%\
sras
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY
TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
VOL. IX.
% *
TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
C
ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
BEING
PAPERS ORDERED TO BE PRINTED BY THE
PUBLISHING COMMITTEE.
ix.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1881.
[It will be quite understood that this Council does not hold itself
responsible for the opinions of the individual writers whose papers are
included in this or any other of the volumes of the Transactions of
the Society.]
PREFACE.
THE Council having, with the aid of the Publishing Com-
mittee, at last succeeded in carrying the present volume
through the press, regret the delay in its production, and are
fully aware of its other shortcomings. Their apology is, that
part of the papers only came into their possession during the
early months of the present year, and that the remainder,
having escaped notice among the multifarious records of the
Society during their late transference, have but quite recently
come to hand. This has, in some instances, interfered with
the chronological sequence of the papers ; which would, had
circumstances permitted, have been printed in the order in
which they were read.
The Council wish to call the attention of the Society to the
fact that they especially desire to encourage original investi-
gations.
Many papers that are extremely valuable for purposes of
debate, and highly interesting to those present at the evening
meetings, are not entirely suited for publication in the
Transactions, which should contain such papers only as are
desirable for future reference.
IV
PREFACE.
It is requested that papers intended for reading at the
monthly meetings be sent to the Hon. Secretary at least one
month previously to the date at which they are proposed
to be read, in order that they may be submitted to the
Council or referees appointed by them. This will greatly
facilitate the work of the Publishing Committee.
The appended Roll of Fellows (with addresses) is believed
to be correct ; but if any error be discovered, early intimation
to the Hon. Secretary will oblige.
For the laborious and too often unappreciated task of pre-
paring an Index, the Society is indebted to Mr. J. H. Chap-
man, M.A., F.S.A., &c.
LONDON, May 5, 1881.
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
PREFACE . . . ..•'..-' iii
LIST OF FELLOWS . . .... . . xi
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY, INAUGURAL ADDRESS By
GUSTAVUS GEORGE ZERFFI, ESQ., PHD., F.R.S.L. . i
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. By JOHN H.
CHAPMAN, M.A., F.S.A., of Pembroke College, Oxford,
and of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law . . . 21
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. By F. G. FLEAY, M.A. 44
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE, MORE PAR-
TICULARLY IN ITS BEARINGS UPON ENGLISH COMMERCE.
By CORNELIUS WALFORD, F.I.A. F.S.S., F.R. Hist. Soc. 82
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS, BISHOP OF OLMUTZ,
1542 — 1553. By the Rev. ALBERT H. WRATISLAW, M.A.,
F.R. Hist. Soc., Fellow of the Royal Society of Bohemia. 137
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST,
FROM CHARLEMAGNE (Transitio Imperil) TO THE ERA OF
THE CRUSADES (AND CONCORDAT, 1122). By the Rev.
W. J. IRONS, D.D., BAMPTON LECTURER, 1870, PREBEN-
DARY OF ST. PAUL'S, F. R. Hist. Soc. . . . .152
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. By HENRY H. HOWORTH,
F.S.A 174
NARRATIVE OF THE TRANSFERENCE OF THE GERMAN
WEIMARIAN ARMY TO THE CROWN OF FRANCE IN THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. By JAMES HEYWOOD, F.R. S. . 216
DOMESTIC EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, .AND CUSTOMS IN THIS
COUNTRY, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE END OF
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. By GEORGE HARRIS, Esq.,
LL.D., F.S.A 224
^iatoriral
OFFICERS AND COUNCIL-MAY, 1881,
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD ABERDARE, F.R.S.
His GRACE THE DUKE OF WESTMINSTER, K.G.
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF ROSEBERY.
RIGHT HON. LORD DE LISLE AND DUDLEY.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD SELBORNE.
SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, BART., M.P., D.C.L.
JAMES HEYWOOD, ESQ., F.R.S.
GEORGE HARRIS, ESQ., LL.D., F.I.A.
CORNELIUS WALFORD, ESQ., F.I.A.
(EounciL
GUSTAVUS GEORGE ZERFFI, ESQ., Ph.D., F.R.S.L., Chairman.
SIR CHARLES FARQUHAR SHAND, LL.D., Vice-Chairman.
RIGHT HON. EARL FERRERS.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD RONALD GOWER.
JOHN H. CHAPMAN, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.
HYDE CLARKE, ESQ., D.C.L.
REV. J. M. CROMBIE, F.G.S., F.L.S.
J. BAKER GREENE, ESQ., M.B., LL.B.
HENRY H. HOWORTH, ESQ., F.S.A.
ALDERMAN HURST.
CAPTAIN E. C. JOHNSON.
TITO PAGLIARDINI, ESQ.
F. K. J. SHENTON, ESQ.
REV. ROBINSON THORNTON, D.D. (Oxon).
BRYCE MCMURDO WRIGHT, ESQ., F.R.G.S.
JOHN RUSSELL, ESQ.
J^onotatg Secretary anto Cteaautet.
WILLIAM HERBAGE, Esq., F.S.S., London and South-Western Bank,
7, Fenchurch Street, London, E.C.
ILtbtauan.
W. S. W. VAUX, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S.L., Society's Rooms, 22, Albemarle
Street, W.
AN OUTLINE OF
THE OBJECTS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
THE "Historical Society" was established in 1868, and was
authorized in 1872, by the permission of Her Most Gracious Majesty
the Queen to use the title : —
" ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY."
The principal objects of the Society are : —
I. To promote and foster the study of History on general scientific
principles.
II. To encourage researches on important special historical facts
concerning Great Britain and other countries.
III. To assist in the publication of rare and valuable State papers,
or any other documents throwing light on the customs, manners, and
mode of life of different nations.
IV. To publish translations of standard historical works.
V. To hold monthly meetings for the reading and discussion of
papers on historical subjects.
VI. To publish a selection of the papers read. This has been
done, hitherto, by annual publications of the Transactions of the
Society, of which nine volumes have been printed. "The New
Series" of the publications of the "Royal Historical Society" will
shortly be issued in QUARTERLY PARTS, containing papers by the
Fellows, and BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES of the more important
English and foreign historical publications.
VII. To grant from time to time prizes for Historical Essays.
The Society's Library is open to Fellows from 10 o'clock A.M. to
4 o'clock P.M., except on Saturdays, when it closes at 2 o'clock
X OBJECTS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
P.M. The Librarian resides on the premises. Fellows are allowed
the use of the Books at their private residences. Donations of Books
to the Library are received by the Librarian.
The Annual Subscription to the Society is One Guinea per
annum, and is payable to the Treasurer on the first day of the session,
viz. ist of November. The Entrance Fee at present is One Guinea.
The Monthly Meetings are held in the Society's Rooms,
22, Albemarle Street, Piccadilly, London, W., at 8 o'clock P.M.,
every third THURSDAY of the month, from NOVEMBER to JUNE
inclusive. Fellows are supplied with Order-books to enable them to
admit friends to the meetings.
Nomination Forms, and any further information, will be furnished
on application to the Honorary Secretary and Treasurer,
WILLIAM HERBAGE, ESQ.,
London and South-Western Bank,
7, Fenchurch Street, London, E.G.
5/// May, 1881.
LIST OF FELLOWS.
Names of Members of Council are printed in SMALL CAPITALS.
Those marked * have compounded for their Annual Subscriptions.
Those marked f have contributed Papers.
Those marked " p " have presented Books to the Library.
Abbott, Richard, Esq., Forcett, near Darlington.
fABERDARE, RIGHT HONOURABLE, LORD, F.R.S., I Queen's Gate, S.W. ;
Duffryn, Aberdare, Glamorganshire.
Abram, W. A. Esq., 42 Adelaide Terrace, Blackburn,
t * Ackers, B. St. John, Esq., Prinknash Park, Painswick, and 85 Wigmore
Street, W.
Adams, Ernest, Esq., Victoria Park, Manchester.
Addyman, Alderman, Hare Hills, Leeds.
Ainslie, Oliver Alexander, Esq., Barrister-at-Law of the Inner Temple, 48
Lincoln's Inn Fields, W.C.
Albright, Arthur, Esq., Mariemont, Birmingham.
Alexander, Henry M., Esq., 16 West Twenty-fifth Street, New York, United
States.
Alexander, Rev. J. F., Dunalastair, Northern Grove, Didsbury, Manchester.
Allen, Charles J., Esq., North House, Alexandra Road, St. John's Wood, N.W.
/ Allen, Honourable Stephen Merrill, Boston, Mass., United States.
/Altschul, Dr., F.R.G.S., F.R.S.L., M.C.P., M. Philolog. Soc., 9 Old Bond
Street, W.
Andrews, William, Esq., 10 Colonial Street, Hull.
Anthony, Charles, Esq., The Elms, Hereford.
Anderson, J. Alexander, Esq., 2 Clifton Villas, Henslowe Road, East Dulwich,
S.E.
Archer, Thomas, Esq., 13 Chatham Place, Hackney, E.
Ashbee, H. S., Esq., 46 Upper Bedford Street, W.C.
Ashworth, John J., Esq., Clifton House, Great Lever, near Bolton.
Atwool, Josiah, Esq., 9 Altenberg Gardens, Clapham Common, S.W.
Backhouse, Jonathan E., Esq., Bank, Darlington.
/*Backler, Henry M'Lauchlan, Esq., F.R.G.S., Norland, Champion Park,
Denmark Hill, S.E.
Bacon, Rev. J. H., Great Gonerby Rectory, Grantham.
* Baguley, Henry, Esq., 247 Southwark Bridge Road, London.
Baily, Rev. Johnson, M.A., Pallion Vicarage, Sunderland.
Barker, Rev. Philip C., M.A., LL.B., Rotherham.
* Barnard, John, Esq., Spring Hall, Sanbridgeworth, Herts.
Barrett, F. T., Esq., Mitchell Library, Ingram Street East, Glasgow.
Barrett, T. Squire, Esq., 108 Clapham Road, S.W.
Bate, George, Esq., F.S.S., Paragon Villa, Northumberland Park, Tottenham, N.
Bates, Rev. Joseph Chadwick, M.A., F.R.A.S., Castleton Vicarage, near Man-
chester.
Xll LIST OF FELLOWS.
Belk, Thomas, Esq., Hartlepool.
Bell, J. Carter, Esq., F.C.S., etc., Kersal Clough, Higher Broughton, Manchester.
Bellingham, Alan Henry, Esq.,M.A., Oxon, M.P., 9 Cavendish Square,W., and
Exton House, Oakham.
Bennett, C., Esq., 9 Victoria Terrace, Heavitree, Exeter.
* Bennett, Captain H. A., Nelson House, Manchester.
Bettany, G., Esq., 107 Fleet Street, London.
Bevington, Major S. R., Neckinger Mills, Bermondsey, S.E.
p * Biden, Lewis, Esq., 28 Lion Terrace, Portsea.
Billing, Rev. F. A., D.D., LL.D., F.R.S.L., 7 St. Donatt's Road, New Cross,
O. -Crf»
Billington, Rev. James, 334 Strand, W.C.
Binns, E. K., Esq., F.G.S., 216 Heavigate Road, Sheffield.
t Black, William Thomas, Esq., 25 Charles St., St. James's, and 2 George Square,
Edinburgh.
Blaquiere, Right Hon. Lord de, Springfield, Crawley, Sussex.
Blenkinsopp, Rev. E. C. Leaton, M.A., Springthorpe Rectory, Gainsborough.
p * Boguoshevsky, Baron Nicholas Casimer de, Pskow, Russia.
Bond, John J., Public Record Office, Fetter Lane, E.G.
Booker, William Henry, Esq., Short Hill, Hollow Stone, Nottingham.
Boyes, Rev. J., A.M., 18 Lee Street, Louth.
Boyle, Edmund Montagu, Esq., 14 Hill Street, Berkeley Square, W.
Boynton, Thomas, Esq., Ulcome Grange, Lowthorpe, Hull.
Braikenridge, Rev. George Weare, A.M., F.S.A., Scot, Claremont, Clevedon.
Braithwaite, Isaac, Esq., F.R.G.S., 4 Gloucester Square, London.
Bramley, Thomas, Esq., Nottingham Journal Office, Nottingham.
Bramley-Moore, J., Esq., J.P., D.L., F.R.G.S., Langley Lodge, Gerrard's
Cross, Bucks.
Bramwell, F. J., Esq., 37 Great George Street, Westminster, S.Wr.
Brayshay, William Hutton, Esq., 15 Devonshire Terrace, Kensington, W., and
Dale House, Malham, Yorkshire.
Brent, Francis, Esq., 19 Clarendon Place, Plymouth.
Bridgeman, Hon. and Rev. J. R. O., Weston-under-Lizzard, Shifnal.
/ f Briscoe, John Potter, Esq., Free Library, Nottingham.
Brittain, W. H., Esq., Alma Works, Sheffield.
Britten, Lieut. -Col. John, R.L.M., i8A Basinghall Street, E.G.
* Broomhead, Barnard P., Esq., Bank Chambers, George Street, Sheffield.
Brough, William S., Esq., Fowlchurch, Leek, Staffordshire.
t Brown, J. Main waring, Esq., B.A., 2 Rectory Place, Chislehurst.
Brown, John Marshall, Esq., Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
Brown, R. Weir Esq., 3 Aubrey Road, Holland Park, W.
Brown, Thomas Forster, Esq., Guildhall Chambers, Cardiff.
Browne, Harold E. G., Esq., 6 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Brunt, E., Esq., F.R.G.S., Mechanics' Institute, Hanley.
Buck, J. H. Watson, Esq., 4 Albert Street, Rugby.
Bunbury, Sir Charles J. F., Bart., F.R.S., Barton Hall, Bury St. Edmunds, and
48 Eaton Place, S.W.
* p Burdett-Coutts, Right Hon. the Baroness, I Stratton Street, W.
Burges, Rev. J. Hart, D.D., The Rectory, Devizes.
Burroughs, Wm. Henry, Esq., Montpellier, Brecknock Road, N.
Burton, H., Esq., Newport, Monmouthshire.
Burton, J. H., Esq., 5 Trafalgar Square, Ashton-under-Lyne.
Butler, Rev. Charles Wesley, Eastwood, Notts.
* Butt, Arthur N., Esq., London Institution, Finsbury Circus, E.G.
Cadman, Rev. William, Prebendary of St. Paul's, 6 Albany Street, Regent's
Park, N.W.
Campobianco, The Marquess de, 29 Montague Street, Russell Square, W.C.
LIST OF FELLOWS. xill
Cann, W., Esq., 9 Southernhay, Exeter.
* Cardale, George, Esq., 2 Bedford Row, W.C.
Card well, Thomas, Esq., 32 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, W.
* Carillon, J. Wilson, Esq., F.S.A., Wormhill, Buxton.
Ca-rnell, George Frederick, Esq., Sevenoaks.
f CHAPMAN, JOHN H., Esq., M.A., F.S.A.,38 St. Charles Square, North Kensing-
ton, W.
Chappell, John, Esq., 21 Gresham Street, E.G.
Chase, George B., Esq., A.M., Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Chester, The Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Chester.
Chesterman, W., Esq., Broomgrove, Sheffield.
Chorley, H. B. K., Esq., 69 Jeffrey's Road, Clapham, S.W.
Chorlton, Thomas, Esq., 32 Brazenose Street, Manchester.
Christie, Edward R., Esq., Madeley Street, Tunstall, Stoke-on-Trent.
f Christie, Captain J. E., I Regent Road, Edinburgh.
Claiborne, Honourable J. F. H., LL.D., Natchez, Miss., U.S.A.
Christian, J. R., Esq., M.D., Holly Springs, Miss., U.S.A.
Clark, A. C., Esq., Haileybury College, Hertford.
Clarke, Rev. George P., 75 Belgrave Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham,
/t CLARKE, HYDE, Esq., D.C.L., 32 St. George's Square, S.W.
Clements, Rev. G. W., Grey's Hill, Henley-on-Thames.
* Cliff, John, Esq., F.G.S., Linnburne, Ilkley, near Leeds.
Clinton, H. R., Esq., Hollywood, Eliot Bank, Forest Hill, S.E.
Clode, William, Esq., 5 St Andrew's Square, Surbiton, Surrey.
Close, Thomas, Esq., F.S.A., Nottingham.
Coales, Robert, Esq., M.A., LL.D., 119 Gower Street, W.C.
Coleman, Everard Home, Esq., F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., 82 Basinghall Street, E.C
* Cole, James Edwin, Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster, S.W.
Collingridge, William, Esq., M.B., B.A., M.R.C.S.E., Selwood, Mayow Road
Forest Hill, S.E.
Collins, William Job, Esq., M.D., I Albert Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W.
Compston, Samuel, Esq., 105 Crosscliffe Street, Alexandra Park, Manchester.
Congress Library, Washington, United States.
Cook, John, Esq., 14 Parliament Street, Hull.
Cooke, Rev. William, D.D., Burslem House, Dartmouth Park, Forest Hill, S.E.
* Cookson, Faithful, Esq., 25 Grand Parade, Brighton.
Copeland, Rev. G. D., B.D., Boyson Road, Camberwell Green, S.E.
Corbett, John, Esq., M.P., Imprey, Droitwich.
Cottam, Samuel, Esq., F.R.A.S., F.G.A., 6 Essex Street, King Street, Man
Chester.
Courtauld, George, Esq., M.P., Cut Hedge, near Halstead, Essex.
Cowell, Peter, Esq., Free Public Library, Liverpool.
Cox, George R., Esq., Princes Park, Liverpool.
Coxe, Rev. H. O., Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Crake, Rev. A. D., Haven Street Vicarage, Ryde.
* Crawford, J. W., Esq., East Street Mills, Leeds.
Crawford, William Horatio, Esq., Lakelands, Cork, Ireland.
Crawhall, Joseph, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Crockford, Frederick, Esq., Silverdale, Sydenham.
*Crofton, Henry M., Esq., F.R.A.S., M.R.I.A., Inchmappa, Ashford, County
Wicklow.
CROMBIE, Rev. J. M., F.L.S., F.G.S., 12 Coleherne Road, West Brompton, S.W.
Crowe, Francis, Esq., LL.D., F.R.G.S., 22 WTestbourne Park Road, Bayswater.
Crutwell, Alfred, Esq., C.E., F.G.S., 29 John Street, Penarth, near Cardiff.
Cruttfield, Rev. C. F., Bradfield College, Reading.
Cuffe, Moore A., Esq., LL.D.,F.R.S.L., 15 Earl's Court Gardens, South Ken-
sington, S.W.
Cullen, Rev. John, Trin. Coll., Dublin ; The Vicarage, Radcliffe-on-Trent.
XIV
LIST OF FELLOWS.
Dallas, James, Esq., 21 Alma Square, St. John's Wood, N.W.
Dalton, C., Esq., Percy House, Twickenham Park.
Davidson, William James, Esq., 97 West George Street, Glasgow.
Davies, Rev. Henry Harris, M.A., Ph.D., Llangoecl Vicarage, Beaumaris.
? Davies, Rev. John Hamilton, B.A., St. Nicholas Rectory, Worcester.
Davy, C. R., Esq., Tracey Park, Bath.
Dawson, Thomas, Esq., Caledonia Mount, Leeds.
Dawson, Rev. W., M.A., St. John's Rectory, Clerkenwell.
* Dees, Robert Richardson, Esq., The Hall, Wallsend, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
DE L'IsLE AND DUDLEY, Right Hon. Lord, Penshurst Place, Tunbridge, Kent.
Denham, Edward, Esq., 384 Acushnet Avenue, New Bedford, Mass., U.S.A.
p Denison, Major Frederick C., Toronto, Canada.
Digby, G. Wingfield, Esq., F.R.G.S., Sherborne Castle, Sherborne.
Dillon, Lin, Esq., 22 Booth Street, Manchester.
* Dimelow, John Gartside, Esq., Lansdowne Villas, Witherington, Manchester.
Dothie, Rev. Elvery, 24 Rectory Road, Stoke Newington, N.
Drew, Joseph, Esq., LL.D., F.R.A.S., F.G.S., Weymouth.
Dublin, Trinity College Library.
Dyson, William Colbeck, Esq., Belmont Terrace, Wilton Park, Batley.
Eales, Rev. George, M.A., Claremont Road, Dewsbury.
Eddy, Robert Henry, Esq., 76 State Street, Boston, Mass., United States.
Edwards, Rev. Griffith, Llangadflan Rectory, Welshpool.
* Elliot, John, Esq., Free Library, Wolverhampton.
Emmett, Albert, Esq., Savings Bank Department, General Post Office, E.G.
p Erskine, William, Esq., 19 St. James Square, Edinburgh.
* Evans, E. Bickerton, Esq., Whitbourne Hall, near Worcester.
Evans, Rev. J., B.A., 2 Rosedale Villas, King's Road, Cheltenham.
* Evans, W., Esq., Ellerslie, Edgbaston, Birmingham.
Faulkner, C. DufTell, Esq., Deddington, Oxfordshire.
/Ferguson, Robert, Esq., M.P., Morton, Carlisle.
* FERRERS, Right Hon. Earl, Staunton Harold, Melbourne, Derby.
Field, Rev. Edmund, M.A., Lancing College, Shoreham.
Fitch, Edwin F., Esq., 66 Bishopsgate Street, E.G.
Fleay, F. G., Esq., M.A., 33 Avondale Square, S.E.
* Fletcher, John S., Esq., Treherne House, Hampstead, N.W.
Fooks, William, Esq., M.A., LL.B., 49 Chancery Lane, W.C.
Follows, William, Esq., 7 New Hampton Road, Wolverhampton.
Ford, John Rawlinson, Esq., Adel Grange, near Leeds.
Francis, Swinford, Esq., 21 Richmond Villas, Holloway, N.
Fryer, Alfred C., Esq., F.G.S., Elm Hirst, near Wilmslow, Cheshire.
Fuller, George John, Esq., Clarendon House, North Park, \Vest Croydon.
p Galloway, Rev. W. B., M.A., 54 Fitzroy Road, N.W.
* Garstin, John Ribton, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., M.R.I.A., Braganstown, Castle
Bellingham, co. Louth.
Gee, William, Esq., Denbigh Meadows, Heaton Chapel, Manchester.
Gill, John, Esq., Penryn, Cornwall.
Gordon, Rev. Henry D., Harting Vicarage, Petersfield, Sussex.
Gorrie, Daniel, Esq., La Belle Sauvage Yard, E.G.
Gotch, H. G., Esq., Kettering.
Gould, Frederick, Esq., F.L.S., F.S.A., The Elms, Kingston-on-Thames.
* Gowen, Franklin B., Esq., Philadelphia, U.S.A.
GOWER, Right Hon. Lord RONALD, Stafford House, St. James's, London.
Graham, James, Esq., 71 Holland Road, Netting Hill, W.
Gratton, John, Esq., The Hollies, Sneyd Green, Stoke-on-Trent.
/ Grazebrook, H. Sydney, Esq., Middleton Villa, Grove Park, Chiswick.
Green, Samuel S., Esq., Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass., United States.
LIST OF FELLOWS. XV
Green, W. J., Esq., 24 Spring Gardens, S.W.
GREENE, J. BAKER, Esq., M.B. LL.B., 13 Clement's Inn, Strand, W.C.
Greenhough, William H., Esq., Central Free Library, Stockport.
Greenwood, A., Esq., LL.D., F.R.S.L., F.S.A., Flaxfield College, Basingstoke.
Griffith, Richard C., Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., 20 Gower Street, W.C.
Grimsey, Benjamin Page, Esq., Stoke Lodge, Ipswich.
Gunn, Rev. W. E. B., 7 Falkland Road, Egremont, Birkenhead.
Haddock, John, Esq., 16 Marine Crescent, Waterloo, Liverpool.
Hadley, Alderman S. C., 157 Kennington Park Road, S.E.
* Halkett, Rev. Dunbar Stuart, M.A., Rector of Little Bookham, near Leather-
head, Surrey.
Hall, Hugh F., Esq., F.G.S., 17 Dale Street, Liverpool.
Hall, William Robert, Esq., Broxbourne, Herts,
t Hamilton, Walter, Esq., 90 Cannon Street, E.G.
Harben, Henry, Esq., Seaford Lodge, Fellows Road, N.W.
Hargreaves, John, Esq., Ravenswood, Rock Ferry, Cheshire.
/ * HARRIS, GEORGE, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., Iselipps Manor, Northolt, Southall,W.
Hart, William Fairburn, Esq., 17 Woodsley Road, Leeds.
Harvey, Henry, Esq., 50 Glebe Place, King's Road, S.W.
* Harvey, William Marsh, Esq., Goldington Hall, Bedford.
Hatton, W. H., Esq., Office of Daily Chronicle, Chapel Lane, Bradford.
Hawkes, George, Esq., St. Winifred's, Salisbury Road, Brighton.
Hay, James A. C., Esq., M.I.M.E., Royal Arsenal, WToolwich.
Healey, Edward Charles, Esq., Wyphurst, near Guildford.
Healey, Captain J. H. C., Marlintown House, Mullingar, Ireland.
* Heap, John, Esq., Times Office, Bury.
Heginbotham, Henry, Esq., Millgate House, Stockport.
f Heinemann, Dr., 80 Upper Gloucester Place, Portman Square, W.
/ Henderson, William, Esq., Ashford Court, Ludlow, Shropshire.
p Hepburn, William C., Esq., The Miller Office, 69 Mark Lane, E.C.
HERBAGE, WILLIAM, Esq., F.S.S., Honorary Secretary and Treasurer^ 7 Fen-
church Street, E.C.
t HEYWOOD, JAMES, Esq., F.R.S., 26 Kensington Palace Gardens, W.
Hick, Wm. Henry, Esq., Longfield Cottage, Dark Lane, Batley.
Higgin, James, Esq., Woodhey, Cavendish Road, Higher Broughton, Manchester.
Hill, George W., Esq., South East Corner, Fourth Walnut Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
fHill, John Wingtham, Esq., M.A., Lynton Villa, Virginia Road, Leeds.
Hinmers, William, Esq., Cleveland House, Lancaster Road, Eccles, Manchester.
Hoare, Rev. J. N., 255 King's Road, Chelsea, S.W.
Hocking, Rev. Silas K., 13 Brampton Grove, Cheetham, Manchester.
Hodgson, William Pickering, Esq., 231 Penn Street, Brooklyn, New York.
Hooper, George N., Esq., Elmleigh, Hayne Road, Beckenham, S.E.
Hopkins, J. Satchell, Esq., Jesmond Grove, Edgbaston, Birmingham.
*Horniman, F. J., Esq., Surrey Mount, Forest Hill, S.E.
* Hovenden, Frederick, Esq., 93-5 City Road, London.
Hovenden, Robert, Esq., Heathcote Park, Hill Road, Croydon.
HOWORTH, HENRY H., Esq., F.S.A., Derby House, Eccles, Manchester.
Hudson, Edward, Esq., East Cliff, Sheffield.
Hughes, William, Esq., General Printing Office, 24 Wardour Street, W.
Hume, David A., Esq., 2 East India Avenue, Leadenhall Street, E.C.
Hulme, Rev. Samuel, Hartwood Road, Southport.
Hunt, William, Esq., 2 College Gardens, Hull.
Hunter, Henry, Esq., Engineers' Office, Weare Navigation, Northwich.
t HURST, GEORGE, Esq., Kingsbrook House, St. Mary's, Bedford.
Hutchinson, Robert Hopwood, Esq., Tenter House, near Rochdale.
Hyde, Rev. H. Barry, B.A., A.K.C., Ashford, Kent.
Hyde, John, Esq., F.R.S.L., 84 George Street, Chetham Hill, Manchester.
xvi LIST OF FELLOWS.
f Irons, Rev. William Josiah, D.D., Prebendary of St. Paul's, 20 Gordon Square,
W.C.
Jackson, Henry B., Esq., Basford House, Whalley Range, Manchester.
James, Ralph N., Esq., Harding Road, Ashford, Kent.
* James, Rev. T., F.S.A., Netherthong Vicarage, Huddersfield.
/ * Jenkinson, Henry Irwin, Esq., F.R.G.S., Keswick, Cumberland.
Jervis, Rev. Prebendary, M.A., 28 Holland Park, W.
JOHNSON, Captain E. C., 12 Cadogan Place, S.W.
Johnson, Jabez, Esq., Kenyon Hall, Kenyon, near Manchester.
Johnson, William George, Esq., 24 Oxford Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
Jones, Charles J., Esq., Compton Road, Chesterfield.
Jones, David, Esq., 12 Little Tower Street, E.G.
Jones, Henry Watson, Esq., Park House, Grosvenor Park Road, Chester.
Judd, James, Esq., F.S.A., St. Andrew's Hill, Doctors' Commons, London.
Kaye, W. J., Esq., Park Parade, Harrogate.
/f Kelly, William, Esq., F.S.A., Ivy Lodge, Alexandra Road, Stoneygate,
Leicester.
* Kemm, Miss Annie, Whitlands College, Chelsea.
Kent, Frederick, Esq., Binfield Lodge, Clapham Road, S.W.
Kerr, Robert, Esq., 23 Milton Place, Halifax.
Kerslake, Thomas, Esq., 14 West Park, Bristol.
King, Rev. Edward, B.A., F.S.A. Scot., Launceston, Cornwall.
* King, Kelburne, Esq., M.D., 27 George Street, Hull.
Kingsley, Mrs. Henry, Laurel Bank, Hillbrow, Liss, Hants.
Knibbs, Rev. Charles, Heatherdon, Tor Vale, Torquay.
Knox, Captain Samuel Richardson, Everett, Mass., United States.
Lach-Szyrma, Rev. W. S., The Vicarage, Newlyn, Penzance.
Lancey, Edward F. De, Esq., 24 Park Place, New York.
Langford, J. A., Esq., LL.D., Sparkbrook, Birmingham.
Lawton, William, Esq., Nunthorpe, York.
p Lea, John Walter, Esq., F.G.S., 9 St. Julian's Road, Kilburn, N.W.
Lee, John Dunkin, Esq., The Oaks, Belvedere, Kent.
Lees, William, Esq., 10 Norfolk Street, Manchester.
* Leuville, The Marquis de, 30 York Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W.
Lewis, Rev. Evan, M.A., The Rectory, Dolgelly.
Lilley, Rev. W. Osborne, Gorsey House, Heywood, Lancashire.
Linn, Richard, Esq., Karapoi, Canterbury, New Zealand.
* Lloyd, Lieut. -Colonel Edward, Lillesden, Hawkhurst, Kent.
Lloyd, Rev. George, F.S.A., Old Trimden, County Durham.
* Lloyd, Rev. John, M.A., Llanvapley Rectory, Abergavenny.
* Lobb, John, Esq., F.R.G.S., Christian Age Office, St. Bride's Street, E.C.
Longstaffe, Samuel F., Esq., 19 Queen's Terrace, Middlesbrough.
Loraine, Rev. Nevison, The Vicarage, Grove Park West, W.
Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., M.P., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.L.S., High Elms, Farn-
borough, Kent.
Liidemann, Augustus W. H., Esq., 16 Rutland Terrace, Hammersmith, W.
Lupton, Henry, Esq., The Elms, Chapel Allerton, Leeds.
* Lyle, Thomas, Esq., B.A., Fern House, 48 Navarino Road, Dalston.
* Macandrew, W., Esq., Westwood, near Colchester.
Macgregor, Patrick Comyn, Esq. (of Brediland), Lonend House, Paisley.
Mackay, Henry Ramsay, Esq., Petham, Kent.
Mackie, A., Esq., Guardian Office, Warrington.
* Mackeson, Edward, Esq., F.S.A., 13 Hyde Park Square, W.
Maclean, William, Esq., F.R.G.S., 31 Camperdown Place, Great Yarmouth.
Macpherson, James A., Esq., LL.D., 74 Worcester Street, Gloucester.
LIST OF FELLOWS. xvii
McKay, James, Esq., Preston.
M'Niven, Rev. Charles M., Perrysfield, Godstone, Redhill.
t Maiden, Henry Elliot, Esq., M.A., Kitlands, Holmwood, Surrey.
Manchester Free Library.
Mar, Right Hon. the Earl of, Wilton Hall, near Ross, Herefordshire.
Marshall, John, Esq., F.R.A.S., F.G.S., Leeds Church Institute, Leeds.
Marshall, Miss Sarah, 92 Warwick Gardens, Kensington, W.
Maw, James, Esq., Park Villa, Margery Park Road, Stratford, E.
Maybank, John Thomas, Esq. , High Street, Dorking.
Mayhall, John, Esq., Rose Villa, Horsforth, near Leeds.
Maynard, Rev. Newland, Rector of St. Paul's Church, Brooklyn, New York.
Meadows, Barr C. J., Esq., M.D., F.A.S.L., 47, Victoria Street, Westminster,
S.W.
Meek, Sir James, Middlethorpe Lodge, York.
Merritt, W. J., Esq., Northampton Road, Market Harborough.
Metcalfe, Rev. James, M.A., Vicarage, West Teignmouth.
Michelsen, H. E., Esq., 9 James Street, Bayswater, W.
Millais, Mrs. Everett, 2 Palace Gate, Kensington, S.W.
tMilligan, Joseph, Esq., F.R.G.S., F.L.S., F.R.A.S., 6, Craven Street, Strand,
W.C.
Mills, Rev. J., Burton Villa, Loughborough.
Milman, Rev. W. H., M.A., Sion College, London Wall, E.G.
* Mil ward, R. H., Esq., 41 Waterloo Street, Birmingham.
Moggridge, M., Esq., F.G.S., F.L.S., 8 Bina Gardens, S. Kensington, S.W.
Moore, A. W., Esq., M.A., J.P., Crankbourne, Isle of Man.
Moore, Major R. W., 3 Woodhouse Square, Leeds.
t Morgan, Thomas, Esq., F.S.A., Treasurer of the British Archaeological Asso
ciation, Hillside House, Palace Road, Streatham Hill, S.E.
Morris, J. W., Esq., 16 Belmont, Bath.
Morrison, Richard, Esq., Wirksworth, Derbyshire.
Moser, George E., Esq., Kendal.
Mosley, George, Esq., F.G.S., The Commercial College, York.
* Moss, John James, Esq., East Lydford Hall, Somerton, Somerset.
Mossman, Rev. T. W., B.A., Torrington Rectory, Wragby.
Mudie, Miss, i Wiseton Villas, Wiseton Road, Upper Tooting.
Mulford, W. R., Esq., 451 Broadway, New York.
Mullins, J. D., Esq., Ratcliffe Place, Birmingham.
Murray, Duncan, Esq., 37 Great Castle Street, Oxford Circus, W.
Murray, John, Esq., Lincoln Villa, Sothern Road, Lee.
Murton, James, Esq., Highfield, Silverdale, near Carnforth.
Nankivell, Edward, E. J., Esq., 107 Fleet Street, E.G.
Nanson, Henry, Esq., 25 Pembroke Road, Kensington.
Nelson, William Magson, Esq. , Wood Lea, Cliff Road, Leeds.
Newbon, Joseph, Esq., I Wardrobe Place, Doctors' Commons, E.G.
t Newman, E. Oakley, Esq., Billiter House, Billiter Street, E.G.
/Newton, T. W., Esq., Library, Museum of Practical Geology, Jermyn Street,
London.
Nichols, Rev. W. L., M.A., F.S.A., Woodlands, near Bridgewater.
* Noldwritt, John Spencer, Esq., 44 Benhill Road, Brunswick Square, Cam-
berwell.
Norris, G. M. Esq., Birkbeck Institution, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.
Nugee, Rev. George, M.A., St. Austin's Priory, New Kent Road, S.E.
* O'Donnaven, William, Esq., LL.D., 54 Kenilworth Square, Rathgar, Dublin.
Oelsner, Isidor, Esq., Highfield, West wood Park, Forest Hill.
O'Looney, Brian, Esq., M.R.I. A., Grove Villa House, Crumlin, County Dublin,
t Old, William Watkins, Esq., Meyrick House, White Cross, Hereford.
B
xvill LIST OF FELLOWS.
Otway, Walter, Arthur's Club, St. James's, S.W.
Overall, W. H., Esq., Corporation Library, Guildhall, E.G.
PAGLIARDINI, TITO, Esq., 75 Upper Berkeley Street, Portman Square.
Paine, William Dunkley, Esq., Cockshot Hill, Reigate, Surrey.
Parker, F. H., Esq., 3, Frederick's Place, Old Jewry, E.G.
Parkinson, Rev. T., North Otterington Vicarage, Northallerton.
* Parr, J. Charlton, Esq., Grappenhall Heyes, Warrington.
Parrish, Rev. Henry, Birmingham Road, Broomsgrove, Worcestershire.
Passenger, Alderman George Mason, 42 Above Bar, Southampton.
Patterson, James K., Esq., Ph.D., President of the Agricultural College, Lexing-
ton, Kentucky, United States.
t Pennington, Rev. A.R., M.A., Utterby Rectory, South Lincolnshire.
Perkes, Richard M., Esq., 4 Albert Road, Southport.
* Peyster, Watts de, General John, 59 East 2ist Street, New York.
Pfoundes, C., Esq., Secretary, Nipon Institute, Royal Asiatic Society, Albemarle
Street, W., and I Cleveland Row, St. James, S.W
Phillimore, The Worshipful Walter G. F., D.C.L., 86, Eaton Place, S.W.
Phillipps, Henry, M., Esq., The Hall, Beckenham.
Phillips, Henry, Esq., Ph.D., 304 South iiith Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
* Phoenix, S. Whitney, Esq., 22 West 23rd Street, New York, U.S.A.
* Pickering, J., Esq., F.R.G.S., Springfield Mount, Leeds.
Pilcher, William. Esq., 4 Belsize Road, Swiss Cottage, N.W.
Pink, William J. D., Esq., 5 King Street, Leigh, Manchester.
Platt, George Taylor, Esq., Jenkyn Street, Burslem, Staffordshire.
Pocklington, C., Esq., 22 Cunliffe Villas, Manningham, Bradford, Yorks.
Pollard, Mrs. A. D., 5 Belsize Crescent, N.W.
Pooley, Frank, Esq., 18 Hacken's Hey, Liverpool.
Pope, G. Harrison, Esq., Central Hill College, Upper Norwood, S.E.
Potts, Lewis W., 21 St. Philip's Road, Dalston, E.
Price, William Nicholson, Esq., Mount Pleasant, Leeds.
Pryce, Rev. John, M.A., Bangor.
Radford, George, Esq., M.A., Ben Rhydding, near Leeds.
p Rae, John, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., 9 Mincing Lane, E.G.
p Raikes, Captain G.A., F.S.A., 63 Belsize Park, Hampstead, N.
*Read, His Excellency the Hon. General John Meredith, LL.B,
M.R.I.A,, United States Minister, Athens, c/o B. F. Stevens, Esq., Trafal-
gar Square, W.C.
hel,
Reichel, Rev. Oswald J., M.A., Sparsholt Vicarage, Wantage, Berks.
Rendell, A., Esq., 12 Scarsdale Terrace, Kensington.
Rich, Arthur J., Esq., 7 Fassett Road, Dalston, E.
Richardson, Charles, Esq., 10 Berkely Square, Bristol.
Richardson, Captain J.G. F., Ph.D. J.P., Houghton House, Stoneygate, Leicester.
Richardson, Hon. W. A., LL.D., Washington, D.C., United States.
Rider, William, Esq., 14 Bartholomew Close, E.G.
Rigg, George W., Esq., 22A South King Street, Manchester.
Robertson, Mrs. Johnstone, 14 Berners Street, Oxford Street, W.
Robertson, Rev. William, The Manse, Romsey, Hants.
Robinson, William, Esq., Mount Pleasant, Wembdon, Bridgewater.
fRobjohns, Sydney, Esq., 2 Serjeants' Inn, Fleet Street, E.G.
/Rollins, John R., Esq., Lawrence, Mass., United States.
Rose, J. Anderson, Esq., II Salisbury Street, Strand, W.C.
Rose, Josiah, Esq., Chronicle Office, Leigh, Lancashire.
*ROSEBERY, Right Honourable the Earl of, Dalmeny Park, Linlithgowshire.
Ross, Frederick, Esq., 4 Tinsley Terrace, Stamford Hill, South Tottenham.
Ross, Lewis Buttle, Esq., Driffield, Yorkshire.
Rowley, Rev. Adam Clarke, M.A., Sutterton Vicarage, Spalding.
LIST OF FELLOWS. XIX
Rusby, James, Esq., 18 Oppidan's Road, Regent's Park, N.W.
RUSSELL, JOHN, Esq., 229 Burridge Road, Plumstead, S.E.
* Ryder, Charles, Esq., The Brewery, Leeds.
Rylands, W. H., Esq., F.S.A., 11 Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
Rymer, Samuel Lee, Esq., Northend Lodge, Croydon.
* Safford, John Burham, Esq., F.G.S., Guildford.
Sampson, Thomas, Esq., 252 Marylebone Road, N.W.
Sanford, Frederick C., Esq., Nantucket, MasS1:, United States.
Saunders, C. T. , Esq., 20 Temple Row, Birmingham.
Sayle, Robert, Esq., n St. Andrew Street, Cambridge.
Scattergood, Peter Jr., Esq., Nottingham Road, Stapleford, Notts.
* Schwartze, Helmuth, Esq., Osnabruck House, Denmark Hill, S.E.
Scrope, Simon T., Esq., Danby Hall, Bedale.
Seath, Thomas B., Esq., Sunnyoaks, Langbank, Renfrewshire.
SELBORNE, Right Honourable Lord, 30 Portland Place, W.
SHAND, Sir CHARLES FARQUHAR, LL.D.D., 4 Albany, Piccadilly, S.W.
Sharp, J. Fox, Esq., The Park, Hull.
SHENTON, FRANCIS KINGSTON JOHN, Esq., Literary Department, Crystal Palace
Norwood.
Sikes, Rev. Thomas B., M.A., Burston Rectory, Crawley, Sussex.
Simpson, J. Wainhouse, Esq., 94 Petherton Road, Highbury New Park.
Singleton, Alex. H., Esq., Maiden College, New Maiden, Surrey.
Skrine, Henry Duncan, Esq., Warleigh Manor, near Bath.
Smith, Rev. Daniel, Sandiacre Rectory, Nottingham, and Fortescue Lodge,
Enfield.
Smith, E. Cozens, Esq., F.S.S., I Old Broad Street, E.G.
/Smith, Hubert, Esq., Belmont House, Bridgnorth, Shropshire.
* Smith, W. Bickford, Esq., Trevarno, Helston, Cornwall.
Solly, Edward, Esq., F.R.S. F.S.A., Park House, Sutton, Surrey.
Sorrell, Rev. J., 14 Albion Road, Stoke Newington, N.
Sowler, Lieut. -Colonel Thomas, Manchester Courier Office, Manchester.
Spence, Rev. R. M., M.A., Manse, Arbuthnott, Fordoun, N.B.
Spooner, Mrs., 68 Westbourne Terrace, W.
Stanley, Walmsley, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Knowle, Leigham Court Road, Streat-
ham, S.E.
Stead, Richard, Esq., Grammar School, Folkstone.
Stevens, David M'Cluer, Esq., The Mount, Guildford,
Stockdale, Thomas, Esq., Clarendon Road, Leeds.
Stone, J. B., Esq., F.G.S., The Grange, Erdington.
Stone, James Henry, Esq., Cavendish House, Grosvenor Road, Handsworth,
Staffordshire.
Stopes, H., Esq., F.G.S., F.L.S. Eagle Brewery, Colchester.
* Story, Edwin, Esq., M.A., F.Z.S., 88 Oldfield Road, Stoke Newington.
* Stewart, Alexander P., General, LL.D., Oxford, Miss., U.S.A.
Stuart, Lieut. -Col. W., Tempsford Hall, Sandy, Bedfordshire.
* Sturgis, Julian Russell, Esq., 17 Carlton House Terrace, S.W.
Stubbs, S., Esq., 269 Hampstead Road, N.W.
Swaine, Rev. S.A., 14 Bramerton Street, Chelsea.
Swallow, John Charles, Esq., 12 Barossa Place, Fulham Road, S.W.
Tapling, Thomas, Esq., Kingswood, South Dulwich, S.E.
Tate, Rev. William R., Worplesdon, Guildford.
*tTaylor, Edward, Esq., F.L.S., Castle Cottage, Hockhill, Bishop's-Stortford.
Taylor, George, Esq., Manor Road, Forest Hill, S.E.
Taylor, Miss Helen, 10 Albert Mansions, Victoria Street, S.W.
Taylor, Rev. Richard V., B.A., The Vicarage, Melbechs, Richmond, Yorkshire.
Taylor, Rear- Admiral William Rogers, Newport, R. I., United States.
XX LIST OF FELLOWS.
* Teele, Rev. Albert K., D.D., Milton, Mass., U.S.A.
P Tegg, William, Esq., 13 Doughty Street, Mecklenburgh Square, London.
Tew, Rev. Edmund, M.A., Patching Rectory, Arunclel.
Thomas, Christopher J., Esq., Drayton Lodge, Redland, Bristol.
Thomas, Rev. D. R., M.A., Oxon., Meiford Vicarage, Welsh Pool.
THORNTON, Rev. ROBINSON, D.D. (Oxon), Vicar of St. John's, Notting Hill,
Boyle Lecturer ; Vice-President of the Victoria Institute ; 65 Laclbroke
Grove, Notting Hill, W.
Thrupp, George A., Esq., in Maida Vale, W.
Timmins, Samuel, Esq., F.S.A., Elvatham Lodge, Birmingham.
/ Tovey, Charles, Esq., 2 Royal York Crescent, Clifton, Bristol.
*Travers, Archibald, Esq., 28A Addison Road, Kensington, W.
Udal, John Symonds, Esq., 4 Harcourt Buildings, Temple, E.G.
Underdown, R. G., Esq., Northleigh, Whalley Range, Manchester.
Usill, Rev. James H., Kent Lodge, Eastbourne.
Urwick, Rev. W., M.A., 49 Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
Vaux, W. S. W. Esq., F.R.S., 22 Albemarle Street, W.
Ventura, M., Esq., 18 Coleman Street, E.G.
* Vernon, G. V., Esq., F.R.A.S., Osborne Place, Old Trafford, Manchester.
Vincent, J. A., Esq., Needham Market, Suffolk.
Wadling, Henry, Esq., Architect, Lambe Buildings, Temple, E.C.
Wager, Rev. James, Hereford.
/ * Wagner, Henry, Esq., F.S.A., 13 Half Moon Street, Piccadilly, W.
Wagner, O. H., Esq., Montague House, Hertford.
Wagstaff, Rev. Frederick, Church Hill, Wednesbury.
/* WALFORD, CORNELIUS, Esq., F.I. A., 86 Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
* Walker, Fountaine, Esq. (of Foyers), Ness Castle, Inverness.
Walker, Rev. James, Johnson's Square, Congleton.
Wall, William H., Esq., The Larches, Pembury, Tunbridge Wells.
Wallace, J. W., Esq., 728 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Waller, J. Rowell, Esq., Houghton-le-Spring, Durham.
Wallis, John, Esq., Kettering.
Ward, Rev. C. D., D.D., 23 Cambridge Terrace, Bramber Rd., W. Kensington.
* Ward, Joseph Pilkington, Esq., Whalley Range, Manchester.
f Warren, Lieut. -Colonel Charles, R.E., Brompton Barracks, Chatham.
Waterston, Rev. Robert C., Boston, Mass., United States.
Watson, Robert Spence, Esq., F.R.G.S., 101 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Watts, Rev. J. A., D.D., 3 Sharrowstead Terrace, Sheffield.
West, James, Esq., Storrington, Sussex.
WESTMINSTER, His GRACE THE DUKE OF, K.G., Grosvenor House, W.
Wheeler, Henry, Esq., 31 Upper Fant Road, Maidstone.
White, George, Esq., Ashley House, Epsom.
White, Rev. F. Le Grix, M.A., F.R.S.E., F.G.S., Learning, Ulleswater,
Penrith.
* Whitehead, Rev. J. H., 3 West High Street, Cross Lane, Manchester.
Williams, Adin, Esq., Caxton Cottage, Lechdale, Gloucestershire.
Williams, E. P., Esq., 3 Essex Villas, Watcombe Park, Blackheath.
Williams, Rev. J. D., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, The Vicarage, Botti-
sham, Cambridge.
Williams, Sparks Henderson, Esq., F.S.A., 5 Essex Court, Temple, E.C.
Williamson, John M., Esq., Melville House, Overhill Road, Dulwich.
Wonnacott, J., Esq., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., Wadham House, Liskeard, Cornwall.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. XXI
Wood, William, Esq., 3 Clifton Terrace, Denmark Park, Camberwell.
Wood, William, Esq., 5 Park Lane, Stoke Newington, N.
Woodford, Rev. Adolphus F., 253 Norfolk Crescent, Hyde Park, W.
Woodhouse, Alderman S., 50 High Street, Hull.
Woodward, Ashbel, Esq., M.D., Franklin, Connecticut, United States.
Woolbert, Frederick, Esq., 12 Lincoln's Inn Fields, W.C.
Worsnop, Thomas, Esq., Adelaide.
p * Wratislaw, Rev. Albert H., M.A., Vicarage, Manorbere, Pembrokeshire.
WRIGHT BRYCE M'MURDO, Esq., F.R.G.S., 90 Great Russell Street, W.C.
Wright, Edward, Esq., LL.D., M.R.I. A., The Cedars, Ealing, London.
Wright, W. H. K., Esq., Free Library, Plymouth.
Wyles, Thomas, Esq., F.G.S., Allesley Park College, Coventry.
Yates, James, Esq., Public Library, Leeds.
Yates, Richard, Esq., F.S.A., The Ford, Beddington, Croydon.
p f ZERFFI, GUSTAVUS GEORGE, Esq., Ph.D., F.R.S.L., 3 Warrington Gardens,
Maida Hill, W.
Zerffi. Henry Charles, Esq., Wentworth House, St. Mark's Road, Netting
Hill, W.
The Council request that any inaccuracy in the foregoing list may be pointed
out to the Honorary Secretary, and that all changes of address may be notified to
him, so that delay in fonvarding communications and the Publications of the
Society may be avoided.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.
Allibone, S. Austin, Esq., LL.D., Lenox Library, Central Park, New York.
Boehm, Dr. Willy, President of the Historical Society, Berlin.
Brock, R. A., Esq., Richmond, Virginia.
Bishop, Levi, Esq., Detroit, Michigan, U.S.A.
Cooke, Samuel, M.A., F.G.S., Poona, India.
Drowne, Henry T., Esq., Secretary, New York Historical Society, 52 Wall Street,
New York, U.S.A.
Drowne, Rev. T. Stafford, D.D., Gordon City, Long Island, New York, U.S.A.
Edward, Thomas, Esq., Associate of the Linnean Society of London, Banff.
Gilman, M. D., Esq., Montpelier, Vermont, U.S.A.
Jewett, Llewellyn, Esq., F.S.A.
Lapham, William B., Esq., Augusta, Maine.
Latto, Thomas C., Esq., Brooklyn, U.S.A.
Lawrence, G. W., Esq., St. John, New Brunswick.
Lee, G. H., Esq., St. John, New Brunswick.
Morris, Rev. John G., D.D., Baltimore, U.S.A.
O'Reilly, P. S., Esq., St. Louis, Missouri, U.S.A.
Parkard, A. S., Esq., Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A.
Prendergast, John, Esq., Dublin.
Ravenill, H. E., Esq., Charleston, South Carolina, U.S.A.
Stone, Rev. E. M., Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A.
Whitehead, W., Esq., Newark, New Jersey, U.S.A.
Williams, J. F., Esq., St. Paul, Minnesota, U.S.A.
XX11
HONORARY FELLOWS.
HONORARY FELLOWS.
His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil.
Her Majesty the Empress of Brazil.
His Majesty Leopold II., King of the Belgians.
His Majesty Oscar II., King of Sweden and Norway.
Bismarck, von Prince, H.E.
Agnew, J. W., Esq., M.D., Royal Society of Tasmania.
Arnold, Hon. Isaac, President, Historical Society of Chicago, U.S.A.
Bancroft, Hon. George, Washington, U.S.A.
Bell, Hon. Charles H., President of the New Hampshire Historical Society,
Exeter, New Hampshire.
Beust, Count Von, formerly Austrian Ambassador at the Court of London.
* Bogoushevsky, The Baron Nicholas Casimir de, Pskow, Russia.
Bowring, Lady, Exeter.
Burton, John Hill, Esq., LL.D., D.C.L., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.
Bytschkoff, His Excellency Athanasius Th. de, Vice- Director of the Imperial
Library, St. Petersburg.
Cameron, Commander Verney Lovett, C.B., I Savile Row, W.
Calderari, Rev. Giulio Casare, Milan.
Coelho, Lieut. -Colonel Jose Maria Latino, Professor of Geology, Lisbon.
Dana, Edward S., Esq., Ph.D., Academy of Arts and Sciences, Connecticut,
United States.
Dalrymple, Rev. E. A., D.D., Sec. Hist. Society of Maryland, U.S.A.
Engelhardt, Professor Conrad, Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries,
Copenhagen.
Ewell, The Very Rev. Benjamin S., Williamsburg, Virginia, U.S.A.
Farr, William, Esq., M.D., Somerset House, W.C.
Fayrer, Sir Joseph, K.C.S.I., F.R.S., London.
Froude, James Anthony, Esq., LL.D., London.
Gorostiraga, Don Angel de, National Archaeological Society, Madrid.
Grant, His Excellency General, Ex-President of the United States.
Grewengk, His Excellency Dr. Constantin, Dorpat University, Russia.
Guasti, Professor Cesare, Keeper of the State Archives of Tuscany.
Hildebrand, Herr Emil, Royal Society of Antiquaries, Sweden.
Jereczek, M. Josef, President of the Royal Society of Bohemia, Prague.
Jones, Hon. Horatio Gates, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Kip, The Right Rev. Bishop, San Francisco.
Latour, Major, L.A.H., M.A., 36 McGill College Avenue, Montreal.
Liagre, Major-General J. B. J., Royal Society of Fine Arts, Brussels.
Liveridge, Professor A., Royal Society of New South Wales.
Longfellow, Professor H. W., Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Meldahl, Herr, President of the Royal Academy of Arts, Copenhagen.
Moffat, Rev. Robert, D.D., F.R.G.S., Park Cottage, Leigh, Tunbridge, Kent.
Montelius, Herr Dr. Oscar, Society of Antiquaries, Sweden.
Montjau, M. Edouard M. de, Society of Ethnography, Paris.
Muller, Professor Max, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Comparative Philology in the
University of Oxford.
Nares, Captain Sir George, K.C.B., F.R.S., 5 Westminster Chambers, Victoria
Street, S.W.
Oppert, M. Julius, Professor of Assyrian Philology, and Archaeology, in 'the
College of France.
Peyster, de Frederic, Esq., President of the Historical Society of New York.
FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS. XXlll
Pomialovsky, His Excellency Professor John Bas, Secretary of the Imperial
Archgeological Society of Russia.
Rawlinson, Major-General Sir Henry Creswicke, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.R.G.S.
Rawlinson, Rev. Canon, M.A., Camden Professor of History, Oxford.
Richardson, Benjamin, W., Esq., M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., London.
Roberts, General Sir Frederick.
Schliemann, Dr., London.
Schliemann, Mrs., London.
Semevsky, His Excellency Michael Jv. de, Imperial Under-Secretary of State,
St. Petersburg, Russia.
Siegel, Dr. Heinrich, Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna.
Sigurdsson, Herr Jon, Archivarius, Copenhagen.
Slafter, Rev. Edmund F., A.M., New England Historic- Genealogical Society,
Boston.
Stanley, Very Rev. Dean, D.D., London.
Stanley, Henry M., Esq., F.R.G.S., London.
Stephens, Dr. George, Professor of English Liternture, Copenhagen.
Stephenson, J., Esq., President of the Historical Society, Quebec.
Stieda, His Excellency Professor Dr. Ludwig, Dorpat University, Russia,
Secretary of the Esthoniaa Society.
Stubbs, Rev. Professor, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History, in the
University of Oxford.
Ward, Townsend, Esq., Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Wilder, Hon.Jtf. P., Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Wilson, Daniel, Esq., LL.D., Professor of History, in the College of Toronto.
Wmthrop, Hon. Robert C., LL.D., President of the Historical Society of
Massachusetts.
Worsaae, Etatsraad Hans J., F.S.A., London and Scotland, Director of Museum,
and late Minister of Public Instruction, Copenhagen.
FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS
WHICH EXCHANGE TRANSACTIONS WITH THE SOCIETY.
AMERICA
New England Historic-Genealogical Society, Boston.
The Historical Society of New York.
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
The Academy of Arts and Sciences, Connecticut.
The Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.
The Historical Society of Rhode Island.
The Historical Society of Virginia, Richmond.
The Historical Society of Maryland.
The Historical Society of Missouri.
The Historical Society of Minnesota.
The Historical Society of South Carolina.
The Historical Society of Vermont.
The Historical Society of Michigan.
The Historical Society of New Jersey.
The Historical Society of Maine.
xxiy FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS.
.-:•;'•'" '.•"•• •'•'•"
AUSTRALIA.
'• '•• '. •
' The Royal Society of New South Wales.
AUSTRIA.
The Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna.
BELGIUM.
The Royal Society of Science and Arts, Brussels.
BOHEMIA.
The Royal Society of Bohemia, Prague.
CANADA.
The Literary and Historical Society, Quebec.
DENMARK.
The Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen.
FRANCE.
The Ethnographical Society of Paris.
GERMANY.
The Historical Society of Berlin.
ITALY.
The State Archives of Tuscany.
PORTUGAL.
The Royal Academy of Sciences, Lisbon.
RUSSIA.
The Imperial Archaeological Society, St. Petersburg.
SPAIN.
The Royal Historical Society, Madrid.
The National Archaeological Society, Madrid.
SWEDEN.
The Society of Antiquaries of Sweden, Stockholm.
The Academy of Belles Lettres, History, and Antiquities, Stockholm.
TASMANIA.
The Royal Society of Tasmania.
The Harlean Society.
The Surrey Archaeological Society.
TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
BY GUSTAVUS GEORGE ZERFFI, ESQ., Ph.D., F.R.S.L.,
CHAIRMAN OF COUNCIL.
Read i$th November, 1879.
Six years ago I had the pleasure of reading a paper " On the
Possibility of a strictly Scientific Treatment of Universal
History," and that which was at that time a mere suggestion,
has since become a firm conviction, based on indefatigable
study, and the collection of innumerable facts.
When called upon at the first meeting of the Council of the
Royal Historical Society this session, to read an inaugural
paper before the Fellows, I thought I could not do better than
bring this conviction before you, so as, if possible, to make
it your own.
I have had the satisfaction of lecturing during the last six
years to, at least, 45,576 persons, and this proves that there is
an increasing demand for the supply of historical knowledge.
Six years ago there were 303 Fellows on the rolls of this
Society ; we have since increased more than a hundred per
cent, and more than doubled our income ; all this shows, if
statistical facts are of any value, that the first Royal Historical
Society of England has made some progress. I am, however,
B
2 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sorry to say that a deplorable neglect of the study of General
History is still only too evident. Not one of our large
influential and wealthy seats of learning includes " General
History" in its "curriculum," as a subject in which candidates
for University honours ought to be examined.
The "British Association" sternly and obstinately refuses
to give "General History" a special section, denying history
a scientific status. Whilst Japanese scholars in the farthest
East feel the necessity of the study of history, we, the first
and most powerful nation, are still afraid of it, or treat it as
the fanciful crotchet of some whimsical dreamer. We allow
papers to be read at our great annual gatherings, "for the
promotion of science," on bees, ants, and dogs, on their ways
and manners ; their high artistic powers ; their intellectual
faculties and social organization ; their moral sense of duty,
and deep feeling of gratitude ; but man — the crowning product
of Creation — the maker of his own destiny, is considered
unworthy of a strictly scientific treatment.
In Germany, Austro-Hungary, Italy, France and America,
HISTORY is at all the Colleges and Universities the most
important subject, and with us, it is the most neglected.
And yet history is the mighty record of God's True Revela-
tion, for His spirit manifests itself as law in the religious,
social, political, and artistic deeds of man, the active or passive
agent of the histories of all countries, races and nations.
Man consists of matter, forming the constituent particles
of his body ; and of mind, the cause of his perceptions, sen-
sations and consciousness. If we are able to treat matter and
mind in the unit-man scientifically, what can prevent us from
treating the collective actions of any number of such units in
a scientific way ? If anatomy, physiology and psychology
are sciences, why not history, which is but a systematized
record of man's individual and collective development ? If
man in his isolation as savage or prehistoric man, in anthro-
pology and archaeology, may be treated scientifically, why
not the whole of humanity in history ? Do the laws of
causation apply to everything in nature, except to man, so
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY.
soon as he leaves his savage state, and enters, in accordance
with his very organization, into social bonds, no longer acting
isolatedly but collectively as family, tribe, or nation ? Action
which we can trace in man, like in all other phenomena, must
be the result of force ; and wherever forces are at work, they
must be subject to laws which may be more or less com-
plicated but which we ought to be able to trace on the
reliable basis of causation.
All our physical sciences are founded on an inquiry into the
working of acting and counteracting forces. Can we deny
man to be a physically constituted being, whose organization
engenders mental action, the outgrowth of his vital force ?
Motion or action is the sign of life ; life in man is the primary
cause of all his thoughts, words and deeds. All phenomena in
the universe are the results of either a static or dynamic force,
or of a combination of both. The former manifests itself as
the law of conservation of energy; the latter as the ever-
varying force of moving activity. Applying these elements to
humanity we find that morals correspond to the static,
restraining, corrective force, which is in fact the passive
element in our nature. Moral laws are generally given in
the negative form ; whilst mind with its intellectual and
reasoning power is undoubtedly the dynamic, pushing, in-
quiring, thinking, arguing, inventing force — the active element;
for all human efforts in arts, sciences, discoveries and inven-
tions are of a positive nature. To trace the working of these
two undoubtedly existing forces in the development of
humanity must be the task of history, and we may thus
scientifically reduce all the complicated phenomena of history
to &plus or minus of their relative qualities and quantities.
As the universe strives to attain harmony, and as all its
infinite particles work to this aim — so the historian finds that
humanity endeavours unconsciously or consciously to reach
one goal — civilization, which can only be the attainment of a
perfect balance between the static and dynamic, or the moral
and intellectual forces working in humanity.
The whole study of history, from a higher general and
4 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
scientific point of view, resolves itself into a correct tracing
of the disturbances in the two forces. All the phenomena in
the flowing and ebbing ocean of the past and present ; all
religious, social, political, artistic and scientific events, may
philosophically be referred to a conflict of morals with intel-
lect, or of intellect with morals. Wars, revolutions, the down-
fall of empires, changes in dynasties, religious and scientific
controversies, are simply endeavours to re-adjust and discover
the equipoise between the static and dynamic forces, perva-
ding not only the material universe, but also intellectual,
self-conscious humanity.
In history, as throughout nature, there is a certain oneness,
engendered by the law of causation to which the forces work-
ing in humanity are as subject as all other forces, but there is
at the same time an eternal change and life — an expanding
life, that is never to-day what it was yesterday ; that, in spite
of thousands of survivals in savage prejudices, and inherited
false notions, continually extends, drawing larger numbers
into the vortex of a self-conscious life of higher moral and
mental culture.
It is still thought extremely doubtful in certain quarters,
whether Ethics and ^Esthetics can be brought d priori
under fixed rules and be reduced to first principles ; history as
the " Science of Sciences " d posteriori gains in tracing these
first principles in importance and power day by day. In fact
everything in the development of humanity resolves itself into
history. Not history that receives its garbled facts from
narrow-minded Annalists, Chroniclers and Compilers ; who
generally note down only what serves their purposes ; leave
out what does not suit them ; colour incidents with the gloomy
tints and views of their sectarian, national, political, or social
prejudices ; — but history based on the eternal cosmical laws
of man's true and undefiled nature. For nature is truth which
does not exclusively reveal itself to the inner consciousness of
some chosen metaphysician, or the untutored thoughtlessness
of the savage, but speaks audibly and intelligibly through the
mighty voice of history, forcing man from the lofty height of
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 5
speculations to the firm ground of reality, showing eternal
law in his gradual development. "The History of mankind
is a continuation of the Natural History of the Universe, and
must have discoverable laws/' says Dr. Maudsley, one of the
keenest thinkers of our times.
More than 2,000 years ago, Aristotle attempted to system-
atize the study of poetry and even that of art, by tracing laws
in the products of playful imagination ; but the study and
composition of history is still left to mere Chance, whether
clad in the garb of self-interest, religious prejudice or political
expediency, and whether called Providence or Predestination.
" Chance has been recognised alike in all ages and in all climes ;
by the peasant in his cottage, and by the king on his throne.
Chance is apparently the mainspring of industry, of trade, of
party politics, and of international diplomacy." But this
assumption of chance, this radical belief in chance (Predestina-
tion or Providence), is virtual unbelief in universal order,
producing self-deception, and a negation of all moral law,
for it does away with the fundamental element of science, and
a strict concatenation of cause and effect. History, studied
or written from the providential chance point of view, is
certainly nothing but an unconnected, and therefore dry
register of detached facts which might have happened quite
differently, if it had so pleased chance. But the most impor-
tant duty of an Historian is to show to conviction that the
facts could not have happened differently, and that, if the
same causes were to be at work, they would inevitably again
produce the same effects.
The palm of having attempted to place history on a higher
scientific basis must be given to the German, SAMUEL
PUFENDORF (1632—1690), who laid down the principles of
European international law, illustrated by historical facts
and statistical records, in his great work, " Elementa Juris
prudentiae Universalis," published 1660. Pufendorfs works
are still considered of great importance, and though he
intended to write for diplomatists only, starting from a
strictly practical and political point of view, they must be
6 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
looked upon as the first after the Reformation in which the
composition of history was attempted on new and scientific
principles. Assisted by the generous Elector Palatine,
Charles Louis, Pufendorf established the first special chair for
the study of " National and Natural Law based on History "
in the University of Heidelberg. This was 1661 — 218 years
ago, and he must be put down as the founder of " Sociology,'*
which science begins to be timidly mentioned now in our
educational establishments.
Chronologically next to Pufendorf stands the Italian,
GIOVANNI BATTISTA Vico (1660 or 1670—1744), who, 65 years
after the publication of Pufendorf's great work, issued his
" Principles of History " in 1725, under the title " Principij di
una scienza nuova d'interno alia comune naturadelle nazioni."
In this work he pleaded the necessity of a more philosophical
method in the composition of history, and propounded the
theory that there is an organic development in the different
epochs which can only be understood through a correct know-
ledge of the social and political condition of any nation ; the
most important condition, the religious, he could not well
touch upon under Papal authority. Yet in a broad spirit he
endeavoured to trace evidences of a moral government all
over the world, and assumed that there is an interdependence
between cause and effect in the complex actions of man ; that
justice and progress are the results of ruling forces, and that
our intellectual and political life is guided by a harmony of
feelings which pervades the whole of humanity.
He was followed in England by Viscount BOLINGBROKE
(1672 — 175 1), who published ten years later, 1735, his " Letters
on the Study and Use of History." How far Pufendorf and
Bolingbroke's earlier works influenced Vico, or how far Pufendorf
and Vico were instrumental in the composition of Boling-
broke's work on history, it would be equally difficult to decide.
It is an historical fact that Bolingbroke was the forerunner of
VOLTAIRE in France, and of LESSING and HERDER in
Germany. Whatever the failings of his character may have
been, they were the failings of his social position and education ;
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 7
he saw and felt deeply that the minds of students
were stored " with crude, unruminated facts and sentences/'
with meaningless dates and arbitrarily assumed incidents,
obscuring, rather than clearing up past events. He deprived
Scaliger, Bochart, Petavius, Usher, and even Marsham of their
bright halo of authority ; he mercilessly exposed the tricks
of these " historical jugglers," and asserted boldly that they
had joined disjointed passages, and used fantastical allegories
as real facts, and similitudes of sounds, though utterly
ignorant of philology, to prop up their preconceived historical
systems. With a few words he unmasked the pompous
dignitaries of learning, and had, of course, the whole herd of
scholastics against him. They saw danger in the study of
" General History," and up to our own days have succeeded in
excluding it from our educational establishments.
What is the use of History ? To disturb the mind of
youth ; to arouse a spirit of inquiry, and to undermine time-
hallowed authorities. We cannot trade better, sleep, eat and
drink more efficaciously with any amount of historical know-
ledge, and who is to master all the dates and facts of history ?
Bolingbroke endeavoured to answer these objections, in com-
paring two great captains in history, the courageous Lucullus,
who was made great by the study of history, and the Duke
of Marlborough, who probably never read Xenophon, or any
other historian. The former became a military genius through
historical training, and the latter, who triumphed over the
veteran armies of France, was a born military genius. The
Roman commander had on his side experience cultivated by
study ; whilst Marlborough had inborn genius united with
skill, acquired by actual practice. Study does not lessen
genius, but genius can do without study, is the conclusion to
which the generality of mankind must come from these ex-
amples. " But such examples are very rare," says Boling-
broke, " and when they happen, it will still be true, that they
could have had fewer blemishes, and would have come nearer
to perfection of private and public virtue in all the arts of
peace and achievements of war, if the views of such men had
8 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
been enlarged, and their sentiments ennobled, by acquiring that
cast of thought and the temper of mind which will grow up
and become habitual in every man who applies himself early
to the study of history."
Whilst history, in spite of the brilliant part England has
played in the world's commercial, political, and scientific de-
velopment, and the great isolated historians, like Robertson,
Hume, Gibbon, and Hallam, which she had produced, still
remains neglected, because we have not yet altogether freed
ourselves from those insular barriers which prevent us from
extending our sympathies to all nations and races, to all creeds
and denominations — the French have used history one-
sidedly for national and political purposes.
MONTESQUIEU was constructive ; VOLTAIRE destructive ;
and ROUSSEAU socialistic in the treatment of history ; they
all three broke with the past ; they all three saw it superseded
by a yet unknown future ; they felt the terribly disturbed state
of the moral and intellectual forces in the French nation, and
attempted to restore the balance, or through its more equit-
able readjustment to transform France ; but intolerant priests,
bigoted aristocratic idlers, ignorant teachers of inherited false-
hoods, quarrelling Jesuits, debating Jansenists, debauched
official villains — all of them ignorant of history — prevented
the restoration of the lost balance of forces, and they had to
learn through torrents of blood, and the sacrifice of more than
a million and a half of murdered human beings, what they
had refused to learn from Greek and Roman History ; the
long list of sanguinary deeds, recorded in Mediaeval History ;
the Thirty Years' War, &c.
Not the wild, ignorant, bloodthirsty rebels or the fanatical
demagogues can be condemned by true and honest historians,
but the blind aristocrats, bureaucrats, priests, monks, and bigot
who neglected their education and drove them to despair and
madness, and who, instead of studying history, and learning
from the past lessons to guide the destinies of the people,
abused, vilified and cursed those who recognised the disturbed
state of the balance of forces in the French people, and tried
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 9
to readjust it. They ought to have known the causes which,
more than a century before, had produced the Grand Re-
monstrance in England, with all its deplorable but wholesome
consequences. Those also who wished to cure the political
evils in France, ignorant of history, allowed themselves to be
carried away by the excitable and impatient character of the
masses. In a truly French spirit all was exaggerated.
Martyrs were looked down upon as individuals that expected
death ; whilst fanatical " sans-culottes " were glorified because
they rushed into death. A feverish longing for a speedy
change in religion, political and social relations, burst asunder
all the ties of society. The religiously blind were suddenly
to see, and the politically deaf and dumb to hear and to speak.
A normal historical development in an atmosphere of passion,
ignorance, and superstition is impossible when national pride
and wild fanaticism rule supreme. When nations sing hymns,
whether pious or revolutionary, Klio, the sober muse of
history, retires and awaits a less emotional moment to make
her voice heard.
The French in general have not yet learnt to write history.
They always treat facts from a one-sided national point of
view ; just as the English, from a one-sided sectarian, poli-
tical, party, or merely municipal point of view.
THIERS wrote an analysis of the Republic to prove the
necessity of the Empire which followed, and to teach the
French that the only possible government was that at the
head of which he at last found himself as President, namely, a
republic, which began its career with the slaughter of more
than a million of human beings. His masterly histories of
" the Consulate " and " the Empire," describing the glorious
victories, the waste of national treasure, self-sacrificing
enthusiasm, and human life, all ending in the melancholy
captivity and exile of the originator and instigator of, and prin-
cipal actor in this anachronistic Imperial Roman tragedy,
ought to have opened the eyes of all the vain-glorious,
politically attitudinizing French comedians — if they had studied
history scientifically. But the leaders, or rather mis-leaders,
10 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of France started with the false notion that they might use
powder and shot to play at Roman Emperors, Consuls, and
Praetors, conquering half the world. Had they carefully read
the records of the past, they would have prevented the last
spurious and still more anachronistic performance of the
second Franco-Roman Empire. So long as the French do
not study, write, read, and teach history from an objective,
and purely scientific point of view, they will have no stability,
and no settled social and political organization. Like the
Romans who would not understand that there could be nations
who did not deem it an honour to be Romans, the French
cannot see that there are countries beside their own, and
human beings that have the inherited natural right to defend
themselves victoriously, especially if wantonly attacked.
Another example of French historical one-sidedness is
found in GuiZOT, who was literally raised from the historical
lecture hall to the highest State dignities in France, showing how
amply talent, study, and industry on the field of literature are
rewarded in a country that is always alive to the charms of
intellect, wit, and rhetorical power, if used to flatter national
prejudices and vanity. In all his writings Guizot was always
the exclusive Frenchman, and could never understand the
mighty cosmopolitan spirit of the Teutonic nations. In his
" History of the English Revolution," however, he attained
the position of an impartial judge, and is even more trust-
worthy than many an English writer, for he stands high above
party spirit and theological bias, taking neither the views of a
High or Low churchman, nor of a dissenting Puritan. Guizot,
to a certain degree, was a philosophical historian, and
considered civilization the aim of nations in particular, and
of humanity in general ; but, unhappily, the most complete
of all civilizations in his eyes was that of France, though he
never tells us clearly what he means by the word civilization.
He finds fault with the English because they are genial, but
unsystematic, like their language. He considers everything
in England practical, but bigoted and narrow-minded, and
asserts that the English people have contributed nothing
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 11
towards an extension of the horizon of human intellect. He
must have forgotten Francis Lord Bacon, Sir Isaac Newton,
Hooker, Chillingworth, Shakespeare, Milton, Locke, Hume,
and the long list of deistic writers of England, the fathers of
modern freethought and free inquiry. " The English," he says,
" are great as a nation, but not as individuals." In this one
epigrammatic sentence we may recognise the distorted Franco-
Roman spirit, swaying French logicians and historians, who
look upon the State abstraction as an entity without ever
taking the individual citizens and their interests into considera-
tion. Guizot speaks of the grandeur of a nation, and at the
same time denies the existence of grandeur in the individuals
who compose the nation. Because the English have learnt, in
spite of their insisting upon individual freedom, to act in com-
mon whenever required, Guizot blames them, and extols his
compatriots who have not yet freed themselves of a very primi-
tive tribal egotism, and abhor to act in common when their
vanity does not serve as the mainspring of their combined
action. Dialectical sophistry in the annals of history has
done more harm than correct reasoners can readily make
good. If the whole be iron or steel, the particles must be
iron or steel also. The Roman spirit, mode of thinking and
rhetoric have gradually pervaded modern French thought
through an undue admiration and mimicry of ancient Rome,
and a culpable neglect of the study of history. The refined
discernment and the quick emotional instinct of the spirited
French have thus been directed into a false groove of his-
torical reasoning ; so long as the French do not divest
themselves of their exclusively French mode of thinking,
we must look upon their historical works and historians as
national curiosities and peculiarities ; but we shall seek in
vain for true scientific historians amongst them.
The activity of the French on the field of history was sur-
passed by the Germans, who have gained the palm of excel-
lence in every branch of historiography. Like the ancient
Greeks, the Germans were forced through their geographical
position to devote themselves to the culture of intellect, for
12 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
they were politically checked in the exercise of all broader
social and commercial activity. The historical development
of Germany was slow, but sure. It was not so brilliant as
that of England, but profounder ; it was not so spirited as
that of France, but more systematic. At a time when the
English and French possessed unsurpassed classical writers
in their vernaculars, the Germans were still struggling for a
common language. The learned spoke and wrote Latin ;
the upper classes conversed in French ; whilst the lower
prattled in innumerable unintelligible dialects. The Refor-
mation wrought extraordinary changes, not only in a religious
but also in a lingual direction. To oppose Romanism and
its Latinizing influences, enthusiastic divines composed popular
hymns, homilies, tales, fables, and sermons in the language of
the people ; they continued what LUTHER had begun, to
model and remodel the German language, and -brought it
into a more harmonious and settled grammatical form.
From the time of the Reformation history became the most
important study of the German nation. The old formulse
and most of the dogmas of the Romish church had been
based on prophecy, revelation, tradition, and history. The
apostolic succession was either true or a fiction ; Isidor's
Decrees were either a fact or an historical forgery ; the whole
theologico-dogmatic fabric ; the whole social and political
organization of all the Christian nations in general, and of
the German people in particular, was therefore built on his-
tory, either true or false. If true, the Reformation had no
basis ; if false, the Reformation had to disperse the historical
mist, the dark clouds and gloomy night obscuring truth, and
to endeavour to ascertain real facts upon which to reconstruct
Christianity.
These circumstances forced theologians above all to criti-
cise, to inquire into, and to study the past from a more correct
historical point of view. Whilst in England the Anglican
establishment was a continuation of the Roman Catholic
Church, and only involved a formal change of some dogmatic
details and ceremonials ; the Reformation in Germany was a
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 13
direct cataclysm that swept away an ancient, spiritual, reli-
gious, and educational world, built up for more than 1500
years on a basis, the correctness of which was not only to be
doubted, but the hollowness of which was to be demonstrated
on historical grounds.
When in England king, lords, and commons once had
agreed to be Anglicans, Anglicanism became an accom-
plished political fact, protected by endless parliamentary bills,
and the Church, thus strengthened, required no support either
from learned inquiry or history. The continuity was neither
interrupted nor broken, and was therefore not to be sought
for and reconstructed on a firm historical foundation. This
was quite different in Germany. Protestantism had to work
its way into the hearts and brains of the people by means of
persuasion, deep learning, and, above all, by a higher moral and
intellectual force which was stimulated to continuous activity
by an equally learned body of antagonists — the Romish
priests — who were not silenced by penal laws, but appeared in
the arena of learning as Jesuits, Benedictines, and a number
of other monastic associations, and continued to teach, to
argue, and to engage in historical, classical, and philosophical
controversies. The struggle of the modern intellectual pro-
gress in Germany was a free and genuine war, no longer on
sanguinary battle-fields with guns and cannons, but in lecture
halls, pulpits, and ponderous learned books, where no human
blood, but printer's ink was shed in incredible quantities, to
foster peace and a higher spiritual life in the people.
HISTORY was the great weapon on both sides ; written or
unwritten, sacred or profane. Facts had to be newly studied
and investigated, and their causes and effects in the past had
to be traced on different principles. This led to a deeper
inquiry into historical authorities, and aroused an unparalleled
enthusiasm for history in the middle classes and religious
sects. In Germany kings, princes, and dukes took only a
moderate interest in the gigantic movement, to arrest the pro-
gress of which they were powerless. The smallness of their
dominions made it easy for any learned critic or historian
14 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
whose sceptical ideas were considered objectionable in one
state, to find refuge, and often the very highest honours in
another.
When the celebrated philosopher, Christian Wolf, delivered
a lecture at Halle : " De Philosophia Sinensium Morali" (on
the moral philosophy of the Chinese), in which he asserted
that Christian ethics and Chinese morals were the same,
though Confucius lived nearly five centuries before Christ,
Professor Wolf was ordered in 1723 — 156 years ago — to quit
the dominions of the first King of Prussia on peril to be hanged
if found twenty-four hours after the issue of the order within
the frontiers of the Prussian kingdom. He went over to
Cassel, where he was appointed Professor of Philosophy at
the University of Marburg.
The spirit of critical inquiry in the Germans was not to be
checked or tired out. It has just been shown that the greater
historical activity in general originated in theological and
scholastic requirements, and was kept in continual motion by
a wholesome controversial energy which engaged the whole
thinking and reasoning powers of the German nation.
As the geographical position is a most important factor in
the development of the character of a nation, I will now refer
more particularly to those territorial causes which necessitated
a broader and more correct study of history in Germany.
Encircled by Russians, Sclavons, Poles, Magyars, Servians,
Croatians, Italians, French, Belgians, Dutch, Swedes, Danes,
Norwegians, Livonians, and Courlanders, the Germans were
forced to know something of the customs and manners, mode
of living and thinking, reasoning and acting of these different
peoples, all of whom were often seen as unwelcome guests,
sword in hand, on the banks of the Spree, the Elbe, the
Weser, the Rhine, the Danube, or in the plains of central
Germany in villages and towns, plundering and murdering ;
though the Germans could neither understand their languages,
nor discover why they came to disturbe the peace of the
fatherland. Thus they were practically forced to study the
history, origin, and languages of at least the most important of
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 15
these invading nations. This was a further cause of the univer-
sality of learning prevailing in Germany. There is not a single
historical work of any importance, written in any European
or Asiatic language, that is not translated into German. I
wish I could say the same of the English literature. All the
classical and more prominent historical works of the Chinese
and Japanese, Persians, Indians, and Arabs are commented
upon and brought into systematic order. All that had been
written worth reading and studying on Assyria, Babylon,
Egypt, and the Jews by French, Italian, English, and native
authors exists in German, augmented by a vast amount of
original research, carefully arranged. Philological, mythical,
religious, and historical similarities or differences are pointed
out, analogies and comparisons are drawn with courageous im-
partiality. No historical phenomenon — and nations are mere
embodiments of the phenomena of history — has been treated
by the Germans as insignificant. Through a classical and
philosophical training they acquired a deeper insight into the
astounding sameness of human nature. In spiritual contact
with all the religious sects and nationalities of the world, they
could not help seeing that each nation, each religious sect had
good and bad, wise and foolish, learned and ignorant mem-
bers ; but that in all of them the virtuous and the generous
prevailed, and this sentiment pre-eminently qualified the
Germans for writing history. They broke through the arti-
ficial barriers of tribal exclusiveness and national egotism.
Only such a people can boast of true historians, who above
all require broad minds and large hearts.
In this spirit wrote the genial Gotthold Ephraim LESSING
(1729-1781), who boldly attacked antiquated traditions, pre-
judices, and fallacies. He proclaimed the grand doctrine of
tolerance, not as a mere emotional element, but as the only
possible foundation of the higher culture of humanity. To
put an end to sham learning and historical falsifications was
the great aim of Lessing.
He was supported by the poetical Johann Gottfried HERDER
(1744-1803), who in his writings was always refined and above
16 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
all humane. He was the founder of humanism no longer in
the scholastic, but in the true sense of the word. He was the
first to point out the importance of physical geography in
connection with history. He drew the attention of students
to the configuration of the different countries, inhabited by
different nations ; to the influence of plants and vegetable
products ; of animals and animal food on the formation of the
character of tribes and races, and to man in his bodily and
mental organization. He assumed man to be created for
immortality and hope, for virtue and truth. He must be
further considered the founder of ethnology, in a higher scien-
tific sense, for he discourses on the various organizations of
the people inhabiting the highlands or plains of Asia ; of the
Africans ; the islanders in the tropics, and the American
aborigines. He was anxious to discard chance ; and attempted
to treat history with an universal grasp, never before attained
by any other writer.
Johann Gottlieb FlCHTE (1762-1814) worked out Herder's
principles, and asserted history to be the safest and the most
impressive, the truest and only reliable teacher of humanity.
He was, however, in every branch of speculative and practical
science far surpassed by Immanuel KANT (1724-1804), who in
his plan of a " general history from a cosmopolitan point of
view" (Idee zu einer Allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbiirger-
licher Absicht, 1784) laid down with masterly clearness the
distinction between opinions, faith, and knowledge. History
in France is a matter of opinion, biassed by national pride ; in
England a matter of faith, fostered by inherited prejudices or
coloured by party-spirit ; and in Germany a matter of know-
ledge based on fearless research, and a correct understanding
of the causes producing the different historical phenomena.
Kant's method of treating physical, moral, and historical
subjects brought about a total revolution in the system of our
studies. On his principles Schelling, Stahl, Hegel, William
von Humboldt, Schlegel, and Gervinus attempted, with more
or less success, to solve the great problem of a scientific treat-
ment of history.
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 17
To consider general history as the best means to promote
the highest culture of our mind, to arouse our true moral
nature, to prevent all stagnation in science and politics, and to
make us worthy of the position which we occupy as self-con-
scious human beings, is the earnest endeavour of all those who
have made humanity, and not minerals, chemical substances,
plants and animals, cats and dogs, or ants and caterpillars,
their exclusive study. Let specialists believe in the import-
ance of their particular pursuits, but let them not undervalue
the glorious efforts of philosophical generalizes, who bring
into order and system their detached researches, promoting
real civilization.
It will interest you to hear that more than 336 independent,
original, historical standard works have been published in
Germany during this century, and altogether about 6,288
works, making, on an average, 82 historical publications
per annum. Amongst the writers are the names of Moser,
J. v. Miiller, Eichhorn, Heeren, Bohlen, Politz, Rotteck,
Schlosser, Arndt, Weber, Becker, Gesenius, Neander, Tuch,
Dahlman, Niebuhr, Curtius, Lepsius, Mommsen, Ranke,
Gorres, Hormayer, Pftster, Sybel, Lassen, Uhlmann, Spiegel,
Max Miiller, &c. ; each of them a host of learning and free
inquiry in himself.
I think every one who tells us of our shortcomings, though
we may not like it, does us a real service. We shall never be
able to remedy evils, if we are not made acquainted with
them. It is of no use to boast we are making history ; let
the Germans study it, but let us ponder over the possibility,
how much better we would make history, if we had the same
historical training as the Germans. It is only a very short
time ago, since 1851, when the genius of the lamented Prince
Consort destroyed for ever our insular and mere tribal posi-
tion, that we began to realize the fact that we are, after all,
but completing particles of a whole— Humanity. In opening
to the inspection of all nations the artistic and industrial pro-
ducts of the world, the word "international" dawned upon us,
for the first time, in all its glorious meaning Timidly we
c
18 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
began to quit our oystershells of national pride and preju-
dices ; reluctantly we discarded our narrow and sectarian
pretensions, and our doleful contempt for everything intel-
lectual beyond our island. We were suddenly enabled to
discriminate between true national greatness, and mere
national presumption. We saw ourselves far behind others.
We instituted Schools of Art, and, only nine years ago, forced
the youth of England into Board Schools, and established,
about the same time, the first Royal Historical Society.
Any one who has studied the historical productions of the
last fifteen or twenty years, must have observed the remark-
able change that has come over the spirit of historical inquiry
in England. The Essayists and Reviewers, Macaulay, Bishop
Colenso, Dean Stanley, Carlyle, Principals Tulloch and Caird,
Buckle, Lecky, J. R. Green, &c., have infused new life into
history, and ventured fearlessly on new paths of independent
research.
In politics, commerce, industry, use of inventions, and a
progressive social development, England, and England alone,
is the country in which morals and intellect, stability and
progress, monarchy and democracy, conservatism and libe-
ralism, are, if not perfectly, at all events, best balanced by
means of our love of freedom and our practical realism. It
is, therefore, our peremptory duty consistently to strive to
make England stand at the head of all nations in independent
historical inquiry and research ; for the more nations study
history, the more they become acquainted with the causes of
the commotions and volcanic throes in other countries, the
more surely will they be able to master and altogether to
avoid them. " War and its horrors will gradually disappear,
private and national rights will be better understood, tyranny
and oppression on the one hand, and popular revolutions and
violence on the other, will be rendered powerless, and there
will be established the incontrovertible truth that historical
knowledge is real power." Historians have, unhappily, their
defilers and opponents. Frederick SCHILLER, one of the
greatest poets, when appointed (1789) Professor of General
THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 19
History at the University of Jena, proved, in a masterly
introductory lecture, not only the usefulness of history, but
at the same time also pointed out the opposition which its
study had to encounter. Metaphysicians and scientific pedants
are its greatest enemies. They both hate reforms, they despise
inquiry, and have a horror of comparisons and analogies.
There is no more implacable enemy to progress, no more
envious opponent of research, than the narrow-minded scho-
lastic fanatic, the learned " ignoramus," who knows only too
well that free inquiry must scatter his cherished assumptions
to the winds as so many empty illusions. Trembling for their
daily bread, dependent on antiquated, long-exploded chrono-
logical and historical fallacies, the bigoted everywhere obstruct
the path of history. But the dynamic (intellectual) force of
progress is continually and irresistibly at work, and drives us
to seek for law in solar systems, in stars and nebulae, crystal-
lizations and chemical combinations ; in plants and vegetables,
the rays of the sun, the formation of the earth's crust, the very
origin of the different species of animals. Everywhere we are
indefatigable in tracing law and order. We find it in our sta-
tistical tables of births, marriages, and deaths ; in the rise and
fall of our stocks, bonds, railway and other shares. We have
systematized " supply and demand " in trade and commerce.
Only the variegated stages of man's moral and intellectual
activity, as they present themselves in the different epochs of
history, in different countries and nations under different cir-
cumstances— man, in fact, " with all his sublime yearnings,
measuring suns and planets, speaking, by means of elec-
tricity, at distances of thousands of miles, reducing space in
its dimensions ; travelling, by means of fire and water, at an
unheard-of speed, reducing time in its duration ; man, in his
slow and gradual historical development, is to be the least
important of our studies, and no object of our scientific con-
sideration."
The universe is ruled by gravitation, manifesting itself as
attraction and repulsion. Harmony in the universe can only
exist through a perfect balance of these two forces. Humanity
20 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
is ruled by consciousness, manifesting itself in morals and
intellect, evolving, by a process of progressive continuity, a
perfect balance between the two forces, in order to promote
the happiness of the greatest possible number of human beings,
driven by their very nature to form one common, loving bro-
therhood, enacting history, and striving to fulfil the true
destiny of mankind, individually and collectively — to
HUMANIZE HUMANITY.
i
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH.
BY JOHN H. CHAPMAN, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., BARRISTER- AT-LAW.
THIS subject has been ignored by the majority of writers of
English history. Some have assumed that the unfortunate
persons who suffered death and lesser penalties for their reli-
gion during this reign, were also guilty of what we should
admit to be acts of treason against the State. This theory
is not supported by facts. Modern research (and the word
"modern," in this case, means that of the last ten or fifteen
years) has proved beyond question the utter falsity of Coke's
statement, " That in the reign of Elizabeth there was put to
death for religion not one." The most has been made of the
persecution under Queen Mary,, and the names of the sufferers
have become as household words, yet even now but little is
generally known of similar deeds that were done in the reign
of her sister.
In trie first place, the Penal Acts speak for themselves.
Secondly, there are many well-authenticated cases of persons
having been indicted under these Acts, condemned, and exe-
cuted, without any act of treason having been even alleged,
still less proved, against them at their respective trials, other
than the fictitious treason created by the statutes.
Thirdly, there was the merciless system of fines for recu-
sancy which was adopted by the Queen's Government.
The chief statutes affecting Catholics were these : —
The 1st of Eliz., c. I, which prohibited anyone from main-
taining the jurisdiction of the Pope by word, deed, or act
under penalties —
22 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
For the 1st offence, of forfeiture of all goods and chattels ;
For the 2nd, of praemunire ;
For the 3rd, of death and forfeiture, as in high treason.
Chapter 2 enacts the compulsory use of the Book of Common
Prayer in all cathedrals, parish churches, and chapels, and even
protects it from adverse criticism under penalties — for the 1st
offence, of a fine of 100 marks (£363 of our money) ; for the
2nd, 400 marks (£1,452) and one year's imprisonment; for
the 3rd, of forfeiture of all goods and chattels, with imprison-
ment for life. To this is added : — For non-attendance at
church, a fine of I2d. (equal to 5s.) for each default.
This Act, passed in the first year of her reign, is of itself
sufficient to place the Queen and her advisers in the position
of persecutors for religion. With much ingenuity it is aimed
at two cardinal points of the religion of Catholics : the unity
of the Church and the Sacrifice of the Mass. Its framers
knew well that no Catholic subject could obey it with a clear
conscience. Bad, however, as it is, it was extended, both as
to its application and to its penalties, by that of the 5th of
Eliz., chapter I, which adds a praemunire to the penalties of
the former Act.
The judgment in a praemunire was to be out of the king's
protection, lands, tenements, goods and chattels to be forfeited
to the king (entailed lands but for life), and perpetual impri-
sonment (i Inst, 129, 1 30) ; to be disabled as a witness (i Inst.,6),
or to bring any action (Littleton, 41).
The next Act of importance is that of 1571 — the I3th of
Eliz., c. 2 — which forbids the putting in ure any bull, writing,
or instrument from the See of Rome. This is to be held to
be high treason ; offenders, with their procurers, abettors, and
even counsellors, are to suffer death, and the forfeiture of all
lands, goods and chattels to the Queen. There is a somewhat
remarkable provision in this Act : the bringing in of tokens
or things called by the name of " Agnus Dei," crosses, pictures,
beads , &c., from the Bishop of Rome, and giving them to any sub-
ject of the realm to be worn or used, is visited with the penalties
of praemunire, both to giver and receiver, unless the receiver
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 23
gives notice of the fact within three days to a justice of the
peace; and the justice incurs a praemunire if he does not
also give notice to one of the Privy Council within fourteen
days. It is difficult for us to conceive how these objects, now
so frequently seen, could at any period have been deemed
dangerous to the commonwealth, or to require the attention
of the Queen's Government. The possession of them will be
presently shown to have been a very serious matter.
By the 23rd Eliz , c. I, to withdraw anyone from the State
religion, or to be so withdrawn, is made high treason ; to say
mass is visited with a fine of 200 marks (£726) and imprison-
ment for one year, or until 200 marks are paid in addition ;
to hear mass, with a fine of 100 marks (£363) and one year's
imprisonment. The penalty for non-attendance at church is
raised from I2d. a week to £20 a lunar month, counting
thirteen months to the year, £260 (or about £1,300 of our
money).
The education of the young in the principles of the State
Church is also provided for. Everyone who keeps a school-
master who is a recusant, and not licensed by the bishop of
the diocese, shall pay a fine of £10 (£$o) a month, and the
master himself shall be imprisoned for one year.
With the view of adding to the force of the Act, the for-
feitures are declared to be payable, not entirely to the Crown,
but one-third to the Queen, one-third to the poor of the
parish, and one-third to the informer. Thus these two last
classes of persons were also made parties interested in its due
execution, and active agents in the persecution.
The next Act (that of 1585), the 2/th Eliz., c. 2, is an
important one, for it is impossible for anyone without pre-
judice to regard it otherwise than as a persecuting Act.
Every person (and English subjects were specially meant) who
had been ordained priest or deacon beyond the seas, and who
comes into the Queen's dominions, is to be dealt with as a
traitor, and anyone receiving him, as a felon. This most
oppressive enactment was not long permitted to remain upon
the statute book without being put in force, for upon
24 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the iQth of the following January, Nicholas Deverox als.
Woodson, and Edward Barber, were condemned for being
made priests in France, and two days later were hanged at
Tyburn. In the following year two more priests, William
Thompson and Richard Lea, were hanged, bowelled, and
quartered. Under this Act, in 1588, at the Sessions Hall,
Newgate, eight priests and six laymen were condemned, and
executed two days later. These few instances merely serve
to show that the Act was put in force at once ; they are by
no means the only persons who were indicted and executed
under the 2/th Eliz., c. 2.
The last Act worthy of note is that of 1598, the 35th Eliz.,
c. 2. This is directed more especially against the poorer class
of subjects. It restricts such recusants to one place of abode
under pain of forfeiture of goods and chattels, and in the case
of a copyholder, of his copyhold. We must not suppose that
the humbler class of people escaped the fine meshes of the
Penal Acts : for Dr. Allen writes — " Such as be of the vulgar
sort of honest husbandmen and artizans (of which condition
great numbers be Catholics in our country), they not being
able to pay that impious mass-mulct (i.e., the 100 marks),
much less the forfeiture for not coming to the Calvinists'
preaches and service, are most cruelly and barbarously whipped
in the open market-places, as both elsewhere, and specially
of late in the city of Winchester they were so used. Others
have their ears cut off, others burnt through the ear, and
others of both sexes contumeliously and slavishly abused." —
" Allen's Answer to the Libel of English Justice," p. 174.)
The form of submission to be made by a recusant was
given in this Act, and commenced as follows : — I, A. B., do
humbly confess and acknowledge that I have grievously
offended God in contemning her Majesty's godly and
lawful government and authority by absenting myself from
church, and from hearing Divine Service, contrary to the
godly laws and statutes of this realm, and I am heartily sorry
for the same, &c. &c.
This was a most exacting form of submission, as appears
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 25
from the case of the Winchester blacksmith, reported in a
letter to the rector of the English College at Rome, now
printed in the appendix to the Douai Diary. This man had
been frightened into attending church once, but he afterwards
expressed his sorrow at having done so, and was therefore
ordered to be flogged once a week till he went again. He told
his judges that once a week was not sufficient to atone for the
offence he had committed in going to church. In the words
of the letter, " Parva enim est hsec pcena ad diluendum tantum
peccatum quantum ego commisi in adeunda vestra demoniaca
ecclesia."
This incident will show that the people regarded this
enforced attendance at church as a serious strain upon their
conscience, and how difficult it must have been for them to
make the submission in the form prescribed by the statute.
It is not possible to challenge the legality of the sentences
under these Acts ; what we may dispute is, their morality. If
we are to regard only rules of positive law, Edmund Campion,
and the rest of the Elizabethan martyrs, were guilty of
treason. This is the line of argument that has been taken by
some historians, much to the prejudice of their reputation for
impartiality. Legality by them is made the equivalent of
morality, and they practically say that, because Elizabeth
prescribed a particular form of worship, and exacted a parti-
cular declaration of faith from her unwilling subjects, under
the penalties of treason, therefore those who, as a matter
of conscience, could neither use that form, nor make that
declaration, are rightly to be deemed traitors to their queen
and to their country.
If this be so, the same rules of positive law must be applied
elsewhere. There could have been no persecution under
Queen Mary for heresy, for the law, as it then stood, had
clearly been broken ; nor in the reign of Henry VIII., when
men were required to think exactly as the king thought ; nor
even in the early church could there have been any martyrs,
for the imperial Roman law was clearly against them. Thus,
it comes to this — unless we are prepared to maintain the
26 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
position that those who suffered under Mary and Henry VIII.,
and even in early times, those who perished in the Roman
Circus for the Christian faith were all law-breakers, and all
traitors, — we must also, in the time of Elizabeth, make a
distinction between bare legality and morality — we must
admit that there may be such a thing from the point of view
of morality as a legalized persecution. The number of those
who suffered under these Penal Acts during the reign of
Elizabeth is not stated by most historians, by others it has
been given diversely. Lingard puts it at 147, Dodd in his
Church history at 191, and Milner at 204. It is probable
that none of these lists is in itself complete, and that modern
research will yet add, especially in the provinces, other names
to the catalogue of Elizabethan martyrs. This also applies to
those who died in prison from the want of food, proper air, and
warmth. Mr. Foley, in his recent valuable work, estimates the
number of these persons at 130. A very eminent antiquary,
the late Canon Raine, says of the northern prisons at an even
later date than this : — " They were dens of iniquity and
horror : the number of persons who died in them is positively
startling ! ! "
The Rev. J. Morris has published, amongst other contem-
porary MSS.,one entitled "A Yorkshire Recusant's Relation."
In this there is a long description of the sad condition of the
prisoners both in York and Hull. The fees exacted from
them appear to have been enormous ! allowing for the
difference in the value of money, — the weekly chamber rents
ranged from five to twenty shillings ; the weekly diet from £1
35. 4d.* to £$ 6s. 8d., according to the social rank of the
prisoner. There appears to have been a fee for fetters, £2
i os. for a yeoman ; £$ for a gentleman ; and £10 for an
esquire ; in addition to this there is, what almost reads like a
sarcastic joke, — an entrance fee: £6 133. 4d. for a yeoman,
and £13 6s. 8d. for a gentleman. The writer of this contem-
porary record is justly indignant at the treatment received by
Yorkshire prisoners. He writes of Lord Huntingdon, the
* These figures represent the modern values.
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 27
President of the North : " But who, think you, was the broker
of these villainies ! who more likely than the tyrant himself
who, one day sitting on the bench at Hull, where he gave
sentence of death against a distracted Catholic . . . said
openly to the keeper, It were more worthy to hang thee
than this Papist, for if thou hadst been an honest man or a
true subject, all the Papists in thy custody had been des-
patched ere this day." (" Morris' Troubles," vol. 3, p. 76.)
This open suggestion of secret murder in prison should
perhaps not so much surprise us, coming from Lord
Huntingdon, the Queen's servant in the North, when we
know that a similar request was made by command of the
Queen herself to Sir Amias Paulet in reference to Mary
Queen of Scots, and was by him very properly refused.
("Letter Book of Sir Amias Poulet," London, 1874, p. 358.
" Hearne's MS. Diary" Bodleian ; and Harl. MSS.6Q94, f. 50.
British Museum.) During the period of their imprisonment
every effort was made to shake the faith of the prisoners ; at
the castle in York they were compelled to hear sermons from
the Protestant preachers ; if they would not go willingly they
were taken forcibly ; when they tried to stop their ears, their
hands were secured ; if they uttered any sound they were
gagged. These were some, and only some of the hardships
endured by those who were, by comparison with others, the
more fortunate amongst the Queen's Catholic subjects.
Of those who actually suffered death for their religion it
is only possible here to give a few instances. The first mis-
sionary priest who suffered was Cuthbert Mayne, of St. John's
College, Oxford. He was apprehended at the house of
Francis Tregian, a Cornish gentleman of substance and
position. In his history of Cornwall David Gilbert estimates
Tregian's estate at the yearly value of .£3,000. His property
was seized by the queen ; and his hospitality cost him much
suffering, as he passed twenty- eight years of his life in
prison. On his liberation, ruined in fortune, and with broken
health, he proceeded to Lisbon, and the King of Spain
accorded him a small pension for the short remnant of his life.
28 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
It is difficult for us to realize the fact that this hard fate befel
an honourable English country gentleman, simply and solely
for entertaining at his house a priest of that faith in which he
had been bred, and to which, we must remember, only twenty-
one years before, Queen Elizabeth had herself publicly pro-
fessed to belong. His case is historically interesting also in
another respect. His kinsman, Francis Plunkett, published
a history of his life and misfortunes, entitled, " Heroum
speculum de vita Francisci Tregeon cujus corpus septem-
decim post annos in aede D. Rochi integrum inventum est.
Edidit F. Franciscus Plunquetus Hibernus Ordinis S. Ber-
nardi nepos ejus maternus. Olisipone, 1655, sm- 8vo." In
this book, now comparatively rare, there is given a circum-
stantial account of Tregian's experience at Court. He
appears to have been, for a time at least, a favourite of
Elizabeth ; and the story is not only very damaging to the
Queen's personal reputation, but discloses a motive (spretse
injuria formae) for this cruel persecution, which is creditable
to Francis Tregian, but is quite apart from any question of
faith. To leave the case of the host, and to return to that of
the priest, who had been his guest, Cuthbert Mayne was
indicted at the Assizes held at Launceston on the i6th Sept.,
I577- — Istj f°r having brought into the country a printed
instrument emanating from the See of Rome, contrary to the
statute 1 3th Eliz. (and it must be noted that it is not even
pretended that this document was in itself treasonable, for it
was simply a copy of the declaration of the Jubilee of Pope
Greg. XI I L, and had no reference whatever to the state of
affairs in England). 2ndly, for publishing the same. Srdly,
for maintaining the ecclesiastical authority of the Bishop of
Rome, contrary to the first of the Penal Acts. 4thly, for
bringing in a certain vain sign and superstitious thing called
an Agnus Dei, contrary to the I3th of Eliz. 5thly, for
delivering the same to Fras. Tregian. 6thly, for saying a
certain public and open prayer^ called a Private Mass, contrary
to the statute 1st Eliz., c. ii. Cuthbert Mayne seems to have
had a good defence to all these alleged statutory acts of
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 29
treason ; nevertheless, he was found guilty by a pliant jury,
and condemned as a traitor by a time-serving judge. The
several parts of the indictment are purposely set out in detail :
for if no other man's blood (cleric or layman) had been shed,
this one instance is sufficient to prove that it is false to say
that in Elizabeth's reign there was put to death for religion —
not one. It will be observed that Mayne is not indicted for
any offence, but those created by the Penal Acts, and that
there is not a shadow of evidence adduced at his trial to
prove that from the time he landed in England to the day of
his execution he ever, by word or deed, committed any act of
treason against the State, or in fact did ought but what he
came to England ta do — i.e., to minister to the spiritual
needs of his fellow-countrymen who were Catholics. In 1577,
John Nelson, priest, suffered at Tyburn, as Stowe says, "for
denying the Queen's supremacy, and such other traitorous
words against her Majesty/' He was indicted under the 1st
of Eliz., c. i. At his trial the oath was tendered to him,
which he refused, saying " he had never heard or read that
any lay prince could have that pre-eminence." This was also
a case in which no act of treason outside of the Penal Acts
was ever attempted to be proved. The same year, Thomas
Sherwood, a layman, who had been a student at Douai, was
arrested on suspicion only ; and the same question was put to
him. His answer was, " that he did not believe the Queen
to be the head of the Church of England, and that this
pre-eminence belonged to the Pope." Upon this he was
put to the rack in the Tower to make him discover in whose
house he had heard mass, but with no result. He was
executed at Tyburn, being cut down from the gallows, and
while still alive, dismembered and disembowelled. In this
case also there was no offence proved or alleged, save the
denial of the Queen's supremacy in matters ecclesiastical. In
1581, Everard Hanse or Haunce, a native of Northampton-
shire, and a member of the University of Cambridge, was
apprehended. He had been a beneficed minister of the State
Church, and, like many others, had given up his benefice and
30 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
gone beyond the seas. At his trial before Mr. Fleetwood,
the Recorder, he at once avowed that he was a priest, and the
following dialogue took place : — " Then you are a subject of
the Pope ? — So I am, sir. — Then the Pope hath some supe-
riority over you ? — That is true. — What, in England ? — Yea,
in England, for he hath as much authority and right in spiri-
tual government in this realm as ever he had, and as much as
he hath in any country, or in Rome itself." He was indicted
under the 1st Eliz., c. I, and the 23rd Eliz., c. I, for his priest-
hood, and for reconciling others to the Church. He was
executed at Tyburn with unusual barbarity. After he was
cut down and was being disembowelled, he was distinctly
heard by the bystanders to utter the words : " O happy day."
" Venterque cultro carnificis apertus cumque viscera efifusa
essent, et cor jam tremulum carnifex manu attractaret, hanc
supremam edidisse dictus est vocem — O diem felicem ! "
— Diarium Secundum Coll1. Anglo-Duaceni, p. 181. This is
another instance in which no treasonable act against the
State was even attempted to be proved.
The case of Edmund Campion, the son of a citizen of
London, was a notable instance both of the severity of the
persecution, and of the fact that a reputation for learning,
eloquence, and piety, could not save one who refused to con-
form to the Queen's religion, though at his trial and at his
execution he professed himself in all other matters to be her
loyal subject. In his early youth he had been a scholar at
Christ's Hospital, and even there had gained distinction, for
when Queen Mary made her state entry into London, on the
3rd of August, 1553, and halted near St. Paul's School, it was
none of the "Paul's pigeons" who was selected to address
her, but Edmund Campion, the little Blue-coat boy of
thirteen. We are told that the Queen was much pleased
with him, and that the people cheered him heartily. In due
course of time, at the instance of the Grocers' Company,
he was admitted as a scholar of St. John's College,
Oxford, then recently founded by Sir Thomas White.
His career at Oxford was one continued success : Anthony
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 31
A' Wood testifies to his reputation as an orator ; and the
fact that he was selected in 1560, at the age of twenty, to
deliver an English oration at the funeral of Amy Robsart,
in 1564 to make a Latin oration at the funeral of Sir Thomas
White,* and again in 1566 to dispute before the Queen and
the Chancellor of the University, shows that his eloquence
must have been of no mean order. At that time there were
in Oxford many of those who afterwards devoted themselves
to the defence of the old religion, and some who subse-
quently became victims of the persecution. Humphrey Ely,
Gregory Martin, Henry Holland, Cuthbert Mayne, were all
of his own college ; Stapleton, Dorman, Marshall, Garnett,
Wallop, Raynolds, and Pitts were of New College ; Lane of
Corpus Christi ; Parsons and Brian of Balliol : Weston of All
Souls ; Ford of Trinity ; William Holt of Oriel ; R. Turner,
afterwards Rector of the University of Ingoldstadt, and many
others. We may be sure that the events of the day were
eagerly debated in their respective colleges, and amongst
themselves by these men and their friends. Oxford was near
enough to the metropolis to have accurate and early informa-
tion of what was passing there. Every act of the Govern-
ment, the facts as to the consecration of Archbishop Parker,
and the making of the new bishops, some few years before,
must have been much more accurately known to them than
they can possibly be to us. We know from a letter, subse-
quently written to Bishop Cheney, of Gloucester, and printed
in the Appendix to Mr. Richard Simpson's valuable work,
what was Campion's opinion on these matters ; and it would
appear from this letter, which in many ways is historically
valuable, that there was no real difference of opinion between
Campion and Bishop Cheney. There were many others who
thought with them ; and one by one these Oxford men gave
up their chances of promotion in England, and followed
Dr. Allen across the seas. There were special reasons why
Campion should not act hastily : he was in good repute both
with Leicester the favourite and with Cecil the minister, and was
* This oration is preserved amongst the Stonyhurst MSS.
32 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
known to the Queen herself. His -popularity in the University
was so great that, as his biographer, Mr. Simpson, tells us,
" After he had taken his degree he had hosts of pupils, who
followed not only his teaching but his example, and imitated
not only his phrases but his gait ; he filled Oxford with
Campionists ; he became like Hotspur, 'the glass wherein the
youth did dress themselves, whose speech, gait, and diet was
the copy and book that fashioned others.' " It is probable
that there has never been, until our own day, another man
who has exercised within the University a personal influence
so great as was that of Campion ; and that to find his suc-
cessor we must look to the reign of Queen Victoria, and (we
can happily still say) amongst living men.
Cecil, when he heard of Campion's departure from England,
is reported to have said, " It is a very great pity to see so
notable a man leave his country, for indeed he was one of the
diamonds of England ;" yet when the question of his life or
death came before the Council in 1581, Cecil's voice was
raised against him : perhaps not inconsistently from the
statesman's point of view, for in spite of his absence he was
still at Oxford Campianus noster. The citizens of London
regarded him as one of themselves, from his parentage and
the facts of his birth and early education having been
amongst them ; his reputation for learning had not dimin-
ished, and therefore he was too dangerous a man to be dealt
with leniently. The circumstances of his return to England,
the publication of the " Decem rationes " (which has been
published in twelve different editions, at various places,
in Latin, five in French, two in German, two in Flemish,
one in Dutch, two in English, and two in Polish), his
adventures and final capture, are too long to be given
here in detail. He was apprehended in Oxfordshire,
on the i;th of July, 1581, brought to London, and
lodged in the Tower. Every effort was made to induce him
to conform. He was brought into the presence of the
Queen and the Earl of Leicester, and Hopton, the governor
of the Tower, was instructed to tell him that even the Arch-
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 33
bishoprick of Canterbury was not beyond his reach. When
these efforts proved fruitless, he was twice tortured on the
rack, and on the 2Oth November, 1581, he was brought to
trial. No act of treason was proved against him : with such
skill and logical force did he conduct his defence, that even
the spectators in court looked for an acquittal ; but the order
had been given, and he was condemned to death with the
rest. The general feeling that the verdict was against the
evidence has been confirmed by recent research amongst the
State papers. The intelligence department of the Queen's
Government was at that time admirably organized ; they had
their spies in all foreign cities, and even in the colleges
abroad ; but neither from their reports, from the letters of
politicians, nor from the memoirs of diplomatists, can any
adverse reference be found to Campion. The names of
Parsons and Holt and others frequently occur ; but Campion,
from first to last, seems to have avoided everything that
might be termed a matter of state, and to have confined
himself strictly to the ministerial duties of his office. His
execution took place at Tyburn, with the usual barbarity.
The Rev. Dr. Jessopp, a clergyman of the Established
Church, and therefore not to be suspected of a favourable
bias, in his admirable work, " One Generation of a Norfolk
House," gives us some account of the effect of Campion's
death upon the people. Ballads appear to have been com-
posed, of one of which the following is a specimen verse : —
" Yow bloodie Jewrie, Lee and all the 'leven
Take heede yor verdite wich was geaven yn hast
do not exclude you from the ioyes of heaven
and cawse you rew itt, when the tyme ys past,
and euerie one whose malice cawsde hym saie
crucifye, let hym dreade the terrour of that daie."
Dr. Jessopp also tells us of the effect upon Henry Walpole,
a student of Gray's Inn ; he was standing near the execu-
tioner, and his clothes became sprinkled with Campion's blood
(Bartoli Dell' Istoria della compagnia di Giesu 1'Inghilterra.
In Roma nella Stamperia del Varese 1667 fol). So impressed
34 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was he with the horror of the incident that from that moment
he determined to give up the profession of the law, and to
devote himself to the cause for which Campion died ; he, too,
ultimately suffered the same fate at York in 1595. When
Edmund Campion's execution was known there was no
longer any doubt left in the minds of either Englishmen or
foreigners that the Queen and her advisers had committed
themselves to a cruel and relentless persecution of all who
refused to accept the State Church.
William Hart, of Lincoln College, Oxford, was apprehended
at York, indicted for his priesthood and for reconciling certain
persons to the Church, and was executed with the usual bar-
barities. His last words were to call the people to witness
that he died for his religion and not for any act of treason
against the State.
I may refer to two more cases because they are reported in
a very rare contemporary tract, entitled " The Several Execu-
tions and Confessions of John Slade, Schoolmaster, and John
Body, M.A.," by R. S. from Winchester, printed in London,
1583. Though this was written by a Protestant, it was so
distasteful to Elizabeth and her ministers, that it was rigidly
suppressed, and the printer was prosecuted. These two men
were condemned in a praemunire under the 5th Elizabeth, cap.
I (1563), they remained in prison for two years, and were
then indicted, arraigned, and executed for high treason.
The tract gives the following account from the pen of an eye-
witness of their executions : " When they had come to the
place of execution, Sir Wm. Kingsmill, who was officially
present, said, ' Slade, doe not thus delude the people with
plausible speeches ; you are come hither to suffer death for
high treason against her Majestic ; you have been lawfully
and sufficiently convicted thereof, therefore you are brought
to endure the punishment that law hath assigned you ; you
have denyed her Majestic to have any supremacie over the
Church of Christ in England, which fact is high treason, and
therefore you are worthy to suffer,' a conclusion with which
it is impossible to agree. The like also is reported as to John
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 35
Body. At the execution at Andover, Sir Wm. Kingsmill told
him he died for high treason against her Majesty, whereof
he had been sufficiently convicted. ' Indeede,' quoth he, ' I
have been sufficiently censured, for I have been condemned
twice ; if you may make the hearing of a blessed Mass
treason, or the saying of an Ave Maria treason, you may
make what you please treason I acknowledge
her my lawful Queen in all temporal causes, and none other.'
' You shall do well, then,' said Sir Wm. Kingsmill, ' to satisfy
the people in the cause of your death, because otherwise they
be deluded by your faire speeches.' 'Ye shall understand,'
quoth he, 'good people all, I suffer death for not granting
her Majestic to be supreme head of Christ's Church in
England, which I may not and will not grant ; I pray God
long to preserve her Majestic in tranquility over you, even
Queen Elizabeth, your queen and mine ; I desire you to obey
none other ; ' at length (saying ' Jesu, Jesu esto mihi Jesu/
three times) he was put beside the ladder and quartered
according to his judgment."
These, a few cases taken out of many others, more or less
as they occur in point of time, are enough to prove that it was
not considered necessary to bring forward any evidence of
acts of what would generally be termed treason against the
State, but that the offences created by the Penal Statutes, i.e.,
to be a priest, to exercise the ministry of a priest, to reconcile
a person to the Church or to be reconciled, to say Mass or to
hear Mass, to possess or to publish documents emanating
from the See of Rome, however innocent they might be in
character (as in the case of Cuthbert Mayne), to have or to
distribute certain harmless objects of piety, were each and all
acts made treasonable, and which in the cases cited here cost
the lives of those who were charged with them. In addition
to these, Dodd gives in his "Church History" the names of
no less than 115 others who suffered during this reign -with-
out any other charges being made against them. What
indelibly stamps this persecution as one for religion only, is
this simple fact, that in every case he who was condemned
36 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY. .
was offered his life if he would only conform to the Established
Church.
The system of fines for recusancy was also in its way
quite as real a form of persecution. In the autobiography
of William Weston, who had been in his earlier life a
student at Oxford with Edmund Campion, we read : " There
was a saying spread abroad, which was supposed to have
come from the lips of Cecil, to the effect that he would
bring matters to such a pass that in a short time Catholics
would be reduced to such a state of destitution that they
would be unable to assist one another, and would be thankful
if, like swine, they could find husks therewith to assuage their
hunger." Whether Cecil said this or no, it was very near the
truth. In the Public Record Office there are returns from
each county of the fines incurred every year, and in all cases
where there seemed to be anything to recover, a commission
is noted in the margin. These documents, extending over a
long period of time, are well worthy of careful attention ;
they show that all was fish that came into the Government
net ; even widows, spinsters, labourers, and mechanics were
not spared ; all classes suffered for their religion, if only they
had wherewith to pay the fines imposed by the statutes. The
effect was this, many of the English country gentlemen were
absolutely ruined ; their estates, confiscated to the Crown, were
regranted to the favourites of Elizabeth and to their friends.
The rightful owners fled beyond sea, and both in the Low
Countries and in Spain, there were to be found the heads
of ancient and honourable English families subsisting, like
Francis Tregian, upon the bounty of the Spanish Court.
Those who were so fortunate as to save their estates, did so
only on conditions which imposed trouble upon their suc-
cessors. The ordinary rules of law as to real property were
set aside when a Catholic became entitled. A series of
enactments, even of a late date, nth and 1 2th William III.,
cap. 4; 3rd George I., cap. 18 ; nth George II., cap. 17,
made them, unless they submitted to take the oath of
supremacy, incapable of taking by descent or purchase any
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 37
interest, real or chattel, in land and other hereditaments.
Their Protestant next-of-kin might enjoy the rents and
profits, and was not even made accountable for waste other
than wilful waste. It was -not until a period within the
memory of many living persons that these disabilities were
entirely removed by the Act, loth George IV., cap. 7.
These are a few of the historical facts that go to prove
that during the reign of Elizabeth there existed in England
a persecution for religion as sharp and as effective as any
that had gone before it.
That it has not been so fully recorded as other facts of
English history may be due to several causes. Partisan
writers, in their mistaken zeal, no doubt have purposely
ignored it ; another cause may be the absence in that day of
anything like a free press. Every book or pamphlet that
contained matter distasteful to the Government was rigidly
suppressed, and if the author could not be touched, the
printer was punished. It is probable that persons living in
France or in the Low Countries, really knew more of what
was being done in England, than did the generality of men
who lived there.
At last, somewhat late in the day, it must be confessed,
a writer in the Church of England Quarterly Review has
admitted the truth. The article upon this subject in the
number for April, 1879, is written with unusual impar-
tiality ; it boldly claims for the Catholic sufferer in this
reign, the title of " Martyr," and says, " it is useless to attempt
to deny the fact of a persecution for religion under Elizabeth."
It deals with Mr. Hallam's false statement that no woman
was put to death for religion, when it was perfectly well known
that in 1586, Margaret Clitherow was pressed to death at
York; that in 1588 Margaret Ward was hanged at Tyburn
for assisting a priest to escape from prison; and that in 1601
Anne Line, an aged and infirm widow and gentlewoman, was
first flogged and then hanged at Tyburn, for merely enter-
taining a priest. So also it deals with a more recent and
more glaring mistake made by Mr. Green, who says, writing
38 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
on the statute of 1581, that no layman was executed during
the last twenty years of this reign. (" History of the English
People," ii. 415.) As a matter of fact a considerable number
suffered, and it is only possible to point out two years in
which no execution of a layman is recorded. But while the
writer in the Church Quarterly Review condemns " the re-
markable inaccuracy which seems to beset every one who has
dealt with the subject," he straightway goes on to give us an
example in his own person, for he says, " the Church of
England as a Church had no complicity with Elizabeth and
the Privy Council in this miserable business ; those of her
bishops who took an active part in the persecution, did so for
the most part under compulsion, and many with obvious
reluctance." It is impossible after the first year of the reign
of Elizabeth to distinguish the voice of the State Church
from the voice of the State ; if any such there be, it is
drowned in the tremendous claim of the sovereign authority,
which from that point of time to the present hour has never
ceased to put forward its claim to ecclesiastical supremacy ;
but when we come to the case of the Elizabethan bishops,
the difficulty disappears. Nothing is easier than to show
from their own mouths, that they were most of them willing
persecutors. Lingard says, " In Haynes (p. 365) there is a
singular letter to the Council from the Bishops of London
and Ely who, having examined the prisoners taken at Mass
at Lady Carew's, suggested that the priest should be tortured
to make him confess the names of those who had attended
upon other occasions." In the "Three Fifteenth Century
Chronicles," edited by Mr. Gairdner for the Camden Society,
there is an interesting account of the apprehension of this
priest, and of the ignominious way in which he was dragged
to prison.
The Douai Diary, under date of February 3, 1579, says,
" One Tippet, a younge man, sometyme student of Doway was
brought before the Bitesheepe (sic.) of London, and Mr.
Recorder, when he was straytly examined in matters of
conscience. The Bitesheepe (sic,) and the Recorder beinge
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 39
outragiously moved agaynst him, contrary to all law, they
condemned him to bee whipped at a cart's tayle, and to be
bored through the eare with a hot iron, wch was executed
in most despitful and cruellest manner that might be exe-
cuted to any rooge." The third part of the Rev. J. Morris's
work is full of references to the active part taken by both
the Archbishop and the Dean of York. In vol. 153, Dom. E.,
P. R. O., there is a letter from the Bishop of Bangor
•(Robynson) to Walsingham, defending himself on a charge
of Popery, by alleging his previous activity in the persecution
of Recusants. In Strype (Anns. vol. ii., pt. 2, 340), there
is a letter from the Archbishop of York to the Lord Treasurer,
which says : " They had painfully travailled in this matter
and .... should in a short time clear all the county
of perverse Papists."
Another (p. 345) from the Bishop of Winchester which
seriously proposes to send a few hundreds of recusants, who
were too poor to pay their fines, to Flanders as forced
labourers. Her Majesty's judges seem also to be out of
favour both with Archbishop Parker and with Walsingham ;
the Archbishop suggests that letters should be sent to them,
as he says, to quicken their zeal in procuring convictions ;
and Walsingham says, " He could not like the Justices of
Assize for Mass matters, and that they would help them to
escape punishment for that fault which they would gladly
commit themselves if they dared."
In Strype's " Life of Archbishop Parker," p. 120, there is
given a secret letter sent to the Lord Treasurer, which shows
how the Bishops trembled, and therefore urged further
cruelties to overawe the people. Bishop Aylmer writes to
Lord Burleigh, " I speak to your Lordship as one chiefly
careful for the State, to use more severity than hitherto hath
been used, or else we shall smart for it" There is a letter
from the Bishop of Chester, dated in January, 1581, in which
he urges the Council to bring in a Bill making traitors and
felons of " All such vagrant priests as walk about in disguised
apparel, seducing her Majesty's subjects," and making their
40 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
receivers felons (P. R. O. Dom. E., I4th January, 1581).
Archbishop Sandys was a zealous persecutor both as Bishop
of London and afterwards in the North. A contemporary
MS., published by the Rev. J. Morris, says of him : "I make
no mention of Mr. Sands, the old apostata and false Arch-
bishop, seeing he is well known to be as furious and
unreasonable in all his doings as any other." His zeal in
executing the behests of the Government no doubt arose to
some extent from a feeling of gratitude. They had, to use a
phrase very significant at that time, " dealt with " certain
witnesses of a scandalous transaction that had occurred at
Doncaster during his visitation in 1581, and by so doing they
had saved the Archbishop from paying large sums as hush-
money ; there are many letters relating to this matter in the
Public Record Office.
When the Bishops were thus zealous in the persecution of
Catholics, it is only reasonable to suppose that their inferior
officers, the preachers, were only too ready to discover and to
report cases of disaffection towards the State Church. Still
we are hardly prepared to find that they were paid for their
" painful preaching " on Sundays by the result of their labours
during the other days of the week as spies and informers. Yet
this appears to have been the case, for in the Public Record
Office we find a letter dated July, 1584 : " From Sir Thomas
Stanhope and others to Walsingham, recommending the case
of John Heaton, an honest and diligent minister, painfully
preaching and instructing the country, requesting for him
the grant of the benefit of four recusants, which he shall find
out in the counties of Stafford and Derby."
The question that these facts suggest is this : What was
the motive cause for such a severe persecution for religion
at this particular time ? The answer is becoming more evi-
dent from each search that is made amongst contemporary
records, and it appears to be this, that the country was not
(as we have been taught to believe it was) really in accord
with the government with respect to the change in religion.
The first convocation of the clergy that assembled in Eliza-
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 41
beth's reign, before she had time to pack it with her nominees,
formally protested, in its representative character on behalf
of the Church in England, against the proposed changes, and
especially against the substitution of the authority of the
Crown in ecclesiastical matters for that of the Holy See.
(Wilkin's Concilia, iv., 179.) As to the feeling of the laity
there has come to light some striking evidence. Dr. Allen
writes from Douai in 1583 (twenty-four years after Elizabeth's
accession) of his brother, "Certainly it was a pleasure to
hear him say that during the whole three years he had
been away from me, never a day past but he had the oppor-
tunity of hearing Mass." In his answer to the libel of English
Justice, published at Douai and at Ingoldstadt in 1584
(p. 171), he says of the English people: "If we go from
spirituality to temporality .... we shall find by
reason, experience, and substantial conjecture, that the
whole being divided into three parts, two of them are
inclined to Catholic religion in their hearts, and consequently
are discontented with the present state of things." In the
3rd series of " the Rev. J. Morris's work," we have a picture
by a contemporary hand of the state of the North of England.
The writer says : " I observed in the East Riding (of York-
shire) that there be scarce three or four Justices of Peace
or men of authority in the commonwealth who are men of
ancient families and great estate : for all such who are
suspected to be backward in religion are barred from all
offices and dignities ; and they who are men of authority are
new upstarts, either of husbandmen or lawyers/' This is
exactly what we should expect to see as the result of any
organized conspiracy to overturn existing institutions which
had succeeded for the time being. The same writer also says :
" The number of Catholics in these parts is so great, I can
travel from this side Lincoln to York, and go thirty miles
further, which is above eighty miles, and within every six
miles come to a Catholic's house, and for the most within
three miles, all or most of them gentlemen's or gentle-
women's houses of good repute, and for all this, I will not
42 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
in the most go six miles out of the ready and nighest
way."
That this was true, not only of the country but also of the
towns, we know from the York House books (the records of
proceedings before the Lord Mayor), which are quoted in the
same volume. In one return, dated the 2Oth November, 1576,
there is given a list of sixty-three persons in the city of
York who openly refused to go to church. This return is
important also when we regard the date and the nature of the
replies given by the persons charged with recusancy. They
are in every case nearly the same, and are to this effect — that
they refuse to attend their parish church as a matter of
conscience, because, as they say, there is there neither priest,
altar, nor sacrifice. Campion, in one of his letters, says he
had heard that 50,000 recusants were returned in one month.
In 1581 the bishop of the diocese writes to Lord Burghley
about the state of the county of Salop, as he says, " being one
of the best and conformablest parts of my diocese, yet out of
100 recusants we could get but one only to be bound, the
rest refusing to come before us." What, he asks, must it be
in the other shires when it is thus in the best of them ? (Lans-
downe MSS. 33, No. 14.) As to the universities, while
Douai and the other English colleges abroad were full to
overflowing, Oxford was drained of her best and most
promising students. Anthony A'Wood says that in New
College alone twenty-three of the fellows refused to conform.
Dodd, in his " Church History," gives a list of twenty-four
heads of houses at Oxford, and of six at Cambridge, who
were known to be opposed to the change of religion.
All the facts and the episcopal letters that have been
quoted, point to the same conclusion, that the men in power —
Ministers of the Crown, Bishops of the State Church — finding
that the people could not easily be coerced in matters of
religion, were trembling for their places.
We have often heard of a political panic, followed by
severity and cruelty, but here we have this remarkable
circumstance — though the rack, the cord, and the execu-
THE PERSECUTION UNDER ELIZABETH. 43
tioner's knife were all plied without cessation for religion
during a considerable period of time, yet the fact has been
generally ignored in this country for nearly 300 years. It is
only now since greater facilities have been given for the
perusal of State papers that truth has become stronger than
misrepresentation, and that it is possible to show openly to
all what was always whispered in secret by a few, how in the
reign of Elizabeth both men and women were put to death
for conscience sake. Whether in their religious belief they
were right or wrong is a matter upon which we may differ in
opinion, but it is a question for theologians to settle, and not
for the historian. Whether the cause for which they died was
good or bad, the existence of the persecution is a valuable
fact, because it forms one of a series from which we may
argue up to a general principle.
To take a parallel case as an illustration, the execution of
Charles I. for making war upon the people, taken by itself is
a passing event and nothing more, but taken in its connection
with other and subsequent events, it becomes the first practical
expression of a political idea which has now become uni-
versally recognised amongst English-speaking people. The
question of the Elizabethan persecution is in exactly the
same position ; it must be considered in its relation to other
similar facts. It matters nothing for the purpose of historical
generalization whether the sufferers were Reformers under
Queen Mary, Catholics under Elizabeth, Puritans, or Members
of the Society of Friends whose sufferings under the later
Stuart kings are but too little known, — Campion the Catholic,
Cartwright the Puritan, Fox the Quaker, and many others,
unlike in creed, are alike in this, that through their perse-
cution at the hands of the respective governments of the day
the principle has now become firmly established, that the
State, neither directly nor indirectly, shall compel any man's
conscience.
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642.
BY F. G. FLEAY, M.A.,
Fellow of the Royal Historical Society.
IT is singular that no attempt had been made to gather up
these documents so fertile in suggestion and still more rich in
definite evidence on many disputed critical and historical
questions prior to the publication of my " Shakespeare
Manual" in 1876. Collier had printed many lists in his
" History of the Stage," but had not compared them or
arranged them for comparison. My own former attempt is
incomplete, partly because at that date I had no access to
public libraries, and had to work on imperfect materials ;
partly because additional lists have been still more recently
discovered. I have not wittingly neglected any data for the
present essay, which, whatever its faults may be, claims at any
rate to be the only thing of its kind at present existing.
I have gathered a dozen complete casts of plays with
actors' parts fully assigned. These unfortunately all belong
to dates, subsequent to Shakespeare's death, between 1616
and 1631. There exist also three plots of non-extant plays,
with complete casts, but two of these did not belong to
Shakespeare's company, and the third cannot be shewn to
contain his name. But, besides these, I have brought to-
gether from various sources more than six dozen lists of
various companies within our date-limits ; and, by so doing,
have, I trust, got materials for more than one important
decision in the much debated, but really little studied,
dramatic history of the greatest literary period that the
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. 45
world has yet seen. And, which is of more general interest,
I have thrown a little additional light on the career of one
we never tire of discussing —though I fear many of us do
tire of studying as we should — the career of William
Shakespeare.
Of the earliest companies of actors, which were for the
most part composed of children, I can find no lists. The
names of their "masters" are however attainable.
Sebastian Westcott was master of the Paul's Boys, 1561-1582.
Thomas Giles „ ,, „ 1587-1588.
Richard Farrant ,, „ Windsor Boys, 1568-1570.
Richard Mulcaster „ „ Merchant Taylors' Boys,
1573-1582.
John Taylor „ „ Westminster Boys,
William Elderton „ „ „ 1573-1574.
William Honnis ,, „ Chapel Boys, 1569-1575.
All these are taken either from the accounts of the " Revels
at Court," or from Malone's Shakespeare, iii. 423, &c. In
one entry, I2th January, 1572-3, John Honnys appears,
apparently in mistake, for William Honnys.
Passing from these boy players to men's companies, we
find on the same authority that Laurence Dutton was
manager of Sir R. Lane's company from 1571 to 1573, and
that in conjunction with John Dutton, he was manager of the
Earl of Warwick's company from 1574 to 1580. We also
find from a patent dating 7th May, 1584, printed in Collier's
"Annals of the Stage," i. 210, that James Burbadge, John
Perkyn, John Lanham, William Johnson and Robert Wilson,
were then servants to the Earl of Leicester.
In March, 1582-3, twelve players were chosen from
Warwick's and Leicester's men, to form the Queen's players.
Robert Wilson, Richard Tarleton, Laurence Dutton, John
Dutton, John Lanham, were certainly among these twelve, so
were Bentley and Singer ; * James Burbadge was almost
certainly another ; the other four were possibly William
* See Halliwell's " Illustrations of the Life of Shakespeare," p. 119.
46 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Johnson, and three of the actors abroad in 1586-7, whom we
have next to mention, but this is conjecture on my part, not
history.
In 1586, William [Kempe?] and Dan Jones' boy were at
the court of Denmark from January to September, and in
October, Bryan, Pope, Stevens, King, Percy [or Pierst, or
rather Preston, I think ; the name is written Perston] were in
Saxony (Cohn's "Shakespeare in Germany," p. xxxvi., &c.).
Mr. Richard Simpson in his " School of Shakespeare " has
shown that William the Conqueror in the play of Fair Em,
represents William Kempe, and traces him from Denmark to
Saxony, where he probably joined the other players named
above. They returned to England in 1587, and in the next
year Kempe succeeded to Richard Tarleton as principal
extempore comedian among the Queen's men. Tarleton died
on 3rd September, 1588. We shall next meet with Kempe,
Bryan and Pope, as members of L. Strange's company in
1593 ; and I have already shown in my edition of Shake-
speare's " King John," that the first appearance of L. Strange's
men is on 27th December, 1591, and the last appearance of
the Queen's men on 26th December in that year. Putting all
these facts together it is scarcely possible to avoid the in-
ference that L. Strange's company was substantially the
same as the Queen's, which then changed its name and patron
for reasons unknown to us, although a fag-end of the Queen's
troupe afterwards joined the company of the Earl of Sussex,
and acted with them in 1593-4 as "The Queen's men and
my lord of Sussex' men together."
In confirmation of this induction we may add that Robert
Greene, the poet of the Queen's company, was almost certainly
on the continent in 1586, and that the Christmas, 1586-7, was
the only one during the eight years that this company
existed at which it did not present any plays at Court.
But this company of actors (L. Strange's), as we shall see,
was Shakespeare's company, and as it visited Denmark and
Saxony, he in all probability accompanied them ; we are
not told which way they came home, but if Kempe took the
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 47
same route as he did in 1601 he came through Italy. This
would account for such local knowledge of Italy as Shake-
speare shows, and would remove a difficulty from the critic's
path ; but it is far more important to notice that his residence
in Saxony would explain how it came to pass that versions
of the following plays, very different and far inferior to those
we have, were acted in Germany by English players :
Hamlet, Romeo and Juliet, Titus and Vtspasian (the same
story as Titus Andronicus], not to mention the more doubtful
cases of Much Ado About Nothing and The Two Gentlemen
of Verona. A close examination of these German versions
convinces me that they were rough drafts by juvenile hands
in which great licence was left to the actors to fill up or alter
extemporaneously at their option. Successive changes made
in this way have greatly defaced them ; but enough of the
originals remains to show that they were certainly in some
cases, probably in others, the earliest forms of our great drama-
tist's plays. I have no doubt he drew up the plots for them
while in Germany. I should also note that the successive
mention of (i), John Button and John Lanham, (2) Laurence
Button and John Button, (3) John Lanham, as managers of the
Queen's men shows conclusively that these three actors
belonged to one company, and disprove the figment of Messrs.
Cunningham and Collier that there were two Queen's com-
panies at the same time.
The next list I come to I have not included in my
table, as it is demonstrably a forgery. It was put forth
unwarily by Mr. Collier as a memorial of Blackfriars
players, dating November, 1589. The documents in Mr.
Halliwell's " Illustrations," prove that " Blackfriars " was not
used as a theatre till 1596. Nevertheless in this and other
similar instances, Mr. Collier's statements have been re-
iterated in an unaltered form in his new edition of his
" Annals of the Stage." In other cases, however, of spurious
documents that have been incautiously issued by Mr, Collier
there has been a genuine basis on which the forgery has been
founded. Indeed, were it not so, it is hardly possible that
48 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
so learned an antiquary should so often have been deceived.
I believe the foundation of the present document to have
been one connected with the Theatre in Shoreditc h, and
that the list of players is a genuine one ; but this being mere
conjecture, I append it here as apocryphal.
1. James Burbadge [belonged to the Theatre, 1577-1592].
2. Richard Burbadge [with L. Strange's men, 1593].
3. John Lanham [with Queen's men, 1589].
4. Thomas Greene [with Queen Anne's men, 1603].
5. Robert Wilson [with Queen's men, 1589].
6. John Taylor [query mistake for Joseph Taylor].
7. Anthony Wadeson [with Admiral's men, 1601],
8. Thomas Pope [with L. Strange's men, 1593 ; abroad with
Kempe, 1587].
9. George Peele [writing for Queen's men, 1589].
10. Augustine Phillipps [with L. Strange's men, 1593].
11. Nicholas Towley [probably with L. Strange's, 1593, certainly
with Chamberlain's, 1605].
12. William Shakespeare [with Chamberlain's men, 1594].
13. William Kempe [with Queen's men, 1589].
14. William Johnson.
15. Baptiste Goodale.
1 6. Robert Armyn [with Chamberlain's men, 1603].
It will be seen that I, 3, 5, 9, 13, belonged to the Queen's ;
2, 8, 10, II, 12, 16, to L. Strange's, afterwards called the
Chamberlain's ; 4, 6, 14, 1 5, may, for all we know, have belonged
to either, and 7 may have shifted his company during the
twelve years that elapsed before our notice of him. Hence
these men may all have been members of the Queen's in
1589, acting at the Theatre. Five of them were certainly so ;
and as my conjecture of the identity of L. Strange's men and
the Chamberlain's (afterwards shown to be certain by Mr.
Halliwell's discoveries) had not been made when this list
was put forth, I think it unlikely that a forger should have
had recourse to these names to make up one list ; hence my
opinion that the list is genuine, though the document to
which it is appended is not so.
The next column is from the plot of the old play called the
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. 49
Seven Deadly Sins, preserved at Dulwich College, and printed
in Malone's " Shakespeare," vol. iii. p. 356. The numbers that
follow the names of the characters performed show which of
the "four plays in one" the actors appeared in. I. (induc-
tion) indicates the presentation in which Lydgate expounds
the extemporary shew to Henry VI ; I, the Envy play of
Gorboduc ; 2, the Sloth play of Sardanapalus ; 3, the
Lechery play of Tereus. An (?) shows that the identification
of the actors is doubtful, only Christian names being given —
namely, Will, Ned, Kitt, Sander, Nick, Harry. The date of
this cast has hitherto been most absurdly assigned to 1588,
or earlier, because the plot was made by Tarleton. It is clear
from the actors' names that this is not the original scheme,
but that of a revival ; even Tarleton's own name not appearing
in it. It dates probably 1593, when L. Strange's men were
travelling on account of the Plague. We have here in the
Queen's-man author and Strange's players another link
between the two companies.
The next column is from a precept, dating 6th May, 1593,
printed in Halliwell's "Illustrations," p. 33. The same authority
(p. 31) gives us a warrant showing that — I, Kempe ; 2, Shake-
speare; 3, Burbadge, acted before Elizabeth at Christmas, 1594.
The numbers in all these columns indicate the order in
which the actors are mentioned, and when the lists are in the
originals printed in two columns they are counted by cross
reading, not by reading down the columns successively, so
that all names printed in the second column appear with even
numbers. That this is the right way to read them is clear
from the fact that the most celebrated names always appear
at the heads of the two columns.
Columns iv., v., vii., x., xii., xiii., are taken from the first
folio of Ben Jonson's works (1616) ; vi., from the License
printed in Collier's "Annals of the Stage," i. 347 ; viii. is gathered
from the Induction to Webster's "Malcontent ;" ix. is taken
from the New Shakspere Society ; and xi., from A. Phillipps'
Will (Malone's " Shakespeare," iii. 470). In this column W
stands for witness, E for executor, and the numbers indicate
£
50 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the order of mention of the legatees ; the other columns are
self-explanatory.
It will be noticed that Shakespeare's name only occurs
under the dates of 1598 and 1603. It has usually been in-
ferred from this that he did not act after the later date. This
is a rash conclusion. There is no doubt that he acted
regularly like any other member of the company until then ;
and before we decide that he did not afterwards, we should
take account of the fact that we have no further cast or list
of the actors in any play of the Chamberlain's men anterior
to 161 1, except in those written by Ben Jonson. We know that
Shakespeare did not act in Every Man out of his Humour,
and we have good reason to believe that the cause was that
Jonson had satirized him in the previous year. In 1603 he
did act in Sejamis. In 1604 Jonson and his friends satirized
his Hamlet and Eastward Ho ! Hence I think he did not act
in the Fox in 1605, and by the date of the next list in 1610
(The Alchemist), Shakespeare had either written or was
writing his farewell to the stage. He was preparing to break
his staff, drown his book, abjure his magic, and thence retire
him to his Stratford, where every third thought should be
his grave. I see no reason for inferring that, because he did
not act in one play of Jonson's in 1605 after the renewed
insults of that envious and self-exalting spirit in 1604, it
necessarily follows that he did not act in plays written by
Tourneur, Fletcher, Beaumont, or himself. Nevertheless the
question is quite an open one. There is no proof that he did
act during the time in question, and there is, as I shall note
elsewhere, good reason assignable in defence of his withdrawal
from the stage, if withdraw he really did.
We find also from the accounts of the " Revels at Court,"
that Hemings was usually the manager or treasurer, Burbadge
only receiving money once in an exceptional case in 1604.
Pope being joined with Hemings twice in 1597-9, and Cowley
once in 1601. The next table is one in which not merely
the actors' names, but also their cast, is given, from plays by
Webster, Fletcher, Massinger, and Carlell. The most inte-
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. 51
resting of these is the double cast of the Duchess of Malfy,
from which it appears that Taylor succeeded to Burbadge (as
head of the company), Benfield to Ostler, and Robinson to
Condell. Another interesting cast is that of the Wild Goose
Chase, as teaching caution in criticism. The play was pro-
duced in 1621 ; but the cast is not of that date ; Swanston,
for instance, was still with the Lady Elizabeth's players in
1622. The cast is probably that of the revival for Herbert's
benefit in 1631. It is taken from the Quarto of 1652, and is
not like those in the Folio, which we shall notice presently,
taken from an original prompter's copy. That had been lost
in the case of this play, and was not found till Moseley put out
a si quis for it.
The next table is taken entirely from the second folio of
Beaumont and Fletcher's plays, 1679. The chief interest in
this table lies in the head actor. It will be seen that
Burbadge from 1613 to 1618 (he died in 1619) always
took the head place, never the second. After his death or
retirement, Condell once takes the head place, and then retires
altogether. For the rest of the lists, and unfortunately we
have no list arranged in order after 1624, Taylor stands first,
except in one short interregnum, when Lowin is first and Taylor
second. Now recurring to our first table we find that in
every play but one Burbadge still stands first, but in that one
he is replaced by Shakespeare, who in the only other play-list
in which we have mention of him, takes the second place.
The order of succession then among these chief actors is
this: 1598, Shakespeare; 1603-1618, Burbadge; 1619,
Condell ; 1620-1624, Taylor, with a short abdication in
favour of Lowin in 1622. This position of Shakespeare's
name effectually disposes of the nonsense that has been
written about his poor acting, taking inferior parts, and
the like. All actors at that time doubled, and good actors
took poor parts as well as good ones, and that Shake-
speare was fit to head the company in acting as well as in
writing, see what John Davies says in his Scourge of Folly >
1611 : — •
52 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" Some say, good Will, which I in sport do sing,
Hadst thou not played some kingly parts in sport,
Thou hadst been a companion for a king,
And been a king among the meaner sort."
There is I think little doubt from this that Shakespeare
played the parts of Richard II. and James I. in the two
plays that got his company into so much trouble in 1601 and
1 604, viz., Richard II. and the Gowry Conspiracy. I believe
his adulation of James in Macbeth was an attempted atone-
ment for this latter business, but we have no record of his
ever acting again.
This table gives us another caution in criticism in the
opposite direction to that previously noticed. It has always
been taken for granted that the dates at which plays were
licensed were nearly the same as those of original production.
This was usually the case, but .not always. A Wife for a
Month was licensed 2/th May, 1624, but it must have been
acted before June, 1623, the date of Tooley's death, as he was
one of the chief actors in it. This inclines me to believe that
the Prophetess in like manner may have been acted some time
before it was licensed, in which case I should date it with
the Island Princess and the False One (the three plays in
which Lowin was head actor), in 1619-20, giving us the
regular succession of chief actors, Shakespeare, Burbadge,
Condell, Lowin, Taylor, with no break whatever in the reign
of any of them,
We have yet one more table connected with this company.
The first column is taken from Collier's " Annals of the
Stage," vol i-, p. 415. This is said to be from a patent dating
27th March, 1619-20. This document is suspicious, i.
Burbadge is mentioned in it, who died i6th March, 1618-19.
2. It was unknown to Malone and Chalmers, though extant
in the State Paper Office. 3. The words " When the infec-
tion of the Plague shall not weekly exceed the number of
forty," would have suited such a document well in 1609 or
1625, which were great Plague years, but probably would not
have been exceptionally inserted in 1620. 4. Joseph Taylor,
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. 53
who was at the head of the company in 1620, is not men-
tioned. In any case, however, the 2/th March, in the i/th
year of James I., means 1619-20. He became King on the
death of Elizabeth, 24th March, 1603-4. I nave dated this
column then 1619-20. This would fix the date of Fletcher's
Humorous Lieutenant as subsequent to 27th March,
1619-20.
The next column is taken from Tooley's Will, printed in
Malone's "Shakespeare," vol. iii,, 484.
The next column is from Malone's " Shakespeare," vol. iii.,
p. 210. It is a list of signatures of the players to an apology
for acting without permission.
The next is from a list printed in the New Shakspere
Society's " Transactions."
.The next is from a patent 24th June, 1625, printed in
Collier's " Annals of the Stage," vol. ii., p. 2.
The next from Ford's play of the Lover's Melancholy.
The next from Collier's "Annals of the Stage," vol. ii.,
p. 20.
The next from a "Player's Pass" printed in Collier's
" Annals of the Stage," vol. ii., p. 75. It dates I7th May,
1636.
The next column is from the dedication to Beaumont
and Fletcher's works, First Folio, 1647. One noticeable
point in these tables is the presence of William Rowley in
1623-24-25. This disproves Mr. Halliwell's statement that
he remained with the Prince's players till the death of
James I. (See "Illustrations," p. 30.)
The final column is from Wright's " Historia Histrionica."
In addition to these lists we have a number of isolated
mentions and allusions relating to individual players, some
of which are worth gathering together. I will first take the
players of Shakespeare's plays as given in the list of
the First Folio : —
1. Shakespeare. Died 23rd April, 1616.
2. Burbadge. Died I3th March, 1618-19. Acted Richard
III. in 1595 (Corbet's " Iter Boreale") ; Malevole in Marston's
54 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Malcontent (Induction to the play) in 1603; Hamlet in
1599 (Elegy in Heath's MS., printed in Ingleby's "Century
of Praise") ;* Jeronimo in the Spanish Tragedy, in 1592-1604 ;
Lear in 1605 ; Othello in 1604 (a second MS. of the same
Elegy). He is introduced in the Return from Parnassus,
1 60 1-2. He is in a third version of the above-named Elegy
set down as the actor of Philaster (by Fletcher) ; Vendice (in
Tourneur's Revenger's Tragedy) ; Malevole (as above) ; Edward
II. in 1590 (by Marlowe, a play belonging to Pembroke's
men) ; Antonio in 1599 (in Marston's Antonio and Mellida,
which belonged to the Paul's children); Brachiano in 1611 (in
Webster's White Devil, which belonged to Queen Anne's
company) ; and Frankford in 1603 (in Hey wood's Woman
Killed with Kindness, which was written for Worcester's
players). The simplicity with which this monstrous absurdity
has been swallowed by Shakespearian critics of the New
School is only to be equalled by the impudence of the forger
who palmed off this invention on the credulity of Mr. Collier.
The notion of the chief player of the principal company in
London, running about to act at the inferior theatres, and
even with a children's company, is to a real student of stage
history at once a gauge of the honesty of the proposer of such
a statement, and of the knowledge of those who accept it as
true. I must note here that Cuthbert Burbadge, brother of
the actor, was not the same person as Cuthbert Burby the
stationer ; that the theatrical Burbadges were sons of James
Burbadge, is shown by the documents in H alii well's " Illus-
trations." Mr. Collier's statements in his new edition of his
" History of the Drama " (Preface) are absolutely untrust-
worthy.
3. Hemings. Died loth Oct., 1630. Acted in i Henry IV.,
1597 (Stokes' " Chronology of Shakespeare's Plays ").
4. Phillipps. Died May, 1605. Acted in Two Gentlemen of
Verona in 1594 (Stokes).
* This refutes Gifford's absurd argument that Jonson could not have acted
Jeronimo in the Spanish Tragedy, because Jeronimo in the earlier First Part of the
play is a little man. Burbadge was no dwarf. This nonsense has been repeated
by all editors of Jonson to this day.
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 55
5. Kempe. Died 1608. Acted in Much Ado About Nothing,
as Dogberry, in 1598-9; in Romeo and Juliet as Peter, 1596
[? 1591], as we learn from the stage directions ; perhaps in
2 Henry IV., as Shallow (cf. his quotation in the Return from
Parnassus -, in 1601-2) ; in The Knack to Know a Knave,
June, 1592, as the Cobbler.
I have no doubt whatever that the remarks in Hamlet on
extemporizing clowns (iii. 2, 43) refer to Kempe, and were
written immediately after his leaving Shakespeare's company
in 1599; while the eulogy on Yorick (v. I, 203) refers to
Tarleton, Kempe's predecessor, by way of contrast. The
document on which Mr. Collier relies to show that Kempe
returned to the King's company before 1605 is one of the
many forgeries by which he has been so unfortunately taken in.
6. Pope. Died Feb., 1603-4. Acted in Love's Labours Lost
(Stokes), 1597 [? 1590].
7. Bryan. Still alive in 1600 ; but he does not appear in
our lists after 1593.
8. Condell. Died Dec., 1627. Acted in The Tempest,
1610-11 (Stokes) ; quitted the stage, 1619.
9. Sly. Died Aug., 1608. Possibly acted Osric in Hamlet
(cf. his quotation in the Induction to The Malcontent) . This
is very dubious.
10. Cowley. Died Mar., 1618-19. Acted either as Conrad
or Verges in Much Ado About Nothing, 1598-9 (stage direc-
tions).
11. Lowin. Died Mar., 1658-9. Acted Falstaff (but not
originally) ; Volpone,in The Fox, 1605 ; Morose, in The Silent
Woman (? when this play belonged to the Children of the
Revels originally in 1609) \ Mammon, in The Alchemist, 1610 ;
Melantius, in The Maids Tragedy,\n 1609-10. [All these are
from Wright's " Historia Histrionica." They refer to a time
when Hammerton had given up playing women (as he did in
1631), and had taken to playing lovers' parts, probably in
1635-40.]
12. Cross. Died in 1600, Acted in Comedy of Errors in
1593 (Stokes; who adds that his name is not in the First Folio
56 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
list (!). This gentleman's information is often, but not in this
instance, derived from Halliwell.
13. Cooke. Died Feb., 1613-14. Acted in Midsummer's
Nighfs Dream, 1592 (Stokes).
14. Gilburne. Alive in 1605 (Phillipps mentions him as
"his late apprentice" in his Will). Acted in All's Well that
Ends Well, 1601 (Stokes after Halliwell).
15. Armin. Alive in 1610. Succeeded Kempe as Dog-
berry, 1599, in Much Ado About Nothing (Collier's " Life of
Armin ").
1 6. Ostler. Alive in 1616. Acted in King John — not
originally. (Stokes).
17. Field. Died Feb., 1632-3. Acted in Othello (Stokes).
1 8. Underwood, Died 1624 (winter). Acted in Othello
(Stokes).
19. Tooley (alias Wilkinson). Died June, 1623. Acted in
The Taming of the Shrew (? 1596). He was Burbadge's
apprentice.
20. Ecclestone. Alive in 1623 (Tooley's Will). Acted in
Airs Well that Ends Well, 1601.
21. Taylor. Died 1653. Probably acted Hamlet, but not,
as Downes the prompter says, originally. He did play
I ago ; Mosca, in The Fox; Truewit, in The Silent Woman;
Face, in The Alchemist ; but none of these originally (Wright's
" Historia Histrionica ").
22. Benfield. Alive in 1647. Acted in The Tempest
(Stokes), but not originally.
23. Gough (Robert). Died Feb., 1624-5. He acted in
The Second Maiden's Tragedy (stage directions) ; he also
acted in Alt's Well that Ends Well (Stokes).
24. Robinson. Died Mar., 1647-8. Acted in Cymbeline,
1609 (Stokes); and in The Second Maiden's Tragedy, 1611
(stage directions) ; mentioned by Wright.
25. Shank. Died Jan., 1635-6 (Collier). Acted in Twelfth
Night, 1600 (Stokes) ; and as the Curate, in The Scornful
Lady, 1609-12 (Wright's " Historia Histrionica"). This latter
play belonged to the Revels Children originally ; but in
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642. 57
1625 to the King's company. Shank must have acted in it
about the later date. He was with the Palsgrave's company
in 1613.
26. Rice. Alive in 1625. Acted in The Tempest (Stokes) ;
not originally.
These twenty-six in the above order constitute the principal
actors in Shakespeare's plays of the First Folio list. It is clear
that this can only refer, in many instances, to casts after 1616.
We also learn from Wright's " Historia Histrionica," that
Hart was Robinson's boy, and acted the Duchess in The
Cardinal.
Burt was Shank's boy.
Clun was a boy actor.
Swanston acted Othello.
From stage directions in King and No King, v. 3 (Qto,
1625), we find that William Adkinson acted a servant's part.
I must also notice Laurence Fletcher, who was a prominent
member of the Globe shareholders, although there is no proof
that he ever trod the boards ; for he is intimately connected
with stage history. On Qth Oct., 1601, he occurs as " Come-
dian to his Majesty," James VI., on the Aberdeen register. He
and his company (the King's servants) had been acting there
in that year. This is absolute proof that Shakespeare's
company visited Scotland ; yet critics will have it (why ?)
that he remained at home. This is, verily, perverse love of
disputation. There is no more doubt that these players did
visit Scotland than there is that on their way they stopped
and acted at Cambridge the plays of Julius Ccesar and
Hamlet.
We have also some few notices of other actors belonging to
this company,
Tawyer (Heming's apprentice) acted in Midsummer Night's
Dream, 1592 (Stokes).
James Sandes is mentioned in Phillipps' will, 1605, as ms
apprentice.
Andrew performed in Much Ado about Nothing, 1599.
Richard Hoope, William Ferney, William Blackwage, and
58 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ralph Raye are mentioned in Henslow's Diary as Chamber-
lain's men, 1594-5.
Rowland and Ashton occur in the stage directions of
Love's Pilgrimage, 1623.
[Hugh] Clark, in a revival of The Custom of the Country,
spoke the Prologue.
Pollard spoke the Epilogue to The Cardinal, 1641. He is
mentioned by Wright.
Andrew Pennycuicke, who wrote the dedication of The
City Madam in 1659, is said by Gifford to have been one
of the actors in it. I doubt it.
We now pass to another group of actors altogether.
Table V., column I, is taken from the " Shakespeare
Society's Papers," vol. iv., p. 145. It is a list of Worcester's
men, I4th J an., 1586.
Column 2 is from " Henslow's Diary," p. 6 ; a list of the
Admiral's men, Christmas, 1594.
Column 3 is from the old plot of Frederick and Basilea,
printed in the "Variorum Shakespeare," 1821. It dates
June— July, 1597. (See " Henslow's Diary.")
Column 4 is from " Henslow's Diary," p. 1 1 5 ; a list of
the Admiral's men, nth Oct., 1597.
Column 5 is from "Henslow's Diary," p. 120; a list of
Admiral's men, 8-i3th March, 1597-8.
Column 6 is from "Henslow's Diary," p. 172 ; a list of
the Admiral's men, July, 1600.
Column 7 is from the "Shakespeare Society's Papers,"
vol. iv., p. 114. It is a list of the actors in the Gentle
Craft, or Shoemakers' Holiday, by T. Dekker ; purchased by
Henslow for the Admiral's men, I5th July, 1599; acted at
Court, Christmas, 1599-1600.
Column 8 is from "Henslow's Diary," p. 218; a list oi
the Admiral's men, February, 1601-2.
Column 9 is from the plot of " Tamar Cam," Part 2,
printed in the 1821 " Variorum Shakespeare," vol. iii. The
performance dates 2nd October, 1602. That both the
Admiral's and Worcester's men were concerned with it
appears from "Henslow's Diary,"' pp. 227, 241.
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 59
Column 10 is taken from Collier's " Annals of the Stage,"
vol. i., p. 351. It gives Prince Henry's players in 1603, from
the Book of his Household Establishment.
Column 1 1 is from the " New Shakspere Society's Trans-
actions ; " a list of Prince Henry's players in 1603.
Column 12 from the "Shakespeare Society's Papers," vol.
iv. p. 44, is a similar list for 1607, April 3Oth.
Column 13 from Collier's " Annals of the Stage," vol. i., p.
381, is a list of the Palsgrave's men ; taken from their licence,
4th Jan., 1612-3.
Column 14 is from Collier's " Memoirs of Alleyn," p. 155 ;
taken from the lease of the Fortune Theatre, 3ist Oct., 1618.
Column 15 is from Collier's "Annals of the Stage," vol. i.,
p. 427; taken from Sir H. Herbert's Office Book, 1622.
In this table there is nothing so interesting as the change
that took place in 1597. It appears from " Henslow's Diary "
that Pembroke's company were incorporated with the
Admiral's on nth Oct., 1597. (Compare the entries p. 91,
103, 115.) The new names in the list of that date are Gabriel
Spencer, Robert Shaw, Humphrey Jeffes and Antony Jeffes.
It can hardly be doubted, then, that these were among the
new recruits from the players formerly called L. Pembroke's.
Moreover, there are no other players known whose Christian
names were Humphrey or Gabriel. A Gabriel Singer
appears in various writings of Mr. Collier, but he is a
creation of Mr. Collier's fertile imagination. But a Gabriel
and a Humphrey do occur in the stage directions of 3
Henry VI. These are names of the actors, Gabriel acting as
messenger, and Humphrey as keeper. This play, then, as
we have it in the Folio, was printed from a prompter's copy
belonging to a company with actors whose names were
Humphrey and Gabriel. No such actors are known, except
Jeffes and Spencer. These actors are traceable to two com-
panies, the Admiral's after date 1597, and Pembroke's before
that date. But the play of 3 Henry VI. was acted by
Pembroke's men before 1595 (see the title-page of the
surreptitious quarto edition). There can then be no reasonable
60 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
doubt that the prompter's copy from which the Folio was
printed was the copy used by Pembroke's men, and therefore
could not have been written by Shakespeare at any date,
nor corrected by him in the years 1592-3, as the New
Shakspere critics maintain. He can at most have revised
it after the partial break-up of Pembroke's men in 1597, or
at their final disappearance in 1600.
It appears from the Revels account that in 1597-8 Shaw
and Downton were the managers; 1599-1600, Shaw alone;
1600-1603, E. Alleyn ; and after this date, E. Juby.
In 1599 the boys' company, called the Children of the
Chapel, was revived. These were the " eyases " (so distasteful
to Shakespeare) who for three years supported at Blackfriars
an unequal struggle, by the aid of Ben Jonson, against the
men's companies of the Globe and Fortune. We have two
lists of them, both from Jonson's First Folio.
Cynthia's Revels. Poetaster.
1600. 1601.
Nathaniel Field . . i . . . i
John Underwood . . 2 . . . 2
Salathiel Pavy . .3 • . . 3
Robert Baxter ... 4 ...
Thomas Day . . 5 . . . 5
John Frost 6 . . , —
William Ostler . . ... 4
Thomas Martin . . ... 6
Field acted with the Paul's boys after the breaking up of
the Chapel Children in 1601, in the character of Bussy
d'Amboise, in Chapman's play, in 1602.
In 1603-4, Jan. 3Oth, Edward Kirkham, Alexander Hawkins,
Thomas Kendall, and Robert Payne, were appointed mana-
gers of the new Children's Company of the Queen's Revels
(Collier, i. 352.) These children were not at enmity with
the Globe players, and the statements on that head by Mr.
Aldis Wright and others are quite erroneous. Kirkham
appears as manager in the Revels Accounts, 3oth April, 1604;
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 61
but by 24th Feb., 1604-5, tne management had changed —
Samuel Daniel and Henry Evans being then at their head.
Kirkham became manager of the Paul's Boys, and so appears
3 ist Mar., 1606.
An entirely different company, but with the same name
(Children of the Queen's Revels), was established under
Robert Daborne, Philip Rossiter, John Tarbook, Richard
Jones, Robert Brown, 4th Jan., 1609-10 (Ingleby). They
continued under Rossiter till 24th Nov., 1612 ("Revels
Accounts," p. xlii.).
The Duke of York's Company was established 3Oth Mar.,
1610 (" Shakespeare Society's Papers," iv. 47.) These ap-
pear in the Revels Accounts, under William Rowley, from
Qth Feb., 1609-10 to 7th June, 1613, when the Duke of York
had become the Prince of Wales.
There was a company called the " Princess Elizabeth's,"
under Alexander Foster, in 1612 (Revels Accounts).
In the first column of the sixth table will be found the
names of the Duke of York's players, 3Oth Mar., 1609-10.
In the next, the Chapel Children {alias the Queen's Revels],
who acted in Jonson's Epicene, 1609, from the Folio Edition.
In the next, a list of the Queen's Revels Children, in a
mutilated obligation between them and Henslow, printed in
Collier's " Life of Alleyn," p. 98, and absurdly called by him
a list of Prince Henry's players.
The next two columns are from Fletcher's plays, Second
Folio, and date 1612-13.
The next two columns are from articles of grievance
against Mr. Henslow, printed in Malone's " Shakespeare,"
xxi. 417. It appears from these that Henslow's Company,
i.e., the Duke of York's (or Prince's in 1613), did not join
company with Rossiter's, i.e., the Revels Children, till March,
1612-13, and that before the end of 1615 he had "broken"
five companies. This date of junction throws great doubt on
the date assigned by Mr. Collier to the list in the third
column. He says it dates 29th Aug., 1611 ; I believe it
cannot be earlier than 1613.
62 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The next column is from a letter to Alleyn, printed in
Malone's " Shakespeare," xxi. 405. It has no date, but must
have been written in the winter of 1614.
The next column is from an agreement printed in Collier's
" Life of Alleyn," p. 127. He again wrongly calls the com-
pany the Prince Palatine's. The date of the letter is 2Oth
Mar., 1615-16.
The next column is from the Inner Temple Masque, 1618
(Dyce's " Middleton ").
The final column is from the " New Shakspere Society's
Transactions."
It is necessary for clearness of understanding to sum up
the changes in these companies during 1613-15, when Hen-
slow had to do with them. In March, 1612-13, the companies
of the Revels under Rossiter, and the Prince's under Taylor,
joined : in Aug., 1613 (in my opinion), the Lady Elizabeth's,
under Foster, were united also with them. The payments of
these three separate companies extend to June, 1613, which
implies their separate action during the Christmas festivities
of 1612-13. The name of the united companies was the Lady
Elizabeth's players. Their manager was Taylor during
1613-14. During this Christmas Field does not appear in
the company ; but in 1614-15 a new company was formed of
which he was the head ; he left it during 1615.
All this comes out of comparison of the Revels at Court
entries, 1613-15 (which see). Hence we can make out the
five companies broken by Henslow : (i) The Prince's of
1612-13 ; (2) the Revels, 1612-13 ; (3) the Lady Elizabeth's,
1612-13; (4) the united companies of 1613; (5) the Lady
Elizabeth's of 1613-14.
On 1615, May 3ist(not 1616 as Mr. Collier says, "Annals,"
i. 395), a patent was granted to Philip Rossiter, Philip King-
man, Robert Jones, and Ralph Reeve, to build a theatre, but
the design was not carried out.
On 2Qth Mar., 1615-16, performances were stopped, and
the following managers were summoned before the Privy
Council : — John Hemings, Richard Burbadge [of the King's
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. , €3
men] ; Christopher Beeston, Robert Lee [of Queen Anne's] ;
William Rowley, John Newton [of Prince Charles's] ; Thomas
Downton and Humphrey Jeffes [of the Palsgrave's] ; (Collier's
" Annals," i. 394). The Princess Elizabeth's company is not
represented, and probably had not been reconstituted ; but by
nth July, 1617, they must have been so, as a company under
John Townsend and Joseph Moore appears in the Revels
Accounts at that date. But before passing to the next table
with which these players are connected, I must add a note or
two to the preceding.
In The Coxcomb, besides the actors mentioned in the list,
we learn from the stage directions that one Rowland acted.
This Rowland was, I think, William Rowley, for that name
is often spelled Rowland, and if so, my conjecture of the
identity of The Wandering Lovers by Fletcher with Loves
Pilgrimage, in which Rowland was an actor, is strongly
confirmed.
Another point is the name of Robert Hanten or Hamlet,
for we find both spellings. In "Eastward Ho," iii. 2 (1604),
Hamlet a footman enters in haste, and calls for my lady's
coach. Potkin, a tankard-bearer, then comes in and says :
"'S foot, Hamlet, are you mad?" Editors have pointed out
this allusion to Hamlet's madness, but have failed to see
the joke, such as it is. Hamlet was the player's real name.
In fact the Lady Elizabeth's company of 1611 was a con-
tinuation of the company of the Queen's Revels children
of 1604, just as the Duke of York's of 1610 was of the
King's Revels children of 1607 ; while the Revels children
of 1610 were an entirely new company.
In Table VII. the first column is compiled from stray
notices in Henslow's Diary of Lord Worcester's men, 1602—3.
Browne had been with Derby's men in 1598-9.
The next column is from a rough draft of a patent to the
Queen's men in 1603, when they were acting at the Curtain
and the Boar's Head.
The third column is from the " New Shakspere Society's
Transactions ;" it relates to a grant of cloak, &c., made I5th
March, 1603-4, to Queen Anne's men.
64 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The fourth column is from a Privy Seal, dated I5th April,
1609 (printed in the " Shakespeare Society's Papers," iv. 45),
granted to Queen Anne's men.
The fifth is a list of the Revels company, who, under the
assumed name of " late comedians of Queen Anne, deceased,"
got a warrant on 8th July, 1622, to bring up children for
the stage (Collier, "Annals," i. 429). They played at the
Red Bull.
The last column is from Malone's " Shakespeare," iii. 59.
It is a list of the Lady Elizabeth's men in 1622, then playing
at the Phoenix. These two last lists are from Herbert's MSS.
The Revels Accounts confirm these lists, and show us Duke
as manager from 1603 to 1606; Greene from 1590 to 1612 ;
and Lee in 1613-14.
The eighth table gives lists of actors in Shirley's Wedding,
Massinger's Renegado, Hey wood's Fair Maid of the West
(in which a 2 prefixed means actor in the second part of
the play), Rankings Hannibal and Scipio, and Davenport's
John and Matilda. A. Pennycuicke acted Matilda in this
last play (Halliwell, " Dictionary of Old English Plays"). He
also published the " City Madam," and possibly, therefore,
acted in it. All these plays were acted by Queen Henrietta's
men.
Wright, in his " Historia Histrionica," mentions Perkins,
Bowyer, Sumner, Robinson, Allen, and Bird (Bourne) as
among the best of these actors.
It appears from Herbert's MSS. (Malone's "Shakespeare,"
vol. iii.) that ' Christopher Beeston was manager in 1635,
and from Collier, ii. 79, that Henry Turner was so in 1637.
On the connection of C. Beeston and his son (not brother,
as Collier says, ii. 12) William with the Cockpit company,
see the Epilogue to Browne's " Court Beggar," written after
1638 ("The Antipodes" is alluded to in it), the statement
on the title-page notwithstanding.
On 1 2th May, 1637, the two Beestons, Bird, Fenn, and
Michael Moone (Mohun), still belonged to the Queen's
company (Collier, ii. 81), but on the 2nd October, 1637, C'
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642.
65
Beeston's new company of boys played at the Cockpit
(Malone's "Shakespeare/' iii. 240), and Perkins, Sumner,
Sherlock, and Turner, were sent to Salisbury Court.
Wright (" Historia Histrionica") mentions also as Salisbury
Court players, Cartwright [? junior], Wintershal, and three
of Beeston's players from the Cockpit. Burt (Clariana in
Love's Cruelty], Mohun (Bellamente in the same play) and
Shatterel. Burt had been under Shank at the Blackfriars.
Of later companies we have scarcely any lists. One, how-
ever, is prefixed to Shakerley Marmion's Holland's Leaguer,
acted at Salisbury Court by the Prince's (Charles II.) men,
in 1631. Another is prefixed with cast of parts to N.
Richards' Messalina, acted by His Majesty's company of
Revels, and published in 1640.
Messalina.
William Cartwright, sen.
Christopher Goad
John Robinson
Samuel Tomson
Richard Johnson
William Hall
John Barret
Thomas Jordan
Mathias Morris
Claudius
Silh's
Saufellus
Manester
Montanus
Mela
Messalina
Lepida
Sylana
tfc.
Holland's Leaguer.
William Browne
Ellis Worth
Andrew Keyne
Matthew Smith
James Sneller
Henry Gradwell
Thomas Bond
Richard Fowler
Edward May
Robert Huyt
Robert Stafford
Richard Godwin
John Wright
Richard Fouch
Arthur Savile
Samuel Mannery
The next group of facts demanding notice is that of the
changes made from one company to another. Not many are
traceable, but some of those that are, are important.
Kempe, Duke, and Beeston, who acted in Jonson's Every
Man in his Humour, in 1598, did not act in Every Man out of
his Humour, in 1599 > nor d° tnev appear again in connection
9
66 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with the Chamberlain's company. They all appear .as mem-
bers of Worcester's company, on i/th Aug., 1602 ; and
Kempe is known to have been travelling on the Continent in.
1600-1. Probably they all kept company during these two
years ; and as no other English company is known to have
been away from London at that date, they and their fellows
may safely be identified with the English players who were
in Saxony (Oct. 1600), at Memmingen (Feb. 1600), at Dresden
(June 1601), at Ulm (1602). This still leaves their occupa-
tion in 1599 unaccounted for; but in the play of Histriomastix\
written in the winter of that year, we find a small band of
players (i Incle or Gulch; 2 Belch ; 3 Gut; 4 Clout) travel-
ling in the country, who at the end of the play are shipped off
for the Continent. This seems at once to refer to Kempe,
Duke, Beeston, and some inferior player unknown. For
Kempe is, as above stated, the only actor positively known
to have then left England, and the others most likely did not
separate from him. But the actors in Histriomastix, who say
of themselves, " we that travel with our pumps full of gravel,"
are by that description identified with the actors in the
Poetaster (1601), who like them are described as a company
of politicians. From all this it seems probable that Kempe
(the Frisker of Jonson) and the rest, on leaving the Chamber-
lain's men, joined the Earl of Derby's players during 1599,
and were sent as a detachment from them on to the Con-
tinent in the winter of that year. That this company was the
same as the Earl of Worcester's of 1602 appears from the
Revels accounts, where Robert Brown appears as manager of
Derby's men in Feb. 1599-1600, and we know from our tables
that he was manager of Worcester's men in 1602. But in any
case these facts disprove the hypothesis of the late Mr.
Richard Simpson that the poet connected with the actors iri
Histriomastix represents William Shakespeare. He is re-
peatedly satirized as an extemporary ballad writer ; and when
the players go abroad he takes to his old trade of balladry
again. The only man to whom this description can apply is
Antony Munday (the Antonio Balladino of Jonson), and on
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 67
reference to my tables (in MS.) compiled from Henslow's
Diary, I find that from August 1598 to October 1599 he was
not employed by Henslow in his usual hack work for the
Admiral's men. But as he was not an actor I must pass this
matter over slightly here. Mr. Collier traces Kempe back
again to the King's company in 1605. But the document from
which he obtains this information is demonstrably a forgery.
Beeston, however, can be traced further. He remained with
Queen Anne's players till 1609 at least, probably till her
death in 1619. In 1622 he was one of the Lady Elizabeth's
men ; in 1635 with Queen Henrietta's company ; and in
January 1636-37 manager of the King and Queen's boys,
otherwise called Beeston's.
Edward Alleyn, one of Worcester's players in 1586, who
was at the head of L. Strange's men in 1592, left them for the
Admiral's in 1594 ; he continued to manage this company till
1603, although he gave up playing himself from 1597 to
1602.
Ostler and Underwood, who were boys in the Chapel
Children in 1601, were taken, when they grew to be men, into
the King's company, and acted with them in 1610.
Sinkler, who acted with L. Strange's men in 1593, probably
came to them from Pembroke's company in 1592.
Armin came to the Chamberlain's in 1602 from L. Chandos'
I know nothing of this latter company except that its patron
died in 1602. Armin wrote for the King's Revels Children
between 1605 and 1610.
Field belonged to the Chapel Children in 1600-1 ; to the
*Queen's Revels Children in 1609-13; to the King's, in and
after 1618.
Eccleston was with the King's, 1610-11 ; with the Queen's
Revels and Lady Elizabeth's, 1613 ; back with the King's, 1614.
Taylor was with the Duke of York's, 1610 ; with the Queen's
Revels, 1612-13 ; with Prince Charles's, 1615-18; and finally
with the King's, in and after 1619.
Pallant (if there were not two Robert Pallants ; Richard is a
* Note that several companies were called by this name between 1609 and 1613.
68 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mere miswriting in one list) was with L. Strange's men in
J593 ; Queen Anne's, 1603-9 ; the King's in 1616-23.
Benfield was with the Queen's Revels Children, 1612-13 ;
joined the King's in 1614.
Lowin was with Worcester's in 1602-3 ; joined King's in
1603-4.
Shank belonged to Prince Henry's, 1603-13. He acted in
The Scornful Lady in 1624, when the King's men reproduced
it (not in its original cast by the Revels Children), hence he
joined the King's men between 1613 and 1624, probably in
1614.
William Rowley was with the Duke of York's in 1610 ;
not with them when united with the Revels Children ; but
with them again when separated and called Prince Charles's,
1614-22 ; with the King's in 1623 ; and again with the Prince's
in 1624-25.
Penn was with the Queen's Revels in 1609 ; with Prince
Charles's, Mar. 1615-16 ; and with the King's by 1629.
Swanston was with Lady Elizabeth's in 1622, and with the
King's before 1629.
Greville was with the Lady Elizabeth's in 1622, and with
the Palsgrave's at the same date ; with the King's in 1626.
This and the preceding seem to point to a great change in
the companies at Charles the First's Accession.
Robert Baxter of the Chapel, 1601, and Richard Baxter of
the King's in 1631, may be identical. Compare the mistake
of Richard for Robert Pallant.
Clerk and Theophilus Bourne, Bird, or Barne, who were
with Queen Henrietta's men between 1624 and 1629, appear
in the list of 1647 > Dut ft does not follow from their signing
the dedication to Fletcher's plays that they had ever acted
with the King's company.
So far, these changes are connected with the King's com-
pany. Among the minor ones we may note Hamlet, alluded
to in Eastward Ho, acted by Queen's Revels, 1604. He was
with Prince Charles's, 1613-16.
Spenser, Shaw, and the two Jeffes, appear, from inductive
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642. 69
evidence, to have joined the Admiral's company from Pem-
broke's in 1597.
The two Brownes were with Worcester's men in 1586,
Derby's in 1599, and with the Second Worcester's company in
1602.
Lee was with Queen Anne's men, 1603-9 ; with the Revels
company, 1622.
Worth, with the Revels company in 1622, was with
Prince Charles's in 1633.
Blaney, with the Queen's Revels Children in 1609, was
with the Revels company in 1622, and with Queen Hen-
rietta's, 1625.
Basse, with the Queen's Revels Children in 1613, was with
the Revels company in 1622.
Perkins, with the Queen Anne's men, 1603-9, was w^
the Revels company of 1622, and afterwards with Queen
Henrietta's players.
Sherlock and Turner were with Lady Elizabeth's men in
1622; then with Queen Henrietta's; and were removed to
Salisbury Court c. 1637, along with Perkins and Sumner.
Richard Allen was with the Admiral's men from 1599 to
1602 ; with the Queen's Revels Children, 1609, 1613.
Fowler (or Flower) was with the Palsgrave's men, 1622
(probably with the Admiral's as early as 1600), and with
Prince Charles' (ii.) in 1633.
Cane (or Kayne) was with the Lady Elizabeth's men in
1622, and with the Palsgrave's at the same date ; with Prince
Charles' (ii.) in 1633.
In explanation of this strange phenomenon of a player
belonging to two companies, it should be noted that the
Fortune Theatre was burnt in 1621, and not re-erected till
1623, so that during 1622 the Palsgrave's men, having no
theatre, probably acted at the Phoenix along with the Lady
Elizabeth's. Hence some confusion between the companies.
In " Henslow's Diary " are some isolated notices which I
must not omit.
Richard Hoope, William Blackway, and Ralph Raye, are
70 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
noticed with the Chamberlain's men, I4th Jan., 1595-6 (Diary,
p. 7). These were probably mere supers.
John Tovvne, Hugh Davies, Richard Allen, and Francis
Henslow, are mentioned as Queen's men, 3rd May, 1593
(Diary, p. 5). But a comparison with p. 34 shows that
Henslow's entries for April, 1594, are in six instances put
down as 1593; moreover, he had' an apparent connection
with the Queen's men till Easter, 1593. Hence I take it, we
should read 3rd May, 1594, and interpret the Queen's men as
meaning " The Queen's men and my Lord of Sussex', to-
gether," who did certainly leave Henslow, April, 1594. In
March, 1593, the tag of the Queen's company, who had not
been retained as L. Strange's men, probably joined the
players patronized by Sussex. In 1596, on ist June, we find
Francis Henslow, William Smith, George Attewell, and
Robert Nicolls, mentioned in the Diary (p. 8) ; most likely
as members of the same company. From an undated docu-
ment (but written c. 1604) in "Henslow's Diary," p. 214,
compared with Collier's " Life of Allen," p. 70, it appears
that F. Henslow, John Garland, Abraham Savery, and
Simcox, were players to the Duke of Lennox.
It is a matter of great interest to notice the various
spellings of many names above mentioned ; thus we meet
with the following forms used quite indiscriminately : —
Burby and Burbadge
Ecclestone and Egglestone
Rowland and Rowley
Marlow and Marley
Cundall and Condell
Toole and Tooley
Turner and Tourneur
Burght and Birch
Robins and Robinson
Bird and Bourne and Barne
Dunstan and Tunstall
Moone and Mohun
Broome and Bourne and Burne
Button and Downton
Slaughter and Slater
Fowler and Flower
Price and Pryor
Henslow and Hinchlow and
Hinchley
Kane and Cane
Hawood and Heywood
Axell and Axen
Goad and Goat
Hamlet and Hanten
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 15/8—1642. 71
And in addition to these, such differences of spelling as
Jube and Juby in almost every name. It is clear that actors
and writers were quite indifferent as to the spelling of their
signatures. In the face of this our New Shaksperians would
have us alter the time-honoured Shake-speare — the only
literary spelling of the name known to authors, printers or
publishers of his own time — to Shak-spere, because, forsooth,
his hurried signatures, made in weakness and distraction,
differ from the usual spelling of other members of the
family. If we must alter his name, let us do so, not as those
sciolists would have us, in a spirit of hypercriticism ; nor as
R. Greene did, in malice when he called him Shake-scene ; but
in fervent love and admiration, as some of his contemporaries
did when they called him Shake-sphere, implying that he was
no mere shaker of the stage at the old Theatre at Shoreditch,
nor of the Globe in Bankside, but of the whole habitable
world as long as it remains the inheritance of man, not of
an age, but for all time.
On the succeeding pages will be found the tables referred to in the
course of this paper. As it was found inconvenient to print Tables
I. & II. in one page each, italic letters, a, bt &c., are inserted on the
inner margin as a guide for the eye of the reader.
72 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I
•SJ
2£
<?
Seren Deadly
Sins, c. 1593.
u?*r>
8,5
ll
|L
t,ES
M HH "-"
£.2
W-*
!l.
JS 53 ON
Sffi£
b.2 ~
2^
W^
Thomas Stevens . . .
"*
Thomas King
*
Robert Preston ...
George Bryan ...
...
6
William Kempe ...
? itys, 3
2
9
Thomas Pope
Arbactus, 2
6
6
Holland
t
Attendant, &c., I. I, 2
Vincent
Messenger, 2
T. Belt
|
Servant, I, Panthea, 3
T. Goodall
Lucius, &c., I, 2, 3
R. Pallant
! f
Warder ; Nicanor
. t
Philomela, &c., I. I, 2, 3
Robert Gough ...
Aspatia, 2
...
...
...
Edward Alleyn ...
.
? Rhodope, 2
I
Tolin Dulcc
Pursuivant &c. * I. I 2 "5
10
Christopher Beeston
John Sinkler ...
? Attendant, &c., I. 2
Keeper; Julio,&c.,1. 1,2,3
...
8
...
Richard Cowley ...
,
Lieutenant, &c. I. I, 2, 3
...
...
...
Augustine Phillipps
William Sly
•
Sardanapalus, 2
Porrex, Lord, I, 3
5
3
7
3
Sander Cooke ...
j
? Videna, Progne, I, 3
/
Richard Burbadge
.
Gorbodoc, Tereus, I, 3
...
2
i
Nicholas Tooley ...
.
? Lady, Pompeia, I, 2
Henry Condell...
.
? Ferrex, Lord, I, 3
...
5
4
William Shakespeare
.
...
...
i
John Hemings
.
...
4
4
2
John Lowin ...
,
...
...
Robert Armin ...
,
... ...
...
...
...
Laurence Fletcher
t
...
...
William Eccleston
t
...
...
John Underwood
,
...
...
William Ostler ...
,
...
...
Richard Robinson
(
...
...
Samuel Gilburne
.
...
...
James Sandes ...
...
...
...
i
ii
iii
iv
V
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642.
73
fu
1
oT
5
•£»
+r
c
« CO
II
o "•*
II
If
i
i
i
[chemist, 1610.
HH
VO
nT
J
3
"cJ
3
CO
U^
PH
^
u
W
3
*
9
...
...
9
...
6
4
3
...
2
...
7
*
6
5
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g
6
7
9
3
3
i
*
5
i
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8
i
8
i
8
6
i"
...
s"
3
2
5
4
2
2
...
i
...
I
5
4
*
4
2
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2
2
7
*
...
4
3
5
8
...
7
...
5
9
i
...
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...
...
10
10
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6
6
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7
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9
...
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...
9
...
...
...
...
...
10
vi
vii
viii
ix
X
xi
xii
xiii
74 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
II
Duchess of
Malfy, 1616.
Duchess of
Malfy, c. 1623.
Richard
William
Henry
Robert
Nicholas
John
John
John
Thomas
Richard
John
Joseph
Robert
Richard
William
Hiliard
Stephen
William
Sander
John
John
William
Curtis
Antony
George
James
Rowland
Thomas
Nick
W.
Harry
Edward
Burbadge
Ostler
Condell
Pallant
Tooley
Underwood
Lowin
Rice
Pollard
Sharp
Thomson
Taylor
Benfield
Robinson
Penn
Swanston
Hamerton
Trigg
Gough
Shank
Honyman
Patrick
Greville
Smith
Vernon
Home
Ferdinand
Antonio
Cardinal
Doctor
Madman
Delio
Bosola
Pescara
Silvio
Duchess
Julia
Cariola
Madman
Ferdinand
Antonio
Cardinal
Hobbes
Baxter
Balls
Mago
Gascoigne
Herbert
Wilson
Horton
'
ii
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578—1642.
75
Wild Goose
Chase,
? 1631.
Roman
Actor, ii
October,
1626.
Picture,
8 June,
1629.
Believe
as you list,
II January,
1630-1.
Deserving
Favorite,
1629.
Bel>ur
Pinac
Domitian
Lamia
Parthenius
Eubulus
Ubaldo
Ferdinand
Flaminius
Berecynthus
Jacomo
Lysander
Domitia
Honoria
Cleonarda
Mirabel
De Gard
La Castre
Paris
Rusticus
Esopus
Mathias
Ladislaus
Antiochus
Marcellus
Lentulus
Duke
King
Orsinio ; Hermit
Nantolet
Baptista
( Merchant
Lugier
Oriana
Rosalura
Lilia Bianca
Aretinus
Julia
Csenis
Ricardo
Corisca
Acanthe
Hilario
j Jailor
Chrysalus
Utrante
Factor
Domitilla
Sura
Sophia
Merchant
( Demetrius
Clarinda
Latinus
j Captain
Merchant
Philargus
Guard
Entellus
( Hamilcar
| Prusias, &c.
Calistus
f Titus ; Officer
{ Servant
Queen
Cornelia
#
#
*
Musician
Mariana
iii
iv
V
vi
vii
76 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
•WwT-Hpi
VO ^- CO « H« \O
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{si3Aoq '£291
« :*
VO VO COt-iOO t>.
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co :vo
vo •*-,«: t^ x
qsiireds '2791
co vo ; N
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x
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N vo 'd- CO
oo t^ : «vo :
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ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642.
77
IV
Patent,
27 March, 1629.
Tooley's Will,
3 June, 1623.
•«•
>;\S
||
'r> u
IP
i\
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t+>
10
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Lovers' Melancholy,
14 November, 1628.
4
•£ £
|l
«
</TVO'
l!
££
H
5s-
Dedication B. and F.
1647.
|4
°3
PH
John Hemings...
Richard Burbadge
Henry Condell . . .
John Lowin
Nicholas Tooley
John Underwood
Nathan Field
Robert Benfield ...
Robert Gough
William Eccleston
Richard Robinson
John Shank
Joseph Taylor
Elyard £A Swanston
Thomas Pollard ...
George Birch
John Rice
William Rowley
I
2
3
4
8
9
10
ii
12
*
*
2
9
3
4
I
5
7
ii
6
8
i
2
15
II
6
8
10
9
14
4
12
I
2
3
6
5
7
4
10
13
ii
I
I
4
2
i
2
6
4
5
9
...
I
4
3
2
6
Aubrey
Rollo
Cook
Latorch
Richard Sharp
Richard Perkins . . .
George Vernon
...
...
10
5
3
7
12
7
ii
7
ii
James Home
13
1C
14
Antony Smith
6J
IO
William Penn
12
i
Curtis Greville
10
Richard Baxter
12
<>
John Thomson
*3
William Trigg
16
3
Sander Gough
17
6
Thomas Hobbes
II
2
William Patrick
4
William Hart
7
Otto
Richard Hawley
8
Hugh Clerk
7
Stephen Hamerton
...
William Allen
g
Theophilus Bird
10
i
ii
iii
iv
V
vi
vii
viii
ix
X
78 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
V
vO
00
vr>
1
t^.
$
§
§
1
C\
£
N
S
1
£
re
vS
o*
VO
PO
>o
00
5
§
^0
Robert Browne . . .
James Dunstan ...
Edward Alleyn
2
7
8
T
*
*
I
William Harrison . . .
Thomas Cooke
Richard Jones
Edward Browne
4
5
6
7
3
?
4
s
10
*
*
Richard Andrews
8
*
John Singer
a
8
I
I
*
I
*
Thomas Towne
Martin Slaughter ..
Edward Juby .
...
4
5
6
*
?
*
7
6
6
8
ii
*
*
5
4
*
t;
3
6
2
A
3
T
Thomas Button ....
William Bird
7
*
5
i
2
-J
2
*
*
2
*
2
-2
4
2
•5
I
?,
fl
Charles Massey ....
Samuel Rowley .
...
?
?
9
TO
5
6
*
9
8
?
?
6
4
8
c
7
c
5
/I
5
3
Gabriel Spenser
9
C
Robert Shaw
7
7
*
Humphrey Jeflfes . . .
p
7
•3
HI
6
*
7
7
6
6
Antony Jeffes . . .
TO
*
7
*
8
Richard Price
*
TO
M
8
/I
William Parr ...
*
n
TO
0
William Cartwright
*
8
7
Edward Colbrand...
8
Q
William Stratford .
TT
TT
6
Francis Grace .
T?
7
3
2
John Shank
I?
n
Richard GunneJl . . .
T2
4
I
Richard Fowler
TO
e
Andrew Cane
6
Curtis Greville ...
7
-
:s
•3
>
>
'>
rfl
>
">
X
X
'*
'x
'x
.^
"x
>
X
* To column iii add these : E. Button's boy Bick (Richard Button) ; Griffin,
Thomas Hunt, Richard Allen, Robert Leadbeater, and Pig ; to column ix add
Benyghten, Thomas Marbeck, Parsons, George, Bick Juby, Thomas Parsons,
Jack Gregory, Denyghten's little boy, Gideon, Gibbs, Thomas Rowley, The red-
faced fellow, Kester, James, Giles's boy, and little Will Barne ; to column vii add
Bay, Flower and Wilson.
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 15/8 — 1642.
79
o
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rt *o
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[ohn Garland...
i
William Rowley . . .
2
...
...
I
I
*
3
Thomas Hobbes . . .
•3
8
8
Robert Dawes
.1
*
Joseph Taylor . . .
5
3
2
2
*
3
3
*
John Newton
6
4
c
*
6
Giilbert Reason . . .
7
J
7
Nathan Field . .
/
I
I
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/
Giles Gary
e
•J
Hugh Attawel
5
3
o
6
6
6
*
John Smith,
J
or Antony
7
7
0
2
William Barksted..
...
/
2
2
8
...
*
y
7
William Penn
4*
10
Richard Allen
...
6
...
5
John Blaney ...
...
8
Emanuel Read
4
•
Robert Benfield...
...
...
7
3
William Egglestone
...
4
4
*
Thomas Basse
ii
6
J ohn Townsenc
i
Robert Hamlet,
or Hanten
6
5
4
I
Thomas Hunt
7
Joseph Moore . . .
8
John Rice
0
William Carpenter
?
10
*
Alexander Foster . . .
"!
12
Robert Pallant
*
2
2
i
ii
iii
iv
V
vi
vii
viii
ix
X
xi
80 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
rn
rf>
ir>4
jf 8
]
VII
enslowes
y, 1602-
I
1
Jrf
mmission
1609.
£§> »
s « s
s-s.g
rt J5
^ic
ffi §
5
1
.0 !3
0
U
£ N
at N
&"%
J5
Christopher Beeston ....
H
I
I
2
j
Robert Lee
2
8
I
John Duke
e
7~
Robert Pallant
H
4
4
5
Richard Perkins
H
3
5
4
2
Thomas Hawood ...
H
2
6
3
James Hoe
7
7
* Thomas Swinnerton
6
8
6
Thomas Greene
...
9
i
Robert Beeston
8
10
10
Thomas Blackwood
H
William Kempe
H
John Thayer
H
Edward Alleyn
H
John Lowin
H
Ellis Worth
7
Thomas Basse
4
John Blaney
c
John Cumber
6
William Robins
7
Joseph Mote
2
Hilliard Swanston ...
Andrew Cane
4
Curtis Greville
5
William Sherlock ...
5
Antony Turner
i
ii
in
iv
v
vi
ON THE ACTOR LISTS, 1578 — 1642.
81
33
1
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s
i a
wo
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SS K
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lllli'^ lyjpil
AN OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC
LEAGUE, MORE PARTICULARLY IN ITS
BEARINGS UPON ENGLISH COMMERCE.
BY CORNELIUS WALFORD, F.I.A., F.S.S., F.R.Hisx.Soc.
[Read before Royal Historical Society ', igth Feb., 1880.]
IN calling the attention of the fellows to some of the leading
points in the history of one of the most remarkable confedera-
tions which the world has ever seen, and in endeavouring to
arrange these into an harmonious and intelligent narrative,
I feel that I owe no apology, except at least to the extent
to which my labours may be found deficient or defective : for
it is in the direction of such original inquiries as the present
that our Society may perform its more useful offices. Eng-
land played a most prominent part in the history of the
Hanseatic League ; but in this regard has found heretofore
no historian, while Germany has several. Hence the present
attempt, the results of which, gathered from many sources,
are presented without further preface.
EARLY TRADING COMMUNITIES IN LONDON.
LONDON, EIGHTH CENTURY. — Even at this date — that is,
under the Saxon rule — there is believed to have been com-
munities of strangers settled in London for the purposes of
commerce ; but from whence they came has not been accu-
rately determined. — Trans, of London and Midx.Arch&ological
Society, iii., p. 67.
The Cologne merchants were soon after this period estab-
lished in Dowgate, and they made complaints of their
privileges being interfered with by later traders who had
arrived [see 1234]. And mention is made in the early
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 83
records of this country, at varying dates, of Germans,
Teutons, Almains, Garpar, and Vandals. Further specific
mention of some of these will occur as we proceed. English
merchants at this, or a slightly later period, had " factories "
on the Baltic coast as far as Prussia, and in the dominions of
Denmark.
979. At about this date — time of Ethelred II. — a body of
German traders, understood to be really an Order of Monks
long engaged alternately in commerce and in warfare, had
established themselves in London, and had met with Royal
patronage. They are spoken of in the old chronicles as
coming with many ships to Billingsgate, and in return for
some slight presents and tolls were deemed worthy of
extraordinary privileges, which were continued by succeeding
monarchs.
MERCHANTS OF THE "STEELYARD."
It is probably as far back as this period that we must look
for the establishment of the Merchants of the " Steelyard " —
a name, perhaps, but slightly corrupted from its original
meaning of the stiliard or beam for weighing goods imported
into London — sometimes called the " King's Beam." It was
natural that those who were largely engaged in commerce,
particularly in bulky merchandise, should establish themselves
near to the spot whereon such an operation was conducted.
But when the " tonnage " was transferred to the Corporation
of London, the king's beam was removed — some authorities
say to Cornhill — but certainly, at a later date to Weigh-house
Yard, at Little Eastcheap, which was at this time probably
by the river. The king's beam being removed, the Merchants
of the Steelyard most likely took possession of the entire
spot, and there established their factory. This famous location
lay between Thames-street and the river. It was of consider-
able extent ; and at one period protected with high and strong
walls, and probably fortified. Several centuries later it became
known as the Gilhalda Tutonicorum — the Guildhall of the
Germans.
84: TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
These early " steelyard '' merchants (confirming their
monastic origin) conducted their affairs with the utmost
secrecy, and lived personally in a state of entire seclusion,
like the inmates of a monastery. Indeed, the Steelyard was
a monastery — the only difference being that its brotherhood
were devoted to money-making instead of religious exercises.
The vast buildings on the river-side, in the parts not used for
storage, were divided into separate cells for single men — the
whole of the ranges opening into common reception-rooms.
No inmate of the Steelyard was allowed to marry, or even to
visit any person of the opposite sex, and a breach of this law,
however slight, was followed by immediate expulsion, if not
by more severe penalties. At a fixed hour every evening all
the brothers were expected to be at home ; the gates were
then rigidly closed ; and at a certain hour in the morning,
varying with the seasons, were open again for the transaction
of business. When we come to speak more directly of the
Hanseatic League we shall see that many of these regulations
were in conformity with their practice.
These early trading monks established themselves in other
cities than London, as we have very abundant evidence in
the ordinances of the Great Gild of St. John of Beverley of the
Hanshonse, whereof the introduction is as follows : —
" Thurston, by the Grace of God, Archbishop of York, to all the
faithful in Christ, as well now as hereafter, greeting, and God's
blessing, and his own. Be it known to you that I have given and
granted, and with the advice of this Chapter of York and Beverley
and of my barons, have by my Charter confirmed to the men of
Beverley all liberties, with the same laws that the men of York have
in their city. Moreover, be it not unknown to you that the Lord Henry
our King [Henry I.] has, with a good will, granted to us the power
of making [this charter], and has, by his own charter, confirmed our
statutes and our laws, after the manner of the laws of the Burgesses
of York, saving what behoves to God and St. John, and myself and
the canons; that so he might uphold and enlarge the honour of the
alms-deeds of his predecessors. With all these free customs I will
that my Bourgesses of Beverley shall have their ' Hanshus ; ' which
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 85
I give and grant to them in order that therein their common business
may be done \ut ibi sua statuta pertractent\ in honour of God and
S. John and the canons, and for this amendment of the whole town
with the same freedom that the men of York have in their
' Hanshus.' I also grant to them toll for ever, for xviij. marks a
year ; saving on the three feasts on which toll belongs to us and the
canons — namely, on the feast of St. John the Confessor in May, and
the feast of the Translation of St. John, and the Nativity of St. John
the Baptist. On these three feasts I have made all the Burgesses of
Beverley free and quit of every toll. This charter also bears witness
that I have granted to the same burgesses free right of coming in
and going out — namely, within the town and beyond the town, in
plain and wood and marsh, in ways and paths and o^her easements,
save in meadows and cornfields, as good, free, and large as anyone
can grant and confirm. And know ye that they shall be free and
quit of any toll all through the whole shire of York, like as the men
of York are. And I will that whosoever gainsays this shall be
accursed, as the manner of cursing is in the church of St. John, as
shall be adjudged in the church of St. John. These are witnesses ;
Geoffry Mirdoc, Nigel Ffossard, Urnald Perci, Walter Spec, Eustace
son of John, Thomas the provost, Thurstin the archdeacon, Herbert
the canon, William the son of Tole, William of Bajus ; before the
household, both clergy and laity, of the Archbishop of York."
This charter was confirmed by the successor to Thurston.
BALTIC CITIES.
The first town erected on the coasts of the Baltic was
Lubeck, which owes its foundation to Adolphus, Count of
Holstein. After several vicissitudes it became independent
of any sovereign but the emperor in the I3th century.
Hamburg and Bremen, upon the other side of the Cimbric
peninsula, emulated the prosperity of Lubeck ; the former
city purchased independence of its Bishop in 1225. A colony
from Bremen founded Riga in Livonia, about 1162. The
city of Dantzic grew into importance about the end of the
following century. Koningsberg was founded by Ottacar,
King of Bohemia, in the same age.
86 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
FIRST INDICATIONS OF THE LEAGUE.
But the real importance of these cities is to be dated from
their famous union with the Hanseatic Confederacy. The
origin of this is rather obscure ; but it certainly may be nearly
referred in point of time to the middle of the thirteenth century,
and accounted for by the necessity of mutual defence, which
piracy by sea, and pillage by land, had taught the merchants
of Germany. The nobles endeavoured to obstruct the
formation of this league, which, indeed, was in great measure
designed to withstand their exactions. It powerfully main-
tained the influence which the free imperial cities were at this
time acquiring. Eighty of the most considerable places con-
stituted the Hanseatic Confederacy, divided into four colleges,
whereof Lubeck, Cologne, Brunswick, and Dantzic, were the
leading towns. Lubeck held the chief rank, and became, as
it were, the patriarchal see of the League ; whose province it
was to preside in all general discussions for mercantile,
political, or military purposes, and to carry them into execu-
tion. The League .had four principal factories in foreign
parts — at London, Bruges, Bergen, and Novogorod ; indorsed
by the sovereigns of these cities with considerable privileges
to which every merchant belonging to a Hanseatic town was
entitled.
We shall have to review some of the later incidents in
more detail ; but the immediate purpose before us at this
point being to fix the date of the origin of the League, we
think we must now consider it as having really taken definite
shape in the thirteenth, and not the preceding, century. This
appears to conform to the views of the later historians of the
League. The progress of the League is admitted to have
been very slow during its first century.
We now resume our chronological narrative.
1169. Oddy, in his "European Commerce" (London,
1805), which contains a large body of facts connected with
the history of the League, after stating (p. 11) that Lubeck
was founded in 1 140, and " very soon increased so as to
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 87
become the first commercial city of the north of Germany
owing to its convenient situation on the Baltic Sea," pro-
ceeds :
"The rapid prosperity of Lubeck excited both envy and emula-
tion ; and the envy soon was extended to all the towns that by their
efforts to equal Lubeck became prosperous. Denmark and Sweden,
Holstein and Saxony, by becoming enemies of those trading towns,
forced them to enter into the Hanseatic League, of which Lubeck
was from the beginning considered as the chief." . . .
It was about the year 1169, when the commercial cities of
Julin and Winnet had been destroyed by the Danes and
other pirates, and when Lubeck, Rostock, and other cities had
received their dispersed inhabitants, that the Hanseatic Con-
federacy acquired force. The cities wished to protect themselves
from a similar calamity. The first towns were Lubeck,
Wismar, Rostock, Stralsund, Grypeswald, Ankam, Stettin,
Colberg, Stolpe, Dantzic, Elbing, and Koningsberg. // was
a standing rule of this League, that no city should be admitted into
it that was not situated on the sea, or on a navigable river, and
that did not keep the keys of its own gates. The cities must
likewise have the civil jurisdiction in their own hands ; but
they were allowed to acknowledge a superior lord.
He adds :
" The policy of those trading republics at a time when war and
chivalrous expedition were the occupation and glory of kings and
princes could not but be productive of good. It was necessary to
have some head, and they chose for their protectors the Grand Master
and German Knights of the Cross, established in Prussia, who had
made a conquest of Livonia.
" By this means the Hanse Towns commanded the commerce of the
Baltic, from Denmark to the bottom of the Gulf of Finland, together
with that of the rivers which run into that sea, from the interior of
an extensive country, producing a vast variety of articles of great
importance in the commerce of the world."
1170. The great confederacy of the Hanse Towns (com-
menced the year before) is confirmed. Twelve towns on the
Baltic shore — " Lubec, Wismar, Rostoc, Straelsund, Grypes-
88 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
wald, Anklam, Stedin, Colberg, Stolpe, Danzic, Elbing, and
Konisberg," unite in a League for their mutual protection ;
they agree to hold a general assembly once every ten years
in order to admit or exclude members, and to confirm the
Association. They choose for their protectors the Master and
Knights of the Teutonic Order ; and admit the Teutonic
towns in Prussia and Livonia to participate of their institution.
By degrees many German and Flemish towns (seated on navi-
gable rivers) are admitted to the League. Lubeck is allowed
to take the lead. — Vide Andrews, quoted from Werdenhagen,
" the prolix historian " of the League.
ENGLISH PRIVILEGES TO FOREIGN MERCHANTS.
1232. The English monarch Henry III. granted a charter
of privileges to the merchants of the Steelyard at this date,
the effect of which was to constitute them into a Trading
Gild, after the manner of the period. This was for services
they had done him beyond the seas. [Some German writers
give the date at 1206, but Henry III. did not ascend the
throne until 1216]. This charter was renewed by his son,
Edward I. Stow, in his famous " Survey," under date 1259,
gives the following account of this Charter, which is
important on points of identification :
1232. "Then to these merchants [of Almaine] . ...
Henry III. at the request of his brother Richard, Earl of
Cornwall, King of Almaine [Germany], granted that all and
singular the merchants having a house in the City of London,
commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be
maintained and upholden through the whole realm by all
such freedoms and free usages, or liberties as by the king
and his noble progenitors' time they had, and enjoyed," &c.
There is preserved among the Harleian MSS. in the
British Museum, a paper inscribed Grannies of Privileges by
Kings of England from Henry III. to King Edward IV., to
the Haunces of the Steelyard, which shows the vast extent
and importance of the immunities from tolls and other
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 89
vexations which these escaped, and which it may be pre-
sumed, therefore, others had to bear !
That the " Easterlings " — a designation attached to the
merchants from the more eastern shores of the Baltic —
carried on a considerable trade with London at this date, is
generally recorded. They are said to have coined money in
this reign, which on account of its goodness, was named after
these merchants, but afterwards became corrupted into
" Sterling," a word which is still significant in its meaning
in all commercial matters.
1234. Henry III. is reputed to have granted a charter to
the merchants of Cologne then settled in London, this, the
eighteenth year of his reign. Mention is made of these
merchants as settled in London during the ninth century.
1257. Henry III. is said to have granted charters to the
merchants of Lubeck, Brunswick and Denmark, settled in
London, in this the forty- first year of his reign.
1269. The same monarch (Henry III.) granted a charter
to the merchants of the Teutonic Guildhall, in this the forty-
fourth year of his reign.
HANSEATIC LEAGUE.
1239. The actual establishment of the Hanseatic League is
usually now attributed to this date — the name being derived
from the old German Hansa, a union or confederacy. The
League is said to have been limited to three cities only, in its
inception, viz., to Hamburg, Ditmarsh, and Hameln. It is
further recorded that the conditions of this early treaty were
that this city of Hamburg should clear the country of vagabonds
and robbers, between the river Trene and the city, and
prevent pirates cruising on the Elbe as far as the ocean.
This, however, seems such a purely local purpose that we
cannot but think that some error is involved. As other
discrepancies in date and circumstance exist, we propose to
review the several conflicting authorities briefly.
1241. Macpherson, in his "Annals of Commerce," &c., a
work of known repute, says, it seems probable that the League
90 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
derived its origin from an agreement which was entered into
this year by the merchants of Hamburg and Lubeck, to
establish a guard for the protection of their merchandise
against pirates and robbers in the inland carriage between
their cities. " A precaution very necessary in those days of
rapine, when men of the first rank having no useful employ-
ment, or elegant amusement to relieve them from the
languor of idleness in times of peace, openly professed the
trade of robbery " (Vol. i. p. 393). He says in a note :
" This is the date assumed by Lambecius, Struvius, Pfeffel,
&c., and surely the German writers, from local situation as
well as industry in research are well qualified for the exami-
nation of such a matter." But authorities differ, and
certainly here there is much room for it.
1255. The Confederacy, under the name of ti\z League of the
Rhine, was sanctioned by the approbation of the Emperor
William, and confirmed in a general assembly of his
allies, held at Oppenheim. It was determined that assem-
blies be held once every three months, in order to deliberate
on the interests of the League. The country soon ex-
perienced the good effect of this association ; a count was
hanged for violating the public peace, and the nobles desisted
from robbing on the highway. The cities of Lubeck and
Hamburg, already confederated for the protection of their
commerce, do not seem to have had any connection with
this association, which did not extend beyond the neigh-
bourhood of the Rhine. But a coalition afterwards took
place ; and the union of other small confederacies and single
towns seems to have afterwards produced the powerful
association of the Hanse, which (says Macpherson) "does
not appear from any good authority to have existed at this
time!' — "Annals of Commerce/' p. 405.
1262. Some German writers say that the Hanse Associa-
tion about this time made choice of Bruges (in Flanders) to
be a station for their trade, and an entrepot between the
coasts of the Baltic and the Mediterranean — a voyage from
one sea to the other and back again being too arduous an
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 91
undertaking to be accomplished in one season. It is, more-
over, said that the advantages of storage, commission, &c.,
continued to enrich the inhabitants of Bruges, till the
Emperor Frederick III. was provoked by an insult put upon
his son to block up their port, whereby the Hanse merchants
were obliged to transfer their commerce to Antwerp.
Macpherson, however, still doubts whether the Hanse Asso-
ciation, under that name, was yet in existence ; or if there
were any maritime cities yet added to the confederacy
entered into by Lubeck and Hamburg in the year 1241.
1270. We now discover in Norway the operations of the tra-
ding monks of North Germany who obtained leave from the king
to " fix the staple of their northern trade in the city of Bergen"
At first their commerce was restricted to the summer months
— from 3rd May to 1 4th September, — and the citizens were
not allowed to let their houses to them for more than six
weeks, to which, however, three were added for bringing in
their goods, and three more for carrying out their returns. In
process of time (says Macpherson) the Vandalic cities of Ger-
many obtained permission to establish a permanent seat of
their trade, called a contovi, in the city : and in consequence
of that indulgence the bridge was covered with twenty-one
large houses or factories, each of them capable of accommodat-
ing about a hundred merchants or factors, with their servants.
They were bound to keep the houses and also the bridge in
repair, and to perform watch and ward in that part of the city
wherein they lived. The merchants were chiefly from Lubeck,
Hamburg, Rostock, Bremen, and Deventer, and imported
flax, cloth, corn, flour, biscuits, malt, ale, wine, spirituous
liquors, copper, silver, &c., and received in return butter,
salmon, dried cod, fish-oil, fine furs, timber, &c. They were
obliged to confine their operations to Bergen, the trade of the
rest of the country being reserved to the native merchants, to
whom they gave credit of their goods till the ensuing season.
By this commerce, while it continued in its most flourishing
state, Bergen was so much enriched that no other city in the
three northern kingdoms could be compared to it.
92 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The identity with the early trading monks who settled in
London is made complete by a foot note, " They were all
unmarried, and lived together in masses within their own
factories." Among the early traders who settled in Bergen
were those called Germans, Teutons, Almains, Garpar,
Vandals, and at a later period Hansards or Hanseatics.
That great scholar, Sir Travers Twiss, Q.C., D.C.L.,
in his introduction to the fourth volume of the Black Book of
the Admiralty [Master of the Rolls Series], 1876 (p. Ixxviii.),
says :
. . . " a political confederation, the origin probably does not
date further back than A.D. 1270 ; but the Great League was made up
of minor associations, of which the most important in Western Ger-
many had come into existence when the commercial cities on the
Lower Rhine ranged themselves on the side of William, Count of
Holland, who on the death of the Emperor Frederick II., in 1250,
disputed the Imperial crown with Conrad, the son of the late
Emperor. Mayence was at first the centre of this association, which
included the merchants and shipmasters of Friesland and of Holland ;
but Cologne subsequently became the headquarters of what may be
appropriately described as the Rhenish branch of the Great Hanse
League, which kept up its old headquarters as its departmental
centre ; whilst Lubeck, Bergen, and Novgorod, became in a similar
manner the departmental centres of the Saxon or Low German, the
Scandinavian, and the Russian branches of the Great League
respectively — Lubeck being, in addition, the great centre of the
united League."
1280. Edward I. granted a charter to the merchants of the
Teutonic Gildhall, which was, however, but a confirmation of
the charter granted by his father in 1259. In this charter
the term " Hanse " does not appear. But concerning this it
need only be remarked that there was in truth no new
organization in London. The " Hanseatic League " being
formed in the north of Europe, it had appointed as its agents
in London a body long established, and known under the
title of the "Teutonic Merchants" or the "Gild of the
Teutons ; " there was no object to be gained in assuming a
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE IIANSEATIC LEAGUE. 93
new title : and, besides, in truth the German merchants
resident in London never became part or parcel of the
Confederation of the Hanseatic League (see 1314).
The King of Norway having refused the Hanse
Towns a continuation of the privileges they had enjoyed in
his ports, the League for the first time exerted its strength in
a collective body ; blocked up the ports of Norway, and com-
pelled the king to renew their privileges, and make them a
compensation in money. Oddy, p. 15.
1282. This year (10 Edward I.) Henry Waleys Lord
Mayor, a great controversy (says Stow) between the said
mayor and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine, about
the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall ; for that
the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges in respect of
maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair ;
for the appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ
to the Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding
that they should make inquisition thereof ; before whom the
merchants being called, when they were not able to discharge
themselves, sith they enjoyed the liberties to them granted for
the same, a precept was sent to the mayor and sheriff to
distrain the said merchants to make reparations — namely,
Gerard Marbod, Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de Cusarde,
a citizen of Culm, Tudero de Denevar, a burgess of Trivar,
John of Aras, a burgess of Trivon, Bartram of Hamburdge,
Godestalke of Hundondale, a burgess of Trivon, John de Dale,
a burgess of Munstar, then remaining in the said city of
London, for themselves, and all other merchants of the
Haunce ; and so they granted 210 marks to the mayor and
citizens, and undertook that they and their successors should
from time to time repair the said gate, and bear the third
part of the charges in money and men to defend it when need
were. And for this agreement the said mayor and citizens
granted to the said merchants their liberties .... amongst
others that they might lay up their grain which they brought
into this realm in inns and sell it in their garners, by the space
of forty days after they had laid it up, except by the mayor
94 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and citizens they were expressly forbidden, because of dearth
or other reasonable occasions.
1284. The League was solemnly renewed at this date. It
had been part of its original scheme to hold an extraordinary
general assembly every ten years ; admitting new members
— i.e., Towns, and excluding old ones, if there were judged to
be good reasons for doing so. We may here with advantage
review the internal constitution of the League so far as may
be necessary, in view of understanding points in its paternal
history.
The confederacy was divided into four distinct classes, over
each of which one city was to preside. At the head of the
first division, as well as of the whole League, was Lubeck ;
here the general assemblies were to be held, the records, and
the common stock, kept. Cologne was at the head of the
second class ; Brunswick was at the head of the third ;
Dantzic of the fourth class. Thus united, they were to sup-
port themselves against their common enemy ; and thus
united they certainly did procure the protection and friend-
ship of many princes who would probably not have granted
this to the individual cities. The Townes lying on the shores
of the Baltic were termed Easterlings^ and those towards the
Rhine, of which Cologne was the chief, the Westerns, after-
wards the Western Hanse Towns.
It has further to be noted that every Hanseatic citizen who,
being resident in one of the factories abroad, there contracted
marriage with a stranger, forfeited his political status as such.
No merchant could enter into a commercial partnership with
strangers. In the cities of the League sales could not take place
between two persons, of whom neither was a member of the
confederation, which law forced foreigners to employ the latter
as intermediate agents in all matters of business they had to
transact. Grain coming from the Elbe and the Vistula,
could not be transported to other countries if it was not dis-
patched in a vessel cleared out from a city in League. And
there were also several maritime regulations dictated by the
same spirit of monopoly, and founded on an exclusive com-
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 95
mercial system. Reddie's " Historical View of the Law of
Maritime Commerce," p. 253.
The number of cities stated to have been in union at the
commencement is sixty-two, but a complete list of these we
have never seen. Of the many historians and writers upon
the League, no two agree either as to number or names. This,
however, may well be, from the circumstance of their all
assuming different dates. That continual changes occurred
is probable for many reasons. The towns which became
members of the confederation received the dignity of " Free
Cities ; " perhaps, indeed, not in all cases — but the regulation
in this regard we do not find. All cities in actual confedera-
tion had the right to trade freely with all other of the cities,
as also with the great " factories " associated. The geo-
graphical constitution of the League at two other important
periods in its history, 1364 and 1476, will be given under
those dates.
An able American writer, a few years since, gave the
following outline of the position of the confederation at about
this period :
" The League dictated to princes, raised troops, and made war against
cities and states. The lords paramount who governed the Flemish
and German provinces, being jealous of the authority of the League,
often molested the Hanse Towns and went to war with them. The
towns then appealed to the League, which, having forces much
superior to those of any of the petty princes, peace was soon made,
and the grievances of all under the protection of the League quickly
redressed. So well convinced were the cities and towns of the
advantage of such support, that the political and commercial rela-
tions of the Hanse became very extensive, and in a comparatively
short time. All was not delightful in this compact, however, for
many forms were necessary before relief could be obtained from the
League, and it often came too late to be available. No city could
declare war without the consent of the four nearest towns, and it was
the general assembly at Lubeck which decided whether the whole
Hanseatic confederacy was to take part in it. If the relief demanded
consisted in troops, they were ordered to be in readiness to march
before the expiration of fourteen days. In 1348 it conquered Eric
96 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and Hakon of Norway, and Waldemar III. of Denmark. After the
peace of 1370, by which Denmark became a province of the League,
no king could be elected without its approbation. It deposed Magnus,
King of Sweden, and gave his kingdom to his nephew Albert, duke of
Mecklenburg. In 1428, Denmark becoming rebellious, it declared
war against that kingdom, and invaded the country, sending thither
248 ships manned by 12,000 troops. — Exchange and Review^ Phila-
delphia."
But these later dates have overlapped our English narrative,
and I must pursue my chronological line.
1312. About this date the English Edward II. complained
to the King of Norway of his suffering several English
merchants to be imprisoned, and their goods seized to the
value of .£310 sterling, at the instigation of the Eastland
merchants : who by all possible ways strove to obstruct the
advantages of the English merchants.
1314. A grant entered in the Patent Rolls (sec. 7 Edw. II.
m. 12) was made to the merchants of Germany, " mercatores
Alemannice" of the coming securely into the kingdom and
selling their merchandise ; but in the following year direct
mention is made of the merchants of the Hanseof Germany ;
but three years later, when other privileges are granted, they
are described as being to the merchants of the " Teutonic
Gild." — Macpherson, p. 48.
THE LEAGUE AND DENMARK.
1348. A naval war began between the Hanse Towns and
Waldemar III., King of Denmark, occasioned by that
monarch demanding toll for vessels passing the Sound.
The circumstances of the contest are not clearly recorded ;
but that it terminated in favour of the League seems clear,
from the circumstance that the king granted them the
province of Schonen for thirteen years by way of a peace
indemnity. This is the first known account of any toll
demanded for passing the Sound : it has since been a bone
of great contention.
Oddy says that soon after this date another war broke out
between these same merchants, and the King of Denmark,
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 97
" which ended much more gloriously for the former." This
probably was the engagement which we speak of under
date 1361.
1361. Wisby, the capital of Gothland, which had become one
of the Hanse Towns in 1241 (and was fortified in 1289), was
this year pillaged by Waldemar III. The League in conse-
quence declared war against Denmark, forming an alliance
with the King of Norway, Duke of Mecklenburg, and Earl of
Holstein, which latter commanded the whole fleet, except the
divisions belonging to Lubeck, for which that city named a
commander itself. This federal fleet in 1362, attacked and
took Copenhagen and its castle ; but the Danish fleet over-
came the Lubeck squadron, took six ships, burned others,
and compelled the remainder to fly to the port of Trave-
munde. The defeat of the Lubeck squadron was soon
repaired, and in 1364 the Hanseatic fleet totally destroyed
the whole fleet of Denmark, in or near the haven or road of
Wismar. Though the Danish King could / not resist longer
by sea, the Hanse Towns contrived to engage the King of
Sweden in the quarrel ; and Holstein and Jutland assisting
the Danes, were compelled to make peace ; and besides
making new regulations for the toll payable in passing the
Sound, great privileges were granted to the Hanse Towns
throughout the Danish dominions.
DOMAIN OF THE LEAGUE.
1364. Some modern writers have been disposed to lay
great stress upon this period in the history of the League.
It is the date of the first meeting of the confederation held at
Cologne, and certainly was the most important since that
held at Lubeck in 1284. It is further stated that the funda-
mental act of confederation was drawn up — a document
since believed to be entirely lost to history. And it is
also said that it was at this date that the general title of
Hanse was adopted. The zenith of its splendour is believed
to have been reached towards the close of this century, when
there were eighty-six cities in confederation, viz. : —
H
98 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Andernach,
Duisburg,
Keil,
Salzwedel,
Anklam,
Eimbeck,
Konigsberg,
Seehausen,
Aschersleben,
Elbing,
Kosfeld,
Soest,
Bergen,
Elburg,
Lemgo,
Stade,
Berlin,
Emmerich,
Lixheim,
Stargard,
Bielefeld,
Frankfort-on-
Lubeck,
Stavoren,
Bolsward,
the-Oder,
Luneburg,
Stendal,
Brandenburg,
Golnow,
Magdeburg,
Stettin,
Braunsberg,
Goslar,
Munden,
Stolpe,
Bremen,
Gottingen,
Munster,
Stralsund,
Brunswick,
Greifswald,
Nimeguen,
Thorn,
Buxtehude,
Groningen,
Nordheim,
Uelten,
Campen,
Halberstadt,
Novgorod,
Unna,
Colberg,
Halle,
Osnabruck,
Venloo,
Cologne,
Hamburg,
Osterburg,
Warburg,
Cracow,
Hameln,
Paderborn,
Werben,
Culm,
Hamm,
Quedlinburg,
Wesel,
Dantzic,
Hanover,
Revel,
Wisby,
Demmin,
Harderwyk,
Riga,
Wismar,
Deventer,
Helmstedt,
Roermond,
Zutpen,
Dorpat,
Hervorden,
Rostock,
Zwolle.
Dortmund,
Hildesheim,
Rugenwalde,
The following cities were also connected with the League,
but did not have representation in the Diet, nor responsibility: —
Amsterdam,
Bordeaux,
Lisbon,
Ostend,
Antwerp,
Cadiz,
London,
Rotterdam,
Bayonne,
Dort,
Marseilles,
Rouen,
Bruges,
Dunkirk,
Messina,
Seville, -
Barcelona,
Leghorn,
Naples,
St. Malo.
Verdenhagen (vol. ii., chap, xxvi., p. 89) gives a list of sixty-
four towns, with the annual quota, ranging from 8 to 100 imperial
dollars, which each paid towards the usual current expenses,
salaries, etc., amounting to about ^400 ; also a list of 44
other towns and cities allied to the Hanseatic League, but
some are doubtful.
The four great comptoirs or factories of the League, but
which were not in confederation, were London, attached in
1250; Bruges, 1252; Novgorod (Russia), 1272; and Bergen
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 99
(Norway), 1278. Acting chiefly from these centres, and
negotiating advantageous treaties with the different nations
of Europe, the League gathered into its confederated cities
in course of two centuries of trading, the chief part of the
wealth of Europe. The comptoir of Novgorod had many
privileges, was regarded as a model, and was looked up to
for support by all the towns in its region. This, I ought to
state, is not the Nijni Novgorod, where the great fair is now
held, but Novgorod on the Ilmen, in North-western Russia.
Bergen was one of the most flourishing comptoirs, and the
number of persons in its service was so considerable that a
separate quarter consisting of twenty-one great buildings
could hardly contain them. It had dependent upon it forty-
eight chambers of Hanseatic merchants, having each its
agents, clerks, &c. Besides leather, skins, furs, butter, wood,
train oil, whales and cod, and other fish from the northern
countries and islands, this was the great dep6t for salt,
which was indispensable to the great herring fishery then
carried on in the North Sea. The profits of the League upon
salt were said to be enormous. It had an entire monopoly of
the trade. The comptoir of Bruges maintained at one time
three hundred merchants, factors, and journeymen, all told.
After being employed here for several successive years, they were
appointed to the more eminent posts of the League, and were
generally of such ability that directors and magistrates were
selected from amongst them. This custom of promotion was
long adhered to in all the comptoirs.
The League never had any commercial stations in Den-
mark or Sweden, hence the conflicts in which it was per-
petually involved with those countries ; in the ordinary way,
however, it carried on very extensive trade with those king-
doms. The principal Baltic Staplehouse of the League was
at Wisby, in the Isle of Gothland. This town became so
famous for its riches that it was finally sacked and destroyed
by Waldemar, King of Denmark, about 1361.
1 376. The magistrates and community of London petitioned
the Parliament that they might enjoy their liberties, and that
100 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
strangers might not be allowed to have houses, or to be
brokers, or to sell goods by retail. Soon after, in the same
Parliament, the community of the city represented to the
King and Council that their franchises were invaded — mer-
chant strangers acted as brokers, and sold goods by retail,
and also discovered secrets to the enemy ; and they prayed
that a stop might be put to those enormities. Their petition
was granted — " Saving to the German merchants of the
Hanse, the franchises granted and confirmed to them by the
King and his progenitors." — Cottons Abridgment, p. 133.
1383. Stow says these merchants of the Haunce had their
Guildhall in Thames street, in place aforesaid by the said
Cosin Lane. Their hall is large, built of stone, with three
arched gates towards the street, the middlemost whereof
is far bigger than the others, and is seldom opened. The
other two be enured ; the same is now called the old hall.
At the date here given (6th Richard II.) they hired one
house next adjoining to their old hall . . . this was also
a great house with a large wharf on the Thames, and the
way thereunto was called Windgoose, or Wildgoose Lane,
which is now called Wildgoose Alley, for that the same alley
is for the most part built on by the stilyard merchants.
1384. The Hanse Towns defeated those notorious pirates,
known as the Vitaliens, who hailed from East and West
Friesland, and who infested the Baltic, and interrupted the
herring fishery. These pirates were afterwards used by the
Hanse Towns in their conflict with Queen Margaret in 1395
(see that date).
Dr. Lujo Brentano, in the introduction to his " Essay on
the History and Development of Gilds," printed by way of
preliminary essay to Mr. Toulmin Smith's " English Gilds "
(1870), says:
" But I strongly believe that the continual intercourse between the
Towns of the several trading countries of the middle ages, kept
up especially by the Hanse Towns, may not have been without
influence in producing a general similarity of development of
burgensic life in them all " (p. liv.)
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 101
1392. The merchants of this Hanse obtained from the
king a declaration that they should be subjected to no new
impositions in any town. [Rd. pat, sec. 15, Richard II. m. 36.]
About the close of this century the city of Brunswick
incurred the sore displeasure of the League. The Trading
Companies of the city rose in rebellion against the
magistrates, putting some to death, and exiling others ; and
they induced other Towns also dependent upon the League
to take a like course. The League came to the aid of the
Dukes of Brunswick, and issued the most severe decree
against the city, forbidding every communication between
the inhabitants and the League, and depriving them of all
the privileges theretofore enjoyed. Brunswick soon felt the
effect of this ban. Commerce was destroyed, manufactories
forsaken, the markets were empty, and a dreadful famine
ensued. It was only upon the most abject repentance of the
authorities, and the intercession of the Emperor Charles IV.,
that the Hanseatic Diet restored the privileges debarred for six
years. Two burgomasters and eight of the principal citizens
were condemned to walk in procession, bareheaded and bare-
footed, each with a lighted taper in his hand, from St. Mary's
church to the Town-hall, where they were to confess their
crime upon their knees before the Diet of Lubeck, and also
to make sundry promises, and do other acts of penance.
1395. The League triumphed over Queen Margaret of
Denmark — a woman of great ability and enterprise — who
had united under her single authority, Denmark, Sweden, and
Norway. They compelled her to deliver up King Albert and
his son, who were her prisoners ; and also to give them
Stockholm. The cities of Lubeck, Hamburg, Dantzic, and
five others of the League, bound themselves in the sum of.
60,000 marks that King Albert should within three years
resign the whole kingdom of Sweden. In this war England
had granted three large warlike ships of Lynn, with their
commanders and mariners, to enter into the service of the
Queen.
Disputes with England. — It was about this period that
102 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
England had various disputes and commercial differences
with the League, through its then head, the Grand (or Great)
Master of Prussia ; but they were all amicably settled. This
affords an indication that England was now becoming a rising
commercial power; and some of the towns of the League
indicated jealousy thereat. There had come to be a notion
among some of the Baltic towns that they were really
masters of that sea ; and that, therefore, all who presumed to
navigate the Baltic were invading their rights.
1399. King Henry IV. summoned the Grand Master of
Prussia, and the Governors of Lubeck, Wismar, Rostock,
Stralsund, and Gripwald, to appear in person or by deputies
before his council to answer to the merchants of England,
who complained that they were not treated in those places so
well as the merchants from them were treated in England,
though the express condition upon which they had obtained
their privileges in England was that English merchants should
enjoy the same advantages in their countries. He also warned
the merchants of the Hanse, that if they allowed others to
enjoy, under colour of their name, the privileges granted only
to themselves, he would totally abolish and annul their
charter. (" Fcedera," viii., p. 112.) Macpherson, who quotes the
preceding, adds by way of note : " When those conditions
were stipulated the reciprocity was merely nominal, for there
were very few Englishmen who traded to foreign countries ;
but there were now many, and thence more frequent occasions
of quarrel" (i. p. 610).
1403. The Hanse Towns complained,in a General Assembly,
but in very respectful terms, to Henry IV. (of England), that
the Gascons (who were then subjects of England) had seized
a ship belonging to Stettin ; Lubeck complained in the same
year of a similar injustice done on the coast of Great Britain.
The League in these matters treated as a Sovereign with a
Sovereign — being represented by its head, who at this date
was designated the Master-General of the Teutonic Order of
Prussia, thus reviving earlier associations than the League
itself.
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 103
1409. In respect of damages awarded out of some of the
complaints already noted, Henry IV. this year gave his obli-
gation to the Master-General for 5,3i8| golden nobles, and
1 3d. to be paid next St. Martin's Day, on the express condition
that when the money should be paid to the envoy of the
Master- General in England it should be sent out of the country
by bills of exchange, and not in bullion or coin, except so much
as was necessary for expenses.
1411. The same English monarch arrested several Han-
seatic merchants in the port of Boston, until satisfaction
should be made for divers losses and murders committed by
them on English merchants trading to Bergen. On giving
security to the amount of 2,000 marks, they were however
released the following year.
1417. At this date the Herring Fishery appears to have
deserted the North Sea, and to have become established in
Flanders. This was apparently one of the first steps which
operated towards the decadence of the League. The Dutch
were now rapidly increasing in wealth and rising in maritime
importance ; and this event had considerable influence on the
fortunes of the confederation. (See 1431.)
1428. The Hanse Towns of the Baltic fitted out, at the
Port of Wisinar, a fleet of 260 ships, carrying 12,000, which
were intended a second time to destroy Copenhagen ; but
notwithstanding their numbers and force they did not suc-
ceed. After this Erickson X., King of Denmark, contrived by
intrigue to render the people in some of the Hanse Towns
jealous of their magistrates, by which he gained over some of
them.
1426. Formerly one of the aldermen of London used to
act as judge in mercantile causes, wherein the German mer-
chants of the Hanse residing in England were parties ; but
for above seven years the magistrates of London had refused
to appoint any one of their number to sit in that capacity.
After repeated applications of the Hanse merchants to Parlia-
ment, the King now nominated Crowmer to the office of
alderman and judge of the Hanse merchants.
104 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
We have already seen [1282] that an alderman of London
was designated " Alderman of the Haunce." His office was
that last indicated.
BEGINNING OF TROUBLES.
1431. The League was again at war with the King of Den-
mark, and were in the end obliged to sue for that peace they
had so long refused. Ships of foreign nations seized the
opportunity, while the Towns which had maintained certain
special trades were engaged in war, of passing through the
Sound and obtaining trading advantages for themselves.
1432. The Commons in Parliament proposed (or peti-
tioned) that the Hanse merchants settled in London should be
made liable for compensation to those whose property should
be seized by the Hanse merchants in their own countries.
But the King could not consent. — Cotton's " Abridgment,"
p. 604.
1436. Early in this year the English merchants were so
much offended at being prohibited from sailing to Iceland
that they got a petition presented to Parliament praying the
abolition of the privileges of the Easterlings (or Hanse mer-
chants) in England. But the King would not agree to it.
A few months Jtater the commissioners of King Henry VI.
settled a treaty with those of the Grand Master of Prussia,
the cities of Lubeck and Hamburg, and the Hanse Towns,
whereby the ancient privileges were confirmed on both sides.
The merchants of Prussia and the Hanse Towns were
exempted from the jurisdiction of the Admiral of England ;
and were indulged with an option of having any causes,
wherein they should be concerned, tried with despatch, and
without the bustle and formality of a law suit, by two or more
judges to be appointed by the king : and a similar mode of
trial was stipulated for the causes of English merchants in
their countries. It was further stipulated on both sides, that
in case of any depredation at sea, the inhabitants of the port,
from which the piratical vessel sailed, should be obliged to
make compensation, agreeably to an order of King Edward,
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 105
and that sufficient security to that effect should be given
before any armed vessel should go out of port, — " Fcedera,"
vol. x., p. 666.
1437. England, through her monarch Henry VI., showed a
sudden disposition, either through fear or interest, to cultivate
amicable relations with the League. He granted to the
Hanse Towns all the privileges they had formerly enjoyed
in England, in the fullest manner, and also agreed to pay
19,274^ nobles to the Grand Master, in annual sums of 1,000.
This appears to us to have been, not unlikely, in view of sup-
pressing the growing commercial power of Holland.
1440. King Henry VI. addressed an expostulatory letter
to the Grand Master of Prussia, stating that in former times
no duties were exacted for vessels or cargoes in Prussia, but
of late the merchants of England had often been compelled
to pay a duty upon the value of their vessels and cargoes in
Dantzic, and been oppressed with other arbitrary exactions,
detention of their vessels, &c. Some English merchants also
having complained of being wrongfully imprisoned and
plundered in the towns of Stettin and Cosselyn, the King
wrote also to the Burgomasters, Proconsuls, &c., of the Hanse
Towns, demanding redress. (" Fcedera," x., pp. 753 — 5.)
1447. We have seen it stated that an English statute made
this year (26 Henry VI.) prohibited the exportation of mer-
chandise in any other vessels than those belonging to the
League, but we cannot find any such. It may have been
simply a proclamation. As a matter of fact no statutes were
enacted this year.
1448. Disputes had again arisen between England and the
League, and Commissioners were appointed to meet those of
the Grand Master of Prussia and settle all differences.
1452. In a Diet which had been held at Utrecht by the
Commissioners [those appointed in 1448, we presume] the
matters in dispute were adjusted in a manner satisfactory to
the King and the Grand Master. But the citizens of Lubeck
refused to abide by the determination of the Diet, retained a
number of English subjects in prison, and even
106 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the King rules for the conduct of his subjects. The other
Hanse Towns appear, in complaisance to Lubeck, to have
also neglected to accept or ratify the acts of the Diet. The
magistrates of Cologne, however, apprehending the displeasure
of the English Sovereign, had written to him requesting the
continuance of his favour, and the merchants of the Teutonic
Guildhall in London importuned him to the same effect.
The King now wrote, in answer to the magistrates, that
nothing should be wanting on his side to the faithful preser-
vation of the ancient friendship between England and
Cologne ; and he desired to know whether the Hanse Towns
were to take part with Lubeck in the hostile conduct of that
city towards England, or to comply with the decrees of the
Diet. He also wrote in the same manner to the Grand
Master, in answer to his letter, signifying his approbation of
the proceedings of the Diet. — "Fcedera," xi., pp. 304 — 5.
1454. The Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, by laying
heavy taxes upon new towns in the north of Germany, gave
rise to much dissatisfaction, and remonstrance not availing, the
inhabitants joined with the nobles in a league of self-defence.
The Emperor Frederick III. took the Grand Master under
his protection, while the opposition had recourse to Casimir,
King of Poland, for assistance. The war lasted twelve years,
and Poland, in 1466, got possession of the country afterwards
known as Polish Prussia, with the city of Culm. The
Teutonic knights became so reduced that they had to submit
to hold the remainder of their territory as a fief of the crown
of Poland. This was a great blow to the League.
1463. King Edward IV. gave the merchants of the
Teutonic Guildhall in London a confirmation of all the
privileges granted by his predecessors ; and he also exempted
them from all new taxes imposed, or to be imposed, on
imports or exports. These privileges they were to enjoy
during two years and a half, to be computed from Christmas,
1462, provided they should not attempt to pass the goods of
others as their own, nor commit hostilities or depredations
against himself or his subjects.
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 107
But notwithstanding this the Parliament which sat this
year for the defence of the realm, and especially for the guard
of the sea, granted the king for life a subsidy, called tonnage,
of 33. upon every tun of wine imported, and 33. more upon
every tun of sweet wine imported by any foreign merchants,
those of the Hanse not excepted. They also granted a poundage
duty of I2d. on the prime cost value of all goods exported or
imported, to be paid by natives as well as merchants of the
Hanse, and other strangers, who should, however, pay double
poundage on tin. From this duty were excepted woollen
cloths made by English-born subjects, wool, wool-fells, hides,
and provisions for Calais exported ; also the flour of all kinds
of corn, fresh fish, animals, and wine imported. These
impositions are said to have been made under the authority
of 3 Edward IV., but no such act appears in the Statute
Eook. There is just a supposition of intended distinction
between the merchants of the Teutonic Guildhall and those
of the Hanse League ; but it is not very probable.
One of the first acts of protective legislation in the
matter of food in this country was this year directed against
the customs of the " Easterlings " (as declared established by
them in 1252), viz., the 3 Edward IV., c. 2, under which
grain (" corn ") was forfeited if imported when the price of
wheat here was under 6s. 8d. the quarter, rye 43. and barley 33.
This act was continued in force for a very considerable period.
The other articles of commerce imported by the Easterlings
at this date were cordage, linen, cloth, hemp, flax, pitch, tar,
masts, pipe-staves, steel, iron, wax, and wainscot.
1 469. The Grand Duke of Muscovy began to make conquests,
and amongst others obtained the commercial city of Novgorod,
which he pillaged and destroyed. The Hanse Towns then
removed their emporium to Revel, where it remained about
half a century, from whence it was removed to Narva.
TREATY WITH ENGLAND.
1475. The citizens of Lubeck, who had latterly distinguished
themselves beyond their confederates by a spirit of hostility
108 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to England, had, in April, 1473, sent deputies to a general
assembly of the representatives of the Hanse Towns held at
Bruges, with instructions to ratify the articles agreed upon
with King Edward's commissioners [in 1452, or subsequently] !
After several adjournments three commissioners from the King,
with the representatives of Lubeck, and two or three from
each of the cities of Bremen, Hamburg, Dortmund, Munster,
Dantzic, Daventer, Campen, and Bruges, the Society of the
Merchants' Hanse in London, and the Society of those in
Bergen, met at Utrecht, in order to settle the terms of a
permanent amicable intercourse, and now concluded a treaty
in substance as follows : —
" Heads of Treaty. — All hostilities should cease, and a free inter-
course by land and water should be restored. All suits for compensa-
tion on either side should be dropped, and all injuries be buried in
oblivion. No claims should be made upon vessels or other property
by those from whom they had been taken, nor the captains of ships
or others be liable to arrest for any past quarrels. This general
amnesty should be confirmed by the King and Parliament of Eng-
land, and all obligations entered into by the Hanse merchants in
England for compensation of damages should be cancelled. The
merchants of England might trade to Prussia and other places of the
Hanse freely as in former times, and should be charged with no
customs or exactions but what had been a hundred years established,
and the merchants of the Hanse should enjoy all the privileges in
England granted by any of the kings to their predecessors. The
King and Parliament of England and the Hanse Confederacy, by
Letters under the seal of the city of Lubeck, should certify that no
pretence of forfeiture of privileges on account of the late hostilities
should be advanced on either side. In civil or criminal causes
wherein the Hanse merchants might be concerned in England the
King should appoint two or more judges, who, without the formalities
of law, should do speedy justice between the parties, the merchants
and mariners of the Hanse being entirely exempted from the
jurisdiction of the Admiralty and other Courts ; and similar provision
should be made for the easy and speedy dispensation of justice in
the Hanse countries. As part of the recompense found due by the
English to the Hansards, the King should convey to them the
absolute property of the courtyard, called the Staelhoef or Steelyard,
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 109
with the buildings adhering to it extending to the Teutonic Guildhall
in London, and also a court-yard, called the Slaelhof or Steelyard, in
Boston, and a proper house for their accommodation near the water
in Lynne, they becoming bound to bear all the burdens for pious
purposes to which the Staelhoef was made liable by ancient founda-
tion, or the bequests of the faithful, and having full power to pull
down and rebuild as they might find convenient. After discussing
the claims for pillages of ships and cargoes and other outrages
committed on both sides, the sum of ,£15,000 sterling was found
due as a balance of compensation from the English to the Hansards,
besides the above-mentioned houses ; but in consideration of the
protection against suits for by-past grievances assured to them by the
King, they agreed to reduce the sum to £10,000, and to receive the
payment in the customs falling due on their subsequent imports and
exports. If any city should be dismembered from the Association
of the Hanse, the King, upon receiving due intimation, should put
the merchants of that city upon a footing with other foreigners till he
should be duly certified that they were re-admitted into the Associa-
tion. The City of London should be bound by the present Treaty
in transactions with the Hanse merchants, whose ancient privileges
should not be impaired by any later grants made to the city, and the
Hanse merchants should still have the keeping of Bishopsgate as
formerly. The King should oblige the public weighers and mea-
surers to do justice between the buyers and sellers, and he should
prevent vexatious delays at the Custom House, and the repeated
opening of the packages containing federatures and other precious
furs and merchandise [after being sealed as having paid the customs]
at Canterbury, Rochester, Gravesend, and elsewhere, and should
abolish the exaction of prince-money and some other unlawful
charges. Wrecked vessels should be preserved for their owners on
the usual conditions. The King should make diligent provision
against defects in the length or breadth of cloths, in the quality of
the wool. The merchants of the Hanse, after giving security to
abide the law in such cases, as their property used to be arrested for,
should have perfect liberty of selling their goods as they pleased, and
of retailing Rhenish wine, according to ancient usage ; neither should
the Mayor of London claim a portion of their salt as he used to do."
I have set out the heads of this treaty thus in detail as
indicating very distinctly what had been the previously
110 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
existing grievances, and feel bound to add that the great
majority of the offences appear to have been committed by
the English.
1476. Under date 1452 we have seen the citizens of
Cologne in friendship with England, when all the members
of the Hanse Association were hostile, or at least unfriendly :
and the former alone enjoyed the privileges of the Hanse in
England : though for very short terms, and subject to the
trouble and expense of frequent renewals. In consequence of
that distinction Cologne had either withdrawn itself or been
expelled from the confederacy. But now that all the Hanse
Towns were in friendship with England, Cologne was again
received into the association ; and, agreeably to the treaty of
the preceding year, due notice was sent to King Edward by
the magistrates of Lubeck, in the name of the whole Teutonic
Hanse. (" Fcedera," xii. p. 36.)
DOMINION OF THE LEAGUE AT THIS DATE.
The geographical constitutionof the League, at this date, ap-
pears to have consisted of the following divisions — the Towns
varying from those given in 1364 in some details. LUBECK,
chief city of the first region ; other cities attached thereto :
Hamburg Lunenberg Grips wald
Rostock Stettin Colberg
Wismar Anclam Stargard
Stralsund Golnow Stolpe
COLOGNE, chief city of the second region, in which were
comprehended :
Wesel Hervorden Venlo
Duesberg Paderborn Elburg
Emmerich Lemgon Harderwick
Warburg Bilefeld Daventer
Unna Lipstadt Campen
Ham Coesfeld Swolle
Munster Nimeguen Groningen
Osnaburg Zutphen Bolswert
Dortmund Ruremond Stavern
Soest (Zoist ?) Arnheim
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. Ill
BRUNSWICK, the capital of the third region, had under its
command :
Magdeburg Hildesheim Stade
Goslar Hanover Bremen
Einbeck Ulsa Hamelen
Gottengen Buxtehude Minden
DANTZIC, the chief city of Prussia, was at the head of the
fourth region, consisting of :
Konirigsberg Brunsberg ( and also
Colmar Riga sundry
Thorn Dorpt ' Towns in
Elbing Reval 1 Slavonia
There was also another class of cities whose right to the
privileges of the League were controverted, viz. : —
Stendale Breslau Halberstadt
Stoltwedale Cracow Helmstadt
Berlin Halle Ryla
Brandenburg Sschersleben Nordheim
Frankfort-on-the- Quedlinburg Dinant
Oder
Werdenhagen extends the number of cities of this last class
to forty-four, among which were Lisbon and Stockholm.
The four chief " Factories " of the Hanse were Novgorod,
London, Bruges, and Bergen ; but the London Factory had
branches, or depots, at Lynn and Boston, then important
maritime towns. All the merchants of every one of the Hanse
Towns had a right to trade to those factories and enjoy
all the privileges obtained from the Sovereigns of the coun-
tries conforming to the regulations enacted for the general
good of the whole confederacy.
1491. Notwithstanding the treaty so formally concluded
with the Hanse Confederacy in 1475, the jealousies and
collisions which became more frequent as the English came
more and more into the situation of rivals in trade, had again
broken out in hostilities, captures, and slaughters. A meeting
of deputies from both sides was now held in Antwerp, in
^ TRANSACTION OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
order to adjust the pretensions and compensate damages.
But the assembly broke up without coming to any accom-
modation (vide Werdenhagen II., part iv., c. 10).
1493. Henry VII. of England broke off commercial rela-
tions with the Netherlands, and banished the Flemings out
of England : whereupon the Archduke Philip banished the
English out of Flanders, which carried all the English trade
directly to Calais. This rupture was of serious consequence
to both countries. It gave the merchants of the Steelyard
a very great advantage, by their importing from their own
Hanse Towns great quantities of Flemish merchandise into
England, to the considerable detriment of the Company of
English Merchant Adventurers, who were wont to import
such directly from the Netherlands ; whereupon the London
journeymen, apprentices and mob attacked and razed their
warehouses in the Steelyard ; but those rioters were soon sup-
pressed and duly punished (vide Macpherson, ii., p. 6).
1502. There were differences between the Hanse Towns and
the King of Denmark ; who having been driven out of Sweden
by the Regent, insisted that the Hanse Towns should for-
bear trading to Sweden. The Hanse merchants contended
that it was their business to push commerce wherever they
could. The King was assisted by the Ambassador of his
uncle James IV., King of Scotland, who sent an aid of two
stout ships of war. At a General Assembly the merchants
convinced the King of the unreasonable nature of the de-
mand, as the League had great business ventures in Sweden.
1503. There was enacted, iQth Henry VIL, c. 23, "For
the merchants of the Hanse : "
" Be it ordained, established, enacted, and provided by the King,
our Sovereign Lord, by the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Tem-
poral, and the Commons of the same, in the present Parliament
assembled, for merchants of the Hansea of Almain, having the
Hanse in the City of London, commonly called Guildhallda Teu-
tonicorum. That by the authority of this said Parliament every Act,
Statute, or Ordinance, Acts, Statutes, or Ordinances, heretofore made
concerning Merchants, Merchandise, or other wares, extend not to
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 113
the Prejudice, Hurt or Charge of the said Merchants of the Hanse
contrary to their ancient Liberties, Privileges, free Usages, and
Customs of Old Time granted to the said Merchants of the
Hanse, as well by the King's noble Progenitors, and ratified and
confirmed by the King's Grace, or by Authority of divers Parlia-
ments (2) but that all such Act, Statute and Ordinance, Acts, Statutes,
and Ordinances made or to be made in derogation of their said
Liberties, Privileges, and Free Usages and Customs stand to be, as
against the said merchants and their successors, and every one of
them, void, repealed, and annulled and of none effect ; any Act,
Statute, or Ordinance, Acts, Statutes, or Ordinances to the contrary
made or to be made notwithstanding. (3) Provided alway, That this
Act or anything therein contained, extend not, nor be in any wise
prejudicial or hurtful to the Mayor, Sheriffs, Citizens, or Common-
alty of the City of London, or any of them, or the successors or any
of them, or of any Entries, Liberties, Privileges, Franchises, or other
Thing to them or any of them given, or granted by the King's most
noble Progenitors or Predecessors, Kings of this Realm, or by
authority of Parliament, or otherwise j this present Act or any Thing
therein contained notwithstanding."
This and a similar one passed in 1523 are the only Acts which
we find in the English Statute Book relating to this fraternity.
1505. A conflict now arose — it had been smouldering for
some time — between the English Company of Merchant
Adventurers and the League. The Easterlings had been
entering upon the trade of woollen cloths with the Nether-
lands. King Henry VII. had reserved this branch of trade
to the first-named company, and he not only strictly pro-
hibited the merchants of the Steelyard from entering, or
rather from continuing it, but he obliged the Aldermen of the
Steelyard to enter a recognisance of 2,000 merks that the
Steelyard merchants should not carry any English cloth to
the place of residence of the Merchant Adventurers in the Low
Countries. This remedy was only effective for a short time.
1510. Ships from all parts of Europe were now trading in
the Baltic ; and the city of Lubeck having imprudently
attacked the King of Denmark, and burned several places
on the coast, that monarch pressed into his service the ships
I
1]4 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of England, Scotland, and France. Sweden joined the Han-
seatics ; and Denmark hired at a high charge further aid by
ships from the three countries that had espoused her cause,
and thereby obtained a larger fleet than her opponents. The
port of Lubeck, with all the ships in it, was burned ; as was
likewise that of Wismar, together with the suburbs of the
town. Warnemunde was destroyed, and the suburbs of
Travemunde, together with many villages belonging to Stral-
sund and Rostock.
These events constituted another serious blow to the
League ; and others were soon to follow. It appears from
De Witt's " True Interest of Holland," that that nation aided
Denmark in this warfare — eight of her ships having been
previously taken by the Lubeckers — and that this war cost
the province of Holland no less than fifty ships. The cir-
cumstances are set forth in considerable detail in Macpherson's
"Annals of Commerce " (ii., p. 38).
The rapid rise in commercial importance of Copenhagen
was regarded as another blow to the League, although it was
really brought about very much by the policy of the League
itself. The Hanse Towns had long oppressed the Danish
merchants who came into their ports with goods : they fixed
an arbitrary price on their merchandise, and refused to the
Danes the right of carrying away what they could not sell to
advantage. The only remedy, therefore, was to warehouse
their goods with some person in the town till circumstances
might become more favourable. To revenge as well as remedy
this, it was ordered by the King of Denmark that all such
merchandise should in future be exposed for sale only at
Copenhagen, to which place he invited foreign merchants ; so
that it became an emporium for all Danish merchandise,
to the great detriment of all the Hanse towns in the Baltic. —
Oddy, p. 24.
1516. This year terminated a six years' war between Den-.
mark and the merchants of Lubeck, which affected the com-
merce of one section of the Hanse Towns seriously ; for
during this period the city of Hamburg carried on all the
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 115
trade with Denmark and Norway, to the exclusion of Lubeck
and the other Vandalic cities which had joined her. Here,
then, we see divided interests cropping up in the several sec-
tions of which the League was composed. Hamburg's trade
with the Netherlands, and with England, vastly increased
during this period.
1518. At this date fourteen of the Hanse Towns were cut
off from the League or general confederacy ; which they were,
or what was the precise cause, we are not informed. We do,
however, know that the League still consisted of sixty-six
cities in confederation, viz., six Vandalic cities, eight of
Pomerania, six of Prussia, three of Livonia, thirteen Saxon
cities, ten of Westphalia, seven of Cleves or Marck, three of
Overyssel, seven of Guelderland, and three of Friesland.
This number, with the fourteen which had been cut off, make
a total of eighty. Over a period of many centuries, with new
political and mercantile combinations, there must almost
necessarily have been many changes.
Another significant fact which transpired at this period was
that in the Commercial Treaties which England had made
with other Powers, and with France especially, had been
generally comprehended the community and society of the
" Teutonic Hanse," and this had been so to a greater or less
extent for a century past. In a treaty made this year with
France against piracy this association was expressly compre-
hended. This could not in any way mean the Hanseatic
League ?
1519. King Henry VIII. of England issued a commission
for a congress at Bruges to treat with Commissioners from
the Hanse Towns, concerning the abuses, unjust uses, exten-
sions, enlargements, interpretations and restrictions made by
the Hanseatic merchants, concerning the several privileges at
any time granted to the Hanseatic League by the King or
his predecessors, and to remove all the said abuses ; also to
demand and receive whatever sums of money, and how large
soever they may be due to him on that account. And finally
to renew and conclude an intercourse of commerce between
116 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
England and the said Hanse League. The issue of this
Congress does not appear ; and it is more than probable that
nothing was done.
1 522. We are told by Oddy (" European Commerce ") that the
League was about this date so much engaged in quarrels with
various powers that the danger of membership became nearly
a counterpoise to the protection it afforded. On the other
hand the League received considerable advantage from a
quarrel which broke out between Denmark and Sweden, when
Lubeck and Dantzic lent to Gustavus Vasa nine ships of
war, which turned the fortune of the day ; so that the Hanse
Towns received in recompense great privileges from the
Swedish monarch, as being allowed the sole trade of Sweden,
and to pay no custom there for merchandise imported, &c.
1525. So rapidly does the kaleidoscope of history change
that we find recorded by Macpherson the occurrence of three
important incidents this year :
1. The Hanse Towns were still so powerful that Frederick
I., King of Denmark, was induced to desire a union with
them, being herein seconded by the Great Master of Prussia.
2. Even the Lubeckers alone fancied themselves so far
masters of the northern kingdoms, that they had already sold
Denmark to Henry VIII., King of England, who had actually
advanced to them 20,000 crowns on this account ; but wisely
put off payment of the remainder till they should fulfil their
engagement. [This upon the authority of Puffendorf s " His-
tory of Sweden."]
3. King Gustavus Erickson, of Sweden, about this time
agreed with Frederick I., of Denmark, to refer their differences
about the Island of Gothland and the Province of Blekinga,
&c., to the six following Hanse Towns, viz., Lubeck,
Hamburg, Dantzic, Rostock, Wismar, and Lunenburg ;
between which towns and those two kings an alliance was
made against the expelled King Christian II., who claimed
all the northern crowns ; by which alliance a final period was
put to the union of these three kingdoms, which the Swedes
alleged had ever been prejudicial to them, but beneficial to
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 117
the Danes, who, whilst they commanded in Sweden, lived like
opulent lords, whereas the native Swedes were slaves and
beggars. ("Annals of Commerce," ii., p. 64.)
1535. England again favoured the League with her coun-
tenance, although it was only in the way of retaining its
services. Relying on its former renown, probably, Henry
VIII. offered 100,000 crowns for the aid of the League in
placing a king of his liking on the throne of Denmark. The
merchants undertook this political speculation ; but Gustavus
of Sweden, to whom the Towns had been insolent since the
time they had assisted him, joined the Danes ; the Hanseatics
were defeated in an engagement at sea, and lost a vast
number of their ships, thereby hastening the decline of the
League.
DECLINE OF PRIVILEGES AND POWER.
1552. We now arrive at another important stage in the history
of the League. To make events clear we had better fall back
upon the summary given by Macpherson at this juncture :
" The time was now at length come when the eyes of the English
were to be opened to discern the immense damage sustained by
suffering the German merchants of the Hanse or College in London,
called the Steelyard, so long to enjoy advantages in the Duty or
Custom of exported English cloths, far beyond what the native
English enjoyed, which superior advantage enjoyed by those
foreigners began about this time to be more evidently seen and
felt, as the foreign commerce of England became more diffused.
" The Cities of Antwerp and Hamburg possessed at this time the
principal commerce of the northern and middle parts of Europe ;
and their factors of the Steelyard usually stt what prices they pleased
both on their imports and exports ; and having the command of all the
markets in England, with joint or united stocks they broke all other
merchants. Upon these considerations, the English Company of
Merchants Adventurers made pressing remonstrances to the Privy
Council. These Hanseatics were moreover accused (and particularly
the Dantzicers) of defrauding the Customs by colouring (i.e., taking
under their own names, as they paid little or no Custom) great
quantities of the merchandise of other Foreigners not entitled to
118 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
their immunities. They were also accused of having frequently
exceeded the bounds of even the great privileges granted to them ;
yet by the force of great presents, they had purchased new grants.
They traded in a body, and thereby undersold and ruined others.
And having for the last 45 years had the sole command of our
commerce, they had reduced the price of English wool to is. 6d. per stone.
. . . In the preceding year they had exported no fewer than
44,000 woollen cloths of all sorts, whilst all the English merchants
together had in the same exported but 1,100 cloths. The Steelyard
merchants were also exempted from aliens' duties, and yet all their
exports and imports were made in foreign bottoms ; — a very consider-
able loss to the nation."
Upon mature consideration of these, and such like reasons
and arguments, as well as of the answer thereto by the
Steelyard or Hanseatic Merchants ; and of Records, Charters,
Treaties, Depositions of Witnesses, and other proofs, it was
made apparent to the King's [Edward VI.] Privy Council :
1. That all the liberties and privileges claimed by, or
pretended to be granted to the merchants of the Hanse,
are void by the laws of this Realm, forasmuch as they have no
sufficient corporation to receive the same.
2. That such grants and privileges claimed by them do
not extend to any persons or Towns certain, and therefore it
is uncertain what persons or what Towns should or ought
to enjoy the said privileges, by reason of which uncertainty
they admit to their freedom and immunities as many as they
list to the great prejudice of the King's customs and the
common hurt of the Realm.
3. That supposing the pretended grants were good in law,
as indeed they were not, yet the same were made on con-
dition that they should not colour any other foreigners' mer-
chandize, as by sufficient proofs it appears they have done.
4. That above one hundred years after the pretended privi-
leges granted to them they used to transport no merchandise
out of this realm, but only to their own countries ; neither did
they import any merchandise but from their own countries :
whereas at present they not only convey English merchandise
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 119
into the Netherlands, and there sell them to the great damage
of the King's own subjects, but they all import merchandise
of all foreign countries, contrary to the true intent and mean-
ing of their privileges.
5. That in the time of King Edward IV. they had forfeited
their pretended privileges by means of war between the realm
and them (i.e. the Hanse Towns), whereupon treaty was made
[see 1475] stipulating that our English subjects should enjoy
the like privileges in Prussia, and other Hanseatic ports, and
that no new exactions should be laid upon their persons or
goods. Which treaty has been much broken in several parts,
and especially at Dantzic, where no redress could ever bs
obtained either by the requests of the King's father or him-
self, for the said wrongs.
In consideration of all which, the council decreed that the
privileges, liberties and franchises claimed by the said merchants
of the Steelyard shall from henceforth be and remain seised
and resumed into the King's grace's hands until the said
merchants of the Steelyard shall declare and prove better and
more sufficient matter for their claim in the premises ; saving,
however, to the said merchants all such liberty of coming into
this realm and trafficking, in as ample manner as any other
merchant strangers have within the same.
It appears that this decision was immediately followed by
the imposition of a heavy duty upon the merchandise imported
and exported by the League — 20 per cent, instead of I per
cent., their ancient duty since Henry III. We find no trace
of it ; but it may have been effected by proclamation. It is
certain that the Regent of Flanders, as also the City of Ham-
burg, made representations in view of having the privileges of
the Steelyard merchants reinstated, but without effect.
1553. Misfortunes rarely come singly, and so we must be
prepared to find that events were transpiring in other
directions similar to those last recorded — the incidents of
diplomacy frequently react upon each other, and it may have
been so in this case. We learn from Wardenhagen that there
was at this date trouble at two other comptoirs of the League
120 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
— viz., at Novgorod, which "by reason of the Czar's arbitrary
and tyrannical proceedings (who without any just grounds,
assumed a power to imprison the German merchants, and to
seize on their effects) was now quite abandoned ; " and at
Bergen — where the marks of the once important commerce of
the League are more clearly seen than elsewhere — which had
also become deserted by the Hanseatics by reason of the like
arbitrary proceedings of the King of Denmark. The remain-
ing comptoir had originally been at Bruges, but by reason of
the decay of that once most opulent city, it had been first
removed to Dort, and afterwards to Antwerp, where it con-
tinued to prosper for a considerable time hereafter.
There can be no doubt that the real decline of the power of
the League is to be traced to the fact of its having become
political and warlike instead of remaining commercial and
peaceful ; for if the latter policy had been pursued it might,
and probably would, have rivalled and distanced all other
trading enterprises of early date. Mr. Oddy's summing up
on this point is instructive :
The Hanseatic Towns had, in those days, when they under-
stood the nature and importance of commerce better than other
nations, obtained from their merchants privileges that in times
when those latter grew more enlightened, became burdensome
and obnoxious ; but the members of the League, by a fatality
(if it may be so called), or at least by a conduct which is very
common to nations and States in the time of prosperity, never
took into account the changes that time and circumstances
had brought about ; they never considered that the time was
past when they could either deceive, cajole, or coerce other
Powers, and that therefore they must depend on prudent
management for the preservation of those advantages they
had obtained under more favourable circumstances.
The sort of treatment political resentment brought upon
the League is very well shown in the following case. The
ancient toll for passing the Sound had only been a golden
rose-noble on every sail, which was always understood to be
meant on every ship [the only reasonable construction] ; but
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 121
the Court of Denmark had for some time past put a new and
arbitrary construction on the word sail, by obliging all ships
to pay a rose-noble for every sail in or belonging to each
ship. Moreover, not content with this imposition, the same
Government proceeded to lay a duty on the grain and other
merchandise per last or ton, distinct from that on sails ;
which burdens obliged the Vandalic Hanse Towns to
relinquish the Norway trade. And as they had vast dealings
in transporting the grain of Poland and Livonia to other
parts of Europe, these high tolls so discouraged them that
they gradually left off that commerce, to which the
Hollanders succeeded, and conducted with great advantage.
As we have said, this is but one instance of a class.
1554. The English Mary having in the previous year
married Philip, son of the Emperor, the prospects of the
Hanseatics began, at least for the moment, to revive in
England. Her first act in their behalf was to suspend the
operation of the regulations imposing the higher duty upon
their imports and exports for a period of three years. This
led the ambassadors of the Free Cities of the League to point
out that, by an act of the first year of her reign (1553) imposing
certain customs or subsidies, called Tonnage and Poundage, they
were more burdened than heretofore, " contrary to the effect
of such charters and privileges as by sundry of her prede-
cessors, Kings of England, had heretofore been granted to
them." And the Queen being informed that the said declara-
tion or complaint contained truth, and she being also desirous
to observe and continue in equitable and reasonable sort the
antient amity and intercourse which had been betwixt her
dominions and the free cities of the Hanse Towns, commanded
her Treasurers and Barons of the Exchequer, her Customers,
Comptrollers, Searchers, &c., in London and other ports,
freely to permit the said merchants of the Steelyard to
import and export all merchandise not prohibited, without
requiring any greater subsidy or custom than in the time of
her father or brother. She also granted them a licence to
export woollen cloths made in England, of the value of £6
122 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sterling, or under, unrowed, unbarbed, and unshorn, without
any penalty or forfeiture on account of certain Statutes of the
2/th and 33rd years of King Henry VIIL, prohibiting the
said exportation ; the merchants of the Steelyard represent-
ing to the Queen that the price of cloths was now so enhanced
that they could send over none at all without incurring the
penalties of those Acts.
The last portion of this record is not by any means so clear
as it might be, but we have preferred to follow our authority
(" Fcedera," xv., p. 364). The most remarkable portion, how-
ever, of the history in this reign remains yet to be told. The
Queen afterwards revoked the said privileges, for that the
Hanses had broken promises with her, in continuing an
unlawful trade in the Low Countries, whereby she lost in
eleven months, in her customs, more than ^9,660, besides
great damage to her subjects in their trade. — Vide Wheeler's
" Treaties of Commerce," p. 100.
1558. Queen Elizabeth ascended the English throne. She
and her advisers speedily found themselves involved in mis-
understandings with the League ; and it seems quite probable,
from the recent course of events, that some so-called religious
feeling was becoming introduced into the constantly recurring
disputes. We shall, however, confine ourselves entirely to
the commercial and political aspects, under their appropriate
dates (see 1568 and 1578).
1568. We obtain in the following passage from Macpherson
a more clear view of the causes of the disputes in this reign
with the League than we have elsewhere seen :
" As England produced no military stores, Queen Elizabeth was
obliged to buy all her gunpowder and naval stores from the German
Steelyard merchants, at their own prices, there being as yet but few
English merchants dealing in that way, and this was one of her
greatest inducements to encourage commercial companies, whereby
her own Merchants of Russia, and of the two Elder Companies of
the Staple, and the Merchant Adventurers, were considerably
increasing in trade — the former in the exportation of wool (not as
yet legally prohibited) ; and the latter, of cloth, both to the great
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 123
advantage of the revenue. This made the Hanseatics labour to
render these companies obnoxious to other nations by various
calumnies ; yet, in spite of their malice, an universal spirit of adven-
turing in foreign parts for discovery and traffic, as well as for
improving manufactures at home, daily increased in England,
whereby they soon became an overmatch in naval strength, commerce,
and riches, for the declining Hanseatics, whose threatenings,
therefore, the Queen disregarded ; and Werdenhagen, their historian,
a few years after this, acknowledges, that the English, in all those
respects, as also in the bravery of their commanders and sailors,
excelled the Hanse Towns ; and Hamburg, though a potent Hanse
Town, which had formerly rejected the English merchants, now
began to court their residence, in consequence of which, they [the
English merchants] removed from Emden to Hamburg, whence they
soon extended their commerce into Saxony, Prussia, and Russia,
which gave great umbrage to the Danes." — " Annals of Commerce,"
ii., p. 150 (see 1578).
1572. The League was again in dispute. This time it
arose out of a peace concluded between the city of Lubeck
and King John of Sweden, after a war of eight years ; one
of the articles of which was, that the Lubeckers might freely
trade with Livonian Narva, then in the hands of Russia.
This the Swedish monarch afterwards disregarded, he being
himself at war with Russia. A Grand Assembly of the
Deputies of the Hanse Towns was hereupon convened ; but it
does not appear that any effectual measures were devised or
applied. This indicates the declining power of the League.
1578. It had been the manifest policy of the Queen to
keep the Hanseatics in suspense regarding the renewal of
their privileges, until her own subjects had felt their way in
respect to the increase of their foreign trade and shipping —
and, as we have seen, the progress in these respects was most
satisfactory. The League, finding it could not shake her
firmness, applied to the Emperor Rodolph II., as their
sovereign, urging the necessity of compelling her to reinstate
them in their immunities, and particularly that of paying
only the ancient custom of I per cent. The Queen replied
to that Emperor's remonstrances, that she had done the
124 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Hanseatics no kind of wrong, having treated them on the
same footing in which she had found them at her accession
to the crown ; it was her sister who had abolished the old
duty, and laid on that now subsisting.
This answer was deemed to be far from satisfactory, and
led to retaliatory measures on each side. The Hanseatics
growing louder in their complaints all over Germany, they at
length issued a prohibition of the English merchants to reside
any longer in Hamburg ; whereupon the Queen published
a declaration, annulling all the ancient immunities of the
League in England, and only allowing them the same
commercial privileges that other foreigners enjoyed. Soon
after, she prohibited all foreigners, and particularly the Hanse
or Steelyard merchants by name, from exporting English
wool. This prohibition was said to be greatly owing to the
industrious Protestant Netherlanders, lately driven out by the
Spanish governors, and settled in England, having advised
the prohibition of unmanufactured wool. It was a great
blow to the Hanseatics.
1579. A general assembly of the Hanse delegates assembled
at Lunenburg this year, laid a duty of 7f per cent, on all
goods imported into their territories by Englishmen, or
exported by them ; whereupon Queen Elizabeth laid a like
duty of 7f per cent, on all merchandise imported or exported
by the German Steelyard merchants. Thus matters became
more and more embroiled between England and the German
Hanse Towns, " the magnanimous Queen (says Macpherson)
being firmly determined never to yield to their unreasonable
demands."
1587. About this time the Queen granted to the Steelyard
merchants the same commercial privileges and immunities, in
point of customs on commerce, as were enjoyed by her own
natural-born subjects ; provided, however, that her English
merchants at Hamburg were equally well treated, which yet
did not give them entire content. In the meantime, the
Queen being at war with Spain, gave the Hanse Towns due
notice not to carry into Spain, Portugal, nor Italy, provisions,
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 125
naval stores, or implements of war, for the King of Spain's use,
under forfeiture thereof, and even of corporal punishment.
1589. The final breach between Elizabeth and the Hanse
Towns arose out of the events of this year, in the following
shape. The Queen determined to avenge the Armada of
last year by a return cruise of private adventurers, led and
protected by six vessels of the Royal Navy, and some Dutch
ships. The number of ships so collected is stated to have
been 146. In the Tagus, this expedition took some 60 hulks
(or Fly-boats) of the German Hanse Towns, laden with wheat
and warlike stores, to furnish the new armada against
England. The cargoes were retained, but the ships were
released. These ships had sailed from their ports by way of
the North Sea, and the West Coast of Ireland, and so had
escaped observation, and earlier capture. The Queen having
forewarned the Hanse Towns in 1587 (as we have seen) against
sending any such stores, the capture was quite legal, but
it involved several years of correspondence and remonstrance
from some of the Towns of the Empire, and of Poland and
Dantzic— they being deeply interested in this seizure. In
the end it led to a final breach between England and the
Hanse Towns, as will be seen.
1591. An assemblage of some of the principal mem-
bers of the League took place at Lubeck this year. Its
immediate object was to remonstrate with Elizabeth for the
course she had taken. They embodied a style of indigna-
tion, reproach and menace, in their communications to which
the Queen answered : that she was willing to attribute their
want of respect to their amanuensis or secretary, but that she
set no sort of value upon their hostile intentions. The
Hanseatics then set to work in another manner, not indeed
new to them, by depreciating the company of English
Merchant Adventurers. Such an attempt being made at Elbing,
the Elbingers wrote a respectful letter to the Queen inform-
ing her of what had occurred, and of their intention to abide
by the decision of the King and Diet of Poland ; but in
the meantime they would, under Her Majesty's protection
1 26 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and authority, go on as their inclination led them in favour
of her merchants. And King Sigismund of Poland, in a
respectful letter to the Queen, also declared his approbation
of the English Merchant Adventurers residing at Elbing, or
anywhere in Poland.
This year, too, there was compiled a code of laws for the
regulation of the maritime affairs of the League. The
deputies called to their aid representatives from the free and
maritime towns of the German Empire, whether in the Confe-
deration or not. The League had first used the Laws of Oleron,
and afterwards those of Wisby. It now found a code adapted
to its own circumstances desirable. It is a remarkable feature
of this Code that it makes no reference whatever to marine
insurance, other than in its old form of Bottomry. The reason
for this may well be, that the maritime operations of the Con-
federation were so large that the League undertook its own
maritime risks, like some of the great steam shipping com-
panies of the present day. Mr. Reddie thinks it possible that
" its influential leaders may have seen in the transactions of
insurance only a great innovation, of which the advantages
were still not sufficiently developed to admit of any attempt
to subject them to positive rules, and of which the conditions
behoved in each case to be regulated by special contract."
1594. The Emperor Rodolph II. having written to the
Queen in the preceding year respecting the grievances of the
Hanse Towns — therein styled the " Maritime Cities of the
Baltic League " — and to which position they were now indeed
fast reverting, Elizabeth sent a special envoy to the Em-
peror to vindicate her conduct in the matter. He explained
that the ancient privileges which the League formerly had in
England, because of their abuse of them, and in consideration
that they were incompatible with the good government of the
realm, had been abrogated by Edward VI., yet the Queen
had, in the beginning of her reign, granted them to trade on
the same terms as her own subjects, and so on, as I have
already set forth. He urged that in all kingdoms some old
usages and privileges are by change of circumstances taken
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 127
away, particularly for the abuse of them. The Hanses had
no cause to complain of England, but of themselves !
1595. This year the Lord Mayor of London received from
the Lords of the Council a letter, dated 5th October, directing
him to appoint some of the Aldermen of the City to consult
with the Alderman of the Steelyard with reference to the saltpetre
men appointed to dig and make saltpetre in their house.
The Lord Mayor replied on the following day that certain
Aldermen and others, with the Lieutenant of the Ordnance
had viewed the rooms within the Steelyard, where the
saltpetre men were to dig, under warrant for saltpetre, and
had delivered a certificate enclosed. They found by the complaints
of the citizens that the said saltpetre men entered into houses,
shops, and warehouses of poor artificers within the city to dig for
saltpetre to the great hindrance of their trade. He, therefore,
requested that they might be admonished and charged to use
more discretion and moderation in the execution of their
warrant.* — Remembrancia, 214—15 (see again 1613).
* There is a remarkable history concerning this question of saltpetre.
Before the discover}' and importation of Indian nitre, saltpetre was
manufactured from earth impregnated with animal matter, and being
the chief ingredient of gunpowder, was claimed by the Government, and
in most countries became a State monopoly. Patents for making salt-
petre were specially exempted in 1624 from the statute against mono-
polies (21 Jac. I. c. iii. s. 10), and the saltpetre man was empowered to
break open all premises, and to dig up the floors of stables, and even
dwelling-houses. This privilege was very scrupulously exercised, an
instance of which may be seen in Archbishop Laud's "Diary" (1624,
Dec. 1 3th), that the "Saltpetre men had digged in the Colledge Church
of Brecknock for his work [material] bearing too bold upon his com-
mission." Charles I., in 1625, and again in 1664, commanded by Pro-
clamation, that no dovehouse or stable should be paved, but should lie
open for the growth of saltpetre, and that none should presume to hinder
any saltpetre man from digging where he thought proper. The vexation
and oppression of the King's subjects by the saltpetre men is especially
mentioned in the famous " Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom "
in 1641, and no effectual remedy was applied until 1656, when it was
enacted that no saltpetre man should dig within any houses or lands
without previously obtaining the leave of the owner. This vexatious
prerogative of the Crown was maintained in France until 1778, and was
not abolished in Prussia until 1798. — Waters's Parish 'Registers, p. 37.
128 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EXPULSION FROM ENGLAND.
1597. The merchants of the League still pursued their later
policy of opposing the operations of the English Merchant
Adventurers in Germany, in the belief that the Queen would
gladly restore the ancient privileges of the Hanse merchants
in England, in order to protect those of the company named.
Herein they greatly erred, for such was not the policy of the
Crown. The Queen, as a matter of decorum, demanded a
revocation of the Imperial edict, by which the comptoir of
the English company was to be excluded from Staden, and
the merchants from other parts of Germany. She then, with-
out further delay, directed a Commission to the Mayor and
Sheriffs of London to shut up the house inhabited by the
merchants of the Hanse Towns in the Steelyard, London.
And, moreover, ordered all the Germans there, and every-
where else throughout England, to quit her dominions on the
very day on which the English were obliged to leave Staden !
1601. At the beginning of this century the merchants of
Hamburg and other of the Hanse Towns made regular
annual voyages up the Mediterranean as far as Venice, to
their great profit. But Amsterdam was now fast absorbing
this trade, and finally monopolized it. Formerly the League
had traded to Florence, Genoa, and Messina for silk, in ex-
change for their grain ; and the ships of Lubeck, Wismar, and
Straelsund then also used to frequent the ports of Spain, till
supplanted therein also by the more dexterous Hollanders.
Wheeler, first the secretary, then the advocate, and finally
historian of the English Merchant Adventurers' Company—
which company unquestionably did much to hasten the down-
fall of the League — became, as a matter of course, the great
antagonist of the Hanseatics. In his "Commerce," written
this year, he makes no attempt to conceal his pleasure that
the power and strength of the League were so much decayed
that the State need not greatly fear it. For the causes which
made the Hanse Towns of estimation and account in old
times were (he truly says) the multitude of their ships and
sea trade, whereby they stored all (European) countries with
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 129
flax, hemp, linen, iron, copper, grain, and naval stores, etc.,
and served princes with their large and stout ships in time of
war. It would be found they had now lost these advantages.
If her majesty should forbid all trade into Spain, as other
princes had done, further advantages to the League would be
lost ; for that trade was now its chiefest support. " Besides
of the seventy-two Confederate Hanse Towns so much vaunted
of, what remains almost but the report ? And those which
remain, and appear by their deputies when there is any
assembly, are they able, but with much ado, to bring up the
charges and contributions, &c., for the defence and main-
tenance of their League, privileges, and trade, in foreign
parts and at home ? Surely no ! for most of their teeth are
out, and the rest but loose ! " etc.
It is curious to note the influence of the disruption of the
League upon certain cities which had belonged to the con-
federation. Hamburg, which appears to have been one of the
first towns which took any steps in the direction of the for-
mation of the League, but which in the days of its power
appeared to be treated with coolness — was this through the
jealousy of Lubeck ? — Hamburg now rose to a greater point
of importance than it had ever occupied previously, and at the
close of this century was ranked next to London and Amster-
dam. It had still continued to increase. Lubeck, it was
evident, owed much of its importance to the influence of the
League ; and declined rapidly on its dissolution. Bremen the
same. Dantzic became rapidly advanced in importance. Many
of the Baltic cities lost their importance almost entirely.
Trade now followed, in fact, its natural and unrestricted
channels. First England, and then Holland, gained most by
the change.
ATTEMPTED RESUSCITATION.
1604. An Assembly of Hanseatic Deputies now appointed
a solemn Embassy to foreign nations for the renewal of their
mercantile privileges, in the name of the cities of Lubeck,
Dantzic, Cologne, Hamburg, and Bremen. They first ad-
dressed the English monarch, King James, who because they
K
130 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
brought no letters from the Emperor of Germany, soon
dismissed them with the following answer from his Privy
Council : — That as their privileges were heretofore adjudged
to be forfeited, and thereupon resumed by the King's pre-
decessors, in respect of the breach of conditions on their part,
so it can no way stand with the good of the State to restore
them again to the said privileges." And with this answer they
departed, nothing contented.
The Hanseatics went thence to the Court of France, where
they met with abundance of good words, but nothing else ; and
then they went to the Court of Spain, where, probably for the
Emperor's sake, they had some success. — Macpherson, ii.,p.24O.
1612. The Baltic Hanse Towns were greatly oppressed
in their commerce by the additional dues which Denmark
(again at war with Sweden) had imposed upon all ships
passing the Sound. The Lubeckers made a league with
Holland for the mutual protection of their commerce and
navigation — determining to send an armed force to the
Sound for that end. Other of the Hanse Towns soon came in-
to the arrangement. The King of Denmark now claimed that
he was Lord of the Baltic Sea. This circumstance (as affect-
ing the growing commerce of England) probably induced
King James to join with Holland and the Hanse Towns in a
complaint ; and the tolls were now reduced to the same rate
as before the present war. It certainly was a remarkable in-
cident to find England so soon operating in conjunction with
the League ; but as we have before remarked, it is impossible
to predict the shape or direction political or commercial
interests may assume. We must see what followed.
1613. In order to guard against future encroachments by
Denmark the Dutch this year contracted an alliance with the
Hanse Towns in general — and a more special one with
Lubeck two years later (1615), wherein they agreed to stand
by each other against all impositions. Macpherson remarks
hereon :
" This effort of the declining Hanse Towns to draw the Dutch
into a confederacy with them for the freedom of commerce, did, by
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 131
the powerful conjunction of England, produce the desired effect.
Yet, in general, it was unlikely that any durable confederacy (and
much less an union, as some then proposed) could take place
between the Dutch and so great a number of widely dispersed towns,
with interests almost as different as their situations ; overawed, too, by
the greater potentates near them, since they have become so strong
in shipping. Such an union, therefore, could not be advantageous
to the Dutch, whose aim always was to gain ground everywhere in
commerce, and who now for more than a century have engrossed the
greatest part of the commerce of the Baltic, and thereby have
rendered most of the Hanseatic powers on that sea as empty of
good shipping as their exchanges are now of rich merchants."
It turned out in truth that this present effort was but a
parting flicker ; for Werdenhagen records that " about this
time the Swedes treated as enemies all such merchants as did
not take out licences from their king for liberty to trade
thither ; so that the Easterling Hanse Towns, being pressed
with difficulties on every side, were obliged to relinquish a great
part of their ancient commerce, which gradually brought on their
great present declension." This was written in 1630.
The saltpetre question, which had come up in 1595,
was again brought to the front this year in the following
manner. The Earl of Worcester addressed a letter to the
Lord Mayor (date " Sept.") informing him that the King had
by Letters Patent committed to his charge the making of
Saltpetre and Gunpowder for the use of his majesty within
his dominions, with power to appoint deputies, and requiring
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to prevent any persons digging
for, or making, Saltpetre within the City and Liberties, except
John Evelyn, Esq., of Godstone, Surrey, his factor, servants,
etc., to aid him in the performance of the business, and in the
event of any other person being found working to require them
to cease, taking bond from them either to do so, or appear before
the Privy Council.* This was evidently a curtailment of the
privileges of the League in England.
* A licence was granted to the Earl of Worcester for the sole making
of Saltpetre and Gunpowder in England and Ireland for twenty-one
132 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1622. The progress of the English Russian, the East India,
and the Merchant Adventurers' Companies, and their building
" many stout ships," had further interfered with the commerce
of the Hanse Towns ; and those on the southern shores of
the Baltic were reported as greatly decayed at this date.
1630. This year Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
having entered Germany with an army, occasioned much
damage to the commerce of the Hanse Towns by the devas-
tations committed by his troops. In that King's manifesto
he accuses the Imperialists " of forbidding his merchants all
freedom of commerce ; seizing on their merchandise, and
confiscating their ships, under the pretence of establishing a
general commerce at Lubeck for the Hanse Towns ; which,
in effect, was driving the Swedes from the whole commerce of
the Baltic, and erecting a naval force at the expense of his
merchants, in order freely to ravage and pirate in that sea ;
having newly created an unheard-of dignity of a General of
thq Seas for that purpose, and possessed themselves of the
forts and fortified places of Mecklenburg and Pomerania :
fortifying the port of the Free Hanseatic City of Straelsund
for a receptacle and retreat to their pirates." This was
probably an overdrawn view ; but it at least goes to show that
the Baltic portion of the League was " dying hard."
THE END.
It is stated that in consequence of this manifesto, a
General Diet was this year convened at Lubeck, but that
none of the cities sent their representatives, except to notify the
resolution which they had taken to abandon it. This statement
years, revocable at pleasure, dated May 8, 1607. An Indenture was
signed by the King and the Earl of Worcester, the latter agreeing to
deliver eighty lasts of gunpowder per annum at the Tower of London, at
8d. per pound, and as much more as might be required at 9d., dated
May 8, 1607. See Calendar of State Papers, 1603 — 10. Another grant
was made to the Earl, with some alterations from his former commission
in 1616; of which he gave notice to the Lord Mayor in a letter dated
"Worcester House, June 13, 1617." Remembrancia, pp. 218, 219.
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 133
I take upon the authority of Mr. Reddie (" Historical View
of the Law of Maritime Commerce, 1841"), who does not give
any authority for it ; but his name will be deemed
sufficient by all who know his works. He adds : —
This dissolution of the confederacy, however, proved so far
beneficial to some of its parts. The cities of Hamburg and Lubeck,
in particular, gained in opulence what they had lost in power.
Finding themselves no longer at the head of an ambitious League,
which had enabled them to exercise a kind of commercial despotism
over their neighbours, they adopted milder maxims of trade ; and
contenting themselves with the peaceful interchange of commodities,
preserved, with a recent temporary interruption, their liberties and
political independence.
1647. It seems probable that the alliance formed between
various cities of the League and Holland in 1612, continued
all through the long and sanguinary wars between Austria on
the one side, and France and Sweden on the other, and the
less tardy warfare between the United Provinces of the
Netherlands on the one side and Spain on the other. The
famous Treaty of Westphalia, concluded this year, terminated
these contentions, and pacified for the moment the great
potentates of Europe — England (who was not a party to the
treaty) perhaps alone excepted. It was stipulated that the
Hanse Towns should enjoy all the same rights, privileges,
etc., in the dominions of Spain, which by this treaty were or
should be granted to the subjects of the States-General ; and
reciprocally the subjects of the States-General were to enjoy
the same privileges, etc., in Spain as the Hanseatics : whether
for established consultation in the capital forts of Spain, or
elsewhere, as should be needful, or for the freedom of their
merchants, factors, etc., and in like sort as the Hanse Towns
had formerly enjoyed, or should hereafter obtain for the
security of their navigation and commerce! Here was the
only spirit still retained. It was battling for the shadow
only : the substance was already gone ! From that hour I
trace no more, even a mention of the League, in the great
134 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
commercial history of Europe. It had played its part ; it was
now dead ; but will never be forgotten !
I confess I cannot write these last words without a feel-
ing of sorrow, of real regret, at the mutability of worldly
affairs, as evinced in the preceding history. Here is a com-
bination which had played a most important part, not only in
the commercial progress, but more or less in the political
supremacy of Europe for four centuries — a longer period, I
believe I am right in saying, than is claimed for any other
known combination, commercial or political. It had, during
the greater portion of that period, been a most potent power.
It had, without much doubt, subsidized our kings in earlier
times. Our English Henry III. indeed had incorporated its
representatives in England as a Trading Guild, in acknowledg-
ment of the assistance of the League in his naval wars, and also
for money lent him ! The French Kings, Louis XL, Charles
VIII., Louis XII., and Francis I. had bestowed great privi-
leges on it. The Emperor Charles V. had availed himself of
its bounty. It had aided in creating, as in dethroning, many
Kings and Princes ; and the only monument of its own great-
ness lives in the memories of the few who have made its real
history a matter of personal study I
NOTE.
I think it better to add the enactment of 1523, which I have
referred to under date 1503, but have not included in the text.
1523. By 14 & 15 Hen. VIII. c. 29, "per M'catoribz de Hansa,"
it was enacted as follows : —
" Provyded always that none Acte, Statute, or Ordenaunce had
made or to be made in this present Parliament in any manner of
wyse extend or be prejudiciall or hurtfull unto the merchauntes of
the Hanse of Almayn or to any of them havyng the House withyn
the Citie of London, commonly called Guyldhalda Theotonicorum,
by what name or names they or any of them be named or called :
any Acte, Statutes or Ordenaunces made or to be made to the
contrary in anywise notwithstondying."
The Acts against which this is intended to give exemption were
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 135
probably the following, but many like exemptions will be found in
various statutes : —
Cha. I. The Act concernyng the conveying, transportyng and
cariyng of Erode Whyte Wollen Clothes out of this Realme.
Cha. IV. An Acte for payment of Custome.
The following additional notes as to the internal regulations of the
League will help to complete our outline.
The discipline at the Factories was of the strictest nature, and the
ordeals the acolyte merchants underwent would be deemed incredible,
if they were not vouched on authority. The initiations were termed
"plays," and were more than thirty in number, but the three principal
ones were smoke^ water, and the scourge ; these were exercised with
such seventy that the candidates sometimes sank under the operation.
In London, as in the other Hanseatic comptoirs, all the meals
were taken at a common table, but these merchants lived well, and
ate and drank the best of everything the world could afford. The
government of the Steelyard was through a council of twelve
members — a master or alderman, two assessors, and nine common
councilmen, elected annually. This was in fact an independent civil
government^ not subject to the common law of England. Every New
Year's eve there was a general meeting for the transaction of business
and election of officers. The oath of installation was as follows : —
" We promise and swear to keep and uphold, all and every, the
rights and privileges of the Hanse merchants in England, as well as
to obey the laws and regulations made for them, all to the best of
our abilities ; and we promise and swear to deal justly towards every
one, whether powerful or humble, rich or poor, so help us God and
His saints."
It would seem but reasonable that a society which required such
an oath, and officers who subscribed to it, must have been honourable
in nature and intentions ; and, indeed, it must be admitted to the
credit of these merchants, that their dealings were honorable to a
degree which would shame much of the business of the present day.
They endeavoured to monopolize trade, as they felt to be their duty
towards their principals, and they stood stoutly for rights and privi-
leges which, by long use, they had considered as absolutely vested in
their League. They did not appreciate the fact that they were absorb-
ing rights and business which belonged to the nation at large, and in
this feeling they were not one whit worse than many of their com-
136 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mercial descendants, who do not , monopolize trade simply because
they cannot. — Vide Exchange and Review.
As I have already said, the enactments of the League attest the
importance in which it held fidelity in the execution of mercantile
engagements, without which there cannot exist any true or genuine
credit. He who, having borrowed in one city of the confederacy,
did not pay his debt, or who, having lent money upon pledges in
security, carried off what his debtor had thus entrusted to him,
forfeited the status of a Hanseatic citizen. A debtor, excluded from
one of the confederated cities on account of his debts, could not
find an asylum in any other of these cities. The bankrupt whose
flight had been advertised, with a description of his person, behoved
to be arrested wherever he could be found, and, if fraudulent, exposed
in public, loaded with irons, if not punished with death !
The ordinances of the League also contain numerous regulations
relative to fidelity in weights and measures, and the quality of
different kinds of merchandise, relative to the capacity and exterior
marks of casks in which were contained certain commodities that
were purchased and re-sold by wholesale ; and against the debase-
ment of coined money. Some also related to the good order of
corporations of tradesmen, to apprenticeships, and to the obligations
of agents and commission men (fr&positi) to render accounts to
their principals or constituents.
Nor are we surprised to find special regulations for the commerce
of salt ; prohibitions against the sale of herrings not yet caught, of
grain not yet reaped, and of cloth not yet woven; against the
exportation of cloth to be dyed in another place than that in which it
was woven ; against the exportation of gold and silver to be wrought
and manufactured in a foreign country ; against selling cloths with
a false dye, or perfume of which the quality was adulterated !
There is reason to believe that the contract of exchanges was
practised amongst the inhabitants of the Hanse Towns. — Vide
Reddie's Maritime Commerce^ p. 256-7.
In the great " staplehouses " in London, as well as in the smaller
ones at Boston and Lynn, there were stored immense quantities of
raw products, principally wool, tin, and hides — which were exported
from England — as also numerous articles received in exchange
from abroad, enumerated by Stow, as " wheat, rye, and other grain ;
cables, ropes, masts, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth waistcoats, wax,
:steel, and other profitable merchandise."
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS, BISHOP
OF OLMUTZ (1542—1553).
BY THE REV. ALBERT H. WRATISLAW, M.A., F.R. HIST. Soc.,
FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF BOHEMIA.
WHAT angler has not been, if he be not still, a reader of
Izaak Walton ? And what reader of Izaak Walton has not
observed his frequent quotations from Dubravius, and been
amused by that wonderful account of the victory of a frog
over a pike, of which Dubravius declares he was himself an
eye-witness, but which reads far more like a dream than a
reality ? And the name of this same Dubravius has lately
been brought before the public by Mr. Frank Buckland, as
that of the author of an excellent recommendation in the
management of fish-ponds, a means of producing food so
sadly neglected in this country, viz. : to draw off the water
every third or fourth year and sow a crop of oats on the rich
mud collected at the bottom. It may not therefore be un-
interesting, if I give a brief account of the life and writings of
Dubravius, who was a man of considerable mark in his
day in the political and ecclesiastical, as well as in the pisci-
cultural world.
JOHN of DOUBRAVKA and HRADISCH was born about the
year 1489 in the town of Pilsen in Bohemia, of Catholic
parents, who appear to have been fairly well-to-do people.
His father is said to have borne the name of SKALA (Rock), a
name of which he himself made use until he acquired the
arms and addition of Doubravka and Hradisch. He was
brought up in the Catholic faith, and received his elementary
education in the grammar school at Pilsen, but, as he soon
exhibited unusual aptitude and intelligence, he was sent abroad
for his higher education, the University of Prague being at
138 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
that time entirely in the hands of the Utraquists. He studied
for some time in the gymnasium at Vienna, where a well-
known classical scholar, Conrad Celtes, was teaching. Here
he made such progress in classical oratory and poetry, and in
all branches of the <% Humanities," that some of his produc-
tions attracted the especial attention of the scholars there
residing. In particular he wrote a learned and ingenious
commentary on Martianus Capella's " Nuptials of Mercury and
Philology/'which he afterwards printed (1526) and dedicated
to Bishop Stanislas Thurzo.
From Vienna Dubravius went into Italy, where he visited
the seats of the higher learning, and obtained at Padua the
dignity of Doctor of Ecclesiastical Law. Towards the end
of 1511 or beginning of 1512 he returned to Bohemia, and
was immediately invited to the Palace of the then Bishop of
Olmiitz, Stanislas Thurzo, an educated and enlightened man,
who was the friend and patron of the most important
" Humanists " of that date, such as Erasmus of Rotterdam,
Conrad Celtes, and others, whose names are better known in
the East than in the West of Europe. Thurzo, observing his
talent, made him his private secretary and procured his
nomination to a canonry in the chapter of Olmiitz. Ere long
the office of Archdeacon of Olmiitz fell vacant, and the
Bishop procured his promotion to that Archdeaconcy as well
as to the office of Provost at Kremsier and Olbramskastel.
Being now regularly attached to the household of Bishop
Thurzo, he had every opportunity of making the acquaintance
not only of the learned living in Moravia, but of many power-
ful and influential people, whose houses he visited in
attendance on his Bishop.
In 1515 King Sigismund of Poland, on his return from a
conference at Vienna with his brother Vladislaw, King of
Bohemia and Hungary, and the Emperor Maximilian I.,
respecting reciprocal family alliances, was splendidly enter-
tained by Bishop Thurzo in his palaces at Kremsier and
Vyskow. By his versatility and eloquence Dubravius so
attracted Sigismund 's attention, that in 1518 Sigismund sent
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 139
him with several Polish lords and Lord William of Kunstat
to the town of Bari in Naples and to the court of Francesco
Sforza, Duke of Milan, to obtain for Sigismund the hand of
Bona, the Duke's daughter, in marriage. The negotiation was
successfuly conducted by Dubravius, and the gratitude and
favour of the King of Poland earned by him for life.
In 1517 King Lewis of Bohemia was crowned at Prague.
The Archbishopric of Prague being still in abeyance owing
to the persistent refusal of successive Popes to execute the
" compactata " agreed upon by the Council of Basle
Stanislas Thurzo, Bishop of Olmiitz, officiated, and his con-
stant attendant Dubravius was among the persons then
raised to the dignity of Knighthood, thus becoming an
" eques auratus" On the petition of Kasper Eberwein of
Hradisch, a little village about 3^ English miles north of
Pilsen, King Lewis in 1522 granted the arms of Eberwein and
the addition of Doubravka (a larger village about 44 miles
east of Pilsen) and Hradisch to JOHN SKALA (our Dubravius)
and others, whom he also raised to the social dignity of
Vladyky or Esquires.
About this time the new doctrines of Luther began to
spread in Moravia in general, and the town of Iglau in parti-
cular. The town council of that place had invited Paulus
Speratus from Germany to take the position of Curd there,
and he, in spite of mandates and prohibitions, persevered in
preaching and promulgating the new doctrines in the sur-
rounding district and the neighbouring towns. He was
accordingly arrested by orders of the king, and delivered to
Bishop Stanislas Thurzo to be better instructed, and, if
possible, induced to return into the bosom of the Catholic
Church. This duty was entrusted to Dubravius, now the
bishop's chancellor, whose most zealous endeavours were, how-
ever, in vain, and Speratus was condemned by the king and
his council to death at the stake, as a heretic, a sentence
which, at the intercession of many Bohemian and Moravian
nobles, was commuted for one of perpetual banishment from
all lands appertaining to the Bohemian crown.
140 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Dubravius took part in various meetings and conferences
occasioned by the inroads of the Turkish Sultan Soliman into
H ungary, which preceded the fatal battle of Mohacs, in which
King Lewis lost his life (November 28, 1526). For his
services the king granted him the castle and town of Bretz-
slaw in fee and freehold, releasing them from all seignorial
rights.
When, after that fatal battle, Ferdinand, Archduke of
Austria, husband of the Bohemian Princess, Anna Jagellovna,
was elected King of Bohemia, the royal pair — the Arch-
bishopric of Prague being still in abeyance — were crowned by
the Bishop of Olmiitz, in attendance on whom we find of
course our friend Dubravius. Not long afterwards John
Zapolsky was elected King of Hungary by some of the Hun-
garian magnates, and accepted the crown in fief from the
victorious Sultan Soliman, but received such an overthrow
from Ferdinand, that he fled for refuge to his relative,
Sigismund, King of Poland, an event which was considered
very threatening to all the lands of the Bohemian crown.
The Estates therefore met at Prague in 1528, and determined
to send an embassy to the King of Poland, requesting his
aid and especially the assistance of his light cavalry against
the common enemy of Christendom. Dubravius was with
one assent placed at the head of the embassy, not only as a
man of ability and celebrity in such matters, but also as enjoy-
ing the especial favour of the King of Poland on account of
his successful conduct of the negotiations respecting Sigis-
mund's marriage with the Italian Princess Bona. Dubravius
pronounced a magnificent oration before the king, but was
unable to obtain from him more than a promise of neutrality
between Ferdinand and Zapolsky, a promise which he also
kept faithfully.
In 1529 Sultan Soliman invaded Hungary again, marched
up to the walls of Vienna, and commenced to besiege it, and
his wild hordes made plundering forays into Bohemia. The
Bohemian and Moravian Estates sent a considerable force to
the relief of Vienna, and in the Moravian contingent was a
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 141
regiment furnished by the Bishop of Olmiitz, at the head of
which was Dubravius, who distinguished himself now as a
military commander as much as he had formerly done in a
civil capacity.
In 1531, "Doctor John, of Doubravka and Blansko, arch-
deacon and vassal of the Bishop of Olmiitz," was elected a
member of the committee for drawing up the rules and regu-
lations for the conduct of the Grand Court of Justice of Mo-
ravia. He was also made a member of a similar committee
for the regulation of the country in 1535.
In 1540 Bishop Stanislas Thurzo died, and Bernard Boubek,
of Detin, was elected his successor. He, however, also died
before receiving the papal confirmation of his election. The
bishopric of Olmiitz was, therefore, again vacant, and there
were two rival candidates for the office — on the one hand,
John Horak, of Milesovka, canon of Olmiitz and Breslau and
tutor of King Ferdinand's children, and, on the other, Dubra-
vius. These candidates were so equal in merit, and in the
support they respectively received in the chapter, that it was
much feared the nomination to the See might lapse to the
Roman Curia, and a foreigner be appointed. The rivals,
therefore, came to an agreement together, by which Horak
resigned all claim to the bishopric, and Dubravius engaged,
if elected bishop, to procure the nomination of Horak as his
coadjutor, with an annual salary of 600 Moravian florins, and
apply to the Pope for his confirmation as such. Thus Horak
withdrew from his candidature, and Dubravius was unani-
mously elected Bishop of Olmiitz. His election was con-
firmed by Pope Paul III. by a Bull dated June 27, 1541, and
he was consecrated by the Suffragan Bishop of Cracow, and
solemnly installed in his See on January 2, 1542. The
arrangement with regard to Horak was also confirmed and
carried into execution.
But no sooner was Dubravius placed in possession of his
episcopal See and the estates thereto appertaining, than he
was brought into no small financial distress. King Ferdinand,
who, owing to the disturbances and wars both in the empire
142 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and in Hungary, was perpetually in pecuniary difficulties, had
been in the habit of applying for assistance to the Bishops of
Olmiitz, and Dubravius's predecessors had already burthened
the landed property of the See with considerable mortgages.
On the present occasion Ferdinand applied for an advance of
3,000 Moravian florins, which was very hard upon Dubravius,
who had already lent him large sums out of his own pocket,
and even sold for that purpose part of his private property,
and who was now, moreover, obliged to pay an annual salary
to his coadjutor. He, therefore, requested his chapter to
undertake to provide the sum demanded, or at any rate half
of it, but we have no further direct information respecting
the matter. Nevertheless, subsequent circumstances would
appear to indicate that the king's wishes had been satisfied,
and that he was duly grateful for the assistance rendered
him.
Asbishop, also, Dubravius continued to be employed inimpor-
tant negotiations and on important embassies. In 1543 he ac-
companied Ferdinand's eldest daughter, Elizabeth, at the head
of a numerous and splendid suite, to Cracow, where her nuptials
were celebrated, on May 23, with the young King of Poland,
Sigismund Augustus. On this occasion Dubravius delivered
an elaborate Latin oration, in which he depicted, with fervid
and almost poetic eloquence, the noble character and extra-
ordinary attractions of the bride, and pointed out how bene-
ficial the alliance was likely to be to the kingdom of Poland,
giving, as it did, the prospect of the valuable aid, not only
of her father, Ferdinand, the powerful King of Bohemia and
Hungary, but also of her still more powerful cousin, the
Emperor Charles V.
The next year (1544) Bishop Dubravius was sent, in the
month of February, to Prague to urge the Estates, then in
Parliament assembled, to send an auxiliary force against the
Turks, who were incessantly ravaging the land of Hungary.
The Estates of Bohemia and Moravia granted a contingent
of 3,000 cavalry and 5,000 infantry, and afterwards of 500
more cavalry, who marched against the Turks .under the
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 143
command of Lord Charles of Zerotin, a celebrated general
and hero in those days. Dubravius took advantage of the
occasion to converse with the principal Utraquist nobles and
officials, as well as with the administrators of the Utraquist
Consistory, and urge them to put an end to the long-con-
tinued religious differences, pointing out to them that the
General Council then assembled at Trent offered an excellent
opportunity of so doing. He particularly insisted upon the
importance of placing an archbishop again in the See of
Prague, it being highly inconvenient that so great and
glorious a realm should remain without a spiritual head.
Nor did his representations appear to be unsuccessful at the
moment ; but on his return home he learned that, though the
Estates were willing enough to take up the question of the
long-vacant archbishopric at their next meeting, yet they
wanted to elect the archbishop according to their own will,
and of their own authority in Parliament assembled, which
Dubravius did not consider agreeable to the rules of the
Church or suited to the requirements and interests of the
country. He therefore wrote a formal letter from Kremsier
in September, 1545, to the Estates and the Utraquist Con-
sistory, detailing the evils that had arisen from the dissensions
between the Greek and Roman Churches, appealing to the
history of the Bohemian Church, which had always been
connected with that of Rome and with the Pope until the
Hussite times, and contending that it was impossible to find
safety save in complete union with the Church of Rome,
which would gladly receive the Bohemians into its bosom if
they would but request it so to do. This, however, naturally,
remained without effect, as the Bohemians were no more
likely to surrender the Compactata, won at the point of the
sword and solemnly granted to them by the Council of Basle,
than the Pops was to fulfil the stipulations arid engagements
thereof.
A truce having been made with the Turks, it became
incumbent upon King Ferdinand to settle the dispute be-
tween the Estates of Bohemia and those of the principalities
144 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of Silesia as to the appointment of the chief officials in Silesia.
" Matters," as the Silesian historian Henelius says, " were
looking warlike," until the king commissioned Dubravius to
act as mediator between the parties, and by him "they were
settled with great dexterity."
Sectarianism was now spreading rapidly in Moravia, and, in
particular, the Bohemian Brethren, or "Picards," the ances-
tors of the present " Moravian" Church, were daily increasing,
finding not merely adherents among the common people, but
zealous protectors among the higher and lower orders of
nobility. Dubravius's predecessor, Stanislas Thurzo, had
endeavoured to stem the current, but in vain ; and now
Dubravius himself took the matter up, and never rested till
King Ferdinand issued a mandate, in 1546, by which the
bishops and elders of the " Unitas fratrum " were exiled from
the lands of the Bohemian crown. They obeyed the mandate,
and emigrated into Prussia, but ere long returned, and found
protection both in Bohemia and Moravia from their friends
and favourers.
When the Bohemian Estates were preparing, in 1546, to
resist King Ferdinand, who they well knew was plotting against
both their civil and religious liberties, Dubravius was sent,
along with the imperial Vice-Chancellor, into Bohemia to
endeavour to induce the Estates to give up their alliance
with the evangelical German princes against King Ferdinand.
But his exertions were in vain as regards the majority,
although successful in the case of many individuals, and the
Estates refused Ferdinand all aid against the German princes,
so that he was obliged to take the field with only the Mora-
vian contingent in addition to his own forces. This was, as
before, commanded by Lord Charles of Zerotin. Ferdinand
was victorious over Frederic of Saxony at Mlihlberg, and the
Bohemian Estates had to pay the penalty justly incurred by
their wavering and ambiguous conduct. It was clear enough
that only two alternatives lay before them with any prospect
of success, viz., the giving of vigorous and active aid to
Frederic of Saxony and his allies or to their own king and
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 145
the emperor. They took up a position of armed neutrality,
and allowed their friends to be destroyed before their eyes,
while at the same time they hampered and inconvenienced
their king in no inconsiderable degree. Bloody and cruel
was the vengeance taken by Ferdinand, both by death and
torture, upon the nobles and towns that had resisted him at
what was termed "the bloody Parliament" (sniem krvavy),
and heavy the confiscations inflicted and fines levied upon
them ; but it is gratifying to find that the influence of Dubra-
vius was exerted on the side of clemency and lenity, and that
he did his best to lighten the heavy burthens imposed upon
the now defenceless adversaries of the ruthless Hapsburg.
The next year, 1548, Bishop Dubravius was vexed by a
contest with the Estates of Moravia, respecting the rights and
privileges of the See of Olmiitz. All that we know of this
dispute is, that he sent two of his canons, with a letter dated
October loth, 1548, to the Bishop of Vienna, asking him for
his intercession with Ferdinand for the preservation of the
rights and privileges of his See in their entirety and fulness.
"We consider," writes he, "it to be a part of our duty to
endeavour with all zeal to keep inviolate such privileges as
have been obtained by our predecessors from the Kings of
Bohemia, and Margraves of Moravia, and handed down, as it
were, to us." It seems probable that Dubravius was not
altogether unsuccessful, as in 1550 — from gratitude — he gave
up to King Ferdinand the village of Ujezd near Chyrlitz,
receiving in return the tithe upon the mines of Polesovitz.
It is well known how cruel a persecution was carried on
after the battle of Miihlberg against the " Unitas Fratrum,"
the Bohemian Brethren, how their priests and elders were
prosecuted, imprisoned, and exiled, and how, in particular,
their chief Bishop, John Augusta, was kept for sixteen years,
and his companion, Jacob Bitek, for thirteen years in close
and severe imprisonment at Krivoklat and elsewhere. But,
although Dubravius had obtained from Ferdinand, as above
mentioned, an edict for the expulsion of the Bishops of the
Brethren from Moravia, yet he now exhibited great and
L
146 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
unlooked-for toleration in their case. Finding that other
elements besides the " Unitas " had been at work in the rebel-
lion, he took upon himself the part of a mediator at the
request of the Estates in their Parliament, held at Prague after
the Epiphany in 1552, and presented to Ferdinand their
petition for the liberation of the imprisoned Brethren, and in
particular of John Augusta. It was doubtless on account of
this unexpected tolerance that some of the more zealous and
fanatical Catholics did not hesitate to charge Dubravius with
" neglecting his spouse, the Church of Christ, and failing to
proceed with severity and energy against all apostates and
heretics."
Having previously enjoyed excellent health and strength
during life, Dubravius was on the Qth of September, 1553,
struck with apoplexy, just as he was on the point of retiring
from the dinner-table to his own room, and died the same day
in his palace at Kremsier. His corpse was on the I2th
removed from Kremsier to Olmiitz in solemn procession, and
there met by the chapter, the clergy, the town council, the
guilds and orders of artizans, and large numbers of people
from the town and neighbourhood. It was then borne to
St. Peter's Church, outside the walls of Olmiitz, and there
interred, having been attended to the grave by the Lord
Lieutenant of the province, by the lords and gentry then
assembled in sessions, and by the soldiers quartered in
Olmiitz. Later it was transferred to the Cathedral Church
where it was placed in a tomb by itself, next to that of
Dubravius's predecessor, Stanislas Thurzo.
Dubravius had, as Bishop, been a considerable benefactor
to his See, both by the erection of new buildings and by
improvements in the farming and management of the epis-
copal estates. But it is as a literary man that he is most
interesting, and on his literary works that his memory among
posterity principally depends. Busied as he was with im-
portant political and ecclesiastical engagements, some of
which necessitated long journeys into foreign countries, his
contributions to literature were very numerous, although
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 147
unfortunately, as was too customary in those days, especially
with Catholic literati, they are all in the Latin language, his
own being completely neglected.
His first work was, as I have said, his commentary on
Martianus Capella's "Nuptials of Mercury and Philology,"
published at Vienna in 1526, and dedicated to Bishop
Stanislas Thurzo. In 1549 he printed, at Prostejoro (Prossnitz)
in Moravia, his most important orations and letters, i.e.,
" Oration addressed to Sigismund, King of Poland, against
the Turks;" "Brief Oration on the Marriage of Sigismund the
younger, King of Poland ; " " Letter to the College at Prague,
the members whereof call themselves Calixtines, concerning
the Economy of the Church;" "Funeral Oration at the Burial
of Sigismund, King of Poland." He also published a " Letter
to Christopher of Zvola, canon of Olmiitz, on the Liturgy,"
in which he writes learnedly and impressively of the signi-
ficance and value of the various ceremonies, customs, and
solemnities observed in the Catholic Church. Also a " Com-
mentary on Psalm V.," dedicated to the Chapter of Olmiitz,
in which he analyzes and explains the psalm verse by verse,
comparing passages of scripture and former explanations in
such a manner as to show that he was well versed in scripture,
and well read in the fathers, and in ecclesiastical literature in
general.
When secretary of Bishop Stanislas and canon of Olmiitz,
Dubravius wrote a didactic work in Latin verse, entitled :
" Theriobulia de regiis prseceptis," dedicated to Louis, King
of Hungary. In the dedication he says, " that he had long
thought what he could compose for the king in proof of his
faithful devotion to him. Then a little book chanced to fall
into his hands, written in verse in his mother tongue, con-
taining the counsel given by the birds and quadrupeds for the
benefit of their good king, whereby he should regulate his
conduct. This composition he turned into Latin verse, and
dedicated to the young king." The Bohemian work in ques-
tion is the "Nova Rada," or "New Council," of Lord Smil
Flaska of Pardubitz, which Dubravius rendered very freely,
148 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with many embellishments and additions, into Latin verse.
This was seen in MS. by Dubravius's relative, Leonard of
Doubravka and Hradisch, who obtained permission to copy
but not to publish it, but who did print and publish it at
Nuremberg in 1520, and again at Cracow in 1521, dedicating
it to Peter Krafft, Bishop of Ratisbon. It was a third time
printed at Breslau in 1614, and appeared for the fourth time
in J. H. Alstedius's " Compendium lexici philosophici,
Herbornae 1620." The simplicity and nai'vete of Smil's
work 1 is, however, terribly overlaid by the classical learning
and excessive pedantry of Dubravius.
Dubravius's next considerable work is his treatise on fish-
ponds and fish-culture, which he wrote in early life at the
request of Bishop Stanislas Thurzo, but would not publish
when promoted to ecclesiastical office, lest he should be
thought too devoted to secular affairs, until at length he was
prevailed upon by the importunity of his friends and relations
to commit it to the press. It appeared in 1547 at Breslau,
under the title : " Libellus de piscinis et piscium, qui in eis
aluntur, natura." Ad Antonium Fuggerum. Vratislaviae,
typis Vinklerianis, XLVII. (1547) I2mo. pp. 93. Dubravius
had in his younger days been intimate with the lords of
Pernstein, who towards the end of the fifteenth and beginning
of the sixteenth century had constructed a great many fish-
ponds on their estates in Moravia and Bohemia, especially at
Pardubitz in Bohemia, and had obtained great wealth from
them. Dubravius was thus led to pay considerable attention
to this branch of farming, which was then greatly neglected in
Moravia and Hungary, where his relative Antonius Fugger
possessed large estates and extensive fish-ponds. He pub-
lished the work when already Bishop of Olmiitz, with a two-
fold dedication, addressing himself on the one hand to Francis
Thurzo, Bishop of Neutra and nephew of the late Bishop
1 An account of Smil Flaska's " Novel Rada," with specimens, will be
found in my " Lectures on the native Literature of Bohemia in the four-
teenth century, delivered before the University of Oxford in 1877."
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 149
Stanislas Thurzo, and on the other to Antonius Fugger,
possessor of a lordship in Hungary, with an ancient castle
built by Constance, wife of the. whilome King of Bohemia,
Otakar I. (ob. 1230).
This work of Dubravius is divided into five books. In the
first he treats of fish-ponds in general, their advantages and
antiquity, and enumerates the various kinds of fish kept in
them. In the second he deals with the situation and con-
struction of fish-ponds and the manner in, and the materials
with, which they ought to be enclosed. In the third he
explains how the water should be let in and let off, with what
kinds of fish they should be stocked, what proportion the
different kinds should bear to one another, and what rules
ought especially to be observed with regard to pike. The
fourth book contains the duties of the fisherman or fish-pond
manager, and points out what he ought to attend to at
different seasons of the year, and how he should manage in
case diseases arose among the fish. In' the fifth book he
gives instructions how the fish-ponds ought to be drawn, the
preparations to be made, and rules observed in drawing
them ; how to draw them when the water is frozen ; how
old fish-ponds should be renovated ; how often a pond ought
to be drawn ; and how the fish thus obtained should
be kept in preserves (in vivariis), and that with especial
reference to the ponds and preserves at Pardubitz, which
was the model place of pisciculture in his days. Finally
the excellent writer — unforgetful of his clerical office — exhorts
the owners and proprietors of estates, however much they
may desire to increase their revenues by the establishment
of fish-ponds, not to do it to the detriment of their serfs, but
to compensate them duly for all losses and inconveniences,
and, speaking generally, not to desire to enrich themselves
by another's loss.
This work obtained deserved celebrity, had considerable
influence in Moravia, where pisciculture made rapid advances,
and was reprinted in 1596 at Nuremberg, in 1671 at Helm-
stadt, and once more without mention of any locality. It was
150 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
translated into Polish by Andrew Praga, and published at
Cracow in 1600, whence some of the historians of Polish
literature have taken occasion to claim Dubravius himself for
their own. It was also translated into English — a fact which
appears unknown in Bohemia — and published in 4to. in 1599
by George Churchey, fellow of Lion's Inn, under the title :
" A new book of good Husbandry, very pleasant, and of great
profit, both for gentlemen and yeomen, containing the
order and making of fish-ponds, &c."
But Dubravius's most extensive work was his " History of
Bohemia," in twenty-three books, from the earliest times to
the reign of Ferdinand I. The first edition was limited to
100 copies, and printed by John Giinther, at Prossnitz, in
1552, and was dedicated to the newly-elected King of Bohe-
mia, Maximilian, son of Ferdinand I., as a small but oppor-
tune present" (" munus exiguum sed opportunum "). In the
early portions Dubravius exhibits himself as a florid and
uncritical writer, making no distinction between legend and
fact ; but the part relating to his own days and the reigns of
the Jagellon dynasty is of the highest value, and from him
we learn the terrible state of moral decay into which both
Bohemia and Hungary had fallen, and the contemptuous
neglect with which the kings were treated by the arrogant
Hungarian magnates. A second edition appeared at Basle in
1570, a third at Hanau in 1602, and a fourth along with the
Bohemian " History of ^Eneas Silvius," at Frankfort-on-the-
Maine, in 1687.
There is no doubt that Dubravius was well acquainted with
his mother tongue, but, in common with the majority of
" Humanists " and " Classicists " of his day in the east of
Europe, he preferred to exhibit his skill in theLatin tongue,
and that the more as the great mass of Bohemian literature,
and the majority of its readers, were undoubtedly Utraquist,
and in opposition to the Church of which he was a bishop.
Finally, we may safely conclude that Dubravius, though not
exactly a saintly, was yet a good and useful bishop, an
upright and honourable man and statesman, a first-rate diplo-
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF DUBRAVIUS. 151
matist, well versed in literature both sacred and profane,
accomplished and skilful in the use of his pen, though not
above the faults and failings of the Latin writers of his day,
attentive to the improvement of the temporalities, as well as
the spiritualities of his see, alive to the temporal as well as
spiritual interests of his country and his neighbours, and one
on whom the only stigma that anybody has endeavoured to
fasten is, that, when in power, he was unwilling to persecute.*
* I must acknowledge my obligations to two articles on Dubravius by A.
Rybiczka in the Czasopis of the Bohemian Museum for 1878, and to Karel Tief-
trunk's account of the resistance of the Estates of Bohemia to King Ferdinand I.
in 1574. Odpor stavuv czeskych proti Ferdinandovi I. L. 1547. A. H. W.
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CIVILIZATION
OF THE WEST, FROM CHARLEMAGNE (Transitio
Imperil} TO THE ERA OF THE CRUSADES (AND
CONCORDAT, 1122).
BY THE REV. W. J. IRONS, D.D., BAMPTON LECTURER, 1870,
PREBENDARY OF ST. PAUL'S, F.R. HIST. Soc.
THE influence of Christianity on the Roman Empire, and so
ultimately on modern Civilization, was immediately felt, as we
first observed, in its action on the social system ; and even-
tually in the formation of better public opinion in morals and
Religion. The ideas of individual right and personal freedom
(absolutely essential to the new faith which had appeared as
the teacher of conscience), found their echo, and also in some
sense a defined limit, in the advancing Roman Law ; but the
more active relations of the gradually-formed Christian Society
to the State in which it took its mission would, as we saw, be
much determined by the course of events, and by the action
and development of the State itself. We must recall this. —
After the fall of Jerusalem, Christianity had no political or
local centre, and naturally gravitated to Rome, the ruler of
the nations, since the mission of the Church was to " all the
world." Christianity, in carrying out her religious mission,
was at once the enemy of Roman as well as other Paganism ;
but it took time specially to disengage itself from Judaism as
a national Religion. Perhaps it were more exact to say that
it chiefly outlived Judaistic ideas while forming cosmopolite
settlements in the great cities of the West. The " Perpetual
Edict," — followed by the social reforms of Hadrian, — reflected,
even if unconsciously, the Ethical growth stimulated by
Christianity. The Pagan Religions known to Rome really
admitted of no revival ; and Rome, as the head and law-
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 153
giver of the Empire, while dropping the old superstitions, still
naturally attracted to itself all that was found most influential
in moral and political life. Religious Eclecticism, as at
Alexandria, was a dream ; and it came too late. — So, from the
first, the union of Christianity with the Empire seemed
inevitable, and events tended to make the two conterminous
for the time. A State always has a Religious understanding
with Conscience.
It has been fancifully supposed by recent speculators in
history, that Rome had always some mysterious instinct, ap-
propriating, both imperially and locally, the elements of future
power and moral greatness ; in which speculation M. Renan
follows close on the mild fanaticism of Mr. Formby (one of
the most interesting converts to modern " Catholicism ").
But the transfer of the seat of Empire to Constantinople (339),
and then the divisions of East and West, and the abortive
attempts to re-assert the City of Rome as, necessarily, the
capital of the world, sufficiently dissipate this fancy, whether
of ecclesiastic or sceptic (quite apart from the consideration
of the present condition and prospects of Germany, or France,
or the Italian peninsula). Still the fact remains, that the
great Empire itself, wherever its seat was held, and whether
divided or not, really drew to itself, and long retained, the
reverence of the world ; and Christianity from the first had,
in the very nature of the case, to acquire and establish relations
with it, as the Civil Power, " the minister of God for good," —
(as it admitted), — without which its immediate mission could
hardly proceed to mankind.
I. We have briefly, in former pages, traced the course of
those advancing relations of the religious and political elements
from the days of the Caesars to those of Charlemagne ; and
have found the Code of the Christian Church gradually incor-
porated into that of the Empire by the time of Theodosius.
As a consequence, the general organization of the Church
in the whole Empire was recognised ; and at last it pene-
trated more or less the laws and institutions of the invading
154 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
barbarians, — to some extent morally subdued by the grand
power which they so rudely shattered. During these eight
centuries the State (in its own belief) ruled the Church,
and the Church (on its own view also) acquiesced as in duty ;
though scarcely with a clear understanding.
The relations no doubt were theoretically indefinite, but
jurists and ecclesiastics had inevitably to work together in
that most trying period of the Education of the nations. The
de facto governors of the uncultivated masses of men found
churchmen even essential at the time ; and so Emperors and
Kings learnt how to work with the Church and her Councils,
Government could not, in fact, go on in any other way.
The coronation of Charlemagne at length gave to Civiliza-
tion a new point of departure. There had been" confusion in
the minds of all men as to the fundamental principle, Religious
or Civil, on which the great order of human society should
proceed. The Roman Civilization had actually, since 476,
become, through the barbarians, more demoralized than it
had probably ever been since Augustus. The Episcopal and
Monastic schools, which at first were doing so much to form
and instruct the people generally, had after the sixth century
well-nigh ceased to exist. The " dignity of Rome" and of the
" Imperial law" still penetrated the rude multitude ; and this
became even as an instinct, not long afterwards expressed in
the historical title, " Holy Roman Empire." It was a name
implying the sacredness of the LAW, i.e., the secular dominion,
as such ; — (a phrase indirectly illuminating, for coming times,
the " Holy See" of the Imperial city of the West). Meanwhile,
all was deteriorating. Facts, however, by the 8th century,
determined themselves ; for the nations could no more wait.
Events pressed. Leo III. had, almost by the accident of the
hour, crowned Charlemagne (800). The people were fasci-
nated, and some thought " the less was blessed by the better."
And now the question, always latent, was to be brought into
the light of day, " Which was to rule the world, — the ecclesias-
tical power or the civil ? "
The great Emperor seems to have understood his mission
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 155
from the first. He had need of Ecclesiastics, and also of
their few co-adjutors that remained in the ranks of the laity ;
and they were no reluctant instruments provided to his hand.
He found the Laws, the Education, and even the local institu-
tions of his Empire, in many parts, in entire abeyance. The
military classes, with the slaves, and retainers of various name,
could of course do nothing to organize his vast, growing, and
heterogeneous dominion. — The Emperor himself could not, it
is said, well write his name. But among Charlemagne's first
resolves (786) had been this, — that he would set up Schools for
the people in all the West.
Before Charlemagne was crowned as " Emperor of Rome,"
he had been "King of the Franks" (Germans) thirty-two
years. His kingdom was then by far the most powerful of
all the (at first) half-dependent monarchies which rose, or
tried to rise, on the ruins of so much of Rome in the West.
He may be said also to have inherited the friendship of the
Roman see ; and the mutual relations of the Popes and the
Prankish kings, his ancestors, had been strengthened by their
common necessities, and by the state of the times, from the
days, at least, of Pepin who had been sanctioned by the Pope
in dethroning the last of the Merovingian Franks (768).
Pepin was a Patrician, and had been the defender and Patron
of Rome ; and thus his son Charlemagne, also a Patrician, at
the request of Pope Hadrian had undertaken, for Rome's sake,
the subjugation of the aggressive Lombards. This kind of
protectorate implied no less, practically, than Imperial power;
for the Emperors of the East, whatever their theory, had
utterly allowed the West to drift away from them ; meanwhile
power had everywhere, as was natural, localized itself. When
at length the Byzantine throne was occupied by an Empress
(797), Charlemagne, at the head of the great Western mo-
narchy, was apparently willing to marry her, and so naturally
occupy the old Imperial position. But this failing, he still was
at once accepted as " Emperor of the Roman world," — having
to make such terms with ensuing Byzantine monarchs as the
powerful can generally offer to the tolerated, adopting methods
156 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of connivance, such as the nations of both East and West had
already been accustomed to. — The Roman, clearly was to
grow stronger, and the Byzantine weaker continually. — Even
in the East, Charlemagne had privileges conceded to him by
the Caliph Haroun al Raschid ; who now utterly despised the
Greek " Emperor," not only his tributary, but Charlemagne's
titular ally. The " coronation " was even superfluous, and
submitted to rather than chosen at first ; and Charlemagne
in accepting it, only did what his Franco-German predecessors
had thought they strengthened themselves by doing. But he
always knew that the world owned but one Imperial power,
and he claimed to be that ; and maintained, both before and
after the year 800, that Imperial Supremacy which had always
carried with it the Ecclesiastical also.
In pausing upon this, we at once note that he dealt, for
example, with the Iconoclastic controversy with a high hand,
and in the Council of Frankfort which he summoned (794) he
condemned the decrees of the Deuteronicene Council (though
approved by Pope Hadrian), and had the " Caroline Books "
issued, probably with Alcuin's concurrence, to show the
heresy of those decrees. (It is even said that the West owes
to Charlemagne the Veni Creator, and the acceptance of the
Filioque.) But further: —
Just as, before the fall of the West (476), the Imperial
" Constitutions " from time to time were added to the
Theodosian laws ; so now, in the newly rising nations, the
" Capitularies " of kings had been issued as laws to the bishops
and other magnates for practical adoption ; without at all
abrogating the old Imperial Code, where it prevailed. The
ancestors of Charlemagne had for ages — (more than two
centuries at least) — summoned Synods of Bishops, together
with the great men of their people, and with their consent put
forth Constitutions and Capitularies on all subjects of Civil
and Ecclesiastical interest, which immediately became laws of
the realm.
No doubt, to overlook the administration of these laws was
often a more difficult matter than to promulge them. The
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 157
confusions of the times, so continually deplored, had, in the
eighth century, thrown, and even forced, the powers of
administration, necessarily, into the hands of local eccle-
siastics ; with the effect, at length, of further secularizing the
clergy themselves, and not by any means spiritualizing their
magistracy. It would not be easy to exaggerate the abate-
ment of the Episcopate in the West which had thus ensued,
during the times immediately preceding Charlemagne.
Papal decrees and synods, even from the time of Pope
Siricius (398), had been allowed to assist in holding things
together. The Emperor Phocas in the East (150 years before
Charlemagne), regarding the West as still, in theory, part of
the Byzantine-Roman Empire, may have hoped to assert
himself, and also arrest disorders, by conceding a sort of
distant religious exarchate to the Bishop of Rome (in a quasi-
Republic, as Rome so often was) ; but this did not succeed in
really ruling the local Episcopacies and people. The generally
painful list of Pontiffs from Boniface III. (606) to Honorius
(638), on to Leo III. (795), is sufficient to show the moral
powerlessness of this State-made primacy ; but doubtless it
may have seemed to answer awhile an Imperial purpose, in
keeping in check the heresies and pretensions of Constanti-
nople (as " New Rome "), some of which the Eastern Emperor
had found inconvenient. It left, however, in the West a
demoralized Episcopacy in the magistrate's office, without
immediate remedy.
In this state of things, and soon after his coronation (802),
Charlemagne once more called together the leading ecclesi-
astics and laity, at Aix-la-Chapelle, and thoroughly revised the
laws of the subject nations under his control — (the Ripuarii,
the Allemanni, Burgundians, Lombards, and the rest), and
required all Ecclesiastical and other Magnates and their
dependents, to swear to him as " Caesar," and as directly
Supreme. Alcuin of York, whom the Emperor had met at
Parma some twenty years before (781), carrying the pallium
to the Archbishop of York, from Pope Hadrian, was now the
Emperor's adviser. He had become for some time, at his
158 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
request, the organizer of the Western Schools of the Empire ;
Schools which have influenced, since then, the whole intellectual
culture of Europe. A Supremacy, like this of Charlemagne's,
over the instruction and discipline of Church and State, over
the Creed of the nations (cap. i. an. 802, c. 41), and over all the
Schools of secular learning, could not but put into distinctest
prominence the question (practically unraised since the days
of the pagan Emperors), as to the independent spiritual claims
of the Church in his Empire.
Civilization thus had clearly entered on its new phase.
The Emperor at Aachen was acting no doubt under urgent
necessity, which all must have seen ; but it was by his own
surprising energy that he succeeded in securing the wonted
homage of the Bishop of Rome, and of the Episcopacy in all
his dominions — never really withheld from Christian Em-
perors ; and thus his Empire was founded.
His son, Louis the Pious, followed him (814). It had been
probably the policy of Charlemagne to divide the Empire (as
Constantine and Theodosius had done) among his posterity ;
hoping so to retain and enhance that theoretical Unity of the
Roman world which all men desired. But the division proved
to be as disastrous as in the former cases. After Louis the
Pious, Lothair II. (840), Louis II. (855), Charles the Bald
(875), and Charles the Fat (888), through their dynastic
divisions, brought the Carlovingian Empire to utter destruc-
tion in less than a hundred years. —
Meanwhile the Photian schism in the East, and the Eighth
General Council (Constantinople, 869), were occupying atten-
tion there ; but were of course untouched by the Emperors
in the again distracted West ; and during the then ensuing
seventy years (of the feeble and less direct members of the
house of Charlemagne), there was, as described by Gibbon,
a " kind of Vacancy of the Empire itself."
A new barbarism was threatened even in Italy. Popes, as
a rule, however, demanded all along "the protection" of the
Western Emperors ; and the Emperors, one after the other,
as in return, claimed when they could, to be " crowned " by
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 159
the Popes ; the latent problem of their mutual relations being
really unsolved as much as ever. No Emperor, indeed,
appeared for a long time after Charlemagne strong enough
to rule imperially with a high hand as he did ; and there was
worse than feebleness all the while on the side of the Ecclesi-
astical power. For then, if ever, would have been the time to
show, if it could be, that a Spiritual hierarchy was, as it had
now believed itself, the true government for mankind. But
history has no more disappointing story to tell than in the
lives of a large portion of the fifty pontiffs (if we may so call
them), from Leo III. to John XVIII. — a period of two
hundred years.
It must not be supposed, however, that during this pro-
longed political struggle the nations lapsed into such
degradation as in the eighth century. A forward step had
been taken. Great names appear, and assure us at once that
the Imperial Schools had not existed in vain. Now (as not
before) another life was successfully being lived, full of intel-
lectual promise. Our former British missionaries, Colamban
in Austrasia, and Boniface in Frankland, and the rest, had
been followed, as we have said, by our Alcuin ; and then John
Scot Erigena became in due succession master of the
" Schools of the Palace," which held on in the quiet vale of
literature much apart at least from the heights of empire ;
and they transmitted the light of truth, and earnest thought,
to centuries yet to come ; a light still destined to penetrate
mankind. The " trivium " and " quadrivium " bore their fruit
naturally. The Schools of the diocese, or of the monastery,
acquired also a recognised sacredness, which made them
henceforth refuges amidst the political confusions.
Here, too, perhaps we may mention, as a practical example
of mental growth, the great Predestinarian Controversy long
ago bequeathed by Augustine, apart from its philosophy, and
now raised by Gotteschalcus. We see it bringing into activity
such men as Rabanus, Maurus, Erigena and Hincmar, with
their throngs of eager disciples filling Europe, and in them-
selves sufficient proof that the human mind was moving on,
160 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and that at least the old hopeless chasm of barbaric ignorance
was really passed.
The needs of the Roman Episcopate, amidst the struggles
of local potentates, obliged, in the tenth century (as of old, in
similar cases), an appeal to the Civil Power. The Carlovin-
gians were passed, and Otho was now King of Germany.
After the extinction of the old imperial line, the territory of
the Roman see and City fell, for half a century, into inex-
tricable disasters. The imperial power itself had there seemed
again as if suspended. The city, with its immediate depen-
dencies, was again governed, more than half that time, as a
republic, by a so-called " Consul." Octavian, who held that
office at sixteen years of age (after Alberic, the Patrician),
made himself Pope also, young as he was, under the title of
John XII., and he was accepted by the Church. Finding the
security of his quasi-rule threatened by Berengar (915), who
had succeeded for a short time in being Emperor in Italy,
(but was now holding power as vassal of the great German
monarch), this John XII. appealed to Otho, who, no doubt,
effectually interfered ; and was himself, in due course, crowned
" Emperor " by the Pope, who had invoked his aid (962).
A succession of infamous, or unworthy, ecclesiastics (not
wholly unbroken by better men), who held the popedom, had
made all come to feel that the secular Empire, suspended
only too long, was a necessity ; and Otho the Great was thus
hailed as a deliverer — another Charlemagne — " Imperator,
Augustus, Pater Patriae."
The world, also, beyond Italy, began to apprehend once
more that the " Holy Roman Imperium " was a reality, and
that, with it, society had something to rest on. The cause of
the Ecclesiastical Supremacy had (not for the first time) been
tried, and was clearly lost ; and the Empire held its former
place.
Otho " the Great " (as he is justly named) confirmed to the
Roman prelate, however, the "donations" of Pepin, Charle-
magne, and Louis I., which had been so great a snare to the
Ecclesiastics, though so opportune at times, as constituting a
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 161
lieutenancy for the too-distant "Emperor;" but Otho specially
obliged John XII. to admit the Imperial Supremacy; and
soon after, on the same Pope's rebellion, he called a Council
of Bishops, requiring them to depose John " for his many
crimes," and to elect in his place, and at the imperial bidding,
Leo VIII.
Unhappily for Rome, John XII. was not the last who
shocked the conscience of mankind, and, finally, made Su-
preme hierarchical rule impossible in the order of the world.
For the Popes, from John VIII. to John XVIIL— ten
Popes of that name in the tenth Christian century — were of
themselves enough to destroy any cause (without specifying
other prelates of the time, such as Benedict VI., Stephen VI.,
and Sergius III.)
Otho the Great died in 972, only ten years after his coro-
nation. In ten years more Otho II. passed away (983).
Otho III. was but a child, the son of Otho II. by the Greek
Princess Theophano. At sixteen he took from his mother
the reins of government, but he died before attaining ripe
manhood. As noble as his grandfather, and more devout,
courageous and lofty in his character (notwithstanding the
fearful sternness of his outset), possibly Rome might have
been raised by him to greatness, more than Justinian's (whose
Code he commanded to be restored as the Law of the Empire) ;
but it was not to be.
The Othos were followed in the empire by the Henries —
on the whole an heroic set of men, yet none of them equal
to the struggle which they inherited, or able to settle the
modus vivendi of the two Powers. The strength of the Papal
cause at the time, as often before, lay in the Monasteries and
Schools, which had given it a new Unity. The Imperial defence
was in the minor landholders of various States, whose power
was increasingly despotic, whether they ruled as an aristocracy,
in a lax subjection to the Roman imperium, or asserted more
independence.
The immediate form which the dispute for Supremacy (so
vital to the Empire) always took during the eleventh century
M
162 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was twofold ; first, as to the election of the Emperor by the
Pope's consent, or of the Pope by the Emperor's ; and next,
and in natural sequence, as to the forms of Investiture in the
case of all Ecclesiastics.
The election itself, as to the Popes, had been secured to the
College of Cardinals by Nicholas II. (1059) — a serious change
in the papal position — only fourteen years before the ponti-
ficate of Gregory VII. But .the Imperial consent was not
formally conceded.
The most disastrous, because exasperating, episode of this
part of the struggle is the melancholy account of the meeting
of Henry IV. at Canossa, with Pope Gregory VII. It seemed,
at one moment, that the ignominious penance of this Emperor
had finally conceded the Ecclesiastical supremacy in things
secular. But no ; the penance failed, for it was wrung from
Henry IV. by his necessities, viz., by the practical difficulties
in which he was involved through the papal excommunication.
To be relieved from these, Henry went through an act of hy-
pocrisy, which we can but wonder at, as we read of it. How
he could possibly do it (as we should now say), as a " gentle-
man," and, after attaining his object, break all his plighted
faith, and persecute to the end the Pontiff to whom he had
vowed his allegiance before all Europe, we cannot comprehend.
Or how Gregory VII., with the awful recollections, as well as
immediate experience, of the abominable baseness of the
Papacy of the preceding generations, could claim for the
Pope the plenitude of Divine authority here on earth, must
ever remain among the enigmas of the human conscience.
The next generation cruelly avenged both the Pontiff who died
in exile (1085) and the Emperor who sank (1105), dethroned
by his unnatural son and successor, Henry V. But the
grounds of the struggle still remained just as before between
the Church and the Empire.
And when Henry V. came to be crowned (in 1112) by
Pope Pascal II., the stern conflict of centuries arrived only
at a poor compromise. Practically passing by the question
of the Imperial and Papal Elections, the Concordat of Worms
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 163
(1122), as if in irony of both Pope and Emperor, had adopted
the discreditable hypothesis that the Church and Empire had,
in this long controversy, been disputing about the symbols
and forms of Investiture, and not concerning the entire reali-
ties of government. Pope Calixtus, who had followed Pas-
cal II. (in 8), conceded, however, at that time that no
bishop, or even abbot, should be consecrated in future until
invested by the Emperor, and swearing allegiance to him —
only the Investiture was to be by the "Sceptre," and not by
the Staff and Ring. The ninth General Council of the Church
was convoked in the following year (1123) to promulgate to
Christendom this hollow truce.
The question, who should choose the Pope ? was henceforth
to be formally untouched, and only had a piecemeal decision
in the mingled events of the time. The difficulty as to the
choice of the Emperor brought into existence, later on, an
Electoral system among the leading potentates of the West,
very similar to that of the electoral Papacy, fatally vested in
the Cardinals. On the growing theory that all minor states
were feofs of the empire — (a theory encouraged by the long
disorders of the reign of Henry IV.), — certain kings and dukes
became "Prince Electors of the Empire" (1156); and upon
this the papal assent to the Imperial election came somewhat
as a matter of course. For two hundred years after this the
Electoral system grew, till formally settled by the " Golden
Bull" (1356),
The brief and troubled interval from the Council of Lateran
(1123) to the rise of the great house of the Hohenstaufens —
(Conrad III., 1138, whom St. Bernard influenced to take up
the Crusades), — conducts us speedily to Frederick the Great ;
— bringing us to another era, on which we do not at present
enter.
II. In the meanwhile our subject obliges us to remember
other great events which could not but throw their influence
on the difficult controversy as to the organization of Civilization
which was to be the inheritance of later times.
164 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The " Crusades" (from 1096) had attraction for both states-
men and churchmen. To the former they had a fascination
as promising a recovery of the East to the Empire ; to the latter
as regaining the " Holy Places" of Christianity from the power
of the Mahometans. The Crusades had also the effect of
partly diverting attention from the political divisions among
the princes and prelates of the West ; while yet they accen-
tuated the religious animosities of Greeks and Latins. They
had, however, a charm for the greatest minds (like St.
Bernard), though they distracted the Empire, and misled the
Church from her great work of instruction and Civilization,
which, as we may say, was thrown back awhile almost hope-
lessly. The power and encroachments of the local nobility at
the same time became greater, and the reign of Imperial law
more disturbed ; while the possessors of the land gradually
reduced to deeper serfdom the masses of the people who
remained on their estates. The Crusades were a great paren-
thesis in European civilization.
It is not our purpose in these pages to trace other historical
outlines of the Roman Empire of the West, only so far as to
follow certain chief developments affecting the progress of the
Civilization. We pause to mark, that the intellectual advance-
ment of Europe happily was, in a large degree, distinct from
many of the political movements; and we must turn our
thoughts specially in that direction. Education, notwithstand-
ing the Crusades, we may observe, was still doing its work in
Europe ; and we must refer to this.
People are in the habit of loosely describing the ages from
Charlemagne onwards, as the " dark ages," and writers have
too commonly spoken of the Trivium, of Grammar, Rhetoric,
and Logic,and \L\\Q Quadrivium,Qi Arithmetic, Geometry, Music,
and Astronomy, as a somewhat narrow training for the elemen-
tary Schools founded in the ninth and tenth centuries. This is
exaggeration, and indeed something worse. The times of the
Carlovingians and their successors were " light" compared with
the 8th century. Perhaps every age is a ''dark age " if judged
by the amount of knowledge, and power of thought, in the over-
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 165
whelming majority of the people ; but if Grammar, Arithmetic,
Geometry, 'and Astronomy, and so on, were to be the subjects
universally taught even in our own times (say under the
Elementary Code, Act 1870), instead of any complaint of the
" darkness/' we should hear no small outcry as to our over-
educating the people ; and if further, there were free access to
all these subjects secured by the Clergy for all classes, many
politicians would childishly think our condition even danger-
ous. The truth is that people who speak of certain ages as
" dark " seem here to need education themselves. They have
a sort of superstition, that there had been somehow and some-
where a determined suppression of " light," in the interest of
ignorance. The facts are the reverse of this imagination.
The irruption of the barbarians of the North and East
destroyed, no doubt, the ancient cities of the Empire ; and the
Saracens at first burnt the Libraries. But the Monasteries of
the Church saved all they could of the old literature ; while the
Clergy deplored the devastation, and long worked on with
silent industry in the Schools, seeking, almost single-handed, to
preserve and copy the precious manuscripts they could secure.
The eager population were encouraged by their lords to be
constantly at war, and even the old desire of learning was
lost. From Sidonius Apollinarius (450) to Gregory of Tours
570), from Gregory to Hincmar (846), there had been a time
of growing barbaric encroachment, to which, perforce, even
Ecclesiastics at length succumbed. Schools both Episcopal and
Monastic were, for want of protection, nearly extinct at last, ex
cept in our own land, at the time Charlemagne met Alcuin a
Parma (and later to Alfred — 900). But now, and for above 300
years the imperial schools were to become once more the agency
which mainly formed anew the Civilization of Europe. Just
as, from Lactantius to Boethius (520), Christianity had been
reviving the Empire, until the crushing barbarian irruptions ;
so now, on the contrary (780), the revived schools with Charle-
magne's protectorate began a work which was never to be so
fatally interrupted ; and which was all along the life of the
Civilization of the West, if regarded as an advancing whole.
166 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
At the same time there were other elements, — those of
political thought among the nations, — arising out of the
Education, which influenced the growing course of Civiliza-
tion.
That the freedom and justice which should rule among men
should be uniform " Law " had been indeed the common con-
viction which gave strength to the respect for the Roman
power, and its Code of just legislation, which pervaded even
barbarians as they advanced ; and this conviction, as we have
been observing, had long made the Empire appear a kind of
human necessity. That the Religion, also (which should de-
velope the human conscience), should be true, and therefore
one and the same everywhere, was for ages accepted with rigor
in Europe as self-evident ; and with that mixed feeling the Civil
and Ecclesiastical Codes were intermingled. The "One Empire"
and the " One Church" — (" Eternal Rome" and " Catholic Reli-
gion ") — seemed thus to be natural constituents of the highest
Civilization. These convictions had been shaken to the founda-
tion by the division of the secular, and by the heresies of the
ecclesiastical power, as also by the inroads of Mahometanism,
after the fall of the West, and onwards to the " Transition of
the Empire " (as it was called) in the Carlovingian days. But
the convictions still existed, though so deeply shaken ; and
destined to be further shaken in the I2th century. The se-
paration of the two codes, by the " Decretum " of Gratian
required to be taught in all universities of Europe, was in the
same direction.
Charlemagne, indeed, had found the old Empire, which was
deemed One and sacred, practically dissevered from the nominal
head at Constantinople, and (with the assistance of the Bishop
of Rome) acted on the belief that the Roman Empire, which
had, if it may be so expressed, emigrated to Constantinople in
339, only returned as the same Roman Imperium to its true
home in the West, when he was monarch. To him there was
but one Rome and One true Christianity. He endeavoured
always to regard the Greek Emperors as holding outlying posts
of the Roman world (very much as the East had, from 476, long
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 167
imagined the Ostrogothic, Prankish and Lombardian kings,
and exarchs, to be their deputies in the West). Had not
Charlemagne, however, been great enough to attempt the free
and almost compulsory Education of the West, he could not
have succeeded in upholding this " Unity," or arresting the
barbarism which was destroying it. In another hundred years
the ruin must have been fatally consummated, which however
was averted.
But there were other causes (including Education itself),
which mingled in producing the changes which were to super-
sede the old ideas at last. The Empire, after Charlemagne's
own time, we have seen split up into divisions which tended
more and more to independence and disruption. But cer-
tainly they aimed no barbarous blow at Education, the
great Civilizer, and now the Uniting power. The formation
of the new languages of the West, as shown later on, also
contributed to the inevitable disintegration of the old and
long attempted " Roman Unity," encouraging separation into
Nationalities. But all this change rather promoted Education.
On the other hand, the " Catholic " idea of Religion, true for
all alike (as hitherto interpreted), was the instrument of all
Education, and naturally was in collision with secular Na-
tionalism, imperilling Unity on every side.
Thus the old Roman organization was receding, together
with the old ideas. Not, indeed, till the beginning of our
own century, was the history worked out ; so that the shadow
of the title of the " Roman Emperor" (as the ideal head of
law and civilization) finally passed away. It was then (1806)
formally resigned by the Emperor Francis II. ; and Europe
began to be readjusted by new ideas — and by the French
Revolution.
Civilization, in fact, has not since then marked out its own
future ; but it has shown what it will not be ; it will not
repeat the past. The position latent in the " States of the
Church," i.e., the whole Ecclesiastico-secular claim, as well as
in that of the Empire, has finally changed. The "Roman
world," whether Secular or Spiritual, Imperial or Pontifical, will
168 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
rule the nations no more ; though the influence of " Roman
Law " will long be felt, and of " Catholic Religion " for ever.
The antagonism of the two " Roman " powers, as such, was
essentially at an end. As they for 1500 years had lived, so
now they practically died together. — (From Pius VII. —
Leo XIII. we have Concordats, quasi-Pragmatic Sanctions,
and then the Syllabus, the Falke Laws, and now the expul-
sion of Religious, &c.)
Reverting, however, to the Civilization of the Carlovingian
Empire yet once more, we have to emphasize the fact of the
ordinary connection through all political changes of its great
agent, the Schools, with the Palace, the Cathedral, and the
Monastery, whatever were the failures of each. The Schools
were, no doubt, intensely secular, but they were Ecclesiastical
even more ; and this latter characteristic was often, as we
have said, their protection. We must not turn away from
facts which so deeply interest us.
Christian Monasticism had begun in an age of disorder,
war, crime, and social uprooting. It never remained in one
stay, but seemed itself, in all its various orders, to be easily
corrupted, even when only in its second generation, and
always to need speedy reform, new rules, and sometimes re-
foundation. Meanwhile, it was always a protest against
barbarism, whether by its looking back into the silent past
for a model of a better life, or looking on dimly into the
desired future, as containing the undeveloped hopes of man.
Amidst the divisions of the striving world it held forth a
vision of peace. It was as a voice in the wilderness of often
decaying Civilization, and had eventually the reverence of
even the turbulent. Monasticism soon became actively an
Educator, and it was never a dry Expositor of learning.
The monastic orders grew to be educators in many ways,
not one only. They may be said to have created new Litera-
ture as a common right, or they revived the old ; or they were
Preachers to the masses, like our English Boniface, or pious
teachers, like those at Fulda ; who put forth the "BibliaGlos-
sata," with the comments of a hundred Fathers (Qth century),
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 169
after the schools of Alcuin were founded. The monks were
also the thinkers, who made men feel (what barbarians never
felt, and some still do not know among ourselves) that truth
is worth pursuing for its own sake. If Alcuin himself were
more an organizer than a thinker, the monk Rabanus, who
succeeded him in the " School of the Palace," was not so ;
nor, again, the acute successor of Rabanus, John Scot Erigena
— in will a very martyr of free thought. The Schools which
produced this Erigena, the author of the necessary " Con-
sistency of Reason and Religion," the defender of moral
responsibility against the fatalism of Gotteschalcus, and a
bright line of teachers, onwards to that grandest of thinkers,
St. Anselm, cannot but be regarded as chief factors in that
permanent Civilization, which soldiers and tyrants could not
henceforth destroy.
It would be wrong to imagine, indeed, that the advance-
ment of the world cannot again be thrown back by barbarism ;
for the animal still dominates too much over the moral and
intellectual in the human family; and there are schemes
fostered, which sober greatly all enthusiasm for our immediate
future. But the ultimate prevalence of truth and righteous-
ness is an indestructible faith of the human heart ; and an
ever-growing "cloud of witnesses" certifies that humanity is
waiting for " better things."
But, looking finally at our chief subject, what shall we say
of the Civilized position at the close of the era we have been
considering ? Taking leave of Anselm and the Imperial
Schools, and Bernard the " last of the Fathers," who died
(1153) just when the "Master of the Sentences " had com-
pleted his work (so destined to influence the Schools of the
centuries that followed), let us give a summary glance at the
practical result thus far reached, by the two disputants in the
Roman world claiming the Supreme government of men, the
Ecclesiastical and the Temporal, and asking to order the
Civilization of the West.
Each of the contending Powers had more than once had
the opportunity of showing what it could achieve for Society,
170 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
or for the Empire ; and we see that not one Emperor attained
even a minimum of success as a Ruler, unless (to use a com-
mon phrase) he " took the law into his own hands," and
resolutely used the Ecclesiastical power as his subordinate.
From the first Christian Emperor to Charlemagne, as we look
back, most of the Emperors were admitted as Supreme, and,
had they been resisted, they might probably have been unable
to vindicate their real claim ; for, with the exception of a few
great men (like the Theodosiuses), they were personally
unequal to the moral position ; but they would actually, no
doubt, have been upheld at the time by the imperial code.
But, after the question had been practically raised, no Emperors
but Charlemagne, and the Othos, and Henry III. had wisdom
or vigour enough fully to maintain the de jure or even de facto
Supremacy of the Temporal power. This Imperial feebleness
was probably inherent in the Imperial institution ; for even
when successful, the Secular Supremacy was maintained by
might only, and not by demonstrated right. There was, thus
far, no intelligent solution of the difficulty. It was simply
"submit to authority" — this or that. Human society thus
subsisted under a perpetual apology. The conscience of man,
socially and morally, could not finally or really surrender itself
to the Temporal Authority of the Civil Ruler ; and yet the
Civil ruler was obliged, if he would have peace, to act publicly
as if it could, though he felt the impossibility.
But the Ecclesiastical power, which in the time of
Gregory VII., claimed universal submission from all men,
made the same practical assumption, of course, as the Empire
made, as to the claims of " authority/' It assumed that
because of the Divine origin of the Ecclesiastical Power, the
conscience of man was to surrender to its "authority," in
things spiritual and moral, — which include everything ; a
theory as subversive ultimately of the ground of moral good-
ness, as Imperialism itself could be.
Then the actual qualifications of the line of Ecclesiastics,
who claimed this lofty character as the hierarchs of the world,
were even more flagrantly at variance with their asserted
'
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 171
calling than those of the worst and feeblest Emperors. If
the Imperial power commonly exhibits its own unfitness, from
Charlemagne to Henry V., still more impossible is the power
of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy as seen in the light of the facts,
down to the poor compromise effected at Worms (1122).
Nearly sixty popes succeeded, one after the other, in these
300 years from Leo III. to Pascal II. There were some
great men ; but they were very few. Baronius would allow
that the greatest was Gregory VII., virtually the guide of
several of his predecessors, and the nominator of Victor III.,
who succeeded him as Pope, to hand on his principles. The
subjugation of both the Church and the world to the Papacy
was the object of Gregory's life. His theory was clear ; but
he died in defeat and exile. Not one besides approached
him in vigour, though there was spasmodic action here and
there. Victor III. may be taken as a fair witness of the
condition to which the Roman See had come, just before
Gregory's time : — (and no one could refer with pride to
other Popes of the age, to 1 123). Victor III., in his dialogues,
delineates the position, when describing one of his pre-
decessors: — "Benedict IX. (1023), terrified by the outcry
" against his crimes, given up to voluptuous pleasures, and more
" disposed to live as an epicurean than as a pontiff, adopted the
"resolution of selling the pontificate!" — This Benedict IX.
was nephew of the preceding Pope, John XIX., who was
brother to Benedict VIII. When the Emperor Henry III.
came to Rome, he found the three popes there ; Benedict IX.,
at the Lateran ; Sylvester III., at the Vatican ; and Gregory
VI., at St. Maria Maggiore. The Emperor deposed them all,
and a fourth was elected as Clement II. !
It is needless to continue the mournful story. Enough
has been said to show that the Gregorian Ecclesiastical
Supremacy of the world had been tried and found wanting.
In conclusion : We have seen that the project of One
Empire, and One Established Faith in combination, was thus
far thwarted by the history of the nations. But the battle
was by no means fought out. The Empire, however low,
172 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was not yet extinct even in the East. In the West the
Roman Imperium had to struggle for centuries for its ideal
place ampng the growing nationalities. The Church had to
learn, whether it could be at the same time Catholic and
National. The mind of the various peoples had to be trained
to freedom and law. — Some began to ask, "Is there a lex
gentium in Religion ? "
The Schools of the next 300 years will conduct to the
Renaissance ; and, after that, 400 more will be needed to
disentangle the mingled Imperial Christianity from the rough
accidents of all the eighteen centuries, and open the way to
the Polity and Christianity of the future.
Further on, we may be able to watch this great problem
of the relations of Society and Religion, — onwards from the
time of Frederick the Great to the fall of Constantinople ; and
after that our inquiry might be completed by observing the
development of our mixed Civilization from the I5th century
to the I Qth, bringing the final disruption of Feudalism at the
French Revolution.
The harmony of the Social basis of our common Civilization,
and the freedom of the Religious conscience of man, will have
to be worked out by the law and philosophy of the coming
generation, if a chaos of Society and for a time of Religion
itself is to be avoided. The watchwords of party will avail
nothing in the end, nor will an interregnum of compromise long
be possible. Reason and right ought to prevail, and will pre-
vail. Our Christianity will demand no less.
It would be unphilosophical and ignorant to sanction the
coarse supposition, that in the opposition of the Empire and
the Church, as gradually developed, there was nothing but a
struggle for rule. The matter to be decided always was,
How shall Religion and Natural Society co-exist ? Christianity
began its work on the human conscience by penetrating the
Roman world. The kingdoms within reach of the Roman
Empire were absorbed as much as possible ; and the Unity
asserted for the Empire made it easier for the Church to press
its own Unity, in it and with it. When the Roman world
RECONSTRUCTION OF CIVILIZATION OF THE WEST. 173
began to break up once more, and divided laws, and divided
territories, and lost Latinity, and lost provinces, East and West,
asserted permanent changes in Civilization, — with the revival
of separate kingdoms and republics, — then the difficulty
inherent in the whole Ethical and Religious position became
more and more apparent. — " How far the State should fix
even the needful morality of a people?" — and, — " Where the
function of the individual should begin ? " — had henceforth
to be worked out under matured conditions.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN.
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
IN the previous papers which I have had the honour of reading
before the Royal Historical Society, I have tried to elucidate
the first adventures of the Norse pirates in the west, as related
in the contemporary Frank and Irish annals, and have thus
laid the foundation for an examination of the earlier story
as contained in the Sagas. This is a singularly difficult field
of inquiry, and one which has baffled many explorers. I can
only hope to throw a few more rays of light into a very dark
and perplexed subject. The Sagas are divided by Mr.
Laing into two classes, historical (including biographical) and
fabulous. Of the former, the most important were the Sagas,
included in the works of Saxo Grammaticus, and Snorro the
son of Sturle — two works of world-wide repute, and which
have been (especially the former) a riddle and puzzle to most
inquirers. Before we grapple with the problem before us,
we must first dissect these two famous compilations.
The work of Saxo Grammaticus was written by Saxo,
called the Grammarian, on account of his learning. He
flourished during the reigns of Valdemar the Great, and
his son Knut the 6th (1157-1202). He was provost of
Roskilde, and secretary to Absalon, archbishop of Lund.
The date of his birth and the particular circumstances of his
life are uncertain ; but he died in 1204, having spent twenty
years in the composition of his history of Denmark
from the earliest ages to his own. (Scandinavia, ancient
and modern, by Crichton and Wheaton, 163, note.) His
famous work has had a singular fate. Throughout the
middle ages, and before the days of criticism, it was accepted
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 175
as perfectly genuine history, and treated as an authority
of almost indisputable value ; and we find the mediaeval
historians of Denmark, one after another, copying its list
and order of Kings, and condensing or abstracting its
narrative without hesitation, nor did its authority cease with
the introduction of criticism into the domain of History.
Such famous and learned critics of northern antiquities as
Torfseus and Suhm followed Saxo's lead as blindly ; and
constructed their extraordinary chronologies and narratives
from his account. Later, the German method of treating
history was applied to.-'Saxo, and his authority speedily
gave way. It needs but a very cursory glance at his
pages to see how purely artificial the whole arrangement,
how full of incongruities and contradictions and how im-
possible the sequence of events are, and if we pass from an
internal criticism to an external one, and try and realize the
poverty of the authorities Saxo had before him when he sat
down to write in the latter part of the twelfth century, we
shall not cease to wonder that amidst so much learning and
research his narrative should have held its own so long.
When criticism was duly applied to it, a natural conse-
quence followed. The story which had received everybody's
assent was pronounced to be utterly worthless, to be a mere
concoction of the old grammarian's, to have no value at all
save in its later chapters, where it was more or less contem-
porary, and a profound scepticism replaced a wide-spread
credulity, the pendulum swinging to the opposite extreme.
The latter view seems as erroneous as the former one.
Saxo's narrative is apparently not a dishonest one, but is
transparently artificial and inconsequent. When he sat down
to write at the end of the twelfth century, Christianity had
conquered Scandinavia, and the Scalds and pagan poets were
pretty nearly, if not entirely, extinct there. Of a continuous
history of Denmark there seems to have been none available
to him, for the so-called Scioldung Saga, of which the
Sogubrot is apparently a fragment, was probably not then
composed (vide infra). There were available only such
176 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
works as Paulus Diaconus, Bede, Eginhardt, Dudo de St.
Quentin, and Adam of Bremen, all of whom he used ; as well
as some entries in the contemporary Prankish chronicles, a
number of detached songs and poems relating to particular
events, chiefly battles, and unconnected by any thread, and
such portions of Jornandes, the Anglo-Saxon Sagas,
etc., as in the eyes of the Provost of Roskilde might
fairly claim to relate to his country. These were his
materials, and his only materials. He had no regal lists
apparently, for all those which are now extant, except the
Langfedgatal, which he seems not to have seen, were palpably
constructed after his researches, and compiled from his work.
He had no scaffolding upon which to build his narrative.
He had to construct one for himself, in the best way
he could, and to piece together the various fragments before
him, into a continuous patchwork. His was not a critical age,
and we are not therefore surprised to find that his handiwork
was exceedingly rude. A piece of the history of the Lom-
bards by Paul the Deacon, and another taken from the Edda,
are thrust in after narratives evidently relating to the ninth
century, when Ireland had been more or less conquered
by the Norsemen. Icelanders are introduced in the story
a long time before the discovery of Iceland. Christianity is
professed by Danish Kings long before it had reached the
borders of Denmark. The events belonging to one Harald
(Harald Blaatand) are transferred to another Harald who
lived two or three centuries earlier, and the joints in the
patchwork narrative are filled up by the introduction of
plausible links. We can thus dissect more or less closely the
method of Saxo's handiwork, and to some extent break up
again and disintegrate what he has put together, and perhaps
when a really critical edition of his work is forthcoming, a
work which is sorely needed, we shall be able to detach from
its contents the majority of the separate and substantive
stories out of which it has been compounded. How bald his
story must have been if he had relied on the purely Danish
traditions which survived in Denmark, we may gather from
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 177
the contemporary and valuable narrative of Sueno Aggeson
to which we shall refer presently. Meanwhile, there are two
cardinal facts which force themselves upon our attention in
Saxo's story. The first is that his chronology is altogether
artificial, and the course of events, as he tells it, is utterly
arbitrary ; jumping from century to century, either backwards
or forwards without any notice ; separating events which
succeeded one another closely, by long parentheses, involving
perhaps centuries of time to compass, and bringing together
other events which were as widely separated. The other
important fact to remember is that our author was patriotic
enough to lay under contribution, not only materials relating
to Denmark, but to transfer to Denmark the history of other
countries. To appropriate not only the traditions of the
Anglo-Saxons, the Lombards and the common Scandinavian
heritage of the Edda, but also the particular histories of
Sweden and Norway, and that a good deal of what passes
for Danish history in his pages is not Danish at all, but
Swedish, and relates to the rulers of Upsala, and not to those
of Lethra ; topographical boundaries being as lightly
skipped over by the patriotic old chronicler, whose home
materials were so scanty, as chronological ones.
Let us now consider shortly the narrative of Snorro
Sturleson. Snorro was born in the year 1178 at Huam, in
the modern bailiwick of Dale, in Western Iceland. He
belonged to the old royal stock of the north, and his father
held the hereditary rank of a godar, i.e. of a priest and judge,
as belonging to a family descended from one of the twelve
godars or companions of Odin. Snorro was well-to-do and
learned. He visited Norway more than once, was nomi-
nated as cup-bearer by Hakon, King of Norway, and after
an adventurous and tempestuous life was murdered in
September, 1241. He is best known as the author of the
famous " Heimskringla." The word means "the world's
circle," being the first prominent word of the manuscript
that catches the eye, and which has been used by the northern
antiquaries to designate the work itself.
N
178 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Snorro calls this his magnum opus the saga or story of the
Kings of Norway, and it extends from the earliest times down
to 1178, shortly before his own birth (Laing's " Heims-
kringla," i. I and 2). The copy of the work on which subse-
quent editicns are chiefly based was written in 1230 by
Snorro's nephew Sturla (id. 201). Snorro's work, therefore,
is nearly contemporary with that of Saxo, having been written
only a few years later.
While Saxo lived and wrote where the old traditions of the
north had become very largely extinct, and been displaced by
Christianity, and had to collect his materials here and there
where he could ; Snorro lived in the very arcana of Norse
traditions and culture, where many scores of old sagas were
preserved, where the Scalds still survived as a living element
in the community, and where the old traditions had taken
shelter when driven out of the Scandinavian peninsula by
Christianity. Not only were his surroundings infinitely more
favourable, but his , materials were also more valuable.
There is no reason to doubt that the earlier part of his history,
the first saga which relates the history of the Inglings down
to the time of " Rognvald Mountain High," was founded
upon, and incorporates the famous Inglingatal, composed by
Thiodolf-hin-Frode, or the Wise, the Scald of King Harald
Fairhair, and that his first saga, therefore, dates as to its
matter from the ninth century, and was composed some-
what earlier than the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, as we now
have it. Besides this, Snorro no doubt had before him several
of the famous biographical sagas, and especially the works of
Are-hin-Frode, who was born in Iceland in 1067, and lived
till 1148, and according to some till 1158, and whom he
specially quotes as an authority.
The passage in which he enumerates the qualifications of
Are-hin-Frode is singularly interesting as showing the means
of information commanded by that old historian. He says " he
was the son of Thorgils, the son of Gellis, and was the first
man in this country (i.e. in Iceland) who wrote down in the
Norse language narratives of events both old and new. In
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 179
the beginning of his book he wrote principally about the first
settlements in Iceland, the laws and government, and next of
the lagmen, and how long each had administered the law, and
he reckoned the years at first, until the time when Chris-
tianity was introduced into Iceland, and afterwards reckoned
from that to his own times. To this he added many other
subjects, such as the lives and times of the Kings of Norway
and Denmark, and also of England ; beside accounts of great
events which have taken place in this country (i.e. Iceland) also.
His narratives are considered by many men of knowledge to
be the most remarkable of all ; because he was a man of good
understanding, and so old that his birth was as far back as the
year after Harald Sigurdson's fall. He wrote, as he himself
says, the lives and times .of the Kings of Norway, from the
report of Odd Kollason, a grandson of Hall of Sidu. Odd
again took his information from Thorgeir Afradskoll, who was
an intelligent man, and so old that when Earl Hakon the
Great was killed he was dwelling at Nidaros (i.e. Drontheim).
Are went when three years old to live with Hall
Thorarinson, with whom he lived fourteen years. Hall was a
man of great knowledge and an excellent memory; and he
could even remember being baptized, when he was three
years old, by the priest Thangbrand, the year before Chris-
tianity was established in Iceland. . . . Hall had traded
between the two countries, and had been in partnership in
trading-concerns with King Olaf the Saint, by which his
circumstances had been greatly improved, and he had be-
come well acquainted with the kingdom of Norway. . . .
Teit, a son of Bishop Isleif, was fostered in the house of Hall
of Haukadal, and afterwards dwelt there himself. He taught
Are the priest, and gave him information about many circum-
stances which Are afterwards wrote down. Are also got
many a piece of information from Thurid, a daughter of the
Godar, Snorro. She was wise and intelligent, and remem-
bered her father Snorro, who was nearly thirty-five years of
age when Christianity was introduced into Iceland, and died
a year after King Olaf's fall, i.e. in 1030. So it is not wonderful
180 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
that Are the priest had good information about ancient
events, both here and in Iceland, and abroad, being a
man anxious for information, intelligent, and of excellent
memory, and having besides learnt much from old intelligent
persons" (Laing's " Heimskringla." Snorro's preface, 213 —
215). Of Are's works the Landnama bok, the Islandinga bok,
and the Flateyiar Ann all, are still extant. But he was not
the only author of the eleventh century who wrote history in
Iceland. Isleif, already named the first Bishop of Iceland, who
died in 1080, is said to have written a history of Harald Fair-
hair and his successors, down to Magnus the Good, who died
about 1047, compiled from ancient sagas, and his son, also a
Bishop, is said to have collected and written down histories
in the common tongue. Saemund-hin-Frode, who was born
in 1056, and was a contemporary of Are, is supposed to have
written the " Elder Edda," and to have commenced the
Annals known as the " Annales Oddenses." Kolskegg, another
contemporary of Are, and Brand, Bishop of Holen in Iceland,
who died in 1206, are also known to have compiled sagas.
We thus see that when Snorro wrote his master work, he had
abundant materials upon which to found it. It was from
Iceland also that Saxo himself had to draw his chief informa-
tion. "Nor is the industry of the Tylenses (i.e. the Ice-
landers), to be passed over in silence," he says, " who, from
the sterility of their native soil, being deprived of every
luxury of food, exercise a perpetual sobriety, and turn every
moment of their lives to the cultivation of a knowledge of the
affairs of other countries, and compensating their poverty by
their ingenuity, consider it their pleasure to become acquainted
with the transactions of other nations, and hold it to be not
less honourable to record the virtues of others than to exhibit
their own ; and whose treasures in the records of historical
transactions I have carefully consulted, and have composed no
small portion of the present work according to their relations,
not despising, as authorities, those whom I know to be so
deeply imbued with a knowledge of antiquity." (Op. cit. 30
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN, 181
The facts here mentioned leave us no other alternative
than to rely on Snorro and the Icelanders in preference to
Saxo. The latter in questions of chronology, the order of
kings, etc., is absolutely worthless, and his narrative in these
respects is purely artificial. When we have broken up his
story into its initial fragments we may, no doubt, find some
very valuable matter in them to fill up the gaps in our story ;
for, as Mr. Laing says, "he appears to have had access to
many sagas, either in manuscript or in vivd voce relation,
which are not now extant" (id. 32). In this way we shall use
him, but not attempt the futile and absurd task of reconciling
his narrative with that of the Icelanders, or his arbitrary
arrangement and dubious and artificial lists of kings with
theirs. Having said this, we must guard ourselves against
being supposed to hold the notion that the Icelandic nar-
ratives are themselves infallible. Not even contemporary
annals written year by year are so, much less sagas handed
down traditionally, and not written down till long after the
events. Even though their narratives be protected by the
artificial language in which they are framed, and by the fact
that they embody a common tradition of a school of Scalds
which can correct any individual errors.
When the sagas were written down in an orderly fashion,
as in the " Heimskringla/' etc., we have the further difficulty
that the glosses and theories of their writers were incorporated
with them, and thus the events of some heroes were trans-
ferred to others of the name. An example or two from
Snorro' s own pages will act as a warning in this respect. In
speaking of Ivar Vidfame, Snorro says he subdued the
whole of Sweden ; he brought in subjection to himself all
the Danish dominions, a great deal of Saxonland, all the
East country, and a fifth part of England. Now, in regard
to England, at all events, this is an anachronism. The
phrase " the fifth part of England " means Northumbria in
the sagas. Northumbria was not conquered nor ruled by
a Norse king before the ninth century, and it is clear that
the deeds of Ivar, the son of Ragner Lodbrog, who did
182 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
conquer Northumbria, have been transferred to his ancestor
Ivar Vidfame. Again, Snorro identifies the Turgesius, or
Thorgils, who is named in the Irish annals as having captured
Dublin in the year 839, and who occupied us somewhat in the
last paper, with Thorgils, the son of Harald Fairhair ("Heims-
kringla," $.304). This again is a great anachronism ; for Harald
Fairhair, according to the best calculations, was not born
until about the year 851, so that his son could not have taken
Dublin in 839. There are several other anachronisms of this
kind, which put us on our guard against trusting Snorro too
implicitly. I must now say a few words about a fragment of
a saga, known as the Sogubrot, which I shall quote largely
presently, and which has been given much too high an autho-
rity by Geijer and other inquirers. Suhm, the Danish historian,
deemed it a fragment of a lost Sciolding saga, in which the
history of Denmark was told in a similar fashion to that of
Norway in the " Heimskringla." Muller, in his Saga Bibliothek,
long ago argued that this saga was written after the days of
Saxo, and assigned it to the fourteenth century. In putting
it at a late date he is followed by Dahlmann, the famous
Danish historian (" Forschungen auf dem gebiete der
Geschichte," i. 307). I believe myself it was actually composed
by Snorro. It is singular that it contains precisely the same
genealogy of Ivar Vidfame as the " Heimskringla ; " and what
Js more curious is that while the latter makes Ivar Vidfame
conquer a fifth part of England, thus confusing him with Ivar
Beinlaus, the Sogubrot does precisely the same thing, and
identifies him and his predecessor, Halfdane of Scania, with
Halfdane and Ivar, who succeeded one another inNorthumbria.
It also makes a pointed reference to King Granmar, whose
story is told in the " Heimskringla." It lastly has an almost
identical phrase about Sigurd Ring having been succeeded by
Ragnar Lodbrog. The first of these statements enclosing a
notable anachronism points out the fragment as in fact being
far from a contemporary document, and I believe it was written
by Snorro himself as a companion to the " Heimskringla."
There is one other document which is looked upon with
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 183
especial veneration by Norse antiquaries as the fons et origo
of their reasoning on the genealogies of the Northern Royal.
This is the famous table called the Lanfedgatal. Because it
terminates with Harold Fairhair it was treated by Langebek
as a work of great antiquity, and it apparently was also so
treated and used by Snorro. Yet when we come to examine
it closely, we shall find little reason for considering it as of
any high authority. It begins the genealogy with Noah and
Japhet, showing that it was constructed after Christianity had
been introduced into Iceland ; it then passes on to Saturn
and Jupiter, and then to Memnon and the Trojan war, show-
ing it was also written after the Norsemen not only became
Christians, but were also imbued with classical culture. The
introduction of the Trojans is probably due, as Dahlmann says,
to the author treating Thor as an eponymos ; and it is curious
that he names him thus : " Tror whom we call Thor." After
Thor follow seventeen names, the greater portion of which are
taken from the Anglo-Saxon genealogical tables, which is clearly
shown when we reach the name of Odin, which is written thus
"Voden whom we call Odin" (Dahlmann, op. cit. 357 — 359).
All this shows conclusively that the table is not of older date
than the tenth century, and more probably of the eleventh.
From these facts it may be gathered that those who lean
implicitly on the chief props supplied by the Old Norse litera-
ture for the early history and genealogy of the North lean
on very unsafe supports. The fact is, we must treat these
genealogies and these continuous histories as compilations
made up from isolated and detached traditions — epics in
which some individual or some battle was described, and in
which the links and the connections between the pieces have
been supplied according to the ingenuity of the com-
pilers; in which the arrangement and chronology are to a
large extent arbitrary ; and in which it has been a great
temptation to transfer the deeds of one hero to another of
the same name.
Under these circumstances what is a modern historian
to do ? In the first place he must take the contemporary
184 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
chronicles — Frank, English, and Irish — as his supreme guides,
and not allow their statements to be perverted by the false or
delusive testimony of the sagas, and where the two are at
issue, sacrifice the latter without scruple, while in those cases
where we have no contemporary and independent evidence
then to construct as best we can our story from the glimmers
of light that have reached us. I propose to take this course in
a small corner of our great subject this evening.
I would first postulate two important factors. The Norse-
men were an intensely feudal race. Their kings were also
their priests, and the royal stock was also a sacred stock, far
removed in the popular eyes from the commonalty. Descended
from the sacred companions of Odin, claiming kin directly
with the Gods themselves, there was in consequence an extra-
ordinary loyalty and devotion towards them. This feeling of
caste made it impossible for novi homines, those without blood
or descent, to rule in the North. Such a thing was there
unknown, and, consequently, when we meet with the mention
of rulers and leaders in the chronicles, we may be sure they
belonged to the royal stock.
Secondly, this royal stock in Scandinavia comprised at least
two great branches. The Inglings, who ruled originally at
Upsala in Sweden, and the Scioldungs, who similarly ruled at
Lethra in Denmark. The theory which I have adopted for
explaining the revolutions in the North at the very dawn of
history is that there was a continuous feud between these two
stocks for supremacy. I shall begin at the point where this
feud first seems to have commenced, or perhaps only culminated,
namely, with the overthrow of Ingiald the Ill-ruler by Ivar
Vidfame, by which feud the family of the Inglings was thrust
out of Sweden, and was succeeded there, for awhile at least,
by that of the Scioldungs. The history of this event is told in
the " Heimskringla," on the authority of Thiodolf, who lived at
the court of Harald Fairhair of Norway in the ninth century,
and who was therefore a very respectable witness ; but I would
add that his testimony is corroborated by Sueno Aggeson,
the contemporary of Saxo, who in naming Ingild, as he calls
Ingiald, says that after his time for many years sons did not
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 185
succeed their fathers in the kingdom, but grandsons. This is
precisely what took place, since Ingiald was suceeded by his
grandson Ivar Vidfame, and Ivar Vidfame by his grandson
Harald Hildetand. Sueno also says Ingild was succeeded
by Olans, which is in accord with Snorro's statement that
Ingiald's son Olaf, the Tree-feller, having fled to Norway,
began a new line of sovereigns there, while his grandon Ivar
succeeded to the crown of Sweden. It is also supported pro
tanto by Saxo, for there can be small doubt that his Ingellus
is the same person as the Ingiald of Snorro and the Ingild
of Sueno. Like Snorro, he makes Ingiald the son of Frotho,
and like Snorro, he makes him be succeeded by Olaf, whom
he calls his son, while he adds that some old traditions make
him his nephew (Saxo, by Muller, i. 318). He also speaks
of Aasa, whom we shall mention presently, but makes her the
sister instead of the daughter of Ingiald. The history of
Ingiald's reign, it is no part of my present purpose to describe,
and I shall merely deal with the concluding acts of his life as
told by Snorro. He says that by his wife, Ingiald had two.
children, Aasa and Olaf. Ingiald was king over the greater
part of Sweden. He married his daughter Aasa to Gudrod,
king of Scania. She was like her father in disposition,
and brought it about that Gudrod killed his brother Halfdane,
father of Ivar Vidfadme ; she also brought about the death
of her husband Gudrod, and then fled to her father ; thence
she got the name of Aasa the Evil-adviser.
Ivar Vidfadme came to Scania after the fall of his uncle
Gudrod, collected an army in all haste, and moved with it
into Sweden. Aasa had before this returned to her father.
King Ingiald was at a feast in Raening when he heard that
Ivar's army was in the neighbourhood. Ingiald thought he
had not strength to go into battle against Ivar, and he saw well
that if he betook himself to flight his enemies would swarm
around him from all corners. He and Aasa took a resolution
which has become celebrated. They drank until all their
people were dead drunk, and then put fire to the hall and it
was consumed with all who were in it, including themselves,
Ingiald and Aasa. Thus says Thiodolf :
186 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" With fiery feet devouring flame
Has hunted down a royal game
At Raening, where King Ingiald gave
To all his men one glowing grave.
On his own hearth the fire he raised —
A deed his foemen even praised —
By his own hand he perished so,
And life for freedom did forego."
— Laing's " Heimskringla," i. 254.
Ivar now seems to have succeeded to the throne of Sweden
and Denmark proper, while, as it would appear, Jutland
remained under its own reguli. It has often been noted as a
remarkable circumstance that Ivar is not named among
the kings of Denmark, as given by Saxo, but the fact is
that his narrative at this time is so confused it is impossible
to make one's way through it. It would seem, however, that
he refers to Ivar as Alver Sueticz rex and as Alver tyrannus
(op. cit. i. 352, 355).
Let us, however, go on with our story. Of the details of Ivar's
reign, except of its concluding phases, we know nothing.
These are described for us in the Sogubrot, and unfortunately
that document is mutilated.
The story in the " Sogubrot " begins in a broken sentence
in the midst of a description of a curious dramatic scene, in
which the Swedish king is seen trying to create discord in
Denmark. Jutland was then ruled by two brothers, named
Rurik and Helge, or Helgius.
It would seem that Helgius had made his way to the
Swedish Court, and had there become a suitor for the hand
of Audr, the daughter of Ivar. She viewed him favour-
ably, but Ivar urged that there were many other kings
better endowed by nature and art than Helgius ; and that it
had not been the custom with kings' daughters previously, to
accept the first suitor. Audr replied, it was no use arguing,
as it was clear he had made up his mind. Having summoned
Helgius, Ivar said his daughter had told him there was no
king's son whom she deemed worthy of herself, and he enlarged
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 187
on her pride, ending up with the deceitful statement that
he would prosecute the matter further at a more convenient
season. Helgius now returned home. Meanwhile, his brother
Rurik was urged to marry by his counsellors, who recommended
him also to seek the hand of Ivar's daughter. He told them that
it was unlikely he could succeed, where his brother who was
so much his superior, had so conspicuously failed. They urged
that he clearly could not win unless he made a venture, nor
would it be a disgrace to him to fail. He, accordingly, deter-
mined to try his fortune, and sent Helgius as his ambassador
for the purpose. Helgius set out, and was well received by
Ivar, to whom he opened his business, demanding the hand
of Audr. The king grew angry, and said that the request was
inopportune, and that it was not probable Rurik would suc-
ceed with his daughter when she had refused him, who was in
every way his superior. Helgius denied this last statement,
and contended that his brother's qualities were less known
than his own, because he stayed at home, and was not so
adventurous, and he asked him to name the matter to
his daughter. The next day Ivar accordingly summoned
Audr, who indignant at the fickleness of Helgius at once
agreed that she would marry Rurik. This answer much
surprised her father, who reproached her for her wayward-
ness ; but as she insisted, Helgius was sent for, and Ivar
craftily told him he could not understand how she, who
had refused so great a king as himself, now consented to
marry Rurik.
It was arranged that Helgius should escort her. When
they had travelled beyond the borders of Sweden, they began
to talk about how the matter had been arranged, and disclosed
what Ivar had said to each of them.
When they arrived in Seland, Rurik sent a cavalcade out
to meet them, and arranged a feast, at which he married
Audr. That winter Helgius stayed at home in Seland, and
the next year set out, as usual, on a piratical expedition.
By Audr, Rurik had a son, named Harald. His eye-teeth
were prominent, and of a yellow colour, whence he was called
188 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Hildetand or War- tooth. He was of great stature, and fair to
look upon ; and when he was three years old he excelled other
boys of ten.
On one occasion when Ivar went with his fleet from Sweden
to Reidgothia, he went to Seland, and sent word to Rurik to
go and meet him. Rurik told his wife Audr of the invitation
he had received. When he went to bed that night he was
provided by her with a new couch with new ornaments.
This was put in the middle of the room. She asked her
husband to take notice of his dreams, and report them to
herself the following morning. He reported that in the night
a vision appeared to him. There was a fertile plain near a
wood ; on this plain a stag was standing, when a leopard with
a golden-coloured mane came out of the wood, which having
been transfixed in the shoulders by the horns of the stag,
fell lifeless to the ground. After this a huge dragon swooped
down on the spot where the stag was, seized him with his
claws and tore him to pieces. Then came out a she bear with
a whelp ; the dragon wished to seize the whelp, but the
mother protected it. He then awoke. Audr said, "This is an
extraordinary dream ; and when you meet my father, mind he
does not circumvent you with his wiles, for it would seem
that the animals in your dream were the tutelary genii of
kings who are to fight together, and it is to be hoped the
stag was not your genius, although it seems very probable/'
On the same day a great crowd had assembled together
to go and meet King Ivar, and having entered his ship went
into the poop and saluted him. When he saw them he did
not speak. Thereupon Rurik said he had prepared a feast for
him, notwithstanding his enmity towards him. Ivar went on
to say that he was enraged because Helgius and Audr had
behaved so badly, since it was in the mouths of all men
that Harald was in fact the son of Helgius, and that he
had gone to make inquiries about the matter. Rurik said
he had not heard of it before, and asked Ivar what he
should do ? Ivar replied that there were but two courses
open to him : he must either kill Helgius or surrender his
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 189
wife to him. Soon after Ivar set out for Reidgothia. The
following autumn, when Helgius returned home, Rurik was
very down-spirited. Meanwhile Audr prepared a grand feast
at which different games were arranged. Helgius was much
touched by his brother's sadness, and proposed they should
play together, and it was agreed they should have a
struggle. Rurik thereupon put on his armour, his helmet,
cuirass, sword and spear, and mounted his horse ; the other
horsemen carried poles : Helgius also carried a pole, Rurik
now ran up to his brother, with his lance under his shield,
and he thrust it into him and killed him. Those who were
about galloped up and inquired why he had committed this
crime. He replied that there were abundant reasons, and
especially that his wife had been unfaithful to him. They all
denied it, and declared it to be false. Audr herself was
satisfied that the whole thing was a design of her father's, and
she set off, with a considerable company, with her son Harald.
Ivar presently returned from the south and Rurik rode to
meet him. Ivar professed to be outraged by the murder of
Helgius, and ordered his men to make ready their arms to
avenge him. He planted some bodies of troops in ambush in
a wood, who fell on Rurik and his company and killed them
all, and thus Ivar possessed himself of the kingdom, those
present submitting to him. Audr escaped towards the south,
i.e. probably towards Reidgothia, and Ivar not being strong
enough to pursue her, returned to Sweden. The same winter
having collected all the gold and precious objects which had
belonged to Rurik, she sent them to the island of Gothland.
She followed her treasures there, and thence went eastwards
to Gardariki, that is to the Scandinavian kingdom about the
Gulf of Finland. At this time Radbard was king there. He
received the fugitives very hospitably, and proposed to marry
Audr, who, in the hope of receiving assistance to enable her
son Harald to recover his own again, agreed to his proposals.
When Ivar heard that Radbard had married his daughter
without his consent, he collected a vast army from all his
kingdom, both Sweden and Denmark, and set sail east-
190 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
wards for Gardariki, and threatened to devastate it with
fire and sword. When he neared the recesess of the
Carelian gulf (recessus Karialanos, i.e. the Gulf of Finland),
where King Radbard's dominions commenced, it fell out, we are
told, " that one night the king was reposing on the poop of his
ship and he dreamt that a huge dragon came out of the sea
with its skin shining like burnished gold, and spitting forth a
shower of sparks towards the sky, so that the neighbouring
shores were lit up with the light. The dragon seemed attended
by all the birds which lived in the northern regions. Presently
a cloud appeared to rise from the sea in the north, and such a
storm of rain and hurricane came on that the neighbouringwoods
and land were flooded with water, and there was also a violent
display of thunder and lightning. Thereupon the dragon just
named seemed to rush at the raincloud ; but it as well as the
birds were speedily hidden by thick clouds. The king heard
a great clap of thunder in the south and west, and the ships of
the fleet seemed to be converted into sea monsters, and to be
gliding into the water. Awaking from his sleep he sum-
moned his foster-parent Hordus (i.e. the God Hordr) to inter-
pret the dream, Hordus replied that he was so old that he could
not explain dreams. He stood on a rock overlooking the tide,
while the king lay sick under the canopy in the poop of the
ship, and a conversation began between them. The king
urged strongly that he should interpret the dream ; but
Hordus replied it was unnecessary he should interpret it, for
Ivar could himself understand that it meant that shortly the
affairs of Denmark and Suecia would receive a new turn,
and that he would die. The king bade him join him on the
ship and continue his interpretation, but he said he would
stay where he was and speak. The king then asked who
Halfdane the courageous had been transmigrated into among
the Asirs. He is now Balder, he replied, whom the gods regret,
and who is most unlike thee. Very well, said the king, and
again invited him on to the deck ; he again said he preferred
to stay where he was. The king continued. Who had Rurik
become ? He replied Haener the most timid of the Asirs ; and
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 191
who was Helgius now ? Hordus replied that he had been
changed into Hermodus, who was endowed with a great
mind ; and who had Gudrod (z>., Gudrod, Ivar's uncle,
the brother of his father Halfdane) become ? Hemidallus, said
Hordus, the most stupid of the Asirs. And what shall I be
among the Asirs ? Thee, said Hordus, I take to be the vilest
serpent living, namely, the serpent of Midgard. The king, in
a rage, replied " If thou foretellest my coming death, I tell
thee that thou shalt not long survive me. Come nearer to the
serpent of Midgard, and feel his strength." Thereupon the
king threw himself from the poop into the water. Hordus at
the same time jumped out from the rock into the sea, and they
were seen no more." Surely this is a fierce and wild story ;
reporting a fitting end to the great pirate chief.
After his death an assembly was summoned on the land,
where it was discussed what should be done, and it was
decided that Ivar being dead, as his people had no special
grievance against King Radbard, that consequently each one
should make his way home by the first favourable wind.
This was accordingly done. Thereupon Radbard gave his
stepson Harald a contingent of troops, which he took away
with htm to Seland, where he was elected king ; thence he
passed into Scania, into the kingdom which had belonged to
his maternal ancestors, where he was well received and his
following was greatly augmented. Thence he went to Suecia
and subdued all Swedia and Gothia, which had been ruled
by his grandfather Ivar. We are told that a number of petty
reguli who had been deprived of their inheritance by Ingiald
and Ivar deemed it a fitting opportunity while Harald was so
young to recover their own. He was but fifteen years old
when he mounted the throne. His counsellors, fearing that
on account of his youth he might be undone by some of his
enemies, prepared a great incantation or spell, by which he
was rendered proof against weapons, and he always after-
wards dispensed with body-armour. He fought a great
number of successful battles and appointed kings and vice-
gerents, and levied tribute ; inter alios, he nominated
192 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Hiormund, the son of Hervard the living, to the throne of
Eastern Gothland, which his father Granmar had held before
him.
Harald Hildetand was, no doubt, the most prominent figure
in Scandinavian history at the close of the heroic period, and
he fills a notable space in the very crooked narrative of Saxo.
It is a typical instance of the perversity and carelessness of
that author that he gives Harald Hildetand two fathers and
mothers. In one place he makes him the son of Borkar and
Groa, the countess of Alvilda (pp. cit. 337), while in another
place he makes him the son of Haldan and Guritha (ed. 361).
The former must be discarded as a slip of the pen or mistake,
as the sentence in which it occurs is only a parenthetical
one, while the latter is part of the narrative, and is found
at the beginning of Saxo's account of the reign of Harald
Hildetand. We, must take it, therefore, that his theory was
that Harald was the son of Haldan and Guritha. There seems
to be a grain of truth, however, in the former statement.
" A Ivildce comitem Gro nomine" is his phrase, and it seems to be
built up out of some misunderstood phrase, for on turning
to the Hervavar saga, we find it stated that Harald Hildetand
was the son of Valdar, King of Denmark, and his wife
Alvilda, This Alvilda is surely the same person as the
Audr of the Sogubrot The statement of the latter authority
as to the parentage of Harald is supported by the Langfed-
gatal, which calls him the son of Hraerekr Slavngvanbavgi,
and also by an old list, known as the Huersu Noregr
bygdest, and by the early poem called Hyndluljod cited in
Rafn's notes to the Sogubrot. As the latter ends with
Harald Hildetand, it was probably composed not much later
than his time. It may be added that the Hervavar saga
also calls Alfhilda the daughter of Ivar Vidfadme, and makes
her husband a King of Denmark as Hraerekr or Rurik was, and
I have small hesitation in accepting the genealogy of the Sogu-
brot as at least tentatively the most probable. Let us now con-
tinue our notice of Harald. Although Saxo's notice of him is
long, it will be found to contain scarcely anything about him.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 193
It is filled up with parenthetical stories about other people,
referring doubtless to other times altogether, while the stories
it contains about his exploits in Aquitania, and Britain, and
Northumbria, show very clearly, as Miiller has pointed out,
that he has confused his doings with those of another, and
much later Harald, probably Harald Blaatand (pp. cit. 366,
note 3). It is only when we come to the close of his reign
that we have a more detailed and valuable story. This is
the account of the famous fight at Bravalla, of which we
have two recensions, one in Saxo, and the other in the
Sogubrot, and which have preserved for us one of the most
romantic epical stones in the history of the north. The
story was recorded in verse by the famous champion Star-
kadr, whom Saxo quotes as his authority, and whom he seems
closely to follow. Dahlmann has, I think, argued very forcibly
that the form and matter of this saga as told by Saxo is
more ancient, and preserves more of the local colour of the
original than that in the Sogubrot (Forsch, etc., 307, 308).
And yet the story as it stands is very incongruous, and
makes it impossible for us to believe that it was written by a
contemporary at all. How can we understand Icelanders
fighting in a battle a hundred years before Iceland was dis-
covered, and what are we to make of such champions as Orm
the Englishman, Brat the Hibernian, etc., among the followers
of Harald ? It would seem that on such points the story has
been somewhat sophisticated, perhaps, as in the Roll of Battle
Abbey, names have been added to flatter later heroes ; but
let us condense what it has to tell us.
It would seem that Harald's mother had by her second
husband Radbard, a son Randver, who, we are told, was married
to a Norwegian princess, and by her became the father of
Sigurd Ring. When he became an old man, Harald gave Sigurd
the command of his army, and after he had lived a long time
with him he appointed him his deputy or vicegerent over
Sweden and West Gothland, with his capital at Upsala,
while he himself retained Denmark and East Gothland.
As he grew old and feeble, we are told in the Sogubrot,
O
194 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
his followers, who feared the realm might go to pieces in
his hands, determined to kill him in his bath. Having heard of
their plot he decided upon a more glorious death, and wrote
to his nephew Sigurd to challenge him to a mortal fight
According to Saxo, Odin himself appeared in the form of
Brune, and having the confidence of both kinsmen, he made
them fight, Harald willingly consenting. It was better, he
deemed, for him to die in battle than on a sick bed, that he
might arrive at Valhalla with an ample retinue.
The two relatives now summoned their forces from all sides,
and a long list of the champions on either side is recorded —
each man by his name and some descriptive epithet denoting
his country or some peculiarity, as Orm the Englishman,
Ubbo the Friesian, Dal the Fat, Hythin the Graceful, etc. On
Harald's side Brunnius was the standard-bearer. There were
champions from many quarters and contingents from many
lands — Danes and East Goths, Saxons, Norwegians, and
Wends, which last, we are told, used long swords and short
shields ; there were also Berserkers and Amazons. Harald's
armament was so vast that it covered all the Sound from
Seland to Scania like a bridge.
On the side of Sigurd were the forces of Sweden and West
Gothland and many from Norway. Among his champions
was the poet Starkadr ; Syvaldus, who furnished a contingent
of eleven ships ; Thrygir and Torwil, who supplied twelve ;
and Eric the Helsinger, who brought an enormous " dragon,"
or war galley ; together with many famous Berserkers from
Telemarken. Sigurd's fleet, as it passed through Stock Soundj
where Stockholm now stands, numbered 2,500 ships. He led
his army overland, and marched through the Kolmarker
Forest, which divides Suithiod or Sweden proper from East
Gothland ; and when he had come out of the wood to the
Bay of Bra he found his fleet waiting his arrival, and pitched
his camp between the forest and the sea (Geijer, n). King
Harald's fleet, sailing with a gentle wind, reached Calmar in
even days. There seems to have been a fog, which hid the
sky from his men, but they kept close-in shore; they were guided
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 195
by the Scanians, who marched overland. They were joined en
route by the contingents from the Slaves and Livonians and
by 7,000 Saxons. The battle was fought on land. When the
two forces came in view of one another we are told that Sigurd
bade his men remain quiet till they received the order to join
issue. He told them that Harald was feeble with age, and
well-nigh blind ; that the Swedes were about to fight for
liberty, for their country, and their children ; while, on the
other side, there were but few Danes, but a great number of
Saxons and other effeminate peoples ; and he excited them by
contrasting the vigour of the Scandinavians with the feeble
qualities of Germans and Slaves (Saxo, op. cit. 386, 387).
Harald, on the other hand, according to the Sogubrot, rode in
his chariot into the battle, and sent Brunnius and Huda to
inquire how Sigurd had planted his men, and, being told in
the wedge-shape-formation (acium cuneatmn), he asked who
had taught him this, for he thought no one knew it but Odin
and himself. At length the trumpets sounded, and the two
armies joined issue. The narrative bristles with Homeric
touches about the deeds of single champions, male and
female, but we must not detail them, and will conclude the
account in the words of Geijer, who has well condensed this
part of the narrative : — " At length," he says, " when victory
appears to have declared for the foe, King Harald causes his
horses to be urged to their utmost speed, seizes two swords,
and cuts, desperately among their ranks, till the stroke of a
mace hurls him dead from his car. Odin himself, in the form
of Brune, was the slayer of Harald. The empty chariot tells
Sigurd that the old king has fallen ; he therefore orders his
men to cease from the fight, and searches for the body of his
relative, which is found under a heap of slain. Then he
causes a funeral pile to be raised, and commands the Danes
to lay upon it the prow of King Harald's ship. Next he
devotes to his ghost a horse with splendid trappings, prays to
the gods, and utters the wish that Harald Hildetand might
ride to Valhalla first among all the troops of the fallen, and
prepare for friend and foe a welcome in the hall of Odin.
196 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
When the corpse is laid on the pyre, and the flames are
kindled, and the chiefs of the war walk round lamenting,
King Sigurd calls upon every man to bring gold and all
his most costly arms to feed the fire which was consuming
so great and honoured a king, and so all the chieftains did "
(pp. cit. n). Saxo says there fell 12,000 men in Sigurd's
army and 30,000 in that of Harald (op. cit. i. 390). Thus
passed away the old king. The battle is one of the most
famous in the world's history, and marks a critical point in
the chronology of Scandinavia. My friend M. Kunik, who
has devoted much time to its discussion, fixes it at about
775 A.D. Harald Hildetand is generally considered to be the
" Haraldus quondam rex " mentioned by Eginhardt in his
Annals under the year 812.
With the death of Harald, the saga of the Bravalla fight
seems to have naturally ended, and we accordingly find that
immediately after, our authorities are again at variance. From
this point to the reign of Godfred the narrative of Saxo is
singularly crooked, taking us back at a long leap to the
legends of the Edda and of the Lombards in the fifth, sixth,
and seventh centuries, and being apparently quite regardless
of chronology or sequence in its narrative of events. The
Sogubrot and northern writers are at least consistent with
probability. The former authority says that after Harald's
death Sigurd Ring was King of Sweden and Denmark, and
this is consistent with the Prankish writers, who, as I have
shown in a former paper, make Sigfred or Sigurd the King of
Denmark, who was reigning at the end of the eighth century,
and who is first mentioned in the year 777 (Eginhardt's An-
nals, Pertz i. 157 — 159).
Sigurd Ring, according to the Sogubrot, married Alvilda,
the daughter of King Alf, who ruled in the district be-
tween the rivers Gotha and Glommen in Raumariki, which
was called Alfheim, and by her he had an only son, Ragnar
Lodbrog. Sigurd Ring apparently succeeded also to his
mother's heritage ; for we find in the " Heimskringla " a
passage in which it is stated that the Swedish King Eric
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 197
Eymundson claimed to have as great a kingdom in Viken as
Sigurd Ring or his son Ragnar Lodbrog had possessed, and
that was Raumariki and Westfold all the way to the island
Grenmar, and also Vingulmark, and all that lay south of it
(Laing's " Heimskringla," i. 282). It would seem, in fact, that
Harald Hildetand left sons ; one of them, Eystein, is pointedly
referred to in the saga of Ragnar Lodbrog and the Lod-
broker Quida as reigning at Upsala. Another one I believe
to have been Halfdane, to whom I shall revert presently, and
who may perhaps have been the person referred to by Saxo
as Olo. The author says that on Harald's death, Scania was
separated from Denmark, and was ruled over by Harald's son
Olo. Dahlmann understands this to mean that Sigurd Ring
put his cousin Olo, or Halfdane, as I would correct it, over
Scania. Meanwhile he was doubtless over-king over both
Sweden and Denmark during his life.
I ought to add that Saxo distinctly makes the king who
fought against Harald, his nephew, but by a sister who had
married Ingeld, a son of Alver, King of Sweden (op. cit. 363
—367). While he makes " Sivardus styled Ring " (the father
of Ragnar Lodbrog), whom he confusedly makes another
person, a son of a Norwegian leader of the same name by a
daughter of King Gotric or Godfred, and tells us he reigned
over Scania and Seland. It is far from improbable that
Randver, the father of Sigurd, married a daughter of Godfred,
and that the latter, as well as Harald, was Sigurd Ring's
grandfather.
Of the facts of his reign we unfortunately know scarcely
anything. I have elsewhere detailed the notices of him con-
tained in the Prankish chronicles. Among them the most
interesting perhaps is the one contained in the "Annales
Laurissenses," where we have under the year 782 the enig-
matical statement that Charlemagne, in that year holding a
convention at Cologne, envoys went to him from Sigfred —
" Missi Sigifridi regis id est Halpdani cum sociis ejus"
This phrase has given rise to a great controversy, in which
my friend M. Kuink has taken a prominent part, and in which
198 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
he maintains that Halfdane is here used as a synonym for
Sigfred, and that the phrase ought to be translated the
envoys of King Sigfred, that is, of Halfdane. In this view I
cannot concur. Not only does the phrase cum sociis ejus
preclude such a conclusion, but Halfdane was, I believe, his-
torically a different person altogether from Sigfred, and, as I
have said, I take him to have been a son of Harald Hildetand.
The Sogubrot breaks off abruptly in an account of how
Sigurd, when an old man, was asked by his relative, the son
of Gandalf, to grant him assistance against King Eystein, who
then reigned over Westmar or Westfold, and he says that at
this time sacrifices were being held in Skiringsal (i.e. in Westfold
in Norway) for all Viken. Here it breaks off. This Eystein is
probably the Eystein, son of Harald Huitbein, King of West-
fold, mentioned in the " Heimskringla " (Laing's ^.1.257).
King Sigurd or Sigfred is mentioned for the last time in the
Frank chronicles as King of Denmark in the year 798 (Egin-
hardt Annales, Pertz i. 185 ; Kruse, 32). This does not mean
exactly that he died then. I believe that at this time a great
revolution took place in the North. The family of the Ing-
lings, which had been so long in security in Westfold, greatly
enlarged its power, and, under Gudrod the Magnificent, whom
I have elsewhere identified with the Godfred of the Frankish
writers, succeeded in appropriating Denmark and Scania.
He continued to rule there till 810. This revolution probably
took place on Sigurd Ring's death, and Godfred displaced not
only Ragnar Lodbrog, but Halfdane, the son of Harald, who
became a vagabond on a large scale, and who, as I have
shown before, went with a large fleet in 806, and submitted
to the Frank Emperor (Poeta Saxo, Pertz i. 263). Godfred
was succeeded by his nephew Hemming, who died two years
later, i.e. in 812, and thereupon a struggle ensued for the
throne between Anulo, by whom Sigurd Ring has certainly been
understood by Saxo and nearly all other commentators (annu-
lus, of course, meaning a ring ; anulo, however, is conjugated
anulo, anulonis). He is expressly called " nepos Herioldi quondam
regis" by which I understand not the nephew but the grand-
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 199
son of Harald Hildetand (nepos meaning both nephew and
grandson). This Anulo fought on the one side, and Sigurd,
the nepos Godofridi (where nepos perhaps means nephew),
and who would thus be the brother of Hemming, on the other.
The story would then read that on the death of Hemming a
struggle ensued for the Danish crown between the family of
the Inglings, represented by Hemming's brother Sigurd, and
the Scioldings, by Halfdane's son Anulo.
Saxo, as might have been expected, in weaving the sagas
before him with the narrative in the Frank Chronicle, identifies
Sigurd Ring and Anulo ; but this seems impossible, for we
are expressly told by Eginhardt that the brothers of Anulo
were Harald (Le.t Harald Klak) and Reginfred, who were
certainly no brothers of Sigurd Ring, and it would seem that
Anulo is the corrupt form of some Norse name, which has
only a superficial resemblance to annulus. Saxo further
applies the epithet kings to both rivals, calling one " Syvar-
dus cognomento Ring," and the other "consobrimus ejus
Ring." According to Saxo, whose account is altogether very
suspicious, on the death of Hemming the kingdom was
divided between Sigurd Ring and Godfred's nephew, the
former taking Scania and Seland and the latter Jutland.
He goes on to say that the former not being very popular
left home, peregrina bella civilibus praferrendo, i.e. in English,
" he preferred the life of a Viking." His rival, taking
advantage of his absence, tried to conquer the whole king-
dom. The Selanders, however, gathered round Ragnar,
Sigurd's son. Sigurd, meanwhile, returned home, and a
battle ensued between the rivals (op. cit. 439 — 441), in which
Sigurd was killed, and was succeeded by his son Ragnar.
Harold and Reginfred, as I have shown in a former paper,
were the sons of Halfdane and, according to my theory, grand-
sons of Harald Hildetand, and, therefore, represented the stock
of the Scioldungs, who by their victory now regained supremacy
in Denmark. This was only transient, however. On the
defeat of their party the sons of Godfred went among the
Swedes accompanied by a considerable number of the Danish
200 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
grandees, and collected a large force. This means doubtless
that the Inglings, as represented by Godfred's family, retained
their hold upon Sweden although they lost Denmark. They
returned in 813 with a large force and drove out Harald and
his brother (Eginhardt Annals, Pertz i. 200 ; Kruse, 69), and
thus united the two kingdoms once more under the Inglings.
I have described elsewhere in detail the struggle that now
ensued between Godfred's sons and the exile Harald. From
the way in which they are always named it would seem that
the former had a joint authority, owing doubtless some kind of
allegiance to Eric, who appears for the first time by name in 827.
Godfred had at least five sons. The death of one of them,
the oldest, is mentioned in Eginhardt's Annals in the year
814; while four others are referred to in 819 by the same
author, where he tells us that two of the sons of Godfred
were driven out of the kingdom, while two others stayed at
home and shared it with Harald (Kruse, 78). In neither
instance are any of them mentioned by name. I believe
that they divided the empire between them, and that
while two of them remained in Denmark two others went to
Sweden. The two latter I believe to have been Biorn and
Olaf, who occur so conspicuously in the narrative of St.
Rembert to be cited presently. This Biorn has been generally
identified with the Biorn Hauge, or Biorn of the Hill of the
Hervavar saga, and it is very curious that that saga in fact gives
him a brother called Eric whom it styles Eric Upsallensis.
This theory makes clear why Eric should have been on terms
of such close intimacy with the kings of Sweden as is shown
by Rembert's narrative, and accounts also for the long-
continued peace between the two countries. The Amund of
Rembert's narrative I take to have been the son of Biorn,
a view supported by Amund's attachment to Christianity.
This will appear more clearly later on.
After a silence of some years we again find mention of
Sweden in the year 829, and it is a very remarkable notice.
We are told that in that year some envoys went from the
Swedes to the Emperor Louis, who reported to him that there
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 201
were many among them who wished to adopt the Christian
faith, and that their king desired that he would send them
some priests (Rembert's Life of St. Anskarius, Pertz ii. 696,
etc.). We are told that this greatly delighted the Emperor,
who set about finding a suitable person to undertake such
a mission. He was not long in difficulty ; Anskar, whose
journey with Harald I described in a former paper and who
had now been living some time on the borders of Denmark,
eagerly volunteered to go. Another monk of Corbey named
Withmar agreed to be his companion. Anskar left a friend
behind in charge of his flock on the Danish March. His
was a very strange and a very romantic journey, and it would
be interesting to know by which route he went. He seems
to have set sail direct for the Malar Lake.
He travelled with a number of merchants who apparently
had several ships. It was necessary to go thus in convoy
because of the pirates who then frequented the Baltic, but
even this was poor protection, as our travellers found to their
cost. For when but half-way on their journey, they were
attacked by the corsairs. The merchants, we are told,
defended themselves vigorously, and at first even beat off the
enemy, but afterwards they were in turn beaten and lost
their ships and all that they had. It is curious to read of
these merchant fleets then traversing the Baltic. We are too
apt to consider all the Danes and Norsemen of those days
as mere pirates, the fact being that piracy was at that date
probably only beginning to develop itself, and that it was
only in later days when every seaman in the North Sea and
Baltic was also a buccaneer. The great trysting-place of the
pirates was probably the Isle of Gothland, and it was probably
in the narrow channel between it and the main that the
travellers were attacked. The missionaries escaped with
their lives, but lost the presents which their masters had sent
to the Swedish king, and lost also some £40 of their own
which had been collected for their needs. Having reached
the land, they had a long and wearying journey overland
before they reached the royal port called Birka.
202 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The position of this port has been much contested, and it
is only in recent years that its site has been placed beyond
all question.
Among the many islets which dot the beautiful Malar
Gulf, whose rocky bosses covered with many-coloured lichens
and draped with birch and pine form one of the most striking
pictures in the memory, is an obscure island still called
Biorke, i.e., "the Birch Island." Here, a few years ago, a won-
derful mine of archaeological treasures was discovered in the
site of an old city, strewn with burnt wood, the remains of
domestic animals, ornaments and arms, and extending over
many acres. This is now being explored by the Swedish
antiquaries, and it no doubt represents the site of the ancient
mart of Birka.
Let us now revert to our story. Having arrived at
Birka, Anskar and his companions were courteously
welcomed by the king, who was called Biorn. Who was this
Biorn ? A number of writers have identified him with Biorn
Ironside, the son of Ragnar Lodbrog; but this is chrono-
logically and otherwise impossible. Geijer, with whom I
agree, identifies him with Biorn Hauge, or Biorn of the Hill,
who is mentioned in the Hervavar saga. I further hold him
to have been a son of Godfred.
The Icelanders tell us that Brage the aged, one of the most
famous of the old Scalds, lived at his court (Geijer, op. cit. 35).
Having learnt the object of their mission and consulted
with his counsellors, he at length gave them permission
to stay and preach the Gospel, and also permitted any
to become their followers who pleased. Many listened
to them gladly, for the Christian captives who lived
there had already tried to share their faith with the Norse-
men among whom they dwelt. Many of the latter were
baptized. Among others Herigar (i.e., Hergeir), the prefect
of the place, and one of the king's chief councillors, who
shortly afterwards built a church on his own property, the
first Christian temple set up on the mainland of Scandinavia.
He afterwards became a zealous furtherer of the faith
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 203
(Rembert, " Life of St. Anskar," Pertz ii. 696, 697 ; Kruse,
op. cit. no). These events occurred in the year 830. Having
stayed in Sweden for a year and a half, Anskar in 832 returned
homewards, bearing with him letters for the emperor written
in the Swedish king's own hand. Anskar, on his return, was
received with a cordial welcome by the emperor, who set about
the fixing of some site where a new bishopric might be founded,
which should have charge of the evangelization of these
northern lands. The land beyond the Elbe had hitherto, it
would seem, been outside episcopal jurisdiction. A church
had been built there and consecrated by a Gallic bishop
named Amalhar in the time of Karl the Great. The district
attached to this church had been afterwards assigned to a
priest called Heridag, whom the Emperor Karl intended to
have consecrated as bishop, but Heridag's death prevented
this. Louis, the son of Karl, now determined to enlarge the
mere parish, and accordingly with the consent of the bishops,
etc., he founded the archiepiscopal see of Hamburgh, and
subjected to its jurisdiction all the country north of the Elbe,
with the especial duty of evangelizing Scandinavia.
To this See Anskar was now consecrated by Drogo, arch-
bishop of Metz, Ebbo, archbishop of Rheims, Hetti, of
Treves, and Otgar, of Mayence. At the same time Willeric
was consecrated bishop of Bremen, which See, with that of
Verden, were made subject to him. % .
As Hamburgh was situated in a dangerous locality from its
proximity to the barbarians, and as it was also but small in
extent, a certain foundation, called Turholt (now Torout), in
Flanders, between Bruges and Ypres, was attached to it, appa-
rently as a kind of endowment (Pertz ii. 698). Anskar having
repaired to Rome, received the pall from Pope Gregory, and was
nominated Apostolic Legate to the Swedes, Danes, Slaves, and
other northern nations. A joint commission was apparently
given to Ebbo, Archbishop of Rheims, who had been a very
ardent missionary, and to whom the Emperor assigned the little
district of Welanas (now called Munsterdorf), on the Stur, to
defray his expenses when he should go to those parts (id. 699).
204 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
After the consecration of Anskar, it was thought prudent,
as Sweden was so far off and so entirely apart, that a special
bishop should be consecrated to act as his vicar there.
Ebbo accordingly recommended a relation of his (Adam of
Bremen calls him his nephew), named Gauzbert, who having
been supplied by him and the Emperor with the necessary
surroundings (i.e. books, vessels, etc., etc.), set out on his
journey. The district of Welanas already mentioned was
assigned to him as a place of shelter in case of necessity (id.
699,700; Kruse, op. cit. 115). It would seem that Gauz-
bert, at his consecration, took the name of Simeon. He
was well received by the King of the Swedes (i.e. by Biorn)
and his people ; and began, with the goodwill of all, to build
a church, and publicly to preach the Gospel, and was joined
by numbers of converts (Pertz, ii. 700). Meanwhile,
Anskar worked ardently in the conversion of his neigh-
bours, and redeemed from slavery numbers of boys who had
been captured by the Danes and Slaves, whom he brought up
in the service of the Church, retaining some of them by him,
and sending others to Turholt, already mentioned, to be
brought up.
Rembert then goes on to describe how Hamburgh was
attacked by the pirates. This happened when the Mar-
quis of the frontier, Bernhard, was dead, and although the
bishop tried to inspire his flock with courage, they were over-
powered and obliged to flee ; he not even saving his cope
(etiam sine cappa sua vix evasif). Many of the people were
killed, and others fled. The pirates captured the town and
plundered the neighbourhood ; they burnt the cathedral and
monastery, and set fire to the library, which had been
presented by the Emperor ; and his biographer tells us, that
although so much of his life's work was thus destroyed, Saint
Anskar made no complaints, nor did he revile his enemies,
but humbly confessed that it was God who had given, and
God might equally take away.
The date of this burning of Hamburgh is not very clear.
Pertz dates it in 837 (id. notes) ; Kruse, as I think with
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 205
much greater probability, in 845 (op. cit. 169). The bishop
and his people were now vagabonds, and wandered about for
some time, bearing with them the precious relics of the saints.
About the same time, we are told, the Swedes, seized with
diabolical frenzy, began to persecute their bishop Gauzbert,
and a number of them broke into his house, and slew his
nephew, Nithard. They plundered the house, and drove
the rest of the inmates into exile. These things were not
done at the instance of the King, but by a popular out-
break (id. 701 ; Kruse, 168-9). This King was probably
Biorn. After these events there were no priests in
Sweden for a space of seven years. Then Anskar, anxious
for the Christians there, and especially for his godson
Herigar, determined to send a certain anchorite, named
Ardgar, to them. He speedily sought out Herigar and the
rest, to whom he distributed the consolations of religion. By
Herigar's influence the Christians obtained the royal licence
to propagate their faith, and he also protected them from insult,
notwithstanding the popular feeling. At an out-of-door as-
sembly, the missionary held a controversy with the Swedes,
who lauded the virtues of their gods, and boasted of the
blessings they had conferred on them. The missionary, in
order to confound them, we are told in the ingenuous phrases of
Rembert, invoked a miracle. As a storm was impending, he
bade them pray to their gods that the rain might not wet
them — he also would pray to his God that it should not wet
him ; and the test of who was the true God was to depend on
the issue of the miracle. They accepted the proof, and we are
told, sat down in a body, while he sat apart with a boy. The
rain was not long in coming, and it deluged them, while
not a drop fell on him. On another occasion, says his
much-believing biographer, Ardgar having lamed his leg and
being prostrate, the Swedes jeered him and advised him to
pray to their gods if he wished to be cured. Goaded into
reply he appealed to Christ and was restored to health as
before, thus confounding his enemies (id. 702).
At this time it happened that a certain Swedish
206 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
King, named Amund, having been exiled from the kingdom
had sought shelter among the Danes. I am pretty sure from
the subsequent narrative, that Amund was a comparatively
unimportant person. It seems clear that Olaf was at this
time King of Sweden, and Amund was only a king in the
Norse sense, that is, a district or subordinate king. I believe,
as I have read, that he was Olaf s nephew, and the nephew
also of Eric of Denmark.
To continue our story. Amund being anxious to return
home, began to collect recruits, promising to reward them
handsomely when they returned to Birka, since there were
many rich merchants and much wealth and treasure there.
Eager to plunder so famous a mart, they supplied him with
twenty-one ships, besides which he had eleven of his own. With
this fleet he duly set sail from Denmark, and arrived at Birka.
The king (? Olaf) was not at home, and there was no force at
hand competent to resist him. Herigar, the governor of the
town, with some merchants and others were alone. When hard
pressed they determined to retire to a city near at hand
(probably Sigtuna), and began to offer prayers to their Gods
for help. Feeling still weak, they sent away to the invaders
to ask for peace. This they at length bought by a fine of 100
pounds of silver. The Danes were not satisfied, and deter-
mined to sack the town. The citizens in their distress pro-
posed to immolate a victim to propitiate their gods, a view
which was sternly opposed by Herigar, who counselled them to
abandon their useless deities and to turn to the Christian God.
This they accordingly did, and we are told they offered prayers
and alms voluntarily and by one consent in an assembly held
in the open air.
Meanwhile, according to Rembert, Amund addressed his
followers, and informed them that in this place were the shrines
of many powerful gods, including the God of the Christians,
who was the most powerful of all, and that they had better
beware how they incurred his resentment. They determined
to decide the matter by an appeal to necromancy. The answer
was that they should not molest the place, and that they should
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 207
leave what they had captured. They were not to return home
empty-handed, however, but were to repair to a distant city, on
the borders of the Slaves. They went there and captured the
town, and made a great booty, with which they returned safely
home again. Amund returned a portion of the silver
(to the Swedes ?), and made a treaty with them and lived
there for some time as he wished to conciliate them (Pertz ii.
704). From this account, it would seem probable that Amund
was a Christian, and probably a friend of Herigar's. The
latter did not let his vantage slip, but seems to have used his
triumph for the furtherance of the faith. He died an old man,
a Christian, and received the last sacrament from Ardgar
(Pertz ii. 704 ; Kruse, 201, 202).
Rembert mentions that among the Swedish converts was a
woman called Frideburg or Fretheburg, who resisted all the
importunities of her people to sacrifice to idols, etc., and
remained a faithful Christian. As she was nearing her term of
life, and there was no longer a priest there, Gauzbert being
dead ; knowing that Christians before they died consoled
themselves by taking the viaticum or last communion, and
there being no priest who could duly consecrate the elements,
she bought, and set apart some wine, and ordered her daughter
to give it to her when she was dying, in the hope that this
sacrifice might be acceptable in her difficult circumstances.
This was three years before the arrival of Ardgar. She lived
on, however, and only died after receiving the sacrament duly
from him, and ordering her daughter Calla to distribute some
of her wealth as alms among the poor, and in case she found
but few poor, she recommended her to take the money to
Dorestadt, where there were many churches, priests, and poor,
and there to distribute her alms. She went there* and
performed her mother's behests (Pertz, op. cit. ii. 704, 705).
After the death of Herigar, Ardgar left Sweden, which was
again therefore left without spiritual control.
In 846 Pope Sergius issued a commission to Anskar con-
firming him as apostle of the Wigmodians, Nordalbingians,
Danes, Norveni, Suecii, and whatever nations he should
208 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
subject to the faith, and granting him the use of the pallium
at his see of Hamburgh (Kruse, 176). As I have mentioned,
that missionary see on the borders of the heathen was too
poor to support itself, and the emperor had accordingly
assigned it the revenues of the monastery of Turholt for its
support. On the death of Louis the Pious, Turholt fell to
the share of his son Charles, while Hamburgh belonged,
if to anybody, to Louis the German. Charles accordingly
detached the monastery from the see and gave it to one Reg-
inar (Pertz ii. 706). The consequence of this, added to the
previous ravage of the Danes, was that the see of Hamburgh
was reduced to desolation. About this time the bishopric of
Bremen becoming vacant, it was determined at a synod of
bishops, held at Mayence in the autumn of 847, to appoint
Anskar to the post, and thus unite Bremen and Hamburgh,
which was accordingly done. This introduced a new difficulty.
Bremen was a suffragan see of Cologne, while Hamburgh
had been constituted an independent archbishopric.
The Archbishop of Cologne now claimed Anskar as one
of his suffragans, which the latter resented. The matter
was discussed at a synod at Worms, attended by the two
brothers, Lothaire and Louis, and it was determined to
remit the matter to the decision of the Holy See. Louis
accordingly appointed Salomon bishop of Constance (Con-
stantice civitatis episcopus) to go there, and Anskar was
represented by a priest named Nordfrid, who is described
by Rembert ambiguously as filium suum (i.e. of Anskar)
fratrem nostrum (i.e. of Rembert). The matter having been
duly brought before Pope Nicholas, he issued a bull uniting
the two dioceses of Hamburgh and Bremen, and constituting
them an archiepiscopal see, independent of that of Cologne,
while the diocese of Verden, of which Waldgar was bishop,
was detached from them (Pertz ii. 706, 708).
Anskar now resumed his efforts for the conversion of the
Danes. We are told he endeavoured to conciliate the good
will of Eric, who was now sole king of the country, by
presents and otherwise, in order to gain permission to preach
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 209
the faith, and seems to have had some interviews with him.
Anskar also seems to have exerted himself to create a good
feeling between the Danes and Franks, and to have been an
intermediary in their negotiations. In consequence Eric
became much attached to him, and even initiated him in
his State secrets. Anskar now introduced the question of
Christianity, and tried to persuade Eric to be baptized.
He seems to have had considerable effect on the king,
and at last persuaded him to allow a church to be built
within his borders. The site was fixed at Schleswig,
a port, says Rembert, much frequented by merchants, and
there was accordingly founded the first Christian temple
within the borders of Denmark. The king also granted
permission to any of his subjects who pleased to be
baptized. The church was duly dedicated to the Virgin,
and a priest appointed to it. Rembert says there were
already many Christians there who had been baptized at
Hamburgh or Dorestadt, among whom were some of the
officials of the town, who accordingly encouraged the move-
ment, and many, both men and women, now followed their
example (id. 709). It will be remarked that Rembert
nowhere says that King Eric himself was baptized, nor that
he became a Christian. This fact is mentioned by Adam
of Bremen, who was a very late and irregularly inaccurate
chronicler of the events of this time, and whose authority as
compared with Rembert is nil. I cannot doubt that if Eric
had really become a Christian, that such a proof of the
triumphant campaign of his master would not have been
overlooked by his scholar and biographer.
Anskar was now much troubled for the condition of
Sweden, where there was no longer any priest, and he per-
tsuaded King Eric to assist him in the matter. After a
conference with Gauzbert, who had been there before, and
had been driven away, and who seems to have dreaded
similar treatment, it was determined that the latter should
go, and Eric sent a letter with him, commending him to the
Swedish King Olaf, a proof, as I take it, that Eric and Olaf,
'
210 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
who were according to my contention nearly related, if not
actually brothers, were good friends, and in no sense rivals
and enemies. In his letter he referred to him as sent by
King Louis, as one anxious to serve the cause of religion,
and wishful to spread the Gospel in Sweden. Having set out
they reached Birka in about twenty days, where they met the
king and a large number of people. Rembert goes on to say
that the crowd was much elated about their arrival, for one
who claimed to have been sent from the very council of the
northern gods, had addressed the crowd in terms like these:
" By your zeal for us you have secured our goodwill, and
in consequence peace and plenty have flourished in the land.
Now you propose to rob us of sacrifices and other offerings,
and what we deem even worse, to supplant us by another
god. If you wish us to continue propitious to you, continue
the old sacrifices, and to pay us the dues as formerly, and do
not receive this other god, who denounces us, among you,
nor worship him: If needs be that you are anxious for other
gods, and that we do not suffice for you, then choose Eric,
who was formerly your king, and whom we will unani-
mously welcome among us to be a god." This Eric it has
been argued was Eric of Upsala, who by some is made a
brother of Biorn of the Hill, but this is hardly likely. So
recent a king would hardly in the north have been suggested
as a god. He was rather in all probability some semi-
fabulous hero of the Heroic age.
The address just named seems to have greatly excited the
mob, who in accordance with it nominated the Eric just
named as one of their gods, and thereupon began to offer
gifts and sacrifices to him. Bishop Gauzbert now consulted
jiis old friends as to the course he should pursue, and what
were the king's sympathies in the matter. They counselled
him to withdraw at once, and if he had anything of value
about him to present it to the king so as to be permitted to
go away alive. Gauzbert refused to comply, and said he was
prepared for martyrdom. At length by the advice of his
friends he invited the king, who was no doubt the Olaf already
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 211
named, to his house. He there offered him hospitality and
presents and presented his commission, which had already
been named to him by his own friends and by the envoy of
Eric of Denmark. The king seemed very gracious, and will-
ing to comply with his wishes ; but he added, " There were
priests here before who were driven away, not by the royal
mandate, but by a popular outbreak. Before I can or dare
confirm your mission I must consult the auguries of our gods,
and see what the wish of the people is. Attend the next
meeting of the assembly (placitum) and I will advocate your
cause to the people, and if the gods are willing then your
wishes shall be carried, if not then the contrary/' This, says
Rembert, was according to their custom, for among them
matters of public moment were decided by the popular will
rather than by the royal wish. Gauzbert consented to this
and prepared himself by prayer and fasting for the interview
(id. 711, 712). The king having assembled his grandees
discussed the matter with them, and they proceeded to test by
lots what the will of the gods was. The lots were cast on the
open field, and they fell that it was the will of the gods that
the Christian religion should be established there. This news
was taken to Gauzbert by one of his friends, and the latter
accordingly prepared to attend the general assembly with
confidence. The assembly was held at Birka, and the king
having caused the decision just mentioned to be announced
there was considerable uproar, when there uprose an elderly
man who addressed the crowd, saying, " Hear me, king and
people. The worship of this God is well known to many of
us who have received benefits from Him, for many of us have
proved His goodness in perils on the sea. Formerly several of
us who have been to Dorestadt have there adopted the faith.
Now on account of the many pirates and dangers that infest
the way, we hardly ever make our way there." *
The orator bade his audience attend to their own interests,
* This is surely a graphic proof of what I have elsewhere urged, that the
Norsemen were originally traders and not buccaneers, and that piracy was an
accomplishment they learnt later on.
212 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and in those cases where their gods were not propitious to
court the favour of this one who was always willing to help
those who asked Him. This speech had its due effect, and it
was agreed that priests should settle among them, and that
the mysteries of Christianity should be practised without
hindrance. The king had this conclusion announced to the
bishop, but he still withheld his own consent until another
placitum or assembly had been held in another part of the
country. This was probably for Gothland, as the former one
was for Sweden proper. This followed the example, and
confirmed the decision of the former assembly. The king
now proclaimed the decision of the two meetings, granting
the right to build churches and to make converts freely.
Gauzbert then commended Erimbert, the nephew of Anskar,
to the good graces of the king, and asking for his patronage
for him. The king thereupon ordered a hall (atrium] to be
built for an oratory, and the bishop bought another for him to
live in. These were both at Birka. The bishop then once
more returned home,
About this time Rembert reports an expedition undertaken
by the Swedes against the Cori, whom he describes as a
people situated a long way off, and who were clearly the
Curones or people of Curland. He says they had formerly
been subject to the Swedes, but this was a considerable
time before (jam tune diu erat).
The Danes having learnt this, determined about the time
when the bishop (i.e. Gauzbert) was among the Swedes to
send a large fleet there to plunder and subdue them. The
kingdom of the Cori then comprised five different states
(civitates), whose inhabitants united together to repel the
invaders. They were successful. One half of the Danes
were killed, and their fleet was plundered of its gold and silver.
The expedition in fact seemed to have been a disastrous failure.
King Olaf and the Swedes having heard of this, and wishing to
acquire fame, and to compass what the Danes had failed in
doing, piqued also, inasmuch as the Curlander-s were formerly
their subjects, collected a very large force and crossed
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN. 213
the Baltic to Curland to a city then called Seeburg, where there
were 7,000 warriors collected. This town some have identified
with Seleburg in Semgallia at the mouth of the Duna, others
with Segeburg in the south of Livonia (Pertz ii. 714, note
60; Kruse, 227, note i). Kruse also suggests from the fact
of the town having so large a garrison that it was the capital
of Curland. Other possible sites are Libau, which from its situ-
ation on the coast may have been called Seeburg by the Danes,
or, perhaps, Pills Callns near Kapsehden (op. cit. 227, note 2).
Having captured, sacked, and burnt the town, they went on
a five days' journey to another town, called Apulia, which, as
Pertz suggests, was, doubtless, Pillen on the river Windav, in
Curland. There were assembled 15,000 warriors, who shut
themselves up in the town and defended it bravely.
For eight days the siege was prosecuted with great vigour.
The Swedes then began to grow weary, and as they were five
days' journey from the port where their ships lay, they were
much troubled in their minds as to what they should do, they
determined to cast lots and see whether their gods meant to
assist them, or intended that they should retire. These lots
having been cast, it was found that none of the gods were
willing to help them ; whereupon a terrible wailing arose in
the camp. " What miserable creatures are we ! " they said ;
" our gods have forsaken us, and none of them will support
us ! Whither must we fly ? Our ships are a long way off ; if
we retire to them, those who follow in pursuit will destroy us.
Where, then, is our hope ? " In this difficulty, some merchants
who were with them, and who remembered the teaching of
the bishop, spoke out, and said, " The God of the Christians is
mighty in assisting those who seek Him. Let us see if He
is with us, and if so, let us obey Him." The lots were again
cast, and it was found that Christ was in fact with them.
This news greatly raised their drooping spirits. With joyful
hearts they again closely beleaguered the town, which it
appears began to run short of provisions, and some propositions
were made by the garrison, that they wished for peace
rather than war, and were ready to make a truce with the
214 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Swedes and to surrender some of the booty which they had
captured during the previous year from the Danes. They
offered a ransom of half-a-pound of silver for each man in
the garrison, to renew the homage they formerly did, and to
give hostages, and in future to deem themselves subjects
of the Swedish king. Some of the more bellicose Swedes were
not for accepting these terms, but rather for insisting upon
the capture of the town, and upon its plunder ; but this was
overruled by the king and his more prudent counsellors ; and
having collected a great ransom, and received thirty hostages,
they made their way back to their ships. The delighted
Swedes now inquired from the merchants, whose advice they
had previously sought, what the God of the Christians would
deem a grateful return for the benefits he had conferred on them.
It was determined that they should fast for seven days, and
then abstain from meat for seven days ; and after an interval
of forty days should by a general assembly decree a similar
abstention of forty days. After this we are told they were
very friendly disposed to Christianity, and adopted the Christian
mode of fasting, and the fashion of distributing alms to the
poor, and in consequence the priest Erimbert, whom I have
mentioned, continued to live among them in peace and quiet
(Pertz ii. 714, 715). This is a fitting close to the present
paper ; we have carried down the history of Sweden to the
date when the battle took place in Denmark, where Eric
was killed, and which was the great turning-point in northern
history, and I will in conclusion give a short genealogy of the
kings before mentioned, in order to make my story more
plain.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SWEDEN.
215
Ingiald the Illdoer,
King at Upsala.
Gudrod
King of Scania Aasa
Ivan Vidfame
Rurik Audr Harald
Radbard
Harald
Hildetand
Olaf the Treefeller
Halfdane Huilbein
Randver
r -, I
Eystein Halfdane Sigurd Ring
Harald
Klak
Eystein
Halfdane
the Mild
Gudrod the
Magnanimous
I i I I
— Eric — Biorn Olaf
I
Amund
Reginer Anulo Lodbrog
NARRATIVE OF THE TRANSFERENCE OF THE
GERMAN WEIMARIAN ARMY TO THE CROWN
OF FRANCE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
BY JAMES HEYWOOD, F.R.S.
(Read to the Royal Historical Society on the i&h December, 1880.)
DURING the varied events of the Thirty Years' War in the
seventeenth century, a constant struggle for power in central
Europe was maintained between the Emperor of Germany,
whose seat of government was at Vienna, and the King
of France.
Cardinal Richelieu, the prime minister of France during a
great part of the reign of Louis XIII., had the sagacity to
see that French interests were promoted by aiding the Protes-
tant princes of northern Europe against the Austrian
Imperialists.
Wallenstein, the principal general of Austria, advanced
northwards as far as the Baltic, and obtained from the
German Emperor the title of " General of the Ocean and of
the Baltic."
Sweden at that time included several provinces on the
eastern side of the Baltic, and when Wallenstein laid siege to
the Danish town of Stralsund, the inhabitants of that city
solicited the aid of Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
against their Imperial enemy. Gustavus sent to them a party
of Swedish soldiers, and an ample supply of ammunition.
The independence of Stralsund was -thus preserved.
Shortly afterwards, a treaty was negotiated at Liibeck, to
which Gustavus sent a plenipotentiary ; but his pride was
wounded, as Wallenstein forbade the entrance of the Swedish
ambassador into the congress, on account of the assistance
which the king of Sweden had recently afforded to Stralsund.
In 1629 Gustavus Adolphus was engaged in a war with
TRANSFERENCE OF THE GERMAN WEIMARIAN ARMY. 217
Sigismund, King of Poland. Richelieu privately sent into
Polish Silesia his confidential agent Charnace, who had inter-
views with each of the contending sovereigns, and persuaded
both the kings of Sweden and Poland to consent to a truce
for six years. Charnace also, in the name of Cardinal
Richelieu, negotiated a treaty in January, 1631, with the king
of Sweden for five years, by which Gustavus Adolphus
agreed to maintain an army of 30,000 men in Germany, and
France engaged to furnish £40,000 a year, towards the
maintenance of this army. Venice also forwarded a large
contribution for the same object. The treaty stipulated that
if the arms of Gustavus Adolphus were successful, he was
to respect, the Catholic religion and the constitution of the
German empire in all the conquered places.
Shortly after landing in Pomerania, the gates of Stettin were
opened to the King of Sweden, who thus obtained the com-
mand of the river Oder, as well as a magazine for his troops.
Gustavus had taken the precaution of providing his soldiers
with dresses of sheepskin, which enabled them to keep the
field even in the most inclement season.
The Imperialists were driven out of Pomerania with great
loss in artillery, baggage, and men.
Gustavus Adolphus appeared with his army before Berlin,
and as there was great hesitation on the part of the Elector
of Brandenburg about his reception, the King of Sweden
sent to him a message, concluding with the words : " My
brother, the Elector, must determine at once, to have me as
a friend, or to see his capital plundered." The pointing of
the Swedish cannon against the city of Berlin put an end to
the doubts of George William. The Elector agreed to furnish
a monthly subsidy of 30,000 dollars, and a decisive alliance
was formed between the Elector of Brandenburg and the
Swedes. Uninterrupted success followed the progress of the
Swedish monarch. He was the first General of the age. In
September, 1631, the battle of Leipzig was fought, ending in
a complete victory of the Swedes and Saxons over the
Imperialists.
218 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The Saxon division of the army, under Gustavus, was after-
wards commanded by Bernard, Duke of Weimar, and in 1632,
a few days before the battle of Lutzen, a violent scene took
place between Bernard and the King of Sweden, in consequence
of which the Duke of Weimar resigned his generalship,
declaring that he would not be a servant, but only an ally of
Sweden.
Victory declared itself on the side of Sweden at the battle
of Lutzen, but Gustavus Adolphus lost his life in the engage-
ment.
In 1633, Bernard, Duke of Weimar, was defeated by the
Imperialists in the battle of Nordlingen, and lost 12,000 men,
300 standards, and 80 guns. A treaty was concluded in 1634,
at Paris, by which France engaged to maintain 12,000 men,
Germans or others, under the command of a German prince.
By a treaty in 1635, the Duke of Weimar promised to
command the army, under the authority of the King of
France, on condition that he (Duke Bernard) should retain
the direction of military operations, with power to resolve and
execute, as he should think best for the furtherance of the
common cause, with counsel and judgment of His Majesty
the King of France and the confederate princes ; except in
such cases as it should be proposed to march across the
Rhine, or into a new country, or to undertake a siege of any
importance ; on which occasions the Duke promised to
inform His Majesty of such intentions, and to receive orders
from His Majesty, so that the King of France might arrange
his other plans accordingly.
Rheinfelden and several other towns of the Black Forest
country were taken by the Duke of Weimar ; and, with the
aid of the French General Gue*briant, after a long and obsti-
nate siege of old Breisach, in the Brisgau, he obtained
possession of that important fortress in 1638.
Cardinal Richelieu was a statesman who never lost sight of
the aggrandizement of France. He thus described his own
public character to a confidant* : —
* Aikin's " General Biography," Art. Richelieu, p. 544.
TRANSFERENCE OF THE GERMAN WEIMARIAN ARMY. 219
" I venture upon nothing until I have well considered it, but when
I have taken my resolution, I go directly to my object ; I overthrow
and mow down all that stands in my way, and cover the whole with
my red mantle."
After the taking of Breisach, the French government sent
instructions to General Guebriant, commander of the forces of
the King of France on the Rhine, under the Duke of Weimar,
as to the main subject for a negotiation, in consequence of
the capture of the fortress of Breisach. M. de Gonzenbach,
in the appendix to his Memoir of General D'Erlach, gives
these instructions, in which General Guebriant was directed,
in the most polite manner, to inquire from Duke Bernard, if,
in his opinion, the French, who had contributed to the con-
quest of Breisach, should have a share in the glory of pre-
serving that fortress.
General Guebriant was not to manifest any want of con-
fidence as to the intentions of Duke Bernard, and he was
to explain to the Duke that, in what , the King of France
desired of Bernard, he merely sought for the good of the
common cause.
If the Duke of Weimar should consent to the appoint-
ment of a French governor of Breisach, it would be requisite,
for more complete security, that two-thirds, or at least one-
half of the garrison should be French ; the other half should
be Germans, under a French governor, and General Guebriant
should possess the supreme direction over both the divisions.
These proposals could not possibly be agreeable to the
Duke of Weimar, and about that time Colonel Ehm gave a
banquet at Pontarslier, to Bernard, who was taken ill at the
dinner. In March, 1639, the Duke of Weimar, when he was
a little recovering from his malady, wrote a letter to Cardinal
Richelieu, which is given in M. de Gonzenbach's work on
General D'Erlach. The Duke of Weimar mentioned in his
letter that he had sent General D'Erlach to inform the Car-
dinal on various matters, such as the want of money to
preserve the conquest which had been made. No practical
benefit arose from General D'Erlach's mission.
220 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The Duke of Weimar died in July, 1639. By his will he
left the places he had conquered to his brothers, who declined
this inheritance. Next to them the Duke gave precedence to
the Crown of France, on condition that the garrisons should
be retained, and in the event of a general peace he wished the
conquered lands to be restored to the German Empire.
The Duke's army was, according to Bernard's will, to be
commanded by General D'Erlach, Colonel Ehm, the Count of
Nassau, and Colonel Rosen. These officers were called the
Directory, and General d'Erlach held the principal position.
A fresh negotiation began between General Gudbriant, with
two other Frenchmen, D'Oisonville and Choisy, on the side
of France, and General D'Erlach and his friends. D'Erlach
was the Governor of Breisach.
On the basis of the French instructions, according to
M. de Gonzenbach, Guebriant and his colleagues suggested
to the Weimar generals : —
That the Weimarian army should be transferred, in single
regiments, to the service of France.
The colonels were to be treated with individually, and to be
offered yearly pensions in addition to their usual pay. The
governors of fortresses were to be gained over in like manner ;
the sums offered being in proportion to the importance of the
fortresses given up.
The Governor of Breisach was offered £4,000 if he promised
to hold the fortress under the authority of France, and either
£6,000 or £8,000, if he gave up the fortress altogether to
France.
Negotiations were carried on at Breisach, and afterward
at Colmar, the head-quarters of the Duke de Longueville ; and
subsequently they were renewed at Breisach. Finally, a
mutiny in the Weimarian army was apprehended, if the
soldiers should be longer kept in a state of uncertainty, and
the French ambassadors and the generals of the Weimarian
army concluded their arrangement in the following
form : —
The King of France was to have free choice in the appoint-
TRANSFERENCE OF THE GERMAN WEIMARIAN ARMY. 221
ment of governors for the fortresses of Freiburg in Brisgau
and Breisach ; and it was further agreed, by a secret treaty,
that the same governors, who had been in office under the
Duke of Weimar, should remain at Breisach and Freiburg,
and that each of them should take the oath of allegiance to
hold the fortress over which he presided in the service of the
King of France, and to obey the orders of the Lieutenant-
General who should command the King's army in Germany.
The Duke of Longueville assisted the French ambassadors
in concluding the negotiations. France became the supreme
power over the greater part of Alsace, as well as over Breisach
and Freiburg, in Brisgau, and in addition, over Rheinfelden
and some other Black Forest towns. Gueb riant held the
office of general in the Weimarian army. In 1642 he gained
the victory of Kemper, in the electorate of Cologne, which
obtained for him the reward of a marshal's baton. Richelieu
died in December, 1642. Cardinal Mazarin was appointed
prime minister. Louis XIII. died in 1643.
General Mercy, in 1644, on the side of the Imperialists,
commanded the Bavarian army, and marched towards the
Rhine. Marshal Turenne, the French commander, ordered
General Rosen to attack the Bavarian advanced guard, and
the Bavarians were defeated. General Mercy laid siege to
Freiburg in Brisgau, and took that fortress. The Duke
d'Enghien, French commander, received orders to march
towards the Rhine, where he joined Marshal Turenne. The
French army numbered 20,000 men : that of Mercy comprised
15,000, occupying a strong position. Between the Brisgau
and Wirtemberg there was only one road from Freiburg in
Brisgau to Villingen, leading into Wirtemberg, and on that
road was the abbey of St. Peter. General Mercy took care to
station troops near the road to Villingen, that he might have
the power of retreat into Germany.
A council of war on the French side was summoned by the
Duke d'Enghien, and, at this conference, General D'Erlach
advised a French movement to take possession of the Glotter
valley, north-east of Freiburg, so as to stop the Bavarians
222 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
from using the road to St. Peter's Abbey and Villingen.
Marshal de Guiche supported D'Erlach, but Turenne recom-
mended an attack of the Bavarians, in front, up the steep
footpath of the Schwinberg. The Duke d'Enghien (about 24
years old) sided with Marshal Turenne, and the council
decided for the attack in front.
The Bavarian camp was strongly fortified. Turenne had
to make a long circuit, in a defile, to attack the rear of the
camp with the Weimarian army, and it was agreed to wait
until four in the afternoon, when the main body of the French
army charged up the hill. They were received by a tremendous
fire. The Duke d'Enghien got off his horse, and marched
first, and his gallant soldiers followed : they forced a passage.
The troops of Marshal Turenne, who had gone round, were
fatigued with their long march, and could only skirmish at
the rear of the Bavarian army.
Heavy rain fell during the night. General Mercy had the
skill to withdraw his troops not actually engaged with
Turenne, and in the morning his army, with their cannon,
were posted on an eminence north-east of Freiburg. The
skirmishing with Turenne ceased in the night, and the
Bavarian soldiers, who were alive, had moved to the new
ground, and a fresh battle commenced. The Duke d'Enghien
had the pommel of his saddle carried away by a cannon ball,
and a musket ball broke the scabbard of his sword. Others
incurred similar dangers. The two armies fought all day,
but the French were unable to carry the Bavarian intrench-
ments. They had to adopt the plan proposed by D'Erlach,
and to take the route north-east of Freiburg by the Glotter
valley, so as to endeavour to come up with the Bavarian
troops retreating on the road to Villingen. Mercy moved his
army to St. Peter's valley ; his troops were reduced to 6,000
men. General Rosen was ordered, with eight squadrons of
Weimarian cavalry, to go in pursuit of the Bavarians. Part
of the Weimarian horse-soldiers seized on the baggage of
General Mercy, and part of the Weimarians were repulsed by
the Bavarian infantry. Mercy's cavalry for some days had
TRANSFERENCE OF THE GERMAN WEIMARIAN ARMY. 223
only fed on leaves of trees, and were unequal to engage in a
severe fight. The Duke d'Enghien shortly afterwards reached
the field of battle, and Mercy did not prolong the contest,
but marched on to Villingen ; he had shown coolness,
prudence, and determination. In his retreat into Wirtem-
berg, he left his cannon and baggage behind him, being no
longer able to take charge of them.
The French burnt the baggage and took the cannon to
Breisach. In these engagements near Freiburg, in Brisgau,
15,000 soldiers were killed, of whom 9,000 were Bavarians
and 6,000 Weimarians. Nearly the whole of the infantry on
both sides perished.
M. Cheruel, in his history of France, during the minority of
Louis XIV. (vol. I. chap, iv.) gives a graphic account of the
battles of Freiburg in Brisgau, in August, 1644.
The loss of so many valuable lives accelerated the time
when the French and the Imperialists became willing to
consent to a general peace.
In 1648 the peace of Westphalia was agreed to, and was
signed at Munster. Breisach in Brisgau, and its dependencies,
as well as Alsace, were confirmed to France, but by the treaty
of Ryswick, in 1697, Breisach was restored to Germany.
According to Mr. Seguin, in his work on the Black Forest,
the fortress of old Breisach was utterly destroyed in 1793, by
the French, and at present it is chiefly occupied by a poor
Jewish population.
Old Breisach possesses a magnificent church, St. Stephen's
Minster, which crowns the rocky height, and from which an
extensive panorama is obtained over the Rhine, the hills of
Alsace, the Dreisam valley, and the Kaiserstuhl. " The
church is being completely restored, and there are some good
modern paintings in the choir."
The railroad train from Colmar to Freiburg in Brisgau,
stops at Alt-Breisach (Old Breisach) several times every
day.
IE rrr^a: jmLHUL-^LC
:^ arzssni i&L
: z 3ii^r
Te
• - : ".
226 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mode of edifice then adopted, which continued unaltered
so long as timber was the principal material used.
An illustration of the style of building in vogue at this
period is afforded by the diagrams among the archives of this
Society, representing houses of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, such as were abundant in London, and all our
large towns at the period of which I am now speaking, but
very few of which, I regret to say, now remain.
In my former papers I endeavoured to trace the origin
and progress of London, until our vast capital became a city
of great importance, though far below many ordinary towns
of the present day. London went on increasing during the
period of which I am now speaking, although repeated pro-
clamations were from time to time published by Queen
Elizabeth, James the First, and Charles the First, in the
hopeless expectation of checking the further enlargement of
the metropolis.
The Strand is mentioned, in the year 1657, as formerly
consisting of mud walls and thatched cottages, but as
having then acquired a perfection of building. St. Giles's-in-
the- Fields is referred to as a town separate from London.
Drury Lane, leading from St. Giles's to the Strand, is de-
scribed as " of late years, by occasion of the continual road
there, and often carriages, become deep, foul, and dangerous
to all that pass those ways." But before the beginning of
the civil wars,J5t. Giles's had become completely united to
the main body of London. St. Martin's Lane was at this
time a quickset hedge, High Holborn and Drury Lane were
filled with noblemen's and gentlemen's houses.*
Persons afflicted with the leprosy were not allowed to remain
in the city, but were removed to lazar-houses or hospitals
provided for them in the suburbs. The one at Holborn
was the hospital of St. Giles's-in-the- Fields ; the Lock was
in Southwark, at the end of Kent Street. A district in
the neighbourhood is still called Locks's Fields. t
* See Anderson's " History of Comm." ii. 390.
t Stow's Surrey, pp. 444—500.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 227
The improvements of the dwellings in London do not ap-
pear to have kept pace with the increase in its size. The
greater part of the houses were still sheds of wood, or
of wood and brick, the wretchedness of which was only
brought into strong relief by the stately buildings that
here and there intervened. The streets were crooked
and narrow, and generally overshadowed by a perpetual
twilight, from the abutments overhead, that rose, story
above story, until they almost closed upon each other ;
and being unpaved, they were damp and dirty even in dry
weather, and in rainy, were almost knee-deep in mud.*
As regards the domestic arrangements of this period, I
find the following good and wholesome, though somewhat
quaint regulations, laid down for the government of the
household of the Archbishop of Canterbury during the
sixteenth century : —
" For uttering an oath, a fine of id. The same for leaving
a door open.
" A fine of 2d. from Lady-day to Michaelmas, for all who
are in bed after six, or out after ten.
"A fine of id. for any man waiting without a trencher, or
who is absent at a meal.
" For any follower visiting the cook, id." f
People of rank and fashion lived at this time in the Strand,
Drury Lane, and the neighbourhood of Covent Garden,
which was as yet only an inclosed field. Merchants resided
between Temple Bar and the Exchange. Bullies, broken
spendthrifts, and criminals of every shade, collected in White-
friars. Alsatia, as it was called, possessed the right of
sanctuary, and the avenues of it were watched by scouts,
who, on the approach of the messengers, sounded a horn, and
raised the cry of " an arrest," J to warn the Alsatians for flight
or resistance. The chief place of common resort at this
* On this subject, see Moryson, Stow, Lord Somer's " Tracts," and
" Pictorial History of England."
t " Shakespeare's England," by Thornbury
\ ShadwelPs " Comedy of the Squire of Alsatia."
228 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
period was the middle 'aisle of St. Paul's, the hours of
public concourse there being from eleven to twelve at noon,
and after dinner from three to six in the evening. Here,
lords, merchants, and men of all professions ; the fashionable,
the busy, and the idle, were wont to meet and mingle ; and
he who had no companion, might amuse or edify himself
with the numerous placards and intimations suspended from
the pillars.*
Disorder of every kind appears to have prevailed in the
streets of London at this period ; and when night came on,
and the decently disposed citizens were housed, and the
throngs of links and torches had given place to the solitary
twinklings of the watchmen's lanterns, we are told that Alsatia
disgorged its refugees, and the taverns their inmates. Stray
passengers were insulted, wounded, and often killed ; and the
roofs of rich citizens were untiled for the purposes of plunder.
It was unsafe to walk in the streets of London after nine
o'clock.! Indeed, the streets were never lighted after this
hour, even in winter, and not at all during the summer
months. Every person whose house fronted the street was,
however, ordered to " hang out candles or lights in lanterns
or otherwise, in some part of his house next the street," every
night between Michaelmas and Lady-day, from dark until
nine o'clock in the evening, under the penalty of one shilling.
Things did, however, a little improve in this respect in course
of time ; and in the last year of the reign of Charles II. a
person obtained a patent, securing to him for a term of years
the exclusive privilege of lighting up London. He under-
took, for a moderate consideration, to place a light before
every tenth door, on moonless nights, from Michaelmas to
Lady-day, and from six to twelve of the clock.J
The continued progress of building in London during the
time of which I have been speaking, overflowed the ancient
fields and vacant spaces within and around the city, so that
* See Osborne's " Letters to his Son."
f See Lord Somers' " Tracts." — First fourteen years of King James' reign.
J Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, p. 356.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 229
tilt-yards, shooting-grounds, and race-courses, were covered
with streets and alleys ; and thus active civic sports were, of
necessity, in a great degree laid aside.
The citizens, however, betook themselves to quiet lounges
on Sundays, with their wives and families to the villages in
the neighbourhood of London, where they might enjoy cakes
and ale, and the fresh breezes of the fields.
While the places set apart for public out-of-doors sports
eventually decreased, those for indoors and sedentary amuse-
ments multiplied in still greater proportion. Besides the
cockpit, the theatre, and the bear-gardens, eating-houses,
taverns, tennis-courts, dicing-houses, bowling-greens, and
smoking-ordinaries were to be found in every street. Hunting
and hawking still, however, continued to be followed ; and in
shooting the game, the long-bow and cross-bow were used
indifferently, as well as the musket, until the end of Queen
Elizabeth's reign.
During the piesent period, hawking both attained its height
and fell into disuse. The amusement was found too ex-
pensive for any but the wealthiest, and after the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, it was but little followed. Horse-racing,
however, appears to have commenced about this time.
Dancing, too, was reckoned one of the chief accomplishments
of the age. And Henry VIII., notwithstanding his great
size, as also Queen Elizabeth, were famous dancers. High
leaping and stately movements were considered essentials in
fashionable dancing at that time, though both of these feats
must have been rather difficult of accomplishment in the case
of burly King Harry. Merrymakings and fairs had also their
dances ; and, we are told, made up in noise and agility for
the want of more refined graces. Bear-baiting and bull-
baiting were fashionable out-door amusements, and Queen
Elizabeth was enthusiastically devoted to these sports. Some-
times the bear was baited, hood-winked, or blindfolded. Apes
were also occasionally baited. Bear-gardens abounded in
London ; and in the public places of the principal towns and
villages of England, rings to which the bull was fastened were
230 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
not long ago to be seen.* A part of Birmingham still goes
by the name of the Bull-ring.
Christmas was accustomed, at this period, to be celebrated
with very boisterous mirth, and England rang from one end
to the other with festivity and jollity. Christmas carols were
trolled in every street ; masquerades and plays took possession
of houses and churches indifferently ; a Lord of Misrule,
whose reign lasted from All- Hallow Eve till the day after
Pentecost, was elected in every noble household, to preside
over the sports. Both the houses and churches were dressed
with ivy and holly. The boar's head was a dish peculiar to
Christmas, and was placed upon the table in a large silver
platter, amidst a flourish of musical instruments.
Plough Monday, which fell on the first Monday after Twelfth-
day, was the holiday of the ploughmen, who used to go about
from house to house begging for plough- money to drink,
while one of the party, called the Bessey, was dressed for
the occasion like an old woman ; and another, who was the
fool of the pageant, was almost covered with skins, and wore
the tail of some animal dangling down his back. This
custom is still kept up in many parts of the country. What
was termed the yule-log consisted of the largest log of wood
that could be found, and which was placed on the hearth on
Christmas Eve ; and if it continued to burn for the whole
night and the ensuing day, it was a happy omen for the
household ; if it burned out or ceased to burn before that
time, this was regarded as an unlucky omen.f
Next to Christmas, May-day was considered as the most
important festival. On the midnight preceding the first of
May, the people of each parish assembled, and after dividing
themselves into companies, repaired to the woods, groves, and
hills, where they spent the rest of the night in sports and
pastimes. When they returned, they brought with thern
birch-boughs and branches of trees, with which they adorned
the places where they meant to hold their festival.
* Stubbs, Strutt. t Brand, Strutt.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 231
" But," says an old writer,* " the chiefest jewels they bring from
thence is the May-pole, which they bring home with great veneration,
as thus : They have twenty or forty yoke of oxen, every ox having a
sweet nosegay of flowers tied to the tip of his horns ; and these oxen
draw home the May-pole, their stinking idol rather, which they
covered all over with flowers and herbs, bound round with strings
from the top to the bottom ; and sometimes it was painted with
variable colours, having two or three hundred men, women and
children following it with great devotion. And thus equipped, it was
received with handkerchiefs and flags streaming on the top ; they
straw the ground round about it ; they bind green boughs about it ;
they set up summer halls, bowers, and harbours hard by it ; and then
fall they to banqueting and feasting, to leaping and dancing about it,
as the heathen people did at the dedication of their idols."
In London, one of the festivities of May-day was to set
up the great shaft, or principal May-pole, in Cornhill, before
the parish church of St. Andrew ; and as the pole was higher
than the steeple itself, the church was called St. Andrew
Undershaft. A Lord and Lady of May were chosen to pre-
side over the festival, who were richly decorated with scarfs,
ribbons, and other finery. Other festivals were also observed,
of which we have still some remains in the rural districts.
Among the miscellanous papers of the celebrated philoso-
pher Locke, is the following notice of the sports of England
in the year 1679 : —
"At Marebone and Putney a curious stranger may see several
persons of quality bowling two or three times a week, all the summer;
wrestling in Lincoln's Inne-Field every evening, all the summer; bear
and bull-baiting, and sometimes prizes, at the Bear Garden ; shooting
in the long-bow and stob-ball, in Tothill Fields ; cudgel playing, in
several places in the country; and hurling in Cornwall.''!
As regards other amusements which were followed at this
time, I may mention that the court of Henry VII., during the
earlier part of the period embraced by the present paper, was
distinguished for the most splendid tilts, joustings, and tourna-
ments, in which the king himself frequently took a part,
* Stubbs, Strutt. t Lord King's " Life of Locke," p. 134.
232 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
though the drama had then made but little advance. The
entertainments called pageants increased from this period,
and usually consisted of a high stage bearing some great
figure, as a ship, castle, or mountain, with persons richly or
quaintly dressed, who held an allegorical dialogue to welcome
the sovereign in his progress through the country. They
were retained in England down to the seventeenth century,
and often exhibited a great degree of splendour.*
The court of James I. was particularly distinguished for its
pageants and masques, which made, as Wilson terms it, " a
continual masquerade," in which the queen and her ladies
frequently appeared as nymphs or nereids, in various dresses,
" to the ravishment of her beholders." In the reign of Charles
I. this taste had not waned, and in the year 1633, the four
Inns of Court, the Middle and Inner Temple, Lincoln's Inn,
and Gray's Inn, united in exhibiting a masque before the
king and queen at Whitehall, the poetry of which was written
by Ben Jonson. The scenic decorations were designed by
Inigo Jones ; Lord Bacon and Mr. Selden settled the dresses
and devices ; and Whitelocke, afterwards Lord Keeper, had
the care of the music. In his Memorials he says, "it was
so performed that it excelled any previously heard in England.
The dances, figures, properties, voices, instruments, songs, airs,
composures, and actions, passed without any failure."
The harshness, want of feeling and of refinement, which
characterized our worthy forefathers, even down to the end of
the period of which I am now speaking, is remarked by Lord
Macaulay, who tells us that at this time, " masters, well born
and bred, were in the habit of beating their servants ....
husbands, of decent standing, were not ashamed to beat their
wives."
I have hitherto considered mainly the condition of London
during the period embraced in the present paper. I will now,
however, proceed to refer to the state of the different pro-
vincial towns, and of the country generally. Plymouth is
described, in the year 1607, as having grown up in the last
* Thompson's " Illustrations of History of Great Britain," vol. ii. p. 314.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 233
age from a small fishing village. Birmingham, called
Bremicham, is mentioned as already "swarming with inha-
bitants, and echoing with the work of anvils." Liverpool is
merely noticed under the name of Litherpoole, commonly
shortened into Lirpool, as " the most convenient and usual
place for setting sail into Ireland."* Pepys, who visited Bristol
about the year 1660, noted down as a wonder the circum-
stance that, in Bristol, a man might look round him and see
nothing but houses. It appears that in no other place with
which he was acquainted, except London, did the buildings
completely shut out the woods and fields. The late Thomas
Hood remarked, however, of London in our day, which will I
believe be found on examination to be strictly true, that there
was no street in it from which a tree might not be seen in some
part. In Bristol, at the period of which I am speaking, a few
churches of eminent beauty rose out of a labyrinth of narrow
lanes built upon vaults of no great solidity. If a coach or a
cart entered those alleys, there was danger that it would be
wedged between the houses, and danger also that it would
break in the cellars. Goods were therefore conveyed about
the town almost exclusively in trucks drawn by dogs ; and
the richest inhabitants exhibited their wealth, not by riding
in gilded carriages, but by walking the streets with trains
of servants in rich liveries, and by keeping tables loaded
with good cheer. The pomp of the christenings and burials
at Bristol far exceeded what was seen at any other place in
England.! Norwich is said at this time to have possessed
quite a court in miniature. In the heart of the city stood an
old palace of the Dukes of Norfolk, asserted to be the largest
town house in the kingdom out of London. In this mansion,
to which was annexed a tennis-court, a bowling-green, and a
wilderness, stretching along the banks of the Wansum, the
noble family of Howard resided, and kept a state resembling
that of petty sovereigns.
In the age of which we are now speaking, it was seldom that
* See " Pictorial History of England," vol. iii. pp. 655, 656.
t Macaulay's "History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 330, 331.
234 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
a country gentleman went up with his family to London. The
county town was his metropolis. He sometimes made it his
residence during part of the year.* In many of our county
towns may yet be seen fine stone-built mansions, which were
once the winter houses of the nobility and principal gentlemen
of the neighbourhood.
Some of the domestic customs of the period, of which I am
now speaking, appear to us somewhat harsh and barbarous.
The absolute authority exercised by the head of a house
over the members of his family, as also the extensive hospi-
tality which was wont to be lavished on certain domestic
occasions, is strikingly exhibited by some documents now
before me belonging to the Catesby family, in the time of
James I., which are still preserved among the archives of
Chastleton House, in Oxfordshire, formerly the property of
that family. It is here mentioned that arrangements have
been made by the parents, without however, it seems, consulting
the immediate parties to the transaction, for the marriage of
Mr. Catesby's eldest daughter with the son of a neighbouring
squire ; and it is provided by the marriage settlement, that
in case of the young lady, on the arrangements being an-
nounced to her, objecting to the choice made of her future
husband, the offer shall be passed on to the second, third, and
other daughters in succession, for whom the stipulations as
to the settlement of the property shall be made applicable.
Provisions are also inserted in the documents relating to the
marriage, not only for an entertainment on a very large scale
to be given to the neighbouring families, and the tenants on
the estate, but as to the precise mode in which the expenses
of the feast are to be defrayed, and also as to the parties by
whom it is to be borne.
Lord Macaulay has humorously and graphically described
the adventures which a country squire who visited London
early in the last century, was apt to encounter : —
" When the lord of a Lincolnshire or Shropshire manor, appeared
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. p. 333.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 235
in Fleet Street, he was as easily distinguished from the resident popu-
lation as a Turk or a Lascar. His dress, his gait, his accent, the
manner in which he stared at the shops, stumbled into the gutters,
ran against the porters, and stood under the waterspouts, marked
him out as an excellent subject for the operations of swindlers and
banterers. Bullies jostled him into the kennel. Hackney coachmen
splashed him from head to foot. Thieves explored with perfect
security the huge pockets of his horseman's coat, while he stood
entranced by the splendour of the Lord Mayor's Show. Money-
droppers, sore from the cart's tail, introduced themselves to him, and
appeared to him the most honest friendly gentlemen that he had ever
seen. Painted women, the refuse of Lewkner Lane and Whetstone
Park, passed themselves on him for countesses and maids of honour.
If he asked his way to St. James's, his informants sent him to Mile
End. If he went into a shop, he was instantly discerned to be a fit
purchaser of everything that nobody else would buy, of second-hand
embroidery, copper rings, and watches that would not go
Enraged and mortified, he soon returned to his mansion, and there,
in the homage of his tenants, and the conversation of his boon com-
panions, found consolation for the vexations and humiliations which
he had undergone. There he once more felt himself a great man ;
and he saw nothing above him except when at the assizes he took his
seat on the bench near the judge, or when at the muster of the militia
he saluted the Lord Lieutenant." *
The gentry of Derbyshire and of the neighbouring counties
repaired to Buxton, where they were crowded into low
wooden sheds, and regaled with oat-cake, and with a viand
which the hosts called mutton, but which the guests strongly
suspected to be dog.-f
Bath was, at this period, a maze of only four or five hundred
houses, crowded within an old wall in the vicinity of the Avon.
Pictures of what were considered as the finest of those houses
are still extant, and greatly resemble the lowest rag-shops and
pot-houses of Ratcliffe Highway. Hedgerows intersected
the space which is now covered by the Crescent and the
Circus. The poor patients, to whom the waters had been
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, p. 340.
t Ibid. pp. 364, 365.
236 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
recommended, lay on straw in a place which, to use the lan-
guage of a contemporary physician, was a covert rather than
a lodging. One writer assures us that the gentlemen who
visited the springs, slept in rooms hardly as good as the
garrets which he lived to see occupied by footmen. The
floors of the dining-rooms were uncarpeted, and were coloured
brown with a wash made of soot and small beer, in order to
hide the dirt*
As regards the general costume and mode of dress during
the period now under consideration, it may be mentioned as
a ridiculous instance of the servility with which people of
fashion occasionally ape the manners and customs of the
Court, that, when the person of King Henry VIII. increased in
size, the clothes of his courtiers were often stuffed out to make
them resemble him ; and this custom extended even to their
servants, and is still partly commemorated in the habits of
the Yeomen of the Guard.
About the year 1565, the enormous trunk breeches intro-
duced under Henry VIII. began to disappear; but whilst
they lasted, they were carried to such an absurd degree of
magnitude, that in the Parliament House there were certain
holes about two inches square in the walls, having posts in
them, supporting a scaffold all round the building, for those
Members to sit upon who wore great breeches stuffed with
hair, like woolsacks. Swords were, during this period,
generally worn, but they were forbidden to be above a cer-
tain length.f From what we have already heard of the
manners of the times, these weapons must have been found
serviceable, not only for ornament but for protection.
An interesting manuscript is among the archives of this
Society, being the ledger kept by a maker of Court dresses
during the seventeenth century, and which sets forth the
costumes prepared for the members of the royal, and for those
of various leading families at the time.
The English tables in the sixteenth and following centuries
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 341, 342.
t Thompson's "Illustrations of Great Britain," vol. ii. pp. 316 — 318.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 237
were in general hospitable and well supplied, but salted pro-
visions still continued to form a very principal article of food
between Michaelmas and Whitsuntide ; not only pike, stur-
geon, and venison were served up at table, but also peacocks,
swans, and herons*, the two latter of which must, I suspect,
have proved rather tough and coarse-flavoured.
In Locke's Diary, already quoted from, he mentions : —
"The veal and beef aie excellent good in London; the mutton
better in several counties in England. A venison pasty and a chine of
beef are good everywhere, and so are crammed capons and fat chickens.
Railes and heath-polts, ruffs and reeves, are excellent meat wherever
they can be met with. Puddings of several sorts, and creams of
several fashions, both excellent, but they are seldom to be found, at
least in their perfection, at common eating houses." f
It is pleasant to find that our excellent philosopher had so
proper a regard for creature comforts.
Among the vegetables in use at this period potatoes are
spoken of as not uncommon. John Gerarde, an eminent
botanist, who was born in 1545, describes them as "a meate
for pleasure, being either rosted in the embers, or boiled and
eaten with oile, vinegar, and pepper, or dressed some other
way by the hand of a skilful cooke." J
An Englishman visiting Scotland about the year 1688 made
the following note on the habits of the people at this period : —
" Their drink is beer, sometimes so new that it is scarce cold when
brought to table. But their gentry are better provided, and give it
age, yet think not so well of it as to let it go alone, and therefore
add brandy, cherry brandy, or brandy and sugar; and this is the
nectar of their country at their feasts and entertainments, and carries
with it a mark of great esteem and affection." §
The "esteem and affection " of these good people for whisky
does not appear to have been at this period developed.
On the subject of the beverages of various kinds in use in
England during this period, Locke says, in his Diary : —
* Thompson's " Illustrations of Great Britain," vol. ii. p. 317.
t Lord King's "Life of Locke," p. 134.
t Thompson's " Illustrations of Great Britain," vol. ii. p. 180.
§ Chambers's " Domestic History of Scotland," vol. ii. p. 494.
238 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" Home-made drinks of England are beer and ale, strong and
small ; those of most note, that are to be sold, are Lambeth ale,
Margaret ale, and Derby ale ; Herefordshire cider, perry, meed.
There are also several sorts of compounded ales, as cock-ale, worm-
wood-ale, lemon-ale, scurvy-grass ale, college-ale, &c. These are to
be had at 'Hercules' Pillars,' near the Temple ; at the ' Trumpet' and
other houses in Sheer Lane, Bell Alley • and, as I remember, at the
English Tavern, near Charing Cross." *
One writer records of a banquet given by the Earl of Car-
lisle of that day, to the French Ambassador, at Essex House,
that fish of such huge size were served up, which had been
brought all the way from Russia,that no dishes in Englandcould
hold them, until several were made for the express purpose.!
An inventory, lately in my possession, of the household goods
and effects of a country squire, who died in the early part of the
reign of Charles I., affords some notion of the style of living and
domestic arrangements of the period. Of all the apartments
the kitchen appears to have been by far the best stocked ; and
the value of the utensils there considerably exceeded that of
the books in the library. The cellars were amply supplied with
beer — " beare," as it is spelt — but I find no account of mad-
dog, or dragon's milk, or any of the startling names of the
tipple in use at that time. In the men's chamber are " armes
for a horsman, two petronells, and two old halberds." A
"pudding coffin" is among the articles enumerated in the
kitchen utensils.
One of the most interesting topics connected with the
domestic life of our forefathers is the mode of travelling
adopted by them, when the roads across the country were
little better than rude tracks, very uneven, and consequently
perilous for vehicles of any description to attempt to pass.
In former papers I alluded to the early mode of travelling
in this country, and the contrivances adopted for the purpose,
illustrating the subject by diagrams.
* Lord King's "Life of Locke," p. 135.
t See Gascoigne's "Delicate Diets," Edis's "Collection," Decher's
" Gull's Farmbook."
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 239
For a long time travelling in England continued to be both
difficult and dangerous. During the period of our history
embraced by the present paper —
"The high-roads in this country (observes Lord Macaulay) appear
to have been in a much worse condition at this time than might have
been expected from the degree of wealth and civilization which the
nation had even then attained. On the best lines of communication
the ruts were deep, the descents precipitous, and the way often such
as it was hardly possible to distinguish in the dusk from the unin-
closed heath and fen which lay on both sides. It was only in fine
weather that the whole breadth of the road was available for vehicles
with wheels. Often the mud lay deep on the right and the left, and
only a narrow track of firm ground rose above the quagmire. It
happened, almost every day, that coaches stuck fast until a team of
cattle could be procured from some neighbouring farm to tug them
out of the slough. On the roads of Derbyshire, travellers were in
constant fear for their necks, and were frequently compelled to alight
and lead their beasts. The great route through Wales to Holyhead
was in such a state that, in 1685, a viceroy going to Ireland, was five
hours in travelling fourteen miles, from St. Asaph to Conway.
Between Conway and Beaumaris he was forced to walk great part of
the way, and his lady was carried in a litter ; his coach was, with
great difficulty and by the help of many hands, brought after him
entire. In general, carriages were taken to pieces at Conway, and
borne on the shoulders of stout Welsh peasants, to the Menai Straits.*
" On the best highways heavy articles were, in the time of Charles
the Second, generally conveyed from place to place by stage waggons.
In the straw of these vehicles nestled a crowd of passengers who
could not afford to travel by coach or on horseback, and who were
prevented by infirmity, or by the weight of their luggage, from going
on foot. On by-roads, and generally throughout the country north of
York and west of Exeter, goods were carried by long trains of pack-
horses, f
" The rich commonly travelled in their own carriages, with at
least four horses. People, in the time of Charles the Second,
travelled with six horses, because with a smaller number there wa
great danger of sticking fast in the mire. Nor were even six horses
always sufficient. Vanbrugh, in the succeeding generation, described
* Macaulay's " Hist, of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 366—368. t Ibid. 370.
240 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with great humour the way in which a country gentleman, newly
chosen a Member of Parliament, went up to London. On that
occasion all the exertions of six beasts, two of which had been taken
from the plough, could not save the family from being imbedded in a
quagmire." *
As regards the origin of the introduction of carnages for-
travelling, into this country, it is recorded in Howes'
" Chronicle," that—
"In the year 1564, Guilliam Boonen, a Dutchman, became the
Queen's coachman, and was the first that brought the use of coachen
into England. After a while, divers great ladies, with as great
jealousy of the Queen's displeasure, made them coaches, and rid in
them up and down the countries, to the great admiration of all the
beholders ; but then, by little and little, they grew usual among the
nobility and others of sort, and within twenty years became a great
trade of coachmaking." j-
" Public carriages had, however, been recently much improved.
During the years which immediately followed the Restoration, a
diligence ran between London and Oxford in two days. The
passengers slept at Beaconsfield. At length (says Lord Macaulay)
in the spring of 1669, a great and daring innovation was attempted.
It was announced that a vehicle, described as the Flying Coach,
would perform the whole journey between sunrise and sunset. This
spirited undertaking was solemnly considered and sanctioned by the
heads of the university, and appears to have excited the same sort of
interest which is excited in our own time by the opening of a new
railway. The Vice-Chancellor, by a notice affixed in all public
places, prescribed the hour and place of departure. The success of
the experiment was complete. At six in the morning the carriage
began to move from before the ancient front of All Souls College,
and at seven in the evening the adventurous gentlemen who had run
the first risk were safely deposited at their inn in London. At the
close of the reign of Charles the Second, flying carriages ran thrice
a week from London to the chief towns. But no stage coach,
indeed, no stage waggon appears to have proceeded farther north
than York, or farther west than Exeter. The ordinary day's journey
of a flying coach was about fifty miles in the summer ; but in winter,
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, p. 371.
t Chambers's " Domestic Annals of Scotland," vol. i. p. 20.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 241
when the ways were bad and the nights long, little more than thirty.
The Chester coach, the York coach, and the Exeter coach generally
reached London in four days during the fine season, but at Christmas
not till the sixth day. The passengers, six in number, were all seated
in the carriage, for accidents were so frequent that it would have been
most perilous to mount the roof.*
" This mode of travelling (continues Lord Macaulay), which by
Englishmen of the present day would be regarded as insufferably
slow, seemed to our ancestors wonderfully and, indeed, alarmingly
rapid. In a work published a few months before the death of Charles
the Second, the flying coaches are extolled as far superior to any
similar vehicles ever known to the world. Their velocity is the
subject of special commendation, and is triumphantly contrasted with
the sluggish pace of the continental posts." f
A good many clamours, however, appear to have been
raised against this dangerous innovation on settled sober habits
in the way of travelling, which was denounced as fatal to
horsemanship, and injurious to trade, especially to that of
innkeepers. It was further objected that these new-fangled —
" Carriages were too hot in summer and too cold in winter ; that the
passengers were grievously annoyed by invalids and crying children ;
that the coach sometimes reached the inn so late that it was im-
possible to get supper, and sometimes started so early that it was
impossible to get breakfast. On these grounds, it was gravely
recommended that no public carriage should be permitted to have
more than four horses, to start oftener than once a week, or to go
more than thirty miles a day. It was hoped that, if this regulation
were adopted, all except the sick and lame would return to the old
mode of travelling. Petitions, embodying such opinions as these,
were presented to the king in council from several companies of the
city of London, from several provincial towns, and from the justices
of several counties." $
Nevertheless, Lord Macaulay observes that —
" In spite of the attractions of the flying coaches, it was still usual for
* Macaulay's " Hist, of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 371, 372.
t Ibid. pp. 372, 373. | Ibid. p. 373.
R
242 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
men who enjoyed health and vigour, and who were not encumbered
by much baggage, to perform long journeys on horseback. If the
traveller wished to move expeditiously, he rode post. Fresh saddle-
horses and guides were to be procured at convenient distances along
all the great lines of road." *
A traveller in Scotland in 1688, tells us,
" Stage coaches they have none The truth is, the roads will
hardly allow them those conveniences, which is the reason that their
gentry, men and women, choose rather to use their horses. However,
their great men often travel with coach and six, but with so much
caution, that besides their other attendance, they have a lusty running
footman on each side of the coach, to manage and keep it up in
rough places." f
Lord Macaulay observes that —
" Whatever might be the way in which a journey was performed, the
travellers, unless they were numerous and well-armed, ran consider-,
able risk of being stopped and plundered. The mounted highway-
man, a marauder known to our generation only from books, was to
be found on every main road. The waste tracts which lay on the
great routes near London were especially haunted by plunderers of
this class. Hounslow Heath, on the Great Western Road, and
Finchley Common, on the Great Northern Road, were perhaps the
most celebrated of these spots. At one time it was announced in the
Gazette that several persons, who were strongly suspected of being
highwaymen, but against whom there was not sufficient evidence,
would be paraded at Newgate in riding dresses ; their horses would
also be shown; ,and all gentlemen who had been robbed were
invited to inspect this singular exhibition."}
At this period, indeed, there was still in the North of
England a large body of lawless people called moss-troopers,
whose calling was to plunder dwellings, and to drive away
whole herds of cattle. Laws of great severity were
found necessary for the prevention of these outrages. The
magistrates of the northern counties were authorized to raise
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, p. 374.
| Chambers's " Domestic Annals of Scotland," vol. ii. p. 392.
J Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 374, 375-
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 243
bands of armed men for the defence of property and order.
The parishes were required to keep bloodhounds for the
purpose of hunting the freebooters.
" Many old men (says Lord Macaulay), who were living in the
middle of the eighteenth century, could well remember the time
when those ferocious dogs were common. Yet, even with such
auxiliaries, it was often found impossible to track the robbers to their
retreats among the hills and morasses." *
The seats of the gentry, and the larger farmhouses, at
this period, were fortified.
" Oxen were penned at night beneath the overhanging battlements of
the residence. The inmates slept with arms at their sides. Huge
stones and boiling water were in readiness to crush and scald the
plunderer who might venture to assail the little garrison. No
traveller ventured into that country without making his will. The
judges on circuit, with the whole body of barristers, attornies,
clerks, and serving-men, rode on horseback from Newcastle to
Carlisle, armed and escorted by a strong guard under the command
of the sheriffs. It was necessary to carry provisions ; for the country
was a wilderness which afforded no supplies. The spot where the
cavalcade halted to dine, under an immense oak, is not yet
forgotten, "f
So late as the year 1685, only about half the land in
England was in cultivation. The rest consisted of moor,
forest, and fen —
" Many routes which now pass through a succession of orchards,
hay-fields, and bean-fields, then ran through nothing but heath,
swamp, and warren. In the drawings of English landscapes, made in
that age for the Grand Duke Cosmo, scarce a hedgerow is to be
seen, and numerous tracts, now rich with cultivation, appear as bare
as Salisbury Plain. From Abingdon to Gloucester, a distance of forty
or fifty miles, there was not a single inclosure, and scarcely one
inclosure between Biggleswade and Lincoln. At Enfield, hardly
out of sight of the smoke of the capital, was a region of five-and-
twenty miles in circumference, which contained only three houses,
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, p. 280.
f Ibid. p. 281.
244 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and scarcely any inclosed fields. Deer, as free as in an American
forest, wandered there by thousands."
The last wild boars in this country, which had been pre-
served for the royal diversion, were slaughtered during the
civil wars. The last wolf in this island was slain in Scotland,
a short time before the end of Charles the Second's reign.
" Wild bulls at this time wandered in some of the southern forests,
and wild cats were frequently heard by night wailing round the lodges
of Whittlebury and Needwood. Fen eagles, measuring more than
nine feet between the extremities of the wings, preyed on fish along
the coast of Norfolk. On all the downs, from the British Channel to
Yorkshire, huge bustards strayed in troops of fifty or sixty, and were
often hunted with greyhounds. The marshes of Cambridgeshire and
Lincolnshire were covered during some months of every year by
immense clouds of cranes." *
As the rude farmers of these days were not sufficiently
skilful to be able, without great difficulty, to keep their cattle
alive during the winter, they killed and salted them —
" in great numbers at the beginning of the cold weather ; and
during several months, even the gentry tasted scarce any fresh animal
food except game and river fish, which were consequently much more
important articles in housekeeping than at present. It appears from
the ' Northumberland Household Book,' that, in the reign of Henry
the Seventh, fresh meat was never eaten even by the gentlemen
attendant on a great earl, except during the short interval between
Midsummer and Michaelmas. But in the course of two centuries an
improvement had taken place ; and under Charles the Second, it was
not till the beginning of November that families laid in their stock of
salt provisions, then called Martinmas beef." t
The first establishment of a regular post in this country
for the conveyance of letters, appears to have taken place in
the year 1635. Up to this time, it was observed in a proclama-
tion on the subject, that there had been no certain intercourse
between England and Scotland ; wherefore, His Majesty
commanded his postmaster of England for foreign parts to
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 306—308.
t Ibid. pp. 309, 310.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 245
settle a running post or two, to run night and day between
Edinburgh and London, to go thither and come back again
in six days, and to take with them all such letters as should be
directed to any post town in or near that road. Bye-posts
were at the same time ordered to be connected with several
places on the main line. In the reign of Charles the Second,
however, a penny post was set up which delivered letters and
parcels six or eight times a day in London ; but it was
strenuously denounced, the placards announcing it were
pulled down, and a cry was raised that it was a Popish con-
trivance. In the end, however, it was found so useful that
all opposition to it was overcome, and the post office was
eventually established on a regular system.*
Lord Macaulay observes that —
" No part of the load which the old mails carried out was more
important than the news-letters. In 1685, nothing like the London
daily papers of our time existed. The London Gazette came out
only on Mondays and Thursdays. The contents generally were a
royal proclamation, a description of a highwayman,
an announcement of a grand cock-fight between two persons of
honour, and an advertisement offering a reward for a strayed dog.
The whole made up two pages of moderate size. Whatever was
communicated respecting matters of the highest moment, was com-
municated in the most meagre and formal style. To the capital, the
coffee-houses supplied in some measure the place of a journal.
Thither the Londoners nocked, as the Athenians of old flocked to
the market-place to hear whether there was any news. But people
who lived at a distance from the great theatre of political contention,
could be kept regularly informed of what was passing there only by
means of news-letters. To prepare such letters became a calling in
London, as it now is among the natives of India. The news-writer
rambled from coffee-room to coffee-room collecting reports, squeezed
himself into the Sessions House at the Old Bailey if there was an
interesting trial — nay, perhaps obtained admission to the gallery of
Whitehall, and noticed how the King and the Duke looked. In this
way he gathered materials for weekly epistles destined to enlighten
* Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 280, 281.
246 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
some country town, or some bench of rustic magistrates. That was
a memorable day (observes Lord Macaulay) on which the first
news-letter from London was laid on the table of the only coffee-room
in Cambridge. At the seat of a man of fortune, in the country, the
news-letter was impatiently expected. Within a week after it had
arrived, it had been thumbed by twenty families. It furnished the
neighbouring squires with matter for talk over their ' October.' Many
of these curious journals might, doubtless, still be detected by a
diligent search in the archives of old families. It is scarcely neces-
sary to say that there were then no provincial newspapers. Indeed,
except in the capital and at the two Universities, there was scarcely
a printer in the kingdom. The only press in England north of
Trent, appears to have been at York."*
The mention of travelling, and of coffee-houses also, reminds
me to say something about the inns of those days. Lord
Macaulay states that —
" From a very early period the inns of England had been renowned.
Our first great poet had described the excellent accommodation which
they afforded to the pilgrims of the fourteenth century. Nine-and-
twenty persons, with their horses, found room in the wide chambers
and stables of the Tabard, in South wark. The food was of the best,
and the wines such as drew the company on to drink largely. Two
hundred years later, under the reign of Elizabeth, William Harrison
gave a lively description of the plenty and comfort of the great
hostelries. The Continent of Europe, he said, could show nothing
like them. There were some in which two or three hundred people,
with their horses, could without difficulty be lodged and fed. The
bedding, the tapestry — above all, the abundance of clean and fine
linen — was matter of wonder. Valuable plate was often set on the
tables. Nay, there were signs which had cost thirty or forty pounds.
In the seventeenth century, England abounded with excellent inns
of every rank. The traveller sometimes, in a small village, lighted
on a public-house, such as Walton has described, where the brick
floor was swept clean, where the walls were stuck round with ballads
where the sheets smelt of lavender, and where a blazing fire, a cup of
good ale, and a dish of trout fresh from the neighbouring brook, were
to be procured at small charge. At the larger houses of entertainment
* Macaulay's "History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 383—385.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 247
were to be found beds hung with silk, choice cookery, and claret
equal to the best which was drunk in London. The innkeepers, too,
it was said, were not like other innkeepers. On the Continent, the
landlord, was the tyrant of those who crossed the threshold ; in Eng-
land he was a servant. Never was an Englishman more at home
than when he took his ease in his inn. Even men of fortune, who
might in their own mansions have enjoyed every luxury, were often
in the habit of passing their evenings in the parlour of some neigh-
bouring house of public entertainment. They seem to have thought
that comfort and freedom could in no other place be enjoyed in
equal perfection. This feeling continued, during many generations,
to be a national peculiarity. The liberty and jollity of inns long
furnished matter to our novelists and dramatists. Johnson declared
that a tavern chair was the throne of human felicity ; and Shenstone
gently complained that no private roof, however friendly, gave the
wanderer so warm a welcome as that which was to be found at an
inn."*
In a former paper I alluded to the mode of dealing with
criminals in this country during the fifteenth century, and
exhibited some diagrams illustrative of this part of my sub-
ject, which are now deposited among the archives of this
Society. Crime appears to have gone on increasing with the
increase of the population, and the number of offenders
increased also. Hanging was the usual mode of punishment
of criminals for serious offences. On this subject and the
prevalence of crime in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu-
ries, especially in the metropolis and its neighbourhood, and
the mode of dealing with criminals, I shall have much to say,
quoting from authentic historical sources on this head, in my
next paper.
Closely connected with the subject now under consideration
is that of the application of torture to criminals, which was
long practised both in this country and on the Continent. I
am proud, however, as a lawyer, to be able to state that the
infliction of this punishment in England was always contrary
to law ; though as a lawyer I am ashamed to confess that the
* Macaulay's "History of England," vol. i. c. 3, pp. 377, 378.
248 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
judges, who declared its illegality, frequently sanctioned its in-
fliction. It was resorted to both for extorting confessions
from prisoners, and discoveries from witnesses. It is supposed
to have been first used in England about the year 1468, and
that a Lord Mayor of London, Sir Thomas Coke, was one of
the first who suffered from it. In 1628 the judges unanimously
resolved that Felton, who had murdered the Duke of Bucking-
ham, " ought not to be tortured by the rack, for no such punish-
ment is known or allowed by our law/; * And yet several of the
judges who joined in this resolution, had themselves executed
the warrants for torture when they held ministerial offices
under the crown. The famous Chief Justice, Sir Edward
Coke, declared, " there is no law to warrant tortures in this
land, and there is no opinion in our books, or judicial record
for the maintenance of them."t But Coke many times
acted as a commissioner for interrogating prisoners by torture.
There is no doubt, indeed, that, from the time of its intro-
duction until the Commonwealth, torture was frequently
resorted to. Indeed, honest John Selden, who lived in times
when torture was in use, says that the rack was nowhere used
as in England, for here they take a man and rack him, not
for any legal purpose, but merely because somebody bids
them do it.J The last instance on record occurred in 1640,
when one Archer, a glover, who was supposed to have been
concerned in the riotous attack upon Archbishop Laud's
palace, at Lambeth, was " racked in the Tower to make him
confess his companions." A copy of the warrant under the
Privy Seal, authorizing the torture in this case, may be seen
at the State Paper Office. The rack was said to have been
brought into the Tower by the Duke of Exeter, in the reign
of Henry VI., and was thence called the Duke of Exeter's
daughter.* In Scotland, the use of torture was not abolished
until the year 1708.
Torture was in general use all over the Continent, and a
species of torture was employed in Germany to a very great
* Rushworth's " Collections," vol. i. p. 638.
t 3 " Inst." 35, J " Table Talk."— Trial. * 3 " Inst." 36.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 249
extent during the Middle Ages, of which there are traces and
traditions connected with the torture chambers and instruments
still exhibited in Nuremberg, Salzburg, and Ratisbon, each
of which I have seen, and representations of several of which
I have deposited among the archives of this Society. The
torture chamber at Salzburg, of the interior of which the
diagram will afford a notion, is a small square chamber
with one window, in a tower of the castle, formerly the
archiepiscopal palace of that city. Two perpendicular racks
are seen still standing in it, to which victims were attached,
and a beam passes through one of them, by which the un-
happy victim was raised, while the large stone with a ring
attached to it was tied to his feet. There is also a ring in
the wall, to which persons confined there were chained. An
iron grating may be observed which covers the opening to the
oubliette, or deep well, down which the mangled victims were at
last thrown, at the bottom of which was a wheel armed with
blades, by which they were cut to pieces, and they were then
left to die there, being out of hearing of all who could relieve
them. Torture, however, was not resorted to in chambers of
this kind for legal or judicial purposes, but for the proceedings of
those secret religious tribunals which abounded at that period.
Torture of the ordinary kind, for legal and judicial purposes,
continued in several countries on the Continent until the
middle of the last century. In France, it was abolished only
in 1789; in Russia, not until 1801 ; in Bavaria, torture formed
part of the laws until about fifty years ago.
A representation of a rack of the ordinary kind, termed the
horizontal rack, copied from that in the dungeon at Ratisbon,
in Bavaria, is among the archives of this Society. It some-
what resembles a mangle. The person to be punished was
stretched upon it and bound. Cords were then attached to
his extremities, and a windlass was gradually turned, till the
operation dislocated the joints of the wrists and ankles. The
spiked roller in the middle, termed the " larded Sara," caused
additional agony by moving round as the victim was drawn
over it, and tearing the skin off.
250 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Certain other instruments of torture are also represented
by the diagrams. The wooden triangle, or "bad Bess," in
which a person was suspended, with the stone having the ring
attached tied to his feet : the spiked chair, termed the " con-
fessional," or " maiden's lap," in which he was made to sit with
heavy weights on his knees ; and the wooden collar and
handcuffs, which were fastened round his neck and wrists.
Another species of punishment, which was very nearly
allied to torture, and the infliction of which was sanctioned by
our laws, was what was termed the " peine fort et dure" and
which was exercised on criminals who refused to plead either
guilty or not guilty. The culprit was stripped and laid on
his back, and his limbs were secured by cords, and stretched
out to staples in the floor : he was laid in a low chamber
with little air or light, then a weight of iron, or a board with
weights upon it, as much as he could bear, was placed upon
him, and he was fed upon black bread, and water from the
nearest puddle, until he either pleaded or died. This custom
continued until the year 17/2, when it was finally abolished.
A great many persons have suffered death in this mode. The
object of refusing to plead was that thereby the prisoner
escaped trial, and so no forfeiture of his goods and chattels
could take place, which were, therefore, saved to his family.
It is from this circumstance that the " press yard," in Newgate,
and several other prisons, takes its name.*
The execution of malefactors was, during the present
period of our history, a matter of very common occurrence.
Besides common criminals, who weekly and almost daily
were exhibited on the gibbet, there were the heads of traitors
over the City gates, and -sometimes the bodies of heretics
burning in the flames. Independently, too, of the rope and
the axe, there were the cleaver, the branding-iron, and the
scourge, all kept in restless activity for the punishment of
minor offenders. One strange refinement in capital punish-
ment was used at Halifax, where criminals were beheaded by
* " Horrors of the Gallows." By the late Chaplain of Newgate.
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 251
an instrument called the "Maiden," which was similar to the
French guillotine. Executions were performed there on the
market days ; and when the condemned person had placed
his head on the block, those who stood by put their hands
to the rope and drew out the pin by which the axe fell, there-
by signifying their consent to the carrying out of the sen-
tence by becoming its executioners. A custom still more
singular was followed, where the person to be put to death had
incurred this fate by stealing an animal. In this case, the rope
was fixed to the animal in question, so that it was made to
cause the death of the criminal whenever it moved from its
position.*
Throughout the Middle Ages, and down to the commence-
ment of the eighteenth century, a belief in witchcraft and
witches, and persecutions of persons suspected of crimes of
this nature were generally prevalent. In two of the diagrams,
now belonging to this Society, which are copied from draw-
ings of the time preserved in the British Museum, you have
a representation of a sorceress in her cave during the fifteenth
century, exercising her enchantments. The outline of the
form of a spirit is dimly seen through the flames from the
torch which she holds in her hand. The altar, with the
sacred vessels upon it, is observed in the foreground, and the
magic jar in the centre of the picture. The other compart-
ment represents the baptism of a child. In our early liturgies
exorcism, or casting out the evil spirits, always preceded the
rite of baptism.
Burning witches and placing others in the pillory is repre-
sented in the other diagram, which is of the same period. The
youthful appearance of some of the witches will excite surprise ;
but children as well as old women occasionally suffered for
this crime.
A belief in witches, after the accession of James I. became
the master superstition of the age in this country. James
had indeed embarked in a personal quarrel with the whole race
* Hollinshed's " Chronicles."
252 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of witches. During his matrimonial voyage to Denmark, he
chanced to encounter a violent storm. This was not a very
unusual, or by any means an unnatural occurrence. An im-
pression, however, was created in the royal mind, by what
means history fails to record, that the storm in question had
been raised by witches in consequence of their baptizing a
cat ; and so from that period he lost no opportunity of de-
nouncing witchcraft, and persecuting witches. Professed
witch-finders came into fashion, and numerous innocent victims
suffered in consequence of the superstition of the king.
Although the consideration of politics, and the record of
political events, are by design excluded from these discourses
on the pursuits and mode of life of our forefathers, yet, at the
conclusion of the present period of our history, I may not do
amiss in pointing out that it was mainly through the mighty
political convulsions by which this country was for a time
distracted and tortured during the era we have now
passed through — when the billows of popular turbulence and
disaffection burst their accustomed bounds, and for a time
spread desolation far and wide over the land, until they were
at length brought back and made to flow smoothly and
regularly through their proper channels, in which they have
ever since kept their course — that the grand and magnificent
constitutional fabric of this country, the pride of this great
nation and the wonder of the civilized world, the guardian of
our rights and the fortress of our liberties, uprose and assumed
its present shape, and acquired those noble and beauteous
proportions it now possesses. Out of anarchy sprung order,
and misrule became the parent of good government. Like
the splendid and venerable fabric, Westminster Abbey, whose
rise is so associated with our national history, and whose aisles
contain the ashes of the greatest men by whom that history
has been adorned, our constitutional and jurisprudential system
uprose, by small beginnings, and gradually acquired symmetry
and order. Even now are we able to trace the uncouth hand
of the almost barbaric Saxon, who in the one case exercised
his rude ingenuity in the arches which he reared and the sculp-
EVERYDAY LIFE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC. 253
tures which he carved ; and in the other exhibited his penetra-
tion and sagacity in the framing of those wise and subtle rules
of policy which have ever since served as the superstructure on
which a more refined and complete jurisprudential code has
been erected. By slow degrees, by the labour of successive
ages, and by the genius of various minds, the fabric has in
each case at length been brought to its full maturity, and
to attain that stupendous majesty and sublimity it now
possesses. Defects may belong to each, as to everything human,
and are what mainly attest their origin from man ; although
these very defects are in turn eclipsed by the varied excellences
of each, and by the perfection of the whole. To lasting ages
may these stupendous structures continue to endure, not only
undefaced by time, but by us corrected and repaired from the
defects which time may have effected in them — a duty we
owe alike to our progenitors and our posterity — and to the
remotest periods which time reaches may they stand, by age
becoming not only more venerable but more solid ; monuments
alike of the genius and wisdom of those who upraised them,
and no less so of the piety and patriotism of those who spared
no sacrifice to prevent their falling into ruin.
INDEX.
AASA the evil adviser, her death with
Ingiald, 185.
Absalon, Archbishop of Lund, 174.
Actors' lists, The, from 1578 to 1642,
A paper on, by Mr. F. G. Fleay,
44-81.
Acts of Parliament relating to the
Hanseatic league, 113.
Adam of Bremen, The authority of his
works, 209.
Admiral's men, The, 58, 67, 69.
Adolphus, Count of Holstein, founds
Lubeck, 85.
Aix - la - Chapelle, The conference at,
convoked by Charlemagne, 157.
Alcuin of York, 156, 157, 159, 169.
Alderman of the Haunce, The, 93, 104,
135-
Alexandria, Religious electicism at,
153.
Allen, Dr., 24, 31.
Alsatia, its right of sanctuary, 227.
Alvilda, wife of Sigurd Ring, 196.
Amalhar, a Gallic bishop, 203.
Amsterdam, The trade of, 128.
Amund, a king amongst the Swedes,
206.
Anglo-Saxon sagas, The, 176.
Annales Laurissenses, The, 197.
Annales Oddenses, The, commenced by
Saemund, 180.
Anselm, St., 169.
Anskar, a missionary to the Swedes,
20 1 ; Archbishop of Hamburg, 203,
207, 209.
Antwerp, — connected with the League,
91, 98 ; its commerce, 117 ; became
a comptoir, 120.
Anulo, understood to be Sigurd Ring,
198 ; probably the corrupt form of a
Norse name, 199.
Apulia or Pillen, The siege of, 213.
Aras, John of, a merchant of the
Haunce, in London, 93.
re-hin-Frode, The works of, 178, 180.
Ardgar, the anchorite, miracles attri-
buted to, 205.
Aristotle systematized, the studies of
poetry and art, 5-
Armada, The, provided with stores by
the league, 125.
Arms, The, of the Wends, 194.
Assassination of Catholics in prison,
urged by Lord Huntingdon, the Lord
President of the North, 27.
Audr, the daughter of Ivar, the story
of her marriage, 186.
Augusta, John, chief Bishop of the
Unitas fratrum, imprisoned, 145.
Aylmer, Bishop, 39.
BALLADS on the death of Campion, 33.
Barber, Edward, priest, executed, 24.
Bari, in Naples, 139.
Bath, The town of, in the seventeenth
century, 235.
Bear-gardens in London, 229.
Beer, the national drink in Scotland in
1688, 237.
Benedict IX., Pope — his character de-
scribed by Victor III., 171.
Berengar, Emperor in Italy, 160.
Bergen, a trading town of the Hanse-
atic league, 91, 99, 103.
Berlin, The city of, receives the Swedes,
217.
Bernard, Duke of Weimar, 218.
Bernard, St., 163, 164.
Berserkers, The, from Telemarken, 194.
Beverley, The Gild of St. John of, 84.
Biblia Glossata, The, put forth by
monks, 168.
Billingsgate, a place of foreign trade in
979, 83.
Bills of Exchange, Money to be paid
by (1409), 103.
Biorn Hauge, King, 200, 202, 212.
Birka, The royal port of, 201 ; its site,
202 ; assembly held at, to establish
Christianity, 212.
256
INDEX.
Bishops and abbots to be invested by
the Emperor, 163.
.Bishops, The Elizabethan, 31 ; were
persecutors of Catholics, 38 — 40.
Bishopsgate, — the controversy respecting
the repair of, 93 ; custody of, settled
by treaty, 109.
Bitek, Jacob, imprisoned at Krivoklat,
145-
Blackfriars' players, The list of, 47.
Bloodhounds kept to hunt freebooters,
243-
Boar's Head, The Queen's men acted at
the, 63.
Bolingbroke, Viscount, 6; advocated
the study of general history, 6 ; com-
pared Lucullus with Marlborough, 7 ;
forerunner of Voltaire, Lessing, and
Herder, 6 ; exposed historical jug-
glers, 7.
Bona, The Princess, her marriage to the
King of Poland, 139.
Boonen, Guillaume, the first Queen's
coachman, 240.
Boston, a depot of the Hanseatic league,
in, 136.
Bottomry, the only form of insurance
recognised in the code of the Hanse-
atic league, 126.
Boy-players, The, 45, 54, 55, 56, 60,61.
Brage the Aged, the Scald, 202.
Brand, Bishop of Holen, the writings
of, 1 80.
Brandenburg, The Elector of, his alliance
with Gustavus Adolphus, 217,
Bravalla, The fight at, 193, 195.
Breisach in the Brisgau, — the capture
of, 218 ; negotiations at, 220 Descrip-
tion of the church of St. Stephen at,
223.
Bremen, — the city of, 85; its decline,
129; the see of, 208 ; Adam of, 209.
Bretzslaw, The castle of, granted to
Dubravius, 140.
Bristol, The town of, in 1660, 233.
British missionaries, The early, 159.
Bruges,— a factory of the Hanseatic
league, 90, 98, 99 ; the congress at,
115 ; its decay 120.
Brunswick, The city of, at war with the
Hanseatic league, 101.
Burbadge, James, the father of the
actors, 54.
Buxton, a place of resort in the seven-
teenth century, 235.
, the title of, granted to Charle-
magne, 157.
Campion, — Edmund, his youth, 30 ;
success at Oxford, 31 ; in favour
with the Queen's Ministers, 31 ; his
letter to Bishop Cheney, 31 ; his
personal influence at Oxford, 32 ;
departure from England, 32 ; return
as a priest and capture, 32 ; offer
made to him to conform, 32 ; tor-
tured on the rack, 33 ; his trial, 33 ;
execution, 33 ; popular ballads on
his death, 33.
Canossa, meeting at, between Henry IV.
and Gregory VII., 162.
Carlovingian Kings, The, 158.
Caroline books, The, issued by Charle-
magne, 156.
Carriages, The introduction of, into
England, 240.
Casimir, King of Poland, captured
Culm, 106.
Catesby family, The documents of the,
234-
Catholic religion, The, was the instru-
ment of education, 167 ; its lasting
influence, 168.
Catholics,The number of, in the North,
41.
Catholic prisoners, The sufferings of, 26,
27.
Cecil, Secretary, 31, 32.
Celtes, Conrad, the teacher of Dubra-
vius, 138.
Chamberlain's, The, company of actors,
48, 67, 70.
Chance, the doctrine of, 5*
Chandos', Lord, company of actors, 67.
Changes of actors from one company
to another, 45, 48, 59, 62, 65.
Chapel, the children of the, 60.
Chapman, Mr. John H., a paper by, on
the Persecution under Elizabeth, 21-
43-
Characters, sustained by Shakespeare,
50, 52 ; by Burbage, 53 ; by Kempe,
55 ; by Cowley, 55 ; by Lowin, 55 ;
by Armin, 56 ; by Taylor, 56 ; by
Shank, 57 ; by Swanston, 57.
Charlemagne — crowned, 154 ; his policy,
155 ; issued the Caroline books, 156 ;
revised existing laws, 157 ; established
free education, 167 ; envoys sent to,
by Sigfred, 197.
Charles', Prince, company of actors, 67.
Charnace, an agent of Richelieu 217,
Charters granted to foreign merchants
88, 89, 92.
Chastleton House, in Oxfordhire, 234.
Cheney, shop of Gloucester, 31.
INDEX.
257
Cheruel, M., his account of the battles of
Freiburg, 223.
Chief actors, The order of succession
among, 5r, 52.
Children, Companies of, as actors, 45 ;
the names of their masters, 45 ; the
Paul's children, 54 ; children of the
revels, 55, 56, 61 ; children of the
chapel, 60.
Chinese morals, the same as Christian
ethics, 14
Christian Church, The first, on the
Scandinavian mainland, 202 ; in Den-
mark, 209.
Christian Monasticism, a protest against
barbarism, 168 ; was actively an
educator, 168.
Christmas festivities and customs, 230.
Church ey, George, of Lions Inn, the
translator of Dubravius' work, " A
new book of good Husbandry, &c.,"
150.
Church of England Quarterly Review
quoted, 37.
Cities of the League, The, 87, 89, 95,
97, no, 115 ; divided into four
classes, 94.
Clitherow, Margaret, pressed to death,
37-
Cloth, The trade in English, 113, 117,
121, 122.
Cockpit Theatre, the, 65.
Coinage, The, of the Easterlings, 89.
Coke's false statement, that there were
no deaths for religion in the reign of
Elizabeth, 21, 29.
Collier, Mr., — his history of the stage,
44 ; annals of the stage, 45, 47, 49,
52» 53> 59 5 Life of Armin, 56 ; Life
of Alleyn, 62, 70 ; the errors in his
works, 47, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 67,
Cologne, a city of the Hanseatic league,
98 ; chief city of the second region,
no; friendly with England, 106,
no.
Cologne merchants, The, established
in Dowgate, 82 ; a charter granted
to, 89.
Commerce, The, of the Hanseatic league
in 1600, 128.
Compactata, The, granted by the
Council of Basle, 139, 143.
Companies of Actors, The, — Lane's, 45 ;
Earl of Warwick's, 45 ; Earl of Lei-
cester's, 45 ; Queen's players, 45, 48,
49» 63, 64, 70 ; Strange's company,
46, 48, 49, 67, 68, 70; Earl of
Sussex', 46, 70 ; the Chamberlain's,
48, 67, 70 ; the Paul's ch Idren, 54 ;
the King's company, 55, 67; the
children of the Revels, 55, 56, 61,
67, 68, 69; the Palsgrave's com-
pany, 57 ; Earl of Worcester's, or
Earl of Derby's company, 58, 63, 66,
67 ; the Admiral's men, 58, 67, 69 ;
Prince Henry's players, 59, 68 ; Pem-
broke's company, 59 ; the children of
the chapel, 60, 67 ; Duke of York's
company, 61, 63,67,68; Princess
Elizabeth's company, 61, 63 ; Lady
Elizabeth's, or united company,
62, 64, 67, 68, 69 ; Queen Anne's
men, 63, 64, 67, 69; Queen Hen-
rietta's men, 64, 67, 68 ; His Majesty's
company of revels, 65 ; Lord Chandos'
company, 67 ; Prince Charles' com-
pany, 67 ; Duke of Lennox' players,
70.
Concordat, The, of Worms, 162.
Constantinople, the transfer of the
Empire to, 153 ; General Council at,
158.
Contrast, The, between the methods of
English, French, and German his-
torical writers, 9, 16.
Copenhagen captured, 97 ', its rise in
commercial importance, 114.
Cori, or Curones, The expeditions
against, 212.
Corn, an early instance of protective
import duty on, 107.
Cornhill noted for receivers of stolen
goods, 225.
Costume, the, of the i6th and I7th
centuries, 236.
Cracow, the marriage at, of Elizabeth
of Bohemia to Sigismund, King of
Poland, 142.
Criminals, how dealt with in England
in the i6th and I7th centuries, 248.
Crusades, Effect of the, on civilization,
164
Culm captured from the Hanseatic
league by Casimir, King of Poland,
1 06.
Curtain Theatre, The, 63.
Cusarde, Ralph de (citizen of Culm), a
merchant of the Haunce, in London,
93-
DAHLMANN, the Danish historian,
182.
Dal, the Fat, 194.
Dale, John de, a merchant of the
Haunce, in London, 93.
Dale, The bailiwick of, in Iceland, 177.
258
INDEX.
Dantzic, 85, 129.
Dark Ages, The, inaccuracy of the
term, 165.
Davies, John, his "Scourge of Folly"
quoted, 51.
Dealings, Ihe, of the Hanse merchants,
honourable in their nature, 135.
Decem Rationes, The various editions
of the, 32.
Decline, The, of the Hanseatic league,
117 ; its cause, 120.
Decretum, The, of Gratian, 166.
Deistic writers of England, The, 1 1 .
Denevar, Tudero de, a merchant of the
Haunce, in London, 93.
D'Enghien, The Duke, 221-223.
Denmark, English actors at the Court
of, 46.
D'Erlach, General, The memoir of, by
M. de Gonzenbach, 219.
Deuteronicene Council, The decrees of
the, condemned, 156.
Deveroxals Woodson, Nicholas, priest,
executed, 24.
Disabilities of Catholics, in respect of
property, 36 ; removed, 37.
Disputes between English merchants
and the Hanseatic league, 102 ;
arrest of foreign merchants at Bos-
ton, 103, 105 ; conference as to, at
Antwerp, 112; as to trade in woollen
cloths, 113, 124.
Ditmarsh, one of the three original cities
of the Hanseatic league, 89.
Dream, The, of Rurick, 188 ; of Ivar
Vidfame, 190.
Dresden, English actors at, in 1601,
66.
Drontheim anciently called Nidaros,
179.
Drury Lane, The condition of in the
1 7th century, 226.
Domestic Everyday Life, Manners, and
Customs, during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, a paper by
Dr. G. Harris, F.S.A., 224—253.
Donations, The, of Pepin, Charlemagne,
and Louis I., 160.
Dorestadt, Christian conveits at, 209.
Dort, a comptoir of the Hanseatic league,
120.
Dubravius, Bishop of Olmiitz, The life
and writings of, a paper by the Rev.
A. H. Wratislaw, M.A., 137 — 151 ;
his birth, 137 ; studied at Vienna and
Padua, 138; canon and archdeacon
of Olmiitz, 138 ; ambassador to the
of Milan, 139 ; to the King of
Poland, 140 ; commanded the regi-
ment of the Bishop of Olmiitz, 141 ;
elected Bishop of Olmiitz, 141 ; ac-
companied the Princess Elizabeth to
Cracow, 142 ; his conference with the
Utraquists, 143 ; his toleration to-
wards heretics, 146 ; his death, 146 ;
his numerous literary works, a list
of, 147 — 151 ; his character, 151.
"Duchess of Malfy," Double cast of
the play of, 51.
Duties, import and export, imposed by
England, 119, 124.
EASTERLINGS, The, 89, 94 ; obstruct
English merchants, 96 ; a petition
against, 104; statute against the
customs of, 107.
Ebbo, Archbishop of Rheims, 203.
Ecclesiastical and civil authority, The,
relations between, 153; were indefi-
nite, 154, 159; under Charlemagne,
158 ; under Otho the Great, 160 ;
under Henry IV., 162; settlement
of, by the Concordat of Worms, 162 ;
in modern times, 172.
Edda, The, 176, 196.
Edward I. of England, his charter to
the merchants of the Teutonic Gild-
hall, 92.
Effeminacy, The, of German and Slavo-
nic races, when compared with Scan-
dinavians, 195.
Eginhardt's, annals, 176, 196, 200.
Ehm, Colonel, A banquet given by, at
Pontarslier, 219.
Elbing, English merchants allowed to
reside at, 126.
Elder Edda, The, written by Saemund,
1 80.
Elementary Code Act, 1870, The, com-
pared with the Trivium and Quad-
rivium, 165.
Elderton, William, master of the West-
minster boys, 45.
Elizabeth s, Princess, company of actors,
6l, 63 ; Lady Elizabeth's, or united
company, 62, 64, 67-69.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, The per-
secution for religion under, 21-43 J
proposed the secret assassination of
Mary, Queen of Scots, 27 ; personal
motive of, for the persecution of Tre-
gian, 28 ; Shakespeare and others
acted before, 49 ; her disputes with
the Hanseatic league, 124 ; her expe-
dition to avenge the Armada, 125 ;
expelled the Hanse merchants, 128.
INDEX.
259
Enfield, The scarcity of houses at, 243.
England, The study of history has been
neglected in, 2, 8 ; only now com-
mencing, 1 8.
English actors in Denmark, 46 ; Saxony,
46, 66 ; at Memmingen, 66 ; at Dres-
den, 66 ; at Ulm, 66.
English historical writers — Bolingbroke,
6 ; Robertson, Hume, Gibbon, and
Hallam, 8 ; recent authors, 18 ; effect
of their writings, 1 8.
Eric, King of Denmark, 208.
Eric, the Helsinger, 194.
Erigena, John Scot, 159, 169.
Errors, The, of Mr. Collier, in his works
on the stage, 47, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61,
67.
Essayists and Reviewers, 18.
Evelyn, John, Esq., privileged to dig
for saltpetre, 131.
Executions, the, number of, for religion,
in Elizabeth's reign, 26, 35.
Eyases, the, boy actors, 60.
FACTORIES of the league, The chief, 86,
98, 107, in.
Factories, The English, on the Baltic
coast, 83.
Facts are treated by English historians
from a sectarian point of view, 9, 16,
" Fair Em," The play of, 46.
Famine in Brunswick, The, caused by
the enmity of the Hanseatic league,
101.
Farm Houses, The, were fortified in the
i6th century, 243.
Farrant, Richard, Master of the Windsor
Boys, 45.
Fees, The, exacted from prisoners at
York and Hull, 26.
Fellows of colleges, the, at Oxford were
opposed to the change of religion, 31,
42.
Fen Eagles, The, in Norfolk, 244.
Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria,
crowned king of Bohemia, 140; applied
to Dubravius for money, 142.
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 16
Filioque, The, in the creed, owes accept-
ance to Charlemagne, 156.
Fines for recusancy, 22, 24 ; the effect
of, 36-
Fish-ponds and fish-culture, a work on,
by Dubravius, 149 ; translated into
English, 150 ; quoted by Isaak
Walton and Mr. Buckland, 135.
Flateyiar Annall, The, 180,
Fleay, Mr. F. G., a paper by, on actors'
lists, 1578-1642, 44-81 ; the Shake-
speare manual by, 44; edition of
King John by, 46.
Fleetwood. Mr. , Recorder, 30.
Flemings, The, banished from England,
112.
Fletcher, Lawrence, a shareholder of the
Globe, comedian to his Majesty, 57.
Flying Coach, The, 240.
Food, The, in use in the i6th century,
237.
Formby, Mr., a convert to Catholicism,
153-
Fortune Theatre, The, 60; burnt in 1621,
69.
Francis II. resigned the title of Roman
Emperor, 167.
Franco-Roman empire, The, was im-
- possible, if history had been rightly
studied, 9, 10.
Frankfort, The council of, 156.
Freiburg, The fortress of, — surrendered
to France, 221 ; captured by the Im-
perialists, 221 ; victory of the French
near, 223.
French historical writers, Montesquieu,
Voltaire, and Rousseau, 8 ; Thiers,
9; Guizot, 10 ; defects of, 9 — -n.
Fresh meat seldom eaten in England
in the reign of Henry VII., 244.
Frideburg, or Fretheburg, a Swedish
Christian convert and confessor, 207.
Fugger, Antonius, 149.
GARDARIKI, the kingdom of, 189.
Gascons, The, subjects of England,
seize a ship of Stettin, 102.
Gauzbert, or Simeon, Bishop, 204, 205,
209.
Genealogical table, The, of early Kings
of Sweden. 215.
General history, The study of, is
neglected in England, 2, 7, 8; but
is encouraged abroad, 2.
Germany, The geographical position of,
furthered the study of history, 14.
German language, The, affected by the
Reformation, 12; versions of Shake-
speare's plays in the, 47.
historical writers, the method
of, 5, 12, 14, 15, i6j names of
standard writers of the present cen-
tury, 17 ; surpass the French in
activity, II.
and Slavonic races, the effemi-
nacy of, compared with Scandina-
vians, 195.
260
INDEX.
Gildhalda Tutonicorum, The, 83, 88,
IOO, 112, 134.
Giles, Thomas, master of the Paul's
Boys, 45.
Globe Theatre, The, 71 ; shareholders
of, 57-
Godfred The sons of, 200.
Golden Bull, The, 163.
Gotteschalcus, — raised the Predesti-
narian controversy, 1 59 ; the fatalism
of, 169.
Gratian, The Decretum of, 166.
Gianmar, King, 182.
Green's History of the English people,
an inaccurate statement in, 38
Greene, Robt, the poet of the Queen's
company, 46.
Gregory VII., Pope. — Penance of the
Emperor, Henry VII., 162; his
claims, 170, 171.
Gudrod the Magnificent, 198.
Guebriant, General, 218, 219, 22O,
221
Guiche, Marshal de, 222.
Guildhall, the, of the Haunce merchants,
in Thames-street, 100
Guizot, his History of the English
Revolution, 10.
Gunpowder and naval stores sold only
by the German Steelyard merchants in
1568, 122.
Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden,
216, 217, 218.
Gustavus Erickson, King of Sweden,
alliance of, with the Hanse towns,
116.
HADRIAN, the social reforms of, 152.
Hakon, King of Norway, 177.
Halfdane, the son of Harald, a pirate,
198.
HallofSidu, 179; — Thorarinson, 179;
— of Haukadal, 179.
Hallam, Mr., An inaccurate statement
of, 37-
Halliwell, Mr., Illustrations, 47, 48, 49,
53 ; Dictionary of old English plays,
64.
Hamburg, 85; one of the original cities
of the Hanseatic league, 89 ; the
trade of, with Denmark and Norway,
115 ; its commerce, 117 ; English
merchants expelled from, 124 ; arch
bishopric created at, 203; the capture
and burning of, by pirates, 204; the
see of, united to that of Bremen, 208.
Hamburdge, Bartram of, a merchant o:
the Haunce, in London, 93,
Hameln, one of the three original cities
of the Hanseatic league, 89.
Samlet's madness explained, 63.
Hance, or Haunce, Everard, priest, 30;
the barbarity of his execution, 30.
Hanseatic confederacy, The, — was
monastic in its character, 83, 84, 92;
its rise, 86; its cause, 87; conditions of
membership of, 87; formal establish-
ment of, 89; limited at first to three
cities, 89; settlement of, in Norway,
91; in England, 92; blockaded the
Norwegian ports, 93; its internal con-
' ?titution,94; rights and obligations of
its members, 94; war with Denmark,
96; its domain, 97, no; war with the
city of Brunswick, 101 ; with Queen
Margaret of Denmark, 101; 14 towns
cut off from, 115; assists Gustavus
Vasa, 1 1 6; sold Denmark to England,
116; defeated by Danes and Swedes,
117 ; decline of its privileges and
power ,117,119,123; its commerce in
1600, 128 ; expelled from England,
128; an attempted resuscitation of,
129; alliance with the Dutch, 131 ;
its dissolution, 133 ; its historical
importance, 134; subsidized English
kings, 134; was an organized attempt
to monopolize trade, 135.
Hanseatic league, An outline history of
the, more particularly in its bearings
upon English commerce, a paper by
Mr. Cornelius Walford, 82—136.
Hanshus, The, — at Beverley, 84 ; at
York, 85.
Harald Blaatand, King, 176, 193.
Harald Fairhair, King, 178, 180, 182.
Harald Hildetand, King, 185, 187, 191,
192. 195.
Harald Huitbein, King of Westfold,
198.
Harald Sigurdson, 179.
Haroun-al-Raschid, the Caliph, con-
ceded privileges to Charlemagne,
156.
Harris, Dr. G., a paper by, on domes-
tic every-day life, manners, and cus-
toms in this country during the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries
(partV.) 224—253.
Hart, William, of Lincoln College, Ox-
ford, priest, executed, 34.
Haukadal, Hall of, 179,
Hawking, The sport of, 229.
Heidelberg, The University of, 6.
Heimskringla, The, 177, 181, 182, 184,
186, 197, 198.
INDEX.
261
Helgius, the ruler of Jutland with
Ruric, 186 ; the murder of, 189.
Henrietta's, Queen, men, 64, 67, 68.
Henry IV., The Emperor, his pen-
ance, 162.
Henry III. of England, his charter to
the Steelyard merchants, 88 ; to the
Cologne merchants, 89.
Henry's, Prince, company of actors,
59, 68.
Henlow's Diary, 58, 59, 63, 67, 69.
Herbert's, Sir H., office book, 1622,
59-
Hercules' Pillars, The tavern called,
238.
Herder, Johann Gottfried, founder of
Humanism, 1 6 ; his writings on ethno-
logy, 1 6.
Herigar, or Hergeir, a supporter of the
Christians in Sweden, 202, 205, 206.
Herring Fishery, The, established in
Flanders, 103.
Hervavar Saga, The, 192, 200, 202.
Heywood, Mr. James, A Paper by, on
the transference of the German
Weimarian army to the Crown of
France in the seventeenth century,
216 — 223.
High roads, The, in the seventeenth
century, 239.
History, — a science, 3 ; defined, 4 ; its
importance, 4 ; its treatment by
English, French, and German writers
contrasted, 16 ; its greatest enemies,
19 ; is the study of humanity, 17, 19,
20 ; its great practical use, 18.
Histriomastix, The, actors in, 66.
Hohenstaufens, The house of the, 163.
Holland's Leaguer, list of actors in
(1631), 65.
Holy places, The, were the objects of the
Crusades, 164.
Holy Roman Empire, — meaning of the
term, 154; finally passed away, 167.
Home-made drinks, The, of England,
238-
Honnis, William, master of the chapel
boys, 45.
Hopton, governor of the Tower, 32.
Horak, John, of Milesovka, his agree-
ment as to the bishopric of Olmutz,
141.
Hordus, the God, 190.
Howorth, Mr. H. H., a paper by, on
the Early History of Sweden, 174-
—215.
Huam, the birthplace of Snorro Sturle-
son, 177.
Huersu Noregr bygdest, The, 192.
Humanism founded by Herder, 16.
Humanity, The study of, 19, 20.
"Humorous Lieutenant," the play of,
its date fixed, 53.
Hundondale, Godestalke of, a merchant
of the Haunce, in London, 93.
Huntingdon, Lord, advised the murder
of Catholics in prison, 27.
" Hyndluljod," The poem called, 192.
Hythin the Graceful, 194.
ICELAND, The first bishop in, 180.
Icelandic writers, The, — Are-hin-Frode,
178, 180 ; Isleif, Saemund-hin-Frode,
Kolskegg, Brand, 180.
Imperialists, The, defeated by the
Swedes. 217; victory of, at Nordlingen,
218
Ingiald the Ill-ruler, 184; his death, 185.
Inglingatal, The, 178.
Inglings, The, 178, 184, 198, 199, 200.
Inns, The, in England, 246.
Inaugural Address, The, by Dr. G. G.
Zerffi, on the Science of History, I.
Inner Temple Masque, The, 62.
Insularity, The, of Englishmen, 18.
Insurance, Marine, not referred to in the
code of the Hanseatic league. 126.
International Idea, The, compared with
the national, 17.
Inventory, An, of the goods of a country
squire, in the reign of Charles I , 238.
Investiture of Ecclesiastics by the sceptre,
163.
Irons, The Rev.W.J., D.D., a paper by
on the Reconstruction of the Civiliza-
tion of the West, from Charlemagne
(transitio imperil] to the era of the
Crusades (and Concordat, 1122), 152,
173-
Islandinga bok, The, 180.
Islif, 179; the first bishop in Iceland,
1 80.
Ivar, Vidfame, King, 181, 182, 185, 188;
his dream, 190; the death of, 191.
JAMES I., the adulation of,in" Macbeth"
explained, 52.
Jena, The university of, 19; Schiller one
of its professors, 19.
Jessopp, the Rev. Dr., his work, "One
Generation of a Norfolk House," 33*
John XII., Pope, deposed, 161.
Judaism, Theinfluenceof,onChristianity,
152.
Julin, The city of, destroyed by the Danes,
87.
262
INDEX.
Jutland, The kingdom of, 186.
KANT, Imnianuel, bis method cosmopo-
litan, 16; followed by Schilling, Stahl,
Hegel, Humboldt, Schlegel, and Ger-
vinus, 16.
Kempe, Win., actor, 46, 55, 65, 66, 67.
Kemper, The battle of, 221.
Kiny's-Beam, The, or stiliard, 83.'
King's company of actors, The, 55, 67.
Kingsmill, Sir William, his speech at
the execution of Slade, 34 ; of Body,
35-
"King John," Mr. Fleay's edition of,
46.
Kolmarker Forest, The, 194.
Kolskegg, The works of, 180.
Konigsberg founded, 85.
Krafft, Peter, Bishop of Ratisbon, 148.
Kremsier, the palace of the Bishop of
Olmutz, 138 — 146.
Krivoklat, Jacob Bitek imprisoned at,
H5-
Kunstat, Lord William of, ambassador
of the King of Poland to the court of
the Duke of Milan, 139.
LAND in England only half cultivated
in 1685, 243.
Landnama bok, The, 1 80.
Lane's company of actors, 45.
Lanfedgatal, The famous table called
the, 176, 183, 192.
Larded Sara, The, an instrument of
torture, 250.
Lagmen, The, 179.
Laymen — executed in the reign of
Elizabeth, 38 ; in the North opposed
to the change of religion, 41.
Lazar-houses, The, 226-
Lea, Richard, piiest, executed, 24.
Leicester, The Earl of, 31, 32; his
company of actors, 45.
Leipzig, The battle of, 217.
Lennox, Duke of, players, 70.
Leo III., Pope, crowned Charlemagne,
I5.4-
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, proclaimed
the doctrine of tolerance, 15.
Lethra, the seat of government of the
Scio'dunjjs, 184.
Letters from Bishops urging measures
against Catholics, 38, 39.
Library, The, of Hamburgh burnt, 204.
Licence to make saltpetre and gun-
powder granted to the Earl of Wor-
cester for 21 years, 131.
Lighting, The, of the streets of London
in the reign of Charles II., 228.
Line, Anne, flogged and hanged, 37.
Liverpool, The town of, 233.
Lombards, The, subdued by Charle-
magne, 155 ; History of the, 176,
196.
London, The progress of, in the i6th
and 1 7th centuries, 226 ; Disorders
in the streets of, 228 ; Lighting of
its streets, 228.
"London Lickpenny," The ballad called
the, 225.
Longueville, The Duke of, 220, 221.
Louis, The Emperor, founded the see of
Hamburg, 203.
Louis the Pious succeeded Charlemagne,
158.
Lubeck, The city of, erected, 85; the
chief city of the league, 86; its pro-
gress, 87; burnt by Danes, 114; de-
cline of, 129; a treaty negotiated at,
216.
Lund, Absalon Archbishop of, 174.
Lutzen, The battle of, 218.
Lydgate, John, A ballad by, 225.
Lynn, Three ships of, sent to assist
Denmark, 101; a depot of the Han-
seatic league, in, 136.
MAGNUS, King of Sweden, deposed by
the Hanseatic league, 96.
Mahometanism, Effect of the inroads of,
1 66.
Managers, The, of the Queen's company
of actors, 47.
Managers, The, of Actors' companies
summoned before the Privy Council,
63-
Marbod, Gerard, alderman of the Haunce,
93-
Marburg, The university of, 14.
Margaret, Queen of Denmark, the con-
flict of, with the Hanseatic league, 101 .
Martinmas beef, 244.
Mary, Queen of England, her State
entry into London, 30.
Mary, Queen of Scots, The proposed
assassination of, in prison, 27.
Master of the Sentences, The, 169.
Masque, The, of the Inns of Court, in
1633, 232.
May-day, The festival of, 230.
May-pole, The, in Cornhill, 231.
Mayence, the city of, the centre of an
association of towns of Friesland and
Holland, 92.
INDEX,
263
Mayne, Cuthbert, 27, his indictment,
28 ; Statutory treason only alleged
-against him, 29, 35.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 221.
Memmingen, English actors at, in 1600,
66.
Mercatores Alemannise, A grant to, 96.
Merchant Adventurers, The English
company of, 112, 113, 117, 122, 125,
126.
Merchant Fleets in the Baltic, early
notice of, 201.
Mercy, General, 221, 222.
"Messalina," The cast of parts in, 65.
Metaphysicians are the enemies of his-
tory, 19.
Ministers of the State Church received
recusants' fines, 40.
Miracle, The, attributed to Ardgar, the
anchorite, 205.
Misrule, The Lord of, 230.
Missionaries, The, from Britain — Co-
lumban, Boniface, Alcuin, Erigena,
159-
Modern English historical writers, 1 8 ;
have effected a change in the spirit
of historical inquiry, 18 ; their names,
1 8.
Modern German historical writers, The
number of, 17 ; the names of, 17.
Mohars, The battle of, and death of
King Louis of Bohemia, 140.
Monastic Orders, — the influence of, on
education, 154, 168 ; their great ser-
vices to literature, 165, 168; supported
the Papacy, 161 ; were the fathers of
free thought, 169.
Montesquieu, constructive in method, 8.
Morris, Rev. J., his works quoted, 26,
27, 39—41.
Moss-troopers, The, 242.
Motive, The, of the Elizabethan per-
secution, 40.
Muhlberg, Victory at, 144.
Mulcaster, Richard, master of the mer-
chant taylors' boys, 45.
Midler, The "Saga Bibliothek" of,
182.
Munday, Anthony, ballad writer, 66.
Munster, The peace of Westphalia signed
at, 223.
Muscovy, The Grand Duke of, destroys
Novgorod, a factory of the Hanseatic
league, 107.
NAMES of Actors, The various spelling
of, 70 ; tables of, 72 — 81.
Narrative, The, of the transference of
the German Weimarian army to the
Crown of France in the seventeenth
century, a paper by Mr. James Hey-
wood, F.R.S., F.S.A., 216-223.
Nassau, The Count of, 220.
Nelson. John, priest, executed, 29.
News-letters, The, 245.
New Shakespeare Society, The trans-
actions of, 49, 58, 59, 62, 63.
Nicholas, Pope, unites the sees of Ham-
burg and Bremen, 208.
Nidaros or Drontheim, 179.
Nordlingen, The battle of, 218.
Norse Kings, The, a sacred caste, 184.
Norse literature, The authority of, 183.
Norsemen, The, were traders, 179, 201,
211.
Northumbria, The date of the conquest
of, by Norsemen, 181.
Norwich, The town of, in the seven-
teenth century, 233.
Novgorod (on the Ilmen\ a factory of
the Hanseatic league, 86, 99 ; de-
stroyed by the Grand Duke of Mus-
covy, 107.
Nuremberg, Torture chamber at, 249.
OCTAVIAN, the Consul, made himself
Pope, 160.
Olaf, the Tree-feller, 185.
Olaf the Saint, King, was a trader, 179.
Opinion, faith, knowledge, The distinc-
tion between, laid down by Kant,
16.
Oppenheim, A general assembly of the
league of the Rhine held at, 90.
Orm, the Englishman, 194,
Otho, the Great, 160, 161.
Ottacar, King of Bohemia, founds
Konigsberg, 85.
Oxford University, in Queen Elizabeth's
time, was opposed to the change in
religion, 31, 42.
PAGEANTS in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, 232.
Palsgrave's, The, company of actors, 57.
Papal decrees and synods from the
time of Pope Siricius, The impor-
tance of, 157.
Pardubitz, in Bohemia, The fish-ponds
at, 148.
Parker, Archbishop, his consecration
canvassed at Oxford, 31 ; letter of,
•2Q.
Patent Rolls, A grant to German mer-
chants, entered on the, 96.
264
INDEX.
Patents, Theatrical, 52, 62.
Paul the Deacon, History of the
Lombards by, 176.
Paul's children, 54, 61.
Paulet, Sir Amias, refused to assassi-
nate Mary Queen of Scots in prison,
27.
" Peine fort et dure," The, 250.
Pembroke's company of actors, 59.
Penal laws, 13 ; against Catholics, 21,
24 ; number of sufferers under, 26,
35 ; include poor people, 24, 36.
Pepin, King of the Franks, 155 ;
donation of, 160.
Perpetual Edict, The, 152.
Persecution, The, under Elizabeth ; a
paper, by Mr. John H. Chapman,
21—43.
Petitions, against foreigners, of the
citizens of London, 100 ; of the
Commons in Parliament, 104 ; of
merchants, 104.
Phoenix Theatre, The, 64, 69.
Phocas the Emperor, 157.
Photian Schism, The, 158.
Picards, The, or Bohemian brethren,
144.
Pillen, or Apulia, The siege of, 213.
Pilsen, The birthplace of Dubravius,
137.
Pirates, The Norse, 201.
Plague, Effect of the, on the Stage,
45. 52.
Plough-Monday, Old customs on, 230.
Plymouth, The town of, in 1607, 233.
Political power, The, of the Hanseatic
League, 95, 102, 134.
Pomerania, Military operations of the
Swedes in, 217.
Pontarslier, A banquet at, to the Duke
of Weimar, 219.
Popes, The election of, by the College
of Cardinals, 162.
Post, The establishment of a regular,
244.
Praemunire, The effect of, 22.
Predestinarian controversy, The, 159.
Press Yard, The, in Newgate, 250.
Prince Electors of the Empire, The,
163.
Privileges granted to foreign merchants
in England, 88, 89, 92, 96, 100, 101,
104, 105, 106, 113.
Protective legislation as to importation
of corn, Early instance of, 107.
Pufendorf, Samuel, established the
first special chair for the study of
History, 6 ; founder of Sociology, 6.
QUEEN ANNE'smen,The, 63,64,67,69.
Queen's players, The, 45, 48, 49, 63,
64, 70.
RABANUS, the monk, succeeded Alcuin,
169.
Radbard, King of Gardariki, 189.
Ragnar Lodbrog, King, 182, 197, 2O2.
Randver, the son of Radbard, 193.
Ratisbon, Torture chamber at, 249.
Raumariki, The kingdom of, 196.
Reconstruction, The, of the civilization
of the West, from Charlemagne (tran-
sitio imperii) to the era of the Cru-
sades (and Concordat, 1122), a paper
by the Rev. W. J. Irons, D.D. 152-
173-
Recusants, The number of, 24, 42.
Red Bull, The theatre at the, 64.
Reidgothia, 188, 189.
Reformation, The, in Germany, an in-
tellectual movement, 12 ; its effect
on the German language, 12 ; gave
an impulse to the study of history,
13 ; in England a political move-
ment, 13.
Rembert, St., The narrative of, 200,
203, 207, 208, 211, 212; a miracle
narrated by, 205.
Revels at Court, The accounts of, 45,
50, 60-62.
Revels, The children of the, 55, 56, 61.
Revolution, The, in France, due to
aristocrats, bureaucrats, and bigots,
8 ; displayed ignorance of history, 9.
Rheims, Ebbo, Archbishop of, 203.
Rheinfelden, The, town of, taken by the
Duke of Weimar, 218 ; surrendered
to France, 221.
Rhine, The league of the, 90.
Richelieu, Cardinal, 2i6j his character,
described by himself, 219; his death,
221.
Riga founded, 85.
Robsart, Amy, The funeral of, 31.
Rodolph II., The Emperor, remon-
strates with Queen Elizabeth on
behalf of the Hanseatic league, 123 ;
special envoy sent to, 126.
Roman Emperor, The title of, finally
resigned by Francis II., of Austria,
167.
Roman law, The influence of, 152, 162,
1 68.
Rome the natural centre of Christianity,
152.
Rosen, General, 220, 221.
Rousseau Socialistic in method, 8.
INDEX.
265
Royal Historical Society, The progress
of the, i.
Rurick, King of Jutland, 186 ; his
dream, 188.
Ryswick, The, treaty of, 223.
SAEMUND-HIN-FRODE, The works of,
1 80.
Sacrifices for all Viken held at Skir-
ingsal, 198.
St. Giles-in-the-Fields separate from
London, 226.
St. Martin's Lane, The condition of, in
the seventeenth century, 226.
St. Quentin, Dudo de, The works of,
176.
Sagas, The, are of two classes, 174 ;
their authority, 184.
Salisbury Court players, The, 65.
Salt, The trade in, was a monopoly of
the Hanseatic league, 99.
Saltpetre men, The, 127, 131.
Salzburg, Torture chamber at, 249.
Sandys, Archbishop, — a persecutor,
40 ; scandalous transaction of, 40.
Saxo Grammaticus, — his birth, 174 ;
the authority of his writings, 175 ;
the manifest errors of, 176, 177, 192,
193, 196, 198, 199.
Saxony, English actors in, 46, 66.
Saxony, Frederick of, his victory at
Miihlberg, 144.
Scalds, The, 175, 178, 202.
Scania separated from Denmark, 197.
Schiller, Frederick, 1 8 ; professor of
history at the University of Jena,
19 ; showed the usefulness of history,
19 ; its chief opponents, 19.
Schleswig, The first church in Den-
mark built at, 209.
Schools, The influence of, in the West,
*54> J55> 165 ; reorganized by
Alcuin, 158.
School of the Palace, The, 159, 169.
Schonen, The province of, granted by
Waldemar III. to the Hanseatic
league, 96.
Scioldung Saga, The, 175.
Scioldungs, The, 184, 199.
Scotland visited by Shakespeare in
1601, 57.
Seguin, Mr., the work of, on the Black
Forest, 223.
Seeburg, The site of the town of, 213.
" Seven Deadly Sins," The cast of the
play of, 49.
Sforza, Francesco, Duke of Milan,
139-
Shakespeare, William, — 45 ; probably
visited Denmark and Saxony with
Strange's company, 46 ; his plays
acted in Germany, 47 ; acted before
Queen Elizabeth, 49 ; date of his re-
tirement, 50 ; satirized . by Jonson,
50 ; chief actor, 5 1 ; probably visited
Scotland, 57 ; the proper method of
spelling his name, 71.
Shakespeare Manual, The, by Mr.
Fleay, 44.
Sherwood, Thomas, — suspected of being
a Catholic, and arrested, 29 ; barbar-
ously executed, 29.
Shoreditch Theatre, The, 48, 71.
Shoreditch players, The supposed list of,
48.
Sidu, Hall of, 179.
Sigismund, King of Poland, his letter
to Elizabeth, admitting the English
merchant adventurers, 126.
Sigurd Ring, King, 182, 193, 196.
Simpson, Richard, his works quoted,
31, 32, 46, 66.
Skala, a name of Dubravius, 139.
Skiringsal, Sacrifices held at, 198.
Slade, John, schoolmaster, and John
Body, M.A., The trial and execution
of, reported in a rare tract, by R. S.,
from Winchester, 34.
Slaughter, The Great, at the Battle of
Freiburg, 223.
Snorro Sturleson, 174 ; his birth, 177 ;
the authority of his works, 181, 185.
Sociology founded by Pufendorf, 6.
Sogubrot, A Saga called the, 175 ; its
date, 182 ; the story of Audr, the
daughter of Ivar, 186; the Fight at
Bravalla, 193 ; Sigurd Ring, 196.
Soliman, Sultan, invades Hungary, 140.
Sound, The, vessels passing, paid tolls,
96, 120 — 130.
Specialists and generalizers, 17.
Spelling of Actors' names, The uncer-
tainty of the, 70.
Speratus, Paulus, a teacher of Lutheran-
ism in Moravia, 139; condemned as
a heretic, 139.
Spies, The, of Queen Elizabeth's
Government in Foreign countries, 33.
Staden, English merchants excluded
from, 128.
Staple, The company of the, 122.
Staple Houses of the Hanseatic league,
The, 91, 99-
Starkadr, the Poet, 194.
Static and dynamic forces, 3 ; conflict
between, produces history, 4.
266
INDEX.
Steelyard, fThe, — merchants of the, 83;
rules of "the, 84 ; charter granted by
Henry III. to, 88 ; attacked by a
London mob, 112; prohibited from
carrying English cloth, 113; privileges
withdrawn by Edward VL, 119 ; re-
granted and again revoked by Mary,
122 ; sellers of gunpowder and naval
stores, 122 ; expelled from England in
1597, 128; the discipline and internal
government of, 135 ; oath of installa-
tion of, 135.
Sterling, Origin of the term, 89.
Stettin, The gates of, opened to the
Swedes, 217.
Stolen Goods, The receivers of, at
Cornhill, 225.
Storm, The on the voyage of James
I. to Denmark, supposed to be
caused by witchcraft, 252.
Stralsund, The siege of, 216.
Strange's company of actors, 46, 48, 49,
67—70.
Strand, The, in 1657, 226.
Submission, The form of, for a recu-
sant, 24.
Sueno Aggeson, The works of, I77>
184.
Suhm, The chronologies of, 175, 182.
Sussex', Earl of, company of actors, 46,
70.
Sweden, The early history of, a paper
by Mr. H. H. Howorth, F.S.A.,
174—215.
Swedes, The,— desire instruction in the
Christian faith, 201 ; a second mis-
sion to, 204 ; popular outbreak of,
against Christianity, 205.
Synods of Bishops summoned by the
civil power, 156.
TABLES of Actors — names, plays, cha-
racters sustained, dates, &c., 72-81.
Tagus, The capture of fly-boats in the,
125.
Tarleton, Richard, comedian, 46.
Taylor, John, master of the Westminster
boys, 45.
Telemarken, Berserkers from, 194.
Terms, The, of the surrender of the
Weimarian army to France, 221.
Teutonic Hanse, The, distinct from
the league, 115.
Teutonic knights, The, 88, 102, 106.
Theatres, — Blackfriars, 47 ; Shoreditch,
48, 71 ; patent granted to build a
theatre, 62 ; The Red Bull, 64 ; The
Globe, in Bankside, 71 ; The Fortune.
60, 69 ; The Cockpit, 65 ; The Phoe-
nix, 69 ; The Curtain, 63 ; The Boar's
Head, 63.
Theodosius, The Emperor, 153.
Theophano, The Princess, mother of
Otho III., 161.
Thiers, M., his works, 9.
Thiodolf-hin-Frode, the composer of
the Inglingatal, 178.
Thompson, William, priest,executed,24.
Thorarinson, Hall, 179.
Thorgils, the son of Gellis, 178.
Thurston, Archbishop, The charter of,
to the Gild of St. John of Beverley,
84.
Thurzo," Francis, Bishop of Neutra,
148.
Thurzo, Stanislas, Bishop of Olmutz — •
patron of Dubravius, 138; entertained
the King of Poland, 138; crowned'
King Louis of Bohemia, 139; his
death, 141.
Tippet, one, a student of Douai, 38 ;
tortured and executed, 39.
Traders, The German (979), were
monks, 83.
Traitors in law are not always traitors
in fact, 25, 35.
Travelling in England during the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries,
239-242 ; in Scotland, in 1688, 242.
Treaty, The, at Utrecht, between
England and the Hanseatic league,
1 08.
Tregian, Francis, 27 ; life of, by
Plunquet, 28 ; his experience at
Court, 28 ; and persecution, 28.
Trent, The Council at, 143.
Trivium and quadrivium, The, 159,
164.
Trumpet, The Tavern called the, 238.
Tolerance, The doctrine of, proclaimed
by Lessing, 15.
Toll levied on vessels passing the
Sound, 96, 120 — 130.
Tonnage and poundage imposed on the
Hanse merchants, 107, 121, 122.
Torfseus, The chronologies of, 175.
Torture inflicted upon Catholic pri-
soners, 24, 33-39.
Torture — used in England up to 1640 ;
abolished in Scotland in 1708, 248 ;
in France in 1789; Russia, 1801 ;
Bavaria, 249.
Turenne, Marshal, 221, 222.
Turholt, in Flanders, The monastery of,
attached to the See of Hamburg,
203 ; given to Reginar, 208.
INDEX.
267
Twiss, Sir Travers, On the Hanseatic
league, 92.
UBBO, The Fresian, 194.
Ujezd, The village of, given up by
Dubravius to King Ferdinand, 145.
Ulm, English Actors at, in 1602, 66.
Unitas fratrum, The, 144, 145.
Upsala, The seat of government of the
Inglings, 184 ; Eric of, 210.
Utraquists, The, 138, 143, 150.
Utrecht, A Diet held at, 105 ; treaty
made at, 108.
VASA, GUSTAVUS, King of Sweden,
assisted by the League, 116.
Vegetables, The, in use in the i6th
century, 237.
Veni Creator, The, owed by the West
to Charlemagne, 156.
Vico, Giovanni Battista, his method, 6.
Vitaliens, The, defeated by the Hanse
towns, loo.
Voltaire, destructive in method, 8.
WALDEMAR, King of Denmark, his
war with the League, 96 ; sacked
Wisby, 99.
Waleys, Henry, Lord Mayor ; his
controversy with the Hanse merchants
in London, 93.
Walford, Mr. Cornelius, A paper by,
on the History of the Hanseatic
League, more particularly in its
bearings upon English commerce,
82—136.
Wallenstein, The title of, 216.
Walpole, Henry, student of Gray's Inn,
33 ; executed at York, 34.
" Wandering Lovers," The play of,
identical with "Love's Pilgrimage,"
63-
Wansum, The river, 233.
Ward, Margaret, hanged at Tyburn, 37.
Warwick's, Earl of, company of actors,
45-
Weigh-house Yard, 83.
Weights and measures, The regularity
of, provided for in the rules of the
Hanse merchants, 136.
Weimar, Bernard, Duke of, 2 1 8, 219 ;
his death and will, 220.
Wends, The arms of the, 194.
Westcott, Sebastian, master of the
Paul's boys, 45.
Westminster Gate, A public dinner at,
225.
Westphalia, The treaty of, contains the
last mention of the Hanseatic league,
!33 > signed at Munster, 223.
Whipping for religion, 24, 25, 37.
White, Sir Thomas, founder of St.
John's College, Oxford, 30; the
funeral of, 31.
Wild boars and wild bulls, The last in
England, 244.
Wild Goose Alley, 100.
" Wild Goose Chase," The cast of the
play of, 51.
Winchester, The blacksmith at, flogged
for refusing to attend church, 25 J
Tract by R. S. from, 34 ; Letter of
the Bishop of, 39.
Winnet, The city of, destroyed by the
Danes, 87.
Wisby, the capital of Gothland, 97 ;
Staple-house of the league sacked,
99 ; The laws of, 126.
Wismar, The haven of, 97 ; fleet fitted
out at, 103 j destroyed by Danes,
114.
Witchcraft, The belief in, 251.
Witch-finders, The, 252.
Withmar, a monk of Corbey, 20 1.
Wolf, the last in England, 244.
Wolf, Christian, his work, " De
Philosophia Sinensium Morali," 14.
Women executed for religion in the
reign of Elizabeth, 37.
Wool, The price of, reduced by the
Hanseatics, 118; the export of, by
foreigners, prohibited, 124.
Worcester's, Earl of, company of actors,
58,63,66,67.
Worms, the Concordat of, 162, 208.
Wratislaw, Rev. A. H., a paper by, on
the life and writings of Dubravius,
Bishop of Olmtitz, 137 — 151.
Wright's " Historia Histrionica," 53,
55, 56, 57, 64, 65.
YORK'S, Duke of, company of actors,
61, 63, 67, 68.
York House, books quoted, 42.
York press, The, 246.
Yorkshire recusant's relation quoted,
26.
Yule-log, The, 230.
ZAPOLSKY, John, elected King of
Hungary, 140.
Zerotin, Lord Charles of, general of
the Bohemian and Moravian army,
143, 144.
Zerffi, Dr. G. G., Inaugural Address
by, i.
LONDON :
J. AND W. RIDER, PRINTERS,
BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.
THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
22, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
\2th May, 1881.
fKj
tN presenting their Report on the past year to the General
Meeting of the Fellows, the Council of the Royal
Historical Society gladly give the first place to their expres-
sion of thanks to the Committee of Inquiry (appointed 1 8th
November, 1880), for their valuable assistance, for although
nearly every suggestion of theirs for the future management of
the Society has been anticipated in resolutions already passed
by the Council, still they feel that had not such a Committee
been instituted they would probably not have had it in their
power to have obtained the information on which the resolu-
tions have been based. The Council have further to report
that on the 5th January, 1881, the Rev. Charles Rogers asked
the Council to be permitted to resign the appointments of
Historiographer and Secretary of the Society then and there,
and under the circumstances he was permitted to do so, and
the resignation was accepted. His connection with the
Society in any capacity therefore ceased.
The Council on the .same day appointed to the post of
Hon. Secretary Mr. Wm. Herbage, who has performed the
duties with great assiduity since that date.
A Publishing Committee was also appointed to superintend
the preparation of the Volume of Transactions for the past
year. This Committee consists, of Dr. Zerffi, Mr. Walford,
and Mr. Fleay, who have performed their duties as efficiently
as the circumstances would permit.
The most important item of information recently acquired
by the Council is probably the fact that on 5th January, 1881
(the date of the resignation of the late Secretary), the Society
was, and had been since 3ist October last, in debt to the
amount of £254 55. 6d. in addition to the expense that they
would" necessarily have to incur for printing Vol. IX. of the
Transactions, 1880. The liability of £254 55. 6d. has within
the last four months been discharged, all current expenses
have been paid, and the total debt of the Society has been
reduced to two items : (i) The sum of £72 143. due to the
Treasurer, and (2) The Printers' Bill for the Transactions
(Vol. IX.) both of which will, it is estimated, as well as
all current expenses, be about covered by the Subscriptions
still due to the Society.
The Council may therefore reasonably expect to start next
session free from debt, and with no liability beyond the
expenses for printing the Transactions.
This improvement in the financial position of the Society is,
however, not the only cause of congratulation ; there has been
a corresponding improvement in the number of the Fellows :
there are now on the Roll fifteen Ordinary and one Life
Member more than there were on ist January of the present
year, as will be seen from the following list : —
Number of Fellows on the Roll
1st Jan., 1881.
I2tk May, 1 88 1.
Ordinary Fellows
Life „
424
74
439
75
Honorary and Ex-Officio ...
Corresponding Fellows
61
22
60
22
TOTALS ...
58l
596
The Council have, according to custom, filled up six
vacancies in their body by electing the following gentle-
men :—
J. H. CHAPMAN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.
BAKER GREENE, Esq., LL.B., M.B.
HENRY H. HOWORTH, Esq., F.S.A.
* SYDNEY ROBJOHNS, Esq.
Rev. Dr. THORNTON.
BRYCE MCMURDO WRIGHT, Esq., F.R.G.S.
The bust of the President, the Right Honourable Lord
* Mr. ROBJOHNS does not accept the nomination.
4
ABERDARE, F.R.S., from the studio of Mr. H. HARVEY,
F.R.H.S., which was unveiled at the Meeting in last
November, will henceforth hold an honoured place in the
rooms of the Society.
The Council have much pleasure in stating that, under the
sanction of the Society, a course of thirty Lectures is now
being delivered by Dr. ZERFFI, the Chairman of the Council,
at the Lecture Theatre of the South Kensington Museum,
and that from a return made to them, there have been at the
twenty-two Lectures already delivered, 4,187 attendances,
giving an average of 190 persons at each Lecture.
Finally, the Council append the Treasurer's Receipts and
Disbursements for the last year ; also a Financial Statement,
and the Honorary Secretary's Account up to date of this
Report.
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FINANCIAL STATEMENT of CASH ASSETS and OUT-
STANDING LIABILITIES, on 3ist October, 1880.
1880. £ s. d.
Oct. 31. Balance in hands of
Treasurer ... 38 5 5
* Balance against
the Society ... 216 o i
£254 5 6
1880. £ s. d.
Oct. 31. J. &W. Rider for
Printing ... 239 1 6 6
McFarlane
& Co. for
Printing £3 18
Do. Rules 4 6
Chetham Society
for Subscription,
1880
Subscriptions
twice paid
8 4
100
550
£254 5 6
* Besides the Liability to Fellows for Volume IX. for 1880, estimated
at about ^"200.
WM. HERBAGE,
Hon. Sec. and Treasurer.
TREASURER'S ACCOUNT of RECEIPTS and DISBURSEMENTS
From ist November, 1880, to I2th May, 1881, the date of this Report.
RECEIPTS.
£ * d.
Balance from last
account
Subscriptions received —
Life Subscriptions 31 10 o
Ordinary do , and
Entrance Fees... 290 2 6
Sale of Transactions 10 10 o
£
38
f. d.
5 5
332 2 6
Balance due to Trea-
surer
72 14 o
£443
DISBURSEMENTS.
Liabilities out-
standing 3 ist
Oct., 1880, viz.—
J. & W. Rider-
Printing ace.... 239 1 6 6
McFarlane&Co.'s
Printing ace. ...
Subscriptions to
the Chetham
Society, 1880 .
Subscriptions re-
funded .,
£ s. d.
40
I o o
5 5
254 5 6
89 10 8
Liabilities contracted
since 1st Nov., 1880—
Rev. Dr. Rogers'
Salary as Sec-
retary to Jan.
5th, 1881 79 o 10
Do. for Petty
Expenditure to
Jan. 5th, 1 88 1 10 9 10
Rent to Lady-
day, 1881 22 3 2
Printing and Sta-
tionery 30 17 o
Circulars, Post-
ages, and Petty
Expenses 23 19 7
Advertisements.. 15 o o
Subscriptions —
Camden Society i o o
Chetham do. I o o
Refreshments at
Monthly Meet-
ings 560
99 5 9
£443 i n
WM. HERBAGE.
Hon. Sec. and Treasurer.
8
It can hardly be doubted from the facts before mentioned,
that the Society has entered on a new career of usefulness
under the most favourable auspices, not the least of which is
the remarkable unanimity between the reforms proposed by
the Committee of Inquiry and those independently instituted
by the Council ; of equal importance is the cordiality with
which the work of the Society has been noticed by the Press ;
and if the Members will continue to co-operate with the
efforts of the Council as vigorously as they have done during
the last four months, the Society must attain an influence
worthy of its high name, and the important Science, the study
of which it was instituted to promote.
By order,
G. G. ZERFFI, PH.D., F.R.S.L.,
Chairman of the Council.
WM. HERBAGE, Honorary Secretary.
DA
20
R9
v.9
Royal Historical Society,
London
Transactions
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