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JBtstrtbuteti gratuttouelg to sjubsmfiing 





THE Council of the London and Middlesex Archae- 
ological Society have much pleasure in submitting to 
the Members the fourth volume of its Transactions, 
containing papers read at the General Meetings held 
in 1869-1874, and comprising many memoirs of per- 
manent general interest as well as several valuable 
papers relating to local history. 

The Members will observe from the Reports of the 
Council to the Annual Meetings in each year that 
the period occupied by the work of which the results 
are shown in this volume has been marked by progress 
and prosperity to the Society, the number of Mem- 
bers having largely increased, and 'the financial con- 
dition of the Society having much improved. 

The Council have the pleasing duty of acknow- 
ledging the gift of the cost of printing the Ordinances 
of London Guilds by Mr. J. R. Daniel-Tyssen, F.S.A., 
and also the gratuitous services of the authors and 
editors of the various papers, and of Miss Victoria 
Howe, Mr. J. G. Waller, Mr. Charles Golding, and 
Mr. Albert Hartshorne, who have contributed some 
of the drawings which illustrate this volume. 

It may be interesting to remind the Members that 
the present volume does not contain a record of the 
whole of the labours of the Society during the period 


to which it has reference, numerous other papers 
having been published separately, as " Proceedings of 
the Evening Meetings," and two distinct publications 
having been issued by the Society, viz. the account of 
the Roman Tessellated Pavement at Bucklersbury by 
Mr. John E. Price, E.S.A. Hon. Sec. published in 
co-operation with the Corporation of the City of 
London, and the Account of the Roman Antiquities 
discovered on the site of the National Safe Deposit 
Company's premises in Queen Victoria Street, by the 
same author. 

The Members will find melancholy interest in 
observing among the earlier papers in this volume 
some by distinguished men no longer among them 
the late W. H. Black, E.S.A. and J. G. Nichols, E.S.A. 
to the value of whose services to the Society the 
Council have endeavoured to bear some testimony in 
their Reports. 

4, St. Martin's Place, Trafalgar Square, 
London, 10 May, 1875. 



The Ordinances of some Secular Guilds of 

London, 1354 to 1496 ...7. H. C. Coote, Esq 1-59 

The recently discovered Roman Sepulchre at 

Westminster Abbey W. H. Black, Esq 60-69 

Sir William Harper, Alderman of London, 

Founder of the Bedford Charities John Gough Nichols, Esq. ... 70-93 

Silver Coins discovered at Harmondsworth, 

Middlesex ..'. A. White, Esq 94-96 

The Hole-Bourne ....J. G. Waller, Esq 97-123 

Eoman Quern discovered in St. Martin's-le- 

Grand J. E. Price, Esq 124-130 

The Mercers' Company John Gough Nichols, Esq. ... 131-147 

Plate of the Mercers' Company G. E. French, Esq 147-150 

Great Greenford Church A. Heales, Esq 151-172 

The Pilgrimage to our Lady of Wilsdon J. G. Waller, Esq 173-187 

The Parish of Willesden Frederick A. Wood, Esq 189-201 

St. Dionis Backchurch William Durrant Cooper, Esq. 202-222 

Notes on an Ancient Crypt within Aldgate .. .Alfred White, Esq 223-230 

Statutes of the College of the Minor Canons 

in St. Paul's Cathedral, London Kev. W. Sparrow Simpson ... 231-252 

Notes on the Church and Parish of Monken 

Hadley Rev. Frederick Charles Cass 253-286 

Notes on Two Monumental Brasses in the 
Church of St. Andrew Undershaf t, Leaden- 
hall Street W. H. Overall, Esq 287-300 

St. Peter's Church, Cornhill Rev. Richard Whittington ... 301-312 

The Inventories of Westminster Abbey at 

the Dissolution Rev. Mackenzie E. C. Walcott 313-364 

Inventory of St. Stephen's Chapel, West- 
minster : J. R. Daniel-Tysseu, Esq., and 

Rev. Mackenzie E. C. Walcott, 365-376 
On the Paintings in the Chapter House, West- 
minster John G. Waller, Esq 377-416 

The Great Barn, Harmondsworth Albert Hartshorne, Esq 417-418 

Notes on Gray's Inn W. R. Douthwaite, Esq 419-424 

The Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn ...Edward W. Brabrook, Esq.... 425-444 

Lincoln's Inn and its Library Wm. Holden Spilsbury, Esq. 445-466 

Proceedings at the Meetings of the Society 467-492 

General Index , 493 

List of Members and Rules at End 



Forty-second General Meeting, 13th July, 1869, at the Vestry Hall, 


Forty-third General Meeting, 26th May, 1870, at the Hall of the Worship- 
ful Company of Clothworkers, Mincing Lane . 

Forty-fourth General (Fifteenth Annual) Meeting, llth July, 1870, at the 

Society's Rooms 

"Report of the Council and Auditors 470 

Forty-fifth General Meeting, 13th September, 1870, at Monken Hadley ... 472 
Forty-sixth General Meeting, 4th May, 1871, at the Hall of the Worshipful 

Company of Leathersellers 473 

Forty-seventh General (Sixteenth Annual) Meeting at University College, 

Gower Street 474 

Report of the Council and Auditors 475-77 

Forty-eighth General Meeting, 16th May, 1872, at the Chapter House, 

Westminster Abhey 478 

Forty-ninth General (Seventeenth Annual) Meeting, 23rd July, 1872, at 

University College, Gower Street 479 

Report of Council and Auditors 479-82 

Fiftieth General Meeting, 4th September, 1872, at the School Room, West 

Drayton 482 

Fifty-first General Meeting, 15th May, 1873, at Lincoln's Inn Hall , 483 

Fifty-second General (Eighteenth Annual) Meeting, 21st July, 1873, at 

University College, Gower Street 483-6 

Report of Council and Auditors 

Fifty-third General Meeting, 23rd July, 1873, at Hampton Court Palace... 487 

Fifty-fourth General Meeting, 28th April, 1874, at St. Paul's Cathedral ... 487 
Fifty-fifth General (Nineteenth Annual) Meeting, 21st June, 1874, at St. 

Martin's Place, Trafalgar Square ; Report of Council and Auditors ... 488-491 
Fifty-sixth General Meeting, llth August, 1874, at Fulham Palace 492 




Roman Sepulchre discovered at Westminster Abbey, to face 61 

Arms of Lady Harper 83 

Brass of Sir William and Lady Harper 86 

Arms of Sir William Harper 87 

Seal of the Bedford Charity 92 

Examples of Mint Marks 95 

Map of the Hole-Bourne, to face 97 

Roman Quern discovered in St. Martin's-le-Grand, to face 124 

Section of ^Excavations in St. Martin's-le-Grand , 125 

Ancient Querns in the Museum of John Walker Baily, Esq., to face 126 

The Leigh Cup of the Mercers' Company 147 

Plan of Great Greenford Church, to face 151 

King-post of Chancel Roof, Greenford ., 156 

Quarries from Windows at Greenford 158, 159,172 

Bell Stamp, Greenford 160 

Brass of Simon Hert, to face 165 

Pilgrims' Signs 183, 184, 185, 186 

North View of an Ancient Crypt within Aldgate, to face 223 

Stone Bosses, Crypt, Aldgate, to face 228 

Ground Plan do. do 228 

Sections do. do 228 

Initial Letter of the Charter of Incorporation of the College of Minor Canons, 

St. Paul's Cathedral, to face 231 

Old Beacon on the Tower of Monken Hadley Church 259 

Pier of Chancel Arch do. do 260 

Insignia of Judge Stamford, Knight, and Arms of Goodere of St. Alhan's 261 

Signatures of the Family of Goodere 265, 266, 267 

Date on the Western Face of the Tower Hadley Church 286 

Brass of Nicolas Leveson in the Church of St. Andrew Undershaf t. Leadenhall 

Street, to face 288 

Brass of Simon Burton in the Church of St. Mary Undershaft, Leadenhall 

Street, to face 296 

Remains of Painting on the East Wall, Chapter House, Westminster. Fig. 1. 

to face , 383 

Ditto ditto Fig. 2. to face 385 

Ditto on the Northern Wall, ditto Fig. 3 409 

Ditto ditto Fig. 4 412 

The Great Barn at Harmondsworth, to face 417 

Sections ditto .. 416 




Vol. IV. JANUARY, 1871. Part I. 

OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 


[Read at an Evening Meeting of the Society, 13th February, 1871.] 

THOUGH the history of the old trade guilds of London is sufficiently 
known through the works of Maitland, Herbert, and others, the 
rules and ordinances which governed the internal economy of those 
interesting institutions are, I may venture to say, a sealed book. 

Herbert indeed intimates that the more ancient records of the 
guilds (now better known under the name of Companies) have perished 
in the conflagrations which from time to time have devastated the me- 
tropolitan city. * 

If this destruction has really occurred, it is the more to be regretted, 
inasmuch as the same casualty would seem to have overtaken even 
those transcripts of them which by the 12th Richard II. were ordered 
to be returned into Chancery, f ' 

Of the returns made under that authority, the copies of the charters 

* History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies, Advertisement, p. vii. 
t No transcripts of rules of the trade guilds of London are extant at the 
Kecord Office. 



only seem now to be in existence, and these, it is obvious, do not 
supply the information and particulars which the rules would have 

Some of these missing rules have, however, been recently dis- 
covered in a place of legal custody little anticipated even by the ac- 
complished antiquary who unearthed them. 

In prosecuting a research amongst the records of the court of the 
Commissary of London, our esteemed member J. R. Daniel Tyssen, esq., 
F.S.A., was agreeably surprised to find duly recorded in that venerable 
depository the entire English texts of the rules and ordinances of four 
secular Guilds of London,* and of two German fraternities established 
in the same city. 

The London Guilds whose rules have thus reappeared are of those 
of the Glovers, the Blacksmiths, the Water-bearers, and the Shear- 
men, f 

* In especial reference to the discovery made by Mr. Tyssen, I cannot forbear 
remarking that the stores of archreology dormant in the registers and other 
records of the ecclesiastical courts of London are incalculable. They pre-emi- 
nently deserve to be abstracted and published by authority. A few years ago 
I called attention in the Athenceuin to the fact (Itnonn by me) that the whole 
of the inventories of the seventeenth century, filed in the Prerogative Court by 
the representatives of all deceased persons, were in existence, though inaccessible 
to the curious. At the instance of Lord Stanhope, President of the Society of 
Antiquaries, Lord Penzance ordered these and other inventories of prior date to 
be looked up, with a view to their being indexed. The order was, I believe, 
nominally obeyed for a few weeks, and was then disregarded. To demon- 
strate the interest of these inventories, at least those of the seventeenth century, 
it is sufficient to say that amongst them miist be the inventory of the personal 
estate and effects of William Shakespeare, and therein, perhaps, may be found 
some mention of his copyrights. 

f It is unnecessary to say that every guild was entirely isolated and inde- 
pendent of all others of the same description. This is traditionally said to 
have been the true constitution of the guilds of Freemasons, now called lodges. 
Originally they were, like other guilds, distinct communities, neither affiliated 
to nor dependent upon any other association of the same craft. At the 
beginning of the present century (perhaps at the end of the last), through 
extraneous influences, a hierarchical system was introduced into Freemasonry, 
and all the independent lodges (or guilds) submitted themselves to one lodge, 
in London, as their chief, at the same time surrendering to the latter their 
royal charters (or licences), and their ordinances. These were probably all 
destroyed by the central authority at the time of the surrender. Copies of the 
charters, however, will possibly be found in the Record Office amongst the 
returns made under the 12th Richard II. (see ante), and Mr. Tyssen's discovery 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 3 

The German fraternities are those of St. Katharine and of the Holy 
Blood of Wilsnach in Saxony. 

Of the guilds themselves I will observe, that the Glovers and the 
Blacksmiths are old fraternities still amongst us.* The Shearmen also 
still exist, though under their later and better-known appellation of 
Clothworkers, and are one of the twelve great Companies. f The Water- 
bearers are, however, entirely unknown to fame, Maitland and Her- 
bert making no mention of them. 

The same oblivion has come over the two German guilds. Mait- 
land, Herbert, Blley, and Dr. Lappenburg (Geschichte des Hansis- 
chen Stalhofes zu London) have left them unnoticed. Dr. Pauli also, 
the latest writer upon London from a German point of view, ignores 

At the same time it is possible that these last-mentioned guilds 
may have severally belonged to the two establishments of Germans 
trading in London, those of Cologne and the Hanse.J 

The rules thus discovered by Mr. Tyssen are, as I have said, all in the 
English language. As they range in date from the year 1354 to the 
year 1496 they represent the vernacular in its progress towards fixity 
and consolidation. They have an obvious worth, therefore, as texts of 
our language, besides their intrinsic value as illustrations of the ma- 
chinery and inner working of those most powerful institutions of the 
middle ages the trade guilds. 

Their interest also does not stop there. Having by their means 
complete details of these fraternities, we are now in a position to com- 
pare them with those more ancient institutions preceding the Norman 
Conquest which first assumed the name of guilds in this country, and 
these latter may, in their turn, also be subjected to a further compari- 
son, viz. with those collegia privata of the empire which were the pre- 
cursors of them all. 

As no one would expect to see these rules in the place where they 

shows it to be more than probable that the rules and ordinances are registered in 
some of the ecclesiastical courts, where they will be discovered whenever a 
search shall be made for them. When they shall be found we may assure our- 
selves that Von Hammer's hypothesis of Baphomet and the Templars will not 
hold good, still less will Mithras (another and a later theory) stand a chance 
of being accepted. 

* Maitland, History of London, vol. ii. pp. 1242, 1247. 

t Herbert, vol. ii. p. 650. 

Riley's Munimenta Gildkallee Londoniensis, Introduction, p. xcvii. 

I? 2 



now are and have always been, it will not be superfluous to ascertain 
upon what principle of law and for what legal object they were thus 
registered in the court of an ecclesiastical judge. 

We shall find by the rules themselves that this registration was not 
ministerial only, but that in each case there was either expressly or by 
implication a preliminary confirmation of the rules by ecclesiastical 
authority. In other words, the rules were certified, to use a term of 
our own time, which is exactly applicable. 

The proem to the rules of the Shearmen registered in the Court of 
the Commissary of London 27 February, 1452, states that they have 
been submitted to the official of the Consistory of London, and con- 
tains his confirmation of them in the following words : " Et quia nos 
Johannes officialis antedictus, per nonnulla documenta aliasque proba- 
tiones legitimas, evidenter invenimus et comperuimus prsemissa apunc- 
tuamenta sive ordinationes ex causis veris rationalibus et legitimis 
fuisse et esse confecta et ordinata; igitur dicta apunctuamenta sive 
ordinationes, tanquam juri consona, in quantum possumus de jure et 
debemus, auctoritate qua supra confirmavimus et auctorizavimus, 
prout ea sic tenore prsesentium confirmavimus et auctorizavimus, ipsa- 
que appunctuamenta sive ordinationes omnia et singula per omnes et 
singulos dictarum artis et fraternitatis fratres et liberos homines ac 
eorum successores imposterum observanda et perimplenda fore sub 
po3nis in hujusmodi appunctuamentis sive ordinationibus plenius de- 
scriptis decrevimus et decernimus per pragsentes." 

At the conclusion of the rules of the Water-bearers, registered 20th 
October 1496, in the Court of the Commissary of London, we find 
the same Commissary confirming them " as far as in him is." 

The rules of the German guild of St. Katharine, registered in the 
same court on the 25th October 1495, are confirmed also by the Com- 
missary of London. 

We further find, by the evidence of the rules themselves, that the 
object and intention of this confirmation and registration was to facili- 
tate the suing in the Ecclesiastical Court for the quarterages and 
penalties contained in them. 

The rules of the Glovers contain this provision : " Also it is 
ordeyned that if any brother of the same fraternitie of the crafte 
of glovers be behynde of paiement of his quarterage by a yere and 
a day, and his power the same quarterage to paie, and if he that 
do maliciously refuse, that thenne he be somened tofore the officiall 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 13/>4 TO 1496. 5 

(i.e. the official of the Consistory of London) and by the wardens for 
his trespass and rebelness of such manner, duly for to be chastised or 
ponyssed, and to paie the fine aforesaid, and her (i.e. their) costs of the 
court, as in here (their) account tofore all other brethren of the same 
craft wellen answer." 

So the rules of the Shearmen provide, that if a brother " breke his 
othe he shall be punysshed by the lawe of our moder holy chirche," 
and " that the said wardens do make certification unto the officers of 
the Bishop of London * * * to the intent that thay by the lawe 
spiritual compel the said person so being rebel and disobedient for to 
pay and satisfy the said fine." 

The rules of the brotherhood of St. Katharine in the same strain 
provide that " the names of all persons, transgressors and rebels, 
being brethren of the fraternity, be presented unto the judge ordinary 
of the Lord Bishop of London." 

The principle of canon law by which an ecclesiastical court could 
enforce payment of the quarterages and fines of a Livery Company has 
so long passed out of existence that I may be excused for entering 
into some particulars concerning it. 

In all cases of the infraction of an oath or solemn promise to pay, 
the ecclesiastical court could enforce performance. The canonist 
Lyndewode describes the pleadings in a suit of this nature (styled 
pro Icesione fidei) in a manner which throws light upon the clauses in 
the rules which I have recited. He says, " A libels B that the latter, 
by interposition of his faith or by his oath, promised and bound him- 
self that on a day named he would pay, &c., but has since minus 
canonice refused to fulfil his promise, in violation of his oath, which 
by the divine and canon laws he is bound to perform under pain of 
mortal sin ; wherefore the complainant prays that, on proof of the 
facts, the judge will decree and compel the defendant to observe his 
promise and engagement by canonical censures."* 

The rules of these guilds being thus confirmed and registered by 
full legal authority, it is impossible to conceive a' record more authentic 
than those transcripts the discovery of which we owe to the penetra- 
tion of Mr. Tyssen. 

We have, accordingly, no reason to regret the more than probable 

* Lyndewode's Provinciate, lib. v. tit. 15 de poenis. See Ducange also, sub 
voce Curia Christianitatis. 


loss of the originals themselves. The authenticity of all these rules 
being thus placed beyond doubt, I will abstract the regulations of the 
oldest set, in order to facilitate a comparison of them with the pro- 
visions of those other guilds which, as we shall see, preceded the 
Norman Conquest. 

The first in date are the ordinances of the GLOVERS (A.D. 1354). 

They purport to be made by the masters and keepers (or wardens) 
of the craft of Glovers of the City of London and the brethren. 

1. Every brother shall pay sixteen pence a year, by quarterly pay- 
ments, towards providing two wax tapers to burn at the high altar of 
the chapel of Our Lady in the new church- haw beside London, and 
also to the poor of the fraternity who well and truly have paid their 
quarterage so long as they could. 

2. If any brother be behind of payment of his quarterage by a 
month after the end of any quarter he shall pay sixteen pence, that is 
to say, eight pence to the old work of the church of St. Paul of Lon- 
don, and the other eight pence to the box of the fraternity. Also as 
often as any brother be not obedient to the summons of the wardens, 
or be not present in the " hevenys that folk be dead," and in offering 
at the funeral of a brother, and in attendance at church with the 
fraternity on the feasts of the Annunciation and Assumption and 
others, he shall pay sixteen pence in like manner. 

3. Every brother shall come to Placebo and Dirige in the " hevenys 
of dead folk," in suit or livery of the fraternity of the year past, and 
on the morrow to mass, and there offer, in his new livery or suit, upon 
pain of sixteen pence. 

4. If a brother be behind of his quarterage for a year and a day, 
and though it be in his power to pay it he maliciously refuse, he shall 
be summoned before the official of the Consistory of London, &c. (see 

5. If any brother or sister be dead within the city, and have not of 
his (or her) goods him (or her) to bury, he (or she) shall have burning 
about his (or her) body five tapers and four torches, at the cost of the 
brethren, provided the deceased have continued seven years in the 
fraternity, &c. 

6. All the brethren be clothed in one suit, &c. 

7. The masters, wardens, and brethren shall attend and hear mass 
on the feast of the Assumption, &c. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 7 

8. Every brother shall keep his livery for four years, &c. 

9. Settles the fee for entrance into the fraternity, and also the form 
of oath. 

10. On the day of the feast when the brethren have eaten they 
shall go together to the chapel of our Lady before-mentioned, and 
there continue the time of Placebo and Dirige, and on the morrow 
shall attend mass of Requiem, and from thence come together to their 
Hall, on pain of sixteen pence. 

11. If any brother revile another he shall be fined six pence or 
eight pence, &c. 

12. All the brethren, with their wives, shall go together to their 
meat the Sunday next after Trinity Sunday, &c. &c. * 

13. A trade regulation concerning the admission of apprentices. 

14. Settles fines for " contrarying " against the rules. 

15. Settles further penalties for disobedience to the rules, and regu- 
lations as to apprentices. 

Twenty-nine brethren have signed these rules. At the same time 
they were sworn (fidem fecerunt) well and faithfully to keep and fulfil 

The ordinances of the BLACKSMITHS come next (A.D. 1434). 
They are made by the masters and wardens and the whole company 
of the craft, " in the worship " of St. Loy. 

They are in part materid with the preceding rules. 

These rules, as registered in the Commissary's Book, are subscribed 

* Upon the admission of females to the companies' dinners, Mr. Herbert 
makes the following quaint remarks (vol. i. p. 83). "This curious, we had 
almost said indecorous, custom, but which must at the same time have greatly 
heightened the hilarity, occurred in consequence of the companies consisting, as 
we have seen, of brothers and sisters ; and which practice they seem on their 
reconstruction to have borrowed from the religious guilds. Not only did widows, 
wives, and single women who were members join the joyous throng, but from the 
Grocers' ordinances of 1348 we find the brethren could introduce their fair 
acquaintances on paying for their admission ; and that not, as in modern times, 
to gaze in galleries, the mere spectators of good living, but as participants. There 
is an amusing simplicity in the ordinances alluded to of the Grocers on these 
points. They enjoin that every one of the fraternity, from thenceforward, having 
a wife or companion, shall come to the feast, and bring with him a damsel, if he 
pleases. If they cannot come from the reasons hereinafter mentioned, that is to 
say, being sick or big with child and near delivery, they are then, and not other- 
wise, to be excused." 


by sixty-five brethren and by the wives of two of them, the original 
signatures appearing on the record. 

The rules of the SHEARMEN follow next (A..D. 1452). 

Their proem states that " the wardens and freemen of the craft for 
the more encrease and continuance of brotherly love and good example 
unto the honor of God, our Lady St. Mary, and all saints, by license of 
the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London, form a religious 
brotherhood amongst themselves for the sustentation of a perpetual 
light of thirteen tapers to burn in the church of the Augustinian 
Friars in London before the image of Our Lady." 

The ordinances refer to the guild generally as well as to this interior 
fraternity, and need not be repeated here, though the extreme par- 
ticularity of the details, including the oath of the brotherhood, make 
them exceedingly interesting. 

The rules of the WATER-BEARERS of the City of London are the last 
of our English series. 

They bear date A.D. 1496, and purport to be made by the wardens 
and the whole fellowship of the brotherhood of St. Christopher of the 
"Water-bearers founded within the Augustine Friars. 

The three remaining guilds are of Germans residing and trading in 
London. Their objects are good fellowship, and, where need might arise, 
the succour of the poor members of the guilds. As they do not directly 
concern English antiquities, I abstain from making any comment upon 
them, save to observe- that, from the stringency of the provisions 
against loss of temper and strife, it is clear that there is ancient autho- 
rity for the proverbial querelle d 1 Allemand. 

We have in the old English rules now published full details of the 
inner life and working of our guilds. Their origin, however, is as 
mystical as it was before, and we must go beyond even these rules to 
trace it. Luckily, materials for this research do not fail us. We have 
references to English secular guilds existing long before the Norman 
Conquest, and, what is still more valuable, we have the texts of the 
rules of three of such associations, of the date respectively of the tenth 

The guilds whose rules we thus possess are of London, Cambridge, 
and Exeter. 

GUILDS OP LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 9 

The rules of the London guild, perhaps the first in date, contain 
the fullest details of them all.* 

The proem states that the text contains the constitution of the 
guild, which is composed of thanes and ceorls, (gentlemen and yeomen,) 
under the perpetual presidency of the bishop and port gerefa of 

It also declares that the rules are made by common consent of 
the brethren, in addition to and furtherance of the stringent pro- 
visions against robbery of the acts of the witenagemot therein 
specified,! and for the better comprehension of the object of the guild, 
it invokes into the rules the enactments themselves. J 

The object of the guild is the recovery of stolen stock and slaves, 
wherever that recovery is practicable, and where that cannot be effected, 

* Mr. Thorpe (Preface to Diplomatarium Anglicum, p. xvii.) calls this 
" A deed of incorporation by the prelates and reeves of the Londoners for the 
repression of theft and maintenance of the public peace, which in its provisions 
is closely akin to the later institution of frithborg, or as it is mistranslated frank- 
pledge." This is a strange misconception of the meaning of a very plain instru- 
ment-. Equally strange is the confusion in Mr. Thorpe's mind between frank- 
pledge, which is security, and the object of the London guild, which is indemni- 
fication by mutual assurance. 

f " J5is is seo gersednis J>e J>a biscopas and J>a gerefan J>e to Lundenbyrig hyraft 
gecweden habba'S, and mid weddum gefaestnod on urum frrftgegyldum, aegfter 
ge eorlisce ge ceorlisce, to eacari J>am domum J>e sst Greatanlea, and get Exan- 
ceastre gesette wseron, and set Jmnres felda." (Thorpe's Ancient Laws and 
Institutions of England, vol. i. p. 229.) 

J " ^aet we ewaedon fraet ure aelc scute mi pseng to ure gemsene t>earfe binnan 
xii monSum, and forgyldon J>aet yrfe f>e sySftan genumen wsere J>e we J>aet feoh 
scuton, and hsefdon us ealle J>a zescean gemsene, and scute aelc man his scylling, 
l>e haefde J?aet yrfe J>aet waere xxx paenig wyrS, buton earinee wudewan J>e naenne 
forwyrhtan naefde, ne nan land." Mr. Thorpe corrects "scylling" by "pcenig," 
the equivalent of which appears in Brompton's translation. Forrvyrhta is the 
literal translation of the Latin procurator. See Ranks, Thorpe's Laws, p. 192. 

Ibid. p. 230. " J>set we tellan a x menn togaedere, and se yldesta bewiste 
|>a nigene to aelcnm J>ara gelaste J>ara J>e we ealle gecwaedon, and sy'S'San J>a 
hyndena heora togcedere, and aenne hynden man }>e J>a x mynige to ure ealre 
gemsene J>earfe, and hig xi healdan Jjasre hyndene feoh, and witan hwaat hig 
forftsyllan }>onne man gildan sceole. And hwaet hig eft niman gif us feoh 
arise aet urum gemaenum spraece, and witon eac J>et aelc gelast foriS cume, J>ara 
\>e, we ealle gecweden habba'S to ure ealra bearfe be xxx pa;n, oW>e be anum 
hrySere, J>aet call gelaest sy J>et we on urum geraednessum gecweden habba'S, and 
on ure fore spraece staent." 


then the indemnification of the loser by pro rata contributions of the 

2. Each of the brethren shall contribute yearly four pence to the 
common behoof ; the brethren shall pay for the stolen property so soon 
as the contribution is made. They shall make the search for it in 
common.- Every man who has property to the value of thirty pence 
shall contribute his penny. The poor widow who has neither a 
friend who will contribute on her behalf, nor land of her own, is 

3. The guild shall be subdivided into bodies of ten men, one of those 
ten being its chief. 

Further, these bodies of ten men or tithings shall be united into a 
body of one hundred men (or hynden),* and over this last-mentioned 
body shall be appointed an officer, called a hynden man, who shall 
direct the other ten, to the common benefit of the guild 

These eleven shall hold the money of the hynden, and will decide 
what they shall disburse when a payment must be made, and what they 
shall receive when there is anything to receive, and when money shall 
be payable to the brethren at their common suit. 

The brethren are to take notice that there must be forthcoming 
every contribution which has been ordained to the common behoof, at 
the rate of thirty pence, or an ox, so that all may be fulfilled which 
has been ordained, and which stands in the agreement of the brethren. 

4 and 5 contain directions for commencing and prosecuting the 
searches after stolen stock. 

6.f Is a rule respecting the payment of the policies on the stolen 

* Mr. Thorpe (Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, vol. ii. Glossary, 
sub voce) explains "hynden" to be "an association of ten men." The context 
shows that this is not so, and etymology supports this contrary view. Dr. Leo 
made the same mistake in " Die angel-ssecsische dorpverfasjung." Rectitu- 
dines, p. 176. Even Dr. Bosworth has accepted this as the meaning of the 

t Ibid. p. 232. " Emban urne ceapgild. Hors to haelfan punde, gif hit swa, 
god sy, and gif hit msetre sy, gilde be his wlites wyrfte, and (supple ne) be )>am 
t>e se man hit weor^ige, J>e hit age, buton he gewitnesse habbe, J?aet hit swa god 
ware swa he secge, and haebbe J>on afer eacan )>e we J>ar abiddan. And oxan to 
mancuse, and cu to xx and swyn to x. and sceop to sell. And we cwasdon be 
urum }>eowum inannum J>a menn J>a men haefdon gif hine man forstsele, J>aet hine 
man forgilde mid healf an punde. Gif we bonne gild arajrdon, J>set him man yhte 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 11 

property. A horse shall be paid for at the maximum rate of half a 
pound, if it be so good. If it be inferior, it shall be paid according 
to its value. An ox shall be compensated for at a mancus, a cow at 
twenty pence, a hog at ten pence, and a sheep at a shilling. 

The money required beyond what shall be in hand shall be raised 
by a call amongst the brethren. 

A theowman (i.e. a slave) shall be compensated for at the maximum 
rate of half a pound, or according to his value, the money to be raised 
by a call, as before mentioned, If he has stolen himself (i. e. has run 
away from his owner),* he shall be stoned, and every brother who has 
a slave shall contribute either a penny or a halfpenny according to the 
number of the brotherhood. If the slave shall make good his escape 
he shall be compensated for according to his value. 

7. The brethren shall avenge each others wrongs, and shall be all 
as in one friendship sp in one enmity. 

The brother that shall openly kill a thief shall have a reward of 
twelve pence out of the common fund. 

The owner of property insured shall continue the search for it until 
he be paid, and he shall be recouped the expenses of the search out of 
the common fund. 

8.f The hyndenmen and those who preside over the tithings shall 
meet together once in every month and ascertain what business has 
been done in the guild. 

ufon on J>aet be his wlites weorj>e, and haefdon us )>one ofereacan )>e we bs&r 
abaedon. Gif he hine )>onne forstalede J>aet hine man laedde to t>ere torfunge, swa 
hit aer gecwaadon waas and scute aelc man, J>aat man haafde, swa paenig swa heafne 
be J>aes geferscipes maenio, swa man t>ast weorS up araeran mihte. Gif he ]>onne 
oftseoce \>eet hine man forgulde be his wlites weor*3e. 

* This phrase is very suggestive. It is altogether Roman (see Cod. vi. tit. 1). 
" Servum fugitivium sui furtum facere .... manifestum est." A happier or 
more philosophical definition of the crime of a fugitive slave, who, by his flight* 
robs his owner, cannot be conceived. The same phrase was applied to the colonus 
also who left his farm. (See Neglected Fact in English History, p. 51.) 

t Ibid. p. 234. " ^aet we cwsedon dyde daeda sej>e dyde, )>aet ure ealra teonan 
wraece, baet we waeron ealle swa on anum freondscype swa on anum feondscype, 
swa hwaaj>er hit }>onne waere, and se J>e )>eof fylle beforan oiSrum mannum J>aet 
he waere of ure' ealra feo xx paeng J>e betera for J>asre deade and for anginne 
and se J>e ahte J>aet yrfe, t>e we foregildaft, ne forlaete he J>a aescean be ure ofer- 
hyrnesse, and t>a, mynegunge J>armid, oJ>J>aet we to )>am glide cuman, and we 
boune eac him his geswinces geftancedon of urum gemasnum feo, be )>aem J>e seo 
fare wur'Se waere, by laes seo mynagung forlaege." 


These eleven men shall also have their dinner together a discretion, 
and shall give away the remains of the dinner, for the love of God.* 

Every brother shall help another, as it is ordained and confirmed by 
oath.j 1 

If a sworn brother of the guild die, each brother shall give a loaf 
for his soul, and shall sing or procure to be sung fifty psalms within 
thirty days. J 

Every brother who has lost stock and intends to claim the amount 
of his insurance shall notify his loss to his neighbours within three 
days. But the search shall be proceeded with notwithstanding, for 
the guild will pay only for stolen, not unguarded, property; and many 
men make fradulent claims. 

The regulations and provisions of this guild command our unquali- 
fied respect. They are irrefutable evidence of a high state of civiliza- 
tion. We have in them a scheme of mutual assurance, with all the 
appliances for carrying it out, combined with thorough comprehension 
of the true principles upon which such schemes are founded, and can 
alone be supported. For the guild not only satisfies itself that the 
claim is honest, but repudiates payment of it whenever the claimant 
has shown himself to have been contributory by his negligence to the 
loss of which he affects to complain. And, lastly, the guild, in order 
to secure the society against claims of unlimited and overwhelming 
amount, establishes a maximum rate of compensation. 

The rules of the Cambridge Guild are as follows : || 

The proem states that the instrument embodying these rules con- 

* Ibid. p. 236. " ~pset we us gegaderian a emban aenne mona'S, gif we magon, 
and Eemtan haebban, J>a hyndenmenn and J>a J>e teo'Sunge bewitan, swa mid bytt 
fyllinge, swa elles swa us to anhagie, and witan hwaet ure gecwydraedeune 
gelaest sy and hsebban }>a xii. (lege xi.) menn heora metscype togaedere, and 
fedan hig swa swa hig sylfe wyrfte munon, and daelon ealle J>a mete lafe Godes 

f Ibid. p. 236. " And eac )>aet aelc o'Srum fylste, swa hif gecweden is, and mid 
weddum gefaestnod." 

J Ibid. p. 236. " And we cwasdon eac be aelcum J>ara msenna ]>e on urum 
gegyldscipum his wedd geseald haefS, gifhim forftsrS gebyrige, J>set ealc gegilda 
gesylle seune gesufelne hlaf for )>aere saule and gesinge an fiftig; o)>l>e begite 
gesungen, binnan xxx nihtan." 

Ibid. p. 238. " tonne beode we J>aet binnan iii. nihtum he his neobnran 
gecySe, gif he J>ses ceap glides biddan wille, and beo se aesce }>eah forS, swa hit 
ser gecweden wass, for'San we nellen nan gymeleas yrfe, forgyldan, buton hit 
forstolen sy. Maenige men specaft gemahlice spraece," &c. 

|| These rules were first published by Dr. Hickes in his " Thesaurus Lin- 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 13 

tains the constitution which the society had determined upon in the 
guild of the thanes of Cambridge.* 

guarum Septentrionalium, in his " Dissertatio Epistolaris ad Bartholomajum 
Showere," pp. 20, 21. They have been often republished; but, as the originals 
were destroyed in the fire of the Cotton Library, the text, as given by Dr. 
Hickes (in some respects faulty, as we shall see), now admits of no emendation, 
save by conjecture. The MSS. were formerly in Tiberius, E. 5, and at present 
they are " burnt to a crust," says the catalogue. 

* Her is on J>is gewrite siu geswitelung J>aere gersednisse }>e HUS geferrasden 
gersed haefS on t>egna gilde on granta brycge 

1. k aet is J>onne aerest }>aet aelc ojrum aS on haligdome sealdesojre heldrasdenne 
for gode and for worulde and eal geferraaden Jjjem a sylste J>e rihtost haefde. 

2. Gif hwilc gegilda fortJfasre, gebringe hine eal gegildscipe, fcaer he to wilnie. 
And se |>e >aerto ne cume gylde syster huniges. And segildscipe Jiyrfe be healfre 
feorme of \>one forftferedan? And aelc sceote twegen penegas to J>aere aalmessan. 
And man J>aer ogebrynge }>a3t arise aet see jEfteldrySe. 

3. And gif ftonne hwylcum gyldan J>earf sie his geferena fultnmes, and hit 
gecyd wyrfte f>es gildan nihstan gerefan, butun se gilda sylf neah si, and se 
gerefa hit forgymeleasi gegyldean pund. Gif se hlaford hit forgymeleasie 
gyldean pund, buton he on hlafordes neode beoo'Sfte laegerbaera. 

4. And gyf hwa gyldan ofstlea, ne si nan ofter butun eahta pund to bote 
Gif se stlaga Sonne }>a bote oferhogie, wrece eal gildescipe J?one gildan, and 
ealle beran. Gif hit )>onne an do, beran ealle gelice. 

5. And gif aenig gilda hwylcne man ofstlea, and he neadwraca si, and his 
bismer bete, and se ofstlagena twelfhende sy, fylste aelc gegylda healf mearc to 
fylste. Gif se ofstlagena ceorl sy twegen oran. Gif he wylisc si anne oran. 

6. Gif se gilda Jonne hwaanne mid dysie and myd dole stlea, here sylf J>et he 

7. And gif gegilda his gegyldan J>urh his agen dysi ofstlea bere sylf wiS 
magas J>aet he brsec ; and his gegylde eft mid eahta punduin gebycge, o'S'Se he 
)>olie a geferes and freondscipes. 

8. And gif gegilda myd \>sem ete o'S'Se drince J>e his gegildan stlog, butun hit 
beforan cyninge o'S'Se leodbisceope 0880 ealdormen beo, gilde an pund, butun he 
setsacan maege mid his twam gesetlun J>aet he hine myste. 

1 The words in italics Mr. Kemble has translated: " and let the gildship inherit 
of the dead half a farm." (Kemble's History of the Saxons in England, vol. i. 
App. 513.) This is simply absurd. The original words are so corrupt and ungram- 
matical that it is impossible to give any meaning to them. Mr. Thorpe has left 
them untranslated (Diplomatarium Anglicum, 611), and following so excellent 
a leader I have done the like. Dr. Hickes has made a very clever guess, but it 
is only a guess. His translation is " Et sodalitas alteram partem sumptuum 
accommodabit quas ad justa solvenda in silicernio, seu epulatione funebri im- 
pendentur." (Thesaurus Ling. Septent. Dissertatio epistolaris ad Bartholomasum 
Showere, p. 20.) 


I. Each gave to other upon the holy Gospels an oath of true fidelity 
as regarded God and as regarded the world, that he would ever give 
all fellowship to him that had most right. 

9. Gyf hwilc gegilda o'Scrne misgrete, gylde anne syster huniges : 

And gif hwa oiSerne misgrete, gylde anne syster huniges, butun he hine mid 
his twam gesetlun geladie. 

10. Gif cniht ' wsepn brede, gild se hlaford an pund ; and hsebbe se hlaford 
set J>aet he msege, and him eal gildscipe gefylste J^aet he his feoh of hsebbe. 

II. And gif cniht otSerne gewundie, wrece hit hlaford, and eal gyldscype on 
an, sece }>set J> he sece, J>aet he feorh nebbe. 

12. And gif cniht binnan stig a sitte, gyld anne syster huniges. 
And gif hwa fotsetlan hasbbe, do J>Bt ylee. 

' The meaning of this word " cniht" has been strangely misunderstood, though 
nothing can be plainer. jElfric, in his Abstract of the Old Testament, trans- 
lated miles, in the Apostle's expression miles non portabit gladium, by " cniht." 
The ballad on the death and last exploits of Byrhtnoth the ealdorman or eorl of 
East-Anglia calls him " cniht." 

" Be J>sem man mihte oncnawan, 

t>set se cniht nolde 

wacian set J>asm wige, 

)>a J>e he to wsepnum feng." 

The eorl was the King's cniht, because he was a King's thane, that is, he had 
taken his oath of homage to the King and was his man. On the other side, and 
for the same reason, the same appellation is applied by the poet to the eorl's 
own men. 

" Hun be healfe stod 
hyse unweaxen. 
Cniht on gecampe." 

To a charter of the tenth century we find, after the mention of several attestants, 
these words " and masnig god cniht to eacan )>ysan." (Hickes' Thesaurus, prsef. 
vol. i. p. xxi.) Oswald (Bishop) in a diploma A.D. 969, gives certain land 
" sumum cnihte, )>sem is Osulf nama." (Kemble's Cod. Dipl. vol. iii. 557.) And 
in another document of the same period Oswald (Archbishop) makes a similar 
grant, " sumum cnihte, Jjaeni J>e is Wulgeat nama." (Ibid. Dipl. 680.) ^Iflajd's 
will, of no date, but referrible to the tenth century, has the following " Ic geann 
Brihtwolde minnm cnihtas," &c. (Ibid. Dipl. 684.) ^Etheling ^Etheling, in 
a charter of the eleventh century, says " Butan )>aem vill hydum J>e ic _Elmere 
minum cnihte geunnen hasbbe. And ic geann ^Ethelwine minum cnihte >es 
swyrdes J>e he aar me sealde." (Ibid. Dipl. 722.) 

2 Stiff is wholly unintelligible, and can only be an error of the copyist. Mr. 
Kemble translates it spence (History of the Saxons in England, vol. i. p. 514) ; 
but in this the interpreter is at least as hard to understand as the original. 
Mr. Thorpe leaves the whole phrase untranslated. (Diplomatarium Ano-licum, 
p. 613.) A reference, however, to par. 2 of the rules of the Exeter Guild (p. 17) 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 15 

2. If any brother die, the whole guild shall bring him to the place 
where he has wished, and he that comes not thereto shall pay a sextarius 
of honey ; and each shall pay two-pence towards the alms (viz. at the 
offertory), and what is befitting shall be delivered to St. ^Stheldrith.* 

3. If any brother be in need of the aid of his comrades, and it be 
made known to the land steward of the nearest brother, unless the 
brother be himself at hand, and if the steward neglect it he shall pay 
a pound. If the lord neglect it he shall pay a pound, unless he be 
compulsorily engaged on his lord's business, or confined to his bed by 

4. If anyone slay a brother, let fully eight pounds be exacted for 
the compensation. If the slayer neglect to pay the compensation, let 
all the guild avenge the brother, and bear the feud. If one do it, let 
all bear alike. 

5. If any brother slay any man, and he be an avenger by necessity 
of repairing his outrage, and the slain man be a thane, let each brother 
pay half a marc in aid. If the slain man be a ceorl (i.e a yeoman), 
let him pay twelve oras. If the slain man be a Welsh man, let him 
pay one ora. 

6. If the brother slay any one out of wantonness or malice, let him 
himself bear the consequence of what he has done. 

7. If a brother slay his guild brother through his own foolishness, 

13. And gif hwilce gegilda ut of landae forftfere, o'SiSe beo gesycled, gefeccan 
hine his gegildan, and hine gebringan deadne e'SiSe cucene, }>er he to wilnie, be 
}>sem ylcan wite Je hit gecweden is. 

14. Gif he set ham f or'Sfer'S and gegilda J>aet lie ne gessec'S; and se gegilda J>e 
ne gesece his morgen ' spzece, gilde his syster huniges. 

* See note, p. 13. 

will throw light upon the meaning of the provision itself. That paragraph 
contemplates a guild brother's cniht sitting with his lord in the banqueting 
room of the guild, in which case, as the cniht cannot be expected to be abstemious, 
he, as his lord, is required to contribute something towards the increased con- 
sumption. It must be borne in mind that the cniht would be of the same 
social standing or birth as the lord, and therefore without offence to the other 
guild brethren he could sit at table with them. Dr. Hickes mistakes the sense 
of the passage by translating it thus, " Si famulus in yia cuiquam insidietur, 
&c." (Dissertatio epistolaris, p. 20.) 

1 We have a hiatus here; but the sense of the passage may be arrived at not- 
withstanding without difficulty. " Morning " or "morrow speech " is an expres- 
sion which continued to be used very late in the middle ages for the general 
meeting of a guild. (See passim in Mr. T. Smith's Old English Guilds.) 


let him himself bear, as regards the relatives, what he broke (i.e. the 
consequences of his infraction of the law) and also redeem his fellow- 
ship with eight pounds, or lose for ever fraternity and friendship. 

8. If a brother eat or drink with him that slew his guild brother, 
except it be before the king, or the ealdorman of the shire, or the bishop 
of the diocese, let him pay one pound, unless he can disprove by the 
evidence of the two persons who sat on each side of him at table that 
he knew him not. 

9. If any (brother) revile another, let him pay one sextarius of 
honey, unless he can clear himself by the evidence of the two men who 
sat at each side of him at table. 

10. If a cniht (i.e. an armed retainer of a brother*) draw his weapon 
let the lord pay one pound and detain what he can (of the servant's 
effects) and let all the guild assist him in recovering his money. 

11. If a cniht wound another (cniht) let the lord avenge it, and all 
the guild together, wherever he may seek refuge, (effect) that he have 
not his life. 

12. If a cniht take his seat indoors (i.e. in the banqueting room of 
the guild I) let him pay (i.e. contribute) one sextarius of honey. 

And if any brother have a servant to sit at his foot let him do the 

13. If any brother die out of the country, or fall sick, let his guild 
brothers fetch him and bring him, dead or alive, to where he wishes, 
upon the penalty aforesaid. 

14. If he dies at home, and a brother does not repair to the body, 
and the latter does not excuse himself at the morning speech (i.e. the 
general meeting of the guild), let him pay his sextarius of his honey. 

The rules of the Exeter Guild are as follows : 

The proem states that this Society is assembled in Exeter for 
God's love and their soul's profit, both in regard to the prosperity of 
this life and the future, which we wish for ourselves in God's judge- 
ment. J 

* See note, p. 14. f Ibid. 

J J>eos gesamming is gesamnod on Exanceastre for godes lufun and for usse 
saule J>earfe, segfter ge be usses lifes gesundfulnesse, ge eac be ftsem sefteran 
dagum, }>e we to godes dome for us sulfe beon willaS. 

1. Jjonne habbaft we gecweden, J>aet ure myttnng si J>riwa on xii moniSum, ane 
to See Michaeles msessan, o^re siSe to See Marian msessan ofer midne winter, 
J>riddan siSe on eal hseligra rnaesse daeg ofer eastron. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 17 

1. There shall be three meetings in the year, the first at Michael- 
mas, the second at the feast of our Lady after midwinter, and the 
third at the feast of All Saints after Easter. 

2. Each brother shall contribute two sextarii of malt, and each 
cniht one and a portion of honey. 

3. The priest shall celebrate two masses, one for the living friends, 
the other for the dead, at each meeting ; and each brother of lay estate 
shall recite two psalters, one for the living friends, the other for the 
dead. This altogether (says the rule) will make six masses and six 
psalters, there being three general meetings. 

4. At each expedition ordered by the king every brother shall con- 
tribute five pence. 

5. At a house burning each brother shall contribute a penny. 

6. If any brother neglect an appointment for a meeting, on the first 
occasion he shall pay for three masses, on the second occasion for five, 

2. And hsebbe selc gegilda ii sesteras mealtes, and selc cniht anne and sceat 

3. And se msessepreost a singe twa msessan, oftre for J>a lyfigendan frynd, o'Sre 
for J>a for'Sgefarenan set aslcere mittinge; and aelc gemajnes hades broker twegen 
salteras sealma, o'Serne for J>a lyfigendan f rynd, ofterne for \>& f orftgef arenan ; 
and eft forS sv$e selc monn vi messan o'S'Se vi sealteras sealma. 

4. And set svcS fore selc l mon v peningas. 

5. And set husbryne aslc mon anne pen. 

6. And gif hwylc man }>one andagan forgemeleasige, set forman cyrre iii. 
msessan, set oiSerum cyrre v. jet ftriddan cyrre ne scire his nan man, butun hit sie 
for mettrumnesse, ofifte for hlafordes neodde. 

7. And gif hwylc monn J>one andagan oferhabbe zet his gesceote bete be 

8. And gief hwylc mon of \>is geferscipe o"$erne misgrete, gebete mid xxx. 
peningum, J>onne bidda'S we for godes lufun, )>aBt selc mscnn J>es gemittinge mid 
rihte healde, swa we hit mid rihte gersedod habba'S god us to \>se,m gefultimige. 

1 For " suS fore," which means nothing, I read " utfare," the expedition 
ordered by the King's gelan. This reading is supported by a practice of the 
burgesses of Colchester before the Norman Conquest. Ellis says (Introduction 
to Domesday, p. 113), " Six pence a year was paid out of every house, which 
might be applied either for the maintenance of the King's soldiers, or for an 
expedition by sea or land. This payment, it is said, did not belong to the 
King's ferm." The contributions are analogous. In the one case the burgesses 
subscribe among themselves for the behoof of their brother burgesses going to 
the war. In the other case the guild brethren subscribe much the same sum for 
the same purpose. 



and on the third occasion no allowance shall be made for the neglect 
unless it be through infirmity or his lord's business. 

7. If any brother neglect the appointment for paying his subscrip- 
tion or contribution, let him compensate for it two-fold. 

8. If any man of this fellowship revile another, let him compensate 
for it with thirty pence. 

In conclusion the document prays " for God's love, that every man 
of this assembly justly observe what we have justly ordained. God 
assist us therein." 

Though these three secular guilds are the only associations of that 
kind whose rules we possess, our knowledge of the existence of guilds 
amongst the Anglo-Saxons goes back to a much earlier date. 

They are mentioned generally in the seventh century, viz. in the laws 
of King Ine. * 

In A.D. 860-866 there was a guild of cnihts.f A similar guild 
would appear to have existed in London at a date long anterior to 
the Norman Conquest.;}: Domesday also speaks of a guild of clerks 
possessed of considerable house property at Canterbury. 

As that great record could only refer to institutions possessed of 
real property, and as the city was exempted from its range, its silence 
is in no way conclusive, either against their having been other guilds 
in England unendowed, or against there having been guilds in London 
both with and without estate. 

After the Norman Conquest we find guilds in abundance in London. 
These, or many of them, we have every right to consider to have pre- 
ceded that great event. They are called by their old Anglo-Saxon 
name of " gild ;" they are governed by an official of like Anglo-Saxon 
nomenclature, and their word for a great meeting of the associates, 
viz. morning speech, || we have already seen in the association of 

In a short space of time succeeding the Norman Conquest the guilds 
became in England, as upon the Continent, a power in the boroughs, 

* Thorpe, Tol. i. p. 112. 

f Kemble's Cod. Dipl. vol. ii. 293. A signature to a defaced charter of Ealhere 
is " cniahta gealdan." 

J Herbert's History, vol. i. p. 27. 

Ellis's General Introduction to Domesday, p. 115. Earlier than this date 
similar guilds of clerks are alluded to in the canons enacted under King Eadgar. 
(Thorpe's Laws, vol. ii. p. 246.) || See ante. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 19 

and above all in London. In that city they had by the time of Ed- 
ward II. overturned the old burghal constitution. Herbert says, " By 
one of a number of articles of regulation, ordained by the citizens for 
their internal government, which articles were confirmed by the King, 
and incorporated into a charter, it was provided that no person, 
whether an inhabitant of the city or otherwise, should be admitted into 
the civic freedom, unless he was a member of one of the trades or 
mysteries, or unless with the full consent of the whole community 
convened ; only that apprentices might still be admitted according to 
the established form. Before this no mention occurs of any mercantile 
qualification to entitle the householder to his admission to the cor- 

The next reign saw greater changes still. 

" The reign of Edward III. (says Herbert) gave birth to an entire 
reconstruction of the trading fraternities, which, from now generally 
assuming a distinctive dress or livery, came to be called Livery Com- 
panies." He adds, " The alterations under this reconstruction were 
numerous. Amongst the principal may be reckoned their change of 
name from gilds to crafts and mysteries, and the substituting for the 
old title of alderman that of master or warden, * * *. A more im- 
portant change for the interest of the companies was their being at 
this time generally chartered, or having those privileges confirmed 
by letters patent which they had before only exercised through suffer- 
ance, and the payment of their fermes." 

These changes led to the further aggrandisement of the companies. 
Norton says, " In 49 Edward III. an enactment passed the whole 
assembled commonalty of the City, by which the right of election of 
all city dignitaiies and officers, including members of parliament, was 
transferred from the ward representatives to the trading companies."* 

All our rules come under the reconstruction mentioned by Herbert. 
They are not however the less interesting, for though the institutions 
to which they refer are no longer called guilds, they are still such in 
fact and in spirit. 

Finding thus a succession of guilds in England from the seventh 

* The same strange assumption of power on the part of the guilds had 
already taken place on the Continent. In 1297 Dante became a member of the 
Company of Physicians and Apothecaries at Florence (the sesta of the arti 
maggiori}, to enable him according to the existing laws to take office under the 
government. (See Dr. Barlow's Divina Commedia, p. 491.) 

c 2 


century to the present era with nothing to show that they received 
their creation from King Ine of Wessex,* we may naturally ask, to 
what origin are we to refer these fraternities of our land ? 

This has been a topic much discussed both at home and abroad. 
As might be expected, the opinions expressed upon the subject have 
been various and contradictory. 

Lappenberg traces our English guilds to the sacrificial feasts of the 
Teutonic tribes. This is perhaps the strangest theory of all. For 
what connection can reasonably be supposed between a rendezvous of 
uncivilized Pagans and an association of Christian men combining 
for schemes of mutual benefit ? 

Dr. Brentano rejects this hypothesis, and supports a view of his 
own in the following manner. He says, " Neither Wilda, the prin- 
cipal writer on guilds, nor Hartwig, who has made the latest researches 
into their origin, is able to discover anything of the essential nature of 
guilds, either in what has just been related about the old family and 
its banquets, or in the sacrificial assemblies; and it is only as to the 
one point of the custom of holding banquets on the occasion of anni- 
versary festivals that Wilda is inclined to derive the guilds from them. 
But of the essence of the guild, the brotherly banding together in 
close union, which expressed itself in manifold ways, in the mutual 
rendering of help and support, he finds no trace. The banquets were 
either casual meetings, to which every one, as he thought proper, 
invited his friends, or which several people prepared in common, and 
which did not produce any more intimate relationship than that already 
existing from the actual bond of the family, or state, or neighbour- 
hood, or they were meetings in which every one of the nation was 
able, or was obliged to take part. There appears in them nothing of 
any closer voluntary confederacy of the members within or by the side 
of the union caused by the state or religion. Hartwig considers these 
objections of Wilda conclusive, and believes that from the continued 
existence of Pagan ceremonies, even amongst the religious guilds, and 
from the custom of holding feasts, nothing whatever can be deduced 
which is essential to the guilds." 

Dr. Brentano, having thus disposed of an opposite theory, goes on 
to attribute the guild to the family, i.e. the Teutonic family, the guild 
being an instance of that union for mutual support which existed in 

* See ante. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 21 

that Teutonic family, and he sums up as follows: ''The family appears 
as the first guild, or at least as an archetype of the guilds. Originally 
its providing care dispels all existing wants, and for other societies 
there is therefore no room. As soon, however, as wants arise, which 
the family can no longer satisfy whether on account of their peculiar 
nature or in consequence of their increase, or because its own activity 
grows feeble closer artificial alliances immediately spring forth to 
provide for them, in so far as the state does not do it. Infinitely 
varied as are the wants which call them forth so are naturally the 
objects of these alliances. Yet the basis on which they all rest is the 
same. All are unions between man and man, not mere associations of 
capital, like our modern societies and companies," &c. 

It is not very difficult to dispose of the theory to which the fervid 
Teutonic genius has led Dr. Brentano. 

This theory proves too little in one sense and too much in another. 
It is wholly illogical to deduce from the natural obligation of the 
family an institution which is not only voluntary and optional, but 
which can only begin outside of that family. In this respect, therefore, 
Dr. Brentano's theory falls short. 

Again, if the guild be derivable from the family, every other associ- 
ation of freemen must be equally so derived, and should Dr. Brentano's 
arguments prove his contention, the army, the navy, the civil govern- 
ment of a country have all claims to that origin. But this is to prove 
more than is proposed. 

Mr. Toulmin Smith was of opinion that " none of our guilds were 
founded upon a Roman basis." Miss Smith adds " and, when a refe- 
rence to early Roman history was suggested," he replied " there is not 
the shadow of an analogy (misleading as even analogies are) between 
the old Sabine curies and our old English guilds. We trace ours 
back to the old Saxon times." 

As I am free to confess that I do not understand the allusion in 
this, I must leave it, with all its mystery, uncommented upon, except 
to observe that it may mean that English guilds are of English 

In the various hypotheses which I have referred to the propounders 
all agree in one point, viz., in ignoring the past history of Britain. 
They seem to have forgotten that England was a Latin country for 
four centuries, and during that period as she received Latin colonists 
so she received also Roman laws and institutions. 


Amongst the latter the collegia privata were planted here, at the 
infancy of the Conquest. The collegium fabrorum which dwelt in the 
Civitatis Regnorum, when Claudius and his successors were Emperors, 
is known to all antiquaries.* 

The colleges remained in this country throughout the imperial rule, 
and with the provincial inhabitants survived the Anglo-Saxon occu- 
pation of Britain. They were subsequently, through that marvellous 
imitativeness f which distinguished the German in the early stages of 
his national life, adopted by him also. 

That this is the true origin of the English guild it will not be very 
difficult to demonstrate. 

Under the empire and before it private colleges (collegia privata) 
were corporations composed of men voluntarily bound together for a 
common lawful purpose.! 

They were established by legal act, either a senatus consultum or a 
decree of the emperor. 

The number of the sodales could not be less than three. It might 
be any larger number, unless it was restricted by the authority which 
gave the college existence. || 

In its constitution the college was divided into decurice and centuries 
bodies of ten and a hundred men.^1" 

* Horsfield's History of Sussex, vol. i. p. 41, gives the inscription in its existing 
state, and see Horsley's Britannia Romana, p. 332 ct seqq. for an ingenious 
restoration by the celebrated Roger Gale. Whatever may be thought of this 
restoration in the whole or in part, we hare in the original (as it now exists,) the 
words " gium fabrorum," which can only be read " collegium f." These colleges 
were amongst the few " antiqua et legitima " left undissolved by Augustus. 
(Suet, in Aug. c. 32.) 

f See the acute and philosophical remarks of Dr. Rollestone, who discusses the 
" imitative tendencies " of the Teutonic race in vol. xlii. Archseologia, p. 422. 

J See J. F. Massman's Libellus Aurarius, under the heading collegia, p. 76 et 
seqq. See also Dig. 50, 16, 85, and 3, 4. 

Ibid. p. 75. Massman says, " Inde frequens ilia formula, quibus ex S. C. 
coire licet." (Gruter, 99 i. 391 i. ; Murator, 472, 3, 520 3; Orelli, 4075, 4115, 1467, 
2797.) See also Sueton. in Augusto, c. 32." 

|| Fabretti, x. 443, Marini, Fratres Arvales. (Quoted by Massman, p. 75.) 
Dig. de verb, signinc. Pliny's Epistles, x. 42. 

^f " Collegia divisa erant in decnrias et centnrias," says J. F. Massman, 
quoting Muratori, 518, 4; Fabretti, 73, 72; Marini, Fratr. Arv. 174; Orelli, 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 23 

It was presided over by a magister and by decuriones a president 
and a senate.* 

It had a qncestor and arcarius a treasurer and sub-treasurer.^ 

It was a corporation, and could hold property as such.| 

It had a common cult and common sacrifices at stated times. It 
had its priests and temple. 

It had its lares and its genii. 

It had a curia (or meeting-house) where the ordo collegii (its sena- 
tors) met to consult and to determine. 

At the same curia also the whole sodality met at their general 
meetings and to feast. 

There was a common area (or chest) to contain their revenues, their 
contributions, and their fines. 

Each college had its archives and its banners. 

It had a jus sodalitii or full power over its members. 

To each candidate on his admission was administered an oath 
peculiar to the college. 

The sodales supported their poor brethren. 

They imposed tributa or contributions to meet their current and 
extraordinary expenses. 

They buried publicly deceased brethren, all the survivors attending 
the rite. 

A common sepulchre or columbarium received the brethren. 

Each college celebrated its natal day, a day called carce cognationis, 
and two other days called severally dies violarum and dies rosce. 

We may guess the intention for which the natal day and the day 
cara cognationis were appointed, viz. to carry out the general pur- 
poses of the college ; but for the dies violarum and dies rosce there 
were other purposes. On those two days of charming nomenclature 
the sodales met at the sepulchres of their departed brethren to com- 
memorate their loss, and to deck their tombs with violets and roses, an 
offering (if not a sacrifice) pleasing to the spirit of the manes. || 

* See the authorities (derived from epigraphs) for these and for varying names 
of the same officers in Massman, p. 80. 

t Ibid. 

I Dig. 47, 22, 3. 

Ibid. p. 81. For all the ensuing assertions the reader is referred to Massman 
and the authorities quoted by him. 

|| Massman, in reference to these days, says only that the dies cares cog- 
nationis was in the month of February, that the dies violarum occurred 


Each college could hold property. 

Of trade colleges epigraphy has preserved an infinity of examples ; 
but, as I have intimated, the private colleges were not of craftsmen 
only; any persons could combine and form a college, if the common 
purpose of it were lawful. 

Men could combine themselves into a religious college if the religion 
were tolerated by the State ; * and De Rossi has shewn that colleges 
funerum causa, or for the purpose of holding land wherein to bury 
the sodales, were rife in Rome both before and after the rise of 

when the violet began to blow, and that the " dies roses " was on the 10th day 
before the calends of June. (Ibid. p. 83.) This, however, gives only part of the 
information. It omits the objects for which such days were appointed. As 
regards the two floral days the information, however, is at hand. Violets and 
roses were strewn or hung in garlands upon tombs in commemoration of the 
dead, and to sooth the ever wakeful and mischievous spirit of the manes. As to 
the employment of these flowers, see Orelli, 4419, 4107, 4070, 3927, and Marini, 
Fratres Arvales, 580, 581, 639. Suetonius (Nero, c. 56) says, that after the 
burial of that emperor " non defuerunt, qui per longnm tempus vernis sestivis 
que floribus tumulum ejus ornarent " persons strewed his tomb with violets 
and roses. Byron's allusion to this fact is amongst the best known passages of 
his Childe Harold. Before then Augustus had acted similarly in regard to the 
remains of Alexander the Great. (Suet. August.) " Corona aurea ac floribus 
aspersis veneratus est." M. Antoninus Pius (Capitolinus, c. iii. vol. i. p. 46, 
Peter's edition) so honoured his magistri that after their death " sepulchra 
eorum floribus semper honoraret." A graceful poem (Anthologia Latina, 
4. 355), thus alludes to the same custom 

" Hoc mihi nostcr herus sacravit inane sepulchrum, 

Villa; tecta suae propter ut adspicerem ; 
Utque suis manibus flores mihi vinaque saepe 
Funderet et lacrimam quod mihi pluris erit." 

This scattering of violets and roses upon tombs was commonly known by the 
quaint names of vlolatio and rosatio (see Orelli), and Henzen has gone very 
fully into the subject of the mischievous powers of the manes, and of the con- 
sequent necessity for propitiating them. (See Annali di Roma for 1846). He 
quotes the following inscription preserved in the Villa Panfili : " Quamdiu vivo, 
colo te: post mortem nescio; parce matrem tuam (sic) et patrem et sororem tuam 
marinam, ut possint tibi facere post me solemnia." (See also a paper by the 
same author in the Annali for 1849, p. 77). 

In the Archasologia, vol. ii. p. 31, is recorded an inscription found at His- 
pelluni of the same tenor; "Viridi requiesce viator in herba; fuge si tecum 
caeperit umbra loqui." The phrase "de mortuis nil nisi bomim," (if it be ancient) 
refers to this property of the manes. It is not a lesson of generosity, as it is now 
taken to be ; but a counsel not to rouse the anger of an irritated ghost by speak- 
ing too freely of his past actions in the fles>h. 

* Dig. 47, 22, 1. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 25 

Christianity.* In fact, it was the glorious destiny of this order of 
colleges, as the creators of the catacombs, to preserve our nascent and 
struggling faith. Under cover of a Roman burial club the scheme of 
man's redemption was carried out. 

Though a glance over the preceding pages will have shewn the 
identity of the English guild (through the Anglo-Saxon institution) 
with the Roman college, it may perhaps assist the reader if I place 
their resemblances in stricter juxtaposition. In doing so I will refer, 
where I can, more particularly to the guild as found in the Anglo- 
Saxon period of our history. 

The collegium was an association of men, combined for a common 
lawful purpose, and cemented together by admission into a sodalitium 
and an oath of fellowship. 

The Anglo-Saxon guild was identical in these respects. 

The collegium had a complete self-government of master and officers. 

Though we have no full information upon this in the Anglo-Saxon 
guild, the old English guild is constituted in a manner similar to the 

When the collegium was large it was divided into decurice and 

We have seen this identical division in the Anglo-Saxon guild of 

The collegium and the guild had a special cult. In the old English 

* A. very interesting paper of the Cavaliere de Rossi's in the Revue Arche- 
ologique, vol. xiii. N.S. p. 295 et seqq., and entitled " Existence legale des 
Cimitieres Chretiens a Rome," contains a resume of his discoveries upon this and 
cognate points treated from time to time in the Bullettino di Archeologla 
Cristlana and Roma Sotterranea. I refer the reader to this paper, p. 240 et 
seqq. The Cavaliere thus sums up his discoveries (Ibid. p. 240) : "Aussi lea 
Chretiens, en leur qualite de possesseurs de cimitieres communs, ont-ils forme 
ijfso jure un college de ce genre (i.e. funerum causa); et pour leur oter le 
benefice du senatus-consulte on devait prouver qu'ils tomhaient sous le coup de 
cette restriction de la loi : dummodo hoc pr&textu collegium illlcitum non coeat. 
A. la constatation de ce delit equivalait chacun ees edits speciaux de persecution, 
ou Ton interdisait aux Chretiens 1'usage de leurs cimitieres; et ces edits sont en 
effet du iii e siecle, epoque ou 1'histoire et les monuments temoignent que les 
fideles possedaient des tombeaux en qualite de corps constitues. Apres la revoca- 
tion de 1'edit le privilege rentrait en vigour ; et alors les empereurs restituaient 
aux eveques comme representants du corps de la chretiente la libre possession 
avec 1'usage des cimitieres." 


form this is uniform and prominent, and it shews itself in the Anglo- 
Saxon guild of Cambridge in the reference to S. ^Etheldryth.* 

There are fixed general annual meetings of the collegium for 

We have seen the same in the Anglo-Saxon guild. 

The collegium and the guild have also severally their reunions, at 
which to feast and disport themselves. 

The collegium and the guild subsist through the contributions of 
their members. Their business and their pleasures depend upon these 

The collegium and the guild correct their disobedient members by 
mulcts and fines. 

They both have a common chest, and they both may and do hold 
landed estate. 

The saddles of the collegium are brethren as well as contributories. 

Nothing is better defined than the same feature in the guild also. 

The sodales supported their poor and comforted their sick brethren. 

We have seen this in the guild. 

The collegium and the guild could make bye-laws for their respective 

When a sodalis died the surviving brethren followed him to the 
grave or to its Roman equivalent. 

The same kindly spirit is enforced in the Anglo-Saxon as well as in 
the old English guild. 

The collegium was a corporation. 

The guild was unequivocally the same. In the dearth of words of 
precision which followed upon the disuse of the Latin language in 
this country the word was assumed and continued to late days to 
express a commune the same thing, f 

* Mr. Toulmin Smith is anxious to exculpate the guilds from the charge of 
being religious. He says, " These were not in any sense superstitious founda- 
tions, that is, they were not founded, like monasteries and priories, for men devoted 
to what were deemed religious exercises." (Old English Guilds, Introduction, 
p. xxviii.) 

f See Glanville, v. c. 5. Domesday, in speaking of Canterbury, says that the 
burgesses held certain land " in gildam suam," i.e. in their aggregate capacity. 
(See Ellis's Introduction, p. 115). At Doyer the burgesses had a " guild hall." 
(Ibid. p. 105.) 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 27 

We have found also in one of the Anglo-Saxon guilds mention 
made of the brotherhood suing in the aggregate. 

Lastly, as the pagan sodalities met on the day of violets and the 
day of the rose to commemorate the death of brethren in the manner 
which has been mentioned, so the Christian guild at all times of its 
history in this country met similarly on stated days for an analogous 
commemoration of those who had preceded them with the sign of faith, 
to use the words of the old office of memento. 

I think that these resemblances are so striking and so nearly con- 
nected with the essence of each that the common similarity can mean 
nothing less than the identity of the two institutions the collegium 
and the guild. 

And it does not, I think, conflict with this conclusion that the 
collegium could not be constituted without authority, while it is more 
than probable that no such difficulty existed in regard to the Anglo- 
Saxon guild.* But any authorisation, besides not being of the essence 
of the institution, would be out of the question in those days of irre- 
gular liberty which succeeded the dislocation of Britain from the 

Still less does it affect that identity for which I have contended, 
that amongst all the purposes for which collegia, so far as we know, 
were instituted there is no mention made of mutual assurance. For, 
as it was the machinery and system which made a college, whatever 
the object might be, the institution was still a college, being like the 
sun in Horace, " aliusque et idem." 

* The proems of the Anglo-Saxon rules seem to prove this. In addition 
thereto is the inference to be drawn from a fact related hy Herbert, vol. i. p. 24> 
who says that in the reign of Henry II. certain guilds in London were amerced 
as being adulterine or set up without the King's licence. In other words these 
were probably old guilds which followed the old custom. The Normans had 
introduced the licencing of these fraternities. 



GLOVERS in the Cite of LONDON. In the Chapel of OURE LADY 
in the Newe Chirchawe beside London. Acknowledged before the 
Commissary of London 1354, 28 Edward III. 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 
" Prowet," fo. c.lxxxxvjo.) Dated A.D. 1354. 28. Edw. iij.] 

xj 1 xij". 

In the Worshipe of the holy and the hye Trinite fadir and sone and holy 
Goost And in the Worshipe of the blessed and Glorious Virgyne Mary Moder 
of cure Lord Godde Jhesu Crist Maistres and Kepers or Wardeyns of the 
Fraternite of the Craft of Glovers of the Cite of London and alle of the same 
Frateriiite brethren with oon consente and assent in the worshipe and solempne 
festes the Nunciacion and in especiall the Assumpcion of the blessed Mary 
Virgine they have doon ordeyned arid ymade alle the Articles and Ordynaunces 
undirwrite by hem and either of hem and here successours for evirmore wel 
and truly to be kepte to be holde and fulfilled upon the peynes in the same 
Articles here aftir specified. 

First it is ordeyned that every brothir of the same Fraternite the which for 
the tyme beyng and here successors for here tymes paieth or doth to paye 
yerely to fynde ij. Tapres of the wight everych of hem of xli. wax brenyng 
in the Chapel of Oure Lady ysette in the Newchirchawe beside London atte 
the Hye Auter of the same Chapell in the worshipe of the Blessid Virgine 
Marye xvj d. to be paied that it is to wete every quarter of the yere iiij d. to 
the fyndyng of the forseid light and to the pore of the same Fraternitee the 
whiche well and trewly have paied here quarterage as longe as they and to here 
power have done. 

Also it is ordeyned that if any brother of the same Fraternite of the Crafte 
of Glovers be behynde of paiement of his quarterage by a monyth aftir the 
ende of any quarter that thanne for defaute of paiement of soch quarterage he 
shal paie or do to be paied xvj d. st. that is to wete viij d. to the olde werk 
of the Churche of Seynt Poule of London and other viij d. to the Boxe of the 
same Fraternitee of the Craft of Glovers And so as oftetymes as it happeth 
any brothir be behynde in paiement of his quarterage any quarter of the yere 
or be not obedient to the somounce of the Wardeyns or be not present in the 
heuenys that folk ben dede and in offerynges for to be doon as in berying of the 
bodyes of the brethren of the same Fraternitee of Oure Lady that is to wete 
the Annunciacion and Assumpcion specially and in alle othir tymes in the 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 29 

which brethren of the same Craft of Glovers togedyr owen for to be And that 
for every defaute he paye xvj d. in maner and forme as is above expressed And 
that the Maistres Kepers or Wardeyns of the same Fraternitee which for the 
tyme ben such sommes of money for everych defante so ygadred shul do to 
rere or doon to be rered othir elles an othir that the same Maistres Kepers 
or Wardeyns a fore said for the same defautes of here owen proper godes shal 
make satist'accion and yelde accompte ther of of the same sommes in the endes 
of the yeres of thike Kepers or Wardeyns that is for to say as for ij yere. 

Also it is ordeyned that every brother of the same Fraternitee shul come to 
Placebo and Dirige and in the heuenys of dede folk in sute or in here lyverey 
of the same ffraternite of the yere last passed and in the morowe atte Masse 
and there for to offer alle snych brethren in here newe lyverey or sute atte 
snych offerynges for to be doon owen for to be upon the peyne of xvj d. to paie 
in maner and fourme above seid. 

Also it is ordeyned that if ther be any brother of the same Fraternite and 
of the same Craft of Glovers be behynde of paiement of his quarterage by a 
yere and a day and his power the same quarterage to paie And if he that do 
maliciously refuse that thenne he be somened to fore the officiall and by the 
Wardeyns for his trespas and rebelnes of snche maner duly for to be chastised 
or ponyssed and to paie the fyne afore seid and her costes of the court as in here 
account to fore alle othir brethren of the same Craft wellen answere. 

Also it is ordeyned that if any brothir or suster of the same Fraternite if have 
be of the Craft of Glovers and be dede withynne the endes and the lymytees of 
the citee of London and have not of his owen godes hym for to berye he shal 
have abowte his body v. tapres everych of the wight of x Ib. bernyng and 
iiij torches upon the costes and expenses of the brethren of the same Fraternite 
if it have be that he by vij yere contynuyng in the same Fraternitee so long 
hath duelled and his quaterage wel and truly aftir his power ypayde. 

Also it is ordeyned that alle the brethren of the same Fraternite ben clothed 
in oon sute onys every ij yere ayeyns the ffeste offe Assumpcion of cure Lady. 
And that all soch brethren that is to wete of the forseid Crafte of the Werk of 
Glovers in the same fest of Assumpcion atte the forseid chapell of oure Lady in 
the Newe Chirchawe beside London ysette for thanne togedir personlich togedir 
shul neighborly and there here offerynges shul doon as the maner afore hath 
ben And if any brothir that day be absent but if a cause resonable hym doth 
lette that thenne for his absens of the' same he pay xvj d. for to be paied in 
maner and fourme above seid. 

Also it is ordeyned that the Maistres Kepers and Wardeyns of the Fraternite 
afore seid of the Craft of Glovers of the Cite of London the which for the tyme 
shul be and alle othir brethren of the same Fraternite and of the same Craft of 
Glovers for here tymes in the feste of Assumpcion of the blessyd Virgyne Marie 
atte the aforeseid Chapell of Oure Lady in the Newe Churchawe beside Lon- 
don ysette personally shul neighe and come by vij of the clokke to fore the 
oure of ix. And therfore to be in syngyng of masses and ther her offerynges 
for to do after the maner of longe tyme passed and ther of forto contynue and 
abyde and remayne from the same oure of vij vnto the our of viij fullich 


fulfilled but if they have cause resonable hem for to lette upon the peyne of 
xvj d. to be paied in maner and fouraie aboveseid. 

Also it is ordeyned that every brothir of the same Fraternite that is to wete 
of the Craft of Glovers her lyvery of the same Craft by iiij yere holde next 
sewyng aftir that he it receyved hole and faire shal it kepe and the same in no 
maner withynne thike iiij yere shal not leve it ne selle it ne aliene it upon 
the peyne of xl d. to paie therof xx d. to the olde werk of the Church of Seynt 
Poule of London and the othir xx d. to the boxe of the Fraternite of the same 

Also it is ordeyned if any brothir of the forseid Fraternite of the Craft of 
Glovers aforseid absente hym from his mete and he be withynne the Cite of 
London butte if it be that he holde with grete sikenes or any othir cause reson- 
able hym doth lette that thanne for his absens of the same he shal paie xl d. 
that is to wete xx d. to the olde werke of the Churche of Seynt Poule and the 
other xx d. to the box of the same Fraternite. 

Also it is ordeyned that he or they the which hath be resceyved or shalbe 
resseyved here aftir into a brothir of the same Fraternite if it so hadde be that 
he or they have ben or hadde ben of the Craft of Glovers of the forseid Cite of 
London paieth or dooth to paie everych of hem for his in comynges xl d. or elles 
as the Maistres Kepers or Wardeyns of the Fraternite aforeseid and othir iij. 
brethren of the same Craft and Fraternite to gedir mow accorde. And also it is 
ordeyned that he and they that so have be resceyved or have ben resceyved into 
a brother or a brotherhood of the same Fraternite and everych of hem shal be 
sworen on the boke so helpe hem God and Holydom that he and they well and 
truly shal kepen holden and fulfille in alle the ordynnances and articles of the 
same Fraternite of the Craft of Glovers of the forseid Cite of London kepyng 
upon the peynes in the ordynances and articles aforeseid above specified. 

Also it is ordeyned that the day of the feste that every brothir whenne that 
they have eten shal go to the forseid Chapell of oure Lady in the Newchurchawe 
beside London i set personlkh to gedir an ther to ben and contynue the tyme of 
Placebo and Dirige for alle the brethren and sistren of the Fraternite and on 
the morow aftir atte the oure of viij to be at Masse of Requiem and fro thens 
to come to gedir to her halle in payne of xvij d. to ben paied in maner and 
fonrme above seicl and so that Sonday twellmoth as the j-er commeth about to 
that thanne be mad a quarter day and so the Dirige to be kept yerly in manner 
and form above said. 

Also it is ordeyned that if any of the same Craft or Bretherhood of what degre 
he be revyle any man of the same Lyverey with any foule langage as thus lying 
falsyng or sclaunderyng or with any word unlefnlly violensely and ther be 
made compleynt to the Wardeyns arid therof be atteynt by recorde that thenne 
anone he be warned by the Clerk of the Craft that he come tofore the Maister 
and Wardeyns of the Craft therto be examyned and therto make a fyn of 
vj s. viij d. di. to the olde werk of the Church of Seynt Poule and the othir di. 
to the box of the same Craft of Glovers. 

Also it is ordeyned that alle the Brethren of the same Fraternite the Sonday 
next folowyng aftir Trinite Sonday to here mete to gedir shull goo and that 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 31 

every brothir of the same Fraternite of the same Craft be warned atte that mete 
to come by the Maistres Kepers or Wardeyns of the same Fraternite the which 
for the tyrne ben or by her servants other her familiaryes or elles here deputees 
due tymes and that every brothir and sister paie to his mete xx d. that is to 
wete for hym self xij d. and his wyfe viij d. and on the morow aftir for hym 
self iiij d. and thagh his wife come nomore and if more that day be spende falle 
upon the Maistres for that tyme beyng as the maner is and that the Maistres or 
Wardeyns the which for the tyrne shulbe in the same Sonday in the which afore 
seid to gedir owen for to etc. and on the morew aftir thenne sewyng without 
any lette of the resseittes by hem for alle the ij yere afore tofore alle the 
Brethren of the same Craft shull make a trewe accompt and yelde other elles 
that they be redy of here accompte with ynne xv daies aftir othir elles that every 
Maistre Kepers or Wardeyns for the tyme beyng paie for suche defaute eithir of 
hem in xiij s. iiij d. that is to wete xx d. to the olde werke of the Church of Seynt 
Poule and the othir xx d. to the box of the same Fraternite. 

Also it is ordeyned that no maner person of the Crafte of Glovers presente to 
fore the Chamburlayn of London no man to make hym free lesse thenne he be 
presented to fore the Maistres or Wardeyus of the Craft of Glovers upon peyne 
of vj s. viij d. to be paied xl d. to the Church of Seynt Poule and xl d. to the 
box of the same Craft of Glovers. 

Also if any of the same Craft of Glovers be founden contrary ing to do ayens 
the poyntes a fore seid or ayeyns any of hem thanne that he be somoned by the 
office atte the sute of the Wardeyns of the same Craft for the ffirst defaute he to 
paie xl d. the on half to be paied to the olde work of the Churche of Seynt Poule 
and the othir di. to be paied to the box of the same Craft of Glovers and atte 
the secounde defaute vj s. viij d. and atte the thirde defaute x s. and so forth fro 
tyme to tyme til he wol obeye to the good rules and ordinaunces of the Craft of 
Glovers and for to be rered in maner and fourme a fore seid. 

Also it is ordeyned if any maner man of the forsaid Craft of Glovers of what 
degre he be disobeye any rules ordynances or articles lawfully made by the 
goode avys of the Maistre and Wardeyns that ben for the tyme and othir vj 
Brethren of the same Craft of Glovers that ben nedeful and profitable for the 
comen welfare of the seid Craft and also to the gode profite to alle the Kynges 
lege pepull be not denyed upon the peyne of xiij s. iiij d. that is to sey vj s. viij d. 
to be paied to the olde werk of the Churche of Seynt Poule of London and 
vj s. viij d. to the box of the same Craft of Glovers atte the first def aut and atte 
the secounde def aut ij marcs and atte the iij de def aut x s. to be rered and paied in 
maner and fourme above seid. 

Also that noon apprentice of the same Craft in the ende of his terme be made 
f reman lasse thenne the Maister and Wardeyns of the seid Craft for the tyme 
beyng with his Maister or his lawfulle depute presente hym able afore the 
Chamburlayn and that no man of the seid Crafte selle ne alien the terme of his 
prentice without the avys and counceille of the Maister and Wardeyns of the 
seid Crafte for the tyme beyng and that no man of the seid Crafte teche or 
enfourme any foreyn or straunger in the seid Crafte in hyndryng of the same 
upon payne of vj s. viij d. as ofte as any be founde defectyf to be paied in maner 
and fourme above said. 


Anno Millesimo ccc mo liiij' et anno regni Eegis Edwardi Tercii post Con- 
questum xxviij per ordinacionem fratrum subscriptorum. 

Qui quidem Fratres de Arte Cirothec' videlicet: 

Symon Spenser Petrus Haberdassher 

Willielmus Derby Johannes Roger 

Willielmus de Pilton Willielmus Sprygge 

Johannes de Cornewaille Robertus Martyn, White Tawier 

Ricardus de Banbury Thomas Crowcher 

Johannes Grnndhill Walterus Gosgrove 

Johannes Elmestow Johannes Yaneslee 

Johannes Coke Johannes White 

Symon Haverhille Stephanas le Burner 

Robertus de Preston Johannes Derneford 

Adamus de Thurston Walterus de Bedelle 

Galfridus de Salisbury Willielmus de Burton 

Johannes Guygge Willielmus Bisshop 

Petrus de Preston Robertus de Chesterfeld 
Johannes de Ratford 

Fidem fecerunt bene et fideliter tenere et adimplere omnes ordinaciones 

WM. Fox, Registrar. 

[Examined, JOHN ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN, 14 May, 1852.] 

of the Bretherhed of SAYNT LOYE att the Fest of Ester with alle 
the hole company of the CRAFTE OF BLAKSMYTHES who assemble 
in SEYNT THOMAS of Acres and thence to the GREY FRERES in 
London. Founded and ordeyned atte the Fest of Ester 1434 
12 Henry VI. 

[Liber 3 More. 14181438. f. 455. (1435.)] 

In the worship of almyghtte Gode cure Lady and all the holi company of 
hevene and in the worship of Seynt Loye atte the fest of Ester in the yer of 
Kyng Henry the vj the after the Conqueste the xij te The Worshypfull Maistres 
and Wardeynes with alle the hole company of the Crafte of Blaksmythes of 
London hathe ordeyned and graunted to the servantes of the seyd Crafte that 
they shul come in to the brethered of the sayd Saynt Loye as hit was of olde 
tyme and thei to kepe trewelie and deweli al the ordynance articulis and consti- 
tuciones the whiche is ordeyned be al the worthi compani of the seyd Crafte. 

Firste they byn accorded and graunted be the seyd company that every 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 33 

servant syngulerly shal pay a quarter ij d. to his Bretherhed and everi suster j d. 
And if ther be eny newe cliant will come into the Bretherhed to be a brother he 
shal pay for his yncomyng ij s. 

Allso they byn acorded hennesfortheward that if hit soo be that ony 
strangere other alyant come to London to have a servyse in the Crafte he shalbe 
reseyved in to the Crafte to serve ij wokes and after that he to make his cove- 
nant iij yer, he to have for his saleri be yer xl s. And whanne the seyd servant 
shal make his covenant thanne at that tyme shal be the wardeyne the wheche 
is asyned be the yere that he may bere witnesse of the covenant and thet the 
seyd wardeyne. may reherce to the seyd servant al the governance of the Crafte 
he forto treweli and deweli to kepe hem. 

Also they byn acorded that the seyd servantes schal not doo no maner thyng 
the wheche that perteyneth to the seyd Crafte and of here Bretherhed of articules 
constitucionys and ordinances withouten thct they have to conseyll of the same 
wardeyne thet is chosen to be here governour opon the peyne of xiij s. iiij d. 

Also they byn acorded that ther schal no servant of the seyde Crafte snsteyne 
ne socour noo neweman that cometh newe to toune to have servyse be noo 
maner crafte ne collusioun but in the forme aforeseyde. 

Also they byn acorded that no master of the seyd Crafte shal not susteyne ne 
sucour noo servant otherwyse thanne the seyde constituciones and ordynance 
afore seid specefie. 

Also thei byn acorded that from hennesfortheward whenne eny stranger 
cometh to London to have a servise oni of the servantes knoweth that he will 
have a servise he shall brynge him to a mastir to serve and to warne the war- 
deyne that is here governour that he may be at the covenant makyng. 

Also they ben acorded that the seyd servantes shal come and geder into the 
place the wheche is nessesari to hem at sevene of the bell in here clothyng of 
here Bretherhed soo that they mai come to Seynt Thomas of Acres be ix of 
the bell to goo fro thennes before the Maistres of the Crafte to the Grey Freres 
to here here mas in the worshup of the holy seynt afore seyd apon the payne 

Also they byn acorded that the seyd articles be treweli and duely ikepte 
apon the payne of xxs. And that the same persone that is founden in ony 
defaute he to be corrected be the wardeyne that is here governoure and be the 
wardeynes of the Bretherhed of yomen to stonde at here discrecioun in alle 
maner degre. Also he that cometh nat at all maner of somons the wheche is 
worship and profit to the seyd Bretherhed of yomen shall pay at everi tyme a 
pounde of wax but if he have a resonable excusacioun. 

Also thei ben acorded that there schall be a bedell of the yomen and the seyd bedel 
to take for his salari be the quarter of every brother of the seyd Brethered ob. 

And wanne eny distaunce other thyng that perteyneth to the seyd Brether- 
hed the wheche that is profit and worship to the seyde Bretherhed he to have 
for his labour j d. ob. And whanne eny brother other sister be passed to God 
the seyd bedell to have for his traveyle- ij d. 

Also they byn acorded that if hit soo be that ony servant hennesfortheward 
be founden false of his hondes or in eny other degre at the first defaute he to be 



corrected be the oversseer that is ordeyned to the Bretherhed of yomen and 
be the wardeynes of the same. And at the secounde tyme he that is founde in 
such a defaute schalbe put oute of the Crafte for evere And at the firste defaute 
hoo that is fonnde in that degre shal make a fyne to the Crafte that is to seye 
iiij s. halfe to torne (sic) to turne to the box of the Maistres and halfe to the 
box of the yomen. 

Also they byn acorded that they shull chese newe Mastres at the fest of Seynt 
Loy. And that the olde Maistres yeve up here acountes to the newe at the fest 
of Cristemasse. And thenne that to be here quarter day. And the newe 
Maistres be bounde to the olde. And that this artycul be treweli and deweli to 
be kepte apon the peyne of xiij s. iiij d. 

Also ther shal not on brother plete with another at no maner place withouten 
leve of the wardeynesse and xij e of the bretheren in the peyne of xiij s. iiij d. 

Also if ther be eny brother that f orsaketh here clothyng schal paye to the 
boxe of the seyde yomen xij d. 

Also they byn acorded whosoever be wardeyne withoute the gate he schall not 
have the box in kepyng nother the wex in governance but he shall have a key 
of the box and another of the wex. Also they byn acorded if therbe eny brother 
that telleth the counseyle of the seyd Brethered to his master prentis or to eny 
other man he shall paye to the box ij s. halfe to the Maistres and that other 
halfe to here oune box. And the seyde money to be reysed of the Mastres. 

Also they byn acorded if therbe eny brother that revylet the wardeyns or eny 
of here brethren he shal pay xij d. halfe to the master box the tother halfe to 
ther oune box. 

Also if the wardeyns be mys governed ayenest ony brother the foreseyd 
brother shall playne to the Master of the Crafte and the Mastre forto correcte 
the foreseyd wardeyns. 

Also a remembrance that in the tyme that William Ferour was wardeyne of 
blakesmythes and governour of yomen of blakesmythes in that tyme John Water, 
John Specer, Jhef erey More, and John Lamborn, Mastres of the yomen aforeseyd 
and xij e of the same company : We have ordeyned that every brother shall pay 
the firste dai vj d. and everi wif of the seyd bretheren iiij d. and also at the 
quarter day everi man and his wif iij d. And also if eny of the seid bretheren or 
here wyves be absent fro oure comon dyner or elles fro oure quater dai schall 
pai as moche as if he or sho were present. 

Also we be f ulli acorded that he that hath byn wardeyn of the yomen he shall 
not be chose within vj yere next foloyng aftur, and thei that chese hym til the 
vj yer ful passed thei shall pai vj s. viij d. to the box. 

Also we byn acorded that thei that byn wardeynes of the foreseid yomen thei 
shal abyde ther in ij yere. 

Also we byn acorded that the wardeyns that byn choson for the yer shalgeder 
up here quarterage clere before the tyme that they go out of her offis. 

Also the bretheren be acorded that fro Mychelmas fortheward everi brother 
shal pay for his quarterage j d. and for that is behynde thei shall gedre hit up as 
hit was before. 

Also at the quarter dai we will have baken conys as hit was be gonne, and 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 


what Master that hreketh this ordynance everi pece shall pay vj s. viij d. halfe 
to the Mastres hox and halfe to oure box. 

Johannes Lamborne 
Johannes Peyntur 
Galfridus More 
Johannes Water 
Willielmus Johnson 
Willielmus Wodryse 
Stephanus Manne 
Johanna Uxenisdenne 
Kicardus Abbot 
Jacobus Barton 
Johannes Fantard 
Johannes Sylvester 
Willielmus Walpoll 
Rogerus Holdernesse 
Willielmus Breteyn 
Johannes Trefelweth 
Johannes Lynne 
Thomas Kelen 
Johannes Criste 
Johannes Hermes 
Petrus Leyre 
Willielmus Mapull 
Elizabet uxor ejusdem 
Johannes Broune 
Robertus Edward 
Robertus Rose 
Johannes Fraunces 
Johannes Tachon 
Johannes Coventre 
Egidius Fauderle 
Thomas Lemmcryk 
Thomas Foxe 
Stephanus Clampard 
Johannes Stone 

Johannes Kyng 

Johannes Wolston 

Thomas Klerk 

Willielmus Rolston 

Johannes Hille 

Petrus Patrik 

Willielmus Baudewyn 

Robertus Penmore 

Johannes Harvye 

Johannes Baron 

Robertus Edward 

Holiverus Broune 

Reginaldus Brombey 

Henricus Smyth 

Hugo Robard 

Willielmus Mors 

Willielmus Langwyth 

Robertus Caton 

Johannes Warner 

Willielmus Frebody 

Johannes Hayne 

Martinus John 

Johannes Goddesfaste capellanus 

Johannes Newerk 

Willielmus Warde 

Stephanus Priour 

Andreas Dericsoun 

Johannes Aylewyn 

Thomas Cristemas 

Willielmus clericus apud Sanctum 

Petrus Ryley 
Willielmus Bolivere. 
Rogerus Clerk. 

Willielmus Syxsumby 

[Examined, 14 May, 1852, JOHN ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN.] 

SHEARMEN of the City of London. 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 

" Sharp " fol. 101 b.) 27 Feb. 1452, 31 Hen. VI.] 

Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos praesentes Litterae sive prtesens publicum 
instrumentum pervenerint sive pervenerit et quos infrascripta tangunt seu tan- 

D 2 



gere poterunt quomodolibet in f uturum Johannes Druelle utriusque j uris doctor 
Officialis Consistorii Episcopalis Londonie salutem in Domino ac fidem indubiam 
prsesentibus adhibere. Ad vestrse universitatis notitiam dcducimus et innotesci 
volumus per praesentes quod discreti viri Willielmus Bette, Johannes Hungerford 
et Johannes Baker, cives civitatis Londini, Gardiani Artis vocatae in Anglicis 
Shermencrafte civitatis Londoni, necnon 

Johannes Whitefeld 
Willielmus Butte 
Willielmus Spaldyng 
Robertas Topclif 
Johannes Gadde 
Ricardus Herberd 
Willielmus Baldewyn 
Willielmus Kee 
Thomas Gronde 
Johannes Fissher 
Ricardus Partriche 
Johannes Dewyke 
Johannes Phillipp 
Johannes Nottingham 
Johannes Harry 
Thomas Overey 
Laurencins Picot 
Ricardus Daunce 
David Kyrie 
Willielmus Hariot 
Henricus Kyrig 
Robertus Angevyn 
Robertus Northland 
Willielmus Thomlynson 
Johannes Davy 
Johannes Daunson 
Johannes Plunket 
Willielmus Dixon 
Johannes Laudesdale 

Johannes Trewynnard 
Henricns Phillippe 
Ricardus Harford 
Johannes Stanlake 
Johannes Hopkyn 
Johannes Biforde 
Thomas Mersshe 
Thomas Draper 
Johannes Bronde 
Thomas Hoddesdon 
Johannes Hopton 
Johannes Broun 
Johannes Blakborn 
Willielmus Basele 
Thomas Fraunceys 
Johannes Scottys 
Willielmus Colman 
Thomas Flete 
Hugo Hilkot 
Stephanus Martyn 
Johannes Essex 
Henricus Warer 
Willielmus Benett 
Robertus Lenyse 
Johannes Traves 
Ricardus Clerk 
Thomas Bedford et 
Johannes Bolton 

Gives ac liberi homines ejusdem artis et Civitatis ac fratres Fraternitatis Beatae 
Marise Virginis in domo fratrnm Augustinensium ejusdem Civitatis London' 
majorem et saniorem partem in duplo omnium Civium et liberorum hominum ac 
fratrum dictarum artis et Fraternitatis ut asseruerunt facientes coram nobis 
official! antedicto in quadam aula superior! vocata Lumbardeshall infra dictam 
domum fratrum situata pro tribunal! sedente personaliter comparuerunt. Et ex 
consequent! praefati Willielmus Bette, Johannes Hungyrford et Johannes Baker 
gardiani praedicti tarn nominibus propriis quam omnium aliorum singulorum 
supradictorum quaedam appunctuamenta sive ordinationes in Anglicis scripta de 
eorum expresso concensu et per ipsos ad Dei laudem et honorem dictse Beatae 
Virginis ipsiusque artis et fraternitatis incrementa et sustentationem pauperum 
at asseruerunt facta et ordinata tune ibidem exhibuerunt coram nobis. 

GUILDS OP LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 37 

Unde nos Johannes officialis antedictus in hac parte ulterius legitime proce- 
dentes praemissa appunctuamenta sive ordinationes omnia et singula in praesentia 
dictorum gardianorum ac omnium aliorum et singulorum suprascriptorum per 
Magistrum Thomam Marvyell notarium publicum scribam nostrum et per nos 
in hac parte assumptum et deputatum distincte et aperte perlegi mandavimus 
atque fecimus. Quibus quidem appunctuamentis sive ordinationibus sic ut prae- 
mittitur lectis et intellectis suprascripti gardiani ac alii omnes et singuli fratres 
et liberi homines dictarum artis et fraternitatis tune praesentes asseruerunt et 
affirmarunt hujusmodi appunctuamenta et ordinationes ex eorum certa scientia 
et notitia processisse atqne emanasse nobis humiliter supplicantes et supplicarunt 
quatenus ipsa ordinationes sive appunctuamenta auctoritate qua fungimur in hac 
parte confirmare et auctorizare dignaremur juxta juris exigenciain. Et quia 
Nos Johannes Officialis antedictus per nonnulla documenta aliasque probationes 
legitimas evidenter invenimus et comperimus praamissa appunctuamenta sive 
ordinationes ex causis veris rationabilibus et legitimis fuisse et esse confecta et 
ordinata Igitur dicta appunctuamenta sive ordinationes tanquam juri consona in 
quantum possumus de jure et debemus auctoritate qua supra confirmavimus et 
auctorizavimus prout ea sic tenore praesencium confirmavimus et auctorizavimus 
Ipsaque appunctuamenta sive ordinationes omnia et singula per omnes et singulos 
dictarum artis et Fraternitatis fratres et liberos homines ac eorum suecessores 
imposterum observanda et perimplenda fore sub pcenis in hujusmodi appunctua- 
mentis sive ordinationibus plenius descriptis decrevimus et decernimus per 
praesentes consequenter quidem tune ibidem praafati Willielmus Bett, Johannes 
Hungerford et Johannes Baker et alii omnes et singuli dictre artis et Fraternitatis 
suprascripti personalitcr constituti coram nobis tactis per eos et eorum quemlibet 
Sacrosanctis Evangeliis ad ea jurarunt et quilibet ipsorum juravit hujusmodi 
appunctuamenta sive ordinationes omnia et singula sub pcenis in eisdem limitatis 
debite et fideliter adimplere et observare. Proviso semper quod licebit majori et 
saniori parti artis et Fraternitatis praedicta; et suis successoribus hujusmodi ap- 
punctuamenta sive ordinationes corrigere emendare aut reformare eisdemve 
addere sive ab eisdem detrahere prout utilitati et commodo artis et Fraternitatis 
prsedictae magis videbitur expedire, hujusmodi nostris confirmatione et auctoriza- 
tione sive discrete ac aliis prajmissis per nos et coram nobis gestis atque factis in 
aliquo non obstantibus. 

Verus tenor dictorum appunctuamentorum sivi ordinationum sequitur et est 
tale : 

In the name of the Blessid Trinity Father Sone and Holy Cost, owre 
blessyd Lady Seint Marie Moder of Jesu Criste and of all the holy compani 
of Heven, We William Bette, John Hungirford and John Baker citezeins of 
the Citee of London Wardeyns of y e Craft called Shermenecraft of the 
Citee of London, and John Whitefeld, William Butte, William Spaldyng, 
Robert Topclef, John Gadde, Richard Harberd, William Baldwyn, John 
Trewynnard, Harry Phillypp, Richard Herford, John Stanlake, John Hopkyn, 
John Byt'ord, Thomas Mersshe, William Kee, Thomas Gronde, John Fyssher, 
Richard Partrich, John Devyke, John Philypp, John Notingham, John Harry, 
Thomas Overey, Laurans Picot, Richard Daunce, David Kyrie, William 
Harriott, Harri King, Robert Angewyn, Robert Northland, William Tomlynson, 


John Davy, John Daunson, John Plunket, William Dixon, John Laudedale, 
Thomas Draper, John Bronnde, Thomas Hoddesdon, John Hopton, John Broune, 
John Blaborn, William Basele, Thomas Fraunceys, John Scott, William Colman, 
Thomas Flete,Hugh Hilcot, Stewyne Martyn, John Essex, Harry Warer, William 
Benett, Robert Levyse, John Tr'aves, Richarde Clerke, Thomas Bedford, and John 
Bolton citezeins and Fremen of the Crafte and Mistere of Shermen of the Citee 
of London for the more incres and continuans of brothyrly love to be had among 
us and oure successours goode ensample from thys tyme forthwards unto the 
honour of Almyghti God oure Lady Seint Marie and all seintys above sayd and 
unto thentente that there schalbe founde a perpetuall lyght of xiij tapers in the 
chyrche of Frere Austeyns in the Citee of Londoe beforesaied afore the ymage 
of oure sayd Lady for to brenne there unto hyr worchip by licence, auctorite and 
power to us yeven in thys behalf of the Maire and Communalte of the sayd Citee 
begynne erecte ordeyne and make of oure silf e a Fraternite or yelde amonges us 
and of us and of other of the seyd Mistere or Crafte as havyng affeccione to the 
same Fraternite to be callyd the Brethyrhede of oure Lady of the Craft of 
Shermen of London for the sustentacion perpetuall of the seyd lyght and for du 
correccion reformacion and good rule and gonvernaunce of the same Crafte or 
Mystere for evyr hereaftyr to be had and contynued in oure dayes of three 
wardeyns and of the brethern and sustren heraftyr atte all tymes to be had 
receivyd and admittyd in to the same Fraternite successifly for evyr more aftyr 
the ordinances of appunctuamentis here aftyr wryten in the seyd Crafte be us 
and oure successours to be kep in fourme as folewyth. 

Ferst we ben accordid and ordeyne that every persone of the seyd Fraternite 
be bounde for to susteyne aud maynteue the seyd lyght of xiij tapres of waxe to 
brenne before the sayd ymage of oure Lady in the seyd Chirche of the Frere 
Austeyns for the prosperite and welfare of alle brethern and sustren of the seyd 
Fraternite beyng on lyve and for the sowlys of all them of the same Fraternite 
that be passyd oute of thys mortal lyfe or here aftyr schal so passe and for the 
sowles of all cristen aftyr imposicion as the wardeyns of the same Crafte and 
twelve councelers to them to be ordeyned in fourme hereaftyr more playnly 
rehersyd schall charge or the more partie of the seyd nombre of xv ne schall do, 
charge and ordeyne. 

Also that the brethern and sustren of the seyde Fraternite every yere the 
Sonday nexte aftyr the Feste of the Assumpcion of oure more blessyd Lady 
Seynt Marie assemble in ther clothyng att wat place that the wardeyns shall 
assigne unto them wythin the seyd citee and fro that place goo honestly and 
worshipfully unto the chyrche of the Frere Austyns and there here masse by 
note praying specialy for the goode spede and welfare of all the brethren and 
sustren of the seyd Fraternite beyng on lyvc and for the sowles of the same 
Fraternite that ben passyd oute of thys mortall lyf and for alle ciysten sowles 
and than there every brothyr and sustyr offre att the masse j d. and that the 
same brethyrn and sustren come the same day at aftyr none to the seyd chyrche 
of ffreres to Dlrige and so on the morowe to the Masse of Requiem and every 
brother and suster offre j d. and from thens to goo honestly togyddyr unto theyr 
dener where as the wardeyns assygneth them and ther to make theyr eleccion of 
iij wardeyns whyche schalbe aswell wardeyns of the seyd Crafte or Mistere as 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 39 

of the seyd Fraternite to rule and governe the same Craft or Mistere and the same 
Fraternite during a yere next folwing and in cas that any of the seyd wardeyns 
passe oute of thys mortall lyf whithyn that yere hys ij felawes schall occupye 
a nd kepe the charge of that ocupacion for that yere withoute ony eleccion of any 
othyr into ys place to be made in ony wise and then on the Tuesday folwing to 
come to theire brekefaste unto the same place aforeseyd and there and thanne 
every brothyr to paye for hys dyner aforeseyd and yf eny brothyr in the seyd 
citee without cause lawfull absent him from thes masses Dirige and dyner he 
schalle pay for ys absentyng vnto the seyd lyght iij s. iiij d. and thanne with 
ynne xiiij dayys aftyr the same tyme the seyd wardeyns schall do call all the 
seid brethern and sustren and they there schall make their eleccion of xij 
persones discrete sad and welavised for the noble and worthi of them for to 
assiste keepe and councell the seid wardeyns in all thinges concernyng the rule 
and governaunce of the seid Bretherhede Crafte and Mistere as the ordinaunces 
ther vpon made schall require after the forme tenure and effect of the same ordi- 
naunces and the same day the seyd newe wardeyns schall take the charge of the 
olde wardeyns wythynne hem selfe for the charges that perteynyd or may per- 
teyne of the seyd Brethyrhede Crafte and Mistere and he that is electe and chosen 
for a wardeyn and warnyd in thys partie and absenteth him withouten resonable 
cause determinable by the othe of hym that ys absente to be made and sworne 
before the wardeyns withouten fraude and male engyne schall pay vnto the seyd 
lyght and Brethyrhede and for sustenannce of the poure men xls. 

Also that the wardeyns that be for the yere chosyn and chargyd kepe iiij 
quarter dayes that ys for to sey withyn a fouretenyght after Mighelmasse the 
ferst day and thanne the olde wardeyns of the yere before to brynge yn theyre 
accompt to the newe wardeyns and to theyre Felawschyp in peyne xx s. to the use 
of the same Crafte to be payd and the ij day withyn xiiij daies aftir Cristmas 
and the iij day withyn xiiij dayys aftyr Ester and the iiij the daye withyn xiiij 
days aftyr Midsummyr and thei schall at eche of thes quarter daies do call all 
their felawschip and there to do rede and declare all the poyntes and articles 
belonging unto the seyd Crafte and Fraternite to all the felawshyp that they may 
wel undirstond them and kepe them that they falle notte in the peynes conteyned 
in the same and than yf yt may be founde that ony of the felawship have for- 
fetyd in any of thys articles afore declaryd or aftyr folwyng he to be punysshed 
aftyr the same paynes and that the wardeyns that be for the yere kepe wel and 
trewly alle thes quarter dayys and rules that lyeth in them to be don uppon peyne 
above reherced and if so be that ony of the wardeyns kepe not there quarter 
dayys and rules aforeseid or be found f awty in any of these articles be the seid 
xij persones or the more partie of them that he thanne renne on peyne of xl s. 
to be payd unto the boxe to the snsteynyng of oure Lady Lyght and of the poure 
men and the peynes and forfetis so doon to be resid be the wardeyns nexte yere 
folwyng well and trewly to be doon be the othe that they have made or ellys the 
same wardeyns to pay the same summe and that every housholder enfraunchisyd 
of the seid Crafte paye every quarter ij d. and that yt be payed at the iiij quarter 
dayes afore rehercid in peyne of dubling unto the seyd lyght. 

Also that all the brethern of the seid Fraternite be clothid in oon sute at suche 
tymes as the wardeyns for the tyme beying shall orden and appoynte that ys to 


wyte every secunde thirde or fourthe yere. And that no persone be admitted to 
have the same clothyng withoute thassent of the same wardeyns and of the 
said xij persones or the more partie of them. And for the worship of the seid 
Crafte every man of the seid Fraternite shall kepe ys clothyng clenly and 
honestly iiij yeres whether it he goune or hode. And that receiveth goun or 
hode to kepe them honestly the tyme above rehercid withoute ony gyfte of 
them to hys apprentyse or ony other persone in peyne of forfeture to the Crafte 
the valow of the same clothyng. And that no man of the seid Crafte or 
Mistere doo make or countyrfete in any wise neither goun nor hode lyke unto 
the clothyng of the seid Crafte withouten licence of the wardeyns for the tyme 
being in peyne of paying unto the seyd lyght suche a fyne as wardeyns shall 
deme and appoynte. And that every man that hath receivyd any clothyng 
of hys wardeyns of the seyd Craft that ys for to sey either goun or hode that he 
pay for hyt by the feste of Mighelmasse aftyr that they have so received it in 
peyne of doublyng of the same somme. 

Also that every man that hereaftyr shalbe received into the seid Fraternite 
be received by the avise and assent of the seyd wardeyns and of the seyd xij 
persones or the more partie of them and that no man be received into that 
Fraternite but yf he be knowyn a goode man and of goode name and fame and 
of goode condicions and that he be perfith and able workman of the seid 
Crafte and therto admittid by the seyd wardeyns and be the seid xij persones 
or the more party of them and in none nothyr wyse upon peyne xl s. 

Also if any of the seid Crafte that j r s enfraunchesyd be lye or fals despite or 
repreve ony othyr that ys in the seyd clothyng of the same Craft he schall pay 
unto the seid lyght xx d. And that no man of the seid Crafte schall take accion 
by the law upon anothyr wer the mater may be endid by trety or compromyse 
unto the tyme that he hath hasked the wardennys leve wyche that ben for the 
yere and that the same wardeyns shall trewly examyn bothe parties and that 
eche of hem schall chese a man or twoo men wythyn the seyd Crafte and thei 
for to sette them atte corde if they can. And yf so yt be they cannot than that 
it shalbe leffull to both partyes aforsaid for to goo to the commune lawe. And 
who so dothe the contrarie shall pay unto the seid lyght vj s. viij d. 


Also that no man of the Crafte hire no man of the seid Crafte onte of hys 
house for malyce nor malygne nor be noon othyr sotyll meane nor be procuracion 
to any othyr straunger of the seid citee so to be doon and if it may be founde 
so doo by ony of the seid Crafte he renne in peyne to pay to the seid lyght xls. 

Also if so be that ony of the foreseid Fraternite and of the clothyng wiche 
that hath be of good rule fal into poverte than he shall be the assent of the 
wardeyns and of the seid xij persones or the more partie of them be refresshyd 
with the almesse of the commune godes of the seid Fraternite aftyr discrecion 
of the seyd wardeyns and xij persones councelors or the more partie of them. 
And if any man of that clothyng die inn poverte that than the wardeyns with 
the whole felawshyp of the clothyng do brynge him in erthe in theyre clothyng 
on the costes on the seid Crafte. And who so of them be warnyd thereto and 
cometh not he schal paie unto the seid light j li. of wex. 

Also that there be a commune chest and box with iij kcyys to ben in the 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 41 

kepiDg of the wardeyns ordeyned and made for to kepe yn all that remaynyd in 
store yerely unto the seid Fraternite in golde, silvyr or othyr joyall or thyng 
saufley to be kepte unto the use of the same Fraternite And the same cheste 
for to stonde in suche place as the wardeyns and the seid xij persones with the 
more partie of the seid Fraternite shall be apoyntyd and assyned and that 
there be in the same cheste a registre booke for to engroce thereyn the names 
of the brethern and sustren, theire othys theyre peynes and forfeturys the dettys 
accomptes of the wardeyns and all othyr thynges necessarie and in any wyse 
apperteynyng unto the seid Crafte or Mistere and Fraternite abovseid. 

Also that no man of the seid Crafte take noon apprentice into the Crafte but if 
he be freborn and clene of body and of lymmes and that he be not disfigured in 
any maner wise and that be the next quarter day that the seid apprentise be 
bounde unto ys mayster and that than hys maister presente him to the wardeyns 
and they for to see his Indenture and do write the terme of his apprenticehode in 
theire boke and there the maister to pay xx d. for the interyng thereof unto the 
helpe of owre Lady Lyght and of the poure alines men and who so othyr wyse 
doth to renne in the peyne of payyng vj s. viij d. to the same lyght and that no 
man of the seid Crafte hereaftyr ocupie over the nombre of iiij apprentices doyng 
him service attonys butt hee that hath moo than iij apprentices before the tyme 
of thys ordinaunce made which so havyng we woll that he enjoye them and them 
kepe and ocnpie tyll they be weryd into the nombre of iij apprentices and than 
he to take the iiij lhe if him liste and if any man enfraunchysed of the seid Crafte 
aftyr thys oure ordinaunce made and publisshid take moo than iiij apprenticis 
atte oons in hys craft boundyn to hyme he shall paye to the seid lyht a fyne of 
xl s. and that every maister having apprentice whan hys apprentys hath servyd 
him hys yeres of hys apprenticehode withyn iij dayies aftyr that terme finisshyd 
do wame ys wardeyns for the tyme beyng of suche apprentice and than the 
wardeyns shall sende for him and lette hem knowe the goode persones of the 
seid Crafte and hereto for to be sworne as othyr men enfraunchesed of the seid 
Crafte beith and what maister othyrwyse doth shall thenne pay unto the said 
lyght vj s. viij d. and if the apprentice refuse that othe he shall not be admittyd 
to werke with any man of the said Crafte upon peyne to be limittid by the 
wardeyns and the seid xij . persones or the more partie of them upon hym that 
contrarie receiveth hym. 

Also that if any man of the seid Crafte or ys apprentice shere any clothe but 
yff it be truly wette he shall make unto the wardeyns unto the use and behove of 
the same Crafte a fyne arbitrarie bi the advise of the seyd wardeyns and of the 
seid xij persones or the more partie of them as ofte as he so doeth. 

Also if any man of the seid Crafte take any manner chaffer of eny Lumbard 
or straunger or of any othyr man of hys workyng in the occupacion of hys 
crafte but oonely coyned money on lesse that hyt be to hys owne propre use 
for hymself hys wyfe and ys servantes withoute any othyr maner of colour he 
shall paye unto the seyd lyght and to the sustentacyon of the poore men of the 
said Fraternitie as ofte as he so doth x li. of sterlinges. 

Also that no man of the seid Crafte receive any foren man withouten licence of 
the wardeyns and the xij . persones or the more partie of the xij . upon peyne xl. s. 
to be payde unto the seid lyght as ofte tymes as suche man of the Crafte shall 


be founde fawty thereyn and than the seid wardeyns with the seid xij. persones 
or the more partie of them schall see the foreseid foren werke and conciencely 
sette ys salary betwixte hys maister and hym and there to be bounde iiij. yeres 
in covenant aftyr the rule of the Graf te and to all othyr goode rules of the seid 

Also that every man of the seid Crafte take for the barbyng of a yerde of 
clothe ob. and if it be twys barbyd j d. and for sheryng of scarlettys and all 
othyr engreynid clothe every yerde ij. d. and for sheryng of fyne whites every 
yerde ij d. and all othyr maner clothes what so evyr they be yf they be barbid 
ob. for a yerde and for the shering a j d. every yerde and for the sheryng of fine 
redes murreyes and blues and Essex clothes and also Sowthfolke clothes every 
yerde j d. and for all othyr clothes course and Ludlowys every clothe xvjd. 
and for all maner clothes foldes and takkys in Jenewey maner ij d. and for 
foldes and takkys a dosen streytes in Jeneweye maner vj d. and for foldes and 
takkys of kerseyes for every carsey j d. and for foldes and takkys of xij streites 
in Venycien maner viij d. and for foldes and takkys of all westrons and bastardes 
every clothe iiij d. thus to be doon undyr thys forme to all maner straungerrys 
that ys to sey Lumbardys, Jauneys, Venycians and all othyr whatso evyr they be 
upon peyne of xl s. to paye at every tyme that any of the seid Crafte be founden 
fawty and culpable thereyn. 

Also we the seid bretheren before named be assentid agreed and fully acordid 
that for the observyng as well of the seyd ordinaunces made as of all othyr ordi- 
naunces hereaftyr to be made of us and every othyr part shall be received in to 
the seid Fraternitie in tyme to come att is admission and receivyng swere and 
make hys othe here folwyng be fore the seid wardeyns forthe tyme being undir 
forme I N. shall be faithful and trewe unto oure Souvreigne Lord Hery Kyng 
of Ingloude and to hys heyers and successors Kynges of Inglond I schall not do 
nor consent unto ony tresons or felonyes nor any offenses agayn hys pees but 
that suche of them as I know I shall truly do beknow unto the Maire of London 
or unto others having his poure or more I schall also be obedient unto the 
wardeyns of the Crafte of Shermen of the same citee for the tyme beyng in all 
thinges concernyng and tochyng the same Crafte and Brothyrhede and come duely 
unto theire sommaunce but if I be lawfully lettyd under the peyne of a pounde 
wexe and to be contributorie to all maner costes and charges doon by them upon 
and abowte the same Crafte and Brethirhede and al the ordinaunces now made 
and hereaftyr to be made for the commune well of all persones of the seid Crafte 
and Fraternite I schall well and trcwly do my powre, obeye, observe and kepe and 
noon of them to discovre nor of them speke but onely to men of the same Crafte 
in like wyse sworen. So God me help and the Holy Evangelies. 

Also we ben acordid and ordeyne that if any man of the seid Fraternite sworne 
in the forme above seid breke his othe wilfully or any part thereof he shall renne 
in to a peyne arbitrarie unto the seid wardeyns and xij persones chosen in the 
forme aboveseid and that whan any of the seid Fraternite and Crafte shall make 
hys seid othe in the fourme aboveseid that there be there thanne present atte the 
costes of the seid Crafte a notarie for to witnesse the makyng of the same othe to 
th'entente that if he breke his othe he shall mowe be pnnysshyd by the lawe of 
oure moder holy cherche. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 43 

Also if there be any discord or stryff be twixte eny man enfraunchised of the 
seid Crafte and his servaunt the parties shall notifie it unto the wardeyns of the 
same Crafte and thei shall here the mater and grevaunce oon both sides and put 
the mater undir rule. Any suche man or servaunt woll not obeie their rule in that 
partie the seid wardeyns schall thanne do warne everyman of the seid Crafte 
that noon of them sette not the seyd servaunt a werke unto the tyme that he have 
agreed with ys seid maister and obeied hym unto the seid wardeyns and unto the 
rules of the seid Crafte and who soever othyr wyse doth the contrarie shall paie 
unto the seid lyght vj s. viij d. and if the maister be founde in the fawte that he 
be punysshed aftyr the discrecion of the wardeyns and xij councelours or the 
more partie of them. 

Also if any man enfraunchised of the seid Crafte have iij jorney men in hys 
hous and a nodyr man enfraunchised have noon and have nede to have oone that 
than the wardeyns shall goo to hym that hath the seid jorneymen and schall 
take oone of them suche as the goodman of the hous may beste forbere and dely- 
ver hym to hym that hath noon and hath nede to have as is aboveseid. 

Also we ordeyne and fully ben agreed that in caas that ony persone of the seid 
Crafte be rebell and dissobeisannt ageyns the rules conteyned in the articles 
aboveseid or ageyns eny of the poyntes conteyned in the same articles and woll 
not in any wyse obeie unto the wardeyns aboveseid that than the same 
wardeyns with the good avisement of the seid xij persones or the more of them 
shall sette upon hym that so ys rebell and dissobeissannt double as grete a fyne 
as he whas sette att be fore to be payde the oon moyte thereof unto the olde 
werkes of the Cathedrall Chyrche of Powlys and the other moyte unto the 
Chambre of London and of that fyne the seid wardeyns to make certification 
aswell unto the officers of the Bisshope of London as unto the Chambyrleyn of 
London for the tyme beyng withyn the nexte quarter day upon peyne of xl s. to 
be payd unto the seid lyght of Oure Lady to that entent that they shal be the 
law spirituall and temporalle compelle the seid persone so beyng rebell and disso- 
beisaunt forto paie and satisfie unto the seid fyne. 

Also for all othyr ordinaunces to be made in this behalve for the rule, govcrn- 
aunce and owirsight of the seid Fraternite, Crafte or Mistere for shortness of tyme 
and lak of leyser, We the foreseid William Bette, John Hungirford, John Baker, 
John Whitef eld, William Butte, William Spaldyng, Kobert Topclyf, John Gadde, 
Richard Herberd, William Baldewyn, John Trewynnard, Henri Philipp, Richard 
Herford, John Hopkyn, John Stanlake, John Bigord, Thomas Mersshe, William 
Kee, Thomas Gronde, John Fissher, Richard Paritche, John Devike, John Philipp, 
John Notyngham, John Harry, Thomas Overey, Laurence Picot, Richard Daunce, 
David Kyrie, Willyam Hariot, Henri Kyng, Robert Angevyn, Robert Nortland, 
William Tomlynson, John Davy, Johan Daunson, John Plnnket, William Dixon, 
John Laudesdale, Thomas Drapier, John Bronde, Thomas Hoddesdon, John 
Hopton, John Broun, John Blacborn, William Basele, Thomas Fraunceys, John 
Scottis, William Colman, Thomas Flete, Hugh Hilcot, Stewyn Martyn, John Essex, 
Henri Warer, William Benet, Robert Leuyse, John Traves, Richard Clerke, 
Thomas Bedford, and John Bolton citezennys and fremen of the seid Crafte 
and brethren of the Fraternite aboverehercid yeve and graunte our power and 
autorite unto the wardeyns of the seid Fraternite and Crafte that now be or here 


aftyr shall be and unto the seid xij persones of the same and to their successours 
with thassent of the more worthi part of the seid brethren for to adde amenuse 
chaunge and undo all maner of ordinaunces made and here aftyr to be made in 
this party so that the same makyng amenusyng addyng and undoyng be not 
ageyns the comon lawe nor any hurt or prejudice unto the common ryght and 
wele of the seid Crafte in any wyse. 

In quorum omnium et singulorum fidem et testimoninm prsesentes litteras 
nostras sive prsesens publicum instrumentum exinde fieri et per prsefatum magis- 
trum Thomam Mawell publicari et subscribi e j usque signum apposuisse ac nostrse 
officialitatis sigilli appensione manclavimus et fecimus fideliter communiri. Data 
et acta sunt hasc prout snprascribuntur et recitantur anno Domini secundum 
cursum et computationem Ecclesise Anglicanae Millesimo quadringentesimo 
quinquagesimo secundo indicione prima Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo 
Patris et Domini nostri Domini Nicholai Divina Providencia Papse quinti anno 
sexto mensis vero Februarii die penultimo in dicta aula de qua supra fit mentio 
et anno regni Regis Henrici Sexti trigesimo primo. 

Et ego Thomas Maywell clericus Bathoniencis et Wellensis Diocesis Publicus 
auctoritate apostolica notarius venerabilis viri Magistri Johannis Druell utriusque 
juris Doctoris Officialis Consistorii Episcopalis Londonii scriba assumptus et per 
ipsum dominum Doctorem et officialem in hac parte deputatus suprascriptornm 
appunctuamentorum sive ordinationum hujusmodi exhibitornm ac discretorum 
virorum Willielmi Bette, Johannis Hungirford et Johannis Baker gardianorum et 
aliorum omnium et singulorum Fratrum et liberorum hominum dictoe artis et Fra- 
ternitatis tune ibidem existentium ut prtemittitur juramenti prtestatione caaterisque 
omnibus et singulis dimisit ut prsefertur sub annis Domini et Eegis Indictione 
Pontificatu mense die et loco de quibus supra fit mentio coram praef ato Magistro 
Johanni Drnell official! et per ipsum agebantur et fiebant personaliter interfui 
ac ea omnia et singula sic fieri vidi (et) audivi ideo prajsentes litteras sive hoc 
publicum instrumentum de mandate ipsius Domini officialis fieri et per alium 
scribi feci publicavi et in hanc publicam formam redegi hicque me manu propria 
subscripsi ac signo et nomine meis solitis et consuetis una cum appensione sigilli 
officii dicti Magistri Johannis Druell officialis ut prajdicitur signavi rogatus et 
requisitus in fidem et testimonium omnium et singulorum prsemissorum. Et 
constat mihi notario antedicto de rasura dictionum theme sexto primo superius 
in prsesente instrumento publico facta. T. M. -)- -j- 

Deo gracias -f- Et ego Thoma. 

WM. Fox, Registrar. 
[Examined, 20 July, 1852, JOHN ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN.] 

RULES AND ORDERS of the Brotherhood of THE HOLY BLOOD of 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 
" Sharp " fol. 404b.)] 

In Dei nomine Amen. Per prajsens publicum Instrumentum cunctis appareat 
evidenter quod anno ab Incarnatione Domini Millesimo quadringentesimo 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1196. 45 

quinquagesimo nono Indictione septima Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo 
patris et Domini nostri Domini Pii Divina Providencia Papas secundi, anno 
prirno Mensis Aprilis die quartadecima ante horam nouam ejusdem diei in domo 
habitationis mei notarii subscripti in vico vocato Thamisestrete in parochia 
Sancti Dnnstani in Oriente Londonii situato In mei notarii praesentia et testium 
subscriptorum prassentia personaliter constituti discreti viri Dominus Jobannes 
Johnson capellanus, Dedericus Hunter, Bertram us Johnson et Conradus Molle, 
nominibus fratrum et sororum Fraternitatis Sanctissimi Sanguinis Jesu Christi 
vocati Almus Sanguis de Wilsnak in Saxonia in Ecclesia fratrum ordinis 
Crucis Civitatis Londonise ut asseruerunt fundata;et ordinatae jurarunt et quilibet 
eornm juravit ad Sancta; Dei Evangelia per ipsos et eorum quemlibet tune 
ibidem corporaliter tacta quod ipsi et eorum quilibet bene et fideliter observabunt 
ordinationes et fundationes ejusdem Fraternitatis omnes et singulaset quamlibet 
particulam in hujusmodi contentam jnxta ipsorum et cujuslibet eorum posse et 
facultates: quas qnidem ordinationes et fundationes et qua;libet particula earum 
fuerunt et fuit eisdem Fratribus tune ibidem in vulgari Anglicano lectas et 
expositas prout et sicut in una papyri cedula huic ibidem ostensa et perlecta 
plenius continetnr cujus quidem ceduke tenor sequitur et est talis : 

In the name of God that is Almyghti and of our Lady Seynt Mary his Moder 
and for the blessid blode of hir sone Jesu Christ which is by all Cristen people 
wurshipped at Wilsnak and opynly called the .Holy Blode of Wylsnak and of 
all the Seyntes of Hevyn the xiiijth day of Aprill the yere of our Lord God 
Ml.cccc.lix and the yere of Kyng Henry the Sixtxxxvij. A Fraternite in the 
speciall honour of the seid Holy Blode of Wylsnak and of all the Holy Seynts of 
Hevyn is ordayned founded and devised in the Chirche of the Crossid Freres of 
London for to norish encrece and engender love and peas amonge gode Cristen 
people in the fourme sewyng that is to weten. 

First hit is ordeyned that no maner of person shall come in the same Frater- 
nitie but with good will of all the Brethern as well of the most as of the lest and 
shall pay at his entre xx. d. to the use of the same Fraternite and he shall be of 
good condicions and conversacions. 

Also if any Brother or Suster of the same Fraternite have any accion ageyn 
any brother and suster of the forseid Fraternite the pleyntiff shall compleyn 
hym to the masters of the same Fraternite beyng for the tyme and they shall 
make an ende reste and peas between them as good fay and conscience asken and 
who that will nought stonde to the accorde and warde of the same maysters shall 
pay a Ib. wex for to be arrered of hym by the same maysters to the use of the 
same Fraternite and who that will nought do so shall be put oute of the same 
Bretherhede and never have no maner good longyng ther to. 

Also what maner brother or suster disklaundereth or defameth other of the 
same Bretherhede in wurdis of malice or other wise in unhonest maner that hit 
be proved and verified on hym with good and trew men with oute fraude or male 
engyne shall shall pay ij Ib. wex to be arrered of hym to the use of the same 
Bretherhed within xv. dayes sewyng withoute any lenger respite and he that will 
not pay so if he be funde gilte in the maner aforeseyd shall be pute oute of the 
Bretherhede for evermore. 

Also yf any brother or suster of the same Brotherhede desese greve or dis- 


claunder other on the day of the Bretherhede holden of the seid Holy Blode of 
Wilsnak which shall he yerely on Holyrode day which is the iij de day of May 
by any grevouse wurdes what they be fouude in defaute shall make amendes hey 
and lowe after the awarde and jugement of the mastris beyng that tyme uppon 
the peyne of ij Ib. wex or elles to be pute oute as it is aforeseyd. 

Also yf any of the same Bretherhede greve or decesse with grevouse and evill 
wurdes the Maistris when they go a boute to gadyr mony and duettes longyng to 
the Bretherhede what may be founde in defaute shall pay a Ib. wex within xv 
dayes sewyng. 

Also by oon assent of all the brethern of the same Bretherhede every yere 
shall be chosyn ij or iij sufficiaunt and honest men of the same Bretherhede for 
to be maystris for the yere sewyng for to rule and governe well and "trewly the 
same Bretherhede, the which maystris shall be bound in a certeyne somme for 
to kepe good rule and govern all maner constitucions and ordenances to the same 
Bretherhede belongyng And for to yelde and geve att the yeris ende good and 
trowe rekenyng and accomptes of all maner receytes and paymentes by them y 
do duryng theyr yere and all the bretherne shalbe at the same rekenyng and 
who that will not comme therto and he be warned shall pay at every time at his 
absence a Ib. wex, but if he may resonablie excuse hym. 

Also when any brother or suster of the same Bretherhede is dede he or she 
shall have iiij torchys of wex' of the Bretherhede to bryng the body in erthe 
and every brother and suster shall come to his masse of Requiem and offer a j d. 
and a byde still in to the tyme the body be buryed uppon payne of a Ib. wex 
yf he or she be with in the Cite [but] yf he or she cane resonablie excuse them. 

Also if any brother or suster of the same Bretherhede by fortune shall [fall] 
yn naturall sikenesse by visitacion of God so that he nor she mought labore and 
travel to helpe them selfe the same foke by warnyng to the Maysters for the 
tyme beyng the same day of the sekenesse comyng, or on the morow at forthest, 
shall have xx d. every wike sewing unto the same seke be recovered of the 
sekenesse and that trewly be payed at every wikes withoute any longer delay. 

Also every brother and suster of the same Fraternite shall have every yere a 
hode of lyverey the which shall be kepped ij yere sewyng, and every brother 
and suster when eny of the same Bretherhede be dede shall be there in his hode 
of lyvery to bryng him in erthe as it is aforeseyd. And every brother and suster 
shall kepe hys hode the fyrst yere after hit be ordeyned for holydaycs and who 
that workyth in his hode the werkydayes or werke havyng on the same of the 
same yere shall paye ij Ib. wex. And what brother or suster of the same Fra- 
ternite that is behynde unpayed of the quarterage by iiij d. ob. shall not opteyne 
the right of guylde withoute amendes makyng bi the discrecions of the maistres 
for tyme beyng. 

Also there shall no brother ne suster go oute of the Brotherhede withoute 
speciall licence of all the hole Fraternite and to pay iij s. iiij d. for the lycence 
to be hadde. 

Also every brother and suster of the same Brotherhede shall be sworn to be 
good and trewe and to perfourme and to fulfill to his poure all maner good con- 
dicions and ordinances longyng to encrece and profit of the same Brotherhede 
and there upon an instrumente shal be made and every brothirs name entred in 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 47 

record of a notari for to fulfill the condicions a foresayd and that every brother 
and suster shall be of good conversacions and good condicions. 

Super quibus omnibus et singulis prefatus Johannes et predict! Dedericus, 
Bertramus et Conradus, ut magistri dictee Fraternitatis ut asseruerunt, requisi- 
erunt me notarium publicum subscriptum sibi conficere publicum instrumentum. 
Acta sunt hajc, prout superius scribuntur et recitantur sub anno Domini, Indic- 
tione, Pontificatu, mense, die et loco in principio praesentis Instrument! publici 
specificatis, prsesentibus discretis viris Ricardo Barton pannario Give Londonii 
et Johanne Pumfret literato. Testibus ad praemissa vocatis specialiter et ro- 
gatis subsequenterque anno Domini, Indictione, Pontificatu, ac quintodecimo 
die, mensis, in principio prsasentis instrument! publici specificatis post horam 
prandii ejusdem quintodecimo diei in Refectorio dictorum fratrum Ordinis 
Sancti Crucis in parochia Sancti Olavi juxta Turrim Londonii in meo ejusdem 
notarii et testium retroscriptorum presencia personaliter constituti discreti viri 
Johannes Bull, Petrus Hugenson, Johannes Johnson de Swolley, et Gysbritus de 
Aeon' fratres ut asseruerunt dicta; Fraternitatis juraverunt et quilibet eorum 
juravit ad Sancta Dei Evangelia per ipsos et eorum quemlibet tune ibidem cor- 
poraliter tacta quod ipsi et eorum quilibet bene et fideliter observabunt et obser- 
vabit ordinationes et f undationes ejusdem fraternitatis omneset singulas et quam- 
libet particulam in eis contentam juxta eorum et cujuslibet eorum posse et facul- 
tatem. Quse quidem ordinationes et fundationes et quselibet particula earum 
fuerunt et fuit eisdem fratribus tune ibidem in vulgari Anglicano lectae et 
expositae prout et sicut supra plenius expressum. Super quibus omnibus et sin- 
gulis prsefati Dedericus, Bertramus, Conradus, magistri praedicti requisierunt me 
notarium publicum subscriptum sibi conficere publicum instumentum. Acta sunt 
haec prout suprascribuntur sub anno Domini, Indictione, Pontificatu, quintodecimo 
die et loco proximo superius specificatis przesentibus discretis viris Gerordo 
Johnson, Hans Hane, Johanne de Moleyn, Johanne Harryson, Petro Boeykyn, 
Willielmo Michelson, Jacobo Evettisson, Johanne de Horst testibus ad prasmissa 
vocatis specialiter et rogatis. 

Et ego Johannes Ecton clericus civis Civitatis Londonii publicus auctoritate 
imperiali notarius praemissis omnibus et singulis dum sic ut pnemittitur agerentur 
et fierint una cum praenominatis testibus praesens ac personaliter interfui eaque 
sic fieri vidi et audivi aliundeque occupatus per alium scribi, feci, publicavi et in 
hac publica forma redegi signoque meo solito et consueto signavi rogatus et 
requisitus in fidem et testimonium omnium et singulorum prcemissorum. Et 
constat michi de Rasura harum dictionum "and shall pay" in undecima linea 
a capite. WM. Fox, Registrar. 

[Examined, 7 March, 1852, JOHN ROBEET DANIEL TYSSEN.] 

RULES AND ORDERS of the Brotherhood of the HOLY BLOOD of 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 

" Sharpe " fol. 406b.) ] 

In Dei nomine Amen. Per praasens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat 
evidenter quod anno ab Incarnatione Domini Millesimo CCCC. XC. primo, 


Indictione decima, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Chrislo patris et domini nostri 
domini Innocentise Papas octavi anno octavo, mensis vero Decembris die tercio- 
decimo, in domo officii Commissariatus Londonii juxta Paulys Cheyne infra 
parochiam Sancti Gregorii Civitatis London ibidem situata in mei notarii 
publici subscript! et testinm infrascriptorum prsesencia personaliter constituti 
discreti viri Edwardus Rohe, Lodowicus van Brig, Tankardns Hewson, Petrus 
Adrianson, Johannes Johnson, Vincentius Rute, Johannes van Water, Stephanns 
Sprynkehelle, Oliverus Weste, Cornelius Goodrede, Erasimus Sukande et Petrus 
Fase, fratres Fraternitatis Sanctissimi Sanguinis Jesu Christi vocati Almus 
Sanguis de Wilsnake in Saxonia, in ecclesia fratrum Ordinis Augustinensis 
Civitatis Londonii, ut asseruerunt fundatse et ordinatae, nominibus omnium 
fratrum et sororum Fratemitatis praedictae, jurarunt et quilibet eorum juravit ad 
Sanr.ta Dei Evangelia per ipsos et eorum quemlibet tune ibidem corporaliter 
tacta, quod ipsi et eorum quilibet bene et fideliter observabunt ordinationes et 
fundationes ejusdem Fraternitatis omnes et singulas et quamlibet particulam in 
eisdem contentam juxta ipsorum et cujuslibet eorum posse et facnltates. Quae 
quidem ordinationes et fundationes et quaelibet particnla earum fuerunt et sunt 
eisdem fratribus tune ibidem in vulgari Anglicano lectae et expositas prout et 
sicut in una papiri cedula tune ibidem ostensa et perlecta plenius continetur; 
cujus quidem cedulae tenor sequitur et est talis. 

In the name of God the Fader, the Son, of the Holy Goste, and in the honor and 
worship of the holy blode of Wilsenake, We bretherene in our Lord God, in 
whiche present instrument our names and surnames are subscribed, consideryng 
that herein in this mortall and wreched worlde we be not stablisshed to lyve 
evere and as whos say dayly awaytyng after the owre of our dethe ; Therfore of 
oon assent and coinon accorde for the helthe and salvacion of our synfull sowles 
and for pease loue and charite to be kept with our even cresten, have proposed 
to holde maynten and to kepe a Fraternyte within the chirch and cloyster of the 
Freres Austyn within the Cite of London in the worship and honor of the forsaid 
holy blode of Wilsenake wheruppon wee the foreseid bretherne be sworne every 
of us in pai-ticuler upon the holy gospell to susteyne perfourme and holde in all 
goodnesse loue and charite the forseid Confraternyte accordyng to the wordes 
of the prophete saying Howe good and howe holsom it is to be brethern togedir 
lyvyng in charite. 

And Firste whosoever wille come and entre the saide Confraternite to be a 
brother of it he shall pay xxd. at his commyng in and so therat he shal be 
receyved if he be knowen of the moste partye of the brethern for a good man and 
a true and if eny broder wolde say there geynst there shalbe founde a good 
meane be twene theym and a paixe and soe he shalbe receyved and not forsaken. 

Also who soever in this forsaid Confraternyte is entred or herafter shal entre if 
he have any question or angre or that makethe eny debate or strife with ony of 
his bretherne the wardeyns gouernours and maistres of the said Confraternyte 
shall com unto them to make a paix be twix them and who soever of the said 
bretherne saith ther against he shall ranne to the forfayttor of a Ib. wex to the 
behouf of the said Confraternyte alweys the Kinges and the Lordis right upon 
the same reserved. And if so be that he will not be greable to do soe he shall 
abyde the saying of the hole felawship of the said bretherne upon the same. 

Also what soever brothere that belieth an other with ungoodly wordis spoken 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 49 

the one agaynst that other he shall pay a Ib. wex and he that smytteth shall 
forfaitte ij Ib. wexe and all this to the said Brotherhoodes behouffe whiche 
f orffaitor must be contented and paied within xiiij . daies theraf ter. 

Item also whatsoever of the said brothers or his wif upon the day the feste is 
kepte that is to witt the Sonday next after Corpus Christi day and the next daye 
folowyng com not to the masse of the feest and secondly e to the Masse of 
Requyem the said day folowyng they shall forfaitte to the same Brotherhodes 
behouff a Ib. of wex. Also if ony brother or suster or eny of our brother wifes 
speke ony evill the one to the other they shall pay iij Ib. wex to the said Confra- 
ternyte behouf. 

Also atte eny tyme that the said governours and maistres shall goo aboute to 
gader the dute belongyng to the said Bretherhod yf eny resayveth or saith to 
them otherwise then reason requiereth and saith and that they therof do com- 
playne he or she that so entreateth them ungoodly shall renne unto the payne of 
Ib. wax to be paied withoute eny lenger delay within xiiij. daies therafter. 

And also the forsaid maistres shall yelde and shewe their accomptes bifore all 
the forsaid brethem foure tymes in the yere that is to witte at every quarter ons 
and for this cause every of the said brethern shall com to suche a place as where 
the saide governerns and maistres shall send for them and if they com not so shall 
they forfaitte a Ib. of wex but if they can lay for theym a lawf ull excuse. 

Also when eny gildebrother or his wif is decessed oute of this worlde all the 
bretherne of the same Brotherhid shall com to the Masse of Requiem that shalbe 
don for hym or hir that is dede and ther they shall ofre j d. and they shall abide 
till that the corps be brought and buried under the erthe and that all the servys 
be doon and whosoever faileth herof shall paye a Ib. of wex to the said Confra- 
ternyte behouff but if it wer so that he wer forthe of the towne or ellys aboute 
som syngler bysynes wher by he myght lawfully excuse hymselfe. 

And also whan eny of our brethern happith to fall sike of som sikenesse that 
comith of Godis hande and not by no fawte of good governaunce and good gydyng 
he shall have for his sustentacion after that he hath lien vij dayes xxd. every 
weke as long as he lieth sike and this benefacte and- charite shall perseyve as 
moche the moost as the lesse to thend that this charite and almosse be not 
mynysshed be no wise and whatsoever brother of the same Brotherhod that shall 
owe to the same as moche as cometh to more money then iiij d. ob. he shall not 
have nor perceyve the forseyd benefacte and charite of the said Brotherhod. 

And also where our forsaid Confraternyte shall have neede of councell or of 
eny maner of thynge that shall belong to the same there shall then be made 
an enquyre aboute upon the same. And so after the saying of the moost of an 
opynyon it shalbe ordeyned and made. And thereupon shall the hole felawship 
of the said bretherhod abide by. 

And whosoever shalbe clerke of our Bretherhod he shall not paye no quarter 
money and also he shall goo scott free at the day of our said feest. And he with 
the same shall take and perceyve that that the said maisters and he can agree. 
Also he that oweth no thing of his duety to the said Brederhod shall not com to 
the quarter day but he wille but if it wer nedfull for som other thynge. 

And also noon of the said Brethern shall nether medle nor say towchyng that 


that concernyth the said Confraternyte but if he first have paied all that he is 
hehynd of dutee therunto. 

Also every brother and suster of this forsaid Brotherhod at every quarter 
shall paye for his quarterage viij d. and j d. to drynke and this to be paied 
within xiij daies upon payne of a li. wex. 

And whoo so evere will departe onte of our said Confraternyte he shall com 
to the forsaid maisters of the same. And to them he shall paye all that he is 
behynde of dute due to the same Bretherhod. And also with the same for his 
goyng oute of it xl" penys. And whansomever he will com in ayen he shall 
entre in it Math halfe money. But and if he departe with angre or eny rancor 
from the said Felawship and Bretherhod he shall first paye all that he owith to 
hit and not com in it ayen but only as a stranger. 

Also when any of our brethern shall dye if his wif wille abide as on of our 
Busters she shalbe resayved therintho as long as she shall paye the right due 
unto the forsaid Bretherhod. And if she hap to wedde ayen than shall hir 
husbond com in hir plase and if he wille not do soo she shall not be no more no 

And upon the day of the feest shall a dyner be made wherat shall every man 
com with his wif and they shall pay as the forsaid maisters shall set them unto. 
And if he be oute of the towne then shall he pay but halfe money. 

Also whan we shall make lyveray than shall the said maisters have j d. for 
their labor and the clerke j d. for berying home the said lyveray. 

And if it be so that there be eny of our seid brethern or susters fallen in 
poverte or sore in age so that they can not get their lyvyng but muste begge 
their bredc from dore to dore he shall have and perceyve of the said Bretherhod 
x d. every weke so that it be f ounde that he have be a brother of the same Con- 
fraternite the (sic) of vij yere. And for this to be had and paied unto the said 
pore brother every brother and suster shall geve a verdyng every weke. 

Also where no dyner shall not be made so shall the forsaid maisters have 
vij s. oute of the box. 

And also when the said maiesters wille chuse other maiesters ther shall no 
man saye there agaynst upon payne of x Ib. of wax. 

Also we have every wyke a Messe for our bretherne and susters soules and 
for all cristen soules upon suche day as Corpus Christi day falleth to with as 
many moo masses as we may paye thrughe the yere. And to thend this be per- 
formed and kepte ther shalbe overseers that shall see that it be doone. 

And that day that the masse of the feest is doon than shall every brother and 
every suster offre there that is to witte every man a peny and his wif an half 

Also our susters shall paye like as a brother doeth paye atte eny quarter daye 
when they shalbe sent for or at eny other tyme to the offrynge upon peyne of a 
Ib. wax. 

And also -when ony of our bretherne or susters hapen to dye then shall som 
body of theire frends com for to warne the clerke that he goo abonte for to 
warne our bretherne and susters for to com to the oiferyng. And so they shall 
geve iiij d. to the clerke to a tokyn. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 51 

Also if eny of our said bretherne or susters kappen to dye out of the towne 
and have paied theire duetye to the said Bretherhod thenne shall they have the 
rightes of the same like as they that dye within towne soo that the clarke be 
warned as it is saied in the next article afore. And soo shall the bretherne 
come to the masse of Requiem and not to faylle therof upon payne of a Ib. 
of wax. 

And who so evere the day of the feest be not at the begynnyng of the Masse 
that is to witt afore that the preest have torned hym ones he shall paye a Ib. 
of wax. 

Also noon of our bretherne shall not make another of the same Felawship to 
be attached nor arrested for dette but that the some be above xl te s. withe oute 
he have licence to doo it of the said maisters. And this upon peyne of x Ib. of 

And whan our Confraternite is to his above in all thynges (sic) than shall 
there be a comon askyng aboute of the bretherne for to wit and understande 
whither they shall doo make eny hodes or noo. And this shall be taken and doon 
after the moost of one opynyon. 

Also atte all offerynges where the forsaid maisters of the said Bretherhod 
shall sende for the bretherne and snsters to com offer every of the said bretherne 
and susters shall com therat with theire token in sight upon the peyne of a Ib. 
of wax to the behouffe of the said Confraternyte. 

And also when we shall have eny of our bretherne or susters sike than shall 
every brother and suster geve an half peny every wyke to the snstentacion and 
kepyng or the said sike. 

Also we have v masses of Requiem in the yere that is to wit the first upon 
the Monday next folowyng after the day of our said feest. The second upon 
the Monday after Lammasse day. The iij de upon the Monday folowyng next 
after Alhalowen day. The iiij tl1 upon the Hoppe Monday. And the v th Masse 
upon the Monday next folowyng after Candilmasse day. And there at every of 
the said Masses every Brother and Suster shall come and offre there an half peny. 
And who so ever faileth therof he shall forfaite a Ib. of wax to the said Confra- 
ternyte behouffe. 

And also it is ordeyned by the consent of the holle felisship that in the forsaid 
Confraternyte noon shall not be receyved but if he be boron beyonde the see 
And if eny of the said bretherne paie not all such duetes as they shall owe unto 
the said Bretherhod within the xiiij daies as it is specifyed above and that they 
happen to fall sike so shall they be barred from the right that a sike brother 
shuld have by as many daies as they have owed their dueti to be paied unto the 
same without it be so that they have afore accorded of their said dnety with the 
forsaid maisters and rewlers of the same. 

Also it is graunted of the said Felawship of brethern forsaid that viij men 
shal be chosen every yere for to com to suche place as the said maisters sendeth 
for them to holde and kepe theire love daies that is to wit to redresse all that 
is wronge betwixt party and party. And the party that will not be agreable as 
the said viij men shall ordeyn thenne shall they pay as the said viij men shall 
sett them. The on halfe to the behouffe of the said Brotherhod and the other 
parte to the behouffe of my Lord the Bishop of London. 

E 2 


Super quibus omnibus et singulis dictis constitutionibus reqnisierunt me 
notarium publicum subscriptum sibi conficere publicum instrumentnm. Acta 
sunt hsec prout suprascribuntur et recitantur sub anno Domini, indictione, pon- 
tificatu, mense, die et loco praedictis. Presentibus discretis viris Ricardo Mayler 
cellario et Johanne Turtilton mercer civitatis Londonii litteratis testibus ad 

praemissa vocatis specialiter et rogatis. 

WM. Fox, Registrar. 

[Examined, 7 March, 1852, JOHN ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN.] 

of the Bretherhed of the FRATERNITY of SAINT KATHERYN founded 
and ordeyned by DUCHEMENNE nu xx yeres passed in the CROSSE 
FRYERS in the CITE of LONDON and acknowledged before RICHARD 
BLODYWELL Doctor of Law and Commissary of London. 25 Octo- 
ber 1495, 10 Henry VII. 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 
"Harvey" fo. Ixxxxviij.) 

[Dated 25 October, A.D. 1495.] 

In the Name of God Amen. 

We Richard Blodywell Doctor of Lawe and Commissary of London to alle 
Cristene peopille to whome this presente wryting shall come or shall here of 
know, sende greting in our Lord God. And wher it is soo that of late the 
rulers and wardens of the Bretherhed of the Eraternite of Saint Katheryn 
founded and ordenyd by Duychmenne iiij x!t yeris passid in the Crosse Fryers in 
the Cite of London and the bretheren of the same Fraternite, that is to say, 
Rolland Jonson, Kerry Percy, nowe being Rewlers and Wardens of the saide 
Fraternite; Gerard Wygarson, Jamys Edward, Cornelys Walter, Cordelys Jamys, 
John Cornells, John Jonson, Peter Andrew, Peter Jonson, Thomas Herryes, Henvy 
(sic} Wyssyll, Peter Arnoldson, John Harryson, Gilbard Arnoldson, Reynolde 
Frederykson, William Williamson, Jamys Lambert, Poles Husman, John Bacon, 
Peter Bell, Leonard Herrys, John Tomson, John Vansanton, Cornelys Knyspard, 
John Godfrey, Leonard Higbarson, Mathew Jonson, John Jonson, Deryk Bruer, 
Raynkyn Egbarson, Barnard Egbarson, John Cleve, John Arnoldson, Gyles Clay- 
son, Mathew Godfrey, and John Kyrchynson being all or the more parte in doble 
of the Fraternite aforsaid have with good mynrle and to thentent of good rule 
to be had and kept in the saide Fraternite in tyme comyng with grete instancis 
had in this party presented unto us alle suyche rules, ordenaunces and statutis 
within written mekely beseching and desyring us the Commissary aforesaide to 
ratefy stabelishe auctorise and conferme the saide rules, ordenaunces and 
statutis : We therfor Richard Blodywell Commissary aforesaid considering that 
the said beseching and desyre benne resonable and consonant to good lawe and 
consciens with the consent of the saide rulers wardens and bretherue ratefy 
stabelyshe auctorise and conferme as fer as is in us all and singuler rules 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 53 

ordenances and statutis within written effectually charging the saide rulers 
masters and bretherne all and eche of theme that they and eche of theme doo 
dewly and trewly obbey observe and kepe all the saide rules ordenaunces and 
statutis as it to theme and eyther of theme concernyth and to theme perteyneth 
under payne of the grete curse and other paynes expressed in the same statutis 
ordenaunces and rewlis And for the more feyth and credence to be gevyn 
to this presente wryting We the said Commissary have put to this wrytinges 
rules ordenaunces and statutis our scale of office the xxv day of the monyth 
of October the yere of Our Lord God a M'cccclxxxxv tt>ne . 

First that no maner persone nor persones fro hensforth be admitted or receyvid 
into the said Fraternite but with the good will of all the Bretherne of the 
Bretherne (sic) of the same Fraternite or of the senior and sanior parte of 
theme and that he or they soo admitted and receyvid pay at his entre ij li. of 
wex to the encresse of the light of the saide Fraternite and opinly to be sworen to 
kepe and observe the ordenaunces statutis and determinacions here after folowing. 

Also that no brother nor sister of the saide Fraternite from hensforth fray 
not missay ne pyke bate nor quarell one with a nother nor have eny slaunderous 
or rebukful wordis or disf amacions one ageynst a nother uppon payne that he 
or she that is provid in the defaute and will not abyde the rules sayingges and 
a warde in that behalfe of the governors for the tyme being forfeit as often 
x li. of wex or ellis gyff for every pounde vj d. of money to be leved and 
applyed half therof to the use and behoof of the werkes of Poules and that other 
half to the use of the saide Fraternite. 

Also that every broder of the saide Fraternite from hensforth faythfully and 
trewly pay theyr quarteragis and dewtis longing to the said Fraternite as of olde 
tyme accustomed it hath benne used And he that is behynde by iiij d. and woll 
not pay it within the space of vij dayes after that he is therto lawfully required 
forfeit as often ij li. of wex to be leved and applyed to the uses maner and 
forme above saide. 

Also that every persone and persones of the said Fraternite for the tyme being 
from hensforth honestly as well in theyr wordis as in theyr dedis demeane and 
behave theme sylfe anenst the rulers and governors of the saide Fraternite for 
the tyme being whanne they go aboute to gadder quarteragis fyns and other 
dewtis longing to the saide Bretherhed uppon payne that he or they that doo the 
the contrary f orf ett as often v li. of wex to be levid and applyed to the uses 

Also wher as often tymes at the assembles and drinking to gidders of the saide 
bretherne and specially uppon Saint Katheryns day certeyne misavysed and evill 
disposed bretherne of the saide Fraternite brail and chyde togidders with gret 
revylis and rebukef ull wordis and sum whylle the same misavysed persones 
rebuke the rulers for the tyme being and other sadd and wele avysed persones 
of the said broderhed wherby grete wrath ire and devysyon have benne often 
provoked among the saide bretherne to the grete grugge and trowbill of all the 
good folke of the saide Fraternite Therfor to kepe a good order and rule 
amonge theme by way of penaltys for reformacion and scilence of all suych 
froward and seducious peopill it is ordeynde that what persone or persones of the 
said Fraternite that from hensforwardis at any suych assembles or drinkyns or 


nppon Saint Katheryn day that soo ungoodly demeane and behave theme sylff 
and at the commaundmentes and biddinges of the rulers and governors of the 
saide Fraternite for the tyme being woll not kepe silence nor be in peas forf et 
for the first tyme vli. of wex for the ij tyme xli. of wex for the iij tyme xvli. 
of wex and for the iiij th tyme xxli. of wex; and so as often as the saide 
rebellis of theyr malicious frawardnesse disobbay the saide commaundments 
and biddingges of the saide rebellis, to be leved without redempcion and applyed 
to the uses abovesaid. 

Also that no persone nor persones being bretherne of the said Fraternite from 
hensforwardys maytene nor " support ne bere onte in worde or dede eny of the 
saide rebellis or transgressours in theyr nngoodly demenours ayenste the said rulers 
and governoures for the tyme being or ayenste eny good brother of the said 
Fraternite being of good and honest demenor uppon payne that he or they that 
soo doone forfet as often x li. wex to be leved and applyed to thuses aforesaid. 

Also that the rulers and governours of the saide Fraternite for the tyme being 
shall every yere from hensforth xiiij dayes afore the Feste of Saint Katheryne 
the Vergyn and Martter call unto theme the iij. olde bretherne of the saide 
Fraternite that were rulers and governors in the yere next before passid. And 
they all vj togidders with one will and consent within the saide xiiij dayes 
shall chose betwix theme selff of the feloshipp of the saide Fraternite iij new 
rulers bretherne to governe the same feloshipp for the yere folowing the which 
iij newe rulers bretherne soo chosen uppon the day of Saint Katheryn shalbe 
opinly presented and shewed unto all the bretherne ther and thenne being 
presented. And ther and thenne being they shalbe sworene discretly to rule the 
said Brethered in good love peas and condicion to theyr powers and to make levey 
of the fyns quarteragis and dewtis growing and longing to the same Bretherhed 
for the yere folowing. And in case be that iiij or v of the said vj persones in 
chosing of the saide new rewlers agre togidder and ether ij or j of theme of his 
or theyr obstinacy and frowardnesse woll not consent to the same agrement that 
thenne those ij persones or that one persone that soo of his or theyr wilfulnesse 
disagre shall eyther of theme or that one forfet and pay v li. of wex to be leved 
and applyd to thuses aforesaid and yet those iij bretherne which the said iiij or 
v chosyn into newe rulers and governors shall stande in force and strength for 
the said yere And over that in case be that the said iij olde rulers and governors 
that were in the yere passid as afore is sayde or eny of theme refuse and wilnot 
come to the said eleccion whanne they therto benne required and callid in forme 
abovesaide that thenne they or suych of theme as so refusith and will not come 
shall pay and forfeit every of theme as often v li. of wex to be levid and applyed 
to the uses abovesaid without a lawfull impediment or cause proved. 

Also that the olde rulers and governouris of the saide Fraternite which for 
the yere passid alway have benne within xxj dayes after the presentacion and 
shewing of newe rulers and governors in forme abovesaid to be electe and 
presented shall gyve unto the same newe rulers and governors a lawfull 
rekenyng and accompt for theyr tyme that is to say what they have receyvid 
and takyn upp and what they have paid and gevyn out, and in all thinges what 
remayneth to the use of the saide Fratern,ite as trew and feythf ull governors 
ought to doo without conceling or hyding of eny point therof uppon payne that 

GUILDS OP LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 55 

every of the saide olde rulers and governors forfeit xxli. of wex, to be leved 
and applyed to the uses aforesaid. 

Also that all other ordenaunces, actis, constitucions and rules made among the 
saide Bretherhed by theyr owne free willis and consencions specyfyed and 
declared in Duych tong wherof a copy in a cedule to these presentis is annexed 
by the said rulers and governors and theyr successours for the tyme being and 
by all the bretherne and sustrene of the seid Fraternite that nowe benne and alle 
those that hereafter shalbe and everych of theme from this tyme forwardis be 
faythfnlly holden kepte performed and inviolably observid uppon the paynes 
therin comprysed and written to be leved and applyed half therof to the use of 
the said werkis of Poules and that other half to the use of the said Fraternite. 

Also that the rulers and governors of the saide Fraternite for the tyme beyng 
from hensforth truly presente without favour or excuse unto the Juge Ordinary 
of my Lord Bisshopp of London for the tyme being the names of all maner per- 
sones transgressours and rebellis being bretherne of the said Fraternite that 
offend in eny point or article of the premisses and woll not be reformed by the 
said rulers and governors within the space of xv dayes after theyr offencis and 
trespasses committed and no manne spare contrary to trouthe and yf the saide 
rulers and governors or eny of them for eny mede favour or love lete spare or 
woll not truly presente suyche transgressours and rebellis and say trough in that 
behalf forfett he and every of theme as often as he or they be founden in faute 
x li. of wex to be leved and applyed to the uses af orsaid. 

Provided alway that yf eny of the said transgressours being bretherne of the 
said Fraternite fortune to be of suych povertye and insufficientnes so that he is 
not able to pay the said hoole fyns and forfeturs or ellis yf eny other considera- 
cion or remorce of consciens or pitty canne be thaught in suych losses and for- 
feturs that conscience and pitty wolde not that they shulde not be hoole leved 
that thenne by the advyse of the said Ordinary Juge and of the said rulers and 
governors of the said Fraternite for the tyme being the said fyns and forfeturis 
by grace shal be mittigated and lessid as the case shall require after theyr 
discreciouns. WM. Fox, Registrar. 

[Examined, 18 May, 1852, JOE^N ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN.] 

and the hoole FELISHIP of the Brotherhed of SAINT CRISTOFER 
of the WATERBERERS of the CITIE of LONDON, founded and 
ordeyned in the FRERE AUGUSTINYS of LONDON and acknowledged 
before THOMAS BRENT Doctor of Law and Commissary of London ; 
the See then being void. 20 October 1496, 12 Henry VII. 

[Extracted from the Registry of the Commissary Court of London. (E Libro 
"Harvey" fo. c.xxxviij.) The Statutes of the Bretherhod of the Water- 
berers. [Dated 20 Oct. A.D. 1496, 12 Hen. 7.] 

Theese been the Statutes that beth made by the wardens and the hoole 
Feliship of the Brotherhed of Saint Cristofer of the Waterberers founded withyn 
the Friers Augustines in London as folowith. 


First hit is ordeyned that ther shall no man chese the wardens of the seid 
Fraternitye but onely they that have been wardyns and they that bith for the 

Also hit is ordeyned that there shall no brother nor sister arrest none of hys 
seid brothers nor sisters without licence of the wardens that be and the wardens 
that have been byfore tyme undre the payne of vj s. viij d. to the boxe. 

Also hit is ordeyned that if ther be eny man or woman of the seid Brotherhed 
that wil not obbey the statutes that been made in this behalf but frowardly wille 
disobbey them he for to pay iij s. iiij d. 

Also it is ordeyned that if ther be any man or woman of the seid feliship that 
revileth ony of them that beth wardens or have been wardens of the same 
Feliship and callith them otherwise than they owght to doo be it brother or 
sister then if it be a man that so doth he for to pay iiij li. wex and if it be a 
woman she for to pay ij li. wex as oftentymes as it may be provid eny of them 
so offcndith this statute. 

Also it is ordeyned that if ther be eny brother or sister of the seid Brotherhed 
that dieth withyn the tranches of the said Citee of London than that persone 
that so deceaseth shal have the torches and the tapers of the seid Fraternite if 
so be that they do ther diettty to the seid Brotherhed as they shold doo. 

Also it is ordeyued that they that beth wardens of the Feliship for the yere 
shall do no correccion without they do first take counsell of them that hath been 
wardeyns afore tyme that thann the seid wardens that have been before tyme 
shall stond by them in all that is rightfulle and lawfull and they forto her with 
them their mony like as they doo and if the seid wardens for the tyme being 
wille not doo as is aforeseid echo of them for the yere beyng shall paye v li. of 
wex as often as they so offendith. 

Also it is ordeyned that if the seid wardens that have been byfore tyme wilnot 
stande by them that beth wardens for the yere in all ryght when they calle 
them then they for to pay a peece vj li. wex as often as the wardens for the 
yere being calle them. 

Also it is ordeyned that if there be eny brother of (*c) sister of the Fraternite 
aforeseid that remeveth out of the seid Cite of London that he shalbe don for if 
he decease and have doon his diuety than he shal have his Masse and his Dirige 
with the torches and tapers as a brother shuld have or a sister that deceaseth in 
the forseid Cite of London. 

Also if there be any man or woman of the seid Fraternite warned to come to 
the byrying of ony brother or sister that dieth withyn the Cite of London and 
come not if that he have no lawfull excuse he or she so faylyng for to pay j li. of 
wex as often as he or she is warned and so fayleth. 

Also if ther be eny brother or syster that takeyth eny custemar owt of eny 
brothers handys without so be that the parties that he serveth wille no lengar 
have his service and that the seid brother seith that he be content of his 
diewte that he shold have or ellis he to take no mannys custymer owt of hys 
hands under the payne of vj s. viij d. be hit brother or syster. 

Also it is ordeyned that if there be eny brother or syster that heryth eny of 
our counsell withyn our selfe and uttereth it and will not kepe it wythyn our 
selfe that they shall pay iiij li. wex as often tymes as it may be knowen and 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 57 

lawfully proved so that the seid counsell be not contrary to the lawes of the 
Chirch nor prejudiciall to the Kyng and this realme of England. 

Also it is ordeyned that if eny brother or syster of the seid Fraternite take 
into ther service eny persone not beying a brother of the same Fraternite that 
then the seid persone shalbe presentid byfore the wardens for the tyme beyng 
withyn iij dayes after he shall so be set a werk. And to paye at hys present- 
ment j li. of wex to the use of the seid Fraternite. And this to be doon uppon 
the payne of forfayture of ij li. wex. And costys and charges of every such 
brother so doyng to the contrary to be convertid to the seid use. 

Providid alwey that if any of the seid transgressouris beyng a brother or a 
sister of the seid fraternite fortune to be of such poverte and insufficientnesse 
that he or she is not able to pay the seid hole ffynes and forfeitures or ellis if 
eny other consideracion or remorce of consciens or pite canne be thought in suche 
losses or forfeitures that conscience or pite wolde not that they shulde not be 
hole levied that then by the advise of the undrewriten Ordinary Juge or his suc- 
sessors and of the seid rulers and governors of the seid fraternite for the tyme 
beyng the seid fynes and forfaitures by grace shalbe mitigat and lessid as the 
case shall require after ther discrecions. 

In the name of God Amen. We Thomas Brent Doctor of Law and Commis- 
sary of London the see ther being voied to all Christen people to whome this 
present writing shal come or shall hereof know send gretyng in our Lord God. 
And where it is so that of late the rulers and wardens of the Bretherhed of Seint 
Cristofere foundyd and ordeyned by Waterberers of the Cite of London in the 
Frere Augustinys of London aforeseid and the Brethern of the seid Fraternite 
that is to sey William Johnson, John Kerver and John Parker now beinge 
rulers and wardens of the seid Fraternite, John Gregori, Thomas Johnson, 
John Raynoldson, Robert Savage, Robert Digonson, John Baker, Richard Payn, 
John Eager, John Lesby, Thomas Mores, John Smere, John Cakes, Elis Brian, 
Thomas Lambe, Jeffrey Blake, William Smyth, David Breupine, Jacobe Offzand, 
Simond Wryght, Richard Payne, John Maston, Richard Trowyll, Harry Barbour, 
William Aylmer, William Cornyshe, Robert Long, John Goodfeld, John Browne, 
Thomas Payne, John Bland, John Watson, John Byckyrs, Thomas Somer, Thomas 
Nepecker, and Nicholas Thomson being alle or the more parte or greter parte of 
the Fraternite aforeseid have with good mynde and to thentent of good rule to 
be hadde and kepte in the seid Fraternite in tyme comynge with gret instances 
had in this party presentid unto us all suche rules ordinaunces and statutes as 
bith above wryten with one statut folowing in the end mekely besechyng and 
desyring us the Commissary aforeseid to ratify, stabilish, auctorise and conferme 
the seid rules, ordinaunces and statutes : 

We therfore Thomas Brent Doctor and Commissary aforeseid consideryng that 
the seid beseeching and desire been resonable and consonant to good law and 
consciens with the consent of the seid rulers, wardens and brethern ratify, 
stabilishe, auctoryze and conferme as fer as is in us all and singler rules and ordi- 
naunces and statutes above specified especially chargyng the seid rulers, wardens 
and brethern all and eche of them that they and eche of them doo duly and 
truly obbey, observe and kepe all the seyd rules, ordinaunces and statutes as it to 
them and ether of them concernith and to them perteynithe undre payne of the 


grete curse and other paynes expressed in the same statutes, ordinaunces and 
rules and for the more feith and credence to be geven to this present writinge we 
the seid Commissary have putt to this writinge, rules, ordinaunces and statutes 
our seale of office the xx day of Octobre the yere of our Lord God M'cccclxxxxvj 
and in the xij yere of the reigne of Kyng Henry the vijth. 

Also hit is ordeyned that no brother nor syster of the seid Fraternyte shal have 
at the condyte at onys to his owne use above one tankard uppon the payne of li. 
of wex to the use of the lyght aforeseid to be applyed. 

WM. Fox, Registrar. 

[Examined, 14 May, 1852, JOHN ROBERT DANIEL-TYSSEN.] 


A curious trace of the Company of Waterbearers of London is afforded by the 
report of a recent case before the Master of the Rolls (" Merchant Taylors' 
Company v. Attorney-General," Lam Reports, 11 Eq. 35.) Robert Donkin, 
citizen and merchant taylor of London, and deputy of the ward of Cornbill, by 
his will dated 1 Dec. 1570, besides various charitable bequests to his own com- 
pany, which were the subject of the recent litigation, left the following : 

" That ys to saye ffirst all that my messuage or howse w th all singuler commo- 
dities and appurtenances thereto belonginge which the ix th daye of October in 
the yeare of our Lorde God 1568 I purchased of the Companie of Water- 
bearers in London, beinge now rented at fowre poundes by the yeare, I give and 
devise unto the p'son and churchwardens of the p'ishe churche of Set Michaell 
in Cornehill in London for the tyme beinge and to theire successors Persons and 
Chnrchwardeins of the said p'ishe Churche for ever, To this intent that the p'son, 
churchwardens, and p'isheners of the said p'ishe or some of them shall w th the 
profytts thereof p'vide and give every weeke wekely on the Sondaye for ever one 
dozen of peny breade w lh the vantage * in the Churche to and amonges the poorest 
howseholders of the said p'ishe where most neade shall appere. And two shillings, 
the rest of the rente, I give to the churchwardens for there paines. And the whole 
rest of the rent I will shalbe reserved to the maintenance of the rep'ac'ons of the 
said howse." Signed and sealed the 1st December in the yeare of our Lorde God 
a thousand fyve hundreth threscore and tenne and in the 13" 1 yeare of Elizabeth 

12th March, 13th Elizabeth, Roll No. 256, Mem. 26. f 

In a list of deeds, evidences, &c. belonging to the parish of St. Michael's, and 
preserved in the " Great barred Chest " in the vestry the 8th of February, 1582, 
appear the following notices of Waterbearers' Hall: 

" Item six pieces of evidences, two obligacons and a quyttance concernyng the 
howse somtyme the Waterbearers Hall J and of the ten'tes and gardeyns w'out 
Bishopsgate gyven by Robert Donkyn to the parish. 

* Surplus, excess. 

f Records of the Hustings Court, Guildhall. 

J Now Numbers 143 and 144 Bishopsgate Street Without, between Lamb 
Alley and Angel Alley. 

GUILDS OF LONDON, 1354 TO 1496. 59 

" Item a Counterpayne of Ticknes lease^of yt in 1591. 

" Item a Counterpayne of a lease made to Evan Davy baker of his dwelling 
house called somtyme Waterbearers Hall." Great Book of Accounts 193. 

1st December 1588. 

" Item first the Churchwardens to viewe the estate and rep'acions of the hous 
called the Old Water Bearers Hall." 

Sonday 8th of December 1588. 

" Item it is agreed that John Olmestid first agreing for the old leas graunted by 
Mr. Dunkin of Old Water Bearers Hall shall have a leas of the same made in 
his own name for xxx yeres frcm Mighelmas last paying p'ntely for a fyne to 
the p'ishe vj u xiii 8 iiij d and oth r rent and rep'acions accordinge to the newe leas 
in revertion w l oth r resonable devise an the p'ishe shall devyse the said old leas 
and oth r leas in rev'cion ffyrstsurrendred unto the p'isshes handes." 

20th September ano 1590. "It is also ordered that the Church wardeins or two 
of them acco'panyed w' Mr. Kevall, Mr. Bull and Mr. Cowp' p'ntelie shall vewe 
ov' the leass or lesses of o r hous called Waterbreres Hall geven by Mr. Dunken 
and to take order by their best discretion eyther y e the house nowe in ruyn and 
abused may be p'ntelie in good order repayred or elles to take the adv'ntage of 
the hous or lesses to the use of the p'ysh." 

We are indebted for these extracts from the Minute Book of the Vestry of St. 
Michael's Cornhill (1563 to 1697) to Mr. W. H. OVERALL, F.S.A. They show 
that the Brotherhood of Waterbearers existed at least seventy-two years after 
their rules were certified. How much longer remains to be ascertained; pro- 
bably Sir Hugh Myddelton and his New Kiver (which was opened Sept. 29, 1620) 
were the cause of their dissolution. 




[Read at an Evening Meeting of the Society, 10 January, 1870.] 

When the Dean of Westminster communicated to the Society of 
Antiquaries on the 9th December, 1869, the then very recent dis- 
covery of a Roman interment within an inscribed stone coffin, in the 
" North Green " of the abbey, lying east and west, between the north 
side of the nave of the abbey and the fence which separates it from 
the parochial churchyard of St. Margaret's ; although I then per- 
ceived the importance of this discovery in respect of the history of 
that locality, yet I reserved the observations which then occurred to 
me until I should have visited the ground and seen the coffin itself. 

Accordingly I went thither the next day, and inspected the coffin in 
the cloister ; but could not obtain access to the exact spot where it 
had been found. On Monday the 13th I was more successful, having 
obtained an interview with the Dean ; and I carefully examined those 
parts of the ground which then lay open. In the meantime I had 
marked the spot (as shown in a sketch-plan exhibited by the Dean) 
on one of the best maps of London which I possess, that published by 
Cross in 1842, and I had obtained a remarkable series of ancient lines 
and measures from it. 

I have repeatedly pointed out to this Society and elsewhere the fact, 
of which no practical use had been made by antiquaries before I 
recovered the measures and methods of the Roman surveyors, that, by 
a law of the Emperor Tiberius,* they were authorised to use sepulchres 
for purposes of boundary, and for points and intersections of geometric 
lines. I had already shown that the sculptured and inscribed marble 
sarcophagus or sepulchral monument, found in September 1867 at 
Clapton,f had served as a geometric point from which numerous 

* Kei Agrariaa Auctores, Legesque varise. (Amst. 1674, 4to.) pp. 346-8. 

f See the Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, 


measures extended to boundary points of Hackney and its neigh- 
bouring townships. I thought, therefore, that this newly-found coffin, 
in like manner bearing a classic inscription at the side or in front, 
might have served for a similar purpose; and so I have found it. 

Without entering upon a discussion of the veracity of the measures 
to which I have often referred in this Society or elsewhere, and 
without specifying the ancient denomination of the measure or quantity 
of those lines and spaces which I shall now describe, suffice it to say 
that the latter is neither an itinerary measure of the Romans, nor any 
one of the large or small measures used in originally surveying or 
mapping a country, but it is one rarely used in Britain, and here used 
only for supplementary surveys. Its proper denomination is perfectly 
well known to me, but has no identity with any measures that I have 
heretofore quoted. It stands on its own merits ; and there is no 
necessity to stir up controversy by giving a name to it, beyond 
treating it as an algebraical quantity denoted by the letter x. The 
magnitude or linear quantity of this measure is enough for the present 
purpose, and is obtained by drawing equal lines to two Roman monu- 
ments, the positions of which are clearly ascertainable. 

Of these two monuments the first is Ossulstone, from which the 
great hundred, wherein the metropolis is locally situate, derives its 
name. Its position and identity I had discovered some years ago by 
reversing my method of determining the uses of geometric stones : 
that is, by finding, from the proper boundary points, a centre where 
lines of proper quantities unite, so as to make them serve as radii 
from such centre to the said boundary points. I find this method 
infallible, and often trace out the positions of obscure or lost monu- 
ments by geometric figures. I examine the spot indicated by this 
method, and there I find the monument or some certain trace of it. 
Ossulstone is figured in Sir John Roque's great map of 1741-1761, 
sheet xi. in the very spot to which my process on other maps had led 
me; and it is there called the " Stone where soldiers are shot," situate 
near the north-east angle of Hyde Park. It was afterward covered 
with an accumulation of soil, and is now dug up and lies against the 
Marble Arch, as stated in my petition, presented last session to the 
House of Commons, for the protection of ancient uninscribed stones, 

vol. iii. pp. 191-212, for an account of it, illustrated by engravings and a plan of 
the locality. My own papers and plans relative to that subject have not been 


mounds, and other landmarks; monuments of more value and im- 
portance to historical science than medieval tombs and sculptured 
effigies, which are already in official custody, and infinitely more in 
need of public conservation than ornamental works of art can be. 

The second equal line leads to the well-known sculptured stone, 
undoubtedly of Roman work, formerly uninscribed, but now bearing 
an English inscription below the sculpture, dated " 1685," which 
stone forms part of the front wall of a house on the eastern side of 
Panyer Alley, between Newgate Street and Paternoster Eow. I had 
already found and publicly mentioned that this stone had geometric 
uses, both within and without the City, and had mentioned to Parlia- 
ment its temporary disappearance and restoration. Now I find that 
this stone is equally distant from the newly-discovered Sepulchre as 
that is from Ossulstone. 

Although there is a triangle formed by lines between these points, 
of which the Sepulchre toward the south I shall call " S," Ossulstone 
toward the north-west I shall call " O," and the stone in Panyer 
Alley I shall call " P; " yet the base-line from O " to " P " is here 
diregarded, not being consti- 
tuted by multiples or parts of 
the quantity x, and there being 
no necessity, arising from the 
practice of the Roman en- 
gineers, that it should be so S 
constituted. They chiefly employed radiating lines, forming curves 
more or less parts of a circle, and sometimes in every direction, so as 
to make a whole circle. In this instance the radiating lines, except 
that from " S " to " 0," all tend to constitute a large arc in an east- 
ward direction, toward the boundaries of London and Southwark, of 
which arc " S " is the centre. 

Thus the same quantity x is found in a line drawn from " S " to an 
angle of the territory or liberty of London, on the Fleet River, situate 
north-west of Smithfield ; and the same quantity x is found in a line 
drawn thence to " A," the boundary of Whitechapel and Aldgate, 
soxith of Rosemary Lane ; whence another line x leads to the Lord 
Mayor's stone, " N," at the ancient watercourse bounding the borough 
of Southwark and the parish of Newington, near the Elephant and 

The next line x that I shall notice, drawn from " S," leads to " D," 


at the mouth of Dowgate Dock, or the Wall-brook. Then the curve 
from " O " to " P " and " D," passing over the Thames, reaches the 
mouth of a corresponding Roman dock, " M," on the southern side 
of the river, properly named St. Mary Overy's Dock, but called in the 
map " St. Saviour's Dock." It next proceeds to a boundary point 
" H," in High Street, Southwark, and so on to the western extremity 
of Bermondsey parish, where a trifinium of three parishes or townships 
occurs, which I shall call " B." Each of those lines radiating from 
" S " is of equal length to the others, being the quantity designated x. 

If the line " S " to " D " be directly prolonged by a further equal 
quantity, it reaches " W," the Whitechapel stone, situate at the 
corner of a street (called Cannon Row) between the London Hospital 
and Mile End, at the trifinium of three of the Tower Hamlets, whence 
extend various and long measures of different quantities throughout 
the county of Middlesex, and also into Kent, Surrey, and Essex. 
This prolonged line or radius therefore, from " S " to " W," is equal 
to 2x. A similar long line is the last that I shall describe as leading 
directly from our first point, the Sepulchre, namely (per radium 2#) 
to " R," the trifinium of the great parishes or townships of Rother- 
hithe and Catnberwell, and the manor of Hatcham; from which point 
runs another line a*, to " C," the confinium of two Tower Hamlets 
crossing the Roman military way called Cable Street, 150 yards from 
the spot where I write this paper. Thence back again, across the 
river, passe's another line x, to " RR," the trifinium of the said parish 
of Rotherhithe and of the manors of Hatcham and Deptford, in 
Surrey. Thence also (from " C ") passes another line x, to " F," the 
mouth of the river Fleet, where it touches the line " S " to " P," 
second already described. From "F" another line x reaches a 
trifinium of three Tower Hamlets, at the north end of Back-church 
Lane, whence I had previously found measures of other known dis- 
tances to many other boundary points. Two or more lines, also, of 
the same quantity a?, pass from " W " to other boundary points, one 
of which terminates on the river Ravensbourne, and one other line x 
reaches from Cable Street to " T," the extreme south boundary of 
Southwark, near St. Thomas-a- Watering, at the trifinium of Newing- 
ton, Camberwell, and St. George's Southwark. Thence a long line of 
2x reaches back to a Westminster boundary at Hyde Park Corner. 

Returning again to the line " S " to " P," I find a line x running 
southward from the stone " P " to " NL," the confinium of Newington 


and Lambeth, at the corner of Kennington Lane. Hence a like line 
x reaches (in a south-westerly direction) to " L B," the west angle of 
Lambeth, which boldly projects into Battersea parish at the locality 
now called " South Ville." Thence a like line, drawn almost north- 
ward, reaches to '< Q," an ancient boundary-point of Westminster at 
the west end of Birdcage Walk. Thence another like line x reaches 
to " X," a projecting boundary-point between Marylebone and Pancras 
parishes, near Park Square, in the New Road. Thence the same 
quantity (x) brings us in a south-east direction to the Thames, at the 
precise boundary-point " LW," between the liberties of London and 

From this last-mentioned point I gain, by the same remarkable 
measure x, the true diagonal quantity of the territory or liberty of 
London : viz. (1) from its south-west angle at " LW," to " Z," its 
extreme east angle in Portsoken Ward, behind and between Somerset 
Street and Great Alie Street, where, in making the perambulation of 
Whitechapel parish, the boundary-plate is touched in a wall behind 
the late Presbyterian Meeting-house now called " Zoar Chapel.'' The 
same diagonal x is found by measuring (2) from Holborn Bars to the 
trifinium on Little Tower Hill, where the City boundary meets the 
liberties of Tower Without and Aldgate Without ; also (3) from the 
extreme north-west angle of the City liberty in Gray's Inn Lane, to 
the City boundary on the north (not the south) side of Swan Street, 
Whitechapel ; and also (4) from Temple Bar to Aldgate Bars, at the 
north-east corner of Somerset Street, Whitechapel. All these are 
diagonal lines of the territory of the Roman Londinium. 

I could greatly extend this survey with the same radius #, and its 
constituent parts and multiples, but I have shown enough to demon- 
strate three things: (1) the certainty, value, and usefulness of the 
quantity derived from the relation between the Roman Sepulchre at 
Westminster and other ancient monuments ; (2) the great antiquity 
of the townships, manors, parishes, and districts marked out by this 
elaborate and exact system of limitation, of which some few elements 
only are now exhibited out of the measures of x described in my MS. 
" Explorations," and out of thousands demonstrable by the ordinary 
measures consisting of Roman miles and stadia; and (3) the true 
geometric character of the spot chosen for the position of the newly- 
discovered sepulchre. 



Let me now treat of the sepulchre itself. It was found in a dry 
sandy soil,* altogether different from what has been hitherto repre- 
sented or supposed to be the nature of Thorney Island, the site of 
Westminster Abbey, and from the bog-earth which was lately dug 
out of the ground southward of St. Margaret's Church in making a 
subterranean railway. The boldly and deeply-cut inscription of this 
coffin remarkably contrasts with the delicate and almost obliterated 
inscription of the more elegant coffin found at Clapton, and now 
preserved at Guildhall. Both contained bones when found, but both 
had been disturbed and rifled long ago. Both were inscribed at the 
side or in front, as if for public view ; and the Clapton sarcophagus 
bears an elegant medallion likeness of its occupant, which it is un- 
reasonable to suppose should have been intended to be hidden under 
the ground. The original covers of both have disappeared: for the 
Westminster slab, bearing a fantastic cross of the twelfth or thirteenth 
century, rudely cut in relief, cannot be the original top of the se- 
pulchre. The ornamentation of the Clapton monument covers its 
whole side or front : that at Westminster occupies only the extremities 
of the side or front, and seems to consist of two peltce, or perhaps the 
halves of a dimidiated shield, the curved edges being turned inwardly, 
toward the panel which contains the inscription, and the lines of 
division being placed at the utmost distance asunder. If so, each part 
has one-half of the pattern or bearing, the insignia of the shield ; and 
the shield itself would be of the same round shape as all those figured 
in that most important Roman record, the Notitia Dignitatum Utriusque 

Together these insignia would constitute four pairs of bosses or 
circles, placed so that two of the pairs form, together with a central 
lozenge, a kind of quatrefoil ; and the upper and lower pairs, situate 
against the edge of the shield, have lateral curves connecting them with 
the central group. No such shield is represented in the Notitia ;"f but there 

* Some of the sand is now produced, which I took from the spot upon which 
the stone coffin had rested, about four feet below the recent surface. 

t Neither in the first complete and illustrated edition, Basil, 1552, fol.; nor in 
PanciroFs Venetian edition, 1602, fol.; nor in the stupid German edition of 
Bocking, Bonn, 1839-53, 3 yols. 8vo. All these are in my possession, besides 
the unillustrated edition of Labbe, Paris, 1651, 12mo. quoted below. The plates 
in the Dutch edition, published in Graevii Thesaurus, are too ornamentally and 
fantastically engraved. The first edition is the best and most intelligible of all. 


are four shields bearing each a single pelta.* Nor can I certainly deter- 
mine its meaning from the inscription, which says, "Memoriae Valer. 
Amandini, Valerii Superventor et Marcellus Patri fecerunt: " that is, 
" To the memory of Valerius Amandinus, Valerius Superventor and [Va- 
lerius] Marcellus to [their] father made " it. Here all three are named 
" Valerii," but the elder son is surnamed Superventor. This cognomen 
is a military term, not only used by Ammianus Marcellinus once, (as 
quoted by some of those gentlemen who spoke when the discovery of 
this monument was first made known,) but also repeatedly occurring 
in the Notitia, By this record it appears that, in the fourth century, 
some of the " auxiliaries," or regiments distinct from Roman legions, 
were stationed at Axiupolis " under the disposition of the spectable 
man, the Duke of Scythia," by the title of Milites Superventores.^ 
Also, " under the disposition of the illustrious man, the Praesental 
Master of the Infantry," (subject to whom were the Comes Limitis and 
the Dux Limitis in Britain,) were constituted eighteen regiments of 
" Pseudo - Comitatenses," including those called " Superventores 
Juniores.":}: Also, " within Gaul, with the illustrious man, the Master 
of the Cavalry of Gaul," are specified " Superventores Juniores." 
Lastly, " under the disposition of the spectable man, the Duke of the 
Armorican and Nervican Tract," was stationed an officer entitled 
fi Prefect of the Milites Superventores, at Mannatiae." (j 

Jn the second of these four instances, the insignia of the " Super- 
ventores " are pictured in the Record. The form of their shield was 
round, with a simple circle or boss in the centre. How this is coloured 
in the illuminated MS. which I have used and collated at Paris, I 
cannot remember ; but Pancirolus, in his Commentary,^ describes the 
" shield red, with a golden orb in the middle." He adds that, in one 
MS. the shield was green, and bore a purple ball in the middle. It 
appears, however, that the only " Superventores," whose shield is ex- 
hibited in the Imperial Record, were the Juniores ; and they must (as 
in all other instances) have borne a difference to distinguish them 
from the Seniores, who are twice mentioned without their distinctive 

* Namely, those of the following legions stationed in the Eastern Empire: 
Prima Flavia Theodosiana, Secunda Felix Valen. Tkebaorum, Prima and 
Secunda Armeniaca. (Edit. 1602, f . 33.) 

f Ed. 1651, p. 46. 

j Ib. p. 69. Ib. p. 75. 

|| Ib. p. 114. f Venet. 1602, f. 126 b , 132". 

F 2 


name of seniors. To these, I conceive, the Valerii belonged who 
erected this monument, and their father also, who was interred in it ; 
a't least the one surnamed " Superventor." Hence, I submit whether 
the peltce sculptured on this tomb were bearings proper to the " Milites 
Superventores," or " Senior Overcomers." If so, this is one of the 
most ancient examples of heraldry in Britain. 

The importance of this sepulchral monument, in respect to the 
topography of Westminster, cannot be too highly estimated, since 
here is clear proof of its Roman occupation, which was alleged by the 
monkish historians, but is discredited by modern antiquaries. Whether 
or not there ever were a temple of Apollo, on the site of the abbey, is 
a matter of comparatively small importance ; but that Roman domestic 
edifices were there, appears plain to me from the ruined substructures 
disclosed by the learned and zealous Dean. Among those, ruins, con- 
sisting of squared chalk and stone rubble, I found lumps of mortar, 
containing finely-powdered brick, which all those antiquaries, who have 
fractured and examined the lumps now exhibited, agree with me in 
believing to be Roman. 

I conclude by saying, that, when those foundations shall have been 
thoroughly explored, and the precise position of the Toot-hill, for- 
merly in or near Tot-hill Fields, Westminster, shall have been ascer- 
tained, and treated as the other geometric mounds are capable of 
being treated, the earliest history of Westminster may be written, 
with greater probability than it could be under the uncertain influence 
of traditions and legends handed down by the monks of Westminster, 
whom our public records prove to have been in some respects untrust- 
worthy. Nevertheless, there was some truth in their tradition of 
Roman occupation, whether or not by a temple. At all events, it now 
appears to be not improbable that this Roman interment, while its in- 
scription was above ground and visible, being made without the usual 
dedication to the Dii Manes, may have been deemed a Christian sepul- 
ture (as possibly it was), and so may have given rise to a belief in the 
sanctity of the spot, as a place proper for the erection of a church or 
monastery early in the seventh century. 

W. H. BLACK, F.S.A. 

Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields, 
23 Dec. 1869. 



The following are the authorities from the Notitia at length, 
extracted from the edition of 1602 : 

1. " Sub dispositione viri spectabilis, Ducis Scythias. . . . Auxiliares 
Milites Superventores Axiupoli." (f. 100 b .) 

2. " Sub dispositione viri illustris Magistri Peditum Praesentalis, 
Comites Militum [leg. Limitum~\ infrascriptorum. Italiae. Africse. 
Tingitaniae. Tractus Argentoratensis. Britanniarum. Littoris Sax- 

onici per Britannias. Duces Limitum infrascriptorum decem 

Britanniarum Legiones Comitatenses triginta duse 

Pseudo-comitatenses decem et octo Superventores Juniores" 

(f. 126 b , 127.) 

3. " Sub dispositione viri illustris Comitis et Magistri Equitum 
Prsesentalis. Vexillationes Palatinze ix Vexillationes Comi- 
tatenses xxxii Qui numeri ex prsedictis, per infrascriptas 

provincias haberitur. Intra Italiam Intra Gallias cum viro 

illustri Magistro Equitum Galliarum Superventores Juniores.' 1 ' 1 

(f. 133 b , 135 b , 136.) 

4. " Sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis Tractus Armoricani et 

Nervicani Praefectus Militum Superventorum Mannatias." 

(f. 174 b .) 

Compare sections 28, 38, 40, and 61, as the text is divided in the 
Edition of 1651. 



[Read at the Evening Meeting, February 14, 1870.] 

Among the good results arising from an increased attention paid 
to the history and antiquities of the City of London, promoted and 
fostered by the efforts of this Society, not the least interesting is the 
illustration which the Biography of the most eminent Citizens of 
former ages has received from the investigations of several persevering 
inquirers. I need only allude to some of the most prominent works 
such as Burgon's Life of Sir Thomas Gresham, Brewer's Life and 
Times of John Carpenter, the worthy Town Clerk whose memory is 
now honoured as the Founder of the City of London School, and the 
memoirs of his more eminent contemporary Sir Thomas Whittington, 
written by the Rev. Samuel Lysons, M.A. under the title of The 
Model Merchant of the Middle Ages, (8vo. 1860). More recently 
Mr. Orridge has produced his interesting compilation regarding Philip 
Malpas and Sir Thomas Cooke, two aldermen highly distinguished in 
the political transactions of the fifteenth century, and ancestors of the 
great families of Bacon and Cecill, in the pages of the Society's Trans- 
actions,* whilst our Secretary Mr. Milbourn has commemorated the 
history of Sir John Milbourne, the founder of the Milbourne alms- 
houses, j 1 and more briefly, in our last year's Part, all the more eminent 
members of the Vintners' Company. J 

Such indeed are the riches of Civic Biography that some surprise 
must be entertained that they have not more frequently afforded 
subjects for investigation, and that no general or comprehensive work 
of this character has hitherto been composed. Large and valuable 
collections for the purpose were amassed by the late Mr. Gregory of 
the Lord Mayor's Court Office, but were unfortunately dispersed after 
his death, though I am happy to remark that portions of them have 
found their way into the Library of the Corporation at Guildhall. 

* Vol. III. pp. 285307. f Vol. III. pp. 138 et seqq. 

I Vol. III. pp. 448470. 


A lady already distinguished by her biographical works, Mrs. 
Matthew Hall, the author of The Queens before the Conquest (two vols. 
1854), has, I understand, for many years been engaged in preparing 
materials for lives of the Lord Mayors, and I am sure that you will all 
unite with me in expressing a hope that she will bring her design to a 
successful completion. I will only add these two further general 
remarks, that there is a curious anecdotical volume, dated in the year 
1800, which presents, under the title of City Biography, sketches of 
some sixty of the more conspicuous citizens of the preceding half- 
century;* and that Mr. Orridge'sf volume, entitled The Citizens of 
London and their Bulers, from 1060 to 1867, 8vo. 1867, contains a 
very useful summary of the biography of the Lord Mayors, accom- 
panied by pedigrees of the more distinguished of their descendants 
among the nobility and aristocracy. 

When the Dissolution of the Monasteries had put a stop to the 
dedication of superfluous wealth to religious uses, and it was no longer 
bequeathed to the four orders of friars or to other devotional purposes, 
it became very much the practice to direct its stream to the promotion 
of education. This object was earnestly pursued during the sixteenth 
century, and for some time after many great benefactors devoted their 
liberality in this manner. It was necessarily done under the sanction of 
the Crown, which continually assumes the credit really due to private 
munificence: for we find throughout the country that the grammar- 
schools which were founded by individuals, or by local corporations, 
yet received designation as the Free Grammar Schools of King Edward 
the Sixth, of Queen Elizabeth, or of James the First, as the case 
might be. This rule was even followed in the great instance of the 
Charter-house in London, which was at first attributed to the founda- 
tion of King James, though posterity now rightly honours the name 
of Thomas Sutton. 

Among the Civic Benefactors none deserve commemoration more 
than the Founders of Schools, of one of whom, Sir Wolstan Dixie, the 
founder of the School at Market Bosworth in Leicestershire, a copious 

* See note on " Woodcocks' Lives," &c. in p. 93. 

f Since this was written the Society has to lament the loss of their zealons 
colleague : who, no longer ago than the meeting at Mercers' Hall in 1869, read 
an animated paper on some of the more eminent members of that Company. 
Benjamin Brogden Orridge, esq. F.G.S. was a memher of the Court of Common 
Council for the Ward of Cheap, and took a very active and useful part in the 
affairs of the City Library at Guildhall. He died on the 17th July, 1870, in 
his 57th year. 



memoir was presented to this Society by Mr. Brewer, and has been 
published in our Transactions.* 

I believe that Mr. Brewer has directed his attention to the biography 
of other great citizens the founders of Grammar Schools, and I hope 
that more of his valuable memoirs will be hereafter given to the public. 
I have hastily compiled a list of Schools founded by Citizens of London, 
which I have no doubt would be lengthened if revised by Mr. Brewer.f 

Lord Mayor. 

1498 Sir John Percival 

1509 Stephen Gennings 

1515 Sir George Mononx 

1545 Sir William Laxton 

1548 Sir John Gresham 

1550 Sir Rowland Hill 

1551 Sir Andrew Judd 
1554 Sir Thomas White 

1562 Sir William Harper 
1567 Lawrence Sheriff 
1593 Sir Wolstan Dixie 

M l Taylor Macclesfield 

M* Taylor Wolverhampton 

Draper Walthamstow 

Grocer Oundle 

Mercer Holt, in Norfolk 

Mercer Dray ton, in Shropshire 

Skinner Tonbridge 

M l Taylor St. John's Coll. Oxford, subsidiary to 
the London sch. of M. T. Co. and 
to those of Reading and Bristol 

M l Taylor Bedford 

Grocer Rugby 

Skinner Market Bosworth 

We all know Knight's Life of Dean Colet, the Founder of St. Paul's 
School, published early in the last century ; but I do not recollect any 
other separate work of this nature, except a small quarto pamphlet, 
which contains an essay on the life of Sir Andrew Judd Founder of 
the School at Tonbridge, which was written by George Maberley 
Smith, scholar of the school, and recited by him before the governors, 
being the Master and officers of the Skinners' Company, at their 
annual visitation held in 1849. This, of course, from the position of 
the author, is rather a scholastic essay than the embodiment of any 
amount of historical research. 

My attention has now been directed to this subject in connection 
with the task I have undertaken in conjunction with Mr. J. Jackson 
Howard, LL.D., to edit for this Society the Visitation of London, 
made in the year 1568. You will recollect from the portions of that 
work which have been already issued, that it has been the plan of the 
Editors to place opposite each Pedigree a Note giving some additional 
particulars of the family therein set forth, with references to other pub- 

* Vol. II. pp. 25-36. 

f Since this was in type Mr. Brewer also has finally quitted his sphere of 


lications in which further genealogical or biographical details may be 
found. In pursuing this plan with regard to the family of Harper, 
my attention has been directed to a small volume printed in 1856, 
which bears this title : 

of this celebrated Endowment; the Act of Parliament and scheme of Rules 
for its management; and a Memoir of Sir William Harper. Compiled by 
JAMES WTATT, and dedicated (by special permission) to the Trustees of the 
Charity. Bedford, 1856. 8vo. 

The Memoir of Sir William Harper, contained in this book, I find 
to be so very injudicious a production, and at the same time so inac- 
curate, although it claims to have been published under the special 
patronage of the Trustees of the Bedford Charity, that I think it 
requires some public animadversion; and, as it concerns one of the 
munificent old Citizens of London, whose name is now among the best 
known in the long list of Benefactors, I imagine that its examination 
and correction cannot be made more properly than in the presence of 
the London and Middlesex Society. 

The writer has managed to fill eleven pages ; but, as he himself 
admits, with very " scanty biographical notices or historical memo- 
randa." The rest is all bombast, in the original and proper sense of 
that word, that is to say, mere stuffing imaginary statements, made 
upon presumption, and expressed in an inflated and impertinent tone ; 
as, for example, 

" The chief records that exist of him show him to have been intelligent, per- 
severing, and philanthropic. The very circumstance of the citizens of London 
choosing him as their Lord Mayor, at a time when the brightest stars of Great 
Britain were in the ascendant, proves him to have been not only a person of high 
moral sentiments, but also a man of wealth and intellect, one in whom his guild 
and the city could place the highest confidence and reliance. We find that he 
was born in the town of Bedford, and that his parents were in very humble cir- 
cumstances, and that his education was most insignificant." 

Now, for all this, the only foundation is that Stowe states that Sir 
William was " son to William Harper of the town of Bedford." For 
Mr. Wyatt's assertions that his parents were in very humble circum- 
stances, and that his education was most insignificant, the authority is 
simply nil. 

The other known facts of Sir William Harper's life, that he was a 
Merchant Taylor by company, served Sheriff and Lord Mayor, married, 
and died, are eked out by some particulars regarding the Company of 


Merchant Taylors, and by several passages from Machyn's Diary, in 
which the name of Harper occurs. 

One of these is introduced by Mr. Wyatt after this fashion : 

" We have said that the only records of Master Harper show him to have been 
philanthropic ; there is one, however, which shows that he participated in the 
bigotry of the day. The point least to be admired in his character was his 
religions profession, and an amount of inconsistency is displayed which would 
hardly be expected from so otherwise sound and good a man. That he was a 
professed Papist there can be no doubt, for we find entries in the Diary referred 
to of his attending mass. For instance The 29 day of August (1555) was the 
day of the Decollation of Saint John Baptist, the Merchant Taylors kept mass 
at St. John's beyond Smithfield, and my Lord of St. John's did offer at mass, 
and Sir Harry Hubblethorne, Sir Thomas White, and Master Harper, aldermen, 
and all the clothing; and after the four wardens of the yeomanry, and all the 
company of the Taylors, a penny a piece: and the quire hung with cloth of 
Arras. And after mass to the Taylors' Hall to dinner." 

Now, this was in the reign of Queen Mary, when all had to conform 
to her religion. There is therefore nothing surprising in finding 
master Harper, being an alderman, giving his attendance, as in duty 
bound, upon the principal religious feast of the Merchant Taylors' 
company. The patron saint of that company was St. John the Baptist, 
after whose name Sir Thomas White, the contemporary and associate 
of Sir William Harper, named the college of his foundation at Oxford, 
which is still flourishing in all honour and prosperity. It was customary 
for the Merchant Taylors to observe this feast by going in procession 
to the priory church of the Knights Hospitallers at Clerkenwell, which 
was dedicated to St. John, and Machyn describes the solemnity again 
in 1557, the last year in which it was celebrated. 

" The 29th day of August was the Merchant Taylors' feast on the Decollation 
of St. John Baptist, and my Lord Mayor (Sir Thomas Offley) and Sir Thomas 
White, and Master Harper, sheriff, and Master Row, and all the clothing, and 
the four wardens of the yeomanry, and the company, heard mass at Saint John's 
in Smithfield, and offered every man a penny. And from thence to the hall to 
dinner, two and two together." 

But Mr. Wyatt's greatest misapprehension of all is exhibited in the 
following passage : 

" It was during his Shrievalty that the circumstance occurred which certainly 
does appear like a blot on his fair fame. There were thirteen Protestant mar- 
tyrs, eleven men and two women, to be burnt at Stratford le Bow, and Sir 
William Harper attended to see the sentence carried out. So far it might be 


argued that his official position compelled his attendance: doubtless that was so, 
but we can find no good defence for his tampering with the poor creatures before 
the execution. The event is thus described by John Foxe : When these thir- 
teen were condemned, and the day appointed they should suffer, which was the 
27th day of June 1556, they were carried from Newgate in London the said day 
to Stratford le Bow (which was the place appointed for their martyrdom) and 
there divided into two parts, in two several chambers. Afterward the Sheriff 
who then attended upon them came to the one part and told them that the other 
had recanted, and their lives therefore should be saved, willing and exhorting 
them to do the like, and not to cast away themselves; unto whom they answered 
that their faith was not built upon man, but on Christ crucified. Then the 
Sheriff, perceiving no good to be done with them, went to the other part and said 
(like a liar) the like to them, that they whom he had been with before had re- 
canted and should therefore not suffer death, counselling them to do the like, and 
not wilfully to kill themselves, but to play the wise men, &c. Unto whom they 
answered as their brethren had done before, that their faith was not builded on 
man, but on Christ and his sure word, &c. Now when he saw it booted not to 
persuade, (for they were, God be praised, surely grounded on the Rock Jesus 
Christ,) he then led them to the place where they should suffer: and being all 
there together, most earnestly they prayed unto God, and joyfully went to the 

stake, and kissed it, and embraced it very heartily And so they were 

all burned in one fire. It is quite certain (adds Mr. Wyatt by way of comment,) 
that Sir William Harper was at that time as rigid a Papist as Bloody Queen 
Mary, his Royal mistress, could desire ; but in the subsequent reign he conformed 
to the Protestant church, and was zealous for the faith." 

An examination of dates shows at once that Mr. Wyatt's censure is 
founded on misconception. Foxe tells us that the holocaust at Strat- 
ford le Bow was perpetrated on the 27th of June 1556. It is true that 
Harper was then Sheriff elect, having been " chosen " (or nominated 
by the Lord Mayor) as Sheriff for the King and Queen (Philip and 
Mary) at the Grocers' feast held on the 15th of that same month.* But 
the Sheriffs, as every Londoner knows, do not enter into office until 
after Michaelmas day, on the morrow of which they are sworn at 
Westminster. It was therefore clearly one of the two sheriffs of the 
previous year f whose conduct at the burning of the thirteen martyrs 
is described by Foxe, and not Sir William Harper. Besides, it may 
be questioned whether the Sheriffs proceedings, whoever he may have 
been, were not dictated rather by motives of commiseration, than of 
religious zeal. His object was to save the lives of the condemned, even 

* Machyn, p. 108. 

f They were Thomas Leigh, mercer, afterwards Lord Mayor in the first year 
of Elizabeth's reign, and John Machell, clothworker. 


if by cajoling and deceiving them. Foxe's own side-note is, " A prac-' 
tice of policy in the Sheriff of London," not one of cruelty or bigotry. 

But, leaving Mr. Wyatt, let us trace for ourselves William Harper's 
career. His name occurs in 1537 in the list of the Merchant Taylors' 
Company in the Public Eecord office. In 1553 he was elected by the 
Court of Aldermen to be the Second Alderman of the Bridge Ward 
Without, and in 1556 he was elected Alderman of Dowgate Ward. 
In the same year he was nominated for Sheriff, by the Lord Mayor 
of that year, Sir William Garrard. The event is thus commem- 
orated by Machyn : " The xv. of June was the Grocers' feast ; and 
there dined the Lord Mayor and fourteen Aldermen, and my Lord 
Chief Justice (Sir William Portman), master Cholmley the Eecorder, 
and many worshipful men; and my Lady Mayoress, and many ladies 
and Aldermen's wives and gentlewomen. There was Master of the 
company master White, Grocer and Alderman, and master Grafton 
and master Greenway wardens. And master Harper, alderman, 
Merchant Taylor, was chosen Sheriff for the King." 

The second Sheriff was elected at a court of hustings in Guildhall on 
Midsummer Day, but one had previously been "nominated (as Stowe 
says, tit. Temporall Government,) by the Lord Maior according to his 
prerogative." This was done at the Grocers' feast June 10, 1555 
(Machyn, p. 30), as again in 1556. The Mercers called their annual 
feast a Supper, as appears from Machyn, pp. 205, 288 ; and on that 
occasion, on the night of the 25th July, 1559, " there supped my 
Lord Mayor (Sir Thomas Leigh, Mercer), and my Lord Treasurer 
and divers of the Council, and divers Aldermen ; and there was 
chosen the Sheriff for the Queen, master Lodge, alderman and 
Grocer, for the year to come." This ceremony of nominating one 
of the Sheriffs, by the Lord Mayor " drinking to " some wealthy and 
capable citizen, is circumstantially described in 1583 by the recorder 
Fleetwood in a letter to Lord Burghley, printed in Ellis's Original 
Letters, I. ii. 290, and Nichols's Progresses, $c. of Queen Elizabeth, 
edit. 1823, ii. 410. It was performed that year by the Lord Mayor 
Sir Edward Osborne at Haberdashers' Hall, with the great standing 
cup, the gift of Sir William Garrard, being full of hypocras ; and an 
announcement was immediately carried by the Swordbearer to Alder- 
man Masham the nominee, then dining at the Grocers' feast. Of an 
earlier date is the anecdote related by Stowe and Grafton, that Sir 
Henry Colet, when Mayor in 1487, drank to his carver, then waiting 


upon him, who thereupon took his seat as Sheriff, and was afterwards 
Sir John Percival, Mayor in 1499. 

As Machyn contributes so largely to the incidents of Sir William 
Harper's career, I will not omit what is related by that minute eye- 
witness of his inauguration as Lord Mayor. He was elected to the 
chief magistracy in 1561, on the 29th September, being Michaelmas 
day. On the morrow, my Lord Mayor and the Aldermen and the 
new Sheriffs (Alexander Avenon and Humphrey Baskerville, both 
aldermen), took their barges at the Three Cranes in the Vintry,* 
whence they proceeded to Westminster, and so into the Court of 
Exchequer, where they took their oaths ; and Sir Eowland Hill f was 
armed with a chopping knife, when, one holding a white rod, he with 
the knife cut the rod asunder before all the people ; | and afterwards 
they returned to London to their places to dinner my Lord Mayor, 
and all the Aldermen, and many worshipful men. 

On the 29th of September the new Mayor took his barge towards 
Westminster, with all the Aldermen in their scarlet, and all the crafts 
of London in their liveries, their barges displaying the banners and 
arms of every occupation. There was a goodly foist made with 
streamers, targets, and banners, and great shooting of guns and 
blowing of trumpets. And at xij. of the clock my Lord Mayor and 
the Aldermen, on their return, landed at Paul's Wharf, and thence 
proceeded to Paul's churchyard; where there met him a Pageant 
gorgeously made, having children as the dramatis persona, with 
divers instruments playing and singing. Again, after dinner, || he 
went to St. Paul's with trumpets, and with many^f men in blue gowns 
and caps and hose, and blue satin sleeves, carrying targets and shields 
of arms. 

* See London and Middlesex Archaeological Transactions, ii. 404, 440. 

f Sir Rowland Hill was perhaps the senior alderman then present. He died 
on the 28th of the month following: see Machyn, p. 271. 

J This well-known ceremony of tenure has been preserved to the present day. 

A barge fitted up. 

|| Machyn does not here say " after dinner," but such was always the order of 
proceeding, as on the following Lord Mayor's day the company went " to Guild- 
hall to dinner (where there dined many of the Council and all the Judges and 
many noble men and women), and after dinner the Mayor and all the Aldermen 
.yede to Paul's, with all the goodly musick." 

If The number is left blank in the MS. The next year there were sixty poor 
men in blue gowns and red caps. I believe they usually corresponded to the 
years of the Lord Mayor's age. 


We will further pursue from the same source some of the other 
ceremonials and occurrences of Sir William Harper's mayoralty : 

On the 1st of November (being All Saints day) went to St. Paul's 
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, in the afternoon, and all the crafts of 
London in their liveries, with four-score men all provided with torches ; 
and my Lord Mayor tarried until night, and so went home with all 
torches lighted, for my Lord Mayor tarried the sermon, which was 
made by the Bishop of London (Grindal). 

On the 5th of the same month the Lord Mayor was chief mourner 
at the funeral of the late alderman Sir Rowland Hill, solemnised in 
the church of St. Stephen's Walbrook. 

On the Twelfth day of Christmas the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 
again went to Paul's with all the crafts in their liveries, and the 
bachelors ; and afterwards there came into Cheapside a Lord of Mis- 
rule * from Whitechapel, with a great company carrying guns and 
halberts, and trumpets blowing, his men "well beseen" in their attire. 
He went through Newgate out of the city, and in again at Ludgate, 
and so about Paul's, on to Cheapside, and so home by way of Aldgate. 

Subsequently, in the same month, the young Duke of Norfolk, con- 
ducted by the master and wardens and all the clothing of the Fish- 
mongers, was brought to the Guildhall and there made free of that 
company, as his grandfather the last Duke had been before him. He 
afterwards dined with the Lord Mayor, the Fishmongers' company 
dining at the King's Head in Fish Street. 

On the 12th of May, 1562, there was a great fray, upon which my 
Lord Mayor and two Sheriffs were sent for, and they had much ado to 
pacify the people. Divers were hurt, and certain were carried prisoners 
to Newgate and the counters. The rest of the passage f is obscure, 
but mention is made of " the best archers in London," and " the 
master of the common hunt." However, the next night my Lord 
Mayor commanded that certain constables should keep all Smithfield, 
standing in array in harness, to see who would be so bold as to come 
and make any business ; and my Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs in their 
own persons did walk about Smithfield to see whether any would make 
any assault, as they had done the night before. 

* On the 27th of December preceding a Lord of Misrule whether the same it 
is not clear had come riding through London, in complete gilt harness, with a 
hundred great horse and gentlemen riding gorgeously with chains of gold ; and 
had joined the Christmas festivities in the Temple. See Machyn, p. 274. 

f Machyn, p. 282. 


On the 1st of July was the Feast of the Merchant Taylors, the Lord 
Mayor's own Company ; of which Machyn (himself also a Merchant 
Taylor,) gives a full account. He names among the more distinguished 
guests, my Lord Mayor, the Earl of Sussex, the Earl of Kildare, Sir 

Stanley, (Aldermen) Sir Thomas White, Sir Thomas Offley 

and master Ro(bert Offley?), Sir William Hewett, Sir Martin Bowes, 
master Cowper, master Allen, master Gilbert, master Chamberlain, 
master Champion, master Avenon, master Malory, and master Basker- 
ville (these all Aldermen) ; and the Master and four Wardens and the 
clerks and the beadle of the Skinners; Garter and Clarenceux kings 
of arms were also there, the latter (William Hervey) being a leading 
member of the Skinners ; and many worshipful men, and many ladies 
and gentlewomen. And they had against the dinner more than four- 
score bucks and four stags.* On this occasion the Lord Mayor drank 
to master William Allen, whereby he was " elected Sheriff for the 
Queen for the year ensuing." 

* Machyn never fails to describe the annual feast of the Merchant-taylors, 
during the eight years to which his Diary relates, except in 1558, when there is 
an hiatus of some months. He usually notices the large amount of venison which 
was provided, viz. 

Bucks. Stags. 

In 1555 58 2 

1556 50 4 

1557 60 (two of which the master, George Eyton, gave to his 

parish, " to make merry.") 

1559 30, " besides all other meats." 

1560 (great cheer). 

1561 (the numbers left blank.) 

1562 fourscore and more bucks and 4 stags. 

Harper was probably present at most, if not all, of these feasts, though Machyn 
does not happen to name him at any of them; but his biographer Mr. Wyatt has 
somehow caught hold of the feast of 1559 (only), upon which he makes these 
remarks: " It appears that master Harper, like most Bedford men, was fully 
alive to the importance of a good dinner, for we find that under his direction at 
one of the feasts there were ' xxx bukes be-syd al odur mettes.' Thirty bucks 
beside all other meats formed a tolerably substantial proof of our townsman's 
ability to cater for his guild." As usual, Mr. Wyatt is totally wrong, both in his 
facts and inferences. There is nothing to intimate that Harper was caterer for 
his Company in 1559, and the above figures show that the number of bucks was 
unusually small in that year. But, moreover, the venison was in great measure, 
if not entirely, sent to the City companies as presents, by the great men who 
came as visitors, or who bestowed this portion of the feast by annual grant. Thus 
in Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts, p. 160, will be found a warrant from the Mar- 


On the 20th of July the Lord Mayor and all the Aldermen graced a 
wedding with their presence, and it is the most fully described of any 
of the civic weddings which Machyn has introduced into his Diary. It 
was on the occasion of the marriage of Elizabeth the younger daughter 
of John Nicholls, gentleman, " comptroller of the works at London 
bridge, and all other lands and revenues of the same, and in charge for 
provision of corn to the city of London:"* she was wedded to Edmund 
Cooke, of Lesnes abbey in Kent, gentleman. After this "goodly 
wedding " they went home to the Bridge-house to dinner : for there 
was as great a dinner as ever was seen on such an occasion, no manner 
of meats or drinks wanting that money could procure ; and all manner 
of music; and afterwards a goodly masque at midnight. Again, on 
the day following, there was still "great cheer at the Bridge-house ;" f 
and after supper came three masques ; J the first in cloth of gold ; the 
next of friars ; and the third of nuns ; and afterwards the friars and 
nuns danced together. This occurred, it will be remembered, only 
three years after real friars and nuns had been finally dismissed in this 
country after the death of Queen Mary. Master Thomas Becon, the 
celebrated Protestant preacher, had made a sermon at the wedding ; 

quess of Winchester to the keeper of the great park of Nonesuch, transferring to 
the wardens of the Grocers, for their feast in 1556, the fee buck to which he was 
entitled by virtue of his office of High Treasurer of England. In 1561 the 
Grocers had thirty bucks and some stags at their feast, and in the same year the 
Skinners had eight bucks and three stags. (Machyn, p. 260.) 

* Pedigree of Nicholls in the Visitation of London, 156.8. A full account of 
this family of Nicholl or Nicholls, among whom were Dr. William Nicholls, 
Dean of Chester (ob. 1657), and Colonel Richard Nicolls, Groom of the Bed- 
chamber to James Duke of York (ob. 1672), is printed in The Topographer and 
Genealogist, 1858, iii. 533 544. 

f The Bridge-house, which occupied a large plot of ground on the south side 
of the Thames a little below London Bridge, is described by Stowe as a store- 
house for stone, timber, or whatsoever pertained to the building or repairing of 
the bridge. Connected with it there were divers granaries for laying up of corn 
for the service of the City, and ten ovens for baking bread for the relief of poor 
citizens when need should require. These were built pursuant to the will of Sir 
Joseph Thurstan, Sheriff in 1517, who left 200Z. for the purpose. There was also 
adjoining " a fair brewhouse for serving the City with beer." 

J A marriage masque is represented in the curious Elizabethan painting of 
the life of Sir Henry Unton, and engraved in Strntt, Manners and Customs, 
vol. iii. pi. xi. 

See Machyn, p. 204, as to the friars of Greenwich and Smithfield, the nuns 
of Syon, and monks of Westminster. 


but whether he returned to witness the revelry of the following night 
our chronicler doth not say. 

On the 1st of August the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and all the 
crafts of London, repaired to Guildhall to elect the second Sheriff, when 
they made choice of Alderman Chamberlain, ironmonger. 

The 18th of September was the day of the Visitation of the Conduit- 
heads, and the accompanying hunting of the hare and fox, upon which 
I have to make some remarks presently. 

Such are the transactions of Harper's mayoralty in which Machyn 
relates him to have been personally engaged; and it will be allowed 
that they are curiously illustrative of the various incidents of London 
life in the early days of good Queen Bess. 

With respect to the last of them Mr. Wyatt's remarks are as sapient 
as before : 

" It is very remarkable (he thinks) that of the few records of this great man, 
there should he one in existence detailing the particulars of his going hunting ! 
Although a man of undoubted benevolence and humanity, he had no morbid and 
ascetic antipathies to the national amusements ; and we cannot say that we have 
less respect for him on that account. The passage describing this event occurs 
in Stowe, b. i. p. 25, and is also noticed in Knight's London. Stowe is speaking 
of the ancient conduits of London, which he says were regularly visited in 
former times, and particularly on the 18th of September 1562, the Lord Mayor 
(Harper), the aldermen, and many worshipful persons, and divers of the masters 
and wardens of the twelve companies, rid to the conduit heads for to see them 
after the old custom. Afore dinner they hunted the hare, and killed her; and 
thence to dinner at the head of the conduit.* There was a good number enter- 
tained with good cheer by the chamberlain. And after dinner they went to 
hunting the fox. There was a great cry for a mile, and at length the hounds 
killed him at the end of St. Giles's, with great hallooing at his death, and blow- 
ing of horns. And so rode through London, my Lord Mayor Harper with all his 
company, home to his own place in Lombard Street." 

* The conduit-heads appear to have been at Paddington, and formed as early 
as the reign of Henry HI. when Gilbert Sanford granted to the citizens liberty 
to convey water from Tybourn by pipes of lead to the City. Stowe describes the 
course in which the water was conveyed : from Paddington to James head was 
510 rods, from James head on the hill to the Mewsgate 102 rods, from the Mews- 
gate to the Cross in Cheap, where a cistern of lead cased in stone called the 
Great Conduit was formed, was 484 rods. See the curious chapter of Stowe's 
Survay, on Rivers, Brooks, Bourns, Pools, Wells, and Conduits of fresh water, 
serving the City. On St. Andrew's day (November 30) 1560, there was no water 
in any conduit in London but in Lothbury ; on the 14th of the following month 
two men were whipped who had cut the leaden pipes, and occasioned the mischief. 
Machyn, pp. 245, 246. 



Now, to any one who has read of the ancient state of the Mayor ol 
London, there will be nothing strange in his going hunting. He 
always kept four Esquires of his Household, and one of them was the 
Common Hunt, attendant upon whom were two men also maintained 
in the Mayor's house.* From the earliest times hunting had not been 
unknown to Londoners. Fitz Stephen in the reign of Henry II. says, 
" Many of the citizens delight themselves in hawks and hounds, for 
they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, all Chiltron, 
and in Kent to the water of Cray." 

I do not find that Stowe has noticed the custom of visiting the 
Conduit-heads, and therefore the account given by Machyn is the 
more valuable. Mr. Wyatt quotes it as from Stowe, but he means 
Strype's edition of Stowe, and Strype took it from Machyn's Diary. 

When Mr. Wyatt comes to speak of Sir William Harper's matri- 
monial alliances he is not more to be relied upon. The name of his 
wife " dame Alice " appears in the deed of gift (dated in the 8th 
Eliz.) which transferred to the corporation of the town of Bedford the 
thirteen acres and one rood of meadow in the parish of St. Andrew 
Holborn, which are the site of the rich estates now possessed by the 
charity. So Mr. Wyatt tells his readers that " the worthy Knight 
and the Dame Alice visited Bedford, and made a grant for the 
School." But this visit to Bedford is of his own imagining, and so in 
all probability is the statement that Dame Alice was buried in the 
tomb in St. Paul's church, Bedford. If that had been the case there 
can be little doubt that her name would have been there commemo- 
rated. It is far more probable that she died, and was buried, in 
London. | 

The thirteen acres and one rood had been purchased of Dr. Caesar 
Adelmare, and Mr. Wyatt says " It has been stated (he does not tell 
where) that Dame Alice was a daughter of Dr. Adelmare, and that he 
gave her and her husband the land out of natural love and affection." 
Afterwards the biographer adds, " it is quite certain Dame Alice was 
not his daughter. * * * It is probable however that she was related to 
him, for the name of Alice was a favourite one in the family." 

Now, the pedigree of Harper in the London Visitation favours no 
such idea. It furnishes these particulars of Dame Alice, that she 
was a widow when married to Harper ; that her maiden name was 

* Stowe, Survay, List of Officers belonging to the Lord Mayor's bowse, 
f See Postscript in p. 93. 


Tomlinson, her first husband Richard Hanson of Shropshire, by whom 
she had an only daughter, Beatrice, married to Prestwood; and that 
she died on the 10th Oct. 1569, having had (so far as appears) no 
issue by Sir William. Very shortly before her death she is thus men- 
tioned in the will of Thomas Thomlynson alias Towreson, Citizen and 
Merchant Taylor, living in the parish of St. Mildred Poultry : 

" It'm, I bequethe to Sir William Harper, Alderman of London, and to my 
lady his wyffe, my cosen, to either of them a blacke gowne."* 

Mr. Wyatt next volunteers the statement that, after remaining a 
widower a short time, Sir William Harper " married a native of 
Bedford, of whom we have obtained very little information, except 
that she was of a very different disposition to her husband. She was 
neither just nor generous." The whole of this is gratuitous assumption 
on the part of Mr. Wyatt, even from his very first assertion that the 
lady was " a native of Bedford." Asserting this, Mr. Wyatt yet 
cannot describe her parentage. Nor does it appear in the Visitation, 
although her arms are there given, viz. Per chevron 
gules and argent, three trefoils counterchanged, on a 
chief of the second three martlets of the first. But 
yet there is no surname. I have lately discovered, 
in Sir William Harper's will, the name of " Richard 
Lethers my wife's brother," an obscure and unknown 
name certainly, but I presume that it may have been 
that of the second Lady Harper before her marriage. 

Sir William Harper died on the 27th Feb. 1573-4, in the 77th year 
of his age : leaving, as it appears, in the tenure of his widow, the great 
house in Lombard street in which he had kept his mayoralty, and 
where former mayors, Sir John Percival and Sir Thomas Offley, who 
were both Merchant Taylors, had kept their mayoralties f in the years 
1499 and 1557. It is related by Herbert, in his History of the Twelve 
Great Livery Companies, that Sir William Harper's lease of this 
mansion was near expiring at the time of his death. " It shows (re- 
marks Herbert,) the control exercised by government (meaning the 

* Recorded in the Hastings Court Guildhall Eoll 256, 7 dorso, 11 Eliz. 

f Herbert, City Companies, i. 168. The house stood in the parish of St. 
Mary Woolnoth, as appears by Sir William Harper's will, and in 1605 was 
occupied by a Mr. Butler, mentioned by Wm. Smith, Rouge Dragon, when 
noticing Harper in his List of Mayors and Sheriffs. Was it the same which 
subsequently became the mansion of Sir Robert Vyner, and was converted into 
the General Post Office ? 

G 2 


Queen's ministers and councillors) over the (London) companies at this 
time, that persons wanting favours of them scarcely ever applied in 
such cases direct to the Companies ; but, if they had court influence, 
instructed some great person to interfere for them. Lady Harper 
procured Lord Burghley to write, in order to obtain low terms for her 
on this occasion. The company offered her a new lease for 21 years 
at an additional rent of only 10Z., but the lady wanted it at less. Lord 
Burghley wrote again, and was again humbly replied to by the com- 
pany. They determined, after further negociation, not to sacrifice their 
premises, finding their tenant would come to no terms, and attempted 
to eject her. Matters were coming to extremity, but were prevented 
by the lord mayor (Hawes), who, having learned from court that such a 
contempt of the Lord Treasurer's authority might be attended with 
serious consequences, wrote himself, to advise the wardens to com- 
promise. They gave Lady Harper 66Z. 13s. 4d. to quit possession, 
and afterwards let the house to Richard Offley, son of Sir Thomas, for 
the 21 years, at 13Z. 65. a-year more rent, and 4101. fine." 

This is Herbert's account of the transaction, and we may remark 
that the result of this matter of house-agency, when properly under- 
stood, merely proves these two points : first that the Offley interest in 
the Mei'chant Taylors' Company was triumphant over that of the 
widowed Lady Harper ; and, secondly, that the Company were suc- 
cessful in defending their proper rights against Court influence. But 
the Bedford biographer regards it as " a proof that the lady was very 
mercenary in her desire and very unfair in her demands," appending 
this absurd exclamation, " How unlike all the acts of her late husband 
and of the Dame Alice, the first wife ! " the only act of Dame Alice of 
which he has any proof being that she married Sir William, and that, 
being his wife, (for some legal reason, no doubt,) her name was placed 
with his in his deed of gift to the town of Bedford. 

Mr. Wyatt's fictions do not end even after relating Sir William's death 
and abusing the widow. He adds this account of an imaginary picture : 

The only portrait known to have been taken of Sir William Harper was that 
painted for the Merchant Taylors' Company, and hung up in their hall. Unfor- 
tunately, this was lost at the great fire of London. Granger, in his Biographical 
History, gives a portrait from a rare print in the possession of Mr. St. Aubyn, 
which is said to have been taken from the picture burnt in the old hall of 
Merchant Taylors. The portrait given in this work 'is taken from Granger's, 
for the use of the trustees, who have kindly lent the plate to embellish this 
publication. Some years back, a committee was appointed to ascertain if a 
genuine portrait existed, with power to purchase it under a certain sum. The 


inquiries have not yet been attended with success, although it is believed that 
there is one in existence which belonged to the Harper family. 

There are, unfortunately, too many facilities for the discovery (or 
manufacture) of historical portraits ; and if an unscupulous purveyor 
were encouraged by a credulous committee, no doubt a picture of Sir 
William Harper would very soon be forthcoming. But, as Mr. Wyatt 
wrote some years ago, let us hope that the committee he speaks of was 
not credulous. They may wisely have rested satisfied with such repre- 
sentations of their Founder as had been provided by their predecessors. 
These we shall presently describe, but let us first dispose of Mr. Wyatt's 
statements, which are altogether unfounded. There is really no record 
of any portrait having been painted for the Merchant Taylors' Company, 
nor hung up in their hall, nor burnt in the great fire of London. The 
portrait noticed by Granger, engraved by W. Richardson, was copied 
from one of a series of wood blocks figuring all the Lord Mayors of 
the reign of Elizabeth (to the year 1601); but many of these heads, 
as Granger remarks, served over and over again in the course of the 
book, for several Lord Mayors. How far, therefore, that named Sir 
William Harper may be genuine is questionable. From this book 
(upon which I shall append a note) the head was copied on a copper- 
plate by W. Richardson. Richardson's print is the original of a line- 
engraving by R. L. Wright, prefixed to An Account of the Public 
Charities of the town of Bedford, by R. B. HANKIN, of Bedford, 
solicitor, 1828, 8vo. ; and the last is again copied by R. Baker for the 
plate included in Mr. Wyatt's book. This is all that can be said on 
the portrait, with truth, and all that ought ever to be said, unless, 
beyond every reasonable hope, a genuine picture should really be 

Sir William Harper died, as already stated, on the 27th February, 
1573-4, probably at his house in Lombard Street, where he had made 
his last will (hereafter inserted at length) on the 27th October pre- 
ceding. In compliance with his testamentary injunctions his body 
was taken for burial to the parish church of St. Paul in Bedford. I 
have not found any account of the funeral, but many persons whom he 
desired to attend are named in the will. 

In the north aisle of the chancel of the church a table tomb was 
erected,* upon the slab of which were placed figures in brass plates 

* It now stands in the chancel opposite the south door, to which spot it was 
removed about the year 1828. Hankin's Bedford School, p. 36. 



(two feet in height) of Sir William Harper and his second wife, of 
which engravings are now given.* His figure is remarkable from repre- 
senting him in armour, as a knight, his alderman's gown being worn 

6ijt 27 &te Jfebruarij 1573. ario aetatts fuae 77. 
&ere bnlrer Itetfj burtefc tfje fcotrg of Sir ffiaailltain J^arper, Um'gfjt, ail&erman anU 
late Horlre j&aiov at tfic dLHie of Hoirtron, tottfie Irame ifttargatett fife last totfe, to c 
5ir 3'iLltIIiam bias tome in tfjt's totone of CrDforti, and fir IT fouttetr & gabe lantif 
for tfje maintenance of a d*ramrr frfjoole, 

* I beg to acknowledge the kindness of Major Heales, F.S.A., a member of the 
Council of the London and Middlesex Society, in furnishing rubbings of these 
figures for the use of the engraver. They have been previously published only 
in the rare work, Fisher's Bedfordshire Collections, 4to, 1812. 



over the armour. It will be remembered that the effigy of Alderman 
Sir John Crosby (ob. 1475) in the church of Great St. Helen's is 
similarly attired, and probably several other examples in effigies* may 
be found, but I believe this is unique as a sepulchral brass. 

Above the figures were two shields 
of arms, one over Sir William's 
head, of Harper only, the other 
over the lady's head, lost many 
years since (as appears from T. 
Fisher's etching) f 

These arms, as authorised by the 
Heralds in the London Visitation^ 
are, Azure, on a fess between three 
eagles displayed or a fret between 
two martlets of the first. Crest, 
upon a crescent or, charged with a 
fret between two martlets azure, an 
eagle displayed of the last. 

Harper's arms and crest are com- 
posed of the same charges and tinc- 
tures as the arms of Lord. Chan- 
cellor Audley, which were, Quarterly 
or and azure, per pale indented, two 
eagles or, over all a bend of the 
second quarter, on the bend a fret 
between two martlets of the first 
quarter. (I follow the blason of the 
original grant 18 March, 1538. See 
Lord Braybrooke's Audley End, 4to. 1836, p. 23.) There must surely 
have been some origin for this similarity beyond mere accident. The 
fret came from the simple bearing of the ancient Audleys. 

* As those of Sir Thomas Rowe, Lord Mayor 1567, and Sir Henry Rowe, 
Lord Mayor 1607 (both kneeling figures), formerly in Hackney church, engraved 
in Robinson's History of that parish. 

f The original slab remains in the pavement of the same' chapel : but a new 
slab having been provided for the tomb, the brasses were reset in it, with the 
remaining shield in the centre. 

J Also for Harper of Camberwell in the Visitation of Surrey, 1623, but the 
connection of that family with the Alderman has not yet been ascertained. 


Another monument was erected in 1768, in obedience to the Act of 
Parliament presently mentioned, at the east end of the same aisle. 
Who the sculptor was I hare not learned, but he inserted portrait 
medallions of Sir William and Lady Harper, for which his only 
authority, if he cared for any, could be the sepulchral brasses. This 
monument bears the following inscription : * 

Sacred to the memory of Sir WILLIAM HARPTJR, Knight, a native of this place, 
and in 1561 was Lord Mayor of London, and of Dame ALICE his wife, 

Who, by their virtue and industry, and God's blessing upon both, acquired an 
ample fortune, which, joined with a beneficent mind, both disposed and enabled 
them to communicate their benevolence to mankind in general, 

Their peculiar charity and munificence to this town in particular, where in the 
infancy of the Reformation they, by Royal Charter, erected a Protestant Free 
School, for the education of youth in Grammar, Learning, and Good Manners, 
and in the firm and genuine principles of the Reformed Religion. 

This pious foundation they originally endowed with land situated in London, 
which, by many fine and stately buildings since erected on it, is now increased to 
a large estate, the revenues whereof afford an ample provision for the Master, 
Usher, and Boys ; a large surplus also for other Charitable Exhibitions in this 

The Mayor and other gentlemen who are trustees for this estate, and dispensers 
of this Charity, and who 'tis hoped will ever continue to discharge this sacred 
trust agreeable to the spirited design of their munificent Benefactors, have in a 
grateful sense of their benefits caused this Monument to be erected, that the 
influence of their example may follow the respect done to their memory, and their 
good name, which the Wise Man compares to precious oyntment, may for ever 
retain and communicate its fragrancy after their bodies (here interred) have 
been long since in noisomness and corruption. 


One hesitates to whose authorship we may attribute this rambling 
and incoherent effusion, so characteristic in its expressions of the period 
at which it was written, and yet so badly put together, and so imagi- 
native in its conception. It seems quite unworthy of the master of 
the grammar school, who was then the Rev. George Bridle, as it would 
be now of a junior scholar. Unlike the sculptor of the founder's 

* At this period it had become the practice to spell the name Harpur instead 
of Harper, and that spelling is now maintained for Harpur Street, a small street 
on the Bedford estate. The family of Harpur-Crewe, advanced to a Baronetcy 
in 1626, and which took the additional name of Crewe in 1808, is of high 
antiquity in Warwickshire and Derbyshire, and quite unconnected with that of 
our worthy citizen. 


statue (hereafter described), the writer disdained to take the unassum- 
ing contemporary memorial as the model either of his diction or his 
statements. Disregarding the fact there recorded, that Sir William 
Harpur lay buried with 

Dame itlargarrtt fits last imfr, 

and the circumstance that his former lady was not even represented on 
the tomb, as so often was the case in other monuments of the time, it 
displaces dame Margaret to make room for dame Alice, to whom 
imaginary virtues are attributed, resting solely, as I have already 
shown, upon the occurrence of her name in the deed of gift. This 
eighteenth-century epitaph was evidently the poetic fountain from 
whence the biographer, whose work we have been examining, first 
drew his inspiration. The " thirteen acres and one rood," so fortu- 
nately seated on the immediate outskirts of the great metropolis as to 
have become the site of " many fine and stately buildings," have the 
retrospective effect of endowing the worthy alderman and his wife, not 
only with " an ample fortune," but with virtue and industiy, a benefi- 
cent mind, and " peculiar charity and munificence." 

A more sober view of the matter leads to these conclusions that 
Sir William Harper invested his money fortunately, and that he 
performed a good deed in devoting his estate to the purposes it has so 
well fulfilled. In so doing he was merely following the coiirse which 
was generally taken at the same period by other public benefactors. 
There was no " peculiar munificence " in this act. The value of his 
gift owes its extraordinary increase to causes that have arisen since his 
death, and which could never have entered into his imagination. 

With regard to Sir William Harper's foundation, I will only state 
the purport of its two most important records, referring for further 
particulars to Carlisle's Endowed Grammar Schools, 1818, J. D. 
Parry's Illustrations of Bedfordshire, 1827, and the other works 
which are devoted to its history. 

By indenture dated 22 April, 8th Eliz. 1566, made between the 
mayor and commonalty oft the town of Bedford of the one part, and 
Sir William Harper and dame Alice, his then wife, of the other part ; 
after reciting letters patent of King Edward VI., dated 15th August, 
1552, for founding a free grammar-school at the town of Bedford, in 
a messuage there called the Free School House, which the said Sir 
William Harper of late built ; the said Sir William and dame Alice 


granted to the mayor and commonalty the said school-house with the 
premises adjoining, and also thirteen acres and one rood of meadow 
lying in divers parcels in or near the parish of St. Andrew Holborn, in 
the county of Middlesex. 

By an Act of Parliament of 4 George III., reciting that under build- 
ing leases several new streets were formed on the trust estate, viz., Bed- 
ford Street, Bedford Row, Bedford Court, Prince's Street, Theobalds 
Road, North Street, East Street, Lamb's Conduit Street, Queen's Street, 
Eagle Street, Boswell Court, and several other streets and courts 
thereto adjoining in the parishes of St. Andrew Holborn and St. George 
Queen Square, which were likely to produce a clear rental of 3,000 
per annum,* the Corporation of Bedford were empowered as trustees 
to manage the estate and to carry into execution the rules for the 
management of the school, and also to erect in the chancel of St. Paul's 
church in Bedford a monument of marble to the memory of Sir 
William Harper, and likewise a statue in front of the grammar-school. 

These monuments were both accordingly erected ; that in the church 
has been already noticed. The statue was placed in a niche over the 
doorway of the school-house, erected in 1767. f It is remarkable as 
being in the costume of the last century, and not of the founder's own 
day ; exhibiting a full cravat, a long coat with lapells, knee-breeches, 
and shoes with buckles ! The head is bare. The aldermanic gown is 
worn, but thrown back. Altogether, it would seem as if the sculptor 
set himself the task to translate the sepulchral effigy of the Elizabethan 
alderman into one of the Georgian era. On a tablet below the 
statue is this inscription : 

Ecce Viator ! Corporea Effigies 
GULIELMI HARPUE, Equitis Aurati 

Scholae istius 
Quam cernis amplam et ornatam 

Munificentissimi Fundatoris. 

Si Animae pictnram spectare velis, 

in Charta Beneficiorum invenias 


* At the period of the Fourteenth Report of the Charity Commissioners, 
1861-3, the total yearly income of the trustees had risen to 13,211 5*. 3d. 

f There is a view of this school-house in J. D. Parry's Illustrations of Bed- 
fordshire, 4to. 1827. That author falls into the mistake that the burning of the 
steeple of St. Paul's Cathedral (June 4, 1561) was during Harper's mayoralty. 



In the name of God amen. The seaventh and twentie dale of October in the 
fyftenthe yeare of the reigne of o r soveraigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace of 
God Quene of Englonde France and Irelonde defendour of the faithe, &c. I 
Sir WILLIAM HARPEB knighte and alderman of the Citie of London being of 
perfect mynd and memory, thanckes be geven to almightie God, doe ordeigne 
and make this my presente laste will and testament in manner and forme follow- 
inge: First I bequeathe my soull to almightie God my Creator and to Jesus 
Christe my saviour and Redeemer, and my body to be decentlie buryed by the 
discrecion of myne Executrixe here after named, within the parrishe churche of 
St. Paull in the towne of Bedford. Item I geve to the worshipfull Company 
of the Marchant tailors for a remembrance of the good will I bare unto them 
vj/. xiijs. iiijd. in ready mony to make a Cuppe w th all to remayne to th'use of 
the said Company. Item I geve to my welbelovid ffrindes William Albany, 
Thomas Rigges, Thomas Muschampe, Humfrey Stephens, Edwarde Thome, and 
Richard Lethers my wife's brother, if they will take the paynes to be presente 
at my buriall at Bedford aforesaid, to every of them a blacke gowne. Item I 
geve and beqneethe unto my welbelovid frendes Mrs. Muschampe wife of the 
said Thomas Muschampe and to mistres Ballinger wief to Mr. Gabriell Ballinger 
to either of them a blacke gowne if they will take the paines to be at my said 
buriall. Item I geve to Paull Warner, William Malton bedle of the warde of 
Dowgate, Richard Richardson and to Thomas Addams if they wilbe presente at 
my buriall at Bedford aforesaide, to either of them a blacke cote. Item I geve 
to Tenne poore men which shalbe present at my buriall Tenne blacke gOwnes of 
vs. iiijd. the yard. Item I geve to my servantes Phillippe Cotton and David 
Bellett yf they happen to be dwellinge w' me at the tyme of my decease to 
either of them a blacke gowne and a cote and to every other man servante that 
shall happen to be dwellinge w th me at the tyme of my decease a blacke cote. 
Item I geve to every maide servaunte that shall happen to be dwellinge w th me 
at the tyme of my decease a blacke gowne. Item I geve to be distributed by the 
discrecion of my Executrix the somme of ffortie shillings. Item I geve to the 
poor people of S* Mary Wolnothes parishe in London where I now dwell the 
somme of Twentie shillings. Item I geve to Elizabeth Peltingale widowe the 
somme of xiijs. iujd. The Residue of all my goodes and cattels, Leases for 
yeares, plaite, monie, juells and household stuffe, my buriall expenses, laufull 
debtes and legacies being paid, I geve and bequeathe to my welbeloved wief 
dame Margarete Harper whom I ordeigne and make hole and full Executrix of 
this my last will and testament. And my dear frendes William Albany, 
Thomas Rigges, Thomas Muschamp, and Edward Thorne Overseers of this my 
last will and testament. In witnes whereof I have to this my last will and 
testament putt my hand and seall the daye and yeare above written. By me 
William Harper. Sealed subscribed and delivered in the presens of these 
witnesses, Thomas Ramsay alderman, William Abraham, Cutberte Buckle, 
William Softley no 1 ?. 

Proved at London 6 April 1574 on the oath of Edward Orwell notary public, 



proctor for dame Margaret Harper relict and Executrix. (Reg. Prerog. Court, 
14 Martyn.) 

The present seal of the Bedford charity, of which an engraving is 
appended, was probably made in 1764, shortly after the passing of 
the Act of Parliament before mentioned. It bears the arms of Sir 
William Harper, impaling those of his first wife (Thomlinson.) 


Portraits of Elizabethan Lord Mayors. 

These prints are thus described in Granger's Biographical History of England : 

" A set of the Lord Mayors of London, from the first year of Queen Elizabeth to 
1601; when the prints, which are cut in wood, were published. Some of them serve 
for several Mayors. Under the portraits are mentioned their charitable gifts, and 
places of burial, with a few other particulars. Among them are seven Clothworkers, 
six Drapers, one Fishmonger, two Goldsmiths, six Grocers, five Haberdashers, four 
Ironmongers, five Mercers, two Salters, two Skinners, two Merchant Taylors, and one 

The set therefore is complete ; but only one copy is known to be preserved. It was 
in the valuable collection of Joseph Gulston, esq. ; at the sale of which in 1786 it was 
purchased by Sir John St.Aubyn, Bart. F.R.S. who permitted the heads of Sir 
William Harper and others to be copied by Richardson the printseller. After Sir 
John's death the set of portraits was again sold at Phillips 's on the 7th April 1840, for 
292. 8s., and acquired by the Rt. Hon. Thomas Grenville. It did not accompany 
Mr. Grenville's library of books to the British Museum ; hut, as prints, remained in 
the possession of his niece, and I am informed that it does so still. 

I find it remarked by one who wrote in 1825, that "neither Sir William Musgrave , 


Horace Walpole, antiquary Storey, Mr. Towneley, Mr. Bindley, or Sir Mark Mas- 
terman Sykes, had a single impression of any one of these portraits." (MS. note in a 
copy of Granger in my possession) ; and I have made a recent inquiry in the Print 
Room of the British Museum without discovering any. But I find that as many as 
six were copied (on copper) by W. Richardson, by favour of Sir John St.Aubyn, 
although only two of them (Lee and Harper) are mentioned in the 1824 edition of 
Granger. The following is a list of Richardson's copies : 

Lord Mayor Published 

1558 Sir Thomas Lee .... 179.. 

1561 Sir William Harper . . 1793 

1592 Sir William Roe .... 1796 

1597 Sir Richard Salstonstall . 1794 

1599 Sir Nicholas Mosley . . . 179.. 

1600 Sir William Ryder . . . 1797 

Woodcocks' Lives of Illustrious Lords Mayors and Aldermen of London. 
With a Brief History of the City of London. Also a Chronological List of 
the Lords Mayors and Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, from the earliest 
period to the present time. (No date.) This imperfect work forms a small 8vo. 
volume. The title-page is in chromolithography, as is the frontispiece, & portrait of 
Henrie Fitz Alwine, Kt. first Lord Mayor of London, and so also thirteen plates of 
Arms of Companies; besides which there are three (second-hand) steel engravings of 
the new Royal Exchange. The History of London occupies 79 pages, the lives of Lord 
Mayors and Aldermen 296, and the lists of Mayors (to 1846) and Sheriffs (to 1844), 
followed by an account of the Queen's Visit to the City in 1837, fill up to the 322d 
page; prefatory pages viii. No name of author appears, but the plates are chromo- 
lithographed chiefly by W. and R. Woodcock, Warwick Lane. The lives of Lord 
Mayors are only nineteen in number, including the well-known names of Walworth, 
Whittington, Philpot, Rockesley (misspelt Rockesby), Spencer, among those of the 
olden time, and Beckford, Gyll, Wilkes, and Waithman, among those of modern days; 
of Aldermen Sir John Crosby, Fabyan the chronicler, Sir William Fitz William, and a 
few more; whilst the well-known biographies of Sir Thomas Gresham and of his two 
relatives Sir Richard and Sir John Gresham occupy nearly one-third of the whole. 
Altogether the work is one of little value, and scarce any originality : but, as copies 
will probably be scarce, I have thought it worth while to add this note. 

Postscript. My expectation (p. 62) has been entirely confirmed on 
examining the parish register of St. Mary's Woolnoth, where I have 
found the following entry : 

"The xvth day of October 1569 was buried Dame Alice Harper, late wife of S r 
William Harper knight and Alderman of London, and lyeth in a vault made of 
brick, the mouthe beinge before his pewe dore in the North Isle of this Churche." 



I am enabled to lay before the Society an account of the discovery 
of coins in the burial-ground of Harmondsworth Church, Middlesex, 
from particulars kindly furnished by the vicar, Rev. J. Percy Arnold, B.D. 
A. .Chantler, Esq. and Frederick Hunt, Esq. The churchyard has 
been recently enlarged by an addition on its north side, and many 
inequalities in the ground were then reduced. A grave was dug in 
the spring of 1870 to the north-west of the church close to the boundary 
of the old churchyard, and at a depth of about three feet (the soil 
removed from this part would have made the original depth six feet) 
several coins were found. They appeared as if arranged in fours upon 
the arm of the skeleton of a full-grown man ; some of them were in- 
closed in what might have been a purse or (as the sexton described it) a 
sort of leather piping, around which were traces of metal, probably brass. 
This receptacle was very much decayed, so that no part of it could be 
preserved. About one half of the skeleton was removed, but no re- 
mains of a coffin were visible. The coins are of silver, and are all 
half-shillings ; twenty -two are of Elizabeth, with the rose at the back 
of her head, and three of James I. with a VI. to indicate its value 
in pence. The dates range from 1564 to 1604. The body from 
which these coins were taken was buried in his clothes, and it would 
appear as if the money was concealed in the sleeve of his coat. Had 
the body been found in the open fields instead of in a churchyard we 
could have supposed this person had been robbed and murdered by the 
highwaymen who infested the adjacent open country at Hounslow and 
other places on the Windsor Road, and that the victim had been only 
partially deprived of the valuables about him. This theory seems to 
be destroyed by the deposit of the body in a churchyard, which would 
have led to the immediate discovery of the murder. Let us look to 
the coins for help in our investigation. They belong to a large part of 
the reign of Elizabeth, and the beginning of James I. They are all 


in fair preservation, but have evidently seen much but unequal wear, 
just such as would have occurred in a circulation of from thirty to sixty 
years ; and history will inform us that about this number of years 
from the earliest and latest dates on the coins will bring us to a time 
of great troubles in England. Charles I. and his Parliament were at 
war, and this neighbourhood was not exempt from the horrors of this 
conflict. Brentford was the locality of an engagement in 1642, and 
the fighting was within a mile or two of Harmondsworth. In 1647 
the battle was on Hounslow Heath, part of which is in this parish. At 
either of these encounters a wounded soldier or officer might have fled 
in this direction and died here, or one of the slain on the field may 
have been brought here for burial, put into the grave with his clothes, 
and the money have been overlooked and buried with him. Leaving 
these conjectures we will proceed to notice some interesting features in 
the coins. They bear the dates of seventeen different years, and have 
as many as eleven varieties of mint marks. The marks are repre- 
sented in the accompanying woodcut, and occur on the coins in the 

following order with regard to their dates. 1564 apheon; 1565 a 
rose; 1568 and 1569 a crown; 1570 and 1571 a tower; one of 1574 
a flower of four petals ; another of 1574 and four of 1575 a flower of 
five petals ; 1578 and 1582 a plain cross ; 1583 a bell; 1590. and 
1591 a hand ; 1594 a woolpack ; and 1603 a thistle. The mark on 
the coin of 1604 is obliterated. At all times the process of coinage 
appears to have boen carried out by license given by the sovereign 
power to bodies, officers, or other individuals. It therefore became 
necessary to identify each parcel of money produced under the several 
licences, and to ascertain if any error or fraud in weight or fineness had 
been committed by the contractor before he received his discharge 
from liability for the parcel of gold or silver which had been given to 
him. The earliest mint-mark of the kind described above on English 
money is believed to be the crown at the beginning of the legend on 
gold pieces of Edward III. Before that time the cross is very generally 
found in this place, but it does not appear as a mint-mark ; indeed they 
sometimes occur together on the same coin. Certain parcels of silver 
are identified at various times to show their origin : thus the silver 


produced from the Welsh lead mines in the reign of James I. had the 
Prince's feathers as a mint mark; and in the reign of George II. the 
silver taken at Lima and Vigo when coined was stamped with the 
names of these places. The name of the artist who executed the die 
is frequently found on the money made by it. The names of Blondeau, 
Simon, and Eoeter in the time of Cromwell and Charles II. and of 
Pistrucci on the crown pieces of George III. are in full. On most 
modern coinage we find the initials of the die-sinker, and on the money 
of Victoria since 1864 each piece has the number of the die with 
which it was struck. On the coins of many of our kings the name of 
the place where they were struck is found very conspicuously on the 
reverse, as " Civitas London," " Civitas Cantor." " Civitas Eboraci," 
" Villa Calisie," for London, Canterbury, York, and Calais. On the 
copper money of George III. struck by Bolton and Watt, the name of 
their works " Soho," near Birmingham, may be seen in small capitals 
on the reverse. 

3O M ER S 



Black Marys Well . 
Sir John Oldcaatle. 
Ducking Pond. 
Chimney Conduit, 

source of Lambs Conduit supply 
Lambs' Conduit. 
Hoekley in the Hole. 
Site of Fort. 
The Clerks Well . 
Saint Bridget's Well. 

Scale , 3 laches tu 1 Mile . 

Saint Futile (tilheJnil 



There are three great brooks, rising from the Hampstead and 
Highgate hills, which pass through London on their way to the 
Thames, viz. the " Hole-bourne," the " Ty-bourne," and the " West- 
bourne." It is the first of these which will at present occupy our 
attention. I use its most ancient name, such as is given to it in 
old records, and which well describes its physical character. It is 
strictly, throughout its course, the brook or " bourne " in the " hole " 
or hollow. But it has other names : John Stow speaks of it as the 
" River of Wells," this also is a very appropriate appellation. The 
" River Fleet " is that by which it is best known. But the term 
" fleet," the affix to so many names on the Thames and Medway and 
other southern rivers, can only be properly applied where it is in- 
fluenced by the tidal flow of the Thames. A " fleet," in fact, is a 
channel covered with shallow water at high tide. Turnmill Brook is 
another name : this also was local in its application. 

It would be but a dry record, were I merely to point out the course 
of this stream through the miles of houses which now obliterate it. 
But it passes many spots belonging to our social history. Our city's 
development and growth, the customs, habits, and amusements of its 
inhabitants, all that makes up the true history of a people, are exem- 
plified on the banks of this stream. No better gift could have been 
conferred upon a city than a supply of pure water in abundance, as 
was here given by Nature's hand, yet never was such a gift so abused. 
In defiance, or in ignorance of physical laws, it became, in our 
hands, a " pestilence walking in darkness." We endured it as a 
nuisance for six centuries, in the heart of London. I shall show you 
what is said of it in the thirteenth century, and how many fearful 
scourges of epidemical diseases have we not recorded since ? Yet was 
it, actually, an open, foul, pestilential sewer, after we had had the 
cholera twice amongst us, within a short distance of the spot whence 
arose complaints at the time alluded to ! 

I will now ask you to follow me, in imagination, whilst I peram- 
bulate its course. All the springs arise within the semicircle formed 



by the heights of Hampstead and Highgate. Walking from the latter 
place towards Hampstead, we turn on our left by the grounds of Lord 
Mansfield at Ken Wood.* Immediately we are in a scene of con- 
siderable beauty. On our left the crested hill of Highgate, on the 
right the grounds of Ken Wood. The landscape slopes from us, and 
dips in the centre, showing the vast metropolis in the distance, the 
noble cathedral of St. Paul's crowning the whole. There are plenty 
of fine trees to form a foreground and frame to the picture; the place 
is quiet and retired, not a hum to be heard from that largest and 
busiest of all human hives which lies before us. A path leads by a 
winding course until you reach where " a willow grows ascant a 
brook," ( and beneath its roots, in the bank, gurgles forth rapidly a 
limpid stream, which, from the colour of the objects about it, shows it 
to be in some measure impregnated with iron. It passes across the 
road into Lord Mansfield's inclosures, and helps to form the first of a 
series of five ponds, in which it is assisted by another spring within 
the grounds. These are the first of the sources on the Highgate side. 
The course of the brooklet is now in the succession of artificial reser- 
voirs, formed one after another, in a line, at descending levels. Con- 
tinuing down the lane (Milfield Lane), we come to a gap, where, 
a few years ago, grew a very picturesque ash tree, now gone, leaving 
only a decaying stump. Here other sources from the fields nearer 
Highgate are tmited, and pass under the road to the third pond, 
and those succeeding receive small rillets here and there. From the 
last, the outfall takes a bend and crosses the road of Highgate Rise, 
and, proceeding parallel to Swain's Lane, it receives a rillet from 
a field by the cemetery, and turns southwards in a meandering course. 
A few years ago, a footpath by its side made a pretty rural walk, 
through undulated fields, and the broken banks of the stream were 
full of picturesque " bits," some of which I did not fail to record 
with my pencil. In places it passed through inclosures, and was of 
avail to make ornamental pieces of water, and it " babbled " over little 
dams, made here and there to keep it back for the use of cattle. 
Pursuing this course, it at length bent round again, and re-crossed the 
high road of Kentish Town, near the three-mile stone. The section of 
the stream here, above the bridge, at flood was thirteen feet. The 

* See fig. 1 on the Map facing the preceding page. On this plan are references 
to the more important places mentioned in the text. 
f Now gone. 


whole of this portion is now dry, and drained off into the main sewer, 
and the fields, for the greater part, are covered with houses. After 
passing the road, it makes a sweep around the new chapel of Kentish 
Town, erected in 1844. The ancient chapel was built in the reign of 
Elizabeth, not on this site, but a quarter of a mile south of it. 

After passing the chapel it proceeds southwards, keeping nearly 
parallel to Kentish Town, until it reaches a point a little to the north 
of the Regent's Canal, at the junction of what is now Exeter Street 
with Hawley Road. And here we must at present leave it, and make 
our way to Hampstead, to trace the course of that branch which at this 
point forms a union with that just described. * 

Here the spring arises in the Vale of Health, forming the large 
square pond south of that spot. Leaving this, it winds along at the 
base of the heath, receiving another supply from a spring on the east, 
where a large bridge is erected over a gap between rising ground, and 
also other rillets from the heath. It then forms a succession of three 
ponds, like those previously noticed, artificially constructed for the 
Hampstead Waterworks. 

The overflow from these then passes east of South End, a little 
green, with a few houses around it, and in a broken course, fringed by 
very old picturesque willows, which have often found a place in 
artists' sketch-books, it moved southwards until it effected a junction 
with the branch from Highgate at Hawley Road. At a short distance, 
however,' from South End, there was a straight cut directly across to 
Kentish Town, in union with a small arm which bent southwards, and 
united with the Highgate branch a little to the south of the new chapel. 
None of this appears in old maps, and it is obviously artificial, pro- 
bably for the purpose of diverting the stream, as the branch from 
Hampstead, from the point where it meets this straight cut, has for 
many years been entirely concealed. Now the whole is dry, drained 
off into sewers, and at present it is the boundary of London which, 
in compact streets, reaches up to this point, though only a few 
years ago there were extensive meadows between Kentish Town and 
Haverstock Hill. 

Near the junction made by this cut, within a space marked out by a 
bending of the brook, where it forms the boundary of the parishes of 

* None of this course is now visible. 
H 2 


Hampstead and St. Pancras, stood an old oak, known as the " Gospel 
Oak:" its memory is well maintained in the large district erected about 
the site, and in a railway station, which one would always desire should 
be the case ; such landmarks are memories of the past. But what is 
the meaning of " Gospel Oak ?" for there are others in different parts 
of th^country one notably by Birmingham. It has been suggested 
to me by a friend that Whitfield, the follower of John Wesley, 
preached beneath it, and it may be that such an origin may apply else- 
where. But the association of this noble tree with religious ob- 
servances, it is unnecessary to say, is of extreme antiquity, and not 
confined by any means to one system of worship. Domesday Book 
gives us a name in Shropshire of Cristes-ache, " Christ's Oak," now 
Cressage, and one would like to be sure of the origin of such a term 
as " Gospel Oak." The term sounds modern, but may not the tree 
have had an earlier veneration in connection with religion ? 

Before we proceed further on our course, let me direct your attention 
to the acute angle of land embraced within the space formed by the 
junction of the two arms of the brook. Remember, Kentish Town is 
a corruption of " Cantlers," or " Kantloes," the name of the prebend of 
St. Paul's, and parcel of the parish of St. Pancras. Now, the word 
" Cantlers " allies itself with roots most familiar to us in our Saxon 
tongue, such as " Cant," " Cantle," signifying an oblique angle, and 
the meaning of " Cantlers " probably points to this angle of land, con- 
tained within the boundaries of the two streams. Perhaps they form 
the boundary of the prebendal manor, which contains 210 acres. Com- 
paring the inclosed space with the proportion of land in the parish 
(2716 acres), it appears to be as nearly as possible of the size stated. 
But this is a point doubtless quite capable of being set at rest, as the 
boundaries of the manor must be well known. 

Continuing our route, we now encounter a succession of works of 
engineering of more than Roman magnitude. They have effaced old 
landmarks, by the alteration of levels, to an extent that must be 
directly studied to comprehend their vastness, and these works meet us 
and interfere with us throughout the whole of our way to the Thames. 
But I must pass them with scarce a mention, except when they serve to 
point out the way we are pursuing. From the junction of the two arms 
the course bent again across Kentish Town Road, a little above the 
Regent's Canal, and here the flow had gained so considerable an 


accession of power, that, after it had passed under the bridge, at flood, 
the section was no less than sixty-five superficial feet.* It then pro- 
ceeded a short distance till it approached the canal, beneath which it is 
carried, a test of the vast changes made in the levels. It continued its 
course nearly parallel to the canal, for some distance, crossing Great 
College Street, towards Kings' Road, and then, between it and Great 
College Street, behind the Veterinary College, in many a bend, it 
found its way to the corner of the road last-named, by St. Pancras 
Workhouse, and hence to King's Cross it followed the course of the 
road, on its south side, and for that reason we find its windings con- 
trolled to suit the convenience of the public way. 

"We must now, however, throw ourselves back into earlier times, and 
forget the vast works of engineering skill about us the dense neigh- 
bourhood and try and imagine that St. Pancras' mother church, to 
which we have now arrived, was once a desolate, neglected spot, se- 
cluded from and also forgotten by the world, and this, too, not much 
more than a century ago. Norden, writing at the end of the sixteenth 
century, thus speaks of it : " P. C. standeth all alone as utterly for- 
saken, old, and wetherbeaten, which for the antiquitie thereof, it is 
thought not to yeeld to Paules in London : about this church have 
bin manie buildings now decaied, leaving poor Pancras without corn- 
panie or comfort : yet it is now and then visited with Kentish Town and 
Highgate which are members thereof: but they seldome come there, 
for that they have chapels of ease within themselves, but when ther is 
a corps to be interred, they are forced to leave the same in this for- 
saken church or churchyard, where, no doubt, it resteth as secure 
against the day of resurrection as if it lain in stately Paules." In 
this condition, remote from the metropolis, out of the great highways, 
having only an approach by a miry lane, often deeply flooded, it 
remained until about 150 years ago, whilst its children of Kentish Town 
and Highgate became the centres of increasing neighbourhoods. But 
we must go still further back to understand the state of things. Where- 
ever we find a place known by no other name than that of the patron 
saint of its church, I think we may conclude that, when the church 
was first erected, there was neither township nor village, but a sparse 
and scattered population.! This condition prevailed in the adjoining 

* These facts are taken from a Report on the Bridges of Middlesex. Lond. 
4to. 1826. 
f Mr. Black disputes this hypothesis, but it is certainly most usual in England, 


parish of Marylebone, Saint Mary at the Bourne, built in the four- 
teenth century. Its antecedent church of St. John the Baptist, which 
stood near where Stratford Place now is in Oxford Street, was also in a 
lonely spot far away from habitations, and this isolated condition, ex- 
posing it to depredation, caused it to be taken down; yet this, re- 
member, was on the great Roman highway to the West. The proofs 
of the existence of the great forest round London in which, in early 
times, ranged wildly the deer, the ox, and those formidable animals 
the boar, the bear, and the wolf, may be found in many local names 
in Middlesex, and in the fact that game abounded in the immediate 
vicinity late in the seventeenth century. It was not until 1218 that 
disafforestation took place, and in the Visitation of St. Pancras in 1251 
there were but forty houses ; the parish stretching from Highgate Hill 
to Clerk enwell, nearly four miles in a direct line, and, most likely, 
these were mainly the farmsteads with their cottiers, attached to the pre- 
bendal manors. We cannot estimate this population beyond 250 souls, 
yet now it is 200,000 ! It is clear that, in the thirteenth century, the 
parish could have had but a small portion under tillage, but consisted 
chiefly of pastures in the low-lying lands, whilst the upland was entirely 
covered with wood. In the same Visitation the church is said to have a 
small tower, and it was doubtless just such a structure that came down to 
our times, if not the same, having only a nave and chancel, with 
tower at the west end. Besides the church two areas are mentioned, the 
one nearest to it, probably the vicar's house, surrounded by a moat.* In- 
dications of this moat remained until recent times, and served to delude 
Dr. Stukeley into the idea of it being the praetorium of a Roman camp. 
The gradual formation of hamlets at Kentish Town and Highgate, 
with chapels of ease for their convenience, must gradually have conduced 
to the neglect of the mother church ; and the proof of this neglect the 
old church exemplified in a powerful degree. It seemed to have been 
patched up so often, as to have lost all its original architectural 
features ; especially as the work appeared to have been done anyhow, 
and with any materials. The prints of Toms, Chatelaine, and others 
declare its mongrel character. What, indeed, could be expected, when, 

as elsewhere, for a town or village to receive its name on account of some local 

* At the reading of this Paper, one of the members stated that the vicarage- 
house was in another part of the parish, but he forgot I was speaking of the 
thirteenth century. J.G.W. 


down to the present century, service was only performed in it once a 
month ? 

We can easily imagine, then, that to be Vicar of Pancras was not, 
formerly, a very coveted ecclesiastical benefice. But, if we are to believe 
the dramatist Thomas Nabbe, " the parson of Pancrace " must have 
been in the seventeenth century a sort of " Sir Oliver Martext," as in 
" As you Like it." Shakespeare, without question, painted from the 
life, when he makes Touchstone tell Audrey, " I have been with Sir 
Oliver Martext, the vicar in the next village, who hath promised to 
meet me in this place of the forest and to couple us." Jaques dissuades 
him from being so married, much to the disgust, however, of Audrey, 
who says to him afterwards, " Faith, the priest was good enough for 
all the old gentleman's saying." Audrey knew " delay is dangerous." 
A dialogue in Nabbe's play of " Totenham Court," 1633, runs thus : 

1. " And yet more plots, I' sure the parson of Pancrace hath been 


2. Indeed, I have heard he is a notable joyner. 

1. And Totenham Court ale pays him store of tithe ; 
It causeth questionless much unlawful coupling." 

Now Tottenham Court was the old manor-house of Totenhall, a 
prebend of St. Paul's, standing at the corner of Hampstead Road, 
in after times, as now, the Adam and Eve public house. Deserted by 
its former tenants, it had become a place of suburban resort for the 
citizens of London, and so continued far into the eighteenth century. At 
this time, the place had many attractions. It was extremely rural ; no 
houses nearer than St. Giles Pound ; and the neighbouring dairies afforded, 
in abundance, the materials for syllabubs, custards, and cheesecakes. 
These were some of the staple commodities of its entertainment. Close at 
hand, reaching nearly up to it, was Marylebone Park, the site now 
occupied by Regent's Park, but somewhat larger, and a pathway led 
across the fields to St. Pancras Church, three-quarters of a mile distant. 
By the play, we learn that, the park was convenient for flirtations, the 
parson convenient for the unavoidable consequences, and Tottenham 
Court for the banquet. It ends, indeed, by " Why then to Pancrace 
each with his loved consort, and make it holiday at Totenham Court." 
Those who would, the vicar might marry at the Court, those who 
would be more precise could walk across the fields to the church. 


Seventy years later we find an apt analogy in the adjoining parish of 
Hampstead, as appears in the following advertisement : 

" Sion Chapel, Hampstead, being a private and pleasure place, 
many persons of the best fashion have lately been married there. 
Now, as a minister is obliged constantly to attend, this is to give 
notice, that all persons, upon bringing a licence, and who shall have 
their wedding dinner in the gardens, may be married in the said 
chapel without giving any fee or rewards whatsoever, and such as do 
not keep their wedding dinner at the gardens, only 5s. will be de- 
manded of them for all fees."* On the subject of irregular or clan- 
destine marriages I must again speak of in another place ; it may be 
well, therefore, here to give an outline of the history of our marriage 
law and custom, otherwise very erroneous conclusions may be arrived 
at from the foregoing. Previous to the Council of Trent (sixteenth 
century) marriage, all over Europe, was a civil obligation, no eccle- 
siastical sanction being essential. Of this we have, in the autobiography 
of Benvenuto Cellini, a most atrocious illustration, not redounding to 
the credit of that great artist, great braggart, and great scoundrel. 
The Council decrees that marriage is a sacrament, and whoever says 
it is not, and that it does not confer grace, " let him be accursed." After 
that, no one within the pale of Roman Catholic communion could 
marry without the priest and two witnesses. But previously to the 
pontificate of Pope Innocent III. in 1198, these matters were con- 
ducted in the most simple and patriarchal fashion. The man took the 
woman, with consent, led her from her own to his house, and it was 
indissoluble marriage. The words " sponsus," " sponsa," " spouse," 
meant no more than that each had given the response or answer to 
each other. Before this time no marriage was solemnized in the 
churches. Banns were first directed to be published in 1200, and in 
1347 we find clandestine marriages, as it were, a natural protest 
against any restriction on the right of the individual. For they are 
thus spoken of in the Constitution of William la Zouch: " Some con- 
triving unlawful marriages, and affecting the dark, lest their deeds 
should be reproved, procure every day in a damnable manner mar- 
riages to be celebrated, without publication of banns duly and lawfully 
made, by means of chaplains that have no regard to the fear of God 

* Vido Park's History of Hampstead, p. 235. 


and the prohibition of the laws." Clandestine marriages, however, 
continued thence down to our own times. England did not acknow- 
ledge the Council of Trent ; so, irregular as these unions might be in 
ceremony, they could not be undone, the law of the land recognised 
them, and the parties were amenable only to ecclesiastical censure.* 
But we will now return to the lonely church of St. Pancras, whose 
churchyard, in the eighteenth century, had become a favourite place 
for the interment of Roman Catholics, it is said on account of masses 
being performed in the south of France, at a church dedicated to the 
same saint, for the repose of souls therein. 

In 1765 there was established, on the north side of the church, a 
large bouse, with drinking rooms and gardens, in consequence of the 
discovery of a mineral spring, and the place became known as St. 
Pancras Welle. There was a rage for these spas in the eighteenth 
century, and numbers of them were opened around London, and 
drinking mineral waters for health's sake soon became one of the 
established modes, to use a modern advertising phrase, " of spending a 
happy day." The course observed was, to rise early, drink the waters, 
then walk about and listen to dulcet music, with songs, often in praise 
of the wells or springs. It must have been somewhat " tragical mirth " 
for people to swallow a fluid akin to Glauber's salts, then to walk 
about and try and make merry ; yet, this was what you were enjoined to 
do, if you would seek health. 

One Dr. Soames, who died in 1738, inveighed against the evils of 
tea-drinking, prophesying, as a consequence, that the next generation 
may be in stature more like pigmies than men and women, but he spe- 
cially advised mineral waters. " An hour after you have done drinking," 
says he, " you may divert yourselves with the diversions of the place," 
but, he adds, which must have been somewhat depressing to the hypo- 
chondriac, that " all who expect to reap any benefit from the use of 
these waters must be of a merry and cheerful disposition." 

An old engraving of the last century exhibits this house and 
gardens. There was an inclosure, planted with trees, in rows, to form 
walks, and the view gives us the patients of both sexes solemnly 
walking up and down. On the other side of the church was the Adam 
and Eve public-house, also with its garden, which must have been a 
serious rival. Few other buildings occupied any part of this neigh 

* Vide Bum on Fleet Registers, &c., Loud. 8vo. 1833. 


bourhood until the end of the eighteenth century, and these became 
very squalid and dilapidated before the Great Northern Railway 
began those vast works which have since effaced so much of the 
primitive character of the place. 

The brook flowed towards Battle Bridge by the south side of the 
road, receiving an affluent rising from some springs by Tottenham 
Court Road, on the south side of what is now Euston Road, parallel 
to which it continued as far as Burton Mews, when it turned in a 
north-easterly direction and fell into the main stream by the Brill, 
the position of Stukeley's Roman Camp. The road was often 
overflowed by it, making what was called " St. Pancras Wash," and 
was often in this state as far as Battle Bridge, now King's Cross. 
At times, the inundations were attended with danger, and occasioned 
much loss to the dwellers around. Indeed, here, the stream had less 
fall ; it was at the foot of hills, and moved sluggishly, spreading itself 
out as it bent round the end of Gray's Inn Road, which was here 
carried over the bridge which gave name to the locality. Why the 
prefix " Battle " was given must, I think, be left unanswered, though 
imaginative antiquaries have found that it was the scene of the conflict 
between Suetonius and Boadicea, recorded in the pages of Tacitus. 
One of the most serious of these inundations occurred at the breaking 
up of a frost in January, 1809, thus related in Nelson's Islington : 
" At this period, when the snow was lying very deep, a rapid thaw 
came on, and, the arches not affording a sufficient passage for the in- 
creased current, the whole space between Pancras, Somers Town, and 
the bottom of the hill at Pentonville, was in a short time covered with 
water. The flood rose to the height of three feet in the middle of the 
highway, the lower rooms of all the houses within that space were 
completely inundated, and the inhabitants sustained considerable 
damage in their goods and furniture, which many of them had not 
time to remove. Two cart-horses were drowned, and for several days 
persons were obliged to be conveyed to and from their houses, and 
receive their provisions in at the windows, by means of carts." 

Close to Battle Bridge was another mineral spring of great antiquity, 
for it was one of the Holy Wells, of which there were many in and 
about London. This was dedicated to St. Chad, and the name is yet 
perpetuated in Chad Place, but the well and its establishment has been 
swept away by the Metropolitan Railway Station of King's Cross. 
There are many springs or wells dedicated to this saint in different 


parts of the country. Shadwell, in the east of London, is but a cor- 
ruption. He lived in the seventh century, and his life is recorded by 
the Venerable Bede. Educated in the celebrated monastery of Lin- 
disfarne, he became Bishop of Lichfield, and died of the plague in 673. 
After his death, his body performed miraculous cures : hence the reason of 
dedicating to him springs supposed to possess medicinal virtues. 

St. Chad's Well had a longer life than most of the other mineral 
springs that once flourished in the vicinity. It never launched out 
into dissipation ; never, under the guise of drinking the waters, 
tempted you with tea or brandy and water. It was thoroughly respect- 
able : dull, perhaps, not to say sad. The latter days of its existence 
reminded you painfully that it had seen better days. The house with 
its large windows looked faded. The gardens were pining away slowly, 
but surely, under the influence of London smoke, and decay was visible 
everywhere. Its waters were drank hot, being heated in a copper, which 
certainly did not suggest poetical ideas. You paid 6d. a glass not 
cheap, but perhaps efficacious. You might compound at 1 Is. per 
annum; but it must have required immense enthusiasm for St. Chad 
to do that, although, for your money, you had the extra privilege of 
" circulating " in the gardens. A portrait hung in one of the rooms, 
which has been thus described: " As of a stout comely personage with a 
ruddy countenance, in a coat or cloak, supposed scarlet, a laced cravat 
falling down the breast, and a small red night-cap carelessly placed 
upon the head, conveying the idea that it was painted for the likeness 
of some opulent butcher who flourished in the reign of Queen Anne." 
If you made inquiries, you were answered, " I have heard say it is the 
portrait of St. Chad.'' If you mildly expressed a doubt, you were 
snubbed, of course, and told, " This is the opinion of most people who 
come here."* 

Leaving St. Chad's Well, the brook passed between Gray's Inn and 
Bagnigge Wells Roads, but soon approached the latter, when it abutted 
upon the road-side, making another formidable wash, called " Bag- 
nigge Wash." In 1761 it is recorded that, on " Saturday night the 
waters were go high at ' Black Mary's Hole,' that the inhabitants of 
Bagnigge Wells and in the neighbourhood suffered greatly. About 
seven o'clock a coach, with five gentlemen within, and three on the 
outside, was overturned by the height of the water in the road just by, 
and with great difficulty escaped being drowned." It sometimes was 

* See Hone's Every Day Book ; vol. i. p. 323. 


called in this locality " River Bagnigge." The name was given by a 
house which preserved until recently this inscription : " S. T. This is 
Bagnigge House neare the Finder a Wakefeilde, 1680." It was said 
to have been the country residence of Nell Gwynne, but without any 
good authority. The name " Bagnigge " is derived of a family to 
whom the property belonged in the seventeenth century. 

The place became noted for a public resort in consequence of the 
discovery of two springs, one chalybeate, the other aperient, in 1767, 
and it became known as " Bagnigge Wells." Of the many gardens 
attached to the numerous spas about this part of London these were 
the largest, and the brook flowed through the grounds. Most of these 
medicinal springs had a similar history : first they were fashionable, 
then vulgar, then disreputable. But this resort was pre-eminent in all 
these characteristics, and it will be recollected that the spas of foreign 
renown for health-giving are equally so as places of dissipation, to which 
the former is often but a cloak. A treatise on the waters was written 
by Dr. Bevis a physician, in which, without doubt, their virtues were 
set forth without reserve : cures or imaginary cures, which is much the 
same thing, followed ; fashion wiled away its hours in interesting 
dyspepsia, and so the wells flourished for a time. But in 1776 George 
Colman, in his prologue to " Bon Ton," clearly shows us that Bagnigge 
Wells had degenerated to " Tea Gardens," with a very miscellaneous 
company : 

What is Bon Ton ? 

Ah! I love life and all the joys it yields, 

Says Madam Fussock, warm from Spitalfields. 

Bon Ton's the space 'twixt Saturday and Monday, 

And riding in a one-horse shay on Sunday. 

'Tis drinking tea on Sunday afternoons 

At Bagnigge Wells, in china and gilt spoons. 


A very scurrilous poem, entitled " Bagnigge Wells " (1779), pre- 
tended to be written from notes given by some of the notorieties, is of 
no other value than that it paints a scene of common dissipation, 
in which the pursuit of pleasure, rather than of health, formed the 
object of those who repaired thither. In this, however, it did not 
differ from other places of the kind, which, with it, came under a pre- 
sentation of the Grand Jury of Middlesex. It continued to exist, 
rather than to flourish, until 1813, when the bankruptcy of the tenant, 
Mr. Salter, caused it to be sold up by auction. 


On the opposite side of the stream, at the south-west corner of the 
street, was a well or spring, sometimes called " Black Mary's Hole," 
sometimes " Black Mary's Well." The explanation giv^n of this term 
is, that one Mary (some say a black woman named Wollaston) leased 
here a conduit, to which the citizens resorted to drink the waters, and 
who kept a black cow, whose milk gentlemen and ladies drank with 
the waters. Hence the wits of the seventeenth century used to say 
" Come let us go to Black Mary's Hole." Mary dying, and the place 
degenerating into licentious uses, about 1687, Walter Baynes, Esq. of 
the Inner Temple, inclosed the conduit in the manner it now is, which 
looks like a great oven (1813). He is supposed to have left a fund to 
keep it in repair. " The stone, with inscription, was carried away 
during the night about ten years ago " (1802). 

The physical character of this spot is strongly marked, notwithstanding 
the extraordinary changes that have taken place in the levels, for 
the brook in many places cannot be less than twenty-five feet beneath 
the surface, and it is now utterly impossible to trace its course. There 
is a view taken from the " Upper Pond," by New River Head, in 
1733, which shows the hollow of its channel as almost partaking of the 
character of a ravine, crossed in the distance by a wooden foot-bridge, 
which must have been near Sir John Oldcastle's, by Coldbath .Prison. 
This shows us what a change has been effected. It took place in 
1825, on the occasion of enlarging the prison, and surrounding it with 
its present walls. A view is given of the brook flowing at the foundation 
of these walls in Hone's Table Book.* It shows them erected upon 
lofty arches, now concealed by the raising of the soil, but there is a 
spot close by which gives the original level. An alley on the west 
side leads into a deep hollow, where are a few miserable dwellings, the 
tops of their chimneys being scarcely on a level with the road on the 
north wall of the prison, called Calthorpe Street. The course of the 
brook was here, and it then passed under the north-west angle of the 
prison wall (but on its erection was diverted), winding about towards 
Dorrington Street, which it crosses near its junction with Mount 
Pleasant. At this point a considerable accession of water must have 
been supplied by the numerous springs which were utilised in the year 
1577 by William Lambe, gentleman of the King's Chapel and a 
member of the Clothworkers' Company. He erected a conduit at a 

* Page 75. 


cost of 1,500Z. which gave the name to Lamb's Conduit Fields. Some 
remains of this system of water supply yet exist. Near to Brunswick 
Row, Queen's Square, is the Chimney Conduit and its stream, con- 
tinuing eastward from the boundary of the parishes of Saint Pancras 
and that of Saint George's Bloomsbury. Lamb's Conduit gave the name 
to the street in which it stood, and it seemed to have been the head of 
the several springs, for one from a northerly direction here joined in as 
well as one from the south-east. The fall of this course into the main 
stream was by the hollow near Mount Pleasant. Up to this point 
we have been in the parish of Saint Pancras. Hence, until its exit into 
the Thames, the brook divides the metropolis into two parts, by a deep 
depression that no one can avoid remarking who passes from east 
to west, notwithstanding the vast changes made of late years by the 
Metropolitan Railway, and improvements consequent upon bridging 
the great chasm of Holborn Hill. But, before we follow it, there 
are several places to which we have arrived which call for a notice. 

At the south-east corner of what is now the prison, removed by its 
enlargement in 1866, stood a public-house, with the sign of Sir John 
Oldcastle, having been so called from the seventeenth century, and for- 
merly used as a place of public entertainment and resort, having large 
gardens attached to it. Tradition (but I do not know if fortified by 
anything better,) has made this house to have been originally the 
property of that unfortunate knight Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham 
in right of his wife, and who suffered so cruel a death at St. Giles in 
1413 for heresy. The sign is so remarkable, and probably the only 
inn so distinguished in England, that it lends some probability to the 
tradition, and, if it is a fact that he held property in the neighbour- 
hood, it would tend to confirm it. Opposite is another house, with 
the sign of Lord Cobham' s Head, and the name is preserved in a row 
of houses, Cobham Row. A little to the south-east of this was for- 
merly a large pond, called a " ducking pond," which is seen in maps of 
the first quarter of the eighteenth century. This at once recalls to us 
an old but barbarous sport, once much in fashion with the citizens. 
Ben Jonson, in " Every Man in his Humour," speaks of the citizens 
who go " a-ducking " to Islington Ponds. Davenant also alludes to 
it, and Charles II. was particularly fond of it. A brief description is 
all that it is worth, for it is now happily obsolete. 

A large pond was provided, and the sport consisted in hunting a 
duck with dogs, the duck diving when the dogs came close, to elude 

THE " HOLE-BOURNE.'' 1 1 1 

capture. Another mode was to tie an owl upon the duck's back : the 
duck dives to escape the burden, when, on rising for air, the wretched 
half-drowned owl shakes itself, and, hooting, frightens the duck ; she 
of course dives again and replunges the owl into water. The frequent 
repetition of this action soon deprived the bird of its sensation, and 
generally ended in its death, if not in that of the duck also.* 

The " Coldbath," which names the prison and locality, is said to 
have been the first of its kind in England; it was opened in 1697; 
and attached to it also is a chalybeate spring. Mr. Baynes, previously 
mentioned, established it and managed it at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century, as a cure or rheumatism and nervous diseases. 
The establishment still exists, and has therefore outlived all its 
compeers. Baynes Row preserves the name of its founder. 

The course of the brook now lies through a maze of yards, until it 
reappears at the bottom of Little Warner Street ; crossing Ray Street 
at Back Hill, it pursues its way towards Clerkenwell Green. No part 
of London is more singularly marked in its physical geography than 
this, to which of old the name of " Hockley in the Hole " was given. 
This must make us pause once more, for here we have another 
reminiscence of the past, which bears us back to the amusements of 
our ancestors. 

" Hockley in the Hole " derives at least one part of its designation 
from the hole or hollow formed by the brook at this place. Its tra- 
ditions are those of the amphitheatre, viz. bear and bull baiting and 
gladiatorial combats. Bear-baiting, an old sport, once in favour with 
kings and princes, and, in the sixteenth century, attended by ladies, 
patronised by Elizabeth, and also by her sister Mary, as well as by the 
aristocracy and people in general, was sometimes so madly followed 
as, like modern horse-racing, to bring ruin on its votaries. Among 
these latter, who would expect to have found the kind old schoolmaster, 
Roger Ascham ? The Revolution came, and, with it, proscription of bear- 
baiting, but, unfortunately, things innocent, genial sports, and equally 
the drama with its noble teachings. So, when the Restoration came, 
who can wonder riot, in all forbidden things, came back also, and thus 
again came bear-baiting. Nevertheless, it had had its prestige taken 
a^ay, and henceforth it was to decline, and be, at best, the recreation 
of the low and brutal. j^Here it was that an amphitheatre was erected 

* See Strutt's Sports and Pastimes of the People of England. 


in the seventeenth century, and bear and bull baiting, with prize 
combats of masters of fence, took place.* In the early part of the 
eighteenth century many allusions to it occur in the papers of the day, 
and Gay, in the Beggars' Opera, mentions it as a place in which to 
learn valour. I shall give you an advertisement of the reign of Queen 
Anne, which will be quite sufficient to show the character of the amuse- 
ments here provided : 

" At the BEAR GARDEN, in Hockley in the Hole, near Clerkenwell 
Green, this present Monday, there is a match to be fought by two dogs 
of Smithfield Bars against two dogs of Hampstead, at the Reading 
Bull, for one guinea, to be spent ; five let goes out of hand ; which 
goes farthest and fairest in wins all. The famous bull of fire-works, 
which pleased the gentry to admiration. Likewise there are two bear- 
dogs, which jumps highest for ten shillings, to be spent. Also variety 
of bull-baiting and bear-baiting, it being a day of general sport by all 
the old gamesters ; and a bull-dog to be drawn up with fire-works. 
Beginning at 3 o'clock." 

But, we will now pass on to something to the citizens' greater 
honour. We have arrived at the boundary of London of the Com- 
monwealth, and stand in front of the fortified lines made by order 
of Parliament in 1643, when the dashing Rupert had menaced the 
environs with his squadrons, and an attack on the city by the King's 
forces seemed imminent. The ordinance was read in the churches of 
London, Sunday, April 30, and, on the Wednesday following, says the 
" Diurnall," "many thousands of men and women (good housekeepers), 
their children, and servants, went out of the several parishes of London 
with spades, shovels, pickaxes, and baskets, and drums and colours 
before them, some of the chief men of every parish marching before 
them, and so went into the fields, and worked hard all day in digging 
and making of trenches, from fort to fort, wherebie to intrench the 
citie round from one end to the other, on this side of the Thames, and 
late at night the company came back in like manner they went out, 
and the next day a many more went, and so they continued daily, with 
such cheerfulnesse that the whole will be finished ere many dayes," &c. 
Again, on Monday, May 8, with them went a great company of the 
Common Council, and divers other chief men of the city, with the 

* This spot is marked by a public-house, which must have been close by its 
side. It rejoices in the sign of the " Pickled Egg," and claims a pedigree to 


greater part of the Trained Bands, with their captains, officers, and 
cutlers before them, to assist the works, &c. On the following day 
the good example of the Trained Bands gave such encouragement that 
many substantial citizens, their wives and families, went to digge. All 
the porters in and about the city, to the number of 2,000, went 
together, in their white frocks. Then, Monday, 5 June, went the 
tailors of the city, to the number of 5,000 or 6,000, and afterwards 
the patriotic cobblers performed the same duty. 

An instance of the value of keeping the old names of streets, or, at 
least, not lightly altering them, reminds one of the above facts, for I 
shall show you that Laystall Street, curiously enough, points out the 
exact situation of the fort which was erected to command Gray's Inn 
Road. The term " laystall," now nearly obsolete, is applied to heaps of 
dust and refuse. And here, outside the north of the city, the dust- 
heaps had for a long time been used to be accumulated, as we shall see 
by a reference to Ogilby's map, being shifted further and further as 
the town extended itself. In the King's Library, British Museum, is 
preserved a map of the fortifications, by Cromwell Mortimer, with 
MS. additions, made about 1743, when traces of the lines were still 
visible in many places, and the fort, here called a breastwork, is 
noted as being then covered by a " laystall." The spot is very remark- 
able ; Mount Pleasant, on its side, leads up to it like a natural scarp, 
and the hill itself yet preserves an older name, " Tot-hill,"* the ele- 
ments of which are of frequent occurrence around London, and which 
has often exercised the ability of etymologists, but into which subject I 
here refrain upon entering. 

After the stream leaves Hockley in the Hole, it turns towards 
Clerkenwell Green, following the course of Farringdon Road with few 
bendings to Holborn Bridge, by Farringdon Street and Bridge Street 
to the Thames at Blackfriars. The banks are mainly steep on both 
sides, and in some points must, in early times, have almost given 
the appearance of a ravine. After it passes Fleet Street and nears 
its outfall, the sides fall gradually, until it enters the Thames, where, 
on the western side, we have low-lying ground, which must originally 

* The meaning of this word is not however doubtful. In a vocabulary of the 
fifteenth century, edited by Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. and privately printed 
1857, " Hec Specula " is Englished " a totyng hylle." In Halliwell's Archaic 
Dictionary " Totehlll " is given from the Cheshire dialect to an " eminence." To 
" Tote " means to look out, to spy, or to " tout," as we now use the ivord. 



have been a marshy delta; it is now called Whitefriars, from the 
monastery which formerly stood by. 

But our way is full of interest and, first, on the eastern side, we 
come upon the grounds of the Convent of St. Mary, then, separated 
only by Clerkenwell Green, the spacious establishment of the Knights 
Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem. Now, both these monastic 
houses had their gardens, orchards, and meadows sloping down to the 
brook, and, near at hand, their fish-ponds and water-mills. Documents 
are extant interesting to us as declaring these facts, and also as giving 
us a positive proof, that the true name of this stream is " Holebourne," 
and that the etymology " Oldbourne " of John Stowe, and the brook, 
also, which he makes to run down the present Holborn Street, is nothing 
more than imaginative. It is time this was definitely settled, when we 
find one modern writer accusing us of a " cockneyism " for spelling the 
name with an " H." In the ancient Cartulary * to which I am re- 
ferring we find meadows described as lying by the " Holebourne " 
(juxta Holeburne) ; again, on the bank of the " Holeburne " (in ripain); 
and a ditch which supplied the water for the Nuns' Mill is said to be 
from the " Holeburne ; " so that, it is beyond all question, that this is 
the oldest and the true name of this brook. In one of these documents, 
there is an early mention of the Skinners' Well, described as in " a 
vale with the great fish-pond ; " and not far distant is another well, 
not mentioned by Stowe, called " Gode Well."f These springs were 
clearly upon the slope or bank of the stream. I shall have occasion 
again to allude to the former. 

It may seem strange now to say, when the " vale " described in 
these deeds is all but filled up by the vast works that have so altered 
the face of this part of London, when, for centuries, the gardens and 
orchards have disappeared, that still there are existing memorials of 
the past. Yet this is true. Turnmill Street reminds us of the water- 
mills. Pear-tree Court, perhaps, derived its name from a venerable 
relic of monastic horticulture: and Vine-yard Gardens seem to declare 
to us an attempt to cultivate the vine. But, indeed, the culture of the 
vine is associated with the earliest record in which the name " Hole- 
burn " occurs, viz. Domesday Book ; for here a vine-yard is spoken of 

* Vide Monasticon Anglicanum. 

f Stow speaks of Todwell, which may be the same, for if he took his authority 
from MSS. the T and G would be easily confounded. On the other hand there 
is " Goswell," which might easily be corrupted of" Godewell," or God's-well. 


as being at Holeburn (ad Holeburn). Vine Street, on the western 
bank, seems to preserve a memory of it. No place could possibly be 
more favourable : for this street was almost a precipitous slope until 
recent changes, and its aspect towards the south-east is that of some 
of the best vineyards. 

But we cannot pass from the eastern bank without speaking of the 
well, or spring, that gave name to the locality from very early times, 
I mean the Clerks' Well. Of many mentioned by Stowe, in this 
neighbourhood, the Skinners' Well and the Clerks' Well have a special 
importance, being connected with the early history of our drama. They 
have sometimes been confounded with each other, and it is only the 
latter whose site can be well identified. The religious plays known 
under the names of " Mysteries," and " Miracles," grew out of an at- 
tempt to supersede secular performances in the early ages of the Church. 
At one time, they were performed in the church itself, and almost 
constituted a religious service : but this led to abuses, and it was for- 
bidden to the clergy. It was then sought to be popularised in open 
spaces. The custom of assembling by a well may possibly have arisen 
from the occasional performance of religious rites at some holy spring, 
or these wells being places of resort in the open spaces xmtside the 
city ; * and Clerkenwell Green was a piece of common land between the 
two monastic houses. Now, although the Company of Parish Clerks 
had a speciality for the performance of these plays, yet we know that 
sometimes the whole of the guilds or trading Companies of a town 
took part, and had special subjects ascribed to them. So the " Skin- 
ners " in London, like those of Chester, may have acted plays, and by 
the well which bore their name. In London the parish clerks, being 
more literate, naturally became more efficient actors ; and their per- 
formances may have obscured, or altogether have rendered obsolete, the 
acting by the Trade Companies. There was much in this ecclesiastical 
drama that resembled the religious art of the Church. It dealt in 
elements of great simplicity, that were calculated to impress an igno- 
rant multitude. It was full of humour, but the dialogue was certainly 
secondary to the forcible portraying of certain characters and the 
dramatic situation. Pilate was always given as having a loud au- 
thoritative voice: so, to speak in "Pilate's voice" passed into a 
proverb. Again, Herod (for the " Massacre of the Innocents " was 
made a sensational piece) was represented as a half-madman, full of 
extravagance, to the extreme of ridicule ; and the role was to strike 

* Clement's Well is spoken of by Fitzstephen as a place of resort. 

I 2 


him down in the midst of his blaspheming vaunt. Sometimes Death 
appears to cany him off, prefacing his dialogue with a howl ; at other, 
the demons make sport with his soul. In the Chester Mysteries, the 
author has shown that the dramatic art had in his person made a step 
in advance ; for he makes Herod to have had his only son sacrificed in 
the general slaughter. The moral could not have been given more 
forcibly by the greatest master of the craft. In the comedy, strange 
to say, the demons had a large share. They were often gross, sometimes 
obscene, but they must have brought down " the house " with storms of 
applause, when they carried off the alewife who sold bad ale, and had 
given bad measure ; * especially if, as in the Fairford windows, she 
resented their want of gallantry in a free use of her nails. The ladies, 
indeed, come in for satire in many places. For instance, Noah's wife 
in the Chester Mysteries is very difficult to get into the ark ; she wants 
her gossips to go with her, and at length is forcibly carried in by her 
son Shem. Then Noah, doubtless bowing low, says, " Welekome 
wiffe into this bote," at which the irate lady replies, striking him : 
" Have thou that for thy note." But the " Massacre of the Innocents " 
may be taken as a fair sample of the characteristic treatment of these 
subjects. And, in the various examples extant, we trace a traditional 
resemblance to each other, and also to the arts of the Church. For 
instance, in the Coventry and Chester plays, both, two knights are 
appointed by Herod to slay the children of Bethlehem. The former 
names them " Sir Grymbald" and " Sir Lanscler." So, in the sculptures 
which adorn the west front of the cathedral church of St. Trophime, 
at Aries, in the south of France, (date early in the twelfth century,) the 
,two knights, habited in long hawberks of chain-mail reaching to 
their feet, holding their huge swords, already drawn, upon their 
shoulders, with visages of most truculent ferocity, are proceeding to 
the work of slaughter. In a very brief and early Latin mystery, the 
knights do not appear, but we get some stage directions, if one may 
so call them, which are interesting. This Latin mystery ,f however, 
was of course not for the popular out-door performances, but was rather 
a service held in the church of some large monastic establishment, as 
it, indeed, tells us. The opening begins by a procession of the " In- 
nocents clothed in white," and praying to the Lord, saying : 

Quam gloriosum est regnum, 
Emitte Agnum Domine, 

Chester Mysteries. f Published by T. Wright, M.A. F.S.A. 


Then the Lamb appears, bearing a cross, and goes before them ; they 
follow, singing as before. Here we have the symbolism of the Church, 
prefiguring, by the slaughter, the sacrifice of the Lamb of God. But 
this has marked peculiarities from the popular plays. "We have the 
children crying out after they are slain, calling upon heaven for 
vengeance, and an angel comforting them. The simplicity of the whole 
conception may be tested from the fact of " Rachel mourning for her 
children " being literally interpreted as the act of an individual ; and 
the directions tell us, "Then Rachel is led in, and two consolers, and, 
standing amongst the children, weeps, sometimes falling down," &c. 
In fact, in this mystery, there is very little that is in any way dramatic ; 
it is rather, as I have said, a religious service dramatically treated. 

But we must how turn our attention to the site where these popular 
plays were performed in London. The Clerks' Well is the only one 
whose position can be now identified, and is on the north-west edge of 
Clerkenwell Green. Let us take our stand a little above it, and look 
westwards, and, even now, when the valley in which the stream 
ran is almost filled up, we can yet see why this situation was chosen 
for the performance. The steep and high banks of the brook formed 
a natural theatre. The stage or scaffold would be erected in the 
hollow below, with covered seats for distinguished personages, but the 
large and miscellaneous assemblage of citizens, with their wives and 
families, would stand or sit upon the grassy slopes, one above the 
other, and a vast number of spectators could thus see, if they could not 
hear. The performances of most importance are related to have taken 
place at the " Skinners' Well : " for instance, one in 1391, before 
Richard II., his Queen, and many of the. nobility, which lasted three 
days. But in 1409 we have recoi'ded a performance of the whole 
scheme of the Old and New Testament, as in the Chester and Coventry 
plays ; and, as it lasted eight days, we can imagine the arrangement 
to have been similar to that of the Chester Plays, and to have consisted 
of twenty-four pageants or acts, three being performed on each day. 
The " Skinners' Well " is mentioned in an ancient deed * specially as 
being in the valley (in voile in qua est Skinners Well), and, having care- 
fully examined the description, I should place its site north of the 
Clerks' Well, down in the hollow. If I am right, I can see a reason 
why this was preferred. The banks here bent round in a half circle, 
which would not only accommodate a larger number of spectators, but 

* Vide Monasticon Anidicamiin. 


enable them to witness the performances at greater convenience. I 
must not here arrest you longer, but to express my regret that the 
record of the site of the Clerks' Well has been removed. I trust that 
means may be made to remedy this at an early date. 

Looking across the brook to the western bank, we have the site of 
the palace and gardens of the Bishop of Ely, of which but the chapel, 
dedicated to St. Etheldreda, now remains in Ely Place. Aggas' map 
gives us the whole plan of house and gardens, which were on the slope 
towards the brook, admirably situated for the cultivation of straw- 
berries, and we can well realize Richard III. being moved to ask for 
some of the Bishop when at the Council in the Tower, as related by 
the chronicler and Shakespeare. The whole situation must, in the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, have been extremely beautiful, 
looking down upon the green valley, with the brook in the midst, 
crossed by a rustic bridge, at Cowbridge Street, now Cow Lane, a 
little higher up the water mills of the two monasteries, and all along, 
on the- opposite bank, gardens, orchards, and meadows belonging to the 
same. Add to this the churches and other buildings of these religious 
houses rising above all, and no place on the outskirts of London could 
have presented a scene so charming, and so full of picturesque beauty. 

Ely House was ceded to Sir Christopher Hatton through a notable 
mandate from Elizabeth, that need not be here repeated. Subsequently 
the whole estate was made over to the Hatton family, whose name in 
Hatton Garden and Hatton Wall, &c. gives us a rough boundary to the 
property. Its hall was much used for public entertainments. Gon- 
demar, the Spanish ambassador to the court of James I. was here 
feasted, and on that occasion, it is said, was performed the last 
mystery in this country, entitled " Christ's Passion." But we ought to 
remember that the modern oratorio is essentially on the same general 
principles as the old mystery. 

Leaving the sixteenth century, a great change comes over the scene 
just described, and not one for the better. London was increasing fast in 
spite of Acts of Parliament and Royal Edicts. Notwithstanding fines 
inflicted, of which many records are preserved, it went on ; but by 
these records we can trace its progress in this very valley. In returns, 
made in obedience to a precept from the Lord Mayor in July 1597, 
several names occur of persons who had erected houses in Chick Lane, 
Cow Lane, and the neighbourhood. Four new tenements are spoken 
of as having been built at Sempririgham House, where Stowe tells 


us that the prior of Sempringham had formerly his London lodging, 
and there appears to have been a gradual absorption going on. It 
was later before the Hatton property underwent this change ; but in 
the reign of Charles II. the proprietor paid fines, and received pardons 
for his violation of the statutes. Many houses of this date may still be 
seen on that side of Field Lane now remaining. 

We cannot pursue this subject in detail, but must now bring 
ourselves down nearer to our own times, when the valley con- 
stituted a densely-packed assemblage of buildings, in narrow con-- 
fined ways. They crowded closely upon the stream ; many of their 
foundations rising, as it were out of it, though now a noisome 
sewer, black with filth, and pregnant with disease. The villainy 
of London made it a favourite haunt ; and the records of the 
Newgate Calendar tell us what this once pretty vale had become. A 
house in Chick Lane (West Sti-eet) had a terrible notoriety, and it 
must serve as an illustration. The house was once known as the Red 
Lion Inn ; and it must have been one of those erected at the end of 
the sixteenth century. It was a rendezvous of highwaymen in the 
last century, and had extensive ranges of stabling, attached to some 
buildings in the rear, which went under the name of Chalk Farm. Its 
later history connects it with the burglars, footpads, and receivers of 
stolen goods ; indeed, all those who preyed upon society made it an 
occasional hiding-place. It stood alongside the brook, whose rapid 
torrent was well adapted to convey away everything that might be 
evidence of crime. Dark closets, trap-doors, sliding-panels, and in- 
tricate passages, rendered it a secure place of concealment. On one 
occasion, the police had surrounded the house to apprehend a burglar, 
who was known to be there, but he actually escaped in their presence. 
Once, a sailor was decoyed there, robbed, and thrown naked out of a 
window into the stream, and was taken out at Blackfriars Bridge a 
corpse. Field Lane, which ran out from Holborn, was also a notorious 
place, chiefly from the reception of stolen goods. It was curious to peep 
down it, and see pocket-handkerchiefs hanging out from the door, all of 
which, perhaps, claimed another and more lawful owner. But let us 
thank ourselves that it has now gone, and proceed upon our way. 

We are now at Holborn Bridge (not the viaduct), but that which 
was made across the brook. Here we are again upon one of London's 
historical boundaries, for the Great Fire of 1666 did not advance further 
northwards at this spot. 


The bridge itself, reconstructed after the Great Fire, was of red brick, 
with stone dressings, and, being uncovered some years ago, the date 
1669 was found upon it. 

Here we, perhaps, must now give up the name of Holebourn for 
that of " Fleet," for it is possible that it may in early times have been 
influenced by the tide nearly as far as this spot. Indeed, we have this 
asserted in an early record, which Stowe alludes to, and in which his 
great error of etymology in the name of the brook is so prominently 
set forth. 

In 1307 Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln presented a petition setting 
forth " that the water course under Holbourne and Fleete bridges 
used to be wide enough to carry ten or twelve ships up to Fleet 
bridge, laden with various articles and merchandise, and some of them 
passed under that bridge to Holbourn bridge, to cleanse and carry off 
the filth of the said water course, .which now, by the influx of tan 
yards* and sundry other matters, troubling the said water, and par- 
ticularly by the raising of the key and turning off the water, which 
the inhabitants of the Middle Temple had made to their mills without 
Castle Baynard, that the said ships cannot get in as they used and 
ought to do, &c." In consequence, Roger le Brabazon, Constable of 
the Tower, together with the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, were enjoined to 
make inquiry by means of honest and discreet men, &c. The mills were 
then removed and the nuisance was abated. This process of cleansing 
the Fleet was frequently renewed from time to time, at great cost and 
trouble. In 1502 it was thoroughly scoured out down to the Thames. 
In 1606, in order to be able to control the waters to the same effect, 
floodgates were erected upon it, and, after the Great Fire of 1666, 
great improvements took place : it was widened, and made sufficiently 
deep for barges of considerable burden to go up as far as Holborn 
bridge, where, at the lowest tides, it had five feet of water. But all 
to little purpose; the silting up continued, and, what was worse, it 
became an easy receptacle for filth of all kinds, every day an increasing 
nuisance. An ancient nuisance indeed; since in the Rolls of Parlia- 
ment, 1290, the prior and brethren of the White Friars complained 
that the fetid odour arising therefrom had occasioned the deaths of 
many brethren, and had interrupted divine offices. In this complaint 
the Black Friars and the Bishop of Salisbury also concurred. 

* There were still tan-pits by Holborn Bridge when the continuation of 
Farringdon Street was first made. 


In 1736, by an Act of Parliament, it was arched over as far as 
Fleet bridge, and a market opened above it in 1737 (Sept. 30), and in 
1764 the rest was treated in the same way as far as the Thames. 

But I must not pass a spot on the east bank which possessed some 
most remarkable physical characters, almost indeed of the nature of a 
precipice. Before the London Dover and Chatham Eailway had 
made such a sweep of the local peculiarities, a person, passing from 
the Old Bailey through Green Arbour Court, where Goldsmith is said 
to have once resided, came to a flight of stairs, which appropriately 
received the name of " Break -neck Stairs," being excessively steep, 
leading down to the level of the Fleet bank. It was obviously arti- 
ficial, for there was nothing in the character of the soil that differed 
from its surroundings which would account for a natural cliff. Many 
years ago Mr. Roach Smith wrote to me, requesting I would give it a 
close inspection, he believing it to have been the site of the Roman 
theatre. I did so, and became convinced of the extreme plausibility 
of this theory. London, in Roman times, was of such importance 
that it would be a very singular exception if it were without a theatre. 
Granting that such existed, where in its vicinity could there be such a 
convenient spot? There is literally no other place outside, but near 
the walls, which fulfils the conditions required so completely as this. 
Taking advantage, as they always did, of the side of a hill, if possible, 
in which to excavate the seat, such as is observed at Orange, at Aries, 
and at Autun, this site had precisely the convenience required. In 
fact, it is remarkably similar in local peculiarities to that last named. 

Why should London be without those accompaniments of the 
Roman city so continually found in even smaller towns ? Why not 
suppose that the amphitheatre also may have been close at hand, as 
is usual ? There is a large cleared site adjoining, once occupied by 
the Fleet Prison, of ample dimensions for it. It certainly is an inte- 
resting question, incapable indeed now of proof, but so probable that 
I place it before you, not as my own idea, but as that of our friend, 
whose acuteness and power of observation led him first to this con- 

Some few words before we leave the Fleet Prison. It had a pain- 
ful history, none more so. If ever there was a place that, had it 
power, could yield us a story of human misery, it was here. For 
here, we may say, the law itself was attaint. It had a long history, 
going back to the twelfth century, and was burnt by the rebels under 


Wat Tyler, in 1381. Here sighed many a victim of the cruel Star 
Chamber, and down to our own times even many an unhappy wretch 
passed away his life for a contempt of the Court of Chancery, from 
which he had no power to purge himself. As a debtors' prison it 
became notorious for the exactions, and even the cruel practices, of 
the wardens, until public indignation vindicated the honour of the 
law, and the malpractices of the officers came under a Committee of 
the House of Commons in 1728. Concurrent with this were the 
clandestine marriages, performed by reprobate parsons, in itself form- 
ing a marvellously curious history. Before the Act of Parliament of 
1754, scarcely more than a century ago, which made these marriages 
illegal, touters stood about the prison tempting the passers by thus 
" Will you please to be married ? " Wives and husbands were occa- 
sionally provided when there were particular ends to serve. But this 
was a small affair compared to forcing marriages upon the unwilling. 
The papers of the day duly advertised the rascally clergy who profited 
by this traffic, but I have already shown you that they were not, when 
performing, fairly, the rite of marriage, acting in despite of the law. 
Their records have been well digested by Mr. Burn, in his excellent 
work on the Fleet Registers, to which I refer those who wish further 
to examine this question. 

The ancient bridge over the Fleet between Fleet Street and Lud- 
gate, must have been, in Stowe's time, a pretty object. He thus 
describes it : 

" Fleet bridge, a bridge of stone faire coaped on either side with 
iron pikes, on y e which towards the south be also certain lanthornes 
of stone for lights to be placed in winter evenings for commodity of 
travellers. On the coping was a device ' Wels embraced by Angels,' 
it being repaired at the charges of John Wels in 1431. A foot-bridge 
also crossed the stream between Blackfriars and Bridewell." 

The site of the former, after the dissolution, became a favorite resi- 
dence for some of the nobility, and it was in the precinct of the 
Blackfriars that a theatre was erected, in which Shakespeare had a 
share, and where many of his immortal plays were produced. 

Bridewell Palace took its name from the well dedicated to St. 
Bridget, on the east end of the church of the same name. Edward 
the Sixth ceded the property to the Mayor and Citizens, and it finally 
became a House of Correction for disorderly people, and has given its 
name to all places of like character. 


As the great brook, now with accumulated waters poured into the 
Thames, it must in early ages have passed through a small marshy 
delta on its western side. This, now known as Whitefriars, from the 
Carmelite Monastery that once occupied it, became in later times a 
notorious haunt. Also, it was another locality for the performance of 
the drama, a theatre being erected in Dorset Gardens, called the Duke's 
Theatre in 1671. 

So, you perceive, by a singular coincidence of circumstances, one 
could really write the history of our drama, of our popular sports and 
amusements, and much that has influenced our thought and habits, by 
illustrations taken along the course of this stream. And, although 
I fear I have occupied too much of your time, I feel that, so wide is 
the subject, I have been compelled to leave out many details of inte- 
rest which would have rendered my account more complete. 




A Collection of Roman and Medieval Antiquities discovered in the 
excavations for the new Post Office in St. Martin's-le- Grand, was 
exhibited at a meeting of the Society by the kind permission of the 
First Commissioner of Works. It comprised a large quantity of 
Samian and Early-English Pottery, together with coins, glass, and 
other objects, recovered from depths varying from 10 to 20 feet from 
the surface level. A section of the excavations is shewn by the an- 
nexed woodcut. It has been copied from a diagram prepared by Mr. 
John Gould, clerk of the works, and exhibited before the Society of 
Antiquaries of London, to whom I am indebted for the loan of the 
illustration.* The line marked by black earth and ashes indicates 
what may be considered as the ground level at the time of the Great 

Amongst the objects found was an example of the ancient Quern 
or hand-mill, in unusually good preservation. It calls for especial 
notice, being one of the most perfect specimens yet met with in 
London excavations, only isolated stones or fragments being generally 
found. Both stones are perfect, and are formed from lava plentiful in 
the neighbourhood of the Rhine, where the material is quarried for the 
fabrication of mill-stones to the present time. In the annexed plate, 
carefully prepared by Mr. J. P. Emslie, it will be observed that the 
lower stone, which is about 16 inches in diameter, has a slightly 
convex surface, and has been hollowed to receive the upper one. The 
surface shows the usual arrangement of channels found in mill-stones. 
These also appear on the concave portion of the upper stone. In this 
there is a central aperture or hopper for the reception of the corn or 
other farinaceous substance, and in the lower is an outlet in the rim. 
The thickness of the lower stone, inclusive of the rim, is about 
4 inches. In the centre is a square hole, which, from the quantity of 
rust contained within, marks the remains of an iron pivot which was 
fitted into a bridge let in the under surface of the upper stone. The 

* See Proc. Soc. Antiquaries of London, Series iv. No. 8, p. 4H7. 






mode of working was evidently by the hand, two apertures which held 
the handles existing in the upper stone; in one of these remained a 
quantity of the lead by which the handles had been fastened in posi- 
tion. It was usual for two persons to work such mills They faced 
each other ; both grasped the handles, while the one with the disen- 
gaged right hand threw the corn into the hole in the upper stone. 
From the position in which this quern was discovered, and its associa- 
tion with quantities of the red pottery, glass, coins, &c. it must be 
viewed as a relic of the Roman household. In discoveries made on 
Roman sites and stations in this country such hand mills are among 
the most frequent of the objects found. At the Northern stations 
Dr. Bruce describes them as most plentiful. At Isurium ( Aldborough 
in Yorkshire), in one of the houses excavated, they were found in the 


situation in which they had been used, and in London, at Tower Hill, 
Bishopsgate Street,* Prince's Street, Watling Street, and numerous 
other places, examples have been found. Varying in form, size, and 
the quality of stone, they are mostly of the same character as those 
so frequently referred to by the authors of antiquity. In Holy Scrip- 
ture references to their use abound.")" Severe as must have been the 
labour, it appears to have been usually conducted by women or by 
slaves. Samson was put to grind corn in the prison-house 

To grind in brazen fetters under task 

Eyeless at Gaza at the mill with slaves. MILTON. 

So, too, did the Hebrews during their captivity in Egypt and Babylon. 
The grinders are said to have performed their labour in the morning, 
grinding a supply for the day, and sitting behind their mills. It was 
the same in Greece in the time of Homer, who employs fifty females 
in the house of Alcinous in this service.} In Arabia and the Holy 
Land they are still in use, and travellers tell us that in Philistia it is 
customary to hear the hum of the hand-mill at every village and 
Arab camp morning and evening, and often deep into the night. The 
Romans possessed in addition corn mills turned by mules, and asses. 
Some of these, discovered among the remains at Pompeii, are not less 
than 6 feet high. Mr. Roach Smith figures one found at Orleans,|| 
and such may be seen on bas-reliefs and other monuments. That 
however in ordinary use was the mola manuaria. Plautus is said to 
have obtained a livelihood by working for a baker at a hand-mill, 
and to have composed three of his comedies while so employed. The 
custom of parching the grain before grinding, which has extended 
into later times, is mentioned by Virgil in the Georgics, book i. 267. 

Nunc torrete igni fruges, nunc frangite saxo. 
Querns are often met with in this country formed from conglomerate 

* There are specimens from this locality preserved in the Museum of An- 
tiquities at Guildhall. They are of volcanic stone, flat, very thin in substance, 
and resemble two stones in the British Museum, which were found together near 
the river Breamish, and adjacent to an ancient hill-fort at Prendwick among 
the Cheviot hills; of this type there is a small one about 8 inches in diameter 
which was found at Colchester, and the top stone of a quern discovered at 
Dumno, near St. Andrews, Scotland. This is flat, of schistose stone, and a good 
deal worn away at the edge. 

f Matthew, xxiv. 41 ; Judges, xvi. 21 ; Lamentations, v. 13 ; Exodus, xi. 5 ; 
Isaiah, xlvii. 2 ; Revelations, xviii. 22. % Dyer's Pompeii, p. 357. 

Dyer's Pompeii, p. 356. || Collectanea Antiqua, vol. iv. p. 26. 




and other native stones. Mr. A. W. Franks, F.S.A., has kindly di- 
rected my attention to examples which may be seen in the British 
Museum; among them are some of the conical or sugar-loaf type, 
formed from the conglomerate known as the Hertfordshire " pudding- 
stone." There is a specimen found while ploughing in a field in 
the neighbourhood of Ipswich, and others from Cambridgeshire, 
in which county they may be sometimes seen built into old walls. 
Mr. Roach Smith, F.S.A., records the discovery of similar mill- 
stones at Springhead, Kent, and formed from the same conglomerate. 
Sometimes the upper and lower stone were of different material, but 
in the specimen we have illustrated they are similar. The lower 
stone was often of a harder and more compact material than the 
upper one, which was porous, lighter, and consequently easy to 
turn. This was observed by Dr. Thomson in his travels in the 
Holy Land,* and he cites the fact as illustrative of the passage in 
Job " Hard as the nether millstone." In his Mediterranean Sketches, 
1834, the Earl of Ellesmere quotes the passage in Judges ix. 53, 
which records the death of Abimelech by a portion of a millstone 
thrown upon his head. And he remarks that some commentators 
render this as the upper stone of a handmill, observing that no better 
missile could be devised than the entire stone. Such a stone also 
would not only serve as a sufficient weight to drown the swimmer, 
but might be easily attached to his neck for that purpose. In a 
Dutch illustrated Bible, continues his Lordship, the woman is repre- 
sented as heaving a millstone of some ten feet diameter at the head 
of Abimelech. -j- 

A curious quern was discovered some years since on a conical hill called 
the Biggin near the Watling Street, some three miles from Rugby. An 
engraving and description is given in the fifth volume of the Journal of 
the Archaeological Institute. The aperture for working the handle was at 
the side, and, though the surface of the lower stone was slightly convex 
and raised at the margin, it differed from our London specimen in the 
aperture for the spindle in the lower stone being but an inch in 
diameter, in this was a wooden plug, with which the stones were kept 
in place. And, writes Mr. Moultrie, " the spindle only partially filling 
the cavity in the upper stone, the grain fell gradually through the 

* The Land and the Book, p. 528. 

f See Willis's Current Notes, x. 3, January 1852, p. 60. 


passage from the small bason above, and was thrown out in flour at 
the sides." A quern of this form is also preserved in Mr. Bateman's 
museum, and illustrated in his Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derby- 
shire, p. 127. 

Among the Saxon laws of Ethelbert there is one relating to the 
grinding of corn by female domestics ; and in later times various 
expedients for turning the mills appear to have been in use. In the 
fourteenth century one of a novel character was adopted. To the 
ceiling of the room immediately over the quern was affixed a piece of 
iron having a hole in it. Near the edge of the upper mill-stone was 
another hole. In these holes was placed a staff, by which a female 
seated beside the apparatus revolved the mill, the iron ring in the 
ceiling retaining the staff in a vertical position.* Wycliffe renders 
the old version reference in St. Matthew's Gospel as " Two wymmen 
schulen be grinding in one querne ;" and Harison the historian speaks 
of his wife grinding her malt upon a quern.]' Until quite recently 
they were in use among the peasantry in the outlying districts of 
Scotland and Northumberland. In his Tour to the Hebrides, Boswell 
records "We stopped at a little hut where we saw an old woman 
grinding corn with the quern, an ancient Highland instrument which 
it is said was used by the Komans, but which being very slow in its 
operation is almost entirely gone into disuse." He also mentions water- 
mills in Skye and Raasay, but says, " when they are too far distant the 
housewives grind their oats with a quern or handmill, which consists of 
two stones, about a foot and a-half in diameter, the lower is a little con- 
vex, to which the concavity of the upper must be fitted." In France 
they are said to be still in use. Mr. Smith figures one in his Collectanea 
Antiqua, which he observed at Abbeville. It was fixed in a stand, 
and turned by means of an iron handle, as previously described. 
Among the Irish peasantry they are still employed. In the Catalogue 

* See Die Burg Tannenburg und Jhre Ausgrabungen, Bearbites von Dr. J. 
Von Hefner and Dr. J. W. Wolf. Frankfort an Main, 1850. Arch. Institute 
Journal, vol. vii. p. 404. 

f In the appraisement of the goods and chattels of Stephen le Northerne, 
among the articles mentioned are two " quernestones," 18d. and one pair of 
" musterd quernes," 6d. 30 Edw. III. A.D. 1356. Eiley's Memorials of London 
Life in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, p. 283. Mr. A. W. 
Franks, F.S.A., informs me that in Denmark querns are used for grinding 
mustard to the present day. 


of Antiquities belonging to the Koyal Irish Academy, by Mr. Wilde, 
several curious specimens are figured, and the author remarks that 
the museum possesses no less than 35 specimens (more or less perfect) 
of these primitive objects. He observes also that their antiquity is very 
great, and that amongst the causes of their discontinuance are certain 
prohibitions against them in some localities in Ireland as well as 
Scotland, in which latter country laws have been long in force which 
make the peasantry grind the corn at the proprietor's water-mill. 
During the famine in Ireland many of the hand-mills were employed, 
particularly in hilly districts, or where the water-mills were inac- 
cessible. Mr. Wilde mentions that in the summer of 1853 he pur- 
chased a quern at work in the neighbourhood of Clifden, Connemara. 
In a paper on the subject of Irish querns, the Rev. J. Graves, Secretary 
to the Kilkenny Archseological Society, remarks that the diameter 
of those in use varies from 3 feet 6 inches to 2 feet, and some few 
are even smaller, 'and that the principle of working is the same as 
that adopted in ancient times. One handle only seems to be employed, 
and that worked by two women, who, seated on the ground, seize the 
handle and dexterously push round the runner stone from one to the 
other ; the stone thus acquires considerable velocity, receiving a fresh 
momentum as the handle passes each grinder, and as the work pro- 
ceeds the mill is continually fed by handfuls of corn, the meal passing 
out by a notch cut in the rim of the nether stone.* " One quern 
(says Mr. Graves,) serves for several families; and, although the 
owner may chance to be in the poorest circumstances, yet no charge 
is ever made for the use of the machine, such a procedure being 
counted unlucky." It is difficult to determine the age of many querns 
now in actual use, inasmuch as they have been handed down for many 
generations from mother to daughter. Ill fortune is believed to ensue 
when the quern is sold ; the -Secm-tighe, or " woman of the house, is 
extremely reluctant to part with this heir-loom, even though offered 
for it much more than the intrinsic value." May not these customs 
be relics of the old Jewish law, which says " No man shall take the 
nether or upper millstone to pledge"? f 

For the purpose of comparison we have illustrated on the second 
plate four interesting specimens of ancient querns, also exhibited ; they 

* See Arch. Institute Journal, vol. viii. p. 394. Also the modern Irish Quern 
presented by the Archaeological Institute to the British Museum, 
f Deut. xxiv. v. 6. 


are preserved in the valuable collection of John Walker Baily, esq. and 
are typical of the other forms usually found. Fig. 1 is from the 
Island of Rathlin off the Irish coast ; it is of a hard conglomerate, 
the upper side appearing to be somewhat softer than the under, which 
resembles what is termed "plum-pudding" stone. It measures 18 
inches in diameter, is 4 inches thick in the centre, slanting off to a 
width of 3 inches at the side, and has an aperture or grain-hole in the 
centre of 3| inches. There are two handle-holes, and on either side of 
these are rude decorated carvings of the cross and interlacing knots. 
It bears some resemblance to an example in the museum of the Royal 
Irish Academy, which is of the same diameter, but less in thickness, 
and is ornamented with the old Irish cross contained within a circle, 
the hole for the handle being placed in one of the arms of the cross. 
It is composed of sandstone ; the ornamentation is in high relief; and 
it is considered to have been a church quern. " It was found in a 
crannoge in Roughan Lake near Dungannon, county of Tyrone." 

Fig. 2 is of the conical or sugar-loaf form, also from the north of 
Ireland, formed from a hard sharp-cutting stone. It is 7J inches 
high, 6 inches in diameter at the top, and 12 inches across at the 
base, and much resembles in form and size an example, 33 pounds in 
weight, which was found in position on the nether stone some years 
since upon a bed of gravel at Garthorpe in Leicestershire.* It is also 
similar to a perfect specimen in the British Museum which was found 
at Iwerne Courtenay, Dorset, and presented to the Collection by the 
Rev. Frederick Bliss. 

Fig. 4 is likewise from Ireland. It is the top stone of a quern 
measuring 12 inches in diameter, with a projection from its circum- 
ference of 2 1 inches where the handle-hole is placed. It is 6 inches 
high. The grain-hole is deeply excavated. 

Fig. 5 is of late date, but an interesting specimen of a " nether 
stone." It was found in the course of excavations in Whitecross 
Street, London ; it is of Purbeck stone. Its form is best described 
by the illustration, which well indicates the side-lip or outlet and 
the central orifice for the spindle. It measures 16 inches diameter, 
and has a thickness of 1^ inch. 

* See Gentleman's Magazine, 1815, p. 209. 




[Read at Mercere' Hall, April 21, 1869.] 

WE are now assembled under the roof of one of the oldest of the 
City companies indeed of that one which has always taken the pre- 
cedence of the rest, and may with probability be regarded as the most 
ancient of all. In the history of these associations it is commonly 
found that there are three stages ; the first that of voluntary member- 
ship, the next that regulated by the general authority of the City, and 
the last that of self-government sanctioned by royal charters of incor- 
poration ; and such were certainly the successive gradations in the 
present instance. 

These commercial fraternities were not necessarily confined to one 
trade. In the smaller towns they more frequently consisted of several 
associated trades : which is shown by Chaucer telling \is that among 
his companions as pilgrims to Canterbury 

An Haburdassher and a Carpenter, 

A Webbe, a Dyer, and a Tapiser 

Were with us eke, clothed in oo (i.e. one) livery 

Of a solempne and great Fraternity; 

and this continued to be the practice until a comparatively recent date.* 

In London, on the other hand, probably from the multitude of their 

members, the trade companies were, like teeming hives, continually 

throwing off swarms, which set up for themselves. In this way the 

* At Gateshead several heterogeneous trades were incorporated together as 
late as the several years 1557, 1594, 1602, 1671, and 1676. See a paper by W. 
H. Dyer Longstaffe, esq. F.S.A. in the Gentleman's Magazine for August 1862 ; 
also The Herald and Genealogist, i. 128. 



Apothecaries originated from the Grocers, and the Haberdashers from 
the Mercers ; and the Haberdashers themselves became divided into 
two bodies, the fraternity of St. Katharine the Virgin, and that of 
St. Nicholas, the one being haberdashers of Hats (otherwise called 
Hurrers and Cappers) and the other the Haberdashers of small wares. 
In like manner we find there were distinct companies of the artificers 
in crafts which would seem to be so akin as to be almost one. There 
were both Carpenters and Joiners, both Masons and Marblers, both 
Blacksmiths and Farriers, both Bowyers and Fletchers (the latter the 
makers of arrows), both Tallow Chandlers and Wax Chandlers : at 
one time two companies of Fishmongers, the dealers in fresh or in salt 
fish ; and two of Bakers, the Brown Bakers and the White Bakers. 

By the designation Mercer has been usually understood in modern 
times a dealer in silk, but that is really an abbreviation of the more 
distinctive description of silk-mercer.* A mercer in the earlier sense 
of the word was a general trader or dealer. The term is derived from 
merces, the plural of mercc, a word in classical Latin signifying any 
kind of ware or merchandize, anything in short that was brought to 
market. We are here in the midst of that part of London which was 
the heart of its ancient traffic. Here was the Chepe, the old English 
name for market, but the market-men of each class had their peculiar 
localities. Many of the neighbouring streets still bear record of their 
special occupation in ancient times. Near at hand is the Poultry. At 
the other end of the Cheap was Old Fish Street, and adjoining to it 
the Friday market, particularly devoted to the food for fast-days, the 
name of which is preserved in Friday Street. The butchers were 
principally also at the west end of the Cheap, not very far from the 
spot which they have only just now quitted (I mean Newgate Market); 

* From the control with which the Mercers were entrusted especially over 
silk (which will be described hereafter), their business came to be chiefly directed 
to that commodity. In the middle of the last century the Mercer is humorously 
described as " the twin-brother of the Draper ; only the woollen-draper deals 
chiefly with the men, and is the graver animal of the two, and the Mercer 
traffics most with the ladies ; the latter dealing in silks, velvets, brocades, and 
an innumerable train of expensive articles for the ornament of the fair sex. 
Their business requires a great capital to make a figure." Campbell's London 
Tradesman, 1757. But, as with many other companies, that of the Mercers 
during the last century ceased to have any connection with the trade from which 
it derived its name. 


for a church at the west end of Cheap was called St. Nicholas by the 
Shambles. Bread Street and Milk Street are still remaining, marking 
the places at which those necessary articles of provision were vended ; 
so is Honey Lane, and honey, it will be remembered, was almost as 
necessary as milk, whilst sugar was as yet only a luxury. On the 
north side of the Cheap Cheapside as the name at length became, 
the Goldsmiths had their line of shops called Goldsmiths' Row, and 
made their splendid and attractive display in view of the worshippers 
proceeding to the cathedral church, just as such a row has existed 
down to our own day near Notre Dame at Paris and in the approaches 
to other great continental churches. Then, in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of this hall was the Mercery, a locality occupied by the 
general dealers in small wares, residing for the most part in the 
parishes of St. Katharine Coleman and St. Mary le Bow. 

Stowe, in his Survay, gives this very remarkable description of the 
south side of Cheap ward, that from the Great Conduit westward 
were many fair and large houses, for the most part possessed by 
Mercers, up to the corner of Cordwainer Street, corruptly called Bow 
Lane; "which houses (he adds) in former times were but sheds or 
shops with solars over them,* as of late one of them remained at 
Sopers Lane end,f wherein a woman sold seeds, roots, and herbs ; but 
those sheds or shops, by encroachments on the high street, are now 
largely builded on both sides outward, and also upward, some three, 
four, or five stories high." 

The Mercery, then, was the mart for miscellaneous articles, chiefly 
it may be presumed of dress, and the Mercers were those who retailed 
them. Some of my hearers will perhaps be ready to tell me that they 
have read that the Mercers were the same as we now understand by 
merchants, and I am prepared to agree that many of the most enter- 
prising of them were so. But the same may be said of the leading 
members of the other great Companies. Just so, the Haberdashers 
were certainly foreign merchants, as their shield of arms still testifies, 
for it is the only one belonging to the great companies that resembles 

* A solar is merely an upper chamber. In Herbert's City Companies the word 
in this passage is very mistakenly altered to terraces. Even until our own days 
two such shallow and low houses have remained, on the north side of Cheapside, 
being in the front of the churchyard of St. Peter, which stood at the corner of 
Wood Street. 

f Soper Lane is now Queen Street, and the approach to Southwark Bridge. 
Here would reside the traders in soap. 


in its devices those which were borne by the Merchant Adventurers 
and other companies engaged in foreign traffic; and yet, in an inverse 
direction, we have come to regard the Haberdasher as a dealer in small 
wares. But in ancient days an ordinary Mercer was the retail dealer 
in merchandise merchandise brought, of course, in part from foreign 
countries ; for that such was the original and proper sense of the term 
we may gather from passages of Pliny, who uses the phrase invehere 
merces peregrinas, and writes of importing Arabics et India merces, the 
merchandise of Arabia and India. 

But that the great body of tradesmen in the Mercery of London 
were retailers we gather further from the name of another fraternity, 
the Grocers, who, after having been at first called Pepperers, acquired 
the name of Grocers from dealing in the gross, or by wholesale as we 
now term it. They are designated as the community of the mysterie 
(i.e. mestiere, or trade) of the Grocerie in the charter granted to them 
by King Henry VI. ; and it was in character with their function that 
the management of the King's beam and the general superintendence 
of the public weighing of merchandise was entrusted to them. The 
Grocers must for a time have eclipsed the Mercers, as in the reign of 
Richard II. in the year 1383 there were no fewer than sixteen alder- 
men at once on their muster-roll, and only three years later we read of 
the jealousy of the Mercers when Sir Nicholas Brembre, an eminent 
Grocer, was elected mayor for the second time. 

To return to the earlier days of the Mercers. The commercial 
guilds are known to have existed before the Norman Conquest, and 
many towns had then one general guild, termed in Latin the gilda 
mercatoria. It appears by no means improbable that the Mercers, who 
have always been regarded as the foremost Company in London, are 
actually the successors of this merchants' gild of the days of London's 
earliest commerce. 

The Statute of Merchants enacted in 1285 speaks of the community 
of the Merchants of London : but whether that implied a distinct 
fraternity or no may be doubtful. Supposing it to have been so, it 
might be identical with the Mercers' Company. 

At a much later date the Company of Merchant Adventurers, which 
was incorporated in 1505, undoubtedly originated from the Mercers, 
as is shown by the acts of court of the Mercers, especially from 1561 
to 1563, and the statement of the Merchant Adventurers themselves 
to the House of Commons' Committee in 1638, when the connection 
had ceased. 


It may confidently be asserted that, in order to develop the progress 
of English commerce, and that of the City of London in particular, 
with all its busy doings and inner life, no better course could be pur- 
sued than to trace the annals of this important Company. I have re- 
cently seen enough of its archives and records to be convinced that 
the materials are abundant ; and, indeed, the ground has been already 
opened to a considerable extent by the industry of a late learned 
member,* who has left the result in manuscript in the hands of the 
Company. Mr. William Palmer appears to have died without pre- 
paring his work for the press, and possibly before he had completed 
it to his satisfaction ; but it is much to be desired that it should be 
resumed and published by some competent successor, who would thus 
perform the same service for the Mercers which Mr. Heath has so well 
performed for the Grocers, and Mr. Nicholl for the Ironmongers ; and 
the more so because the account of the Mercers given by Herbert, in 
his History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies, is especially bad 
and confused, and full of glaring errors and misconceptions. I cannot 
in the space that is now afforded me attempt at all to remedy this 
defect. The history of the Mercers must be left to other hands ; but 
I shall confine myself to offering some account of the charters of the 
Company and its other most important records. 

The Mercers did not seek for a charter from the Crown until late 
in the fourteenth century. Their first royal charter is dated on the 
17th Jan. 17 Richard II. (1394). Its substance is very brief. The 
preamble favours the idea that they were then engaged in foreign 
merchandise, for it states that the King's attention was directed to 
the circumstance that many men of the mystery of the Mercery of the 
City of London were frequently by mischance at sea, or by other 
casual misfortunes, brought to such poverty and destitution that they 
had little or nothing to live upon but the alms of other Christians 
pitying and assisting them in the way of charity ; wherefore they were 
desirous to establish some certain provision for the maintenance of 
such poor, and of one chaplain who should celebrate divine offices for 
ever for the good estate of the King and the men of the aforesaid 
mystery: whereupon the King granted them to be a perpetual commu- 
nity of themselves, to elect four " masters " for their government, and 

* William Palmer, esq. of the Inner Temple, barrister-at-law, and Professor of 
Civil Law in Gresham College, a cousin-german of the present Sir Roundell 
Palmer. He died in 1858, aged 56. 


to purchase (or acquire) lands and tenements to the value of 20Z. per 
annum. The expenses of procuring this charter are upon record : a 
fine of one hundred marks (or 66/. 13s. 4d.) was paid into the Hana- 
per ; a fee for affixing the great seal, 8/. 10s. ; legal consultations, 
51. 12s. O^d. ; and the Queen's dues, ten marks (61. 13s. 4rf.) : total, 
871. 8s. 8|e?. a great sum when the common stock of the Company 
was under 400/. 

This charter was confirmed in 3 Hen. VI. (1425) at the humble 
supplication of John Coventry, John Carpenter, and William Grove, 
the executors of the celebrated Richard Whityngton, citizen and 
mercer of London : with the additional concessions that the said 
mystery should have a common seal, and should be persons able in 
law to implead and be impleaded in any courts whatsoever. 

There are other letters patent granted to the mystery of the 
Mercers, bearing date 20 Rich. II. and 12 Hen. IV. (mentioned by 
Herbert, in his table of charters to the Twelve Companies, vol. i. 
p. 225). They relate, as I believe, to the acquisition of estates in 
mortmain, and are not referred to in the subsequent charters of incor- 
poration,* which I now proceed to describe. 

The confirmation charters were passed, not so much for the benefit 
of the Company, as for the purpose of augmenting the revenues of the 

Towards the end of the reign of Philip and Mary, writs of Quo 
Warranto were issued to all the London Companies to compel them to 
apply for confirmation of their privileges. The charter which was 
consequently granted to the Mercers is dated on the 1 5th July, 4 and 
6 Phil, and Mar. (1558). It has an unfinished initial, inclosing 
seated figures of the King and Queen, and bears the autograph sig- 
nature of Nicholas Heath, archbishop of York, then Lord Chancellor, 
Nico. ebor. Cane. The fine paid on this occasion was 51. 

Four months only elapsed, and there was a new reign. Again the 
same measure was adopted, and another charter of confirmation was 
necessary. It was dated on the 20th June, 2 Eliz. (1559), and its 
cost was SI. This Inspeximus is printed at length by Herbert in his 
vol. i. p. 294, and it includes (as of course) the substance of the three 
previous royal charters. 

* Another granted by Edward IV., of which the original is No. 643 a of the 
Company's charters, relates to the importation of merchandise. 


Again, in the following reign, but not until its tenth year, another 
confirmation was granted by Inspeximus. This charter of the 10 
Jarnes I. is the last valid charter, upon which the Company now 
relies. The fine paid for it was 14:1. 

The troubles which the City companies encountered in the reigns of 
Charles II. and and James II. are familiar in history. In 1683, when 
the City of London had accepted a new charter, whereby the election 
of its principal officers was made subject to the King's approval, a simi- 
lar proceeding was adopted towards the Companies. A Quo Warranto 
having been served on the Master of the Mercers, the matter was con- 
sidered at two general courts, held on the 26th March and 3rd April, 
1684, when it was agreed to petition in order to ascertain the King's 
pleasure. The answer was that he would grant them a new charter 
on their surrendering into his hands the governing part of their corpo- 
ration, so that whenever he thought fit he might dismiss the Master, 
Wardens, Assistants, or Clerk. In another general court, held on 
the 10th April, after a warm debate, it was determined, by 68 votes to 
51, that these terms should be accepted ; and on the 3d October fol- 
lowing the common seal of the Company was affixed to the instrument 
which I now exhibit to my hearers. In terms dictated by the Attorney- 
General (Sir Eobert Sayer) the Company surrendered their power to 
choose their officers ; and an entirely new Charter was granted on the 
22nd December following. This cost the Company 2001. 

King Charles died in less than six weeks after, on the 2d Feb. 
1684-5 ; but his brother and successor very extensively exercised the 
powers which the Crown had assumed. During the year 1687 James 
the Second made repeated changes in all the great livery companies. 
In the Mercers, by an order of Privy Council dated 27 Sept. 1687, 
two of the Wardens and twenty-eight of the Assistants were removed ; 
on the 6th of the ensuing month sixty-eight of the livery were dis- 
placed. In the following February the Prime Warden and seven Assist- 
ants were removed, twenty-four liverymen removed and two others 

But the threatening storm of the year 1688 at length alarmed the 
King ; and then, when it was too late, he sought to regain the 
alienated affections of the citizens. In the autumn of that year he 
restored the City charter, and on the 19th Nov. he issued letters 


patent * impowering the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to reinstate the 
Companies. From that date the charter of Charles II. to the Mercers 
became a dead letter, and that of James I. was restored to its validity. 

Another important class of documents in the City Companies is 
that of their Statutes and Ordinances, some examples of which were 
seen when we visited Vintners' Hall last year.f In the 19th Henry VII. 
an act was passed " for making of statutes by bodies corporate." It 
provided that no Master, Wardens, or Companies should make or exe- 
cute any ordinance in diminution of the King's prerogative, nor 
against the common profit of the people, nor unless examined by the 
Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, and two Chief Justices, or any three 
of them, or before the judges of assize or circuit, under a penalty of 
40/. for every such offence. Whereupon the Mercers' ordinances were 
revised and approved on the 20th Nov. 1505 by the Archbishop of 
Canterbury (Warham) who was then Lord Chancellor and the two 
Chief Justices : wherewith it is mentioned in the acts of court that the 
fellowship was right well contented and pleased. The exemplification 
of these ordinances, which is illuminated with the arms of the Com- 
pany and City of London, and roses, bears the autograph signatures 
of the chancellor and chief justices thus 

Wiihn 9 Cantuarienf Cancellari 9 
Joftcs ffyneux. Thom a s ffrowyk. 

Their seals are lost. 

The Mercers' Company possess other archives which go back much 
further in date than their royal charters. Besides various other charters 
and deeds (which, as may be supposed from a reference already quoted, 
are well arranged and calendared,) they have large records of their 
proceedings and transactions. 

Their first great Court Book is a ponderous and magnificent volume 
of vellum, consisting of cciij leaves (besides others not numbered at 
either end), rebound in the year 1777. Its earliest entries appear to 
belong to 1344, and the sequel extends from 1347 to 1464. The 
first five leaves are filled chiefly with oaths taken on admission to 
various offices. Then follows a kalendar, one month in each page, 
very beautifully rubricated. 

* Printed in Nicholl's History of the Ironmongers' Company, 8vo. edit. 1851, 
p. 364, 4to. edit. 1866, p. 332. 
t See our Transactions, vol. iii. p. 438. 


On fol. 1 are certain Ordinances in Norman French, made in une 
assemblee de touts les bones gentz de la Mercerye de Londres on the 
20th June 1347, for the cherishing of unity and good love among 
them, and for the common profit of the Mystere. It was then agreed 
that there should be chosen four persons of the said mystery once a 
year for its rule and governance, and that all of the said mystery 
should be obedient to them and to their good governance. 

It was agreed that every one of the said company should pay 
twenty shillings, that is to say, 6s. 8d. on entry in the first year, 
6s. 8d. in the second year, and 6s. 8d. in the third year ; and if any 
one were pleased to give more the Mystery will be the more beholden 
to him. 

Then follow a variety of ordinances for taking apprentices, and 
various other matters. That regarding the livery may be translated 
as follows : 

That all those of the said Mystery shall be clothed of one suit once a year at 
the feast of Easter, and that no gown be given out of the said mystery within 
the two years next ensuing,* and that no charge be put upon the said clothing 
beyond the first cost, except only for the priest and the common servant. 

Another is to this effect : 

That all the good people of the Mercery shall eat together once a year at the 
appointment of the four Masters, namely, the Sunday next before the feast of 
St. John the Baptist, every one of the livery to pay on that occasion, whether 
present or absent, two shillings for themselves, and for his servant, if present, 
twelve pence. 

Another ordinance is remarkable, as referring to foreign merchan- 
dise, and as contemplating the same provision which was afterwards 
sanctioned by the first royal charter, already described : 

Item, if any one of the said Mystery shall be grievously reduced either by 
adventure of the sea, or by debtors or feebleness of body, so as to be unable to 
sustain himself, that he shall be aided by the alms of the said Mystery by the 
common assent of the said Mercery. 

The four " Masters " (afterwards designated Wardens) who were 
chosen on this occasion were William de Tudenham, Symondde Worsted, 
William de la Panetrie, and Adam Fraunceys.f And the names of 

* This apparently means that there should be no new members admitted until 
after the expiration of two years. 

t Afterwards Sir Adam Fraunceys, Lord Mayor in 1353 and 1354 ; whose 
only daughter and heiress was married to John Montacute, Earl of Salis- 


105 Mercers follow who paid half a mark each; one only, William 
Cornwayllis, paying x s. 

A copy of the charter of Richard II. is made on the dorse of fol. 
xv. At the end of the Book are these curious entries, showing the 
peculiar control which the Company acquired over the silk trade. 

M d . That Thomas Tikhill', mercier, was chosen be y e hole ffelaship' in a 
Courte hold y e xxviij te day of Juyn, A xxxvj to H. vj fl , to have and ocupie 
y>office of Weyng of Sylke after y e deth' and in y e place of Will"m Towland, 
whom God assoile, and aftir admytted by Geoffrey Boleyn' J>an beyng Meir of 
London and his Bretheren Aldermen, and toke his ooth' perteyning to J>office. 
Wher up on John' Middelton', Thorn's Steell, Hie' Nedam, and John Warde, 
|>an beyng "Ward(ens), delivered to y e said Thom a s Tikhill divers Jnnges per- 
teyneng to J> e said ffelaship and necessarie to )> e same office as hit shewith aftir. 

First, ij skoles (i.e. scales) of laton with ropes and hokes. [And y e beme 
closed in lether.] 

Item, viij te divers weightes of laton covered in lether for to wey rawe silke 
aftir xxj unces for y e Ib. That is to say, viij Ib. iiij Ib. ij Ib. j Ib. 
qHeron di.q a teron and j unce. 

Item, viij te divers weightes of Iced covered in lethir for to wey Paris sylke 
aftir xvj unces for y e Ib. That is to say, viij Ib. iiij Ib. ij Ib. j Ib. q a teron 
di.q a teron and j unce. 

[Item a bag of lether for y e skoles and weightes.] (Side-note) the length of 
these ij strykes must be the height of the hengyng the scoles from the table 
when the silk shall be weied. 

And xvj Ib. with a draught, &c. 

M d . y l the (date left blank). For as moche as John Dereham, meter of 
lynnencloth', is and grete tyme hath' be absente, and of long tyme hath' ocupied 
by a strange man of by yond y e See (contrarie to Jwdenances of y e Felaship), 
hit is considered, and by y e hok Felaship graunted in a Courte holden y e said 
day, That Thoms Pery, mercier, shall have, reioyce, and ocupye y e said office of 
metyng w' all J>availes and dutes J>'to be longeng. 

On account of the absence of Thomas Tykhill, late Weyer of Sylke, 
Nicholas Hatton, mercer, was chosen in his place, 19 August, 11 
Edw. IV. Other successors to the office were : 

Thomas Lymnour, 15 Oct. 1479, on the death of Hatton. 

Robert Collet, 7 April, 1492, on the death of Lymnour. (He was 
not improbably one of the family of the memorable Dean ) 

Richard Haynes, 20 Feb. 1494, on death of Collet. 

Thomas Fisher, 8 April, 1501, on death of Haynes; he died 21 
June, 1518. 

bury. In 1338, on the City lending 10,000 marks to the King, Adam Franceys 
contributed 200Z., but Simon Fraunceys, mercer, who was (perhaps his elder 
brother, and) mayor in 1343 and 1356, on the same occasion contributed 800Z. 


Avery Rawson, 26 Sept. 1518, on death of Fisher. 
John Hewster, 5 July, 15 .. on the absence of Rawson. 


This is a beautifully illuminated folio, measuring 13 inches by 10 : 
having on its first leaf the Company's arms, superscribed 

The Armes of the Worship/nil 

Companey of the Mercers. 
and below the autograph signature of 

Hen: S* 1 George Richmond. 

It commences with the arms of Henry FitzAilwin the first Mayor 
of London (for twenty-four years, from 1189 until his death in 1213), 
followed by those of fifty-four other Lord Mayors,* of whom the last is 
Sir Henry Rowe 1607 ; followed by the shields of Mr. John Haidon 
alderman (Sheriff 1582), Mr. William Elkin alderman (Sheriff 1586), 
Mr. William Walthall alderman (Sheriff 1606), Sir Baptist Hickes, 
Mr. Richard Barnes, Mr. Bartholome Barnes, and Mr. Edward 

Then a page of 

The 4 Wardeins of the Mercers 

Anno 1611. 

Mr. Thomas Cordall. Mr. Thomas Bennett junior. 

Mr. John Crowche. Mr. Thomas Elkin. 

The arms of Mr. John Crowche have two quarterings, and, besides 
his crest, there is another on either side of the shield.^ It appears 
probable that the book may have been made at this gentleman's 

On another page : 

The foure Wardeins of the Mercers Ann 1635. 

Mr. Ralfe Stinte. Mr. Thomas Sarocolle. 

Mr. Francis Flyer. Mr. Robert Gardener. 

* Their names will be found in Herbert, i. 246. Several of them are claimed 
by other companies besides the Mercers. 

t Argent, on a pale sable three crosses patee or within a bordure engrailed of 
the second; 2. Argent, on a chevron sable three helmets or; 3. Gyronny argent 
and azure, on a chief gules three annulets or : 1st crest, on a mount vert, a lamb 
sejant argent; 2. on a mount vert, a bear passant argent before a tree of the first; 
3. on a cross patee gu. a cock or, combed and wattled of the first. Motto, Patere 
et vince. 


There are no more, until after nearly seventy years 

The four Wardens of the Mercers Anno 1701. 

S r Samu 11 Moyer Bart. M r Tho. Raymond. 

M r Tho. Serocold. M r Francis Levett. 

where, again, we may attribute to the third Warden a wish to enroll 

his name where that of his grandfather or another ancestor (Sarocolle) 

had been previously placed. 

Twenty-four leaves of the finest vellum are still left unfilled in this 
book, and it is to be regretted that the Wardens of no subsequent 
year have as yet followed the examples of the years 1635 and 1701. 


This is a small quarto book of twenty-four leaves of vellum, mea- 
suring 8| inches by 6 The statutes are in English. The initial 
letter T incloses the arms of Whittington in a tilting shield, a fess 
cheeky and an annulet in chief. They commence, To alle the trewe 
people of Cryste, &c. (as in Brewer's Life of Carpenter, p. 27). Above 
is a drawing in pen and ink measuring 3| inches by 3 inches. Sir 
Richard Whittington is represented lying on his death-bed, his body 
naked, a cloth tied round his head. At his right hand stand his two 
executors Cobentre and Carpenter (each designated by name); at his 
left a priest and the third executor ffirobe. Behind the last a physi- 
cian is holding up a urinal for examination. At the foot of the bed 
is the Tutor of the Almshouses holding a hooked staff and a large 
rosary, and behind him are the twelve Almsmen. 

There is a copy of this curious picture in Malcolm's Londinium 
Bedivivum, vol. iv. p. 515, and another in Brewer's Life of Carpenter, 
1856. The former is reversed in the operation of etching ; and the 
latter, though apparently a fac-simile, will be found on comparison 
with the original to do it very inadequate justice.* Malcolm has 
rightly described the drawing as executed with a finely-pointed 
pen, after the manner of making such drawings in preparation 
to be covered with colour by the illuminators : but, instead of .that 
expensive process being incurred in this instance, the drawing is only 
partially heightened in effect by lights in white paint, flesh-tints to the 
faces, and brown colour to the hair the head of the Tutor of the 

* The Introduction to the Statutes, printed by Mr. Brewer, p. 27, has also 
seyeral inaccuracies, which any future Editor would do well to correct. 


Almsmen only excepted, which (as Malcolm says,) is grey, though 
coloured brown in Mr. Brewer's book. The countenances are much 
better finished than the fac-simile shows, though the copyer has not 
entirely lost their expression. But his outlines throughout are less 
decisive than in the original drawing, and some of its details have 
been overlooked : see particularly the poor men's boots, which open in 
front, and the curious hooked stick of the Tutor, which in the fac- 
simile is merely a straight staff. 

In Lysons's Model Merchant 1860 is unfortunately a still worse 
copy, taken at second hand from Brewer's without consulting the 

At the end of the book are these verses : 

Expliciut Statuta 
Dom 9 Elcmosine. 

Go litel boke go litcl tregedie 

The lowly submitting to al correccion 

Of theym beyng maistres now of the M eery 

Olney . Feldyng . Boleyne and of Burton 

Hertily theym beseking w* humble salutacon 

The to accepte and thus to take in gre 

For ever to be a servaunt w* In feire coialtie. 

The four " maistres " named in these lines were the head officers of 
the Company, so designated in the charter of incorporation (as already 
shown in p. 135). Subsequently, the title Masters was exchanged for 
Wardens, and the Company still has no " Master," but a Prime 
Warden and three junior Wardens. 

A second copy of the same Statutes is in a vellum book of the same 
size, written on forty-six pages. The initial T in the first page incloses 
the arms of Whittington impaling Quarterly by fess indented ermine 
and gules. 

A third copy of the Statutes, larger quarto, sixteen leaves of vellum, 
measuring 10J inches by 7. The initial T. inclosing the arms of 
Whittington, ends Expliciunt Statuta. 


is a beautiful folio volume of vellum, measuring 13 inches by 9, of 
238 folios, in its table of contents misnumbered 1038. It was rebound 


in 1777, when the edges were injudiciously cut. The preface was com- 
posed by Colet himself, but copied by a professional scribe. Herbert * 
(i. 239, note) absurdly says of the whole book, that it is " supposed 
(to be) in his own handwriting." St. Paul's School, for the main- 
tenance of which these estates were given, was commenced in 1508 
and finished in every point in 1512. 


This is a quarto volume bound in vellum, measuring 10 inches in 
height by 8 inches in width, tied now with common tape, but originally 
no doubt by strings of more costly material. The edges are gilt. The 
whole front surface is covered with a painting in body colours and gold, 
of which the principal feature is a portrait of Colet. This resembles 
his other well-known portraits, but is greatly superior in expression to 
Vertue's engraving prefixed to the Life by Dr. Knight. f It is of half- 

* Some of the other documents of the Company (which I have not found time 
to examine) will he found enumerated by Herbert in the same note, but his 
account must be taken only as suggestive. 

f The portrait of Colet engraved by Vertue as the frontispiece to Dr. Knight's 
work was from a painting in the possession of Mr. John Worthington, and for a 
time of Bishop Stilliugfleet. Knight (p. x. of his Introduction) mentions another 
picture in the possession of Thomas Slater Bacon of Lynton in Cambridgeshire, 
esq. regarding which I am able to give the following copy of a memorandum by 
the Rev. William Cole : " This picture I bought at an auction of the goods of 
Robert King, esq. heir to Mr. Bacon, at Catley near Lynton, July 21, 1749. He 
is in a scarlet cap and gown, with his neck quite naked, and is like that in 
Holland's Heroologia, and Lupton's Lives of the Protestant Divines. W. 
COLE." There are therefore two originals, or at least variations, of Colet's por- 
trait, one in his scarlet gown as a Doctor, the other in black, which colour Eras- 
mus tells us that he generally preferred Engravings of Colet's portraiture are 
very numerous, as will be seen on reference to Granger's Biographical History 
of England, edit. 1824, vol. p. 125; but the account there given of the two prints 
in Knight's Life of Colet is imperfect and inaccurate. The print described occurs 
in that work at p. 435, and represents the bronze bust then placed over the High 
Master's seat at St. Paul's School, and now in his private rooms : it was preserved 
from the ruins at the fire of 1666. It is added : " There is another octavo print 
of him by the same hand; both are without the engraver's name." The latter is 
really the frontispiece to Knight's book above mentioned, and is signed by the 
engraver G Vertue, Sculp. The head of Colet, which is among Holbein's draw- 
ings at Windsor Castle, was probably made from the bust; and the latter has 
been attributed to Torregiano, the sculptor of the tomb of King Henry VII. On 
Colet's monument in Old St. Paul's was also a bust, of terra cotta. 


length, in his usual black cap and gown, and tixrning towards the left, 
his hands folded in front, the right hand holding a pen, the left a gilt- 
edged book. This portrait is within an oval frame of scroll-work. 
Immediately below his hands is a scroll inscribed 


Below that is a shield of the arms of Colet ; and in the upper corners 
are shields of the Church of St. Paul and the Mercers. The lower 
portion of the page is occupied by a tomb, upon which a human ske- 
leton is extended : this addition, and probably the portrait itself, 
derived from the Dean's monument in St. Paul's. In front of the 
tomb is this inscription in gold letters upon a black ground 


The whole painting is beautifully executed, including the swags of 
fruit and flowers, and the portrait is evidently the work of a very 
superior artist. Its production is doubtless to be assigned to the year 
1602, at the close of the reign of Elizabeth, when the second portion 
was added to the contents of the volume. 

The contents are of three periods. 

I. A paper book of fourteen leaves, of which eleven are occupied 
with writing : viz. the Statutes of St. Paul's School as edited by Dr. 
Knight in his Life of Colet, 1724, 8vo. Appendix Num. V. pp. 356- 
369. In three places there are interesting inscriptions in the Dean's 
own hand. On the fly-leaf opposite the first page this 

hue libellum ego Joannes Colet tradidi manib) magistri lilii xviij 
die Junij an x 1 M.cccccxviij vt eum in scola fuet & obftiet. 
(Very imperfectly copied by Knight at the foot of his page 357.) 
At the head of the Prologus the founder has written 
Joannes Colet fundator scole manu sua ppria. 

Again at the foot of the last page 

Joannes Colett} fundator 
noue scole manu mea 

The statutes themselves are written in a sort of black-letter legal 
hand, but not at all an obscure one. In the margin are some side- 


notes in the scholarly hand of the time, which I believe may be as- 
signed to master Lilly the schoolmaster. The first is 

De admission[e] pueroi* 

In the chapter directing [fflSiliat eljalbe taugfjt] is this marginal list 
of subjects and authors, repeating them as named in the statute itself : 

Cathechization. Accidetia. Institutum x^ni] hois. Copia 
uerboi Lactatius. Prudentius. Proba. Sedulius. Juuecus. 
Baptist. Matua. 

Two errors of names in p. 368 of Dr. Knight's book are Sole for 
Rote and Atfeux for at Fenix (i.e. a person named from living at the 
sign of a Phoenix). 

The second document in the book consists of certain new ordinances 
made on the 24th June 1603, and attested by Mr. Thomas Bennett 
aid", Mr. William Higgs, Mr. Anthonie Culverwell, Mr. Thomas 
Horton wardens, Mr. Henry Rowe ald n , Mr. Edmond Hogan, Mr. 
William Lucas, Mr. John Castelin, Mr. Wm. Walthall, Mr. John 
Gardner, Mr. John Newton, Mr. James Elwick, Mr. William Ferrers, 
Mr. Henry Peyton, and Mr. Roger Howe. 

These alterations of the statutes occupy four pages and a half, and 
have the autograph signatures of the Queen's Solicitor-general, Thomas 
Flemynge esquire sergeant at law, and of Thomas Foster esquire coun- 
cellor at law. 

The third record in the book is an ordinance to authorize the letting 
of the lands of St. Paul's School for building leases not exceeding 
eighty years. It is dated 6 Feb. 1841, and bears the autograph sig- 
natures of the three " good-lettered and learned men," Sir Frederick 
Pollock, M.A. and M.P., Sir William Webb Follett, M.A. and M.P. 
two of her Majesty the Queen's Counsel learned in the law, and 
William Palmer esq. M.A. barrister at law : attested also by the sig- 
natures of Ar. Coleman, J. T. Pooley, Robert Sutton jun r , Dan 1 
Watney, Archdale Palmer, R. Sutton, George Palmer, E. F. Green, 
W. Newnham, J. Horsley Palmer, C. F. Johnson, Thomas Watney, 
G. W. Bicknell, Jn Rob ts Delafosse, John Day, L. P. Wilson, A. P. 
Johnson, Robert Bicknell, and Nath 1 Clark. 

This precious book is kept in a wooden case covered with leather, 

* The final [e] of admissions is cut off by the binder. 

Vol. IV.paije 147. 


and lined with yellow flannel ; and in the same case is a second copy 
of the Statutes, written on quarto post paper, and stitched in a piece 
of an old vellum inventory. This copy was made apparently early in 
the seventeenth century. On its last leaf is preserved the following 
inscription * formerly in the vestibule of the School : 

In the vestible the table on the wall hath 
this covered w* lyme. 

Hoc vestibule pueri catechizenf fide 
moribusq, Christianis neq, non primus gra- 
matices rudimentisf instituanf ! priusquam 
ad proximam hujus scholse classem ad- 
mittantur ! limae tres sunt. 

After this follows a list of the Highmasters and Submasters down 
to the year 1637, and on the last fly-leaf are the names of four subse- 
quent High Masters to the year 1697. 


The MERCERS' COMPANY possess some interesting articles of plate, 
of which the " LEIGH CUP " is a good specimen of elaborate workman- 
ship.! It is a grace-cup with cover, 16 inches high, and 6 inches in 
diameter, silver-gilt. The foot is supported on three wine flasks, and 
is surrounded by a band of finely-pierced Gothic tracery, surmounted 
by a cresting of trefoils ; the same enrichment is continued round the 
lower part of the. cover. The body of the cup and cover has a complete 
network of lozenge panels in raised corded patterns, within which are 
maiden busts and flagons, with roses at the points of intersection. 
The busts resemble nuns hooded, wearing crosses on their breasts. On 
the top of the cover is an hexagonal boss with buttresses, on the dome 
of which is seated a maid with a unicorn reposing in her lap ; the 
word Desyr is written on the animal's side, illustrating the legend that 
a unicorn could only be captured by a pure virgin. On the six panels 
of the boss are coats of arms in enamel : 1. The City arms : 2. 

* This will be found also in Knight's Colet, p. 435. 

f See p. 577 of the Catalogue of Works of Art and Antiquities exhibited at 
Ironmongers' Hall, edited by G. R. French, Esq. to whom we are indebted for 
the loan of the illustration. 

L 2 


Gules, on a cross engrailed between four unicorn's heads erased argent 
fire bezants, for Sir Thomas Leigh: 3. The arms of the Merchant 
Adventurers: 4. The arms of the Merchants of the Staple: 5. Argent 
the cross of St. George gules : 6. The arms of the Mercers' Company, 
Gules, a demi-virgin, hair dishevelled, crowned, issuing out of clouds 
and within an orle of the same. On two bands around the cover and 
body of the cup the following couplet is inscribed, in small gold ca- 
pitals, on blue enamel: 


On the inside of the cover is engraved a double-rose with a large 
seeded centre. The plate-mark is a small black-letter t answering to 
1499-1500. Sir Thomas Leigh, descended from a family seated at 
High Leigh, co. Chester, before the Conquest, was Lord Mayor in 
1558. His lineal descendant, the late Chandos Leigh, was created 
Lord Leigh, of Stoneleigh, co. Warwick, in 1839, a revived title, 
which had become extinct in the family in 1786. 

A SILVER-GILT CARRIAGE, on four wheels, intended to hold spices 
or condiments ; which moves along the table by means of internal me- 
chanism. At each end over the wheels is a raised platform or stage 
ornamented with scrolls and circular medallions enamelled with the 
arms of the City and the Mercers' Company ; and in one is a hare 
seated, with a leaf in its mouth. These stages have flat covers, sur- 
mounted by female figures, on enamelled pedestals, of birds and 
flowers. Between the two stages is a sunk medallion of Judith and 
Holofernes. In front of the car stands the " Master of the Mercerie," 
in furred robe and low broad-brimmed hat ; and on the first stage is 
an eagle before a pedestal. This piece of plate is elaborately chased 
and engraved over its entire surface. 

A SILVER-GILT WINE-BARREL (which is sometimes placed on the 
above-described carriage), resting on a foliated knob upon a lozenge 
pedestal, with large oval foot, on which are four bosses of blue and 
green enamel on silver. On the top of the barrel is a raised funnel of 
silver designs on blue enamel ; and above is a square ornament with 
four projecting dolphins, on which are four female busts and dolphin - 
head gargoyles; at the summit is an eagle on a globe. This barrel 
and the carriage may each be ascribed to the time of the sixteenth 

A round SALT, silver-gilt, 6 inches high, 7 inches diameter ; the 


gift of Mr. John Dethick, with his arms, and those of the Company ; 
the plate mark is the letter A, which answers to the year 1638. 
A SALT, similar in pattern to the above, the gift of Mr. Alexander 
Wright, 1666. 

On the Salt presented by John Dethick is a coat belonging to the 
family of the name, of whom were some famous heralds. Gwillim in his 
quaint fashion thus gives the coat " He beareth, Argent, a fesse barry 
or and argent, between three water bowgets sable, by the name of 
Dethick, of which family is Sir John Dethick, Knight, late Lord Mayor, 
as also those two ingenious gentlemen, Thomas Dethick, who hath long 
resided at Ligorne, and Henry Dethick of Paylers near London, sons of 
Henry Dethick, son of Sir William Dethick, Knight, son of Sir Gilbert 
Dethick, both principall Kings of Annes, by the title of Garter." 

Two SILVER SALTS ; each is octagonal in plan, of hour-glass shape 
in centre, 8*- inches high. Engraved with the arms of the Company, 
and inscribed, " Ex dono Henrici Sumner, Ar" On the top are four 
volute guards, intended to sustain a napkin to keep the salt clean. The 
plate mark is a Gothic small text b for the year 1679. 

The position which the " Saler," or Salt, formerly occupied at the 
tables of the great, has been explained in the Catalogue of Antiquities 
exhibited at Ironmongers' Hall. 

A plain round SILVER TANKARD, 18 inches high and 6 inches in 
diameter, on large round foot, 11 inches diameter. The front is 
engraved with the arms of the Company and with two other shields of 
arms, emblematical of the donors, with this inscription ; " The Gift of 
y e Corporation of y* Mines Eoyall y e Minerall and Battery works 
Anno Domini 1718." Plate marks, figures of Britannia, lion's head 
erased, and the Roman capital C, for the year 1718. 

THREE BEAKERS, silver-gilt, tapering ; 8 inches high, 4- inches 
in diameter at top, and 3 inches at bottom, with the Company's arms 
and crest on each. Their -Books describe them as the " Gift of Mr. 
John Bancks." 

Two SILVER MONTEITHS, with lion handles, scalloped edges; the 
centres fluted, standing on gadrooned feet. On one side of each bowl 
the Company's arms, on the other a coat, three rams .... height 9 
inches, diameter 13 inches, weight, 72 oz. and 71 oz. 15 dwts. In the 
Company's Records they are described as " the gift of William Syden- 
ham," who was probably of the distinguished family of that name, ex- 
tinct baronets, whose arms were, Argent, three rams sable. The mon- 


teiths are inscribed underneath, ' Sir Edm d Harrison, Kri. Mas*. 

A circular SILVER SALVER, 15 inches diameter, with gadrooned 
edges, on foot ornamented in like manner. In the centre are the arms 
of the Company; and on a ribbon is inscribed " The Gift of the 
English East India Company. Sir Edm d Harrison, Kn 4 . Mast r . 1700. 

Two large LOVING CUPS, silver- gilt, each 15 inches high, 7| inches 
diameter at brim, on baluster stem, centre of bowl frosted. On each 
cup is a shield with the figure of Britannia seated, surrounded by heaps 
of guineas, which was the stamp on Abraham Newland's Bank Notes. 
On the foot is inscribed " The Gift of y e Governor and Company of 
the Bank of England to the Worshipfull Company of Mercers. A third 
cup to match was made by order of the Mercers' Company. 

A LOVING CUP, silver, 12 inches high, centre frosted, baluster stem ; 
weight, 27 oz. 15 dwts., inscribed " The Gift of William Hurt" 
There are two coats of arms, one of the Company, and another, Sable, 
a fesse between three cinquefoils or, which Glover ascribes to Hurt of 
co. Staff and Derby. 

A SILVER PLATEAU, oblong, 18 inches wide, 2 feet 7 inches long, 
standing on four feet ; all round is a pierced border of scroll-work. An 
Epergne stands on it in form of an open temple, of which the dome 
rests on six slender shafts; on the apex is a figure of Commerce, 
surrounded by her attributes. The Epergne rests on six legs, which 
are designed to hold lights or flowers, connected by festoons; and 
there are small epergnes at the four angles; entire height, 26 inches. 
This very handsome ornament for the table is inscribed : " To the 
Worshipful Master Warden, the Wardens, and Commonalty of the 
Company of Mercers, London, from the Commissioners appointed by 
Act of Parliament for the issue of Exchequer Bills for the Assistance 
of Commercial Credit, as a testimony of the sense the Commissioners 
entertain of the liberality and readiness with which the use of Mercers' 
Hall was granted for the purposes of carrying on the business of the 
Commissioners. July 2, 1794." 

7 Feb. 1871. G. K. F. 






HE origin of the name 
Greenford rests on conjec- 
ture ; but such was the 
name of the place in Saxon 
times, and there appears a 
presumption that it was 
named from a Green Ford. 
The river Brent runs 
through this fertile parish. There are two adjoining parishes which 
bear the name of Greenford ; that, only, which is the subject of the 
present paper, is now usually so called, but is properly Great Greenford, 
and the other is Little Greenford, though for the last two or three 
centuries it has been called Perivale, but for what reason is perfectly 
uncertain. Norden's entry runs thus :* " Gernford. A very fertile 
place of corne standing in the pure vale" Upon this it may be 
remarked that the locality is now almost entirely devoted to pasture 
and grass land, to the exclusion of corn crops. 

The church is dedicated in honour of the Exaltation of the Holy 
Cross. The festival occurs on the 14th September. In accordance 
with the theory of orientation, the east end of the church should point 
aboiit 6 degrees north of east ; the actual orientation is 3 degrees north 
of east. 

In order to ascertain the date and history of any particular building 
we have recourse to two independent sources of information, first the 
testimony of historical records, and next what I may term the induc- 
tive method, or that information which can be extracted from the 
structure itself. Where we find these two separate currents of history 
running side by side, like the blue Rhone and the white Arve, but ulti- 
mately blending, we feel assured that their evidence is conclusive ; 
where we find them, like separate streams, tending in different directions 

* Norden's Speculum Britannise, p. 21, (publ. in 1723.) 


we must rather, of the two, trust to the inductive method, the historic, 
taken alone, and without a sufficient knowledge'of architecture to test its 
conclusions, led many antiquaries of former days to an unquestionably 
and widely erroneous end. 

The evidence obtainable by the inductive method is therefore to be 
preferred, though the historic method is most gladly accepted when 
obtainable ; but we cannot expect to find an adequate, if any, historic 
record of the original erection of an ordinary ancient village church, or 
of its successive extensions or alterations. 

For a mention of Greenford (though not of the church) we are 
enabled to go back rather farther than Domesday Book, which usually 
furnishes the initial of parochial history. The muniments of West- 
minster Abbey contained (and probably still contain) those charters 
purporting to have been granted by St. Edward the Confessor in con- 
firmation of grants previously made by himself and his predecessors to 
the Abbey of Westminster. Of these three, one, and perhaps two, are 
of doubtful authenticity, but the other is admitted to be genuine. It 
dated the 5th kalend of January, being Holy Innocents Day, 1066. 
Amongst other property so confirmed, the Charter mentions, in 
" Greneford XII. et unam virgam." 12 hides and 1 rod of land.* 
The charter does not mention any church here, nor indeed, in any of 
the other places to which it refers ; but it seems probable that the 
church (if one then existed) was included in the confirmation of those 
lands, or else that it was built afterwards by the Abbot and Convent, 
for they were the patrons of the living from the earliest recorded date 
until the suppression of Monasteries. 1 ! 1 

The next mention of Greenford occurs in Domesday Book, which 
ander the head of Helctorne (Elthorne) Hundred records as follows.^ 

" The Abbot of St. Peter holds Greneford for eleven hides and a 
half. There is land to seven ploughs ; 5 hides belong to the demesne,- 
and there is 1 plough therein, and another may be made. The villanes 
have 5 ploughs. There is 1 villane has 1 hide and 1 virgate ; and 
four villanes of half a hide each ; and 4 villanes of 1 hide; and 7 
bordars of 1 hide; a certain freeman (franc) 1 hide and 1 virgate; and 
3 cottagers and 6 bondmen. Pannage for 300 hogs. Pasture for the 
cattle of the village. Its whole value is 7 ; the same when received 

* Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. i. p. 294. 

t Kemble's Codex Diplomatics, iv. p. 177; Dugdale's Monasticon, i. p. 294. 

J Domesday, Bawdwin's Translation, p. 10, 4to. 1812. 


in King Edward's time, 10. This manor laid and lies in the demesne 
of the Church of St. Peter." 

This account of the estate is succeeded by the " Taxatio Ecclesias- 
tica" of England and Wales, made by order of Pope Nicholas the 
Fourth, about the year 1291. This mentions amongst the " Tempo- 
ralia" of the Archdeaconry of London, and goods of the Convent 
of Westminster:* 

" In Greneford Magna de terr' redd' cons.' et fet. 20 18 7f," no 
doubt referring to the Manor ; and in the " Taxatio Spiritualitatis 
Archid' London' et Midd " (no doubt referring to the Rectory :)f 

" Eccl'ia de Greneford Magna . . . . 600" 

The List of Rectors, so far as preserved in the archives of the 
Bishop of London, commences with the year 1326. 

Later on we come to the Valuations made under authority of a 
Commission dated the 30th January in the twenty sixth year of the 
reign of King Henry the Eighth, wherein the Rectory is valued at 
201. per annum.J 

It is not proposed in this paper to trace the history of the manor, 
nor of the patronage of the living, and as regards the latter it may 
suffice to say that a grant of the advowson appears to have been made 
to Sir Thomas Wroth, from whom it passed through various hands, 
till it finally vested, previously to the year 1731, in King's College, 
Cambridge ; while the former was granted by King Edward the 6th 
to the Bishoprick of London. 

In the Certificates of Colleges and Chantries prepared in the reigns 
of Kings Henry VIII. and Edward VI. occur the following entries :|| 

" Greneford the more (Sciz.) Henry Collyn gave unto the said 
Churche for the fyndyng of v. lightes before the Image of the trinite 
and o r lady in the sed Churche (xvj d. interlined) ij. acres of errable 
lande nowe in the tenure of John Lancton, and halff an acre of medowe 
(xx d. interlined) nowe in the tenure of Rob'rt Collye by yere. iij s. 

" John Willes paithe yerely to the p'son and Churchewardens of 
the seid churche one quitrent of ..... xviij d. 

" Owte of the landes of W'll'm Herne ther owght to be paid the said 
p'ischurche yerely as quitrent . . . . . . vj s. 

* Taxatio Ecclesiastica ; Eecord Office ed., 21 b. f Ibid. 26 b. 
J Liber Regis, p. 573. Newcoort's Repertorium. 

|| Originals in Record Office ; Augmentation Rolls, Colleges and 
Chantries, No. 179. 


" Sir Thomas "Wedg sumtyme p'son ther gave unto the seid churche 
owte of Thomas Hilles landes now in the tenure of Symond Baranger, 

(amount blank.) 

" Memor'. Ther is of howselyng people wt'in the seid p'ische the 

nomber of ... . . . . C. 

" The p'sones benefyces by yere xx li. whose name is Sir Henry 

This Record was followed shortly afterwards by " Particulars of 
Sales," which in this case are nmch obliterated :* 

" P'och. de Greneford in Com. Midd. Parcell' teir' et possessionu' 
fund' . . in Eccl'ia de Greneford in Com. Midd'. Vail, in ffirm Duar' 
acr' terr, arab. . . . Lancton .... p. annu' . . xvj d. 

firm'de Rob'ti Collyn . . ^. 

annu' p' annu' xd. 

ij s. ij d. at xxij. yeares p'chas is xlvij s. viij d. 
thes p'cell of Lande and medowes aforesaid were 
given by Henry Coole to find v. lights before the Image of the Tri- 
nitye and our Ladie ther." 

At first sight the transaction appears a very fair one, and the sale- 
able value estimated at twenty-two years purchase of the rental was in 
fact, in those days, rather high. But when we compare the two esti- 
mates of annual value we see that the estimate in the sale returns is 
38.8 per cent, or more than one third less than the previously esti- 
mated value. This is a tolerable example of the reckless jobbing and 
robbery which pervaded the disendowment and sale of church property 
in the time of King Henry the Eighth. 

We now turn to the BUILDING itself to see what information it fur- 
nishes as to its own date. 

It's plan is one of a type very usual in this part of the county, a 
mere nave and chancel, with some kind of belfry at the west end 
of the nave (usually of timber), and a porch at the side (also fre- 
quently of wood), and as simple in architecture as in plan. Many 
of these are no doubt of early date as indicated by some, perhaps a 
single, feature such as the Norman door at Harlington; yet even this 
is not conclusive, for we find that in mediaeval times it not unfre- 
quently happened that, where a church was rebuilt, a Norman door was 

* Originals in Record Office, Particulars of Sales, fol. 121. 


preserved and incorporated in the new structure. On the other hand, 
we may with good reason believe that a vast number of existing build- 
ings have only been altered, and the detail (such as windows and 
doors) modernized in mediaeval or later times, while the walls or shell 
of the original building still stand. 

The construction of the nave of Greenford Church is of faced flint, 
but the eastern gable is more modern, of brick; the chancel is all 

The internal dimensions are as follows: 

Ft. in. 

Western timber work - 10 3 

Nave - 42 3 

Chancel-arch - 2 3 

Chancel - - - - - 20 4 

Total length 75 1 

Width of nave - - - 23 11 

Width of chancel - - 14 8 

The earliest observable feature is the chancel-arch, a plain, pointed 
arch, flat soffited, and springing from a simple abacus, with the lower 
edge chamfered; a form of arch which may have been built at any 
time in the prevalence of the Early-English style, say from 1190 to 
1290, but probably in the early part of the period. 

Besides the chancel-arch, there is nothing perceptible to indicate an 
earlier date than perhaps the second quarter of the fifteenth century; 
the roof of both nave and chancel can scarcely be later, while the door- 
way on the south is probably about 1480 or 1490. The windows are all 
perfectly gutted, and dormers have been introduced into the roof. 
Lysous* says the windows were all gothic; and in a collection of 
views published in 1811,| some windows with geometric tracery are 
shown, but these views are not altogether reliable ; still it would 
appear as if a barbarous destruction of tracery had taken place at no 
very distant date. The base of the east window remains unaltered, 
and we find it to be small and narrow, and of two lights (a rather 
unusual circumstance in that position); and it is quite possible that 
the upper part exists beneath the plaster, which appears to have been 

* Lysons' Environs of London, vol. ii. p. 439. 

f Ecclesiastical topography. Views of Churches in the Environs of London, 
4to. 1811. 




applied in the present century. The south door of the nave is a 
pointed arch under a square head with a kind of rose sculptured in the 
spandril, not unlike that at Heston, or indeed many others of the period. 

The porch, dating about the middle of the sixteenth century, comes 
next ; it is of open woodwork now blocked up. The western termination 
of the church, including the belfry, was probably erected in the seven- 
teenth century, but there is nothing about it to indicate a specific date. 
This part of the building claims our attention for a very singular feature, 
viz., that the church has no west wall, nor is there anything to lead 
to the idea that any heretofore existed. The side walls are slightly 
returned at the west end,* and the rest of the space is filled up with 
timber framing, (not of a very substantial character,) and its intervals 
with lath and plaster. Beyond this is a chamber built of timber, not 
quite so wide as the nave, but of the same height, and from the centre 
of it rises a timber belfry, with a pyramidal capping. 

The jambs of the chancel-arch were cut away in a very dangerous 

* This is seen on the ground plan. 


manner, and for no very perceptible object, evidently in 1656, as that 
date is painted with the motto " THIS DOE AND liue " on a huge beam 
put across, below the impost; and the space above is nearly filled up 
with boarding, on which the Ten Commandnents are inscribed. The 
east wall above the chancel is painted (rather later) with the Royal 
arms and lion and unicorn supporters, and rose and oak trees; the 
arms are, quarterly, I. and IV. quart., 1 and 4 France, 2 and 3 Eng- 
land; II. Scotland; III. Ireland. 

A very unusual feature is the level of the chancel floor being lower 
than that of the nave; perhaps the congregation may have found the 
original level damp, and therefore raised their part of the building, not 
caring much about the rest; but the walls and roof also of the 
chancel are lower in proportion than usual. 

There is no piscina visible, though the wall sounds hollow; 
probably it may have been stopped up in obedience to some injunc- 
tions such as that of Bishop Bentham, of Coventry and Lichfield, in 
1565,* " that you dam up all manner of hollow places in your chancel, 
or church walls." 

There is a small priest's door on the south side of the chancel. 

A good deal of stained glass exists in the chancel windows, where it 
was collected and set in a kind of kaleidoscope arrangement by Mr. 
Betham a former rector. It is of various dates from the middle or latter 
part of the fifteenth century. In the north window are heads of two 
angels by no means badly drawn; in the east window parts of a 
canopy of tabernacle work; and some heads and ornamental work in 
the southern windows ; but chiefly are the Royal arms of various 
dates and sizes. There are also a good number of quarries, the most 
frequent pattern being a hart, agreeing (except that it is reversed) 
with one engraved in Franks' valuable work on the subject from a 
specimen in his own possession ;t also a formal rose identical with one 
at Milton, Cambridgeshire ; J several of a peculiar kind of leaf much 
conventionalized, bearing a considerable resemblance to one at King's 
College Chapel Cambridge ; one of later or Elizabethan date, bearing 
a hunting horn and the initials H B., and a buck's head caboshed 
sable.|| There are also two (perhaps foreign) examples, each repre- 

* Printed in " Church Review," 15th Aug. 1868. 

f Franks' Ornamental Glazing Quarries, pi. 82. 

J Ibid. pi. 74. Ibid. pi. 61. 

|| Ibid. pi. 82; it is there, in error, stated to be at Little Greenford. 






senting a windmill and the miller coming out of the door with a sack 
of flour. 

The font can scarcely be said to be of any particular style ; it bears 
the inscription: "Ex dono dominae Franciscae Coston, viduae, nuper 
defunctze, 1638;" probably she may have been the mother of Simon 
Coston, subsequently referred to in the description of the monuments. 

The belfry contains three bells. The largest dates from the fifteenth 
century, and bears this inscription: 

ffl Sancta anna ra 

also two coins, unfortunately both the reverse, or " cross " side, and 
consequently not easy to assign to any particular date ; and a curious 
shield-shaped stamp, bearing a bell, with the motto running across it, 

" In de solu cofido," and the rebus " W. de Cock," or some other 
bird ; and beneath the clapper is the letter P. I have not been able to 
ascertain the name of the founder to whom this can be attributed ; but 
there is another example of his work at Brentford ;* it may possibly 
be a foreign casting. Amongst the limited number of dedication names 
to be found on English mediasval bells,that of St. Anna is a favourite ; 

* Ex rel. J. R. Daniel-Tyssen, Esq. F. S. A. 


several examples occur in the counties of Somerset, Wilts, and Cam- 
bridge ;* several in Sussex,f and one in Devon. J 

The next bell merely bears this inscription in Roman letters: 
W-E- FECIT, 1699. 

This I think may be fairly ascribed to William Eldridge, one of a 
family which was settled at Chertsey in Surrey, and supplied bells to a 
large number of churches in that and the neighbouring counties. 
There were probably two Williams, the last of whom died in 1731 at 
West Drayton, very near Greenford. 

No inscription is borne on the third bell, which is evidently of later 

Lysons mentions that there were, in his time, some ancient seats 
preserved in the gallery ; there are none there, or in the church, now. 

THE RECTORS have no doubt been contented to do their duty in the 
quiet retirement of their parish, for scarcely any (at all events, within 
the period of archaeology) have won a name of distinction. 

The earliest to whom it is necessary to refer is Siinon Hert, appa- 
rently the successor to John Chandler, who was instituted on the 24th 
June, 1418; Thomas Wegge who was instituted on the 1st Novem- 
ber, 1452, upon the death of Hert, held the preferment till about the 
end of the year 1473. 

I have had the good fortune to find the will of Simon Hert, or 
Herts, as there written. S It commences thus : 

" In dei nomine, Amen. Primo mens' marcij Anno d'ni M.CCCC*, 
quinquagesimo primo, ego D'ne Simon Hert', Rector Eccl'ie exal- 
tacon' Sante Cruc' de Greneford Magna in Com' Midd', languens in 
extremis, compos c^ ment' existens, condo test'm meu' in hunc modu' : 
In primis, lego a'i'am mea' Deo Om'ipo 11 ., B'te marie et o'ib' sc'is eius. 
Corpus q, meu' ad sepeliend' in choro eccl'ie p'd'ce. It' lego d'c'e 
eccl'ie xl s." 

He bequeaths to Thomas and Christiana, children of Richard 
Hillys, to each a cow; and the residue of his property to George 

* Lukis' Church Bells, pp. 64, 96, 102, 121, 129, 130. 
f Tyssen's Church Bells of Sussex, pp. 72 and 79. 

J Ellacombe. Trans, of Exeter Dioc., Arch. Soc., 2d series, vol. 1. part 3. 
Some interesting notes of the family are given in Tyssen's Church Bells of 
Sussex, pp. 32 and 33. 

|| Commissary Ct. of Lond., fol. lxxv. 



Haynesworth and the said Richard Hill, to pay debts and legacies, 
and dispose of the remainder for the testator's benefit as they may 
think fit. It was proved on the 21st November 1452. 

Next is John de Feckenham. Being the only distinguished Rector 
of Great Greenford, as well as a person of considerable eminence, he 
deserves more than a mere passing notice.* He was born of poor 
parents named Howsman, but from their residence in a cottage 
adjoining the forest of Feckenham in Worcestershire he was after- 
wards known as John de Feckenham. While young, his great talents 
were perceived by the priest of his parish, who obtained for him 
admission to the Benedictine monastery of Evesham. At the age of 
18 they sent him to Gloucester College, Oxford; subsequently he 
returned to the monastery, which was soon after dissolved, and on the 
17th November 1535, he received the grant of a pension of 100 florins 
per annum. Upon this event he returned to college, and a little later 
became chaplain to John Bell, Bishop of Worcester, and next to 
Bonner, Bishop of London, till the year 1549 when the bishop was 
deprived and imprisoned in the Marshalsea, and Feckenham was 
committed to the Tower. Thence he was temporarily released and 
pitted in disputation against the Protestants, at various localities, 
during which he maintained his positions with great vigour and 
dexterity ; when he had served this end he was remanded to the Tower 
and there confined until Queen Mary came to the throne, when he 
was treated with merited honour; on the 2oth June 1554, he was ad- 
mitted to the Church of Finchley, and on the 24th September following 
to Greenford ; afterwards appointed Prebendary of Kentish Town, and 
next made Dean of St. Paul's ; followed soon afterwards (in November 
1556) by the appointment to be Abbat of Westminster and Chaplain 
to the Queen. He openly disputed at Oxford with Cranmer, Ridley, 
and Latimer. 

All the time of Queen Mary's reign he employed himself in doing 
good offices for the afflicted Protestants, from the highest to the 
lowest, and ventured to intercede with the Queen for the Lady Eliza- 
beth (afterwards Queen), whereby he incurred her Majesty's tempo- 
rary displeasure. 

When Queen Elizabeth came to the throne and "religion was 
about to be altered," he spoke in Parliament against her supremacy 

* Anthony a Wood's A then Oxonienses, (3rd ed., 1820,) vol. i. p. 506. 


over the Church of England. She was, naturally, very greatly dis- 
pleased, but remembering his former good services on her own behalf 
and having respect for his learning and reputation, she sent for him, 
and, it is said, offered him the Archbishoprick of Canterbury as a 
bribe ; but the facts of the interview are not known. In the end he 
was again committed to the Tower; but in the winter of 1563 was let 
out, apparently on parole, and with the Bishop of Winchester's gua- 
rantee, for the purpose of some public disputations ; which being ended 
he was sent back to the Tower till 1568, and then transferred to 
Wisbech Castle, where he remained " in great devotion and sanctity 
of life " until he died. What property he had he left to the Abbey 
Church at Westminster; but he also left a sum of 401. to the poor of 
St. Margaret's parish to buy wood, as appears from the Church- 
wardens' accounts in 1589.* 

He published accounts of conferences between Lady Jane Dudley 
and himself, and Lady Jane Grey and himself; also a Commentary 
on the Psalms, besides other works of minor importance. 

It may be further observed that he was the last Mitred Abbot who 
sat in Parliament. 

Eobert Cosen, Cowsen, or Cowsinne (as the name is variously 
spelt) f was instituted as Rector of St. Lawrence, Jewry, on 31st 
March 1545, and made Prebendary of Holborn on 14th September fol- 
lowing; the living he resigned in 1549, and the prebend in 1554 upon 
his appointment to the prebend of Mora, also in St. Paul's Cathedral. 
On the 16th October 1558 he became Treasurer of St. Paul's, and on 
the 30th December in the same year, Rector of Great Greenford. 
Queen Elizabeth's accession changed his prospects, and in 1559 he 
was deprived of his prebend, and in all likelihood his treasurership 
and rectory in the same manner. He evidently held the rectory a 
very short time, for his successor Thomas Thornton died and another 
was instituted on the second of July 15604 

We may pass over the intervening incumbents till we come to Mi- 
chael Gardiner. He became Rector of Littlebury in Essex on the 4th 
March 1582, and so continued till the autumn of 1618, when he 

* Nichols' Illustrations of Manners and Expences of Ancient Times, p. 22. 
f Newcourt's Repertoriura, vol. i. p. 107. 
J Newcourt's Repertorium, vol. i., p. 615. 

M 2 


resigned.* Soon after his appointment to Littlebury he was, on the 
15th April 1584, instituted Kector of Greenford.f Of his personal 
history nothing important is recorded. In his Will dated the sixth of 
December 1629 (in which he describes himself as Rector of Grinford, 
although it appears by Newcourt that his successor was instituted 
on the 26th August previously, he recites that he was then " of 
good health and perfect memory (I praise God for it) and therein 
myndfull of my mortallitie," and bequeathes his soul into the hands of 
his Saviour, and leaves his body to the place of burial at his executors' 
discretion, " without any feastinge or banquettinge after it." He 
speaks of his lands called Botlymeade and Northamleas near Oxford ; 
and leaves ten shillings each to several poor people ; and also legacies 
to his children, grandchildren, and servants ; to his curate his black 
cloth gowne faced with shankes; and the residue of his goods, cattells, 
chattells, and houshold stuffe to his son Henry, who proved the will on 
the 21st September 1630. J His burial took placeon the 24th August; 
his monument is against the north wall of the chancel at the east 
end, and represents him and his family kneeling at a prayer desk and 
sheltered beneath a pediment. A Mrs. Margaret Gardner buried on 
the 19th March 1622 || may probably have been his wife. 

Next we come to Edward Terry ,^[ who was educated at the Free 
School Rochester, entered at Christ Church College, Oxford, in 1607; 
became a student, and finally took his degrees in Arts in 1614. In 
the following year he went out to the East Indies and became chap- 
lain to Sir Thomas Roe, the Ambassador to the Great Mogul, for two 
years, and then returned to his college, and soon afterwards (on the 
26th August 1629) received his appointment to the Rectory of Great 
Greenford, of which he held possession for thirty years. He submitted 
with good grace to the authorities during the great Rebellion, and 
became, if he was not already so, a steady Nonconformist. He died 
on the 8th October 1660, at the age of seventy years, and was buried 
on the 10th** in the chancel. 

He published several sermons and an account of his abode in the 
" rich and spacious Empire of the Great Mogul," a work which he had 
previously (in 1622), presented in manuscript to Prince Charles. His 

* Ibid. vol. ii. p. 394. f Ibid. vol. i. p. 615. 

t Prerogative Registry, 75 Scrope. Parish Register. || Ibid. 

f Athente Oxon. vol. iii. p. 505. ** Parish Register. 

Vol. IV. page 105. 



" Relick" Elizabeth, was buried on the 2nd August, 1661.* Upon his 
decease his son, also named Edward, was on the 27th February, 1660-1, 
presented to the living by William Christmas, citizen of London and 
merchant: he was a Nonconformist, a Master of Arts, and Fellow of 
University College.f He soon found it necessary to resign the living, 
and a successor was appointed on the 24th December in the same 

A trace of the puritan feeling inculcated by the Terrys may be seen 
in the appearance and arrangement of the pews, and the absence of 
what most people consider reverential care of the building and its 

John Castell, D.D. his successor, died in 1686, and the entry of his 
burial on the 3rd April, adds " Affid. brought Aprill y 3d." This 
was in obedience to the Act 18th Charles II. cap. 4, for the burying 
in woollen only.|| 

Next we turn to the MONUMENTS. The earliest is the brass to the 
memory of Simon Hert, of whom mention has been already made. It 
consists of a moderately small demi figure of a priest in eucharistic 
vestments, of which the amice and maniple are embroidered throughout. 
It is well designed, especially the face, and in good preservation. 
From the mouth proceeds a scroll bearing these words : 

(ttrrtro bf&er' fcona Vni in terra btbenctu'. 

It lies at the extreme east end of the nave floor. The inscription 
has been long wanting, but the date of design and execution of the 
brass is clear : he was the only rector who died about that period, 
and his will directs his burial in the choir of the church; we may 
therefore fairly conclude that it is his memorial. 

Succeeding this in point of date is a small brass effigy of a lady 
with a butterfly head-dress, which, taken with the general costume, 
indicates the date of circa 1475. Her husband has long since disap- 
peared, nor does any inscription remain to indicate who was the person 
represented. This memorial lies near the centre of the nave floor. 

Then we come to another Rector, Thomas Symons. His is a rather 

* Parish Register. f Athenae Oxon. vol. iii. p. 505. 

J Newcourt, vol. i. p. 615. Parish Register. 

|| See Note on the Acts of Parliament for this purpose and their final repeal 
in Paperon Heston Church, in Proceedings of this Society, vol. ii. p. 221 n. 


small effigy incised in brass, habited in eucharistic vestments, having 
the amice and maniple embroidered throughout, and an orphrey round 
the chasuble ; and beneath is the following inscription : 

jftftteetere mtsetatoi, quta bero sum peeeator : 
precor, licet reus, miserere mei fceus. 
t djomas ^Btnons, Sector eeel'ie toe rgnfortf). 

The date of execution is circa 1500. There is a little true shading. It 
does not appear at what date Thomas Symons or Symond was insti- 
tuted to the living, but on the 12th August 1518 Thomas Cotton 
succeeded to it upon his resignation;* and there can be little doubt 
that he had the monument prepared in his lifetime, as was then fre- 
quently done. In 1783 it was discovered beneath some pews, a fact 
which accounts for its remarkably perfect preservation. Mr. Betham, 
then rector, had it set in a marble slab, and fixed in its present posi- 
tion against the north wall of the chancel (for which brass collectors 
will not thank him, as it renders the making of a rubbing an inconve- 
nient and fatiguing process), and has his own monumental inscription 
below it. Some stupid person has cut the letters M.D. in a diamond 
in a blank space of the brass inscription. Since the visit of the So- 
ciety an organ has been placed in that part of the chancel, and unfor- 
tunately conceals the monument. 

A fourth brass exists, bearing the following inscription : 

" <>f go* (ftfjarite prap fov tfje soules of $tgcf)artr Cfjorneton 
antj aigs fjj)8 togfe tlje toijgclje Kpefjarto fceressefc tlje btj toag of 
JBemnfc. tlje pete of out lort JH b c .iliiij. >n toijos 0oules $f)'u 
fjabe mcrcj), amen." 

The effigy of Richard is immediately above this, a clumsy figure, as 
usual at the period, habited in civil costume, and having round-toed 
shoes with a strap over the instep. His burial the day after decease, 
is recorded in the Register) 1 thus " Richard Thorneton, 8 Decem- 
bris An'o Do'i 1544." Alys was on his left, but her effigy has 
evidently been long lost, as also two groups of children, apparently 
three sons and three daughters. This memorial lies in the floor of the 
nave, far up westwards. 

In 1559 is recorded the burial of Henry Thorneton, parson of Grin- 
ford, on 20th of February.^ Newcourt inserts the name of a Thomas 

* Newcourt, vol.. i p. 615. f Parish Register. J Ibid. 

Rcpertorium, i. 615 


(no doubt this Henry) Thorneton between Robert Cosen, who was 
instituted 30th December 1558, and William Whitlock, who succeeded 
on the 2nd July 1560, upon the death of Thornton ; but gives no other 

Next we notice the monument to the memory of Bridget Coston 
and her family beneath a pediment, all carved in stone, and set up 
against the east wall of the nave, on the south of the chancel-arch. 
The lady is represented as kneeling at a prayer desk, while behind her 
kneel her children, Frances, Mary, James, Annie, and Philadelphia ; 
over their heads, in less perfect relief, is her husband, Simon, leaning on 
his elbow, apparently out of an open window, and looking very senti- 
mental. An inscription beneath is in full accordance, and describes 
her as " foemina superlative bona et optimis quibuscunq' sui seculi mu- 
lieribus in omni laude comparanda." Beneath is this sentiment: 
" Uxorem vivam amare, voluptas est : defunctam religio." Her death 
at the age of thirty-four is recorded to have happened on the 2nd July 
1637; and she was buried on the following day.* Simon seems to 
have been afflicted with classicalism, for besides this inscription is a 
long string of Latin verses, engraved on a gilt brass plate and set high 
up, (far above legibility) on the south wall near the monument. 

There is also the matrix of another brass later in the same century. 

One other monument remains to be noticed, which is that of Michael 
Gardner, who has been mentioned previously in the list of Rectors ; 
he and his wife, are represented kneeling on either side of a prayer 
desk, and beneath a classic pediment ; the monument is set against the 
north wall of the chancel at the east end. 

We now advert to the REGISTER BOOKS, which, commencing in 1539, 
hold out a promise of much interesting matter which they do not 
supply. The date is one of the earliest known, and, although entries 
dating in 1536 may be found, there is no known authority for keeping 
a register of this kind prior to an Order of Cromwell as Vicegerent, 
in 1538 (30th Hen. VIII.) | It seems strange that the incalculable 
value of such records was not earlier perceived, but when once the 
idea had been suggested, a series of ordinances enforced the system. 
In the first year of King Edward the Sixth's reign (1547) were 
Injunctions, amongst other things directing the Parson, Vicar, or 

* Parish Register. 

f Rogers' Ecclesiastical Law, p. 770; Burn's Parish Registers, pp. 6 and 17. 


Curate to keep a book or register, and therein to enter the day and 
year of every wedding and christening* and the parish was to 
provide, for the safe keeping of the book, a sure, coffer and two 
locks and keys, one to remain with the parson and the other 
with the wardens; and every Sunday the parson was to make the 
week's entries in the presence of one of the wardens, under a penalty 
of three shillings and four pence to the poor men's box for each omis- 
sion ; then in Cranmer's Visitation Articles in the following year was 
an enquiry whether the Register Book was safely kept ; f in the Arti- 
cles issued in the first year of Queen Elizabeth's reign, 1559, there is 
a similar enquiry ;| they are also enquired about in various Visitation 
Articles, as in those of Bishop Bentham of Lichfield and Coventry in 
1565 ; and in the 39th year of Queen Elizabeth's reign (1597) occurs 
a Constitution concerning Registers " ( quorum permagnus usus est);"|| 
and then the 70th Canon of 1603 required that it should be written on 
parchment and carefully kept in a box with three locks, the key of one 
of which to be kept by the Incumbent and each Churchwarden, seve- 
rally, and that the entries for the week were to be made every Sunday 
and to be signed by all three. 

The earlier part of the Register Book at Great Greenford, down to 
the year 1602, is evidently a transcript and no doubt was made in 
obedience to the last mentioned Canon, which directs that they should 
be copied on parchment so far as practicable, especially since the begin- 
ning of the late Queen Elizabeth's reign. ^f 

The entries are of the most meagre description, and not very nume- 
rous, and they shew that the parishioners comprised scarcely any even 
of the middle class. The earliest entry in each of the three categories 
runs thus : 

" Elizabethe Martin Christened thexvijth of Jauuarye in ye yere 1539. 
Richard Arendell & alee Lampe were maryed the xxij November 
an . 1539. 

" Jhon Deacon j Marlii An'o Do'ni 1539." 

As usual in early registers, the entries are few and probably incom- 

* Sparrow's Collection, p. 5. f Ibid. 27. J Ibid 236. 

Printed in the Church Beview, 1st August, 1868. 
|| Printed in the same year. 
J Sparrow's Collection, p. 339. 


plete. Thus in the year 1608 there is but one entry of marriage, and 
later (when the troubles were commencing in 1640, 1641, and 1642, 
there are recorded but one burial in each year, and between 1644 ami 
1650, there are scarcely any ; while the years 1651,1652, and 1653 
are quite blank. There is no entry of a baptism in 1652 ; but one of 
marriage in 1659, and none in 1660. Thus, in the utter absence of 
any reason to suppose that births, marriages, and deaths almost 
ceased in the parish, we may fairly presume that baptism was much 
dispensed with, that marriages became merely a civil contract, and 
burials if accompanied by a religious service were performed by a lay 
minister. Considering the fact that the rector though a clergyman 
duly ordained, and duly instituted to the living, conformed to the 
puritan regime, it might reasonably have been expected that such 
matters would have been left in his hands : or at least that due entries 
would have been made under his sanction and supervision in the parish 
books. But there can be little doubt that in the case of marriages they 
were performed as a civil rite before a magistrate, and the record kept 
by a civil registrar appointed under the authority of an Act of Par- 
liament (of the Commonwealth) dated 24th August, 1653, in a sepa- 
rate book since lost. 

Even in those entries which are duly made, there is no very great 
amount of precision : for example 

Old wydowe Osmond (buried) 30 Decembris An'o do' . 1600 

Goodman Butler & goodwyf lano were marryed the third of April 1616 
Olde Mother ffreeman was buryed the twenty of April, An'o 1617 
Old Mother Hixe, cujus nomen erat Margaret, was buried y* 4 

of May, . . >4 , 1624 

Mr. Terry, however, sometimes departs from the practice, and makes 
a slight addition, such as " a very aged man," " a young and newly 
married wife;" so an example in 1672, " Jane Smith, an ancient mayd." 

There is mention of the plague in 1603, but it seems to have even 
then been limited to two houses; one comprising five of the Barnard 
family between the fifth and twenty- eighth of October; and the other, 
the house of Mr. Bowyer, amongst the residents in which were two 
children of Smith " verbi predicatoris;" amounting in all to 

eight persons. Again in 1643, between the 21st October and 17th 
January, are the burials of ten persons of whom a marginal note says 
" supposed, the plague." 


Mr. Christopher Bowyer just mentioned was "one of y 8 Kinges 
Majesties yeomen of his great chamber in ordinarie," and is men- 
tioned in the register as " yeoman of the gard." He made his will on 
the 2nd July 1604 ;* it is in the form termed nuncupative; that is to 
say, delivered verbally, and afterwards taken down in writing, and 
proved by the witnesses present at the time.f It describes him as 
"beinge sicke in bodie but of perfect mynde & memorie," and 
speaks of Joane his wife, and Isabell Smyth, widow, his daughter; 
and that " whereas he hath a brother which hath byne unto hym a 
very unkynde brother, yett we would that his saide brother should 
have some thinge for a remembrance. And these words (so the will 
ends) were uttered by him in the p'nce & hearinge of the said 
Joane his wief," & others. His death speedily followed; this will is 
dated the 2nd, he was buried on the 3rd, J and the will was proved 
on the 5th July 1604. 

His wife only survived about two months. She made a will on the 
5th September 1604, "being sicke in bodie." She bequeathes her soul 
to the three persons of the Holy Trinity, severally; "most faythfully 
trusting to be saved in & by the meritts of my saide Savio r , and 
by his death, passion, & glorious resurrection, confidentlye, assuredly 
trustinge in & by my saide Savio r after this my frayle lief ended, 
to have ev'lastinge felycite & the heavenly Joyes ; the Joyes whereas 
noe tonge canne expresse nor harte thincke." Times have changed, 
and no expressions of other than worldly matters are now permitted 
to appear in that solemn document which can only take effect when 
its author has passed from this to another world. 

She leaves xls. to the poor of Greenford to be divided at her 
burial. To her late husband's brother William, xli., and as much of 
his wearing apparel as may be worth a like sum, or else the same 
value in money, on condition of not interfering with the executors, 
heirs, or legatees. She mentions her daughters, Ann, Bestonthe, 
Dorothye, Allen, and Isabell Smithe,|| and their children, and Kobert 

* Commissary Court of London, fol. 58. 

t This method was put an end to only as recently as the Wills Act, 1 Victoria, 
cap. 26. 

I Parish Register. Commissary Court of London, fol. 69. 

|| Prohably Smith, yerbi predicator, mentioned in the Register, was the 

husband of this Isabell Smithe. 


Bryan of the Chauncerye, and John Hayell of the King's Majesty's 
wyneseller, her late husband's friends; Mr. Michael Gardiner (the 
rector), and her son in law Francis Awsyter, to whom she leaves 
her black mare, " Cole," with a black face. 

She was buried on the following day,* and the will was proved on 
the 21st of the same month. 

It is noteworthy that in a retired parish such as this, all the old 
names have dropped out and disappeared, so that out of about fifty of 
those most frequently mentioned in the earlier entries in the register, 
not one now remains, f 

Besides the usual records of the Register Bock, there is an account 
of the Collections, commencing in 1689, under the authority of briefs. 
One in that year towards the relief of the poor Irish Protestants 
produced 21. 8s; another the next year; one for the French Protes- 
tants in 1694; in 1699, a brief for the poor distressed Vaudois, and 
other Protestants beyond the seas, produced 4Z. 5s 6d ; these clearly 
testify to the influence of Mr. Terry's teaching. In 1690, 1692-3, 
and 1700, were collections for the redemption of captives, the last 
of which produced as much as 131. 6s d. 

The same book contains a note of two early parochial charities ; ih^ 
first being under the will, dated the 8th April 1663, of William 
Millett J of Sudbury in the parish of Harrow on the Hill, of a rent- 
charge of 51. per annum to be laid out in the buying and making of 
two frise gownes for two poore widdowes, or other poore woman, of the 
price of twenty-eight shillings a piece, and two frise coats of twenty- 
two shillings a piece ; and the other a devise, dated 5th October 1 649, 
of the South Field, by George Smith; to be employed in buying two 
dozen of bread on each first Lord's Day after Easter Day, Whitsun- 
day, and Midsummer Day ; and if the rent be improved to more than 
six shillings, then more bread to be bought. 

In connexion with the Church of Great Greenford, it may be worth 
while just to mention the hitherto unpublished incident that, in 
August 1595, there occurred a fight in the church between the two 
churchwardens, in which George Frankline by force turned out 

' * Parish Eegister. 

f Ex rel. Mr. Phillips, Master of tlic Endowed School, and Parish Clerk for 
many years. 

\ He was buried here in December 1663. Parish Register. 



Thomas Lamplowe his co-warden ; for this he was excommunicated by 
the bishop, but upon his submission and performance of penance in 
the church, he was absolved and the sentence of excommunication was 
on the yth Oct. following formally relaxed by the bishop, who 
directed the publication of the proceedings by being read on Sunday 
in time of divine service.* 

This completes a general account of the church, and its rectors 
and registers; and, though few ancient buildings at first sight present 
less of archaeological interest than Great Greenford Church, yet it is 
hoped that the account here given is not altogether devoid of interest, 
or unworthy of being placed on record. 

* Vicar General's Books, 6, fol. 228. 




In the church of Willesden, which we have just visited, was 
formerly an image of the Virgin Mary, to which miraculous powers 
were ascribed, and which thence became a place of pilgrimage. It was 
one of some note, as it is mentioned, together with " Our Lady of 
Walsingham " and " Our Lady of Ipswich," in the third part of the 
homily " Against Peril of Idolatry," which was issued in the reign of 
Edward VI. It is also one of the shrines named in the interlude of 
the four P's, i. e. A satirical Dialogue between a Palmer, a Pardoner, 
a Poticary, and a Pedler, by Thomas Hey wood, published in 1549. 
The palmer is enumerating his visits to various sacred places, and 
among them says he was : 

At Crome, at Wilsdon, and at Muswell, 
At Seynt Rycharde and Saint Roke, 
And at Our Lady that standeth in the Oke. 

Here are mentioned four places in the neighbourhood of the metro- 
polls noted for images of the Virgin Mary of wonder-working power. 
Crome is Crome's Hill at Greenwich; Wilsdon our present resort; 
Muswell is near Highgate ; and " Our Lady of the Oke " is mentioned 
in a proclamation of Henry VIII. touching the preservation of game,* 
and must have been between Islington and Highgate. So that, you 
see, we had three places of this description in the North of London. In 
point of fact, England had a very large number of these shrines ; they 
were quite as numerous here as now upon the continent. Unfortu- 
nately, our records of them are exceedingly scanty. Even of Wal- 
singham, the most renowned of all, which had a reputation beyond the 
seas, we have no complete history, though frequently mentioned in 
records, and often honoured by the presence of our sovereigns. But 
the witty colloquy of Erasmus, " The Pilgrimage for Religion's Sake, "I 
has made up for deficiencies, and has given us a vivid picture of the 
two most celebrated of our English shrines. 

* Vide Prickett's History of Highgate. 

f " Peregrinatio Keligionis ergo," Erasmi Collcquia. 


It is easy to account for the loss of all historical records of these 
places. When, in 1538, the images were burnt at Chelsea, such docu- 
ments as they possessed, which would be vouchers of miracles per- 
formed at the shrine, with lists of offerings made by different pilgrims, 
&c. were doubtless destroyed, at the same time, as monuments of 

As regards those on the continent, it is a curious fact that there is 
no published account earlier than the beginning of the Eeformation. 
Indeed, we must regard these histories as a counter-demonstration, for 
the earliest in date is only 1523, whilst Loretto itself had none until 
1575. By far the greater number were written in the seventeenth 
century, and by members of the Society of Jesus ; and now they con- 
stitute a literature, of a very curious, but perhaps not of a very -valu- 
able description. Nevertheless, they afford us the means of compre- 
hending the nature of the worship of these shrines, as set forth by 
authority . We can understand their pretensions, and by a comparison 
of a number of these stories, and seeing how much one is repeated in 
another, we have no difficulty in imagining what our own might have 
been in times past. I think, therefore, I cannot do better, in illus- 
trating this subject, than to give you some general information respect- 
ing the nature of these places of pilgrimage, as gathered from the 
works to which I have alluded, and also from my own observations 
made at some of the shrines themselves. 

The most noted shrines of " Our Lady '' in Europe, besides that of 
Walsingham were Loretto, Italy; Boulogne, France; Montserrat, 
Spain; Hal, in Belgium; Einsiedlen, Switzerland; Altoting, Bavaria; 
Maria Eck, Austria ; and Czenstochow, Poland. There were many 
others quite as well known, which makes it difficult to select ; but 
those I have named have an historical importance. Now, some of 
these places are for their physical characters among the most remark- 
able spots in Eiirope ; and this leads me to point out to you two 
features, which have in all time marked places of pilgrimage. The first 
is, mountains or hill tops, or " high places;" the second, the interior of 
woods, i.e. "groves." The two types present us with two conditions, 
one of grave solemnity, the other of grandeur or beauty. It is unne- 
cessary for me to say any thing of "groves" and " high places" for reli- 
gious worship ; as profane and sacred writers both allude to them, and 
many present must be familiar to pages in classical authors which illus- 
trate the question. The most remarkable places of pilgrimage in the 


world, are Adam's Peak in Ceylon, devoted to the Buddhist creed, and 
that of Montserrat in Spain, in connection with Christianity. The 
ascent of the former often costs a life; and of the latter, Thicknesse, 
the early patron of Gainsborough, said, that it was not " without some 
apprehensions that, if there was no better road down, we felt we must 
have become hermits."* Now the three shrines, Wilsdon, Muswell, and 
Our Lady of the Oke present us with three of the common features. 
Willesden must originally have been encircled by the dense forest of 
Middlesex, a secluded spot apart from the highways of traffic. On the 
other hand, " Our Lady of Muswell" was on the eastern ridge of the 
chain of hills north of London, abutting on the ancient highway to the 
north, overlooking the valley of the river Lea, and commanding an 
extensive view of almost unrivalled beauty in the neighbourhood of the 
metropolis. Although I cannot locate with exactness " Our Lady of 
the Oke," its character is determined by its name, as there is a noted 
shrine so called in Italy, one in Belgium, one in France, and many 
others in different parts of Europe. In the histories of this species the 
figure is always said to have been discovered in an ' oak,' and classic 
readers will at once remember how this type also is to be paralleled in 
heathen antiquity. 

The next point to which I shall direct your attention is one of the 
greatest importance and interest in this enquiry, and demands- from us 
more than usual care and deliberation. It is that all the ancient 
miraculous images of the Virgin Mary are black. Now, travellers and 
tourists have sometimes endeavoured to account for this by telling us 
that the colour was produced by the smoke of the numerous tapers, 
and of the lamps ever burning before the image. They do not tell us, 
however, whether the chapels have the same hue, or indeed why they 
have not. It is a curious fact, that precisely the same thing was said 
by the early Christian writers of the images of the goddess Isis. Ar- 
nobius, who lived in the fourth century, and was a convert from hea- 
thenism, wrote a treatise against the religion he had forsaken, ridi- 
culing the worship, whose image, he asserts, was blackened by the smoke 
of burning lamps. f We must reject these hypotheses because facts do 
not bear them out. The miraculous images of the Virgin are painted 
black ; there are also a number of pictures to which the same hue is 
given ; the colour therefore is intentional, and not the result of any 

* Thicknesse's Year's Journey through France and part of Spain. 

f Arnobius, 1. 6. 


accidental circumstances. It is in fact a piece of symbolism, without 
doubt of the very greatest antiquity, carrying us back into yery remote 
ages, and into oriental forms of religious worship. In the religion of 
India, Maya, a female divinity, is represented nursing Bouddha. In 
the ancient religion of Egypt, Isis is nursing Horns ; both are repre- 
sented black. This colour also distinguishes other members of their 
mythology. Now black is a natural symbol of profundity, that which 
is mentally as well as physically obscure. It is the colour of mourning, 
and we use it constantly as a metaphor when we speak of strong and 
hidden passion. The religious systems to which I have alluded are 
full of mysticism, in which ideas were veiled under various symbolic 
forms, and this colour must without doubt be considered in that light. 
I am confirmed in this view by the Very Rev. Canon Rock, who re- 
cently expressed very nearly the same thoughts, and whose knowledge 
of ecclesiastical symbolism is very extensive. 

I now come to another part of this subject, which is in close connec- 
tion with what I have just stated, viz. that numbers of these images 
were ascribed to St. Luke. Now this tradition is of extreme antiquity 
in the history of Christianity, and its examination helps our inquiry 
into the origin of the black colour, and its introduction into the Chris- 
tian church. 

Some Italian writers have endeavoured to find a solution of this 
question in a manner which at first sight commends itself to us as 
being extremely plausible ; and Lanzi, in his History of Italian 
Painting, has accepted their reasoning. In the twelfth century there 
was a Florentine artist named Luca, who is known to have painted 
several pictures of the Virgin Mary, and among them one or two, at 
least, which are now referred to the Evangelist, as that at Santa 
Maria Maggiore in Rome. And this man, from the holiness of his 
life, received the popular title of santo or holy. There is also a 
vague tradition of a hermit of the name of Luca, who is also said to 
have painted pictures of this kind.* This conclusion is one that we 
would naturally accept as final ; but, unfortunately, it must give way to 
the hard logic of facts, as the tradition can be carried many centuries 
backward into the earlier ages of the Church. Simeon Metaphrastes, 
a Greek legendary writer of the tenth century, in his Life of St. Luke, 
has a remarkable passage f in which he expresses his gratitude to the 

* Lanzi, Storia Pittorica d'ltalia, ii. c. 9-10. 

j- The passage is too interesting not to be given entire, as translated into Latin 


Evangelist in having transmitted to us the portraits of Jesus and of 
Mary his mother. And the passage is yet further curious, as he even 
speaks of the mode of painting employed, that is with wax, and conse- 
quently it is an allusion to the ancient encaustic process at that time 
generally used. It therefore proves, that in the tenth century there 
were pictures assigned to St. Luke. But we do not even rest here, for 
Theodoras, a Greek writer of the sixth century, a reader of Constanti- 
nople, says that " Eudocia sent to Pulcheria, from Jerusalem, the 
picture of the mother of Christ which St. Luke the Evangelist had 
painted." * 

Eudocia was empress of Theodosius II., and Pulcheria, her sister-in- 
law, had been regent in the minority of the emperor, and was virtually 
the rnler of the empire. I cannot here dwell upon the character of 
these remarkable ladies, but their zeal for relics at least brings us to a 
fair presumption of the origin of this tradition. The Nestorian con- 
troversy had just been determined in the condemnation of the Bishop 
of Constantinople, in the Council of Ephesus, 431 ; and in the triumph 
of Cyril of Alexandria ; and an immediate consequence was, that a 
picture of the Virgin nursing the infant Jesus, not an historical repre- 
sentation, but a symbolic or hieratic type, was, for the first time, 
elevated above the altar for the veneration of the Christian world. 
Pulcheria erected a magnificent church in the suburbs of Constanti- 
nople, dedicated it to the mother of Christ, and here placed the picture 
sent to her by Eudocia, the history of which was afterwards very 
remarkable. Thus we get evidence of this tradition arising in the 
fifth century, exactly where we might have expected to have found it, 
taking the circumstances of ecclesiastical history into consideration. 
Then, considering the character of Cyril, the ruling spirit of that time, 
an Egyptian bishop ; and of Eudocia, a convert from heathenism ; she 
and Pulcheria diligent hunters after sacred relics ; the practice acknow- 
ledged in the Church of adopting types from the heathen, but altering 

in Lippomano Sanctorum Historia, Vita S. Lucae. "Hoc autem inter caetera 
gratissimum est, quod ipsum quoque typum assumptas humanitatis Christi mei, 
ac signum eius quce ilium pepererat, et assumptam humanitatem dederat, 
primus hie cerd ac lineamentis tingens, ut ad hasc usque tempora in imagine 
honorarentur, tradidit, tanquam non satis esse existimans, nisi etiam per imagi- 
nem ac typum versaretur cum his quos desiderabat, quod ferventissimi amoris 
signum est." 

* Molanus, De Historia, S. S. Imaginum, &c. lib. ii. cap. ix. p. 47. Lovanii, 



the application ; the fact of pictures and images ascribed to St. 
Luke being black, and can we doubt of the origin ? The colour might 
be justified by an appeal to Solomon's Song, " I am black but comely," 
and weaker minds might yield to the innovation, when told that St. 
Luke had been the painter. Thus then, as the nimbus became adopted 
from heathen art, so might an ancient hieratic type, long honoured in 
the religion of Egypt, be accepted for popular veneration. 

Let us now see how far this hypothesis is favoured by the historical 
narratives of some of the most celebrated images, to many of which an 
Eastern origin is ascribed. " Our Lady of Loretto " is said to have 
been brought with the holy house itself from Nazareth, by the ministry 
of angels. " Our Lady of Atocha," near Madrid, of which we have 
often heard in connexion with the Ex-Queen of Spain, is said to have 
been brought from Antioch; Atocha is indeed a corruption of the 
name. " Our Lady of Liesse," a noted example, in France, was 
brought from Egypt itself, so also was that of " Our Lady of Puy." 
This latter is so remarkable that it is worth describing, as it strongly 
corroborates the fact I am here adducing. It is considered to be the 
most ancient of these images in France, and is a seated figure carved 
out of cedar, covered all over from the head to the feet with bands of 
very fine linen, very carefully and closely wound upon the wood after 
the manner of Egyptian mummies. It is also of a deep black, polished, 
the face and features extremely long, the eyes small and formed of 
glass, giving the whole a haggard wild look. I will not weary you by 
further instances, as these are sufficient to show an existing tradition 
ascribing many of them to an oriental source. 

I have thus endeavoured to give you a brief account of the character 
and origin of these images, which became so universally adopted in the 
Christian world; to which "pilgrimages for religion's sake" were 
made by all ranks of society, accompanied by gifts of such value, that 
an enumeration of the riches of Mouserrat or Loretto, reads like a 
page from the Arabian Nights' Entertainments. Kings and princes 
vied with each other ; and it was no uncommon thing for a hero fresh 
from the field of his glory to come and prostrate himself before one of 
these shrines,* and to dedicate to it banners torn from the enemy, 
with a good tithe of the spoils of battle. And, amongst them, even his 
name is found, who was the first to proclaim them relics of idolatry, his 

* Don John of Austria, victor of Lepanto, visited Montserrat. 


appetite, doubtless, not a little whetted by the riches which awaited 
his treasury. 

The images themselves are always carved out of wood, and are 
generally about 3 ft. 6 in. in height, sometimes smaller, but rarely 
larger. Some are said to have been sent down from heaven ; some 
made by angels ; some made by St Luke, as before stated ; some dug 
out of the earth, and some found in oaks, &c. However, there are 
others which make no such pretension of miraculous origin. That of 
" Our Lady of Hal," by Brussels, was presented to the town by 
Sophia, daughter of St. Elizabeth of Hungary, in 1267, and the style 
of its execution warrants the date assigned to it. But it is not often 
easy to give these figures a close examination, as they are always 
covered up with some rich clothing, which obscures all but the face. 

But it is time I told you something of the image and shrine of 
" Our Lady of Wilsdon." No researches, however, have availed to 
discover at what time it first became a place of pilgrimage, and but for 
a few notices of it by our Reformers, and the abjurations some indivi- 
duals were obliged to make for a disrespectful allusion to it, we should 
know nothing about it. It was evidently a popular one with the Lon- 
doners, as one Father Donald, a Scotch friar, preaching, said, " Ye men 
of London, gang on yourself with your wives to Wyllesdon, in the devil's 
name, or else keep them at home with you in with sorrow." Such 
hints of the evils of such resorts are however common. In England, 
as early as the fifteenth century, the followers of Wickliffe appear as 
calling in question the efficacy of pilgrimages,* and examinations 
before Archbishop Arundel show us the spirit then alive amongst these 
sectaries on this subject. From that time, they were pointed out as the 
weak place in the economy of the Church of Rome, and consequently 
were first assaulted. Fitzjames, Bishop of London, a man of narrow 
mind and of virulent disposition, was extremely active in repressing all 
indications of revolt. Even Dean Colet, the friend of Erasmus, and 
the companion alluded to in his Colloquy under the name of Gratian, 
the illustrious founder of St. Paul's School, was in danger from his 
zeal, and was saved only by the prudence of Warham, Archbishop of 
Canterbury. But smaller fry felt the burden of his wrath. One Eliza- 
beth Sampson, the wife of John Sampson, of the parish of Alderman- 
bury, in the City of London, a few months before the decease of Henry 

* "Lolardi sequaces Johannis Wiclif prasdicaverunt peregrinationes 

non debere fieri, et prsecipne apnd Walsingham." Thomas Walsingham, p. 340. 

N 2 


VII. was brought under ecclesiastical correction in the Bishop's court, 
and out of 21 Articles objected against her, on the charge of " heretical 
pravity," was one of disrespect of pilgrimage in the person of " Our 
Lady of Wilsdon." The lady certainly used strong language ; indeed 
made use of words to express her thoughts that might have been 
merely forcible when they were uttered, but now-a-days are not con- 
sidered fitted for ears polite ; I must therefore be excused in leaving 
out one little word used as an expletive. 

" Art. III. Tu dixisti that our Lady of Willesdon was a brent a 
elfe, and a brent a stocke, and yf she myght have holpen men e 
women which goe to hyr of pylgrymage, she wolde not have suffered 
her tayle to have ben brent &c." 

We find by this, that a fire must have taken place in the church, 
possibly from lamps or tapers, and the image had been partly injured. 
The lady had to abjure in the following terms. 

" In the name of God, Amen, Before Almighty God, the Fader, the 
Son, and the Holy Ghoste, the Blessed Virgyn our Ladye, &c., I 
Elizabeth Sampson doe voluntarily, and hereto not constreyned, 
knowledge, graunt, recognise, and openly confesse, &c.* 

The date of this abjuration is March 31, 1509, two years before 
Erasmus is supposed to have visited Canterbury and Walsingham, and 
is interesting as showing that opposition to the practice of going on 
pilgrimages to so-called miraculous images must have been working 
amongst the mass of the people. 

Some years later, when the days of these shrines were fast drawing 
to a close, we find " Our Lady of Wilsdon " again alluded to. In 
1530, one Dr. Crome, being questioned by the bishops of heretical 
opinions, said, " I wyll saye ageyne, doo your dewtye, and then your 
devocion. First, I saye, doe those thynges the whyche God hath 
commaundyd to be doon, the whyche are the dedys of pytye: for those 
shalbe requyred of thy hande agayne. When thou comyst at the days 
of judgement, He wyll not say unto thee, ' Why wentest thou not to 
Wilsdon a pylgrymage ? ' but he wyl saye unto thee, ' I was an hungred 
and thou gavest me no meat, I was nakyd and thou gavyst me no 
clothys,' and soche lyke." 

In the following year, 1531, one John Hervis, a draper of London, 
was made to abjure for saying that he heard the Vicar of Croydon 
thus preach openly : " There is as much bawdry kept by going in 
* Begist. Fitz James, Epi. Lond. 


pilgrimage to Wilsdon or Muswell, as in the Stew-side." But indeed 
the morality of pilgrims had always been a theme for the satirist. 
Piers Ploughman, who bitterly upbraids those that went to Wal- 
singham,* only repeats an often told tale of the evil of indiscriminate 
assemblages even " for religion's sake." 

Seven years later the end had come, and is thus related by Holm- 
shed. " In September, by the speciall motion of the Lord Cromwell, 
all the notable images unto the which were made anie especiall pil- 
grimage and offerings were utterlie taken awaie, as the images of Wal- 
singham, Ipswich, Worcester, the Ladie of Wilsdon, with many other, 
and likewise the shrines of counterfeit saints as that of Thomas a 
Becket, and others, &c. The images of our Lady of Walsingham 
and Ipswich were brought up to London with all the jewels that hung 
about them, and divers other images both in England and Wales, 
whereunto anie common pilgrimage was used, for avoiding of idolatry ; 
all which were burnt at Chelsea by the Lord Privie Seal." 

The position of this image in the church is indicated in the will of 
Master William Lychefeld, whose brass yet remains in the chancel, for 
he directs his body to be buried in the chancel of the parish church of 
Willesdon before the image of the most Blessed Virgin Mary.f It 
must then have been above the altar, probably resting upon a beam 
made for the purpose, which likewise would be used for the suspension 
of rich offerings. 

Of pilgrims it may be as well to say a few words, as they have been 
classed by different terms, which have remained in different languages, 
but whose origin is forgotten in the daily use of them. We cannot 
quote a better authority than that of Dante in his " Vita Nuova," 
where, having seen a procession of pilgrims passing through the streets 
of Florence, whilst his beloved Beatrice was lying dead, says " They 
call those ' Palmers ' inasmuch as they go beyond the sea, whence they 
have many times obtained the palm. They call those ' Pilgrims,' 

" Heremytes on an heep, 
With hoked staves, 
Wenten to Walsingham, 
And hire wenches after." 

Vision of Piers Ploughman. 

There is also a French proverb, " Je connais le pelerin," spoken of a crafty 

f " In cancello ecclesise parochise de Willesdon, coram imagine beatissimze 
Virginis Mariae." Test. Mag'ri Will'i Lychefeld cle'ci Novemb. 2, 1517. 


inasmuch as they go to the house of Galicia, because the sepulchre of 
S. James was further off from his country than that of any other 
apostle. Those are called ' Eomers ' * in so much as they go to Rome, 
where these that I have called ' pilgrims ' were going." 

A pilgrim was one to whom considerable reverence was attached. 
Before setting out upon his journey, he made his will,f confessed himself, 
and his bourdon or staff, and his scrip received a solemn benediction 
from the priest. J His person was held sacred and had many immuni- 
ties. If, in passing through an enemy's country, he was taken prisoner, 
he was liberated if his true character was proved. Thus it was, that 
Richard Cceur de Lion, making an attempt to pass through the terri- 
tories of the Duke of Austria, assumed the guise of a pilgrim. Some 
shrines especially were efficacious in affording protection to one who 
could show, by his sign, that he had worshipped there. Such was that 
of " Our Lady of Roc-Amadour," and there were strict ordinances made 
as to the manufacture of the " signs," in order to preserve the mono- 
poly to the authorities of the shrine. So that, they had not only the 
use of a pious remembrance, but tended to identify the pilgrim, and he 

* Chiamansi Palmieri, in quanto vanno oltramare, laonde, molte volte recano 
la palma. Chiamansi Pellegrini in quanto vanno alia casa di Galizia, pero che 
la sepoltura di San Jacopo fu pin lontana dalla sua patria che di alcuno altro 
Apostolo. Chiamansi Romei in quanto vanno a Roma la ove questi che io 
chiamo pellegrini andavano." Vita Nuova. Fir. 1576. p. 69. 

Romeo therefore signifies a pilgrim to Rome, and in Shakespeare's play he 
appears at the masque as a pilgrim, Act i. Sc. v. Hence the verb " Romeare," to 
go to Rome, or wander about, in English " to roam." One who visited Mont St. 
Michel, in Normandy, a celebrated place of pilgrimage, was called "a Michelot;" 
and " Saunterer," corrupted from " Sainte Terre," is said to have been another 

f " He made his testament als did other Pilgrimes." Langtoft's Chronicle. 

t Vide Le Grand Fabliaux, &c. 12mo. Paris, 1781, Vol. i. p. 310. " Les 
Croises et les Pelerins ne manquait pas, avant leur depart, d'aller faire benir a 
1'Eglise leur escarcelle avec leur bourdon, et Saint Louis fit cette ceremonie a S. 

Vide Collectanea Antiqua, C. R. Smith, vol. iv. p. 167, who gives in full an 
ordinance of Louis or Joan of Provence, 1354, to restrain the making or vending 
of the signs of the shrine of St. Mary Magdalene to other than ecclesiastical 
authorities. At p. 170 are also some similar facts relating to Roc-Amadour and 
its privileges. For much curious matter relating to " signs," see also vol. i. 81, 
vol. ii. 43, of the work above referred to. Also an article in the Journal of 
the British Archaeological Association, vol. i. by the same author, who was the 
first to enter fully into this interesting subject. 



who could show the greatest number would be held naturally in the 
greatest reverence. No one would deny him hospitality ; a seat in the 
chimney corner or a place at board would be well repaid by his tales 
of other lands, or of other scenes ; for he was the great traveller of the 
middle ages. 

A large number of these " signs " have been discovered in London, 
and now form part of C. R. Smith's collection in the British Museum. 
Some are also preserved in the Guildhall Museum. They belong to 
various shrines; those of Becket are perhaps the most numerous. Many 
are engraved in the " Collectanea Antiqua." They are made mostly 
of lead, and usually as brooches to be attached to clothes or hat as 
convenience dictated. Some are in form of rings, and others are 
ampulles, or little bags, for the purpose of holding some sacred dust, 
oil, or other like substances received at the shrine. At continental 
shrines some such memorials are still sold. A silver pendent orna- 
ment from " Our Lady of Loretto " is in my possession. Annexed 
(fig. 1) is a medal of the last-named place of the seventeenth century, 
having on its reverse the head of Christ, the " Veron-icon :" the letters 

Fig. 1. 

Fig. 2. 

Fig. 3. 



N. D. L. beneath signify " Nostra Donna Loreto." Fig. 2 is a later 
example, with heads of St. Peter and St. Paul on the reverse. Fig. 3 
is an ampulla of Our Lady of Boulogne. The Virgin is represented 
crowned, holding a sceptre, seated in a chair, with the infant Jesus in 
her arms. The inscription is ^ SIGNV : SCE : MARIE : DE 
BOLONIA. It may be as early as the fourteenth century. Many 
signs of this shrine have been found in London, which may be ac- 
counted for, as it is the nearest to England of those beyond sea, and 
moreover was of great celebrity, and held in the greatest reverence by 
the maritime neighbours. Fig. 4 is one of copper, of " Our Lady of 
Hal, " belonging to the fifteenth century : it has holes for the purpose 

Fig. 4. 

of securing it to the dress. The Virgin crowned with the infant 
Jesus is seated beneath a canopy, on each side of which is an angel 
kneeling and holding a scroll. Beneath the figure -fc'fjal. Of Eng- 
lish shrines of the Virgin Mary there are but few signs that can be 
identified. Walsingham, naturally, being the most celebrated among 

Fig. 5. 

Fig. 6. 



them, furnishes the largest number. One is here given (fig. 5.) It 
represents the "Annunciation" and beneath is inscribed " 5H2ial8i>nf)at." 
We may infer from this that this subject indicated this special shrine. 
It is of the fifteenth century. Figure 6 belongs probably to the 
same place, on account of having the same subject. It is early in the 
fourteenth century, and of more elegant design. The inscription on 
the margin above the figure of the Virgin is " abe /-Bar (a gratia plena fc'ns 

This has a reverse, which is unusual at this date, having the figure 

of a bishop or abbot ; on the verge are remains of an inscription " 8 an 

mus titonafiteio. . . . co- Nothing satisfactory can be made out of it. 

It is very possible that this given in the annexed cut (fig. 7), consisting 

Fig. 7. 

only of the letter M crowned, apparently intended as a monogram, may 
be referred to Muswell, as the letter is the initial of both Mary and the 
name of the place. It is a type of which others have been found in Lon- 
don, as there is one in the Guildhall Museum. None have been found 
that can be identified as belonging to Wilsdon, and unless we had the 
name inscribed, we should not know them, because we have lost the 
distinguishing type which without doubt all signs possessed. Fig. 8 
is a remarkable one, inasmuch as it shows the Virgin and Child within 
a tabernacle borne upon a bird ; whether a dove or an eagle is intended 
cannot be inferred. This, certainly, is a special distinction belonging 



to a particular shrine, but which, we have no means of telling. Fig. 9 
represents the Virgin and Child within a crescent (moon.) This also 

Fig. 8 

Fig. 9. 

without doubt indicates a particular type, but which is not certain. It 
has been given to " Our Lady of Boulogne," but with the interpretation 
of the "crescent as a boat." The annexed 
cut (fig. 10) represents a crouch or pilgrim's 
staff of rock crystal, mounted with silver, 
from Loretto. It was doubtless the memorial 
of pilgrimage to that shrine made by a person 
of high rank. The form is very similar to 
one a pilgrim to Montserrat is using, whose 
figure forms the frontispiece to Thicknesse's 

I may perhaps, in conclusion, be permitted to 
give you some idea of what the scene might 
have been at Wilsdon on a great festival, by 
offering you a picture drawn from one yet to be 
seen within twelve hours' journey hence.* Let 
us suppose, then, the accessories of a country 
fair, with booths of all kinds ; and, leading to 
the church, many vendors of memorials of 
the shrine in tokens of various descriptions. 
Crowds, moving towards the church, are pay- 
Fig 9_ ing their devotions at the several appointed 

* Hal near Brussels, on the first Sunday of September; vide Gent. Mag. 1852 
for an account by the author. 


stations. You enter it by the western door, and high over the altar 
is the miraculous image with its black face, richly attired in silk 
and lace. Upon its head is a crown of fine gold, further enriched by 
jewels of price, and chains of gold hang about the figure, suspending 
medallions of various sizes. Near to it are the votive offerings of gold 
and silver, or of wax, according to the wealth of the donor, evidences 
of miracles performed. But the service of the altar is done, and now, 
issuing from the church, is a procession of clergy and acolytes with 
crosses and banners, preceding a dignitary under a canopy, bearing the 
consecrated Host. Then follow a long train of men and women, 
members of guilds and confraternities, in honour of " Our Lady of 
Wilsdon ; " and, lastly, the sacred image borne upon a highly enriched 
bier, and all about it a furious struggle of men and women for the 
honour of having, for one moment, a participation in its support. And 
thus, with minstrelsy attending, it goes through the parish until again 
replaced above its altar. Let the day end in gambling with dice and 
roulette ; some drunkenness and noisy mirth ; and you have a picture, 
of what is common enough now, and must have been common enough 
in times past, of a " pilgrimage for religion's sake." 




VOL. IV. NOVEMBER, 1872. Part II. 


The parish of Willesdon is bounded on the west and north by the 
river Brent ; on the east by the old Eoman road to Edgeware; on the 
south-east by the stream formerly called Kilbourn, . now a sewer ; 
on the south by a lane once called Flowerhills, now Kilbourn Lane, 
thence by the Harrow Road ; while the south-western portion stretches 
out into a tongue of land abutting on the parishes of Hammersmith, 
Acton, Baling, and Twyford. 

It contains, according to the Ordnance Survey of 1865, 4,382 

The earliest historical notice of this parish is found in the charter 
by which Athelstane granted to the Dean and Chapter of S. Paul's, 
or rather " ad monasteriurn statutum n Londonia civitate ubi diu 
Sanctus Erkenwaldus episcopatum tenuit," 10 mansas at Neosdune 
cum Willesdune. 

Two ridges, spurs from the high ground of Hampstead, run east 
and west; the northern ridge forms the southern bank of the Brent, 



and on this was the manor of Neasdon ; the southern ridge is 
parallel to it, and on this was situated the manor of Willesdon ; 
between them ran a small brook called the Slade, rising on the eastern 
boundary of the parish at Cricklewood, and joining the Brent on the 
western boundary near Stone Bridge, where it spreads out into a large 

Though these charters of Athelstane bear a very doubtful reputation, 
and Kemble has shown that many of them are forgeries, this par- 
ticular one is not marked by him as one of the forged charters. These 
manors, fai-ms, or tons, (the termination " ton," as in Kenton, Acton, 
and others, points to a Saxon origin,) would not be found in the soli- 
tary glades of the forest, but as near as possible to the roads through 
the district ; and, as the great Roman road ran along the eastern side of 
the parish, it is there that we naturally look for the earliest traces of 
occupancy ; and we find that the manor of Willesdon was situated in 
the south-east corner of the parish, and constitutes what is now its 
urban portion, called Kilburn, continuing by the side of the Edgeware 
Road along the southern base of the southern ridge, while the manor- 
hoiise was situated almost opposite the Priory of St. John the Baptist 
at Kilburn. The manor of Neasdon, at that time apparently the most 
important, stretched along the banks of the Brent, and abutted on the 
Roman road at Brent Bridge. 

The next notice of the parish is found in the great survey of the 
Conqueror. In this survey Neasdon is not mentioned at all. The 
manor of Willesdon is set down as containing 15 hydes, that of Harles- 
don five hydes, and East Twyford two, equal to about 2,640 acres of 
cultivatable land, of which nine carucates and three virgates and six 
acres, equal to about 1,131 acres, were cultivated, while there was in 
the parish woodland sufficient for pannage for 650 hogs, of which 500 
were set down to Willesdon. Both Harlesdon and East Twyford are 
ituated at the western end of the southern ridge, one on each side of 
the road to Harrow, and had been taken out of the old manor of 
Willesdon since the time of the first charter, and this points to the 
probable date of the origin of the highway to Harrow ; while Neasdon 
was undoubtedly then included with Willesdon, and formed the forest 
which afforded so large a supply of acorns for the swine of the manor. 

Many documents of the reigns of John, Henry III. and the Edwards 
show that as early as A.D. 1200 a church existed in the parish. No 
mention is made of a church in Domesday, and though this omission 


does not positively prove that there was no church, it strengthens the 
inference that the church was of later erection. 

In 1200 John the son of Gorman is called parson of Willesdon, and 
various leases refer to the land now called the Eectory Farm, which is 
set out at length in a terrier of the 33rd Henry III. (A.D. 1249) as 
containing one virgate, 12 acres, and one messuage at the gate of the 
churchyard ; this with the great tithes constituted the rectory, always 
held by the Dean and Chapter of S. Paul's as chapter property. The 
parish was served by a vicar, and in a deed dated 2 Edward I. 
the dean and chapter grant to Alan de Mortham, a minor canon, 
the great tythes belonging to the church of the Blessed Mary of 
Willesdon, saving to themselves the right of presentation to the 

During this period the prebendal manors of the parish must have 
been created, for in the Valor Ecclesiasticus of Nicholas IV, (A.D. 

s. d. 

The parsonage is valued at . . 12 

The prebend of Willesdon . .400 

The prebend of Brundesbur' . .200 

The prebend of Mappesbur' . . 36-8 

The prebend of Chambleynswod . . 2 10 

The prebend of Harlesdon . .368 

The prebend of Twyford . . 2 19 

The prebend of Neesdon . .320 

The prebend of Oxgate . . .280 

the first six having been carved out of the old manor of Willesdon, 
the two last out of the old manor of Neasdon, and there is a regular 
succession of Prebendaries in the lists published by Newcourt from the 
beginning of the twelfth century. 

These manors must have increased in value during the next two 
reigns, for in the Inquisitiones Nonarum, in the reign of Edward III. 
the ninths are estimated for the prebend of Willesdon at 14s. Od. 
equal to an annual value of 6/. 6s. Qd.; those of Brounes at 12s. 4d. 
equal to an annual value of 71. 5s. lid.; of Mapes at 2 Is. equal to an 
annual value of 9Z. 9s. Qd. ; and those of Chambers at four shillings, 
equal to an annual value of II. \ 6s. Od. In these inquisitions no mention 
is made of Harlesdon or Twyford, nor of Neasdon or Oxgate. 

o 2 


The next notice we have is in the Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII. 

where the prebends are valued as follows : 

s. d. 

Wylesdon, annual value . . . 12 

Brundesbury, . . 14 6 8 

Mapysbury . . . 12 

Chamb'leynswode . 

Harleston . . 10 2 3 

Twyforde . .568 

Neesdon ,, . . 7 13 4 

Oxgate .711 

During the various Ecclesiastical revolutions many of these posses- 
sions have been lost to the church, and the commissioners now hold 
lands only in the manors of Willesdon, Brondesbury, Mapesbury, and 

An Inquisition in the Court of Wards dated 38 Henry VIII. shows 
how largely this process of conveying has affected church property. 
In this inquisition is set out the property of Michael Eoberts of 
Neasdon, who died in 1545 ; he left all he possessed to an expected 
son, who either was never born or died in infancy, with reversion to 
his brother Edmund Koberts. The property in Willesdon held of the 
various prebendaries was 443 acres, of the value of 44/. 6s. Sd. and 
at a rental of 11. 17s. 3d. The grandson of this Edmund left every 
acre of this property as a freehold. 

When the land first came into the possession of the church the area 
of cultivation must have been very small. In Domesday only half of 
the land of the parish is said to have been capable of cultivation, and 
only half of that was under the plough ; but when the numerous and 
needy followers of the Norman were thrust into the Church, not 
necessarily excluding the Saxon clergy, but sharing with them, their 
better knowledge of agriculture and their greater energy would enable 
them to make the lands which had only sufficed for the maintenance 
of the Saxon clergy serve for their own as well. It was the Normans 
who divided the parish into prebends. 

Early in the reign of Henry II. the priory of S. John the Baptist 
was founded, and the conventual buildings rose among the trees on 
the banks of the Keeleburn. It was built by the Benedictine abbots 

* If a forgery, not fabricated until long after Domesday. 


of Westminster for three of the maids attendant on the then dead 
Queen Maud, herself almost a Benedictine nun. Though without 
doubt the foundation of this priory exercised great influence in the 
neighbourhood, yet as it is not situated in the parish it scarcely comes 
within the range of the subject in hand ; but one of the duties under- 
taken by the nuns was the relief of travellers on the Great Koman 
Road, and, as the priory from the first was a sort of hospice, it must 
have drawn a population round its walls. Here travellers towards 
S. Alban's would stop to form parties for the purpose of mutual pi'O- 
tection in passing through the dense forest through which ran the 
road, immediately they had ascended the steep hill in front; here they 
would stop to ask at the shrine of the Baptist for the saint's protection ; 
here also they would halt, after having passed the dangers, to recruit 
and to thank the saint for their deliverance. The church of the priory 
would no doubt be also a place of worship for the neighbours, though 
it was not in the parish ; for though the priory was not founded 
much, if at all, before the church in the centre of the parish, yet long 
before the priory was founded an oratory existed in the woods on the 
banks of the stream, and this would serve the purposes of worship quite 
as well as the church built in its place. 

This period was the golden age of church-building, but this out-of- 
the-way parish does not appear to have had any church till the middle 
of the twelfth century. The two round pillars of the nave of the pre- 
sent edifice are all that remain of the church then built, which was 
most probably a lancet-windowed church with a belfry, and if the font 
originally belonged to Willesdon, of which there is some doubt, it 
would I think strengthen this supposition, for the disengaged columns 
of the central shaft and what is left of the capitals appear to be 
Early English, but of a rather late period. The situation of the church, 
close to an extensive marsh, and in the midst of what in those days 
must have been a dense forest, and at the end of a long lane which even 
in the last century led nowhere except into the common lands which 
extended to the Brent, is a riddle that I have not been able to solve. 
Will the fact that it was the shrine of a miraculous image throw 
any light upon its loneliness ? or would the fact that the rectorial 
lands (the demesne of the dean and chapter) were situated in this part 
of the parish help to explain the selection of the site,* on the supposition 

* See the article On the Pilgrimage to our Lady of Wilsdon, by John Green 
Waller, Esq., at p. 173 of the present volume. 


that they would build the church as near as they could to their own 
property, or rather on it, for the rectory-house stood and now stands 
at the gate of the churchyard. 

The changes that have passed over the parish have been very 
gradual. The church held the land, and was of course an absentee 
landlord. The tenants reclaimed the woodland and the marsh, which 
they held at very small quit rents. I find that the predecessor of the 
Eoberts's in the reign of Henry II. held the land at Neasdon for the 
annual rent of a hen, redeemable for three halfpence. The successful 
yeoman would try to compound for these rents, and become a free- 
holder, and though the landlord would not part with the surveyed 
lands, he could sell the waste that had been reclaimed ; or the tenant 
might gain a freehold by squatting till lapse of time gave him a 
holding, but these freeholds were very few. The greater part of the 
land was held on lease of the different prebendaries, who granted their 
leases as private freeholders; the documents therefore relating to them 
are not found among the archives of the Dean and Chapter of S. Paul's. 

After the Keformation the prebendal lands of Oxgate, Neasdon, 
East Twyford, and Harlesdon, were almost, if not altogether, lost to 
the church. Those of East Twyford appear to have been dealt with 
even before that age of spoliation. The other three were absorbed 
by the Roberts's, who, as bailiffs to the Dean and Chapter of S. 
Paul's, had chances of which they availed themselves lai'gely. This 
family, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were the 
largest private landowners in Willesdon. The last male heir died in 
1700, leaving the property to five sisters, coheiresses ; these ladies 
gradually parted with their shares, and towards the middle of the 
eighteenth century the greater part of this estate came into the pos- 
session of the Nicolls of Colney Hatch, and the Nicolls of Burton Hall, 
Hen don. The property of the former passed by marriage to the Duke of 
Chandos, and, again by marriage, to the Dukes of Buckingham. The 
other branch of the Nicolls retained their share, and, bit by bit, 
bought up all the rest, and they now hold the bulk of the Neasdon 
property, in the person of Katharine Nicoll Prout, the cousin of the 
last of the Nicolls, who died about sixteen years ago. 

Another manor, that of Malourees, which embraces a large area along 
the Slade Brook, and in the central basin, and crosses the parish from 
Cricklewood to Kcnsal Green, was bought by Archbishop Chichele for 
the College of All Souls, and is still held by that corporation. 


In 1815 an act was passed for inclosing the common lands : these 
were all re-arranged, and 500 acres of the waste were sold, thus 
creating a number of small freeholds. This process of creating free- 
holds had been going on for some time before. The parish authorities 
compelled the squatters to pay rates, and the land they occupied 
became freehold by lapse of time. 

A short note on the population of the parish, at various times, may 
prove interesting, as an introduction to the register. 

In Domesday the population of the various manors is reckoned to 
be 49 villeins, six bordarii, and three cottagers, which, with the reeves, 
and leaving out any free inhabitants, might give a population of 
about 200 souls. 

The nature of the offences punished at the courts does not give a 
bad indication of the character of the population, and in a court roll 
of Henry II., A.D. 1154, I find that Thomas White was fined 3s. 4d. 
for destroying the lord's wood with his cattle, but the fine was after- 
wards forgiven. 

Agnes the wife of Richard Everard is a common huckster, and sells 
beer in cups and dishes not sealed with a measure : she was fined 2d. 

John Bruen of Neasdon " est communis pandoxator," a Common 
ale-brewer, and breaks assize, and was fined 4d. 

In a roll at the Augmentation Office in the reign of Edward VI. 
it is stated that there are in the parish of houselyng people 240, 
which would give a population of 400 to 500. 

In the 26th Charles II. the number of houses reckoned to the 
hearth tax was 93, with 277 hearths. 

In 1795 the parish contained 130 houses and 715 inhabitants. 

This short account of the parish will, I trust, serve as an intro- 
duction to the notes that I have made on the old register. 

The Act for enforcing the keeping of these parish registers was 
made in 1530, but for nearly forty years it seems to have been a 
dead letter in this parish, or the sheets have been lost. The first 
date in the early register is 1569, and this date is not an original 
entry ; in fact the entire register up to 1614 has been copied at one 
time from some more ancient volume, and there is no certificate at- 
tached to the copy showing that it was a true one. 

The register commences in 1569 and ends in 1740, thus extending 


orer a period of 171 years, or rather 167 years, for, though the first 
entry is dated 1569, there are but two in that year, two more in 
1572, and in 1573 the register seems to have been kept regularly. 

In the first complete decade from 1590 to 1599 there are entries of 108 
births ; in the last complete decade, from 1721 to 1730, there are 205 
births, showing that the children born in the parish had nearly doubled. 
The death register exhibits a remarkable difference ; in the first 
decade there are 57 deaths, in the last 427, but of these 72 are mirse 
children belonging to other parishes, so that the number really due to 
the parish ought to be only 355. Thus, while the births were only 
doubled, the deaths had doubled twice and were bidding fair to double 
a third time, being six times the number of the first decade, or in 
other words, in the fresh period, the births are the double of the deaths; 
in the last the deaths are twice as many as the births. The ratio 
between the two kept decreasing from 1569 to the middle of the 
seventeenth century, when the numbers of births and deaths were 
about equal ; the deaths then increased in a greater proportion than 
the births, till in 1740 they were double the number, which shows 
that in the sixteenth century the parish could not afford a living for 
those born in it, and a large number had to emigrate into the outer 
world, while there was not influx to make up for such emigration ; but 
that in the eighteenth century the state of things which exists now 
had commenced, the parish had ceased to be exclusively rural, and the 
movement was being initiated, which will eventually turn our beautiful 
green fields into streets of houses. 

In taking the death rate of the parish at the beginning of the last 
century, I had to make a large deduction from the number registered : 
in the ten years between 1721 and 1730 there were 72 nurse children 
buried ; the parish was in reality one huge baby-farm for the pauper 
children of the urban parishes of Westminster, S. Martin's-in-the 
Fields, S. Giles', and S. Anne's, Soho ; as they had no workhouses, 
they fanned out the paupers in the neighbouring country districts, and 
the deaths of the poor children form a seventh of the whole number 
registered, and this practice could not but have had an injurious effect 
upon the morals of the parish. 

In the register I have found many curious omissions : there were 
but two entries in 1569, none in 1570 or 1571, two in 1572. From 
1573 to 1585 the entries appear to have been made pretty regularly ; 
in this last year there is a break, and a leaf or two has been torn out, 


and in 1586, 1587, and 1588 there are no entries at all. I think these 
omissions have been owing to a change of vicars : perhaps no one was 
appointed for some time. After 1588 the register is kept regularly 
till 1590, but in 1593 there is not a death registered, though 28,000 
people died of the plague in London. In 1604 there is but one entry, 
a birth. 

The great plague of 1625, which in London carried off 35,000 people, 
seems to have had little influence in Willesdon, for in that year the 
deaths registered were only 12, against 14 in the previous year, but in 
1626 there was an increase of seven over the average. 

In 1637 three deaths are entered as from "the sickness," showing 
that the plague which had been raging in London in 1636 was ex- 
tending itself into the country. 

After 1644, when the vicar, R. Clark, died or was promoted, the 
entries become most irregular. The Dean and Chapter were in diffi- 
culties with the House of Commons, and probably no vicar was ap- 
pointed. In 1648 a man called Parkins was vicar; his brother was 
chaplain to Sir John Franklyn, a large leaseholder in the parish, and 
Puritan Member for Middlesex. The register was greatly neglected, 
for from 1644 to 1652 there are only entries of 16 births and four 

In 1653 Sir William Roberts, the chief lay landlord in the parish, 
one of Cromwell's lords, performed the marriages himself as a justice 
of the peace, and kept the register by deputy. 

In the year 1665, the year of the great plague, the entries of deaths 
were 35, while in 1664 and 1666 there were only 16 in each year. 

The register unfortunately contains no continuous list of vicars, 
but it shows us that those mentioned were quiet, pedantic gentlemen, 
who lived to a good old age, and made themselves comfortable. The 
first of whom I find any notice is Robert Griffiths : there is an 
entry of his burial in 1614. He was succeeded by Thomas Gryffard, 
who signs his name at the bottom of each page of the register as 
Vicarius de Willesdon ; he was therefore a resident, in fact he kept 
the register himself for seventeen years. He calls a strange pauper 
woman a "peregrina." There is no entry of his burial. 

He was succeeded in 1631 by Richard Clarke, who died in 1644, 
just before the troubles of the Rebellion; he also kept the register 
himself, and his fine small hand is a great contrast to the sprawling 
writing of his predecessor. 


For ten years after Clarke's death the register seems to have been 
kept exclusively for the family of the Roberts, for they and their 
friends and dependents are the only people of whom it takes any notice. 
But in 1653, Sir William Roberts started the register afresh as a 
secular, not an ecclesiastical record. He recites the Act by which 
Parliament abolished all religious ceremonies connected with marriage, 
appoints a tailor as registrar, and commences to marry the parishioners 
most vigorously (I am afraid that as a ratepayer he found that it was 
necessary). In 1G55 he married eight couples, a larger number 
than had been married in any year for twenty-two years previously. 
In 1658 he married six couples; but the effort seems to have exhausted 
the parish. For 1659 and 1660 there are no entries of marriages. 

At the Restoration, Sir William's registrar, the tailor, was evidently 
deposed, for a fresh hand commences to note the christening of the 
children; during the reign of Sir William children are born only, they 
are not christened, and though after 1660 the rule is to enter 
children as being christened, yet in a few cases they are registered only 
as born; some sturdy Puritan has kept up his hatred of the baptis- 
mal cross, and there was really no strict church feeling in the parish to 
make him ashamed of himself, for Willesdon was a nest of Puritans. 
Once its church contained a shrine, as well known, and almost as 
sacred, as that of Walsingham : How came it that the devotees, of 
Mary had become such bitter enemies ? 

E. Parkins, the vicar during the Rebellion, was spoken of by the 
Parliamentary Commissioners as a singularly godly preacher of the 
Gospel, and in 1652 they voted an increase to his salary of 50/. per 
annum, but I do not find that they ever paid it. I have no notice 
of his death or promotion, nor of the appointment of his successor ; 
but in 1670 there is an entry of the burial of Francis Chamberlain, 
vicar. He was immediately succeeded by William Hawkins, who was 
vicar for fifty-nine years, dying in 1730. The mottoes which he 
wrote in the register in 1694 

" Nisi quietus enim nihil beatus est." Epicur. Mor. 

Kal ^iXorijutlo-.S'ai r}avxa^tiv. 1 Thess. iv. 11. 

show perhaps the secret of his longevity. He was quiet, therefore he 
was happy ; and he strove to avoid strife. He married Mary Roberts, 
a sister of the last Roberts of Neasdon, who was buried under a blue 
slab close to the altar. His curate Thomas Knight married Eleanor, 
another sister, so that the chief proprietor of the parish, the vicar, and 


the curate were brothers-in-law. Hawkins died in 1730, and was 
succeeded by Thomas Hillman, who was vicar at the close of the 

In the register there is but one centenarian noticed : William 
Franklyn, who died in 1627, is said to have been 107 years old. 

An interesting subject connected with registers is the scale of fees ; 
there are, however, very few details in this register. 

In 1599 James Forth paid 15s. to be buried in the church; a large 
fee, which we shall see was not allowed to be a precedent. 

In 1724 there are receipts of Dr. Hawkins for 5s. and 7s. 6d. for 
marriage fees. 

In 1694 I find a memorandum that three people had left their fees 
unpaid ; one of them was a cobbler. 

Among other curious items are the notices of collections. In the 
seventeenth century, before the invention of fire insurance, it seems to 
have been the custom whenever a farm or house was burnt to send a 
begging petition, to friendly or neighbouring parishes, for the relief 
of the sufferers. 

In 1659, 11. 3s. 3d. was collected towards a brief granted to 8. 
Bride's, London, for relief of their losses by fire. In the same year 
11. 7s. Id. was collected for loss by a fire in Suffolk. 

And in 1660, 13s. was collected for the relief of a fire at Loude- 
water, I presume in Hertfordshire. 

The French Protestants appear to have been favourites in Willes- 
don, for in 1688, 21. 2s. Id. was collected, and in 1694 21. Is. lid. for 
the relief of the French Protestants then in England. I think 
there must have been some local cause for this sympathy, for I find 
a great many French names in the register, such as Eambouillet, 
Lefabre, Lemayre, Tamberlek, and there are allusions also to some 
refuge in the parish for poor Frenchmen. 

Though the register appears to have been generally kept with con- 
siderable care, yet its guardians have permitted great liberties to be 
taken with its contents; some of its pages have been cut out; 
between 1587 and 1588 two pages have disappeared; alterations are 
numerous ; there are insertions of names long after the proper date of 
entry. One of the most flagrant cases of erasure is to be found towards 
the end of the volume. In 1611 certain parishionei-s undertook the 
trusts of the charities, agreeing to render regular accounts, and signing 
their names to the document, which is a formal authorisation and 


undertaking. Whatever they did they were ashamed of, for the 
objects of the trusts, and the name of the auditor, and the signatures 
of the more responsible of the trustees, have been carefully erased. 

The register also contains the history of another case of gross 
neglect of public trusts. In 1629 Francis Roberts gave to the parish 
the rental of a piece of land, in trust to certain parishioners ; these 
trusts were absolutely neglected, and the bequest lapsed. In 1660 his 
grandson, Sir "William Roberts, resettled the trust, but he altered 
the conditions and made it of very much less use to the parish. From 
other sources I know that the trust was allowed to lapse again and 
again, and at the end of the last century the parish had to bring an 
action against the then owner of the land to regain it, and they were 
enabled to do so by the existence in the register of the first bequest 
and the first resettlement, signed by the original giver and his grand- 

One of the most curious comments which has been erased is to be 
found in the handwriting of Thomas Gyffard, the vicar in 1628. 

On the burial of a child of Sir William Roberts, Gyffard remarks 
that " Sir William paid nothing for the child's christening or burying, 
that he offered but a Id. for his lady's churching, and but 2d. for 
burying in the church." In face of the sum of 15s. paid in 1611 for 
the same privilege, we can understand the indignation of the parson 
at the meanness of the Lord of Neasdon, who, however, seems to have 
had the grace to feel the vicar's satire, though his mode of showing it 
was on a par with the act itself ; for, when Sir William had the register 
in his own hands, he kept it for nearly five years, and the line has 
been carefully blotted. But the vicar used good ink, while the knight's 
blotting was made with ink that has almost totally faded, and the 
original satire shows black through the lines by which the attempt was 
made to obliterate it. 

The register contains also a copy _of the judgment in Chancery 
against the Governors of the Free School of John Lyon at Harrow, 
" for attempting to divert to purposes connected with the school the 
money that Lyon left to repair the Harrow and Edgeware Roads," 
and it also contains a copy of the will of Mr. Edward Harvist, Brewer, 
bequeathing land for the same purpose. 

This paper is, I am afraid, already too long, or I had purposed 
to give some notices of the principal families found in the register. 
I cannot, however, conclude without a remark on the necessity of this 


work of arranging, collating, and analysing all the documents connected 
with a parish. I am endeavouring to do this for Willesdon, and 
have succeeded in getting together a mass of details respecting it : the 
labour grows under my hands, but I hope, with time, to get it into 
order. Whatever may be the value of such work, it would be in- 
calculably increased if it could be systematically undertaken in all 
parishes of the county. The work done in one parish is, by itself, 
comparatively useless, but as part of a larger scheme it would 
afford valuable materials for a history of Middlesex. It is just 
suited to an amateur ; it gives occupation, while it is not necessarily 
all-engrossing; and, could such a work be inaugurated under the 
auspices of our Society, the result would, I believe, be most valuable, 
and would assuredly greatly redound to its credit. 



This is one of the few parishes and churches in England which take 
their name from the Areopagite, one of the earliest converts made by 
St. Paul at Athens, and the first Bishop there. France has taken 
him for her patron saint : and the miracle of his walking two miles 
after his decapitation, though well refuted, still obtains credence. 

In this country, however, he has not been equally popular ; only 
five parishes and one hamlet * have had him as their saint, viz., one 
near St. Austin, in Cornwall, one in Lincolnshire,! a hamlet near 
Waltham, Hants, one, the parish of St. Dennis, Walmgate, in the 
City of York, and two parishes in the City of London ; St. Dionis, 
Gracechurch Street, now destroyed, and this parish, which contains 
about three acres. 

When the first church was here founded (for there have been three) 
is not known. It certainly existed temp. Edw. I., since we have the 
name of the rector, Reginald de Standeu, in 1288. That church, or 
a portion of it, lasted till the reign of Henry VI., when it was wholly 

* There was the Priory of Denny in Cambridgeshire and there is the 
Manor of that name, 
j Alias Kirkeby la Thorpe. Possessions of the Hospitalers. Camden Society. 


or partially rebuilt, John Bugge being a great benefactor. His arms 
were cut in stone upon it in the choir. * It received some additions. 

A book of benefactors is kept, and in that it is stated that Alderman 
John Darby added to the church " a fair Isle or Chappell, and was 
there buried about 1466." He was sheriff of London, 24 Hen. VI. f 
(1445-6). This chapel was on the south side. It is not clear that he 
died so soon as 1466, for in 1478 John Darby, an alderman, having 
founded a chapel in the church, left property for the maintenance of 
two chaplains, who continued till the suppression of chantries. Of this 
church the only existing part is the arch of the vault, let in 1625 as a 
warehouse, but afterwards used for burials. 

The account books preserved begin in 1625, and are perfect, except 
from 1762 to 1801. In 1628 there is an assessment "towards the 
repairing both of the middle aisle of the church and chancel, as also of 
other defects," in the church. In 1632 the steeple was repaired; in 
1639 a new turret built, and the whole "beautified." The great fire, 
however, entirely destroyed the church. In 1666 there is an entry in 
the registry of the burial of Francis Tryon, merchant, in the ruins of 
the chancel, and other subsequent similar entries. 

PRESENT CHURCH. The parishioners soon set to work to rebuild 
their place of worship. In 1671 we find that D r Wrenn was con- 
sulted. A subscription was entered into ; seven principal parishioners J 
lent gratis 100 each, and in 1674 the church was finished. It con- 
sists of a nave and two aisles, sixty-six feet long and about seventy 
feet wide. The aisles are formed by Ionic columns supporting an ugly 
entablature, and an arched ceiling, in which latter, under groined 
openings, small circular lights are introduced on either side. At the 
west end is a gallery, built by Thomas Turgis, occupied by the organ. 
Another subscription in 1675 was made for opening the church. || On 

* Arms. Azure, three water bougets or : Crest, a morion's head. 

f Strype's Stow, B. 2, 152, and B. 5, 120, and Newcourt's Eepertorium, p. 329. 

J Sir Edmund Turner ; Sir Robert Jeffreys, ob. 1703; Pbilip Jackson, ob. 1634 ; 
Peter Hoet ; Jeffry Rowland ; Nathaniel Latten, ob. 1682 ; and John Archer. 

George Godwin's London Churches. 

II Other gifts were made by Sir Thomas Cullum ; Sir Anthony Ingram, ob. 
1681 ; Sir Henry Tulse, ob. 1689 ; Sir Robert Jeffreys ; Dame Elizabeth Clerk, 
as the gift of her late husband ; Dr. Nathaniel Hardy, rector ; Phil. Jackson 
and Elizabeth his wife ; Dr. John Castellan, sometime Parson ; and James 


the 12th October, 1683, Sir Christopher Wren was to be consulted, 
and a lanthorn was to be put on the tower, then completed. This 
tower is ninety feet high; it is unadorned and divided into three storeys 
by moulded strings or bands of stone. The lanthorn has, however, 
been removed. There are two brass chandeliers, one of which, con- 
taining sixteen sockets, was given by Daniel Richardson. On the 
31st May, 1694, the sum of 200 was borrowed on mortgage of the 
property in Lime Street, noticed hereafter, to enable the churchwardens 
the better to pay moneys owing for repairs, and in 1758 the parish 
raised 1,000 by the grant of 80 a-year annuities to six ladies for a 
similar purpose. 

In the Public Record Office, Exchequer, Queen's Remembrancer, 
4 70, London, is a neatly written return of the CHURCH GOODS, 
made 6 Edw. VI., giving us the full particulars not only of the 
ornaments then preserved and in use, but of those which had 
been sold. 

The yere of owre lorde God 1552. 

Saynte Denys Backe chyrch, John Cossen and Thomas Francke Chyrch 

The andswar of John Cosen and Thomas francke chyrchwardens of the parrysh 
of Saynte Denys Backchyrch unto the artykylls delyverd unto us by my lorde the 
mayer and other of the kyngs maiestyes comyssyoners the 10 th day of September 
in the vj th yere of the rayne of owre sofferayne lorde kynge Edwarde the vj th 



To the second artykyll we andswar nowe beyng chyrch wardens John Cossen 
and Thomas francke at thys presente theyre remaynyth in owre possesyon and 
costody these parsells under wryten, and bysydes these we knowe of none in any 
other mans possesyon. 

ffyrst as foloyth. 

Item ij coppes of Sylvcr and gylte ffor the comunyon tabyll weynge 61 ownesys. 
Item j sylver pot cleane gylt ffor the comunyon tabyll weynge 43 ownesys and 


Item j challys of silver and gylte wayng 16 ownsys. 
Item ij pattens of sylver and gylte wayng 13 ounses. 
Item j lytyll box of sylver parsell gylt wayng 4 ounsys. 
Item j greate bybyll and ij bybylls of the leaste volumes. 
Item j parrafracys apon the gospells. 
Item j parrafracys apon the epystylls. 
Item ij bocks ffor the sarvys. 
Item xij sauters. 
Item i payer of pewter candyll stycks. 


Item ij basons of pewter to take the offeryng in. 

Item j pottell pot and a quart pot of pewter. 

Item j cope of greane badkyn* being owlde for y e parson. 

Item j beryall cloth of goulde. 

Item j beryall cloth of crymson velvet. 

Item j beryall cloth of gold ffor chyldren. 

Item j beryall cloth of sylke for y e power (poor) and for sarvants. 

Item ij tabyll clothes of ryche badkyn f rengyd with sylk beyng ffor the cOmunyon 


Item v dyaper towelles f ffor the comunyon tabyll. 
Item iiij auter clouthes of lynnen. 
Item xxij owlde sorppelessys. 
Item xiij rochetes J ffor lades. 
Item ij crowes of yeron. 
Item j owlde bell clapper. 

Item all the payntyd cloth y was wrytyn the whych honge before the rode lofte. 
Item serten owled tymber, whych was left of y e rode lofte. 
Item v bells in y e stepyll and j saunce bell. 
Item j payer of greate organs. 

Item sarten oulde chestes and j owld presse in y e vestre. 
Item in redy mony in owre handes at thys day remaynyng in the box in the 

chyrch ffor to pay owre clarke and condocks and ffor the reparacyons of owre 

chyrche ........ xxvj li. 

To the thyrd we andswar that we know not nor canot fynde that any such 
inventory of the sayde chyrchys goodes was made and sertefyed to the offysers of 
the late bysshop of London or to any other, nether can we fynde or heare of any 
counterpayne of any suche inventory, nether any kynd of boks or rej esters makyng 
mencyon of any the sayde chyrch goods to be there sertenly mencyoned or exprest. 

To the fourth we the sayde chyrch wardens do andswer that in y e yere of owre 
lord God 1549 then beyng chyrch (wardens) ffor the sayde yere Wyllyam 
francklyn and renould bloke sould these parsells heare after foloynge, for to 
repayer the chyrch that was neadefull and to ffornysh necessarys for the new 
Item soulde to Jaspar fyssher j crose of sylver and parsell gylt, j pax sylver and 

gylt, j lytyll crosse of wodc coverd wyth sylver, ij chalysys of sylver parsell 

gylt wyth the pattens, wayn all 225 owncys and halfe at 5s. 5d. the ownce. 

Ixj li. xvj d. 
Item sould more to John Waterstone iiij ownesys and di. and iiij d. wayght of 

base goulde and for serten buttons of base goulde in pearle and crosse stones. 

xj li. vij s. viij d. 

* Cloth of gold brocade ; two green baudkyns are in the Fabric Koll of York, 
f To lay on the altar with the corporal, and for wiping of hands. 
J Surplices without sleeves for the clerk who assisted the priest at mass, or for 
the priest at baptisms, that two arms might be free. 
Bell rung at the Sanctus (Holy, holy, holy). 


Item sould to John Waterstone halfe ownce 3 q trs of sylver . . iij s^ 

Item soulde to John Clarke and Syr Medcalfe * ij oulde broken (sic') vj s. iiij d. 
Item sould to Master Heton carvyd crestes gylt and ongylt, and ffor the crosse 

tres . ... . . . . XT s. iiij d. 

Item sould ij chrystall stones in the monster f and ffor a lestowe of an auter 

tabyll and ffor goulde that wasted of a nemyges. . : . } xij s. iiij d. 

Item to Thomas hale for chest of a aulter and for stone that was the fote of the 

crosse in y e chyrch yarde . . . . ' . . viij s. iiij d. 

The som of y e mony of the sayde parsell sould by Wm. francklyn and Renoulde 

Bloke ys . . . . . . Ixxiiij li. xiiij s. iiij d. 

Heare begynnyth the charge payde forth by the sayde Wyllyam francklyn and 
Renowld Bloke then beyng chyrch wardens as foloyth. 

There are several entries of no great importance and then * * * 
Item payde for nayles to mend y e pues and other thyngs . . . xij d. 

Item payde for a payer greate henges for y e chyrch yard gate wayng 20" and for 

nayls and setyng on the lock and ffor ij stapylles for the bybyll parrafracys 

vj s. vj d. 
Item payde to the organ keper for hys wages kepyng the orgaynes and ffor 

takyng owte of the pypes and for settyng them in agayne . vs. v d. 

Item payde for y e changyng of vj salters and for j od salter and for iiij boks of 

sternall salmes ........ iiij s. 

Item payde ffor paper ryall to make songe bokes and ffor gym gaules and coperas 

for to make yncke and for mendyng the albes and sorppelessys . . iij s. 

Item payde for vij quyers of paper ryall and for bynding of the same in a boke 

for the rejester ........ viij s. 

Item payde for ij bokes of the sarvys in the chyrch and ffor ij pynte pots for 

the chyrch ... ... xiiij s. ij d. 

Item payde for paper ffor owre bokes and ffor owre fees and for mony spente at 

the vycytacyon and upon the synger that helpyth in the quyer . . xiij s. 

Item payde to Jasper fyssher ffor ij coppes of sylver and gylt wayng 61 owncys 

at 7s. 4d. the ownce ffor the comunyon tabyll . . xxij li. vij s. iiij d. 

Item payde to John Waterstone gouldsmyth ffor j pot of sylver and cleane gylte 

wayng 43 owncys di. at 7s. Id. the ownce . . . xv li. viij s. 

Summa xl li. x s. v d. 
Summa totalis of all the payments payde forth by William franklyn and 

Reyiiowld bloke ys . . . . . xlv li. iiij s. xj d. 

To the foverth we the sayde chyrch wardens do andswar that in y e yeare of 
owre lord God 1550 then beying chyrch wardens Renowld Bloke and John 
Bowie y' yeare foloyng and they sould these parsells foloynge : 
Item soulde to Master Maunsell at byllyngs gate a hole sute of vesments || of 

checkered velvat ....... Iiij g. iiij d. 

* Sir Nicholas Metcalfe. He was incumbent of the Wrotham Chantry, 
f Monstrance. t The Psalms. Sternhold's. 

|| This seems to include the cope, the chasuble, or chief sacrificial vestment of 
the Church, the dalmatic, and the tunic. 


Item sould to John Heath paynter j owlde vestment of whyght chamlet ij s. and 
for j vestment of brygds* satten w l a blew crosse xxd. and for j owlde 
vestment of blew and yelow w l a red crosse xvj d. all beyng [old] and lytyll 
worth .... .vs. 

Item soulde to John Heath paynter vj oulde banar staves f . xij d. 

Item soulde to John Heath j cope of blak velvat . x s. 

Item sould to "Wyllyam Peterson j banar staffe . . . . iij d. 

Item soulde to George Daton j banar staf e and j sauns bell . iij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to George Mason j oulde vesment of blak stamell J and ij banner 
staves ... ij s. j d. 

Item soulde to George Mason xv brokyn lynen clothes that wer in the corporas 
casys ... . . . ijs. viijd. 

Item soulde to Eafe Clarvys groser iij vestements of blak velvat . . xxx s. 

Summa v li. vij s. viij d. 

More soulde. 

Item soulde to Symond Torner purse maker xviij corporas casys of dyvers sorts 
and j vesment of greane badkyn wyth a crosse of collyn goulde . ix s. vj d. 

Item soulde to Wyllyam Lam groser ij vestements of blak cloth of goulde and 
velvat damask worke ...... xliij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde j lyttyl vestement of bustyam || . . . . . xvj d. 

Item soulde to Wyllyam Laud j hole sute of vestements of red badkyn wyth 
egylls and harts of goulde ..... iiij li. v s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to Robard y e purse maker j hole sute off vesments of crymson velvet 
w l braunchyd woven gold ....... xii li. 

Item soulde more to Robard j vestment of tynsyn ^[ y' was of y e gyfe of M trs 
Gayll wyth the apurtynancys . . . . . . iij li. 

Item soulde to Davyd Vogan bedmaker and hys ij felows j hole sute of blak o 
sylver badkyn damaske of blak and of sylver wyth the apurtynancys . ix li. 

Item soulde to y e sayd Davyd j cope ffor a chylde callyd Saynte Nycolas cope. 

xiiij s. 

Item soulde to the sane (slo') Vagam j vestement inbrodred callyd the players 
cote ... ...... iiij s. 

Item soulde more to Vagam ij alter clothes and y e curtens of counterf et cloth of 
goulde wyth ij ryche payncs of Nary and John in them xxxiij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde more to hym ij aulter clothes of brydges satten ij curtaynens j ves- 
ment of yelow and red sarsenet w l stars and halfe mones in the crosse . ix s. 

Item soulde to Vagan j lyttyll vestment of greane satten ffor v s. iiij d. j vesment 

* Made at Bruges in Flanders. 

f Banners were in general use in all processions, and in all weddings and 
funerals however humble, and especially on Rogation days. 
J A kind of fine worsted. 
A linen cloth used in the Mass. 
|| A kind of tissue, most probably fustian. 
^f A kind of satin. 


of red badkyn damask w l a blake rosse and stackers in yt iiij s. j lyttyl ves- 
ment of blu badkyn and red crosse with lylys in yt at . . xxj d. 

Item soulde more to hym ij lytyll auter clothes of black badkyn w l grayhoundes 
of goulde and j corteii of the same sute ij copes of red badkyn w l blacke affray es 
and flower of goulde ...... xlvij s. iiij d. 

Item sould to Gresythen y e taylor in bowe lane j cope of red badkyn with greate 
brohyn tyons in the border and the flowers goulde . . . xxiiij s. 

Item soulde more to Vagan j cope of oulde crymson velvat and flowers of goulde 
and greane sylke and y e of arys of greane sylk iij vestments of red badkyn wyth 
sm&lljlouers of goulde and the appurtenancys . . iij li. vj s. viij d. 

Item sonlde more to Vagam iij vestements of greane badkyn bysshyps myters 
made in them and j cope of greane badkyu cut in y e skyrts iij vestementes of 
greane badkyn w l harts and dragons hedes . . . xxxviij s. viij d. 

Item soulde to John Waterskot goldsmyth iiij ouncys iij q re sylver y l cam of a 
vesmet y 4 was burnte . . . . . . xx s. viij d. 

Item soulde to Mt r Donkyns in Cornehell * the ij best sutes of vestements y e one 
cloth of goulde and red velvat the other ryche whyght badkyn havyng iiij 
copes and iij vesments in every sute . . . . . xlli. 

Item soulde to Vagan j peace of cloth of goulde that was cut of y e tabyll cloth 
y l servys for the comunyo tabyll . . . . vj s. viij d. 

Item soulde to M rs Loueles j cosshen of oulde greane velvat and ij owlde whyghte 
cosshens inbroderyd that was of the gyfte of Mysterys Dygbe . xv s. 

Item soulde to Rojer Tyndale j vestement of whyght damaske w l rych sters and 
w' flouers of goulde and w l seyntveyon theyre on and iiij curtayns of whyght 
sarsenet fyne and newe y l perteynyd unto the alters, ij autor clothes of 
whyghte sarsenet w l red demy crossys .... xlviij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to Davyd Vaghan iiij auter clothes of whyght badkyn w l ij rychet 
paynes of cloth of golde iiij of them and for ij payer of oulde brokyn curtens 
of sarsnet . . . . . . . iij li. ij s. iiij d. 

Item sonlde to M Eaton j cope of greane badkyn w' blew floers of goulde and 
the flowers of goulde j vestement of crymsyn velvat w l a blew crosse yn yt and 
greate flouers of goulde and j vestement of blew damaske at v s. and j vesment 
of greane badkyn wyth popy n jayes and dog es in the crosse . xxxiij s. 

Item soulde to Thomas Sharpe bed maker ij of the beste auter clothes of goulde 
conteynyng x yardes and halfe at xv s. viij d. the yarde. Summa viij li. iiij s. 
vj d. 

Item sould to M tr Donkyns in Cornhell the cloth of badkyn callyd a care- 
cloth f xls. 

Item soulde rotten banners ffor . . . . .vs. iiij d. 

Item soulde to John Heath payntyd cloths as the vale cloth of Saynt John 
avangelyste and y e cortens of payntyd cloth and auter clothes and peacys of 

* Robert Donkin bought Waterbearers' Hall and gave it to St. Michael's, 

f Held over the bride and bridegroom's heads at marriage. 

p 2 


oulde staynyd clothes y l coverd images conteynyng Ixxxvj yardes at ij d. the 
yarde .... xiii J s - iU J d - 

Item soulde to John Heath j tabyll of wayneskot that imagys wer payntyd 
in . . . . . xxd. 

Item soulde to Thomas Unkyll j oulde lynen tabyll cloth . . ix d. 

Item soulde to Thomas Staynyngs j tabell cloth of lynen . . vij d. 

Item soulde to Harry the paynter xx yardes of payntyd clothes at ij d. the 
yarde . . iij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde staynd peacys of lynnen cloth as brokyn napkyns and other lynen 
clothes .... . xij d. 

Item soulde to Davyd Waghan serten apparylles y l wer appon y e aubes and ffor y e 
stole and f anylls * and allso if or serten peacys that was cut off the cannype 
cloth in convertyng yt to a beryall cloth . . . x s. iiij d. 

Summa j c vli. xijd. 
More soulde. 

Item soulde to Davyd Waghan j vestment of raged damask xij d. j chyldes cope 
of broken sarsenet xij d. j vestment of rotten red velvat w' rosys in y e 
crosse xij d. . . . . . . . iij s. 

Item soulde more to Davyd Waghan j vestement of owlde red velvat w 1 a crosse 
of greane sarsenet sore brokyn ij alter clothes of whyght damask w l thasomsyoti 
(assumption) imbrothred and ij payer oulde cortens of sarsnet . xliiij s. viij d. 

Item soulde mor to Waghan j short polpct cloth of blew badkyu beyng callyd 
era rd cloth, j cloth of greane badkyn w' letters theyrein wroughte, iij veste- 
ments of corse greane badkyn with sytyng lyons in yt . . xviij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to Thomas Sharpe j peace of ryghte cloth of golde yt wente abowte 
y e sepoulter f conteynyng ij yardes q tr and halfe at xj s. iiij d. yarde sore 
dropyd w 1 wex . . . . . . xxvj s. viij d. 

Item soulde to a sadler in bysshope gate streate ij copes off blak velvat . xx s. 

Item soulde ij c q r and halfe of marbelers mettall that was upon the graves and 
upon y e tombs J sould in lad lane at xxvj s. viij d. the c. iij li. iij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde j payer of small orgaynes wyth thappurtynancys to a portyn- 
gale ......... xxix s. 

Item soulde to John Dymock y e beame of y e rode lofte y e rode beme xiij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to Rychard Kele stasyoner y e owld latten boks . . xl s. 

Item soulde ij steps of stone marbeler at Powles . . .iij s. vj d. 

Item sould to George Smyth j stone wyth a mortys . . . xvj d. 

Item soulde to Thomas Unckyll j cheaste that dyd longe to the morowinas 


11] S. 

Item soulde to George Eaton xlvj fote of owlde glasse || at j d. the fote iij s. x d. 

* The fanon or maniple, 
f The Easter sepulchre. 

The brasses thus destroyed must have been numerous. 
A Portuguese. 

|| Most probably the painted glass of the windows. The whole sold measured 
162 feet. 


Item soulde to John Reade paynter xlij fote ould glass . . iij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde to John Hale Smyth xx fote owld glasse . . . xx d. 

Item sonlde to John Stanton xx fote of oulde glasse . . iij s. iiij d. 

Item sould to Reynould Bloke xxxiiij fote ould glasse . . ij s. x d. 

Item soulde to Wyllyam Hetherley j owlde streme and j oulde banor ij s. j oulde 

stole for to syt in iiij d. . . . . . ij s. iiij d. 

Item soulde ij sanctus bell * . . . . . . . iiij s. 

Item sold to John Methryngam j torche ..... xvj d. 

Item soulde to George Mason j torch ..... xvij d. 

Item soulde to M 1 ' 8 George Eaton j torche . . . . . xx d. 

Item soulde to Master Asshely ij torches . . . ij s. viij d. 

Item soulde to Thomas Smyth j torch ..... xvij d. 

Item soulde to John Heath j torche ..... xvij d. 

Item soulde to Water Browne j torche . . . . . xv d. 

Item soulde to Wyllyam Hayles j torche . . . . ix d. 

Item soulde to Reynould Bloke j torche . . . . . vj d. 

Item soulde to Pattryke Cewe j tortche ..... n 1 . 

Item soulde to Harry May j tortche . . . . ixd. 

Item soulde to John Me thryngham j tortche . . . xd. 

Item soulde to John Cossen j tortche . . . . vj d. 

Item soulde to the Parson j tortche ...... n 1 . 

Item soulde to John Bowie j tortche f . . . . ix d. 

Summa xv li. v s. ix d. 

The totall summa of the money that the parsells soulde by Reynoulde Blowke 
and John Bowell then beyng chyrchwardens ys 1 c. xxv li. xiiij s. v d. 

Hereafter foloyth the payments payde forth as by Reynould Bloke and John 
Bowell beynge then chyrch wardens in y e yeare of oure lord God 1550. Among 

them are these. 


Nessary reparacyons. 

Item payde ffor xij hassocks and ffor mates ffor the communyon tabyll iiij s. ij d. 

Item payde to Hennyngton for seuying y e fryngs apon the tabyll cloth that 

servyth for the communyon table ..... viij d. 

Item payde ffor j greate testament and for j boke of the omyleys (Homi- 
lies) ........ iiij s. viij d. 

Item payde for ij bybylls of the smaler sorte and for the parafracys apon the 
epystylls J . . . . . . . . . xx s. 

Item payde ffor wrytyng the inventory of the chyrch goodes in to the greate 
boke . . . . . . . ij s. iiij d. 

Making the summa xj li. xv s. xj d. 

Heare foloyth the raparacyons and charge upon the chyrch the xv th day of 
March in alteryng of the same. Among the payments are these. 

* The bells rung at the elevation of the Host, They were outside the church, 
f Making together 16 torches. J Most probably Erasmus'. 


Item payde j to Wyllyam Chease for garnyssyng of the breall cloth that was made 

of the canypy cloth xviij s. iiij d. and to John Sharp ffor the lynyng of the 

beryall cloth that was made of y e canype cloth and ffor (fur) on the 

frenge . . . . . . iij s. iiij d. 

Summa of bothe ys xxj s. viij d. 

Item payde for makyng of xiij sorplessys of ould allbes yt longegyd to the 
chyrch xviij s. and ffor makyng of viij rochets of the same albes . viij s. 
Summa of bothe xxvj s. 

Item payde ffor bokes of Tedeum of v partes and for y e mayers offyser for 
warnyng of George Smyth before y e mayer . . . xvij d. 

Item payde to Kettyll goldsmyth for myltyng of sylver y f cam of a vestment that 

was burnt ......... xij d. 

* * * * * 

Summa totalis of the paymentes layde oute by us John Bowlle and Renould 
Blowke j c li. xj s. vj d. ob. 

To the fouerth we the sayde chyrch wardens do andswer in the yeare of owre 
lord God 1551 then beyng chyrchwardens Thomas Unkull and John Cossen for 
y e yeare folounge they soulde these parsells foloyng. 

Item sould to Wyllyam Harrys and Thomas Taylor ij oulde copes of sarsenet 
red and greane w l garters on y m ; iij oulde vestments of sarsenet red and 
greane w* garters on ym ; j oulde vestement of greane badkyn w l orate pro 
aniina ; j oulde vestement of greane badkyn w' dogs in the crosse ; j oulde 
vestement of greane badkyn w l lyons and popynges ; j ould vestement of 
wyth rosys and salutacyons, ij ould satten auter clothes and ij curtens of 
sarsenet . ....... xxvs. 

* * * * * * * ' 

Summa of the mony of these parsells soulde by Thomas Unkell and John 
Cozen then beyng Churchwardens . . . Ij s. viij d. 

Paymentes of the sayde Thomas Unckyll and John Cosen beyng then Chyrch- 
wardens in y e yere of owre lorde God 1551. 

Item payde ffor a bell rope ffor the saunce bell . . . . xij d. 

Item payde to Master Hewe for tewnyng of y e orgaynes . . . xx d. 

Item payde to John Phylep carpenter ffor a borde ffor workmanshyp and for 

mendyng y e pulpit . . . . . . v iij d. 

Item p d for ij bell ropes for ij of y greate bells xlij yards . . iiij s. 

* * * * # * 

Ffor alteryng and mendyng of serten new pues to make them for women that 
wer fformes y e x of June two sums amountyng to 51s. 2d. 

By another paper * it appears that there were 63 oz. of plate, of 
which 59oz. were gilt and 4oz. in silver, and that there were no 
ornaments delivered, but were sold for 6s. 8d. and the ready money 
found was 17 16s. 

* Land revenue. Church goods. Bundle 445, No. 13. 


In the 1st Elizabeth the zeal of the people in the destruction of 
images ran to excess. Not only images, but rood-lofts, relics, sepul- 
chres, books, banners, copes, vestments, and altar-cloths not already 
disposed of were committed to the fire, and that with such shouting and 
applause of the vulgar sort as if it had been the sacking of some hos- 
tile city.* "Not many dayes after this fyring of images and church 
ornaments in London (5th September, 1559), a mightie tempest did 
rise, which continued about three houres ; in the end whereof a thunder 
clapp and flash of lightening brake foorth more feareful than any that 
wer before; and at the very same instant one of the south doors 
and alsoe the vestrie doore of Saint Dionyse Church, in Fanchurch 
Streete, wer beaten thorough and broken. Likewise the spire of All- 
hallow Church, in Breed Streete, being then of stone, was smitten 
aboute ten foote beneath the topp, from which place a stone was strucke 
that slew a dogg, and overthrew a man, with whom the dogg played. 
The accident was at that time esteemed prodigious by some whose 
affections rann with a bias, onely because it ensued soe greate actiones 
of change."f 

The following is a list of the PLATE as it now exists : 

1. A flagon (39 oz.) inscribed " The gift of Edward Cooke, apothecarie, to 
S. Dionis Backchurch, A.D. 1632." 

2. A flagon (37 oz.) inscribed " the gift of y e Rev d . father in God John Warner,J 
1. Bp. of Rochester, late parson of the parish of S. Dionis Backchurch." 1642. 

3. A large chalice (17 oz.), paten, and spoon (4 oz.) the chalice inscribed 
" This chalice, with a paten and spoon, is dedicated to be used for the service 
of the Lord's Supper, in S. Dionis Backchurch. 1671." 

The register of benefactors states that Mr. Philip Jackson, on the behalf of a 
friend (1671) of his, whose name was not to be made known, gave this. 

4. A large chalice (16 oz. 15 dwt.) and paten, the chalice inscribed " The 
gift of Mr. Petar Hoet y e elder to the parish of S. Dionys Backchurch London 
the 6th day of June 1674." 

5. An offertory bason (35 oz.) with a like inscription. 

6. Two chalices (26 oz.) with patens (9 oz.), the chalices inscribed " The gift 
of Mrs, Frances Gay to the parish of S. Dionis Backchurch, daughter of Miles 
Whistler, late parish clerk to this parish. 1767." 

* Machyris Diary. Camd. Soc. 1847, p. 209. 

f Hayward's Annals of Queen Elizabeth, Camden Society's Publications, 
1840, p. 29. 

J He was Rector from 26th September, 1625, till he was made Bishop 14th 
January, 1637. 

The two weigh 12 oz. 12 dwts. 


7. A large paten (11 oz.), a bread plate without inscription, but with the hall 
mark 45, in old English, which is 1762. 

The register of benefactors records that, in 1635, John Clarke, 
Doctor in Physick, gave one silver cup only marked with the touch, 
but this is not now in the possession of the parish. 

THE ORGAN. The first steps for erecting this after the Reformation 
or Fire seem to have been taken in the year 1722, when a subscrip- 
tion was set on foot and a committee appointed by the vestry for that 
purpose, the Rev. John Smith. D.D., being rector. In the same year 
the committee were empowered to enter into a contract with Mr. 
Renatus Harris,* an organ builder, and to obtain a faculty from the 
ecclesiastical authorities. 

The sum raised by voluntary stibscription for the erection of the 
organ, and for every expense connected with it, amounted to 741 9s., 
Mr. Deputy Hankey (afterwards Sir Henry Hankey, Knight and 
Alderman,) taking charge of the several contribiitions, a detailed list 
of which is preserved in the parish ledger. 

During the year 1723 the only entries relative to the organ are 
three payments in advance to Mr. Renatus Harris, who, when in the 
following year he was paid the balance due to him, appears to have 
received from beginning to end the sum of 525 for the instrument, f 

In 1724 the organ was ordered to be opened on the second Sunday 
in June, and Mr. Philip Hart was chosen the first organist. There is 
an entry in the parish ledger, June 15th, that 10 10s. was paid for 
singing two anthems. The organ continued nearly in its original 
state till 1867, when Messrs. Gray and Davison were instructed to 
rebuild it at a cost not exceeding 200. It was reopened on 7th 
February, 1868, by Mr. George Cooper, the organist of H.M. Chapel 
Royal, St. James's. 

BELLS. In 1727 a sum of 479 10s. was raised by subscription 
for bells, Robert Williams, mercer, having given 25 for one. They 
have inscriptions. The bell is rung at 8 o'clock A.M. from Lady-day 

* Dr. Rimbault, in his History of the Organ (pp. 100-1), is, therefore, in 
error in ascribing the building of this organ to the firm of Messrs. Byfield, Jordan, 
and Bridge. 

f The parish ledger mentions that on September 18th, 1724, the sum of 
52 10s. was paid to " Jno. Harris for some additions and to take care of it for 
five years." 


to Michaelmas, and at 9 A.M. the rest of the year, except on Wednes- 
days and Fridays, when 11 o'clock is the time. * 

Four small SYRINGES, to put out fires, are kept in the vestry. 
They are of the form used before the hand-engines now in use. They 
are 20 feet in length. 

CHARITIES, &c. On 28th April, 1349, John Wrotham, fishmonger 
and citizen, gave by will tenements in Balle Alley, in St. Stephen's 
Coleman Street and St. Margaret's Lothbury for the finding of two 
priests in this church ; and Maude Bromeholme, in 1461, gave lands 
and tenements in St. Botolph's Bishopsgate Street, to find a priest 
and keep an obit. The will of John Derby, alderman and citizen and 
clothworker of London, and a freeman,^ dated 17th February, 1478 
(18th Edward IV.) gives a house, garden, and premises, which form 
the boundaries and abuttals, as described in the will, and appear 
to have been on the west side of St. Andrew Hubbard, otherwise 
Philpot Lane, and other tenements, after the death of his wife, to the 
rector and churchwardens for the time being, to provide two chaplains 
for the chapel which he had founded in the parish church, to say 
masses for the soul of himself and other uses, viz., to keep the obit or 
anniversary of his death and of the deaths of his late wife and his 
then present wife, and to distribute 13s. 4c/. on such obits between 
the rector, chaplains, clerk, and poor attending such services as are 
particularly mentioned. Thomas Bonauntie, Thomas Hodson, and 
John Hudson gave rents for an obit, and Giles de Kelseye, in 1477, 
also a tenement for a lamp. 

This property came within the statutes of 37 Henry VIII. cap. 4, 
and 1st Edward VI. cap. 14, vesting all existing foundations and 
endowments for the maintenance of chaplains to say masses for the 
souls of the dead and for lights or lamps absolutely in the Crown. 
We thus find it returned in the Certificates of Colleges, Chantries, &c.| 
made 9th January, 1 Edward VI. (1548) : 

The paroche of St. Dennes Backchurche. 

John Darby sumtymes Alderman of London by his laste will gave unto the 

* Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, vol. vi. p. 182. 

There used to be chimes within memory, but the machinery and all have 

f Inrolled Eoll 210, m. 3. Notes and Queries, 3 Series, vol. vi. p. 114. 
J Exchequer Augmentation Office. Certificate 34. No. 114. 


parson and wardens ther to fynde two priests and to kepe an obite for his soule 
for ever landes and tents (tenements) amountyng to xiij li. 

Whereof to James Sewcaunt Prieste * . vij li. vj s. viij d. 

Spent upon thobite . . . xxx s. iiij d. 

to the wardens at the same obite . xvj s. viij d. 

to the Lady Ferres for quitrent . xxvj s. viij d. 

xl li. iiij d. 

And there remaynethe clere . . . xxxix s. viij d. 

Maude Uromeholme gave to the same parson and wardens to fynde a priest and 

kepe an obite for ever landes and teiits amountyng to cvij s. iiij d. 

Whereof spent upon thobite ... xij d. 

And there remaynethe clere . . . cvj s. iiij d. 

John Wrothain gave for the ffyndyng of two priestes to the parson and 

wardens before mencyoned landes and tents amountyng to . xv li. vij s. iiij d. 

Whereof to Nicholas Metcalffe priest . . viij li. xiiij s. iiij d. 

spent upon thobite . . . xxiij d. 

to the kyng for quitrent . x s. 

ix li. vj s. iij d. 

And there remaynethe clere . . vj li. xiij d. 

Thomas JBonawitie gave unto the parson and wardens to kepe an obite for ever 
one annuall rent goyng oute of a tent in the same parische called Starve over 
the hope by yere ....... x s. 

Thomas Hodson and John Hudson gave to the parson and wardens before 
named to kepe an obite for ther soules for ever one annuall rent by yere 

xvj s. viij d. 

To the kyngs Majestey for quitrent . ij s. 

And there remaynethe clere . . . xiiij s. viij d. 

Giles Kelsey gave unto the parson and wardens to fynde a lampe for ever one 
tent by yere ........ xl s. 


Ther is of howselying people f w th in the seid parische the nomber of ccccv 

Thomas Barfore prieste is parson of the seid Churche and therly value of 
the same parsonage is xxv li. and the same parson attendyng the cure hymselff 
f yndethe no other priest hym but in tyme of necessite. 

* He had a yearly pension of 100s., and was alive at Cardinal Pole's Pension- 
list Keturn 24th February, 1555-6. 

f Capable of taking the Sacrament. 

{ In 1732 there were 120 houses. In 1800 there were 138 wfth 418 males and 
449 females. In 1831 there were 124 houses inhabited by 173 families, of whom 
400 were males and 410 females. In 1861 they had fallen to 109 houses, occupied 
by 534 persons, of whom 217 were males and 317 females. 

He was L. B. and rector from 22 December, 1530, but died in the year 1548. 


"We find the following entries of the sales of these lands : 

Parcel of the lands and possessions * founded in the parish of St. Dionis 
Backechurche in ffanchurche strete in the city of London. 

In the parish of St. Stephen in Colman Strete in the city of London of the 
gyft of John Wrotham fishmonger and citizen of London. 

The rent and farm of one Augiport called Balle Alley in the parish of St. Stephen 
in Colman Strete London, and nine cotages or tenements with their appurtenances 
in the said Augiport called Balle Alley videlt. one tenement or cottage with the 
shop and other the appurtenances in the tenure of John Wright xxx s. j cottage 
in the tenure of Richard Hochonson viij s. another cottage in the tenure of the 
same Eichard Hochonson vj s. viij d. another cottage in the tenure of the same 
Richard Hochonson vj s. viij d. one cottage lately in the tenure of the widow 
Herring v s. one cottage in the tenure of Walter Tupp viij s. one cottage in the 
tenure of Richard Lichefelde viij s. one cottage in the tenure of the aforesaid 
Richard Hochonson viij s. and one cottage in the tenure of John Pilton viij s. 
\rhich said several tenements and cottages were given and bequeathed to the said 
church of St. Dionis Backechurche among others to the rector there and the 
churchwardens of the same parish hy a certain John Wrotham under the name of a 
Brewhouse and with all utensils and all its appurtenances with the land in the said 
parish of St. Stephen Colmanstreet London, situate between the tenement of John 

King on the south now or lately in the tenure or occupation of Sir Long and 

the tenements of Thomas Grapfigg on the north in the tenure of Richard Hockon- 
son : To hold the said tenements and rent with the utensils and all the appurten- 
ances to the aforesaid Rector and churchwardens of the said church of St. Dionis 
and their successors freely fully quietly and peacefully to sustain for ever suffi- 
ciently all the houses and the aforesaid tenements or cottages and to find two fit 
chaplains to celebrate divine service in the said church of St. Dionis for the said 
John Wrotham and for the souls of his father and mother brothers and sisters 
and all the faithful dead for ever according to the last testament or will of the 
said John made on Wednesday after the feast of St. Mark the Evangilist (20th 
April) and in the year of our Lord 1349 to be held at the will of the King, and 
paying yearly at the four usual principal days of payment 4 8s. 4d. 

Memorandum " there is a former particular of the premysses made to S r 
Wymounde Carewe emongest other possessions perteyning to the saide churche 
of Saynte Dennes, and the saide londes and tenements were gyve and graunted 
for the fynding of twooe chapellaynes emongst other to praye for the soules of 
the founder his father and mother brytherne and sesterne and for all Christian 
soules as above is declared and as may alsoo appeare in the foundation of the 
saide churche." 

On 6th June, 1548, these were valued for Richard Hochonson, of London, 
gentleman : 
The cler yearly value of the premisses iiij li. viij s. iiij d. which rated at xvj 

years purchas amountethe to .... Ixx li. xiij s. iiij d. 

* Particulars for Grants, 2 Edw. VI., Sir Thomas Bell and Richard Duke 


To be paid all in hand. 

The King's Majestic to discharge the purchaser of all incumbraunces excepte 
leses and the covennts in the same. 

The teanure in socage or fre burgage. 

The purchaser to have thissues from Easter last. 

In the parish of St. Margarete, Lothebury, London.* 
The rent of one tenement there with all its appurtenances in the tenure of 

William Vryne from year to year . Ixvj s. viij d. 

The rent of one other tenement there with all its appurtenances in the tenure of 

Christopher Stubbes from year to year . . . xxxix s. 

Total cv s. viij d. 

Memor d thes tenements emongest other were geven by John Wrotham to finde 
two prests to singe for ever. 

On 20th July, 1548, the tenements were thus valued to Henry Coddenham, of 
London, gentleman, and William Pendred, of London, haberdassher and Founder, 
who applied for a grant of them. 
The clere yerelie value of the premisses .... cvs. viijd. 

which rated at xv yeres purchase amountethe . . . Ixxix li. v s. 

To be paide all in hande. 

The Kings Majestic to dischardge the purchaser of all ineumbraunces excepte 
leases and the covenants in the same. 

The tenure in socage or free burgage. 

The purchaser to have thissues from Easter laste. 

Parish of St. Botolph without Bishop's Gate, London.f 
The farm of one tenement with the appurtenances situate and being in the said 

parish in the tenure of Peter Crowch from year to year yielding for same per 

annum ........ liij s. iiij d. 

M d this tenement amongst other was gyven by Maude Bromhole towards the 
fynding of a prest and for an yerely anj-madversary for ever, whiche said tene- 
ment is verey muche in decaye. 

On 13th April, 1549, it was valued for Edward Walshe,J but was granted, on 
application made 26th June, 1549, by John Hulson of London, scrivener, and the 
before named William Pendred. 

The clere yerlye value of the premiss is . . . liij s. iiij d. 

which rated at xiiij yeres purchase amounteth to . . xxxvij li. vj s. viij d. 

To be paide all in hand. 

The Kings Majestic to discharge the pnrchasser of all incumberaunces except 
leases and the covenants in the same. 

The tenure in socage or freburgage. 

The purchasser to have tbissues from our Laidy day last. 
The rent of one tenement there with all its appurtenances in the parish of St. 

* Particulars for Grants, 2 Edw. VI. Henry Coddenham, William Pendred, 

f Ibid. 3 Edw. VI. John Hulson, William Pendred, grantees (section 2). 
J He was, I believe, a servant of Sir Edward (then Mr.) Osborne, 


Botolph without Bishopsgate in the tenure of the widow Rycrofte from year 

to year paying for same * . . . . . . . xiiij s. 

xij yeres purchase viij li. viij s. 

Memorandum thys tenement amongest other was geven by Mawde Bromholm 
to fynd a prest and to kepe an obit for her soul for ever. 

Valued 23rd July, 1549, for Robert Bull. 

The Kings Majestic to discharge the purchaser of all incombraunces except 
leasses and the covenantes in the same, and except the rents above allowed. 

The tenure in socage. 

The purchaser to have thissues from the feast of Thannunciacon of our Lady 
1 ast paste. 

In the parish of St. Dionis Backechurch.f The farm of all that messuage or 
tenement, with all cellars and houses called warehouses, gardens, with the backe- 
yarde and backegate, and all their appurtenances lying in the parish aforesaid, 
in which tenement George Heton then dwelt, and let to Benjamin Digby, in as 
ample form and manner as John Darby gave the same tenement with the ap- 
purtenances to the church of St. Dionis Backechurche. 

Let by Indenture, dated 10th Febuary, 20 Henry VII., 1505, for 90 years, 
from the feast of the Nativity then last past, fully to be complete and ended, 
the sum payable quarterly being 8. 

The value of the stock. 

Memorandum. This tenement was geven emongest other by John Darby, 
sumtymes alderman of London, to sing for his sole for ever. 
Item I have made a partyculer of the premisses to Sir Wymond Carewe by 

vertue of a former letter to me directed. 
Item ther is belonging to the same tenement a stocke which in parcelles 


ffurste in the hall a fyre panne of yron of vj quarters and iiij wheles preased at 

iii s. iiij d. 
Item in the chamber called Jerusalem Chamber a standying bedde and a sen- 

nyng bedde J preased at . . . . . . . xij d. 

Item in the kytchyn entery a standyng lavor of pewter w' iij spowtes 

preased at . . . . . . . . . iiij s. 

Item a sesterne of leadde w l a cocke of latten into the kytchyn, preased 

at . . . . . . . . iij s. iiij d. 

Item two dressers preased at . . . . . . ij d. 

Item the sheffes in the larder howse and a bredde bynne in the buttery with iij 

romes in the same preased at ...... iiij d. 

Item in the seller a candell chest and two ale git'tes preased at ij d. 

Item in the fore cowrte a sesterne of leadde preased . . .vs. 

Item in thest yarde a latten cocke standyng in the wall preased at . viij d. 

* Particulars for Grants, 4 Edw. VI. sec. 2, Thomas Eeve and Henry Herdson 

f Ibid. 2 Edw. VI. George Heton, grantee. 
J A folding bed ? 


Item in the meynyes chamber over the gate a standyng presse and iij powles 

standyng in the drying lofte clasped with yron into peces of tymber preased 

at .......... viij d. 

Making a total of xviij s. viij d. 

Memorandum that the tenaunte haithe by vertue of his lease all the ymple- 
ments aforesaid duryng the tyme in the seid lease mencyoned, and in thende of 
the seid time to redelyvcr the same (alweys resonable were and wast of the same 
to be allowed). 

On 9th May, 1548, the premises were valued and granted to George Heton, of 
London, merchaimt tayllor. 
The clere yerlie value of the premisses viij li. which rated at xxi yeres purchas 

amounteth to . . . . . . clxviij li. 

Add ther unto the said stocke being .... xviij s. viij d. 

And there is the somme to be paid . . . clxviij li. xviij s. viij d. 

To be paid all in hand. 

The Kings Majestic to discharge the purchaser of all incumbraunces except 
leasses and the covenants in the same. 

The tenure in socage or ffrce burgagc. 

The purchaser to have thessues from Easter last. 

Parish of St. Dionis Barckchurch.* 
The rent of one tenement there let to Edward Scysson, by indenture, per 

annum . . . . . . . . . xls. 

The rent of another tenement there let to William Brown, by indenture, per 

annum . . . . . . . . .xls. 

Total iiij li. 

Memorandum, these tenements were gyven for the fynding of obitts, lights, 
and lampes, and there is a former particler delyvered of the tenement in the 
tenure of William Browne to Thomas Chamberleyn. 

There are five sums or entries for other churches, and at the foot the following 
is appended 29th January, 1549, valued for Charles Belfeld: 
The clere yerely valewe of the premysses is . . xxiij li. vj s. viij d. 

which rated at xiiij yeres purchas amonnteth to . cccxxv li. xiij s. iij d. 

To be paide all in hande. 

The Kings Majestic to discharge the purchaser of all incombraunces except 
leases and the covenants in the same. The tenure in socage or fre burgage. 
The purchaser to have thissues from Mighelmas last. 

There were also in this parish one tenement given for an obit at St. 
Margaret Moyses, and four tenements in Lime Street partly in St. 
Andrew's Undershaft belonging to Walden Chantry in St. Paul's, and 
one tenement to Dean Moore's chantry there.-j 1 

* Particulars for Grants, 3 Edw. VI. (section 2). Richard Were, Bartholomew 
Gibbs, grantees. 

t These were sold 14th January, 1615, to Edmund Duffield and John Bab- 
ington, Esquires, and a fee farm rent of 80s. was sold by the Commis- 


The following is the property still belonging to the parish : 

By the will of Giles de Kelseye, dated 18th February, 1377,* (1st 
Eichard II.), he bequeaths to the rector of St. Dionis, for tithes and 
oblations forgotten, 13s. Ad., and he goes onto say : " I devise to my 
executors all my tenements with the appurtenances situate in Lime 
Street, in London, between the tenement of Eichard Preston on the 
one part and the tenement late of John de Stodey on the other part, 
and the said street of Lime Street on the east part, and the place 
called Leadenhall on the west part, to have and to hold to my 
said executors, from the time of my decease unto the end of ten years 
then next following fully to be complete, to find thereout and sustain 
a lamp burning every day and night before the high altar in the afore- 
said church of St. Dionis, which said tenement with the appurtenances, 
after the said ten years fully completed, I devise to remain to the 
rector and parishioners of the aforesaid church of St. Dionis and their 
successors, rectors, and parishioners for the time being, to find there- 
out and sustain the lamp aforesaid burning every day and night before 
the aforesaid high altar for ever, and the whole of the profits arising 
from the aforesaid tenement^beyond the sustentation of the lamp afore- 
said, and the reparation and sustentation of the tenement aforesaid, I 
leave for the amending and sustentation of the books, vestments, and 
ornaments of the aforesaid church." 

The use of this property (except so far as it found a lamp) did not 
come within the statutes for preventing superstitious uses, f and it is 
still enjoyed by the parish ; it is Nos. 9, 10, and 11, Lime Street, and 
warehouse and stable in Leadenhall Place, and is let to Mr. Charles 
White for 540 a-year, and a small part of Leadenhall Place, sold 
January 15th, 1857, to the Corporation for 540, and the Eectory 
House behind the Church, now used as an infant school. 

The citizens of London by their custom, confirmed by the Charter of 
Edward III., had liberty to devise their lands in mortmain or other- 
wise as they were wont in former times, and by special custom the 

sioners, 24th March, 1650, to Bryan Bromeley, of Barnard's Inn, Gentleman. 
Augmentation office ; counterparts of deeds of sale of fee farm rents, B. 2, 
No. 11, Bromeley. 

* Court of Hustings. The abstract of these wills is printed in Notes and 
Queries, 3 Ser. vol. vi. p. 104. 

t Report of Edward B. Hook, Esq., Vestry Clerk, 19th March, 1857. 


parson and churchwardens are a corporation to purchase and demise 
their lands.* 

It was stated in an old Table of benefactors that in 1490 William 
Bacon, Alderman, gave the houses in Lime Street to the use of the 
poor for ever ; but no will can be found. 

There is however a house, No. 25, Philpot Lane (formerly two 
houses), devised by the will of John Haddocke, glazier, dated 27th 
May, 1500. 

And, in 1703, when there was a great revival of religion in London, 
Sir Robert Geffery, Knt., left 400 to the Ironmongers' Company to 
purchase land and pay a sum to the rector or curate for performing 
service twice daily, and 2 10s. to the clerk.f The premises were in 
the Strand, and pulled down in 1838. 

REGISTERS. These commence in October, 1538, immediately on 
the order, and are perfect ; for during the Commonwealth, on 25th 
September, 1653, the parish clerk, John Bedford, was chosen registrar, 
and he kept all the entries in the original books. During the whole 
of the Commonwealth also the church was largely resorted to by 
persons from a distance for MARRIAGES. Thus we find, 12 Feb. 
165^, the marriage of Charles Lord St. John and Lady Mary Lep- 
pington ; on 8th April, 1657, Sir Thomas Chamberleyn of Oxfordshire 
and Mrs. Margaret Prideaux, daughter of the Attorney-General ;| on 
18th February, 165-|, Francis Warner of St. Giles, and Anne Pettas 
of Covent Garden, baronetess; on 16th May, 1660, Sir George Blun- 
doll, of Cardington Manor, Beds, and Mrs. Elizabeth Yardley, daughter 
of Christopher Yardley of Greenwich, Kent; on 6th April, 1665, 
Charles Pelham of Brocklesby and Elizabeth Pelham of Covent Gar- 

* Bohun's Privilegia Londini, pp. 12-90. 

f Notes and Queries, 3 Series, vol. vi. p. 182. There had been a lecturer 
chosen under the authority of George Hume, rector, dated 25th August, 1642, to 
lecture in the afternoons of Sundays and Fast days for one year from Michaelmas, 
but they were renewable, provided that he read divine service according to the 
rubric of the Common Prayer Book on the first Sunday of his teaching, and the 
first Sunday of every quarter, but he was not without consent to depute any one 
to preach in his stead nor perform any other ministerial act within the parish. 
Addl. MSS. No. 5489, fol. 69. 

J Edmond Prideaux was Attorney-General from the death of the King till his 
own death in 1659. 


den ;* and also a marriage of Mr. Molyneuxf of Surrey to Miss More; 
whilst, in 1690, we find that John Louden of St. Martin-in-the-fields 
followed most strictly the rubric by having his banns published " on 
three several Sundays or holydays," viz., Whit-Sunday, 12th, Whit- 
Monday the 13th, and Whit-Tuesday the 14th May, and was quickly 
married by the Rector on the Thursday following, the 16th. 

The first book ends in 1736. The register of BAPTISMS contains 
nothing of importance. There are several entries of foundlings called 
after the parish Dionis, and, about 1690, is a notice of the ceremony 
having taken place at the font. 

The BURIALS contain notices of the large number of deaths in the 
years of plague. In 1563 there are recorded 33 burials in August, 64 
in September, 41 in October, and some up to 8th November. In 1593 
they occur from July to November; in 1625, in the months of July, 
August, September, and October, and in 1665, from 8th September 
till the end of October. The last burial was of the well-known surgeon, 
Astley Cooper Key, in the large vault, in 1851. 

The living did belong to the prior and canons of Canterbury, but at 
the Reformation, 1540, it came to the Dean and Chapter of Canter- 
bury, the present patrons. It is one of the thirteen peculiars of the 
Archbishop in London. 

A list is given in Newcourt of twenty-seven Rectors between 1288 
and 1680, and the following are those subsequent: 

22nd May, 1680 to 1715, Lionel Gatford, D.D., when he died. 
1715 to 1717, John Grandoge, D.D. 
1717 to 1756, John Smith, D.D, ; President of Queen's 
College, Oxon, Prebendary of St. Paul's. 
24t Dec. 1756 to 1775, Thomas Curteis, when he died. 
September, 1775 to 1782, William Tatton, D.D., when he died. 
23rd July, 1782 to 1803, John Lynch, D.C.L., Archdeacon and 

Prebendary of Canterbury. He died in 

May 1803 to 1804, William Girningham, M.A. 
1804 to 1815, E. Walsby. 

* Fourth daughter of Sir Thomas Pelham of Laughton, Sussex, by his first 

f Of the family long settled at Loseley. 


1815 to 1828, The Hon. Henry Lewis Hobart, D.D., Dean of 

Windsor. He died 1846. 

1828 to 1852, The Hon. George Pellew, D.D., Dean of Nor- 
wich and Prebendary of York, who 
died 1866. . 

1853 William Harle Lyall, M.A.,* 

to whom I am indebted for several of the particulars relating to the 
registers, organ, church-plate, property, &c. of the parish. 

FAMILIES. In early times Fenchurch Street had several good 
houses. At Denmark House the Kussian ambassador was lodged 
and magnificently entertained in the reign of Mary. In the old 
church were monuments to John Paget, Merchant Taylor and Sheriff 
in 1536; to Sir James Harvey, Lord Mayor, whose wife left a sum 
still distributed on Maundy Thursday ; and Sir Edward Osborne, 
who had been Lord Mayor in 1596, and was the ancestor of the Earls 
of Dauby, subsequently created Dukes of Leeds. On the 6th Decem- 
ber, in 1559, Henry Machyn in his Diary j" says, "there was bered in 
Saut Dennys parryche in Fanchurche Stret, the chyrche and the quire 
hangyd with blake and armes, and the plasse and the strett, Ser 
Thomas Cortes (Curteis) Knyght, and latt Mare of London, and Fys- 
monger and Puterer. There was iij. haroldes of armes, and ther had 
my lord mare, and the sword-bayrer, and dyvers althermen had blake, 
and the residew in vyolett ; and there was a c. in blake gownes and 
cottes ; and he had a standard and a v. penon of armes, and a x. dozen 
skochyons ; and ther dyd pryche Master Recherdson the skott:J and 
after to the plasse and the mare and the althermen to dener, for ther 
was a grett dener, and pore men in gownes and the clarkes of London 
syngyng ; a grett denner for all men that wold come." 

In the church are monuments on the west side to Thomas Rawlinson 
and his family, some of whom were distinguished bibliopoles and anti- 
quaries, and to Dr. Oyley Michel and his wife Ann; on the north 
wall an elaborate monument with bust to Dr. Edward Tyson the 
Carus of Garth's Dispensary, who died 1st August, 1708, and whose 

* The foregoing are from Malcolm's Land. Redivivum, vol. iii. p. 439, with 
some corrections. 

f Camdcn Soc. 1817, p. 217, quoted by Strype in his edition of State. 

t He was of St. Peter's in Cornhill, and Reader of Whittington College, after 
wards Parson of St. Matthew's and a frequent and popular preacher. 


ra o 


Enlarged fac-simile of an onginaJ impression, 
in the possession of John E.Pnce, F.S.A. 


portrait is at the College of Physicians ;* and near it one to Sir Robert 
Gc/ery, Knt. Alderman, and sometime Lord Mayor, who died senior 
Alderman in 1703, set. 91 years, which is kept in repair by the Iron- 
mongers' Company. On the north side of the Communion-table is a 
panel monument to Sir Arthur Ingram, an eminent Spanish merchant, 
who resided in New Ingram Court, in this parish, and died 1681 ; 
and on the south one to Lionel Gatford, rector, who died in 1715, and 
his two wives ; and on two pillars are monuments to members of the 
family of Hankey, one on the west of the nave being to Thomas 
Hankey, who died in 1733. 

The INNS in the parish (besides the Star over the Hoop) have been, 
The Barn's Head, The Ipswich Arms, once a good hostelry in Cullum 
Street, named after Sir Thomas ; and the Mitre, where the parish 
feastings were wont to be held. 

The PEWTEEERS' COMPANY, who received their first charter 26th 
January, 13 Edward IV. (1474), had their Hall in Lime Street in this 



Recent improvements have rendered necessary the destruction of an 
interesting crypt, situate at the junction of Leadenhall Street and 
Fenchurch Street, a little west of the well where afterwards was 
erected Aldgate Pump. 

This crypt does not appear to have been known to the historian 
John Stowe, although there is reason to suppose that he occupied the 
ho\ise immediately above it. He says that, Daring some commotions 
of the commons in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and other shires, in the 
reign of Edw d VI. divers persons were apprehended and executed by 
the martial laws, amongst the which the Baylif of Romford, in Essex, 

* Hunk's Boll of the Royal College of Physicians, vol. i. p. 399. 



was one. He was brought by the Sheriffs of London and the Knight 
Marshall to the well within Aldgate, there to be executed on a gibet 
set up that morning. He was executed upon the pavement of my 
door, where I then kept house." The existence of this crypt is noticed 
in Maitland's " London," and in " London and its Environs," printed 
for R. and J. Dodsley, 1761, vol. iv. p. 325, as, " St. Michael's, an 
ancient parochial chapel which stood at the end of Leadenhall Street, 
and the remains of this chapel are still to be seen under the corner 
house. They extend 36 feet from north to south, and 16 from east to 
west, There is still standing the Gothic arched roof, which is sup- 
ported by handsome pillars, the whole built with square brick, chalk, 
and stone." Much the same notice appears in " History of London," 
&c., by Rev. John Entick, 1766, vol. i. p. 94, and in Maitland's 
" London," 1772, vol. ii. p. 780, where the crypt is said to be under 
the house of Mr. Gilpin, chemist. In " The Gentleman's Magazine " 
for April, 1789, page 293, is a communication on " The Chapel of St. 
Michael, near Aldgate." It is described as beneath the house of Mr. 
Eelph, and is said to prove that the level of this part of the city has 
been greatly raised " since the foundation of this structure, the floor 
of which was evidently on a level with the common way." The writer 
has considered this to be the chapel instead of a crypt, the floor of which 
was always about ten feet below the street. At this time the building 
was filled with earth, " within two feet of the capitals of the pillars," 
and a view of the crypt is given in this condition. The length is said 
to be 48 feet, which shows that the south bay had been cleared since 
1761. Its direction, north and south, is likewise noticed as "contrary 
to our mode of building sacred edifices." The writer (Investigator) 
has fallen into a great error in supposing 16 feet of the shafts to 
be buried. Another paper appears on this structure in the June 
number of " The Gentleman's Magazine " for 1789, page 495, in 
which " Palrcophilus Londinensis " gives a good digest of what had 
been written on this building and the monastery of the Trinity, but 
supposes it was part of the buildings erected by Prior Norman in the 
12th century. In this year (1789) a description was published by 
John Carter, with a very good view of the crypt, and this, enlarged, is 
given in Plate I., and shows the condition to be the same, so far as 
the partial filling with earth is concerned, as it was a few years since. 
In " The History and Survey of London," &c. by B. Lambert, 1806, 
vol. ii p. 393," is the plate from " The Gentleman's Magazine" re- 


peated, but no new matter is introduced. In " London and Middlesex, 
by Brayley, Nightingale, and Brewer, 1815, vol. iii. p. 248," the 
crypt is mentioned as a discovery of 1789, and the house above it is 
said to be occupied by Tipper and Fry, No. 71. In "The History 
and Antiquities of London," &c., by Thomas Allen, 1828, vol. iii. pp. 
88-90, a view of the crypt is given, and we read that "the engraving 
shows the building in a I'estored state," but as this view has been 
drawn supposing that ten feet of earth (instead of two feet six inches) 
covered the floor of the building, it has given it too lofty a character. 
There is likewise a very correct plan, and a representation of one of 
the bosses at the intersection of the vaulting ribs. In the description 
of the building the position of the sills of the windows, with regard to 
the vault, is mentioned as a proof that it was always considerably 
underground, and the steps which formed the approach are likewise 
described. From the " absence of any religious or sacerdotal emblem 
appearing in the carvings, as well as the circumstance of the structure 
standing, in its longest proportions, north and south, it is not at all 
probable that it ever was a church, or the crypt of one," and the ar- 
chitectural knowledge of our author leads him to suggest that " it is 
probable that these remains are the workmanship of the latter part of 
the thirteenth century." " Londinia Illustrata," Robt. Wilkinson, 
1822, vol. ii. contains a well executed engraving of this crypt, from a 
drawing by Mr. Shepherd, now in the possession of J. E. Gardner, 
Esq. This would lead us to suppose that the entire height of the 
structure was more than 20 feet, and this even is strengthened, so far 
as the drawing is concerned, by the introduction of the figures of two 
men, and in the description of the plate is, " but as the capitals of the 
pillars are at present only 4 feet above the floor, the altitude of the 
arches at first might have amounted to 18 feet." 

In these several accounts of the crypt it is generally described as 
the remains of St. Michael's Church, and the only circumstances which 
are suggested against this view are, that the longest dimensions of the 
building is north and south, unlike ecclesiastical buildings, and that it 
is without any Christian emblem or device. These would be good 
reasons for doubt, but it will be more conclusive to show that St. 
Michael's Church stood at a considerable distance from this crypt at 
the western extremity of Aldgate Ward. There is in " Liber Dun- 
thorn," which is a collection of copies of ancient deeds and other 
writings preserved in the Guildhall of London, an account in Latin of 


the boundaries of the soke of the monastery of the Trinity, of which 
the following translation will be found in Strype's Stowe and other 
histories of London, and is a very fair rendering of the original: 
" We must know therefore how great the soke is, which hath such 
bounds. From the gate of Aldgate, as far as the gate of the Bailey 
of the Tower, called Cungate, and all Cheken Lane, towards Barking 
Church, as far as the churchyard, except one house nearer than the 
churchyard, and the journey is returned the same way, as far as the 
church of St. Clave ; and then we come back by the street which goes 
to Coleman Church ; then it goes forth towards Fenchurch, and so 
there is on this side our houses a lane, through which we went unto 
the house of Theobald Fitzlvo, Alderman, which lane now is stopped 
because it had been suspected for thieves in the night : therefore, 
because a way was not open there, we come back again by a lane 
towards the church of St Michael, and as far as Lime Street to the 
house of Richard Cavcl. This, therefore, is our Inward Soke, and 
these are the bounds of it. This the Queen-Mother gave to us, with 
the gate of Aldgate. From Lime Street we go through the street by 
the church of St. Andrew's, as far as the chapel of St. Augustine upon 
the Wall ; then as far as the gate of the churchyard. This is the 
circuit of our Inner Soke." 

It will be seen that the bounds of this soke are nearly those of the 
ward of Aldgate at the present time. To clearly understand the 
position of the church of St. Michael, it will be well to follow the 
boundary, and give, where necessary, the present names of the places 
mentioned. It commences at Aldgate, and goes south along the course 
of London Wall (the wall now destroyed) until we come to one of 
the towers thereon, called then Cungate, and here it appears to go 
within one house of the great cemetery which was once attached to 
Allhallows, Barking. It then proceeds in a north-westerly course to 
the north end of Seething Lane by St. Olave's Church, and passes 
somewhat east to the church of St. Katherine-Coleman, and then 
along Fenchurch Street towards the church of St. Gabriel, which stood 
before the fire of 1666 in the middle of the street between Mark Lane 
and Mincing Lane just in the adjoining ward of Langbourne. From 
this point the route goes north by a lane towards Theobald Fitzlvo's 
house, which lane must therefore have been situate on the west side of 
Ironmongers' Hall, and so towards that part of Lime Street which 
runs northward near the north end of Cullum Street : but, as this way 


had been stopped, they return by a lane towards the church of St. 
Michael, and as far as Lime Street to the house of Richard Cavel. 
Thus the site of St. Michael's Church is brought within a very limited 
space, viz. : to the north of Fenchurch Street, to the east of Lime 
Sti-eet, and to the west of the present Ironmongers' Hall, or between 
Billiter Square and Lime Street Square. In Aggas's map of 1560, 
just at this point, an inclosure is shown with a cross in its centre; this 
is probably the yard of the church. It is of course quite useless to 
search in any existing history of London for mention of this church, 
as the churches of the parishes of St. Michael and the Holy Trinity 
were probably destroyed when Norman erected the priory of the 
Trinity in 1107, or by the Great Fire of 1135, which burned the 
priory. The date of the perambulation which we have used must be 
about the middle of the thirteenth century, as Theobald Fitzlvo was 
alderman of the ward in 1264, or more than 300 years before the date 
of Stowe's history. These old churches may have existed as ruins in 
the thirteenth century. The church of St. Michael being thus placed 
in the west part of Aldgate Ward, instead of at the junction of Fen- 
church Street and Leadenhall Street, over this crypt, we will proceed 
with the boundary of the soke, which is described as going along the 
northern portion of Lime Street, through the street (St. Mary Axe), 
by the church of St. Andrew (Undershaft), to St. Augustine's (Papey) 
which stood near London Wall at the end of St. Mary Axe, and then 
by the course of London Wall to the churchyard (of the Priory), which 
stood just west of Aldgate, from which point we started. 

If this crypt is not any part of St. Michael's Church, for what 
purpose was it built ? This is not readily determined. Such crypts 
have not frequently occurred in London, and it is unlike the usual 
basement of a private house of the middle ages. These are generally 
semi-cylindrical in form and were strengthened by broad ribs with bold 
chamfers. Such vaults of all periods are often found in London. 
In Cannon Street and Garlick Hill they existed of very large dimen- 
sions. It is not unlikely that some public building, either of the ward 
or the city, existed at this spot. The junction of these two important 
streets must at all times have been a place of great traffic, and one 
therefore well suited for the carrying out public acts. Such a view 
is supported by the execution mentioned by Stowe. Whatever was 
the superstructure it must have been irregular in form and not very 
large. The south part of the crypt consisted of two vaults separated 


by columns, and in each vault were three bays with the diagonal and 
transverse vaulting-ribs, supported by two central columns with well- 
executed caps, and against the walls on corbels with grotesque carved 
heads. These three bays together were 36 feet 6 inches in length, 
with a breadth of 16 feet 6 inches (the part described previous to 1789), 
but the western wall was prolonged 12 feet, making the total length 
of this wall 48 feet 6 inches. Two irregular bays were thus formed at 
the north end, which were divided by a wall terminated by a semi- 
shaft and cap, which received the vaulting-ribs. At the meeting of 
the upper parts of the vaulting-ribs were six well-carved bosses, con- 
sisting of heads and foliage arranged about them in an uncommon 
manner. Two of these are illustrated in Plate II. The ribs were 
boldly moulded, as shown in the longitudinal and transverse sections. 
The central columns were formed of a cluster of four shafts, which 
together measured 2 feet 5 inches in diameter, and were 4 feet 2 inches 
long. The total height of the cap, column, and base was 5 feet 
4 inches. The height from the level of the base of the columns to the 
bosses at the junction of the vaulting-ribs was 12 feet. The light 
appears to have been supplied by three windows, two being placed at 
the north end, and one in the east bay at the south end. They were 
about 2 feet across ; the internal sill was about 8 feet 6 inches from the 
floor, and the external sill would be about level with the top of the 
inner part of the vaulting. The entrance was by a flight of steps on 
the west side in the most northern of the regular bays, and it 
entered the crypt under a pointed arch. Openings also existed in the 
next bays towards the south, but their character is uncertain. 

The diameter of the central columns appears to have been the cause 
of much error formerly as to their height, for we see they were estimated 
at 10 feet and even more than that elevation. If we compare them 
with columns in similar positions it will not appear an extraordinary 
conclusion. The columns of Gerard's Hall crypt were but 1 foot 
in diameter, and the shaft alone was nearly six feet in height. It 
would, therefore, not be unreasonable to suppose that these columns 
of 2 feet 5 inches in diameter were much more than 5 feet 4 
inches in height, including the caps and bases. It will now be 
necessary to compare this crypt with similar structures. Independent 
of its greatest length running from north to south, unlike most eccle- 
siastical structures, we have the division into two vaults. This is 
especially cecular or domestic ; indeed such an arrangement does not 















usually occur in churches for more than four combined bays, but for 
other buildings this is the rule. Such was the plan of Gerard's Hall 
crypt, and Mr. 0. Baily told you that two such crypts existed in 
Guildford, seven in Chester, and several at York, Bristol, and other 
places. Such was the plan at the Strangers' Hall at Canterbury, and 
of halls at Norwich, also of the crypt of South Wing-field Manor-house 
in Derbyshire, and in numerous other cases of domestic buildings. 
There are exceptions to this rule, and the most easy of access is the 
crypt imder the east end of the Guildhall of London. Here are three 
vaults similar so far to the undercrofts of churches, but differing in 
having the vaults of equal span. This departure from the usual civil 
arrangement may have been determined by extent of span of the arch, 
for we find in South Wingfield Manor-house that an undercroft of 
about 36 feet is divided into two vaults of 18 feet span, but the 50 feet 
of Guildhall may have required three vaults. Mr. C. Baily has placed 
the period of the building of this crypt to the time of Richard the 
Second, and also remarked that the direction of the north and south 
walls proves that both Fenchurch Street and Leadenhall Street have 
since that time retained their present course. 

It may be well to offer a few remarks on the parishes which existed 
at the erection of the priory of Christ Church or Trinity. This priory 
is said to have been built in the same place where Siredus sometime 
began to erect a church in honour of the Cross and of St. Mary 
Magdalen. This ancient church contributed 30 shillings to the dean 
and chapter of Waltham. The abbey church here is also dedicated to 
the Holy Cross, and when Matilda founded Christ Church or Trinity 
she gave to the church of Waltham a mill insead of this payment. 
But little is known of the building of Siredus, but Matilda's Priory is 
said to have occupied parts of the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen, St. 
Michael, St. Katherine, and the Blessed Trinity, which now was made but 
one parish of the Holy Trinity, and was in old time of the Holy Cross or 
Holy Rood parish. At this time, therefore, (1108,) the old parish of 
the Holy Rood had disappeared, and four parishes appear on its site. 
In the perambulation of the old soke of the priory we find the parishes 
of Coleman Church (St. Katherine), St. Michael, St. Andrew (Under- 
shaft), and of The Trinity (now St. James's, Duke's Place), but St. 
Mary Magdalen and Holy Rood are not mentioned. This loss of St. 
Mary Magdalen is not easily explained. Could the church of St. 
Andrew have been dedicated formerly to St. Mary Magdalen ? Such 


changes in dedication are known, and, even in this ward or soke, 
Stowe tells us that St. Katherine Coleman was called St. Katherine 
and All Saints. 

This would make up all the parishes which are given at the several 
periods in this locality. The existence of St. Katherine Coleman and 
St. Katherine Cree as two distinct parishes adjoining is remarkable. The 
parish of St. Katherine Coleman belonged to the ancient establishment 
of St. Martin-le-Grand, and so remained until the Dissolution. Was it 
a part of this parish which was taken into the precinct of the Trinity ? 
The inhabitants of the inclosed parish of St. Katherine at first used the 
priory church, but it was agreed afterwards that they should have a 
church erected, and use the priory church only at certain times. This 
would be what we might expect of a part of a parish detached at the 
establishment of the priory, but which desired to be released from the 
control of the prior, and to be a parish of itself, with its own church. 
We must not confound the parish of St. Mary Magdalen with a small 
parish of St. Mary the Virgin, St. Ursula, and the 11.000 Virgins. 
This was on the west side of St. Mary Axe, and belonged to the 
priory of St. Helen. The church was destroyed, and the parish united, 
by Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, to St. Andrew Undershaft in 
the year 15G1. 




Minor Canon and Librarian in S. Paul's Cathedral, &c. &c. 

The College of the twelve Minor Canons in S. Paul's Cathedral 
owes its foundation to the pious care of Richard II. The original 
charter, richly emblazoned, is still preserved amongst the archives of 
the body, and has been printed in extenso in a recent volume of the 
Archceologia of the Society of Antiquaries.* The effect of the charter 
was to incorporate and form into a college a body of men already in 
existence a body, indeed, so old, that the researches in which I have 
been for some time engaged fail to throw any light upon the exact 
period of its origin. One of the Harleian manuscripts f speaks of the 
two cardinals in S. Paul's Cathedral, officers chosen by the Dean and 
Chapter out of the number of the Minor Canons, as having existed 
" before the time of the Conqueror." There can, I think, be little 
doubt that, although the Minor Canons were not incorporated into a 
college until 18 Richard II., the body itself has existed from the 
very earliest times, probably from the period of the foundation of the 

The charter, after the usual formal words of salutation, refers to the 
fact that there was in the Cathedral a body of twelve men commonly 
called Minor Canons, whose dress was a surplice, with an almuce of fur, 
and with black capes,| and proceeds to state that two of their number 
were called cardinals, that they had not suitable residences within 
the close, nor at first a common hall. || It then incorporates them into 

* Arcliceologia, xliii. pp. 183-185. 

f Harleian MSS. No. 980, fo. 179A. 

J " Superpellicia cum almuciis de calabre et capis nigris." 

The name is still retained. 

|| Dugdale prints (Appendix, art. xxxv. edit. Sir H. Ellis), " Carta Decani et 
Capituli concessa pro nova aula Minorum Canonicorum," dated 2nd August, 


a college, under the style and title of " Collegium Duodecim Minorum 
Canonicorum Ecclesie Sancti Pauli Londinensis ;" ordains that one 
of their number shall be the warden of the said college ; and grants to 
them a common seal and other privileges. The King further gives 
them certain properties in the City of London, " videlicet, unum nies- 
suagium cum pertinenciis in parochia Sancte Fidis in criptis Sancti 
Pauli Londinensis ; " " quatuor shopas cum. solariis superedificatis," 
in the parish of S. Nicholas *' de Flesshamelis," that is, S. Nicholas 
in the Flesh Shambles ; " decem solidatas " from tenements in the same 
parish ; and another messuage in the parish of S. Faith. The college 
is especially enjoined to pray for the good estate of the founder so 
long as he lived, and for his soul's health after his decease ; for the soul 
of Anne his Queen, who died at her favourite palace of Sheen on the 
seventh of June, 1394 (the charter is dated on the first of August in 
the same year), and for the souls of his parents and predecessors, as 
well as of all the faithful departed. John de Lyntone, one of the 
Minor Canons, is named by the King himself as the first warden of 
the body. The charter, it will be seen, supplies additional evidence of 
the loving affection of the King for his late consort, Anne of Bohemia 
an affection so strong, that he is said to have ordered the palace of 
Sheen, in which she died, to be levelled to the ground an affection 
still indicated upon the tomb beneath which the royal pair repose, for 
it is surmounted by their effigies, that of the King still holding in his 
grasp the hand of the beloved Queen. 

The initial illuminated letter of the charter, which forms an illus- 
tration to this paper, represents the King between the Archbishop of 
York (Thomas Arundel, translated from Ely to York in 1388), and 
the Bishop of London (Robert Braybrook, consecrated 1381), present- 
ing the document itself to the twelve Minor Canons. Over the head 
of each of the three dignitaries is his coat of arms.* The letters T. A. 
Ebor., and R. B. Lond., indicate with sufficient clearness the prelates 

* The arms are these : 

I. France and England, quarterly. For the King. 
Orer the head of the Archbishop 

II. Quarterly, 1st and 4th, Gules, a lion rampant or, Arnndfl. 

2nd and 3rd, Cheeky, or and azure, Warren. 

III. Argent, 7 mascles gules, for Braybrook over Bishop Braybrook. 
The King is vested in a purple robe with an ermine cape ; the Archbishop 

and Bishop in crimson chasubles. 


over whose heads they stand. The Charter itself, beautifully written 
upon one skin in thirty-eight lines, is preserved as one of the greatest 
treasures in the archives of the College. The head line of the Charter 
is surmounted by richly' illuminated devices, ensigned with ostrich 
feathers, and contains seven large monograms (if such they may be 
called) based upon the letters L, D, C, R, R, H, and H, each letter 
being the initial of the surname of one of the following persons men- 
tioned in the body of the document, and containing within itself the 
remaining letters of the name curiously interwoven. The persons 
thus commemorated are Johannes de Lynton (the first Warden), 
Robertus Dokesworth, Ricardus Cotell, Willielmus Ryffyn, Willielmus 
Rode, Thomas Hunte, and Henricus Hasshe (or Asshe, as the name 
is spelt in the Charter). The illumination is very delicately wrought 
out, and although the silver sparingly employed in the decoration 
has turned black, the gold and colour retain much of their original 

The Latin original of the Statutes has been lately printed in the 
Archceologia,* from a copy in the possession of the Minor Canons, 
written about the year 1521. I present in this paper an English 
version of those statutes,! written at about the same period, and now 
for the first time published. As I have given a somewhat full 
account of the original Latin, and of this English translation, in the 
paper in the Archgeologia, and as the version now printed is in the 
vulgar tongue, it seems hardly necessary to introduce it by any 
lengthened comments. I will rather say a few words as to the con- 
stitution of the College itself. 

' The College consists of twelve members. Every year, on S. Bar- 
nabas' Day, the brethren are to meet in common hall, then and there 
to elect one of their number to be warden for the year ensuing. Lest 
the duties of his office should prove too heavy and laborious, a pitan- 
ciary was to be appointed, who should assist the warden in making 
the payments to the common servants, in the procuring of fuel for the 
common use, and in other matters. He should also distribute funeral 
fees, " stagiaries," and " other parseles " due unto the body. 

The second and third Minor Canons were " Cardinales chori," or, 

* Archfcologia, xliii. pp. 185-199. 

f A MS. on paper, in small quarto (11 inches high, 8g inches wide), consisting 
of twenty leaves, preserved amongst the archives of the Minor Canons. 


as they are often called, Cardinals. All misdeeds in choir came under 
their cognizance. Did any come too late, or leave too soon, the 
Cardinals were to correct such lack of service. Were the singing 
men idle or negligent, the Cardinals were to bid them amend their 
evil ways, and in default to summon them before the Chapter. They 
should minister the Sacraments of the Church to the whole and to the 
sick ; should hear confessions, and enjoin suitable penances ; they 
should perform the last sad rites, and bury the dead. 

The Sub-dean, chosen by the Dean, with the consent of the Chapter, 
out of the College of the Minor Canons, held a yet more responsible 
office. In the Dean's absence he should admonish, commend, and 
correct, according to his discretion, at the weekly chapters ; none, save 
the greater Canons, being exempt from his authority. As an outward 
symbol of his dignity he was allowed to wear an almuce of grey fur 
like that worn by the greater Canons ; * and, at the high altar itself, 
should be thrice incensed as the Canons were ; to which honours were 
added certain increments to his victuals,! or a money payment in lieu 

A word more must be said as to the general character of the statutes 
themselves. They were drawn up by the members of the College 
assembled in common hall, on the 18th of March, 1396, within two 
years of their incorporation. The brethren were, as is clear from the 
internal evidence of this document, godly, peace-loving men, 
" amongst whom there ys, as there ought to be, but oon hart and oon 
mynde in God." Knowing that it is impossible that any society can 
exist without law, they met together, not compelled by any external 
power, but of their own free will, to frame such simple rules as might 
suffice to hold together brethren already dwelling in unity. They re- 
call the promise of their Lord, " Whear there are ij or three gathered 
together in my name, saythe the Lorde, there am I in the middest of 
them;" and in the full consciouness of the presence of Him whom 
they had invoked, they commence their self-appointed task. They 
obviously desire that the Divine service shall be duly and regularly 
celebrated ; and that they, for their parts, shall be examples of godly 

* " Amictum ex grisio, more majoris Canonici." Why a/mictus is here used 
for almutlum is uncertain. 

f " Incrementum ad victum suum in pane et cervisia." Dugdale's.>S'. Paul's, 
edit. Sir H. Ellis, 1818, p. 345. 


living to all the priests of their day. They will keep good hours : 
from Easter to Michaelmas they will be within the college gates by 
nine of the clock, and during the rest of the year by eight, lest any of 
the brethren be " hindered of there naturall reste or become vnapt to 
serue God." " Oon lesson of the Holy Byble " should be read daily 
at dinner time, that " whylest the externall bodie ys filled the internall 
sowle might be refreshed." Special consideration should be had for 
those of their body who were " molested with sicknes and oppressed 
with age," the better seats at meals being given to these. Should 
any transgress these rules a small fine must be imposed. The con- 
versation must be kindly and considerate, for " this word, f rater, for a 
brother, hath his beginninge of sufferinge or bearinge with an other." 
In short, when we remember at how early a period this code of laws 
was composed, we cannot but say that the statutes are such as to 
indicate that the men who composed them were Christian gentlemen, 
to say which is to bestow the highest praise. 

These men were not like chantry priests, confined to very humble 
ministrations ; they took their turns of duty at the high altar ;* 
they wore a dress which indicated their rank;f each should have, 
above all things, " bonam vitam et mores, bonam vocem, sanam et 
placentem, bonam artem canendi, qua vocem dirigat suum in honorem 
Dei ;" nor was this all. " Sit memor se, supra sacerdotem, Canoni- 
cum esse in ecclesia S. Pauli ; et supra habitum sacerdotis, Canoni- 
calem habitum portare, qui revera est habitas sanctitatis et religionis ; 
ac propterea studeat vivere meliori modo quana communes alii sacer- 
dotes, agnoscens se in ecclesia S. Pauli esse, ut exemplum sanctions 
vitae aliis in civitate sacerdotibus ostendat."J Which, for the benefit 
of lady readers, may be rendered : " Let each Minor Canon remember, 
that besides being a Priest, he is also a Canon in the Church of 
S. Paul ; and that, in addition to the habit of a Priest, he wears the 
dress of a Canon, which is in truth the habit of sanctity and religion ; 
and furthermore, let him take care that he do lead a better life than 

* " Loco Majorum Canonicorum vicissim et sunt \_eunt has been suggested, 
but it is sunt in Dugdale] successive ad Magnum Altare." Dugdale, p. 353. 

t " Superpellicia alba, almitia de variis minutis [I.e. miniver] internis et de 
calabro nigro externis, ac capas nigras apertas cum capuciis nigris magnis f urratis 
de sindone vel taffata." Confirmatio a Papa Urbano VI. Wilkins, Concilia, 
134, 135. 

J Dugdale, p. 353. Ex Cod. MSS. penes Will. Fierpont, Arm. 


other ordinary Priests, knowing that he is in the Cathedral of S. Paul, 
that so he may exhibit a pattern of more holy life to all the Priests 
that are in the city." 

May the Minor Oanons in S. Paul's Cathedral ever be mindful of 
this injunction, and so be worthy successors of those who have left 
them counsels so wise and good ! 

The Statutes of the petie canons colledye of the churche of St. Paul in 


1. Whearc there are ij or three gathered together in my name, sayth the lorde, 
there am I in the middest of them. 

Therfore all we the twelve petie cannons and prehendaries in the Cathedrall 
churche of St. Faulc in london, beiuge perpetually established and gathered 
together into oon societie and felowshipe, yea eve by the kyngs auctoritie, and 
others, who as towchingc this matter apearc most sertaynly to be lycensed. We, 
I say, being thus gathered together in o r com 'on haule the eyghtenth day of 
1396. marche in the yeare of ow r lorde a thowsandc three hundred nyntie and syx, 
amongt whome there ys, as there ought to be, but oon hart and oon mynde in 
god, haue w'h oon vniforme consent and agremcnt ordayned to be kepte and 
obserued of vs all, for eu r , and that willingly, because dutie so byndeth us, thes 
holsome rules, and invyolable decres, to the honor of the most highe trinitie, and 
the Vndevyded Vnitie of the father, the sonn, and the holy goast. By the 
means of w c h statutes that inordinate desyre of offendinge or hurtinge oon an 
other amonge us and o' successors might of ryght be restrayned, the devyne 
servis to almightie god devowtly rendred, and brotherly charitie as reasen wolde 
sholdc be obserued. This protestacion beinge had before o 1 ' eyes, w c h we wolde 
sholde be accownted of in the makinge of all owr statutes, that we meane not by 
any statute of lyke condicion to owrs, before mentioned, ether by the othes heare 
by vs geven, or by thes w c h heareafter shalbe geuen by o r successors, to resist or 
hinder the deane and chapter by any means or any way of there obedience due 
vnto them, but to serve god and the churche aforsaide as men ought and are 
wonte to doo, at due owrs, accordinge to the man'er and forme of the statutes of 
the aforesaide churche, made for a long tyme past to this effecte, vnto w c h we 
are bounde by solemne othe. 

Of the manner of electinge or chusinge the lesser prebendaries. 

2. Seinge that it ys recevede by a laudable custome tyme owte of mynde, we 
ordayne and decree that when any lesser prebende amonge the peticannons ys 
voyde, ether by death, resignacion, or any other way, by an by the rest of the 
lesser prebendaries havinge had before deliberate consultation amonge them- 
selves as towchinge this matter, shall chuse ij sufficient and fitt men to serve in 
that peticannonship or prebende, and thes shall nominate and p'sent vnto the 


deane and chapter. And then the aforsaide deane and chapter shall admitt oon 
of thos ij persons so presented, and shall institute and inducte hy' into that peti- 
cannonship or prebende then voyde. But lest that suche a nominacion or pre- 
sentacion sholde at any tyme be made ether for favor, carnall affection, or for 
luker and gayne, (\v c h god forbid) we will and ordayue that at the death or 
departure of any petican'on, the rest of the peticannons shall take there othes 
before the master or warden of the saide colledge that they shall not nominate 
or present to the deane and chapter any other persons then suche as are worthy, 
sufficient, and mete men ; not only in readinge, and singinge, but also and espe- 
cially in honesty of lyfe, and godlynes of conversacion. And morover it ys _ ^^ 
required that they be sownde of body, and of power and abilitie to serve god no ted well, 
and the church aforsaide both day and night accordinge to the statutes and 
ordinances of the said churche, and as also there office and dutie requireth, the 
conscience of every oon of the said peticannons calinge for at there handes the 
p'formans of thes thinges, when they shall consider there saide consciences to be 
burdened w l h an oth as ys aforsaide. 

Of the oth iv"h ys geven to the petie cannons in there colledge. 

3. And because that the most excellent prince Richarde the Seconde somtyme 
Kinge of England by a godly aspecte of charitie consideringe and beholdinge vs 
heartofore to be devyded, and as it were scattered abroade every man to his 
severall howse at the howrs of refection : he hath graunted vnto vs libertie, 
and power, at the instante and earneste suplication of the reverende fathers and 
lordes, Thomas Arundell sumtyme Archbishope of Canterbury and- Robert 
Bray brook bishope of london, to erecte a haule and dwellinge places for a societie 
or company of equale power and auctoritie, w c h haule and edifices we tearme a 
colledge, to the w c h, as also vnto vs, the said prince hath geven many revenues, 
and willingly hath bestowed sundry privileges : to the ende that we takinge owr 
repast together might thus by a more often and honest cSmunicatio, or impar- 
tinge of o r selves oon to an other, be burned as it were w'h a more fervent flame 
of love and charitie emonge owr selves. Heare hence ys it therfore that we for 
vs and all owr successors doo for ever determyn and decree w'h oon vniforme ^ 
consent and agrement that all and every of vs and owr successors will sweare 
and so shall that we wilbe obedient to the master or warden of the said colledge 
whosoeu' he be for his tyme, in all lawfullniss and honest causes. And that we 
will obserue and kepe invyolably for eu', all and every of the statutes, ordinances, 
and customes of the said colledge, beinge lawfull and honest, by vs don or to be 
don, allowed of vs or to be allowed, upon y e payne and forfayt limited or to be 
limited in thos statutes and ordinances. In lyke maner we ordayne and decree 
that of thos profites and comodities wherw'h we have byn indowed in com5 they 
only are made partakers w c h have byn lawfully admitted into the degree of a -9 

peticanonship by owr election, nomination, and p'sentation to the deane and 
chapter as ys aforsaide. And they w c h have dwelt heare w'h us quietly, takinge 
there repast in o r co'mon haule, and havinge also tasted of the holy woord of 
god, they I say have corporally geven this same oth, and have byn admitted into 


owr colledge aforsaid accordinge to the manner and forme heare vnder written, 
Which forme of admission we doo will and ordayne to be kept and observed of 
vs for eu' hearafter, that ys to say, that the petycanon now nuly to be receaved 
into o r colledge takiuge vnto hym selfe ether the clerke of the chapter or els 
some other notary, doo appeare before the master or warden, and his felowes, in 
the porche belonginge to the hauleof the forsaide colledge, wheare the selfe same 
peticanon now nuly to be admitted shall hymselfe in his owne person playnly 
reade this forme of wordes folowinge, and shall layinge his hande vpon the holy 
evangelistes take his oth that he will faythfully obserue and kepe all and eu'y 
particuler thinge contayned in that forme, as longe as he contynueth peticanon. 
Then shall he, at his owne proper costes and charges, cause an instrument or note 
to be made for a perpetuall memory of the thinge, to remayne vpou recorde in 
the colledge aforsaide, lest that pcraduenture in tyme to come som' oon or other 
might falsly and maliciosly accuse ether vs or owr successors of periurie or of 
neglectinge the aforsaid oth. 

The forme or maner of the tvordes. 

4. In the name of god amen. Before you discreete men N. N. master or warden 
of the colledge of the petie can'ons in the cathedrall churche of Sainct Paule in 
london, and you the petica'nons of the same colledge, morover I, beinge a cre- 
dible p'son also, and we all heare witnesses to thes presentes. I, I say by name 
K. B. now elected to the aforsaid colledge, howbeit not as yet admitted to the 
participation or com'union of the profites and commodities of the said colledge, 
layinge myn handc vpon the holy evangelistes doo w*h a pure and not compelled 
will, sweare, that I wilbe obedient to the master or warden whosoeu' he be for 
the tyme, in all honest, lawfull, and canounicall causis. 

In lyke maner I doo protest that I will faythfully obserue and kepe all and 
singuler statutes, ordinances, and customes of this colledge beinge lawfull and 
honest, and will dutifully obey the same. 

Also I doo take myn oth that I will kepe and mayntayne as farr forth as I am 
able the rightes and comodityes of the said colledge, and will procure, and so 
earnestly p'ferr the same, as I may possibly any way. 

Moreovere I doo sweare that as muche as lyeth in me, ye w'h all possible dili- 
gence, I will cause and effectually procure that whatsoeu' petican'on ys to be 
admitted into the said colledg in my tyme, shall performe this same oth in his 
own person before he be receved into the societie and com'union of the profittes 
and emolumentes of the said colledge, and also that he shall cause whatsoeu' 
petican'on ys so to be receved or admitted in his tyme to doo the lyke in all 
respectes, and to geue this same oth, and so from thensforth for en' as god 
shall helpe me and this holy testament. This protestation beinge presupposed, 
and adioyned alwayes vnto all the premissis, that I will and entende in all 
thinges and by all means to be ruled by o r masters the deane and chapter of the 
aforesaid churche, and them obey, accordinge to the obseruances, statutes, and 
customes of the said churche, touchinge, or concerninge the petic cannons any 


The admission of a nue felowe to be donn by the warden. 

5. We doo admitt thee to be a fellowe of this bowse, and make thee a partaker of 
all the profittes and com'odities of the same howse with the wich we in com 'on 
haue byn enriched. 

Of the payment w c h a pelican 1 on ys charged w*h at his entrance, 
and of thears that are benefited. 

6. In lyke man'er it ys set downe to be obserued that eury oon admitted aright 
into the degree of a petie can'on, at his first entrace shall pay to the said 
colledge towarde the mayntenance of the napry, and other thinges of necessary 

vse in the howse, xj s. viij d. And yf any man shall leave his peticanonship and xj s. viij d. 

afterwards retorne, he shall pay agayne for his entrance, and be accounted as a 

nue comer, yea, even as he was at the tyme of his first admission. In lyke sorte $ 

also ys it decreed that every peticanon being beneficed ether with parsonage, ^| thls 

vicarige, free chappell, or prebende, or any other benefice, of whatsoeu' value it 

be, ether more or lesse, shall pay to the aforenamed colledge xxvj s. viij d., XXV J S - V J d - 

whether he be beneficed ether afore the tyme of his admission or after, wiche 

payment beinge oonce dischargede, althoughe he goo away and afterwarde come 

agayne beneficed, he shall no more be charged with the obseruacion of this 

statute. And we will that the payment of suche sum'es as are above-named, 

especially that for the ingresse or entra'ce of a peticanon, be made within the Within the 

yeare, accordinge to the discression of the warden, yt thereof he may' make a yere> 

reckninge in his accounte. ^furthermore it ys ordayned that euery peticanon 

oonce in his lyfe tyme by hymselfe, when it shall please hym, or else after his 

death by his executors, shall geue to this colledge oon silver spoone to the value A silver 

of fyve shillinges, or more, for to increase the treasure and publicke vtilitic of s P one< 

the said college for eu'. 

Of the devyne seruise due vnto god, and vnto hym to be rendred. 

7. Moreouer we do ordayne and decree that all and every of the petie canons do 
w l h greate indeuor and a most vigilant care, studie to kepe the devyne seruyse of 
almightie god, and heare in to render vnto hym his deuyne prayses, even as the 
proper office and dutie of every oon of vs requireth and that w l h humilitie and 
deuocion : for as sone as there ys a signe geuen, all the peticanons ought to 
come together vnto the church, beinge more decently arayed or adorned, and with 
a more modeste or convenient gate or pase then other ; into the wiche they shall 
not come statly,* vnhonestly, or with a disioyned pace, but with greate reuerence 
and in the feare of god. And because that, accordinge to the inf alible iudgement 
of god, his howse ys an house of prayer, we will that hauinge entred into the 
quyer, w l h all feare and reuerence, standinge before god religiosly, they doo 

* statly, in the original Latin it is pompatice. 


chasten or refrayne there tonges and ears, from ether spekinge ydlely, or hearinge 
ydle and v'profitable talke, that w'howt any kynde of withdrawinge or aliena- 
tion of the inynde, they might ether pray, singe, reade, or heare, even as euery 
mansdutiein the quiyer heinge done of hym as his cowrse cometh rcquircth, 
whether it be in prayinge, singingc, rcadinge or hearinge. And this they 
shall not only doo with voyce hut also in there mynde and from the harte, 
accordinge to the mynd of the apostle, when he saith, I will pray in spirit and 
will pray in mynde, I will singe in spirit and will singe also in mynde. Nether 
shall they bringe forth or once haue in there mouthes ether filthy or vnsemly 
wordes tendinge to sedition or contention in so holy a place, nether yet shall 
suffer others to vse the lyke, as farr forth as they be able, but rather to render 
vnto god in comon his prayses, w'h deuoute prayers, most earnestly intreatinge 
him as well for there owne offences as the peoples. 

Of the apparell and gesture of the pelican 1 ons. 

8. In lyke sorte it ys ordayned that yf the said petican'ons entringe into the 
quyer be found in there apparell vnsemly and in there gesture not comly, and 
that of custome, except they beinge once warned do within short space after 
declare them selves to be reformed as men tractable, they shall in no wise escape 
vnpunished, but be sharply restrayned, of what degree, office, or dignitie soeu' 
they be. 

How the peticanons ought to behaue themselves at the table. 

9. Also it ys set downe as a statute to be kept that the said peticanons do 
come together every day in the yeare to diner in the comon haule, but to supper 
at fyve of the clokc, there como bell beinge before ronge, who com'ynge to the 
table shall sitt honestly downc together, not preferringe oon seate aboue an 
other, except it be that whiche ys only appoy'ted for the warden, but accordinge 
as every man cometh first or last to the table so shall he take to hym selfe the 
first or last place, having alwayes a godly and brotherly compassion of thos wh 
are molested with sicknes, and oppressed with age. Then the stuarde for his 
weke or some other at the table at his request, shall say grace and geue thankes 
as well afore diner and supper, as after. And no of them that sitt at the table 
shall departe thence untill thankes be dutifully rendred vnto god, without a 

ob. resonable cause, vpon payne of losinge a halpeny. Nether shall any man despyse 

or esteme of lesse value thos meates and drinkes which are sett vpon the table, 
ether withowt a notoriouse cause why, or in respecte of any hatred or displeasure 
conseued agaynst the stuarde, wherby the rest may abhorre thes meates and 
drinkes as noysom vnto them, vnder the payne of forfaytinge a halpeny. And 
because that this word frater, for a brother, hath his begininge of sufferinge 
or bearinge with an other, we will and ordayne that owr bretherne eatinge, 
drinkinge, or talkinge together shall behaue them selves honestly oon towardes 
an other, and shall gently and patiently beare oon with another, supporting oon 
an other in love, beinge carfull to kepe the vnitie of the spirit in the bonde of 


peace, goinge oon before an other in geninge honor, as saith the apostle. And 

they shall refreshe them selues w'h suche meates as are seruecl to the table, 

cherf ally, soberly, and as it becometh men of modestie, so takinge of the best and 

fynest of the meate as that eu'y oon at the table may haue parte. Nether shall 

any man at the table speake any thinge maliciosly at any tyme ether vnder the 

p'tense of mirth or any other colore, that may be offencive to an other any way. 

Howbeit yf it shall happen at any tyme that any contencion or stryfe shalbe 

stirred vp amonge the bretherne ether at the table or els wncare (which god 

forbid) straight way the warden shall com'aunde silence, vnto whome whosoeu' Silence com 

will not be obedient shall for the first tyme be punished in ij pence, for the the warden. 

seconde in three pence, and so as the fait doth encrease, so shall the punishment. 'J di and "J '" 

Of the readinge of the byble. 

10. Furthermore it ys decreed that the afore namede peticannons shall have 
dayly at dinner tyme as often as they may co'ueniently, oon lesson of the holy 
byble redd distinctly and playnly amonge them, vnto the whiche all and euery 
of them shall geue hede and harken diligently, that whylest the externall bodie 
ys filled, the internall sowle might be refreshed, for because that man liveth not 
by breade only, but by euery worde that proccdeth out of the mouth of god, 
whosoeu' therfore shall maliciosly ether w'h sediciose wordes or vayne brablinges 
distorbe or hinder the readinge of the holy scripture, or the geuinge of thankes 
before mencioned, shalbe punished in ij pence as often as he ys taken offcndinge ij d. 
in this poynt. 

Of the stuarde and his office. 

11. In lyke man'cr we ordayne and decree that euery peticanon be stuard as 
his course com'eth, begininge at the seniors and so by degrees descendinge to the 
iunior, and that in his owne p'son, except he can fynd owt oon of his fellowes 

to supply his rowme for his weke, vnder the payne of forfetinge xij d . And this x ^ d< 
stuarde duringe the tyme of his weke shall so diligently and profitably ordayne 
and dispose the victualles for the whole comos, and w'h suche discression, that 
they nether fare so sparingly nor yet feade over dayntely, but accordinge to the 
ordinary and accostomed rate of the comons he shall honestly provyde to his 
power. But nowe yf it doo happen at any tyme that the stuard ether by his 
negligence or by his owne sensualitie or volnptnosnes withowt a resonable 
cause doo so farr excede the accustomed rate in expcnces that the reste of the 
bretherne by means therof be greued : then shall he hym selfe pay for any such 
excesse, accordinge to the discression of the warden and the greater part of the 
comons of the said colledge what semeth good vnto them. And the said stuard 
for his weke shall carfully and diligently prouyde and foresee, that of thos 
meates w c h he hath preuyded there be as equale distribution made at the table 
as ys possible, the election or choyse of euery messe alway reserued for the 
warden, or in his absence for hym that ys senior, and there present. In lyke 
maner we will that eu'y man be contented w'h his provision that ys made by the 
stuard for the tyme, w c h whosoeu' ys not, but ether desyreth to eate els wheare 


or to mende his fare, let hym cause thos tliinges w c h shall please hyme to be 
sought for and prepared at his owne proper costes and charges, lest that by hym 
the^reste of the petie canons might be greued, and the comon vtilitie impayred. 
But yf any man shall before ether warne the stuard or comon scrnant that he 
can'ot eate of suche and suche meates, then let there be bought for hym som 
other meat more convenient and agreable for his appetite, so that it exceede not 
the said dyet of his. 

Of the combiners and lialfe com'yners. 

12. It ys allso ordayned that every peticanon shall still be whole com'iner, 
except he be sicke, or gon farre owt of towne, then yf he will he may be oute of 
com'ons, but he shall paye for this his absence by occasion of sickncs and busines 
abrodc-vvikly iiij d. toward the rcpaste of there comon seruantes and the curate of 
St. Gregories. And yet notw'hstandinge in thes three feastes, that ys to say, 
Christmas, Easter, and Whitson weke, and also as often as he ys stuard in his 
ownc course, euery peticanon shall alwayes be whole cominer no cause to the 

lij s. iiij a. contrary admitted as lawfull, vnder the payne of three shillinges fower pence to 
be applyed to the vse of the comons : and althoughe any of the said lesser pre- 
bendaries (cauled thervnto of god) shalbe admitted to any office, that ys to say 
ether to be Amner, keper of holy thinges, or chaberlayne of the back house, or 
any other office whatsoeu', by the means whereof he may eate els wheare, yet all 
thes thinges notw'hstandinge he shalbe still whole cominer in this owr colledge, 
except that thoroughe some lawfull cause allowed of by the warden and the 
greater parte of the company he be other wise dispensed w'hall. And farther 
yf that any man be disposed to goo abroade, let hym warne the stuard or comon 
seruant of his departure ouernight yf he Avilbe oute of comons. And whosoeu' 
shall continue at the table in o r comon haule by the space of fyve dayes in any 
oon weke shall in so doinge be alwayes whole cominer. And he that shall 

lalfe remayne fower daycs shalbe halfe cominer for three of them, and shall pay 

:ominer. j or ^ e fo^th as ^ G m aner and custome ys. 

Of strangers that are brought vnto o r table. 

13. Morouer it ys enacted that no stranger of what degree state or order soeu' 
he be, shalbe at comons w'h vs in the aforesaid haule as owr equale, but shall 
pay more then we doo, eucn as muche as shalbe agreed vpon, betwene the warden 
and his fellowes. Nether may any foriner heare of the some of o r comons, or be 
made privie to the account thereof, but shall geue place untill it be ended, and 
let hym that brought in this stranger discharge the comons for hym. In lyke 
sorte yf any of the forsaid comoners shall bringe in any stranger into owr comon 
haule, ether by the weke or by the day, or for to dine and supe with vs, let hym pay 
for his repaste even as shalbe thought expedient by the warden and his fellowes, 
the consideration of the tyme causinge them to take ether more or lesse, as the 
darth or plentie of victualles then requireth. And yf by this or the lyke invitinge 
or biddinge the expenses shall increase or growe greater then the accostomed 
rate of the comons, he of the company that so inviteth or biddeth shall hym seelf 


pay the overplus, so that the profit and comoditie of the comons shall alwayes 
increase rather than decrease. In lyke sort it ys decreed for o r seruates, even 
them of o r speciall howseholde and others of that inferior degre sittinge with 
them at the seconde table, that they shall paye accord inge to there degree, a 
consideration beinge hadd of the tyme, as ys aforesaid : And whosoeu' of the 
said societie shall bringe in or cause to be brought in upon the soden any stranger 
to the table ether at diner or supper tyme not forewarninge the stuarde therof 
shalbe punished in ij pence. Nether shall any man bringe in, or cause to be y a. 

brought in, any stranger into owr comon kitchin or buttree w'howt a resonable jb 

cause and the same manifesto, vndcr payne of losinge a halfe peny, yf he be a 
fellowe, but yf he be a seruant, a peny. In lyke sort it ys agreed vpon that no 
of the aforesaid peticanons haue a comon supper w'hin the tyme of lent except 
it be vpon the sondayes only,* or upon any 

other dayes in the yeare in whiche we are bound ether by lawe or custome to 

Of loctcinge the forsaid colledge gates, and of silence to be kept after a 

certayne hoivre. 

14. Furthermore we ordayne that euery day thorouought the yeare, when we 
dyne or suppe in o r comon haule, oon of owr comon seruantes shall shutt faste 
both the gates of o r colledge. And whosoeu' of vs cominge in shutteth not 

shurly after hym thos gates, especially in the winter tyme at supper, shalbe The gates are 

punished by the losse of a peny. In lyke maner it ys decreed that no man ether * }*: shut at 

by hym selfe or by any other shall raise any braule, tumult, or noyse within the jd. 

gates of the said colledge at any tyme frome the f easte of Easter vntill the feaste 

of St. Michaell, but eu'y man to be come in by nyne of the cloke at night, and 

from the feaste of St. Michael vntill the feaste of Easter also, no to offende as 

ys aboue said, but to be come in by eyght of the clocke, wherby the said petie 

canons might be hindred of there naturall reste, or become vnapt to serue god, 

vnder the payne of the losse of ij pence. ij d. 

Of honestie and dentines to be Jcept w ( hin the gates of the said colledge. 

15. Morouer it ys ordayned that n5 of the said peticanons ether by hymselfc 
or by any other, do caste filth or any vyle and vnhonest thinge, nether may make 
water w'hin the gates of the said colledge, except it be in the place appoy'ted 

for that purpose, vnder the payne of losinge a halfe peny as often as he shalbe ob. 

taken doinge the contrary. And yf it do happen any of the said co'mons to 
haue there ether stones, morter, sand, tyles, or timber, for rep'acions to be done, 
imediatly vpon the finishinge of any suche woorke, he that hath made suche rep'a- 
cion shall remoue out the said comon place that w c h remayneth of the morter, tyles, 
and the reste, as ys aforesaid. And yf a tyme be limited vnto hym by the war- 

* Here is a blank left in the English translation. In the Latin original the 
clause runs "nisi in dominicis tantnm, nee cciaminsoxtis fcriis, aut aliis diebus 
per annum." 



liij d. 


vj s. viij d. 



This is to be 
noted well. 

den, within the whiche he shall neglecte this to doo, let hym be punished for the 
breeche of his firste limit aforsaid, ij d , and so as the fait increseth, in lyke sorte 
let the punishmente. 

Of suspecte women, and of vnhonest playes and sigJites to be shunnede. 

16. In lyke maner it ys decreed that no of the aforesaid peticanons shall haue 
any talke or comunication in the churche or churche yarde in his habit or w'hout it 
w'h any suspecte woman, whereby any offence or suspicion of evell may aryse 
to the churche, to hymselfe, or to his company, vnder the payne of fower pence 
losse. In lyke maner it ys ordayned that non of the afornamed colledge shall 
wittingly bringe in, or cause to be brought in, or suffer to come in, ether by day 
or by night, any wemen vehemently suspected, or notorios for euell lyfe, into o r 
howses, or w l hin thecumpasc of the colledge aforsaide, or into any other howse in 
W-'h he shall make his abode, as longe as he shalbe pctie canon, vpon payne of 
losing three shillinges fower pence as often as it shalbe proved agaynst hym for the 
first tyme ; yf he shalbe taken in the same fait the seconde tyme, he shalbe 
punished in six shillinges eight pence, yf the third tyme let hym be expelled owt 
of the comone haule and excluded from all profittes and comodities of the said 
colledge vntill he may be reconsiled. In lyke sorte it j r s also concluded, that as 
often as any of the said petie canons doo frequent or haunt the stues ortauerns 
publickly with harlottes, or any other vnhoneste playes and spectacles prohibited 
to clerkes, whereby an offence may growe of the state of the peticanons, and of 
o r said colledge, except they, beinge oonce warned, do shewc them selues to be 
reclaymed, they shall incurr the lyke punishment as hath byn before declared. 

That no mem backbi/te or speake euell of another, nether yet reuele 
ivordes unadnysedly spoken to any man. 

17. furthermore it ys ordayned that no' of the forsaid peticanons shall backbyte 
his f ellowe in any howse of his masters or in any other place, nether shall speake 
any sinister thinge of hym maliciosly, wherby the same felowe sholde be hin- 
dered or disaduantagcd any way, wh thinge yf any shall doo notwithstandinge, 
and therof shalbe convicte (wiche god forbid) let hym be punished the first 
tyme in six pence, the seconde tyme in twelue pence, and even as the fait 
doth encrease, so let the punishement. Euen after the same maner ys it or- 
dayned, that yf any sinister or odious wordes shall at any tyme passe any mans 
mouth vndescretly in o r brotherly societie, or vnwysly escape from hym ether at 
the table or els wheare, no of vs, to the sowinge of further discorde, shall pre- 
sume to reueale the same to any man vpon payne of the same punishment men- 
tioned before in this chapter. 

Of concelinge or kepinge to o'selues the councelles and secretes of the 


18. furthermore it ys decreed that non of the said peticanons shall presume 
to detecte or disclose the aforsaid secretes of the colledge in the howses of there 
masters the greater canons or of any other ether priuily, or openly, wherby any 


offence may arrise, or wherby ether oon or other of the peticanons or all of them 

may incurrc the displeasure of there masters aforsaide or any of them. But yf 

any so doo (wh god forbide) and that it be manifesto thoroughe sufficient profe 

made therof , he shalbe punishede for the first tyme in six shillinges viij d . for v js. viijd. 

the seconde tyme so offendinge in xiij 8 iiij d , for the thirde tyme in xx, and then J g s< 

let hy' be prohibited from cominge into the haule, or beinge a partaker of the jW 

goodes and profittes of the said colledge or of thos thinges therunto appertayn- 

inge, vntill he be reconsiled to his said bretherne of the aforenamed colledge. 

Of anger, braulinge, and contention, and liowe to shonne euery of them, 
and there occation. 

19. In lyke maner it ys ordayned and appoynted that non of the said felow- 
shipe do speake vntowardly or maliciosly of any of his bretherne, the partie 
beinge present or absent, nether shall stir vp or vse ether braules, contentions, or 
discordes amonge his fellowes, nether p'voke any of them ether to anger or 
discorde, nor yet by any means to geue occation of displeasure to any man, vpon 

payne of losinge iiij d for the first tyme, and euer as the fait incresith so let the Forfaytes. 
punishment. And further yf any dissention do arise amonge the bretherne, &. 

(which god forbid) owt of hande ether by the warden, or in his absense by the 
senior then p r sent, w l h the rest of his company shall pease be procured, and to 
thos then at discorde, sylence commaunded, vnto whom imediatly yf any obay Silence corn- 
not, but shall obstinatly persist and continue in his malice and contentio, he 
shalbe punished the first tyme in ij d the second tyme in iiij d and so dublinge the ..V. d - 
punishment vntill he humbly submit hymself, and obediently desiste.or leave of t, 

from farther contention, and especially from comparisons w c h are odiose, and 
oftentymes the causes and occasions of many incomodities : nether that any arV^dlousf 8 
man at any tyme be fownde to be an enimy to the comon vtilitie of owr colledge Note this, 
to the detriment or impoverishing^ therof vpon the payne aboue specified in the 
chapter. And yf any man at any tyme ether by the warden, the senior, or 
fellowes shalbe condemned and punished in any some by the reason and occation 
of any offence, and shall say that he ys falsely adiudged and uniustly punished, 
or affirme that they are uniuste in dealinge, he shalbe punishede in ij 8 as often y s. as oft. 
as he shalbe taken offendinge in this poynte. 

Of violent layinge on of handes. 

20. After the same sorte it ys decreed and ordayned that yf any of the said 
peticanons shall maliciosly threten to beate or to stryke his fellowe, he shall for 

so doinge be punished in xii d . But yf any man by the instigation of Satan shall Forfaytes. 

lay violent haude vpon his felowe, althonghe he doo not stryke hym, yet he 

shalbe punished in iij 8 iiij d , and whosoeu' but with his hand only shall stryke an iij s. iiij d. 

other, shalbe punished in vj g viij d , and whosoeu' shall drawe owt ether sword or VJ s> *^ d ' 

knyfe, or shall take into his hand any other wepon to invade wth althoughe he 

stryke not, he shall be punished in vj 8 viij d . But yf he shall wounde or stryke vjs. viijd. 

any man w l h ether of thos wepons, he shalbe punished in xx 8 , and for that facte *&* 

be excluded and expelled the haule and all comodities thereof, and yet notw'h- H 


3 T !> standinge shall make sufficient recompence to the partie by hym hurte, eve 

accordinge .to the discression of the warden and his fellowes. Morouer yf any 

do Lringe in, or cause to be brought in his seruant or any other stranger to 

threten, beate, or stryke, or els to threten to be beaten any of his fellowes, 

althoughe he doo not stryke that ys brought in, yet he that brought hym shalbe 

viijd. punished in vj" viij d and yf any suche seruant, or stranger, or euen the fellowe 

|g hymselfe shall happen to stryke any other, or drawe wepon vpon any of the 

said colledge tp stryke, althoughe he bringe not to passe this his wicked enter- 

xx B~, prise, yet he shalbe punished in xx" and neu' the lesse be expelled the haule and 

^ the entranse therinto foreu'. 

Of brotherly reconsiliacion and mutuall amitie and peace to be had 
amonge vs. 

21. And for as muche as it ys apparant, that 

By concorde and peace 
Smale thinges doo en crease ; 

as also by dissention and discorde greate thinges come to ruin, we will and 
ordayne that aboue all things (as it ys written) we haue continually amonge 
oWselues mutuall love and amitie, not in woord and in tonge only, but 
indede and in veritie, lovinge oon an other, and as muche as lycth in vs (as 
saith the apostle) hauinge peace with all men ; by the meanes wherof anger or 
wrath might not engender hate, but that concorde mighte norishe peace and 
mutuall loue emonge vs, we ordayne and decree ioyntly, that whensoeu' any 
malice or envye of mynde, proccdinge of any cause, ys declared to be sprungo vp 
amonge any of o r bretheren, straight way the master or warden of o r colledge w'h 
ij or iij of the seniors or wyser sorte of the whole company vnto hy' associat 
shall labor as muche as lyeth in them to rcconsyle thos bretherne at variance 
emonge them selues, to the concorde and vnitie of peace, accordinge to that 
sayinge of the apostle, let not the sonn goo downe vpon yo r wrath. And straight- 
way they wh c h are to be reconsyled, w'hout any tedious disputation, shall 
m r cyfully forgeue that mutuall offence comittcd amonge th' forgeuinge oon an 

nota other even as Christ hath forgenen vs. And yf nether of them both wilbe 

brought to agrement, but will proudly stand against it, or yf oon of them doo 

stobbornly and insolently resiste, then that parte in wh c h the cause, and occasion 

iorfaytcs of the discorde ys fownde, shalbe punished for the firste tyme in ij d , for the 

vi/cV 1 . ' seconde in iiij d , for the third in viij d , and so to duble the punishment vntill 
the parties be pacified. 

Off the master or wardens election, and of his office. 

22. In lyke sorte it ys ordayned and decreed that euery yeare vpon S Bar- 
nabes day in the moth of June, yf it may be conueniently, and also as often as 
the office of the warden of the said colledge shall happen to bo voyde, whether 
it be by his departure, or by the reson that he ys discharged vpon occation, or by 
death, the reste of the peticanons beinge admonished by the pitensary or some 


other appoyntcd by the warden or senior, for this purpose, shall come together The Warden 
into there comon haule, at a certayne day and howre assigned vuto them theare, or Semor - 
and they shall precede to the eleccion of a nue master or warden of the said 
colledge. And by vertue of there oth shall choose a fitte man for them seines 
to he warden, and suche an oon as shalhe meete, bothe in respecte of spiritnall 
and temporall thinges. And the choyce of procedinge to this eleccio, to be by 
any of thes wayes, as namly, ether by the way of scrutini, or by the way of Scrutini. 
compromissary, or by the way of the holy goaste, shall belonge to the greater The greater 
and wyser sort of the company. And yf they will precede accordinge to a g",!| e wyser 
scrutini, then shall there be ij. or iij. of the fellowes appoynted, w c h first o.f all y to jy of t i, 
shall searche and take there owne voices, then orderly and separatly the others fellowes 
voyces, the whiche beinge published, he whiche hath both the wiser and greater 
number shall forthwith be made master or warden of the said colledge w'hout wiser and 
havinge any other solemnitie in the matter, and the the said master or warden ^ a ei 
shall effectually be vnited or knit to the said office, and shall beare the burthen ^ 
therof, any excuse of his to the contrary beinge obiected, excepte it be suche 
an oon as shall apeare to the fellowes to be both lawfull and manifesto. The 
w c h warden beinge so elected, and hauinge God before his eyes, shall diligently 
endeuer to ordayne, provyde, and performe all and eu'y of thos thinges that 
pertayne to the co'mo vtilitite and co'modite of the sayd colledge. Yet notw'h- 
standinge imediatly after his election he shall geue his faith to his said bre- hlsfayth. 
theme being then and theare present, that he will for his tyme thoroughly kepe fe 

and cause to be kept the approved statutes and laudable customes of the said 
colledge, and he shall take an accounte publicly and playnly of all and eu'ry 
thinge receued and to be receued, founde, geuen, and bequethed to the said 
colledge, and shall faythfnlly and withoute gyle make his accounte to the afor- 
saide colledge of thos thinges so receued, begininge the same accounte the next 
day after S' John the Baptistes day, or with three dayes next and imediatly 
folowinge, and so w'hout any delayinge of his account to cotinue it euen vnto g 
the ende : accordinge to the comon consent of his brethren, or the greater and 
discreter parte of them. And he shall receue yearly for his labor of the said 
colledge vj 9 viij d . 

Of the election of the pitansary, and of his office. 

23. Morouer it ys ordayned that oon of the said colledge beinge a peticanon 
shalbe elected by the warden and the wiser sorte of his bretherne to be pitan- 
siary, w c h shall geue a corporall othe to the said colledge of his faythf nil dis- 
tribution to be made of his thinges to be distributed, and in other thinges 
belonginge to his office, that ys to say, funerals, stagiaries, and in other 
parseles due vnto vs, as farr forth as he may possibly. And also that he shall 
iustly distribute thos portions to eu'y man accordinge to equitie and right. He 
shall also be a helpe vnto o r warden in lokinge to the paymentes to owr comon 
seruantes made by the said warden, for the procuringe of fuell to the comon vse 
of o r howse, and for the discharginge of all other paymentes to the workmen 
brought in and hyred for the reparinge of owr tenementes. And he shall fayth- 


fully kepc in his owne custodie oon of the greate registers of all o r goodes in 
com'on, w'h a ccrtaync litle indenture of the parte, and name, and in the 
behalf e of the whole company, receuinge of vs yearly for his labor iij s iiij d , and 
of the chamber of the churche as muche. 

Of the punishment ofhym that refuseth an office ivhen it ys geuen hy* 

ly eleccio 1 . 

24. It ys decreed in lyke sorte, that yf any of the said peticanons after he shalbe 
admitted or elected to the office of Mr. or warden, or to be collector of the rentes, 
or pitansiary, he doo w'hout resonable cause refuse the same office, and will not 

vjs.viijd. a k e V p 0n him tfo e charge therof, he shalbe punished in vj viij d . 

Of the levyinge offorfettes to be payed. 

25. ffurthermore it ys agreed vpon, that the warden and pitansiarie with the 
stuarde, or oon of them, shall levye or may, shall raise or may, thos aforsaid 

forfaytes. forfaites of whosoeu' offendeth, and thos forfaites we will shalbe imployed to 

the comons of that wekc, in w c h the offence ys comitted, yf the some of that 

forfaite excede not iij s iiij d , but yf it doo excede that some, we will and ordayne 

forfaytures. then, that the warden receue that forfeture, and make therof a iuste rekninge 

in his account. W c h forfeturs aforesaid we will shalbe raised by the hands of 

the pitansiary, of the obetts and other distributions payed by hym whatsoeu' 

they be : And yf tlies distributions to be reccued by the pitansiary be not 

sufficient to answer the forfayts, then we will that recourse be had by the forsaide 

warden to his owne benefit. Morouer we ordayne that whosoeu' so offendinge 

83P doo shewe hymselfe rebellious, vnwillinge. or obstinate in the payment of this 

weif for it is forfeite, shall for the firste weke (after that it apeareth playnly that he ys 

worth, froward what tyme payment ys to be made) be punished in vj d , for the seconde 

and xx d.' in xij d , and for the thirde in xx d . 

Of the calinge together of the peticanons and of the forfaictures for 
not coining. 

26. Also it ys sett downe to be obserued, that all and euery of the petiecanons 
shall come together at a certayne houre into the comon haule, or into sum other 
comon and honest place appoyntcd vnto them by the warden, or by the pitanciary 
in his name, to a gcneralc councell, as touchinge certayn businesses coccrninge 
the forsaid colledge, as often as nede shall rcquyre, vnder the payne of losinge 

jiy^and. 3 i"J d ^ or t* 10 ^ rst t y me > f r tne second disobedience viij d , for the thirde xij d , and 
vijj d. and as the falte increaseth, so let the punishment, vntill a laufull and probable 
impediment do make a stay therof. 

Of the readinge of the statutes. 

27. Also it ys ordayned that all and singuler the peticanons aforsaide shall come 
together fower tyms, or els twyce, or at the leaste oonce, in eu'y yeare at suche 


tym as the warden shall appojnt to heare the statutes and ordinances redd in 
the comon hanle of there said colledge, lest that they excuse them selues hy the 
ignorance of the statutes aforsaide : and there they shall be redd distinctly and 
playnly hy som' oon of the said colledge appoynted ther unto by the warden, 
vnto the w c h statutes eu'ry ma shall geue diligent heedc, abstayninge them 
selues from dissolutnes in behaviour, as shoflinge with there f eete, vpon payne of 
the losse of ij d . ^gj 

Of the lendinge of bookes to the said brethren. 

28. In lyke maner it ys agreed vpon that yf any of the saide peticanous will NotReade. 
borowe any oon booke owt of the com'on librarie, the said borower shall come 

vnto the master or warden of the said peticanons, and deliu' unto hym a bill 
sealed w'h his owne scale, contayninge both the proper name of the booke, and 
his name also that boroweth it, with the tyme therin of the lone therof limited 
by the warden, for a testimony of the recept of this booke or bookes in such sorte. 
And yf he neglecte this to doo, and will refuse the obseruation of this statute in 
this forme, he shalbe punished for the firste bretche of tyme in iiij d , and as the 
falte increseth euen so let the punishment. 

That no man do take any necessary implemente of owr howse to his 
vse, w*h owt leaue. 

29. Morouer it ys ordayned that no of the aforenamed peticanons of his owne 
auctoritie, and w l hout leaue of the warden or of hym that occupieth. his place, 
may take into his chamber, or into any other place, for what cause soeu' it be, 
any siluer cuppe, maser, spone, napkins, towelles, nor any other of the mouables, 
or may alienate and take them to his owne vse, vnder payne of losinge a peny. 
In lyke sorte it ys appoynted, that the said warden shall assigne vnto the bo- 
rower a tyme to bringe againe the thinge or thinges borowed, whiche tym yf 

he shall not obserue, let hym be punished in iiij d . ft'urthermore it ys also "i'jd. 
prouided, that no vessel of necessary use be deliu'ed by the warden to any of 
the said societie, or receued of any of them, but vnder a certayne signe or pledge 
had betwene the warden or comune seruant and hym that hath borowed the 
thinge, because of forgettinge or losinge the same, vnder the payne of forfetinge 
the value of them euen in that case as yf they were lost. 

Of the restoringe of priuat mens fuell to the comon kitchin. 

30. Also it ys agreed vpon that yf any of the aforenamed colledge will haue 
ether fleshe, fishe, or any other meates to be sodd, rosted, or baked, in o r comon 
kitchen for hyin selfe or his frendes besydes the comon course or vsuall seruice 
into our haule, whether the same be brought into his house, or elswheare : he 
shall fynd fuell of his owne coste, or els pay the same weke to the said warden 
for suche fuell after this sorte imployed, accordinge to the good and discrete 
estimation of the warden and colledge seruante aforsaid. 


Of o r comon seruantes. 

31. ffurther it ys sett doune to be obserued, that n5 of the said peticanons do 
p r sumo ether to stryke or to beate the comon seruantes, nether to raise vp 
agaynst them often aud vniust thretninges, or iniurious wordes tendinge to stryfe 
and contention whereby they or any of them might be caused to leaue his office 
of s'vinge, and so by this meanes o r commons to be lefte destitut of s r vitors, 

xii a. vnder payne of losinge xij d : but let hym complayne of them to the warden of the 
said colledge, yf they shall happen to displease hym any way. 

Of the faithf nines and charge of our owr comon seruantes. 

32. In lyke sorte it ys decreed that o r comon seruantes in ther first admisisou 
by the warden of owr colledge, be straightly bownde and charged, and do promise 
vpon there fidelitie that before all other seruice to be rendered to any other man, 
they will faithfully serue owr societie, and shall profitably and faithfully kepe 
and p'serue o r goods that are in there custodie to owr comon profitt and vlitillie,* 
they shall also at no tyme reuele owr secrettes to any man, they shall procure as 
muche as lyeth in them the profit and commoditie of vs all in com'on, and of 
eu'y man pryvatly ; and whatsoeu' euell or pen-ill they shall knowe to drawe 
neare vs all, or any oon, they shall owt of hande forwarne vs thereof : nether 
shall they violently ryse agayust any of o r fellowes, nor lay hande on weapon to 
any such end. No, they shall not shute forth any vncumly or vnsemly word 

forfaytes ser- agaynst any of vs, vnder the payne of losinge there service, and there wagis 
then due vnto them, as often as they shalbe fownde culpable hearin. 


note this. 

Of the tresure howse, the chest, and the box for y e two seales, and the 
keyes ther of and to ivhome they are to be deliuered. 

33. Morou' it ys determined that that chamber next adioyninge to the west 
ende of o r comon haule be taken and accounted for the tresure house of the said 
colledge, the kay of w c h the master of the said colledge (whosoeu' he be for the 
tyme) shall kepc ; and in the same chamber there shalbe oon chest, locked with 
three kayes, wherein the tresure of the said colledge whatsoeu' shalbe layed vpe, 
and oon box in whiche the comon scale of the said colledge shalbe kepte ; and 
of this chest the pitansiarie shall haue oon kay, and ij other of greater credit 
and longer continuance in this fellowship beinge hearunto apoynted by the 
warden, shall kepe ij other kayes ; and also to this boxe there shall be three 
kayes of the wh the warden shall kepe oon, and ij other peticanons of trust, 
chosen hearvnto by the warden, shall kepe the other ij, nether shall any man of 
them geue or deliu' his kay to an other without greate cause, but shall faith- 
fully kepe the same hym selfe, nether shall the chest or box be opened at any 
tyme but in the p'sence of all the said company. 

* Sic, i.e. vtilitie. 


Of doutes nuly ary singe. 

34. ^furthermore it ys to be obserued that Avhen any sinister or doubtfull 
thinge shall arise, whereof no mention ys made in the statutes, then shall that be 
determined and ended alway by the warden, and by the greater and wiser sorte 
of the company, as often as it shalbe nedfull in this matter. 

Of the iunior cardinale. 

35. Note that it ys and hath byn a custome alway, yea, euen tyme oute of 
mynde, that the iunior cardinale in the cathedrale churche of St. Paufe in 
london for that tyme beinge doo continually visit the sicke as the rnaner ys, and 
minister the sacramentes vnto them, as often as shalbe nedfull, whether it be in 
his weke or no. 

Of the dispensation w*h the Amner. 

36. In lyke maner it ys to be noted that in the yeare of o r lorde 1521 John' 
Palmer m r or warden, and all the reste of the fellowes of this colledge then 
beinge, w'h oon consente for them selues and there successors haue dispensed 
w'h Thomas Hikeman peticanon and amner,* that he beinge heare whole cominer, 
shall haue oon honest prest althoughe a stranger (beinge alowed, or approued 
of the warden, and greater part of the company) heare emonge the peticanons 
dayly at ther table as a cominer, in his absence, and that for eu', euen as longe 
as he shalbe Amner, and to his comoditie as muche as may be agreed vpon 
emonge them. And it ys graunted and concluded in the same councell, that all 
and euery peticanon w c h shalbe Amneur hearafter, shall haue and enioy the 
same privilege and dispensacion, no statutes and ordinances of this colledge, 
whatsoeu' they be, made to the contrary hinderinge. 

Of rentes, or reuenues gene 1 vnto vs by Mr. GotK'm. 

37. Also it ys to be remembred, and noted, that in the yeare of our lord 1519 
John' Gotham somtyme peticanon and senior cardinale gaue to this colledge 
ij yearly rentes, to be quietly enioyed for eu', the oon of xxvj 8 viij d to be payed 
yearly by the master and wardens of the craf te of pewterrers in london at iiij 
tearmes of the yeare ; and an other of xx s f payed yearly by the master and 
wardens of the crafte of habberdasshers at ij feastes of the yeare, as apereth 
more largly in ij rowles made for the same purpose, and sealed with the comon 
scales of thos craftes or artes, and morouer layed vp and kept in the tresury of 
this colledge ; and many other good giftes hath he godlyly bestowed vpon this 
colledge as apereth in a certayne table hanginge in the buttery made therfore. 

* Amner, i.e. Almoner. 

f Originally, xxj s. viij d. had been inserted here, as in the Latin, but this is 
altered in the English translation to xx s. 


Of nue furniture for the haule. 

38. In lyke sort it ys to be noted that in the yeare of owr lord 1520 Roberte 
Aslyn peticanon and subdeane, at his owne proper costes and charges, hath 
bought and geuen to this colledge that nue furniture whiche hange and shold 
hange for the somer tyme in o r comon haule, beingc wouen and made of tapistry 
workc distinguished w'h spaces of redd and whyte,* w'h flowers, beastes, and 

* The Latin is," " intexta ct facta de opere tapstrio intersticiis et spaciis 
rubris et albis distincta cum floribus ct bestiis et avibus." 




Hadley, or Monken Hadley, says Lysons, derives its name from the 
Saxon Head leagh, or high place, and its title to this designation must 
be apparent at first sight. It formed originally a narrow strip of 
land on the confines of the Royal Chace of Enfield, running nearly 
east and west, and converging almost into a point at Cockfosters, with 
its greatest breadth at the opposite, or western, extremity. Prior 
to the inclosure of the Chace in 1777, it contained, according to the 
same authority, about 340 acres, to which were added 240 acres of 
Chace land, at the period of that inclosure, making together 580. 
The recent Ordnance Survey, however, gives rather over 641 acres 
for the area of the parish. 

Geoffrey de Mandeville, or Magnaville, a companion in arms of the 
Conqueror, was enriched with divers fair lordships in several counties, 
having seven in Middlesex, whereof Enfield was one. In the grant 
made by his grandson Geoffrey, first Earl of Essex, in 1136, to the 
Abbey of Walden, Hadley is included under the name of the Her- 
mitage of Hadley. In the charter of foundation to the Benedictine 
monks of that house, it runs : 

" Gaufridus de Magnavilla comes Egsexise. ..... Ad universitatis vestre 

noticiam volo pervenire me fundasse quoddam monasterium in usus monachorum 
apud Waldenam ; in honore Dei, et sanctse Marias, et beati Jacobi apostoli, 

quibus devote contuli scilicet ecclesiam de Enefelda, ecclesiam de Edel- 

inetona, ecclesiam de MYMMES, ecclesiam de Senleya Concede autem 

eis et confirmo heremitagium de Hadleya cum omnibus ad eundem locum per- 
tinentibus, introitum, et exitum, et communem pasturam pecoribus eorum in 
parco meo, in quo heremitagium illud situm est, &c."f 

It would appear, therefore, that, at this early date, the hermitage 
was within the limits of the park or chace of Enfield. Newcourt 
(Repertorium, i. p. 621) thus remarks upon the passage: 

" So that probably this Church of Hadley was at first but a Chappel to that 
Hermitage ; or, if it was in those times a Parish Church, yet it was in the Donation 
of the Abbot and Monks of Walden." 

* In arranging these notes, I have endeavoured to confine them, as much as 
possible, to matter not contained in Lysons' Environs of London. This will 
explain their imperfect and fragmentary character. In Lysons will be found a 
connected account of Hadley. F.C.C. f Mon. Angl. vol. iv. p. 133. 



A house near the church, known as the Priory, possesses tra- 
ditionally an ecclesiastical origin, but there is nothing in the shape of 
direct evidence to support the tradition. 

The founder's grant was confirmed by King Stephen, and sub- 
sequently by Henry II. In the latter document Hadley is not 
specified by name, but the churches of Edmonton, Enfield, Mimmes, 
Shenley and others are mentioned, " cum capellis et decimis et om- 
nibus pertinentiis earum." * In an ancient Chartulary in the British 
Museum, written under the direction of Abbot Pentelowe, A.D. 1387, 
the church of Hadley is named among the possessions of Walden 
Abbey. This Chartulary contains a charter from Eoger, Bishop of 
London, circ. 1235, (Roger Niger was consecrated Bishop of London 
June 10, 1229, f and died 1241,) wherein the church of Hadley is ex- 
pressly enumerated with those bestowed on the monks by their 
founder. Lysons, it is true, states that the earliest notice of Hadley 
as a parish is in the year 1327, when the church \ was rated at four 
marks : " Eccl'ia de Hadle app'ata Abb' de Waleden iiij mrc'; " but 
the Ecclesiastical Topography objects that " the MS. which Mr. 
Lysons quotes is little more than a transcript of Pope Nicholas's 
Taxation A.D. 1291:" 

Taxatio Ecclesiastica P. Nicholai IV. A.D. 1291. 

Abb. de Walden. *. d. 

Midd. Bona Abbatis de Waleden in Hadle de terr. redd, silva cadua 

etfcetu . . . . . . 3 10 7 

Notwithstanding, shortly afterwards, we find the following record 
in regard to the relations subsisting between the abbey of Walden and 
the village of Hadley : 

Plac. dom. Regis de Quo Waranto coram Justiciariis itinerantibus apud Crucem 
lapideam in com. Middlesex anno r. r. Edwardi filii Kegis Henrici vicesimo 
Abbas de Waldene sum. fuit ad respondend. domino regi de placito quo 

waranto clam, habere visum franci plegii et ea quse ad visum pertinent, emend. 

assisse panis et cervisiai fractas, in Enefeld, Edelme'ton, Mymmes, et Hadleye, 

de hominibus suis in prtedictis villis, &c. 

* Mon. Angl. vol. iv. p. 133. 

f Le Neve, Fast. Eccl. Angl. p. 177. 

% Harl. MSS. No. 60, f. 28 ; Woodburn's Eccl. Top. 

Mon. Angl. vol. iv. p. 133. 

|| Mon. Angl. vol. iv. p. 153 ; ex orig. in Domo Capituli Westm. asservato. 


Et abbas per attorn, suum venit et dicit quod ipse et omnes prsedecessores sui 
a tempore quo non extat memoria habuerunt predictas libertates in praedictis 
villis et eis usi sunt sine interruptione. Et de hoc pon. se super patriam. Ideo 
inquiratur. Postea venit attorn, przedicti Abbatis et dicit quod ipse nullas clamat 
libertates in praedictis villis de Edelme'ton, Mymmes, et Hadleye, nisi in praedicta 
villa de Enefeld tantum. Ideo rem regi. Et idem abbas in misericordia quia 
prius illas clamat. Et quo ad prasdictam villam de Enefeld prasdictus abbas 
clam, omnes prasdictas libertates in forma praedicta, &c. 

Juratores ad hoc electi dicunt super sacramentum suum quod praedictus 
abbas, &c. 

The next occasion on which Hadley appears in history has to do 
with the affairs of the neighbouring parish of Ridge in Hertfordshire. 
In 1462, on July 3, the vicarage of Rugge (Ridge) was conferred on 
Mr. James Waleys, chaplain, at the instance of Henry Frowyk, esq. 
and this reason is given : " Because the late vicar, John Bernard, had 
been indicted by the parishioners of Hadley, in the county of 
Middlesex, for certain deep treasons and felonies, on which account 
he had taken flight and absented himself from the place " * At a 
subsequent date, temp. Henry VIII. Hadley is said to have been a 
hamlet of Edmonton, f In the abstract of Valuation of Walden 
Monastery taken in this reign, we find : J 

Temporalia in com. Midd. 

s. d. 

Midd. Hadley . . . Manerium . . 2 10 4 

London . . . Domus et ten. . .934 


Edelmeton . . Eectoria . . . 20 3 

Enfeld . , . Rectoria . . . 28 

Southmymmys . . Rectoria . . .700 

The living has always been a Donative, in the gift, that is, or 
donation of the patron, without institution and induction; and, 
until the dissolution of the monasteries, the cure was supplied from 
time to time by such as were authorised thereunto by the abbots and 
monks of Walden. For a long period after the dissolution the 
patronage appears to have belonged to the lords of the manor. 
Owing to this circumstance the succession of incumbents is very 

* Woodbnrn's Eccl. Top. Ridge. Newcome's Hist, of St. Alban's, p. 385. 
Clutterbuck, vol. i. art. Ridge. MSS. Rawlinson 332, f. 3, 6, Bodleian Library, 
f Pat. 30 Hen. VIII. pt. 5, May 14. 
J Mon. Angl. ex orig. in Domo Capituli Westm. asservato. 


imperfect. In the absence of institution and induction their appoint- 
ments find no place in episcopal records, whilst, owing perhaps to the 
vicinity of London, property so frequently changed owners, that the 
lay, no less than the ecclesiastical, history of the parish is somewhat 

At the Dissolution, the manor was granted in 1540 to Thomas, 
Lord Audley, who four years later surrendered it to the King. In 
1557 Queen Mary granted it to Sir Thomas Pope. In 1574 it was 
alienated by Eobert Staunford or Stamford to William Kympton. 
This Robert Stamford was son and heir of Sir William Stamford, 
knt. and Alice his wife, who in 1553 and 1558 were f successively 
patrons of South Myms. On Aug. 5, 1580, William Kympton 
(described, in a grant of arms made J to him April 3, 1574, as " Lorde 
of Monken Hadley, and now alderman of the Citie of London,") 
" gave this Church, by the name of a Free Chappel, and pleno jure of 
his Donation, to Bernard Carrier, clerk, during the life of him the said 
William, if he the said Bernard should live so long, upon these Con- 
ditions, viz. that he should bear Fealty to him the said William ; that 
he should demean himself well in his Life and Conversation ; that he 
should perform Divine Offices and administer the Sacraments as he 
ought; that he should keep the Chancel in Repair and pay xxvj s. viij d. 
to the said William and his Heirs according to Custom, out of which 
the said William was to pay back vj s. viij d. for his Tyths according 
to like Custom." f In 1582 we find the above William Kympton dis- 
posing of the manor to Ralph Woodcock and Simon Hayes, in the 
family of which latter it is said to have continued down to 1684. 

Perhaps the oldest site of a residence in this parish is the house 
now called Ludgrove, formerly the manor or manor-farm of Ludgraves. 

* The patronage of the living was annexed to the manor till the year 1786 
(Lysons), when the advowson was purchased (September 14) by William Baker, 
Esq. of Bayfordbury, Herts, of John Pinney, Esq. of Blackdown, in the parish 
of Broadwindsor, Dorsetshire. It passed in the year 1827 to the Kev. J. R. 
Thackeray, then rector, and afterwards in 1846 to the Rev. G. Proctor, D.D. by 
whom it was sold Nov. 26, 1857 to Frederick Cass, Esq. of Little Grove, East 
Barnet, Hertfordshire, from whom it descended, at his death in 1861 to the Rev. 
Frederick Charles Cass, the present rector. 

f Newcourt. 

t By Robert Cooke, Clarencenx. Azure, a pelican between three fleurs-de-lis 
or. Crest: A demi-goat ermine, horned and hoofed or, collared and chained 
sable. Lysons. 


It stands upon the rise of the hill, on the further side of the valley, in 
ascending to Cockfosters, and probably derived its name from William 
Lyghtgrave according to a very usual process of Hertfordshire 
nomenclature who, in 1423, conveyed to William Somercotes, Thomas 
Frowyke, and others a messuage, 120 acres of land, 80 of meadow, 
and 80 of wood in Hadley.* Norden, writing in 1598, describes 
Ludgraves as " a very faire house scytuate in a valley neere Enfelyde 
Chace, belonging unto ." On a small brass, upon the 

south transept wall the oldest memorial in the church is inscribed, 

Hie jacet Philippus Grene filius Walter! Grene armigeri et Elizabeth' ux'is 
ei' et Margarita soror eiusdm Philippi ac Margarita Somercotes q' obierut xvi 
die mens' Septembris A d'ni M,CCCC,xlii quor' anima's ppiciet' de' ami. 

In a list of the gentry of Middlesex nine years f previously, 
12 Hen. VI. occur the names of Thomas Frowyk and Walter Grene. J 
It is likely that very few of the brasses inserted in the pavement of the 
church occupy their original positions. When the church was restored 
in 1848, under Mr. Street's superintendence, several of them, which 
had been preserved in a closet at the rectory, were replaced in the 
church as they appear now. 

The Church, dedicated to St. Mary the Virgin, was formerly on 
the extreme verge of the parish, the Chace fence having skirted the 
present rectory garden, even if it did not come up to the churchyard 
itself. It is built in the form of a Latin cross, and consists of a square 
embattled tower, with a turret at the south-west angle, of a nave with 
two side aisles, north and south transepts, and a chancel. The area 
of the building was extended laterally in 1848 by throwing back 
the north and south walls of the aisles about eighteen inches in 
either direction. A vestry was added at the same time. The south 
porch was rebuilt in 1855 by the Rev. George Proctor, D.D., then 
rector, in memory of his only son, the Rev. George Henry Proctor, 
M.A , of Balliol College, Oxford, one of the chaplains in the Crimea, 
who died at Scutari, March 10 of that year. 

* Cl. 1 Hen. VI. m. 15, 16. 

f Robinson's Hist, of Enfield, pp. 174-5. 

J At the east end of the north aisle, against the north wall, is a table-tomb to 
the memory of Walter Grene, esq. who died anno 14 . On the top is a figure 
of the deceased in armour, with a griffin at his feet. I suppose the east end of 
this aisle to have been a chapel founded by Walter Grene, whose family were 
proprietors of Hayes Park, to which estate this part of the aisle still belongs. 
Arms: A chevron between three bucks. Lysons, ii. p. 594, art. Hayes. 


Concerning the cresset or beacon upon the tower-turret, which is 
regarded by the parishioners much as the crane on their cathedral 
by the good people of Cologne, Lord Lytton remarked at the British 
Archaeological Association's Congress held in 1869 at St. Alban's, 
when he was President : 

" On the summit of St. Mary's tower at Hadley was still to be seen the lantern 
which, according to tradition, lighted the forces of Edward IV. through the 
dense fog, which the superstition of the time believed to have been raised by 
the incantation of Friar Bungay, and through the veil of that fog was fought 
the battle of Barnet, where the power of the great feudal barons expired with 

The battle of Barnet was fought on April 14, 1471, being Easter- 
day, whereas, on the western face of the tower, we have the date 
1494,* with the device of a rose and a wing. The same device is met 
with over the arches of the nave at Enfield church, and is conjectured 
to have been a rebus upon the name of one of the abbots of Walden, 
to whom that church, as well as Hadley, belonged. Camden f 
assumes that Hadley Church was the chapel erected, where the 
hermitage stood, by Edward IV., to pray for the souls of the slain, 
and builds his supposition upon the aforesaid date. This, however, 
is manifestly erroneous, both on account of the evidences of a church 
existing here previously, and also because we have the testimony of 
John Stowe,:}: towards the close of the following century, that the slain 
" were buried on the same plaine, halfe a mile from Barnet, where 
after a chappell was builded in memory of them, but it is now a 
dwelling house, the top quarters remain yet." Stowe, moreover, refers, 
as to an authority, to John Kastall, whose ' Pastime of People ' 
was published in 1529, that is to say, within sixty years after the 
great battle. The tower may accordingly have been either rebuilt 
or repaired at that period. The beacon was blown down by a high 
wind on Jan. 1, 1779, and on Monday the llth of the same month 
a Vestry meeting was convened to consider about the repairs of the 
roof of the church ; but there is no special mention of the beacon. 
From the Life of Crabbe, the poet, it seems that on this same 1st of 
Jan. 1779 there was a violent spring tide at Aldeburgh in Suffolk, 

* See woodcut at the end. 

f Gough's Camden, I. p. 350. 

j The Annals of John Stowe, p. 423, ed. 1615. Weever, Fun. Mon. p. 704. 



(South face of Tower.) 

* This woodcut with the other illustrations to the paper has been prepared from 
drawings recently made by Miss Vignette Howe. 



when eleven houses were at once demolished by the waves.* The 
beacon was last lighted on the night of the Prince of Wales' marriage, 
March 10, 1863, when it was picturesquely illuminated with coloured 

The family of Goodere or Goodyerf appears to have occupied a 
position of great importance in Hadley and its neighbourhood for 
several generations. Their crest, a partridge, holding in the beak an 
ear of wheat, is still visible at the top of the piers supporting the 

chancel arch. The same cognizance is observed in the stained glass 
of the north transept window, which is likewise remarkable for the 
interlaced ears of wheat, interspersed with the name of Goodere. It 
is most likely that this family took a prominent share in some 
restoration of the church during their connection with the parish, 
even if the existing structure, of which the sculpture on the tower 
records the date, does not owe its origin to their munificence. An 

* Crabbe's Life, by his son, ed. 1855, p. 9. 
t See PEDIGREE, p. 262. 


(Compiled from Chauncy's Hertfordshire, ii. 312, 438, &c. ; Clutterbuck's 
Lysons' Environs of London, p. 225 ; Fuller's Worthies, Middlesex ; "V 
f. 130 ; Harl. MS. 1154, f. 176, 177 ; Harl. MS. 6072, f. 12.) 

Thomas Frowicke of Old Fold 

Henry Frowicke of Old Fold 

Reginald Frowicke 
Henry Frowicke of Old Fold 

Thomas Frowicke 

Henry Frowicke.=^Alice, dau. and heir of Richard Cornwall o 
Willesden, co. Middlesex, by Jane, dau. 
I and heir of Henry Glocester, of Finchley. 


Thomas Frowicke of Old Fold= 
temp. 9 Hen. IV. A.D. 1408, 
d. Feb. 17, 1448, and buried 
at South Myms. 

=Elizabeth, dau. and 
heir of William Ashe 
of Newberries,temp. 
Hen. V. 

Sir Henry Frowicke,=plsabella. 
knt. Lord Mayor of 
London A.D. 1444. 

Henry, An 
of Can 

Henry =pEleanor, dau. of Sir 

Frowicke. | Thomas Lewknor, 



Thomas Frowicke, Alderman of London ,=r=Joan, dau. and Wil 
of Gunnersbury and Finchley, died | heir of John of 

1485, and buried at Ealing. 




Thomas Frowieke=pJane, dau. Alice.^ John Elii 

of Old Fold, 


of Thomas 


Edw. IV. A 



of Had- 


m or ton. 

1 ley. 


Elizabeth.^Sir Thomas 
Hawlt or 

Henry Frowicke,^=Anne, dau. and 
5 Hen. VII. A.D. I heir of Robert 
1490. Knolles of 

I North Myms. 

Thomas ^Maryjdau. Isabella, m 
Frowicke, of Sir 
died s.p. William 

Sir Henry Frowicke',=p. 
inherited Gunners- 
bury ; died 1505, 
and bur. at Ealing. 

Thomas Goodere^Jane 
died 1518, bur. | Hawte. 
at Hadley. 

Elizabeth,=Sir John Spilm; 

dau. and man, of Narl 

coheir. Norfolk, Jud 

King's Bench. 

Thomas beth, 
Bedlowe dau. 
of Lon- and 
don. coheir. 

son of Sir 
knt. c 

esq. of North Goodere, 
Myms, 2nd esq. died 
husband. 1 Edw. 

dau. 1 5 
and his 
coheir. 15 

1 I 

Sir Henry Coningsby of North 
Myms, Sheriff of Herts 1569, 
died 1593. 

i r '" ~ 

Sir Henry Goodere, knt. Ralph May 
setat. 13 at death of hia 1613, aet. 
father. Abbey. 

a According to Chauncy and Clutterbuck Thomas Knolles married Margery, widow of Jot 
Chichele, Chamberlain of London. 


story of Herts, i. 133, 217, 476; ii. 368, &c.; Norden's Spec. Brit. p. 20; 
over's Fun. Mon. ; B. Buckler's Stemmata Chicheleana ; Harl. MS. UK)', 

dau. of John Adrian, son and heir of John Adrian, of Brockham, co. Surrey. 


Margaret, dau. and heir of William Pountz. 
rlargaret, dau. and heir of Roger Derham. 

lomas Charl- 

Thomas Chichele of Higham===Agnes, dau. 

Ferrers, co. Northampton, 
d. Feb. 25, 1400. 

of William 


Sir Robert 

1 ' 
William, alderman=pBeatrix, 



and grocer, sheriff 

dau. of 


knt. Lord 

1410, died 1425. 




Chichele, Archdeacon 
terbury, died at Rome 

John Chichele, Cham-===Margery. a 
berlain of London. ^ 

24 children. 

Thomas Knolles, grocer=pjoan. They lived 
and alderman, twice I together 60 years, 
Lord Mayor, 1 Hen. and had 19child- 
IV. and 12 Hen. IV. ren. 

Thomas Knolles, died Feb. 8,===Isabel. 
1445, and buried at St. An- 
tholin's, London. 

, dau. 

or Spel- 
igh, co. 
of the 

Sir Thomas Frowicke, knt 2nd son born aepJoan Robert =f Elizabeth, dau. and heir 
5S VT? /H ustlce of Common Pleas 18 Bard- Knolles, of William Troutbeck, 

?* T! i' 7T A d F ch1 ,^' died ville - of North of Cheshire, d. Nov. 28 
Oct. 17, 1506, and buried at Fmchley. Myms. 1458 

Frideswide, Sir Ralph Rowlat, knt. Master= 
married of the Mint to Hen. VIII. 
Thomas Sheriff of Herts 1542; died 
Cheyney. March 4, 34 Hen. VIII. 

I 1 

-Elizabeth, dau. Anne Knolles, 
and heir of mar. Henry 
Knight, Frowicke of 
of Shropshire. Weley. 


Etat. 30 at death of 
Sheriff of Herts 
Knight of the Shire, 

and coheir, 
1st wife, d. 


' dau ' = r j h 

of St. Alban's and 
Essex, died Oct. 
20, 1556, and bur. 
at St. Michael's. 

> esq.=j=Dorothy, dau. Joan,=Ralph Jennings, 

* ' 

of Robert 
Perrott, esq. 
and widow of 
John Bridge. 


from whom de- 
scended Sarah, 
Duchess of 

, esq. died Jan. 14,= 
juried in St.Alban's 

=Margery Scale, died 

Sir Henry Maynard, knt, 
father of William 1st 
Lord Maynard. 

Sir John Spelman was grandfather of Sir Henry, the antiquary 

Humphry Coningsby, who died 1551, was one of the Judges of the King's Bench. 

< s 

co *-, 

u. rf- 


14 p 

OC <S> 


O 2 

O <u 

O c 

O S 

u. o 

o -S 

3: e 

z S 


Z it 


inscription upon a brass on the floor of the north transept runs 
thus : 

Hie jacet Johes Goodeyere, gentilman, et Johanna uxor eius, qui quidem 
Johes obiit v die August', A Dni M. CCCCCIIII. quor aiabs ppiciet' deu'. 

Over the inscription are two escutcheons, one of which, Gu. a fesse 
between two chev. vaire", is that of the Goodyers. The other is, .... 
a fesse , . . . between three lions passant .... Weever says that in 

his time* there was an inscription, partially erased, " Of yowr 

pray .... soul of John Goodyere, esquyer and Jone his wyflf, which 

died 1504, whos sowls ....;" but these are the same 

names and date as the preceding. A John Goodere of Hadley mai-ried, 
probably about the middle of the fifteenth century, Alice, daughter 
of Henry Frowick. The Frowicks were a family of great repute, and 
lived at the Old Fold, on the edge of Hadley Green, a moated manor- 
house in the parish of South Myms. The Frowick chantry and some 
brasses of that family are among the most interesting memorials in 
the church of South Myms. When Nicholas Charles, Lancaster f 
herald, visited Hadley church in 1610, he found the armorial bearings 
of John Goodyer, died 1507, John Goodyer, died 1513, and Thomas J 
Goody er died 1518. A brass on the wall of the north transept is 
likewise in memory of a member of the Goodyer family. The in- 
scription is to Anne Walkeden, whose maiden name apparently was 
Goodyer, and who died in 1575, but the escutcheons have dis- 

* Weever Fun. Mon. p. 533, published 1631. 

t In Lansdowne MS. 874, f. 100, he gives the arms of " Goodere of St. 
Alban's," a shield of nine quarterings : 1. Goodere, Gules, a fesse betw. two 
chev. vaire ; 2. (?) Thornbury, Per fesse or and arg. a lion ramp, az.; 3. JBrent, 
Gu. a wyvern displ. arg.; 4. Rotvlat, Gu. on a chev. betw. two chevronels arg. 
three lions ramp, of the field ; 5. Knight, Or, three pales gu. within a bordure 
engr. az. on a canton of the second a spur of the first ; 6. Forster, Quarterly per 
fesse indented or and gu. in first and fourth quarters a bugle-horn stringed of the 
last ; 7. (?) Peacock, Az. three peacock's heads eras. arg. beaked or; 8. Gould- 
smith, Gu. on a fesse betw. three goldfinches or as many fleurs-de-lis az. ; 9. Jaye, 
Az. a lion ramp, and a canton or, within a bordure engr. gu. Nich. Charles was 
appointed Lancaster Herald in 1608, and died in 1613. 

% The armorial bearings of Thomas Goodyer were two shields, the first 
having the arms of Goodyer and the second those of Hawlt or Hawte, in virtue 
of his wife Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Hawlt, Or, a cross engr. gu. Lans- 
downe MS. 874. 




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r "I 

S. 1196, f. 225 ; Harl. MS. Ill 

=Ann, eldest dau. and coheir of 
Clare, second son of Richar 
Earl of Gloucester. 


T, o 

73 CJ 


3 >" 
C! 3 







... the dau. of West, John Brent 
Lord Delawarr.* Somerse 

Hugh Brent, second John Brent; came 
son, father of Thomas into co. Kent 
Brent, Chaplain to with his brother 
Queen Elizabeth. Hugh. 





8 a 

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se heir was Richard Goodere ofc 
Warren of Hadley, co. Middle- 

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appeared.* One Geffrey Walkeden held lands in Tottenham between 


Loo here the sexe of wemenkynd, 

A perfitt patterne you may vewe, 
Of one that was (whilst that she was) 

A matrone mild, a mirrour trewe : 
ANNE WALKEDEN, a faythful wife, 

discend of GOODERE'S auncyent race, 
Who hath so ronne her earthlye course, 

That she hath wonne her goole of grace. 
One lovde of all, but loved best 
Of God, w th whom her soule doth rest. 
Buried the x of december, M.CCCCC.LXXV. 

There are two pedigrees of the Goodere family in the British 
Museum, the more f complete of which fully justifies the foregoing 
allusion to the antiquity of the race. The shorter J and it is very 
short only differs from the other in supplying the name of Frances, 
daughter of Hugh Lowther, as the wife of Sir Henry Goodere. They 
together establish the close connection of the Gooderes with Hadley, 
during at least six descents ; that is to say, from Richard (living 
presumably temp. Rich. II. and Henry IV.), who married Joan Thorn- 
bury, to Francis, whose wife was one of the sisters and coheiresses of 
the younger Sir Ralph Rowlat of St. Alban's. 

About the close of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth 
century there is evidence that the family had become separated into 
two or three distinct branches. Letters written by some of its 
members are preserved in the British Museum ; and one of these,| 
addressed by Sir H. Goodere to Mr. Serjeant Puckering, (afterwards 
Lord Keeper, who died suddenly ^[ in 1596,) contains such excellent 
advice that it seems worthy of being recorded : 
Mr. Seriante: 

I am gladd of yo r good agreemente w th poore Richarde Brooke ; and I 
will willinglye attende yo u to my Lo: Thresorer, whensoever hys Lo: helthe 

* Since the visit of the Archaeological Society to Hadley, I have recovered 
one of these escutcheons, bearing the Goodyer arms. The other, which doubtless 
bore the Walkeden coat, is, I fear, hopelessly lost. This coat I find to have been 
(Harl. MSS. 6072) Arg. a chev. engr. between three griffin's heads erased az. 
on a chief of the last an anchor or, between two bezants. 

t Harl. MS. 1196, f. 225. J Harl. MS. 1110, f. 130. 

Harl. MS. 6995. Harl. MS. 7002. Cotton MS. Cal. C. I. f. 387. Cotton 
MS. Galba, C. viii. f. 43. Cotton MS. Jul. C. III. f. 178, f. 179. 

|| Harl. MS. 6995. 

T Lodge's Portraits, vol. ii. art. Thomas Egerton, Viscount Brackley. 


and yo r Leysure may beste serve. I wolde willinglye also; that yo u and Mr. 
Dabridgecourte weare good frendes; as you are neighboures and Coontrymen: 
Tbe worste peace; almoste, y* might be amongeste gentyllmen of yo r condicon: 
woolde be better for yo u bothe; then the beste warre; yo can make : (in my 
poore iudgmente :) If thear be any 6 matter of offence eyther gy ven ; or taken 
betwene yo u referr it to some of yo r good frendes; and so stoppe the beginninges 
of ill neighbourhed. I thancke yo u for my self e ; I am gladd to heare, y* yo r 
eldeste daughter shall coom into my kynred, younge Mr. Poole is my nere 
kynseman, by his mother. God sende yo u all good coomforte of ye matche; 
and so save you hartelye well; w th my frendlyest comendacons (good Mr. 
Seriante) . 

From my lodginge; in y e Strande this iith of Februarye 1590. 
Yo r lovinge and assured frende, 

To the righte woorshipfull and my verye good 
frende; Mr. Seriante Puckeringe. 

It would likewise appear that there were three members of the 
family at this period who bore the Christian name of Hemy. Not 
only does the pedigree show this, but an undated letter * is likewise 
extant from Henry Goodere to Sir Henry Goodere, in a postscript to 
which mention is made of another Sir Henry Goodere. The last- 
named is described as of Newgate Street ; and it may be a question 
whether this refers to the thoroughfare so designated in the City of 
London, or to Newgate Street in Hertfordshire, between Northaw and 
Hatfield. Independently of its family allusions, the letter is an 
interesting one : 


I intreated S r Henry Ransf owrth f to intreate yo u to desire doctor Goodere 
for yo r sake (whome I knowe hee much esteemes) to doe mee the kyndnes to setle 
mee in sum place neere unto him, because the place wheere hee doth reside by 
reason of the far remotenes fro London is very cheape, and to bring upp won 

* Cotton MS. Cal. C. I. f. 387. Transacta inter Angliam et Scotiam, A.D. 
15671569. f See Goodere Pedigree. 


of my suns (for the lord hath blessed mee w th three, w ch I hope will all prove 
learned) and theyre godly and virtuose educatio is my greatest earthlye care. 
I meane I woulde have my sun wayt uppo him in his chamber that hee may 
reade unto him, for I knowe him to bee a great scholler, and I harde him doe 
sum of his exercises at his comencement w th a generall and great applause (S r ) 
I assure myself that for God's cause and for o r name and bloodsake yo u will 
never be unwilling to furder the p'ferment of my poore boyes w ch , by God's 
gratiose assistance, may live to emulate, if not equall, those three worthy and 
learned gentlemen, theyre granfather and great-uncles, whose excellent worth 
and desert hath justly obtayned a perpetuall memorye to o r poore house and 
name, thus beseeching the giver of all goodnes to blesse yo u both in y r p r esent 
sute, and all other y r indevors w th my service to yo r self and devot respecks to 
all yo 1 ' 8 1 ever remayne yo r poore kinsman but most assured frynd, 

I was boolde to wryte unto yo beccause I have been often at yo r lodging and 
never founde yo u w'hin but wonce, when I had noe opportunetye to speake w th 
yo u I beseech yo u wryte y e letter to Dr. Goodere w th all possible speede, and leave 
it at yo r lodging that I may have it theere allthough I misse of yo u , for (God 
willing) I meane to goe unto him very shortelye. I met Sir Henry Goodere 
of Newgate Streete on Wednesday last wch desired mee to remember his kyndest 
love to yo n and yo, for hee had noe tyme to cum and see yo u , w ch hee was 
very desirose to have dun. 
To the Eyght wor" and his worthy kinsman S r Henry 

Goodere deliver this w th speede. 

The signatures to the foregoing letters are apparently in the same 
handwriting, as also the subscription to another,* dated Feb. 25, 1585, 
(about money for the payment of troops,) and written " To his 
excellencie the Earle of Leycester, Generall of her Mat 8 army and 
gov r nor of all the United Provinces. At his courte." Sir Henry 
Goodere, the elder, of Polesworth, was knighted before Zutphen 5 Oct. 
1586. He is mentioned in 1587 as " Capteyn in command of 150 
men forming one of the companies of extraordinary footbandes sent for 

* Cotton MS. Galba, C. viii. f. 43. Acta inter Angliam et Belgium 1585. 


the reliefe of Sluce." He had previously undergone imprisonment on 
account of Mary Queen of Scots. 

Besides these are three short letters,* in a different hand, and 
addressed all of them to Sir Robert Cotton, f Two of them have 
the day of the month, but not the year. The writer is the younger 
Sir Henry Goodere of Polesworth, who was Gentleman of the Privy 
Chamber to James I. He was the friend and correspondent of Dr. 
Donne, whom he predeceased. (Dr. Donne died in 1631.) From him 
the Polesworth estate descended to the Nethersoles, and from them 
passed to the Biddulphs. There is extant a letter from him to King 
Charles I. dated May 13, 1626. J 

There was formerly an inscription in the church at Hatfield, Hertford- 
shire, to a Sir Henry Goodere, but it is difficult, on account of his mar- 
riage, to identify him with either of those mentioned in the pedigree. 

Here lyeth the body of Sir Henry Goodere, descended of an antient and worthy 
family in the County of Middlesex, with Dame Mary his wife, daughter and heir 
of John Rumhall, Gent, who lived together in chaste wedlock 53 yeares, by 
whom he had issue 7 sonns and 7 daughters, whereof 2 sons, Francis and 
Thomas, and 4 daughters, Ann, Judith, Ursula, and Lucy, survived him. He 
deceased the 12th day of June, anno D'ni 1629, in the 78th year of his age. 
Shee deceased the 9th of Aprill, anno D'ni 1628, in the year of her age. 

Weever,|| under the head of Hadley, and following immediately 
upon John Goodyere's epitaph already given (p. 10), quotes a 
Tetrastich made in honour of Sir Henry Goodyer, of Polesworth, by 

* Cotton MS. Jul. C. in. f. 178, 179. Harl. MS. 7002, f. 117. 

t The letters are addressed " To my very noble frend Sir Ro: Cotton, kt. and 
barronet." Sir K. Cotton was made a baronet June 29, 1611, and died May 6, 
1631, in his 62nd year, thus fixing the date of the letters within this interval. 

J State Papers, Domestic, vol. xxxiii. No. 100. 

Clutterbuck, ii. p. 368, Chauncy, ii. 18. No trace of this memorial remains. 

|| Fun. Mon. p. 533. 


" an affectionate friend," but inserts no date, and leaves the place of 
burial uncertain : 

" An ill yeare of a Goodyer vs bereft 

Who gon to God, much lacke of him here left, 

Full of good gifts, of body and of minde, 

Wise, comely, learned, eloquent, and kinde." 

Edward Goodere, Esq. of Burhope in Herefordshire (son of John 
Goodere of Burhope, and grandson of Francis Goodere of Hereford, 
whose father was Thomas Goodere of Leyntall Stocks, co. Hereford) 
was created a Baronet in 1707. The history of this baronetcy is a 
tragical one. It expired in 1776 with Sir John Dinely Goodere, the 
fifth baronet. I have been unable to learn whether any, or what, 
connection existed between this family and the Gooderes of Hadley. 

An ancient brass in the south transept bears the inscription: 

Hie jacet Walterus Tornor et Agnes uxor eius qui quidm Walterus obiit xiii. 
die mensis Januarii anno domini millio CCCCLXXXim quorum animabus ppici- 
etur deus. Ame. 

And beneath the effigies : 

Hie jacent Willms Turnour et Johna uxor eius qui quidam Willms obiit iii 
die mensis Novembris a dni Mv et praedicta Johna obiit die a 

dni M quoin aiabs ppiciet' de'. 

The spaces left in blank have never been filled up with the dates, 
and the hiatus reminds one of the comment made by Horace Walpole * 
upon a memorial to a lady of the Frowick family : 

I do not wish to have an opportunity of expressing myself like 

a tender husband, of whom I have just been reading in Lysons,f who set up a 
tomb for his wife with this epitaph: 'Joan le Feme Thomas de Frowicke gist 
icy, et le dit Thomas pense de giser avecque luy.' 

The two remaining brasses in the church, on either side of the 
Communion-table, relate to a family of the name of Gale: 

1. Here lyeth the bodye of William Gale, Citizen and Barber Chyrurgion of 
London, who dyed the xix. daye of November, 1610, then being ye second tyme 
Master of his Company. He had two wives, Elizabeth and Suzan, and had issue 
by Elizabeth, v. sones and 8 daughters, and was Ix. and x. yeares of age or 
thereabout at the time of his death. 

Blessed are they y l conce- 
dereth the poore and needie. 

* Horace Walpole to Miss Berry, Sept. 21, 1794. 

t In Finchley church. Lysons quotes Norden, Spec. Brit. Lysons, iii. p. 220. 


2. Here lyeth the bodye of William Gale, gent., somtime M r of Arts in 
Oxford, who had to wife Anne Gale, the daughter of Roger Bragge, gent., and 
had issue by her 2 sonnes, William and Nicholas; y e said Nicholas deceased 
before his father; the above sayd William Gale dyed the xxx. daye of March 
An D'ni 1614, beinge about the age of fortye yeares. 

AEMS: Azure, on a fesse between three saltires argent, as many lion's heads 

erased of the field, langued gules. Impaling Bragge, a chevron 

between three bulls passant 

Before proceeding to the other monuments, it may be as well to 
observe that the Gothic font is octangular, with its side panels orna- 
mented with quatrefoils, probably of the Perpendicular period. Squints, 
sometimes called hagioscopes, are pierced through the buttresses 
between the eastern extremity of the church and the transepts, in 
which the piscinse still remain. Previous to the late restoration these 
squints were completely bricked up and their existence scarcely con- 
jectured. Galleries likewise disfigured the church in every direction, 
one being built across the east window. They seem, for the most part, 
to have been erected at the cost of individuals for their own accommo- 
dation, and that of their dependents. The old vestry books contain 
a record of several permissions given to this effect. 

The two most interesting monuments in the church are a tablet to 
the memory of Dame Alice Stamford and her son Henry Carew, on 
the east wall of the chancel, and the monument of Sir Roger Wil- 
braham at the extremity of the south aisle. 

The former is surmounted by the Carew arms and crest : 

ARMS : Or, three lioncels pass, in pale sa. armed and langued gu. 
CREST : A mainmast, the round top set off with palisadoes or, a lion issuing 
thereout sa. 

Above the portrait of Henry Carew are the lines : 

In this parish I was borne, 

And a single race did run, 

Neare to the age of 66, 

And then I did returne. 

Let all men learn by me 

The thinge they are sure to knowe ; 

As I in to my Mother's grave, 

So all to earth shall goe. 

Beneath is the inscription : 

Heer vnder within the bricks lyeth buryed 
The bodye of Dame Alice Stamford whoes 


Fyrste husband was Sir Wm. Stamford, knight, 
One of the justices of the Comon Pleas, 
And her second husband was Eoger Carew of 
This parish, esquire. She was buryed the 3 d 
November 1573. And upon her lyeth buryed 
Henrye Carew,* gent, her onely son by the 
Said Roger Carew, esquire, wh b said Henrye, 
Beinge neare 66 yeares of age, directed by 
His will a remembraunc e to be heare set upp, 
Declaringe his mother and himself e buryed heare, 
And gave by his will x 1 to the poore of this parish, 
T 1 to Barnet, v 1 to Shenlye, and v 1 to Sowth Myme*. 
He departed this mortal lyfe y e xii th Decemb r 
1626, and was buried heere the xxi th of the same. 

Dame Alice Stamford, who was the daughter of John Palmer, 
esq. of Middlesex, and widow of Sir William Stamford, knt. married, 
secondly, Koger Carew, jesq. perhaps the same who was one of the 
burgesses of St. Alban's f from the 5 to the 13 of Queen Elizabeth. 

A Koger Carew was one of the original governors of the Grammar 
School founded at Highgate in 1562 by Sir Eoger Cholmeley, Chief 
Justice of the Queen's Bench. There are several pedigrees of the 
Carew family in the British Museum, but the Christian name of Roger 
is met with only in one of them (Harl. MS, 1154, f. 178), which is 
undoubtedly erroneous in some particulars. It may be concluded, not- 
withstanding, that, if Roger Carew of Hadley belonged to either branch 
of the great West of England family (and his armorial bearings in 
Hadley Church are identical with theirs), he must have been a younger 
son of Sir Wymond Carew by Martha, daughter of Edmund Denny, of 
Cheshunt, Hertfordshire, and sister of Sir Anthony Denny. Sir 
Wymond's eldest son and heir, Thomas, of East Anthony, married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Richard Edgecombe, knt. and was father 
of Richard Carew, the historian of Cornwall (born in 1555, served as 
Sheriff of Cornwall 1586, and died in 1620), whose wife was Julia or 
Julian, daughter of John Arundel of Trerice by his wife Catherine 

Richard, of East Anthony, the historian, whose Survey of Cornwall 
was first published in 1602 and dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh, in 
describing his ancestry, makes no allusion to any uncle named Roger, 

* The entry in the Hadley register is that on Dec. 21, 1626, Mr. Henery Carey 
was buried, 
t Clutterbuck, Hist, of Herts, I. p. 53. 


but then he only traces the descent from eldest son to eldest son. He 
does not even mention his relationship to Sir George Carew, whom he 
accompanied to Poland when the latter was sent thither as ambassador 
in 1598. This Sir George Carew is said by the author of the preface 
to a later edition of the Survey to have been the uncle of Eichard, but 
the Biographic Universelle distinctly declares him to have been his 
brother (which agrees with the pedigree above referred to), and gives 
the year of his death, 1613. The pedigree in question states that 

Roger married the daughter of Askewe, who might have been his 

first wife, and likewise records two other sons and five daughters, of 
whom Elizabeth married George Dacres,* esq. of Cheshunt, son of 
Robert Dacres by his wife Elizabeth, whose first husband was Thomas 
Denny, most probably the brother of Sir Anthony and Martha. The 
period at which Roger of Hadley must have been living is entirely 
consistent with the inferences to be drawn from this connection. f 

Her first husband, by whom she had a numerous family, J was of 
Staffordshire origin, his grandfather, Robert, having resided at Rowley 
in that county. His father, William Stamford or Staunford, of London, 
mercer, purchased lands at Hadley, where the future judge was born 
Aug. 22, 1509. || The son became eminent in his profession, and 
wrote several law treatises held in considerable estimation. . On the 
17 of Oct. 1552, he was advanced to the dignity of a " Serjeant of 
the coyffe,"T[ and " upon Sunday the xxvij th of January in an. 1554," 
was among "the knyghtes mayde by king Philip in his chambre."** 
Sir William was a zealous Roman Catholic, and perhaps owed his 
promotion in Mary's reign to this circumstance. He had issue six 
sons and four daughters, and died on the 28 of Aug. 1558, having 
just completed his forty-ninth year. Directions had been given in 
his will, a copy of which had been seen f f by Anthony a Wood, that 

* George Dacres was buried at Cheshunt Oct. 13, 1580, and Elizabeth his 
wife March 11, 1578-9. 

f Clutterbuck's History of Hertfordshire, ii. 101, 107, 113. Survey of Corn- 
wall, by Eichard Carew, esq. with a Life of the Author. London : 17G9, 
pp. 101, 102, 103. Biographic Universelle, tome vii. art. Sir Richard Carew, 
Sir George Carew. 

J Fuller's Worthies, Middlesex. Wood's Ath. Oxon. i. p. 262. 

|| Lyson's. Fuller's Worthies. 

^T Machyn's Diary, Camd. Soc. 1848, p. 27. 

** MS Harl. 6064, f. 806. Machyn, p. 342. 

ft Wood's Ath. Oxon. i. p. 262. 



his body should be interred in the parish church of Islington, Hadley, 
or Houndsworth. He was buried at Hadley on the 1st of Sept. and 
the funeral solemnities are thus described by Henry Machyn, citizen 
and merchant taylor of London, in his Diary from 1550 to 1563 : 

"The same day was bered beyond Barnet [ju]ge Stamford, knyght, 

with standard, cotte armonr, penon of arms, elmett, targett, sword, and the 
mantylles ; and iiij dozen of skachyons, and ij dosen of torchys, and tapurs ; 
and Master Somerset the harold of armes." * 

His insignia were remaining in Hadley church when visited by 
Nicholas Charles, and will be found drawn in the Lansd. MS. 874, 
f. 56. Arms : Arg. three bars az. on a canton or a fesse sa. in chief 
three mascles of the last ; impaling, 1st and 4th, Sa. a trefoil slipped in 
chief arg. above two mullets or,., a bordure engr. of the last ; 2nd, Arg. 

two bars ; 3rd, Gules, a bend voided or, between 

three The armorial bearings of Stamford of Hadley appear 

to have been granted May 2, 1542. f Sir William had purchased 
lands in Staffordshire, where his eldest son and heir Robert settled 
again. We find, however, that in 1575 the manor of Williotts in 
South Myms was conveyed by William Dodde and Katherine his 
wife to Robert Stamford of Pury Hall, co. Stafford, who again con- 
veyed it to Robert Taylor and Elizabeth his wife in 1594. 

On Monday, Feb. 12, 1553-4, the day appointed for the execution 
of Lady Jane Grey, the Princess Elizabeth, then at Ashridge, set out 
for London in a litter sent for her by Queen Mary. She reached 
Redburn the first night, Sir Ralph Rowlat's } house at St. Alban's 
the second, Mr. Dod's at Mimmes the third, Mr. Cholmeley's at 
Highgate the fourth. For some cause or other she deviated from 
" The order of my Lady Elizabeth's grace's voyage to the Court," 
which had been prescribed : 

* There was likewise existing in the church at the same time the escutcheon 
of Anne, a daughter of Sir William Stamford, who died young, with the in- 
scription : " Here lyeth Anne Stamford, daughter of William Stamford and of 
Alice his wife, which deceased int he moneth of February, 1551." Lansd. MS. 
874, f. 56. Harl. MS. 6072. 

f Burke' s General Armoury. 

J Sir Kalph Rowlat, who died s. p. in his father's lifetime, was the son of 
Ralph Rowlat, who received a large grant of St. Alban's Abbey Estate May 12, 
1541. His sister and coheiress Mary married John Maynard, esq. of St. Alban's. 
Another sister Ursula married Francis Goodyer, see Pedigree supra. 

William Dodde of North Myms married Elizabeth, daughter and coheiress 



Monday. Imprimis, to Mr. Cooke's, vj miles. 

Tuesday. Item, to Mr. Pope's, viij miles. 

Wednesday. Item, to Mr. Stamford's, vij miles. 

Thursday. Item, to Highgate, Mr. Cholmeley's house, vij miles. 

Friday. Item, to Westminster, v miles.* 

It is conceivable that the names found in connection with the pre- 
scribed halting-places would be those of persons in the interest of, or 
well affected towards, the Court. " Mr. Pope's " was Tyttenhanger, 
the residence of Sir Thomas Pope,f under whose charge Elizabeth was 
placed at Hatfield in 1555, when removed thither at the time of 
Wyat's rebellion. " Mr. Stamford's " we may conclude to have been 
that of Mr., afterwards Sir William, Stamford, at Hadley. Here 
again it is not improbable that she may have rested on a later, and not 
less memorable, occasion. Her sister died on. Thursday 17th Nov. 
1558, and Henry Machyn, already quoted, writes in his diary : 

" The xxiij day of November the Quen Elsabeth('s) grace toke here gorney 
from Hadley beyond Barnett toward London, unto my Lord North(s') plase 
(the Charterhouse), with a M and mor of lordes, knyghtes, and gentyllmens 
lades and gentyllwomen ; and ther lay v days." 

Queen Mary dying on the 17th, on the 18th Sir Thomas Gresham 
and Cecil proceeded to Hatfield : 

" By Saturday night the Privy Council with every statesman of any side or 
party of name or note had collected at Hatfield. On Sunday, the 20th, Elizabeth 
gave her first reception in the Hall. Two days later the Court removed to 
London." J 

This must have been on Tuesday the 22nd, on which night we may 
assume that the Queen slept at Hadley, perhaps at the residence of 
Sir W. Stamford's widow or son : 

" The last time that Elizabeth had travelled that road she was carried in a 
titter as a prisoner, could her sister's lawyers so compass it, to die upon the 

of Henry Frowick of Old Fold, and widow of John, third son of Sir Humphry 
Coningsby. The name of William Dodde, esq. occurs in the charter of foundation 
of Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School at Chipping Barnet as one of the original 
Governors, March 24, 1573. He was Sheriff of Herts in 1570. John Coningsby, 
esq. of North Myms was Sheriff in 1547, and Sir Henry Coningsby, knt. his eldest 
son, Sheriff in 1569* died 1593. 

* Strickland's Lives, iv. 74, 75. 

f Sir Thomas Pope was Sheriff of Herts in 1552 and 1557. 
Fronde's Hist. 


scaffold. Times had changed. Her sister's bishops came to meet her at High- 
gate. They were admitted to kiss hands all except one : but from Bonner's 
lips she shrank."* 

In speaking of Sir K. "Wilbraham's monument we must return once 
more to Ludgraves. In 1543 John Marsh f gave Ludgrave Farm to 
the King in exchange for other lands, and Edward VI. granted it to 
William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. Norden,J in 1598, mentions no 
owner ; on which Lysons remarks, " I suppose it to have been at this 
time the property of Koger Townsend, who appears to have had lands 
of greater value than his contemporary William Kympton, who was 
lord of the manor. In 1609 Cornelius Fyshe and others alienated 
Ludgraves and 20 acres of land, 40 of meadow, 90 of pasture, and 10 
of wood in Hadley and Edmonton to Sir Koger Wilbraham and his 
heirs; whilst in a survey of Enfield Chace in 1636, temp. Charles I. 
he is spoken of as having lately owned Ludgraves, subsequently better 
known as Blue-house Farm. Sir Roger's monument was by Nicholas 
Stone (d. 1647). The history of his works is fully recorded by him- 
self in a pocket-book which fell into the hands of Vertue, from which 
it appears that this of Sir Roger cost 801. Spenser the poet's 
monument in Westminster Abbey was by this sculptor. The monument 
stood formerly against the south wall in the chancel, and helped to 
block up the hagioscope and south window. Sir Roger was for 14 
years Solicitor-General for Ireland in Elizabeth's reign, and in the 
year 1600 was sworn Master of Requests in Ordinary. He died 
July 29, 1616, having on Dec. 3, 1611 (9 James I.) founded the 
almshouses which still bear his name at the corner of Hadley Green, 
" for a perpetuall maintenance for a poorc almeshouse for six poore 
women." He is described in the indenture as a parishioner of 
Hadley, " by reason of his capitall messuage of Ludgraves within the 
said parish." Above the busts of Sir R. and Lady Wilbraham is the 
inscription : 

* Fronde's Hist. 

f In 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, among lands sold in Herts belonging to the 
Abbey of St. Alban's, there was an orchard and a pool in Wood Street, Barnet. 
in the occupation of John Marsh. John Marsh was one of the original governors 
of Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School at Chipping Barnet. "Newcome's Hist, of 
St. Alban's, p. 449. 

$ Spec. Brit. p. 499. 

Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, i. p. 238, &c. 


(Compiled chiefly fron 

Thomas de Wilburgham. ^Margaret, dat 

Thomas Ravenscroft of Bretton, co. Flint.=F 

. , 1 

Randolph Wilbraham ; 

George Ravenscroft of Bretton.-p 

Catherine Ravenscroft,=pRobert Davies, 
first wife. I living 1581. 

Elizabeth, married Thomas Egerton. 

Randolph, merchant of Bristol ; 
died s.p. 1581. 


bur. J 



24, 1 
29, If 

an. 29, 

ed Dec. 
I Oct. 

Anne Haynes, Richard, Co 
bur. August Serjeant o 
31.1636. don; died 
13, 1601. 

\nne, daughter Thomas.= 
and coheiress 
of Sir Peter 
Mutton ; bur. 
October 14, 



r Roger Wilbraham, knt. second son, 
Jridgemere, co. Chester, Sol.-Genere 
ind Master of Requests, of Ludgrave 
ladley ; bur. at Hadley 1616. 

F Lon- I 



=Rachel Mary.= 

fSir Thomas Eliza 
Pelhara of 
Lough ton, 
co. Sussex ; 
died 1654. 




=Sir Tho 
co. Che 



Davies o 
iney, co 
born Feb 
634, mar 
died Oct 

f=j=Elizabeth, only daugh- 
ter and heiress of Sir 
Thomas Wilbraham 
of Woodhey, bart., 
buried at Hadley. 

Cathe- =j 
rine ; 

-Pyers Pen- 
nant of 

Ellinor, mar- 
ried George 
Wynne of 
co. Flint. 

high s 



Davies= Letitia, sister of=Peter Pennant of Bychton=p 
ysaney, John Vaughan, and Downing, co. Flint : 
leriffof first Viscount second husband. 
1704. Lisburne. 

Catherine, Sir Thomas Pelham 
2nd dau. created Lord Pel- 
of Owen ham 1706 ; died 
Wynne, Esq. Feb. 23, 1711-12. 

vid J 

rolm Pennant, Tho 
M.A., Rector, ere 
of Hadley. 17 

mas, 2nd Lord Pelham, Henr 
ated Duke of Newcastle 


y. Hen 


' 1 

Thomas Pennant, author of the Itinerary, whose great-grand-daughter and heiress Louisa 
Pennant married in 1846 Viscount Fielding, and died s.p. 1853. 

a Lodge says he died unmarried. 

b Purchased manor of Monken Hadley in 1684 from the family of H: 

c Lysons, Hadley, and see note on the patronage of the living, p. 4. 


irke's Landed Gentry.) 

1 heir of John Golborne, lord of Woodhey. 

March 5, 1548.=f Alice 


Thomas Wilbraham of Woodhey, eldest son. 

Wilbraham, temp. Hen. VIII.-j-Elizabeth Sandford. 

iichard Wil-=^ 

bruli am. 

Thomas, Recorder of 
London ; died 1573. 

William Wilbraham of Woodhey. 

Richard Wilbraham of Woodhey, 
M.P. for Chester. 


Mary Ralph Sir 
Baber. of o: 
Dor- a 
fold. 11 

Catherine. Roger=, 


Richard Wilbraham Thomas Egerton, created Lord Elles- = 
Woodhey ; created mere 1603, and Lord High Chan- 
Baronet 1621; died cellor ; created Viscount Brackley 
543. I 1616 ; died March 15, 1617, set. 76. 

=Elizabeth, dau. of 
Thomas Ravens- 
croft of Bretton : 
first wife. 

John Eger- 

of Thomas Wilbraham dau. and Egerton . a 
Ravens- of Woodhey, coheir of 
croft of bart., a dis- Sir Roger 
Bretton. tinguished Wilbra- 
Cavalier. ham,knt. 

ton, cre- 
ated Earl 
of Bridge- 

: 1 

Mice Wilbra- Sir John =pLady Mary Elizabeth, Alice. William Booth, =^=Vere. 

ham, dau. Pelham ; 

Sidney, 2nd dau. and 

son of Sir 


of Roger died Jan. 

daughter of heir, mar. 

George Booth, 


Wilbraham 1702-3 ; 

Robert 2nd Mutton 

bart., married 


of Dorfold. married 

Earl of Davies. 

May, 1619. 





T r~ 
ady Grace Henry=p Sir George Booth,=pCatherine, dau. and co-=pLady Elizabeth Grey, 

Holies, dau. Pel- 

bart., created 1661 

heir of Theophilus Earl 

eldest daughter 


)f Gilbert ham. 

Lord Delamere, d. 

of Lincoln, died 1643 : 

Henry Earl of Stam- 

Earl of Clare. 

Aug. 8, 1684. 

1st wife. 

ford : second wife. 


Hon. Vere Booth, only 
dau. died unmarried 
1717, set. 74." 

Henry, 2nd George, died 1726, having de-=pLucy, daughter of 
Lord Dela- mised all his estates to Hester I Robert Robartes, 

mere. Pinney. c | Viscount Bodmin. 

Thomas Pelham, succeeded his kinsman the Duke of Newcastle 
as Lord Pelham, and created Earl of Chichester. 

Henry, only son, died 

and bequeathed it to her brother George. Lysons, Environs of London, Hadley. 


This is y e monument of Sir Eoger Wilbraham, knt. descended of j e auncient 
familie of y e Wilbrahams of Woodhey in y e countye of Chester, who after he 
had served Queene Elizabeth as her Sollicitor Generall in Irelande y e space of 
xiiij yeares was in y e yeare 1600 sworne M r of Requestes to her Majestye in 
Ordinarie, and afterwardes Surveyor of y e Liveryes to Kinge James in his 
Majesties Courte of Wardes and Liveries, and Chauncellor unto Queene Ann. 
He had to wife Marye y e daughter of Edward Baber, esquier, Serjeant at lawe. 
He slept in Christ Jesus y e xxixth of Julie, in y e yeare of our Lord 1C16, 
attendinge y 6 joyfull day of his resurrection. 

Below the kneeling effigies of his three daughters it is recorded 
that " his welbeloved wife, by whom he had three daughters, Marye, 
Elizabeth, and Katherine, in memory of his vertues and testimonye 
of her love erected this monument." 

There are three shields of arms. 

At top : 

Wilbraham. Arg. two bars az. on a canton sa. a wolf's head erased of the 


CREST : A wolf's head eras. arg. 
MOTTO : Comminus quo minus, 

On each side of busts : 

1. Baber. Arg. on a fesse gu. three hawk's heads erased of the first. 

2. Wilbraham impaling Baber. 

Mary the eldest daughter and coheiress of Sir Roger Wilbraham, 
married Sir Thomas Pelham of Laughton (in com. Sussex) bart. and 
had issue.* 

The second daughter Elizabeth married her kinsman Sir Thomas 
Wilbraham of Woodhey in Cheshire, bart. distinguished as a cavalier, 
who died soon after the Restoration. Their only daughter, Elizabeth, 
who was buried here at her particular request, and whose memorial 
tablet hangs beside the east window, married Mutton Davies, a Flint- 
shire gentleman, whose great-grandmother was Catherine Ravenscroft, 
daughter of George Ravenscroft of Bretton in that county, and of a 
family, who, during the 17th century, were large benefactors to Barnet 
church and town. The aforesaid Mutton Davies was also great-uncle 
to the Rev. John Pennant, for may years Rector of this parish, and 
chaplain to the Princess Dowager of Wales, mother of George III. 

* Harl. MSS. 6164, p. 45. From this marriage descended Thomas second 
Lord Pelham, created Duke of Newcastle 1715, and Thomas third Lord Pelham, 
created Earl of Chichester. 


The succession of incumbents, as has been observed already, is 
somewhat difficult to trace, owing to the peculiar circumstances of the 
living. The list, as given in Newcourt's Repertorium, pub. in 1710, 
is as follows : 

Bernard Carrier, cl. licentiat. 25 Aug. 1580. 
Ely Turner, A.B., 2 April, 1619. 
Will. Sclater, cl. 5 Jul. 1662. 

Thompson, cl. 

Will. Dillingham, cl. 1669. 

Robert Tayler, A.M. licentiat. 29, Sep. 1697. 

Of Bernard Carrier's appointment by Alderman Kympton, mention 
has been already made. In Ely Turner's own handwriting we find 
" Incipit Ely Tournor (Deo auspicante) decimo tertio die mensis Martii 
Anno Dni 1618." The Commissioners who took the survey in 1650 

presented that Hadley was a donative in the patronage of Aston, 

Esq., that the tithes were worth about 30/. per annum, a fifth of which 
was allowed to the two daughters of Elye Turner, from whom the 
benefice had been sequestered, and that, at that time, there was no 
incumbent. His name, however, occurs in the South Myms' Register 
as performing a baptism on June 16, 1653, and in the Hadley 
Register is the entry : 

June y e 18 day was buried Mr. Elie Tumour, late minister and vicar of 
Hadley, in y e yeare 1654. 

Of William Sclater's * incumbency there seems to be no trace : but 
William Tompson's name occurs between 1663 and 1666. On 
July 2, 1672, was buried Mr. Samuel (not William) Dillingham, 
"rector and minister of God's word," having died June 30. He had 
been, probably, rector of St. Pancras, Soper Lane (appointed 10 
June, 1662),j" a church destroyed in the Great Fire of London and 
never rebuilt. Mr. Dillingham was succeeded by Robert Tayler, 
who was rector in 1673. There appear, however, to have been sundry 

* A Mr. William Sclater, M.A. of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, was ap- 
pointed master of Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School at Barnet, March 19, 1654, 
in succession to Mr. Thomas Broughton, deceased. He resigned the office 
March 25, 1663. 17 Sept. 1666, Will. Sclater, A.M., was licensed to the curacy 
of St. James', Clerkenwell. His successor was licensed Dec. 5, 1691. New- 
court's Repertorium. 

f Newcourt's Repertorium. 


disagreements between him and his parishioners, and he would seem * 
to have resigned the living in 1693, when Mr. Eichard Lee was 
appointed. As Mr. Tayler was unquestionably rector at the beginning 
of the next century it is possible that the date in Newcourt has 
reference to his re -appointment. He was a prebendary of Lincoln 
and rector of East and Chipping Barnet.f He died Feb. 18, 1718, and 
was buried in the churchyard of East Barnet, behind the east window. 
Since his decease the rectors of Hadley have been : 

Walter Morgan, M.A., Jesus College, Oxford, 1719. 

John Pennant,} M.A., Jesus College, Oxford, 1732, died Oct. 28, 
1770, and was 'buried at Hadley. 

John Burrows, LL.B. Trinity College, Cambridge, Nov. 29, 1770, 
died July 1, 1786, and was buried at Hadley: 

Charles Jeffryes Cottrell,|| M.A., Sept. 1, 1786, died Jan. 25, 1819, 
and was buried at Hadley 

Robert George Baker,^[ M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, Jan. 29, 
1819, resigned the same year. 

John Eichard Thackeray,** M.A., Pembroke College, Cambridge, 
June 29, 1819, died Aug. 19, 1846, and was buried at Hadley. 

* 111 an old minute book of the Hadley Vestry under date Feb. 6, 1693-4, 
occurs the following : 

" Memorand. that at a full vestry this day held the Lady Mary Turner did 
declare her consent that Mr. Richard Lee should be inducted in the room of Mr. 
Robert Tayler, who before had resigned the same, and, accordingly, the said 
Lady Turnor sent her servant for the key of the said parish church, which he 
tooke in the presence of the parishioners then present and caryed it to the 
Mansion House of the said Lady, and she gave it to the said Mr. Lee, who 
immediately tooke possession thereupon. 

t Mr. Tayler was appointed Rector of East and Chipping Barnet July 13, 1681. 

J Mr. Pennant was also Rector of Compton Martin, Somersetshire, and 
Chaplain to Princess Dowager of Wales. He was uncle of Thomas Pennant of 
Downing, the naturalist. " At a small distance stands Hadley Church, and 
pleasant village, on the edge of Eufield Chace, where, in my boyish age, I passed 
many happy days with my uncle the Rev. John Pennant; who, during forty 
years, was the worthy minister of the place." Journey from Chester to London* 
1782, pp. 283-4-5. 

Mr. Burrows was Rector of St. Clement Danes, and Christ Church, South wark. 

|| Mr. Cottrell was appointed Vicar of Harmondsworth 1772, and relinquished 
the same 1786. Woodburn Eccl. Top. Harmondsworth. He became Vicar of 
Sarret, Herts, 6 March, 1807. 

^[ Mr. Baker was appointed Vicar of Fulharn 1834, and resigned the same 1871. 

** Mr. Thackeray was likewise Rector of Dowiiham Market, Norfolk. 


George Proctor, D.D., Worcester College, Oxford, 1846, resigned 
June 7, 1860. 

Frederick Charles Cass, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford, June 29, 


In the year of the Great Plague of London, 1665, when the South 
Myms Register, after an entry of seven burials in the usual form, adds, 
" besides above 100 more which died of the Plague in the same year," 
there is no marked increase of interments at Hadley. 26 burials are 
recorded, 13 of which occurred in the three months of September, 
October, and November. In 1664 and 1665, the years preceding and 
following, there are respectively 22 and 32 entries, the year of course 
terminating with March. Under date October the 2nd, 1666, we 
find " gathered for the poore inhabyttants of London, who had great 
losses by fyer, the sume of 02/. 05s. \.ld. by Joseph Sharwood, church- 

The population of Monken Hadley, according to the Census of 
1871, amounted to 978. Males 433, females 545, being a decrease 
upon that of 1861, when the number were, males 441, females 612; 
making a total of 1,053. The number of houses at the earlier date 
was 204. 

The date of the earliest register is 1619, when a book was given for 
the purpose by Thomas Emerson, or Emersom, esq., then lord of the 
manor, who became a great benefactor to the church in this same 
year. He died June 18, 1624. 

The book contains the following entry in the handwriting of Mr. 
Ely Turner then rector : 

Incipit Ely Tourno r (Deo auspicante) decimo tertio die mensis Martii Anno 
dol 1618. 

In the same handwriting there is likewise a list of the benefactions 
of Thomas Emersom, Esq. 

This booke was the free gift of Thomas Emersom, Esq. sometimes L d of the 
Mannor of this parish of Hadly, and this booke was given in the yeare of o r L d 
Ite in the same yeare he gave to the use of the poore of this parish of Hadly the 

some of thirty pounds of lawfull english mony, the pfitts thereof yearly to 

be given to the poore. 
Ite in the same yeare at his owne pp coste he beawtified the Chancell and both 

the Isles, and the whole body of the Church with wanescott pews, and sieled 

the church with wanescott. 


Ite in the same yeare he sieled the Chancell. 

Ite in the same yeare he built the screene betwixt the Chancell and the Church. 

Ite he built the pulpitt, and the cover for the font the same yeare, and all this at 

his owne pp coste. 
Ite in the same yeare he gave the Clock and Clockhouse and sett it up at his own 

pp coste. 
Ite in the same yeare the said Thomas Emersom gave three pieces of plate, that 

is to say one faire guilt spout pott, one Comunion Cupp with a Cover all 

guilt, one guilt plate for the bread at the Comunion, with a Cover to putt 

the said plate into. 
Ite at the same time the said Thomas Emersom gave a faire greene Carpett with 

silke frindg for the Comunion table. 
Ite he gave a faire damaske table Cloth for the Comunion table and also a 

damaske napkin. 

Ite a faire greene velvet Coishon for the pulpitt, with a greene Cover. 
Ite he gave a faire trunck to put these ornaments into. 
Ite he gave the Comunion table. 

The said Thomas Emersom, Esq. departed this mortall life the 18th day of 
June 1623, and lieth buried in the north Isle of this parish church of Hadly 
under the north window of the said Isle. 

By the Kegister itself, however, it would appear that Mr. Emersom's 
death did not occur until the following year, 1624. 

1624, June 20. Thomas Emersom armig. dominus huius manerii et donator 
huius libri, est sepultus. 

All the other entries are in English, but to the lord of the manor 
Mr. Ely Turner concedes the distinction of Latin. 

The three pieces of plate given by Mr. Emersom still bear the 
family arms upon them. Az. on a bend argent three torteaux. 

It was the custom subsequently to deliver the church plate annually 
into the custody of the churchwardens for the time being, who took a 
receipt for the same from those who succeeded them in the office. 
Amongst the notices of this the following may be recorded. 

Under date the 29th May 1667. 

It is ordered and agreed by us whose names are underwriten parish " of Monken 
Hadly that the parish plate, being one silver Ewer single guilt, one silver 
Challice with a Cover single guilt, one other silver Challice with a Cover, one 
Plate or Dish of silver single guilt, be del d to John Howland and Mr. Elston 
Wallis now Churchwardens of this parish. 

There consequently belonged to the church at this period, besides 
the Emersom gifts, " one other silver challicc with a cover," and this 


was doubtless the oldest piece of plate in our possession, which had 
probably been the property of Hadley Church for long previously. 
On 24th of May, 1670 we have it recorded : 

Keceived of the said John Howkins one of the late Churchwardens of the pish 
of Muncken Hadley in the county of Midds, the pish plate, beinge one silver 
Ewer single guilte, one silver Challice single guilte, with a Cover to it, one 
other silver Challice with a Cover, one plate or silver Dish silver gnilte, one 
table Cloath for the Communion Table, one Napkin diaper, one Cushion for the 
pulpit, and a greene Carpett for the Communion table and one blacke whood. By 
me Will Dry now Church Warden. 

On May the 5th, 1712, a receipt is given by John Deane, the 
incoming churchwarden, for precisely the same articles of plate, but a 
little later we find an addition : 

I do hereby acknowledge to have received this 3rd day of May 1715 of Mr. 
Edward Chandler late Churchwarden one spout Pot, three Cups with covers, and 
one little Plate, being all that belongs to y e Church of Monken Hadley. 

Witness my hand, 

Sam 1 Hickes. 

Between May 1712 and May 1715 the church received, therefore, 
a fresh gift of a cup and cover, and these, it would appear, were 
the donation of Mrs. Cecil Walker, widow of John Walker, Esq. 
daughter and eventual heiress of Sir Michael Heneage, knt. 

This lady was the ancestress of the family of Walker-Heneage, now, 
according to Burke' s Landed Gentry, of Compton Basset, Wilts. The 
cup given by her would seem by the weights to have been the lesser of 
the two long-stemmed cups. 

An inventory of the Communion Plate taken the 15th day of May, 
1733, gives the following result : 

oz. dwt. 

A Guilt Cup and Cover Mrs. Walker w te 15 06 

A Guilt Flaggon . . . w te 32 12 

Another Guilt Cup and Cover . w te 20 13 

Another Cup and Cover, Silver . w* 15 09 

Mr. Chandler's Plate . . w 4 * 14 00 

Another Plate w te 10 15 

The weight of all the Plate .108 15 

A similar inventory, taken April 12th, 1737, has, in addition to the 
above : 

A gilt Cup and Cover the gift of James Quilter, Esq. or Mrs. Quilter. 


Mr. Edward Chandler, who was mentioned as churchwarden in 
1714-5, consequently gave a silver alms plate between that year and 
1733, whilst between 1733 and 1737, Mrs. Quilter gave a fourth cup 
and cover. These with a plain silver alms plate, exactly matching 
Mr. Chandler's, given by Mrs. Godley, mother of Dr. Proctor, the late 
rector, constitute the whole of the plate belonging to the church of 
Monken Hadley. 

The Bells are four in number, and are thus inscribed : 

1. (3 ft. 4 in. diameter.) ED. CHANDLER . RICH. HILL . c. w. WAYLETT MADE 
ME, 1714. 

2. (2ft. 10 in. diameter.) GOD BLESS QVEEN ANN. 1711. 


3. (2 ft. 7 in. diameter.) SCIANT OMNES ME FASAM AD OPVS ET VSVM VILLE 
DE HADLEY 1702. 

4. (2 ft. 4 in. in diameter.) IAMES BARTLET MADE ME, 1681. 

There is a fifth and much smaller bell without any inscription, 
which in size corresponds with the Saunce bell mentioned below. 
According to the following inventory it would seem that the bells in 
the time of Edward VI. were the same in number and nearly agree in 
dimensions with those we have now : 

Public Records, Augmentation Office, Church Goods: Middx. 1 vol. Miscell. 

Book, No. 498. 
Hundred de Ossulstone. 

The certificate and presentment of the jury of all the goodes, playte, ornamentes, 
juelles, and belles belonging and app'teyning to the church of Hadley w lh in the 
countie of Midd. as -were conteyned w th in the inventory taken of the Kinges 
Ma tes comyssyon, as also other goodes belonginge to the same churche at this 
present third day of August, in the sixth yere of the reigne of our soveraigne 
lord King Edward the VI th , by the grace of God Kinge of England, Fraunce, 
and Ireland, Defendo 1 " of the faithe, and in earth of the churche of Englaund 
and also of Irelande the supreme heade. 


Imprimis a gilt crosse weying '^* . . . xxx ounces q 

It'm, one gilt challys weying .... xiii ounces 

It'm, iiij belles whereof the greate bell in foote wydnes in 

the mouth from the owtsyde of the skeartes . . iii foote iiij ynches 

It'm, the next bell unto the sayd greate bell broken in wydnes 

as is af oresayd . . , ., , . . ^ . . . ij foote xi ynches 

And in depth . ...... ij foote ij ynces 

It'm, the greteste bell unto the sayd ij belles in widnes as is 

af oresayd . .. : . . ij foote vij ynces 

And in depth . . . . . .. i <*,' . ij foote 


It'm, the least of the sayd belles in wydnes . . ij foote iiij ynces 

And in depth .... i foote ix T 11668 

It'ra, one saunce bell in wydnes .-. i foote iij ynces 

And in depth ... x ynces 

It'm, ii lytle hand bells. 

It'm, one lytle sackering bell. 

It'm one crosse of lattyn.* 

It'm, one pixe of lattyn. 

It'm, coopes the one of whyte brannched damaske a lytle imbroderyd w l golde, the 

other of dornixe f old and sore worne. 
It'm, one vestyment of sylke dornixe blew and white w th a crosse of blewe velvet 

inbrodered w lh golde and an albe p'teyniug to the same. 
It'm, ij other vestyment of satten of Bridges J colo r blewe w th a redde crosse of the 

same satten embrodered w th flower de luces w th golde, and two aubes ij 

amyses one stole and ij phannelles app'teyning to the same. 
It'm one other vestyment colo r blacke of old saye crossed w th fnstian an aps 

colo r blewe w an albe an amis stole phannell app'teyning to the same. 
It'm, one other vestyme't of olde whyte f ustyan crossed w th blewe and embrodered 

an albe an amis and one stole w th a phannell app'teyning to the same. 
It'm, one other vestyment of olde whyte fusty an crossed w lh blewe and imbrodered, 

and an aube an amis one stole a phannell app'teyning to the same. 
It'm, ij other olde vestimentes the one colo r redde of saye crossed w th grene saye 

thother colo r grene of dornixe crossed w th the same. 

It'm, iiij olde vestimentes worne and tome of dornixe crossed with the same. 
It'm, one croseclothe of sarcenet. 
It'm, one dyshe of lattyn. 
It'm, one basen and an ewer of latten. 
It'm, ij cruettes of tynne. 
It'm, one christmatorye of lattyn. 

It'm, ij clothes hanging before thalter of satten of Bridges colo r white. 
It'm, iiij alter clothes, whereof iij is of lynen and thother of curse diep'. 
It'm, ij diep' towells. 
It'm, vj towells of lynen. 

* Lattyn (Latten, Fr. Leton), a finer kind of brass, of which a large proportion 
of the candlesticks, &c. used in parochial churches were made. These were 
mostly sold in the reign of Edw. VI. Pugin's Glossary, p. 152. 

f Dornixe (Dornick), from Doornick, Fr. Tournay, in Flanders, a species of 
linen cloth, so called from the place where first made, as Diaper from Yperen 

J Bridges. " Dukes' daughters then (temp. Edw. VI.) wore gownes of satten of 
Bridges (Bruges) upon solemn dayes." Stowe, as quoted by Disraeli, Curiosities 
of Literature, i. p. 416. 

Phannell (Fannel or Fanon), a maniple, a sort of scarf worn about the left 
arm of a mass priest. Fanon, when occurring in the English inventories, sig- 
nifies a maniple. Pugin's Glossary, p. 120. 


It'm, one olde clothe that hangith before the high alter. 

It'm, v olde paynted clothes that hangeth about the high alter and other alters 

that were in the sayd church. 
It'm, iij old stremers of sarcenet. 
It'm, ij surplyses for the prest and one for the clerke. 
It'm, one hearse cloth of blacke say crossed with whyte. 


South Transept Window. 

Proctor. Or, three nails sa. impaling Collier, Sa. a cross pattee fitchee 


Green. Az. three stags trippant or. 
Barnes. Az. two lions pass, guard, arg. 
Quilter. Arg. a bend sa. betw. three Cornish choughs ppr. 
Cotton. Az. a chev. betw. three cotton hanks arg. in chief an annulet 

of the last. 

Cottrell. Arg. a bend betw. three escallops sa. 
Dart. Gu. a fesse and canton erm. 

Hopcgood. Az. a chev. erm. between three anchors arg. 
Dickens. Erm. on a cross flory a leopard's face or. 

South Transept. 
On a mural tablet : 

JOSEPH HENRY GREEN, Esq. d. Dec. 13, 1863. 

Az. three stags trippant or, impaling Hammond, Az. a lion ramp. arg. Crest : 
A stag's head. 

On a mural tablet : 

SIR CULLING SMITH, d. Oct. 19, 1812. 

Quarterly. 1st and 4th, Vert, three acorns slipped or; 2nd and 3rd, Arg. on a 
chev. gu. betw. three bugles stringed sa. as many mullets of the field. Crest: a 
falcon, wings endorsed ppr. belled or, in the beak an acorn slipped and leaved, 
also ppr. 

South Aisle. 
On a brass : 

FRANCES BURROWS, daughter of Rev. John Burrows, formerly Eector, who 
d. May 11, 1860, aged 87. 

Az. three fleurs-de-lis erm. 

On a mural tablet: 

SARAH, daughter of David PENNANT, Esq. of Downing. 

Arg. on a fesse betw. two barrulets wavy az. three martlets of the field. 

This coat, which seems to have existed in Ly sons' time, is now 
wholly obliterated. 


On West Wall of Nave. 

On a mural tablet : 

ANN, wife of Richard WYNNE, Serjeant-at-law, and daughter of Henry 
Hitch, of Leathley, Yorks. d. Feb. 6, 1727-8, aged 51. 

Or, three eagles displayed in fesse sa. for Wynne, impaling Or, a bend vaire 
betw. two cotises indented sa. for Hitch. 

On Floor of Nave. 

JOHN WALKER, Esq. Hereditary Usher of the Exchequer, d. March 1, 1703, 
aged 63. 

Az. a chev. engr. erm. betw. three bezants, on each a trefoil slipped vert ; im- 
paling Hcncage, Or, a greyhound courant sa. betw. three leopard's heads az. 
and a bordure engr. gu. (in right of his wife Cecil, daughter of Sir Michael 
Heneage, Knt.) Crest : A demi-tiger per pale indented arg. and sa. holding a 
branch of roses or, slipped vert. 

In the Chancel.* 
On a mural tablet : 

Rev. CHARLES JEFFRYES COTTRELL, Rector, d. Jan. 25, 1819. 
Arg. a bend betw. three escallops sa. impaling Smith, Vert, three acorns 
slipped or. Crest : A talbot's head sa. collared and lined or, the collar charged 
with three escallops. 

On a brass : 

FREDERICK CASS, Esq. of Little Grove, East Barnet, Patron of Monken 
Hadley, d. May 17, 1861, aged 73. High Sheriff of Hertfordshire in 1844-5. 

Per chev. or. and erm. on a chev. sa. betw. two eagle's heads erased gu. in 
chief and a garb of the first in base, a harrow of the first betw. two fountains ; 
impaling Potter, Sa. a chev. erm. betw. three cinquefoils arg. Crest : An eagle's 
head erased gu. charged on the neck with a fountain, in the beak three ears of 
wheat or. 

On a mural tablet : 

ELIZABETH, wife of Mutton DA VIES, Esq. and daughter of Thomas Wil- 
braham, Esq. 

Gu. on a bend arg. a lion pass. sa. impaling Wilbraham, Arg. three bends 
wavy az. 

In the North Transept. 
On a mural tablet : 

JOHN BONUS CHILD, Esq. d. July 10, 1832. Lord of the Manor of Hadley. 

Az. a fesse embattled erm. betw. three eagles close or. Crest : An eagle with 
wings expanded erm. holding in the beak a trefoil slipped vert. 

* Before the restoration of the church there was a brass in the chancel to the 
memory of Mr. Richard Tufnell, with his arms. He was buried April 16, 1636. 
It is now concealed. 


On a mural tablet : 

THOMAS WINDUS, Esq. nephew of Peter Moore, Esq. 

Quarterly: 1st and 4th a f esse dancettee gu. in chief three crescents 

; 2nd and 3rd, Moore, a chev. engr. betw. three moor-cocks sa. 

Crest : A winged griffin statant. 

On a mural tablet: 

KICHMOND WEBB MOORE, d. Oct. 14, 1796, aged 20, eldest son of Peter Moore, 
Esq. Lord of the Manor. 

a chev. eiigr. betw. three moor-cocks sa. Crest: A moor's head. 

In the window : 

GEORGIANA COTTBELL, d. April 27, 1855, widow of Eev. Clement Cottrell, 
third son of Kev. Charles Jeffreyes Cottrell, and Hector of North Waltham, 
Hants. He died July 26, 1814, leaving issue. 

Arg. a bend betw. three escallops sa. impaling Adams. Quarterly: 1st, Arg. 
a martlet sa. ; 2nd, Arg. a chev. ga. betw. three cross-crosslets sa. ; 3rd, Arg. 
a chev. betw. three martlets sa. ; 4th, Arg. a chev. gu. betw. three towers sa. 
Crest : A talbot's head sa. collared and lined or, the collar charged with three 

In the North Aisle. 
On a mural tablet : 

PIGGOT INGE, Esq. d. Nov. 5, 1765, aged 44. 

Quarterly: 1st and 4th, Arg. three torteaux in bend betw. two cotises sa. 

.2nd and 3rd, three bows unbent. On an escutcheon of pretence Quarterly 

for Johnson of Bedford, 1st, Arg. on a pile three ounce's heads erased of the 

first. 2nd, Minshull, Az. a mullet issuant out of a crescent in base ; 3rd, 

a leopard's face jessant-de-lis; 4th, Barry of six Crest: A rabbit 


On a mural tablet: 

JAMES BERKELEY, Esq. d. Jan. 6. 1767, aged 60. 

A fesse betw. ten crosses pattee, six in chief and four in base, impaling 

Ince, Arg. three torteaux in bend betw. two cotises sa. Crest : A bear's head 
couped muzzled 

On a mural tablet: 

JAMES PIGGOTT INGE, Esq. d. Oct. 19, 1829, aged 79. 
Arms of Ince impaling AB. a chev. erm. betw. three garbs. 


East Window. 

ELIZABETH FRANCES, wife of Joseph DART, Esq. d. Dec. 22, 1845, aged 58. 
Arms beneath, on a brass : 

Gu. a fesse and canton erm. impaling Fenton, Arg a cross betw. four fleurs-de- 
lis sa. Crest : On a wreath a fire ppr. 


In North Aisle. 

MARTHA, widow of Frederick CASS, Esq. of Little Grove, East Barnet, d. 
June 29, 1870, aged 75. 

ELIZABETH, widow of Francis BARONNEAU, Esq. of New Lodge, d April 3, 
1846, aged 78. 




The family of Leveson settled at Stafford in the thirteenth century, 
and we find Richard Leveson possessing an estate at Willenhall in the 
year 1298.* William Leveson succeeded to this property in 1377, 
and it subsequently passed to Roger f who held it in 1397. From 
him it descended to Richard Leveson, esq. who married the heiress of 
Prestwood and Wolverhampton Underbill, and had three sons, John, 
who died without issue, Nicholas, the subject of this inquiry, and James. J 

James Leveson became a Merchant of the Staple at Wolverhampton 
and Lilleshall. By his first wife he had a daughter, Mary, who became 
his heir and married Sir George Curzon of Croxhall ; from this union 
descended the Duke of Dorset and the Earl of Thanet. By a second 
wife he had issue two daughters: Elizabeth, married to Sir Walter 
Aston, and Joyce, to Sir John Giffard, knt., of Chillington. 

John possessed the manor of Norton, Staffordshire; he sold it, and 
it was subsequently purchased in 1552 by his kinsman John Leveson, 

who married Elizabeth, the daughter of Fowke of Brewood, 

and their son sold it to Roger Fowke of the same place. 

In the church of St. Mary, Wolverhampton, there is a monument 
erected to the memory of John Leveson, who died in 1575. The figure 
is in armour. In the chancel is a statue of brass placed there in honour 
of Admiral Richard Leveson, who served under Sir Francis Drake at 
the destruction of the Spanish Armada in 1588. In the same parish 
one Clement Lusun founded a hospital in 1394. Several members of the 

* Inquisit. post Mortem, vol. ii. p. 361. f Vol. iii. p. 111. 

J Erdeswicke's Staffordshire, p. 26. 



family had the honour of serving their sovereign in the office of High 
Sheriff of the county : Sir Kichard Leveson in 1556, John Leveson 
1560-1, Thomas Leveson 1590-1, and Sir Edward in 1598. 

Nicholas, the subject of this notice, came to London in early life to 
seek his fortune. He was bound apprentice to one William Browne,* 
a member of the Mercers' Company, to which guild he was afterwards 
admitted by servitude. From his connection with this body it is pro- 
bable that he traded abroad, for he became a merchant of the staple 
at Calais, and through his possessions a wealthy citizen. He married 
Dionysia Bodley, daughter of Thomas and Joan Bodley of Black 
Notley, Essex ; her mother married a second time Thomas Bradbury, 
who became Lord Mayor of London in 1509.J" The estates of Black 
Notley came to Dionysia on the death of her brother James. The 
issue of her marriage with Nicholas Leveson were eight sons and ten 
daughters, many of whom died young. 

Their town residence was situate in Lime Street in the parish of 
St. Andrew Undershaft, then a fashionable part of the city. The 
mansion was, according to the description in Mr. Leveson's will, large, 
and had a garden attached. Their principal country house was 
situated at Home Place, J Hailing, in Kent. They also possessed pro- 
perty in Middlesex, Essex, Kent, and Trentham Hall, Staffordshire, 
&c. He was chosen Sheriff of London on the 2nd September, 1534. | 
His three sons ^[ Thomas, Nicholas, and William, became members of the 
Mercers' Company by patrimony. His son John married the daughter 

and heir of Baron, but died without issue, and before his 

father. His daughter Dorothy married William Streete ; Elizabeth, 
Sir Willliam Hewet, knt. ; ** and Mary, Edmund Calthorpe, esq. He 

* Records of the Mercers' Company. 

t He was chosen Sheriff in 1498, Alderman of Aldersgate Ward 13 Dec. 1502, 
and Lord Mayor on 13 Oct. 1509. He died during his mayoralty. 

J Home Place, the ancient residence of Sir William Horn, Lord Mayor of 
London in 1447, who was knighted for his bravery on the field by Edward IV. 
his name being then Littlesbury; but, from his proficiency as a performer on the 
horn, the King called him Horn. 

See Hasted's " Kent," 1797, vol. iii. p. 383. 

|| Corporation Records. 

1J His on William was admitted into the Mercers' Company by patrimony 
1583 ; Thomas, the son of William, in 1614 ; James, his younger brother, in 
1633. Record of Mercers' Company. 

** Sir William Hewet, knt. clothworker, Master of the Company 1543-4, 
elected Alderman of the ward of Vintry 16th Sept. 1550. He was committed to 



died on the 20th August 1539, and was buried according to the 
directions contained in his will made the 7th day of November, 1536, 
viz. : " In the tomb made before the upper pillar of the north side of 
the church between the high altar and the altar of the north aisle." 

By this instrument, proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 
13 October 1539, he bequeaths to the high altar of St. Andrew's for 
tithes forgotten vj s. viij d. To the brotherhood of our Lady and St. 
Anne, within the church of St. Andrew, vj s. viij d. He leaves for his 
funeral expenses 1001. " or more as shall be thought convenient by the 
discrecion of myn executors ; " to his wife Denys her full parte and 
porcion to her belonging by the lawe and custome of the citie of London 
of all my said goods, catalles, and debts, and the thirde parte of the 
same he leaves equally to his children living and unmarried at the time 
of his decease ; to his wife for a remembrance to pray for his soul " a 
hundred pounds sterling ;" to his brother James Leveson 100Z. and a 
ring of gold ; in remembrance to his sister the wife of the said James 
" a lyke ring of gold of the value of xl s." To the making and 
repairing the highways of the City of London he leaves 100 marks. 
For exhibitions at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge the sum 
of twenty pounds respectively. To the parish church of Hailing to 
pray for his soul xl s. To the parish church of " Cokston " to bu yany 
ornament needed by the church xls. and to the parson Sir John 
Buttill a black gown, and in money xx s.; to Sir Thomas Snydoll vicar 
of Hailing, ten shillings : to his wife Denys two standing potts and six 
bowls with covers of parcel gilt " and six bowls with a cover cleane 
gilt which ware sometyme her mother's; " to his daughter Gresell a 
gilt cup of the price of vj 1. xiij s. iiij d. with his arms to be " sett 
upon the same cup for a token of remembrance, and the same cup to 
be bought by his executors." To his daughter Jane Davenell he also 

Newgate for refusing to take the office, but subsequently accepted it. He was 
chosen Sheriff in 1552, translated to the ward of Candlewick in July 1555, 
elected Lord Mayor 29th Sept. 1559, and then honoured by knighthood. He was 
a wealthy and prosperous merchant, and dwelt on the east side of old London 
Bridge. See " Chronicles of Old London Bridge," by Rich. Thompson, 1827, 
pp. 303-4, with the interesting story of the saving of Anne, only daughter of Sir 
William Hewet, who fell into the river and was rescued by his apprentice, 
Edward Osborn, afterwards Alderman for Baynard's Castle Ward 1573, Sheriff 
1575, removed to Candlewick Ward, July 10, 1576, Lord Mayor 1583-4, knighted 
and Member of Parliament for the City of London in 1586 ; ancestor of the 
Duke of Leeds in a direct line. 


bequeaths a like silver cup. He next proceeds to the disposal of his 
lands and tenements, leaving to his son John Leveson the property in 
Stafford, inherited from his father Richard, possessions in the parishes 
of Eastham and Westham in Essex, also in Middlesex, Huntingdon, 
and Hartford, "and one parcell lying in the pishe of Chetehm 
(Chatham) in the countie of Kent," all to be held in trust by his 
executors until coming of age of his son John. 

To his wife the dwelling house and garden in Lime Street, in the 
parish of St. Andrew Undershaft, his property in Hailing, Coxton, 
Byrling, Snodland, Luddesdonne, Gillingham, in the countie of Kent, 
and Westthorok, Essex, for her use until such time as his sons 
Thomas * and Nicholas arrive at full age; then, each to receive 
a moiety of the said possessions for their own benefit and that of 
their heirs lawfully begotten ; in default of issue, the daughters Grysell, 
Johane, Alice, Mary, and Denys to receive the same, their heirs and 
assigns for ever. The will then concludes with a provision that at 
the decease of his wife Denys the house in Lime Street should descend 
to their son John Leveson. 

His wife Denys or Dionysia survived him for some years, and con- 
tinued to take great interest in the poor of the parish of St. Andrew. 
In the account of the sale of the church vestments and furniture in the 
reign of King Edward VI. she is mentioned as a purchaser : 

Item, solde to Mysteris Leveson two aulter fruntes of Dornyke, and 

res. (received) therefore .... vs. viijd. 

Item, solde to the saide Mysteris Leveson an aulter clothe frunte of 

white Brydges satten, and res. therefore . . . ix s. 

Item, solde to the foresaid Mysteris Leveson a suder to bere the 

crysmatory, and res. therefore . . . . ij s. viij d. 

Item, solde to the saide Mysteris Leveson a clothe to hang at the 

high aulter, and res. therefore . . . . vj s. viij d. 

Item, solde to the saide Mysteris Leveson one other clothe for the 

same purpose, and res. therefore . . . . vj s. viij d. 

Item, solde to the forsaide Mysteris Leveson ij ffruntes of Dornix, 

and res. therefore . . . . . v s. viij d. 

She was possessed of the manor of Black Notley and of 10 mes- 
suages,f 400 acres of arable land, 100 acres of meadow, and 500 acres 
of pasture land, 200 acres of wood, and a rental of 10/. in the parish ; 

* From whom has descended the present Duke of Sutherland. 
( Morant's History of Essex, vol. ii. p. 124. 


also White Notley and other messuages comprising large possessions 
in land : Great and Little Leighs, Fayested, holden from the Queen ; 
also the manor of Pleshil, parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster, in free 
socage, value 14:01. per annum. Thomas her second son became her 
heir, and died possessed of this manor 21 April, 1576. She died the 
2nd December, 1560, and in accordance with her will, proved in the 
Prerogative Court of Canterbury on the 20th of the same month, was 
buried in the church of St. Andrew Undershaft, in the middle aisle, 
and at the end of the pew which she had been accustomed to use. She 
directed that her body should not be " seared," " but inclosed after a 
convenient manner within a coffin of boordes," and that she should be 
borne to the church by four of her tenants. The funeral is thus 
graphically described in Machyu's Diary, page 245: 

The ix day of Desember was bered in Sant Andrews Undershaft Mistores 
Lusun, wedow, the wyff of Master Lusun, merser and stapoler, and late Shreyff 
of London, with a Ix men in blake gownes, and her plase and the chyrche 
hangyd with blake and armes, and a xxiiij clarkes syngyng ; and she gayff xl 
gownes to men and women of brodcloth, and every woman had new raylles, and 
ther was a sermon and a iiij dosen of skochyons of armes, and after a gret dole, 
and after a grett dener. 

Sir William Hewitt, knight, Edward Leveson, and John Southcote,* 
were the executors to her will, which bears date 1 August, 1560. It 
is of great length and contains some curious particulars. Her executors 
were, within two days after her burial, to invite all the parishioners of 
St. Andrew Undershaft to the dwelling-house in Lime Street, and 

* The eldest son of William, a younger son of Nicholas Southcote of Chud- 
leigh, Devonshire. He was born in the year 1511, and, being designed for the 
Bar, was sent to the Middle Temple, of which Society he rose to be Reader in 
1556, and was again complimented with the same duty in 1559, on the occasion 
of his being called upon to take the degree of the coif, which he assumed on 
April 19 in that year. Previously to this, however, he is mentioned in Plowden 
as under-sheriff, and one of the judges in the Sheriffs' Court in London in 1553, 
and his arguments, after he became serjeant, are reported both by that author 
and Dyer. On the resignation of William Rastall, Southcote was nominated to 
fill his place as a judge of the Queen's Bench on Feb. 10, 1563. He performed 
his judicial duties with high reputation for the space of twenty-one years, when 
he retired, and his place was supplied by Baron Clench on May 29, 1584. 
Within a year afterwards, on 18 April, 1585, he died, at the age of seventy-four, 
and was buried under a stately monument in the parish church of Witham in 
Essex, in which county he had purchased the manors of Bacrus or Abbotts and 
Petworths. See Toss's " Judges of England," vol. v. p. 541. 


" there make to them a convenient dynner." This is probably the 
banquet referred to by Machyn. To " poor scholars " in the University 
of Cambridge, where her sons received their education, she bequeathed 
vj 11 xiij 8 iiij d , and a similar sum to the students at Oxford, both 
amounts to be distributed within a year after her decease, according 
to the discretion of her executors. To the reparation and amending 
of " the highe wayes at Islington and here aboute London " the sum 
of xx 11 ; to the discharging of poore prysoners whiche shall then 
remaine in Newgate and in the two counters in London only for 
their fees vj 11 xiij 8 iiij d ; to the poor people of St. Bartholomew's 
Spittle a similar amount, to be paid over " to the Governors of the 
same house ; " to the poor in the parishes of Hailing and Coxton in 
Kent, twenty shillings for each parish; to certain " wyves dwellinge 
in Cokeston," whose names are given, " each an ell of lynnen clothe 
price iiij 8 iij d the ell to make everie of them a kerchief;" next a 
provision that all her servants shall be retained in London for one 
month after her decease, at her cost and charge, or until they arc 
enabled to provide for themselves ; to her executors and their wives 
and numerous members of her own family she leaves a black goune 
of cloth, the price of which to be " xviij 8 the yearde or there about," 
and to her household servants a similar gown but of ix 8 price the 
yard ; " and two cote clothes of the same clothe, the one to Thomas 
Shepparde and the other to John Alday," and a small sum of money 
to pray for her soul ; to John Fallowfelde her apprentice xx 11 to be 
employed for his benefit, and to her cousin Anne Butler the sum 
of x li to be paid on her marriage day ; to Thomas Hewet, clothworker, 
Edward Osburne, and Lewes the taylor dwelling within Aldersgate, 
" each a gowne clothe ; *' she bequeaths to " Dionys the girle of my 
kitchin xl s to be paid to her the daye of her marriage yf she keepe 
herself honeste and true;" to a number "of lovinge frends hereafter 
written " she leaves a ring of gold to each, which are to be made 
" lyke flate hoopes," and in each is to be engraved " See ye forget 
not me ; " similar rings are left to all her sons and daughters ; to 
her god-daughter Ann Hewet a legacy of " one hundred marks " 
on her marriage day ; to one of her servants, Walter Dawnks, xl s 
and a cloth cote with a release of " five pounds that he oweth me 
by byll." 

All her household stuff and brewing vessels at Hailing in Kent, &c. 
with some exception, she leaves to Thomas Leveson her son ; the 


silver plate given her by her mother Dame Joan Bradbury is bequeathed 
to Alice Hewet, also a silver cup gilt, with " xiij perles and wrought 
with flowers uppon hit, and my chaine of golde with wreathes." She 
leaves to her daughter Mary Calthorpp all the furniture in the " tower 
chamber " of the howse in Lime Street, with that of her own room in 
the same mansion, and to her son Thomas the hanging curtains, 
" seelinge and portalls " in the parlour and hall, also four tables, and 
the fittings of the " greate chamber where the chappell ys," and those 
" in the chamber called Mrs. Roper's Chamber." To the Company of 
Mercers is a bequest to give them a breakfast or other banquet, and 
to each of her executors for their trouble twenty pounds of " currante 
monney," followed by a warning to her children that should they at- 
tempt to break through the provisions of either their father's will or 
her own testament, the saide "same child so offending shall take 
no legacie, benefit, or proffit," 

The testatrix then proceeds to the disposition of her property in lands 
and tenements : that situate at Stampfeeld (Stamford) Hill in the 
parish of Tottenham is ordered to be sold and the proceeds devoted to 
the carrying out of the provisions in her will. The property at West 
Court, Gillingham, Chatham, and " Hoi'senden in the countie of Kent," 
she leaves to her son William Leveson and his heirs ; also the house in 
Lime Street, occupied by one Henry Edys, with all its appurtenances, 
provided that the said William suffer her daughter Mary Calthropp 
either to reside there if inclined, free of all rent or charge, or to receive 
such yearly revenue as the premises may produce for her life-time only. 
With kind consideration for Henry Edys she directs that " he shall 
not be put oute of y e saide tenemente under one yeres warninge." To 
her grandson Thomas Leveson she bequeaths household property at 
Limehouse in Middlesex, and concludes by leaving to her own son 
Thomas " all the cite of the late Chappell of Saint Lawrence in 
Hallinge in the countie of Kent," and a large quantity of other 
property in Hailing and Snodland adjoining. 

The brass, which represents Nicholas and Dionysia Leveson sur- 
rounded by a numerous family, was repaired in 1764. It is stated 
that there was a figure above symbolical of the Almighty. The shield 
on the left illustrates the arms of Leveson, viz. A canting coat Gules, 
a fess nebule argent between three leaves slipped or. It is quartered 
with those of Prestwood : Argent, a chevron gules between three 
cinquefoils vert. On the left of his wife are her family arms, viz. 


those of Bodley : Argent, five martlets * in saltire sable, on a chief 
azure three ducal crowns or.f Over the figures are both arms 


Simon Burton, Citizen and Waxchandler. He resided in Leadenhall 
Street, where he carried on his business. His melting houses were situated 
in Woolsack Alley, Houndsditch, and the inscription on his monu- 
ment indicates the importance of the position which he enjoyed 
among his fellow-citizens. He was three times Master of the Company 
of Waxchandlers, served as member of the Court of Common Council 
for the Ward of Lime Street for the term of twenty-nine years, and 
was one of the Governors of St. Thomas's Hospital. In the earliest 
record of the Company which has been preserved, viz. A Book of 
Accounts extending from 1529 to 1601, he is first mentioned as paying 
quarterage in 1531, and was at this time evidently following his trade 
as waxchandler, for in the same record (to which access has been kindly 
granted by Mr. Gregory, clerk to the Company,) there appears the 
following entries in connection with two of his apprentices : 

1531, 1533. Res. of Symon Burton for dressing of a torche with 

parchment ..... xij d. 

Res. of hym for amytting of his prentis, Thomas 

Rokely . . . . . ij s. vj d. 

Res. of hym for amytting of his prentis . . ij s. vj d. 

Under date 1554, we read : 

Mr. Kendall, Master ; Mr. Foorde and Simon Burton, Wardens. 
1 558. Walter Meers, Master Symon Burton, and Harry Blower, Wardens. 

And in 1564 there occurs the entry of another receipt from him of 
ij s. vj d. for binding an apprentice. The record from which these 
extracts are made is in a very dilapidated condition, but two entries 
are preserved which mention him as serving the office of Master of 

* Martlets in Heraldry should be represented without beaks or feet. In the 
illustration they are erroneously seen with both. They are, however, thus en- 
graved on the original brass. 

t The arms represented in the illustration are those used by Sir Thomas Bodley, 
Founder of the New Library, Oxford. Branches of the family of Bodley also 
bear Argent, five martlets, 2, 2, and 1, sable, a chief azure. Another, Gules 
five martlets argent, on a chief indented or three crowns azure. The arms of 
Underbill are, A chevron sable between three trefoils slipped vert, and do not 
appear on the brass. 












the Company, viz. 1572 : " Simon Burton, Master; John Cressey and 
Jeram Burton, Wardens." Also 1585: " Symon Burton, Master; 
Richard Sharpe and James Skelton, Wardens." 

At the sale of the vestments, &c. for the reparation of the church, 
6 Edw. VI. he appears as a purchaser : 

Item, solde to Symonde Burton the olde wax iiij xx xij" at v d. li. 

and res. therefore . . . ..' . xxxviij s. iiij d. 

He had two wives, Elizabeth and Ann, both of whom are represented 
in the brass, as are also his children, viz. one son and three daughters 
by his wife Elizabeth; two daughters alone survived him. He died 
the 23rd May, 1593, at the good old age of 85 years, and was buried 
in the church of St. Andrew Undershaft. His will, dated the 17 
May in the same year, was proved in the following March by Francis 
Caldocke, executor, and contains some curious particulars. After the 
usual formula and provision for his lawful debts, he directs that all his 
goods, chattels, plate, money, and household stuff should be divided into 
two equal parts, one to be given to his daughters, Alice, wife of Francis 
Caldocke, citizen and stationer, and Dennis Thompson, widow, in 
equal shares ; the other part he reserves for various bequests. To a 
preacher for a sermon at his burial, ten shillings ; to twelve poor men 
to attend his corpse, a like number of black gowns ; to the Company 
of Waxchandlers, forty shillings ; to both the Livery and Yeomanry 
of the Company of Tallowchandlers, ten shillings each ; to the poor in 
St. Thomas's Hospital, three pounds ; "to the poore children harbored 
in Christes Hospital in London, fowertye shillings ;" to his brother, 
Jerom Burton, a goblet of silver parcel guilte to match one he had pre- 
viously given him, and to the said Jerom all the melting houses and 
tenements in Woolsack Alley, Hound sditch, held from the Company of 
Cutlers ; to the poor of St. Andrew's Eastcheap, St. Andrew Under- 
shaft, and St. Leonard's Shoreditch, he leaves various sums ; to Joane 
Ponsenbye, daughter of Alice Caldocke, six pounds and his " hoop-ring 
of gold;" to Mr. Johnson,* Parson of St. Andrew Undershaft, ten 

* John Johnson matriculated as a pensioner of Queen's College, Cambridge 
2 May, 1544, obtained his degree of B.A. 1552-3, elected Fellow of Jesus College 
1554, became Master of Arts 1556, and Bachelor of Divinity 1562. His name 
appears among the subscribers against the new statutes of the University May 
1575. He vacated his fellowship in 1586, was collated to the rectory of St. Andrew 
Undershaft 8 Sept. 1565, and was there buried 13 March, 1596-7. Cooper's 
Athenae Cantabrigienses, vol. ii. p. 241. 


shillings ; to his daughter Dennis the lease of the house in which she 
lived, and the residue of this portion of his property to his cousin Simon 
Waterson, out of which the said Simon is to bestow on the poor of St. 
Katharine Cree Church and St. Katharine Coleman the sum of twenty 
shillings each for the space of five years. His property at Haggerston, 
viz. three acres and a half, he bequeathed to the Governors of the 
Royal Hospitals for the support of St. Thomas's Hospital, after 
certain deductions as bequests to the poor parishioners before men- 
tioned. To his sole executor and son-in-law, Francis Caldock, he 
leaves ten pounds for his trouble, and concludes by appointing Simon 
Waterson and one Thomas Newman, scrivener, overseers to the said will 

The illustrations to this paper have been kindly presented to the 
Society by Mr. Charles Golding. 



The foundation of this church is attributed to Lucius, the first 
Christian king of Britain, who is said to have lived in the latter half 
of the second century of the Christian era. It claimed even a higher 
rank than a parochial church, and to have been not only the first 
Christian church founded in London, but the metropolitan church 
when London was the seat of an archbishop. This great antiquity is 
supported principally by an inscription on a brass plate, of which we 
read in Holinshed's Chronicles of Great Britain, 1574. 

Howbeit by the Tables hanging in the revestrie of Saint Paules at London, 
and also a table sometime hanging in St. Peter's church in Cornehill, it should 
seem that the said church of Saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius 

Weaver, in "Funeral Monuments," 1631, p. 413, sets out the 
original (destroyed in the Fire of 1666) in the old style of spelling : 

Be hit known to all Men, that the Yeerys of our Lord God, An. clxxix,. Lucius, 
the fyrst Christen King of this Lond, then callyd Brytayne, foundyd the fyrst 
Chyrch in London, that is to sey, the Chyrch of Sent Peter apon Cornhyl ; and he 
foundyd then an Archbishop's See, and made that Chirch the Metropolitant and 
cheef Chirch of this Kindom, and so enduryd the space of cccc yeerys and more, 
unto the Commyng of Sent Austen, an Apostyl of Englond, the whych was sent into 
the Lond by Sent Gregory, the Doctor of the Chirch, in the tyme of King Ethel- 
bert, and then was the Archbyshoppys See and Pol removyd from the aforeseyd 
Chirch of Sent Peter's apon Cornhyl unto Derebernaum, that now ys callyd 
Canterbury, and ther yt remeynyth to this Dey. 

And Millet Monk, whych came into this Lond wyth Sent Austen, was made the 
fyrst Bishop of London, and hys See was made in Powllys Chyrch. And this 
Lucius, Kyng, was the fyrst Foundyr of Peter's Chyrch apon Cornhyl ; and he 
regnyd King in thys Ilond after Brut MCCxlv yeerys. And the yeerys of our Lord 
God a cxxiy Lucius was crownyd Kyng, and the yeerys of hys Reygne Ixxvii 
yeerys, and he was beryd aftyr sum Cronekil at London, and aftyr sum Cronekil 
he was beryd at Glowcester, at that Place wher the Ordyrs of Sent Francys 

The exact year in which the original was set up is unknown. 
Strype says it is supposed to be of the date of Edward IV., and that 
the plate which is now preserved in the vestry of the church over the 
mantel-piece is " the old one revived." 



Usher, who died 1655, personally inspected the plate in St. Paul's. 

Another proof of the important if not cathedral character of this 
church may be inferred from the school which anciently belonged to 
it. By a decree of the eleventh General Council of Lateran, dated 
1179, it was ordained that a school should be attached to every 
cathedral church, and in the 25th Henry VI. 1447, the school of 
St. Peter's appears as one of the four parochial schools directed by 
Parliament to be maintained in London. Stowe cites authorities for 
the great antiquity of the library belonging to this school. He says 
it was established by Elvanus, second Archbishop of London. There 
are frequent allusions in the vestry books to this school from 1576 
to 1717. 

From an occurrence related in Liber Albus, 10 Hen. III., we find 
that as early as 1226 this church was of sufficient importance to have 
three chaplains : 

On the morrow of Saint Luke the Evangelist (18 Oct.) it happened that Amise, 
deacon of the chnrch of Saint Peter on Cornhulle, was found slain at the door of 
Martin the priest, in the soke of Cornhnlle. Walkelin, a vicar of St. Paul's in 
London, slew him with an anelace (dagger), and took to flight. Thereupon Martin, 
John, and William, chaplains of the chnrch of St. Peter, and Kohert, clerk of the 
same church, who were in the house hefore the door of which he was found slain, 
were arrested on suspicion of such death ; and were afterwards delivered to Master 
John de Ponte, official of the Archdeacon of London, by the aforesaid Chamber- 
lain and Sheriffs. Judgement was given against them, but they were afterwards 

There is good reason to believe that St. Peter, Cornhill, is the 
church to which Geoffrey Eussel fled for sanctuary in 1220. Liber 
Albus, 15 Hen. III. 

In that year (15 Henry III.), the same person (Gervaise le Cordewaner ?) being 
chamberlain, and Walter de Buflete and Michael de Saint Helen's sheriffs, it 
happened that on the night of Thursday next after the feast of Saint Lucia 
(13 Dec.), a certain Man, Ralph Wayvefuntaincs by name, was stabbed with a 
knife by a certain stranger in the churchyard of St. Paul's in London ; of which 
wound on the morrow he died. One Geoffrey Russel, a clerk, was with him when 
he was so stabbed ; who fled to the church of Saint Peter in London, and refused 
to appear unto the peace of his Lordship the King, or to leave the church, but 
afterwards he escaped thence ; and (although) the said Sheriffs caused the church- 
yard to be watched, still, while so watched, he made his escape.f 

In 1403 the fraternity or guild of St. Peter was formed in the 
* Liber Albus, p. 75. f Ibid. p. 82. 


church. It was chiefly composed of members of the Fishmongers' 

Very little is known of the style of the church which preceded the 
Fire. That considerable repairs were executed during the early part of 
the seventeenth century appears from the parish books. The early 
entries relate to whitewashing, and show the custom to have been then 
in use. 

1576, August 3rd. Item condysended and agreed, that the churche shoulde be 
whited and collared thorowte in all placys immedyately and owte of hand. 

1595, Sunday, February. Agreed because our church of St. Peter upon 
Cornhill was very foule, and had not been whited afore in many yeares, as also for 
that the churcheyarde walles and fence was very low, so that thereby much 
damage happened to the windows glazed, and walls being so very unhandsome to 
see to ; that the forsayd church should forwith bee whited, and the walles raised 
up in as decent manner as might be. 

March 14. Agreed that the church and chancel be immediately whited and 
trymmed. The expense amounted to 9 3s. 

1600, Sunday, June 8th. The building of the churchyard wall referred to 
another vestry. 

Sunday, September 21. The steeple and turret next Master Doctor's house to 
be viewed, and presently repaired if required. 

Sunday, October 12. The same sentenced by the Master and Wardens of the 
Masons to be taken down in March, and in the mean space to be pointed and 
stopped against the weather. 

1622, January 31. The steeple again viewed. 

1623, July 27. The steeple ordered to be covered and the bells hung up. 

1627, March 27. Agreed that some of the parish go to Sir Henry Martine 
(the Judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury) with a petition, to acquaint 
him with the ruinous state of the church and steeple, to procure some of the 
money in his hands for charitable uses. 

1628, March 10. The repair of the steeple considered ; then much in decay ; 
as to whether the fabric should stand as it now is, and be covered and have battle- 
ments set up, according to the advice of workmen, or else whether the old work 
shall be taken down to aboute the next lofte, little more or lesse, and a new lofte 
of timber set up, and then to be erected in stone work 25 foote high, in a frame, 
with battlements, according to the advice of workmen. 

The latter agreed to by the vestry. 

1631, March 11. The Mason's particulars of repairs required were presented, 
and are as follows : The upper and lower battlements of the church to be re- 
moved and replaced (except the lower range on the north side), according to the 
old proportions of height and thickness, with new water-tables and crest and 
vent of Portland stone : to point and mend the lower north battlements, water- 
tables, and buttresses, and the south buttresses ; the staircase battlements to be 
renewed and pointed all down. The 14 windows in the middle roof to be taken 
down, &c. Total, 345. 

x 2 


To assist in carrying out these repairs, an appeal was made to the 
principal Companies, as appears by the following entry : 

1633, September 3. The parish having already petitioned the Mercers, Grocers, 
and Merchant Taylors for assistance towards the repairs, petitions are ordered 
to the remainder of the 12 Companies. 

The information derived from these parochial books respecting the 
Church before 1666 is but slight, and from other sources we gain 
little in addition. All that Stowe writes about the Church is evidently 
taken from these books. A view of the church is given by Cornelius 
Visscher in his plan of London, 1618, and a more accurate repre- 
sentation appears by Hollar, in his view of London, published in 1647. 
The tower is shown square and of two stories, surmounted by battle- 
ments, within which was a pointed dome or cupola raised upon clus- 
tered columns and crowned by a vane. At the south-west corner of 
the church, in St. Peter's Alley, Hollar places a round tower em- 
battled. The chancel of the old church extended 10 feet further 
eastward than at present, and occupied a portion of what is now 
Gracechurch Street. 

Many of the features of the old church are illustrated by the pro- 
ceedings in vestry after the Great Fire of 1666. In 1667, October 
21st, it is " ordered that the grounde where upon the round tower 
" of the late church of this parish lately stood, adjoining or lying 
" near to the ground of Mr. Richard Blackburn, shall be granted to 
" the said Richard Blackburn to build upon according to the Act." 
And 1671, January 31st, it was agreed that " A lease of 999 years, 
" at the yearly rent of 4, shall be granted to Mr. Blackburn and 
" his assigns of the round tower or staircase." 

Also in the vestry minutes, 2nd March, 1674, is the following 
entry. " The Rector and Churchwardens having received 150 of 
" the Chamber of London for melioration money, due from the City, 
" for ground taken away from the east end of St. Peter's church 
" and laid into Gracious Street,' 1 &c. This alteration will be seen by 
reference to Ogilby's plan of London taken in 1677. 

The Great Fire of September 1666 consumed all that was inflammable 
in this church. The walls of the church, and all the upper part of 
the tower, were afterwards taken down. The foundations may have 
been used for the present building, but the only part now above 
ground of the old church is the lower story of the tower. 

An interesting record of the steps taken by the parish for rebuild- 


ing the church is preserved in the vestry minutes ; indeed, they are 
so full that comment is scarcely needed. 

27th December, 1667. At a meeting of the vestry, held at the Nagg's Head 
tavern, Leadenhall Street, the following resolution was passed " Ordered, that 
the foundations of the parish church of this parish shall be forthwith clered of the 
rubbish in reference to the preparing of the said church for new building, and 
that a surveyor may be inquired after and procured to survey the same, and give 
a modell for the building thereof, together with an estimate of what the charge 
thereof will amount unto." 

7th April, 1668. " Ordered, that if any person having leave to erect their build- 
ings against the church or steeple walls do desire to erect their chimneys against 
said walls, that the chimneys and shafts shalbe set not exceeding nine inches in 
s d wall, provided they shall contract the shafts thereof into the bntterice or peere, 
after such manner as shalbe directed by Mr. Jermyn the surveyor, &c., and so as 
same shall not deface the frontispiece of the church." 

" Ordered, that Mr. Jermyn have 4 given him for drawing several drafts and 
platts (plans) for rebuilding of the parish church. Also, that all the rag stones 
arising out of the church and steeple shalbe forthwith sold, and the money gotten 
for the same applied towards providing of brick and other materialls for the re- 
building of the said church." 

9th April, 1668. " Resolved, that Mr. Jermyn continue to be surveyor for rebuild- 
ing the church, but subject to the directions of the churchwardens. Mr. Fowler to 
have allowance for the annoyance he receives by rebuilding the church, as also 
Mr. Ingoll. Resolved, that the churchwardens have power to take downe the east 
wall of the church, and to erect a new one, and that such new wall be 30" e feet 
in height at least, or as high as the surveyor judge necessary." 

19th April, 1668. " Resolved, that Mr. Jermyn be continued the church sur- 
veyor as before determined." 

2nd February, 1669. " Agreed, that Mr. John Oliver be appointed surveyor 
instead of Mr. Jermyn deceased." 

15th April, 1669. " Resolved, that Mr. John Oliver be continued Purveyor, and 
that he have for his care and pains, and to encourage him therein," &c. 

7th April, 1670. " Ordered, that the churchwardens consult with workmen for 
the coping or otherwise securing the east wall of the church lately new built, that 
it may sustain no further prejudice, and likewise the north wall of the church 
lately built by Messrs. Price, Blackburn, Ricraft, and Purchas." 

20th September, 1670. " That information be given to Dr. Wren of an en- 
croachment upon the church yard," &c. 

31st of December, 1672. At a vestry held in the chappel in Leadenhall 
" Ordered, that the churchwardens do present Dr. Wren with 5 guineas as a 
gratuite for his paines and furtherance of a tabernacle for this parish." And in 
1673, we find by another minute 10 more voted to Dr. Wren. 

April 8th, 1675. " Ordered, that Mr. Beveridge* and the churchwardens, &c., 

* Afterwards the eminent and pious Bishop of St. Asaph. He was appointed 
Rector of this parish by the Corporation of London in 1672, before the church was 


do treat and discourse with Sir Christopher Wren, and his surveyor, as to the 
receiving his proposals in order to the rebuilding of our parish church." 

1680, September 7th. In the vestry minutes we find the contract for all the wood- 
work in the church. It includes the screen which divides the chancel from the 
body of the church, and the pulpit with its canopy, stairs, and rail, which were to 
be completed for 30. Special mention is made of the royal arms " and they 
the contractors shall make and set up the King's arms above the screen, raised 
fair and to appear on both sides, according to the best art and skill of the trade or 
mystery of a carver, which shall be done according to model for 8." 

From these entries in the vestry books we learn, that, although two 
surveyors were employed at an early period of the preparations for 
rebuilding the church, and a model was ordered of the same, still but 
little if any progress was made in the works before the employment 
of Sir Christopher Wren as surveyor or architect of the new church 
in 1670. We may therefore consider that the present church is 
mainly his work. The fine oak screen was designed by Sir Chris- 
topher Wren's daughter and carved by Thomas Poultney and 
Thomas Athew. " It was to be 13 feet high from the pavement, and 
made according to model." The vestry minutes inform us that the 
church was completed in 1682 and opened November 27th, when 
Bishop Beveridge, then Rector of this parish, delivered his famous 
sermon on the excellence and usefulness of the Common Prayer. 
The church, he said, had lain waste for above five times three years, 
but is now rebuilt and fitted again for service. He also alludes to 
the great screen ; and, speaking of the chancel, he says that it " was 
always made and represented the highest place in the church," and 
therefore, he adds, " it was wont to be separated from the rest of the 
church by a screen or partition of network, in Latin cancelli, and that 
so generally that from thence the place itself is called the chancel." 
After having said that this was generally to be found in all consider- 
able churches of old, he adds, " I mention it only because some perhaps 
may wonder why this screen should be observed in our church rather 
than in all the other churches which have lately been built in this 
city, whereas they should rather wonder why it was not observed in 
all other as well as this." He further proceeds to say that the 
chancel in all Christian churches was always looked upon as answer- 
rebuilt. He died 5th March, 1708, and was buried in St. Paul's cathedral. His 
arms (date 1704), with those of his immediate successor in the rectory, Dr. 
Waugh, Bishop of Chichester (who was buried in the chancel), are in the east 


able to the Holy of Holies in the Temple, and that all the seats 
should look towards the chancel. 

The interior of the church is divided into a chancel, nave, and two 
aisles. The spacious vestibule is entered either from Cornhill or St. 
Peter's Alley. The entrances to the tower, organ gallery, and vestry 
are in this vestibule. The roof of the church is arched and springs 
from an attic story above the cornice, which is supported on eight 
square piers fronted with pilasters of the Corinthian order. The 
length of the church within the walls is 80 feet, the breadth 47 feet, 
and the height 40 feet, being nearly a double cube. The height of 
the steeple is 140 feet, and is terminated by a key, the emblem of 
St. Peter. 

The south side of the church and the tower are built with red brick, 
but in some portions of the body stone saved from the old church or 
neighbouring buildings is used. The building cost 5,647 8s. 2t?., 
which was paid out of the coal-duties and subscriptions. 

The communion plate is not particularly handsome, but undoubtedly 
old and massive. The two cups and patens are of silver-gilt, the 
gift of one Thomas Symonds whose arms are engraved upon them, 
bearing the date 1625, therefore before the Fire. The flagons of 
silver were the gift of one Thomas Webster, grocer and alderman of 
London. These also bear the date of 1625 and the arms of the donor. 
The alms-dish, with the royal arms of Charles II. dated 1682, seems 
to have been provided by the parish at the opening of the church 
after the Fire. 

The very fine organ was built by Bernard Schmidt, better known as 
Father Smith, a German, in 1681. He was appointed organ-builder 
to Charles II. in 1671, and apartments were allotted to him at White- 
hall. In 1644 organs were banished from churches, but at the 
Kestoration organ-builders were invited from abroad to furnish 
churches with new instruments. Amongst them was Father Smith. 
He erected an organ in Westminster Abbey and a pair for St. Mar- 
garet's, Westminster, where he was elected organist in 1672. 

From the Vestry Minute Book it appears that this organ cost 210. 

The organ was remodelled by Messrs. Hill under the inspection of 
Dr. Gauntlett, at a cost to the parish of about 1,000. It has forty- 
five stops and a particularly full and fine swell. Several of the old 
and most beautiful stops that were in the former organ have been 
retained. Mendelssohn, only a short time before his death, played 


upon it, and on one occasion extemporised, to the great delight of the 
congregation, upon the melody of Haydn's Hymn to the Emperor. 
He had a very high opinion of this instrument, and of all the organs 
which had come under his notice he considered it second only to the 
large one erected by Messrs. Hill at Birmingham. He presented his 
autograph to our talented organist, Miss Mounsey (who has to-day 
displayed her perfect mastery over this grand instrument), which is 
preserved in the vestry. 

The font does not require any particular notice, but its cover is 
interesting as being perhaps the only portion of the furniture preserved 
from the Great Fire ; and even this has not escaped unmarked by the 
destroying element. 

The earliest chantry established in the church was that of Roger 
Fitz-Roger in 1284. 

From the " Valor Ecclesiasticus," compiled by order of Parliament 
in 1534-35, 26th of Henry VIII., we learn the following values : 

*. d. 

The Emolument of the Rectory 39 58 

A Chantry founded by William Kingston - - - - 7 

Tenths therefrom - - - 14 

Another Chantry 700 

Tenths therefrom - - - -0140 
A Chantry founded by John Hoxton - - - - -6134 

Tenths therefrom - - - 13 4 

A Chantry founded by Thomas White - - - 7 10 

Tenths therefrom - - - 15 

A Chantry founded by Alice Brudenel - - - 7 10 

Tenths therefrom - - - - 15 
Another Chantry founded by Richard Morley - - - 7 10 

Tenths therefrom - - - -0150 

From the above and other sources it would appear that there were 
not less than seven chapels or altars belonging to the church. 

The minutes of vestry proceedings commence in 1574, and have 
already afforded us much information relating to the old church, the 
tabernacle or temporary biiilding used by the parish for worship 
during the time the church was rebuilding after the great fire, and of 
the progress of the present church. In addition we will add a few 
extracts : 

1577. Sunday, March 10th. Only claret wine of the best to be used at the com- 

1579-80, Sunday, Feb. 14. Eight Women's pews ordered on the south side of the 


church and so many on the north, and " but one Maydes on eyther syde." TJiis 
perhaps has reference to an old practice of Protestants abroad, namely, the sepa- 
rating the male and female parts of the congregation, and was probably introduced 
into England on the increase of the Puritans in the reign of Elizabeth, and a 
custom now revived (strange to say) in several churches, where at least the services 
are not conducted in a Puritanical style. 

1580, Sunday, June 12. A door ordered for Master Parson to come in at, at the 
west end of the church, as at the great door by the clock-house through the belfry, 
at all times when it pleaseth him. 

1598, March 14. Agreed, that the parishes of St. Peter and St. Andrew should 
at their joint costs set up a cage for Cornhill Ward for the reclaiming and shut- 
ting up of vagrant persons. 

1782. An entry of this year has lately been very erroneously put before the 
public in some of the newspapers. It was said there is an entry for money to be 
paid for the destruction of noxious insects in the parish. The fact is, there is an 
entry in the vestry minutes, That Is. 6d. was to be paid per bushel to persons 
collecting lady-birds off the hedges and elsewhere in the Metropolitan suburbs, it 
would seem, for the double purpose of staying an anticipated famine through this 
plague of insects, and for providing employment for the large number of distressed 
poor at that time. This order was rescinded at the next vestry meeting. 

In 1679, April 24, the following kind privilege was granted, and 
occurs in the minutes of vestry of St. Michael, Cornhill : 

Resolved, " That leave be given to the Parson of St. Peter's to walk in the 

The register of the parish is what is known as a Queen Elizabeth's 
copy. An injunction was issued by Thomas Cromwell, as Vicar- 
General of Henry VIII., dated September 8th, 1538, directing that 
every parson, vicar, and curate throughout the realm should keep a 
register of all weddings, christenings, and burials. Many such records 
were immediately commenced, although few such now remain. In- 
structions were issued under the Great Seal, October 25, 1597, for 
their better preservation. 

The register-book of this parish is of the latter date, and the old 
register is copied into it in a very beautiful style by Wm. Averill, the 

The following entry shows when the book was purchased : 

This Booke was bought at the charge of the Parish of Saint Peter's upon 
Cornhill, Maister Ashbooled, Doctor, beeing then Parson, and Maister David 
Powell and Maister William Partridge beeing the Church Wardens ; the two 
and twentieth day of September in the year of our Lord one Thousand five 
hundred and nynety and eight. 

The first name among the christenings is that of Hugh Kellsall, 
Sunday, 15th December, 1538. 


On Sunday, the 13th March, 1602-3 (folio 30), a few verses are 
written deploring the death of Queen Elizabeth. 

The first entry of burials is that of John Johnsonne, the 17th of 
January, 1539. 

The number interred during the pestilence of 1665 appears to have 
been very considerable. 

The entries of weddings commence January 19, 1538, with that 
of Richard Holland and Anne Boro. 

A singular case of forgery exists in the register of marriages, and 
occurred under the following circumstances, in 1829, when Sir John 
Page Wood was Rector of the parish. A chancery suit was pending, 
the issue of which turned upon an entry in the register, and two 
persons came to see the books in company with the parish clerk. 
They afterwards induced him to retire to spend the evening at one of 
the taverns in the parish, and then after making him drunk, as the 
evidence sworn before the Lord Mayor would seem to show, he delivered 
up the keys of the church and registers that they might search them 
(as they said) early on the following morning. They paid an early 
visit it would seem to the church, erased the original entry, and in a 
very clumsy manner inserted another and then decamped. 

The importance of the position held by the Rector of this parish is 
proved by a decision giving him the right of priority not only over 
the Rectors of St. Magnus and St Nicholas Cole Abbey, but over 
all other the Rectors of the City, in the procession to St. Paul's in 
the week of Pentecost. In the Records of the Corporation of London, 
" Letter Book I. fol. ccii. 5 Henry V. A.D. 1417," we read: 

All events that take place are the more firmly established, and the less likely to 
be disturbed by any future questioning thereof, if they derive their force from 
written testimony. Therefore, be it known unto all persons now living, and let 
those learn who shall come hereafter, that on past occasions of the Procession, 
which in the week of Pentecost was wont yearly to take place, an apostolic con- 
tention oftentimes arose between the Rectors of the churches of St. Peter Cornhill, 
St. Magnus the Martyr, and St. Nicholas Cold Abbey, in London, which of them 
would seem to be the greater, and by reason of such dignity should occupy the last 
place in the procession. And although the contention that ensued upon this discus- 
sion was not [inflamed] by the Rectors themselves, but rather by their parishioners, 
who would light the torch of discord on the one side and the other, more for the 
sake of worldly pride than through any title to probity on their part, who so did 
their best to break the peace of the city, and satisfy a lurking malevolence : still, 
this accumulating fuel for strife was only added to with the revolution of every 
succeeding year ; and this notwithstanding that the rectors of that Basilica of 
the chief of the Apostles, which was formerly the metropolitan see, by reason of 
the everlasting reverence due to such a dignity, were wont to go in the last place in 


the procession as being Priors, or rather Abbots, over all the Rectors in the said city, 
and of right ought to go in that place, by reason of such priority ; in accordance 
with a certain sentence that had been pronounced thereon, on the 6th day of 
February, in the year of our Lord, according to the course and computation of 
the English Church, 1399, by Thomas Stowe, of blessed memory, Doctor of Laws, 
and Official of London, and many others learned in the law, then assessors with 
him, in behalf of William Aghtone, the then Hector of the church of St. Peter 
aforesaid, and solemnly decided upon ; and which, before Henry Bartone, the 
present Mayor, and the Aldermen, in full court read and shown, most manifestly 
has appeared, and does appear. 

Therefore, the said Mayor and Aldermen, on their part, not presuming themselves 
to define aught that had been settled by ecclesiastical judgment, but desiring more 
promptly to cariy out, with filial obedience, that which such authority had rightly 
laid down, and wishing to promote that peace and tranquillity which, by the bond 
of their oath, they are especially bound to watch over in the city aforesaid, and 
with especial zeal to ensure ; having first taken into diligent consideration the 
ancient ritual, and the solemn proofs, decrees, and sentences that had transpired 
and had been passed in the case, on the one hand, as well as having deliberately 
thought upon the damages and perils, which, through such dissensions and com- 
motions, every year manifestly and probably might happen and arise, on the 
other, unless some aid should be speedily brought thereunto ; on the 27th day of 
May, in the 5th year of the reign of King Henry after the Conquest the Fifth, 
did decree, ordain, and, so far as unto them, for the nurturing of peace, did per- 
tain, did award and enact, as a thing for all time to be observed, that Sir John 
Whitby, the then Rector of the church of St. Peter aforesaid, and all his successors, 
Rectors of the same church, successively, of right, and for the honour of that 
most sacred Basilica of St. Peter (which was the first church founded in London, 
namely, in the year of Our Lord 199, by King Lucius, and in which was the 
metropolitan see for four hundred years and more), shall go alone after all other 
the Rectors of the same City in all and singular Processions within the City 
aforesaid, on the Monday in the week of Pentecost in each year, as being priors 
or abbots over them, and occupying the last and most dignified place ; and that 
without impediment, molestation, disquiet, or disturbance on part of the Rectors 
of the churches of St. Magnus and St. Nicholas aforesaid, now being, their suc- 
cessors and their parishioners, or of any other persons whatsoever, on pain of 
imprisonment of their bodies, and of making fine, at the discretion of the Mayor 
and Aldermen, as to those who shall cause breach of the peace or disquiet of the 
people in this behalf. Memorials of London, $c. pp. 651 653. 

The advowson of the rectory of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill was ori- 
ginally united with that of St. Margaret Pattens, Rood Lane, and be- 
longed to the family of Neville of Essex ; and in 1362 they appear with 
the manor of Leadenhall to have been conveyed by the Lady Alice, 
widow of Sir Hugh Neville, to Richard Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel 
and Surrey. Thence they passed into other hands. Sir Richard 
Whittington was by marriage connected with one of these families, 


and it has been supposed by some, that, having become possessed of 
the advowsons of the two livings of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill and St. 
Margaret Pattens, he, having no children, made them over with the 
manor of Leadenhall to the Corporation of London. Certain it is 
that in 1408 these two advowsons with the Leadenhall manor were 
conveyed by charter to Richard Whittington and other citizens of 
London (some have supposed only as agents) for the Mayor and Cor- 
poration, to whom the property was transferred in 1411. The Cor- 
poration of London thus became the patrons of this church. Their 
first presentation was made to Thomas Marchant in 1429, and they 
have exercised the right ever since up to the time of the present 
Rector, Richard Whittington, who was appointed in 1867. He is by 
birth a citizen, and a Merchant Taylor, and has reason to believe 
that he might claim collateral descent from the family of the great Sir 
Richard Whittington. 

The monuments in the church are not of any great interest. A 
beautiful mural monument on the south side of the church commemo- 
rates the terrific destruction by fire of the seven children of James 
Woodmanson of Leadenhall Street. This fire caused no little stir, 
as several other persons perished at the same time. Mr. Woodmanson 
was present at a ball at St. James's palace on the Queen's birth-day, 
and was called out only to find his seven children consumed in the 
flames. This sad occurrence was deeply felt by the Royal Family, 
some of whom visited the scene of the fire. 

In the vestry of the church is preserved a copy of Jerome's Vulgate, 
very beautifully written throughout in a bold hand on fine white 
vellum. It consists of 586 leaves. The miniature paintings, which 
are 150 in number, are very curious, comprising historical scenes, 
portraits of the patriarchs, evangelists, and others, and afford interest- 
ing examples of English costume at that early period. The painted 
borders which decorate some of the pages are beautiful specimens 
of mediaeval art, and proximately fix the date. But what renders 
this volume the most interesting and valuable to us is, that by the 
colophon at the end we learn that it was written for this church. 
It runs thus 

Iste liber pertinet perpetue Cantarie duorum capellanorum celebrantium ad 
altare Sancte Trinitatis in Ecolesia Sancti Petri super Cornhill. 




VOL. IV. AUGUST, 1873. Part III. 



THE following Inventories are extracted from a folio volume, bound 
in purple morocco, now preserved in the Land Revenue Record Office. 



Copes Vestments Tunycles Albes. v copys of nedyll worke one of them callede 
Seynte Peter's Cope lynede with crymson satten. The other calledde the 
Cope with the aungelles of perle and the iij other callede the Jessys a with 
ij tunycles. A chezabulle of the same worke with vij [xvi in a subsequent 
entry] buttonnes of sylver and gilte b and iij albes ij stolles and iij phanams 
of the same suyte and to the same belongynge. 

Item a Cope c a chezabulle and ij tunycles one albe a stolle and a phanam of 
fyne blewe tyssue branched of the gifte of Kynge Henry the vth. 

a Archaeol. xliii. 247. 

h A cope with orphreys and cross buttons of gold occurs at York. ^Mon. vi. 1288.) 

e No a- of cloth of gold reised w 1 flowres of blew and velvett. (Marg. note.) 

The Establishment of the Church of Westminster, 32 Henry VIII. comprised 
the following members receiving quarterly payments : 

The deane Iviiili. ij. vj d. 12 prebendaryes vij li. xv d. 11 petticanons 1 s. at 
6 d. the day. A pysteller and gospeller 1 s. Scole master C s. and usher 1 s. of 
the grammer scole. A scole master of the songe scole Is. 11 vicars xls. at 5d. 
the day. 5 queresters xvis. viij d. 2 sextens 2 porters 2 butlers, 2 coks, a 
caterer, almsfolk (including a priest) 4 lay brothern 3 belryngers and wayters 
and 35 grammer childern at xvj s. viij d. 

The original scheme of the Episcopal See of Westminster is in the Augmenta- 
tion Office, Book xxiv. 



xiiii godlye Copes of clothe of golde with redde roses of velveth and crownyde 

portecullyses of golde wrought in the same copes of the gifte of Kynge 

Henrye the vijth. [See Red Coopes.] 
A Cope of ffyne clothe of golde with a riche orphare embroderyde with 

Islippes a with the salutac'on of o r Ladye and the ffyve woundes and with 

Seynte Petre Seynt Edwarde Seynte Gyles Seynte Bennette Seynte 

Katherin and Seynte Margarette of the gifte of Abbotte Islippe. [See 

Red Coopes.] 
A Fr antes for Altar es. A riche ffronte b for beneth of cloth of golde pouderyde 

with lyonnes of golde and fflower de lyce of golde and a scouchynne of the 

armes of Abbotte Islippe and the armes of the place [well ff rynged] of the 

gifte of Abbotte Islippe. 
A riche ffronte for above of cloth [of] golde powderyd with lyonnes and flower 

de lucys of golde with a riche image of o r Lady of Pitye c garnysshed with 

perle and stone, whiche ymage dan John Cornyssh dyd geve and the saide 

Abbotte Islippe dyd geve the ffrontell. 
Sepulchre Clothes. A greate cover of bedde d called a sepulcher clothe of nedle 

worke. 6 

Canaries. A Canapie of blacke clothe of golde. 
Baivdekyns* Two bawdekynnes of blacke clothe of golde oone of them 

conteynynge in length one yerde and a hallf , the other conteynynge in length 

allmoste ij yerdes. 
ij other bawdekynnes of blewe clothe of golde every of them conteynynge in 

length iij yerds. 
iij other bawdekynnes of violette cloth of golde, ij of them conteynynge in 

length iij yerdes, and the iij de conteynyth in length iij yerdes lackynge ij 


ij mytres garnysshede with counterfette stone and perle. 

* The Abbot's rebus. 

b Archasol. xliii. 246. Powdered means thickly set. 

c The altar of our Lady of the Pewe occurred both on the north side of the 
Abbey (Harl. MS. 1498) and in St. Stephen's collegiate church : one was called 
that of " Our Lady of Lamentation," at Peterborough. A cope hood at Lincoln 
had "Our Lady of Pitty" on it. (Monast. vi. 1283.) An image of o r Lady of 
Pytte for the Sacrament. (Ludlow MS. Inv.) There was an altar of our Lady of 
Pity at Durham (Rites, p. 33). The Blessed Virgin was represented as sup- 
porting the dead Christ on her knees as He was taken from the cross. (See 
Sacred Archaeol. s. v.) 

d So called from resembling a counterpoint or a tester of a bed, opertorium 
lecti. (Litleton.) (Archasol. xxi. 257, 259.) 

e A sepulchre cloth of clothe of gold, with red fygury and blewe tynsyn (Ix s. 
MS. Inv. S. Steph. Westm.) A shete to laye in the sepulture. (MS. Inv. S. 
Dunstan's in the East.) A sharyne for the sepulture, covered with cloth of 
tyssue. (MS. Inv. S. Mary Woolnoth.) 

f Bawdekin or tinsel sericum auro intertextum. (Litleton.) See Sacred 
Archaeol. s. v. Bawdkin work, picturatae vestes tissue cloth of gold. 



One basonne of agathe a [fo. 54, garnysshed with golde and xi greate stones 
with their colletts of golde and with v other colletts of golde garnysshed with 
smalle stones and perles and iiij greate perles and uppon the bakesyde v 
faces of golde xxxviij oz.] 

iij endes of a broken crosse of birralle [fo. 54, beralle with holies b of yorne 
garnysshed with sylver and gilte Ixx oz.] 


Gilte. A payre of great Sensers of sylver gilte one of them havinge a botomme 

of yron within it weynge all together cclxvj [fo. 53, cclxxiv.J oz. 
One Pecturalle c of sylver and gilt garnysshed complete with course d flowers 

and perles wantinge ij stones havinge one aungell at the side and thre pictures 

in the middeste of sylver and gilte xij oz. e 
A Crowne of sylver and gilt with iiij crosses and iiij fflower-de-luces with 

doble wrethes aboute and betwene the wrethes fflowers enamelyd complete 

rounde aboute standinge of viij Jemouues f [al. fo. 54 Jemous] all weying 

together xliiij oz. 
A Salte withoute a cover of sylver parcell gilte viij square printed " with roses 

portecullyses and cross keyes weyinge xiij oz. 
ij Cuppes withoute covers of sylver and gilte of chekar worke weyinge 

xiij oz. di. 
A Salte of sylver and gilte with a cover full of droppes h [in the Misericorde] 

xxxj oz. [al. havyng droppys all all aboute hyt or ronde aboute the Cover.] 
A Salte of sylver and gilt with a cover with rosys portecullyses and petrekeys' 

[in the Misericorde] xxij oz. 
A Salte with a cover gilte, viij oz. 

a See Rites of Durham v p. 8, " A cuppe called an Aggatt." (Monast. i. 63.) 
A cup made of an agate called St. Peter's bolle weighing 35 oz. (Inv. of Jo. 
Duke of Northumberland, temp. Mary. Add. MS. 24,522, fo. 18.) 

b Bullonibus knobs. 

c See Archaeol. xliii. 247. 

d Probably thick or raised, coarse or gross. (Litleton.) There was a distinct 
material called "coorse silk." (Planche, Brit. Cost. 210.) " A vestment of Cowers 
silke blewe and whyt." (MS. Inv. Ludlow.) " Course cloth of sylver." (MS. Inv. 
The Pwe in S. Stephyn's Chapel.) " j vestment of red course satten of Cyprus." 
(Gun ton's Peterb. 63.) 

e A morse or clasp for a cope. 

f Gems, jewels in pairs, jemoux. Gemells were hinges. (Inv. of Lincoln 
Monast. vi. 1279.) Gemewes, jemeuys, gimmews metal fastenings or double 

K Pounsonnez, pricked with sharp-pointed instruments into patterns. (Archajol. 
xxix. 55.) 

h Pendant ornaments. "Dropped with silver dropps." (Hall 508, 614.) Drop, 
a pendant. (Litleton.) 

1 Three tunicles with Peter keys. (Gunton's Peterb. 60.) 

Y 2 


A Peyre of candlesticks gilte,* xxiiij oz. 

A Crucifixe standings upon a foote of sylver and gilte, xxxj oz. 

ij Basonnes of sylver and gilt, iiij**xviij oz. 

Summa oz. Oxlix oz. di. 

Parcel Gilte. ij basonnes and iij ewers of sylver parcell gilte either of the 
basonnes havynge a man in a tree slepinge, b and every of the ewers havinge 
j slippe in the printe of the cover. And allso a lesser basonne of sylver 
parcell gilte with Seynte Edwardes armes in the printe of the bossiiij xx ij oz. 
(given to the dean). 
A Salte withoute a cover of sylver parcell gilte viij square printed with roses 

portcullyses and crossekeys c xiij oz. 

iiij Saltes of sylver parcell gilte with rosys and portecullyses li oz. 
A Salte with a cover parcell gilte vij oz. di. 

Summa oz. cliij oz. di. 

White. A lytle drinkinge cuppe of sylver white with one ere voz. 
vij sylver spones vij oz. 
ij sylver pecys one bigger then the other and iiij other sylver peces of a byggnes 

together Ixixoz. (in the Misericorde). 
ij sylver potts one with a handle and thother withoute xij oz. ( in the 


vij sylver sponys vij oz. di. 
iiij saltes of sylver xli oz. 

xxij sylver spones belonging to the MYSEEICOEDE d xxiij oz. 
vj spones of sylver v oz. 
One flatte pece of sylver viij oz. 

xij spones of sylver xiiij oz. vj other sylver spones vij oz. 
A pece of sylver white ix oz. 

iij white pecys of sylver pouncede e in the botome xlvj oz. 

Masours* garnysslied with sylver gilte. iiij masours late in the Priours office. 
A masour bolle called Seynte Edwardes masour garnysshed with sylver. 
iij masors withoute bosses xiij masors with bosses (in the Misericorde). 
xix masors one of them without a bosse 8 (in the Misericord) one masour late 

in the Fermorye. h 

Nuttes^ garnysshedmith sylver gilte. A staudinge Nutte with a fote garnysshed 
all of sylver and gilte havynge a man in a tree holdinge a slippe in the 
toppe of the corner and written about the nutte Da gloriam Deo. 

" ij candelabra deaurata et operata portabilia ad processiones solemnes. (Dart. 
Canterb. App. xiv.) 

b i.e. slipping, the rebus of Abbot Islip. 

c Called in other places of the Inventory Peter Keys, the arms of the monastery. 
See also Gunton, 59. 

d " The Frayter, Misericorde, and the Greate Convent kitchen on the east part 
of the Calbege," etc. Gleanings from Westminster Abbey 224. The hall for 
eating flesh meat. See Sacred Archseol. s. v. and hereafter, p. 46. 

* Punctatus, stippled. 

f Murra. See Prompt. Parvul. 328, and York Vol. Arch. Instit. 

f Objects thus marked recur in the Inventory of Misericorde. 

h Infirmary. j A cocoa-nut fashioned into a cup. 


A greate standinge nutte with a fote garnysshed and a cover all of sylver and 

gilte havyng an Acorne in the toppe. 
A blacke Nutte with a cover the ffote garnysshed with sylver xxij oz. 

PLATE IN THE VESTRYE the xx* day of November anno Regni 
Regis Henrici VIII { xxx. 

j payre of candelstycks of sylver parcell gylte a C unces. 

j payre of candylstycks of sylver gylte Ixxij unces. 

j payre of candelstickks of sylver parcell gylte iiij xx xij unces. 

j payre of candy Istyckks sylver and gylt iiij x "xvij unces. 

A payr of gret sensers of sylver gylt j of them haveyng a bothyn of yron 

within it CClx[xiiij] unces. 
A payre of Sensers of sylver gylte on of them haveyng a bothyn of yron in 

yt Cxlxviij unces. 
A payre of sylver sensers parcell gylte eyther of them haveyng a bothn b of 

yron wythin it iiij xx iiij unces. 
A Nooster c for the Sacrament of curios d work of sylver and gylt haveyng a 

berall in it cxliiij unces. 

A Salt e plat of sylver parcell gilt xxvj unces. 
ij Augells of sylver and gylte holdyng ij candelstyckks CCv unces. ; the best crosse 

of sylver and gylte garnyshed with plait of gold f stones and perlys the figure 

of Criste thereon of gold arid Mary and John of sylver and gylt cij unces. 
The second Crosse of sylver and gylte with iij gret stonys and divers small 

stonys withe the Crucifix Mary and John of sylver and gylte ciij unces. 
The best payre of Pasturall Gloves " with parells of brodered work and small 

perells haveyng on them ij monyals h of gold garnyshed with vj stones and 

xxiiij gret perles eyther of them lackyng a stone and the colet iiij unces. 

a With the gold only appearing in places, partly gilt. 

b ? Bottom as above, a tray, " turibulum cum patella ferri." (MS. Inv. Ely, 
Trin. Coll. Cant. MS. O 2, fo. 130 b.) 

An ostensorium or monstrance. " j stondyng pyx of silver and gylt to bere 
the Sacrament in sett with stone and perle besides the cristall. (MS. Inv. S 
Steph. Westm.) " Delivered unto his majistie a fair mounstrance gilt parcell 
of the stuff that came from Westmester weinge iii xx jx oz." (Monast. i. 65.) 

d Curiously wrought, " affabre factus." (Litleton.) 

e Used in making holy water ; and in hallowing the font for baptisms. See 
Hall, 805. 

f " Cum platis auri perulis et gemmis." (Dart, Cant. App. viii.) " For ij 
platts of iron wher they pryst doth stand when he reads the lectar." (MS. Inv. 
All Hallows Bread Street.) " Riche greate crosses ready to he borne at 
festivall times " (Hall, 607.) s Pontifical gloves. 

h A setting of gems on the back, " monile aureum " in the Ely Inventory, 
" cum gemmis in plata quadrata." (Dart, Canterb. App. xiii.) " Laminis argen- 
teis deauratis et lapidibus insertis." (Dugd. St. Paul's, 205.) "Monilia argen* 
tea.'' (Monast. ii. 203.) 


The Second Payrc of pasturall gloves with lyk pereles haveyng on them ij 
monyals of gold enamyld white and blak garnyshed with iiij perlys in the 
on and xxiiij in the other and ij precious stony s j unce. 

The best Myter of gold garnysshed with perleys and precious stonys lackyng 
a flowre and a stone therein and a lytle leaf of gold on the rybe a thereof 
and haveyng ij labels perteynyng to the same garnysshyd with viij gi'et 
stonys and perles and viij pendant bells of gold iiij* x vj unces. 

The second Myter of sylver and gylt gamyssheil with white roses haveyng in 
them precyous stonys and garnysshyd with perles and levys, on of the said 
leves in the border and a stone with the garnet lackyng and haveyng ij 
labells garnysshed lykwyse with flowres and levys stonys perleys and ix 
bells of sylver and gylt lackynge on leyf iiij xx ix unces. b 

The third Myter of sylver and gylte with iiij pyctures of brodered work gar- 
nysshed with perles and white roses of sylver and gylte enamyled and with 
other flowres of sylver and gylt not enamyld, on of the said flowres lackyng 
in the border and lackyng vj leaves of sylver and gylt in the edge haveyng 
thereto belongyng ij labels garnysshed lyk wyse as the myters haveyug 
only ij bells of sylver and gylt xxviij unces. 

The iiijth myter of clothe of white sylver and iiij pellycans garnysshed theron 
in perles, the edges and sydes therof of sylver and gylt, wantyng vij leaves 
and bothe the toppys and haveyng ij labelles c of the same clothe weying 
all together xviij unces. 

The vth myter of white clothe garnysshyd complete with flowres of sylver 
and gylt, of dyvers sorts, with stonys complete in them, with labelles of the 
same work and garnysshed xvj unces. 

The vj myter for Seynt Nycholas bysshoppe d the grounde therof of whyte 
sylk garnysshed complete with fflowres gret and small of sylver and gylte 
and stones complete in them with the scripture Ora pro nobis Sancte Nicholai 
[fo. 53 Nicholaee] embrodered theron in peril the sydes sylver and gylt and 
the toppys of sylver and gylt and enamelyd with ij labelles of the same and 
garnysshed in lyk maner and with viij long bells 6 of sylver and gylt weying 
all together xxiij nnces. f 

The best Crosse Staffs of sylver gylt withe the Salutacon h thereon lackynge an 
ymage and a pelycan Cxlviii unces. 

3 Itiband, limbns, the fillet or circlet round the base of a mitre. 

b See Monastic Treasures, 33. " A myter with ij labells with v bells at eche 
lable silver and gilte." (MS. Inv. S. Paul's Cathedral.) 

c The pendants of the mitre. 

A The boy bishop, a bishop Nycolas maytar, xviij d. (MS. Inv. S. Benet Fink.) 
There is a good list of the ornaments used by the child in the notes to the 
Northumberland House Book ; see also Dngdale, S. Paul's, 206. 

* For the use of bells on vestments and ornaments see Sacred Archaeology. 

f The 5th and 6th mitres had been " delyvered to the Treasorer to the Kynges 
use." {Marg. note.) 

s Crux defertur in principalibus ante diaconum lecturum Evangelium. (Inv. of 
St. Alban's, Claud. E. iv. 351, and Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, p. 6.) 

h i.e. of [the Virgin.] 


The Second Crosse of sylver parcell gylt with the xii Appostils the staf 

thereof vj paned a of sylver parcell gylt, cxli unces. 
The thyrd Grose for Seynt Nycholas bysshoppe the hed thereof of sylver and 

gylt garnysshed with great perles and stonys haveyng therof an ymage 

of Seynt Peter and an other of Seynt Edward of sylver and gylt lackyng 

vij stonys and perlys the staff therof round of coper and tymber weying all 

together Ix tmces. 
ij Paxes b of sylver and gylte, one of them belongyng to the lady Margarett's 

Awlter, haveying theron the fygure of the Trinitie and portculles enamyled, 

the other haveynge theron graved the fygure of Cryste appon the Crose with 

Mary and John xi unces. 
[Ad us. Reg.] One pecturall c of sylver and gylt garnysshed complete with 

course stonys and perlys wantyng ij stonys haveyng one Angell at the syd 

and thre pyctures in the myddest of sylver and of gylt xvi unces. 
An other Pecturall of plaited sylver gyltid apon wood with iiij great stonys 

ix unces. 
An other Pecturall of coper and of gylte garnysshed with xiiij stonys haveyng 

theron the ymage of the Father and the iiij Evangelysts d xviij unces. 
An other Pecturall of coper and gylt with the ymage of o r Lady in the myddst 

of sylver and gylt with xij stonys all aboute the same ix unces. 
A Basyn 6 of crystall erased f and garnyshed wyth gold precious stonys arcd 

orient perles' complet wantyng iij perles and ij stonys with ther sokketta 

xxv j unces. 
[Ad us. Reg.] An other Basyn h of Agatha garnysshed with gold and xi gret 

stonys with ther collets ' of gold and with v other collets of gold garnyshed 

with small stonys and perles and iiij gret perles and apon the baksyde v 

faces of gold xxxviij unces. 

a Panelled ; meaning of six sides and not round. An alter clothe of velvet 
payned [in lines of] redd and blewe. (MS. Inv. Barking.) 

b See Sacred Archaeology, 436. 

c Caparum pectoralia sive morsus. (Amundesham, Ann. S. Albani, ii. 344.) See 
(Sacred Arch. s. v. Morse.) This not common name occurs also in the Inven- 
tories of Winchester (Dugd. Monast. i. 202) and St. Paul's (Dugd. St. Paul's 
207, 317) and Olney. d Generally called a Majesty. 

e Four basons with tapers were suspended in the Feretory, two given by Henry 
III. in the centre, and one on the north over Q. Edgitha's tomb, and one on the 
south over that of Q. Matilda. (Ecclesiastic. 1866, p. 574.) In the quire seven 
basons hanging. (Gunton, 61.) 

f Probably crassus, chased in high relief. 

e See Planche, Brit. Costume, 239. Hall's Chron. 793, 804. Lib. Albus, 
206. Dart, Canterb. App. Iv.) Ragged perles were pearls of irregular shape and 
untrimmed by the jeweller. 

h A paire of gilte basons for lavatories having a roose engraven in the myddst. 
(Monast. i. 65.) Such were used by the celebrant for ablution of his hands. 

' " A beasel of a ring, the upper part of the collet of a ring which contains 
the stone." (Coles, Diet. 1713.) Cabochon (Cotgrave) the place where the stone is 
set. (Litleton.) Sexe colletts of golde wherein is sett sexe counterfeit stones. 
(Monast. i. 64.) (Archseol. xliii. 247.) 


One Pontiticall* of golcle with a gret gray stone in the myddyst garnysshyd 
about with vj rubyes and v perlys. An other pontificall b of gold with a 
gret redstone in the myddyst garnysshed about with iiij saphures. An 
other pontifical! of gold with a gret red stone in the myddyst garnysshed 
at the syds with ij small sparks of emreds rt ij unces q rta . 

A Pystyll Boke the for parte therof coveryd with plait of sylver whyt 
garnysshod with an edge of sylver and gylt above the same plait and with 
the ymages of Cryst, Mary and John of sylver and gylt in the myddyst 
(with the boke) Ixviij unces. 

A Gospell Boke the for 6 parte therof coveryd over the plait of sylver white 
with a crose of sylver above over the same plait and an ymage of Criste of 
sylver and gylt apon the same crosse (with the boke) Ixxviij unces. 

A Basyn f of sylver and gylt with the ymage of the Trinitie in the myddyst 
enamyled with vj scochons of sylver and gylt enamyled apon the edge. An 
other Basyn of sylver and gylt with o r Lady syttyng in the myddyste 
enamelyd with iiij scoucheons of sylver and gylt enamelyd apon the edge 
Ixxvj unces. 

A Sacreyng Bell* of sylver and gylte with the clapper of sylver whyte iij 
unces iij quarters. 

iiij canapye bells of sylver and gylt haveynge iij clappers of yron and wantyng 
the iiij thc viij unces. 

ij Payr of Cruetts of sylver white xxiij unces. 

A Shypp for incense of sylver gilte haveyng thereon ij scoucheons of sylver 
and gylt, the one of them enamelyd with the armys of the monastery the 
other wyth the abbots armes with a lytle dog of sylver and gylt for the hand 
and a spone of sylver and gylt perteynyng to the same xxxiiij unces. 

A Haly water Pott with a bayle' 1 and a spryngcle all of sylver parcell gylt 
the spryngcle fylled with burstyls' complete iiij xx xvj unces. 

ij crose stayffs of wood round coveryd over complet with plait of sylver whit 
haveyng viij gret bosys of sylver and gylt CCxlvij unces. 

ij other Crose staiffes of wood within and coveryd over complet with plait of 
sylver parcell gylt haveyng x gret boses of sylver and gylt with ij gret hedds 
of sylver and gylt garnysshed with pinacles and ymages complet the bygger 
hed lackyng one gret ymage and the lesser hed wantyng v gret ymages and 
one small ymage Dxxi unces. 

R The ring of a prelate. 

b A pontificall of golde wherein is sett a greate saphire. (Monast. i. 63.) 

c Glittering pieces, scintillas. (Com. Monastic Treasures, p. 50.) 

d Emeralds, lapide vocato emered. (Inv. of York, Monast. vi. 1203.) 

e Front. 

' A bason and ewer of pewter hamerd to be usyd at Crystnyng of Chyldern in 
Chyrch. (Bury Wills, 116.) 

8 Tintinnabulum ad elevationem Corporis Christi personandum. (Inv. S. Paul's, 
Dugd App. 232. See Proc. Soc. Ant. N. S. v.) 

11 Bail. Fr. bailler, a handle : a word used in the Eastern Counties now. 
(Arch. Soc. xviii. 145 ; caneta cum ansa. MS. Inv. Ely, fo. 130 b.) 

1 Bristles to form the brush. 


The best Chales with a Patent of sylver and gylt the Patent haveying the 
ymage of the Father in the myddyst enamyled and over the ffoot of the same 
chales the ymages of y c Crucifix Marye and John with thes ij letters " N " 
and " L " a crownyd and enamyld Ixxij unces. 

The second chales with a patent of sylver and gylt with the fygure of Cryst 
syttyng in the Dowme b in the myddyst of the patent with thys scripture 
about the same Ego solus ab eterno creo cuncta liij unces. 

The thyrd chales with the patent of sylver and gylt the ffoot and all benethe the 
boll of the same chales set with stockwork c and garnysshed with perles and 
stonys lackyng xj stonys with a pycture of the Father gravyd in the myddyst 
of the patent with thys scripture Fit caro per verbum de pane manens caro 
verbum xxxix unces. 

The iiij th chales with the patent of sylver and gylt perteynyng to Seynt Blase 
altar d the foote of the same chales beyng round and haveyng the ymage of 
Chryst enamylyd on the same with the ymage of the Dowme in the myddyst 
of the patent enamyled with N and L crownyd at the foot of the same dowme 
xxiiij nnces. 

[In the Churche as ys sayd.] The v th chales with the patent of sylver and 
gylte with the Vernacle in the myddyst of the patent and the Crucifix one 
the ffoote belongyng to Seynt Andrew Chappell, ix unces. 

The vi th chales with patent of sylver and gylt with the Trinitie enamyled 
in the myddyst of the patent and Jhus gravyn one the baksyde of the 
patent with thys scripture gravyn aboute the boll of y e chales Calicem 
Salutaris \_sic~\ accipiam et nomen D'ni invocabo, and on the ffoote Jhus 
Xpus gravyn and the crucifix enamyled belongyng to Seynt MygJiells 
Chappell and in the custody of dan George Spryngwell," xxxiij unces di. 

[In the churche.] The vii th chales with patent of sylver and gylt with the 
Dowme enamyled in the myddyst of the patent and the Crucifixe enamyled 
one the fotte of the chales belongyng to Seynt Nycholas Alter, xvii 
unces di. 

The viij th chales with patent of sylver parcell gylt with an ymage of the cru- 
cefix gravyn on the ffoot and a vernacles bed f in the mydds of the patent 

a Abbot Nicholas Litlington's initials, which occur on the stained glass in the 
Westminster Scholars' Hall. 

b Doom, or Last Judgment, as in the arms of the See of Chichester. 

c Open or perforated work. Litleton gives sticked or thrust through. 

d Abbot Litlington was buried " before the door of the vestibulum and against 
the altar of St. Blaise." (Widmore, 107.) Dart, i. 64, calls the revestry the 
chapel of St. Blaise, but an entry, p. 31, shows it to have held the altar of St. 
Faith. The altar of St. Thomas was also in this transept, Capella B. Thomas, 
quse dicitur locus anticapitularis juxta chorum. [1341. Launton Pap. I. n. 7.] 

e " M d . Docto r Gorton [sa]yeth that this chalice was stollen when [Sjpryngewell 
was [comm]ytted to prison. [Ne] verthelesse enquyre[th]e names of the men of the 
Garde, and know [b]y what colo r they kepe the said chalice." On the opposite 
margin, " in custodia of the men of the garde." 

f The Veronica ; see Sacred Archaeology; " the picture of Christ's face upon 
a handkercher." (Litleton.) 


with a pece of lead in the soket belongyng to the chapell of Seynt John the- 
vaungelist in the custody of S r John Smyth, ix unces. 

ij Patentesfor oblacyons a of sylver and gylt with Jhus crowned in the myddes 
of eyther of the patentes xii unces. 

An Oblacion Spone b flat of sylver parcell gylt with Jhus gravyn in the myddes 
wanting the knop at the end, j unce qrt. 

A Box for Syngyng Bred c of sylver whyte ij unces di. 

A Shyp for incense of sylver parcell gylt withe the armes of the monasterye 
and Eslyp graven on the lydds and with a lytell dog of sylver for the haspe 
of the same, xj unces. 

ij Vergers Roddes of sylver white, the knops at boith endes gylt, the one of 
them haveyng the Crosse Keys at the one end and the armes of Seynt Edward 
at the other end and the other Verge wantyng the armes at boith ends with 
ij lytle bolts of yron in them, xv uncs di. 

A Crosse for the Holy Candyll d with a pryk for a taper in the mydds all of 
sylver and gylt with the armes the Crosse Keys and the arms of the monas- 
terye enamyled at the iiij ends of the same crosse, xxij unces. 

A foot for the Crosse to stand appon herses" of sylver and gylt with iiij ymages 

a The King (Henry VII.) shall offre (at the high mass) an obley of bred laid 
uppon the patteiit of Seynt Edward his chalice. (Rutland Papers, Camd. Soc. 21.) 
In the Inventory of St. Paul's are a pyxis ad oblationes, pyxis ad oblatos (Dugd. 
St. Paul's 230-1), and in that of York pyxis pro pane portando (Monast. vi. 1205). 
Pyxis ad hostias at Canterbury (Dart, App. xiv.). Pyxide ligneo pro vino aqua 
et oblatis panibus imponendis. (Harl. MS. 3775, fo. 137.) 

b Cochlear tractatorium, the spoon with which the hosts or oblatse were placed 
upon the paten ; different from the spoon for the mixed chalice. (Monast. viii. 
1365. Test. Eborac. Pt. i. p. 172.) Coclear de calcedon pro aqua in calicem in- 
funclenda. (Malcolm i. 28.) 

c MS. Invt. St. Stephen's Westminster j lytell boxe for syngyng bred (un- 
consecrated hosts) or obleys garnysshed with sylver and gilt 1 oz. di. An almery 
wherein singing bread and wine were usually placed. (Rites of Durham, 2.) Pro 
5000 panes voc' singing brede et hoseling brede 16 Hen. VIII. 2s. lid. In the 
accounts of Westminster Abbey, 31 Henry VIII. 5000 syngyng bred at 8d. the 
thousand ; 5000 syngyng bred for messys. (Add. MS. 24,528, fo. 135.) See also 
Arch. xxv. 452, xxi. 243. 

d Cereus Paschalis. See Paschal in Sacred Archaeology, j stykke of sylver 
parcell gilt for the Holy Candell viii onz. (MS. Inv. S. Steph. Westm.) The 
prick was a pointed projection on which the candle was fixed, ij candellsticks with 
pikes. (MS. Inv. Penne.) 

6 Crosse of sylver and gilte with Marye and John to stond on the herse. (MS. 
Inv. S. Steph. Westm.) The hearse of Abbot Islip may be seen in the Vetusta 
Monumenta ; one at St. Alban's is thus described: super feretrum, sub Herse 
perpulchro, sub libitina paunis aureis undique decorata, et v. magnis cereis et iiij 
mortariis cereis. (Gesta, iii. 422.) Islip's was a goodly herse with many lights and 
majesty and valunce set with pencils and double banners. (Widmore, App. 208.) 


of either syd enamyled and on the nether parte of the same .foote of eyther 
of the said sydes a picture of Seynt George enamyled and at eyther end of 
the nether parte of the same foote oon scoucheon wyth iij crownys enamyld 
and iiij lyons of sylver and gylt beryng the same foote, iiij x * xvuncs. 

[Ad us. Reg.] A Crowne of sylver and gylt. [See before under Plate, p. 3.] 

The best Text a close coveryd one the one syde wyth plait of sylver gyltyd 
garnyshed with an ymage of sylver and gylt in the mydds and with vij 
ymages enamyled vj counterfett turkes b and iij other gret counterfett stonys 
and with iiij plates of latyn at the iiij corners of the same text at the bak- 
syde, Cxlvij unces. 

An other Texte Book to open and spar c covered on the forsyd with plait of 
sylver and gylt garnyshed at ij corners of the same syd with brances d of 
sylver and gylt lackyng the same at the other ij corners with a crosse and 
the ymages of Mary arid John gravyd on the same plait with a crucifix of 
sylver and gylt naled on the same crosse with iij yron nayles and v. small 
perles aboute the nek of the same crucifix the claspys therof beyng of latyn, 
cxx unces. 

A Crosse of berall with a slot e of yron thoro hym every way with a large Cru- 
cifixe of sylver and gylt with iiij bands of sylver and gylt and a plat of 
sylver and gylt at the upper end of the same crosse, Ixxvij unces. 

A Crosse of Calcydon f with a bolte of yron thoro it every way with a rondell * 
of coper and gylt garnyshed about with viij bands and ij lytle roundels of 
sylver and gylt haveyng in them ij gret stones iij perles and xliiij small 
stones the reste wantyng, lix unces. 

iij ends of a broken crosse of berall with bolts of yron thoro them [garnyshed 
with vij bonds h of sylver and gylt] (Ixx unces cancelled) xliiij oz. 

A Crosse of berall ' with a bolt of yron thoro yt every way garnysshed with viij 
plaits of sylver and gylt and a Table of wood in the mydds parte garuyshcd 
with sylver and gylt, cxlij nnces. 

A Crosse of tymber with a slot of yron at the foot covered with thyn plait of 

a Liber rubeus qui vocatur Textus in casso de corio, super quern magnates 
solebant jurare (Inv. 33 Edw. I. Add. MS. 24,699, fo. 56). Textus ornatus 
quodam torsello cum lapidibus et innumerabilibus perles. (MS. Inv. Ely, 12th 
cent. The Book of the Four Gospels entire. MS. Trin. Coll. Cant. 0. 2. fo. 129 b.) 
At Salisbury we find a text after Matthew, a text after Mark, etc. (Dodsw. 232). 

b Turquoise ; uno lapide vocato Turkas. (Inv. of York Monast. vi. 1203.) 

With a closure or hasp, as in spar (shut) the door. See the binding of Harl. 
MS. 1498, temp. Hen. VII. 

d Corner pieces, like a gag or brank. 

e A bolt, as in the provincial phrase, Slot the door. (Coles, Diet. 713.) 3 slottes 
and 4 stapill ferri. 1 Hen. V. (Add. MS. 24,528, fo. 160.) 
f Chalcedony. 
f Circular bands. 
h Bands. 

1 A cross of beryll or crystall was carried from Easter to the Ascension in pro- 
cession. (Rites of Durham, p. 11 ; comp. Monast. viii. 1280, 1204.) 


sylver and gylt garnyshed with borders beyng set with cliiij stones over and 

besyds other stones that begon a cix unces. 
A Crosse for Good Fryday. 
An other Crosse of coper and gylt lyk a ragged staf b with a crucifix on the 


ij Potts of sylver c parcell gylt with ther covers. 
An other pott with hys cover of sylver and gylt haveyng in them Holy Oyle and 

Creme d with ther stekes in them, weying all together, oyle and all, Ixxj unces . 


Oon Septer of tymber coveryd with thyn plate of gold beyng garnyshyd with 
stonys in ij places therof and with perle in oon other place therof haveyng at 
oon end a byrd of gold e and at the other end a pyke of sylver and gylte 
servyng for the Kyngs grace when he ys crownyd and resseyvyd into the 

Oon other Septer of whyte and black checkeryd yvory haveyng at oon end 
therof a byrd of gold and at the other end a pyke of sylver and gylte servyng 
for the quene. f 

Oon other Septer of sylver and gylte haveyng at oon end therof a byrd and 
levys all of sylver and gylte and at the other end no garnysshyng nor pyke 
but playne. 
Graye Amyses.f Oon good graye Amyes not moche worne. 

An other greye Amyse whiche is well worne and lately repaired. 
Surplesys and Jtochettes. h iij Surplesys of ffyne clothe ij of them well worn 
and have nede to be repayred. 

a Are gone, i.e. lost. 

b At St. Alban's on one of the pillars a crucifix is thus represented, as if 
budding, a cross raguly. j suit of red velvet with ragged staves. (Gunton's Peter- 
borough, 59.) 

c Chrismatories. iij. chrismatories curiously enamelled, having each two pots 
for oyl and cream. (Inv. Sarum, 1538, Dodsw. 231.) 

d Chrism for Confirmation, the Holy oil, and oil of the sick. (Inv. of York, 
Monast. vi. 1203.) In vase ligneo ad modum naviculae sunt diverse ampullae 
vitrese cum oleo. (Inv. 25 and 35 Edw. 1. Add. MS. 24,522, fo. 61.) 

e The dove. (See Gent. Mag. xxxi. 347.) 

1 Anna Boleyne wore the crown of St. Edward, and held a gold sceptre in her 
right and an ivory rod with the dove in her left hand. (Hall, 803.) An ivory 
rod with a dove was also used by Queen Mary in 1685. A pyke, a pointed 

g Graium almutium, Amess grey. (Hall, 513.) An ornament of grey fur, 
worn by dignitaries (Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, 120), as in the well- 
known portraits of Warham and Cranmer, and the Inventories of St. Alban's. 
iij almicia quorum ij de griseo et tercium de serico. (Claud. E. iv. fo. 351.) 
Almutias cum furruris aliquibus nigras. (Gesta, ii. 453 ; comp. Annales, ii. 759 ; 
and Med. Kalend. of Chich. Proc. R. S. L. ix. N.S. 17.) 

h Rochet, a habit resembling a surplice, but without sleeves. (Lynd. lib. iii. 
tit.,27, jx JJ52J 


iij Rochetts of ffyne lynneyn clothe whiche be all well worne but namely of 

Dalmatyckes. Oon payr of Dalmatycks a of red bawdkyn garnyshyd aboute the 

borders with strypys of gold. 
Oon other peyr of dalinatycks of black sarcynet garnyshed aboute the borders 

with strypis of gold. 
Oon other payr of dalmatycks of whyte bawdkyn garnyshyd aboute the borders 

with strypys of gold. 
Oon other peyr of dalmatycks of murrey b bawdekyn haveyng wrought in them 

trees and byrdds of golde. 
A payre of grene dalmatycks oon of them of bawdekyn and garnyshyd aboute 

the borders with strypys of golde and the other of them of sarcynet gar- 
nyshed abonte the borders with strypys of sylver. 


A frontell of clothe of gold with flo r s c and rossys wroughte in the same 

servyng for beneth the awlter of the gyfte of Kynge Rychard the Second. 
A ryche fronte for beynethe of clothe of gold. [As in the first inventory, 
p. 2.] 

[Pro rege.] A ryche ffronte for above. [See p. 2.] 

A goodly fronte ffor beneth of grene satten garnysshyd with gold of dyvers 

Kyngs and bysshops with scouchyns d with lyons at both the ends. 
An Awlter clothe for benethe of gold nedyll work with the Birth of o r Lord 

and Seynt Edwards story e with ij addycons at the end of. nedyll work 

garnyshed with perlys. 
A goodly blewe fronte for above and benethe garnyshed with fflerorys of gold 

and a ymage of o r Lady in the upper parte in the nether parte with the armys 

of my lord Hungerford and thys scripture Remembrauncc suffysitli me of 

the gyfte of my lady Hungerford. f 
Another awlter clothe for benethe of black clothe of gold embrotherd with 

angells with Requiem eternam dona els D'ne and the dome 8 in the mydds of 

the said clothe. 
A goodly fronte of nedyll work with Cryste crucified and of every syd a thef 

* But namely, i.e. without exception. 

b Color ferrugineus, pullus, etc. (Litleton), sad-coloured. 

e Fleurs-de-lis. 

d Scutcheons. 

e His interview with St. John as the Palmer. S. Edward offering the ring to 
the Pilgrim was on a corporal case (loculus) at St. Alban's. (Claud. E. iv. 
fo. 586. 

f Probably the munificent Margaret, foundress of the Hungerford Chantry at 
Salisbury. See the Inventory of her similar gifts, Dugdale's Baronage, iv. 

K The Doom the Last Judgment. 


with scripture of ffrenche in the neyther parte therof of the gyfte of 

Xpofer Goodhapps.* 
Another for beneth of crymsyn velvett enbrothered with Angells and flowrys 

and thes ij letters I and B sett on them enbroderd work. 
Another for benethe of whyte damask with egylls and v swannys in the 


Another for benethe for the day of y e Epiphanye of whyte wyth starrys. 
A nother of blewe velvett with ffloure de lyces and lybards b A frontell belong- 

yng to the same. Sold. 
Another of russett velvett in bothe ends and in the mydds with olyvaunts c 

withe a upper fronte of the same. Sold. 
Another of white damask bawdekyn of Wycombes gyfte with a nan-owe fronte 

with the ymage of Ihu in the myddys standing in a chalys. Sold. 
Another for seynt Edward's Vigyll d wyth rossys and byrds. Sold. 
Another for beneth with flor de lyces and lybardes of nedyll work fashenyd 

like losengys. 

Another of blewe with angells for Mygelmas day. 
An awter clothe and a fronte of white satten of bryges in iiij peces complete 

for the hole awlter above and beneth garnyshed with flors of brotherd work 

of tha gyfte of dan Wyllyam Evesham. 
Another of black velvett and satten of brydges paned with a doume in the 

myddes and certen other brotherd work of the gyfte of the sayd dan 

Wyllyam Evesham. 
A narowe fronte of black satten of bryges with byrds for Requiem masses of 

the gyfte of the said Wyllyam Evesham. 
Another by the fronte for above of blewe and red sarsynett with crucifix Mary 

and John with flowres de lyces and other of the gyfte of the sayd Wyllyam 


Another of blak satten with scoutchyns for Abbottes Dyryges. f Sold. 
Another of bawdekyn with greke letters for Relyk Sonday.e Sold. 
The Vigyll ffrontal of grene cadas. 11 
Another of white horsses standyng upon ryvers. Sold. 
Sepulchre clothes and other. 1 the ffyrste of gold with scouchyns k enbrothered 

with the Batelle' of Rowncyvalle. 1 

11 Christopher was one of the 25 monks at the time of the Dissolution. 

b Leopards and lilies, the arms of England and France. 

c Elephants. d Jan. 4. Leopards. f Diriges. 

Sunday after July 7. h Garde, a silken stuff. 

' ij Clothes that hanged befor pillers. (MS. Inv. Benington.) iiij shettis y l 
dyd hange before y e tabernacles. (Ib. Lecheworth.) Pro apparatu in die Para- 
sceves Panni quorum superior habet angelum de auro et serico loquentem iij bus 
Maries, inferior iij milites custodientes sepulcrnm, tertius vero Chrestum appar- 
entem beate Marie Magdalene et B. Thome Apostolo. Inv. S. Albani, Claud. 
E. IV. 358 b. 

k Scutcheon shields ; they have since become dilated into the hideous large 
lozenges set up by undertakers. 

1 The famous battle of the Paladins of Charlemagne, where the great Roland 
wound his horn in vain. 


the ij de of yellowe collo r enbrothcryd wyth old and newe armys of Yngland. 

the iij de of red satten enbrotheryd with iij gret lyons. (Sold.) 

the iiij th of red satten enbrotherd with the ymageof o r Lady with a tabulle* in 

her hand and saynt John wyth a Tone. b (Sold.) 
[Pro rege.] The v th a gret cover of a bed of nedyll work (see Ornaments of the 

Church, p. 2.)' 
A clothe of crymsyn velvett garnysshyd with bollyons d of sylver and gylte with 

armes of sylver and gylte and perle of dyvers colers. 
A Croche c of yvory. 
A lynnyn bagge with yellowe awmber f bedys with owche? lyke a bokle of 

sylver and gylte and a Crucifix with Mary and John sylver and gylte. 
A pece of a nett of Venys h gold beryng the brede' of a yerd every way. 
Clothes for the Sacrament. A Sacrament clothe k of ffyne white sarcynet 

ffrynged with gold with this scripture " Xpo gloriam canamus " with iiij 

knoppys of sylver and gylte. 
a nether sacrament clothe of red sarcenet for every day of Xpofer Goodhappys 

a Canopy of clothe of gold garnysshed with sylver and gylt of y e gyfte of o r 

reverent father J. Islyppe. 
Lent Stuff. A Travers of grene sylk. 1 
A yellowe awter clothe with the iiij Evaungelysts. 
a steynyd clothe to cover the sepulcre with the Trinite and ij clothes for Peter 

and Paule. 
a gret clothe paynted for the crucifix over the highe awlter. 

a Probably a scroll with some design upon it. A table means a delineation in 
carving or painting, or even embroidery. A table of brothery with the Passion. 
(MS. Inv. S. Stephen's, Westm.) Tabula de velvetto nigro broudato cum perlis 
de Annunciatione B. Marie. (Inv. Q. Isabel, temp. Edw. III. Add. MS. 24,529, 
fo. 3.) 

b The tun [dolium] of burning oil into which he was plunged ad Portam 
Latinam. (Legende Sanctorum, ed. 1516, fo. 29, 91, by John de Voragine, 
Archbishop of Genoa. 

c Rounds of metal like bullets. 

d Archasol. xliii. 247. 

e A pastoral staff or crook. Crocese eburneae. (MS. Inv. Ely, fo. 1306.) 

f Amber beads. 

e Brooch. (Litleton gives monile.) 

h Venice, in distinction to that of Lewks or Lucca. See Hall's Chron. 791. 
(MS. Inv. S. Michel at the Quern,) ij knytt canape clothes. (S. Peter West 
Chepe,) A Pyxe cloth with a cawlle garnysshed with damaske gold. (MS. Inv. 
Wore. Cath.) A girdyll knytted after nett wyse. 

1 Breadth. 

k A canopy cloth over the reserved Sacrament. See that of Hesset in 
Ecclesiol. xxix. 86, with a corporas Case or burse. 

1 A curtain to form a screen transversum chori. (See Hall, Chron. 793.) A 
traverse of cloth of gold and within that the Kyng's place and chairs. (Ib. 607.) 

m Easter Sepulchre. See Sacred Archaeology, s. v. 


ij drawyng perpull curteyns for the vayle" afore the highe awlter. 
a staynyd clothe ffor the Crokyd Rood. b 
Kanapys* the ffyrste of white bawdekyn. 

the ij de of red bawdkynwith sterrys of gold of chaungeable d collor. 

the iij de of blewe bawdekyn wyth byrds of gold and a frynge of gold un- 

lynyd. 6 (Sold.) 

the iiij th of grene bawdekyn with byrds of gold and doggs. f (Sold.) 
[Pro rege.] the v th of black clothe of gold, 
a gret blewe clothe with Kyngs on horsse bakes for Saynt Nicholas cheyre. 

(Delivered to Mr. Treasorer ut supra et postea d'no Regi deliberat'.) 
Copy* and Chezabulls agreable. [Pro rege.] V Copys of nedyll work one of 

them called Seynt Peters Cope h lynyd etc. (See p. 1.) 
iiij Copys a Chezabull ij tunycles with vj albys and iij phanaras of clothe of 

gold haveyng fleurys and braunchys of gold with whyte and grene flores in 

ther toppys of the gyf te of Kyng Eychard the second. 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys with stolls and iij phanams of tyssewe 

endentyd as chewerne' work haveyng in the cheverns crymsyn and golden 

fflowrys of Kyng Richard the ij de8 gyfte. (Sold.) 
A chezabull ij tunycles ij stollys iij phanams iij albys with rosys portcullys 

of ffyne clothe of tyssewe of the gyfte of Kyng Henry the VII th . 
A cope chezabull and ij tunycles of blewe velvett embrothered with vynys of 

gold with whyte rosys wyth lybard hedds of gold. 

a The Lent Veil. See notes to Lent Stuff below. (MS. Inv. Newport,) j certen 
clothe of white canvas to be drawen before the Commnnyon tyme. (Arreton,) a 
corten of linnen usede to be drawen before the awter. 

b There was a Crux declinatoria at St. Alban's. In the Custumal of Ware 
which I abbreviated in the Ecclesiastic, vol. xxviii., there are mentioned 
lamps burning before the altars of Old St. Mary [at the north door], the Holy 
Trinity, S. Benedict, Holy Cross, S. Paul, and the Crucifix, the feet of which are 
kissed by the people coming up on one side and descending by the other side, p. 574. 
A watcher's chamber is also mentioned, and a choir altar besides the high altar. 

c MS. Inv. ot S. Michael at the Quern, ij knytt canape clothes ; a canapy over 
the pyx. (Wynterborne Stapleton,) Usus observatus in Anglia, ut Sacramentum 
Eucharistias in conopeo pendeat super altare. (Lyndw. p. 248.) 1 canapie clothe 
gilte, of lynen clothe with iiij canapie staves. (MS. Inv. S. Swithin's, London.) 

d Shot with various colours. 

e iij hangings of red saye with Swannys, oon of thaim unlyned. MS. Publ. 
Rec. Off. A$ [66] fo. 15. (Inv. Sir W. Stanley.) 

f iij peces of olde rede saye, iij lyned and oon unlyned. [fo. 11.] 

s Unus pannus cum regibus equitantibus Inv. S. Pauli. (Dugdale, 224.) 
Canopies were used, not only for the pyx, but over tabernacles, ij canapes of red 
clothe of gold fygury for Saynt Stephyn and SayntJjGeorge. (MS. Inv. S. 
Stephen's Westm.) The chair was that of the boy bishop. 

h Archaeol. xliii. 246. Agreeable, i.e. of one suit. See Can. xxiv. 1603. 

' Chevron. At St. Paul's there was aT-apa iudentata (Dugd. 208), and another 
cum avibus inter virgulas cheverouatas in alternis spaciis. (Ib. 209.) 


[Pro rege.] A Cope a chezabull and ij tunycles one albe a stolle and a phanam 

of ffyne blewe tyssewe branchyd of the gyfte of Kyng Henry the V th . 
A chezabull ij tunycles with iij albys ij stollyesand iij phanams all garrnysshed 

with perlys which serve for the ij ffeasts of Saynte Peter, 
iij Copys a chezabull ij tunycles with iij albys with stolls and phanams of fyne 

bawdkyn and the orpherys beyng of blewe velvett with swanys and thys 

letter "A" of perle of the gyfte of Sir Thomas of Woodstock b for Corpus 

Xpi Day. 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys with ij stollys and iij phanams of red 

crymsyn clothe of gold of the gyfte of Sir Thomas Vaughan Knyghte.' 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles with iij albys without stolles and phanams of red 

cloth of gold of the gyfte of Pryor Flete. d 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles without stolles and phanams of blewe velvett 

enbrotheryd with anteloppes 6 and mylles of gold the orpherys of grene velvett 

of the gyfte of Kyng Henry the IV th . 
Another cope and chezabull ij tunycles of grcne velvett with the orpherys of 

blewe velvett wyth anteloppys and mylls and with a stoll and a phanam of 

grene velvett with rossis and slyppys f and an albe to the same belongyng of 

the gyfte of Kynge Henry the V th . 
A cope of blewe velvett rychely enbrotheryd with angells and crosskeys with a 

sword in the myddys of the keys and the Holly Lambe before. 
[Sold.] A cope a chezabull ij tunycles withoute stolles and phanams em- 

brotheryd with crownys of gold, 
xiij Copys with a chezabull and ij tunycles iij albys withoute stolles and 

phanams of whyte damask enbrotheryd with Egylls and Angells of gold of 

the gyft of Pryor Flett. 
[Sold.] iij copes of white bawdekyn with ffleures of gold and dases the orpheus 

of blewe velvett enbrotherd with Yslypps rychely wroughte with gold and 

thys letter I in the morses K and a slyppe standyng therbye with a chezabull and 

ij tunycles of lyk stuf lykewyse garnyshed with enbrotheryd work with iij 

albys ij stolles and iij phanams of the same cloth of bawdkyn and velvett of 

the gyfte of John Islyppe abbott. 
[Sold.] A Cope a chezabull ij tunycles with iij albys withoute stolles and 

phanams of crymsyn bawdekyn stavyd lyke to enbrothered with small byrds 

a Archaeol. xliii. 246. 

b Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, murdered 1397, buried in the Abbey. (Dart, 
ii. 47.) 

c Thomas Vaughan, Thesaur. Gamer. Edwardi IV., buried in St. John Baptist's 
Chapel. (Dart, i. 189.) 

d John Flete, who died Prior 1464, wrote a history at the request of some of 
the monks. (Widmore, 4.) 

e The badge of Henry V. 

f Small branches or leaves. 

8 Clasps. 



of gold in the stavys servyng for Palme Sonday and Sherthnrsdaye a and 

Seynt Andrew's Day. 
A Cope and chezabull ij tunycles iij albys oon stoll ij phanams of crymsyn 

satten enbrotheryd with castelles and lyons b with a goodly albe garnysshed 

with ymageiy and whyte harttes c with stoll and phanam and v long bells of 

sylver and gylt servyng for Holly Rood Day. d 
iij copys of purpille bawdekyn with grene and whyte cheynys d and flowryd 

brawnchys in the cheynys the orpheus of blewe velvett haveynjr in it certeyn 

fflo r s of gold with ij tunycles and a chezabull to the same belongyng servyng 

for Seynt Laurence day. f 
[Sold.] A cope and a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys of fyne grene bawdekyn 

with beasts of gold and white ostrygs f ethers in the same servyng for Mary 

Maudeleyn's day. h 
A cope of whyte garnysshyd with Columbyns 1 and a chezabull ij tunycles iij 

albys with ther stolls and phanams of white bawdekyn with sterrys of gold 

servyng for the XII VC day. k 
iiij copys a chezabull ij tunycles with v albys with oon stoll and iij phanams of 

bawdekyn haveyng in hit strypes of gold with Greke letters ' for Relyque 

[Sold.] v copys a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys with ij stolls and iij phanams 

of purpull velvett with the orpheus of blewe and crymsyn velvett garnysshed 

with enbrotheryd gartters. 
[Sold.] A cope a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys ij stolls iij phanams of 

crymsyn velvett oppen velvet rychely orpheuzed with ymagery and the arrays 

of Kyng Rychard the Second and Anne hys wyf and also of ther gyfte. 
[Sold.) A chezabull ij tunycles ix copys iiij albys with stolls and phanams n of 

bawdkyn losengyd with fflo r s betwene servyng for Cathedra S" Petri. 
iij copys of blewe Sarsenett a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys ij stolls and iij 

phanams all with Angells servyng for Myghelmas Day and one peyre of 

curteyns of blewe Sarcynett longyng to y e same. 

a Thursday in Holy Week. (Sacr. Arch. s. v.) 

b The arms of Castile and Leon. 

The badge of Richard II. (See Dart, i. 64.) 

d Sept. 14. e Chains. t Aug. 10. 

f Ostrich. h July 22. 

1 A cope of blacke clothe bordered with collumbyns (MS. Inv. St. Nicholas 
Kold Abbey), the flower so called. 1 vestment of collumbyne worsted. (Ib 
Horsham, S. Faith.) 1 cope of colubyn satten of brydges. (Ib. Denver.) A 
cope of collubyne sarcenet. (Ib. Tacolneston.) 

k One of the earliest instances of the use of the term applied to the Epiphany 

' Qy. I.H.S. 

m The third Sunday after the translation of S. Thomas, July 7, for worship of 
all relics on earth, and the third Sunday after Midsummer Day. (Sacr. Archseol 


Feb. 22. 


A chezabull ij tunycles iiij albys ij stolls iij phanams and a cope of course 

crymsyn satten enbrotheryd with lyons of gold servyng for Sondays. 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles oon stoll ij phanams of whyte bawdkyn with 

goldyn swannys orpheuzed with broderd work. 
[Sold.] iiij copys a chezabull ij tunycles v albys of yellowe servyng for the 

feaste of Seynt John Porte Latyn* one of the copys beyng garnysshyd with 

byrdes of nedyll work, 
ij copys a chezabull ij tunycles on albe ij stolls iij phanams of blewe bawdekyn 

with blew byrdes haveyng hedds and feet of gold whiche serve ffor som con- 
fessors in three copys. 1 ' 
A chezabull ij tunycles iij albys wythoute stoll and phanam of blew satten with 

half monys c and starys servyng for the Utas d of Seynt Edward. 
[Sold.] iij copys a chezabull ij tunycles of red bawdekyn w'oute albys stolls or 

phanams with a pelycan on the bak syd of the chezabull enbrotherd with 

gold of the gyft of Kobert Colchester. 
A chezabull ij tunycles wythout albys stolls or phanams of red bawdekyn with 

pecocks 6 haveyng scripture in ther mouthes and a cope to the same belong- 


[Sold.] A cope a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys ij stolls iij phanams of red 

and blewe bawdekyn haveyng in hit flowre delyces and lyons, of therle of 

Penbrooks f gyf te, servyng for Seynt A Ibonys day.s 
A cope a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys endentyd with stolles and phanams 

for the consuettes of o r Lady. 
A cope of red taffata a chezabelle ij tunycles with stolles and phanams 

garnyshed with castells and lyons h of brodery work ffor the Apostelles 

A cope a chezabull ij tunycles strakyd with yellowe and red with iij albys of 

bawdekyn and with stolles and phanams to the same servyng for seynt 

Edwards consuets. 
On cope a chezabull ij tunycles on albe ij stolls iij phanams of darke chaunge- 

able grene bawdkyn with blewe orpheus servyng for saynt Benets k consuets. 

a May 6. 

b Days when only three copes were used at the form in choir, probably by the 
chanter and two rectors of choir. (See Ecclesiastic, 1866, p. 574.) 

e Moons lunulis. 

d Octave. 

e So in St. Aldhelm's red chasuble at Malmesbury habent nigrae rotulaa intra se 
effigiatas species pavonum. (Ang. Sac. ii. 17.) 

' John Hastings, poisoned in Spain 1375, who married Mary younger daughter 
of Edward HI. 

e June 17. The feast of his translation was kept on Aug. 2. 

h The arms of Queen Eleanor, Castile and Leon. 

1 Verbum consuetudinis simpliciter prolatum intelligitur de praescripta. 
(Lyndw. lib. 1, tit. 3, p. 25. 

k March 21. Every one of these days is commemorated in the English 



A cope and iij chezabulls of purpull satten servying for Good Fryday ffor 

Palme Sonday with iij albys servyng to the same. 
[Sold.] A tunycle of red satten for the Skons 8 berar on Easter Evyn. 
[Sold.] ij other tunycles of dyvers collo r s oon to hallowe the Pascall and the 

other for hym that beryth the Dragon on Easter Evyn. b 
[Sold.] A chezabull of grene dyapur bawdkyn with a crosse of gold and with 

oon albe on stoll and oon pbanam servyng at the Highe Awlter when the 

Quire dothe fery c of the gyfte of dan Wyllyam Ebesham. 


[To the King's use.] A principall cope of ryche clothe of tyssewe with xxvij 

other goodly copes . . .(In Ornaments of the church xiiij godlye copes etc. See 

above, p. 2.) 
[Delib. regi.] A cope of ffyne cloth (as in Ornaments of the church. See 

A cope of red clothe of gold with a grene border benethe of the gyfte of master 

Jamys Goldewen, bysshoppe of Norwyche. d 
xxviij copes of nedyll work for Lammas Day" of the whiche xxviij" the grownd 

of v of them be all gold. 

iij copes of old purpull satten servyng for Good Frydaye. 
[Sold.] iij other copes of bawdkyn with bestes and byrdes of gold with the 

orpheus of purpull velvett with whyte swannys therein. 
[Sold.] xxxvj other copes of red bawdekyn of dyvers sortts have.yng dyvers 

orpheusys of sondry collors. 


A cope of whyte damask with great lyons of brotheryeworke. 

Another of whyte satten garnysshed with byrds of gold ffor the Chaunter. 

* Absconsa, a lantern carried in processions, accendetur candela in Laterna. 
Office for Easter Eve in Litlington's Service Book. A lantern of horn for Palm 
Sondaye. (MS. Inv. S. Peter's Cornhill.) 

b When the priest had hallowed the new fire, according to the Rule, accendatur 
Cereus quern portare in hasta debet Secretarius, accendatur et candela in laterna 
hanc portare debet unus de magistris puerorum. (Constit. Lanfranci. Wilkins, 
Concil. i. p. 339.) This sometimes had a serpent or dragon wreathed about it. 
At Canterbury it is described as hasta ad portandum cereum ad novum ignem. 
(Dart, App. xii.) j styke of sylver parcell gilt for the Holy Candle. (MS. Inv. 
S. Stephen's Westm.) For the Paschall and Crosse Candell weying v li. (MS. 
Inv. S. Leonard Foster Lane.) Henry III. ordered the Standard of the Dragon 
to be placed in the Abbey 1244. (Excerpta Hist. 404.) 

e Feriare to keep ordinary days not festivals, green being the common colour, 
4 albes called ferial white, 7 albes called ferial black. (Gunton's Peterborough, 
59.) Capa ferialis. (Dart, Cantab. App. viii.) 

d James Goldwell consecrated in 1473, died Feb. 1499. (Ang. Sac. ii. 418.) 

e Aug. i. St. Peter ad Vincula. 


A cope of whyte damask garnysshed with an ymage of assumpcyon of o r Lady 
and with other dyvers fflowers of brotherye work of y e gyfft of dan a Wyllyam 

[Sold.] xxxix Copes of whyte bawdkyn whereof xviij of them be of swannes 
work ix other of the Dayses iij other with blewe orpheus of byrds of gold iij 
mo with orpheuses of the kyngs armeshaveying in the bawdekyn red rolls and 
Greke letters b and vj other of them haveyng orpheuses of brotherye worke. 

A Cope of blewe velvett rychely enbrotherd with a Jesse 6 the ymages of the 

Jesse beyng garnysshed with perle. 
A Cope of blewe satten with the Salutac'on of o r Lady a lowe d behynd in the 

mydds enbrotheryd with ymagery and angells full all aboute. 
A Cope of blewe velvett enbrotheryd with angells and Crosse Keys with a 

swerd in the mydds of the keys and the Holly Lambe before. 
[Sold.] ij Copes of blewe velvett oon of them beynge garnysshed with brothered 

sterrys of gold the other with thys letter M e crownyd of gold the orpheus of 

crymsyn velvett with bells of gold. 
A Cope of grene clothe of tyssew with y e orpheus of crymsyn tyssewe of my 

lady of Bedford's f gyft. 
iiij Copes of Turkey satten Castells with ymagery of nedyle work being wrought 

on iij of them and on the iiij th angelles of nedyll work servyng for seynt 

Edwards translac'on. e 
iij other copes on of them yellow caddas' 1 with red lyons crownyd in skouchyns 

ij other of russett satten with gryppes ' and lyons of nedyll work whiche iij 

coopes serve at Highe Masse for the f yrst iij dayes within the utas k of seynt 

Edwards translac'on. 

a The title of a Benedictine. (See Sacred Archseol. s. v. Dominus). 

b Greek letters, probably \yiae Qtei sung in the Mass on Good Friday 
(Const. Lanfr. Wilkins, 338.) Or the sacred monagram AGO or IHS or AMGO 
meaning beginning, middle, and end. At St. Paul's, a reliquary had images of 
the cross and S. Mary, literis Grascis gravatis (Dugd. 201.) At S. Nicholas 
Kold Abbey, there were " ij aulter clothes of blacke with a scripture Que quod 
natura." (MS. Inv.) Dugdale in his Baronage has given similar instances in the 
donations of the Hungerfords to Salisbury. " A clothe of goldw* romayn letters 
of blacke welvet." (Bury Wills, 116.) Hall mentions "letters of Greke" on 
ladies' dresses (p. 595), and other similar ornamentation (617). 

c The Radix Jesse. A cope called " the Root of Jesse." (Inv. of Lincoln 
Monast. vi. 1281.) " Una secta de historia Jesse." (Inv. of York, Ibid. 1209.) 
" Capa brudata cum Jesse." (Dart, Canterb. App. vi.) 

d At the bottom of the cope. 

e For S. Mary. At St. Paul's an amice was embroidered " De parvulis nodis 
cum cathenulis argenteis et bullonibus in limbo." (Dugd. 212.) 

f Probably Isabel Countess of Bedford, eldest daughter of Edward III. Her 
arms are on Q. Philippa's tomb. (Neale, Westm. Abbey, 98.) 

* October 13, still retained in the English Kalendar. 

h Or carde, a silken stuff also used for stuffing. (Plauche, Brit. Costume, 202.) 

' Griffins. k Octaves. 


[Sold.] xxix copes of blewe bawdkyn wythe dyvers beasts byrds and small 
knotts of gold ix of them beyng orpheusyd with brothery worke and the other 
xx" with dyvers other collered bawdekyn. 

[Sold.] ij greue copes of bawdkyn servyng for the Vigyll of Easter and 


oon Cope of black clothe of gold with the orpheus of cloth of tyssewe with a 

chezabull ij tunycles iij albes ij stolls iij phanams to the same belongyng 

of the gyfte of Kyng Henry the VII th ".* 
a nether Coope of black clothe of gold with the orpheus of velvet brotheryd 

with Jhus and Angells with the Scripture Omnis spiritus laudet Dominum b 

with a chezabull ij tunacles iij albes ij stolls iij phanams j other oone 

iij Copys of black velvett fygures powdred with rosses and leves of gold the 

orpheus beyng of blew clothe of gold with a chezabull ij tunycles iij albys 

ij stoles and iij phanams of the same sute and clothe of the gyffte of Thomas 

Rowthall bysshopp of Durham. 
[Sold.] a chezable ij tunycles of black clothe lyke satten wrought with 

shrympes d of golde and whyte swannes with golden cheynes with ij stolles 

and ij phanams to the same belongyng. 
A Cope of black damask with the orpheus of clothe of gold and in the hed of 

the cope a crownyd rosse brotheryd with a chezable two tunacles iij albes ij 

stolls and iij phanams to y e same belongyng servyng for Kyng Henry the 

VII th wekely e obytte. f 
a chezable ij tunacles of black ryght satten s with ij stolles and iij phanams to 

the same to serve for y e cotidyan h masse of Requiem at the High Aulter. 
[Sold.] iiij copes of ryght' black satten and the orpheus of nedyll work. 

* " Cancellatur quia intratur in libro Inventorii Capell. fundac' H. vij ml ." 

b Last verse of Ps. cl. 

1 Died in 1524. He is buried in S. John Baptist's Chapel. (Dart, i. 189-191.) 

d Atsea bore shrimps on his arms (Berry's Cycl. of Heraldry i. 70.) There 
was a family of Shrimpton (Dug. 210) ; a cope at St. Paul's was broidered cum 
pluribus piscibus (209) ; casula cum pisculis (216). See also Prompt. 
Parv. i. 102. Parpillottes are spangles or oes. (Cotgrave.) The ornamentation 
of vestments bordered sometimes on the grotesque, as at St. John's, Colchester 
" xvi. copes blewe with orfres of grene velvet embroydered with gardevyans." 
" Last of all come on your fool's coat, which is called a vestment, lacking nothing 
but the cock's comb. This is diversly daubed. Some have angels, some the 
blasphemous image of the Trinity, some flowers, some peacocks, some owls, some 
cats, some dogs, some hares, some one thing, some another, and some nothing at 
all, but a cross upon the back to fray away spirits." (The displaying of the 
Popish Mass. Becon's Works, fo. xxxvi. Pt. II. fo. 1560.) 
c Weekly. f Erased for the same reason as the first. 

B Pure, whole. h Daily. 

1 Right, true, genuine. (Litleton.) " Diapered with right crimosyn satten." 
(Hall, 619.) 


[Sold.] ij of taffata whiche were yellow copes and newe-dyed unto black with 
the orpheus of Seynt John Baptiste. 

[Sold.] xij other of black satteu of bryges beyng orpheusyd with the ymage 
of Seynt John Baptiste. 

[Sold.] of the same black sute be xij of baudkyn sore worne with orpheuses 
of bawdkyn. 


oone albe of sylk the ground of the parells beyng of grene nedyll work with 
the ymage of o r lady and iiij of the appostells of gold on the oon syde and 
on the other syd the ymages of Cryst and o r Lady with iiij other of the 
Appostelles on the brest of the albe thes words followyng Ex dono fratris 
Johannis de Suttunia monachi Westm' wrought with the nedyll : with stoll 
and phanam of the same work and to the same belongyng. 

an other albe of sylk with parells of red nedyll work with divers skouchyns 
and plates of sylver and gyke lyke knotts and lyons beyng garnysshed with 
blew white and red perle aboute the skouchyns servyng for the Chaunter at 
y e feasts of Seynt Peter. 

a nother albe of dyaper sylk the ground of parells of red taffata haveyng 
the Expulsyon of Adam owte of Paradyse 8 the Ymmolacon of Ysaac with 
dyvers other hystoryes of the Byble curiously wrozt b with the nedyll on the 
same parells. 

a nother of sylk the ground of the parells grene and red nedyll work with iij 
dyvers arrays on every syde of the same albe. 

a nother of sylk the ground of the parells red taffata and on the oon syd the 
Nativite of o r Lorde and on the other syd Jhus Chryste and viij of Hys 
apostells of needyll work. 

an other of sylk the ground of oon of y e parells red nedlework with a ymage of 
0* Lady and certeyn hystoryes of the newe testament all of gold and the 
ground of the other parell blew and red nedyllwork with the hystorye of the 
coronacyon of owre Lady and the xii apostells all of gold. 

ij other of sylk the ground of the parells grene taffeta with iij armes of nedyll 
work on every syd of every albe all of oon sorte withoute dyft'erence. 


xij albes of clothe the parells of them beyng rychely wrought with ymagery 

of nedyll work of dyvers sorts servyng at principall feasts ffor the elder 

men. c 
on other albe of clothe the ground of y e parells grene taffeta haveying iij red 

skouchyns on every syd and in every skouchyn iij lyons of gold of nedell 


a At St. Paul's it was delineated by " Ymagines Majestatis alloquentis Adam 
et Eve et angeli evenientis cum iiij arboribus cum serpente cujus capud 
virgineum." (Dug. p. 201.) 

b Wrought. 

e Elder monks, here called " Senpectae," i.e.senessapientes or Synpaiktai mates. 
See my Interior of a Bened. Monast. drawn up from Ware's Custumal, 1266, now 
in the British Museum, and printed in the Ecclesiastic, 1866, p. 533. 


[Sold.] a parell for an albe haveyng on the oon syde of nedle worke the 
ymages of John Seynt Peter Seynt Paule Seint Andrew and Seynt Bartyl- 
mew and on the other syde the ymage of o r Lady with iiij of y e appostells. 


[Sold.] oon albe haveynge the parell of darkyshe red or murrey clothe of 

gold and in the mydds of the parells ij ymages oon of a kyng and the other of 

a bysshoppe of nedyll work. 

[Sold.] iiij other albes haveying parells of red clothe of gold of dyvers sorttes. 
oon other albe haveyng the parells of fyne crymsyn clothe of gold of the gyf te 

of John Islyppe abbott. 
a nother albe haveynge parells of blew clothe of gold with circles and rosses 

in the circles of the gyfte of dan Thomas Essex. 
a nother albe the parells therof beyng Venys gold with small strykes of black 

runnyng thoroughe the gold lyke braunches of the gyffte of dan Thomas 

a nother Albe with parells of Venys golde with small streyks fasshenyng the 

gold lyke shellys of the gyffte of dan Wyllyam Essex. 
[Sold.] iij parells for albes of violette clothe of gold with yrnagery of nedyll 

worke in the myddys of every parell. 


iiij principall albes of nedyll work for the Seniors 11 . 

ij other of black damask oon of them being garnysshed on bothe the sydeswith 

a ymage of the Trinite brotherd and thys scrypture Illuminator mens Deus 

and the other beynge garnysshed with an archaungell and fflowrs brotherd 

and with thys scripture Da gloriam Deo. c 
v other of velvett haveyng flowres of gold and levys of grene and red lyk 

vynes wrought upon the blacke velvett. 
vj other albys be of black velvett very old and sore worne. 
viij other black albys of needyll worke very old and sore worne which serve d 

for yong men. 
jij other albys of old black satten of bryges. 


iij payre of parells for albys of black velvett sore worne. 
ij payre of parells of ryght black satyn. 
j payre of parells of old black taffeta. 

Parurse, apparels. 

b The elder monks the younger had their special vestments. 

c The same legend occurred at Lincoln. (Monast. vi. 1283.) 

4 The younger monks. Comp. at St. Paul's " capa debilis assignata ad pueros. 
Capa fracta assignatur ad tunicas puerorum ; xxiv. capae puerorum fractze et 
parvi prccii." (Dugd. 208-209.) 

8 An albe having apparels was called parata. (Dart, Canterb. App. ix.) 


j payre of velvett with golden fflowres and red grene levys lyke vynes. 
iiij payre of nedyll worke apon a black darkyshe ground which be old and 
sore worne. 


oon albe with parells of blew velvett the ymages of o r Lady Saynt Anne 

Saynt Katheryu Seynt Margarett with a vyne and lybards hedds on the 

oon syde and Seynt Peter Seynt Paule and Seynt Xpofer on the other syd 

with stoll and phanam to the same, 
a nother albe with parells of blewe velvet haveyng the coronacion of o r Lady 

Seynt Peter and Paule in tabernacles on the oon syd and y e salutacion of o r 

Lady Seynt John the Ewangelist and Seynt Edward in lyk wyse on the 

other syde with stoll and phanam. 
an other albe with parells of blew velvet garuysshed with enbrothered crownys 

and flores de lyces of gold with stoll and phanam to the same, 
a nother albe with parells of blew haveyng Saynt John the Ewangelist and 

Seynt Jamys on every syde. 
iij albys haveyng parells of tawny velvett with brothered fflowres and droppes * 

of golde. 
oon albe of grene velvett enbrothered with sterrys for the Prior in Principall 

Vigills. (Erased.} 
a goodly albe with parells of blewe satten for the Prior enbrothered with 

fflowrys and this scripture Tolle crimen D'ne. 
a nother albe with parells of grene velvet haveyng oon ymage of Seynt 

Edward and a nother of Seynt Nicholas with iiij skouchyns all of brothered 

worke of y e gyfte of John Corny she monke. 
a nother albe with parells of grene velvet wyth sonnys and rolles (sic) and thys 

word Emanuell enbrothered. 
a nother albe with parells of blew damaske garnysshed with angelles of gold 

and thes ij letters R and C of Dan Robert Callowys gyffte. 
another albe with parells of bryght grene with lyberds heddes of gold within 

circullys of gold. 
an other albe with parells haveyng on the oon syd the armys of England and 

Seynt Edmond and Seynt Edward and on the other syde the arrays of 

Warwyke and Spencer and of the Erie of Oxfford. 
another albe with parells of blew bawdkyn lyke damaske with grene braunchys 

and flowres of sylver. 
a nother albe with perles of greue nedleworke haveyng on the oon syd the 

ymages of o r Lord, Seynt Peter and Seynt Edward and on the other syde o r 

Lady, Seynt Katheryn and Seynt Margarett. 
a nother albe with grene perles haveyng theron a preests bed with dyvers 

pleynsonge nottes. b 
a nother albe haveyng wrought on the perles c a egle a gryffen a holly lambe 

and a lyon with dyvers other beasts. 
a nother albe with parells haveynge dyvers armes of nedle worke. 

a Pendants. b Plain-song notes. c Apparels. 


a nother albe with parells haveynge wroughte theron the armes of England 

Warwyck and Spencer, 
iiij other albes with old perles of nedle worke of dyvers collors and sorts 

servyng for yong men. (Erased.) 
ij other albes with parells of grene satten a bruges oon of them haveyng 

thereon the ymage of Seynt Xpofer * and the other fflowre de lyces and other 

fflowres of brothery worke. (Sold.,) 
ij other albes with parells of grene lyke damaske oon of them haveynge on 

preests hedd and the other a skouchyn full of small crosses of the gyffte of 

dan Robert Cheseman. (Sold.) 

a nother albe with parells of crane collord satten of bryges with the ymage of 
. Seynt Edmond on the oon syde and a bysshop of the other syd of the gyffte 

of dan Wyllyam Ebesham. 
iij other albes with parells of blewe satten of bryges with swannys in the 

mydds and thys scripture Je ffoy of the gyffte of dan Thomas Gardyner. 
viij other albys with parells of bawdekyn and nedyll worke together of dyvers 

collo r s serveynge only for Saynte Dunstans daye. b 
ij payre of parells for albys of grene baudkyn serveyng for yong men. 


oon albe with white parells of nedle worke haveynge the armys of Jherusalem 

of Seynt Peter and Paule and Seynt Edwarde on both sydes of lyke work 

with stoll and phanam. 
a nother albe with parells of whyte enbrothered on the oon syd with the 

ymages of o r Lady and ij of the Apostells and on the other syd the ymages 

of Seynt Thomas thappostell with ij other apostells. 
a nother albe with parells of white enbrothered on every syd with iiij ymages 

of gold in golden tabernacles, 
a nother albe with parells of white damaske garnysshed with thes letters X 

and C of golde and with thys scripture Xpo canamus gloriam of y e gyffte of 

dan Xpofer Chamber. 11 
a nother albe with parelles of white damaske haveynge wrought on every 

syde a greate white roose with golden angells standing on wheles. 6 
a nother albe with parells of ryght satten and crymsyn velvett garnyshed with 

this scripture in golden letters Rectos decet collaudacio of dan Robertt 

D avers f gyffte. 
a nother albe with parells of whyte satten goodly garnyshed with nedle worke 

and with the ymages of o r Lady on the oon syde and Seynt Xpofer on the 

other syd and with thes letters X and C of dan Xpofer Goodhappys gyffte. 

a May 19. b Christopher. 

e Ad patenam portandam Capae albae. (Dart, Canterb. App. viii.) Albes with 
apparells were called albae parata? in the Ely Inventory. 

d Christopher Chamber was one of the monks at Abbot Islip's election. 
(Widmore, App. 235.) 

e See such figures over the reredos in the view of Islip's burial. 

f Robert Davers was Succentor at the time of Abbot Islip's election. (Wid- 
more, App. 235.) See Ps, xxxiii. 1. 


A nother albe with parells of white damaske enbrothered on bothe syds with 

the ymage of o r Lady and flowrys of dan William Ebeshams gyffte. 
A nother albe with parells of white damask enbrothered with angells and thes 

ij letters R and C of dan Robert Callows gyffte. 
A nother albe with parells of white damask garnyshed with flowrys of brotherd 

worke and thes ij letters J and B of dan John Bedfords gyffte. 
A nother albe with parells of white damask enbrothered with thassumpcyon of 

o r Lady and thes ij letters J and C of dan John Cornyshe gyfft. 
A nother albe with parells of white damask enbrothered with angells and 

fflowres of dan James Denys gyffte. 
A nother albe with parells of whyte baudkyn lyke damask haveynge a T of 

swannys apon crymsyn velvett of dan Thomas Gardyners gyffte. 
A nother albe with parells of white haveynge dyvers armys and flowrys de lyces 

of sylver and golde of nedle worke. (Erased.) 
A nother albe with parells of white beyng garnyshed with garters. 
V other albes with parells of white haveyng in them sterrys of gold, 
iij other albes with parells of white satten of bryges beyng garnyshed with 

fflowre de lyces and other fflowres. 
iij other albes with parells of white satten of bryges haveynge on them a T 

and thys scripture Je ffoy enbrothered. 

Oon albe with the parells of old white bawdekyn whiche ys sore worne. 
vij payr of white parells lackyng albes the ffyrste of them haveyng starys of 

golde wrought in the parells the second be of white satten of bryges with 

thys letter T and this scripture Je ffoy and the v other be of white bawdkyn 

very sore worne. 


Oon albe with parells of murrey velvett garnyshed on every syd with fflowres 
of brothery serveyng ffor the Prior. 

Oon other albe the ground of the parells of darke purple velvett beynge gar- 
nyshed on bothe sydes of the albe and the hood with brotherd guitars and 
bulyons b of sylver and of gylte. 

ij albes with parells of crymson velvet haveyng on one of them thes iiij ymages 
Seynt Lawrence Seynt Katheryn Seynt Edward and Seynt Dorothe with 
braunches of nedlework with tabernacles and nedleworke also. 

A nother albe with parells of redd velvett garnysshed on bothe syds with the 
dome and iiij angells of brothery in tabernacles. 

ij other albes with parells of murrey velvett enbrothered on every syde with 
iij white swannys c with cheynys of gold aboute their necks. 

A nother albe with parells of murrey velvett enbrothered on bothe sydes with 
a roose and ij crosse keys with crownys and certeyn letters. 

a Red albes for Passion Week. (Gunton's Peterborough, 59). 
b Litleton gives as synonyms, Crusta, bulla. The word frequently occurs in 
e The badge of Henry V. 


a nother albe with parells of dark purple velvett enbrothered on both syds 

with crosse keys Katheryn whelys and fflowres. 
ij other albes with parells of ryght redd satten oon of them haveyng on both 

syds a ymage and ij fflowres of brothery with certen scripture and the other 

of them a arch aungell and ij fflowres of brothery and thes ij letters W and 

G in the hoode. 
a nother albe with parells of ryght redd satten enbrothered on bothe syds 

with a roose and ij peyre of crosse keys with a crowne and certoyn letters. 
ij other albes with parells of redd oon of them beynge garnyshed on bothe 

syds with iiij ymages and crownes of redd worke and the other of them 

beynge garnyshed with sterrys and fflowres of nedleworke also. 
a nother albe with parells of nedleworke lyke chewerns haveyng in them 

serpenttys fflowrys and lyons of dyvers collors. 
oon other albe the ground of the parells beenge redd satten haveynge the 

ymage of o r Lady on the oon syd and Seynt Xpofr on the other syd gar- 

nysshed with knotts and fflowres of nedyll worke of the gyffte of dan 

Xpof er Goodhapps. b 
a nother albe with parells of red damask enbrothered with angells and thes 

ij letters R and C of dan Robert Callews gyffte. 
a nother albe with parells of red velvett enbrothered with fflowres and a T of 

swannys with theys scripture Je ffoy of the gyffte of dan Thomas Gardyner. c 
a nother albe of red bawdekyn with fflowrys of golde and other wrought 

therein of the gyffte of dan George Abyndon. 
another albe with parells of red satten of brygs garnyshed with brotherd 

a nother albe with parcells of redd and grene bawdekyn with dayses wrought 


a nother albe with parells of red satten of brygess with a T of swannys and 
this scripture Je ffoy brothered theron. 


oon gyrdyll of golde and red sylke with lyke buttons and tassells. 

a nother gyrdyll of redd with red buttons and tassels of golde and red sylk. 

xij other gyrdylls of grene and white sylke with buttons d and tassells of the 

same on to every oon of them lackyng but oon tassell and button, 
oon other gyrdyll of white sylke with lyke buttons and tassells. 


b Christopher. This signature is affixed to the Inventory. 

c Thomas Gardyner was one of the monks present at Abbot Islip's election. 
(Widmore, App. 234.) 

d They bound the albe as a cincture. (Several are mentioned in MS. Inv. of 
Worcester, Harl. MS. 604, fo. 102.) " Zonae ad deserviendum diio abbati 
in principalibus." (Inv. S. Albani, Claud. E. IV. fo. 358.) "A girdle of sylke 
with a list of blew and yellow." (Inv. S. Dunstan's in the East.) " A gyrdell with 
xxv lytle barres of silver- with a shelde of sylver hangyng at yet, wayes all 
together j oz. di. (Inv. Ware.) 


ij other gyrdylls of redd grene and whyte sylke with lyke buttons and 


oon other of red blew and white sylke with lyke buttons and tassells. 
ij other that be olde of redd sylke with buttons and tassels. 


xvj stolls of nedle worke of dyvers sorts. 

xv phanams of nedle worke longyng to the same stolls. 

iij other stolles of bawdkyn of dyvers collers with oon phanam to the same. 

ix Corporas casys of dyvers sortts with vij corporas clothes to the same. 
The ffyrste corporas Case with iij lyons garnysshed with perles and buttons of 

sylver and gylte. 
The second clothe of gold a lytle oon with ymagery and a Castell on the oon 

syd garnyshed with stonys and perle with ix small buttons of perle. 
The iij de of the ymage of our Lady and saynte John Baptiste and saynte John 

evangeliste on the oon syde and the crucifix on the other syde of clothe of 

gold garnyshed with perles. 
the iiij the clothe of tynsyn gold. (Erased). 
the vj th of redd and blewe velvett garnyshed with Angells armys and 

molletts. d 
the vij th of nedyll worke with the resurrecc'on and the assumptyon of our 

the viij th is an olde oon with the picture of o r Lord on the oon syd and bawdkyn 

on the other syde. 
the ix th of grene velvett garnysshed with the iii Evaungelists and the 

a nother corporas case of brodered worke haveyng the V wounds brodered 

on y e oon syd and tynsell satten on the other syde of the gyffte of dan 

Wyllyam Ebesham. 
a nother Corporax Case of olde blacke velvett with braunchys of red and 

grene levys. 
Lynnyn Awter Clothes and Torvells* Oon awter clothe of whyte sylk 

raynyd. f 

1 Stoles. b Fanon or maniple. See Sacr. Arch. s. v. 

e See Sacred Archaeology s. v. ; called pokkettis in Archgeol. xxi. 255. 

d The heraldic charge of a mullet. 

e Panni pro oblacionibus f aciendis et aliisnecessariis in processionibus. (Inv. S. 
Alban's, Claud. E. IV. fo. 352 b.) Panni de serico pro patena et reliquiis portanda, 
pannus pro missali. (Dart, Canterb. App. viii.) ij tuelli ponendi super altare 
subtus corporale ; tertius vero erit ad usum lavatorii, pro manibus tergendis. 
Lynd. lib. iii. tit. 27, p. 252. (MS. Inv. Gillingham.) ij towels for the lavatory. 
A fyne towell wrought with needle worke for the taper on Easter Evyn. (MS. 
Inv. St. Dunstan's in the East.) Panniculi pro manibus celebrantis detergendis. 
(Harl. MS. 3775, fo. 137.) ij towels used at the time that people were houselled, 

f Radiatus cloth of ray (Hall, 509} in stripes, distinct work from " raised," 


a pleyne fyne awter cloth with v crossys of gold in the mydds of the same 

clothe of the gyffte of Sir John Stanley 1 Knyghte. 
oon awter clothe of dyaper and ij other of playne clothe. 

a pleyn towell with saumpeler 6 work for the High aulter on Principall Feasts, 
iij other playn towells cotidyans for every day. 
ij lynnyn clothes for the stole at the awlter end.' 
oon Cote d of clothe of golde for o r Lady at y e Northe Dore. 
Towells for Crosses and Crosses. 11 oon towell or lytle clothe of whyte sylke with 

bottons and ffrynges servyng for the Grose at Pryncypall ffeasts. 
ij other of playn clothe for hothe the Crosses. 
iiij other towells of pleyn clothe for the Crosse stavys. 
Curtteyns.* oon payr of blewe long doble tartarne & of my Lady Hungerford's 


another payre of red sarcynette frynged of dan Xpofer Goodhappys gyffte. 
another large payr of whyte doble tartarne. 
a nother payr of grene sarsenet for-Seynt Edwards dayes. 
a nother payr of black for dyryges. 

a nother payr of blewe sarcynett for Myghelmas daye. ( Caret.) 
a nother payr of crymsyn tartarne for cotidyans. 
a nother payr of whyte tartarne servyng ffor the inferior ffeasts. 

being diaper. (MS. Inv. of Much Houghton, 6 Edw. VI.) ij towells of dyaper 
called howsellyng clothes. (MS. Inv. Haddenham.) ij old dornyx clothes to 
cover the awters. (MS. Inv. S. Peter West Chepe.) A towell to beare the taper 
to the founte. (MS. Inv. St. Mary Abchurch.) ij towels of sendall to beare 
the crysmatory yn. (MS. Inv. S. Michael at the Quern.) Tuallia una ad 
lectricum Aquile. (Rock, Church of our Fathers, iv. App. 102.) Mantilia linea ad 
altare. Mantilia serica ad oblationes faciendas. (MS. Inv. Ely Cath. fo. 128.) 

tissue reised with silver, paned with cloth of silver. (Hall, 508, 793.) j cope of 
cloth of gold raysid with red fygurye. (MS. Inv. S. Stephen's Westm.) Aherse 
cloth of tysshu rasid with rede velvet. (S. Olave's Jewry.) 

a Probably Sir John, K.G., lord lieutenant of Ireland, who died 1414. There 
is another of the name buried at Lichfield, who lived in the time of Henry VIII. 

h Needlework in patterns of coloured thread, opus mappale, in the Inventory 
of St. Paul's. (See Cook's First Voyage, B. 2, c. ix.) 

c The " sedilia" a bench still stands in this position. So at St. Alban's. A proper 
sete seyled at y e auter's end for pryst, decon, and subdeacon. (Inv. of Austin 
Friars, Southampton.) (MS. Augm. Off. 466, fo. 131.) New selid setis at Jhus 
alter. (Melcombe. Augm. Books, 466, fo. 39.) Tapetium pro sede sacerdotis ad 
magnum altari. (Claud. E. iv. 353.) 

A So in the MS. Inventory of Flixton. S. Kateryn's cote of cloth of golde. 

e A Crosse cloth with a stremer of silke. (MS. Inv. Shephold.) 

f Costers at the side of the altar, iiij curteyns hangynge on bans of yeorn to 
save y e same allter of saye. (Southampton, Ibid. 131.) 

e Tartaryn tartan, an Oriental stuff of scarlet colour. (Planche, Brit. Cost. 
118, 336.) (See also Sacr. Archaeol.) 


Sudaryes* iij Sudaryes of whyte sylke strayked and fryngyd at every end. 
ij other Sudaryes of red sarcynett with frynges at the ends, 
iij other sudaryes of grene sylke fryngyd at the ends ij of them beyng strayked 

and the iij d on strayked. b 
oon blewe sudary with stray ks onfryngyd. 
a nother sudary of dyaper chaungeabte collors. 
ij red sudaryes for the cotidyans. d 
oon other sudarye of grene work satten. 
Bawdekyns. [Pro Rege.] ij bawdekyns of black clothe of golde and of them 

conteynyng in length oon yerd and a half the other conteynyng in length 

almoste ij yerds. 
[Pro Rege.] ij other bawdkyns of blewe clothe of golde every oon of them 

conteynyng in length iij yerds. 
[Pro Rege.] iij other bawdkyns of violett clothe of gold ij of them conteynyng 

in length iij yerds and the iij de conteyneth in length iij yerds lackyng 

ij inches. 
xviij other bawdkyns of dyvers sortts and collors whereof iij be occupyed 

aboute and apon Seynte Feythes awter in the Revestry. 6 
oon other apon the pulpytf every sonday whiche ys in the Sergeaunts 

custody e. 


a Masse Booke of Abbott Nicholas Lytlyngtons gyffte, ij folio ad " Te 

levari " with claspys of copper and the booke ys covered with clothe of 

a nother longyng to the Prior ij folio " cant in via " with oon claspe of sylver 

and gylte. 
a nother Cotidian masse booke for the Highe Awlter ij folio " eius Ego 

a nother booke with lessons to be redd by the Abbott ij folio " tueris et 

adjuvas" lackyng clasps, 
a Gospell Booke cotidyan for the high awlter ij folio "in via alii autem." 

a (MS. Inv. of S. Olave's Jewry,) ij Sodaryes for the Pix of rede sarcenet 
with viij knoppes of copper gilt. (S. Mary Woolnoth,) A sudary cloth of 
Turkey silke to beare the crismatory at Ester. 

b Canele fluted, chanelled (Cotgrave), palliata. 

c Couleur changeant shot. 

d A daylie vestment of greene damask. (Augm. Off. Books 495, 120.) Coti- 
dian vestment. (Ib. 86.) (MS. Inv. S. Paul's, 1552.) 

e This gives the correct dedication of this altar, which was not that of S. Blaise. 
(See Gleanings 47-9.) Her picture carrying her emblem a gridiron remains 
on the east wall of this chapel, xxxv baudkins for to garnyshe the quyer at 
everye triumphe or at the Kings Ma fie> comyng. (MS. Inv. S. Paul's.) Course 
cloth of sylver called a bawdkyn. (Inv. Pwe in S. Stephen's, Westminster.) 

f A cloth for the pulpett of whyte sylke. (MS. Inv. S. Martin's Outwich.) 

< Prepared in the year 1373. (Gleanings, 272.) 

11 Missale incipiens rubrica ad Te levavi. (Inv. S. Paul's, Dugd. 228.) 


a Pystle Booke cotidian ij folio "mansuetus emisit." 

a Collector for Collects and chapters servyng for o r father Abbott of Abbott 

Lytlyngtons gyffte a for Principall ffeasts withoute claspys covered with olde 

a Collector for the Prior when he dothe servys ij folio " Exita dne," b with ij 

claspes of sylver and gylt. 
a Sauter c for the Kynge somtyme callyd Kynge Henry the iij de with the 

Apocalyppes in the end ij folio, " Super Sion," haveyng clasps of sylver. 
a nother Santerwithdyvers ymages affter the Calender ij folio "tune loquetur." 
a nother Boke* for Holy Water for Sondays ij folio "benedicere et 

a nother to blesse the pascall folio secundo " Judas Scaryott " with Lessons for 

Ester and Whitsontyd and a nother Quere e for the same feasts ij folio 

" ilium est qui." 
a nother booke of Pystles with ymages in the begynnyng ij folio " Sibi 

oon other booke of Gospells for the Highe Awlter ij folio "mus f Re- 


a breviat masse boke 6 for the Rogacyondayesij folio, "rant f A Pastoribus." 
A Pontificall with a coveryng of clothe of golde h and a claspe of sylver ij 

folio " Dominum carnem." 
A nother Boke of Coronacyons of Kyngs' ij folio " quia non erat " cum 

lectionibus Sancte Marie Magdalene in eodem libro. 
A new Gospell Booke ij " cedebant ramos " of the wryting of dan John 

A nother boke for Ester tyme also f. ij " bistum." f 


[Sold.] ij bellys callyd Saynt Dunstanys bells. k 

a In his will he says : Vestimenta omnia ad Divina Officia deputata, libros 
omnes et singulos, pannos aureos et deauratos, et aurifrizata quaecunque, mitram 
quoqne, et signacula crucis deaurata, et alia jocalia omnia lego fabricae monas- 
terii Westmonasterii. (Widmore, App. 188.) 

b Capitularium et Collectarium incipit Exita Domine. (Inv. S. Paul's, Dug- 
dale, 221.) 

c Psalter. (See Gleanings, 273.) 

d A Benedictional. 

e Quire, or division of the volume. 

f These are the last syllables of the preceding words. 

* Missalia abbreviata. (Dart. Canterb. App.xv.) 

h Missale cum coopertoriis de serico consuto. (Dart. Canterb. App. xv.) 

1 See Gleanings, 266 ; Malcolm, i. 244, 266, says it was burnt. 

k Possibly for marking the beginning of the canonical hours or masses in choir. 
A little bell is stiil used in the Abbey before service. Chimes for ringing at the 
elevation are mentioned in Bury Wills, and in the MS. Inv. of St. Mary Wool- 
noth. A broken chyme which stode in S. George's Chappell, (S. Matthew, Friday 


A glasse called Marlyons glasse.' 

A Combe of yvory servyng for prestes when y ei fyrst say masse. b 


A frontell with an awter clothe benethe reyd, d lackeyng ij curteyns. 

A white clothe of sylk with a red crosse servyng for Lent. 

ij albys of oon sute and the parells for Pisteller [and] Gospeller. 

Oon albe garnysshed with xxxij sterrys and ij halfe sterrys of sylver and gylte 

for the Highe Masse with stolle and phanam without sterrys. 
iij chezabulls of whyte one sute and a cope. 
Oon corporas case with corporaces. 
ij white sydaryes. 6 


Oon quysshion of crymsyn clothe of gold on the oon syde and grene caddas* on 
the other side. 

Street.) A saunce bell at the qnyer door; 3 bells to ring in the chapel. (Gunton, 
Peterb. 63.) 

a Probably a globe for warming the celebrant's fingers. The pome at St. Paul's, 
the Calepugnus at Canterbury, or Calefactory as at Salisbury, or in Ware's 
Custumal the fucea. (Ecclesiastic, xxviii. 537.) They were then of iron filled 
with charcoal. A chafyng ball. (Cranmer's Inv. Add. MS. 24,520, fo. 166Z>.) 
The glass warmers would hold hot water. A fyre ball to warme harides (MS. 
Inv. Wore. Cath. MS. Harl. 1004, fo. 121.) At Wylnashe, however, I find a 
pax glas and led, and at St. Helen's Bishopsgate a ring of sylver with ij glasses 
for Corpus Christi. A tabull of glasse with an ymage of o r Lady and hersonne. 
(Warham's Inv. Public Record Off. c. T ' 8 , fo. 86.) 

b This important entry shows the use of the comb so often mentioned in in- 
ventories and occasionally found in tombs. 

c Dominica I. Quadragesimse, post completorium snspendatur cortina inter 
chorum et altare. (Cons. Lanfr. Wilkins, Cone. i. 332). Si festivitatem celebrari in 
quadragesima contigerit pr&cedenti die dum canitur Agnus Dei ad majorem 
missam colligatur cortina. (Ibid. 333.) See also Lyndw. lib. v. tit. 16, p. 342. 
d Keyd, rayed, radiatus. 

e Old cloaths to cover saints in Lent. (Gunton's Peterborough, 63.) 
f At Canterbury there were pulvinaria pro ministris altaris. (Dart. Append, xv.) 
We also find cushions pro sede sacerdotis ad magnum altare ... ad deponendum 
in presbyterio . . . super scamna . . . (Annales S. Albani, ii. 339, 341.) Ad por- 
tandum textus in choro. (Ib. 336.) Pulvinaria ad reliquias. (Rock, Ch. of our 
Fathers, iv. App. 105.) Auriculare ad missale imponendum. (Pulten. Inv. 25 
Edw. III.) Auriculare pro altari. (Ward. Book 34 Edw. I. Add. MS. 24,522 
fo. 134.) ij litell pillowes of whit clothe for the auter. (MS. Publ. Rec. Off. 66 
fo. 12.) Text, the Book of the Gospels. 
B Or carde, silken stuff used for linings. 

VOL. IV. 2 A 


A nother quysshion for principall feasts of crymsyn velvett with great lyons of 
nedyll worke and with iiij tassells at the iiij ends of the gyfte of quene 
Elizabeth wyf unto Kyng Edward the iiij th . 

A nother quysshion of blewe clothe of gold on the oon syd and red clothe of 
golde on the other syde. 


ij quysshyns of the meane syse of blewe bawdekyn haveyng byrds and doggs of 

ij quysshyns of crymsyn bawdkyn with peacocks of golde haveyng grene 

A nother quysshyon of crymsyn bawdkyn with white herons and byrds of 

A large coveryng for a quysshion and iij quysshyons stuffed of blewe bawdekyn 

with grene braunchys lyke vynes haveyng red fflores in the vynes lyke rosses 

and a gret grene fflowre with white and blewe smalle fflowrys ij of them 

be sore worn and be in y e sergeaunts custodye. 
ij large quysshions of red damaske braunchyd with golde. 
ij lesse of the same sute. 

A more and a lesse quysshion of crymsyn velvet. 
A more and a lesse qusshion of black tyssewe. 

ij other quyssions of blewe cloth of golde of dan John Amersham gyffte. 
ij quysshions of grene velvet figured, 
ij quysshions of grene bawdekyn with rossys of golde. 
iij quysshyns of red clothe of golde of the smaller sorte. 
ij gretter quysshions of white damaske with the flores of golde. 
ij smaller quysshyons of the same sute. 
ij quysshions of grene bawdkyn with fflowrys and braunchys of sylver very sore 

A nother lytle quysshion of olde bawdkyn with hounds and fawcons seasonyng 

apon conys. b 
ij coveryngs of bawdkyn for quysshions oon of them of the collors of red and 

the other of blewe collowre. 

a Cloth of Estate is still a term in use. (Comp. Hall, 1018, 1793.) Comp. 
" Chief Estates of Galilee," and Hutchinson, p. 3, where Estate is a title of 
courtesy addressed to persons of high rank. Thrones and seats of estate are 
mentioned by Hall, 618, and in Gleanings, 267, 269. " A stole and quishions to 
pray at " were placed in St. Edmund's Chapel at a coronation. Pulvinaria con- 
venientia ad cathedras ministrantium in choro; ij pulvinaria magna ad cathedras. 
(Dugd. S. Paul's, 207.) The presence of tbe King's estate with ij chayers and 
rich cussyns therein. (Hall, 603.) Eche estate syngulerly in halle shalle sit 
adowne. (Ib. 189.) See also Ordin. for Roy. Housh. 373. When Queen 
Elizabeth visited the Abbey the pavement was covered with carpets, and she 
kneeled on cushions. (Malcolm, i. 261. Comp. Excerp. Hist. 232, 306, 310.) 

b Fastening upon seizing rabbits. 



banners of whyte sarcynet two of them large and the ij de lesser serveyng 

for the crosse stavys. 
ij other banners of red and blewe sarcynet with the armys of England serveyng 

for the crosse stares at principall ffeasts. 

ij other banners all of red sarcynet with lyons serveynge for the crosse stavys. 
vj streamers of dyvers sortts and goodnes. 

c banners newe and olde of dyvers sortts to hange aboute the churche. 
iiij gret banners to stand afore the Revestrye b in the Rogacyon Weke. 


A fronte fryngyd with black sylke and golde for the Quere end. c 
Cvj pensells" 1 of dyvers sorts. 

A frynge with black sylk and golde ffor the Sepnlcre. 
ij goodly borders of grene and redd bawdekyn to hange aboute the Quere 

called Corssers.' 

On lytell border for owre Father.* 

A ffrynge of black sylke and golde for my lady the Kyngs moders h herse. 
A dome' of taffeta for the same hers. 


Oon superaltare garnysshed with sylver plate and perles and conterfete stonys. 
Oon other snperaltare garnysshd with plate of sylver pounsed. 
Oon other great Superaltare sett in payntyd tymber ' and open in bothe the 
sydes of the same tymber the stone therof of the collour of blak jasper. 

Banners of silke above the quire. (Gunton's Peterb. 61.) Vexilla pro 
Rogationibus. (Dart, Canterb. App. xvi.) 

b At the south end of the transept. 

c A dossal probably to fill up the space between the doors of the reredos. (See 
Gleanings, pi. xx.) 

d Penoncelles, little banners (Hall, 797) used to adorn the walls. (Machyn's 
Diary, 96, 111, 173.) 

e ij hangyng clothes for the alter. (MS. Inv. S. Mary Axe.) iiij alter hang- 
ings ij upper and ij nether for the ij alters in the Body of the Church. (Inv. S. 
Steph. Westm.) A lestowe [list] of an autertabyll. (Inv. S. Dionis Backchurch.) 
ij (a-) vante clothes j of hollond with a yelowfrenge. (Inv. S. Maurice Winton.) 
(See also Dugd. St. Paul's, 223.) A valance for an alter. (Allhallows' London.) 
j antepende of fugery saten at y e hye alter. (Edlysborow.) j prependent of saten 
gryne and redd with a front. (Lychelade.) 

f Costers. 

e The Abbot, as in the list of " clothes for the sacrament." 

h Elizabeth of York. 

' A canopy. 

k An ornamental altar slab used on great festivals. (Sacr. Arch. s. v.) 
(Gesta Abb. i. 233.) Coelatum superaltare. 

1 A superaltare garnished with silver and gilte and parte golde called the 

2 A2 


ij large Carppetts to serve at the Hyghe Awlter" at Principall ff easts whiche 

were leffte to the use of the monastery at the Coronacyon of Kyng Kychard 

the iij' le . 
Oon smalle Carppett of checker worke. 


xv tappetts of white and blewe contexid with white and red rossys servyng for 

the Quere for Juncke and for a fote clothe for the se. (s?c). 
ij newe tappetts of red with Islypps and thys scripture Inquere pacem et 

prosequere earn of the gyffte of John Islyppe late abbott. 
iij other tappetts for the Highe Aulter d with Peterkeys and with thys word 

Emanuell contexid in them. 

ij other tappetts of red continually lyinge afore the Highe Awlter. 
ij smalle tapetts oon of them red and the other blewe servynge for the Abbotts 

ij other tapetts of white full of red rossys servyng for they syd fformys in the 

quyre at Principall ffeasts. 
ij deske f clothes of white and blewe full of braunchys and rossys together 

contexid and ffryngyd round aboute with fryngs of threde. 
ij other deske clothes of dyvers collers and sortts of bawdekyn serveying at 

principall anniversaryes. 
The Rollyd Palye otherwyse called the Passe servyng for the Abbott to go to 

the aulter apon. 

Greate Saphire of Glastonberye. (Monast. i. 65.) Superaltaria sint firmiter 
fixa in circumdante ligno ut non moveantur ab ipso. (Const. R. Grostete, Brown 
Fasc. Rer. ii. 410.) Superaltare rotundum de lapide iaspidis subtus et in cir- 
cuitu argento inclusum. (Trokelowe, 452.) 

a Panni ad deponendum in presbyterio. (Cotton MS. Claud. E. IV. fo. 353.) 

b Tapetia carpets. 

c i. e. instead of rushes. See Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, p. 89 ; 

and my article in Ecclesiastic, xxviii. 574. Quinque dies Dominici sunt 

per chorum juncus sparsus. (Const. Lanfr. Wilkins, i. 345.) Four Pede (foot) 
cloths called Tapets. (Gunton, 61.) Rushes and ivy leaves were strewn in the 
choir in the Vigils of the Ascension, Pentecost, and Trinity Sunday. (Eccle- 
siastic, 1866, p. 538.) Rushes were used from Piaster to All Saints, and at 
other times hay, p. 574.) 

d The " matin altar," as at St. Alban's, was " under the Lantern place," at the 
east end of the choir : under the eastern arch of the crossing. The high altar 
was in its present position. 

e The Abbot's chair, or faldstool, at the same side of the altar, is shown in 
the view given in Gunton 's Peterborough. 

{ A lectern for the gospel, or lectionaries, or the antiphonar. 

f Pas, marcher, alure (Cotgrave), being a footcloth striped or paly, which 
could be unrolled when the abbot went up to the altar. Tapetia were used to 
carpet the choir, (Lanfr. Const. Wilkins, i. 342-4.) 10 cloaths, called Pedecloaths, 
to lye before the high altar, (Gunton's Peterborough, 61.) 



Oon cheyre whiche ys coveryd with crymsyn clothe of golde of dan John 

Amershams gyffte. 
Oon other cheyre whiche ys coveryd with blewe velvett fyguryd haveyng iiij 

poemells b of copper and gylte theron of the gyffte of the said John Amer- 

sham monke. 
A cheyre cloth of blacke clothe of golde cont' in length by estiinacon ij ells 

with the border aboute it whiche ys grene sarcynett. 


A goodly large herse clothe of tyssewe the ground therof black with a white 

crosse of tyssew whiche came in at Kyng Henry the vij 111 buryall. 
A nother gret herse cloth of black clothe of golde with a white crosse of 

fyguryd d golde. 
A nother herse clothe of black clothe of golde with a crosse of gold of my 

lady Margarett's gyffte Countesse of Rychmond and Derby. 
A large herse clothe of black velvet with a crosse of ffyguryd golde. 
A nother herse clothe of blacke velvett vulynyd 6 withoute frynges and withoute 

a crosse of Qnene KatherynV gyffte. 
xxvij newe morsyss for copys with the arrays of my lorde Thomas Wolsey 


a For rectors of choir, panni pro cathedra in medio chori. (Inv.' S. Albani, 
Claud. E. IV. f o. 3526.) Cathedra ferrea cum pomellis deauratis quae est Cantoris. 
(Inv. S. Paul's, Dugd. App ) 

b Balls like an apple, a knop, or button. 

c Hall distinctly mentions the herse " garnished with banners, pensells, and 
cushions," and the mourners offering " rich paules of gold and baudkin " (p. 507). 
There is a view of the herse of Sir H. Stanley in Harl. MS. 6064. On a single 
leaf in a Cottonian MS. I find these entries : Pro le herces reg. Annas CO marcaB, 
cum omnibus vexillis pensellis et valenciis et cum toto nigro panno et CL torchiis. 
Pro hercia Regis Ricardi per regem Henricum V um (Comp. Walsingham, ii. 297). 
iiii xx marcaa cum vexillis etc. et Ix torchiis. Pro hercia praefati regis H. V u 
c marcae cum vexillis pensellis, etc. (Faust. A. in. 356.) A herse cloth of white 
tynsen satten for children. (MS. Inv. S. Michael at the Quern.) A red cloth, with 
crosse keyes, to cover graves. (Ib. St. Peter West Chepe.) Coffin clothes. (Ib. 
S. Lawrence Pountney.) j bere cloth of munke say. (Ib. South Bilingham.) 
A parell clothe for them that depart. (Ib. Harbridge.) A beryinge cloth of blewe 
velvet and cloth of gold. (S. Swithin's, London.) 

d " Velours figure " is branched velvet : fygury means here with patterns 
probably of leaves feuillage (Cotgrave, s.v. ; Planche, Brit. Cost. 202), bawdkyn, 
otherwise called velvitt fygnry. (MS. Inv. S. Peter West Chepe, London.) 

6 A blunder of the transcriber for " unlined." 

( Katharine of Arragon. f Brooches or clasps. 


iiij canape stavys of tymber newly gylt over. 8 

Signed by the prior and five others : 

Per me dompnum dionisium Dalyons priorem . 

Per me Hufridum charite d. 

Per me Ricardum Gorton d. 

Per me Dane Christofer Goodhays. 

Per me thomam Essex. 

Per me WilPm Russell. 

In the same volume the next Inventory follows in a different hand. 

ij payre of organes in the quyre. 

A fayre lectnrne of latten be the high alter. b 


ij smalle cusshens of olde blewe velvett. 

ij other cusshenes of grene velvett ij of olde bawdekyn. 

xj cusshenes of redde bawdekyn wherof one longe cusshene. 

ij carpetts of Turky worke to ley apon stoles.' 

iij blewe tappetts and vj redde of tapestry. 

iiij olde tapetts of white cloth with grene flowres. 

ij frounts of redde taffeta d for the Shryne with garters and one of white for 
the same Shryne of satten of brydges and one other of blewe with esteryche" 
ffethers and f rentes of blewe of the same sorte for the alter/ 

iij ffronts for the underparte of the aulter. 

iij nether? partes of sarsenett and satten of brydges for the alter. 

[Sold.] ij nether frountes for the same alter of black sylke. 

[Sold.] A nether-frounte of white sarsenett with a redde crosse for the same 
alter for Lent. 

" For carrying over the Sacrament. (Rites of Durham, p. 11 ; MS. Inv. S. 
Swithin's, London.) Canapie clothe gylte of linen clothe with iiij canapie 
staves. (MS. Inv. S. Peter's Cornhill.) A pall for the Sacrament on Corpus 
Christi day of redd damaske frenged about with Venice gold and rede silke, and 
iiij painted staves. 

b For the Gospel. (MS. Inven. Holy Trinity, Ipswich.) A deske of latten to 
rede the gospell. (S. Alban's.) A deske maid with an egle of lattyne. (South- 
ampton.) The quere dobyll stallyd well and substantyally graveyn, with ij 
lecturnys, tymber on eche syde. The Custumal mentions the lectern for the anti- 
phonar at the west end of the choir. See below, also notes to Conventual buildings. 
e Stools. d Taffata rubrum pannum pretiosum. (Gesta abbatum, ii. 363.) 

e Ostrich. One front of green silk with ostrich feathers. (Gunton's Peterb. 62.) 
f It stood on the west side of the shrine, as at St. Alban's. 
B Lower. A reredosse with a forfront and frontal, a curtain drawn before the 
upper front of the hie alter. (MS. Inv. S. Olave's Jewry.) An aulter cloth with 
the cloth to hange below. (SS. Anne and Agnes, London.) 


[Sold.] Upper fronts wherof one of redd sarsenett and one other of redd 

[Sold.] A blake frounte of old black bawdekyn for the same alter. 

ij nether frounts for the same alter of redd sylke. 

[Sold.] ij nether frounts of grene and blewe baudekyne flowres with a 
frounte of white damaske and redde velvett paned for the Shryne. 

An alter cloth of olde blewe sarsenett or taffyta. 

A frounte of the nether parte of an alter cloth of white damaske and redd 
velvett paned. 

A mydle frounte of grene and redd velvett with the Crucifix in the myddes. 

[Caret.] A border of olde blewe velvet for the alter. 

ij curteynes of redd sarsenet and white ij of white sarsenett ij of crymsen or 
murrey* ij of blakk sarsenett and ij of blewe. 

iiij lynen alter clothes pleyne. 

A Vestment of redd saten fygure with albes. 

A Vestment complete of blacke velvett the orphares of redd velvett with albes. 

[Caret.] A Vestment of redd damaske with orphares of blewe velvett. 

A Vestment of white sattene of brydges the orphares redd. 

[Sold.] A Vestment of blew sylke with orphares of redd complete. 

A Vestment of blewe satten the orphares redd. 

A Vestment of white damaske with the orphares of murrey. 

A Vestment of blacke worsted with the orphares redd satten of brydges complete. 

[Sold.] An olde chesible with oute albe of white and yellowe baudekyn. 

[Sold.] An albe with a hed pece of redd counterfett tyssue. 

iiij corperasse cases of sundry sortes ij masse bookes one of them of Sarum Use. 

A fayre godly Shrine of Seynt Edward in marble in the myddes of the 
chappell with a case to the same. 

vij Tombes in the same Chappell wherof one of Richard the Seconde of 
coper gilte, one of Edward the iij de of coper gilte, one other of Queue Philippe 
of alabaster, one other of Henry the V th of sylver b , one other of Quene 
Elynor of coper gilte, one other of Henry the iij d of coper gilte, and one 
other pleyne tombe of marble of Edward the fyrst; with ij lytell tombes, one 
of them of Elizabeth daughter to Henry the vii th c , and thother of Margarett 
daughter to Edward the iiij th . d 

ij Standerds of latten and one standerd to sett one cruetts of latten. 6 

viij ymages of coper gilt remayninge in a chest the parcell of the garnys- 
shynge with ij crownes of copar gilte iij ymages of brasse of the garnysshinge 

Dusky, or dun colour. 

b The silver plates were certainly in existence at this time, and confirm Mr. 
Burges' suggestion in Gleanings, p. 177. The funeral ceremonies for Rich. II. 
Q. Anne, and Henry V. are in Cotton. MS. Faust. A. in. fo. 356. 

c The little child, only three years old, was buried at the feet of Henry III. 
(Stowe's Survey, ii. 600.) 

d Born April 19, and died Dec. 11, 1472, his fifth child. (Dart, iii. 79.) 

e Comp. ij latten deskys wtth a stonderd for the pascall of latten. (MS. Inv. 
S. Steph. Westm.) S. Mary Abchurch, ij standards standing on either side of 
the altar. Standards, stantaria, were large candlesticks. 


of the Shryne of Kynge Henry the VII th . [Over these words, which are 
struck through, Richard II nd .]. 

A chalice of sylver parcell gilte with the picture of Seynt Edward garnysshed 

in the fote. 

An alter cloth complete of grene and redde satten of Brydges. 
A Vestment of white damaske with orphares of redd velvett. 
A Vestment of grene damaske with orphares of redd damaske. 
A frounte and alter cloth of white damaske. 
[Sold.] An alter cloth of old blewe and grene bawdekyne and a vestment of the 

T lynen alter clothes and ij hande towells b iij corperasse casys v white tapetts 

and one redd tapett a lytell table c of lether. 


A ffront for auter of blew with crownys and starris of gold for the nether part 
and one outer cloth of lynen cloth. 

A front for the auter of the upper part and nethar of whit and rede saten of 

A nether part of blew bawdkyn with swanys and tres and the uper part for 
the same. 

A Vestment of blake and grene bawdkyn complete. 

A payer of cortens of white and redd sarsnett. 

One other lynen auter cloth. 

A payer of candlestyks of pewter a laten candelstyke with ij nosses. A Vest- 
ment of blew velvyt with crownes and staris complete. A Vestment of 
whit bawdkyn with crosse of red bawdkyn complet (sold). A Vestment 
of blew chamlet powdered with fflowers and a rede crosse powdered with 
starris complete. A Vestment of tawney bawdkyn witL a crosse of blew 
bawdkyn complet. A Vestment of red velvet and doggs 6 of gold with 
Crucyffyx of nedyll worke complet. A Vestment of blew bawdkyn with 
whit swannys and tres of gold and a crosse of red velvyt with doggs of gold 
complet. An albe without stole or phanell of blew bawdkyn. Another albe 
with owt stole or phanell of red velvyt with doggs of gold (sold), ij olde 
whit albys with owt apparells. ij red corporaces casses of red tishew and one 
corporas casse of blew bawdkyn with clothis in them. 


ij hangyngs for the anter for the upper part and the nether of steynyd worke. 

* Dart, ii. 37, at the east end of the apse. 

b Abstersoria, for the priest to wipe his fingers upon, ad extergcndum digitos 
post perfnsionem. (Inv. S. Paul's, Dugd. App. 217, juxta lavatorium habetur 
manutergium. (Lyndw. lib. iii. tit. 25, p. 235 ;) j tersorium ad sacrarium. (Dart. 
Cantab. App. xvii). 

c A frontal with some delineation upon it. 

d The middle chapel on the south side of the choir. 

One suit of the Dogges. (Gunton, Peterb. 60.) 

f The easternmost of the radiating chapels on the south side of the choir aisle. 


j payer of cortcns of rede and grene sarsnet. iiij anter clothes of lynen 
cloth, ij auter clothes for the upper part and nether of redd clothe of 
golde with a yinage in brored of o r Lady (sold.) ij auter clothes of whit 
damaske panyd with blewe ffygure velvyt for the upper part and nether, 
one auter cloth of whit bawdkyn for the nether part, ij anter clothis for 
Lent of whit sarsenett with a rede crosse. v copys of whit bawdkyn one 
of them beyng orfysed with nedyll worke and the other iij orfysed with 
bawdkyn (sold), a chessybyll. ij tynakylls of red cloth of gold complett. 
a chessybyll. ij tunhakylls of whit bawdkyn complet. j albe in brothered 
with thassumpcion of o r lady, j other albe of whit damaske panyd with 
blew fygury velvet, a lynyn cloth to cover o r Lady in Lent, iij corporas 
casis garnisid with mbrodery worke with clothes, a nother corporas casse 
of whit damaske. a whit vestment of damask inbrodered with Egylls 
complet. v laten candlestycks and other candelstycks. a chalys sylver 
and gilt with paten, ij corporas casses and ij clothis in them, j other 
autercloth playne. a Vestment complet of grene saten of Bryges with a 
rede crosse (sold), j other vestment complet of whit saten bryges with a 
rede Crosse. ij gret standyng candylstyks of laten (sold). 


j auter cloth for the upper part and nether part of redd and grene saten of 
bryges with portcolis. b iiij auterclothes of lynnyn. ij auter clothis for the 
upper part and nether of dune velvet garnissid with flowers, ij auter 
clothes for the upper part and nether panyd with cloth of gold and grene 
velvet with portcolis. j auter cloth of dune velvet for the nether part gar- 
nissid with flowers, ij vestments complet of cloth of gold with ij grene 
crosses of grene velvit with Jhus and portcolis. j vestment complet of blacke 
saten brygss garnisid with Soulls. a blewe vestment complet of saten of 
briges powderid with Archaungells. ij whit vestments of saten of bryges 
garnisid with portcollis. a red westment of saten of bryges complet with a 
blew crosse of saten of brygis (sold), an albe perelyd d with red saten of 
briges. iij corporace cassis of red velvit. iij other cassis with j cloth of 
diverse collors. 6 


A lytyll chalys with a paten sylver and gilt, ij Corperace cassis with j cloth 
ij vestments complet j of whit damask with a crosse of blew velvit and the 

a The south chapel of St. Mary's or Henry VII th ' 8 Chapel. The high altar of 
our Lady occupied the site of the present tomb. The first tomb and an altar of St. 
Saviour stood about the middle of the chapel, with the altar of Henry VI th ' 
chantry in the eastern bay. 

b Portcullisses. 

c Souls in purgatory, represented as little children carried upward in large 

d Pearled, perulatus. 

e ij Copes j of sylke of diverse coloures. (MS. Inv. West Eotham.) 

f The north chapel of the east aisle of the transept. 


other of old russet thaffata hayyng flowers and starys wrought theron with 
nedyll. ij auter clothes for the nether part j of them of red and gene saten 
of briges panyd and the other panid with why* saten of bryges and rede 
bawdkyn. Auter clothis of playne cloth. A writen Masse bok. iiij 
payntyd clothis for Lent. 


A payer of laten candelstyks with pyks. ij cortens of sendall old. iij auter 
clothes ij of dyaper and j of playn cloth, ij Corporace cassis with j cloth, 
iij nether ffrontis for the auter j of them of red sarsnet garnisid with garters 
the ij nd of blew bawdkyn in iij parts therof with ymages of brodery worke 
and the iii de of rede and blew bawdkyn panyd. j chessibyll of red velvit 
havyng a crosse of crymsyn cloth of gold with stole and phanon. A nother 
chessibyll of whit bawdkyn with a crosse of red bawdkyn with stole and 
phanan. Another chessibyll of red saten with a crosse of blew saten gar- 
nisyd with garters with stole and phanam (sold). Another chessibyll of 
blew bawdkyn with a crosse of red sarsenet garnisid with ymagery with stole 
and phanam (sold), j albe with redd parells of nedyll worke. A cloth of 
blew bokeram for Lent, ij whit clothes of staynid cloth for Lent for the 
auter above and beneth. 


A ffront of whit and grene bawdkyn for the nether part of the auter. An olde 
bawdkyn c for to cover the auter. iij lynyn auter clothes. A ffront of rede 
and grene bawdkyn panid with the arrays of Yenglond in brodered for the 
nether part of the auter (sold), ij curtens of red and blew sarsenet, ij 
cortens of rede sarsenet and whit lynen cloth. A chales of parcell gylt with 
paten with a C and S in the botome which is charged in the Vestry, ij 
Masse Boks j of secular use d and the other of the Place use. 6 ij corporace 
cassis with clothis of dyverse worke. A Vestment of sarsnet rede complet 
with lyonis and a crosse of nedill worke. A Vestment of whit bawdkyn 
complet with a grene crosse. A nold westment of red velvit complet in 
brodered with garters (sold), ij Cortens of blew bokeram for Lent, j whit 
cloth for the auter for Lent, ij Laten candelstyks for the auter. 


iij lynen auter clothes, ij auter ffronts j for above the other for benethe of 
rede grene and yellow say panyd with ij corperas of the same worke. ij 
laten candelstyks for the auter. A Crosse of wood stondyng on the auter 
gilded, iij Corperace cassis of dyverse sorts with iij C lynyne (ic) clothis 

* The middle chapel in the east aisle of the transept. 
b The south chapel in the east aisle of the transept. 

c " A vestment of course cloth of sylver called a bawdekyn." (MS. Inv. S. 
Stephen's, Westminster.) 
d Probably that of Sarum. 
e The Benedictine use. 


in them. A Vestment with j albe with out stole and phanam of red velvit. 
A vestment of whit bawdkyn complet (sold). A Vestment of red velvit 
complet with a Crosse of blew tyssew (sold). A chessibyll with out albe 
and parell of whit damaske with a rede crosse. A Vestment of grene 
velvet and grene bawdkyn and a crosse red say. A chessybyll off red 
bawdkyn with a grene Crosse of bawdkyn of grene (sold). A nold chessi- 
bill of rede. An auter cloth of grene sylke garnisid with Egylls for the 
nether ffront of the auter. An auter ffront of grene silke with dj r verse 
arrays for the nether part. An other auter ffront for the nether part of 
strakys a sylke (sold), ix peces of staynyd clothis for auter. 


A ffront for the nether (sic) of the auter of rede and whit damaske with 
Abbot Islyp's armys, an auter cloth dobyll c of dyaper, a Superaltare, a 
Vestment complet of whit damaske wilh a crosse of red cloth of gold. A 
bawdkyn to cover the auter. A payer of candelstyks for the auter. 


Another ffront for the auter of rede and whit damaske with armys of abot 
Yslip. ij playne auter clothis of lynen. iiij Corperace casses with ij 
clothes of dyverse sorts. A corperace casse with armys and a cloth thereon. 
A payer of Organys with a corten of lynen cloth to cover them. An upper 
front of whit and rede damaske with a Crucyffix Mary and John with Jhus 
and Abbott Yslips Armys all in brothered. A Vesttment complet of whit 
damaske with a crosse of rede cloth of gold, ij Candelstyks of latten. A 
bawdkyn for the same Auter. 


ij ffronts for the auter of black velvit and tawny e damaske panyd havyng on the 
upper ffront a Crucifix and my lord Dawbiney's Arms f in broderyd and 
both garnisid with garters (sold), ij other ffronts of whit and rede saten of 
bryges panyd. iij auter clothis j of dyaper the other ij playne cloth, j 
vestment complet of blew velvit with a crosse of brodery worke garnisid 
with fflowers in brodered. A nother vestment complet of whit ffustyan 
with a crosse of rede say. Another vestment of grene bawdkyn lakyng stole 
phanam and hode.? Another vestment of blacke damaske broken with a 

" The same as rowed or paled, in stripes. 

b This is clearly Abbot Islip's chantry, and we recover for the first time the 
dedication (see Gleanings, 185. Dart, i. 64, 40.) " He was buried in the 
chappell of his buyldynge." (Vet. Monum. t. iv. p. 3.) 

c Duplicatus lined. 

d The eastern chapel on the north side of the choir. 

e MS. Inv. S. Julyan's, Salop, " ij Chaunters Coppes of taune selke." 

f Sir Giles Daubeny, K.G., who died in 1507, buried in this chapel. (Neale, ii. 

K Hood. The amice, often called " a kerchief, couvre-chef " (Monast. viii. 290) 


crosse of rede saten with out albe stole and phanam (sold). Another Vest- 
ment of blew bawdkyn with a crosse of whit satten of bryges garnisid with 
broderyd fflowers. An Albe without a hode stoll and phanam. Another 
vestment of dyverse collors bawdkyn with a blew crosse of saten of bryges. 
vi Corperace casys of dyverse sorts with iiij clothis in them, ij candelstyks 
of laten. 


3. Then follows, in a third hand, 

An INVENTORY of the BUTTERYE remaynynge in the Custodye of 

GABRELL PALLEY to thuse of the late ABBOTTE. 

(The following are a few selected extracts only.) 

The Buttery. iij sylver sponys every on of them havynge a Woodwarde of 
sylver and gylte at thende. A breking knyffe a sortable havynge halftys of 
everye b and barred wyth sylver and gylte. ij meate knyf es for my lord hys 

Naperye warre. Necktowells every of them cont' in lengenth 1 yarde iij qr u 
and in bredeth di. yarde. Cubborde cloths, xiii. lethern Gyspyns. A 
greate bell candelstykke d with a nose to put on. A greate candelstykke 
bell ffashyon with a flowre. On candelstykke of lumbard ffashyon. 6 

and " headcloth." (Fuller's Waltham, 273.) " ij amysis Kerchers." (MS. Inv. of 
S. Stephen's, Westni.) " iij awbes with j hed cloth of red and grene." (MS. 
Inv. All Hallows, Honey Lane.) 

a Carving : to break was to cut up a deer. (Hall speaks of carving and 
breaking meat. Chipping knyffe. (North. H d Book, 387.) WoodM'ard, a keeper 
who looks after woods. Wodewose, a wild man. 

b Ivory. 

c The linen store. We still retain the words nap and napkin and Napier. 
Napery included table clothes and longe towells, hande towells ; a coverpane ; 
napkins of dyaper ; playne clothes, and towells, cubborde clothes, napkyns and a 
case of fyne trenchers. Babees Book, 208 : take a towel about thy nekke, for 
that is courtesy, 129. 

d One of the said watch to fetch a pott and a gespin att the Pitcherhouse for 
ale and wyne. (Ordin. for the Household, 374.) 

e One with a hemispherical base. A latyn candylstek with ij nosys. (MS. 
Inv. Aldermary, London.) A snotter for candells. (MS. Inv. Wore. Cath.) 
(MS. Harl. 604, fo. 121.) j tabula depicta ad modum Lumbard, 22 Edw. III. 
iij tabule de opere Lumbardorum. (Inv. Edw. III.) j imago de cupro voc' 
Lumbard pertere. 25 Edw. III. (MS. Add. 24,525, fo. 261.) 



Imprimis a salte of sylver and gylte with a cover fall of droppes, poz xxxj.oz. 

iiij salts of sylver with rosys and perculysys b li. oz. A standinge pece c with a 

cover gylt to drink wyne in xxiij . oz. 
The Naperye. A iron peele (long-handled baker's shovel). An olde fryinge 

pan wyth a broken start, (handle.) 
A goodlye grete chafer having iij feete and vj handells. 
A standinge chafer to set in the fryer with on handell. 
A Saint Johnes bed of wood. d 
A lesser rownde byrde broche (spit.) A strypinge knife. The kychyn collette 

(pail) of lether. A po\vderinge e tubbe wyth a cover. 
The Kechyn wythin Cheynegate* a stone morter wyth iij wood pestells. 

a 15 Dec. 1545. Item agreed that Mr. Dean and his successors shal have the 
Misericorde, the greate Kitchin, and all edifices betwixt his own house and the 
scoole, and the greate garden with y e ponde and trees which he hath now in 
possession, and y* Mr. Haynes shall have pertaynyng to his house to hym and 
his successors all the garden enclosed in the stone wall w h the old Dovehouse 
and the house called Cannterburie (Comp. fo. 86 b.) w h the garden grounde 
from his house to Mr. Deanes garden. " The Great house within the Close 
which was the dean's," is mentioned in 1596. (Chapter Book, fo. 28.) And a 
greate brycke house over and agaynst Mr. Deane's house allotted to two Pre- 
bendaries in 1555. (Ib.) The Misericord was the hall of indulgence in which flesh 
was eaten (Wilkins, iii. 789, West's Furness, 150 ; Sacr. Arch. s. v.) on certain 
days. It adjoined the Refectory, on the site of Ashburnham House, and is 
mentioned in connection with the Frayter and Kitchen in the grant of the 
abbot's lodge to the bishop. It was probably the long Camera juxta refectorium 
sita into which guests were taken before the 14th century, although the Custumal 
suggests the alternative, nisi nunc est Camera Prioris (fo. 199). It also appears 
as " domus refectorio contigua quse Misericordia vocatur (fo. 255, 415)." 

b Portcullisses. 

c Ciphus cum pede. (Dart, Canterb. App. xix.) 

d A representation of the Decollated Head of the Baptist. A Seynt Johns 
hede of Alabaster. (Bury Wills, 115, 116.) There is one at St. John's Hospital, 

e Salting. 

1 Cheyney Gates was the name of the Abbot's House. The Patent to the 
Bishop mentions " domus mansionis vocata Cheynygates in qua W. nuper abbas 
habitavit, cum gardino et hortis illi adjacentibus [pomariis horreis stabulariis 
columbariis. Orig. Roll.] in quo ambitu sunt quedam Turris ad introitum dicte 
habitacionis que continet in longitudine a capite orientali abbuttans super Claus- 
trum [clausum O. R.J usque ad caput occidentale abbuttans super le Elmes per 
estimacionem Ixvij pedes et in latitudine capitis occidentalis a parte boreali 
usque ad partem australem per estimacionem xxiiij pedes et ij polices, et alia 
edificia et domus cum gardinis et solo adjacente continente per estimacionem a 
Turre usque ad Ecclesiam in latitudine capitis orientalis abbuttans super 
Claustrum Cxxiiij pedes et in latitudine capitis occidentalis abuttantis versus 



Mr. Thyxtyl's Chamber, a pyllowe wyth a here [case] of bokeram [cheap 
linen], a grete spuse [spruce wood*] cheste bounde wyth yron, and going 
of vj iron whelys. 

Mr. Melton's Chamber [William Melton monk at the Dissolution], Sulyard's 
Chamber, Mr. Morres Chamber [these were all bedrooms]. An irishe 
mantell and olde table wyth folden leavys and other bordys. A hanginge 
of redde and grene saye. 

Domum Pauperum, vocatam The Kynges Almshouse CLxx pedes ac in longi- 
tndine partis borealis abbuttans super Eeclcsiam et super Stratam Regiam 
vocatam the Brode Sentuarye cclviij pedes et in parte austral! abbuttans super 
lez Elmes .CCxxxix pedes . . . . ac quartam partem tocius Magni Claustri .... 
Ac omnia ilia edificia et domos vocatas le Calbege etle Blacke Stole ibidem que 
continet in longitudine a capite boreali abbuttans super predictam Turrim usque 
ad capnt australe abbuttans super Turrim vocatam le Blacke Stole Tomre per 
estimacionem Ixxxviij pedes, ac omnia edificia existentia inter edificia vocata le 
Calbege et le Blacke Stole ex parte occidentali et edificia et domos vocatas Le 
Fraiter Misericorde, et [ac totam illam 0. R.] magnam Coquinam conventualem 
vocatam The Greate Covent Ketchen ex parte orientali . . . . et illam aliam 
Turrim lapideam in loco vulgariter vocato the Oxehall et magnum Horreum 
et domos et edificia inter magnam fossam vocatem the Milldam ex parte 
australi et predictum horreum ex parte boreali, ac alia edificia domos ortos etc. 
inter dictum horreum et inter dictos domos et edificia ex parte occidentali 
et predictam magnam Turrim vocatam The Longe Granerye ex parte 
orientali ac inter edificia et domus vocatas the Brue hoivse and the Backehouse 
ex parte boreali et predictam magnam fossam vocatam The Milldam ex parte 
australi." (Pat. Rot. 31 Hen. VIII. p. vii. m. 39, al. 10, compared with 
Originalia Roll, 4 Edw. VI. p. ii. n. 86, being the grant to Lord Wentworth). 
Lord Wentworth in 1554 agreed to give up to the dean his "parte of the 
Cloyster " in exchange for " one parcell of the Longe House adioynyng to my 
Towre there." (Ib. 91 b.) 

The Calbege or buildings on the east side of Dean's Yard comprised the 
cellarage or store chambers with the Exchequers of the obedientaries chambers 
bearing their names, as appears in the next and a subsequent entry in full. The 
site of the Tailory, Monk's Hostel, and Writers' room [Custumal, 173, 174, 217] 
was probably in Little Dean's Yard. The entrance tower to it bore the name of 
" le Blacke Stole," probably from being the wardrobe of black stuff for robes in 
bulk. Calbege probably meant the big keel or tub or vessel for ale or beer to 
cool in. December 16, 4 Edw. VI. That Mr. Pekins shall have annexed to his 
house the " Hall wherein the Tube ys withe the yarde, the kechyng, stables, 
with all other edifices that sometyme apperteyned to the Monk Ballyes office." 
(Ch. Book, fo. 67 b.) The Gatehouse of Westminster was the " prison-house of 
the conventual liberty." 

a Comp. Add. MS. 24, 529, fo. 156. 


THE GALLORYE.* astaynyd clothe b of Saynt George, ij carpettes inthewyn- 
dows of tapestrye. A lyttel table of quene Johanis armes c (dantur decano). 

JERUSALEM PARLOUR. d vii pecys of hangings of arres worke wyth ij lyttle 
pecys of arras wyth the story of Planetts 6 rem. cum episcopo. a wyndowe 
carpett wrought upon pakethrede full of redd roses, sold to the deane xij d. 
And olde carpet ffor a wyndowe belonging to the same parlours of turkeye 
worke, sold to the deane for xij d. an olde bawdekyn f for the baye 
wyndowe towardys the brode sanctuary rem. cum episcopo. A table carpet 
of tapestery sold to the deane v s. ij quysshyns coveryd wyth grene 
braunchyd velvet rem. cum episcopo, v carpet quisshons solde to the deane 
for vs. a table wyth a payer of trestells. a grete longe foldinge table sold 
to the deane for ij s. An oestre e table foldinge. a skryne wyth wykars. h a 
standinge cubberd with ij amberyes,' a fyre fork of iron, a payre of 
andyrons, xviij boffet stolys k of the whiche vj doth rem. w h the bysshoppe 
and xij geven to the deane. 

THE ENTRY betwene the Hall and the Parlor, iij cabbordys and on playn 
forme sold to the deane for xx d. 

JERICO PARLOR" a payer of trestells viij d. A maunders cheyre" xvd. ij 

* A gallery to go from chamber to chamber (Litleton) probably on the east 
side of the court. There is a fine example at Wenlock. 

b Stained or dyed. (Litleton). 

c Possibly Jane Seymour or more probably Joan of Brittany, wife of Henry IV. 
" Nicholaus Lytlyngton dedit capelle abbatum et domui infirmorum," etc. in his 
time" edificata sunt a fundamentis de novo Placea Abbatis juxta ecclesiam, 
dimidium autem Claustri ex partibus occidentis et australis, domus quorundam 
officiariorum, ut puta ballivi infirmarii sacriste et celerarii, magnum Malthous 
cum turri ibidem, molendinnm aquaticum, et le Dam cum muris lapideis, cum 
clausura lapidea gardini infirmarie. (Fleta. MS. in Chapter Library and 
Sporley in Claud. A. vill. 63.) Widmore has paraphrased and amplified this 
statement. He is not to be read untested.) 

d The Jerusalem Parlour probably took its name from the subject of some 
hangings, as in a MS. Inventory of the period I find " ij good peces of counter- 
fait arras of the Seege of Jerusalem. (Ch. Ho. Books Publ. Kec. Off. 66, fo. 11.) 
In 1555 it was agreed that " the howse in the whiche mother Jone doth dwell 
in shall be a Chapter howse," (Ch. Book 199b) so that chapters then were not 
held in this room). 

e Probably the signs of the Zodiac; compare, however, Hall, 639. 

f A piece of cloth of gold. 

8 A lytell oyster tabull. (Wareham's Inv. C. T ' s P. E. O. fo. 23.) 

h Made of wicker-work. 

1 Aumbries, cupboards, safes. 

k Abacus. (Litleton.) A little portable seat without back or arms. (Bailey). 

1 Made of wainscot. 

m An entry or passage between rooms in a house. (Litleton.) 

n That ordinarily called now the Organ-room. 

One carved in Flanders, famous for its woodwork often called Flanders 
coffers. Flanders work was carving. (Add. MS. 24,520, fo. 155.) 


joyned formes ij s. vj quisshons of carpet worke wyth Islyppes viiij s. a 

payre of andyrons* vs. a standing cupberde carvyd xiij s. iiij d. a carpett 

of brode grene cloth vj s. viiij d. a newe joyned cheyre wyth a stole in hyt 

geven to the deane. 
My Lordys Newe Chapell. b ij pecys of tappestrye of the Plannettes. ij 

wyudowe carpettes of tente worke havinge the grounde whyte and full of 

redd hartys. 

a quysshyn of tapstrye a pece of redde saye lynyd wyth canvas. 
The Lytle Chamber nexte [it was a bedroom]. 
The Hall a greate olde arres at the hye dease. c ij bankers' 1 of tapestrye. 

ij hangings for the syde of the hall of grene saye. A gret joyned chayre" 

for the Quenys coronacyon. An olde grene banker. The arrasys in the 

hall and in the parlour, and a Festival f in printe. 

The Skolyons s Chamber [a bed room, the furniture given to a pore mane.] 
The Portors Lodge. 11 A blanket of Irysshe ffrees. h The furniture given to 
Mr. deane. 

Syr Eadulph Chamber a woollen blanket hanginge for the chamber of fullerye * 

worke [given to Mr. deane] . 
The Lytel Chamber over the Comon Jakys. Tytley's Chamber. Gabriel's 

Chamber. [These three were bed rooms.] 
The Warderobe in Cheyney Gatce [containing bed furniture] . 

a Bars to hold up wood in a grate " brandeurs, brandirons. (Addit. MS. 
24,520, fo, 200). 

b Probably now the large room in the deanery which abuts on the S.W. angle 
of the Cloister. 

c Dais. (Archseol. xxi. 258.) 

d Fr. "banquier," coverings for benches or seats. 

e Of joiner's work, not turned, "for the newe pues of joyned work." (MS. Inv. 
S. Swithin's, London.) Litleton gives " joiner's work or wainscot.'' 

f MS. Inv. S. Oswald's, Durham, "A festivall, iiij d." The Rev. J. Fuller 
Russell, F.S.A. possesses a copy printed by Julian the notary, dwelling in King 
Street, Westminster, 1519. It is a compilation from the Golden Legend ; a copy 
also occurs in a MS. in the Brit. Mus. King's Lib. B. iv. It is a book not 
mentioned by Mr. Maskell. 

e Scullions, (Custumal, 146.) 

h Between the Porter's lodge and the south alley of the cloister is the Forensic 
Parlour, where merchants vended their wares, friends waited to see a monk, or 
guests were received. In the south wall a staircase lighted with loops, and by a 
window opening into the Refectory, communicates with the leads, and probably 
was used by the officer who rang the cymbal or cloister-bell. (Ware's Custumal, 
fo. 92.) 

' Irish cloths were regularly imported. (Liber Albus, 632.) ij yeryshe carpettes 
lyned with canvas. (Warham's Inv. Publ. Rec. Off. C T ' 8 , fo. 9.) 

k A dressed cloth (MS. Inv. Wedyall), a vestment of ffullam worke. 


The Stable. The Kynges servaunte Portenary a hath the stuff. Fullers Cham- 
ber. Nuttings Chamber. Busbyes Chamber [this name occurs in the 
Chapter Book]. Patchy's Chamber [afterwards Koo's dwelling]. [These 
four were bedrooms ; the furniture of the last was given to a poor widow.] 


The Priors. b at the Entry into my [Dionise Dalyon's] house iij formys and 
ij lathers, in the Garden ij styllatoryes, the Kechyn, Botterye, hall, parler, 
Chappell [iij vestments, a wrytten mape, a superaltare and a lytle crucifixe] . 
fyrst Chamber [a bed room] . Seconde Chamber, ij stameles [shirts of fine 
worsted] . ij doblettes a cloke a longe gown and a hose clothe, ij cotts of 
clothe on of them furryd and a cote of say wythowte slevys. viij hand 

a John Portonari. (See Suppr. of Monasteries, 180 ; comp. Dom. Pap. 
Henry VIII. iii. p. 11, fo. 1535.) 

b The Prior's house probably was on the north-east side of the Little Cloister, 
where we find several fireplaces, and also traces of a chapel in a window jamb of 
the time of Henry VI. with a squint on one side of it, apparently of earlier date. 

Jan. 2, 4 Edw. VI. and Jan. 26, 35 Hen. VIII. It is agreed y* a new waye 
shallbe made owte of the Darke Entry [Dark Cloisters] into the Courte, and y* 
the pece of the Pryvey Dorter shalbe pullyd downe so moche as shalbe necessary 
for y* purpose, and lykewise all the howse callyd Patches house (afterwards 
occupied by the usher of the School Ch. Book, 59, 74), and so moche of the 
deanes house as shalbe harmyd, etc., that the College Gate, by Mr. Pekyns howse, 
shalbe enlarged so as a carte may cum in to the Courte [Little Dean's Yard] 
before the Deanes dore [in the Misericord], and to the newe waye in to the 
Cloyster. (Chapter Book, 15 b, 63, 74.) 

Nov. 8, 1550. Certeyne plate remaynyng in the Vcstrie shalbe solde for to 
beare the charges of the alterac'ons and removing the queer, and for the alterac'on 
of the Dark Entre and the College Great Gate. The sewer of the Reredorter 
(Latina Custumal, 241) still remains between the S.W. angle of the Little Cloister, 
and the entrance into Little Dean's Yard from the Dark Cloisters. (Chapter 
Book, fo. 65 b.) to which the dean most kindly gave me access. 

On the south side of the Dark Passage is Litlington's Tower, serving as the 
belfry in 1719, and on the north a room called incorrectly St. Anne's Chapel 
retains a circular projection like a stoup. 

1547, July 9. That the plummerye and the waxchanderye, with other howses 
of offiyce there, shall be removyd from whense they now are unto the ferder ende 
of the vawtys undernethe Mr. deanes graner [the granary having been divided 
between the dean and prebendaries] , and y* the dore nowe openyng into y said 
plummerye, on the east side of the prior's parlour, owte of the Churche, shalbe 
mnryd uppe. (Chapter Book, 38 b, 39.) 

In 1554 the King's Confessor occupied one of the vaultes. (Ih. 94.) 
VOL. IV. 2 B 


kerches and iij course wypeyng towells. ij cappes. A cover of wood peyntyd 

servyng for a maser haveyng at the end therof a kuppe of sylver and gylte. 
The Masshyng [Mixing] House, ij rudds a tappehose and a tapstaf a med- 

dlyng shovell a penyall batche a lyker batche v tynes to bere ale a wort 

collender and a hovell a gyest to set ale apon. 
Thomelis Chamber, old myll stones. 
Saynt Johns house, iij bynnes to put malt yn. 
The Mylhouse. 

The Godds Blessing house a samon barell, Ixvij Kymnells [tubs.] 
Baling house a clensing stole a tabret of lede iij metyng stands one of x 


The Bake House. 
The Covent Kychyn b a cupborde at the Frater-hole. c 

6 The Granaries, afterwards the scholars' dormitory, were at the east, and the 
aleing or brewhouse and bakehouses, on the north side of the present green in 
Dean's Yard : a tower stood at the N.E. angle. 

b This entry shows that the kitchen closely adjoined the Refectory. Olim spacium 
erat et circus .... [claust]ralis cum quadam volta inter Refectorium et Coqui- 
nam. (Custum. fo. 232.) The hutch, consisting, of two square-headed apertures, 
remains in the south wall of the Fratry : there is another example at Tintern ; 
fenestra coquince. (Ib. fo. 185, 194, 204.) For the description of a cupboard, see 
Hall, 793. The butteries stood westward of the hall. The lavatory, with five 
niches for towels (Custumal, fo. 185), remains in the south alley of the Cloister. 
The present Library made part of the Dormitory ; it had been formed before 
the year 27 Henry VI., as appears in a MS. Charter, and the door to its staircase 
remains southward of the Vestibule of the Chapter-house. Under it, southward 
of the chapel of the Pyx, which had formed the Treasury, two bays of the sub- 
structure composed the Regular Parlour (Custum. 147, 270, 444), opening on the 
chapel of St. Dunstan, which retains the niche for an image, of the period of 
Henry V., and a water-drain with a ledge. Into it guests were taken, as well as 
into the Misericord. Moderno tempore quando in Hostellaria snnt aliqui pran- 
dentes in Capellam S. Dunstani eos rite ducere solent. (Custumal, fo. 199.) 

The Library, after the Reformation, was furnished by means of coarse spo- 
liation : 

Yt is lykwyse determined that the two lecternes of latten and candelstycks of 
latten wythe angelles of copper and gylte, and all other brasse latten belle metell 
and brasse shall be solde by Mr. Heynes, trcasaurer, by cause they be monyments 
of idolatre and supersticyon, and the monye therof cummyng to be reccyvyd by 
the sayd treasaurer for makyng of the lybrary [in the northe parte of the Cloyster] 
and bying of books. (Chapter Book, fo. 47.) 

In the same spirit it was agreed, in 152, to sell certain plate to pay the 
ministers [fo. 72], and on March 2, 1570, that " a canapie shalbe made of the best 
copes that are remaining in the Vestrie if the stuff will serve," for the Queen at 
the opening of Parliament visiting the Abbey. (Chapter Book, fo. 141 b.) 

c v. Nove'ber A R. R. H. VIII. xxxvj. It is agreyd bi master deane and the 
Chapiter that guy Gasken, servaunt unto the said deane and Chapter, shall forth 


The Salt house. 

Black Parlour, iij stands for ale. 

Wet Larder, a greate tube standyng in the entry to hang meate. 
Offyce of tlie Infyrmari. The Parlor. Chamber over the Parlor. Chamber 
over the Botire. The Great Parlour with S. Kateryn's Garden.* Chamber 
next the parlor (a bedroom). The Study within the same Garden. The 
Sykman's Chambers 11 the ffyrste hangyd w* peynted clothes a bedstede 
w* a sparver a table ij trestylls a coveryd cheyer a forme ij benches ij 
holffs ; the Second Chamber hangyd w* payntyd clothes a bedsted with a 
blewe sparver an old chayer an old table with sets. The Hall. c the hangyng 
of grene saye ij old torn bankers a broken cupbord ij tabulls standyng uppo 
trestells on forme a round table for oysters a turnyd cheyer. 

S eynt Kateryn's Cliappell in tJie Farmarye. A A canape for the Sacrament 
A litle box of sylver without a cover. A chalesse with a patyn. vj cor- 
porax casies. v corporaces. A westment of russet satten w h a crosse of 
red damask and bordered w h crymissyn wellvet w h and albe and all thyng 
belongyng. A Westment of red damask the crosse whyte damask w* 
albe and all thyng belongyng. iiij old westments w* one albe and other 
hyngs for one westment. iij corse awter clothes w* iij fronts. An awter 
cloth with a front of whyte and redd damaske with an ymage of Saynt 
Erasmus and Saynt Lawrence sett with perles and stone, ij short hand 
towells and old carpett upon the auter. A crucifyx of wod. A table of the 
dome, iij latene candelstyks. an holy water stock of laten w h the sprynkyll 
of wod. ij cruettes of peuter. one candelstyk of yron and iiij candelstykks in 

w th in all hast for the awoiding of farther iuconveniens take downe the frater 
howse, and also that m r deane of peterborow [Gerarde Carleton] shall have the 
vacant grownd betwixt m r readmans and m r turpins howse w 1 the stable apon the 
walle of the said m r deane of peterborows howse. (Chapter Book, fo. 20.) 

2 Edw. VI. Jan. 14. It is agreed that it shalle be lefull for m r deane to take 
downe the tymber and tylles of two broken chambres standyng besydes the Scole 
howse, and also that he shall have the grounde of the Freyter with the stone walles 
to the augmentacon of his gardeyn, and also his garden in the Farmery [Infir- 
mary], and also the chambers adjoynyng to his howse of the Dorter [Dormitory] 
syd unto the Abbotts lodgyng, and that m r Heines shall have immediatly the 
howse with the gardyn and douffe howse heretofore grauntid hym. (Chapter 
Book, fo. 47 b.) 

a St. Katherine's Garden was probably the garth of the Little Cloisters, which 
formed its clausura lapidea according to Fleta ; there is one resembling it at 
Gloucester ; and in the Norman monastery of Canterbury and also at Sherborne 
there were others in connection with the Infirmary. There was a Crassetum 
inter claustrum et hostium Infirmitoriaj (Custumal, 159). 

b They probably opened out through the doors remaining in the alleys of the 
Little Cloister. Camera; infimiorum. (Custumal, 299, 217.) There were more 
than one in a chamber, fo. 468. 

c The Sala of the Custumal, fo. 477, which had a huge fire burning in it, when 
there were evening processions, and opened into the south aisle of the Chapel by 
a Norman door still existing, and once extended over it. See fo. 136. 
d A complete plan of the Abbey buildings illustrating this paper was contri* 

2 B2 


the wall, j missale with one deske. ij bokes for Seynt Kateryn. a joyned 
stole w h an old lyttell forme, ij cleskes w h ij olde books to saye service apon. 
A sacring bell, a . . . . tt bell. A lampe hangyng with a cord. A paxe. 
ij blew curtyns before the ymages. ij curtyns for the auter of whyte and 
red sarcenet, ij gret chests with a payer of organs without pypes. A here 
with a cofyn for ded men. a ij tabulls b in the Syde Chappells apon the 
auters an old chest in the chappells (one vestment geven to the Churche of 
Staines iiij appoynted to the churche). 

The Chappell Chamber, the hangyng of paynted clothes a bedsted with a 
sparver a close cheyr with a old forme. The Botry. The Kechyn. 

The Hostei-ySA masor boll called Saynt Edward's masor garnysshed with 

buted by me to the " Building News," May 31, 1872. The ruins now include four 
pillars of the nave, and a respond or half -pilaster on the south side, with three 
arches enriched with chevron, billet, and battlemented mouldings under an indented 
string-course, and bases of the pillars on the north side. Two pointed arches of 
the south side of the chancel remain. Two side chapels, possibly those of St. 
Erasmus and Lawrence, were at the east end of the nave. The wretched story of 
the demolition is thus told : "July 13, 38 H. VIII. Wheras m r dean of peter- 
borough hath takin down the leade of Saint Katryn's chapell ..... and agreeth 
to make uppe buylding and lodgyng throughout the Bodie of the chapell 
(Chapter Book, fo. 32), "March 2, 1570, It is decreed that the olde Kitchyn 
hertofore called Covent Kytchen and a howse called in times past the Misericorde 
now divised among other things to the ladye Anne Parrye widow (who had 
occupied the dean's former house) and also the old Chapell somtyme called St. 
Katheryn's Chapell in the Lesse Cloistre shalbe taken down." (Ibid. fo. 042.) 
On great occasions when the procession visited it, after vespers, the nave was 
lighted with long lines of cereoli. (Custumal, fo. 479.) The steps to the Bathing- 
place remained within memory at the N.E. angle of the Hall. 

* It was carried by four men. (Custumal, 514.) 

b Probably reredosses or ornamental frontals of altars. 

c The Hostry Garden extended over the ground which lay between the 
Bowling Green and the river bank, partly on the site of College Street (Mem. 
of Westm. 318-320). " Dec. 6, 1596. A lease graunted of the Hostry (Guest 
House ; Hospitum Domus, fo. 146-7) and the bowses and cotages therupon 
buildetl (Chapter Book, fo. 245). The outer Hostry adjoined the Almonry or 
Dolhouse (Custumal, 157, 173, 292, 303). The bowl of charity and great flagon, 
sometimes carried down the Refectory, are mentioned by Ware. (fo. 600-603.) 
" The Abbey Gate towards the town " fronted Tothill Street, and its southern 
arch, the Court Gate, opened into the precinct. (Ibid. 39, 529.) Besides these 
there was a Cemetery Gate. (fo. 13, 12.) The Master of the Choristers lodged 
" over the Gate going to the Almery." (Chapter House Book, fo. 15.) 

On the south-east side of the Little Cloister is a slype to the College Garden, 
formerly divided by walls into gardens, and occupied by the domestic accessories, 
stables and cowsheds. On the east side is the Tower, known as the Jewel-house. 


[From the Land Revenue Record, Church Inventories .] 


John Rowke 

Henry Vaghan 

p'sed at xxx li. 

p'sed at C s. 
p'sed at vj li. 

p'sed at C s. 
p'sed at iiij s. 

p'sed at xl li. 
p'sid at x li. 

> preysers. 

The Inventory of all the Coopis Vesti- 
mentes Albes & Aulter hangynges p'teynyng 
& belongyng vnto Saynt Stephyus Chapell 
in Westm'. 

ffirst iij riche copis of nedelworke sett w 1 perle. 
Itm iij garmentes a w* albes vestment deacon and 

subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng vnto them 

of the same worke. 
Itm hangynges for the alter and vpper & an nether 

of the same worke w* curtens of old stayned 

Itm ij copis of riche clothe of tyssue. 
Itm iij copis of riche clothe of gold raysid w 1 red 

Itm one cope of clothe of gold raysid w* red 

fygurye of the gyft of M r Deane. 
Itm iij garmentes w* albes vestment deacon and 

subdeacon of the same suet lakyng an amys 

& a fanell. 
Itm iiij albes w* parrcrs b of cloth of gold for 

Itm xv copis of red bawdekyn orf esid w 1 grene c 

fygury cloth of gold. 
Itm iij garmentes w' albes vestment deacon and 

subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng unto them 

of the same suet. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an vpp[er] & anether 

of the same w* curtens of red s'cenet. 
Itm hangynges for the alter and upper and 

anether w 4 a frunte d of crimesyn velvit ffygnry 

" A novel expression to designate a complete suit of chasuble [the vestment] 
tunicle, and dalmatic, with stole, albe, maniple, etc., for deacon and subdeacon. 

b Apparels, ornamental cuffs, and collars. Children, i.e. choristers. 

c Fygury, branched work. 

d j prependent of saten grene and redd, with a frunte to the same. (MS Inv. 

p'sid at Ixx li. 

p'sid at xiij li. vj s. viij d. 
p'sid at C s. 

p'sid at xiij li. vj s. viij d. 


w 1 curtens of red s'cenetof the gyfte of M r Peter 

Itm xxvij copis of red clothe of gold fygury 

wherof vij of them ys orfesid w 4 brodery [em- 
Itm ij suettes of garmentes vestimentes deacons 

& subdeacons w 4 all thynges belongyng unto 

them of the same suetts. a 
Itm hangynges for the alter an upper & another of 

grene and red clothe of gold fygnry w 4 curtens 

of grenc and red s'cenet. 

Total of first page of MS. clxvili. iiij s. 
Itm one cope of clothe of sylverof docto r Wolmans 

Itm iij garmentes w 1 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w 4 all thynges belongyng unto them 

of the same suet. 
Itm one cope of clothe of gold w 4 blewe velvit 

fygury of the gyfte of M r Algar. 
Itm iij copis of blewe velvitt. 
Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w 4 all thynges belongyng unto them 

of the same suett. 

Itm one cope of blewe velvit for a childe. b 
Itm an albe for a child of the same. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an upper an another 

of the same. 
Itm iiij pesis of hangynges for the quyer abought 

the hie alter of red and blewe clothe of gold 
p'sid at xl li. 

p'sid at xiij s. 
p'sid at xij li. 

Itm ij canapes of red clothe of gold fyguiy for 

Saynt Stephyn & Saynt George. 
Itm a tunycle of red clothe of gold fygury for a 

Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon Sc 

subdeacon of cloth of gold w 1 whit velvit fygury. 
Itm ij copis of clothe of gold raysid w' whit velvit 


a Vestymentts, with the furnytures belonging to the same. (MS. Inv. 
East Clay don.) 

b vi copes for children of dornix. (Inv. Greenwich.) 

c At the high altar a crucifixe, and iij saynts, ij gret candilstyckes of latten. 
(MS. Inv. Chatteris.) iiij shettis, j y 4 dyd hange before y e tabernacles. (MS. Inv, 


p'sid at viij li. 

p'sid at Ix s. 

p'sid at vj li. xiij s. iiij d. 

p'sid at 1 s. 

p'sid at xx s. 

p'sid at x li. 

p'sid at 1 s. 

Itm hangynges for the alter an upper & anether 
of clothe of gold w' a frunte of crimesyn velvit 
set w 1 fflower de luces of the gyf t of M r higgons. 

Itm ij copis of purpill velvit. 

Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 
subdeacon w 1 all thyngcs belongyng unto them 
of the same suett. 

Itm viij copis of crimesyn velvit powderid w* 

Itm iij garmentes w* albes vestiment deacon and 
subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng unto them 
of the same suett. 

Itm hangynges for the alter an upper & anether 
of the same suet w* curtens of branchid sar- 
senet w* trayfilles. 8 

Total of second page cij li. 

Itm iij copis of white and blewe bawdekyn. 

Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 
deacon w* all thynges belongyng unto them of 
the same suett. 

Itm ij copis of lewkes gold w 4 birdes. 

Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w 4 all thynges belongyng unto them 

of the same suet. 

Itm iij copis of whit velvit fygury. 
Itm one cope of whit satten. 
Itm xvj copis of whit damaske. 
Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon of whit damaske. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an vpp [er] & anether 

[a lower] of whit damaske. 
Itm one cope of red satten fygury of grene. 
Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w 4 all thynges belongyng unto them 

of the same suett [suit]. 
Itm ij copis of lukys b gold fygury w 4 grene. 
Itm vij new albes w* perares c [parures] of grene 

satten fygury for children. 

a A vestment with trafles [trefoils] and flower de lusis. (MS. Inv. S. Nicholas 
Cold Abbey.) 

b Lncchese. Gold of Venice and Lucca are frequently mentioned in medieval 
inventories. A sute of rede clothe of Lukis golde. (Inv. S. Mary at Hill.) A 
pall for the Sacrament on C. C. day of red damaske fringed about with Venice 
gold and red silke, and iiij painted staves. (Inv. S. Olave Jewry.) 

c Parures, apparels, ornamental borders. 


p'sid at x li. 

p'sid at ij s. 

p'sid at vj li. xiij s. iiij d. 

p'sid at xl s. 

p'sid at xx s. 

p'sid at vj s. 
p'sid at Ix s. . 

Itm one cope of blake velvit. 

Itm iij garmentes w 1 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng vnto them 

of the same suett. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an vpper & another a 

of blake velvit. 

Itm a herse clothe of blake velvit. 
Itm a cope of blak velvit the orfese powderid w 1 

flower de luces. 

Itm one cope of white bawdekyn of lewkys gold. 
Itm xj copis of red bawdekyn w' lyons. 
Itm iij garmentes w l albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w l all thynges belongyng vnto them 

of the same suet. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an vpper & another of 

the same. 

Itm iiij copis of red & yelowe bawdekyn w* birdes. 
Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w 4 all thynges belongyng vnto them 

of the same suet. 

Total of third page xxxiij li. xv s. iiij d. 

Itm iij copis of course blewe bawdkyn for the 

trinetie. b 
Itm iij gai-mentes w* albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng vnto them 

of the same suete. 
Itm hangynges for the alter an vpper & anether 

of the same. 
Itm iij copis of old bawdekyn w* birdes for Saynt 

Stephyn. c 
Itm iij garmentes w' albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon w* all thynges belongyng vnto them. 
Itm a sepulker d clothe of cloth of gold w* red 

fygury e & blewe tynsyn. 6 

a The frontal and super-frontal. 

b Used on Trinity Sunday. 

c Used on the Feast of S. Stephen. 

d A sepulchre chest that stode in the quere. (MS. Inv. S. Maiy Woolnoth.) 
j sepulchre with paynted clothes to cover the same. (Inv. Eltham.) The Easter 
sepulchre, in which the Cross and reserved Host were laid with great ceremony 
from Good Friday to Easter morning. (See Sacred Archaeology, s. v.) 

A cope of bawdkyn, otherwyse called velvitt fygury. (MS. Inv. SS. Anne 
and Agnes. An alter cloth of tynsyn satten. (MS. Inv. Flixton.) 


p'sid at vj s. viij d. Itm a table of brodeiy w* the passion.* 

Itm a hate of sylke for the p'fytte. b 
Itm v pawles clothes. 

p'sid at xx s. 

Itm x corporas casis. d 

Itm xiiij corporas clothes, 
p'sid at vj s. viij d. Itm a vayle of red and whit s r cenet for lent. 6 

p'sid at xx s. Itm a canapy clothe of blewe satten w* starris. f 

Itm iiij alter hangynges ij vpper & ij nether for 
the ij alters in the body of the churche of whit 

p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

& red satten briggiss payned. 
Itm iiij alter hangynges ij vpper & ij nether of 

red satten briges. 
Itm iij garmentes w 4 albes vestiment deacon & 

subdeacon of whit bustian for lent. 
Itm one alter hangyng an vpper & anether of whit 

lynyn clothe stayned for lent. 11 
Itm iiij alter hangynges ij vpper & anether for the 

ij alters in the body of the churche of whit 

lynyn clothe stayned for lent w 4 iij curtens of 

the same. 1 

" At y e hey auter a fayer tabull allebaster of the Pascyon, above y* a fayr 
tabull peynted and gylt with a pagent of y e Pascyon. (MS. Inv. Southampton.) 

b Probably the priest who on the Rogation days, in a tunicle and carrying a 
chanter's staff, went in the middle of a procession composed of secular and con- 
ventual clergy, thus sundering the two bodies. The hat is a hood 
Set on this hat upon his head, 

This is ane haly hude. 

(Lyndsay's Ane Satyre, 4527-9.) 

c A paull clothe for them that departe. (MS. Inv. Harbridge.) Pall for the 
Sacrament on C. C. day of rede damaske fringed about with Venice gold and red 
sylke. (MS. Inv. S. Peter Cornhill.) 

(l A purse to bere the Commyon in. (MS. Inv. Marchington.) j corporas of twylly. 
(MS. Inv. Barow, Salop.) The towel laid under the chalice and paten ; it was 
kept in a purse or pocket. 

e A corten of linnen clothe to be drawen before the alter. (MS. Inv. Arreton.) 
j vaile cloth of lynnen that was wont to hange before thalter in Lent. (Inv. 

f The pyxe cloth of grene sylke. (MS. Inv. Marchington.) j canopy over the 
pyxe. (MS. Inv. Wynterbourn Stapleton.") ij sodaryes for the pyx of rede 
sarcenet with vii knoppes of copper gilt. (Inv. S. Olave Jewry.) A pyxe that 
was wont to hang over the aultar. (MS. Inv. S. Peter Cornhill.) A pyxe cloth 
with a cawlle garnyshed with damaske gold. (MS. Inv. S. Peter West Chepe. 
See Sacred Archeology, s. v.) A pyxe clothe of lawne with iij buttons of sylver. 

B Of Bruges. 

h A vestment for Lent of whyte sylke, with hangyngs for the same. (MS. Inv 
S. Maiy Chantry, Sarum.) Stayned means painted. 

* iij curtens hangynge on barrs of yeorn to save y e same auter of saye redd 


p'sid at xxxiij s. iiij d. 
p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

p'sid at xxvj s. viij d. 

p'sid at vj d. 
p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

p'sid by est' at v C. at xiij s. i 
le C. Ixx s. 1 

p'sid at xiij s. iiij d. 

Itm ij cnsshyns of clothe of gold fygury. 

Item ij cusshyns of nedell worke of whit & blewe 

sylke lyned w* grene satten. 

Total of fourth page ix li. vj s. 
Itm ij cusshyns of damaske. 
Itm ij old cusshyns cou'ed w* [with] sylke. 
Itm a cusshyn of red woollen clothe in hrodered 

w* [with] nedel worke. 
Itm iiij cusshyns of tap[es]stre w l antelopes. 
Itm a newe carpytt arrevse [arras] worke. 
Itm ij carpettes more. 
Itm a count [er]payne. 
Itm ij old carpettes for the herse w l the ffounders 


Itm ij lytell carpettes w* the ffounders armes. 
Itm ij litell hand towelles. 
Itm ij old hand towelles. 
Itm ij amysis kerchers [amices, couvre-chefs], 
Itm iiij auter clothes of dyap[er] for the nether 

Itm a vestiment w* an albe of old red satten 

Itm a vestimeut w* an albe of old whit satten 


Itm a vestiment w* an albe of old blake worstid. 
Item a vestiment w l an albe of whit ffustean for 

Itm ij latten dcskys w* a stonderd for the pascall 

of latten. b 

Itm iiij latten canstykes for the herse. 
Itm ij smale canstykes of copper. 
Itm a hangyng basyn of latten. c 

and yelowe. (MS. Inv. Southampton.) vj cortens of dornyx, wherof ys made 
iiij playing cooth [players' coats]. (MS. Inv. Eversoult.) The altars in the 
nave were those of S. George and S. Barbara. 

* A vestment deacon and subdeacon of blewe velvet embroydered with gould 
with the arms of lord Dokkres. (MS. Inv. S. John's [Colchester ?].) Carpet 
was a general name for coverings, whether of the altar, floor, or seats. 

b iiij pillers of latten for the paskall. (MS. Inv. S. Magnus. London.) A 
doble deske in the vestrey, with iij ambreys in yt. iiij deskys apon the qnere 
stalls. (MS. Inv. St. Mary Woolnoth). A deske maid with an cgle of lattyne. 
(MS. Inv. S. Alban's, Herts.) A deske of latten to rede the Gospell (MS. Inv. 
Holy Trinity, Ipswich.) 

c For the lamp before the Sacrament. 


p'sid at xiij li. xiij s. iiij d. 

p'syd at v li. x s. iiij d. 

Itrn iij payer of organs in the vpper chapell. 

Itm one old payer of organs in the nether 
chapell. a 

Itm on bothe sydes of the quyer xvij antiphoners. 

Itm on bothe sydes the quyer x graylles [grails or 
book of the graduals]. 

Itm on bothe sydes the quyer iij salters [psalters] . 

Itm ij gret legens [lectionaries containing legends 
or lections]. 

Itm a boke of the respondes [a responsorium]. 

Itm a dirige boke [used at funerals] . 

Itm iij gret pryke song bokes [with musical nota- 

Itm iiij banners [for procession]. 

Itm iiij masse bokes for the hie aulter. 


Itm one chalis of gold of xiiij onz. 

Itm a paten of syln' & gylt to the same of iiij onz dd. 

Itm vij chalysis of sylver & gylte of clxvii onz dd. 

Itm one crose of gold set w* stone & perle of xxvij onz. 

Itm a fote of sylver & gylte to the same of [on which 

it could stand on the altar, as it was also portable 

when used in processions] xxxvij onz. 

Itm one crosse of sylver and gylte w* May & John to 

stond on the herse Ixviij onz. 

Itm one crosse of sylver & gylte w* a staf to bere on 

p'cession [procession] by estimacion of iiij xx ij onz. 

Itm one stondyng pix [a tabernacle for the Reserved 

Sacrament on the altar] of sylver & gylt to bere 

the Sacrement in sett w 1 stone & perle by est' 

besides of the cristall vij xx xj onz. 

Itm one pix of ivery [for the host] garnyshed w* 

sylver & gilte by estimacion of [this could be 

carried in processions, being not a " standing 

pyx") b iij onz dd. 

Itm iij sensars of sylver and gylte of ijo onz. 

a These were sold at a sacrifice, for I find this entry at Folsham : 

Payd for on paire of organs xii li. 

Berkhampstead possessed a pair of orgainnes and a pair of portatives [portable 
regals] . 

b A box of every with in the pyxe havyng smayle glasses of sylver apon hit. 
(MS. Inv. Bullingtou.) 


Itm one sensar of sylver & gylte w* a fote of copp' 

p'oz besides the cop' xxxv onz. 

Itm ij sensars of sylver p'sell gylt of iiij xx ij onz. 

Itm one sensar of sylver gilte w 1 the fote of copp' of xviij onz. 

Itm iiij canstykes" of sylver & gylt of ix xx ij onz. 
Itm iiij canstykes gret &. smale of sylver p'se [parcel 

or partly] gilt of j c xi onz. 

Itm ij gret basyns of sylver b and gylte of ij c xij onz. 

Itm v smale basyus of sylver p'sell gylt of vj xx viij onz. 
Itm one image of Saynt Stephen of sylver & gylte 

set w* stone & perle p' oz. besydes the Berall [beryl] xiij xx xiij onz. 

Itm one image of o r lady of sylver & gylte of xxxij onz. 

Itm one image of Saynt Barbara of sylver & gilte of xxi onz. 

Itm vj cruettes of sylver & gylt, one lakyng a kover, of xliij onz. 
Itm one cresemetory [chrismatory] of sylver & 

gylte of xxxix onz. 
Itm one other juell lyke a cresemetory of sylv' & gilt 

sett w 4 stone of p' oz. besydes the berall c xviij onz. 

Itm one styke of sylv' p'sell gilt for the holy candell d viij onz. 

Itm ij Rector stavis c of sylver p'sell gylte by est' xxiiij onz. 

Itm ij Recto 1 " stavis gamyshed w 1 sylver & gilt by est' iiij onz. 
Itm iij bokes of Gospell f & pystelles plated w' silver 

& gylte by estimacion of xxx onz. 
Itm one payer of tables platid in the same man* w 1 

sylver & gylte by estimacion of xxxv onz. 
Itm one holy water stoke % w' a sprynkyll of sylver & 

p'sell gylte of iij" onz. 

Itm one shipe of silver & gylt w 1 a spone of silv" 1 xxj onz dd. 

ij canstyks to sett over the anlter of a fote long. (MS. Inv. Aston Clynton.) 
iiij candlesteks on y e alter. (MS. Inv. Hyldersham.) 

b A vessel for holy water with the Asperge. (Inv. S. Jo. Coll. Camb. 1510.) 

c j monstrans silvar and gilte withe a round birrall to put relyques in, poz. 
xl oz. iii g. (Collect. Cur. ii. 337.) 

d Reservetur ignis de vi a Feria ut illuminetur Cereus ; cum benedictus est ab 
eo illuminetur secundus cereus etc. Amalar. De extinctione luminum circa 
sepulturam Domini, cap. 44. Baculus deargenteus pro cruce portabili. (Collect. 
Cur. ii. 259.) For the paschalland crosse candell weyng vli. (MS. Inv. S.Leonard 
Foster Lane,) 

c Rectors of the choir. 

f j booke called the Gospillar garnyshed withe silvar and gilte and counter- 
feyte stonyes, withe an image of the crucifixe and Mary and John with the Booke 
and all iiijw xii oz. (Coll. Cur. ii. 338.) 

B peyre of aultar basons of silver and parcell gilt poz. Ixij oz iiij qrs. 
(Collect Cur. ii. 339.) Used at the offertory, and in the ablutions as a laver. 

h An incense-boat with a spoon. (Inv. S. Jo. Coll. Camb. 1510.) 


Itm one sconse" of silver p'sell gylt of xxiij onz. 

Itm iij belles" of sylver & gylt of xxiij onz. 

Itm one spone of sylver & gylt of ij onz. 

Itm one litell c box for syngyng bred garnyshed w l 

sylv' & gylt, by estimacion of j onz. d. 

Itm a scalope shell d of sylver & gylt of xiij. onz. 

Itm a rode of sylver for the verger by est' 1 ouz. 

Itm a trinitie of sylver & gylt iiij Angelles of sylv' 

& gylt and an image of o r lady e & the holy-gost 

beryng the sacrame't of S3 r lver & gylt hangyng ou' 

the hie aulter of iij c xvj onz di. 

Itm iij chalices in the pue & one in the chapell of 

lynwood of sylver & gylt of iiij x *xiij onz. di. 

The Inventory of the Pwe f in Saynt Stephyns in Westm'. 


In p r mis a vestment of clothe of tyssue w* all thynges 

p'teynyng to the same 
Itm ij hangyngs for the alter of the same 

p'sid at iiij li. 

3 Sconsse deputatoe in choro de nocte coram eis qni vellent in libris servitium 
suum decantare. (Gesta Abbatum S. Albani, ii. 106.) 

b Sanctus-bells, one for each of the three altars, j little bell hanging in the 
church called the Saunts bell. (MS. Inv. Calborne and Motstone.) A corse bell 
poz. ii li. (MS. Inv. Herefordshire [for ringing before the bier] ; a bedesman's 
bell. (MS. Inv. Wymering.) (See Sacred Archeology, s. v.) 

c j boxe for bred (MS. Inv. Chappell Church in Lichfield.) Singing or 
Houselling bread designated unconsecrated wafers. (See Sacr. Archaeol. s. v.) 

d Two Seynt James' shells (Invent, of C. C. Guild at York), they were used in 
the ministration of Holy Baptism. Hi qui baptizantur, ut fieri solebat, nummos 
in concham non mittant. [Cone. Eliberit. can. xlviii. Summ. Cone. 176.] 
40s. were paid for this shell. (Smith's Antiq. of "Westminster, 122.) The entry 
greatly puzzled Smith. 

An image of o r Lady of Pytte for y e Sacrament. (MS. Inv. Ludlow.) The 
design here was the Conception of the Blessed Virgin by the descent of the 
Holy Ghost, addressing her ear. It formed a pendant pyx. 

f S. Mary of Pity. Bishop Lyndwood founded a perpetual chantry in the 
Under Chapel [Bassa Capella] of S. Stephen, with a chaplain to celebrate mass 
therein, and a chaplain to say mass in the chapel of S. Mary de Pewa, near 
S. Stephen's Chapel. (Pa. Ro. 32 Hen. VI. m. 4, July 19.) A Canon, Prestwick, 
founded a mass of S. Mary in le Pewe at one of the two altars in the nave of the 
chapel. (Pa. Ro. 16 Nov. 21, Hen. VI. m. 1411). There was an image of 


Itm a vestment of clothe of gold w* all thynges to 

the same 
Itm ij hangynges of purple velvid set w* spangles of 

sylver & gylte 
Itm a vestment of clothe of gold w 1 a norphase" of 

grene velvit w* all thynges p'teynyng to the same 
Itm ij hangynges for the aulter of the same 

Itm a vestment of white clothe of gold w* all thynges 

p'teynyng to the same 

Itm ij hangynges for the alter of clothe of gold 
Itm a vestment of blewe clothe of gold w* all thynges 

p'teynyng to the same 
Itm a vestment of course cloth of sylver called a 

bawdekyn w* an orphase of ncdelworke 
Itm ij hangynges for the alter of the same 
Itm ij old vestmentes in brodered vf i mowers w 1 one 

albe and ij hangynges for the same 
Itm a vestment of blake velvit w 1 ij hangynges for 

the alter of the same 
Itm a vestment of blake satten powderd w* letters and 

a albe w' parrars of blake worsted & ij hangynges 

for the alter of the same 
Itm a vestment of blake worsted w* all thynges to 

the same w 1 hangynges for the alter of blake satten 
Itm a vestment of white scndall.' 1 
Itm a vestment of blak velvit 
Itm iiij vestmentes of whit bustian 1 ' w'all thynges to 


Itm iiij old hangynges for the alter of the same 
Itm iiij hangynges for the alter of lynyn clothe 

p'sid at vj li. 

p'sid at Iiij s. iiij d. 
p'sid at xl s. 

p'sid at xxiiij s. 
p'sid at xl s. 

p'sid at viij s. 
p'sid at xvj s. viij d. 

p'sid at x s. 
p'sid at vj s. 
p'sid at iiij s. 

p'sid at vj s. viij d. 

S. Mary in Puwa. There was on the north side of Westminster Abbey Our 
Lady's Chapel, called the Olde Lady of Pewe. (Lansd. MS. 444, fo. 10.) 
Lyndwood was buried in Bassa Capclla S. Stephani. Within the precinct there 
were four chapels, (1) Capella S. Stephani, (2) et Capella Beate Marie sub volta 
inferius sub dicta capella S. Stephani, (3) et parva Capella contigua dicte 
Capelle S. Stephani ex parte australi, (4) et Capella de la pewe. The arrange- 
ment for his anniversary on the day of the 11,000 Virgins is in Cotton. MS. 
Faustina B. viii. fo. 33. The little south chapel in 1394 was used as the chapter- 
house. (Faust, A. viii. fo. 294.) 

a A chasuble with an orphrey or rich ornamental border. 

b Sindon, Prompt. Parv. ; Fr. Sendal, a fine silk stuff. " Whether he were 
saten, sendell, vellewet, scarlet, or greyn." (Russell's Boke of Nurture, 914.) 

c Pannus gossipinus. Littleton. 


Itm a vestment of red damask w* all thynges to them 
Itm ij hangynges of clothe of gold bordered w 1 
crimesyn velvyt 

Itm ij vestmentes of whit damaske w* all thinges to 

Itm TJ hangynges for the alter of whit damaske 

Itm ij vestmentes of ba\vdkyn a w* all thynges to them 
Itm ij hangynges of grene bawdekyn 
Itm ij hangynges of white bawdkyn 

Itm ij vestmentes of blewe satten of brigges w* all 

thynges to them 

Itm ij hangynges of grene damaske 
Itm ij hangynges of red velvit 
Itm iiij old vestmentes hav'g [having] no albes 

p'sid at xiij s. iiij d. 

p'sid at xl s. 

p'sid at xiij s. iiij d. 

p'sid at iiij s. 
p'sid at iij s. iiij d. 
p'sid at xij s. 
p'sid at xx d. 


In p'mis iiij alter clothes of dyap [er] 

Itm iiij alter clothes of playne clothe 

Itm v Towelles b 

Itm iiij masse bokes & iij deskcs 

Itm ix corporas casis 

Itm vij c cruettes & the pewter pott 

Itm iij brasse bolles d 

Itm ij candelstykes e 

xx d. 

vj s. 

xvj d. 

iij s. iiij d. 




iiij d. 

a Cloth of gold or brocade. Sacr. Archa?ol. 

b A fyne towell wrought with nedle worke for the taper on Easter Evyn. 
(MS. Inv. S. Dunstan's in the East.) ' ij towells of diaper called houslinge 
clothes. (MS. Inv. Haddenham.) A towell to beare the taper to the founte. 
(MS. Inv. S. Mary Abchurch.) ij towells tor the lavetory. (MS. Inv. Gilling- 
ham.) ij towells of sendall to bere the cresmatory yn. (MS. Inv. S. Michael at 

c vj vialls. (MS. Inv. Bagenderby.) A box with oyle and crem. (M.S. Inv. 
Ashely.) j pleyne potte withe a lydde silvar and parcell gilt poz. xiij. oz. 
j peyre of cruetts square silvar parcell gilte, poz. viij. oz. (Collect. Cur. ii. 

d Bowls for carrying candles affixed to walls or screens. 

c ij candelsticks of latten for women's purifying. (MS. Inv. S. Peter Corn- 
hill.) ij candlesticks, j y* stode on y e high alter. (MS. Inv. Datchet.) 


Itm a gret chest & ... coffers* xs. 

Itm iij qnysshyns b vj d. & ij carpettes xij d. xviij d. 

Joh'es Chamby'r decanus. c 
Joh'es Vagban canonicus. d 
Thomas Tanner canonic*. 

The bundle is indorsed " Inventories of Goods &c. of some of the Dissolved 
Monasteries in London, Westminster, and co. Middx. temp. H. 8." 

ij scobbes [boxes] and one coffer. (Inv. S. Mary Chantry, founded by 
Walter Hnngerford.) A large cheste with vij torches in yt. (MS. Inv. S. Michael 

b In cornu Epistolse Cussinus snpponendus Missali, 6 pulvinaria de panno 
aureo pro presbyteris et rectoribus. (Collect. Cur. ii. 265.) 

c M.D. 1531, founder of the College of Physicians, Canon of Windsor and 
Saruin, Treasurer of Wells, Archdeacon of Bedford, Warden of Merton College, 
Oxford, 152545. He built the beautiful cloister here. He died in 1549. (Hist, 
of Univ. of Oxford, iii. 8.) 

d Possibly the same as the Principal of Garret and S. William's Hostels, Cam- 
bridge, LL.B. 1507, Fellow of Queen's College, which he vacated in 1519, R. of 
Rettenden, 1541-1557, being presented by the Crown : the frieud of Erasmus. 
(Fasti Cantab, i. 549.) 



Whenever we have to consider a work of mediaeval art, it is import- 
ant that we comprehend the conditions under which it was executed. 
If we look upon it with the same feeling that animates us when 
viewing a work of modern times, we are at once in error, and must, 
therefore, arrive at erroneous conclusions. The modern artist accepts 
no control but the rules and practice of his art. His work depends 
entirely upon his own independent conception of the event he intends 
to record ; and the praise of originality is considered to be a testimony 
to his genius. The art, that is, the ecclesiastical art, of the middle 
ages was conducted on principles the reverse of this The very canon 
on which it was founded emphatically stated, " The art only was the 
painter's," all else, the mode of treatment, the order, and even the 
distribution of the subjects, belonged to ecclesiastical authority. The 
reason for this was simply stated : Art was for instruction, and 
pictures in churches " the book of the ignorant." From the seventh to 
the twelfth century, it thus became reduced to a convention accepted 
alike both by the Eastern and Western Churches an universal language 
throughout Christendom. Nevertheless, it was not without develop- 
ment or life On the contrary, it had both ; although in the Eastern 
Church this seemed to have ceased in the twelfth century ; and works 
executed in the Greek Church at the present time might easily be 
mistaken for the art of that era. 

But in Western Europe it was not so. The more energetic, freer, 
and ever-moving forces, both political and religious, of the States in 
communion with the Latin Church, continued this development down 
to tjie period of the Reformation, after which it ceased, and old tradi- 
tions became neglected or forgotten. Its last effort, which originated 
at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries, 

VOL. IV. 2 C 


was a bitter and caustic satire, The Dance of Death, which seemed 
almost prophetical of those changes in the religious and political 
world then appearing on the horizon. I have thought it necessary to 
preface my description with these remarks, because most of the works, 
imder consideration, differ as much from the art of our time, as that of 
Egyptian and Assyrian mythology. Indeed many of the symbols are 
as recondite, and would be as obscure, as those of the mythologies to 
which I have referred, did we not find a key by which to interpret 

The paintings before us, though in a very fragmentary condition, are 
of unusual interest. There are three periods of execution distinctly 
visible ; the date of one portion, difficult to assign on account of some 
obvious retouching, may yet be approximately fixed by some unmis- 
takeable characters. There are evidences that, in the first instance, one 
large and comprehensive subject was resolved upon for the decoration of 
the walls. These are to be found upon the eastern wall, and in the few 
demifigures of angels which occupy, when preserved, the upper 
portion of the recesses of the arcade on the north and south walls. 
All these are of one style and consequently of one date, and they are 
among the most valuable relics of early art in this country. This sub- 
ject was the " Second Coming of Our Lord," which the Greek church still 
gives as distinct from the Last Judgment, although it is obvious that 
it is merely a point of time of the same event. I shall be able to 
refer you to an example, in close analogy, from one of our country 
churches. Now, the date of this early work can be fixed to within a 
definite period by the characters used in some inscribed phrases, 
which I shall presently point out. By this evidence I should not fix 
it later than 1370. From some causes or other, the continuation 
must then have been arrested, but resumed, either at the end of the 

century, or at farthest, during the first ten years of the succeeding one. 

This takes us into the reign of Henry IV., and we may assume, 
perhaps, that the three bays of the arcade on the south side had a 
corresponding portion on the north wall also filled, making a sort of 
conclusion to the original subject, or a further progress in that 
direction. We cannot imagine, however, that any more was done, for, 
if so, it would never have been effaced to make room for the later work. 

A long interval now took place, during which the greater part of 
the walls must have remained bare. All intention of following up the 
original subject was abandoned, and when at length the decoration was 


recommenced in the latter half of the fifteenth century, the story of 
St. John the Evangelist, with the Apocalypse, was executed by John 
of Northampton, a monk of the Abbey. 

Having thus given a general glance at the whole, I will now 
proceed to give a more precise description. Each side of the octagon, 
except that of the west, by which we enter the Chapter House, has a 
recessed arcade of five bays, on the walls of which are the remains of 
the paintings. The eastern side commences the subject, and the 
central division contains the figure of Our Lord seated upon a rainbow, 
a globe the earth at his feet Both hands are uplifted, displaying his 
wounds : the body is nude, and the mantle parting, shows his pierced 
side, from which drops of blood are issuing, and there are also 
indications of the "bloody sweat." This crimson mantle with a 
richly-worked border fastened by a jewelled morse upon his breast, 
is cast across his knees, and is, apparently, represented as lined 
with ermine. The raised work of the morse is of gesso, executed by a 
process described in the work of Cennino Cennini,* and much used 
by the early Italian painters. The head, unhappily, purposely defaced, 
has the crossed nimbus, gilded in this, as in all the other instances, 
and enriched by a radiated pattern. The gilded bordure of the 
mantle is delicately worked in a fashion which everyone acquainted 
with early Italian painting must be familiar with. Above this figure 
four angels sustain drapery of a blue colour, " diapered," according to 
Eastlake, but no traces of this are now visible f and all has grown 
very dark. No doubt this represents the vesture about which the 
soldiers cast lots, as the attendant angels in this compartment have 
the rest of the emblems of the Passion. Two stand on each side below 
the figure of Christ ; one on the left holds the nails and the reed 
with sponge; on the other side the angel holding the lance is more 
defaced. The head of that holding the reed, &c. on the left of the 
Saviour particularly deserves our attention ; for though the lower 
half of the face is gone, that which remains is remarkably suggestive 
of beauty. The treatment of this part of the subject is fully explained 
by mediseval writers, who refer to Isaiah, ch. Ixiii : " Who is he that 

* Trattato della Pittura. Roma: 1821, cap. cxxiv. 

t Vide Materials for the History of Oil Painting, p. 179. The process of 
varnishing which has been adopted for the preservation of these paintings has 
darkened them, and by rendering the surface more brittle will probably accelerate 
their decay. 

2 c 2 


cometh in dyed garments from Bozrah ; " and, " Wherefore art thou 
red in thine apparel and thy garments like him that treadeth in the 
wine -fat." * 

The remaining figures of the heavenly host, thus attendant upon our 
Lord, are given in the other compartments. On each side the central 
one is a representation of Cherubim ; that on the left holds a crown in 
each hand, one of which is scarcely visible. This figure is six-winged, 
a convention of ancient use, formed upon the texts of Isaiah, ch. v. ver. 
1, 2; Ezekiel, ch. x.; as also upon that at chap. iv. of the Apocalypse. 
It has two wings covering the body, two displayed on each side, and 
two above the head tipped with bright red. The body and arms are 
covered with golden plumage filled with eyes like those in peacocks' 
tails: and it stands upon a wheel, of which but a few traces remain. Upon 
the wings are the remains of inscriptions. A figure precisely similar 
to this in its conventional treatment may be seen in that magnificent 
MS. No. 83, in the Arundel Collection, British Museum, and which is 
dated 1339 ; f so that it really belongs to the same era as the works 
under our notice. But I am indebted to the kindness of our friend 
Mr. J. E. Gardner in selecting for me, and producing from his 
unrivalled collection, a drawing by John Carter, which, from its pre- 
serving more of these inscriptions than now remains, has enabled me 
to identify these designs as being one and the same convention ; 
varying only in some small matters of detail, which do not alter the 
general sense. It will be best, if I first describe the perfect figures in 

* The whole is described, as one of the regular subjects in which Christ is 
represented, by Dnrandas : Rationale Divinorum Officiornm, lib. i. fol. vii. 
Argent. 1484. " (Imago salvatoris) depicta ut residens in throno sen in solio 
excelso presentem indicat potentiam et potestatem quasi diceret, data est ei omnis 
potestas in ecelo et in terra, juxta illud: Vidi dominum sedentem super solium, 
etc. Id est: Dei filium super angelos regnantem, juxta illud: Qui sedes super 
Cherubin." But the continuation perhaps more properly belongs to the special 
mode of treatment here observed : " Quoque vero depingit sicut viderunt eum 
Moyses et Aaron, Nadab et Abim, scilicet super inontem et sub pedibus ejus 
quasi opus saphiricum et quasi ccelnm serenum. Et quoniam sicut ait Lucas 
tune videbunt filium hominis venientem in nube cumpotentia magna et majestate 
ideo quoque ei circumcirca pingunt angeli qui ei semper serviunt et assistunt 
et depingunt cum sex alls, secnndum Esaiah dicit : Seraphim stabunt juxta 
illnd, sex alae nni et sex alse alteri duabus velabant faciem ejus duabus pedes, et 
dnabus volabant." 

f This, however, is the record of gift, not execution, which seems to belong to 
the beginning of the fourteenth century. 


the MS. and afterwards compare the remains in the Chapter House 
and show wherein they differ. 

The MS. thus describes the figures : " This cherubin, depicted in 
human form, has six wings, which represent six acts of manners, by 
which the faithful soul may be redeemed, if he would reach unto God 
through the increasing of virtue. The wheel under the feet of the 
cherubin having seven radii designates the works of mercy which the 
Lord threatened that he would reproach the negligent and remiss 
on the Day of Judgment." Upon the radii of the wheel is written the 
different order of the works of mercy, according to the Latin Church.* 
The wings which cover the body are called respectively " Cleanliness 
of the mind" (Munditia mentis), " Cleanliness of the flesh" (Mun- 
ditia carnis). This is explained by legends on the plumes. Under 
the first it is 

Humiliation of oneself (Sni humiliacio). 
Renunciation of sin (Peccati abrenunciacio). 
Confirmation in hope (In spe confirmacio). 
Perfection of integrity (Integritatis perfectio). 
Love of virtues (Virtutum dilectio). 

Under the latter, on the left wing, i.e. " Cleanliness of the 
Flesh," is 

Bounteousness of almsgiving (Elemosinarum largicio). 
Keeping of vigils (Vigilarum actio). 
Use of discipline (Disciplinarum nsus). 
Devout in prayer (Orationum devocio). 
Fasting (Jejunium). 

The right wing, which is extended, is labelled " Confession " (Con- 
fessio). On the plumes are written, as explanatory of its meaning 
The effusion of tears (Lacrimarum effusio).f 
Holy premeditation (Sancta premeditacio). 
Simplicity of speech (Simplex locucio). 
Modest judgment (Verecunda cognicio). 
Promptitude of obedience (Obedientiae promptitude). 

* "Cherubin iste in humana effigie depictns sex habet alas quse sex actus 
morum representant. Quibus debet fidelis anima redimi si ad deum per incre- 
menta virtutnm voluerit pervenire." 

" Rota sub pedibus chernbin habens radios septem opera misericordise designant. 
Quas dominus comminatus se inproperaturum in die judicii necligentibus 
remissis." On the axle, " Opera misericordiae." On the spokes, " Cibo, Poto, 
Vestio, Condo, Viato, Voco, Solas." Arundel MS. 83, Brit. Mus. 

f This expression is of frequent occurrence in monastic writers when speaking 
of contrition in confession. 


The left wing is labelled "Satisfaction " (Satisfactio), which is thus 
explained on the plumes : 

A constraining of hearing (Cohibicio auditus). 
A modesty of sight (Modestia visas). 
An abatement of smell (Subtractio oderatus). 
A temperance of taste (Temperancia gustus). 
A refraining of touch (Refrenacio tactus).* 

The right of the wings upraised above the head is labelled " Love 
of God (Dilectio dei). On the plumes this is interpreted to consist 
in these things : 

To relinquish all things on account of God (Omnia propter deum relin- 

qnere ) 

To renounce your own will f (Propriae voluntati rennnciare). 
Not to desire another's goods (Aliena non concupiscere). 
To distribute your own (Sua distribnere). 

And it ends 

In these things to persevere (In hiis perseverare). 

The left corresponding wing is labelled " Love of neighbour " 
(Dilectio proximi), explained on the plumes 

To hurt no one (Nullinocere). 

To do good to all (Omnibus prodesse). 

To lay down your life for your brother (Pro fratre animam ponere). 

To sustain loss for your brother (Pro fratre dampnum sustinere). 

And it ends, as before 

In these things to persevere (In hiis perseverare). 

By means of the drawing already referred to, and some notes given 
by Sir C. Eastlake in " Materials for the History of Oil Painting," 
p. 179, of other details, one is able partially to restore the legends on 

* The sermon for the second Sunday of Advent, among the Collection 
" Sermones Dormi Secure," refers to the five senses, as five Kings with their 
armies fighting against us: " Sed quinqne reges cum snis exercitibus impugnant 
nos in qninque sensus corporis, scilicet, visus, auditus, gustus, tactus et 

f This renunciation of the will is always spoken of as a great monastic virtue. 
In Herolt's Sermo XXIII. quoting St. Gregory, he says, " religiosus offert deo 
propriam voluntatem et hoc per votum obedientiae. Et hoc est maximum 
sacrificinm quis propter deum resignat propriam, voluntatem et subjicit volnn- 
tatem suam voluntati prelati sui." 

';Vw% ! y '^ h - 

Pig. 1. 



the figures in the Chapter House, and thus to make a comparison 
with those in the Arundel MS. The principle is the same in both, the 
differences merely verbal. " Munditia mentis " of the MS. is here 
" Puritas mentis ;" and under " Confessio " it is " Simplicitas, Humi- 

litas, Fidelitas." Of the two last words now remain only u Hu 

and F ." Possibly this was completed by " Veritas and 

Obedientia." Under " Satisfactio " Eastlake mentions " Oronis 
devocio, Eleemosina," and perhaps " Jejunium." He evidently saw 
part of what is better preserved in Carter's drawing, viz. " Peccati 
abrenunciatio, Lacrimaru effusio, Ca(stigationes'),* Elemosinaru largicio, 
Oronis devocio." We see here the same expressions as in the Arundel 
MS., though not arranged quite in the .same way. He also mentions 
having seen the word " lateria " (latreia) above the figure, and indeed 
there are still remains of it, and, besides, what appears to make the 
whole as standing originally thus : " Lateria in aula formosa." ' Aula 
formosa " may be considered synonymous with " The Incomparable 
Hall," by which this structure was distinguished. On the left wing, 
under " Puritas mentis," by aid of the same drawing, we can restore the 
now nearly obliterated inscription. The Italics show what I believe was 
intended, where the letters were obscure in Carter's time. " Att(enta) 
funeri plenitudo (In preceptis) domini dilectatio. Ora, et ordinata 
cogitatio. V'oluntatis discrecio. Simplex et pura intentio." So that 
although we can trace the same feeling, both in the painting and in 
the MS., yet there are differences in the former, indicating, perhaps, 
a somewhat more ascetic character, suitable to the atmosphere of 
monastic seclusion (fig. 1). 

We must never attempt to guess at that which moved the mind of 
a mediaeval artist, but seek our explanation in the ecclesiastical litera- 
ture of the time, and the modes of thought which we find therein. f On 
the office of the Angel volumes have been written, and many passages 
occur which illustrate art. In Herolt's " Sermo de Tempore," CLVIII. 
is the following, which directly bears upon our subject, and show us why 

* See Herolt's Sermo de Tempore, CLVIII. for the authority for this 
restoration. It is equivalent to " Disciplinarum usus " of the Arundel MS. 

f Sir C. L. Eastlake, whose researches into the history of painting are 
extremely valuable, calls this subject, " Christ surrounded by the Christian 
Virtues," but there was no such subject in ancient ecclesiastical art. It is fair, 
however, to state that he seems to have been in doubt of his accuracy. Materials 
for the History of Oil Painting, p. 179. 


these legends are associated with the Angel. Angels serve in perfect- 
ing us, so that they teach them (men) good works, as prayers, fastings, 
and alms, vigils, and castigations, and even bodily labours they offer 
principally to God.* The office of the Angel, then, is to show men 
their duties and obligations which lead to a final reward. This illus- 
trates the spirit under which the painting was executed. So, further, 
the crown which the figure is holding is a heavenly crown of reward, 
according to the principles of mediaeval art, to make everything palpa- 
ble to the senses. It is the crown of victory over vice. Thus St. 
Bernard : " as often as you withstand so often will you be crowned "; 
and St. Ambrose: "a crown is proposed, contests are undergone ; no 
one can be crowned unless he conquer. f In that wonderful volume 
the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold, in the possession of the Duke 
of Devonshire, date the tenth century, the figures of the Con- 
fessors, and also of the Choir of Virgins, are given with crowns ; 
and in the subject of the " Death of the Virgin," the hand of 
God extends from heaven holding a crown over the head of the 
departing figure.^ In fact, one of the best-known subject in mediaeval 
art is the Coronation of the Virgin, which is simply symbolic of 
the heavenly reward to a holy life. A crown of glory is a very 
familiar metaphor and it is here merely embodied. In St. Edmund's 
Chapel in the Abbey, in one of the spandrils of the arcade, is a 
sculptured demi-figure of an angel holding a crown in each hand. It 

* In mediaeval sermons when treating of confession and satisfaction, these 
words, " Orationes, jejunia, elemosynas, vigilias, castigationes" are of constant 
occurrence. ITerolt, in Sermo XLIII. De Contritione et Confessione, says, " Satis- 
factio sperandum fieri per contrarium, ut superbo injungenda est humiliatio et 
prostratio et vestium ornatus depositio. Item avaro injustarum rerum restitntio, 
et de justis rebus elemosynarum distrlbutio. Item gulosis et ebriosis abstinentia 
etjejuniitm .... Item accidiosis et pigris injungendae sunt viffilia." 

f Herolt's Sermo CLV. Quo modo servire tenemur deo. "Bern. Quoties 
restiteris toties coronaberis. Ambro. Corona proposita, est subeunda sunt 
certamina, nemo poterit coronari nisi vicerit." Surely these metaphors originated 
in the crowning of victors in the games, or in the military crowns of the Romans, 
on which Tertullian is so bitter (See De Corona). In Revelations, ch. xi. v. 10, 
is, " Be faithful unto death and I will give you a crown of life." In the legends 
of several saints the dove brings down a crown to the martyr. (Vide Petrus de 
Natalibus, Art. St. Margaret and St. Regina.) 

J Archaeologia, vol. xxiv. 

See also a painting in St. John's Church, Winchester. Journal of the 
British Archaeological Association, vol. ix. 

FIG. 2. 


belongs to the thirteenth century, but is obviously a similar convention 
to that of which we are treating. But it would be easy to extend the 
illustration of this subject indefinitely. 

There is a corresponding figure in the compartment on the right of the 
centre, differing in a few details, but preserving more of the outline 
of the general form. The head is one of the finest in the series. The 
wings bear no legends, the left hand holds a crown,* but in the right is 
a rosary, according to Eastlake, who probably saw it more perfect or 
distinct. At present, so little remains that it is impossible to speak 
with confidence, though the conjecture seems very plausible ; its 
signification must be prayer, for in this sense it is occasionally found 
in mediaeval conventions.f Both figures are associated with other 
angelic forms arranged above and below, having the faces red, the 
distinguishing colour of the seraph, not, as Eastlake would infer, a con- 
vention of the Italian artists only, but one quite universal in eccle- 
siastical art, as may be proved from the frequency with which it occurs 
in manuscript illuminations. This arrangement of the cherubim, on 
each side the figure of our Lord, is of great antiquity, and occurs in the 
Bible of St. Paul, a MS. of the eighth or ninth century, preserved in 
the Vatican, and seems specially to belong to this subject. (Vide 
Agincourt, Histoire de 1'Art, &c.) In the last compartments, right 
and left, there are remains of groups of angels, which radiate towards 
the centre, a mode of composition much in favour with the early 
Italian painters. In that on the right side they are best preserved, 
and contain some heads remarkably characteristic of the school 
and full of expression ; the many coloured wings also remind us of 
the same. The finest of these is here engraved (Fig. 2). 

On the south wall of the adjoining side of the octagon, three bays of 
the arcade preserve remains of groups belonging to this subject. In 
the first, that nearest to the eastern side, they are entirely obliterated, 
only traces of colour are to be seen here and there : in the second much 

* This crown is raised in gesso work. 

t Most likely we have here symbolised the institution of the Rosary and 
Crown, established in the tenth or eleventh century. " The Rosary consists in 
fifteen repetitions of the Lord's Prayer and a hundred and fifty salutations of the 
Blessed Virgin ; while the Crown consists in six or seven repetitions of the Lord's 
Prayer and six or seven times ten salutations or Ave Marias." Mosheim, 
Ecclesiast. Hist. vol. ii. p. 429. Some attribute this institution to St. Dominic ; 
perhaps he may have revived it. 


defaced ; in the third, however, they are better preserved They consist 
of several figures apparently kneeling, all, or nearly so, turning their 
faces towards the centre, and some with hands in attitude of prayer. 
Many of the heads, especially on the upper part of the composition, are 
expressive and boldly painted ; but there is much inequality in the 
execution, and the hands are very ill drawn. There appears to have 
been retouching in many parts, which makes it difficult to understand 
the relation which some details have to date of execution. But from 
the mode in which the flowing locks of an aged figure on the lower 
part of the composition are treated, I should not place the date of the 
original work much later than 1410. It is a continuation of the first 
grand scheme, and represents the Patriarchs and Prophets of the Old 
Law. To appropriate the different figures is now not an easy task : 
but amongst them are two in ermined robes, evidently to indicate 
royal personages. One of these is distinguished by a harp on the 
morse of his mantle, and is therefore, without any doubt, intended to 
point out King David. Then, it follows that, the aged figure in 
white flowing hair, behind him is his son Solomon. Another above 
with a curly forked beard might possibly be intended for Abraham. 
Our first parents would have been in the compartment nearest to the 
eastern side, now utterly effaced. We may be confident that no more 
of this subject was continued, except perhaps a corresponding portion 
on the opposite or north side, which would have had the Apostles, 
iSaints, and Martyrs of the New Law or Testament. 

The same subject was discovered in 1848, on the wall above the 
chancel arch in Great Waltham Church, Essex. It was described by my 
late friend F. W. Fairholt, thus : " The painting occupies a space of 
about nine feet in height by fifteen feet in width. The figures are the 
size of life, and the principal one, the Redeemer, is of colossal pro- 
portions, and occupies the centre. He is seated on a rainbow and is 
clothed in a red garment having white under-clothing. He is exhi- 
biting the wounds by which he has gained our redemption ; and the 
angels above are hymning praises to the trumpet and lute. The sun 
and moon are above his head. On the right of the Saviour is a group 
of six crowned female figures ; the foremost of which is regally attired, 
and has a nimbus round the head. This group is in a fair state of 
preservation, but that on the other side is not ; it consists of the same 
number of male figures in attitudes of adoration ; and their costume 
and the general style of the drawing appear to fix the date of the 


picture to the latter end the fourteenth century." (Vide Journal of 
the British Archaeological Association, vol. iii 1848.) So, it was a 
contemporary work. 

There yet remains undescribed one portion of this first plan or 
scheme of decoration, viz. the remains of the demi-figures of angels at 
the apex of each arched recess, upon the north and south walls. Of 
these only a few are sufficiently perfect to show the design com- 
pletely, but it will be observed, that they originally filled up all these 
spaces, and are not confined to those over the Apocalyptic visions. 
On the south wall they consist of figures playing upon a trombone, 
bagpipe, pipe, and flageolet. The two latter are tolerably well pre- 
served simply, yet well designed and gracefully executed. On the 
north wall, the best is in the first compartment over the com- 
mencement of St. John's history. It is playing upon a species of 
lute, and is a sweet and elegant design. Now, the fact that these 
originally filled all these spaces on the north and south sides, and not 
only over the Apocalyptic visions, would show that they belonged to 
the earlier scheme. But the style of execution and general character 
is not only vastly superior to the later work, but is of the same con- 
ventional manner as the earlier part on the eastern wall, and therefore 
evidently belongs to the same time and school. This leads us at 
once to a conclusion respecting the whole, and points unmis- 
takeably to a large and comprehensive idea of decorating the 
whole building with the subject of the " Second Coming of Christ." 
It is one of the grandest of the ancient ecclesiastical conventions, and 
is still in use in the Greek Church. The " Guide " * gives nine 
divisions in which the several personages are arranged on each side 
the figure of Our Lord. 1. The Choir of the Apostles. 2. The 
Choir of our First Parents. 3. The Choir of the Patriarchs. 4. The 
Choir of the Prophets. 5. The Choir of the Bishops. 6. The 
Choir of the Martyrs. 7. The Choir of Saints. 8. The Choir of 
Pious Kings. 9. The Choir of Women, Martyrs, or Solitaries. 
This was obviously capable of any amount of amplification, in which the 
monastic orders would assuredly have had a large part assigned to 
them. It is not at all probable that any other accompaniments of 
the " Last Judgment " were intended to be introduced, as the site 

* The Greek " Guide of Painting " was discovered by M. Didron at Esphig- 
menon, Mount Athos, and he published a translation with notes in 1845. 


would be unfavourable. What we should have had, in the complete 
work, would have been an embodied " Te Deum," in which Our Lord 
would be associated with all the attributes of glory and power, 
attended by the whole Church Militant, with the sound of sacred 
ministrelsy, as at Great Waltham. There is a beautiful example of 
this subject in the National Gallery, by Fra Angelico, entitled, " Christ 
surrouaded by Angels, Prophets, Martyrs, and Saints," and it is just 
such an arrangement which would doubtless have been followed in the 
Chapter House, had it been completed. On the right of the Saviour 
the Virgin Mary leads, as it were, the Saints of the New Law, and 
St. John the Baptist those on the left. The central figure of 
Christ is the only departure from ancient conventions, and is given 
as standing with a banner and cross in the left hand, whilst the right 
is in the act of benediction. It is one of the most exquisite examples 
of this master, and is well calculated to show the nature of the subject 
as a means of decoration. 

We may, I think, then fairly assume, from the evidence presented 
before us, that the eastern wall was first begun as a matter of course. 
Naturally then the work would proceed with the small demi-figures of 
angels. I have already stated its further progress was then suspended, 
and as I put the date of this first portion between the years 1350 and 
1370, as the character of the inscriptions on the cherub best accords 
with that time, it would follow that the period of this suspension of 
the work would be about the end of the reign of Edward III. Now 
the resumption of it, of which the groups on the south wall are the 
result, could