
In dona, sona, monadh, muna (see conjunctions), n has the
soft or unaccented sound found in Di-Domhnaich : to put it
otherwise, the words are pronounced do-na, mo-nadh, &c., not
don-a, mon-adh, &c.
N is unusual in trosnan, a crutch (so Shaw), influenced
apparently by tarsnan, the more common trosdan being also used>
and in eugnais (want, defect). The word for maggot is cruinneag,
evidently for cruimheag.
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•240 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
N appears as r in feamrach (seaweed), Shaw and E. Ir.
femnach, and in the verb comanaich, and may be heard as I in
meanbh-chuileag, pronounced mile-chuileag (accent on penult),
and at the Southend in braolan (an earth nut), and mairseal (a
merchant). On the other hand nunn has not become null.
In a number of words n, nn, or ng is elided, while the vowels,
except in aisling, retains the nasal sound : — eunlaith, muinle
(sleeve), Eanraig, onrachdan and onrachdach, ionann (i'ann),
coinnlear, innleachd, innis, ministear, bainnse, prainnseag, ionga,
iongar, ceangail, teanga, aingeal, aingeal (fire), daingean (doi'ean),
aisling (aislea), long (loi), meanglan (me'lan), is at Northend
mea'ghlan, just as in Badenoch and other districts langan is
laghan. The same reduction of ng to gh, and a subsequent
hardening of gh into g, after the analogy of other -agh words,
seem to be the steps by which ng has become g in coimhcheangal
(coicheagal). At the end of words nn is preferred to the g found
in some dialects, e.g., cumhann, tarrunn, fuilinn, with infinitive
a' fulan, not cumhag, tarrag, fuilig, fulag. At Shiskine occur,
however, fuilig and bodhaig (body), the latter being used at the
Northend also.
In Manx aingeal (in both senses) is aile, and onrachdan oc3urs
in a phrase which has been misunderstood, viz., " ny lomarcan,"
alone (Manx Prayer Book II., 14), i.e., 'n a lorn onrachdan, pro-
nounced in Arran oragan, lorn being merely intensive, as in loma
Ian (quite full).
A substitution of nn for 11 seems to be the explanation of the
word bainnigh, a factor. M in lieu of I appears in a loan word
which has undergone quite a number of mutations. The Latin
pulpitum is pulpaid (and puilpid) in Shaw's Dictionary, pubaid in
Kintyre, &c. ; cubaid in literature, <fec. ; cubaidh in Eoss-shire,
cubainn in Lewis ; in Arran it is pumpaid. A comparison of that
form with strump of Shiskine, Perthshire, and Macalpine, from
stroup, tombaca from tobacco, plang from plack, and Manx cramp
from knapp, does not tend to confirm the explanation of n in
buntata as a piece of folk etymologising. It is rather an instance
of the sort of reflex action that is so often found alongside of
assimilation and other processes in language. Thus when the
combinations nd, nt, mb (mp), &c, occur, the tendency is to get
rid of one or other member, but when only one member occurs it
often happens that the other member is arbitrarily introduced, as -
in the above examples. In that way may be explained the Lewis
cubainn. Cubaid first became cubainnd, and then by assimila-
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 241
tion cubainnd became cubainn, and so may be explained the
frequent substitution of n(n) for d which is a feature of Lewis
Gaelic.
An interchange of I and m appears to have taken place in
muirminn, which MacAlpine writes muirlinn and muirichlinn
(edible sea-weed, dulse). Shaw's muiririn (placed after muirn)
may be a misprint.
There is I for r in compailt (company), so Shaw ; at Southend
oompaid more frequently ; MacAlpine compairt (partnership) ; at
Shiskine eilean for eirean or airean (aoirean, Macbain), may be
heard occasionally.
r.
This consonant has its broad sound in an uraidh (last year),
Ir. annuraidh, and urad, so Shaw and MacAlpine for uiread (so
much), but it is slender in airidh for araidh (certain), Ir. airighe,
M. Ir. airidhe ; and in uirnigh (uirnnigh), prayer.
The Gutturals.
The sound of c does not differ according as it is initial or post-
vocalic. At the Southend and at Shiskine the aversion to the
hyper-guttural sound given to post-vocalic c in some dialects is so
great as to have thrown ch out of a few words in which it has a
right to be, viz., iochdar, uachdar, onrachd, curachd, pronounced
iocar, uacar, onrac, currrac ; and yet in casachdaich (coughing),
Ir. casachdach, the ch has been retained where the other dialects
have rejected it. Compare also frasachdach (showery) Southend.
Medially c is elided in piotar, a picture (cf. do'tair for doctair,
"Cuairtear nan Gleann"), and occasionally at Southend in faicinn
(seeing), pronounced fa'inn, Manx fakin, and also fain ; finally it
is elided in chunnaic (saw), pronounced thunnai.
ch.
Initial ch is pronounced A, in cha, chaidh, chunnaic, in Knap-
dale honnai, in Jura hanna, Manx ha, hie, honnick. Medially it
is elided in deachaidh, and at Southend in meille-chartan, pro-
nounced meileartan. Ch in lieu of th is probably universal in
dachaidh and gu brath (in 1408 charter, gu brach) ; in Arran it is
found in lothag (a filly), bothan, feith, pronounced feach, and
Southend triath, in which three Shaw has ch. Compare Mac-
Alpine's pronunciation of dluth, maoth, viz., dlugh, maogh, and
16
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242 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
mao, and the Manx bragh, daghy, myghin, for brath, dath (dye),*
maothainn (clemency).
Slender ch is h in chi. Medially and finally it is retained in
greannaichte at Southend, doiliche (more difficult), iche (night),,
Manx oie, duiche (country), baiche (a byre), deich, deicheanih,
eich (horses). It is elided in fichead, timchioll (pronounced
tiumall), in the place-names Bailemhicheil, Cillmhicheil, in the
passive participle of ich verbs, as beannaichte ; in the other parts
of those verbs medial ch is broad, as beannachaidh (will bless) \.
cf. flinne and Shaw's flichne (sleet), also Northend dioll for
dtehioll.
Final ch is elided whenever and wherever it comes in contact
with a slender vowel ; in adjectives, as doilich ; in oblique cases of
-ach nouns, as coileach, coilich (v. Shaw's caoraidh for caoraich
supra) ; and in ich nouns, as buainich, a reaper, u Picts, na
Cruinnith," Shaw ; in the past indicative and the imperative of
-ich verbs, as imich (Southend), Manx imee, ceannaich, teich
(written teithadh in Shaw's translation of Pope's "Messiah," v. 91,
quoted above. Even ith, so generally pronounced ich, is as often
** as it is ich in Arran.
It is substituted for th in snaithean (a thread), maith, bruith,.
ruith, raith, suith (pronounced suiche, Ir. suithche, M. Ir. suithe),
laitheil (daily), Shaw laichol ; Thighearna, pronounced at South-
end Chiarna, Manx Chiarn (cf. Shaw's ogchiern, a young lord) ;
and at Shiskine in gaoith. MacAlpine pronounces all except
Thighearna with ch ; bruich is of course common, and maich occurs
in Irish.
It even takes the place of sh in the two phrases " car mu
chlios" for " car mu shlios," upside down (of clothes), and " La
chealg na cuthaige," also "La cheal' na cuthaige," "All Fool's Day,"
for " La shealg na cuthaige," equivalent to the Lowland Scottish
" Hunt the Gowk."
The elision of final slender ch in the oblique cases of nouns
prevails in Islay ; MacAlpine has Di-Dcnaidh Caisg, s.v. Caisg.
It has been elided in all parts of speech in Manx also ; and in
Irish it is represented by gh, which is not sounded, e.g., Domhnaich
is Donee in Manx, and Domhnaigh, pronounced Domhnai in Irish.
Initially ch slender is sounded A in a few words in Manx, e.g^
heeym, I see ; medially it is usually elided, and that is the case
even in oie for oidhche, where it was enforced by dh. In Irish it
is sounded initially and medially like h, or rather like h followed
by y, e.g., Michael is pronounced M\h-yal.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 243
9-
In conversation g is usually elided in again, agad, againn,
agaibh, and in Gilleasbuig, Eanruig, thainig, " Domhnach Cas"
(Easter Sunday), and in sealg in " La shealg na cuthaige." It is
preserved in Sasgunn though not in Sasunnach. In some
instances it has become t or d after s at the end of a syllable, e.g.,
at the Southend uisge is often uiste, and at the Northend brisg,
loisg, duisg, sothaisgean (a primrose) are brisd, loisghd, duisd,
sothaisdean or soisdean. An elision of g in the passive participle
of sg verbs is common to other dialects, e.g., loiste, ruiste for
loisgte, ruisgte. The substitution of st for non-initial sg (sc) is
one of the characteristics of Manx Gaelic, e.g., measgadh, Soisgeul,
Sasgunn are in Manx mastey, Sushtal, Sostyn. Contrast the
North Highland cosg, cosgus for cosd, cosdus.
At the Southend cuideal and caidil may be heard occasionally
for cuigeal and caigil, and on the other hand cliug, a cuff with the
fingers (and cliugaileis, cuffing), for cliut, or, as the dictionaries
have it, cliud.
gh.
Gh final, preceded by a broad vowel, especially if the vowel is
short, is pronounced g as a rule in substantives, e.g., lagh, dragh,
seach, sleagh, and Shaw's triugh (hooping-cough) are pronounced
lag, drag, seag, sleag (with a as ao), and driog, Shiskine triog.
At the Northend even breagh may be heard as breag. At Shiskine
laogh is laog {ao as ^), which occurs in the local place-name
Glenlaeg (Calve's glen), So caithte-bhragaid (King's evil), and at
Southend agus.
Elision of gh occurs in aghaidh, gartghlan (to weed), and
Ghilleasbuig, pronounced ao'i (Manx aoi), gartlan, and ,Leasbui,,
and also in such verbs as thagh, leagh, &c.
Gh is of course generally the pronunciation of dh when
sounded, and is in Arran pronounced as gh is, viz., g, e.g., fiadh,
fiodh, geadh are flag, fiog, geag (one pronunciation). So also
iodhal, fionnadh (hair), reothadh (frost), and at the Southend
fiadhaich, cradhach, eadhon (i'coinn), which are at Shiskine fiVi,
cra'ach, e'ghon. All the adh terminations of subjunctive and
infinitive, including those in amh, are pronounced ag, e.g.,
ghabhadh, gradhachadh, gragachag. Comhdhail is cohail.
At Shiskine ubh is ug, 0. Ir, og. Uaimh (a cave) is uagai at
Southend; at Shiskine uav; but in both places "Ua-Righ" (ua,
not ua nasal !), the King's Coves at Shiskine. There is ag for ibh
also in mar f hiachaibh, in air taillibh at Shiskine, and in beulaobh,
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244 Gaelic Society of Inverness
fearaibh at Southend, pronounced fhiachag, tailleag, beulag,
fearag, also fearagh.
Final gh and dh preceded by a slender vowel, the pronunciation
of which is so generally characteristic of the Hebrides and West
Coast, are not sounded in Arran. There is> however, one instance
at the Southend in the oblique forms of laoigh. Used as a term
of endearment, that word has four pronunciations, viz., laoi,
laoigh (ao as e), 16i, and ldigh.
Dentah.
In contact with slender vowels, d and t are not always spirants.
In great part of the west of Ross-shire they are sounded in such
words as teid, teine, direach, like English t and d nearly, and not
like English ch and,/. That pronunciation of slender t prevails
very widely in the case of the words taitinn and taitneach, the
second t being sounded as t in English "hit," and not as ch in
" chin." The ch sound may be heard in those words occasionally
in Arran, but the English t sound is much more general there.
Another development has taken place, both at the Southend and
at Shiskine : t has become c, the words being usually pronounced
taicinn (thaicinn, taicnidh, taicneadh), and taicneach.
The dentals have their spirant sounds at the Southend in
some instances in which the broad sounds are usually heard, e.g.,
uait, dhuit, t* fhirinn (all in Kintyre also), maidinn (so Irish for
mad u inn), boit (boot), air t' athais (where a is not sounded as e).
Baiteal, on the other hand, is batail, and poit, pota (so Irish),
plu. potachan. V. seilisdeir, also sub. The assimilation of Id
may be noted in the loan word sgall (so Irish), for sgald or sgailt,
to scald.
The slender sound of * is heard in iseal (low) and treise
(stronger), so MacAlpine both ; esan, pronounced eisean (close e),
piseir (pease), uirsinn (door-post), deis (ready), dilis (faithful),
faileais (shadow). Shaw has failais and dilis. On the other hand,
seilisdeir is seileasdair (so Shaw, MacAlpine), and also sealasdair ;
and suisd is susaid as in Islay. Such divergences are not unnsual
in the case of those and of other consonants, e.g., uaibhreach
(Shaw, MacAlpine, <fec.), and brollach (Shaw, Skye, Uist, Early
Irish), compared with uabhrach and broilleach.
The characteristic Manx change of sg at the end of a syllable
into st or sd has been noticed under g. Another change occurring
in that language is to make st and sd at the end of a syllable into
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 245
s. There is an instance of that also at the Southend in one pro-
nunciation of Criosd, viz., Iosa Crios\ Compare also Lunas
(Lammas) for Lunasd, Manx Lunys, Ir. Lughnas, E. Ir. Liighnasad.
Cf. also Cas for Caisg.
There is no 8 sound in Arran and Kintyre in the combinations
rd, rt — e.g., bord, mart, cairt, not as in some dialects borsd, marst,
cairst (in Tiree they say bosd, mast, caist, &c.) In rtl neither s
nor t is heard : ceirtle, fairtlich are pronounced cearle, fairlich,
Shaw farlaicam (to cast, overcome) ; MacAlpine cearsle, fairslich.
An so, an sin, an sud, are sometimes pronounced an t-so,
an t-sin, <fec, and sometimes ann a so, ann a sin, &c. Some
dialects have simply (tha e) a so, &c, and Arran Gaelic has
evidently been one of them at one time, ann a so, <fcc, being
identical constructions with (tha e) arm an Albainn, and (thug e
sud) do dhy Alasdair.
The Southend saoragan (lapwing), Shaw saotharcan (a sort of
grey plover), MacAlpine sadharcan (s. v. pibhinn) may be simply
adharcan with prosthetic s. The Southend srileag (a sparkle,
glowing ember) looks as if there had been an attempt at a com-
promise between srideag and Shaw's drithleag (diminutive of dril).
The Manx enmysit for ainmichte has its parallel in Southend
ainmiosaite (ainmiosachaidh, da' ainmiosaigh, but ag ainmiosachadh
or 'ainmeachadh). Cf. s of laimhsich (handle).
Initial sr has no inserted t (srath, sruth, not strath, <fcc.),
except in strac (to tear), strac (to stroke), and strub, Shiskme
strump (a spout). Some dialects, on the contrary, have strath,
stron, <fec, but srac and .srub.
Perhaps it should be noted also that before I followed by a
slender vowel, e.g., in slighe, sleamhuinn, s has its spirant sound,
not as in some dialects its broad sound.
Other Consonants.
Bh almost invariably receives its full value, viz., v, e.g., in
arbhar, uabhar, and in the imperative 2nd plu., as iarraibh,
thigibh, thallaibh, but not easbhuidh, gobha, go'a (close o). There
is one instance of an elision of bh in a surname such as has been
noticed in the case of mh, viz., MacBhridein (M 'Bride), at the
Southend 'Ac 'R\dein.
The not unusual interchange of p and / is found in the loan
words fiseag (a kitten), frine (a pin), Manx phreeney, and caiftinn
(a captain).
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246 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Aspiration.
The c of co, in co mhath, is not aspirated as in some dialects,
but the m of co mheud (cia mheud) is. In ur nodha the n has
got aspirated. Airidh (certain) is sometimes pronounced airid,
elsewhere araidh and araid. Possibly rabbaic (a roar) is the word
raoic, cf. rabhadh (a warning) ; in Wester Koss rao'idh (ao short).
Bi fholbh for bi falbh is noteworthy, and cha dheanainn, so
Kintyre. "Ta" is occasionally heard for "tha," especially in
phrases that are somewhat stereotyped.
Initial / in composition with the prefix an becomes bh, not fh
as in some dialects, e.g., anbhann (weak), ainbhiachan (debts).
It seems to be a distinction indeed between northern and southern
Gaelic that the former aspirates / and the latter reduces it to bh
in such positions. The / of fein is generally not aspirated after
consonants ; after m of the prepositional pronouns of the first
person, it becomes p at the Southend, as in Manx. Thus, agam
fein, dhiom fein, are agam and a'am pein, dhiom pein ; Manx
aym pene, jee'm pene. Even after the circumlocution that is used
in place of chugam (to me), pein is used — " cuir mu m* thuaiream
pein e," equivalent to "cuir chugam fein e" (send it to myself).
Sibh pein is common to other dialects also. There is a tendency
to retain n when / is aspirated, and to drop it when / is plain
fhein, fe\
Metathesis.
Metathesis is found in Sasgunn, asgaill (bosom), Naoghas
(Angus), sneagan (an ant), Di-daoirn (Thursday), and eibhle (a
kilt), Shaw ebhladh. The two last forms occur in Islay also. At
the Southend ullabur is sometimes heard for urball (tail).
Prosthesis.
An initial s is found in Southend slorg (a track), and some-
times in stuainnealach (dizziness), but is wanting in dreap (to
climb), so Irish, usually streap, and in braigeal if it be identical
with Shaw's spraical (strong, active, high-spirited). The prosthetic
/ in faileas (a shadow) is very general, and so is that of faradh (a
ladder) in the Argyllshire islands. Shaw's Feadailt (Italy) and
feugmhas (eugmhais) may be noted. Faile (smell) is rightly aile,
or rather ailea, the vowel sound following I being a. So fairich is
airich. !Near though the dialects of Arran and lslay are to one
another in many respects, the passion for prosthetic * and / that
.exists in the latter island is unknown in the former.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 247
In the words neasgann (an eel) and neag (a notch), n of the
article has got attached to the substantive.
Vocalic additions to the end of words are found in sibhese
(sibh-se), faitheama (a hem), burna (water), Di-Sathuirne, boiche
(a byre), dhiucha (of them) Mne (a pin), and at Shiskine Domh-
nacha.
The addition of a final dental consonant, a common occurrence
in Gaelic, is found in maireachd (to-morrow), t6iseachd (com-
mencing,), toiseachd (precedence, &c), eireachd (rising), fuireachd
(waiting, Shiskine), dithist (two persons), treabhailt (travelling),
liobhairt (delivering). Shaw has eireachd, dithisd, and Macalpine
liobhairt, and Manx, among other examples, trauylt (travelling),
in which Professor Rhys regards the dental addition as being of
obscure origin.
Some monosyllables appear as dissyllables, as was noted under
the vowel u. In addition to the instances mentioned, there are
fe' inn (a load) for feun, motha (greater), 0. Ir. m6a, &c, othasg
and othaisg, plu. othasgan, Shaw othisg, Macalpine othaisg for
6isg (a yearling ewe), E. Ir. 6isc from 6i (sheep), and seasg
(barren) ; an d&db (after), de'idh (close e short), as on the West
Coast generally ; ca-dhe for ce (give, hand anything), apparently
an old imperative form of chi (will see), cf. the use of the impera-
tive feuch in the sense of " give ;" litheag (a lick). In borrowed
words the division of one syllable into two is common in Gaelic,
e.g., paidhir from pair, bleitheas from blaze.
Grammar.
Article.
The genitive plural of the article, as in the case of the noun,
has been supplanted by the nominative : " tigh nam fear" is
" tigh na fir," except before words beginning with b, where nam
is still used. The other cases agree with the regular usage.
Noun.
The use of the nominative singular as the genitive also is
somewhat common, though it is regarded as a mark of a careless
speaker. The assimilation of the genitive to the nominative in
the plural is more general. A correct genitive plural is seldom or
never heard. The general characteristics of declension are an
aversion to the guttural plural, which is first favourite in other
dialects, and a partiality for the plurals formed by making the
.broad ending of dissyllabic words slender. Such words as madadh,
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248 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
peacadh, cogadh, aodach, mullach, cupan, caman, asal, bachall,
form their plural by the insertion of i after the last vowel ; that
is, the nominative plural and the genitive singular are alike. So
craicionn, phi. craicinn. Ch when in contact with small vowels,
as in aodaich, as has been said already, is silent in Arran, and that
has to be observed in the case of words which form their plural in
-ichean. In addition to the elision of ch in these plurals, the two
syllables are compressed into one, and the resultant vowel is * ; or,
to put it otherwise, chea is elided and in are lengthened slightly to
compensate for the elision, and are sounded like een of English
pt seen," " ween," except that the voice dwells more upon the vowel
and less upon the consonant. The words in which such plurals
are found are principally nouns whose nominative singular ends in
ir, — e.g., nathajr (a serpent) ; terms of kinship in r — e.g.,. piuthar
(a sister), along with a few borrowed words bearing a resemblance
to these r and ir nouns, e.g., leabhar, cathair, faidhir, nnd a few
ending in a vowel with the plural variable, e.g., cota, malaigh (an
eyebrow), plural cotaichean, malaichean, pronounced cbtain,
malain. This plural, which may be marked with an accute accent
for the sake of clearness, is found also in
smuain, pron. smin, plu. smuaintean, pron. smintin
bliadhna, plu. bliadhnaichean, or bliadhnachan, pron. bliandain
gobha, plu. goibhne, etc., pron. goibhnin
fail, a peat spade (fal), has plural faltain
Samhradh, geamhradh, earrach are in the plural samhraiu,
geamhrain, earrain. Autumn is faomhar, plu. faomhair. Abhainn
has plu. aibhnean.
teanga (tongue) has teangan and teangachan
duthaich, pron. duiche, gen. duthcha, has plu. duichean
gnothach, gen. gnothaigh, has plu. gnothain (so Northend also)
solus has plu. soillsean (o as ao short)
The word for flames, lasraigh (Northend lasraichean) requires a
singular nominative lasrach, and such has been used. It is
evidently an instance of the displacement of the nominative by
the genitive. The true nominative lasair is known, but has pro-
bably been recovered from the literature. The word is not often
used in the singular.
Guttural forms are found in ponair, gen. ponarach ; caora, gen.
caorach, plu. caoraigh ; ciothall (a wheel), gen. ciothlach, plu.
ciothlan and ciothlain ; and also in the following forms : — aisne,
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 249
plu. asnach, a plural which occurs in one of the Old Irish glosses ;
gualainn, plu. guailleach ; sgleut (slate), plu. sgleutach ; leine, plu.
l&nteach, Shaw leintach, 0. Ir. leinti ; Hop, plu. lioprach ; rathad,
plu. na rathaideach mora, otherwise na rathaid ; fiadh, gen. sing,
feidheach in the phrase "cabar feidheach ;" fear, gen. and dat.
plu. at Southend fearagh and fearag, also fir and fear: compare
u a' cur mar fhiachag^' Those and other instances seem to show
that the dative plural termination has been treated the same as
-adh, and has been extended in the case of " fear" to the genitive
plural.
Such words as tarbh, marbh, &c, have ei (e close), not ai, in
the oblique cases, but without the quality of the consonants being
affected by the change from broad vowel to slender, e.g., tarbh,
plu. &c, tairbh, t'eirbh. B6, cow, gen. b6, has plu. ba (bwe), not
ba. Miqs (month), has plu. mis, as in Old Irish tri m\s (three
months). Fad (a peat), bdit (a boot), and claidheamh have plu.
fadan, boiteannan, and claidhmhean (mh as v). The word for
stocking is osan in the singular, with stocaidh at the Southend
for plural, apparently the plural of a form stocadh, resembling
the Irish nom. sing, stoca.
Both the Manx and the Irish declensions have several points
of agreement with Arran Gaelic. Manx nouns in adh, written eyy
are, as a rule, indeclinable in the singular, and have the plural in
aghan, e.g., caggey (war), gen. caggey, nom. plu. caggaghyn, but
moddey (dog) has gen. sing, and nom. plu. moddee, exactly as in
Arran. Nouns in agh, equal to Scotch ach, have the same
declension in the Isle of Man, in Ireland, and in Arran, Islay, &c,
e.g., kellagh (a cock), gen. sing, and nom. plu. kellee, Irish coileach,
gen. coiligh. So keyrrey (a sheep), gen. ny geyrragb, plu. kirree.
Another class of Manx agh nouns indeclinable in the singular have
their plural in eeyn, e.g., cl add agh, a loch (beach), plu. claddeeyn,
a pronunciation not unknown in Arran, and marking a less
advanced stage of the treatment of ichean.
Speaking generally, the genitive and the vocative singular and
the nominative plural are the only declensional forms kept, and
these are in general correct. The dative singular does not differ
from the nominative, and in the plural all the cases are like the
nominative. A vocative singular in use is rud (a thing), pro-
• nounced reid (close e short) in the expression " a reid ghranna."
Instances of plural datives have been mentioned — mar fhiachag,
do na fearag, to which add air taillibh, used at Shiskine, and of
course beulaobh, culaobh, pronounced beula, cula, but beulag an
tighe, at Shiskine beulaibh.
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250 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
The tendency to use the oblique case as the nominative is seen
in tlaim, srdin, gualainn, uilinn, uirsinn, gois, but there are on
the other hand such nominatives still as claigionn, craicionn,
fearann, salann, siabunn, cnanih, lamh, gobba, lurga, smug (plural
smugan), bos (in sense of a " slap"), taos.
The gender of nouns originally neutemis in the dialects in a
state of confusion, but the words corp, ufc, ubhall, are notable
feminines in Arran. Mr Macbain has remarked the Lewis treat-
ment of " inuir," which is there feminine in the nominative and
masculine in the genitive, and there are several other words of
complicated gender, as Professor Mackinnon has pointed out
For example, boirionnach, mart, capull, and bata take in Arran, as
elsewhere, a masculine adjective but a feminine pronoun, i.e., the
adjective is not aspirated after them, and the pronoun that agrees
with them is not e but i — e.g., " Thainig am bata mor agus tha i
a feitheamh ort." " Soitheach" again is masculine when it means
a dish, but feminine when it means a sea-going vessel. The only
other example regarding which we have anything to remark in
Arran is talamh, which is masculine in the nominative but
feminine in the genitive, which is na talmhan, as in Irish, not
talmhainn. The Old talam, gen. talman, dat. talmain is feminine
throughout. In most dialects a second genitive, talaimh, which
is masculine, has been formed, and is more or less confined to the
sense " of the soil," the former genitive being then limited to the
sense " of the globe." The peculiarities of those words have been
observed by MacAlpine in his Grammar, where he characteristically
remarks that they " set all rules at; defiance."
The gender of the Manx form of talamh has been bothering
the grammarians of that language also ; it is nominative
*'y thalloo" (the earth), formerly uyn tallu," gen. "y thallooin,"
formerly "yn taluin." It is regarded, with some hesitation, as
masculine in the literature, and the reason for so regarding it
seems to have been the non-aspiration of the initial consonant
after the article, the reason of which is of course that the law of
aspiration does not operate upon the dentals after n — e.g., nighean
donn. Even as it is, tallu is in some instances feminine, and it
may be that in making it masculine, the grammarians, after their
wont, have been carving it to fit their rules.
Adjectives,
The inflections of the adjective are well-nigh gone, with the
exception of the forms of comparison. Teth, laidir, beag, mor,
math, gasda, have as comparative forms nas teotha, laidire, lugha
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 251
(French u), motha (0. Ir. m6a), fearr, and also feobha, gasdacha
At the Southend, aird (high) has displaced ard — e.g., duine aird (a
tall man), tigh aird (a high house).
The numerals are pronounced — in, d'e, tri, cethir (open, e),
coig, sya, syachd, ochd, n'i, deich, m-deug, &c, fi'ad, &c, ciad.
The prefixed a in enumerating is retained at Shiskine and at the
Northend, a h-in, &c. The numeral nouns are — inear, dithist,
triuir, cethrear, coigear, syathar, syachd ar, ochdar, ninear (at
Shiskine ni'ear), deinear. Coicer and octar are Old Irish, and
agree, as does also seachdar, with the forms given by Shaw and by
MacAlpine. The termination of the ordinals is open o short, e.g.,
deicho (tenth).
Prepositional Pronouns.
The following forms occur : -uirre (on her), diucha (of them),
duit, bhuait, not dut, uat; daibh (to them), focha (under them),
leaiche, leocha (with her, with them), bhuaiche, bhuacha (from
her, from them), riche, riucha (to her, to them), thaire, thairte
(over him, over her) ; tromh, tromhan, &c, has lost initial t
throughout, and so is identical in form with romh, romhan, &c
(before me, &c), mh being silent, and o nasal in all ; thugad
means "away with you," and thuige is thige.
Verb.
The elision of slender ch in -ich verbs has been mentioned, but
it has to be noted that in the future indicative and in the
preterite and future subjunctive of such verbs, ch is broad, e.g.,
beannachaidh e, bheannachadh, ma bheannachas for beann-
achaidh e, &c. Shaw has coiruchidh, mhothuchas, &c. (Analysis
pp. 127, 139). Sanntaich has sanntachaidh, &c, but mashanntas
Eirich, pronounced iri, Manx iree, has future indicative ireachaidh,
Shaw eirichidh, infinitive ireachadh, or more frequently ireachd.
Ruig reach (arrive at) is a regular verb, witb past indicative
and interrogative ruig, and infinitives (at Southend) ruigsinn (to
reach anything) ruigeachd (to arrive), at Shiskine ruigheachd.
Faic (see) has past indicative thunnai, at Northecd thunna. The
future is thibh, with related forms thibhinn, ma thibh, thibhear,
<fcc, &c. At the Northend chibhinn occurs. Shaw has " chibh" : —
" Ionadh an treudich glacidh 'm fasach lorn ;
Nuair chibh e feur us neonain fas fo bhonn ; •
Cliosgidh, nuair, measg nan carruig thartor chruaidh,
Ni easan leimnach monar ann a chluais."
— Pope's Messiah in Gaelic, vv. 67-70.
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252 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The form is a b future,, Old aiciub, and parallel forms occur
in Ross's Psalms, e.g. lxxxvi. 9, "Tiofidh gach fine rinneadh leat."
Faigh (get), Ir. faighaim, E. Ir. fagbaim, is fai', and ffi\ with
nach fhS, cha'n fha, Manx cha (now), nam fa'inn, and so on.
Gheibh is gheo (close o), at Northend ghei and so on, with
infinitive faotainn, Rach (go) has thaidh (went), an dea'idh,
rachainn, imperative rach am (rarely used), rachaibh, and instead
of 2nd sing, rach, thig is used, e.g., "Thig a dh' Irt." Ting*
(come) has thaini' ; infinitive ti'achd ; imperative 2nd plu. thigibh,
2nd sing, thalla. Thoir (give) is tho'ir ; infinitive to'art and tort.
The passive forms of the verb are well enough known, but are
rarely used, the sense being expressed by the ordinary periphrases.
Adverbs.
The day before yesterday is " ear-bho-de ;" the year before
last, " ear-bho 'n-uraidh ;" bho, which bears the accent in those
combinations in Perthshire ('" air bh6'n de"), being unaccented in
Arran, while ear and de, tvraidh, are. " 'Na dbeidh sin," for " an
d&dh sin" (after that) occurs in Scriptures, e.g., Luke xvii. 8.
" Upside down," as of a dress, is " car rau chlios," and " inside
out" " car air asgain" — Macleod and Dewar, " caoin air ascaoin ;"
" heels over head" is "car a bhuigein olla."
Prepositions.
The preposition gu (chun, thun) appears as 'un : — " Chaidh e
'un an tigh," " 'un an aite," " 'un Sheumais " = he went to the
house, to the place, to James. " He went to the town" is " chaidh
e 'n a' bhaile, which is identical with the Badenoch expression in
form, but not, I think, in origin. The Arran 'n a is for thun a',
while that of Badenoch, as explained by Mr Macbain, is for do'n.
"'N a' bhaile," "'un a' bhaile," " gus a' bhaile," are all used for
" to the town."
Conjunctions.
The conjunction mur, so Northend (unless), is muna, Manx
mannagh, Irish mana, colloquially mur, 0. Ir. mani. Muna,
written " ma na (bheil)" in MacAlister's Sermons, e.g., p. 35, is
Shaw's form, and is used also, T believe, in Islay, Lewis, and
Raasay. The word for " when" is an at the Southend, ar or air at
Shiskine ; 0. Ir. a n- : rinn e sin an a thainig e = he did that when
he came ; gheibh e so an a dh' elreas e = he will get this when he
rises. It may be compared with an in " a' bhliadhna anns an tainig
e," and with n of the conjunctions o'n, na'n, gu'n, all which seem
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 253
to be, as Thurneysen says in regard to n of gu'n, simply the relative
pronoun a, an, or going a step further back, the neuter of the
article an. The form nar is also used, but less frequently.
Interjections.
"Neorra tha" is an affirmation known elsewhere. Other
Southend forms are " an deorra tha," and still stronger " an
deorra fein tha;" at Shiskine; " dheorra tha" and "dheorrafein
tha."
"Ocha-m" (Southend) is expressive of sadness, Manx ogh-cha-
nee (woe's me); cf. Welsh ochenaid (a sigh). Expressive of
surprise are " a chiachainde," " a chiasta" (for "a cheusda ?") and
the less frequent Southend "a chiastaid," with the passive
participle suffix reduplicated. " Mo r&re" means certainly.
Shaw's " faraor, alas !" and " Machtre, a Highland interjection,"
seem to be unknown in Arran.
Idiom.
The future of dean (do) is not ni, but deanaidh mi, thu, <fec,
with future conditional ma dheanas mi, &c, and passive deanar,
ma dheanar. The reply to an toir is not bheir, but thoir, e.g.,
" An toir mi dha so ? Thoir."
"Ruith e mar a dh' fhairleachadh e" — "He ran at his utmost
speed" : " ruith mar a dh' fhairleas thu" — " run as hard as you
can." The word is evidently fairtlich.
' Thig is " go,"- not " come." " Come in" is "thalla steach," and
plural "thallaibh a steach." " Go in" is "thig at steach"; "go
away" " thig air falbh." The phrase corresponding to " Go to
Banff," or " Go to Halifax" is "Thig a dh' Irt," "go to St Kilda."
Tha mi 'g airea' gu = I think that, is an expression in constant
use ; tha mi 'g airea' gu'n e th' ann = I think it is he ; tha mi 'g
airea' gu'n dean sin feum = I think that that will do. It is airea',
not airea, except when the word stands last, as " Is e so e tha mi
'g airea'. At Shiskine and at the Northend it is " Tha mi 'g
aireamh" (mh as v), so that the primary meaning is " I reckon.'*1
Is beachdaidh learn gu, Tha mi beachdaidh gu = I know that,
I am sure that ; bheil thu beachdaidh = are you certain ? tha mi
gle bheachduidh = yes, I am quite certain.
Bheil thu dearbhas = are you certain that — ; tha mi dearbhas.
Tha e 'brath = he intends ; tha e 'hrath falbh, tha e 'brath sin
a dheanamh.
Tha e an aire dha = he intends.
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254 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Tha e a mhiann = he wishes to ; tha e a mhiann a dheanamh,
<fcc.
Meal do naigheachd = I congratulate you, is the set phrase
for congratulating a bride or bridegroom ; "he congratulated him"
or " them " is " Chuir e meal-a-naigheachd air," or " meal-an-
naigheachd orra."
Is math an sas so am buntata a lobhadh, is math an sas so an
gart a f hroiseadh = this (weather) is enough to rot the potatoes,
to shake the (standing) corn ; is math an sas sibh mo chuir a
mach air an dorus = you are enough to drive me out of the house
(with noise) or to make me homeless (with your extravagance).
Also, Is math an sas sin a thoirt an lobhadh anns a bhuntata,
Nach math an sas sin a thcirt breitheanais air an talamh.
Cha mhath gu'n = it is to be hoped that, negatively ; cha
mhath gu'n do thachair a bheag dha = it is to be hoped that
nothing has happened him.
Cha bu chroic sin a dheanamh, cha bu chroic dha sin a
dheanamh = that could easily be done, he could easily do that.
Also, De '8 croic sin a dheanamh, and to anyone, for instance,
leaving a " ceilidh" unusually early, De a chroic a th' ort.
Truagh gu'n robh e = pity but he were. An imprecation used
at the Southend is Truagh gu'n rcbh thu eadar Allasan is
Eabhainn = Pity but you were between Ailsa Craig and Sanda
(island near the Mull of Kintyre), the meaning of which is further
illustrated by the remark that may be heard on stormy days,
" Cha bu mhath bhi eadar Allasan is Eabhainn a leithid so a
latha." The Shiskine form of Ailsa is Allasa, the second vowel
being indistinct and the noun masculine. The form Ealasaid is
not used in Arran. Eabhainn (e) may of course be for Abhuinn
(A).
" The same to you " is " mar sin is duitse."
" This is a better day" is " so la a's fhearr f " this is a bigger
one" = " so fear a's mo," not " na's fhearr, na's mo." So past tense
" thug e dha rud a b* fhearr," " chunnaic e fear a bu mho. " He
became better and better" is "dh' fhas e na b' fhearr is na
b' fhearr;" at Shiskine, " dh' fhas e na's fhearr is na 's fhearr."
" Too" (soon, good, etc.) is " motha 's," e.g., " it is too early"
= " tha e motha 's trath," equal to " tha e tuilleadh 's trath."
" 'S m6 tha 's na nach 'eil" is a common formula of reply to
questions answerable with yes or no, and has the force of a
modified or qualified assent, e.g., in reply to "Are you tired?" it
means " a little," " somewhat." So also " 'S m6 seadh 's na nach
eadh."
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 255
Cha 'n eil a choir urad ami = there is not nearly so much.
Tha 'n t-am againn falbh thar a ch&le = it is time for us both
(or all) to go.
"He went north" is "chaidh e gu tuath," and more often
" chaidh e mu thuath ;" " he is in the north" = " tha e mu thuath."
So with deas also. " He went to the Northend " (<5f the island) is
'" chaidh e thun a cheann mu thuath ;" "he went east" is "chaidh
e thun an ear," or " 's ann an ear a chaidh e," and so with iar.
The adverbs for " out" and " in " are used with etymological pre-
cision at the Southend : " chaidh e mach," " tha e muigh,"
" thainig e steach," " tha e stigh."
Anew, afresh, over again = " as ur," is " as a nodha," Manx
ass-y-noa ; immediately is " gun stad ;" busy is " mu theinn," a
phrase in constant use; "tha thu mu theinn " = you are busy ;
" tha na madaidh mu theinn," used of dogs barking ; " air 'chois"
means up, out of bed ; "air a chasan " means (standing or walk-
ing) on his feet ; " m'a reir" is " free ;" " leig iad m'a r&r e," they
set him free.
" Gle mhath" means good enough ; very good is often " math,
math;" "cha'n eil e aon dath (fuar, &c.") = it is not the least
(cold, &c.) ; " gun taing do " is in spite of ; " rachadh e ann gun
taing domh" = he would go in spite of me, sometimes simply
" chaidh e ann gun taing ;" " chuireadh e annainn gun taing gu'n"
= he would insist that (it was so). " Air alt" is a very common
expression, and means properly, rightly, perfectly ; thuig mi e air
alt = I understood him perfectly ; cha'n eil f hios agam air alt = I
do not rightly know.
"How (are you)," ciamar, is "de mar (a tha thu);" and
" why," carson, is " c'onia."
"Dol air beinn" = going over the hill; at the Southend it
always means " going to Lamlash."
For "to," in the sense of (sending) to, dh' ionnsuidh, "mu
thuaiream" is used ; chuir mi litir, leabhar, <fec, m'a thuaiream —
mu thuaiream Sheumais = I sent a letter, &c, to him — to James.
" He will go to do it" is " theid e 'a dheanamh ;" " he went to
do it," " chaidh e 'a dheanamh ;" "he is going to do it," " tha e
do? a dheanamh ;" but " he is doing it," " tha e'ga dheanamh ;"
" he was doing it," " bha e'ga dheanamh ;" cf. " dh' innis e is
mi 'bhacadh dha innis," " he told after I had forbidden him to ;"
and " dh' innis e is mi a bacadh dha innis," " he told while I was
forbidding him to," i.e., ag with infinitive expresses a contemporary
act ; do (aspirating following consonant) worn down to a with
infinitive, expresses a past or future act.
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256 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" Look at" is " amhairc air ;" " co air a bheil thu 'g amharc,"
also " co tha thu ag amharc air."
" Where is. he coming from" is " c'aite bheil e 'tigheachd as*
and " c'aite as bheil * 'tigheachd," Manx " kaid as veil e chiit."
"Help yourself" is "cuidich leat fein," but "help him with
the work," " cuidich leis leis an obair," and " cuidich e leis an
obair."
"The man to whom they belong," "an duine is leis iad, leis
an leis iad, and d'an leis iad" (cf. d'am buin iad for the third form).
The Manx tendency to use pronominal phrases of the third person
for all persons, e.g., " tha mi nylomarcan," i.e., " 'n a lomarcan"
for " na mo lomarcan," is not seen in Arran. (It may be observed
m Lochalsh, e.g., " thug mi leis e," " I brought it with me").
" A bhe*n leis an robh i," which may be heard anywhere, is in
Arran frequently inverted " a bhean a bha i leis."
" A cur maille air an leirsinn," "dazzling the eyes," used e.g.
of the sun or of anything gorgeous.
" Fhuair e reidh 's e, r&dh 's a chuis," " got clear or rid of it,
rid of the business."
The use of " thu" or " sibh" is determined solely by number,
and never by age or rank, except that old people say " sibh" to a
minister.
" Cha 'n eil aon duine an sud" = Northern " Cha 'n eil duine
an sud," " there is no one there." " Aon," which is not emphasised
in such uses, is thus used frequently, not as an intensive but as if
a step had been taken towards supplying Gaelic with an indefinite
article. In Irish " aon duine" is used for " any man "
The following list contains some words whose local significa-
tion or use seems more or less noteworthy : —
aingidh, angry; aingidheachd, anger.
anail, opinion ; 21a 'm faigheadh tu 'anail air, if you would get his
opinion of it. The expression, which is not common, is
evidently an adaptation of the Lowland "get his breath on
it," breath being in all probability the Gaelic breith, judg-
ment At least one Scottish writer has tried to improve on
the expression by writing " smell his breath," which is
offensive.
anastachd, hardiness, endurance of cold.
bad, a group, cluster ; bad tighean ; bad daoine ; bad chaorach.
balach, a bachelor at any age; in Kintyre "giulan," though he
should be an octogenarian
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 257
ballan, an ulder, also a teat ; ballan-losgainn, a toad-stool.
bait, a man's eollar, from Eng. welt.
beachann (not beachan), a hive-bee ; seillean, a wild-bee.
beart-threobhaidh, a plough.
blad, a dirty mouth.
bocsa, a cavity in a potato.
bointe, relationship equal to daimh.
bord nan graisg, the table to which children and servants sit after
others have been served at weddings, harvest homes, &c.
Briathar, the Scriptures; tha e anns a Bhriathar (not anns an
Phocal), Southend,
briob and briobag, any considerable sum of money; English
bribe,
bruchag, a corner ; Shaw, a chink, an eyelet,
burn, spring water, also fior-uisge ; uisge means rain and also
brook water,
a* cainnt, talking, at Shiskine bruthain.
caiteag, a basket,
caoch, one-eyed.
caoraigh-bhrocach, black-faced sheep,
cas, to twist as thread ; Macalpine to wreathe, bend.
cl6thte, fulled, thickened of cloth,
cnap, a potato ; spion an cnap, peel the potato,
coda-ban, fourpenny piece ; Macleod and Dewar, "cod, s.f., a piece
part " (from quota ?).
coir, pious ; never kind, good natured.
a' collaid, arguing, Northend ; same as collaid, clamour, <kc.
craobh, any garden bush ; a bush that grows wild is torn, as torn,
fraoich, torn airnean, &c. Preas is not used,
creic, sell, not reic.
cuibhle, a spinning wheel, the wheel of a ship ; any other wheel
is roth,
cuileaga sneachda, flakes of snow,
dagan, a little thick-set man.
darag, a big stout woman ; nach i an darag i ; darag, an oak tree,
an duilean, poor thing ; also an duileag, plu. na duileachan.
eallach, a herd, stock of cattle; cuig cinn eallaigh, five head of
cattle, so Shaw, Irish,
ealtag-leuthraigh, a bat Southend,
fal, a halo about sun or moon,
feun (pro. feuinn), a load, what a person can carry, e.g. feun uisge,
a " gang " of water,
foghainteach, generous.
17
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258 Gaelic Society of Inverness. •
gais, loathing, cf. gais, surfeit,
garadh na h-eaglais, churchyard,
giulla, a man servant ; gille, a youth,
gleusda, kind.
greannaichte (bristling), tha e greannaichte fuar, it is bitterly or
piercingly cold ; nach tu an " swell " greannaichte, what a
tremendous " swell " you are.
guidheachan, imprecations,
iomarcach, trying hard to bear, as cold, heat, &c.
ladhar, a toe (of man) ; so in Islay ; a hoof is crodhan.
laghach, kind,
leamh, annoyed, provoked ; is mi a tha leamh dhe, provoked at or
by him, <fcc.
loinnean, an easy, careless, fat, untidy fellow; "a greedy gut,"
Macalpine.
mm, soft, gentle; "a dhuine mh\n " used as "a dhuine choir" is
elsewhere ; also " paisdean m\n," an expression of endear-
ment to a child, cf. Manx " aw boy veen, boy bogh."
pairt with the possessive pronouns corresponds to English mine,
ours, *fec, e.g. bheil do lamhansa tioram? tha mo phairt sa
fliuch, are your hands dry ? mine are wet.
ranach, hoarse,
raodach (reudach), kindly,
reodhadh, " ice," as well as frost,
reulag, a star ; at Shiskine rionnaig, a shooting star,
samhuilt aithne, bha " samhuilt aithne " aige air an duine, or bha
e a' deanamh samhuilt aithne air an duine, he knew that he
ought to know the man but he could not recall who he was ;
also " aithne gun chuimhne."
seisrigh, a pair of horses, a team ; properly six horses,
seog v.n., to fly.
siolaigh, a stallion,
sliomair, a thief,
srubag, a swig (of liquor),
sruban, tha sruban air, he has had a drop, i.e. he is the worse of
drink,
taca, time, season; mu'n taca so bhliadhna, at this season of the
year, or about this time of year,
tonn, a quantity of any liquid Southend ; tha tonn math uisge
anns a chuinneag fathast, there is a good drop of water in
the pail yet. So also tonnag.
torachd, enquiring, asking,
torran, dunghill.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 259
tulg v., to rock (a cradle) ; Shaw, tulagam, to rock, move ; Mac-
alpine, to rock, roll, toss, sway, bend, as of cradle, ship, trees;
same as tulg or tolg, to dint (metal).
ultach, a burden (on the back).
Vocabulary.
aibeal, impertinent, Northend.
aigeachd, frolicsomeness ; Shaw aigantachd, aigantas, jollity,
cheerfulness.
.ainspriod, evil spirit ; cf. anbhochd, antrom, both in Shaw.
aisridh, an axle.
altar, orderly tidy, from alt, a joint.
.ath-cheo, henbane ; perhaps ath-theo, allowing for local pronun-
ciation ; Shaw has deothadh and dtheoda ; Armstrong, an
deodha ; Macbain, (Jetheoda, from Alexander Macdonald ; in
Lewis it is ath-teo : in Skye, di-theodha. The word for
hemlock, iteodha, looks like another variant of the same.
Compare the Southend place-name Achenhew, explained as
achadh-eo, field of the yew, by Dr Cameron ; in Gaelic, An
ath-cheo ; in Pont's map, Ahew.
baid (a-i dipthong), entice, allure ; Shaw, baidham id ; Macleod
and Dewar, baith, folly, a lure, decoy ; the d of baid may
have come from t of the passive participle baidhte or baithte.
baid, bait, from English.
bainnigh, a factor, from baillidh probably, although bainneach is
occasionally used ; cf. Rob Donn's barraidh, a bailie, magis-
trate, baron-bailie.
baitheal, cow's stall ; Shaw, baidheal ; M'L. and D., buaigheal.
bathar, whisky ; an robh bathar aca air a' ghiulan = had they
whisky at the funeral ? Probably bathar, wares, applied to
whisky in smuggling times.
beallaidh, filthy, Southend ; Shaw, bealthich, s.v. dirty.
beubanachd, butchery, mangling, Southend; beuban, anything
mangled (Macbain) ; cf. Shaw, beabh tomb, beabham, to die.
bideau, complaining, incessant pleading or urging.
beileaman-ruadh, a species of hawk; Macbain's bealbhan-ruadh,
from Shaw.
boga-leo, Southend (Shaw, bogaleo), bumpkin, blockhead ; Easdale,
buige-leo.
boidean-reothaidh, an icicle.
foraigeil, proud, uplifted ; cf. bragaireachd, and Shaw's spraical,
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260 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
braile, a clap, peal, outburst as of thunder, or sudden rain ; Shaw,.
a heavy rain It is the same word as Shaw's braoighille and
Macbain's broighleadh.
brailich, MacAlpine braighjich, clattering sound, i.q. straighlich.
brais, an epileptic or other fit.
brathaigh or braigh, a blow, stroke, peal (of thunder),
buta, discount, MacAlpine difference (in price, &c), surplus, from
English bate,
buthair, a boor, bumpkin.
buthair, Englished " bouer" or " l>ooer," a man who rents cows,
caornag, a wild bees' nest.
carlach, a load of hay or straw ; from earn, sledge,
carraigeag, a pancake ; Shaw, carruigag, a sort of pancake ; so*
Macleod and Dewar.
casair, a small hammer,
caspainn, a pace.
cataich, tame, reconcile to new quarters, as a cat.
ceargan, a poor house boy ; Shaw has cairbhecan, a ship's boy ;
cairbhin, a small ship ; cairbham, to man a fleet, &c.
ceogag, a heedless silly woman, Southend,
cleighe, a gad-fly, " cleg," Southend,
clearaidh, a dawdler, Southend ; perhaps clearaich, from cliar, a
poet,
clearachd, dawdling, Southeud ; another form of cliarachd, singing
feats,
cnapalach balaich, a lump of a boy.
cnocaidh, in clach-chnocaidh, a stone hollowed out for unhusking
grain ; synonymous with cnotag. Shaw has crocam, to beat,
pound ; from gnog, English knock,
coirbte, wicked, perverse, E. Ir. corptc, from Latin corruptus.
colag, Shaw colog, a steak, chop ; Irish idem, says Armstrong :
collop and culag have evidently been confounded,
collagag, for colgag, the forefinger, Southend ; Shaw colagag and
colgag.
crotag, a curlew ; Shaw crotach-mara id.
cuideil, proud, having the air of a person of means,
curaidh, to crouch ; cf. curr, a corner ; in Scots curry, to crouch,,
u is short ; Perthshire, curraidh, Welsh cwrrian, idem,
daicheil, likely, probable ; tha sin daicheil, from docha, dacha,
dailceanta, strong, healthy,
dairleanta, or doirleanta, strong, healthy.
dalluinneag, a square cavity used as a shelf in the wall of a room,
dannaire, stubborn, obstinate ; M'L. and D. dan(n)arra.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 261
-dathag, a worm ; so Shaw, Armstrong.
diunlach, pronounced diulach, a tall youth ; Shaw diunlaoch, a
young hero ; M'A. diulach, and diunlach : Armstrong diun-
lach and diulnach.
doirbhidh, bad, dreadful, nach d-sin, isn't that bad now ; Kil-
brandon duirbhidh.
an doran and an dbrag express pity and some degree of disappro-
bation, connected with dbruinn.
dritheanaich, fits ; chaidh e 's na dritheanaigh ghaireachdaigh, he
went into fits of laughter ; cf. MacAlpine's triogh, n. f. fit as
of coughing or laughing, the chin cough, the hooping cough :
Shaw has troighthin, dizziness.
dromlach suith, gall.
duba, a pool (in a river).
duthan, s. m. plu. duthain, kidney ; MacAlpine dubhain, s.v. airne.
eal, keen, zealous ; nach e tha eal, how earnest he is.
eubalta (close e), grand, Northend ; at Shiskine (with e close),
strong, capable ; cf. MacAlpine abalt ; Shaw abulta, expert,
from Lat. habilis ?
«ugnais, Shaw eagnais, want, as eugnais for as eughinhais ;
cf. iunais, aonais, 0. Ir. iugnais.
eusbach, regrettable pity ; b'eusbach gu 'n, 'tis pity that ;
b'eusbach, sin, that was unfortunate ; Shaw has easba, want,
scarcity, defect ; cf. easba braghad, King's evil ; M*L. and D.
Easbhuidh is pronounced easuigh.
failcion, a pot-lid, the knee-cap; Shaw, "knee-pan, sgallan no
f ailcion-a-ghluin ; " Macalpine quotes from Armstrong,
" failcean, the rotula or whirl bone of the knee."
faireachair, a mallet, Shiskine ; cf. fairce.
faomhar (ao short), harvest, so Shaw ; Macalpine has fobhar (mh
and bh sounded v) ; from the same source as foghar (in some
dialects fo'ar), E. Ir. fogamur.
f eumalan, a thistle, Southend ; at Shiskirie, fothantan ; Macalpine,
fonntan ; Macbain, s.v. fobhannan.
fiafraigh, ask (Macbain).
flinne, sleet; Shaw, flichne and flichshneachd; Macleod an<i Dewar,
fliuch-8hneachd.
foireagan, playing with, teasing, tormenting.
forsail, well-to-do, prosperous, as tuathanach forsail, from Eng.
force 1 cf. E. Ir. fortail, able, strong, hardy.
gagan, cackling; Shaw, gaggan.
.gairbhean, complaining, ailing, Southend.
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262 Gaeiic Society of Inverness.
geostan (geothastan), ragwort ; perhaps from gaoisid because of
its tough and fibrous character; cf. M'L. and D. geosadan
for gaoisdean.
glaim, a large mouthful ; Shaw also,
glaimh, a glutton, Southend,
gliofaid, a chatter-box, Southend ; Shiskine, gliofan ; Armstrong,
" glifid, a noise, voice Ir. ;" so Shaw, who gives also glifram,.
to prate, make a noise ; E. Ir. glifid, " outcry," Stokes,
gluis,' slush, also sloppy-food ; Scot. " glush."
gnadan, murmuring, complaining ; so Shaw,
gogaidh, an egg (a nursery word) ; Lowland Scotch, sroggy, idem,
gorglais, croaking (of frogs) ; Shaw goraiclais ; M'L. and D.
" garraicleis, a noise of wild geese or swans ; " goir and glas
(water),
graim, the expression of a crying, child,
greighear (close e\ a stallion ; from greigh.
guaim, management, thrift; Southend cha 'n eil moran guaim
innte, she is not a good manager (of her means),
guamach, managing, thrifty,
guait, leave, put away ; Shaw guaiteam, to leave off, let alone, be
quiet ; chiefly if not solely used' in gabh no guait e, take it
or leave it : uait with g prefixed for assonance,
gugan, a daisy ; Shaw id., also a bud, a flower ; cf. gucag, a bud,
&c.
imirc, a removal, flitting; Shaw idem; Macalpine iomairc, n.f. and
v.; Ir. imiicim, E. Ir. immirge, Macbain s.v. "imrich."
lamairean, dawdler, trifler.
lamhrachdaidh, handling, Southend, Shaw,
lamhragan, fingering, handling, Southend, Shaw; at Shiskine
lamhargan, handle of a flail (other part being buailtean).
lanntoir, the inner apartment of old Arran houses ; Shaw " a
pantry, partition."
liathanach, hoar frost ; Macalpine liathnach.
macanadh, sobbing, Southend,
mathalt, a potato basket,
meuragan, fingering, handling, so Shaw; Macalpine has verb
meuragaich and meuraganaich.
mlleag, a mean woman (Southend) ; perhaps from miol, notwith -
standing that / is slender,
a* .mioghlachadh, in suspense, fearing or anticipating evil (South-
end) ; cf. Shaw's meogal, medley mixture, and Glenlyon bha
e 's a' mhoguil = he was hesitating, undecided (the latter a
metaphorical use of mogul, husk).
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 263
oircean, Southend (pronounced exactly like oircean, a young pig,
viz., oirceainn), the horizon or the heavens? only in "tha
stoirm air an oircean," said when a storm or squall is seen
approaching ; perhaps aigeann with intrusive r, E. Ir. oician,
from Latin oceanus.
pacair, a packman, from pac,
paclach, the fill of both arms of straw, <fec, Southend.
pataidh, anything big of its kind, Southend ; Shaw, patantachd,
thickness.
peilc, large stomach, e.g., of a cow that has eaten its fill ; a meta-
phorical use of peillic, E. Ir. pellec, a basket of untanned
hide.
plaid, of a person falling his whole length on the ground, fhuair e
plaid ; nach e fhuair a' phlaid.
prat, a tantrum
rabhaic, a roar, rabhaiceil, roaring ; used in Islay also ; cf. raoic.
racan, mischief, noise, so Shaw ; Macbain, racain ; nach ann
annad tha an racan.
ramaisceil, romping, noisy ; cf. ramachdair, ramalair ; in Perth-
shire reamalair ; and Shaw's reimam, to ramp ; reim, a troop,
band.
reusbaid, a term of contempt ; " a beggar's brat" (Shaw).
rinneach, loose shreds of skin at the base of the finger nails.
roramach, profusely hospitable, from roram.
rotach, the circle of mud gathered by one's dress off muddy roads,
Northend ; Shaw, rodacht, a covering, fence ; from Scot, rot,
Eng. rut?
ruchail, to rummage, ruchailt, rummaging ; Shaw, ruchail, tear-
ing, cutting.
saoidh, a tub ; same as saidh (and saith, the back-bone, &c.?) cf.
Scot, say, sai, or sey, a t^ub. From same root as soitheach ?
sath, ill ; in phrase, Cha dubhairt e math no sath.
seabhas, meaningless talk, nonsense ; also adjective seabhasach.
seal-mara, space from which the tide has ebbed ; " dol do'n t-seol-
mhara," going for wilks, sea-weed, <fec, as the case may be.
sealbhan, a number, a crowd ; " bha e sealbhan uairean an so," he
was here several times; from sealbh, a herd, &c. Manx
shallvayn, herd.
sgeir, a covering, top layer, as on cold porridge, or of fat on soup,
(fee.
sgeirean, drops of food, <fec, as on clothes ; cf. MacAlpine, sgear-
aich, to scatter, &c.
sgeirmeil, clean, tidy ; cf. sgeilm or sgeinm.
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264 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
sgeoblach, untidy person or dress ; cf. MacAlpine, sge6b, aperture^
wry mouth,
sgioblan, a lapful (Shiskine).
sgiuirleach, a lapful (Southend),
sgluait, a slattern ; cf. sgleoid, idem,
sgraiteach, ragged,
sgreunach, stormy, windy,
sgroinneach, ragged,
sguilear, a mean, contemptible fellow, Southend ; cf. Shaw sguille,
scullion,
sibhreag, a fairy, Ir. siabhra, &c. <-
smeachranachd, tampering, trifling, as with edge tools, Ac ;
MacAlpine.
smur, dross, v. smurach.
snagairt, whittling, i.e., snagaireachd ; Shaw snaigheoireachd.
sothaisgean (soisgean), a primrose, Southend ; Shaw somharcain
and sorigh (i.e. sobhraich) ; MacAlpine sobhrachan, M'L. and
D. samhaircean, Manx sumark.
spreocainn, a sickly person, valetudinarian, cf. sprebchan.
spreod, spread (peats to dry, &c).
sprog, a disease of sheep, sturdy,
spruchag, a hoard, savings, Southend; cf. M'L. and D. broghadh,
increase, profit ; Manx prughag, translated " miser" (Moore's
Folklore, p. 184).
stroid, Southend, synonym for rotach (supra),
strubladh, a beating with wind and rain ; 's e fhuair a strubladh,
of one who has been out in wind and rain,
stuaic, a wry neck, E. Ir. stuag, an arch,
sumhail, pronounced suil, quiet ; Shaw suidheal, quiet, calm,
sedate, noble ; MacAlpine, of little bulk, portable, of a person
humble, obedient, obsequious ; at Shiskine suin, influenced
probably by ciuin.
tainneadh, thaw ; Shaw taithnadh, taithnan, to thaw ; Macbain
tainneamh.
te, thick as soup, gruel, &c. In Skye when fish, milk, preserves,
&c, take the bitter or sharp taste caufced by fermentation,
they are said to be te. Cf. teuchd, to congeal, &c, Ir.
teuchdaim, to curdle, &c.
turradan, rocking oneself as one in grief ; " nodding," Shaw ;
MacAlpine has turraman and turram, with verbs turramain
and turraim ; North turraban ; at Shiskine air thurrachdain,
shaking,
usaid, use, (noun), so Ir. usaidich (verb), usaidech, useful.
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The Gaelic Dialect of Arran. 265
There are one or two uses of borrowed words, which are some-
what interesting : —
Nach tu th' aims a ghe'll (open e), said to anyone in great haste ;
English gale.
Rinn e mach a phut (u as in Eng. " shut"), he accomplished his
purpose or his task ; from Eng. " bit," originally used of
shearers finishing their share of a field.
Rinn iad s'eusar orra (first s broad), they made a seizure (in con-
nection with smuggling) ; Eng. seizure ; Shaw's siasar, a
session, assizes, and MacAlplne's seusar, acme, perfection, &c.
(turning point, crisis) seem to show the same origin.
t6th, eagerness, inclination, <fec, Southend ; ann an toth dol ann,
eager to go ; ann an t6th leis, greatly attracted to, or taken
up by it or him ; English " in tow."
18th FEBRUARY, 1897.
At the meeting this evening, Rev. James Macdonald, Reay ;
Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Kiltarlity; and Mr R. T. Stewart,
Commercial Bank, Tain, were elected ordinary members of the
Society.
A communication from the Gaelic Society of London soliciting
the support of the Society towards a proposed deputation to Lord
Balfour anent the teaching of Gaelic in Highland Schools, on
similar lines as of Welsh in Welsh Schools, was submitted, and it
was agreed to countenance and support the movement.
Thereafter, Rev. James Macdonald, Reay, delivered a paper
entitled "Fauns and Fairies." The paper was as follows : —
FAUNS AND FAIRIES.
Since the day on which the Rev. Robert Kirk, minister at
Aberfoil, " went to his own herd," in 1692, our knowledge of
fairies has made no appreciable advance. When men ceased to
prosecute witches and burn them, the traditions of the past were
by mutual consent forgotten, and the prevalent type of Christian-
ity put curious prying into the unknown under a ban. So it
happened that during the latter half of the seventeenth, and the
whole of the eighteenth century Scotland, forgot its folk-lore.
Old stories with a spice of Paganism were deemed unsuited for
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266 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
grave and sober Presbyterian households. Even the cherished
traditions of the Roman Catholic church were regarded as some-
thing more than harmless superstition, and treated accordingly.
In odd corners the older folk-lore stories remained. Men could
tell tales of battle where other heroes than the Great Twin
Brothers led the van, and record, with minute amplification of
circumstance, scenes of midnight carouse and revel, at which
immortals appeared and claimed the service and homage of those
whose spirits were congenial to the forgotten cult. Gradually the
beliefs or superstitions of Christianity displaced the ancestral
spirits fiom their sylvan homes, and substituted a kind of personal
devil, clad in bull hide and smelling evilly of brimstone, thus
transforming beautiful legends and stories of folk-lore of untold
value into grotesque representations of a Christianity little under-
stood and rarely practised.
When science began to sift medieval and modern accretions
from the ancient, little which was of direct value was left ; and
only by infinite pains, and compariug beliefs, customs, ceremonial
acts and usages in widely separated countries could a measure of
certainty be arrived at, and this is particularly the case in regard
to the subject of this paper. Of theories and writing we have
enough and more than enough. Scattered through the records of
trials in court, enquiries before ecclesiastics, theological disserta-
tions on demonology, diaries and curious essays, there is no lack
of counsel ; but any one who is acquainted with Kirk's essay on
" Fairies, Elves, and Fauns," and Martin's " Description of the
Western Islands," must feel that both ancient and modern
theorists have not much more to relate. That a great deal of
good work has been done since then every one knows, but this has
been by way of wider research in other fields, illustration and
comparison of facts already recorded, and a closer application of
scientific methods to the elucidation of the facts folk-lore has to
teach. But this has not greatly added to our direct knowledge of
how our ancestors viewed the fairy world ; that we learn rather
by inference than by fresh discovery within our own borders.
In discussing the subject of fairies we much approach it as
antiquarians, folk-lorists, and anthropologists ; for beyond all
doubt fairy cult is a complex thing, and is based on material
supplied by tradition going back thousands of years : on the facts
of nature and unexplained phenomena, as rappings, loud noises,
mysterious movement of bodies, lights and phantoms, and all the
complex powers of the unknown as these presented themselves to
primitive man as he looked out upon the world, and as they re-
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Fauns and Fairies. 26T
shaped themselves through ages upon ages of an evolution
imperceptible in its upward movement — here leaving an ancient
belief behind forever, there seizing on a new thought and clinging
to it with the same tenacity with which man clings to life itself.
In this paper I propose to glance first at a few of the more
common fairy beliefs and legends, and then endeavour to trace
their origin and how they are allied to other phases of folk-lore
and myth. And to revert to Robert Kirk. Before he " went to
his own herd," he had no manner of doubt regarding the actual
physical existence of fairies, and with rare glimpses of the scientific
method, sets himself to explain the undoubted facts. His evidence
in this respect is of more value than Martin's, who simply records
many Celtic beliefs and customs as a curious survival. Kirk's
pamphlet does not appear to have been published till compara-
tively recently, but Lord Reay saw it about the close of the
seventeenth century, and Scott had access to it at the time when
he wrote the letters to Loekhart. These, and a number of his
poems and ballads, are largely indebted to the minister of Aberfoil.
When Kirk wrote, probably about 1680, unseen beings abounded,
castles were haunted, lakes and rivers had their denizens, witches
practised their evil arts, and kirk sessions exercised their diligence
in rooting out these public pests ; and to doubt the existence of
fairies would have been to have exposed his own orthodoxy to a
severe strain. So his science must yield to acknowledged facts.
His fairy bodies are congealed air or essence. They have, or
assume, the human form, but are diminutive and most frequently
invisible. They eat, but not our gross material food, for only the
finest spirituous essences serve to sustain them. These they
extract or suck out of ordinary substances, and neither corn nor
milk comes amiss to them. They have been known to impoverish
whole fields so that the meal made from the corn had no sustain-
ing power, nor would barley so affected make whisky. The little
people can work, and they have been heard striking with hammers
as a smith at a forge ; but their only visible work is the elf
arrow. They change their place of residence quarterly, and where
there is at one period of the year high revel, with music and the
dance, there is at another nothing but the silence of the everlast-
ing hills. As they migrate from place to place they swim on air
low down above the ground, and men, seers that is, have often
seen them travelling through space, and felt a rush as of wings,
with low musical notes which filled earth and air as they went.
Among fairies there are orders, kings, more often queens, and
commoners. The latter are divided into various grades, chiefs,.
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268 Gaelic Society of Inverness
masters, servants, slaves. They attend at all banquets, marriages,
and funerals, and take part of the provision made for those who
attend, not in its gross material form — they simply extract its
essence and regale themselves on this ethereal fare. They help
to carry the body to the place of sepulture at funerals, and take
part in all the ceremonies connected therewith, except those of a
religious or Christian character. They go fishing on stream and
tarn in the guise of monks in cowl and hood. Men have fairies
as their co-walker or double, and these are never separate from their
human second self. A voracious eater does not require more food
for his support than another man, but an elf is his co-walker and
must be daily fed. Our reverend author prescribes no remedy for
this form of possession, but there are other fairy evils he knows
how to cure. For example ; when a cow calves, if some of her
dung is smeared on the calf's mouth before it sucks, no harm can
come to the milk 'during the season. When a mother just begins
nursing her new born infant, a bible, iron, or a piece of bread
placed in her bed will prevent her being stolen by the fairies to
nurse elf children, a common occurrence in those old days at Aber-
foil. Of all substances the little people feared iron most; and that
because hell lies between the chill tempest and hot scalding
metals, and no sooner does a fairy smell iron than it fears and
flies. Fairy clothing resembles that of the country where they
dwell. Its colour is always green. At Aberfoil they wore
kilts ; in Ayrshire trews ! They become old and die, but not as
we do ; for nothing ever perishes in fairyland. Everything goes
on in circles lesser or greater, but continuing for ever and renew-
ing all that revolves, every change being but a kind of transmigra-
tion into new forms. Nor is the mystic land devoid of literature ;
but the books are so learned, involved, and abstruse, that mortal
man has never been able to unravel their contents.
The wraith, or death messenger from elf-land may be insulted,
and his vengeful rage knows no bounds, only his wrath may be
appeased by the death of an animal, whether offered directly in
sacrifice or not the record does not relate. The coming of this
elf land wraith seers can foretell. They have seen him and have
entered into combat with him. But he is impalpable and invul-
nerable, for he may be cut through with a sword blade with no
resistance and no result ; the blade simply passes as through the
liquid air. On the other hand he has wrestled with seers, and
many a sore combat has been waged on the heathery hill-side
between those who could see farther than their fellows, and the
mysterious figures, half light, half darkness, which met with them
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Fauns and Fairies. 269
and maimed not a few of them for the remainder of their days —
which same may be a kind of Pagan paraphrase of the well-known
story of Jacob by the Jabbock. The spirit-world messenger
inflicted his wounds with elf-arrows, and these left no visible mark
though the wound was mortal. The only hope of cure was to
find the spot where the arrow entered the body, and place one's
finger upon it. As men were wounded to death by these fairyland
weapons, so, too, were cows and other domestic animals. After
such wounds they pined and died with no visible sign of injury.
Departed human souls frequently dwell in fairy hills, and are
identified with the fairy folk. Numerous instances are related of their
being seen and even recovered. When our reverend historian
" went to his own herd," it was revealed to a seer, after his sup-
posed burial, that he was not dead, and that the coffin contained
nothing but leaves. On a certain night he was to reappear, and
f a relative, named to the seer, threw his dirk over him he would
remain ; if not, vanish for ever to the land of mirth and song.
He did appear, but the man who alone could detain him among
mortals got so excited that he only threw the dirk as the minister
vanished into thin air. It was too late. He had gone to his own
land, and was seen no more. He still, doubtless, visits the scenes
of his mortal life on winter nights when the moon is full.
The vanished world of those days could not get along without
its seers. Men became soothsayers by training. An essential part
of the rites of initiation was, that the novice should make himself
a girdle from a horse hair tether which had been used in binding
a dead body to a bier. With this girdle about his loins he must
stoop downward and look backwards between his legs till he saw
a funeral approach and cross two marches between lands or farms.
Another method of watching an approaching funeral was through a
hole in a board where a wood knot had fallen out. Having
attained to second sight, the seer could tell the future by looking
through the shoulder-blade of a sheep, and this was a sure method
of detecting any misdemeanours in the owner's household. A man
who doubted his wife's fidelity, had but to present a shoulder of
mutton to the seer, and the facts were revealed.
But the erratic movements of wives were not always the
result of fancy for a handsome man. Fairies stole them, and only
a seer could restore the abducted spouse to her sorrowing lord ;
and our author puts one well-authenticated case on record of a
wife being stolen, and a fairy woman substituted in her place.
The eK-wife died and was buried. After a suitable period the
widower consoled himself with a "fair and comely maiden" as his
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270 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
second wife. At the end of two years the original wife was
restoied, but whether she proved a kind of Enoch Ardeu the
history does not relate. The author, however, adds that " there
is an art, not superstition, for recovering the stolen." It is a pity
he did not deem it worth wThile to put the art on record, only
being well known and authenticated, this was unnecessary in his
day, and it is to be feared it has been lost. He does tell us a
number of marvellous facts, of which the following is one : — Lord
Tarbat met a seer in the west of Ross-shire. He was working in
a field, and Tarbat having observed him looking intently towards
a hill above the place where he was working, asked him if he saw
any thing. He replied that he saw a troop of soldiers leading their
horses down the hill, and turning them loose to graze in a field of
barley. This ™as on the 4th of May. In August of that same
year, a party of soldiers under Colonel Middleton led their horses
down the hill in question, and turned them loose to graze in the
very field where the seer was sowing his barley in the previous
May when- he saw them.
This brief summary of the contents of Mr Kirk's pamphlet
gives pretty well the substance of what was known
of fairies two centuries ago, and all the stories gathered
aince then, may be regarded as a mere amplification and fuller
illustration of what was well-known and universally believed
-about the time of the Reformation.
In " Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition " we have a number
of familiar stories of work done by fairies- -their tireless energy,
the spells they laid upon people, how inanimate objects did their
bidding, and how men outwitted them. The same is found in the
pages of Kennedy's book regarding Irish fairies. As we advance
we see a kind of Christianised Paganism opposing itself to the
forces of demonology, and in accordance with the trend of the
prevalent theology prevailing. For example : — A diligent house-
wife is busily engaged preparing yarn for cloth. She is both
careful and worldly. Sleep has departed from her eyes, and as
tihe spins after the witching hour has struck, she keeps wishing
she had some one to help her in her labours. Obedient to her
wish a fairy enters and begins to spin, another comes and takes
to carding the wool, then another and another, till they convert
the house into a workshop, and the whirr of labour is heard afar.
The husband sleeps and snores, nor is his rest disturbed by the
busy scene. The wife provides refreshment for her guests, and
they devour all she can give them — they are more materialistic
than Kirk's. She now wished to be rid of them but could not, so
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Fauns and Fairies. 271
she hurried to a wise man. The seer told her that her husband was
under a spell, and that she must return to the house, and before
she enters shout three times — " Burgh ill is on fire ; " and when
the fairies rushed out to see if their house was destroyed she must
enter and disarrange everything in the house. This she did, and
when the fairies returned one called out " Spinning wheel open
the door." " I cannot, my band is off." And so all the other
articles, wool cards, water pails, chairs, 'and tables.
Fairy visits did not always end thus. The miller of Alva had
his wife spirited away, and had infinite labour before recovering
her ; while the smith of Tullibody saw his never no more. Work-
ing a bar of iron he heard the abductors sing as they flew up the
chimney —
" Deedle Linkum Doddie,.
We've gotten drunken Davie's wife,
The smith of Tullibody."
The theft of children was more frequent than the abduction of
wives, and when a child was taken an elfin was substituted ; but
they do not appear to have succeeded in grafting our heavier
mortality on to their own aerial bodies. Even thefts were not
always on one side, for a man rushing in upon a fairy festival and
carrying off their drinking goblet could keep it as an heirloom
and cornucopia for all time, if he only succeeded in crossing a
running stream before being overtaken by the revellers whom he
despoiled, a fact immortalised by the famous riding exploit of Tarn
o' Shanter and his grey mare. One such fairy goblet is preserved
at Edenhall, in Cumberland. This was secured by one of the
ancient family of Musgrove, and while it is preserved prosperity
attends their house ; but
" If this glass do break or fall,
Farewell the luck of Edenhall."
A more useful motto than the rhyme of the Clydesdale ploughboys
of a past generation, who believed if they but sang as they turned
at the end of the rig,
" Fairy, fairy, bake me a baunock and roast me a collop,
And I'll gie ye a sportle aff my gad end,"
that at the fourth round these desirable delicacies should be there
waiting for them.
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The fairies were on the whole a good-natured sportive folkr
but touchy on matters of names, and revengeful of insults aud
injuries. They differed from brownies or domestic spirit drudges.
The latter were given to eavesdropping and tale-beariug, and
frequently accused others when they were themselves the culprits.
One who did drudgery for a very close-fisted Galloway matron,
who gave her servants but poor fare and little of it, is a typical
example. Two servant girls stole a bowl of milk and a bannock.
In order to make a fair division of the spoil, they sat on a bench
and took alternate mouthfuls of the bread and milk. Presently
the one accused the other of taking more than her fair share, and
was answered by a similar charge. Suddenly they were startled
by a " Ha, ha ! Brownie has't ; Brownie tells." These domestic
spirits and fairies blend together in many of our folk-lore stories.
For example : — A steward during the winter months steals small
quantities of his master's grain. In spring he has enough to sow
a field for himself, which he does ; but when the corn is fully
ripe, the fairies from a neighbouring Shi pull up every stalk,
thrash it clean, and deposit the grain in the barn of the man from
whom the seed was stolen. This is doubtless Brownie's work
though attributed to fairies. It has besides a modern flavour, and
leaves an uncomfortable impression of copy-book head-lines and
adaptations, by some shrewd ecclesiastic in the days when fairies
were still real beings, and scientists had not learned to call
" brimstone" by its more modern name.
But our fairy cult as a whole represents them as a free,
rollicking, social pagan society — music and the dance, midnight
rides and wanderings, elvish pranks and light laughter covers the
canvas, and any departure from this can only be regarded as the
growing spirit of austerity in the religious opinions of the people,
and that this gave a gloomy bias to certain traditions and a moral
or rather theological trend to others. This is borne out by the
well-known fact that modern English fairies are more sportive
than their Scotch cousins. Naturally the fairy legends tend all
over Europe to merge into the common doctrines of demonology,
and this is the more natural as the same process goes on among
savage men, with every advance of thought, as we shall see. The
green patches called " the guidman's croft," which our ancestors
never disturbed with spade or ploughshare, were, though not
expressly avowed within historic times, sacred to spirits, fairies,
or pagan gods, and so passed over as by right of inheritance to the
more modern devil. This is all the more certain, as beneficent
gods were favourable to agriculture the world over, and the fairy
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Fauns and Fairies. 273
knowe and guid man's croft were left untilled, first from reverence ;
then through fear of malign influences. Again, the Ourisk or
domestic spirit resembles Pan, and is something between a goat
and a man ; hence a goat's head being mnde representative of the
devil. One of these Ourisks becomes troublesome to a miller down
Lochlomond way. On being caught red-handed and challenged,,
it give3 its name as " Myself." Here we have the " Outis " of the
Odyssey, transferred from the shores of the Mediterranean to the
banks of Lochlomond by a process of oral tradition which has
gone on, the world over, since first men dispersed themselves and
carried with them to their new abodes the little stock in trade
with which the race emerged from its cradle.
The working machinery of tradition the world over is a dwarf
race and their doings. A people untamed and untamable,
impalpable and invulnerable, and these we find in England as in
Scotland ; dwelling in green glades in Dorset, in caves in Shet-
land ; frequenting ancient ruins in the Highlands ; 'hid in the
depths of the forest in Germany ; wandering on the mountain tops
in East Central Africa ; and making their home with the Bengal
tiger on the plains of India. They keep the Breton peasant in a
state of perpetual fear, and their favour must be bought in New
Caledonia. Clearly we must look for some explanation which will
account for world-wide facts like these elsewhere than among the
Scottish " Pechts," worthy burrowers as they must have been.
The Celtic peoples of Europe being essentially an imaginative
race, ascribe to their sylvan pigmies social and convivial
qualities of which we hear nothing among peoples of different
origin But this is nothing more than a detail resulting from
special characteristics, both national and individual, and these
social qualities freely ascribed by tradition to its heroes easily
pass into an organised fairy society, corresponding to what
existed during the oldest memories of the race preserving the
traditions. Kings, queens, courts, courtiers, splendid halls, feasts,
brilliant surroundings, loyalty, love, revenge — these are the
necessary trappings in which the Celtic imagination clothes its
puppets. These are the things most loved and sought after by
any typical Celt. It is only when a seer — a seer of Christian
times, be it observed — has a vision of elfland, that its glory turns
to dust and ashes, and its banquets to tasteless and saltless
insipidity. Then fairy bodies shrink into the shrivelled decrepi-
tude of old age, and intercourse with them is converted into
a social crime and deadly sin.
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Nor could the Celtic imagination be otherwise, for the Celt
himself is a curious bundle of contradictions. The man who in
the early morning would commit the most cold-blooded murder
to save his chief the trouble or danger of slaying an enemy later
in the day, would spend the evening composing love ditties with
no sense of incongruity. The chief himself, impoverished beyond
the hope of solvency, assumes the airs of a man able to dispense
princely hospitality without the slightest inconvenience or financial
difficulty, and every clansman speaks of his chief as regal in
dignity and princely in fortune, even should he have suffered the
deepest indignities at his hands but a day before. Passion and
poetry, love and revenge, cruelty and pathos, individual inde-
pendence and absolute loyalty to the chief or the cause, blend
together in the Celtic character with no sense of incongruity
left, and the Celt is the same to day, or the breed and blood is
the same, as when Somerled roved the Western seas, giving short
shrift and a long halter, to any unfortunate wight who raised
unnecessary scruples about adopting the clan name and wearing
the heather badge.
Sleeping on a dun-Shi exposed one to the danger of being
transported to fairyland, leaving no trace of the unhappy
wight's whereabouts except his bonnet placed on the top
of some church steeple as he sped his aerial flight. But
the journey was not always through the limped blue, for
Jane Thomas travelled to elfland mounted on the " lady's
own milk white steed," and left the north wind behind.
It was not so long after the Rhymer made his famous pilgrimage
to the farthest confines of elfland that a new bias was given to
the graphic stories of a long-forgotten past. We find the Earl of
Orrery sending his valet or butler to buy playing cards, which
were now veritable " devil's books." While on his errand he was
invited to join a fairy revel. This he refused to do, and hurried
home ; but he was almost carried away bodily, though Lord Orrery
and two bishops held him down — rather a poor certificate to the
power of book, bell, and candle.
It was possible to hold converse with fairy-land without
journeying thither and taking up one's abode there. Bessie
Dunlop met Thomas Reid, who was killed at Pinkie, and had long
conferences with him. He stood by her and showed her fairy
horsemen when others saw nothing. Through him she became
familiar with all the mysteries of the unseen world, and at her
trial gloried in her knowledge and power. Poor Bessie, whether
luuatio or driven mad by torture we do not know, for all the
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Fauns and Fairies. 275
recoid we have of her is it note scrawled on the margin of the trial
record — " Convict and burnt/ ' Alison Pearson was another who
had her familiars from fairy-land. One William Simpson, a
cousin, who was " taken away by a man of Egypt,* came to her
clad in green, and told her what men may not know nor maidens
drea-ri. He always left abruptly when adjured in God's name,
which is another copy book headline if you please. Alison affected
to cure diseases by elfine arts, and Patrick Adamson, Bishop of St
Andrews, who suffered from some intractable malady, submitted
to her cures. The old pagan was promptly "libelled" by his *
peers. Besides effecting cures she delivered oracles. She met
Lethington and Buccleuch in fairyland, and we can only hope that
these turbulent spirits had a less stormy existence among the
green knowes and the elves who dwell there, than they had as
•courtiers and rebels by turns. Alison's fairy friends stole infants
because they had to pay a yearly tribute to Tartarus, and mortal
infants stolen helped to make up the tale. For her tamperi-ig
with green men and dead politicians Alison Pearson followed
Bessie Dunlop, and went to her own herd in lurid flames ; and
men looked, and as they saw the smoke ascending, blessed God
who had given power to holy men to root out evil-doers.
Setting the legend of " True Thomas " aside, which is simply a
Scotch version of Numa and Egeria, we have, in the statements of
those who professed to hold converse with the unseen world, the
imagination run riot after a confession had been wrung from them
by torture. Once that was made, all subsequent statements were
simply the grouping together and localising of all the folk-lore
stones they knew. One can understand a woman with a distinct
individuality tortured into a confession, and knowing she had
neither love nor pity to expect, simply glorying in scandalising
her legal and clerical examiners by each enormity she confessed.
At this distance of time we cannot reduce to their original form
the stories they adapted ; but certain it is that, after examination
by torture, they personified the heroes of ancient story, and even
this throws us back a step, and brings us nearer to the real fairy-
land we are in search of.
The Welsh Nicneven is but a hag, a bad reproduction of the
Greek Hecate, and has little in common with the jolly and con-
vivial Mab. The Morayshire trials do not add much to what we
learn from the two already referred to. But they all point back
to a time when woodland deities abounded, and when these passed
into elves, fauns, and fairies. They are sportive or malevolent,
according as the ideas of the Reformation or the pagan Renaissance
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were pushed and almost forced upon the people. The old belief sy
deities, superstitions, and traditions must be adapted or disposed
of as the case may be. A death by summary violence they
refused to accept ; but being violently driven out, and the
tolerant indulgence of the older religion and science being no
longer possible, the gods retired to fairyland. They continued to
revisit mortals as guardian spirits, and in this form the Church
found some use for them. A Banshi gave Macleod of Dun-
vegan a fairy banner. It has already been in two battles, and
each time was borne to victory. When it is next carried to the
field of combat, Macleod will be carried away to fairyland, never-
more to revisit Dunvegan with its scenes of song and story.
The guardian fairy appears most frequently in Irish legend,
and the minuteness of detail regarding time, place, and circum-
stance, leaves no doubt as to the Irish Celts being animal
worshippers. Myth is never so graphic as when it weaves actual
facts into its narrative ; and the creditable way in which Irish
domestic animals acquit themselves, reminds one of the Hottentot
wolf which appeared at places a hundred miles apart in a single
night. For example, a talented Irish bard satirised mice that
troubled him, and at the same time lampooned domestic cats for
allowing such vermin to put their noses into an egg he was
eating. He was at Cruachan, in Connaught, at the time. The
King of the Cats was at Knowth on the Boyne. No sooner did
the senachan finish his rhymes than his feline majesty took the
road under a vow to eat nothing till he had chastised the poet.
Arrived at Cruachan, he seized the offender, carried him off, and
swept across the Shannon with him, and would doubtless have
borne him to Knowth, to be solemnly tried by a jury of cats, but
St Kiaran, who was working a bar of hot iron, seeing a baptised
person being carried away, shot the bolt at the abductor. It
pierced the cat's body just one inch behind the man. He was
saved, and the saint's labour rewarded. In this narrative the
resolve to eat nothing, the timely appearance of the saint, and
the fell design of the cat being frustrated because the p)et was
baptised, reminds us too forcibly of that band of Jewish
enthusiasts who vowed neither to eat nor drink till they had
killed Paul. The ancient belief in the supernatural powers of
animals is used as a foil to the saint's intuitive knowledge
regarding baptised persons, and his power against all malign
influences, the virtue of iron as a talisman being brought in as
an incidental circumstance.
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Fauns and Fairies. * 277
Nor is this the only manner in which the priest appears in
those fairy legends. The minister of Aberfoil did not record the
method of recovering the stolen, but his Irish confrere gives us
a means of knowing whether we have changelings in our cradles.
One of these elfin imps was found to be always fretful and wailing.
It ate what was given it, but never seemed to be satisfied or
thrive. Doubts having arisen as to its being a fairy, it was
arranged to have it baptised, and for that purpose it was, on the
way to the priest's residence, carried across a stream. When
crossing, the imp wriggled out of its wrappings, freed itself from
the nurse's arms, and plunged into the water with a • " Ha ! ha !
ha ! " of derisive laughter.
Reference has been made to the more sportive tendencies of
English fairies as compared to the Scotch. The Irish have their
own peculiar characteristics, and of these one is a strong tendency
to faction fights. The man who at Ballinasloe fair asked the time
of day, and then said, " Eleven o'clock, be jabers, and the divil a
foight yet ! " was no keener for a riot than are some of these
sylvan pigmies. Their hostile meetings were near streams, and
a rushing noise as of wing-flapping was heard by seers on either
side. This rushing noise moved and swayed from side to side,
as do men when settling a disputed matter at a fair. As the
noise went to this side or that, faint silvery bugling was heard as
if to rally the combatants. The notes were strange and weird,
differing from all human music, and impossible to reproduce on
any known instrument. Their light bodies were heard falling
into the water with a noise resembling that made by an angler's
fly when fishing. After such falling noises shouts of victory
could be heard filling the air, not as our harsh notes make the
hills reverberate, but as a kind of low, wafting souud, as if the
air itself moved and became audible, and so fell upon the senses
like an enclosing medium.
A prominent feature of Irish fairy lore is the Ban-Shi, or
Guardian Spirit. She appeared to persons of pure Milesian origin,
in whose veins there was not a trace of Norman blood, and
announced to them certain future events. When an approaching
death was to be made known, she appeared in mourning, and
evinced all the outward signs of bereavement and sorrow. Closely
allied to this guardian spirit is the fairy love. Respectable
Presbyterians have had their fairy loves, to the no small scandal
of their wives. The case of Fion's daughter is well known. She,
according to high courtly etiquette, was, on being betrothed, given
in charge to a trusted guardian — this is a common custom among
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Africans at this day, and to the guardian the bridegroom is
responsible. The guardian consigns her to the care of another
for added security, and he to the bridegroom. The bridegroom
had a fairy love. She bullied and upbraided him ; told him false
stories about the bride, but all to no purpose, for he loved the
King's daughter. The fairy then turned her itito a hound, and a
hound she remained. The husband stormed and raged ; the wife
whined piteously, but all to no purpose. The fairy was obdurate
till the husband came under a dreadful vow to renounce his wife
for ever. Then she was restored to womauhood, while the hus-
band vanished into elf-land, and still holds courtly revel when the
moon is at the full.
These general statements and examples, which might be
indefinitely multiplied, illustrate with tolerable accuracy the fairy
belief as it has come down to us in our own land. The whole field
of fairy cult is too wide to be touched upon in a brief paper, and that
just because we find similar traditions among peoples differing
from each other in race, language, religion, institutions, customs,
habits, and usages. And the question forces itself upon us,
"Whence these legends so universal and persistent? Have they a
common origin, and if so, can we trace it back to a once universal
cult? or is it simply the result of a peculiar tendency of the
human mind? Do legends, as we possess them, represent the
faded memory of a lost race, or are they the dying nickers of a
world religion ? And do the variations in details simply point to
modifications and adaptations, or do they mark radical differences ?
Are the traditions and accretions of Brahminism, Buddhism,
Mohametanism, and Christianity, as these are modified by race,,
locality, and social institutions, part of this once common cult ?
These questions have been variously answered, and men have
not even now arrived at a universally accepted solution. Only as.
the sciences of antiquarian research, ethnology, and anthropology
eliminate the modern from the ancient and pre-historic, can we
hope to attain to definite results. If we look only at the fairies
of our own land and their German cousins, we find Mr Macritchie
and others arguing them into a race of dwarf inhabitants, whose
memory has been obliterated by time, as they themselves were
exterminated by the conquerors, and that they made their last
retreat in underground dwellings, which still exist to prove beyond
dispute the soundness of this conclusion. In order to identify the
semi-mythical Fions with the fairies, he is driven to the necessity
of converting the former into a race of dwarfs, and that on the sole
ground that the exploits of certain dwarfs of that famous race are
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Fauns and Fairies. 279
preserved by tradition. He reminds us too that the knight-
errants of old had each a dwarf attendant, a statement fatal to the
theory of a war of exterminatipn on the part of the conquerors.
Sons of fairywomen take service with the Fions, a somewhat
unnecessary illustration if the Fions were themselves the fairies !
A bishop of Orkney appears to support the extermination
theory, and gives names and places. One Haarfayr, a ninth
century worthy, obliterates all trace of a whole people, and we are
invited to believe that since then all memory of them has perished,
and that we find neither waif nor stray to give evidence of their
existence except the people clad in green. To the worthy church-
man the Peti were an exceedingly small people. They worked
with incredible energy at city building during the morning and
evening, but were in daylight devoid of all strength and energy,
and retired to their underground dwellings during the day. One
asks with amazement why these dwarfs should work with incredible
energy at city building if their homes were underground burrows ?
and whether the zeal for building was inspired by the church 1
The bishop, it is clear, does not advance our knowledge. Indeed,
all ancient history lies under the suspicion of adaptation, and the
sins of ecclesiastical history are more aggravated than those of
secular narrative.
But any facts are useful to support a theory, and the realists,
or euhemerists, as they like to be styled, find, in the loss of
strength during the day and alleged defective vision in sunlight
by the good bishop's dwarfs, a sound reason for the identification
of Fions and fairies. There is another line of argument — that
based on root words and vocables. The name for an underground
dwelling, in a language which could not be that of the original
inhabitants, but that of the conquerors, affords strong presumption
that they lived underground ; that they were dirty in their
habits ; that their dens reeked of filth ; and that they themselves
were but a modified kind of skunk as they emerged into the
light of day, so evilly did they smell.
It does not fall within the scope of this paper to take
account of underground human dwellings. War and con-
quest, possibly partial extermination, may have given colour
to many fairy legends. It may be pointed out that
certain south-east African tribes live habitually underground in
earth excavations. These are not their only dwellings, and are
used for security or concealment, or both. The slight basket hut,
with its straw roof, is a poor citadel to defend. It is easily fired
by an enemy, and then the inmates can be speared at leisure as
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they emerge from the burning dwelling. The underground
burrow cannot be so easily destroyed, even if it is discovered, no
easy matter as a rule, and this is especially the case at night.
So the native in time of piofound peace occupies the more airy
and healthy hut. In times of war or danger he lives in his hut
by day, but retires to his underground chamber at night. And
any one seeing and entering a sentry cell in Angoui land ceases
to wonder at the small size of many similar chambers found in
underground dwellings in Scotland. A man crouching with, his
chin between his knees does not need a high vaulted roof. Our
own earth houses, doubtless, served a similar purpose in the wild
and lawless days of old, when clan feuds were rife and fire the
most effectual weapon in rooting out a troublesome sept. The
ordinary houses were wattle ; the strongholds burrows. That
fire was a ready means of warfare within historic times we know,
and the name of at least onu Highland parish is evidence of the
fact.
The fairy cult is world-wide, and to account for it we must
travel farther afield than Highland Brochs, Fion Kings, and
Gaelic particles, and go back to a time when man looked upon
nature as the true divinity, and worshipped her in the person of
his chief, and then in sylvan deities who for him were the per-
sonification of the powers of nature. To gain a clear understanding
of such worship our appeal must not be to Highland fairies, their
English cousins and German kinsfolk, where primitive beliefs have
been compelled into the service of the varying phases of the
historical religions professed from century to century, and made
and re-made to suit the predominant bias. Our appeal must be,
in the first instance, to people who have remained practically
'unchanged through millenniums, and who to-day perform the
same acts of worship, and revere the same deities which inspired
the world with awe in days when the remote ancestors of the
Chaldean astrologers gazed upon the stars and read the fate of
nations and individuals indifferently, as written in the heavens, or
in the spots found on the entrails of a decapitated cock.
Among such peoples we do not expect to find a fairy tradition,
for the fairies themselves are there. Our popular tales are being
daily enacted. Spirits live and move and regulate the course of
nature. They are beneficent or revengeful ; sportive or cruel, as
they are treated. They know pride, anger, jealousy, and revenge.
They demand victims and abduct persons. They take an active
interest in the affairs of men, and insinuate themselves into the
most profound secrets. They feast on the essence of food, eapeci-
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Fauns and Fairies. 281
ally that offered in sacrifice. Their bodies are aerial and impalpable,
and they have been known to raise the dead. These they carry
away to spirit land with their ghost bodies ; and some of them have
been seen after the manner of the minister of Aberfoil, who
appeared once, after he went to his own herd.
Let us now illustrate these general statements. The priest of
primitive man was lord of the world at will, and regulated the powers
of nature for the benefit of his people. He was spoken of as king,
and his sphere of action as a kingdom, and, so far as we know, all
early kings performed priestly functions. With the growth of
thought, the offices were separated, and the priesthood remained
the sacred order who had *to do with all supernatural phenomena.
"* The divine right of kings appeared at a later period of the world's
history, and after men had ceased to fear the supernatural power
of the priest. The savage man of to-day, like his savage fore-
father, Joes not distinguish accurately between the natural and
supernatural. To him the whole world is regulated by super-
natural agents, that is, by persons who act on impulses like his
own ; and these agents can be influenced by appeals made to them.
This speedily leads to the idea of a man god, and passes in process
of time into ancestor worship. These stages of progress we
can trace among existing races. Sacred men worshipped here,
retire unto the unknown by natural death or violence — more
frequently the latter — when the spirit of the departed king is
supposed to enter his successor, and still continue to take an
interest in human affairs. A weak king professes to have seen
his predecessor and received oracles from him, and the spot
becomes a shrine. At these sacred places spirits reveal the future
to seers, and popular imagination makes the shrine the home of
the ancestors ; a kind of dwelling place for deity. The deities of
primitive man, in other words the priests, could control nature at
will, and this power every savage man has less or more. A Fiji
Islander, who fears to be belated, ties the tops of a handful of
reeds together, and this delays the going down of the sun. An
Indian of Yucatan pulls out a few of his eyelashes, and throws
them sunward for a like purpose. By placing a handful of grass
on the path and a stone over it, the African both retards the
sunset and causes his friends at home to keep the evening meal
waiting his arrival. Conversely the setting of the sun can be
hastened when that is desired, as in a doubtful engagement. By
similar processes wind and rain, heat and cold, can be controlled,
all of which goes to show that, savage man fails to recognise those
limitations to his own powers which are so obvious to us. But
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with the advance of thought, and the evolution of a sacred caste,
we find methods of attaining to inspiration and power which bring
us nearer our friends the fairies. In the temple of Apollo at
Argos, a lamb was slain once a month. The prophetess tasted
the blood, and then divined, being god-inspired. In Achaia the
earth priestess drank from the blood of a bull, just slain, before
descending into the cave of prophecy. In Southern India the
devil dancer drinks the blood of a slain goat, putting his mouth to
its throat, and is then inspired. He snorts, he stares, he dances
and gyrates. The demon takes complete possession of him, and
he is then worshipped as a present deity. All this brings us
nearer to Kirk's account of fairy food as being the essence or life- m
giving properties of our common fare.
Nor is this nil. In the religious history of the Aryan races
tree worship was one of the most potent factors of national and
domestic life, and (Jrimm supposes the forest glades were the first
sanctuaries of the human race. This we can easily understand ;
for even at the dawn of our own era the larger portion of Europe
consistel of dense forests, and what clearings were made must
have appeared as islets intau ocean of green. Need we wonder that
fairy folk ever dress in the universal nature colour. The Lithuan-
ians, who were not converted to Christianity till the fourteenth
century, were at that date tree worshippers, and begged St
Jerome not to cut down their sacred groves. A form of worship
so common and so widespread must have had some basis <• n which
it rested — a philosophy such as satisfied the instincts of millions, and
that philosophy came down from savage man. To him all nature
is animate. The spirit of reproduction dwells in trees, in corn, and
grass. Spirits of men do not difter essentially from these, for here,
too, reproduction is the great factor of existence, and as the spirit
of the decayed vegetation lives through the winter and re-animates
the world in spring, so human spirits retire to the unknown
depths of the forest, but not to perish. They live and re-appear.
Siamese monks believe trees have souls, and that to lop off a
branch is equivalent to severing a nuin's hand from his body.
These monks are, of course, Buddhists ; but the Animism of
Buddhism is not a philosophic theory evolved by itself. It is
simply a common savage dogma incorporated into the system of
an historical religion. Buddhism simply borrowed it from pagan
savagery. And pagan savagery treats a clove tree in blossom as
it does a pregnant woman. No noise must be made near it, and
no light carried past it ; whoever approaches it must uncover his
head. In the Philippine Islands the souls of the ancestors inhabit
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Fauns and Fairies. 282
well-known trees. In Kabongo the reigning monarch has a safe
keeping place for his soul in a grove. In Assam, when a child is
lost, it has been stolen by the spirits of the wood. In Sumatra,,
when a native fells a tree he plants a young one in its place, and
hangs some betal root upon it. This is the new home offered to
the spirit that dwelt in the tree that has been cut down, and who
otherwise might bo homeless.
In these beliefs and customs the tree itself is animate
under the earlier forms of religious thought. Then an important
advance is made, and the tree becomes the abode of a spirit,
which can leave it and take up its home elsewhere. These spirits
dwelling in trees gradually resolve themselves into departed souls,
giving us the material on which the whole system of ancestor
worship is founded. It explains why the old Prussians believed
gods inhabited high oak trees, and why the Lithuanians begged St
Jerome not to cut down their sacred groves, as from the spirits
dwelling there they had obtained sunshine and rain, summer heat
and winter snows. It throws light on the well known dogma that
tree spirits make horses multiply and bless women with off-
spring.
At Gilgit there is an annual custom at wheat-sowing, of which
the following are the essential facts : — Branches of the sacred
cedar are brought from the mountain forest. After various
ceremonies each villager goes home with a few sprigs of the cedar,
but to find the door of his house shut in his face. The wife asks
from within, " What do you bring," to which he replies, " Children
if you wish them ; food if you require it ; cattle ; whatever you
want ;" she then opens the door and says, " Sou of the fairies, you
have come from far," and sprinkles him all over with flour.
Among civilized peoples tree festivals are continued in May-day
and midsummer customs. Men's opinions change ; their philosophy
developes ; religious revolutions come suddenly or slowly ; but
customs and ceremonial acts remain, and the old order weaves
itself into myth and legend, and myth is always mo3t graphic
when it describes what actually took place and colours it in the
imaginations of many centuries.
Our brief survey of tree spirits leads us to this : — The tree
spirit passes into a person. This person is king of the wood ;
under his influence vegetation revives, rain falls, domestic animals
increase, and people multiply. Festivals are held in honour of
this sylvan deity, who presently emerges into the doctrine of souls
and ancestral worship. Man at this stage has travelled a long
way on that upward ladder of progress which the race has followed
from its cradle.
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284 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The soul of primitive man wns exposed to various forms of
danger, and against these precautions were taken. A safe keeping-
place for his soul was an essential to a ruler. The soul was an
exact reproduction of the body in miniature. It was invisible
except to seers. During sleep or a swoon it was absent from the
body, and its return might be prevented by an enemy who was a
magician, or through the person being removed from the place
where the soul left him. Then if a man saw his own reflection in
a dark pool or reflecting surface his soul might be snatched away
and lost ; so men, kings more particularly, were surrounded with
taboos to secure their safety. Nor did this always suffice, for
many rulers selected secure keeping-places for their souls at a
distance from their residence, as a sacred grove, a spring, or an
inaccessible pinnacle of rock. These places the imagination
peoples with spirits, the souls of the living and the dead, for what
more natural when a man died than that his soul should continue
to reside where he had placed it. It knew the locality, and took
an interest in it while its owner lived. And if it remained there
it- interest would continue unabated, and would influence the
course of events as when the king lived. It entered his successor
it is true, but duality of existence presents no difficulties to savage
philosophy. But there were frequently rival chieftains, and so a
rivalry among souls would naturally follow, and this suggests two
things— First, the frequent trials of strength among the gods of
mythology, and the doctrine of beneficent and evil spirits. To
follow this further is foreign to our present purpose.
While the country was largely forest-clad, woodland deities
ruled supreme, and could hardly be said to divide their power with
water spirits, which figure in all mythologies. As clearings
increase J and forest fires laid bare large tracts of country, or as
men wandered north wTards to regions of ice and snow, the altered
conditions necessitated a re-adjustment of sacred places and the
homes of divinity. Where a sylvan shrine existed before a great
fire the spot would remain sacred, or the gods would betake them-
selves to the shelter of an over-hanging cliff. Tradition peoples
such spots with the self-same divinities who dwelt in the forest
glades when youths and maidens worshipped dancing in the glint-
ing moonlight.
Nor is this mere conjecture, for we only need a haunted room
in some baronial hall to make it in after ages the scene of midnight
revel and the home of ghosts, whose pale outlines are seen by the
fearful as a fitful light shows athwart the open casements when
winter winds are high. The mountain slopes and low-lying fens,
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Fauns and Fairies. 285
once covered with forests and resonant with the songs of birds, now
bare and lifeless, presented to the cowering savage a picture of
awful desolation, and he peopled them with those spirits which his
imagination pictured as solitary and evil, while the good clung to
any remaining clusters of trees or raised green mounds.
Next comes the rude hand and new religion of the conqueror
to shatter all that remained of the ancient faith. It perishes,
vanishing as if it had never been, and the new takes its place and
retains it. But the memory of the old remains, and men look back
in a kindly way to the past, and children hear with awestruck
wonder stories of the ancient days when spirits walked at noonday.
They learn to reverence the spots where they dwelt, and in their
play rehearse the doings of the gods. And then some one hears
in the green mound where the ancestors hide, the strains of a
forgotten music, and before his fevered vision ghostly figures glint
in the moonlight, and he dreams dreams of a vanished glory. As he
recounts his vision, his enthusiasm kindles, his narrative becomes
real, and the youth who hear know he has been to fairyland.
He saw the mighty de,ad ; he heard music sung by immortals ; he
is inspired : a seer for evermore.
By such processes does tradition weave together the imaginary
and the real, blending them into a golden web of the past and a
mysterious present, till with rude hand the fabric is thrown down,
and men make a new advance in thought. They do not forget the
past; they adapt it, and the adaptation is determined by the new cult.
Buddhism seizes on it, and claims it as its own. Christianity bans
it as of the devil, indulgently at first, then with stern visage and
legal sanctions. The dreams of the past are banished into hidden
corners, and men, women especially, fear the thumbscrew and the
faggot, if it should be suspected that they hold converse with this
forbidden world and eat its baneful fruit. If men do recount the
deeds of the past, and the frolics of spirits in the green woods, they
are careful to weave a kind of latter-day moral into the tale.
As the memory of sylvan deities and guardian ancestois wanes
and waxes dim while tradition persists, men imagine that the
tradition is but the distorted history of a race of men who lived,
and felt, and suffered, and vanished. Races of men are created
and then exterminated, leaving a few solitary wanderers, the sole
witnesses of a vanished world. A burrow is made and a human
dwelling found. It was the home of a chief of the vanished race.
A name of doubtful derivation is met with. It is a word preserved
from a lost language. The man who dwelt in that house was a
fairy — the lost language his speech ; and so our sylvan denizens
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become mere eaters of flesh and abductors of children to avenge
political wrongs.
It has already been said that our familiar fairy cult is a
complex thing. It is composed of materials supplied by tradition,
and has no doubt drawn from stories of battle, murder, and
revenge ; and here prehistoric materials are to be met with. But
on the other hand it contains a vast mass of legend regarding the
older religious beliefs and unexplained phenomena. Man as he
advanced left behind him at each stage a whole world of unex-
plained facts. He progressed along certain lines, and left collateral
branches of knowledge to be the sport of tradition. This entered
into popular folk-lore, and became in a measure the common
heritage of all nations. We have also to take account of sudden
noises, rappings, musical sounds, movement of objects without
apparent cause, and that curious group of experiences we may class
under second sight, as well as prolonged trance or suspended
animation. All these and many other factors enter into our
familar legends, and give to the fairies a local colour and historic
setting. That many unexplained facts exist, we, most of us, have
had experience, and though science may be moving in the direction
of a more rational explanation than hitherto, nothing very satis-
factory has yet appeared. The noises heard in Wesley's house at
Epworth are as well authenticated as any fact can be, and yet no
better than many similar phenomena elsewhere. Our modern
telepathy may do something to explain the facts, or it may find
itself worsted as the Wesley s did in their attempts to set the
spirits to do some useful work.
We now return to the fairies and their habits as these are
described by Kirk and Martin. The former Went to his own herd
in 1692 ; the latter wrote about 1695, so that their evidence is
contemporary. Both men were close observers, and each in his
own way had rare glimpses of science. To them fairy bodies are
congealed air, impalpable and invisible except to seers. They know
nothing of their having any built dwellings. Their habitations
are fairy hills, nothing more. They are diminutive and have the
human form reproduced in their miniature bodies. To the savage
in Africa, India, the South Seas, America, and Tartary the soul is
a reproduction of the body. It is in miniature, but is fat or lean,
long or short as the man is. It is aerial and impalpable ; it is
invisible except to the magician ; it is capable of living apart from
the body and going long journeys in an incredible short space of
time ; it may breakfast in Senegal and dine in America ; it feed8
on the essence of our grosser fare and impoverishes what it eats of.
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Fauns and Fairies. 287
Id fairy stories men are often placed under spells and lose
sense and reason till restored with infinite labour by a seer. So
;ire men whose souls are stolen and detained in savage lands.
When a funtral passes through a village the Karens of Burmah
tie their children to an article of furniture with a special kind of
string lest their souls should be drawn away with the dead. And
at the grave those who bring the body provide themselves with a
bamboo slit lengthwise, and a small stick. When the earth is
filled iu each man thrusts his bamboo down into the grave and
draws his stick along the groove to show his soul the way out
should it by any chance be down with the dead.
The good people of Aberfoil heard a noise as if men were
working on anvils, but the Polynesian ancestral spirits can
remodel a whole village in a single night, while a Wazerema
sylvan deity can box an offender's ears till he sees new constella-
tions ; and a Bougo spirit can make the forest resound again to
the beat of drum. Fairies change their abode quarterly ; but
the Gaboon spirits are made to change, being driven out by the
long-suffering inhabitants. They, too, can float on air, and make
a low, musical noise, or a crepitating sound, should they leave in
anger. Fairies have their orders. African spirits have theirs, and
settle faction-fights like any Irish pigmies of them all. But these
are the usual trappings of ancestral deities the world over. Even
men's souls, temporarily absent from their bodies, may meet and
fight, with much damage to their owners; and stories are on
record of Burmese souls doing each other grievous harm. Nor
are such wandering souls absent at banquets and funerals. They
hover round the corpse to snatch away the soul to join their own
company. When seen, they may appear in any guise, and seers
have difficulty in distinguishing between the soul of a living person
and a disembodied spirit. The minister of Aberfoil does not
record the method of restoring the stolen, but the Karens know
all about the recapture of an abducted soul ; and a Samoan seer
can fit a man with another soul should his own be Jost or stolen
beyond hope of recovery. In Hawaii souls were caught and shut
up in calabashes ; and the seers of Danger Island set soul traps
fitted to catch those of different sizes. Against these dangers
charms must be used, from bits of reed to iron ; and when these
fail, the lost may be restored by means well known to every
savage man.
The death messenger from Elf-land, so Mr Kirk tells us,
might be appeased by the death of an animal. A Pondo con
Ueinned to die may, with the consent of his chief, redeem his
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288 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
life by the sacrifice of an ox and a fine ; among other tribes, by
the substitution of a slave. Wounds inflicted by elf arrows were
mortal, and woe betide the savage who is touched by a weapon
from the spirit world. And the spirits of savage man have their
local habitations, places where they have lived time out of mind,
like our own little hill folk.
In our fairy cult we meet with facts not easily explained from
the analogy of savage custom. Men whose souls are stolen, and
wander in forests in a kind of waking sleep, give a clue to fairy
spells ; but the abduction of wives and children must belong to a
later era, and may be a faint re-echo of old classic stories, or the
record of an experience not at all uncommon in lawless lands.
The changeling would follow as a kind of corollary to the abduc-
tion ; or it is a faint and fading memory of the savage dictum that
animals, as wolves, may, under the influence of evil spirits or
wicked magicians, Hubstitute their own cubs for children they
devour.
These parallel illustrations, or some of them, are capable of
being pushed too far ; but in regard to a world-wide cult, they
appear to aiford a more rational explanation than the extermina-
tion of the inhabitants of whole continents. For, if the theory
holds good in regard to, the "Pechts," it must be true regarding
aboriginal races the world over, whose very names and memory
have perished utterly. Yes, and their bones too, for of fossil dwarfs
we have none.
That the earliest objects of worship were the chiefs who ruled
and regulated nature for the benefit of the tribe there seems no
reasonable doubt. That this merged into nature-worship, and
that into adoration of ancestral spirits we have ample evidence to
support in the condition of savage lands of to-day. To this rale
the nations of Europe were no exception. From well-known
facts the world over, we are not permitted to doubt the residence
of ancestral spirits in particular localities, and by all the rules of
reasoning, in our own country also. These ancestral spirits were
diminutive, corresponding to the souls of living men. They
migrated from place to place, and their influence was felt in all
directions.
A savage is nothing if he is not religious, and when, with the
development of thought, higher religions claimed his homage, the
past remained as a fading memory. Imagination clothed it with
a halo of glory, and the midnight revels of elves and fauns and
fairies preserve to us the more human and social aspects of what
was to primitive man a stern reality. Christianity, first tolerant,
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Minor Highland Families. 289
for whatever be the merits or demerits of the Roman form of it,
it was in the early days wisely human and tolerant of the vanish-
ing paganism which it displaced, then less tolerant, and, finally4
reformed and austere with its rigid code of morals and conduct,
it obliterated the last traces of pagan pageantry in its own worship
and in social life. It almost compelled fires'de stories to
take a kind of Hanoverian hue to the glory of the Prince
of Orange. So Scotland bade farewell, a sorrowful fare-
well, it may be, to its satyrs and its elves; its fauns and its
fairies; its sunset wanderers and midnight revellers, and left it
to this and kindred societies to rescue from oblivion the last
remnants of a world to which we can hardly look back without
a sigh, and wish we could feel
" As free as nature first made man,
When wild in woods the noble savage ran."
26th FEBRUARY, 1897.
At the meeting this evening, Dr James Macrae, Newcastle,
and Mr P. J. Sinton, Fort- William, were elected members of
the Society. Thereafter the Assistant-Secretary read a paper
contributed by Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, Esq. of Drummond,
entitled " The Robertsons of Inshes, ' in continuation of his
interesting series of papers to the Society on " Minor Highland
Families." The paper was as follows : —
MINOR HIGHLAND FAMILIES— No. 10.
THE ROBERTSONS OF INSHES.
The Robertsons of Inshes were honourably connected with
the burgh and parish of Inverness for over four hundred years.
Through the kindness of the last proprietor, Mr Arthur John
Robertson, known as " The Laird" so well in and about Inver-
ness, I was favoured many years ago with the perusal and
liberty of taking some notes from the singularly well kept
papers of the family. In their papers the family took great
pride, and had them looked over by several antiquarians, such
as the late Mr Alexander Mackenzie of Woodside, Mr George
Anderson, and others. Mr Arthur Robertson, grandfather oj
the late laird, was a frequent correspondent of the well-knowi!
19
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290 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
collector, a century ago, General Hutton, some of whose papers
connected with Inverness and the North are in the Advocates'
Library, Edinburgh.
The first Robertson of whom there is authentic note was
1. Duncan Robertson, a cadet of the Robertson's of Strowan,
undoubted head of the Clan Donnachie, and the Inshes family
are mentioned as one of his kindred clan by the celebrated
Alexander Robertson of Strowan, warrior and poet, one of
whose letters to Inshes, dated " Hermitage, 20 July 1742," will
be found hereafter quoted.
From the deed of 1448 after-mentioned, this Duncan would
presumably have been born not later than 1400.
The first charter in existence is a charter by
2. Robert, Duncan's son, burgess of Inverness, to William
Michael, burgess of Inverness, of his particate of land, lying
on the east side of Domesdale, Inverness (Castle Street), in form
of pledge, dated Inverness, 20 April, 1448, the witnesses being
Patrick Fergusson, Walter John's son, Richard Logie, John
Thomas, junior, Johnr Gray, and John William. The three
seals originally attached have disappeared, but the document
itself is in good preservation, and like most ante-Reformation
writs, brief, and of beautiful caligraphy.
I gave Duncan the first as born about 1400, as his son
must have been major by 1448. Robert was succeeded by his
son,
3. John, father of William and Laurence. This Laurence
Robertson, described as "Burgess of Inverness," acquired, 28th
July, 1517, a house at the head of Bridge Street, south or west
side, from Henry Deval, Prior of the Order of Fratres Predi-
mtores, which, as probably the only unthatched house in Inver-
ness, is styled the " Sklait House." The seal of the Monastery,
of great rarity, is engraved in " Invernessiana."
4. William was father of
5. John, a powerful man, whose designation, " Stalwart
John," has been handed down, by family tradition and other-
wise, as naving been standard bearer to Lord Lovat At the
battle' of Biar-na-leine, 1544. He was one of the very few who
survived, and having afterwards married, was succeeded by his
son,
6. William Robertson "Elder," burgess of Inverness, in
connection with whom there are several burghal documents
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Minor Highland Families. 291
extant. One is an association by the Council and community of
Inverness, in favour of William Robertson to build " a timber
shop opposite to the Tolbooth." Mr James Robertson writes
from Poland to get a certificate of gentle birth from the
Provost, magistrates, and clergy of Inverness, " as being second
son of William Robertson, some time Bailie and one of the
Town Council of Inverness, who was son of John Robertson,
Bailie and Councillor of Inverness." That his mother was
" Margaret Paterson, daughter of William Paterson, Bailie of
Inverness, and of Agnes, daughter of Hugh Rose of Kilravock.
The father's mother was daughter of Sir Thomas Urquhart of
Cromarty. I observe a memorandum that William Robertson
died 1631, aged 72, and was therefore born in 1559,
7. And that John Robertson, 7th, was born when his
father was 25, or in 1584.
It was in time of this John that the Robertsons established
themselves as landowners in the parish. John had many
struggles, becoming ultimately victorious through the assistance
and counsel of his wife, Janet Sinclair. The Barony of Cul-
cabock, including Knockintinnel, and the littte Haugh below,
next the sea, were a great attraction in the eyes of John and
his wife. Being the only freehold in the neighbourhood, these
lands had particular value. Between the Leys, Culduthel, and
Hilton, on the one side, and Culloden on the other, the whole
land, except that small part of the Castlehill estate called the
" Barony of Castlehill," were part of the old forest of Draikies,
granted to the Burgh of Inverness, extending from the Miln
Burn to the Mount of Daviot, and comprehending Inshes, its
hill lands and woods, and the lands of Bogbain.
The superiority of Culcabock was vested in the Hays of
Mayne, and in property in that of Paterson. Alexander Hay
of Mayne is infeft in Culcabock 7th Nov., 1498, and is suc-
ceeded by William Hay, whose seal to a charter, dated 8th July,
1521, is in fine preservation. After this William, the superi-
ority drops out of the Hay family until 1618, when James VI.
.grants a charter to William Hay. Same year the King grants
a charter to John Grant.
The first name I have observed as actual possessor of Cul-
cabock was Sir William Paterson, rector of Boleskine, found in
1500. No doubt he was one of the family of Paterson, at this
and for one or two centuries later so numerous and influential
in and about Inverness. Sir Thomas Paterson, rector of
Assynt, is served heir to his grand-uncle, Sir William Paterson,
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292 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in Culcabock, Knockintinnel, etc., at Inverness, 21st July, 1513.
The inquest included the lands of Durris, of the value of 24
merks, while Culcabock was valued at 20 merks, and in time of
peace at 12 merks, was held before Hugh Rose of Kilravock,
Sheriff -Depute, and the following inquest : — Alexander Cumyng
of Altyre, Andrew Kinnaird of that Ilk, Alexander Urquhart
of Burdsyards, David Douglas of Pittendreich, Alexander
Brodie of that Ilk, William Dallas of Budgate, Henry Dallas
of Cantray, Robert Steuart of Clava, Andrew Munro of Davoch-
cartie, Alexander Denune of Davidston, William MacCulloch
of Plaids, Angus MacCulloch of Tarrel, John Corbet of Easter
Ard, Alexander Nicolson of Freirost, James Murray of Focha-
bers, John Cuthbert of Auld Castlehill, Walter Rose of Kin-
stearie, Walter Douglas of Cramond, James Tullocb, de eode?n>
George Dunbar of Moy, and William Douglas, burgess of
Elgin.
A few years later, Elizabeth Paterson is found as owner,
together with her husband's name, Andrew Jak, and on her
resignation, a charter is granted by the superior to John Grant
of Glenmoriston, therein described " of Elachy," in 1520, one
of the witnesses being Gordon Lesslie, rector of Kingussie.
This John Grant, son, as handed down by tradition, of the
Laird of Grant by the Baron of Kincardine's daughter, is
obliged to obtain an apostolic license for the legitimation of
his own children and the binding nature of his marriage with
Agnes Fraser. The license is granted by Marcus, Patriarch,
by authority of Pope Paul, on 30th April, 1544, wherein John
Grant is described as " Laicus Moraviensis," and Agnes simply
" Mulier." Inshes, as I nave said, had his eye on the property,
and in the first place, lent money over it to Glenmoriston. The
latter failing to pay, adjudication was taken out, and a title
completed. Further steps against Glenmoriston, with the view
of Inshes entering into actual possession of Culcabock, were
violently resisted. Inshes nimself was captured by stratagem
at Inverness, and carried off to the West, his farms were burnt,
and his tenants and himself spuilzied. Though some of these
violent proceedings occurred chiefly in the time of William, 8th
of Inshes, they may be properly referred to briefly at this
point, having begun in John Robertson's time. Sir Hugh
Campbell of Calder exerted himself for Glenmoriston, with the
view of an adjustment. The Bishop of Moray is prayed to
order a public subscription to compensate Inshes' losses, and
finally, in 1664, Glenmoriston had to succumb. Upon 27th
January, 1664, the following Bond of Caution under law-
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Minor Highland Families. 293
burrows is given by Hugh Fraser of Struy in favour of Glen-
moriston : —
" I, Hugh Fraser of Struy, by the tenor hereof Bind and
oblige me my heirs executors and successors, as cautioner and
surety in lawburrows, for John Grant of Glenmoriston, That
Master William Robertson of Inshes and his men, tenants,
their servants, wives, bairns and families shall be harmless and
skaithless of the said John Grant and of his men, tenants, and
dependers on his lands, heritages, taiks, steadings, rooms, pos-
sessions, corn, cattle, guids and gear. And that they nor none
of them shall be anyways troubled nor molested thereuntil by
the said uohn Grant, nor that his tenants, servants, followers,
or dependers, nor by any other of his or their causing, sending,
hounding out, command receipt assistance or ratihabition
directly or undirectly in time coming, otherwise than by order
of law and justice, under the pain of one thousand merks Scots
money, likeas I, the said John Grant, further bind and oblige
me my heirs executors and successors to free and release my
said cautioner and his above specified at all hands and
against all mortals. Subscribed at Davochfour, 27 January
1664, before Alexander Mackintosh, fiar of Connage, Capt.
William Robertson, merchant, burgess of Inverness, Angus
Mackintosh of Daviot, and others."
The following extract from a similar Bond of Caution in
lawburrows, granted same date and place, by Glenmoriston, for
his family and clan, is interesting from its full enumeration of
the people of Glenmoriston in 1664.
John Grant of Glenmoriston binds himself to free William
Robertson of Inshes and his, and harmless and skaithless keep
them from attack or molestation by
1 John Grant, tutor of Glenmoriston.
2, 3 John and William Grants, his lawful sons.
4 John Mac Neil in Invermoriston.
5 Ewen Mac Iain beg there.
6 Duncan Roy Mac Homas vie William there.
7 Alexander an Greasich there.
8 Patrick Smith there.
9 Donald Mac Conchie mor there.
10 Donald Mac Iain beg vie Iain roy there.
11 Christopher Mac Coil vie Iain roy there.
12 John Mac Alister dhu there.
13 Donald Mac William vie Iain roy there.
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14 Angus Mac Iain vio Neil there.
15 Duncan Mac Iain vie Neil there.
16 Donald Mac Hamish vie Couter there.
17 Donald Mac Finlay vie Iain roy in Blairie,
18 Ewen Mac Gillie Cnriosd there.
19 John Mac Ewen vie Gillie Chriost there.
20 John Mac Iain reoch there.
21 Duncan Mac Coil vie Iain in Duldreggan mor.
22 John Mac Coil buy there.
23 John Mac Fionlay, brebiter, there.
24 Duncan Macintyre there.
25 Donald Mac Iain vie Coil buy there.
26 Ewen Mac Iain roy there.
27 William Mac Allister vie Ewen there.
28 Ewen Mac Allister vie Ewen ban in Duldreggan beg.
29 Donald Mac Angus roy there.
30 Finlay mor Mac Coil there.
31 John buy Mac an Taillear there.
32 Soirle Mac Iain vie Soirle there.
33 Donald Mac Aonas vie Coil there.
34 John dhu Mac Iain vie William in Dalchregart mor.
35 Duncan Mac Allister vie Ewen there.
36 Allister vie Ewen there.
37 Gillespie Mac Conchie vie Ruarie there.
38 John Mao Iain dhu vie Iain in Dalchregart beg.
39 Dugald Mac Iain his son there.
40 Duncan ban Mac Iain vie Coil there.
41 Ferquhar Mac Iain glas there.
42 John Mac Conchie vie Iain vie Coil there.
43 Duncan Mac Iain vie Conchie his son there.
44 Duncan Fergusson Mac Iain glas there.
. 45 Duncan Mac Gillespie there.
46 Donald Mac Iain there.
47 Donald ban Mac Conchie vie Coul in Craskie.
48 Ewen Mac Conchie vie Ruarie there.
49 William Mac Coul there.
50 Donald Hamish there.
51 Donald roy vie Coul there.
52 John Grant, Duncan's son, in Inach.
53 Malcolm Mac Iain vie Iain rov there.
54 Lachlan Mac Allan vie Harlich in Achlean.
55 John ban Mac Coil vie Neil there.
56 John Mac Ewen ban in Inchvalraig ( ?).
57 Rorie Mao Coil vie Ewen there.
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Minor Highland Families. 295
58 Donald Mac Coil vie Ewen there.
59 Even Mac Iain vie Iain vie Ewen thera
60 Donald Mac Ruarie vie Coil there.
61 John dhu Mac Coil vie Ewen there.
62 John Mac Iain roy there.
63 Rorie Mac Coil vie Ewen there.
64 Duncan Mac William vie Iain Roy in Dalcattaig.
65 John Coul Mac Fionlay in the Inver.
66 Donald Mac Coil vie Coul in Levishie.
67 John Mac Ferquhar vie Quien in Blairie.
68 Alexander Mac Conchie ban in Duldreggan.
69 Donald Mac Gill Andrish there.
70 John Mac Conchie vie Iain og there.
71 John Mac Iain Gromach there.
72 Allister Mac Coil ban in Dalchregart mor.
73 Duncan Mac Iain mor there.
74 Alexander Chisholm in Aonach.
75 John Mac Coil og, vie Coil vie Iain ban in Achlean.
76 Allan his son there.
77 John dhu Mac Coil vie Ewen there.
This list is rather lengthy, but it is worth giving in full,
as without doubt comprehending every family, for it will be
noted, that while each township is gone over, a few additional
names are added as if of those omitted at first. Putting six to
a family, this would bring out 500 souls, and it is known
Glenmoriston could bring into the field 120 fighting men, some
from Urquhart, and a few occasionally from Glengarry.
It was not until 27th May, 1666, that matters, through the
interposition of Sir Hugh Campbell of Calder, and the payment
by Inshes of 9500 merks, were finally arranged, and a Dis-
charge and Renunciation executed by Glenmoriston, which is
also signed by Calder.
I now revert to the further acquisitions of property and
dignities by John Robertson of Inshes. Upon 7th July, 1615, '
John Robertson, eldest lawful son of William Robertson, senior,
burgess of Inverness, is admitted a free burgess of Inverness.
The extract, whicn has the ancient seal of the burgh, in very
good condition so far as it exists, showing both sides, is signed
by the Town Clerk, and bears to have been granted in presence
of John Cuthbert of Auld Castlehill, Provost Alexander Pater-
son, William Campbell and Duncan Forbes, Bailies. John
Robertson acquires one of the four coble fishings on the Ness
from Finlay Macphail. He also acquires Easter Inshes, also
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Easter Leys, or Leys Cruin, from Simon, Lord Lovat. The
disposition, dated Dalcross- Castle, 14th May, 1629, is con-
curred in by Lady Lovat, who could not write.
In and about 1626, John Robertson, with Duncan Forbes,
Provost, Alexander Baillie of Dunain, and many other pro-
prietors, binds himself to the Earl of Moray, on behalf of the
Clan Chattan, then undergoing violent persecution at his lord-
ship's instance.
Easter Inshes was acquired by John Robertson from Baillie
of Dunain, who had held them for a short time, succeeding a
family named Macphail. He further acquired Wester Inshes
from the Patersons.
There was an hereditary feud 'twixt the families of Paterson
and Robertson, patched up for a time by the marriage of
Alexander Paterson with Katherine, daughter of John Robert-
son, and finally ended by the Patersons withdrawing from the
contest.
Parts of the forest of Draikies, including Bogbain, were
acquired from the burgh, and thus the Inshes propery stretched
in part from the sea until it met Mackintosh at the Mount of
Daviot.
John Robertson, described of Easter Inshes, merchant,
burgess of Inverness, married Janet Sinclair — contract dated at
Edinburgh, 22nd September, 1624 — daughter of William
Sinclair, Indweller in Leith, then widow of Alexander Newall,
merchant in Edinburgh, with the consent of Marion Purves,
her mother, and Robert Baillie, merchant and burgess of
Edinburgh, then Marion's husband. Inshes signs the contract
thus — " Ihone Robertson Williams son of Easter Inshes with
my hand."
In 1628, in respect of John Robertson apologising for
aiding the Clan Chattan, the Earl of Moray is graciously moved
to acquit Inshes, by deed signed at the Castle of Darn away,
3rd February, in presence of Hucheon Rose of KilravocJ: and
John, his brother german.
John is dead before 17th December, 1657, survived by
Janet, his wife, and at least three sons — William, who suc-
ceeded; Hugh, afterwards Provost of Inverness; and George,
described as John Robertson's third son. It may be noted
here that Inshes, having in 1647 petitioned Parliament for a
grant of 10,000 merks in satisfaction of the losses by and
through Glenmoriston, is voted 2000 merks.
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Minor Highland Families. 297
9. William Robertson, who reigned for the long period of
at least 60 years — his father dying in 1657, ana his own name
being found as owner in 1717.
William Robertson passed as an advocate, and was a man
of considerable attainments, an excellent classic scholar — some
of his Latin effusions being extant. He first married Magdalen
Rose of Kilravock, and some of their love letters exist, most
creditable to both, for they would stand the rather crucial test
of being read in a court of law. Inshes lost his wife early,
and married secondly Sibilla Mackenzie of Pluscardine. Their
second daughter married, in 1698, John Rose of Holme. The
eldest daughter, Jean, married, same year, Duncan brother to
Alexander Robertson of Strowan. Her tocher was 6000
merks. The bride's mother, Sibilla Mackenzie, was living, and
her nearest of kin, Provost Hugh Robertson, and Charles
Mackenzie of Earnside. Among the witnesses to the contract
are John Robertson of Lude and Patrick, his brother-german.
William Robertson obtains a pew for himself in the old
High Church of Inverness in 1676, by the following Writ: —
"At Inverness, the 1st day of August, 1676. The said
day there was a supplication presented by Mr William Robert-
son of Inshes, making his humble address to the Session of
Inverness : Regretting the inconvenience for himself and family
in the High Church of the said Burgh for the reverent and
incumbent attention of the ordinances : Desiring he might be
licensed and empowered to cause build and erect two sufficient
pews next to the Guildry's dask. Whereupon, which supplica-
tion after rype and grave advisement, was found very reason-
able, and knowing him to be a deserving person, the whole
members of the Session did unanimously grant the said two
pews, and thereby to inherit and enjoy them in all time coming
as ane undoubted heritage. For which two pews, the said Mr
William did give the little dask sometime belonging to his
mother — And to be given to Hugh Robertson, Treasurer, and
James Cuthbert, late Bailie, ordaining also these presents be
insert and registrat in the principal Session register of the
Burgh, therein to remain for future security and preservation
thereof. Extracted by me. (Signed) John Innes, Clerk of
the Session."
The last Laird has often told me that at this time the
Gaelic Church pulpit, originally an auctioneers rostrum, and
made in Holland, was given by his predecessors, and stood in
the old church after 1664, and is the " dask" before referred to.
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298 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Inshes had busied himself in erecting the handsome place
of sepulture of the family adjoining the church. It was feared
that it would block a window in the aisle, and this, it will be
observed, was guarded against in the grant : —
" At Inverness, the [torn] 1664 years. For as muckle as
Mr William Robertson of Inshes gave in a supplication upon
the last day of March 1663 years, supplicating the Session of
Inverness to build and rear up ane tombe above the corpus' of
the deceased Marion Purves Lady Walstown, some time .»is
grandmother, — The Session continued and delayed the same,
fearing the building of the foresaid tombe should prejudge the
light rights of the said church, when the same should be built,
upon the west side of the side wall from the little door of the
old aisle of the said church, — taking ane foot or thereby of the
south gable gable thereof, — as the compass of ground in length
and breadth is casten. And the Session taking the same into
consideration, with advice and consent of my Lord Bishop of
Moray, has given and granted, and by these presents gives and
grants hereby to the said William Robertson of Inshes to build,
rear, and make up the said tombe as is above designed, with
this provision, that the same when it is built shall in no ways
prejudge the walls or lights of the said church in the least.
And if it be found prejudicial to the lights or walls of the said
church, immediately against the completing thereof, then and
in that case by the signature of the said Lord Bishop, or any
person he shall nominate to that effect, it shall be demolished
in so far in so far (sic) as it shall be found prejudicial to the
lights and fabrick foresaid. And likeways the Session, with
advice and of command of my Lord Bishop of Moray, dispones
as much ground in length and breadth as above designed, to
appertain in property to the said Mr William Robertson of
Inshes and his family as their burial place in all time coming
for ever. Whereupon act.
" (Signed) Murdo Moravien, Eps.
" Recorded in the Kirk Session books, 9 February 1664/'
In 1703 (7th December), John Robertson, younger of Inshes,
is contracted in marriage with Barbara Balfour, second
daughter of Lieut.-Col. John Balfour of Fairnie. The contract
is dated at the Canongate, Edinburgh, and witnessed, inter
alias, by Arthur, by the providence of God Archbishop of St
Andrews; Alexander, by the mercy of God Bishop of Edin-
burgh; John, Master of Balmerino; Sir Robert Douglas of
Kirkness; Mr Colin Mackenzie, advocate; Sir William Gordon
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Minor Highland Families. 29£
of Dalpholly; Thomas Robertson, second son to Inshes;
George Innes, younger of Coxtoun; and Mr James Elphin-
stone, son to the Master of Balmerino. This was a high match
for the family, but, unfortunately, the tocher was moderate,
and the family lived up to, if. not beyond, their means.
The following letter from Bumper/' John Forbes of Cul-
loden, dated 1714, shows the close, kindly, and neighbourly
footing on which the Culloden, Castlehill, and Inshes families,
near neighbours, lived : —
Culloden, 21st October 1714.
" Sir,
" Your good friend and mine, Castlehill, tells me
that you are much my friend. I do indeed believe it, and
though I cannot at this time or in this manner express the true
sense I have, and always will have, for your friendship, I
assure you, on the word of a comrade, that none longs more
for ane opportunity to serve you or wishes better to your
familie than,
" Dear Sir,
" Your most affectionate cousin
and faithful friend,
(Signed) "Jo. Forbes.
(Addressed) " The Honourable
" The Laird of Inshes."
In 1703, Thomas Robertson, only son of John, only son of
Provost Hugh Robertson before mentioned, married Miss
Coutts, of Montrose; and in 1713, Captain Thomas Paterson,
of Montrose, marries Mary, daughter of William Robertson —
William Coutts, Provost of Montrose, being one of the wit-
nesses. Of this family sprung the founder of the historic
banking house of Coutts.
A younger son of Inshes, Thomas, is described in 1723 as*
" late General Surveyor of the Customs at Inverness."
The following excellent letter, from old Robertson of
Strowan to his clansman, Inshes the younger, may be inserted
here : —
" The letter you mentioned which you did me the honour to
design for me, never came to my hands, else to be sure I had
made you a return in due time.
"I cannot think the trustees on your estate can or will
refuse so just a demand as to count and reckon for their
intromissions. If the matter be put into a clear light, there are
none upon the Bench but must see it reasonable; and I am
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300 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
persuaded that my Lord President, whom you have strove to
oblige, will use his influence in your cause. He is a person who
will not be biassed in a point that is palpable oppression, xnis
is the world's opinion of him, and must not be contradicted.
So that it seems to be your main business at present to get
your design represented in a handsome manner to his Lordship,
who will certainly do . you justice and also generosity. But
things must be done with great modesty and temper. As for
myself, I am the most oppressed man in the nation, and my
affairs have strangely fluctuated ever since my old agent —
worthy George Robertson — departed this life; nor do I well
know which hand to turn me to. So does villainy prevail in
this world.
" But as the Lady Inshes is now at Edinburgh, she can well
settle charges with, and know the method of bringing your
trustees to reason. I am in a manner endeavouring the same
against some trustees of my own name, who are attempting to
do injustice to my father's family, against the laws of God and
man. But I am hoping, with the assistance of Providence, at
length to get the better of them — and their perjuries, forgeries,
calumnies, and notorious lies, defeated. All I have done must, at
long run, drop me into confusion.
" Mr Ross advises me to write my advice to Provost
Hossack, which I will do in a day or two. What influence
that may have upon him I cannot tell, but I shall do my best.
Being with utmost affection, Dear Sir,
" Your most obliged cousin and servt.,
" (Signed) A. Robertson of Strowan.
"Hermitage, July 20, 1742." .
In 1742 old William Robertson is noted for the last time,
.while John, his son, and William, his grandson, are both
mentioned.
10. John Robertson succeeded, and, earning nothing, while
his manner of living was much in excess of his means, brought
his affairs and the estate to a low point. He was succeeded by
his son,
11. William Robertson, who, equally careless, did nothing
to improve matters. The Duke of Cumberland and his advisers
tried hard, here, there, and everywhere, to get up evidence
against all landowners or men of any property who
might have shown themselves favourable to the Stuarts,
in order to confiscate their estates. Of the very few
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Minor Highland Families. 301
on whom an impression was, they imapined, made, one was
this William Robertson, a weak man, in the fullest sense of
the word. He was sent up to London to give evidence, but
thought better of his position, if the whole were not a plot for
incriminating neighbours got up by the Duke, and, on interro-
gation in London, he took up the position of " nihil novit,"
and that the reports about his knowledge were unfounded.
He was sent back to Inverness, as mentioned in the letter
given : —
" London, 10th February, 1747.
" Sir,
" The bearer, Mr William Robertson of Inshes,
one of the J.P.'s for the County of Inverness, is one of those
that was ordered up by His Royal Highness' s orders. I spoke
of him to you formerly. Sir Everard Fawkner has remitted
him to you, to consider what it is proper he should have for
carrying his charges down to Inverness. You'll therefore
please let him have what you judge proper, as he can be of no
manner of use here. I have given orders as to the clothing of
two men you mentioned to me. I am, with great respect, Sir,
" Your most obedient servt.,
" (Signed) David Bruce."
His connections were much distressed about his supposed
disclosures, as may be seen from this letter, from a near
relative on the mother's side, dated 22nd September, 1746 —
a letter reflecting the high character of the writer, who pro-
bably had no sympathy with the Jacobites : —
" Dear WiUie,
" By a letter I had from my sister Inshes,
of the 13th, I was confounded to hear of your being at London,
since she did not assign me any cause for it.
" I supposed it had been upon a call from Lord President,
who has always proved your true friend, and is a man of ..he
greatest honour; but as my sister would certainly have wrote
me if that had been the case, I am hopeful you will take no
step there without his particular advice and direction, and then
you are sure you will act no part but what is consistent with
a man of honour. It gives me pain for the ' fama clamosa' of
your journey there, though it is not possible for me to give the
least credit to it.
" Every good man will think himself bound by his conscience
to serve his King and his country (even to the last drop of his
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blood) in what is honourable. But uiere are some employ-
ments that have ever been and will ever be of so infamous a
nature that the accepting of them must of necessity make one
infamous and detestable to all mankind, even to those very
persons that make use of them to serve their ends. It is an
employ inconsistent with honour, truth, religion, charity, or
any one thing that is consistent with religion. It is only fit for
the devil and his angels — it is what cuts one off. for ever with
not only every friend and good man; but even men otherwise
wicked won't have any intercourse with such men. God forbid
that any friend I have the least concern in should be so
demented. For my part, I would have more pleasure in
seeing my relation and friend hanged, drawn, and quartered,
rather than accept of such ane hellish employ. And therefore,
my dear Willie, as it is impossible that you could give any
person encouragement to believe you capable of so wicked and
abominable a trade, which would not only bring infamy on
yourself, but more or less on your friends and relations.
Sure you could not be poisoned with such sentiments from any
sprung of my father's loins. It gives all your friends here
the utmost concern to hear such a clamour; and though we
are persuaded you would rather part with your life than your
honour, yet all of us expect that you will signify it under your
hand — that to say you are capable of any such infamous trade
is malicious and wicked; and therefore by your telling me the
truth in plain terms, I will have it in my power to suppress
this ' fama clamosa/ and take people to task who shall venture
thereafter to sully your character. Write me per post directly, to
the care of Mr John Mackenzie, W.S., Edinburgh. You can
easily believe what concern I must have in your character,
therefore consider the anxiety I must have till I hear from
you. I am, dear Willie,
" Your most affecate. uncle,
" (Signed) John Crawfurd..
" Ballingry, 22 Sepr. 1746."
12. Arthur Robertson succeeded to an estate practically in
the hands of creditors, but, by dint of attention and abihtv,
contrived, during his long possession, extending, like that of
his predecessor, William, over 60 years, to keep up a good
position, and maintain the credit of the family. In his time,
however, all the old and considerable burghal property was
disposed of. His brother, Captain Thomas, died in India,
leaving some means, which had to be shared with others,
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Minor Highland Families, 303
including a sister, Johanna, found in 1772 as spouse of Capt.
Zebulon Cockerell, of Sunderland. Their grandmother, the old
Lady Irishes, Mrs. Barbara Balfour, was still alive. Being a
freeholder, Inshes had considerable influence, and by his own
and his successor's warm support of the Grants, after the Lovats
had retired, earned their gratitude and substantial good-will,
as many of their letters testify.
In 1817 Arthur Robertson is dead, and was succeeded by
his son,
13. Masterton Robertson, married to Miss Shearer, which
lady many old Invernessians will recollect, a conspicuous figure,
in her pew in the gallery of the High Church. Masterton
Robertson was rather unfortunate, and had to submit to be
put under trust, during which period the family lost Easter
Leys, acquired by Lachlan Mackintosh of Raigmore. In his
Glasgow student days, Masterton was on very intimate terms
with another student who afterwards became famous — Francis,
Lord Jeffrey.
One of Jeffrey's letters from Oxford, without date — shewing
that thorough belief, if not conceit, of his own powers and
judgment, afterwards so conspicuous — -may be given as an early
specimen of the writer's decided views on whatever, subjects or
persons he chose to discuss. The writing is so bad as make it
almost unreadable: —
" I received your letter last week, and from the expedition
with whifch it appeared to have been transmitted, I am more
puzzled to account for the delay in the postage of my first,
which ought to have reached you almost a fortnight before you
appear to have received it, as you will see from the date.
" My hands are so cold I can scarcely write, you see — so
while I am (suppling?) them at the fire, I will look over your
letter again, that this may be, in a true and legal sense, an
answer to it.
" Now — ay — this is something like ; my handwriting is not
at any time superlatively elegant, but when my fingers are
cold you see what I make of it.
" You ask me to drop you some English ideas. My dear
fellow, I am as much, nay more, a Scotchman than I was while
an inhabitant of Scotland. My opinions, ideas, prejudices, and
systems are all Scotch — the only part of a Scothchman I mean
to abandon is the language, and language is all I expect to
learn in England, and indeed, except it be playing and drink-
ing, I see nothing else that it is possible to acquire in this
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place, both of them unfortunate accomplishments, in which I
have neither ability nor inclinations to excel.
" As to playing, I think I told you how much we had of
that, and for drinking, if I could only make you walk down
my staircase, I think you would understand what rioting in
College means. More, Sir, you would see the fragments of
doors which were broken to pieces last night, then you would
see all the shattered, splintered frames of the windows, without
one pane of glass entire, and the railing of the stair itself
• violently torn, more than one half of it lying on the landing-
place, a trophy of their prowess. Nor were their depredations
confined to my neighbourhood, but extended over the whole
College, and this is a scene which is lately acted even three or
four times a week.
" What hints you expect upon our learned Masters I am
at a loss to guess, but unwilling to disappoint you, I shall give
their general character in a few words. ±ne Fellows, in Heads
of Colleges, are in general men of a drowsy, stupid, gluttonous,
sottish disposition, resembling in their external appearance and
address our old friend Bauldy Arthur. Men who had in their
youth, by dint of regular, persevering study, painfully acquired
a considerable knowledge of the requisite branches of science, —
which knowledge served only to make them pedants, and to
render still more austere and disgusting, together with that
torpid insensibility and awkwardness which they had contracted
in the course of their painful retirement from the world. Men
who, accustomed themselves to pay a vile and sycophistical
reverence to their superiors, while they had them, now insist
upon a similar adoration and observance to themselves.
" If you add to this a violent attachment to the game o
whist, and to the wine called Port, you will have a pretty
accurate conception of the venerable men to whose hands I am
now committed, and under the influence of whose example I
cannot fail to acquire every virtue and every accomplishment
under Heaven.
" But this is really very uncharitable, for there are exceptions
to this character within this College.
" I am quite in the horrors at the prospect of the long
lonely winter nights I must wear out in this dull, dismal place,
without the assistance of company, or public places, ->r family
parties, or old acquaintances, or anything that can render cold
and confinement tolerable.
" I am half ashamed of the length of this letter, but I have
so many occasions to apologize for the same fault that I have
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Minor Highland Families. 305
oome boldly not to consider it1 at all, and tc be quite callous
upon the subject; or to make no secret of whai will not be hid,
I very seldom write shorter letters than this.
" I hope, however, that this fair confession will not frighten
you from my correspondence, but rather stimulate you to a
similar conduct, and induce you to punish me only by retaliar
tion.
" Are there any resident in Glasgow whom I know ?
Compts. to every body, say for me all that you think I should
have said, and believe that I am,
" Yours sincerely,
" (Signed) F. Jeffrey.
" Do not address me as ' Student of Laws.' We have no
classes here, so this appellation is improper, and God knows
what those precise gentry may say to it.
" Masterton Robertson, Esqre.,
" Student of Laws,
" University of Glasgow/'
Masterton Robertson did not survive long as owner, and
was succeeded by his eldest son,
14. Arthur John Robertson, so well known in and about
Inverness. Gifted with great natural talents, he was charming
company, -ospitable and kindly to a degree. He married
twice; first, Miss Marianne Pattinson, of Montreal, through
whom, in his latter years, he succeeded to valuable Canadian
property. She left both sons and daughters, one being wife of
Surgeon-General Mackay, who has had a distinguished career.
He was for some time resident in Inverness, and now in Edin-
burgh, an active Chieftain of the Clan Mackay Association,
which, for wealth and energy, ranks amongst, if not the first of
modern Clan Associations. Of this marriage there are several
descendants.
Inshes' eldest son, also named Arthur, died during his
father's lifetime, leaving a son, who represents the family of
Inshes. The late Inshes was a great improver, and spent
beyond the returning capacity of the estate. This, and the
amount of inherited debt, ultimately caused a sale of Inshes,
purchased by one of the numerous family of Bairds, who bought
land so largely in Scotland some years ago.
By the death of my worthy and valued friend, the late
Arthur John Robertson, terminated that close connection
between the Robertsons and the town of Inverness, which
lasted for over four hundred years.
20
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306 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
11th MARCH, 1897.
At the meeting this evening, Mr John Mackintosh, 57 Church
Street, Inverness, was eleeted an ordinary member of the Society,
Thereafter Mr A. Macbain, M.A., read a paper of critical and
historical comments on an ancient Ossianic ballad, entitled, " The
Ballad of the Mantle," which he supplemented by another paper
on " Some further Gaelic Etymologies." This paper is as
follow : —
FURTHEE GAELIC WOUDS AND ETYMOLOGIES.
Since the publication of my Etymological Dictionary of the
Gaelic Language in January, 1896, I have had the benefit of
criticisms of that work both publicly and privately, and the result
of these, along with what I have gleaned from my own reading
and thinking, I here give to the Gaelic Society and the public, so
as to form a sort of addenda and corrigenda to my dictionary. I
have to thank the critics of that work for their almost unanimous
'praise of it ; its reception was very flattering indeed. The criti-
cisms of mont weight were from foreign scholars, the best in the
way of addition and suggestion being that of Prof. Kuno Meyer
in the Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie. In Scotland the
Inverness Courier gave the weightiest judgment on the general
philology of the work ; and other papers and periodicals as well
added their quota of fruitful criticism. Nor did the work' fail to
meet with critics who acted on Goldsmith's golden rule in the
" Citizen of the World " — to ask of any comedy why it was not a
tragedy, and of any tragedy why it was not a comedy. I was
asked how I had not given derivative words —though for that
matter most of the seven thousand words in the Dictionary are
derivatives ; such a question overlooked the character of the work.
Manifest derivatives belong to ordinary dictionaries, not to an
etymological one. This was clearly indicated in the preface ; the
work, too, followed the best models on the subject — Prellwitz,
Wharton, and Skeat. Another criticisia was unscientific in the
extreme : I was found fault with for excluding Irish words !
Why, it was the best service I could render to Celtic philology to
present a pure vocabulary of the Scottish dialect of Gadelic ; the
talk of the impossibility of " reading the marches" between Irish
and Gaelic may be Celtic patriotism, but it is not science* As
against this criticism, I was especially congratulated by Prof.
Windisch for attempting to read these same marches. A funny
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 307
-criticism was passed on the style of printing adopted for the
leading . words ; no capitals are used at the beginning of each
article. The critic had not seen a dictionary before without such
capitals, and it offended his eye to see my work so " headless" as
it is ! Here again acquaintance with like philological works would
have removed the " offence" and shown the utility of the style.
In fact in Gaelic, with its accented vowels, capital initials are
troublesome and unsightly, and the philological method is at
once more scientific and more easy to work.
The following vocabulary contains (1) etymologies for words
not etymologised in my dictionary ; (2) new or corrected ety-
mologies for words already otherwise traced ; and (3) words
omitted. These new words have come from the public and
private criticisms and suggestions already referred to, and from
.another overhauling of such dictionaries as M 'Alpine andN
M'Eacban.
Ordinary Vocabulary.
a, who, that (rel. pron.). In G. this is merely the verbal particle
do of past time, used also to explain the aspiration of the
future rel. sentence, which is really paratactic, as in the past
rel. sentence. Oblique cases are done by an, am (for san,
sam, 0. Ir. nan, sam), the neut. of art. used as rel. (cf. Eng.
that). The rel. locative is sometimes done by the prep, an,
am : "An coire am bi na caoraich" (1776 Collection, p. 112).
aba, abbot, M. Ir. apdaine, abbacy, in M. G. "abbey lands,"
whence place-names Appin, older Abbathania (1310), Abthein
(1220), "abbey lands."
abhall, an orchard, apple-tree, M, Ir. aball, apple-tree. See ubhal.
•ibhaist, custom, M. tr. dbaisi (pi.). Meyer suggests from N.
dvist, abode : unlikely.
abhras, spinning, 0. Ir. abras, gestus, E. Ir. abras, handiwork,
spinning, abairsech, needlewoman.
Abraon, April : the form is due to folk-etymology, wThich relates
it to brdon.
acair, anchor; from N. akkeri: acarsaid, anchorage, from N.
akkarsaeti, "anchor-seat." From L. ancora.
achlaid, chase, pursuit, so Ir., M. Ir. acclaid, fishing, E. Ir.
atclaid, fishes, hunts, pursues : ad-claidim ; see claoidh.
adhal, flesh hook, 0. Ir. del, tridens : *pavelo~, Lat. pavire ? But
cf. Eng. awl, M. E, and Ag. S. awel, awl, flesh-hook.
adhbhal, vast. Stokes and Osthoff give root bel, bol, strong,
big, Skr. balam, strength, Gr. fik\npo&, better, Lat.
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de-bilis, weak, Ch. SI. boliji, greater ; whence bailceach
(Osthoft) and bail, buil.
&gh, also Wh, happiness, Late M. Ir. dd, Ir. ddh, dgh.
aibheil, huge (MkE ). See adhbhaL
aice, a lobster's burrow, also faiche.
aingeal, light, fire, Manx ainle, M. Ir. aingel, sparkling : *pangelos>
Ger.funke, M. E. fnnke.
ainis, anise, M. Ir. in amis, gloss on " anisum cyminum dulce."
ainstil, fury, over-nizzing : an + steall.
airchios, pity : see oircheas.
&iridh, better airigh, hill pasture, sheiling : Norse or Danish erg
from Gaelic equals Norse setr (Ork. Sag.). This Norse form
proves the identity of Gaelic with E. Ir. airge.
aisneis, rehearsing : root vet, Lat. veto (Stokes), but this does not
account for i of 0. Ir. anndis.
aisead, delivery ; from ad-sem-t, root sem as in taom (Stokes).
aitlonn, jumper ; *at-tenn-, " sharp bush or tree" ; from root at,
sharp, E. Ir. aith, sharp. For -tenn, see caorrunn.
&lainn, beautiful. Stokes prefers referring it to dil, pleasant,
*pagli-, Eng. fair, root pag.
all-tapadh, mischance ; from all- and tapadk.
alp, ingraft, also ealp.
amal, swingle-tree : cf. N. hamla, oar-loop.
amarlaid, blustering female ; not amarlaich.
amart, need (Dial.),
amhach, neck : *om-dk-d ; Lat. humerus, shoulder (*om-es-os) ;
Gr. (5/aos; Got. amsa.
amhain, entanglement by the neck (M'A.) ; from above.
amhsan (ansan), Dial, osan, solan goose ; from Lat. anserl
anabas, dregs, also green, unripe stuff cut ; from an-abaich.
anacair, affliction : an-skocair.
aobharrach, a young person or beast of good promise, hobble-
dehoy ; from aobhar, material,
aoideag, hair-lace, fillet ; from root of aodach.
aoine, fast : Stokes suggests Gr. Trcivao), hunger, as cognate,
making it native : *poin-io-. Unlikely,
aoirean, ploughman, herdsman, airean (M'A.), Ir. oireamh, g.
oireamkan, ploughman, the mythic Eremon, Airemfon),
*arjamon-, Skr. Arjaman, further Aryan (?) ; root ar, plough.
aoirneagan, wallowing ; see aonagail.
aol, lime : *aidlo-, from aidh, light, fire, Gr. alOa), gleam (St.).
See Machay.
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ar, seems, ar leam, methinks, Ir., M. Ir. dar, E. Ir. indar, atar,
with la, 0. Ir. inda, ata, da ; where ta, tar is the verb tha
(thathar), is, with prep, or rel. in before it. See na, than.
ar-amach, rebellion ; for *eirigh-amach, " out-rising."
arsa, quoth : Stokes refers it to the root ver, verdh, Eng. word,
adducing E. Ir. fordat, ordat, oldat, inquiunt, for the verdh
root. Thurneysen objects that ol or for is a preposition, the
-dat being the verb ta ou analogy with other forms indds,
olddte. The original is al, propter, "further" (see thall),
like Latin turn (" turn ille" — then he), later or or for, and
later still ar — all prepositions, denoting " further."
astar, journey, E. Ir. astur : *ad-sod-ro-n, root sod, sed, go ; Gr.
6S6s, way, Ch. SI. choditi, go ; Eng. ex-odus.
athar, evil effect, consequence : *at-ro-n, from ath, " re-."
atharnaeh, second crop, ground ready for second crop.
atharrais, mimicking, mocking (Dial, ailis) : ath-aithris, " re-
say," Ir. aithris, tell, imitation. See aithris.
babhd, a surmise (M'A.), quirk.
bad, cluster; cf. Lat. fascis (*fa&-scis).
badhail, a churchyard (Sutherland), i.e. u enclosure," same as
babhun.
baghan, stomach, ' Dial, maghan (Sutherland) ; cf. Eng. maw,
Ger. maqen, Nerse magi.
bagileis, loo^e lumber or baggage (Argyle) ; from baggage.
bail, baileach : see adhbhal.
bairig, bestow ; from Eng. ware, as also bathar.
baisceall, wild person : M. Ir. basgell (i. geltan), boiscell.
balla, wall, Ir. balla, fala (Munster).
banais, wedding, M. Ir. banais, g. baindse.
bansgal (Dial, banasgal), a female, a hussy, Ir. bansgal, E. Ir.
banscdl, 0. Ir. banscala, servae ; root of sgalag, as given in
the Dictionary.
b&rraisg, boasting, brag, b&rsaich, vain, prating ; see bctirseag.
beadaidh, impudent, E. Ir. bet, talking, shameless girl (Conn.) :
*beddo-, *bez-do- root bet, get, as in beul.
bearach, dogfish, 0. Ir. berach, verutus, from bior (Meyer) ; cf.
Eng. " picked or horned dogfish."
beartach, rich, W. berth, rich, berthedd, riches.
bicein, a single grain (Arg.).
binid, also minid (Arg.) ; cf. muinne, stomach.
biorsnaois, bowsprit of a sailing boat (N. Lochaber).
blosg, sound a horn, W. bloedd, a shout, from *blog&o-, tor blo&go-;
cf. meag, W. maidd.
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b6id, vow, M. Ir. in udit ; from Lat. vdtum, as is also mdid
(Stokes),
bdl, bowl ; not bol.
bdrlanachd, mdrlanachd, compulsory labour for the proprietor ;
from Eng. bordland, as under bbrlum. Hence M'Morland.
b6rlum, a flux ; for bbrc4um ; see bore.
braile, braighlich, a rattling noise (Perth) ; see braodhlach.
braodag, a huff.
braon, rain. Stokes derives it from root ver (see feartkuinn),
*vroeni but unlikely,
brasailt, panegyric, E. Ir. bras-scilach, panegyrical ; from 0. Ir.
bras, great, W. and Br. bras ; cf. Lat. grossus, Eng. gross.
breacan, a plaid, Ir. breacdn, W. brecan, rug ; from breac. Rhys
regards W. as borrowed from Irish.
brim, pickle (Arg.) ; from Eng. brine.
brod, a lid ; from Sc. brod, side form of Eng. board.
brolamas, a mess ; same root as brollach.
broth, lunar halo (Arg.), or brogb : cf. 0. Ir. hrutk, heat, under
bruihainn
bruais, gnash : *bhraud-so-, Lat fraus, Eug. brittle.
bungaid, a hussy (Dial.) ; from Sc. hunyy, pettish.
btirlam, a flood, rush of water (Arg.) ; see bbrlum.
burraidh, blockhead; from Sc. burrio (1535;, Fr. bourrieau, Lat.
burrae.
buthuinn, straw for thatch ; cf . sputhainn, straw not threshed,
but seedless (Arg.), which seems from spoth.
cabhladh, ship's tackle, Ir. cdbkluiglie ; cf. cabhlach, and Eng.
cable.
cablaid, turmoil, hindrance,
caig, conversation, claque (Arg.).
eagar, whisper, M. Ir. ceckras, qui canet, cairche, sound ; root karr
of Lat. carmen, Gr. *f}pv£, herald (Stokes),
caigeann, a winding pass through rocks and brushwood, a rough
mountain pass (Dial. = cadha-e'iginn), anythiug ( = chileigin V).
cairbh, carcase, also cairb (Dial.),
oalbh, head, bald, so Irish, not calb.
calpa, principal set to interest, Sc. calpa, death-duty payable to
the landlord, from N. kaup, stipulation, pay.
oana, porpoise, young whale, Ir. cana (O'R.), cdna (O'B.), whelp,
pup, M. Ir. cana (do.) ; from Lat. canis 1
caog, wink ; cf. Norse kaga, keek, Sc. keek.
capraid, drunken riotousness (Dial.) ; from Lat. crdpula.
Caradh, condition, usage ; from chirich, mend.
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 311
carathaist, compulsory labour, cairiste, calrbhist, which last sec
casach, part of the tackle attached to the hook ; from cas.
ceadan, bunch of wool, Ir. ceadach, cloth, coarse cloth, W. cadach,
clout. Rhys regards W. as borrowed from Ir. For all, cf.
cadadh, caiteas.
cealair, a virago (Badeuoch).
ceann, head : hence ceannag, a bottle of hay, ceannaich, buy
( = " heading" or reckoning by the head ; cf. Dial, ceann,
sum up), ceannaidh, head wind, ceannas, vaunting,
ceannard, commander, M. kinnoort, Ir. ceannphort, commander,
authority, head post or city : ceann +port.
ceireanaich, fondle, make much of (Perth) ; cf. ceirein, plaster,
cedban, drizzle, Ir. ciabhrdn, M. Ir. ciabor, mist,
cedl, music. Stokes now suggests alliance with Ger. heulen, hoot,
howl, 0. H. G. hiuwilon.
cha, cha 'n, not, Ir. nocha n-, 0. Ir. ni con aspirating. The particle
no or nu is no part of this negative : only nl and con, " non
quod," con being the same as gu'n. Aspirating power of it is
as yet unexplained,
cheana, already; from cen-e, " without this," root in gun, without,
cion, want.
Cileag, a diminutive, weakly person, (Arg.)
Clsean, hamper (Islay) ; from cdis.
ciseart, a light tweed (N. Lochaber).
cith, rage, ardour ; *ketu-, cf. cuthach : an cith, attuned, where
cith seems from Eng. key, mood.
clabar-nasg, the clasp of wooden cow collar (Arg.).
clachan, kirk or kirk town, lr clochdn, monastic stone-cells
singly or in gruup ; also G. and lr. " stepping-stones."
cl&tar, mire (Dial.) ; from Sc. dart.
cleuraidh, one who neglects work (Arran).
cliob, excrescence : root qlg, stumpy, Gr. ko\o/36s.
clis, active ; still used, so that the obsolete mark must be deleted,
cneas, skin ; Corn, hues, body, W. cnawd, human flesh,
coimhliong, race, also coi'lige (Dial),
coimhirp, rivalry, striving (Arg.) ; same root as oidhirp.
Cbineag, nest of wild bees ; from cbinneach, moss.
CQinne, woman (Heb.) ; from N. kona, kvenna (gen. pi.), woman,
Eng. queen.
colag, a small steak or collop (Arg.) ; from Eng. collop.
columan, a dove, Ir. and 0. lr. colum, W. colnmen, cwlwmy Com.
colom, Br. coulm ; from Lat. columbus, columba.
coma indifferent ; from root me, measure : " equal measure."
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combaid, company (Dial.).
comraich, sanctuary, Ir» comruiylie.
corran, sickle. Stokes suggests from kurvo-, allied to Lat. curvus ;
but this would give corbhan.
creapall, a garter, creapailld (Skye).
cre6th, wound, crednadh, being paine<l : *krevo-, as in cro, blood,
crilein, creel, also criol (Arran, Perth) ; see croidkleag.
c.rog, earthen vessel. Schrader derives these words from 0. Ir.
crocenn, skin — a " skin" vessel being the original.
crogan, a gnarled tree (Arg.) ; cf. crbcan.
crdgan, thornbush (Arg.).
croman, kite, hawk, from crom.
cuanal, company, E. Tr. cuan, host, *koupn-, Lit. kupa, heap, Eng.
heap (?)
cuartach, a fever (Arg.) ; from ctiairt.
cuibhreach, bond ; Stokes (rightly) now gives root as reh, bind,
Skr. rapana, cord, rope, rapmi (do.).
cuicheineach, coquetting, secretly hobnobbing (Arg.) : co-ceann.
cuid, part. Some have suggested comparison with Lat. casta, rib,
Eng. coast.
cuircinn, women's head-dress, E. Ir. cuirce, bow, knot ; which
makes the Sc. and Eng. comparison doubtful,
cumhnant, covenant. Dial, plurals are cumhlaichean and cumh-
laidean.
daigeil, firm or well-built (of a man) — Arg. Cf. daingean.
dar, when (conj.), Northern form for 'n uair ; probably dyuair =
do-uair.
de&rrsadh, radiance, E. Ir. derscaigthech, splendid.
dnasgadh, lees : *disc-atu- \ cf. Lat faex, for ftaix. Gaelic root
diky whence diksko, then desc-.
deise, suit of clothes, so Tr. and M. Ir. deise, a robe,
detiach, weasand : peculiar as accented on iach, properly det-lach ;
Dial, it-ioch, epiglottis (Arg.).
dil, deil, keen, diligent (Arg.) ; formed from dealas, zealous,
dileigh, digest, dileaghadh, digesting, Ir. dileagkadk, from
di-leagk, root of leagh, melt.
dinnsear, ginger, Ir. gingsear, M. Ir. sinnsar ; from M. Eng.
ginger, Lat. zingiber.
diomasach, proud : M. Ir. diumus, from di-od-mess, root mess of
comus (Zimmer).
dochann, hurt : M. Ir. dochond debars M. Ir. dochonach, as given
in the Diet.
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 313
doicheall, churlishness, Tr. doicheall, g. doichle ; E. Ir. so-chell
also meaning "kindness," soichlech. Root is rather that of
timchioll. Gaul. Sucellos, a god's name,
doimh, doimheadach, vexing, galling : *do-ment-, " ill-minded."
d6mhail, bulky, M. Ir. derg-domla, pi., from *domail; root of
meall : *do-fo-mell ?
drfcbh, scatter, dissolve (M'A., Arg.), not drabh (H.S.D., which,
however, has drabhach, rifted),
draighlichd, a trollop, draggle-tail (Arg.) ; from Eng. draggle-tail ?
Cf. draghlainn under draoluinn.
drann, dranna, a word (M'A., Arg.) ; same as drannd.
draoidh, a druid. Thurneysen means by dru, high, strong. See
truaill.
drog, a sea-swell at its impact on a rock (Arg.).
droigbeann, thorn, also droighneach, (1) thorn, (2) lumber,
" entanglement."
druid, close, E. Ir. druit, close, firm, trustworthy. Stokes now
refers *druzdi- to the same source as Eng. trust.
dual, due, Ir. diial, just, proper, might come from *duglo-, root
dhugh, fashion, Gr. tcvxw, Got. dugan, Eng. do.
duan, song. Stokes derives it from dhugh above under dual.
due, heap, ducan (Perth) : *dumhacdn, E. Ir. duma, mound,
heap. Root of dun.
durcaisd, turcais, pincers ; from Sc. turkas, from Fr. turquoise,
now tricoises, " Turkish" or farrier's pincers,
eadradh, milking time, Ir. eadarthra, noon, milking time ; from
eadar + trath.
ealachainn, a peg, E. Ir. alchuing, elchuing, dat. alchaing, pi.
alchningi.
eallach, cattle (Arran), so Ir*. : cf. O. Ir. ellach, conjunction, *ati-
sldgos (Zimmer).
eanraich, soup, but, in most dialects " chicken-soup," as from
eun -t- bruith.
earghalt, arable land; air + geadliail, which see.
earlachadh, preparing food (Suth.) ; from old adj. erlam, ready.
See ullamh.
sarraid, a tipstaff, tearraid, tarraid, from Eng. herald ?
easga, moon : *encscaio-t Skr. pnjas, light, Gr. <t*yyos, light
(Strachan).
eige, a web, eididh (on analogy of 6ididh), *veggid, root ofjigh.
eileach, mill-race, embankment ; from ail, stone : " stone- work."
€ilitriom, bier, M. Ir. eilitrum ; from Lat. feretrum (Stokes).
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eirbleach, slack-jointed or crippled person ; cf. Sc. hirplock, lame
creature, hirple. The possibility of air-ablach (cf. conablack)
should be kept in view.
eire, burden : *pario-, root of air. Cf„ Lat. porto.
6isd, listen, 0. Ir. etsim : an-tus-, great silence ! Cf. Ir. eist do
bhtal — hush ! Root of tqsd.
eisimeil, obligation, M. Ir. esimol, an esimul, *ex-em-mo-lo~, root
em of eudail. Cf. Lat. exemplum.
eithich, perjured ; cf. Ir. di-theck, denial on oath, for-tach, admis-
sion on oath, di-tongar i. sentar, fortoing, proved by oath :
*tong6, swear. See freiteach for root,
euchd, feat, E. Ir. echt. slaughter, from ic (Stokes),
eumhann, pearl, 0. Ir. ne'm, g. ne'mann, pearl, nlam, sheen,
niamda, bright, W. nuryf vigour, nwyfiant, brightness,
vigour : *n"im. Cf. neamhnuid.
fabhairt, also ''tempering," as in Keating. G. faghairt suits
pronunciation best (fao'irt.).
fadadh, kiuciling : E. Ir. adsui tenid, kindles, adsuithe, kindled
(Meyer).
faiche, lobster's burrow ; see aice.
faileas, shadow ; or allied to ail, mark 1
fainear, consideration, Ir. fa dedra, remark, ft nde&r, ft ndeara
(Munster). Foley gives tabhair fa dJ aire = " observe." The
above may be a fixed fa a" aire —fa-deara, with n from the
plural an, their,
fflir, dawn : *vd$ri-, Lit. vasard, summer, Skr. vdsard, early
shining, morning (adj.), tat. ver> spring, Gr. «fa/o, spring
(Stokes).
fairge, ocean : W. Mdr Werydd, the Atlantic,
fairmeil, noisy ; allied to seirm. •
faladair, really "man who works the scythe," a turfer, from fal :
" scythe" properly is iarunn faladair.
fallus, sweat, 0. Ir. alias, *jaslyroot jas, jes, seethe, yeast, W.jas,
what pervades, Br. goell ( = vo-jesl), leaven ; Eng. yeast zeal ;
Gr. few, boil,
famhsgal, fannsgal, hurry, confusion (Arg.).
faochainu, entreat earnestly, strive, inf. faochnadh (M'A., Arg.).
faodhail, ford ; from N. vaiSill, a shallow, a place where straits
can be crossed, Shet. vaadle, Eng. wade.
faoisg, unhusk : 0. Ir. desc, concha, aesc, classendix, Lat. aesculus T
(Stokes).
faomadh, fainting from closeness or excitemeut, falling (Lewis) ;
from aomadh.
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 315
far, far an (am), where, Ir. mar a n-, where ; from mar and rel.,
not from/o*\
fardal, delay, M. Tr. fordall, staying, E. Ir. fordul.
farfonadh, warning ; see root in fathunn : *vorxvon.
farraid, ask, faghairt (Perth), which suggests fo-gar-t, root g«ry
speak.
fathamas, warning, also fothamas : *fo-tod-mess-, root of measy
tomhas, <fec.
fathamas, occasion : *fo tad-mess-, see amas.
fathunn, ne*vs, fabhunn (Dial.) : *vo-svo?i, root sven, sound (see
tabhann), or root bon, ban, Eng. bail, 0. Ir. atboind, pro-
claims ?
feachd, time : Osthoff regards it as allied to Lat. vices ; see fiach.
fealan, hives, M. Ir.filUn, glandular disease, fiolun saith, anthrax,
malignant struma, all which Stokes takes from L. Lat. fello,
strum ae.
feannag, lazy bed ; older fennoc, trench ; from feann, flay.
fearsaid, a spindle, not fear said.
fearsaideag, thrift or sea gilly-flower ; from obs. fear sad, estuary,
sand-bank, passage across at ebb-tide, whence place-name
Fersit, and in Ireland Belfast ; for root see feart.
ftile, charm, E. Ir. die, hele, mo fhile. Stokes regards Zimmer's
derivation from N. a failure, and compares W. wylo, wail,
weep, as Ir. amor, music = W. afar, grief, and G. ceo/ = Ger.
heulen, howl.
ffiile, kilt, E. Ir., 0. Ir fial, velum.
feobharan, pith, puff (feo'ran)— Dial.
fiach, debt, .value : *veico-, Lat. vices, change, Ger. wechsel,
exchange, Skr. vishti, changing, in turn (Osthoff). This is
the right derivation.
fidean, a green islet or spit uncovered at high tide, web of sea-
clam (Isles) ; from N. fit, webbed foot of waterfowl, meadow
land on the banks of firths or rivers, fitja, to web, Eng. fit.
filidh, poet : add Old Germanic Veleda, a prophetess (Tacitus).
flonnsgeal, romance, Ir. finnsgeul : *ande-sqetlon-.
fitheach, raven : this is a dissylable, *vivo-ko-, the phonetics being
those of biadh. Stokes gives *veijako-s or *veivako-s. It is
still distantly allied to Ger. weihe.
fiughair, expectation, E. Ir. fiugrad, praedicere ; from Lat. figura.
Ir. has fioghair, figure, fashion, sign.
foichlean, sprout, faichean (Arg.).
fonn, a tune, M. Ir. adbonn, a strain.
fore, push, pitch with a fork ; from /ore. fork.
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f dtus, a flaw ; from Sc. jaut, as in fabhd.
frabhas, refuse, small potatoes (Arg.).
fraochan, toe-bit of shoe ; "heather-protector," from fraoch ?
freothainn, bent-grass (Arg.).
frioghan, pig's bristle, M. Ir. frighan i. guairech muc.
frith, frioth, small, which M'A. says antecedes the noun, is the
prep, frith or ri.
fuidheall, remainder, 0. Ir. fuidell, W. gweddill, *vodilo-, dil,
allied to Eng. deal, dole, Ger. teil (St. with query),
fuilear, cha 'n fhuilear, must ; for furail, 0. Ir. fordil, excessive
injunction, infliction, same root as earail.
fulbh, gloom (Arg.) ; see suilbh.
futhar, the dog-days ; from Sc. fure-da.y&.
g&bairt, a transport vessel (Heb.) ; from Sc. gabert, a lighter,
from Fr. gabarre, storeship, lighter.
gabhann, gossip (Perth).
g&irdeachas, rejoicing. K. Meyer regards this as from older
*gartiugudi shortening or whiling time, from goirid, E, Ir.
urgartiugud, while time, amuse; with a leaning on gair,
laugh. Cf. W. difyru, amuse, divert, from byr, short,
giirdean, arm ; from Sc. gardy, arm, gardis, yards, same as yard.
galad, good girl, brave girl, fern, for laochan, used in encouraging
address : a ghalad. Root is gal (*galnat), brave.
gaorr, faeces : in Arg. pronounced with Northern ao sound ; in
North, pronounced with ao broad as in Arg.
gisaid, fray (Dial.).
geadhail, a ploughed field, park (Arg., M'A.); hence earghalt,
arable land : same root as gead, viz. ged, hold, Eng. get.
geamhda, thick, short block ; cf. Ir. giobhta, giota, a piece.
gearraidh, the pasture-land between the shore-land and the moor-
land (Heb.) ; from N. gerfti, fenced field, garth,
geinn, wedge, N. gand, gann, a peg, stick, Lat. offendo, *fendo,
Eng. offend (Stokes and Liden).
glaiseach, foam (M'A.), glais-sheile, water-brash, from obs. glais,
stream, E. Ir. glaiss, same root as glas.
gldic, having hanging cheeks, as in hens.
gldir, speech, Ir. gldr, E. Ir. glorach, noisy ; same as glbir, glory,
gnjomh, deed : the root is gn£, do, from gen, beget, as in gin.
Hence ddan, ni, rinn.
gog, tossing of the head, godadh (Arg.).
gonan, grass roots ; cf. cona.
greod, a crowd (Arg.) ; from Eng. crowd.
greusaich, shoemaker, Ir. grda&aidhe.
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gudaleum, a bound, wild leap (Arg.). •
guraiceach, unfeathered bird, lump (Arg.), from gur.
gurracag, a blot (Arg.).
gurrach, " hunkering ;" cf. Sc. ciirr, to " hunker," currie, a stool,
Eng. cower. It also means a "fledgling" (Arg.). The Perth-
shire curraidh, hunkering, is from Scotch.
iallach, jaunty, lithe ; cf. uallach.
impis, imis, imminence, an impis, about to, almost, M. Ir. imese
catha, imminence of battle, root ved of tbiseach (Stokes).
inne, gutter, sewer, kennel (M'A.).
iob, raw cake ; also uibe, which see.
ioba, pi. iobannan, tricks,* incantations (Arg.) ; see ubag.
iochd, clemency, M. Ir. icht, protection : *peklus, root peJc, pah,
Lat. pectus, breast, paciscor, paction ; allied to uchd.
iolla, view, glance ; gabh iolla ris, just look at it ; cf. ealla.
ioraltan, harmless tricks : *air + alt.
iorbhail, infection, taint * air + bail, "on-issue."
isneach, rifle : Meyer suggests from isean, young of birds, com-
paring "fowling-piece"
iuchair, key : root stem pecu-, fastening, whence Lat. pecu, cattle,
Eng. fee.
ladhar, hoof : *plaftro-n, root pla, extend.
l&irig, a pass, 0. Ir. loarcc, furca. Often in place-names.
laimhrig, lamraig, landing place ; from N. hlaft-hamarr, pier or
loading rock, Shet. Laamar.
langaiseachadh, pulling a boat along by a rope from the bank.
lann, also "a scale, scale of a fish, disc" (Arg., M'A.).
laoir, drub lustily (M'A.), laoireadh, rolling in the dust (H.S.D.)
Cf. leir.
leis, thigh, 0. Ir. less : *lexa, root leh ; Eng. leg, Gr. Aa£, kicking
(St.).
leagarra, self-satisfied, smug (Arg.).
ledb, a shred ; cf. Norse leppr, a rag (Craigie).
leom, conceit, ledmais, dilly-dallying ; cf. Ir. leoghaim, I flatter^
leom, prudery.
ledmann, moth, Ir. leomhan, Mamhann, E. Ir. legam.
ledmhann, lion, Ir. leomhan, 0. Ir. leornan ; from Lat. leo, leonem.
ledn, wound, Ir. lednaim, E. Ir. Unaim, wound, Un, hurt ; this.
Strachan refers to *lakno-, root lak, tear, as in Lat. lacero,
lacerate, Gr. Aa/as, a rent. But cf. leadradh, E. Ir. leod,
cutting, killing, *ledu, root led, ledh, fell, Lat. labi, Eng.
lapse.
lian, cia lian, how many ; same as linn, 0. Ir. Un.
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318 Gaelic Society of I /wetness.
liatrus, blue-mould, liathlas : Hath + ?
liod, lid, a syllable, lisp, lideach, liotach,- lisping, Ir. liotadh, a
lisp (Fol.); cf. Gr. Amy, prayer, Lat. lito, placate,
liiith, a lythe ; from the Sc.
loban, 16}>an, peat creel ; from N. laupr, basket, timber frame of
a building, Shet. loopie, Ag. S. leap.
logais, unwieldy person, loose slipper or old shoe (Arg.) : cf. Sc.
loggs.
loinil, comeliness, M. Ir. lainn, bright ; from plend, Lat. splendeo,
Eng. splendid. Hence loinnear, bright. So Stokes.
longadh, a diet, so Ir., E. Ir. longad, eating ; a side form of slug,
which see for root,
lougphort, harbour, camp, palace, Ir. longphort (do.) ; from long +
port. Hence luchairt, palace ; longart, lunkart in place-
names,
loth, marsh (Sutherland), 0. Ir. loth, mud ; sea further under Ion.
luchairt, palace ; see longphort above,
lugh, a joint (M'A.), luighean, a tendon, ankle, Ir. ItUhach, joints,
luigMan. a nave, M. Ir. Hithech, sinew,
luir, torture, drub (M'A.) ; see laoir.
lum, part of the oar between the handle and blade ; from N.
hlumr, handle of an oar.
luma-l&n, choke-full, also loxn-l&n; from lorn + Ian.
machlag, matrix, M. Ir. macloc.
mag, a paw, E. Ir. mdc, : *mankd, root man, hand, Lat manus,
Gr. fioLpyj, Norse mund, hand. Sc. maig is from Gaelic,
maith, forgive, W. maddeu. Rhys regards the W. as borrowed
from Ir. ; if so, G. is same as maith, good.
mfcn, a mole on the skin, arm-pit ulcer ; side form of mam.
m&rach, a big, ungainly woman (Arg.) ; from mdr, with neuter
termination ach.
mirrach, enchanted castle which kept one spell-bound, labyrinth,
thicket to catch cattle (M'A.). Root mar, mer, deceive, as in
mear, broth.
meall, lump, Br. mell, joirt, knot, knuckle : *mlso- ; cf. Gr. /xeAos,
limb, part,
meidh, balance, W. midd, centre of motion. Hence meidhis, a
measure; instalment (Arg., M'A.).
meilcheart, chilblain (Arg.) ; root in meilich.
m&n, disposition, Ir., M. Ir. mein, mind : Eng. mean, Ger. meinen.
(Stokes).
meuchd, mixture (Dial.) : *meik-tu, root meik, mik, as in measg.
miadh, respect ; allied to Eng. meed, Gr. fiurdos, pay, Lat. miles,
soldier, Cf. Gr. rip;, fame, price.
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minis, degree, portion (M'A.), root of union.
miobhadh, ill-usage, as by weather ; from mi-bhctidk.
muinne, stomach (Arg.). Cf. mionach.
muinnteachd, disposition (Dial.) ; for root see muinighin, and cf.
0. Ir. muiniur, 1 think,
mule, a shapeless lump, a lump,
murrach, rich, able, Ir. murrtha, M. Ir. muire, muiredach, lord,
Murdoch ; Ag. S. maere, clarus, Norse maerr, famous (Stokes),
same root as mdr.
mtisuinn, confusion, Ir. miiisiun codlata, hazy state preceding
sleep. From Eng. motion ?
na, that which; for an a, 0. Ir. rel. an (really neut. of art.) and
G. rel. a, which see. Descent from ni or ni, without any
relative, is favoured by Book of Deer, as do ni thissad, of
what would come. Possibly from both sources,
neasg, boil ; Slokes regards E. Ir. ness, wound, as from *nekso-,
root neg.
netinagan, a stye in the eye (Arg.) ; cf. leamhnad.
Oil, offence, Ir. is oth Horn, I regret ; really oik before prep.
pronouns with le : oth a short form of uath.
oisinn, corner, Ir. isinn, the temple, fdn na hotsean, along the
temple, E. Ir. na-li-usine, the temples,
osag, a breeze : *utsd, root ut9 vet, ve, blow, as in onfhadh.
6trach, dunghill ; add Ir. othrach, dung, *putr-.
padhadh, thirst, M. Ir. paadh is explained by Stokes as *spa8dtu-,
root spas or spes, Lat. tpiro, breathe, W. fiun, breath, from
*sposnd. For phonetics see piuthar.
padhal, ewer ; from Eng. pail ; cf. adkal, paidhir, staighir,
faidhw, ratkad.
piocach, coal-fish, saith (Arg., M*A.) ; cf. Eng. pike.
plam, anything curdled ; Arg. has bainne plumaichte, curdled or
soured milk,
pleigh, fight, Ir. pUidh, debate ; all from M. Eng. pleie} game,
play.
plionas, a hypocritical smile (Arg.).
ponach, lad, in Arg. boinnean, from boinne.
prac, a tithe, pracadair, tithe collector ; from Sc. proeutor, Eng.
proctor, procurator.
prat, a trick, pratail, pranky ; see protaig.
proitseach, boy ; cf. brod balaich, brodan, boy, from brod. The
termination is -seach, really a fern. oue. In Arg. propanach,
a boy, from prop, also geamht.
punntainn, benumbment; cf. Eng. swoon.
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rag, stiff : *razgo-, root reg, rag, Lat. rigeo, rigid, Eng. rack. N.
ra&/<r, straight, Lit, rra/w, knit.
r&ith, a threatening.
ramair, a blockhead, a romp ; cf. ramalair.
raoic, roar, M'A. raibheic, pronounced raoi'c : *roJrheuc.
raoir, last night : *prei-ri, root as in riamh (Asc, St.). This is
the right derivation.
rfcsdail, sound of frying meat ; cf. rdsd.
rathad, road : from M. Eng. roade, road, Ag. S. rdd.
r6, moon *revi, Skr. ravi, sun.
reachd, a loud sob, keen sorrow, Tr. rachd (also G. rachd), E. Ir.
recht; cf. Eng. reck.
reusbaid, a beggar's brat (Arran), a rascal.
riabhag, a lark, "grey one," from riabhach.
righ, stretch (on a dead bed), Ir. righim, stretch, reach, E. Ir.
rigim, Lat. rego, etc., as under righinn.
roid, bog myrtle, Ir. rideog, M. Ir. raidleog, darnel : *raddi-. Cf.
ras.
r6mhau, wild talk, raving, rigmarole (Dial.) ; from Eng. row ?
ros, seed, Got. frasts, for fra-sst -s, from pro-sto- (Stokes),
rud, thing, Dial, raod (Arg., Arran), rudach, hospitable,
rusal, ru«ladh, turn over things, risleadh, rustle, move things
about (Perth) ; from Eng. rustle,
sac, a load, burden, Ir. sacadk, pressing into a sack or bag, Low
Lat. saccare (do.) ; from Fr. sac, pillage, the same as Eng.
sack, plunder, all borrowed from saccm, a sack or bag.
saidh, 8aidhean, the fish saith ; from N. sei&r, the gadus virens,
now sei.
sath, saith, bad (Dial, maith na saith, math na sath), M. Ir. sath
(Lecan Glossary), saith, 0. Ir. saich (cid saich no maith) :
*8aki-s, root svak, svag, weak, Ger. schwach.
sealbhan, the throat, throttle : *svel-vo-, Eng. swallow (*svel-ko-) ?
seaman, rivetted mail, W. and M. W. hemin, rivet.
seamarlan, chamberlain, M. Ir. seomuirlin ; from the Eng.
seileann, sheep-louse, tick.
seillean, a bee, teillean (Perth), tilleag (Suth.), W. chwil,
beetle ; root svel, turn, as in seal ?
seirean, a shank, leg, spindle-shanked person ; for connections see
speir.
aged, g. sgiach, haze, dimness (Heb.) ; see ced.
Sgilbheag, a chip of slate (Arg.) ; from Sc. skelve, a thin slice,
Eng. shelf.
Sgilig, shelled grain (Dial.), from Norse, whence Sc. shillin, which
see under sgiL
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 321
Sgimilear, intruder ; from Sc. skemmel. Cf. sgiomalair.
Sgionabhagan, " smithereens" (Arg.).
Sgliobhag, a slap (Dial.) ; cf. Sc. sclaff, sclaffert.
8gr&l, a host, a large number of minute things (Heb.) ; cf.
sgriothail.
sgreunach, boisterous (of weather) — Arg.
Sgriach, a score, scratch (Dial.) ; cf. strioch.
Sgr6bail, a bird's crop, Ir. scrobdn ; cf. Eng. crop, Ger. kropf.
sguainseach, hussy, hoyden (Arg.) ; possibly from Sc. quean :
*s-quean-seach ; cf. siursach.
siab, sweep, lr. siobadh, blowing into drifts. Root sveib, Eng.
sweep.
siaban, sea-spray, sand-drift ; from above.
sianan, breac-shianain, freckles ; from sian, foxglove (Dr Gillies),
siaranachadh, languishing, siarachd, melancholy (Dial.) ; from
siar, " going backwards V
Sid, weather, also tid, which suggests borrowing from N. ti&, tide,
time, Eng. tide..
sioll, a turn, Ir. siolla, a whiff, glint, syllable ; root of seal.
sionn, phosphorescent, solus sionn, phosphorus, also teine-sionn-
achain. For roct see next,
sionnach, valve of bellows, pipe-reed, piob-shionnaich, Irish bag-
pipe. From root spend, swing, play, Skr. spand, move
quickly, Gr. o-favSovr), sling, Lat. pendeo, hang, Eng.
pendulum.
si op, despise, turn tail on (Dial.) ; see seap.
siota, a blackguard, a pet ; from Sc. shit.
sithionn, venison ; add M. Ir. sideng, deer,
slabhcar, not slaucar, as in Diet., slouching fellow, from Norse.
sl6isneadh, backsliding (Heb.) : * shifts-, root of slaod and Eng.
slide ?
smal, blemish : add Eng. mole.
smeorach, thrush, Ir. bmaolach. Stokes derives W. uiwyalch,
blackbird, from *meisalko-, Ger. meise, Eng. tit-mouse.
ameuraich, grope ; from meur.
smuilc, glumness, dejection ; M. Ir. smuilcin, a small snout :
" snoutyness."
snichdean, a stitch of clothing (Arg.).
socair, ease ; opposite is deacair, 0. Ir. deccair : *di-acair, *so-
acair, from *acar, convenience, root cor, place, as in cuir.
Hence acarach.
sodal, pride, according to Stokes *sput-tlo-, W. ffothyll, pustula
Lat. pustula, Skr. phutkar, puff (Stokes).
21
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322 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
soighneas, pleasure, Ir. soighneas : so-gne-t root gen.
soimeach, easy circumstanced, seems to combine 0. Ir. somme,
dives, and 0. Ir. soinmech, lucky, good, Ir. soinmheach,
fortunate, happy. The former Stokes derives from so4mbi-s,
for which see iomadh ; the later is so-nem-ech, root nem, under
neamh. M. Tr. somenmnach, good-spirited, is from meamna.
soirbh, gentle, soirbheas, success, wind, flatulence (so in Arg.).
Somalia, bulky, placid ; from M. Ir. soma, abundance, with adj.
terminations -ail and ta. See soimeach further.
SOna, happy: *so-gnd-vo-s, "well-doing;" root gna of gniomh.
sorchan, foot-stool, support, light-stand, peer man ; from sorcha.
speach, wasp, counspeach, " dog-wasp,' is referred by Stokes
(Diet. 302) to *spe/cd, Gr. <r<j>y^ ; for phonetics cf. padhadh,
piuthar, also speir and speal.
speach, stitch in side, blow, Ir. speach, a kick.
Speal, scythe, Ir. speal, M. Ir. spel : *speld, Gr. xf/akls, shears, root
spal, clip, pull, further Eug. psalm (so Stokes).
speil, herd, Ir. tpeil : *speli-, allied to Lat. spolium (Stokes).
spoil, a quarter, spold, joint of meat ; from Sc. ?paul, limb,
spald, shoulder, from old Fr. espaule, espalle, L. Lat. spatula,
shoulder, whence Eng. epaulet Ir. spolla is also hence.
sreamadh, curbing or checking by the nose.
stabhaic, wry neck, pronounced in Arg. staofc, staghaic.
st&irn, a particle, small quantity (Perth) ; from Sc. starn, particle,
grain, star, from stfxr.
stalladh, dashing against, thumping (M'A.), stallachdach,
stupidly deaf, careless (Arg.).
stamhnaich, reduce to order, subject, break in, drub (M'A.),
Stannadh, subject (Reb.); from N. stafr, a stick, stafa fyrir,
rule, fyrir stafni, aim at, stafn, stem 1
stangarra, the fish stickleback ; from stang, sting.
St6idh (not st6igh), foundation ; froui Norse staebi, staefra, estab-
lish, Ork. steeth, foundation, steethe, to found,
stidean, stididh, a cat, also tididh, from Sc. cheet, cheety, puss,
cat, Eng. chit, cub, youngster ; from cat, like kitten.
stiorc, stretch (at death, Arg.) ; from Eog. stark 1
stoth, hot stream, vapour ; see toth.
sttiC, jutting hill ; from Teutonic — N. stuka, wing of a building,
Eng. stook, etc.
stuthaig, starch ; fiom Sc. stiffing, starch, Eng. stiff. Perthshire
hasstifinn.
Subh, subh, raspberry, subh, fruit generally (Arg.). Root sug
as in sugh.
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suilbh, cheer, hospitality, geniality : *su-lubi-, root lubh, please,
love, Lat. libet, Eug. love. It influences the meaning of
suilbhir, originally Xl eloquent."
tabaid, fight, brawl ; see sabaid. Cf. Sc. debate.
tai^hlich, chattels (Heb.) ; a side form of teaghlach. .
■tiilla, apprentice fee-, premium (M'A., who has tiilleabh) ; see
tail.
t&ilb, tilll3a)]i (M'A..), canse^u3iic3, air tillle, on account of;
cf. M Ir. a hiithle, after, as a haitkle sin, thereafter, 0 G.
as d dihle, thereafter (B. of Deer), aithle, remnant,
fcais^eal, journey : *to-asdel, *ad-sod-, root sod, as in astar.
tairleas, turlas, cupboard or aumrie (Perth),
t&naiste, tanist ; rather root at of ath-, " re."
taom, empty ; root sern, from se, Lit. semiu, draw (as water), Lat.
simpulum, ladle (Stokes).
tathaich, visit ; Stokes prefers root at, go, discussed under
tanaiste.
t&, t&a, insipid, slightly fermented ; from root of teas ; cf. Upid.
t&achd, silly boasting (Arg.).
teamhall, slight swoon or stun, Ir. teimheal, darkness, 0. Ir.
temel (do.), Skr'. tdmas, Lit. tamsa, Lat. tenebrae, temere,
rashly,
teanacadh, deliverance, succour, teanacas, healing : Hind-ioc, from
toe, heal,
thall, over, Ir., 0. Ir., thall, tall : *t-all, 0. Ir. ol, quam, iudoll,
altarach, ultra, al, ultra; root ol, el, ol, Lat. Me { — oile),
alius. Also eile, other, which see.
theagamh, mayhap ; Meyer takes 0. Ir. ecmaing from ad-com-
bangim, bang root of buain. It has also been referred to root
mang, mag, Eng. may, etc.
tioba, a heap (Arg.) ; from Eng. lieap or G. iob ?
tionnail, likeness ; *t-ionnail, from tonnan, like.
tiorail, cosy ; add W. tirion, pleasant, a familiar cbject.
tiot, moment.; cf. Ir. giota, something small, jot, appendage, from
Lat. iota, whence Eng. jot. Gaelic is t-iot.
tligheachd, liquid, spume (Heb.) : t-lighe?
t6bairt, flux, diarrhoea spasms : to-food-ber-t, root ber of heir
tdch, bad smell ; add t6char or tachar, dense volume of smoke
(Arg.) ; root stou, as in toth,
toigh, agreeable ; Stokes derives this from *togi-s, root tag, take,
Lat. tango, etc.
toill, deserve, Ir., 0. Ir. tuillim, atroilli, asroilL, meruit, later
do-sli, meruit, from sli (Thur., Strachan),
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tomult, bulk ; see somalta.
tosg, peat-cutter ; cf. Shet. tushker, from N. torfsheri, turf-cutter i
treachladh (1) digging, for which see treachail; (2), fatiguing, for
which cf. Sc. trachle.
trealais, the spleen (M'F.).
treall, treallan, a short space or time, Ir. treall, M. Ir. trell, root
ter, through, Eng. thrill, pierce.
treisg, treisginn, weaver's paste, trash (M'A., Arg.) ; cf. Sc.
dressing.
trid, rag, clout, stitch,
trusdar, filthy fellow ; cf. Ir., E. Ir. trist, curse, profligacy, L. Lat.
tristus, improbus.
tuairmeis, hit on, discover : *do-fo-air-mess ; see eirmis.
tuaitheal, wrong, Ir. tuaithbhil, E. Ir. tuatkbil ; tuath and sel, as
explained.
tualaig, loose, have flux, tuanlaig (n elided) in Perthshire. From
leig.
tuba is t, mischance, Ir. tubaiste, Aran tiompaiste.
tunnachadh, beating, dashing; see tuimhseadh.
turag, a trifling illness (as of a child) — Arg.
turcais, pincers ; see durcaisd.
uabairt, expulsion ; not uad-bert. there being no uad really ; from
*od-bert, prefixed by ua ?
uaigh, grave, E. Ir. uag, *augd, allied to Got. augc, eye, Eng. eye.
See for force dearc. So Stokes, and rightly,
uamhag, sheep-louse,
ubairt, rummaging among heavy articles, bustle (Dial.) ; see
iibraid.
uchd, breast. St. now gives poktus, allied to pectus. See iochd.
umlagh, a fine (Arg.) ; from Sc. unlaw, unlach, a fine, trans-
gression, from un-law.
unradh, adversity (Campbell's Tales, II. Mac-a rusgaich) ; a form
of an-rath ?
urcag, thole pin (N. Lochaber). Cf . arcan, a cork. •
urlaigh, turn (disgustfully) — Arg.
utag, strife, titag (Arg.).
tltag, a knuckle ; better utan.
Personal Names.
Allan, G. Ailean, E. Ir. AiUne, Adamnan's Ailenus, from alt
rock 1 The Norman Alan, whence Scotch Allan mostly, is
0. Br. Alan, Alamnus, Nennius Alanus, from Alemannus, the
(German tribe name — "All Men." Cf Norman, Frank,
Dugall, Fingall.
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Gaelic Words and Etymologies. 325
Charles, G. Te&rlach, M. Ir. Toirrdhealbhach (Maclean Gene-
alogy), Englished as Tirlagh and Turlough, E. Ir. Toirdelbach,
Latinised and explained as Turri-formis, " Tower-shaped,"
but the toir in Gaelic took the phonetics of the prefix tair,
super, and hence the modern G. form.
Colin, G. Cailean Cf. Goiledn, " whelp," and personal name ;
the G. is a dialectic form of old coiledn, cuilean, whelp.
Finlay, G Fionnlagh ; this is " Fair hero" — Fionn-laoch. It
is a popular (I Oth and 11th century) rendering of Finning,
" Fair attractive one," the older name.
John, G. Iain, older Eoin, in compounds Seathain, as Mac-Gille-
SheatJiainn, now M'llleathailin.
Kennedy, G. Ceanaideach, Ceanadaidh, E. Ir. Gennetich,
means "Ugly head," from ceann and titigh. Called also
M'Ualraig from Walrick Kennedy (16th century), who first
settled in Lochaber : Walrick may be G. UalghaPJJ confused
with Teutonic Ulrick, older U^dalrich, "rich patrimonially."
Lamond, : hence APClymont, D. of L. V'Glymont, Glyne lymyn.
Menzies ; local G. is MMnn, Meinnearach.
Murdoch ; for Mwredach ; see murrach above.
Macbeth, Northern G. M'Bheathaig. From Macbeth come
M'Bey, M'Vey, M'Veagh.
Mac-echern : also Englished as M'Kechnie (*Mac-Echthtgerna).
Mackellar, G. M*Ealair: Filar M'Kellar, 1595, which proves
the name to be Ealair. • M. Ir. Flair, the Gaelic form of
Lat. Hilarius borrowed.
Mac-kessack, also Mackieson, M'Kesek, 1475; Kessokissone,
Kessoksone, 1488; Makesone, 1507; Makysonn, 1400 (mostly
in Menteith and S. Perth), from Kessoc, Kessan, personal
names circ. 1500, also St. Kessog or Kessoch.
Mackirdy, G. M*UPardaigh, M'Urarthie, 1632 ; M'Quiritei*
1626; Makmurrarty, 1547; Makwerarty, 1517; common in
Bute and Arran of old, from Muircheartach, " sea-director"
(muir and ceart) ; whence also M'Murtrie, JPMutrie.
Maonee : D. of L. M'onee, M'Nie, 1613 ; M'Knie, 1594 ; M'Kne,
1 480 (Menteith and Breadalbaue). From mac-nia, champion ?
Macqueen : in Arg. M'CuTne, for M'Shuibhne, which is the
best spelling for Argyle.
Roderick, G. Ruairidh ; the terminal -ri, -reck (old gen.) is a
reduced form of righ, king (Zimmer, who, however, regards
Ruadri as from N. Hrdrekr, but this in Galloway actually
gives Rerik, M'Rerik, MlGrerik, 1490, 1579, thus disproving
Zimmer's view). M'Gririck still exists.
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326 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ross, G. Rosaeh, ROS ; from the County name Ross, so named
from ros, promontory.
Shaw : G. Seadhgh now, evidently formerly Si'ach or St'ack,
Schiach APKeich, Weem in 1637 ( = Sha\v M'Shaw), Jn.
Scheach, Inverness in 1451, Jo. and Tko. Scheoch, king's
"cursors" 1455-1462, Sythaeh Macmallon iu Badenooh in
1224-33, Ferchar films Seth there iu 1234, M'Sithig in B. of
Deer : *Sithech, M. Ir. sidhach, wolf. The female name
Sitheag was common in the Highlands in the 17th century
Shiak, thihag). The Southern Shaws — of Ayrshire and
Greenock — are from De Schaw (1296), from Sc. and Eng.
shaiv, shaws ; the southern name influenced the northern in
spelling and pronunciation.
OigfhFlg', EighPig, Euphemia, M. G. Epic (D. of L.), med.
documents Africa, Ir. Aithbhric, older Affraic (two abbesses
of Kildare so called in 738 and 833) ; from Africa ?
Raonaild, Raonaid, Rachel ; from Norse Ragnhildr, " God's
fight." Cf. Ronald.
18th MARCH, 1697.
At the meeting this date, Mr W. J. Watson, rector, Royal
Academy, Inverness, and Mr Murdo Macdonald, M.A., School-
house, Aldourie, were elected ordinary members of the Society.
Thereafter Mr Charles Fergusson, Fairburn, read his sixth
contribution to the Society, on " The Early History, Legends,
and Traditions of Strathardle." The paper was as follows : —
THE EARLY HISTORY, LEGENDS, AND TRADITIONS
OF STRATHARDLE.
1624. — So very disturbed and unsettled had the Highlands
of Perthshire become at this time, that the Government saw
that something must be done to put a stop to the continual
raids and feuds of the clans, so we find that, on January 22 of
this year, the Privy Council issued summons to the landlords
of the Highlands to attend a consultation as to the best means
to suppress crime. So the Privy Council and these Highland
landlords met in Edinburgh, and, after due consideration,
decided as follows : — " Sederunt of Council and Highland
Landlords: — Decided — First: That choise be maid of twa
Captanes, who salbe callit his Majesties Captanes; the one for
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the Stewartry of Strathern, Menteith, and Lennox: and the
other for the boundis of the Earldom of Atholl, the Bishoprick
of Dtmkeld, Glenshie, Stratharle, Strathtay, Strathbrane,
Breadalbane, and the Braes of Angus : and that ather Captane
half xx. men under his charge and command; authorised with
ample power and commission to hunt, follow, and pursue with
fyre and swerd all broken lymmeris, theives, sornairs, and
masterful oppressours within the said boundis, and yf they fall
oute of these boundis to follow them to suche outher partis as
they sail flee unto. . : . And every Captane, with his
companie, within the boundis allowit unto thame salbe in
continuall action in watching of the country and pursuite of
lymmers." — Privy Council Records, Vol. xii., p. 464.
Each company was to consist of a captain and twenty men,
and the pay was to be forty shillings Scots for a captain, and
thirteen shillings and four pence Scots for each man, per day.
The captains appointed were: — For No. 1 Company, Strathern
and Menteith— -John Stewart, the steward-depute of Menteith;
and for No. 2 Company, Athole — Robert Stewart, younger of
Ballechin. This was the beginning of that policy of raising
private companies of the natives, to keep the peace along the
Highland border, which ended a hundred years afterwards in
the raising of the famous Black Watch in the same district.
In the present case, the two companies of twenty men were far
too weak to do any good, when scattered over such a wide
district, even though they were " kept in continuall action in
watching and pursuite of lymmers."
1626. — When our old friend, the Baron Cufcach of Straloch,
died, he was succeeded, by his son, Alexander, who, in 1617,
had married Marjory Graham, daughter of M'Combie of Clay-
pots; and I now, in this year, find William, Earl of Tully-
bardine, who had succeeded the Earl of Atholl, granting Baron
Alexander a charter of the lands of Straloch and Inverchroskie.
As we have already seen, the Baron Cutach was, like King
David of old, " a man of war from his youth ; " but, as is often
the case, even in the most warlike families, his son, Alexander,
was a man of peace, who, instead of going to Kirkmichael Kirk
on Sunday with a strong armed guard, and his piper playing
before him, followed the Scriptural advice of beating his clay-
more into a ploughshare ; and so we find him the great pioneer
of agriculture on the Braes of Ardle,
Before this time, most of the level lands of Strathardle,
along both sides of the river, were covered with a dense jungle
of underwood, alder, hazel, thorn, and brier, whilst most of the
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cultivated land lay high up on the braes, by Glenfernate,
Dirnanean, Ardchroskie, Minnoch, Whitefield, Ashintully, and
the Braes of Dounie. As no underwood grew naturally at
that elevation, only grass and heather, it was easier of course,
in the earlier stages of agriculture, to reclaim that land, so that;
high ground was taken in at an early date, and the previous
warlike barons were quite content with tneir small patches of
- land wherever it cost least labour to reclaim.
It was not on agriculture they depended — no ! nor
even on their abundant flocks and herds — to support their
numerous retainers; theirs were the thoughts and feelings of
Roderick Dhu : —
" Ask we those savage hills we tread,
For fattened steer, or household bread,
Ask we for flocks these shingles dry,
And well the mountain might reply —
' To you, as to your sires of yore,
Belong the target and claymore !
I give you shelter in my breast,
Your own good blades must win the rest.' —
Pent in this fortress of the North,
Think'st thou we will not sally forth,
To spoil the spoiler as we may,
And from the robber rend the prey ?"
These were the good old days, " when might was right," and
u when each man followed the fashion of his clan ; " and so
these old warlike barons had gone on, spoiling the spoiler and
rending the prey, when and where they thought fit, from the
earliest dawn of history till the time we have now come to,
when times began to change; old things were passing away,
and the dirk and claymore were beginning to give way to the
plough and the pen; and even the proud barons of Straloch
began to reclaim their lands from the wild state of nature, and
to cultivate their fields, and attend to me breeding of cattle on
their farms, instead of lifting them from their foes, as had been
their wont.
The worthy old minister of Glenmuick — the Rev. James
Robertson — tells us, in his MS. History of the Barons of
Straloch, how his great-grandfather, the third Alexander, at
this time began to turn his attention to agriculture, as follows — -
" This Alexander III. was a discreet, sober, peaceable
gentleman, the most frugal and wisest that were in the family
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before him. Prudent and careful of his affairs; diligent in
attending to his husbandry; took great delight in cattle, of
which he had considerable herds, not only in his own possession,
but laid out by way of ' bows' (as they call them) in the hands
of such of his tenants as lived in farms proper for it. By these
means, under God, he recovered the family when almost sunk
under a great burden of debts that his father had laid it under.
I have often been told by old men that, when he entered on
the estate, it was so far burdened that all was in the hands of
creditors and life-renters, except Minoch, wherein he dwelt.
Being one day straightened for want of money, he spoke to one
Fleming, who had a wadset on his Mains of Inverchroskie, to
lend him some money. But the carle answered him reproach-
fully, saying — 'Co bheireadh dhuibhse airgaid? C'ait am
beil bonn nur creideas V — ' Who would give you money ? Where
is your foundation of credit'?' This insolent answer so far
vexed him that he went and sold his cattle, made money of
them, and paid Fleming, and freed his Mains, and came and
dwelt on it, and kept Minoch for grazing and fother to his
beasts, making up his herds again, by buying here and there,
after he had come to Inverchroskie. It is reported that in the
winter he consulted an honest man that lived over against him,
in a place called Dalnaguilsich (the level field, on the south side
of the Ardle, east of where Aldchroskie burn falls into the
river), where he might get fother to buy for his beasts. The
other answered — ' Baron, you are still buying victual : my advice
to you is, either fit your barn to your byre, or your byre to
your barn;, and he observed to him that there was a field
under his house called Press-an-droin, all overgrown with thorns,
which, if freed of the thorns and well dressed, might keep him
from buying. This advice had such an impression on him,
that from that day forth his thoughts ran much upon Press-
an-droin. At length he convened his tenants, and invited his
neighbours, and fell heartily to work, and in a short time
rooted out the thorns and other shrubs that had encumbered
that ground; and what of it could not be tilled he caused dig,
and the ground did not disappoint his expectation, for we are
told that it carried many folds to him for many years.
This encouraged him to enlarge his Mains in other places,
build an enclosure above his house, and to go on successfully
in many improvements. His care and conduct and surprising
success being observed in the neighbourhood, so far raised his
reputation and advanced his credit, that they cheerfully lent
him money when he had use for it. It is observed of this
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Alexander, that though he entered to his estate under great
burdens and difficulties, and lived on it but twenty-two years,
yet, by the blessing of God on his wise and prudent manage-
ment during that short time, he not only paid all his debts and
freed all his estate, but gained besides what handsomely pro-
vided for his family, and had £1000 besides at his death,
wherewith he was to have purchased Maxwell of Telling's
superiority of the third part of the large parish of Kirkmichael,
which was of considerable value before the feu duties were sold
to the feuars; out his untimely death, in 1636, spoiled all this
project."
After having nothing to write about but wars and rumours
of wars for centuries, it is pleasant to see the arts of peace
beginning to take root, and to find the fertile haughs and
fields of the strath brought under cultivation. This
field of Preas-an-droighionn, that we read of here, is the level
ground above the road just below Balvarran House; it means
the field of thorn bushes, a perfect thicket of which, before this
time, covered all the low grounds from Kirkmichael to Kin-
drogan, which latter place takes its name from tae thorns
ending there — " Ceann-an-Droighionn," the end of the thorns.
1629. — On 7th March, Robert Fergusson of Derculich and
Dunfallandy was served heir to certain lands in the barony of
Douny, viz. : — Over Douny, Middle Douny, Borland, Edmar-
nochty, Cultalony, Stronymuck, Pitbrane, and Glenderby, iu
Strathardle; and those of Finnegand,' Inneredrie, and its mill,
Bynanmore, Bynanbeg, Riedorach, Kerrow, Cuthill, Dalmungie,
and Glenbeg, in Glenshee; paying £32. — Retours, Perth, 3G7.
And, on 18th July, Robert Stewart was served heir to his
father, Lord James Stewart of Ballechin, to various lands,
amongst them, part of the lands of Pitlochry, with their
pendicle in Glenbrierachan of Edraharvie; and the lands of
Kinnaird, with its pendicle of Clunskea on the water of
Brierachan : — " 4 libratis terrarum de Pitlochrie, et pendicula
ejusdem in Glenbrierachan nuncupata Eddaraharvie : terras de
Kynnaird cum pendicula vocatis Clunysca super aqua de Brochin
infra parochiam de Mwling."
1640. — A stirring event took place in July of this year,
which has ever since been famous in song and story, viz., the
burning of the " Bonnie House o' Airlie." Who has not heard
that —
It fell on a day, on a bonnie summer day,
When corn grows green and barley,
That there fell out a great dispute
Between Argyle and Airlie.
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Argyle he has ta'en a hunder o' his men.
A hunder o' his men and mairly,
And he's gane doun by the back o' Dunkel
To plunder the Bonnie House o' Airlie.
Lady Ogilvie looked o'er her castle wa\
And oh ! but she sighed sairly,
To see Argyle an' a' his men
Come to plunder the Bonnie House o' Airlie.
" Come doun, come doun, Madame Ogilvie," he cried ,
" Come doun and kiss me fairlie,
Or I swear by the sword I haud in my hand,
I winna leave a stan'in stane in Airlie."
" I winna come doun, ye fause Argyle,
Nor yet will I kiss ye fairlie,
Tho' ye swear by the sword ye haud in yer hand
That yc winna leave a stan'in stane in Airlie.
" O had my ain gudeman been at hame,
As he's awa' wi' Charlie,
There's no a Campbell in a' Argyle
Dare hae trod on the bonnie green o' Airlie.
" But since we can haud out na mair,
My hand I offer fairlie :
Oh ! lead me doun to yonder glen,
That I mayna see the burnin'' o' Airlie."
He has ta'en her by the trembling hand,
But he's no ta'en her fairlie,
For he's led her up to a hie hill tap,
Where she saw the burnin' o' Airlie.
Clouds o' smoke and flames so hie,
Soon left the walls but barely ;
And she laid her doun on that hill to die,
When she saw the burnin' o' Airlie.
We all know that poets nave a certam amount of licence,
and many a good old song is not literally correct as to facts,
and though it always grieves me to knock the romance out of
either a good old song or story, yet I must say here that this
beautiful song gives Argyle credit for personally leading his
clan to plunder their foes, whereas, even though circumstances
were most favourable, as Lady Ogilvie's gudeman and her
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332 Gaelic Society of Inverness
gallant sons were " a' awa' wi' Charlie," and only herself left 10
guard the castle, yet Argyle kept at a safe distance, just as he
did five years after, when he three times fled on board his
galley and sailed south, leaving his clansmen to the tender
mercies of Montrose. Argyle himself never went
" lipun by the back o' Dunkel
To plunder the Bonnie House o' Airlie."
But he sent his kinsman, Dougal Campbell of Inverawe, to do
so, with strict ordres to burn the castle — " Ye shall fyre it
weill, that so it may be destroyed." But, with his usual craft,
he wishes to keep himself clear, so he cautiously adds — " Bot
ye neid not lett know that you have directions from me to
fyre it."
So very anxious was Argyle to secure for himself all the
" haill nolt (cattle), shiepe, horss, and mearis, perteineing to my
Lord Ogilbie," that he could not wait for the return of the
expedition from Glenisla to his own countrv, but he must needs
come all the way to Strathardle to meet them at the bottom of
Glen Fernate.
The original letter of instructions, which Argyle gave Dougal
Campbell, for the plundering and burning of Airlie (or rather
Forthar Castle), is still preserved at Inverawe House, and as
it is a great curiosity, showing, as it does, the cool, business way
in which war was carried on in those days between rival clans,
I may give it in full : —
" July, 1640. Dowgall, — I mynd, God willing, to lift from
this the morrow, and therefore ye shall meitt me the morrow
at nicht at Stronarnot, in Strathardill ; and cause bring alonges
with you the haill nolt and shiepe that ye have fundin per-
teineing to my lord Ogilbie. As for the horrs and mearis that
ye have gottine perteining'to him, ye shall not fail to direcjb
thame home to the Strane moor. I desyre not that they be in
our way at all, and to send thame the neirest way home. And
albeit ye should be the langer in following me, j^ett ye shall not
fail to stay and demolishe my- lord Ogilbies hous of Forthar.
Sie how ye can cast off the irone yeattis and windows, and tak
down the rooff; and if ye find it will be langsome, ye shall
fyre it weill, that so it may be destroyed. Bot ye neid not to
latt know that ye have directions from me to fyir it: only ye
may say that ye have warrand to demolishe it, and that, to
mak the work short, ye will fyr it. Iff ye mak any stay for
doing of this, send fordwart the goodis. So referring this to
your cair, I rest, your freynd, Argyll."
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Early History of Strathardle. 33&
The last verse of the song commemorates how " Dowgall"
carried out but too completely the furtive and confidential
orders he had received from his Chief —
" Clouds o' smoke and flames sae hie,
Soon left the wa's but barely;
And she laid her doun on that hill to die,
When she saw the burning o' Airlie."
I may here say that the song correctly describes the route of
the Campbells on their way to the Ogilvie country —
" And he's gane doun v the back o' Dunkel
To plunder the Bonnie House o' Airlie."
They came ^y Breadalbane, Logierait, up the Braes of Tully-
met, and through the Pass of Athollford at the head of
Glenc]erby, and down that glen, which is literally at "the
back o' Dunkeld," and by Kirkmichael and Glen Kilrey, to
Airlie.
There had been an old feud between the Ogilvies and the
Campbells, as we have already seen that the Argyle men many
times raided Glenisla, especially in 1591 ; and as the two chiefs
now took opposite sides in the politics of the day, Airlie going
for the King, and Argyle for the Covenant, of course a state of
civil war was the time to gratify private revenge, and settle an
old clan feud.
Argyle had his innings first, when he burnt the Bonnie
House o' Airlie, but Airlie had ample revenge on the Campbell
Clan four years after, on many a bloody field, under the gallant
Montrose, and finally sqared accounts with Argyle in 1645, by
the burning of Castle Campbell, or, as it was then called, the
Castle of Gloom, of which we have a *rood account in " Perth,
its Annals and Archives/' page 279, where it says: — "Mon-
trose descended once more from the mountains in the glory of
victory, with an augmented army, and soon after moved to the
westward. After threatening Perth, where, the Covenanters
occupied entrenchments, he made his way through the county
of Kinross, on leaving which he skirted the Ochills, in the
southern part of Perthshire, and, chiefly at the instigation of
the Ogilvies, as a retaliation for the destruction of ' the Bonnie
Hous o' Airlie/ five years before, he doomed to the flames one
of the most magnificent of the old baronial strongholds in
Scotland — magnificent still, even in its extensive ruins. This
was the noble castle, the property of Argyle, occupying the
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summit of a most picturesque and remarkable eminence in the
gorge of a romantic glen in the Ochills, near Dollar, Its
majestic ruins and most singular situation are highly attractive
to tourists to this day. It is still called Castle Campbell, but
formerly it was styled Castle Gloom, or the Castle of Gloom.
The situation corresponds with this. It is accessible only from
behind ; and the visitor has first to go up the hill, then to come
down again, and approach by a narrow access betwixt two deep
and gloomy ravines, each upwards of three hundred feet deep,
and having a rushing mountain torrent on each side — the one
known by the name of Grief, and the other Care — both uniting
at the foot of the promontory in the rivulet named Dolour, half
a mile above the town of Dollar — said to be a corruption, or
rather a different orthography, of the word. Sir Walter Scott
justly remarks that ' the destruction of many a meaner habita-
tion, by the same unscrupulous and unsparing spirit of ven-
gor.nce, has long been forgotten; but the majestic ruins of
Castle Campbell still excite a sigh, in those that view them,
over the nurseries of civil war/ "
Having now seen the Ogilvies amply revenged on the
Campbells for burning the Bonnie House o' Airlie, we must
turn to other scenes, as these were stirring times for
Strathardle during the wars of Montrose, so I may here tell
you some of the exploits of our most famous archer — the most
expert bowman, and one of the greatest worthies, ever known
in our district.
1644. — At this time there lived in Glen Taitneach, a little
above the Spittal of Glenshee, oneJohn Grant, known in Gaelic
as the " Cam-Ruadh" — the , one-eyed, red-haired man — whose
feats with the bow surpassed all others, and whose fame is still
fresh all over the central Highlands. James Grant, in his
" Legends of the Braes o' Mar," thus describes our hero : —
" The Cam-Ruadh was as ugly a five-feet-high carl as you
would wish to see on the longest summer day's journey. He
had a provoking little warty nose, that came out between his
eyes broad and flat like my thumb, and turned up into the air
in a most impertinent pug, just as if it was not worth its pains
to smell anything earthly. A pair of broad cheeks, whereon
you could see every rough, red, knotted vein, like the ditches of
a corn field on a dry summer, ended on each side of the nose,
with a lump below the eyes, in a thin crop of red whiskers, the
birse of which went away scrambling everywhere, as in a
desperate search for their neighbours. He had but one eye —
a large border of red surrounding a bright circle of blue — so
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bright indeed that it shone like a star. The frame of the
Cam-Ruadh was as strong as a block of oak. His legs were
shockingly bandied, and his feet were as flat as shingles. What
of that? 'A man's a man for a' that;' and the Cam-Ruadh
was possessed of many enviable qualifications and acquirements.
He could distinguish a blue-bottle fly on a granite stone at a
distance of twenty yards with his one eye. He could send an
arrow twice as far as an ordinary person, with force to kill an
ox, and accuracy to hit a midge. Not a hind, hound or hare
could beat him at a long race, and but little at a short one.
No person can say much of the Carn-Ruadh's sentiments or
opinions, for he seldom said more than three words at a time.
He was as obstinate as a pig, and a deal more cunning than a
fox. Such as he was, he found the way of winning one fair
damsels heart, and descendants of their's are still amongst us."
At this time, Argyle had quartered a strong body of Camp-
bells in lower Braemar, from where, from the beginning of
May till July, 1644, they made continual raids on all the sur-
rounding glens; and so thoroughly did they do their work of
" cleaning" these glens of every hoof and horn of cattle, that
they became known by the name of the Cleansers" — a name,
like that of the Black Douglas of old, still used to frighten
naughty children in these glens. The Cleansers had made
several rather extensive raids into Glenshee and Glenisla.
For offences of this kind against his goods and chattels,
the Cam had conceived an inexpressible hatred to these gentle-
men, as indeed to all kern kind in general, and he shot them
down like hoodie crows, till every corrie and glen smelt with
carrion. One night, however, as he returned from the hills,
disgusted with the sights that met him on every hand, the
Cam-Ruadh vowed his hand would not, for the space of one
whole day, be lifted against human life, Cleansers and kern
included, unless in self-defence. Unfortunately, that very night
the Cleansers made an inroad from Cromar, and cleansed Glen-
shee and Glenisla of hoof and horn. Glenshee was furious, and
Glenisla in a ferment; the men of both glens rose, and it was
agreed that, marching from opposite directions, they should
simultaneously surround and destroy the enemy.* To make
surer work, a messenger was despatched to the Laird of Dal-
more, praying him to hasten to their assistance with the
Braemar men. By the grey of morning the different parties
were on the march. Unfortunately, no leader was chosen, and
no rendezvous appointed, and the Glenshee men went forward
in small straggling bands, as they happened to meet on the
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way. Thus the Cleansers fell upon them separately, and
destroyed them as they came up, with little or no loss to them-
selves. This skirmishing fight continued for some hours, the
Cleansers withdrawing with their spoil in the direction of the
Cairnwell. The Gienisla men, having prudently stationed
themselves in a body on the Maol Odhar, and considering it
" best to sleep in a hale skin, did not advance to the assistance
of their neighbours. Had they not been a pack of miserable
cowards, the arrival of the brawny miller, his seven sons, and
the strongest party of the Glenshee men that had yet appeared,
gave them an excellent opportunity of attacking the common
foe in the rear, while hotly pressed in front by the Glenshee
and Strathardle men. During all this time, the Cam-Ruadh,
who had early intelligence of the raid, hung hovering like a
ghost on the flanks of the Cleansers. Sorely did he repent him
of his rash oath, and often did he look up to the heavens,
measuring the distance which the sun had yet to go ere he
could deem himself free. Meanwhile, the miller and his seven
sons did prodigies of valour, cursing the cowards of Gienisla,
and often turning their expectant eyes in the direction of
Braemar. One after another of the seven sons fell, and as
death after death was told to the father, he pressed on more
hotly, crying out, " Fight to-day, and lament to-morrow." All
were gone, but still ne repeated the cry, standing over the body
of the last one. At length he fell himself on his knees. A
stout Cleanser engaged him, but, after some strokes, stept back,
well knowing that he had but a few moments to live, and
fearful of risking himself against the last nervous efforts of
so terrible a foe. It was mid-day. His arms fell powerless by
his side, and he cast a last longing look with his fast-dimming
eyes in the direction of Braemar. He saw nothing there; but
the strange movement of a bush of rushes attracted his atten-
tion. There he perceived, peering, a red eye, whose bright
light seemed to enter his brain. His eye, too, brightened up;
his vigour returned. There was a twang heard — a hiss in the
air. There was a white streak, shot like lightning, before his
eyes. The Cleanser, who had returned, and stood with uplifted
sword to deal the miller the last blow, shreiked and lept up
convulsively from the ground. The miller sprang to his feet.
The two clasped each other in their arms, and, with their dirks
driven to the hilt in one another's backs, fell dead together.
Consternation seized on the' Cleansers. Arrow after arrow
— they knew not from whence — came dealing sure death in their
ranks. Not a single one missed its mark. Man after man fell
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fast around. The Glenshee men kept up a feeble discharge,
and helped to distract their attention. They yelled in fury, but
the avenging hand still smote them. Eighteen of their number
lay stretched upon the ground. A blast of wind swept over the
heather, and, catching the Cam-Ruadh's plaid, raised it in the
air. The dark object caught the Cleansers' eyes. A whole
swarm of them rushed yelling to the place. The last arrow was
adjusted, the bow twanged, but the arrow snapt. " Curse
you," cried the Cam, in fury, throwing the bow after the broken
arrow. He lept from his ludinsf-place. He was cut off from
the Glenshee men, so he fled down the hill like a mountain
deer. He distanced his pursuers every moment. The foremost
of the Cleansers seeing this, bent his bow and sent an arrow
after the fugitive. It flew with unerring aim, and entered the
Cam's back, which only increased his speed, so they gave up the
chase in despair, just as a loud shout from the hill above
announced the coming of the long-expected Braemar men. The
Glenshee men answered with a hearty cheer, and a feeble cry
from the top of the Maol Odhar testified that the Glenisla men
were not asleep. Then the Cleansers fled amain, leaving all
the flocks and herds they had captured.
When the Braemar men arrived, and were told the various
incidents of the fight, their indignation against the Glenisla
men knew no bounds. j±s they drew near, making a thousand
excuses and flattering phrases, they were told, in the sternest
way, to take what belonged to them and be gone; and from
that time till very recently the brave men of Strathardle, Glen-
shee, and Braemar woui^ scarcely speak to any one from
Glenisla. The Glenshee men went sorrowfully home with their
flocks, so dearly recovered, and the Braemar men set off in
pursuit of the Cleansers; and there is a tradition that the
slaughter was so great that thirty-eight widows afterwards came
to carry off their husbands' bodies.
The poor Cam-Ruadh, as he went trudging home, was
saluted by every old woman he passed with — " Chaim-Ruaidh,
Chaim-Ruaidh ! tha saighead na do thoin" : "Cam-Ruadh,
Cam-Ruadh! there is an arrow in your back;" to which he
would testily reply — "Tha fios agam fhein air sin" : "I know
that myself," and pass on. Arrived at home, the difficulty was
to have the arrow extracted. His wife pulled, and better tnan
pulled, like the better half she was, but all was of no avail.
At length the fertile brain of the Cam found an expedient,
which I would recommend to every one in similar circum-
stances. Lying down on his face, full length, his wife stepped
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upon his back, and, placing a foot on each side of the arrow,
gave a long pull, and a sti"ongf pull, and a pull altogether, till
out it came, the barb bringing with it a whole screed of the
Cam's flesh. This deficit he had care immediately to supply
by falling to a plentiful dinner of venison, after taking a
second bow and a quiverful of arrows from the roost, to prevent
all unpleasant interruptions to his meal.
Among the Cleansers shot by the Cam-Ruadh at the battle
of the Cairnwell was the Baron Macdiarmid, chief of a sept of
Clan Campbell, who left a family of seven sons, stout and bold,
to avenge his death. Before they left Aberdeenshire they had
ferreted out who the terrible archer was, and they determined
to return to avenge their father's death on the Cam-Ruadh.
One cold, misty day, as the Cam was herding his flocks on
the hills with an old blanket over him for shelter, which
garment certainly gave him rather a crazy look, he felt a tap
on his shoulder, and , turning round, beheld — yes, he knew
them at once — a dozen Cleansers. His eye blazed like a bon-
fire, but he saw no means of escape or defence.
" Let us go on, there is no use talking to that fool," says one.
" It matters little," said another, " fool or no fool, if he tells
us what we want."
" My man," says their captain, " can you show us where
the Cam-Ruadh lives?"
" Perhaps I can," answered the Cam, very innocently.
"Is it far from hence ?"
" Perhaps it is," was the answer.
The Cam now took a great fit of affection to their bows and
arrows, pretending not to know what they were, or their use.
The captain, thinking to gain him, told him that he would give
him one of these pretty things, and a quiver full of arrows, if
he would find the Cam-Ruadh for them.
" Which of them?" says the Cam.
" Your choice," answered the captain.
The wily Cam at once chose the best bow and largest
quiver of arrows, and then told them that they were of no use
to hiTn unless they showed him how to use them. So, to coax
him, the captain pointed out a large white stone on the other
side of a burn, and showed him how to shoot at it. After
many blunders and awkward attempts, the Cam managed to
send all the arrows over the burn but one, and it so happened
that just as he was to fire it, a smaH bird flew and alighted on
the top of the stone. He aimed at it, and it fell dead. "A
splendid shot!" cried the Cam, as he bounded away, carrying
the bow with him, to lift the bird. The Cleansers considered.
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Early History of Strathatdle. 339
this as a sheer chance hit, and suffered him quietly to gather
all the arrows he had shot. When he had them all collected,
he stepped behind the large stone, and, holding up the dead
bird in one hand, and the bow with a menacing arrow in the
other, cried out, " 'S mis' an Cam-Ruadh" — " I'm the Cani-
Ruadh." After this brief though startling announcement, he
bent down behind the stone, so that tne Cleansers only saw the
upper part of a bent bow and the point of an arrow directed
against them.
* Mercy," cried the chief, " and we will go without harming
any one."
*' If you don't," replied the Cam, and he drew the bow to
its full strength.
The Cleansers waited no longer — every one made for him-
self ; and the Cam, following up in the rear, from time to time
hastened their speed by a loud shout, till he saw them beyond
the bounds of Glenshee.
This last exploit exasperated the Cleansers, and during tha
winter that followed the seven Macdiarmid brothers set out to
balance accounts with the Cam. If it was a bad night when
they met him last, it was doubly worse now. The snow fell
fast and deep, and the frost was very keen. The Cam and his
wife sat that night by their fireside, blessing themselves that
they had a home, however humble — and it was nothing to
brag about. A little hut, with windows where a turf supplied
the place of glass, was the habitation of the Cam-Ruadh. The
Cam happened to be in extra good humour that stormy night,
and as the worthy pair sat basking themselves before a good
fire, the better half asked — '" What would you do, Cam, if the
Cleansers came to-night?"
,k Give them meat," replied the Cam.
" And then?" continued the wife.
"' Let them sleep," said he.
" And at last ?" persisted the dame, astonished at the extra-
ordinary moderation of her husband. "J
" Let them begone," answered he testily.
"' Be as good as your word, ' cried a gruff voice from oucside,
"for I am sure we were never in greater need of what you
promise."
" Surrender arms first," replied the Cam, who had little
expected this strange turn to his matrimonial converse and
happiness. He was, however, armed in a moment, and ready
for defence.
" Send out your wife, then, Cam-Ruadh," cried the chief,
" and we will give up our arms to her."
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She got their arms, and then the Cleansers were admitted
to thaw their frozen limbs at the fire. They got a good sheep
from the fold, and plenty good ale to wash it down, and things
got on so well that before morning a peace was agreed upon ;
and before they left Glentaitneach an alliance, offensive and
defensive, was entered into, and they parted the best of friends.
Some time after, these Macdiarmids came to open war with
another clan, and the Cam was sent for, and, according to the
terms of the alliance, he set off to their assistance. He was
late; they were all gone. The Cam, however, asked their
mother the way t-ey went. She looked at the strange creature
before her in astonis-jnent, and exclaimed — " Are you going
to help themf
" Yes/' said he.
" If they do with you, they'll do without you."
" That may very well be," quoth the Cam, drily, " but I'll
go and see."
She carelessly pointed out the way, and he arrived in the
very nick of time. His friends, the Macdiarmids were in
flight. Sheltering himself in a hollow, his unerring shafts
began to fly in every direction, and certain death went with
each arrow into the ranks of Clan Diarmid's foes, whose
courage fell. The fight was renewed, and the Cam's friends,
owing to his prowess, came off victorious.
Some time after this, the Baron Euadh of Straloeh had his
cattle continually stolen from his folds at Balvarran by maraud-
ing caterans from Lochaber, in spite of all his watchfulness ;
and the Baron, who well knew the Cam-Ruadh, requested the?
favour of a visit to try what could be done.. Of course, the
robbers always chose the darkest nights for their operations,
when they could get the cattle away unseen. The Cam-Ruadh,
however, outwitted them, by enclosing in the fold a white cow,
which he purposely lamed. He then lay down beside the wall
of the fold to wait results, armed, of course, with his trusty bow.
At length, on a very dark night, he heard the robbers beginning
to drive off the cattle, and, fitting an arrow to his bow, he
followed quietly till they got a start, when, of course, the lamed
white cow dropped to the rear, when it became the business of
the driver to urge her on, which he did by giving her a ringing
thump across the back with a stick. That was the wily Cam's
chance; every time he heard that thunrr> he let fly an arrow,
aimed immediately behind the white eow, which he amid see
In the dark, and that driver dropped unseen, and his place was,
Boon taken by another, to- share the same fate. After he had
Early History of Strathardle. 341
slain many of them in this way, the robters got alarmed at
the sudden and mysterious disappearance of their comrades,
and, leaving their prey, they tied westwards towards Ald-
chroskie. But the cunning Cam, being fleet of foot, and know-
ing the ground, got before them to Aldchroskie burn, .and
scrambling down the steep banks, where Aldchroskie House
now stands, he got to the bed of the burn, and as each
straggling robber appeared on the top of the high bank, the
Cam had a clear view of him between him and the sky-line,
and quickly sent an arrow through him. One by one they
rolled down at his feet into the bed of the burn, where every
little pool ran red wiui their blood — aye, so red that even to
this day the stones in the bed of the burn are believed to bear
the stains of their blood. Many a time, when I was a boy,
have I gone with other children, on the hot summer days when
the burn was almost dry, to look for the blood-stained stones,
dyed by the blood of these caterans from Keppoch, not one of
whom ever " returned to Lochaber no more," as the Cam slew
them all. To this day their ghosts haunt that spot, and of all
the haunted and uncanny places in the district, and they are
many, this was always reckoned the most dangerous place to
pass at night. Many a curious story have I heard of the
different shapes and forms in which the famous ghost of Ald-
chroskie appeared to different persons, but I am afraid that,
like many other things connected with the good old times, this
famous ghost has now disappeared.
As for the Cam-Ruadh, for all his perilous adventures, he
died in peace, at a good old age, the pride and boast of his
country.
1644-6. — At this time began the wars of the great Marquis
of Montrose, a leader who, above all others, understood the
Highlanders, and called forth all their best qualities as soldiers
— their bravery and endurance, and, above all, their ability in
marching incredible distances, over the highest mountains and
wildest routes, and in the roughest weather and deepest snow,
on which occasions Montrose himself always marched on foot
at their head, dressed in the Highland garb. As an example of
the extraodinary marching powers of Montrose himself, which
have never been equalled, or anything near it, by any other
general known in the world's history, Wishart informs us, in
his "Life of Montrose/' page 69, that when the Marquis
arrived at Blair-Atholl, and there met Alexander Macdonaldr —
the famous " Alasdair Mac Cholla" of Highland song and story
— and his Irish forces, " Montrose had travelled seventy miles
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on foot, in a Highland dress, accompanied only by his cousin,
x Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, as his guide." Where is there
another instance on record of any general marching seventy
miles on a stretch, even though dressed in the Highland garb.
But Montrose knew where to go and whom to trust, as we
read in Brown's " History of the Highlands," page 336 : — " In
fixing on Atholl as the place of his rendezvous, Montrose is
said to have been actuated by an implicit reliance on the
fidelity and loyalty of the Atholl men, and by a high opinion
of their courage. They lay, besides, under many obligations
to himself, and he calculated that he had onhT to appear among
them to command their services in the cause of their sovereign. '
When Macdonald first got instructions, when he arrived oh
the West Coast, to join Montrose, he marched towards Atholl
through Lochaber, but on coming to Badenoch he was threat-
ened with an attack by the Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland
at the head of their own clans, assisted by the Frasers, Grants,
Rosses, and Munros, and other northern clans, who had
assembled at the top of Drumuachdar ; but Macdonald very
cautiously avoided them, and hastened into Atholl by a round-
about way, by marching from Balachroan, where he was
encamped, eastward, through Glenfeshie, down Glenlochsie and
Glenshee, and then westward, through Strathardle and the back
of Benvrackie, to Blair- Atholl.
On arriving in Atholl, Macdonald was coldly received by
the people of that, as well as the surrounding country, who
doubted whether he had any authoritv from the King ; besides,
they hesitated to place themselves under the command cf :i
person of neither noble nor ancient lineage, and whom they
considered an upstart. This indecision might have proved
fatal to Macdonald, who was closely pressed in the rear bv the
army of Argyll, had not these untoward deliberations been
instantly put an end to by the arrival of Montrose at Blair,
where Macdonald had fixed his headquarters. Montrose's*
appearance was hailed by the Athollmen with every demonstra-
tion of joy, and they immediately made him a spontaneous
offer of their services, and on the following day the Athollmen.
to the number of 800, consisting chiefly of the Stewarts,
Robertsons, and Fergussons, put themselves under arms, and
flocked to the standard of Montrose. Thus, in little moro than
twenty-four hours, Montrose saw himself at the head cf a
force of upwards of 2000 men, animated by an enthusiastic
attachment to his person and to the cause which he had
espoused.
Though the Robertsons of Struan and Atholl joined
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Early History of Strathardle. 343
Montrose, yet the Robertsons of - Strathardle did not, as owing*
to their chieftain, the Baron of Straloch, the most influential
leader in the strath, being a rigid Covenanter, the Strathardle
men on this occasion took the opposite side from the rest of the
Atholl clansmen, which is one of the many proofs we have that
the Highland clansmen did not always blindly follow their
chiefs, regardless of right or wrong, as most Lowland writers
would have us believe. Aye, and not only these Strathardle
Robertsons and their chieftain, the bold Baron Ruadh, but all
the other inhabitants of the strath, both Whig and Tory,
suffered as well, as the whole district was several times burnt
and harried by the armies of both parties All the houses in
the strath were burnt, and amongst them the Baron Ruadh's
new house of Balvarron, which was then only three years built,
as we read in the Robertsons of Straloch," page 24 : — " The
Parliaments of both kingdoms thought it needful to stand for
religion and liberty against the encroachments of Court and
clergy, and the Baron (John VII.) very early appeared on the
Parliamentary side, therefore the Marquis of Montrose, on his
march from the Highlands to Tippermuir, caused burn his
dwelling-house and ruin his tenants." Again we read, at page
45: — "The Barron (John VIII.) resolved not to join Lord
Dundee be the event what it may, but was in great perplexity,
minding that his father's whole bigging was burned by another
Graham (Montrose) in 1644, and knew not but he might
happen to undergo the same."
The Rev. James Robertson (son of Baron John VIII.), the
historian of the Stralochs, though generally very correct, is
mistaken in the time of the burning of Balvarron House, when
he says — " The Marquis of Montrose, on his march from the
Highlands to Tippermuir, caused burn his house and ruin his
tenants;" as all authorities agree that Montrose, accompanied
only by Inch bra kie, travelled by a circuitous route from Tully-
beltane House to Blair- Atholl, where he met Macdonald, and
from where, as soon as the Atholl men joined him early next
morning, he at once started south by Castle Menzies on his
way to Strathearn, as we read in Brown's " History of the
Highlands," page 337: — "The Atholl men, to the number of
800, flocked to the standard of Montrose. Impressed with the
necessity of acting with promptitude, he did not hesitate long
as to the course he should pursue. He might have gone
immediately in pursuit of Argyll, who had followed the army
of Macdonald with slow and cautious steps, and by one of
these sudden movements, which no man knew better how to
execute with advantage, surprised and defeated his adversary :
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but such a plan did accord 'with the designs of Montrose, who
resolved to open the campaign at once in the Lowlands, and
thus give confidence to the friends and supporters of the King.
In pursuance of this determination, he had put his small army
in motion the same day towards Strathearn, in passing through
which he expected to be joined by some of the inhabitants of
that and the adjoining coimtry. At the same time he sent
forward a messenger with a friendly notice to the Menzieses
of his intention to pass through their country, but instead of
taking this in good part, they maltreated his messenger, and
harassed the rear of his army. This unprovoked attack so
exasperated Montrose that he ordered his men, when passing
by Weem Castle, which belonged to the Clan Menzies, to plunder
and lay waste their lands and burn their houses, an order
which was literally obeyed.. Notwithstanding the time spent
in making these reprisals, Montrose passed the Tay the same
evening.
So we see it was impossible that Montrose could *' cause
burn" Balvarron House on his way from Blair to Tippermuir.
If it was burnt at all before that battle, it must have been done
by Macdonald when he was passing through Strathardle on his
way to Blair, which is quite possible, as he burnt and plundered
as he went along, as we read in the " Annals of Perth," page
269: — "In August, 1644, Alex. Macdonald, alias Colcattoch's
son, who came from Ireland with an army against the Marquis
of Argyll, landed with his ships in the Isle of Skye, He went
through the Western Isles, and through Lochaber, untill he
came to i>adenoch, and encamped there on Friday, 22nd
August, at night. Next night he pitched at BaUichroan,
where he rested Saturday and Sunday. He laid waste all the
country round, and burnt and destroyed the standing com, and
carried away the choice young men, and pressed them into his
service. From thence he passed through Glenshee into Atholl.
He joined Montrose at Blair Castle, whom he found dressed in
Highland weed."
Of course we have already seen that Argyll followed Mcc-
donald's army through Glenshee and Strathardle, burning and
plundering also; and though Macdonald spared the lands and
nouses of all the Eoyalist inhabitants who were of his own
party, yet Argyll, having many an Oiu grudge again >t the
Strathardle men, burnt and plundered without mercy fie lands
of both friend and foe alike in Glenshee and Strathardle. I
have already many times had to chronicle the bitter feuds,
raids, and forays that took place between the Campbells and
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Early History of Strathardle. 345
the Strathardle men, so there was no love lost between them;
and as on this occasion Argyll had ample time, having made a
halt in Strathardle, not caring to follow Macdonald into the
heart of the country of his hereditary foes of Atholl, so, instead
of following Mac Coll Kittoch up Glen Brierachan and on o
Blair Castle, Argyll encamped in Strathardle, and spent his
time in burning and laying waste the strath, and in carrying
off all the cattle of the district, and destroying the crops, till
there was nothing left but bare fields and smoking ruins, which
caused this time to be ever afterwards remembered in Strath -
ardle as " The hungry harvest of Argyll."
But as our pithy old proverb says, " Tha latha fhein aig na
h-uile fear" — "Every man has his day;" and this was parti-
cularly true in these old fighting days, when the victorious to-day
were very often the victims to-morrow. This was Argyll's
day, but Montrose's victories soon changed matters, and a day
of reckoning and revenge was at hand, when the men of Strath-
ardle retaliated upon Argyll and his people in a tenfold degree
the miseries he had occasioned them at this time.
Montrose at first intended to winter his army in the Low-
lands, but at the earnest request of the Clan Donald, and the
Atholl and Strathardle men, who had all suffered so much from
the Campbells, he changed his plans, and went into the country
of Argyll instead, where, having divided his army into three
parties, each under the respective orders of himself, Clanranald,
and Alex. Macdonald — Mac Coll Kittoch — they spent six weeks
burning and plundering, and only came away when there was
nothing else left to destroy. On the march from Atholl into
Argyll, through Breadalbane — which they also ravaged and
burnt— Montrose had the Atholl and Strathardle men under
his own command, but, on reaching Argyll, the latter specially
requested to oe allowed to join the party imder Ala stair Mac
Colla, as tney expected to get more freedom under him, »n
which they Were not mistaken, as we are told that liis party
did more damage than the other two put together, which must
have been very great, as we are told in the " B,ed Book of
Clanranald" that the party under Clanranald slew 900 persons,
and Wishart tells us that Montrose spared none that were able
to bear arms, and that he put to death ail the men who were
going to the rendezvous appointed by Argyll.
The destroying career of Alasdair Mac Colla in Argyll is
still kept in remembrance there by the well-known old saying,
" Alasdair Mac Cholla, fear tholladh nan tighean" — " Alexande :
Mac Coll, the man to hole our houses." We are told by "Dr
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Norman Macleod, in the Teachdaire Gaidhealach," that his
name is still used in Argyll as a bogle to frighten naughty
children. Many of our Gaelic bards have sung his praises.
One says : —
" Alasdair a laoigh mo cheille,
Co chunnaic na dh'fhag thu n Eirinn?
Dh' fhag thu na miltean, 's na ceudan,
'S cha d' fhag thu t-aon leithid fhein ann,
Calpa cruinn an.t-siubhail eutrom,
Cas chruinneachadh an t-sluaigh ri cheile;
Cha deanar cogadh as t-eug 'ais,
S cha deanar sith gun do reite;
'S gar am bi na Caimbeulaich reidh riut,
Gu'n robh an High mar tha mi fein duit," etc.
" Alastair, my well beloved,
Whom did you leave behind in Erin ?
You left hundreds, and left thousands,
But not your own equal amongst them ;
With shapely leg, and light-treading foot,
You swiftly gathered in your people;
We make not war without your aid,
Nor peace without your consent;
And though the Campbells do not love you,
Yet the King loves you, as I do myself," etc.
The account given in Brown's " History of the Highlands,
page 357, of this great raid into Argyll is as follows: — "While
Argyll was passing his time in Edinburgh, Montrose, who then
lay in Atholl, was meditating a terrible blow at Argyll himself,
to revenge the cruelties he had exercised upon the Royalists.
Nothing could oe more gratifying to Montrose's followers than
his resolution to carry the war into Argyll's country, as they
would thus have an ample opportunity of retaliating upon him
and his retainers the injuries which, for a course of years, they
had inflicted upon the supporters of royalty in the adjoining
countries, many of whom had been ruined by Argyll. The
determination of Montrose having thus met with a willing
response in tne breasts of his men, he lost no time in putting
them in motion, so, dividing his army into two parts, he him-
self marched with the main body, consisting of the Atholl (and
Strathardle) men and Irish, to Loch Tay, whence he proceeded
through Breadalbane. The other body, composed of Clan
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Donald and other Highlanders, he sent by a different route,
with instructions to meet him at an assigned spot on the borders
of Argyll. The country through which botn divisions passed,
being chiefly m possession of Argyll's kinsmen, was laid waste
by them, particularly the lands of Campbell of Glenorchy.
When Argyll heard of the ravages committed by Montrose's
army on the lands of his kinsmen, he hastened home from
Edinburgh to his castle at Inverary, and gave orders for the
assembling of his clan. He did not expect an invasion from
Montrose at such a season of the year; but while reposing in
fancied security in his impregnable stronghold, some shepherds
arrived in great terror from the hills, and brought the alarming
news that the enemy, whom he imagined were about a hundred
miles distant, were within two miles of his own dwelling.
Terrified at the unexpected appearance of Montrose, whose
vengeance he justly dreaded, he had barely self-possession left
to concert measures for his own personal safety, by taking
refuge on board a fishing boat in Loch Fyne, in which he at
once sought his way to the Lowlands, leaving his people and
country exposed to the merciless will of an enemy thirsting for
revenge. ±he inhabitants of Argyll, being thus basely aban-
doned by their Chief, made no attempt to oppose Montrose,
who, the more effectually to carry his plan for pillaging and
ravaging the country into execution, divided his army into
three parties, each under the respective orders of Clamvmald,
Macdonald, and himself. For upwards of six weeks, viz., from
13th Dec., 1644, till nearly the end of January following, these
different bodies traversed the whole country without molesta-
tion, burning, wasting, and destroying everything which caaie
within their reach; villages and cottages, furniture, grain, and
effects of every description were made a prey to the devouri ag
element of fire. The cattle which they did not succeed in
driving off were either mutilated or slaughtered, and the whole
of Argyll and Lorn soon became a dreary waste. Nor were
the people themselves spared, as the slaughter was immense.
Wishart says that Montrose spared none that were able to bear
arms, and that he put to death all the men who were going to
the rendezvous appointed by Argyll. In fact, before the end of
January, the face of a single male inhabitant was not to be
seen throughout the whole extent of Argyll and Lorn. Having
thus retaliated upon Argyll and his people in a tenfold degree
the miseries which he had occasioned on the adjoining countries,
Montrose left Argyll."
Such is a picture of real life in what is now often called the
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348 Gaelic Society of Inverness*
44 good old" fighting days, in which the man who slew the
greatest number of his foes, or who burnt or carried off the
greatest quantity of plunder from them, was counted the
greatest hero. In proof of this, and in connection with this
period, I may quote the well-known Gaelic proverb, " Is truagn
nach bu cheaird sinn gu leir an diugh" — " Tis a pity we were
not all tinkers to-day" — said by Alastair Mac Cholla, after
having received great help in a fight from an Atholl tinker,
named Stewart, who, after killing a great many of the enemv
and contributing greatly to the victory, after the fight was
over sat apart on a stone, and when Macdonald, who had
noticed his gallant bearing in action, sent for him and ?„sked
who he was, he modestly replied — " I am only a poor man, not
worthy to be named amongst heroes, being only a poor tinker
from Atholl;" upon which the gallant Alasdair at once replied,
in the words of our proverb — " Tis a pity we were not ah
tinkers to-day.' I may, however, here explain that the wo/d
" ceard" did not then, as now, mean a tinker, but a smith or
tradesman, as any Gaelic-speaking man will understand from
our modern word " fear-ceaird," a tradesman.
In connection with the burning of Balvarron House, I think
it is more likely that Montrose burnt it on his way south after
the battle of Auldearn, as we find him then encamped on the
banks of the river Ardle. i\apier, in his " Life of Montrose, ;
says, page 339 : — " A new commander had recently taken the
field in tne south. The Earl of Crawford lay at the Castle of
Newtyle in Angus with a body of men lately raised. These
Montrose resolved to crush at a blow. No sooner therefore had
he shaken off Baillie in the north, than he again issued from
Badenoch, crossed the Grampians, and arrived by forced
marches on the banks of the river Ardle."
Montrose would have assuredly annihilated Lindsays
army, which he was preparing to attack, but an unexpected
occurrence put an end to his design. This was the desertion of
the Gordons and their friends, who almost all returned north
to Strathbogie to protect their lands from Baillie, who was
burning and plundering tnat district. So, instead of reaping the
promised victory, Montrose was constrained to return north-
wards with his scant army, through Glenshee and the Braes of
Mar, to Cromar. '
Montrose again passed through Glenshee and Strathardle
after the battle of Arford, as we read in Wishart, page 218 : —
" After Aboyne had returned home, Montrose marched through
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Early History of Strathardle. 349
Braemar and Glenshee, and so down into Atholl, where he
increased his forces by a new levy."
Every time Montrose or any of his party passed through
Strathardle they burnt and plundered the lands of the Baron
Ruadh, and the other Covenanters, without mercy; and though
they spared the lands of the Fergussons, Rattray s, and others,
who had joined their clansmen of Atholl and gone out with
Montrose, yet their lands did not escape, as the leaders of the
Covenant were just as ready as the Royalists to burn and
plunder when they got the chance, and they three different
times ravaged the lands of the Royalists in Atholl and Strath-
ardle.
When Montrose lay in Cromar after going north from
Strathardle, the Earl of Lindsaj^ passed westwards from Angus.
by Glenisla, Glenshee, and Strathardle, into Atholl, burning all
the country as he went along, as we read in Wishart, page
143: — "In the meantime the Earl of Lindsay took from
Baillies' army a thousand old experienced soldiers. Thus
furnished as if he intended some mighty exploit, he passed
through the Mearns, and returned into Angus, from thence he
ranged through Atholl with his army, and plundered and
burnt all that country, which was the upshot of this great
expedition."
And, again, Baillie, after burning Atholl, marched eastwards
through Strathardle to Kerriemuir, as we find in Spalding's
" Troubles in Scotland," page 492 : — " Upon Sunday, 3rd May,
1645, Baillie goes into Atholl and burns and destroys that
pleasant land, for the loyalty of the inhabitants to their
sovereign, comes to the Castle of Blair, an impregnable strength,
but he could not get tnis house taken, and after burning of the
country he plundered horse, nolt, and sheep, with the haill
goods thereof for entertaining of his army. Syne marches frae
Atholl in through the fields to Kerriemuir," etc.
Altogether, the good folks of Strathardle and Glenshee,
both Whig and Tory, must have had rather a lively time of it
during the wars of Montrose, as we find the district so often
traversed by the armies of both parties, who seem to have
vied with each other in the zeal with which they burned and
plundered, and I think it is very appropriate indeed that here
v— at Rattray — in the lower part of Strathardle, the last act in
the gieat drama of the brilliant campaign of the gallant Mon-
trose should take place, when, sorely against his will, and after
repeated remonstrances, he at last very reluctantly, by the
King's express and often repeated orders, disbanded his gallant
army, which, though only composed of rude Irish and simple
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Highland clansmen — men without any special training, drill,
or experience as regular soldiers, except what came natural to
every Highlander — yet performed some of the most extra-
ordinary marches, the most brilliant military manoeuvres, and
secured more victories in a shorter period than has ever been
known during the world's history.
Wishart tells us : — " Preparatory to disbanding Ins army,
Montrose appointed it to rendezvous at Rattray, at which
place, on the thirtieth day of July, he discharged his men, after
addressing a feeling and animated oration to them, in which he
gave them due praise for their faithful services and good
behaviour, and told them his orders from the King, and wade
them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to the whole army
than to himself. Their sorrow was likewise considerably aug-
mented by the thoughts of being separated from their brave and
successful general, and falling down upon their #knees, with
tears in their eyes, they obtested him that, seeing the
King's safety and interest required x^6 immediate departure
from the kingdom, he would take them along with him to
whatever corner of the world he would retire, professing their
readiness to live, to fight, nay, if it so pleased God, even to die
under his command. And not a few of them privately deter-
mined, though at the evident risk of their lives and fortunes,
to follow him without his knowledge, and even against his
inclination, and to offer him their sevices in a foreign land,
which they could no longer afford h.m in their own distressed
native country."
Such is the account of the affecting farewell, which took
place in lower Strathardle, oetween Montrose and the few
remaining brave and adventurous men who had shared with
him all the dangers and viscissitudes of the battlefield.
And so ends tye stirring time of the wars of Montrose, in
which, as we have already seen, Strathardle was six different
times over-run, burnt, and harried — three times by each party
—so that the district must have been in a sad state, and the
poor people must have suffered great loss and hardships.
In connection with the burning of Balvarran House at this
time, I may mention that when the late Patrick Small Kier of
Kindrogan acquired the estate of Balvarran, I, as a small boy,
accompanied my father, who went to superintend some workmen
in planting some young trees near the mansion, when, in
digging a pit for a tree, a cannon ball was dug up, which is
still preserved in Kindrogan House, and which, no doubt, is
a relic of the time when Montrose " caused burn the haill
togging."
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Eatly History of Strathardie.
351
1646. — We have already seen that, in 1537, King James V.
gave a charter of confirmation to Robert, the fifth Lord Max-
well, of the superiority of his lands in Strathardie, and we now
find that Robert, the ninth lord, who had been created Earl of
Nithsdale in 1620, was forfeited and sequestered for his loyalty
to the King, when he, of course, lost his Strathardie lands along
with his others; but Nithsdale's kinsman, Patrick Maxwell of
Newark, who held these lands from the Earl, now successfully
applied to Parliament for the superiority of these lands, as we
find in the Acts of the Scots Parliament, vol. vi., page 557 : —
" The Estates of Parliament, having heard and considered the
supplication of Patrick Maxwell of Newark, desyring that the
Estates would give and dispone to him the right of superiorite
of the Lands of Strathardill lyand within the sheriffdom of
Perth, halden by him, of the late Earl of Nithsdale, with all
the right of the same lands, competent to the estates by the
forfaltor of the Earl of * Nithsdale, etc. The said Estates gives,
grants and dispones to the said Patrick Maxwell of Newark the
right of superioritie of his said Landis of Strathardill, with all
the right theirof, to be halden by him of the King's Majestie
sicklyke, and also freilie in all respects as the late Earl of
Nithsdale held the same, etc. '
1649. — We have, preserved in the Acts of the Scots Parlia-
ment of this year, one of the most valuable and interesting
records connected with this period of Perthshire history, and
which, of course, is authentic, viz., " The Rentall of the County
of Perth, by Act of the Estates of Parliament of Scotland, 4th
August, 1649": —
RENTALL OF THE COUNTY OF PERTH.
By Act of the Estates of Parliament, 4th August, 1649.
PARISH OF KIRKMICHAEL.
William Spalding of Ashintullie for his lands in the
parish -..
John Robertson for Easter Straloch
Laird of Kirkmichael
Andrew Rattray for his lands
Alexander Rattray for Dalrulzian
William Spalding for Runavpy
Robert M'Kintosh foi his lands
John M'Kintosh for Fairneazaird
Andrew Leslie for Mornloch (now Whitefield)
Jean Herring for her lands
£f»40
240
300
80
100
70
90
90
80
80
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
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352 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
James Robertson for his part Cultalonies ...
John Cutts <fe his Goode Sister for their part yreof
John Robertson for Lenoehraore
Robert Flemynge for his part B.nzean
Duncan M'Kenzie for his part yreof
John Rattray for Boirlands ...
John Stewart for his half of Dalvouzie
The said John Stewart for Cuithill...
John Spalding for one quarter <»f Inneredrie
Richard M'Kiutosh for part Cambus & quarter
Inneredrie
David Farquh-irson for Broichdarge
John Robertsou for Bleatone
John Rattray for Mylne of Eunoch...
John Robertson for half of Wester Eunoch
John Murray for Balnabriche ... ....
John Dowlich for his part Balmyle and Merkland...
John Stewart for his half Balmyle ...
John Easson for his half yreof
John Robertson for Stronymuick & oyr lands
John Stewart for Easter Bannateym
Janet Robertson for her part Balmacrochie
Patrick Fergussone for his part yreof
John Mustaid for his part yreof
John Brae for his part yreof
The said John Brae for Dalnabroick
John M'Kenzie for his part of Dalnabroick
Fergus Shaw for his half yreof
Alexander Bruce for hi« lands and Mylne of Pit-
carmick... ... ... ■
John Bruce for Wester Pi tcarmick..
John Bruce for Tomnamone
George Small for Dalreoch ...
John Eviot for his part Wester Innerchroskie
Alex. Spalding for his part yreof ...
John Red-Go w for his part yreof
Robert Fleming for his part Innerchroskie...
Andrew Spalding for his part yreof.
Lachlan M'Keich for his part yreof.
Patrick Robertson for Glengennett & oyres
I^itrick M*Kinto8h for Camuies
Alex. Mackenzie for Taine ...
Annaple Murray for Solzearie
70
0
0
16
0
0
25
0
0
25
0
0
15
0
0
66
13
0
20
0
0
.30
0
4
12
0
0
35
0
0
70
0
0
130
0
0
60
0
0
40
0
0
60
0
0
33
6
8
15
0
9
30
0
0
110
0
0
24
0
0
36
0
0
24
0
0
4
0
0
8
0
0
45
0
0
20
0
0
20
0
0
66
13
4
66
12
4
16
13
4
50
0
0
30
0
0
30
0
0
30
0
0
45
0
0
25
0
0
25
0
0
210
0
0
36
0
0
40
0
0
60
0
0
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Early History of Strathatdle.
353
Earl <f Atholl for his Few-dewties ...
Earl of Airlie for his Teynd-dewties
Laird of Teyllin for his Few-dewties
150 0 0
160 0 0
260 0 0
£4015 0 0
PARISH OF MULZOING (MOULIN).
Dougall Stewart for Stragarrich
Alex. M'Klachlan for his wadsett of Do. . . .
Alex. Stewart fer Orqwhillbeg
John Stewart of Orrard for Orqwhill
Robert Robertson and his mother lyf renter for
Fascallie
Duncan Robertson for Auchleeks & Belligowan
Donald Robertson for Balnaeraig «fc Glenbirachane
John Robertson for Lettoch ...
Robert Fergussone for Pitfourie
Fergus Fergussone for Balledmint ...
Margorie Stewart for her lyfe-rent of the half of
Kinnaird
John Robertson for Crof tmichaoch ...
Archibald Buttar for Pitlochrie, with the Mylne
John Murray of Balnabroiche for his wadsett of
Tombuy, Fandoch & Dalnagardine
John Robertson fiar of Gilliehangie for Drumqubar
Thomas Buttar for Killiemulzean ...
David Murray for Croftinloane
John Stewart for his wadsett of Lannoch ...
David Rattray for his wadsett of Edradour
James Stewart for Wester CI unie ...
John Cunnisone for his wadsett of Ardgie . . .
John Robertson for Easter Straloch
Andrew Small for Dirnean ...
Alex. Robertson for Wester Straloch
Janet Robertson for her wadsett of Drumchorrie
The half thereof belongs to the Earl of Atholl
& is possest by him.
Alex. M'Coull for Easter Kindrogan
Alex. Fergussone for Bellizulein
John Stewart for Balnakell ...
Christian Robertson for her lyfe-rent of lands of
Kinnaird ... ... ... :..
Earl of Atholl for his Few-dewties in this parish . . .
£53 6 8
53 6 8
166 13 4
290 0 0
445 0
66 13
100 0
76 0
66 13
133 6
53 0 0
22 0 0
133 6 8
66 13 4
J8 0 0
46 13 4
63 6 8
53 6 8
312 0 0
26 13
45 0
178 0
89 0
166 13
53 6
4
0
0
0
4
8
53 6 8
90 .0 0
374 0 0
53 0 0
37 4 4
23
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354
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mungo Murray the Earl's Brother for lands of
Pittarich 80 0 0
Laird of Balkjchin for his Few-dewties in this parish 37 4 4
My Lord Dumferling for his Few-dewties of Balna-
kellie 8 0
John Monurieff for his wadsett of Ballindrone ... 86 6
John Rorie for bis wadsett of Ballinlosane 50 0
John Henderson for Tombarrie 24 0
Donald Low for Croft M'Kinshank 45 0
Christian Robertson for her lfye-rent of Easter
Clunie '...
PARISH OF BENDOCHY.
Andrew Herring of Monkscallie
David Herring for Monkscallie . .
Sylvester Rattray for Nether Persie
Lawrence Blair for Wester Drimniie
Colin Campbell for Over Persie
58 13 4
£3917 11 0
£101 16 4
101 16 4
150 0 0
476 13 4
150 0 0
PARISH OF BLAIRGOWRIE.
Robert Fergussone, Alex. Stewart, & John Robertson
for Easter, Wester, & Middle Buttarstailles ... £90 0 0
Robert Fergussone for his quarter of Blackcraigs .. . 18 0 0
1651. — At this time Francis Piersone was parish minister
of Kirkmichael. He joined the Protesters in this year, and
united with them in forming a separate Presbytery; so also
did the Rev. Robert Campbell of Moulin.
1653. — Ecclesiastical affairs were in a very disturbed state
now all over the country. The General Assembly met in July
in Edinburgh, but Cromwell's soldiers surrounded the Assembly
House, and Colonel Cotterel entering, told the assembled clergy
that he had orders to dissolve them, and that unless they all
followed him he would drag them out; so he marched them a
mile out \>f town, and forbade them ever to meet again above
three in number.
Strathardle, as usual, had a full share of the disturbance, as
Cromwell stationed a large force of his English soldiers at
Kirkmichael, who would not allow Mr Piersone to preach, and
who had many bloody skirmishes with tne natives. We are
told in the Fasti Eccl. Scot. : — " There was no sermon in Kirk-
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Eaily History of Strathard/e. 355
michael from 18th Dec. 1653 to, 1st January 1654, in regard of
the armies; and no sermon or collection on 8th January 1654,
in regaird that in the midst of the sermone, the haill people
were raised, because that some countrymen and sojers had
fallen in blood/' The cause of this Sunday skirmish was that
the officer in command of the English soldiers at Kirkmichael
tried to carry off the bonniest young lassie in the strath, a
daughter of the then tenant of the Davan farm. The English-
man had met her before, and tried to make love to her, but
she would have nothing to do with him, so on this Sunday,
happening to see her father and several grown-up brothers
going to kirk, he thought it a good chance to carry her off, so
calling several of his men, he mounted his horse and set off
for the Davan. They found her milking the cows, and seizing
her, they tried to lift her on the horse in front of their leader;
but she struggled desperately, and her screams soon brought
her youngest brother, who was only a mere stripling, and some
other young lads, who had been herding cattle, to assistance.
These lads, having no arms, were of course no match for
Cromwell's grim Ironsides, but they were brave and fearless,
and they at once took to the natural weapons, of all boys, and
began pelting the Englishmen with stones, and so true was their
aim, and so nimble and active their movements, that the
soldiers, who were only armed with swords, were forced to
retreat. As the commander was struggling with the girl, her
brother slipped up close in front, and striking the horse in the
forehead with a stone, smashed its skull, and it fell dead. As
the officer rolled over, his sword fell from his grasp, and before
he could get disentangled, the boy seized the sword and slew
him with one blow. The men at once fled, followed by the
boys, who were soon joined by their neignoours as they went
along by Kindrogan, and one by one the soldiers were over-
taken and slain, so that only one of them reached the camp at
Kirkmichael, where he at once gave the alarm, and his com-
rades turned out and slew several of the pursuers; but the
boys soon alarmed the worshippers in Kirkmichael Kirk, who
poured out, and as there was a large congregation, and every
man went fully armed then, and could use his weapons well,
the fighting became desperate, and manv were slain on both
sides around Kirkmichael Kirk, and, as we are so quaintly told
in the " Fasti," There was no collection in the kirk that
Sunday."
That night the Davan men buried the body of the English
officer, in the very deep round hollow in the centre of the field
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356 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
east from the Davan farm-house, which hollow is still called to
this day, " Lag an t' Sassunnich" — the Englishman's hollow ;
and I well remember, when a very small boy, hearing the
harvesters, when cutting the corn in that hollow, tell the story
of the Englishman who slept his long last sleep there, and ?t
was always believed the corn grew greener and ranker above
his grave. Next day the whole English force came to the
Davan to carry away their commander's body for interment in
Kirkmichael kirkyard, but so retired was this hollow, then in
the midst of a thick wood, that they did not find the grave,
and the good folks of the Davan did not wait to enlighten them,
as they took to the hills, with all their cattle, on their approach.
So, after burning all the houses, they returned to camp, leaving
their commander to his quiet rest in " Lag an t' Sassunnich."
1662. — Our reverend frieuds, Francis Piersone, minister of
Kirkmichael, and Robert Campbell of Moulin, were again in
trouble with the Government, and were deprived, by the Acts
of Parliament of June 11th, and of the Privy Council of
October 1st, 1662 ; and were accused in December of " still
labouring to keep the hearts of the people from the present
Government of "Church and State." Piersone was summoned
again next year before the Privy Council, for disregarding the
Act of Glasgow, but conformed, and was allowed to preach
again.
1663. — In July of this year the young Baron Ruadh, John
VIII., married Magdalene Farquharson, youngest daughter of
Robert Farquharson- of Invercauld, at Wardhouse in the
Garioch, where that chief then lived. There were great rejoic-
ings at the wedding, both in Braemar and in Strathardle, on
their return, and as the bridegroom's father was still alive, and
living at Balvarran House, the young couple took up their
abode in Glenfernate, at Dalcharnich. The bride, as was usual
on such occasions, was accompanied by some of her own clans-
men, who settled in Glenfernate and Straloch, and who were
the ancestors of the well-known Farquharsons of that district,
who came of the family of Inverey. We read in the " Legends
of the Braes o' Mar" that when Finlay Farquharson, the last
laird of Inverey, was travelling, about the middle of last
century, from Braemar to Edinburgh, with his son Benjamin,
for his education, they lodged the first night with their friends,
the Farquharsons of Straloch.
Invercauld's daughter proved a most suitable and worthy
wife for the Baron, as we are told in the history of the family :
— " She was an excellent woman, endued with a great measure
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Early History of Strathardle. 357
of wisdom, piety, and prudence beyond many, which after-
wards, under God, proved to be a great advantage to him and
his family. She did within the compass of thirteen years
bring forth five sons and as many daughters." And it was
certainly a lady of wisdom and prudence that was required at
the head of affairs then, as the fortunes of the family were at
a very low ebb, owing to the very heavy fines imposed by
Charles II. and his drunken Parliament upon all the families
who had opposed his father, and of which the Baron got a full
share, as we read in the family history : — " Hence it was that
this drunken Parliament laid on exorbitant fines on all the
families of any note in Scotland, except such as were members
of that obsequious Parliament. When these fines came to be
distributed amongst the favourites, the late Marquis of Atholl
got the lines laid on his own vassals, and the Baron Reid of
Straloch was forced to compound with him for a good sum of
money. The Marquis also intended a process of improbation
and reduction against him upon pretence of non-entries, defi-
ciencies in payment of feu-duties, etc., and on these and other
such like pretences, exacted another round sum of him."
The first of these fines imposed upon the Baron amounted to
£1000, a very large sum in those days, as I find from the
"Acts of Scots Parliament," Vol. viii., page 426: — "Alex.
Robertson of Easter Straloch, and Alex. Robertson of Dounie,
did what in them lay to betray the King and Kingdom in the
hands of the enemy, and did assist the murderer in his usurp-
tion of the Royal Throne; and have thereby become obnoxious
to the law and rendered themselves lyable to the pains of
Treason, and other hie pains. Yet' his Majesty being desirous
if it were possible to reclaim the worst of his subjects to their
duty by Acts of mercy and grace hath therefore resolved to
grant ane general Act of idemnity pardon and oblivion. But,
considering that by these troubles and rebellious courses many
of his good subjects have been under great suffering and lyable
to great loss for their affection and loyaltie to His Majesty, for
in order to their reparation His Majesty hath thought fit to
burden his Pardon and Idemnitv to some (whose guiltiness hath
rendered them obnoxious to the law, and their lives and for-
tunes at His Majesties disposal) with the payment of some
small sums; and in so far to except them from the benefit of
His Majesties pardon. And therefore the King's Majesty with
consent and advice of his Parliament hath thought fit, and
accordingly doth hereby declare that, the persons after men-
tioned each of them are exempted from His Majesties Pardon
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358 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and Idemnity, in so far as may concearn the payment of the
sums underwritten: — Alexander Robertson of Easter Straloch,
£1000 ; Alexander Robertson of Dounie, £600."
We have already seen that the Baron's estate of Easter
Straloch (or Balvarran) was then only valued at £240 a year,
so that a fine of £1000 was over four years' whole rental —
rather a stiff fine for taking the opposition side in the politics of
the day ; so that it required all the business abilities and good
management of his worthy wife to keep up the dignity of the
family.
Besides being such an excellent housekeeper, this lady was
also a person of eminent and exemplary piety, and, like Joseph
of old, she was " a dreamer of dreams," so much so indeed that,
as many of her well-known dreams had actually come to pass
years after, she came to be regarded in Strathardle as a regular
prophetess; and in my boyish days many quaint old stories
still lingered in the district about the wonderful dreams of "' A
Bhantighearna Mharranach" — %i The Mar Lady" — as she was
always called.
Of these dreams, her son, the Rev. James Robertson,
minister of Glengairn, has fortunately preserved a few in his
history of the family, where he says : — *' I confess that dreams
are commonly little to be regarded, as being mostly the effects
of rovings of the imagnation or fancy while the other powers
are asleep ; yet it cannot be denied that the Lord did frequently
of old — and sometimes of late — reveal his will to his people
by dreams. I confess that things of this nature are not to be
laid stress on till the event prove the truth of them ; yet some
things are extraordinary, and . had not mentioned the follow-
ing passages if I had not been confident of the truth of them,
as being one of those to whom she made them known immedi-
ately after the*7 happened.
"In the summer 1681, she was visited with so much sore
and dangerous sickness that Dr Kinloch, her physician, gave
her up for lost, telling her husband that it was to no purpose
any more trouble with men of his trade — but rather to provide
for her funeral. She likewise had the same sentence of death
within herself; but on that same night she was refreshed with
some sleep, and dreamed that a reverend discreet man, who
had often appeared to her before in her sleep, came to her and
asked how she did. She answered — ' As it was, she was very
ill and brought very low/ To which he answered — ' It is very
true, and you and your friends think you are dying; but yet,
I tell you, that you may yet live for fourteen years more ; but
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when your old disease returns prepare yourself/ She replied —
' How shall I know V He answered — ' You'll know by this
token, viz., that little Katie (meaning her sister-in-law) will
die within six months after her brother Sandy.' Both of them
were alive an d in health at the time, and yet it is a matter of
fact that Alexander within one-half year fell sick and died;
and she observed to her friends that the first part of her dream
had come to pass. ' Let us wait for the second part of it,'
said she. She did not wish for Katie's death (a beautiful
sweet lassie), but yet she could not help her thoughts of her
approaching death, and so it fell out that soon after Alexander,
her brother-in-law's death, Katherine fell ill of a disease, of
which she died within nine months after; and it is true — the
lady lived full fourteen years after, to June 1695. In March
that year, after my return from St Andrews, I found her tied
to her bed, as she had been for many years before, and there-
fore I did not look for any sudden change, but she said to me —
' Jemmie, I'll tell you news ; my warfare, glory to my God, will
be shortly at an end; before the middle of June next, I shall
be with Christ.' ' That will be your advantage, dear mother,
said I, ' but our great loss. But how know you that V con-
tinued I. She answered — ' You remember the dream I often
told you about, wherein it was revealed to me that I might live
fourteen years yet, but that when my old disease is returned
again to prepare myself. The fourteen years are out in June
next, and my old disease has returned, and God therefore warns
me to prepare:' It fell out accordingly, for she died in June
1695.
"About the beginning of Nov. 1685, some more than half-
a-year after King James VII. had mounted the throne, she
was very much concearned about the state of religion, and the
fear of a growth of Popery under a Popish King. But one
night she dreamed that Mr Francis Pierson, minister of the
parish, and she, were standing together behind Balvarran
House. That looking south-westward, they observed in the- air
a glorious star, very beautiful to behold, and while the minister
and she were delighted with the sight of it, to their surprize a
cloud came and almost covered it from their sight; only the
light and beams of it shone round the cloud. After the first
cloud succeeded a second, and after that a third; and then, as
she thought, the clouds blew all away, and the star approached
nearer to them, and appeared a glorious lamp in a golden
candlestick. This would have been a remarkable dream, and
■easily understood of itself, but all the more so that it carried
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its interpretation along with it; for the dream yet went on;
and she thought she spoke to the minister, and said to him —
' Mr Francis, this is a vision we have seen ; that star you have
seen is the light of the Gospel and the cloud you saw is Popery,
which will darken the Gospel light for some time in Scotland.
The three clouds are three years wherein Popery will prevail;
but as you observed that after the three clouds were over, the
star came nearer to us than before, and shined more brightly —
that signifies that after the three years are over, the light of
the Gospel is to shine more brightly in Scotland than it has
done for many years backward ; never more to be overshadowed
by the cloud of Popery/
*' This remarkable dream she told us on the morrow after
she had it; and after many steps had been taken to introduce
Popery again, I said to her, ' What is become of your dream
now?' She answered with some vehemency — ' Will you have
some patience, and wait until the three years be past, and after
that crop my ears if King James be not either dead or
" I shall of many others but mention one passage more.
In July, 1689, the countrv were mightily frightened with
tidings that the "Viscount of .Dundee had raised a mighty army
among the Highland clans to dethrone King William, and
restore King James, and was on his march through Badenoch
to invade Atholl, and was to burn and destroy all before him
that would not join his army and take part with him. But the
terror was increased when her husband had a letter from
Dundee commanding him to be ready with all his fencible men
in their best clothes and arms to join King James' forces at
at Blair Castle on the 26th of July, under the pains of military,
execution. The Baron and his friends and neighbours were in
consternation, not knowing how to behave. He resolved not
to join Dundee, be the event what it may, but was in great
perplexity, minding that his father's whole bigging was burned
by .another Graham (Montrose) in 1644, and knew not but he
might happen to underga the same fate. While in this vexa-
tion, she that very night dreamed that she was standing on the
green west of her dwelling-house at Balvarran, and observed
a terrible fiery dragon flying towards her from the west; and
that balls of fire flew from him round about; and that some of
them fell at her feet. At which being extremely terrified, she
thought that her old friend, the reverend, grave man, stood by
her side and said to her — 'You seem to be frightened at the
sight of the fiery dragon; but look yonder and see a chain at
his foot." 'Tis true, this dream did not carry its interpretation
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Early History of Strathardle. 361
with it as the last did, yet she understood it to signify Dundee
with his barbarous army, and was at little more fear about him,
but told us on the morrow that he would be suffered to do
but little more harm, and none to her ; that there was a chain
at his foot; and so it happened, for within a few days after,
Ihindee was slain in the Battle of Killiecrankie, and his army
was soon after disbanded, and she and her family got no harm.
There was a chain at the dragon's foot, and a kind and power-
ful Providence did hold the other end of it."
Dundee seems to have, by his bravery and ability, terrified
all his opponents — whether as the " Iain Dubh nan Cath"
(Black John of the Battles) of the Highlands, the " Bonnie
Dundee" of the Lowlands, or the " Bloody Clavers" of Galloway
— and several instances are on record of his death being fore-
told before Killiecrankie, one of which I may give here, as I
often heard of it from old people in the district where it
occurred, the bonnie parish of Anwoth, in Galloway, rendered
classic by its connection with its saintly minister, the Rev.
Samuel Rutherford, who many, many years after he had been
driven out of it in the Covenanting times, and on his death
bed, sang so sweetly of it : —
" Fair Anwoth on the Solway,
To me thou'rt ever dear,
Even on the verge of heaven,
For thee I drop a tear."
I may add that I have since come across versions of the story
in '* Woodrow's Analecta," vol. iii., p. 57; vol. v., p. 224.
" A kind of prescience in a Scotch clergyman, Mr Michael
Bruce, minister of Anwoth, in Kirkcudbrightshire, in 1689,
very nearly approaching the second sight, is described thus: —
On the day of the Battle of Killiecrankie, he preached m
Anwoth, and the preface before his prayer, according to his
usual mode of expressing himself, he began to this purpose : —
' Some of you will say, What news minister 1 What news
about Clavers, who has done so much mischief in this country?
That man set up to be a young Montrose, but as the Lord
liveth he shall be cut short this day. Be not afraid/ added he ;
' I see them scattered and flying, and as the Lord liveth, and
sends this message by me, Claverhouse shall no longer be a
terror to God's people — this day I see him killed — lying a
corpse/ That very day, about the same time, he was actuallv
killed."
Now as Claverhouse had persecuted the Anwoth people
very much, and as several of the parishioners had lately
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suffered martyrdom, being shot in cold blood on their hills,
and lay Duried at the end of the church, it may be imagined
what hold this announcement took on their minds, especially
after they heard that the prophecy was literally fulfilled, and
that Dundee had fallen that day at Killiecrankie.
1665. — At this time, David Spalding, only brother to the
Laird of Ashintully, married Margaret, daughter of Baron
John VII. of Straloch, and bought the estates of Whitehouse
and Morcloich, or Whitefield Castle, from Ashintully. On his
death, he left the latter estate to his eldest son, Charles, and the
former to his second son, David.
1668. — John Fergusson of Dounie was served heir to his
father, Robert, as we read in the '* Records of the Clan
Fersrusson," page 46 : — " The portion of the barony of Downy
in Strathardle consisted of the lands of Over Downie, Middle
Downie, Borland, Edmarnothy, Cuttalonie, Stronna-muic, part
of Pitbrane, and of Glengennett (now Glen Derby). The
remainder of the barony was in Glenshee, and comprised Fin-
negand, Inveredrie, Bynan Mor, Bynan Beg, Redorach, Kerrow,
Cuthill, Dalmonzie, and part of Glenbeg, all of which then
belonged to the Clan Fergusson.
1669. — The lands of Dalnagairn, beside Kirkmichael, at this
time belonged to the Earl of Atholl, and as that nobleman was
very anxious to extend his influence in Strathardle, we find him
applying for and obtaining a special Act of Parliament for
holding a yearly free fair on Dalnagairn. This Act is pre-
served in the Scots Acts of Parliament, vol. vii., page 570 : —
" Act in favour of John, Earl of Atholl, for a yeerhe fair
at Dalgarnes.
26. The Kings Maiestie and Estates of Parliament, Taking
into their consideration that the toun and lands of Dalgarnes
within the Barronie of Dounie, and Sheriffdome of Perth, per-
teaning hehetablie to Johne Earle of Atholl, is a place far
distant from any burgh or mercat toun, and most conveinent
and commodious for the ease and benefite of his Maiesties leidges
for buying and selling of bestiall and other commodities if it had
the liberty of a yeerlie fair to be keepit thereat. Thairfor the
King's Maiestie with advice and consent of his Estates of Pari.
Doe heirby Give and Grant to the said Earl of Atholl, his airs
and successors, ane yeerlie frie fair to be holden and keepit at
Dalgarnes upon the tuenty-nynt day of September yeerly in all
tyme coming for buying and selling of horse, nolt, sheip, meill,
malt, oats and all sort of grain ; cloath, linen, and woollen, and
all sort of merchant comodities, with power to the said Earle
and his forsaids, or such as they shall appoint, To collect intro-
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Early History of Strathardle. 363
met with and uptake the tolls, customs,, and duties belonging
to the said fair; And to enjoy all other freedoms, liberties, privi-
lidges, and immunities siclyk and als freely as any other has
done or may doe in the lyk cace."
1672. — The Earl of Atholl acquired the Fergusson lands in
the Barony of Dounie and Glenshee at this time, as we read in
the "Clan Ferguson Kecords, page 46: — "From a charter,
confirmed by Parliament in 1672, the lands of Downy appear
among the Atholl estates, as having been acquired upon the
resignation of John Fergusson of Downy."
This Act, which I find recorded in the " Scots Acts," vol.
viii., page 103, also includes some other Strathardle lands theri
held by Atholl : — " In lyke manner the toune and lands of
Wester Callies — the toun and }ands of Blackecraige and croft
thereof with the mylne and mylnelands — the lands of Black-
ghines and Drum frog — All and haill the lands of Bleaton Halyt,
with tennants, tennandries, service of free tenants, pairts and
pendicles thereof — And sicklyke all and haill the lands and
barronie of Downy, viz. — Over Downie, Middle Downie, Bor-
land, Ednarnachtie, Cuttalonie, Stronamuck, ffenzie (Finnegand)
and Inneredrie with the mylne, Bennanmore, Bennanbeg, Rand-
anoyak, Kerrache, Cuthill, Ballinbeg, Dalmuge, with the pairts
of Pitbrane, Glengaisnett, and Glenbeg with the pertinents of
the same whatever."
It will be noticed that the spelling of Finnegand in this Act
is contracted to " ffenzie," clearly a clerical error, as in. all Fer-
gusson charters, when it belonged to them, it is spelt
" Fanzeand," in Gaelic " Feith-nan-ceann" — the ravine or bog
of the heads — and Dr Marshall, in his " Historic Scenes in
Perthshire," tells us how it got that name, as follows : — " A
race of the name of Campbell were once lords superior of Glen-
shee, and did indeed lord it over their less powerful neighbours,
as well as their own immediate retainers. It is said that they
made the circuit of the glen once a year for the purpose of
exacting tribute. Bells were attached to the heads of the
horses, that when the tinkling was heard the oppressed people
might bring out the exactions demanded of them, without any
trouble to the receivers. By and by the spirit of the spoiled
was roused to resistance and retaliation ; and so the legend goes,
that James Stewart of Drumforkit, with twelve gallant fellows,
instead of bringing out their tribute, made a fierce onslaught on
the Campbells, and, after getting the mastery of them, cut off
their heads, and rolled them into a burn or boggy place, thence-
forth named Feith-nan-Ceann."
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This Campbell oppression of Glenshee was the work of that
mischief-maker, Campbell of Persie, who got the lower part of
Glenshee from his father, Donald Campbell, last Abbot of
Cupar Abbey, and youngest son of Archibald, second Earl of
Argyll, and of whom I have already had to tell so often of the
many evils he brought on Strathardle, Glnshee, and Glenisla;
and here, as usual, he was backed up by his cousin, Argyll, and
his old allies, Breadalbane and Glenlyon, till this skirmish put
an effectual stop to their gathering of tribute in Glenshee.
In connection with this tradition, I may add that I always
heard that the .Glenshee men removed the tinkling bells from
the horses, and attached them to the heads of the Campbells
before they rolled them down the hill into the bog, and they
vied with each other who could send the rolling head and tink-
ling bell the furthest, and such sweet music did this prove to
old Drumforkit, that he turned to his piper and said — " Cha 'n
'eil ceol cho binn 'ri sin na d' phiob" — " There is not such sweet
music as that in your pipe." The old piper at once thought he
would try and see, and blew up his pipe, and as he well knew
the grand old Atholl piobroch, " Cluig Pheirt"—" The Bells of
Perth" — which was composed long before by the Earl of Atholl's
piper, on the occasion of his marching north with his Lordship
from Perth to Atholl, and hearing the mellow tones of Perth
bells, on a quiet summer evening, miles away up near Dunkeld ;
so the Glenshee piper composed a new version of this old tune,
the words beginning: —
" Cluig Pheirt,
'S cluig Pharsaidh,
'S cluig Mhic Chailein Mhoir."
" The bells of Perth,
And the bells of Persie,
And the bells of Mac Cailein Mor."
Mac Cailein Mor, of course, is the Gaelic patronymic of the
Argylls.
1678. — In this year the Earl of Atholl, and all the fighting
men of Atholl and Strathardle, under their respective chiefs,
both Royalist and Covenanting, formed part of the Highland
Host, which was sent by the Government to overawe and to
burn arid plunder the Covenanters of the south-west of Scot-
land. In Browne's " History of the Highlands," page 335, we
read : — " The Highlanders did not concern themselves with
these theological disputes, and they did not hesitate when their
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Early History of Strathardle. 365
chiefs, at the call of the Government, required their services to
march to the Lowlands to suppress the disturbances in the
western counties- Accordingly, an army of about 8000 men,
known in Scottish history as the ' Highland Host/ descended
from the mountains, under the command of their respective
chiefs, and encamped at Stirling on the 24th of June, 1678,
whence they spread themselves over Clydesdale, Renfrew,
Cunningham, Kyle and Carrick, and overawed the Whigs so
effectually that they did not attempt to oppose the Government
during the stay of these hardy mountaineers among them.
According to Wodrow and J^irkton, the Highlanders were
guilty of great oppression and cruelty, but they kept their
hands free from blood, as it has been correctly stated that not
one Whig lost ins life during the invasion of these Highland
crusaders. After remaining about eight months in the Low-
lands, the Highlanders were sent home, the Government having
no further occasion for their services, but before their departure
they took care to carry along with them a large quantity of
plunder they had collected during their stay/'
Kirkton also tells us, page 390: — "But when this goodly
army retreated homeward, you would have thought by the.r
baggage they had been at the sack of a beseiged city; and,
therefore, when they passed Stirling bridge, every man drew his
sword to show the world they had returned conquerors from
their enemies' land; but they might as well have shown the
pots, pans, gridles, shoes taken off countrymen's feet, and other
bodily and household furniture with which they were burdened ;
and among all none purchased so well as the Earl of Strath-
more, who sent home the money, not in purses, but in bags,
and great quantities."
In reading the accounts of the Lowland historians of this
period in regard to the Highland Host, it is difficult to say
which of them write most bitterly against the Highlanders.
Perhaps they have reason. Granted that some of them even
did go to extremes, even then they only obeyed their
Sovereign's commands, and acted up to the orders their chiefs
gave them, and to .the purpose for which they were sent there.
But it is very gratifying to find that here, as usual, the Atholl
and Strathardle men showed themselves superior to their neigh-
bours, in not being common plunderers, lifting all before them
from the country people, even though they were sent there for
that purpose. My proof of this comes from a very unlikely,
but most reliable, source, Woodrow's "History of the Kirk of
Scotland," in which we read, as quoted in General Stewart of
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Garth's "Highlanders," Vol. II., Appendix XXXJX:— "Even
in the seventeenth century less atrocity was shown by the
Highlanders than has been exhibited by enlightened nations of
modern times, when living at free quarters in an enemy's
country. Spain, Portugal, Germany, Russia, Italy, and Egypt
have ample reason to remember the murders and conflagrations
and spoliation of the armies of France. The following state-
ments show the manner in which the Highlanders comported
themselves when ordered from their mountains for the special
purpose of keeping down the Republican spirit in the south-
west of Scotland, and of living at free quarters on the Coven-
anters and others inimical to the measures of Government.
This was in 1678, when the Highland Host, of 8000 men,
were ordered south to * eat up' the Covenanters. In what
manner they obeyed these instructions we learn from an eye-
witness, whose account is preserved in the Advocates' Library.
This writer, who evinces no friendship for this ' Heathen and
ungodly Host/ describes their parties sent out for provisions,
and the sufferings of the inhabitants, who were beaten and
driven out of their houses if they refused to give what they
demanded. After a detail of outrages, which, indeed, were to
be expected, as it was for this very purpose that they were sent
on the duty, he concludes in a manner hardly to be expected:
— l Yet I hear not of any having been killed, though many
were hurt; but I would not have you think that all the High-
landers behave after the same manner. No, there is a differ-
ence both among the men and the leaders. The Marquis of
Atholl's men are generally commended, both as the best
appointed and the best behaved.' "
The Strathardle men wno went with Atholl in the Highland
Host were under the command of Baron John VII. of Straloch,
as we read in the family history: — "In 1678 he was com-
manded to join the Marquis of Atholl in marching with the
Highland Host, under pretence to reform, but really to exas-
perate, the honest people in the western shires of Scotland.
There and then he had occasion to see and converse with a
cadet of his family — Reid of Ballochmile."
1681. — By a special Act of Parliament of this year, I find
the Barony of Ashintully conformed to David Spalding, grant-
ing him many privileges, against which the Marquis of Atholl
protested.
1685. — In this year, the great feud which for ages had
raged between the men of Atholl and Argyll Eliminated in a
great raid by the Atholl men, under Stewart of Ballechin, into
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Argyll, where they committed terrible slaughter and havoc, and
left the whole district a wilderness, and amply repaid all old
scores against the Campbells.
When Archibald, ninth Earl of Argyll, arrived in his own
country, on the death of King Charles II., and raised 2500 of
his clansmen in revolt against King James, the Marquis of
Atholl and Lord Charles Murray raised 1500 Atholl men and
marched to Dunbarton, and intercepted Argyll on his march
from Inveraray to the Lowlands. On finding himself opposed,
Argyll deserted his men, and, disguising iximself, tried to make
his way back to Argyll, but was taken prisoner, carried to
Edinburgh, and soon after beheaded. At the same time,
Atholl sent Ballechin with a strong force to plunder ArgylL
General Stewart of Garth tells us, Vol. I., page 42 : — " The
endless feuds between the Argyll and Atholl men assisted in
preserving the military spirit and the use of arms. In the
charter-chest of Stewart of Ballechin there is a commission to
his ancestor, the Laird of Ballechin, from the Marquis of Atholl,
dated in 1685, authorising him to march with a strong body of
Atholl men into Argyllshire, and to take and- keep possession of
the property of their rivals. In what spirit these orders were
carried into effect will appear from the circumstance that
eighteen gentlemen of the name of Campbell were executed
at Inverary. The commission granted to Ballechin is highly
characteristic of the times. It prescribes all the intended
operations and proposed conquests with an air of authority
resembling the solemnity of a royal mandate."
The General adds, in a note : — " This melancholy instance
of the fierceness of feudal animosities is said to have been occa-
sioned by the accidental discovery of a counter plot or con-
spiracy to destroy the invaders, whose indignation on the
disclosure was not to be controlled. The feelings consequent on
the remembrance of former rivalry, thus rekindled and inflamed,
were checked by the prudence and authority of Ballechin,
Flemying of Moness, Stewart of Dalguise, and other com-
manders of the expedition, otherwise many more lives would
have been lost."
In the " Annals of Perth, " page 328, we are told : — " In the
Western Highlands the Marquis of Atholl exerted . himself as
the minister of vengeance, and exercised great severity upon the
inhabitants. The houses of the peasantry upon Argyll's estate
were burnt; the wood, mills, and gardens destroyed; the fish-
ing boats and nets of the starving inhabitants torn to pieces;
and the jails filled with prisoners, who, if not hurried to instant
execution, were left to linger out life in circumstances of want
and misery."
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Now, it is pleasant to know that though the men of Strath-
ardle were present in great force along with the Atholl men on
this expedition, yet they did not take part in the savage work
of slaughter and pillage here described. The leader of the
Strathardle men on this occasion was Baron John VIII. of
Straloch, and the following is the account given in the family
history of the part he took in this memorable raid : — " It is
true, by reason of his lady's indisposition, he excused himself
in 1678 from going (with his father) upon the wicked expedi-
tion of the Highland Host sent to destrov the western shires;
nor did he think it good to go to Bothwell Bridge next year.
Yet he could not shun going to Argyllshire in 1685, against the
Earl of that name. But though he obeyed in going, and saw
great havoc done by his countrymen, in robbing and destroying
the country, yet he took special care of his men, and suffered
none of them to do any harm or carry anything home with them
but lawful purchase."
25th MARCH, 1897.
On this date a general meeting of the Society was held, and,
after some discussion, it was resolved to contribute to the prize
fund of the Mod a special prize of £5 5s, for the best essay on
" The Peculiarities of Gaelic as spoken in the Writer's District"
— the papers to become the property of the Society. At this
meeting, also, Mr Charles Mackinnon, of Messrs Howden & Co.,
and Mr John Mackintosh, solicitor, Inverness, were elected
ordinary members of the Society.
Ut APRIL, 1897.
At the meeting this evening the Assistant Secretary read a
paper in Gaelic, contributed by Rev. John MacRury, Snizort,
entitled " Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean." The
paper was as follows: —
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Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean. 369
SEANA BHEACHDAN AGUS SEANA
CHLEACHDAIDHEAN.
No. I.
Anns an aimsir a dh; fhalbh, bha iomadh beachd ai;us
cleachdadh aig an t-sluagh do nach toir sluagh an latha n
diugh geill sam bith. Tha sluagh an latha 'n diugh 'g am
nieas fhein anabarrach glic, turail, tuigseach, ann an coimeas
ris an t-sluagh a bh' ann ;s an aimsir a dh' fhalbh. Gun
teagamh sam bith, tha moran edlais agus fiosrachaidh aig daoine
anns gach inbhe air an latha 'n diugh, nach robh aig daoine *s
an t-seann aimsir. Tha eblas is fiosrachadh a sior mheud-
achadh, mar a tha 'n saoghal a' fas ni 's sine. Ach ged a tha
so fior gu leor, gidheadh, cha;n 'eil e aon chuid glic no ceart do
dhaoine a bhith 'labhairt le fanaid agus le tair mu thimchioll
nam beachdan agus nan cleachdaidhean a bh' aig sluagh na
Gaidhealtachd anns na linntean a dh' fhalbh. Duine sam bith
a bheir fa near le curam na bheil air chuimhne de na beachdan,
agus de na cleachdaidhean a bha cumanta am measg nan
Gaidheal 's an am a dh' fhalbh, aidichidh e gu saor, soilleir,
gu'n robh iad, ann an iomadh doigh, fad air thoiseach ann an
tuigse, agus ann an tur nadair, air an aireamh a's mo de n
t-sluagh a tha 'n diugh beo. Tha mi 'creidsinn gu'm bheil
iomadh Gaidheal agus Gall anns an duthaich a theireadh, nan
cluinneadh iad mi ag radh so, nach 'eil moran de thiir no de
thuigse annam fhein, an uair a theirinn a leithid so. Ach is
e 'theirinnsa riutha so, gu'm biodh iad a dh' atharrachadh
beachd, na n tugadh iad fa 'near a' chuis le aire agus le curam.
C'aite am faighear fear air an latha 'n diugh am measg nan
daoine a tha 'gam meas fhein ni 's glice s ni 's gleusda 's ni s
foghluimte na na daoine a dh' fhalbh, a labhras briathran anns
am bheil a leith uiread de ghliocas 's a th' anns na sean-
fhacail? Cha 'n aithne dhomhsa, air a h-aon, c'aite am faighear
iad, Neo-ar-thaing nach 'eil daoine beulach, briathrach, abarta,
ri am faotainn ann am pailteas; ach mar a's trice, is e fior
bheagan gliocais is fiosrachaidh a gheibhear 'n an cainnt.
Tha moran de na beachdan agus de na cleachdaidhean a bha
cumanta am measg an t-sluaigh 's an am a dh' fhalbh, air am
meas aig an am so le moran dhaoine mar shaobh-chreideamh.
Tha iad ag amharc sios le tair air gach beachd agus cleachdaah
ris an abrar " saobh-chreideamh/' Ma bheirear droch ainm
air cii, leanaidh e ris. Tha mi ag aideachadh gu'm faod gach
uile sheana bheachd aeiis sheana chleachdadh a bhith air am
^ 24
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370 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
meas mar " shaobh-chreideamh" leis na h-uile nach d' thug
riamh fa "near, gu'm bheil teagasgan cudthromach ann an co-
cheangal dluth ris gach beachd agus cleachdadh a bha n sluagh
ag arach 's an am a dh' fhalbh. Ach ma dh' fheuchas sinn ri
amharc air na beachdan 's air na cleachdaidhean so anns an
t-sealladh anns an robh na daoine glice, turail a bh' ann o
shean ag amharc orra, cha bhi e an comas dhuinn a radii le
firinn nach 'eil annta ach " saobh-chreideamh." A reir mo
bharail-sa, cha choir dhuinn " saobh-chreideamh " a radh ri
beachd no ri cleachdadh sam bith a bha air arach 's an am
a dh' fhalbh le seann daoine glice, a chum teagasg f eumail a
thoirt do 'n mhuinntir a bha 6g, agus a bha gu nadarra gle
aineolach air iomadh ni a bhiodh feumail dhaibh 'fhoghlum, a
chum gu'm fasadh iad glic, tuigseach, faicleach, curamach dean-
adach, agus gu'n seachnadh iad cleachdaidhean agus uilc a
dh' fhaodadh cunnartan is trioblaidean lionmhor a chur 'n an
rathad. Bheir mi 'nis oidhirp air a dhearbhadh dhuibh gur
ann a chum teagasgan matha 'thoirt do dhaoine 6ga a bha na
seana bheachdan 's na seana chleachdaidhean air tus air an
sparradh air an t-sluagh, agus air an eumail suas o hnn gu linn.
Anns an am a dh fhalbh bha e air a mheas mar ghnothach
narach, tamailteach do dh' fhear sam bith lamh a chur ann an
obair sam bith a bha mnathan a' cleachdadh a bhith 'deanamh.
Bha 'h-obair fhein aig a' mhnaoi, agus 'obair fhein aig an fhear.
B' e obair an fhir a bhith gu treun, duineil a' saoithreachadh,
air muir 's air tir, a chum biadh is aodach is caiseart a chumail
ris fhein 's ri 'theaghlach. Agus b' e obair na mna gach ni a
bhuineadh do 'n taigh a chumail an ordugh. Dh' fheumadh i
am biadh a dheasachadh; na leapannan a charadh; an crodh
a bhleodhan; an t-im 's an caise a dheanamh; na laoigh a
bhiathadh ; a' chloimh a chireadh 's a chardadh 's a shniomh ;
an clo a luadh; na stocainnean fhigheadh 's a charadh; agus
mar sin sios. Cha chuireadh fear sam bith aig am biodh a.r
bheag de mheas air fhein a lamh fo mhart gus a bleodhan, no
idir ann an im no 'n gruth; agus mu dheidhinn suidh air
beairt-fhighe, is i an obair mu dheireadh anns an cuireadh e
lamh. Bha leithid de dhimeas air na breabadairean 's gu'm
bu ghnath le daoine, an uair a bhiodh iad a' bruidhinn air breab-
adair, a radh, " Breabadair, le cead na cuideachd." Am fear a
bhiodh trie a! deanamh obair nam ban, cha 'n fhaigheadh e
ainm a V fhearr na " an ciorachan.,, Is e, " an ciorachan,,, an
t-ainm a bh' air a' chliabh-bheag, no air a' bhalg, anns am
biodh a' chloimh aig na mnathan ri taobh an teine, an uair a
bhiodh iad ;n an suidhe a! cardadh. Bu ghnothach tamailteach
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Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean. 371
a dh' fhear tapaidh sam bith gu'm biodh e ri radh m' a
dheidhinn gu'm bu ghnath leis a bhith ann an oir na luathadh.
An uair a bhiodh na mnathan a' fuinne, bha e air a
thoirmeasg dhaibh a bhith. 'gabhail oran. Agus bha e air a
radh, agus air a chreidsinn, gu'n tigeadh mi-fhortan mor air
choireigin an rathad a h-uile boirionneach a bhiodh a' gabhail
oran an am a bhith fuinne. Faodaidh gu 'n cuir
so ioghnadh air iomadh neach aig am bheil fios gu'n robh guth
binn gu gabhail oran 'na ni air an robh meas mor aig daoine
anns an am ud. Tha iomadh dearbhadh againn o na bheil air
chuimhne de na seann orain, gu'n robh meas mor air gach
nighinn dig aig an robh deadh ghuth. An am a bhith luadh
nan cloidhnean, b' iad na nigheanan 6ga aig an robh deadh
ghuth, agus a ghabhadh na h-orain gu sunndach, binn, bu trice
a gheibheadh cuireadh gus a dhol a luadh. Tha beagan de
sheann oran luaidh a tha dearbhadh gu'n robh meas air an te a
ghabhadh oran, air tighinn gu m' chuimhne. So agaibh e : —
" Hoirionn ho gu, otho eileadh,
Ho i u o, ho i eileadh,
Hoirionn ho gu, otho eileadh,
'S ard a chluinntear fuaim na cleithe,
rLoirionn ho gu, etc.
'S binn guth cinn mo leannain fhein ann,
Hoirionn ho gu, etc.,
'De ge binn gur fhearr a beusan."
Tha 'cheart ni againn ann an ceathramh de na h-6rain a
rinn Eobhain Mac Lachlain : —
" Tha 'n uiseag 's an smeorach
Feadh lointean nan driuchd,
'Toirt failte le oran
Do 'n 6g mhadainn chiuin ;
Tha 'n uiseag neo-sheblta,
'S an smeorach gun sunnd,
'Nuair thoisicheas m' fheudail
Ri gleusadh a ciuil."
A nis, air do 'n chuis a bhith mar so, is i 'cheisd, c'ar son a
bha e air a thoirmeasg do na mnathan a bhith 'gabhail oran an
am dhaibh a bhith 'fuinne? Bha 'n t-aobhar ion-mholta, cha
b' ann a mhain 'n an sealladh-san a thoirmisg an toiseach e,
ach mar an ceudna ann an sealladh nan uile a thug fa 'near e.
Digitized by VjOOQlC
372 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
An uair a bheir sinn fhein fa 'near e, aontaichidh sinn uile gu'n
robh aobhar gle shonraichte air a shon.
An uair a thoisicheas bean ri fuinne, is ann mar a's cabhag-
aiche a thaosnas i an t-aran is fhearr e. Agus an uair a tha i
gle thrang a' fuinne, ma thoisicheas i ri gabhail oran, f aodar a
bhith cinnteach, gu'n tuit boinne is boinne de 'n t-seile as a
beul anns a' cmar-fhuinna Nam faiceadh a h-aon dinn delu-
de 'n t-seile a7 tuiteam air an aran, cha bhiomaid deonach
greim dhe itheadh, eadhon ged a b' i a' bhean-fhuinne an aon
bhoirionnach bu tlachdmhoire leinn beo. B' ann, ma ta,
a chum gu'm biodh an t-aran air 'fhuinne gu cabhagach agus
gu glan, a thoirmisgeadh do na mnathan a bhith 'gabhail bran
an am dhaibh a bhith fuinne.
Bha e mar an ceudna air a .thoirmeasg do na mnathan an
fhallaid a dh' fhagadh iad air a' chlar-fhuinne a chur air ais
. do 'n chiste-mhine. Gus an cumail q so a dheanamh, bha e air
a radh riutha, nach biodh a' mhin cho torach 's bu choir dhi a
bhith. Bha e eadhon air a radh, nach maireadh a' mhin leith
na h-uine, nan cuirteadh an fhallaid air ais do 'n c&iste-nihine a
h-uile uair a dheanteadh fuinne. Direach mar a bha a' bhean-
fhuinne air a cumail o ghabhail oran air eagal gu'n tugadh i
mi-fhortan oirre fhein, bha i mar an ceudna air a cumail o chur
na fallaid air ais do 'n chiste-mhine, air eagal gu'm biodh a'
mhin ro dhiomain.
A chum gu'n tuig gach neach an t-aobhar air son gu'n robh
e air a thoirmeasg an fhallaid a chur air ais do 'n chiste-mhine,
feumaidh mi beagan a radh mu'n fhallaid. Is i an fhallaid, a'
mhin a bhithear a' suathadh ris an uibe thaoise, an am a bhith
'g a leanachadh, no 'g a th.anach.adh 'na bhreacaig. An uair a
tha 'n taois air a taosnadh gu math, tha i air a deanamh 'na
h-uibe. Tha 'n t-uibe coltach ri muillean-siucair — cruinn mu'n
bhonn, agus a sior fhas biorach gu 'bharr. An uair a tha
'bhean-fhuinne 'toiseachadh ri' leanachadh an uibe thaoise, tha
i 'cur Ian no dha a duirn de 'n mhin fodha air a' chlar. Mar a
tha i 'ga leanachadh, tha i an drasta 's a rithist a' cur na mine
air 'uachdar, agus 'g a suathadh ris, gus am bi aig a' bhreacaig
na ghabhas i air gach taobh dhe 'n mhin. A nis, an uair a tha
'n fhuinne ullamh, tha faisg air na dheanadh breacag de mhin
air a' chlar-fhuinne. Tha mhin so tais; oir bha i 'tarruinn
beagan de 'n uisge as an taois an am a bhith 'deanamh na
fuinne. A bharrachd air sin, tha beagan de 'n taois air a feadh.
Nan cuirteadh a' mhin so — an fhallaid — air ais do 'n chiste-
mhine bheireadh i air cuid de 'n mhin eile bias goirt a ghabhail,
agus dh' fhasadh na cnapan taoise cruaidh. An ath uair a
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Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean. 373
theannteadh ri fuinne, bhiodh na cnapan cruaidhe, taoise so anns
an aran, agus, mar a tha furasda gu ledr dhuinn a thuigsinn,
cha bhiodh bias mo buantas air an arani An aite a' mhin a
chur air ais do 'n chiste, dheanadh a7 bhean-fhuinne " bonnach-
boise" de na bhiodh a dh' fhallaid air a' chlar. Theirteadh
" bonnach-boise," ris a chionn gu'n robh e air a leanachadh
eadar a basan, an aite bhith air a leanachadh air a! chlar.
Cha bhiodh fallaid idir air. Tha againn an so eachdraidh an
t-sean-fhacail, " Bonnach deireadh-fuinne nam ban, b' e sid an
geinneanach tiugh."
Tha e air aithris gu'm bu trie leis na mnathan-fuinne cnap
math de n im a chur anns a' " bhonnach deireadh-fuinne," agus
bheir mi dhuibh an sgeul beag a leanas mar dhearbhadh air
firinn na cuise so.
Bha leith-linn (idiot) ann an aite araidh de 'n Ghaidhealt-
achd, a bhiodh gu trie a' falbh o thaigh gu taigh, agus o bhaile
gu baile, feuch ciod a gheibheadh. e ri itheadh; oir, aig an am
ud cha robh Lagh nam bochd air a dheanamh. Air latha
araidh chaidh e do thaigh anns a' bhaile. An uair a chaidh e
steacti dh' fhairich e faileadh a chord ri chaileachd anabarrach
math. Chunnaic e " bonnach-boise " ris an lie, agus dh'
aithnich e gur ann. as a' bhonnach a bha am faileadh. An uair
a thuig e nach robh. duine staigh, sguab e leis am bonnach 'na
achlais, agus thug e an dorus air. An uine ghoirid na dheigh
sin rinn e bran do 'n bhonnach. So ceathramh dheth : —
" Am bonnach a bh' aig Mairereid,
Gu'm b' e sid an soireineach;
'N uair a thug mi learn e,
Bha punnd 'na mo sporran ann ;
Is mise 'bha gu h-eutrom;
Gur h-eibhinn chaidh an t-earrach learn ;
?N uair ghabh mi mo dheadh dhinneir,
Bha im agus aran agam."
An uair a tha an t-aran air a bhruich, tha taobh ceart agus
taobh cearr air; no, ann am briathran eile, tha beulaobh is
culaobh air. Is e beulaobh an arain, an taobh a bhruichear an
toiseach dheth. Tha teas an teine a? toirt copan air a! cheud
thaobh a bhruichear dheth. Agus an deis a thionndadh ris an
lic-bhonnach gus a chulaobh a bhruich, tha pairt de 'n chopan
so al fuireach air. A nis, an am a bhith 'cur an arain air a'
bhord, bha e air a thoirmeasg gu mor a chiil a chur as a chionn
air an trinnsear. Agus a chum nach deanteadh so bha e air
Digitized by VjOOQlC
374 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
a radh le seann daoine glice, gun tigeadh mi-fhortan a thaobh-
eiginn air te sam bith a chuireadh, aon chuid le mi-shuim, no
d" a debin, col an arain os a chionn. Ach nam biodh fhios aig
an te a bhiodh a' cur a' bhidh air a' bhord gun robh iadsan a bha
7dol gf a itheadh ann an cunnart, bha e mar fhiachan oirre cul
an arain a char os a chionn a chum an cur n am faireachadh.
Mar dhearbhadh air so innsidh mi an sgeul a leanas : —
Anna na linntean a dh' fhalbh, mar a chuala sinn uile, bha
rpbairean gu math lionmhor ann an iomadh aite air f eadh na
rioghachd. Cha robh garbh-chriochan na Gaidhealtachd falamh
dhiubh. Bha aon aite gle uaigneach anns a Ghaidhealtaclid
anns am biodh iad gu math trie a7 spuinneadh gach duine a
b' fhiach an t-saothair air am faigheadh iad greim. Bha taigh
bsda faisg air an aite so, agus a reir choltais gu n robh
fear an taigh'-osda ann an comunn riutha. B' e chuid-san
de 'n obair fios fhaotainn, nam V urrainn da, an robh sporran
math, trom aig na daoine a bhiodh a' cur seachad oidhche anns
an taigh-osda, an am dhaibh a bhith air an ais 's air an aghart
eadar Galldachd is Gaidhealtachd. Air feasgar araidh mu
mheadhain an fhoghair rainig duine bg air an robh coltas
calma, tapaidh, an taigh-osda. Thachair fear an taigh'-osda
ris aig an dorus, agus bhruidhinn e ris gu. faoiUdh, siobhalta,
modhail, mar bu ghnath leis bruidhinn ris gach aon air am
faiceadh e coltas math. Chuir iad seachad na bha rompa dhe
^n fheasgar agus dhe 'n oidhche gu am cadail a' cbmhradh ri'
cheile anns an t-sebmar a b' fhearr a bha 'staigh. Ged a bha n
duine 6g comhraiteach gu lebr, cha bu duine e a leigeadh 'inntinn
ris do neach sam bith, gus am fasadh e gu math eblach air. Ach
leis cho comhraiteach 's cho suilbhearra s a fhuair e fear an
taigh'-osda, thachair dha gu'n dubhairt e facal no dha o ?n do
thuig fear an taigh'-osda gu'n robh deannan math airgid anns
an sporran aige. 0 'n a bha e car sgith an deis na rinn e de
choiseachd fad an latha, chaidh e laidhe mu thrath suipearach.
Thachair gu'n robh nighean bg, dhreachar, air mhuinntireas
anns an taigh-osda aig an am. Cha b' ann a ghnath mhuinntir
an aite a bha i idir. An am dhi bhith 'frithealadh do 'n bhord,
an uair a bha n duine bg agus fear an taighe aig am biadh
comhladh anns an t-sebmar, chuala i cuid mhath de n chomhradh
a bh' eatorra. Thuig i nach b' e mhain gu'm buineadh e do n
chuid sin de 'n diithaich as an d' thainig i fhein, ach gu'n robh
e mar an ceudna daimheil dhi a thaobh a mathar. Thug so
oirre gu'n robh barsachd meas aice air na bhiodh aice air
coigreach eile a bhiodh a' gabhail an rathaid. 0 'n a bha e 'na
dhuine bg, aoidheil, eireachdail, cha b' urrainn i gun tlachd a
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Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachdaidhean. 375
ghabhail dheth. Cha robh e 'dol tiotadh bhar a smaointean,
agus air an aobhar sin, rinn i dichuimhn' air ni no dha a
dheanamh a bha coir aice a dheanamh mu'n deachaidh i laidhe.
Air eagal gu'm biodh a maighstir ag iomachain oirre anns a'
mhadainn air son nach d' rinn i a gnothach mar a b' abhaist
'did, dh* eUrich i gu bog, balbh as an leabaidh, agus dh' fheuch
i ris an obair a dheanamh gun an solus a lasadh. An uair a
chuir i crioch air aon obair a bh' aice ri dheanamh, shuidh i
air furm a gharadh a cas aig an teine. Cha robh i fada 'na
suidhe an uair a chuala i monobur bruidhne aig cul an taighe.
Chuir i a cluas ri claisneachd, agus dh' aithnich i guth a
maighstir. Thug i eirigh aisde gus a dhol do 'n leabaidh; ach
anns an am, chuala i farum chas a' tighinn thun an doruis. O
nach robh toil aice gu'n glacadh a maighstir air a cois i; an
aite dhol do 'n t-seomar anns am b' abhaist di a bhith cadal,
leum i steach do 'n chlosaid a bha fo bhonn na staidhreach.
Thainig a maighstir agus fear eile steach, agus chaidh iad do'n
t-seomar. O'na bha iad a' smaointean nach robh neach air a
chois 's an taigh aig an am, cha do dhruid iad dorus an
t-sebmair idir. Ged a bha iad a' bruidhinn ri 'cheile gle iosal,
chuala i a' chuid bu mho dhe na thuirt iad ri 'cheile. Ghabh
i uamhas an uair a thuig i, gu'n robh 'n am beachd an t-airgiod
a bh' aig an duine 6g a thoirt uaithe, an uair a bhiodh e 'dol
troimh bhad tiugh coille, a bha mu choig mile o 'n taigh-osda.
An uair a bha iad greis mhath a' comhradh mu'n chuis chaidh
iad le cheile am mach as an taigh. Cha bu luaithe a chaidh
iad am mach na chaidh ise do 'n t-seomar aice fhein. Ach
chuir na chuala i a leithid a dh' uamhas 's de dhragh inntinn
oirre 's nach d' rinn i norradh cadail ach a' smaointean air a'
chunnart anns an robh an duine 6g, agus gun fhios aige fhein
air. Mar a b' fhaide a bha i a' smaoineachadh air a' chuis, is
ann bu mho a bha i 'faicinn gu'm b' e a dleasdanas a chur 'na
fhaireachadh air aon doigh no doigh eile. 0 'n a bha i gu
nadarra ciuin, diuid, banail, cha leigeadh an naire leatha guth
a radh ris. Agus ged a dh' innseadh i dha gu'n robh e ann an
cunnart a chuid de 'n t-saoghal, agus, ma dh' fhaoidte, a
bheatha, 'chaU ; bha eagal oirre nach creideadh e i, gu h-araidh o
nach robh aithne no eblas aige oirre. An uair a bha i mar so a'
dol fo 'smaointean feuch ciod bu choir dhi 'dheanamh,
chuimhnich i gu'n d' thug i bbidean d'a maighstir, nach tugadh i
guth no iomradh ri duine beb air aon ni a chitheadh no
'chluhmeadh i anns an taigh fad 's a bhiodh i 'n a sheirbhis.
'Cha robh barail ro mhath aice roimhe sid air a maighstir, no
idir air moran de na nithean a bha i 'faicinn muinntir an taighe
Digitized by VjOOQlC
376 Gaelic Society of Inverness-
a' ji^wajnli ; ach gas an oidhcfae "dA cha do thing i gu ro Tntiafli
c'ar son a dmireadh fo bhoidean i nach imiseadh i do neach
sam bith aon ni a chitheadh no chhimneadh i. Ma dheireadh
smaoimch i gu'n cuireadh i col an arain as a cfaionn an uair a
bhiodh i cor a* bhidh air a* bhord do n duine bg anus a'
mhadahm. Cha robh ihios aice an toigeadh e dod a bhiodh i
ciaHachadh. Ach bha i smdhichte gun deanadh i e, o nach
robh doigh eile aice leis an cuireadh i na fhaireachadh e.
Anns a' mhada-inn an am a bhith cur a* bhidh air a* bhord
bha a maighstir anns an t-seomar *s e cath-chomhradh ris an
dnine 6g. Aoidheil "s mar a bha e ris an oidhche roimhe ski.
bha e moran na b aoidheile anns a' irihaHainTi ud Chuir so
dragh mor oirre. Thuig i ni b fhearr na thnig i riamh roimhe.
nach robh na maighstir ach duine cho euccrach s cho cealgacli
's a bha bed. An uair a chunnaic i nach robh choltas air gu'n
rachadh e am mach as an t-seomar gus am faiceadh e am biadli
gu leir air a chur air a bhord, ghabh i eagal nach b' urrainn
i an t-aran a chur air beulaobh an duine big anns an doigh bu
mhath leatha. Is e an rud a rinn i, dh' fhag i ni eiginn de na
bu choir a bhith air a' bhord gun chur air, gus an d' fhalbh a
maighstir am mach, an uair a chunnaic e an duine bg a7 suidhe-
aig a bhiadh. Cho luath 's a chaidh a maighstir- am mach as
an t-seomar, thill i steach leis an ni a dh' fhag i gun. chur air a
bheulaobh, agus thionndaidh i an t-aran a bh' air an trinnsear.
Sheall an duine bg oirre gu dur an clar an aodainn. Sheall ise
airsan. Agus an uair a thuig i gu'n robh e 'dol a chur ceisd
oirre mu thimchioll an ni a rinn i, chrath i a ceann, agus chuir
i a meoir air a beul, sl ciallachadh gum bu ghlice dhaibh le
cheile gun aon fhacal a radh.
Gu fortanach thuig an duine bg gun robh e air a chuart-
achadh le cunnart mor. An uair a ghabh e na thainig ris de n
bhiadh, agus a phaigh e na fhuair e anns an taigh-bsda, dh'
fhalbh e. Gu sgeula goirid a dheanamh dheth, faodar a radh,
gu'n d' rainig e ceann a thuruis gu sabhailte. Ach bha e
soilleir dha mu'n deachaidh e troimh 'n choille, gu'n robh e air
na bh' aige a dh' airgiod a chall, agus ma dh' fhaoidte, a
bheatha, mur b' e gu'n do chuir an nighean bg 'na fhaireachadh
e, an uair a chuir i cul an arain os a chionn air an trinnsear.
Bha e air a lan-chreidsinn 's an am a dh' fhalbh — agus tha
fhathast ann an iomadh aite — nan tuiteadh fear aig tiodhlacadh
an am dha 'bhith fo 'n ghiulan, gu'm b' e a' cheud fhear de na
bhiodh aig an tiodhlacadh a gheibheadh bas. Saoilidh daoine
air an latha 'n diugh gur beachd anabarrach faoin am beachd
so. Ach an uair a bheir sinn fa 'near cho feumail 's a bha e 's
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Seana Bheachdan agus Seana Chleachaidhean. 377
an am a dh' fhalbh, tuigidh sinn nach b' ann a chum saobh-
chreideamh agus amaideas a chumail suas a chuireadh air tus
air a chois e, ach a chum bacadh a ohur air nithean a bha olc
agus mi-iomchuidh.
Anns an am a dh/ fhalbh, b' ainneamh aite anns an robh
rathaidean mora. Agus am beagan rathaidean a bh' ann£ an.
duthaich, cha robh iad ach gle neo-chomhnard. O nach robh
feum mor air rathaidean matha, cha 'n fhacas iomchuidh moran
saoithreach a ghabhail riutha. Gu math trie, an uair a bhiodh
tiodhlacadh ann, bu ghnath le daoine a bhith falbh leis a'
ghiulan aireamh mhiltean do 'n chladh anns an robh cuid de na
cairdean a bha marbh, air an tiodhlacadh. Agus mar bu tiice
dh' fheumadh iad a bhith 'dol tarsuinn sleibhe is monaidh is
garbhlaich. Ach ged a bhiodh deadh rathad mor aca fad an
t-siubhail a dh' ionnsuidh a' chlaidh, b' fhearr le daoine an
rathad aithghearr a ghabhail na 'n rathad mor a leantuinn.
A nis, nam buaileadh tuisleadh ann an cois fir an uair a
bhiodh e fo 'n ghiulan a' dol tarsuinn monaidh no garbhlaich,
agus gu'n tuiteadh e, dh' fhaoidteadh bhith cinnteach gum
bristeadh aon no dha dhe na lunnan a bhiodh fo n chiste-
laidhe. Nan tachradh so bhiodh sgiobadh an tiodhlacaidh ann
an crois, a thaobh nach biodh doigh aca air lunnan fhaotainn a
chuirteadh ann an aite nam feadhnach a rachadh a bhristeadh.
Agus air eagal gu'n tigeadh am bas air a h-aon aca ann an uine
ghoirid, bhiodh iad air an clisgeadh gu'm buaileadh tuisleadh
'n an cois, agus air an aobhar sin, dh' fhalbhadh iad le ceum
cinnteach, socrach, leis a' ghiulan.
Bha e 'ha chleachdadh aig an am ud, mar a tha e ann an
tomhas beag no mor gus an latha ;n diugh, a bhith 'g 61 cvAd
mhath de dh' uisge-beatha, araon mu 'n togteadh an giulan,
agus mar an ceudna an uair a bhiodh iad leitheach rathaid a'
dol troimh 'n mhonadh, nam biodh an t-astar fada. Am fear
a dh' bladh barrachd 's sJ choir mu 'm falbhadh e, no am dhaibh
a bhith leigeadh an analach air an t-shghe thun b! chlaidh, is e
bu dbcha tuisleachadh agus tuiteam. Faodar a thuigsinn uaithe
so gu'n robh iomadh fear a bha deidheil air an 61, mar a bha
's a tha iomadh fear, a' cur stamhnaidh air fhein, air eagal, le
Ian na slige a bharrachd a ghabhail, gu'n tuislicheadh a chas,
agus gu'n tuiteadh e an am dha bhith fo 'n ghiulan.
Feumaidh sinn a chumail 'n ar cuimhne, an am a bhith
'labhairt 's a' sgriobhadh 's a' leughadh mu na seana bheachdan
's na seana chleachdaidhean a bh' air an aithris 's air an creid-
sinn am measg an t-sluaigh 's an am a dh' fhalbh, nach robh ar
bhrigh agus an teagasg a bh' air am fiUeadh a steach annta air
Digitized by VjOOQlC
378 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
an tuigsinn leis a' mhuinntir dig idir; nan robh, faodar a bhith
•cinnteach nach gabhadh iad moran suim dhiubh. Mar bu
trice, b' e oeagan de sheann daoine bu ghlice 's bu turaile a
bh' anns an duthaich, a bhicxih a' teagasg agus a' comh-
airleachadh an t-siuaigh. Bha fhios aig na daoine glice so
gu'n robh. feum aig an oigridh air iomadh teagasg fhaotainn a
thaobh mar bu choir dhaibh an dleasdanais a dheanamh araon
dhaibh fhein agus do mhuinntir eile. Agus air dhaibh tomhas
mor a dh' eolas a bhith aca air gne agus iarrtus dhaoine, bha
fhios aca gu'n robh e nadarra do na h-uile an ni a chuireadh
ann an cunnart iad a sheachnadh, agus an ni a chumadh o gach
<;unnart agus mi-fhortan iad a leantuinn. Air an aobhar sin,
chuir iad an geill moran de nithean do na daoine oga a bha beb
ri 'n latha 's ri 'n linn fhein, do nach toir sinne geill sam bith
air an latha 'n diugh. Ach cha 'n fhaod sinne a radh gu'n robh
na beachdan agus na cleachdaidhean a theagaisg iad cearr nan
latha fhein ; agus cha mho na sin a their sinn e, mar bheir sinn
fa 'near, le aire agus le curam, stad an t-sluaigh 's an am ud,
agus an ni a bh' anns an amharc aig na seann daoine glice a
T>ha 'g an teagasg.
Ains na Hnntean a chaidh seachad bha e 'na chleachdadh
cumanta am measg an t-sluaigh a bhith 'liubhairt draid-mhol-
aidh aig bruaich na h-uaghach, an uair a chuirteadh a' chiste-
laidhe anns an uaigh, agus mu 'n cuirteadh an uir oirre. Mar
bu trice cha bhiodh e duilich daoine a mholadh; oir is
ainneamh a gheibhear duine aig am sam bith anns nach 'eil ni
math air choireiginn air son am faodar a mholadh. Na daoine
nach fhaigh a' bheag de mholadh am feadh 's a tha iad beo,
nithear moladh gu lebr orra an uair a gheibh iad bas. Mar. a
tha 'n sean-fhacal ag radh, " Ma 's math leat do mholadh faigh
l>as : ma 's math leat do chaineadh pos."
Is fhad' o 'n a chaidh an cleachdadh so a fasan, agus tha sin
cho math.
Cho fad 's is fhiosrach mi, is ann am Barraidh a rinneadh
an oraid-mholaidh mu dheireadh aig bruaich na h-uaghach. So
agaibh an sgeul mar a chuala mise e : —
Thachair gu'n plo dh' eug duine araidh air nach robh, a reir
choltais, meas sam bith aig sluagh an eilean. Latha 'n
tiodhlacaidh an uair a rainig sgiobadh an tiodhlacaidh an
cladh, agus a chaireadh a' chiste 's an uaigh, sheas na
3 daoine mu-thimchioll na h-uaghach gus an cluinneadh iad an
oraid-mholaidh. A nis, cha 'n fhaodadh aon seach aon de 'n
luchd-daimH facal a radh ; oir cha robh e air a mheas aig an am,
gu'm bu mholadh air duine marbh am moladh a dheanadh a
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The Sources of Scottish Gaelic. 379
dhliith-chairdean 's a luchd-daimh air. Air an aobhar sin, V
ann aig aon de na coimhearsnaich, no de 'n hichd-eolais, a bha.
ris an braid a dheanamh. Bha na daoine gu leir 'nan seasamh
aig an uaigh, agus iad a' feitheamh le mor-ioghnadh feuch oo
aige bhiodh de mhisnich na mholadh fear an deigh a bhais air
nach d' rinneadh a* bheag de mholadh riamh re a bheatha. Ach
cha robh duine seach duine de na bha lathair a! gluasad as a'
bhad an robh e 'na sheasamh. Ged nach robh duine a' fosgladh
a bheoil, bha 'n sluagh a bha lathair gu leir a' faireachadh gu'n
robh Ian am an gnothach a chur an dara taobh. Bha fhios aca
gu'n cuireadh e dragh mor air dluth-chairdean an duine nan
cuirteadh fo 'n talamh e gun a' bheag no mhbr de mholadh a
dheanamh air. Mu dheireadh thall, an uair a bha na daoine
air thuar am foighidinn a chall buileach glan, thug duine tap-
aidh de na bha s a' chuideachd ceum no dha air aghart, agus
sheas e aig casan na h-uaghach, agus thuirt e : — " Fheara, sin
agaibh a nis an aon smocair a b' fhearr a bha riamh 's an
duthaich."
22nd APRIL, 1897.
At the meeting this evening, Mr A. Macbain, M.A., read a
paper, contributed by Mr J. L. Robertson, H.M.I.S., entitled
" The Sources of Scottish Gaelic." The paper is a translation
of Section C. of the article " Keltische Sprachen," by Windisch,
in Ersch and Grober's Encyclopaedia (pp. 158 et seq.).
THE SOURCES OF SCOTTISH GAELIC.
According to Irish tradition — and the position is also
accepted by Scottish scholars* — the permanent settlement of the
Dalriad branch of the Scots took effect in Argyle at the begin-
ning of the sixth century a.d. In the year 563 Saint Columba
came to Scotland to evangelise the Picts, and the monastery of
Iona, which was founded soon thereafter, became, both for
Picts and Scots, the great centre of Christian enlightenment.
So far as Scottish Gaelic is concerned, the oldest original is the
Book of Deir (an abbey in Buchan). This document, which is
now preserved in the Public Library at Cambridge, is a religi-
ous manuscript of the ninth century, and its prime value to
Keltology lies in six entries (fol. 2-4) referring to matters of
* e.g. Skene. " Book of the Dean of Lismore " (pp. 23 et seq).
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380 Gaelic Society of Inverness
local interest. This Gaelic section was first edited by Wh.
Stokes, with a translation and analysis (Goidilica, pp. 47 :
2nd ed., pp. 105 et seq.\ and under the latter reference he
makes mention of a complete edition of the whole manuscript,
with facsimiles, by Stuart, Edinburgh, 1869. At the end of the
document stands a sentence of the old scribe's, the language of
which proves either that the manuscript is of real Irish origin
or that the Gaelic written language of Scotland in the ninth
century was as yet in no respect different from the Irish.
Probably, indeed, the old document was written by an Irishman.
It is otherwise, however, in the case of the later entries — those
which are relegated to the llth-12th century. Here, the mode
of expression, the words, and the forms are as we find them in
Irish, but the style of the writing reveals already a more marked
phonetic deterioration, whether it be that the Scottish Gaelic
actually suffered more from " wear and tear," or only that the
style of writing became less antique, and adapted itself more
closely to the pronunciation of the time.
In vain do we search in Scotland in the olden days for such
a prolific literary activity as we found * in the case of Ireland.
We merely note the fact here, without being able to discuss the
causes. In ancient Scotland there is no evidence of a native
ecclesiastical literature in the Gaelic language, nor is there any
trace of the written preservation of old legal maxims or of
popular tales. Indeed, it '- noteworthy that a Gaelic Life of
Columba, the apostle of the Scots, is found, not in a Scottish,
but in an old Irish, manuscript. It is certainly the case that
there is a collection of Gaelic manuscripts in the Advocates'
Library in Edinburgh, but, with a solitary important exception,
all the older of these documents appear to be of Irish origin, t
All the same, I do not maintain that the people had not, in the
form of oral transmission, their mythic tales and legends, and
especially their folk songs. This is the case in the present day,
and many tales have, both in this and the preceding century,
been committed to writing from the oral recitation of the people,
though of earlier records of this kind there are only very few
extant. The most celebrated is that known by the name of
the " Book of the Dean of Lismore" — or, as it is styled in the
manuscript itself, "Liber Domini Jacobi Macgregor Decani
Lismoren." It contains, within the compass of 311 pages, a
collection of poems gathered* in the Highlands by James Mac-
gregor and his brother Duncan, about the year 1512. Lismore-
Prof. Windisch here refers to his previous section on purely Irish Literature
t V. articles by Gaidoz, Rev. Celt. VI., pp. 112 el seq.
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The Sources of Scottish Gaelic. 381
is in Argyllshire. The greater part of this manuscript has been
edited by Thomas M'Lauchlan and W. F. Skene, Edinburgh,
1862 — the former giving the text and English translation, and
the latter the introduction — and its linguistic value consists in
the fact that, contrary to the Irish practice, but like the Manx
and Welsh, the style of the writing is more phonetic.
On the other hand, in respect of the contents of the docu-
ment, it is important inasmuch as it is the oldest Scottish source
of the so-called Ossianic poems. My own opinion, already
expressed in my " Irische Texte" (pp. 152), is to the effect that
all these poems, along with the mythical tales which they
incorporate, are of Irish genesis; and I decidedly do not believe
that they were brought in this form from their earlier home by
the Scots, K/ut rather do I hold that many poems, to judge from
their whole composition, must have come over from Ireland only
in the latter centuries, either by oral or written transmission.
A poet Ossian (or better " Ossin," as the name is found in
Irish and the " Book of the Dean of Lismore") there never was.
How Ossian came to be regarded as a poet I have tried to
explain in my essay on the " Irish Saga and the Ossianic Ques-
tion." According to this myth, Ossin, the son of Finn, was
one of the few who survived the fight at Gabra, 284 a.d. In
this battle the King of Ireland annihilated the might of the
overbearing Feinne, among whose leaders were Ossin, and, in
earlier days, also Finn and his father, Cumall; and the battle,
at the same time, brought to a close the ancient military
splendour of Ireland Now, in the legend, Ossin, as a gray, old
sage, is made a contemporary of St Patrick, and from this there
resulted in Ireland a special type of literary treatment, consist-
ing of dialogues between Ossin and the Saint. The latter wishes
to convert Ossin, but he constantly harps upon the glory of the
days of yore. This it happens that Ossin became the reciter
of the tales, and, by a further step, the author of the poems.
And here again another point emerges. The oldest Ossianic
poems, alike in Irish manuscripts and in the Book of the
Dean of Lismore, are not of considerable length, and they
have a definite subject, and resemble in general character the
extant poems embodied in the early Irish mythical tales. These
poems are either dialogues between the persons in the legend,
or alleged rehearsals by one of these persons of the contents of
the legend, if indeed it be not simply prefaced that the bard
sang the following or composed -the following song. In the
" Book of Leinster" such poems are found quite isolated and
free from the fuller details of the saga, and merely
Digitized by VjOOQlC
382 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
with the superscription, " Ossin cecinit," " Finn mac Cumaill
cecinit," etc., this " cecinit" being here just the Latin version of
the early Irish cechuin or cachain of the myth. These
expressions were, however, in the course of time taken Uterally,
especially in Scotland, and thus it is that in the " Book of the
Dean of Lismore" the words " Auctor hujus Ossin" occur in the
titles of the metrical passages. Originally, then, Ossin was
merely a primeval hero, who in the legend is made to recite the
poems of nameless bards. Similarly in the case of other heroes
of the early days ; but Ossian alone stands forth as a poet from
this mode of treatment, because he, as the last representative of
the ancient time, is specially brought in contact with St Patrick,
the apostle of the new Christian era. St Patrick is not men-
tioned in all the poems, but when not, they are, it is often
noticed, addressed to an ecclesiastic. In the older poems, and
in those of the " Book of the Dean of Lismore," Ossin recounts
only events of his own day, and of which he was a witness;
and it was not until the appearance of Macpherson's Ossianic
poems that that medley of different legend cycles was detected
which has been urged by the Irish as a main argument against
the authenticity of his poems.
A very meritorious compilation of Gaelic legendary tales in
Scotland is Leabhar na Feinne (Vnl. I., Gaelic Texts),
" Heroic Ballads collected in Scotland chiefly from 1512-1871,
arranged by J. F. Campbell, London, 1872," and published by
the editor himself. Assuredly the most, if not all, of the col-
lections of Gaelic texts in Scotland are here made available, and
we note that the very earliest manuscripts, next to the " Book of
the Dean of Lismore," date from the years 1603 and 1690, that
they are written in Irish script character, and that the scribes,
although Scots, were indebted to the Irish even for the matter of
the documents, as well as for the style of handwriting. The
Scottish Gaels sprang from Ireland, and so far at least as the
early myths are concerned, remained Irish. Very indicative of
this connexion with the ancestral land is the name
"Erse," by which the English distinguish the Scottish
Gaels and their language.. " ' Erse/ says Campbell,* " is a local
pronunciation of the word * Irish/ " English " Inglis" and
Irish " Erise" are in mediaeval times direct contraries in the
language of Scotland. The Scots called themselves Albanaichy
and Skene (v. " Book of the Dean of Lismore," p. xiii.) speaks
of a battle in the twelfth century in which the rallying cry of
* l.c. p. xxiv., col. 2.
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The Sources of Scottish Gaelic. 383.
the Highlanders was " Albany, Albany," the English responding
with " Yry, Yry" — " a term of great reproach at that time."
Campbell gives (on pp. xxxv. et seq.) a survey of the con-
tents of the documents contained in the various collections, and
made public mainly by himself. Our remarks thereon can only
be quite cursory, for there does not yet exist any critically
comparative investigation of the contents. But, here again, we
meet some of the very Oldest of the Irish mythical tales, e.g.,
various texts bearing on " Cuchulinn," the story of " Deirdre,"
of " Fraech," and, pre-eminently, the adventures of " Finn/'
" Ossin," and other Irish " worthies" of that day. We are struck,
however, by the very marked intrusion of the Norse element into
the old Gaelic legends, and tlfis intermixture is not alone, and
not first, special to Macpherson's poems, for we come upon it in
the texts which claim to have been put in writing between 1750
and 1760. So far as my observation goes, Finn, Ossin, and,
only rightly, also the heroes of the older mythic cycle, are con-
stantly regarded as Irish, and the scene of the action is pre-
dominantly Ireland. The Scottish myth has, therefore, so far
been faithful to the original, but never in the older Irish
originals are incursions of *he Norse or entanglements with them
misplaced into the epoch of Finn, i.e., the third century a.d.
But although this anachronistic conjunction of events is worse
than the bardic invention that Ossin lived to see the beginning
of the Christian era, and had personal communication with St
Patrick, yet it is an invention of a cognate kind. Whether it
can be ascribed to Scotland or to Ireland we may refrain from
discussing, but at all events it is a reminiscence of the invasions
under which the Irish had so terribly to suffer almost from the
year 800 a.d. How remarkable it is that in the poetry gathered
on Scottish soil the actual fortunes of Scotland itself find such
a faint echo ! Only Irish material, foreign to Scotland, if noo
also to its people, has exercised the Scottish imagination, anil
this material has been embellished with the whole furnishing
of the legendary conceptions which find their way from ono
mythic cycle to another, and has steadily more and more become
disconform to historic verity. In this direction Macpherson has
strayed somewhat further, inasmuch as he has made — against
the ancient chronology of the myths — Cuchulinn and Finn con-
temporaries; and, either from ignorance or by intention, he has
changed and badly confounded the traditional situations and the
names of the persons. How. very dissimilar, for instance, Mac-
pherson's poem, " Darthula" — the Gaelic text of which has not
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386 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
come to light until after that event. The " Literary Journal"
of 1774 publicly testified that he had deposited his manuscripts
for a whole year in the book-shop of Beckett <fc De Hondt,
Strand, London, but these originals disappeared, and that
irretrievably. It is true that he left behind him a Gaelic
manuscript original — partly in his own hand and partly in that
of his transcribers — for the bulk of his English poems. This
manuscript was put in type at the instance of the Highland
Society of London in 1807, Thomas Ross taking charge of the
Gaelic draft, while Robert Macfarlan appended a Latin transla-
tion, along with a commentary and other adjuncts.* The
Highland Society were anxious that the orthography of the
Gaelic translation of the Bible in the year 1801 should be fol-
lowed, but it seems fortunate that Ross did not closely conform
with this request. Other editions, but with arbitrary altera-
tions, appeared in 1818 and 1861. Macpherson's manuscript,
which claimed to be the basis of the " Editio princeps," had
vanished, and to this edition the latest editor, Archibald Clerk,
gave therefore special attention. He attempted emendations of
it in certain points, but whether or not his recension more closely
coincided with the manuscript original is hard to determine.
This splendidly got up work — which was issued at the expense
of John, Marquess of Bute — was published in two volumes, with
the title, " The Poems of Ossian in the Original Gaelic, with a
literal Translation into English, and a dissertation on the authen-
ticity of the poems" (Edinburgh and London, 1870).
The controversy on the genuineness of the Ossianic poems
is of value in so far as it has firmly established a series of facts
and brought to light a mass of interesting material. But,
unfortunately, the pure literary question has been made a
national one, and many Scottish scholars have championed the
existence of a poet Ossian and the antiquity of the Macpherson
poems with a tenacity that is inexplicable apart from considera-
tions of national sentiment and the animosity of the disputants.
The best authority in all collateral matters is the " Report '*
(drawn up by H. Mackenzie) " of the Committee of the High-
land Society of Scotland appointed to inquire into the Nature
and Authenticity of the Poems of Ossian" (Edinburgh, 1805).
John Stuart Blackie gives a noteworthy dissertation in his book
— which I have repeatedly quoted here — "The Language and
Literature of the Scottish Highlands" (Edinburgh, 1876), pp.
194 et seq. ; and I may also refer to Clerk's introduction to his
* Clerk, " The Poems of Oasian," p. liv.
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The Sources of Scottish Gaelic. 387
aforementioned edition, where, however, he is at pains to defend *
too many untenable positions. Among the more recent Irish
statements, Hennessey's article in the " Academy" (1 & 15/8/71),
on Clerk's edition, merits conspicuous mention; and Gaidoz, in
" Rev. Celt.., i. pp. 497 et seq., writes in the same strain. In
Germany, the older criticism in this controversy includes Talvj's
(Theresa Albertina Louisa Robinson uee Von Jacob) brochwre
on the spuriousness of the Ossianic lays, and of Macpherson's
" Ossian" in particular : * also a class lecture by C. Waag on
Ossian and the Fingal Saga.f Of the German versions of
" Ossian" an account is given in the writings cited : that by
Ahlwardt adheres to the Gaelic text, others to the English, as
in the case of the translation by Count Frederick Leopold von
Stolberg.
As, at the very least, many of the Ossianic poems, and
especially those of an earlier date, are of Irish extraction, this
literary product cannot be regarded as the most undefiled source
of the native Scottish Gaelic. In this linguistic aspect of the
case, the versification of the popular bards deserves prime. con-
sideration. Blackie, from whose translations J alone I am
acquainted with this class of poetry, specially mentions, as
almost his only source of the more ancient specimens thereof,
Mackenzie's "Beauties of Gaelic Poetry." || In the forefront
stands Mary Macleod, born 1569, " trophos or nurse to five
lairds of the Macleods and two of the lairds of Applecross."
She composed poems on the members of the Macleod family, but
she got no acknowledgment from her patrons. The verses of
" Iain Lorn/ or " Bare John, " who flourished in the middle of
the seventeenth century, have a political complexion, and the
same may be said of the " Orain" (Glasgow, 1839) of the school-
master, Alexander M'Donald, whom Blackie designates the
"Tyrtaeus" of the Kebellion of 1745. A contemporary was
the satirist, MacCodrum, against whom the tailors of the land
banded themselves together, and declined for the future to make
* Die Unechtheit der Lieder Ossian's und des Macpherson's then Ossian's
iusbesondere " (Leipzig, 1840).
t "Ossian und die Fingal-Sage" (Manheim, 1863).
% I.e. pp. 97 et seq.
II " Sar-Obair nam Bard Gaelach, or the Beauties of Gaelic Poetry." By
J. Mackenzie and James Logan (Glasgow, 1841). This title, and likewise
those in the following notes, are taken from a catalogue for which I am
indebted to Prof. Blackie—" A catalogue of Gaelic books and other Scottish
Literature." Further information regarding the books was to be had in 1882
from Th. Halley, 36 Elgin Crescent, Nottinghill, London.
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388 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
a stitch of clothing for him. Of a religious cast is the poetry
of Dugald Buchanan, who was born in 1716. In his youth he
had led a riotous life, but, racked by remorse, like Bunyan, he
became a preacher of repentance. His characteristic piece is a
long poem based on the contemplation of a human skull. But
Duncan M'Intyre, or "Duncan Ban" ("Fair Duncan"), born
1724,* must be rated as the most perfect exponent of the poetry
of the Highlands. He was a sportsman and gamekeeper, and
his masterpiece is a metrical description of the life of the roe-
deer and stags m the forest of Ben Dorain, his own special
charge. This poem Blackie has turned into English (pp. 162
et seq). There have been many editions of Buchanan and
M'Intyre — of the former, twenty-one up to the year 1875, and
of the latter, eight. The last poet whom Blackie places in the
Macphersonian period is Robert Mackay, known under the
name of " Rob Donn/'t qui ceciuit forma prcestantes rure puellas
and who is celebrated also for his satirical vein.
From the foregoing remarks it is very apparent that the
brilliancy of Gaelic poetry in Scotland in the eighteenth century
cannot be attributed exclusively to Macpherson, and it must
further be conceded that the descriptive treatment of nature,
which has been urged, especially from the standpoint of the
earlier Irish poetry, as an argument against the antiquity and
popular currency of his poems, was certainly not, as Blackie
(p. 160) very justly remarks, introduced into Gaelic poetry by
Macpherson for the first time. Blackie (p. 98) speaks of one
of the most ancient poems of that time (" Miann a' Bhaird
Aosda"— " The Desire of the Aged Bard"), the date of which
cannot be accurately fixed; and here we experience, from the
emotional nature of the verses, quite a modern impression, and
are, on the other hand, reminded of the old Ossianic days. Mac-
pherson was therefore not the originator of the emotional or
elegiac style in Gaelic poetry, and, in my opinion, the mournful
mood of the Ossianic poems is, partly at least, due to the
poetical conception of Ossin as the aged sage who describes to
St Patrick the byegone magnificence of his youthful days.
Of poets or song-writers after Macpherson, Blackie mentions
— Lauchlan Macpherson, born 1723; John Roy Stuart; Ken-
* " Orain agus Dana Gaidhealach." By Duncan Ban Maclntyre (Edin-
burgh, 1848).
t Orain — Songs and Poems in the Qaelic Language. By Robert Mackay.
Inverness, Douglas, 1829. Orain— Le Rob Donn. Edinburgh, Collie, 1871.
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The Sources of Scottish Gaelic. 389
neth Mackenzie, bom 1758; William Ross, born 1762*; Allan
Macdougall, born about 1750; James Shaw, born 1758; John
Macgregor, born 1762f; Ewan MacLachlan, born 1775J ; Alex-
ander Mackinnon, born 1770; Donald Maodonald, born 1780;
Livingstone, or Mac-Dhunleibhe,|| born 1808; Ewan MacColl,
born 1812. Of their works, only the " Clarsach nam Beann" §
of the last named lies before me. Blackie gives, besides, a
number of current popular songs, in the form of an English
translation. So far as prose writing is concerned, the sermons
are, according to Blackie, not only too often wanting in idio-
matic propriety, but are English in conception. Pure idiomatic
Gaelic, however, still survives in the legends and tales that are
in oral circulation, and in the proverbs. A Gaelic text of the
former, obtained from a workman of the name of Donald Mac-
pherson, was published by J. F. Campbell, with an English
rendering, in the " Revue Celtique" (i. pp. 193-202, "Fionn's
Enchantment"); and for the proverbs, the work of Alexander
Nicolson — "A Collection of Gaelic Proverbs and Familiar
Phrases. Based on Mackintosh's Collection" (Edinburgh, 1881)
has at present the foremost place.
In the ecclesiastical literature of Gaelic Scotland, the Irish
language was for a long time predominant. The first produc-
tions of this class belong to Argyllshire, where, to the present
day, the spoken language is the most similar to the Irish. Of
these, Skene, in the " Book ^ the Dean of Lismore (pp. xxxviii.
et &eq) gives some short notices. The earliest was Bishop
CarswelTs Prayer Book (Dunedin, 1567), and this was re-printed
lately by Thomas M'Lauchlan, at the expense of the Marquess
of Bute, under the title, *' The Book of Common Order, com-
monly called John Knox's Liturgy, translated into Gaelic
anno Domini 1567 by M. John Cars well, Bishop of the Isles.
Edinburgh, 1873."U The introduction to this work is written in
the actual Irish of CarswelTs day, and has been copied by
O'Donovan into his Ir. Gramm. (pp. 453 et seg\ to serve there
as a linguistic exercise. Only gradually have efforts been made
to eradicate from the Catechism and the translation of the
Bible the forms and expressions that are peculiar to the Irish
* Oram Ghaelach. Le Uilleam Ros. Inverness, 1830, 1834, 1868.
t Orain Ghaelach. Le Iain MacGhrigair (Edinb., 1801).
% Metrical Effusions. By Ewen MacLachlan (Aberdeen, 1816).
|| Duain Ghaelic. Le Uilieam Mac Dhun Leibhe (Edinburgh, Maclachlan
& Stewart, 1858).
§ Second edition, Duneidinn, 1838 (1st edition, Glasgow, 1836).
IF (Cf. Rev. Celt II., p. 264).
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390 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
dialect; and the translation of the Bible, of date 1826, passes as
" the standard of the orthography and idiom of the Scotch
Gaelic." Of special vogue is the last edition (1880), " published
for the Edinburgh National Bible Society."* It is interesting
that the edition of Bishop Bedel's Irish translation of the Bible,
in 1690, was originally meant for circulation in Scotland, and
that it had a brief Scottish-Gaelic glossary appended. On this
point, and on the later expansions of this glossary, Skene writes
in the "Book of the Dean of Eismore" (p. xiii.). The most
important dictionary is that issued b^ the Highland Society of
Scotland, " Dictionarium Scoto-Celticum" (Edinburgh, 1828).
Before this, appeared R. A. Armstrong's Gaelic Dictionary, in
two parts, Gaelic and English, and English and Gaelic (London,
1825). N. MacAlpine's Pronouncing Gaelic Dictionary"
(Edinburgh, 1847) has special reference to the dialect of Islay,
where, according to Skene, the author was a schoolmaster. Of
existing grammars, the best is Alexander Stewart's " Elements of
Gaelic Grammar" (Edinburgh, 1801: 2nd edition, 1812). t A.
Ebrard's handbook of the middle-Gaelic language (" Handbuch
der Mittelgalischen Sprache" (Vienna, 1870) deals principally
with Macpherson's Ossian. Forbes, in his " Principles of Gaelic
Grammar" (Edinburgh, 1848), gives a description, in the intro-
duction, of the " three" main dialects of the Scottish Gaelic
(northern, central, and south-western), J though Donald Mac-
kinnon in his " Inaugural Address," p. 30), distinguishes only
" two," a northern and a southern, of which the latter is more
akin to the Irish, and is more prominently represented in the
literature. O'Donovan in his " Irish Grammar" (p. lxxviii.),
and Skene in the " Book of the Dean of Lismore" (Additional
Notes, p. 137 et seq.), both treat of the relatively insignificant
grammatical differences between Scottish and Irish Gaelic.
Under the heading " Present Limits of the Celtic Language in
Scotland," the Revue Celtique" (n. pp. 178 et seq.) has an
article on the topographical demarcation of the languages in
Scotland, which is extracted from James A. H. Murray's book,
" The Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland, its pro-
nunciation, grammar, and historical relations" (London, 1873).
Since 1881, " The Scottish Celtic Review," a magazine devoted
to Gaelic philology, has appeared in Glasgow, and is edited by-
Alexander Cameron. (Its third number is dated November,
1882). Statements in the " Revue Celtique" (iv. p. 277), based
* (Cf. A. Nicolson, Gaelic Proverbs, pp. x.).
t Cf. Gramm. Celt., 2nd Ed., pp. ix.
X Cf. Rev. Celt. II., p. 187.
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest , 391
on the estimates by M. Raven stein in the " Journal of the
Statistical Society," and which probably - relate to the Census
of 1871, place the number of the Gaelic-speaking population in
those parts of Scotland where the Gaelic population prevails at
242,207 ; in the rest of Scotland, 58,746 ; in Ireland (Antrim),
301 ; in England and Wales, 8000 ; the grand total being
309,254 souls, of which those who speak only Gaelic amount to
48,873. Donald Mackinnon also, in his " Inaugural Address"
(1883), computes the number of the Gaelic-speaking population
in Scotland at approximately 300,000.
29th APRIL, 1897.
The paper for this evening was a contribution from Provost
Macpherson, Kingussie, entitled, " Gleanings from the Charter
Chest at Cluny Castle," No. III.^ The paper was as follows : —
GLEANINGS FROM THE CLUNY CHARTER CHEST.
(Continued from Vol. XX. , page 247.)
III.
x. l utter from vlscount frbndraught to cluny, dated
22nd December (1689?)
The writer of this letter (inadvertently omitted to be given
in its chronological sequence) was the fourth and last Viscount
Frendraught, the representative of a well-known family in
Aberdeenshire, descended from the celebrated Sir William
Crichton, Lord Chancellor of Scotland during the minority of
James the Second; The Viscount joined King James the
Seventh in France, for which he was attainted by Parliament in
1690. He attended James to Ireland, and died without issue
on 26th November, 1698, when the title became extinct. The
letter is addressed " The Laird of Clunie" : —
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392 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Sir, — I hope ye wiell doe Glengarrie and me the favour tc*
dispatch this inclosed packet directed for him how soon it
comes to your hand wt. a sure bearer and I am sure he will give
you thanks for the doeing it for there is newes in it will be
pleasing to all honest men, for Shomberg, after the death of
twelve thousand of his army by sicknes, and the loss of four
thousand by the sword in his retreat from Dundalk to bellfast
is come to England, and his son was lately att Edr. — the few
that remaines of his army are shiped for England aboard of the
fleet that was lying att Grenock for the transporting of the
Banes if "they had landed, and the King only waits for the
french — he is to land in England himself and the Duke of
Berwick is to land in Scotland wt. twelve thousand men all
which we expect to be here soone the next month. Ye may
lay stress upon thes account for I saw the letter the person
wrote that spoke wt. the express that came from Ireland. I
hope this will encourage men to act something before they gett
forreign assistance for if nothing be done before they come
whats done after by us will be the less looked upon, thinking
that men are more obliged to doe out of fear then love. I hope
I need not use more arguments to one whom I know to be so
weell inclyned for our master's service as you are by all the
expressions of loyalty you gave me.
I most hope that ye will be one of the first that will appear
for him. Pray let me hear from you. Present my respects
to your Lady. — I am, Sir, your humble servant, *
FRENDR AUGHT.
22nd Deer.
XI. Receipt by M'Donell op Glengarry to Cluny, dated
18th January, 1712.
I Alexander McDonell of Glengarie grant me to have
received under trust from ye Laird of Clunie ane receipt of ane
hundreth and fiftie pound sterling to be received from Sir
Patrick C. Murray of Ochtertyre for his use. I oblidge me to
restore the sd. recept. to ye Laird of Clunie, or ye effects yreof.
As witness my hand written and* subscribed the eighten clay of
Januarie one thousand seven hundred and twelve.
(Sgd.) Alex. McTDonell.
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Gleanings from the Oluny Charter Chest 39$
XII. Letters— The Eajrl of Mar to Cluny.
The next in order are two letters from John Erskine, the
eleventh Earl of Mar, who figured so prominently in the Rising
of the '15. These letters are addressed " To The Laid of Cluny
Macpherson."
1. The Earl of Mar to Cluny, dated 2>§th November, 1715.
John Earl of Mar &c. Commander in Chief of his
Majesty's forces in Scotland
These are ordering and Requiring you forthwth. to raise
your hail sfensible men and following wth. their best arms and
accoutrements and with all possible speed to march them to
joyn the forces under the command of Colonel John Gordon of
Glenbucket In Badenoch or where they shall happen to be for
the time ffor doing whereof this shall be your warrand.
Given att the Camp at Perth, this 30th of Novemr. 1715.
Mar.
2. The Earl of Mar to Cluny, dated 5th December, 1715.
Perth Decemr. 5th 1715.
Sir, — The appearance that Lord Sutherland and others in
the North has made against the King's interest, has Obliged me
for reducing of them to give orders to Glenbucket to call all the
Nighbouring Countreys in the Kings interest to joyn him and
others of the King's friends.
Let me therefore earnestly recommend to you to Lend your
friends and followers to him forthwith.
The King having sail'd from ffrance the 7th of last moneth
we are in hourly expectation of his landing, qth. God make
safe and soon, and this makes it the more necessary to reduce
those people & to have Inverness again in the Kings possession
immediately. I know yoiv zeal for the King's Service will
make you give ready complyance & act forewardly when so
much depends on this affair. — I am, Sir, your most humble
Servant Mar.
My service to Nuid whose letter of the 1st I had last night.
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394 Gaelic Society of Inoemess
XIII. Letters from the Marquis of Hcxtly.
Alexander, the second Duke of Gordon (the writer of these
letters), when Marquis of Huntly, was a zealous adherent of
the Stewart dynasty, and on the breaking out of the Rising of
1715 he joined the forces of the Earl of Mar.- After proclaim-
ing the Chevalier at Castle Gordon, the Marquis, with a large
body of horse and foot, flocked to the standard of the Stewarts
at Perth, on 6th October, 1715, and was at the battle of
Sheriffmuir on 13th November following. He afterwards
capitulated, and was carried prisoner to Edinburgh Castle, but
the proceedings against him appear to have been subsequently .
abandoned. Hie following anecdote is related of him after he
had, on the death of his father, succeeded to the Dukedom of
Gordon : —
A Protestant tenant, having fallen into arrears, had his
stock seized by the steward, and advertised for sale. The
farmer having waited on his Grace, and told his sorrowful tale,
had the satisfaction of receiving an acquittance of the debt. As
he was withdrawing, he expressed a wish to know what the
pictures and statues were that adorned the ducal hall. u Tliese,"
said the Duke, " are the saints that intercede with the Saviour
for me." " My Lord Duke," replied the tenant, " I went to
little Sawney Gordon and muckle Sawney Gordon, but had I
not come to your Grace's self, I and my bairns would have been
truned out o' house and ha ; would it not, then, be better for
your Grace to go directly to the one Mediator Himself?" It
has been asserted that this was the means of converting his
Grace to the Protestant faith; but whilst it is probable that
such a conversation may have had its effect, yet it is more
likely that this important change was brought about by his
Duchess, who was a daughter of the Earl of Peterborough, and
who brought up her numerous family in the Protestant religion.
Four of the following letters are addressed to Lauchlan
Macpherson of Nuide, who (in consequence, of the advanced age
at the time of his cousin, Duncan Macpherson of Cluny) then
commanded " the Badenoch Battalion lying in Achindown." On
the death of Duncan of Cluny, in 1722, without male issue,
the same Lauchlan succeeded to the Chiefship. The remaining
letter of the series is addressed " To The Laird of Noid and the
other Badenoch gentlemen."
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest 395
1 . The Marquis of Huntly to the Laird of Nuide, dated 20th
December , 1715.
By ye Right Honorable The Marquis of Huntly.
These are requireing you to march Backward the Badenoch
men to Achindown and quarter them their till furder order by
the advyce of Leiut. Coll. Gordon of Barnes who I have ordered
yr. for that effect. You are to take speciall care that no pre-
judice be done to any within my own interest, Braoco, Laird of
Grant, or any oyr. wt.somever unless you be attacked, and in
that caise you are heirby ordered to defend yourselves and
acquant for doeing of sich this shall be your sufficient warrand
and all concerned. Given at Gordon Castle the 20th Deer. 1715.
Huntly.
2. The Marquis of Huntly to the Laird <f Nuidey dated 26th
December, 1715.
The Laird of Noid, Commandant of the Badenoch
Battalion lying in Achindown.
Sir, — I desire you send hither under gaird the man belong-
ing to the Garrison of Balveny who is now prisoner with you,
and that how soon ye receive this from your affectionat friend
.to serve you (Sgd.) Huntly.
Gordon Castle, Deer. 26th 1715.
3. The Marquis of Huntly to the Laird of Nuide, dated 2nd
January, 1716.
Noode, — You are to March all the Badzenoch foot to mor-
row the 3d curent to Elgin, and ther you are to Ly and receive
furder orders from me or Barns from tym to tym as shall be
occasions for. Given att Gordon Castle the 2d of Jany. 1716.
Huntly.
4. The Marquis cf Huntly to the Laird of Nuide, dated 8th
January, 1716.
Nood, — Befor I go forward to Invernes I designe to hav
all my people togither about mee therfor desire you may come
over to my side of the water wher quarters shall bee aponted
(or you. Leeiv yr. shoomakers & one of the gentilmen to
haisten the shoos being made and to bring them to the men
when reddy. (Huntly).
Elgin 8 Janry. 1716
March to-morrow morning.
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396 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
5. The Marquis of Huntly to the Laird of Nuide and the other
Badenoch Gentlemen, dated Sth February, 1716.
Gentlemen, — Your furder stay in this Country is unneces-
sary and therefor you may repair immediatly to your own homes
and look after your private bussiness till you receive furder
orders from me. Gordon Castle febry. 8th 1716.
Huntly.
(On the same page).
For the Laird of Noid and the other Badenoch
Gentlemen
Lett no irregularities or abuses be committed by your men
in their quarters or upon their march home upon any pretext
whatsomever. I know its in the power of you Gentlemen to
make your men regular so if anything is done amiss by them
you'll answer for it att your perill date forsaid
Huntly.
XIV. Letter from Clan Ranald to Cluny.
The authorship of this interesting letter, which is addressed
" To the Honour'd the Laird off Cluny," is somewhat puzzling.
For the greater portion of the following notes regarding the
letter, I am indebted to my good friend, Mr William Mackay,
the honorary secretary of the Society. The letter was un-
doubtedly written in February, and it appears equally certain
that the date is the 11th. The second figure is badly formed,
but it is neither a 3 nor a 5, but a somewhat crooked 1.
The year was 1715 in England and 1716 in Scotland. In
England the year did not then begin till the 25th March; in
Scotland it began, as now, on 1st January. The period between
1st January and 25th March belonged in England to 1715, but
in Scotland to 1716. This is, as was customary, indicated by
the double date y^f^ or> as ^ was ni ore commonly written, 17y£.
It is well known that the bulk of Mar's army adhered to
him — at Perth principally — until the departure of the Chevalier
and Mar for France, on 4th February, 1716. A portion of tho
army left Aberdeen on 7th February, and, after passing through
the Province of Moray, " retired up the vale of Strathspey,
towards the wilds of Badenoch and Lochaber, where at length
they were left unannoyed by an enemy which could not follow
them further" (Chambers' History of the Rising of 1715). This
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evidently is the " army" to which the writer of the letter refers,
and in whose van he and his men were — having followed Mar
until the flight to France a few days before.
But who was the writer? It, of course, could not have been
the Clan Ranald (Allan) who fell at Sheriffmuir. His suc-
cessor de jure was his brother Ranald, who was at the time in.
France. Mackenzie (History of Macdonalds) says that when
Ranald heard of Allan's death he thought of returning home,
but delayed doing so until he received further particulars from
home, and that he died in France in 1725 (1726?). Did he
come to Scotland in time to lead his men home from Aberdeen,
in February, 1716; and return to France before 1725?
Another conjecture is the more probable one. Ranald died
childless, and was succeeded by Macdonald of Benbecula, the
tutor and friend of Allan. The Reverend Charles Macdonald
(Moidart, or among the Clan Ranalds) indicates that he
immediately succeeded Allan — making no mention of Ranald
The fact probably is that in Ranald's absence abroad — his
whereabouts being perhaps unknown — Benbecula assumed the
Chiefship on Allan's death, and that he (Benbecula) was the
writer of the letter. This is so far confirmed by the following
paragraph in a short account of the Family, given in the
appendix to Browne's " History of the Highlands," Vol. IV.,
pp. 92-3: —
"Allan Macdonald of Moidart, last undisputed representa-
tive of the Clan Ranald Family, and called by the Highlanders
Allen Mac Ian, lived at his house of Castleterrim, in Moidart,
about the end of the reign of James the 5th. He was great-
grandfather to Allan Macdonald of Moidart, called Captain of
Clanranald, who was killed in his Majesty's cause at the battle
of Dunblane or Sheriffmuir in 1715, and also great-grandfather
to Ranald Macdonald, brother to the above said Clanranald, and
his Lieutenant-Colonel in same regiment in 1715, and who died
at Paris 1726. Also great-grandfather to Ranald Macdonald
of Kinloch-Moidart, major of the second regiment of Clan-
ranald in 1715, and also great-grandfather to Macdonald of
Benbecula, a captain in the same regiment in 1715, and since
called Clanranald."
Clan Ranald and his men had apparently encamped for the
night in the friendly quarters of the Macphersons of Nuide
{within six miles from Cluny Castle) on their way to Lochaber.
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398 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
•
Sir, — Our misfortunes oblidgeing us to come this way, and
being necessitat to trouble our f rinds, I presume to direct my
men to you, being furthest advanced of the army, that you may
have the goodness to order quarters for them among your
tennants, as you'll find most convenient. They will give no
trouble, and I dout not but you'll see them provided for this
night, which will be a lasting obligation upon — Sr., your affec-
tionatt and humble Servant Clan Ranald.
Noidfbr. 11 17|f.
If I can I'll do myself the favour to be with you this night.
XV. Letters from the Chevalier de St George.
A transcript of the first letter from the Chevalier (an auto-
graph one) is given in Browne's " History of the Highlands"
(Vol. II., page 438) as having been sent to "Young Lochiel,"
under the name of "Mr Johnstone, Junior." I have been unable
to ascertain how the original letter happens to be among the
papers in the Cluny charter chest. Probably it may, for some
purpose or other, have been handed to Cluny of the '45 by nib
kinsman, young Lochiel. The " Allen" mentioned in the letter
was the well-known Allan Cameron, a younger son of Lochiel
of the '45.
1. The Chevalier to " Young Lochiel" dated April llth, 1727.
April llth 1727,
I am glad of this occasion to lett you know how well pleased
I am to hear of the care you take to follow your father's and
uncle's example in their loyalty to me and I dout not of your
endeavours to maintain the same spirit in the Clan. Allen is
now with me and I am allwayes glad to have some of my brave
highlanders about me, whom I value, as they deserve. You
will deliver the enclosed to its adress, & doubt not of my parti-
cular regard for you which I am persuaded you will allwayes
deserve. James R
You'l tell Mr Maclachlane that I am very sensible of his zeal
for my service.
2. The Chevalier to Cluny, dated llth March, 1743.
March llth 1743.
I received a few days ago yours of the 18th Febry. and am
far from disapproving your coming into franco att this time, the
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settling a correspondence betwixt us on this side of the sea and
our friends in Scotland may be of consequence in this juncture.
I hope you will have concerted some safe methode for that
effect with Lord Semple before you leave him, and that once
determined you will I think have done very well to return
home where you may be of more use then abroad. I shall say
nothing here of what is passing in franco of which you will
have been informed by Lord Semple, & you may be well assured
that I shall neglect nothing that depends on me to* induce the
French, to assist us, as it is reasonable, to hope they will, if
there be a general war; But if they ever undertake any thing
in my favour I shall to be sure have little warning of it beiore,
and by consequence I ' fear it will be impossible that G. K.
(Keith) can come in time into Scotland how much sooner both
I, and I am perswaded himself, also desires it, because you will
easily see that one of his Rank and Distinction cannot well
quite the service he is in either abruptly or upon an uncer-
tainty. I remark alhyou say to me on that subject and when
the times comes it shall be my care to dispose all such matters
in as much as in me lys for what I may then think for the real
good of my service and for my .friend's satisfaction also, for in
such sort of particulars it is scarce possible to take proper
resolutions before the time of execution.
I had some time agoe a proposal made to me in relation to
the seizeing of Stirling Castle. What I then heard, and what
you now say on that subject is so general that I think it is not
impossible but that the two proposals may be found originally
one and the same project. I wish therefore you would enter a
little more into particulars, that I may be the better able to
determine what directions to send. As to what is represented
about the vassalls, I suppose what you mean is the same as what
I have inserted in a draught of a Declaration for Scottland I
have long had by me, vizt. that the vassals of those who should
appear against my forces on a landing should be reed of their
vassallage and hold their lands immediately of the Crown pro-
vided such vassalls should declare for me and joyn heartily in
my cause as this is my intention I allow my friends to make
such prudent use off it as they may think fitt.
Before you gett this you will probably have received what
was write to you from hence about the Scotts Episcopall Clergy,
89 that I need say nothing on that subject here, more than that
I hope the steps taken by me will give satisfaction and promote
union in that Body. It is a great comfort to me to see the
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-Gentlemen of the Concert so zealous, so united and so frank in all
that relates to my service and I desire you will say all that is
kind to them in my name
I remark you have advanced 100 pound of your own money
for Sr. J. C, which I take very well of you, but I must desire
you will not give me any more proofs of that kind of your
good-will towards me, and as for what is past I look upon it as
a personal debt & shall take care that it be repayed.
I remark what you say about the difficulty there is of raising
money. I forsay that would be no easy matter, & I think it
should not be insisted upon. I think I have now taken notice
of all that required any answer in what you wrote to me and
Morgan, and shall add nothing further here, but to assure you
of the continuance of my good opinion of you and that your
prudent and zealous endeavours to forward my service shall
never be forgott by me.
XVI. Letters — The Duke of Perth to Cluny.
The Duke of Perth — the writer of these letters — was a
devoted follower of the Stewarts, and joined the forces of
Prince Charlie at Perth, in September, 1745. As Lieutenant-
General, he commanded the right wing at the battle of Preston,
and " in spite/' we are told, " of a very delicate constitution, he
underwent the greatest fatigues, and was the first on every occa-
sion where his head or his hands could be of use: bold as a
lion in the field, but ever merciful in the hour of victory." He
continued to take a very active and distinguished part in the
'45 down to the battle of Culloden. After that " day of dool"
he embarked for France, but he was so worn out with the
hardships he had undergone that he died on the passage, on
11th May, 1746, at the early age of 33. The following letters
are addressed, " The Laird of Cluny Macpherson att Cluny" : —
1. The Duke of Perth to Cluny, dated 6th June, 1738.
Dear Sir, — I received with a great deal of pleasure your kind
message, and am very much obliged to you for the hawk, but
much more for the favour of your kind remembrance. I do
assure you that the regard which is due to you by everybody,
I have for you in a very great degree, and that if ever it is m
my power to shew it to you I shall never fail to do it, and I
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shall alwais be fond of calling myself, Sir, your sincere friend
and obedient humble servt., Perth.
Drummond the 6 June 1738.
2. The Duke of Perth to Cluny, dated \±th June* 1739.
Dear Sir, — I am very much obledged to you for the care
you have given yourself about the hawks. I am only sorry for
the trouble I put you to but since your friendship is so kind as
to excuse it I shall say no more about it.
I only wish for an occasion of showing you with what grati-
tude and sincere regard I am, Dear Sir, your obledged . friend
and most humble servant Perth.
Drummond the 14 June 1739.
XVII. Letter — The Earl of Rothes to Cluny.
The writer of this letter was the eighth Earl of Rothes, and
was an active supporter of the Hanoverians. He acted as
Major-General at the battle of Dettingen, on 16th June, 1743,
and, after a distinguished military career, died on 10th Decem-
ber, 1767. The letter is addressed to " Hew" (Ewen) " Mac-
ferson Esq. Laird of Cluny yr. at Cluny."
Leslie Jully 29th 1739.
Sir, — I Received the favour of your Letter from my kins-
men Mr Leslies. They are good clever men, and I am very
glad I had this opportunity of knowing them, and thank you
for the Recomendation you have given them, and I shall be
very glad of an occasion of making my acquaintance with
yourself. They have informed me of the kind offices you have
done them and their family and are most Gratfull for it. I
Reckon myself obliged to you theirby, and beg the favour of
you to continue your goodness to them which I shall acknow-
ledge an obligation done myself. — I am Sir your most obedient
humble servant Rothes.
XVIII. Letter — The Earl of Moray to Cluny.
The following letter, which is addressed " The Honourable
Evan Macpherson of Cluny Esqr. at Cluny," is from James,
seventh Earl of Moray. He adhered to the Hanoverian cause,
was made a Knight of the Thistle in 1741, and was three times
elected as one of the sixteen Scots representative peers. He
died on 5th July, 1767, in the 59th year of his age.
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Sir, — I had the favour of yours by your kinsmen who were
not a little Indebted to you, for besides the natural Regard I
have for all my vassals, Cluny 's Recommendation will always^
have its weight with me. I have not only quit with the Right
which the law gave me after the Decreet of Improbation was
extracted but have De Novo granted the Lands to Aneas and
Hugh, so that you see fr. your Request has not only been oom-
plyed with, but that soon. Aberardour is at my mercy, he
not only does me injustice, but I am affraid by his way of life
would soon ruin his Family, and therefore I am determined to
take tiis children under my protection, and I hope what I do in
that affair shall be agreeable to you and the rest of their
friends.
I hear you are soon to be allied to me by the Family of
Lovat. I wish you all manner of joy and happiness in that
state. — I am Sir your most obedient humble servant
Moray.
Dombristle June 11 1742
XIX. Letter — M'Donell of Glengarry to Cluny.
The next of the series is an autograph letter from John
McDonell, twelfth of Glengarry (who died in 1754), and is
addressed, " The much Honoured the Laird of Clunie."
Dear Sir, — I received yours per bearer, but as I am in a
very bad state of health at present & much huried with country
business, as the bearer can Inform you, have not had time to
inquire into his business at present. But be assured as I
Incline to Doe all men justice be assured I'm much more
Inclined to Doe soe by any belonged to you and recommended
by you, and shall acquaint you in a ffortnight hence to send
the man over in order to doe him justice.
I beg youll make offer of my most humble Dutie to the
Lady Clunie and believe me to be sincerely with esteem Dear
Sir your most obedient Humble servt.
John Mc Donell off Glengary.
Culachie 29 november 1743.
XX. Letter from Robert Craigie, Lord Advocate, to Cluny.
This letter and relative warrant are from the Lord Advocate
of the time to Cluny, within a very short time after the latter
had been appointed to a captaincy in the Earl of Loudon's.
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Regiment. In a manuscript, preserved in the Cluny charter
chest, written in France about the year 1760 (the author of
which is unknown), a graphic description is given of Cluny's
situation before the '45. He lived, it is stated, " in peace,
in affluence and in esteem at his own house at the period the
Prince landed in Scotland. The Prince sent him an invitation
to join him with his followers ; and as his principles, and those
of his household at all times led them towards a faithfull
attachment to the rightfull royall line of Stewarts, he did not
hesitate in sending back his Captain's Commission to the
Government in six weeks after he received it, rais'd his clan,
left all, and followed the Prince, who received him with a
hearty welcome, and with a due sense of his merit. He from
that time accompanied the Prince through all his fatigues dur-
ing the long course of a severe winter oampagne, during which
he had frequent opportunities to observe and be much pleased
with many great qualities in so young a Prince. In delibera-
tions he found him ready, and his oppinion generally best; in
their execution firm; and in secrecy impenetrable ; his humanity
and consideration show'd itself in strong light even to his
enemies, whom he cou'd not help still to consider subjects, and
as he us'd to say, his countrymen. In application and fatigues
non cou'd excel him."
The warrant transmitted to . Cluny by the Lord Advocate
is directed against " Alexander Mackdonnel younger of Glen-
gairy," who represented an ancient, loyal, and honourable
family* When the warrant was transmitted to Cluny, young
Glengarry (who subsequently had a very chequered career) held
a captain's commission in the French service, and was supposed
at the time to be in the Highlands raising recruits for the
French. Cluny, who was a strong partizan of the Stewart
dynasty, apparently never attempted to put the warrant against
young Glengarry in force, and, as already mentioned, Cluny
himself soon afterwards joined the standard of Prince Charlie.
The following letter is addressed " To Evan MacPherson
younger of Cluny at Cluny near Ruthven in Badenoch," and
the warrant " To Evan MacPherson younger of Cluny" : —
1. The Lord Advocate to Cluny.
Edinburgh 24 June 1745.
Sir, — I have Certain Information That Alexander Mack-
donnel younger of Glengairy is an Officer in the ffrench service
and that he is now in Scotland Raising Recruits for the ffrench.
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Iz is of Great Importance to the Peace and Safety of the
Government That a Check shou'd be put to this Practice by
Securing the Persons concerned and I know that This was a
Great Inducement with the Government in raising the new
Highland Regiment.
As By Saturdays Post I have certain Information that upon
the 8th of June last you was named one of the Captains in the
Earl of Loudon's Regiment and youl very soon have orders to
Raise your Company, I have taken this opportunity to advise
you by Express, and as I have, tho' Personally unknown to you
Had your character from persons of all Ranks and Conditions
your zeal for his Majestys service and for the preservation of
the Peace of the Country, and your Knowledge of the High-
lands and your ability which I know Hath Procured this Com-
mission from the King with the approbation of all his servants,
I thought it Proper to Put the Execution of the enclosed
Warrand Into your Hands, and I Dare adventure to assure you
That If you are so Happy as to be able to Execute it effectu-
ally It will prove the strongest Recommendation of you to His
Majesty, and will be a sensible Pleasure to all your Real
ffriends and Its with this view that I have sent you the
Jnclosed Warrand.
I need not tell you the Difficulty of Putting it In Execution.
The secrecy thats absolutely necessary That the King's Troops
that are at ffort Augustus are in no capacity to Do this service
tho' they have the strongest orders to Give all the assistance
thats in their power, much less will I pretend to suggest to you
the Proper method of Performing this service. Its the Diffi-
culty and at the same time the Importance of the service that
makes me Put you upon the Execution of it and I assure vou
It is out of Real ffriendship to you as well as from a zeal to His
Majestys Service that I have sent you the Inclosed Warrand
ffor I am with Great Truth and Esteem Sir Your most ffaith-
full Humble Servt. Rob. Craigie. "
2. The Lord Advocate to Cluny, dated \±th June, 1745.
By Robert Craigie Esquire His Majestys Advocate of
Scotland
Whereas I am Informed That Alexander Mackdonnell
younger of Glengairy Is Guilty of Treasonable Practices and
that he is Inlisting men and Raising Recruits for the ffrench
service in the Highlands o( Scotland, These are authorising
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you to Search for, seize, and Secure the Person of the said
Alexander Mackdonnel, and the Persons Inlisted by him, and
to Deliver him or them, "tia a Constable or other officer of the
Peace, and to send him or them Respectively to Edinburgh
under a sure guard to be examined by me, and to be otherways
proceeded against according to Law.
Given under my Hand and Seal at Edinburgh this 24th
Day of June 1745 years.
Rob. Craigie.
XXI. Thf Duke op Gordon to Cluny, dated 29th June, 1745.
This letter is from Cosmo George, the third Duke of
Gordon, who, in acknowledgment of his loyalty to the Hano-
verians in the '45, was invested with the Order of the Thistle.
He was elected one of the sixteen representative peers to the
tenth Parliament of Great Britain, and died at Bretenil near
Amiens, 5th August, 1762, in his 32nd year. He was married
in 1.741 to Lady Catherine Gordon, only daughter of his brother-
in-law, the second Earl of Aberdeen, by whom he had three
sons and four daughters. Lord George Gordon, celebrated for
his share in the " No Popery" riots of 1780, was his youngest
son. The letter is addressed, " Evan Mcpherson of Clunie Esq.
at Clunie to the care of the Postmaster of Edinburgh at Ruth-
ven in Badenoch North Britain," and dated from York, June
29th, 1745: —
Sir, — I dare say it will be agreable to you to hear that his
Majisty has appointed you to have a Company in the Highland
Regiment now to be raised, which I thought it my duty to
inform you of as soon as the List of Officers came to my hand,
When at London my Lady Dutchess by my desire (when I
was in Holland) named you for a proper person to be in that
Regiment & I dare say you will from the acquaintance that I
have the happyness to have with you use your utmost endevours
to raise yr. Company without loss of time & in every respect
answer to the Character which I sincerely believe you ought to
have as from all the dealings I have had with you, in every
point you have behaved with the greatest Honour and Dis-
cretion possible. My Bror. Lord Charles has got a Company
in the same Regiment & I expect him daily here from which
place both Lord Charles, Lord Lewis, & I shall set out in a few
days for Scotland & shall be glad to see you soon at Gordon
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Castle. My wife joins with me in her Comts. to your Lady
and am Sir your most obedt. & most humble Servant
Gordon.
York June 29 1745 Saturday
I send you this without a Cover to save useless postage.
P.S. — Since writting my Bror. Lord Charles is arrived here
from London.
XXII. Lord Glenorchy to Cluny.
The next letter is from Lord Glenorchy, who became third
Earl of Breadalbane. The letter is addressed "Ewen Mao-
pherson of Cluny Esq. at Cluny."
Taymouth 14th July 1745.
Sir, — I return you the letter from your Brother, who I'm
glad to hear is alive, tho wounded. I shall write to enquire
about the vacancy you mention, and shall be glad if I can have
it in my power to serve him. By the last accounts it seems
probable that Ghent may be before now in the hands of the
French, or near it, so that tis uncertain where John is at pre-
sent. I wish if you go to Flanders that you may have better
success than our army there has yet had, and am, Sir, your
most humble servant Glenorchy.
XXII I. Leteer — Macleod of Macleod to Cluny.
Through the influence of President Forbes of Culloden,
MacLeod did not join in the Rising of the '45, thereby saving
his estates. Many of his clansmen, however, burning with zeal
for the cause of the Stewarts, fought in the ranks of Prince
Charlie's army. The letter is addressed " To Ewan Macpherson
of Clunie Esq., Captain in Lord Loudons Regiment. To be
left at Ruthven." The postscript to the letter was apparently
intended for Cluny's rf honest old father."
Dunvegan July s 30th 1745.
My dear Sir, — Last post I had the Pleasure of yours of the
13th & the honour also of a line from Lady Clunie to whom I
beg to offer my most hearty Compliments and to Miss Fraser
and your honest Old Father. The Justice Clark wrote me some
time ago of your Commission. I assure you, you are much
oblidged to him the D of Argyle & Mr> Guest. As for me my
dear Friend I heartily wish you joy, all I could do was to be
ane assidous remembrancer, but I assure you had I Power none
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would be more willing to Serve you, as I have a very sincere
Friendship and regard for you. I hope my son your Brother
Captain waited of you & Lady Clunie in his way North, I
desired him, no doubt you are busy recruiting. I wish you
much success and much speed. I subjoin what the D. of Argyle
wrote me on that head as a spurr to you & am wt. the most
sincere Friendship & affection yours
Normand MacLeod.
I wish you joy of your sons Preferment & I hope you will
gett him his men raised as soon as Possible, it will be very
much for the reputation of Highlanders that this regiment
should be soon fitt for service & may be a means of further
schemes for their good.
XXIV. The Duke of Atholl to Cluny.
In connection with this letter, His Grace the present Duke
of Atholl has kindly communicated to me several interesting
historical notes regarding the doings of his ancestors in the
Jacobite Risings of last century. The letter was written to
Cluny by William, Marquis of Tullibardine, second son of John,
first Duke of Atholl. The first Duke's sons who survived child-
hood were: — John, Marquis of Tullibardine, born 1684,
Colonel of a Scots Regiment in the Dutch service, killed at
Malplaquet 1709; Lord William, born 1689, an ofticer R.N.,
succeeded as Marquis of Tullibardine; Lord James, born 1690,
Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel 1st Foot Guards (now Grena-
dier Guards); Lord Charles, born 1691, Cornet 5th Dragoons
(now 5th Lancers); Lord George, born 1694, Ensign Royal
Regiment (now Royal Scots). William, Marquis of Tulli-
barcGne, and his brothers, Lords Charles and George, joined in
the Rising of 1715. Lord Charles was taken prisoner at
Preston, tried by Court Martial, and sentenced to death. He
afterwards received a pardon, and died in London in 1720.
Both the Marquis and Lord George escaped abroad, the former
being attainted. As Lord James had remained firm to the
Hanoverian Government, his father, the first Duke, obtained an
Act of Parliament to settle Lord James as heir to the title and
estates. In 1719, William, Marquis of Tullibardine, and Lord
George returned to this country, and took part in the Rising of
that year — the former being in command of the Jacobite forces.
Both afterwards escaped again abroad. In 1724 the Duke
applied to Government for a pardon for Lord George, who came
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home. The Duke died that year, and Lord George received a
pardon the following year. Lord James succeeded as Duke.
In 1745, William, Marquis of Tullibardine, was one of the
seven gentlemen who landed with Prince Charlie. He then
assumed the title of Duke of Atholl. In the family and in the
Atholl district the two brothers are known as Duke William
and Duke James. When Prince Charlie marched through
Atholl, Duke William took possession of the estates, whilst
Duke James made the best of his way to London. On reaching
Perth, the Prince was joined by Lord George. When the
Highland army marched to Edinburgh, Duke William was left
in Atholl as commander of the Jacobite forces benorth Forth.
He immediately occupied himself in raising the Atholl Brigade,
the first battalion of which marched south the end of the
second week of September. Duke William accompanied it as
far as Dunblane, and then returned to Blair. It was on his
return journey that the letter was written to Cluny. In Octo-
ber, Cluny and his clan joined the Duke in Atholl, where they
were employed for a few days in persuading those who were
unwilling to do so to join the forces of Prince Charlie. Towards
the end of the month, the Duke marched south to Edinburgh
with 1000 men (including the Macphersons), and joined the
Highland army before it set out for England.
In 1746, when the Duke of Cumberland arrived at Perth
on his way North, he was accompanied by Duke James, who
then regained possession of the estates. After Culloden, Duke
William was taken prisoner, and died in the Tower of London
on July 9th following. Lord George, for a third time, escaped
abroad, and never returned. He died in Holland in 1760.
James, second Duke of Atholl, died in 1764. His daughter,
Lady Charlotte, married Lord George's son, John, and the two
brothers were thus the two great-great-great-grandfathers of the
present Duke.
The " Engagement" referred to in the letter was the famous
battle of Prestonpans, in which, as is well known, the Jacobites,,
under Prince Charlie, completely routed the Hanoverian army,
under Sir John Cope, capturing their military chest, cannon,,
and baggage. The letter is addressed " To Evan Macpherson
of Clunie Esqur."
Dunkeld Sepr. 21 1745.
Sir, — I am very glad to see the two Mr Mc phersons you
were sending South. I was to have sent you an express after my
arrival at Blair. I am & all honest men must be extremely well
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pleas'd with the generous Dispositions you shew not wt. standing
the artful .Insinuations of those who pretend to be your friends,
there is now no need of contradicting every particular, for to
every ones Conviction you will find them false. I shall delay
writing to the rest of the Clans till I hear further particulars of
an Engagement there is reason to believe has happened this
day not farr from Edinr, One of your friends will stay with
me the better to inform you of the particulars which I hope we
shall have soon & then I may be able to inform you of the day
we can march forward to joyn his Royal Highness with the rest
of our friends & worthy countreymen who have first had the
honour to serve our King and Countrey. — I am, Sir, your most
obedient Humble Servant Atholl.
XXV. Sketch of the Skirmish at Clifton.
The following short but graphic description of this skirmish,
which occurred on 18th December, 1745, is a holograph one by
Cluny of the '45, who, at the head of his regiment, took such an
active and prominent part in that Rising. The sketch was
apparently written within a week after the skirmish took,
place : —
The Duke of Cumberland came up .to us at Clifton very late
Wednesday last the Eighteenth accompanied with 4000 horse
or Rather Better yn. three, according to our Information, and
2000 foot about a Day or two's march Behind him. He Indeed
surprizd us as we had no Right Intelligence about him, and
when he appeared there happened to be no more of our army at
hand then Glengarie's, Stuart of Apin, and my Regimt. . The
Rest of the armie being at such Distance that they could not
assist us at the Time. Our three Regiments planted themselves
to Receive the Enemy Being Commanded by our Generall
Lord George Murray. Glengariee Regimt. were placed at the
Back of a stone Dyke on our Right, the Apin Regimt. in the
Centere, and mine on the Left Lineing a Hedge, wherefrom we
Expected to attack the Enemie on there march towards us.
But the Generall spying another hedge about a Gun shot
nearer to the Grand Army of the Enemie which he thought to
be more advantageous ordered my Regimt. and the Stuarts to
possess themselves of that Hedge Directly, and at the same
time planted himself at the Right of my Regimt. which put me
to the Left. Immediatly we made towards the last mentioned
Hedge without any cover, which Hedge was without cur know-
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ing of it Lined By the Enemie, and was so very Closs having a
Deep Ditch, that it was much the same as if tbe[y] had been
Intrench'd to the Teeth. . Upon advancing towards them we
Received a most warm fire, I mean my Regimt. Single, wch. we
soon Returned and upon Discharging all our firelocks attacked
them sword in hand, Beat them out of their Intrenchmts. and
put them all to the flight in a word the whole Ditch the Enemie
had Lined was all filTd up with their Dead Bodies so that we
had no Difficulty in Crossing it .this was only ane advanced
Body of about six hundred Dragoons that had Dismounted in
order as we think to try if we Durst face them But I suppose
they were so well peppered that they will not Be heasty in
attacking us again; Glengaries Regimt. fired very Briskly from
the Back of the Stone Dyke on the Right on a part of the
Enemy that maich'd Directly to have flanked us which ro — * that
party, for ought I think they Did not lose above a man or two.
The Stuarts Did not attack in a Bodie, a few of them by accident
came in in our Rier By which means thev Did not lose on man
I had twelve men and a Sergtt. killd on the spot and three
privat men wounded But not one officer eyr. killed or wounded.
We cannot be possitive How many were killed of the Enemie
But that it is generally said by the Countrymen that they were
a Hundred & fifty and a great many wounded. We have
Great Reason to thank all mighty God, for our coming so safe
off as the attack Being after night fall was one of the most
Desperate ones has been heard of for a Long time, which is
allowed by all the officers here as well Scots as ffrench, who say
that the part my Regiment acted was one of the most Gallant
things happened in this Age, and say it was ane action worthy
to be Recorded if Done by the oldest and Best Disciplind
Regimts. in Europe. Upon Beating of all Back that had
advanced to the Main Body of the Enemy we Retyred and
Charged again to be Readie for a Second attack at which time
we Received Express orders from the prince to Return to
Penrith.
XXVI. Letters from Prince Charlie to Cluny, and Twelve
Relative Receipts.
The first letter is signed by the Prince, and is addressed in
his handwriting "For Cluny Macpherson." The second is
entirely holograph of the Prince, is well written, and is ad-
* Word partly worn on.
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dressed " McPherson, of Clunie." It was written to Cluny just
as the Prince was about to embark for France, in September,
1746. A facsimile of it is given in " Glimpses of Church and
Social Life in the Highlands in Olden Times and other
Papers/' published by Messrs William Blackwood & Sons in
1893. The third letter, which is also holograph of the Prince,
bears no date, but was apparently written " after he was on
board for France/' It is written on a slip of paper in an
unusually slovenly and hurried manner, as compared with the
other letters, and looks as if it had been dried by scattering
snuff or dust on the ink. It is addressed For Cluny Mack
Ferson." The fourth letter was written by the Prince from
France, and is dated 4th September, 1754. It is addressed
" For C. M. in Scotld.", is given in the appendix to " Browne's
History of the Highlands, and is stated to be " from the
draught in Charles' handwriting."
In the manuscript referred to on page 403, it is related that
after Culloden, and before he left for France, Prince Charlie
" laid his commands" on Cluny " to stay in Scotland, both by
word and in writing, as the only person in whom he cou'd
repose the greatest confidence; assureing him that he should
pay him a visit soon in a way better supported than formerly,
and that at no rate he shou'd leave the country to such time as
he shou'd see himself, or at least have orders to that purpose
under his own hand. Cluny, who knew the dangerous situa-
tion, wou'd willingly have excused himself, and have accom-
panied him along with the others to France. But the Prince
being urgent he obeyed, trusting to Providence and a good
cause, and was willing to risque everything rather than fail in
his duty. The Prince took accordingly his departure and
arrived safely in France, whereof Cluny had the agreeable
nottice by the voice of fame soon after. Long afterwards did
ho impatiently look for the promised visit, but to his great
grieff it never happened : at last he had messages from the
Prince that he had been disappointed in his intended return to
Brittain, and that, being entirely sensible of his faithfull
attachment, it gave him real concern that it was not in his
power to provide for him in the manner he wished, but that, in
the meantime, haveing obtained a regiment from the King of
France in favours of Lord Locheil and his family, he had
named him Lieutenant-Collonel, which wou'd afford him about
five thousand livres a, year as small bread for him and his family
to. such time as it might be in his power to do more for him.
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But still that he behooved to remain in Scotland, and that his
appointments wou'd be paid him from the establishing of the
regiment as faithfully and punctually as if he were in France.
Cluny complyed with no small reluctance, and in consequence of
his obedience, underwent innumerable hardships for a course of
nine tedious melancholly years: woods, mountains, and caves
were generally his best lodgings, and the depth of night the only
time of his movements. The Government were solicitous to
find him out, and for that purpose troops were dayly employed
in keen warm searches after him; garrisons continually lay in
his country, using every means to obtain informations about
him both by threats and promises; even large sums and high
preferments we^e repeatedly offered to any person who wou'd
make the least discovery; yet so remarkable was the attach-
ment of his people, and the great good-will of his other country-
men, together with his own prudent conduct and directions,
that it never was in the power of the Government for any
premium to trace him so much as one single step, or to dis-
cover where he lodged one single night, which affords an
instance of a private person standing out against the violent
resentment of an enrag'd powerfull Government for so long a
course of time as no historie or tradition can paralel. In this
manner time passed lonly on from year to year; during the
uncomfortable severity of every tedious winter he consol'd him-
self with hopes of relieff in the Spring or Summer, but to his
grieff he even then found his hopes disappointed, and another
melancholly winter overtake him. Here justly may be observed
the effects of habite on the humane constitution, for during the
course of nine years in a remarkable cold climate, Cluny never
once put on a pair of breetches, or a pair of gloves on his hands,
nor scarce ever found he had use for them, while at the same
time he scarce cou'd ever have the conveniency of a fire."
The twelve receipts granted to Cluny, of which transcripts
follow the letters, speak for themselves. As regards the receipt
dated 2nd April, 1748, Ludovick Cameron of Torcastle, in a
letter to Prince Charlie, dated Paris, November 21st, 1753,
after detailing the expenses he had incurred subsequent to the
battle of Prestonpans in recruiting for the Prince in the High-
lands, writes as follows: —
" I also received from my nephew Cluny Macpherson £150
in order to support my wife and family while I was obliged to
skulk in the Highlands, the ennemy having plundered them of
all, and to bear my charges to France, so that your Royal •
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest. 413
Highness may see there is more owing to me than I have
received."
In the receipt (No. 8 of the series), Angus Cameron acknow-
ledges having received £50 for " Lodovick Cameron," and in
the receipt (No. 9) the latter himself acknowledges having
received £100 — the two sums amounting together to the £150
mentioned in his letter to the Prince. The sums paid by Cluny
as specified in the twelve receipts amount to £2730. In addi-
tion to these sums, Cluny in 1749 paid 6000 Louis d'or to Dr
Archibald Cameron (a brother of Lochiel of the time), for which *
Cluny obtained his receipt.* Taking the value of the Louis
d'or as equivalent to 15s of sterling money, the total sums thus
paid by Cluny to adherents of the Stewarts, so far as I have
been able to trace, amounted in the aggregate to £7230, or
9640 Louis d'ors. Mr Lang, who has fully investigated the
whole matter, says, in his latest volume, that the charges in
connection with the Loch Arkaig Treasure, brought " against
men so noted for their loyalty as Dr Cameron and Cluny, are
false." . . . . " The information obtained" — he further
says — " is accurate, and, so far, entirely exculpates Cluny from
the various unpleasant accusations brought by his enemies.
Major Kennedy really went from France to Newcastle, and
received 60001. for Charles, a sum conveyed to him, at what
peril we may imagine, by Macpherson of Breakachy" (Cluny's
brother-in-law). " As to Cluny's retention of money, the same
diificulty occurs as in the case of Dr Cameron. He arrived in
France a destitute exile, when, by Charles' command, he ceased
to skulk in the caves of Ben Alder, and crossed to join the
Prince in 1754. There is no trace of the value of an estate in
his possession, though Charles, in ordinary gratitude, owed him
much more than he is said to have claimed. Thus it is certain
that Archibald Cameron did not help himself to the Prince's
money; while the story about Cluny is inconsistent with his
honourable poverty and with figures, for these accounts make
no allowance for 6000 louis, certainly conveyed to Charles by
Major Kennedy." In a letter, dated 22nd June, 1750, Mac-
donald of Lochgarry, whom Mr Lang justly characterises " as
a truly loyal and honest man," informed Prince Charlie that,
having gone to Scotland the preceding winter to visit his wife
and family, he had seen Cluny, whom, to his real satisfaction, he
found the same person he always believed him — " a true,
* Browne's History, Vol. ITT., page 401 ; and Vol. IV., page 117.
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worthy, good man, and, in a word, a man of loyalty and honour.
After long conversations *concerning your Royal Highnesses
affairs, he, with great concern, told me in what manner the
money your Royal Highness had trusted to his care, had been
torn from him, and then gave me a state of it to be shewn to
your Highness, with the tender of his respectful duty. Had it
been proper that I should know the place of your Royal High-
ness's present residence, no distance should have prevented my
having the honor of presenting them personally. But as that
honor cannot 'be allowed me, I make use of this means to
forward the present letter which covers a just copy of the state
Clunie gave me. By it your Royal Highness will observe that
no less a sum than 16000 Louis-d'ors may still be recovered of
the money, so as to be applied in such a manner as your Royal
Highness shall judge proper." *
In consequence of the letter from Prince Charlie, dated 4th
September, 1754, Cluny contrived to escape to France, where he
met the Prince, and duly accounted for all the money and
effects which had been left in his hands.
1. Prince CJvarlie to Cluuy, dated Boradale, August ye §tk, 1745.
Being fully perswaded of your Loyalty & zeal for the King's
service, I think fit to inform you that I am come into this
country to assert his right, at the head of such of his faithfull
subjects as will engage in his quarrel. I intend therefore to
set up the Royal Standard at Glenfinnen on Munday the 19th
instant. Your appearance on that occasion would be very use-
full, but if not practicable I expect you to joyn me as soon as
possible, and you shall always find me ready to give you marks
of my friendship. Charles P.R.
2. Prince Charlie to Cluny, dated Diralagich in Glencamyier of
Locharkag, \&th Septy, 1746.
McPherson of Clunie, — As we are sensible of your and
Clan's fidelity and integrity to us dureing our adventures ;n
Scotland and England in the year 1745 and 1746 in recovering
our just rights from the Elector of Hanover by which you have
sustained very great losses both in your interest and person I
therefore promise when it shall please God to put it in my
power to make a gretfull return sutable to your suferings.
Charles P.R.
* Browne's History, Vol. IV., page 72.
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Gleanings pom the Cluny Charter Chest 415
3. Prince Charlie to Cluny.
For ye Glengary men to be pede to Logari's Brother one
hundred and fifty Pounds £150
For ye Magrigers and Stuards a hundred pound a pise *100
For Lockels Clan three hundred Pounds 300
For Kepocks Lady a hundred Pounds 100
and for your self s disposal a hundred Pounds 100
All this to be given uppon their recets which you will keepe.
Charles P.R.
For Cluny Mack Ferson. (Total 750 Pounds)
4. Prince Charlie to Cluny ', dated Paris, Mh Sept., 1754.
For C. M. in Scotld.
Sir, — This is to desire you to come as soon as you can con-
veniently to Paris, bringing over with you all the effects what-
soever that I left in your hands when I was in Scotland, as also
whatever money you can come at, for I happen to be at present
in great straits, which makes me wish that you should delay as
little as possible to meet me for that effect. You are to address
yourself when arrived at Paris to Mr John Waters, Banker,
&c. He will direct you where to find your sincere friend
C. P.
1. Receipt, Angus M' Donell of Greenfield to Cluny, dated
Drummond, 6th August. 1746.
Then Received by me Angus Mc Donell of Greenfield in
Glengarie from Evan Mc pherson of Clunie the sum of Twoanty
five pound Sterlling mony towards payment of my Cess and
promises by these to pay the same if required. As witness my
hand place and date above mentioned.
Angus Mc Donell.
2. Receipt, Angus Cameron for LochieVs Regiment to Cluny, dated
Uh October, 1746.
I Angus Cameron Brother German to Glennevis grant me
to have received from Ewen Mc Pherson of Cluny three hundred
pounds Sterling as the proportion of the money left by his
Highness P. R. for the immediate subsistande of LocheiTs Regi-
* Note. — As " ye magrigers and Stuards " were to get " a hundred pounds
a pise/' this sum should be £200 — making the total £850.
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416 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
ment by vertue of his own order to Cluny write on Board the
Ship for ffrance which sum I promise will hold count. In
witness wherof I have writen and subscribed these presents at
Stronacardoch this sixth day of October 1746 by
Angus Cameron.
3. Receipt, Angus Cameron for " Glenguiles " Regiment to Cluny,
dated Qth October, 1746.
I Angus Cameron in Downan Brother German to Glenneves
grant me to have received from Ewn McPherson of Cluny One
hundred pounds Sterling as the proportion of the money left by
his Highness P. It. for the immediate subsistance of Glenguiles
Regiment * by vertue of his own order to Cluny writ on Board
the ship for ffrance which sum I promise will hold Count. In
wittness wherof I have written and subscribed these presents at
Stronacardoch this sixth day of October 1746 years by
Angus Cameron.
*This was evidently the regiment of Macgregor of Glengyle. On the
breaking out of the Rising of the '45, the Clan Gregor adhered to the cause of
Prince Charlie. A Macgregor regiment, 300 strong, was raised by Robert
Macgregor of Glencairnock, who was generally considered as chief of the clan,
which joined the Prince's army. The branch of Ciar Mhori however, regarded
William Macgregor Drummond of Bohaldie, then in France, as their head, and
a separate corps formed by them, commanded by Glengyle, and James Roy
Macgregor, united themselves to the levies of the titular Duke of Perth, James
assuming the name of Drummond, the Duke's family name, Instead of that of
Campbell. This corps was the relics of Rob Roy's band, and with only twelve
men of it, James Roy, who seems to have held the rank of captain or major,
succeeded in surprising and burning, for the second time, the fort at Inver-
snaid, constructed for the express purpose of keeping the country of the
Macgregors in order.
At the battle of Prestonpans, the Duke of Perth's men and the Macgregors
composed the centre. Armed only with scythes, this party cut off the legs of
the horses, and severed, it is said, the bodies of the riders in twain. Captain
James Roy, at the commencement of the battle, received five wounds. Two
bullets went through his body, and laid him prostrate on the earth. That his
A men might not be discouraged by his fall, he raised himself on the ground,
and resting his head upon his hand, called out to them, " My lads, I am not
dead ! By God, I shall see if any of you does not do his duty !" The Mac-
gregors instantly fell on the flank of the English infantry, which immediately
gave way. James Roy recovered from his wounds, and rejoined the Prince's
army with six companies. He was present at the battle of Culloden, and
after that defeat the Clan Gregor returned in a body to their own country,
when they dispersed. James Roy was attainted for high treason, but from
some letters letters of his published in Blackwood's Magazine for December,
1817, Vol. II., page 228, it appears that he had entered into some communi-
cation with the Government, as he mentions having obtained a pass from the
Lord Justice Clerk in 1747, which was a sufficient protection to him from the
military. — Vide Anderson's "Scottish Nation," vol. II., pp. 742-3.
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ABSTRACT OF T
or
XTbe (Saeiic Socie
From 31st DECEMBER, 1897,
INCOME.
Funds at close of last Account —
Balance at credit of Bank Account £26 6 10
„ in hands of Treasurer ... 14 7 0
Subscriptions —
342 Ordinary Members (including
arrears) £135 10 0
43 Honorary Members (including
arrears) 36 4 6
£40 13 10
£171 14 6
Less Arrears —
Ordinary Members ...£83 5 0
Honorary „ ... 20 9 6
103 14 6
1 Life Member's Subscription
Assembly and Dinner Tickets Sold
Copies Transactions Sold
£68 0 0
7 7 0
75 7
45 0
0
9
... ...
0 17
0
£161 18 7
Inverness, 23rd Ftby., 1899.— We have examined the above Ace
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rHE ACCOUNTS
t£ of 3nv>ernes8,
, to 31st DECEMBER, 1898.
EXPENDITURE.
Annual Meetings —
Expenses in coanectiou with Dinner £12 5 6
„ „ Assembly 23 H 7
£5(5
o
1
Printing and Advertising
9
8
i
11
Kent of Rooms .. .
15
0
0
Miscellaneous — including Stationery, Postages,
Furnishing of Room, and General Expenses
11
12
4
Salaries —
Secretary and Treasurer ... ... £17 10 0
Assistant Secretary 12 10 0
30
0
0
Funds at close of this Account —
*Jv
Balance at credit of Bank Account £58 2 8
„ in hands of Treasurer ... 1 14 7
KQ
17
ft
£161 18 7
unt of Charge and Discharge, and find same correct.
T. A. MACKAY, Auditor.
AND. MACINTOSH, Auditor.
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest 417
4. Receipt, William Stewart for " Ard&healVs Regiment " fo Cluny,
dated 6th October, 1746.
I William Stewart mercht. Ardsheall, and bearer of the
withine and above written letter grant me to have received .
from Ewn Mc pherson Esqr. of Clunie one hundred pound Stg.
as the proportion of the money left by his Royall Highness
P. R. for the immediate subsistance of ArdshealTs Regiment by
vertue of his own order to Clunie writt on board the ship for
ffranoe for which Sum I promise to hold myself acomptable
Tsoth to Cluny and Ardsheall. In witness whereof I writt &
subscribe theis presents at Stronakerdoch, this sixth October
1746 by William Stewart.
5. Receipt, Angus M'Donell of Greenfield for the Glengarry
Regiment to Cluny, dated 12th October, 1746.
I Angus Mc Donell of Greenfield, Brother german to Loch-
gary Grant me to have received from Ewen Mcpherson of
Clunie the sum of One hundred and fifty pound sterling monny
and that as the proportion of the money left by his royal high-
ness the prince regent and appointed Clunie in writing after he
was on board for France to deliver the said soum to me for the
present and immediate subsistence of the Glengery regmt. In
witness wherof I have written and subscribed this present att
Greenfield the twelth day .of October one thousand seven
hundred and fourty six years.
Angus Mc Donell.
.6. Receipt, Janet Stewart " Lady Keppoch " to Cluny,
dated October, 1746.
I Janet Stewart lady Keppoch grant me to have received
from Evan Mcpherson of Clunee on hundred pound sterling
mony as a gratuity laeft with you to be given me and that by
vertue of his Royall hayness P. R. order to you write on board
the ship for ffrance. In witness whereof I have write and
subcribed this pressents att Kappoch the day of October
1746 by . Janet Stewart.
7. Receipt, Donald Drummond for Lochiel to Cluny, dated
llth August, 1747.
I Donald Drummond son to Alexander Drummond of Bal-
haldie grant me to have received at this date from Evan Mc
pherson of Clunie the sum of one thousand pound Sterling —
27
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418 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
which sum of money I promise to deliver to Donald Cameron
of Locheil with all oonveniency and speed, all accidents
excepted, the same being designed for ye support of him and
his Family. In witness whereof I have written and signed
these presents at Alder this Eleventh Day of August One
thousand seven hundred and fourty seven years.
Do. Drummond.
8. Receipt, Angus Cameron for Sundry Parties to Cluny, dated
\lth August, 1747.
I Angus Cameron in Downan grant me to have received at
this date from Ewn. Mo pherson of Clunie the sum of three
hundred pound ster. and that of the Prince Regent his money
to be given out to the following persons who are in very great
difficulties for their imediat subsistance viz: fifty pound sterg
for Charles Stewart of Ardsheal, fifty pound ster to Lodovick
Cameron of Torcastle, fifty pound sterling to Doctor Cameron's
Lady, fourty pound ster. to Allan Cameron of Callort his Lady,
Twenty seven pound ten shillis. ster. to Donald Cameron of
Blairmaokphuiltich, Twenty Seven pound ten shil. ster. to Alexr.
Cameron of Drumnafallie his relict, Twenty seven pound ten
shil. ster. to Duncan Mc Allan Viconil in Glenseadall, and
Twenty seven pound ten sh. ster. for Angus Cameron meaning
myself. In witness whereof I have written and subscrived these
presents at Alder the elevnth day of august one thousand seven
hundred and fourty seven years.
Angus Cameron.
9. Receipt, Ludovick Cameron to Cluny, dated 2nd April, 1748.
I Ludovick Cameron of Torcastle grant me to, have received
from Evan Macpherson of Cluny ye sum of One hundred pound
sterlin and yt. of the Prince Regent his money, the same bemg
designed for my suport and careing me over seas. In wittness
whereof I have written and subscribed thes presents at Dunan
ye second day of Aprile on thousand seven hundred and forty
eight years. L. Cameron.
10. Receipt, John Cameron for Lochiel to Cluny, dated
ith May, 1748
Received by me from Peter (Ewen?) Mcpherson in Clunie
three hundred and fifty pound sterling money of which three
hundred pound to pay the cess and teinds due upon Locheils
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest 419
Estate and fifty pound to be given to some poor people of his
name. As witness my hand at Fassfern this fourth day of
May 1748 years. John Cameron.
11. Receipt, '• Mack Donell" to Cluny, dated 2%th Nov., 1749.
I accknoledge to have received from Clunie Macpherson by
vertue of his Majestie's credentials the summe of three hundred
Jjuidors, value received by me at Drumochlere 28th Novbre.
1749. (Signed) Mack Donell.
12. Receipt, M'Donell of Greenfield to Cluny, dated 2&th Nov., 1749.
28th Nov. 1749 I have received by me Angus McDonell of
Greenfield thirty pound ster. money to be delivered to Lady
Lochgerie Angus McDonell.
XXVII. Letters — Murray op Broughton to Cluny.
This is the notorious " John Murray," who, down to " the
day of dool on bleak Culloden's bloody moor," acted as the
faithful and devoted Secretary of Prince Charlie. To save his
own neck, after the hopes of the Stewarts had been extin-
guished, Murray turned " King's evidence," and his name was
subsequently branded with infamy. " His evidence" — says Mr
Fitz-Roy Bell, in the " Murray of Broughton Memorials" — " did
little harm to anybody save Lovat, for of the others only Lord
Traquair suffered imprisonment : he made his own arrangements
with the Government, and was released without the annoyance
of any judicial proceedings. ' At the least, therefore, Murray
must be distinguished from the common informer, and the view
that his infamy is his only claim on the memory of posterity
must be modified by a knowledge of the man and his surround-
ings." On the other hand, Murray has been described as " the
tool and paid informer of the Hanoverian Government, and as the
betrayer to the gibbet and block of many gallant men, whom,
but for his evidence, partial and prejudicial as were the judges
and juries in that drejadful time, it would have been impossible
to convict." The detestation in which Murray was afterwards
held by men of all parties is strikingly exemplified by a curious
incident related by Lockhart in his Life of Scott : —
" Mrs Scott (Sir Walter's mother) had her curiosity strongly
excited one autumn by the regular appearance, at a certain
hour every evening, of a sedan chair to deposit a person care-
fully muffled up in a mantle, who was immediately ushered into
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her husband's private room, and commonly remained with him
there until long after the usual bedtime of his orderly family.
Mr Scott (Sir Walter's father) answered her repeated enquiries
with a vagueness which irritated the lady's feelings more and
more; until, at last, she could bear the thing no longer; but
one evening, just as she heard the bell ring as for the stranger's
chair to carry him off, she made her appearance within the
forbidden parlour with a salver in her hand, observing that she
thought the gentleman had sat so long they would be the better
of a dish of tea, and had ventured accordingly to bring some
for their acceptance. The stranger, a person of distinguished
appearance, and richly dressed, bowed to the lady, and
accepted a cup; but her husband knit his brows and refused
very coldly to partake the refreshment. A moment afterwards
the visitor withdrew, and Mr Scott, lifting up the window
sash, took the cup, which he had left empty on' the table, and
tossed it out upon the pavement. The lady exclaimed for her
china, but was put to silence by her husband's saying, ' I can
forgive your little curiosity, madam, but you must pay the
penalty . I may admit into my house, on a piece of business,
persons wholly unworthy to be treated as guests by my wife.
Neither lip of me nor of mine comes after Mr Murray of
Broughton's/
" This was the unhappy man" — Mr Lookhart adds — " who,
after attending Prince Charles Stewart as his Secretary
throughout thp greater part of his expedition, condescended to
redeem his own life and fortune by bearing evidence against
the noblest of his late master's adherents, when
'Pitied by gentle hearts Kilmarnock died —
The brave, Baknerino were on thy side/
When first confronted with the last-named peer — Lord jrfal-
merino — before the Privy Council in St James', the prisoner
was asked, 'Do you know this witness, my Lord?' 'Not I,'
answered Balmerino. 'I once knew a person who bore the
designation of Murray of Broughton; but that was a gentle-
man and a man of honour, and one that could hold up his
head.' " *
The following extracts from lines addressed to Murray, on
his turning Informer, by the Rev. Thomas Drummond of Edin-
burgh, in 1747, are certainly remarkable for their pungency
and force of language : —
* Quoted by " Nether Lochaber " in Inverness Courier of 22nd January, 1897
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charter Chest 421
" Once honest, steady, brave,
How great the change — to coward, traitor, knave!
O ! hateful love of lif e that prompts the mind,
The godlike, great and good, to leave behind:
From wisdom's laws, from honour's glorious plan,
From all on earth that dignifies the man,
With steps unhallow'd wickedly to stray,
And trust and friendship's holy bands betray."
Go, wretch! enjoy the purchase you have gain'd.
Scorn and reproach your ev'ry step attend.
By all mankind neglected and forgot,
Retire to solitude, retire and rot.
But whither? whither can the guilty fly
From the devouring worms that never "die;
Those inward stings that rack the villain's breast,
Haunt his lone hours and break his tortur'd rest?
Midst caves, midst rocks and deserts you may find
A safe retreat for all the human kind,
But to what foreign region can you run
Your greatest enemy, yourself, to shun?
Where'er thou go'st wild anguish and despair
And black remorse attend with hideous stare;
Tear your destracted soul with torments fell,
Your passions' devils, and your bosom hell.
Thus may you drag your heavy chain along, '
■Some minutes more inglorious life prolong.
And when the fates shall cut a coward's breath,
Weary of being, yet afraid of death;
If crimes like thine hereafter are forgiv'n,
Judas and Murray both may go to Heav'n."
Murray's letters are addressed to "Evan McPherson of
Cluney." In the postscript to his last letter, Murray intimates,
it will be noticed, that u Lady Mcintosh" (the famous
" Colonel Ann") desired that Cluny should " raise all Mcin-
toshe's men in Badenoch." In the "Memorials" referred to,
so ably edited by Mr Fitzroy Bell, and recently published by
the Scottish History Society, Murray, before he turned
" King's evidence," gives the following interesting and instruc-
tive testimony regarding " Cluney's Character" : —
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422 Gaelic- Society of Inverness.
" Ewen McPhersan of Cluney is of a low Stature, very square,
and a dark brown complection, of extreme good sense, and
inferior to none in the North of Scottland for Capacity, greatly
beloved by his Clan, who are by all their neighbours allowed
to be a Sober, regular, Sedate people. A man not only brave
in the general acceptation of the word, but upon reflection and
forethought, determined and resolute with uncommon calm-
ness."
In a subsequent portion of the " Memorials," it is stated
that " the Country of Badenoch belongs cheifly to the Duke of
Gordon, but the inhabitants follow McPherson of Cluney: The
father was not in the rebellion, but it is probable the son was
put in possession of the estate upon his marriage with Lord
Lovat's Daughter, by whom he has only one girl. This Clan is
looked upon as one of the most civilised in the Highlands.
Cluney, the son, is esteemed to have both sense and activity,
and has as much, if not more, the command of his Clan than
any Cheif amongst them. His strongest connection a»d inti-
macy is with the familly of Lochiel, and his people all Pro-
testants."
1. Murray of Bruughton to Cluny, dated Deer, ye 1st, 1741.
Sir, — I had the honour of yours some time ago which gave
me the greatest satisfaction to hear of your Brother's prefer-
ment. You may be sure I did not neglect to write to Holland
as you desired tho I am far from thinking any thing I could
do to serve him could contribute but that it is alone owing to
his owne merit. I hope you will pardon me not answering
yours sooner it being oceasion'd by my being a good deal
hurry'd of late. If any thing occurrs wherein it is in my
power to serve you I hope you will beleeve me both willing and
ready and that I am most sincerly, Sir, your most obt. and
most humble servant Jo. Murray.
2. Murray of Broughtnn to Cluny., dated "2ith Oct., 1745.
Sir, — It's now a long time since you have been expected to
join the Army either with or without the Duke of Atholl but
to our great Surprise we are informd you returned to the
Country to bring up more men, the 300 we were told that are
with you are now of more use then double their number can
be some time hence for which reason the Prince has ordered
me to write you by express to march up with all dilligence to
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Gleanings from the Cluny Charier Chest 423
join him without waiting for the Duke should he make any
further delay which att the same time there is no reason to
believe as the Prinoe has sent him express orders to march
immediately from Perth. I must again repeat to you that
upon receapt of this you may not delay an half hour and make
as long marches as possible. There are arms in plenty att
Perth and Dunkele of which I suppose you have already had
your share. I am with the utmost impatience to see you, Dr.
Sir, your most obedt. and most humble Servt.
Jo. Murray.
Edinr. Oct. ye 24th 1745.
3. Murray of Broughton to Cluny, dated 23rd Feby., 1746.
Dr. Sir, — I have had the pleasures of talking with
Brakahie about your stay att home till further orders and I
am fully satisfied that att this juncture there is nothing more
necessary. I wish Shian and you could fall upon a methode
of making them an unexpected visite; lett us have any intelli-
gence you possibley can procure is in Shians to know
what he has a mind. — My Dr. Sir your most obedt. & most
humble Servant Jo. Murray.
Inverness, Feby. 23rd 1746.
Note. — A portion of one of the sides of the immediately
preceding letter is worn off, which explains the blank in the
transcript. The letter is docqueted on the back as follows: —
" Letter Mr Murray to Clunie, about attacking the canton-
ments of the Campbles in Atholl. The within list contains
the names of the officers taken prisoners upon that occasion.''
The list referred to must have been detached from the letter,
and I have not been able to trace it.
4. Murray of Broughton to Cluny, undated.
Sir, — His Royal Highness has just now received intelli-
gence that Lord Loudoun march'd last night att twelve a clock
the Fort Augustus road. Expresses are sent of to advertise
Glengary and Cappoch to intercept them but lest they atempt
Curyarick his Highness desires you may immediately gett all
your people together and give them a meetting on the Hill.
Dont neglect the moment you receive this to send two three
cleaver fellows to have certain intelligence of their motions. —
I am Dr. Sir yours most Sincerely
Jo. Murray.
Dalmagarry, Monday 9 in the morning.
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P.S. — If Shian (Colonel Menzies) and the Itannoch folks
be with, you be sure to carry them with you or at any rate
send and advertise them. D. Lady Mcintosh desires you may
raise all Mcintoshes men in Badenoch; nothing but the hurry
she was in hindered her from writting to you.
XXVIII. Letter — Lord George Murray to Cluny.
This letter is from Lord George Murray, a younger brother
of William, the second Duke of Atholl (the writer of the letter
No. xxiv.). Lord George is well known in history as the cele-
brated generalissimo of the forces of Prince Charlie in the '45.
Although attainted for his share in that Rising, his son was
allowed to succeed his uncle and father-in-law as third Duke of
Atholl. The letter is addressed "To the Honble. Collonell
Macfearson of Clunie at or near Ruthven."
Inverness 11th March 1746.
9 in the morning.
Sir, — I am now to acquaint you that I will be at Avie-
more, or at a publick house at the Kirk of Alvie to-morow
being Wednesday the 12 th by three oclock in the afternoon.
The Atholl men are to come up the country by the way of
Nairn & Cadle (Cawdor) to-morow night so I wish you could
fix upon a proper quartermaster. The pretence for our goeing
up that Country is to take a finall resolution with the Grants,
& be at a point with them. I shall be very desirous to see you
& Sheen (Colonel Menzies) to-morow at Aviemore or near the
Kirk of Alvie; at the same time I would wish my comming
to that country were as little known as could be & when known
only as come to treat with the Grants. I pray you have trusty
men on all the passages towards Atholl that non of the Grants
or others may pass to give intelligence. — I am Dr. Sr. your
most obedient Humble Servant
George Murray.
XXIX. Letters — Lochiel to Cluny.
These letters are addressed to Cluny by his cousin, "the
gentle Lochiel" of the '45, who has been justly characterised
as " the most faithful and zealously devoted subject ever served
any Prince/' It is more than probable that were it not for
LoohieTs adhesion at the outset to the cause of Prince Charlie,,
the Rising would have been nipped in the bud: —
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" What praise, O Cameron ! can the muse ascribe,
Thou free from censure as thou wast from bribe;
Unstained, unsullied in a corrupt age,
Reserved for fame in every poets page :
The sun shall fade, the stars shall lose their light,
But Cameron's fame shall never suffer night:
Bright as thyself it ever shall appear,
To all good men, to God and angels dear;
Thou wast the first that lent thy friendly aid,
Of no usurper's bloody laws afraid :
Thou wast the first, and thy example drew
The honest, loyal, honourable few."
The allusions in Lochiel's letter of March 20th, 1746, are to a
series of attacks made on several posts in the Atholl country,
occupied at the time by a portion of the Hanoverian forces.
So well were the plans of attack concerted that, although the
operations lay in a rugged mountainous country, the different
detachments punctually met at the place of rendezvous at the
appointed time. The attacking parties were entirely composed
of a body of the Atholl men, led by Lord George Murray, and
a body of the Macphersons, under the command of young
Cluny. Within two hours of the night no less than twenty
' detached, strong, and defensible posts, previously held by the
enemy, were successfully surprised and captured. Of this
exploit, General Stewart of Garth, in. his " Sketches of the
Highlanders," says : — " I know not if the whole of the Penin-
sular campaigns exhibited a more perfect execution of a com-
plicated piece of military service." In giving the following
account of the capture of these posts, Captain John Mac-
pherson of Strathmashie, in a communication to Bishop Forbes,
dated in 1748, explains, it will be seen, the special purpose for
which Cluny's regiment had been left in Badenoch after the
battle of Falkirk: —
" When the rest of the army marched to Inverness, we were
left in Badenoch to intercept or prevent any incursions of the
enemy the Highland way, which, if not taken care of, might be
of bad consequence. Some time after the army lay at Inver-
ness, Lord George Murray wrote from thence to Cluny showing
that he intended to surprize the Athole garrisons, and in order
thereto would march to Badenoch with the Athole men," from
which, joined by Cluny's regiment, he was resolved to make his
attacks. Upon receipt of this letter, Cluny found a very prin-
cipal! obstacle likely to obstruct the success of the enterprise,
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which was the communication betwixt Athole and Badenooh,
and which, if not secured so as to stop the least notice from
goeing to Athole, the whole design must prove abortive; and,
to secure that communication for noe less than a fortnight,
that must have been taken before the design could be ripe for
execution, seemed noe less than impracticable, considering the
long, wide, and open tract of hill that lay interjected betwixt
both countries; and as noe country sure enough wanted their
Achans, the matter was still the more impracticable. How-
ever, to work, he (I mean Cluny) went in planting of his
guards, and taking all possible precautions he cou'd think of,
and he verily had need of all his prudence and vigilance in
managing his affairs, let him have what numbers he might.
At length Lord George arrived in Badenoch where they must
have been two nights (which rendered what I have said with
respect to the security of* the communication still the more
difficult). Towards Athole on the second day after Lord
George with the Athole men arrived in Badenoch, he with
them and us marched : and that same night after travelling,
most of us, thirty miles through hill and storm, being
regularly divided and detached, the Athole men and we mixed
in every party at one and the same time if I well remember
betwixt 12 at night and 2 in the morning, made our attacks
at five different places, namely, Bunrannoch, Kynachan, Blair-
phettie, Lood, and Mr. Mc Glashan in Blair, his house, be-
twixt which and Bunrannoch there is no less than 10 miles.
Kynachan will be six from it, and Blairphettie 3. In all which
attacks we had the good fortune to succeed to our minds,
excepting Mr Mc Glashen's house, those therein having deserted
it before our party ordered there had come up. We killed
and wounded many. I doe not, indeed, now remember their
number, and made about 300 prisoners, without loseing one
man, tho' briskly fired upon at the three first mentioned
places. In short, they were all, to a man, taken dead or alive,
tho' well covered and fortified. This was, indeed, a cheap, and
not to be expected success, considering their advantageous
situation besides ours, and was no doubt principally owing to
the extraordinary care taken in securing the communications I
have been speaking of before, by which means we took them,
indeed, much at unawares. All the prisoners were of the
Campbell Militia and Loudon's Regiment, excepting a few of
the regulars that were taken at Lood." *
* Lyon in Mourning, Vol. II., pp. 91-92.
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Lochiel died in exile on 26th October, 1748, and the fol-
lowing tribute to his memory appeared in the " Soots
Magazine" in December of that year : —
" Dead is Lochiel, the terror of whose arms
So lately shook this island with alarms!
Be just, ye Whigs; and tho' the Tories mourn,
Lament a Scotsman in a foreign urn;
Who, born a chieftain, thought the right of birth
The source of all authority on earth.
Mistaken as he was, the man was just, %
Firm to his word, and faithful to his trust :
He bade not others go, himself to stay,
As is the pretty, prudent, modern way ;
But, like a warrior, bravely drew the sword,
And rear'd his target for his native lord.
Humane he was, protected countries tell;
So rude a host was never ruTd so well.
Fatal to him, and to the cause he lov'd,
Was the rash tumult which his folly rnoVd ;
Compell'd for that to seek a foreign shore,
And ne'er beheld his mother country more!
Compell'd, by hard necessity, to bear,
In Gallia's bands, a mercenary spear!
But heav'n, in pity to his honest heart,
Resolv'd to snatch him from so poor a part.
To cure at once his spirit and his mind,
With exile wretched, and with error blind,
The mighty mandate unto death was given,
And good Lochiel is now a Whig in Heaven."
The first three letters are addressed to " Eun McPherson
Esqr. of Cluny." The last does not show to whom it was sent,
but it was apparently addressed to the Clan generally.
1. Lochiel to Cluny, dated June 30th, 1744.
Dear Cousine, — I received the pleasure of yours by Sandie
McConill, who explained fully to me the nature of the watch
you have undertaken, my concern for your interest made me
uneasy about itt, as I was a stranger to the concert, but I am
now fully satisfyed and wish you all manner of success in itt.
I go for the Isle of Sky the beginning of nixt week & pro-
poses to return in a fortnight or twenty days att furthest, I
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shall then be glade to see you as you propose, or if that is not
convenient for you to hear from you and see the contracts you
mention.
The bearer is a young fellow of this name of the Doch-
nassy people who is very poor, he may be of use to you in your
undertakeing so if you can conveniently imploy him in that
way I shall be glad you do itt, but this as you think proper.
I offer my sincere compliments to your good Lady and I
ever am, my Dear Sir, your most affectionate cousine & faithfull
humble servant Donald Cameron.
,Achnicarry June 30th 1744.
2. Lochiel to Clunyy dated 20th March. 1746.
My dear Cousine, — I received your most agreeable letter
late last nightT I cannot express the satisfaction Itt gave all
here — the scheme contrived for surpriseing these different com-
mands of the enemy was very well concerted, and as well
executed. I give Lord George and you joy on your sucecss <fc
I doubt not but itt will be attended with very good conse-
quences for his Royal Highness's Service, as it will strick a
pannick in our enemy & encourage our friends — but what gives
me joy in a particular manner is the fate of the Campbells the
plunderers of our countries. I hope Lord George will order
them to be strictly guarded. We have shewed too much lenity
already to those villains who have been contriving our destruc-
tion. As a proof of their hellish design (authorized by their
darling Cumberland which I have discovered by a letter from
the Sherrif of Argyle to the Governor of Fort- William, inter-
cepted by one of my men) a party of the Campbells took the
opportunity while the country of Morvine was destitute of men,
to burn all the farms upon the coast of it that were enhabited
by either Camerons or McLeans — first plundered the houses,
strip't the poor women & children, killed all the horses that
came in their way and even set fire to their byres without
allowing them to turn out their cattle, such barbarity was
never heard of. There are three hundred and fifty of the
Campbells at Fort- William — two men of war — -they are dayly
attempting by their party to land at Corpach, and other farms
in Lochiel, to burn and carry off Cattel, but prevented by our
guards who have killed some of them, and we expect by to-
morrow night to begin cannonading & bombarding of the Fort
& hope soon to be masters of it — cost what it will ; Pray make
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my sincere compliments to Lord George. I flatter myself I
shall soon date a letter to His Lordship from Fort- William.
All the gentlemen here make their compliments to His
Lordship and ypu, and to all our other friends with you. — I
am my dear Evn yours while Donald Cameron.
Gleneyese March 20 1746.
3. Lochiel to Gluny \ dated \Zth May, 1746.
Locharkack May 13th 1746.
Dear Sir, — I have nothing new to acquaint you of, we are
preparing for a Summer campaign and hopes soon to join all
our forces. Mr Murray desires if any of the Picketts or. of
Lord John Drummonds Regiment or any other pretty fellows
are stragling in your Country that you conveen them and keep
them with yourself till we join you, and give them money If
you have any to spare. If not send a trusty person here and
what money will be necessary for them or other emergencys
shall be remitted to you. I have scarcely of meal what will
serve myself and the gentlemen who are with me for four days,
and can gett none to purchase in this Countrey, so I beg you
send of the bearer as much meal as the two horses I have sent
will carry, and I shall pay at meetting whatever price you
think proper for itt, besydes a thousand thanks for the favour.
I have not heard yett of the man I sent from your house
towards Inverness to gett Intelligence— you sent one of your men
alongst with him — lett me know If you had any account of him
or of the woman sent to Edr. with any news you have from
the South or North. Mr Murray sent one express to Mr
Seton and to Mr Lumsdale ( ?) desireing they should come to him
without loss, of time — he is surprised what detains them, and
begs you desire them to beaste. — I am yours
Donald Cameron.
*4. Lochiel to the Gentlemen of Badenoch, dated 25th May, 1746.
Gentlemen, — I send you this to acquaint you of the reasons
of our not being in your country ere now as I last wrote you.
Our assembling was not so general nor hearty as was expected
for Clanronalds People would not leave their own Country and
many of Glengarrie's have delivered up their arms, so that but a
few came with Lochgarrie to Envermeally on tewsday last, where
he stayed but one night and crossed Locharkick with his men,
promising to return with a greater number in two days, and
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that he would guard the passes on that side neither of which
was done. Nor have we had any return from the Master of
Lovat so that there was only a few men with Barasdale and
what men I had on this side of Lochy who marched Wednesday
night to Auchnykary, where trusting to Lochgarrie's informa-
tion we had almost been surprised friday morning had we not
learned by other lookouts that the enemy was marching from
fort Augustus towards us, upon wh. we advanced thinking to
make them halt, but their numbers were so much superior that
it had no effect, and we had almost been surrounded by a party
that came by the mooire on the side of Locharkick, who actually
took an officer and two men of mine which made us retire for
twelve miles and there considering our situation it was thought
both prudent & proper to disperss rather than carry the fire
into your Country without a sufficient number as we expected.
It is now the opinion of Mr Murray, Major Kennedy, Baras-
dale, and all then present, that your people should separate
and keep themselves as safe as possible and keep their arms as
we have great expectations of th French doing something for
us, or till we have their final resolutions what they are to do.
I think -they have little encouragement from the Government
as they get no assurances of safety but for so short a time as
six weeks. I beg you would acquaint all your neighbours of
this viz: the Mclntoshes, McGrigors &c. &c. for at present it
is very inconvenient for to acquaint them from this, and be so
good as let us hear from you as oft as possible and when there
is anything extraordinary you may expect to hear of it and the
particulars of the enemie's motions. Let me hear from you by
this bearer who will find me; or when any of you write to me
please direct them as the bearer shall inform you, and let him
know how I shall address for you. I shall add no more at
present, but I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble
servant Donald Cameron.
May 25 1746
P.S. — As Clunny has an easier opportunity of sending to
the Master of Lovate then I, its beged of him to send the
Master a double of this to let him know what is doing. The
above is our present resolutions, and what I have advised
all my people to do as for their best and safest course and the
interest of the Publiok, yet some of them have delivered up
their arms without my knowledge and I cannot take it upon
me to direct in this particular — but to give my opinion and let
every one judge for themselves.
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• XXX. Letters prom Robertson op Struan.
The first letter is from Duncan Robertson of Drumachine,
who, on the death at a very advanced age of his kinsman,
Alexander Robertson, the Poet Chief, succeeded as heir male
to the Chiefship of the Clan. From the terms of that letter it
would appear that the relations between them were somewhat
strained. The second letter is from the Poet Chief himself —
the last of the direct male line of Donnachadh Reamhair — of
whom we are told that he was probably the only man in the
kingdom who had been out in the liisings of 1689, 1715, and
1745, and had never sworn allegiance to the Revolution
Government. He latterly continued to reside on his estates in
peace till his death, at his house at Carie, in Rannoch, on 18th
April, 1749. He was buried in the family tomb at Struan — his
funeral, it is stated, being attended by 2000 persons of all
ranks. He was well known, not only as a faithful and gallant
soldier, but also as an accomplished classical scholar and poet.
As indicative of his devoted attachment to the Stewart
dynasty, a few lines from one of his songs may be appropriately
quoted : —
" Come, my boys, let us waive our misfortunes awhile,
Happy news now afford us relief ,
Let a moment of joy all our sorrows beguile,
And blot out an age full of grief.
All the Princes whose right to their kingdom is true,
Are combined to put James on the Throne,
And by planting the Crown on his head where 'tis due,
With his are cementing their own."
The third letter is from Duncan Robertson of Struan (the
writer of the first letter) and is addressed, " A Monsieur —
Monsieur Macpherson, Baron de Cluny, Lieutenant Colonel
d' Infanterie a' Dunkerqua" In a letter written by the same
Chief from Montreuill, near Versailles, dated 28th Septr. 1753,
to Mr Edgar, the private secretary of the Chevalier de St
George, he gives a pitiful narrative of all that he and his
family had suffered, and the cruelties to which they had been
subjected after Culloden. In a postscript to the same letter
he writes as follows: —
" My sheet did not admit of mentioning my father's wounds,
imprisonment and bajiishment in 1715, and the loss of his
beloved brother, who was cruelly butchered in calm blood at
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Prestoun. I might likewise mention that my family, at the
head of the Athole men, was perhaps one of the Chief supports
of the Royal cause, under the great Marquis of Montrose in
Scotland. It is plain from original Commissions in my pos-
session, that my greatrgrand-uncle, then at the head of our
family in the minority of his nephew, commanded all the
Athole men, and how he behaved in that Station the- King's
letter of thanks to him, dated at Chantilly in 1653, will evince.
The original letter does so much honour to the family that it
is still preserved. In short, all our Charters are proofs of our
duty and loyalty to the Royal family. As for me I was born
in the dregs of time, but, thank God my heart is sound." *
1. Duncan Robertson of Drumachine (afterwards of Struan) to
Gluny, dated Wth June, 1743.
Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of your letter by this Bearer.
I am glad that, tho he be poor, he is under no Disgrace nor
your displeasure so that we are at freedom to receive him back
into this Country. I return you hearty thanks for the favours
you have shown him, and I hope you'll believe that I would
have been ready to serve any of yours tho' this poor friend had
never come in play.
Strowan continues in his ill natur'd way to the last degree
of keenness. As it seems not in his power to do me any great
harm in the way of Law he spares no pains to form a party
ready to oppose my Interest upon all occasions right or wrong ;
and whoever declares himself my mortal enemy commences his
favourite that Instant wt.out considering any further merit,
and as there are many mercenary pick-thanks everywhere who
endeavour to make their game of persons that can give & sup-
port them he has form'd a party that think themselves a con-
siderable one, but being people of no weight or Reputation the
faction must vanish like a buble wt. his Breath, especially as
I thank God I can boast of many friends both of Rank and
Character over all the Island of which number I have found
yourself for many years, and that brings you the trouble of
this long Paragraph. Lady Lude & my wife return your com-
plements & pray be so good as present mine to your Lady when
occasion offers, not forgetting the honest old Laird.— I am ever,
Dr Sr., Your most affect. & obedt. Servt.
D. Robertson.
Kendrochit June 11th 1743.
. * Browne's History, Vol. IV., pp. 113-14.
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2. Robertson of Struan (A hxauder the Poet Chief) to Clunv,
dated Wth March, 1746.
Worthy Sir, — I have the honour of yours, ye 8 of March,
hut am sorry we in this Country are in no condition to part
wth. the few arms they have considering their own situation,
being surrounded on all hands, and threattend dayly with more
visits from the enemy; Blair of Atholl, Castle Menzies,
Keinechan and Glenlyon are powerfull & at our noses; we had
the pleasure to see some of them from those parts twice But
knowing we were inolind to preserve the Country they thought
proper to promise to do us no harme, provided they had leave
to pass round the Country unmolested; as our case is we
allowd them the highway, and Indeed they were once as good
as their word and did not enter one house on either side of
Loch Ranach, but I suspect this was owing more to fear than
Love. Yet we must not rely intirely upon them by disarming
ourselves & to tell truth I fancy the men woud not take our
advice in the point of leaving themselves defenceless. Now Sir
I leave you to judge of our dangerous state, & how litle able
we are to help who want the assistance of others. Coll.
Menzies of Shian can tell you if this appologie be reall or not.
We have as little correspondence with the South as Badanoch
so can tell you nothing new from the Southard.
Much depends on the prince's first meeting wth. Cum — d.
I and my men had probably been there had not Locheal con-
trivd to turn the heads of my Camerons so as to do no service
to me nor any body else.
I have read the poem you lent me. I think it exceeding
good and can have no amendment in this Climat.
And as for me my singing's at a stand
Till usurpation yields to Charles's hand
Then will I tune my Reed, and sing aloud
To raise the humble and debase the proud.
Im! affrayd these 4 lines will show how little I am fit to
think of poetry; still I assure you there is no affection or
Respect lost between you my honord Sir and your faithfull
Servant Alr. Robertson of Strowan.
Carrie House 11 Mar. 1746.
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3. Robertson of Struan (Duncan) to Cluny, dated 29 th October ;
1763. *
Dear Sir, — Two Days ago I receiv'd your Letter of the
22nd I woud have writ to you long ago, but that I thought
it wou'd not have been very agreable to you in the present
situation of your health. I was very much alarm'd when I
had the first notice of your ailment, but when I heard it gave
a Respite, I flatter'd myself with the hopes of a perfect Cure.
I have often heard that in such a case as yours there's no
Remedy comparable to a thin Dyet without touching flesh
meats or fermented Drink, but then such a change must be
brought on by slow degrees and temper'd by your physician's
Judgment & your own Experience. Your age is but middling
and your Constitution was certainly good, and I hope to have
the great pleasure of seing you a robust old man.
As to some questions you ask, my dear old friend, I am
not at Liberty to say a word; If you and I were tete a tete
we cou'd talk of those things with our wonted freedom, and
familiarity, but I can commit nothing to writing. Besides I
assure you that I have nothing to say that can in the least
regard your interest, if I had, I dont know but I might stretch
a point, if it shou'd cost me a Journey to Dunkerque. All the
persons here you are so good as to mention remember you with
much regard & good wishes, and send you many Complements,
as also to Lady Cluny & Miss Mcpherson. As for myself I
wear downwards in health & constitution. Seven years sculk-
ing with the loss of my Estate did not affect my health or
spirits, nay, I recovered my health in that time; but. I strongly
feel the last ten years made up of pinching, Disappointments
and Rebutes. My affairs wou'd have been tolerable by this
time if our payments had not been put back six or seven
months after the year in which they are due; to remedy this
I attempted to raise the matter of 50 pounds at Interest from
year to year 'till I got affairs in order but I suspect my rich
acquaintances judg'd of me by themselves, they were afraid I
wou'd have broke my word to get out of a pinch.
My Brother is a slow Correspondent and I have no other
in our Native Country; however I dayly expect to hear from
him and then 111 be sure to tell him what you desire. If he
is in Athole he can have the transactions of Badenoch from
the good man of Dalnacardich. If he gets anything to bring
over it will be best to put it into the hands of some person at
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Leith to be deliver'd to a Shipmaster bound for Dunkirk wt.
an address to Mr John Haliburton or any other person you
think fit. If my Brother should bring them over himself it
will be troublesome & difficult to send them safe to your hands
from Holland, and his garrison is more than 200 miles from
Dunkirk.
Pray be so good as to let me hear from you soon, it will be
no great fatigue to Lady Cluny or Miss for I see you are not
yet come the length of making much use of your own hand,
tho' I hope that won't be long the case. We are extremely
curious to know about our friends going to Portugal. I wish
Mrs Morris a great deall of joy, and I hope we shall have the
pleasure to see her if she comes this way. I wou'd advise Mr
Ogilvy to consult his conscience, and give poor Jock such an
addition as will just enable him and his wife to subsist, and
then if they won't keep within reasonable bounds let them
shift for themselves.
No word of Indemnities general or particular. There is
not yet a single Instance of a Remission, much less of Dis-
pensing with annexations; perhaps circumstances may turn
more favourable for us in Process of time.
I ever am with the wonted friendship & regard my Dear
Sir your most obedient and most humble servant
D. Robertson of Strowan.
CharleviUe 29 Octr. 1763.
P.S. — If 'you see Mr Gregory pray be so good as tell him
that we are very desireous to know if the luggage is yet arriVd
that was address'd to him from this place five or six weeks ago.
I'm very glad to hear that all our good friends at Dunkirk
are in good health <fe I wish the continuance of it. Pray what
is become of Mrs Maitland?
XXXI. Letter — Bishop Forbes to Lady Cluny.
This curious and amusing letter, of which a fac-
simile is given, was written to Lady Cluny of the
'45 by Bishop Forbes, the author of " The Lyon in
Mourning/' under the assumed name of " Donald Hatebreeks."
It is addressed on the cover " To The Honble. Lady Worthy
at her Hermitage/' and is dated "Tartanhall, August 5th
1751." A letter from the worthy Bishop, under the same
signature, to Dr Burton of York, on 19th June, 1749, and bear-
ing to be written from "Tartanhall/' is given in the second
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volume of " The Lyon in Mourning/' page 327. A letter from
Dr Burton to the Bishop, on 3rd August, 1749, given on page
347 of the same volume, is thus addressed — " For Donald Hate:
breeks Esqr. at Tartanhall."
Madam, — Your doing me the honour of making such
respectable mention of me in your letter to the young Gentle-
man, who will put this into your Hands, calls for a grateful
acknowledgement, which I heartily wish it were in my power
to make suitable to my Inclination. Then, indeed, should your
Ladyship's present Hermitage be turned into a Palace.
The other day I had a letter from London, dated July 27,
in which is the following paragraph : —
" Two days ago this great City was alarmed with the
Accounts of the Death of its Glorious Deliverer the Great
Duke of C d. The Report proved premature; but they
say his Heinous is far gone in a Lethargy and cannot live
long."
Let him tumble to the other World when he will, his
funeral pomp will not be attended with many Tears, as it will
be no hard matter to find a Successor to a Butcher, though it
will be difficult enough to pitch upon one to equal him in Guts
and yet to have no Bowels ! Nothing can paint the Vanity
and Fickleness of this world more to the Life than the Fate of
William the Cruel. These very animals who lately exalted him
to Adoration itself will be the persons to rejoice most at his
Death, for upon the Death of his Brother they opened with
full mouth upon their once Darling Willie, and made no Bones
to declare their fears that he had given a Dose to poor Feckia*
In a Word, their Language and Clamour were such that One
was apt to think Hell was let loose upon the Demigod himself !
Their Venom they could not contain, such a panic were they
seized with, lest he should step into more power and then
make his own beloved Adorers feel what others had felt before
them. From this we see there are some certain critical periods
of Time that will force Truth out of the hidden Recesses of
villainous Breasts even against Inclination.
I have my end, if this poor scrible happens to add in the
least to your Ladyship's Entertainment.
My warmest wishes attend your nearest and dearest
Friend.t May he live and be happy in enjoying all he wishes
and all he wants; for to him and all his concerns I heartily
* Hi* brother, Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died a short time previously,
t Her husband — Cluny of the '45.
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pray for all Things good and happy. — I have the honour to
subscribe myself, madam, your Ladyship's much obliged and
very humble servant, Donald Hatebreeks.
Tartanhall, August 5th, 1751.
XXXII. Betters — General Bland to Lord Barrington.
The interesting letters, of which the following are tran-
scripts, were written by General Bland, one of the most active
and zealous commanders of the Hanoverian forces, to Lord
Barrington. The originals are in the possession of General
Forbes of Inverernan, in Aberdeenshire, who kindly forwarded
them to the present Cluny to have transcripts made. Before
the first of these letters was written, Cluny of the '45 had, in
consequence of the special request of Prince Charlie, escaped to
France, where he was at the time living in exile, but General
Bland was apparently not then aware that Cluny had left
Badenooh. The General's letters indicate the great import-
ance attached by the Hanoverians to Cluny's activity and
unceasing efforts on behalf of the Stewarts, and the firm
attachment of his clansmen to their Chief. Of him, as well as
of his cousin, " the gentle Lochiel," it might indeed be justly
said that no more "faithful and zealously-devoted subject ever
served any Prince."
Although the cold-blooded Sassenach General, with Hano-
verian zeal, denounces Cluny as a " traitor" to the Government
of the day, and speaks of his " wicked influence and example,"
we have very different testimony as to his character in the
manuscript already referred to. In course of the narrative
given in that manuscript of what he had done and suffered for
Prince Charlie, it is said of Cluny that round his ancestral seat
in Badenoch, " at different distances were the seats and habita-
tions of his friends and followers, who respected and rever'd
him as their common father; with pleasure they received his
commands, which from the ties of affection and from a personal
esteem they obeyed as a duty. In points of property his
decisions were acquiesced in with chearf ullness ; he was the
Arbiter of their differences, the reconciler of their animosities,
nor was there any one .marriage or a death-bed settlement
believed valid without his approbation."
" It is honourable to the memory of a respectable lady" —
says General Stewart of Garth (Sketches, Vol. I. p. 60)— "to
record the circumstances of Cluny's defection, which exag-
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gerated his faults in the eyes of Government, and furnished a
motive for pursuing him with more determined hostility. He
was, in that year, appointed to a company in Lord Louden' 3
Highlanders, and had taken the oaths to Government. His
clan were, however, • impatient to join " the adventurous
descendant of their ancient sovereigns, when he came to claim,
what they supposed his right. While he hesitated between
duty and inclination, his wife, a daughter of Lord Lovat, and
a staunch Jacobite, earnestly dissuaded him from breaking his
oath, assuring him that nothing could end well, that began with
perjury. His friends reproached her for interfering, ^and
hurried on the husband to his ruin."
1. Extracts from Letter — General Bland to Lord Barrington,
dated Edinburgh, 9tk December, 1755.
There is one Lachlan McPherson a half pay Lieut, in
Marines. He is brother to the attainted Rebel Cluny
McPherson and resides now in the Highlands; as there is
presumption to suspect that he has been aiding and assisting
in concealing his brother and has besides a good deal to say
among the McPhersons, I cannot help thinking it would be
right to remove him out of that country.
I therefore submit whether he might not be put into the
Marines in case any more Companies are to be raised, for
though it is a little uncommon to promote a man by way of
punishing him; yet I see no other wav to make that country
clear of him, yet there is no proof of his having done any
illegal thing. — My Lord, &c.
Hum. Bland.
2. General Bland to Lord Barrington, dated Edinbvrgh,
22nd January, 1756.
My Lord, — Your Lordship will no doubt have heard that
Mc pherson of Cluny, head of a very considerable Tribe of
that name did in the beginning of the rebellion of '45 desert to
the rebels from the late regiment which was commanded by
Lord Loudoun wherein he was a captain and that he carried
with him the whole of his Company officers soldiers arms etc.
His 8anguiness in the Pretender's cause and activity during
the whole course of the rebellion your Lordship can be no
stranger to ! When the young pretender made his escape from
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hence this Mcpherson was pitched upon as the most proper
person among the rebels to remain there and transact his
affairs in Scotland, which, the better to enable him to do, he
was trusted with the care of 35000 Louis d'ors, a proportion
of which he has frequently distributed to support and cherish
the spirit of rebellion among the most considerable of the Dis-
affected in those places. He has also had many private
interviews at different times with emissaries from France; but
whether these were to carry on schemes of Treason, or that
such emissaries came to draw a part of the above money from
•this attainted rebel to support his starving Countrymen. :n
France I shall not take upon me to determine ; but this I know
which ever is the case, it had the same effect upon the minds
of the poor deluded wretches in the Highlands, who naturally
placed every such interview to the accompt of propogating a
fresh Rebellion. You may, my lord, be sure that during all
this time, the utmost endeavours of the troops have not been
wanting to lay hold of this traitor, whose wicked influence and
.example, strengthened by the lucrative temptations in his
power to offer, insensibly perverted and debauched the morals
of the people and easily seduced them to afford him all their
assistance in securing him from the pursuit of the Troops.
This dangerous ascendancy was too, the greatest check to the
pains that were taken to reform and establish good order in
the Highlands. The country in which he usually sculked is a
vale of about twenty miles in length, and the widest part four
in breadth, surrounded with great chains of very high moun-
tains, the whole vale inhabited, a few excepted, by Mcpher-
sons, who are much united among themselves, and firmly
attached to their chief. All these considerations and every
attempt to apprehend him proving in vain — induced me at last
to quarter a party of three officers and 100 men upon eighteen
of the principal Mcphersons most devoted to Cluny's interests,
in order, by this means, to drive him out of his stronghold, and
oblige him to quit the country, or give a better chance for the
seizing his person, as well as to convince his clan of their ill-
judged attachment to a man who had so long insulted the
government but before I proceeded to put this design in execu-
tion I asked the opinion of the Lords President Advocate and
Justice Clerk, which so far corresponded with my intentions,
that tho' they did not think it strictly agreeable to Law, they
judged it to be a necessary measure and the party accordingly
marched into Badenooh in July last where the same number
have been continued ever since.
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You have hereto annexed a copy of the order I gave to the
officer, who commanded this party. They have, by aU I can
learn, been hitherto strictly complied with, nor have the
Mcphersons openly made a complaint or representation of any
kind, but as several of the principal of them have lately at
different times, come to Edinburgh without any visible pre-
" tence of business, I am apt to believe their errand was to
consult with lawyers the most effectual methods of getting
themselves eased and gratifying their resentment so that I
should not be surprised if this step tho' trifling in itself, should
by the address of the disaffected in this country, serve some of
those days, as a handle to the opposition and be canvassed in
the House of Commons from a notion of which I thought it
might not be improper to trouble your Lordship with these
particulars. — I am <fec.
Hum. Bland.
XXXIII. Letters from Earl Marischall and his Brother,
General Keith.
These letters, with the exception of the first, were written to
Cluny while living in exile in France, and are exceedingly credit-
able to the writers. The first is from Earl Marischall to " The
Laird of Nuide," and bears date simply May, ^2nd, without
any year being stated. The second is also from the Earl, and
is addressed, " A Monsieur, Monsieur de Macpherson de
Cluny, cher M. Waters, Banquier, me Vermicil, a' Paris."
Having gone to reside in Prussia, the Earl gained the esteem and
confidence of Frederick the Great, who in 1750 appointed him
his Ambassador Extraordinary to France. He also invested
him with, the Prussian Order of the Eagle, and bestowed on
him the government of Neufchatel. The Earl was a zealous
adherent of the unfortunate Stewarts, and while yet very
young he commanded a squadron of horse at the battle of
Sheriffmuir, in 1715. Several letters addressed by him to the
Chevalier de St George, Prince Charlie, and others are given
in the appendix to Browne's " History of the Highlands/
When occasion warranted, the Earl, who was well known as a
nobleman of the highest honour and integrity, did not hesitate
to animadvert in the most candid manner upon Prince Charlie s
conduct. In one of these letters addressed to the Prince, dated
from Paris, on 18th May, 1754, the Earl writes as follows: —
" My health and my heart are broke by age and crosses.
I resolve to retire from the world and from all affairs. I never
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could be of use to you, but in so far as I was directed by some
few honourable persons, deservedly respected by all who know
them : the manner in which you received lately a message from
them, full of zeal for your interest and affection for your
person, has, I fear, put an end to that correspondence, and after
your threatening to publish their names,* -from no other pro-
vocation than their representing to you what they judge for
your true interest (and of which they are without doubt the
best judges) can I expose any one who may trust me with their
confidence to such hazard? I appeal to your own conscience
(and I may to the world if I can). I here take leave of
politicks praying God he may open your eyes to your true
interest and give as honest advisers and better received than
those you had lately, and who are the only (ones) with whom
I could serve you." t
The " message" alluded to by the Earl was apparently that
conveyed to Prince Charlie, when he was " no longer true to
himself," by a deputation, headed by Cluny of the '45, adjur-
ing Charles in the strongest terms to reform.
In 1764 the Earl purchased back part of the family estates,
with the intention of taking up his residence in Scotland. So
urgent, however, was the King of Prussia that the Earl should
return to Berlin, that in one of his letters the King said — " If
I had a fleet I would come and carry you off by force." The
Earl accordingly went back to Prussia, where he spent the
remainder of his days. He died, unmarried, at Potsdam, on
28th May, 1778, at the advanced age of 86.
Of General Keith (the Earl's brother), the writer of the
letter to Cluny dated 11th April, 1756, it is related that the
Empress Elizabeth of Russia (daughter of Peter the Great) fell
in love with him, and offered to marry him. He prudently
declined the dangerous honour, and accepted an invitation from
the King of Prussia to enter his service. Frederick created him
Field Marshall of the Prussian forces and Governor of Berlin.
The Empress earnestly solicited his correspondence. " Your
letters," she says, " are health and happiness to me."
The high estimation in which the General was held by the
* In the reply addressed by the Prince to Earl Marischall the former
denies that he had threatened to publish the names of the friends who had
sent him the message. Vide the Prince's letter, Browne's History, Vol. IV.,
p. 121.
t Browne's History, Vol. IV., p. 121.
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King of Prussia is evidenced by a letter addressed by him to
Prince Charlie, dated from Potsdam, on 12th January, 1747,
as given by Bishop Forbes in his Lyon in Mourning." In
congratulating the Prince on his safe arrival in France and his
brilliant exploits in Scotland, the King says: —
" You are frequently the subject of my conversation with
General Keith whom I have had the good fortune to engage in
my service; and besides his consummate knowledge in military
affairs he is possessed of a thousand aimable qualities. Yet
nothing endears him to me so entirely as his entertaining the
same sentiments with regard to your Royal Highness that I
do." *
In the " Memoirs and Papers of Sir A. Mitchell, K.B.," an
amusing anecdote is related, illustrating the character of the
ubiquitous Scot. On the termination of a war between the
Russians and the Turks, General Keith acted as Commissioner
for the Russian Crown, with the view of arranging the terms
of a treaty of peace between the two countries. The other
Commissioner was the Turkish Grand Vizier. These two per-
sonages, it is stated, met, with the interpreters of the Russian
and Turkish between them. When all was concluded they arose
to separate. The General made his bow, hat in hand, and the
turbaned Vizier his salaam; but the latter, when the cere-'
monies were over, turned suddenly, and coming up to Keith
took him warmly by the hand, and, with a broad Scottish
accent, declared that " it made him unco happy, noo that they
were sae far frae hame, to meet wi' a countryman in his exalted
station." Keith stared with astonishment, and, in answer to
his exclamation of surprise, the Grand Vizier gave this explana-
tion : — " My f aither was the bellman of Kirkcaldy in Fife, and
I remember to have seen you and your brother, the Earl,
occasionally in passing."
"The career of Frederick the Great's famous general was
finally closed by a cannon shot in the unfortunate and san-
guinary conflict of Hock Kirchen, on 14th October, 1758, in
the 63rd year of his age. His memory continued to be so
warmly cherished in Prussia that, in 1868— more than 100 years
after the General's death — William 1st of Prussia presented an
equestrian statue of him to his native town of Peterhead, with
the following inscription: —
* Lyon in Mourning, Vol. III., p. 254.
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"Field Marshall Keith
Born at Inverugie 1696
Killed at the battle of Hock Kirchen
14th Oct. 1758
The Gift
of
William 1st, King of Prussia
to
The Town of Peterhead
23rd August 1868.
Probus, Vixit> Fortis Obiit."
1. Earl Marischall to Laird of Nuide, dated 22nd May.
St. — I have wrote by the same hand to Clunie that he
wou'd send a dosen or more men untill we march when I
persuade myself we shall be join'd by the rest of your name
who have on all occasions showen so much loyalty. You may
be assured that I will neglect not occasions to show them my
friendship and to yourself in particular. I offer my service to
your Lady, and am Sr. your humble servant
May 22nd Marischall.
2. Earl Marischall to Cluny, dated Neufchatel, 2§th J my., 1756.
Sir, — I have the honor of yours, and am glad you are safe
after escaping many hard pursuits in so long a time as you
remained hiding.
I wish you all happyness where-ever you may be, taking a
real concern in what regards you and your clan as being o^ the
same origine, if old tradition does not fail; having ever a warm
heart towards you and them; and having the honor to be with
great regard, — Sir, your most humble and most obedient
servant Marischall.
3. General Keith to Cluny, dated Potsdam, Wth April, 1756.
Sir, — I am not ignorant of the connection and friendship
which has long subsisted between our two familly's and of
which I had particular proofs myself in the year fifteen and tho.
I have not the honour to be personally known to you, yet the
caracter which my brother has often given me of your merite
wou'd make me very ambitious of being better acquainted, and
if your coming here cou'd be any ways advantageous to you I
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shou'd think myse.i very happy in being assistant in it, if yon
have any viewes of establishing yourself here; I beg you will
be so good as to inform me of them, I shall inform you sincerly
how far I think they may succeed, and what assistance I can
be able to give you in the pursuit of them, and shall be proud
on all occasions to convince you of the friendship and esteem
with which I have the honour to be, — Sir, your most obedient
humble servant James Keith.
Potsdam April the 11th 1756.
XXXIV. Letter prom Lady Cluny op the '45.
This letter was written by Lady Cluny (the eldest daughter
of the famous Simon, Lord Lovat) to her only son, Duncan,
who was born in 1748 in a kiln on the Cluny estates, where the
homeless mother was at the time obliged to take shelter. For a
long time he was in consequence popularly known in Badenoch
as " Dunnach na h-ath," or " Duncan of the kiln." When this
touching and remarkable letter was written, the son was only
in his thirteenth year. Cluny and Lady Cluny were at the
time living in exile in France. The letter is dated Campvire
27th Aprile 1761, and is addressed on the cover — "Mr Duncan
Macpherson, Student att Mr Hector Fraser's Scool att Inver-
ness, North Britain. " Apparently by way of precaution, she
signs the letter, it will be seen, in her maiden name of " Janet
Fraser": —
My Dear Child, — I wou'd have made return to your letter
of the 2nd Deer, last sooner, but did not incline to disturb
your studies, at least not too often ; when you have some more
experience of what you are about, I shall make you more
regular answers.
Your hand of write pleases me very well, as does your stile
and orthographie, and tho' you have had Uxilium to the last
two articles, it does not at all surprise me; your age and the
short time you have been with Mr Hector makes a sufficient
apologie for your not being yet perfect in these necessary
and usefull qualifications.
Nothing in this world can be so agreeable to me as the
accounts your master gives of you, particularly of your Applica-
tion. Your making a figure in the world depends upon that
single circumstance, and your early endeavours in your yet
tender years affords me hopes of the consequences. I have
great reason to be thankfull that you are under the tuition of
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so able a director who has your Instruction so much at heart,
and as an addition to my happiness, I find Mrs Fraser acts a
most Motherly part towards you. God Almighty reward them
both for chearfully and prudently supplying the places of those
who Naturally ought to be your guids. A few years will make
you more sensible of the benefits of your present Settlement
than you can yet be. However, I hope you have some little
reflections of this nature in your own mind. I found you a
most tractable and obedient child the short time I had you at
my disposal, which gave me even then good Impressions of
you, but my then sentiments, being at this distance of time
confirm'd by so worthy a Judge as Mr Hector, affords me
Infinite pleasure. I return again to Application. Never lose
sight of the meaning of that word. It is every thing. You
cannot yet f orsee the advantages that are Acquir'd from it ; that
will steal upon you by degrees. You cannot expect to be a
scholar all at once. It is the work and studie of a few years
that will bring you to some degree of perfection. Notwith-
standing of all I have said upon this head, I don't desire you
to apply so closs as to be a Slave to application. I always
make allowances now and then for amusements and diversions,
in order to relax and recruit your spirits.
It is natural to suppose that you incline and have a certain
pleasure in going every vacancy to see your friends, and I have .
a reluotancy to thwart or contradict your innocent inclinations;
at the same time I wou'd much incline to abridge that visit to
once in the two years, and when you happen to go to the
Country, be sure to return before the school convenes, so as to
be upon equal terms with your Comrades, for I look upon it as a
loss that you shou'd be absent at the very first lesson. I sup-
pose you are now beginning to understand a little, the meaning
of the word emulation, without a certain degree of which it is
not easie to be a Scholar; if it happens that you do not go
home in the vacancy, you can be very usefully employed in
running over what you have formerly gone thorrow, in learning
Geographic, or in whatever your master prescribes, still amus-
ing yourself with plenty of play. I don't give these councels
with a design, that they shou'd be absolutely obeyed. I refer
every Circumstance of them to Mr Hector's wise conduct pre-
ferable to any other, he being best acquainted with your
humour, Genious, and constitution, as I am certain hell act
suitablely, and which will both please and satisfy me. For my
satisfaction acquaint me what notions you have of the parts of
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Hptnxih utid of Hyninx or construction, as also the way and
MJftfUJW you are generally employed every day. It is very
ayrftoabla for me to know that you have been taken notice of
by throw great people you mention; they have done you and
mo honour. T incline you continue to Acquaint me from time
to time, who inquire* about you and shows you Civilities, per-
htt|>N K)tno time or other I may have it in my power to thank
thtttn, Let me know what you please about your Uncles, and
our other friend*, particularly about the Major whose safe
arrival tit home givoH mo great joy, as it must do to all his ion-
uttrnrt, particularly to his Nephew little Dunkie, whose interest
Mid proupmity, if ho is a hopofull boy, which I have no reason
U) doubt! ho will always have at heart, and don't forget Uncle
Hand in, of whom I never hoar anything. This letter has swelTd
far boyond my dotugu'd brovity ; I allow 'tis too wearisome and
too di Moult, for a young Gentleman of your experience to
anawur, but a* 1 know you have a very good and kind assistant
to oonnuHi witli, who in his own way will direct and explain
twory thing to you* that alone encourages me to say so much,
which i* the only appologio 1 have to make, and which, I hope,
Ut» and you will take as a satisfying one. Make my Compli-
tntvnU in* tlm ainoorwt Manner to Mr and Mrs Eraser, and tell
tho Conner that it is neither Neglect nor disrespect that hinders
UW from writing him, but Uiat I suppose hell think there is
wmugh *aid at thia time for both, and sliow him besides, that
by tho Information 1 have of his way and manner of teaching
youth* oU\> ho may bo justly compared to QuintOian. Time
a* 1 aaitf bofor oan only make you sensible of your present
h*ppuww»v I pray God you continue to make the proper use
til it You aro just now in the Critical season, wherein yon
outfit to aoquiro. what if X*$lec*ML will never hereafter be
mvY*i*l Thonrfx** mak* the beet you can of precious time
wbtto yvm aro \>* wuu£ and has «* valuable an opportunity.
My \fewr Wii\M \ kiss and embrace too. as your sister, who
v* Ywy xwJIt aW dooa Remember in* in the kindest manner
t* l\\*ortv>r CVJviu and his sb*«Ss and 1«H them tha* I an very
mwfc ob^V** *> Uwm for their Crri&N* to ytwt Tell them
aW tJtvM Mr TOair a**i his I-jwhr aw Terr w*H Ask their
\Nvno***<H fcvr their s*s*r w**» yvu writ* m*. liar GodTs
Wwsav< a*d m^** |WT|^n%aiV amtitd ycm. — I war w. my
4**r ^\U> yow m*$* Vwn£ *** aAettaaaW mother.
V^aa^xir* ST*h AprO* 1T*L
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P.S. — I still Impeach myself for writing a child so long a
letter, shall therefore only desire an answer to a part of it first,
and that sometime in the month of June next, and to the
remainder in August or September following. Let your return
be sent by the regular post, and let the postage be pay'd to
London, in which event I shall have it in less than fifteen
days, whereas if it is sent by a ship I may want it fifteen
weeks, and perhaps never come to hand. Address thus — To
Mrs Fraser, to the care of Mr David Gregorie, Mert. p.t
Campvire. I am sure you will never forget the tender care
your nurse Janet Nickolson had of you for four or five years
thousand blissings. Place all your postages to your Uncle's
accompt. Compliments to all enquiring friends.
XXXV. Letters intimating the Death of Cluny of the '45
at Dunkirk.
The following letters, communicating particulars of the
closing scene in the life of the brave and devoted Chief — worn
out by his terrible sufferings in the cause of " the hapless
Stewart line," and " sick unto death" of the long and weary
exile from his native hills — are very touching, indicating, as
they do, his dying solicitude for his wife and daughter, and his
anxiety as to the payment of any debts he might be owing at
Dunkirk. The first letter is from Mr David Gregorie, and ts
addressed to " Archibald Campbell Fraser, Esqre., Craven
Street, London/' of the family of Abertarff, and an. intimate
friend of the Cluny family. That letter was found among the
Abertarff papers, and transmitted by the late Mr Fraser of
Abertarff to " Old Cluny" (the father of the present Chief), on
12th June, 1869, "to remain, where it should be, at Cluny
Castle." The second letter is from Lachlan Mackintosh, and
is addressed to " Major John Mackpherson, to the care of the
Postmaster of Euthven in Badenoch, N. Brittain." Cluny was
born on 11th February, 1706, and at the time of his death had
attained only the comparatively eariy age of 57.
1. Letter from Mr David Gregorie.
Dunkerque, 31st Janry. 1764.
Dear Sir, — Ever since I wrote you last, your frind Cluny
has been gradually declining, till, quite attenuated, he at lentn
breathed his last yesterday morning between 8 and 9 o'clock.
Some days before his death he sent for Mr Haliburton, Mr Blair,
and me, and recommended his Lady and daughter to our care,
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448 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Egging as his last request that we would send them over to
London, as soon as could decently be done after his decease,
and that we should, after their departure, dispose of the House-
hold furniture in order to pay any debts he may be owing on
this side. The lady seems resolved to follow this injunction,
and will probably set out in about 14/d hence, but shall let
you know more exactly whence once the time is settled. I
need not describe to you how disconsolate both she and her
daughter are upon this melancholy occasion. I regret 'tis not
in my power to be of such use to them as I could wish, being
still confined with my legg, but both Mr Halliburton and Mr
Blair are acting the part of reall frinds towards them. The
Corps is to be burried this evening in a private manner in the
Garden of the Carmelites, which the Lady prefers to a Publick
buriall attended with the honours of War. Be assured nothing
in my power shall be wanting to assist your distressed frinds,
and that I am with great sincerity, dear sir, your most obedt.
and humb. servt. David Gregorie.
2. Letter from Mr Lachlan Mackintosh,
Dear Sir, — It is with real grief and at your Sister Lady
Cluny' s desire that I write you this. She inform'd you lately
of her husband having been for a long time past in a bad state
of health, but of late his distemper increased. All the best
help this place could affoord he had, and indeed his own
natural Strength and resolution and the good effects of the
medicines that were us'd give us great hopes that he wou'd
weather thro his illness, but last Sunday his fever increas'd,
attended with a starting of the nerves to that degree that we
saw he cou'd not hold out long. Yesterday morning, 'twixt
Eight and nine in the morning, it pleas'd God to call him to
himself. Mr Maitland, formerly Chaplain of our Kegiment,
attended him in his sickness, and assisted him in his last
moments ; he is to be interr'd this night in the Cannes Garden.
The Marquis de Baraile, Lieutenant Generall, and who com-
mands here, and who had always a great regard for Cluny,
offered to burry him with Military honours, that is three
picquets and one colour, but it was thought best to prefer the
Cannes Garden, tho without that ceremony, as there his asshes
will remain undisturbed, which it coud not perhaps done in
the other ground of which wee have already had instances.
You may judge, my Dear Sir, of poor Lady Cluny and her
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Gleanings from the Gluny Charter Chest 449
daughters deep concern at this moment which hinders, or I
shou'd say incapacitates one or either to write you, and you
may believe I share in her grief as much as any relation he has
can do, as I knew my Dear ffriend's worth and real merite as
much as any man. I came here from St Omer Saturday se'-
night to see him but it was to late, all he could do was to
strech me his hand and embrace me. He had charg'd three
gentlemen established here, viz. : — Mr David Gregorie, Mr
Blair, and Mr Haliburton to settle his affairs and to send his
Lady and Peggy to London as soon as possible, where she will
goe as soon as her health, which is really bad, will permit, and
from that to Scotland. Youle no doubt write her on receipt
of this, your letter addressed to the care of either of those
gentlemen will come to her hand. It will give me pleasure if
you drop me a line by the same channell. I beg you offer my
best wishes to your Brother. I heartily wish you and him and
all my relations in your country as much hapieness as you can
desire for yourselves, and beg you be persuaded that no man has
the honour to be with stronger affection and attachment to
you and your ffamily than, my Dear, your most obed. Cussen
and humble seirvant, Lach. Mackintosh.
Dunkerque, Jany. 31st, 1764.
P.S. — I shou'd be wanting in my duty to my dear deceas'd
friend if I did not recommend Mrs Nicolson to you and your
Brother's protection for the extraordinary care and indeed sur-
prising attachment she had to your Brother. I have wrote of
this date to Mr Hector Ffraser, with whom your nephew is to
acquaint him of this melancholy event. I wish from my heart
the boy may inherit his father's good qualitys."
In consequence of Cluny's close adherence to the Protestant
faith, he was, as mentioned in the preceding letters, buried in
the Garden of the Carmelites, attached to the house he occupied
at the time of his death.
As the concluding verse of the beautiful Gaelic elegy —
"Cumha do Eobhan Mac-a'-Phearsain, Tighearna Chluainidh,
Ceann-Cinnidh Chlann-Chatain, an uair a chualas sgeul a bhais
anns an Fhraing" — by Lachlan Macpherson of Strathmashie,
has it: —
" Ach dh' fhalbh e nis a's dh' fhag/e sinn,
'S co chaisgeas lamh na h-eucorach?
Ged fhaicteadh 'choir 'g a sarachadh,
Gu'n chaill sinn lamh ar treubhantais,
29
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450 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mo bheannachd suas do Pharras leis
Bho 'n dh' fHill am bas 'n a eideadh e,
'S a dh-aindeoin righ a's parlamaid,
Rinn Righ. nan Grasan reite ris."
Which may be feebly rendered: —
Now he hath gone, and we are reft,
With none to shield from threatened harm,
Though right be seen, most sore beset,
That arm of might is lost for aye;
Our blessings go with him on high,
Since death hath wrapped him from our view,
And maugre King and Parliament,
The King of Kings accepted trim.
Notwithstanding repeated efforts, Cluny's grave at Dunkirk
— so far away from the hills of his native Highlands, which he
knew and loved so well — cannot, alas! now be traced. In a
letter, dated 18th September, 1895, received from the British
Vice-Consul at Dunkirk, he writes as follows : —
. "In reply to your letter of the 11th inst., I am desired by
the Consul to state that the Carmelite Monastery in the garden
of which Cluny Macpherson was buried no longer exists. The
building was pulled down many years ago, and there is no
record of any monuments which may have been erected in the
burial ground adjoining the monastery. On the other hand,
no trace can be found in the Church Registers of the death of
Cluny Macpherson, as at the date mentioned by you Roman
Catholics only were taken heed of for purposes of registration
by the clergy."
And yet after all the terrible reality, as it proved to Cluny,
of " life's fitful fever," he sleeps well in that lonely grave " on
Flanders' shore," until " the day break and the shsidows flee
away." It is no exaggeration to say that the name of a more
chivalrous and truly heroic Chief than Cluny of the '45 is not
to be found in the annals of Highland history, nor one who —
come weal or come woe — adhered with more unswerving
fidelity and devotion to the cause of the unfortunate House of
Stewart, even when that cause was irretrievably lost. The un-
daunted fortitude and courage with which he endured such
terrible hardships, when burnt out of hearth and home, and
hunted like a wild beast in the mountain fastnesses of Badenoch,
for a period of nine years after the battle of Culloden,
have been already referred to. He survived his escape to
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Gleanings pom the Cluny Charter Chest 451
France -for the same number of years, and thus lived the life
of an outlaw for eighteen long, weary years! His
memory is, indeed, worthy of being fondly cherished and held
in honoured remembrance by every true-hearted member of
the Clan Chattan.
Holding, as Highlanders do, the right of sepulture in high
veneration, it was a great additional grief to Cluny's clansmen
and friends that his honoured remains could not be taken home
to rest beside those of his father's in the hallowed church-yard
of St Columba at Kingussie. Throughout the Highlands at
the time there was a strong prejudice against disturbing, on
any consideration, the mortal remains of any friend — however
dear — which had been duly consigned to the dust. And yet so
poignant was the grief of the clan that the last resting place of
> their beloved Chief should be the grave of an exile, far from
home and kindred in a foreign land, that a devoted clanswoman
of the time thus forcibly expresses her feelings in the old
mother-tongue, so dear to all true Highlanders : —
" Na'm bu mhise do dhaoin'-uaisle, —
Ged bheirinn cluas e beartas —
Cha V e giseagan an t-sluaigh,
Bhiodh eadar mi 's an cuan a shracadh,
Ghabhainn an t-side mu mo chluasan,
'S goiltinn an cuan air a tharsuinn,
'S chithinn cnaimhean Eoghainn Ruaidh
An carraigh Chluainidh an taisgaidh."
Which may be thus translated : —
Were I the chief men of your clan —
Though I would curtail my riches —
r Despite the people's notions,
I would cleave the waves asunder;
I'd expose my head to tempests,
I'd trace the broad expanse of ocean,
To see the bones of fair-haired Ewen
Laid in Cluny 's tomb in safety.
Cluny's gentle-hearted and sorely afflicted widow, soon after
his death, returned to Badenoch, and dying in April, 1765 —
little more than a year afterwards — her remains were laid to
rest in the Cluny burial place. Mrs Grant of Laggan thus
gives expression to the feelings of the grief-stricken and
widowed mother on leaving Dunkirk after the death of Cluny,
along with her young daughter and their faithful Highland
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452 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
retainer, from whose aged and quivering lips, many years after-
wards* the touching words were inspired : —
" Not long upon that alien shore
My banished master pined;
With silent grief we saw his corpse
To common earth consigned.
No pibroch led the load lameut,
No funeral train appeared ;
No bards with songs of mighty deeds
The hopeless mourners cheered.
When midnight wore her sable robe
We dug his humble grave ;
Where fair Narcissus droops its head
And darkest poppies wave.
We strewed the tomb with rosemary,
We watered it with tears;
And bade the Scottish thistle round
Erect his warlike spears.
And soon we left the fatal spot,
And sought our native shore;
And soon my lady blest her son,
And clasped him o'er and o'er.
' On thee, my son' (she fondly cried),
May happier planets shine;
And mayst thou never live to brook
A fate so hard as mine.
' And mayst thou heir thy father's worth,
But not his hapless doom;
To honour and thy country true,
Mayst thou his rights resume.
' And when my weary eyes shall close,
By death's long slumber blest,
Beside my dear-loved, long-lost home
For ever let me rest/
She spoke and died — in yonder grave
Her dear remains are laid;
Let never impious murmur rise
To grieve her hovering shade."
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Ceilidh. 453
6th MAY, 1S97.
On this date was held, in the Caledonian Hotel, the closing
meeting of session 1896-97. The meeting took the form of an
" At Home," or " Ceilidh." There was a large and representative
attendance of members and their friends. The event was the
first of its kind in connection with the Society, and was marked
by a series of presentations to old and valued members. Mr
William Mackay, honorary secretary, occupied the chair. The
proceedings were opened with bagpipe music by Pipe-Major
Ferguson. Thereafter an interesting programme of vocal and
instrumental music was successfully carried through. The
Chairman said, among other things, that there were some ladies
and gentlemen among them who contributed greatly to the success
of the Society's annual assemblies. These were Miss Cosey
Fraser, Miss Kate Fraser, Mr Roderick Macleod, and Mr iEneas
Fraser ; and as they had received no fee, the Council had resolved
to make some recognition of their services. He had great pleasure
in handing Miss Cosey Fraser a gold bracelet, Miss Kate Fraser a
silver card case, Mr Macleod two volumes of " Songs of the North"
and a volume of " Songs of Four Nations," and Mr Fraser a hand-
some pipe and cigarette case. Mr Macleod, on behalf of Mr
Fraser and himself, thanked the Council for their handsome gifts,
and Mr Roddie returned thanks for the Misses Fraser. Mr
MacLay then presented one of the Society's pipers — Pipe-Major
Ferguson — with a sgean dubh, and announced that Pipe-Major
Mackenzie, who was unable to be present, would receive a patent
fishing rod. The company was thereafter entertained to a service
of tea and cake, and an enjoyable dance of about an hour's
duration brought the entertainment to a close.
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MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.
HONORARY CHIEFTAINS.
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bartr
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh of Drummond, LL.D.
Alexander Macbain, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., rector, Raining's School,
Inverness
William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness
Duncan Campbell, editor, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
John Mackay, C.E., Hereford
LIFE MEMBERS.
Baillie, James E. B., of Dochfour, M.P.
Bankes, P. Liot, of Letterewe
Bignold, Arthur, of Lochrosque, Ross-shire
Brodie, W. A. G., 15 Rutland Square, Edinburgh
Burgess, Peter, banker, Fortrose *
Campbell, Alasdair, of Kilmartin, Glen-Urquhart
Chisholm of Chisholm, 33 Tavistock Square, London
Falconer, J. J. Maclennan, St Anns, Lasswade
Ferguson, R. C. Munro, of Novar, M.P.
Fletcher, J. Douglas, of Rosehaugh
Fletcher, Fitzroy C, Lctham Grange, Arbroath
Finlay, R. B., Q.C., Solicitor General, Phillemore Gardens, London
Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles, of Drummond, LL.D.
Fraser, Donald, of Millburn, Inverness
Grant, Ian Murray, of Glenmoriston
Jackson, Major Handle, of Swordale, Evan ton
Lord Lovat, Right Hon., Beaufort Castle, Beauly
Macdonald, Lachlan, of Skacbost, Skye -
Macfarlane, D. H., M.P., 46 Portman Square, London
Mackay, DonaldV Gampola, Kandy, Ceylon
Mackay, George F., Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand
Mackay, James, Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand
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456 Gaelic Society of. Inverness.
Mackay, John, C.E., J. P., Reay House, Hereford
Mackenzie, Sir, Kenneth S., of Gairloch, Bart.
Mackenzie, Sir Allan R., of Kintail, Bart.
Mackenzie, Thomas, Dailuaine House, Carron, Strathspey
Mackenzie, W. D., of Glen Kyllachy and Farr, Inverness
Maclean, L., Castle Packets, Cape Town, Africa
Macleod of Macleod, Reginald, Grantown House, Edinburgh
Matheson, Sir Kenneth, of Lochalsh, Bart
Ross, John M., 2 Devonshire Gardens, Glasgow
Scobie, Captain N., late of Fearn, Ross-shire
Sivewright, Sir James, K.C.M.G., Commissioner of Crown Lands^
Cape Colony, Africa
Yule, Miss Amy Frances, Tarradale House, Ross-shire
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Baillie, Aug. C, Dochfour, Inverness
Beith, Gilbert, MP., 7 Royal Bank Place, Glasgow
Burgess, Alexander, Caledonian Bank, Gairloch
Cameron, Ewen, mauager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank-
ing Company, London
Campbell, Duncan, editor, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
Chisholm, Duncan, Colorado Springs, U.S.A. (Ell Poso Club)
Chisholm, Roderick Gooden, 33 Tavistock Square, London
Clarke, Colonel Cumming, Ballindown, Beanly
Davidson, -Sheriff, Fort-William
Falconer, Dr J., St Ann's, Lasswade, Midlothian
Grant, Brigade-Surgeon Alex., Reay House, Inverness
Grant, Hugh, Lovat Road, Inverness
Grant, Ian Macpherson, yr. of Ballindalloch
Grant, J. P., of Rothiemurchus
Innes, Charles, solicitor, Inverness
Lord Kyllachy, The Hon , Edinburgh
Macallister, ex-Bailie T. S., Inverness
Macdonald, Colonel Alexander, Portree
Macdonald, Callum, Highland Club, Inverness
Macdonald, L., C. and M. Engineer, 1317 Eleventh Avenue,
Altoona, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.
Macdougall, Miss C. E., Canaan Lodge, Canaan Lane, Edinburgh
Macfarlane, Alex., George Hotel, Nottingham
Mackay, Eric, 7 Royal Exchange, London, E.C.
Mackenzie, Mackay D., National Provincial Bank of England,
Clifton, Bristol
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Members. 457
Mackenzie, Simon, The Hotel, Lochboisdale, S. Tlist
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Moyhall
Mackintosh, A. Mackintosh, Geddes, Nairn
Mackintosh, A. R., Balmoral House, Nairn
Mackintosh, Andrew (of Barclay, Mackintosh, & Co.), Monte Video
Mackintosh, Angus, of Holme, Palace. Chambers, 9 Bridge Street,
Westminster
Mackintosh, Eneas W., of Raigmore
Macleod, Rev. Dr Norman, Ravenswood, Inverness
Macmillan, E. H., manager of the Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Macpherson, Cluny, of Cluny Macpherson, Cluny Castle, Kingussie
Macpherson, Charles J. B., of Bellville, Kingussie
Macpherson, George, 8 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Macpherson, Colonel, of Glentruim, Kingussie
Robertson, John L., H.M. Inspector of Schools, Inverness
Scott, Roderick, solicitor, Inverness
Sinclair, George, Caledonian Hotel, Inverness
Thomson, Colin, American Exchange Bank, Duluth, Minnesota
Watts, Mrs E. F., Holland House, London
Wimberley, Captain D., Ardross Terrace, Inverness
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
Anderson, John, solicitor, Stornoway
Atkin, Percy H., barrister-at-law, The Temple, London
Barron, James, editor, " Inverness Courier," Inverness
Batchen, Thomas M., C.E., Innes1 Street, Inverness
Beaton, Angus J., C.E., Alexandra Terrace, Rockferry, Cheshire
Bentinck, Rev. Chas. D., E.C. Manse, Kirkhill, Inverness
Birkbeck, Robert, 20 Berkeley Square, London
Bisset, Rev. Alexander, Chapel House, Nairn
Black, F. A., solicitor, Inverness
Boyd, Thomas, bookseller, Oban
Buchanan, F. C, Clarinnish, Row, Helensburgh
Cameron, Rev. Allan, Free East Church, Inverness
Cameron, Dr A. H. F., Campden, Gloucestershire
Cameron, Rev. Angus, St John's Rectory, Arpafeelie
Cameron, Colin, ironmonger, High Street, Inverness
Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel, Achnacarry House, Fort-William
Cameron, D. M., wholesale grocer, Dempster Gardens
Cameron, 0., teacher, Blairour, Spean-Bridge, Kingussie
Cameron, D., merchant, Muir of Ord
Cameron, Dr, Nairn
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458 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Cameron, John, S.S.C., 40 Castle Street, Edinburgh
Cameron, John, bookseller, Union Street, Inverness
Cameron, Kenneth, factor, Ullapool
Cameron, Miss M. E., of Innseagan, Fort- William
Cameron, Neil R., of D. Cameron & Co., grocers, Church -Street
Inverness
Cameron, Paul, Blair-Atholl
Cameron, Rev. Alex., Sleat, Skye
Cameron-Swan, D., 53 Holland Park, London
Campbell, Donald, merchant, Kingussie
Campbell, Dr, Oban
Campbell, Rev. D., Petty, Inverness
Campbell, EwanK cabinet maker, Kingussie
Campbell, Fraser (of Eraser & Campbell), High Street, Inverness
Campbell, Sheriff, Stornoway
Campbell, James, builder,. Ardross Place, Inverness
Campbell, James Lennox, Dalmally
Campbell, The Rev. John, Kilmore Manse, Glen-Urquhart
Campbell, Paul, shoemaker, Castle Street, Inverness
Campbell, T. D., 16 Ness Bank, Inverness
Carmichael, Alexander, 29 Raeburn Place, Edinburgh
Cesari, E., Birnam Hotel, Dunkeld
Chisholm, Rev. Alexander, R.C., Dornie, Kintail
Chisholm, Archibald, P.F., Lochmaddy
Cook, James, commission agent, Inverness
Cook, Jehn, commission agent, 21 Southside Road, Inverness
Cran, John, Kirkton, Bunchrew
Crerar, Alexander, merchant, Kingussie
Crerar, Duncan Macgregor, 93 Nasseu Street, New York
Cruickshanks, Dr, Nairn
dimming, John, Knockie Villa, Beaufort Road, Inverness
Davidson, Andrew, sculptor, Inverness
Davidson, D., Waverley Hotel, Inverness
Dewar, Daniel, Beaufort, Beauly
Dewar, John, M.B., CM., Portree
Dey, Robert, M.A., Berryhill Public Sdiool, Wishaw
Ferguson, Charles, Nairn
Ferguson, D. H., pipe-major, I.H.R.V., faiverness
Finlayson, John, commercial traveller, Hillside Villa, Inverness
Forsyth, Dr, Abernethy
Forsyth, John H., Southside Road, Inverness
Fraser, Alex., draper, High Street, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness
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Members. 459
Fraser, Alexander, grocer, Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, city editor, Toronto Mail, Toronto
Fraser, A. R., Bank of Africa, Capetown
Fraser, Miss Catherine, 42 Union Street, Inverness
Fraser, D. Munro, H.M. Inspector of Schools, Dingwall
Fraser, Hugh, Armadale Cottage, Greig Street, Inverness
Fraser, Dr Hugh E., Royal Infirmary, Dundee
Fraser, James, C.E., Inverness
Fraser, James, Mauld, Strathglass
Fraser, James M., agent, Caledonian Bank, Lochmaddy
Fraser, John, draper, 80 High Street, Nairn
Fraser, Rev. J., Erchless
Fraser, Captain J. Wilson, of Balnain, Stratherrick
Fraser, Rev. John, F.C. Manse, Dores
Fraser, Roderick, contractor, Argyle Street, Inverness
Fraser, William, Post Office, Greig Street, Inverness
Freer, Miss Goodrich, Holy Trinity Vicarage, Paddington, London,
W.
Gillanders, K. A., grocer, Queensgate, Inverness
Gillies, Norman, governor, Poorhouse, Lochmaddy
Gossip, James A., Knowsley, Inverness
Gow, James Mackintosh, F.S.A. Scot., Knocke-sur-mer, Flanders,
Belgium
Grade, D. S., Inland Revenue, Inverness
Graham, Hugh M., solicitor, Church Street, Inverness
Grant, George Macpherson, yr. of Ballindalloch
Grant, Rev. J., E.C. Manse, Kilmuir, Skye *
Grant, James, commercial traveller, Arthur & Co., Glasgow
Grant, Dr Ogilvie, Inverness
Grant, Rev*. Donald, Dornoch
Grant, J. B., factor and commissioner for Mrs Chisholm of
Chisholm, Erchless
Grant, F. W., Maryhill, Inverness
Grant, Colonel Robert, Beanachan, Carr-Bridge
Grant, William, Gresham Insurance Office, London
Grey, John, T., Rosehaugh House, Fortrose
Gunn, Rev. Adam, Durness, Lairg.
Henderson, John, factor for Rosehaugh, Fortrose
Holmes, James, 4 Finchley Road, Plimlico, London
Holmes, T., 15 New Alma Road, Portswood, Southampton
Hood, John, secretary English and Scottish Law Life Association
Edinburgh
Hugonin, E. H., solicitor, Inverness
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460 Gaelic 8ociety of Inverness.
Innes, A, Lee, Kingsmills, Inverness
Keeble, T., Italian Warehouse, High Street, Inverness
Kemp, D. William, Ivy, Lodge, Trinity, Edinburgh
Kemp, Wm, D., of Messrs Strothers k Coy., Inverness
Kennedy, Ewen, Newtonmore, Kingussie
Kennedy, Kev. John, Caticol Manse, Lochranza, Arran
Kerr, Dr, Inverness
Kerr, Rev. Cathel, Melness, Sntherlandshire
Kerr, Thomas, agent, North of Scotland Bank, Inverness
Lang, I>r Gordon, Inverness
Lawrence, William, Swordale, Evanton
Lindsay, W. M., Jeans College, Oxford
Livingston, Colin, Fort-William
Livingston, R., manager, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
I/jgan, Donald, Public School, Broadford
Lumsden, Mism Louisa Innes, Glenbogie, Rhynie, Aberdeenshire
Macarthur, Alex., Texa Villa, Inverness
Macbain, Alexanler, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., rector, Raining^ School,
Inverness
Macbean, William, Provost, 35 Union Street, Inverness
Macbcan, George, writer, Queensgate, Inverness
Macbean, James, jeweller, Union Street, Inverness
Macbean, Lachlan, editor, " Fifcshire Advertiser," Kirkcaldy
Macbeth, II. J., architect, Queensgate, Inverness
Maccallum, Henry V., solicitor, Queensgate, Inverness
Maccallum, John, builder, Fort- William
Maccowan, Rev. J., Cfomdale, Strathspey
Macdonald, Professor A. G., Norman School, Truro, Nova Scotia
Macdonald, Alex., Assistant Accountant, Highland Railway, Inver-
ness
Macdonald, Alex., Station Hotel, Forres
Macdonald, Alexander, 62 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Rev. Alex. J., Killearnan, North Kessock
Macdonald, Rev. A., E.C. Manse, Kiltarlity
Macdonald, Rev. D. J., Killean Manse, Muasdale, Kintyre
Macdonald, Rev. Allan, R.C., Dalibrog, North Uist
Macdonald, David, Clarence Street, Aberdeen
Maodonald, Dr D., Glen-Urquhart
Macdonald, D. A., solicitor, Portree
Macdonald, Dr G. G., 26 King Street, Aberdeen
Macdonald, Bailie Donald, Inverness
Macdonald, Hugh, Accountant's Office, Highland Railway, Inver-
ness
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Member '8. 461
Macdonald, Hugh, solicitor, Aberdeen
Macdonald, James, builder contractor, Kingussie
Macdonald, James, hotel-keeper, Fort- William
Macdonald, John, wood merchant, Inverness
Macdonald, Thomas, builder, Hilton, Inverness
Macdonald, Donald, flesher, Union Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Rev. James, M.A., B.D., F.C., Manse, Dornoch
Macdonald, John, collpctor, Inland Revenue, Somerset House
Macdonald, John, wholesale merchant, Castle Street, Inverness
Macdonald, John, chief constable, Inverness
Macdonald, John, Loch Ericht Hotel, Dalwhinnie
Macdonald, Rev. James, Reay Free Church Manse, Shebster
Macdonald, Kenneth, town-clerk, Inverness
Macdonald, Murdo, C.E., Egypt
Macdonald, Murdo, M.A., Schoolhouse, Dores
Macdonald, S., Commercial Bank, Beauly
Macdonald, William, contractor, George Street, Inverness
Macdougall, Rev. R., Resolis Invergorden
Mace wan, John, Trafford Bank, Inverness
Macfarlane, Donald, Inverack, Blair-Atholl
Macfarlane, Peter, chemist, Fort- William
Macgregor, Donald, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Macgregor, John, Duncraig Villa, Fail-field Road, Inverness
Macgregor, Peter, M.A., Assynt
Machardy, Alex., chief constable, The Castle, Inverness
Macintyre, P. B., Commissioner, Crofters' Commission
Macintyre, Peter, 6 Parliament Square, Edinburgh
Macintosh, Rev. John, Free Church Manse, Fort- William.
Maciver, Duncan, Church Street, Inverness
Mackay, ^Eneas, bookseller, Stirling
Mackay, Charles, contractor, Dempster Gardens, Inverness
Mackay, Donald, Braemore, Dunbeath
Mackay, Francis D., Salisbury, South Africa
Mackay, John, editor, " Celtic Monthly," Glasgow
Mackay, J. G., merchant, Portree ,
Mackay, Thomas A., agent, British Linen Coy.'s Bank, Inverness
Mackay, Rev. Thomson, B.D., Strath, Skye
Mackay, William, solicitor, Queensgate, Inverness
Mackay, William, bookseller, High Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, Alex., C.E., Kingussie
Mackenzie, Alex. F., architect, Union Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, A. C, teacher, Mary burgh, Dingwall
Mackenzie, Colin C, F.C. Manse, Fasnakyle
Digitized by VjOCKMC
462 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mackenzie, D., Edinburgh
Mackenzie, D. F., solicitor, Inverness
Mackenzie, Evan N. B., yr. of Kilcoy, Belmaduthy House, Munlochy
Mackenzie, Dr F. M., Inverness
Mackenzie, Mrs Isabel, Silverwells, Inverness
Mackenzie, John, gamed ealer, &c, Union Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, John* jun., Dunvegan, Portree
Mackenzie, John T., factor, Uig, Skye
Mackenzie. Rev. J., F.C. Manse, Golspie
Mackenzie, John, Bank of Scotland, Beauly
Mackenzie, Murdo, Inland Revenue, Charleston, Gairloch
Mackenzie, M. T., M.B. & CM., Scalpaig, Lochmaddy
Mackenzie, Roderick, Oban Hotel, Dunedin
Mackenzie, William, secretary, Crofters' Commission
Mackenzie, William, clothier, Church Street, Inverness
Mackinnon, Alexander D., solicitor, Portree
Mackintosh, Andrew, H.M. Customs, Inverness
Mackintosh, ^Eneas, The Doune, Daviot
Mackintosh, Duncan, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Mackintosh, Edwin, Southwood, Southside Road, Inverness
Mackintosh, John, 57 Church Street, Inverness
Mackintosh, John, solicitor, Union Street, Inverness
Mackintosh, Neil, yr., of Raigmore
Mackintosh, Rev. A., Chapel House, Fort-William
Mackintosh, Lachlan, merchant, Kingussie
Mackintosh, R. L., wine merchant, Bridge Street, Inverness
Mackintosh, William, Drummuir Estate Office, Keith
Maclachlan, Dugald, Caledonian Bank, Portree
Maclachlan, Duncan, Public Library, Edinburgh
Maclean, Rev. D.,* Duirinish, Portree
Maclean, Peter, solicitor, Lochmaddy
Maclean, Peter, merchant, Dunvegan
Macleay, William, birdstuffer, Church Street, Inverness
Maclean, W. G., grocer, Academy Street, Inverness
Macleish, D., banker, Fort- Willi am
Maclennan, Alex., flesher, New Market, Inverness
Maclennan, A. D., solicitor, Portree
Maclennan, John, Estate Office, Stornoway
Maclennan, John (of Mackintosh & Co., wine merchants), Bridge
Street, Inverness
Maclennan, Rev. D. S., Laggan, Kingussie
Macleod, Angus D., Bellsfield Hotel, Windermere
Macleod, G. G., teacher, Gledfield Public School, Ardgay
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Members. 463
Macleod, JJenry Dunning, Oxford and Cambridge Club, London
Macleod, John, Public School, Drumsniittal, North Kessock
Macleod, John, M.P., Inverness
Macleod, M. D., M.B., of Beverley, Yorkshire
Macleod, Neil, 22 Viewforth Gardens, Edinburgh, Bard to the*
Society
Macleod, Norman, bookseller, 7 North Bank Street* Edinburgh
Macleod, R., clothier, Castle Street, Inverness
Macmichael, the Rev. Duncan, Duncansburgh, Fort-Willian,
Macnab, John, teacher, Kilmuir, Portree
Macnee, James, M.D., Inverness
Macneill,-Rev. J. G., Free Church Manse, Cawdor
Macnish, Rev. Dr, Cornwall, Ontario, Canada
Macphail, I. R. N„ advocate, Edinburgh
Macphail, Rev. J. S., Free Church Manse, Griminish, Benbecula
Macphail, Samuel Rutherford, M.D., medical superintendent,
Derby Borough Asylum
Macpherson, Alex., solicitor, KiDgussie +
MacphersoD, Alexander, 3 Setou Place, Edinburgh
Macpherson, Captain, J. F., Caledonian United Service Club,
Edinburgh
Macpherson, Duncan $ steamboat agent, Union Street, Inverness
Macpherson, Duncan, Inverguseran, Knoydart
Macpherson, D., postmaster, Falkirk
Macpherson, George, Scottish Widows' Fund, St Andrew's Square,
Edinburgh
Macpherson, John, The Hotel, Ullapool
Macpherson, Lachlan, 8 Constitution Street, Leith
Macqueen, Rev. John, Chapel House, Inverness
Macqueen, William, Baron Taylor's Lane, Inverness
Macrae, Rev. Farquhar, M.A., E.C. Manse, Glenorchy, Dalmally
Macrae, Rev. A., Free Church Manse, Clachan, Kintyro
Maorae, R., posting master, Beauly
Macrae, John, solicitor, Dingwall
Macrae, Dr, Jesmond, Newcastle
Macrury, Rev. John, Snizort, Skye
Mactavish, Alexander, Ironmonger, Castle Street, Inverness
Mactavish, Duncan, Academy Street, Inverness
Mactavish, P. D., solicitor, Inverness
Macvean, C. S., Kilfinichen House, Penny ghael, Mull
Martin, W. A., Beauclerc Road, London, W.
Masson, Rev. Dr Donald, 57 Albany Place, Edinburgh
Matheson, R. F., factor, Tarbert, by Portree
Digitized by VjOOQIC
464 Qaelio Society of Inverness.
Maxwell, Thomas Edward Hall, of Dargavel, Dunolly, Inverness
Medlock, Arthur, Bridge Street, Inverness
Menzies, Duncan, farmer, Blairich, Rogart
Miller, Dr, Belford Hospital, Fort- William
Mitchell, Alex., agent, E.C. Railways, Inverness
Monerieff, Sheriff Scott, Inverness
Morgan, Arthur, 6 Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
Morrison, John M., Stornoway
Mortimer, John, 344 Great Western Road, Aberdeen
Munro, D., teacher, Dochgarroch
Munro, David, solicitor, Inverness
Munro, Rev. Robert, B.D., Old Kilpatrick, near Glasgow
Murdoch, John, Horton Cottage, Uddingstone
Murray, D., commercial traveller, Inverness
Murray, Francis, Messrs James Fiulay & Co., 34 Leadenhall Street,
E.C.
Nairne, David, sub-editor, " Northern Chronicle "
Nicolson, Donald, Primrose Cottage, Uig, Portree
Neil, R. A., Fellow of Pembroke College, Cambridge
Paterson, Donald, factor, Askeruish, So. Uist
Paterson, Rod., town chamberlain, Inverness
Poison, A., Cromore, Stornoway
Ritchie, Rev. R. L., Creich, Suthcrlandshire
Robertson, Rev. Charles M., Inverness
Robertson, Rev. Duncan, The Manse, Luss
Robertson, Ossian, banker, Stornoway
Robson, A. Mackay, 36 London Street, Edinburgh
Ross, A. M., editor, " The North Star," Dingwall
Ross, ex-Provost Alex., LL.D., Inverness
Ross, David, solicitor, Church Street, Inverness
Ross, Donald, goods station, Highland Railway, Inverness
Ross, James, hotelkeeper, Broadford, Skye
Ross, John, procurator-fiscal, Stornoway
Scott, Thomas, Rhifail .
Sharp, D., 81 Scott Street, Garnethill, Glasgow
Shaw, James T., Gordonbush, Brora
Shirres, George Buchan, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambriige
Sinclair, Rev. A. Maclean, Belfast, Prince Edward's Island
Sinton, P. J., farmer, Glen-Nevis, Fort- William
Sinton, Rev. Thomas, Dores, Inverness
Skene, Lawrence, Portree
Smith, Dr D. if., West 34 Street, New York
Smith, F., commercial traveller (Strother & Co.), Inverness
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Member 8. 465
Smith, J., writer, Queensgate, Inverness
Steele, A. F., agent, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Stewart, Rev. Alex., E.C. Manse, Daviot
Stewart, Colin J., Dingwall
Stewart, Robert, 46 Shore Street, Inverness
Stewart, Robert T„ agent, Commercial Bank, Tain
Strachan, Professor, Marple, Cheshire
Stuart, ex-Bailie W. G., Nethy Bridge
•Sutherland, John, rector, Andersonian Institution, Forres
Thomson, Hugh, stockbroker, Inverness
Thomson, Robert, Kinmylies, Inverness
Urquhart, Donald, Public School, Staffin, Portree
Urquhart, Robert, jun., solicitor, Forres
Walker, A., H.M.I.S., Aberdeen
Wallace, Thomas, rector, High School, Inverness
Warren, John, accountant, British Linen Co.'s Bank, Forres
Watson, W. J., rector, Royal Academy, Inverness
Whyte, Duncan, live-stock agent, 226 Duke Street, Glasgow
Whjte, John, " Highland Times," Inverness.
Woolfenden, Wm., Star Hotel, Kingussie
Young, David, secretary, Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Young, John (of Young k Chapman, drapers), Inverness
DECEASED MEMBERS.
Blair, Sheriff, Inverness
Chisholm, Captain A. Macra, Glassburn, Strathglass
Finlayson, Dr, Munlochy
Fraser, ^Eneas, Inverness
Macandrew, Sir H. C, Inverness
Mackenzie, Alexander, editor, " Scottish Highlander," Inverness
Mackenzie, John, late agent of Commercial Bank, Inverness
30
* Digitized by UOOQ IC
Digitized by VjOOQIC
LIST OF BOOKS
THE SOCIETY'S LIBRARY.
NAME8 OP BOOKS.
Ossian's Poems (H. Society's edition,)
Gaelic and Latin), 3 vols. . . j
. Smith's Gaelic Antiquities
Smith's Seann Dana
Highland Society's Report on Ossian'i
Poems .....
Stewart's Sketches of the Highlands, 2 vols
Skene's Picts and Scots .
Dain Osiein Mhic Fhinn .
Macleod's Oran Nuadh Gaelach
Ah Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30
Carew's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland
Orain Ghilleasbuig Ghrannd, two copies
Connell's Reul-eolas
Maclauchlan's Celtic Gleanings
Maclauchlan's Early Scottish Church
The Dean of Lismore's Book .
Macleod and Dewar's Gaelic Dictionary
Highland Society's do., 2 vols.
Ritson's Caledonians, Picts and Scots
Dr Walker's Hebrides, 2 vols .
Campbell's Language, Poetry, and Masic
of the Highland Clans
Macnicol's Remarks on Dr Johnston's Tour
in the Hebrides
Somers' Letters from the Highlands
DONORS.
Colonel Mackenzie
of Parkmount
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Mr W. Mackay
Mr Charles Mackay
ditto
Rev. Dr Maclauchlan
ditto
ditto
ditto
Sir Ken. S. Mackenzie
of Gairloch, Bart,
ditto
ditto
Mr John Murdoch
ditto
ditto
Digitized by VjOOQIC
468
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Cameron's Chemistry of Agriculture
Sketches of Islay ....
Cameroon's History of Skye
Kennedy's Bardic Stories of Ireland
Hicky's Agricultural Class Book
Orain Ghaelach Mhic Dhunleibhe .
The Wolf of Badenoch .
Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Life
Antiquity of the Gaelic Language .
The Dauntless Red Hugh of Tyrcounell
The Kilchoman People Vindicated .
Caraid a' Ghaidheil — Sermon .
Highland Clearances the Cause of High
land Famines ....
Co-operative Associations
Lecture . . . .
Review of " Eight Days in Islay " .
Gold Diggings in Sutherland .
Review of Language of Ireland
Highland Character
An Teachdaire Gtaelach, 1829-30 .
The Scottish Regalia . . .
Campbell's West Highland Tales, 4 vols
Bliadhna Thearlaich
Macfarlane's Collection of Gaelic Poems
Old Gaelic Bible (partly MSS.)
MacHale's, Archbishop, Irish Pentateuch
Irish Translation of Moore's Melodies
The Bull " InefFabilis " (Latin, English.
Gaelic, and French) .
Celtic Language and Dialects .
Bourke's Irish Grammer .
Bourke's Easy Lessons in Irish
Mackenzie's Beauties of Gaelic Poetry
Mac-Crimmon's Piobaireachd .
Stratton's Gaelic Origin of Greek and Latin
Gaelic Translation of Apocrypha (by Rev
A. Macgregor) ...
Buchanan's Historia Scotise
The Game Laws, by R. G. Tolmie .
DONORS.
Mr John Murdoch
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
. ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Mr Alex. Mackenzie
ditto
Miss Hood
J. Mackenzie, M.D.
of Eileanach
Canon Bourke
ditto
ditto
ditto »
ditto
ditto
Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
Rev. A. Macgregor
ditto
ditto
Mr William Mackay
ditto
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Library.
469-
NAMES OF BOOKS.
St James's Magazine, vol. i.
Fingal (edition 1762)
Collection of English Poems (2 vols.)
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue
Scoto-Celtic Philology
Dana Oisein (Maclauchlan's edition).
Munro's Gaelic Primer
M 'Alpine's Gaelic Dictionary .
M'Pherson's Duanaire
Munro's Gaelic Grammar
Orain Mhic-an-t-Saoir
Orain Uilleim Ross. . . ,
Ceithir Searmoinean, le Dr Dewar .
CarsewelVs Prayer Book (Gaelic)
Scots' Magazine (1757) .
History of the Rebellion, 1745-46 . .
Welsh Bible . . ,
Old Gaelic New Testament
Adhamh agus Eubh (Adam and Eve)
Old Gaelic Bible ....
Orain Ailein Dughallaich
Macpherson's Poem's of Ossian
An Gaidheal for 1873 .
Orain, cruinnichte le Mac-an-Tuairnear
The Gospels, in eight Celtic dialects
Fraser of Knockie's Highland Music
The Clan Battle at Perth, by Mr A. M.
Shaw
The Scottish Metrical Psalms
Sailm Dhaibhidh Ameadreachd (Ed. 1659)
Biographical Dictionary of Eminent
Scotsmen (9 vols.) .
Orain Ghilleasbuig Grannd
Clarsach nan Beann
Fulangas Chriost .
Dain Spioradail
DONORS.
Mr Mackay, book-
seller, Inverness
C. Fraser-Mackintosh,
Esq., M.P.
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr D. Maciver
Lord Neaves, LL.D.,
F.R.S.E.
Maclachlan & Stewart
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Purchased
Mr A. Macbean
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr L. Mackintosh
Mr L. Macbean
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
The Publishers
Mr A. Mackintosh
Shaw, London
Mr J. Mackay, J. P.,
Hereford
Mr Mackenzie, Bank
Lane, Inverness
The Author
Mr J. Fraser, Glasgow
Mr A. R. Macraild,
Inverness
Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
ditto.
ditto.
ditto.
Digitized by VjOOQlC
470
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Spiritual Songs (Gaelie and English)
Alexander Macdonald's Gaelic Poems
Orain Mhic-an-t-Saoir.
Leabharnan Ceist ....
Co-eigneachadh Soisgeulach (Boston)
History of the Druids (Toland's)
Melodies from the Gaelic .
Maclean's History of the Celtic Language
Leabhar Sailm ....
Origin'and descent of the Gael
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar
Macpherson's Caledonian Antiquities
(1798)
Biboul Noimbh (London, 1855)
Searmona Mhic-Dhiarmaid
Dain Oisein
Fingal(1798). .
Life of Columba (1798) .
Orain Roib Dhuinn Mhic-Aoidh * .
Dain leis an Urr. 1. Lees
Searmons leis an Urr. E. Blarach
Eaglaisna h-Alba, leis an Urr A. Clare,
Inbhirnis . . . . - .
Bourke's Aryan Origin of the Gaelic Race
Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica
Munro's Gaelic Primer (3 copies in library)
Eachdraidh na h-Alba, le A. MacCoinnich
(3 copies)
Dain Ghailig leis an Urr. I. Lees
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue, by
Professor Geddes (1872) .
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue (1873)
Poems by Ossian, in metre (1796) .
Proceedings of the Historical and Archaeo-
logical Association of Ireland
(1870-86)
Shaw's Gaelic Dictionary (1780)
History of the Culdees, Maccallum's.
Macdiarmid's Gaelic Sermons (MS. 1773).
Gaelic Grammar, Irish character (1808) .
DONOBS.
Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto .
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Mr J. Mackay, J. P.,
Hereford
ditto
Purchased
The Author.
Rev. Dr Lees, Paisley
The Author
ditto
Mr Alex. Kennedy,
Bohuntin
The Society .
Rev. A. Macgregor.
ditto
ditto
Rev. A. Macgregor
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Library.
471
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Gaelic Pentateuch, Irish character .
Gaelic Book of Common Prayer (1819)
Gaelic Psalter, Irish character .
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of
Inverness, 13 vols. .
Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica
Oram le Rob Donn
Leabhar Oran Gaidhealach
Vible Casherick, Manx .
Biobla Naomtha, Irish
Dr Smith's Seann Dana .
Evan's Welsh Grammar and Vocabulary
Orain Uilleim Ros .
Orain Dhonnacha Bhain .
Co-chruinneachadh Orain Ghailig
Book of Psalms, Irish
Orain Nuadh Ghaidhealach, le A. Mac
dhomhnuill ....
Laoidhean o'n Sgriobtuir, D. Dewar
Leabhar Oran Gailig
Am Biobla Naomtha (1690) .
The Family of Iona. . .
Grant's Origin and Descent of the Gael
Rathad Dhe gu Sith
Dain Spioradail, Urr. I. Griogalach .
Dara Leabhar airson nan Sgoilean Gaidh
ealach .....
Treas Leabhar do. do. .
What Patriotism, Justice, and Christianity
demand for India .
Orain Ghaidhealach
Priolo's Illustratons from Ossian
Photograph of Gaelic Charter, 1408 .'
The Celtic Magazine, vol. i.
Do., vols. ii. to xi. ...
Elementary Lessons in Gaelic .
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar
Irish Pedigrees, by O'Hart
Dan an Deirg agus Tiomna Ghuill (Eng
lish Translation), 2 copies
Gaelic and English Vocabulary (1741)
Rev. A. Macgregor
ditto
ditto
Glas-
Purchased *
Rev. W. Ross,
gow
The Publishers
. Purchased
The Author
Mr D. Mackintosh
The Author
Mr C. S. Jerram.
Rev. A. Macgregor,
Digitized by VjOOQlC
472 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONORS.
Aryan Origin of the Celtic Race and \ Mr John Mackay, J. P.,
Language J Hereford
Old Map of Scotland (1746) . . . Mr Colin MCallum,
London
Collection of Harp Music . . .Mr Charles Fergusson
Valuation Roll of the County of Inverness
(1869-70) ditto
Do. do. Ross (1871-72) . -ditto
Inverness Directory (1869-70) . . • ditto
Greek Testament . ' . . . . ditto
Greek Lexicon . . . . ditto
Gospel of St John adapted to the Hamil-
tonian System (Latin) . . . ditto
Historie de Gil Bias de Santillane (French) ditto
Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, 2nd edition Mr A. Mackenzie
My Schools and Schoolmasters . .Mr James Reid
Gaelic Etymology of the English Language
Dr Charles Mackay . . . .J. Mackay, Swansea
The Highland Echo * Purchased
The Highland Newspaper, complete, 4
volumes Purchased
Hebrew — Celtic Affinity, Dr Stratton . The Author
Illustrations of Waverley, published for ) vr. ^ T1 v
.i n i a • x- i n x- ( Miss Eraser, J^arraline
the Royal Association for Promoting > v.n w '„ . ,
the Fine Arts in Scotland (1865) . ) Vllla> *' J5emck
Illustrations of Heart of Midlothian, do.
do (1873) ditto
Illustrations of the Bride of Lammermuir,
do. do. (1875) ditto
Illustrations of Red Gauntlet, do. do. (187j6) ditto
Illustrations of the Fair Maid of Perth . ditto
Illustrations of the Legend of Montrose . ditto
Gunn on the Harp in the Highlands . Miss Cameron of Inn-
seagan
English Translation of Buchanan's "Latha J
'Bhreitheanais," by the Rev. J. > Translator
Sinclair, Kinloch-Rannoch (1880) . )
An t-Oranaiche, compiled by Archibald
Sinclair (1880) .... Compiler
Danaibh Spioradail, «fec, le Seumas Mac- \ A. Maclean, coal mer-
Bheathain, Inverness (1880) . . J chant, Inverness.
Macdiarmid's Sermons in Gaelic (1804) . Colin MacCallum,
London
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Library. 47S
NAMES OK BOOKS. DONORS.
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by John M'Connachie,
C.E. (18.76) The Author.
Observations on the Present State of the ) T , M , T -p
Highlands, by the Earl of Selkirk yohn „7*1 ''
(1806) ) Hereford
Collection of Gaelic Songs, by Ranald FC. Buchanan, Clarin
Macdonald (1806) ... .f ^gh
Mary Mackellar's Poems and Songs (1880) The Author.
Dr O'Gallagher's Sermons in Irish (1877) . Johu Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
John Hill Burton's History of Scotland | L. Macdonald of
(9 vols.) . . . . .j Skaebost
Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland
(2 vols.) ditto
A Genealogical Account of the Highland )
Families of Shaw, by A. Mackintosh > The Author
Shaw (1877) j
History of the Clan Chattan, by A.
Mackintosh Shaw (1880) The Author
Leabhair an t-Sean .Tibmna air na\
dtarruing on - Teanguidh U-ghdar- I
rach go Gaidhlfg ire churant agus I A. R. MacRaild, In-
. saothar an.doCtur. Uiliam Bhedel, f verness - •-
Roimhe so Easpog Chillemhorie 'n I
.Erin (1830) J • A
Edmund Burke's Works, 8 vols. . . Mr Colin Chisholm.
Land Statistics of Inverness, Ross, and )
Cromarty in the Year 1871, by H. C. |>The Author
Fraser . . . . . . )
Church of Scotland Assembly Papers—
The Poolewe Case . . . . Mr W. Mackenzie
Ossian's Fingal rendered into Heroic) A. H. F. Cameron,
Verse, by Phven Cameron (1777) . j Esq. of Lakefield
Ossian's Fingal rendered into verse by
Archibald Macdonald fl808) . . ditto
Clarsach an Doire — Gaelic Poems, by
Neil Maclcod . . , . . . . The Author
(MacDiarmid's Gaelic Sermons . . : Mr Colin MacCallum,
London
Leabhar Commun nan . Fior. Ghael — The
Book'oi the Club of True Highlanders Purchased
31
Digitized by VjOOQlC
474 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAME8 OP BOOKS. DONORS.
Orammar of the Gaelic Language (Irish),
by E. O'C Mr H. C. Fraser
Esquisse de la Religion des Gaulois. Par
M. Henri Gaidoz. 1879 . M. Gaidoz
Notice sur les Inscriptions Latines de
Flrlande. Par M. Henri Gaidoz.
1878 . . . . . M. Gaidoz
Melusine Recueil de Mythologie, &c. Par
MM. Gaidoz et Rolland. 1878 . M. Gaidoz
Guide to Sutherlandshire, by Hew Morrison The Author
Transactions of the Royal National Eist-1 Mr J. Mackay, J. P.,
eddfod of Wales . . ./ Hereford
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by J. Macconnachie,
M.I.G.E. ...... The Author
In Memoriam — Earl of Seafield . . . The Dowager-Count-
ess of Seafield
Past and Present Position of the Skye 1 L. Macdonald of Skae-
Crofters / bost
American Journal of Philology
Revue Celtique, vol. VI., No. 3 . . M. Gaidoz
Notes on St Clement's Church, Rowdill,
Harris . . . . . . Mr A. Ross, Inverness
Notes on Clan Chattan Names . . J. Macpherson, M.D.
The Proverbs of Wales . . . . Mr J. Mackay, J. P.,
Hereford
J. D. Dixon's Gairloch .... Mr A. Burgess, banker,
Gairloch
Struan's Poems Mr A. Kennedy
The Writings of Eola . . .Mr John Mackay of
Ben Reay
The Proverbs of Wales, by T. R. Roberts . Mr J. Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
An Old Scots Brigade, by John Mackay,
Herrisdale ditto
Cromb's Highland Brigade . . . ditto
Glossary of Obscure Words in Shakespeare
and his Contemporaries, by Dr Chas.
Mackay ...... ditto
Pococke's Tour in Scotland issued by the i Mr D. William Kemp,
Historical- Society of Scotland . . f Edinburgh
Walcott's Scottish Church . . . Mr A. Burgess, Gair-
loch
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NAMBS OF BOOKS. DONORS.
Dick Lauder's Highland Legends . . Mr A. Burgess, Gair-
loch
Book of Scottish Story .... ditto
Stuart Papers ..... ditto
The Constitution and Bye-Laws of the) Mr John Mackay of
Scots Charitable Society of Boston . J Ben Reay
Notes on Early Iron Smelting in Suther- \ Mr D. William Kemp,
land j Edinburgh
Artificial Lighting ..... ditto
The Mountain Heath, by David Macdonald Mr A. H. F. Cameron
of Laketield
Oratio Dominica Mr John Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
Old Testament in the Irish Language, Mr Paul Cameron,
by Dr William Bedel, 1685 . . Blair-Atholl
The Hermit in Edinburgh . . . Dr Cameron, Liverpool
The History of the Macleans, by Professor ) ^ , ,
J. P. Maclean [ ^urcriasea
FingaTs Cave, Staffa, 2 vols., by Professor ) ,. ,
J. P. Macleatf J aitt0
The Reay Fencibles . . . . } Mr ^J^*3*'*
Reliquiae Celticae. Vol. I. — rOssianica, \
with Memoir of Dr Cameron. Edited f T, Fj..
by Mr A. Macbain, M.A., and Rev. ( ine JJidltors
John Kennedy . . . . /
The Elements of Banking. By Henry j™ . ,
Dunning Macleod . . . . / lne Autnor
John Laurie, an Eccentric Sutherland 1™ A , ,
Dominie. By D. W. Kemp . . j The Author
Irish New Testament . . Dr Cameron, Wor-
cester
Report of the Worcester Diocesan Archi- 1 , .
tectural and Archaeological Society . / ! °
Manuscript Collection of Music. By John \ ,.
Anderson, music master, Inverness . /
Place Names of Scotland, by Rev. Mr
Johnston Mr W. A. G. Brodie
The Christian Doctrine, by the Archbishop
ofTuam Mr Colin Grant, Balti-
more
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Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS,
Light of Britinna — Druidic Mysteries, by
Owen Morgan, B.B.D. (Morien)
Reliquae Celticee. Vol. II. — Dr Cameron's.
Edited by Mr A. Macbain, M.A., and
Rev. John Kennedy.
History of Urquhart and Gleninoriston,
by William Mackay
History of the Mackenzies, 2nd Edition,
by Alex. Mackenzie ;
Eachdraidh Beatha Chriosd
The Songs and Poems of MacCodrum, edited
by Rev. Arch. Macdonald, Kiltarlity .
Celtic Gleanings, by Rev. J. G. Campbell .
Do.
do.
The Cuchullinn Saga, by Miss Hull .
Pictish Inscriptions, by E. B. Nicolson,
Bodleian Library, Oxford
Deponent Verb in Irish, by Prof. Strachah
Presbytery Records of Inverness and
Dingwall, edited by Wm. Mackay,
solicitor, Inverness
Coinneach 'us Coille, by Alex. Macdonald,
Inverness . .
Leabhar nan Sonn, by Mr A. Eraser,
Toronto . . .* .
DONORS.
Mr John Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
I The Editors
The Author
The Author
The Author
The Editor
Mr John Mackay,.
J.P., Hereford
Miss Amy Frances
Yule, Tarradale
House, Muir of
Ord
ditto
The Author
The Author
The Editor
The Author
The Author
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