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HEIITFOKD:
fRINTKIt BT hTEPUKN AVtriN AND SON».
TRANSACTIONS
')-Z>5-^/
OF THB
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
1891-4
PUBLISHED FOR THE SOCIETY BT
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TKUBNER & CO., Ld., LONDON,
AND
KARL I. TRUBNER, STRASSBURG.
1894.
HERTFORD :
PaiMTXD BT STBPHKN AUSTIN AND SONft.
CONTENTS.
I. — On the Metrical Glossaries of the Mediaeval Irish.
By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L 1
II. — The Celts and the other Aryans of the F and Q
Groups. By Prof. John Rhys 104
III. — iN'otes on English Etymology. By the Rev. Professor
Skeat, Litt.D 132
IV. — On the Bodleian Fragment of Cormac's Glossary.
By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L 149
V. — IN'ote on the Pronunciation of the English Vowels
in the Seventeenth Century. By Russell
Martixeatt, M.A. 207
YI. — The Greek Indirect JS'egative. By E. R. Wharton,
M.A • 211
VII. — The Compensatory Lengthening of Vowels in Irish.
By Prof. J. Strachan, M.A . . 217
Appendix. — Reports on the Progress of the Society's New
JEnglish Bictiona/ry —
1. By Henry Bradley, M.A., president 261
2. By J. A. H. Murray, M.A., LL.D., vice-president 268
3. Etymologies of some Co- words by Dr. Murray 279
VIII.— Etymologies by Prof. J. Stbachan, M.A 289
IX. — On the Assimilation of Pretonic iVin Celtic SuflB.xes.
By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L 297
X. — Old-Irish Glosses on the Bucolics. By Whitley
Stokes, D.C.L 308
XI. — Some Greek Etymologies. By E. R. Wharton, M.A. 329
i
IV CONTENTS.
PAOK
XII. — Rare Words in Middle English. By the Rev. Prof.
Skeat, Litt.D 359
XIII.— The Old English Alliterative Line. By Prof. H.
Ekank Heath, Ph.D 375
XIV. — On Gaelic Phonetics. By J. H. Staples . . . . 396
XV. — The Accentual Element in Early Latin Verse, with
a New Theory of Satumian Metre. By "W. M.
LiNDSAr, M.A 405
XVI. — Contributions to the History of the Deponent Verb
in Irish. By Prof. J. Steachan, M.A 444
Appendix II. — Notes on the Orthography of the Ormulum.
By Arthur S. Napier, M.A., Ph.D l*-4*
Index 569
Treasurer's Cash Accounts : 1891 in Part I.
„ „ „ 1892 in Part IL
„ „ „ 1893 in Part III.
List of Members, corrected to January, 1893 . . (see Part I.)
List of Membees, corrected to November, 1893 (see Part II.)
List of Membees, corrected to November, 1894 (see Part III.)
TRANSACTIONS
OF THB
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
1891-2-3.
I.— ON THE METRICAI. GLOSSARIES OF THE
MEDIAEVAL IRISH. By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L.
With the exception of the modern Irish Celts, all races
possessed of an ancient literature desire to understand it, and
many races, including the Greeks,^ the Norsemen and the
Irish, have, at some stage of their civilization, taken a strange
delight in verse of which archaisms and wilful obscurities
are the chief characteristics. It is, therefore, remarkable
that the obvious aid of metre has not been oftener used to
help the memories of the hearers, readers, or makers of the
compositions above referred to. But metrical vocabularies
of rare or obsolete words belonging to the glossarist's mother-
tongue 2 are found, so far as I know, only among the Hindus,'
the Norsemen * and the Irish. The last-named people pos-
sessed such glossaries as early, at least, as the beginning of
the twelfth century. Thus in the vellum called Lehor na
hUidre (the Book of the Dun), the scribe of which was
murdered in the year 1105, we find, fo. 7^ 11. 19-22 :
* Mur ' immed tall isind recht, * coph ' buaid, is briathar lanchert,
* du ' bale, * du ' duthaig lat, * cul ' * comet, is * cul ' carpat.
And further on, in the same column, 11. 36-38 :
* P6 ' ainm do maith is do mfad, * fi ' ainm d'ulc ocus d'anrfad,*
* an ' fir, is ni ioxm fand, * f ath ' mind, ocus * iath ' f erand.
^ See, for example, the Cassandra of Lycophron, which Suidas called ffKortivhv
irolrifjLa^ and which the Byzantines admired so greatly ; and consider the remarks
of Prof. Sayce, in Mahaffy's History of Classical Greek Literature, on the
artificial language of the Homeric poems.
* The metrical glossaries composed in England and printed by "Wright are
intended to teach the English Latin or French, not Anglo-Saxon.
•* I am informed by Prof. Biihler that, with the exception of the so-called
Vedic Nighantus, all the Sanskrit glossaries known to us are in verse. One would
expect to find metrical glossaries among the Arabs. But I leam from Prof. D.
H. MiiUer of Vienna that they have none. ** The most ancient Arabic
glossaries are arranged according to the last letters of the words. They were
compiled for the use of poets, and the arrangement is intended to facilitate the
composition of rhymed verses."
* See the Thulor printed in the Corpm Poeticum Boreale, ii. 423 et seq.
* This is cail in Rawl. B. 502, fo. 56» 2, and cal in H. 3. 18, p. 610^ and
H. 2. 16, col. 686.
^ no octis d*etriad. This is the reading of Bawl. B. 502, fo. 56^ 2.
PliU. Trans. 1991-2-8. 1
Z IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
The same quatrains are found in the Liber Hymnorum
ff. 34» 2, 34* 1, and in Eawl. B. 502, fo. 56% which vellums
also belong to the first half of the twelfth century. Further-
more, in Rawl. B. 502, fo. 56» 2, and in H. 3. 18, p. 610% we
find the following quatrain :
' Dia' inchian, is coem in mod, is ctan uad o senfocul,
ocuB * derc ' suil fri suairc son, ocub * derc' in scathobor.^
The following stave occurs twice in Kawl. B. 502, ff. 56** 2,
59»2:
* Mos ' ar b^s robsB co cian, ' buich ' ar brissiud, ni baethchfal,
' sab ' ar tren tacrait doine, ocub * ong ' ar ecdine.
This quatrain is found in a corrupt form in the Lebar
Brecc, p. 92, marg. inf., and is quoted in modernized spelling
by O'Clery. See Revue Celtique, v. 25.
So in Oormac's Glossary s.v. bachall (LB. 264* 9-12) the
following quatrain is quoted :
* lath ' ainm do chlug co»a f eeid, noco chelad in glanghaith,
* bach ' buain ina dhorM« tall, * bricht ' octiB * bacc ' is bachall.
The same quatrain is in H. 3. 18, p. 611% the last two
lines being
* bacht ' buain isin doms tall, ' bricht ' minn ocus * bach ' bachall.
The Lebar Brecc, p. 188, marg. sup., has this stave :
Is * indless ' cech maithius mor, is * suan odar ' cech n-imrol,
* folaid ' [ ] cech n-amrai, ni ba ri nach rodamnai.
Again, in H. 3. 18, p. 611% we find the following six
quatrains :
* £ * truagh in sc61 rodus-sgrus, uile bith ba he a duchus,
is e roglic ar * each n-eing, an t-* 6 ' breac dobf a mBoaing.
' Ai' caingen, is * ae*' dan dron, donf each sai co solum,
intl ba segdha ar in son bu sai can denma ar doman.
^ The scribe adds : .i. in menb bis triasin ngae ngrd'ne. This quatrain is also
in H. 2. 16, coL 686.
* no fris.
' no ai.
FRAGMENTS OF IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. 6
* Doctus ' foircthi each rechta, isna leabraibh lancerta,
ocus * dinn ' [cain] each enuasaigh, * dinn ' ainm each fir arduasail.^
* Dibadh ' ocus * bath ' na menn, ' ba ' oem * temel ' nar timcheall,
ag sloinned ega gan f eall, as lor a m6d ron medhrann.^
'Sneid' each suaill snimachsund, 'seim' cachseang, each sircumang,
* sab ' each soabb each forba, ocus ' sab ' each comorba.
* Tir domhaisi ' each sliab slan, * airbri ' each n-iumat n-iumlan,
* iath ' ferann, *iath' cloth cin coll/ iat[h] ' ploc ocus * iath ' cochall.
In the same MS., p. 612» :
' Mos ' each sob^s sidhamail, ' mos ' tuile, ocus * mos ' aithbe,
* mos ' each c6ol eiuin cfchamail, na crinann cumscar caithme.
* Robustus ' each sonairt slan, * reos ' each bidbadh, buan a bagh,
* seis * each sofls sloindit sain, is * castus * each gnim genmnaid.^
Is * cai ' conair cacha huird, ' ae ' each ceird na cumgaid buirb,
cain rofitir * eonruiter,' * recht ' dfrech* na dianbruiter.
* Caissi ' miscais, * caisi ' sere, mar innisit liubair Ian cert,*
doscail nert na tromsluaig de, dias d[i]ana[d] eomdhual caisi.
' Glinne ' na laegha rit M, ' glinne ' na bu bleachtmara,
ocus * glinne ' in luaide, * glinne ' sutl[h] • eo sir-buaine.
Synonyms, also, were treated metrically by the mediaeval
Irish. We have already had a stave on four words for
' death.* So in the Lebar Brecc, p. 92, marg. inf., we find
the following quatrain on four words meaning * good ' :
* Dag ' ocus * fo,' clu cen brath, * so ' is * mo,' cen cob gnathach,
anmanna sin do maith mas, derb Hum ni sseb in senchas.
The following specimen of a glossary of synonymous
words of different genders is taken from Rawl. B. 502,
^ is 'dinn' ainm each ardhuasail, Rawl. B. 602, fo. 67* 1.
2 Here the scribe adds : Dibad 7 bath 7 baa 7 b(i 7 eel 7 has 7 macht 7 ort
7 teme de [leg. ix ?] nomina mortis.
. 8 MS. geanmnaigh.
* MS. reacht direach.
* For mar innisit liubair read with H. 2. 16, col. 692, indisith libur.
6 .i. lacht. The above Quatrains from H 3. 18, pp. 611, 612, are taken, not
from the MS., but from 0' Curry's transcript, an anastatic copy of which is in
the Bodleian.
4 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
fo. 58* 2. It occurs also in Cormac's Glossary, s.v. adba
othnoe :
Iss 6 in * lia/ lith rolass, iar srethaib suad hi senchas,
[ijs ed * onn ' iar n-aicniud ail, is i * cloch ' iar sairdataid.
Whence we learn that Ha * stone ' is he, i.e. masculine,
clock * stone * is she, i.e. feminine, and onn ' stone ' is * it '
i.e. neuter. Yerses dealing with the synonyms for water,
fire, sea, wolf, horse, shield, spear, head, eye, truth, etc., will
be found infra.
Homonyms, too, were not forgotten. Thus the Yellow
Book of Lecan (H. 2. 16), a MS. in the library of Trinity
College, Dublin, contains in col. 121 the following quatrain
on the four different meanings of saeglonn ('judge,* 'old
man,* * king,* * column *) :
* Saoglonn ' brithemh, buan a blad, * saoglonn ' senoir sir-saoglach,
* saoglonn ' cech ri fora du, octis * saoglonn' columnu.
The same MS., col. 693, has the following stave on the
three meanings oiferb (*cow,* * blotch,* * word *) :
* Fearb ' as ainm do boin iar fir, ocus do boilg can imshnim,
0CU8 can uair n-eiihtffh n-airc, da breithir can chantobairt.^
So we have had, pp. 2, 3, two quatrains dealing with thei
different meanings of ^ and mos, and we shall find below
verses dealing with the different meanings of triatk, tuirighin,
eo, etc.
Besides metrical glossaries of obsolete Gaelic words, of
Gaelic synonyms, and of Gaelic words with different mean-
ings, the mediaeval Irish had glossaries in verse of Latin
vocables. The following specimens will suffice :
* Reus'^ esLch bidba cona blaid, ocm * castus* Gach genmnaid,'
* rectum ' each ndiriug,* dal cirt, ocm * robustus ' sonirt.
Eawl. B. 502, fo. 57* 2.
* Condio ' saillim suarccote,* octts * doctus ' each forcthi,
* custos ' cometaid rom-char, ocus * oboedens * humal.
3td. fo. 56* 1.
^ This quatrain is cited in O'Clery's Glossary, s.v. Fearb, ^Rev, Celt. iv. 416.
« MS. Eeos.
' MS. ngenmnaid, bnt genm[n]aid, H. 2. 16, col. 691.
* MS. diriud, but in H. 2. 16, col. 69, direch.
^ suarcaide, H. 3. 18, p. 613».
DESCRIPTION OF THE GLOSSARIES NOW PUBLISHED. O
* Fero ' taircim dar each leth, ocus * ligo ' cech cumrech,
* finem * in crich coir is lib, ocus * nouit ' rofitir.
Ibid, fo. 58* 2.
* Reatus ' bibdanus baig, octM * demitus ' digbail,
* mulgeo * ^ bligim cen baegul, is * imber ' each ard-broenud.
Ibid, fo. 5S^2.
The metrical glossaries which I have now the honour to
lay before the Philological Society are three in number.
I. The first is commonly called Fo^*us Focal, 'knowledge of
vocables/ from the words with which it commences. This
glossary contains 75 quatrains, and defines about 350 words.
The first ten quatrains are here given in two recensions, one
from p. 395 of the Book of Leinster, a vellum in the library
of Trinity College, Dublin, the other from f o. 95 of the Stowe
MS. No. III., now in the library of the Royal Irish Academy.
Page 395 of the Book of Leinster was written in the sixteenth
century. The glossary beginning on fo. 95 of the Stowe
MS. is thus described by Dr. O'Conor, BibL MS. Stowensis,
1818, vol. i. p. 52 :
**Fol. 95. — 0'Dnvegan*8 Metrical Dictionary of Ancient
Irish Words, beginning Forus Focal luaiter lihh, O'Duvegan
died old in 1372. It may be doubted whether any Dictionary
of the Northern languages is older than this. The verses are
240.^ The transcript is by Cormac og o Corrain in the
beginning of the last century. But it is written with the
greatest care, by one of the best Irish scholars of his
age."
Upon which it is to be remarked that the colophon proves
the scribe's name to have been Corrnan og 6 Corrnin : that
he wrote in December, 1734,^ and that although native
Irish scholars agree in attributing the Forus Focal to John
O'Duvegan, there is ijot, so far as I know, any trustworthy
evidence for such attribution. The Stowe MS. omits quatrains
56-66 both inclusive.
* MS. mulceo.
' The quatrains are 60. — ^W.S.
^ Corman og 6 Corrnin ro scribh sin a Mi na nodhlac a»no 1734.
6 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
Two other MSS. have been used in forming the text, viz.
a paper MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, marked
H. 2. 12, No. 6, and written in 1698,^ and a small quarto
paper MS. in the library of the Royal Irish Academy, marked
23. L. 21. Of these the former is here denoted by H., the
latter by L. H. is written in an Irish hand, by Eoghan mac
Gilleoin for Master Lachlan Campbell at Campbeltown, in
Argyle. This scribe was grossly ignorant, and his work
needs much emendation. The bulk of L. was written about
1787; but it contains four pages in the handwriting of
Malachi, a brother of the late Eugene O'Curry.
Thirty quatrains of the Foi^s Focal have already been
published, to wit :
a. Twenty-three by O'Reilly in his Irish-English Dictionary-
Dublin, 1821, s.m aidhbeis (15), Aodh (39), Art (34), caise
(76), cobhra (37), colg (36), crom (40), dreimne (17), duirbh
(26), eigh (20), fiodhrach (43), gabhar (19), gaodh (23),
garbh (77), osar (60), pattric (19), reacaire (62), ren (42),
risidhe (12), robhar (47), scuird (35), searrdha (49), snuadh
(45), tinfeadh (64), troghan (14), tuaithcheall (11). The
quatrain cited s.v. gahhar is repeated s.v. pattric,
h. Seven by O'Donovan in his Supplement to O'Reilly's
Dictionary s.w. breas (6), dreann (9), eo (5), fead (8), fo (4),
ruiceadh (7), triath (2).
With these exceptions, no part of the Forua Focal has
been published.
II. Our second glossary takes its name from its first line
Deirbhsiur don eagna inn ^igsi, * Poetry is sister to Wisdom.'
The copy now printed contains 62 quatrains, and defines
about 193 words. It is taken from a photograph of the copy
of this glossary in the library of the Royal Irish Academy,
marked 23. L. 21. This copy contains corrections by
Peter O'Connell, and was written about 1787. The various
readings have been derived from the above-mentioned MS. in
the library of Trinity College, Dublin, marked H. 2. 12, No. 6.
^ For a loan of tliis MS. I am indebted to the kindness of the Board of Trinity
College.
DESCRIPTION OF TEHB GLOSSARIES NOW PUBLISHED. 7
The Derbhiiur glossary must have existed before 1643, for
Michael O'Clery used it in compiling his Focloir, published at
Louvain in that year.^
Thre^ other copies are known :
(1) A vellum in the library of the Royal Irish Academy,
23
marked ^— -, of which I do not know the date. This copy,
Jr. o
says Mr. Gilbert, the learned librarian of that institution, is
** written in very bad ink — almost faded — wants portion at
end, and is in a poor style of penmanship.'' The glossary
begins on fo. 19.
(2) A paper copy, transcribed at Limerick in 1768 by
Andrew MacMahon, with corrections by P. O'Connell, in
23
the library of the Royal Irish Academy, marked :=- — -. The
glossary (62 quatrains) begins at p. 52.
(3) Another paper copy in a large quarto MS. in the same
23 .
library, marked t^oo* i^ ^^^ handwriting of Michael 6g
O'Longan, between the years 1805 and 1832. The glossary
begins at p. 179 and contains 65 quatrains.
I cannot find that any part of this glossary has ever been
published.
III. Our third glossary is unfortunately only a fragment and
often corrupt. It is taken from fo. 17*of a vellum in the British
Museum, marked Egerton 90, contains 29 quatrains, and de-
fines about 154 words. O'Curry, in his MS. Catalogue of the
Irish MSS. in the Museum, says that this glossary "appears
to be part of a metrical glossary called Forus Focal, generally
ascribed to Shane Mor O'Dugan,^ chief Ollave of Hy Maine,
who died in the year 1372. This and the three following
folios are in his handwriting, and are part of the ' Book of
Hy Maine,' now in the possession of Lord Ashburnham.''
But though the metre in which the Egerton glossary
is written is the same as that of the Form Focal, the
* See jRevtte Celtique, iv. 354.
* 0' Conor's * O'Duvegan.' The Irish spelling is 0 DubhagSin.
8 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
words explained are diflferent, and O'Curry's suggestion is
therefore groundless. The writer of a prose wordroU in the
Book of Lecan, a vellum in the library of the Royal Irish
Academy, appears to have used a good copy of this Egerton
glossary. If so, it must have existed before 1416, when, accord-
ing to O'Curry, the Book of Lecan was compiled. But the
occurrence in it of braitsi, a loan from the Middle -English breche,
shows that it cannot have been written much before 1300.
No part of this glossary has been published.
The three metrical glossaries will now be faithfully set
forth. The third is supplemented by the corresponding
portion of the prose vocabulary in the Book of Lecan.
Then follows an alphabetical index to the glossed words,
including (a) references to the extant Irish prose glossaries,
(b) bekgstellen from the Irish literature,^ and (c) such
etymologies and comparisons as seem fairly probable.
I. FoRus Focal.
[0 Dubhagan .i. Sean, cecinit.^^
Book of Leinstee, p. 395. Stowe MS. "No, III. fo. 95*.
(Cited as LL.) (Cited as S.)
1. ForM« focul luaidht^r libh, 1. Foras focal luaiter libh,
a eolcha in dana dlighidh !^ a eolcha dhana in dlighidh !
gach ni anois ara bhuil ainm gach ni a nois is ainm
caidhe agaibh a thsenainm? caidhe aguibh a senainm ?
2. *Triath' righ go rogha 2. *Triath' righ go rogha
ndealbha, ndealbhna,
HHath' ainm do each tigh- Hriath* ainmdog«<?htig^nia,
ema,*
[is*] *triath'tond co n-il«r 'trfath' tonn go n-iolar a
ndath, dath,
*triath' tore trom, is *triath' *triath' turc [trom] is
ivilach, * triath ' tulaeh.
^ For eighty-two of these I am indebted to Br. Kuno Meyer. He also
pointed out to me the quatrain in LB. 188, cited supra p. 2.
' aiCf L.
3 dUghti, LL. dhirigh, L.
* tiagherma, LL.
* aiCf L.
FORUS FOCAL.
9
3. 'Tuirighin' ri^ ruamna'* gal,
'tuirighin' hretheeimh blath-
mar,
* tuirighin ' tuir fuilnges-^
tech,
*tuir[i]ghiii ' teangadh tuir-
meach.
4. * F6 ' ainm do mhaith is do
mhiadh,
'fi* ainmd'ulc ocus* d'aimh-
riar,
* an ' fir, is ni forus fann,
* aoth ' minn, ocus * iath *
f^rann.
5. 'Eo' dealg ocua *eo' iubar,
* eo ' eigne nach eisidhan,®
* aedh ' ocus * tnu' ' teine tra,
* bolg' ® bema, ocus * ladhg '
snesu)hta,.
6. * Bres ' is ® * oil ' gach ni as
10
mor.
ocus * breas ' " gach greadhan-
glor.
* irchaill ' ^* ursa buidhne
hechty
ocus * toicheall * ^^ gach n-
imthecA^.
7. *Kuiced,*^* ni hainm gaw
monwr,
do thogbhail is d'ardugud,
3. * Tuirighin ' ri ruamnw« gal,
Huirighfn' breithemh bladh-
mhar,
' tuirighin ' tuir fuilnges
teach,
is * tuirighin ' tenga thuir-
mhech.
4. * Po ' ainm do mhaith is do
miadh,
* fi * ainm d'ulc ocus * d'aim-
riar,
* in * f irfios, ni f oras fann,
* aoth * minn, ocus * iath '
feronn.^
5. ' £o * dealg, 7 ' eo ' iubhar,
* eo ' eigne nac[h] eisiodhan,
*aodh* ocus *tnuth' teine thra,
* bolg ' bemna, is * ladhg '
snechta.,
6. * Bres * ocus * oil * gach ni is
mor,
ocus * breas ' gach. greadhan-
ghlor,
* iorchuill ' ursa buidhne
hecht,
ocus *t6icheal' gach n-im-
thecht,
7. ' Ruichet,' ni hainm gan
mhonar,
do thogbhail is d'airdughw(;?h,
* sic, L. rlgh, LL.
* ruamnus, L.
' fuilnges, L.
* is, LL. S.
* Identical with the quatrain from LU. 7^ cited supra p. 1.
® eisighan, LL. eisiodhan, L.
' tnuth, L.
8 bladh, L.
® sicy L. ocus, LL,
^° siCy L. is, LL.
*^ siCy L. bras, LL.
** earcuil, L.
*3 toichim, L. and O'Don. Supp. s.v. breas*
^* ruicheat, L.
10
IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
is ainm * fuirmlieadh ' 6s ^
gach mud
do twniadh * is d'fsliugwe?.
8. * Fet * ainm dmnisin iar-
8[o]iii,
'dil'3 farraid,* *foacht"
fiarfoigh,«
' riadh ' ' rith, is ' riadh ' '
8(maclit gan on),
'drucht'® eirghi, is 'drecht'®
airchetol.^'*
9. *Drenn* deabhaidh," is
* dreann' doilghis,
' grind '^* daingen, is *grinn"'
cuibh[dh]eas,**
'mont/r' gach nfdoni neach,"
' gle ' glan, ocm * gle *
gleithech."
10. ^Coindealg' comairle nach
cam,
* fuidhair ' briath«r baile
bann,"
* rose ' tuigsin gach neich
ma le,*^
^lothar'*' gach ciall irtcleihe.
is ainm ' fuirmh^^h ' os gach
modh
do thumadh is d'fsliughz^h.
8. ' Fet' ainm d'innisin iarsin,
*air iaruigh,fo6'A^ fiafraighe,
' rfa ' ritb, is ' ria ' smacht
gan on,
* dracht ' 6irghe, is * drucht '
airde^ybadh.
9. Greann deabaet^b, is greann
doilghes,
*grinne' daingen, is 'grinn'
coibbdhes,
*monar' g^c^ nl do n{ neacb,
* gle * glan, is * gle ' gletbech.
10. * Coinnealg ' combarle naeh
cam,
*fuidber' briatbar builidh
bann,
* rosg * tuigsin gacA neitb
male,
'latbar* gach cfall nl cleithe.
^ siCf L. 08, LL.
^ thumamh, L.
3 aiCf L. ail, LL.
' * i&rruidh, L. iarraigh, LL.
* fothocht, L. f6cht, LL.
* fiarfaighe, LL. fiarfndgh, L.
■^ siCj L. ria, LL.
* dmcht, L. dracht, LL.
^ dieachtf L. drucht, LL.
10 sAiivigudj LL. The quatrain is thus quoted in 0* Donovan's Supplement
s.v. Fead : Fead ainm d'inisin iar soin | Ail iarraidh, fothacht fiarfoidh | Kiadh,
rith, is riadh smacht gan 6n | Drucht ergeadh, is dreacht airchedal. | For. Focal.
'1 deabhuidh, L. deabhaigh, LL.
12 grinn, L. grinde, LL.
13 sic, L. grinne, LL.
1* cuimhdecnt, L.
1* sic, L. nacA, LL.
1* siCf L. gleithach, LL.
1"^ In L. this couplet runs thus : ' Coindealg ' comhairle iar sin, is * fuighioU '
briathor hhuilidh.
1® siCf L. maleith, LL.
i» l^ithor, L.
FORUS FOCAL. H
Stowe MS. No. III. fo. 95^ {continued).
11. ^DtocU^ gach dubh, *drocht^ gacA dorclia, ^edrocht* gach
glan gach sorca,
'tuaichioP ba hainm do ghliocw*, is * edtuaicheal ' ^ aimhghli-
0CU8.
12. 'Keisi" ainm [each] sgeil gan chaire, ^reisidhe'* ainm [do]
sgeluidhe,*
* aidhbhsi * * ceol, * sceo' tuicsi ad chlos, ' rosal ' breath,* * basal *
diomM«.
13. *De' is ' deichen ' gach dal' dleacht, 'MbhaU' breg, is ' dolbh '
drsLoidhecht,
* gart ' eineach, is ' neoid ' gach gann, ocus * seoid ' gach crodh
coitchenn.
14. *Bolg' bo, briathar *ferbh' anainm, *buich'® brisiodh is
' tethra ' ^ ar bhaidhbh,
don *° bhradan is comhainm * lach/ ocus * trogan ' ar
bhrain[t]iach.
15. * Bior' ocm 'an* is *dobhar,' tri hanmann uisge in domhuin,^^
*lear,' 'aibheis,* *bochna* bladha/'* anmanna gach" ardmhara.
16. ' Faol,' 'cuib,' is^* *luan' ar chonuibh, a ttn senainm iar
sodhuin,
dha senainm ar bhuaibh bladha, *ferbh' is *laithri' lionn-
mhara."
^ ^ttuaichiol, L.
'^ ris, L. and O'R. s.v. Risidhe.
3 risidhe, O'R. risighe, L.
* ainm do sgealaighe, L.
5 «ic, L. aibhsi, S.
® roisiol breith, O'R. rasal breith, L.
' aoi is caingen gach d&il, L.
^ 8*Cj L. buith, S.
^ teta, S. tethra, L. teatra, H.
10 sic, L. do, S.
*i tri hanmanna duisge ar domhan, L.
12 blagha, S. bladha, L. and H.
13 «ic, L. tri hanmann, S., but anman do gach, H.
1* «*c, L. Om. S.
1* lionmhara.
12 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
17. Dha* senainm ar mhuic mhiadhuigh, * f eis * * is * mada '
moiidhiarahuin,^
* ceathnaid * * caora, * dreimne ' * gal, * seghach * is * * cadhla '
gabhar.
18. 'Peat" ainm d'oirfidedh gan bhrath, *c^m' buaidh, ocus®
'tlas'^oenach,^*'
* neas ' ainm ratha, li nach lag, sen-ainm na slighed ^^ * ramhad.'
19. * Gabhar' octM 'mairc'*'* is *peall' ar na hesichatbh cantur
ann,
' paitric ' cennsrian, carmad ^^ ' cab,' ^* ' ulaid ' ^* srathar, * cul '
20. 'Grith' grian ocus *eig'" esga,*^ *colt' biadh mar agras ^®
eigsi,
*lothar' edach, li*° n-amhra, do eineach** ba bainm * easla-
bhra.'
21. *^eid' ainm catba, *flann* [ainm^] d*fuil, *lear' iomad,
ainm d'aon * uatbadh,' ^
* grib ' ^ luas, is michert ^^ in modh, ' ridnacht ' ^^ ainm do
tbiodhlacadh.
* Da, L.
* seis, L.
' m6rdhiamhair, L.
* cethnaid, L.
^ dreimhne, L.
® s^ad gach. slighe, L.
' Peit, L.
8 is eige, S. is 6ag, L.
'9 tlacht, L.
^ eineach, S., but aonach L., and cf. O'Cl. s.v. tlas.
* sleighe, S. sligheadh, L.
* marc, L.
^ carma, H. is cearma, h. leg. is carry as in O'R. s.v. pattric. And so
O'Connell in marg. of L. (is carr cap),
* ceap, L.
* siCy L. ulad, S.
8 carbat, L.
' is eige, S.
^ is 6ag easga, L.
9 adhn<«, S. agrus, H. adhras, L. agras, O'R. s.y. eigh.
20 lith, L.
2' inweach, S. doineach, L.
^ aiCf L.
33 aon ainm uathaidh, L.
»* cirb, L.
'* m6ircbeart,L.
2« righnecA^, S. riodhnacht, L.
FORUS FOCAL. 13
[fo. 96^] 22. *Calb'^ cruas [is] ^naoinneall'* gaisgedh, 'eallamh'^
ingnadh* nach aisder,*^
'galann' gaah namha* go nert, ocus 'barann' gach beim-
neart.
23. *Nia' treni'earj is *mal' mflidh, ^lalghach^ gach^ laocb go
bhfiorbhladh,
* cusal ' gach coimhneart gan choir, *gaodh' ocus *ge6nadh*
gerghuin.®
24. ' Sgal ' ^° ocus ' arg,' luait^ leat, Ben (?) anmann " na bhfer go
be<;^^,
* ainner * is * frac,' radh gan cheilg,^ arna mnaibh 'san tsengaoi-
dhilg.>3
25. * Bath' ocus *ort* marhadh ier, ^cearr* ocus * ciochladh * ^*
ciorrbrt(?h,
* eanglonn ' ^'^ gabhadh ^* nocha go, ocm fuirech *furnaidheo.' ^^
26. *Ana' saidhbhrios ^® iarmotha, ocus *una'^® ainm do ghorta,
* duirb ' ^ gach galar immalle,'^ * easaoth,^ ba hainm do
shlainte.^
^ caladh, L.
' is naoinneal, L.
* siCy L.ealla, S.
* iongnadh, L. eangnadh, S.
* aistear, L.
^ namhaid, L.
' sic J L. tren, S.
^ siCf L. lulgachy S.
® gaodh is geoghnadh gach geargboin, L.
10 Sc^, L.
11 anmanna, L.
1* ainder is fiachra gan cheilg, L.
13 senghaidheilg, L.
1* cachladh, L. ceachladb, O'Cl.
16 easglann, L.
1® aicy L. gabha, S.
1'^ sicy L. lumuigheQ, S.
1"* saidhbhreas, L.
1* Ana, L.
20 duirbh, L.
*^ iomalleith, S. ima 16, L.
'* eassaoth, L.
^ This quatrain, omitted by S., is taken from H. and L. It is quoted by O'R.
B.v. duirbh. . . .
14 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
27. ' Caanna * * cnoc is * coice ' * sliabh, * ail * cloch, ' tec ' '
cnaimh, is ' conn ' * ciall,
' ilacht ' talamh comhadhbhal cain,' ' tabhartha ' ainin '
tuarasdoil.^
28. Sen-ainm na trfucha* 'fonn' tra, sen-ainm na tuaithe 'forba,' '
' dun ' ainm [do] baile, is bladh binn, is 'iath' sean-ainm ^* gach
f^uinn."
29. 'Aincis'^^ is 'miscaitli' nama, dha senainm na^ malla^A^,
' ordit ' " benna^^A^ ima le,'* * gesca ' ^' ba hainm do soillsi.
30. * Cobh ' buaidh oeus " brfathar borr, ainm d'feoil * cama ' ocns *•
* wrcoll/
* diu ' cfan, is ' derc ' 8u[i]l abhus, * cul ' *• coimli6d, is * an ' ^
aoibhnios.
31. ' Faosamh ' is * cuime/ '* n£ chel, dha ainm cumairce ** gan len,
* oibid ' is * umhla ' go hecht, dha senainm do[n] eisgidhecht.^
J 32. * Annoid ' eagluis in gach tan, ' sgal ' ** laoch is * axal * ^ uasal,
* * ailcne ' ail *• ar ieruih soin,*' ocus *® * anno ' *' ainm do
I bliadhuin.
\
!i aicj L. cuadhna, S.
' aiCf L. coidhce, S.
^ sec, L. teach, S.
i| * aiCf L. cunn, S.
J * can, L.
,; • For tabartha ainm, H. has othar ba hainm.
f "^ * othar ' ainm do thuarastal^ L.
;' • do thri(ichad, L.
, ' na ttuath * forbadha,' L.
10 neas ainm diath, S.
* * * D6n ' ainm do bhaile, is biadh * mann.* senainm * iath ' do gach fearann, L.
1' Acais, L.
" do, L.
" oirbidh, S.
16 < 6raoid ' ar bhennacA^ ma le, L.
" g^sca, L.
" Cobh buaidh agal, L. Ciiibh 7 b(iaidh, S.
1* is, S. agas, L.
» c6l, L.
^ is an, H. agas &n, L. rian, S.
•1 coimhcheasa, L.
** comairce, L.
^ ^isdidheM^, S. n. eusguidhecA^, H. ^scaidheacht, L.
»* scU, L.
** acsal, L.
^ •• * airtne * oil, L.
*'' ailcne 6il ar chloich mar sin, H.
•* is, S. and L.
*• sio, L. ando, S.
FORUS FOCAL. 15
33. * Ara ' ainm giolla gan chol, is * airrdhe ' ainm do leasughadh,^
*aidhmirt'* ar gheis, is garbh gal, ocus *ainfeiii' gach n-iongnadh.
[fo. 96^] 34. Cruaid *art' a senainm go fir, is *anart' ainm
do inhaoitlimh{n,
* maoin ' * balbh, * taoi ' bodhar nacb dis, * main ' gridh [is]
' anmain ' mioscais.*
35. *Fuan' brat, is *rocan" ionar, is ' stialP' fuathrog ro fionnadh,
*scuird,' *caimsi,'* leine gan on, *oblirat'' ba bainm do
chenbhor.^'*
36. 'Gen'" octcs *colg,' toluibb" gal, dha senainm cloidhimh
curadh,
*cealtair' doiger," *luibhne' dbe, dha senainm gach airdsleighe.
37. Ceitbre hanmann^* in sceith gan feall *fraic,'" 'cobbra,'"
*failte,' *finneall,'
* diniath ' is " * troniatb,* *^ go ttairm, don cbatbbharr is da
senainm.
38. Anmann" in chinn, is eol damh, tre sengbaoidhilg na bfil^^Hi,
*trull,' *coll,' *itropa' trom[d]a, nocha coll a chomhfodhla.^
39. *Aodh'*^ 0CU8 * d^rc ' octis *cais,' tri hanmann in niisg
rionngblais,
* bra ' octis * laba ' ** naeh gnatb gairm, don mbalae^b is da
senainm.
^ is airidin leasiighadli, H. is airidin lesagbadh, L. is airidln leasagliodh,
O'R. s.v. Garbh.
2 airmirt, L. leg. airmit.
3 ainbfein, H. ainmh^id, L. ainffein, 0*R. s.v. garbh, ainbeidh, S.
* maon, L.
^ maoin gr&dh is anmhaoin mioscais, L.
® rotan, 8. roc&n, L.
' giall, S. diall, H. stiall, L. and 0*R. s.v. scnird.
8 siCf L. cuimsi, S.
9 6brat, H. obhrat, L.
*<* cheannbharr, L. o ba bainm do cbeannbhodar, 0*R. s.v. scuird.
** Tol, S. ; but H., L. and 0*R. s.v. colg have Gean.
^* tola, L.
*^ is, H. agas, L.
** hanmanna, L.
^' fraig, L.
16 caochbhrat, S. cobra, H. cobhra, O'R. s.v. eobhra,
" 7S.
*" dimatb is tr6ithiatb, L.
*• anmanna, L.
2° TromcboU, is tropa tromdha, nacb ar cboU a chomhaifoglila, L.
21 odh, S.=a6dh, H.
*' br&, is lubha, L.
16 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
40. * Greann * ainm d'ulchain, lith nach locht, * feac ' fiacuil
treabha[r] * taobhnot?^^,
*com[m]ar* sron, *6** cluas ga» len, *cui[ii]8eal'^ aighedh*
nach aimhreidli.'
41. ' Coidhche ' a8caP farmotha, * eochair ' thenga thagarthaj
'luc/^ bru,® 0CU8 *guaire' folt fionn, *gulba/ is *bile'^® bel
blaithbhinn.
42. *Glanii*" guala is *d6id' lamh gan len, 'scibh'** glac, ocus*^
* luibhne ' mer,
*lua''* cos, is * treatban ' ^* troigh, [*ren'] reisi, is *nena' ainm
ordloigh.^®
43. * Meallacb * is * maoin ' ocus *^ * muaidb,' ionann sin is maith no
miadb/^
* grib ' toirmeisc, [is] * c^bbach ' ^® creach, * fiodbr«db ' nos,^
'fireach*'*^ biseacb.
[fo. 97*.] 44. * Tul ' gach gnuis is iodban ann, ' caor ' cainneal,
is * cuar ' cam,
* abrann ' olc is dirsan ann, * blacb ' *' saill is * salar ''^ salann.*®
22
1 tubhra, L. treabair, H,
2 6o, S.
' cuinnsi, H.
* aidhigh, S.
^ cmnnse aghaidh nach ^imbgheur, L.
^ caoicbe is coll, L.
7 teanga thagartha, L.
8 luch, H. and L.
9 brfi, L.
10 8iCy L. bil, S.
" glang, L.
1^ scib, L.
13 ig g^
" Ifiagii, S. liiath, H.
1* treaghan, S. trethan, L.
1* orluidh, S. L. has reon reisi . nean ainm ordlaigb.
17 is, S.
18 Meallacb agas maoin is muadb, ionann sin is maitb r6a iomlnadh, L.
Melleadh is maoin agus muadh, Inann sin is maith, re imluadh, O'R. s.v.
fiodhracb.
19 toirmeasc, is cearrbbach L.
20 sic, L. no, S.
21 fiogbradb n6s, is fiogbr^cb bisecb, H. fiodbracb no fiodbradb biseacb, O'R.
fiodhradh n6s, fiodbracb biseacb, L.
*2 cuinneal, S.
23 leg. bluch ?
2* e^ar, S. And so O'Br. salor, O'Cl.
23 H. and L. omit this quatrain.
J
FORUS FOCAL. 17
45. 'Broth'* ainm f6ola, 'flann** [ainm] d'fuil, *gnth' 6olw»,
*fraic '^ folt farsin.
'conn' ainm c6iUe iarmotha, 'turbhuidh' ainm gac[h] urbhadha.
46. * Meamur ' congna ferrdha * fir, is * caisi ' ainm [do] gach
caingin,*
* ain '* ainm aoibhinn sdimh farsin,'' ocus *aoin' ainm do luacbair.
47. *Eibhar'^ crfathar, foram ngle, *rumro'* radharc go ngeire,^"
' coig ' " ainm runa, ni baidb bheag, oeics * lu ' " ainm do
laigbeadb.
48. * Manaois* sen- ainm sleighe righ, is ' goithne ' foga" go fir,
a.gu8 'luighne,'^* go ffr dhe, ainm na** sleighe diubhruic[th]e."
49. ' Searrdha ' faobhar go" ngaile, ocm ' serrdha' tesgaidhe,^^
*[d]inn' ainm gflt?h druimne dera,** 'fuince' ingne^ airmgh6ra.**
50. * Mur ' ^ iomad thall isin recht, * cob ' ^ buaidh, is briathar
[lanjcert,^
' du '** baile, * du ' duthat^h lat, 'cuP coimhed, is 'cul ' carbad.
51. *0s' ainm gach airdfiadh[a] amach, 'fuinche' is'** 'criomhtan'
ar sionnach,
' patan ' miol muighe ma seach,'*' ' earc ' mil, ocus * earc '
firbheach.
* Brat, S. Broth, H., L. and 0*R. s.v. muadh.
* snuaidh, H. snuadh, L. and O'R. s.v. muadh.
' frag, L,
* Meamar congnadh feardha, L.
^ agas caise ainm do chaingin, L.
* am, S.
^ ain ainm ciche go s&imh sin, H. &in ainm siodha go suim soin, L.
8 Ribhadh, S. Kobhar, L. and 0*R. s.v. robhar. Robha, H.
® rumhra, H. romhra, L. runma, O'R. s.v. robhar.
^° nglere, L.
" Coic, L.
12 8%c, H. l&oi, S.
13 «ic, H. fada, S.
1* luibhne, H. and L.
1* gach, L. and H.
1* diubhraicthe, L.
" med, L.
1*^ teascaidhe, L.
" dionn gach druimne ad6ra, L.
20 fuinche, S. and L.
21 aimghera, H. &imgheara, L. and O'R. s.v. searrdha.
22 Mtir, L.
28 8%c, H. cobh, L. cod, S.
2* Ikincheart, L.
2* d<i, L.
2* oeuSy S.
27 ik seach, L.
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 2
r
1
fi
18 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
^ 52. Dha senainm do laoch ^ ga» on, * b^ ' ocm ' ce/ ni breg in mod
^ * ce ' fos ainm do cheile cain, * be ' ben ocus* ' be * adbaigh.^
I
1^ 53. 'Treanadh' ainm gach caoinidh* dbe, * aime,' 'fod' fuirechf
na ceil,*
' ecosc ' ' cuma/ nat?h c oir cleith, * homo ' duine gan ® dichleit
n
54. *Deime*' ainm fescu[i]r" go fuin, 'teibedh' ainm [gacl
tinsceduil, ^^
'ionnsa' ainm doilghiosa dhi[l],^' 'fobbairt' is ainm d'io:
saighin.^'
I [fo. 97^] 55. *Cann' ainm leastair,^* luai[d]tber libb, *blo8§
ainm gfl(?b gotha gleghil,^*
* foidhi'" tairm no fuaim go se, *saithe' sluaigh*^ no m^aidh
I
H. 2. 12, p. 7.
56. Tr' deabfledb tball ann gach modh, is *liat?A^uin' ainm c
fhliuchadh,
*iarlonw' iarthar ambi biadb, * inntille ' leastar^® no tiagh.*'
57. * Les' soillse ocus^** *lang* meabhuil, 4us'^^ lamh, ni lem nac
meabbair,
4ioghmdh' tenga thuirmne^ dbe, *lucA^aire' saobhchoire uisc
^ oidhche, H., and O'R. s,v. ce. D§. ainm don oidche, L.
a » is, S. and H.
' •'* adhuigh, S. aghaidh, L.
H * «ic, L. ainm coinnmhe, S.
I 5 suirech nis ngle, H. fuireachras oidche, O'Cl. gl. s.v. airae. dime f^
Sfuireachras gle, L. Perhaps we should read fuirechrus ngle.
fi eathar, S. eugusc, H.
» ' comha, H.
i ® nach, H. and L.
' * Deine, S. Deimhe, H. and L.
} ^^ feaacrach, L. hut in marg. feascair.
' ^Ms teasccae/h ainm gach tionsgnaif^h, H. is tasgar ainm tionsgadail, L.
[ *2 iodhna ainm doilgheasa dil, L.
^3 «ic, H. f6bairt is ainm d'innsoighidh, L. forba ainm nintamhuin, S.
( ^* leathuir, S. leastar, H. leasdoir, L.
' ^* gleghlan, H. gleghloin, L.
, ' ^6 loithe, H. faithe, L.
^' sleighe, H. sluaigh corrected into slnagh, L.
*8 leastarr, H. intiUe leastor, L.
*^ This and the following ten quatrains are wanting in S. In L. they con
• next after the quatrain numbered 75.
*" is H.
21 Ims, L. and O'Cl.
*2 thuirmheach, L.
FORUS FOCAL. 19
58. ' Mand ' * [is] sen-ainm na hunga,* * miadh ' airmliidin,^ coir
cumha,
'nua'* uasal, *m^ii' bel blaidhe,* is g^g amWdh suithidhe,'
69. *Tucht' gach gne, ocus' 'braon' hocht,^ *aidbbeil'® cian^'*
ocus' *ur' olc :
' mocbt ' gach ciuin, tonn mara" mhoir, 'nion' tonn coitchionn
accetoir.^*
60. * Osar ' *' eire bbios ar neach, * ainnsi * [is] * airgsi ' gach
aithfer : i*
*ong* bron,** *oircne' measan con,'* *oiiii'" cloch, ocus' *tort*
bairghen.
61. *Pelait ' *® righ-tech, coir ros-chom, * puincne, ' is ainm do
scribol,^'
*pont* borb, *pairt* rann ion gach tan,'* is * pain'^^ ainm d'aran
uasal.
62. * Bus ' roghairme[dh] do ghruaid ghloin,^ * ruicedh ' rus,*^
* imdherg ' aithfer,'*
is 'sai*'* suabhuis iomaseach, is 'reudaire"®cleir^t?hcraibhth^ch.
* Mann, L.
* A syllable wanting.
' niadb oirfidin, H. miadh 6ir fidin, L.
* nnadh, L.
* menbhel blaidbe, H. men belblaidbe, L.
® is re amhlaidh socbaidbe, L.
7 is, H.
^ et pauper hocht, L.
^ leg. aidhbean, as in O'Cl. aidh bhen, L. in marg. aidhbhean.
^0 aidh bhen chinn, L.
*^ c(iinthonn mhara, L.
^' siCj L. nion, tonn accedoir, H.
^^ Osaire, H., but see O'R. s.v. osar. osair, L.
'* ainsi no airgsi gan aithbhear, L.
^^ br6nach, H.
*® conw, H.
" on, H.
18 Ptiait, H. Pil^iit, L.
1® sgriboill, H. sgreaball, L.
20 tan«, H.
2» p{iin, L.
*' ghloine, H.
'^ ruis, L.
'* aithbhir, L.
'* 7 saoi, H. et saoi, L.
^ reacaire, 0*R. s.v. reacaire. recoire, L.
20 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
63. ' Suithnge ' suilbhir sen-ainm sin, * sfn * muince,^ ' sin ' ainm
slahraidh,
* searpan * * ar geis, is garbh gal, ecus ' ' agh ' ainm daimh
allaidh.*
64. ' Ce ' talamh, is foirghiol '^ fior, is ' teanlach. ' teine go fior,
*tinf[e]ad' seimh, *troichit'® gach' corp, ocus^ 'teidm' gach
bas bitholc.
65. * Ur ' olc, ' lios ' deahaidh go dearbh, * usarb ' bas mhilles gach.
dealbh,
* ascc ' diomus, is deimhin tra, is ' uamhuin ' ^ ainm gach eagla.
66. "Ni heokigh,® ni bughdar ard, octcs ni file fiorgharg,
ni sencba[idh] ag nach biadh a bfios, foiUsigbicni feasa forus.^**
FORUS FOCALL.
The following six quatrains are from the Stowe MS.
No. III. fo. 97i> :—
67. Da ainm choitchionna gan coll, *dith' deiredh is ceol 'duchonn,'*^
*neo'^*ainm [na] gaoithe gloine, *uim'^^ talamh go ttort«e(?he.**
68. * Puid ' gach fursannadh " go se, * droch ' direach, * s6d ' gach
slighe,"
* oin '^' cennach," * uain * iasat?A^ an, * fath ' tes, ocus " * fath ' ^
andl.
' sin muinche, H.
* searb§.n, L.
3 is, H.
* eallai^h, H.
* fuirgluoll, L.
® troicch^f^h, L. troigh^«?h, H., but see Corm. Gl. s.v. fothrucud.
' gan, O'R. s.v. tinfeadh.
® uamhan, L.
* heolach, L.
^^ L. puts this quatrain before No. 65.
^* sic, H. ducbon, L. S. corruptly, Tri senainm coitchenn gan col. dith 7 d6r
is ddchon.
^' neit, S. neid, L. ne, 0, H.
*^ uaime, S. umb, H.
^* ttorthuigbe, L. torruidhe {i.e. torraighe ?), H.
*5 aiCf H. S., corruptly, Idith ftiar sou».
18 siCf H. slige, L.
1' aiCy H, on, S.
1* cneadhacb, L.
i» is, S. and H.
20 fat, S.
FORUS FOCAL. 21
69. 'Ailt/re' saor doghni tech,^ 'ailt'* ainm tighe, *airt" gach
leth,*
'aithrinne'* ainm do laogh bo, 'feilisc" rusg,'' is *meile' bro.
70. 'Bach' meisge, 'boisgeall'® eilit,' 'bir'tiobra, 'berr'^*^ gac?h
ngairid,
'boigill'" borb, *bach.' saile serbb, 'mormuir,' moin,'^
*bothach,' seiscenn.
71. *Curson'" senainm d'arra^A^ de,^* is ainm do cbinn *calb'
cuimhne,"
*car[tli]uid' craibbthech," baidh go mblaidh," ocus 'cast'"
ainm do ghenmnezi^h.
72. ' Dagh ' maitb, ' drocb ' olc ocu8 gann, ' duibheall ' ^^ ainm do
gach udmall,
' ducbus ^ deabhuidb, * dibheoil *^ balbh, * daigb ' tine, ' dorr '
gach. n-agarbh.^
The following three quatrains are from H. 2. 12, p. 8 : —
73. 'Ealg*'^ ainm d'Eirin[n], 'ealg' aghaidh, sean-ainm treoin
' earr,' gan meabhuil,
' e ' bron, caire, ann rocblos, ' esconn ' ^ seanoir, guth cadhus.^*
^ tegh, S. teach, H. tech, L.
* «ic, H. ail, S.
. 3 gic^ 2, iar, S.
* both, S. leac, H. art gach leath, L.
^ «ic, H. airgime, S.
® fioluscc, H. feilioscc, L.
' sic J H. ruisg, S.
^ boischeall, H. is boisceall geilt, L.
9 geilt, H.
10 bior, S. and L.
1^ boitbeall, H. boiteall, O'R. boitheal, L.
1* mormuinn, S. mor, muir : moin, H. m6rmh(iir m6in, L.
1* siCf H. Carsan, S. Cur86n, L.
1* do riandgh sen, H. d&rsuidh, sin, L.
15 cuimhnech, H. cuimhnigh, L.
1® siCy H. aidedh craibhdeadh, S. O'R. has *^ car ait y adj. religious, devout,
For. foe:'
" «ic, H. mbloidh, S.
1^ caist, S. casd, H.
13 sicy H. dupeall, S.
20 siCy H. dubh cos, S. diichos altered into duchon, L.
2' Hcy H. dibeol, S.
22 doir gach. ngarbh, S. d6ir gach nagh garbh, H. See O'Cl. s.v. dorr.
Here ends the Stowe copy of Form Focal, H. has three more quatrains, which
are printed in the text.
23 Ealcc, L.
2* easgan, S. eascconn, L.
25 go cckihus, L.
22 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — ^MR. STOKES.
74. *Fis' taidhbhsi, *feimlim'' gach lond, 'fuid' fua^^^, 'irsi'*
gach n-ettrom,^
'glus' solus ocus* 'searbh' gaid, *faoinell'* is ainm do[ii]
oinmhid.
75. *Gno[d]'' is rinn mar dorala, 'grodhan" ainm churaig^
mara,
'giabair'* meirdrech, *grech' cnu tra,*° ecus 'gibne' adarc
leagha.
The following stave is quoted in O'Reilly's Dictionary, s.v.
Cdise, as from the Forus Focal : —
76. * Caisi * mioscais, * caisi ' searc, do reir na leabhar laincheart :
ro sgaoil neart na tromsluagh Dhe, dias dan[a] comhdhual
caisi."
II. The Derbhsidr Glossary.
23. L. 21, p. 9.
1 . Deirbhsiiir don eagna an eigsi, as coruide a coimhedsi,
si na blath 6ir mar eagna ; coir do chach a coimhfreagra.
2. Dearbhrathair don eigsi aird, an senchtM raidhit righbhaird,
a brathoir ni bh{ ar forbhas, mathair { don nghdardhas.^'
3. A n-eigsi ni bhi gan bhlas, as buime { don eolns,
ni ghlacfa eicht solus gan sal, a dalta an ^' fortM focal.
4. An t-eigios gidh be he fein, airdrfgh ar an 6ig8i eis6in,
egios eadhon e gan cheas, se gan ansodh ^* madh 6icces.
* feimhin cancelled and feine written under it, L.
* oic, L. sirsi, H.
' 8iCy L. n-eittrom, H.
* is, H.
^ fuinneall no fainneall, L.
« gno, L.
' grod&n, L.
® do churan, H. cliurcli^, L.
' giabhuir, L.
*° chnu chena, H.
»» This quatrain is also in H. 3. 18, p. 612*, and in O'Clery's Focl6ir, s.v.
cais. In H. 3. 18 the second line is mar innisit liubair l&ncert, which is
hypermetrical. The first line re-occurs in the Berbh^iur glossary 60.
** The dh inserted by a corrector.
" a daltan, H.
^* ansodh, H. an§6gh, L.
THE DERBHSIUR GLOSSARY. 23
5. Gach nech 'ga ^ madh dorcha dan, as e * bhios a cces chomhlan,
gach. neach go brath da mbeith a cces, do ghnath ni ba he
an t-eiges.
6. As se an t-eigios seimh sothal,^ d^rbhbhrathair * na ndubhfocal,
as se ghealas ^ an glor dubh, madh lor a i'eabht^ d'ollamh.^
7. Gidh be riocht na'^bfuilim lein, do dhean glor^ solw« soilleir,
don ghlor as duibhe ' ar domhan, mor gach tuile ar ttiomsu-
ghadh.
8. 'Nae ' duine bemaoid ga bhrath, do bhearmaoid*® do tra tosach,
ainm dho ' dsB ' na deaghaidh soin, * gnae ' ag f eraibh na
ioclathh..^^
9. * Fich ' is * grian ' fearann a bfad, * tola ' is ^ dlumh ' da ainm
d'iomad,
' diu ' ainm do chian, ni cam soin, ocm * mann ' gach biadh
bunaidh.
10. 'Baghadh' gach gealladh, dearbh** duit, ^gno' ocus *ealg*
da ainm d'ordhuirc,
* dinnis ' ainm do luighe ^ Ian, mar innis " duinn an deghdhan.
11. *Eccosg' cuma, ocm *fuath' dealbh, 'einech' aghaidh, ni
hindearbh,
' dism ' gach. luath ag dul a bfad, ocua ' drubh ' ainm do charbad.
12. *Grib' ainm do luas, fionnuidh fein, ^iocht' is Hroicchedh*
clann chnisreidh,
sloinn gan tairm,^* gan lochty gan len, ainm do chloinn * core '
is ' ceinel.'
I aga, H. ga, L.
* as e, H. se, L.
^ sotal, H.
* dealbhadoir, H. d^bhrathair, L.
* ffheall««, H.
* do ughdar, H.
■^ a, H.
** doghen gloir, H.
^ don ghloir is duibh, H.
'^^ dobherum, H.
*^ ama focladh, H.
*2 «ic, H. dearbhadh, L.
13 luidhe, H.
1^ Bar innis, H. mar dinnis, L.
IS sloinidh da ghairm, H.
24 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
13. 'Bronnadh ' is 'gleith* caithemh caidh/ 'grant' ainm do
liathadh' lanbhlaith,
* tort ' bairghen, is * caladh ' cruaidh, mar do canadh on
cheaduair.
14. *Pracc' lamh, octts 'luibhne' mer, 'onn' is * ailcne ' cloch
choimhtliren,
is' do chloich fos as ainm *ai]/ gan dalbh* ocus* gan docair.
15. *Coart' ainm binn do bhrughuidh, *bar** ainm do saoi
suadhamhail,
* re " ainm milis do ® gach modh, * i ' inis, is * aill ' nasal.
16. ' lodhna,' is * ceis,' ocns* 'cealtoir/ ar *° sleaghaibh da
sirleantoir,
* suit ' gach dath da mbe fa bhladh, * tucht ' " gne gach. brath
do bhnnadh.
17. *Gorm'** ainm d'urdhairc gan ail, * diochmhairc ' *' goid,
comhradh cubhai^'^h,
*dile ' leanmhuin, lughu bladh,** ' a ' ard, octM * bri ' ** briathar.
18. *Cem' buaidh, is 'cearn' fer fearrdha, 'seghadh' alladh ^^
oireghdha,
* bra * " gach mala seng sedach,*® ocm * earr ' gach gaisgeadhach.
1 9. * Tiomghoire ' iarruidh, nach lag, ocm is ^^ * cam ' gach comhrac,'^
* rubha ' guin na *^ ciecht corcra, ocus * cecht ' gach cumhsichtsi.
* chaich, H.
' no l^the, interlined, L.
' siCf H. as, L.
* 1. doilb.e, L.
» is, H. L.
* siCf H. barr, L.
' In marg, read, L.
* sicy H. da, L.
* is, L.
10 arna, H.
" siCf H. cucbt i4el tucht, L.
'* 1. gormadh.
13 diochmaire, H.
1* lugha abladh, H.
" bngh, H. bridh, L.
1^ sicK, L. seems to have alladh altered into ialaidh.
1' In marg. braoi.
18 brae malach, seng sheghach, H.
1^ sicy H. as, L.
*o sic, H. comhradh, L. carad in marg.
21 1. no, L. budh, H.
THE DBRBHSIUR GLOSSARY. 25
20. ' Cearb * ciorrbhadh, ' cerb ' tesgadh tren, * bladh ' * slan,
* bladh ' baile, is binnsgel,
'gunn/* bloghadh, ^gunn** braighe bhan, a raidhim^ sunn as
senradh,
21. 'Ruanuidh** ainm dilios don d^g, 'iar' ainm don dubh gan
dluithbbedhg,
da luadh ann amach 's amuigh, ' flann ' gach ruadh, ni dath
dutbain.
22. ' Lang' ainm da gach meabhail mhoir, innister* is ni heccoir,
* muchna ' ainm do ghruaim gan ghean, gan stuaim, gan ainm,
gan aireamh,
23. * Pale' ainm do gach jRBjmtaidh. moir, innist^ is ni heugcoir,'
' folMn ' ainm do mhaisi amuigh, ni braisi do na beluibh.
24. *Raiftinne' is'' radh gan ches, ainm don ghairge, glor^ dileas,
is^ ainm do garg 'lore,' dar lem,^° gan fadhbh,^^ gan locht mur
luaidhem.^'^
25. 'Deagha'" sen-ainm don ghaoith ghrinn, *16th'" ainm do
chlumh,^* ni ceilim,
* ur ' gach tosach, tren a bladh, * cria ' ^^ cennach, is * er '
uasal.
26. 'Son* 0CM5 *fuach' focul feigh, *nith* guin, ^nion' liter
lanreidh,
' tebeadh ' " ainm do bhuain bhuna/<^, * aoi ' ainm *^ do gach.
ealadhain.
1 blath, H.
* 1. g(in.
' araidhe, H.
* Euanaigh, H.
* 8ic, H. imiistior, L.
^ 8ic^.f L. omits these two lines,
' sic H., Raistine (1. raisde) as, L.
8 gai^ is gloir, H.
^sicu., as L.
*o sie H. ar leam, L.
** sic IS., sadhbh, L, but corrected in margin into fadhbh.
^* luaighsem, H.
" Dedhe, H.
w loth, H.
** don chlmmh, H.
^* sie H. criadh, L.
" teibhe, H.
i<} snaidlmi ainm, H. ■ ainm aoi, L.
26 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
27. 'Besccna' sith, *besgna' berla, *tugaid'^ adhbhar a dhenmlia,'
gin motha na feagmais sin, go bfionnmaois ^ mur ta a thuigsin.
28. 'laircbena' osin amach, * ceachoir** ionann i is latbach,
'annach'* as ainm grinn do ghlan, aga ghairm as binn do
bhunadh.
29. *Loc** ainm d'ionadh, sonn'' go se, *aoide' ionann i is oige,
* ce ' talamh, is ni dluth ® dhamh, ionann * ur ' octcs nasal.
30. ' Forchaomhnagair,*' comhradh glsm, ionann is gach ni fedhtar,**'
'adchoda'" dlighedb dleaghedr/' do siredh*^ a senleabratbh.**
31. ' Riaradh '** do dhuthcbw« as ainm, * feib ' feabhus each dha**
cbomb ghairm,
*feibh* ionann e ocm amhoil, in da gne" do ghabhabhoir.
32. Ealadha ^^ is caingen cubhaidh, is dlighedh nach duaghamhoil,^®
ainm doibh a ttrinr * aoi ' gan ail, a ngnaoi gan lindh ar lo^A^aibh.
33. * Loscc ' bacach, * coscc ' ^ tegusg tenn, * adh * dlighedh, is
'dluth '21 inneall,
* taidhe ' goid do chomhloit crodh, * nuall ' ainm d'urdhairc
'na farradh.
34. ' An ' is * rann,' ^^ * ban ' is ' binne,' *^ anmonna lad d'firinne,
athairm gach laoi ni leaghor,** agas * aoi ' ainm d'foircheadul.
' tuig^<ih, H. tugaidh, L.
2 an deamna, H.
' interlined 1. do bhermaoid, L. go bfhedmaois, H.
* ceacar, H.
^ andag, H. annuigh, L. annacb, O'R.
« Dog, H.
' 8^11, H.
8 dlugh, H.
® Cor caomhna gair, H.
10 ionan gach ni feuchar, H.
^1 sic J H. adhcoda, L.
^' deagair, H. dleaghoir altered into dieaghor, L.
13 is readh, H.
1^ aicy H. shenleabhoir altered into shenleabhor, L.
" Bkcad, H.
i« ga, H.
" I. an da gbne, L.
" Ealad, H.
1^ duaghamhuil, H.
^ sicy H. cosg, L.
«' dla, H. dlugh, L.
** rtin, L. rann truths O'R.
** ar is rann bar is binne, H.
^ atairm gach laoi gach l^igur, H.
THE DERBHSITJR GLOSSARY. 27
35. 'Gubha' caoinedh, ciadh do char,* *techteL^ dligeadh, 'art'
uasal,
* meall ' aoibhinn, octM ' fod ' fios, mdoidhim nach 6g do airmliios.
36. * Cem ' caitheamh,* * ong ' teaUach. te, is ' sion ' catboir nua
nimhe,
is * nasadh ' oird^rc re headh, s^sadh nar chomhloit cineadh.
37. * Forchongra ' ^ furailiomh * fein, * ellgheadh ' ^ adhlacadh
aighmhdil,
dochira go gar seimh seadhach, * ail * ^ min, is ' f eigh '
fairgsionach.''
38. * Sgill ' obann, gan ® taom taoisi, * suin * ' cluthor ^^ no
caoinmhaisi,**
' gdid ' ** iarraidh. no guidhe ghrinn, diambair gach duine
adeirim.
39. * Seire ' proinn, oilemain *^ Ian, degbf ear * cur' can^^marchombradb,
' deiltre'** dee draoidheachta an, d'aos uidbeacbta 'na sechran.
40. 'TuarasdoP luighe gaw len, is *clannadb' gach sadb sfrtbren,
* gnaoi * ainm d' aoibhinn gan ail, * gnaoi' ag feraib ar na focluibh.
41. Da ainm don chlaoine colat^h. * ciol ' is * cle ' *^ re a ccanamhain,
's edh aderar re linn * laith,' a senadh " linn as lanmhaith.
42. *TJs' gach sloinneadh, doirbh an radh, 'ealladh'*® aisgidh
na^h adhnar,*'
' duar ' gach. rann dana nach dubh, aga radha ann don ollumh.
* cia do chur, H.
* 8iCy H. cathair, L.
^ For conghair, H. Forchongair, L.
* forail^f-ni, H.
6 eiUigh, H.
* ail altered into ailghean, L.
"^ do chim go reidh seimh seaghdha ailmin is feigh faircsiona, H.
® gan altered into agtis, L.
^ sun, H. sMn, in marg, svin, L.
10 clutar, H.
** sicy H. cSioinmbnisi, L.
^* g6id, H. g^dhe, in marg. guidhe, L.
13 ^uillean madh, H. oileamain altered into dil leanmain, L.
1* deithf^ corrcan, H.
1* teillW, H. ; but see O'Cl. s.v. deilUre,
16 eilis cleith, H.
17 innsenadh, H. an (altered into a) senadh, L.
1^ eallamh, H. in marg. ealladh no eallamh, L.
1^ aghnar, H. adhnair, L.
28 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
43. * TJinnsi ' ionann e octcs ata, ' neimheadh ' gach dan da ndernta,
' ciol' bas is * biodhbha' leatrom, is *iodhna' gach eineachlann.*
44. * Cuislionnach,' ergna re each, as ainm e don fcaddnach,
* Bliocht ' do gach ceill adcluine, is * ciocht ' reidh gach. rionn-
uidhe.
45. * Eislinn ' esinneall, ni breag, ionann ' cuP oeus coimhead,
* athreidhe ' ' sa thairm go brath,^ ' ceile ' as ainm do gach
oglach.
46. *Datan' ainm gach oide Ann, . ' dathnuid ' * gach. buime
bhelbhinn,
* fisleadh ' annamh ^ biadh fo bhladh, * gnia ' gach mac sethor
solamh.*
47. 'Coimdhe" gach tigheama tenn, 'cealt* ainm d'edach gan^
. fuigheall,
each da' ghairm is *° trom an tred, is ^° ainm ^ com ' do gach
coimhed.
48. * Seimh ' beag, * airm ' baile ar bun," ' forba ' leadradhf * mal '
uasal,
mar bhlos gach dal gan deghail, 'mal' cios aga chruinnioghadh.*^
49. * Slaibhreadh ' *^ ainm do choibhche is cair, 'muaidh'^* maith
sech soithin'* siordhail,
da ainm don choimhidea<?A^ cain, 'sail' ocus^* ' caoimhthea<?A^ ' ^'
chubhaidh.
^ eineclann, H.
* aithreighe, H.
5 In marg, aithreidlie sa ghairm go brath, L.
* dathnaidh, H,
5 sicy H. fis leadh ainm 1. anamh biad, with the letters and word leadh ainm
1. cancelled, and underneath are the words fios gach dath da mbiadh 7c. L. So
O'R. fis colour y dying f tincture.
8 featni]«r folarah, H.
' sic H. Coimhdlie, L.
8 re, H.
9 ga, H.
w 8ic, H. as, L.
" dar liom, H. ar lumh 1. bun, L.
" cuimhniughudli, H. chuimlmiuglmdh in marg, 1. chminnioghadh, L.
^3 slabradh, H.
^* muaidh, L. but with the i cancelled,
1* sicy H. In L. soithin is cancelled and oscon written under sech and so.
*8 is H. and L.
" 1. coimh(thecht), L. caoimthus, H.
THE DERBHSIUR GLOSSARY. 29
50. ' Feith ' * ar eladhain ^ ainm dhi, ' troigh ' ar thurghabhail
ngreine,
* fofor * ^ ainm * do thobar thren, * sloighre ' gach cloidhiomh
cniaidhgher.
51. 'Dron' gach. direch, breth naeh breg, ocua 'comruir'* gach.
coimhed,
ba* he an sgel nach bu gan'' greim, octcs is gach dirim 'dreim.'^
52. * Mairae ' brath, ni coir a cheilt, * gno ' is ' ainm do ^° gach.
oirdheirc,
tairm ^^ fa blath is daingne dhi, * airbhe ' ^^ is *^ * fath ' da ainm
d'aisde.
53. 'TJath' ainm d'uir, diamhair an dath," * f oilerbadh ' ^* gach.
bas bronach,
ionann *ceis' is cuairt re a radh, is suairc gach. gn6 don
ghabhlan.
54. ' Cse ' is 'dae,* ciodh diamhair in de,'^ da ainm tighe a mbia daoine,
' taithmheach ' g«^h scaoilidh go sceimh, " is maoidhemh
* aithnech * eisein.
55. Raidhrecumairce^^ gawchol,'snaidh^(?h,' *faoisidin,' 'faosamh,'*^
ionann *dionn* is*° maith mhordha, d'ardflaith iia mionn
mblathordha.
I Feidh, H.
* ealagham, L.
' In marg, fophor.
* for forainm, H.
* »wj H. coimhrin, L.
8 budh, H.
' gan«, H. and L.
<^ 7 is dreim gach dirimh, H. et dreim ann {cancelled) gach dirim {filtered into
adirim).
^ aiclS,. as L.
»o sic H. da, L.
*^ atairm, H.
^* airbhre in marg. no airbhe, L. airbhre, H.
" sic H. as L.
^* sic the corrector of L. for d'uir . . . dath the original scribe wrote don
dath diamair rath. H. has uath ainm diamhradh an dath.
1* sic the corrector in margin : the original scribe wrote failearibadh. H. has
folearbhadh.
*** «tc H. Cse is doe {no dse) diamhair dhe, L.
^^ sic the corrector in margin : the original scribe wrote sgaoileadh go 86imh.
'® C^dh re comairce, H.
• '* sic the corrector ofh.: the original scribe wrote snaidh^^ faosamh faoiside.
H. has 7 snaoidhe faosamh f^oisidhe. See O'Cl. s.y. faosamh and O'B. s.y.
faoiseadh and snaidhim * I protect.'
^ sicB.. as, L.
30 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
56. * Puan ' ainm do bhrat bhfos fa bhladh, ' eo * ainm do gach
maith moltar,
* eo ' ainm do gach fert abhos, * sgeo ' is ^ ainm do gach agus.*
57. 'Daoe'^ teghdhuis, deilm* gan on, *bath* is 'ibath' is
*diobhadh,'«
fregratdli^ an triar don bhas bhea^A^, grianfios as gnath^ do
chloisdeacht.
58. 'Asccal' iomagallamh® ann, ^uaghbha*' togbha re tagball,*®
greas" n«^h cclos a mach go mion, 'mos' bes, ocus * buich' "
brisedh.
59. ^ Dremhan ' ainm do Dbemhan dubb, * oirdherc ' ainm d'follus '^
uasal,
'robuist'^* coimbed, *dagh' maith mar, ' aidhbhsi ' ceol ocus
cronan.
60. *Caisi' miosgois, *caisi' sere, ^drocb* ^^gach dorcba go duibhchert,
* oibid ' umhla, ' ceo ' sechna, ocus ' beo ' ** gach buainchethra.
61. ^ Tinne ' saill " ocus meith mor,^® * acobhar* *® saint go siothlogh,*®
' deimh ' ** no * demhal * dioghbhail ^ sin,^ sgel go mbrigh gach
dhail** bun«*dh.
^ sic J H. as, L.
2 ogus, H.
3 Dse, H.
* sicK, delmh no delbh, L.
^ The tb of hkth. and the i o/ibath inserted by the corrector, ba ocm bath ocus
diobhadh, H.
^ sicK. freagraigh corrected into freagraidh, L.
"^ ni gnath sa chiaU, H.
8 iomagalladh, H.
® uadha, H.
1" tadhal, H,
1* gres, H.
1* buith, H., and L. has buith in marg,
^3 sic H. dollum corrected into d'ollus, L.
1* sic H. robrmsd corrected into robuisd, L.
15 drocht, H.
16 beo f&s, H.
i*^ sic H. Teine soill, L.
1® no meith mh6ir, H.
1^ acobair, H.
20 ro choir, H. et siclL.y but sioth 16gh in marg,
21 dreim, H. dreimh, L., but corrected into d^imh.
22 diabhail, H. diabhal corrected into dioghbh§dl, L.
23 om. H.
2* sgel go mb^iodhail mbronach, H. sgel. gach mbridh g^h dh&il bimaiih, L.
THE EGERTON METRICAL GLOSSARY. 31
62. ' Cudh ' ^ cenn, ocua * cudh ' ^ iudhbhairt, agus * buth ' bith
blaithionruic,*
an* derbhchest amhlaidh gan ail, labhruidh brfgb* inbbar
mbriathruibh. Deirbhsiur.
III. The Egerton metrical Glossary.
Egerton90, fol. 17* 1.
1 [fo. 17* 1] is gel *caindlecb,'«
* arco ' ' lochor do Dia a dul, oeu8 * menmarc ' gach smuaineadh.
2. *Rang' maelbuidhi lorn gan lag,® 'ris'* faisneis, 'ribar' criathar,
* sol * g/ian, ' lugna ' esca and, * salt ' leim otersa (?) aderam.
3. * Segamla ' gach blectas bog, * samh case araid ^° na cumagb,
* snath * ^^ folt, nocho scele lium, ' smer ' teini [ocus] ^ fuaid '
fuighell.
4. * Seist ' meodhon-lae, is * [sjceng ' lebaidh, ^ sorb ' locht, * sin *
cruind caemnegair,
* slab ' cumang, ocu8 ^ coid ' coill, * segh ' ^^ fiadh istuig (?) mar
thuirmim.
5. * Sath ' biadh, 'sen' Ifn fiadha amach, *serr' gach^^ n-og is
gach n-uallach,
'telP fuaim mardoglach goglan, *ti' brat,^* [ocus] 'borr' bmchtadh.
6. * Turba ' gach buiden bindsi, * fuaim' tobeim, *toth' ban-indsci,^^
' tuarad ' cuid adeire dun, * buili * ^® go deimin drochrun.
* sicy H. Cudh no cuth, L.
2 cuth, H.
^ In marg. ordhuirc.
* a, H.
* brigh, H. bridh, L. Then in L. foUows this prayer in an ItaKan hand :
Oremus. Absolve quaesumus Domine animam famuli tui Hugoni ab omni
vinculo Delictorum : ut in Resurrectionis Gloria inter Sanctos & Electos tuos
resuscitatus respiret Ver Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
^ is gell caimaech, Eg.
' erca, Eg.
8 laga, Eg.
» fis, Eg.
*® cascaraid, Eg.
*^ leg. snuath?
12 seth, Eg.
*3 seirgach, Eg.
»* 'tibrath, Eg.
1* toa atinsi, Eg.
" baiU, E^.
32 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
7. ' Bro ' beimneach, oetcs ' ur ' olc, * baigliu ' * laeg allaidh' ardrod,
' bascall * geilt, is * baislech ' dam, * band ' liathroid, * aisdrech '
umal.
8. * Bracht * beoil, * brae ' ' lamb, is * brann ' ben, ' braicbem ' *
damh allaidh armer,
* bas ' barr nach f uilgend fingal, is ' cuimling ' ' gach
cait[h]irgal.
9 achy
is cnath fumaigi re ' foir,' is ^ culmaire ' gach cairbtheoir.
10. * Ceinntecol ' trialladb • go trie, * consal ' "^ comhairlech
caemhglic,®
* duar * rand, * duar * gac[h] toradh tend, * iach * bradan, * solam '
sliseng.
11. 'Drenn' garb, 'del' sfne mosech, * teim ' dorca, is 'drocht'
gacb ndirecb,
' ai ' a been, nocho n-ecbt ' ecbtga, ocus * cecbt * gacb cumacbta.
12. * Ealga ' in Eire re baicbne, ocus * eidel ' umaigthe,^°
* at ' sescba, ni lesg ale, * gann ' easgra, ocus ' esc ' " uisce.*^
13. 'Icbt*" ceinel, *erc' nim gidb nar, *flesg' bun ficb, [is]
*l8Bgb' lind ban,
* feirend * oris cengail gu coir, * fis ' do cennaigb in canoin.
14. *Pocbnadb' lasamnacb laegaidh, * fuaP gacb uisci e domain,
* troced ' ^* corp, [is] * li ' moladb, maith ni bi omain ardr. . .
15. ' Gamb ' geimreadb, * pit ' ^* proind nacb mor, 'caidb ' idan nocba
na nodb,
* fod ' faidech, is * les ' letrom, ocm * fen ' ^* gac[b] feiretrom.
* bui^lui, Eg.
2 allaigh, Eg.
8 brach, Eg.
* braici, Eg.
* amling, Eg.
* leg. truailledh ?
' comsal, Eg.
8 -gleic, Eg.
' necth, Eg.
^^ umacti, Eg.
11 esg, Eg.
1* uisgi, Eg.
" Ucht, Eg.
" oroced. Eg.
" fid, Eg.
" fe. Eg.
THE EGERTON METRICAL GLOSSARY. 33
16. 'Aig' fuacht, 'fol' bonn, is *gam' ben, 'gabar' solos ga
slainneadh,
* lua ' breb, * gil ' an sugad seng, ' gnlth ' gutb munadh nach
milfem.
17. ' Grot ' * goirt, * gno * cuidmide ^ claen, * gnai ' segda^A^,^
* clamar * gach aer,
* gaire ' gairsecle * go grod, is ' bairseaca * gach baeth-rod.
18. *Prann' tonn mara, maith in t-ainm, *pui[n]cni' sgreabull,
re scfam * gairm,
*pain* bairgen,* octM 'pairt' penn, 'pingwr' [saland],'
gus aihinn.
19. * Puideran ' inar masedh, * braitsi '* asan re airem,
*iar' dubb, *fur' urlum re bedh, *rucbt* mer, ni cle da
coirgeadh.
20. * Peib ' marsin, * du ' baili blaith, ' dumacb ' dorcba gan
dimbaigh,
'fecur' brecc nach rosena sund, *lang' fled oem 'cro' cumnng.'
21. 'Eangach' gres gusmbar go rath, 'druimcli' gach legthoir
lagach,
' sillidh ' ben doni tuaicle, n{ bi sel acht saeb fuaichthi.
22. * Eath ' cor, oeus *mothla' mseth, * cliste ' " urlamh . . . ni heeth,
dena sloindte gar na slecht, is * droingcedul ' gach naideoht.^^
23. ' Dlomodh ' fuagra, * commaim ' ^* ben, ' buas * a ainm bolg,
* boindi ' blaithgel,
* tap * oband, * tore ' craidhi coir, ' ge[i]s ' guidhi, is olc gach
* egcoir.
^ gnoth Eg., but see Corm. Gl. s.v. gruiten.
* gnodh cuiiii, Eg., but see Conn. Gl. s.v. gn6.
3 saegdacht Eg. but see LU. 109» 41 (gnae .i. segda).
t gairsech Eg.
^ resgiam Eg.
^ bairgein, Eg.
"^ Cf. Pingair .i. saland, L.Lec. Voc.
* braidci Eg.
3 erumung Eg,
»o elisdi. Eg.
^1 This couplet is obscure and prob. corrupt.
^' comuaim, Eg.
Phil. TraxLB. 1891-2-8.
34 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
24. 'Dear' ingen, ocus 'uath' uir, 'buanann' buime go blaith.
ciuin,
' bracht ' [buain], ' baircne ' cat/ * bil * mong, * brae * lam,
' oidsen ' sin sloindem.
25. * Ficell ' . . . signum gu se, * bus ' topais, is ord aicbne,
in sceil end guma * enedhach, ocus ^ gr[e]id ' gaeh gaisgedhach.
26. *Brac' min, 'bi[acb]' faebur ferdba, 'mur* gacb (n-imm)ed
ilardha,
' base ' gacb d^g adeire a ndan, ^ blim ' sili, ' buidhi ' ballan.
27. * Briar ' delg oir, ^ bniinnech ' ^ mathair, ' cod ' * buaid, * core ' '^
finda fataig,*
* fuid ' fuacbt ocm * croch ' gacb n-ard, * cam ' buaid, is * loth '
gacb langarg.
28. 'Cath' doaim'' is *ort'^ orgain, *ciar' dub, *coth' biad, blaith
ordain,
* cum ' gacb cis, * laemdba ' nach lag,
29. ' Going ' lenmain, * cumlachtaidh ' ore,' * clairiu * ^° fodhail re
focbmorc,"
' crumduma * ottrach,^^ * eel ' nem, ' cil ' cla3n, ni mor do
muinedh.
* bairci cath, Eg.
' Read, perhaps, guba.
^ dmineeli.
* cob Eg.
* tore Eg.
* Eg. adds eongeir or cengeir (the second letter is doubtful) .
■^ corrupt.
8 ord Eg.
' cumlachtiaigh arc, Eg.
*o claire Eg.
^^ fachmorc Eg.
12 crumdauba odtrach Eg.
35
Supplement.
Here follows the part of the prose vocabulary in the Book
of Lecan, fo. 155* 3 — 156^ 1, which corresponds with the
metrical glossary in Egerton 90 :
Goal .i. caindleach. Area .i. lochar do Dia. Meanmarc .i.
smuainead. Cich .i. ger. Ris .i. faisnes. Ribar .i. criathar.
Sol .i. gnan. Lugna .i. esca. Salt .i. leim. Smer .i. tine. Seist
.i. medonlai. Sgeng .i. lebaig. Sorb .i. loclit. Sin .i. cruind.
Saith .1. biad. Serrach .i. each cnocc.^ Turba .i. buidean. Puaim
,i. tbbeim. Tot[h] .i. bainindsci. Tuarad .i. cuid. Buili .i. drochrun.
Bro .i. bemnech. TJr .i. olc. Baidbliu .i. laeg allaig. Baseall .i.
geilt. Baisleaeh .i. dam. Band .i. liathroid. Braehta .i. be[oi]l.
Brae .i. lam. Brann .i. bean. Braici .i. dam allaid. Bas .i. barr.
Cuibleang .i. cathirgal. Car .i. toit. Cieht .i. fidhidoir. Culmairi
.i. cairptheoir. Ceindtegal .i. twrailead. Conseil .i. eomairleach.
Duar .i. rann. Duar .i. eaeh torad. lach .i. bratan. Dreann .i.
garb. Greann .i. uleha. Deal .i. sine. Tem .i. doreha. Droeht
.i. direach. Ceeht .i. cumachteL. Feidil .i. umaidi. Gand .i.
easera. Ease .i. usee, Pochnada lasamnaith. Fual .i. uBce,
domain. Li .i. molad. Gam .i. gemrad. Pid .i. proind bee.
Caid .i. idan. Aid .i. fuaeht. Pol .i. bond. Gamh .i. bean.
Gabar .i. solus. Lua .i. breab. Gni .i. gut[h]. Clamor .i. air.
Prand .i. tend. Pain .i. bairgen. Pairt .i. peanw. Pingair .i.
saland. Paideran .i. inar. Puindehi .i. feandoc. Braitsi .i. asan.
lar .i. dub. Puinehi .i. sindaeh dub. Du .i. baile. Lang .i. fleag.
Cro .i. eumang. Eath .i. eor. Bus .i. tobais. Gred .i. gaisgeadaeh.
Dlomad .i. fuacra. Comaim .i. bean. Dear .i. inga.* TJath .i. ur.
Bracht .i. buain. Baircne .i. cat. Bil .i. mong. Briar .i. delg
oir. Bruineach .i. mathair. Cod .i. buain no buaid. Core .i.
cenel no finda. Pinit dona dubfoclaib.
1 leg. ii-6cc.
* leg. ingen.
36
Asc. gl.
AU.
Amra Choi.
BB.
Bk. Arm.
Bk. Feu.
Bk. Rights.
Corm.
Corm. Tr.
D.
E.
Edin. xxxviii.
Eg. 88.
Eg. 1782.
Ef.
Eel.
EM.
Gild.
Goidel.
H. 2. 15.
H. 3. 18.
H. 4. 22.
Harl. 432.
Harl. 5280.
L.
Laud 610.
I
Laws.
LB.
Glossarial Index.
List of Abbreviations.
AscolijGlossarium palaeo-hibemicum, pp. xvii— cxl.
The Annals of Ulster, vol. i. ed. Hennessy, Dublin,
1887.
The Amra Choluim chilU (from LU. and LB.),
ed. Crowe, Dublin, 1871, and (from LH.) in
Goidelicay London, 1872, pp. 156-173.
The Book of Ballymote. Eacsimile, Dublin, 1887.
The Book of Armagh, a MS. in the library of
Trinity College, Dublin.
The Book of Eenagh, ed. Hennessy, Dublin, 1 875.
The Book of Rights, ed. O'Donovan, Dublin,
1847.
Cormac's Glossary, printed in Three ^ Irish
Glossaries, London, 1862.
O'Donovan's Translation of Cormac's Glossary,
Calcutta, 1868.
Derbhsiur don JS'cna, the metrical glossary
printed supra, pp. 22-31.
The metrical glossary printed supra, pp. 31-34.
from Egerton 90.
A MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh.
Egerton MSS. in the British Museum.
Forus Focal, the metrical glossary printed supra,
pp. 8-22.
FUire Oengusso, the Calendar of Oengus, Dublin,
1880.
Annals of the Eour Masters, ed. O'Donovan.
Grammatica Celtica, second edition, 1871.
The Lorica of Gildas, printed in Irish Glosses^
Dublin, 1860, pp. 133-151.
Goidelica, London, 1872.
MSS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin,
containing unpublished glossaries.
Harleian MSS. in the British Museum.
A MS. in the library of the Royal Irish Academy
marked 23. L. 21.
A MS. in the Bodleian, described by Todd,
Proceedingsof the R. I. Academy, ii. 336-345,
and by 0' Donovan, Book of Rights, xxviii —
xxxiii.
Ancient Laws of Ireland, vols, i.-iv. Dublin,
1865-1879.
The Leahhar Breac, Eacsimile, Dublin, 1876.'
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.
87
LH.
Lism.
LL.
L.Lec. Yoc.
LU.
Mart. Don.
Misc. Celt. Soc.
ME.
O'Br.
O'Cl.
O'Dav.
O'Don. Supp.
OTlah.
O'MoU.
O'Mulc.
O'E.
Eawl. B. 502.
Eawl. B. 512.
Eev. Celt.
Salt. E.
Sg.
Stowe XIX.
Three Frags.
Trip. Life.
Wb.
Wind. Woi-t.
The Liber Hymnorum, a MS. in the library of
Trinity College, Dublin, the Irish in which
is printed in Goidelica^ London, 1872.
The Book of Lismore, a MS. belonging to the
Duke of Devonshire, described in Lism. Lives,
i.e. Lives of SainUfrom the Book of Lismore y
Oxford, 1890.
The Lehar Laignechy or Book of Leinster,
Facsimile, Dublin, 1880.
The prose vocabulary (of about 570 words) in the
Book of Lecan, ff. 166^157^.
The Lebar na hUid/re^ Facsimile, Dublin, 1870.
The Martyrology of Donegal y Dublin, 1864.
Miscellany of the Celtic Society, Dublin, 1849.
The Battle, of Magh Eath, ed. O'Donovan, 1842.
O'Brien's Irish-English Dictionary, Ist edition,
Paris, 1768; 2nd edition, Dublin, 1832.
O'Clery's Glossary. Lou vain, 1643. Ed. by
Arthur W. K. Miller, Eevue Celtique, vol.
iv. pp. 349-428, vol. v. pp. 1-69.
O'Davoren's Glossary, printed from Eg. 88 in Three
Irish GlossarieSy London, 1862, pp. 47-124.
O'Donovan's Supplement to O'Eeilly's Irish-
English Dictionary.
O'Flaherty's Glossary, now in the Bodleian,
marked MS. Ir. e. 1.
O'Molloy. Grammatica Latino-hibemica, 1677.
O'Mulconry's Glossary, H. 2. 16, col. 18-col.
122.
O'Eeilly's Irish-English Dictionary, Dublin,
1821.
A twelfth- century MS. in the Bodleian, described
by Macray, Catal, Codd, MSS, Bodl. Part v.
fasc. i. cols. 719—722.
A MS. in the Bodleian, described in Trip. Life,
pp. xiv-xlv.
Eevue Celtique, Paris, 1870-1890.
Saltair na Eann, Oxford, 1883.
The St. Gall glosses on Priscian, ed. Ascoli, 1880.
A MS. formerly belonging to the Stowe library
and now in that of the Eoyal Irish
Academy.
Annals of Ireland. Three Fragments, ed.
O'Donovan, Dublin, I860.
The Tripartite Life of Patrick, EoUs series, 1887.
The Wiirzburg glosses on St. Paul's Epistles.
Printed in The Old-Irish Glosses at Wiirz-
burg and Carlsruhe, Hertford, 1887.
Windisch's Worterbuch, Leipzig, 1880.
38 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
a (MS. a) height^ D. 17. So Conn. s.v. arad. A .i. ard, Stowe
XIX, L.Lec. Yoc. As vowel- flanked % is lost in Irish, 6. * height'
may be cogn. with Lat. <w«, ara : so altm with altaria [altar e). Two
other homonymous words are a 'chariot' cogn. with Skr. y/6s
*to sit,' and the aw, Xet^. d 'mouth,' gen. sg. Trip. Life, p. 140,
1. 11, with Lat. 08 f oris,
acais curse, Ff. 29, note 12. acais .i. aor no mallacht, O'Dav. 48.
virulence^ gan agh, gan accais, gan urcoid, MR. 294. tug se acais
do he cast a slur on him^ Coneys.
accobar N". desire^ D. 61. Z*. 222 : ririr accobur a sula he gave up
his eye*s desire, Amra Choi. 71 ; from ad-\-cohar.
adehota personal law? D. 30. This is prob. a verb,=atchota, LL.
345* 38, and L.Lec. Yoc, though it is explained as a noun in the
Brehon laws cited by 0*R. s.v. adcoda .i. dlighead dligheas neach
d'faghail no do geibh neach.
adh law D. 33. So Stowe XIX, L.Lec. Yoc. and O'Cl. ni hada
.i. ni dlig^^a, Amra Conroi. A deriv. adae or ada .i. fas occurs.
a.edjiref Ff. 5. So Conn, and H. 3. 18, p. 63^. aed tene, LU.
45* 30, and see infra s.v. smer, ace. amal aed (.i. tenid) tre fithicen,
LU. lOQa 35. Cognate with W. aedd ' calor, studium,' Gr. ai0o9, Lat.
aedeSj aestus, A.S. dd, Aed 'eye,' Ff. 39, is doubtless the same
word. So aed .i. suil, O'Cl. adam aed .i. adam suil 'my two
eyes ' .i. im chind, LL. 208* 27. mu da n-aed .i. mo da suil, Amra
Senain.
ag stag, Ff. 63, properly a bovine animal, agh .i. bo, O'Cl. ag
allaid *cervus,' a neut. stem in «, pi. nom. ace. aige alta. dual
nom. it e da n-ag ata cainium robatar inn Eiri, Eg. 1782, fo,
76^. Cogn. with W. ewig ' hind ' from *agika, Skr. aja-s.
1. d!\one, E. 11: Old-Ir. ae, "adjectivis pronominabilibus each
{cecK), nach {na) aequo adjunctum ac oin unus," Asc. gl. xvii. ' one,
person, individual,' do cech ai, LL. 254^ 50, do each ae, O'Don.
Supp. The forms di, ae point to an Old-Celtic aivo-s^^Qcr. 0T09,
Cypr. 01F09 * alone,' 0. Pers. aiva- * one,' Av. aeva-, diva-, Skr. eva
* alone,' 'only,' and (with a different suffix) eka-s, *one' just as
the Old-Ir. 6in ' one,' W. un, points to Old-Celtic omo-«=Gr. 01P09,
oivTf ' the ace on dice.' Lat. uniLs.
2. ai F. science, D. 26. 32, ai .i. ealadha, Stowe XIX. oe .i. elada,
L.Lec. Yoc. art (dan) pp. 2, 3, doctrine, D. 34. Sg. nom. dligid a£
astud, LL. 345^ 32. gen. iar cantain a ai .i. a eicsi, LL. 186*. iar
fuithir grene .i. iar ndagthir inna ai (.i. inna eicsi) grianda, Rawl.
B. 502, fo. 60^ 2. This word seems to occur in aefreslige, ai idan,
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 39
names of metres, and cf. a n-aae dna .i. a nduana 7 a ndreclit[a]
7 a n-admolta, Eawl. B. 502, fo. 62* 1.
3. ai lawy D. 32, Stowe XIX.=O.H.G. iwa Gesetz, Korm, Skr.
eva * course.'
4. ai « suity p. 2. D. 32. Sg. nom. ae caingen isin tsengaedeilg,
LB. 238° 54. gen. airbert aoi iama hastadh * to plead the came
after hinding it, O'Don. Supp. ace. inti aighiss in ae, ih,
aibeis, F. sea^ Ff. 15. aibeis .i. muir O'Cl. sg. gen. lebheann na
haibheise, Lism. 117* 2. ace. forsin n-aibheis n-anbhail nemhfor-
cennaigh, ibid. perh. from an Old-Celtic "^ahensi-s ex *abhent-ti'8, as
sets infra, from "^sensis, ^sent-ti-s. Cognate witb Ir. abann, Lat. amnis
(from ^ahnis), etc. A somewhat similar word, ahis, is borrowed
from Lat. ahi/ssm, ind abis mor inro inclannad dliged circuil (gl.
circulus abyssi magni), LH. 12^. abisus scientiae .i. abis fessa,
LB. 196% pi. ace. abissiu, Ml. 51^ 8. In LB. 230^ dtbeis is twice
used for abts : ataat (soil, the fallen angels) hi f udomain aibessi :
i n-abeis na teined suthaine ichtair iffirnn : cf. D. C. Purg. i. 146. |
aidben (MS. aidhbeil) remote, F. 59. adben .i. etircian, H. 3,
18, p. 75*, and so O'Dav. 65, O'Don. Supp. aidhbhean .i. imchian
no fada, O'Cl. .i. olc no deoraidh, O'Cl. ond Athain aidben anair,
from the far-off Athens, from the East, LL. 215* 46.
aidbse music, Ff. 12, D. 59. So O'Cl., Corm. s.v. adann, LTJ.
5^ 8. aidbsi .i. aircetal, O'Dav. 47. (a)idbse .i. ainm do chiul nd
chronan dogniteis ermor fer nEreud immalle, a name for the music
or burden which the greater part of the men of Erin used to make
together, LH. 34* 1 (Goidel. p. 156). aidbsi .i. corus cronain,
LU. 5^ 5.
aidmirt, airmirt. See airmit infra.
aig ^ cold^ (rather ice), E. 16. Mathair etha aig, mathair saille
snecta, ice is mother of corn, snow is mother of bacon, LL. 345* 9, gen.
bissi ega icicles, lit. fingers of ice, bommand ega hailstones, lit.
bits of ice, W. id, O.'N.jaki, A.S. gicel,
1. ail ¥, stone, Ff. 27, D. 14. So O'Cl. sg. gen. ailech, a (?-stem,
connected by Fick with Lith. uld * Felsen.' Why not with uKiy/r •
Trerpa, Hesychius ? It has been connected with ireXeKv^ and paragu,
as Lat. saxum with Ags. seax, O.H.G. sahs; Skr. dgman, with
cLKfiij ; and Ir. art * stone ' with Med. Lat. artavus. But then we
should have had *elech,
2. ail smooth, gentle, D. 37. Compd. ail-menmnach, LU. 87^ 11.
ail (two MSS. ail) asking, seeking, Ff. 8. So O'Cl. ail .i. a :no
dliged no guide, O'Dav. citing ail dame dibhse, gen. ic id ail
40 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
no aisc, LB. 216» 31. The length of the a is established by dnnd
dil (gl. ad supplicandum) Ml. 40^ 44, the denom. verb ailtm .i.
gnidim, Stowe XIX, better dilim ' I entreat,' dih-i, dlisa * rogavit,'
Bk. Arm. 18* 1, 18» 2, as well as by the o of the cogn. W. add-oli
* to adore.'
ailcne a {little) roehy atme, Ff. 32, D. 14. So Stowe XIX.
Alccne .i. ail bee .i. digabtach indi is ail, H. 3. 18, p. 74°. A
dimin. of alec-^ the stem of 1 . ail, A form ailce also occurs.
aill noble, D. 15. So L.Lec. Yoc, O'Dav. 49 and O'Cl.
ailt house, Ff. 69. So 0*C1. and H. 4. 22, p. 61^. sg. dat. ro
dosuidigthi i n-oen ailt. Salt. E. 6158.' alt .i. teach, O'Dav. 54,
who cites is ae alt conae clu 'it is his house that preserves
fame,' and toingthi fo ailt neimhi * swear by the house (vault ?) of
heaven.' O.Br, oostad alt (gl. aeditui). May come from *{p)altd,
which has been connected with Lat. palatum * vault, palate.' If
so, alt neime would be a close parallel to Ennius' palatum eaeli.
But the connexion is very doubtful.
ailtire architect, Ff. 69. So H. 3. 18, p. 74c, g.v. ailt, O'Dav. 54
s.v. alt, and O'Cl. eeltaire 7 sair, LL. 29*, 8Bltaire 7 rathbuige,
LL. 29^, 39. Cogn. with ailt q.v. and the verb cor' altar mo fert-sa
lat, LL. 269» 16.
ain pleasant, Ff. 46. See 2, an infra.
ain rushes, Ff. 46, O'Cl. and now written aoin. Sg. gen.
scena buana afne, Laws iv. 310, dat. robatar grfanana ....
essarda do din, LL. 263% fon ain, fon tuige. Laws i. 140, ace. dia
taidled in n-uir no in n-ain forsa laiged Martain if he touched the
mould or the rmhes whereon M. used to lie, Rev. Celt. ii. 400. From
*ia%ni' cogn. with Lat. iuni-culus, iuni-perus and iuneus from
*ioiniculos, ^ioini-pero-s, ^ioini-co-s.
aincis a curse, Ff. 29. aingcis, O'Cl. ; a sister-form of acais supra.
ainf^in unusual, strange, Ff. 33. anf6n .i. ingnad, H. 3. 18,
pp. 63^, 638. dinfen, Lr..B3a 8, seems a different word.
ainner a woman, Ff. 24. ander .i. ben, ainder .i. bean, H. 3.
18, pp. 64*, 635^, aindear, O'Cl. pi. n. aindre 7 ingenrada 7
maccaeme, LL. 109* 10, dat. andrib, LU. 81» 3. W. anner 'heifer,'
O.W. enderic (gl. vitulus). Windisch compares Gr. avOripo^,
ainnse (leg. ainsed?) hlams, Ff. 60, ainsed .i. ainmhedh no
imdergadh, O'Dav. 47, citing ni ainsid enech ruirech nd ollaman
the honour of a chief or an ollave was not reproached. Cognate are
dinsem (accusatio), dinsid (accusativus), and the verb tainsither * is
reproached, censured,' O'Don. Supp.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 41
airLhe a kind of poem, D. 52. So O'Cl. Hardly a mistake
for airhert .i. aircetal, aircetal, O'Dav. 49.
airbri, abundance^ p. 1. So in H. 3. 18, p. 61 1^ airbri .i.
immad, LL. 311^ 12. airbhre .i. sluagh a host, army, O'Cl. (pi.
dat. airbrib, Salt. E. 716. LL. 281» 21. LB. 131» 48. ace.
rohairbriu, Amra Choi. 33), may be the same word.
airgse (aircse?) hlamSy Ff. 60. Cogn. with airci% .i. 6accaoine, O'Cl.
airm 'place, D. 48. So 0*Dav. 54 and O'Cl. cia airm sund hi ta
Cuchulaind ? LTJ. 68*. Other exx. in Asc. gl. xxvii.
airmit (MSS. aidmirt) prohibitiony tahu (geis), Pf. 33. So Conn.
S.V. Diarmait, and O^Dav. 51.
aime watching^ Pf. 53, watching at night, O^Cl. ame Pingin,
Rawl. B. 512, fo. 109^ 2=aime Fingein, Stowe MS. 992, fo. 46%
feacht n-aen dia mboi F. aidchi tsamna in Druim Finghein i
n-airne, ihid,,. 0. Ir. aire, for air, fritJiaire, and the areanos of
Ammianus Marcellinus, 28. 3, may be cognate.
airrde (airidin?), leasughadh, Ff. 33. Prob. corrupt.
airt side, direction, point (of the compass), Ff. 69, better aird.
Wind. Wort, dird, O'Br., Gr. ilpSi^ ?
aisdrech humble, E. 7. Seems wrong, for aistrech (derived from
aister,^ ' journey,* ' error : ' g£ui aisder, gan oil, Bk. Fen. 242,
cethri mogaid mor aistir, ibid. 370), means * unsteady,' 'inconstant,'
Rev. Celt. xi. 128. aisdirech 'far-travelled,' Misc. Celt. Soc.
374.
aithnech boasting, D. 54. Prob. corrupt (leg. mdidmech 'vain-
glorious ?). Hennessy renders aderim rib gu haithnech, Bk. Fen. 74,
by / say to you, knowingly,
aithrinne calf, Ff. 69. So in H. 3. 18, pp. 63^ and 638. athimi
,i. loeg, LTJ. 8* 25. aidhrinne, O'Dav. 48.
1. an truth {true?), D. 34. .i. fir, H. 3. 18, p. 633^ and Stowe
XIX, p. 30».
2. an {an?) pleasantness (aoibhnios), Ff. 30, *an adj. pleasant,
O'R. seems the same word.
3. an water, Ff. 15. So 0*C1. an-bruich [leg. an-bruith] .i.
uisci 7 broth, Harl. 5280, fo. 11^. Cf. Gaul, anam, paludem,
Endlicher's Glossary, Kuhn's Beitr. vi. 227.
dn truth {true ?), p. 1, Ff. 4 : a mistake for I. an?
ana wealth, Ff. 26, better ^ae, Trip. Life, 118, a masc. stem in
-aio. For exx. see Asc. gl. xxxv. Seems cogn. with ops, opes,
a(f)vo9, apnas,
^ The sister-form astar occurs in LB. 7* 15.
42 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
an-art softy Ff. 34. See art.
an-gnai {?) fault? D. 32. Prob. corrupt: of. an^id * wicked.'
an-main hate, Ff. 34. leg. anmuin, the opposite of muin ^ O.jN".
munr *mmd,' *love/ or anmain = amnaoin, O'Br.
annach cleaUy D. 28. andag .i. glan, anannag .i. inwglan, Stowe
XIX, andad .i. glan, anandac .i. nemglan, L. Lee. Voc, for met a
n-anannaic, LB. 258^ (where it is a subst.). neamh-annach impure,
O'Don. Supp. annac guiltless, O'Don. Supp.
annoit church, Ff. 32. So L.Lec. Voc. O'Cl. and Stowe XIX, a
mother 'Q^mtoh, O'D., whose explanation is supported by the gloss in
H. 3. 18, p. 74c, Andoit .i. eclais doet in aile as cenn 7 is tuiside
(.i. tus). This is andodit in Bk. Arm. 18* 2, andoit, O'Dav. 71,
s.v. ceim. Low Lat. antitas antiquitas, Ducange.
anno year, Ff. 32. Borrowed from dat. or abl. of Lat. annus,
aprainn (MS. abrann) evil, alas, Ff. 44. appraind LTJ. 45* 5.
apprinn O'Mulc. ba abrain[n], Trip. Life, 190, 1. 6, used as an
interj. Apraind na basa for mo nirt de sede, LIT. 78^ 29.
ara M. gillie, Ff . 33. And so in the gloss on Ban do Bhrian na
murtha, na haraidh .i. na gioUadha, Betha Finnchua. Cf. Skr.
arati-s, Gr. v'7r-rjp€7rj9. Seems the same word as the t-stem ara
charioteer, sg. gen. arad, LIT. 64*. Compd. ban-ara maidservant,
O'Br., daor-ara slave, ib.
arco (MS. erca) 1 beseech God, E. 1. arco fuin dom Dia, Corm.
and H. 3. 18, p. 63^. Seems=Skr. archami. But Windisch brings
arco from *parc6, cogn. with Skr. pragna, Lat. preces, Goth, fraihna,
frah.
ard-broenud (gl. imber) p. 5. Compd. of urd ' high ' and hrdenad
verbal noun of hrdenaim * I shower,' a denom. from hroen * a
shower' : dech do sinaib ceo, ferr a brathair broen, LL. 345* 14,
15. broen derg, LTJ. 90^ 18.
arg a man, Ff. 24, prop, champion, hero, Corm. and H. 3. 18,
pp. 63*, 80*, 541. ar argg (.i. laech) niad (.i. trenfer) ropsam
fartail, LL. 208* 30. argg .i. anrath, LL. 311^ 25. etir argaib erritib
.i. anradaib, LU. 47* 9. Cogn. with Gr. apxd^' Hence argan :
sg. gen. deis ar n-argain uais, LU. 9, marg. sup. and argdha, O'Br.
art hard, Ff. 34. art 7 anart cruaid 7 maoth, O'Mulc. 56. From
A.S. heard ? Or is it the same word as art * stone ' ?
art noble, D. 35. So Corm., L. Lee. Voc, Stowe XIX, and
O'Cl. Eochaid art .i. nasal, LL. 393* 53.
asc pride, Ff . 65, from *at-ko- ? cf. ataim turgeo.
ascal conference, D. 58,=axal .i. imacallaim, O'Dav. 56, axul .i.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX.
43
imagallmha, H. 3. 18, p. 628. pi. gen. ba eola axal n-aingel,
Amra Choi. 47. ace. ranic axalu la arbriu arehangliu, ibid. 33.
at seseba, E. 12, seems corrupt, at 'milk,* sesc-ha *dry cows.'
athreide ? aithreighe? D. 45. Corrupt.
axal nohky Pf. 32. So H. 3. 18, p. 74^. Perhaps for *a8cal,
*at-klo ? See asc, supra. Axal is the name of an angel in Corm.
ba, baa death, p. 3. So H. 3. 18, p. 61 1^ and O'Cl. fit dibad
7 (ba)th 7 ba 7 teme ic sluinn epilten, LH. 26^, 1 (Goidel. 162).
bace (var. lee. bach) crozier, p. 2. So Corm. bacc buana finime (gl.
ligo), Sg. 62^ 10. Qom^di. fid'hoec (gl. arcus ligneus) Sg. 107^ 1.
bacad, D. 31, note 16. Obscure and prob. corrupt.
1. bach drunkenness, Ff. 70. So O'Cl. madness, O'Dav. 56.
Comp. all-bach, LTJ. 106^ 31. bach-lubhra yro^-J/o««OAyi«, Coneys.
2. bach sea, salt-water ? Pf. 70, seems corrupt. Bead hoch, and
cf. hochna *sea'? Compd. boch-thonna, LB. 118^.
bacht {var, lee. bach) reaping, p. 2, better bocht, as in O'Cl.
bagad a promising, D. 10, verbal noun of hdgaim. ** Eobagus,"
ol se, ** fiad Fergus comrac fri Coinculainn imbarach, " LTJ. 68^ 39.
Bagais Pallamain na ragad arculu co hEmain, LIT. 78^ 6. bagais
Cuchulaind co ndingned samlaid, LTJ. 75* 25 : a denom. from bag
.i. briathar word, O'Cl. pi. n. ar ngnima ropsat mara, ar mbaga
ropsat beca our deeds were great, our words were small, LL. 208* 34.
baigliu a fawn, E. 7. So O'Cl. This word occurs in the following
quatrain (LL. 200*, last two lines) :
Atchonnarc braichem is brii I saw a stag and a doe
ocus baigliu etwrru. And a fawn between them :
sochaide rodech immach, A multitude which looked outside,
ocus brech ica marbad. And a wolf killing them.
baircne cat^ E. 24. A female cat ace. to Corm., a white cat,
ace. to O'Dav. 58 and Laws, i. 150. braicne, O'Br.
bairsecha foolish talk? E. 17. hairsighe * brawling, scolding,'
O'R., who gives a number of cognate words, hdirseach *a scold or
shrew,' hairseoir * a scold,' etc. hdirseacht * satire,' O'Br.
baislech doe? stag? E. 7. So L.Lec. Yoc. : bai8lec[h] .i. eilit,
O'Dav. 57. baisleach .i. dam allaidh, Stowe XIX, p. 30*. baisleach
.i. damh, OPlah. an ox, O'Br.
ban truth, D. 34. So O'Cl. In H. 8. 18, p. 633^ Stowe XIX,
p. 30% and in L.Lec. Voc. han is glossed by fir * true ' or * truth.*
band, bann, a hall, E. 7. So Corm., L. Lee. Voc. and O'Cl. Hence
' 44 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
•
r
f
/
«
perhaps the adj. hannach: suil glas bannach, LTJ. 113^, 3. Hardly
cogn. with liSiLfunda * sling,' from *fonda.^
bar a sage^ D. 15. So Corm., L.Lec. Voc, LB. 101, and H. 3.
18, pp. 65% 663. Cobthach cloth . . . breo (.i. noem) bar .i. sui,
LB. 101, marg. inf. bar. .i. sai, LL. 377^ 16. From ^hharo-s? cf.
Lat. harioltcs * soothsayer ' ?
barann a hloWy Ff. 22. So O'Cl. ni fuirc6ba-8u and fer rosasad
... a beim, a bruth, a barand, LU. 58^ 41, lin a barann mbuan,
Salt. R. 7934. Cogn. with Lat./<?rfa, O.K. lerja^ Skr. hhara *fight,'
Lit. harnia, Slav, hrant,
has top, E. 8. So L.Lec. Yoc. has .i. barr, O'Flah. A contraction
of hathas, haithes ' crown ' ? The ' bras .i. barr,* of Stowe XIX,
p. 30% seems wrong.
has M. death, p. 3, note 2, "WTd. 15* 28, gen. bdis. Transferred to
the slain: etir has 7 ergabail both killed and prisoner a, AU. 912.
Cogn. with the verb heha ' mortuus est ' and the noun hath infra.
Fick connects JjdX.fatuus,
basal pride, arrogance, Ff. 12. So 0*Br. baiseal .i. diomas,
0*Flah. Derived from has supra ? Cogn. with Lat. fasiua ?
base red, E. 26. So Conn., O'Dav. 62 and O'Cl. So also H. 3.
18, pp. 65^, 624, 560^ OTlah and O'Br. Possibly cogn. with Lat.
hacca from *hat-ca,
bascall one maddened hy fear, E. 7, and L.Lec. Yoc. baisgeall .1.
gelt, Stowe XIX, p. 30». baiscceal .i. geilt, OTlah. [b]oisgell .i.
geltan, H. 3. 18, p. 64^. Doghni boiscill dia bhibhdhaidh, hs makes
a ' hoscelV of his foe, Dan do Bhrian na murtha.
1. bath death, p. 3, D. 57. So Corm. s.v. baten, and H. 3. 18,
p. 65, col. 1. morbas bath dom-r^, LTJ. 119^ 30. Hence hathach (gl.
moribundus) Sg. 59*. A cognate verb, hathar, occurs in Amra
Choi. 129.
2. bath manslaughter, Ff. 25. Cogn. with Gallo-Lat. hatuere,
hatudlia, Fr. hattre, hataille, A.S. headu.
1. be night, Ff. 52. be .i. aidche, Stowe XIX, p. 30*. be .i.
ai[d]che, L.Lec. Voc. Cogn. with Gr. 0atos (from *0a£<ros?)
dusky.
2. be IT. woman, Ff. 52. So Corm. s.w. Buanann, Be N6it,
L.Lec. Yoc, Stowe XIX, and O'Cl. be .i. ben ut dicitur B6-bind
.i. ben find, LH. 16*. cid as messo ban ? ni ansa : Be
^ So aunt, avunculus are from sonty avonclos. There seems no ground for
regarding /Mmi^a as borrowed from a<i>€pi6yri.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 45
chaim, LL. 346* 30. Bi carna and M n-mroma are glossed by
merdreoh (=meretrix) in L.Lec. Voc. sg. voc. a be co mbail,
LL. 260» 4.
beo cattle, D. 60. So 0*C1. Identical with 5^o=Lat. fgjvivtis,
Skr. jlvd'By Goth, qim : cf. the Eng. expression live-stocky O.N.
kvikvendi, Ir. margad bid, margad beo-craid, LT,, 216* 53. beo-
almai, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 112» 1.
berr (MS. bior) short, Ff. 70. So H. 3. 18, pp. 64^ and 633».
Hence the verb berratm ' I clip.' "W. hyrr brevis. Prom a pre-
Celtic hhersO'B cogn. with Skr. hrasfoa ?
1. bescna feace, D. 27. So O'Cl. bescna .i. sith no bearla,
Stowe XIX, p. 30*, L.Lec. Voc. O'R.'s beasenadh, nembescna
strife, O'Don. Supp.
2. bescna the langiLage of a people, a nation, D. 27. Cogn. perh.
with Skr. hhdshd * speech.' This is O'Cl.'s hhcna * every country or
every land wherein are languages.' He quotes the Calendar of
Oengus, Ep. 318, athath in each hhcnu. So in the Auraicept na
nEces, Eg. 88, fo. 63% 2 : gach son fordorcha robui in gach
besgna 7 in gach berla fofrith ionad isin Gaidilc everg obscure
word which was in every country and in every district found place
in the Gaelic, As to the use of lingua, langice and rfKwaaa for
'nation,' see Ducange. belra a parish or district, O'Br. and see
LB. 132i>.
biach penis, E. 26. So H. 3. 18, pp. 51% 626, and O'Cl. biach
dorf riastradh oili a penis which will reach another's vexation, O'Dav.
57. Another example is in the following quatrain ascribed to
Conall Menu, Eg. 1782, fo. 64* :
Dia tf Luingsich don Bannda, cona trichait c6t imme,
gellfaith, cid lebur a bhiach, Cellach Liath Locha Cimme.
If Loingsech come to the Bann with his thirty hund/reds around him,
He will make submit, though long his penis, Cellach the Grey of Loch
Cimme.
In LL. 43* 5, da biach bar baill brde is glossed by duo testiculi
eius circa molam. Hence biachachd priapismus, O'Br.
bibda, miswritten bidba (gl. reus), p. 4, D. 43. bibdu bais,
Wb. 1* 15. pi. n. bibdaid (gl. obnoxii) Ml. 134^ 1. bibdid 45^ 10,
gen. bibdad 43* 12. Hence bibdamnact, Wb. 1^ 15. O.W. bibid,
M. Bret. beve%.
bibdanas, MS. bidbanus (gl. reatus), p. 1. So Conn. Tr. 147.
bil hair, mane, E. 24. So LL. Yoc. Borrowed from Lat. pilus.
48 IRISH METRICAL GI/)S8ARIB8. — UR. STOKW.
187* 58, L.Leo. Voc., and Stowe XIX, p. SO*, pi- n. oonid de
ataat na bri ee, LL. 287^, 9.
briar a golden brooch, E. 27, weighing an ounce, Corm. and H. 3.
18, p. 54 1^ briar .i. delg, O'Dav. 56, and H. 3. 18, p. 64«.
Identical with the Eng. brSr, now brier, briar. But which
language was the borrower is not clear.
bricht reliquary ? diadem ? p. 2, = breacht .i. mind, L.Lec. Toe
bro cutting, abusive, E. 7. bro .1. beimnech, Stowe XIX, p. 30*,
.i. beimneach, Edin. xxxviii. bro, 0*R.
bronnad consuming, D. 13. So L.Lec. Voc., O'CL bronnadh i
Bcaileadhno cnamh, H. 3. 18, p. 609, andO'Don. Snpp. eg. gen. breth
brondta ithe aidche judgment as to eating com at nighi, O'Dav. 60.
dat. do longad 7 do brondad cacha Wd. LB. 217«. The cogn. veA
bronnaim occurs in Fiacc's hymn 8 (n£ bronna), in LIT. 100* 6 (18
ed robronnad frisna cdic fichtiu bargen sin), and in LL. 844* 60
(robronnat na rothrebat).
broth /mA, Ff. 45. So O'Cl. Cogn. with fiopa and Lat. (f)voro.
bru doe. See quotation at baigliu supra, and cf. the Messapian
Ppevtov ' i\a(t>ov, Hesychius.
bruinnech ynother, E. 27. So Corm., and H. 3. 18, p. 65«. Nabi
bruinnech balb {his) mother was not dumb, 0*Dav. 56, ba h£ a
bruin[n]ech ro oilestar Mac De it was his mother that nursed Go^%
Son, ibid. 61. Derived from bruinns 'breast,' or br& gen. hronn,
' womb.'
bu death, p. 3, note 2. So H. 3. 18, p. 61 1^
buanann nurse, E. 24. Buanann muimme na fiann, Conn.
buas bellg, E. 23. Cogn. with Gr. (pvffKa and K.H.G. Baueh^
buas innbea ' entrails,' 0*Dav. 56.
buich a breaking, p. 2, Ff. 14, D. 58. So H. 3. 18, p. 615*.
Probably a verb : buich .i. robris, LTJ. 5^ 27. rocehaes gair co
mbuich, Amra Choi. 39. buich bron cerd Cuind grief rotUed Conn^s
division (i.e. the northern half of Ireland), Amra Choi. 130.
buide churn, E. 26. W. btiddai, for muide (=Lat. mod%us\
muddai. sg. dat. im-mudiu bic i mbid ass, LL. 286*, 49. dobeir
a df laim fon mudi, LU. 53*, 12.' So buime, E. 24, LL. 378* 24.
buimme, BB. 31* 4, for muimme 'nurse.' However, the b of buide
is possibly right, and the word may be cogn. with Lat. fidelia and
Gr. irido^ for *(t>iho^,
buile an evil secret, E. 6. So L.Lec. Yoc. ' an evil design *
^ A part of a harp was also called mude. See LTJ. 8^, 41.
N*|
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 47
bothach hog, fen, Ff. 70. So O'Cl. brugh botbacb-mbor, Rawl.
487, fo. 14^ 2. From *bu-t-ako-. Cogn. witb Lat. imhuo {in-huo)
I wet, moisten,
bott fire, V. infra, s.v. smer. bod .i. teine, L.Lec. Yoc.
bra eyebrow, Ff. 39. bra, braoi, D. 18. brae, LH. 2*. dubidir
re bran a brae, LL. 44^ 27. di broi duba dorcbaide, LTJ. 55* — 55^.
da bra doile dubgorma osna rosea sin, LB. 219*. Compds.
bra-dorcha, LL. 266^ 48, bra-dub .i. malachdub, LL. 266* 22. O.Ir.
*hrui =. O.-Slav. hruvi, Gr. o-cppm, Skr. hhrH. From tbe same
root comes tbe Gaulish hrtva * bridge,' from *bhrvd.
1. brae fiour (rectius malt), E. 26, Conn. s.v. brocoit, tbe
Welsh equivalent of Ir. hraich, gen. hracha. Laws, i. 128. sg. dat.
cess no da chess lana do braich 7 do arbur biid, LL. 286^ 35.
aire secht n-ech do braich 7 bind, ibid. 37. ace. mar miles mulend
muad-braich, LL. 86^ 21 = muadmraich, LTJ. 106^ 34. Hence the
name Mrachide, ATI. 726. Gaul, brace,
2. brae F. hand, E. 8. 24. So Corm. s.v. braccille, L.Lec. Voc.
adam braicc .i. adam laim my two hands, LL. 208* 28. From Lat.
bracchium, whence also W. braich,
1. bracht sap, fatness, E. 8, and so Corm. s v. anfobracht. bracbt
.i. sug no beoil, L.Lec. Yoc, H. 3. 18, p. 663. daceird bracht cu
feic (.i. saill furri corrici a fiacail), LL. 208* 12. Hence the adj.
brachtach * fat.'
2. bracht a breaking, cutting (reaping?), E. 24. bracht .i.
bri8[e]adh, Stowe XIX, p. 30*. .i. briseadh .i. buain, L.Lec. Yoc.
From ^bhrag-to, cogn. with Lat. fra-n-go, frac-tu-s, Goth, brikan,
braen (broen ?) poor (?), Ff. 59. Some mistake here : brdinech,
LTJ. 106^ 19, braonach .i. bronach sorrowful, O'CL, maybe connected.
braichem (MS. braici) stag, E. 8=braicheamh .i. damh alluidh,
O'Cl. See quotation at baigliu supra.
braitse hose, E. 19. braitsi .i. asan, Stowe XIX, p. 30. pi.
brfstfghe, O'Br. From Mid. Eng. breche.
brann woman, E. 8. So L.Lec. Yoc. Cogn. with bru ' womb,' gen.
bronn.
brech wolf = Skr. vrka. See quotation at baigliu supra. Compd.
Brechmag.
1. bres, F. some kind of noise, Ff. 6. breas .i. gach greadhan
no gach glor, O'Cl. sg. ace. mar 'tchuala Michol in mbreis conruala
in sluag 'mon tegdais, Salt. R. 5969.
2. bres great, Ff. 6. So O'Cl. bress, 0*Don. Supp.
bri word, D. 17. So O'Dav. 57 and O'Cl. bri .1. briathar, LL.
48 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
187* 58, L.Lec. Yoc, and Stowe XIX, p. 30*. pi. n. conid de
ataat na bri se, LL. 287*, 9.
briar a golden hroochf E. 27, toeighing an ounce, Corm. and H. 3.
18, p. 541*. briar .i. delg, O'Dav. 56, and H. 3. 18, p. 64^.
Identical with the Eng. brSr, now brier, briar. But which
language was the borrower is not clear.
bricht reliquary ? diadem ? p. 2, = breacht .i. mind, L.Lec. Yoc.
bro cutting, abusive, E. 7. bro .i. beimnech, Stowe XIX, p. 30%
.i. beimneach, Edin. xxxviii. bro, O'R.
bronnad consuming, D. 13. So L.Lec. Yoc, 0*C1. bronnadh .i.
sc^ileadhno cnamh, H. 3. 18, p. 609, andO'Don. Supp. sg.gen. breth
brondta ithe aidche judgment as to eating corn at night, O'Dav. 60.
dat. do longad 7 do brondad cacha bid, LB. 217°. The cogn. verb
bronnaim occurs in Fiacc's hymn 8 (ni bronna), in LTJ. 100* 6 (is
ed robronnad frisna C(5ic fichtiu bargen sin), and in LL. 344^ 50
(robronnat na rothrebat).
hTot]i Jlesh, Pf. 45. So O'Cl. Cogn. with fiopd and Lat. (g)voro,
bru doe. See quotation at baigliu supra, and cf. the Messapian
Ppivhov • eXafpop, Hesychius.
bruinnecii mother, E. 27. So Corm., and H. 3. 18, p. 65®. ITa hi
bruinnech balb {his) mother was not dumb, O'Dav. 56, ba h{ a
bruin[n]ech ro oilestar Mac De it was his mother that nursed God's
Son, ibid. 61. Derived from bruinne 'breast,' or brli gen. bronn,
* womb.'
bu death, p. 3, note 2. So H. 3. 18, p. 611*.
buanann nurse, E. 24. Buanann muimme na fiann, Corm.
buas bellg, E. 23. Cogn. with Gr. (pvaKa and IT.H.G. JBauch ?
buas innbea * entrails,* 0*Dav. 56.
buich a breaking, p. 2, Ff. 14, D. 58. So H. 3. 18, p. 615*.
Probably a verb : buich .i. robris, LTJ. 5* 27. rocehaes gair co
mbuich, Amra Choi. 39. buich bron oerd Cuind grief routed Conv^s
division (i.e. the northern half of Ireland), Amra Choi. 130.
buide churn, E. 26. "W. buddai, for muide (=Lat. modius),
muddai. sg. dat. im-mudiu bic i mbid ass, LL. 286*, 49. dobeir
a di laim fon mudi, JAJ. 53*, 12.^ So buime, E. 24, LL. 378^ 24.
buimme, BB. 31* 4, for muimme * nurse.' However, the b of buide
is possibly right, and the word may be cogn. with Lat. fidelia and
Gr. irlOo^ for *(piBo9.
buile an evil secret, E. 6. So L.Lec. Yoc. ' an evil design '
^ A part of a harp was also called mude. See LIT. 8*, 41.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 49
O'E., as if there was some connexion with fiovXy, Cf. buaile a
nomine holin .i. consilium, H. 3. 18, p. 80^.
bus .i. topais, E. 25. Both 'lemma and gloss are pbscure to me.
buth world, D. 62. budh, 0*Br. If this be right, cf. Gr. 0i;<7««
(from *0t;-Tt-9), Skr. hhu-ti-s * existence,' hhu-mi-a * earth.'
But the dat. dual hathaih in the line maithi uli du dib
bathaib, all the nobles of the two worlds^ Bk. Fen. 160, where
it rhymes with rathuih^ seems to show that luth is a mistake
for hath.
cadlayo«^, Ff. 17. So O'Mulc. 279 and O'Cl.
caer candle, Ff. 44. So H. 3. 18, p. 626 (^caer .i. caindell). caor
a flame, fire, O'Don. Supp. caer thened hisinn aidche, LL. 207^
29. pi. n. caera crethir comraicthe, LIT. 91* 20. Cogn. with Goth,
sheirs 'clear,' A.S. scir, Eng. sheer, y/ski *to shine.'
1. cai (MS. cae) house, D. 54. So Corm., and H. 3. 18, pp. 66^,
633°. Compounded: cerdd-chae (gl. officina) Sg. 51». Cogn. with
Low Lat. caya, cayum domus, Gr. Ketjuai, Yedic gayd Lager,
Kuhestatte, ^gi, Goth, heiva-, Eng. hive,
2. (ioipath, p. 3. So Corm., L. Lee. Yoc, and see Laws, i. p. 32,
where the words gilla dom-amic ar cae (a lad came to me on
the way) are misrendered by ' a youth protected me on the way.'
ar caoi .i. ar slige, H. 3. 18, p. 210. aroen contiagmais ar cae,
LL. 44^. nir' lensat cai na conair dun primsligeV? immach, BB.
407* 4. for oen-choi, LIT. 65^ 28. Cognate verbs are o shunn cai
Helesseus ar eel, hence JSlisha went to heaven. Salt. E. 7223, and in,
O'Dav. 52 and 71, s.v. cae: aracae osar sinnser the younger goes
hefore the elder, and perh. ro-chim. Cf. Com. ke *go,' pi. keugh
' go ye ' ; Lat. do, cieo ; Gr. kiu), Kiiru/jiai, Kiviiv.
(i^\^pure,chaste,l£i.\b. So Corm. andO'Cl. Frequent in F61. Cogn.
with Lat. castusirovcL *cad'to-s. Another caidh .i. nasal, O'Dav. 72.
cail protection, p. 1 note, call .i. comet, H. 3. 18, p. 66^, LLec.
Yoc. and Corm. s.v v. bracille, caile, culpait, cerchaill. comad moidi
a cail, Bk. Fen. 414, which Hennessy renders *That the higher
might be their fame.'
caimse (MS. cuimsi) F. shirt, Ff. 35. caimmse Corm. caimse,
H. 3. 18, p. 67*. pi. n. teora caimsi, LIT. 94, 1. 14. Borrowed like
W.camse, Com. cams, A.S. cemes, from Low Lat. (Gaulish?) camisia.
Cognate are N.H.G. JECemd and Skr. gamulya. Whence is W. hefis ?
caindlech iW^A^, E. 1. Frequent inFel. rosccainlech glas, LU.
130^ 25. Derived from caindel, LU. 89^ 14, and this borrowed
from Lat. candela,
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 4
50 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
cais eye^ Ff. 39. So O'Cl. From ^Jcas-tL The Irish, cognate
verb is ad-chiu (*ati-kesi6) * I see ' ; pass. pret. sg. 3 ad-chess : ^kes,
of which the so-called Skr. y/caksh is a reduplication, Windisch,
in Kuhn*s Zeitschrift, xxi. 425.
1. caise cause, Ff. 46. cais, 0*Br. cas .i. caingen .i. a causa,
H. 3. 18, p. 66».
2. caise love, p. 3, Ff. 76. caisi, D. 60. So H. 3. 18, p. 612^, and
O'Cl. Yiom. ^kastio'. cats *love,' mis-cais * hatred,' are from the
same root has, perh.= Skr. y/kash * to itch ' ?
caisse, hatred, p. 3, Ff. 76, D. 60. So H. 3. 18, p. 612% and
O'Cl. From ^cat'tio-, cogn. with Gr. kotows, or from ^cad-tio, cogn.
with Goth, haiis, Eng. hate, A shorter form, cais, occurs in Amra
Choi. 51 : Tar cais c^xi-dLeindim f(yr hMred {return) well-doing, and cf.
miscais, infra s.v. neoit, gen. miscsen, LL. 344^ 34. The W. cas
* hateful,' casedd * hatred,* are the British cognates.
calad Aart^, D. 13. SoL.Lec.Voc.O'Dav. 65, and H. 3. 18, p. 663^.
calath, LIT. 106^. caladh .i. gand, Stowe XIX, p. 39*. Compd.
caladgela, H. 2. 16, col. 716. W. caled, Br. calet, Kluge connects
N'.H.G. held from *hale]7. The Ir. calma 'brave' is nearer in
meaning.
calb (calbh, O'R.) hardness, Ff. 22, cognate with calad,
calb head, Ff. 71. So L. Lec.Voc. and H. 3. 18, p. 615^ do
chalb re cloich, O'Br. gen. sg. : Deaith doerchrau i crichaib cain
cailb .i. diaith .i. ni haith doerchra[n]sat mo suile hi caincrichaib
mo chind . calb .i. cend, LB. 241*. dat. adam aed (.i. adam suil) im
chalb (.i. im chind), LL. 208* 27. Lat. ealva, calvaria ?
caxa combat, D. 19. So Corm. and O'Dav. 64, 71, 103. midach
teora cam a brave of three combats. Borrowed either from A.S.
camp or (as K. Meyer thinks) from a prehistoric form of O.N. kapp.
The spelling caam in Bk. Arm. 13* 1 (* lignum contensionis quod
uocatur caam apud gentiles) has not been explained.
cann a can, Ff. 55. So Corm. s.v. esconn. An early example is
cann airgit, Bk. Arm. fo. 17* 2. Borrowed from A.S. canne, F.
cap chariot, cart, Ff. 19. So Corm. s.v. capall, and L. Lee. Yoc.
hearse, bier, ructhar i capp .i. i carr, LU. 6^ 30. In H. 3. 18, p. 624,
cap is glossed by crdchar * bier.'
dkm.'Bi flesh, Ff. 30. So Corm. and O'Cl. cuirm ecus carna, Corm.
s.v. ore tr6ith. carna samaisci do indarggain, LL. mfr do chamu,
Corm. (Laud 610), s.v. imbas forosnai. n{ ba lam laich lethas
carna caurad, LL. 87* 43. noco n-ernaba cern na carna dit asind ait
hi tudchad, LU. 86* 20. ba ech, or, argat 7 carna, FM. 1088.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 51
carna, cuirm, cnoimes, cadla | it e ada na samna, fleshmeaty ale^
nut-mast, trtpe, these are the dues of All Saints^ Day, Rawl. B,
612, fo. 98^2. sg. voc. a chama cram, LB. 253*. Compd. ; a
chomla do thirm-chamu, LB. 216». Cogn. with Lat. caro,
carthoit (MS. caruid) pious, Ff. 71. So H. 3. 18, pp. 66* and
634^ {carthdit, cardot), and O'Cl. {cartoit). Bai carthait, (Boi)
cardait, Amra Cliol. 76. The noun cartoit, Corm., like W. cardod,
is borrowed from an oblique case of Lat. caritas,
cast chaste, Ff. 71. So H. 3. 18, pp. 66*, 613% 634^. Bai cath,
bai cast, Amra Choi. 73. From Lat. castus, as castdit, Trip. Life,
xvii, from castitdtem.
castus, p. 1. From Lat. casttts.
cath doaim, E. 28. Both lemma and gloss are obscure.
1. ce niffht, Ff. 52, ace. to H. and 0*R. From *skaid (cf. Skr.
ehhdya, Gr. aKia), as caech * blind,' from *skaiko-s.
2. ce companion ? Ff. 52. So O'Cl.
3. ce earth, Ff. 64. D. 29. So O'Cl. Hardly from *qhj6,
cogn. with Gr. x^wi/ x^®"*'®** ^^^- ^*^? Is it due to a mis-
understanding of the common phrase /or bith chA ?
cechair a sloit^h, D. 28. So O'Cl. Ace. to O'Dav. 69. the upper
part of a cechair is marsh ; and the lower water ; while in the case
of a lathach, the upper part is water, and the lower mud. conid
corastar dar droichtiu ind liss isin cechair, LL. 117^ 35. cobair
bo hi cechatr, LB. 204^ 19. cobair cethrae ar choin 7 cechair,
Harl. 5280, fo. 38*. ceachair dirt, filth, O'Br. Hence the adj.
cecharda: nirpsa grenach cecharda, Eawl. B. 512, fo. 112* 2.
The Skr. gdkan and Gr. Koirpo^ may be cognate.
cecht power, D. 19, E. 11. cecht .i. cumachta, Stowe XIX.
Sk. gakti, ^ gak, O.IT. hdttr,
1. ceis spear, D. 16. So O'Cl. From *kes'ti, Cogn. with Gr.
Ke(Trpo9, Lat. castro (from *castrum knife), Skr. gastra-m,
2. ceis cuairt, circuit, visit, D. 53, = ceis curit, L. Lee. Voc.
From "^ked-ti, cogn. with the verb ceisim (ro ceis romna n-aes .i. ro
cheimnige i rosomaine na aese, Eawl. B. 502, fo. 62^ 2), and this
with Lat. cado, cedere, cessare, Gr. KeKahovro, Zend gad gehn,
verlassen, fallen (Justi).
1. eel death, p. 8, note 2. So Corm., L Lee. Voc. and 0*C1. fa
foa doluid for a cheal, LL. 370^ 23. Dochuaid for eel . . . for
slicht sen, Salt. E. 3685. not-chuirfe in flaith ar eel, LL. 278,
marg. inf. Cf. O.N. hel.
2. eel heaven, E. 29. So Corm. and O'Cl. 0 shunn cai Heleseus
52 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
ar chel eter noebu for noeb-nem, Salt. R. 7185. Borrowed from
Low Lat. *c^lumy caelum.
cele servant^ D. 45. So O'Dav. 63, O'Cl. and see O'Don. Supp.
s.v. ceile DS * servus Dei,* anglicised culdee, ceile caich a comhair
a chomdedh the servant of every one in his lord's presence^ O'Dar. 63.
dlegar don ceile denamh drechta im dun na flatha the tenant is
liable to make a dreclit(?) round the chieftain's fort, O'Dav. 78.
See also LTJ. 68* 13, 16, and 74^ 9. Compd. soir-chele (gl.
libertus), Wb. 10* 23. Perhaps originally identical with die
* socius.'
celt raiment, D. 47. So Corm., H. 3. 18, p. 66, and O'Cl.
Anglicised kilt, celt asas treu, LU. 95* 38. imdatuigethar celt
clithargarb, LTJ. 95* 25. dechelt, Corm. Hence celtar, LTJ. 79*
20, celtair, H. 3. 18, p. 66*, and celtach 'kilted,' Bk. Fen. 78.
celtair spear, ¥f. 36. D. 16. So O'Dav. 68. pi. n. co mbeodutar
celtra catha Caier ! Corm. s.v. gaire : dual n : di cheltir ina laim,
LTJ. 133* 26. Cognate is diceltar, LTJ. 133* 44=diceltair the
shaft of a spear without an iron on if, Corm. s.v. gaire. W. paladr
* hastile,' Gr. TreXriy and ttoKtov shaft, pole,
cenel children, D. 12, rather means kindred, and i8='W. cenedl
gens, genus, natio. Hence cenelach, Wb. 23* 32. Cognate with the
Ir. verb cinim * I spring from, descend,' O'Don. Supp., the verbal
noun ciniud, and the noun cine (leg. cined?) * a tribe,* O'Don. Supp.
cenntecol .i. triallad, E. 10. .i. twrailead, L. Lee. Voc.
coinwtegal .i. truaill^(? 'corruption,' Stowe XIX. These glosses
are due to a misunderstanding of Cormac's ceinticul .i. combrec
rotruaillned ann .i. cenical (it is) Welsh that has been corrupted
therein, to wit, * centecul.* He explains it as * a name for
wool whereof they make a blanket.' So H. 3. 18, p. 67» s.v.
centecul, and see O'Cl. s.v. cinnteagal. The Middle- Welsh form
is kenhughel, Welsh Laws, i. 308, where the translator says, that
cynnygl (as he modernises kenhughel) is ** literally * wadded';
perhaps a gambeson." Prom a Low-Lat. *contegulum ?
ceo besides ? D. 60. Sceo 7 ceo 7 neo tri comoccomail Goideilggi,
LL. 26* 1, and see Amra Choi. 73 (ceo ni coirm, ceo ni sercoll).
1. cerb slaughtering, wounding, D. 20. sg. gen. crothid conchend
catha ceirp, LU. 47* 22. mac in chirb, is e a bes guin, LL. 148* 14.
Apparently identical with 2. cerb.
2. cerb cutting, D. 20. So O'Cl. cerp .i. teascad, O'Dav. 63.
An adj. cerb, cerp *keen,' occurs in Salt. R. 891, 4767,
6913, 8087, the verb nos-cerband in LTJ. 109* 23, and the partici'ple
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 53
cerltha in LTJ. 56* 12 (belt cuirp cerbtha, cainfit nma, bodies will he
hacked y women will wail).
1. cem victory, Ff. 18, D. 18, E. 27. So O'Cl. pi. dat. do
cemaib .i. do buadhaib no do gnimhuibh, Amra Conroi, H. 3. 18,
p. 49. pi. nom. mor a ceama fria tuireamh, Ban do Brian na
miirtha, gen. is tu laech na cemd 7 na comram, LU. 100^ 17. Hence
cemach, LL. 294^ 12. cearnach .i. buadach vietoriom, Stowe XIX.
2. cem a man^ D. 18. So O'Cl.
3. cem act of consuming, D. 36. So O'Cl.
cerr a lopping, Ff. 25. So O'Cl. Cognate with cirrbed, Bk.
Fen. 216, and the verb ro cirred iarom ind lam sin, LU. 98^ 2,
cirrfitir colla, LL. 254^ 24.
cerTh&ch. plunder, Ff. 43. So O'Cl.
cetnait (MS. and O'Br. ceathnaid) a sheep, Ff. 17. So O'Dav.
62. roearba rocetnaitt comair a tigi teacht ina lias he ordered a
hig sheep near his house to come into her fold, O'Dav. 72, s.v. comair.
This seems a dimin. of cet, the dat. pi. of which citoihh (leg. cetaihh)
is glossed by cairidh [leg. cairigh] finda in H. 3. 18, p. 49. He
nee cetaimni .i. cairidh [leg. cairigh], Duil Laithne 117.
. ciar hlack, E. 28. So Stowe XIX, p. 30*, and O'Cl. pi. ace. fri
lalla ciara .i. fri demna .i. elta duba demoniorum, Brocc. h. 91.
cichlad a lopping, Ff. 25. ceachladh .i. ciorrbhadh, O'Cl.
cicht (from *qviktu-) engraver, D. 44. So in H. 3. 18, p. 66^.
cicht .i. geibire .i. rindaire. cicht .i. geibiach, Stowe XIX. cichtse
,i. geibiach .i. rannaigh [leg. rinnaighe], O'Dav. 63. Cogn. with
P ictus * Pict,' and perh. W, pwgth * stitch.'
1. cil (MS. ciol) wrong, D. 41, E. 29. So Corm., L. Lee. Voc.
O'Dav. 66, and O'Cl. partial, false, O'Don. Supp. Compounds are
leth'chil and cil-hreth,
2. cil (MS. ciol) death, from *celu, D. 43. So O'Cl. co tarrlaic
faodb fir cil so that he gave a truly deadly shot, O'Dav. 64.
clairiu division, E. 29. So Corm. clairiudh .i. roinn, O'Cl.
claireadh .i. foghail (leg. fodail) no sgaoileadh, O'Flah.
clamar satire, E. 17. .i. air no escuine, H. 4. 27, p. 67. clamar
,i. air, Stowe XIX. clamor .i. air, L. Lee. Voc. Borrowed from
O.N. kldm-or^ * a libel in verse.' Cogn. with cldmaithe * reproach,'
LB. 228^ 11. The Ir. gldm {in the phrase gldm dicenn) is either
borrowed from or cogn. with O.N. kldm * foul language.'
clandad thrusting, D. 40. So O'Dav. 70 and O'Cl,, L. Lee. Voc.
and H. 3. 18 cited in O'Don. Supp. s.v. clannsad. Verbal noun
of clandaim — nos-clanna in sciain ind, LL. 269» 23 ; corthe no-
54 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
chlantais intan bad maidra n-imairic, LU. 86^ 42 ; clannsad cleatha
doghra thrid, BB. 31» 26 — borrowed from Lai, plantOf whence also
W. plannu * plan tare, serere.'
cle wrong, D. 41. So O'Cl. Seems derived from oil q.v. But
perhaps the e is long and cU would then be identical with eld
* sinister,' W. cledd, Goth, hlei-duma,
cliste readi/, E. 22. cliste active, swift, 0*Br. laoch clistei
O'Don. Supp. s.v. leirg : cliste ar a laimh deis chl^, marcach ain-
chlisde, O'Br. A living word : fear cliste * a clever, sharp, smart
man,' O'Growney. Cogn. with clisid, O'Dav. 70, s.v. cleth, and the
s-pret. clissis, LU. 69^ 13.
cloch, F. stone, p. 4. Prob. cogn. with calad, q.y.
coart landholder, D. 15. So O'Cl. and see O'Dav. 62. coairt,
Corm. hi coairte .i. i mbriugaide, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 62* 1.
cob victory, Ff. 30, 50, coph p. 1, E. 27. So Corm., O'Dav. 63, and
O'Ci. So also H. 3. 18, pp. 67% 634*. Hence the name CoUhach.
The Gaulish names Coh-launo, Coh-nertus, Coh-nerta, Ver-eohius are
also prob. cognate. Pick connects 0. Norse hap, Eng. happy^ Skr*
^ag-md * powerful.*
cobra shield, Ff. 37. So O'Cl. pi. gen. tri maic TJislend cobra
ngarg, LL. 114» 35.
coemthecht (=com-imm-thecht) accompanying, D. 49. sg. dat.
i coimthecht dagdoine, Wb. 16* 2. Hence coemthechtaid * attendant.'
coic a secret, Ff. 47. So Corm., O'Dav. 63, s.v. coig, and
Stowe XIX. ni cuala coic nuin he heard not an evil secret, H. 3*
18, p. 61^^. coig .i. run, LL. 393*53. coic .i. comairle counsel^
H. 3. 18, p. 66<5, and coigli .i. comairli, O'Dav. 63. coicle .i.
folach concealment, ibid. 6 1 *, may be cognate.
coice, coidche (O'Br.'s coice) mountain, Ff. 27.
coidche armpit, Ff. 41 : reading doubtful. L. has caoiche is colL
A gloss in a note to Fel. Aug. 4, on the line Molua mace oche,
preserves another word for * armpit': ^^ocha apud ueteres ochaal
dicitur prius," where ocha may be cogn. with Lat. oculvs,
coimmdiu (*com-mediot-) lord, D. 47. • So O'Dav. 72 and O'Cl.
sg. gen. coimded, Wb. 9<', Ml. 26*. dat. coimdid, Wb. 8*, 27^ ace*
coimmdith, Sg. 29*. Cogn. with Ir. midiur, Goth, mita^ Gr.
fieBoP7€9, JLLTJffTtVp, JuijBo^*
coindelg counsel, Ff. 10. So O'Cl. and O'Don. Supp. sg. gen.
fer condilc fir. Trip. Life 210. ace. contuaset sbs na brudni uli a
condelg, LU. 93, line 15.
coing a following, E. 29, * a going together,' O^R.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 55
coit a wood, E. 4. So Corm. s.v. Sailchoit. Borrowed from
0 W. coit^ now coed. Cogn. with Goth, haithi,
colg F. sword, Ff. 36. So Conn, and O'Cl. ni for braigtib
dam na bo cloithir colg (.i. claideb) mo ruanado, LL. 277*28. cole
oc mo choilc-se, LTJ. 6^ 10. The spelling <?«/^ (=W. caly veretrum,
Br. calch) seems more correct, calg det, LTJ. 87^ 18.
coll head, Ff. 38. So O'Cl. and O'Br. gen. cuill: daceird bracht
cu feic a cuill .i. a carpait, LL. 208* 12, whence it seems that
coll means * jowl.' The dat. and gen. pi. seem in the phrases dicetul
do chollaib cend, Eawl. B. 512, fo. 114^ 1, dicetal di cennaib coll,
Laud 610, fo. 57^. Hardly borrowed from A.S. ceafl,
colt food, Ff. 20. So Corm. s.v. asgalt, and H. 3. 18, p. 615^.
cen cholt .i. cen biad, LU. 8*. eter cond sceo colt .i. enech no biad,
LB. 241*. Literally, perh., something cooked, cogn. with Lat. caleo,
Skr. crta, Lith. sziltaa,
com-etaid (gl. custos) p. 4, cometid la mmaccu (gl. paedagogus)
Wb. 19°. From com-H ' servatio,' GC.^ 793, 871. Compounds
are a'dcomHid a.nd fos-chom^aid.
comm covering, shelter, protection, D. 47. sg. dat. i com argit
gil, LB. 233^. ace. tabar com (.i. coimhed) dun, Eawl. B. 512,
fo. 35*. A sister-form coimm occurs in FM. 1599, p. 2140
{ha coimm ria gcioth dosnm), the dat. sg. of which is frequent
in the expression f6 a choim, LU. 68* 10, and see Lism. Lives,
2025, 2027, 2398, 2396. It is the Irish reflex of Gr. Kofifios, and is
cogn. also with Lat. cmgo.
com-maim wife, lit. yoke-fellow, E. 23. So L. Lee. Voc. and
O'Dav. 70. commam, Trip. Life 14. sg. gen. comaime, LB. 198*,
dat. da chommaim, Bk. Fen. Hence commdmus * matrimony,* sg.
gen. commamsa, O'Dav. 70. From <?oiw=Lat. cum and mdim, cogn.
with mam * jugura.*
commar nose, Ff. 40,=commor .i. sron, O'Cl. MeaDing doubtful.
In LL. 108* 30, it seems to signify some other part of the body:
coratar ecnaig a thruim 7 a glainene for ettegail dar commur a
chraes 7 a bragit. So in LTJ. 15* 23: ar cend caid comarli, ar
commor moradbal.
comrair F. case, D. 51. comrair taiscedai, Bk. Fen. 12, better
comrar (gl. capsa) Sg. 36*, 92*, LTJ. 114*32. ata comrar chloche
i mbi and hi talam, LTJ. 134* 3. a muintore argit for a chomrair,
ihid. 1. 6. comrar conga each cethra, LL. 293^ 19. Metaph.
comrar dana, LL. 187* 15 and Eawl. B. 502, fo. 62^ 2. is hi tra
comrair chrabuid leosum, LB. 10* 15.
56 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
conn sense, Ff. 27, 45. So O'Cl. and Stowe XIX. amacha ndecra
a chond nach a cliiall, LTJ. 79* 35. sg. dat. asa cund, LU. 48^ I
bid crad da ce[i]ll is da cond, Bk. Fen. 246. ace. tucussa doi
sere mo chride 7 mo ehond, LL. 302^ 34. is fin romedair in slua
eo mbatar een ehond een cheill, LL. 282* 1. Perhaps cogn. wit
Gr. Koppctv.
conruiter, p. 3=conr6iter, Arara Choi. 13, 43, where it is glosse
by cain rdfittTf no rochomct. The con is eogn. with Kaivo^^ La
re-cens.
consal M. counsellor, E. 1 0. So Stowe XIX. pi. gen. Ni eumangar
rim a ngradaib 7 a eeimendaib ar imat a consal ... 7 a ndiuice
a eenture it is impossible to rehearse them in ranks and in degree
became of the multitude of their consuls . . . and their- dukes an
their centurions, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 87* 1. ace. consala, LB. 157
From Lat. consul. So Ir. irchdnsal, LB. 180^, from Lat. proconsu
as Erpoint, LL. 222^, 232», from Propontis,
1. core 4an, D. 12. So O'Cl. and H. 3. 18, p. 66^. O.I
corcu: in populo Korku Reti, Adamnan's Vita Col. ed. Reevei
p. 89. de genere Corcu-Chonluain, Bk. Arm. 11^ 1. in regionc
Corcu-Temni, ib. 13^ 2. de genere Corcu-Theimne, ib. 15* i
Corcu Dubni, LL. 292* 47=Coreo Duibne, ib. 277i> 22. in ehlan
Coreo Laigde, ibid. 210* 51. in fines Corcu Ochland, Trip. Life 9--
mace Rimenoeb Chilli Chorcu-Roide, ib, 138. i tir Corcu- Themne
ib, 122.
2. core (MS. tore) hair, E. 27. So L. Lee. Yoe. Cogn. wit
Gr. Kcip, Lat. crinis ? or with xepKo^ * tail ? '
cose instruction, correction, D. 33, sg. gen. coise, cuise. eose .
tegosc, Stowe XIX, p. 39^. dat. cose: teit-seom cosin n-arai
dia chose, LTJ. 64*. Hence teooso, tinchose * instruction.' ro-cosca
(gl. correptus est), W. cosp. From con+^seq,
cot {a cutting) victory, E. 27. cod, L. Lee. Yoe. and 0*B:
Form and meaning doubtful. Cotan .i. laoch * hero,' Duil Laithn
38, may be derived, and Gr. k€pt€iv, kopto^, may be eogn.
coth food, E. 28. So Corm. and O'Cl. coth eibum .i. biadh ar i
berla am««l asb^rar cothngud na n-indile, Harl. 432, fo. 3* 1, an
see BE. 3. 18, p. 634*.
cria buying, D. 25. So L.Lec. Voc. and H. 3. 18, p. 633\ Bt
' cria is a verbal form from crenim = ^\.r, krindmi, and mear
* emas ' : ni ria, ni cria do dodhamnu, thou shalt not sell, the
shalt not buy, to or from an unqualified person, such as a thie
or a little child, O'Dav. 79 and Laws, iii. 58.
y
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 57
crfch F. (gl. finem) p. 5, now erioch, Windisch connects this
word with KpUo^ and circtia.
crimthann (MS. criomhtan) fox, Ff. 51. So L. Lee. Voc, O'Cl.
and Mart. Don. p. 160, where the author says that crtomtann,
in the hard Gaelic ( Gaoideilg criiaid), is the same as * fox.*
cro narrow, E. 20. So L. Lee. Voc. cro .i. timargain, H. 3. 18,
p. 51^ H. 4. 22, p. 62a.
croch, high, E. 27. croch gach n-ard 7 gach n-inn, H. 3. 18,
p. 67**. Cogn. seems croich .i. uachtar bainne * cream,' O'Dav. 68.
crum-duma dunghill, E. 29. So Corm. who cites cin chon
crumduma a crime of a dunghill dog. crumdub .i. ottrach, 0*Dav. 63.
The literal meaning seems * worm-heap,' from cruim = 'W. prgf
Skr. krmi, Lith. kirmi-8, and duma cogn. with Gr. Orffiihv, Owfio^,
Eng. dam,
cuanna (MS. cuadhna) hill, Ff. 27. So O'Cl. and O'Br. Cogn. with
O.N", hiinn * knob '? The W. ctvn, cynu, erchynu, and the Old-Celtic
cunO' and 'Ap-Kvpia {oprf) are from the same root, with which
Windisch (Kuhn's Beitr. viii. 40) connects O.H.G. hun * giant,'
pi. hikni. Or is it from y/qeup, whence Lith. kaiipa-s * heap,'
0. Pers. kaufa * mountain ' ?
cuar {?roo^^(?, Ff. 44. So O'Cl. ras-tarraingda corranaib cruaidi
cuara, LL. 230*. cuar-sciath, Rawl. B. 602, fo. 47* 1. pi. n.
cuar-sceith, LU. 87^ 17. Hence the verbal noun cuarad, LL.
236* 13.
1. cud (cuth?) head, D. 62. So Corm. s.v. descud: cud .i.
cenn, Duil Laithne 4. cudh no cuth, O'Cl. lea hanail ho chud,
LU. 128^ 10. caut .i. cenn, H. 3. 18, p. 67*. cuth, O'Br. for-
cuth, ib. .
2. cud (cuth ?) an offering, D. 62.
1. cuib dog, Ff. 16. .i. cu, O'Dav. 71, s.v. cinnes, and O'Cl.
mu chuib (.i. mo chu) asa ho, darchinnius (.i. darlecius) co dfan
mo chuib .i. mo choin, LL. 208* 12. In the Amra Conroi,
H. 3. 18, p. 49, cuim .i. cu is perhaps the same word.
2. cuib word ? Ff. 30, or is it a sister- form of coh * victory,' q.v.?
cuime protection, Ff. 31 — leg. cuimne, as in O'Br. = 0. Ir.
<ioemna, caomhna, O'Cl.
cuimleng F. combat, E. 8. gl. agon, Gild. 19. cuimling .i. comrac
H. 3. 18, p. 624. sg. dat. i comling. Trip. Life 566, ace. doroine
cuimleng, note to Fel. Apr. 19. pi. ace. cumlenga, LL. 54* 5.
cuinsel face, Ff. 40. cuinnseal, O'B. A sister-form is cuinnsi
•i. aghaidh, H. 3. 18, p. 639. coinso, LU. 87^ 11. cuinsiu chorad.
58 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
LTJ. 106*7. coindse .i. drech, H. 3. 18, p. 67% and O'Don. Supp.,
and see O'Dav. 62, s.v. cucht.
cuislennach piper ^ D. 44. pi. n. cuslennaig, LL. 261* 30. gen.
pi. cuslennach, LU. 88^, 97^. Derived from cuisli .i. crand ciuil,
L. Leo. Voc. and Stowe XIX. gen. pi. cuislenn : bindfogur na
cuislend, LTJ. pi. ace. na cuislenna (gl. venas), Gild. 222. So
avpif^^ is used of any duct or channel in the body.
1. cvl protection, p. 1. Ff. 30, 50. D. 45. So H. 4. 22, p. 67,
and Stowe XIX. cia beith do iar cul, though he might have it under
hi% protection, Laws, i. 150. A sister -form culu occurs: doberind
culu (.i. comet) ar gart (.i. ar einech) Find, LL. 208* 31. These
words, like culaid * raiment,' are cogn. with N.H.G. hulle,
2. cul chariot, p. 1, Pf. 19. 50. So Corm., H. 3. 18, p. 60^,
O'Cl. cul, L. Lee. Voc. culu (.i. cul .i. carpat) tria neit (.i.
cath) LTJ. 6^ 24. fonoad (i. ro immanad) col carpait dun and,
ol se, LTJ. 122^ 38. atchlunim cul carpait, LL. 83* 11. Compd. :
culgaire na carpat, LL. 109^ 23. O.Slav, kolo * wheel, circle.' Lat.
coluSy Gr. TToXo^,
culmaire ehariothuilder, E. 9. So H. 3. 18, p. 66^, and O'Cl.
Also charioteer: is culmaire .i. is cairptech, LTJ. 109* 40. cul-
maire .i. cairptheo[i]r, Stowe XIX. culmairi .i. cairptheoir, L.Lec.
Voc. culmhaire wheelwright, O'Br.
cum a vessel? E. 28. Used topographically: ingen Dinil o
Chum Dinil i crich Corco Duibne, LL. 277^ 22, where cum is
=W. cwmm * vallis, convallis.' Gr. KVfiprj, KVfipo^^ *cup,' N.H.G.
humpen,
cumlachtaid pig, E. 29, is rather a sucJcing-pig, Corm. com-
lachtaid, O'Dav. 62, where seven other words for * pig ' are given.
cum-rech K. (gl. ligo), p. 1. cumrech, sg. dat. cuimriuch, pi. n.
cuimrecha, is a noun, not a verb, and means * bond, fetter.' The
cogn. verb is conrivg, pres. ind. sg. 3. conrig (gl. alligat) Ml. 23^ 2.
cunn sense, Ef . 27, a sister-form of conn q.v. Cogn. with cunnlacht
* wisdom.'
CUT M, hero, champion, D. 39, also caur, LTJ. 85^ 32, 114*41,
LL. 106^ 9. sg. gen. da suil churad i cind in chlaim atas-cim
a htro*s two eyes I see them in the leper^s head, LL. 303^ 14.
caurad, LTJ. 77^ 33. pi. n. cauraid, LL. 106^ 11. curaid, LL.
256* 16. Compd. curath-mfr. Hence caurata, LTJ. 80* 28. Cogn.
with W. cawr gigas, Com. caur in caur -march (gl. camelus), Skr.
gavlra^ gura, Gr. Kupo^, Kvpios,
curson a sage (arracht de image of God?), Ef. 71. So H. 3. 18,
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 59
pp. 66a, and 634*, H. 4. 22, p. 67, and O'Cl. curson e a mbeasoibh
brughadh, Dan do Bhrian na miirthay 116. The carbon of the
Amra Senain, LB. 241*, is perhaps a mistake for curson,
cusal strength^ Ff. 23. courage, 0*!Br. Hence perh. the adj.
cossalach, LTJ. 96*.
dae housCj D. 54. So 0*C1., who quotes rioghdhae (rig-dae)
* palace.' daoe, D. 57. Possibly cogn. with Oaifio^ ' otKia, Hesychius,
Oscfdmaum *to dwell,' Skr. dhdman,
dag good, p. 3. Ff . 72, D. 69. So Conn. s.v. aingel ; droch do
drochaib, dag do dagaib, Corm. Tr. 61 and H. 3. 18, pp. 68^, 634^
Roir dam .x. ratha (.i. lis), .x. treaba ( i. tighe) dagha (.i. maithi
no cona ndilius feibh), Amra Conroi. Derb dag i mba, Amra
Choi. 46. W. da. Can it be cogn. with Gr. Taxv^ (from *^axv9),
compar. Oaaawv, as (ace. toCoUitz) ^vsis=Skr. dyu*^ Generally
used as a prefix, another form of which is deg,
daig //•<?, Ff. 72. So Stowe XIX and H. 3. 18, pp. 69^, 635*.
a ^-stem, sg. gen. muir ndaiged. Salt. R. 910. Moiling lassar
daiged, LL. 305^ 25. sg. ace. argain fri daigid cech n-aidchi,
LL. 107* 21. pi. dat. go ndaighthibh .i. go dteinntibh, O'Cl.
Skr. ^/dah from ^dhegh, ^dhogk. Lit. degtt *to burn.' Goth.
dags, A.S. dag; the bright, warm part of the twenty-four hours.
datan fosterfather, D. 46. So O'Dav. 73. dadan, O'Don. Supp.
Oengus an Procchai, datan Dermatai, Uiath Beinne Mair, 70.
daitean .i. oide, O'Flah. datiucan, LL. 279* 13. datan, O'Br.
dimin. of "^.dat, a child's word, like W. tdd * father,' Eng. daddy,
datnait (MS. dathnuid) foster -mother , nurse, D. 46. So O'Dav.
73, s.v. datan ; dathDaid, O'Br. ; but dadnait, O'Don. Supp. is
perhaps the right speUing. If so, cf. Gr. TrjOrj grandmother, from
*0j97i, and Lith. dede,
de division? Ff. 13. Cogn. with the form assumed by the
numeral two as a prefix.
dega (dede ?) wind, D. 25. The only similar word with this
meaning is daghar ,i, gaoth, O'Cl. and O'Flah. daugar augrach ben
daire the oakwood^s wife is a warring wind, Rawl. B. 512, fo.
62* 2. daghar, O'Br.
deichen division? Ff. 13. Cogn. with dechur * difference, dis-
tinction,' Ml. 26* 1.
deiltre (deilltre?) is explained, D. 39, by **gods of wizardry
for travellers astray." O'Cl. has only deiltre .i. dee draoidhechta,
O'Br. wrote d6-iltre,
deim taking away, D. 61. deim .i. onf is demo .i. digbaim, H.
60 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — ^MR. STOKES.
3. 18, p. 614^. 'lack, want,' 0*R. cuil deim de eot, cuil deim
de format, Amra Choi. 105. From de+emi-.
deime evening, Ff. 54. deme, Corm. do deime .i. dorchadas, H. 2.
16, cited O'Don. Supp. s.v. diorna. deimhe .i. dorchadus oidche
* darkness of night,' O'Cl. Derived from deim * dark.' The demtthtr
cited by Windisch as perhaps compar. of deim^ is a mistake for
deinithir, compar. of dian q.v.
del teat^ E. 11. .i. sine bo, Corm. deal .i. sine, Stowe XTX.
of. oc a diul aiLching her : Gr. ^^/Xiy, Lat. fellare {felare)^ O.H.Q-. tila
it, *dela.
demal a taking away, D. 61. See deim, but qy. if this is not
a mistake for dSmdl .i. demon, H. 3. 18, p. 69^.
der F. daughter, girl, E. 24. So Corm. Tr. 61, Stowe XIX,
H. 3. 18, p. 69^, and O'Cl. Helech der Fubthaire find, LL. 164^ 4.
Petronilla der Petair, LB. 85. Compd. leis-dhear stepdaughter,
O'Br.
1. derc F. ege, Ff. 30, Ff. 39, p. 2. So H. 3. 18, p. 81% and
O'Cl. pi. nom. tuilsiter mo derea .i. mo suli, LL. 208* 7. dat. en
CO nertaib nual dar dercaib sluag sa&r .i. use?^ dar suilib soercland
ocom chainiud, water over the egea of nobles bewailing me, JLTS,
119^ 21. Compds. cammderc (gl. strabo), Sg. 63* 4. fliuch-
dercc (gl. lippus), Sg. 24* 8. Cogn. verbs occur. Cf. Skr. drg * eye,'
Gr. SepKo/Liat, B€BopKa= -darc in Ir. ad-con-darc conspexi.
2. derc a mote in a sunbeam ? p. 2.
dfan swift, D. 11. dian .i. oband, Stowe XIX : a common word,
compar. deniu and deinithir (combo deinithir broin mulind) which,
is miswritten demithir in the facsimile of LU. 111*11. denithir Ml,
57° 12. Cogn. with Gr. hleaOat, Skr. diydmi,
di-bad death, extinction, p. 3, D. 57. So Corm., H. 3. 18,
p. 68° and O'Cl. fo dibad .i. maith a epiltiu, Amra Choi. 31 : cen
dibad, Colm. h. 44. do dibad innti na tol coUaide, LB. 168\ co
dibadh n-aurdlighidh, 0*Don. Supp. Compd. erdibad, LU. 109**
112».
di-beoil dumb, Ff. 72. So O'Cl. dibeoil .i, cin urlabra, H. 3. 18,
pp. 68^, 634^^. The dibidul ,1 balb of Stowe XIX seems a
mistake for dibeoil.
dichmairc theft, D. 17. So O'Cl. Rather seems to mean any-
thing taken from the owner without his permission. Dic[h]m8drc
.i. cin athcomairc * without asking,' Corm. Tr. 60. diam dichmairc
.i. can fiarfaigeW d'fir bunaidh without asking {leave) of the owner,
Harl. 432, fo. 11* 2. each dichmarc .i. each errach berar o neoch
OLOSSARIAL INDEX. 61
cin athcomarc, thus rendered in Laws, ii. 353, *' every forced relief
or loan which is taken from one without asking permission." sg.
gen. omun dichmairc, LB. 260^ 86.
digbail (gl. demitus) p. 6 = di-gal>ail, inf. of df-gabaim. gen. fis
digbala in uilc-sin, LB. 246^.
dile a following^ D. 17. Verbal noun oi^do-lenim. The simplex
Unit *adhaerent' occurs in Wb. 29* 23. the perf. sg. 3 UIiil LU.
68* 41. pi. 3 ro-leltar, LU. 114^ 15. W. di4yn, can-lyny sequi. Cf.
the forms from the Skr. ^ll * cling* in Whitney's Roots^ etc.
p. 148.
dfniath helmet^ Ff. 37, diniath, 0*Br. Perh.^=din niath a
champiorCs protection ? For din cf. tair dar ndi'n, a Muiri, LL.
308^ 41 : ba dfn do nochtaib, Amra Choi. 85. For niath^ see nia
infra.
1. dinn (dind?) cain each cnuasaigh p. 1. dinn .i. aibhinn,
delightful^ O'Dav. 79. .i. aibind, Stowe XIX. uas domun dind,
LU. 50» 2 .
2. dinn Ai7/, Ff. 49. So O'Dav. 79. Used metaph. in Amra
Choi. 27 : bai dind oc libur leig. gen. denna, LU. 9^ 33. pi. dat. in
dinnib .i. i telchaib, Fiacc's h. 44. Compd. dinn-senchas.
3. dinn (dind?) prince, p. 1, D. 55. A metaph. use of 2. dinn
hill, • .
dinnis oath, D. 10. So H. 4. 22, p. 60^ O'Dav. 79 (dinnus) and
O'Cl. sena[d] iar n-aititiu, leith-fiach la dindis a sodain denial
after achnowledgment, half-fine with oath [is incurred^ for that,
Laws iii. p. 108, 1. 8.
direch straight, direct, p. 1, from dfriuch, df-riug (gl. rectum),
p. 1, *de+regu-s.
dith end, Ff. 67. So O'Dav. 79. literally death ; destruction :
iar ndith Conaire, LU. 46* 8. dith co haen 'death of all save one.'
rena dith .i. ria ec, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 104^ 1. cen dith n-6ighe,
Rawl. B. 512, fo. 69^ 1. Lat. letum, from *detum, and deleo, from
^de-deo ? Skr. ^dd abschneiden.
diu long, p. 2, Ff. .30, D. 9. So O'Cl. Borr. from or cogn. with
Lat. diu. diu-derc nder long look of tears occurs in LU. 7^ 16.
dlomod act of manifesting, proclaiming, E. 23. dlomud .i.
fogradach, Stowe XIX. Verbal noun of dlomhaim A. foillsighim,
O'Cl. dlomas (gl. ait) Ml. 30^ 19, imper. sg. 2 dlom .i. abair no indis
no raid, L. Lee. Voc, O'Dav. 75, 77. Fel. Aug. 7. Sep. 13.
Oct. 12. dlomnais .i. labrais, Stowe XIX, seems an error for dlomais.
dlum abundance, plenty, D. 9. So L. Lee. Voc. and O'Cl.
J
62 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
i dlumh .i. umad, Stowe XIX. dluim .i. imadh, ihid, dluim .5
/ imad, O'Dav. 73. Perhaps this occurs (spelt dlom) in LL. 147* 31
'. intan atracht in mac cona dlom ferge fair.
•; diuth a warpf D. 33. dluth (gl. stamen), Sg. 14*; certle dluthi
j a ball of thread. The expression dliith agus inneach *warp and
J woof * is still, I am told, living.
■ dobur water y Ff. 15. So O'Cl. dobur Corm. dobur .i. dorcj
no nisce, Stowe XIX. L. Lee. Yoc. W. dwfr, Gaul, duhron, whence
Douvres (Seine-et-Mame). Compd. dohar-chii * otter '^W. dwfr-
doctus learned, p. 3. Borrowed from Lat.
; doe, dae human being, D. 8. doe .i. duine, Corm. Tr. 61. dae,
; O'Cl. daoi, O'Br. ropo doi n-eit, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 62* 1. dae
': uais .i. fear uasal. Ban do Brian na murtha,
- doit hand, Pf. 42. So O'Cl. sg. gen. fail mo lama is mo doitti,
: Bk. Fen. 400. dual nom. nirbdar dermaill a di doit, LL. 43«
last line, and see Corm. s.v. Cerball; pi. nom. doti, LB. 190^,
". dat. doitib (gl. manibus), Gild. 164. dobertha ailge arda foa doitib
CO ru scaich slaide na ngennti, high stones were put under his handi
till the slaughter of the heathen had ended, LB. 259*. Compd.
; doit-gel, LB. 218*.
dolbh wizardry, Ff. 13. So O'Cl. gen. ni hi deog cen damna
I nduilb, Aided Finn, 61. ace. tre dolb draidheachta, Battle oj
1 Ventry, 576. Cogn. with dolbhaim *fingo,' whence laeg doilbthe, LL.
; 210a 38, 43. naithir doilbthe, LB. 121». in nath cetha dolfe
! [dolbthe], Bev. Celt. i. 40, and doilbecht .i. draighecht, Stowe XIX.
] dorr rough, harsh, Ff. 72. So O'Br. Still living, applied to a
person of rude manners.
[ drecht chant, Ff. 8. pi. nom. drechta .i. duana no laide 7 roscada,
O'Dav. 72. canitar drechta, LU. 43* 32. gabtha a nduana 7 a
■ ndrechta 7 a n-admolta doib, LL. 263* 1. gen. fir denma drecht 7 nath
I 7 admolta TJlad, LL. 109* 12. a duaraib drecht, O'Dav. 72 s.v. duar.
I dreim F. a company, a party, D. 51. Also dremm, sg. gen.
i fodaig na dreime, Bawl. B. 512, fo. Ill* 1. ace. cor-romarbsat
* dreimm moir, AU. 1018.
! dreimne valour (gal), Ff. 17. Tia.t}ieTfury,Jierceness: sg. dat. for
dremniu na farrce, LU. 84* 21. i ndremni in drecain, LL. 86* 28.
Derived from dremun * fierce,' * mad,' monur ndremun, Petrie's Tara
178, dreaman .i. dasachtach, Stowe XIX. Hence O'R.'s ** (^«WfM
s. a cock,*' the Latin gnllus having some resemblance to the Irish
gal, CO dremna, Salt. E. 8282, co ndremnai 8346.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 63
dremun the Devil^ D. 59. Seems inferred from sucli passages as
the following from LB. 176, marg. inf. :
Trede dremun is mo col, Three mad things whose sin is
greatest,
doman, Deman octis ben : World, Devil and Woman :
cipe nos-cara ar bith che Whoever loves them in the
present world
hie Mac De niscon-ta nem. Hath not heaven with God's
Son.
1. drenn quarrel^ Ff. 9. So Corm., O'Dav. 73, and H. 3. 18,
p. 54 1^ drenn .i. depaidh, ut est drennach .i. deptach, H. 2. 15,
p. 82. Hence dreandad .i. deabaid, Stowe XIX. Compd. drenn-
galach. Salt. R. 944.
2. drenn trouhUy afflictiorhy Ff. 9. buan in drenn, Bk. Fen. 366.
3. drenn roiLgh^ E. 11. So Corm. drenn each croda, O'Dav. 63.
drenn .i. garbh, H. 2. 15, p. 184. dreand .i. garbh, Stowe XIX.
drend .i. garb, ibid, dothaet sunda budni drend do chosnam insi
Herenn, LL. 109*. Hence dreandud .i. gruamacht, Stowe XIX.
1. droch straight f Ff. 68. So Corm. s.v. drochet, 0*Dav. 73,
H. 4. 22, p. 61% and O'Cl.
2. droch had^ scanty, Ff. 72. droch .i. each n olc, Corm. W.
drwg. Mid. Br. drouc.
1. drocht straight f E. 11. So H. 3. 18, p. 653, L.Lec. Yoc. and
Stowe XIX.
2. drocht hlachy dark, Ff. 11, D. 60, note 15. drocht .i. dorca,
Stowe XIX. Derived from droch .i. dorcha, D. 60 arid O'Cl,
(borrowed from A.S. deorc ?), or is it inferred from Mid. Ir. edrochf
* bright, shining ' = 0. Ir. Hrocht, q.v. ?
dron straight, D. 51. So. L.Lec. Voc, O'Dav. 79, and O'Cl.
droing-cedul, E. 22, = dron-chetul. Cf. Aed atnoi ule oU-doine
dron-chetal, Amra Choi. 115, dron-cherdach .i. am diriuch im
eladain, LL. 187* 7. The compounds </row-w«», dron-mind, dron-oll
occur in Salt. R. ; but here the first element may be dron * firm,'
dron .i. daingen, LL. 311^ 18, — as in for mur dron Dune Delga,
LL. 154^ 12.
drubh chariot, D. 11. So O'Cl. and O'Br. The latter has a
** drubhdir cartwright or coach-maker."
drucht a rising, Ff. 8. Seems a mistake for driucht=driuchd, O'Br.
druimcli a reader, E. 21. This is the seventh and highest order
of wisdom; see O'Curry's Lectures, p. 495. It is probably a
metaphorical use of druimmehli (gl. laqueax) Sg. 54*.
64 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES,
1. du place, p. 1, du Ff. 50, E. 20, Stowe XIX. dd .i. baile
L. Lee. Voc. and Stowe XIX. co du * ubi,' Trip. Life, p. 4. I, 5.
ata Dia in each du, LL. 281^ 38. Perh. hw.
2. du meet, proper, fit, due, p. 1, Ff. 50. So O'CL- Nf du duib
fornert for tuathi dabar fulang, LL. 238^ 19. As a subst. doberar
dam CO tinniu doib cona du di chormaim dia feiss, LL. 247^ 6.
Borrowed from O.Fr. <?ti=Lat. debutus for dehitus. Hence dual,
1. dMQi fruit, E. 10. So L.Lec. Voc. and Stowe XIX.
2. duar quatrain, D. 42, E. 10. So Corm., L. Lee. Yoc. and
Stowe XIX. O'Dav. 72, H. 2. 15, p. 184, H. 3. 18, p. 68»,
and 0*C1. Da mbeth an tis (.i. an fer) ag tinm dhuar (.i. tuicsin
focul no rann), H. 3. 18, part 1, p. 210.
duchonn music, Ff. 67. So O'Dav. 63 (loinniucc no ceol),
duchann, O'Cl. na hingena . . nobitisic amran 7 icduchund, Tog ail
Troi"^ 1086. do gabail a ndrecht 7 a nduan 7 a nduchonn, Oided
mac n Usnig, 7.
duehus a quarrel, Ff. 72. Cogn. with O'Cl.'s duchonn .i. cogadh.
duibell restless, Ff. 72. So O'Dav. 73 and O'Cl. But in H.
3. 18, p. 68^ duibell is explained as * lightning* {saighnin),
duirbh sickness, Ff. 26.
dumach dark, E. 20, is prob. a mis-spelling of duhaeh: sam
dubach .i. dorcha, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 62^ 2.
dun IT. stead (baile), Ff. 28, gen. dune, properly walled fortress,
W. din, Gaul, dunos, duno-n, A.S. tun, Eng. town, N.H.G. zaun.
1. e sorrow, Ff. 73. e sad, p. 2. huile bith ba hsB he the whole
world which was his [was'] sorrowful, LTJ. 8^ 34, glossed by hs .i.
truag. e mo seel, Gold. 165. Originally an interjection = !N'.H.G.
ei. As a subst. oneoin ainble .i. e 7 eit, Harl. 5280, fo. 74*, marg. infi
2. e salmon, p. 2. hS, LL. 12* 42. Better 60, q.v.
e-c6ir {unjust), evil, E. 23. ecoir, LL. 57* 33. sg. gen. do dfgail
ar n-ecora, LL. 220* 30. From the neg. prefix aw- and c6tr=s
coair, Ml. 48* 8.
QGo^aform, shape, Ff. 53. D. II, .i. cuma, O'Cl. habitus, Z*. 67.
sg. gen. ecosca, LL. and LTJ. passim.
eic (MSS. eige, eag) moon, Ff. 20. eig, O'Cl. eag, O'Br., who also
has idireig * change of the moon.' May perh. be from ^pengi-, cogn.
with Skr. pdjas glanz, lichtschein, Or. 06770s (from *<T7r€7709,
Bugge, X.Z. XX. 39), mod. Gr. cfyef^f^apL moon, moonshine, and O.H.G.
funcho, now Funke,
eidel prayer, E. 12. edel, Corm. eidil, H. 2. 15, p. 184.
tineGh face, D. 11, So Corm. s.v. gaire. gen. enig. Compds.
GLOSS ARIAL INDEX. 65
eneclann, enech-gris, enech-log, enech-ruice. Old- Com. enep (gl.
faciem). Cogn. with Gr. iv wirri,
eislinn unsafe^ D. 45. eslinn, Sanct. h. 15.
elar salty Ff. 44. MS. and O'Br. ealar. See salar infra.
1. Elg Ireland, Ff. 73, and so 0*Dav. 81. Elga, E. 12. Ealga,
0*C1. sg. ace. aon cairde fon Elg n-aragar one treaty of peace is
estahlished (lit. fastened) throughout Ireland, O'Dav. 81. gen.
morthimchell insi Elgga, LL. 207^ 2. Hechtair Elgga .i. Herend,
LL. 45a 28. rigan iarthair Elgga, LL. 81^ 41. etir fini find-Elga,
LL. 88^ 12.
2. elg (leg. elc?),/<wtf, Ff. 73.
3. elg (leg. elc?) nolle, D. 10. .i. oirrdric, L.Lec. Voc. ealg
.i. oirdrie, Stowe XIX. ealg .i. oirdheire, O'Cl.
ellad or ellam gift, D. 42. Treidi ara carthar escara : gnas, ellad,
erlabra three things for which a foe is loved: use, gift, eloquence, H.
2. 17, p. 184*. O'Cl. explains ellam (eallamh) by *a dower {coihche)
which is got in hand ' : ellom roguid ben Gedhe for a ceili the dowry
which G.^s wife asked of her husband, BB. 251* 3.
ellam a wonder, Ff. 22. wonder, astonishment, O'Br.
ellged burial, D. 37. So O'Cl. eillgheadh.
engach a vehement attack, E. 21. In trath erges Aed engach,
Bk. Fen. 374, where Hennessy renders engach by * valiant.' O'Clery's
eanghach * noisy, talkative ' (LB. 222^ 5) must be a different word. .
englonn danger, Ff. 25. A doubtful word : S. explains it by
gabha * smith.'
1. eo M. pin, brooch, Ff. 5. So Conn. s.v. Emain, and O'Cl.:
eu 6ir and, a brooch of gold therein, LU. 68^ 8. int-eo 6ir, LL.
81^ 2. cia aithera eo? what is the sharpest of pins ? O'Dav. 81.
2. eo M. salmon, Ff. 5. So O'Cl. rot-bia eu .i. bratan, LU.
67* 26. Corruptly ^ : Am he il-lind, LL. 12* 42. sg. gen. iach,
Brocc. h. 72. ace. ich, pi. n. liogit ich bricc speckled salmon leap.
Bawl. B. 512, fo. 119* 2.
3. eo yewtree, Ff. 5. So O'Cl. Also tree. In Fel. March 3,
and O'Dav. 81, eo is glossed by lignum .i. crand; and see Conn,
s.v. uball. Kop eo uasind fid, ropo rigda ind rail, LL. 147* 32.
eo Mugna, LL. 200* 14. Cogn. with, or borrowed from, A.S.
e6w = O.H.G. Iwa.
4. eo a grave, (fert), D. 56. eo, O'Br.
5. eo good, D. 56. Old-Celtic ari- ? Gaul. Avicantos = 0, Br.
Hucant, Gr. evs from e^s, Goth, avi in avi-liud x«/>«5. evxapttrTia,
Fick, Bezz. Beitr. i. 58. Lat. avere seems cognate. Skr. ^av,
PMl. Trans. 1891-1^^. 5
66 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
eochair tongtie, Ff. 41. So O'Cl. ^
6r nohUy D. 25. So O'Dav. 47, 81, and O'Cl. er .i. uasal, L.Lec.
Voc, Stowe XIX. is eu othair er Emna, LIT. am smith uasal her,
LL. 4^ 25. ^r-ellam .i. adbul ellam, gloss on Colm. h. 49. Seems
abstracted from the intensive prefix in ir-chian^ etc.
1. ere heoj Ff. 51. So O'Cl. Compd. eirc-bheach 'w^dwjp, O'Br.
2. ere honey, Ff. 51. So O'Cl.
3. ere heavm, E. 13. So Corm. Tr. 67, O'Dav. 81, and O'Cl.
Arm. erhin * heaven.'
err M. champion^ Ff. 73, D. 18. err (.i. trenfer) faebur (.i.
claideb) fland, LL. 43* 10. eirr (gl. curruum princeps), sg. gen.
gnfma erred, LTJ. 114» 21. pi. nom. errid .i. trenfir, LL. 312* 8.
Hence erredacht, LTJ. 113^ 29. Cogn. with Gr; aparjv, Zend arshan,
esc water, E. 12. So Corm. s.v. inesclonn, Stowe XIX and O'Cl.
s.v. eascra. Compd. esc-ong, esc-ongon eel, lit. watersnake. The
ace. sg. of a cognate word occurs in a note to Fel. June 17 : oc leim
do dar aroile escai i Luachair Dedad as he was leaping over a certain
water in L, D, Use is = Ptolemy's river-name *'\aKa, From
'^fpjid'kd, perhaps cognate with irlba^, ttIBvio, So O.W. uise may-
come from ^(p)eidka,
esconn an old man, Ff. 73,=easconn, O'Cl. qy. a dotard (es+conn
q.v.).
es-slabra ^^n<?ro«/^y, Ff. 20. Tri aib adannat serg: gnuis, aslach,
easlabra, H. 2. 17, p. 183*. bochta co n-eslabrai, Rawl. B. 512,
fo. 37* 1. easlabra (.i. enech) Guaire, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 60* 1.
ar easlabhra is ar aoide, Ban do Brian na murtha,
es-saeth (MS. easaoth) health, Ff. 26. So O'CL, who writes
eassaoth. The contrary of saeth * sickness,' which is cogn. with
Goth, sair, A.S. sdr, Eng. sore,
etriad, p. 1. Meaning obscure to me.
etrocht(MSS. ediocht) pure, light, Ff. 11, is rather shining, bright.
pi. nom. aurchiche aurnochta etrochta, bosoms naked, shining, LTJ.
107* 1. dat. rug-etrachtaib (gl. praeclaris), Ml. 37^ 3. Hence the
abstr. etrochta, LTJ. 27^ 38, 29* 19, 29^ 3, 33^45, 34^ 11. sg. dat,
etrachtai. Ml. 84^ 1. From ^etar-rog-to-, cogn. with Skr. rajata
'white.' So innrocht .i. nemfollus, O'Dav. 100, is from ♦an-
rog-to',
e-tiiaichil not astute, Ff. 11, where it is erroneously explained
as a substantive : 6ttuachail .i. aimhghlic, O'Cl. The opposite of
tiiaichil, q.v.
iihoRalie, Ff. 13. So O'Cl. and H. 2. 15, p. 182 ; but it rathOT
OL0S8ARIAL INDEX. 67
means a fable or romance, gen. sg. i cend na faible, LB. 217».
incipit do fabull [leg. i'abaill] ibid. Borrowed from Lat. fdhula. .
fael (MS. faol) wolf, Ff. 16. Lucifer is called in fdil feochair
fir-thnachaill, Salt. B. 1670. sg. ace. amal fael fo chairib, like a wolf
among sheep^ LL. 258^ 1 0. Compd. fael-chu * wolf,' with which Bhys
would equate W. gweilgi (i.e. gwael+ci) * sea.* A cognate ^-stem
occurs in Irish : amal foelaid etir chaircha, Tog. Troi^ 1433. Arm. goil.
failte shield, Ff. 37, from *val-tio-, cogn. with Skr. ^val, valaie,
and Gr. Fd\vrpo¥.
fainell (foinell ?) fool, Ff. 74. Hence O'Cl.'s faoinnealach .i.
oinmid, corrupted in O'Davoren's feanelach .i. oinmit, and 0*Br.'s
* faoinedlach, adj. foolish, silly. ^ faindelach .i. oinmit, Conn. Tr.
81. Dligid foindelach fuacra, LL. 345* 24. Cognate is foindel
'wandering.* dat. sg. for fainiul, LU. 4* 16, for foindiul 7
sechran, LB. 175».
faithe (foithe, foidhi) sound, noise, Ff. 55. sg. ace. corro alsat
faithi fiangaiscid impi, Bawl. B. 512, fo. 111^ 1.
falc (leg. failc?) gap f D. 23. failc .i. manntaighe, 0*C1.
1. fath hreath, Ff. 68, fath, O'Br. urkelt. *va-to. Cogn. Y^xthfeth
'aura' and Gr. a-F'/rTj^ wind, Skr. rata,
2. fath heat, Ff. 68. 80 O'K. faith, fath, O'Br. I have not
found the word elsewhere.
fath a kind of poem, D. 52. 80 O'Cl. ar mo fath .i. ar mo
aiste. Bawl. B. 502, fo. 61* 1. is tre ffr hatha fdcaib each dam
mochta inna suidiu iama ssethur co fdthaib fiss fii forcetul
fethamail, LL. 293*» 27-29. W. gwawd * panegyric' Cogn. with
A.S. ico^, O.N. 6^r, song, poetry, metre, Ir. faith * prophet,' Lat.
tdtes, Goth, vods * mad.'
fee F. tooth, Ff. 40. So O'Cl. Sg. dat. and ace. feic. Wind.
"Wort. 538. Ir. fee (now feac) a kind of spade, and Lat. vanga
' mattook ' may be cognate.
fecur ? speckled, E. 20. Prob. corrupt. The line in which this
word occurs is hypermetrical.
1. feib, goodness,!). 31. feibh .i. maith 'good,' O'CL; but it
is explained as a subst. in H. 3. 18, p. 667*: feib .i. marsin no
feabas. co ro molaim rig as each feib imbf, LTJ. 124*^ 23. co feibh
ndelbha, FAI. 1004. Hence feha, fehas * goodness.' Cogn. with
Gr. V711J? and Lat. vegeo, vigeo.
2. feib as, D. 31, E. 20. So O'Cl. and H. 3. 18, p. 70^ 667».
feib .i. marsin, StoweXlX. .i. marsin no bindis, L.Lec. Voc. feib
as dech roboi, LL. 149* 1. Cogn. with Groth. svasve.
68 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
foid, science, D. 50, "W*. gtoydd * knowledge * (Pughe), from *r4di,
^vidf cogn. with Skr. vedas * knowledge.'
foig keen-sightedf keen ? D. 37. feigh .i. ger sharpt O'Cl. corop
foig rose for n-anme that your souVs eye may he keen^ Wb. 21*^ 9. pi.
ace. fri faebra fegi, Brocc. h. 97. Compd. feg-briathra, Eawl. B.
612, fo. 113» 1.
feimin vehement ? Ff . 74. Prob. a vox niht'li, as it is cancelled in
L. and feine written under it. The adj. femendse, LU. 85* 19,
130* 46, f^menda, LU. 113* 40, applied to horses, may perhaps be
meant.
feis pty, Pf. 17. gen. sg. iomnocht feise .i. croiceann muice
a $ow*$ skin, O'Curry's Children of Tuirenn^ 198. Com. guts (gl.
scroffa), Br. yeru, gwH,
felisc (filusc?) hark {of a tree), Ff. 69. Seems a genuine word,
but I have not met it in the literature. Cogn. perhaps with Lat.
tellus as Lat. cortex with Skr. hrtti * hide.'
f^n a hier, E. 15, (gl. plostrum) Sg. 21\ fen dar crinach, LU.
84* I. rosiacht corp a hathar-si don cill dia adhnacal 7 fean for
sesrigh ag a iomchor, O^Don. Supp. dat. atconnaicset ... da dam
allaid rempu co fhen etami 7 in corp and, LB. 29*. pi. gen. fengal
Da fen, LL. 218* 42. From ♦vegno. Cogn. with W. ey-wain, Gaul.
eo-rinnnA, Eng. tcagon, tcain^ and with Lat. reko, asferetrym with_/>ro.
1. ferbh N. tcord, p. 4, Ff. 14. So Conn, and O'CL Borrowed
from ♦irrrirm, the British pronunciation of Lat. rerhum, pi. gen.
fcrb nDe verhorNm Dei, Corm. Tr. p. 72. buaid ferb, Salt. R. 4341.
dat. fcrbaib, LH. 34* I (Goidel. 164). pi. ace. amail rochuala
Domnall tra inna ferba follsoaidi, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 113* 2. ace.
faig ferb fithir, Amra Choi. 52.
2. ferbh cote, p. 4, Ff. 16. So Corm. and O'Cl. gen. sg. ferba
LU. 109* (see infra s,v. mdi-a). pi. n. teora ferba fira. Laws i. 64.
forlv^ .i. bai, LU. 125* 20. gen. cona chathchris do colomnaib ferb,
•ri/A his hai^U-hiU of hid^ of kine, LU. 79*. Cf. Lat. rerrex f
3. ferbh hlister, hJ4>tch. p. 4. So Cv>rm. and O'Cl. fearb .L briathar
no bo no bolg no bole, L.Lec. Too. turgbait ferba fora [gjruaidib
iar oillrrothaib hht^hes arose (m his cheeks aflrr {delirering) unjust
judgments, LH. 34* 1 (Goidel. 164). Cf. Bret, gtterhl * bubon,' Lat.
Ttrhera f
forcnn M. girdle, E. 13. So Corm. and 0"C1. sg, acr. ferenn,
Bk. Ann. o» 2. pi. ace. feniu, LU. 58* 9 and Trip. Life, li.
ff-t rfro%t%iiva. Ff. 8. feii .i. innisin, O'Cl. Abstracted from the
verb adtet rtJuie*. feid .L aisneidh, LL. 393' 52.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 69
1. ft had, p. 1, Ff. 4. So Conn. Tr. 79 and O'Cl. The same
word as /i 'poison,' LL. 46*» 16, 18,=Lat. virus, Gr. /ov, Skr. ti«^<i.
Used as an inteij. ff dom-tanic celmuino, Eg. 1782, p. 34* 2.
2. fi dUohedience? p. 1, Ff. 4.
ficell ? E. 25. ficell a vigilia, O'Mulc. 535,=figell a vigilia .i.
frithaire H. 3. 18, p. 70».
fich latid, D. 9, is, like W. gwig, borrowed from Lat. vleus,
•
villa, LB. 35* 2. sg. gen. ainm in ficha, Fel. p. cxxxiii. dat. sg.
oc airitind a cethra hi fich slebi cille, LB. 189^. aibind sund
amne i fich Maige Murthemne, LB. 107** 48.
fidrach, fidrad increase, Ff. 43. fiodhrach, 0*Br. for fidrad
n-aes .i. ar each aes inn-araile, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 61* 2.
fidrad etutomy Ff. 37. a Emain . . . asa fidrad adfeidim, LL.
21* 6.
finnell shield, Ff. 37. So 0*CI. Also finden, pi. n. findne gela
'nal>laim LL. 276* 4 : im biat faibra fri faibra 7 findne fri findne,
LL. 276^—277*. Derived from find * white,' the colour of the
chalked shields.
firsi unheavy, light, Ff. 74. Some mistake, probably, here, as
firsi means strength, Corm. Tr. 80. O'Dav. 87.
fis colour, B. 46, note. The * fisleadh ' of the text is obscure. 80
is the 'fis'of E. 13.
ffs, F. vision, Ff. 74. sg. gen. for slicht nafisi sin, LU. 119* 12, ace.
fi8, LL. 256* 20. pi. n. fisi. A sg. nom. fisi occurs in LL. 208* 10
(adbul fisi armotha) and/i««tM in Salt. K. 3356. All from Lat. vlsio,
TO fitir (gl. nouit) p. 5. Root vid,
1. flann red, D. 21. So H. 3. 18, p. 663, and OTL Faelchad
file faebur fland, LL. 43* 36. fin flann, Three Frags. 150. Other
exx. in Wind. Wort.
2. flann llood, Ff. 21, 45. So Stowe XIX, L.Lec. Voc. and
O'Cl. Exx. in Wind. Wort. Identical with 1. flann.
flesc? E. 13. The line in which this word occurs is corrupt.
Perhaps this^w i%=fleasc .i. fearann * a land,* H. 3. 18, p. 51^.
1. fo good, p. 3. Ff. 4. So Corm. Tr. 79, s.v. fochen, and O'Cl.
agnr, aigde Fifida fo, I fear, fear thou the good God, LL. 278* 33.
ni fo mac rue mathair isin taig-sea innocht, LL. 254^ 37. fo dibad
.i. maith a epiltiu, Amra Choi. 31. fo (.i. maith) mo cerd laechdachta
LU. 75^ 30. fo each seel .i. is maith cech sc^l atchuas anuasana,
LL. 188* 48. nip fo lat .i. ni maith leat, 0*Don. Supp. The
compar.^ occurs in Eg. 1782, fo. 75*: ni thainicc riam tegluch
fuo. Compd. fo-amsera, LU. 83*. fo-sen, LL. 254* 6. Skr. vasu ?
70 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
2. fo Jwnourt p. 1, Ff 4. gan fo, gan forithint, O'Br.
foacht (=fo-facht) a«^«»^, Ff. 8. Abstracted from a t-pret. '^veq^
such as iarmifoacht, Kawl. B. 612, fo. 109* 1.
fobairt attack^ Ff. 54. So 0* Bav. 91. Verbal noun oifiiapraim
(fo-od-b).
ioGhiLBA firewood, E. 14. So Bt. 3. 18, p. 70*, and Corm. B.
fochnod, and see Corm. Tr. 73, s.v. fochonnad. The fachnadad
lasamuin of Stowe XIX seems corrupt.
foessam (MS. faosamh) Bafeguard, Ff. 31, B. 55. for foesam rig na
ndula, ib. 52. for a [f Joessam .i. fora[f Joessitin, Colm. h. 2. for
a foisam dun ar talmain, LL. 364, marg. sup. for foisam nDe ^^iu,
ol si, LL. 286» 3.
foessitiu protection, B. 55, where it is written faoieidin, the dat.
or ace. sg. for a [fjoessam .i. for a [f ]oessitin, Colm. h. 2.
foir awaiting (?), E. 9. roforbad a foir, Kawl. B. 502, fo. 43* 2.
fol hase ? foundation ? E. 16. fol .i. bonn, Stowe XIX. sg. gen.
dubithir leth dub-folach, LU. 1 1 3* 1 3 . ace. for f olaig n-athloisc[th]e
na hecailsi, Rev. Celt. ix. p. 458. Perhaps from *svolak, cogn.
with Lat. solum.
folaid ahle^ competent, p. 2. This seems the meaning of folaith
in LU. is folaith do Bia anisin, 113*, is folaid Bia, 113^.
folerbhad death, B. 53. So O'Cl. i fanu folerbad fal romiad .i,
is fan i mbid immad na fer romiadach i mbas It is a slope tcherean
many most honourable men are lying in death, LL. 187^ 52.
follan beauty?, B. 23,= fallan, O'Br. It is generally an adj.
da .L. ban find follan, LU. 50* 14, which 0' Curry renders by * twice
fifty women, fair and healthy.' The corresponding adverb occurs
iu LU. 6* 22, cepe nod-geba co follan (.i. etir ceill 7 fogur), and
in H. 2. 16, col. 700 : ciabe gabas each dia Amra Coluim co fallan.
cuairt nemhfallain * an unwholesome visit,' Misc. Celt. Soc. 332.
fonn a cantred ? (tricha c6t), Ff. 28. dar each ferand, dar each
fond, LL. 81^. flaith na fond, LL. 131* 8 : ba faenchrom a bh-fonn
na sean an coll, Misc. Celt. Soc. 340. A oighre a n-easbaidh an
buinn, ib. 342. tur gach aon fhonn d'iath Ealcca, JDdn do Brian
na miirtha. Borrowed from Lat. fundus ?
fophor, fofor a well, B. 50. l^ow the place-name Fabhar * Fore.'
See sopur.
1. forba a country (tuath), Ff. 28. forba .i. fearann, O'Cl.
Bachatsa, em, d'iarra[i]d forba 7 feraind doib, Bk. Fen. 178.
sg. gen. im roind a forba, LB. 124*. cosnum foirbe re Mac nBe is
ed dogne lecae ban winning a heritage from Qod^s Son, this would
GLOSSAKIAL INDEX. 71
wah the cheeks white, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 62* 2. O.Ir. orhe, orha
with prothetic /. Cogn. with Goth. arhi.
2. for-ba slaying, rending, hacking, D. 48. Cognate with for-
lenim (for-da-rubai, LU. 20» 27) ; Gr. Oelvu), ewe(j>vov ; Skr. y/han.
for-coem-nacair/a<?^w»» eaty accidit, D. 30. .i. tarla, Trip. Life xlviii.
See G.C* 451. A deponential redupl. pret. of an imperfect verb
of which the pres. indie, was prob. /e)r<?Aw»k?«»» {forchuimsed *fieret,'
Wb. 4*). The 2d. sg. is in Salt. K. 1544, where Adam says to
Eve : cid mor do locht ... is dom chorp f orcoemnacar. Boot nank,
whence also Lat. nanciscor.
forcongra injunction, D. 37. So O'Cl. triasin aine a mbui Moysi
tria forcongra De fair, LB. 259*. A sister form of for-con-gur,
cogn. with gdir=:W, gawr, Gr. ^rjpv9, etc.
forcthe (gl. doctus), p. 4, part. pret. pass, of for-canim * I teach.'
The part. fut. pass, bed foircthi, leg. foircthf (gl. imbuendam,
studiis) occurs in Ml. 132* 4. The contrary, an-forcthe *indoctus,'
is in LB. 55* 64.
1. fot watchful, cautious, E. 15. So Conn, and O'Cl. It is rather
watchfulness, Ff. 53. fo diiib fatchins 7 fot, LL. 57*. ri fot 7 ri
foraire 7 ri freccomas, LL. 171* 30. 'com (f)6it 7 *com forairi,
LL. 263*. The contrary is anfdt 'heedlessness,* LL. 125* 55 and
Eel. July 30.
2. fot knowledge, D. 35. So 0''R,f6d * art, skill, sense, knowledge.'
1. fracc a woman, wife, Ff. 24. So O'Dav. 92 and O'Cl. frag,
ruccthar i capp in diaid phill do[f ]racc, a scail, may thy wife he
carried in a hearse behind a horse, 0 hero I LH. 34* 2 (Goidel.
158). fri fraicc .i. fri cumail, Broc. h. 71. W. gwrach. Hence
the dimin. fraccnatan ' girl,' LL. 252* 3.
2. fracc hand, D. 14. So O'Cl. frag. In L. Lee. Voc. we have
metathesis of r: fare .i. lam 7 bean, douce a frac amach, Uath
Beinne Mair, Rev. Celt. xi. 131.
fraic shield, Ff. 37. So O'Cl. fraig.
fraicc hair, Ff. 45,= W. gwrych ' bristles.'
fuach word, D. 26. So Corm. Tr. 56, L.Lec. Yoc, Stowe XIX,
and O'Cl. cia nach laigfedh (.i. nach cuirfedh) siansa (.i. ciall) a
fuach (.i. a focul), H. 3. 18, part i. p. 210. From *fo-fech ? \/veq ?
Cf . foacht supra.
fuaim reproach, E. 6. So L.Lec. Voc. fuaim pi. n. fuamand,
usually means * sound.'
fuait remnant, E. 3. So Corm. s.v. smerdit, and O'Cl.
fiial water, E. 14. So Stowe XIX. and O'Cl. fital usually
7^ IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
means * urine.' sg. gen. ar galar fuail, G.C.* 949. tabairt a fuail,
in-imechtur in dunaid to make his water outside the eampy LTJ. 67* 34.
From *vog'lOj cogn. with Gr. vr^-pd-^ (from for^-po-) and O.N.
vdkr,
fuan :N, mantle, Ff. 35. D. 56. So O'Cl. fuan (gl. lacerna),
Wb. 30* 19. sg. nom. fuan cain coir, LTJ. 81* 25, fuan corcor-gonn
im snide, LTJ. 113^ 4. ace. dobert fuan corcra cortharach taris,
LL. 108* 16. for fuan n-argit .i. etach co n-argut, LL. 187° 24.
W. ffwn, Eng. gown. The Old-Fr. goney ItaL gonnay seem to come
from a Gaulish cognate *v6nd from *vos-nd,
fuath shape, image, D. 11. fuath .i. dealb, L.Lec. Yoc, Stowe
XIX. A common word.
fuider word, Ff. 10,=:fuidhir .i. briathar, O'Cl. Cogn. with Skr.
vad, vadati *to speak, call, sing,' Gr. vhu), vBetv,
fuideran tunic, E. 19: dimin. of fuidhir .i. brat, O'Cl. Cogn.
with oOovTf and A.S. wdd. * Fidan .i. inar,' H. 3. 18, p. 70^, seems
a corruption of this gloss.
fuigill word, Ff. 10, note 17.
fumce fang, talon, Ff. 49. So O'R. but fuinche, S. and L.
1. fuinche fox, Ff. 51. a black fox, L. Lee. Voc. is tomgmall
[leg. togmall?j i foir foinchi .i. en toghain fo sinnach, Amra
Conroi, H. 3. 18, p. 49.
2. fuinche (MS. fuindchi) royston crow, L. Lee. Yoc. So O'Cl.
Perhaps the gen. sg. of this word occurs in LL. 154* 21 : duibi
deoir funchi feidil culchi each coin imthemin.
fuirmed lowering, Ff. 7. So O'Cl. Rather pressing or laying
down. Yerbal noun of forimim, end. fuirmim.
1. fuit cold, Ff. 74, E. 27. fuit .i. uacht, H. 3. 18, p. 67^, s v.
culpait. Fuit co brath, LL. 208* 41 = Fuitt co brath, Rawl.
B. 502. Dr. K. Meyer suggests that this fuit may come from
O.K hvitr * white.'
2. fuit (MS. fuid), blazing, kindling, Ff. 68. This is O'n.'B fuid
* lighting, kindling.' Can it properly mean to excite, stimulate,
and be borrowed from O.N. hvetja or A.S. hwettan? A third
Middle -Irish fuit occurs in LTJ. 59* 42 ; fuit Dia do bethu — and
seems the Old Irish interjection uit, G.C.* 750, with prothetic/.
fur ready, prepared, E. 19, is rather preparation, making ready.
fur .i. leatha no urchill, L.Lec. Yoc. fur .i. uUmhughadh, O'R.
fur na long, LL. 401* 45. A deriv. fiirad occurs in Salt. R. 5885 :
fri furad na ngruam nglorach. Compd. aran rem-fuir nemdesctha,
Salt. R. 4352, 4356.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 73
fumaide (MS. furnuigheo) delay, Ff. 25. So O'Cl. Ni roleic
imorro in t-aingel fuirech na furnaidhe do i maighin eile co
riacht Magh Kein, Bk. Fen. 112. on fethem 7 famaide frisin
eochair, ibid. 176. on fuirech ocm on furnaidhe doronsat na clerchi
[leg. clerich?] frisin corp, ibid. 180. This is, with prothetic /,
the same word as urnaide, irnaide, ernaide * waiting.'
1. gabar horse, Ff 19. So 0*C1., who gives two spellings, gahhar
and gohhar. Ace. to Cormac gabur is * goat,' while gobur is * horse.'
Is alaind feras alluagh(?) gabar Baetan riasin sluag, H. 2. 16, col.
873 = Is alaind feras in luadh gabair Baedan riasin sluagh,
Tig. 561. sg. gen. brunni gabra Diarmato, LU. 117* 14= LL.
27 7* 05. dat. os gabur gil, LL. 154* 47. Doluid for a gabrai
gluair. Salt. R. 4781. ace. cor-rucait namait a chend, a gabair, is a
dubcend so that foes may carry off his head, his horse and his sword,
LU. 13*, pi. gen. rotbia limsa . . . L. gabur ndubglas, LU. 130**
43. tricha gobar luath leiranech, Bk. Fen. 366. dual nom. a da
gabair cona n-allaib oir his two horses with their reins of gold, Rawl.
B. 512, fo. 116* 1. Hence there seem to be two words, gahar and
gabair, from two stems, *gabro- and *gahri-.
2. gabar light (lux), E. 16. gabhar .i. solas, O'Flah. pi. n. taitnit
gabra tar mag lir, H. 2, 16, col. 396 A. gabur ainm do grein a name
for the sun, H. 4, 22, p. 61% seems the same word, the sun being
regarded as the steed of heaven ?
gaet (MSS. gaodh) a wound, Ff. 23. gaet .i. guin, Stowe XIX.
O'Clery's gaod .i. guin. pi. ace. fordacorsatar goeta .i. gona no
ro gonad, Brocc. h. 66. A cogn. verb ro-gdet {ro-gaod .i. dogonadh,
O'Cl.), is used as a pret. pass. sg. 3 of benim. rogaet and do gae,
LL. 154*46. gaitis .i. gonus .i. marbus, H. 3. 18, p. 70*». Cf.
gaedad .i. guin, L. Lee. Voc, con-goite (gl. conpunctus), Ml. 58°
17. Lith. zaizda *a wound, hurt.'
gaid an asking, a prayer, D. 38, goidh .i. guide, O'Dav. 95.
Abstracted from ro-gdid, perf. sg. 3 of 0 -Ir. guidiu = Zt^nd
j'aidhySmi, Teut. bid/an, which Bezzenberger connects with Gr.
TToOew and OeaaaaOai.
gaire shortness of life, E. 17. So Corm., citing the satire Maile,
haire, gaire Caieur (evil, death, short life to Caier !), etc. Derived
from gor .i. gairit, O'Dav. 95. Fel. prpl. 59.
galann, an enemy, Ff. 22. So O'Cl. doringned guin galand
desium and sin 7 rodichend Feradach he, LL. 258* 13. Cognate
with W. galanas * inimicitia, homicidium, pretium homicidii.'
1. gam winter, E. 15. So O'Cl. rofaeth sam, snigid gam, Amra
74 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
Choi. 63. gen. mf gaim NovemheTy Conn. s.v. gamuin. in-aidcH
gaim, Kawl. B. 612, fo. 102* 2. From ^ghyamo-s^ Windisch, in
Curtius' Studien, vii. 375. Lat. hiems and Gr. x**/**^" find their
Celtic reflexes in O.W. gaem^ later gayaf. Com. goyf. The Ir. gem
(im gem-redy gem-fuacht, gem'Oidche) i8=Skr. hima, Lat. ^himo-s in
Mmu8 from ^hi-htmo-s,
2. gam wifef E. 16. So Conn, and L. Lee. Yoc. Cogn. with
Gr. r^d/u,o9y r^a/ui€u)f Lat. gemifius,
gann a vessel^ E. 12, a jv^ or pitcher y gann .i. easgra, O'Flah.
may be cogn. with xdvOapos (a cup, a kind of boat), if this be from
gart hospitality y Ff. 13. So Corm. and O'Cl. gart .i. tidnacul no
eneach, H. 3. 18, p. 615*. sg. gen. richis garta .i. einech, LXJ. 123*
11. CO lin garta, LU. 47* 21.
geg, Ff. 58. A scribal en-or for riy q.v.
geis prayer y E. 23. So Corm. and Stowe XIX. pi. n. gessi,
gesse, LL. 220^ 26, 32. From *ged-ti, Cf. gessid (gl. supplicem)
Ml. 40* 22. From ^ged-ti-ti. Cogn. with guidiu * I pray' v. supra
s.v. gaid. Ceia .i. guidhe, O'Dav. 69, is either a mistake for geis or
a loan from Lat. qimestio,
gen swordy Ff. 36. So O'Cl. and O'Br. The latter has also the
compound gen-chrios * sword-belt.' ITi ba eallma bias in gen i
n-Ard iar n Dubh da inbher not in readiness shall he the sword in
Ardy after Duh-dd-inhery Three Frags. 90. Cogn. is genam .i.
claidemh, O'Dav. ^%=genumy LL. 166* 1, 208*. 8. Compare Lith.
genu die aste am baume behauen oder beschneiden (l^esselmann).
genmnaid (gl. castus) p. 4. is si in glan genmnaid, LU. 49**, 5.
Cogn. with genaSy genma and genmnaidecht * chastity.'
geognad a wound y Ff. 23. sg. ace. dogeba geognad is guin.
Aed engach 'sin irgail, Bk. Fen. 376. Compare certain forms of
the perf. sg. 3 of beniniy viz. geguin, LTJ. 70^ lly gioguin LU. 65^ 5,
geogain, LU. 72^ 23, geognay Rev. Celt. v. 202, etc.
gesca light y Ff. 29. ghoa 'branch' may possibly be the same
word. Cf. Amra Choi. 62 : raith rith la grein ngescaig, i,e. (writes
the glossator) "therefore geacach {branchy? luminous?) is said of it
(the sun), for from it there is light unto stars and to human
beings' eyes."
giabair harlot, Ff. 75. So O'Cl., giabur Corm., but ciahar .i.
salach no merdrech, O'Dav. 63, tre coiblighi ciabhair through im"
pure copulatioYiy H. 2. l5, cited by O'Curry, Lectures, p. 462.
gibne cupping -horny Ff. 75. So Corm.
GLOSS A RIAL INDEX. 75
gil leech, E. 16. So Conn. b.v. gildae, who cites from the
Bretha nemed ; doglen gil tengaid leech sticks to tongue. M<^ Alpine
gives a Highland giol F. leech, giol-tholl horse-leech. "W". gel
sanguisuga, pi. gehd, Com. gheL Possibly cogn. with the Hesy-
chian KapXeer xaraTrivei and fiXe-rv€9' at fiSeXXai, Fick also
connects Lat. guh,
glann shoulder, Ff. 42. gland or glang, Corm., glang, O'Cl. cona
chreit . . . clang-dirig, LU. 80» 28.
1. glei?wr^, Ff. 9. So O'Cl.
2. gle bright, clem', Ff. 9. Wb. 12* 4. gle la each, LTJ. 69^ 19.
Identical with 1 gl^.
gleith consuming, D. 13. So 0*C1. 'feeding, grazing,' O'R.
ac gleith in feoir, feeding on the grass, Laws ii. 238, 1. 23. ar gleith
ind feoir. Trip. Life 228, 1. 18. Mill do gabraib fri gleith, Salt.
R. 6299. One of the infinitives of gelim.
1. glinne cowsy p. 3. This and the following two words may be
cognate with Gr. f^aXa, f^aXaOrfvo^,
2. glinne calves, p. 3. O.-Ir. glonn calf, gen. gluinn, Bk. Arm.
16^ 1, may be cognate.
3. glinne milk, p. 3.
4. glinne lead, '^. A. Cogn. perhaps with Gr. <^aXi^i/rf 'plumbago.'
gluss light, Ff. 74. So Corm., O'Dav., 94, and O'Cl. do-glus .i.
droch-soillsi .i. glus soillsi, H. 3. 18, p. 68°. so-glus, Eawl. B.
512, fo. 62* 2. Probably connected with Eng. gloss, Norse glossi,
N.H.G. glosten. But the etym. of all these words is obscure.
gnae, gnai woman ? D. 8. wife, D, 40. gnae a woman, O'R. This
goes with Yedic gnd, Gr. <^vpy, etc., while the ordinary hen goes
with Boeotian fiai/a,
1. gnai stately, E. 17. gnoe .i. segda, LTJ. 109* 41. gnoe imorro
each segda, Corm. s.v. gno. Probably the same word as 2. gnai.
2. gna£ (gnoi ?) pleasant, D. 40. gnoe, Corm. s.w. foi and gno.
gnaoi, O'Cl.
gnia a sister's son, D. 46. So O'Cl. A corruption of niae, gen.
niath, G.C.^ 255, 256,= Lat. nepos, Skr. napat, A.S. nefa, the g
coming from 0. Ir. gnia * servant,* sg. ace. gniaid, LTJ. 123* 28,
compd. fern-gnia, O'Dav. 86, which is cognate with do-gniu
* facio.*
gnith voice, E. 16. Cormac's gnid, gnfd-gal: gnioth shout,
uproar, O'R. pi. dat. perhaps co ngnithaib fiad na slogaib. Salt.
K. 8118. The gni .i. guth of Stowe XIX seems an error for gnith,
1. gno distinguished^ D. 10, famous, D. 52. So L. Lee. Voc,
76 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
O'Dav. 94 and O'Cl. Compar. gno som sui .i. urdarca som. cech sui,
Amra Sendin. noud cerda .i. aurdarcaigim elathna, Bawl. B. 502,
fo. 61* 1. The 6 of gnd is probably from do\ cf. Lat. gnavtis^
gnavarey A.S. cndwan * to know,* from *kn^van.
2. gao jeering f mocking, derision^ E. 17. So Conn., O'Dav. 94,
O'Cl.
gnod point J Pf. 75. gnod a cono, conum est summa pars galeae,
O'Mulc. 67.
goithneytfi;^/^, Ff. 48. goithni .i. gaoi, Duil Laithne. A dimin.
of goth .i. ga, O'Cl. (pi. nom. goith tentide inal-lamaib, Kawl. B.
512, fo. 44* 1. Compd. gotb-snechta, LB. 115 marg.), whence
also gothnad (leg. gothnat) ibid.=gothnath, LIT. 79^ 8. pi. ace.
ragabsatar ... a n-ocht ngothnatta neit, LL. 84* 51.
gorm excellent, D. 17. .i. oirdheirc, O'Cl. .i. urdairc, O'Dav.
94. .i. ord[r]aic, Stowe XIX. Compd. gorm-rig .i. na rig erdarcu,
Pel. Prol. 233. Perhaps a participle passive from a root gor^=.
Vedic gir *to praise, to honour' (Grassmann), whence giirta,
gurya. The 0. Ir. adj. gor Spins' may be cogn., as well as
Gr. f^epa^ and Lat. grains,
grant making grey, D. 13, is rather greyi grant .i. liath, O'Cl.
and Corm. s.v. crontsaile. Conall grant hua Cernaig cruaid, LL.
185^ 26.
grech nut, Ef. 75. Corm. Tr. p. 90. mac greche .i. eitne eno
kernel of a nut, Amra Conroi, H. 3. 18, p. 49. In Harl, 5280,
fo. 56*, grech is (erroneously ?) glossed by caech, ut est cna grecha.
greit champion, E. 25. So O'Cl. greid .i. geraid, L. Lee. Voc.
greid .i. gaiscidach, H. 3. 18, p. 537. greit rig, LTJ. 106* 5, con-
greit rig, Eel. June 17, where greit is glossed by anroth,
grenn, F. heard, Ff. 40. So Corm. Tr. p. 90, and O'Cl. sg. ace.
greind, LL. 186* 9. Hence the verb grennaigim *I beard,' *I
challenge,' verbal noun grennugud,. adj. grennaigthech, Welsh and
Bret, grann cilium, palpebra. The Span, grena seems from an
Old-Celtic *grennd. Cognate is the Albanian krande,
grian land, D. 9. So O'Cl., H. 3. 18, p. 625, and L. Lee. Voc.
gainem a grian, LB. 214*. O'Don. Supp. gives the gen. , sg.
as grin : fine grin * the original tribe of the land : ' fer grin ' the
owner of the land.' ace. coto-melat ar mur 7 grian, LTJ. 67* 16.
Prob. identical with grian * gravel ' = W. graian. ar uir ocas
grian, LU. 106^. itir ur ocus grioan, Harl. 5280, fo. 66^ corbo
reill in grian 7 in gainem in mara, LTJ. 26* 8. is gat im ganem
na im grian, LL. 88* 17. Compd. : murgrian amal mil, LB. 215*^.
GLOSSAKIAL INDEX. 77
1. grib swiftness^ Pf. 21, D. 12, is rather swift, adv. co
gribb, Mael fsu, cited in Fel. clxxxv. comor 's go gripp, Bk. Fen.
218. Hence gripe swiftness ^ Rev. Celt. iii. 183.
2. grih prohibition, hindrancBy ,^i. 43. So O'Cl.
1. grinn stronghold. Ff. 9. So O'Cl.
2. grinn decency, Ff. 9. So O'Cl. But it rather seems an adj.
as to the meaning of which many guesses have been made. See 1 .
grind in Wind. Wort, and add is ccoiggad ingen ngel ngrind, Bk. Fen.
48, which Hennessy renders by * with fifty fair sprightly maidens.'
1. grith sun, Ff. 20. But grioth, 0*Br. Apparently the same
word as grith 'ardour': grith slegi, LL. 267°. From *ghrti,
cogn. with Yedic ghrna * Sonnenglut.'
2. grith knowledge, Ff. 45. So O'Cl. Hence gritheach learned,
O'Br.
grot hitter, E. 17. So Corm. s.v. gruiten. Seems a sister-form
of goirt (gl. acidus). Another grot * active'? often occurs: ro
garb-gles go grod a geir-ingne, Eg. 1782, fo. 34* 1. Gac(h) egin
grott a mbi in dream, Bk. Fen. 241, where Hennessy renders
grott by * sudden': mana ti go grod 'na dail, ibid, where he
renders go grod by * quickly.' dimiad . . . dom liubar co grod, ib.
220.
grotan (MS. grodan) hoat, Ff. 75. So O'Cl.
guaire hair, Ff. 41. So O'Cl. Occurs in Lism. Lives 2212, 3798.
guba wailing, D. 35. So L. Lee. Voc, Stowe XIX, and O'Cl.
guba suspiria .i. osnad, Corm. Tr. 89 and H. 3. 18, p. 70^. oc
estecht fri guba 7 fri golgaire na n-anmand oc troge, LIT. 30^ 39.
agair a gubsB, LU. 69* 36.
gulba mouth, Ff. 41. So O'Cl. In Corm. Gl. it means mouthful.
sg. ace. doepetar gulba da each ferand. The n-stem gulha
* rostrum' seems a different word.
1. gunn a breaking, D. 20. So O'Cl.
2. gunn neck, D. 20. So O'Cl. O'Reilly, mistaking brdige 'neck'
for braige 'hostage,' has *^ gunn s.m. a prisoner, a hostage."
homo human being, Ff. 53. Aithne dam homa (.i. duine) re haei
(.i. re heladain), H. 3. 18. Borrowed from Lat. homo.
humal (gl. oboed[i]en8) p. 4, So Corm. Tr. 167. Borrowed
from Lat. humilis. So W. ufyll, Br. vuel. Hence huimle^ Salt.
R. 7300. The cogn. subst. umalddit is from Ai litdUm,
{ island, D. 15. So O'Cl. hi .i. inis, L. Lee, 1
From O.N. eg = A.S. ^g, ig,
iach salmon, Ff. 14, E. 10. So L. ]
78 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
iaich, LTJ. 16* 39, 40* 16: a vocalic stem, cognate with the
<j-8tem eo, gen. tach = Lat. esox, W. eog. Corn. ehoCf G.C.* 123.
iairchena thenceforward^ D. 28, iarchena .i. anegmais, * besides,'
L.Lec. Voc. iarceana .i. anegmus, Stowe XIX. This is archena
LTJ., 28a 37^ 30b 30, 31* 37, archiana .i. 0 sin amach, O'Cl. and
archiana .i. anecmais, H. 4. 22. p. 59*.
iar Uacky D. 21, E. 19. So L.L.Yoc, Stowe XIX, O'Cl. and
O'Flah. Is nime goirthear Lughaidh lar-dhonn de, ionann iar-
dhonn 7 dubh-dhonn, gona tre folt dhubhdhonn do bheith air
•
rainig Lughaidh lardhonn d' forainm air, Haliday's Keating, p. 386.
iarlonn the west, lack part, Ef. 56. iorlann .i. iarthar tighe mara
mbi biadh, 0*C1. Can the iarluih of the Voyage of Mael Duin
(Rev. Celt. ix. 474, I.e.) be a scribal error for iarlonnaih ?
1. lath hell, pp. 2, 3. So Corm. s.v. bachall. aoth a heU^
O'Br.
2. {2^ih famous, p. 3.
3. lath cowl, p. 3.
4. fath (iat ?) reliquary, p. 1. * etag ' 7 ' iath ' anmann fethal la
gentiu, O'Mulc. 469, = * ettech ' 7 * iat ' anmann fethal la gentiu,
nnde dicitur dotong darsna hiata-so / swear hy these reliquaries^
H. 3. 18. p. 81, col. 1.
5. fath ]Sr. land, p. 1, Ff. 4, Ff. 28. So O'Cl. iath n-Anand .i.
Eiriu, H. 3. 1 8, p. 635*^. sg. dat. in sudigud bias in iath (.i. hi tfr)
Sion, LU. 8a 41. ri dosn-uargaib os cech iath, Salt. R. 7445. ace.
ranic iath in nad adaig aiccestar, Amra Choi. 34. cu iath nErend^
Annals of Boyle, 1014. dat. in-iathaib aidbli aniuil, Salt. R. 3526.
dos-fuc a hiathaib Egipt, ibid. 4426. Compounds are nim-fath,
rig- fath, fath-maige.
ibath death, D. 57. iobadh, O'Br. Perhaps an V)ld misreading
of .i. bath.
icht children, D. 12, and E. 13 (where the MS. has ueht). So
Corm. s.v. Eoganacht, and Corm. Tr. 98, where cinn should probably
be cine7. icht may be cogn. with I^.H.G. echt * genuine,* urdeutsch
*ahti. Hence the adj. ichtmar. Le rugadh an Righ Neamhdha an
O'gh ichtmar oirea[gh]dha, Misc. Celt. Soc. 348.
idna weapon, spear, D. 16. ri hidnae nethes nemthigetar, Corm.
s.v. nith. O'Cl. explains this word by sleagha no arm, PI. nom.
m*idnu (leg. m'idna?) airgdide, LL. 206^. dat. for idnaib an
anruth, LL. 232^ 33. taithniomh oir ara n-iodhnoibh the glittering of
gold upon their weapons, H. 3. 3 cited in Petrie's Tara 166. pi. ace.
bruid idnu buden, LTJ. 47* 23. 0' roghabh a iodhna, Dan do Bhrian
OLOSSARIAL INDEX. 79
na miirtha. Hence the adj. idnach warlike, abounding in weapons.
The root is yudh *to fight,' whence also many British names
beginning with lud, Gr. va-filifrj, Skr. yiidhyatiy yuyddha,
idna honour-price, D. 43. ace. cen idna nglan, Salt. E. 1395.
Derived from idan .i. glan, O'Cl.
immderg hlame, Ff. 62. Hence the verb immderyaim. Yerbal
noun immdergud.
indless goodness, p. 2. innlus gach tinnscra fri deirge dligt<? o
rechtaib commamsa on leaving {her husband ?), she is entitled by the
laws of matrimony to the increment of every bride-price, 0*Dav. 70,
s.v. comaim.
innsa trouble, Ff. 54. So O'Cl. A cognate adj. existed in O.Ir.
ni insa, S. Paul, v. 5, the Mid. Ir. form of which was andsa,
compar. andsu, Rev. Celt. viii. 858, 1. 2.
inutile a vessel, or ease, Ff. 56. So O'Cl. In Corm. Tr. p. 98 the
word is explained as * a small vessel wherein drink fits.'
fr=Lat. ira, but in Ff. 56 explained by deabaidh contention.
a ir .i. a ferg, Corm. Tr. 116, s.v. mei'. ir .i. fearg, O'Cl. £r .i.
saithin (?) no ferg, O'Dav. 98. ir .i. fearg, Stowe XIX. ir . . .
significaret Hibernis . . . iram, O'Moll. 29. gair ger gribi, hir
is ferg. Salt. R. 921. buith co n-ir, LL. 43^ in marg. la Demon
CO n-fr, LU. 114^ 30. cen chomairb, cenf-ir, LB. 261*» 17, cen
fodord, cen hir, 262* 9. Hence the adj. irach, Salt. R. 4086, etc.
The W. ir-llawn, ir-llonedd show that ira was borrowed also by
the Cymry.
irchaill doorpost, Ff. 6. earchaill, O'Cl. do chnamaib elefinnte
tra doronta na doirsi 7 na hirchoUa, LB. 209^. O'Br.'s ircilt * the
side-post of a door,' seems a corruption of this, ercheallan * a pole,
stake,' O'Br., may also be connected.
irsi adj. light y Ff. 74, a doubtful word.
itropa head, Ff. 38. itropa, O'Cl. A doubtful word. L. has
is tropa and possibly itropa may be nothing but an old misreading
of .«. tropa, as ibath, q.v., of .«. bath.
laba eyebrow, Ff. 39. Better laupa=:lauba, O'Br., cogn. with
lupaim * I bend.' s-pret. pi. 3 rolupsatar, LL. 86^ 45.
ladg snow, Ff. 5. So O'Cl. ladhg, O'Br.
laeg water, liquor, E. 13. Perhaps a mistake for laith, q.v.
laemda, E. 28. Meaning doubtful, ronasc go Isemda a lipadha.
Eg. 1782, fo. 34a 1. St. Fechin's mother is called Lasair laomdha
lanlebur, Betha Fechin. O'Br. has a laom * a blaze of fire,' and O'R.
a laomh * strong, powerful.' co ti sil Luigdech in loeim, Bk.
80 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
Fen. 226. The compd. laem-scel occurs in Bk. Fen. 340, where
it is rendered by * famous story.*
laith liqmry D. 41. So O'Cl. laith .i. cuinn. laith .i. ass,
O'Flah. Compd. tri laith-linni, SP. v. 16. Com. lad (gl. liquor),
Lat. latex,
laithre coWy Ff. 16. So O'Cl. Derived from laith *milk,' Laws,
i. 64, 66 : laith find for tellraig .i. as na mho iar8a[n] talmain.
1. \qxi^ feast, E. 20. So fl. 4. 22, p. 13, and L. Leo. Voc.
Cognate with the verb longaim * I eat.'
2. lang fraudy Ff. 57, D. 22. So Corm. s.v. Gaileng, O'CL,
O'Flah., H. 3. 18, p. 635^ and Eg. 1782, p. 26. Hence the
verb longaim * I cheat, betray : ' ro lance in sennin fort. Rev. Celt,
xi. 131. Gr. €'-X67xo5 'reproach, disgrace,' may be cognate.
lathar hidden meaning y Ff. 10. So O'Cl. In Wb. 5® 16 we seem
to have the dat. sg. dont lathur diasndisiu roboi hi runaib inna
deacte oc tuiste duile hi tossuch to the unspeakable hidden meaning
which was in the mysteries of the Godhead when creating {the) elements
at first, Compd. erlathar, LB. 56* 41. Cogn. with Lat. lateo,
1. ler M. sea, Ff. 15. So O'Cl. the ocean ace. to O'Dav. 100.
ler tondban for talmain, Laud 610, fo. 90* 2. sg. gen. gainem lir
fo longaib, LB. 28*. mac lir [.i.] mac mara, Corra. s.v. Manannan
mac lir. dat. sg. liur, ace. mo ler cona lantoradh, LL. 385^ 44,
Bk. Eights, 196. fer co n-ilur gnim dar ler, LU. 47* 30. ri rethes
ler, LU. 40* 18. imma curchaib iarsin ler, LB. 33*. pi. ace. liru
(gl. pontias) LH. 12* (Goidel.^ p. 69). W. llyr mare, equor.
2. ler abundance, Ff. 21. Seems used as an intensive prefix in
ler-glor, ler-thol, ler-mdr, ler-ol, Salt. R. 366, 611, 2722, 4443.
ler-thinol, LL. 296* 1. Either a misspelling of leir ' industrius,'
or the same word as 1 . ler : so the gen. sg. of d'iliu (borrowed
from Lat. diluvium) is used to intensify the meaning of the
governing word, e.g. dam dilenn,
1. les bladder, E. 15. So O'Cl. sg. dat. mar anail il-les, LL. 86*
35. Is leges lega cen les it is the leeching of a leech without a bladder
(in which he kept his medicaments), LH. 34* 2. les lasgtha a
clyster, O'Br. les each mbolg imbi lind every bag wherein is liquor,
Conn. s.v. lesan, spelt lesan in H. 3. 18, p. 72*.
2. les light, Ff. 57. 16os, O'Cl., leus, O'R. So L.Lec. Yoc. Leos
and Ids, Eg. 1782, p. 26. teora bliadna boi cen les Colum ina
dnbreoles, LH. i34* 2 (Goidel. 161). les-boire, sg. gen. 16sboiri,
Vb. 26* 3. dual nom. dd 16spaire mora, O'Don. Gr. 352. The
ining o oi u may be loans from O.^N. Ijos,
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 81
If praise (?), E. 14. This meaning seems inferred from the U a
molad * splendour his praise/ in Corm. s.v. fili. li = W. lliw * colour.'
lia M. stone, p. 4. lia laime, LL. 393^ 50. sg. gen. liac, dat.
liaic: compd. nertlia, LL. 255^ 16.
liachtain moisture, Ff. 56. ^lei^, Cogn. with Xeipw, \oipri,
Lat. Itbatio, de-lihuttM.
ligrad tongue, Ff. 57. lioghra, O'R. Derived from U^ur 'tongue,'
Corm., and cogn. with Xelx^t li-n-go, ligmio. So in Duil Laithne
11, ligair .i. tenga.
lis quarrel, Ff. 65. So L.Lec. Yoc. Borrowed from Lat. lis, as
W. Hid * anger' from litem. See Corm. s.v. lesmac.
loc place, D. 29. So G.C.* 69. log, L.Lec. Yoc. sg. gen. luic. pi.
dat. 0 locaib imechtrachaib mundi (gl. ab hibemis locis), 0*Mulc. 700.
Compd. mac-loc womh, LL. 273^ 26 and Rawl. B. 502, fo. 61* 2.
Borrowed from Lat. {st)locm,
lore fierce, D. 24. So O'Cl. lore .i. angbaid no laind, H. 3. 18,
p. 537. in chrott arpeit Labraid Longsech lore, LH. 34* 2.
lose lame, D. 33. So Stowe XIX, L.Lec. Yoc. and H. 3. 18,
p. 663^. sg. ace. ITi chuitbe nach sen ciarbat ooc . . . na lose ciaso
luath Mode not any old man though thou art young, nor (any) lame
man though thou art swift, LL. 344* 32. pi. ace. luscu .i. bacuchu,
Fiacc's h. 32. lose (gl. clodus) O'Mulc. s.v. collud. Gr. \o}q6^,
Lat. luxus. Another lose (=Lat. luscus) means * blind ' : Domrigne
lose 16n, LL. 147* 30.
1. loth plumage, D. 25. cf. luathan .i. en bird, Duil Laithne,
123. From *(p)luto- or *fp)luta.
2. loth fierce, E. 27. From "^luto, cogn. with Gr. \v<r<ra 'rage,*
from *lutja, Lith. lutis * storm,' Ch. Slav. IjutH 'vehement.'
lothar raiment, Ff. 20. So O'Cl. co ro dubai fri grein 7 gaith i
certaib 7 lothraib, LL. 274* 1. From 1. loth?
lu smallness, Ff. 47, is rather small : lu each mbec, Corm. lu
.i. beag, O'Cl. lulaegh .i. laegh mbec. Eg. 1782, p. 26. Hence
luan .i. mac, H. 3. 18, part i. p. 210. is dal ena tar lua[n] (.i. uisque
tar nseidin), Amra Conroi. Compd. leas-luan stepson, 0*Br.
lua foot, Ff. 42, kich, E. 16. O'Cl. gives these two meanings,
lua .i. preb, Eg. 1782, p. 26. Atacomcussa com lau, LU. 114* 10.
mo da lua .i. mo da choiss, LL. 208* 24. dobert a luie frisin
comlai col-luid a chos trethe, LU. 19* 19. tobert Cuchulaind a lue
afridisi, ibid. 22. tuc Cerball lua da choiss friasi, LL. 52* 11. In Old-
Lish it seems to mean ' heel ' : sal no lue (gl. calx), Sg. 50* 20.
luan hound, wolf, Ff. 16. So O'Cl. a greyhound, O'Br.
Fha TraxLB. 1891-2-8. 6
82 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
luba hody. v. infra, b.v. tethra. lithha, liihhnacha or liithhneachn,
O'Br.
luc (luch?) belly, womb, Ff. 41. locc mbecc a dimple^ LB.
148^
luchtaire whirlpool, Ff. 57. So O'Cl. luchtaire also means
'lanista/ Ir. Gl. No. 10, and, like the Lat. luctor * I wrestle,' comes
from a root luy meaning * to twist.'
lugna moon, E. 2. So L.Lec. Voc. Seems borrowed from Lat.
liina, with y inserted to indicate the length of the preceding
vowel. Cf. lun 6 luna, LB. 24 1^ 20, a gloss on the fo-lun
lainderda, etc., of the Amra Senain.
1. luibne^w^^r, Ff. 42, D. 14. So Conn. s.v. deach. luibhne
.i. meoir^n^^*, O'Cl.
2. luibne spear, Ff. 36. mam luibni .i. fam sleig, LL. 208*.
Another meaning for luthne is shield. So in LTJ. 55* luibne gela
foraib white shields upon them ; but this seems a mistake for ruibni.
see LL. 208* 7 : mo ruibni .i. mo sciath.
luigne y«t;^/m, Ff. 48. This is luibhne in H. and L.
luis hand, Ff. 57. So O'Cl. and DuQ Laithne, 17, O'Dav. 101,
H. 3. 18, pp. 71^ and 636, and Eg. 1782, p. 26. Hence luisea^
* the haft of a knife or sword, the small iron part that goes
into the handle,' O'Don. Supp. From ^loc-si- ? Cf . Lat. al-lex, poUlex ?
lulgach warrior, Ff. 23. a soldier, O'Br.
macht death, p. 3, note 2. Cogn. with machtaim I slaughter : o ra
machtait issin mormaidm, LL. 195* 56, machtad slaughtering, LL.
193* 25, Lat. macto,
maen dumb, Ff. 34. So 0*C1. (maon). Asbert in rigan: 'maen
rue,' BB. 251% better moen, LL. 269* 29. Cogn. with Lat. mutus
from ^moi'tO'S,
1. main good, F. 43. So 0*C1. (maoin). Cogn. with mdin
'treasure' (ni fil mo main fen acht a nim, LB. 216^), pi. ace.
maini 'precious things,' LL. 271^ 16. Lat. munus from *moinos.
2. main love, Ff. 34. So O'Cl. (maoin).
maime treachery, D. 52. Cogn. with maim, maimed 'betrayal,'
mairnim * I betray ' (rom aimet nad aincet, LL. 344^ 52), mamtid
' traitor,' LL. 282* 2.
1. mdl soldier, Ff. 23. So O'Cl. Prob. identical with 2. mal.
2. msilalord,noble,'DAS. So O'Dav. 106, O'Cl., L.Lec. Voc.,0'Flali.
Cormskc explains it as^tn^, and so in LL. 311^ 33 mal .i. ri : in LL.
307^ 5 : mad beo mac in mail .i. in rfg, and in H. 3. 18, p. 82^
oa mail .i ligh. Oorbo m^ each maige moir, Salt. E. 3431 : is
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 83
he mal na slog, ibid. 4427. Voc. cing mal .i. cemnig a uasail, LL.
186^ 26. pi. nom. mail, LIT. 40* 17. gen. o chath Mucrima nam-
mal, LL. 131». lin a mal, Salt. R. 6629. Old-Celtic ^maglo-s,
W. mael in Maelgwn = Maglocunos,
3. mal rmtf tribute, D. 48. So OTlah. and O'Cl. mal. gen. sg.
ri moradh a mail hg increasing its tribute , Bk. Fen. 240. W. mdl
*moneta' (Davies), * tribute' (Richards). From A.S. mdl, Eng.
(black) ma«7.
manais spear, Pf. 48. So O'Cl. manais lethanglas, LIT. 55* 15.
113^ 8. manais lethanglas limtha Lochlannach, Selg Slebe na
mBan Finn, cited in Battle of Ventry, p. 82. dia notairle manais
... as mo laim sea, LTJ. 62^ 1, where manais and sleg are used
as synonymous, pi. n. noi manaise, LU. 93, 1. 25. dat. bar ar
mdnaisib, LL. 85* 3.
1. mann F. food, D. 9. So O'Dav. 105, and O'Cl., who also
have mann .i. cruithneacht * wheat.' cin mann cin biadh without
fodder, or food, Laws ii. p. 18, line 6. Is tre fir flatha mesrada
mora for fedaib atat at manna milsi blassaigter, LL. 293^ 16,
346* 1. maind, LB. 121*. Borrowed from manna,
2. mann ounce, Ff. 58. So Corm., O'Dav. 104, L.Lec. Yoc,
H. 3. 18, p. 636°, Eg. 1782, p. 26, O'Cl. and O'Flah. pi. n.
manna oir forloiscthi Corm. and H. 3. 18, p. 72*. Giiterbock
regards this mann as borrowed from mina fiva. But mina would
in Irish have become *men. Siegfried's etym., mann from ^manva,
cogn. with Gr. /ioovo9, ju,6vo9 {/llovFos), as Lat. uncia with unus,
seems more probable.
marc (MS. mairc) horse, Ff. 19. So Corm. and O'Cl. Cogn.
with W. march, the Galatian fidpKav (ace. sg.) and Tpi-fiapKiala,
Pausan. x. 19, and the O.H.G. marach. The difference between
a marc and an ech is, ace. to H. 3. 18, p. 639, that the former is
female and the latter male (eich .i. firenna, mairc lathracha, leg.
laracha * mares'). But O'Dav. 104, has marc .i. ech no lair horse
or mare, and in LTJ. 119^ 28, the gen. pi. marc is glossed by ech.
In the Amra Conroi marc is declined like a fem. d-stem : Is
menn mairce murgeire .i. searrach eich fo ron mara.
mata (MS. mada) pig, Ff. 17. Sg. gen. curadmfr ferba (.i. bo)
brachtchi (.i. methi) brothlochi sceo (.i. acus) matai (.i. mucci)
moogthi, LU. 109* 30, and see LL. 118*, 48, 50. A sister-form
mdt in Corm., mait, O'Dav. 105, s.v. main.
* meile quern, Ff. 69. So O'Cl. pi. ace. ranirusa immorro deich
meile, LU. 83^ 4. Cogn. with melim * 1 grind,' act. pres. ind. sg. 3,
:■:. N
84 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — BfR. STOKES.
mar gall mblooic melid broe .i. broin, LL. 43* 7. Lat. mohj Gr.
fivWojf Goth, malan.
mell pleasant, J). 35, So L. Lee. Voc. Mag mell Fairyland,
O.-Ir. meld: ba mor meld a acaldam, Ml. carm. 1. Lat. mollis,
from *molvi8f *moldvi8,
mellach ^eod, Ff. 43, also in LTJ. 24» 18, 74», 114*22, for
meldach, G.C.* 18, is rather 'gratus.' ba mellach in bag, LU. 114^ 22.
memmur, N. penis^ Ff. 46. So O'Cl., lit. member. Thus memur
laime no coisi means * a finger or toe,' O'Dav. 106, pi. n. oire nundera
membur uili du Dea, quia sumtu membra omnes Deo, Camb. G.C
1005. Borrowed from Lat. membrum.
men mouth, F. 58. So Corm., H. 3. 18, p. 72^ and Eg. 1782,
p. 26. men mara .i. bel na mara, O'Cl. Hence menogud * hiatus,'
Sg. 40^ 8. gen. ar immgabail menaichthe ' ad yitationem hiatus,'
8g. 8^ 1 . W. min.
menmarc thought, reflection, £. 1, rather means desire, darling.
ba he menmarc a n-ingen 7 lennan a n-6cban, LL. 271* \, he was
the darling of their daughters and the lover of their young wives.
sg. gen. cluinte a hosnaid iar ndul a menmairc uathi hearken to
her sigh after her darling has gone from her, LL. 269* 17.
miad respect, honour, dignity, Ff . 58. So O'Cl. is miad mor ind
apstalacht, Wb. 13* 5. pi. dat. miadaib, LU. 52» 25. O.Bret.
a muoed (gl. fastu).
mi-scaith a curse, Ff. 29. So Corm. miscaid, O'Dav. 104.
miscath .i. mallacht, L.Lec. Voc. scath .i. beannacht, ibid,
sg. dat. fo miscaid bretheman bratha, LU. 31* 21. ace. eirgg dot tig,
ar se, 7 beir miscaid, LL. 272* 30. doberat trist 7 miscaid 7 berait
a n-orait uadib, LB. 258* 52. Hence the adj. miscadach ' accursed,'
Salt. R. 2392, 2422 (fri claind Cain miscadaig).
mo good, p. 3. mo-ling * bene salivit : ' mo-genair. For mon
(= Lat. manus * good ' ?) or ma (=maith), which often occur com-
pounded with verbs: mo-genar, LB. 146^. mon-genar, ma-tuluid
*bene ivit,' Fel. July 12, ma-lodmar, LL. 45*. ma-lodsaid, LU.
65* 15=mad-lodsaid, ib. 64* 7.
mocht gentle, quiet, mild? Ff. 59. Can this be=W. mwyth
'mollis,' cogn. with mwythan et moethan delitiae?
monur N. work, deed, Ff. 9. So O'Cl. monar .i. obair. The O.Ir.
gender appears from monar n-gle, Colm. h. 37. is mor in monur,
LL. 234* 32. Hence monorugud, LB. 261 marg.
mormuir bog, Ff. 70. mormhuir L. Seems a compound of
mor ' great ' and muir borrowed from A.S. m6r or Eng. moor.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 85
mos i. melody, p. 3. Prom '^mod-to, Cogn. with Lat. modtcsy
* measure, due measure, rhythm, melody,' etc. modular , modulatus.
ii. mps ehb, iii. mos flood, p. 3. These meanings (which are not
helegt) seem to come from the regular occurrence of the phenomena
in question.
mos custom, pp. 2, D. 58. So 0*C1. each sobes, p. 3. immda gun
cia (.i. fer) sin mos (.i. bes), fi (.i. olc), H. 3. 18, part 1, p. 210.
ranic maige mos nad genetar ciuil, Amra Choi. 36. Borrowed
from Lat. mos. Hence mdsach, 0*Br.
mothla soft, E. 22. moist, O'R. Cogn. with Lat. mustus afresh,'
from "^mut-tO'S ?
muad good, Ff. 43, D. 49. So H. 3. 18, p. 652, and O'Cl. muad
.i. uasal no airmidnech, Conn, mjac muad Muire, LB. 213^. sg.
gen. masc. : roselai delaifir muaid moinig, LL. 186^ 31. ace. fem.
la Macha muaid, LL. 21* 45.
muchna surly, D. 22. Conn. Tr. 115 s.v. muc, and O'Cl. write
this word mucna. But in LB. 255** 70 it is muchna,
mur abundance, p. 1, and Ff. 50, E. 26. Dia mor m'anacul de
mur theinntide diu derc nd^r great God to save me from the fiery
abundance of long looks of tears \ Amra Choi. 4. So O'Cl. So H.
3. 18, p. 76^, s.v. m^r. a mur (.i. a himmed), chluime, Eel.
Prol. 126. Probably cogn. with the second element in TrXyfi-jLLvpa,
irXrj/LL-fivpU, irXrjfi'/LLvptv, TrXrjjLi-fivpdtv. EbePs connexion (Kuhn's
Beitr. ii. 163) of TrXri/ifivpU with Ir. muir *sea,' W. mor, Gaulish
mdri, seems impossible.
ndsad famous, D. 36. So 0*C1. pi. gen. comsid na naem nasad
n-an, the guardian of the famous, splendid saints, LTJ. 40* 36.
Hence nasadach, gen. sg. m. nasadaig .i. erdarcaig, Goidel. 173.
neid, neit, neo wind, Ff. 67. neidh, O'R. The right spelling
of this word is doubtful. It may have lost initial p, and be
connected with Trviw, irvevfia, yrvoy,
neit battle, Ff. 21. So O'Cl. culu tria neit .i. cath, Amra
Choi. 2» neit ba hainm don chath nobrisind, LH. 34*2 (Goidel.
158). iar do neit, ibid, neit .i. cath, LL. 393^ 2. neit .i.
guin, LU. 7* 7. iar do n^it .i. iar do guin, LU. 6^ 29. lieit is
glossed by dia catha 'a god of battle,' in H. 3. 18. pp. 73*, 637*.
So Cormac, and see Rev. Celt. i. 36.
nemed art, D. 43. neimheadh .i. gach dan no gach ealadha,
O'Cl. each dan a nemed, Aibidil Cuigni, Book of Lecan, fo. 176*
2. nemed * privilege,' seems the same word : pi. ace. ro ordaigset
dano fir Herenn a nemthiu andsin, LU. 118* 6.
86 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
nena thumb, Pf. 42. O'Cl. has nean .i. ordlach. But the gen.
pi. nena occurs in LL. 208* 14 : triucha nena (.i. ordlach) Find
'na feic (.i. 'na fiaccail).
neoit penurious, scanty, Ff. 13. nfb neoit, br6cach, LL. 860,
marg. inf. nirba neoit he not niggardly, LB. 101 in r. margin, ar is
each lesc, lend, etaid, suanach, neoit, dedith is miscais De 7 doine,
LL. 344*. In the Amra Choi. 103 neoit is a subst.
nes an earthen stronghold {riith), Ff. 18. Perhaps neas .i. cnoe
* hillock,* O'Cl. a hill, or fortified place, O'Br., or a mistake for mess :
meitis ri mess .i. commeit ri tolaig as big as a hill, LL. 208*.
nia champion, Ff. 23. So Conn., H. 3. 18, p. 77*, and O'Cl.
In Old-Ir. a dissyllabic ^-stem. sg. gen. niad, Brocc. h. 71.
pi. gen. forrach niad, LL. 44^. niath, LL. 217^. For another
nia V. supra, s.v. gnia.
1. nin letter, D. 26. So Conn. Tr. 126, H. 3. 18, p. 77^ and
O'Dav. 108. nin .i. delb no litir, L.Lec. Voc. nion .i. litir, 0*C1.
Specially the letter n : anamain etir da nin inso .i. nin i tossuch in
moltai 7 nin ina deriud, .i. JVi disceoil [the beginning of the Amra
Choluim chille] 7 iVimuain, LIT. 6* 34. secht nen-adman (septem
litterarum conexiones) Ml. 2*, 2. dar ninu Nede, LL. 186^. Seems
borrowed from Old- Welsh nihn, and this from the Hebrew nun.
2. nin wave, Ff. 59. So Corm. s.v. Ninus : nen .i. tonn, Corm.
Tr. 126. nin .i. tond, L.Lec. Voc. nion, O'Cl., O'Br.
nith mortal wounding, D. 26. So Corm. and O'Cl. comtis nert-
menmnaig fri each nith, LL. 219**. ni rubaim nith n-erred n-dn,
LU. 77* 19. Also means * battle : ' arm fri nith, Laws i. 122. oc
erlud in nltho 7 in eggnamo frisin idal. Trip. Life, p. 92, 1. 8.
noe human being, D. 8. nae O'Cl. nai, L.Lec. Voc. noe, Corm.
fo chaid oc noe .i. is fo chataid biim ocon duine ica mbiim in am-
sa, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 61* 1. Hence nainan dwarf, O'Br.
noinnell valour, Ff. 22. naoineal ^o?^?^m, chivalry, O'Br. Hence
prob. noenellach, LU. 125^.
nua noble, Ff. 58,=nua .i. laidir, O'Cl., who cites do throid se re
nia nua he contended against a strong {noble ?) champion, sg. nom.
in cuire noem nua, LB. 262* 37. gen. comde nimi nui, LL. 307*
14. aes each dana nui fo nim, LL. 197* 9. do throit ra n£a[i]d
nua, LL. 83* 27. From *gnua =Ir. gn6, Lat. gnavUrS, i-gnavus.
The verb noud .i. erdarcaigira, LL. 187*, seems cogn.
nuall conspicuous, famous, D. 33. So L.Lec. Voc. and O'Cl.
6 ear, Ff. 40. So Corm. Tr. 131, H. 3. 18, p. 77^ and O'Cl.
mo duais imm 6 .i. mo dom im chluais, LL. 208* 9. O.Ir. aw, sg.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 87
gen. aue, a neut. «-8tem identical with Ch. Slav, ucho, gen. uSese, and
cogn. with Lat. auris from ^ausisj «w«-cultare, Gr. irapava, ovara.
Compds. oi-derg red-eared, LL. 295^ 26, au-nasc earring, Corm.
6-brat helmet j lit. ear-mantled Ff. 35. This is eo-hhrat .i.
ceannbhar, 0*C1. .i. 6adach bis air chenn, O'Flah. eo-bhrat, 0*Br.
Gf. .X. eo-barr .i. barr bis am cenn in rfgh, Amra Gonroi.
oeth (MS. aoth) M. oath, Ff. 4. So Conn, (oeth) and O'Cl.
{aoth). oeth la each n-eric, Laws ii. 60. pi. ace. fri oethu,
LTJ. 46^. Old- Welsh ut in anutonou (gl. perjuria), Goth, aiths.
oibid obedience y Ff. 31. D. 60, is rather obedient; .i. umal,
O'Dav. 109. Boi huasal, boi obid . . . cerbo huasal ropo humal,
Amra Ghol. 80. The gloss oidh .i. obuidens, H. 3. 18, p. 73^, is
a corruption of oibidh .i. obediens.
oidsen ? E. 24. O'E. has ' oidsen a surname,^ aed qu.
oin (leg. oin ?) buying , Ff. 68. This word is glossed by iasacht
'lending,' Corm. Tr. 132, O'Dav. 109 and O'Cl. is fiach forcraid
fomalta for oin there is a fine for excessive wear of a loan, Laws i.
168, 1. 10.
oircne M. lapdog, Ff. 60. So Corm. s.v. Mog-eime, and
O'Dav. 83, s.v. esrecht. im oircne rigna .i. indiaid orcan na rigna
bis .i. in mesan, Harl. 432, fo. 10* 2=Laws i. 152 (where iti is
erroneously omitted). A dimin. of oire .i. cu beag no measchu,
O'Cl. orci, LU. 39^, 40^, is a sister-form.
oir-derc manifest, conspicuous, D. 59. 0. Ir. airderc, erdirc,
irdirc. Tri hirrdraici Herenn, Lem Chonculaind, Dun Cain, Srub
Broin, BE. 2. 17, p. 183*. Root derk, whence also Gr. hipKofiai,
oitiu (MS. aoide) F. youth, D. 29. aidig .i. oigedus, Stowe
XIX. aide .i. oice, L.Lec. Voc. oetiu cen sendataid, LU. 33^ 39.
gen. i sliab noited .i. i n-ard na oited .i. oclachas, LL. 187*. galar
n-oeted, "Windisch, Ir. Texte, 145, 1. 11. sg. dat. oitid. oitith.
Ml. 75^ 10, Sg. 63^ 6. From *juventut-, cogn. with W. ieuant
* youth' and Lat. inventus. Hence the adj. ditidach, LL. 267^.
oil great, Ff. 6. So Corm. s.v. ollam, O'Dav. 109, and 0'C1.=
Gr. 9roX\o9. The cogn. verb is ollaigim, no ollaiged (gl. ampliauit)
ML 6P 6. In the line Infer foil, Bk. Fen. 226, we have prothetic /.
ond, onn N. stone, p. 4. Ff. 60, D. 14. So Corm., L.Lec. Voc.
and O'Dav. 109. sg. gen. uinne. Compd. cloth-onn oc buaid^
Amra Choi. 77. A neut..«-stem, cogn. perhaps with Lat. pondus.
1. ong hearth, D. 36. fire, hearth, O'Br. Seems cogn. with
Skr. angdra * glowing coal,' Lith. anglis * kohle,' and perh. Eng.
ingle.
88 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STORES.
2. oDg grief, p. 2, Ff. 60. So Conn., H. 3. 18, p. 73^ and O'CL
ni ong oen tige, LB. 240**, where wng is glossed by wih, Compd. :
ong-[g]alar, Salt. E. 1453.
orait (MSS. oraoid, oirbidh) a Hewing, Ff. 29. oiait .L oratio .i.
aomaigthe, H. 3. 18, pp. 73^ 637*». oroit. Conn. Tr. 129. rom-
bith oroit cet, a Maire, Sanct. b. 23. sg. ace. berait a n-orait
uadib, LL. 258^. From Lat. oratio. The opposite anorait occors
in Bk. Fen. 142, where it is rendered by ' evil prayer,' ' reproba-
tion.'
ort manslaughter^ Ff. 25. destruction, £. 27. death, p. 3, note 2.
.i. orgain .i. bas, 0*Dav. 109. Seems abstracted from the ^-pret. of
the verb orgim ; but may possibly come from *org-to. In H. 2.
15, p. 182, ort is glossed by losgadh ' burning.' The ortaib cited by
Windisch, Wort. 725, as an example of this word, is for
ordaib, pi. dat. of ord 'sledgehammer,' ordd (gl. malleus), Sg.
49*, 4, ordin ' mallet,' O'Br., cogn. perhaps with Ordo^icee.
OSS M. deer, Ff. 51. So O'CL sg. gen. cethruime each ois rogab
cuithech. Laws i. 272. basa chu-sa gabala uis, LIT. 114* 23. ace.
gabait in n-oss ba nessom do, LU. 62* 40. pi. n. oiss alta,
LU. 62* 32. uiss 7 altai, LL. 265* 5. gen. forrecat alma
n-088, LTJ. 62* 31. i ndelbaib oss, LU. 64* 20. ocht fichit
OSS n-allaid, LTJ. 57* 10. Li Old-Irish this noun also meant
a wild boar, and was neuter : fo tuaith do[s3sephain a n-os
.i. in mucc allaid, Brocc. h. 57. Batar da»o da n-oss, LL. 246*
39. Compd. 088-feoil * yenison,' oss-gamain * fawn,' sg. gen. ir-richt
os-gamna allaid, LL. 210*, o««-Z^<^ar ' deerskin,' LU. 79*. From
*uk80'8 cogn. with W. ych, pi. y chain, from *uk8en, Asc. gl. cxxiv.
ossar a burden, Ff . 60. a burden which is on a human being, O'Cl.
othar wages, Ff. 27, note 7. So H. 3. 18, p. 51*, H. 4. 22,
p. 60*, and O'Cl. pi. dat. do othraibh 7 do thuarustlaibb Uladh,
Lism. 103* 1.
pain bread, Ff. 61, E. 18. So Corm. and L.Lec. Voc. 0 inid
go caisg. ... do acht madh pain agas biolar, Cumine. From pdnie.
1. -paht part, Ff. 61. So Corm. pi. dat. fot-dailfind i n-ilpartib
ochianaib, LU. 69*. Often used for particle, as in pairte cro
clots of gore, Chron. Scot. 166. From Lat. pars, partis,
2. pairt^w, E. 18. So L.Lec. Voc. This seems a mistake,
paitric bridle, halter, Ff. 19. 0^ Clery^ b peatraie. Seems formed
from a prehistoric form of O.N. fjoturr * fetter.' For the change
in Irish loanwords oi fto p cf. pisear-carla, plat, putralL
patan hare, Ff. 51, is rather leveret, patu is *hare,' Corm.,
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 89
pattu, H. 3. 18, p. 6S7^,pataf 0*CL pi. gen. is do thimnaib rechta
Moysi nemthomailt feola mucc 7 patan, one of the eommands of
Moses* law is not to eat flesh of swine and hares y LB. 183^ 37.
Hence O.Ir. patnide (gl. leporinus), Sg. 37^ 7.
pauper ^oor, Ff. 59, note 8. So O'Cl. each pauper bid r£, Rawl.
B. 502, fo. 61^2. pi. n. puipir do biathad, Laws iii. 18, 1. 19.
Borrowed from Lat. pauper. Hence the dimin. pauperan, Fel.
Ep. 408.
pelait F. palace^ Ff. 61. piolait, O'Cl. nara chumaing Conchobar
n£ doib acht in phelait ir-rabatar d*facbail leo, LL. 263* 7. ba
hirgna in phelait rigda, LL. 256^ 45. No doubt from Lat. pald^
tium ; but the e and the gender are surprising.
pell horse, Ff. 19. So O'Cl. gen. ruccthar i capp indiaid phill do
[fjracc, LH. 34^ 2 (Goidel. 158)=:LU. 6^ 9. da n-o piU fair .i. da
chluais capaill fair, H. 2. 16, col. 690. Cormac has another form
fell. Both seem borrowed from some cogn. of Eng. foal, Goth.
fula, which Kluge refers to a pre- Germanic peldn-,
pet playing musiCy Ff, 18, peit, L. Abstracted from the verb
arpeitim, inf. airfitiud, ar-us-pettet a n-aes ciuil, LIT. 57^ 20.
pingur salty E. 18, =pinguir, L.Lec. Voc. Borrowed from some
Romanic word cogn. with Fr. fanCy fange, Ital. fango. For the
connexion of ideas cf . Corn, hdl * a saltmarsh.'
pit a small mealy E. 15. So Corm. s.v. fogamur, and L.Lec. Yoc.
Compd. leth-phit, terc-phit, Fel. Sep. 8 = terc-cuit, LB. 260**.
From W. pSth=lT, cuitt,
pont rudey Ff. 61. So H. 3. 18, pp. 73°, 637^ and O'Cl.
prann sea-wavCy E. 18. prand, L.Lec. Yoc. prann, O^Br. Bor-
rowed from some cognate of N.H.G. hrandung,
puincne scruple ( = three pinginns), Ff. 61, E. 18. So Corm.,
H. 3. 18, pp. 73c, 637°, and O'Cl. A dimin. of pone.
raiftinne fiercenesSy D. 24, = roptene, LL. 164* 49, .i. gairge,
H. 3. 18, p. 73°. robtine .i. garg no ailgin, O'Dav. 110. Fiachu
Boiphtine, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 102*' 1. This seems O'Br/s ''raiftine
laughter, laughing." Did he mistake gairge for gdire ?
ramat road, Ff. 18. Bather a high-roady ramut mo oldas rot, ace.
to Cormac s.v. R6ty and 0*CL ar each ramut ar bith che ria sluag
namat conar-ti, on every road in this world against a host of foes
may Se come to us\ LL. 308^ 7, fer tri ramata, O'Curry, Lect.
506.
. rang baldness y E. 2. range, ace. to Corm., is where the temples
are high.
90 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
rann truth, J), 34. So O'R. ran .i. firinne, O'Cl. = PO+aii?
See 1. an supra.
rath a iurety, E. 22. rath (gl. sequester medius inter duos
altercantes), Leyd. 69*. rath .i. urra, O'Cl. rdth security^
guarantee, O'Don. Supp. Am rath-sa dia raith-sium, FeL Ep. 165.
re (ret?) manner (modh) ? D. 15, where L. has read in mai^.
re (MS. re) a multitude^ Ff. 58, note 6. ind re. Conn. Prull.
v. rhai,
recht=Lat. rectus, p. 3. In the literature, reeht is g^ierally a
substantive, sg. gen. rechto, Wb. 21* 13 or reeta, Wb. 21* 1. for rent
recta .i. for sligi dirig, LL. 316<: 12, ace. conroiter recht robust^
LU. 10* 35. But in BB. 355* 13 it occurs as an adj. Eismeaeh
in ri recht.
r6daire a cleric, Ff. 62. retaire .L legthoir reader, H. 3. 18,
p. 640*. reataire, 0*Br. For this word, obTiously borrowed from
A.8. r^fdere, L. has recoire, and O'B.. recaire ' reciter,' which occurs in
Lism. 152* 1 : Do f iarfaigh in doirseoir in raibi dan acn do righ
Laighen. ' Ata,' ar in clamh, 7 is misi is recaire do the doorkeeper
aehfd had they a poem for the King of Leineter ? * We haiee^ eay%
the leper, ' and lam ite reciter.* This is from A.S. reeeere.
reisi, reiside, Ff. 12, see riss, risside.
ren a epan (<m^a«]y), Ff. 42. ream, ren, O'B. leon, lian, O'Br.
from *regno- connected with riyim ' I stretch, out.' as oprpud,
ipayvtOy ope^ma with ope^m*y ope^yp*. The mod. rtioe F. is from
*rtx*id: cf. o-^^t^. Cognate with both words are Lat. reyo and
Goth. m/-raifan.
reo(£s p. 3. Borrowed from Lat. m».
1. riad nmming^ Ff. 8, is rather y'^ny. So Conn. 8.T. arad, and
OTL Hence the verb rtad*iim. Cogn. with A.S. ridam^ £ng. to
ridey X.H.6. rtiteny OJS. n^. KLoge connects Gaulish rSds
^ chariot * and Gr. «^/mc\>s- aufsenyery eerrant^
2. rtad itutAority^ Atir, diecipiimey FC 8. So CCL imminy^
eMhttHy^ O'Br. Hence the adj. r'usia applied to a trained horse.
riATftdy?) htfTftdtt^ry riyhty D. 31. A doubtful word. H. has
ribar «i<nv> Ff. 4T. E. 2. So Corm., LXec. Toe. and (VCL
riobliAr ittt^aU A<Mwytv*»i» O'Br. StN?nLJ borrowed frova. Lat.
cri^rum ^£rom "^-Sm^.vv-M^ Ir. ifrvii/UMr) ; but the ab^nee of initial
e make» thb doubtful.
rivluachC «• ywiny^ Ff. 21. Abt^ractevl frooi dih-r-Minaeiiy FeL
2Ctjv. 13, th« t-prvt. sj^. 3 of HdmMrim " 1 deliTer^ ot&sr^ gxve.'
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 91
rfss, storey tale, E. 2, corruptly reisi, Ff. 12. rfss, Corm. ris .i.
faisneis, L.Lec. Voc. ris re aisneid Colum cen bith cen chill, Amra
Choi. 8 : pi. n. ail rfg nasi redi, LH. 26» (Goidel. 159), LL.
187* 37. ace. fochlus int sentonn rise nde, Uath Benne Mair 7.
rfsside story-teller , Ff. 12, where it is, corruptly, reisidhe, risighe,
robuist protection (?), D. 59. So O'CL, but it seems rather an
adj. borrowed from Lat. rohmtua, conroiter recht robust he kept
the firm law, Amra Choi. 43, LIT. 10» 35.
robustus p. 3. Prom the Latin.
rocdn tunie, Ff. 35. tunic or cowl, 0*C1. Formed on A.S. roce
(=1^.H.G. rock)y or Med. Lat. roceus, whence Ital. rocchetto, Eng.
rochet.
rosal a judgment, Ff. 12. So O'Cl. Perhaps from *rodh'tlo-.
Cogn. with Teut. rSdan, N.H.G. raten. A roaacel .i. brath (leg.
brdth ?) occurs in H. 3. 18, p. 636.
rose understanding, Ff. 10. So O'Cl. and O'Br. (rosg). Perhaps
only a metaphorical use of rose ' eye.' pi. n. roisc, LL. 210^ 14.
ruanaid red, D. 21. So Corm. s.v. ruam, and 0*C1. Riianaid
atberthe cosse frisseom ar m^t a naire, LU. 115^ 27.
ruba a mortal wound (guin), D. 19. So O'Cl. In Laws
i. 106, 160, ruha in the phrases fuba 7 ruba, na tri ruba, is rendered
by 'services of defence.' Hence the verb conid-rubaim trenocu tria
nert gaile, LU. 124* 14. From the account of the fight between
Cuchulainn and Ferdiad rubad seems to mean * thrusting with
ffpears,' as distinguished from slaide * slashing with swords.'
O'Curry, M. and C. iii. 444.
rucht swift, quick, E. 19. ruchd sudden, vehement, O'Br.
mice (MS. ruicedh) hlu^h ? Ff . 62. So L. Lee. Voc. amdip
rucce doib, Wb. 30* 3. mice rebuke, reproach, O'Br.
micet (MSS. ruicheat, ruichet) raising up, Ff. 7. ruiceat,
O'Br. miceadh, O'Cl. The cogn. verb is exemplified in O'Don.
Supp. ni ruicer aire a thing {which) is bestowed upon her,
mmra sight, Ff. 47. romhra, O'Cl., O'Br. "What is romra,
in LU. 40* ? m' oenuran im romra ro.
mss cheek, Ff. 62. So O'Cl. russ .i. agaidh/ae?^, Corm. Tr. 146.
rus .i. aigid, O'Dav. 110, and see Wind. Wort. s.v. 2. russ. gen.
romna rossa .1. romna aigthe ic aerad, LL. 187* 17.
1. sab strong, p. 2. each soabb, p. 3. Seems taken from LU.
9* 34 : ba so-abb i suthemlacht each berlai eo elethi. sab * princeps,
fortis,' G.C.* 255. pi. n. sabaidh, O'Dav. 114.
2. sab successor, p. 3.
92 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
1. BSieglonn jicdge, p. 4. H. 3. 18, p. 78^. O'Dav. 115.
2. saeglonn old man, p. 4. So O'Dav. 115. Derived from uiegviy
and this borrowed from Lat. saeculum.
3. saeglonn king, p. 4.
4. saeglonn jE?i7?ar, p. 4. So O'Dav. 115.
sai mtldnesSf gentleness, Ff. 62. saidh, O'R.
sail accompanying, D. 49. So O'Cl. a sail suad .i. a comaiteclit
suad, LL. 186* 33. Hardly cogn. with O.H.G. sal (now Saal), a
house or hall, ** serving especially as a place for socicd union"
(Kluge), whence Ge-selle.
saillim (gl. condio) p. 4,=saillim (gl. sallio) Sg. 187*. condio
.i. sallim .i. inti nosailled o f orcetul brentaid ar cinad, LTJ. 8^ 4. From
*8aldid, cogn. with W. halltu,
saithe M. a multitude, Ff. 55. So L.Lec. Voc, H. 3. 18, p. 663%
O'Dav. 116, and O'Cl. co Crist cechaing saithe, Fel. Jan. 25.
cet-saithi a ndire na saileach, O'Don. Supp. s.v. saithe.
deich mbeich[s]luaig (.i. saithe bech 7 lestra), H. 3. 18, p. 49.
pi. nom. in tsaithi (gl. examina) Ml. 90* 7. dat. rodamnad co
sathib slog. Salt. R. 6731. W. haid.
salar (MS. ealar, et sic O'Br.) salt, Ff. 44. salor, O'Cl. Cogn.
with salann, W. halen. Com. haloin,
salt leap, E. 2. So Conn, and L.Lec. Yoc. isin bliadin sin hi
cuiretar salt, Cr. 32* 11. gen. slan dliged salto, Cr. 3°. Borrowed
from Lat. saltus,
sam summer? E. 3. The line in which this word occurs is
corrupt. Perhaps the first three words should be samh each
samradh. So O'Cl. sam sogar .i. dagthorthech in samrad, LL.
188* 33. sam taurfrossach, LL. 293^ 37, 346*. is grian etrocht
imbi sam, LL. 284* 40. Compd. uide se sam-la a jowrney of six
summer-days, Lism. 48^ 2. Yedic samd * year,' Zend hama * summer/
"W. hdf.
sathfood, E. 5. So Conn, and O'Cl. bai seim sath, Amra ChoL
Different from sdith * sufficiency, fill,' sg. gen. do cathim a satha
dia[f]e6il, LIT. 46* 19. ace. ni thormalt saith no seire, LL. 37 1<* 19.
1. seal warrior, hero, Ff. 32. So O'Cl. Seal Balb, LL. 9*. in
seal sciathach, LL. 45* 25. gen. Mungairit meic Sc^ Eailb, LL.
206^. Gleann an scail, Leac an scail, Lochan scail, O'Don. Supp.
s.v. seal. Probably the same as 2. seal.
2. seal a man, Ff. 24. So O'Cl. voc. a scail, LH. 34* 2 (Goidel.
158). airddithir a sciath ri seal his shield as high as a many
LL. 44*. Hence sgalog (0. Ir. scdUc ?) * homunculus,' O'Moll. 94.
OLOSSARIAL INDEX. 93
sceng hedf E. 4. So Conn, and O'Cl. sgeng .i. iomda, Duil
Laithne 196. ard in sceng, LIT. 40* 1. im scing bic .i. biim il-
lepaid immalle fri rig, LL. 187*. Perhaps borrowed from A.S.
»<BCcing : on stBccingum * in grabatis.'
1. sceo understanding, Ff. 12. So O'Cl. (sgeo). Cogn. with Lat.
SCiOf 8CitC8,
2. sc^o and, D. 56. So O'Cl. sceo 7 neo, 7 ceo tri comaccomail
Goideilggi, three con/unctions in Gaelic, Amra Choi. 10. fodh
macaib sceo ingenaib, O'Dav. 86, s.v. foth. immad fina sceo meda,
LL. 343*. a muirib domnib sceo moraib, LL. 293^ 24.
scill sudden, D. 38. So 0*Dav. 116, and O'Cl. (sgill). scilla .i.
obann, L.Lec. Voc.
scip (MSS. scibh, scib) hand, Ff. 42 : a sister-form of cib, O'Cl.
I[8] si'n
teit in mal ina thech rig,
i ndegiult cen cassair trit,
CO nduibciund ^ ina dag-scip.*
Thus goes the lord into his palace, in a garment without a brooch
through it, with a sword in his right hand, LB. 240*.
scuirt shirt, Ff. 35. So 0*C1. (sguird). roghabh scuird-leinidh
sroiU, Battle of Ventry, 474. Borrowed from O.N. shyrta, F.
sec hone, Ff. 27, better siic, as in O'Cl. or seic, O'Br.
s^g M. deer, E. 4. seg .i. oss allaid. Conn, (who quotes the ace.
pi. segu), .i. agh allaid, O'Dav. 116. segb bos, O'Moll. 36. sed
.i. OSS, L.Lec. Yoc.
segach goat, Ff. 17. Derived from «^y ? Or is it a mistake for
sighach wolf, O'Dav. 117 ?
segad (?) excellency^ D. 18. A doubtful word.
segamlae milkiness, E. 3. So Corm. Derived from seghamail
'milky,' O'Dav. 116, and this from segh .i. lacht, H. 4. 22, p. 67°.
seim little (rather slender, fine, subtile), p. 3, D. 48. So O'Cl.
seim (gl. exile), Ml. 139* (gl. macer) Sg. 37*. pi. n. seime, LB. 195*
38. dat. semib, LU. 35^ 34. Compar. semiu (gl. exilior) Sg. 14**,
(gl. tenuiof), Ml. 19*. Hence the fem. abstr. seme : sg. dat. semi,
LIT. 35* 42. ar mu semi-se (gl. pro ipsa mei adtenuatione) Ml.
22* 1. Compd. seim-tana (gl. exilem) Sg. 14* 8.
seire a meal, D. 39. .i. proinn no din^r, O'Cl. seire .i. feoil,
H. 2. 15, p. 182. nochar' chaith saith no seire. Mart. Don.
^ .i. cloidem.
2 'i^ deslam.
94 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
p. 188. nib airbirech fri seire, LL. 360, marg. inf. =iiir' bat
ffirerach fri sere, LB. 101, r. margin, is ann roraid fri lesau in
sliab do seilg co tucad sere do, 7 co tartad som a bendachta dosom
fora mullacli ar in sere sin then he told Esau to hunt on the mountain
and bring htm/oodj and that for that food he would give his blessing to
him on his head, LB. 113** 38, caith in s^re, ol se, ib. 51. adbar
sere detsiu, ib. 54. uati sere, LB. 260°.
seis learning, p. 3. So O'Cl. rofes ruaim, rofes seis, his burial-
place was known, his learning was known, Amra Choi. 44. LIT.
10* 39 = LH. 27* 1 (Goidel. p. 163). adgenammar a seis (gl. non
ignoramus cogitationes eius) Wb. 14^ 28. bid glan a seis, LL.
297* 8. sg. gen. fogroU sese, LL. 187* 4. feal ai 7 seis, unde dicitur
fealmac .i. mac seasa, O'Dav. 86, s.v. fealmac. ace. cen dula dar
seis no smacbt. Salt. R. 2393. pi. ace. a druim re seisi, BB.
293^ 13. From ^sent-ti-. Cognate with, but not borrowed from,
Lat. sensus from "^sent-tu-. Another seis musical strain, is from
*send-ti-, cogn. with the verb sendim.
seist mid-day, E. 4. From Lat. sexta (hora). So Corm., L.Lec.
Voc. and O'Cl. Spelt sest in the Palatine MS. 68, fo. 30*.
sen a net for catching deer, E. 5, for catching birds, Corm. and
0*Dav. 117, for catching deer or birds, O'Cl. sen fuirmither
dichmairc a bird-net which is set without leave, O'Dav. 89, s.v.
f uirmedh. The cognate W. hwyn-yn or hoen-yn means a hair of
the tail of a horse, ox, etc., a springe or gin,
seoit property, especially cattle, Ff. 13. seoid, O'R. Cf. seoit
taurclotha, Corm. s.v. aicillne : one of the noms. pi. of set ? ace. co
rucsat a bu 7 a seotu, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 109* 1.
serbh theft, Ff. 74. So O'Dav. 117, but searb (with hard b),
O'Cl. foserba petty thefts, larcenies, O'Dav. 117. O'Cl. has also a
siorbhai * theft.' From *stervd cogn. with Gr. arepew,
sercoU flesh, Ff. 30. So O'Cl. sg. ace. ni sercol [.i.] sechnais
sercol, Amra Choi. 73. pi. n. sercla (gl. irritamenta gulae) Sg.
63*, 11. batir i a sercla: grut bruithe etc. LL. 117^ 23. cosin
sercoU sochenel mid, LB. 219*. So Diarmait says to Grainne (Rawl.
B. 502, fo. 58* 2 : cf. O'Br. s.v. searcall).
Is maith do chuit, a Grainne, Good is thy share, 0 Grainne !
is ferr duit inda rige : It is better for thee than a kingdom :
serccoU na cailech f eda the flesh of the woodcocks,
la banna meda mine. with a drop of smooth mead.
Originally a delicacy, relish ?. Derived from sere * love ' ?
GLOSSARIAL INDEX* 95
serpan (serban ?) swan, Tf. 63. So O'Cl. searpdn, O'Br.
serr everything young and hatighty, E. 5. serr each n-uallach 7
each n-ogla, Corm. s.v. serrach *foal.' searr colt, O'Br. cf. serr-
graig a herd of foals, LL. 103^ 16.
1. serrda edge, Ff. 49. So O'Cl. But it is a participial adj.
meaning provided with sickles, carpat 8er[r]da "cumis falcatus."
See Wind. "Wort. s.v. serda.
2. serrda cut, lopt, Ff. 49, the same word, with a slight
difference of meaning.
sescenn fen, Ff. 70. salach nis .i. seiscenn, O'Dav. 115. co
sescen in da cor, a sescunn in da cor, Bk. Arm. 17* 1. pi. dat.
sescnib, LIT. 28*, 19.
set path, Ff. 68. "semita unius animalis,*' Corm. s.v. rot.
sg. gen. seta. pi. n. s6ti and seuit. "W. hgnt 'journey, way.' Goth.
sinth * journey.'
sethnach side. See infra s.v. tethra.
sillid a woman who performs tuaicle, enchantment ? E. 21. This
word is identical with sillid * looker,' and probably means one who
has the evil eye. Cf . Corm. s.v. milliud.
sin (MS. sin) necklace, chain, Ff. 63. So H. 3. 18, p. 73^.
Cogn. with Gr. yuia. Sin round, E. 4, seems the same word : cf.
Corm. s.v. sin.
sion = Zion, ^twv, city of heaven, D. 36. In faith D6 dede Sion
suidioth, Amra Choi. 11. fordonsnaidfe Sione .i. non-snaidfe co
sliab Sion .i. co cathair nemda, ibid. 140.
sirsi, adj. light, Ff. 74, scribal error for irsi?
slab narrow, E. 4. Cogn. with slahar 'narrow,' Corm. s.v.
slabrad. Perhaps the line in E. should be emended thus: 'slabar'
cumang, is * coit ' coill. Hence esslahar * wide,' whence esslahra q.v.
slabrad, slaibred (leg. slabra, slaibre?) D. 49, a kind of dowry
composed of kine and bridles (ainm do bo-cethraib is d'echsrianaib,
H. 3. 18, p. 608*). slabra used of horses, LL. 85» 27, 33. slaibhre
.i. coibhche, 0*C1.
slicht seme (ciall), D. 44, the O.Ir. sliucht * cognitio,' Sg. 200*.
Hence intsliucht, Sg. 201*, intliucht, and the adj. intliuchtach.
sloigre sword, D. 50. slaighre, O'Br. For the suffix cf . bligh-re
*a milker,' O'Don. Supp. sloighreadh, O.R. The root may be
slak, whence the O.-Ir. perf. ro-selach (for ro-seslach), and Goth.
slahan, Slacc .i. claideabh, Duil Laithne 25, seems cognate.
smer j^r^, E. 3. So Corm. s.v. smeroit, H. 3. 18, p. 637*, and
O'Mulc. : Aod 7 tnu 7 smer 7 bott (.i. beoait) 7 tene, quinque
96 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
nomina ingnis, H. 2. 16, col. 90. In the gloss 8m6r .i. tene,
H. 3. 18, p. 73c, the mark of length seems wrong. Cogn. with
Gr. fiaipa, the doff -star, jLLapfiaipiv, fiapiev^j a stone that takes fire
when water is poured upon it; Lat. m^rus. The i is prob^
prothetic.
sn&ided protection, D. 55. A sister-form of snadhadh .i. comairce,
O'Cl. 0. Ir. snadud, verbal noun of snaidim. W. nawdd, nodded.
snath hair? E. 3. So Corm. But perhaps we should read
snuath = snuadh .i. folt, O'Cl. ced imda (.i. fada) a snuadh (.i.
folt), H. 3. 18, part 1, p. 210 = gidh fada a snuadh, O'Br.
sn^id little, p. 3 = sn6idh .i. each n£ beag, O'Cl. b^f sa^gul
sneid, Amra Choi. 24, ag seng sneid, Eawl. B. 502, fo. 60* 1.
saiget Saxan sneid, Bawl. B. 502, fo. 47* 2.
so ffood, p. 3. This is probably the laudatory prefix «w-, so-, "W.
hy- = Skr. su-, Zend hu-, and perhaps Lat. SU' in su-hucula * a
sacrificial cake made of spelt, oil and honey,' a different word from
suh'Ucula *an under- garment.' See so-nirt, sopur, suithnge,
infra.
sol sun, E. 2. Borrowed from Lat. s6l. W. haul, however,
shows that the word existed in Celtic. The genuine Msh cognates
seem sul .i. grian sun, gen. sulut (leg. sulot), BE. 3. 18, p. 74*, and
sitil ' eye.'
solam sUseng? E. 10. The gloss is obscure to me : solam usually
means quiek, .i. so-ellam, L.Lec. Voc.
son M. word, D. 26, and L.Lec. Voc, = son voice, noise, O'Cl.
son a gotha, Amra Choi. 41. sg. gen. suin and other cases in G.C.^
981. Cognate with, or borrowed from, Lat. sonus.
sonirt (gl. robustus) p. 4=so + nerti-s. W. hy-nerth. Cogn.
with Sab. nero, nerio, Gr. a-vrip,
sopor a well, D. 50. Siltair sopur na segsa for topur na trenoensa,
LL. 156* 18. Sopor somma .i. am topur co n-immud eolais, I am
a well with abundance of science, LL. 187* 5. Erom so-od-hur, as
topur 'well ' from to-od-hur, and fohur * well' supra, fromfo-hur.
Borh fault, E. 4. So Conn., L.Lec. Voc, H. 3. 18, p. 74*. .i.
lochd no salach filthy, O'Cl. foul, dirty, O'Br. Possibly cogn.
with Gr. (Tvp(f)09, ffi;/)06Tos, and Goth, svairhan * to wipe.'
stiall-, girdle, apron, (fuathrog), Ef. 35.
suan odar error, p. 2. This lemma is obscure to me, as is also
the adj. suan cech slemon, LL. 344* 50.
suba blood. See infra s.v. tethra,
1. min a cover? D. 38, cf. suin .i. cumdach, O'Dav. 115. In
GLOSSARTAL INDEX. 97
the Tecosca Cormaic siiin is an adj. M chuitbe nach sen ciarbat
ooc . . . na nocht ciarbot suin, mock not an old man thotcgh thou art
young, nor a naked man though thou art clad, LL. 344*^ 29, 31.
2. suin heauty ? D. 38.
suithnge eloquent, well-tongmd, Ff. 63. So O'Dav. 117 and
O'CL Sulpicc sothnge suabais, Fel. Jan. 13 (Eawl. 505), sui slan
eothnge sutbain, Fel. Sep. 30. From the prefix so- and tenge.
The opposite would be dothnge; but for this we find dothenga:
cosaitecb cecb dotheng[a], LL. 344° 11. dligid cacA dotheinga
dige, LL. 294» 7. dligid cech dotbenga miscais every evil-tongued
deserves hatred, LL. 346** 33.
suit colour, D. 16. So O'Cl. This is perhaps the meaning in
conda tanic a suit ocus afeth, LIT. 129* 5.
suth milk, p. 1. So Corm. s.v. uth, L.Lec. Yoc. and H. 3. 18,
p. 663. suth nime ticed don draic sin a flow of poison that came
from that dragon, LB. 180*. Cognate with Gr. vei it rains, as
suth .i. clann, H. 2. 15, p. 182, pi. ace. suthu. Ml. 39° 22, is
cogn. with Gr. v/Js.
tabartha wages, Ff. 27, literally (something) given, the pret.
part. pass, of -tahraim the enclitic form of do-hiur,
taf (to{?) deaf Ff. 34. So O'Cl. and O'Br. (taoi).
taide theft, D. 33. taide .i. gataide, Stowe XIX : no hailed in
mac and sin i taide, Macgnimartha Find, § 4, where it means stealth,
secrecy. So in Fel. Prol. 71, cen taide .i. cen folach. And so in
O'Don. Supp. mac doirche .i. mac dognither i taidiu sech fine a
son of darkness, i,e. a son begotten in secret outside the tribe, oc laige
la mnai Find hi taide, Gorm. Gl. s.v. ore treith,=il-liugu la mnai
Find hi taidiu lying with Find's wife in secret. Laud 610, fo. 82*.
a topur na tonn taide, LL. 157**, 38. Derived from tdid (gl. fur)
Sg. 47^ 9. Cogn. with Gr. rrjTao/iai,
taircim (gl. fero) p. 5. is rather 'affero,* 'impertio,' Asc.
gl. xcvii. : do-aircim is the orthotonic form, duairci (gl. efficit).
Ml. 61^ Verbal noun tdirciud, Wb. 13° 9, Ml. Ill* 5.
taithmech a breaking, D. 54. .i. sgaoileadh, O'Cl. analysis, Corm.
Tr. 156, s.v. triath. sg. ace. doniat a cotuch cen taithmech tria
bithu, LL. 303* 2. The right spelling is taithbech or taithbiuch,
tathbiuch carat, Eawl. B. 512, fo. 40* 1. do taithbiuch to
abrogate, Laws i. 18, 52. taithbech rudartha, LB. 101, marg.
inf. oc taithbiuch a f uilt dia folcud loosening her hair to wash it,
H. 2. 16, col. 716. ^-pret. of the cogn. verb : fobith to-n-aidbecht
forro a aid. became he destroyed their fairy-mound, LU. 99*. pass.
FhU. Trans. 1891-2-3. 7
98 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
pres. sg. 3, taidbegar, Trip. Life, 160, 1. 19. ^hhegt Skr. ^hhaj^
bhajyate,
tap sudden^ E. 23. So 0'Cl.=top, Corm. to-ud-h ?
1. tebed cutting, D. 26. teibeadh .i. buain no tarraing, O'Cl.
tepedh, ME. 286 ; but tebe, teibe .i. buain, L. Lee. Voo., Stowe
XIX. dobretha Fergus tape forsin ngabul, LL. 61* 18. adbul-
teipi, Laws i. 202. The cognate verb occurs: ri ro-thepi . . .
asin chet-adbar . . . talam, Salt. K. 22. rotheip a m6id is a
muin indlais a lama 'na fuil, LL. 154^ 30. From to-aith-he.
2. tebed (tescad, tascar) a beginning, Ff. 54. A doubtful word,
tec bone, Ff. 27. Another doubtful word, as one MS. here has teach
and another see. But O'Br. has tec, a bone, and O'R. teeeach bony.
techta IT. law J D. 35 and L. Lee. Voc. = techte, Sg. 117* 6.
teidm death, Ff. 64, is rsitheT pestilence, Corm. Tr. 139. pi. nom.
ticfait iarsein tedmand ili ancride, LL. 188° 53. Hence the adj.
tedmnach. Salt. E. 946. A cogn. verb is no-tedmais (gl.
tabescebamus), Ml. 131® 4.
teim dark, E. 11. So Corm. and Stowe XIX. tem, L.Lec. Voc.
Skr. tamas, timira.
tell sound (fuaim), E. 5. Seems inferred from Corm. s.y. tailm
sling, which he explains etymologisingly as tell-fuaim. O'Reilly's
teall 'a noise, sound,' rests on the supposition that fuaim 'noise'
is here a gloss on tell,
teme death, p. 3, note 2. melg-theme, Corm. Tr. 108. Skr. ^tatn.
temel death, p. 3, is rather darkness, shadow, concealment^ .i. scath
no folach. Cogn. with Lat. temere, tenebrae, Skr. tamisra-m,
tenlachfire, Ff. 64, is rather hearth. Cormac explains it (more
suo) SiB^tene *fire' and lige *bed.' The n is usually assimilated,
and we have tellach, gen. tellaig, dat. tellvg, pi. n. tellaige with
passage from the o- to the ^-declension.
tethra aroyston crow (badb), Ff. 14. This seems a mistake for
Tethra (a Fomorian king, see Corm. s.v.), the husband of the lamia
Badb. eter triunu Tethrach .i. eter na treono Tethrach ; .i. ainm
rig Fomore, LL. 187**. Thus in Mac Lonain's stave (LTJ. 50, upper
margin) :
Mian mna tethrach (.i. badb) a tenid (.i. gae 7 arm),
slaide sethnach (.i. taeb) iar sodain,
suba (.i. fuil), luba (.i. corp) fo lubaib (.i. fo feraib),
ugail (.i. suli), troga (.i. cend), d£r drogain (.i. fuach).
The desire of Tethra^ s wife {i.e. Badb) are her fi/re% {i.e. ^ear and
weapon),
GLOSSABIAL INDEX. 99
Slashing of sides thereafter^
Bloody a body under bodies {i,e, men)^
£yes^ head, a just word.
tf F. mantle, E. 5. So Corm. Tr. 156 and O'Dav. 121. pi. n.
tii dubglasso col-luibnib corcraip impu, Eg. 1782, fo. 72. The gender
appears from the compound : iorti choir imbi, LIT. 87^ 8. co forti
lethanchlaiss orbhuide tar a formna sechtair, Uath Benne Etair 68.
timmgaire a seeking, D. 19. So O'Cl. tanic timgairi do tichtain
dia crich fesin, unto him came a request to go to his own district,
LTJ. 125^ 6. ba menic didiu a timgaire 7 al-lin, LL. 270^ 3. ba
m6nic a timgaire, Rawl. B. 512, fo. 122^ 1. See also O'Don. Supp.
s.v. tiumgaire. A cognate ^-pret, timgart, O'Dav. 122.
^tinfed slender, l^i. 64. Kather perhaps slenderness, thinness,
(-/(?(?=Br. -gued, see G.C.* 890), tinfed .i. tiniugud, Stowe XIX.
tinfed .i. tinad, L.Lec. Yoc. Cogn. with Lat. tenuis, "W. tenau. The
tinfeth * aspiratio, spiritus ' is quite another word, from ^to-in-ve-to-,
tinne hacon, D. 61. a hog killed and salted, O'Don. £k.
Rights, p. 121, note j. tindi .i. batun (leg. bacun), L.Lec. Yoc.
dam bruthe dano 7 tinne forsind lar, LTJ. 23* 38. sg. gen. amra
tinne (.i. saille) senastar, a marvel of hacon she sained, Broc. h. 45.
pi. gen. tricha tinne, tricha bo, LTJ. 115^ 29. gurub fiu tri tinne
logh bo eile, O'Don. Supp. s.v. logh.
tlr domaisi mountain, p. 3. Here domaisi seems the opposite of
Bomassi, LTJ. 79* 10,
tlacht the earth, Ff. 27. So O'Cl. Either from *tal-acto-, cogn.
with tdlam, or a metaph. use of tlacht 'raiment,' O'Dav. 119,
from *tlagto, root tlgh, whence {T)\axvo9, {i)\axvrf and Eng. flock,
0,TL.Q[,floccho from ^\lukken, Bezz. Beitr. xvii. 165.
tlas a fair, Ff. 18. So O'Cl.
tnu/r^, Ff. 5. So H. 3. 18, p. 615% O'Mulc. and O'CL et
V. supra s.v. smer. tnu tene, LL. 393* 50. ba tarb tnu fri gleo, fri
oath, Salt. R. 3895. Cogn. with Zend tafnu *heat.'
tochell a going, journey, Ff. 6. So O'Cl. toichell richid, LTJ.
34* 6. A cognate verb occurs : is i toichled Erinn i n-oenl6, LL.
115^ 11. mairg toichless i ndagforcetul 7 doeall hi sseibe, LB. 12*.
toichim a going, Ff. 6, note 13. tochim a charpait, LTJ. 105* 32.
From *to-c^im.
tola abundance, flood, D. 9. tola .i. iomarcaidh excess, O'Cl. tola
nsci, LB. 25*. col-linad tola 7 lia husque less a muime, so that a
flood and spate of water was filling his foster-mother^ s garth. Trip.
100 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. — MR. STOKES.
Life, p. 10, 1. 11. tola usci, ibid. 434. tanic tola diairme do
biastaib, LB. 141^ 32. sg. dat. di tholu sechtrann et namat et
geinte, Reichenau Baeda, no. 167. aco. la tola n-echtrand 7
d8escarslua[i]g, LL. 188° 49, Rawl. B. 502, fo. 62^ 2. Prob.
cogn. with tmrdolj fordil, derdilj and intdla^ Asc. gl. cxv.
tore heart, E. 23. So Corm., O'Dav. 121, and O'Cl. So, too,
H. 3. 18, p. 76% 8.V. Ion. sg. gen. tuirc. pi. nom. (used for ace.)
dobendais tuirc 7 tromchaepa a taebhaibh 7 a torc-asnach, a cheili,
Battle of Ventry, 883.
tort a eake, Ff. 60, D. 13. So Corm. and O'Cl. Hence the
diminutives tortine^ Corm, — da toirtine do thara, O'Don. Supp. s.v.
tarrai, — and tuirtin^ Laws ii. 242, 418. "W. torth. All from Lat.
torta (diuisit universis tortam panis, Paralip. 16, 3).
toth feminine gender, E. 6. So Corm., Stowe XIX, and O'Cl.
Compds. toith-ghiobhair, toith-leannan, toith-sear[r]ach, O'Br.
"Windisch connects toth (from to-sutd ?) with tdud ' gignere,' from
*tO'fO'8utUf ^8u, whence also Ir. suth fetus, Skr. suta ^ son,'
Gr. v/o's, Goth, su-nus,
trenad lamentation, Ff. 53^ So 0*C1., who has a cognate treana
Tailltenn explained as a clapping of palms or lamentation which used
to he at Teltown.
trethan foot, Ff. 42. So O'Cl. tricha treten (.i. traiged) dam
comnaib, LL. 208* 13. tren for trethan i nEgept, Salt. R.
3644. ar muir, ar tir mor a trethan, Bk. Fen. 228. atchuala
tairm 7 trethan in aen-oclaigh chuigi, Lism. 148* 1.
1. trfath king, lord, Ff. 2. So Corm. triath tin Tethrach .i.
Muiredach, Bawl. B. 512, fo. 110^ 2. sg. gen. treith, LL. 187^.
(in oenuch tuirc threith). dual nom. da thriath, LL. 232^. pi. ace.
triathu, LB. 205^ 16. Compd. triathgein .i. gein rigda he, LB. 101,
marg. inf. Perhaps cogn. with the first element of Lat. trlt-avus,
strit-avus,
2. triath wave, Ff. 2 : the gen. sg. is said to be trethan. Cognate
is trethan ' sea,' gen. trethain, Cf. Tpirwv and ^A/i(f>i'TpiTrj,
3. triath hoar, Ff. 2 : the gen. sg. is said to be treithe. But the
nom. pi. is treith: deich treith tire .i. sentuirc .i. tuirc bite for
faithche, Amra Conroi.
4. triath hill, Ff. 2.
trogan raven (brainfiach), Ff. 14. trodhain or troghan, O'Br.
troichit hody, Ff. 64, troced, E. 14. So Corm. s.v. fothrucud. This
should perhaps be trocit, troicit, as in H. 3. 18, pp. 74, 638.
troicit corp, Dull Laithne 2. Corn, trogel. Perhaps Lat. truncus.
-•'■.. V. «. V.
OLOSSARIAL INDEX. 101
troig sunrise^ D. 50. trogh, 0*R. A doubtful word. In
^rm. GL s.v. trogein 'sunrise,' trog is said to mean * bring
^orth:' cf. trogais .i. tusmis, LIT. 128*42 ; and in Corm. Tr. p. 162,
tndgli, trog is glossed by clann 'children.' In LL. 186^ 37,
trogan is said to be a name for the red rising of the sun in
the morning,
troiged children^ D. 12. cf. trog .i. eland, Corm. Tr. 162, s.v.
tmigli and H. 3. 18, p. 650% and the verb trogais (.i. tusmis)
di lurchuire (.i. da serrach) {the mare) brought forth two colts f LU.
i28* 42.
troniath helmet, Ff. 37. A doubtful word ; spelt trdithiath, L.
troiath, O'Br.
tropa (see itropa supra) may bo a mistake for the trog a .i. cend
^^ LXJ. 50*, cited supra s.v. tothra.
truU head, Ff. 38. So O'Cl. Cogn. perhaps with Lat. truUeum
tuaichil cunning, astute, Ff. 11. tuachil, Sg. 60* 7. fir-thuaehaill,
Salt. R. 1670 : compar. tuachliu (gl. sapientior), Goid.- 68.
^mpd. fir-thuachaill. Salt. E. 1670. Hence the abstract noun
tuicKle (misspelt tuaithle) .i. glicus. Trip. Life, pp. Ivii, 256, 1. 27.
tuarad a share, E. 6. So L.Lec. Yoc. tuaradh .i. cuit, Stowe XIX.
toarastol wages, D. 40. sg. dat. nf dia thuarustul, S. Mart. 11.
ace. na gebaind a thuarastal, LL. 109*. From *to-fo-ar-cs-talu-.
cognate with Ir. tails (gl. salarium) and Gr. t€\o9 ' tax, duty, toll.'
tucait cause, D. 27, L.Lec. Voc. tuccaid, O'Cl. tucait (gl.
causa) Ml. 58® 13. tucait a denma, LL. 186\
tucht/or»i, shape, Ff. 59. D. 16. So H. 3. 18, p. 609% and O'Cl.
no antais eter each da trdth in tucht sin, LU. 133^ 15. tucht ara
ndalfar-sa. Cf. perh. tvko9, rvKt^tv, y/tuq,
1. tuirigin king, Ff. 3. So Corm. and O'Cl.
2. tauigia judge, Ff. 3. So Corm. and O'Cl.
3. tuirigin (leg. tuiridin ?) tower, Ff. 3. So Corm. and O'Cl.
a dmim frisin tuiridein, Salt. R. 4520. Derived from iurid,
4. tuirigin (leg. tuiridin?) tongue, Ff. 3. So Corm. and O'Cl.
den-fuc for a tuiridin, Uath Benne Etair 60.
tul countenance, Ff. 44. So O'Cl. o thul co aurdomd, LU. 79* 19.
conecmaing a tul immon n-all, LU. 109^ 22. tul dreiche. Laws
i. 66. tul i tul, LL. 225* 39. Compound : tul-lethan, LU. 105^ 37.
turba a hand, £. 6. So O'Cl. Corruptly turhaid .i. buighen,
Stowe XIX. Deich [n]-exercitus . . . tiagait ... in turba,
Deich turba . • . iss ed tiagait i n-agmen, Salt. R. 771-774.
'#
102 IRISH METRICAL GLOSSARIES. MR. STOKES.
Borrowed from Lat. turha. According to a note in Egerton 1782,
fo. 49^, there were 10,000 in a legion, ten legions in a eunia (cnnens),
ten cunias in a mares (myrias), ten tnareses in a caterva, ten eaUrtas
in an exercituSy ten exercittu in a turhaf ten turbos in an agmen,
torbnid protection, exemption^ Ff. 45. turbaid chotnlta sleepless-
ness. Common in the Laws : re na tnrbaide .i. 198 : i tnrbaid, i.
194. See O'Don. Supp. s.w. tnrbadh, tnrbaidh.
nagba choiee, election, D. 58. naghbha, 0'£r. Perhaps we have
an obi. case of this word in tri embaid uagboid, LTJ. 94, L 22.
In ££. 351^ 4 — ^bad athlnm aine im-uaga — the last word seems
a corruption of uagla. From ua+gab- ?
uain a lending, Ff. 68. oin eich ag ar for bla, O'Don. Supp. 8.v.
bla. 8g. dat. oc uain 7 airlicud, Wb. 31® 5. Hardly cogn. with
Gr. wvri 'buying.'
uamun (MS. uamhuin) M. fear, Ff. 65. in t-6mun, Ml. 42*9.
sg. ace. lat graain 7 t*omun, LTJ. 98^ 9. ar omun lathe bratha, LL.
281* 26. pi. ace. omnu, Amra Choi. 16. But dat. and ace. sg.
uamuin are found. Hence the adjj. omnach : (is mana der co
homnach, LL. 257^ 22), and immuamnaeh : imuamnach cech cintach,
LL. 344c 9, ^, offi^ M. Gaulish *obno-s in Uxohnus.
uath mould, clay, D. 53, E. 24. So L.Lec. Yoc. and O'Cl. sg. gen.
uatha, Conn. s.y. audacht. Compd. : uath-onn : in-adbai uath-
uinni .i. i n-adbai ure 7 chloche, .i. uath uir 7 ond cloch, LL.
187^ 32.
uathad IT. solitude, Ff. 21. .i. beagan, O'Cl. a few. conna
torchair acht uathed mbec im Conaire .i. nonbor nammd, LTJ. 98* 39.
is lor uathad dfb for desmbirecht, LB. 219®. In grammar the
singular number and the first decad ; gen. aile uaihaid esci Martai,
LB. 90, lower margin, cethramad uathatV? esci luin,, ibid, hi
coicid huathid on the fifth of the first decad, Cr. 33^, as distinguished
from coiced deac fifteenth, hi, fifth of the second decade, coiced fichet
twenty-fifth, lit. ^ fifth of the score,'' 0 coiced uathaid, Eawl. B.
512, fo. 52* 1. Uathad is also used as an adj. rop uathad i
sanasaib let him be solitary in secrets, LL. 343* 20. giarb' uathed
do dam malle, LL. 87** 25. rob uathad mo dam, LB. 214*. Cogn.
with Lat. pau-ctcs. Got. favai, Eng. few,
ugail eyes. See above, s.v. tethra. pi. n. of *ugal, borrowed
from Lat. oculus,
uim earth, Ff. 67. So O'Cl. Compd. uim-chrith earthquake,
0*Br., of which arm-chrith, Trip. Life 46, 1. 5, seems a corruption.
Borrowed from gen. sg. of Lat. humus ?
GLOSSARIAL INDEX, 103
ulaid a paeh'Saddle, Ff. 19. ulaidh, 0*C1.
umla F. humility, Ff. 31. umla (gl. obsequium), Eg. 88. sg.
nom. umla cen fodord, LL. 371® 29. in umla-sin dorat Euagair
do Thatha, LB. 147*. ace. humli, Amra Choi. 80. ni thucc an
mac ba so umhla don mac ba sine, FM. 1228. Derived from umail
or umal (bat umal cor' bot nasal, LL. 345® 19), which, like "W.
fifellf is borrowed from Lat. humilis.
una F. famine^ Ff. 26. So Stowe XIX. dith for finibh no plaigh
no una no duinebhath, Bk. Rights, p. 184, 1. 5. A corruption
of niina (marta la nuna .i. gorta, LL. 188° 60. nuna 7 gortai, LB.
114*), and this perhaps of O.-Ir. ndine, sg. gen. di phlagaib tened
et noine et gorte, Reichenau Bseda, No. 167. "W. newi/n, M. For
loss of initial n cf . umir^=mimeT\i8.
unse here is, D. 43. So O'Cl. TJinsi, O'Dav. 124. Undse sund
tall, or Fergus, LTJ. 69*. undseo col-luath dot-bia in tuath ra
togais, LL. 45* 33. undsea, LL. 100* 51, 101* 1. imse a ben lasin
rig; ondat a bai issin tir ar far mbelaib there is his wife with
the hing^ here are his kine in the land lefore you, LL. 252* 14. TJindsi
thall he .i. aici thall he, L.Lec. Yoc. Huinse Conall Cernach sund,
laech as dech la XJltu, LL. 252* 31. Ise, issi, iss^^, uinnse, unnse
[leg. uinnsi], onnar a urlunn indsci, BB. 330*. Isse, issi, iss^(? iar
macaib Mil^e?. Uindse, uindsi, ondor iar Feraib Bolg. Mod 7 tod 7
traeth iar Tuaith De Danonn, BB. 327* 49. Ondar ?iere is, LTJ.
62* 12=undar, LTJ. 65* 41, seems cognate.
1, ur a heginning, D. 25. So Corm. Tr. 166, s.v. urla, L.Lec.
Voc, Stowe XIX, and O'Cl.
2. ur noble, D. 29. So O'Cl. This and 1. ur seem nothing
but the prefix air-, er-j ir-, ur- = Skr. pari, Gr. Trepi, Lat. per.
So er .i. mor, O'Dav. 81, citing the adj. erderg very red,
ur had, Ff. 59, 65, E. 7. So Corm., Stowe XIX, and O'Cl. Yr
.i. olc, Duil Laithne, 136. From ^pH-ro-s, cogn. with ttvOu), ttvov,
Lat. pus, Goth, fuls,
us declaration, narrative, D. 42. So O'Cl. go roib a h us 7 a
imthw«a 7 a deired na Tanad gonici sin, so far the narrative, and
the events J and the end of the Tain (h6 Cualnge), LL. 104* 4. From
*ud-tu, ^vad-tu. Cognate is immth{ts=imm'to-its.
ussarb death, Ff. 65. So Corm., who quotes ri rodet do-ussairb
i n-TJUtaib, a king who suffered ^ an evil death in Ulster,
^ rO'detj the ^-pret. sg. 3 of damaim. The quotation is giyen in LL. ITS'*
as * rig rodet roussarb nUItaib.'
l£ead April 17 y 1891.]
IW
n.— THE CELTS A^D THE OTHER ARYAXS OF
THE P A^D Q GROUPS. By Johx Rhis.
l^md Fthruary 20, 1$91.]
I.
It is a commonplace of Celtic phflology that the Celtic
languages of modem times divide themselves into two groups,
namely Goidelic and Brythonic, and that the Goidelic group
consists of the Gaelic dialects of Ireland, Man, and Scotland,
while the Brythonic group is made up of Welsh, Old Cornish
and Breton. It is equally well known that Brythonic speech
is characterized by the use of the consonant p (liable accord-
ing to its position to become b and ph)^ while inscriptions in
early Goidelic show qfi^ which is simplified in the later stages
of Goidelic pronunciation into c (liable to be modified accord-
ing to its position into ch and g). Now the question suggests
itself whether the Continental Celts of antiquity had not
likewise two languages similarly characterized hj p and qn
respectively: in other words, whether, besides the Gauls,
whose language is known to have had p for original ^i, there
was not on the Continent a Celtic people whose language
was like early Goidelic and resembled it particularly in
retaining qu, I have been gradually convinced that there
was such a people, and I should call it Celts as distinguished
from Gauls, but that the modem meaning attached to the
word makes this inconvenient. One has therefore to fall
back on the name given by Pliny to their portion of Gaulish
territory, namely Celtica,^ and call them from it Celticans,
just as we speak of the inhabitants of Africa and America as
Africans and Americans. Celtica was the country of the
people who according to Caesar called themselves Celtce in
their own language. He regarded Gaul (exclusive of the
^ Nat SisU iy. 105: ''Gallia omnis comata nno nomine appellata in tria
populoram genera diyiditnr, amnibus maxume distincta ; a Scaloe ad Sequanam
bel^ca, ab eo ad Ganinnam Celtica eademque Lugdunensis, inde ad Pyrenaei
mentis excursum Aquitanica, Aremorica antea dicta."
CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — ^J. RHYS. 105
Province) as consisting of three distinct regions, one of which
situated beyond the Garonne was inhabited by the Aquitani,
who were wholly or mainly non- Celtic. The other two
peoples were the Celtae and the Belgae. As to the Celtse he
says, that they were separated from the Aquitani by the
Garonne, and from the Belgae by the Seine and its tributary
the Marne. That is to say, one is given to understand that
Caesar's CeltcBj whom it is here proposed to call Celticans,
occupied all North-western, Central and Southern Gaul
outside the Roman province ; and within the limits of that
province itself they probably formed the bulk of the Aryan
population there, at least before the AUobroges were annexed
to it.^ Moreover they had also penetrated into Spain ; for
we possess important evidence to their presence there in
the well-known name of the mixed people of the Celtiberi.
Lastly, as the Celtican element found its way to the heart
of the Iberian peninsula, it may have also possibly reached
the North of Italy ; but this must depend for its proof
on the interpretation to be put on the slender facts of
language to be presently brought forward.
Let us begin with the instances of q names found in the
ancient inscriptions of the countries here in question, and, for
the sake of convenience, let us take first those of Spain
and Portugal. Here we have AlluquiuSy ArquiuSy Doqtiiriis,
Eqtmesvs and Quarquerni, together with some others about
which there is less certainty.^
ArquiuSy Alluquius. These two names occur in one and
the same inscription^ at Valenca on the Minho in North
Portugal, while Alluquius occurs elsewhere in an inscription
at Paimogo* in the west of the old province of Baetica,
near the river Guadiana; and somewhat less certain is its
^ I make this qualification as the name AUobroges would seem to mean a people
" of other marches : " possibly they belonged to another branch of the family.
2 Such as the dative Genio Laquiniesi on a stone from Caldas de Vizella near
Goimaraens in the North of Portugal : see volume ii. of the Berlin Corpus
Inserip. Lat, No. 2405. Such also as Atlondua Maquiaesus Sunnae F., of
doubtful reading : see No. 4980.
* No. 2465 : Dis . Manibus | Alluquio . Andergi . F. | Aeturae . Arqui .
F. I Macro . Alluqui . F. CI | utimoni . Alluqui . F. Civi | Ena
* No. 961 : Glaucus . Aluquii . F. | H.S.E
106 P AND Q GROUPS.
presence in an inscription at Arroya del Paerco^ not
very far from Caceres or the ancient town of Norba in
Lusitania.
The origin of Alluqiiius is obscure ; but I cannot help
regarding it as possibly one of the forms which Arquim
took in Iberian mouths.^ This latter name, besides occurring
with Alluquius in the Valen9a inscription, is to be met
with in others, at Trujillo, the ancient Targallium, in the
east of Lusitania, at Monteagudo between Tarazona and
Cascante in the ancient Tarraconensis, and at Astorga, the
ancient Asturica Augusta, to the south-west of Leon.^ Also
at Galderuela near Soria between Tarazona and Osma,^ and
at Carri9a in the vicinity of Oporto,^ besides Arquia in an
inscription from Condeixa a Nova, near Coimbra.® The name
Arquius probably meant one who had to do with the bow,
that is to say, an archer, and was derived from a Celtic
word^ cognate with the Latin arquus and arcus,^ a bow or
arch. Whether the adjective Erquesis ® should be considered
as in any way related to Arquim is extremely doubtful.
Doquirus, Docquiricm. We have Doquirua ^® from Trujillo,
and Docquirus ^^ from Idanha a Velha, the ancient Igaeditani
in central Lusitania, and a probable Doquira^^ from Soure
in the neighbourhood of Alfeizarao in Lusitania, also a trace
^ No. 737 : Amona, Allmi, F,, where the reading Alluqui has been suggested
by the editor Dr. Hiibner.
2 Here my colleague Prof. Nettleship reminds me of Cicero's words when in
his oration Fro Archia he speaks concerning **natiB Gordubae poetis, pingue
quiddam sonantibus."
3 Nos. 632, 2990, 2633 respectively.
* No. 2834.
» No. 2373 : other instances will be found in Nos. 2458, 2433, 2435, all from
localities in the neighbourhood of Braga, the ancient Bracara Augusta.
« No. 377.
' We have probably a trace of the word in the Welsh arffed^ *the lap or the
abdomen,' since arqu must become arph or urff in that language : as to the
meaning compare the German schombug. On Teutonic ground the word is
implied by the Gothic arhvazna * an arrow,' A. -Saxon earh^ the same.
t> The modem Welsh arch is the Latin arena borrowed, but in the coUoqidal
the English arch (with palatal eh^ is usually substituted for it.
^ It comes from Alcala del Kio north of Seville, and, purporting to be the
name of a centurion, it occurs in company with such other names as Beresiif,
Arvaborest«, Isinesi«, Isurgutana, etc. : see No. 1064.
10 No. 624.
" No. 448.
« No. 364.
CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS. 107
of the name in an inscription at Alfeizarao itself.^ One may
add Docquiricus or Docquirinus,^ from Freixo de Nemao on
the Douro in Lusitania, Docquiricus^ from M^rida, the
ancient Augusta Emerita in the south-east of Lusitania, and
a doubtful instance^ from Lara de los Infantes, south-east
of Burgos in Tarraconensis. The origin of Doqui'rus^ and
its derivatives is not certain, but it cannot be Gaulish ; so
it may be regarded as here in point, since it has the appear-
ance of being an Aryan word.
Equahona, This is the name of a place in the Itinerary
of Antoninus,^ and it was on the route between Lisbon
and M^rida on the Guadiana. It is unmistakably Celtic,
and recalls such other Celtic names as Yindobona and
Bononia, but in Gaulish it would have doubtless been
Epobona, like Eporedia and the like, the first element in
the compound being forms of the Celtic word which is
in Latin equua 'a horse,' in old Irish ech 'horse/ and in
old Welsh ep-aul, now ebol, 'a colt.' The derivation of
bona in Uqtuzbona, Vindobona, and the like, is unknown;
it may be of the same origin possibly as the Welsh bdn
* the stem or trunk (mostly of a tree),' Irish bun " Wurzel-
stock," also probably the German biihne,'^ which refers
rather to the boards made out of the trunk of a tree ; but
the Greek word /Soui/o? ' a hill, height, heap, mound,' would
seem to suggest an easier explanation of the Gaulish place-
names ending in bona. It has been hinted by M. d'Arbois
1 No. 360.
» No. 431.
8 No. 551.
* No. 2862.
* It reminds one of Gartnait Biuperr, or Gartnaich Diuberr of the Pictish
Chronicle, whose name is rendered in other chronicles Garnard Dives and
Gamard le riche: see Skene's Chron. of the Picts and Scots, pp. 6, 28, 172,
200. If Diuperr or Diuberr he a loanword from a Brythonic dialect, it might
be traced to the same root as the Welsh gwobr * a reward,' for an early wo-pr
or the like, cognate with gfwjo-brynu *to obtain by merit,' while the verb
dy-hrynu *to obtain or acquire,' suggests a correlative noun with the same
?refix as Doquirua and Diuperr, in case they are to be analysed as here assumed.
n a note from Dr. Whitley Stokes I learn that he gives the preference to the
spelling Diupeir, as he connects it with the Welsh pair *a cauldron,' and
invokes the parallel of an Irishman who was called * a cauldron of hospitality.'
6 See Parthey & Pinder's edition, No. 416 (p. 197) ; in the Index they
identify Equabona with Couna, Coyna.
^ See the fourth edition of Kluge's Diet.
108 P AND Q GROUPS.
de Jubainville that the first part of Equabona is purely
Latin. Of course, names like Juliobona and Augustobona
existed in Gaulish, together with others into which the
Latin proper names Augustus, Caesar, Claudius, Drusus,
Flavius, and Julius entered; but at present I cannot
recall an early instance involving a Latin appellative like
equa,
Equaesi and Quarquemi. These were the names of two
of the peoples who formed the so-called Conventm Bracar-
augustanus as enumerated in an inscription ^ found at Aquae
Flaviae. The peoples of this Conventus dwelt between
the rivers Minho and Douro, where the principal towns
were Bracara or Bracaraugusta, and Aquae Flaviae, now
Braga and Chaves respectively. The Equaesi are so called
also by Pliny ;2 but the Quarquemi's name is given as
Querquerni^ by him. Here Querquern- is probably identical
with the Perpern- of such personal names as the masculine
Perperna and the feminine Perperma, both of which occur
in Spain, namely at Tarragona and Barcelona ; ^ also in
Cisalpine Gaul, to wit, at Padua ;^ but the most note-
worthy instance, perhaps, is an inscription found at Marto&f,
the ancient Tucci, not far from the eastern boundary
of Baetica : it reads ^ — D . M . S | M . Perperna Gallicanus |
Annor .L.H.S.E.S.T.T.L| Huic . Mer . Fil . Et .
Nep . Fee I . Querquem- and Petpem- look like reduplica-
tions of a stem represented in Irish by crann'^ and in
Welsh by prenn, now written pren, 'a piece of timber,
a tree,' which are presumed to be of the same origin as
1 The Berlin Corpus, iL No. 2477.
2 Nat. Hist. iii. 28.
» Jbid,
* The Berlin Corpus, ii. Nos. 4301-2, 4393, 4547, 4555.
^ Ibid, T. Nos. 3004 and 2856, which is of douhtful reading. The name 0.
Perpemius, which occurs in a list of gladiators found at Venusia in Apulia,
probably belongs here: see the Corpus, ix. No. 466. The relation between
Perperna and Perpenna is a question of considerable difficulty, which I am not
prepared to discuss.
« No. 1709.
7 The form in early Celtic must have been qyffnon of the neuter gender, and
the reason why the reduplication should yield, not querqurann'^ but g^tfrquern',
is to be sought in the too great accumulation of consonants the former would
occasion.
CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — ^J. RHYS, 109
the Latin quercus 'an oak/ quernus 'oaken, of oak*: com-
pare Sahranriy an old name of the Irish river Lee, Welsh
Hafren 'the Severn^' and Irish salann 'salt,' Welsh halen^
as illustrating the same treatment of rn and In in Irish
and Welsh respectively.
Let us take next the other outlying portions of the Celtic
World looking towards the south, namely Gallia Cisalpina or
Northern Italy and a portion of the Alps. Here we have
a variety of names which may have belonged to a Celtic
dialect ; but several of them are too obscure to be of use
to us, such as Quassauna,^ also given as Cusonia,^ both in
inscriptions at Verona; and such as Qiierra^ in another
inscription at Verona. Then we have a people called
Quadiates on the Cottian Arch at Susa : * they belonged
to the Cottian Alps, and were probably the same as the
Quariates supposed to have left their name to Le Queyras
in Switzerland. It is scarcely probable that they were the
Germanic people of the Quadi of whom we read in the
Germania of Tacitus ; far more likely is it that they were
either Celts or Ligurians, if we may judge from the other
peoples enumerated in the same inscriptions.^ Putting aside,
then, such names as the foregoing, we find remaining in the
inscriptions such forms as JEquasia, Squillius, and Veiquasius,
The stem of the name Equasia found at Trieste^ might be
either Latin or Celtican, but the formation of the word seems
to resemble that of Veiqiiasiiis, the Celtican origin of which
is not improbable. This, together with Vequasius and Vequasiay
occurs as a personal name in inscriptions '^ from Polenza and
neighbouring places in Piedmont. The variety of the
spelling shows that the vowel of the first syllable was long ;
so that we mav have here in fact the same stem as in the
Irish names Fiachna and Fiachra. The genitive of the latter,
1 Berlin Corpus y. No. 3463.
« No. 3916.
3 No. 3597.
* No. 7231.
* See Milllcnlioff's Deutsche Altertumskundet vol. ii. 249.
* No. 694.
' Nos. 7694a, 7680, 7682.
110 P AND Q GROUPS.
Fiachrach, appears in a late Ogam as Veqnrecc^ while that of
the other, Machna, is found in an Ogam of the earlier sort as
Veqoanai? The later forms with their ia show that the
original vowel was ei or e and the Irish common noun fiach
* a raven ' suggests a possible interpretation of this group of
names.
Lastly we come to the names SquilUus ^ and Squilliantis *
in inscriptions at Verona; to these may be added Squeillanius^
from an inscription found at Narbonne, and possibly a
genitive Squelioles^ in a Christian inscription at Marseilles.
The variety of spelling here also suggests that the vowel of
the first syllable was possibly long ; and in that case the
length was probably the result of the elision of a consonant,
the original stem being presumably squetl of a nexxter squetlony
meaning * a piece of news, a tale.' The Goidelic language of the
insular Celts retained the t for centuries later, as we find on
one of their monuments in Glamorgan the compound scttli-
rissi, the genitive of an earlier squetlmsso- ; but the point of
importance here is that the Brythonic treatment was quite
different, seeing that the Welsh word for a story is chwedl,
from an earlier snetloriy to which squetlon had been levelled,^
1 The stone comes from Monataggart, in the parish of Donoughmore, in the
county of Cork, and is now at the Royal Irish Academy.
2 U'he stone is at Cooldorrihy, in the parish of Kilmichael, in the same county.
The 0 of Veqoanai is unusual and meant probahly for the u (of the qu ordinarily
represented by the single Ogam character 1 1 1 1 1) : in another instance the 1 1 1 1 1 is
followed by the Ogam for w or t;, namely m, but the Ogam for qu is never con-
founded with that for e ot k.
^ Berlin Corpus, v. No. 3336.
* No. 3401.
5 Berlin Corpus, xii. No. 5972.
6 No. 491.
' For other instances of an for squ see my Celtic Britain*, p. 92. The dis-
carding of the q w£is here probably due to the syllable being unaccented ; so also
in Welsh peunydd * every day, daily ' for quoundii - from an earlier qtfoqnn-dii;
Compare the old Irish cethir four, the initial of which suggested the symbol 1 1 1 1
for c in the Ogam alphabet ; so the word was probably at one time eetudres
from an earlier quetuoresy corresponding to the Welsh petguaf\ now pedwar.
This accentuation is also that of the Sanskrit catvSras and it is implied by the
d of Gothic ^(3?wor, and possibly by the a of the Latin quatuori see Mr. Wharton's
paper in the Phil. Tram. 1888-90, pp. 46-9. On the other hand, the former
initial of the Irish coic^ c6ig * five ' suggested the Ogam symbol 1 1 1 1 1 for qUy
which the fifth numeral must have retained in Irish Gaelic : in fact Manx Gaelic
CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS. Ill
and the same remark probably applies to Gaulish. Such a
name then as SquilUus would mean a news-bringer or a
scout, and perhaps a story-teller.
The ancient inscriptions of lUyricum present nothing very
certain as regards the present question : we get a personal
name Quardaio^ from the neighbourhood of Salzburg, but
it is obscure to me as is also the genitive Quitai,^ which comes
from Kovdcsi, north-west of Buda-Pest in Hungary. It
is probably more correct likewise to regard q names, such as
Quernio,^ from the Roman town of Aquileia and its vicinity,
as Latin rather than Celtic. So we now recross the Alps to
Transalpine Gaul, where we have already found the name
Squeiliunim and others in point.
A word must now be said as to the relation between
the two Celtic peoples of the Continent, and first from
the geographical point of view. If we take for granted,
as we safely may, that the earliest population of Gaul was
not Celtic or even Aryan, and further that the Celts of
ancient Gaul did not originally come thither from the
direction of Spain or of Italy, we are entitled to conclude
that the Q Celts arrived in the west before the P Celts,
as they are found occupying the furthest parts of the Celtic
area, namely north Italy, Spain, southern and western Gaul,
Ireland, Man, the Scotch Highlands and Islands. The
conclusion is scarcely to be avoided that the later comers,
the P Celts, came as invaders and conquerors constituting
themselves the ruling people wherever they could vanquish
the other race. This seems to have been the case in most
of Gaul, and some of the results of this state of things
are indicated in Ca3sar's Commentaries,* as, for instance.
still retains it in its queiff * five * as contrasted with Tiegeesh (pronounced kegTah or
hagish) * a fortnight,' in Irish coicdigis or cSicthighis, with 6i owing to the
analogy of edig,
1 See the Berlin Corpus, iii. No. 6523, from which it appears that Conginna,
daughter of Quordaio, nad married the grandson of a man bearing the name
AUval'if which looks like Celtic.
' No. 3621, but Quita's daughter bore the apparently Celtic name of
Oomatimara.
» Vol. V. No. 1270.
« Books i. 4, yi. 13.
i^- ■
112 P AND Q GROUPS.
ia the multitudes of clients and dependents forced to attach
themselves to the Gaulish chiefs. This would also explain
the scarcity of data as to the language of the earlier Aryans
there ; for Roman and Greek writers would come more directly
in contact with the ruling race and hear Celtic names only
in the Gaulish form which the ruling Gauls gave them;
and, to judge from similar cases elsewhere, the subjugated
race must have acquired at an early date the habit of
translating its own names and forms into those of the
conqueror's idiom. We seem to have an instance of this
in an ex-voto to certain Nymphae Auguatae in the neighbour-
hood of Vaison in Gallia Narbonensis, where the name
applied to them is Fercernes^ in which we seem to have an
imperfect translation into Gaulish of the querquern- of the
proper name Querquerni ; so the epithet may be supposed
to have characterized them as nymphs of the forest or wood-
lands. But be this as it may, that is the sort of process
always going on in dialects brought into contact with a
dominant dialect.
Nevertheless there are one or two well-known names which
for some reason or other successfully held their own, and
those are Sequana and Sequani, and Aquitani. How the
name of a river ^ like the Seine should have been accepted
by the invading race is not very difficult to understand, but
the difficulty is greater when we come to that of the people
known as the Sequani, as there are no data to decide whether
they were Celticans or Gauls. Their geographical position,
however, among the mountains of Switzerland, and the role
played by them in Gaul at the time of Caesar's advent
and for some time previously, are not inconsistent with the
possibility of their belonging wholly or in great part to the
earlier race. Caesar represents ^ the ^dui and the Celtican
people of the Arverni as the heads of two rival federations ;
1 Vol. xii. No. 1329.
2 It occurs also as a woman's name, in an inscription from the neighbourhood
of Trevisio to the north of Venice : see the Corpus, t. No. 2129. Most probably
Saquana was in the first instance the name of a goddess (see Key. Celt. toI. iii.
p. 306) ; but a compound name Sequanoioiuos occurs on coius ascribed to the
Sequani.
8 Bk. i. 31.
P AND Q GROUPS. 113
and that of the Arverni proving the weaker, it was they
whoy together with the Sequani, invited Ariovistus and his
Germans to come into Gaul.
The presumption is that both Sequana and Sequani are
words of Celtic origin, but with regard to the name of
the Aquitani we are left in doubt whether it was Celtic
at all or not; if the word is Celtic, it may be supposed
to involve a Celtican word for water, of the same origin
as the Latin aqua, and that the first bearers of the name
Aquitani were in that case described as a people dwelling
near the water, meaning the sea, and this would agree well
enough with the little that is known of the history of the
word. Strabo ^ maintains, and probably with perfect justice,
that the people beyond the Garonne, whom CaBsar called
Aquitani, were more Iberian than Celtic. From them the
province of Aquitania, constituted by Augustus so as to
extend to the Loire, took its name. Pliny makes the Iberian
and original Aquitania into Aquitanica, adding, in the passage
already cited, that it was at one time called Aremorica. So
it is possible that we have here to do with a term Aquitan
or Aquitanic, admitting of being rendered into Gaulish by
the adjective Arenioric, which meant * maritime, belonging to
the sea-coast.* The former may in that case have been
derived from a Celtican word of the origin already sug-
gested. Thus Pliny's Armoric Aquitanica coincides with
the information which led Caesar to confine the name
Aquitani to the Iberians on the further side of the Garonne.
Pliny traces the name there to a single tribe bearing no
other designation than that of Aquitani : their exact position
is not given, so that one is at liberty to suppose that they
dwelt on the coast somewhere between the Garonne and the
Adour. Though originally synonymous, the later usage had
the effect of severing the terras Aremoric and Aquitanic,
Aremoric or Armoric became associated with the Armoric
League, and shifted with the shifting fortunes of the states
constituting it, which Caesar describes as civitates quce
^ See Meineke's ed. It. 1. i.
Pha Trans. 1891-2-8. 8
1J4 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
ArmoriccB appellantur.^ On the other hand, the other
adjective was associated by Augustus with the province of
Aquitania, including the spacious region from the Garonne
to the Loire ; and it is there that the name Aquitania has
ever since had its home, and has come down to later times
in the French form of La Guienne.
Here must be mentioned the term Chortontcum, which
occurs, among other geographical names, in the Wessobrunn
Codex in Munich, a manuscript written before the year
814. The names of Celtic interest in it are the following :
Hyhernia . scottono lant, i.e. the Land of the Scots. Oallia .
uualho lant, i.e. the Land of the Welsh. Chortanicum . auh
vualho lanty i.e. also the Land of the Welsh. Equitania .
miascono iant, i.e. the Land of the Vascones or Gascons. Dom-
noniam . prettono lant, i.e. the Land of the Britons. But the
name of prime importance here is Chorfonicum, a spelling
which may be regarded as standing for Cortonieum in the
text which the writer of the Old High German glosses had
before him, and Pott with his usual insight perceived that
it was to be interpreted by means of the words Cruithne,
Cruithneach, *a Pict.'^ Cortonieum would thus have to be
^ Bks. V. 43, vii. 76. In both passages the spelling is Armorieae, nor does
Holder mention any variant like Aremoricae, which, etymologically speaking,
would be the older and better form of the word. Prof. Nettleship reminds me
that the prevalent form in the poets is scanned Aremortctts.
2 Etym. Forsch. II. ii. 899 : see also Windisch in Ersch & Griiber's Ency-
clopaedia, s.v. Keltische sprachen. I copy the glosses from Graff *s Diatiska, vol.
ii. pp. 370-1, in the hope chiefly that some one will inform me to what text
they belong : it is needless to point out the curious questions which some of them
suggest : —
Fol. 6 Iff. Hec nomina de veiriis prouinciis.
Hybemia . scottono lant.
„ 613. Gallia . uualho lant.
chortonicum . auh uualho lant.
Equitania . uuascono lant.
Uacea . uuascun.
Germania . franchono lant.
Italia . lancparto lant
Ausonia . auh lancparto lant.
Domnoniam . prettono lant.
Bruteri . prezzun.
Araues . sarci.
Ispania . benauentono lant.
Cyuuari . suapa.
Pannonia . sic nominatur ilia t^/ra meridip danobia . at uuandoli
habent hop.
P AND Q GROUPS, 115
explained as an adjective formed, probably in Latin, from
the name of a people called in Celtic Qur&tonea or QurMonii,
of the same origin not only as Cruithne * a Pict,' but also
as the "Welsh Pi^dyn^ the part of Britain inhabited by the
Picts of the North, and "Welsh Prydain, the name of the
whole island. So Cortonicum may have meant all Gaul, or a
part of Gaul, or else it may very probably have been used in
both senses ; and to discover approximately the part of Gaul
it could have specially referred to we cannot do better than
take the synonymity of Cruithne and Pict in the British Isles
as our guide on the Continent. This clearly suggests that
the Cortonic district par excellence covered the whole or
part of Poitou or the land of the Pictones, whose name,
together with that of their town now called Poitiers,
cannot, etymologically speaking, be severed from the name
of the insular Picts. Thus it may be presumed that the term
Cortonicum referred to the region so called, whether all
Gaul or only a part of Gaul, as the land of the non-Aryan
aborigines ; and it goes to show that the early Celts regarded
the latter as one and the same race, whether on the Continent
or in the British Isles. That is too large a subject, however,
[Note continued from previous page.]
Fol. 62a. Arnoricus . peigiro lant.
Istri^ . peigira . later . danobia
Sclauus et auarus . huni et uuinida.
Palestina . iudeono lant . hoc est circa hierosolima.
Uuandali . huni . et citta . aut uuandoli .
Auriliana . sic nominatur ilia terra ubi roma stetit.
Pentapoli . sic nominatur illia patria . ubi rapana stat.
Tharcia . ilia patria . ubi constantinopoli . stetit.
Cynocephali . canini capita.
Amazones . hoc .s. uirgines.
,, 62 J. Thebaida . ilia patria inde fuit mauricius . Argi . greci.
Ethiopia . patria mauri .
De Ciuitatibus.
Luctuna . Liutona.
Argentoratensis . strazpuruc.
Nimitensis ciuitas . spira.
TJuangiaonium . ciuitas uuormacip.
Agrippina . cholonne .
Constantinopoli . costantinuses puruc.
Neapolis . ciuitas noua.
Norica . reganespuruc.
Allofia . rada8p6n8a.
Betfagia . pazauua.
„ 63a. Ualuicula salzpuruc.
116 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — ^J. RHYS.
to be discussed here; let it suffice for the present to have
called attention to the form of the word Cortonicum, as it
proves to be derived from a Celtican source, not from
a Gaulish one. Its history, nevertheless, is incomplete ;
for it is not known in what author it was found by the
writer of the glosses in the ninth century ; so one cannot
say whether the text he read is still extant, or on the
other hand whether it did not carry him back a con-
siderable distance of time towards, let us say, the fourth
century. I say the fourth century, as we have evidence
in the dialogues of Sulpicius Severus that not only Gaulish
but Celtican likewise was in use in his time : his words are,
Tu verOy inquit Postumianus, vel Celtice aut, si mauis, Gallice
loquerei duynmodo Martinum loquaria} The words which
Sulpicius puts into the mouth of Postumianus deserve all the
more attention as Sulpicius is said to have belonged to
an influential family in Aquitania, where Celtican speech
may not unnaturally be supposed to have been last heard.
The word Prydain, which is the Welsh name for Great
Britain, is not etymologically related to the latter name
from the Latin Britannia, which was formed from the Latin
name of the people whom the Romans at first called Britanni,
For after the Romans conquered a part of Britain and became
better acquainted with its peoples the term Britanni seems to
have gradually fallen into disuse in favour of the kindred form
Brittones, which is also the pronunciation of the name to
which the Brythonic Celts bear testimony by their use of such
forms as "Welsh Brython * a Briton or Welshman,* Brythoneg
* the Brythonic language, Welsh,' Old Cornish Brethonec
*the Brythonic language, Cornish,' Breton Brezonek *the
Breton language.' Where then did the Romans learn their
first name for the Brythons? Probably in the Roman
province in the South of Gaul. At any rate it is remarkable
that the old Irish word for Bryfhons, which had also to do
duty for Britain, was the plural Bretain, genitive Bretan,
dative Bretnaih, accusative Bretnu, which corresponds to the
i Halm's ed. Dial. i. 27, 4.
P AND Q GROUPS. 117
Latin Britanni, or, more exactly, BrittanL Hence It would
appear that the Romans must have learned the name
from a people who spoke a language resembling Goidelic,
that is to say from the Celticans of Southern Gaul or the
Roman province. This is corroborated by the fact that
Britanni and Brittanni resemble the Greek form Bperravoi,
which reached Greece probably through the Greeks of Mar-
seilles, who doubtless learned the name in the same district
as the Romans : perhaps it would be more accurate to regard
the Britanni of the Romans merely as the Latin rendering
of the Greek BperTuvoL, and to suppose the Greeks to have
learnt the latter from the Celts nearest to Marseilles. At all
events it was not the form which the Brythons themselves
gave to their own national name. It probably represented
rather the pronunciation which the Q Celts of the Continent
gave it, as it must have done, with tolerable accuracy, that
of the Q Celts of Ireland, judging from the forms which
the name exhibits among them in later times.
Such are the traces on the Continent of a Celtic language
resembling Irish as contrasted with "Welsh, and though they
seem to me to render its former existence there highly
probable, I leave others to settle how far it is probable.
11.
The question of classifying the Celts into two groups
characterized by the use of P and Q languages respectively
is not to be dismissed without reference to a similar grouping
of the Aryans of Italy and Greece. Thus to begin with the
former, the Romans used qu just as the ancient Irish did,
but in so doing they stood well-nigh alone in the Italy of
historical times; for the Osco-Umbrian dialects replaced
gu hjp.^
^ Messapian and possibly other dialects of the south are to be regarded as more
akin to Grreek than to the other languages of Italy : see Mommsen's Unter-
italitehen JHaiekU, p. 85.
118 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
The Latin-speaking Italians of the beginning of Roman
history occupied a comparatively small area, their original
territory in the peninsula having probably been narrowed ^
by Umbrians and Sabines, by the latter of whom the legends
of Rome represent the nascent city hard pressed. On the
other band the scanty remains of some of the dialects of
ancient Sicily are supposed to show close similarity to Latin,
and this suggests that Latin or kindred dialects were once
spoken over the whole of the eastern coast of the Peninsula,
from Latium to the Straits of Messina. Their disappearance
from all that tract was probably due to the conquests made
within historical times by the Samnites, and other tribes
of Oscan stock, and in part also to the Greek colonies
planted on the coast. In the rear of the Oscans came the
Umbrians, occupying not only the district which bore their
name in Roman history, from the Adriatic to the Apennines
and the Tiber, but also the adjacent country westwards
to the sea opposite Corsica. In other words they owned,
if not the whole of what came later to be Etruria, the
south at any rate and the east of Etruria, so that they
completely barred the north of Italy from sea to sea
behind the peoples of the Siculo-Latin stock. I cannot
discuss here the extent to which the latter had been deprived
of their territory by the Osco-Umbrians, or the fact of these
last being in their turn deprived of so much of their territory
by the Etruscans, that Pliny ^ found the Etruscans to have
taken possession of no less than 300 towns of the Umbrians.
The one thing to be borne in mind for the present is,
^ The remains of the Faliscan dialect show clearly that the people of Falerii,
for instance, helonged to the same stock as the Latins and not to the Umhrians
or Oscans : see Deecke's * Falisker' (Strassburg, 1888), where, pp. 135, 166,
193, he ^ives as Faliscan -que or -cm6 = Latin -que, euando =lj&\im quaudo, and
other similar evidence which cannot be overthrown by the occurrence in a Faliscan
inscription of Fuponio equated by him with Fomponius, at the same time that
he suggests equating Popta with Publia : see pp. 153, 187.
2 See iii. 112 : the passage is highly instructive, especially the following
words — ** Ah Ancona Gallica ora incipit togatae Galliae cognomine. Siculi et
Liburni plurima eius tractus tenuere, in primis Palmenseni, Praetutianum
Hadrianumque agrum. Umbri eos expulere, hos Etruria, banc Galli. Um-
brorum gens antiquissima Italiae existimatur, ut quos Ombrios a Graecis putent
dictos, quod inundatione terrarum imbribus superfuissent. Trecenta eorum
oppida Tusci debellasse reperiuntur."
P AND Q GROUPS. 119
that the Italians of the Q group appear to have entered
Italy before those of the P group, that the Siculo-Latiu
race had already settled down when the Osco-Umbrians
arrived.
Much the same kind of remarks may be applied to
Greece, where the Q group is most obviously represented
by the dialect of Herodotus,^ with such forms as kco^ and
k6t€ for the ttw? and irore of the other dialects. The
historian was a native of Halicarnassus in Asia Minor, and
his Greek belongs to the group of dialects called Ionic.
As there is no reason to suppose that he invented the
language of his writings, he must be supposed to have
heard it at Halicarnassus or in some part of Asia Minor,
or else, as has been sometimes thought more probable, in
the island of Samos, where he is said to have passed some
years of his life. Now Halicarnassus is spoken of as a
Doric colony, namely, of Troezen ; but this by no means
proves that it was not also Ionic. That it was so is seen
from the fact that the Ionian deity Poseidon was worshipped
at Halicarnassus with peculiar zeal,^ and the connexion
itself of Halicarnassus with Troezen is by no means in-
consistent with this view, but rather the contrary; for
Troezen was a mixed city. Originally Ionic, it had been
conquered by Dorians. The name Ionian is applied early
to the inhabitants of the north-east of the Peloponnese,
including Troezen and other places; also to the district on
the north coast, subsequently known as Achaia. In what
numerical proportions the Dorians and the lonians lived in
the towns conquered by the former, it is impossible to say ;
but in Sicyon, for instance, the old inhabitants formed a fourth
tribe, whereas at Corinth they consisted of five tribes, while
^ Herodotus is selected as the representative of the dialect, for one learns
from the editions of such authors as Hippocrates and Heraclitus that the
manuscripts narrow the domain of the k as compared with the usage of the
historian. It was doubtless very natural for Greek scribes and editors to normalize
the dialect by giving its forms the ir with which they were familiar in Attic
prose; but the longer the writings of an author were, the more resistance
they offered to this process of assimilation.
* ETelyn Abbott^s Greece, vol. i. 125 ; Miiller's Dorier, i. 407, ii. 105 ; and
the Berlin Corpus of Greek Inscriptions, No. 2655.
120 CELTS AKD OTHER ARYANS. — ^J. RHYS.
the conquering Dorians only made up the three remaining
tribes. The conquest of the Peloponnese known as the
return of the Heraclidao was effected by Dorians helped
by ^tolians, and the former can be traced back to a district
between Oeta and Parnassus, where their name survived in
Doris : at a still earlier period they dwelt in the Thessalian
district of Hestiaeotis.^ When the Dorians and their allies
conquered the Peloponnese, the ancient lonians and kindred
peoples were subjugated or driven into corners, such as the
north-east of the peninsula, together with Attica, also
Euboea, the other islands and Asia Minor, whither the
Dorians in due time followed them. Eventually ensued
a fusion of races, which it would be useless to attempt
to analyse. But it will suffice for the present to bear in
mind that the Dorians and kindred invaders found the
lonians in the Peloponnese before them, and that the Ionian
dialects contained among their number one, at least, which
belonged to the Q group.
The principal questions which these remarks raise may
be comprehended under two headings, the fusion of P and
Q Aryans and the common descent of the P Aryans. Let
us take the latter first : is the modification of qu into p
enough to prove the nations speaking languages of the
P group to have spread from a single centre, whether they
are found in Celtic lands, in Italy, or in Greece ? As the
physiological change here in question might, so far as one
can see, take place in any language hiving words with qUy
that change would be a precarious foundation for such a
conclusion.^ But it makes a very great difference to find
that the change has been resisted in the outer area alone,
that is, among the Goidelo-Celtican group in Celtic lands,
1 Abbott, vol. i. 61 ; Herodotus i. b^^ viii. 43.
^ Most of those who notice this, speak as if they consider the change of qu into
p a yery common phenomenon, whereas, besides the case of the Aryan languages in
question, I haye not succeeded in eliciting an instance from friends acquainted
with non-Aryan languages. One is generally asked to take Koumanian as in
poiut ; but that will not do as an independent instance. For who is to say
that the legionary ancestor of the modem Koumanian who says patru for the
Latin quatuor, was not an Oscan or Umbrian, or even a Gaul, inheriting the p
pronunciation P
t« tm* * ■•■-
P AND Q GROUPS. 121
the SIculo-Latms in Italy and some of the lonians among the
Greeks. In fact we have only to make a simple calculation
of chances, which may be put thus : let the three P groups
of the inner area be represented by three white balls, and the
three Q groups of the outer area by three black balls ; then
suppose the six balls placed in a bag, and the question is, what
the chances are, in drawing three at a time, that those three
will be the white balls. Now the number of different triplets
that can be formed of six balls is f^|^=20 : that is to say
the chance of drawing any given triplet is -^, or, in other
words, the odds against it are 19 to 1. Suppose we leave
out Greece on account of the evidence being less clear there
than in the case of Italy and Celtic lands, our calculation
is then made with four balls instead of six, and the number
of pairs possible is ^=6: that is, the chance of drawing
any given pair is ^ ; in other words the odds against it
are 5 to 1, which is a preponderance of probability by no
means to be despised, and from which one might proceed
to assume the same state of things in Greece as in the other
two linguistic regions. It thus appears unreasonable to
suppose the change of qu into p ampng the Aryans of the
inner area to have been a mere matter of accident, and
the alternative explanation which alone deserves considera-
tion is, that the P Aryans issued from a common centre
where the phonetic change in question had been accom-
plished once for all in their common dialect.
Here may be added the fact that the consonantal change
is not the only characteristic of the P languages, as they
show another change, namely that of long u into long u or
even z ; but as this will come under notice later, let it suffice
at this point to remark that it vastly increases the strength
of the argument.^
^ For instead of simply drawing the three white balls once, the chance of
which taking place was shown to be only -^y one has to suppose them (replaced
and) successfully drawn a second time. The chance of the compound event
is ^tfXA^ifc '• tbat is, the odds against it are 399 to 1. If Greece be omitted
the chance of the compound event is ixi—-isy or 35 to 1 against it so far as
concerns the Celtic and Italian areas.
122 CBLTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
Irish, Latin and the Greek dialect in point must so far as
concerns the consonantal change which interests us here be
regarded as having remained in a sense on the level of
Teutonic, as a single instance will suffice to show : take, for
example, the English interrogative who, Gothic hvas, and
compare with it the initial of the Irish da ' who,' Latin
qui and quk, and the Herodotean koIo^;^ contrasting with
them the "Welsh pwyy Oscan pis * who,' and the common
Greek ttow?. As no philologist supposes the change to have
been from p to qu^ Irish, Latin and Herodotean Greek must
be regarded as having in this respect remained on the ancient
level, the reduction of qu to p being a later phenomenon. A
similar remark applies to the vowel change to which allusion
has been just made. So the two changes agree in signalizing
for u« the rise of a new Aryan dialect, and this translated into
ethnology can hardly have any other meaning than that
Aryan speech had been adopted by a non- Aryan race, which
introduced into its adopted language the habits of pronun-
ciation prevalent in its previous language. The question
next comes, where the conquest of non- Aryans by Aryans
took place, and looking at the distribution of the Aryans
of this mixed origin as represented by the P dialects of
Gaul and Britain, of Italy and Greece, also possibly by the
languages of peoples of the Thraco-Phrygian stock both in
Europe and Asia Minor, one cannot help thinking that it must
have been somewhere in the region of the Alps.
Granted this, we are enabled to explain a variety of the
features which characterize Celtic, Italian and Hellenic dia-
lects : in other words, we now come to the other question to be
noticed, that of the fusion of the later or P Aryans with the
earlier or Q Aryans. But here, as before, I only attempt
to deal with the races indirectly, through the linguistic
data which they have left us, and Latin proves of prime
importance to the inquiry. The history of that language is
a very remarkable one, for, after having its domain narrowed
to a comparatively small area, it begins to conquer all the
dialects around it, nor desists till it becomes one of the great
languages of civilization; but what is particularly to be
P AND Q GROUPS. 123
borne in mind is the fact, that the antagonism between the
makers of Borne and the peoples around them seems to have
been so intense that Latin remained comparatively unaffected
bj non-Latin dialects up to the time of its classical period.
Thus not only does Latin agree with the rest of the languages
characterized by qu in the matter of that combination, but it
farther abstains from the corresponding change of gu to J,
which happens in Irish and Greek. It retains gu or reduces
it to t;: take, for example, the word unguo *I smear or anoint,*
unguen *fat, ointment,' Oscan umen (for *umben), Irish imb,
gemiiYeimbe (like ainfn 'name,' genitive anme), Breton amanUy
WehTi ymenyn 'butter.' Take also the Latin vivus 'living' (for
*^!*n7{w), Oscan bivua "vivi," Irish 6^0, Welsh bi/20 'quick, alive.*
A remarkable exception in Latin is bos ' an ox,' which, bad
it been native Latin, ought to have had some such form as
W8j and not bos; but the very fact of the latter standing
pretty nearly alone speaks clearly for the comparative freedom
of Latin from any considerable admixture of Oscan.^ Another
respect in which Latin remained pretty nearly on the old level
is that of long u, which in the P languages shows a narrow-
ing towards French u or even i. Thus while Latin had sus
* a sow,' Greek had its 5?, pronounced with a vowel like the
French u of the present day; and the accusative singular
and plural of this same word were in Umbrian sim and sif
respectively. Umbrian had also pir and frif, corresponding
to the Greek irvp 'fire,' and Latin /rw^^s 'crops.' Similarly
Latin tu, English ihou, appear in Irish as tu, but in Welsh as
/I, and Irish cu ' a hound,' is in Welsh cl, not to mention
that such a word as Irish tuath, in Gaulish touta * a tribe or
people,' is tied in Breton, and in Welsh tut and tud, with a u
which in North Wales is much narrower than French m,
while in the rest of the Principality it becomes mostly i.
This may be regarded as a Bry thonic extension of the domain
of the tendency to narrow or unround the vowel.
The comparative freedom of Latin from the changes here
in question suggests the conclusion that they were phonetic
^ li bathe not Oscan or Umbrian, it may be of Gaulish origin, or else a loan-
word from Greek, which some are inclined to maintain.
124 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
characteristics of the P dialects, that is to say, all three
of them, the labializing of qu into jo, of gu into h} and the
modifying of u towards I? Granted this, it follows that one
must suppose the linguistic influence of the later Aryan
comers to have varied considerably in force as measured by
the changes it effected in the phonetics of the Q dialects of
the Celts, the Italians and the Greeks respectively. In Italy,
as already stated, it may be said to have been a minimum
quantity, but it was quite otherwise among the Celts and
the Greeks. Let us begin with the latter: the majority
of the Greek dialects are known to have used ir for the
qu of the labalizing Aryans, but they did not treat that
combination always in the same way. Before the vowel o
they made it into tt as in ttoZo? ' qualis,' but before e and f,
it became r, as in -t€ and Tt9, with which are to be
contrasted Latin -que and quis, while before or after v the
guttural remained, as in kvkKo^ ' a circle,' A.-Saxon hweohl^
English wheel. Under similar conditions gu became ^, S
and 7 ; also ghn became ^, 9 and ^ respectively. No such
limitations of the phenomenon of the guttural plus the u
yielding a labial are known to have systematically existed
in the P dialects of either Italy or the Celtic world,^ and
certain Greek dialects seem to have somewhat defied them, as
^ The change of ghu into/ or ^ has been omitted, partly as being of minor
importance here, and partly as contained, so far as concerns Celtic, under that
of gu into b.
2 My friend Mr. Wharton, in the paper to which reference has already been
made, gives it as his opinion, p. 54, that ^' the influence of dialect on the Koman
long vowels, and especially on the diphthongs, was much stronger than on the
short vowels, as conversely that of accent was much weaker ; " but from among
his instances of u becoming t, I should be inclined to remove such as divinus,
amicus, formido, vopiscus, as contrasted with opportiinus. cadiicus, testiido,
coruscus, and the like ; for the use of a termination mus, for example, rather
than UMM^ raises questions as to the thematic vowel, and it is open to the suspicion
of being due to analogy rather than to a mere phonetic change. Among
Mr. Wharton's other instances may possibly be some which were due to the
influence of Oscan and Umbrian.
^ But Prof. Zimmer in his Keltische Studien in Euhn's Zeitschrift, vol. xxx.
pp. 134, 140, regards Irish guth * voice' and Greek jSo^ as of the same origin,
and treats gegon * I have wounded,' as the perfect of a verb which in its other
tenses has ^, such as benim * I strike.' So here we have guo becoming gu or go^
and some such a rule must have applied in the case of Sequana, supposing it to
be— against the probabilities of the case— Gaulish and not Celtican. Add the
form SEQVONIvS, which, if correctly read, is deserving of notice in this con-
nexion : see the Jitvue Celtique, vol. iiL p. 307*
P AND Q GROUPS. 125
when the Thessalians said /ci^ for rk ' who.' Then as to
the dialects characterized by the unrounding of long u into
long Uy similar treatment is found to have been extended
to short Uy which was changed in the same dialects into u ;
and this still remains the sound of v in certain dialects
of Greek, such as the Tzakonian. But the ancient dialects
retaining u and u are said to have been Boeotian and Laco-
niauy probably also Arcadian, Cypriote, Pamphylian, Chal-
cidian, and Lesbian ; ^ and such instances may be mentioned
as the Boeotian name EvOovfio^ for the Attic EvOvfio^;,
and the Laconian verb fiovaiSSec for what would have been
in Attic fiifOi^eL in the sense of \a\el ' speaks/ On the
whole the P dialects may be said to have had the upper
hand in the Greek world, and the fusion, not to say the
confusion, of the dialects of the two groups must here be
regarded as of such a nature that Greece cannot help us
much in the attempt to distinguish between peoples of the
P and Q groups : rather have we to assume that the
conclusions already drawn as to the corresponding peoples in
-Celtic and Italian lands may be applied in principle to
Greece likewise.
On Celtic ground we have no data to enable us to judge
with any precision of the attitude of Gaulish and Celtican
towards one another on the Continent, but we seem to have
a distinct trace of the influence of the former in the French
pronunciation of Latin long u, a pronunciation which not
only characterizes the French language, but is found also
in modern Provencal, in the Engadine, and in Lombardy.^
Lisaving the Continent, we have in these islands the facts
of Brythonic and Goidelic pronunciations to draw upon.
In the first place it may be mentioned that the modifying
of u towards ii or I is unknown in the Goidelic dialects,
as is also the reduction of qu to p ; but, on the other hand,
b for gu and ghu is as general a rule in them as in the
Brythonic dialects. How then is this to be explained ?
To some extent, probably, by the geography of the British
I Brngmaniiy §§ 48, 56.
* Diez, Cham, der romanisehen Sprachen (Bonn, 1870), toI. i. 426.
126 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — ^J. RHTS.
Isles ; for the case would be met by supposing the Q Aryans
to have first conquered Britain as far, sooner or later, as the
sea separating it from the sister island, and the P Aryans
to have eventually arrived in such force as to establish
themselves in the east and south-east of Britain, preserving
their own language at first unmixed, while influencing
that of the Q Aryans to the west of them more and more
as time went on, and reducing their territory. In fact
we may suppose the same thing to have taken place
here as in Gaul, namely, that the P conquerors everywhere
made themselves the ruling class, even where the Q dialects
continued to be spoken. It was the speakers of these
mixed dialects, that is to say, of Q dialects modified under
the influence of those of the P group, that probably sent
forth men to conquer Ireland; they set sail, let us say,
from Anglesey and landed on the opposite coast, somewhere
between Bray and Dundalk. In Ireland the Q language
of the invaders became stereotyped against the further
influence of the idioms of the P group, while the Q dialects
left behind in Britain continued subject to that influence
until they were assimilated out of all separate existence.
It is needless to say that while Brythonic made this sort
of conquest, it could not itself escape being phonetically
modified, namely, by the previous habits of pronunciation
of those who adopted it instead of their own language. Add
to this the subsequent influence of the extensive conquests
made in Wales and Dumnonia by invaders from Ireland
about the end of the Roman Occupation.
Such at any rate would be a possible account of the rise
of Goidelic as it was when it spread from Ireland to
Man and Scotland ; but with regard to the influence of
the P dialects on it, only one instance has been specified,
namely, the change of gu into J. This must, however, not
be regarded as standing alone : there is probably one other
which must be supposed to date quite as early : it belongs
to the history of the treatment of Aryan p in Celtic, which
must by no means be confounded with the treatment of
Aryan k or qu whether changed into p or not. Thus it has
P AND Q GROUPS. 127
been for some time known to philologists that Aryan p
wholly disappears in the Celtic tongues, that is, it has
either given rise to another consonant or it has simply
left its place empty. Take for example the Irish word Idr,
Welsh llatDr, which means floor and is of the same origin,
or the Old Irish word athir, which means father and is in
feet the same word with father and Latin pater, with their con-
geners ; similarly the Irish verb lenim ' I adhere, follow,'
reduplicate perfect (3rd singular) ///, (3rd plural) leltar, future
lilit 'sequentur,* Welsh iilt/n, ca.nlt/n 'to follow,' and erlyn
*to prosecute,' are of the same origin as the Lithuanian
limpu ' I adhere,* preterite lipaii, Old Bulgarian prilina (for
prilipna) ' I cleave to or remain hanging.' ^ This consonant
has disappeared even in Gaulish, as may be seen from such
words as Aremoricus, where the prefix are, Welsh ar *on,
upon,' is of the same origin as the Greek irapd and the
whole adjective may be rendered 7rapa6dKd(7<Tio<; ; take also
the name of the Belgic people of the Remi, who have left
it to the town of Rheims, the ancient Durocor forum Remorum,
where Remi is of the same origin as the Welsh rhwyf * a
king or ruler,' Latin primus : compare English first and
German furst * a prince,' and the Latin pnticeps, whence,
through French, the English word prince. In other Celtic
words the original p is represented by a guttural, as in the
Irish secht * seven,' Welsh saith, seith for *secht, or the Irish
word uasal * noble, high-born,' Welsh uchel ' high,' which was
in Gaulish ucsel- as in Ujcelhiunum meaning High Town.
This adjective is parallel to the Welsh isel 'low,' and the
two are to be traced back to the prepositions which have
yielded the Welsh yn (Irish i n-, i) * in, into ' and *wj9,^
of the same origin as the Greek word i^iyXo? * high ' and
English over, German uber, Sanskrit upari, * over.' In all
^ Brugmannn, i. § 36.
' This etymology was suggested some years ago in my Celtic Britain? p. 310,
but an older etymology is accepted, among others, by Brugmann, who, in his
Orundrisa der vergL Grammatxk, toI. i. § 434, connects Uxello- with Greek oi;{«
* 1 increase,' and Lith. duksztas * high.' If this were correct, one would rather
expect the word to have begun in Gaulish with ow, eu, or au, which however it
does not.
128 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
these instances it would suffice, phonologically speaking, to
regard p as having in the first instance become h (in the Celtic
dialects with p for qu), just as the samejo is known to have
done in Armenian in such words as hair * father/ the etymo-
logical equivalent of that word and of the Irish athir, Latin
pateVf etc. H before vowels would disappear on the way
down to the Neoceltic tongues, while before t it may be
supposed to have helped to produce the favourite combination
X^t retained in Irish, but modified in Welsh to Uh, as in
Old Irish secht * seven,* Old Welsh seith, now saith. Before s
the analogous combination ;^s was liable to undergo the
changes illustrated by Irish uasal and Welsh uchel already
cited.*
The theory here propounded leaves the Goidels nearly
related to the ancient Latins in harmony with the striking
similarities between the Irish and Latin languages, at the
same time that it represents the same Goidels as inseparable
from the Brythons by reason of manifold mixing. So we
should still be justified in speaking of these two peoples as
Celtic, and not merely as Goidelic and Brythonic, or as
groups only distantly related to one another, which is the
utmost one could have said of them when they first came
in contact with one another. The same kind of remark
applies to the two sets of Aryans in Italy and in Greece.
But who were these races distinguished as those speaking
Q and P languages respectively ? The former, suffice it for
the present to repeat, were of the same Aryan stock as the
Teutons, Slavs, Albanians, Armenians, Iranians and Hindus,
that is to say in so far as those nations were not merely non-
* The case of initial sp making in Welsh/ (written/") and in Irish a has been
omitted here as probably representing an original Aryan ap-h or sp aspirated :
compare Welsh J'er * the ankle ' with the Greek a<f>vp6v of the same meaning,
and Welsh Jbn * a staff,' ^on daji * a sling,' Irish «o«n, with the Greek u^^vl6in\
* a sling.' In such Irish words as aonn the a has probably replaced a previous
/", as is the case in such borrowed words as Irish ar%an — \au\\xi frenum^ and adiat^
I^atin faatia. Some more instances of initial / in Welsh will be found brought
together by me in the Rev. Celt. vol. ii. pp. 335-7. Sp-h or ap* became ^ or/ in both
Brythonic and Goidelic, and in Brythonic the /has remained while it has become
a in Goidelic. In any case I see no room for the av^ which Dr. Whitley Stokes
suggests in his Celtic Deelenaionf p. 26.
I
P AND Q GROUPS. 129
Aryans Aryanized by Aryan conquest. In Italy they appear.
to have been not only the Latins of history, but the race
more widely represented by an early civilization, of which
traces occur from Etruria to Sicily, as shown by recent
arohseological research. In Greece they were possibly the
mysterious people called the Pelasgi with whom Herodotus^
identified the lonians. But the Pelasgi, though Aryans,
were not exactly Greeks, however readily they became
Greeks in the sense of losing their national identity in the
ganglion of peoples which went to constitute the Hellenic
world of history.
In answer to the question who the P Aryans were, one
may first say that they appear as a second stratum, so to say,
covering a part of the area previously occupied by a Q stratum,
namely, from the fTorth Sea as far perhaps as Asia Minor,
with an overflow into Britain, Spain, Italy and Greece. So
their area of dispersion appears to have been included within
the other area. Further, since the language of the P Aryans
is to be regarded as a modified form of the older Aryan
speech, it may be asked to what cause the modification is to be
traced. One might of course answer that all languages are iu
a permanent state of change, more or less rapid, so long as
they are living; but this would hardly be a sufficient answer in
the case of changes so definite as those here in question. We
have accordingly no alternative but to suppose, as already
suggested, that the dialects of the P group arose from the
coming of speakers of the older Aryan dialects, namely, those
of the Q group, in contact with a non- Aryan race, which,
conquered or otherwise powerfully influenced by them,
adopted Aryan speech without having got rid of the non-
Aryan characteristics of its inherited pronunciation. This
supposition of a very considerable absorption of non- Aryan
elements makes the P Aryans a mixed people talking what
might be termed Neo-aryan. This view which derives .counten-
ance in this country from the fact that archaeologists find the
^ Book, i. 56. In the chapter following he surmises the dialects of Creston
and Placia to have heen Pelasgian in his own day.
PhU. Trans. 1891-2-8. 9
130 CELTS AND OTHER ARYANS. — J. RHYS.
round-barrow Brython ^f the Bronze age to have been pre-
dominantly a broad-skulled man, though it is believed that
the original Aryan was long in this respect rather than broad
or round. Perhaps one might venture to regard the lake-
dwellings of Switzerland as the homes of the mixed population
of the JTeo-aryans. At any rate, we have an instance of the
possibilities of the Alpine- region so late as the time of Caesar,
when the Helvetii set out from their country en masse to
seek a home elsewhere ; and, but for the intervention of the
legions of Rome, they would doubtless have succeeded, as
many similar migrations from the Alps had probably done
before. It is interesting to note the destination of the
Helvetii : they set out for the territory of the Santones in
the West of Gaul : in other words, theirs was the march of
Aryans of the P stock to conquer the territory of Aryans
of the other stock, or else of a people perhaps more correctly
described as not Aryan at all.
Having endeavoured to show that the Aryans of the P
stock emanated from a common centre, I have nothing to
add except a word as to the wider classification suggested
by Brugmann's treatment of the consonants of the palatal
and velar series.^ Compare, for example, the Gothic hvas
'who,' with its Lithuanian and Sanskrit equivalent kaSy
which gives no indication of its ever having been knas or
quas t similarly in the case of velar g and gh, the eastern
group of languages show, according to Brugmann, no trace
of u as the mark of labialization.^ On the other hand, they
agree in differing in their treatment of palatal ^, ^, and
gh from the languages of the western group, namely, in
that they reduce those mutes mostly into spirants.* The
Western Group consists of the following languages :
Teutonic, Celtic, Italic and Hellenic, and the eastern
group of Letto-Slavic, Albanian, Armenian, Iranian and
Sanskrit. So our P languages take their place as a sub-
^ Grundrisfi, vol. i. §§ 380-466.
2 Ibid, § 417.
5 Jbid, § 380.
P AND 'Q- GROUPS. 131
division of the Western Branch, which may be shown thus
at a glance : —
I. Labializino Languages.
i. Those characterized, some time or
other, by gfi, ffj^, ffkjff namely :
1. Teufonie,
2. a. €hidelie,
b, Latin.
e. JSerodotedn Greek,
ii. Those with the u combinations
reduced tothe labials j?) bj ^, namely:
1. Brythonic,
2. OseO'Umbrian,
3. Standard Greek.
II. ASSIBILATING LAyGUAGES :
Lettoslayic
Albanian.
Armenian.
Iranian.
Sanskrit.
It is right to state that Brugmann, while distin-
guishing between the Aryan languages which labialize
and those which do not labialize, hesitates ^ to draw the
conclusion that the Aryan parent speech had split up into
two dialects. In his discussion of the consonants, however,
he is obliged to divide the whole family into the two groups,
which have been termed respectively Western and Eastern,
in spite of Albanian having somehow straggled out of the
direction indicated by the geographical position of the other
members of its group. It need scarcely be added that he
deals with the Aryan languages and not with the ethnology
of the nations by whom they have at any time been spoken.
Since these conjectures of mine were written an important
article has been published in the Nineteenth Century by Prof.
Huxley on " The Aryan Question and Prehistoric Man " ;
and I may say that my view is decidedly favoured by
his conclusions, though I cannot now enter into details,
as my paper is already longer than it was intended to be.
^ Ibid, § 417, and note 1.
132
IIL— NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. By the
Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D.
[Bead at a Meeting of the Fhihlogieal Society on Fridajfj April 18, 1890.)
N.B. — A brief abstract of this paper appeared in. the Atheneeum^ April 26»
1890 ; and another in the Academy, May 3, 1890.
Askaunces. This difficult word, meaning ' as if/ occurs in
Chaucer; see New E. Diet. In my belief, it is made up of
E. as, and O.F. quanses, * as if,* a word given in Godefroy's O.F.
Diet., with references to Romania, xviii. 152, and Forster, Cliges,
1. 4553 (note). Thus the sense is, literally, ' as as if/ the E. a»
being tautologically prefixed. Cf. Lat. quasi,
Bedene, forthwith, together, etc. The etymology is unknown.
I suggest that it is from M.E. he, hi, by, and the pp. ^dene, repre-
senting A.S. den, done ; from this there may, perhaps, have arisen
the sense ' by the time that it is done,' immediately on its com«
pletion, or immediately afterwards. Cf. Mididone (below). The
A.S. den occurs in ge-den ; * synna ser gedenra,' Cynewulf s
Christ, 1266. The 0.!N"orthumbrian form is doen (=:^^) ; cf.
*bi^ gidoen,' gloss to *agitur;' Durham Ritual, p. 113, 1. 20;
cf . gidoe we, faciamus, id. p. 4, 1. 2, etc. ; \at \u ne gedae, ne
feceris; S. Mark, x. 19, in the Lindisfame gloss. I am told that
deen for * done ' occurs in M.E. ; the reference is probably to
y-dee, i.e. done, in St. Editha, ed. Horstmann, 1. 290, where .y-dee
rimes with ^^. Cf. deand, doing; St. Cuthbert, 3227. We find
den for * done ' in O.Friesic ; see Richtofen, s.v. dua.
Cant. From Lat. cantum, ace. of cantus, a song. Formerly
cantum. * I pray yow, telle me what was wreton vnder the mares
fote ? "What was it, prose or ryme, metre or verse ? I wold fayn
knowe it, I trowe it was cantum, for I herde you synge ; ' Caxton,
Reynard tbe Fox, c. 27 ; ed. Arber, p. 63.
Chete, Cheat, a thing. This is an old cant term for 'thing;'
see Cheat, sense 3, in the I^ew E. Diet.; and see OIobs. to
XOTES ON SNGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — ^PROF. SKEAT. 133
Harman's Caveat. We find, indeed, the entry: * Eerum, ceatta*
in Wright- Wiilker, Focah. 506, 28 ; but it is a general opinion
that this is not to be relied upon, and may be due to some blunder.
Perhaps, for seeatta.
Cockroach. The Span, ettcaraeha also explains the variant form
eooohch (Nares).
Compame, in Chaucer, C.T., A 3709, certainly ought to be
com ha me, i.e. come kiss me. At least four MSS. have this
reading. ' (It was subsequently discovered that this suggestion
was made by Mr. Ellis in 1870. See his E. E. Pronun. p. 715,
note.)
Cowl, a tub. From A.S. cufl; not in the dictionaries, but the pi.
euflaa occurs in Birch's Cartul. Saxon, iii. 367. Cf. cyflas^ in
Anglia, ix. 264, col. 1. M.E. cuvsl, O.F. cuvele is the same word ;
from Lat. eupella, dimin. of cupa. In Wright's Vocab. 577, 10, we
find : * Cupa, anglice, a cupe, or a cowle.'
Crucible. Possibly a corruption of crassiptdum or erasBihulum, a
pot for holding grease ; cf. cresset. Observe the entry : * Crassi-
jmlum, Crassipularium, Cruciholumf anglice, a cresset ; ' Wrt. Vocab.
576, 9.
Cnry, cookery ; as in M.E. * form of eury.^ So also in * Petty
Cury, Cambridge,' i.e. cook's quarter, or quarter for eating-houses.
From O.F. queurie, cookery (Godefroy) ; from O.F. queu, a cook ;
Lat. ace. eocum.
Dicker, Daykyr, a lot of ten hides. From O.F. dacre (Godefroy),
tiie same ; Low Lat. dacra, decora ; from Lat. decuria ; from decern,
Cf. Swed. ddcker, * a dicker ; ' Widegren.
Dnllor. This prov. E. word, signifying * a moaning noise,' or as
a verb, * to whimper, moan, with pain,' is spelt phonetically. The
word cohtir BhewB that it stands for dolour, i.e. grief, anguish;
whence the verb.
Feckless, useless, etc. In Lowland Scotch ; see Jamieson ;
merely short for effectless, void of efPect. ' A fectlesse arrogant
conceit of their greatnesse and power ; ' K. James I., Basilikon
Doron, paragraph 17.
Filbert. I have shown that it should rather be philhert. The
A.S. form is actually jpAt7i^r^ ; see Britton, ed. Nichols, i. 37 J,
note 5.
Orift, a slate-pencil (Essex). Formed, with added -t, from O.F.
grefe, a pencil (Godefroy); Low Lat. graphium', from Greek
r^pcupeiv. Cf. G. griffel.
I3i NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF, 8KEAT.'
Inkling ; of undiscovered etymology. But it is solved by noting
that E. often turns (M.E.) en into in. Hence inkling is for enkling',
a substitution for enklin or enclin. From F. enclin, Cotgrave has :
* Uncling an inclination, disposition, addiction, ... or humor unto.'
Also * Enclin, inclined, bent, prone, given, addicted, or disposed
unto.' An inkling of a truth is an inclination towards it. The'
substantival use is lost in French ; see enelin in Godefroy. This, of
course, is but a guess at an unsolved puzzle.
Lascious. M.E. Vudm ; as in ' with Itteius drinkes ; ' Bobson,
Three Met. Rom. p. 17; a variant of licius, as in *With licius
drinke ; ' id. p. 38. Ajid licim is short for delicious ; see Wedg-
wood.
Mididone, forthwith. It occurs in "Weber's Met. Bom. iii. 54,
57; Seven Sages, 11. 1368, 1442. B^ally two words ; mid idone,
with its being done, i.e. immediately afterwards ; from A.8. mid,
with; and gedOn, done. "Weber's comic explanation — *at mid-
night'— seems to be founded on the fact that F. midi means
* midday.'
Fawn, at chess. Littre is wrong in connecting it with paony
a peacock. See O.F. peon, also paon, a foot-soldier, in Godefroy.
^, pawn : 0,7, peon :: "E./awn : CF.feon,
Pie, a pasty. Really from Low Lat. pica, lit. magpie ; perhaps
from the miscellaneous nature of a pie's contents in medieval times.
At any rate, in the Babees Book, ed. Fumivall, ii. 36, LSI, we
find Lat. pi. pice in the sense of * pies,' in close connection with
* Pastilliy* i.e. pasties.
Flash, a pool. O.F. plascq, plassis, a pool (Godefroy) ; of Low
G. origin. Hexham has : ' een Flos, ofie Plaseh, a Flash of
water.'
Pony. The etymology of this difficult word may be found in
Godefroy. It is from O.F. poulenet, a little colt; dimin. oipoulaini
a colt ; from Lat. pulltiB. The I is lost before », as in Colney Hatch,
Lincoln ; but we find Lowland Sc. powney (for polney), like stown
for stolen, gowd for gold,
Eail, a bar. IS'ot from Low G. regelf as in my Diet., but
rather from O.F. reilley a rail (Godefroy).
Eoach, a fish. M.E. roche. From O.F. roche, the name of a
fish (Roquefort). Of Teut. origin.
Sleigh. M.E. scleye, Mandeville's Trav. ed. Halliwell, p. 180.
This answers to an O.F. fescleie, which would be regularly formed .
from Low G. slede^ whence E. sled^ sledge. Cf. E. Friesic sJede^'
VCTB8 ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROP. SKEAT. 135
eomtioinly shortened to 8li (Koolman). But Br. Murray tells me
that our present sleigh is modem, being in 1806-9 an American
>vord, borrowed from Butch colonists ; i.e. from sks, short form
of slede, (The spelling imitates that of net^h.)
Snore. This is usually deriyed from A.S. mora (Bosworth)«
But there is no such word. The A.S. word is really fnora.
* Sternutatio, fnora;' Wright's Vocab. 48, 14; 200, 9; 213, 21:
277, 26. This became mare because its root-verb fn^osan became
8HMse; perhaps, too, it was associated with snort. In Chaucer,
G.T., B 790, the MSS. have moreth^ fnorteth^ morteth^ and even
JranUth (!).
Stodge. From O.F. estockier, to stab, to stop; cf. Walloon
astohier, to fix, fill. Of G-ermanic origin; cf. G-. steehen. See
estoehier or eatoquter in Godefroy. Cf. M.iE. stokm^ to stab, in
Chaucer, C.T., A 2546. A form stochen seems to be established
by Halliwell,. who gives : * Stoche, a stab ; ' Yorkshire.
. Tennis. Of unknown origin. I draw attention to the Low
Lat. tmoTj the palm of the hand ; from Gk. Oevapf the same. Cf . E.
jeu de paume. The Low Lat. tmar occurs in Wright's Vocab. 158,
14: * Uola^ uel tmar, uel ir [i.e. x«V]> uiiddeward hand.' (Probably
wrong; but all the guesses are futile.)
Weariflh. This word occurs in I^ares ; the right sense seems to
be * pimpled.' Cf . * Callus, wear ; ' Wright's Vocab. 363, 30 ;
* CalloSy wearras, ilas;' id. 363, 5; * Callosi, wearrihte;' id. 374,
22, etc. * Wear, a hard pimple on the face;' Cockayne, A.S.
Leechdoms, ii. 409.
NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. By the
Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D.
[Read at the Fhilologieal Sae%ety*8 Meeting, June 9, 1891.]
Alaun, Alaunt. Alaun, in Chaucer, C.T. 2150 (or 2148) means
a large mastiff, or a wolf-hound ; see New E. Diet. It is ex-
plained as being from O.F. alan ; cf. Ital. and Span, alano. The
ultimate source is not given. Cotgrave has : * Allan, a kind of big,
strong, thick-headed and short-snouted dog; the brood whereof
136 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROP. SKEAT.
came first out of Albania (old Epirus).' Pineda's Span. Diet, has :
*AlanOf a mastiff-dog; also an Alan, one of that nation.' The
Alani were a race of warlike horsemen, first found in Albania ;
Smith's Classical Diet. I suggest that the Low. Lat. alanus orig.
meant *an Alanian dog;' which gives us the etymology. In
Higden's Polychronicon, i. 144, the great size and strength of the
Albanian dogs are enlarged upon ; they could attack and master,
he tells us, not only a bull, but a lion. Smith's Diet, further tells
us that Alantts orig. meant * mountaineer ; ' from the Sarmatian
word ala (mountain). Observe that the Molossi were also a tribe
in Epirus; and the Lat. molossua means (1) a Molossian, and (2) a.
mastiff-dog.
Begg^. Dr. Murray shews the high probability that this word
is nothing but a special application of the name Beghard or Begard^
a synonym of Beguin, and originally applied to a lay brotherhood
who took their name from a certain Lambert B^gue. There is a
passage in the E. version of the Eomaunt of the Rose, which is
valuable in this connexion, and gives support to his suggestion.
At 1. 7256, and again at 1. 7282, we find: *But Beggars with
these hodes wyde ; ' and again : * Who may that Beggar wel
excuse ? ' In both places, Beggar should be spelt with a capital
letter, because the French text has Begum. Here is positive proof
that P. Begutn and E. Beggar were used as convertible terms. The
passage is the more remarkable, because Jean de Meun here uses
Begutn as a term of reproach. He seems to mean, not the Beguins
themselves, but the Franciscan friars. The passage is difficult, and
should certainly receive attention.
Cole. In Weber's King Alisaunder, 813—816, we find :
* King Phelip, that was his lord,
Gurd him with a god sweord,
And gave him the tole aryght,
And bad, he scholde beo god knyght.'
The Glossary has : * Tole^ the tool, instrument, i.e. the sword. The
Bodley MS. reads perhaps better colere^ This shews that t and o
have been confused. The right reading is, of course, eoU or eoUe^
with the same sense as acotee^ an accolade (New. E. Diet.). See
numerous examples in Godefroy, s.v. eoUe. I regret to say I did
not discover this in time for insertion in the Dictionary ; but there
is an excellent example of the word in Barbour, which Dr. Murray
has duly quoted. This new example is a little earlier. ,
VOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. —PROP. SKEAT. 137
Derring-do. This is given, in the Century Diet., s.v. Baring-do.
The account is partly correct. * The word was adopted by Spenser
in the erroneous spelling derring-do, which from him and his
imitators has become familiar in literature from Chaucer; M.E.
dorryng don, during do, etc., a peculiarly isolated compound, from
dorryng, mod. E. daring, pres. pt., and infin. don, to do. The
associated phrase to dorre don, consists of the infin. do depending
on the infinitive dorre, durre, dare, and is not, as some think, a
compound verb.* This leaves the real error untouched. The fact
is, that Spenser or his editors misunderstood the matter, and the
supposed compound derring-do is not really a compound at
all. It is curious that the editors of the Cent. Diet, should
have seen the right construction in one case, but not in the
other. !But we have only to look at the origincd passage in Troil.
V. 835 :
• . * Troilus was never, unto no wight,
As in his tyme, in no degree secounde
In durrtng don that longeth to a knight,
Al mighte a geaunt passen him of might.
His herte ay with the firste and with the beste
Stood paregal, to durre don that him leste.'
In the last case, to durre is dat. infin., governing the infin. don,
and there is no composition at all. So in the former case, durring
is not by any means a present participle, but a verbal sb., mod. E.
daring. It is followed by the infinitive don, by an elliptical con-
struction. The proper form would be, in full, * In the durring
don,' where don = to do ; and in modem English we should
probably say * In daring to do,' though the shorter form *In daring
do ' would be idiomatic and permissible. My point is, that durring
don is not a compound at all in Chaucer ; and if Spenser chose to
consider it so, he was wrong in so doing. It would be ridiculous
to talk of * daring to do it ' or * daring to go' as a compound; and to
talk of * daring do it ' or * daring go ' as a compound is equally
ridiculous.
Dirk. I give an early instemce of the use of dirk in 1661 ;
older forms are dork, durk ; Dr. Murray has * Two Scotch daggers
or dorks* in 1602, and, in Eitson's Robin Hood, p. 78, *a drawen
durk,* The mod. Irish word is duirc, but I do not know whether
that is borrowed from English or not. I venture to compare the
0. Irish delg, given in Windisch ; it means ^a thorn, a pin to
138 KOTE8 ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. S&EAT*
fasten a brooch.* The mod. Irish form is dealg, *a thorn, a
skewer, a pin, a bodkin, a prickle.' Cf. Shakespeare's use of
hodkin in the sense of 'dagger.' We also find A.S. dale, a
brooch-pin; M.E. dalkej a brooch-pin, in the Catholicon, a.d.
1483. But we want more light.
Fewte, Feute, a track. In my gloss, to Wm. of Paleme I give
^feuUy scent, track,' and quote from Morris : ^ftiwt, a trace of a fox
or beast of chace by the odour.' In the gloss, to Sir Oawain,
ilorris has ^ fewte or odour,' s.v. Vewters, I wish to point out
that, etymologically, fetote is simply * track,' and that the notion
of * scent ' or * odour * is unoriginal. It is possible that Strat-
mann's Dictionary is correct in deriving it from the F. fuitey lit.
* flight ; ' hence, * a track.' The sense * odour ' was imported into
the word; hence we find: '/w^tf, odowre' in the Prompt. Parv.
Of course Way is wrong in connecting this ^\\hfe%Uerer ; in fact,
he only suggests this as a guess. . ^ ^
Oofiflh. This is really a ghost-word. It occurs in TroU. iii. 584,
but only in the black-letter editions, which read : * For to be war
of goJUh peples speche.' Tyrwhitt explains it as * foolish, from the
F. goffe, dull, stupid.' This is impossible for two reasons: (1) the
F. goffe (see Littre and Godefroy) is not known before the 16th
century, and appears to be merely borrowed from Ital. goffo, stupid,
a word of unknown origin. Secondly, words in -mA are formed
from sbs., not from adjectives ; the exception fool-ish is accounted
for by the fact that the word fool, properly an adjective, was
commonly used, in English, as a sb. We might add a third reason,
viz. that Chaucer would not add the suffix "ish to an unfamiliar
word.
When we turn to the MSS., the Campsall MS. has go9yUfehe, by
some mistake; for the line will not scan with this reading, nor
does it give any sense. The Camb. MS. omits the word. But the
Harleian MSS. have goosish, goaisBhe, though Morris's edition
unluckily has goofish for the MS. reading goomh. Beyond question^
the right reading is gdsish, and the sense is goose-ish, i.e. goose-like,
silly. Dr. Murray finds no other example of the word, but it is
quite intelligible and legitimately formed. It is also quite in
Chaucer's manner ; we may compare Pari. Foules, 668 :— * Lo
here, a parfit reson of a goos ' ; and 586 : — * For sothe, I preyse
noght the gooses reed.' I find that Chaucer uses the words
mannish, childish, cherlish, and rammish \ and Wyclif has dogguh.
The original forms of childish, churlish, folkish, heoAentshf and
l^OTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. SKEAT. 139
many more, occur in A.S. As for gofish^ it is the old story of
misreading a long « as an/; cf. sftureSy in Malory, for eatres.
Idle, Ydle, an isle. The form ydle^ with the sense ' isle/ occurs
repeatedly in King Alisaunder, ed. Weber, 11. 4840, 4856, 5040, etc.
I find no notice of it in Stratmann or Halliwell or Godefroy. I
wish to point oat that it is formed quite regularly. In A.F. si
becomes sdl^ as explained in my Eng. Etym. 2nd Ser. p. 236.
Thus mesUy a medlar, became ^mesdle, whence, by loss of s, E.
medUy the fruit of the medlar-tree ; also mesler, whence ^meadler,
and the E. verb to meddle. So also A.F. isle became ^isdle, and by
loss of s, ^tdle ; regularly. I find that this form is duly noted in
Matzner, but he does not account for it quite correctly. He asso-
ciates it with yet another form tide, which he correctly explains as
formed with an excrescent d after /, just as we find vilde for vile in
Tudor-English. There is, however, this distinction, that idle is due
to an excrescent d after «, which s afterwards, as in other cases,
dropped out. Thus tide and idle were really formed in rather
different ways, and should be dissociated from each other to that
extent.
Loigne, a leash for a hawk. This word occurs in the Eom. of
the Rose, 1. 3882, where the original has longe. This is the mod.
F. longe, in the sense of ' tether,* also spelt loigne in O.F., which
accounts for the form here used. The Low Lat. form is longia, a
tether (see Ducange), which is merely a derivative of loftgus, long.
Hence the Century Dictionary merely gives a wild guess, in suggest-
ing that loigne is another form of line. There is, of course, another
O.F. loigne, E. loin, mod. F. longe, in the sense of ' loin ; ' from
Lat. lumbea. It thus appears that the original sense of loigne was
really * a long piece ' or * a length ; ' and this result is remarkably
confirmed by another passage in the Romaunt, 1. 7050, where
the F. text has : * II aura de corde une longe ; ' and the E. version
has: *He shal have of a corde a loigne,'^ i.e. a length of cord,
enough cord to bind him and lead him away to be burnt, as the
context shews.
Lunes, a hawk's jesses. Cotgrave gives *a hawk's lune, or leash,'
as one of the senses of F. longe. This is the mod. F. longe, a tether.
Low Lat. longia, a derivative of longm ; see Loigne,
I suspect that lune is merely a variant spelling of the M.E.
loigne, a hawk's leash. Godefroy gives the spellings loigne, longne ;
and I think the form longne, which occurs in Froissart, is sufficiently
near. I may add that, according to Godefroy, the distinct O.F.
140 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGT. — PROP. SKEAT.^
higne^ a loin, was sometimes spelt luiney which seems to shew that
luine is a possible variant of higne, a tether. This brings us very
near to lune. Cf . M.E. moyl, a mule.
Lyngell. This curious word occurs twice in Libeaus Disconus,
in Bitson's Met. Eomances, ii. pp. 37, 54, U. 861, 1274. In the
first case, we find : ^lyngell and trappure: ' in the second, 'lyngell,
armes, trappur was swich.' Trappure means * trappings ; ' and the
reference is to heraldic display. I think lyngsll reprejsents O.F.
lineal^ a linen Testment ; it may have been confused with the O.F.
adj. Ungey made of linen; we also find O.F. lingette, linen cloth
(Godefroy). If so, lyngell means * linen cloth,' which goes very
well with trappings. The O.F. lirwel is from Lat. linteum, made of
linen ; all from Lat. linumf flax. ' Lingel, a shoemaker's thread,'
in Halliwell, does not suit the context.
Mistery. The usual glossaries to Chaucer do not notice his use
of misterie in the sense of * ministry ; ' but an example is given in
the Century Dictionary, s.v. Mystery, There is another example
of it in Morris's Chaucer, iii. 348, 1. 4, where it translates the Lat.
officium of the Yulgate (1 Sam. ii. 12, 13): 'nescientes officium
sacerdotum ad populum.' The Century Diet. explaiuGf it as formed
by O.F. mestier, with added -ie or -y. I regard it as formed from
the Low Lat. mtsterium, a shortened form of ministerium. The
ultimate origin is the same either way.
Moysoun, measure, size ; Eom. of the Hose, 1677. Not con-
nected, as suggested in Bell, with moisson^ harvest, but the same
as O.F. rnoiaoriy size, Lat. ace. memionem. See maisan in Strat-
mann.
Oubit, a hairy caterpillar; also spelt woMt, toohat, potohet (for
ivoubet); see Jamieson. The right M.E. form is wolbodoy which
occurs in Wright's Vocab. 706. 15 (cf. 766. 28), misspelt tcelbode,
and explaining Lat. hie multipes. In the Shrewsbury MS. of the
Ortus Vocabulorum, it is written wolhede^ in which the second
vowel is phonetically weakened. The etymology is easy, viz.
from A.S. wul, mod. E. wool ; and an A.S. form *hoda or *buda,
closely related to A.S. htiddaf a beetle. Cf. E. howd, a weevil, and
botf a worm or maggot. Thus the sense is * woolly worm,' i.e.
hairy caterpillar. Of course, wool becomes *oo* in Lowland Scotch.
(N. and Q. 7 S. x. 324).
Paxodie. This is among the words in Chaucer which Tyrwhitt
says that he could not explain. The passage is in Troil.
V. 1548.
^OTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY, — PROF. 8KEAT. 141
' Among al this, the fyn of the par6die
Of Hector gan approchen wonder bly ve ;
The fate wolde his soule sholde nnbodie.'
I think it is certain, from the form of the word, that it can be no
other than the modern parody ^ from Lat. parddia^ Gk. TraptvBia, The
lit. sense is * a song sung beside,' and we might take it in the simpler
sense of 'song.' I think Chaucer took it to mean 'story;' the
sense is : — * the end of the story of Hector was quickly approach-
ing.' We may observe that Chaucer uses * tragedie ' to mean
' lamentable story ; ' and we may note Dante's use of * Commedia.'
A note in Bell's Chaucer explains it from the Gk. wapoBo^, a
passage, but used in the technical sense of the first appearance of a
Greek chorus in the orchestra. But there are two fatal objections.
First, the Gk. vap6Bo9 would only have given 'parod;' it could
not easily have produced a trisyllable. Secondly, Chaucer knew
no Greek to speak of, and he certainly had no copy of Liddell and
Scott in which to hunt up the meaning of a technical term of the
old Greek theatre. BelFs note adds: * parody, in the modem sense,
has quite a different derivation;' which is precisely the point
which I dispute.
Pentacle. There seems to be little doubt that pentaele answers
to the M.E. pmtangel, for which see Gawain and the Green Knight,
1. 627. The fact that a pentacle usually meant a six-pointed star-
shaped figure, whereas a pentangel signifies ' five-angled ' is easily
expledned by two considerations. The first is the similarity of the
two figures; and the second is, the partial ignorance of Greek in
England in the fifteenth century. As to the figures, their similarity
is proved thus.
The pentacle was formed by two equal and equilateral triangles,
one above the other, disposed thus : O
The pentangel is described in * Sir Gawain ' as being ' five-
angled,' and also as being an ' endless knot ; ' i.e. the lines forming
it were continuous. Hence its shape was this : i^
The substitution of the six-angled figure was natural enough.
It was more easily connected with astrology, as it represented six
of the aspects called * trine ; ' whereas it was hardly possible to
connect the pentangel with astrology in any way.
Peridote, Perydote, the name of a precious stone. The pi.
pery dotes occurs in a list of precious stones in Emare, 1. 155 ; in
Ritson, Met. Rom. ii. 210. Godefroy gives O-Y, peridot t with five
variants, and nine examples. He describes it as being of a
i42 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. SKEAX»
yellowish green, and less hard than rock-crystal. But what the
etymology of the O.F. form is, I do not know.
Pomet. In Bitson's Met. Bom. ii. 55, in the Eomance of
Libeaus Disconus, 1. 1295, we find a mention of * pomet touris,'
where * touris ' is * towers.* It should rather be pomed ; and the
sense is, that the towers were finished off with pomes^ i.e. apple-
shaped ornaments, which were usually gilt. Cotgrave has :
^Pommeau d*un tour, the ball of a tower, or middle of the top
thereof ; that part whereon the weather- fane or weather-cock is
planted.' Godefroy, s.v. pomel, the diminutive of O.F. pome, has
several examples of tents and towers being thus ornamented. Cf .
E. pommel. Similar ornaments or knobs may still be seen at the
summit of the poles of a cricket-tent.
Posset. I have given this as of Celtic origin ; and perhaps it is
so. But we must not overlook the O.F. possetfe, cited in Palsgrave
as equivalent to E. posset. The Prompt. Parv. has possot a& the
M.E. form ; it appears also as poshoot and posset in Wright's
Vocabularies, but does not seem to be older than the 15th century.
The history of the O.Y.possette does not seem to be known. It
seems to have meant a drink that is curdled, being explained by
Lat. coagulum.
Pray, a flock, troop. This word is nowhere correctly explained.
Weber's glossary to his Metrical Rom. has: * Pray, Alls. 2595,
press, crowd, rhythmi gratia ; ' which shows that he fancied it was
a licentious form of the word * press.' Halliwell copies this in the
form: ^ Fray, press, crowd; Weber.' The right explanation is
something different. The lines are : * Of his people theo grete pray
Laste twente myle way ; ' i.e. the vast host of his army extended
for 20 miles. Pray is precisely the same word as the mod. E. prey,
but in a very different sense. The fact is, that the Low Lat.
prceda, O.F. proie, was used in the sense of a flock of sheep ;
evidently because a flock of sheep was a very convenient thing
to make a prey of. See Ducange and Godefroy. Hence, in
this passage, it means * flock,' or * multitude,' or * host,' or
* troop.'
Prepense. In the phrase ^ mslim prepense,^ it might seem that
the etymology is from the F. penser, to think, with a prefix due to
lfi,t.pra, beforehand. But this is not so certain. The prefixes jpr<9,
jw, and pro were remarkably confused in French ; and it is a fact
that 'premeditated lying in wait' appears in the Laws of William I,
•8 ' agwait parpens^ ; ' sect. 2. Godefroy gives the O.F. phrase as:
liOTES ON BNGUSH ETYMOLOOT. — FBOF. SKBAT. 143
.'de malice paurpemee.^ . Gf. 'felonie purpmse^ m BrittoQy i. 15 ;
and the long note in Elyot's Governor, ed. Croft, ii, 375.
, Quert. Stratmann gives: ' Qioert, tahert, adj. safe and sound; '
and * Quert, sb. sound, health.' Eitson, in the gloss, to his Met,
Eomances, collects several examples, shewing that the phrase in
quert is common; I should explain this phrase by 'at rest,' or 'in
peace and quietness,' or ' in security.' An attempt has been made
tx> explain it from the Er, ciAer, heart, as if the final t did not
matter, and as if in quert meant ' in good heart,' which is a very
forced explanation. I am clear that it is not a French word at all,
but Scandinavian. It has the characteristic adverbial suffix -^,
originally the sign of the neuter ; and I have shewn (Etymology,
1, 467) that we cannot explain the final t in the words athwar-t,
Bcan-ty tof'tf wan-t, and wigh-t (adj. active), in any other way. So
here, the real origin is seen in an old Scandinavian form *kwert,
neuter of ''^kwer. In mod. Icelandic, the adj. is kyrr, but the older
form is kvirr, which, as Vigfusson notes, is common in Norse MSS.
The Dan. form is qvtsr^ quiet, silent, still ; and the Icel. word like-
wise means quiet, still, at rest. In Swedish, it appears only in
phrases, as in ligqa qvar, to stay, remain ; qvar-hlifva, to remain, be
left ; qvar-halla, to retain, lit. * to hold safe ; ' quar-lefoUy remainder,
residue, etc. That -t is a suffix, appears from the Catholicon,
p. 297, where we find : * to make quar-full, prosperare ; ' quarfuU
ness, prosperitas; the same as hele [good health].' We also find
^ quart/ulle ' in the same, and even * quarti/fuUe,^ with the senses,
* compos, prosper, sospes.' I take it that quert was first an adv.,
then an adj., and lastly, a sb., with the successive senses * at peace,'
* peaceful,' and * peacefulness.' We have further cognates in the
G. ktrre, calm, and the Goth kwairrus, gentle, whence the sb.
kwairrei, gentleness, meekness. Kluge gives *kwer as the form of
the Teutonic root; which he writes qer. See the examples in
yigfusson, shewing that vera kyrt meant ' to be quiet : ' aiija um
lyrty to sit at rest, not to stir ; cf . kyrr-ligr, calm ; kyrr-laikay
tranquillity; kyrr-sata, a living at rest. The notion of 'tranquillity'
suits all the E. examples very well. This etymology also explains
the variant form tvhert.
Quilt. Notice the M.E. quelde-poynte, a quilt, exactly re-
presenting the Lat. culcita puncta. It occurs in Gawain
and the Grene Knight, 1. 877; but the explanation in the
Glossary is incorrect. It does not mean a ' hassock,' but a
^ counterpane.'
144 NOTES ON BNGLIBH ETTBCOLOGY. — PROF. SKHATl
Baiikla. I have shewn that the A.F. lonn of the Terb *t0
rankle is rtmkUr. I have also said that it seems to be connected
with the Lat. ranetdut, and I daresay it may really have been so
connected in the popular mind. But the real etymology is very
different, and past all guessing. The fact is, the word has lost
an initial d^ as shewn by Godefroy. Grodefroy gives draanele,
dranehj raanele, ratmeUy raneU, an eruption of the skin, or, as we
should say, a rankling sore. The verb is drmneler, raaneler,
ranekfj to suppurate. It is obyious that drtunele must be, in Low
Latin, draetmeuhu; and we find accordin^y, in Bucange, that
dra€HneulH9y also spelt draneuhu, by contraction, is a Low Latin
term for a kind of ulcer, or, as we should say, a rankling sore;
But draameuluSy as Ducange says, means, literally, neither more
nor less than ' paruus draco,' i.e. a little dragon, a diminutive of
draeo. It is thus quite clear that our verb to rankle is a derivative
from the very Gk. sb. which we spell dragon. Dragons were
supposed to be venomous ; and draeuneuhu probably meant, at first,
a small venomous thing, and was applied to a poisoned or sup-
purating wound or swelling. The Low Lat. draeuiy properly
a dragon, also meant a demon; and Ducange quotes the phrase
fa U draCy to play the deviL ; as well as the 0 JF. drage^ a sorceress.
In Kcardy, as Godefroy remarks, the initial d is still retained;
he quotes ' j'ai le doigt drancU^ I have an inflamed (lit. rankled)
finger.
Hebeten, to cheer. Given in Stratmann; add a reference to
Rom. Kose, 6509. Prom O.F. reheUr^ rehaiter, rehUtier^ to cheer,
enc<yurage ; as said in Stratmann. The etymology of the O.F. verb
is difficult. The most likely solution is that given by Diez, that it
i9 frotn the O.F. sb. hait, pleasure, wish, whence F. eauhaiUr ; and
that this sb. is of Teut. origin. The Gk>th. ga-hait means a
prcmiise ; Icel. heity a vow ; and Diez notes that, just as Lat. uotum
combines the ideas of ^ vow ' and * wish,' so the Icel. heitf a vow,
may be represented in the O.F. phrase a eon hait, according to his
wi^h. Hence we come to the idea of pleasure, cheerfidness, etc«
Bchade takes the same view ; under M.H.G. hetz, a command,
premise, he ranges O.F. haity wish, pleasure; O.F. haitury to
i'b€ME>r, and F. eouhaity a wish ; and refers us to Dies.
Benciaa. I only know of two examples of this rare word. It
f»ccur*i in Morrises Old English Miscellany, p. 92, L 70, and p. 96,
1. 106. AVe there find mention of ' robes of russet, ne of rencgtm\*
and again, ' vouh, ne gray, ne rencgan** It vras therefore the name
•N0TE8 ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. SKEAT, 146
of some sort of garment. Morris explains it by 'a robe of a roan
colour/ but gives no reason, and it looks like a guess. The real
sense is ' a robe made at Bbeims ; ' and the etymology is from the
O.F. adj. raencien, given by Godefroy as an adj. formed from that
place-name. The suffix -ten is adjectival ; Lat. -ianus.
Sespioe. Respice is given as the name of an unknown wine in
the Squier of Low Degree, 1. 756 ; ed. Eitson. I should guess it
to stand for raspice, and to be allied to raspure^ given in Godefroy
as occurring in the phrase vins de raspure, Cf. rape (for rdpe^ Le.
ratpe) in Cotgrave, as the name of a thin wine. Perhaps allied to
E. ratp-herri/.
Bideled^ gathered, pleated, Bom. of the Eose, 1235. This is a
verb formed from M.E. ridel^ O.F. ridely a curtain ; see Stratmann.
The sense is that the garment mentioned was pleated at the neck,
like a surplice. Halliwell refers to EeliquisB Antiquae, i. 41,
where we read of * filettis, and wymplis, and rydelid gownes.* It
does not mean * riddled with holes,* as suggested in Bell's Chaucer.
Scale. I give, in my Dictionary, a quotation from Gower about
* the scales of a fish ; ' and another from P. Plowman which
mentions * the scale (or shalf) of a walnut.* I have not made it
clear, however, that the form scale must be of P. origin, viz. from
O.F. escale, because the A.S. sceale or scale would only give the
form shale. The ultimate source is, of course, the same, because
the F. escale is from the cognate O.H.G. scala, but it makes a
difference phonetically. There is a good example of O.F. esealCf a
shell, in the Gloss, to N. Bozon, Contes Moralises,
Soak. I note, in my Diet., that the A.S. form should be socian,
but that it is unauthorised. But it occurs in Cockayne's Leech-
doms twice, in the phrase *l»t socian,' i.e. let it soak; ii. 240;
iii. 14.
Taut. Spelt taught in Phillips, 1706. M.E. toht in Stratmann,
also spelt toffht in Chaucer, C.T., D 2267. Pp. of toghen^ from
Icel. tog a J to draw, draw together ; a secondary verb from tjiiga^ to
draw, cognate with G. Ziehen, Cf. E. tow, verb; practically, a
doublet of towed.
Tranter, a carrier.* Given as a dialect-word in Halliwell; it
occurs in Hardy's novels. I think it refers to the old time when
carrier's carts went at a foot-pace, and the carrier walked slowly
beside the horse; or (as Dr. Murray suggests) to a still older
time when tranters trudged along, carrying their packs on their
own shoulders. See trant, tranten, in Stratmann. Hexham^s
FhU. Tram. 1891-2-8. 10
146 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. SKBAT.
Du. Diet, has : * tranUleny or tranten, to goe lazely, softly, or a
soft pace.' Also : * een Trant, a march, a pace, or a step.' TJlti-
mately allied to E. trend, trundle,
Trayeres. This word occurs in Rich. Coeur de Lion, 4785 ; in
Weber's Met. Rom. ii. 188. The line is — *Berges, schoutes,
trayeres fele.' The Glossary has : * IVat/eres, long boats, resembling
trays or troughs.' This is all pure invention. But it is copied in
Halliwell, who has : * Trayeres, long boats : Weber.' But the fact
is, it is a ghost- word. By the ordinary mistake of t for e, it is a
misprint for erayeres, a well-known word, discussed by me before
this Society, June 7, 1889.
Vewter. In Sir Gawain and the Grene Knight, 1. 1146, the
word vewters occurs ; it is explained in the Glossary by * men who
tracked deer by \hefetote or odour.' To this there are two obvious
objections ; (1) men are not usually educated up to such keenness
of scent ; and (2), fewte does not necessarily mean odour. I deal
with this second objection under the heading Fewte.
The fact is, that / never becomes t; in this poem, as far as I
know; the West-Midland Dialect hardly admits of it. Hence I
take vewters, if correct, to mean a kind of dog, which in O.F. was
veutre, and in Cotgrave is vaultre, and in Dante appears as veltro.
But the context suggests that vewters refers rather to men, in which
case it is a mere corruption of vewtrers ; cf. Low Lat. veltraritts, a
man in charge of ventres. I have fully explained all about this in
my article on Feuterer, read before this Society on Nov. 6, 1885.
But we may go further ; vewter is no error, but simply a corrupt
form of vewtrer, the former r being dropped. This will account
for the entry : * Vewter, a keeper of hounds ' in Halliwell, given,
unfortunately, without a reference. This shews that the right
explanation might have been found in Halliwell. Moreover, I can
supply a reference. It occurs in the Glossary to Dr. Fumivall's
Edition of the Babees Book, with a note on the word, which is
correct throughout. We can now explain the passage : * To
trystors vewters yod, Couples huntes of kest ; ' i.e. Men with grey-p
hounds went to stand beside the tristors, or men who kept the
stations, and the hunters then cast oS. the couples, i.e. removed the
leashes from the dogs.
Wayz-goose. I find this term in Bailey, ed. 1731. He says:
* Way^-goose, a Stubble Goose, an Entertainment given to Journey-
it .the beginning of winter.' No doubt the entertainment is
front the feust that a ' stubble-goose ' formed a principal dish
KOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. — PROF. 8KEAT. 147
at the feast. I have said, in Not$% and Qusrietij that this taai/z is
the same word as that which appears in Baily as ' Way%y a bundle
of straw/ though the latter word is more commonly spelt wasey and
its commonest sense is a straw pad, for carrying a weight on the
head. I have been told, also in Notes and Queries^ that I have not
proved my point, as to the identity of way%j stubble, and wase^
a straw pad. But I believe it is quite capable of proof, and that
the connection will appear to any one who consults the Swed. Dial.
Diet, of Eietz and other authorities whom I shall mention. More-
over I take the word to be of native origin. From the A. 8.
wrtthan^ to writhe or twist, which is a strong verb, we have the
sb. tordseny a chain, lit. a twist, for which see Grein. This would,
regularly, have become wrOse in Mid. English ; but we find what is
doubtless an allied form in the M.E. ivrase, also warse, noted in
Stratmann. Thus, in O.E. Miscellany, ed. Morris, we have : * Of
one wrase of thornes, he wrythen hym one crune,' i.e. of a twist or
wreath of thorns, they wreathed our Lord a crown. I think this
form answers to an A.S. ^wrMhSy which would regularly become
wrasSy by vowel- shortening. Then the r shifted, as shown in the
Catholicon, which has the entry : * A tvarsey fasciculus;' at p. 425.
We should particularly notice that, though spelt way it is entered,
alphabetically, as if it began with wr. Of course, this is the same
word. Next, we may note that Mr. Herrtage, in his note on the
word, tells us that to arse is * probably a slip for wase,^ because tease
occurs in M.E. with the sense of a pad of straw ; it also means
* hards,' or a wisp or bundle of hards for stopping up a hole with.
But the fact is just the contrary, viz. that toase is a corrupted form
of tparse (the equivalent of tvrase), due to the loss of the r. In this
way, we see that taase, a wisp, twist of straw, is formally connected
with torasey and is ultimately derived from A.S. tcrlthan, whence
also E. wreath. In fact wase and wreath have the same sense, and
only differ in shewing diffierent suffixes.
It remains to show the connection with stubble. To begin with,
these twists were usually made of straw, and the connection
between * straw' and * stubble ' is sufficiently close.. But it appears
more clearly in this. The Swed. dial, vrase is explained by Rietz
to mean precisely the com which, in reaping-time, was not bound
up in the sheaves, but was left by the binders, and raked up into
heaps afterwards. This is just the very thing out of which the
goose would pick up its living; I take a stubble-goose to mean
precisely a goose which is turned into the corn-fields after the com
148 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY.— -PROF. SKEAT,
is reaped and carried. Further, Kietz says that vrase or vase also
means the lowest layer of hay in a hay-loft, though this may be
a different word. Hence we may equate the form vraw with
the common Swedish vase^ a sheaf of com; Norweg. vase, a
wisp or bundle of thread or of hair, a bundle or heap of brush-
wood ; Dan. dial, vaaey a sheaf, a bundle of straw with the com in
it (Molbech). Then, again, Hexham gives Du. was$, a torch,
clearly because a torch was a * twist,' as the derivation of torch
shews. I think this is enough to shew that wrase and warM and
wa9e are the same word, and that the senses were: (1) a twist,
hence, a wreath, wisp, bundle, esp. of straw or faggots, and (2) a
heap of straw, and hence, the leavings of com in the fields, on
which geese were fattened. The Du. Waae^ turf, is a different
word; see Schade, who distinguishes A.S. tordsen, a chain, twist,
from IVI.H.G. torase, G. Eaaen, turf; and shews that they are
probably from different roots. I mention this last point, only to
shew that I have not overlooked it. Lastly, I would observe that
a similar loss of r occurs in dacej formerly daree, derived from O.F.
dars, a dart ; and again, in gashy formerly garee, from O.F. fforseTf
to scarify, to lance. ^N'.B. I find an instance of teasey a wisp of
straw, in Lydgate's Troy-book, ch. 34 ; fol. t6, back, col. 1.
Ynly. Halliwell notes the wonderful word *ytt^, handsome,' as
given by Eitson ; but thinks it is an error for y«^. There is no
doubt about it ; tnhf often means ' closely ' or * narrowly ; * the line
is — ' He behelde ynly hur face ; ' Erl. of Tolous, 337. The sense
' handsome ' is wrong.
149
f
IV,~ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT OF CORMAC'S
GLOSSARY. By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L.
{Bead December 4, 1891.]
t
\
OoEMAc's Glossary is a mediaeval Irish Etymologicum, full
of absurd attempts to trace words to their sources, but
valuable, partly as explaining many obscure vocables,
partly as containing extracts from ancient law-books,
whereof some are now lost, and partly as preserving sundry
traditions and legends which interest the student of Celtic
history, folk-lore and romance. It is ascribed to Cormac,
the king-bishop of Cashel, who was slain in battle in the
year 903 ; but its language proves that it was not written
much before the eleventh century, when the change from
Old- to Early-Middle-Irish had set in.
Two complete copies of this Glossary are known. The
elder is in the Lobar Brecc, a fourteenth century MS. in
the library of the Royal Irish Academy, pp. 263 to 272
of the fac-simile, Dublin, 1876. The younger is in the
Yellow Book of Lecan, a vellum in the library of
Trinity College, Dublin, cols. 3 to 87. This part of the
codex was written in the beginning of the sixteenth
century. Three fragments also are known, one in the Book
of Leinster, a vellum of the middle of the twelfth century,
p. 179 of the facsimile, Dublin, 1880, another in a Bodleian
MS. of the fifteenth century, and a third, containing only
the articles Prull and Mug 4me, in ff. 76*-76* of Harl.
5280, a vellum in the British Museum. The Lebar Brecc
150
MR. 81X)KES— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
copy and the fragment in the Book of Leinster were
published in Three Irish Glossaries^ London, 1862, and a
translation of the former by John O'Donovan was printed in
Calcutta, in 1868. The copy in the Yellow Book of Lecan
has not yet been printed ; but a photographic facsimile of it
and the rest of the vellum in which it is contained will be
published next year by the Boyal Irish Academy, with fiinds
supplied by the British Govemment. The Bodleian fragment
now for the first time appears in extenso} It is taken from
the MS. marked Laud 610, which has been described by
Dr. Todd (Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, ii. 336)
and by Dr. O'Donovan {Book of Rights, pref. xxviii, xxxiii).
This fragment begins at fol. 79* with the last four words
of the article iartnMre,^ and it ends at fol. 86* with the
article turigein, the nine articles beginning with u being
omitted. The scribe of this part of the MS. was Se&n
Buidhe O'Ol^righ, and his colophon, written in 1440, runs
as follows :
IShe annala inTig^ma inudir
doscriboi in sanasan so na Salt-
rach .1. mile hli&dan 7 ceithri
cet hlisidan 7 tri bliaina dec 7
deijichitf in cuiced li domf Febra
7 into^rA^mad Id donesca. misi
Seaan Bvidhi oCleiny doscrib 7
dl^lmann Bvillter mac Risterd
doscrihad sanasan Saltrach Oor-
maia so.
This is the year of the Lord
when this little Glossary of the
Psalter hath been written, to
wit, a thousand years, and four
hundred years, and two score,
the fifth day of the month of
February, and the eighth day of
the moon. I am Yellow John
O'Clery who wrote this, and
for Edmund Butler Mac Eichard
hath been written this little
glossary of Cormac's Psalter.'
^ The articles Imbast foromai, Modehroth^ Mug Sme^ iVdf and Pdtraie were
published from Laud 610 in the Tripartite Lift of Patrick, Bolls Series, pp. 668
670.
' d.h. die unbetonten Worter, die fiir die Alliteration nioht mittiihlen,
Thumeysen, Irische Texte, 3** eerie, 1. heft, s. 116.
3 i.e. the compilation called the Psalter of Cashel, as to which see Petrie
£cch$iastical Architecture of Ireland, pp. 38, 39, and 0* Curry, Zeeture* on
the MS. Materials of Irish History, p. ll.
OF CORMAC S GLOSSARY.
151
The history of the MS. is continued by the following entry
on the opper margin of fo. 110^ :
Salttair moic Ruisd^ Buitil^
•L 'Emaim Buitiler, in tsalttair
see nogo dtaca[d] maidm Baile
in f Poill ar iarla Urmuisan 7
91 mac Eoifidfrd le iarla Desmu-
man .i. TomM, 7 do bained in
leab«r so 7 Leabar na Garmigi
as huaglad mete Euisderd, 7 isse
in M«c Buisdsrd sin do ohuir na
leabaiir sin da scribad do fein no-
gur bain Tomas iarla Desmuman
amach iad.'
This Psalter (was) the Psalter
of Mac Richard Butler, to wit,
Edmund Butler, until the defeat
at Baile in Phoill (now Pilltown)
was inflicted on the Earl of
Ormond and on Mac Richard by
the Earl of Desmond, to wit,
Thomas.' And this book and
the Book of Carrick were taken
in ransom for Mao Richard, and
it is that Mac Richard who caused
those books to be written for
himself, until Thomas Earl of
Desmond took them away.
0*Clery must have transcribed from a very ancient
manoflcript, for the language and spelling of this Bodleian
fragment (£.) are far more archaic than those of the copy
in the Lobar Brecc {LB,), the oldest complete copy known
to exist. The comparison of a few forms will justify this
assertion. The corresponding forms in the Yellow Book
of Lecan (F.) have been added.
laud 610.
atopair
cotagair
himmaig
isintig
tarsa mullag
forsa crand-sin
conammelt
condaig
na semmand (ace. pi.)
ond anmuim sin
don chrund
forrumither .
banbrugid (nom. pi.)
bertatar
Lehar Brece,
hidhraid
gutagair
amuig
istig
darin mullach
forsan crand sin
coimlid
cuindchis
na semanda
on ainm sin
do crand
furmither
banhrugadha
inrucsat
Yellow Book o/Z&ean.
adodpair
cotagair
imaig
isintigh
tar mullach
forsin crandsin
conamailt
condaig
na semand
on anmain sin
don crund
forruimther
banbrugaid
bertatar
' There is an incomplete and inaccurate copy of this entry in the Proceedings
9/ the R^ifol IrUk Academy, ii. 338.
* The eighth Earl, who was beheaded at Drogheda in 1467.
152 MR. STOKES— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
In the Bodleian fragment the neuter article is still in use
(an-i, a tenm l&ida, s.v. imbas forosnai, an-etag, an-^tach,
s.y. legam, a c^tnae, an-aithesc, 8.y. ktheeh, a muin, a nduiu,
a mbraut^ s.v. modebroth, al-lathi-sin, s.v. mairt, tar-sa-
muUag, S.Y. malland, for-sa-crand-sin^ s.v. nescoit, i-sal-leth
n-aill, S.V. prull). Neuter stems in n are declined as in
Old-Irish: thus we have sg. gen. anma, s.v. Morann, dat.
anmuim, s.v. Mumu, dual nom. da n-ainm, s.v. Morann, pi. nom.
il-anmantif s.v. rout, ace. semmend, aemmandy gen. aemmend, s.v.
nescoit, dat. cmmonnaib, s.v. nemnall, rSmennaib, s.v. triath.
Comparatives in -thir are frequent: buidithir, caissidir^
cuirrithir, duibithir, glaiasidir, luaithidir — all s.v. pruU. A
superlative is nessam, s.v. ore tr^ith, from *nedh8mm0'8,
cognate with Fmbr. and Osc. neatmo-, Skr. ^nah, naddha,
nadh. So airegdam, s.v. pruU. Moaib, s.v. nemnalli is
probably a scribal error for moam, another superlative.
Infixation of pronouns is still in full force. Thus :
sg. 1, fo-m-geillsaty s.v. pdtny and imm-om-loiscet, nom-leicid-si,
rom-bia, atotn-glaite-sa, all s.v. prull,
sg. 2f ro-t-hucy s.v. mumUf and inn-ot-bia, ni-t-aicelladar, nit-
acelladar, s,y, prulL
sg. 3, masc. d: ro-d-torinnai, s.v. lethech; immi-d-comairc, s.v.
prulL . ,
dn; do-dn-gnf, s.v. nitk; do-dn-g6na, s.v. tmhaa
forosnai.
idn : ass-id-cfd, s.v. prull ; imm-id-r6t, s.v. rout.
for-idm-bi, s.v. la%th\ ar-idm-boi, s.v. xmbaB
forosnai,
tn: co-tn-gair, co-tn-aitib| no-tn-acclestar, all s.v,
lethech,
a : d-a-bir, s.v. imhas forosnai.
da: con-da-forruimi, s.y. ninus; cota-gair (=coth-
da-g.), s.v. imhas forosnai,
n : do-n-iced, s.v. nescoit ; amach-n-imp[ar3ra, 8.v.
imhas forosnai ; ta-m-bert, s.v. ore*
fern. 8 : ni-s-fuair, s.v. prull.
pi. S. da: ata-gladastar (=ad-da-g.), b,y, pruU,
OS, s: imm-os-coemorcuir, s,y. prull; do-s-leicit, ro-s-
fuair, s.v. ore.
OF OOBMAC'S QtOSSART. 153
' Infixed relative : intan didiu ro-m^bo bmitlie, s.v. letheeh ; imm-
an-dergthar, s.v. U09 ; intan tra do-p*anic, s.v. prull ; is do con-
a-secrad, s.v, mairU
The verbal forms are equally i^r^haio* Thus :
Verbal prefix infixed : f ort-ro-r-gell, s.v, %mla9 \ far-ro-laig, b.v.
letheeh; do-de-r-saig (=*to-di-ro-od-8eoh), s.v. mu^ ime\ do-r-6nad,
8,Y, prull; pi. do-r-onta, s.v. mug ime; fo-r-aobad, s.v. imhM. In
do-ind-ar-scansat (from ^-{nd-ro-scansat), s.v. mug Sme, as in /(h
ind-fur-lid (gl. subintravit) Wb. 3^ 6, and timm-ar'naif lism. Lives,
222, 225, we seem to have a metathetic form of the posttonio ro,
Orthotonic forms of compound verbs: adnmludur, s.v. tMmn;
ad-rimedy s.v. rinene; at-cess, as-bert, s.v. p9^; as-con-grad, s.v.
mugime; as-soilgi, s.v. lock; atopair, s.v. imhasforosnai; con-acrad,
s.v. letheeh ; con-daig, s.v. mug erne ; do-ad-benar, s.v. imhas faromat ;
do-aitni, s.v. samrad; do-bert, s.v. ore; do-fuisim (*to-fo-ess-sem-),
s.v. lesmae; do-fuarascaib, s.v. tmhas foromai; do-g6niy s.v. mug
erne; do-indarsoansat, s.v. miig ime; fo-r-acaib, s.v. mug erne; for->
rumither, s.v. nesedit ; imme-luinethar, s.v. loea.
Enclitic forms of compound verbs : (con)epert, s.v. mu^ hie ;
(ni)fargaib, s.v. imhas forosnai ; (hi)fairmither, s.v. neaeoit; (co nach)
tarmesca, (arna) tarmescatar, s.v. imhas forosnai; (ni) tardad, s.v.
ore ; (na) tarta, s.v. mug im$ ; (arna) eillnet, s.v. r6ut (where
eillnet stands for isslenet, cf. the orthotonic as-Unaimm, Sg. 54* 8) ;
remeperthe, s.v. prull; tait, s.v. milgetan; (na) hacaldai, s.v.
prull. In tohrethf s.v. letheeh, tohert, s.v. mug eme, and ta-m-hert,
s.v. ore, an enclitic is wrongly used for an orthotonic form.
The conjugations are still distinguished in the third sg.
present ind. act. Thus we have the following subjoined (or
* conjunct ') forms :
0- verbs: atfet, s.v. letheeh ; imm-id-r6t, s.v. rdut; atopair, s.v. imhas
forosnai; con-gair, cota-gair, dicain ihid. ; di-eim, s.v. ollam; do-beir,
da-bir, s.v. imhas forosnai; do-fuisim, s.v. lesmac; do-fuarascaib,
s.v. imhas forosnai; do-ling, 8,y. prull; do-roich, s.y, pam; do-d-roig
s.v. rdut; fargaib, s.v. imhas forosnai ; fo-cren, s.v. rdut, for-dingair,
s.vv. laithy letheeh, mairenn; con-daig, s.v. mug ime; t-ic, s.v v.
orCy dimelgg, and apparently (nad) fosad-som, s.v. legam,
a- verbs: do-bruchta, s.v. tipra; forosnai (from *for-od-sunna),
con-cna, s.v. imhas forosnai ; tim-chella, s.vv. /o^«, seeng ; fodera
(=fo-d-fera) s.v. mairenn ; do-srenga, s.v. rop.
154 MR. STOKES— -ON THE BODLEIAN PBAGMENT
e- verbs: do-d-gnf, s.v. nith; pass. sg. 3, do-gnfther, s.t. imhas
forosnai,
i-verbs: assoilgi, s.v. loch; contuili, s.v. imhas forosnai; do-
aitni, s.v. samrad; docruidi, s.v. loch ; forroimi, b,v. prull.
The so-called consuetudinal forms in -ann, "enn do not occur.
This points to a date before A.n. 1100.
Absolute forms: benuid s.v. orCy sochtaid s.v. prvlly sluinnith
s.v. laithf bfid s.v. hngfitery doithid s.v. mug dime : with suffixed
pronouns : cingth-i, s.v. pndl,^ rant-ai (=rannaith-i), s.v. ore.
Pass. sg. 3 6tithiry s.v. Idmand; bithir, s.v. imbas forosnai;
lethaidir, ferthair, s.v, Uthseh^ promthair, s.v. pain, maeltair, s.v.
rane ; pi. 3, deiligtir, s.v. triath.
Subjoined (or 'conjunct') forms: pi. 3, dofocbat, immom-loiscet,
r-ecat, s.v. pndL Do-s-leicit, s.v. ore^ should be do*8-leicet.
Pass. sg. 3 doadbenar, dognfther, s.v, imhas forosnai^ aracialltar,
fossaimther, s.v. Isgam^ imma ndergthar, s.v. leos^ oo n-oenaigtlier,
s.v. twrtgin, doberar, s.v, Uthechy imcomarcar, s.v. naimsy adfiadar,
s.v. nsscoit, fothruicther, s.v. pruU, i ngabthar, s.v« ssn; pi. 3,
i nglanaiter, ara nglanaiter, 8.v. rdut.
Reduplicated preterites are :
sg. 3, atchonnairc (^^derk^ Skr. dadarga, hihopKe), s.v. prull;
do-chuaid {^kud, Skr. eodai/dmi), s.vv. mug erne, prull ; do-doochaid,
s.vv. ninuSy prttil, roscad ; pass. sg. 3, dochuas, s.v. ore ; ra-cuala
(from *kuklave^ Skr. qu^Qva\ s.v. letheeh ; ni thanic, s.v. mug erne,
do-n-anic, s.v. prull, co famaic, s.v. ore {^ank^ Skr. y^^if , dnamga) ; ro
gdid {= Skr, jagdda), s.v. ore; dorrumidir (Goth, mitan), s.v. laith;
do coemnacair {^nank, Lat. nane-iseor), s.v. ore ; immos-coemorcuir,
s.v. prull (cf . imchomarcair, LIT. 62» 7, y/ark^ Skr. prag).
pi. 3, con-accatar (^kas, Skr. yjcaksh for cakas\ s.v. prvXl; ro
lollatar (\/Zj, Skr. -lili/e), s.v. morann; romebdatar (leg. -memdutar,
^mat, cf. Skr. mamdtha), a mbatar, s.v. prull. Absolute form:
batir, s.v. ore.
T-preterites are :
sg. 3, ro-dn-ort, s.v. lathirt (cf. ro ort * delevit,' LIT. 48®, ^org) ;
conammelt {^mel^ Lat. mofo), s.v. mug ime ; luid, do-luid (,^lu=plu),
s.w. orCy mug erne; doriucart (=*to-ro-od-gar-t), fris-gart {^y/gar^
^ Such forms originally, perhaps, belonged to the middle Toice. Tbns herxd
mav be from *b^ete=<p4p€reu, as no-bered is certainly = ^-^/prro. See II.
Coflitz in BeEZ. Beitr. xvii. 232, note, where he sug^gests that the absolute
inflection is deyeloped from the old middle, and the conjunct {'beirt^hsX, fer-t)
from the actiye.
OF OORMAC's GLOSSARY. 155
Lith. ^tWt^), s.T. prull; as-bert, s.v. lethecH; to-bert, s.v. mu^ ime,
ad-acht, 8.t. rinene (cf. do-sn-acht, imm-act, ^ag^ Lat. agOf Gr. dyw).
pi. 3, bertatar, as-bertatar, s.v. prull {^ber, Lai.fero, Gr. (Pdpu)) ;
for-m-achtatar, 8.v. mdU (cf. do-ru-acbtatar, Z'. 457, ^aky
8kr. ag).
Reduplicated future: sg. 1» ni geb-sa, s.v. mttg Sme; sg. 2,
asbdra, s.t. lethsch; sg. 3, do-dn-gena, s.v. imhas ftfrosnai ; ass-m-
bSra, B.T. Utheeh. Secondary form, sg. 3, nach ep^rad, s.v. morann,
S-future, sg. 2, ui naiss, s.v. mdl; deponential : meser, s.v^
ugimlas ; sg. 3, ara udig, s.v. rdui : dep. cini fiastar, s.v. pam ; pi.
3 (relative), cicbsite, s.v. tnann. Secondary forms : sg. 3, co feissed,
ara tissed, 8. v. Utheeh ; co taudcbissed, s.v. ore} The curious form
iwrthu^ s.v. r6ut, seems=iMr<ii, the secondary redupl. s-fut. of
wrgimy^ plus a suffixed pron. of the 3rd plur., just as iMhund,
LU. 108* 19, iB^iurad plus a suffixed pron. of the 1st plur.
Passive forms of the verb substantive are bithir, s.v. tmhas
farommiy and -tathar, s.v. pndL £eihir, -Mher occurs in the
Wurzborg codexf but I have not met tdthar in Old-Irish.
So much from the grammarian's point of view. To the
lexicographer all the articles now published, but especially
rane and rdut, are of value. The historian of the move-
ments of races in the British islands will find one of his
most trostworthy documents in the article Miigh ^me. Irish
folklore and mythology are illustrated by the articles Imbass
faraanai, Lugnamd, Leas, Mil/iud, Morand, Mugh Sme, Man*
annan mac lir, N^it, Ninus, Ruad ro/easa, Sin, and Triath :
Irish manners and customs by Laarg, Leithech, Milgetan^
and Ollam: Irish law by Matt, Mann, Noe, Noes, Neas^
Segamla and Sau : Irish romance by Nescdit, Ore, Prull,
Rinene, and Serb. All these matters are more fully
noticed in the preface to Three Irish Olossaries, and in
the annotations to O'Donovan's translation of Oormac's
Glossary, To that preface and those annotations the notes
at the end of this paper may be taken as supplemental.
W. S.
> See as to iurad 'occideret,' Thumeysen, Retue Celtique, vi. 96, 372, note,
and Hogan, ibid. yiii. 636. With Ir. or^tm, cf. the O.W. orpiat (gl. caesar,
i.e. eaesor), and Gaol. Orgtlo^m, which Penaon connects with Gr. ip4xB»,
156 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
FRiaifENT OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY.
Laud 610.
[fo. 79».] hurusa a thascelad ind.
IMbas forosnai .i. dofuarascaib 8echi[p]ret bas maitb lasin filid
7 bas adlacc ' do doiaillsigod. Is amlaid on didiu dognfther on
.i. concnd infill mfr dochamu dirg muiee nd chon no cbaitt, 7 dabir
iarum forlicc iarcul nacomlad, 7 dicbain* dicbetal fair, 7 ato[d]pair
do deib idol, 7 cotagair do, 7 nifargaib iarum amabaracb, 7 dicain ^
iarum foradabais,^ 7 congair deo * idol chuici ama tarmescat[b]ar •
achotluth, 7 dobeir adabois imadaleccoinn ^ 7 contuili, 7 bithir
oca[f]horairi amacb nimpra^ 7 connacb tarmesca* necb, 7 do
adbenar*® do iarum anf aridmboi" cocend nomaithe" no ado nd
atrf fut gardi cotmeiss^(^ '^ occond audbairt. JSt ideo imbas dieitur
.i. bas disiu 7 bass anall imacenn. Atrarpi'* Patraicc anisein 7
atenm laida, 7 f(j>rtrorgell " [a briathar] napa[d]nime na talman
naoboen dodngena, ar is diultud bathiss. [col. 2] Dicbetal dochen-
daib immorro i core^ cberdse foracbad^^ son, ar issoas fot^ra son,
7 nibecen audpairt do demnaib occu, acht aisn6i& dicbendaib
achname focbetoir.
Laech .i. a laico. Laicbes .i. laecb 7 fess : is^^ dinfess foas la laecb.
Ligur .i. tengu,
Lugna8a[d] .i. nasad Loga maio Etblend .i. oenaob nofertba
laissom imtbaitti fogomair.
Lelap .i. laulep .i. lau cech mbec.
Lesmac .i. lismac .i. arindi dofuisim liss dond[f]ir nd donmnai
inti is lesmac donecbtar de. Sfc lessathair 7 lesmatbair. Les'^
daTio qmai lis ^^ .i. immorgal ^ no debuid.
Legam .i. ligem, dindlige liges anetag. [K6] ligditb .i. aitb fri
liga. M ariu em nad fosadsom^^ fri oacb n6tach cenibetis liga
imbi, acbt ismenciu aracialltar^ 7 fossaimtber an^tacb liga quam
aliud uestimentum.
1 adlaic, T. ' d6cai, L. ' dochain, Y. * foradibois, T. • wr, T. ;
dano, L. ^ tarmascthar, Y. "^ adibois ima dilecain, Y. ^ n-impairae, Y.
® toirmescae, Y. *o doadbanar, Y. ^i aradmbi, Y. 1* ndmaide, Y.
^^ fut ngair ^omessad, Y. ** Atrorbe, Y. '* fotroirgell, Y. i* fodracbad
son i corus cerdae, Y. " tiCf Y. ; 7, L. ^* Lis, L. *® liss, L. '° imargail, Y. ;
imorgal, L. '^ na denand som fos, LB. ^^ araciallathar, Y.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 157
TRANSLATION.
easy to disclose it therein.
Imhaa fwroma ' Manifestation that enlightens ' : (it) discovers
what thing soever the poet likes and which he desires to reveal.
Thus then is that done. The poet chews a piece of the red flesh
of a pig, or a dog, or a cat, and puts it then on a flagstone
behind the door-valve, and chants an incantation over it, and offers
it to idol gods, and calls them to him, and leaves them not on the
morrow, and then chants over his two palms, and calls again idol
gods to him, that his sleep may not he disturbed. Then he puts
his two palms on ids two cheeks and sleeps. And men are watch-
ing him that he may not turn over and that no one may disturb him.
And then is revealed to him that for which he was (engaged) till
the end of a ndmad (three days and nights) or two or three for the
long or the short time (?) that he may judge himself (to be) at
the offering. And therefore it is called Imm-baSy to wit, a palm
{has) on this side and a palm on that around his head.
Patrick banished that and the Tenm Idida ' illumination of song,'
and declared that no one who shall do that shall belong to heaven
or earth, for it is a denial of baptism. Dichetal do chennaih
* extempore incantation,' however, that was left, in right of art,
for it is science that causes it, and no offering to devils is necessary,
but a declaration from the ends of his bones at once.
Laech * hero ' from laicm. Laichess * heroine,' that is laech and
fees * sleep : ' it is from the sleep which she sleeps with the hero;
Ziffor, that is * tongue.'
Lugnanad * lammas-day,' that is the festival {nasad) of Lugh, son
of Ethliu, to wit, a fair that was held by him at the beginning of
autumn.
Lelap * child,' that is lau-lep, Lau is everything small.
Lesmae 'step-son,' that is Us-mae, because dissension (lis) is
caused to the husband or to the wife by him who is step-son to
either of them. Even so Us-athair 'step-father,' and les-mathair
* step-mother.' Les, then, quasi /»», that is * contest or quarrel.'
Legam * moth,' that is Ugemy from the licking with which it
licks the raiment, or Ug-dtthf that is, * sharp against colours.*
Not because it does not settle on every cloth, though there be no
colours thereon, but the coloured cloth is perceived (?) and is settled
on oftener than another vesture.
158 MR. STOKES — ON THB BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Lecconn .i. leccend .i. leth chenn.
Lassamuin ab eo quod est lass- [coL 3] -im .i. cech n^.
Lemlacht .i. lacht t^ith .i. lem cech t^ith.
Loch dede fordingair .i. loch .i. dub. rmde dieitur assoilgi laith
loch bronna .i. dub bronna .i. cid dorche samud cdich 7 cid rundae ^
riam 7 iarum, docruidi aruna laith do 61. Loch dano .i. huili, tuk^
dieitur loch dub .i. hnile dub.
Laarg .i. leo ball 7 arg .i. laech. ball, dagldich insin .i.
ahage.'
Lam .i. luam in ' chuirp.
Lamas .i. lamtbss .i. foss l&me.
Ldmand .i. \6m ind .i. ind na laime etithir * di.
Lautu .i. lau cech mbeco .i. m6r is lugu fil forsinlaim.^
Lie ab eo quod est lidos greice et interpretatur lapis.
Laith .i. d6de fordingair .i. laith gaile 7 lAiih .1. med* ut
pra^iximus etir laithi Lugbai [li sula sochar, F.] .i. ameid Lugbai
cherrda dorrumidir Fachtna anargat amaba 7 rl. INtan tra as
forsail foridmbi issand sluinnit[h] ^ hoc.
Langphetir .i. aiugliss insin. lang didiu A. fottae, phetir
immorro .i. glass, langphetir didiu A. glas fota .i. itir chois
n£arthair [fo. .79^] 7 chois nairthir bfid.* Non sfc aurchomul .i.
aur accomol .i. itir dichoiss airthir bfd son.
Lecht ab eo quad est lectus.
Long bis formuir, ab eo quod est longa.'
Luachair .i. taitnem, ab eo quod est luceo vel lux^^ quasi
lucar.
Lebor quasi libor .i. a libro.
Lott quasi lott, ar is lott do mnai mertrichus.
Lath quasi, luth" [.i. iarsinnf luthas].
Loman .i. lorn fann, sech is lorn is fann.
Lathirt .i. laith ort .i. laith rodnort .i. 61 corma.
Lugbort melitM est .i. lubgort^' .i. luib gort, ut dieitur gort
luibe.
no
laini
• longa(
etst .1. luigbort, .1. luib goirt, ut dica^wr, L.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 159
Zeceonn ' cheek,' that is leceenn, that is ' half/ lethf * head/ cenn,
LoMamuin * flamy,' from lassitn * everything hright.'
Lemlaeht * new milk,' that is smooth milk, for lem is everything
smooth.
Loch means two things, to wit, loch 'dark,' whence is said 'ale
opens dark wombs,' that is, though dark be every one's council,
and though it be secret before and after, to drink ale elicits (?) ^
its secrets. Zoeh, moreover, means ' all,' whence is said loehdub,
that is ' all black.'
Laarg 'fork,' that is leo 'limb' and arg 'champion,' a good
champion's limb is that, that is, his joint {i.e. his honorific portion
of food).
Ldm ' hand,' that is pilot {luam) of the body.
Ldmos ' sleeve,' that is Idm-fosa, that is the resting-place (Joss)
of the arm.
Ldmand ' glove,' that is Idm-ind, i.e. the end {ind) of the hand
(Jam) is clad thereby.
Lautu 'the little finger,' i.e. lau is everything small, for it is
the smallest finger on the hand.
Lie ' stone,' from the Greek \t0o9f and it is interpreted lapis,
Laithy two things it means, i.e. laith ' a valiant hero,' and Idith
'a measure,' as we said before. 'Between the scales of Lugba,' ....
that is, ' in the balance of Lugba the goldsmith Fachtna adjusted
the money for the cows.' It is when 9kfarsail ' mark of length ' is
upon it that it signifies this.
Zangphelir, 'spancel,' that is English : lang then means 'long,'
and phetir means * fetter.' Langphetir then means a long fetter —
between a hind-foot and a fore-foot. Not so is aurehomul, i.e. aur
' front,' aceomol * binding,' that is, between two fore-feet.
Leeht ' sepulchre,' from lectus.
Long ' ship,' which is on the sea, from long a.
Luaehair * brightness,' from luceoy or lux quasi lucar,
Lehor ' book,' as if libor, i.e. from liber.
' LoU ' harlot,' quasi lot ' destruction,' for harlotry is destruction
to a woman.
Ldth ' hero,' quasi luth 'motion,' because he moves with suppleness.
Lommann * cloak,' that is lomm-fann, because it is bare (lomm)
and weak (Jann).
Lathirty ' drunkenness,' that is laitk-ort, i.e. laith ' liquor,'
rodn-ort ' destroyed him,' that is a drinking of ale.
Lugbort, better Lubgori ' herb- garden,' i.e. luib 'herb,' gort
' garden ' : as it) said, gort luibe, a garden of herbs.
1 Cf. ro-cruidi, Fcl. ep. 136.
160 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Lfn .i. a Hno. L6ne a Ifnfa.
Lanamain .i. Mn-somuin insin,^ aris leth-somuin nechtar de
Becharaile.'
Lethech .i. deide for[d]ingair .i. ainm [ce^amus] docheneliu eisc
dianid ainm [lethech] .i. ara lethet 7 ara thanadetaid, ar is mor
lethet neich de bfs' in ociano. Ainm dono do losait, aiindi
lethaidir bargin fuirri, &mal ishert Cruiteni [file] fechtas luid
dothig alaile eicis 7 agilla leis .i. ecsini [e]side com^main
fithidrea.* Farrolaig didiu Cruiteni fadesin himmaig. Leicis agilla
do hoigidecht* dothig indeicis. Tobreth* didiu tarr tuire do
iscab^il' 7 ro [col. 2] boi calleic inteices occacallaim indeicsine,
7 occur sula tar a frithgnam. Borathaigestar ^ iarum inteices
mor-m^main indeicsine 7 laget afrithgnama. Intan didiu rombo
bruithe intairr asb^rt inteices fiadindecsiniu .i. *Dofotha tairr
tein ' .i. ismithig athicseil dintein,* 7 ba *® cofeiss^i son ciafrecra
dob^ad inteicsine do, fobith rachualasom inteices ocga[u]maidim ^^
alanaile nairecc ningantae amal bidhe feisin aratiss^^^^ 7 niro
[creit]son immorro inteces," [Ba aire atbert inteces] dopromad
indeicsine .i. Hofotha tairr tein,' et tribw« uicibw« dixit, et non
respondit ei ad uUum u^bum. Laissein didiu attraig inteicsine
7 teit cossinmbale ^* imbai Cruiteni, 7 atfet scela do, 7 asb^rt
f/is anai these roradi inteces .i. * tofotha tairr tein.' * Maith,' ol
Cruiteni, * intan assmbera^* affrisi" asb^asa fris occa .i. *T6i lethaig
foin fris. [adaind indlis .i. toi lossait faon fris] .i. fon tairr,
7 frisindle chaindill do deicse" d^* inbruithe intairr.' INtan
didiu dofessid inteicsine isintig thall [79^ 3. J dixit intecess acetnae,
et dixit inteicsini [col. 3] *T6e lethaig' 7rl 'Maith son,' ol
inteces, *ni bru ecsini rodtorinnai : ^® isin ocus ata Cruiteni.
Cotngair demuig ! ' Conacrad iarum. Ferthair failti fris, 7
dob^rar biad naill hicoiri dosuidiu, 7 babecc a m^nmae de ineicsine
fobith cotnuaitib ^* inteces cein notnaiclestar ^ Cruitini.
Leos immdergad^^ immandergthar duine iamahair no iama-
hecndug.
1 For insin, Y. has 0 each dib dia chelei. ' Y. adds : Aliter lanamain quasi
lenamain, arni fil etarscarad doib acht ar Dia. ^ nich bis de, L. ^ fithidire, Y.
* do huigidecht, L. ; do aigidecht, L.B. * Dobreth, Y. ' iscabul, Y.
^ Eorataid, Y. ® athiscal do teinidh, Y. ^® isba, L. " oc gmnaidim,
Y. 1* arabissed no araradissed, Y. ^' inteigsin, Y. 1* maighin, Y.
^* assinbera, L. *® doridisi, LB.* " dia deicsin, Y. ** rotormai a
inne, Y. ; rotoirae no rotorma, LB. ^^ cotnaitib, Y. ^ cech notnaichlestar,
L. ; ce chotnaiclestar, Y. '^ inmdergad, L.
OF OORMAC's GLOSSARY. 16X
Zln * flax,' from linum ; lene ' shirt/ from lima.
Ldnomain *a married couple,' i.e. Idn-somain 'full property,'
for each without the other is only a half property.
Lethechf two things it means: it is a name for a kind of flsh,
because of its breadth and its thinness, for great is the breadth
of it that is in the ocean. It is also a name for a kneading-
trough, because a cake is spread {lethaidir) on it, as Cruitene said
once when he went to the house of a certain poet having with
him his gillie, a bardling he, with a teacher's pride. Cruitene
himself remained outside, and sent his gillie for guesting to the
poet's house. Then a hog's belly was given the bardling in a
caldron, and meanwhile the poet began conversing with him, and
casting an eye on his diligence (in preparing the meat). Then
the poet perceived the great pride of the bardling and the small-
ness of his diligence. So when the belly was boiled, the poet
said in the bardling's presence, Bofotha tairr tettif that is, 'it
is time to take it off the fire ; ' and [it was in the poetic dialect
he spoke], in order that he might know what answer the bardling
would give him, because the poet had heard him falsely boasting
of certain wonderful inventions, as if it were he himself that
had invented them. But the poet did not believe that, and
therefore he said, to prove the bardling, Dofotha tairr tein. Thrice
he said it, and not even a word he got in answer. "With that
the bardling rises and goes to the stead where Cruitene was
staying, and tells him his tales, and repeated the words which
the poet had uttered, even Dofotha tairr tein, "Good," quoth
Cruitene : " when he says them again, thou shalt say to him, Toi
hthaig foin fris adaind ind lis^ i.e. ' put a kneading-trough under it,
{i.e, under the belly), and light a candle to see whether the belly
is boiled.' So when the bardling (returned and) sat down in the
house there, the poet said the same, and the bardling replied, * Toi
lethaifff^ etc. ' That is good ! ' saith the poet : ' it is not a bardling's
womb that hath produced it : Cruitene is at hand : call him from
without.' So then he was called: welcome is made to him, and
other food is put for him into the caldron ; and small was the pride
of the bardling because the poet had mocked him until Cruitene
had spoken to him.
Xeo8, a blush wherewith a person is reddened after being satirized
or reviled.
PMl. Trans. 1891-8-3. 11
162 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Loes .i. suilse, ut eat inDuil [Roscad] : griii[n]iud lois .i.
dibdud^ suilsi .i. caindli. Item aiged fir imme lois luinethar .1.
immatimcliella ' suilse.
Luachamn .i. quasi lucemn .i. a lucema.
Modebroth, oP Patraicc, quod Scoti corrupte dicunt. sic autem
dici debet .i. muin duiu braat. amain didtu is meus, anduiu is d^s,
ambraut is iudex.
Marcc .i. ech. marcaoh .i. eich imdai laiss) ut dieitur buasacb
infer lasambit bai imdai, airmnech dano infer tecbta« arbur nimdai
7rl. Sfc airgtech,* coilcthech.
Mathair qemsi ma^^r, ariss«(^ rotruaillned and.
Mid .i. combrece rotruaillned and .i. med.
Metbil quasi metil, ab eo quod est meta ° ve\ meto.
[fo. 80*. J Muccairbi .i. mac fuirmid .i. is mac dan dofuirem* adana.
Malland .i. f^ith bis tarsa mullag anuas, quasi mulland.
Mass quasi a ma[s]sa.''
Milliud quasi misilliud .i. silliud olc.^
Mf scath ^ .i. mi insce. scath .i. insce.
Milgetan .i. Mol-cbuiten .i. ouit Muil dorsada Temrach. Mol
didtu a ainm side, deg in muil noferad foma duinib *** .i. tait
ass, tait ind. inde dieitur molacb.
Melgg as, arindi mblegair." Melgg dawo .i. bds, unde melg-tene
•i. tene mbais.
Morann .i. morfind. bahed insin ahainm dob^rt amatbair do,
7 asb^rt robad bibdu" bais nacb eberad" fris [anainm sin],
Mao muin immorro issed ainm dob^ aatha[i]r do .i. ba muin
maitb inmac. 7 ba bidbu bais nach ep^rad fris iuainmsin.
Eolellatar " iarum a da nainm infer in dun " oenanma. Mac som
Choirpri Cbind chaitt immorro.
[80, col. 1.] Menath .i. min dith.
Moth .i. each ferdae .i. cech [fer-] insce, et nomen [est] uirili
membro.^®
Man .i. a manu.
* didbdud, L. ; dlbad, LB. * immathimchela, L. ; imaiimchella, Y.
3 od, L. * airgthech, L. ; air^tec, Y. ; airgdech, LB. ^ A. buain, Y.
6 du fuirim, Y. '' .1. on cMr, Y. * drochsilliw^?, Y. » Missach
.i. inimsce, L. ^^ forsna d6mib, Y. " melgair, L. ; blegar, Y.
12 bidbu, L; bidba, Y. and LB. i» naclTijitnepred, Y. " Rdeltar, t.;
rolenustar, LB. " indun, Y. ; arson, LB. i» .1. ball ferrda, Y.
OF COKMAC'S GLOSSARY. 163
Loes 'light/ as is in tlie Book of Maxims, grinniud lois, i.e.
extinction of a light, i.e. a candle. Also aigedfir imme his luinethar,
' the face of a man which light surrounds.'
Zuaeham ' a lamp/ quasi lueem from lucerna,
Modehroth, says Patrick, which the Scoti say corruptly. It should
be said thus : mum Duiu hraut : the muin, then, is * my,' the Dm'u
is * God,' the hraut is 'judge.'
Mare 'horse,' mareaeh 'one who has many horses,' ut dicitur
huasach, the man who has many cows, airmnechy the man who
owns much com, etc. Even so atrgteeh, ' a moneyed man,' coilcteeh^
' one having quilts.'
Mdthair ' mother,' quasi mater, for this was corrupted in it.
Mid ' mead.' "Welsh was corrupted in it, to wit med,
Methil ' a party of reapers,' quasi metil, from nteta or meto,
Mueeairhe, that is a maefuirmid (a poet of the sixth grade)
Malland, a vein that is across the crown of the head (mullach),
quasi mulland.
Mass ' a mass,' as if from massa.
MilUtid ' destruction,' quasi mi-silliud, i.e. evil-eyeing.
Miseath *a curse,' i.e. mi-inaee 'evil-word,' seath, i.e. word.
Milgetan, i.e. Mol-ehuiten, the share of Mol, the door-keeper of
Tara. Mol, then, was his name because of the talk (mol) which
he used to hold with the people, to wit, * Go out ! Go in ! ' Hence
is said molach ' hoarse.'
Melg ' milk,' because it is milked (melgair). Melg, also, * death,'
whence melg-tene, that is fire of death.
Marann, that is mdr^find, i.e. great-fair. That was his name
that his mother gave him, declaring that whoever should say that
name to him would be guilty of death. Mac-mdin was the name
that his father gave him, i.e. the son (mac) was a good treasure
{mdin), and whoever should say that name to him would be guilty
of death. So his two names clave to the man instead of one
name. He was son of Coirpre Catshead.
Menath * an awl,' i.e. min ' small,' dith ' sharp.'
Moth, everything masculine, i.e. every masculine word, et nomen
uirili membro.
Man ' hand,' from mantis.
164 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMBITr
Manach .i. a monacho.^
Monach .i. clessach, ab eo quod est mon .i. cles.
Methoss .i. a meta.'
Molad [fo. 80, col. 2.] [.i. mol-sod] .i. is mol ara menci
7 i3[86]od aragiiaith[ch]i.
Menmchossach .i. m^mae chassach .i. caingnech, [lais].
Muirtcbend .i. ab eo quod est morticinium.'
Muilend .i. mol 7 ond .i. clocb, aris^ d6de asmnilend immulinn.*
Mertrech ab eo quod est meretrix, merendo pretium stupri.'
Matt .i. mucc, wide est tsna Brethaib Kerned .i. forraachtatar
mdtta mothuindi torgabail 7rl.
Mann .i. unge .i. \mde Sencha dtxi^ :
Mo ailib imdergad Emnae.
Admiudur de secht cactu cichsite crisu.
Secht mugu moigfite morgnimu mugsaine.
Secht manna 6ir forloiscthi * frifialgnuis ^ cona chaurathaib
Conchobuir.
Munnu .i. mo finnu ' .i. ainm buide Fintain enim dicttM est .i.
uni^ Moedoc Eema dtxtY oco dir Munnu mate Tulchain :
A chel^n D6 chumachtaig !
a mate Tulchain, a bachlaich !
rue mac nannsae ' diamuintir
mathair rothuc, a Eintain !
Milis quasi mellis .i. isinand 7 mel.
Mai .1. ri ^^ 7 fill, Made dtcitur Ni naiss or " na hargatt [fol. 80,
col. 3.1 acht for mdl.
Mairenn .i. dede fordingair. ainm cetamtM domnai .i. morfind.
ainm dano do gai .i. mfrind^' .i. droch rind .i. fodera bds.
Mugeme ainm incetna oirc cetarabe inH6re .i. Coirpri Muso ceta
tucside in Ere atirib Bretan. Ar intan ropumor cumachta nan-
Goedel forBretnaib " rorannsat Albain eturru hiferanna, 7 rofitir
dLch durais diacharait ^^ leo. 7 nibu lugu notrebtafs Goedil ^^ ffimuir
anair quam in Scotia, 7 doronta anairusa ^' 7 arigduine and. Inde
[dicitur] Dind Tradui .i. dun tredui ^^ .i. tredue Crimthain Moir mate
' manacho, L. ; manco, T. ' on crich, Y. • .!. marbadh, Y.
* is muilend inmullnn, L ; is muilend immuilend, Y. ; asmaillem immuilend,
LB. ^ .i. dligid si fiach a saothair, Y. ' aithlegtha, LB. ^ fialniwM, Y.
** mo a finda, Y. ^ L. insert* rue nansae. ^^ Y. interU 7 cis. '^ 6ir, L.
" mlrfind, L. " L. and H. insert 7. "7a caruid, H. " goedelo, L. ;
gaoidil, Y. ^' anoirse, H. anairlisi, Y. ^^ »ic H. tradui, L.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 163
Jfanach ' a monk,' from tnonachus.
Monach * tricky/ from mon * a trick.'
Methoss * a goal/ from meta.
Molad 'praise/ i.e. mol *a mill-shaft/ from its frequency, and
B6d * turning/ from its usualness.
Mmmchoasachy i.e. menmae 'a mind' eassaeh 'disputatious' hath he.
Muirtchenn * carrion/ from mortmnium.
Muilend 'a mill/ i.e. mol 'mill-shaft/ and ond ' stone/ for these
are the two things that are together.
Mertrech ' harlot/ from meretrix ; being entitled to (merendo)
the price of her defilement.
Matt *pig/ whence in the Judgments of the I^otables, mdtta
' pigs ' have attacked my . . . . , etc.
Mann * an ounce/ whence Sencha said :
* Greatest of disgraces is the reproach of Emain.
I adjudge therefor seven bondmaids who will embroider (?) girdles :
Seven slaves who will perform the great works of slavery,
Seven ounces of refined gold for a noble face, with Conor's
champions.'
Munnu, i.e. mo Ftnnu, * my Finnu,' a loving name. Finntan was
so called. Hence said Maedoc of Ferns when satirizing Munnu,
son of Tulchan :
0 little vassal of mighty God !
0 son of Tulchan, 0 shepherd !
She bore a child troublesome to his family
The mother who bore thee, 0 Finntan.
Milts * sweet,' quasi mellis : it is the same as mel * honey.'
Mdl * king' and ' poet.' Hence is said, ' Thou shalt not bind gold
or silver except on a mdlJ
Matrenny two things it means, first, it is a name for a woman,
i.e. mdr-find * great-fair :' then it is a name for a spear, i.e. mi-rind
* evil point,' that is, it causes death.
Magh-ime * slave of hilt,' the name of the first lapdog which
was in Ireland. Coirpre Muse, he first brought one into Ireland
out of the lands of the Britons. For at that time, great was
the power of the Gaels over Britain, and they divided Albion
among them into estates, and each of them knew his friend's
abode. And the Gaels used to dwell to the east of the sea not less
than in Scotia. And their dwellings and their royal forts were built
therein. Hence is said Bind Tradui, i.e. Dun Tredui, i.e. the triple
166 MR. STOKES^ — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Eidaig .i. rf Heirenn 7 Alban comuir nicht. 7 inde est Glassdinibir
[na nGoidel] .i. cell forbru mara hlcht. l^ed aruiss insin irrobai
Glass mac Caiss muicid righ. Hirhuaithi occmucaib for mess, 7 ish^
insin dodersaig ^ Patraicc iartain .1. se fichit ' bliadnae iam[a]guiii
dofiannaib Mate Con, 7 is dindraindsin beos ata Dind Map Letani '
liitfrib Bretan Com .i. Dun mac Liathan [ar is mac innf as map
isin Bretnus]. Sic rorann c«u3h cen61 disiu, arroboi achutmmu allse
anair, 7 robatar fonohumachtu sin cociana cid iartichtain Patraicc.
Disin tra didtu roboi Coirpri [fo. 80^, col. 1] Muse occ aithigid
sair coamuintir 7 coacairdea. Nithanic didiu indinbuidsin oircci
tir B&irenn, 7 ascongrad * laBretnu natarta * oirei indail nahaiscid
nacaratrad na commain doGoed^/ai3.
IShi tra cain roboi indinbaid si laBretna: Ceeh bidbu innacUnaid
doneoch foroesad [a chdin].*
(£oi) di^tu oirei aimind^ isseilb charat Choirpri Muse hitirib
Brettan, 7 atroe ® Coirpri huad. Dochuaid dawo Coirpri corfectais
do athaigsidi,^ 7 forrice ^° failti act immonoirci. Scfan amrae dano la
Coirpri Muse 7 imdenam de or 7 do argat imaheimh, 7 baset amrae
7rl. Tob^rt i&Tum Coirpri beoil eomor 7 conammelt saill fo an em.*^
Po/acaib inscin arbelaib indoirci. Bogab iar^m intoirci cocnam
indeme comatain .i. roluited iarum inseian (^onabud alain[d] ^^
[i]amabarach. Dogeni iart^m Coirpre cais moir desin, 7 ba
bronach, 7 condaig cert nimbi coacharaitt. '^Indraicside, dano;
[col. 2.] icfasa inchinaid/' ollsuide. "Nigebsa," ol Coi[r]pr«,
** acht hi fil hi cain Bretan .i. each bibdu ^* inachinaid.'* " larsein,
tra, dobreth ^* intoirci innachinaid, 7 dobreth " ainm do .i. Mug
heme.
Ba banchu, tra, intoirci, 7 batorrach intan dobreth taaiis anall.
Ailill Flann Bee, tra, ba ri Mmnan intansin, 7 Qormac hua Cnind
hinigu Temrach. Do indarscansat sidi fochetoir cuinghid [7
cosnam] indoirci. Ishe iaxum omth rocoraiged etuira atrinr,
aimser chinti dobeith donchoin hitig cachae. Doithid iartim incu
[7] rohuc each cuilen di[a3citain9 ^^ 7 is onchoinsin oirei Heix^nm,
ut Scoti p^hibent.
^ dedersaich, H. ; loderatag, Y. and LB. ' fithit, L. ' den romd beoe
sen ata dind mapledhain, H. ^ isracongradli, H. * (K)nat&rda, T.
9 forsesed a chain no fomaanadfad ichaan, T. ; joteaaed a canain, H. ; nofnaana-
bad cain, LB. "^ anniod, L. ^ contori, LB. ^ atiocsufe, H.
atsaighid, Y. ^* Hcy Y. ; forioc H. ; coi&taic, LB. We shonld perhaps
read forrdnic, the perf. eg. 3 of forieim, ^^ beoil comor ima neim 7
conammailt saill 7 bosaill foa, Y. ^^ conarbo aloinn, H.. ^' bidhdn, L.
bidba, H. ^* each rob ina chin, LB. " dobretha, ' Y. ; tncad, LB.
16 rolil, LB. ^^ Y inserts conaprait aceli iiade 7 randsat fir Eirenn etoira.
>>/
OF COBMAC'S GLOSSARY. 167
loss of Crimthann the Great, son of Fidacli, king of Ireland and
of Albion as far as the Ictian Sea, and hence is Glastonbury of
the Gaels, a church on the brink of the Ictian Sea. That is
the residence in which dwelt Glass, son of Cass, the King of
Hiruath's swineherd, with his swine mast-feeding, and it is he that
Patrick afterwards raised from the dead, six score years after he had
been slain by the Fianns of Mac Con. And from that division also,
in the lands of the Cornish Britons stands Dind Map Letan, that is,
the fort of the sons of Liathan, for mac * son,' is the same as map
in the British. Thus every tribe divided on that side, for its
property on the east was equal to that on the west, and they
continued in this power long after the coming of Patrick. Hence
Coirpre Muse was paying a visit in the east to his family and his
friends. At that time no lapdog had come to the land of Erin,
and the Britons proclaimed that no lapdog should be given to
Gaels in partition, or gift, or friendship, or barter.
I^ow at that time the Britons had this law : * Every criminal for
his crime to him whose law he shall have infringed.'
There was a beautiful lapdog in the possession of a friend of
Coirpre Muse in the lands of the Britons, and Coirpre got it from
him thus : Coirpre once went to his house, and was made welcome
to everything save the lapdog. l^ow Coirpre had a wonderful
dagger, with an adornment of gold and silver on its hilt. It was
a marvellous jewel. So Coirpre put much grease upon it, and
rubbed bacon to its haft, and left the dagger before the lapdog.
The lapdog took to gnawing the hilt til! morning, and the dagger
was injured so that on the morrow it was not beautiful. Then
Coirpre made great complaint thereof, and was mournful for
it, and demandeth justice for it of his friend. * That is fair
indeed. I will pay for the crime,' said he. * Nought will I take,*
says Coirpre, * save what is prescribed in the law of the Britons,
namely, every criminal for his crime.' So after that the lapdog
was surrendered for its crime, and a name was given to it, even
Mug-ime ' slave of hilt.'
Now the lapdog was a bitch, and was in pup when it was taken
over to Ireland. Ailill Flann the Little was then King of
Munster, and Cormac, grandson of Conn, was then in the king-
ship of Tara. These began at once to demand and contend for
the lapdog. This is the way in which matters were arranged
between the three of them; that the bitch should be a certain
time in the house of each. Then the bitch litters, and each of
them took a pup of her litter ; and from that bitch come (all) the
lapdogs of Ireland^ as the Irish declare.
168 MR. STOKES— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Bamarb tra intoirci. larreib cianaibi immorro, fofuair Connlae
mac Taidg mah Cein mate Ailella O'luim clocenn lorn indoirci,
7 dobert^ hiceist dondfilid doluid conairchetul ' dia athair .i.
Moen mac Etnae nomen poetee illius. Tethnae iarum, inteces tre
tenm laido, eone^ert : * Cain tonna [tige ^] hui [fo. 80^, col. 3]
Eogain,* fth hitig hiii Chuind cachthddatb tobaraind.* Basa coem
hitig Choirpri Muse, aMug beme. Cend Moga beime inso,' olse,
•incetna boirce dobretb* inHerind.*
Mumu de nomine alieuius regis, id est Eocbu Garb Mumu .i.
Eocbo Murao .i. mo agreimm 7 agreitt 7 acbumacbtae oldds cacbri,
7 i8di[a]anmuiin robainmniged Mumu 7 Muimnig dicuntwr.''
Mug quasi mucb, aris fo muicb 7 fo tbodemam fognama bis.
MugsaiDB .i. quasi mug snime .i. snim bfss ^ for m^nmain inmoga.
Mucb ^ tra ainm saindiles dodiaid, un^^^ dteituT mucbad.
Mil .1. mel rotruaillned ann.
Midacb qitasi medic, ab eo quod est medict^^.^^
Mer arindi isaboenur bitb ^* isind alt imbi .i. innameracbt, 7
isaboenur teit ^^ qti^si merulus .i. Ion, et inde memlus graece quod
uolat solus, ^^ 7 nfgnatb en aile cid diacbinel fodeisin inacoimtecbt.
Meracbt quasi meriebt .i. iebt n6 aebt mer .i. gnim mer ab
eo quod est actus.'*
Mairt .i. a Marte .i. 0 dia cbatba la genti dianid ainm Mars,
is do conasecrad ^^ allatbisin [fo. 81% col. 1] 7 inmi dianid ainm
Martins .i. mf marta.
Mfndecb quasi mendio .i. ab eo quod est mendiciM.^*
Mart a morte, quasi mort."
Mortlaitb .i. a mortalitate.*®
Manannan mac lir .i. cennaigi amrae roboi inninis Manand. Isb6
luam ^® isdecb roboi formuir iniartbar domuin. Bofinnad trianem-
gnacht (.i. gne nime) .i. tria deicsin indaeoir,** inderet nombiad
int8uitbnenn[7 in doinenn] " 7 intan conoemcblabad ** cechtarde
arre. inde Scoti et Britones eum deum maris uoeau^runt, et
inde filium maris esse dixerunt .i. mac lir ; et de nomine Manann
insola ^ Manannan dicta ^ est.
^ combert, LB. ^ donaircetiil, L. ; co n-&i [-i.] airchetul, LB. ' «<?, H.
* ecgom, L. ^ cech tratha dobarind, H. ' dbbretha, LB. "^ dicantur, L. ;
dicunt, Y. * L. omits ; biss, Y. ; ibs, LB. » Mug, L. ; much, Y. and LB.
^" .i. liagh, Y. ; liaigh, LB. i' arindi bis ina aonar, Y. ^* isin aonar imteit, Y.
*^ .1. etellaigid [a]aonar, Y. ^* .1. gnim, Y. " condosecrad, Y. *• bregach, Y.
" morte, L. ; mort .i. on b&ss, Y. ** on mortlaitb, Y. " luamaire, Y.
20 tria deicsin gne in nime .i. in aeoir, Y. *^ ind airet nobitb indtsoinind 7
ind donend, Y. ^^ coclaocblobadb, Y. ; nosclaechl6bad, LB . ^ insole, L.
** dicattM, L.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 169
Now the lapdog died, and long afterwards Connlae, son of Tadg,
son of Cian, son of Ailill Bare-ear, found the bare skull of the
lapdog, and took it as a puzzle to the poet who had come with
a eulogy to his father. Moen, son of Etna, was that poet's name.
Then the poet solved it by tenm Idido * illumination of song,' and
said * Cain tonna, etc., Thou wast dear in the house of Coirpre
Muse, 0 Mugh-eme.' This, says he, * is the head of Mugh-eme,
the first lapdog that was brought into Ireland.'
Mumu 'Munster,' from the name of a certain king, to wit,
Eochu Garb Mumu, i.e. Eochu Mu-mo, i.e. Greater {m6) his
hold and his valour and his power than that of every other king,
and from his name Mumu * Munster,' was named, and Mumnig
* Munster-men,' are (so) called.
Mugh * slave,' quasi much * mist,' for it is under the mist and
tribulation of slavery he is continually.
Mughaaine * slavery,' quasi mugh snimej the sadness that is on the
mind of the slave.
Mtich, a name proper for smoke, whence is said mttchad *to
smother.'
Mil * honey ' : mel has been corrupted therein.
Midacht the name of a Tuath de Danann leech, quasi tnedic, from
medicus,
Mir * blackbird,' because it is alone in the wooded valley where
it lives, that is, in its madness (?). And it is alone it goes, qua.<^i
merulus, i.e. merle, and hence in Greek merultMy because it flies
alone, and another bird, even of its own kind, is not often in its
company.
Meracht * madness,' quasi mer-icht, i.e. icht or acht mdr, i.e.
* action of fingers,' from actus.
Mairt * Tuesday,* from Mars, a god of battle with the Gentiles,
whose name was Mars. To him that day was consecrated and
the month whose name is Martins, that is March.
Mindech * a bad man ' (?), quasi mendie from mendicus.
Mart * a beef,' quasi mort.
Mortlaith * mortality,' from mortalitas.
Manannan mac lir, a famous merchant who dwelt in the Isle
of Mann. He is the pilot who was best at sea in the west of the
world. He used to know by studying the heavens, that is by
looking at the sky, the time that would be fine weather, and foul
weather, and when each of them would change. Hence the Irish
and the Britons called him a god of the sea, and hence they said
that he was Mac Lir, son of the Sea, and from Manannan's name
the Isle of Mann has been called.
170 MR. STOKES — ON THB BODLBIAN FRAGMENT
Kie .i. mac sethar. at Cu Chulaind dixit, profetans de Christi
aduentu .i. nie duine ticfa .L mac sethar a. mac sethar duine ticfa,
ipse est lesus.
l^emnall issM^ ainm as moaib ^ de anmonnaib H^irenn ^ insin
.i. nemnnall .i. nuall far nime imbi.
NfntM .i. iLin[f]o8 .i. nin .i. tonn [rogab foss] .i. toDd [tanic
don] fairgi anfar. dodeochaid' iarsindaeor eondaiorrmmi^ isintfr
[n-ucut], condeirg6ni^ tiprait df. Inde dieitur Corcumruad
Kdiuiss.
l^emeth .i. nemiath anas dfrde ' dobeclais : nemdith anas dfide'
de ocaib : nemhuath anas dfrde * dofil^^ib.
N6it .i. dia catha lagente Goedel. Nemon uxor illins.
Nacc ^ quasi n6cc.
[Nith] .i. guin daine.
Ner .i. tore allaid, ut est isnaib Aistib .i. fail nir n6it grffe
grddaichdae.
l^oe .L duine, imde dicitur diandama noe tortir .i. dfan dama
duine fortir.
Noes ^ .i. fess ' ndnhair .i. tri rfg 7 tri epscoip 7 tri suid .i. sui
^lidtchtSL 7' sui litre 7 sui belnd F^ne. Kobatar buili ocdenam
intSenchasa [Mair].
Nim[b] .i. broon, ab eo quod est nimbus. Inde dieitur isnaBrethaib
N6med .i. OengtM foh6iblib ^° imbais aricht roluisc leth ^^ fonimib
nimb.
iN'ainme .i. glaine/' no naimne, amal bid naire nobeth and.
Senbelrae didtu annairesin.^' Isinann 7 asb^ha 6cin. Isgnath
b^lraeom [col. 3.] tra [cid indiu] lahlrmumain maxime, nude
dt^nt *'Infil ni bes toich duit ?" "Fil naire," arinti dianimcomarcar
.i. fil eicin.
Nith .i. guin duine. Nie infer dodngni. Neithes daiso .i. guin ^'
duine. ut est ni idnae nethis nemthigedar.
Kescoit .1. ise senchas Gk)idhel .i. intan fechtae cath Muige
Tuiredh bui Goibhne gobae isin cerdchai oc denum na narm do
Thuathuibh nDea Domnand, 7 bui Luchtaine soer fri" denum
crand isna goa, 7 boi Credne cerd fri denum semmend innangoe,*'
^ mo, T. ; mou, LB. ' in domuin, T.; in domain, LB. > tonn
dodechaid dond fairci aniar, Y. * co torchuir, Y. * condema, Y.
• dir, Y.; dirge, LB. ' nac, Y. and LB.; niacc, L. . ® Noe, Y.
» fis, LB. °o fohkibUb. Y. ; fohuiHb, L. ; fo&ibUb, LB. " Roloisceth
a leth, Y. i' gl^m, L. ; glain, Y. ; ffl&ine, LB. *' anairenisin, L. ;
innairesin, Y. ** guine, L. ; guin, i . and LB. " oc, Y. and LB.
i« issna goib, Y.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 171
Nia a sister's son, as said Cdchulainii prophesying of Chriist'^
advent : * The sister's Son of Man will come, and He is Jesus.'
Nemnuall, this is the nonn that is greatest of the nouns
of Erin, that is, Nem-nuall the acclamation of the men of
Heaven around it.
Niniis a place-name, i.e. nin-fosSy i.e. nin 'a wave,' which, got
/o88 * an ahode,* i.e. a sea-wave from the west which came along
the air until it settled in yon country and made a well of itself :
whence is said * Corcumruaid of Ninus.'
Nemeth * a chapel,' * a sanctuary,' that is nem-iath * heaven-land,'
what is due to the church : neim-dith * poison-sharp,' what is due
to soldiers : neim-uath * poison-horror,' what is due to poets.
Neity a god of battle with the heathen of the Gaels. Nemon, his
wife.
JN'aee * no,' quasi nee.
Nith * the slaying of a human being.'
Nisr * a wild boar,' as is in the Metres, to wit, * the lair of a
boar, the nest of a . . . griffin.'
^oe * a human being.' Hence is said, ** If thou sufferest a nde
on land," that is, if thou sufferest any one on land.
N6e8 * customary law,' i.e. ndi-fias the wisdom of nine persons, to
wit, three kings, three bishops and three sages, to wit, a sage of
poetry and a sage of history and a sage of the. language of the
Eeni. They were all composing the Senchas Mor.
. Nimh * a shower,' from nimbtM, Hence is said in the Judgments
of the Notables: **Oengus under the sparks of the imhass which.
was invented, half (of him) burnt under heaVens of showers."
Naime 'pure,' or nairne as if it were naire. Old language is
that naime. It is the same as if iicen * indeed,' were said. It
is common speech even to-day, in West Munster chiefly, whence
they say, ** Is there aught that is pleasing to thee?" ** Ml naire,"
says he who is asked, that is, ** There is indeed."
Nith * the slaying of a human being.' J^ie, the man that inflicts
it. Neithes then, the slaying of a human being, as is said, ** Not
a weapon of slaughter that dignifles."
Nescdit 'a boil.' This is a story of the Gaels. "When the
(second) Battle of Moytura was fought, Goibniu the Smith was
in the forge making the weapons for the Tuatha dea Domnann,
and Luchtaine the Wright was making shafts for the spears, and
Credne the grazier was making the rivets of the spears. More-
v. ^ .
172 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
et dicMnt autem Scoti quod Gobne* gobae [hjSistas faciebatfri teora
gr^fssa, 7 ba f eth * Ingres dedenach.*
Dognfth d&no Luchtaine soer [na crunda] fri teora snassa, 7 ba
feth intsnas dedenach. Sfc [faciebat] et Credna nasemmand.
Dobidgged iarum Goibne asintenchair nagoa conglentais isindaur-
sain. Dolleiced Luchtaine saer nacranna innandfaid/ 7 balor insma
doib. Dobidged iarum Credene cerd nasemmend abelaib* naten-
choire, 7 balor [fo. 81^, col. 1,] insmai doib 7rl. Cene tra bu{
Goibne gobae occondisin Kthe bine foramnai. Adfiadarson 6ddiu
doGobnind, 7 basaeth lais, 7 bahetaid imbi, Issed 6ddiu dog^ni
fris .i. bui crann innalaim intan adf^ss^ do a8c61 .i. ness a
ainm, is imbi dognither indaurnaisi criad. Dicain [brichtu] ' diitu
forsacrandsin, 7 each, fer doniced dob^ed faasmaind® doncrand.
Ma adellad ian^m induine dohurgbad foc^^oir cnocc ann Ian doloimm
chru * 7 gur, 7 foloisced induine SLxnal tene, ^° 7 huaire ba fuath *^
incraind dianidainm * ness ' nobid forsincnucc. Isaire roainmnigset
ondanmuimsin as nescoit .i. ness [.i. cnoc] 7 scoftt .i. lind.
Kess tra cetharda fordingair .i. ness cetamiM ainm indanmandai
7rl. Ness ainm donchrund ut pra^diximus. Ness dano ainm
dondaumisi criad fessin," amal ashert ben araile goibenn ^' dorigeni
marbnaith doa ^^ fir, dieena :
Badirsan lim sella[d] [col. 2.] friss,
f orbir ifr[a]ig derc " aniss,
ba binniu nochantais dord
fri derc aniss adabolg.
Ness dsMO ainm donbeimm 7 doncrecht, ut est i8int[S]enchas Mar .i.
agrannib cachtomM«, aEenib gSicMoTUs, ammainib each mess.
a dirib cuirp duine, citili afuili," rohordaiged " ness.
.i. SLUial mbes aurgnatu ^^ inbaill isin duiniu hif uirmither
increcht isfai^* dano hith inderaic .i. u^bi gratia .i. mad indagaid
no inetan'*' no ismech forrumither increcht nd inaithiss^^ ismoiti
ah6raic 7 rl. aiAal rongab i8int[S]enchw« Mar .i. mad fohetach
t/nmorro bis increcht nd indainim islugu son.*'
^ Gobniu, Y. ^ feith, Y. ' degenach, L. ; in tress gress, Y. * -diaig, L.
6 agobaib, LB. * adfedes, L. ; atfes, Y. ; atc(ias, LB. ' «ic, LB. ^ fuasmad,
Y. ; fuasma ind, LB. » do lind chrfi, Y.; do lindchro, LB. 10 tenid, LB.
*i arba be fuath, Y. and LB. 1* fissin, L. ^^ gobenn, Y.; gobann, LB.
" dia, Y. and LB. i* deirc, L. ; derc, Y. ; dercc, LB. »« cidhat iU fuile, Y. ;
ciadat ile a fuile, LB. ^^ rohairdiged, Y. ; rohainmniged, LB. ^^ urgnacht,
LB. '* issai, L. ; isfai, Y. ; as foi, LB. *o anetan, L. ; inetan, Y.
*^ forruimther indathais, Y. ** luga, Y.
QF CORMAC's GLOSSARY. 175
oyer the Scoti say that Goibniu the Smith used to make spears
by three processes, and the last process was the finish. Then
Luchtaine the Wright would make the shafts by three cuts, and
the last cut was the finish. So also Credne made the rivets. Then
Goibniu used to cast the spear-heads out of the tongs, so that
they stuck in the door-post. Luchtaine the Wright used to cast
the spear- shafts out after them, and this was enough to set them
in. Then Credne the Brazier would fling the rivets from the
jaws of the tongs, and this was enough to insert them. I^ow
while Goibniu was at that business, a crime is charged against
his wife. That then is told to Goibniu, and it was grievous to him,
and he grew jealous thereat. This is what he did in consequence.
When the tidings were told him there was a pole in his hand,
Ness is its name, and round it the furnace of clay is made, and
he sings spells over that pole, and to every man who came to
him, he would give a blow with the pole. If, then, the man
escaped, a lump full of gory liquid and matter would rise and
bum the man like fire. And because the form of the pole called
Ness used to be on the lump, therefore they called it nea-scdit from
that name, to wit, ne88 ^ a lump,' and 8c6%t * a liquid.'
JV(W«, then, means four things, to wit :
I/e88, first, the name of the animal (the weasel), etc.
JVesSf a name for the pole, as we have said before.
1^688 f then, a name for the furnace of clay itself, as said the
wife of a certain smith who made an elegy for her husband, saying :
* 'Tis sad to me to look at him :
The red flame of his furnace grows into the wall :
Very sweet was the bass which his two bellows
Would chant to the hole of his furnace.'
Ne88y then, is the name for the blow and for the wound, as is
(said) in the Senchas Mor :
From grains every measurement, from the Teni every law, from
treasures every appraisement,
From the fines for a man's body, though many be his wounds, the
ne88 was graduated.
That is, according to the dignity of the member in the person on
whom the wound is inflicted, so then is the eric. Por example,
if the wound or the insult is inflicted on the face, or the forehead,
or the chin, the greater is its eric, etc., as is in the Senchas Mor.
If, however, the wound or the blemish is under the clothing the
eric is less.
174 MR. 8rrOKB9— OH THS BODLBIAIT FRAGMENT
[011am .1.] olldam .L oU ad&n .i. cethrar ar . xx . Alit^ [oUam
.i.] ollhaam .i. am[ail]a8 nannwafl saigid huame bis inaild sio
isdoirb^ saigid ior ddn 7 ei[c]8i indollaman. Ailitdr [oUam .i.]
olldieim a. oil an{ dieim.*
(yi .i. cauru,' wnde dieitur oisc .i. 6i seiso.
Omelgg * .i. 6i melg .i. isi aimser insin hitio ass cairach ^ melgg
[ool. 8.] .i. ass, arindf melgair.'
(yen qiMsi un, ab eo quod est untM.
04nach .i. une^ ech.
Oeth .1. luige.'
Oar .i. guth.*
O'ech .i. namae.
Orb .i. nomen niri a quo Oirbrige.^^
Og quasi ob, id est ouum."
Ordd .i. ab ordine.
Olchobor .L occobor laiss 6L
Omn " .i. orguin."
Om in bid, gr^co truaillnide insin .i. omon isinOr^ico .i. cmor
ieinLaitin.
Opar ^* .i. ab op^ratione.
Ong fochid ^^ 7 cose : inde drc^ion est cossaig domo^, aFithil,
cotrescat " a oing.
Oraitt .i. 6ratio."
Oslugud .i. huasleoud .i. lecnd suas nacomlad.
Ogtdcli ^^ .i. ogthech .i. ognde athech diabnith fair.
O'r quHsi aur .i. ab auro.
Orcc trcith .i. nomen domoo rfg, trfath enim rex uocatur [unde
dixit pocta :] Oenach nuirco treith .i. biad 7 6tacli logmar, cluim
7 coilcid, [cuirm 7 cdma *•] 7 brannub 7 fithchell, hech 7 carput ^
7 mflchoin 7 ^isrechta olchena.
Orcc dono ainm do brattan. Inde dixit cend Lomnai druith
iamabcin" de : ''Orcc brecc brondUnn bruohtas [£o. 82^ col. l.j
1 umail IB doilig noim bis fo aill do togail no sai^ naime bis fo aill, nc is
doilig, Y. ' id uU inni ditnees .i. cethrar ar fichit, no oil diemid .i. ullam
ernes naee8ta,Y. ^ caora, Y.; caera, LB. * 6inielc, Y.; oimelc, LH.
^ c&irichf L. ; is aimser andsin tic as cairach, T. ' blegnr, Y. and lAi.
"^ aine, Y.; tine, LB. ^ luidhe no eithech, T.; luige no ethei'h, LH.
• LB. add* no gairm. *® orbroige nominatur, Y. " .i. og, LB.; .i.
ogh, Y. " om, Y. ** creach no orguin, LB. " «c, L. und Y. ;
opair, LB. " ong .i. foiched, Y. " cot sescait, Y.; con uttuit, LB.
*' ah oratione .i. aimaigthi, Y. ^* ogthach, Y.; ochtach, LB. >^ tic, LB.
^ braunduh 7 fidhcella, eich 7 carpait, Y. " lama heimeim, Y.
OP CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 175
OUam 'professor,' that is oil 'great' his ddm * retinue,' that
is, four-and-twenty men. Alitor ollam, i.e. oll-uam^ as it is
difficult to go to a cave {uam) which is in a cliff {all) so it is
hard to attain to the poetry and learning of the Ollam. AliUr
Ollaniy i.e. oll-diem, i.e. great {oil), is what protects {dieim) him,
(the train of twenty-four persons).
(yi * sheep.' Hence is said disc, i.e. * a dry ewe.'
(yimelgg *the first day of spring,' that is di-melgg 'ewe-milk,'
that is the time at which the sheep's milk comes. Melgg, i.e.
milk, because it melgar ' is milked.'
Oen * one,' quasi ^», from untM,
Oenach * a fair,' that is une ech * contention of horses.'
Oeth * an oath.'
Oar * a voice.'
Oeeh * an enemy.'
Orb, the name of the man from whom are the Orbraige.
Og * egg,' quasi oh, i.e. ovum.
Ord * rank,' from ordo.
Olehohor, a man's name, i.e. drink {ol) is a desire {accohor) with
him.
Orn * destruction.'
Om * raw ' of the food. That is Greek corrupted : w/ibv in the
Greek : cruor [leg. crudum ?] in the Latin.
Opar * a work,' from operatio,
Ong 'tribulation,' and 'chastisement': hence was said, 'Chastise
thy son, 0 Fithel, till his tribulations ' . . .
Or ait ' prayer,' ' blessing,' from oratio.
Oslucud 'an opening,' i.e. uas-lecud 'up-letting,' i.e. letting up
the valve.
Offtach * ridge-pole,' i.e dg-thech ' perfect house,' i.e. the house
{tech) is the more perfect {6gu-de) from its being thereon.
Or ' gold,' quasi aur from aurum.
Ore triith, a name for a king's son, for a king is called triath,
whence a poet said oenach oire treith ' a king's son's fair,* to wit,
food and costly raiment, feathers and quilt, ale and flesh-meat,
draugbt-board and chess-board, horse and chariot and grey-
hounds, and toys besides.
Ore also is a name for a salmon. Hence said the head of Lomna
the Fool, after it had been cut off him : " A speckled white-bellied
176 MR. STOKES — OX THE BODLEIAN FRAGMBSfT
demagnr fo muirib nilabar nitoe tuathe tore nadiic nnind
rorannaifl raind nad chert Coirpri."
Iflde didiu boe aniseiQ dossom.
Find huaBaiscne, is do robo dnith Lomnae midlach. Luid didiu
Find lathe nand forcnaird selga. Darmaiaid^ Lomna hifM.*
Biii ben laFind, de Lnignib ' di, aror * em cech roilbe 7 cech rofid
nognathaiged Find conafeind' nobith ben aordaltae arachind as
each tfr banessom do beos. Batir banbnigid sod, 7 batir maithi
do[im]fulaDg nafiann, amolethad ananae tar[na]tire, amflamthe^
nech olc frin. Bocoemnacair* didiu fecht nana Find hiTethbae
co[n]afeinn, 7 Inid forcuaird selga. Dormaraid tra Lomnae hifnss.
Ambuiside occ imthecht immnig cofamaio Coirpr» .i. fennid
doLuignib, illingn lamnai Find hitaidiu. Bogaid di<^tti inben
doLomnae adichlid, 7 basaith laissom brath Finn. Tic Find iarom.
Benaid Lomnai didiu ognm hifleisc chetharchair. Jaesd [coL 2.]
bui intiside .i.
Cnaillne femae hi felaim* argaitt ath[al>a] hifothrocht."* Fer
mna druithe druthlach lafeinn" foircthe. hifroech" forhnalaind
linim luigi."
Bofitir iarum Find ascel, 7 ba dognasach donmn£L Rofitir
didiu inben is oLomnai rofess, 7 docnas ^* huadi coCoirprtf cotand-
chiB8ed coromarbai indruth. Dognith son dano iarwm, 7 tallad
achenn de, 7 tamb^ Coirpr^ laiss." Tic iarom Find dond hnarbnid
deod Idi, cofamaic in cbolaind cen chenn. '* Colnnn snnn cen
chend!" arFind. "Fintae dund," olind Hann "coich incholann."
Dob^ iarum Find ahordain inoabeolu, [7] dicain '* tre thenm-MidOy
condepeirt: '^Kiconrub^ doini niconarlaig nicontopaig nais
nicodcrgraig " nicorubai thorcc nicotorgro^ niconarbaiit " alige
Lomnai. Colann Lomnai inso," olFinn, "7 rohucsat^ namait
acenn de.'*
Ticsid* dfnaib*^ conaib 7 dosleicit forsinslicht." T6id didiu
Find forsin slicht na noc, 7 rosfuair^ hifastig ocfuinia heiso
fmndein,** 7 bae cenn Lomnai forbir hicinn natened.** INc^t
^ Domaraid, Y. and LB. ' ibfus, Y. * ne, Y. ; laignib, L.
* ar6n, Y. * fein, Y. « in, Y. and LB. f tania tirib
cona lamad, Y. ^ deccomnacuir, Y. • feilm, Y. " athaba
ifothlacht iJolurg .i. forlurg, LB. " fene, Y. '* is fraoch, Y. *• limm
luigne, Y. ; luimm I6igne, LB. ^* teit techta, LB. '^ co tudchaid side core
marb an dnith, Y. ; 7 co tall a cenn de combert lais, Y. ^* 7 dochain, Y.
1^ ni cu dergrain, Y. ^*^ ni con ruba tore ni eonfoTDae m oontorgrae ni
cnrarbairt, Y. " ronucsat, Y. ^ Ticsaid .1. benaid, LB. •' Tk»at dona, Y.
« for slicht na nog, Y. ^ fosfuair, Y. ^ for indinin, Y. »* for bir
ocon teinid, Y.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 177
salmon that bursts Thou hast portioned a portion that is
not fair, 0 Coirpre.'*
Thus, then, that happened to it. Pinn, grandson of Baiscne, had
as his fool Lomna the Coward. One day Einn went on a hunting
excursion. Lomna remained at home. Finn had a wife of the
Luigni, for on every mountain and in every forest that Finn and
his Fiann used to frequent, there was a certain woman awaiting
him from the neighbouring country. These were female land-
holders, and they were good to support the Fiann, for their wealth
spread over the territories, so that no one durst do evil to them.
Once, then, it happened that Finn was in Teffia with his Fiann, and
he went on a hunting excursion. Lomna stayed at home. While
he was walking outside he found Coirpre, a champion of the
Luigni, lying secretly with Finn's wife. Then the woman
entreated Lomna to conceal it, but indeed it was grievous to him
to betray Finn. Then Finn comes back. Lomna cuts an ogham
on a four-cornered rod. This is what was therein : * A stake of
alder in ... of silver, deadly nightshade in brook-lime. The
husband of a lewd woman . . . with the well-taught Fiann.
There is heather on Ualann . . .' Then Finn understood the story,
and he became disgusted with the woman. So the woman knew
that it was from Lomna, and she sent to Coirpre that he might
come and kill the Fool. That then was done, and the FooPs head
was cut off, and Coirpre took it away with him. Finn, at close
of day, comes back to the hunting-bothy and found the headless
body. ' A body here without a head ! ' says Finn. * Make known
to us,' say the Fiann, * whose is the body.' Then Finn put his
thumb into his mouth, and he chanted by tenm Idido ' illumination
of song,' and he said : ' Not
from Lomna's bed. This is Lomna's body,' says Finn. *His
enemies have taken the head from him.'
They slip the sleuth-hounds and put them on the track. Finn
goes on the track of the warriors and found them in an empty
house cooking fish upon a gridiron, and Lomna's head was on
*Pliil. Trans. 1891-2-3. 12
178 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
[col. 3.] Incht doralad^ dindin[deoiii] rantai Coirpr* doa' trib
nonbfiraiby 7 ni tardad dantmir imbeolu inchinn olsodain.' Bageis
lafiannu.* Ib andsein iarton asb^rt [a cend] frin : " Orcc brecc
bronnfind [bmchtM di magar fo mnirib] inbratan di magnr .1.
ifls^ adomnae.''
IKlucht tanaisri dano doralad' dindinn[eo]m lantai' Coirpr^
it^mm priori modo, coclos ni daito, acenn : '^ Borannais raind
fonnail^ nathrainit rann^ nathbaig iarmnig medbae mos batoich
mir metnail* bit fnaitne finsa'® lib Luigni. ''Cnirid immag
acend, secbas mi[f]ocal dnnn/' olCoirpri. Coclos ni, acenn dimnig.
** Bomecbtatar cletb cboiri rintb roirthecb. Age catha cet amba
mescbaitb. bacomme lib moage. ba condimdai biid moag tein
doalasfaid Luigni laFind didiu.
[Lasin dodecbaid Finn cncu, conid romarb."]
Patraicc a patricio : patricitM autem qui ad lattM regis sedet.
PeU .i. a peUe.»
[Pennait .i. a] pennitentia.
Peccad .i. ape[c]cato.
Pattu .i. poitbo .i. poi coss : is to didiu fonoiimi inpbattu [fo.
82^, col. 1.] achossa, ol ni lugu bis finn fo a demaind oldas fnirri
aniias.
Propost .i. pr^ost .L pro^osittw."
Port .i. a portu."
Parche .i. a parrucbia.
Pamn .i. nom^ do blo[a]cb mara. N£ cecb" dihalt" trarosegar
inne." Nipmacbdad lanecb cini fiastar can doroicb bloacb dindi
as pamn, et alia similia.
Puincne .i. screpul mode inbicbe. isbe insin screpul Goidel .i. ofing.
Pugin [selldn] imbe .i. sellan cemnsB.*®
Pafn .i. bairgen, a pdne. Inde eat isin Gairi Ecbdacb mate
Lucbtai .i. mo thri finndni fomgeillsat .i. imm ailt nEocbacb
ailcbetail gaire deloilig find forscing scailtir codipil promtbair
pain la pugin puinceimn lasiail cemnacb^^ cermnais coimmilg
cuicbo bitbbf cotamuicc midligen goss gessen cenosmessed connacb
innabetbu baa.
1 rolaad, Y. « dia, Y. « disodain, LB. * la find, Y.
* dorala, Y. • randais, Y. ' fond naile, Y. ; fofael, LB. •* raind, Y.
• mo mir metail, Y. ^^ fianna, Y. " sic, Y. " .i. 6n croicend, Y.
" [i.lnech remsuidigthe, Y. " a porta .i. on port, Y. '* thiced, L. ;
cecn,!. and LB. ** ndialt, Y.; diaJt, LB. ^^ ni cech ndialt tra rosegar
a inne, Y. '^ Puingind .i. selland imme .i. selland cemae, Y.; Pinginn salund
imbe .1. seland cemae innsin .i. offaing, LB. ^' cennach, Y. ; cenach, LB.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 179
a spit hard by the fire. The first batch that was taken from the
gridiron, Coirpre distributes it to his thrice nine men, and not
a morsel thereof was put into the mouth of the head. That was
a gets (magical prohibition) of the Piann^s. So then spake the
head to them : ' A speckled white-bellied ore, the salmon from
a . . . this is his . . .'
The second batch, then, that came from the gridiron Coirpre dis-
tributes it again in the same way. Then was heard somewhat :
the head (saying) : ' Thou hast portioned a portion . . .' ' Put
out the head/ says Coirpre, * though it be an evil word for
us.' Then was heard somewhat : the head from outside (saying) :
* Momeehtatar,^ etc.
With that Pinn came up to them and slew them.
Pdtraie * Patrick' from Patrieius, Fatricius is one who sits
beside the king.
Pell * a covering,' from pellis.
Pennait * penance,' from poenitentia.
Peeead ' sin,' from peeeatum.
Pattu * a hare,' i.e. poi-td, i.e. poi * foot,' silently (td) does the
hare put its foot down, for not less is hair under its sole than
on it above.
Propost * provost,' i.e. prepost, i.e. praepositm.
Port *a port,' horn, portus, •
Parehe * parish,' from paroehia.
Pam, a name for a whale (?) of the sea. Not every syllable
attains a meaning. Let no one wonder then though he know not
whence hloaeh applies to a pam, et alia similia.
Puinene, a scruple of the notched beam. That is the scruple
of the Gaels, to wit, an ojlng,^
Pugin [leg. Puinginn ?]
Pain * a cake,' from panis ; hence it is in the Gaire of Echaid
son of Luchta, " My three," etc.
^ The afaing .i. screpul of O'Dayoren, p. 48,
180 MR. STOKPS— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Puincemn du^tu cenm tomais sellae 7 mod tomais indile .1. in med
inbech.
[col. 2.] Pend .i. a penna.
Perticc .i. a p#rtica .i. forrach tomais tfre.
Pairt .i. a parte.
Poc quasi pao .i. a pace, ar is ardhe sfda in poc.
Praind .i. a prandio.
Prull aidbligud 7 metugud,^ ut dixit ingen hui liulsaini
inbanI6cer^ ' fri Senchan Torpest hiManaind .i.
immomloiscet '^ modano* prull.
Frisgart.iarum intecsine dimnintir Senchain .i.
incberd mac hiii Diilsaine
oLia[i]cc doTaursaigi Toll.
ISde tra bui do Senchan anfsein.
Tochairastar * fair techt imManaind .i. fecbt aninsa do cbor
chuarta indi. coeca eices allin cenmotha^ 6icsinia. Is[ing] marodbui
didiu ^ riam imnach naili neices samail inchumdaig biii um Senchdn
cid cenmotha a thugain ^ suad 71!. Arrombuf dech dano do thim-
thaigib ' t'er (sic) nGoidel issed b^rtatar umpu indeicis chenae.
INtan tra documlaiset forfairgi 7 dochorsatar aurlunn^^ fritfr,
atagladastar gilldae ^cuisc amal dastai ^^ inandiaid dentir : ' Nom-
leicidse lib,' ols^. Do^cet huile [col. 3.] ingilla. Niipu data^ leo
iarwm alecud chucu arba fae " leo nibu ^n comadas inna neill.**
Arbadochruid ah6co8c. Intan, cetam«w, do[m]b^ed nech amer iorsL
etan notheged atboesc dignr bren [tria chluasaib] f(7radichiilaid : a
chongrw* chraiche ^* do daramuUach commoithan ada imdaid." Ata
lanech assidcid batar" caib abinchindi romebdatar trea chlocenn.
Cuirrithir og luin adisuil, duibithir 6cc [a drech :] luaithidir
fiamuin ^® [a f egad] ; buid!thir or rinn a fiacla, glassidir bun cuilinn
ambun : dalurgain lomchoila : daseirid" birdai* brecdaba fou.
Bia tallta de inceirt bui imbi nibu decmaing di teoht fonmiighi
a koenur, manifuirmithe cloch fuirri, arimbud amfl. Dorriuoart
commor" fri Senchan 7 asbert fris : ' Beatorbachasu '^^ deitsiu/
olse, 'oUdas ind re foruallach** forbaeth fil imut.' 'Insetir^
' m^dugud, L.; metugad, Y. * in bainletbfierd, Y.; in banlecerd, H^;
in bannlicerd, LB. ^ imanomloiflcet, L. ; imomloiscet, Y. ; immomloiscet, H.
♦ modeno, L. ; modanoo, H. * dooorM«tair, Y. ; dei cortMtor, H. ; docorustar,
LB. ® cinmothat, LB. ' Z. repeats didiu. ^ stuigen, LB. » H. inserts
flathe. *® doconistar a Ifii no urland, Y. " an indM«tae, Y. ; an industai, H.
" c&in, LB. " ar fae leo, H. " dia n-elta, LB. 1* craicei, H. *« imdad,
H. " sic, Y. ; badhar, L. ; b6t«r, H. ** luiathidir fiammn, L. ; Inaithitir
fiamain, Y. ^* daseirr, L. ; da seirr, H. ; da sheirith, Y. ; da send, LB.
*o birrdai, L. ; birdae, Y. " 0 guth mor, Y. « bem torbachsa, Y. 2» sic, Y.
H. and LB. ; forthnallach, L. ^ sicY.; Insetar, H. ; indester, LB.
OP tX)RMAC*S GLOSS AKY. 1^1
»
Puineem^ then, a dish for meaeuring a wland,^ and a beam for
weighing cattle, %,e. the notched-beam.
Penn *apen,' irom pmna.
Pertky from pertica^ a pole for measuring land.
Pairt * a part,' from pars*
P6e * a kiss,' queLsipaCy from pax, for the kiss is a sign of peace.
Praind * dinner,' from prandium.
:. PruUf greatly increasing and magnifying, as said Hua Dulsaine's
daughter, the female rhymer, to Senchdn Torp6ist in Mann, to wit :
** My two ears bum me greatly " {prulT).
Then answered the bardling of Senchdn's family :
'' The artist, son of Hua Dulsaine,
From Liacc of Taursaig TuU."
Now that happened to Senchdn thus: It came to pass that
he went to Mann, an excursion of pleasure, to make a
circuit therein. Fifty poets were his retinue beside bardlings.
Scarcely any poet had worn such a dress as Senchdn had upon
him, besides his sage's gown, etc. And what was best of the
men of the Gaels' garments, this the other poets wore about them.
So when they had put to sea, and set (their) steering-oar to land,
a foul-faced gillie called after them from the shore as if he were
mad: **Let me go- with you!" says he. They all look at the
gillie. They did not like to let him come to them, for they deemed
that he was not a bird fit for their flock, for his aspect was hideous.
For, first, when any one would put his finger on his forehead, a
gush of putrid matter would come through his ears on his poll. A
congrus craiche (?) he had over the crown 'of his head to the gristle
of his two shoulders. It seemed to every one who looked at him
that the layers of his brain had broken through his skull. Bounder
than a blackbird's e%^ were his two eyes; blacker than death
his face; swifter than a fox his glance; yellower than gold the
points of his teeth; greener than holly their base; two shins
bare, slender; two heels spiky, black-speckled under him. If
the rag that was round him were stript off, it would not be
hard for it to go on a fiitting alone, unless a stone were put upon
it, because of the abundance of its lice. He shouted mightily to
Senchdn, and said to him, 'I should be more profitable to thee
than the proud and wanton crew that is around thee.' 'Is it
^ 'a ration of honey consisting of four eggfols,' see O'Day. 118, s.y.
Se{a)llann,
182 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
latsu,' olSencliaiiy Huidecht iarsind luith issin churach?'
' Fromthit^' olse. Cingthi iart^m iarsind luid isincurach, luaithidir
lochaid iar forga[r]niuin, combui isincurach. Basuail tra corroib-
[fo. 83*, col. 1.] -tbide* in curach cona lucht arindi rombrochsat '
indeicis riasom ^ asindala leith indlestair issalleth^ naill, 7 asb^rtatar
ama/ bid asind oengin: ' Totro[r]pai '^ pefst, aSenchan! Bid si
da.no domuinter huile acht conerlam "^ dochom tfri."
Is disein rohaiDnmiged dosom Senchan Torp6ist .i. Sencban
dororpai peist.^
Eecat ianim iManaind. Dof ocbat ' acoblacb hitfr. Ambatcur
didtu hitfr ocimthecbt iarsintraig conacatar insentaiiidi mongleitb
moirforsin^® carraicc, ocbu&innafemna" 7 inmuirtboraid^* olcbenai.
Airegdai gratai acossa 7 alama, acht natbui^ etach maitb impi,
7 bui anf eth gorta fuirri ; 7 ba liach on immorrOf ^rbasisi inbanlecerd
ingen huiDulsaine de Huscrugn Lfacc Tuill acrfcli huaFigenti.
Docbuaidside forcuaird Heiren;» 7 Alban 7 Hanann, 7 ba marb
amuinter hnile.
[col. 2.] Bui ianon abrathair mac bui Dulsaine, cerd amrae
sidhe, oca biarmoracht focricha Heirann, 7 nfsfuair 7rL
IKtan didtu atcbonnairc ^^ intsentainne innabefcsi[u] immoscoem-
orcair^* ceptar h6. Asb^ iart^m araili dfb : 'Maitb in re"
immidcommairc. Senchan heices Heir^;» huili [inso]' 7rl.
TNnotbia de humeldoit? a Senchain/ olsi, 'anad rommath-
escsa ? * " * Eombfa 6m/ olSenchan.
I^ipsa eola imnid odbaig '®
ceso femmuin mbolgaig mbung.
* Gate a leth-chomorgg? * ^* Sochtaid iarum Senchan 7 indeicis*^
huili da.no. Doling lasodain ingilla remep^he arbeolu Sench^
anasb^: 'Ta,'^ achaillech ! na hacaldai Senchan,^ nf comadas deitt.
Atomglaitese amne, ol nitaicelladar^ nachaile dim muintirse.' ' Gid
dii/w ? ' ol in banleicerd, * cate a lethrand ? ' * Ki ansSj* ols0 :
De muin carrci mara Manann
doronad mor saland sund.
* promfit, Y.; promfid, H, ; proimfimit fris, LB. * corroibdithe, Y.; nach
beite, LB. * robroccsat, liB, * roimesimn. * sic, H. ; isaUeith, L.
6 dotrorbai, Y. ; dotrobai, H. ' coroisium, LB. ^ Y. adds no paist.
8 fonacbat, Y. ^^ iarsin, Y. " na femnnige, Y. ^2 mMrthoracht, Y.
'^ nadmbui, H. ^* atcondairc, H. ^^ immoscoemcorcmr, L. ; immtMCsemorcair,
H. " niath Ire, L. ; ni athire, H. ; math ire, Y. " fnm aithescsa, Y. ; frim
aithesxa, H. ^^ adpaig* L- ; odbaij^h, Y. ; adbaig, H. and LB. The i^ht
reading must be odbaig, rhyming with mbolgaig, *• lethcomarc, 1 . ;
lethcomrac, LB. ^ ind^ices, L. ^^ asbert sta, Y. ; asbertta, L. ; antMb^ai,
H. ^ niraga H-leth Senchain, LB. *' ohiidaciildadhar, H.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 183
possible for thee,' said Senchdn, 'to come along the steering -oar
into the boat?' *I will try it,' says he. So he goes along the
steering-oar into the boat, swifter than a shuttle along a weaver's
beam, till he was in the boat. N'ow the boat with its crew was
nearly swamped, because the poets pressed before him from the one
side of the vessel to the other. And they said, as it were with one
mouth: ''A monster hath come to thee, 0 Senchdn, and it will
be thy whole family, provided we escape to land."
Hence he was named Senchan Torpeist, that is, Senchan to
whom a monster (piist) hath come.
Then they reach Hann and haul their boat on land. "Now
while they were ashore, going along the beach, they saw an
old woman, grey-haired and big, on the rock, reaping the sea-
weed and the other sea-produce. Eefined and noble were
her feet and hands; but there was no goodly raiment around
her, and upon her was the evil aspect of famine. Now that
was a pity, for she was the female rhymer, the daughter of
Hua Dulsaine of Muskerry, of Liacc TuU, from the territory
of Kui Eidgente. She had gone on a circuit of Erin and
Alba and Mann, and all her company was dead.
IS'ow her brother, the son of Hua Dulsaine, a marvellous artist
he, was seeking her throughout the territories of Ireland, and found
her not.
So when the old woman saw the poets, she asked them who
they were. Said a certain one of them: "Good are those thou
questionest. This is Senchan,. the poet of the whole of Erin,"
etc. **Wilt thou be humble enough, 0 Senchan," says she, **to
wait and give me an answer? " '* I will, in sooth," says Senchan.
[Then she said :]
"I have no knowledge of knotty^ tribulation.
Although it is blistered sea-weed that I reap."
"What is its corresponding half-quatrain?" Then Senchdn is
silent and all the other poets. But then the aforesaid gillie springs
before Senchan and said : " Hearken, 0 hag ! address not Senchan :
'tis not fitting for thee: but address me, for no other of my
family holds speech with thee." " Well, then," says the female
rhymer, "what is this other half -quatrain?" "Not hard," saith
be :
" From the surface of the crag of the Sea of Hann
Much salt hath been made here."
^ i.e. dark and hard, like a knot in a tree.
184 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
" I8f(r," olsi, 7 inlethrann Wau dano .!•
immomloiscet modd nao prull.
Gate alethrann, aSenchain, beoa?" [coL 3.] '^Amin," olingilla,
'^ ocsaigid deit acallma Sencbain. nitacelladar 6m." ^*CesididiUf
cate latsom ? olissem.^ Olsessom :
incerd mac Hui Dulsaine.
oLiac do Tairsaige TuU."
* ' Ffr son," olSenchan. ' ' Intussu ingen Hui Dulsaine inbanleicerd
occa tdthar chuincbid setbno * "Reirmn ? "
" ISme em," olsi. Fotbruicther iar^m laSencban,' 7 dobwar
decbelt * amra * impe, 7 dodeocba/<^ laSencan inHeirw»/ INtan,
tra, donanio Senchan inHeirtn^^ conaccatar ingillai remepertbe,^
ba boclacb comoing orbuidi caissidir cana mennorott. Tlacbt
rfgdba imme : delb isairegdam ' atcess for duine fair,
Dotboet dessiul Sencbain 7 amuintere, et nusquam appamit
ex illo tempore. Dubium ita^ jxon est quod ille poematis erat
sptirt^us.
Eectaire .i. rettor [leg. rector] a rege.
Boss .i. trede lordingair .i. ross fidbuidi 7 ross Ifn 7 ross buisci.
sain didiu accuiss as(ro)bainmniged cacbae .i. ross fidbuide, cetami<&
.i. roi ^^ OSS : ross lin dano, robas : ross buisci dano rofoss son, [fo. 83^
col. 1.] oir nfbi" acbt for marb-buisci.
Bemm ainm do fuirseoir fobitb ceob fuirseoracbta 7 cacb
riasta[r]da dob^»r foraaigid.
Rintaid ainm dofir aercbdd ^^ rinnas cacb naigid.
Rout .i. roset .i. mo oldas set, semitta son unius animalis. Atatt
tra ilanmann forsnaconairib .i. set 7 rout 7 ramut 7 slige 7 lamrottea
7 tuagrotea 7 botbur.
set cetamt^^ ut pr^diximtM.
rout .L d^cbubat carbat 7 daoenecbda imbi.^ doronad i&ibecbraite
mennato immedon.'^
ramut .L [mo] oldas rout .i. aurscur bis fordim rig. cecb
comaitbecb asa tir dodroig ^^ dlegar do a glanad.
^ old, Y. and H. ' oningidh seehxioQ, T. ' Y. adds dS. * ^eb, LB.
* dobret dechelt n-amra, Y. ® docmn neiremi) Y. ' tangatar docnm nerend, Y.
8 nemeperthe, L. ; remepertae, Y. ' is airegdai, L. ; is airecbdam, Y. ^^ siCy
LB. ; reoi, Y. ; nif, L. " nirbi, L. " aorcbaid, Y.; aerad, LB.; fsBscb&id, L.
^^ dacnbat carpat 7 daonecbdae imme, Y. ; dacumat n6 dacbuat carpal doaenach
dae imme, LB. Tbe text bere is corrupt, and my yersion is a mere guess.
^* armedon, Y. ^^ dotroicb, Y. ; dor6 chuige, L.
OF GOBHAC's GLOSSARY. 183
** That is true/' saith she, '' and this half-quatrain moreover :
My two ears bum me greatly.
What, O Sench^n, is its half-quatrain also ? "
"Verily," says the gillie, **thou art attempting to converse
with 8enchan; he holds no speech with thee." "What then,*'
saith she, " what is it according to thee ? " Saith the gillie :
" The artist, son of Hua Dulsaine,
From Liacc of Taurswg Tull."
"That is true," saith Senchdn. "Art thou the daughter of Hua
Dulsaine, the female rhymer, for whom there is searching through-
out Ireland ? "
"I am, indeed," saith she. Then she is washed by Sench^n,
and a wonderful dress is put upon her, and she went with Senchan
to Ireland. Now, when Senchan arrived in Ireland, they saw
the aforesaid gillie, that he was a young hero with golden-yellow
hair curlier than cross-trees of small harps : royal raiment ho
wore, and his form was the noblest that hath been seen on a
human being.
He went right-hand-wise round Senchdn and his people, and
thenceforward he never appeared. It is not, therefore, doubtful
that he was the Spirit of Poetry.
. Rechtaire * a steward,' i.e. rector^ from rex,
Ro88y three things it means : ro%8 * a wood,* and ro8B * flax-seed,'
and ro88 of water (* duckweed'). The cause for which each of
them was so named is different. M088 * a wood,' in the first place,
that is roe-088 an abode (?) of deer ; ro88 * flax-seed,' then r0'd88
' great growth ; ' ro88 of water, ro-fo88 that is * great rest,' for it
(duckweed) is only found on stagnant water.
Remm^ a name for a buffoon, because of every buffoonery and
every distortion which he puts on his face.
Rintaidy a name for a satirical (?) man who wounds every face.
R6ut ' a road,' i.e. ro-«c7 * a very great path,' i.e. greater than
a 8ety the path, that, of one animal. Now there are many names for
the ways, to wit, bH and r6uty and rdmut, and sliffe, and Idni'
rdta^f and ttutg-rdtae, and hdthar.
8^tf in the first place, as we have said :
rdut, two lengths of chariots and two one-horse vehicles (?) on it :
it was made for the horses of a mansion in the middle.
rdmutf i.e. greater than a rdut, an area which is in front of
the King's fort. Every neighbour whose land roaches it is bound
to cleanse it.
186 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
sligi dawo doscuat^ carpait sech innaile, dorronadlri himcomrac^
dacarpat .i. carpat rig ycarpat epsi^ijp arandig • cechtar dib sech
araile.^
laimroitea .i. eter da sligi .i. sligi tar tuaiscerd mendato alaile
tar deiscerd frilessu fricui doronad.
tuagroitea focren fer trebar conair do ascnam raitea nd sleibe.
issi iartim afochraicc anamin each dine ^ immidret cachala bliae^ain.
bothur, talla daboin fair, ala[ii]ai ioriot, alaili fortarsnu, aratalla
allaegn 7 angamnu aiL[a fjarrad,^ armad inna ndiaid beit furthus ^
inbo bias diheiss.
Attat tri glantae docachae. Teora aimsera inglanaiter^ .i.
aimser [col. 2.] ech-ruathair 7 amser chue 7 amser choctha. Itte ®
a tri nglantae,^ glanad afeda 7 ahnisci 7 acoclaid.
IThe aicsin *^ aranglanaiter .i. ama heillnet acarptea " ocdul for
cui," amahuallnet ^^ echraide oc techt do oenuch. A choclaid
arnahesarlaither nech fair octecht fothressu.^^
Reo .i. gr^ic, reoi enim grece gelu int^rpr^tur.
Eincne .i. quasi quinqe^. Inde dtettur Perches mac Mosechess
d*x»t intan adrimed Finn hua Baiscni cech coiciur ahuair^* de
sluag Lmg[dech] m«ic Neit" dochuinchid ind[f]eindedo .i. Ferchess.
Lassin didiu adacht Ferchiss tren foachnamai sech Find, 7 dolleici
inslig for Luigid " conid romarb, 7 asb^t occo : " Kincne cairincne
ris ^^ riig " .i. arbahed asb^ed " Finn beos 0 adrimed each coiciur
arhuair.*' Eincne qt^asi quinque.
Eobuth qt^asi rebuth .i. rembu[b]thad.*^
Retghlu .i. r6t gl6 .i. ar[a]sml8i.
Roth .i. a rota.**
Rucht .i. inar, ut Ferchertne dixit .i. [ro ir dam] dech ruchtu
dirggu.
Rudrath .i. rodurath.
Ruam quasi rom a Roma.
Ranc issed afsjseiss^^^ cenel namaili. Ranc didiu ite na hussin ^
arda.
^ doscuet, Y. doscuchad, LB. * himcomarac, L. himcomarc, LB.
3 siCf Y. arandiche M sechindili, L. ; oondechaid cachae dib sech araile, LB.
* anam each dine no each mil, Y. ^ f or a tallut a laeig n6 ang&mna inafail, LB.
* iurrus, L. iurthass, Y. iurtais, LB. '' Y. inserts teorae tucaite aranglanaiter.
8 Iteat, Y. 9 glanta, Y. »« achuis, Y. " cairpthiu, Y. « cai, Y.
" ama hnilled, i. " fotressae, Y. fothress, LB. " Intan boi
find ua baiscni oc airim each coieir amnair, Y. ^^ niadh, Y. ; con, LB.
" Inidig, L. ; lugaid, Y. is rus, Y. « arbaheth atbeired, Y. ^ anair, Y.
^1 Robuth quasi remfuath no robudh di^iu .i. rembuptadh bios, Y. '^ .i. on
cuairt, Y. ; a cuairt, LB. ^ hnsine, LB. huisin, Y.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 187
8l%g0f then, chariots pass by each other on it : it was made for
the meeting of two chariots, to wit, a king's chariot and a bishop's
chariot, so that each of them may go by the other.
Idm-rdtae, i.e. between two highroads, i.e. a highroad to the
north of a mansion and another to the south: for garths . . .
• • • it was made.
iuag-rotae, a husbandman buys a path to get at a pasture
or a mountain. This then is its price, .... for every lamb
that passes it every second year.
hdthar, two cows fit on it, one lengthwise, the other athwart,
that their calves and their yearlings may fit on. it along with them,
beside them ; for if they were behind them the following cow would
gore them.
For each of them (the ways) there are three cleansings, (and)
three times at which they are cleansed, to wit, time of horse-racing,
and time of winter, and time of warfare. These are its three
cleansings: cleansing of its wood, and of its water, and of its
weeds.
These are the causes for which they are cleansed, that their
chariots may not be soiled in going on the way, that horses
may not be ... in going to a fair. Trom weeds that no one
may be delayed (?) on it when going . . .
£eo * frost,' i.e. Greek, for reo (^<7os) in Greek is interpreted ffelu.
Rincney quasi quinque. Hence said Eerches, son of MoSechess,
when Finn grandson of Baiscne was counting every five in turn
of the hos( of Lugaid, the son of Mac-neit, to seek the champion
Ferches. With that Ferches gave .... past Finn and cast the
spear on Lugaid and killed him, and said thereat Rincne cairincne
ria (leg. rus ?) riff, for that is what Finn used to say when he was
numbering every pentad in turn, Rincne quasi quinque,
Robuth * a warning,' quasi rebuth, i.e. rem-bubthad ^ a fore-
threatening.'
Retglu ^ a star,' i.e. rit gU ^ a bright thing,' because of its
brightness.
Roth ' a wheel,' from rota.
Rucht * tunic,' as Ferchertne said, * He gave me ten red tunics.'
Rudrath ' period of prescription,' that is rodkrath * very great
duration.'
Riiam * a cemetery,' from Roma.
RanCf this is the sixth kind of baldness. Rane, then, here the
temples are high.
188 MR. STOKES^— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Each d&noy ishe inront namaili otha ilitedan ^ corrice amuUacli.
Romaili .i. etsr inda n^o huile«
Saal tria assa .i. assa firm- [coL 3.] -uUaig^ maeltairside combi
achaisi buidi inamuUacli amal sail duine tria assa.
Bude-reid ' dana .i. mael achenn huili isidu combi glelom.
IMspeilp * dano .i. bid folt for cectar iDdalethchend 7 bfd inrout
reid otha intedan corrice claiss indachulad.'
Ite insein se cinela namailL
Eigan .i. a regfna, uel apt^ Scotos xi rigan huad.
Bath ab eo quod est rata latine^
Euam .i. luss dobeir oucht super faciem combi derg, nude dtcitur
ruamnad.^
Eoscad .i. ro scad .i. roinnsced de deochaid inord insce T .i. scath
.i. insce.
Eelic .i. a relicis Banctorum,
Eop .1. rap. rop ^ didiu naeh nanmanna gonas, ut sunt uaccae.
Eap immorro nach nanmanna dosrenga [chugae ^], ut sunt sues^
Bed tamen uicissim communit^r dicuntur. Eap didiu ab eo quod
est rapio. Eop yero ab eo quod M rohustus.
Eibar .i. criathar.
Eiss .i. seel, Eissi .i. scela. Inde Coirpr^ mac Ethna dtxt't
isin citna dir doronad inHere .i. oendil dam rissi ro[bj8en
B/isee.
Euad rofessa i. nom^ donDagdu.
Eomnae aiss .i. lias 7 buidetu.
SanctBrigit .i. noebBrigit.^°
Suil quasi sol, aristrithi ata ^oilsi do duine. SuiLd ab eo quod
est suil. Solus .i. a sole.^^
Sobraig i. a sobrio."
Senod .i. a^ senodo."
. Salonn i. sal ond .1. cloch sdili.^f Sal xinde est sale.
Sanas .i. sain fis.
Segamla .i, blichtmaire. seg ^dtu A, blicht. 'Inde dicitur isna-
Brethaib Neimed .i. meser bu ara segamla."
* mdetan, Y. • firmullag, Y. ; drmhullacli, LB. • Buge reid, L. ;
Bugereth, Y. ; Buide reid, LB. * Imspelip, Y. * conice achiil, LB. • diarmait
ruanaidh, Y. ^ roindsciged .i. doaeocnaidh innord nindsci, Y.; r6iiidsc6 .i.
dodhechaid in ord insce, LB. ® sic, Y, ; pop, L. • «»<?, Y. '^^ ««j, Y. ;
noembriffit, L. " .i. on grein, Y. '* a sobrio .i. on subachus, Y.
'3 synooo, Y. ** cloch sail iinde dicitur saile, Y. " Y. adds .i. ar a
mbhehtmaire.
OP OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 189
raoh^ also, this is the road of baldness from the forehead as far
as the crown.
nmdiU •very great baldness,' to wit, all between the two ears.
Bol tri assa, *heel through hose.' From his very crown h6 is
bald, so that his yellow caiae (?) is in his crown like a man's heel
through his hose.
hude-rStd, * yellow-smooth,' then. Bald is the whole of his
head in him, so that he is completely bare.
inMpeilp, then, there is hair on each of the two half -heads, and there
is the smooth road from the forehead to the hollow of the polL
Those are the six kinds of baldness.
Ei^an ^ queen,' from reginai vel apud Scotos ri 'king,' Hgan
from it.
Rath ' a surety,' from rata in Latin.
Ruam, a herb that puts a colour on the face so that it is red,
whence is said rtMmttad.
Roscad 'maxim,' i.e. ro-scad, i,e. ro-tnsced. It went into the
order of words, i.e. scath * a word.'
Relic * a burial-place,' from the reliquiae j ' relics,' of the saints.
Rojp and rap, Rop is every animal that gores, such as kine:
rapy however, is every animal that drags to it, sed tamen vicissim
communiter dicuntur. Rap^ then, from rapio^ but rop from rohustus,
Rihar * a sieve.'
Rise * a tale,' rissi ' tales.' Hence Coirpre, son of Ethna, said in
the first satire that was composed in Ireland, ' Not to pay story-
tellers, may that be Bress' fate.'
Ruad rofessa * lord of vast knowledge,' a name for the Dagdae.
Romnae aiss, to wit, greyness and yellowness.
Sanot Brigit, i.e. Saint Brigit.
Sibil * eye,' from sol * the sun,' for through it is light to man.
SoiUe light, from Siiil, Solas * manifest,' from sol.
Sohraig from sohritcs.
Senod * an assembly,' from synodtts.
Salonn ^ salt,' i.e. sal-ondf i.e. a stone of salt. Sal, whence is
saile 'brine.'
Sanas * a secret, ' ( 'an etymologicum *?) i. e. sain-fiss ' rare knowledge.'
Segamla 'milkiness,' seg then is milk. Hence is said in the Judg-
ments of the Notables : ' Thou shalt estimate kine by their milkiness.'
190 MR. STOKES — ON THE BOi7LEIAX FRAGMENT
[Smeroit .i.] Smerfuaitt [fo. 84», col. 1.] .i. smer .i. tene 7
f ude * .i. fuidell.
Sirem .i. iarsindi sires olucc collucc in capite et in toto corpore.
Serr .i. a serra.
Snuad .i. folt.
Secc 7 seccda ondi i8[s]iccu8.
Secnap ^ .i. secund-abb ^ .i. seeundus abbati.^
Secht qt^si sept' ab eo quod est septim.
[Se ab eo quod est sex.
Spirut ab eo quod est spiritus.
Spiracul ab eo quod est spiraculum.] *
Sponc .i. a sponcia.'^
Sest .i. nomen domedon lae, quasi sext .i. a sexta bora.
Semind .i. seim coahinn.
Screpul quasi scripul, ab eo quod est scripulu^.
Sceng .i. imda, unde est imsceng .i. both beco immatimcella
imdai. Inde dieitut ferr [imscing] adbul ® il.
Sorbb .i. locht, quasi sord .i. a sordendo.^
Slabrad quasi slab[a]r-iad .i. iadad cumang .i. slabar each cumang
7 eslabar cech fairsing.
Samrad .i. sam isindEbru, sol isindLaitin/^ und^^ [dicitur] Samson
' sol eorum.' Samrad 6idiu riad reithess gHan, is ann ismo doaitni ^^
asuilsi 7 ahairdi.
Sen ab eo quod est senex. Senser .i. senex 7 fer.
Sailchoit .i. sail coit. coit .i. caill isin Combreicc. Sailchoit
didiu .i. caill mor dosailchedain roboi ann.^^
Badb .i. so adba.
Sine ^^ quasi suige.
Serb .i. ingen Scethimdi in druad deChonnachtaib. Ishf rosddi
feda Atha Luain .i. Bron 7 Duba 7 Daurdibeoil** .i. intan rodalai
natri dalai ocAth luain fri Cormac Conloinges " (.i. Cond naloingse)
mac Conohobair.
Sin .i. each cruind, \mde sin Maie mufn " .i. epis^t7 bai imma-
bragait [col. 2.] fri forcell firinne .i. intan" nobbed" firindi
bafairsing d[i]a braigit. intan " bago bacumang."
^ fuait, Y. * Sechnap, L. ^ secimda, L. * abbate, L.
* septa, jj. • sicy Y. '' spongia, Y. ^ adbar, Y.; &dbai, LB.
^ a sordento .i. on tsalchar, Y. ; a sonlido, LB. ^^ sam hebraice, sol latine, Y.
1^ doaithne, L.; doatne, Y. *® do sailchetain and prius, Y. ** sene, L. ;
sine, B. " daurdebeoil, Y.; dur 7 dibeoil, LB. »* sic, Y.; Coinloinges, L.
16 main, Y. *' «<?, Y. ; antan, L. ^^ atberedh, Y, ^* cumac. LB.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 191
SmMit 'embers,' that is smSr-fudti; smer 'fire/ and fiMtt
'remnant.'
Sirem ' disease/ because it searches {aires) from place to place in
the head and in the whole body.
Serr * a reaping-hook/ from serra.
Sniiad 'hair.'
8ece ' frost/ seec ' dry/ seeta, aecda ' dried/ from siccus,
Secnahb ' a prior/ i.e. secund-ahh, i.e. secundns abbati.
JSecht ^ seven/ quasi sept, from septem.
Si ' six/ from sex.
Spirut ' spirit/ from spiritus,
Spiracul ' a breathing-hole/ from spiraculum. (Genesis, vii. 22.)
Sponc ' sponge/ from spongia,
Sestf a name for mid-day, quasi sexi, i.e. from sexta hora.
Semind * a rush/ i.e. slender («^»m) to its end {ind),
Screpuly quasi scripul, from scripultM.
Sceng 'a bed/ whence is im-scing, a little bothy in which a
bed fits. Hence is said, ' Eetter is a bed-booth than a . . .'
Sorb ' a fault/ quasi sord from sordendo,
Slahrad ' a chain/ quasi slabar-iad, i.e. a narrow closing (iadad).
Slahar is everything narrow, and esslahar everything ample.
Samrad * summer,' sam in the Hebrew and sol in the Latin,
whence is said Samson ' sol eorum.' Samrad then is the course
which the sun runs. Then {i.e, in summer) its brightness shines
most and its height.
Sen 'old,' from senex. Senser 'ancestor,' from senex andfer 'man.'
SailcMit (a place-name), i.e. sail-c6it, Coit is ' a wood ' in the
"Welsh. Sailchoity then, a great wood of willows that was there.
Sadh ' a dwelling * ? that is, so-adba ' a good abode.'
Sine ' a teat,' quasi snige * a dropping.*
Serbf the daughter of Scetherne the wizard of Connaught. She
it is that planted the trees of Athlone, to wit. Grief and Darkness
and Hard-Dumb, when she trysted the three trysts at Athlone
with Cormac Conloinges {i.e. Conn of the Exile) son of Conor.
Siny everything round. Whence is Mac moin's sin^ i.e. an epistle
which was about his neck for declaring truth. When he used to
pass a true judgment the sin was wide for his neck. "When the
judgment was false the sin was narrow.
192 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Serrach .i. serr cech nuachell^ .i. cech noccla. Inde dtcitur serr
[cech] ocdam. iVd serrach .i. ser-ech .i. indiaid amathar bis.
Scuit .i. a Scota ingen rig Eoraind rig Egept[e}.
Sath .i. biad, un^^ dicttur sathech.
Sanb .i. inac Augaine Moir, nnde Mag Sainb dicitur,
Segda i. cosmail [fri s6ig 6] arafegi 7 aglicct^.'
Seng cech segda isinDuil Feda Moir.^
Subaid .i. subiate {sie : leg. a sobrietate ?).
San .i. rifriget.
Srol* .i. suilsi, un^f^ eat apud Scottos [diu* srol .i.] dies solw.
Sopaltair .i. sepultair .i. a sepultt^ra .i. relicc nanduneba .i.
inadnaictis.'
Saim .i. cech corait bf s eter da duine ' n6 iter da hech,
Sed^ .i. OSS allaid, nnde est sedgoine' .i. fer gonas ossu
allaid {sic : leg. alltai).
Sanc[t] ab eo quod est sanctus.
Sen .i. Ifn ingabthar 6oin, nnde sen-bretha.
Sau each soer nt est isnaErethaib l^eimed : fiaircditeir ^° mairc
mathi maccaib sau socharde.^^
« • •
Triath .i. ri .i. tremi etha iath.'*
Ti .i bratt>
Tort i. bairgen .i. nomen de sono iactum. [inde dicitur]
tortene .i. bairgen6ni.
Toisc .i. uoluntas hominis. csioh nf iart^m aslaind 7 isadlaic laduini
is^t^ atb^ir istoisc dam.
Trfath dano trede fordingair .i. trfath .i. rf, 7 triath muir, 7
triath tore. [col. 3.] Deiligtir didiu innar^mendaib. Triath ri
didiu treith areim. Triath muir .i. trethan areim. T/iath tore
dano treith[i] areim.**
Tech ab eo qwod est tectum.
Tore quasi pore .i. cendfochrtw.
Tarb qw^^si taurb .i. a tauro.
Tethru .i. ri Fomori, ut est isind Immacaldaim in da Thuaru
.i. et^r tri[u]wu Tethrach."
1 nuallacli, LB. • Y. adds 7 ara gabailchi. ' Y. prefixes Segon quasi
Began .i. gen segdae, ab eo quod est. * aroll, Y. ' siCy Y. * relec na
duineba .1. mag mar a n-idlmaictis na genti, Y. ' dam, Y. ^ seg, Y. seg,
LB. » seguinidh, Y. s^ghuinech, LB. »<> faircdither, Y. " sochraite, Y.
^ trem atha lath, L. ; treime ethae iathae, Y. ^ LB. and Y. add .1.
breo ar fuit. 1* Y. adds Triath .1. ri, tir-sith a taithmech. Triath muir,
tir-uath a taithmech. Triath .i. tore, tir-sod a taithmech. ^ trethrach, L.
OF OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 193
Serrach * a foal.' 8err everything proud (?), everything vehe-
ment (?). Hence is said: Every band of warriors is serr. Or
Mrraeh i.e. ser-eok * heel-horse,' i.s, behind his dam he is.
Scuitt * the Scots,' from Scota, daughter of King Pharaoh, king
of Egypt.
Sdth * food.' Hence is said sdthech ' satiated.'
Sanh, son of Augaine the Great. Hence is said Magh Sainb
* the Plain of Sanb.'
Segda, he is like to a aeg (hawk?) for his keenness and his
acuteness.
8mg is everytKing segda in the Book of the Great Wood.
Stfhaid subiate (?).
SaHy i.e. rifriget [read refrigeret ?].
8r6l * sun,' whence is said by the Scots * diu sr6l^ i.e. Sunday.
Sopaltair, i.e. sepuUair, from aepultwra, i.e. the graveyard of the
plagues, in which they (the heathen) used to be buried.
Saim^ every yoke that is between two persons or between two
horses.
Sid 'a deer,' when is said sidguine, a man who kills wild
deer.
Sanct * holy,' from sanettts.
Sin * a net in which birds are caught,' whence sin-hretha * bird-
net judgments.'
SaUf every noble, as is in the Judgments of the Notables : * Let
good horses be kept by the sons of a noble host.'
lyiath *a king.' Through him {tremi) are the foods (etha) of
the lands.
Ti * a mantle.'
Tort 'a, cake,' a name made from the sound. Hence is said
tortine * a cakelet.'
ToisCy one's desire, everything that is pleasing and desirable in
a person's eyes he says it is a toiac, it is a desire, of mine.
Triathy three things it means, to wit, triath * king,' and triath
*sea,' and Math *boar.' They are distinguished by their
genitives. Triath *king,' triith is its genitive. Triath *sea,'
trethan is its genitive. Triath * boar,' triithi is its genitive.
Tech * house,' from tectum.
Tore, quasi pore, a mutation.
Tarhh * a bull,' quasi taurhhy from tatirm,
Tethru, a king of the Eomorians, as is in the Dialogue of the
two Sages : * among Tethru's mighty men.'
FliU. Tram. lSdl-2-Z, 13
194 MR. STOKES— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Tenlach ab eo quod est tene lige.
Tet i. notnen de sono iactum.
Temair .i. Grr^c rotruaillned ann .i. teomoro .i. oonspicio.
Temair dddtu cachloo asnad airgna deosin, xmde^ dtoitur temair
natuathe 7 temair intige.
Tem cech ndorclia, uade dteitur temen.
Tipra quasi topra d. iarsindi dobruclita [uisce as] . nd tipra .i.
tepersiu.
Troech ' .1. ca^h nechtraide .i. each neotwr.'
Turigen .i. rf. Turigein (.i. tuili) gein .i. gein tollin [.i. tolin]
a fir (aaui)daicn»W e^onoenaigter fri fir na screptra. Alit^ turigin
.i. tur i[ii]gena .i. tenga. Aliter turigein .i. gein turi.* &mal bis
tair mor ocfulang thighi 7 illama essi [sic ised in teg in doman
centaxacli']. ISbf intirir firindi recbta aient^. Itte na billama
fasin tuirid .i.'] ilchialla 7 ilcbonora inbreithemnais 7rl. Aliter
tuirigein .i. rl, at est isinDuil Roscad 7rl.
* cech loc as mbi aur^am deicsl ittr mag 7 tech, ut, Y. * Troeth, Y. ;
Traaeth, LB. ; traetji, Book of Leoan, 160^ 2. ' .i. gach neuter .i.
nemtedhtardea *not-either-of-them,* Y. [ = nemnechtardha (gl. neutrain),
Uraicecht, Book of Lecan, fo. 145^ ll. * quasi gein a tuir, Y. * sic, Y.
^ sic, Y. Y. adds the quotation : M tulach fri tuirigin tuigethar tuile mar
muime * not a hill for a king who ... a great flood of spears ' [muirenn .i.
aleghy O'Day. 105, mairenn, supra, p. 16].
OP OORMAC'S GLOSSARY. l95
Tenlaeh ' hearth,' from tene ' fire ' and Uffe * bed/
Tet * a string/ a name made from the sound.
Temair, Greek was corrupted therein, i.e. teomoro (Oetopeo)?),
that is, conspicio. Temair, then, is every place from which there is
a remarkable prospect, whenpe is said the temair of the country,
and the temair of the house.
Tern, everything dark, whence is said temm ' dark grey.'
Tipra *a well,' quasi topru, because water bursts {dohruchta)
out of it, or tipra, a dropping {tepersiu).
Troeth, everything neutral, every neuter.
Tmrigen *a king,' turiffein, i.e. tuU-gein 'flood-mouth,' i.e. a mouth
that fills itself, i.e. its truth fills out of nature, so that it is made
one with the truth of the Scripture. Aliter turigin, i.e.' tur in gena
* the tower of the mouth,' i.0. a tongue. Aliter turigein, i.e. gein
turi, as there is a great tower supporting a house with many arms
out of it, so is the house in the present world. This is the tower,
the truth of the law of nature. These are the many arms out of
the tower, the many meanings and many ways of judicature, etc.
Aliter ttirigein * a king,' as is in the Book of Maxims, etc.
196 MR. STOKE? — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
NOTES.
Imbas foromai or Imhass foromaf see LU. 55^ 14, 125^ 9. My
translation of this difficult article is merely tentative. ImbaSf
LL. 30^ 29. Imhass, H. 3. 18, pp. 70, col. 3, and 635, col. 3.
Imhass, gen. tmhais, supra, s.v. nimb,' from ^emhi-hat-tO', cognate
with the Jjd&ifateor,
forosnai, from '"for-od-sunna, verbal noun fursunnud, seems cogn.
with Goth, sunnd, A.S. sunne. As to cama derg, see Laws, ii.
202, where derg-cama is contrasted with cama hruithe 'boiled
flesh.' In tmm Idida ' illumination of song,' we have a derivative
of ten * fire,' ^tep.
Ldichess, voc. pi. a Michessa, LU. 103^ 35.
Lugnasad, gen. oenach Tailten cech lugnasaid, LU. 52^ 20. As
to Lug mac Ethlenn, see LU. 78^ 18 and Eevue Celtique, xii. 127.
Lelap. The lau kittle' here and s.v. lautu seems borrowed from
an Old- Welsh *lau = Ir. lug, Gr. €-\axt;9, Skr. hghu.
Lemlacht, lem each maeth, H. 3. 18, p. 635*. The Uith (leg.
teith ?) here cited occurs compounded in teith-milhi * smooth-sweet,'
an epithet for the rivers in Fairyland, LU. 131, 1. 37, and teith-hlaithi
* smooth-soft,' an epithet for a woman's thighs, H. 2. 16, col. 716.
Loch, O'DoDovan renders assoilgi laith hchhronna by ' prosperous
is a king of dark secrets' — a signal instance of unlucky guess-
work. Assoilgi is 3rd sg. pres. ind. act. of a verb, '^salc, cognate
with osslaicim *1 open,' and arosailcther. Ml. 14° 15, irsolooth *an
opening,' dufuasailce, Ml. 29^ 10, and the verbal noun tuaslucud
*an opening': laith is. a common word for ale, cognate with
Com. lad (gl. liquor), Gr. Xdra^, and Lat. latex ; and hronna is the
ace. pi. of hrd, a fem. nn-stem.
Laith, from *(p)lati, cogn. with 7rd\rf, wdkefio^, as flaith with
valeo, Ldith ' balance,' perh. from *tldti, cogn. with Gr. Tokamop,
Skr. tula, Lat. tuli, {t)ldtus. The t of the soundgroup tl seems lost
also in lucht *a charge '=0.W. tluith in or mawr-dluithruim (gl.
multo uecte). The grammatical term forsail is thus explained in
^ And so ba rand immais, LL. 187^ 15. fomesa ceard n-eicse donessa cerd
n-iumuis, he who reproaches the art of imbass reproaches the art of poetry, H. 3.
18, p. 62, col. 3.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 197
the TTraicecht, BB. 31B^ 20: forsail m fuilM ele dob^/r cumang
fedha for in son dia fot, amael ata sron, slog [leg. sron, slog]. So
in BB. 328* 44, forsail, ut est sron 7 slog 7 mor.
Langfitsr, The corresponding loanword in "Welsh i^ lawhethyr^
Laws, i. 558, now Ihwethir in Cardigans}iire, according to Bh^s,
Wehh Fairy Tales, 36.
Lommand, The ace. sg. lummdin is in Mac Conglinne's Yision,
LB. 213^. The adj. lomm (W. llwmm) here mentioned is, according
to Strachan, from '^lup-mo-, cf. O.-Slav. lupiti detrahere, Lith. lupti
schalen, lattpiti ranhen. So Old-Ir^ dmm *hand,' Ascoli, Gloss,
pal.-hib. p. xl, seems from *dp-inen, cogn. with Lat. apere, aptm,
apisci, Skr. ^dp,
Letheoh 'plaice' ('flounder'?), cogn. with Mid.-High-Germ.
vluoder 'flounder.*
fithidrea, sg. gen. of Jlthithair, Laws, ii. 344, 348. dat. do
fithidir, Laws, ii. 228.
Z6e8, The stem of the verb -Imnethar here cited seems in form
identical with that of wX^pto from TrXv-P'^-as (KZ. vi. 89). Root
(p)lu. With the tmesis, imme- loea -luinethary cf. as- rUna -r^mdid,
r61. Jan. 12.
Mo dehroth. This is spelt mudehroth in the Bk. of Armagh, 6^ 1,
mudehrod, ibid. 7* 2.
Marc, In airmneeh, cogn. with arha, pi. arhann, the m is for
V. Airgtech (which I have not met elsewhere) is derived &om
arget=zargentum,
MuccairhSy see Laws, iv. 360, 1. 6.
Milliud, LU. 97». Cf. oc admilliud ind rig, LTJ. 86*. do
admillind ind rfg, LTJ. 87*. fer tuadc^ech co suil millethaig,
LU. 97^
Mtlgetan^ is an honoriflc portion of an animal ; but what portion
is not known.
Melg, The compound melgthem is exemplified in the Amra
Conroi : firu batar fo meilgtine .i. has.
Morann. See now as to him Irisehe Texte, 3^® serie, I. heft,
pp. 206, 207, 208. The AudaeM Morainn is in the Book of
Leinster, pp. 293, 294. With hihda hdis, cf. is bidba bais (gl. reus
est mortis), LB. 165» 42, 169^ 59.
Menad, W. mgnmcyd, M. Bret, metmud* Etym. obscure.
Monach: mon is cognate with Ch. Slav, i 'a, « lit 'triigen,
tauschen,' Lith. mdnai ' Trug,' Lett, mdnii ' (ih ' a'S zh
word see Fick %n Bezz. Beitr. ii. 201 ^ r
198 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
n
Methoss * boundai*y-mark/ cogn. -with Skr. tnit 'post.' The Ir.
mede ' neck * (from ^meitio-) and Lat. mita are radically connected.
As to the twelve kinds of boundary-marks, see Laws, iv, 142.
Muilenn. The maillem of LB., which corresponds with the
muilend of L. and Y., was rendered by O'Donovan 'together'
— a mere guess.
MdU. Cogn. perhaps with Lat. mdjdlts * barrow-hog.' Anothei
form, mdtay gen. sg. mdtai .i. mucci, occurs in LIT. 109* 30. dat
sg. mataif Book of Leinster, 118» 48, 60. As to the Breth^
Nemed, cited here and s.vv. nimby seffamlae, aauy see Laws, i
112, 113, ii. 70, Nemed includes a chieftain, cleric, sage, poet
judge and chief artificer. See also O'Don. Supp. s.v. neimheadh.
^ Mann, The Sencha here quoted wad doubtlesd one of the Senchai
mentioned in the Laws, i. 22. The second word of his decree
dilih^ is the pL dat, of dil from "^agli-y cogn. with Goth, agh
'disgrace' (Strachan). Cichaite seems a redupl. «-fut. (relative form]
from ^qiky whence also cichty a carver or engraver, with whicl
IWindisch connects Pictiy Pietones, Pictmi.
mdly gen. mdil, from *magl0'8, cogn. with Lat. mag-nu-s, Ar
Old-Celtic * Maglus Conomagli filius ' is cited by Becker, Kuhn't
Beitr. iii. 849. Mai i CHu Mail, LL. 21^ M41 mac Telbaind^
LU. 90* 32.
Mug-iime. In the footnotes marked H. are given the mon
important various readings of the copy of this article in Harl
5280,
As to Coirpre Miisc, the anciestbr of the Muscraige in Tipperar]
and Cork, see LL. 38^ 2. He fought in the battle of Cennfebrat
A.D. 186, according to the Four Masters. .
The statements here made as to the power of the Gaels ii
south-western Britain agree with' !N'ennius, and have of lat(
years been confirmed by the discovery of some Ogham inscription!
in South Wales and Devon, which were certainly the work o
a Gaelic population.
As to Glastonbury of the Gaels, see the notes to the Calendai
of Oengus, Aug. 24 (Glastingbeta na nGaedel i ndeisciur
Saxan, A.S. Glaestingabyrig).
Tor the resuscitation of Glass, son of Cass, see the Tripartita
Life of Patrick, EoUs edition, p. 122, and the Book of. Armagh
fo. 14a 2, cited ibid. pp.. 324, 325.
As to the maic Liathain, here said to have settled in Cornwall
see ^ennius, ed. Stevenson, c. 14, the Iruh Nenniw^ edd. Todd am
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 199
Herbert, p. 52, and Bhfs, The Arthurian Legend^ 329, whence
it would seem that the Children of Liathan were in Pembroke-
shire (*in regione Demetorum'), the peninsula of Gower {Guir)
in Somerset, and Kidwelly ( Cetgueli), in Carmarthen.
To the British law * every criminal for his crime, etc.,' there seems
to have been something similar in Ireland : see a story cited from
Zebar Gahdla in Petrie's Tara^ p. 195, where a horse is adjudged
to lose the leg with which he had kicked a boy. The offending
thing, not its owner, was liable (0. W. Holmes, The Common Law,
p. 10). So under Solon's law : et^payfre Se xal fiXdfirf^ Terpawohwv
vofiovy €v iZ Kal Kvva daxoma irapahovvai KcXevei kXoiiv Te7paTnj')(ei
hehefiAvov} By the Eoman law of pauperies,^ the owner of the
animal doing damage had either to surrender it to the injured
party, or to make full compensation, see TJlp. in Dig. ix. 1, 1 ;
Justin. Inst. iv. 9. So King Alfred enacts : Gif neat mon
gewundige, weorpe f neat to honda oj^j^e fore j^ingie.* These
and other ancient laws, in that they give the owner of the
peccant beast the option of making compensation for its crime,
are less primitive than the Celtic and Solonean rules above cited.
at, the name in LB. of the eulogy brought by the poet to Tadg,
is an interesting word. The gen. sg. is ttath,^ ace. sg. uith, pi. gen.
uathf Thumeysen, Irische Texte, third series, part i. pp. 127, 128.
Hence the Old-Irish nom. sg. would be uiy which becomes at in
Middle-Irish, as drut druid, mi sage, become drdi, sdi, With this
*ui I venture to connect Gr. vfivo^ for v-fivo^ as vTrepy vto for vwep^
vTTo. Curtius' etymology of vfivo^ {v<f>-/ipo9) is, as Brugmann
shows (Studien, ix. 286), impossible, because the suffix fivo when
added to a root ending in a consonant requires a connective vowel ;
a^nd Brugmann*s own combination with Skr. s^Hman 'Band,
Streifen,' is questionable, as the v of vfivo9 is short by nature.
See Aesch. Ag. 990 : rbv S*av€v \vpa9 Sfiw^ vfivwBei, There
seems to have been an Indo-European V^, *to call, cry, proclaim,'
whence Ir. *w-t, Gr. v-fivo^ ; but whether the Vedic uve (uve . . .
yathevangd bhavishyati I proclaim how it will he indeed^ Bv. 10,
86. 7) is to be referred to it I do not venture to say.
» Plat. Solon, 24 (ed. Reiske).
^ Is this for *p6p . . . cognate with Skr. pApmany with which Fr5hde and
Wackemagel have connected Gr. *ir^fia from ^mHuMy *iniirfjM? For Lat. au
from 6 see Stolz, Lat, Or, 272. The suffix may be due to confusion with
/wK-j»^-w« 'poverty.'
^ Ancient Laws, etc., ed. Hioi^e^ i. 78.
* Or uadf Conu. ■•▼• «raw, - , * . *
- . - LiJ,
200 MR« STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Much * smoke/ W. mtr^, Arm. muXf and perhaps Or. tr^vx*^ from
*smukhd?
MSr 'blackbird/ has been dednced from *9m9r0'f cognate not
only with W. mwyakh (from ^m^isalko- ?), bnt with Germ. meiw.
Cormac's etym. is taken from Isidore, Origg. xii. 7. 69 : Alii
memlam aiant uoeatam, quia sola Tolat, qnasi mera nolans. So
also Pestns (ed. Miiller, p. 124) : Memm antiqoi dicebant solum ;
unde et avis tnerula nomen accepit, quod solivaga est et sola
pascitur.
Jfi9ui^A=minneach .i. breg, 'falsehood,' 0*01. But cf. the
nom. pi. mindig a tigh .i. drochdaine no an t-6es deroil, HarL
5280, fo. 41^. Oognate are Lat. menda^ mendum, Skr. mindd*
Manannan mac lir. See also BB. 258% 11. 48-56.
Nemnuall. This obscure word is glossed by eeol aingeal ' music
of angels,' in the Book of Lecan vocabulary.
Nemeth. See Petrie's Eeel, Architecture, 59. As to nem^uath see
LL. 38^ 38. These absurd etymologies are thus given in H. 2. 16,
col. 120 : !N'emid intan is fri heclais .i. nem-iath .i. iath neme.
Kemed flathae .i. neim (no nim)-aith .i. aith neime (no nime) for
armaib inn oesa flathae. "Nemed ^led A. nim-uath [.i.] uath nime
for teugthaib na ^led — ^the sharpness of poison being on the
weapons of the nobles, the horror of poison being on the tongues
of the (satirical) poets !
N6e. The quotation is explained in the Book of Lecan, 151^ 1
=BB. 328^ 43.
N6e$ eustomf ' customary law,' whence ndm^e, LL. 234^,
and the verb ro-ndeseged, LU. 90^, nonoisigthe, LL. 106^, is
obscure. The synonymous nds is borrowed from W. nawe 'dis-
position,' which is cogn. with Ir. t^nde * custom,' and gndth ' usual.'
Neecoit. An abridgment of the story of the Second Battle of
Moytura is now published, with a translation, in the Eevue
CeltiquCf xii. pp. 56-111. For the part corresponding with Oormac
see ihid. pp. 92-94.
a hilaih na tenchoire, lit. ' out of the lips of the tongs : ' hil from
*gvetlo-e, cogn. perhaps with Goth. qi]^any A.S. cwe^an. So Lat.
labrum with Ir. labraim ' I speak.'
Ollam, Compare Laws, iv. 358. In the earliest times his retinue
was 24 in number, BB. 333* 1. The ddm here mentioned is a fern,
d-stem, and, aco. to Windisch, cogn. with Dor. lafio9.
Oi. The gen. pi. of disc occurs in the Saltair na Eann, 2844 :
CO tret n-ooisce Jacob.
OF OORMAC's GLOSSART. 201
: OimeJe. So in Harl. 5280, fo. 32% 0 somsnan co hoimelc, ho
oimelc co beltine, ho beltine co brontrogain 'from the first day
of winter to the first day of spring, from the first day of spring to
the first day of summer, from the first day of summer to Lammas/
Oech, A.S. if0'fda * foe,' Goth, faih Betrug, Lith. petkiii, peikti
fluchen. For-oeaad, p. 18, 1. 14, may be the 2dy «-fut. sg. 3 of a
cognate verb.
Om» This seems cognate with Gr. e/iiv, ^Aprf9f dptf and Skr. drush
' wound,' j'-nd'ti. From the same root are ort .i. b^s, art .i. orgain,
O'Dav. 109, and airi i n-air a prim-roit 'for injuring his chief
road,' E. 3. 6, p. 39^, cited in O'Don. Supp. The W. omest
* monomachia,' which has been compared, is borrowed from A.S.
earnost * a duel.'
• Oohtaeh. The aoc. sg. occurs in LIT. 108^ 22 : focheird iarom in
roth CO hochtaig ind Hgthigi then he east the wheel to the ridgepole
of the palace. Is it the same word as the (corrupt) O.-Ir. octgag
(gl. pin us), octhgach as ardu alailiu (gl. habies), MS. Lat. 7260
(Bibl. Nationale), fo. 9^? Cf. the gloss Ailm dno .i. crann giuis
.i. ochtach, Book of Lecan, 149^ 1=BB. 326» 50.
Ore triith, cf. LL. 187^ 49 : i n-oenuch thuirc thr6ith^ .i. i n-
oenuch maic ind rig .i. cluim 7 cholcid yrl.
Ore, The story of Lomna*s head is noticed in Rhys' Hihheri
Zeetures, pp. 98, 99. But surely the head's displeasure at not
being given part of the salmon is nothing but vexation at the
breach, in its case, of a law of hospitality which bound the Fiann,
and the '' offering to the Celtic Dis " is mere ingenious guesswork.
For other tales of a speaking head see LU. 98* 35 and Three
Fragments of Irish Annals^ pp. 44, 46.
The indeoin which I have rendered tentatively by ' gridiron,' is
some kind of cooking apparatus. Hence the verbal noun indeonad
' to broil.'
a eenn, pp. 28, 1. 30, 30, 11. 5 and 9. Hence cenn seems to have
been sometimes neuter. Cf. friscichset for cenna d{b, LU. 89* 44,
and BB. 320^ 3 : hilugud labartha, ut est is ed a cenn 7 is lia-te
ind aurlabra.
conid-ro marh. Here the d {id ?) is an infixed pers. pron. of 3rd
pi. See G.C. 332.
Pattu, gen. pi. pattan^ LB. 183^ 37, seems a loan-word, cogn.
with Fr. patte and pataud. See Diez, s.v. patta. So p6i * foot,'
is a loan from O.Fr. poe (K. Meyer).
1 do ihuio Thomair <to prinee Tomair,* Book of RigbtB, 206, 3.
202 MR. STOKES — ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
\Pdin, The Bretha Echach maic Luchta are mentioned in the
Laws, i. p. 18, 1. 23. Some of the words in the obscure extract'
here quoted are thus glossed by D. Mac Pirbis : form Being .i.
ar mo leaba : pain .i. aran : punoem .i. torn as : hsiail (leg. la siail?}
.i. oileamhain : goss ^ .1. gMh : geisen .i. eala.
P(5<?: sain-poc 7 pocnat (gl. osculum), Sg. 46* 2. df laim im
£tain 7 poc di, ol Midir, LTJ. 131, 1. 24. It is borrowed from an
oblique case of Lat. pax,
Frull Of the copy of this article in Harl. 5280, fo. 75*, the^
more important various readings are given in the footnotes
marked H. 'Sh.j^ {Hihhert Lecturei)^ p. 567, note 1, equates prull
with W. prwystl * tumultuous.' With the description of the
monster which appeared to Senchan cf. the description of the.
pishdcha in Hoernle's edition of the Jaina Uvdsagaddao, pp.
65-69, translated by Morris, Philolog, 8oe, JProceedings, April
15, 1887. Rhys {Hihhert Lectures, 567) says that Cormac'»
picture of the Sptritm Poematis is ** in fact a description of
a corpse in an advanced stage of decomposition," and accounts
for this by alleging **the ancient notion that poetry traced ita
origin to the world of the dead, whose king was sometimes given
the outward appearance and lividness of a corpse." But where^
is there any evidence of the existence of this ** ancient notion " ?
And what people had a corpse-like king of the shades? Not
the Indians, nor the Greeks, nor the Finns. Neither Yama nor
Hades, nor Tuoni had anything corpse-like about him. Hel, no'
doubt, is described as hid (or half-J/«f) ; but she was a goddess.
promthit for promfit ex promfa-\-itf as gehait, LU. 87* 45, for
gSba-^-it,
luaithidir lochaid ia/r forgarmain ' swifter than a shuttle along
a weaver's beam ' : cf . Job vii. 6 : * My days are swifter than a;
weaver's shuttle.' The primary meaning of the word rendered
* shuttle ' is * mouse.' The Welsh term for shuttle, gwennol gweydd^
lit. 'weaver's swallow,' also recognizes the swiftness of this
instrument. With for-garmain cf. lu-garmain, Laws, i. 150, 1. 7,
and Welsh car/an,
seiir, -sHar, pass. pres. indie, sg. 3 of sStaim, a sister-form of
fHaim * possum,' both from an Old-Celtic *scent6 cogn. with Goth.
&vin^8 * strong,' svin]fjan Kpareiv, svin^nan KparaiodaOai.
lite 'steering-oar,' dat. luith, from *lu(p)ei, cogn. with Slav.
lopata * shovel.'
^ A loan either from A.S. gdt or O.N. gda.
OF OOKMAC S GLOSSARY.
2oa
Another instance in Irish literature of challenges to give
corresponding couplets will be found in the Lebar Brecc, p. 85,
lower margin, where the challenger is the Devil and the person
challenged is Saint Colomb cille. The practice seems to exist
in Portugal, where singing ao desafio is a favourite amusement :
see Latouche, Tra/veh in Portugal^ p. 47. So in India : samasyd
* the giving to another person part of a stanza, and requiring him
to complete it ' (Benfey).
odhaigy sg. ace. fem. of odhaoh, derived from odh (=W. oddf
*tuberculum'), later /<k?3, with prothetic/.
hung (=01d-Celtic *hong6f later hongaim) is, as K. Meyer first
saw, the act. pres. ind. sg. 1 of the verb of which hiiain {=*hogni)
p. 39, 1. 12, is the infinitive, and hocht 'poor' an old participle
passive. Skr. y/bhanjy hhandjmh ' I break,' Lith, hangd * wave.'
Tdy cf. Ta (.i. clostid) cein, LIT. 85».
The description of the Spirit of Poetry, after he had assumed
his proper form, is thus given in Y. cols. 75-76 :
Intan, tra, tangatar docum So when they came to Ireland
nErend conacatar in gillae they beheld the youth aforesaid,
remepertae, ar ba hoclaech
ruithentae, righ[d]ae, romor,
roiscletan, mormileta eseom, co
muing orbuidhe orsnaith fath-
maindigh caisidir carra menn-
crot. Tlacht rochaom rigdae
uimbe : milech orduide a n-im-
dunad in tlachta sin. Sciath
corcra cobradach cetharochair,
Ian do gemaib carrmogail 7 liag
logmar 7 nemthand 7 cristal 7
sathfire, for a cliu. Cloidhemh
coilgdirech, co tairchetlaib [=
trocheltaib, LL. 231» 47] oir
deirg, for a deiscib. Cathbarr
airg[d]idhe co coroin 6rduighe
ima cend. Dealb is airechdam
7 is aidbli luchracht [?] bui
for duine riamh fair.
for he was a hero radiant, royal,
huge, broad-eyed, warrior-like,
with golden-yellow hair of gold-
thread, fathmainnech (?), curlier
than cross-trees of small harps. A
costly, royal robe around him : a
golden brooch closing that robe.
A shield purple, bossy, four-
edged, full of gems of carbuncle
and precious stones and pearls
and crystals and sapphires, on
his left. A sword- straight
glaive, with inlayings (?) of red
gold, on' his right hand. A
silvern helmet with a golden
crown on his head. A shape
the noblest and grandest
that had ever been on man was
on him.
In the phrase carra menncrott K. Meyer takes oarra to be for
corruj ace. pi. ofeorr, the curved cross-tree of a harp, see 0' Curry,*
204 MR. STOKES— ON THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENT
Manners and Customs, iii. 256. Mennerott (=mendcrbtt, LL. 18^
60) seems a compound of mend * kid ' (cogn. with Alb. ment * to
suck,' as dinu * lamb * with Lat. fe-Iare, Gr. Oi^-trarOf Strachan)
and crott=W, erwth. 0' Curry's benn chroit (M. and C. iii. 305)
is a mere figment.
Ross. The ace. pi. of ross 'a wood,' occurs in LB. 208* 1 : Bxnal
trascraid sloig dochein reid rossa do thuagaib rog^ra * as hosts fronr
afar fell smooth woods with keenest axes.' The gen. sg. of ross
* flax-seed,' rois, occurs in Laws, ii. 368. It is said in the
Uraicecht (Bk. of Lecan, 143^ 1 = BB. 317* 43) to have been one
of the nine components of the Tower of Babel — ^the others being
clay, water, oil, blood, lime, flax, shittim and bitumen. The * ros9
of water ' is = ros lachan (gl. lenticula aquatica), Bev. Celt. ix. 236.
dss * growth,' is from *{p)dt't0't cogn. with Gr. wareofiat,
a-7ra<rros, and Gcoth., fddjan (Strachan).
Similar explanations are given in the Uraicecht (Leb. Lee. 150*
1 = BB. 326* 50) : ross .i. roi oss, quando .i. intan, is ros caille, 7
rass iar lind intan is ros usee .i. rof hos mad for maxbuBci, no roidh
ass mad for sruth, 7 rofhas intan is ros lin .i. ara luas 7 ar[a]thighe
fhdsas.
Remm, Spelt reimm and glossed by fuirseoir no druih in Laws,
iv. 354.
Rout. The whole article is printed and translated by O'Donovan
in his edition of the Book of Bights, Dublin, 1847, pp. Ivi-lviii.
As to rdut and ramut, see Laws, i. 232, 1. 18. From ramut comes
the adj. ramatach, Laws, iii. 112. The description of sli^e
reminds one of afia^no^ *a carriage-road.' As to the five great
sUgid of Ireland, see LL. 155^ 8. With Idmrotae of. 0*C1. Gl.
lamrod .i. rod laimh le rod aUe. With the gen. sg. raitea cf. raite
.i. cuairt ingelta, O'Don. Supp. Bdthar seems borrowed from an
Old- Welsh *bautr, y'^a, whence also Skr. ji-^dtt, a-gdt, Gr. i-fiav^
A.S. pcB^, O.H.G. pfad. In amser chue (rectius ehiiad) we seem to
have a cognate of W. eawad *imber,' Com. eouat (gl. nimbus).
See H. 3. 18, p. 639^, where diadh is glossed by gemred 'winter.'
Rinene. This article is, to me, unintelligible. The usual
meaning of rinene is ' spear ' : do rindcne a. do sleigh, Bawl. B.
488, fo. 4^ 2.
Rohuth, gen. rohaid, LIT. 57» 36, 87» 13, 15. pi. dat. robthaih^
LL. 57^ 22, seems a compound of ro-^pro and ^beuto- from ^gveuto-^
cogn. with poFa and 7oo«, Tick* 406. So the Welsh r^ybudd
^ monitio,' comes from ro and *peud, *peuJ0', y/qu *to cry,' Fick* 380.
OF CORMAC'S GLOSSARY. 205
Ruekt from ^ntk-tu, cogn. with Germ. JtoeJc, Bockenj A.S. rocc^
Jiow Lat. roccus, whence Fr. and Eng. rochet, pronounced rocket
ia the Co. Cork. The quotation is from the Amra Conroi (H. 3.
18, p. 49): ro ir dam .x. ruchta derga ^he gave me ten red
tunics.*
JRiuim * cemetery,' from R6ma. See the Tripartite Life, p. 656,
col. 2. See also the Divina Commedia, Far. ix. 140 : xxvii. 25.
Rane seems borrowed from a British cognate of Lat. runcoy Persius
4- 36, runcina. For the ablaut a — «, see Frohde, Bezz. Beitr.
xvii. 306. The imspeilp here mentioned is a compound of imm-
=Lat. amh'y Gr. d/i0/, and speilp borrowed (with prothetic b and
metathesis of T) from the gen. sg. of Lat. peplum. Speilp (gl. co-
opertorium), Ir. Gl. 730. Cor' scail in speilp boi imme, LB.
160a 42.
Rath. The Low-Latin rata occurs often in the Canones Hibem.
Ducange explains it by ^ stipulatio, contractus ; ' but it seems
always to mean ' a security ' or * guarantee.'
RtMm : hence ruamadh, 0' Curry, M. and C. iii. 119.
Roscady pi. nom. dotiagait asna foclaib sin . . . roscaid 7 fasaig
7 aircheadail, L.Lec. 143^ 2=BB. 317^ 30.
Riba/r * sieve' seems cogn. with Lith. re-tis, the suffix being
borrowed from Lat. crihrum (krei-dhro-). 80 in Idichess, supra, p.
8, the suffix is=Lat. -««««, Gr. -taaa.
RuBy pi. n. ail rfg risi rede, LL. 187* 37, rissi ruada, LL. 187^ 20.
Sohraig, Eop sobraig, LL. 343^ 3.
Semind. So semind .i. s^im co hind, LL. 186^ 29.
Sen, BcuBer is, ace. to Windisch, from *BeniaBterO', O'sBer
' younger ' and Lat. magiB-ter, miniB-ter, are similar formations.
Sail'choit=Sulch6idy Four Masters, a.d. 1602, p. 2312, is a loan
from Balieoitum, the Old-British pronunciation of Lat. ^BalicUum.
The Welsh eoit here cited is from ^keito-tif whence the Old-British
ceton in Zito-ceton, Luit-coit ' grey-wood,' now Litchfield. See
Bradley, in the Academy, October 30, 1886. The Goth, haithi
* a heath,' is cognate.
Sine is compared by Bugge with Lith, BpenyB * teat.' But tri-
phne, LU. 77* 38=^ri Btne, LL. 75^ 21, seems to point to a
primeval Celtic Bvenio, Cf. however the redupl. perf. Bephaind
'played (the harp),' which Strachan brings from ^Bphendh,
' zucken,' whereto Fick * 149, refers Skr. pa-Bpande, Gr. (T<^da>/69.
Serb. As to the Feda, or woods, of Athlone see the Four
Masters, ed. 0*Donovan, a.d. 1536, p. 1435, note 0.
206 MR. STOKES — ON CORMAC*S GLOSSARY.
^ Sin. 8e6 now IrUohe Texte^ 3*® serie, 1. heft, pp. 188-198,
where this and eleven other Irish ordeals are described. The
< epistle ' was got from 8. Paul.
Scuitt, So in the Bk. of Lecan, 152* 2 : Nel mac Feniusa dofuo
Scotai ingen Foraind, conid dia hanmaim-sein dogairthear Scuitt
*. Nel son of Fenius wedded Scota Pharaoh's daughter, so that from
her name the Scots are (so) called.'
Sopaltair, Soppaltair la Forbraigi, Tripartite Life, p. 250.
Saim^ cogn. with Skr. samdm, Gr. afia^ ofio^, o/jloO, Germ, zu-
sammen.
Sen * net ' ( W. htci/n), from ^sep-no, ^seffh, whence Gr. ex^.
To the same root Strachan refers Ir. semmenn * rivets/ s.v. nescoit,
from ^aeasmen^ *8egh-8'men.
Sid. pi. gen. re trichait sedh lurganda, Bk. of Lecan, 149^ 1 =
BB. 325^
SaUy 0' Donovan Supp. takes s6er to be for saevj and accordingly
renders sau by * carpenter.*
Ti * mantle,' Hi dubglass co lubain airccit, Egerton 1782, fo.
37^ 2: pi. n. tii dubglasso, Ir. Texte, 3^ ser. 1. Heft, p. 239,
1. 136. From *io-ve8to-y ^ves (Strachan).
; jDriath * king,' may be cogn. with Lat. strlt-avus * an ancestor
in. the sixth degree.' As to the superstition here referred to, — the
influence of a righteous king on the seasons and crops, — see the
Odyssey, xix. 109-114; Horace, Odes, iv. 5, 11. 7, 8; Manu, ix.
246, 247; and the Irish documents mentioned in the Tripartite
Life, pp. clx, 507, 670.
' Tethra^ The quotation from the Dialogue of the Two Sages
may be found in LL. 187^ 37.
.7Iw»=A.S. yimm. The adj. temen occurs in Bumann's poem in
praise of the sea, Laud 610, fo. 10% as an epithet for a wave : eonn
dutraic tuinn temen cruaid. It also seems to have been a proper
name, whence Temenrigi^ Book of Armagh, 15^ 2.
Turigen. The similarity of tur- with the first syll. of Gr.
Tvpavvo^y said to be borrowed from Lydian, is probably accidental.
The IHiil Roacad * Book of Maxims,' cited here and s.v. Idea, is said
to have been composed by Cennfaelad, son of AUill, after his skull
had been split in the Battle of Moira, a.d. 637, and his * brain
of forgetfnlness ' {inchinn dermait) removed : see Laws, iii. 86, 88,
650. He is also alleged to have been the author of the Uraicecht.
2or
v.— NOTE ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF THE
ENGLISH VOWELS IN THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY. By Russeli, Martineatj, M.A.
[Mead at the Society^ s Meeting on Friday, Nov 6th, 1891.]
The elder Joannes Buxtorf, the great Hebraist, was born
at Kamen in Westfalia in 1564. He was Professor of
Hebrew at Basle for 38 years, and died in 1629. His son
of the same name was a worthy sou of his father, and
carried on his work. Several of the father's works, left
unfinished at his death, were edited by the son. One of
these appears to be the " Epitome Granamaticae Hebraeae,"
which, probably owing to the esteem in which the younger
Buxtorf was held in England, wher^ he resided for some
time, was published first in London in 1653. This was
written in Latin ; but at the beginning, where the Hebrew
vowels are enumerated, their value is given by citation of
both Oerman and English words. These give us interesting
information respecting the pronunciation of the English
vowels in the age before 1629 when the author died, or at
least before 1653 when the book was published. It might
indeed be objected that, Buxtorf being a foreigner, his
estimate of the English vowels is not to be implicitly
believed. But very fortunately for my argument this
objection is met by the existence of an English translation
of this little grammar made by John Davis and published
in London 1656. The translation omits the German
instances, but retains all the English ones — except in one
case where Buxtorf gave two instances, and the translator
thinks only one necessary. Thus we have native English
evidence of the time, I shall also show (though it is not
4 .
t ,
208 PRONUNCIATION OF THE ENGLISH VOWELS
the subject of this paper) that the Oerman instances aff<
interesting indications of Buxtorf's German pronunciati<
showing him to have retained (at least in the vowels) t
Low-German sounds of his native country of Westfal
and not to have adopted the High-German of Basle, wh(
he lived for the greater part of his life.
I now give the passages (at the beginning of the gramme
in which Buxtorf explains the Hebrew vowels,^ and t
corresponding ones in Davis's translation.
Buxtorf, Epitome Grammaticab Hebraeae. London, 16'
Vocales.
Longae. Breves.
Kametz J< A obscurum Pathach K A clarum, ut
T -
quasi cum 0 mixtum, ut in F(3r^^^rpater,/Sflfm^ncollige:
Germanicis Avend^ vespera, Dach tectum, Angl. art ars
Samen semen, Angli salt sal,
small ^ parvus.
Tzere K E purum et siccum, 8egol K E impurura
Uhr honor, Lehr doctrina, dilutum, ahr^ arista, An|
Angl. we nos. an eare of com, bed lectus.
1 Of the consonants he gives only three English sounds: <Sajin t, 7
lenissimnm, Angl. z ' ; ' Caph 3 , 20, ch, x Crraeconun, Angl. c ' ; ' Schin
300, sc vel ax ^^^ ^^ German. Angl. sh.'
^ This is Frisian ; Dutch is avond. Buxtorf was horn at Eamen in Westfal
and his German pronunciation here and in Note 4 is Low — not as one mi^
imagine from his long residence at Basle eminently High, It is clear that
gronounced &Yend. ui this word the a tends in many dialects towards o, as
•wiss obed,
^ He means the modem aw (Sw. k) sound in salty small. It is the mod(
Jewish pronunciation of kametz, and Buxtorf s teachers were Aahhis. Christi
scholars generally treat the kametz as the ordinary long & of father.
' Legend, ahr, properly ahre. Engl, eare is meant not as translation of ah
hut to show pronunciation of segol, and is retained in the Engl, translation
that sense. It would appear therefore that the vowel of Engl, eare is identii
with that of Germ, ahre ; hut hoth these examples are puzzling, for they woi
seem rather equal to S Tzere, with the vowel of Ger. ehr, lehr. rerhs
Buxtorf had a recondite reason for selecting ahr, ear. The pronunciation
the segolate substantive in pausa (which, moreover, is the pronunciation adopi
in the transliteration of proper names in the Greek and Latin versions) lengthc
the segol (S) into kametz (a), as in ^SPI, pausal ?^ri '^AfitK Abel. Thus th<
IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
209
Longae.
Chirek longum *K I Ihr voe,
Ihnen ipsis, Slider [legend.
Glider] membra, Angl. Alive
Tivu8.
Cholem N IN 0 Ohr auris,
SoUn filius, Angl. open apertus,
oter supra.
Schurek ^ XT Unaer nosier,
Unschuldig innocens, gesund ^
sanus, Angl. a lute barbitum,
testudo.
BreveB.
Chirek breve K I Irren
errare, Sinn sensua, gelitten
passus, to live vivere.
Kametz chaiuph K K 0 Or^
t: T
locus, Son sol, Trott torcular,
Angl. to trot, succussare.
Kibbutz K u vel T, Sunde
peccatum, verfuhren seducere,
Angl. but sed, ahut^^ clausus.
Impropria yocalis est, quae vel non semper, aut noa
omnium literarum vocalis est ; estque Simplex vel Compofnta.
Simplex dicitur Sbeva . . . valetque E brevissimum, quale
in berahtty^ gestrafft, quod rapide effertur quasi brahlt, gstrqfft,
ut e med. in Angl. beggery. Vulgo vocatur Sheva mobile.
seems to be an affinity between the Hebrew a and e^ so that Buztorf might
treat it as an umlaut like the Germ, a, a. Anyhow, the Eng. bed (his
other instance) is unequivocal ; the surprising thing is that he should put side
by side ear and bed, the vowels of which surely never can have b^jsn identical.
' The German instances of long H seem faulty, i.e. to be short rather than
long: unser, unschuldig (he probably means botn vowels to serve as examples),
gesund. Happily for us the £ng. lute is unequivocal; for even if that was
pronounced lyute, the vowel which represents the Heb. shurek is not yu but u.
* These identifications are interesting ; and, as with shurek, the Eng. instances
are most obviously correct. But, shut are clearly to be pronounc^ with the
original short u as in bull. The German instances are curious : tunde^ verfuhren.
It looks as if he pronounced the Heb. ii like Germ, ii with umlaut, though his
Eng. instances will not lend themselves to that. But the umlaut is not written,
nor I believe used hy Buxtorf in these words. Fiihren had by no means
generally the umlaut in the earlier times down to at least the nuddle of the
sixteenth century, and in the Netherlands we hnve voeren [pron. fCLren].
similarly in the other instance : Bundf is the Hi;;h-^rman pronunciation ; but
the Low is in Dutch zonde, which implies High-Germ, sunde^ as D. d = G. ii,
e.g. omii^=unter, ront/smnd, #prwi^ = sprung.)
' This word berahlt is not easily exphcable, as no verb at all lika rahlen is
known, It seems to be a misprint.
PUL Thtnf. 1891-8-8.
14
210
PRONUNCIATION OF THK ENGLISH VOWELS.
John Davis's Translation. London, 1656.
Long Votcek.
Kametz K it's an obscure
T
A as though the vowel 0
were mixt with it, as in
English salt, small.
Tzere K it's a plaine, and
single £ in English thus,
we.
Long Chirek ^K it's the
vowel I, in English, thus,
alive,
Cholem i< IK is the vowel
0 in English (ypen^ over.
Schurehf it is the vowel
U in English thus, a lute.
Short Vowels.
Pathach K is a cleare and
shrill A, in English thus, art.
Scegol K is a dubble or
mixed E, in English thus,
an eare of come.
Short Chirek K it's the
vowel I, in English thus, to
live.
Kametz-chatuph N K it's
the vowel 0, in English to
trot.
Kibbutz X is either u, or
else it is y, as in English
but or shut.
The simple improper vowel is Sheva, and it's cast under
the letter in two pricks just down right thus K, and it hath
the force of a most shorte e, as in English thus beggery\
it's commonly called the movable Sheva.
211
M:.— THE GREEK INDIRECT NEGATIVE. By E.
R. Wharton, M.A.
[lUadat the SocUty^s Meeting held on Friday^ Nov, 6, 1891.]
The real nature of the particle /ty is allowed to be the greatest
difficulty of Greek syntax.* I shall endeavour to show that (1)
primarily and essentially /ty is not a negative or prohibitive
particle, but an interrogative ; that (2) many /t^-sentences which
are at present printed as assertions might better be printed as
questions ; ' and that (3) even in other cases the apparent negation
contains or pre-supposes an interrogative meaning.
(1) Greek /ii; is plainly the same word as the Arian m& (Old
Persian and Zend md,' Sanskrit ma : * the so-called ' prohibitive '
particle). That both are identical with the Accusative of the
Pronoun of the first person (Latin mi, Zend md, Sanskrit md,
enclitic), used, as in Vergil's * me, me, adsum qui feci,* to call
attention to the speaker, is an old but over-bold suggestion.
It is possible that /tr) and firiv were originally byforms like vv
and vvv, e'^iv and i^iLv, since t/ fiij and t/ firjv equally mean
(like our * Why now,' introducing a sentence) * of course * : but
in practice firi was confined to questions, fiiiv was not." That
> See Madvig, Oreek Syntax, sections 122-124, 131, 200-212; Goodwin,
Moods and Tenses,* sec. 259-283, 289-301, 305-310, 315-316, 333, 352-354,
365-371, 550-551, 576, 595-599, 685-688, 734, 784, Hll-819, and Appendix
II. ; Monro, Homeric Grammar,' sec. 278, 281, 303, 316, 328, 35K-361 ;
Gildersleeye, American Journal of Philology, I. p. 45-57; J. Cook Wilson,
Transactions of the Oxford Philological Society, 1890.
' Of course our present system of punctuation in Greek, dating only from
post-classical times, can prove nothing as to the usage of the classical period.
* See Spieeel, Grammatik der Alteranischen S^rachen, sec. 388.
* Bohtlmgk, Sanskrit- Worterbuch, s t. ; Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, sec.
579-580; Delbriick, Altindische Syntax, sec. 177, 191, 203, 26^267; Speijer,
Sanskrit Syntax, sec. 353, 405.
^ Before a mute or spirant fi'f\v re^arly became /i/v, e.g. in the combinations
fihf roi, ti\if ydp, whicn form then l)ecame common before vowels also. See
Brugmann, Grundriss, I. sec. 611, and to the consonant combinations there
mentioned as shortening the preceding vowel in Greek add 8y : K99y6s for
*icfiZ-¥6s must be an lomc derivative from ir^Sos (the form in other dialects would
be *KaBi'6st from icaSof), and }\ftMs stand for *\^'9'p6t from <f^y *to rub.*
The Greek grammarians notice the shortening of the semivowel before | in
^iKt^ Krjpv^ beside ^IwiKa K^pOxa.
212 THE GREEK INDIRECT NEGATIVE.
yuy usually begins the clause and /tiyi/ never does is no objection
to their connexion: hri is often initial in Homer, though never
in Attic.
(2) In the Homeric interrogative formula rj firi (Od. 6. 200,
9. 405-406), as in the Attic combinations apa firi^ fiCbv fiij, tI firi,
the firj merely adds a slight emphasis to the initial interrogative
particle. In Attic (see Madvig 199 b) firi in direct questions
has an indeterminate force, the answer expected may range over
the whole field of possibilities, from * No ' through * Perhaps '
and * Probably ' to a covert or ironical * Yes ' ; it is only the
context that can show which answer is intended. But that this
use of firi in questions was Homeric as well as Attic may appear
if we view the following combinations as interrogative :
(a) firi with Indicative : II. 9. 698 /tiy^' o0€\€9 XlaaeffOai ;
' (hight you to have prayed ? (We cannot say that in such cases
the firi, for ov, goes with the Infinitive, for then we should have
equally/*^ Xprjv XlaaeaOaiy firf koXov yv XitraeffOai,) — ^Eur. Med. 822
Xefeis (Xefjyy is only a conjecture) Se firiUv ; * Will you say
anything? — Ar. Av. 195 (see Goodwin 686) firj '7^ vorifia
Ko/iiy[r6T€pov rJKovaa irw ; * Did I ever hear ? '
(y3) firi with Subjunctive, used as future: II. 16. 128 firj ^
i/^os ektvai; * Shall they seize the ships?' — Eur. Or. 776 ymy
Xa^uxTi <T€ ; So, first in Herodotus and often in Plato (Goodwin
265), where the answer really expected is *Yes,' e,g, firj (/)av\ov
7J ; * May it be bad ? Quite possibly ' : cf . the use of apa for a/>'
ov, Soph. Oed. Hex 822 ap* i(jivv Kaxos ; ap' ov'xi ^0,9 ava*^vo9 ,*
— Also with Optative, a less direct form of the Subjunctive :
Od. 7. 316 firj Touro (/>i\ov Aa irmpi rfdvoiro ; 'Should this be
the will of Zeus ? ' and so firj r^dvono / * Should it be so ? God
forbid.'
(7) f^V ^^^^ Imperative, which is really (see Rutherford,
Babrius, p. 38) a Future with a sense of command : * firj KXeTne ;
* Will you cheat? Don't.' — The corresponding use of md in
Sanskrit with Imperative is not found in the Vedas (the only
^ Anstophanes' d!(r0* Z dpciffov and Euripides' olcG^ Z Spda-tis equally mean
* Do you know what you must do ?,' and so I would explain the Homeric tl
8* Ayt * But if you must come — .' So the Sanskrit Imperative is used in
questions (Whitney 672 b).
THE GREEK INDIRECT NEGATIVE. 213
instance quoted is probably corrupt, Whitney 579 c), though
common in Classical Sanskrit ; whence we may infer (Monro 328)
that the Imperative was originally used only in commands, and
perhaps that its extension to prohibitions was due to the analogy
of the Subjunctive.
(^) /tjy with imperatival Infinitive: II. 2. 413 firj wplu cV
^eXiov bvvai ; ' Is the sun to set before ? ' i,e» let not the sun
set before.
(c) firi used elliptically, without a Verb : Soph. Oed. Col.
1441 el XP^ Oavovfiai, — fju^ av 7' / afOC ifiol ttiOov ' What, i/OU
die ? l^ay, hear me ; ' Ant. 577 fAtj rpifiai eV ; * What, still
tarrying?' So /a^ on (or oTrwi) is the interrogative equivalent
of ovx on (or oww^\ and in Dem. 18. 200 (=295) t/s ovx«
Karemrvaev av nov ; firj f^ap t^9 7r6Xew9 <y6 the latter clause is
as much interrogative as the former.
In the same way we may analyse every complex sentence in
which the second clause begins with fii^ (usually translated * lest '
or 'whether/ though the latter would properly be el) into an
affirmative dause + a question : ^
' (a) jtt7 with Indicative in oaths in Homer: H. 10. 329-330
ftrrw vt/v Zem , • , ft^ fkev rots iTTTroiaiv av^p iwo'xyjaerat a\Xo9 ;
'Shall any other drive them? I call Zeus to witness, No,' and
so 15. 36-42.
(/8) firj with Subjunctive or Optative in final sentences: H. 1.
522 iiroanx^' ^ff n poi^ay ; * Shall she notice anything ? With-
draw,' t.e, 'Withdraw, or she will notice something.'
(7) /*i/ in sentences expressing apprehension, with Indicative:
Od. 5. 300 SeiSu)' firj hrj wavra Oea ufffieprea eiirev ; * Was it all
true ? I fear it was,' see Fasi ad loc. ; Plat. Theaet. 145 b Spa-
firi 7rai^u)v eXe'^ev ; 'Was he joking? See to it'; Soph. Ant.
1253 eltrofjietrOa' firi t« . . . KaXvirT^i ; ' Is she concealing some-
thing ? We shall find out ' (Goodwin 369 note) ; Thuc. 3. 53
(popovjii^Oa' ftrj afKporepiov y/iiapTi^Ka/j^ev ; So with Subjunctive
in the sense of a Future : II. 11. 470 helhw* fiy n waOrjaiv : Plat.
Gorg. 512 d Spa* jurj ttXXo n » , . rj ;
^ In Sanskrit the Verb after ma is always enclitic (Delbriick 267) ue, the
clause was a principal one, not dependent, and the mH cannot be translated
* lest.' In really dependent sentences nid, not ma, is used.
214 THE GREEK INDIRECT NEGATIVE.
(3) Finally, even where we cannot print interrogatively we
may fairly see a question underlying the use of /i^. Instances
in Homer are comparatively rare (Goodwin 316, Monro 361),
while in Attic they are numerous and in later Greek preponderate
(see Gildersleeve) : the Greeks increasingly loved * dubitantius
loqui,* to view facts as possibilities.
A. firj before a Verb :
(a) After a Relative (Monro 359 b) Homer always has ov, except
m II. 2. 301 €<rr6 ^6 wame^ fiaprvpoi ov9 firj icrjp€^ ifiau Oaporoto
(/)€povtTaif which contains the question ' Are some of you gone ?
Perhaps ' ; and so Soph. Ant. 546 /htj^^ el fjLrj *Ot*^e^ woiou a€avrij9f
' Had you a hand in it ? No : then do not claim to have had.'
So after a ' final ' Relatival particle : iva /irj rfci^rai is a less
original way of saying /a^ 7€i/iyTa*, which (see 2 fi) is really
interrogative.
(/3) In Protasis. A hypothetical sentence may be viewed either
affirmatively, 'This is so, then that follows,' or interrogatively,
* Is this so ? then that follows.' To the first form belong the
Sanskrit hypothetical sentence, which always has the direct
negative nd, not ma (Speijer 405 Rem. 2), and the Greek use
of 01* after e* : ^ Homer always (with one exception, Od. 9. 410,
see Monro 359 c) has ei ov with Indicative unless the natural
order of the clauses is reversed and the apodosis put first, and
so Soph. Aj. 1131 ei . . ovK ea9j Thuo. 1. 121 fin. 6£ • . ovk airepouffiv,
and with Subjunctive II. 3. 288 ee . . . ovk iOeXwtrii/, Plat. Apol.
25 b idv re . . ov 0§t€ (Goodwin 384). We cannot explain such
cases by saying that here the !N'egative forms one idea with the
Yerb, since this is equally true in all cases, e,ff. Dem. 21. 205
av T€ /iirj (jyCbj Thuc. 3. 68 oTrore firj (/)at€Pf * the negative particle
was treated originally like the prepositions, placed immediately
before the Verb and closely connected with it ' (Monro 355). —
But the commoner way in Greek was to regard the Protasis as
involving a question : el fiy n ex^ ovti BiBtvfii, * Have I nothing ?
then I give nothing.'
(7) In Oratio Obliqua after or* or w* the regular Negative is
ov : Soph. Ant. 685 otto;? av fi^ \ee^ei9 opOut^ rd^e is a kind of
anacoluthon for an interrogative /n^ \erfei9 6p0w9 rdBc But in later
Greek (see Gildersleeve) on firj became common, reported state-
^ ci in itself no more necessitates /i^ than its compound lT-f( does, which
is always followed by ov.
THE GREEK INDIRECT KEGATIYE. 215
ments were regarded as involving questions. — ^Before Infinitive
also ov is used (Goodwin 685), except where the narration is but
half oblique, after Verbs like * hope, promise, swear, agree ' :
II. 9. 132 ofiovfiai fjurf ttots t^9 €vi^« imPyfiepai (' Shall I ever do
it? I will swear an oath'), Thuc. 2. 101 aTTKnooPTes atnov /nrj
TJ^eiv ('Would he come? They doubted'), and so 1. 139
TrpouXet^ov . . fiy &v f^iypetrOai voXefiov^ as if it were * They agreed
not to fight.*
(^) ov firj t^eurjrai (or t^€Pi^<r€Tai) plainly, see Goodwin p. 391
note 1, contains the question /ciy r^ei^rai (or 7€j/iJ<r€Ta«) ; ' Shall it
be ? 'No,' and so=* There is no question of its being/
(e) wff7€ ov with Infinitive (instances in Goodwin 598) contains
an assertion. Soph. EL 780 war^ ovre pvktos wrvov . . . ifie
ffref^d^eip, * I never slept : such was the consequence of my alarm,'
while the more usual ware firi contains a question, ' Did I ever
sleep ? '
(f ) Before a Participle : ov witrrevwv involves the assertion * He
disbelieves,' firi wKnevtou (*if he disbelieves') the question 'Does
he believe?' So Soph. Oed. Rex 397 6 fitjdep eM^ Olhlwov^
(* Do I know any thing ? Perhaps'), 289 firj Trapivv Oavfia^erai
('Is he here? It is strange if he is not,' while ov jrapivv would
involve a definite ov wapetm). So Thuc. 2. 40 fin. elhvb^ ovk . . .
d7roSw<rwv=^ 'S.e will not pay, and he knows it,' while 2. 17
TTporjdei firj , . . KaTotKi<rOij(y6fi€vov=* Would it be occupied ? The
oracle knew,' 1. 76 tafiev firj dv rjaaov vfia^ Xvirripom f^epofievov^^
* Would you have been gentler ? We know all about that J
B, fiTj before a Noun: Ar, Eccl. 115 heivov , , ri firj ^fiweipla
involves the question * Is there experience?', Thuc. 1. 137 fin.
T^i/ rwif (^etjyvpwv , , , ov hidXvaiv contains the assertion ra? 'y€(j>vpa9
ov hiiXvaav, So Thuc. 1. 22 to firf fivOCbhe^ axnwv presupposes
'Is there a mythical element in it? Perhaps not.' In Soph. Aj.
1231 or* ovdeu ij^u tov firfdep dv7€<nrf9 threp we have both the
assertion 'You were worth nothing' and the question ' Was he
worth anything ? ' — But in Thuc. 1. 118 /tiy laxeii can only be
a Byzantine gloss (see Rutherford, Thuc. lY. p. xxxiv) which
has taken the place of the original ppa^eh.
216 THE GRBEK INDIRECT NEGATIVE.
The particle md is used (a) in Old Persian, the Gathas, and
Sanskrit, with the * Injunctives^ i.e. Aor. or Imperf., almost always
unaugmented and so having no connotation of time ; ' (^) in Old
Persian, the younger Avesta, and Classical Sanskrit, with Optative
(or 'Potential'); and in the two former languages also with
Suhjunctive (in Old Persian only after mdtya\ while in Yedic
hoth Moods almost always take nd, not ma ; (7) in Classical
Sanskrit alone, see above, 2 7, with Imperative ; (^) in Sanskrit
epics with Future. In Sanskrit (see. note 7), and therefore doubt-
less in the Iranian languages too, ma-olauses were always regarded
as principal, not dependent; and I would explain them in just
the same way as Greek /cry-clauses, sec. 2, i.e. as really questions.
The Injunctive then will be a * timeless * Indicative, the Subjunc-
tive a direct (the Optative a less direct) Future, the Imperative
a Future of command.
' The Injunotive in Sanskrit often takes nd instead of mSy Delbriick 203.
217
VII.— THE COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING OF
VOWELS IN IRISH. By J. Strachan, M.A.,
Professor of Greek and Comparative Philology, Owens
College, Manchester.^
«
''Fr)\a(f)&vT€^ &air€p iv aKOTei."
Though the lengthening of vowels in Irish by way of
compensation for a lost consonant has often been noted in
isolated cases, the subject is one that has never been syste-
matically treated as a whole. The unsatisfactory state of
the question was forced upon the writer's notice by a remark
of Dr. Richard Schmidt in Vol. I. of Indogermanuche
Forschungen, to the eflfect that for d^r *tear'=Vacrw, O.W.
dacr, one might have expected *ddr. That d^r stands for
*dacr' there can be no doubt. But should dacr- have
given *ddr? The investigation of this question led on to
the consideration of other similar problems, until at last
it seemed desirable to bring together and discuss as many
instances as possible of such compensatory lengthening with
a view to determining the laws by which it is governed.
For the sake of completeness there have also been included
in this paper those combinations' of which the laws are
already known. It is not to be expected that all the details
of this difficult subject have been finally settled : a further
analysis of words that have hitherto defied analysis will
doubtless fill up some gaps and correct some of the following
statements. But it is hoped that something may have
been done to advance the question, or, at least, to clear
the way for further research.
It is necessary at the outset to call attention to the
peculiar difficulty of the subject, which is that in Irish
itself there is often nothing to indicate that a consonant
* The writer's best thanks are due to Dr. Whitley Stokes for much friendly
criticism and for information freely given from his stores of Keltic lore.
218 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
has been lost, and, even when that is certain, there is still
often an embarrassing variety of possibilities. Sometimes
help is to be got from the British dialects : thus ^n * bird '
might, so far as Irish is concerned, go back to ^egno- or
^ecno- or *etn(h; O.W. ein decides in favour of the last.
When this help fails, the only course left is to look around
for cognate words in the other Indo-Germanic languages.
Such evidence is naturally not so conclusive; a wider
knowledge might reveal a more satisfactory etymology;
a word put under one heading might have to be transferred
to another.
I. Sound Groups ending in n.
1. den > en.^
Un 'sorrow,* Gael, ledn * wound, grief, vexation,* Mid.
Ir. Unaim 'I YrovLnd,* ^*placndi6 : Lith. pldkti * strike/
^ Stokes {Kuhn'a Zeitaehrift xxix. 375) has suggested that pretonic gn, dn,
hn (so also pretonic kn^ tn^ pn)^ became in Keltic e {ec)^ t, p, bb in Teutonic kk,
tt^ pp. There is a considerable amount of evidence in favour of this: cnoee
'hill' may be most simply explained from ^enocnos Germ, nack^n (Kluge,
Etym, Wb. s.v.) ; hoc * tender *= •ftAwywo*, Skr. bhugnda 'bent*; aice
* houA^ =*pacnii^ Skr. pa^a- * fetter,* Gr. 'rfr/yvfu {Kuhn u, Schleicher* 8
Bextrage, viii. 332) ; Uee * flat stone,' "W. lleeh 'lapis, tabula saxea,* Uych * what
is flat't= VJ<^» *Plcn6'y Gr. »\a|. Lett. pWku 'become flat* (kSB. viii.
317); Uco * maxilla '«s ♦/»«!-, Old Pruss. laygnan, Ch. Slav, lice * vultus *
(KSB, viii. 439); boce * he-goat,* W. burch, Eng. buck = *bhugn68, Zd. buza
* he-goat' (cf, however, Skr. bhukka)^ menicc 'often,' W. fnynych=smenogm-y
Goth. minag»\ so Johansson (ATZ., xxx. 426) would derive cace 'excrement'
from caqn'y Skr. qaknda : here, however, kk appears outside Keltic, Gr. tcdjcKJi,
Lat. ca4^are\ brecc 'variegated, speckled,* W. brych ^^mrignd- ^mrtgno- a
participial formation parallel to mrkto-^ in W. braith^ Ir. mrechtrad; if mitce
* pig,* "W. mock is to be connected with Gr. fivHrfip etc., Skr. munrdti * lets
loose.* (Stokes KSB. viii. 316, Brugmann, GrundrUa I. 327), it might be
derived from *muknu (original decl. *muknuy ^muknuUSy etc., cf. Thumeyson, KZ.
xxviii. 149, Stokes, KZ. xxviii. 291, J. Schmidt, Pluralbildungtn der Indo-
germaniachen Neutra^ 54 sq). In view of a forthcoming paper of Mr. Stokes it
is unnecessary to enter further into the subject here. There is one point,
however, to which I should like to call attention — the two -fold treatment of
Old Ir. ee in the modem dialects. It sometimes appears as «, boc^ ' he-goat,'
muc 'pig/ sometimes as g, beag 'small,* Old Ir. bece^ W. byehan. Probably
under certain conditions of sandhi the double consonant was reduced. There
was probably also a still earlier interchange of cc, e in Keltic, cf. VT. clwch
* crag * = *clucco- by "W. clwg ' crag,* Ir. eloch * stone * = ^eluco^, ^cluoa, unless
PROP. 8TBACHAN. 219
Gr. 7r\i70'0'o)=*7rXa/ct«, y/plak. By the side of a tenuis
a media often appears at the end of a root,^ and thus we
find also plag-? which in Lat. plangere^ Goth. faifl6k
* lament ' shows the same development of meaning as in len
* sorrow,*
l^ne ^camisia, shirt, shift '=/aow-, Lat. lacema, lacinia}
min i. bil 'mouth ' *=*wflk;/i- : Ags. maga^ Eng. mafc^
N.H.G. magen=:*maydn. At first sight the meanings lie
far apart, but it seems possible to reconcile them. M^n
means not simply ' mouth/ but * open mouth, rictus, hiatus/
em is evident from the derivative m^naigim, Ml. 71^ 4
menaigte, gl. inhiare, i.e. 'qui inhiant,' minogud 'hiatus,'
Sg. 8^ 11, 40^ 8; cf. also Gael, meunan 'gape, yawn.* The
transition of meaning would then be from 'gape' to
* throat,* and from ' throat * to ' stomach.* Of. Lith.
gomurya * palate, throat,' Lett, gdmurs ' windpipe,' Gr.
y(aaKQ), xVMf^ further the change of meaning in Gr.
iJTOfia'xpi;,^ Formally *makn' would stand in the same
relation to *mak6n,^SLB Skr. ahna- to dhan •day.''^ With men
has been compared W. min 'edge, lip.*® Thurneysen re-
marks, "die worter konnen nur verbunden werden, wenn
fiir das brittische ein stamm auf i {^megnu) angesetzt wird,
in welchem das e durch das folgende i umgelautet wurde
wie im cymr. llith aus lat. lectio.** But short i in a final
syllable does not produce umlaut in Welsh*: nith 'niece'
here *clucO' comes from ^clue-y *cluccO' from ^clucti'. Where c g etc. remained
before n and disappeared only at a later period, we should then have to assume
that the accent fell on a preceding syllable.
^ Cf. Brugmann Qrwndrisa I. 190 sq., 348 ; Griech. Gram.^ 51 with the works
referred to there.
» Fick I*. 486.
' lene represents the development of an n stem, laeema the mixture of an
n and an r stem, cf. Johansson, Beitrdge z. Griech. Sprachkunde 110.
* Cf . Stokes, Metrical Irish Glosses 84.
* Persson, Zur Lehre v. d. Wurzelerweiterung 139.
* If old Slav. <ieladuku 'stomach,* is connected with zeladu * acorn,* one
might conjecture that zeladUku meant first 'Adam's apple,* then ' throat,* then
* stomach.*
^ Cf. Brugmann, Morphologiaehe Untersuchungen II. 166, sqq.
^ Thurneysen, Kelto-Romanischea 69 ; Stokes, Metr, Ir. Gl. I.e.
* Grammatica Celtiea^ 175 ; Windisch, KZ. xxvii. 157.
220 OOMPEKSATORT LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
{=:*nepti) may be directly compared with Skr. napti.
Perhaps a stem ^megnl- would give the desired result, only
then the British stem would be different from the Irish,
which points to -no- or 'fid- ; we should have in this case to
postulate a pre-Keltic megh- with ablaut mogh- in Teutonic.
On the assumption that m^n comes from ^maen- the W.
form admits of a simple explanation. To ^macn- there
might be an ablaut form *micn- and *f)iicnO' or *micnd
could in W. give min. There seems to be no doubt that,
under some circumstances at all events, c was lost before n
in the British dialects, that is to say en had become gn by
the time that g was lost before n. Only thus can be ex-
plained W. croen *skin* by Bret, croc^henn^ Tr. croccenn;
croen^*crogn; ^crocn" with a weak form of the suffix.
W. dwyn^ Bret, doen *to carry/ have been explained as
standing for ducn-} and whether Zimmer^ is right in his
account of due or not, dwyn can hardly be explained
otherwise. See below hrin^ tdn. Where c appears as ^,
as in W. mign ^bog'' it is easy to suppose that a vowel
has been lost between c and n. It seems simplest then to
refer m6n^ magen, min to tndk-, mik-, though the possibility
of megh'y mogh- is not altogether excluded.
8c6n * shyness, fright ' = ^scacno- : Lith. szdkti, * jump,
spring,' etc.^ From this can hardly be separated scuchim
*I depart '=*«(?ffci'd. Zimmer* postulates scec-y but the
cognate languages show an ablaut slcdk-, slcdk-, and the
Irish forms may be equally well explained from scac- ; for
8cuchim=i^8cacid cf. cechuin^=.*C€cane. The perf. roscdich
^^prO'SCdce is not in itself absolutely decisive, as such
perfects also come from undoubted e roots, as rogdd, y/-^hedh.
With the use of the perf. roscdich in the sense of ' it is past,
^ Rhys, Revue Celtique, vi. 17 ; Ernault, Dictionnaire etytnolog%qt*e du breUm
moyen 275.
- JCZ. ixx. 188 sq.
' Bezzenberger» Beitrige^ xvii. 303.
* BB, xvii. 303; Fick, I*. 41.
» Keltiaehe StudUn II. 80, 97. [If, howeyer, M.H.G. 9chehen 'run, hasten,'
is to be compared, we must assume a 'JtJSek^ cf. Franck, Etymologitch
Wurdenboek d. Nederlandtehe Taal, 286 ; Mccn would i\ieii*^*aceenO'.]
PROP. STRACHAN. 221
was past/^ cf. hith. praszokti, in expressions like ssds metas
greitai praazdko * this year has passed by quickly.'^
hrin 'rotten, stinking/ W. braen 'putidus, tabidu8/=
*mracno-, cognate with Ir. mraich, braich *malt' (=*wrac*-),
Lat. marceo, marcidm. For a trace of the primary meaning
in the Latin words Osthoff* refers to corpus occtsi marcescit,
Pliny, n.N. x. §134. He points out also the analogous,
development of meaning in Ags. meaU 'malt/ Ags. meltan
'dissolve, melt,' ON. maltr 'rotten, corrupted, become sour/
O.H.G. maiz 'melting away, soft, flabby.'^ In *mracno* ra
would represent r ; cf . fraig ' wall,' Gr, iFipyo), flaith
* sovereign ty,*=*t?^^w, ^ueU^ Lat. uelle.^
bUn * inguen ' may ==*mlacndy Gr, fjLaXatc6<;.^
Where the following syllable originally contained a slender
vowel* i appears as edi, g. l€din=z*lacni (Lives of Saints
from the Book of Lismore, 3206) ; scedin {do chor scioin
' to cause terror,' LL. 302* 24) ; bleoin ace. of blin (Wind.
Wb,). This ed may make its way further by analogy, e.g.
Gael. nom. ledn after gen. ledin.
On the other hand den > an. The long vowel resists the
change of quality.
cdinim "^ ' I revile, satirize '=*cdcnio : O.H.G. huohdn.
1 Windisch, WorUrhuch 763.
' Kurschat, Littauiach-deutaches Worterhuch 437.
' Morphologiache Unteratichungen V. 105 sq. His further comparison of Lat.
f races is tempting, but the change of initial mr to fr in Latin cannot be regarded
as established.
* Osthoff, Morph. Untermich V. iv. sq. Flaith goes better with Lat. valeo
(Fick. I.* 541) ; another Keltic cognate of valeo seems to be W. gwell * better/
cf. Oscan valaemom * optimum.*
* Formally Ir. blen is very like W. blaen 'cuspis, summitas, pars interior* : the
gender is different. Are the words the same, Ir. blen representing some highly
specialised meaning ?
® As R. Schmidt points out {Indogermaniache Forachungen I. 65) this infection
took place only when the following slender vowel was actually lost. In the
modem language a levelling has set in. According to 0' Donovan's Ir. Gram,
85 ei is now the usual form of the gen. If the Irish Tales edited by Mr.
Douglas Hyde represent the popular usage in this respect, they only confirm
0' Donovan 8 observation. In no single instance have I observed «« ^o'i in the
same paradigm. The levelling is commonly at the expense of the eoi forms,
beul — beily feur — /etr, muineul — muineil. It may, however, also take place in
the opposite direction, as in deor * tear ' after gen. deoir. In Gaelic, so far as it is
possible to judge from grammars and printed books, this levelling has not gone on
to nearly the same extent.
^ At the same time it is also possible to connect cdinim with Goth, hauna
'mean, humble,' haury'an ' raircivoDv ' ; Lett, kauna * disgrace/ on the assumption
222 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
crdin * BOW ' =z*crdcntx, properly *grunter'; Lith. krokit,
* grunt/ Lett, krakt, * snort, rattle/ Lat. crocio.
2. agn > dn.
din * driving ' {oc dm liathrdite * driving a ball/ LXJ. GO'* 6)
=i^agni'f agim * I drive.* So the compounds immdin to
imm-agim * I drive about/ and tain * cattlespoil/ to do^agim,
• grain * disgust, loathing '=*^rfl^w»- W. *graen Mament-
abilis, luctuosus * (Davies).
stdn *tin/ W. t/sfaen, borrowed from Lat. atagnum.^
Giiterbock^ remarks: "die lange des vocals in 8tdn=z
stannum ist vielleicht aufzufassen wie die in den seite 17
erorterten wortem wie bare, spiritdldle,'* etc. (where the
mark of length is put over vowels naturally short, but long
by position). But W. yntaen points conclusively to deriva-
vation from a form stagnum ; of. Ital. atagno, Span, estano,
Fr. Main?
'dn:='agnos, Broccdn=Broccagno8, etc.*
fan * sloping ' (etir riid y amreid etir fdn / ardd * both
smooth and unsmooth, both slope and height,' Ml. 140* 2 ;
glenta 7 fdnta ' glens and slopes,' LL. 101* 45 ; barallsam
a tilcha cqfailet ina fdntaih * we have cast down their hills
of an ablaut koun-^ kaun-t with loss of u after the long vowel, Schulze, ICZ.
xxvii. 420 sqq. ; J. Schmidt Plur. d. Idg. Neutray 407 ; Kretschmer KZ. xxxi.
451 sqq. ; Streitberg, IF. I. 278. The effect of the loss of « in a final syllable
on the accentuation of the preceding long vowel is disputed. Streitberg,
IF, I. 270, supposes that on the loss of t or « the preceding long vowel took
the circumflex, /8«v, Skr. ffdmsz^z^yim. On the other hand Hirt IF. I. 22n.
thinks that i and u did not have this effect, cf . nom. dual, Gr. iyp^y Lith. butu
ssoUf and explains fi&if by a rather complicated process of analogy. It may be
worth while pointing out that, in Lithuanian, where in the interior of a word u
has been lost after i? (=o), the accent is the acute (gestossener accent) — kU'piu,
kU'pti * to heap*: kaitptiy *to heap,* kaupaa *heap* ; azl&ju^ azlffti *to wipe,'
8zlh'ta * besom*.* -pTet. szlaviadj Gr. kK^Cu; dU'bti * to hollow out*; dubU
'become hollow,* guati 'bewail': gaustiy *wail,* gattdits, * pitiful*; d&'iis*
'breach* : daUzH {dauzti Leskien), 'strike hard.* On the other hand, so far
as I have observed o in such cases appears with the circumflex (geschliffener
accent) kopti 'heap,* by kd'pti; glodinu 'make smooth,* glodua n. glddu
' smooth,* by glaudusy glaudu ' smooth.* Does this indicate that the loss
took place at different times? Perhaps some Lithuanian scholar will give an
explanation.
1 Ebel, K8B. II. 163.
* Latemiache Lehnworter im Iriaehen 41 n.
' Schrader, Sprachvergleiehung und Urgeachiehte^j 316.
« Cf. Holder, Altkeltiacher ^aehaehatz 60, 164.
PROF. 8TRACHAN. 223
80 that they are in their valleys,' LL. 95^ 11) may stand
for *vdgnO' or *vd<mo- : ^udg, udk, Fick I.* 123 ; W. gtcaen,
* plain^ meadow/ pi. gtoeunydd points to ^vigno- or *i>dcnO'}
3. atn > an.
tdnaise ' secundus/ imthanu * alternation ' (imthanu aidche
^noctis vicissitudo,' ML 21® 3; inna imthanad gl. proprias
vices, Ml. 93° 7; innimthdnad gl. talionem, Sg. 181* 6)
=i*tO'atn'f ^amhi'to-atn- : Vat 'go/ Skr. a^, with which
Schulze ^ has connected Goth, apn ' year.' From the same
root may be derived Jr. amm * time ':=*at8men.
an 'drinking vessel' has been connected by Bezzenberger '
with Gr. waTavr}, Lat. patina {dn=z*patnd). Against this
is the Old Keltic a^iax ; patenam et urceum qui anax dicitur,
Greg. Tur. Mir. 2, 8 (quoted by Holder, Alt. Kelt. 8pr.
137), as t is not lost in the Gaulish dialects. Stokes^ has
already connected the word with Skr. pdnam.
4. apn.
There is no clear instance of lengthening here, ana
* wealth ' has been connected with Skr. dpnas, Lat. ops. o is
also found in Irish in somnie 'rich,' domme 'poor'=*s«*-(>p-
mio-, etc. : thus it is improbable that we should also find a.
On the supposition of an ablaut d, o, dnae may be explained
as=*ajow- *6pn- (a[j9]«a/os, Stokes*'^).
5 ecsn.
trin 'strong,' compar. tressa W.trech^*trexto8, is commonly
derived from Hrecsnos. This is not free from difficulties. It
is impossible to separate from trin W. tren^ * impetuous,
strenuous,' and the Welsh word indicates that can was treated
like «w, i.e. became n without lengthening the preceding
vowel ; compare the parallel change of csm like sm > mm,
and csl like si > II (see below). It is difficult to get any
* For ae > eu when a syllable is added cf. aeth *ivit,' euthom *ivi,* haer
* certus,* heurwyd * certa scientia,' Gram, Celt, 103, cf. also Nettlau, Beitr. z,
Cymr. Or amm, 61. Bret, gueun * marsh,* seems to point to a form ^vacn^
or '^vagu'.
2 KZ, xxviii. 164.
3 In Stokes' Altkeltischer Sprachschatz 27. Through the kindness of Mr.
Stokes I have been able to see the first few sheets of this work.
* KSB. viii. 334. Perhaps a British reflex of dn is to be found in Com.
engurbnr * patena,' Is. ^curbor a corruption of Lat. etborium?
* Altkelt. Spr, 14.
224 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
certain instances of csn. Irish Ion * elk ' might be derived
from ^locsnO' and connected with Kussian lost 'elk/ which
like *loc8nO' points to a base loU} A different form of base
is found in Ags. eolh, O.N. etgr^ O.H.G. elaho. We may
postulate as the original base elo^-, whence by different
weakenings e/S-, loU-. Keltic locsno- might be regarded
as an expansion of an 8 stem, cf. Lat. alnus 'aldertree' =
*alsno8, Lith. elkszms, Ags. aior, O.H.G. elira, Ch. Slav.
jehcha. men * farina/ might be derived from mec8n', an un-
nasalized form of menk^ * grind/ Ch. Slav, mqka *meal.'
It might, however=*mew- and be connected with Lith.
tnlnti ' tread/ Ch. Slav, meti ' dXl^eiv,' Gr. fiaTrjfit, (BBl
xvii. 205), though the meaning does not come so close. If
*tr€C8no8 became in Keltic ^trenos, It, Mn might be ex-
plained as follows. At one time there stood side by side
pos. *treno8, comp. *trec8io8y whence C8 made its way into the
positive — *trec8no8, *trec8i08; *tr€csno8 then by e^ later law
became Mn, There is an analogy to this in the treatment
of the prep. e88'=.exy e.g, inirt * weak'=*^cswfr^«s, where €C8
was retained or restored from cases where it regularly
remained, as before a vowel e.g. €8omain * fearless,* Gaul.
€xobnu8, csl becomes //, hence *ecs-Idid, *I escape,' should
have given *elldid, *ellaim. We find instead 4(aim. *ec8
(or ess) was restored (or retained) as in the previous
case and essldio became by a later law *^laim. Similarly
ecsm in 4mdim *am unable *=*ecsw^fi?d, enclitic to asmidim
(W. meddu cf. Gr. fieSewv, fieBovrcf;). The meaning of W.
tren points to derivation from y/thregh, Gr. rpe'xpD, Gaul.
vertragus, whence may also come Ir. tress * battle '=*^/ecs-,
further trice 'quick, nimble '^=itrghni',
6. encn > en,
lenu (ace. pi.) * meadows,' Uana ' meadow, swampy place '
O'Reilly, leana * meadow,' Mac Alpine, Manx lheanee=^*iencn' :
Lett, lekns, lekna 'depression, wet meadow' {^^^lenkn-),
^ As ^ in this word ^oes throughout the Slavonic languages it seems
impossible with Joh. Schmidt, Vacalismus 146, to explain it as coming from ol.
At the same time one must reckon with the possibility that Ion \b 9l variation of
the stem elen' 'deer.*
2 Fickl*. 611.
PROF. STRACHAN^ 225
There is also a form lian which can hardly be connected
with these words; it may stand for leino- and be compared
with W. llwyn ' lucus, nemus, saltus/ Gr. Xcliiodv}
7, egn > en,
fin^ wagon =*t?«^«o- : ablaut to ON. vagn^ Vw/»^A, W. cywain
Wehere/*
"Q^n * T knew ' (etirg^nsa adg^nsa). The Idg. form of this
was *gegnd(u), Skr. jajndu. With u infection *gegnd would
give in Irish *g^un. The isolated form could hardly maintain
itself against the mass of the perfects originally ending in
0, so we find not geun but g^n.
ginar * was born '^gegn-, y/gen?
Hn *span'=*re^«o-.* The quantity of the e in the
modem Hke is remarkable, as *rec8id should have given
*r€i8e. The long e may have been taken over from ren.
This is more probable than to refer r^w, reise {^*prend8nO',
^prendsid) to ^{s)prend, Lith.. sprSsti *to measure a span/
s^n ' net' ^=* segno- ^segh, Stokes/ who also compares W.
hwynyn, or hoenyn, *a hair of the tail of a horse, etc., gin,
springe.' We have seen above that egn in W. becomes
ain ; hence if sSn and hwyn are to be connected, we should
have to assume an ablaut *segnO', *8ognO', It is very doubtful,
however, if the words have anything to do with one another.
8^n is found only in the sense of * net for catching deer or
birds'^; on the other hand, for hoenyn Davies gives only
'Pilus ex Cauda equina vel bovina, etc., pilus majusculus,
seta': it is only in a secondary sense that hoenyn comes to
1 Gramm. Celt^ 96 ; Curtius, GriecK Etym.^ 366.
» Ebel, KSB. II. 177 ; Stokes, Metr, Ir. Gl. 68.
* Why Zimmer, Kelt, Stud, II. 127, should say, *' "Windisch's ansicht *da8S
dieses e erst auf speciall irischem bodea eingetreten ist/ entbehrt jedes beweises/'
is not clear. The eyidence is clearly against. Zimmer* s view that the J is here
pro-ethnic. Idg. gen should in Irish have become *gin : there is no evidence in
support of two Idg. e sounds one of which became in Irish t while the ohter
remained e. Even if this difficulty could be got over, an Idg. *gen* would still
have to be regarded as an analogical formation after other e perfects, and the
existence of such e perfects in Idg. is very doubtful, cf . "Wiedemann, Daa litauiache
Frdteritum 106 sq. and the works quoted there. On the other hand there is
nothing against the origin of gen- from gegn- in Irish ; in the middle the weak
form -gu' is regular.
* Stokes, Metr. Ir. Gl. 90.
« Academy J Dec. 12, 1891.
* Cf . Stokes, Metr. Ir, Gl. 90.
PhU. Trans. 1891-2^3. 15
226 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
mean * gin/ because made of hair. Is hoen to be compared
with Lat. saeta ? For the vocalism might be compared coed
'wood/ Lat. bucetum. Can Irish sSn be a borrowing
of some kind from Lat. sagena, for instance, through Ags.
sagne ?
8. etn > en,
in *bird/ O.W. etn'^i G. Meyer* compares Alb. ipen^
spese *bird.*
Before slender vowels ecn, egn appear as iui^ eui, eoi; etn
as eui, eoi. The following are the instances in the Old Jr.
Glosses :—^rfmV» Sg. 96^ 4, Ml. 46c 23. triuin Ml. 30» 11,
triuin Ml. 30^ 10, 36^ 1, treiiin Wb. 27» 7: etargMn^ ML
42« 10, ingiuin 69* 15, athgeuin, ingeuin 52, etargeiiiin Sg.
197^ 10, adg&uin Wb. 12° 13, under the influence of -^^w,
ginammar, etc. etirgein Ml. 24* 19 : euin Ml. 127® 12, eiuin
Sg. 93* 2.
9. epn.
I have no clear instance of this. Stokes^ connects ten
*&Te'=*tepno8 with Zd. tqfnanh, in which case j9 would have
disappeared without affecting the preceding vowel. This,
however, is not certain, as there is also the possibility that
ten=i*tep8no8, as teas * heat*=*^^«^M-.5 So timme *heat/ may
^*tep8mtd ; it might also =*^^mtd.
10. ebn.
Stokes® derives Ir. indedin * anvil,* Corn, ennian^ Bret
anneffn, from *ande'bni-8, *bend * I strike,* y/jfien. But imn
*lamb,* W. o^=*o5wo- (see below) proves that ;» in the
interior of a word in Keltic did not become i/i, as b was
not lost before n ; cf . Gaul. Exobnm, Ir. e88omun * fearless,'
W. ehofgn. The Irish word might be derived without
difficulty from ande-gni-, but this could not give Breton
anneffn. Could this have come from a parallel ^ande^-^heni-^
1 Ebel, K8B. 11. 130.
• Albanesiaches Worterbueh, 413, Atb. Stud. iii. 40 n.
* Oeuin might— *^effnai and be compared directly with Skr. jaj'ne. The
ending -at in the 3 sg. perf. mid. is established by Goth id(i{fa ' he went,' Ags.
df/de, cf. BB. xvii. 238.
* KZ. xxix. 380.
6 R. Schmidt, Idff, Forach. I. 73.
• Altkelt. Sprach, 15.
PROF. STRACHAN. 227
^ande-beni' ? It may be doubted whether, under any con-
ditions, ^n became in Keltic bn. Brugmann,^ indeed,
assumes this change in *mwa=*3wds, gen. of ben 'wife'=
^-j^end. But b of *bnd8, whence mnd, may very well have
come from cases with ^ben- ; a declension *bend, *gnd8 would
have had no chance of surviving.
11. emn.
According to Windisch,^ Osthoff,^ Wiedemann* *minar
*I thought,' is developed regularly from *memnar. This seems
very doubtful. I am unable however as yet to prove that
in any of the cases where mn come together in inlaut they
were not originally separated by a vowel.^ We have an
instance in auslaut if Ir. slemon 'smooth,' W. llufn'=.*8limno~
is to be connected with Ags. slimy Gr. Xelfia^,^ It is safer
to look upon m^nar as due to the analogy of genar. Points
of contact are found in the inflection of the present, cf.
gainedar * nascitur,' dodmainetar * putant hoc'
12. ocn > on, uan.
criiariy cron 'red, orange '=*crocwo-, Gr. KpoKo<; (Stokes).
mdin 'bog,'=*/wocm*-: Ch. Slav, mokrti *wet,* moca *bog.'
n and r stems are often found side by side.^
icain, din 'loan' perhaps = *pocwe-, Lat. paciscor, Cf.
tindlaim below.
13. ogn > on, uanfi
brdn 'sorrow': W. brwyn.
^ Grundrissl. 380-1.
2 KZ. xxiii. 246.
' Zur Geschichte dea Perfects 10.
* Das Zitauische Frdteritum 107.
^ A possible instance is domna, rigdomna ' the material for a king, a crown
prince/ W. defnyd * element, matter/ which may come from domn-f Gr. Sc/aw,
£ng. timber.
• Persson, Wurzelerweiterungy 110.
' Cf. Pedersen, KZ. xxxii. 240 sqq. ; Johansson, Beitrage zur griechischen
Sprachktmde 1 sqq. W. mawn * peat, turf * may be derived from mdcn-y in
ablaut to mocn-. If Thumeysen {Paul u. Brattne*s Beitrage xiii. 436) is right in
ascribing 6 of mdr to the influence of the preceding m, main might come from the
same form.
8 In every instance ua may be assumed to have passed through the stage o.
The precise conditions under which o became ua are not very clear. If, as
Brugmann, Grundriss, I. 67, suggests, 5 passed into ua before a following
broad vowel, then the regular representation has been very much interfered with
by analogy. Why, for instance, should ^clopni- have given cluain, when in
nearly all the cases the following vowel was slender P There is an obvious
228 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
sron 'nose/ W. ffroeny Bret. froan^=i*8prognd} As we
saw that c was lost in W. before w, there is the possibility
of *brocno- (or *brucnO') *sprocnd. No certain etymologies
have been proposed.
uan 'lamb/ W. oen (pi. wi/n=z*ogm)=^*ognO', *og^no- : Lat.
agnus, Gr. afivoi;. The vocalism is strange here, as other Idg.
languages shew a. Can o be due to the u sound following
the g? u seems to change a to o in mog 'slave/ cf, mam
'servitus/ Goth, magus. The alternative is to assume an
ablaut 6 d (a in Ch. Slav, agnid, jagnicl ' afivo^ '), for which
see Bartholomae BB. xvii. 121 sq.
hUain 'reaping' {cofinbuanaigit ^ vrndiemiBXiiy* Ml. 102* 12) =
*bogni' : an unnasalized form of the root appears in bocht 'reap-
ing/ O'Cl. also Broccan's Hymn 1. 29, lathe biiana di mad
bocht ' on the day of reaping to her a good harvest.'^ Brug-»
mann,^ however, and K. Schmidt^ derive biiain from ^bongni"
— which seems also possible.
^ane 'green,' may stand for *vognio- : Gr. vypo^, O.N. v0kva
' wet.' uane and vypo? (Ir. ur, see below) would be another
instance of n and r stem side by side, ^vognio- should have
become *fuaine. The loss of / may either be explained as
in errachy espartain,^ or uaine may be regarded due to con-
tamination of uog-, and ug-. That ^ugnio- should have
become uaine is highly improbable, as the change of ugn to
on can be explained only through an intermediate ogn,
where u has become o because of a following broad vowel.
14. opn > on, uan.
difference of treatment of e and 5 in cases where they arise hy compensatory
lengthening. Unlike B =ei, this e does not (except dialectically) hecome fa, while
0 hecomes ua like o from ou. This would seem to indicate that 5 > Ha was later
than e > la-, that when e arose hj compensatory lengthening, the change of « to
la had already taken place, while o lell together with o=ou and shared its
fortimes. The subject requires further investigation. It may 6e noted that ua
is very much more frequent than o.
1 Ebel, KSB. II. 8? ; Stokes, KSB, viii. 335 ; otherwise Windisch
KSB. viii. 431.
2 Cf. Stokes, Metr, Ir. GL 43.
3 Gnmdriaa, I. 382.
* Idg, Forach, I. 77.
^ Stokes, KSB, viii. 344 ; Zimmer, Zeitschrift fur deutschea AlUrthum
xxxii. 279 sq.
PROF. STRACHAK. ^29
c&an 'harbour' (Irish), *sea' (Gaelic) =*cc|/)w- : Ags.
hmfene * haven/ Ags. heafy O.N. haf ' sea.' So already Kluge.
Wh. S.V. hafen,
cliiain * meadow '=*c/lqpwt-: Lith. szldpti * become wet/
szlapias *wet/ szlapimd 'a wet spot,* tcXeirar vorepov irrjX&Scf;,
teXiiro^* vorepov, Hesych. ci&ain and ^X^tto? may be added
to the examples of parallel n and 8 stems given by
Pederssen, KZ. xxxii. 252, Johansson Bettr. z. Or. Sprach.
21, 28, etc.
cl&am * deceit ' =*cfop»t- : KKewTto (Stokes). For cliiain,
* meadow,' we must postulate y/Ulep, as Lith. szldpti shows,
for clkain * deceit,' y/klep, Gr. /eXeTrro), Goth, hlifa, Pruss.
auklipts * hidden.'
15. ten + broad vowel > ^ecn, en.
L^Yiy a proper name ^= Gaul. Licnos,
The Gaulish -icnos in Dniticnos and the like has been
compared with the Ir. diminutive ending 'in,^ It is
impossible to connect in directly with -icnos, as the modern
form 'in indicates the loss of a slender vowel after n.
Moreover in, though it is found in Middle Irish and is very
common in Modern Irish, is not found in the Old Irish
glosses. The most common diminutive suffix in Old Irish
is -dw, and next in frequency come -tat, -nat: -ine is found
in some eight or nine words, there are a couple of instances
of 6n, and -ine is found once in gtainine 'maxilla.' This
'ine might be directly compared with -icnios in Gaulish
Te^^igniua,^ -icnos would in Irish give -^/» and may account
for some of the diminutives in -en^ but it will explain neither
'^ne, nor -in. It would be possible to explain these latter
as arising from an admixture o{ '^n:='icno8, and 'ine-=-icnio8^
but it is very likely that these diminutives have more than
one source. Some diminutives in -in, 'ine may very well
come from stems in -ec-, e.g. larene ' equula '=*^r^c-ma from
lair 'mare' stem Idrec-. There is the strongest reason for
^ Stokes, Lives of the Saints xxxi.
» Stokes, KSB. iii. 71. ; Rev, Celt, vii. 107.
* KSB, iii. 208.
230 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
suspecting the working of analogy in the suffix -fn^ which,
as we have seen, does not occur in the oldest language,
and is found with increasing frequency in the later language.
16. i^«+broad vowel > ^egn, en.
dogina ' he will do ' ^:=^*tO'gigndL
nitgima * I will not slay thee/ LTJ. 68^ 34 : gSn=z*gigndm.
Br^n, a man's name ^=i*Brigno8, Gaul. Arebrignos (Stokes).
8^n ' blessing/ from Lat. signum, if it did not rather come
from segnum. Before a slender vowel ign > iuin in Briiiin
gen. of Brin.
17. ucn + broad vowel > *ocw, d», uan.
The instances here are somewhat uncertain, as dn might
be also derived from eucn^ oucn, with a strong form of the
root. This remark also applies to most of the other cases
in which o may be derived from u with compensatory
lengthening.
biiuin * fragment/ maj =:i*bhrucnO' or ^bkroucno" and be
connected with Lett, brukt 'crumble.' But it may equally
well stand for *bhrout8no~ ^bhrovd-mo-^ Ags. briostan * break,'
b.H.G. brdama.
tdn *podex'=*^ewc«5, or *tiicndi Teut. ^peuha' * thigh.'*
From idn cannot be separated W. tin podex; tin may
be derived from ^tucnd. That Ir. tdn should also go
back to *tucnd is highly improbable, as 6 is not liable to
umlaut (cf. ur below) : there is nothing very strange iu
the fact that the two branches of Keltic should shew two
different grades of vocalism. Hucnd points to an n stem
^ If these diminutiTes in -m be ancient, they might come from ^ienit (-m weak
form of -ioa) if we are right in supposing (p. 36), that short % £d not change
preceding i to iui. With regard to the relation of W. -yn to Ir. -^ Thumeyseii
Mev. Celt, vii. 326 compares W . dynyn * mannikin ' with Ir. duin^, g being loet
without a trace in unaccented syllables. W. -yn as well as Ir. -en might thai a
-icnos. Thus W. -yn proves nothing as to the antiquity of Ir. -m.
^ Thumeysen (JTZ. xxxi. 77) has made it probable that the Towel of the
reduplicated syllable was » not e. Comparing pechna^^eicannt with ^y^tiam
^gi-gn-dt, we see that in the one case there is a strong, in the dther a weak foitii
of the root. The supposition lies nigh at hand that these strong and weak forms
were originally combined in the same paradigm, the strong forms appearing in
the sine, act., the weak in the dual and plural, and that the historic paradigms ate
due to levelling in one direction or the other.
» Cf. Fick III.» 136.
FROF. 8TRACHAN. 231
*ieuken'. For n steins from o stems of. Barthblondae Sezz.
Beitr, xv. 25 sqq. Of. also Zd. ndonhana * nose ' by tidonha.
luan, I6n * light/ may stand for *leucmo~ or *^wc«»o-, Zd.
raoxsna ' shining/ Lat. /t^mi.^ It might, however, equally
well:=* iucno' ; of. Old Sax. logna 'flame.* The meaning
* moon * seems to have been taken over from L^t. luna,
which resembled in form the native word, or we may say
that the Irish borrowed luna and adapted it in form to the
similar i&an.
18. ugn,
duan 'poem' =z*dugnd or *dougnd: Gr. revx^cv, Goth, dugan.^
ciian^ne 'pugil,' from Lat. pugnus, or perhaps reithex pognua.
Of ucUf w^n+ slender vowel, I have found no instances;
we might expect -uin, imine was discussed above ; iiain
* leisure,' may be derived from ^eucni- : Gr. evicqXja^ * free from
care, at ease,' Skr. dkas^ 'comfort, dwelling-place,' rather
than from *wcwt- [ucn- may, however, appear in nine * time,
opportunity '].
19. w^w+ broad vowel=*o^«, on, tian (?).
&2^an 'lasting ' may perhaps stand for ^bhu'tno-, and be com-
pared with Lith. butinas, 'essential, lasting' (=*6Aw^n«o-),
with which has been compared Lat. -hunduazn^bhutno-} I
know of no other instance of suffix -tno- in Keltic.
20. udn- > *odn, dn, uan,
smudinim ' think '=*«wwfl?n- or ^smoudn- : Goth, gamaud^an
'remember,' Ch. Slav. myslU 'thought.' If uan \iQTez=:udn,
it must have arisen before a broad voweL
21. upn > *opny ow, uan,
cimn ' host ' {Dniim Criaich cite cit c&an * Drum Oree
meeting-place of a hundred hosts,' LL. 161* l)=*ctt/?n- or
*coupn' : Lith. kupd ' a heap, a multitude, an ateembly, e.g.
of men,* Germ, haufe.
man 'sleep,' W. ^wn=*swjpwos: Gr. vttvo^, Ch. Slav. %iinU^
Alb. gume. 'sleep.' The gen. Biiain can hardly be the
* Brugmann, Grundrisa II. 132.
^ Thurneysen quoted by Osthoff, Paul u. £raune*t BHtrage, ziii. 421.
' Cf. Brugmaim, Grundrias II. 152.
232 COMPENSATORY tENGTHBNlNG IN IRISH.
regular development of *8upni: ua comes rather from cases
containing a broad vowel. For suggestions as to the
phonetic changes of pn see Brugmann, Orundriss I. 272.
According to Stokes' law *8iipno8 must have been accented
like Gr. virvo^.
22. sn.
Thumeysen ^ suggests doubtfully that W. gtm ' toga/ Ir.
fUan *lacerna'=*e?dno- come from *fosno-. But that is im-
possible; 8 disappears before n without lengthening the
preceding vowel.^ ^vmo- may be derived rather from
*vO'Ouno-, Lat. ind-uo, ex-uo, sub-u-cula, Lith. aiiiti 'to put
on shoes, stockings, and the like.'
11. Sound Groups Ending in m.
. 1. dcm.
One would expect by analogy of acn^ aer, em. I have no
instance.
2. agm > dm.
gldm ' outcry ^=:*glagmd: Germ, klagen, y/glagh.
mam ' servitude ' =*/w«^ww- : mog 'slave/ Goth, magus.
tidm * handful of wool '=*/^^w- : Germ.^ocA:^, Gr. Xdy(yo^,^
with which Stokes ^ has already compared tlacht ' garment.*
Hence Mod. Ir. brdim, Gael, braim (g. brama, pi. braman"
nan)y W. Corn, bram, Bret, bramm * crepitus ventris/ to 0. Ir.
btaigim *pedo/ CB,nnoi=z*bragmen. Nor is it likely, as Thur-
neysen ^ doubtfully suggests, that it should have come from
*brangmen ; cSim * step ' =^*cengmen, and similar cases are
against this, bram is probably to be explained SLS=^*brag8men,
cf. bomm * morsel '=*6o^sm^w,® semmand * rivets' iy/segh^
Stokes) from a stem ^segsmen, W. drem 'look, aspect ' =
^ Kelto-Bomaniaehes 64.
* Stokes^ KZ, XXX. 559.
' Siitterlin, Bezz, Beitr, xvii. 164 sq. *
* Metr. Ir, GL 99.
* KehO'Bomanisches 98.
^ Not Hoffmen as R. Schmidt, Idff, Forach, I. 30, suggests ; that must bare
given *b6%m or *biM%m,
PHOF» STRACHAK. 233
*drec8md ^driesmd, Ir. drech ' aspect, countenance* y/derUy Gael.
dream * wisp of hay or straw/ dreamag ' handful of corn* : Gr.
hparfiMi. 8 is often present before certain suffixes in other
Idg. languages, e.g. -amo-, -sno- 'Slo-,^ and its presence must
be also recognized in Keltic, e.g. amm ' time' =:*at8men
(above), trom * heavy,' W. trwrn^^Hrudsmo- : Goth, ws-
thriutan 'oppress.'
For 6i in Mod. Ir. brdim, cf. dirdhearc 'glorious *=0. Ir.
airderc, and in the Wb. glosses bdill limbs, sg. ball is
frequent.^
3. ecm > em,
riim 'shout' {dobert rim curad asa bragit *he gave a
hero's shout from his throat' LXJ. 76« 10, reim ouradh i.
geim curadh 'a hero's shout,' 0'Clery)=r^c/w- : Ch. Slav.
reka 'speak,' Lith. rekiii 'roar, cry'; for the long vowel
in rikti, see Bechtel Hauptprobleme der Idg, Sprachwissen*
schaft 162. Examples of words with the meaning of cry,
roar, and the like applied to articulate speech will be
found in Persson.* To this belongs W. rhegen 'quail'; .
for the origin of the name cf. Diez. Etym, Wb. s.v. quaglia.
In Old Ir. a similar name is found for the peacock, gisachtach
from gessim ' cry.'
4. egm > em,
aiimeth 'offspring, * =*8egmeto-^
drimire ' ladder,' according to Stokes * stands for *dregm',
but it seems rather to come from drengm.-, cf. dringim ' step,
advance,' and so to fall under the following head.
6. engm > emm, em (in auslaut).
ciimm 'step,' W. cam=z*kngmen,
Uimm 'leap,' W, llam=z*lngmen.
gSim * shout' =i*gengmen : cf. Lith. zwingiu ' neigh.' If this
^ Osthoff, Forachungen I. 190 sqq. ; Brogmann, Grundrisa II. 133, 140, 163,
165, 187, 195, 196, etc.
' According to Thumeysen, Paul u, Braunea Beitrdge, liii. 436, o is here due
to the preceding labial.
' Wurzelerweitertmg 244.
* Stokes, Lives of the Saints 399.
* Stokes, Linguistic Value of the Irish Annals 371. [He now {BB» xviii. 62)
refers it to *drengmen']»
234 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
comparison is to be maintained, we must assume a double
Idg. form gneng, geng, u having been lost in certain positions
in the parent language.^
rSimnif riim 'cursus/ serving as the infinitive of rethim
' I run.' The double m of rSimm cannot be explained either
from *retmen or from *reidmen,^ as R. Schmidt^ suggests.
Either we may suppose that *r^im-=z*retmen became reimm
under the influence of ciimm^ grSimm, or we may place it
with W. rhamu * soar/ Idg. *rengho *run, spring.'*
6. endm > emm, em,
griimm ^progressus ^■=L^grendmen : ingrennim ' persequor.*
Gael, teum * bite/ W, ^aw, Bret, tamm * piece, bite/ Corn.
tamy pi. ti/mmyn=z*tndmen: Gr. Tei/SoD, Lat. tondeo,
Brugmann* doubts if endm became regularly emm. For
griimm he suggests the analogy of cSimm, which, from the
similarity of meaning, is quite possible. But if teum is
rightly derived from *tendmen no such analogical explanation
is possible. We must then with Schmidt, IF, I. 77, look
upon endm as becoming regularly emm^ and there is nothing
in the way of this.
7. enm.
beim 'a blow,' has been explained as standing for *ben^
men, y/jjien. But this explanation is very doubtful for
the Irish word (according to R. Schmidt® one might have
expected ^bemm'^), and it is impossible for Bret, boem^
* Cf. Brngmaniiy Grundriss 11.476, 802; Solmsen, KZ, xxxii. 277 sq. If it was
in enclisis that u was lost, it must be remembered that in certain positions the
Idg. verb was enclitic.
* It might however come from ^reidsmen.
' Idff. Forsch, I. 77.
* Fickl*. 118.
6 Grundriaa I. 382.
* Idg. Torsch. I. 77. His own explanation leaves Bret hoem out of account,
and does not satisfactorily account for Ir. beimm, for how could beimm be in-
fluenced by words of so totally different meaning as chmm and greimm ? On
the other hand, as Schmidt suggests, beimm 'journey,' V3^»*» ™ay have been
influenced by these words ; it may however = *gtiem-8men,
^ Anmaimm dat. of ainm *name' m\^i—* anmembi as well as *anmenm%,
A difficulty arise in connexion with the form ainm. If ainm^*anmen *a%mm
might have been expected ; if it comes from *aw''m*», we should rather have
expected *ainmh. Perhaps the difficulty may be overcome by the hypothesis
that two forms of the stem *anmen and an^men were originally in use in
different cases, and that they acted and reacted on one another. (In Mod. Ir.,
Gael. meamna=0. Ir. menme, such an nm has beco^le in iolaut mn.) A
PROF. STRACHAN. 235
Corn, bomnif pi. hommen *blow,* All these forms may-
be explained from ^bensmen, which in both branches
of the Kelts would become first *besmen. ^Bismen
would give by assimilation in Irish *bemmen, b^im. In the
Brythonic dialects,^ too, besmen would become ^bemmen^
whence regularly Mid. Bret, boem, Mod. Bret, bomm (cf. Mid.
Bret, toem 'hot' (W. ttcym) probably =*^6/?^«//io-, Mod. tomm).
In older Cornish e appears as ui^ oi, in the later texts as o,
Mm *hot/ later tommy a 'heated/ Qramm. Celt? 97. Now
bomm is found only in texts in which o appears for e. It
is also possible to derive beimm, ^bemmen from ^beismen : Ch.
Slav, biti 'strike/ with which Thumeysen^ connects Ir.
benim ' I strike.**
8. ogm > dm, mm.
fiiaimm, fimim 'sound, noise *=:*wjrw^«, ci. fogur 'sound,
noise.' The tiouble m here is not due to phonetic develop-
ment, but comes by analogy from other cases where it arose
regularly, e.g. imimm ' sewing ' (to imgim ' I sew ') =^*eug8men.
In such cases mm became in auslaut m, so that hevQ fuaim
&nd iiaim would coincide, and this coincidence would lead to
the introduction of mm into fdaim.
idm before a broad vowel seems to become *edm em in
fO'd^ma 'he will %}iS&r^-=^*didmdt, But as fodidmat=*dida-
mdnto is also found, it is probable that in fod^ma we have
an analogical formation, for, though in all likelihood in
these reduplicated futures strong and weak forms of the
difficulty of a somewhat similar nature is met with in "W. eiprw *heer,'
Gaul. Kovpfu (Ir. cuirm) compared with garm * outcry' (Ir. gainn) where
the m is preserved. The difficulty might be solved by postulating in the
latter case a stem *garsmen cf. Lith. garsas * noise,' Lat garr%o=*gar8%Oy Alb.
gtrSaa *■ invite.' With a syllabic division *gar \ amen this would have given
*garmmen, and mm did not become / {cwrtv=*cwruf cf. Com. corofj. How
is the t of Kovpfii to be explained ? Can it be that we have here a nom. -me {n),
as in Ch. Slav, ime * name,' Schmidt. Fluralbildungcn 90 ? Kopfia might be
looked upon as a Graecised form (or Kopfm : Kovp/ut = 3kr. nama: nSma?).
* It is not certain to what extent these changes are to be referred to proto-
Keltic. I know of nothing to shew that the change of ^benamen to *besmen and
of besmen to bemmen did not take place before the separation of the Keltic
dialects.
^ Mheiniaches Museum xlui. 351 ; KZ. xxxi. 83.
236 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
Stem were at one time found in the same paradigm, it i^
not very likely that both survived in this solitary instance,
particularly . when we bear in mind the tendency of the i
future to encroach. Stokes suggests that d may have been
lost before m, before the time when intervocalic m was
aspirated. He refers to frim ' root * (Mod. Ir. freumh) =
*vridmdy W. gureidd: Lat. radix, iiamonn * skin '=*oe/w-:
Lith. uda ' skin '= (ablaut 6: o). But this is not very
certain.
Sound Groups ending in r.
1. acr > er.
dir * tear/ O.W. dacr-^^^dacru : Gr. SaKpv.
ir A. uasal, 'lofty/ 0*Davoren=*acro« : Gaul, axpotalvs,
Gr. aKpo^.^
mir * finger '=*wacros: Gr. fiaKpo^y^ fiaKeiv6<iy fioKp&va%
TOP o^vVy ^Epvdpaloi Hesych.*
Mod. Ir. cSir 'gum/ Manx keei/r, Gael, cdtr might bcf
explained from an ablaut ^cdcri-, ^cdcri-. We may compare,
perhaps, W. ctg ' flesh * (Ir. cich ' teat ' *) =*cec-. The ablaut
series would then be kdk-, kek-, kok- (=Ir. cdc-). The W.
name for 'gum' is cig y dannedd, lit. ^zahnfleisch.' One might
conjecture that the Irish word was originally used with
some such qualification, ciir inna n-dSt or the like ; cf . feoil na
fiacal (gl. gingiva), Stokes, Ir. OL 150.
Before a slender vowel edi: meoir^ gen. sg. and nom. pL
oimir (Gael. gen. sg. medir), Gael. Mod. Ir. dedir gen. sg. of
deur 'tear* (with change of declension, Mid. Ir. gen. dire^).
For the vocalism of c4ir see p. 36.
1 Stokes, Althelt. 8pr. 5.
» Bezz. Beitr, xvii. 299.
3 Brugmann quoted by R. Schmidt^ Id^, Forsch, I. 63.
* Stokes, Ir. GL p. 150.
' The nom. pi. na d(Br is found Ml. 23a 13, indicating a neut. M-stem ; der
might \iexe=*da^ru like Ved. puriC (Schmidt, Plur, 42). There are however
other possibilities, cf. Brugmann, Grundrisa II. 625.
PROF. STRACHAN, 237
. 2. agr > dr.
dr '8trage8*=*a^ros, W. aer 'praeliuin/ 0, Bret, air, Gaul,
Veragri, Suagros, Gr. Sr/pa.^
adr- * exceedingly ' (as a prefix), W. haeru 'affirmare.'^
sdr 'insult/ can hardly be separated from W. aarhdu
'contumelia afficere.' Corresponding to Ir. a one would
expect W. ae ; e mu3t have been lost in the pretonic syllable,
though I have no other instances of this. For examples of
ae > ain other positions, cf, Nettlau, Beitr. 2. Cymr, Qramm,
61 sq.
ndr * modest '=*«a^ro- (or *ndgro-) : *ndjfio *to be sober,*
Gr. vq^to?
3. U\
t is not lost before r ; an anaptyctic vowel has sprung up
between t and r, and intervocalic t then becomes th, e.g.
tarathar ^hoTQT^ \ terebra, reperpov, criathar ' sieve '=*cm^ro-,
briathar ' word' =*6m^m,* mothar *dark '=*/w2i^ro- : Arm.
mut^ " tenebre, nebbia," mtar " oscuro," ^ riathor ' torrens '
z=*reitrO' : Skr. ri ' let flow, run,' Lat. rtuos,
4. adr > dr.
Only in composition drim ' number ' ^=^*adrlmd to rim
' number.'
5. e^r > er.
f^r 'grass,' W. gwair. Com. gwyr^:z*vegrO' '. y/veg 'to be
moist ' Fick P. 545 ?
Before a slender vowel feiuir Sg. 68^ 10, feuir Ml. 90^ 8,
Mid. Ir. f^oir, Windisch. Wb. (by analogy dat. feor, LU.
74^ ^8).
^^m^, ^^raiY 'champion' is probably cognate with the
shorter greit 'champion.' Oreit may stand for *gredni',
^ghredh-ni' {y/ghredh Fick I*, 418) ; g^rait would be a
parallel form with reduplication. Ii^ FSlire, Sept. 27,
^ passage to which Mr. Stokes has called my attention,
* Rhys, Bev. Celt. II. ; Stokes, Sprachschatz 7.
* Rhys, Lectures*, 395; Welsh has also taeru^^to-aagr-, an additional
example of the original coincidence hetween the Welsh and the Irish accent.
8 Fick I*. 499.
* Bmgmann, Grundriss I. 470.
s Bugge, KZ, xxxii. 19.
238 OOMPBMSATORT LENOTHBNINO IN IRISH.
it is used with fern. M, which shows that, as might have
been conjectured, it was originally an abstract fern. noun.
6. u?r+ broad vowel > *ecr, er.
{arro)ch^r ' redemi * =*-(?k?ra.^
9mMU 'burning coals, sparks, embers' m9Lj'=^*9m%cronfi'
and be compared with Lat. micare^ V {8)mik'. Otherwise
Stokes, Metr. Ir. 01. 97, but the length of the e is established
by the modem language, ameur&id * charcoal,' Foley.
Before a slender vowel i fii, dorachiuir, * redemit,' Wb. 2^* 9,
duarchiuir, Ml. 73^ 5.
7. i^r+ broad vowel > *egr, ir.
(/ris)gira *he will answer* =*^i;j7rd^, {ar)gerat, Ml. 112^ 8=
*gigrdnto. It might be expected that t in such a case would
remain. We have perhaps an example in dir, 'proprius,
conveniens, iustus'=*^fY)- or *digrO' : Vdetjc, deig, SeUwfu,
BUrf, Lat. dignuBy Goth, teihan, iaikns.^
8. ibr seems to become *ebr^ ^r in Mra *he will bring '=
^bibrdt. But b is not lost before r ; as in the case of tr an
anaptyctic vowel is developed between b and r and b becomes
a spirant, e.g. dobur * water,' W. dicfrr^^dubrO", Gaul. Venw-
dubrum,^ gabor ' goat,' W. ga/r^zgabro-, Gaul. Oabro-sentum ^
Oabro-magus, It might be said, perhaps, that this may
hold good only in auslaut, while in the middle of a word no
such vowel sprang up, and in this position b was lost
before r. But in abra 'eyebrow,' Gael, abhra, Mod. Ir.
fabhra : Gr. o^pv^, br is treated in precisely the same way as
in dobutf gabor. It follows, then, that b^ra is an analogical
formation after ^g^ra and the like. The e future has a
tendency to spread, cf. sc^ra to scaraim^ l^maither to Idmaim
(LXJ. 63» 15), g4t to gataim, aderad to adraim (KSB. vii.
23). The same view must be taken of m^raid 'he will
remain' to maraim; there is no evidence that m was lost
before r.
» Cf. R. Schmidt, Id^. Forseh. I. 63 note.
' Cf. Kluge in Paul*8 Orundrisn cUr Orrmanisrhfn PhUoloffie I. 326 ; Brug-
mann, Grtmdriss II. 136. [I had orerlrtoked W. dir * certua, necessariiw,' dir yu>
* oportot, net'osse est/ which shows that c cannot hare been hist ; the words may be
reierrtHi to *drro8, *dherMy \f dhcy cf. Skr. dhdman *law, order/ Gr. 9r/u5.]
' Gliick, Keltische Xamen 35.
FBOF. 8TRACHAN. 23d
■
9. ogr > dr, uar.
iuxT^ fiar 'cold/ W. oer, goer=^ogro^^ (to Ch. Slav, ognl
* fire/ cf. urit frigua, or Gr. ird'xyri waryero^, ablaut a o P),
Ck)m. oir. For W. goer, cf. gardd * hammer/ Ir. ord\ for the
explanation of the prothetic g see Nettlau, Rev. Celt xi. 77.
10. t£<T+ broad vowel > *ocr, dr, war.
c6«r 'crooked/ cf. corihdn {corthdnech Ascoli), 8g. 66^ 7=
^cucrO' (or *ceucrO') : y/kenk, Skr. kticati ' bend/ Ch. Slav.
kuko-nasH * crooknosed/ etc.^
u in tkr, fi^r might be expected to remain. Of ficr j
have no very certain instance; 6r, 'bad/ might =*jE>fiA:ro- :
Gr. ^€7rev^9, Treu/ceSavo?, cf. KaK6^: Lith. kenkti 'hurt*; it
may, however, be explained otherwise'; b&rach *din/ bitrethar
'clamat/ might stand for •Jflcr-: Gr. /3v/cTfj<i, Lat. ieie^'ita;
they might equally well stand for *66r- : Gr. /Sua?, Arm.
6ii, bu'€c * owl. '* tir ' fresh ' {xerin' withered ' *), W. ir
'viridis, floridus, novus, recens, suoculentus/ has been well
compared by Siegfried * with Gr. vypo^. The Keltic forms
go back to *ugrO' ; Welsh proves conclusively 6.
IV. Sound Groups ending in /.
1. acl > el.
die * servus ' is separated by Stokes from cile * comrade *
(see below) and compared with Lat. cacula ' soldier's servant.'
milacht * disgrace '=*//ww?/<5W?^m-: Lat. macula, though this
is not altogether certain.
1 Stokes, Live* of the Saints 402.
' Fick I*. 380.
» Stokes, Metr, Ir. 01. 103.
* Cf. Persson, Wurzelerweiterung 12 sq.
* A good instance is quoted by Wmdisch [Worterhuch 866) from Stokes,
Three Middle Irish Homilies 26 : teeh do d^num isin uair sin a leth ur ocus
aroli erin, *'to build a house in that hour, the half thereof fresh and the other
withered.'* Cf. also Stewart's Oaf lie Poetns 5i6 Cia lion erann bheil an eoill f
ar Fionn. Adha^ ar an inghean, iodhon ur agt^s erlon. How many trees are in
a wood ? said Fionn. Two, said the maiden, to wit green and dry.
« Quoted by Stokes, KSB. viii. 322.
240 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
eel i. hily * mouth,' O'Clery. If this be a genuine wbrd
rightly explained one might compare Lith. kaklas *neck.'
But no weight can be laid upon this instance until the
word is better established.
2. agl > dl.
ail * disgrace '=*a^/t- Goth, agls ^ala^po^'* Cf. also "W.
*aele, grefyn, dolorus, trest, trwm, LI Braw aele, * Terror
mtserandus* (Davies),
ail ' pleasant '=*joa^/i-, Qoth.. fagrs * fitting/ /aA^J)« 'joy'
V'i?a;e,i?a^,Fick 1.4 77.1
dl * brood, ofispring/ W. ael ' litter, brood,' Bret, eal ' foal '
perhaps =*pa^^- : Lat. propago,
gabdP inf. of gabim * I take'=*gabagN', W. caffael.
mdl * chief,' W. Ma€l^=^*maglO', Gaul. Maglus.
tdl * adze,' may, perhaps, stand for ^to-aglo- : Goth, aqizi,
Engl. axe. If this were so, *-aglo- Teut. akes^- would be an
instance of / and 8 stem side by side, cf. Lat. oculus, Gh.
Slav, oko 'eye.' The difficulty is to see what the particle
to- has to do here. Stokes^ now derives tdl from *taxlO'
(=Idg. HdHsU)"?) : Ch. Slav, tesla *axe.' But kal seems in
Irish to become *ss/, //, cf. uall * pride '=*«wg's/a,* toll, W.
twll * hole '=*^wcs/o-, Slav, titk-- 'pierce.'
We have seen that acn, acr, acl became respectively ew, cr,
e/, but agUy agr, agl became respectively an, dr, dl. What
was the reason of this difierence of treatment? The naost
probable answer to this is that the loss of c and of g do
not belong to the same period, that c persisted longer than
g, and, when it also went, the preceding vowel was treated
differently. We have a parallel to this in Welsh, where
*dacru becomes dagr (O.W. dacr), but *agrd becomes aer.
In Irish itself there is something similar in the different
^ d'Arbois de Jubamville, Lea Noma gauloia chez Cesar 25, sees this word in the
Gaulish name Catumalis ; if that were so, the etymology would have to be given
up. But Stokes and Rhys {Classical Review, April, 1892, p. 166) compare
Catusttalis better with W. chwalu ' strew, spread,' =^ battle- scatterer.'
2 Zimmer KZ, xxx. 156 derives ticsdly wnich occurs by ticsath as the infin. of
ticsaitn *I raise,' from *diodgestdld'. It is tolerably evident that it is only an
fmalogical formation after toC'bdl=*tO'Udgabagli', the inf. of tocbaim *■ I raise.'
8 KZ, xxxii. 219.
* Brugmann, Grundriss II. 194.
PROF. STRACHAlf. 341
treatikieiit of tlie particles aith- and ad^zndte^, ad^ in com-
positioii, under the accent. Where the a oi ate rbecomes e,
the a ot ad appears as a, compare ni ^pil 'he does not die'
^z*dtebakt with dpelugud 'flattery *=«fl?6-, 4cid *he relates '=
atC" (with accent on the verb aithchuaid) with acd 'he sees'
::^adc^} Where this rule seems. to be violated, there is
confusion of the two particles.^ Now, as in ate- the t is
followed by a Towel, while in ad- the d is final, it is
easy to suppose that the t persisted longer. The different
treatment of the vowel in this case would then be a
^aralleH to the diflerent treatment of the vowel in the
combinations acn^ agn, etc.
3. atl > dL
anal * breath/ W. anadl = *anatld, *an9tld : Skr. dniti'
* blows.'
. da/ * meeting/ W. <to(//=*rfii^to.
In adl 'heel/ W. aawdl, Bret. 8€ul^=-*8tdtld (Stokes)* a is
naturally long.
4. adl > dL
In the compound dlaind ' beautiful '=a6/-/atnd, laind .L solus
no taitnemach 0' Dav. 102.*
5. eel > eL
* From cases like usee 'water*: Gr. Zivp, 08of, etc., meae 'drunk': Gr.
fi4$v, eixi,, seae *dry\* Lat. 8ieeu8{=*8itqo8) has been deduced the law that
Idg. tk became in Keltic sk (cf. Brugmann Grundriss 378). If that be so, then
in aeei ad must haye been restored from other words where it remained, and then
ode became ace in accordance with a later law. There is something strange in
the sound change here postulated, and the same law has been called in question
for Teutonic by Eluge (FauVs Grundriss I. 327), who points out that in the
instances quoted sk may equally well go back to Idg. t-sk, sk could be explained
in the same way in Keliac ; tisee ^*ut8-cidf *ud'S'kia (from stem *udes- Gr.
98os, Skr. iUsa' 'spring* with which Stokes compares Ir. os * water,' (=s*utso-)
in OS' hretha * water judgments'), mesc—^mets-coSy etc.; with sesc *dry,' W.
hysp cf. Zend hiskuy Gr. itrxv^s (Zimmer, KZ. xxiv. 212, Bartholomae JTZ.
xxix. 525). A good instance in which ee in inlaut may be explained from tk'
is rueee * disgrace ' (Gael, ruicean * a red pimple') =*r«^-^i(f, rudh-kid '\l reudh
* to be red,' cf. Ir. ruiduich * blush,' Gaul. Seno-ruccus (d'Arbois de Jubainville,
noms. gauL 69) : so cuie * secret,' = *t?«^ci- : Gr. Kt{>Bw (Stokes) ; brocc W. hroch
*ha.dtger^ =*broteO'y *bkrodh'ko- : Skr. bradhnd * lightred ' Ch. Slav, bronti
'white' {*bhrotko- : *bhrodhno-=]j&t. caseus: canus),
* Zimmer, £elt. Stud. II. 70.
' Unless e for a is due to the lost slender vowel.
* Cf. XJSB, viii. 428, B£, xi. 128 ; in sdl the loss of t might be explained
from dissimilation.
* Stokes, Bezz, Beitr, xvi. 50.
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-3. 16
242 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
muinil^ *neck* (g. muine6il)=.*tnuneelO'^ W. mynwglz cf.
Lat. monile, Skr. manyd ^neck, muscle of the neck/ Eng.
mane,
Stokes,^ after Rhys connects ceol *music* with W.pib ^fistula
tibia,' O.W. piipaur (MS. pispaur) ^tibicen/ and derives
it from a form *cvecvlO', But cvecvlo* would not explain
the vocalism of pib, piipaur, which are rather loan-words
from Lat. pipa. Apart from the Welsh words the hypothe-
tical cvecvlo- haa little probability. It is very likely that
some consonant has been lost between e and o, I had
thought of deriving ceol from *Repolom, Skr. ^np * curse/
supposing that the meaning of ' curse' developed itself from^
metrical formulae of imprecation. But that is not very
certain.. :
6. egL > el.
Ir. cSle 'comrade,' has been brought together with "W.
eilt/d * comrade/ in the phrase y gilyd * the other ' (lit. * his
comrade ')=Ir. ach^ile. cele and cilyd might come from
*ceglid8. For i in cilyd cf. lliih from Lat. lectio, nith * niece/
from *neptz.
rSil * clear * {rilaim * manifesto ') =i*regli', Lith. regiii ^ I
see/ regimaa * visible.' For the vocalism of r^il see p. 36.
sedl * sail/ W. hwyl is puzzling. The words are
commonly derived from ^aeghlo- : Teut. *8eglo^ * sail.' We
should expect, however, in Irish *sSl, in W. *haiL One
might at a pinch explain seol as a new formation from the
gen. siuil {*segli) after the analogy of ciiiil: cedl, and the
like ; but, though such formations are found in the modem
dialects, I know of none in Old Irish. W. hwyl is equally
perplexing. Breton and Cornish have for 'sail' a word
borrowed from Lat. velum, Bret, goel, * veil de f emme et de
navire,' Com. guil (Yoc.). Did Welsh also once have a word
*gwyl similarly borrowed from velum which affected the
native word? Perhaps further investigation may bring some
' On the long vowel is an unaccented syllable see Thnmeysen JBw. Celt, vii.
325. Gaelic shows secondary shortening, muineal, cineal, gabhail.
* KZ. xxviii. 67 n.
PROF, STRACHAN. 243
light. Ir. aedly W. hucyly 'course/ seem but a particular
application of the above words.
7. etl > el.
Ml * mouth *:=:*gvetlO': Goth, qithan *say, speak ' (Stokes).
een^l ' race/ W. cenedl=^*cenetlon.
. sc^l ' story/ W. chwedlz^^scvetlon : Qr. iweirm.
Before slender vowels * beiiiil Wb. 12* 12, beoil 7* 9:
9eiuU Wb. 17^ 6. From cenil the forms are numerous
and varied— c«wi?/t7 Sg. 28* 5, 28^ 4, 32^ 3, 61* 24;
cmiuil Sg. 31* 15, 62* 3, 75«^ 6, 152» 3, 203«^ 19, Ml. 83i»
5; ceniiiil Wb, 5« 3; ceniiuil Sg. 30* 8, 3P 12, 61» 18;
c^wwW/ Sg. 40% 4, 6, 18; c^n^we/ Sg. 32* 9, 40«^ 11, 61» 2;
dochen^uil Sg. 64* 6 ; ccmm/ Sg. 41* 3 ; C6w^e7 33» 5, 75» 7,
211» 16, Ml. 66* 1 ; docheneuil Ml. 103« 13 ; socheneuil 101*
19 ; ceneM Wb. 1* 12, 6^ 6, 17^ 15. Thus Wb., as might be
expected, comes nearest to the later language where edi gains
the upper hand. Most of these variations must be regarded
as purely orthographical ; the presence or absence of the long
mark is more or less a matter of chance. But mt, eoi clearly
represent two entirely distinct sets of sounds (the modem
Gaelic pronunciation shows that u and o in these com-
binations are long). Either the difference was dialectical
or lilt, edi arose from the loss of different consonants and
were afterwards used promiscuously, because in most cases
the words would fall together ; why in this case eoi, which
is rare in Old Irish, should have gained the upper hand,
it is not easy to see. That the difference is not purely
chronological is shown by the persistence of iui in later
times.
epl.
No clear instance of this, fedil * flesh ' is probably to be
^ forminsceihi Wb. 23«i 2, hi nephceneil Wb. 5» 14, are accusatives after the
fashion of i stems, and might be explained like similar cases on p. 36. docheneuil
gl. degener, Sg. 64*^ 6, ii it stands for -*cenetli8y would be an exception to the
rule md down there. But it might come from -*eenetlU (cf. Brugmann Grundr.
ll. 1. 116). The ace. to -^cenetlU would be -^cenetUmj whence '-*cenetUm
(Brugmann Grundr. II. 689), whence '*ceneil the influence of which may be
seen in the forms quoted above. Socheneuil Ml. 101^ 19, docheneuil Ml. lOS^
13, are datives after the analogy of i stems and consequently regular.
244 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
Connected with Skr. vapd ' fat/ but it may be referred to
*repoli'. In favour of this iafeulae Ml. 97* 10, feuldae 70^ 8,
87^ 7.
8. ebl> il.
aidhhheul {le sgread aidhbheui, Hyde, Leahhar ageulaigh'
ertchta 66, sgeulta aidhbhmla ih, 75), aidhbMil * huge, vast;,
en6rmou8,' O.R. may come from ^atebebhs, a reduplicated
form cognate with adbul * great, vast,' which may itself be
connected with ^bhel * swell,* (Persson, Wurzelerweiterung
26).
■ w<^/* cloud,* W. mwlz=:neblO'»
Before slender vowel niuil Ml. 120* 11. The effect of the
labial is seen in the ace. pi. niulu Wb. 25!* 23; contrast
beolu 5^ 11, beulu Ml. 13P 6, Incant. Sang.
9. ic/+ broad vowel > *ecl, el.
cSla * will conceal '=^*oicldt.
10. t^/+ slender vowel > iuiL
. gi&il * adhaesit ' {rogiuil Ml. 98^ 8) :^*gigk, pres. glenim.
.11. «6/+ broad vowel=gW, il.
at'bSla * he will die' :=^*bibldt
12. iml.
There is no proof that m was lost before /, so it is safest
to look upon m^la f ut. of melim ' I grind,' as an analogical
formation.
13. ocl > ol, uaL
■ dual 'lock of hair*=^oc^-: Goth, tagl *hair,* A.S. tmgl,
which has been compared with Skr. da^a ' fringe.'
tin-olaim *I collect,' doinola adplicat : dl^^^pocl-, Skr.
pdga 'fetter,' paciscor, Germ, fugen. Ablaut paH-y poU-,
pale.
14. ogl > 6l, ml.
bical ' WBiter* =^bhoglO', cf. Germ, bach, Eng. beck.
fiial ' urine '=*i'0^fo- : O.N. v(iikva * wet.'^
dmlUan, * curl ' : ko'xXo^' ' a shellfish with a spiral shell "
(Stokes). With k6x><'0^» however, Franck Ndl. Wb. 262
compares Dutch gagel, Ags. geagl * tandvleesch, gehemmelte '
1 Stokes, Metr, Ir. 01, 72.
PROF. STRACHAN. 245
i=^^ghoghlO'. If that be so, Stokes' etymology would have
to be given up.
15. oil > dl.
If (^/ ' drink/ is to be connected with ^po * drink/ it might
borne from a stem *potlO'.^ From 61 ' drink 'can hardly be
separated 61 'undare/ imr6l 'abundantia/ /or6il, id., der6il
* inops,' etc.^ The root poi^ p6 shews similar meanings in
other Idg. languages, Skr. jot, pat/ate, ' swell, be exuberant,
be full,' Gr. wicov * fat.'
16. odl> ol, <ial?
iuilach ' burden ' =jM><f/i3co- ? Cf. O.H.G. fazza 'bundle,
load,' also Ir. osaar 'burden,' 08<-=*pofe- *p6d&-.
17. ttc/+ broad vowel > *ocly oly iiaL
duila *I heard '=*cwc/om, cualae *he heaxd' =i*cuclove.
18. u^/+ broad vowel=*orf/, ol, ml?
buailim 'strike' jna,y=zbtidl' or boudl-, y/hhud: Ags. hedtan,
!Eng. heat. If iial here=uc^/, it. must have arisen in the
first place before a broad vowel.
19. w6/+ broad vowel > obi, ol, ual?
giuila * shoulder '=*^m6/- (or goubU?) Slav, gUb- *bend' in,
g&nati * to bend,' G. /ci/^o?. Cf. O.N. bah, Ags. Ixbc ' back' =
*bhogom^ ' supple, flexible,' Germ, buckel * back, belly,' y/bhug
*bend.'»
V. Sound Groups ending in k.
1. anc, enc, nc > eo.^
These groups have in Irish fallen indistinguishably
together.
br^c * ]ie* =^*bhrancd or *bhrencd: Skr. bhramga 'falling,
loss.'
^ IJiiless we assume a radical yariatioii poy pd{, pbu, like gh&y ffhdl, ff^'*,
Persson, Wurzelerw, \\1, 138^ sta, stdi^, stdu^ ib. 141, ^.
• Ascoli, Lexicon FaUto-Hibernieum civ,
• • Persson, Wurzelerweiterung 190.
« Cf. Brugmaim, Grundriss I. 180, 203 ; E. Scbmidt, Idg, F&rsch, I. 66 sq.
246 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
gic^ ' branch *=*cflfnca, W. cang (f.), pi. cangau: Oh*
Slav. sqM ' surculus/ Skr. ganku- * stake, trunk.*
^cath * hook' =^*ancatO': Skr. ahkd * hook/ Gr. aryKtop, &y/co^»
Seen 'nece8Sity'=*awc^wa, W. an gen : Gr. avdy/crj.
Sc * death '=*«A:w-, W. aw^«*, Bret, ancou : Skr. wa^r ' perish/
Gr. veKv<;.
trSicim * forsake/ W. tranc^ trang 'finis, obitus/ trengi
* obire, mori.'
2. owe > d(J.
coec 'five'=*cowce, ^k^enk^e, Idg. ^penqe, W. pump. The
0 for e must be ascribed to the preceding ti sound, as
in cuit, *part,' W. peth * thing, part *=*AJ^e2e/t-, * coir^
* kettle '=*A'"mo-, W. joaw*: Skr. cdrUy O.N. hverr? On
the other hand ^ is unaffected in dall * understanding/
W. picyllz^^k^eisldy^ cia, * who/ W. pf€g:=*k^ei, dan
' long ' ^=z*kJfnno8, cf. Skr. cirda *long,' Goth, hveila^
'while,' cend 'head,' W. pen:=.*k^endO''\ cech 'everyone'
zrz^ki^ek^O'y cethir * four,' O.W. petgicar=:*k1ietuere8 : Gr.
Te(Taep€<;. In these cases (except in cethir) e appears as
o when the vowel in the following syllable is clear, as e
when the following vowel is dark. Is this mere chance, or
did the n sound disappear in Irish before a dark vowel in
the following syllable without affecting the e P cetheora fem.
of cethir =i*k^ete8ore8 might be explained as due to the analogy
of the masculine. In ceihir the loss of u may be explained
by dissimilation due to the following u : in that case *k^enk^e
for ^penk^e must be supposed to have arisen within Keltic
itself^ after this dissimilation had taken place. If this
dissimilation is to be placed in proto-Keltic times one
would have expected in W. *cetguar ; petguar may be
ascribed to the influence of the feminine.
^ For a suggestion as to the explanation of initial g for e see Bezz, Beitr. xir^
313.
'-* Thurneysen, Kelto-Bomanischea 71.
3 Windisch, £SB, viii. 44.
* Brugmann, Grundrias II. 1. 194.
* Cf. Osthotf, Morph. Untersuch. iv. 162.
« R. Schmidt, Idff, Forseh. I. 73.
"^ Brugmann Grundrias I. 170 has suggested an historical connection between
;^eltic *kyienfe^e an(i Lat. quinquey Goth.^wi/".
PROF. 8TRACHAK. 247
3. inc} unc. Of compensatory lengthening of i or u
with loss of n I have no instance. In the case of u there
is an example of apparently different treatment in aluccim
*I swallow/ Mod. Ir. sluigim^ O.Bret, roluncas^ W. lltoncy
where nc seems to be assimilated to cc. Cf. also derucc
* acorn* =*d€run-cO' (?), derun- weak form of stem derven-,
cf. W. derwen * oak,' Lith. deridnts * made of pine wood/
dertdngaa ^resinous.' Stokes derives ticcim *come' from
to-enk. If ice here comes from enk (or nk), did it come
through ine? Whether this lack of examples of length-
ening of t and u is due to chance, or to something in
the nature of the sounds themselves I am not in a position
to say; at all events a prolonged search has brought to
light no instances. There is the same absence of examples
of lengthening of i, u in int (before slender vowel), unt.
VI. Sound Groups ending in t.
1. ant, ent, nt > et?
bet * hurt ' =^*-^henti' or *'^^ntt- y/jjien.
c^t ' hundred/ W. cant=.*kmt6m : Lith. szimtas.
' o
c^t' 'first,' cetne 'first,' W. cyntaf^ Gaul. Cintus, Cintugnatus,
*Ginto-: Ch. Slav. cl«fl^ 'begin.'
* Bm^mann once Morphol. Untenueh. III. 154, deriTed leicim *I leave'
from *liHcim with a tranjsition to the Srd conj. That is highly improbable.
Supposing the verb to hare belonged to the 1st conj. e for i could hare ari:»ea
only where a broad Towel follow^, and if the inflexion according to the 3rd
conjugation is older than the umlaut, it could never have arisen at all. He now
(Grundriss I. 327) suggests Ujjcykio, but there is no evidence that ieik^io could
give Uicim. It seems to me that Old Ir. leicim, Mod. leig can be explained ouly
from *le}nk!iid, a mixture of leiq- and linq-. How e could have made its way
into leinq' is easily intelligible if, as may be easily supposed, there was by the
present *linqd (or ^linqio) a fut. *leiq»d, Aor. *{e,leiqMni, etc.
» Cf. Brugmann, Grundriss 1. 203 ; K. Schmidt, Idg. Forsch. I. 64 sqq.
' Schrader, Sprachcergleichung und Urgeschiehte^ 537. With Cintus compare
the Ir. proper name Cet, nparros.
248 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
c^ial 'Bong* r=*cantlon, canim *I sing^ : Lat. cano^
dH * tooth/ W. dant^*dnt' : Goth, tunfiua.
H * jealousy '^anto-, W. add-iant ' longing/ Gaul. Adian*
tunneni, Jantumarus, Skr. yatna- * effort.' ^
itim 'I clothe/ itach 'dress' may be compared with Alb.
ent, int 'weave/ Gr. aTTOfiat, Skr. dtka- 'cloak.'*
Staim ' find * : Goth. finpaUy Eng. find,^
mSit size, W, maint=z*mm%:
' o
sSt ' way,' W. hi/nt:=*8ento- : Goth, sinfis^
ait^ ' likeness '=*«^^^- or *m^-, cf. amal 'as': Lat. simul,
Gr. afia, ^
set ' treasure *z=:sent- (stem uncertain cf. BB. xi. 99) : Skr.
8dni' 'being/ Gr. eU (Stokes).*
m ' fides,' W. tant=*tntU'.
o
tef * way* =^*temt- or *imt-: rifivw. >
Mt 'flock, herd,' (g. tredit) = *trento-: Lat. turma,
with which Bugge (KZ. xxxii. 67), has compared
Arm. tarm ' flock of birds.'
R. Schmidt has acutely perceived that €t=nt is clearly
distinguished from et=ant, ent in the i infection; here ef=i
nt gives ^t, €t=:ant, ent gives euit, edit, e.g. c^t 'hundred,'
g. c^it {=i*centz) but, ^t 'jealousy,' g. euit (=i*panti) (Ml.
32^ 10), eoit (Ml. 32^ 9) s^ ' treasure,' sduit, sSoit.
2. out > ot,
airchot ^myivj*^=i*{p)ari-konti'?
moit * oath '^*monti'.^
The etymology oi fot 'sod,' is obscure; doit 'hand, wrist,'
gen. pi. inna n-doat 'lacertorum' (Aug. Or. 92),- may be
» Stokes, Goideliea* 85.
* Cf . G. Meyer, -4/i. Stt*d. III. 24. It is equally possible (Stokes, Spraehaeh,
82) to compare etim with Lat. pannus, etc.
3 Stokes, 5J9. xi, 140 ; R. Schmidt, IF, I. 64.
* Can the gen. s^ta etc. be due to association with imiheehta with which
it is often found joined, as in the phrase i eend sdta oeua imthechia, e.g. LL.
263b 13?
« Stokes, X8B. viii. 328.
* If this comparison is right, it furnishes an additional proof that the I^.
form of this part, was *8ent8 (cf. Idg, Forseh. I. 23) for>8^Mi^ comes fxom*senti
not from *8^tu
' Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. xvii. 137.
^ Stokes, Breton Gloaaea 17.
PROF. STRACHAN. 249
derived from ^doventi-, y/dhevch, 'move violently/^ cf.
Kapiro^ ' wrist ' to KapiroKifio^if O.H.G. hwerban, ' turn ' : *
dovent' to ddaf, d6i, as *ipvenko8, young man, to ode, 6c.
3. int+hroai vowel > *eni > eL
fitaimy sitaim 'I can '=*m«/ajd: Goth, svinps 'strong/
svinpjan * Kparelv* * sStaitn appears in setar LU. 68^ 2.
4. and, end > ed, echt.
tSchtaige (read Uchtaide) ' frozen * (Atkinson, Passions, etc.
915), Gael, teuchd 'cod goal '=*/awc^- y/tank (or tenk?), ti.
coiteidhea * concretionis,' Ml. 145* Z'=.*con-tancet(ms (or
tenc' ?) (also Ml. 44» 10, 62« 4, 84^ 7) : Zd. tandsta ' very
firm,' Lith. tanktis ' thick,* Arm. t'anjr ' thick.' *
deacht is given by O'Clery with the meaning of
' thunder.' There is also a word dinge with the same
meaning. As it is difficult to separate these two words,
it is very likely that deacht should be written diacht=>
denct'i dinge =.*dingiO' or *dingid. The etymology is un-
certain; one might perhaps compare dingim 'I thrust,
urge/ Ch. Slav, dqgii ' strength ' in nedqgU ' sickness.'
^cht ' murder *=zend- to ec 'death.'
tSchte '&tting '=.*tendiO' to *tenqo Fick I*. 440.
dr^cht * song/ cf. Zd. drehj ' repeat, utter.'
cicht 'power,' has been compared by Stokes^ with Skr.
^akti' * power/ y/Rak-. If Fick I.* 41 is right in referring
to this root Lith. szvdnkus ' becoming,' we have a nasalised
form also in Lith.
5. amptj empt > and, enct > echt perhaps in^-
cecht^ gl. buris Sg. 127^ 1 (1. cScht), Mod. Ir. eeucht, g.
ceuchta, Manx keeaght ' plough '=*ca/w;^-, *kamptU': Gr.
Kd/JLTTTCO, KafJLTTvX* ttpOTpU.
1 Fick, I*. 75, 465.
* Curtius, Gr. Et.^ 525 ; Schrader, KZ, xxx. 473. If the connexion between
Kapv6s and hwerban is to be maintained, KupirSs must stand to hwerban in the
same relation as Kdwos to Goth, afhwapjan ' afitvvivai^* Lith. kvapaa * smoke/
cf. Bechtel, Hauptprobleme 355, Wiedemann IF. I. 256.
3 Stokes, Bodleian Fragment of Corma&a Glossary 54.
* Against this Bugge KZ. xxxii. 68 sq.
6 KSJB. vii. 67.
fi Stokes compares more probably Goth. hSha * plough ' ; *eanetu» : *eanca»
* branch * = hoha : Lith. szakd- * branch.'
250 COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
dr^cht 'part^ =z*drempt' a nasalised form of ^drep m Gn
cr^cht 'wound/ may perhaps be referred to *kremptd^
nasalised form of V kerp^ in Skr. krpdna * sword,' Lith. kerpu
' cut/
6. Of onct I have no example ; the etymology of tocht.
Apiece,' tdchtad 'hewing to pieces' (LL. 101^ 8) is not clear.^
6. ecBt
appears in auslaut as e, dl^, fori, gi from ^dlecst, */oret8ff
gesst,^ So ecs in 6^ *8ix'=*sw6'As. But the lengthening
here is not compensatory: rather it seems to have been a
law that accented monosyllables ending in a vowel were
lengthened.*
VTI. Sound Groups ending in a,
1. ans > €8.^
isi * reins/ stem *an8i' : Lat. ansa, Lith. qsd ' handle^
knot's
fes, fesdg 'beard '=«?«»«-: O.Pruss. tcanao, Ch. Slav. vohH
' beard.' ^
gets * swan '=*gansi' : Germ, gam, Lat^ hanser.
2. em > 68.
drhsacht 'a rattling or creaking sound '=Vren«-ac^M- :
Skr. dhran {dhranati gabde), not found in literature, Goth.
drungus (pdoyyof;, O.N. drt/nr ' roaring.' *
1 Stokes, KSB. vii. 67.
2 Stokes suggests *8tonk', *8tunk- cognate with N.H.G. atuckef stock, etc.
' Bezz. Beitr. xiv. 313, n. .
* Thumeysen, ^Z. xxxi. 91. Cf. also m^ *l, ine'=ldg. *m^, Brugmann,
Grundriss II. 811. How is Gael, mi to be explained P Does it=ldg* me ?
* If £8m, the name of a Gaulish deity, =Teut. *(mm- *god,* as is highly
probable (Fick. III.^ 18), then ans became es in the Gaulish branch of Keltic too*
The change ans > es may very well have taken place before the separation of the
Kelts.
® Stokes, Linguistic value of Irish Annah 8.
' Stokes, Bezz, Beitr. ix. 89.
* Persson, JFurzelerweiterunff, 73; Fick, I*. 76. . »
PROP. STRACHAN. 251
grSasacht ' inciting, urging on *=*^r^«- : gris 'fire/ grisaim
* incite.' Ablaut grena-y Ir. gr^ssacht, Bret, groez 'heat of
the sun,* Skr. ghrdma^ 'sun's heat': grm-^ Ir. griSy griaaim.^
b^im^iHensmen. See above.
. It has been held that en8 in Irish became is, ^ hut the
above instances, if rightly explained, prove the contrary.
Zimmer lays stress on mi ' month,* which he seems to derive
through *men8 from mens. But mi, g. mis, cannot be separated
from Brythonic fm's, in W., Bret, and Corn., and in Bret, after
the analogy of groez we must have had for *menS', *moeZy
or ^rnoaz. These facts indicate that *menS' became in ur-
Kelt. ^mins^ (perhaps mis-) ; if a long vowel + sonant +
consonant was shortened in Keltic as in other European
languages, this shortening must have come after the change
of e to I. The borrowed words cis, pissire from census, pensum
prove nothing ; i for e is found in other cases where there
can be no question of n : sita ' silk,' Low Lat. seta, siric, Lat.
serious, z for Lat. e appears also in Teutonic loan words,
O.H.G. sida=-s€ta, O.H.G, chrida=.creta, O.H..Q, pina:=pena,
Goth. akeit=ac€tum, Ags. pislic^=^penmm? These instances
are probably to be explained from the closer sound of Lat;
e, that it was something between Kelt, e and Keltic I and
was expressed now by the one, now by the other, i also
appears in Teut. as in Goth, misa- O.H.G. mias ; this e must
have been a closer sound than e which becomes a.^
3. ent {ntt) > enss > ess, es,
. b^ss * custom '=*6^n/^w-,^ Gaul, bissits,^ y/bhendh- ' hind' :
Alb. bese * belief, agreement.' "^
* Bezz, Bextr. xiv. 314.
' Zimmer, KZ. xxx. 210.
' Cf. Kluffe, PauVa Grundriaa T.
* In speaking of the change of Idg. e to West Germ. 4, Kloge {PauVa
Orundriss I. 363), remarks: 'dabei ist zu beachten, das kein S eines Lat.
lehnworts {acetum remua tnhna catena monSta u. s. w.), den wandel von S ia d
durchmacht ; offenbar deckten sich lat S und idg. -germ, S nicht.'
* Bezz. Beitr. xiv. 312 sqq.
^ Bestia dicitur de bessu, hoc est more feritatis, Yirg. gramm. quoted
by Holder, Alt. Kelt. Spr. 409. From this can hardly be separated
Bret, boaz 'custom.* But W. woes is difficult. Confusion of b and m is found
elsewhere, because h and m fell together in certain positions, e.g. ben, men
* wagon ' ; but e should in W. have given %cy.
' Meyer, Alban. JFb. 33.
252 COMPEKSATORT LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
c^ssaim * suffer '=cen^/- or cents-; Litli. Jcenciiii, kqsti
* suffer.'
gl^se ' brightness '=*^/(9n^-^-, cf. Germ, glanz and other
words referred to by Kluge, s.v.
gr^ia 'a,ttajck' = grentti-, grend-ti-, ingrennim ^-pGraeqnor:^
Oh. Slav, greda 'come/
Uss * light/ lisshoire *\\^t^ ^^plentto^ : Lat. spkndeo^
«^w * music/ =*«c«^^/-, s^wwtw * I play.'
In such instances Gaelic has also by infection ediy e.g. ceu9
g. cedisy lem 4ight/ g. Iedi8=z*plen8z, gUuB * order, condition *
g. gledis. I have no similar examples from the older Irish
unless in Cormac's Glossary s;v. grinniud leos i. dihad soilhi
* extinction of light/ we should read ledisy as the gen. is
required; from ledia would come nom. kda. On the other
hand I have no evidence that e in a similar position
was not treated in the same way in Irish. The instances
giia, gr^is^ s^is, are not conclusive, since it is by no
means certain that a short i could effect a preceding ^
in this way. In alP the cases collected in this paper the t is
long. On the other hand i remains in c^ir ^ gum/ r^l
' clear/ where the following syllable once contained L
Whether the etymology proposed for rSil is right or wrong
fortunately does not matter; the verb rSlaim points clearly
to compensatory lengthening; if i in rM had come from
ei we should have expected *rialaim.
4. anc8, encs > ess, is.
g^sca * branch ' = *cancsoaiO' to g^c * branch '=*canm, W.
cang (see above).
eaca * moon' =enc8caio'f cf. Sig *moon, ' 0'Clery=*^m?e-.
The words are probably to be connected with Skr. pdjaa
* light' Gr. <^€7709. As to enci- the c may be explained
in one of two ways ; either ^Jpeng had a by-form penh^
or ^enci" stands by Stokes' law for '^engni- ; the latter
explanation is the more probable. encB- in i%ca would come
from a stem *penge8» with the weak form of the suffix.
» BB. xiY. 313.
' For the doubtful docheneuil see p. 27*
PROF. STBACHAN, 253
^ QbA. ceu8 * ham * g. cedia (also nom. cede after the gen.) =
*cenc80' : Lith. kenkld * hQugh.'
^ 'footstep* = •ewc««-, e£ eng 'footstep/ *encBi- is
probably developed from a neut. stem *enge$^,
. giasim ' I cry ' ::z*genc8id, of. g^m.
do gria ' continuo/ griasach ' continuus'=*(7rcw(?«-, ^grenga- :
Lith. grikti, 'come back,' atgrqkaa, 'repetition, strophe/
O.N. kringr ' round/ N.H.G. kring.^
Ua * bladder ' perhaps= *knca<h : Lith. lengviia 'light.' For
the meaning. cf. etromain.
5. enta > ea.
aSa-, fut. stem of aennim {=.*avendd) * drive '=*swm^s-.*
inglUa^ gl. rimare ML 140® 7, fut. to inglennim^ 3 pi.
inglennat, gl. vestigant.
6. tns > ia,
gria 'fire'=*^nw«o-, gpiao- (see above). From this it
appears that i before na is not subject to umlaut.
ia ' below ' W. f«=e««- : Lat. infra for *««srd.*
7. o«« > o«.
fo-lda- {^=.'lonca-)y fut. stem to folangim 'I endure.'
friataaaam 1 pi. fut. to friatoing, Z. E. 1005.
8. ww« < tis ?
I have no certain instance of this in Irish. W. cua ' kiss/
may be explained as=*cz<w«-, cf. tcvpe(o=:/cv-ve-a'(o^ to
S'/cva-aa, It would be possible to explain in this way
adgmim *I choose*; gua-^guna- a present stem with nasal
infix from y/geua^ Gr. ^evto^ Eng. chooae. The w, however,
might be explained otherwise.
9. ra
Zimmer^ has asserted that in Irish ara became er, era, Ir ; of
the former change he produces no instances except futures
like adger which may be better explained otherwise (see
above, p. 4). For er« > Ir he cites tir 'land' Vtera: Lat.
* Leskien, Ablaut im Litauischm 66 (328); Fick, II'*. 362.
* Bnigmann, Grundriss II. 180.
' Thurneysen KZ. xxx. 491.
* Johansson, De derivativis verbis contractis lingtMe graecae 109.
« KZ. xxx. 211.
254
COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING IN IRISH.
terra^ eir * comb ' Vkers^ : Skr. karsh ' p\(mg\i.* But there Is no
proof that f of tir came from ira ; e is also found in Osc.
teerum * land/ In iir±^*iero8, Lat. terra^^*Ur%a we may
have an ablaut e^. cir may be better derived from *cest%
Ch. Slav, cesati * to comb/ cealU * comb.* In Bezz. Beitr. xiv.
315 I have collected a number of cases (which might
be e^ily increased) in which rs becomes rr without affecting
a preceding vowel. Until Zimmer has brought forward more
Certain- instances, and has shown reason for the double
treatment of rs, it is impossible to accept his law.
255
INDEX OF KELTIC WOKDS.
Old Keltic.
Adiantnnneni, 32.
anax, 7.
ArebrignoB, 14.
AXPOTALVS, 19.
bessus, 35.
Broccagnos, 6.
Catasualis, 24.
CintugnatuSy 31.
Cintus, 31.
£sus, 34.
Exobnus, 8.
GabromaguSy 22.
Gabrosentum, 22.
Jantumarus, 32.
Kovpfiiy 19.
Licnos, 13.
Magliis, 24.
Senoraccus, 25.
Suagros, 21.
Te-StJignios, 13.
Veragri, 21.
Veraodubnim, 22.
vertragufl, 8.
Irish.
abra, 22.
adbul, 28.
aderad, 22.
adgdsim, 37.
aicc, 2.
aidhbheul, 28.
&il disgrace J 24.
hUpleasantf 24.
§LiD, 6.
ainm, 18.
airch6t, 32.
&1, 24.
klaind, 25.
amm, 7, 17.
fi-n, 7.
&na, 7.
an^, 25.
Ilt, 21.
argerat, 21.
^m, 21.
arrocher, 22.
atbela, 28.
becc. 2.
beimra bloWy 18.
heimm jouniei/f 18.
b6l 27.
bera, 22.
bess, 35.
bet, 31.
blen, 5.
boc, 2.
bocc, 2.
bocht, 12.
bomm, 16.
brec, 29.
brecc, 2.
br§n, 5.
Bren, 14.
briathar, 21«
brocc, 25.
Broccin, 6.
br6im, 16.
br6n, 11.
br(iaii, 14.
bfiaiUm, 29.
b(iain, 12.
baal, 28.
b(ian, 15.
bfirach, 23.
barethar, 23.
cacc, 2.
c^inim, 5.
cech, 30.
cechna, 14.
cecht plough, 33.
cecht power, 33.
ceimin, 17.
ceir, 20.
eel, 24.
cela, 28.
cele servus, 23.
cele comrade, 26.
cend, 30.
cenel, 27.
ce6l, 26.
cessaim, 26.
Get, 31.
cet, 31.
c6t, 31.
cetal, 32.
cethir, 30.
cetne, 31.
cia, 30.
ciall, 30.
cian, 30.
cich, 20.
cir, 38.
256
INDEX OF KELTIC WORDS.
els, 35.
cloch, 2.
cldain mectdoto, 13.
cliiain deceit^ 13.
cnocc, 2.
c6ic, 30.
coire, 30.
cr&in, 6.
crecht, 34.
criathar, 21.
croccenn, 4.
cr6n, 11.
cr6an, 11.
ctiailean, 28.
c6ala, 29.
c6an harbour, 13.
c6an hoity 15.
ctianene, 15.
c(iar, 23.
cuic, 25.
cuit, 30.
d&l, 25.
deacht, 33.
de6ry 5.
der, 20.
der6il, 29
derucc, 31.
det, 32.
dinge, 33.
dir, 22.
die, 34.
dobur, 22.
dog^na, 14.
d6it, 32.
domme. 7.
dorachitiir, 22.
drecht song^ 33.
drechtj»«r^, 34.
dremire, 17.
dressacht, 34.
ddal, 28.
dUan, 15.
duin^D, 14.
ec, 30.
6cath, 30.
6cen, 30.
6cht, 33.
6ig, 36.
eis, 37.
^laim, 8.
emdim, 8.
en, 10.
6iiirt, 8.
er, 20.
68ca, 36.
esi, 34.
6t, 32.
etaim, 32.
etim, 32.
f&n, 6.
f6n, 9.
fe6il, 27.
fer, 21.
fes, 34.
f^taim, 33.
fodema, 19.
fodidmat, 19.
for6, 34.
for6il, 29
fr6m, 20.
fris-g6ra, 22.
f(iaimm, 19.
faal, 28.
faan, 16.
f6ar, 23.
gab&l, 24.
gabor, 22.
gairm, 19.
gee, 30.
geim, 17.
geis, 34.
-gen, 9.
genar, 9.
g6sca, 36.
g^rait, 21
gessachtach, 19.
g^ssim, 37.
g6t, 22.
-g^uin, 10.
giuil. 28.
gl&m, 16.
glese, 36.
gr^, 6.
greimm, 18.
greis, 36.
greit, 21
gr^s, 37.
gressacht, 35.
gris, 35, 37.
gilsaim, 35.
^aala, 29.
imthanu, 7.
inde6in, 10.
ingleis, 37.
is, 37.
lar^ne, 13.
leana, 8.
lecc, 2.
leco, 2.
leicim, 31.
leimm, 17.
lemaither, 22.
Len, 13.
len, 2
16naim, 2.
16ne, 3.
Ie6s, 36.
les, 37.
less, 36.
lian, 9.
m>EX OF KXLTIC WOKD&
257
lODf 8.
16b, Id.
Ifiuu L5.
Bftm. 16.
»'*«'"^«, 19.
32.
28.
nelacht, 23.
men, 8.
men, 3.
"«^*'f^Tn. 3.
mennr, 11.
menicc, 2.
menme, 19.
mer, 20.
meraid, 22.
mesc, 25.
mi, 3o.
mok, II.
m6in, 17.
m6it, 32.
mothar, 21.
mucc. 2.
muinel. 26.
n&r, 21.
nel, 28.
nitgensa, 14.
6m, 11.
61, 29.
06, 25.
pissire, 35.
r6U, 26.
r6im, 18.
reimm, 17.
reise, 9.
relaim, 26.
r6n, 9.
riathor, 21.
rlgdomna, 11.
rogiuil, 28.
rucce, 25.
s&l, 25.
8&r, 21.
skr-, 21.
8cel, 27.
8c6ii, 4.
scera, 22.
scuehim, 4.
86, 34.
B^imeth, 17.
seis, 36.
semmand, 16.
sen net, 2.
sen blessing y 14.
se61, 26.
sesc, 25.
s^t tvai/y 32.
set likeness, 32.
set treasure^ 32.
Phil. Trani. 1891-8-S.
33.
»Lru.\ 3o.
ttfia. 3o.
dltfmoo. II.
sluccim. 31.
smieroiv 22.
9iituauum. 13.
;H>OUIW. 7.
sron. 12.
stSm. 6.
siian. 15.
tal. 24.
t4naue, 7.
tarathar, 21.
techtaide, 33.
teehte, 33.
ten. 10.
te», 10.
tet jiiUs, 32.
tet tc«^^ 32.
ticoim. 31.
tiod&l. 24.
timme, 10.
tindlaim, 28.
tJr. 37.
tl&m. 16.
tooht, 34.
taU, 24.
t6n, 14.
tr^ioim, 30.
tren, 7.
tress, 8.
tr^t, 32.
trice, 8,
trom, 17.
tiaimm, 19.
(iain loan, 11.
(iain leisutr, 15.
(ialach, 29.
(iall, 24.
(iamon, 20.
(ian, 12.
tiano, 12.
tiar, 23.
<ir bad, 23.
tLT, fresh, 23.
usee, 25.
abhra, 22.
braim, 16.
ciUr, 20.
ceufl, 37.
cineal, 26.
dream, 17.
dreamag, 17.
gabbaii, 26.
{^leuH, 36.
o6n, 2.
Ieu0, 36.
Oaelio,
17
258
INDEX OF KELTIC WORDS.
meamna, 19.
meunan, 3.
mi, 34.
muineal, 26.
niicean, 25.
teuchd, 33.
teum, 18.
keeagbt, 33
keeyr, 20.
Iheanee, S.
addiant, 32
ael, 24.
aele, 24.
aer, 21.
anadl, 25.
angen, 30.
angeu, 30.
blaen, 5.
braen, 5.
broch, 25.
brwyu, II.
brych, 2.
bwch, 2.
bychan, 2.
caifael, 24.
cam, 17.
cang, 30.
cant, 31.
cenedl, 27.
chwedl, 27.
cig, 20.
cUyd, 26.
clwch, 2.
clwg, 2.
croen, 4.
cus, 37.
cwrw, 19.
cyntaf, 31.
cywain, 9.
dacr, 19.
dadl, 26.
dant, 32.
defnyd, 11.
derwen, 31.
dir, 22.
drem, 16.
dwfr, 22.
dwyn, 4.
dynyn, 14,
etn, 10.
ffroen, 12.
gafr, 22.
garm, 19.
Manx,
Welsh.
goer, 23.
graen, 6.
gwaen, 7.
gwair, 21.
gwell, 6.
gwn, 16.
ewreidd, 20.
naeru, 21.
hoenyn, 9.
bmi, 15.
hwyl, 26.
hynt, 32.
hyap, 25.
ir, 23.
is, 37.
11am, 17.
Uech, 2.
llwnc, 31.
llwyn, 9.
llych, 2.
Uyfn, 11.
Mael, 24.
maint, 32.
mawn, 11.
min, 3.
mis, 35.
moch, 2.
moes, 35.
myhwri, 26.
mynycb, 2.
nith, 3.
niwl, 28.
oen, 12.
oer, 23.
pair, 30.
pen, 30.
petenar, 30.
peth, 30.
pib, 26.'
piipaur, 26.
pmnp, 30.
pwy, 30.
pwyll, 30.
rbamu, 18.
rhegen, 17.
sawdl, 25.
sarhan, 21.
taeru, 21.
tarn, 18.
tant, 32.
tin, 14.
tranc, 30.
trech, 7.
tren, 7.
trengi, 30.
trwm, 17.
twll, 24.
twym, 19.
ygilyd, 26.
ystaen, 6.
INDEX OF KELTIC WORDS
259
bomm, 19.
bram, 16.
Goruf, 19.
engurbor, 7.
ennian, 10.
gail, 26.
gwyr, 21.
mis, 35.
oir, 23.
tarn, 18.
toim, 19.
tommys, 19.
air, 21.
ancou, 30.
Cornish,
Breton,
anneffn, 10.
boaz, 35.
boem, 19.
bramm, 16.
cro'chenn, 4.
doen, 4.
eal, 24.
goel, 26.
groez, 35.
gueiiii, 7.
mis, 35.
Tolimcas, 31.
seuly 25.
tamm, 18.
toem, 19.
tomm, 19.
[The reason for the past discontinuance of our yearly Dic-
tionary Eeports was merely want of funds. As the Dictionary
work suffered in some degree from this stopping of news, and
of recognition of the labours of our helpers — whose collection of
the uses of words constitutes the chief value of the Dictionary —
the Council have resumed the publication of the Eeports at the
earliest possible time, almost before the Society's funds justify
the step.
The issue of the present Part of Transactions with the Dic-
tionary Eeports has been delayed, first by Mr. Bradley's regrettable
illness, and then by the pressure of Dr. Murray's other work.
My daily help to the Dictionary is (as it has been for many
years) cutting out slips from the newspapers, periodicals, and
proofs or revises of Early English Texts as they pass through
the press, with an occasional hunt for an early instance for Mr.
Bradley. Looking back to 1858, when Herbert Coleridge and I
started the Dictionary work, I feel satisfied that, however faultful
the result may be, the Society's New JSnglish Dictionary is the
best existing Dictionary of any modem language, and is a
credit to our Yictorian time. — F. J". Fuenivall, 18th Jan. 1-893.]
261
APPENDIX.
I. Bepoet on the Pkogeess of Vol. III. of the Society's
Dictionary. By Heney Bkadley, M.A., President (Editor
of Vol. III).
{Bead at the Meeting of the Society y Febntary l^thy 1892).
"The Society is already aware that in August, 1891, the
Clarendon Press issued the First Part {U — Every, 344 pages)
of the portion of the Dictionary entrusted to ray editorship.
Of the Second Part there are now in type 115 pages, extending
from Everybody to Extemporize ; 64 pages, ending with the word
Exhibition, having been finally passed for press.
" The reviews that have hitherto appeared of Part I. have
been, so far as I know, without exception, highly favourable in
general tone. I have to thank my reviewers for many criticisms
on points of detail that will be useful for the improvement of
the forthcoming portions of the work. Even when I am unable
to agree with my critics, their remarks have not unfrequently
been of service in emphasizing the necessity for exhibiting, as
fully as the limits of space permit, the evidence on which the
conclusions adopted are based. In one or two instances, in which*
pertinent criticism was afforded by competent specialists, I am
happy to say that I have been able to obtain from my reviewer
a promise of his assistance in dealing with matters belonging
to his particular branch of knowledge.
"The words beginning with E, which occupy the whole of
the portion of the third volume now in type, and will for some
time longer continue to engage the attention of my assistants and
myself, are remarkable for the large preponderance of foreign
derivatives, the native element being very scantily represented.
Technical words belonging to science and philosophy are ex-
ceptionally abundant, and their treatment has often required
a good deal of research, and recourse to the advice of specialists.
Although the E words, as a rule, do not form a very interesting
portion of the English vocabulary, either with regard to etymology
or to sense-history, there are still many instances in which our
material has disclosed facts not generally known. The articles
in Part I. which contain matter specially worthy of attention
are enumerated in the prefatory note. Of the points of interest
262 DICTIONARY REPORTS, I. — MR. BRADLEY.
occurring in the subsequent portion already in type, a few may
be here mentioned. Under the word Excise^ I have adduced
evidence to show that the word (which came into English from
Dutch) is ultimately connected etymologically with the Latin
census, not, as hitherto supposed, with Assize. The word Evil,
in modern use expressing only positive badness, retained until
the 16th century its original wider sense, and could still be
used as expressive of mere depreciation, as in the invitation,
'come and take an evil dinner with me.' The etymological
equivalents JSvict and Evince were formerly used indiscriminately.
Their primary meaning is *to gain by a victory,' or *to expel
by a victory.' In early use it was possible to speak of * evicting '
or * evincing ' a country by force of arms ; but the prevailing use
referred to a victory in argument or in a legal contest, and
eventually the two words became differentiated, evince meaning to
establish a conclusion by argument, and evict to gain possession of
a holding or to turn out its possessor as a result of a legal contest.
The now familiar word exist, it is curious to find, cannot be
traced earlier than the age of Shakspere, though existence
meaning * reality,' goes back to Chaucer. The words containing
the Latin prefixes e or ex and extra afford many illustrations of
the tendency of words that originally expressed mere facts, to
acquire an emotional sense ; thus enormous, exorbitant, extraordinary ,
extravagant, all originally meant simply * out of the common rule
or course ' ; but in modern use they express the speaker's feeling
of astonishment, admiration, or disgust. ' Another instance of
this emotional connotation of words is exquisite, which originally
meant only * carefully sought out,' * well-chosen,' or in an un-
favourable sense * abstruse, out of the way.' One application
of this word has often been misunderstood. The old medical
term 'exquisite fever,' * exquisite erysipelas,' did not mean an
acute or specially severe form of the disease. The Latin exquisitus
was a translation of the Greek dxpifi^^, accurately determined,
80 that an exquisite erysipelas meant an erysipelas accurately
so-called, the typical form of the disease, or the genuine disease,
as opposed to a spurious one.
" The treatment of pronunciation in this portion of the Dic-
tionary has presented some special difficulties. This is due chiefly
to the large number of classical derivatives which, although they
may be more or less frequent in literature, are so seldom pro-
nounced that there exists no orthoepical usage with regard to
DICTIONARY REPORTS, 1. — MR. BRADLEY. 263
them. In some cases it has been necessary to choose between four
or five difPerent pronunciations, each of which is supported by the
authority of some dictionary of repute, and by an analogy which
would be sufficient to decide the question if it stood alone. In
dealing with such words I have been guided by the consideration
that with reference to them the normal relation of written to spoken
language is reversed : the combination of written letters being the
real word, and the corresponding combination of sounds merely its
symbol. In words of this class, therefore, the best pronunciation
is that which most effectually and promptly suggests to the mind
the written form of the word.
** The constant recurrence of difficulties of the kind just referred
to has strongly impressed me with the conviction that the objec-
tions to the adoption of phonetic spelling are far more serious than
the advocates of reform are accustomed to admit. I will even
venture to say that the opponents of reform have seldom, if ever,
done full justice to the strength of their own case. I quite admit
that the want of correspondence between our spelling and our pro-
nunciation is a great evil. Whether it can be remedied I am not
sure; but it is quite certain that no reform can be satisfactory which
is based upon an imperfect recognition of the force of the arguments
on the conservative side. I therefore think it is worth while to
attempt to call the. attention of the Society to certain considerations
which, as it seems to me, are of essential importance and have been
veiy generally overlooked.
"In the first place, the objection felt to all orthographical
change as such is very far from being a mere matter of sentiment.
It might be so described if the function of writing were merely
to represent speech; or, in other words, if whenever we looked
at a printed page we were obliged to think of the sound of the
words before we could apprehend the author's meaning. This,
however, is very far from being the case. By long habit certain
groups of printed letters have acquired for us an ideographic value,
so that to every educated adult the act of reading is partially,
what to a deaf mute it is altogether, a direct translation of
printed symbols into thoughts without any intermediate transla-
tion into sound. This is, to some extent, the case with regard
even to common colloquial words. If I receive a letter beginning
*My deer Friend,' my mental eye sees a picture of a homed
animal quite as soon as my mental ear hears the ambiguous suc-
cession of sounds which the spelling represents. With regard
264 DICTIONARY REPORTS, I. — MR. BRADLEY.
to purely literary words the case is, of course, much stronger;
their written form often conveys to our minds their meaning
without calling up any * sound-picture ' at all, even as an ac-
companiment. In consequence of this ideographic function of
written words, most practised readers are able to take in at a glance
the drift of a whole octavo page. The practical value of this
accomplishment is obviously enormous. Introduce a new system
of spelling, and you render it necessary for us at first to translate
every word into sound before we can understand it ; and the
amount of time that must be spent on reading, when mere
information is the object, will be multiplied tenfold. Of course
habit would gradually give to the new spelling the quality of
ideographical expressiveness; but I do not think that we who
have reached middle age could hope ever to acquire that familiarity
with it that would enable us to read as rapidly as we now read
books in the traditional orthography. Supposing, therefore, that
a really practicable scheme of phonetic spelling-reform were before
us for adoption, the question to be answered would not be merely
whether we were prepared to sacrifice for the good of posterity
certain SBsthetic prejudices and likings, but whether we were
prepared to undergo a considerable loss of working power for the
rest of our natural lives.
** In the second place, it seems to me that one of the current
specific arguments against spelling reform has been treated with
undue scorn by some of our most eminent philologists, i refer
to the plea that * phonetic spelling would obscure the etymology
of words.* The common reply has been that, our traditional
spelling is often positively misleading as a guide to etymology;
and that etymology is of no practical importance to the ordinary
reader, while for those whom it does concern such evidence as
the old spelling supplies would still be available, so long as the
books written in it remained in existence. This answer would
be quite conclusive if the language consisted only of colloquial
words, and of words compounded of or derived from these. So
far as colloquial words are concerned, the correct meaning is
that which is prescribed by usage; there is no appeal to any
higher court. If the customary meaning differs from the etymo-
logical meaning, it is bad English to follow the etymology.
In this class of words, therefore, etymology is never a help to
correctness of speech, and is sometimes an actual hindrance ; so
that even if phonetic spelling did conceal the derivation of the
DICTIONARY REPORTS, I. — MR. BRADLEY. 265
words no one would be the worse for it. The words peculiar
to literary use, however, are on a very different footing. The
majority of our most famous English writers, from More and
Spenser to the present day, have been * classically ' educated,
and have been accustomed to presume on classical education in
their hearers. Most of them have now and then invented words
of Greek or Latin derivation — often without knowing that the
words were not already English ; and nearly all have habitually
used words in senses or shades of meaning which are not based
on any existing English usage, but which are understood as a
matter of course by readers who know Latin and Greek. A large
proportion of our classically derived words can be understood
with precision and used with unfailing correctness only by those
who are acquainted with their etymology. This curious dependence
of English literature on a foreign culture is perhaps a lamentable
weakness ; but that it exists as a fact cannot reasonably be denied.
As a consequence, the English vocabulary includes an enormous
number of words of which the written form has an ideographic
value, due not to its being familiar to the eye as occurring in
English books, but to the fact that it reminds us of the spelling of
certain words in a foreign language. These words were originally
formed as sequences of alphabetic letters, not as sequences of
sounds. The rarely heard and often uncertain pronunciation
of a word of this kind is merely symbolical of its written form,
and intelligible only as it suggests this to our recollection. If,
as sometimes happens, we mentally give a wrong graphical
interpretation to the sounds we hear, we are for a moment
puzzled to think what the word can mean. If phonetic spelling
were adopted, we should in reading often find it necessary first
to render the written word into sound, and then to render the
sound into the old spelling, in order to apprehend the meaning
by the light of the etymology. It seems to me that to write
words of this class in phonetic spelling would be just as useless
and mischievous as it would be to alter the pronunciation of
colloquial words to make it conform to the spelling. To do
either of these things would really be disfiguring an original to
make it accord with an imperfect copy of itself — much as if
some one were to alter a text in the Hebrew Bible because the
sense of the English version was different. On the whole, I
regret to say that I see no practical way of very greatly
lightening the difficulties occasioned to children and foreigners
• • ••• :*• :• •:
•••«•! • • -
« • • •
266 DICTIONARY REPORTS, I. — MR. BRADLEY.
by the anomalies of English spelling, though many small changes
in the phonetic direction may with advantage be gradually intro-
duced in the orthography of such words as are really addressed
primarily to the ear. But it is highly important that the process
should be gradual, and the reformers ought not to begin by
abolishing the useful distinctions that have become established
in the spelling of such pairs of homophones as whoUy hole.
The number of such cases is not large enough to add very much
to the learner's difficulties. And there is no abstract reason
why written English should be condemned to share all the im-
perfections of spoken English ; we all recognize the advantage of
writing proper names with initial capitals, though that contrivance
is purely ideographic.
"It is now my pleasant duty to express my thanks to those
persons who have in various ways assisted in the preparation of
the work. Amongst these the first place by right belongs to the
readers who have furnished the quotations ; but to them I can only
refer in general, their individual contributions to the Dictionary as
a whole being from time to time acknowledged by Dr. Murray.
"With regard to the volunteer sub- editing, only one name has to be
mentioned, the whole of this work for the letter E having been
performed by the late Mr. P. W. Jacob, whose scholarly and
painstaking labours are referred to in the prefatory note to the
first part of Vol. III. Dr. Murray continues to give constant and
most important help, every page from the beginning having had
the benefit of his careful criticism. The proofs have been
regularly read by Mr. Eitzedward Hall, D.C.L., who has furnished
an abundance of supplementary quotations which have in an
extraordinary degree enhanced the value of the Dictionary as a
record of the history of words; also by Mr. H. Hucks Gibbs, M.P.,
the Eev. J. T. Fowler, M.A., Durham, and Mr. W. H. Stevenson,
who have all from time to time contributed suggestions of great
value. Most important aid lias been rendered on questions of
Teutonic philology by Prof. Sievers, of Halle, and Prof. Napier, of
Oxford, and on questions of Eomanic philology by Prof. Paul
Meyer.
"My especial thanks are due to the constant and multifarious
assistance rendered by our Hon. Secretary, Dr. Fumivall. The
persons to whom I am indebted for information on particular
points are very numerous. It is to be feared that the following
list is far from complete; and I must ask the forgiveness of
DICTIONARY REPORTS, I. — MR. BRADLEY. 267
any occasional helpers whose names through inadvertence been
omitted : —
'* Mr. F. Adams ; the Rev. J. C. Atkinson, D.C.L. ; Mr. A.
Beazeley, C.E. ; the Rev. T. E. Bridgett ; the Rev. W. Bright,
B.D., Canon of Christ Church ; Dr. Robert Brown ; Mr. A. H.
Bullen, M.A. ; Mr. Ingram Bywater, M.A., Oxford ; Mr. J. S.
Cotton, M.A., Editor of The Academy ; Mr. P. A. Daniel ; Mr.
Benjamin Dawson ; Mr. Leon Delbos ; Mr. C. E. Doble, M.A.,
Oxford; Mr. Austin Dobson ; Mr. W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, Royal
Gardens, Kew ; the late Dr. A. J. Ellis ; the Rev. Canon D.
Silvan Evans ; Dr. Pennell, Cambridge ; Dr. Robert von Pleisch-
hacker ; Dr. S. Rawson Gardiner ; Dr. R. Gamett, British Museum ;
Mr. Israel Gollancz, M.A., Cambridge ; Mr. G. Heppel ; Dr. Carl
Horstmann; Mr. Henry Jenner, British Museum ; Mr. Henry Tones
(Cavendish) ; Mr. W. P. Kirby, Nat. Hist. Dept., British Museum ;
Prof. E. Ray Lankester ; the late Mr. James Lecky; tlie late
Rev. Dr. Littledale : Mr. J. A. Fuller Maitland ; Prof. Maitland,
Cambridge; Mr. Julian Marshall; Mr. Russell Martineau, M.A.,
British Museum ; Mr. F. D. Matthew ; Prof. Alfred Newton,
Cambridge ; Mr. Edward Peacock ; Prof. Karl Pearson, University
College, London ; Mr. T. G. Pinches, British Museum ; Mr. A.
W. Pollard, M.A., British Museum; Sir Frederick Pollock; Mr.
F. York Powell, M.A., Oxford; Mr. R. B. Pressor; Mr. P. Le
Page Renouf, British Museum ; Prof. Rhys, Oxford ; Dr. Ch.
Rieu, British Museum ; Mr. J. S. Shedlock; the Rev. Prof. Skeat,
Cambridge ; Mr. John Slater, F.R I.B.A. ; Dr. Oskar Sommer ;
Mr. W. Barclay Squire, British Museum; Mr. Whitley Stokes,
D.C.L. ; Mr. W. Sykes, M.R.C.8., Mexborough ; Miss Edith
Thompson ; Dr. R. F. Weymouth.
"I have further to acknowledge the services of my assistants
at Oxford, Mr. G. F. H. Sykes, B.A., and Messrs. Lewis and
Bryan; also the very important aid rendered by Mr. A. Erlebach,
B.A., in the reading of the first proofs. In conclusion, I desire
to ofPer my thanks to the Trustees of the British Museum for
having accorded me exceptional advantages for working in the
library, and to the officers of that institution for the courteous
readiness which they have shown in every possible way to
facilitate my researches.''
268
II. Repoet on the Progeess op the Philological Society's
New English Dictionaey. By Dr. J. A. H. Mueeay.
(Mead at the Meeting of the Society on Friday, March, ith, 1892.)
It is with much regret that I send this statement to be read
instead of being personally present at the meeting. It is a great
disappointment and loss to me not to meet my fellow-members and
to shake hands with the many Dictionary workers who usually
come to meet me on these occasions. It will, I think, be expedient
in future to hold the Dictionary Evening at another time of the
year, when there will be less likelihood of interruption from in-
disposition or severe weather, or as in the present instance from
both combined. I had a serious attack of pneumonia in January,
from which I have been for several weeks so far recovered as to be
able to do regular work, but not sufficiently recovered to endure
exposure to cold or wet. Until Tuesday, I thought it possible that
I might venture to come to London, but the untoward change in
the weather has completely defeated my expectations.
In reporting on the progress of the Dictionary during the past
year, it is unnecessary to dwell upon the fact that during the year
two parts were completed and issued to the public, one of Vol. III.
letter E, by Mr. Bradley, and a part of Yol. II. letter C, under
my immediate editorship. As to the parts in progress, the
** Monthly Statement" of the Press which I have just received,
shows that of the C part, 153 pages are in type, and 112
printed off; of the E — ^F part 115f pages are in type, and 64
printed off. Turning to the question of what proportion of
C is now either in type or in the printers' hands, that is down
to Corse, I find that when we started, the material for C
filled 320 pigeon-holes, 6 inches wide; the portion still to do
occupies 40 pigeon-holes, or makes i of the letter. I may pause to
point out that 320 pigeon-holes contain a pile of slips 160 feet
high, and that we still have 20 feet thick of this to work through.
When I turn to Wehster^s Dictionary, and compare the pages done
with those still to do, the proportion remaining seems larger :
C has in "Webster 149 pages, of which we have got through 119,
leaving 30 still to do. My recent illness has, I fear, lost me some
10 days; but my assistants have worked splendidly in the mean-
while, and I do not think that the total back-set is very serious.
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — ^DR. MURRAY. 269
I do fear, however, that I have paid less attention to cor-
respondents, since I have had to devote all my available strength
to actual work at the Dictionary. I hope that if some communi-
cations have not been acknowledged at all, and others only after
delay, that the writers will not feel hurt. The answering of letters
is a very serious part of my duty; after delegating as much of it as
is possible to assistants, that which I absolutely must do in my
own handwriting, takes always one, more usually two, sometimes
three hours of the freshest part of my working day. This being
so, it will readily be believed that letters which take trouble and
thought to answer have often to wait for many days till I have the
time and thought to give, and not unfrequently are never answered
at all, because the time never comes, or comes only too late.
I have had the benefit during the year of the valued assistance
of Mr, John Mitchell, Mr. Walter Worrall, B.A., Mr. Arthur
Maling, M.A., Mr. C. Balk, all of whom have now been in the
Scriptorium for some years, and are capable co-workers, also of Mr.
Sweatman, as a junior assistant; of these gentlemen I desire to
speak with much appreciation. Much of the accuracy of the
Dictionary in the thousand and many points, in which error is not
only possible, but hardly to be avoided, comes from the special
attention of these assistants. I cannot attempt myself to keep in
mind the hundred thousand dates of authors and editions, with
which the dictionary deals, and for these, and countless other
matters, have to depend upon the special attention of one or other
of the staff.
But if credit is due to these paid assistants, much more are credit
due and grateful thanks to be offered to the many unpaid volunteer
workers, who have so nobly helped us from the beginning, and are
helping us still. It is a real source of trouble to me that I cannot
bring more prominently before the public, and especially before
that peculiarly opaque section of the public called reviewers, the
important work done by these unpaid workers, and the honour and
credit which are their due. I carefully give the names of all
Sub-editors in every prefatory note; I mention particularly the
sections which they have handled, and — the Reviewers never
mention them, except in the rare case in which a local newspaper
is "pleased to observe that the name of our respected townsman
Mr. A. B. is mentioned among those who have helped in the
arrangement of material." But then local papers very rarely
** review" the Dictionary, and so ** respected townsmen" maybe
270 DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — DR. HURRAY.
doing silently the most assiduous and self-sacrificing work, while
their fellow-townsmen know nothing of it. I hope that we may be
able to devise some means of remedying this evil, and of bringing
the public, especially the Reviewer, to render honour to whom
honour is due. My own wonder is that in such circumstances, so
many of our unpaid workers have stuck so devotedly to the work ;
I know that the want of recognition has chilled and disappointed
some, who have consequently turned their energies to fields in
which they could do something for their own fame, instead of
merely contributing to swell the fame of another, and all the more
do I admire and honour those who work on notwithstanding. But
I trust the Society will assist me in an effort to let those who value
the Dictionary know to whom they are indebted for very much of
its workmanship.
I have to give the following Statement of help received from 8ub^
editors and others from Jan. 1891 to Jan. 1892.
The following portions of C have been re-subedited, and the
new material incorporated in preparation for treatment in the
Scriptorium —
Mr. G. L. Apperson, 11, Park Road, Wimbledon.
Consub- to Contem-, Cop-, Counteract to Counterworking;
now engaged on Crot- to Crows-.
Rev. C. B. Mount, M.A., 14, Norham Road, Oxford.
Contenance to Conti, Corr-, Covenant ; Cro to Crony ; engaged
on Cm to Crup.
Mr. John Peto, Ravens wood, Alleyn Park, London, S.E.
Conto to Contra, Core to Corpus, Cow to Coz-; engaged on
Cur to Curi-.
Rev. W. B. R. Wilson, M.A.., Devonside House, Dollar, N.B.
Const-, Centre to Conu, Coq to Conn, Coup to Couw-, Crad to
Crez- ; engaged on Cu to Cui.
Mr. W. N. Woods, B.A., 58, Elgin Road, Addiscombe.
Com-, Cost to Coty- ; Cou to Coum, engaged on Cri-.
Miss Edith Thompson, Brooks Lodge, Reigate.
Conventicle.
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — ^DR. MURRAY. 271
I am especially indebted to Mr. Apperson, Mr. Peto, and Mr.
Woods,* for the thoroughly workmanlike manner in which they
return the material to be taken in hand by the Scriptorium stafP,
and to the Eev. C. B. Mount, the earliest and most devoted of
our workers, for unnumbered preparatory investigations of difficult
and doubtful points in the Bodleian Library and elsewhere,
whereby he has often cleared up difficulties before I actually
reached them.
The following Sub- editors, who are engaged on other parts of
the alphabet, have sent in work since Jan. 1891.
Mr. W. J. Anderson, Bank House, Markinch, Fife, N.B.
Mor- to Mors- ; engaged on Mort to Mostly.
Mr. Jamas Bartlett, M.A., Cloverlea, Bramley, Guildford.
Get to Goz- ; engaged on Gr-.
Mr. Bartlett is one of the most valued of the recent additions
to our staff of volunteers ; he does work excellent both in quality
and amount.
Rev. W. H. Becket, The Manse, Stebbing, Chelmsford.
Wea to Weaz- ; engaged on Web to Wei-.
Eev. G. B. E. Bousfield, B.A., 248, Portsdown Eoad, W.
Pissel to Fizzle, Foin to Font, Wi to Withy; engaged on
Witi to Wom-.
Mr. E. L. Brandreth, 32, Elvaston Place, Queen's Gate.
Hat to Haz ; engaged on Kno to Knutty.
Of Mr. Brandreth's work I need hardly speak; no member
of the Philological Society has done so much, and I often feel
impatient to be at letter H in order to follow his steps.
Miss J. E. A. Brown, Further Barton, Cirencester.
Incem- to Inch-, Indispen- to Indue- ; engaged on Indue
to Inexo-.
One of the greatest friends of the Dictionary, to whom its
Editor owes a debt of deepest gratitude for help in difficulties.
Mr. J. Brown, M.A., Kendal Grammar School.
Mah- to Mainy- ; engaged on Mair to Mak.
^ Alas ! since this Report was written, death has carried off Mr. Peto and Mr.
"Woods, and pressure of other work has obliged Mr. Apperson to discontinue his
valued assistance. — J. A.H.M., December, 1892.
272 DICTIONARY RBPORTS, II. — DR. MURRAY,
Rev. A. P. Payers, Rawdon Manse, Teadon, Leeds.
Nid- to Niggot.
Mr. R. J. Lloyd, 46, Chatham Street, LiverpooL
Hip- ; has to end of Hi-.
Rev. Dr. Rupert Morris, D.D., Eaton, Eccleston, Chester.
Engaged on Intra to Inutterable.
Rev. J. Smallpeice, M.A., St. Bees.
Myrobolan to Myry ; has to end of M.
An old and faithful friend, who never fails to send his half
yearly tale of sub-edited work.
Mr. John Dormer, Mortimer Crescent, Kilbum, N.W., has in-
corporated new material for Dia to Dirty, and made out Lists
of Special Wants. He has done the same for Cu to Cz, and
re -subedited Cut. Mr. Dormer has given invaluable help
during the last few years, enriching the Dictionary with
scientific and technical quotations from books not before
read, and contributing in every way that seemed most likely
to be useful.
Mrs. L. J. Walkey, 24, Milverton Crescent, Leamington, has
some new material for Dis to Dy to arrange alphabetically
and chronologically. This lady has for many years devoted
much of her time to this needful work.
The present Report will, I hope, be printed ; I think it therefore
useful to present, in a tabulated form, a statement of the
Present Position of the whole Work with reference to Suh-ediiing^
and the names of those who have done the work. The year
given shows approximately up to what date new material
was incorporated, and gives an idea as to what will have to
be added before we take it up finally in the Scriptorium.
D. D to Decayer Mr. Elworthy (1882)
Dece to Defecation Mr. Elworthy (1884)
Deliver to Dh. Miss Brown (1883)
Dia to Dialysis Rev. W. E. Smith
Diam to Dietist Mr. Jacob
DiffaU to Dirvy Mr. W. W. Tyndale
(Dia to Dirty — ^the new material up to date has been in-
corporated by Mr. J. Dormer)
Dis to Dz Mr. Jacob (1883)
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — DR. MURRAY.
273
F.
F to Fiz
Eev. G. B. R. Bousfield i
;i 884-90)
Fla to Floun
Mr. J. Peto 1
; 1886-8)
G.
Gem to Groundsel
Rev. G. B. R. Bousfield (
;i880- )
Group to Gz
Rev. T. D. Morris (
;i885)
Ga- to Go-
Mr. J. Bartlett (
;i888-91)
H.
Ha to Harmlessness
Mr. G. A. Schrumpf 1
;i882)
Harm to Haz
Mr. Brandreth I
;i890)
Her
Mr. Brandreth (
; 1886-9)
Hi to Hipwort
Mr. Lloyd (
;i884)
Ho to Homunculus
Mr. Brandreth (
; 1883-5)
Hoo to Horus
IVfr. Peto i
[1885)
Hosan to Hwata
Mr. Woods 1
;i885)
Hy
Mr. Peto 1
;i885)
I.
la to Inch-
Miss Brown 1
[1887-90)
Incoacted to Incomp-
Mr. T. Wilson (
;i887)
Inconceal to Indiscr-
Rev. E. H. Sugden (
;i885)
Indisp to Induc-
Miss Brown i
;i891)
Inva to Invent
Miss L. Gardner \
[1889)
Invest to Iz
Rev. R. Morris 1
[1889)
J.
J- to Juxtaposition
Rev. W. Gregor |
[1885)
K.
Xa to Ky
Mr. H. H. Gibbs
L.
La to Lusus
Mr. Hulme (
[1883-5)
Lu to Lyz
Mr. E. Warner (
[1882)
M.
Ma to Maz-
Mr. J. Brown I
[1884-91)
Ma to Miz
Rev. T. Sheppard (
1883-4)
Mo to Mond
Rev. S. W . Lawley (
[1884)
Mone to Mostly
Mr. W. J. Anderson (
;i888-91)
Mu to Myry
Rev. J. Smallpeice (
[1884)
K.
Na to Kaz-
Rev. A. P. Payers (
[1882)
Ne to Nez-
Mr. Hailstone (
;i883)
Ni to Niche
Mr. Bumby (
;i884)
Nicher to Xiggot
Rev. A. P. Payers (
;i888)
No to Nony
Mrs. Pope (
;i883)
Nu to Nz
Mr. R. F. Green (
;i883)
0.
OtoOky
Mrs. Stuart (Miss Haig) (
^1886)
Oo to Opentide
Rev. W . J. Lowenberg |
[1883)
P.
Pa to Paz-
Miss Brown (
[1882)
Peas to Polys
IVrr. J. Britten (
[1882)
Pern to Perem-
Mr. R. McLintock (
; 1885-92)
Personality to Poz
Mr. W. J. Anderson 1
[1882-4)
Pra to Pz
Mr. Jacob (
[1885)
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-3.
18
274
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — DR. MURRAY.
Q.
Mr. Jacob 1
[1884)
E.
Rec to Rigour
Mr. Jacob (
;i885)
S.
Sa to Sy
Mr. Jacob (
;i881-2)
T.
Tal to Tiling
Rev. W. B. R. Wilson I
;i881-2)
Till to Tmesis
Mr. T. Wilson 1
;i882)
To to Toz
Rev. W. B. R. Wilson {
[1883)
Tra to Tralucent
Mr. A. Sweeting i
[1883)
Tre to Trilogy
Rev. W. B. R. Wilson .(
; 1888-91)
Tua to Tz
Mr. A. Lyall i
[1881)
XT.
XJa to XTz
Rev. T. Sheppard (
;i881-2)
V.
Ya to to Vyse
Rev. T. Sheppard (
;i881)
^Y.
"Wa to Weaz
Rev. W . H. Becket (
[1883-8)
Wi to Withy
Rev. G. B. R. Bousfield (
; 1890-1)
Y.&2
r
1*
Rev. J. Smallpeice (
;i882)
There are still parts of the material which have not been dealt
with by a sub-editor — at least since I undertook the work ; they
are the following : —
Material not Suh-edited,
D. Defect to Delitescent (in the hands of Mr. Elworthy),
r.' Fo to Pyz (not touched after work of old sub-editor).
H. Hir to Hiz (in the hands of Mr. Lloyd). Hon-.
I. Indue to Inutterable (Miss Brown working at the one end
and Rev. R. Morris at the other).
K. (not since originally done by Mr. H. H. Gibba. Mr.
Brandreth has begun re-editing — has in hand Kno to
Knutty).
M. (end of Mo and My. Messrs. Anderson and Smallpeice
are working at respectively).
N. Nigh to Niobium-.
Nip to Nizam (in hands of Mr. R. F. Green).
Noodle to Nozzle.
0. Ole to Om (Mrs. Stuart has).
On to Onyx,
Opera to Ouster (in the hands of the Rev. W. J. Lowenberg).
Out to Oz-.
P. Pea to Pear.
Per to Person.
R, Ra to Rebutter.
Rile to Ry.
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — 'DR. MURRAY* 275
T. Ta to Taky.
Tram to Traz.
Trim to Tsetse.
"W. Web to Wh- (beginning in Mr. Becket's hands).
Witless to Wy- (beginning in Mr. Bousfield's hands).
Reading.
A good deal of ** Reading" has been done during the year,
and much is still going on ; it being still, often found that some
works have been unduly neglected or read only for particular
letters, a most pernicious and deceptive practice, since in beginning
a new letter, it takes a long time before we notice that a particular
author or book has dropped out; and when such books are read
again entirely, we get a multitude of duplicates for the letter
or letters already read. The publications of the Early English
Text, Scottish Text Society, and other prints of MSS. or
early printed books, also require to be kept up with. I am
sorry to say contemporary literature is not ; we have
next to nothing of Andrew Lang, Austin Dobson, George
Meredith, R. L. Stevenson, and a host of contemporary writers ;
and I should be devoutfuUy thankful if Dr. Furnivall, or any
other competent person, would draw up from Mudie's Catalogue
or other source, a list of works published since 1875, which
ought to be read in order to give us a representation of the
literature of the last quarter of the 19th century. I cannot
do it ; I have not a moment to spare for it ; but I will check
it when done, and mark oS. books that have been read, and some
means may be found of superintending the Reading.
We have kept up our plan of preparing Lists of Special Wantsy
for the words in front of us, though I am sorry to say that
the number of readers who make good use of them is not so
great as it ought to be. I enclose some copies here, and ask
any present who will seriously use them to take a set, but not
to take them needlessly.
During the past year not less than 30,000 quotations were
received. Of these, Mr. John Dormer, of Mortimer Crescent,
Kilburn, contributed more than 5,000, including many important
desiderata and quotations from scientific works of last century,
with early occurrences of technical terms. This is besides the
assistance given by him in arranging material of C and D, and
276 DICTIONARY REPORTS, 11. — DR. MURRAY,
in preparing therefrom Lists of Wants for printing. I regret
that lately the state of his health has interfered with his
j<plendid work for the Dictionary.
Dr. "W. C. Minor, of Broadmoor, Crowthome, has sent ahout
3,000 quotations, all for words in C and E, such as we are
ready to deal with, and including many from the E.E.T.S. ed.
of Lanfranc's Cirurgie, one of the most important works for
Dictionary purposes ever yet published by the Society, also from
Hall's and Grafton's Chronicles, and numerous rare books of
travel of the 17th and 18th centuries, giving early instances of
foreign words since naturalized.
Mr. E. Peacock, of Bottesford Manor, Brigg, has sent about
4,000 quotations, including 750 from Dryden's plays (formerly
badly read) and 300 from Ford.
Dr. Brushiield, Budlcigh Salterton, has sent about 3,000,
including about 1800 from Mad. D'Arblay's Diary and Letters.
Rev. J. T. Fowler, Bp. Hatfield's Hall, Durham, about 1500,
including a complete reading of the Castle Howard Life of
St. Cutbcrt, edited by him for the Surtees Society, and of the
Bury Wills.
Mr. A. Beazeley, Thornton Heath, Croydon, has sent about 1500
quotations from Foote's plays, previously unread for the Dictionary,
and many Miscellanea and Desiderata.
Rev. J. W. Hooper, Gateshead Fell Rectory, has sent about 1600,
among them many for modern colloquialisms.
Mr. T. Henderson, Bedford County School, has sent about
1300, among them many desiderata.
Miss H. M. Poynter, Park Town, Oxford, who is a new reader,
has sent about 1250 from books specially selected by me.
Prof. J. M. Dixon, Imperial University, Tokyo, Japan, has
sent about 700 quotations as supplement to those in his Dietioymry
of Idiomatic Mnglish Phrases^ for all of which he has besides sent
the full references not given in the book.
Rev. Henry Ellershaw, Mexborough Yicarage (a new reader),
sent about 450 from R. K. Hypnerotomachia.
Among our American readers Mr. W. Boyd, of Cambridge,
Mass., has sent about 2000 ; the Rev. B. Talbot, of Columbus,
Ohio, 700 ; Mr. G. M. Philips, of West Chester, Pa., 600 ;
Mr. Albert Matthews, Boston, Mass., (a new reader) has sent
about 900 quotations; and Mr. W. P. Garrison (editor of the
New York Nation) has been a constant contributor.
DICTIONARY REPORTS, II. — ^DR. MURRAY. 277
Of our Dutch readers Mr. Caland has sent ahout 800 of modern
colloquialisms, while smaller contributions were received from
Dr. Logeman and Mr. StofPel.
Valuable quotations, both general, and of desiderata, have been
received from Mrs. Grey, Gledhow Gardens ; Miss E. and Miss E. P-
Thompson, Eeigate ; Miss Geraldine Gosselin, Miss C. Pemberton,
the Rev. Cecil Deedes, Brighton ; Rev. W. D. Sweeting, Maxey
Vicarage ; Rev. W, Lees, Reigate ; Rev. W. C. Boulter, Malvern ;
Rev. W. B. R Wilson, Dollar; Dr. Prior, York Terrace; Mr.
C. Gray, Mr. KcUier R. H. Gosselin, Mr. John Randall, Mr.
M. L. Rouse, Mr. F. Hall, Llandudno ; Mr. Ralph Harvey, Cork
Grammar School ; Mr. J. Hooper, Norwich ; Mr. J. Whitwell,
Kendal. [See also Addendum, p. 287.]
Special assistance in quotations for desiderata and for a number
of historical words including convent ^ corporation, conventicle,
covenant, cross, etc., has been given by Miss Edith Thompson,
Technical words have been taken under his special protection by
Mr. R. B. Prosser, who has not only looked to the accuracy of
the defiaitions, but got us the earliest quotation from the Library
of the Patent Office for very many. Mr. R. Oliver Heslop, of
Corbridge-on-Tyae, has given most important assistance on several
coal- mining terms ; valuable contributions for the Desiderata have
been sent by Mr. A. Wallis, F.R.S.L., Exeter ; Mr. J. R. Gillespie,
Stratford Grove, Newcastle-on-Tyne ; Mr. J. Dixon, Harrowlands^
Dorking; Mr. W. Jones, Gloucester; Mr. W. Johnson, Lavender
Road, Battersca.
Time would fail to tell of the splendid assistance rendered to
the Dictionary by Dr. Fitzedward Hall, who devotes nearly his
whole day to reading the proofs of both volumes, and to supple-
menting, correcting, and increasing the quotations from his own
exhaustless stores. When the Dictionary is finished, no one man
will have contributed to its illustrative wealth so much as
Fitzedward Hall. Those who know his books know the
enormous wealth of quotation which he brings to bear upon
every point of English literary usage; but my admiration is
if possible increased when I see how he can cap and put the
cope-stone on the collections of our 1500 readers.
In this department I have also to mention the constant solid
assistance of Mr. H. H. Gibbs, whose accession to the legislative
benches at St. Stephens has not in the least diminished his
interest in the Dictionary. If I were not afraid of its getting
278 PICTIONARY RKFORTS, II. — DR. MURRAY,
abroad in the City, I should express my belief that he thinks
the Dictionary a more 'important constituency than the City o£
London.
The Rev. J. T. Fowler, Yice-principal of Bp. Hatfield^s Hall,
Durham, one of my earliest and most valued Dictionary friends,
to whom 1 am indebted for great personal favours, has recently
undertaken to read a set of the first proofs, and his keen and
experienced eye has already hit upon and remedied many
deficiencies. If it is remembered that reading a proof means
giving at least eight hours a week to the service of the
Dictionary, the credit due for such a service will be more fully
appreciated.
Dr. W, Sykes, formerly of Mexboro', now of Gosport, has for
several years given us indispensible aid with the medical terms,
the history of which really requires the care of a specialist ;
any one who looks at the completeness with which these terms
have in the last two or three parts been treated will see how
much Dr. Sykes has contributed to the work. It is therefore
with nothing short of dismay that I have learned from him
that his other duties will no longer enable him to continue his
generous work. His case is one in which I specially wish that
some means may be found of fittingly drawing attention to his
share in the work.
The proofs have also been read and annotated by a former
member of the Scriptorium Staff, the Rev. J. B. Johnston, of
Palkirk, whose ** Place Names of Scotland," just published, is
the best book on local names known to me in the language,
and well deserves the attention of all interested in the subject.
Monsieur F. J. Amours, of Glasgow, also supplies with the earliest
known examples of words from French, and reads the Proofs
with a special view to the treatment of these words. Professor E.
Sievers, now of Leipzig, and M. Paul Meyer, Member of the
Institute, Paris, have continued their valued assistance in words
of difficult etymology, Teutonic and Romanic. Many other foreign
scholars, particularly Senor Don Rufino J. Cuervo, of Paris ; Prof.
F. Neumann, Heidelberg; Prof. F. Kluge, Jena; Dr. J. W.
MuUer, Leyden ; Prof. A. Noreen and Dr. Axel Erdmann. TJpsala,
have helped me with special words. [See Addendum, p. 287.]
279
III. — CoNTEIBTJnONS TO THE HiSTOEICAL EtYMOLOGT OP ENGLISH
WoEDs. By Dr. J. A. H. Mueeay.
{Read as a SuppUment to the Report on the progress of the Dictionary y
March bthy 1892.)
Cony, coney. There are namerous ME. forms: a 12-1 6 tli c.
eunin, hmyne^ conning , cunyng^ cunig, p 14 c. onward conpy
cunny, eunniey etc. The origin is L. cunlcultMf which regularly
gave It. conSgltOf Pr. and OF. eonil : of the later there was a variant,
contn, (French has other examples of this oscillation of I and n.)
OF. contn, gave the Eng. cuniny conning forms, now obsolete, except
as surviving in some proper names as Coningshyj Cunnington, etc.
OF. conil had in pi. conils, conniz, with I suppressed as in other
"l words; the pi. coniz (found in Anglo-Fr. in Bretton 1292, as
oonys, coniySy with the variants coninz, conyns), gave the Eng. plural
eonysy conies, whence was deduced the singular cony. The rabbit
is evidently of late introduction into Britain and Northern Europe.
It never had a native name in any Celtic or Teutonic land, the
Teutonic names cited by Prof. Skeat are all from Old French conin.
There is no mention of it in English before the Norman Conquest ;
and it is notable that the/wr seems to have been known before the
live animal. The Moral Ode, jl. 1200, has 1. 361, ' Ne seal J^er beo
fore ne grei ne cunig [v.r. cunin, konyng] ne ermine.'
In the ME. period the rabbit was a domestic or protected animal
kept in cony-horoughB, cunny-herries or conybeares, conyng-earths or
cony-garths, conyngers or cony-gress, cony-greens, cony-greaves, cony^
graves. It has since escaped to the woods and sand-hills, as it has
more recently done in Australia.
The historical pronunciation is cunny, as in honey and money, but
the word is now known chiefly as a Bible- word, where it is a mis-
translation of the Heb. name of the Syrian hyrax; and as the
domestio 'cunny' had come to have some familiar and even in-
decorous senses, readers of the Psalms have preferred to read cony.
Walker in 1790 knew only the cunny pronunciation. Smart (1836)
says 'it is familiarly pronounced cunny, ^ but cony is 'proper for
solemn reading.'
*s->*
h
iilillf,:^.
280 CONTRIBUTIONS TO HISTORICAL
GooK, OE. c6c, adaptation of late L. cocus^ L. coqutM, The long
vowel of OE. c6c regularly represented in the modem oo, shows the
word to be of late adoption, after L. cdqutis had become cocus
(cf. It. cuoco). On the contrary, all the Celtic and Continental
Teutonic forms have or point to a short o, and an adoption of the
Latin word before the 6th c. The Roman coqui were known to
the British, but were not taken over by the Teutonic invaders ;
and the English cook evidently represents the cocus of the monas-
teries of the later OE. period.
An interesting parallel to this is furnished by the British and
English pronunciations of L. pdter,- as noticed by JElfric in the
opening of his Grammar and Glossary, the Britons retaining the
original shbrt ^, while in living Romanic use the vowel became
long, and was so pronounced in the service of the English as
opposed to that of the British church.
Coolie, an Indian labourer. H. H. Wilson, Glossary of
Indian Terms ^ as quoted by Prof. Skeat, says " Tamil Mlif daily
hire or wages, a day labourer, a cooly; the word is originally
Tamil, where it has spread into the other languages; in Upper
India, it bears only its second and subsidiary meaning" [i.e,
it means the man, not *hire' or * wages,' J. A. H. M.]. This
represents the general opinion of Dravidian scholars, but it will
not stand historical examination. The historical facts have been
indicated by Yule and Burnell, and the word is none other than
£ull or ^ollj the name of an aboriginal tribe of Guzurat, formerly
noted as robbers, but now settling down as respectable labourers
and cultivators. They were known as Cole to the Portuguese
in the 16lh c, are called Quullees by Pinch in 1609, and coolies
by Ferry in 1606 ; from which time quotations may be found
for them almost every year, down to their appearance in the
Imperial Gazetteer of India in 1885 as £ulis. It was evidently
the Portuguese that carried the name both to Southern India
and to China, where we have a quotation for it as early as 1745.
I suppose that the likeness of the tribal name JEiult to the Tamil
word kfili * hire,' led to their ready identification in Southern
India, and to the genesis of the connecting sense 'hire-man,
hireling, day-labourer.* Our first quotations for the extended
sense is from Bruton, 1638, who speaks of * cowlers (coolers)
which are Porters' in the W. of India, and the name appears
at Madras in 1680. Most coolies in the current sense belong to
lieni Indiay and this has encouraged the erroneous notion
ENGLISH ETYMOLOGIES — DR. MURRAY. 281
that the word is native there, just as many people think that
'parliament' is a native English word, because parliamentary-
institutions in the modem sense are of English origin.
CooM, CULM, soot, grim, coal-dust, small coal, brittle, inferior
anthracite coal, is not treated by Prof. Skeat. Culm goes back
to a M.E. colm whence colmy, sooty, grimy, hicolmen to begrime.
I think colm must be radically related to col coal, with an m
suffix, but want of OE. or cognate examples make the early
history uncertain. Coom is a northern variant of culm, just as
Bulmer in Northumberland is locally called Boomer , and hulk,
shoulder^ coulter appear in Sc. as hook, shooder, cooter. But there
is also a 16th c. spelling coame, which may be reduced from
colm, as in Jiolm pronounced hoam ; or it may correspond to
O.Norse kdm grime, filth of dirt; and a sense of coome used
by Butler 1609, suggests Ger. kahm mould, the white film on
fermented liquors, and so related to keem of cider.
Coomb (badly spelt comh) a measure of four bushels, has no
possible connexion with F. comhle or L. cumulus, English shows
what appears to be this word at three distinct periods and in
three different uses. 1. OE. cumh *a vessel, a cup/ occurring in
Birch CartuL Saxon, No. 273 of date 791-6 *cumb fulne li^es
aloj?, and cumb fulne Welisces alo]?.'
2. ME. and early mod. comhe, comh, a brewing tub or vat, of
which we have examples from a, 1400 to 1688. * A comb, or a
brewer's comb, or yelling comb or tub ' is that vessel into the
which the wort is put to work with the yeast.
3. Coomh, comhe, comh, coom, etc., the corn-measure, found
in the Bury Wills 1418, and abolished by statute about 1883.
These all agree in the sense of * hollow or deep vessel,* and
correspond to older LG. kumh, mod. LS. kumm a vessel, in
various dialects, a round deep vessel, basin, cistern, trough, etc.
Cf. also LG. kumm, kump a measure of corn or fruit, of which
the Bremen Wcirterbuch says * kumm oder besser kump, tiefe
schiissel.' We have evidently a Germanic type ^kumho- *kummo-,
with a by-form ^kumpo-, the same as is established for clam, clamp.
Coomb (badly comhe, comh), a hollow on a hill-side or slope.
Occurs as cumh in OE. charters as early as 770, and plentifully
in proper names as Batancumh, Brancescumh, Uastcumh, Sealtcumh,
Wincelcumh, etc. A multitude of these names survive in modern
form, and the element is usually written comb, comhe, in accordance
with the ordinary scribal rule of avoiding the combination of u
282 CONTRIBUTIONS TO HISTORICAL
with m, n, 9, which gives modem tofiM, ion, honey, etc. It
is interesting to note that as a separate word eumb, comb is
unknown from the time of the Wessex Charters down to 1578
when it appears in the hotanist Lyte, a Devonshire man
'Foxeglove groweth in darks shadowie valleys or coombes.' It
was still to Ray in 1674 a South Country Dialect word, but
it is not uncommon in 18th c. writers, natives of the southern
counties, and in the 19th c, with its love of nature and summer
holiday haunts, it has like chinSf glen^ eleve, clatter, turn, corry,
beck, elaehan, fjord, aiguille, col, and the like, become familiar
to everybody. There is no reason to think that it ever died
out in Wessex or the Chalk country ; but it is very remarkable
that it never emerges in literature between King Alfred and 1578.
It is generally recognized as one of the few British words
taken up at the English Conquest of Britain; and is supposed
to be identical with the cum- found in proper names in
Cumberland and Strathclyde as in Cumwhitton, Cumdivock, Cum'
longan, Cumloden. The modem Welsh cwm, occurs in com-
pounds as -cwm, -^tom, and in syntactic combination as
in Cwm Idwal, Cwm BocMwyd; it represents a proto-Celtic
kumboi. It was natural that in coming from a flat land which
had no hills or valleys of its own, the Old English should adopt the
native names dun and eumb from the Bretons ; but in the case
of the latter, the fact that they had a word eumb of their own
meaning hollow vessel, basin, might well be a helping cause.
I think it quite probable that if King Alfred or any of his
men had been asked what -eumb meant in Widcumb, Sealtcumb,
etc., they, ignorant of Welsh, would probably have expledned
it quite satisfactorily to themselves as a natural hollow like a
' eumb ' or basin. It is also to be noted that combe occurs in
Prench in the sense of * petite vallee, pli de terrain, lieu bas
entour^ de collines' Littr6 (who has examples from the 12th c).
This word would be known to the Normans, and may actually
be the source of some of the names in -combe, or at least of the
spelling -eombe. It is interesting and somewhat remarkable that
the word has thus had a meaning in the languages of Celts,
Saxons, and Normans. The origin of E. combe is disputed : some
think it Celtic, but others look for it elsewhere.
Coop, a basket, etc., cannot, of course, be ideutified with OE.
eype, which actually persists in its proper form kipe, kype, a
wide-spread word for a bushel-basket, a potato-basket, and a
ENGLISH ETYMOLOGIES — DR. MURRAY. 283
wickerwork basket or cage used in catching fisli or eels ; but
it may go back to a collateral form unrecorded in OE., whence
MDu. ciipe, Du. kuip cask. But if so, this makes impossible
the derivation of the latter from L. eupa cask. On account of
the ambiquity of u in southern ME. it is difficult to tell whether
we ought to read cupe in Floriz, the Castel of Loue, and Trevisa,
as coopy or hype. In any case cooper is not a derivative of the
Eng. word coop ; coops were never casks in England, and coopers
never made wickerwork. Cooper was in the 15th c. couper,
cowper; the spelling cooper is of the 16th c. and merely phonetic;
in coopt cooper^ as in stoopf droop, and elsewhere before p^ long
u has persisted and not become ow in modem English, and this
phonetic persistence of the sound has been marked by substituting
the modern symbol oo for OE. ^, ME. ov, ow. Cooper was
probably introduced ready made with the wine trade or some
other department of commerce from the Low Countries or the
Rhine; cf. MD., and 15th c. Niederrheinish cuper, etc. The
Med. Lat. was cupartus ; but there is no evidence of the Eng.
name being taken directly from this.
Cooper is also a name given to the floating grog-ships which
used to do so much mischief among the Deep Sea Fishermen
in the North Sea. But this is more correctly written and
pronounced Coper, as it appears in E. Mather's JVor^ard of the
Dogger, and in the publications of the Mission to the Deep Sea
Fisheries, which by its beneficent work has extirpated the coper.
The latter is simply the Dutch, Flemish, and Low German k6per,
hooper, buyer, dealer, and according to information which has been
collected for me at Grimsby, Yarmouth, and other places, from
some of the old fishermen, it arose some forty years ago, at a time
when the fishing-fleets fished in and near the Dutch coast off
Camperdown. They were then visited by Dutch and Flemish
boats, which brought them fresh provisions, tobacco, etc., and took
from them their inferior fish. There then arose a trade in un-
licensed tobacco and spirits, and at length when the fishing fleets
went far out to the Dogger Bank, and the mid sea, larger vessels
were fitted out to follow them as floating grog-shops, still pre-
serving the Dutch name of coper, though their main object was no
longer to buy fish, but to sell vile spirits, bad tobacco, obscene
photographs, and other demoralizing trash.
Coot. The derivation of this was by Mr. Wedgwood sought
in the Welsh word cwta short, docked; but this is inconsistent
284 CONTRIBUTIONS TO HISTORICAL
with the history of the word in English, in which coot comes
down directly from ME. c6t9. The word is common Low German ;
Du. kaet of the 16th c. points to a MDn. c6te^ identical with the
ME. c6te. The name appears to have heen given vaguely to
various swimminj? and diving birds; especially (1) the Guillemot,
called also in Du. zee-koet, and (2) the Bald Coot, in Dutch
meer-Jioet, Abundant quotations in both senses occur in Eug. :
'a balled cote' is in Walter de Biblesworth, and Lydgate has
'and yet he was as balde as is a cote,' while Tindale cites 'as
bare as Job, and as bald as a coot.'
Coper and Coitper, in Horse-gofer^ etc., are often spoken of as
dialectal variants. They are more than this. C^^pe came from
Flemish in the 15th c. Lydgate in London Lyckpenny says :
** Fleminges began on me for to cry, * Master, what will you copen
or by?'" and Hey wood has among his Proverbs and Epigramt
" the Ducheman saieth ' segging is good cope.' *' But coup is
the Xorse kaupa, and is older in England than cope. The native
English equivalent of both is cheapy cheapen ; and it is interesting
that in coup, cope, cheap, we have the original Germanic diphthong
an, and its two derivatives LG. 6 aud Eng. ea. Another cognate
is the Sc. cofty bought, where the consonant / seems to be that of
HGer. gekauft.
Copperas, I have discussed fully in the Academy ^ showing that
the alleged derivation cupri rosa rose of copper, conjectured by
Diez to be a rendering of Gr. x"^^*""^®!/ copper-flower, is only
a fanciful alteration of cupero^a, or cuprosa, coppery, occurring
in aqua cuprosa the equivalent of Ger. kupferwasser, Du. koperwaUry
mames of copperas, orijanally of its solution, flowing naturally
from some mines, and used according to olden notions to transmute
iron into copper by leaving iron in the stream until copper was
deposited in its place.
Coppice. The OF. form was copen, coJpeU, the regular repre-
sentative of a L. colpdticium^ that which has the characteristic of
being cut. Cf. the L. adjectives in "Icius, like advent icius,
Colpare to cut with a blow, was from colpus, earlier colapus,
originally colophui a blow, a cuff. The med. L. eopecia some-
times given as the source of coppice is only the French or
Eng. word with its ending latinized.
Copt, an Egyptian Christian, is a comparatively modem word,
app. not known in Western Europe much, if at all, before 1600.
It represents the Arabic collective k-i , quht^ qy^t, laii quft^
ENGLISH ETYMOLOGIES — DR. MURRAY. 285
qyft ' the Copts,' with adjective derivative quhte^ qufti, Coptic, most
prob. representing the Coptic rTIITIOC, KTIIX^IOC guptios,
kuptaios,=Gr. *Ai<^v7rTio9 Egyptian. Some have thought the
name referred to the ancient city of Coptos in Upper Egypt,
and it is probable that a belief in this among scholars made
Copt and Coptic the settled form. The earlier Engl, forms were
CophtSy Cophtie. The fact that Arabic has no g nor p explains
how guptioSy gyptios^ necessarily became hufti or kuhtiy hyfti or
hyhti.
Corbel has been badly treated by etymologers. The dictum of
Skinner that it is from E. corheilley basket, has been repeated
ever since, apparently without looking to see what Erench
etymologists have themselves to say about it. A corbel has
nothing whatever to do with a lasket in etymology, sense,
appearance, or fancy ; it is the end of a beam or stone
built into a wall, and projecting more than its own depth,
forming a bracket for the support of some structure resting upon
it. In many an old castle or ruined mansion the rows of stone
corbels that supported the floors, can be seen still projecting
from the walls. The word is in ME. in 15th c, and was in
OF. corbel, mod. E. corleau, the primary sense being * raven '
L. type corvellus dim. of corvus, E. corbel, corbeau, has been
and is applied to many beaked projections, as may be seen in
the new Dictionnaire Ginerdl of Hatzfeld, Darmstetter, and
Thomas (a splendid and cheap work which everybody ought to
have) ; and the architectural sense was probably given, because
the corbel being usually slanted away underneath, was, viewed
in profile, a beak-like projection. In modem times, the word
was merely technical, until caught up by Sir Walter Scott,
who had always a good eye for a word that looked mysterious
and sounded well. His * corbels carved grotesque and grim,*
have taken hold of the popular fancy, and a hundred writers
since have adorned their pages with ' grotesque corbels * and
* grim corbels ' with the very slightest notion of what they were
writing about ; generally any grotesque figure on an abbey wall
was to them a ' corbel * ; but a corbel is not an ornament, and
ornamentation forms no part of it, though it may be carved
•into something either florid or grotesque, just as a finial or a
door-knocker, or a lectern may be. One thing that helped to
confuse Englishmen was that the E. corbeille (L. corbicula) is
286 CONTRIBUTIONS TO HISTORICAL
actually applied to a basket in architecture, t.e, the baskets on
the heads of Caryatides, or the *belP of the Corinthian capital
considered as a basket out of which Acanthus leaves and flowers
are projecting ; but this, of course, has no connexion with corbel
in meaning, form, or derivation.
CoEDTJEOY is a trade word of English concoction, introduced
between 1776 and 1787, as a name of corded fustain. It is
impossible to say whether it was named after the inventor —
Corderoy is an English surname, and corderoy is actually the
earliest spelling of the fabric — or whether the inventor meant
to simulate a French word, and thought of corde du roi, king's
cord. But no such name has ever been known in French ;
indeed in a French work of 1807, Voyage dans lea Departements
du Midif by Millin de Grandmaison (for a knowledge of which
I am indebted to our esteemed Dictionary helper, Mr. Prosser),
among the manufactures of Sens are mentioned * etoffes de coton,
filatures, futaines, kings cordeSy moUerons,* etc., which shows
first that corde du roi was not the French name ; secondly
that the interpretation hinges cord was so current, that the French
manufacturers borrowed it in their imitations of the English
fabric. The word duroy as the name of a coarse woollen fabric,
manufactured with serges and druggets in the West of England
in Defoe's tiuie, has evidently no connexion. A sample of the
historical falsehoods, uttered in the name of etymology is the
following, from the Evening Standard of 28th August, 1884,
* Corduroy is the coming material . . the new corde du roy will
be a dainty silken fabric, as indeed it was in the beginning.'
This is a sheer invention, delivered as a bit of history.
CoEB is a difficult word; the one thing certain about it is,
that it is not as Skinner taught, L. cor^ or F. coeur heart.
The primary meanings are the hard unbumt centre of charcoal
or of a lime-shell, the hard centre of a boil or tumour, and
the hard, scaly, or uneatable part of a fruit. For these
the earlier name was colk^ which now survives in the unbumt
coke of lime or coal. In all, the sense is that of something hard,
objectionable, or unusable. So with the early figurative senses
of * something that sticks in one's throat,' * something we cannot
swallow or that will not go down with one,' and of a grudge
that It lins in the heart even after a quarrel has been composed. '
Tt 1 only late in the 16th c. that etymologizing writers began
^1 I. connexion with heart, and to use * core ' in senses
ENGLISH ETYMOLOGIES — DR. MURRAY, 287
in which * heart * had previously been used. Shakspere's * I will
wear him in my heart's core, I, in my heart of heart,' from
which * heart's core ' has (only since Keat's time) become a
19th c. stock phrase, was, I have no doubt whatever, a pun,
' heart's core ' suggesting the L. eor, and so * heart of heart/
[Atdekdum: to De. Miteray's Dictionaey Repoet, pp. 268-278.
— As my Annual Reports for 1889-91 were not printed in the
Transactions, I desire here to repeat the special acknowledgments
there made of the work of Mr. Halkett Lord, of Hawthomden,
Scotch Plains, iNTew Jersey, U.S., who during those years was our
most important contributor, sending us more than 4000 quotations
from specially-chosen, and in many cases rare books, which it
would have been difficult for us to get at, except in the public
libraries. — J. A. H. Miteeay.]
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VIII.— ETYMOLOGIES. By J. Strachan.
1. Ir. tallaim * fit in, find room' agrees well in meaning
with Lith. tilpti * fit in, find room,* as a couple of examples will
show. Compare, for instance, meit gamlias hi tallait trichaii ^
n- gamnay " as large as a winter fold into which go thirty
yearlings" (Feast of Bricciu, §91), with suvdre i tvdrta,
aU da i td^ tvdrta netilpOf ** he drove them (the swine) together
into the pen, but they could not get into the pen " (Leskien
und Brugmann, Litauische Yolkslieder und Marchen, p. 200).
One might render t td tvdrta netilpo in Middle Irish by ni
rothalhat isin chr6, Kurschat, in his Lithuanian dictionary,
furnishes a couple of additional examples — toj haznyczioj teipa
tuhstantis zmoniu ** in this church a thousand men find room,'*
toj pleczkoj stdpa nHelpa ** into this bottle a stopa (a certain
measure) does not go." Compare with these Irish examples
like a toill ind ina seasam n'l toillet ina suide " the number
which fit in it standing, would not (lit. do not) if sitting,"
dotallfasu indi " thou wouldst fit in it," and the like (Atkinson,
Passions and Homilies, 910 ; Windisch, Worterbuch, 807).
Formally tallaim might be connected with tilpti by assuming
that the Irish verb started from a present in -wd-; tallaim
might come from ^talpnami =^ldi^, Hslpndmi or the like. In-
stances Kke dundalla, Milan Glosses, 31° 17, where tallaim is
treated as though it were a Qom^oMudi^ to -allaim do not prove
that tallaim is in its origin a compound verb. Other verbs
beginning with t^ which are certainly simple verbs, are found
treated in the same way. Thus tongim^ W, tyngu * swear ' is
treated as though it were for do-fongim, inti dO'd-fongad=\^
qui id iuravit, Ml. 36*. W. tyngu shows conclusively that
ait
* The ace. triehait-n must be a blunder for nom. trichaj MS. xxx. So also
mSit Has for mHt 14x8,
PhiL Trans. 1891-2-8. 19
290 ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAN.
tongim cannot have come from to-fongim. In verbs compounded
with to-fo', t6- alternates with do-fo-, and it is to the analogy
of siich compounds that we owe dodfongad}
2. Ir. gemel * fetter' K'^gemlo-: Old Slav, iiina 'press,' Gr. r/eino
3. Ir. r6i * planities ' < ^rovesid : Lat. rm, Zend ravanh. Different
from this is Ir. roe * battle *=W. rhae^ which is probably cognate
with immidrdi i. rohriss * broke/ Leabhar na h-Uidhri, 85^ 20,
and further with roen ' victory,' roenaim * break, defeat.' Cf.
ipeiTru}^ Old Norse rifa * break,' rifna * rumpi ' ?
4. Lat. harena, Sabine fasena^ * sand ' is commonly connected
with Skr. hhdsman * ashes * and its cognates, cf. Ascoli, KZ. 1 7
347, Pick 1.3 160, Bersu, Die Gutturalen 131, Johansson KZ.
30 432. The difficulty in this etymology is the representation
of initial hh by h in Latin. There are certainly instances where
h varies with f—hh^ dh^ haha, faba, hordus, fordm, hebrta, fehris,
etc. But Yon Planta, Grammatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte
463 is doubtless right in regarding this change as dialectical ;
these cases could then be quoted in support of the above
etymology of harena only if we suppose that harena came from
this dialectical area, and of this there is no further evidence.
Of the above change in common Latin words I know no certain
instance. The connexion of horreum with far (Ascoli, KZ. 17
338) is exceedingly improbable ; the vocalism is difficult as well
as the initial consonant. Herha has been compared with Gr.
(tyippofxai, (/)opprjy but the connexion is by no means certain (von
JSabler, KZ. 31 278, compares herba for *gherdhd with KplOri
which again is improbable). There remains harena^ and for it
another etymology is possible.^ It may come from ^ghasend and
be connected with Irish ganem * sand * < *^^m/»a or ^ghasnemd.
The former is the more probable. The root is in all probability
ghas, from this might come ^ghasm-, whence, with secondary
suffix md as in Lat. lacruma, would come ^ghasnimd. As to
* doiagat LIT. 60* 30, 66*> 11, might at first sight seem to be a similar
analogical breaking up of the simple verb tiagaim 'I go,' but Zimmer KZ.
30 25 is right in regarding doiagat as standing for dothiagat. Another
old instance of th unexpressed between vowels is adroneestar gl. sustinui Wb. 4*^
35. This is evidently for adronethestar^a. compound of the same verb as is
seen in arnethim gl. sustineo, expecto, Ml. 46^ 20, 46*^ 14, 50^ 8, 9, etc.
* Stokes, Spracbschatz 111, adds O.H.G. unquemilo *racemus.'
3 Dr. "Whitley Stokes informs me that he had previously arrived at the same
conclusion.
ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAN. 291
^ghami' it might come from an w-stem ^ghasen-, cf. Lat. collia
< ^colnis by koXmi/-. in KoXtvvo^f^ and to ^ghasen- there may
have been a parallel -es- stem ^ghases- whence might be derived
harena < ^ghasesnd. Further cognates are uncertain. Do these
words go with Skr. ghas * verzehren, essen/ as yjrycpo?, yjra/j,/j,69
with Skr. bhas ?
4. Ir. dalta * fosterling ' < *daltaioSf or the like. Dal- may come
from dhal- dhal- said be connected with Lat. felare^ Gr. OrjaaTo,
y/dhe, whence, with strong grade of root, Irish dinu * agna.'
5. Ir. truit^ druit * starling ' < *trozdt8 : Lith. strazdas * thrush,'
Lat. turdus for *forzdo8. The words in the Brythonic group of Celtic
dialects, Welsh drudwy, Corn, troden^ Bret tret, dret, dred cannot
have been regularly developed from ^trozdis — zd in this group of
dialects gives th\ if there is any connexion it must be one of
borrowing, and that seems not unlikely for the Cornish and
Breton words; the relatiqn of the Welsh word to the others
is not clear to me. As to truity druit, the sinking of the
tenuis to the media finds a parallel in Irish gee * branch '
compared with Welsh cang. Under what conditions the
weakening took place it is not easy to determine. The tenuis
would become a media after a preceding closely connected word
originally ending in a nasal ; thus * inna n- cec in the gen. pi.
would have given inna gee, and the media may have spread from
such cases. Quite distinct from this is the sinking of a tenuis
to a media in pre tonic words as gach * every ' from each, do * thine '
from to=^'^ tovo or * tove, cf. Skr. tdva, Lat. tuus,
6. W. troeth 'wash, lye, urine,' K'^trodd: Gr. idpf^avov 'vinegar'
(with different grade of vowel Ta/)7-=*^r^-), with which Prellwitz,
Etym. Wb. d. Griech. Spr. compares O.N. ')pre1ckr, O.H.G. drech,
N.H.G. dreck. Another form trwyth is given, which would come
from some form like *troctiy wy for oe being due to the nature
of the following vowel, cf . wyn * lambs ' < *ogni with oen * lamb '
< *ogno8.
7. W. gwyiv 'withered, faded' < *vt'V0-8 : Lat. viefus * withered,'
Lith. vystu * wither.' The suffix -uo- may have a participial force
as in Ir. mart * dead ' < ^marvos ; other examples are given by
Johansson, KZ. 30, 443 note.
8. Lat. ligula, G. Meyer, Indo-Germanische Forschungen II.
368, rejects the derivation of ligula from y/leigh * lick,' and
* Cf. Johansson BB. xviii. 13.
292 ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAX.
postulates as the original Latin form *lugula. His reason
for rejecting the derivation from high is the Old Slav. Itiica
' spoon ' ; according to him ligtUa and l^iica are diminutives of
a *luga 'spoon.' In this he has overlooked some Celtic words
which, from the close connexion between Latin and Celtic, have
more weight in determining the original form of the Latin word,
and which Stokes, Kuhn u. Schleichers Beitrage VIII. 323,
has already brought into connexion with ligula. Ir. Hag * ladle,'
W. //try, Com. /o, Bret, loa * spoon,' point to a Celtic word
*leigd * spoon,' of which, with a different grade of vowel Lat.
liguia is evidently a diminutive. The connexion of ligula with
^letgh may then be maintained. With regard to Slav, luiica
1 do not venture to express any opinion.
9. Ir. /uar *I found,' frith * was found.' These words have
been discussed in Curtius' Grundziige,* 742, with no satisfactory
result. It is remarked there : ** Zu fuar gehort als praet. pass.
frith fofrith inventum est. Daraus lasst sich im giinstigstcn falle
eine irische wurzel /ar, d. i. rar, erschliessen, mit fo (sub) zusam-
mengesetzte fo-far^ im perfektum zu fimr verschmolzen ; das praet.
pass, frith ohne die praposition, fofrith mit derselben, enthalt die
geschwachte wurzelform, deren ri einem skr. r entsprechen wiirde,
obwohl man hierboi nach dem muster von hreth (vgl. skr. hhrta),
praet. pass, von herim ich trage, eigentlich ^freth erwarten sollte."
It seems to me that fiiar and frith might formally be explained as
follows. We may postulate a root nere- with another form yre- ;
compare the variation in ipeiv^ f^rjOijpai. The strong stem of the
perfect from this root would be «/^Mor-, the weak ufur-. Thus we
may suppose that there was at one time an Irish paradigm 1 sg.
*cevora, 3 sg. ^vevore^ 3 pi. ^ceurontor. These forms would become
in the first instance *vovora, *oovore, *vourontor. The last would
give regularly the historical fxiaratar * they found.' Can *vorora
have given regularly *f6rf fuar? This sound-change seems to
me to be established by the contraction of the combination of
particles to-vor' to txiar- as in. tiiar-aschat *proferunt' <*to-for-
ex-gabantOf to-vo^ to tua- in tualang * aptus, peritus,' < *(ofo-
lang-. We may then look upon fuar as coming from ^vovora^
fuair from *vovore, without calling in the analogy of the plural
or dwelling on the fact that the 3 sg. fuair might also represent
the middle form *ueurai, A parallel to fdair * he found ' is met
with in foHiair * he caused ' > ^fo-ro-fkair pret. of fo-feraim. As
for frith, unless we are to believe that it differs in formation from
ETYMOLOGIES— BY J. STRACHAN. 293
other preterites passive, it must be supposed to have come from
*vritO', In that case the i cannot be short, as *vrito- would have
given */reth. It is true that for the most part the i of this
word has no mark of lengthening over it, but the long mark is
occasionally found, and the length of the vowel is sufficiently
guaranteed by the absence of inflection. In some other words
ending in th the long mark is found very sporadically. If then
the t of frith is long, the form may be explained very simply :
it comes from *vrelo8y which stands in the same relation to ^vere-
as Gr. pjfro^ to ipeiv or rprf-To^ to Tepe-rpov, That, as Mr. Stokes
long ago suggested, f&ar is etymologically connected with evplaKw
is very probable, but the formation of the Greek word is not
clear. From a disyllabic root euer- (for examples of such roots
see Persson, Zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung 227 sq.) might
come on the one hand uer-, on the other eur-^ but how then is
the rough breathing to be explained ? Can analogy of some
kind have been at work ? That must remain a mere guess until
some word is pointed out near enough in meaning to evpiffxto
to have influenced its form. There are other possibilities, but
all too uncertain to be mentioned. Whether there is further
connexion with Skr. vdrate * shuts in,* Old Bulg. vrHt * claudere,'
Lith. suverti * close,* must be left an open question. For the develop-
ment of meaning might be compared perhaps Gr. wepipaWeaOai
' to bring into one's power.*
10. Ir. bras, W., Corn., Bret, bras 'great, big' may come
from *bratto8, and this from *mratto8y *mr9dh-to8: Gr. pXwOpo^
for '^ppwOpo's, Skr. murdhan 'head,' Old Bulg. brtdo * height,' etc.,
cf. Johansson, KZ. xxx. 449. There is also an Irish word bres
* great,' which might be derived from *britto8, *mrdh-to8,
11. Ir. medar * mirth ' < *medrO'f medraim * disturb, confuse '
{cid notmedrasu * what disturbs thee,' LL. 57^ 27, rotmedair * has
confused thee,* LL. 308* 36) < *medrdid : Skr. mad * gliicklich
sein, sich beriiuschen,' cf. Fick, "Wb.* 105.
12. Ir. tailm * sling,' Bret, talm * sling ' (in dial, of Yannes
' coup de tonerre '), may stand for ^talksmi-, cognate perhaps
with Old Bulg. tlUka * schlage ' ^y/telk-, though the meanings
difier considerably. Closer in meaning to the Slavonic words
are W. talch ^ grist, or coarse meal,' Corn, talch ' bran,' "W.
talch * broken, bruised,' cf. Russ. tolokno * gedorrtes hafermehl.'
Talch might come from talko- : it might also by Stokes' law come
from talkkoy talkno-, -no- part, from telk-, and so=Russ. tolokno.
294 ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAN.
13. Ir. toisc 'wish' < ^to-vesci-, ^to-venski- : Germ, wunsch
< '^taunskdf Skr. vdnchu * wish.' * As Irish en may come from
^, tO'Venski- may contain the same grade of vowel as *wunsk6f
nensk' is a -sko- formation from uen-, Skr. vdnati * desire,' Goth.
^'unan * sich freuen,' etc., which appears perhaps in Celtic in
"W. gwenu * to smile, to look pleasantly.'
14. Ir. ddssaim in pass, with prep, imm * to rage,' Windisch
Wb. 407, LL. 69a g, 256^ 8, 258* 11, ddsacht ' insania,'
ddsachtach *insanus.' Ddssaim may come from ^dhuostdio^ and
we may compare Lith. dvesti * breathe,' dvash ' breath, ghost,'
dusmas * anger,' Ags. dvas^ *hebes, fatuus,' Dutch dwaas Hhoricht,'
Persson, Zur Lehre v. d. Wurzelerweitening 81 sq. The Irish 88 is
ambiguous, but if the word is rightly derived from dhues, it
is simplest to suppose that it is based on a stem ^dhndsto-.
Cf. similar Lat. formations, Brugmann, Grundriss II. 11. 26.
15. \v,fuinim * set' of the sun might be derived from *vo-ne86,
Gr. veofiai\ fuinid in gr'ian literally * die sonne geht unter.'
The explanation of the cognate fuin ' sunset ' is not quite clear.
I have examples only of the ace. fuin} A nom. fuin might
come from '^vo-ne8'8 a radical noun, which may have fallen
together with i- stems, and so have ace. fuin^ (for '^fuine=*vonesen).
It is, however, possible that it may be a late deverbative from
fuinim, of the same kind as Lat. pugna from pugnare,
16. Ir. ness * blow, wound,' < *nec8o- or *nec8d : Old Bulg.
niza *infigo,' pronoziti 'perfodere,' Gr. vvaffvo. The Irish word
may be based on a neut. stem neghes-. From ness seems to come
the verb fo-nessaim, LL. 74^ ^Ofosnessa sleig culind ina bond traiged
* he drives a spear of holly into the sole of his foot' (the LU. version
73^ 15 has fornessa). Another form of the root appears in Gr.
e^lX^^i cf. Prellwitz Et. "Wb. s.v. The two forms negh^ engh may
* Mr. Stokes informs me that he had previously compared with vdnchd,
wunsch, Ir. dufoscaiget, Ml. 33*^ 3, toisc, Toisc may then, as he suggests, very
well come from ^to-vonski-,
2 With Ags. dwaeSf Dutch dwaas Ir. dussaim goes very well in meaning,
Ml. 6Q^ 2, in a gloss on non nisi mentis incompofem dicit piovidenticB negatorem.
The gloss runs nech lasnahi eiall 7 immaudaister ishe asber nad Jil dleyed
rt[medeicseii) d<B diadulaib^ *'he who has no understanding and is out of his
senses {mentis incompos), he it is who says that there is no law of providence of
God to his creatures."
8 Windisch, Wb. s.v. /wtw, siar co fuin * westward to sunset,' LL. 10t> 4
= Book of Ballymote 33* 44.
* If we could assume a radical neut. noun *vo-nes fuin would be the regular
ace, but I can find no instance of such a formation.
ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAN. 295
best be explained from a disyllabic ene^h which became differen-
tiated into neghj engh^ under different accentual conditions. This
form of the root is also found in Irish in composition.^ The oldest
instance is Wb. 4^ 1 3 adcomcisset ilheim friss ' they struck many
blows against him ' : adcumcisset—^aith'COM'ang-isset, For the
phonetic change cf. nk chumcaim^ *I am not able '=wi com-angaim.
The corresponding 1 sg. atacomcua {^aith-da'Comangus) * I struck
them* is found LU. 114^ 11 atacomctissa com Idu *I struck them
(the doors) with my heel.* Cf. also LL. 107* 14 atacomaing na
teora formaela Mide * who smote {i.e, cut off the tops of) the three
Bald Hills of Meath.' The enclitic form of aith-comaing is ecmaing,
ecmoing * he struck, cut/ Windisch Wb. 5 1 7-5 18. The simple comang
is found LL. 90* 21 cumangsa in m-hirsa trisindara n-ai dih stum
* I drove this spear through one of the two/ the 3 sg. cumaing in
the same passage. As to the Irish vocalism I have with great
hesitation written ang : a^ however it is to be explained, is un-
doubtedly found in Celtic in the e-o series. But it is possible that
the Irish forms are based on a perfect — *onga, *onge with regular
ablaut. Such perfect forms are cumang, cumaing , which might come
from *comonga, ^comongCy but also from *comanga, *comange.
17. W. hreuan * carrion-crow.' As W. hreuan * handmill,*
Ir. hr6 comes from ^brdvon-, ^^rdvon-y Skr. grdvan, * stone for
pressing the Soma,* so hreuan * carrion-crow * may be derived
from ^brdvon-y ^-^rd-von- : Gr. ^ifipwffKw * eat.* We have a
cognate formation in W. hreuad * a grave-worm, a worm that
eats the bodies of the dead ' < *j^r6-uot.
18. Ir. dahach 'cask' <^dahakd^ ^dhahhahd: Gr. Tacjyo^j Tacppo^y
OuTrTtUy and cognates.
19. Ir. derg *red.' So far as I know no cognates have yet
been discovered for this word. May it not be possibly connected
with Ags. deorCf Eng. * dark * < *dkergos ? For the two meanings
cf. Skr. raj * colour, be red,' raktas * coloured, red,* rajas 'dunst-
kreis, nebel, dunkel, Gr. ep€fio9y Goth, riqis * darkness.*
20. Ir. *di-ne8sim^ * despicio * : Gr. ovoffaofiaiy oi/o<rT09, etc.,
Zd. nad *schmahen, cf. Osthoff, Perfekt 394 n., Persson, Zur
^ Cf. Zimmer, Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Altertham xxxii. 253.
^ Graphic for eumgaim which is also found, e representing the explosive g.
-^ Old-Irish examples are codunessa gl. ut dispiciat Ml. 'S6^ 12, andarunesvs
gl. spernens (=when I despised them) ^6^ 1, donesbe gl. dispicies 11 2<^ 3,
odernesaa gl. donee dispiciat 129* 14. A compound with com is also found:
connessat 'they condemn' Wb. 1^ 7, cia conne^ea tuicsiu de gl. quis accusabit
adversus electos Dei P 4^ 15.
296 ETYMOLOGIES — BY J. STRACHAN.
Lehre v. d. Wurzelerweiterung 198. The formation of nesstm
is uncertain ; it might come from ^netteid or ^netlitp, or ^netsew
or ^netsiio. If this connexion is to be maintained, the Irish
word points to an Idg. root ^ned^ to which Gr. ovoh- would
stand in ablaut.
21. Ir. ipv. tairg 'offer* points to a compound to-arg-. This
arg- is found with com- LL. 65* 48, coropi in laech conairr
oomrac dar cend in ehoicid ali *'so that he is the warrior who
shall offer battle on behalf of the whole province," 65^ 1, coropi
conairr sHa *'8o that he shall offer treasures": conairr < ^com-
arcsei, subj. of s- aorist. We may perhaps compare Gr. opeyto and
its cognates so that the primary meaning would be * to stretch out,'
whence comes easily the meaning of * offer,' cf. oTnrorepoKn Trarrjp
Z€V9 KvSo9 ope^rj and the like. Root oreg-^ reg- org- {op^via\
Persson, Zur Lehre v. d. "Wurzelerweiterung 225. The form reg-
is also found in Irish, Ascoli, Lexicon Palseo-Hibemicum, cxcvii.
297
IX.— OTf THE ASSIMILATION OF PRETONIC iV^ IN
CELTIC SUFFIXES. By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L.
iRead 6th February, 1893.]
'* Ferner scheint n als Anlaut hochbetonter w-Suffixe an die Nach-
kommen idg. wurzelschliessenden Verschlusslaute assimiliert worden
zu sein. So liisst sich die urgerm. Konsonantendehnung erklaren
z.B. ahd. lecchon * lecken/ urgerm. likko^ aus vorgerm. ^li^h-nd-^
vgl. griech. Xixvevw^ w. leijh.'*^ — Brugmann, Grundriss I. § 214.
*' hn, dUf g7iy vor dem Hauptton wurden im Urgerm. zu bh, dd^ gg^
daraus nach § 533, pp^ tt, kk^ die weiter ebenso behandelt wurden,
wie die aus idg. puj tn, k'n^ qn, und aus idg. hhn^ dhn, ^hn,
jfin, entstandenen pp, Uy kk (§ 530, 538). — Grundriss I. § 534.^
ISee also ibid. II. p. 397, § 541.
Though well aware of the danger of assuming that a phonetic
law, good for one family of languages, is good for another, it seemed
to me, when I read these passages, that they gave the key to the
etymology of six groups of Celtic words, which have not, so far as
I know, hithei-to been explained. I mentioned this key, briefly,
in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxix. 375, and now after five years' con-
sideration, I proceed to submit to Celtologues the words in question
and their respective etymologies.
I. gg from -gm, -gni^ -gnd,
1. Ir. acuSy ocuis (now agus) *and'; Old'Celtic *akku8ti from
"^'aggiisti (the provection being due to the accent) ; pre-Celtic
^ Compare Paul-Braune's Beitrage, vii. 133'; Osthoff, ibid. vii. 297 et seq. ;
Kluge, ibid. ix. 149 ; Kauffmann, ibid. xii. 604.
298 MR. STOKES — ON THE ASSIMILATION OF
*aghnuHtiy cognate with Lat. angmtus ; Greek axwjiiai (Schmidt,
Vocaligmus, I. 31), a7x« ; Skr. amhiis. So Ir. ac 'and' (Bodleian
Annals of Innisfallen, fo. 35^ 2, etc.); W. ach 'near,' point to
an Old-Celtic ^akko-j "^aggd-, pre- Celtic *agh-n6' .
In the Welsh ac *and/ agos ' near *= Corn, hag, ogos ; Bret, hag
* and,* 7*0^02 * presque, k peu pres,' the urkelt. kk seems to have
heen simplified. The Ir. prep, ucy oc * juxta, prope, apud' =
W. wng^ wngc * prope,' seem to come from an Old-Celtic ^onko-,
cognate with Skr. dndmga ; Gr. ^t/eyKc.
2. Ir. aicCf ate * band,' * chain ' ; Old-Celtic ^akki^ *aggi ; pre-
Celtic *pagni (the loss of p is regular), cognate with Lat. pa-n-go
(Grundriss, § 632), corn-pages ; Gr. Tn^yvv-fii. Erom atcc comes
Ir. aicde * structure,' * building.'
This etymology of mcc is doubtful, as it might equally well
be derived from a pre-Celtic ^pakni-, cognate with the Skr.
pagdyati * binds ' ; Lat. pax^ paciscor ; Gr. TraffaaXo^ (from
*7ra*:m\,o9) ; Goth, fahan,
3. Ir. hacc (now hac) ' crozier, hook * ; Welsh hdch * hamus,
uncus ' ; Old-Celtic *bakko-, ^hnggd- ; pre-Celtic ^bhag-nd, cognate
with A.S. hcec; Eng. back; Skr. \/ bhaj ^ sich. wenden.' For the
connexion of ideas, compare !N'.H.G. Rilcken, cognate with Skr.
yjkrunc * to be crooked, to curve.'
4. Ir. bocc (now bog^ * soft ' and bocc * bow ' (in O.lv. fid-bocc ' arcus
ligneus'); Old-Celtic ^bukko-, *bugg6-; pre-Celtic *bkug-n6f cognate
with A.S. boga; Eng. bow; !N'.H.G. Bogen^ biegeUy biegsam; Gr.
(jf)evfytvy (jf)iffyyai/tvy Lat. fugto ; Skr. bhuf, part. perf. pass, bhugnd.
The mod. Ir. bogha is borrowed from the A.S.
5. Ir. bocc (now boc) * he-goat ' ; W. bwch ; Old-Celtic *bukko'8,
*bvgg6-8 ; pre-Celtic *bhug-n6'8j cognate with Zend biiza ' Bock ' ;
A.S. bucca; O.N. bukkr ; O.H.G. boc.
It is possible that this Ir. bocc may have been borrowed from
one of the Teutonic words just cited.
6. Gaul, brdca * breeches ' ; Old-Celtic *brdkkd, *braggdy pre-
Celtic ^bhrdg-ndy derived from *bhrdg * rump,' cognate with Lat.
frdg ro. For the connexion of ideas compare Lith. bulis * buttock'
and Skr. buli * vulva,' cognate with Ir. bolad (Old-Celtic ^bulaio-s)
* smell'; Skr. puta m. du. 'the buttocks' B.R., cognate with
pug, puyate * to stink ' ; Lat. podex, cognate with pedo ; and Gr.
Xohavo^y Zend zadhahhy cognate with x^T^ ^^^ ^]s.t. had.
From the Gaulish brdca (where the Old-Celtic kk is simplified)
are borrowed, on the one hand, Romanic words like Ital. braca;
PRETONIC y IN CELTIC SUFFIXES. 299
Fr. hrat'ef and, on the other, Teutonic words, such as O.H.G.
pruoh\ O.N. hrdkr \ A.S. hrdc^ pi. hrec \ Eng. breech.
The Br. hragou seems to come from a Low-Lat. hrdca.
7. Ir. brecc (now hreac) ^speckled* ; W. hrych ; Old- Celtic *wrH*o-«,
*mrgg6-8 ; pre-Celtic ^mrg-nd-Sy cognate with Lith. margas. Another
participle from the same root is O.Ir. mrecht * variusr= W. hrith
* motley, pied ' ; Old-Celtic ^mrkto-s ; pre-Celtic ^mrg-to-s,
8. Med. Lat. (Gaulish ?) clocca ' bell,' W. clock, F., Old-Celtic
*klokkd, from an oxyton *kloggd, pre-Celtic *klogndf cognate with
Gr. Kkd^tv (perf. KCKXayya), from *K\ayiu), and icXa77iJ ; Lat.
cla-n-go; Lith. klag'eti *to laugh'; O.N. hlakka Ho scream.' The
Irish cognate is e?/o<?<? (now clog), a masc. o-stem, deducible from
a pre-Celtic ^klog-nd-s.
This etymology is doubtful, as Med. Lat. clocca, W. clock may
come from *klukkd, kluk-nd ; and Ir. clocc from *klukko-8, ^kluk-nd-a,
cognate with Bulg. klUcam * stosse * ; Servian kucati * klopf en.'
9. Ir. cnocc (now cnoc) M. *hill'; O.Br, cnock (gl. tumulus);
Old-Celtic ^knokko'8, *knogg6-8 ; pre-Celtic *knog-n6-8. Cognate
with O.N. knakke * Hinterhaupt ' ; A.S. knecca ; Eng. neck; N.H.G.
NackeUy see Kluge s.v. In W. cnwc, pi. cnyciau * gibbus, tuber,'
we have an unexplained preservation of the Old-Celtic kk,
10. W. crych * curled'; Bret, creek; Old-Celtic *krekko-8, ^kreggd-s;
pre-Celtic *kregk-n6-8. Cognate with A.S. kring ; O.N. kringa ;
O.Slav, krqgii 'circle,' kraglH * round.'
11. Ir. eic {eig, O'Cl.) *moon'; Old-Celtic ^enkki-, *enggi- ;
pre-Celtic ^peng-nt-, cognate with Gr. 0€77os from *8phengo8,
Mod.Gr. (jye^^api * moon.' The common word for * moon,' e8cae, is
to eic as gescae * branch ' is to gee.
12. Ir. fecc (now feac) * spade' ; Old-Celtic *vekkd, *vegga ; pre-
Celtic *vegk'na; cognate with Lat. vanga, vomer, Gr. o0i//9, O.N.
mngsnt, O.H.G. waganso * ploughshare ' ; Pruss. wagnis * coulter.'
13. Ir. glicc (now glic) * cunning ' ; Old-Celtic *glkki-8, *glggi-8;
pre-Celtic ^ghlgh-ni-s, cognate with Gr. koXxo-ivu), KaXxas ; Goth.
glaggvd, glaggvuha.
The Scottish gleg seems borrowed from Ir. glicc.
14. W. kwch F. *a sow' ; Com. kock; Old-Celtic *8ukkd, ^suggd;
pre-Celtic ^sugk-nd, cognate with A.S. 8ugu *sow' and Dutch
%etig.
There is a modern Irish 8uige * a call to pigs,' and O'Reilly has
also 8uig * a pig ' ; but this may have been borrowed from A.S.
sugu. Why W. kwck is not kock I do not understand.
300 MB. STOKES — ON THE ASSIMILATION OF
15. Ir. laee (now la^) * weak ' ; Old-Celtic ^lakko-Sy laggd-g ;
pre-Celtic ^lag-nd-s, formally = the oxyton Gr. Xa7J/o?, and cognate
also with Xarfivvy Lat. languor, Una (from *lengnd)f etc. In W.
llaec ' laxus, remissus/ we have another instance of the preserva-
tion of Old-Celtic kk.
16. Ir. Uce, leae 'an act or deed which binds the persons
indissolubly,' O'Don. Supp.; Old-Celtic *Ukka {-ko-?), *liggd
{-g6- ?) ; pre-Celtic ^lig-nd {-nd- ?), cognate with Lat. ligare,
ligula.
17. Ir. 'liee in dlie (^ad-licc) and ad-laie {^aith-lice) ' pleasing,*
"W. lip in cyffelyb * consimilis *; Old-Celtic ^liqqi-, ^li'S'S^- ; pre-Celtic
*/t5-«i. Cognate with Goth, ga-leiks, leikan ; Lith. lygtM ; Skr.
linga-m (J. Schmidt, Vocalismus, i. 89).
18. Ir. loco (now log) ^ a hollow' ; Old-Celtic Huhho-y *lugg6- ; pre-
Celtic ^Itcg-nd-, Cognate with Gr. XvyiXf^, Lith. lugnas * biegsam.'
19. Ir. menicc (now minic) * frequent, often' ; W. mynych; Old-
Celtic *menekki', *meneggi- ; pre-Celtic *menegh-ni-. Cognate with
Goth, manags ; O.Slav. mUnogU (Kluge s.v. manch).
20. "W. rhoeh F. * a grunt, a groan ' ; Br. roc' ha * ronfler ' ; Old-
Celtic *rokkd, *roggd ; pre-Celtic *rogh-nd. Cognate with Gr. /5€7xos,
21. Ir. sluccim {now slugaim) 'I swallow;' Old -Celtic ^slukkd^
^sluggo ; pre-Celtic ^slug-no. Cognate with Gr. Xv^to (from
Xi/fyio)), Xv*^f^avu3 and N.H.G. schlucken.
The nasal in the corresponding British verbs — W, llyngeu
* deglutire,' ' gurgitare*; O.Bret, ro-luncas (gl. guturicauit) — seems
due to a contamination of the regular *luch with the equivalent of
the Ir. longud ' to eat ' (W. llewa * edere,' * manducare '), or of the
Goth, fra-dindan ' verschlingen.'
22. Ir. trice (now trie) * swift'; Old- Celtic *trkki-8, *trggi-8;
pre-Celtic ^tfgh-ni-s, . Cognate with Gr. rpextn- The Gaulish
ovep-rpayoi' 7roSwK€i9 Kvv€9f Ir. traig * foot,' and Goth. ]fragjan^
exhibit a different grade of vowel.
Other such words are perhaps Ir. /race * hand,* /race 'wife,'
/rate * shield ' ; W. gwych ' brave ' ; Br. sac^ha * s*arreter,' ' ne
point couler,' which last may come from an Old-Celtic verb *8takk6,
*8taggo; pre-Celtic stag-no^ltai. stagno; and Br. stuc^hen * sheaf,'
which may be cognate with Skr. tunj 'to push,' as Eng. sheaf
is with Goth, skiuhan ' to shove.'
PRETONIC y IN CELTIC SUFFIXES. 301
II. dd from -dnd, -dni^ -dndj -dno,
23. Ir. ctt * sheep,* (whence ctten, cetnait * lamb ') ; Old-Celtic
*kettt'j ^keddi; pre-Celtic ^ked-nij cognate with ur-Germanic
hadna *goat'; M.H.G. hatele, with which Ir. cadla *goat* seems
identical.
24. Ir. cuit (now cuid) ' portion, '='W. peth ; Com. peth ; Br. pez ;
Old-Celtic *qetti, *qeddi'; pre-Celtic *qed-ni, cognate with Lith.
kedeti bersten ; Slav, cesti * a part ' (Bezzenberger).
The Er. piece j Ital. peiaa, rest immediately on a low-Loiin petia^
doubtless a Gaulish derivative of qetti-.
The Gaelic pet, gen. jt?^/^^, * a piece of land,' common in the
topography of Scotland, and pit (in tercfity leth-Jit) ' a portion
of food,' are borrowed from some British dialect, Pictish perhaps,
from which the Icelanders seem to have got their petti,
25. lT,/mt * cold ' ; Old-Celtic *votti, *voddi ; pre-Celtic ^vod-ni,
cognate with Ch.Slav. voda 'water,' Goth. vatOy Eng. water,
toet. In Lith. vandu and Lat. unda we also find a nasal, which,
though inserted in the root, may have been originally suffixal.
26. Ir. gataim (now gadaim) *I take away, steal'; Old-Celtic
*gatt6y *gadd6 ; pre-Celtic ^ghadh-noy cognate with Skr \/gadh (I.E.
ghadh) ; Yedic gadhia * was zu erbeuten ist ' (Grassmann) ; Gr.
KLffffo^ (from *x^^i°^) t ^^d ^^^' ^^dera.
The I.E. root ghad, whence Gr. x^^^^^^^t ^^^- pre-hendoy Goth.
hi-gitariy is represented in Celtic by the W. genni * contineri, com-
prehendi, capi.'
27. Ir. *gett {now gead) 'rump,' whence geaddn ^buttock,' O'Don.
Supp. ; Old-Celtic *geito-y ^geddd- ; pre-Celtic *ghed-n6, cognate
with Gr. x^r^> KcxoSay xo^""®* > Skr. had * cacare ' ; Zend
zadhaiih * podex.'
The honorific portion of food called in Old- Irish mil-getan,
seems to belong here.
28. Ir. lutu (now liiidin) 'little-finger.' Founded on a base
*Htt ex ^luddy ^lUd-n. Cognate with A.S. Igtel, O.H.G. luzil,
29. Ir. *rataim (now radaim) ' I give,' do-rata * det,' do-ratus
*dedi'; Old-Celtic *ratt6, raddd ; pre-Celtic *radh-no, cognate with
Skr. yjradhy randh * iiberliefern, in die gewalt geben ' (see Schmidt,
Vocalismus, I. 36). From the unnasalised form of the root comes
added to the Middle- Welsh dy-rodeSy where the ending of the
s-pret. is the perf. rod. This rod (= O.Welsh ^raud) is to the
pre-Celtic radh-no as Gr. ep-pw-^a is to pyfy-vv-p,i.
302 MR. STOKES — ON THE ASSIMILATION OF
Windisch, Worterb. 499, brings doubtfully Ir. rat in do-ratuMy
etc., from *ro-dad\ Skr. dadami. But in Old-Celtic the verb
corresponding with dadami would probably have been dO, dedd,
or dido J and ro-dedoy ro-dido would have become in Old -Irish, not
ro'dadf but ro-deod, ro-dtud.
30. Ir. sldet (now slaod) * a slide,' LL. 391^ 7; Old-Celtic ^slaitto-,
^slaiddd-; pre-Celtic ^slatdh-nd-. Cognate are Lith. slidita * glatt' ;
Lett, slatds * sloping' (Grundriss, §634); A.S. slidan; N.H.G.
schlitten ; Skr. sridh * to stumble,' * to make a false step.'
31. Ir. tot 'a wave,' O'CL; Old-Celt. *tutta, *tudda; pre-Celtic
*tud-na. Cognate are Skr. tuddmi *I strike'; Lat. tudes, tudttare ;
Goth, stauta; M.H.G. siutze 'stosse,' groundform stud-n (Grundriss,
§ 605).
In Ir. and Welsh tonn * wave ' ; Old-Celtic ^tundd, the root is
nasalised, as in Lat. tu-n-do^ Per-tu-n-da ; Skr. tundate.
Prof. Bezzenberger prefers to connect tot and tonn with A.S.
\e6tan * heulen,' O.N. \j6ta *ert6nen'; O.H.G. diozan *to8en,
rauschen, schwellen,' tffnzzer diezo * wasserschnelle.'
32. Ir. trott (now trod) *a quarrel,' pi. n. troit\ Old-Celtic
*trutt0'8, ^truddd'S ; pre-Celtic *trud-n6'8. Cognate are Lat. trudo,
trudia; Goth, us-^riutan Ho molest,' \rutsJHl 'leprous'; A.S.
]>re6tan (Eng. threaten) ; O.Slav. trudU * trouble.'
Other Celtic derivatives from \/trud are Ir. troscatm *I fast'
i^trud'skd), trosc 'a leper,' tromm 'heavy,' * oppressive' {^trud'Smo-s) ;
"W. trwm * gravis, tristis, maestus'=Com. trom, Bret, troum.
To these words we may perhaps add Ir. grett * champion,'
^rut * curds,' lott * whore,' lott 'destruction,' and slatt (=W.
llath) now slat, * rod.'
III. hb from -hni, -hn6, -hnii,
33. O.Ir. *bapp, *bopp ' bunch,' ' tassel ' ; Mid.Ir. papp, popp,
LTJ. 97* 3, pi. ace. pupu, LB. 127*; Highland Gaelic bab, M. gen.
baba ; Old-Celtic *bappu, *babbii, ^boppw, *bobb{t' ; pre-Celtic
*bhabh-n{i, ^bhobh-nu-, cognate with Lat. /aba, haba, Pruss. babo ;
O.Slav. bobHf and perhaps Gr. 7ro-/A-0o9, 7r6-/t-0/9 from ^tfto-fi-tpo^^
*</)€- fi-(pi9. The initial p in Mid.Ir. popp may be due to assimilation,
as in Mid.Ir. prapad 'the twinkling of an eye ' = O.Ir. bra/ad;
e6ie *five,' Old-Celtic *qenqiy pre-Celtic *penqi; and Eng. Bob a
pet-form of Robert.
PRETONIC N IN CELTIC SUFFIXES. 303
The Eng. hoh * bunch, knob, plummet,' seems either borrowed
from, or cognate with, O.Ir. hopp.
34. W. doff * lame, limping ' ; Old-Celtic ^kloppo-Sy *klohh6-8 ;
pre-Celtic ^klob-nd-s, cognate with Gr. KKafi^o^ and Lith. Uumhas
* lame, limping.'
The low-Latin cloppua * x^^^^>^ Ducange (whence Fr. cloupf
elopiner) seems to rest on a Gaulish *kloppo-8,
35. rap * every animal that drags to it, ut sunt sues,' Cormac's
Glossary; Old-Celtic *rappO', ^rabbd-; pre-Celtic rah-n6y cognate
vfi\hrapm\ N.H.G. raffen *to snatch.' Or with Old-Bulg. rahiti
* secare, rapere * ?
The above etymology is doubtful, as rap might equally well
be referred to a pre-Celtic *rap-n6 (see infra, Nos. 56-63), and be
then connected with Lat. rapio,
36. Ir. scip * hand,' dat. sg. ina dag-scip *in his good hand,'
LB. 240*; Old-Celtic ^sheppi-, '^skehhi- ; pre-Celtic ^keh-nu
Cognate are Goth, ga-skapjan^ Eng. shapes !N".H.G. schaffen.
In Ir. <?Mj[?^A<i ' shapen,' 'brought into form,* O'Don. Supp., we
have a part. pret. pass, from a sister-root keh. Hence also O'Brien's
eib * a hand.'
Other such words are possibly Ir. cepoc * quire-song,' lapp
* slime ' (now lahdriy lathe) ; W. lleihio (Br. lippat) * to lick ' ; Ir.
opunn (now olann) * sudden ' (cf. Gr. aipi/wi) ; tapp, ^opp, Mod. Ir.
tapf tapaidh * quick, active,' and timpdn ' a standing-stone,' formed
a stem *iemppo-f *tembb6'y from ^tembh-no : cf. Skr. stamhha ' post,'
* pillar ' ; Zend gtembana ; Lith. stambas,
I have thus, I hope, made it probable, if I have not proved,
that in Old-Celtic, as in primeval Germanic, the initial n of the
accented n- suffixes was sometimes assimilated to a preceding ^,
dy or b. I will now mention some instances where the same
n appears to have been assimilated to a preceding ^, q^ t, or p.
IV. kk from -knd, -knd-y -knon-, -knu-, -qud-, -qnu.
37. W. achf F. 'generation,' achen * lineage'; O.W. achmonou
(gl. inguinibus) ; Ir. aicme * genus,' aicned * natura.' All from
an Old- Celtic *akka, pre-Celtic '^ak-nd^ cognate with Skr. anka^
' flank, lap,' and aknay vy-akna, sam-akna ' gebogen' (Fick^, I. 6).
38. Ir. hrocc (now brog) * grief ' ; Old-Celtic ^brukko- {^brukka ?) ;
pre-Celtic ^bruk-nd, *grukn6y cognate with Gr. ppvKiv * I bite ' ;
Lat. broccfim.
304 MR. STOKES — ON THE ASSIMILATION OF
Ir. brdn * grief '=W. hrwyn M. 'a pricking,* 'smarting/ may
be cognate and come from a paroxyton Old-Celtic ^hrdknO'.
39. Ir. cacc (now cac) ^ dung '; W. each M. ' fimus '; Com. caugh ;
Br. cauch *merda'; Old-Celtic *kakko- ; pre-Celtic ^kak-nd- or
*kaq-n6'. Cognate with Skr. gaka and gakrt, gen. gaknds (oxyton !) ;
Gr. KaKKTj ; Lat. cacare ; Lith. azikti.
Ir. cechair * slough* may be cognate.
40. Ir. crocan (now crogdn) *pot'; W. crockan, founded on an Old-
Celtic *krokko'y pre-Celtic ^krok-nd-, cognate with Gr. Kptotrtro^
from '^KpujKio9,
41. *grdcc (now grdg) *the croaking of a raven,' grdg infra
No. 55, where it rhymes with ndt ; Old-Celt, ^grdkko ; pre-Celtic
*grdk'9i6. Cognate with Lat. grdculus,
42. lecc (now leac) ' flagstone ; ' W. ?/^(?A * tabula saxea ' ; Old-
Celtic *lkkd ; pre-Celtic *plkna. Cognate with liBt.planca, placenta ;
Gr. 7r\af, 7r\aKov9y TrXaKivo^ ; N.H.G. flach,
43. Ir. Z^^co (now leaca^ * cheek,* gen. leccon. Founded on an
Old-Celtic *lekko- from ^lek-nd-. Cognate with Pruss. laygnan for
*lagknan ; O.Slav. lice Trpoaujirov (Windisch K.B. viii. 439).
44. It, mace {iLOW mac) ^^oji^'y 01d-Celt.*mfl5'^e)-«(ogmicgen.mfl^yi);
pre-Celtic maq-n6'8. Cognate with Lith. mdku, moke tt = Lett, mdzu,
md%H *konnen* ; as Goth, magus *boy * (Ir. mug) is cognate with mag an.
The Old- Welsh map points to an Old-Celtic maqo-s, or else the
qq has been simplified.
45. Ir. muce {now mice) * pig '; W. moeh-yUy pi. mock ; Old-Celtic
*mukku' ; pre-Celtic *muk-n{if cognate with Lat. muctM, e-mungere ;
Gr. pvKTi^pj yttufa, dTTo-fivffau), pv^tvv.
46. Ir. sice (now siocc) 'frost'; Old- Celtic *8tkku, *8iqqu; pre-
Celtic ^siq-nu, cognate with Lat. siccarCy Skr. sikatd, Zend
hikush (Bartholomae, K.Z. 29, 525).
47. O.Bret. *techa/n ^ fugio ' (M.Bret, infin. techet) ; Old-Celtic
*tekkd (^teqqd?) ; pre-Celtic Hek-no {*teq-no?), cognate with Lith.
tekinas * laufend, schnell.' So the Ir. techim ' I flee ' is cognate
with Lith. tekuy teketi *to run, to flow,* and Zend tac 'to run,
hasten, flow.*
48. Ir. ^traecaim *I press,' in the compound du-thraic 'desires,*
i.e. * presses after something * ; Old -Celtic *trakkd ; pre-Celtic
^trak-noy cognate with A.S. \ringan\ O.H.G. dringan; Lith.
trenkti 'stossen.*
To this belongs W. trwch 1. *fractus,* *mancus,* 2. 'scissura,'
' incisio,' if it be not borrowed from Lat. truncm.
PRETONIC .V IN CELTIC SUFFIXES. 305
The following words may possibly be explained in like manner :
Ir. hiccim *I bellow' (W. heichio *mugire'), now heicirn, Ir. cocca
'boat' (W. cwch), Ir. cicce * flesb/ Ir. ice * healing' (W. tach), now
ioCf and W. talch * grist,' from ^talkko-, *talk-n6-f which Strachan
has connected with liuss. tolokno ' dried oatmeal.'
V. tt from tnd, -ind, -tnii.
49. Ir. hratt (now hrat) ' mantle ' ; O.Welsh vcLdo^-hrethinnou
(gl. cunis) ; Old-Celtic ^hratto-a ; pre-Celtic '^hrath-nd-Sy ^grath-
n6'8f cognate with Ir. hrdtt * a strip of cloth,' which Rhys brings
from *branti=:SkT. granthi ' a tie, a knot.'
50. Ir. ^^o^a * belly,' gen.glotan: glotain * bosom,' O'Er. Formed
on a base glutt-, glut-n, cognate with Gr. 7\ovto9, I^.H.G. Kloss^
Klotz,
51. Ir. lat 'foot'; Old-Celtic natta (natto-?) ; pre-Celtic
*plat-nd (*plat-n6' ?), cognate with Lat. planta * sole of the foot ' ;
Gr. 7r\aTi;9 ; Lith. platits,
52. Ir. Uttiu * porridge,' gen. litten ; Welsh IIM M. Derived
from an Old-Celtic *lUo- ; pre-Celtic ^pU-nd-, cognate with Lat.
puis (I.E. pltt') and Gr. ttoXto? (I.E. pi to-),
53. Ir. matan 'battle' (Eev. Celt. xiii. 472), Mid. Ir. madan,
BB. 49^ 18. Derived from an Old-Celtic *matto- ; pre-Celtic
*math-n6', cognate with Gr. fioOo^ and Skr. ^math {tnanthati^
mathndti) ' to crush, hurt, kill.'
From the same root come the Ir. verb memaid 'f regit/ and the
nouns maided and maidm ' breach.'
54. Ir. mut * short ' ; Old- Celtic ^mUttu- ; pre-Celtic *milt-nu,
cognate with Lat. mUtilus.
55. Ir. ndt 'buttock,' ndd .i. ton, O'Cl., gen. pi. ashetr [in]Jiach
gohlom grdg \ «[c] creim ndt ndmat anocht ' the bare-beaked raven
says grdCf gnawing foemen's buttocks to-night,' H. 3. 18, p. 73,
col. 1 ; Old-Celtic ^ndtto- ; pre-Celtic ^notnd^ cognate with Gr.
i/a)Tos, VW70V ; Lat. n&tes,
YI. pp from 'pn6, -pnL
56. Ir. capp ' chariot,' * hearse,' * bier,' dat. sg. ructhar do ben i
capp .i. i carr, * may thy wife be carried in a hearse ! * LIT. 6^ 30 ;
Old-Celtic ^kappo- ; pre-Celtic '^kap-^w. Cognate with Thess.
KaTrai/rjf chariot,' perhaps also with KaTrduevs.
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 20
306 MR. STOKES — ON THE ASSIMILATION OF
Gr. KOLTTT) ' crib ' and Lat. eapulus * coffia ' may also be cognate.
57. Ir. cepp * garden,' whence ceppdn and the modern caapach
* a piece of ground laid out for tillage/ O'Don. Supp. Old-
Celtic *keppO' ; pre-Celtic ^kep-nd- . Cognate with Gr. kyj-jto^.
Dor. #ca7ros and I^.H.G. Huhey though the vocalism does not
agree well.
58. "W. (?ra^*firmus'; Old-Celt, ^krappo-s; pre-Celtic ^krap-nd-s.
Cognate with O.Slav. krepH *fortis'; O.N. hrafa * ertragen/ krafr,
kraptr 'robur* (Ebel, Kuhn*s Beitr. ii. 174; Schmidt, Vocalismus,
ii. 72).
59. Ir. crip * swift ' ; Old-Celtic *krppi- ; pre-Celtic ^krp-ni-,
cognate with the words cited under 58 ; crib ' swiftness,' O'Br,
The Welsh cri/f 'fortis,' * gravis'; Corn, crif (gl. fortis); Bret.
creff *fermu8, tenax,' may belong to the same root and descend
from a pre-Celtic ^krpmo-. For the connexion of the ideas ' swift *
and * strong,' cf. !N".H.G. 8chneU=0.1^. sn/allr. The Irish cognate
may be crimthann * fox,' also a proper name.
60. Ir. gopp * mouth, beak, snout ' ; Old- Celtic ^goppo-a ; pre-
Celtic ^gop-nd'Si cognate with Zend %afan * mouth* (Bezzenberger).
Now gohy whence, I suppose, the English slang- word gob. The
Fr. gobevy gobs' mouche, point to a Gaulish ^gopo-,
61. Ir. ^ripaim *I tear,' 'rend'; Mid. and Mod. Ir. ribaimy
reubaim; Old-Celtic *retppd; pre-Celtic "^reip-nd. Related Irish
words are rip in the compound rip-gaeth * a rending wind,'
LL. 83* 15, and the verbal noun repud, LB. 150*. Cognates are
Gr. e-peiTTu); Lat. rlpa; O.N. rifa *to break,* rifna 'rumpi.'
The Ir. rae * battle * = W. rhae may have lost a p in inlaut and
belong to the same root, with a different grade of vowel.
62. Ir. ropp * every animal that gores, ut sunt uaccae,' Cormac's
Glossary ; Old-Celtic ^ruppo-s ; pre-Celtic ^rup-nd-s, cognate with
Lat. ru-m-po'y Goth. bi-raub6n; A.S. redfiariy reofan'y O.N. rjiifa.
63. timpdn * a stringed musical instrument.' Formed on a stem
HemppO' * a chord ' ; pre-Celtic ^temp-nd'. Cognate with Lith.
tempiHty tempH * ausdehnen,' temptyva * Sehne.'
I am bound to admit that none of these etymologies are absolutely
convincing, with, perhaps, the exception of those numbered 4 and
15, where the ideal pre-Celtic forms are actually established by
the oxyton Skr. bhugnd-a and Gr. \ayv69. But one of the tests of
the truth of a theory is the number of phenomena which it explains ;
and tried by this test, I submit that the theory now brought forward
is at least deserving of careful consideration.
PRETONIC y IN CELTIC SUFFIXES. 307
I confess, also, that I cannot explain why, in modem Irish, we
have offtMf hog 'soft,' clogy dig, lag, log, slugaim, beside hac, hoe
* he-goat,' hreac, cnoo, feac^ glic, minic, trie, and hrog, crogdn, grdg,
beside hiicim, oao, ioo, leac, leaca, maCf muc, sioo : why we have cuid,
gadaim, gead, I'&idin, radaim, slaod, troid, beside hrat, glotain, slat:
and, lastly, why we have hah, cih, crib, goh, ohann, reuhaim, beside
ceapach, tap, tapaidh,
I have, in conclusion, to state that a first draught of this paper
appeared in Indogermanische Forschungen II. 167-173, and that
the etymologies numbered respectively 2, 5, 7, 22, 43, 46, and
49 are due to Professor Strachan. He also pointed out to me that
the Irish hocc * soft ' (No. 4) might be deduced from ^hhugnd- : that
gataim {JSo. 26) might be connected with the Skr. y/gadh\ that
hulis and huli were cognate with Ir. holad (No. 6) ; and that lutu
(No. 28) might be cognate with A.S. lytel, O.H.G. luzil.
Nervi, near Genoa,
ZOth January, 1893.
308
X.— OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
From a MS. in the Laurentian Library. By Whitley
Stokes, D.C.L.
Geo. Thilo (Eheinisches Museum, Neue Folge, XIV. 132-133)
was tlie first to call attention to the Old-Irish glosses, which are
found in the abridgments of Philargyrus* scholia on the Bucolics
contained in two tenth-century codices, one in the Laurentian
library, marked plut. XLY. cod. 14, ff. 1-22, the other in the
Bibliotheque Rationale, MS. lat. 7960, ff. 1-17. Thilo printed
six of these glosses, which were reprinted by Zimmer (Gloss, hib.
supplementum, p. 5), with the addition of one from the latter
codex contributed by Herm. Hagen. To these seven, I added,
in the Academy for Jan. 17, 1891, pp. 64-65, thirty from the
Paris MS. I now present a complete list of those in the Lauren-
tian codex. Among them I have inserted the end of a scholium
on Eel. III. 90, which tends to show the nationality of the maker
of the abridgment in which it occurs. The Irish glosses in the
Paris MS. will be published in the Revue Celtique for July, 1893.
Both MSS. are in continental handwritings, and the scribes
were, naturally, ignorant of Irish. Hence sundry mistakes in
copying the Irish glosses, such as bisecting and trisecting words,
transposing letters, and sometimes putting c for t; e^ o or t for c ;
h for h; 8 for / and f for 8 or p; m for in ; t for rf, d for ^, and
even u for il and ic for a. Five of these glosses — viz. (16), (25),
(47), (65), (104) — are so corrupt that I am unable to explain
them satisfactorily. But, on the whole, they have been handed
down in a comprehensible form, and apart from the lexicographical
value of them all, the gen. sg. milge^ the nom. pi. derce, the
accusatives pi. hledmily englemen, darcha^ grode^ the verbs eit^
farmuinetharf tucrecha, dodzkel, banrag, folloinc, fedid, immonatsc,
adrethf sibrase and adcichluSy and the participles clithi, nephglidi
will be welcome to the student of Old-Irish grammar.
1 Reprinted, with many corrections and additions, from Kuhn's Zeitschrift fiir
vergl. Sprachforschung, xxxiii. 62-80.
MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 309
(1) Fo. 2!;. 10 Da .i. cit (Eel. I. 19).
(2) „ 3r. 14 Raucse .i. brongidi (Eel. I. 58).
(3) „ Sv. 9 Dumosa .i. drisidi (Eel. I. 77).
(4) „ „ 39 Cieadis.i cauig (Eel. II. 13).
(5) „ 4v. 8 Uiolas .i. seotha 1. uaecinia (Eel. II. 47).
(6) ,, ,,11 Anethi. projptr lostf (Eel. II. 48).
(7) „ 6v. 10 De Meuio uero nihil repm ut Adawnanus* ait
(Eel. III. 90).
(8) „ „ 13 Eraga .i. subi (Eel. III. 92).
(9) „ ,, 22 in eruo .i. ti»cur (Eel. III. 100).
10) „ ,, 23 faseinat .i. farmuinetliar (Eel. III. 103).
11) „ 7v. 27 flauescet blicfithir (Eel. IV. 28).
12) „ „ 28 Arista broth (Eel. IV. 28).
13) ,, 8r. 8 mentiri .i. tuereeha fusea enim luna mentitur
alium eolorew (Eel. IV. 42).
14) „ Sv, 1 labruscas .i. feadinne (Eel. V. 7).
15) „ „ 34 thiasos .i. clasa (Eel. V. 30).
16) ,, „ 39 auene .i. maila» uilehi ueleu infec uel zezanias
(Eel. V. 37).
17) ,, ,, 40 uioUa .i. scoth uel fobuirge fEcl. V. 38).
18) ,, 9r. 1 phalliorus (sic!) .i. geelcas 1. aiten ^Ecl. V. 39).
19) „ „ 3 Tumulum .i. fert (Eel. V. 42).
[20) ,, ,, 4 superattite (sic !) carmen .i. sit scriptuw sup^r
tumulo .i. membrse sup^rscripte (Eel. V. 42).
[21) ,, ,, 6 In gramine .i. israth (Eel. V. 46).
[22) „ „ 14 Intonsi .i. nephglidi 1. intaeti (Eel. V. 63).
[23) „ „ 20 nectar eetgrinnse^ (Eel. V. 71).
[24) „ „ 28 thimo .i. proph fedo (Eel. V. 77).
[25) ,, ,, 30 damnabw .i. fisi lusu .i. res facias* ut uotaw
tuaw multi adorarent (Eel. V. 80).
[26) „ ,, 34 cicuta .i. buinne (Eel. V. 85).
27) „ ,,35 Pedum .i. bron braehin .i. baculum incuruuw
quo pedes ouiuw inpediuntur (Eel. V. 88).
[28) „ „ 37 nodis»obid(Eel. V..90).
[29) „ 9v. 18 serta .i. coerea (Eel. VI. 16).
[30) „ „ 19 ansa .i. dom (Eel. VI. 17).
* MS. cicades.
^ Adananus, Thilo, perperam. Adannanus, P.
3 MS. nectacse grinnaB.
* MS. facier.
' MS. nobis.
310 MR. STOKKS : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
(31) Fo
(32)
(33)
(34)
(35)
(36)
(37)
(38)
(39)
(40)
(41)
(42)
(43)
(44)
(45)
(46)
(47)
(48)
(49)
(50)
(51)
(52)
(63)
(54)
(55)
(56)
(57)
(58)
(59)
(60)
(61)
(62)
99
lOr. 4
„ 32
„ 36
»
>>
»»
>>
»>
9v. 22 moris .i. merih (Eel. VI. 22).
23 fronted* .i. grode (Eel. VI. 22).
timpora. a am (Eel. VI. 22).
nerea .i. bled • mil .i. animalia maris ^ (Eel. VI.
35).
comua .1. henn (Eel. VI. 51).
stabula .i. lesib 1. gelbin (Eel. VI. 60).
alnos .i. fema (Eel. VI. 63).
p^rmessi .1. propir fluminis boe[o']ti8D (Eel. VI.
64).
apio .i. luib serb (Eel. VI. 68)^
omos^ .i. ligna .i. darehaehis .i. ealamis (Eel.
VI. 71-72).
inguina ' .i. norae^ loci in quo canes sciUe latra-
bant uel melen* (Eel. VI. 76).
arguta dresaeh tacb (Eel. VII. 1).
arcades .i. sulbari 1. fissidi (Eel. VII. 4).
deerrauerat .i. todidel (Eel. VII. 7).
salir[u]s .i. slan (Eel. VII. 9).
examina .i. saithi (Eel. VII. 13).
seria .i. samre (Eel. VII. 17).
setosi .i. simeb (Eel. VII. 29).
suras * .i. gairri (Eel. VII. 32).
ruseo .i. ait tun 1. ruse (Eel. VII. 42).
museosi .i. eoennich (Eel. VII. 45).
turgent .i. astaid (Eel. VII. 48).
tede .i. eaindla (Eel. VII. 49).
fuligine .i. osuidi (Eel. VII. 50).
pawpiniis .i. ehannaebdi (Eel. VII. 58).
populus .i. pro[pir] fedo (Eel. VII. 61).
fraxinus .i. umnus (Eel. VII. 65).
pinus .i. oet gag (Eel. VII. 65).
babies .i. oeth gaebasardua. Lailu (Eel. VII. 66).
populus .i. fit (Eel. VII. 66).
sine .i. leie (Eel. VIII. 12).
8 age .i. fer airli .i. eito ueni (Eel. VIII. 17).
7
7
13
16
19
35
„ 37
Ur. a
4
>>
99
99
Uv.
Uv.
)>
9f
99
99
5
8
23
28
38
39
2
2
>>
9
10
13
14
19 99
12r. 6
^ MS. animali amaris.
2 MS. omus.
5 MS. inguma..
* MS. uelme lendulicias, where duliQias is the beginning of a gloss on
DuUchias (Eel. VI. 76;.
' MS. surras.
MR. stokes: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 311
(63)
Fo.
12r.
34
(64)
12!;.
4
(65)
)>
99
(66)
>>
>»
(67)
it
23
(68)
i»
37
(69)
9i
39
(70)
13r.
5
(71)
9t
>»
(72)
ft
6
(73)
tt
19
(74)
tt
23
(75)
>>
31
(76)
13i;.
12
(77)
tt
>»
(78)
19
14
(79)
tt
15
(80)
tt
18
(81)
)♦
24
(82)
tt
25
(83)
tt
28
(84)
Ur.
3
(85)
8
(86)
13
(87)
18
(88)
20
(89)
20
(90)
28
(91)
29
(92)
34
(93)
37
(94)
38
(95)
40
cotibt^j .i. lecib«« (Eel. VIII. 43).
electra .i. orget (Eel. VIII. 54).
ululae .i. coinnil (Eel. VIII. 55).
cignis .i. elu (Eel. VIII. 55).
ui[t]ta • snathsB (Eel. VIII. 64).
licia .i. englem qwasi ligia -per que ligantur
stamina (Eel. VIII. 74).
neete .i. immonaisc .i euwliga (Eel. VIII. 77).
bocola .i. bonat (Eel. VIII. 86).
sersB etmaill (Eel. VIII. 88). •
exuias .i. inda fodh (Eel. VIII. 91).
eorripuit .i. adreth (Eel. VIII. 105).
Hylax^ .i. conboehuil (Eel. VIII. 108).
fors .i. toe eth (Eel. IX. 5).
examinas athi (Eel. IX. 30).
taxes .i. fer .i. arbor (Eel. IX. 30).
anser .i. gigren (Eel. IX. 36).
inter argutos olores .i. iter nelu. luin een ehu
(Eel. IX. 36).
populus .i. pro[pir] fedo (Eel. IX. 41).
aprieis .i. elithi (Eel. IX. 49).
omnia, fert .i. folio, inel.* fedid (Eel. IX. 51).
equor .i. muir (Eel. IX. 57).
simae ' .i. milberaeh .i. uirgulta .i. inpr^si naribw*
(Eel. X. 7).
pinifer. fin tad birtihd (Eel. X. 14).
subulei .i. mueibi (Eel. X. 19).
fenilas .i. flesea (Eel. X. 25).
ebuli .i. pro[pir] fedo (Eel. X. 27).
baeis .i. eariaib (Eel. X. 27).
uinitor* .i. finbondid (Eel. X. 36).
serta .i. eoherta (Eel. X. 41).
a aueh (Eel. X. 48).
modulaihoT .i. sibrase .i. seribaw (Eel. X. 51).
malle * .i. raa aeubrimse (Eel. X. 53).
uenabor .i. adeiehlus (Eel. X. 56).
1 MS. hiias.
* In the MS. the e joins the barred /, so that at first sight we seem to have
ind with barred d.
3 MS. semaB.
* MS. uiniator.
* MS. malles.
312 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
(96)
Fo.
Ur.
5
(97)
y>
if
6
(98)
M
>i
10
(99)
if
16r.
6
(100)
ty
>>
11
(101)
(102)
(103)
(104)
105)
106)
107)
108)
109)
110)
111)
112)
113)
114)
115)
116)
117)
118)
119)
120)
121)
>»
}f
>>
if
16t;. 8
If
26
„ 29
I7r. 25
»>
40
17y.
3
ft
26
18r.
11
ff
21
18y.
23
19r.
17
ff
18
19«;.
1
>>
ii
ft
2
9*
9
20i?.
23
99
26
»»
35
2l«r.
17
if
27
comu .i. ondidbuoc (Eel. X. 59).
spicula .i. fogau 1. gaau (Eel. X. 60).
liber .i. insnob (Eel. X. 67).
palus .i. cethor (Eel. I. 49).
susurro .i. susurratio 1. amal quod de apiba*
naseitur (Eel. I. 56).
uae[c]in[i]a .i. uiole purporese 1. subi 1. certe
deree ruieh (Eel. II. 18).
Calathis .i. oeth alea ib (Eel. II. 46).
pruna .i. airni draigin (Eel. II. 53).
transuersa tuentibus hircis .i. maieeini diJ^se
uereeunde, hireus enim laseiuu/w animal et
petuleum,' animal et feruens sewip^r ad coi-
tnm. Cuius oeuli ob libidinew in transuersuw*
aspieiunt (Eel. III. 8).
Stipula .i. euislen (Eel. III. 27).
eorymbos .i. brutus (Eel. III. 39).
malo me petit .i. cabawrag (Eel. III. 64).
fraga .i. subi . quidam tam^ dtcnnt poma iuxta
t^rraw* nata (Eel. III. 92).
in eruo .i. fo»d orheman (Eel. III. 100).
cum baeehare .i. bin uel genus herbe et odoris
ioeondi (Eel. lY. 19).
quid ? 2 .i. eiriee (Eel. V. 9).
si .i. adas (Eel. V. 9).
auenae-' .i. mail molclii uel euintbe eha .i.
genus zizaniae* (Eel. V. 37).
uiola .i. fobuirge (Eel. Y. 38).
palliorus .i. gle elge (Eel. Y. 39).
ealatbis .i. eatlialeaib (Eel. Y. 71).
baehare .i. boethin (Eel. YII. 27).
sinum laetis .i. genus uasis .i. bomilge (Eel.
YII. 33).
ruseo * .i. aittiun (Eel. YII. 42).
Lieia .i. englemen (Eel. YIII. 74).
Hylax * .i. horese milehu uel eonboeail (Eel.
YIII. 107).
^ MS. pecul cu;w.
2 MS. quod.
^ MS. anime.
* MS. zezame.
* MS. ruscor.
« MS. hUa9.
MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 313
(122) Fo. 22r. 28 minio .i. uafordin (Eel. X. 27).
(123) „ 22t;. 1 spicula .i. fogu (Eel. X. 60).
(124) „ „ 4 liber .i. sinob (Eel. X. 67).
COMMENTAET.
L. =the liaurentian codex.
P. =the Paris codex.
(1) eit (gl. da), imper. sg. 2 of a verb cognate with cet
'permission,' which Thumeysen (KZ. XXXII. 571) connects
with Lat. cedo from ^kezdo. Not in P.
(2) hrongidi (gl. raucae), pi. n. f. of hrongide cogn. with Gr.
ppar^X^^ * hoarseness,' fipar^x^^ * hoarse.'
(3) drisidi (gl. dumosa), dat. sg. f. of driside, derived from drisa
(gl. vepres) Sg. 47* 8, cognate with "Welsh drysu * briars,
brambles,' M. Bret, dresen **epine." This or a like gloss is
the source of the **fdrisidi8,*' which Thilo and Hagen have
inserted in their text of Servius, III. 17, 1. 1, believing,
apparently, that it is corrupt Greek.
(4) eautff (gl, cicadis), a scribal error for cailifff pi. n. of cailech=^
"Welsh ceiliog rhedyn " cicada," ad v. ** gallus filicis." Com.
chelioc * cock ' (Gaul. Calidcoa ?). Cognate with Gr. KaXetv,
Lat. calardf OHG. haldn ** berufen."
(5) scotha (gl. uiolas), pi. ace. of scoth (gl. uiolla) No. (17).
Hence seotae (gl. uiolarium) Sg. 35^ 1. But scoth ordinarily
means a flower of any colour (derc a scotha ** red its flowers,"
H. 3. 3. p. 59^). Connexion with Lat. scato, scateo seems
possible^ Or should we compare NHG. achosz, schdszlmg
and Fr. ecot * tree-stump,' y/skut?
(6) ^opir loss. (gl. anethi), ** the proper name of a plant." So
we have propir fedo (24), (56), (80), (88), propir fluminis
(38). Fropir^ pi. propiriy Sg. 32^ 14, is borrowed from
the Lat. proprium (nomen), and losa is the gen. sg. of /ew=
"Welsh lips ** herba," pi. llysiau. Corn, losowy losowys, sg.
hsowen, Mer. 1483, Br. louzou,
(7) Adamnanus a Latinisation of the Ir. Adamndnf a dimin. of
Adaniy here apparently denoting some Irish grammarian.
Other such diminutives (which have been connected with
Lat. ndnits) are Flaithndn, Gartndn, Zachtnan, Ziatlmdn,
Zuhndn, Lomndn, Lescndn,
814 MR. stokes: old-irish glosses on the bucolics.
(8) 8uhi (gl. fraga), pi. ace. suhi (gl. uaccinia) (101), pi. nom.
of *8ube=:subha "berry," O'R. or suih O'Br. Welsh s^
** fraga," sg. sjffien: Bret, stvi "fraise."
(9) tincur (gl. pingui ... in ervo). I cannot explain this
gloss confidently. It seems the dat. sg. of tmcor, LIT. 99^
30 (a tincor do lind 7 do bind), which appears to mean
** a supply," " an abundant provision." gen. sg. tincair
O'Curry M. and C. III. 499, 1. 17. A homonym is
in LL. 109* 5 : ni roacht 0 Gull tascud no tincur dind fot
forsa mbai. Compare gloss (112).
(10) farmuinethar (gl. fascinat), better formuinethary pi. 3 for-
doh-moinetar (gl. aemulantur vos) "Wb. 19^ 27. Welsh
gorfynu * to rival, to envy.' The gloss adligon which comes
next in L. 7' 6, is adligor in P. and stands for adligorice
=allegorice.
(11) hlicfithir (gl. flauescet), a scribal error for lldfithir sg. 3
5-fut. of a deponent verb cognate with Ir. 5/a=Lat. flavus.
(12) Iroth (gl. arista). O'R. has a gloss Iroth .i. arbhar " corn " :
also broth " straw." broth ** a straw," 0*Br. Cognate with
Lat. frutex ? The gloss on Argo, Eel. iv. 34, viz. monau,
which comes next in L. 8' 2, is tmmaui in P. and stands for
nomen nauts.
(13) tucrecha (gl. mentiri), should be ducrechay pres. ind. sg.
3 of the verb whence the pi. 3 ducrechat (gl. moliuntur)
Ml. 30^ 6 (gl. demolentibus), Ml. 85^ 3, duorechubsa (gl.
demolliar) Ml. 126° 23, amal bid sm-dttrochrech (gl. quasi
. . . commentatus) Ml. 68*^ 11.
(14) feadinne (gl. labruscas) should apparently be fiad-fini ''wild
vines," a compound of fiad ** wild "= Welsh gwydd^ and fine^
borrowed, according to Cormac, from Lat. vinea,
(15) clasa (gl. thiasos "Bacchic dauces"), elausa P. This seems
for classa pi. ace. of class (pi. n. classa buana binde, Fel.
prol. 181 ; clasa aingel oc claiscetul, LB. 111^ 2) borrowed
from, or cognate with, Lat. classis,
(16) mailan uilchi uel cuinfec (gl. auene). This gloss is, I fear,
hopelessly corrupt. In (113) it appears as mail molchi uel
cuintbecha. In the Paris MS. 7^ 8 it is mailam uilhi Lcm
infeCj ibid. 15^ 26, it is mailchi molchi 1. cuintbe cha. Per-
haps the mailan may he='mdeldn **beare, a kind of coarse
barley," (Vision of MacConglinne, ed. K. Meyer, p. 186,)
which may be cognate with Welsh meillion " trefoil, clover."
HR. 8TOKE8: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCX)LICS. 315
(17) scotk uel fohuirge (gl. uiolla). As to aeoth v. supra (5).
Ibbuirffe, which reoccurs infra I^o. (114), is either a sister-
form of, or a scribal error for, 8ohairge=8ohairche ** hypericum
quadrangulum," Windisch, Worterb. s.v. sobrach. Have we
the same* word in the imperfect gloss . . . tannica fohirge^
Zimmer, Gloss. Hib. supplementum, p. 4 ?
(18) geelca uel aiten (gl. phalliorus, i,6. paliurus) = gehelcae
1. arten, P. Here geelccB is=zgle elge infra (115). It probably
stands (as Prof. Strachan suggests) for ^gel-sc^, a compound
oi gel "white" and 8c6 ** thorn.*' aiten, better aitten, dat.
aitturty gl. rusco (50), attttim, gl. rusco (119), is= Welsh
etthin, Corn, eythinen (gl. ramnus), 0. Bret, ethin (gl. rusco).
It occurs in the compound aiten-sliah ** a furzy mountain,"
H. 3. 3, p. 63^ 8. aitenn-sliahy LL. 210^ last line.
(19) fert (gl. tumulum) is=/<jr^ .i. adnacul, Corm. Tr. p. 79: see
also fert " grab," Windisch, Worterb. p. 544. pi. n. ferta,
LL. 44^ 29.
(20) membra (gl. tumulo) = meamhra, 0*C1., who explains the
word as meaning "a shrine or case in which are relics."
See also Windisch, Worterb. s.v. memra, and add Less an memra
"the Port of the Shrine," Four Masters, a.d. 1143. Borrowed
from Lat. memoria, the grave or shrine of a martyr or saint.
(21) israth (gl. in gramine). Here i is=Lat. in^ Gr. eV, and
sraihy gen. sratha, is the dat. sg. of srath **the bottom of
a valley," " fields on the banks of a river," see Windisch
s.v. The Welsh cognate is y sir ad, Old Welsh istrat " the
flat land bordering on a slow stream," Eev. Celt. II. 190.
In the gloss "equiparas .i. coequaiis .i. accom 7 ablo,"
L. 9^ 8, the last three words stand for accusativo et ablativo,
and mean that aequiparas, in Eel. V. 48 governs the
accusative and ablative.
(22) nephglidi (gl. intonsi). This is the nom. pi. msc. of a
compound of the negative prefix neph- or neh- (G. C.^ 861)
and glide or glithe the pret. part. pass, of gelim * I eat, graze,*
cogn. with Skr. gilati, Lat. gula,
(23) cetgrinncB (gl. nectar). So in Sg. 122^ 2 ceit grinne f'lno
(gl. nectar), and in Ir. Gl. 1045 cetgrindi foilci (gl. nectar).
The cH is the common prefix meaning "first," and cognate
with Welsh cyntaf, Ch,-Slav. clna ; but the grinne is obscure.
{2A) prapir fedo (gl. thimo), "proper name of a tree." As to
propir see (6) supra; fedo (also in Nos. 56, 80, 88) is the
316 MR. stokes: old-irtsh glosses on the bucolics.
gen. 8g. oi Jid a stem in tt= Welsh gwydd-en "arbor," O.N.
r«^r, As. wuduy Eng. wood^ OHG. witu. It occnrs com-
pounded in fid'hocc infra No. (96).
(25) fisi lu8U (gl. damnabis)=/iM» lisuy P. This gloss is certainly
corrupt. The -8Uy no doubt, is the pronominal suffix of
sg. 2, the 'lu may be miscopied for -hi', but the rest of the
gloss is obscure.
(26) huinne (gl. cicuta) \A=^huinne (gl. tibia), Wb. 13.^
(27) hron hrachin (gl. pedum) =Jro»i hraehin, P. We should
probably read hronhaehal: cf. Hie est Oingussius cuius cog-
noraentum Bronbachal, Vita Columbae, p. 21* of the
Schaffhausen codex, gen. sg. mors Oengusa Bronhaehlae,
Annals of Ulster 648. Here hachdl is a loan from Lat.
haculm or bacillus (see Thumeysen Kelto-rom. 38, 39), but
hron {hrdnl) is obscure. Can it be for brog-no- cognate
with fifio'xp^ ?
(28) obid (gl. nodis), leg. oidb^ pi. n. of odh M. (gl. obex.) MS.
lat. 11, 411, fo. 125^, pi. ace. udhu, Windisch, Worterb.
s.v. odb. = Welsh oddf ** tuberculum."
(29) coerca (gl. 8erta)=(?oA^^a, gl. serta, infra (91), pi. of *eoherty
a compound of co- and sert (=Lat. sertum), which occurs
in the Laws, 1, 12, line 13, deilb rig roda sluagaib sort
saigid.^
(.'JO) dorn (gl. ansa)=r^r» M. "fist, hand," Windisch's Worterb.
Welsh dwrn pugnus, pugillum, Bret, dam " main." Lett.
dure "fist."
(31) tnerth (gl. raorls), a scribal error for fMrih, as it is in P.-,
pi. dat. of */;i^= Welsh mer in mer-toydd "mulberry-trees."
pi. n. mcra derga, caera glassa, LL. ll?.'* Compare Gr.
fidpov " the black mulberry."
(32) grode (gl. frontem) is either the ace. pi. of gruad " cheek,"
"W. gruddf a neut. stem in s (KZ. XXIX. 379), or else
a derivative therefrom.
(33) a aru (gl. timpora, %,e. tempera) seems a scribal error for
araoha, the ace. pi. of aire ' temple,' gen. arach.
(34) bled'tnil .i. animalia maris (gl. Xerea). The glossographer
took Nwrem to be equivalent to Nerei JUius " a seamonster."
Bee Windisch, Worterb. s.v. bledmall, and add examples of
the Mid. Ir. ace. sg. and pi. ar in mbledmil muride, LL.
^ Sic in MS. The edition has saighit.
MR. stokes: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 317
21 Y'* 1. norannad bledmila in mara, LL. 108* 25. A com-
pound of hUd =Welah hlaidd ** lupus," and mil pi. ace. of
mil ]S'.= Welsh mil "bestia,** cognate with Gr. /irjXov,
(35) henn (gl. cornua), ace. pi. of henn horn, peak, which is
now fern., but in Old and Early Middle Irish seems to
have been a neut. stem in u, dat. benrtf Goid.^ 93, gen. henna,
Fiacc h. 29, pi. dat. bennaib, LL. 251^ 45. The ace. pi.
for cethora benna, LU. 58* proves that before the twelfth
centuiy henn had passed over to the fem. a-declension.
Welsh, Corn, ban * horn, peak ' shews a different grade of
vowel.
(36) lesih uel ffelbin (gl. stabula). The context is Perducant
aliquae stabula ad Gortynia uaccae, and the pi. dat. lesih
may be intended to translate, not ** stabula," but ** stabula
ad." The nom. sg. is less M. " enclosure," ** garth," gen.
liss, dat. ItmSf ace. less, pi. ace. Ussu, Windisch, Worterb.
s.v. Welsh ll^s " aula, curia, palatium," Bret. lez. As to
the possible connexion with Fr. lice, lisikre, see Diez s.v.
liccia. The etymology of the air. \er^. gelbin is obscure to me.
(37)/^r«a (gl. alnos), ace. pi. of fern, gen. ferna ** alder " =
Welsh gwern, sg. gwernen ** alnus," Gaul. Verno-dubrum,
Fr. verne,
(38) propir fluminis ** the proper name of a river" : see above (6).
(39) luib Serb (gl. apio). Here luih is the dat. sg. of luib,
gen. lubae, Sg. 65% 61% Old- Welsh lu in lutrd (gl. horti)
= Ir. lub-goirt, Corn, lu in lu-orth^ Bret, li in liorz, and
Serb ** bitter " = Welsh chiverw, M. Bret, htceru, urkelt. *svervos,
which has been connected by Brugmann with NHG. sauer
from suer, sHr, This gloss is followed by the word herena,
a corruption of the Lat. harena, here used to denote the
Nemean u^tvv, where poets were crowned with parsley.
(40) omos .i. ligna .i. darchachis .i. calamis. Here two glosses
(one Irish, the other Latin) have been run together. Bead :
omos .i. ligna .i. darcha . chis .i. calamis. Here darcha is
the ace. pi. of the Irish c- stem dair ** oak," and **chis" is
for the Lat. his (Eel. VI. 72), as michi, vecho in Irish latinity
are for mihi, veho.
(41) melen (gl. inguina) is a copyist's error for ^mleen or mien
=Mid-Ir. blen " groin," die weichen, ace. bleoin, blein,
Windisch, Worterb. s.v. This supports Strachan's etymology,
mUn from *mlaknd, cognate with Gr. jLuaXaKo^,
318 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
(42) dresachtach (gl. arguta), better dresachtach, as in LU. 106*
32, derived from dresacht ** ein knarrendes oder quietschendes
gerausch" (Windisch), LIT. 112* 29, and this (according to
Strachan) from drens- : cf. Goth, drungus (/>06rfr^o9f ON.
dtynr ** roaring,'* Skr. dhran {dhranati gabde),
(43) sulhari uel fisaidi (gl. arcades). Here sulhari is the nom.
pi. of sulbair "gut sprechend, beredf (Windisch 8.v.)=
Welsh hylafaVy abret. helahar (gl. greens), urkelt. ^su-lahart-s,
(where su- is==the Skr. laudatory prefix «w-), and fissidi is
the nom. pi. of fissid^JUid, fiasith (gl. sophista, gl. catus)
Sg. 15^ 52*, root vid. The pi. n. of fissid occurs, with
the / infected, in cenuded isstdi * though ye are knowing,'
Turin palimpsest. A cognate adverb, ind-fissid (gl. scite)
occurs in Ml. 68° 9.
(44) todidel (gl. deerraverat), better dodihel as in P. Cognate
with do-m-ar'atU mihi uSnit, ad-n-ellat quo transeunt, do-m-
aid-lihea uisitabit eos, fo-U'ind-lea (gl. euagari), do-n-ella ut
deuiet, and other verbs collected by Ascoli, Gloss, pal. hib.
pp. Ivi. Ivii. A Welsh cognate is elaf "ibo," a Latin
amh-ulare.
(45) slan (gl. saluus), better sldn (gl. salvus) Wb. 8^ 4, from
an oxyton or paroxyton ^saldno-Sy cognate with Lat. sal-vu-s.
(46) saitht (gl. examina), satht (76), pi. nom. of saithe M. ** a
crowd,'' "a swarm" (of bees, etc.). So in Ml. 90^ 7 in tsathi
(gl. examina), and see Windisch, Worterb, s.v. saithe. Welsh
haid **examen," Bret. ^^, urkelt. "^satjo-s.
(47) samre (gl. seria, ace. pi.). This gloss is obscure and pro-
bably corrupt.
(48) simch (gl. setosi) is badly corrupted by the copyist. I
conjecture that it is a misreading of finnich gen. sg. msc.
oi fimiech ** hairy," and =^finnigh in Corrcenn mac Faithemaw
finnigh, H. 3. 3, p. 59^. So the nom. pi. msc. finnich or
finnig (tri bruitt finnig, LL. 266^ 13), findech, LL. 266^;
findach. Vision of MacConglinne. The cognate noun \% finn^
a stem in w, whence the gen. pi. inna finncB (gl. pilorum)
Ml. 72^ 16. Cf. Lat. villus from '^vinlus.
(49) gairri (gl. suras), ace. pi. of gairr " the calf of the leg,"
dat. sg. ina gairr, LL. 289* 8, where it is used as synonymous
with colptha. This is the Irish reflex of Welsh garr ** poples,"
M. Bret, garr **jambe, tibia," with which Diez connects
the Span, garra and Fr. jarret.
HR. stokes: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 319
(60) aiitun vel ruse (gl. rusco). As to aittun see above (18).
This ruse (leg. riisc) seems borrowed from, or cognate with,
Lat. ruscuin "butcher's broom." Another r'itsc (== Welsh
rhisg, Corn, rise) means ** bark," "a vessel made of bark,"
and is connected by Diez with Fr. ruche. See also Thurney-
sen, Keltoromanisches 111.
(51) coennich (gl. muscosi), pi. nom. msc. of coennach "mossy."
In modern Irish caonnach is ** moss " and caonnachamhuil
" mossy " : coenna (gl. putamen), Pr. Cr. 33^, seems cognate.
(52) astaid (gl. turgent), a mistake for, or a sister-form of, attatd,
attaity pros. ind. pi. 3 of attaim " turgeo," a denominative
from att *a swelling,' gen. fri met in atta, LB. 142,^ a
masc. or neut. stem in u from a pre-Celtic *a%du, cogn.
with AS. 68t (gl. nodus).
(53) caindla (gl. tede, i.e. taedae), pi. nom. of caindel F. borrowed
from Lat. candela. gen. sg. co cnocc na eaindle, LL. 304^,
dat. sg. gabait in coire din chaindil * they take the caldron
away from the torch,' ibid. A compound, rig-chaindell, occurs,
LL. 301*, where the double I may be due to the length
of the preceding vowel.
(54) 0 suidi (gl. fuligine), 6, ua "from, by," (96), (122) suidi
dat. sg. of suide, a fem. stem in ia cognate with Fr. suie,
AS. sdtf Eng. sooty or with Gr. ffTroBii^ * ashes, scoria.' Now,
corruptly, siighay suithche, suithe,
(55) channachdi (gl. '^^m^in.e\^)=^chanacMi P., pi. ace. fern, of can^
nachdey a derivative of cannachy which O'E. explains by
** sweet- willow, myrtle " : camiaclJi] a canna .i. fid bis il-laim,
H. 2. 16, coL 95.
(56) propir fedo (gl. populus) " the proper name of a tree."
See above (6).
(57) umnus (gl. fraxinus), miscopied by the scribe for unnius or
uinnius F. ind huinnius ardd (gl. alta fraxinus) Sg. 67*.
Hence the modern uinsemm. Zeuss compares the Welsh
onny onnen. If the nn is from sn cf. also Lat. ornus from
^osinus,
(58) octgag (gl. pinus). This is cert&inlj =ochtach F. gl. crann
giuis, Bk. of Lecan 149^ 1 : the kingpost of a house,
Corm. It may stand for ^[^p'\uktdkd and be cognate with
OKGr, fiuhta^ fichte, Gr. TrevKrj, \At\\, pU8%l8,
(59) oothgacha 8ardua. Lailu (gl. \i'd\)\Q^) — octhgacha sardua lailu, P.
This is. obviously miscopied for oehtach as ardu alailiu *' a fir
320 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
that ifl higher than (the) other/' the ahtM being taller than
the pinus. Here alailiu is the instl. eg. of alaile.
(60) fit (gl. populus), leg. fid ** a tree," gen. fido supra (24),
(56), and infra (83), (91).
(61) Uic (gl. sine), better Uic^ imperat. sg. 2 of Uicim from
*leink^i6, a mixture of lei^ and linq (Strachan), cognate
with Lat. linquo,
(62) fir airli (gl. age). Here fir seems the imperat. sg. 2 of
feraim *I give,* and airli is the ace. sg. airle F. ''counsel.'*
(68) leoibas (gl. cotibus), leg. lecib, the dat. pi. of lecc F.= Welsh
lldch ** lapis, scandula, tabula saxea." From *\_p]lekkdf
vorkolt. *[/?]/^*wd, cognate with Lat. planoa, Gr. wXaf, TrXa-
Kivo'i, Lett, plakt flach werden.
(64) orget (gl. electra), a mistake for drarget " gold-silver,"
(tho Paris MS. has orar get). The Irish glossographer took
electra to mean the mixed metal resembling amber (JjkeKTpov)
in colour, which Vergil mentions in Aen. 8, 402.
(65) coinnil (gl. ululse) I have not met elsewhere and cannot
explain.
(06) elu (gl. cignis) seems a mistake for elaih, pi. dat. of ela
(gl. cygnus) Ir. Gl. 509, now eala, sg. ace. mar hela ir-richt
aingil gil * like a swan in the shape of a white angel/ Salt,
na Uann, 1671, pi. ace. nelu — leg. helu — (gl. olores) infra (82).
Tho Welsh ahrch^ and Com. elerhc (gl. olor 1. cignos) seem
cognato. Various non-Celtic words have been compared,
liut. o/or, Or. tXca, or (assuming the regular loss of p),
Gr. WK\iin, Lat. palumhay and Pruss. poalit " taube."
((^7) sfiafhfT (gl. uittii), bettor inalhe (gl. filum) Sg. 54», dat. tndthiu
Sg. 54**, Welsh y^nod^n^ Com. $nod (gL uitta). Windisch
coi\i\eols i'ijna and other words in Curtius G.E.*, No. 436.
(68) ^nghm (gl. \\c\ix)=^englfmen (gl. licia) infra (120), is the ace.
pi. of ♦^Wj^/dj'iM — OTlory's e^mgUim .L inneach "woof." The
eontpouttd m^r-fnghim occurs in Dalian's address to Gerball's
Rwonl, LL. 47* 51, where tnghim seems used metaphorically
to j^iguify the woof of war. Its etymology is obscure to me.
(6tt) immonaisie (gl. necto), imperat. sg. 2 of the verb nmteim
oompo\nidi\l with the props, imm-fi (GC.* 883). Iffm^cim
fi\>m ^fi^dhsl\\ cognate with the Skr. \/futk (Idg. medk\
umbr. nmffiff ** proximo," Ir, nesaam^ W. neiafj Com. me»8m,
otc. l^nigmann, Umbr, u. Osk. 236, Idg. Forsclumgen I.
1 76« Sec also Thumoyscn, Xelto>ronianisches 38.
MR. stokes: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 321
(70) honat (gl. bocola), leg. hdnat (gl. bucula), a diminutive of
hd ** cow," like siurnat (gl. sororcula), clethnat (gl. tigillum),
eolumnat (gl. columella). The same ending occurs in the
double diminutives fracnatan .i. caillfn, and the proper names
Banhnatan, Becnatan, Corcnatan. B6 (= Welsh buw, 0. Bret.
hou) occurs in composition infra in con-bo-chuil, hoo-hethin and
ho-milge. Cognate with Gr. /8o«)s, Umbr. hu-m **bovem,"
Skr. gdus, etc.
(71) etmaill (gl. sereie) seems miscopied for efermaiU dat. sg.
fern, of *etermall " valde lentus, tardus/* From the
intensive prefix eter- (also in eterciaUf etarmoladj ettorsonde,
etarkarad) and mall from ^marlo-s cognate with Ir. maratm,
Lat. mora, moror.
(72) tnda fodh (gl. exuuias), leg. inda fodh " ends of vestures.'*
Here inda is the pi. ace. of ind N. ' end/ * head,' gen.
dat. indy and fodl is the gen. pi. of fodh I^. " vesture,"
" something stript off," " the spoils of a vanquished foe,"
pi. ace. fodha (gl. manubeas) Ml. 92^ 2. This gloss is (as
Prof. Strachan has pointed out) a close parallel to the
Greek original of Eel. VIII. 91, viz. Tovt' airo ra^ 'xXalva^i
TO KpdffTreBou wXeae A€\0<9, Theocr. II. 53. As it is
improbable that the Irish glossator had read Theocritus,
we may perhaps conjecture that the ancient Irish, as well
as the Sicilian Greeks, believed that a lost love might be
recovered by burning only the ends or hem of the beloved's
dress. Italian magic, if we may trust Yergil (Eel. viii. 91,
Aen. lY. 492-497, 507), required the whole of his or her
raiment.
(73) adreth (gl. coTn^mt)=adrech, P., for ad-raith perf. sg. 3 of
a verb compounded of ad- and -rath" "cum variis praefixis,
prehendere, comprehendere, continere, includere," Ascoli,
Lex. pal. hib. p. clxxxix.
(74) conlochuil (gl. Hylax, ** Barker ") " a watch-dog," conhocail
infra {\2^)—conhuachaillf Laws 1, p. 126, 1. 8, a compound
of the stem of cii ** hound " = /cva;i/, and hd-ckail ( = Welsh
hugaily Com., Bret, hugel) a compound of h6 ** cow" (73) and
call cognate with the -/co\o9 of povKoXo^y the iroXo^ of
aiTToXo^. The triple compound con-hd-chail reminds one of
(75) toceth (gl. fors) =tochet P. tocad, Ml. 35^ 22, Welsh tynghed.
(76) athi (gl. examinas), leg. aathi (gl. examina). See above (49).
PhU. Trans. 1891-2-3. 21
322 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
(77) A. fer (gl. taxos). Here the gloss is meant for "citiso"
{i.e, cythiso) in the next following line of the eclogue. Fer,
leg. /er, gen. feuir^ Sg. 68^ i8= Welsh gwair,
(78) gigren (gl. B.n%Qx)=gigrem P., giugrann (gl. anser) Sg. 64^,
a masc. o- stem, pi. nom. giugraind, LL. 297^ 46, gen. elta
giugrand, LL. 265* cognate with Welsh gwyrain ** chynelops,
chenalopex, vulpanser, anas scotica." Seems to be a redupli-
cated subst., ^gi-gur-annO'S,
(79) iter nelu, luin cm chu (gl. inter argutos olore8)=«Y^ nelu
luinceeUy P. Here iter i8=Lat. inter: nelu is a scribal error
for helu ace. pi. of hela ' swan ' (66) ; and luincechu is ace. pi.
m. of an adj. derived from luinniuc "song," still living in
the Highlands as luinneag,
(80) propir fedo (gl. populus) ** the proper name of a tree.'* See
above (6).
(81) clithi (gl. apricis), clit thi, P. the pi. nom. of a participle pret.
pass, from -y/^/, cognate with Lat. caleo, Lith. szgluy szilti?
Strachan suggests that cUthugud * cherishing,' LL. 160^ 42,
may be compared. The * ab ' which follows this gloss stands
for ablativus : " apricis in coUibus," Eel. ix. 49.
(82) folio, incl. fedid (gl. omnia fert). Bead folloinc 1. fedid.
Here folloinc is for folloing 3 sg. pres. ind. act. of folangim
with an assimilated infixed pron. fedid is the same tense
and person of fedaim ** fero," no-feidtia (gl. efFerebantur)
Ml. 54<^ 12 ; and L is the common sign for Lat. vel and Ir. nd.
(83) muir (gl. equor), Welsh wor, Gaul, mori^ Lat. marCy with
which Hirt has recently connected Gr. ppv^ ace. fipvxa from
^mrogh.
(84) milberach (gl. simae "flat-nosed") should probably be ^mdiU
heracha "blunt-pointed": wa«7= Welsh moel calvus, glaber,
and heracha pi. nom fem. of *berach a derivative of bir==
Welsh, Com., Bret, hery Lat. {g)veru, Umbr. heru "spit,"
and see Bezz. Beitr. XVI. 239.
(85) fn tad hirtihd (gl. pinifer) = flnit adhir thio. P., should
obviously be pintadhirthidy where pin {pin crann^ O'R.) is
borrowed from Lat. pinus (so Welsh pinwyddy Com.
pinhren), and tadbirthid is cognate with the verb taidbrim
exhibeo, the enclitic form of ^do-aith-berim.
(86) mucibi (gl. subulci), leg. mucidi (or muccaidi, LIT. 93*), pi.
nom. of mucidy muccaid " swine-herd," derived from muce
" pig "= Welsh, Bret. moch. A compound, rig-muccaid, occurs
MR. stokes: OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 323
in LL. 169^ 8. Mucc, Welsh mochy from '^mukku, ^muknd,
cognate with /uLvm-i^py etc.
(87) ^8ca (gl. ferulas), pi. ace. of flesc *' rod." Flesc
(Gaul, ^vltskdy Fr. flSche) has been deduced from ^vlksd
cognate with Skr. vrkshd "tree," but seems more probably
from *vU'8kdj cognate with Ir. foU "hair/* Welsh gwallt,
Gr. ttX<ro9, Ags. weald, l^HG. wald.
(fi%) propir fedo (gl. ebuli) ** the proper name of a tree." See
above (6) and (24).
(89) cariaih (gl. bacis), ciraih, Paris MS. leg. cdiraih (gl. baccis).
Here cdiraih is the pi. dat. of cdir or cder (gl. baeca) Sg. 22^,
Welsh cair : compounded in eaer-fhann mountain-ash, rowan.
(90) finhondid (gl. uiniator) = finbondioy P. leg. finhondid (gl.
uinitor), a compound of fin ** vine " and hondid for *bongidy
noraen agentis to the verb hung or hongim " I break, reap,"
cognate with Skr. hhanj, hhanajmi. The verbal noun of
hung, hongim is huain, whence the denominative huanaigim
in Jln-huanaig it (gl. uindimiant) Ml. 102* 12. For the change
in hongid of ng to nd, compare cindis, LL. 86^ 8, 13, for
cingis, cindsiu, LL. 82^ 44=cingsiu LIT. 63* 12, gland and
glang, Corm., and see Ziramer, KZ. 30, 63.
(91) coherta (gl. 8erta)==coerta, P. See above !N"o. (29).
(92) auch (gl. a), leg. uch, wehe ! vae, Z.^ 750.
(93) sthrase (gl. modulabor) is a redupl. fut. sg. 1 from V ever.
The '80 is the pronominal suffix of sg. 1 . The sihra (formed
like gegna) is from ^svi-sverdm, just as ar-heittet, carm. S.
Paul, is from ^are-sveizdionti (Thumeysen, KZ. 32, 570).
Cognate are Skr. svar, sv draft ** rauschen, besingen,*' Ch.
Slav, svirati pfeifen, AS. svarian ** to speak."
(94) ma acuhrimse fgl. malle). The gloss, if it be wholly Irish,
means ** if I desire." But I suspect that the ma is a relic
of the Latin malo, written by the original scribe over malle
to show the source of this infinitive. If so, a[d^cuhrim'8e
is a gloss on malo, and^adcohraim (gl. nolo) Sg. 146^, pi.
3 adcohrat Ml. 89^, 16, pret. sg. 1 nicon ru accohrus. Ml.
136^ 7, sg. 3 ad-ro-chahair, Trip. Life 202.
(95) adcichlus (gl. uenabor), the redupl. s-future, sg. 1 of *adcladim
whence an adcladat (gl. aucupantes) Ml. 112^, 2, »-fut. sg.
2 adclaias, Trip. Life, p. 88, 1. 28. The verbal noun is
aclaid, ibid. 1. 25. A cognate verb, ar-claid, occurs in LIT.
122^, 36 (i tig fir arclaid iasc im-muir ethiar in the house
324 MR, stoker: old-irish glosses on the buooucs.
of a man take catcher Jish in a sea of ether). The Greek
kKiihitrtftt^ai ** I ruMh violently'* may perhaps he cognate.
(Of); ondidbuoo (j^, coniu), ondiobuoc, P., leg. 6nd jidhuce. Here
/md iM u compound of the prep. 6, ua (»Skr. dva\ see infra
(122) and the article, and fidhuco (the / heing regularly
iiillocU'd aft<jr 6nd) id the dat. sg. of fidhocc (gl. arcus) Sg.
1()7*' 2. Th(j word literally means "arcus ligneus," heing
compounded of fid Hupra Ko. (24), and hocc from an Old-
(yoltic ^bukko'f j)n'-C(!ltic ^hhup-nd-, Skr. bhugnd-, cognate
witli AH. boga^ OilG. bogo^ NHG. Bogen,
(il7) ftguu I. gaau (gl. spicula). Here gaau is the ace. pi. of
gati Hj(, i*J7^ (y/w gona 6i$o gl. fuscina), which seems cognate
willi (hull, ganon, Gr. x'*'^"* or X"*®" ** ^ shepherd's staff,"
uiid Skr. hnhttH ** goschoss." Fogau is the ace. pi. of fogae
coinpoiuuhul of gae und the diminutival prefix fo-^viro-.
Ho in Old-Hrotou guu-goiou (gl. spiculis .i. tells), Bezz. Beitr.
XVII. liU),
(UH) hmHub (^l. llhor). Koro tn is the masc. article and snob
((M>n\iptly ninub infra, No. 124) means the inner hark or
rind of u tit>o. It glosses suber **cork" in Sg. 64* 10.
'I'ho rtyn\uli»gy i» ob8ourt>. Terhapa it is cognate with Skr.
»niit HHilgnii \uuwiuden» bokloidou. The OHG. snuaba ** vitta,"
hu>« ulm» boon oompannl.
(1)10 vpthut' (nL pulu») — Ci^tor^ P., leg. cechor, a sister-form of
(>*(-U»ry*i* «v<#4*A«iiV .i. hithuoh **tt slough." See Metrical
(tiimm^m^ )i(>»«. )U>itr. XIX. p. 54. Cognate perhaps with
U\\ 4*»/»/»i»v uud Skr, {iikttH.
^10(0 ^M«(«/ \^^1, HU^urixO LH^(iM4fr iu en^wMr, LU. 128* 19,
iittthur ,i. vHvl **mu«tio'* O'CL <4*»v>r LL. 19» 1 (ha hinnithir
WU\ mvuvloivtt |{\)tU 7 Hmor otu*h duiue inna fiaith sweet as
h^h .ih'^Hiit nyiy tA¥ fvitv *#W w^uy mA* «^r«»ry <mi# in his reipi).
\\\\A\\\'V iwA^xwK^ v^( thud / tV>r r is Mi4(.vulug^ily Bk. of Armagh
■V' \) - **4rtvW*\y*/\ ibivL 4^ I,
^lOP AM^* \vl \H>tU> i^i^\'¥ t'Hti.'^ ^^U vwcciuia)* As to«i^*v. supra
<s[ \^H>. /W^v [ t \f^nf\ \<— vuuii 4^«^vwflr ^/hwVA (gL uaccinia)
8^i. I\»** li> » wlunv ^MuvA is thv> ^*u» §^. oi JrtSech,, urkelt.
*^^*»^v» '\ vvkiUtilv* wUU NVv'UU Z'*^* >I. Com. jm^, Gr.
vVv<vv (\vm v'^/>*'\v. rtiul «*Vrvi^ isL th<? BLom* pi. of der€
'• K^M\/' u uvulv» '•Iv^M itt *. uow ^*cHL.> possibly cognate
^ Vx ks' iv> ><<• ^^U ttkvit ^'•»'V. ^''ty. «w Ctlujcngvwit.. KttliM^iuiiitiiiKciMfr 94.
MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 325
with Skr. drdkshd " vine," " grape," an erwsiterung of
*derke8f as drakshydmi from yfderk to see. The inflection
of the / of fruich is due to the fact that in Irish, as in
Greek (/ceVea from fiepeffa), and Latin {genera from genesa),
the nom. pi. of neuter stems in 8 originally ended in a vowel.
(102) octh alea ih (gl. QdldX}nB)=^octhalcaih, P., is certainly =
eathalcaih (gl. calathis) (116). Perhaps the word meant
is cothalcaih nom. sg. ^cothale from *kutalkd, Etym.
ohscure. It might be cognate with Gr. icorvXiy, or with
Lat. scutula, scutella. For the suffix cf. Gaulish Bodalcay
etc., G.C.* 808, and Welsh madaleh fungus.
(103) airni draigin (gl. pruna). Here airni is the ace. pi.
of airne {airnne gl. glandula, Sg. 49^) = Welsh eirin-en
" prunum,'* M. Bret, irin-enn '* prunellum, prunellus," Cath.,
and draigin is the gen. sg. of draigen ** sloetree,"* blackthorn
= Welsh draen spinus, spina, sentis, Bret, dren " epine,"
which Ebel connected with repxt^o^^ Tpex^o's **atwig.*' Cf.
smera is dime dubdroigin, Silva G. 102.
(104) maiccini disse uerecunde (gl. transuersa tuentibus hircis)
== maiccinudis se verecunde et, P. An Irish maicc (or maiccini,
a diminutive of mace ** filius/' ** puer " ?) and a Latin
cinaedis may perhaps be elicited from this corrupt gloss.
(105) cuislen (gl. stipula), should be cuislen, a diminutive of
cut'sle **vein, pipe," anglicised cushla in the phrase acushla
or cuislenn (Mid. Ind. Mod. Ir. cuisle), whence cuislennach
* piper.' Etym. obscure.
(106) brutus (gl. corymbos) is probably a scribal error for Gr.
poTpvs, just as the gloss glaiis (gl. sandix) L. 18^ 39, which
Hagen and Zimmer^ supposed to be Irish, is a scribal error
for Gr. r^Xav^.
(107) cahanrag (gl. malo me petit). This should perhaps be
CO ban-rag ** that I may come with a woman." Here co
is a conjunction meaning *'ut," "donee," and *ban-rag a
compound of ifl»=Aeol. pava, and -rag, a conjunctive sg. 1
of the verb whence raga-t, do-rega ** veniam."
(108) 8ubi (gl. fraga). See above, No. (8).
(109) /on<? orbeman (gl. in ervo). Ad v. "fundus haeredis":
fond borrowed from Lat. fundus, and orbeman gen. sg. of
orbem, pi. n. horpamin, Wb. 2° 14.
1 Glossarum Hibernicanira Supplementum, p. 5.
326 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS.
(110) bin (gl. bacchare). (117) boethm (gl. bachare). These
glosses are respectively bo ob ethin and boethin in the Paris
MS. They seem compounded of bo **cow," and bethin {bet&iu?)
which may be cognate with Lat. beta, whence NHG. Heete,
Eng. beet.
(111) cirice (gl. quid ?)=^enr ice y. P., read ciricCf and compsure or
cine (gl. quid enim ?), ciaricCy cerioc (gl. quid ergo ?), G. C*
355.
(112) adaa (gl. si) is —adas, adaaa "although," G. C* 489, adas
cia da-gnio (gl. si autem quod nolo illud facio) Wb. 3*^.
(113) See (16).
(114) fobuirge (gl. uiola). See (17).
(115) See (18).
(116) See (102).
(117) See (110).
(118) bomilge .i. genus uasis (gl. sinum lactis). The Irish gloss
seems only on ** lactis" and to mean ** of cow's milk,"
b6-melg, gen. bomilge^ a compound of bo supra, No. (70) and
melg A. as ** milk," Corm. Tr. p. 107, and s.v. d», p. 127,
just as bdmlachtf Corm. Tr. 20, h^bd+mlicht. As melg is
neuter {cuirm .i. melg n-etha, Egerton 1782, cited in Corm.
Tr. 107), and its gen. sg. is milge^ it must be a stem in «,
to be added to those in KZ. 27, 292 and 29, 379. Add
also derc (101).
(119) See (18).
(120) See (68).
(121) horccdy milchu uel conbocail (gl. Hylax). Here we have
three words for **dog": horcce^^orce ** lap-dog," Corm. s.v.
Mugeime. Orce co nemib 7 epthib fondiaet for beraib cairthind
"a dog with poisons and charms which they cooked (?) on spits
of rowan," LL. 120* 12. In milchu (not milchul) ** grey-
hound," •* hunting-dog," the mil is = the mil of milrad
** hunting," dat. milruth, LL. 272* 23. As to conbocail (leg.
conbdchuil) v, supra (77).
(122) ua fordtnn (gl. minio). Here ua is=(5 supra (54), (96),
and fordinn is a compound of the intensive prefix for-, and
dinn dat. sg. of denn ** colour," O'Clery's deann .i. \\ no dath.
See the compounds gle-den7i, Pelire, Peb. 1 and 13 and dend-
gorm, LL. 277* 32.
(123) See (97).
(124) See (98).
HB. SIOKBS : OLD-IKISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCOLICS. 327
INDEX.
(The numbers refer to the glosses.)
Adanm&n, 7.
adcubnm, 94.
adas, 112.
ad-cicblus, 95.
ad-reth, 73.
airle, 62.
aime, 103.
aittenn, 18, 50, 119.
alaile, 59.
amal (=aiiiar), 100.
ara, 33.
ard, compar. ardu, 59.
arget, 64.
as which is, 59.
astaid, 52.
att, 52.
ban-rag, 107.
benn, 35.
berach, 84.
bl&, bMthir, 1.
bled-mil, 34.
b6-bethin, 110, 117.
bocc * bow,' 96.
b6chail, buachail, 74, 121.
b6-melg, 118.
b6nat, 70.
bondid, 90.
bron-bachal (?), 27.
brongide, 2.
broth, 12.
brutos for jSdrpvs, 106.
buinne, 26.
cailech ' cicada,' 4.
caindel, 53.
c&ir, 89.
canachde, 55.
cechor, 99.
cet-grinne, 23.
ciricc. 111.
cit, 1.
class, 15.
clithe, 81.
CO, 107.
coennach, 51.
coerta, coherta, 29, 91.
coinnil? 65,
con-b6-chuil, 74, 121.
cothalc, 102, 116.
c6, 74, 121.
cuinfec? cuintbech? 16, 113.
cuislenn, 105.
dair pi. ace. darcha, 40.
denn, 122.
derc * berry,' 101.
do-di-hel, 44.
dom, 30.
draigen, 103.
dresachtach, 42.
drLside, 3.
ela, hela, 68, 79.
englem, 68, 120.
etermaU, 71.
far-muinethar, 10.
feadinne, 14.
fedaim, fedid, 82.
feraim, fer, 62.
f^r, 77-
fern, 37-
fert, 19.
M 60, gejL. fedo, 24, 6$, 80, 88.
fid-bocc, 96.
fin-bondid, 90.
fine, 14.
iinnech, 48.
fisilusu (?), 25.
fissid, 43.
flesc, 87.
fobuirge, 17, 114,
fodb, 72.
fo-gae, 97, 123.
folangim, fo-1-loinc, 82.
fond, 109.
for-denn, 122.
froech, 101.
328 MR. STOKES : OLD-IRISH GLOSSES ON THE BUCX)LICS.
gae, 97, 123.
gain*, 49.
gelbin (?), 36.
gel-8ce (?), 115.
gigrenn, 78.
glaus for 7\aj/£, 106.
glithe, 22.
grinne, 23.
gruad, 32.
immo-naisc, 69.
i-n prep., 21.
in 'the,' 98.
ind *end,' 72.
iter prep., 79.
lecc, 63.
16icim, leie, 61.
less, 36.
luib, 39.
luinceeh, luinmuc, 79*
Ills, gen. loea, 6.
ma, 94.
mace, maicctne (?)^ 104.
maiian, 16, 113.
m^-berach, 84.
mall, 71.
melg, 118.
membrae, 20.
mer 'mulberry,* 31.
mil, 34.
mil-chu, 121.
mien, 41.
mucoid, 86.
muir, 83.
nascim, 69.
neph-glide, 22.
nessam, 69.
6 prep. 54, 96, 122.
ochtach, 58, 59.
odb, 28.
6nd 'from the,' 96.
6r-arget, 64.
orbem, 109.
orcae, 121'.
pln-tadbirthid, 85.
propir, 6, 24, 38, 56, 80, 88.
-rag, 107.
ruse, 50.
saithe, 46, 76.
samre (?), 47.
see, 115.
scoth, 5, 17.
-se, 93, 94.
Serb, 39.
sibra, 93.
sl^n, 45.
sn^ithe, 67.
snob, 98, 124.
srath, 21.
-su, 25.
suib (sube?), 8, 101, 108.
suide *80ot,' 64.
sulbair, 43.
tadbirthid, 85.
tincor, 9.
toceth, 75.
tu-crecha, 13.
ua, prep. 122.
uch, 92.
uilche (?), 16, 113.
uinnius, 57.
329
XI.— SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. By E. R.
Wharton, M.A.
(1) The modem theory that the * prothetic,' or, as the Greek
grammarians called it (Curtius, Grundzuge,'' 720), * prosthetic,'
vowel is in most cases really the first vowel of an originally
hi-vocalic root can scarcely he rejected {a) where other languages
besides Greek have a similar vowel, as in epefio^ ipevr^o/iai o\o(jyv^
besides Armenian erek orcam o\h (Persson, Wurzelerweiterung,
p. 246, n.), or {b) where two forms can be best explained by
starting from a bi-vocalic root, e.ff, av^to Sk. vaksh- from aveks-
in d{F)€^(v, aupa^ Sk. va- from ave- in a{F)r}fii, Lat. unguis
Sk. nakhds from onokhv- in oi/vf : though why one language
dropt the second vowel and another the first we do not in the
least know. But in some cases such an explanation is impossible,
and the word must be regarded as a compound.
A. Latin in-ednus in-clutus in-columis and I think in-vitus are
but emphatic forms of canus clutus columis and * vitua * forced ' :
*i« enim saepe augendi causa adicimus,' says Festus. This in-
may be identified with the Preposition in meaning * upon ' (quite
a dijfferent word from in meaning * in,' which goes with eV), Greek
ava in ava aKi^Trrpiv (=in sceptro). The original meaning was
* up ' and so * upon ' (cf . German auf in both these senses), while
in the Latin Adjectives given above and the Greek Adjectives
to be given below we have a transition of signification from
* up ' to * in a high degree, quite.' The form in the Ursprache
would be n, represented in Latin by in-, in Greek by ap- before
a vowel,* a- before a consonant, as in the following words :
d-fiXrjxp^^ * weak, gentle,* beside pXrjxpo^' The termination,
which appears also in phekv-xp^^ /j,€\i-xpo^ irevi-xpo^t must go
* In the only place in which it occurs in Homer, Od. 5. 469, oi/pr; means the
mnming breeze, i^Sodi irp6 ; and with it in this sense Buttmann rightly connects
aHpiov * in the morning, to-morrow.* So in my *Etyma Graeca ' 1 have ex-
plained Homer's ij(&s, Lesbian aijoos, as from avo-, an Ablaut of ave- in Ihjjju : to
a people dwelling near the Mediterranean the morning breeze would be the
natural herald of dawn. The Attic form ccds takes its aspiration and accent
from fjKios.
* In some dialects before a consonant also, Hom. &»/ * up,* Theocr. ofi-fiifiya-
CKOfAivip (in which the vocalism shows the presence of a sonant).
330 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
with xp^^^ XP^^ ' surface, skin, colour,' so that fi\ij-xp^^ means
* weak-looking, weakly ' : the root is mle- (not mla-, since fiXrf-
Xpo9 occurs in Doric), Sk. mid- 'to wither,' with Ablaut mlo-
in Irish hldith * smooth, soft,' and mele- in filXco^ * useless.' —
Quite a different word is pXa^ * slack,' in which the d must
be due to contraction (Kretschmer K.Z. 31, 295), or we should
have *^\?7f : as i/eaf or i/ejyf comes from i/€09, so I would explain
^\af as for *p\aFd^ ov ^pXapri^, from a simpler form ^fiXafd^f
mlvos, Lat. mollis for *molvis. The root appears in Gothic
ga-malvjan * to crush,' and Eng. mellow.
d'Oeacj^aTo^ * marvellous,' beside &€(r<f>a'n9 * divine ' : literally
* struck {t.e, made) by a god,' cf . 7rp6(r-<f>aT09 * made in addition,
new,' and ^/-0aTO9 (Hesychius) Si-<f>affio9 * made double.' The
root of this -(f)aT09 is ghyn-, ghven-, in Oeivio ^ * strike,' fivXri'
(paT09 * struck by the millstone,' and, with a transfer of meaning,
(p6po9 * slaughter,' Aprfl'(paT09 * slain in battle.' — The first element
of $€(r'(f)aT09 appears with a * determinative ' o (Brugmann,
Grundriss, 2. 60) in ^eos, i.e. ^Oeao^ : which, however, can hardly
go (as Tick thinks it may, Worterbuch* 1. 469) with Lithuanian
dwases * spirit,' Middle High German ge-twds * ghost,' for the
Greek gods were by no means spiritual beings.
So we have a-fiavpo^ * dim,* beside fjtavpo^ (Photius) ; and in
II. 24. 753 the two readings dfucxOaXoeatrav and fiixOaXoeaaav^ a
word of unknown derivation (the connexion with 6/u,rx€tv, Hoffmann,
Bezz. Beitr. 15. 84, is absurd). So I would explain the «- as
intensive in
d"yepu)xo9j ^<y€pa'Oxo9 * holding privileges.'
d-{F)ri(ruXo9 * wicked,' beside Sk. vdtulaa * mad.' On this
dialectic change of tv^ to av see Classical Review 6. 259 : I
connect aXo-avhvq * goddess of the sea wave ' with Irish tond
* wave,' d(rv<f>i]Xos' (below) with rvcpiXd^, avx^d^ * long, numerous '
with Tvx*ijv * ordinary,' as a Litotes for * considerable.' Thus alone
can we fairly explain haatfs and Lat. densm {i.e. *dent-tos) beside
Albanian dent * to make thick.'
d-Kpo9 * at the top ' (it never means * sharp,' and therefore
cannot go with dicU, Lat. acu&), beside (paXa-icpo^ * white-headed ' '
1 As Lat. ferio means both 'strike* and * cheat,' and Kpovais hoih. * striking'
and 'cheating* (Ar. Nub. 317), so with Beivw I would connect (p4va^ 'cheat*: a
Done word, like it6fiuKos ' rogue,' as the a, for tj, shows, with a dialectic (f> for 0
as in (pfos for d€6s (Gr. Meyer, Griech. Gramni.* 211).
2 The first element is Dhl-n-, cf. bhl-n- in <f>aW65 * white ' (Hesychius) and
Lat. fullo ' clothes-cleaner.*
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 331
(Schulze, Quaestiones Epicae 464), from a by-form of Kapa, On
these by-forms see Danielsson's Grammatische imd Etymologische
Studien pp. 1-56, Johansson K.Z. 30. 347-350, Johannes Schmidt's
Pluralbildimgen der Indogermanischen IN'eutra pp. 363-379. From
the same root as icapd we may deduce {a) Kotpo^ {i,e, ^Kapjo^)
* thrum,' end or top of the thread; (ft) xapTo^ KpaT09 'headship,
power,' quite a different word from KpaTal-Xea^ * rocky,' Gothic
hardus 'hard' (with which we may put Keprofia 'hard words');
{e) K\7Jpo9 *lot,' a Dissimilation for ^tcpapo^, cf. Arcadian KpapiwTai
and Khodian 'UXo-Kpaprj^ (Meister, Griechischen Dialekte 2. 104,
G. Meyer 160), the word thus meaning *head' as sign of in-
dividuality, going with vav-xXi^po^ i/av-Kpdpo9 * householder ' (what-
ever the first element of these words may be) and Hesychius*
Kpaepa 'head'; {d) KpaiTraX'q 'headache,' for ^Kpatn-TraXTf * a fight
in one's head,' the first element being Locative of *Kpa9^ while
from another form *Kpd'7raXij is borrowed Lat. crdpula :
a'fieivuyv * better,* from /*€i/09 * strength : '
d'(TKriOrj9 * safe,' quasi ' supported, cared for ' (cf . with Active
meaning, trKeOpo^ 'careful'); a Dissimilation ioT *d-ffx^0t/9f from
the root of <rx7/*a, extv (in (rx^Oeit/ the x ^^ retained through the
analogy of o-xeti/) :
d'ff7r€px€9 * hastily,' from (TTrepxtt^ ' hasten ' :
a-(rT€/u,(/)i^9 ' stiff,' from a root meaning * to be hard,' whence also
ffT6/*0i;\a * pressed grapes,' Sk. stamhh- ' to restrain, hold fast * :
d'(rv(/)rfXo9 (with Aeolic accent) ' insulting,' *ti;0//\os (see above
on di^(rvXo9) going with Tv(f)X69 * blind,' Tv(/)wBrj9 * dull,' Tt)0o9
' conceit ' :
d-TapT7jp69 ' baneful,' *TapTJ a Subst. from ^rapro^ Part, of
Teipeiv * to distress ' :
a-T€i/?;9 ' strained,' Lat. m-tenttcSf from tciuw :
o-T/)V7CT09 ' swelling,' Lat. turgidiLs, from a root tver-g- (Frohde
B.B. 14. 107), an extension of the root tver- (see on aavpwryp
sec. 5, and, on the pvj pv^tv, p. 11) :
d'v<naXeo9 'squalid,' Od. 19. 327, cf. Sk. gush- * to dry,' Lat.
8u-du8 * dry ' ; from ^d-avaTaXeo^ as av7n/o9 from '^aavn-vo's.
So, with dv- for p- before a vowel, I would explain dv-dehuo^
' quite dowerless,' dv-aeXino9 ' quite unlocked for,' and Hesiod's
du'd7rv€V(Tro9 ' quite breathless,' Suidas' dvdr^^i/tvffTO^ di/'dinaiaro^
(J. Schmidt K.Z. 23. 273).
B. The same intensive particle appears in several Yerbs :
Lat. incitd mfringo ingemind tnnovd intremo etc. beside cit6 frang6
332 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
etc., Greek aoKapl^tv atm-aipu) 'palpitate ' beside ffKapi^to <nraiptM)f
a<T(j>apaf>(iu} * clank' (Theocr. 17. 94) beside fftpapar^eojLLai * burst,'
and d-Kovu) * hear ' beside ko{F)€u> * perceive.' So
d{F)eiSu} *sing' beside oiBa: i.e. deiSu) used absolutely means
* make my meaning known,' used with an Ace. * make known,
celebrate.' In the original signification *know' we have (Hoffmann
B.B. 15. 62) Cyprian aetSe 'hear' and the common word alaOavofiai
(i.e. *d'fiB Odpo^ai) 'perceive': for the transition of meaning
from * know ' to ' make known ' cf. itrropia * knowledge ' (to elBet/ai)
or ' narrative ' (to elSet/ai Trotetp), and f^ifyvuxrKU) ' know ' beside
rfvivpt^tv ' make known ' :
d'Xer^tv * heed ' beside Lat. *leffd in diligd intelUg6 neglegd (quite
a different word, as the Perfects show, from legO * gather *). From
a Neuter Subst. *uX€r^o^ comes aXer^eipd^ * demanding caution,
troublesome ' ; which, with Ablaut, and without the intensive a-,
appears in Hesychius' Xar^eiva- Seit/d. From this *a\.er^09 come
further (a) Bvtr-jjXer^y^ * cruelly troublesome,' Homeric epithet
of war and death; (b) Tai/rjXey^^ 'intensely troublesome,' used
of death, with the derived sense of Tat/vtv * stretch,' as in the
Homeric use with epiBay p^xv^y irovovy * to intensify ' the strife,
etc. ; {c) d7r-7j\€<ye(V9 * most carefully,' the aTro- heightening the
meaning :
d'\€i(f)tv 'smear,' cf. Lat. dilihutus 'besmeared ' :
d-Xvin-dt^u} d-Xv<r<ru) ' am in distress,' going with Xvff<ra (ji.e,
*XvK'ja)f which in Homer means ' martial rage,' the spirit of
a wolf, \i;ico9: in 11. 16. 156 and 352 warriors are compared
to wolves, and Theocr. 4.11 ireltrai rot MtXwp xal tw? \v*:o9 avriKa
Xvffffrjv shows that the Greeks themselves connected Xvaaa with
XvKo^. With these words go fiop/no-XyrreffOai * to madden as a
hobgoblin, nopp^w,^ would,' and p.oppoXvicelov 'bugbear,' literally
' hobgoblin wolf ' :
d-fiaXhifvtx3 * destroy,' from *p.aXhmy Sk. mrdUs ' soft.'
aytteV/tt), cf. Lat. mulgeQ.
C. In three other Verbs we have the ' copulative ' a- of d9poo9
a7rd9 d7rX6o9f dialectically a- m dSeX(/)d9 UK01T19 dKoXovOo^ aXo'yo9
drdXavTo^ ; representing sqi-, a/* -a, Lat. aimul, 8k. sam * with ' (as a
Preposition) or, in compounds, ' together.' This appears as a- in
* With fiopfidi go fiSpfioi * panics' (Hesychius) and I think fiepfiepos 'mis-
chievous,' fitpfiripa 'trouble/ and fiopfivpcou in II. 18. 402 p6os *A/ccai/oio iupp^
fiopfi{rpa>Vy rightly explained by Hesychius as Tapda-auv * making an uproar ' : it
has nothing to do with Lat. murmuTf which would give far too weak a meaning.
SOME GREEK EXrMOLOGIES. 333
(a) a-fiapTCLvti} 'fail' (the root, on which see Neisser B.B. 19. 120 aq.^
may perhaps he found in Lat. mora), with which of. Hesychius'
d/iapeiv' a/iapTciveiv and Homer's rjfippoTov ; as a- in {b) a-/i€t/3to
* exchange ' beside Lat. mlprd * remove ' and Old Slavonic miglivH
* mobile/ and (<?) a-fievofiai * surpass' ('change places with') beside
Lat. moved. In these Verbs the copulative prefix, like the (of
course unrelated) Lat. eom^ in commaculd comminuo concitd convelld
etc., merely * gives intensity to the signification of the simple
word,' Lewis and Short s.v. cum. With the same force it appears
in 0-/10X709, which Eustathius says was 'Achaean' for a/c/iiy 'prime'
(as Hesiod Op. 588 uses dp^oXfyaitf of a * prime ' cake, /na^a) : I
would connect the word with mlg- in Lettish miht ' to swell,'
Lat. muUu8 for *mulctus ("Wiedemann B.B. 13. 303 «y.), so that it
will mean ' swelling, climax,' and wicto^ d/ioXr^w will be Cicero's
muUd node ' late at night.'
A copulative, though not an intensive, a- seems to appear in
d-offffrjTi^p ' helper,' which I would explain as ' one who hears a
divine voice {Foaaa, as o<T<ra may everywhere be read in Homer,
L. Meyer K.Z. 28. 90 : the root appears in Lat. vocd), and in
obedience to it goes to help his comrades.' Hesychius has also the
form offffrjT^pa, referring, according to Moriz Schmidt, to II. 15. 254
Toiov Toi (^a)o<Tari7ijpa Kpopiwp ef lSij9 TTpoejjKe, in which case the
word must necessarily have had a digamma :
u-ff^o\o9 ' soot,' quasi ' thrown together, collected,' from fidWtv.
The ff/3 is the same dialectic representative of gv which Pick
B.B. 17. 323 finds in (fyepe-a^io^ 'life-giving' and afievvvfjbi
' quench ' (Goth, qistjan ' to destroy ') : and which I find, before
other vowels than e or £, in {a) dfKJyi'tT^aiva 'a serpent that can
go either way ' and dfKJyc-tr^rireu} ' dispute,' both from ^alvw ;
and (J) (j)\o7apo9 ' din,' the clash produced by the impact of one
heavy body on another, from a root bhleigv-, cf. (pxtfitv OXifiw
*rub,' Jjoi.fligo 'strike,' Welsh i/*/ ' catapult.' — ^Another dialectic
representative of gv was 5", Eur. Phoen. 45 eTre^dpei^iTre^dpei,
Hesychius ^eWeip ^epeOpa ^eLvafiev= pdWeiv pdpadpa trfiei/vvfiev.
So I think in {a) ^dXrf * spray * from fiaXXw ; {h) ^aXo^ ' jealousy ' ^
beside Lith. geld 'pain,* Old High German quala 'torment';
(<j) faYr 'sea,' and Homer's €V£-g'a0e\o9 'stormy,' from fiaTrTto,
the sea ' dipping ' the ships, cf. Eur. Orest. 706 vau9 . . . ipayjrev
^ The a here is Ablaut of e as in KcipSs beside Lat. cera, fiSKuy beside Old
High German md^o, see Johansson B.B. 15. 306 «^.
334 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
* the ship sank,' Old Norse haf * a dive, the deep ' ; (rf) faw ^wto
quasi * walk,* and Si^rf/uiat fj/rew quasi * go about,' all from fiatutv :
(e) poi^o9 'whistling* beside poi/i-Bo^ (for the termination cf.
D. Beside the copulative sm-, Greek a- or a-, there appears a
parallel form so-, Sk. sa-^ Greek o-. We have it in Hesychius'
oydffTtvp o^vye^ oOpoo9 o^vXov (Schulze 495), Homer's o7raTpo9 and
II. 2. 765 oTpixa^ olerea^ (the latter, despite Schulze, a miswriting
for *oi;€T6as, i e. ^o-Ferea^); and I think in 6Sov9, Armenian
a-tamnj each a Singular formed out of a Plural signifying *the
united teeth, the rows of teeth,' as perhaps darijp u<npov Arm. aatX
are Singulars formed out of Plurals signifying 'the whole body
of stars,' the initial vowel in each word being a copulative prefix.
E. In two important words the initial e- or e- seems reduplica-
tive, standing for ae- :
iffOXo^ ' brave, good ' =*<re-<rTXo9, from the root of ffreWtv * set
in order,' the meaning thus being ' ready, settled, steadfast.' The
Greeks found a difficulty in pronouncing the combination (ttX, which
occurs in no old word {(nXer^<yi9 * scraper ' appears first in Hippo-
crates, offrXi^f^ *curl' in Attic): they preferred either (1) to
aspirate the t, Attic vavaOXou) * convey by sea ' beside vavtrroXiuj,
Hom. IfidffOXrj * whip ' with the same termination as ix^rXrfj Att.
fidaOXri'i * leather ' from the same root as fiaffTi^ * whip,* and so, I
think, eV^Xos; or (2) to drop the 9, TXeyryt^ — or the t, Sappho
/Lid(rXTj9 * leather,' Doric and Lesbian eVXo? and Arcadian etrXo^
(which last must represent *e<rTXo9, not *eff0Xd9, or it would have a
smooth breathing) — or both letters, Att. vavXov * fare ' beside
Hesychius* vauaOXov ; or (3) to change the X to />, (npe^r^U ; or
(4) to insert a vowel, otndXi^^ (as M. Schmidt reads otrrdXai^ in
Hesychius), trTeXer^'yU. — The same ffreXXtv appears, I would suggest,
in 6(f)6aX/i69 from *67r-<rTaX'^69 * arrangement for seeing,' the first
element going with ojm/iia oTrtvira ©"^^as : ^oyjrraXfio^ became 6<f)OaX/i69
as *fcY^T09, the proper Participle of €\[rtv, became €0^os :
e(TTta * hearth, altar * (in Homer only in the compounds avetmo^
i(j)e<TTio's) =*(re-ffTia from a root bH- * stone,* whence <ttiop 'pebble'
and I think irepiffTia 'lustration of the Ecclesia* by carrying a
victim round the altar, and, with Ablaut, Goth, stains ' stone '
and Old Slavonic stena * stone wall.' On the parallel form larirj
see next section.
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 335
(2) The greatest difficulties in Greek vocalism are connected with
the occasional appearance of i where we should have expected e
(G. Meyer 67-60, 29; Kretschmer K.Z. 31. 375 aq,)^ and of v where
we should have expected o (G. Meyer 61, 62 ; Schulze p. 495 sq,).
A. (a) Some of the instances quoted of i for e rest on douhtful
or impossible etymologies :
dlr^i\t\[rf epithet of Trerpij in Homer and Aeschylus (Suppl. 794),
is of unknown meaning (Monro), and can have nothing to do
with XeVa? * rock.' Hesychius' Xi^Jr' irerpa u(f> ^s ^htop ffrd^ei may
go with Xet^u),
ir^r^ia' eU and tTToi/* ev, quoted by Hesychius as Cretan, are
too obscure to be deduced from a root sem- : M. Schmidt suspects
both glosses.
i\\d9 *rope,' l\\69 * squinting,' cWtvovecXXw 'wrap up,' tXKo/Liai
* move to and fro ' can hardly have anything to do with Lat. volvd.
Ttttto^ cannot go with Lat. equus, Sk. dgvas : the aspiration is
quite abnormal, and the Homeric form ought at least to be *ikko9^
cf. ireXeKKov fi^om *'jrek€K-fov. The form LKico^ in the Etymologicum
Magnum may be Lat. equus borrowed (with i from iTTTros^f as
dtcKfn-yffio^ in Athenaeus is Lat. aquipensis borrowed.
Kiaao^ *ivy' cannot go with Lat. hedera from a root ghvedh-,
or we should have *x«<t<tc^.
XiKpKpU * sideways,' with a strange termination, goes with Lat.
Uctnus * with upturned horns ' and ohliquus {i.e. *ob-lic-vos)
* crooked ' ; not with \expio9y which stands for ^Xe^-p-to^ and
goes with Xo^o^ (De Saussure, Mem. Soc. Ling. 7. 91, n.).
xOi^d^ is not directly from x^"> *-^' &^JCS, but from an
Ablaut ghjj with sonant sibilant, Thurneysen K.Z. 30. 352 ;
the termination is dj6-, cognate with Lat. dies,
(^) In Ifypvri it^iv i9pi9 IffTTrj the initial vowel is reduplicative,
as in «Vt/9 {KriSeo^) ix0v9 (Arm. jukn) i7rra/j,ai (^Trejojiiai) laOi (Zend
%dl *be thou*) as opposed to i^Oe^ ir^vwKa effrrjKa: in such cases
it would be absurd to talk of a change from e to «. So in uiffirofiai
TiKTU) the I is reduplicative, as in TiOtjptf Bid w fit mvtrKeaOai beside
T6Tai/o9 BedtoKa rervKetrOai, Thus
i-<yt/vij * hollow of the knee ' is reduplicated from the root of
7»'vf, 7i/v-7r€T09, Sk.y^w:
i^tD^=*i'(rd-ju) from the * reduced ' root of e^ofiaiy e^os, Lat. sedeo ;
and so ISpvco (the i is short) =*/-o'^-/)-t7w :
^ hrSs, properly Participle of Tfw * set up,' is used as a subst., * mast, loom.*
336 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
i0pi9' airahwv and e$pt^' jofita^ ( 80 M. Schmidt reads for raXfiia^)
in Hesychius may both go with 9pi^u3 * cut off ' :
I'ffTi rj is the Homeric form of ^(niciy see above. The Homeric
compounds of eor/a, and the evidence of Boeotian, Cretan, Hera-
clean, Locrian, and Sicilian inscriptions (Meister 1. 46), prove that
neither form ever had an initial F - the Arcadian proper name
Vistias can have nothing to do with larTri^ and is as obscure as
the name Kdfiai<ro9 in the same inscription (Meister 2. 103).
viffao/iaissa'^vi-vff-jo/iiatf from the reduced root of ve{^<T)ofiaty voaro^ I
TiKru)=:i*Ti'TK'TU}, from tho rcducod root of rexetv, cf. K€un9
* brother ' from *Tic-ii-T«9.
o
(7) We have i as Ablaut of je in Sk. vie- vidh- beside vyae- ' to
extend ' vyadh- * to pierce,' and so I think in vTrep-ncraivovro * they
sped on ' (Od. 23. 3) beside Sk. pra-yaksh- * to press on.' The
relation of itcrepos * jaundice ' (for the termination Havet, M^m.
Soo. Ling. 4. 230, compares vtr-Tepa, r^a(r-TJp) to jekv-, JjSit,jeeury
is not quite clear : we should have expected ^iirrepo^,
(5) Homer's Kipvij/ii irtrurj/ULi irlXvafiai (^<T)Kihvafiai beside Kepaatra
ireraffffa iriXaaaa (XKeSaaa {^iicehaa<Ta\ Pindar's Kpifivqfii * irlTvto
beside Kpifiaaav ireToiffai, Attic opiyudo/iiai beside ope^o/aaiy owe
their i to the analogy of reduplicated Verbs, they are formed
after f^l-^vofiai fil-fivuo^ as Homer's aKiptdw (root sker-, cf.
aicalpu)) is formed after ti-ktu). So Pedersen Idg. Forschungen
2. 293 says * the i of aKiSptj/Ln is due to the influence of T<mffn
tiOtj/lli Tri'fiirXTffii etc.
Homer's Trltrvpe^ beside Lesbian Tritrvpe^ must owe its i to the
preceding numeral, rpia rpU rpno^. So (BaunackK.Z. 25. 225 sq.,
Brugmann Grundriss 2. 165 sq.) oxra- in compounds owes its
-a- to eTTTa-, Heraclean oktiv and Elean otttw draw from eTrrd
their breathing and labial respectively, 07^009 borrows its consonants
from efiSofio^.
(c) There is no clear proof of any confusion in the Ionic- Attic
dialect between e and 1 : the Old- Attic forms Alvearai — Alviarai^
AvXeaTai — AvXiarai only show different ways of resolving the
diphthong €t before a vowel, Delian (nXifytyU is an Assimilation (see
J. Schmidt K.Z. 32. 321 sq,) for (rrXeryryU, Mivhalivv is a very late
form for the earlier Mevhalwv on the coins of Mende in Pallene.
* In the MSS. almost always written Kfyfifivnfii (Kretschmer K.Z, 31. 376), see
Aescb. Theb. 229. Eiir. Here. Fur. 620.
* Homer's irfpvrjfii kept its e tbrough the influence of its cognates irtpdo) * sell '
and v4prt)Vf 11. 24. 761 iT4pya(rx\ ^vriv* cA.c(rK6, irexiiyj/ a\6s.
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 337
But in the non-Ionic dialects the letters interchange so often that
we can only explain the instances by supposing that in those
dialects e was pronounced * close,' half-way to an ' open ' «, and so
might be represented by either letter. Before a consonant we have
this variation in
Arcadian Iv beside eV, even in consecutive lines of the same
inscription (Meister 2. 90) : cf. Hesychius ir^Kpo^' €yK€(f>a\o9,
l<r)(€pG)' €^ij^ {i.e. iv (F^epiv) :
Cyprian Iv beside (Hesychius) evavov evOe^, L{v)0e beside i{y)0ahe
(Meister 2. 210) : cf. Hesych. ttiXvov' (paiov (=» Att. weWov) :
Cretan Iv and eV in the same inscription (G. Meyer 58) :
Locrian 7/1/os (Havet, Mem. Soc. Ling. 2. 168).
80 the Sicyonians themselves called their city 'S.eKvwv (Meister
2. 89) : Hesychius has Xetcpoi and XiKpoi * antlers' without designa-
tion of dialect. Before a vowel (Solmsen K.Z. 32. 513 sq.)
we find this variation in Cyprian, Lesbian, Boeotian, Thessalian
(excluding Larisa), and Doric :
Cyprian Oi6v and Oeiv, fil and /xe (Meister 2. 211) :
Lesbian 'x^pvtrtu) and xp^^^^ •
Boeotiaa O169 and ^eoTs, BoKiei but KaXeovn :
Thessalian Alovra and Aeow :
Laconian (no^ and Qeivva :
Heraclean TifioKpajio^ but Fereo^ :
Cretan 0i6^ and ^609, a/nlivv and a/ietoVf tiv/LLev and eiv/ncv.
We must therefore conclude that, however it was written, e was
always pronounced ' close * in Aeolic, Doric, Locrian, and Cyprian ;
and, at least when it stood before a consonant, in Arcadian also.
B. (a) The derivation of the following words is unknown,
and we cannot say that the v stands for o :
irpvXee^ * champions ' (Hom.), cf . Cyprian irpyXi^ ' war-dance '
(Hoffmann B.B. 15. 89).
TrpvjLLvrf * stern,' Trpu/ivo^ * hindmost': not from tt/oo, which would
give just the wrong sense.
irpinavL^ ^president': Attic also wpoiav^la wpojavevw (Meister-
hans, Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften, p. 19), Lesbian
both TrpvTavL^ and Trporavi^y the words being popularly connected
with 7rp6,
TTvXrj * gate ' : not from TreXtv * move,' which gives too indefinite
a meaning.
TTvfiaTo^ *last': Sk. pit-nar *back' (Bugge B.B. 14. 68) has
little resemblance of meaning.
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-3. 22
338 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
awvpaOoi. * stercus ' (Hippocrates), cf. Att. a<t>vpnh^^.
avvpi^ or ff<pvpi9 * basket * : Lat. sporta goes rather with airapTov
* rope.'
rpv^ * new wine ' : Eng. dregs cannot be connected.
vwea^ * awl * (Herodotus) : Att. ott^tioi^ may take its o- from owrf
'hole.'
So 7\i50w ' carve ' goes with Lat. gluhd * peel,' Ags. eledfan
'split,* not with ty\a(/>iv 'scrape.* In vXof^o^ 'army,' vppa^
* pell-mell * (Schulze 495), the first element is a dialectic form
of <rvi/, not a * copulative ' o-.
(ft) In the following words the v is formative, a stem-ending
(Brugmann Grr. 2. 104, cf. 91, n.) :
af^vpi's 'gathering* (^a'^wv\ o/n/jyvpi^f 7ravi^yvpi9f Att. ayvpnj^
' beggar ' : from a stem dyu-, as ayopa dyeiptv from a stem 070-
(tt76-), all cognate with aytv ' drive.*
alffVfivrjTTj's ' umpire ' : stem altrv, cf. ai.<r{^F^ay see on ai(7)(^o9,
sec. 4.
a^vBi9 ' together * (the accent, as opposed to that of d/LLoifSriBi^j
is from ap.a)= stem dfiv (on the breathing see sec. 3), as dfjua
from a stem dfio-,
hiairpvaio's ' passing through * : stem wpvy from the root of
I 1 A
TrepatVf see TrpatrtrtVy sec. 4.
BpvTTTiv ' I tear ' : stem Bpv (^€/)a»), as BpeTno ' pluck * from
a stem Spe-.
iiraatrvrepoi ' one after the other,* of obscure formation : if it
went with the Homeric daffOTepay (by-form of affaov) it would
be ^eTTafffforepoi,
KpoKvSeiXo^ 'lizard,' Hipponax 119: stem KpoKv-f as KpoKoSeiXo^
from KpoKO'j sec. 4.
/ndprupo^ Horn., fidprvp Pind. and Att. : stem fiap-rvy root nir-y
as in Ppa-p€V9 ' umpire ' (Kretschmer K.Z. 31. 392).
i/tui/v/tos Hom., vu)vvp.vo9 Hom. Pind., diz-ivw/LLo^ iir- 6fi- Hom.
Pind. Att., ev- TToXv- Hes. Pind. Att., Bi- <rvv- ylrevS- 'Trarpiavvfiio^
Att.: not 'compounds of ovofia* as Kretschmer K.Z. 31. 377
makes them, or they would end in -fiwv : they are from a stem
wuv (for the ending cf. ervfio^ i^Bvfio^)^ as ouofia is from a stem
ovo' (Bartholomae B.B. 17. 132).^
^ On ivofia and its cognates — among which Lat. nomen must not be reckoned,
it cannot be separated from co-gr nomen and Old Slavonic zname * sign ' — see
further J. Schmidt K.Z. 23. 267 sq.; Thumb K.Z. 32. 130 sq. ; Bezzenberger
B.B. 10. 72 ; R. Schmidt Idg. Forsch. 1. 77 ; Audouin M^m. Soc. Ling.
SOME GREEK ETTMOLOGIES. 339
. ofyrv^ * quail ' : stems opru^' and opruK^^ cf ., with other stems
from the same root, Sk. vartakas vdrtika vartlraSj all meaning
* quail.'
po(p€u) * swallow * (Ionic) : stem sm-, cf., with the same * deter-
minative ' bh, sro- in Att. /»o0€w (Ablauts are- Lithuanian sriehiUy
ST- Lat. 8orbed)f and, with a different determinative, sy- in Old
Slavonic sriikati.
vTTofipvxa * under water * : stem mm-, cf. Lat. mare (Hirt Idg.
Forsch. 1. 475).
(7) In pv^u) ' growl * beside po^tv poxOetOf and pv^/So^ ' bull-
roarer * * beside po/uifio^, we have different Ablauts : the pv- repre-
sents vr- (Frcihde B.B. 14. 107), the po- represents vro-. It
seems that in one dialect of the Ursprache vr (vl) became ru (lu),
in another the sonant took the same form as in other combina-
tions : we have Sk. rue- * shine * rudh- * grow * luhh- * be lustful *
beside vdrcaa * light * vardh- * grow * valbh- * enjoy * respectively,
opvaaw * dig ' and (nasalised) pv^x^^ * snout ' but Sk. vrh- * to
tear,' Xuxros Lat. lupus but Lith. wUkas, see on aavpwjrjp sec. 5.
(5) In the following cases the v — like the u in Sk. dhur- mh-
hur- beside dhvar- * injure ' vas- * shilie * hvar- * be crooked '
respectively — is Ablaut of vo or ve :
7V1/1J, gun-,^ beside gven-, Goth, qino, Old Irish hen^ Old
Slavonic zenuy Sk. janiSf and Elean fieveoi {filat^otjo rrj f^waiKi^
Meister 2. 22).
iiri-aKvviov * skin over the eyes,' skun-, beside skven-to-, Old
Norse %kinn.
7. 61 ; G. Meyer Gr. Gr.' 77 and Albanesische Studien 3. 69; Brugraann Grr.
I. 219 fin. and 2. 340; Schulze 201 hq.\ Persson 227. The forms in Celtic
(Irish ainmm or oinm, Welsh enw) and Old Slavonic {itn/) have not yet been
satisfactorily explained. The root may appear in 6voixai ' blame, disparage,' i.e,
*name/ in our parliamentary sense, stigmatize. Arcadian KAcwvej/nw, Laconian
•trarpovSfioVy seem to owe their third vowel 0 (for v) to a false connexion with
v6ixos.
1 i.e. (Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth, p. 39), a fish-shaped piece of wood
making a hideous noise when whu'led round by means of a piece of string. The
Greeks themselves seem to have compared the shape of the bullroarer to that of
the wryneck, tvy^, with its long snake-like neck : * the mad bird, the variegated
wryneck of the four spokes, bound to an endless wheel,' which Aphrodite in
Pindar (Pyth. 4. 381) brings to Jason to help him in gaining the love of Medea,
can hardly have been a real wryneck, but a oulkoarer spun round by means of a
wheel. From the noise which this would make, not from the bird itself, which
has not a loud cry, came the Homeric tvfcw * roar ' ; and, from the use of the bull-
roarer in magical ceremonies, the meaning of tvy^ as 'charm, spell' (Pind.
Nem. 4. 66) or 'yearning produced by a spell' (Aesch. Pers. 989).
2 A Velar after or before v becomes Palatal, not Labial (De Saussure, Mem.
Soc. Ling. 6. 161 sq.).
840 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
Ovpa^ dhur-, Lit. diirys^ Arm. durn^ Sk. rfwr-, beside dhvor-,
Zend dvara,
kvk\o9 * wheel,' kiikvlos, beside kvekvlos Ags. hveohl,^
kvekvlos Ags. hveogel^ Sk. cakrds, and kvokvl- Lat. poplea (an
Oscan form, for ^quocles, as popina is the Oscan form of coqulna)
*ham of the knee' as being rounded (Bugge B.B. 14. 64, 65).
Kv\i^ 'cup,' kul-, beside kvel- TreX*^ (Cratinus, Meineke
2. 64), and kvol- Sk. kalagas.
ffrvpa^ ' spike at the butt-end of a spear,' (8)tur-, beside
(8)tver-, see on (ravptorypy sec. 5.
vSivpy ud- Sk. udan-f beside vod- Goth. vatOj Old Slavonic voda.
v7n/o9, supnos. Old Slavonic sUnii, Arm. khun, beside svepnos
Ags. svefUf and svdpnos Lith. sapnas (Lat. somntM and Sk. svdpnas
may represent either svep- or svop-).
TTiavpe^ Treavpe^ (see pp. 8 and 2), kvetur-, Lith. keturif
beside kvetver- Lith. keiweri, Old Slavonic c'etveriij Irish cethir,
and kvetvor- Dor. rhope^.
So apparently in
fivXrjy mul-, beside mvel- Irish melim, Old Slavonic melja^
Sk. mar-^ and mvol- Goth, malartj Lith. malit, Arm. malem (Lat.
mola mold may be either mvol- or mvl-, see below) :
pv^j nuk^t-, beside nvokt^- Lat. nox, Irish nocht, Goth, nahts,
Lit, nakthy Old Slavonic noHi^ Sk. ndktis :
0v\Xoi/, bhiil-jom, beside bhvc^l-jom Lat. folium,
I.e.y though no extant language has initial mv, nv, or bhv,
the Greek forms here show that such combinations existed in.
the TJrsprache. So (Brugmann Grr. 166. 170. 184) v is lost
after initial bh in V7r6/o-0m\o9, Lat /?«, Old Slavonic he * he was ' ;
and after medial n in Att. r^oi/ara fei/o? (f>0dvu), and Old Slavonic
ttnUa ^ thin.'
In five of these words we have a further Ablaut, the final liquid
of the root becomes sonant :
71; 1/7/ : gvn-, Dor. 701/5, Boeotian fiava?
Ovpa: dhvr-, Lat./om, Old Slavonic dviri.^
^ So, I think, ir4v\os * robe ' as being circular when spread out flat on the
ground ; whence in Latin it was called cyclaa.
2 Also, I think, Ionic (not ' borrowed into Attic from Boeotian ' as J. Adam
says of fidyavffosy Classical Review 7. 102) : fidvavtros * mechanical' — Herodotus
2. 165 opposes fiavavfflr) to rh /jLaxifioy — = *fiavd-avT-jos (for similar shortenings
in compounds see on tlyx^Kvs, sec. 4) ' quite womanish,' the second element being
from avr6s in the sense of Homer's aUrcos * merely, simply.'
3 But not doup6sj which was the pivot of a gate, irvKat (II. 12. 459), not of a
door.
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 841
icvXef : kvl-, *ica\cf, a form from which Lat. caltx was horrowed.
7ri(Tvp€9 : kvetVf-, lon.-Att, reWa/^es, Hdt. reaaepe^ {ep repre-
sentiQg f , sec. 3 c, as in eptnjv beside Att. upffffv), Boeot. TreTra/aes,
OaGSiJi petor. (So Aeolic avpKe^ may be from turk-, while Att.
<rapK€9 is from tvfk- : the root is unknown.)
p,v\rf : mvj-, fidXij ' armpit,' cf. fivXrj in the sense of * kneepan ' :
both parts of the body were named from their shape, the armpit
concave like the upper millstone, the kneepan convex like the
lower.
Why all these forms of Ablaut were used it is hard to see :
plainly it had nothing to do with accent, whether of pitch or of
stress. My own theory on the subject, Etyma Latina p. xxx., has
as yet escaped notice.
(e) In ovv^ from onokhv- (p. I) the second vowel is due to
Dissimilation, the dislike to having the same sound in two con-
secutive syllables : cf. with * regressive * Dissimilation, the dialectic
Attic Arii(/>vl3o9 (Kretschmer K,Z. 29. 412). In onokhv- the
second vowel was a genuine 0, not one interchangeable with e :
every other kind of o remains in Ionic-Attic in such a position,
whether the preceding vowel be o, oro^o^ ototoI (both onoma-
topoeic), oySoXo's oXoipivio^i opoyvia 6po(pi^ beside o^eXo^ iXe(f>aipop,€ii
opefyuj ipecjio) respectively, oOopuai oXo6^ beside oOerai oXeKiVf ovo/iici
from a stem ono- (see p. 10), ^-or w, Hom. irefinrw^oXov Att.
a/iKfyiapoXo's Tpitv/SoXoVj Archil. Att. aTr-tvfioTO^ Att. eV- <n;i/-, Hom.
Att. v7rtvp6(pio9 : with the exception of irej/Ttvpyt^a in an Attic
inscription of 330 b.c. (Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung 3. 412), Bitvpvf^a
etc. in Xenophon, Cynegeticus 2. 5, which owe their v to the
analogy of eirwuvfio^ etc., (see p. 10 fin.), since they stood to
6p6yvia{A.T. Fragra. 661*) as eTrwwfia etc, seemed to stand to ovofna.
But in the non-Ionic dialects an o in such a position was pro-
nounced * close,* inclining to an 'open* v, and might be written
either <* or v: whether the preceding vowel were o, ouvfia in
Lesbian, Boeotian (as oviov/uia), Thessalian, Phocian, and Doric
(Kretschmer K.Z. 31. 377, Meister 1. 56), and ofivav (apparently
for ofioa€f Bezzenberger B.B. 5. 327) in Pamphylian, — or w,
Epidaurian v'7rujpv(/>ia9 beside opo^d (Kretschmer K.Z. 378).
(g") Even apart from Dissimilation, in the non-Ionic dialects
every un^stressed o seems to have been pronounced * close * and
written indifferently o or v. Thus
* Pind. Pyth. 4. 228 hp6yvLavy and Sappho 98 ivropSyvioi, are mere conjectures.
342 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
(a) in the article, which like our * the ' was douhtless Un-
stressed, Pamphylian v but Arcadian 6 :
{b) at the end of a word, Lesbian dTrh and a-Trb (the Grammarians
give Bevpv as the Aeolic form, Sappho has Sevpo), Arcadian avv
Karv^ uWv^ but iXvffaTOy Cyprian ayrv f^evoirv wplaerv (never -to),
Pamphylian e/SwXdffcrv eTriyjXoBv KaTepep^oSv. So before a final
consonant, Cyprian Kepd/nw^ Nom. Sing, (in other words -09),
Pamphylian pwXrj^ew^ and in the same inscription KeKpajLLei/o^f
'EffrFcSiiv^ Nom. and Kovpaaitow^ Gen. :
(c) in the first element of a compound, whether a monosyllabic
Preposition, Cyprian vv-eOrfKc and ov-eOrfKey both from n-, Att.
av ; or at the end of a disyllabic Preposition, Lesbian aTrv- and
diro', Larisaean aTrv-, Arcadian aTrv- Ka-rv- ; or at the end of a
stem, Rhodian *Aya0V'/u,pp6Tov and Tifio-ppohov^ Pamphylian Foncv-
TToXt'S and N€70-7roX6«9.
Pitch- accent seems to have had nothing to do with this pro-
nunciation of o, we have v in the oxytone syllable in FoikvttoXi^
and may suppose it in ^k^aOvfuiPpoTos} On the other hand, except
in the later Lesbian dialect, on which see below, this peculiar
V seems to appear only in the unstressed syllable.*
In some sub dialects o before «, wliether stressed or not, seems
to have been pronounced 'close*: the instances (G. Meyer 116;
J. Schmidt K.Z. 32. 394 sq.) are — Ionic (at Abu Simbel) vfs,
Cretan vl and o7rv«, Euboean /u,€rviK09.
(97) In the later Lesbian dialect — that of Theocritus in his three
' Aeolic * poems, and of the poetess Ealbilla, not that of Sappho
and Alcaeus or of any early inscription — even radical o seems to
have been pronounced somewhat * close.' The Greek grammarians,
who say that the * Aeolians,' i.e. the Lesbians, *tum o into v,*
give /bLif^/i^ ^vavov atvfia tvt€ vfAxf^dXo'i viriaOa vpvi^ as the proper
Aeolic forms, though Pittacus (in Eergk) has arofia^ a Lesbian
inscription oref Alcaeus opvi^ ; so that we cannot be sure that
^ For */caTj», which is to Karh. as virh to hira- (Sappho).
* Homer's 2(A\uSis owes its v to ^ixv^is.
3 So in Cyprian Kvv6m(Tfia (Hesyehius) * wine made from the refuse of pressed
grapes,* if Meister 2. 220 is right in making this=*/c«i/<J-7ri(r/ia, from kmuos
* resin* -{-wrpu : but M. Schmidt suggests Kvyv-vUfffia ('juice J)ressed out').
* Cyprian SoFfvai and IvFdvoi seem to contain the same root in two forms,
(1) dou- from dou- (Wiedemann, Litauisches Praeteritum, 41 sq.), cf. Old
Slavonic darati, and (2) du-, cf. Lat. duun, with F developt before a vowel, as in
Chalcidian TapvFSvri^, Boeotian Ei/Fdyopos, cf. Epirotic Et/fiavhpos. Cf. respec-
tively (1) do(u)- in Cyprian ^(i>Koi, and (2) dii- in iir4dvK€ (Meister 2. 220).
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 343
the various readings ^wei and vtrBtvv in Sappho 40 and 4 ai-e
genuine. In a late inscription we have vfiolws^y in Ealbilla
(Meister 1. 53) v/*oc, in Theocritus vfiowv tffiaprrj, in Hesychius
ef vftAXKiov ef ofioltovy while Theocritus has arifxa^ Hesychius
fivpfivpu)v. These facts seem to show (1) that the 'close' pro-
nunciation of radical o was confined to the later Lesbian dialect,
and (2) that even in this later dialect the radical o was pronounced
only slightly * close,* since in all instances but those just given
it is spelt o and not v.
{$) As the Romance languages, descended from the dialect of
the Roman lower class, make every Latin u into o, so the dialects
of Western Cyprus (Hoffmann B.B. 15. 49 sq.) seem to have
made every v into o : the town-name ^6\ol (in Cyprus) is in
Plutarch 2i;\ot (Meister 2. 220), we have lOovUri in an inscription
from Paphos (Deecke B.B. 6. 71), Hesychius quotes Oopava^
fioxot (Todua (beside Ovpd fivxo^ ^vrfKrj) as Paphian, and his
fiopfiia^ iiTToKaaev IvKa^reve KOfifio's Kp6<rTaX\o9 \o^vi9 ireiroafiai
ap^of^epov (beside fivpfiri^ iwvKaaev iyKaraCpvTeve Kvp/3o9 Kpv<TTaWo9
\v')(vU TreTTvap^ai eTriafivyepiv^) may belong to the same family.
So also in some Boeotian dialect (G. Meyer 90), 'Ayttoi/rav Ooairjv ;
but Boeotian Ev(f)po(r6i/ai/ 2o/i^yow, Attic ^0\o/t5ro9, Laconian
Kovoovpetoi/, may be due to Assimilation (Kretschmer K.Z. 29.
412), while Strabo's 'Opfiiua for 'Ypfiuii^Tf (in Elis, II. 2. 616,
see Meister 2. 31) seems to show the influence of oppo9 * roadstead.'
(3) Leskien's principle of * Ausnahmslosigkeit,* that a phonetic
law has no exceptions, is doubtless true within each dialect ;
but in Greek there were as many dialects as there are in
English, and every poet and each of his hearers or readers must
have been familiar with several. So ovts and io«, words common
enough, were loanwords in Latin (Havet, Mem. Soc. Ling.
6. 17 sq.), the proper Roman forms would be *avis and *vo8 :
the Romans said * sedeo in solio,* though the I in the last
word was Oscan. In * the skipper met the shipper in a well-
equipt skiff ' we have four different dialects : in the Windhill
dialect of Yorkshire the forms miserly misel, miseln (myself) are
used without distinction, and * probably due to importation from
neighbouring dialects' (Prof. Joseph Wright, Dialect of Wind-
hill, p. 122).
344 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
A. Whether an initial vowel should preserve its aspiration
or not must have depended on dialect in Greek, just as it did
in Latin and does in English: the lower orders at Rome, the
linguistic progenitors of the Romance languages, must have
dropt all their A'«, and in England it is only the educated
classes that keep theirs.
yBv9 and ^^09 go together: the latter in II. 11. 318 y^ivv ^Bo9
* satisfaction from us * has an ironical sense, which I detect also
in cognate words with short vowel, viz. {a) dBo9 II. 11. 88
(where it seems to have a digamma), and dSij or aBrj (in Homer
only in Ace), * satiety ' ; (b) aBii/69 or aBii^o^ * to repletion * ;
and (c) the post-Homeric aSpd^ * thick, large,' quasi ' sufficient.'
— In II. 5. 203 dSrjt^y also writtefi dBBfjv, may be a contraction
of "^d-fffaSiji/ * without satisfying oneself (Schulze p. 452 sq,) ;
and so I would explain dBeto in Homer's aB^treie a^j/zcoVe?, both
also written aBB-y as for ^d-afadetVf * am dissatisfied, displeased ' :
</)pot/j,tov * prelude,' beside 7rpo-oiiu,ioVf must come from *oifiiov^
as (f)povp69 comes from 7rp6-\-*6p6^ * watcher * (o/>aw), and ^pov6o9
from ^(ppovBoOf i.e. irpo oBov, * ahead on the way,' II. 4. 382.
Homer's ot/mrj * song ' will then be dialectic for "^^oifirjf perhaps
meaning * connection,' arrangement of words, from a root soi-,
Sk. setus * binding,' «*-, * to bind,' l-fid^ * band.' (Lat. saeculum
then must be from some other root.)
B. In Lesbian we have tW/o t'^os for virep v^os (G. Meyer 91),
in Larisaean Ivep (Meister 1. 224), in Megarian alaifivara's for
alavjuLvijrr/^ (Kretschmer K.Z. 29. 412 sq,), in Hippocrates both
(TTpKpifo^ and a7pv(f>v6^ * hard.' So I would explain KivaiSo9
* wanton ' as for *icvj/at5o9, Le, kwo's alhCb e^^wi^, * with as much
modesty as a dog,' the dialectic form being employed to disguise
the meaning.
C. The Lesbian representative of r was po (G. Meyer 27),
e.g, Ppox^u)^ 0po(T€u}9 (rTp6rar^o9, Homer's '^/nfiporov beside Att.
tjiiiaprov : SO fiporo^ (cf. Sk. mrtds 'dead') must have been Aeolic,
the true Ionic word being OurjTo^y Dor. Ouaro^. So n is represented
by vo in Alcaeus* *^v6(t>aWov beside Att. KvacfiaWov : ^ the root,
as the varying initial proves,^ was originally bi-aspirate, ghn-bh-,
^ On va for n in Ionic- Attic see Osthoff, Morphologische TJntersuchungen v.,
preface; he quotes yv^Bos^ vaico (i.e, *i/a<r-J<w), and, for fiu from m, /nare^M
beside fieraWtici.
^ Cf. Hesych. h.KaB6v' hyad6vy i.e. the original form was *i-xa^<iy, from
* intensive * d- (see sec. 1) -t- a root ghadh-. Ablaut ghadh- in Goth, gods * good.'
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 845
cf. ghne-bh- in Att. f^vifpaWov, and with Metathesis (as in
ofKpaXd^ beside Ags. nafela) ghem-bh-, Old Slavonic zeha *I tear
in pieces ' (wool being carded for use).
One dialect seems to have used e-, not d-, to represent the
nasal sonant : Hesychius has ioffffrfri^p' aoffffr/rrjp, and ir^pvirvet'
aypvTTvet, the first vowel in each being the * copulative ' prefix,
originally sm-, sec. 1, c. (In d-f^p-virveiy literally * is chasing
sleep,' ' and in ct-r^pa * chace,* a-r^peu) * seize,' ^bj-a-^pia 'reward
for saving life,* the a- must be a prefix, the root gr-, ger-, as in
Hom. ^iv'typei *take alive,' and Hesych. ef^prfurai' yprfUTai,) So
y=€/o in Homer 8 ipi- and OepffiTij^ beside apt- and Odpao^^ Hesych.
^epeOpa and jLLepyi^e * gobble ' beside pdpaOpa and i^dpr^o s ; and
J=€X, in Hesych. ^eWeiv jneXepov beside fiaXkeiv fiaXepov. Again,
with the consonant coming first (as in fiaTcvtv 71/a^os KpaBirf
vXaTV9)f we have ni=yt4€ in Hesych. fiioTa^ for fULdtrra^y and
y=/06 in Lesbian Kpero^ for Kpdro^ (G. Meyer 6), Hesych. pd/Kpoi
for pd^(f>09 ' beak,' Boeotian rpewehha^ beside (in another inscription)
rpawehha^ (B.B. 17. 336, n.).
D. Homer's ob/xtf = Att. oafirjy as "AB/u.ijto^ = Att. ^Ac/tiyros
(Kretschmer K.Z. 29. 420) ; so Pindar's KeKahfA^vo^ * furnished
with' -sAtt. KeKaa^€i/o9f perhaps meaning * bound with,' and
going with the post-Homeric ktjBo9 * connexion by marriage '
— quite a different word from the Homeric KtjBo^ * care, mourn-
ing.' Homer's Kalvvfiai * surpass,' Perf. KeKaofiai, cannot be for
*KdSvv/j,ai or go with KEKahfievo^y for Dental +1/ would remain
unchanged, as in dXoavhvrj wlivw eOvo^ (G. Meyer 280) : I
would explain it as far ^Kaavvfiai (cf. eivvfii for *6ffj/v/tt), from
a root kns-, Sk, qam- * to praise,' so that Kaiifvfiai will mean
* am praised ' for something, Od. 4. 725 TravToirf^ apery <ri
KCKaafJieifO^ iv Aayaoiffi.
E. Herodotus (Rhys, P and Q Groups, p. 16), uses k- for w-
in words derived from the Relative stem, e.g, kotc Koi) kw9 :
thus his wpoKa * forthwith ' may stand for ^Trpd Tray i,e, 5r/9o+the
Instrumental (Brugmann Grr. 2. 274) of kvo-. Thus 'irpoKa
will be identical with Lat. prope * near,' an Oscan form (see
p. 12 init. on poples) for *proque from *proqua (Brugmann Grr. 1.
973). — The -Ka in ainUa must be differently explained,
apparently as kn. Ablaut of /ce*/ * then ' (see Persson Idg. Fors-
* Havet's (and Benfey's) connexion of 6.yp\nrvos with iytipWf Mem. Soc. Ling.
6. Ill, is rightly controverted by Breal, do. 172.
346 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
chungen 2. 228) : the first element is *avT/, Location of av9
* ipse ' (Hesychius), while avr69 is from the stem of avy+a
'determinative' o (see on Oetrcparo^, p. 1).
r. Before € or « a Velar ought in Greek to appear as a Dental
(Bezzenherger B.B. 16. 254 sq.j Bechtel Hauptprobleme p. 356
sq.) : the rule-right forms of ^/o? and )3/a, beside Sk. jiv- and
7ya- respectively, would be *^/o9 and *^m. The former appears in
Bicp69 * living' (Fick B.B. 16. 287), and I think in hie^ai * hasten,
am quick ' ; of which the Perfect Active would be ''^BeBiivKa (as
that of d(ptri/!ii is acjyiwKaf G. Meyer 559), whence was formed a
Present hitvKw * set in motion ' (G. Meyer 45). The form ^hla I
detect in
{a) ^la-Kovo's 'servant,' quasi pla kovwv, 'compelled to work':
the second element, as in Hesychius' kovgIv' eireityetrOaiy Homer s
eyKouew * hasten,' Att. aKovlTi ' without trouble ' (Schulze 353, n.),
is from ken-, a parallel form of kven- in wopeiv, as kel- in kcWu),
K€\y9, Lat. celer, is a parallel form of kvel- in ttcXu) ' move,'
Lat. cold :
(h) hia-veKYj^ 'continuous,' quasi fila ivexOei^, 'brought on by
forcCj not to be stopt ' : the second element being an unnasalised
form (as in Lat. naetm) of the root of ivet^Keiv and Lat. nanciscar.
(4) It is often difficult to decide whether a word is a compound
or a derivative, or of what elements an admittedly compound word
is made up.
ti^rjxj'^ in Homer always connotes sound : it is used of the cries
of pain, of a tumult, of the bleating of sheep, and of noisy eating
and drinking. I would therefore explain it as ' dry-sounding,'
from *aJ'o9, Adj. of a^rj 'dryness,' + 7%os 'noise,' comparing
II. 12. 160, KopvOe^ S* d/Li(p^ avov avrevvy of a 'harsh, grating sound '
(Monro), and Verg. Georg. 1. 357 aridus . . fragor ' a jarring noise.'
Hesychius* afaxC^'"] ^^^^ ^^^ ^® ^^® Doric form ; his a£'€X'/« is a
different word, dwh too a^rjv exeiv^ as the Scholiast on II. 15. 25
gives the derivation of d^ijxv^ (which Apollonius Rhodius uses
as = d^a\€09 'dry,' Wackernagel K Z. 33. 51).
alaxo^ ' disgrace ' = *aro-o-x-o9, from ais- in Goth, aistan^ to
observe,' Old High German era ' honour,' al[a)'hw9 * shame, respect '
(Bezzenherger B.B. 4. 313),^ and aiff-{F)fi 'apportioning,' giving
* The 8 is probably terminational, not from Sl^oofu.
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 347
each his due share of honour. The second element of a7<rxo9
is the * reduced ' root of cx«, so that the whole word means * having
ohservation,' getting oneself observed. So wa<rxw=*5ra^-<rx«, *I
have suffering, I suffer,' firom iraOo^, vaOeiv: Hesychius' waaxi'^^?
shows that the Greeks themselves considered vaax' ^^ root.
There is no proof that *ira6-<n:uyy with an Inceptive ending, could
give anything but vaaKw (which is the Elean form, G. Meyer 269) :
fiitryo) is not for *fjity(r 1:10 y but shows the same stem fiitry- as in
Homer's fiitryayKeia * meeting of glens,' i.e. fu^-a-^-y the root of
fuy-vvfii increased by 8, and with the same termination (Brugmann
Grr. 2. 91) as ai-yri beside (ri-unraw * look silent' (Kretschmer
K Z. 31. 471).
aifuyya * command' means *lead up' (Lat. tn-duco, see sec. 1,
A), cause to do a thing: *ivya is an unreduplicated Perfect,
like otSa, from the strong form (as in ay'wy'69) of the root
of u'^w. So oijuLtvy^ * wailing,' from or/tor+*tt>77 : for the sense
cf. KTVTTot/ uyeit/ * make a noise,' rfeXtvTa d'^eti/ * raise a laugh.' '
So I would explain irpaffau) as *jrpa'ay-Tjufj * make progress,'
whence its Homeric use with a * local ' Genitive, e.^. II. 24.
264 iva 7rpi)<TaisyfAev oBoio * advance on our way,' and so vpa'^os
* business '=:*7r/>a-a7-o? : the first element is *7rpa 'progress,'
a Subst. formed like xP^l *^^ o/io-kXj (Brugmann Grr. 2. 896),
and standing to 7ropo9 irepauj much as Bpa- in Bpn/ita Spato stands
to Lith. darau *1 do.'
tt/»7rt\€09 'difficult' (the d- must be long, as it is in Att.
a/0709 * idle,' from ^d-p^p^o^) means * impracticable, not to be
done,' from a- negative -f-(^e/xyoi/. For the contraction cf.
V
cLkUJV from *d-F€KU}U.
apparo^ 'unchangeable' (Plato) = *«-/7)a-T09, a- negative -(-
^fparo^ Participle from vr- 'to turn,' whence also (a), with a
termination -mo-, p6p,o9 * worm' (see sec. 3, C), Lat. vermis (from
*vormis), Goth, vaurnis * serpent' ; with -mn, Lat. vermina ' colic.'
and {h) with a ' determinative ' t, Lat. vortd-, Sk. vart- ' to turn,'
Elean ppardva * stirring -ladle ' (Hesychius), and oprv^ ' quail '
quasi * dancing, turning round.*
ii(t>9epa ' dressed hide ' (Thuc. 2. 75 tippets Koi li(j>0epa9 ' skins
' "With the literal sense of * raise ' we find iyw in ^kt^ * raised land, coast,
river-bank,' cf. Soph. Oed. Rex. 183 fidofxiov atcriv ' the raised altar ' ; so in
&X^os * weiprht, what one can lift,* cf. Soph. El. 119 ^.ynv ovKfTi croaKoa Auinjs
iivrlppoirov &x^^^i ^^^ ^^^ Attic use Ikynv fxvay 'to weigh a pound, be able to
lift it.'
348 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
undressed or dressed ') means ' twice spoilt,' Si9'\'<f)0€tptOf diverted
from its natural use as a covering for the beast, first torn off
(Sippi9 from Bepo), with a termination 'pt9 as in aKpi9 oKpi9f Brug-
mann Grr. 2. 98) and then tanned. Hesychius has a dialectic
form hiyfrapa, which goes with his yfreipec (fjOeipei (G. Meyer
209 fin.).
er^XeXv^ ' eel ' = *€7xv-x6\i;?, * snake with the mouth of a
tortoise/ x^'^*'*- *^yx^^ exactly =Lat. anguisj since eng- becomes
in Latin ang-^ frangO is for *frengo, cf. Goth, hrikan, — On similar
shortenings in compounds, where the two middle syllables have
the same consonant or two similar vowels concur, see G. Meyer
302 and Schulze 427 : Aeschylus Eum. 62 has fibeXvicTpoiro^ for
* pheXvicTO'TpoTTo^, and so I would explain {a) iraXafLvalo^ * suppliant
not yet purified ' as for *'jraXafiofiva7o9 (as naXa/ti^2i/»=*naXayMo-
firjdff^f Tick K.Z. 22. 99), * with a deed of violence, TroXa^jy, in
his memory,' fii^^firf ; {b) (no-fiapyoi * loquacious ' as for *<rTOfid^
fiapyo9 * mad of mouth ' ; and {c) vTrefivrjfivKey II. 22. 491, of an
orphan boy, as for *inr-€-fiinj'7ipxtK€ * is bowed down in mind '
(quasi ^vTr-qfivKe fi€fivrjfi€i/o9) : though for rjp.vto * bow down ' I
cannot suggest any etymology.
etafJ>o9 * foundation* is marked by Brugmann, Grr. 2. p. 204,
as the only Neuter word with the termination -bho- : I therefore
take it as a compound of €iSo9+a0i; aTrro/iai, ' touching the seat '
or bottom, a Dissimilation of breathing for * 6iSa0o9.
eroifio^ * ready ' may mean * striving after the way,' otfiL09;
the first element being (as Prellwitz Etym. Worterbuch der
Griech. Sprache suggests) jet-, Sk. gat- * seek to reach ' (Middle).
In the Active Sk. gat- means * to marshal, put in order ' ; and
with this we may connect eVeo*, cVu^ov, and (with the root in
its long form reduplicated) ir^rvp.09 * true,' quasi * regular.'
On the difference of breathing see sec. 3, A.
€vpv9 must be a compound, or we should have *€ipv9f^ as we
have EiXeiOvia beside *EX€v0u} : it seems a contraction of *€v-vpv9
*full wide' (Sk. urus). So ev0u9 'straight' may be from 6v-+^i5ai,
'rushing well,' going in a straight line. The first element appears
in three different forms: (I) esu-, 6v-, cvs * brave,' with metrical
lengthening (Schulze 33 sq.) rjm ; (2) 8U-, the reduced form,
Sk. su' * well,' Greek v- in v/Bpi9 beside Ppiapo^, vyiy9 beside
* The only non-compound word in Greek with v in both syllables is y\Ȥc6sf
apparently a by- form of the *yKvK6s which appears in Hesychius* yKviefi' fiordvii
ris iS<&Bifios.
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 349
Lith. gyja 'I get well (De Saussure Mem Soc. Ling. 7. 89,
Zubaty K.Z. 31. 52 sq,)-, (3) su-, Sk. «w- 'well,' and I think
Greek *v- in *v^t;s, whence by Dissimilation (Osthoff Morph.
Unters. 4. 190 sq,, though his explanation is very different) lOm^
the second element being Ovia, As Zubaty points out, the
parallelism of
Sk. sli- ' well ' and dmh- * ill,'
Zend hu' and dmh-^
Arm. h' and ^-,
Irish. 8U' and ^m-,
makes it difficult to separate ev-, as the correlative of hva-f
from Sk. «ii-, and put it with either Sk. dyiis * alive * or dvas
* favour.' — With ev I would put {a) evre * when * or * as,' in
the latter meaning also rjvTe, with metrical lengthening: the re
being superflous, as in avre, os re, added on the analogy of
clauses in which it really meant * and.' Thus II. 23. 62-65
evre rov thrvo^ ifiapwre . , . rfKOe B* cttI "^vxrif literally * well
was sleep seizing him : the ghost appeared,' came to mean * when
sleep was seizing him, the ghost appeared;' II. 3. lC-13 evr'
op€09 Kopv^ytTi NoTos Karix^vcv 6/j,t)(X7ju . . . liDs upa rwv vtto
TTOfftri Koviaa\o9 wpvvr aeWiJs means * well does the south wind
bring fog: so rose the dust,' i.e, *a8 the south wind brings fog, so
rose the dust ' ; and II. 4. 277 fieXavrepov^ ijvre irlaaa^ (^alverai
* it looks blacker, quite pitchy ' : (b) evxofiai * boast, vow, pray,'
literally *use only bona verba* about myself or the gods, the
same termination appearing in vi]X^ ^f^VX^ arei/dxt*^ "^p^X"^ V^'VX*^'*
ffrovaxrji SiSaxy (this from the same root as ^w * I will find,' Zend
dd' *to know ').
bxOodoTTeiv 'quarrel,' II. 1. 518, means 'organise hostilities,'
from the root of exOo^ exOpo^ + dekv- Old High German gi-zehon
* to arrange,' with which Brugmann Grr. 1. p. 332 puts helwov
' dinner,' quasi ^hewv-jov, — Eng. hatred, literally ' arrangement
(Ags. raed) of hate,' is a somewhat similar compound.
kpok6c€l\o9 * lizard,* an Ionic word (Hdt. 2. 69), = * yellow
coward,' KpoKo^ * saffron ' + BeiXo^, from the colour and shyness of
the animal. The application of the word to the crocodile must
have been a Litotes, or joke.
\ap7u69, properly used of an ox (Ar. Pax. 925), = ' with a fine
hide,' /j7i/os. The first element is the intensive prefix \a-, as in
XaKaraTrv'^ftcVf \aKardparo9, Adfiaxo^t representing *\,a€- i,e, "^Xaae-^
350 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
as the similar prefix Xai- in \ai/u,apyo9 \aiff7roBia9 represents *\a(n- : '
both are from a root las-, Sk. las- *to be lively,* reduplicated in
XiXaiojuai * I desire,* i.e, ^Xi-Xaa-jofiai.^
fjuevoivau) * desire eagerly *=*/t€i/o-/"o£i/att; (for the shortening
of a compound see p. 20 on €7xe\v9) * am drunk with desire,*
fievei oivwfiai : cf. the Attic use of fieOveiv * to be drunk with
passion.* In II. 12. 59 fievolvsov is wrong both in form (for
fievolvaov) and meaning ('were anxious*): Goebel, Homerische
Blatter, p. 1 5 sq, proposes to read fievoieu av,
vrjf^ar€09f the Homeric epithet of ;)^£Tiii/ and Kp-qhcfivov, may
mean *such as never was,* ofos ouiru) i^(ev£7o (as I think the
post-Homeric aTrXeros * immense * meant olo^ oviru) eTrXeTo), vrf-
negative + a Participial form from r^iyi/o/j.ai. So Lat. ingens
* huge * means * quod nondum genitum est.*
Traiyi/iff * sport' (Hdt.) and iralr^viov *toy' (Att.) are from
an Adj. "^vai-^ivo^ for *7raiS-yi/69f formed after 1/60-71/09, the
second element going with (yiyi/o/nai, Eut the forms Traif^/uLoavvrf
Trat^ovfiai ireTratKa owe their guttural to a mistaken explanation
of Tral^u) {i.e. *7raiB'jiv) as for '^Traify-jiVf since the -fw in most
Verbs arose from -'yjiv: Curtius, Yerbum 1. 317, gives thirty
instances of -fw from -7/0;, as against nineteen of -J'w from -Bju),
TTtv/j.aXa 'not at all* (Att.) is a negative which was originally
an interrogative : irta fidXa * how, very much how * ? The two
words were pronounced and accented as one, to show that the
/[idXa qualified the preceding word and not anything that might
follow. So TTuj in Aesch. Agam. 1507 is a negation under
the guise of a question : Sidgwick rightly translates it * nay.*
In meaning it differs from ttw^ * how ? * no more than ovrtv
differs from ovTtv9 : in each case euphony alone determined which
form should be employed. So ovTrtv and ou7rw9, fiyjiru) and /ntfTrtDSj
are used interchangeably : in
II. 2. 419 ovB* apa TTw 01 iTreKpaiaive Kpoi^iivv (see Fasi),
II. 3. 306 ouTTu) rXTjaofi,
II. 14. 143 aol B* OUTTU) fidXa 7rd^')(y Oeot ficLKape^ Koreovaiv^
Od. 2. 118 KepBed 0* oV ovvu) riv* dKovofi€.v ovBe vaXaiCbVf
1 For the difference in the final vowel cf. hpx^'ifoKis hpxi''r4KT(ov (G. Meyer
81.).
* XtKiHlihos * eager ' is not from KiKaloixai but from *Afc£o/itoi * I am much set
on a thing,' cognate with Xitav \l7}v ' very much ' ; which itself seems to stand
for *\lF-a¥f,* smoothly, easily,* beside \€i{F)os * smooth,* with the same termina-
tion as vK-dv vK'iiv * except,' literally * turning from ' (e.g. irXV civtov^^ away
\ '), from the root of n4\» * move.*
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 3r51
Soph. Oed. Kex 105 ov f^ap elaetBov 76 TTw,
and again
II. 4. 234 firiTTw 71 fieOiere OovpiBo9 a\K^9,
Od. 9. 102 /j^rfTTU) Tts XwToio ^af^ihv voffjoio XdOijraif
Cur. Hec. 1278 /myTrw fiavelri Tvi/Sapi9 Toaovhe irats^
we might just as well have had ovirto^ (/j^yTrw^), In many
passages outtiv (/aj/tw) may conveniently be tr.mslated * not yet * :
but in each it is the Verb that gives the connotation of time,
the particle denotes only manner (* not at all ').
a6\oiK09 'foreign* {^fidp/3apo9f Herodian) must be a comic
formation from 0-0X09 * ball of iron*+the termination of uttoiko^
eiroiKO's fi6ToiKo9 ffvvoiKo^f quasi * lumpish dweller,* heavi/ citizen.
(r<poSpu)9 * violently* (Od. 12. 124: <r^6Bpa and tr(j>ohp6's are
post-Homeric) = * acting for oneself,* from the roots of o-0os * their,
his * and hpau), as in oXiyoSp^vewv * doing little, feeble.* So I
would deduce <T(f>€hav6v * eagerly ' (II., in the phrases eirero
o"0e5ai/oi/, a(f>€Bav6v €0€9re, * he followed on his own way *) from
the stem of o'0€T6/oo9+the termination -Savo-, /u^rjKeBavo^, a by-form
of 'hvo' in oKairahvo^ f^oehvo^ fiaKehvo^ o\o^hvo9 rreXiBvo^ i^e^i/o's,
as the termination -rai/o'-, eTrrjeraposy is a by-form of -tj/o- in
oreXiTi/o's.
vTroBpuy in the Homeric phrase vTroBpa IStvv * looking fiercely at
him,* can have nothing to do with BipKofiaiy which would be giving
the same idea twice over, and in which case the word ought to be
vTToBpd^y as the Alexandrians rightly had it. I therefore (Etyma
Latina s.v. odium) take virobpa as Instrumental (for the accent cf.
(r(/>6Spa from (T(f)oBp6^) of an Adj. ^vir-oB-po^ * with covert hatred,*
from the root of oSvo/LLai (Schulze 341) * am angry,* Lat. odium,
Arm. ateam * I hate,* Old !Srorse otul * fierce * {e.g, otul augu
'fierce eyes*). With odium goes airox 'fierce* (Lat. Consonant
Laws 22, see Thurneysen K.Z. 32. 562) ; so that, if I may coin
the Latin word, v7ro^/9a=*8ubatrociter.
wxpo^ (apparently Neuter) * paleness * is in Homer the colour
of fear, II. 3. 35 wxpo^ re juiv elXe Trapeid^, Od. 11. 529
wxprj(TavTa xp^^t ^^ ^ coward ; it may mean ' egg-colour,* as
yellow as the yolk of an egg, to wxpov rod woo (Aristotle).
The first element is the root of u}{f)6i/ (a post-Homeric word),
Lat. ovum. Old Slavonic aje (which last proves the root to be
6-, not 6v-) ; the second is a by-form of XP^^ * colour.* From
tvxpo9 was later (first in Hippocrates) formed an Adj. tvxpd^
*pale, yellow.*
If 352 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
(5) Some other words may best be given Iq alphabetical order.
a«€To9 * eagle' (=*a«/^6Tos, as Pergaean alfiero^ shows), Aratus'
alrfTo^f^ may mean 'mighty one/ going with aij/ros, epithet of
Hephaistos in II. 18. 410, aia 'land' (the 'mighty' earth),
and alavif's * everlasting.' The two last words Johansson, B.B.
18. 4, puts with alelj alwv, and Sk. ayks 'living': the common
idea then will be * full of life, strong.'
a/i/os * terrible ' may originally have meant * bitter, cruel,' *hfi-j69
(cf. palvw from *pdfijuj, Goth, qiman), m- Ablaut to om-, Lat.
amaruB * bitter' (on the first vowel see Latin Vocalism 5), w/to's
' raw, cruel.'
uKu)v 'javelin' may go with aicvKo^ 'acorn ' and mean ' made of
oak.' So Schrader K.Z. 30. 461 connects alr^averj 'spear' with
Eng. oak,
duBporT/ra ' manhood,' occurring three times in the Iliad, is of
course unmetrical: it may be corrected in several ways. (1) The
most impossible of all is Ciemm's, who reads ^BpoTfjra from *vSpo-
ryra (d'vBpd^) : this in two places gives an un-Homeric caesura
Kara reraprov Tpoxalov (Monro, flomeric Grammar,* 367. 2),
\i7rovaa '^SporijTa Kal yfirjPf and in the third, II. 24. 6 woOetvv
*BpoTrJTu re Kal fievo^, will not even scan. (2) The idea that
*dSpor^ra could be a ' reduction ' of ^avSporijra lacks support :
dftportf is epithet of i/uf in II. 14. 78, and afi^poro^ in Od. 11. 330,
but the sense is different, dppoTff (like d/jupiftpoTjjy G. Meyer, 179)
is * neu componiert * from fipoTo^, to mean * void of men, unpeopled,'
(^Ka$* yv PpoTol furj (jionwaiv Schol., e*/ if fipoTO^ ov Trpoeiaiv
Eustathius), and so in Aesch. Prom. 2 uftporov eh iprjiJilav (as
Dindorf rightly reads for u^arov : Hesychius has afiporov dwavOpu)-
TTov)? (3) I would therefore read ^dporrj'ra, as a parallel form
to dperjv, the dp- in each case representing nr- (beside d-vrjp). In
II. 2. 651 *FiVvcLkiiv dvBpet<p6vry we may read ^apecpoPTyf with the
same stem as dperrj.
dvTaKOLO's ' sturgeon ' was a Scythian word, Hdt. 4. 53 : if this
means Slavonic I would connect the word with ant- in dvrl
'against,' Lith. ant 'up to,' and akv- in Lat. aqua (the Ur-
Slavisch form would be *aka), and explain it as ' going up
^ For the varying quantity of the second vowel cf. h.py4ri ^pyriTt, iia-Ke
iffKriBiiSt irptarowayhs evTrriyfis (Schulze 473 n.).
2 From kfip&rn Goebel, Homerische Blatter, p. 1 sq.^ derives h.^pord(Do in
II. 10. 65 liii TTws afipord^ofifv iiWiiXouv, * walk by night to each other's hurt * :
Hesychius has ^jSpor^o-ai ' to meet by night.*
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 353
stream,' sfnce according to Pliny (Hist. Nat. 9. 60) the sturgeon
swims with its scales turned forward. Lat. aquipensis may mean
the same thing, though I cannot explain the second element. —
Another Scythian word, u<rxv * hazelsap,* Hdt. 4. 23, may go
with Polish oskola ' hirchsap,' from a stem askhv-.
avrpov * cave ' may mean * cul de sac,' and go with Sk. dntas
* end,' Goth, andeis.
av\a^ * furrow,' avXri 'court' (within a high fence, Homer's
fiaOiri^ avXij^), avXos * flute,' avXtvv * hoUow way ' or * windpipe,*
may all go together, the common idea being * hollow.* The stem
then is au-l-n- from ave-l-n-, p. 1, whence also ve-l-n- in Lat.
vallta (Persson 230 : i,e, *veln6s, with * pretonic ' a), Sk. vdni
* reed ' and vdnds * arrow made of reed.' ^
^pe</>09 * babe * stands to fipaxv9 * small ' much as iXa<pp69y see
note p. 11, stands to iXaxv^ : the root of ppecj^o^ must be mreghv-,
as that of fipaxv9 is mrghv-, Goth, ga-maurgjan * to shorten '
(Johansson K.Z. 30. 442 aq,), I detect a third form, mfghv-, in
jj,6p(/)i/o^y II. 24. 316, 'the little one,* according to Pliny (Hist.
Nat. 10. 7) the smallest but one (the fieXavaeTo^) of the six kinds
of eagle.
SeXeap * bait,' Laconian fiXrjp (Alcman 130), must mean 'dropt*
into the water, from fidXXw (not, as Meister 2. 204 says, from a
root gvel- meaning * to split, tear'). In Od. 12. 252 the gram-
marian Callistratus read IxOvai to?9 6Xi<yoi4Ti SoXov Kara SeiXara
(* bait') pdXXwv, for fl'Sara (Schulze 102).
^eo-TToTi/s and Sk.jaspatis * master of the house ' owe their ^ to a
popular connexion with the words for * lord,' Troo-es (* husband ')
and pdtis : the proper form, as Old Slavonic gospodt * lord ' shows,
was gvispod-, the -B- perhaps appearing in Seffiro^w. The further
derivation is obscure : the word indeed may be un- Aryan.
BixofiaL in Homer and Att., beside BeKOfiai in Sappho Pindar
Hdt. and -hoK- in compounds in all dialects, owes its x ^^ ^X^>
a word of cognate meaning : i.e.y to use Pick's convenient
expression, Sixojtiai * rhymes ' with exojmai (Middle). — With
BoK' may go Sox/^o^ {i.e.y '^hoK-a-fio^^ as 7rXox/iio9 is for *7r\o/c-<r-
/Aos, De Saussure, Mem. Soc. Ling. 7. 91^) 'aslant,' a metaphor
from a beast turning to 'receive' the hunter, 11. 12. 147 (of
1 These must be quite different words from Sk. vdnl * music, tone ' and vdndi
* music, hundred-stringed harp,' with which Johansson, Idg. Forsch. 2. 66 n.,
puts av\6s
* Cf. (KaxH-^s ' cleft,' II. 23. 420, for *^«7-(r-/*os, from ^'tiyvHixi,
FMl. Trans. 1891-2-3. 23
354 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
boars at bay) av^pwv i^^e kvvujv hi')(tnai Ko\offVfnov loma toyjiw t*
aiffffotrre irepi 4T(^<nv uymrrov vXrjv.
^t/pt9 * contest ' may mean * spear-work,' from *hjjpFt9^ derv-
Ablaut to dorv-, ddm, Sk. ddru * piece of wood ' : cf., with
short Towel, derv- Lith. derwd * pine wood/ dorv- hovpara, dom
iopv * spear.* This *^tjpFi^ then became *^ppi9, Bfjpi^, though
by ordinary Greek laws it should have become *i€pfi9f *S€vpi9;
much as *p,7fv(r69 became '*firjvpo9 (Lesbian firjvvost\ firjvos, though
by ordinary Greek laws it should have become *fi€P<r69y *^nr69.
In other words, the law that rv became pp was earlier in
operation than the law that erv- became epF, as the law that
ILB became vp was earlier in operation (Erugmann Grr. 1. 611)
than the law that ens became ei^v.
€tic^ * at random ' seems a Litotes for elKorio^ ' as we should
have expected, simply, naturally,' Soph. Oed. Rex 979 elicrj
KpaTitrrop ^tjp, oiriv^ hvpano tc9. It is then Instrumental of au
Adj. ^eiKo^f seen in eUo-fioXeip *to aim at random,' cognate with
€oiic€ * it seems.*
etireip * to say ' may mean * to clear up,' veikv-, cf. Sk. vie-
* to sift, separate, examine.'
eTTi-ffrafiat * know ' seems formed from the Adj . iwiarfifiuop
(Od. 16. 374) 'knowing,' literally * setting oneself to a thing.'
The Subst. iirnrTrifirf * knowledge ' appears first in Hippocrates.
€pp,yp€V9 * interpreter ' must be formed from *Epju,^p (Ace. of
*E/3/*5*), taken as a stem: Hermes was the god of speech, \oyio9
(Lucian). So Zijp, Ace. of Zevs (H. 8. 206), being taken as a
stem produced in the Tragedians the forms Zijpa Zr/vos ZijpL
^Tpop * abdomen' (*wind' in our pugilistic sense) stands to
Old Slavonic vetrU * wind ' as Lat. venter (see Etyma Latina)
stands to rentus: yrpov is from (a)ve-, arjju,ty with a termination
-trom, as venter , stem ventri-, is from vent- (a Participial form
from the same root, Brugmann Grr. 1. 612), with a termination -ri-.
KoXXaia * a cock's wattles' may mean * beauties,' *Ka\Xato9 Adj.
from *icaWiy by-form of /caWo? (as evxv ®^ ^^X*'*)*
K\ot69 k\wo9 * wooden collar,' i,e. *K\tvF'i-o9y shows the same
stem klv- as Lat. cldva * wooden club.*
KU}\6u} * hinder ' is a Dissimilation for *kvXvu) (as KtvKvit) * howl '
for *icvicvtv, Lith. kukiu) : with a short vowel the root appears in
KvWoo) * cripple,' and Sk. kunis * crippled in the arm ' (Fortunatov
B.B. 6. 216).
\ao9 ought in Ionic to be \ijo9, as it is in Hipponax, and perhaps
SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES. 355
once was iii Homer (Monro, Horn. Gramm.' p. 390). From \7j69 I
would deduce (a) Xr/iov * crop,* the produce of * common ' land, and
{h) \ffi^ Xrftrj Xeia * booty,' public property before it was divided
among the combatants, cf. Xc/as aSatrra Soph. Aj. 54.
/nardu) 'linger* (11.) and /tariy 'folly' (Tragg.) are from mn-tos
Part of /tei/tt), with the same transition of meaning as appears in
Eng. dwell and dull.
fi€iu)v * less,' for *fi7]'ju)v (G. Meyer 391), goes with Sk. md- *to
measure,' and so means 'more measured,' jneTpiwrepo^f not so
immense.
firi'vvivj Dor. fiavvu) 'make known,' is from mn- Ablaut of mn-
in Lat. mens, Sk. matis ' thought.' For the transfer of meaning
from ' think ' to * declare ' see on aei^w, p. 4.
fioyo(TTOK09f epithet of Eileithyia in Homer, of Artemis in
Theocritus, cannot mean, as Brugmann Grr. 1. 204 makes it,
'causing pangs,' from */ao7oi/s Acc. Plur. of /A0709 : tiktw is not
used metaphorically in Homer, and such a use would be peculiarly
inappropriate in connexion with the occasion. Liddell and Scott
rightly translate it 'helping women in hard childbirth,' protectress
Twv jj,orfi9 r€Kov(Twv I tho fipst clemcnt is an Adverb */i07-os (with
the same termination as 7rdp-o^) from a stem ytto7-, whence with
Locative ending, and the same 9 as in ajbKpi-^, we get yuo7«s ' with
difficulty' (accented like the Subst.), and, with a determinative
-o- (see on 0€(T(/>aTO9, p. 2), jj,6r^09 ' labour.'
fivit}\lr 'gadfly, goad' means * fly like,' stinging as a fly does:
from fiiva, the Attic form of fiv7a (Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 5. 77,
where Liddell and Scott wrongly make it the name of a plant),
+ u)7ra. Prellwitz derives it from fiv2a in the sense of ' buzzing * ;
but this will not suit the meaning ' goad.'
veaXij^ * fresh ' is not a compound of aXlaKofiaiy but a by-form of
*i/€aX,os (as Sa'^iXy^ is of Ba'^iXo^y akovpf^ij^ of aXoi;/37os), from a
Subst. *i/ea ' youth,' whence also veavi^, veavia^. For the termi-
nation cf . cLTraTrjXo'Sf (Tif^TjXd^,
vou(to9=*p6(T'Fo9 (Kretschmer K.Z. 31. 471), which I would
connect with ve{<T)o/u^i 'come': thus Od. 9. 411 vovao^ A169
means ' the visitation of Zeus,' and Soph. Ant. 421 Oeia voao^f of a
whirlwind, ' the visitation of heaven.*
7ra(pXd^€tv ' to foam ' must be from an Adj. ^TracpXd^ (or *wa0\a9,
cf. f^vfiivd^ beside f^vjuivd^)^ from the same root as Tri/ncfx^ Tro/ixpoXv^
' bubble.' It cannot be, as Prellwitz makes it, a Eedu plication
from €</>XaSov ' they burst,' which would give *7rai(f)Xd^€iv (Brug-
356 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
mann Grr. 2. p. 1084) : 7rafi(j>aiva) 'shine' must be formed on an
Adj. *7rafi'(t>avii^ * all shining,' whence also 7ra/n(f>av6wp, while
iraTrraivu) * look round ' must be from a root kvnkvth- (or whatever
the last letter may be), kvenkvth-, whence, without the nasal, Sk.
cahsh' * to see ' (Fick B.B. 18. 134). — So rerpe/j^alpu) must be from
an Adj. *T6-T/>e/tai/os, not straight from tpefiwy or we should have
^Tnpefiialvu), like Tnaivuj \ and rerpaivw 'pierce' from an Adj.
*T6-T/3ai/o9, or we should have mpalvw (the form used by Theo-
phrastus).
Treirvvfjievo^ * wise,' voov ireirvvaOai * to have understanding '
Od. 10. 495 (see Goebel, Homerische Blatter, p. 24), go with
woiTTvvtv * am busy,' the common idea being that of strength :
the root is kvneu-, Old High German pi-hniutan 'to glorify,'
wi/uf 'meeting-place of the Ecclesia,' quasi 'enclosure, strong-
hold.' Thus TTvew ' blow ' must originally have been used of
the wind blowing strong, and then transferred to the breathing
of human beings.
^eTTTrjw^' Bi* affOeveiav koi heCklav TreirrajKiv^f says Hesychius :
in Homer the word always means 'fallen,' e,^. Od. 14. 474
vTTo Tev\eai weTmjwre^ KeifieOa ' we lay on the ground, with
our shields over us,' and II. 2. 312 (of young sparrows) TreraXots
vTroTreTrrrjW'Te^ ' at the bottom of the nest, under the leaves.'
It has no more to do with irr^'iaGU) ' crouch ' than has Karawryr^v
in II. 8. 136, of horses falling- under the car: horses do not
crouch down when they are frightened, but struggle to get away.
TTTjr/y * fountain ' must go with tttj^o^ ' big,* the Homeric
epithet of horses and waves, and Sk. pajrda ' strong ' : it means
a place where the water is strong enough to force its way out.
7ri0rjKO9 irlOtov ' ape ' must go with wlOo^ ' jar,' and means
'rotund, pot-bellied.'
TTpoxvv means ' wholly ' in Homer, as it is allowed to mean
in ApoUonius Ehodius: it has nothing to do with 70J/1; (which
would not account for the x)>^ i^ H. 9. 570 wpoxw KaOe^ofiiptf
means * sitting right down,' not ' sitting on her knees,' which
would be an impossible feat. I would deduce the word from
*7r/3of, formed from 7rp6 as Trept^ is formed from Triply and, I
think aira^ from ^aira Instrumental of *a7ros, i.e. spkvos, from
S51- 'together' (see 1, C) : for the sense cf. Lst. proraus 'utterly,'
' Sk. prajnus, quoted by Fick, Worterbuch* 1. 432, is unauthenticated, and
at best only means * bandy-legged,'
SOME 6REBK ETYMOLOGIES. 357
from prd. The second element is the -nu which appears in
Cyprian ow 'this,' Arcadian raw * these things/ Goth, thannu
* so then/ and I think irdw ' altogether ' {i.e, wi-w, the first
element going with Lat. pen-ituSf Sahler K.Z. 31. 371), see
Persson Idg. Forsch. 2. 251 : ^Trpo^-w hecame wpoxw hy De
Saussare's law, Mem. Soc. Ling. 7. 90, as *Xi;f-i/os (cf. Zend
raokhshna * shining') hecame \vx^09.
pyf^09 * rug ' (Hom.), per^os (Anacreon), pe^tv * dye* (Epicharmus),
and aXo'vpy/f^ * dyed with sea purple ' (Att., see Schulze 498, w.),
must go with /)i/<r<rtt; Vbeat the ground' (H. 18. 571), cloth being
stamped on to make the dye penetrate : so German walken * to
clean cloth ' is the same word as Eng. walk. The root must be
vreg-. Ablaut vrg- in paaau) * push ' : Sk. raj- * to be red ' cannot
be connected, if only because the meaning would be too narrow.
(TaTLVjj * chariot * may be a Persian word, standing for ^fartViy
(as aaTpairri^ stands for ^^arpawTj^, Old Persian khshatrapdvan-
* viceroy *), and going with Sk. kshat-tdr- * charioteer.'
travpivryp 'spike at the butt-end of a spear' must mean * twirler,'
from a Yerb ^aavpow, itself from a Subst. aavpo^^ originally, I
would suggest, meaning * a stirring-stick,' and hence coming to
mean * a. lizard,' which when motionless looks like a piece of wood.
This <radpo9=*rFap-Fo9, from a root tvr-, whence also Lat. trua
* stirring-ladle' (on the ru see p. 11 med.), oTpvt/tv * urge,' orpaXetv^
' quickly' ; Ablauts (I) tnr- in Topvvtj * ladle,' ^ a Dissimilation for
*Tvpvvrif as KOKKv^ is for *KVKicv^, Lat. cticulus ; (2) tvor- in Old
Norse thvara * stirring- stick ' ; (3) tver- in Ags. thviril 'chum-
handle,' Eng. twirl f Old High German dweran *to mix up,' Sk.
tvar- * to hasten.' From a by- form stver-, stnr- (see Schrijnen,
Phenom^ne de V S Mobile) comes orv/aaf, p. 12.
trw/uiay which in Homer always means * dead body, carcase,'
may go with ffu}9 * safe,' and mean * remnant, what has escaped being
eaten by dogs or birds ' : II. 3. 23 wdre Xewv ix^PV i^^akv^ iwl
trtv/nari Kvptras,
r6<Tffai9 * being,' iTrirofftrai^ * finding ' (both in Pindar), seem
to point to an Aeolic Verb *r6(T(Ta/u,i * I do so much,' from too-o-os.
(f)v\a^ * guardian ' may originally have meant * the man in
the house,' otVeriy?, bhu-1- being Ablaut of bhou-l- in Old I^orse
bol *lair' (Wiedemann Lit. Praet. p. 137, despite Kluge
1 Pick, Worterbuch*, 1. 499, adds rvp6s * cheese'; but this is not made
by stirring, though butter is.
358 SOME GREEK ETYMOLOGIES.
K.Z. 26. 97), bho-1- in (t>u)\evw * lurk/ 0a>\a9 ' in his Jen ' (of
a bear). So 0iJ\// 'tribe' may originally have meant *houae*
in the sense of Lat. gens.
*^//3jy9, used by Homer in the forms x^PI^'t X^Pl^* X^PV^^f ni^st
go with x^^'p ^^^ mean 'belonging to a handicraftsman,' x^P^V^y
as opposed to a warrior. Thus it is used contemptuously, II. 1. 80
fiaiTtXeif^ ore x^'^eTai uvCpl X^P'I' C^ ^^^ fcUow '), Od. 15. 324
oTa re to?? af^a0o7ai Trapahpwwtn x^P'l^^t ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^be I^eut€r,
II. 14. 382 e<T0\a fAev i<T0\o^ cBvi^c^ x^Pn^ ('those fit for an
artisan') Se ^ei/>oi/< S6<tk€v, In Od. 14. 176 ouri ^eyw/a 7raTpo9f
'not like a handicraftsman beside his father,' we haye a Genitive-
Ablative of comparison, such as Brugmann Griech. Gramm.*
183 finds in Thucydides' iroXe^wv a^toXoywrarop rwv 'H'po'^eyetnf'
p-cvivu * most notable in comparison with those before.' The
Comparative of *x^PV^ ^® %e/ifta'i/ or x^^P^'^ * more fit for an
artisan,* or, as in II. 14. 382 above, ' more like an artisan.' But
in another view battle was called ' handwork,* X"P/^V (with the
* reduced ' root xj-) ; and with this I would put x6/a/*a^«ai/ * a stone
used in battle as a missile.'
35^
XII.— RARE WORDS IX MIDDLE ENGLISH. By
the Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D.
[Bead at a Meeting of the Philological Society , Friday y June 3, 1892.]
Abos. For this word^ see Boose.
Aker. See Ker.
Boose, a cow- stall. The earliest quotation in ]N". E. D. is dated
1440. But it occurs a century earlier, in Allit. Poems, ed. Morris,
B. 1075 ; where it is misunderstood, and ignored in the glossary,
owing to the preceding indef. article being written closely against
it, as is common in M.E. The mysterious word ahos means a bos,
i.e. a boose. It makes excellent sense. Speaking of Christ's
nativity, the author well says: **Was never so blisfull a bower
as was a boose then, Nor no shroud-house so sheen as a shepen
there." Shepen is a stable.
Borken, barked. It is curious that Stratmann*s Diet, does not
happen to give the pp. of the verb berken, to bark as a dog. Yet
borken, which is the right form, occurs in the first line of bk. i.
pr. 5 of Chaucer's Boethius. It so happens that it is missed in
Dr. Furnivall's index, and Dr. Morris's text has the corrupt
reading broken. Matzner gives an example of borken from the
King of Tars, 1. 400 ; but he misses the example in Chaucer.
Bredes. In Allit. Poems, B. 1405, we have: **Burnes berande
the bredes upon brode skeles," i,e. men bearing the roast meats
upon broad dishes. I note this because bredes is not in the
glossary, and the side-note says it means ** bread." See brede in
Stratmann.
Ghevisaunce, resource. This is given in the T^ew Eng. Dic-
tionary as the right reading in the Eom. of the Rose, 3337. I
draw attention to it because it affords us a conclusive test as to
the genuineness of the Eowley Poems. It so happens that all the
existing editions have cherisaunce, by mistake, though the original
French text has chevisaunce. The editors thought it meant
** comfort," and so explain it. Hence, by a second misprint, arose
360 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
the form cherisauniey and even cherisaunet, duly explained as
** comfort" in Kersey. Chatterton fell into the trap, and began
his poem of -^lla with ** Some chertaaunei *ty8," i.e, it is some
comfort.
Decoped. Rightly explained in Stratmann, with a reference
to Rom. of the Rose. It means ** cut, or blashed," said of shoes.
The explanation in Halliwell is wrong. He refers us to coppid^
which he explains by * peaked.' Under coppid, he refers to
eouped in P. Plowman ; but this means * slashed.' Cf . also coped,
Libeaus Desconus, ed. Kaluza, 1. 143.
Degaxe. A copy of the Romance of Sir Degare occurs in the
Percy Folio MS. iii. 26, where the name is explained as meaning
** almost lost." Dr. Furnivall notes that an O.F. degarer answers
to Low Lat. deuagarij as deg aster does to deiMstare. This does not
work out correctly ; for, by the same rule, degarer would answer
to Low Lat. deuarart, as the g is for w. But the fact is, that,
as in other cases, the real prefix is des- (for Lat. du-), which
became de- in later French (mod. F. de-). The full form would
be des-garL This only differs from O.F. ee-gari in the use of
the prefix des- instead of ea- (Lat. ex) ; and we know that these
two prefixes were of equivalent value. The O.F. esgare meant
lost, abandoned, strayed, out of the way; cf. mod. F. ^gar^
lost. The English explanation "almost lost," just represents
a not uncommon sense of eagare, viz. strayed, applied to one
who has lost his way for a time, but may hope to recover it.
The etymology is now apparent, viz. from the prefix des-, de-
(Lat. di8')y and the verb garer, to take heed, from the O.H.G.
wardn, to observe, heed, be aware of. The Eng. wary is from
the same Germanic root. Cf. Ital. agarratoy mistaken, from the
same source.
Dray, a squirrel's nest. This word occurs in Drayton's Quest
of Cynthia, st. 51; W. Browne's Pastorals, bk. i. song 5; and
in Cowper, in a piece called A Fable. The A.S. spelling would
be drceg ; cf. day for A.S. dceg. It seems to me that the sense
of * nest * would very well explain a passage in Beowulf, 1. 757,
where it is said that Grendel was scared by Beowulf, and wanted
to get away to his own haunt ; ** wolde on heolstor fleon, secan
deofian gedrceg,^^ he wanted to flee to his hiding-place, to seek
the devils' dray. The explanation of gedrmg in Grein is not
at all clear. There seem to have been two forms, gedrceg and
gedreag^ which may have been from different roots.
\
BARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 361
Eynes. This form appears in the glossary to the Allit. Morte
Arthure, with nine references. Wholly failing to understand
it, I applied to Mr. Bradley, who correctly informed me that
it is a ghost- word. The n should be u ; and all the forms quoted
are variants of the mod. E. eaves, a border, margin. See evese
in Stratmann, and eaves in the New English Diet.
FatLsere, Fasonre, Vasnre. In Libeaus Desconus, ed. Kaluza,
1. 1919, we have a curious and unexplained word. The passage
relates the effects of an earthquake ; —
" The halle-rof unlek.
And the faunsere ek,
As hit wolde a-sonder/'
i,e, the hall-roof unlocked or came apart, and so did the faunsere,
as if it would part asunder. The MS. can also be read SLsfauusere,
which is, in fact, a better form ; and the various readings give
us the forms fasoure, vasure, I wish to suggest that the
word here meant is an old form of the mod. F. vomsure, for
which Littre gives the old forms vousure, vossure. In mod. E.
architecture, the corresponding term is voussoir, applied to a
somewhat wedge-shaped stone used for forming an arch. The
proper sense of the word is the curvature of an arch, or the
vaulting of a roof; Cotgrave explains vousure as ** a vaulting
or arching.*' The point is, that it gives precisely the very
sense required; "the hall-roof fell apart, even where it was
made of vaulted stonework." The sb. is formed as if from a verb
vousser, answering to a Low Lat. ^volutiare, from uolutics, pp. of
uolttere; that is, it is from the same root as vault, and has much
the same sense.
Ferannt. The gloss, to Morte Arthure explains feraunt as
'seemly.' But Bradley rightly explains it as * iron-grey,' O.F.
/errant, as an epithet of a horse. Hence it is not from A.S.faran
* to go,' but from Lat. ferrum * iron.' Ferrand occurs, in romances,
as a name for a horse ; from its colour.
Fnatted. In Weber's King Alisaunder, 6447, there is a des-
cription of a monstrous race of men, with very long faces, and
ears an ell long; ** a.nd fnatted nose, that is wrong." The word
is misprinted fuatted, both in the text and glossary ; but such
a form is impossible; there is no such diphthong as ua in M.E.
Wrong means simply distorted, or crooked. As to fnatted, it is
the Danish fnattet^ given by Molbech, meaning afflicted with
362 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
a disease called fnat^ which was a skin disease, a kind of itoh.
So in Swedish, dialects, fnatta is to scratch a place that itches
(Rietz).
Podding. In Kyng Alisaunder, 1. 48, we find: " Wyse men fond
also there Twelf fodding to thes yere, The yere to lede by right
ars (arts)/' Weber's explanations are seldom right, but in this
case he has seen his way. He makes fodding to be the A.S.
fadung^ disposal, arrangement ; hence, a division of the year,
a month; and he explains to lede by **to guide." This explana-
tion is borne out by a passage in the A.S. Leechdoms, quoted
in Bosworth and Toller, s.v. gefadung, Cf. fadey ready (?), in
Sir Tristrem, 1. 153. The word appears neither in Matzner nor
in Stratmann.
Fuatted. See Fnatted.
Gele. This word occurs in the Pearl, 931. Morris explains
it by *'8py, see *' ; this suits the context, but there is no authority
for it of any kind. Mr. Gollancz says it either means ** hesitate,
delay,'* from A.S. galan; or perhaps it is from Icel. gala, to
comfort, to soothe. The latter will not &uit the context. It
is clearly from A.S. galan, in the intransitive sense of ** tarry."
The passage is — **And by thyse bonkes ther I con gele, I se no
bygyng nawhere aboute," i.e. And wherever I have lingered
beside these banks, I see no building anywhere. (The MS.
needlessly repeats And before / se.)
Gessenen. In Morte Arthure, 2521, we find the line — "He
bare, gessenande, in golde, tbre grayhoundes of sable." The word
gessenande is not explained. I take it to be present part, in -ando
from a verb of which the stem is gessen-, and the infin. mood
is gessenen. It must be French, because it is a term in heraldry.
I take it to be a verb formed from the M.E. sb. gesin or geaine,
Cursor Mundi, 3906, Gov. Mysteries, p. 150. This is adapted
from the P. gesine, which Cotgrave explains as * a lying-in,'
though the related verb gesir merely means to lie down. If
we give to this verb gessenen the same simple sense, it makes
it equivalent to the P. coucher; and the pres. part, becomes
equivalent to the pres. part, coicchant, lying down, a well-known
heraldic term. Then the sense becomes : "he bare, on his shield,
or, three grayhoundes couchant, sable J ^ This is perfectly in-
telligible and consistent.
Harrawnte. This word occurs in the Morte Arthure, 2449.
It is necessary to quote the passage.
BABE WOBDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PBOF. SKEAT. 363
* Thane come the herbariours, harageous knyghtez,
The hale batelles on hye harrawnte therafter.'
Harageous is said to mean * violent,' though its etymology is
not clear. Sa/rrawnte is supposed, in the glossary, to be a verb.
I take it to be really a present participle, representing the O.F.
harantf pres. pt. of harer, which Cotgrave explains by * to set
on a dog.' The original sense of harer was simply *to cry out
aloud, to shout,' as it is merely the O.H.G. haren^ *to cry aloud,
to shout,' in a French form. I explain the passage thus : ' Then
come the harbingers (or vanguard), fierce knights ; and the com-
plete battalions (or squadrons) come after them, all shouting
aloud.' On hye=on high, aloud.
Himland. This word, spelt hymlande^ occurs in the same line
as hope^ q.v. It is clearly a present participle, but has never
been explained. I would explain it as * abounding in hummocks,'
from the same root as hummock. At this rate, himland hills would
mean rolling hills, hummocky hills, which suits the whole context
admirably, as the thing described is a rough ride over uneven
ground and various obstacles. Probably the vowel i is due to
a mutation of u ; compare E. pit from Lat. puteus, I think
we may compare it with E. hump and Low G. hiimpelf a little
heap ; Lat. cumulus, Gr. Kvfia ; Ital. cima, a mountain-top.
Hope. In the Morte Arthure, 1. 2503, we find: **Thorowe
hopes and hymlande hilly s and other." Mr. Bradley explains it
by * valley,' which is practically right, and refers us to A.S. hop,
with short o, I wish to point out that there seems to be two
distinct hopes, one with original short o, and one, perhaps, with
long 0. Mr. Bradley has got hold of the right one, etymology
and all; but Grein and Bosworth are at fault. Sievers has:
" hop, recess," which I take to be the right A.S. form, but with
a wrong sense. I would set it all right thus. (1) A.S. hop, strong
neuter sb., pi. hopu, explained by Jamieson as in use in Scotland
in the forms hop, hope, and as meaning a sloping hollow between
two hills, sometimes a rather deep glen. The o is short, because
the plural terminates in w, see Sievers, A.S. Gram. §239. Only
two A.S. examples are known, both plural, and both in Beowulf,
viz. fen-hopu, or sloping hollows with a fenny bottom, and mor-
hopu, sloping hollows on a moorside. This explains the form
hopes in the present passage, and doubtless occurs in some
English place-names, such as Hope, near Castleton-in-the-Peak,
364 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
flopton, etc. The other word I take to be of Norse origin;
it also occurs as hope in Lowland Scotch, but it has quite a
different sense; it means a recess or haven, and occurs in place-
names on a sea-coast, such as Kirkhope in Orkney (Yigfusson).
This may well be the Icel. hop (with long o), a recess, a haven ;
and may be connected with E. hoop^ i.e. a circular bend. I think
we ought to keep the words separate, and to correct the quantities
given in Grein and Toller.
Ker. In the glos. to Sir Gawain and the Grene Knight, we
find ^^ Eerre, rock, 1431." Stratmann explains it better by
" marsh." The line is : " In a knot, hi a clyffe, at the kerre-syde,^^
i.e. at the side of the marsh; the same marsh, or pool, is called
a floBche (flush) in the preceding line. I notice this because the
very same expression occurs again, only a few lines above, at
1. 1421 ; but it is there printed aker syde, with the explanation
of aker as * afield, plain" in the glossary. But the alliteration
proves that the word begins with k. The line is — ** Sone thay
calle of a quest in a ker-syde." See Carr (2) in the New Eng.
Dictionary.
Keve. This word occurs twice in the Pearl, 320, 980. Strat-
mann suggests ** turn," but with a query. Mr. Gollancz points
out to me that it is the Icel. keffa^ to dip, to dive, to sink. The
sense seems to suit sufficiently. In the former passage, the
dreamer is told that, before he can go to heaven, his ** corse in
clot mot calder keve," i,e, his corpse, made colder, must sink
into the clod. The latter passage is less clear. The dreamer
lifts up his eyes, and sees, far above, the heavenly Jerusalem,
brightly shining "byjonde the brok, fro me warde keued," i,e.
beyond the brook (of death), that dipped down away from me.
Lauen, pools; K. Alis. 3856. Given in Stratmann, s.v. La]e,
Laye. This word occurs in Morte Arthure, 3721 ; and is not
explained. But it is the same as la]e, a pool (A.S. laga, a lake),
explained in Stratmann and in Matzner, with references to other
passages.
Lorayn. In the Morte Arthure, 2462, there is a mention of
*' launces with loraynes " ; the word lor ay nee is not in the glossary.
Halliwell and Stratmann give lorein^ with the sense of **a rein."
So here, launces with loraynes may very well mean lances provided
with thongs for throwing them. Of. Lat. lorum, a thong. The
Eoman iaculum was furnished with an amentum ; Ovid, Met. xii.
321-3.
RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 365
Haches. In Morte Arthure, 2950, we are told how Sir Gawain
attacked his enemies ; one of his feats was that he " metes the
maches of Mees, and melles hym thorowe," i.e. he meets (some-
body), and smites him through. The * somebody ' is here called
"the maches of Mees," which has not been explained. When
we remember that a was then pronounced as the a in path^
which only differed from the sound of ar when the r was
properly trilled, we see that maches is an error for marcheft.
This is the O.F. marchts, given in Littre as the usual spelling
of the word which exists in English as marquis. Again,
Cotgrave explains that marquis meant, " in old time, the
governor of a frontire town." Hence "the maches of Mees"
means the governor of MesSy where Mees is the name of the
town. Further, as the said marquis was a follower of the
Duke of Lorraine, it is an easy guess that Mees repiresents a
frontier-town of Lorraine, which happens to be Metz, as rightly
explained in the Index. Hence we arrive at the romantic fact
that one of the governors of Metz had the distinguished honour
of being slain by Sir Gawain. Note that the ch sound of marches
is still heard in the E. marchioness,
Hansell, MasneL See Masuel.
Hasuel. We must add to the M.E. Diet, the word masuel,
a little mace, a kind of weapon; O.F. maguele (Godefroy), also
spelt massueUj masuele. Cotgrave gives: Massue, *a club,* which
is the same word, without the dimin. suflBx. It occurs twice
in Rich. Coer de Lion, ed. Weber, 351, 5660. In the latter
place Weber has spelt it masnel, with « for w ; and in the former
place he actually has mansell, probably a misprint for masnell,
which means tnasuellf as before. In both places the line scans
better with the right form. In 1. 351 read: 'Forth he took
a masuel,' in three syllables. In 1. 5660, scan the line : * By
that 0 I ther syde | his mas \ ileV The Low Lat. form would be
maxucella, as it is a fem. form ; see Maxuca in Ducange.
Mes, a good position for taking aim. This word occurs twice
in the Rom. of the Rose, though it does not appear in the editions.
It so happens that in both cases (11. 1453, 3462) it occurs in the
same phrase, viz. at good mes; and in both places it has been
turned by the editors (except Thynne) into at goodness, though
this yields no sense. Mes is a real word, and an old Anglo-
French hunting term. It represents a Lat. missumy and signifies
a good place for aim, a good place for a shot. Thus, in a lay by
366 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
Marie de France, entitled Guigemar^ 1. 87, a man tries to shoot
at a deer. "Trair voleit, si meB oust," i.e, he wished to pull
the bow, if he could get a good shot. And, in Gaimar's Chronicle,
there is a most interesting example, with reference to Sir Walter
Tyrrel and King William Eufus. It is said of Tyrrel that when
"le grant cerf a meB li vint, Entesa Fare," i.e, when the great
stag came within his aim he drew the bow. The arrow missed
the stag, as we all know, and killed the king. The E. phrase
at good mes represents an A-E. a hon mes, i.e. within one's aim,
in a favourable position for a shot. When this is seen, both
passages become easy. In tbe former, the writer says that the
God of Lov6 came after him with a bow —
*' Right as an hunter can abyde
The beste, til he seeth his tyde
To shete, at good mes, to the dere."
In the latter passage we have the lines —
** Suffre, I rede, and no boost make
Til thou at good mes mayst him take."
The original Erench has en lei leUj in a good position, in the
former passage, and en hon point in the latter passage, with the
same sense.
Odam, son-in-law; King Alis. ed. Weber, 2081. Weber ex-
plains it wrongly, though rightly comparing G. JEidam. I note
it because it is difficult to find in Stratmann, where it is entered
under dthum.
Paleis, Palis. There is a word in Chaucer's Boethius which
does not seem to be explained with sufficient clearness. We know
that M.E. paleis usually means * palace ' ; but there is another
paleis, also spelt palis, in Chaucer, which Dr. Morris and Dr.
Eurnivall explain by * pale ' ; and the Lat. original has uallum,
* Pale ' is not quite right, nor does it explain the form ; the
right sense is * a set of pales,' i,e, a paling, or a palisade, a kind
of stockade. The word is not plural, but singular; it is the
O.E. palisy paleis, mod. E. palis; whence the verb palisser and
the sb. palissade. The Low Lat. forms are palitium (whence
E. palis) and palacium (whence O.E. paleis). I find that paleis
occurs three times in Libeaus Desconus, ed. Kaluza, 1556, 1791,
1862 ; and in the first instance, at any rate, the sense of * stockade *
suits better than 'palace ' ; the various readings in 1. 1556 present
RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 367
the forms palynei^ i.e. provided with a palisade, and palyd^ i.e.
provided with pales ; which renders my suggestion highly probable.
The word is not in Stratmann. The same word occurs, spelt
palays, in Gawain and the Grene Knight, 769. See Pyked below.
Paxtlet, a woman's ruff. I have not seen any satisfactory
etymology of this word. In the Century Dictionary it is con-
nected with partlety a hen. I believe that the two words were
originally quite distinct, but were gradually confused in spelling.
Fartletf a hen, is spelt Fertelote in Chaucer ; and it is asserted
in the Century Dictionary that this Pertelote was a feminine name.
But the other partlet is remarkable for having, originally, no
r in it. The M.E. form is patelet, which occurs in Eob. Henry-
soun's Garmond of Gude Ladeis, st. 7, as the name of an article
of female attire. This is precisely the O.F. patdette^ given by
Godefroy and Cotgrave. Cotgrave has it in the sense of a part
of a bridle ; but Godefroy gives it as a dimin. of patte, properly
a bird's foot, but occasionally used in the sense of a band of stuff,
or a flap of a garment. I think the right etymology must be
looked for in this direction, though I do not quite see through
it. Perhaps we receive further light by consulting paitlattis and
paitclayth in Jamieson. Skelton has both patlet, in his Magnificence,
1. 2100, and partletteSj in his Maner of the World, 1. 163. In
Fairholt's Costume, ii. 15, s.v. arming Doublet y we have a re-
markable mention (in 1513) <5f ** arming patletts of white satten
quilted and lined with lynen cloth, for my lord to wear under
his harness.'*
Pechelyne. This word ocours in Morte Arthure, 1341 ; the
sense being unknown.
The passage is one where a certain emperor threatens to deprive
Arthur of all his possessions. He says he will not leave in Paris
(which then belonged to Arthur) so much as "his parte of a
pechelyne."
The O.F. pescheVf to fish, occasionally appears without «, like
the Mod.F. pecker; see Godefroy. I take peche to be from O.F.
pecker, to fish; and I explain pecke-lyne to mean "a fishing-line,"
i.e. a line to catch fish with. This suits the context. Arthur
is to lose all his possessions, and his men will have nothing to
eat ; they will not even have a fragment of a fishing-line to catch
a stray fish with. The threat is sufficiently expressive.
Pisane. This word is also spelt pesane, as in the Morte Arthure,
3458, and pmane. See pusane in Stratmann. Add to the references
368 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKBAT.
there given pysane, Libeans Desconuft, ed. Bitsoiif 1618, and
pisaine, in the 8ame, ed. Kaluza, 1708 ; and, probably, pesant,
conjecturally explained by * head-piece ' in Fairholt's Glossary of
Costnme in England, and dated 1579. It seems to hare meant
a gorget, or neck-piece, fastened below the helmet. Bradley
proposes to connect it with the O.F. gorgerette phainne, mentioned
in Grodcfroy, s.t. pisain^ i.e. an adj. formed from Pisa, in Italy.
Gkxlefroy also gives the adj. pisanes with the same sense, and with
the example elm$ pizane, which I take to mean ' helmet of Pisa.'
I conclude that the word is really formed from the place-name
JPisa. Jfi'lan was likewise celebrated for cutlery and armoor;
cf. £. milling. Bitson's Glossary to his Met. Bomances giTes
a quotation from Grose : "3 coleretes pizaines de jazeran d'acier.**
Fotenere, a purse. In the Percy Folio MS. iii. 47, we find
the spelling poteiiere\ and in the same, ii. 305, it is potewer.
But the right spelling is potenere, whence the other forms result,
by mistaking n for «, and then altering « to tr; as, no donbt,
the scribes did. See Pawienere in the Prompt. Parv., and "Way's
note; and the note on pmwienar in Skelton, ed. Dree, iL 105.
(jodefroy gives O.F. pautonniere, s.f . a purse ; which is dearly the
same word. Ducange discusses it under Pantomanu, PanioMerim,
and Pautonen'a. He thinks it refers to a beggar's scrip; irom
O.F. pautonier, a servant, beggar, rascal.
Pyked. In Gawain and the Grene Knight, 1. 769, we have
a description of a park " with a pyked palays, pyned fed thik " ;
and in the next line we are told that this '' palays " extended
for more than two miles. This line has never been explained.
Pyked and pyned are both explained wrongly in the glossary,
and palays is not explained at all. Possibly the editor took palayM
to mean "palace,^' and this threw him out. Bat palaces are
not usually two miles long ; hence we must take palays in its
other sense of ••palisade" or "fence"; see Palays above. Then
pyked means furnished with pikes or spikes; see this meaning
in Stratmann. Lastly, the y in pyned is short; it stands for
pynnedy i.e. pinned in, enclosed, fastened, penned up ; cf. pindar^
and see Stratmanu. We know that this is right because, in the
same MS., in the poem on Parienee, 79, we find — " Pynex
me in a prisoun, put me in stokkes," where Dr. Morris rightly,
as I ink, explains pyntz by feisten, or shut in, i.e. pen or pin
; ti L the sense "torture" is possible. Hence the line
park bad a spiked paling all round it, the spikes
HARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 369
being pinned or fastened very thickly or closely together. This
gives an exact sense, and suits the context. The misspelling
pyned is due to omitting a stroke over the n.
Pyned. See Pyked above.
Quernes. See Ternes.
Badevore. This difficult word occurs in the Legend of Good
"Women, 2352. The only suggestion of any value is that given
in Urry*s Glossary, viz. that it stands for ras de Tore, i.e. serge
made at a place called Tore. Tyrwhitt remarks that ** there
is a town in Languedoc called La Vaur; but I know not that
it was ever famous for tapestry." Further investigation shows
that this explanation is certainly correct; the difficulties that
arise all vanish on examination. In the first place, as XJrry*s
Glossary tells us, such phrases as Has de Chalons ^ and ras de
GenneSy were really in use. My own difficulty was a phonetic
one. I could not see how the s in the Old French ras could be
ignored in the pronunciation ; particularly when we notice that
this very word ras produced the E. word rash, as explained by
Nares, of which more anon. But Mr. Mayhew pointed out to
me that, in O.French, s before a consonant vanished in the
second half of the eleventh century. Hence, when ras de Fore
was used as a complete phrase, it regularly became radevore in
English. The next point refers to the place Tore. This is
clearly, as Tyrwhitt says. La Vaur^ in the province of Languedoc,
and in the modem French department of Tarn, at no very great
distance from Toulouse. It appears that silk and serge are still
made at this very place; see Engl. Cyclopaedia, s.v. Tarn. We
thus obtain, as the final result, that radevore means, precisely,
" rash made at La Vaur." "We have now only to enquire into
the sense of rash. The F. ras means^ especially, serge or satin.
The English rash^ says ITares, is ** a species of inferior silk, or
silk and stuff manufacture." One of his quotations speaks of
*' velvets, satins, sylkes, rashe, and other stuffs"; and the Century
Dictionary quotes from Middleton : ** *t is good stuff, indeed ;
It is a silk rash." This explanation precisely fits the passage
in Chaucer. Philomela had learnt, in her youth, how to weave,
in an embroidery frame, such rash as was made at La Yaur. The
nearest mod. E. equivalent seems to be ** serge."
Sigh-clout. This word occurs in the Percy Fol. MS. ii. 323 ;
see note 5. It is explained by Dyce in a note at p. Ixix. as a
clout for straining milk ; from sie^ to strain. Dr. Furnivall remarks
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 24
370 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. 8KEAT.
that he only knows site in this sense. But sie, to strain milk,
is given in Halliwell, who, curiously enough, quotes the very-
passage here in dispute, and refers us to Palsgrave, who has :
** I sye my Ike, or dense.*' It is a particular sense of A.S. algan^
M.E. si]en, to sink.
Stele. In the AUit. Poems, C. 513, the author laments that
some people don't know the difference between their right hand
and their left, nor yet between ** the stele and the stayre.*'
Among these we have to include, very possibly, "William of
Shoreham; and neither Morris nor Stratmann have seen any
difference. They explain both words as meaning the step or
rung of a ladder. I believe this will suit some passages, and
that the senses of the words were confused (as our author hints)
even in the fourteenth century. The stayre is really the stair
or step of a ladder. "But the steles are the two uprights, the
handles by which the climber holds ; called by Chaucer the stalke*.
Steel in pro v. E. still means a long upright handle, as of a
besom or of a pitch-fork. Stratmann (s.v. staUf which, though
differing in form, has the same senses) obligingly refers us to
the very passage in the Ancren Riwle which settles the question ;
there was no ambiguity at that date. At p. 354 we are told
that ignominy and pain are the two stales of the ladder (the
two Uddre-stalen) that are upright to the heaven ; and between
those stales {stalen) are £xed the tindes, steps, or stairs.
Stivoor. (Not in Stratmann.) In Weber's King Alisaunder,
2571, we have: ** Mury is the blast of the styvour,^* Weber
explains it as **an ancient wind-instrument," but it certainly
means the player on such an instrument, just as, in the next
line, harpour means a player on a harp. Otherwise, his note is
correct; the instrument was called estive^ and is mentioned in
the Eoman de la Rose, 21308 ; see my note to House of Fame,
1218. See Estive in Godefroy. Cf. Lat. stipula^ in Virgil,
Eel. iii. 27.
Talle ne in tuch. In Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 48, we
read that a ragged man would be turned out of a nobleman's hall,
and forbidden to enter again, on pain of being set in the stocks,
**thagh neuer in talle ne in tuch he trespas more.'' I take
this to mean : " though he should never again do wrong either
in tale or in touch," i,e, by word or deed. I see no difficulty,
especially when we notice the curious uses of touch in Sir Gawain
and the Grene Knight, by the same author, and further note
RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 371
that, in that poem, the words tale and touch are alliterated,
1. 1301. Dr. Morris explains tuch by * cloth,' from the G. Tuch\
but I decline to equate the Eng. ch with the Ger. ch in this way ;
the M.E. for 'cloth' was touk, i.e. if it be related to M.E. toulcer,
a fuller (Stratmann, s.v. tuTcen), The editor further explains talle
by tulyj which means scarlet. This I cannot accept either. The
spelling talle for tale is like the spelling walle for waUy to choose,
B. 921.
Tayt. In Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 889, the word tayt
means **joy." The glossary says "fear,*' but see Stratmann.
Teneling. This word, in the glos. to the Grene' Knight, is an
error for teueling ; see Stratmann, s.v. teveling, i.e. sport. This
word is entered in Stratmann under tavelin, and is easily missed.
Temes. In Rich. Goer de Lion, 2009, is the line : ' Ternes and
qmrnes he gave him there.' Weber's Glossary indulges in a bad
shot as to the sense : * Ternes and querneSf thrusts in fencing, or
blows with the broadsword.' The context shows that both senses
are impossible ; for King Richard, who dealt these blows, had
nothing in his hand but a truncheon, which is neither a broad-
sword nor suitable for thrusting. The fact is, these are terms
in dice-play. Ternes means double three, and quernes means
double four ; neither are in Cotgrave, but he gives * QutneSj two
cinks, or fives, on the Dice.' Littre, s.v. terne, quotes from
Villon ; the passage shows that ambesas (E. ames ace) meant double
ace, and ternes double three. The passage is jocular. King
Richard, with his truncheon, gave his enemy a double three,
and after that a double four. The fourteen blows near finished
him; "he thought he should be dead." He could not have
survived fourteen thrusts of a broadsword, delivered by the
Richard Coer de Lion of romance.
Thacces. In the glossary to the Allit. Poems, we find " TJtacce^
a blow, C. 325." This is due to a most curious misconception.
The alliteration shows that the word should begin with a vowel ;
and, in fact, thacces is merely the two words the acces run together.
Hence thacces must disappear from under th^ and take its place
under a. The line is — ** Eor when thacces of anguych wacz
hid in my sawle " ; i.e, when the attack of anguish penetrated
to my very soul.
Thulged. In Gawain and the Grene Knight, 1859, we read:
*' Thonne he thulged with hir threpe, and tholed hir to speak."
Thulged is not in Stratmann; and the glossary says: ^^ thulged^
372 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
tholged=ztholed, endured." This cannot be right, because tholed
occurs in the same line properly spelt; and we cannot thus
account for the spelling thulged. The fact is, that ge represents
ay-sound, resulting from a palatalised d\ cf. the frequent pro-
nunciation of dew as Jew, Thulgen represents A.S. thyldgian,
to bear patiently, from the same root as tholian. See gethyldigean
in Bos worths Diet.
Tipen, to overturn ; cf. mod. E. tip up. Stratmann only gives
tippen, with short t. But the word should rather be tipen^ with
a long t. In the only example quoted there is but one p, and
the vowel is written y. " Type doun yonder toun," t.e. overthrow
that town ; Allit. Poems, iii. 506. So again in the Percy Folio
MS., Death and Life, 194 (vol. iii. p. 64): — "Trees tremble
for feare, and ttpen to the ground.'* Cf. Lincolnshire type or
tipe, to tip up, in Peacock's Glossary, and tipe, in Halliwell.
These point to a lost Germanic strong verb, tipan.
Totez. In Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 41, a ragged man is
described as having "his tabard to-torne, and his totez oute.'*
Dr. Morris says that totez is merely a form of " toes," which
I cannot accept. Stratmann gives tote, sb. ?toe; totez, pple.,
A.P. ii. 41. Of course the plural of " toe " cannot be
past participle; *pple' is probably a misprint for pi. (plural).
The word is surely the Low G. tote, a peak. Hexham has :
^* een Tote, a teat; de Tote van een sehoen, the beake or lap of
a shoe; een Tote-pot, a pot with eares, etc. Cf. M.E. toten, to
peep out; his ton toteden out, his toes peeped out, Piers. PI.
Crede, 425. I translate tote by extremity or end ; the sense
is, "the ends (probably of his toes) peeped out.*' It is a mere
coincidence that toe begins in the same way. A.S. totian, to
peep, is quite distinct from td, toe. Again-tote, a peeping behind
one, occurs in this same poem, B. 931.
Trashes. In Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 40, is the line —
**"With rent cokrez at the kne and his clutte trasches.** "Rent
cokrez " are rent cockers or leggings. Clutte means clouted,
patched, as explained in the New E. Diet., s.v. Clouted, Trasches
is explained, with a query, by Morris and Stratmann, to mean
trousers. Surely the words cannot possibly be identified. Trashes
is the plural of trash, still in use ; and one sense of trash is rags.
Cf. Swedish trasa, a rag, a tatter ; slita i trasor, to tear to tatters ;
ham kldder dro utsletne i trasor, his deaths are worn out to
rags or tatters (Widegren).
RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT. 373
Treieted. I^ot in Stratmann in the sense required. It occurs
in Gawain and the Grene Knight, 960. The t stands for/; the
sense is ** variegated " ; see Burguy, s.v. tresgeter. In the
glossary it is misprinted treieted; hut the sense given, ** adorned,"
is correct.
Troched. Both in AUit. Poems, B. 1383, and in Gawain and
the Grene Knight, 795, some well-built towers are described as
troched. The glossary tells us that this is an architectural term
of uncertain meaning; Stratmann suggests ** ornamented." The
word occurs frequently in the Yenery de Twety, in Reliq. AntiqusB,
i. 151, where it is applied to a hart who has thrown out tines
from the tips of his antlers. The divisions of the antler are
given in this sentence: **whan an hert hath fourched^ and then
auntlere ryall and surryall, and forched one the one syde, and
troched on that other syde, than is he an hert of .X. and the
more." The engraving of an antler in the Century Dictionary
helps us here. The fourchesy or forks, are the long projections
on the one side of the horn, and the troches are the clustered and
shorter projections on the other, near the tip. If we now turned
to Cotgrave, we find : " Teste de cerf trochee, troched, or whose top
is divided into three or four small branches." And again :
** Trocheure, the troching on the top of a deer's head, or the top
troched." Hence troched, as applied to a stag's horn, means tufted
at the tip with small tines. It is a term of the chase, and of
French origin. I do not suppose it was a term in architecture,
but was applied to a tower poetically. The sense is, clearly,
*' adorned with small pointed pinnacles."
TJnkek. This word occurs in the Seven Sages, ed. Weber, 955.
By comparison with 1. 2251, it is seen to be an error for unlek,
i.e. unlocked, opened. Weber explains it by * unopened,* whereas
it means precisely the contrary, as the context shows. The
spelling with k is due to anticipation. Similarly we find sikerklik
for sikerliky in the same, 1373.
Windren, to paint up or trim the eyebrows. In the Rom. of
the Rose, 1018, we read: **No wyntred hro"^!^ hadde she.** This
is one of the words which Tyrwhitt does not explain; nor is
it in Morris or Stratmann. Only two lines below the infin. mood
occurs as wyndre, " It neded nought To wyndre hir or to peynte
hir ought." And this is the better form. This verb to windre
represents guignier in the F. text, of which an older form must
have been wignier\ and it is obvious that the E. word is merely
374 RARE WORDS IN MIDDLE ENGLISH — PROF. SKEAT.
the O.F. wignier done into English, and treated with an excrescent
d, after », just as the F. son has become E. sound. We thus
get the sense at the same time ; for guignier meant to disguise
or paint or trim up, and is usually joined with farder^ to paint,
with a like sense. Hence the passage means that the damsel
did not paint or trim her eyebrows, because it was needless
for her to do so ; they were not capable of improvement.
Writhe. I wish to draw attention to a passage in Chaucer's
Boethius, bk. i. met. 4, where both the best MSS. are wrong.
The reference is to Mount Vesuvius, that (according to MS. C,
printed by Eumivall) ^^writith owtthorw his brokene chymynees
smokynge fyres.** FurnivalFs index explains writith by **work-
eth," which is impossible, and was obviously suggested by the
reading wircheth in the MS. printed by Morris. In this case,
as in other places, the black-letter editions by Caxton and Thynne
have an older reading, viz. writhethy which is perfectly correct.
The reading writith is due to the mere omission of an A; the
reading wii^cheth is due to the transposition of r, thus giving
wirthethy with the usual confusion of t and c, thus giving wircheth.
The sense is that Mount Yesuvius writhes or twists its smoking
fires out of its broken chimneys, which is very expressive. How
Ch. came to use toritheth is obvious when we refer to the Latin
original : Torquet fumificos Vesevus ignes." It is, perhaps, worth
while noticing that Chaucer again uses writhen away to translate
Lat. detorqueri ; bk. v. pr. 3 ; 1. 4452 in Morris's edition. I
have lately found that MS. li. 1. 38, in the Camb. Univ. Library,
likewise has the correct reading wrythith.
375
XIIL— THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
By Prof. H. Frank Heath, Ph.D.
[Head at a Meeting of the Fhilologieal Society , June 2, 1893.]
Tlie references to Beowulf throughout this paper are taken from M.
Heyne's edition, 1888 ; the references to other poems from Grein*s Bibliothek
der A-S. Poesie, 1867.
WttBN Dr. Fumivall first asked me to read a paper before this
Society I had recently formed a new theory about the construction
of the Old English *' Expanded Lines," ** Longer rhythms" as
Guest calls them, Streckverse, or Schwelherse^ as they are named
by German scholars. It struck me that I might make this theory
the subject of my paper, and Dr. Fumivall approved of my
suggestion. But as time went on, and I began to think my
paper out, I remembered that I held heretical views about the
construction of the Normal alliterative line, views which, so far
as I am aware, are only shared in England by one friend and
fellow- student, and that it would therefore be necessary for me
to at least give an introductory section upon the Normal line,
as I conceive it, or rather as my most honoured master, the late
Prof. Ten Brink, conceived it to be constructed.
Then came the publication of Prof, ten Brink's fragmentary
posthumous contribution to Paul's **Grundri8s" upon O.E. literature,
containing a very condensed account of his theory of O.E. metric,
and without the explanatory notes which he had intended to add.
I found upon enquiry that men of the very highest rank amongst
English philologists had found some difficulty in understanding
this cramped and incomplete presentation of the case, and I felt
that, this being so, 1 could not better honour the memory of my
master, nor better advance the cause of truth than by an ex-
position of his views, as I understand them to have been, after
hearing a course of lectures from him on the subject, and taking
an active part in the Seminar which he held in connection with
it. The first part of this paper, therefore, lays little claim to
376 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
originality, other than that small measure of it which lies in
the method of presenting the suhject.
First, then, I hope you will allow me to remind you of one
or two general truths, ahout which there is no doubt, hut of
which we must grasp the full importance, if we are not to
wander from the right track into the many pitfalls which beset
the study of this very difficult subject. To begin with — What
is the essential difference between Prose and Yerse? The
difference, of course, is that verse is speech with a definite
Rhythm f whilst prose has properly no definite Rhythm ; though
corrupt prose styles such as that found in some of Aelfric's
Homilies show a very near approach to a Rhythm both continuous
and definite.
Rhythm, of course, means regular movement causing a sensa-
tion in one of the organs of sense ; movement, the law of which
can be appreciated by the senses. This is universal. Tn dancing,
in music, in a swinging pendulum, when travelling in a railway-
train, we have this phenomenon called Rhythm.
** Wer theilt die fliessend immer gleiche Reihe
Belebend ab, dass sie sich rhythmisch regt ?
Des Menschen Kraft im Dichter offenbart."
— Faust. Prol.
Rhythm, then, more ex&ctly, is a regular' sequence of Movements^
each group of Movements constituting the sequence being divided into
equal periods of Time {morks) of which one period receives a pre-
ference according to some principle.
Kow Metre is Rhythm realised in speech. Metric is, there-
fore, only a part of Rhythmic. Metric is the particular, Rhythmic
the general. All poetry is necessarily rhythmical, and the ordinary
distinction between rhythmical and unrhythmical measures is due
to the fact that the classical languages made use of a particular
form of Rhythm in their verse. There are, I need scarcely
remind you, three varieties of Metre. (I) The Syllabic, where
every rhythmical time-period coincides with a syllable. This is
nowhere found in strict use, but the Yedas are a near approach
to it. (2) The Quantitive measure — in which the time-period
which receives the preference (Thesis) has a definite duration in
Speech relative to the other time-periods. Thus the length of
time taken to pronounce the long syllable of a dactyl is exactly
s
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 377
twice that taken in speaking each of the short ones which follow.
That is why a spondee can he substituted. This is the measure
of Greek and Latin. (3) The Accentuated measure. Here the
relation of stressed to unstressed syllables in the line cor-
responds, on the whole, to the relation between time-periods,
or mor^s, which receive a preference and those which do not,
i,e. the stressed syllables coincides with the Tact or beat of the
rhythm.
We see then that Khythm is the essential, and it may be
the same though the metrical realisation differs. Thus, in the
classic Elegiac verse, the rhythm of the Hexameter and that of
the Pentameter is the same, but the Metre is different ; or, again,
the Khythm of the lines in a stanza of the Nibelungen-Lied is
the same throughout though the Metre differs.
This being so, I should like to assert the two following dicta
with regard to any theory of O.E. Metric. (1) Ko explanation
of O.E. verse can be satisfactory which does not prove a unity
of Ehythm. (2) No explanation is satisfactory that does not
give us a Prosody which a poet could easily carry in his head.
Now the most elaborate system of recent times, and the one
niversally adopted in England, is that laid down by Prof. Sievers
in the tenth volume of Paul and Braune*s **Beitrage,'' and more
recently in PauFs Grundriss, and in his ** Altgermanische Metrik,"
Halle a/S, 1893. Sievers has undoubtedly add6d very consider-
ably to our knowledge of the O.E. verse- system, and his work
marks a great advance on the results of Wackemagel and Max
Rieger, but does it stand the tests I have just formulated? I
think not, Sievers believes, as you all know, that there are five
Types with Variations : —
Typus A. Jl X I -1 X
Typus B. X - I X ^
Typus C. (a). X .n I Jl X ll^pe.
(^). X - I 6 X 1 1 ''¥y*ref '
Typus D. (a). Jl I _ id X
(y3). Jl I Jl X 1
Typus E. jl :bi X I - II
378
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
Examples from Bebwulf.
A. (a) jomban jyldan. 1. 11 || (^) lebfne >^en, 1. 34.
B. (a) ale I don >a, 1. 34 || (}) ond Hal | ga til, 1. 61.
C. (a), (a) oft Scyld Scefing, 1. 4 1 1 (^) ond jrlmhelmas, 1. 334.
(y3). (*) of feorwejum, 1. 37 || (^) in jeardajum, 1. 1.
D. (a), (a) beam | Healfdenes, 1. 469 1 1 (^) febnd | mon cynne8,L 164.
(P). (a) fyrst I for^ jewat, 1. 210 (| (^) holm | up setbaer, 1. 519.
E. (a) healsema | msest, 1. 78 || (^) weor^myndum | J?ab, 1. 8.
Here I can find no unity either of Ehythm or Metric. Here
are half-lines of Trochaic and Iambic form, and that even in the
two halves of the same line; cf. aledon ]fk \\ leofne J?ebden |.
Not only that, but in Typus C we find an Iambic foot immedi-
ately followed by a Trochaic one, i.e, absolutely no Ehythm at
all. It is quite impossible to speak such a line without either
lengthening the first stressed syllable or putting a pause after it ;
thus the line must either bexl.l.xl— XorX:lAl:lX.
If we analyse Typus D in the same way we should get
I 1-1- I ^ X, i.e. Three Chief Accents; and similarly
-A
with E.
When we turn to the Yariations the matter is worse. I only
give the Yariations of A as a specimen :
A. il X U X ^?ir
:! XX I ^ X
^ XXX I ^ X
^«) Jl XXXX I - X
(iSS?r) ^ xxxxx I ^ X
^ All X
occur X I ^ XX
^ X I ^ X
^ X
with X I ± XXX I ^ X
Ana- X I ± XXXX I ^ X
krusis. X I ^ XXXXX I ^ >
Further, there are five Yariations of A caused by the addition
of a third and even a fourth (subordinate) Accent to the line in
different positions.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 379
I have already shown that this scheme does not satisfy my first
requirement. I do not think any one will contend that it satisfies
the second. No poet could possibly carry so complicated a system
in his head. To compose with such a Prosody would imply at
once the greatest crudity and the greatest subtlety in the ancient
* scop.'
Old English verse is accentual^ and can only he explained from the
Mhythmical standpoint. Even Sievers, in his article in Paul's
Grundriss (s. 870, Bd. II.), acknowledges that the Germanic
verse is to be traced back to a four-accent type, with a constant
Iambic Ehythm, such as we find in a number of the Yedic songs.
But he believes that at the time when the earliest Germanic
poems were composed, musicsil recitation had completely dis-
appeared, and, further, that the poets had lost all sense of
Rhythm. His arguments to prove this are, to me, completely
inconclusive. And the constant recurrence of such phrases as
*swutol sang scopes,' and reference to the *gldb-beam' as one
of the chief joys of the banqueting hall would be meaningless
if we are to suppose that simple recitation was the method of
delivery. Besides, though Moller^ has failed to show that
* Beowulf was originally written in a four-lined strophe, yet
he has, I think, conclusively proved that a tendency is traceable
in O.E. poetry to fall into a four-lined stanza-form as a re-
miniscence of an older phase of composition. If this be so, it
is clear that the Germans must have used the musical delivery,
and that at the time of the popular epic (as we know it), even
if song had given way to intoned recitation, which is quite
possible, yet the old sense of rhythm still survived.
To turn to the constructive side of my argument, the following
is Ten Brink's scheme of the O.E. Rhythm, viz. One Fundamental
Type, with Four Variations,' as follows : —
P.T. X)XXX XXXX
Yar. 1. X)XXX XXXX II
Yar. 2. x))^X)^ xkx^ II
Yar. 3. x)icXX XXXic 1 1
Yar. 4. x)Xx5c xAxX 1 1
* H. Moller "das A-E. Volks-epos in der urspr. stroph. Form," Kiel, 1883.
380 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
Katalectic F.T. (a). x)xxk x5((x(x 1 1 (P)- x)xxk X^XX 1 1
A A
„ Var. 1. (a). x)xxx x5((x(:(c II (^). xx)xx xxxxir
A A
„ Yar. 4. x)xx^ x:<(x{k
A A
The O.E. verse, therefore, in the short or half-line shows
four heats of two Mores, each of the form XX, though there is
evidence that in earlier times the half-line consisted of two
heats of four Mor^s each, e.ff. I XXXX I . The following facts
point in this direction, (a) That even in historical times the
Rhythm of the verse always distinguishes two Chief from two
Suhordinate Accents. {Jb) That when the Accents are not arranged
as Dipodies the Prosody seems to require that the type of line
in question should he more clearly expressed in speech.
It will he seen that in all the above cases the Rhythm is the
same. In the second half-line the first of the two Chief
Accents is the stronger, and bears the alliterative letter. Indeed,
it is the strongest Accent in the whole line. Anakrusis is
oftener lacking than not, which caused Sievers to look upon
the Anakrusis as not belonging to the verse.* Examples of
the various forms are the following : —
F.T. jehedde under heofenum, Beow. 505*.
Yar. 1. /^ se J?e wd^terejesan, Beow. 1261*.
Yar. 2. \ ofer je6fenes bijanj, Beow. 362*.
Yar. 3. y^ s'i'jemunde jesprdnj, Beow. 885^.
Yar. 4. y^ atol y^a jeswmj, Beow. 849*.
It will be noticed that the unaccented syllables between the
second and third Accents in the last two examples are lacking.
^ This type occurs only in the second hemistich after an akatalectic first.
* Two-syllabled Anakrusis is sometimes found, and probably also three-
syllabled occasionally, though this is denied by some.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 381
In fact, it is seldom that lines occur in which all the unaccented
syllables are expressed, and, to put the matter shortly, Old English
verse, as we shall see, in common with all Germanic verse, only
requires that every ^^ prefer enced Time-period^^ (Thesis or Gutes
Zeittheil) shall correspond with the beginning of a syllable. Thus,
in the Fundamental Type, all the unaccented syllables may be
,M - "
wanting, thus: — /^ j^mban /^ jyldan, Beow. 11% or /^ breost
\j I \j A
hord blod hre'bw,^ Beow. 1720*.
//
The syllables able to stand in the Thesis or verse-tact are
determined partly by Lachmann's Law, which deals with the
word- stress, and partly by the law of Sentence-stress, which,
in O.E., was not logical, as now, but purely conventional.
Lachmann's Law, I may remind you, is as follows : — That
there are two grades of Stress in words besides the unstressed
syllables, though the Chief Stress is not different in kind from
the Sub-stress. Further, that after a long syllable, bearing a
Chief Stress, follows a sub-stressed syllable ; after a long syllable,
bearing a Sub-stress, follows a sub-stressed syllable ; also after an
unstressed syllable (short or long) follows a Sub-stress. On the
other hand, after a short syllable, bearing either a Chief Stress or
a Sub-stress, follows an unstressed syllable.
This may be formulated thus : —
^
h
^
\^
\
U
6
U
y
\
u
Scholars have denied that Lachmann's Law applied to the
spoken language. But this is * a priori ' improbable, for it
neglects the very close connection between verse and the spoken
tongue in Early Germanic times — besides which, if it only applied
to the verse, this highly conventional system of accentuation
^ The dot • expresses a short pause.
382 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
(as it then would be) would certainly strike an audience as un-
natural and fail to catch on. But it can be proved that Lachmann's
Law applied to the O.E. spoken language.
In words of the following form : — ^ H *> — ii > ^ kj bi J
C ii ^ > 1^ can be shown that the syllables in the second place
are either weakened or disappear. In words of this form: —
w ^ w , this must occur even in compounds in which a chief
accent had fallen there in the simple word, e.ff, jeatwe (Armour)
< ja+tawu (cf. ja-mol for ja-mal, which shows that 5a- was
accented), or, again, fra^twe (Ornament) < fra+tawu.
Other examples, which prove the validity of this Law,
are : — the disappearance of the Reduplication in the Praet. of
Red. vbs., e.ff. het < hehat, and the early disappearance of the
connecting vowel in the Praets. of weak verbs, e.ff, tealde for
talde < talida ; sealde for salde < salida. In these last cases, as
also in -j^eatwe and frcetwe, the disappearance of the middle-syllable
insured the survival of the suffix-syllable, which was of the
utmost importance, by transferring the Sub-stress to it.
The conventional Law of Sentence-stress, as is well known,
was shortly this: That certain Parts of Speech naturally took
a stronger stress than others. (1) The Substantive, certain
notional Adverbs, and the Pronouns self, begen, and perhapa
o^er. (2) The Verb. (3) Pronouns and Particles. In addition
to this, when two words of the same rank stood together, the
first took the Chief Stress. Thus we should say ' Shakespeare's
mother ' but ' the mother of Shakespeare,' i.e. Logical stress.
In O.E., on the other hand, they said * ficjlafes beam ' but
* beam Ecjlafes.* In the second half-line, however, a certain
amount of freedom was allowed in this respect. Thus in Beow.
1129^ "wunode mid Pin," the chief accent falls upon *wunode,'
and not on ' Fin,* because the first syllable of the verb is the
alliterative one.
I can now proceed to give the rules for Quantity and Accent
in the O.E. verse.
Eules for Quantity,
1. Absence of Anakrusis is replaced by a Pause.
2, When the unaccented syllable {senhung) is wanting after a
Chief Accent, its value is replaced by lengthening the
preceding Chief-accented syllable, e,g, Xx(x)x«
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 383
3. When the unaccented syllahle (senkung) is wanting after a
Suh-accent, its value is replaced partly by lengthening
the preceding syllable, partly by a Pause.
4. Syllables to be lengthened must be long. Here is to be noticed
that Germanic verse occasionally allows the freedom that
syllables which in the spoken language are short, are, for
the purposes of versification, treated as long, eg, words
of this form (i — w , when they come at the end of
a verse and are preceded by 6 v^ , are accented w — u
instead of 6 — v^ . The word ' cyriing ' is specially to
be noticed in such lines as fe^rh cyninjes, hedfon cyninj^s
(where the * n,' instead of beginning the second syllable,
is counted as closing the first, and consequently lengthened
in accordance with the universal custom in O.E.).* Also the
Pres. Parts, berende and wesende in lines such as swe^rd
berende and rsed berende and cn'iht wesende, Beow. 372^.
(5) In conclusion, a rhythmical More can in general be filled by
either a long or a short syllable — though in practice this
freedom is very restricted — especially by the action of
Lachmann's Law.
Rules for Accent y i.e. Relation of Verse Accent to Word Stress.
I. The two chief Accents fall upon the two most strongly stressed
syllables, and in the second hemistich the alliterative
letter should coincide with the strongest stressed syllable
in the line — except in cases like '*wunode mid Fin"
referred to already.
II. {a) Every syllable capable of bearing a stress, if it comes
before a less strongly stressed syllable which fills a Mor^
[i.e. is not capable of being slurred), or if it comes at the
end of a line, must bear a Verse Accent. Thus the second
syllable of * Burgendum ' and the third syllable of
*Gifica' in the line ^ BUrgendum G'ificd.^ Again, *f61ca
jeondferde || '
^ Cf . wis-dom ; see Ten Brink Chaucer's Sprache imd Verskunst, § 87.
384 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
(b) Every syllable capable of bearing a stress is accented
when it follows a less strongly stressed syllable which fills
a More {i,e, is not capable of being slurred), e.^. E6rmanrlc
GifJtum.
III. If a syllable capable of bearing a stress stand between two
which are more strongly stressed, it may or may not
receive a Yerse Accent. If it is a sub-stressed syllable,
and a Suffix, it can only bear a Verse Accent when, by so
doing, it forms a Dipodie, e.ff. 'E^rmanrllc G^tuin.* The
*an' must be unaccented, because, if accented, it would
not form a Dipodie. On the other hand, in leofne jfeoden,
the syllable -ne does bear a sub-accent.
Of the normal line scanned, according to these rules, there
are plenty of examples — the vast majority are such. I have
already given an example of each variation, and I have no time
for more.
Katalectic Linea, — One of the Sub-accented syllables may be
replaced by a pause — but never a Chief-accented. As a rule it
is the fourth verse Accent which is wanting. Only the Funda-
mental Type and Variations 1 and 4 can be Katalectic. A
Katalectic verse can end either with (a) an unaccented or (/3) an
accented syllable. In the former case the Pause is a short one,
in the latter long (cf. scheme supra, p. 9).
Examples —
E.T. a. fr^imcyn wi' tan y^ Beow. 252*.
Hr'tfntfng nama /^ Beow. 1458^.
/3. miimende mod /^ Beow. 50*.
w o rd hord onleae /^ Beow. 259^.
It is to be noticed that in case ft an unaccented syllable occurs
between the second and third Accents almost invariably. And
when this is not the case then there is invariably Anakrusis,
e.g, Gecyste \i ^ Beow. 1871*.
Yar. 1. a. we ]7urh h^ldne hi'je /^ Beow. 267*.
]78et W8BS g'6'd cyning y^ Beow. 11^.
ft, }7{et fram ham jefr^gn /f Beow. 194*.
oud Ha'lga til a ^eow. 61^.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 385
The omission of an unaccented syllable between the first and
second Chief Accent is much commoner in the second hemistich
than in the first.
Yar. 4. a. swiitol sang scopes j^ Beow. 90*.
wop up ahafen y^ Beow. 128^.
/3. fi^rst fdr) ^ewat X Beow. 210*.
holm stdrme weol a Beow. 1132^.
Here two things are to be noticed. (I) This type of verse
is not so beautiful in form as those above, for a Pause, following
upon a Sub-accent, is not natural. The poet is, therefore, careful
to ensure that the Sub-accent coincides with a Chief stress. (2)
In case /3 there is always an unaccented syllable between the
second and third Yerse Accents.
In yar. 1 only^ the first Sub -accent is sometimes absent, thus :
' I " " ' , and this form generally occurs in the second half-
line, e,g, A jew'aden haefde, Beow. 220^.
How can we distinguish i \ n n i from n n i | i ^ i,e.
var. 4, Katatalectic ?
Easily, for in the case of var. 4 " " ' | ', the last Verse
Accent, as we have seen, always coincides with a Chief Stress,
whilst in this particular variety of Katalectic, var. 1, the last
Yerse Accent always coincides with a Sub-stress (Nebenton) ;
moreover, in this case, the line always begins with an unaccented
syllable, which looks like Anakrusis.
Finally, there is an occasional Katalexis of the Fundamental
Type where the first chief-accented syllable in the line is
lengthened so as to cover the following unaccented and accented
Mor^s, thus :
x)xxx xibd(.
A Li£j ii ^v^ ^
Ex. or astelidse (Ceedmon's Hymn).
ham jesohte, "Widsi^ 7^.
}7rymm jefrunon, Beow. 2^.
Xticf-jewsedu, Beow. 2618^.
Phil. TraxiB. 1891-2-3. 25
386 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
The prolonged syllable at the opening, it must be noticed, is
not only always long and bears a Chief Accent, but it is generally
followed by a Continuant Consonant. In addition to which,
this particular form of verse nearly always occurs in the second
hemistich, which makes the matter easier; for the first accent
in this hemistich is naturally the strongest in the whole line.
This form of line, I may say, presupposes and points towards
a musical form of delivery — to aong^ for it would be difficult
to speak such a line without destroying the Rhythm.
It is possible, of course, to find shorter lines than even these,
but all scholars, including Sievers and Rieger, look upon them
as corrupt.
Hyperkatdlectie lines proper^ i.e. lines ending in an extra
unaccented syllable, there are not many of. Most of them
are to be reduced to the right measure by slurring, which was
apparently allowed freer play in the Caesura than elsewhere, e.g.
"W^rd wceron wynsume, Beow. 613*.
E^rd on e^rlscipe, Beow. 1728*.
Selllce s^edracan, Beow. 1427*.
Expanded Lines, called by German scholars SchwelUverse or
Strech-verse^ are hypercatalectic, in that they possess a larger
number of Verse Stresses than the normal line. Either, or both,
hemistiches may be expanded. The half -line is either (1) expanded
by a half; the method in the great majority of cases, or (2)
it is doubled in length, which is a peculiarly characteristic form
of the expanded line in the younger Genesis.
Kow is it possible to discover any principle in the way in which
these verses are expanded ? Because if not, then it will be im-
possible to say which part of the verse is expansion, and which
not, and it is equally impossible to see how such a line was
understood to be expanded by an Old English audience.
Ten Brink does not seem to have come to any final conclusion
about the matter. Certainly the view taken by my old friend, Dr.
Gregory Foster, in his Studies on Judith (Q. and E. 1892); a
view with which Ten Brink was then inclined to agree, I believe,
does not coincide with that which he seemed to hold in the
winter of 1889-90.
I will quote Foster's theory verbatim, as it gives what was
practically Ten Brink's last opinion on this matter.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 387
** SucIl lines," he says, " are * expanded ' by prefixing to each
hemistich a chief-stressed syllable, thus raising the number of
chief-stresses in each hemistich to three, and one or more either
secondary or un-stressed syllables. In the first hemistich, this
prefixed syllable should alliterate, but not in the second hemistich,
in which the syllable having the chief-letter becomes the second
chief-stressed, but remains the first, and only, rime-letter of the
hemistich."
Now, though as a matter of fact, this account of the construction
fits the majority of the lines in Judith, yet even in a poem, the
author of which has shown such marvelous skill in the use of
these expanded lines (as Foster has proved), and who, in other
respects, was evidently a most polished and skilful versifier —
even in this poem there are at least two lines which will not
fit in with Foster's theory, and he remarks that '* the irregular
form of these lines in the Cynewulf poems is remarkable."
Besides which, one does not see why in such a line as bealoful
his beddes ne6san, Judith 63*, the word bealoful should be ex-
pansion rather than ne^san. There is nothing in the reason of
things, according to this theory, why the first element should
be expansion. Foster makes no attempt to explain the con-
struction of hemistiches which are double the normal measure,
JS'ow, in my opinion, no theory about these Expanded Lines —
so far, at any rate, as they are found in the older verse, the
poetry composed in recitation and not on parchment — can be
the right one, unless it explains to us not only their actual
form, but how an audience appreciated that they were listening
to an expanded line. If the expansion was not heard by the
audience, as in some way an integral portion of the line, the
additional syllables would strike the ear as an impertinence, and
as absolutely destroying, not only the Prosody, but the rhythm
of the line.^ Of course the rhythm of an expanded line must
be the same as that of a normal line in character^ though it should
be felt to be an extension of the normal phrase. The law,
then, if one is to be found, must be one which appeals to the
ear, not to the eye.
1^0 w, as we all know, the unity of the two hemistiches depends
upon the alliteration. The first half-line, usually, though by
^ They would in fact have an effect similar to the irregular verse of Southey
for our ears.
388 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
no means always, has two alliterative letters; the second half
only one. The existence of only one rime-letter in the second
hemistich ensures the two halves being felt to form one whole,
and makes it clear in the majority of cases whether we are
listening to the opening or close of a line. This being the
case, what would be the most natural place for a poet to make
an addition to his hemistich ? Surely if the expansion is to take
place in the first hemistich, it would- come between the normal
hemistich and the verse pause. If the second hemistich is to be
expanded it would receive an addition between the verse pause
and the opening of the hemistich. In this way the ear could
never be in doubt as to what was expansion and what not, nor
as to which hemistich the expansion belonged to. The alliterative
letters would fall in exactly the same places as in the nonnal
line ; the expansion would receive no rime-letters. On testing
the expanded lines in the O.E. corpus from this point of view
1 have found that the vast majority of expanded lines conform
to this type, which may, therefore, be taken as the normal, or
Tjrpe I. Every line (about which there is no doubt that it is
expanded), in Bdbwulf is constructed according to this type ;
but no expanded lines occur in the oldest part of B^wulf.
Here is a line expanded in both hemistiches, though it is not
necessary that one should always be expanded because the other
is, indeed, as a rule, in Bebwulf only one hemistich is expanded.
Beow. 2996. landes ond 16cenra I beaga 1 1
ne >^rfte himj "Si l^an o^wltan 1 1
/ n/ II
Other examples are : —
Beow. 1167a. 8Bt fotum sset frean I Scyldinga |I
It I II
Beow. 1708*. freode, swa wit f^ir^um Isprfecon ||
Beow. 21 74a. wraetlicne wiindur- 1 ma^^um ||
Two things are to be noticed here — (1) that when the first
hemistich is expanded it always has two alliterative letters, at
any rate in the older poetry. In Judith, which is modelled
upon the old heroic poems, there is only one exception to this.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 389
tiz. 90* ^ (2) There is no objection to the second element of
a compound forming the expansion of the first hemistich, especially
when there is no unstressed syllable at the opening of the second
element. The necessary pause, which must then take place
between the two elements, helps to mark the commencement
of the expansion. Several examples of lines, constructed like
Beow. 2174% are to be found elsewhere, e.g. the Rood Poem,
47% 63% 68* ; Judith, 7% 1 1% 346».
All the expanded lines in the Seafarer (except one, which I
shall come to presently), all the expanded lines in the Wanderer
(except one, which I shall return to), all the expanded lines in
the undoubtedly older portion of Wldsi^,* and the two examples
of expansion in the Battle of Finnsburg (11. 13 and 24), are
constructed upon this normal type. Line 24 in the Battle of
Finnsburg is interesting, because it is impossible to scan it at
all upon Foster's theory, whilst it is quite easy on mine : —
1. 24. Si'geferh^ is min nama /^ I cwsb^ h^.
Two unaccented syllables together {doppelte Senkung) is by no
means unknown in the first hemistich.^
To sum up — Every expanded line in the national epic and the
lyrics (I have examined) are Type I. with two exceptions, which
are Type II.
To turn to the religious epic — the work of the CsBdmonian
and Cynewulfian schools:
In Genesis A. all the expanded lines are of Type I. There
are only three slight irregularities, viz. 2866*, which is expanded,
and only has one instead of two alliterative letters, and 2142^
and 2182^, which have the alliterative letter in the expansion
instead of on the first Chief Accent of the normal portion of
the hemistich.
Gen. A. 2142^. nis wikvldi feoh, j ^e fc me ajan wille.
Gen. A. 2182^. /est^J mynte^ 'Inje^ancum.
* It is doubtful whether 9» is expanded ; if it is, then this is another
exception.
2 Miillenhof rejected 11. 75-87 and 131-134 as later interpolations, and
I agree with him. I think we shall see that there is ground for regarding
11. 59-64 with considerable suspicion.
3 Cf . jesawon J>a ^fter waetere 1 1 Beow. 1426*.
390 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
It seems impossible, in either case, to consider the expansion
as at the end. If the expansion is at the end, then they belong
to Type III.
In Gen. B., which was written about two centuries later (latter
half of ninth century), and has been proved to be based od the
* Heliand,' there is a very large number of expanded lines.
Many of them belong to what I shall call Type II., and I pass
these over for the present. Of the remainder, all, except two,
are expanded in accordance with Type I. In two cases (338*
and 488*) there is only one instead of two alliterative letters.
The two exceptions to Type I. are 287^ and 301^, but it is
doubtful whether 287^ is an expanded hemistich at all. L. 301^
seems to be a case of what I shall call Type III., unless we
may assume Elision of the * e ' in * haefde ' ; in which case we
might possibly construe it as an unexpanded hemistich.*
Of the four expanded lines in JSxodm all are of Type I.,
viz. 11. 570-73.
There are many more expanded lines in Daniel. If we omit
the clearly corrupt passages, every expansion is constructed accord-
ing to Type I. There might be some doubt about 453% but this
is, in all probability, a case of three-syllable Anakrusis.
In Christ and Satan, lines 260^ and 26 1* belong to Type II.,
but all the rest belong to Type I. If 1. 89* is not corrupt, there
is only one alliterative letter instead of two. Line 205* seems
irregular, but the * mid ealra,' at the opening of the line, has
evidently crept in from 1. 203, and it is, therefore, a normal
line. To sum up then : In the Caedmonian poems there is only
one probable case of Type III. — at the very utmost only three
in all. Of Type II., if we except ' Genesis B.,* there are only
two hemistiches, both of which occur in * Christ and Satan.'
We now come to Cynewulf and his school. All the expanded
lines in the 'Christ' are clear examples of Type I., with the
exception of five. 1163^ and 1515^ may possibly be examples
of Type III., but possibly they are hemistiches with two-syllable
Senhung — though it is true that this phenomenon is rare in the
^ I. hy'ld hsefde his I ferWren6 or
II. hy'ld h^fde lus ferl()rene.
But case II. we should have two syllables together unaccented, a doubtful
possibility in the second hemistich ; besides, it occurs in the middle of a passage
of expanded lines, and this speaks against the second method of scansion, though
it is true that 302^ may also be a normal hemistich.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 391
second hemistich. 1385* I can make nothing of in any way unless
we are to assume three -syllable Senkung between the first and
second Stresses. 1496* and 1426^ seem clear cases of Type III.^
In the Elene, as in the Christ, there are but few alliterative lines,
but they are all Type I. 582* is slightly irregular, in having only
one alliterative letter. Lines 163 and 610, which Foster takes
to be expanded, seem to me normal lines.
In the Dream of the Rood the expanded lines are of two types —
of the second Type there are about ten lines (quite certain),
and about as many again where we cannot be sure whether they
are Type I. or Type II. The remainder are clear examples of
Type I. Three lines, 10^, 47^, and 83*, offer some difficulties,
but there are no clear cases of Type III. This is significant,
as Ten Brink places this poem as the first of Cynewulf's religious
epics.
The expansions in the Andreas are all Type I., but there are
only a few.
In Guthlac, however, there are no less than eleven clear cases
of lines constructed on Type III. (the least perfect form of the
three), e.g, 163*, 212*, 347*, 348*, 436*, 437*? 440*, 673*, 674*,
713*, 350*. This is very extraordinary, and it is worth notice
that Ten Brink has placed this poem among the last of Cynewulf s
productions.
Finally, let us turn to the ^Judith,'* which Foster has clearly
shown to belong to the Cynewulf school, ana to be later than his
work. The poet, as Foster has proved, makes a most skilful use
of the expanded line, and there are, relatively, a large number
of them. The large majority are clear cases of Type I., but 9*
and 65* seem evidently cases of Type III., and, on the analogy
of those, I am inclined to interpret seven other cases, 11*, 17*,
19*, 20*, 33*, 270*, and 242*. But I shall return to these.
Suffice, for the present, that I believe there to be nine cases of
Type III. in Judith.
Type II. This type is the double of the normal line, instead
of half as long again. Here it would be impossible for the whole
expansion to occur between the close of the normal line and
the verse pause in the case of the first hemistich, because the
> LI. 1306», 1378», 1410% 922», 1050», 1360% and 1666% which Foster
considers to be irregular expanded hemistiches, I look upon as normal un-
expanded ones.
392 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
line would then sound like a normal line without alliteration in
the second hemistich.
The expansion, therefore, takes place in the best examples,
half between the two rime letters and half at the close. This
in the first hemistich.
The result, therefore, is equivalent to two hemistiches with
one alliterative letter in each. As a rule the second alliterative
letter occurs in the accented syllable fourth from the end, but
sometimes on that third from the end, and occasionally on the
second from the close. In the second hemistich the whole ex-
pansion occurs between the verse pause and the normal line.
In the later poetry there are examples of the whole expansion
occurring at the beginning of the hemistich, even in the first
hemistich, but this is very exceptional.
There are no Type II. lines in Beowulf or Finnsburg, i.e. in
the national epic
In * Seefarer ' is one clear example of Type II. in the first
hemistich of 1. 106.
^61 bi^ se ^e him | his dryhien ne ondrfede^.
Here if, as Sievers assumes, * ne ' can bear a stress, the
Sub-accent should fall upon *ne.'
The second hemistich of 1. 106 is an expansion of Type I. A
curiously similar line to this occurs in the Wanderer, 1. 112 —
the only one :
ft n
Til bi^ se ^e hfm | ^re'bwe jehgalde^.
The second hemistich is also of Type I.
Now we come to the *Wldsl^.' Here are two groups of very
long lines which can only be explained as Type II., but they
are very irregular in construction, viz. 59-64 and 76-87.
An example from each group is :
60. Mid Gefdum ic wffis | and mfd ?Finedum || and mid
Gefflegum.
84. Mid M6rdum ic w«es | and mfd Persum 1 1 and mid Mj^rgingum.
Even if this scansion is right there are several irregularities.
1^0 w Miillenhof rejects 11. 75-87 and 131-134 on other satis-
factory grounds, as later interpolations.
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 393
It 18 certainly very tempting to reject group 59-64, which is
exactly parallel in style and in syntax, and almost, though not,
perhaps, quite so vile in versification.
If this is justified, we only have two examples of Type II.
in the older lyric poetry. Of these, that in the Wanderer occurs
in the second half of the poem, which Ten Brink, upon other
grounds than those of metric, considered to he hy a later hand,
and I agree with him. We have thus reduced our ten little
niggers to one. I suspect there will soon be proof that will
dispatch even this one. Type II., indeed, is not made any con-
siderable use of till we come to Genesis B., where there are a
large number, and if we remember the source of the English poem
we shall not feel surprised I think. Most of the examples are
regular, but I have noted that the alliteration occurs in an
irregular place in 11. 322* and 708^.
322*. La'gon ^a 6^re | Fynd on ^am Pfre ||
708* is a similar case.
In some cases it is difficult to say whether we have a line of
Type I. or II., though the constant undoubted cases of the latter
make an a priori presumption in its favour.
Example 260*. Wi'^ J^one hehstan | hedfnes wealdend
or
Wi^ J?one hehstan he^fnes I wealdend.
In Christ and Satan there are two hemistiches of Type II.,
viz. 260^ and 261*.
260^. (?od sQlMi hfm | rice healde^.
261* is a regular example.
In the Cynewulfian poems we only find this type in " The
Dream of the Rood," but here there are a good many, though,
again, it is sometimes hard to say whether we have a Type I.
or Type II.
An example of a second hemistich, as I have not yet given
a regular one, is :
66^. cilrfon hfe ^&t I on Je^rhtan stane.
The conclusion to be drawn is that this is not so old as Type I.,
and probably arose after poems were composed on parchment and
not by ear.
894 THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE.
Type III. is the least perfect and the rarest. These could
only arise when poets wrote, and did not compose in recita-
tion. In the first hemistich expansion is by a half, but at the
beginning of the hemistich instead of at the end. In the second
hemistich expansion is at the end and not at the beginning. But
this is rarer than Type III. in the first hemistich. The expansion
can only be recognized as such by the Syntax,
Examples from the * Guthlac ' :
163^ cwfedon }7S§tJ he 6n jfim be6rj6 ||
440». eaUes ^uj ^ses wite awiinn© ||
Example from * Christ ' :
1426^. Lie J on heardum j^ Istane.
If this is not right, then there is no alliterative letter.
In Judith there are several examples of Type III., but they
are peculiar in having alliterative letters in the expansion as a
rule. This one has only one alliterative in the hemistich.
9«. GirwanJ up swaesendo ||
19a. EiilleJ flett si'ttendum ||
I do not see how else to scan this with 9* in view.
In conclusion, we find none of these lines in the national epic,
nor in the old lyric, and in the Csedmonian poems there are also
none (for, of course, I do not include Genesis B.). This type,
therefore, does not occur till the Cynewulfian time, i.e, a time
well within that when composition took place on parchment, and
the invariable appeal to the ear both by poet and public was gone.
Cynewulf seems to have grown more lax in the use of this type as
time went on, for in Guthlac are many more than in any poem
of his I have examined. In Judith, too, as we should expect,
since it was written after Cynewulf s time, there is a com-
paratively large number of these lines, but I attribute the poet's
use of the first alliterative letter in the expansion to his study of
the older schools of poetry. He saw a line like Beow. 2173* —
"Wrffitlicne wiindor I ma^^um
or I ma^^um ||
and did not recognize that 'ma^'Sum' must necessarily be the
THE OLD ENGLISH ALLITERATIVE LINE. 395
expansion. The appeal to the ear was gone — his imitation was
a purely mechanical and therefore superficial one, and if we are
to scan many of his lines we must assume the word with the
first alliterative letter to be in the expansion at the beginning of
the line.
In conclusion, I need only say that if this conception of the
construction of the expanded line be correct, the occurrence, or
non-occurrence, of the various types in O.E. poems may serve
as a relative time test in deciding their dates.
896
XIV.— ON GAELIC PHONETICS. By J. H. Staples.
{Head at the Meeting of the Philologieal Society, Friday, March Srd, 1893.)
The speech sounds represented by the symbols and characters in the
accompanying tables, and for which the test words in Tables II and
III are examples, are those of a dialect of Argyll, having much
in common with Scotch Gaelic dialects elsewhere, and therefore
offering a somewhat representative utterance, but the nasal form
of the peculiar Gaelic vowel in " aon,** though prevalent in other
districts, is not used in Argyll. There the vowel in ** aon " would
be the same as in **caomh," see Table II, 2nd column, Nos. 7
and 11. Also the pronunciation of n in the combinations *cn,'
* gn,' see foot of Table III, though permissible, would in Argyll
be rather old fashioned. The use of the *n' sound in these
combinations is very prevalent in many other Highland districts,
but in Argyll nasal * r ' as in *' mna,*' see lowermost space,
Table III, No. 3, is substituted for 'n.*
In the following observations a Gaelic word is in ordinary
spelling in inverted commas, single letters or letter-groups being
alluded to thus *bh,' phonetic spelling and single phonetic
characters in parenthesis thus (a), using Prof. Sweet^s modifica-
tions of alphabetic types, with exceptions described at head of
Table I, and the following modifying marks are also used in
connection with such types : viz. nasality (^), thus (a) ; forward
position (•), thus {a) ; backward position (.), thus (r) ; half length
(• ), full length (:), thus (firfenta-xk) *'fireantachd" ; extra or
mere rounding without amounting to full consonantal (w) by
{w), thus (ue^l) "ubhal." I write phonetically (p), (t), (k) for
Gaelic *b,' *d,* *g,' when not voiced by the nasal prefix, but
those letters represent sounds not quite identical in their voice-
lessness to the English voiceless stops, for a slight breath recoil,
usually used with English (p) (t) (k), is quite or nearly absent
from Gaelic *b* *d' * g,* and on the other hand Gaelic *p' *t'
J. H. STAPLES — ON GAELIC PHONETICS. 397
'c' are connected with much more distinct breathings than the
English stops. These breathings I represent by (h), and in some
cases by (9) and (x). As in *bl' *br' *gl' *gr,' the stops are
usually more vocal than in other cases, they are represented thus
(pbl). (pbr), (kgl), (kgr).
Although the Gaelic rule of spelling governing the last and
first vowels of succeeding syllables in the same word seems
generally known, and though readers are familiar with the use
of the digraphs *bh,' *dh,' *gh,' *th' and * mh,' as medials and
finals, yet the appearance of the written words seems to the
stranger of very confused phonetic significance, and the English
student puzzling over the redundancy of letters forgets the,
I think, greater irregularities of his own orthography. Gaelic
writing was changed in Scotland some time in the last century
in orthography from what had before been common both to the
Irish and Scotch branches. The inaugurators of the change
aimed at a better representation of the separate Scotch develop-
ment, but were restrained by regard to customs they were used
to, and by a desire to preserve the history of words or inflections.
I shall try to show that, considering the types allowed it and
the rules its writers felt bound by, some study of its system,
which is at least ingenious, combined with a careful record of
its actual speech sounds, and if possible with a comparison of
them in different dialects, may be of some value to the philologist.
§ 1. One of the first things to be remembered is, that the vowel
letters added to meet the rule above referred to, have no phonetic
value, but are simply used to meet pedantic exigencies, see § 12.
§ 2. The Gaelic language remarkably illustrates the fact that
speech sounds have a modifying influence on one another, vowels
on vowels and on consonants, and especially in Gaelic certain
consonants appear to exert a modifying influence on vowels, and
in this language the influencing sound apparently once existing,
now dead in speech, has remained in writing and left its mark
in the character of adjacent sounds. The Latin alphabet, in-
sufficient as regards this, as well as some other tongues, to
represent all the speech sounds, vowel and consonant digraphs
have been adopted by its writers to represent sounds for which
the types furnished no single representative.
§ 3. The consonant sounds spelt by ' d,' * t,' * c,' * ch,' ' dh,'
* gh,' ' s ' and sometimes * th * and * sh ' differ in character according
as they are, or presumably have been, influenced by the contact
G AEI
The symbols beginning at the left are Melville Bell'
horizontally above, thus I instead of Ls, so as to include if
in ordinary or modifications of ordinary type placed immedii
Primer of Phonetics with the following exceptions : q insteac
voicelessness is indicated thus — n* instead of nh. Where an
nasal sign is repeated in the same square immediately below,
proceeding inwards and downwards and with, consonants begini
Vowels.
1
t
1
A
X
•
t
T
I
I
1
I
[ e
I
••
e
]
•
a
1
c
e
\
> \ <\a
T
1
1 c
i
r
1 ^
>^s
\
3^ 3
J »
1
1
t
ce
1
1
1
u
1
I
y
f
u
1 u
■ 1
1
i
1
1
f
ft
{I 81
\
0 }
0
1
d
x
••
0
\ 0
fr
1
1
1
1
\
1
i
0
I
1
1
1
1
?
J. H. STAPLES— ON GAELIC PHONETICS. 399
§ 7. Particularly initial * m ' and final ' 1 ' modify very strongly
the sound of * a ' in monosyllables, the first by greatly advancing,
the second by deepening, and so furnish vowel sounds which exist
in no other circumstances, see § 17.
§ 8. Another important factor, which seems to have helped
to decide the state of Scotch Gaelic speech, is the habit of carrying
to a comparatively illimitable length one vowel or syllable, almost
always an initial, and of dispatching with the utmost possible
speed the adjoining syllable, so that short vowels and short
syllables tend, by being unemphasized and excessively shorten ed^
to be broadened or mixed or entirely silenced by the preceding
long sound, and this, combined with an evident tendency to
blur over or silence the consonants represented by the * h ' digraphs,
when medial or final, helps to explain the fact that many
apparently dissyllabic words are monosyllabic or even monoph-
thoogic in speech, see § 20, § 21 and § 22.
* Th * generally * h ' as initial, is always silent as a final, except
sometimes after ** narrow " vowels when it is (9), and also often
as a medial, chiefly when heard then as dividing a front from
a back or mixed vowel when it also becomes (9). * Fh ' is always
silent, with few unimportant exceptions being (h). * Sh ' existing
only as an initial with the value of (h) or if absorbing and
silencing *i ' as (9), see § 12 and § 14.
§ 9. Although Gaelic spelling has generally preserved the
separation of syllables which once existed separately, by keeping
the consonantal digraph marking a boundary now sometimes
extinguished in speech, yet on the other hand there is a dislike
to the contact of many consonants as medials or finals, and a very
short but very distinct vowel is inserted as a glide which writing
omits, and which diifers in character according to adjacent sounds.
This occurs, for instance, between * b ' and '1,' * 1 ' and * bh,' * 1 '
and *g,' *r' and * b,' *r' and *g,' 'r' and 'bh,' *r* and ' ch,*
* r ' and * m,* * n ' and * m,' * m ' and * s,' see § 23.
§ 10. The breath glides, which are such a noticeable feature
before the voiceless stops spelt by ' p,* * t,' and * c,' taking the
place of these vowel glides become in most dialects between * r '
and * t ' (s) and sometimes (f) : see § 24.
§ 11. A process of phonetic decay has evidently destroyed many
of the consonants in particular wonls, and in some dialects has
extinguished some short second or final syllables or final stops
and nasal consonants usually distinctly touched. But it may be
400 J. H. STAPLES — ON GAELIC PHONETICS.
noted that the letters * 1/ ' r,' and ' ch ' " broad " as (x) " narrow "
as (9) have always full value given them, see § 20 and § 21.
Examples of the usual normal sounds of the vowels when least
influenced by adjacent sounds are found on Table II Kos. 1,
2, 3, 4, 8, 10, 14, 18, 20 and 22. Instances of values of vowel
digraphs on Table II Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, 12, 15, both in Ist column.
It may be noticed from an examination of the vowel digraphs
and their values that ' i ' is always as ** naiTowing " vowel the
last in a syllable, and unless it be intended that the vowel in
the succeeding syllable be sounded ** narrow," *e' begins the
syllable harmonizing with * i * in the first: see § 12. *a' and
*u' are very often used indifferently as *' broadening" vowels,
* a ' and * 0 ' may sometimes be used indifferently in some mono-
syllables often indicating a difference of dialectal pronunciation,
see § 23.
Examples are given below in Gaelic spelling and phonetic
writing illustrating the foregoing matter as marked in paragraphs.
Many vowel digraphs differ in different dialects thus *' geal/*
"beul," **fior" in some (kj«}), (pi4)» (fi^r), in others Q^e-}), (j^e-l),
(fi : r).
§ 12. The words "basaich" (pa: si^), ''bais" /^p«:/;, "laidir"
(Xd : cjtr) ; Gaelic initial * 1 ' is usually (\), but (\) medial or final
is written '11'; ** eadar " (#ter), ** ait " {a : 09), ** staid " (sta : 09) ;
final * d ' and * t ' " narrow '' are both (09) ; " fold " (fcic9). " ciod "
(kbit), **cuid" (khuc9), "rud" (rut), **riut" (fuht), '*deagh"
(cje:q), "an deigh'* (enjje:j), **dea8" (cj^s), ''deis" (^\^\fJt
<*eadhon" (^qen), <* boidheach " (pojex), " toiseach " (th^^x),
"thoisich" (h6/i9), *' sios " //its;, **fios" (fis), "fior" (fi:r),
"fir" (fir), "chiosaich" (9^819), "fichead" (fi9^t), "dachaidh"
(t«xi), "nithean" (ni9«n), "shiubhal" (9uwel), "mo shuilean"
(me hu:len) furnish some examples of § 1, ^ 2, § 3, § 4, § 8, and
§13. In "feabhas" (fio-s), "gheibh'' (jow), "ghabhaa" in
Deeside (qo:l), "leam" (lom), common Argyll pronunciation,
are instances of a rounding effect of medial or final * bh ' or * m,'
see § 6.
§14. In "an'' (?n), "ann" (?5n), "gleann" (kgbgttN),
"beann" {^ekm\ "call" (khawX), "mall" (maSx), "sonn"
(seQN), "ionnsindh" (jQNsi) or (lesi), observe diphthongal effect
in many of these words with round raised ending connected
with terminals 'nn ' and '11/ § 6. The character the nasal gives
J. H. STAPLES — ON GAELIC PHONETICS. 401
to the vowel in the article seems to remain with other nse of
the vowel hy itself as feminine article and possessive pronouns
(e) and this is usually the sound of the pronoun **e'' which
apparently, in some dialects, seems considered " narrow " in the
beginning, and broad in the end to judge from its use in connection
with the substantive verb "is" and emphatic suffix, thus "is
mise" (is miy*e), "is tusa" (is tuse"), "(i)*sesan" f/e^enjy
"(iysise'^ f/i/QJ.
The words "tuais" fiue/J, "fhuair" (huef), "fuaire" (fuefe),
"buail" (puel), are instances where the final *i,' otherwise making
a triphthong, only narrows the adjacent consonant, see § 4 and § 5 ;
" dh'ith mi " (ji9 mi), " tfiuif " (tf uf), are instances of the sound
of final * th ' after a narrow vowel, and of the mere " narrowing "
effect of * i ' respectively, see § 4.
§15. In "tigh" (toij), "rinn" (reiw), the round commencing
diphthongs seem related to the final consonants. In the word
"rinn** the diphthong may be due to its derivation.
§16. In "Hadh'' (Xieq), "seadh" //eq; " lagh '' (\eq),
"aghaidh" (eqi), "liath'' (\i6), the 'dh,' ' gh,' and *th' seem
to exercise an effect unnoticed in "fear** (f^r) monophthongic
or " each " (^e'x) diphthongic, see § 6.
§17. In "math" (mse), "mac" (msexk), "mam" (m£e:m),
and in "al" (»:1), "cal" (kh»:l), "fal" (f»:l), we notice the
respective effects caused seemingly by the initial and final con-
sonants as these sounds obtain under no other circumstances, see § 7.
§ 18. In "dubh," "subhach" "cobhair," "treabhadh,'' "ubhal,"
"cuibhrionn," the value of *bh ' has generally died away or amounts,
and in some dialects only, to a slight rounding, thus " ubhal "
{moY). In "sabhal" *bh' only rounds the vowel thus (sflful).
In " aoibhneach," "aobhar," "cabhag," "cubhaidh," "seirbhis,"
"scriobhar," " toibheum," " uaibhreach," ' bh ' still remains (v),
or in some dialects and in some cases (y3), see § 6.
§19. In "deimhin," "diomhair," "ionmhuinn," 'mh' is (v) ;
in "amhuil" (w); in " amhairc," "amhluadh," "samhach,"
"amhghar," " samhradh," " geamhradh," *mh' in most dialects
only nasalizes adjacent sounds and perhaps slightly rounds vowels
thus (awlvid), (sefe^req), see § 6 and § 8 and § 9.
§20. In " dioghaltach," " glaodhaidh," " chladhaich," "fiad-
haich," "bodha,"the medial 'gh' or *dh* now usually only indicate
division between what are or were two syllables, and in some
dialects the long first is extinguishing the short second, " saoghal '
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 26
VOWELS WITH DIP
Test words for short, half long and long, and for m
1. I iir, 8 ; iioT, I.
2. X t&, 8 ; pw>b, /.
3. [ le, a; U, I,
4. C iear (man), s ; teur (grass), /.
5. T ciod, 8.
6. \ 8eaih 8.
7. \ aithr^flch, s.
8. 1 laogh, L
9. ] agws, 8.
10 (3'' «*'threach, s ; «/reach, /.
{] has (palm of hand), s ; bds (death), L
11. J cal, /.
12. f fliodh, s.
13. ^I t/gh, s.
14. -g sfl5or, J /; aaoghal, I,
15. I tw/g, i / ; an t saoir, I.
16. ^ teabhas, ^ I,
17. t loch, «.
18. 1 gwl, 8 ; UT, L
19. 1 gwr, s.
20. 3- robh, s; gheobh, J /; Ion (marsh), /.
21. J bho, 8.
22. J so, s ; dg, /.
1. I
mil
2. C 1^«:
>•»
3. X nia
«^
4. T tbnj
5. {i
6. I tal(
7. 1 aoi
9. f brib)
10. {1 (M
11. i ca
12. fr
13. t d
14. i n
16. jU
J. H. STAPLES — ON GAELIC PHONETICS. 403
or **dheth» (cje) or (je), with "do" being "da'' or "dha"
{ta) or (q«). Sometimes the i of "iad" appears as if at the end
as (^09) the proper pronunciation as if written ** eaid/'
The forms "deanadh" (cj2:n^q), "deanamh** (cj^:n?w) or
(cj^inQ), acknowledged forms of the pr^nt participle of "dean,"
customary in different dialects respectively, also " ugh " sometimes
" ubh," in one dialect (u:q), in another (u:), in another (u:w),
in another (u:v), seem very suggestive ; also the participial suffix
"adh" in "cathadh" (kh^-eq) in the West, is>^ Deeside (u)
thus (khrthu).
The remarkable word "oidhche" (Si]9e) in Deeside, an almost
purely phonetic pronunciation, is in the West (01390), while a
Kerry Irishman gave me his pronunciation as (1396), by its nasality
apparently points to a quondam ' n * which still exists in the
adverbial locution "an nochd" (en nSxk) and seems to show a
process of degeneration both of consonant and vowel sounds.
Evidently Gaelic has undergone much phonetic decay, but it
still retains with remarkable purity and length a very large
number of vowel sounds, both front and back. It has an un-
doubted preference for whispered consonants, and as it uses the
back open (q) for the modified (d) or (t) instead of (^), and
(h) for modified (th) instead of (^), we may consider it has also
a preference for back consonants, which is borne out by every
"chd" being (^k) and by its using (q) and (j) as "euphonic"
insertion between the vowel ending prepositions "de" or "do"
and following nouns beginning with a vowel, and also as prefix
before vowel-beginning verbs thus " foghnaidh na dh'fhoghnas
ged b'ann de dh'aran 's de dh'im" (fd:ni ne q5:nes ket p'?to te
qaren ste ji:m).
The preference for whispered sounds is somewhat balanced by
the evident favor shown to nasal sounds almost always strongly
voiced.
A few of the initial lines of one of the most generally admired
poems by a well-known Gaelic poet, a.d. 1724-1812: "Donna-
chadh Ban Mac an t saoir" (Mac Intyre) with ordinary spelling
and phonetic rendering.
A Mhairi bhan 6g 's tu 'n oigh th'air m'aire
Ri'm bheb bhi far am bithinn fhein ;
O'n fhuair mi ort coir cho mor 's bu mhath leam
Le posadh ceangailt o'n chleir ;
**H ; i rr t.JZuSh—'^3 i.t^mr ?
1 1 i:>r TIL irr-r iiiijj ;•» -n.Trr * iii "^ jluxl
« *
405
XV.— THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN EARLY
LATIN VERSE, WITH A NEW THEORY OF
THE SATTJRNIAN METRE. By W. M. Lindsay,
M.A., Jesus College, Oxfords
[Sead at the Meeting of the Philologieal Society held on Friday ^ March 2, 1894.]
§ 1. The Nature of the Latin Accent,
We have two means of ascertaining whether the accent of a dead
language was one of pitch or one of stress. We have the
phenomena of the language itself on one hand, and we have
the statements of native Grammarians, so far as they are trust-
worthy, on the other. Both these means of evidence point to
the pitch- character of the ancient Greek Accent. The words
of the language do not show that Syncope and Reduction of
Unaccented vowels\ which are the characteristic effects of a
stress accent ; the Greek Grammarians' accounts of the Accent
of their own language point in the same direction. Modem
Greek has, however, a stress-accentuation, so that the Greek
Accent must have changed its nature in course of time, though
at what precise period the change took place, it is difficult to
say. No doubt the nature of the accent differed more or less
in different parts of Greece; and the accent in one dialect may
have allowed stress to predominate over tone at an earlier period
than another.^ Accent is taken into account in Greek Metre in
the verse of Babrius, a contemporary probably of Augustus, and
author of a verse-translation of JEsop's fables.
When we turn our attention to Latin, we are confronted with
the difficulty that, while the Latin Grammarians often speak of
their accent in terms properly applicable only to a pitch-accent,
^ In the N. Greek dialects, for example, as in the N. Greek dialects of modem
times, the stress-accent is stronger. (See Hatzidakis in Kuhn^e Zeitachrift,
XXX. 388.)
FMl. Irani. 1891-2-8. 27
406 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
all the features of their language point to its having been a stress*
accent. The reduction of the accented Towel (e.g. dbigo^ etc.,
but Greek ava^Wy etc.), the Syncope of syllables following the
Accent (e.g. ohjurgo from ohfurigo, caldui from ealiduij etc., etc.),
all indicate unmistakeably the presence of a stress-accent. And
the difference of its accentuation from Greek, though not a single
Grammarian definitely informs us of this difference, comes out
clearly in the treatment of Greek loan-words, especially in the
language of the less educated Eomans. Greek 2o0ui became
Sofia, a stress-accent replacing the pitch-accent, with the resolt
of lengthening the accented vowel ; Greek evBwXov became iddlum.
Instances like these show that the Eomans had much the same
difficulty as we have, in pronouncing Greek words with a short
accented paenultima, or with an accented ante-paenultima and
long penult. The difficulty would not be so great for a Roman
as for us, if his stress-accent, like that of his modem descendant,
the Italian, was not so strong as ours ; nor would it be so much,
felt at an earlier period, when the distinctions of quantity were
more vividly marked than in the later Empire. The Hungarian
language, where the sense of quantity is equally vivid, accentuates
the first syllable of every word, without detracting from the
quantity of vowels in the following syllables. No doubt, too,
the nature of the stress-accent would differ in various parts of
Italy in ancient times, as it does to-day (see Meyer-Liibke, Itali
Chram. § 122, p. 71). In Praeneste, if we are to believe such
indications as the spelling MGOLNIA for the name Magolnia on
inscriptions, and perhaps the form eonea for eieoniaj a stork.
Syncope was carried to greater lengths than in Latin, and the
stress of the accent must have been stronger. But that the Latin
language of all periods, at which we have definite knowledge
of it, was a language of stress- accentuation, is proved by all
the evidence at our disposal, and disproved by nothing except
the silence of the Grammarians. The same tendency to Syncope,
which before the literary period produced undeeim out of *tmo-
decenif is seen working in the Early Literary time in words like
ohfurigo (Plaut.), oljurgo (Plaut. and Ter.), and in the Aug^ustan
Age in calidus and caldus (the form preferred by the Emperor
Augustus, Quint. 1, 6, 19), while virdis for viridis asserted itself
stiU later, and the same tendency still shows itself in modem
Italian {e.g. Ital. gridare from Lat. quiritare). And hand in hand
with Syncope goes the reduction and change of unaccented vowels*
BARLY LATIN VERSB. 407
How then are we to explain the absence of comment on the
part of the Grammarians ? "We must, I think, take three things
into consideration. Pirst, that the study of Accentuation, and
all the terminology used, came to the Romans from Greece.
The word aeeentus itself was nothing but the Greek word wpoaiohia
in a Latin dress ; and not only the terms employed, but the
descriptions of the phenomena of accentuation are taken directly
from Greek authorities. In the second place, the contrast between
their accent and the Greek would not be felt so markedly by
Eoman Grammarians as it would by us, whose accent has so
much stronger a stress than the Latin or modem Italian, a
consideration which makes it less surprising that they did not
remark on the essential difference between the two systems of
accentuation. And thirdly, the Greek Accent itself had probably
at the time of these Grammarians already entered on that process
of change which ended in the stress accentuation of modem
Greek. The Greek writers on accentuation would, no doubt,
go on using the terminology of the earlier phoneticians without
perceiving that their terms and descriptions were no longer so
applicable to the actual phenomena as they had once been ; and
if the Greek contemporary theorists on Accent misused the
terminology in this way, a Roman imitator might be excused
for carrying the misuse a little further, in applying the same
terminology to Latin Accentuation. Indeed the writers on Latin
Grammar were seldom Romans by birth; they were usually
Greeks, and would have the same difficulties in describing the
Latin Accent as a Prenchman in describing the strong stress-
accent of English. These considerations may explain how it is
that only a few statements of the writers on Latin Grammar
are rid of the terms 'high' and *low' (instead of * strong' and
* weak ') accent, such as the remark of a fifth century Grammarian,
that the accented syllable in a Latin word is the syllable which
would be heard at a distance, when the others were inaudible
(Pompeius, p. 127 K. : "finge tibi quasi vocem clamantis ad longe
aliquem positum . ut puta finge tibi aliquem illo loco contra stare,
et clama ad ipsum . cum coeperis clamare, naturalis ratio exigit
ut unam syllabam plus dicas a reliquis illius verbi ; et quam
videris plus sonare a ceteris, ipsa habet accentum . * optimus,'
quae plus sonat? ilia quae prior est . numquid hie sonat *ti'
et * mus ' quemadmodum * op ' ? Ergo necesse est ut ilia syllaba
habeat accentum, quae plus sonat a reliquis, quando clamorem
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 409
article in Philoloffus, LI. p. 364). And a word like dimidius
(from m^dius) mnst liave been still accented on the first syllable
about 250 B.C., for the change of unaccented ^ to if is not found
on the oldest inscriptions. But though we cannot fix the time
when Latin words passed from the old to the classical accentua-
tion, when, for example, sdpientia became sapiSntia, Umpestatihus
became tempestdtibus, we can guess, partly from the analogy of
other languages, partly from the inherent probabilities of the case,
what the nature of that change was. A long word like sapientia
tempestatibm must have had at all periods a secondary as well
as a main accent; it could hardly be pronounced otherwise, as
we can see from our own pronunciation of such words as
* chdracterfstical * (with secondary accent on first, main accent
on fourth syllable). So that sdpientia would be more accurately
written sdpientia. The change from the old accentuation to the
new would be, in reality, nothing but a usurpation by the
secondary accent of the prominence of the main occent ; sdpientia
would become sdpiSntia, t^mpestdtibus would become t^mpestdtihtcs,
A secondary accent (perhaps the media prosodia of Varro) is in-
dicated for the first syllable of words like armatura by the
Bomance forms, which treat the vowel of the first syllable in
the same way as they treat accented a, Italian Fiorentino beside
Pirenze may point to the secondary accent having been stronger
in the first syllable of Lat. Florentinus than of Lat. Florentia
(cf. Ital. seppelire, scellerato, etc., with doubling of the consonant
which follows the vowel with secondary accent). (See Meyer-
Liibke, Gramm. d. Romanisehen Sprachen^ I. p. 501.)
The Latin accentuation of the sentence, as distinguished from
the accentuation of words by themselves, may be determined
with a fair amount of accuracy, partly by the help of the remarks
of the Latin Grammarians, partly from observing the phonetic
changes of Latin words in the Eoman tongues, where an accented
word or syllable is not subject to the same laws of development
as an unaccented, partly from the analogy of other languages.
Examples of Sentence-enclitics are: (1) Enclitic Particles like
qu^^ 1% n^ (Interrogative). These were always written as ap-
pendages of the preceding word, e.g. Caesarque, Ciceroqm^ atque
(weakened in pronunciation to *atc^ ac) ; (2) the various parts of
the Substantive Yerb. The unaccented nature of eraty erit, etc.,
is shown by Eomance forms like Ital. era and Span, era (Lat. erat)^
O.Er. ert (Lat. erit), for an accented e would have taken another
410 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
form, such as Ital. *iera, Span, ♦yera (cf. Ital. niega^ Lat. negat).
Esy est are written in the MSS. of Flautus, Virgil, etc., as ap-
pendages of a Perf. Fart. Pass., amattts {amatu^s)^ amattut,
amatumst for amatmea, amata eat, amatum est. It need hardly he
said that the extent to which these words, and, indeed, all
Sentence-enclitics, were suppressed, would depend on the caprice
of the speaker, on the nuance of thought, on the style of
composition, etc. No hard and fast rule can he laid down about
them, just as no rule could be made for the use of *'s' for *is,'
*'re 'for *are 'in English. A sentence, for example, of Cicero,
ending with the words licitum est, is quoted by a Grammarian
as an instance of a sentence ending with a monosyllable (Mar.
Sacerd. p. 493 K.). (On the rules of Latin Accentuation, see
my articles in the Classical Review, V. pp. 373 and 402.) Of
"Word-groups the Grammarians mention some, e.g. res-puhlieaj
jus-jurandum, etc., and the Eomance languages point to others,
e.g. foris-facere (O.Ital. forfare, i'r. forfaire), ad-illmm-horam
(Ital. allora, Fr. alors).
The theory of Bentley and Hermann that the accent was shifted
a syllable nearer the beginning of a word when the final syllable
was elided, so that in a line like Ter. Andr, init. : poeta
cumprim(um) anim(um) ad scribend(um) appulit, the accent
would fall on the first syllable of scribend(jum), is now generally
abandoned. There is no evidence to prove it, and what evidence
there is goes against it. £ut the versification of Plautus points
to the retention of the accent of the simple word when an ap-
pended -qtie, -ne is elided, e.g. pr6spereq{ue), siirHiptasq(ue), and
though Servius (ad ^n, X. 668, etc.) declares that tanton^
Fyrrhin, etc., are properly perispomenon, because they stand
for tantd-ne, Fyrrhi-ne, he tells us in a note on another passage
(ad ^n. YI. 779) that vid^ [i.e. vides'n{e)\ was the actual pro-
nunciation of his time.
§ 3. The Accenttutl Element in Latin Poetry.
The Latin Accent, we have seen, was an accent of stress, and
different from the Greek accent of tone or pitch, though its stress
was not strong enough to overmaster the quantity of a vowel.
An educated Koman pronounced orator with the stress of the
EARLY LATIN VERSE.
411
voice on the second syllable,^ but without impairing tbe long
quantity of the initial o ; the final o of pond retained its length,*
in spite of the fact that the stress of the voice fell on the first
syllable ; the first syllable of piper had the stress-accent along
with the short quantity,' and so on. It was thus possible for
the Romans to imitate the quantitative metres of the Greeks, in
which the harmonious or metrical element of the line consisted
of the regular arrangement of long and of short syllables, — the
Dactylic metre, for instance, composed of Dactyls (— \j o), or
on occasion Spondees ( ), as in the Dactylic Hexameter (with
six metrical units).
— u u
— KJKJ
— KJKJ
— KJ KJ
— KJKJ
(-)
— U
e.g, firjviv aeiBCf 6ed, Ur/XrfidBew 'Ax^^yo^,
or as in the Dactylic Pentameter (with five metrical units),
— u u
— \JKJ
—, ^\J \J
— \JfJ
u
e,g, oure ri f^ap v/f^u) oure \i'qv fieOvtv^
the Iambic metre, composed of Iambi (v^ — ), varying with
Spondees, or even with Tribrachs (v^ u u), Anapaests (w v^ _)
and Dactyls, as in the Iambic Trimeter (with three metrical units).
iii-lu-IVi-
KJ —
KJ _
ubJ
$.g» Bciffavres ^ arep^ame^ u)9 6i\ovro9 av,
the Trochaic, composed of Trochees (— o), varying with Spondees,
or even with Tribrachs, Anapaests and Dactyls, as in the Trochaic
Tetrameter Catalectic (with four metrical units),
_ \J
— u
_ u
— u
_ \J
— KJ
-KJ -^
KJ
All these quantitative metres the Eomans could imitate without
being driven to that substitution of accented syllables for long
^ orator was a misproimnciation of the time of Oonsentius (fifth century a.d.
See Cons. p. 391 K.).
* ponOf however, came to be the universal pronunciation in course of time.
3 piper was another mispronunciation of Oonsentius' time (Cons. p. 391 K.).
412 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
syllables and of unaccented for short, which we see in English
imitations of Greek dactyls :
This is the forest primeval ; the murmuring pfnes and the h6mlocks.
But a stress-accent like the Latin could haidly be kept from
asserting itself in Roman poetry; and, as a matter of feust, we
find that the changes which the Greek metres underwent in the
hands of these Eoman imitators, are, in many cases, due to an
attempt to reconcile the natural stress-accent of the words with
their ictus or metrical beat.
The Dactylic Hexameters of Virgil and Ovid are hardly allowed
any other ending than (1) ^ ^ ^, ^ u, e.g. moenia Roma»^ or
{^) JL yj9 Kj IL yj9 e.g. magnm Apollo \ the Dactylic Pentameters
of Ovid are practically confined to the ending jii ^J u(>) il v^>
v^ <J, e.g. praectpitata forent, moenia magna formt\ and if we
seek for the reason why these endings were preferred to Greek
endings like those just quoted ('Ax^X^o? (four syll.), and ovre
XiTfu /leOvu}), we shall hardly find a better one than the harmony
of ictus and accent in the favoured endings (iL ^ w> -1 H Moinia
E6mae\ Jl y, ^ — — mdgnus Apdllo; ji ^ ^(,) ji v-r> u —
prakeipitdta fdrent, moinia magna fdrent\ as contrasted with
the conflict of ictus and accent in the rejected endings.
Similarly with the Roman imitations of the Iambic and Trochaio
Metres of the Greek Dramatists. The Dipody Law of the Gb*eek
Iambic Metre prescribes that in the latter part, the (metrically)
important part, of each Dipody of an Iambic line, a Spondee shall
not be substituted for an Iambus, so that
oaa ^^ BeBrff^ | /juii t^v ifiav | tov xapBidu
could not be changed to oaa B-^ Xvwov fun jc.t.X. ; for the substitu-
tion of a Spondee for an Iambus at the end of a Dipody would
spoil the iambic character of the line. Plautus found himself
prevented by the large number of long syllables in the Latin
language of his time from observing this rule, but while he admits
spondees into these feet, he excludes those spondees which would
bring the ictus and the accent into conflict.
vin cSnmuti \ mus ? tUam ego dil \ earn et tU me'am ?
is legitimate, but
vin cdnmute/n ? | vin tilam ego, etc.,
EARLY LATIN VEBSE. 413
is aToided, as uniambic, because the conflict of the natural accent
conmiitem with the metrical ictus "tnutem was felt to bring into
unpleasing prominence the irregular formation of this important
part of the line. Change the second word to a word in which
there is not this conflict, say mutHer, and the line becomes
rhythmic again :
vin miltuer ? | vin tuam ego, etc.,
as it is with odnmutemua, etc.
In a Trochaic Hue the correspondingly important parts of the
line, the parts which give the line its trochaic character, are
the flrst parts of each Dipody. These, in the lines of the Greek
Tragedians, may not show a Spondee for a Trochee. In the lines
of Plautus they may indeed show a Spondee, but the clash of
ictus and accent is ayoided. A line like
ff *
v'irginem Kdheo \ grdndSm, dHte \ eissam atque 'inlo \ o'ihi \ Urn
satisfied the Eoman ear, but not
virginem haheo | dOtdtam, etc.,
where the natural accent of the word, dotdtam, would not harmonize
with the ictus ddtd-.
In a Greek Anapaestic line the second foot of a Dipody may not
substitute a Dactyl for an Anapaest unless the flrst foot be a
Dactyl, e.g. icainreffe KarOave \ , but in the Anapaestic Cantica
(or Choruses) of Plautus a Dactyl is allowed even when the flrst
foot is something else, provided that this Dactyl irregularly
substituted for an Anapaest has an accent not in conflict with
the ictus. Thus we find Dipodies like «_ il, __ ^ v^ \ passim
oaerule \ 08, or ^ ^ !L} ^ ^ s^ \ ubieumque eat Upi \ dum, though
passim caerulus \ , with conflict of natural accent oaerulus and
metrical ictus ea&Hllus is avoided. Similarly in the Bacchiac
lines of Plautus the second foot of a Dipody, if it substitutes
a Molossus (_ Jl il) for a Bacchius (^ !L IL)} °iay not show the
irregular long syllable with the stress-accent upon it, and in his
Cretic lines, while a second hemistich like Amph. 200 :
// // tf n
dispSrtU{t) Ordinis
is allowed to begin with a Molossus (^ ^ IL)} composed of the
flrst three syllables of dispertiti, instead of a Cretic (Jl \j jl).
414 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
II It §1 _ //
a change to dlspSriU drdinis would not be allowed, where the
accent falls on the irregalar long syllable, the middle syllable
of dUpMis,
All these changes of the Greek schemes of metres are then
so many instances of the Roman stress-accent asserting a claim
to recognition. Another clear case of the kind is the treatment
by the Latin Dramatists of Tribrach words and word-endings.
While a word composed of three short syllables may be used
in the Greek Drama without regard to correspondence of accent
and ictus {eg. vharo^, dyaOov may, equally with iraripa, take the
place of an iambus and the ictus v^aro9, ayaOov)^ a Roman
Dramatist eschews genira and the Kke, evidently because the
conflict of ictus {gensra), with accent {genera), was in such
words intolerable to the Roman ear.'
These examples of the regard paid to the accent of words by
Roman poets might be considerably increased in number, and
must not be supposed to comprise the whole evidence of the
existence of an accentual element in Latin poetry. But taking
them to be sufficient for our present purpose, we may proceed
to enquire into the extent to which this accentual element
prevailed.
The Latin Dactylic Hexameter, as we have seen, favoured
endings like moenia Romae^ magnus Apollo^ which bring accent
and ictus into exact correspondence. How far was this corres-
pondence aimed at in the rest of the line? That an exact
correspondence in each of the six feet would usually give the
line an unpleasantly monotonous sound, we can see from that
line of Ennius, which incurred the ridicule of Lucilius :
Bparsia hastis longis campus splendet et horret,
though it can occasionally be used with effect, as in another line
of Ennius, expressive of the measured pulsation of oars :
poate recumhite, vestraque pectara pellite tonsis
* He back and let the oars strike into your chests.' The reason
* Prof. L. Miiller in his de Re Metrical ^ p. 154, quotes from Seneca, Med,
450 (an Iambic Trimeter or Senarius) :
fugi'mufl lason fugimus . Aoc noti est novum.
The combination of three short syllables in place of an iambus is not objected
to in iteelf. Plautus begins iambic lines with Et ita {Cure. 639) and similar
tribrachs, where there is no clash of accent and ictus.
BARLY LATIN VBRSE. 415
of the monotony is not far to seek. Since the Latin accent
attaches itself to the long paenultimate or antepaenultimate
syllable of a word, its correspondence with the metrical beats
of a dactylic line tends to make all or many of the feet of the
line end with the ending of the word, and leaves the line without
these Caesuras, or divisions of words between the metrical feet,
which weld the Kne into a graceful whole. Virgil, accordingly^
while insisting on the correspondence of ictus and accent in the
last two feet, aims rather at Caesura in the earlier part of the
line, e.g.
diver \ si dr \ cumspici \ unt . hoe \ acrior | idsm^^ '
and avoids not merely lines in which the first two feet are marked
off from the rest, as Ennius {Ann. 31 M.) :
vi'res I vi'taque | ewpu^ m&um nune deserit anne,
but even those whose fourth foot is wholly contained in one word
and ends with that word, e.g. Enn. (A. 42 M.) :
qtMnquam rrndta manus ad \ caSli | eaenda templa,
Enn. (^. 215M.):
Brundieium pulcro prae \ c'inctum \ praepete portu^
or uses them designedly with archaic effect, e.g. Aen. I. 33 :
tantae molis erat Ro \ manam | eondere gentem.
But it is the Comedies of Plautus which supply the best material
for deciding the question how the Greek metres were changed
in their tranference to Roman soil. For while we have only
fragments of the poetry of Ennius and the other early imitators
of the Greek Dactylic metres, we have practically the whole
of the works of Plautus, the first adapter (if we exclude Livius
Andronicus, and Naevius, his older contemporaries) of the plays
of the New Comedy, plays which, in their original Greek form,
' Almost identically the same beginning is used as the first half of an Iambic
Benarius by Pacuvius (Tragg. 224 E.) :
divorsi cir \ cumspicimus hor \ ror pereipitj
but the older Dramatist is careful to keep ictus and accent in agreement {divorti
ei'reutnsp'icimua, divdrsi cireumtpicimus).
416 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
were, no doubt, familiar to many of the educated Bomans of
the day. And another piece of good fortune has preserved to
us the whole of the plays of Terence, a Comedian of some fifty
years later, who, like Plautus, used in his plays the actual spoken
language of his time, and is free from the suspicion which attaches
to some extent to the Augustan poets, but especially to the poets
of the Silver Age, of the use of artificial diction, of obsolete
forms, quantities, and possibly accentuations of words. The
Iambic and Trochaic metres, which Plautus and Terence employ
in their dialogue scenes {diverhia or deverhia\ are the metres
which come nearest to the language of conversation and of
prose literature,^ so that by comparison of the lines of Terence
with those of Plautus we can trace not only the development
of the spoken language in the second century b.c, but also the
course taken in adapting these Greek metres more and more to
Roman requirements. And for our present purpose, the investi-
gation of the accentual element in early Latin poetry, these
writers are all important for this reason, that, since their diction
is patently the diction of the ordinary life of the time, and their
dialogue-scenes reproduce all the varied phases of everyday con-
versation, with its tones of banter and innuendo, of entreaty and
refusal, of threatening, command, and deprecation, they afford
us an opportunity of testing how far what is called the ac-
centuation of the Sentence, as opposed to the accentuation of
the single word, was regarded in Latin poetry. Lines like Plaut.
Stick, 185 : v'ini illo ad e*dnam : 8% c face,
prom'itte vera ; »^ prav'ire: est cSmmodUtn.
volo, 'inquam^ fieri: nbn am'ittam qu'in e'as (Iamb.
Sen.),
Stick, 93: nH aedep tsti (MSS. iatic); vUs aed'He: ego t'idero 'in
suba'ellio (Troch. Sept.),
Stick, 6S5: :&ff one? TUne, MUine? T'i bine, etc. {Troch.),
Merc. 947 : ilt valutsti? qu'id, par ^ntes me'i vale nt? tarn gr'dtiasi :
B'ene vocHs, hen'igne d'icis . cr'as apiid te, niinc domi^
^ Since the ictus falls on long syllables in all except trisyllabic feet in Iambic
and Trochaic lines, and since the Latin Accent attaches itself to long (at least
long paennltimate) syllables, there are clearly more chances in Latm than in
Greek poetry of the ictus and accent lighting on the same syllable. But if
we make the experiment of applying the Latin accentual laws to the Trimeters
of the Greek Comedians, we find that the coincidence of accent and ictus is
not at all so frequent as in the Senarii of Plautus and Terence. Some other
influence is clearly at work in the latter.
EARLY LATIN YBBSE. 417
have clearly tbe ipstsHma verba of actual Eoman conversation,
and would be uttered by tbe actor witb tbe same gesture and
tone tbat would accompany tbem in everyday life. Did, tben,
this intonation impress itself on tbe metre too? Do the
emphasized syllables receive tbe ictus or metrical beats of the
line, and are the subordinate words and unaccented syllables
relegated to the theses. An examination of the plays will, I
believe, make it certain that this, so far as is consistent with
the quantitative requirements of the line, is invariably done; in
other words, that the lines of Plautus, while they are in essence
quantitative, being Latin reproductions of tbe quantitative lines
of Diphilus, Philemon, and other Greek Comedians, take all
possible regard of the accent of the several words, and aim at
reproducing in their metrical arrangement the intonation of
ordinary discourse. The famous dictum of Eitschl {Prolegg.
ch. zv.) : cum quantitatis severitate summa aocentus observationem
quoad ejus fieri posset, conciliatam esse, has never been success-
fully impugned.^ The more we learn about the metrical and
prosodical usages of Plautus, and about the sentence-accentua-
tion of the Eomans, the more we are inclined to regard EitschVs
statement as too weak rather than too strong, and to believe that
if we had full knowledge of the actual accentuation given to
the sentence by a Eoman of the time we should find it reproduced
with great fidelity in these early comedies. Our knowledge of
this subject is necessarily defective. The Grammarians of the
Empire tell us, for example, that unde, tbe Eelative, was an
unaccented or subordinate or enclitic word in the Latin sentence,
while unde^ the Interrogative, bad the accent ; and their statement
can hardly be doubted, if we consider the accentuation of the
corresponding words in other languages, of our own ' when ' for
example in its use as Eelative and as Indirect Interrogative in
the sentence ' I shall see him when he comes back, but I don't
know when he is coming ' ; they tell us also of a distinction
between quis^ the Indefinite Pronoun, as in siquis^ nequis, and
quis the Interrogative, the former being an enclitic or subordinate
word, the latter an accented. But they do not add, what the
analogy of other languages would lead us to expect, that these
enclitics received an accent when they preceded other enclitic
* The objections of Prof. W. Meyer {Abhandltmgm d. Bayeriachen Akademie,
xTii. p. 1, Munich, 1884) have been answered by Prof. Langen in the Fhilologui,
Yol. xlvi. See also my article in the Joum, Fhil, XX. p. 135.
418 THE AOCBNTUAL ELEMENT IN
words, that, for example, unde Kel. and guts Indef. were uttered
with a certain stress of their own in phrases like ilnd{e)'luhet ^
{Epid, 144), nequts sti arbiter (the ending of an iambic Senarius,
Poen. 178), where they precede the subordinate verbs luhet (of.
quUubet, qudluhet), and sit. And while they tell us that Inter-
rogatives were accented, they do not say whether the accent of
the Interrogative or of the Noun was stronger in a question like
quis hie homo^st?y which in Plautus always bears the ictus on
the quis and not on the first syllable of homo. It is seldom that
they condescend to such minutiae as the difference of meaning
conveyed by the accentuations siquando and (the usual) siqudndo,
a difference pointed out by Donatus in his note on Terence,
Etm. 437:
sein siquando iUa mmtionsm Phaedriae
faeit:
'siquando' et prima syllaba acui potest, et media, tamen variat
sententiam, and, no doubt, corresponding to our * ii ever,' as
compared with * if 6ver.* They are, as we have seen, silent about
the secondary accent in long words like tempestatihus, FlorenUnus,
and they are equally silent about the secondary accent which
must have fallen on a subordinate word like unde Eel. in collo-
cations like und{e)'advenimuSf und{eyadv«ni. In the absence of
complete information about the accentuation of the spoken Latin
sentence, it is impossible to compile exact statistics of the number
of lines in which this or that accented word or syllable has not
the ictus, and so it is difficult to demonstrate by figures the
wonderful extent to which agreement of ictus and sentence-accent
prevails in Plautus and Terence ; though, I believe, that anyone
who takes the trouble of reading a play or two with his attention
directed to this point will not be able long to retain any doubt
on the matter.
The term * subordinate ' is preferable to ' enclitic ' in speaking
of Latin sentence-accentuation. Quintilian censures the rule of
Hellenizing Grammarians of the Empire that disyllabic Latin
prepositions are * accented on the last syllable * before the noun.
He points out that what really happens is that they are joined
with the noun into a compound word, or word-group, which
^ On this suppression of a final e in wwrf^, nempe, atque^ etc., before a word
beginning with a consonant, see Skutsch, Forachungen I.
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 419
takes the accentuation of any ordinary word: eircum-lUtora for
example having one (main) accent on the antepaenultimate
syllable, like cireumlitto, etreurndttetio^ oireumspieio, Priscian
(Y. 67, p. 183 H.) objects similarly to the statement that quis
the Indefinite Pronoun in siquis^ numquis^ etc., is an EncKtic like
Ti9 in €irt9, and prefers to call siquis a compound with the natural
accent of a compound word. This fusion of qualifying words
with the words which they qualify, of dependent words with
the words on which they depend, is the cardinal point of Latin
sentence-accentuation.
Among the subordinate words of the Latin sentence were Con-
junctions, like et, sed, ut, Bitschl, in his FroUgomwia (p. ccliii.
sqq,), called attention to the fact that they are carefully kept
in the theses of the line, as in Trin. 2 :
Bequor , ^/^JiiMmfore quern dteam neteio ;
and in the first 500 lines of — ^let us say — ^the Amphitruo an instance
of ut (Hhat, as') with the ictus can hardly be found, except
in phrases like Utlubet (v. 396), where it would have the main
accent of the word, Ut-vid^Hur (v. 334), where it would have a
secondary accent.
The strong stress of Interrogative, and the weak stress of
Relative and Indefinite Pronouns is reflected in the versification
of Plautus and Terence, in their treatment of such a word as
unde. If we examine the instances of unde Eelative and unde
Interrogative in their plays,^ we see that in the great majority
the Eelative stands in theBt and the Interrogative in arst.
Similarly quis Interrog., a word which naturaUy stands at the
beginning of a sentence or line, will be found in this position
far oftener in Trochaic lines, where the ictus falls on the first
syllable, then in Iambic, where the ictus falls on the second
syllable of the line. Prepositions were fused with a following
Noun into a compound word, and would be entirely without stress
in a group like ad-caksam, as in a compound Verb like ae'e(i80\
but before an enclitic or unemphatic Pronoun they would doubtless
take an accent dd-me, dd-eum like Greek irpov fie, Engl. ' to him,'
* for him,' Early Irish for-m on me, fort on thee. This treatment
of the Preposition before an unemphatic Pronoun is reflected in
every page of Plautus and Terence, who hardly ever relegate
^ The list will be found in Skutsoh, Forsehungtn I. i 6.
420 THE AOCBinTTAL BLEICENT IN
it to the thesis unless the Pronoun is elided, e.g. ad'm{e) 'UvmU^
and it is probable enough that the elision of the Pronoun restored
the Preposition in actual pronunciation to its unaccented state.
A good example of the treatment of the group when the Pronoun
has emphasis is seen in Aiin. 772 :
abs ted aceipuU, tihi propinetf tu htbaa.
The stressed and unstressed uses of the Latin Personal Pronoun
have produced two series in the Romance languages, e.g. Italian
me, te emphatic; mi, ti unemphatic. These unemphatic forms
are joined to the verb, e,g. prestatemi il libro ' lend me the book.'
If something analogous took place in Latin (and I see no reason
for doubting it), an ictus like that of servH-ms 'save me' in
Cure. 628 (trochaic) :
FhaSSdrame, ShsecrU, serv'd the, etc.,
cannot be quoted as an example of the conflict of ictus and accent.
The accent of the Imperative standing alone would be Bh^d^ but
the word-group servd^me would take the same accentuation as
a word like servamtu, servatiSf servate. Though it is rare for
two iambic words to be allowed to stand together in a line of
Plautus, presumably because this involved a double clash of accent
and ictus, we find {Amph. 991) a line beginning with the words
pat'ir voeAtme^ where we may suppose the ictus to have fallen
on a different syllable from the accent in the first word only
(pdter, but vocdt-me). An example of the emphatic pronoun
is Men, 1076 : til ertu es ; tu servom quaere : tU salveto : tU vale.
The corresponding double series of Possessive Pronouns in
Bomance, e.g. Ital. mio and mo (e.g. ma-donna), point to an
emphatic and unemphatic variety of the Latin Possessive, which
I find reflected in the versification of the Comedians. If we
contrast, for example, Capt. 261 (trochaic) :
ut V08 hie itidem tilt (M8S. tllie) apud voe meus servatur fiUue
and its emphatic meus on the one hand, with the subordinated
Possessive in a line like Bacch. 251 :
heu cor meum et cerehrum, Ntcohule, finditury
we shall not be inclined to agree with an opponent of Ritschl's
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 421
dictum, who finds in the pat'ir of Adelph, 983 (trochaic) an
instance of conflict hetween accent and ictus :
fdciet, d vir Uptume, 3 pat'ir mi fistivhsume.
The emphatic Demonstrative is seen in phrases like is ego sum,
ego M sum, which in Plautas always have the ictus on is, as
contrasted with the ordinary unemphatic usage, e.g. proplVr-eos,
praeter-eoSf or in a line like Foen, 394 (trochaic) :
oeulus hiijus, lippitudo meUy mel hiijus,/<f/ meum,
although the different metrical treatment of iUl and ilUe^ hoth of
which were in the time of Plautus used either as the Adverb
' there,' or as Dative of the Pronoun * to him,' has been obscured
by the scribes of the MSS. of Plautus, who have usually changed
illi Adv. to the classical illic, and illio Dat. to the 'doublet'
reserved for this sense by the classical writers, illi^ e.g. Copt. 278
(trochaic) :
q%u>d genus i'lli est unum pollens atque honoratissumum
where the MSS. offer illio^ the classical form, but where the metre
requires illi. That Plautus used horUne^ harUne but kdrum, h&rum
before a word beginning with a consonant has been established
by Studemund {Jahrh, Phil, cxiii. p. 57), though this usage too
is often obscured by the MSS. In Pseud. 69, for example : hariinc
volUptatum, the Ambrosian Palimpsest alone has preserved the
true reading harunc, while the Palatine MSS. have altered it to
the more familiar harum.
The Latin Grammarians have not given us a list of the sub-
ordinate or auxiliary Verbs in Latin. We have, however, many
proofs, if proofs be needed, that the Substantive Yerb belonged
to this category, and its fusion with a preceding word is indicated,
not only by the spellings of the best MSS. of Plautus, amatust
{amatus est), amatumst {amatum est), amatast {amata est), pulerast
{pulcra est), pulcrumst (pulcrum est), etc., but by its metrical
ictus in the line, e.g. placitae-sunt {Sec. prol. 21), salvae-sunt
{Pseud. 1036), pauper-sum {Aul. 88). The usual place of the
disyllabic forms of the Substantive Verb after a Participle or
Adjective is at the end of a line, e.g. Asin. 320, salvi-sumus.
That volo in such a phrase as volo scire was a subordinate
Verb, like ' will * in English, is seen not only from its invariable
PhiL Irani. 1891-2-8. 28
422 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
scansion told setre, but also from its almost invariable ictus
voloseire, which surely reflects an accentuation volO'Seire. The
same Yerb shows its subordinate character in quantumvU * as much
as you wish,' quamvis (like quantumlihet 'as much as you please/
quamlihet)y and we can hardly be wrong in refusing to regard
these common endings of Plautine lines, faetUm voh, fae%&% volo^
as instances of the clash of accent and ictus. D(vt$^ habere^ and
faeere were in certain uses as much Auxiliary Verbs as our ' have,*
'do/ and line-endings like eoetUm-daho (^^eoqitam\ fn%88am-fae$
(^=^d%mitte) must be judged in the same way dA faetUm-volo^ faeiS&a-
voh. They had in all probability the same subordinate character,
when combined with a noun to express an action which might
be expressed by a verb alone, e.g. Jidem dare * to promise,* dtmo
dare * to present,* operam dare * to attend,' just as we throw
the stress on the Noun ' noise ' and not on the Verb ' make * in
the phrase 'to make a noise,* and this subordination of the Verb
would imply in Latin its fusion with the Noun into a word-
complex, fidim-do, dond'data [donH data at the end of a line^
Ter. Eun. 564), operam dabam {operam daham at the end of a line,
JECeaut. 110). If this was so, there will be a coincidence, and
not a conflict, of accent and ictus in such iambic lines as Ter.
adelph. 473 :
fldem dans, jurane ee illam dttcturum domum
Fhorm. 492 : nondum miki credis . Hariolare , Sin fldem do .
Fabulae /
Andr, 243 : itane obstinate operam dat ut me a Glycerio muerutn
abstrahat ?,
or in such trochaic lines as Plant. MiL 455 :
ddfldem, si omittis isto me intro ituram, quojubes.
Among Subordinate Nouns, like our 'thing,' 'kind,' 'part,'
in such phrases as ' something of that kind,' ' some parts of
England,' we may reckon in Lat. res (cf. qudre^ qtcamdbrem^)^
^ The common phrase res divina (in early Latin also res dinay like ditem for
divitem^ obliscor for obliviscor) *a sacrifice,' as in an old inscription (C.I.L. XI.
4766) once written as one word EEIDINAI (Gen.), like respublica, once as two
words RES DEINA.
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 423
modus (cf. qudmodOf guemddmodum), hem in the Adverbial word-
groups ubt-looi?f intered'looi (Donatus ad Ter. -S'ww. 255 (Iambic):
dum haee loqutmur, interea loci ad maeellum ubi advmtamus)^
diesy in quotidie^ postridie (for poateri die, like crastini die), and
so on.
The normal ictus of the phrase ei-r^ operam-dabam in Plautus
is ei rei operant dabam, and of the various cases of mala-res (the
equivalent of malum 'punishment,' 'evil in store*) is mala res,
matde m, malam rem, mala re. Mala crux seems also to have
been treated as a compound Noun in the phrase i in malam crucem
*go and be hanged,' for the phrase may be qualified by an
Adjective, i in maxumam malam crucem. The accentuation malam-
crucem is reflected by the ictus mal'dm crucem. Other cases of
woi-d-groups, composed of an Adjective preceding and a Koun
following, are probably bona-fidee, mala-fidea (hence bon'dn fid'i,
Most, 670, though forming two iambi, is allowed to end a line,
because the accent fell not on the first but on the second syllable
of bond), magnum malum (cf. magnopere), bonus vir, the last two
phrases showing normally in Plautus the ictus magnum malum
(a common ending of a line), bone vir, boniJC vir (final * usually
did not produce * length by position' in the pronunciation of the
time of Plautus). Also some Numerals with following Nouns
like trhviri, vigintiviri, possibly sepUntridnes, to which class we
may perhaps refer expressions of time like trigintd-dies, viginti-
dies (cf. our * fortnight,' 'twelvemonth'), or of value like trigintd-
minae, viginti-minae (cf. our 'sixpence,' 'twopence'). The normal
ictus in the Dramatists is trigintd dies, viginti minae, etc., although
iriginta, viginti, when not used in such collocations, show the
ictus which we should expect, triginta, viginti.
These examples may suffice to show how the sentence-accent
of Latin conversation asserts itself in the dialogue metre of the
Early Drama, though it would not be difficult to double their
number. Perhaps as strong a piece of evidence as any other
is the fact that certain colloquial phrases, which evidently come
direct from the streets of Rome into the lines of Plautus and
Terence, show uniformly the same metrical accentuation, and that
too, though there is often no necessity for this from the prosodical
nature of the words. The phrase of everyday life nil moror
'I do not care' appears in all the plays of Plautus with the
424 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
ictus almost invariably on the first syllable, not on the second ;
and there is no reason to doubt that a Eoman, of that time
at least, would pronounce the word in this way with a single
accent, and that on the important word of the phrase, the word
nil. The common phrase ' I wish to know ' volo seire might,
from its prosodical nature, its arrangement of short and long
syllables, take a metrical accentuation void se,^ and we should
expect to find iambic lines beginning vol3 scire 'i^ttur, volS 8cir$
aUtemy etc. But the almost invariable metrical accentuation in
Plautus is void scire, with an ictus which in all probability
conforms to the usual pronunciation void scirCy the subordinate
Verb volo being fused with its Infinite into something like
a compound word. The normal ictus quid-istic? or quid is tic?
* well ! well ! ' quHd istue ? or quid istOc ? ' what's that ? ' agrees
with what the Grammarians tell us of the accentuation of the
Interrogative {quUy but Indef. quis unaccented), and of the
oxytone nature of istiCy istdc (for ^istod-ce). The phrase of
endearment voluptas mea is always scanned by Plautus volikptaS'
nuoy with a shortening of the second syllable, that is only found
when the next syllable has the natural accent, e.g. voliiptdtis,
volUptdtem ; and the accentuation voluptds-mea agrees with the
BubordiDate character of the Possessive Pronoun (cf. pat'er-mi^
frat'ef'-mif mater-mea). The subordination of the Personal Pronoun
is seen in vac miseromihiy a common expression of disappointment
or despair, which bears in the lines of the Dramatists the ictus
on the last syllable of miser o and on the Interjection, vae miserS
mihiy and which would probably be accented vae-miserd-mihi.
Another exclamation, eu^ae eugae\ * bravo bravo,* bears invariably
the ictus eugae eilgaCy and would no doubt have in ordinary
utterance the accentation eug{ae)-e{Lgae (Greek 6i57€). Similarly
quid tta? quid agis? quid ais? etc., seem to reflect quid-ita,
quid-agiSf quid-aisy and so on ; quis hie homost ? shows the
same subordination of homo {quU-hic-homost) as scelus-viri ! ' the
wretch ! * of vir {scelU^-virf).
As regards the other laws of Latin Accentuation, the laws
of the accentuation of the single word, as opposed to the various
modifications to which its accent is subject in a sentence, we find
here too a wonderful amount of agreement between ictus and
accent in the lines of Plautus. His greatest difficulty must, of
course, have been with iambus-words like firdy f^rufit, and it
must have been increased by the large number of long final
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 425
Byllables in the langnage at the beginning of the second centnry
B c, e.g. 'dty -elf -U in 3 Sg. Act., -dry -dr^ -er in 1 Sg. Pass,
of Verbs, -or in Xom. Sg. of Xoons and Adjectives ; for Plautus
and his contemporaries still pronounced eoqudt^ coquet, coqudr,
eoquir, etc., though, after his time, the difficulty of keeping the
long vowel sound before a final -^,* -r changed the pronunciation
to coqudt, coquet, eoqudr, coqu^r. The Latin Accent, as we have
seen (p. ), is excluded from the final syllable, so that the
word-accent was /ero, feruntf edqtidt, etc. But the nature of
the Iambic and Trochaic metres allows no opportunity for the
ictus to fall on a short syllable immediately followed by a long
syllable. The permissible ictus-forms in an Iambic line are
(Iambus u !L > Spondee _ IL > Tribrach u u U > Anapaest
KJ KJ —^ Dactvl ^ ij Kjy Proceleusmatic ^ ^ vS ^)) in a Trochaic
(Trochee !L Kji Spondee !L — » Tribrach Ij kj kj9 Anapaest
yj Kj ^1 Dactyl !Lkj kji Proceleusmatic \j yj \j yjj- There is
no room for an ictus like ^[i — to reproduce the accurate ^pro-
nunciation of a disyllabic word like fero^ with short accented
first syllable and long final syllable.
This discrepancy furnishes the opponents of Bitschl^s dictum
with their strongest argument. How is it possible, they ask,
to ascribe an accentual element to the lines of Plautus, when
by the very nature of the metre used, the accent of those
numerous iambic disyllables of common use would resist adapta-
tion to the ictus or beat of the verse? Another argument, as
frequently used as this one, is that an Iambic line must end
with an Iambus [yj ^), which implies an ictus on the final
syllable of the line, whereas an accent on the final syllable of
a word is contrary to the Latin practice ; and these two arguments
are regarded by many persons as conclusive. And yet to my
mind the very fact that Plautus evidently takes the greatest
possible pains to overcome these two difficulties in the way of
reconciling ictus and accent, is one of the strongest proofs that
he aimed at such reconciliation. Let us examine his methods
of dealing with these Iambus- words ?
[Vj In the first place, he avails himself of the tendency of
Latin pronunciation to shorten their final syllable, a tendency
which asserted itself most strongly in those ending with a long
^ Similiirlv our * note ' has a shorter rowel -sound than ' node.*
426 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
vowel followed by -r, -t (e.g. amdr, amdt), and in many words
which, ending with a long vowel, were closely joined with other
words in ordinary rapid utterances, e.g. cBY^-farUj dowLi-resfo,
domo-r^ni, dabo -^/a^am, ded1-)9/cZ^am, cit5-^rr#, modo-r^t, prob£-
/actus f dato-plagam (O.Lat. datdd)?
(2) Or, secondly, he so places them in the sentence that their
accent is diverted from the first syllable, whether to the final,
e.g. honaequSf hanaene, hanaive, honad-sunt, malaS-res, mald-Jide^
fidem-daty or to a preceding word, e.g. ?i6c'modo (like qudmodo),
aligud-modo, eoetum'dahOf tigintk-mtnae.
(3) Thirdly, he elides their final vowel.
The usual place to which he assigns an lambns-word with
conflict of ictus and accent is before a pause in the sentence,
e.g. Trin. 1-2:
Sequere Kac me, gnata, ut mUnus fUngarh tuam.
Seq{ior. sed/tnem/Sre quern dicam n'iscto,
where the disagreement would probably not be so marked.
(Similarly before the last Dipody of an Iambic Senarius.) At
the end of a line iambic words are preferred which would in
ordinary utterance have no perceptible accent, e.g. tuam in the
line just quoted, which would be as much an unaccented disyllabic
as the 'scio of nescio^ and the common endings already mentioned
(salvae) sumus^ {factum) volOf {operdm) daham, etc. Of trisyllables,
tribrach- words, as has been mentioned, are never used with an
ictus on their second syllable, e.g. genera \ dactyl- words are
occasionally allowed with an ictus of the kind by Plautus in
the first foot of an iambic line, but this is never permitted by
* That this shortening of a final lonp ayllahlo under the influence of a preceding
flhort syllable (what is called the Law of the Brevis Brevians, i.e. brevis (syllabaJ)
breviaus (sequentem syllabam)) was not a mere metrical licence on the part of
Plautus, but a more or less faithful reproduction of ordinary pr(»nunciation is clear
from the statement of Quintilian (I. 6. 21). He tells us that in unconventional
talk the second syllable of are {have) * hail ! ^ood-day ! * was shortened, though
a few punctilious persons took pains to give it it« proper long sound. Cave was
reduced not merely to cave but to cau-y to judge from Cicero s story of Crassus,
ou his sotting out for Parthia, mistaking the cry of a fig-seller Cauneas ! Caunetis !
(so. finis vefido) for cave ne eas ! care tie eas ! as well as from the spelling causia
for cave sis (Juvenal, 9. P20). A similar reduction of have to hau may be inferred
from Phaedrus' fable {^4pp. 21) about the man who mistook for this salutation
tlie caw of a crow. Some of these shortened forms forced their way into Augustan
literature {putd Hor., cave Ovid, vidtn Yirg., modo^ cito, and always bniCy mate,
eXc. We can understand why these last two Adverbs should have succumbed
e.irlier and more thoroughly to the shortening tendency, if wo consider their
fre(}uent use in phrases like male/icio, beneficioy etc.
EARLY LATIN VERSE, 427
Terence, who evidently felt an ictus like pectSray perdtta to
involve so violent a conflict between ictus and accent {pictora,
perdtta) as to be shunned at all costs; molossus words are not
infrequent with ictus on the first syllable, when their final syllable
is elided, e.ff, Ter. Andr, init. :
poeta quUmprim{um) 'dnm(um) flf(?-scribend(um) appuUt,
this discrepancy of ictus and accent being regarded as less
unpleasant than a double discrepancy like scrUendilm, Of quadri-
syllables, words of the form of the First Paeon (u u u — ) or
the Proceleusmatic (vj u vj \j)i ©-g* hdlinUde, bdltnM from
Gk. fiaXaveiovy which, as we have seen (p. 2), retained their
early accentation of the first syllable (whence later halneae, balnea)
have the ictus also on this syllable with very few exceptions
in Plautus and even in Terence ^ ; words of the type _ ^ _ ^,
e.g. Florentinus advenite, are by the nature of the Iambic and
Trochaic metre restricted to the ictus FlSrent'inus advenUe^ etc.,
which corresponds with their accentuation FldrmtimM ddvenite,
and much the same is true of words of the type u u — — >
e.g. sepeltrCj sceleratos, or sepeltre, sceleratos {sepelirey scaler dtos) ;
choriambic words, e.g. ititerea^ consilium^ dtmidtU8y have usually
the ictus mt'ereaf consUiumf dim'ldius, which corresponds to their
accentuation under the Paenultima law, though the ictus dimidiuSf
etc. (like the older accentuation of the first syllable, p. 2), is
not at all infrequent.
These are the chief points in the case for the accentual element
in the Iambic and Trochaic metres of Plautus and Terence.
They constitute in my opinion too formidable an array of
testimony to be disregarded. And anyone who, in spite of all
this evidence, finds himself unable to believe that the question
of accent was ever allowed to enter into the composition of the
lines of the Roman Comedians is confronted with this further
difficulty that the Romans themselves evidently read the lines
of these authors as if ictus and accent were very much the
same thing. We see this not only from the comments of
Donatus on the pronunciation of words in some lines of Terence
(e.g. siquandoy see p. 4 ; mtered-loct, see p. 6), but from the
^ But other combinations of four syllables of the kind are freely used with ictus
on the second of the group, e.g. M etiam {Epid. 624), An abiit? {Mere. 981)>
where ictus and accent would not be in conflict.
428 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
express statement of Aulus Gellius (second century a.d.), who
mentions an appeal to a line of Fluutus, ending aliorum affatim estf
for the accentuation affatim^ and to a line of Terence, ending
ex'ddversum loco, for the accentuation exddversum (the usual
accentuation of his own time being affatitriy exadvh'sum), and
quotes the testimony of a pupil of Valerius Probus, that that
celebrated Grammarian (of Nero's time) read the line of Plautus
with that pronunciation of the word.
At the same time I do not believe that anything is so likely
to dispel one's doubts about the accentual element in the
Comedians' dialogue metres as the perusal of one or two of
their plays after a study of the rules of Latin accentuation,
particularly sentence -accentuation.* We should be prepared to
find a different state of things in the choric metres of Plautus,
the bacchiac, cretic, anapaestic, etc., for the passages composed
in these metres were not spoken but sung, and do not like
the dialogue passages aim at a close reproduction of the tone
and diction of ordinary conversation. The Cretic and Bacchiac
metres, with their abundance of long syllables, especially favour
forms like cave, mihiy modo {hoc volo scire te Cure. 134), which
were not the forms employed in common speech ; but their ictus
are not more difficult to reconcile with the natural accents of
Latin words than are the ictus of the Trochaic and Iambic
Metres; and we find the accentuation of the Paenultima Law
fairly conserved in these Cantica. Still it is a significant fact
that Terence, after making trial of Bacchiacs and Cretics, gave
up the attempt to adapt them to Latin. The Cantica, however,
composed in the Anapaestic Metre, seem often to ride rough- shod
over the accentuation, although it is possible that further research.
into the nature and laws of the passages so scanned, and in
particular the discrimination of Dactylic from Anapaestic lines,
may remove some of the harshness of what are usually regarded
as Anapaestic lines.' A cardinal point of the metre is its
readiness to substitute not only Dactyls for Anapaests, but dactylic
words for anapaestic words, a substitution which is as natural
in Greek as the substitution of a Spondee for a Dactyl, but
^ It has been remarked that some of the lines of the Early Tragedians read
almost like lines from a Christian (accentual) hymn, e.g. Ennius 163 It. :
0 magna templa eaelitum, \\ commixta stellis apUndidts.
^ It is difficult, for example, to believe that usiis sum in altOy dietus Prometheus
were actually so uttered hy a Koman.
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 429
which involves in Latin the use of ictus-forms like pectHra,
perdUaj not to speak of proper'dsy quid-ag'Ss ? It is no wonder
that Terence refused even to make experiment of Anapaestic
verse in any of his Comedies.
§4. Hie Saturnian Metre.
The earliest Latin imitations of the Greek metres differ in
two respects from their Greek originals : (1) in the use of
Alliteration ; (2) in the regard for the natural accent of the
words. This suggests that the native Latin metre, the Satumian,
which was used before, and for some time after, the adoption
of the Greek quantitative poetry, was (1) Alliterative, (2)
Accentual. The Alliteration was one of its main features will
be evident to anyone who takes even a cursory glance at the
Satumian lines preserved to us (about 150 in all), but its accentual
character (though almost implied by its alliterative side) has been
recognized only recently, since the investigation into the metres
of the different Indo-European nations has shown the isolated
position of the Greeks in their use of an entirely quantitative
metre. The Roman Metricians of the Empire, when they came
to write adaptations of the Greek treatises on Metre, and found
themselves compelled, after a description of the Hexameters of
Virgil, the Pentameters of Ovid, the Sapphics and Alcaics of
Horace, etc., to give some account of the native metre used
at the time of the Punic Wars by Livius Andronicus and
Naevius, were quite at a loss to fit it into the Greek metrical
scheme. They tried to account for it as a composite of Iambic
and Trochaic metre, an Iambic Dimeter Catalectic with a Trochaic
Dimeter Brachycatalectic, though they were obliged to confess
that hardly more than a single line could be suited to this
Procrustean scheme. Their model line is the epigram of the
Metelli on the poet Naevius: —
ddhunt mdlum M^Ulli || Naevio pdetae,
which has become the stock example of a Satumian. It is
strange that, although the Roman metricians frankly confessed
their inability to suit the actual extant lines to quantitative
rules, the Quantitative theory of the Satumian metre should
have found acceptance in modem times ; for once we leave
430 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
this single example, dahunt malum, etc., we find line after line
which resists a quantitative scansion,
e.g. RuncHa atqu^ ForpurStu Jllii Terras,
Jsqu^ susHm ad caelum sustulit suae res.
Por a time it was supposed that these final syllables might hare
been long in Early Latin, just as eurdty audit, canddr had their
final syllables long in the time of Plautus. But ComparatiTe
Philology has now taught us that they were short at all periods
of the language, their I.-Eur. forms being -ds, -q^, -dm. The
-que indeed of Latin atque, isque was so short a syllable that
in ordinary rapid utterance the vowel was lost altogether, even
before a word beginning with a consonant, atque becoming ac
(for *atc), neque becoming nee, etc., while -urn of susum, etc.,
was in classical poetry invariably, and in anteclassical poetry
usually elided, though Plautus and Ennius sometimes reckon it
as a short syllable like the -um of cireum in the classical compound
circHmit or circuit. Pinal -a of the Nom. Sg. of A-Stems, and
the Nom. Ace. PL ITeut. of 0-Stems may have been long at
some remote period, but in the period of the earliest literature
it is invariably short, and is scanned as a short syllable by Livius
Andronicus, and Naevius themselves in their other poems in the
Greek quantitative metres, so that, e.g. vita, can hardly be a spondee
in a line of a Scipio epitaph, written c. 130 b.c. :
quoiei vita defeeit, non honos honore}
It is, however, the recent investigations into the versification of
Plautus that have given the coup de grdce to the old theory of
Saturnian Metre. Plautus never uses a tribrach word with
metrical ictus on the second syllable. How then can we make
the beginning of vv. 96, 101 iambic ?
suhigit omne Loucanam opsidesque ahdoueit,
facile facteis superases gloriam maiorum,
Plautus avoids the use of a spondee with metrical ictus on its
final syllable in the even feet of an iambic line. How then
can we scan : consul censdr aidilis.
^ Dr. Reichaxdt, the latest champion of the Quantitatiye theory, allows that in
127 lines 63 cases occur of a short final where a long syllable is required, as
against 66 cases of a long final ! {Jahrb. KUua. FhiL (Suppl.) xix.).
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 431
And in general, as we have seen, Plautus does all he can to
bring metrical ictus into correspondence with the natural accent
of the words. If this care is shown in imitations of Greek
metre, a metre purely quantitative, can we believe that the
native Latin poetry brought ictus and accent into conflict in
the first half of, I would say, every line :
eomSl censdr aidilis
annHs gnatils viginti
quoie'i vtid defecit
GnaiuHd patre jprognatuSf etc., etc.
Even the more plausible form of the Quantatitive theory, according
to which Iambic might be at will replaced by Trochaic rhythm,
and Trochaic by Iambic (e.g. RUncm atqtte being trochees, not
iambi), fails to meet these objections, and its author* has now
relinquished it for a (more or less thorough) accentual theory.
A host of arguments might be brought against the Quantitative
theory, if it were necessary. The single fact, however, that every
extant Satumian line begins with an accented syllable, is almost
enough to show that the metre is governed by Accent, and is not
a composite of a quantitative Iambic and a quantitative Trochaic
line. Per how otherwise can we explain the fact that, while the
iambic lines of the Dramatists begin again and again with trisylla-
bles accented on the second syllable (e.g. Plautus in the first scene
of the Miles has v. 1 Curate, v. 4 Praestringatf v. 29 Conuica, v. 39
Facete, v. 40 Novtsse, v. 41 Cur'dmquey v. 44 Trig'inta, v. 57 Utrtilte,
V. 72 Uidetur, v. 74 Latrdnes), we have not a single instance of
such a beginning of a Satumian line ') ? The natural order of the
words 'aedile, consul, censor,' the order of the prose Scipio epitaph
(I. 31 aidiles coiol ceaor) is not retained in the Satumian epitaph :
consol censor aidilis (v. 94), an inversion which may reasonably be
referred to the necessity of beginning the line with an accented
syllable. And an examination of the lines in detail will show that
^ Prof. Zander, of Lund, who gives me this infonnation by letter.
' V. 67 Plerique omnea is an exception that proves the rule, for Plautus and
Terence always throw the metrical ictus in this phrase on the first syllahle of
plerique and the first svllable of omnesy pointing to a pronunciation of the word-
group, like pier iqu{e) -omnea. v. 105 (on a Scipio epitaph) Aetate quom parua
shows the common spelling aetate instead of the older form, here required by the
metre, aevitate^ by a similar graver's mistake as the substitution of aetemus for
aeviternus on an iambic epitaph of Diocletian's time (Orell. 6017) : divini vis est
aeterni temporis.
432 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
each line not only begins with an accented syllable, but has three
accents in the first half -line, two accents in the second, account
being taken of secondary accents in a degree which, we can believe,
corresponded to their prominence in actual pronunciation.*
This Accentual theory of the Saturnian Metre has the merit
of suiting each and every extant Saturnian line.* But stated
in this form, it seems to me hardly sufficient as a metrical
scheme. ITo doubt the Saturnian poetry was stigmatized by
Horace as horrtdus tile numerusy and grave virus ; but could it
have been so devoid of harmony as lines would be which
answered only these two requirements, (1) of beginning with
an accented syllable, (2) of showing three accents in the first
half, two in the second half ? A good many lines of prose
could satisfy such a test, the opening sentence of Cicero's First
Philippic, for example: Antequam d^-republica, || patres con-
scripti, Dicam-ea quae-dic^nda || hoc-tempore arbitror! !, and
even with ' AUiteration^s artful aid ' we can hardly suppose such
a metre to have been favoured by a poet like Naevius, who
was familiar with the Greek style.
The counting of syllables, which is a feature of the poetry
of various Indo-European peoples is an essential element in
Eomance metre. The commonest Romance line, the Decasyllabe
as it is called in Freach, the Endecasillabo in Italian, gets its
name from the number of syllables used, viz. ten with masculine
1 A five-syllabled word always counts for two accents, e.g,
y. 104 mdgna adpientia |[ muUdsque uirtuteSf
90 dedet Tempestdtebus || aide meretod,
56 bnerdriae onustae || stdbant in^ustris,
and a four-syllabled word (at any rate of the forms — ii — il and
^ — ^ hi) does the same at the beginning of the line, e.g,
y. 44 immoldbat aiiream || utctimam piileram,
60 super biter eontemptim \\ eSnterit legiones,
91 Cornelius Lucitis || Scipio Barbdtua.
A word at the beginning of a line or sentence would naturally haye more pro-
minence given to it than in the middle. For the double accentuation of quadri-
syllables m other parts of the line than the beginning, the only strong instances
are v. 129, cdmplurimae\\y v. ISO, prtmdrium\\j whose first syllables alliterate with
neighbouring words, and would receive extra stress on that account, and the
proper name Seipione, y. 87.
2 The last line of the epitaph on Naevius, quoted by Gellius from Varro, should
probably be read : loquier lingua Latina || obliti-aunt Homae,
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 433
ending, eleven with, feminine ending, e.g, Ariosto Orl. Fur,
lY. 62:
di vera pudicizia h un paragone,
where the rhythmical factors are (1) the two accented syllables
(the sixth, -(?»-, and the tenth -^o-), (2) the number of syllables
(eleven, with elision of -ia k before the initial vowel w- of un),
(On the Eomance Metres see Stengel in Grober's Qrundriss^
vol. ii.). I believe this counting of syllables to have been
an element of the- native Latin metre, the Satumian. Seven
syllables are the quota of the first half-line, six of the second, e,g,
ddbunt malum Metelli || Namio poetae ;
and this number will be found to occur in the various lines,
the laws of elision being nearer those of Plautus and Ennius
than those observed by the classical poets, in that a final long
vowel or diphthong or a final syllable ending in -m was not
wholly elided, but was left in 'prosodical hiatus' (reckoned as
a short syllable *) ; and that this treatment coresponded with
the actual pronunciation we may argue from such forms as
pr^'hendo (from prae hendo)j circii{m)-tt (from eircum it), e,g,
V. 25 topper citt ad aedis ||
40 uqvs suaUm ad caelum \\,
The monotony is varied by occasionally allowing an extra short
syllable in positions where in current pronunciation it would
be completely, or partially, suppressed, to count with a preceding
short syllable as a single syllable, e.g,
V. 66 II cdpUthus optrtis
99 II glor%{a) atq{ue) ing^nium,
where capitibuSy ingentum are allowed in place of trisyllables,
just as Ennius {Ann. 267 E.) allows eapitihu8 to take the place
of a dactyl at the beginning of a hexameter line :
capitthu* nutantis pinos rectosque cupressos,
* Monosyllabic enclitics were an exception. Their treatment varies in Plautus,
e.g. in Cos. 691 :
cum haCf cum istaCy cumqtte arnica etiam mea,
cum stands in prosodical hiatus, though usually elided.
434 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
or as Horace has oonsilium {C. III. 4, 11), prtneipium {C. III.
6, 6) in place of trisyllables.^
Farther I find that the accents of the line are systematically
arranged. The extant verses show us clearly two types, one
(the A-type we may caU it) )^x(0 )<:X» XXX II )CXX> XXX
ddhunt mdlum MetilU || Naiuio poHae,
the other (B-type), which is much less common, i^x(0 XX»
XXX II XXXX» XX
prim[a) ineidit Cereris || Proserpina piter*
What the historical genesis of either type may have been is
another matter, but it seems to me that what was present to
the mind of Livius and Kaevius in their actual use of them
was an endeavour to secure (after the first two feet of the line,
where the accent was fixed) a regular alternation of accentual
rhythm, a * rising ' accent (e.g. Metelli) being followed by a
* falling ' (e.g. ^aMo), and vice versd (e.g. Cinris by Prosirpina),
The scarcity of our material does not allow us to discover
precisely to what extent variations from these normal types were
permitted. A variety of the A-type has in the second half-line
II yockx^ XX> ®'S- adloMus siimmi; a variety of the B-type, which
lacks one of the requisite number of syllables, but satisfies the
requirements of alternation of accentual rhythm, has in the same
part of the line || XXX» x'x> o-g'/«<^««^ ukrum. But that these two
types were deliberately followed by the writers of Saturnian lines
(more successfully, as is natural, by the poets, Livius and Kaevius,
than by the chance writers of metrical inscriptions) is, I think,
put beyond a doubt by the actual extant lines. The theory might
be tested, if the words were by any piece of good fortune dis-
covered, which are wanting in certain fragmentary lines. For
example, a fragmentary line of Naevius, quoted by Festus
(472 Th.) : quod Iruti nec-satia sardare qmunty will, if my theory
be right, lack four syllables at the beginning so accented xx(>) XX
(perhaps
dicttis BriituSj quod hruti || nec-satis sardare
quiunt),
* That this * resolution ' was recognized as a licence, a permissible departure
from the regular number of syllables, is shown by the limits within which it is
confined. Two such 'resolutions* are avoided in the same half -line, probably
even in the same line.
BABLY LATIN VERSE. 435
Eules of Caesura are often given for the Satumian verse, but
improperly, for they are dependent on the three main rales of
accentuation^ number of syllables, and alternation of accentual
rhythm, and are implied by them. The only caesura that really
formed of itself an element of Satumian metre was the break
between the two half-lines ; the others, viz. the occasional break
between the first and second 'feet' of the first half-line (e.g.
dabunt malum) f and the usual breaks (1) between the second and
third *feet' of the first half -line (malum Metelli), (2) between
the first and second * feet ' of the second half-line {Naeuto poetae),
are merely the conditions under which a certain number and
arrangement of accents, combined with a certain number of
syllables, can be secured for the line. But Ehyme (in the final
syllable or syllables of each half-line)^ was an ornament much
sought after, so that the regular structure of the verse seems
occasionally to be sacrificed for the sake of securing it, e.^.
V. 47 {irit, pdpUldtur vdstat, \\ re{m)'h69ttum concinnat,
instead of the usual rhythm: iirit, vdstaty pdpUldtur, like v. 131
JFundit, fdgaty prdaternit. And there are possibly traces of an
arrangement of lines, usually or occasionally, in distichs, any
peculiarity of rhythm in the first line being * echoed ' by the
rhythm of the second e.g.
w. 18, 19 ndmque niillum piiua || mdcerat humdnum
qudnde mare sa^uom \\ uis-et-oui sunt-mdgnae,
though the number of quotations by the Grammarians of anything
but isolated lines is so small that we have not data enough to
warrant a certain inference.
Naevius, who died at the end of the Second Punic War, was
succeeded in the domain of Epic Poetry by Ennius, whose in-
fluence effected the replacement of the native metre by the Greek
* The final syllable was, of course, unaccented. Similarly rhyme in Commodian
and S. Augustine is of unaccented finals, while in Romance poetry it is accented
syllables which bear the rhyme.
436 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
quantitative Hexameter.* The Saturnian disappears altogether
from our ken in the course of the second century b.c. ; and in
the plebeian epitaphs of the later Republic and Empire the
common metres are the Iambic and Trochaic. (A frequent • poor
man's epitaph,' for example, as frequent as our 'Affliction sore
long time he bore * is :
noli dolere, mater, eventum meum,
properavit aetas ; hoc voluitfatus mem,
* Dear mother, do not weep for me.
Short was my course ; 'twas fated so to be.')
But if the new theory of Prof, Stengel (Grober's Orundriss der
Romanischen Fhtlolo^ie, II. p. 19) be right, the Satamian metre
must have remained in popular usage down to the Komance times,
though no trace of it has been left in literature or in epitaphs.
{Jnscr. Neap. 3829 :
rogo te, mi viator, noli mi noeere
may be a Saturnian, but is too doubtful to quote.) Prof.
Stengel, who refers the common metre of Spain, the fourteen-
syllabled line, with accented seventh and fourteenth syllables^
to the Latin Trochaic Septenarius (Tetrameter Catalectic), sees
in the commonest Romance metre, the D6casyllabe of ErancOy
the Endecasillabo of Italy, a direct development of the Saturnian.
This line he shows to have had at an earlier stage more than
ten (or eleven) syllables, and to have had an accent on the sixth
syllable, as well as at the end of the line ; and this internal
accent he ascribes to the accent at the end of the first half-line
of the Saturnian, e,g.
dahunt malum Metelli
V. 1 1 partim errant nequf nunt
V. 4 argenteo polubro.
He supposes that the Paenultima law of accentuation had often
the effect of weakening the accent at the beginning of the line,
^ There seems to have been a later edition of the Odyssea and the Bellum
Poenicum in hexameters, perhaps for the use of Roman school-boys, for some of
the lines quoted by the grammarians have unmistakeably this form, e,ff. Piiscian's
quotation (I. p. 419 K.) from the Odyasea :
cum socios nostros mandisset impius Cyclops.
BARLY LATIN VERSE. 437
drginteo becoming arginUo with no perceptible secondary accent
on the first syllable, so that the accentuation at the beginning
of the line came to be regarded as unfixed :
pdrtttn hrant
arginteOj
while the accent at the close of the half-line (and of the whole
line) continued to assert itself :
partim errant nequinunt \\
argenteo polithro ||.
However that may be, it is certain that the popular poetry of
the Eepublic, as well as of the Empire, was markedly accentual.
The few examples that have been preserved are mostly Trochaic
Septenarii, being lampoons of soldiers on their general (on the
day of a triumph such abuse was thought to avert the Nemesis
that attends undue prosperity), e,g, the lampoon on Pompey
(quoted by Sacerdos, p. 462, 1 £.), of accentual, somewhat
halting, rhythm :
qu6m non pudet 6t rubet non est homo sed ropio,
or the more rhythmical one on Caesar (Suet. Cae8. 80) :
6cce Ca6sar nunc triiimphat qu{ sub6git Gdllias.^
The recognition by the Christian writers of this accentual metre,
and the process by which the *poor man's poetry* became the
poetry of the Church and the ITation, are matters which lie
outside the province of this article. I will only mention that
the recent investigations of the poetry of Commodian suggest that
a better knowledge of the exact pronunciation and accentuation of
the language of his time will explain the rhythmical structure of
the hexameters of the * Instructiones ' and * Carmen Apologeticum.'
^ The call of the ' retiarius ' gladiator may be a (loose) accentual Trochaic
Tetrameter :
n6ii te p^to, piscem p^to, quid me f (igis, G&lle P
PhU. Tram. 1891-2-8. 29
438 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
APPENDIX.
Satttbniak Yebse — A List of all the (complete) Extant Lines.
A-Type )}:x(,) ix, XXX II XXX , XXX (<>' II XXXXt Xx)
^Type xx(,) XX, XXX II XXXX» XX (»' II XXX , XX)
(Lines of doubtful reading are enclosed in brackets. Where two short syllables
replace a single sellable, the quantities are indicated. Departures from the
MSS. are put in italics).
(Z«V. Andr.) 1. Yfrum mihi Cam6na || fnsece rersiitum.
2. Mea pu^ra, quid-v6rbi || ex-tuo-6re sdpra.
3. K^q(ue) tarn te oblftus-sum, || La^rtie noster.
4. Arg^nteo polubro, || aureo eclutro.
5. Tuque mihi narrdto || omnia dis6rtiin.
6. Matrem < proci > procftum || plurimi Ten^mnt.
7. Qudndo dfes adv^ntet, || quem-proMta Mortast.
8. Aitt in Pylum deventes || adt ibi-omm^ntans.
[9. Tuncque r6mos jussit || religdre striippis.]
10. Ibid6mque vir-summus || V&trieoles adprfmus.
11. Pdrtim errant, nequinunt || Gra6ciam redfre.
12. Apud-nympham, AtMntis || fHiam Clllypsonem.
[13. fgttur demum TJKx{-[cor^] || prae-pavore frfxit.]
14. U'trum genu(a) amploctens || vfrginem ordret.
15. rbi manens sedeto, || donicum vid^bis.
16. Me carpento vehente || m^am-domum venfsse.
17. Simul dacTumas d^-ore || noegeo det6rsit.
18. I^dmque nullum p6jus || macerat humdnum.
19. Qudmde mare saevum, || vf«-et-cui sunt-mdgnae ;
20. Topper < eas > confrfngent || importunae undae.
21. M^rcurius cumqu(e)-eo || fflius Latonas.
[22. Nexerant mult(a) int6r-se || »exu nodorum.]
^3. "N^m divina Monetas 11 filia m^-dociiit.
cor probably belongs to the context, and should be removed from this line.
EARLY LATIN VERSE. 439
24. Topper fdcit homines || iit-prfus fuerunt.
25. Topper citi ad-a6di8 || yenimus Circd'2.
[26. Cdmis autem vinumque || quod-Mbant anclabant.]
27. Sdncta puer, Satumi || fflia, regina.
{I^aevius) 28. Eorum s6ctam seqnontur || multi mortales.
29. Ubi foras c\im-auro || (lico exlbant.
30. Multi alti e-Troia || strenui vfri.
31 . Jdmqu(e) eiu^-mentem fortuna || fecerat quietem.
32. Tnerant 8{gii(a) expressa || quomodo Titani,
33. £lc6rpore8 Gig^ntes || m^gniqu(e) Atlantes
34. EuDcus d,tque Purpur^us || fflii Terras.
35. Silufcolae lioin(5nes || belliqu(e) inertes.
36. Bldnde docte percontat || A6neam quo-pacto.
37. Prfm(a) incedit Cereris || Pro86rpina puer,
38. Deinde pollens sagfttis || fnclutus Arquit^nens,
39. Sanctus Delphis prognatus || Pythius Apollo.
40. Tsque susum ad-caelum || sustulit suas-res.
[41. Amulius < ac-multis > || gratulatur divis.]
42. Postquam avem a8p6xit || tempt^lo Anchisa,
43. Sacr(a) in-m6D8a Fendtum || ordine ponuntur.
44. Immolabat auream || yfctimam pulcram
[45. Sfmul itrocia || porricorent exta.]
46. Transit Melttam KomdnuSi || insulam integram
4 7 . I/rit, populatur, vdstat || rem-hostium cod cf nnat .
48. Vfrum praetor adv^n^'t, || auspicat auspiclum.
49. Consent 6o venturum || obyiam Poenum.
50. Superbiter contemtim || conterit l^giones.
[51. S^ptimum-dectmum dnnum || ilico sedent^^.]
![52. Id^m-quoque pacfscunt, || mo6Dia siquo^.]
[53. Liltatium (Joncfllant, || captfvos plurimos] ^
54. Siciliensis paciscit || obsides ut-reddant.
55. E'i venit in-mentem || hominum fortunas.
56. Onerail^e ondstae || stabant in-flustris.
^ Perhaps plurimos eaptivos.
1
440 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
57. Pl^riqu(e)-6iime8 siibtgihitar || sub-^nmja-
didum.
58. E^s-diyfnas edicit, || praMicit ^ dUdms.
59. S6nex, fr^tuB ptSt&te, y adlooiitns summi
60. Begis fr^trem Neptunom, Q regnatdrem m&nin.
61. Summe d6am regnittor, || qofanam g^niiisti?
[ 62. S^8eqa(e} fiperfre || mdYolunt ibidem,
( 63. Qa4m cum-stiipro redfre H &d-BU08p5piiULri8.
64. Sin fUoB ddserant || fortlBsimos yiros,
65. Mdgnum stuprum populo || f[eri per-g6nti8.
66. N6cta Troiad exfbant || dtpttibus opSitis.
67. El^ntis dmbae, ^b^untes || l^crimis cum-multis.
[68. Atque prfus pdriet || luoiiBta lucam]
69. Ferunt pulcras cret^rras, || aureas lepfatas.
70. Mdgnae m6tu8 tumdltuB || p^otora possidit.
71. Novem lovis conoordes || fOiae sorores.
72. Pdtrem suum sapr^mum || 6ptamum app61Iat.
73. Scopas d,tque verbenas y sdgmina sumpaSrunt.
74. Simul &l»i9-&r[uiide || rdmitant int6r-8e.
[75. JLpiid-einpoilam m-cdmpo || hostiam pro-mo^ne]
76. Simul duon(a) e6rain || p6rtant ad-ndvis ;
77. M£li(a) dli(a) m-fsdem || iDseriniiiitar.
1
78. D^bunt mdlnm Met611i || Na6vio po6tae.
79. rmmortdles mortiles || 8i-for6t-&8 fl^re,
80. Elerent dfvae CamSnae || Na^yium po^taxn.
8 1 . rtaq(ue) postquam est O'rcho || trdditos thesadro.
[82. L^quter lingua Latina || obliti-sunt Bomae.]
83. Summas opes qui regum || r6gia8 refregit.
84. 6ccursdtrix artiftcum, || p6rdita spintdmiz.
(Inscriptions) 85. Hone oino ploirume || co86ntiont R <6mai>
86. Dilonoro optumo || fuise viro,
87. Luciom Scipione. || filios Barbdti
88. Consol, censor, aidilis || hic-fuet apud-TOs
1 Of. Ter. Andr, 777, prov6lvam . . pirvolvam.
EARLY LATIN VBRSE. 441
89. Hec c6pit Corsica || Aleriaqu(e)-urbe
90. D6det Tempestdtebus || aide m^retod.
91. Cbrnelius Lucius || Scipio Barbdtus,
92. Gnafvod pdtre progndtus, || fortis-vir saptensque,
93. Quoius-forma virtutei || parlsuma fuit,
94. Consol, c6QSor, aidflis || quei-fuit apud-vos,
95. Taurasia Cisauna || Sdmnio c^pit,
96. Subtgit omne Loucdnam || 6psides-qu(e) abdoucit
97. Qu(ei)-aptce insfgne Dialis || fldminis gesfstei,
98. Mors perfecit tu(a)-ut-e88ent || omnia brevia,
99. HonoSy fdma, virtusque, || gl6ri(a) atqu(e) in-
gentum
100. Qutbiis s(ei)-in-16nga rfctifset || tib(e) utier vita
101. EacYle facteis siip^rdses || gl6riam maiorum.
102. Qud-re lubens t(e)-in-grem'Iu, || Scipio, recipit
103. T^rra, Publi, prognatum || PubHo, Comeli.
104. Mdgna sdpientia || multasque virtutes
105. A^tate quom-pdrva || posidet hoc-saxsum,
106. Quoiei vita defecit, || non-honos,^ bonore,
107. Tb hie situs quei nunquam || victus-est virtutei,
108. Annos gnatus vigiuti || r8-l(oc)eis mandatus.
109. I^^-quairdtis honore || quef-minus-sit mandatus.
110. Qu5d r^-sua difeidens || dspere afleicta
111. Parens tfmens heic vovit, || v6to-hoc soluto,
112. Deciima facta poloucta; || lefbereis lubentes
113. Donu danunt H6rcoIe ; || mdxsume mereto
114. Semol t(e)-6rant se voti || crebro condemnes.
115. Ductu aiispfcio || imp6rioqu(e) ^jus
116. Achaia capta, || Corinto delete,
117. Eomam r^dteit triumphans. || ob-basc(e)-res-
ben(e)-g^8tas,
118. Qu6d in-bello v6verat, || hanc-aedem et sfgnu
119. H^rculis-Victoris || imperator dedicat.^
120. Hoc est-fdctum monumentum || Maarco Caicilto
^ Doubtful accentuation. But cf. Plant. Atnph, 379, e^o sum, non tu, Sosia;
Jtud. 136, Veneriparavi . . no« tnihi,
' Or is this line an Iambic Senarius !
442 THE ACCENTUAL ELEMENT IN
121. Hospes, gratain-(e)st qu(om) apud-meas || resti-
tfstei seedes.
122. B6ii(e)-rem-gerasetv^lga8; || dormias sln^-qura.
123. Gbnlegium [quod est] aciptum || aetdtei agedai,
1 24. O'piparum ad-yeitam quolundam || festosque dfes.
125. Quel soueis-astutieis || opfdque Yolgdni
126. Gondecorant saipisume || com vf via loidosque,
127. Ququei hue dederunt || imperatoribus summeis,
128. Utei sesed lubentes || b6n(e)iovent opt^tis.
129. IJno cbmplurimae || cons^ntiunt g6nte8
130. Fopuli primdrium || fufsse yfruniy
131. Eundity fugat, prost^mit || maxumas l^gYones.
132. Magnum num^rum triumphat, || hostibiis dev£ctis.
133. Duello magno dlrlm^ndo || regibus siibYgendis.
{Prophecte8,etc,)lS4. Terra p^stem ten6to || sdlus hic-man^to
[135. Cave in-mar^ manare || sud-flumine slnas]]
S[136. Tum tu audax insfste || hostium maris.]]
[137. Memor qu4m per-tot-dnnos || obsides urbem.1
[138. Apollini vovendos || censeo ludos.]
[139. Qui quotannis comiter || Apollini ffant.^
[140. Hoc si r6cte faxitis, || gaud6bitis semper.^
141. Quamvis nbv^ntium |[ duonum n^giimiite.
[142. Nequid fraudis stuprique || ferocia pdr^.J
The text and scansion of these lines I have discussed in two
articles in the American Jowrnal of Philology (xiv. p. 139 and
p. 305), where the whole question of the Saturnian Metre is
treated with fuller detail. The Satumians of inscriptions must
not be supposed to be any more conformable to the rules of the
metre than the Dactylic and Iambic quantitative lines on in-
scriptions of the same kind. We may gauge the technical skill
shown in the Satumians in the Scipio Epitaphs (w. 85-109) by
the Elegiacs on another epitaph of the family {CLL, I. 38);
the Satumians of Mummius* Dedication (vv. 115-119) will be as
EARLY LATIN VEKSE. 443
far removed from those of Naevius as the Dactylic Hexameters
on another of his Dedicatory inscriptions ( CLL, I. 542, e,g,
cogendei dissoluendei tu ut facilia faxseis)
are from the lines of Ennius; the inscription of the Faliscan
cooks (w. 123-128) seems to be as nnmetrical as, e.g. CLL.
I. 1027, in 'iambics,' where the metre is destroyed by certain
additions, which I bracket, in each line :
hospes, resiste, et hoe ad grumum \ad laevam] asptee,
uhei continentur ossa hominis honi, [miserteordis, amantu, pauperis"],
rogo te, viator, monumento huie nil [male feceria].
The halting Satumians of the prophecies, most of which are
mere conjectural restorations of Livy's prose paraphrases, may be
capped with equally bad hexameters from the Sories in CI.Z,
I. 1438 sqq., e.g.
I. 1438 eonrigivix tandem quod curvom est factum crede.
I. 1448 laetus lulens petito quod dabitur . gaudehis semper.
444
XVI.— CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OP
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH. By J.
Stbachan.
[Biad at the Mating of the FhUologieal Soeitty held on Friday, June let, 1894.]
Thb object of this paper is not to investigate the origin of the
r deponent, which Old Irish shares with Latin, and its relation
to the Indo-Germanic verbal system, or to discuss, except inci-
dentally 80 far as they have any bearing on the subject proper,
the theories that have been put forward concerning the origin
of these forms.* Whether it will ever be possible to get
beyond conflicting theories, and to arrive at any certain or even
probable account of the genesis of the type, may be reasonably
doubted. But, taking the deponent as it exists in the oldest
records of the Irish tongue, it should not be an impossible task
to trace, with more or less exactness, its history within the Irish
language itself, to follow the old forms in their life and decay,
and to search out the starting-point and follow the development
of any new types.
The degree of precision with which such an investigation can
bo carried out must depend on the nature of the documents on
which it is based. Where there is a continuous series of dated
documents, each of which represents faithfully the language of
its time, the course of the enquiry will run smoothly enough.
In Irish, however, the student does not And himself in this
fortunate position. For Old Irish we have trustworthy documents
in the Glosses and in fragments of Irish preserved in the oldest
manuscripts. In the later language we have metrical compositions
like the Saltair na Mann, where the original forms were to a great
extent protected by the metre. But with the mass of Middle
Irish texts, some of them very ancient in their origin, preserved
* Cf. "Windisch, Ufher die Verhalformen tnit dem charakter t.^ etc., Abhandl.
der Siichs. Ges. d. Wiss., phil.-hist. CI. x. 447 sq. ; Zimmer, Ueber das italo"
kdtische Fateivum und Deponetiit, Kuhn*s Zeitschrift, xix. 224 sq. ; Thumeys«»n,
KZ xxxi. 62 Bq., Indo-German. Forsch. i. 4G0 sq. ; Brugmann, Grundriss,
ii. 1388 sq.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 445
in manuscripts of the eleventh century and later, it is very
different. In the transmission of such texts there was a tendency
to replace old forms by modem ones. The probable extent of
such corruption is not to be estimated d priori by the date of the
manuscript. We shall find instances in which later manuscripts
preserve the old forms better than earlier ones. And in the same
manuscript different texts will be found to have suffered in a
different degree. Thus, in the Book of Leinster, a manuscript
of the twelfth century, the old deponential forms are well pre-
served in many of the old texts, but, for instance, in the famous
Tain B6 Cuailhge, the Cattle-raid of Cooley, they have almost
veinished. In such a case as this we must suppose that in the
one instance the old forms were more or less faithfully copied,
in the other the language has been approximated to the language
of a later period that the old tale might delight new generations.
Such corruptions of necessity make the problem more com-
plicated. Already in the Glosses the deponent verb has begun
to pass into the active; and in a particular active form from a
deponent verb found in one of these old texts, preserved in
a manuscript of a much later date, it may be impossible to say
whether the active form was original or whether it was introduced
later. The remedy here lies in widening the field of observation ;
for by the examination of a number of texts of the same character
individual peculiarities may to a great extent be eliminated.
Another difficulty is the difficulty of chronology. In some
cases the date of the composition of a text may be accurately
or approximately fixed from the internal evidence supplied by the
subject-matter. In other instances it might seem to be fixed
by the name of the author. Unfortunately we must be very
careful in accepting such statements; there is, throughout Irish
literature, too much of a tendency to fasten to the productions
of later times the great names of the past. A third means of
fixing approximately the date of composition is the language.
But here again the development of the Irish language in its
successive stages is a subject that has yet to be worked out.
Until that is done we must rely in this matter, to a great extent,
on general impressions, which accurate observation may prove
to be false. The following pages may serve as a starting-point
for the history of one particular form in Irish, the deponent
verb. The results of such an adventure on a fresh field must
of necessity contain much that will have to be modified or
446 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
corrected by further observation and discussion. Sometbing will
have been accomplished if the way has been made smoother for
those who come after.
The main subject falls, naturally, into two parts. The first
part contains a collection of materials for the history of the
deponent verb; the second treats of the history of the deponent
based on these materials; a third part will deal with some new
Irish developments, whereby certain forms of the active verb
have taken to themselves endings borrowed from the deponent
inflexion. Fart I., though it will consist chiefly of dry lists of
forms, is a necessary preliminary to Fart II. For the Old Irish
of the Glosses the Grammatica Celtica furnishes extensiye col-
lections of material, though the further publication of Irish
Glosses, particularly of the Milan Glosses, enables considerable
additions to be made to the material gathered together by Zeuss
and Ebel. For the Old Irish of the profane literature and for
Middle Irish there are no collections of any extent ; here the
work had practically to be done from the beginning. To ransack
even as much of this literature as is already generally accessible
would be an endless and a profitless task. What has been done
has been to take a number of representative texts and to examine
them carefully. This may lead to the omission of some deponent
forms that might have found their place here; but, on the other
hand, the history of the deponent is not to be learned from a
multitude of scattered forms huddled together from a Tariety of
heterogeneous sources. Apart from the glosses the material
has been got to a great extent from the two oldest Middle JLrish
manuscripts, the Leabhar na hUidhre (eleventh century) and the
Book of Leinster (twelfth century). The former has been ex-
amined throughout; of the latter I have read through all that
seemed to be of importance for this investigation. From these
two sources have been selected such texts as appeared most
illustrative. To these have been added texts from other sources,
such as the Sanaa Cormaic and the Saltair na Rann, two works
which we shall find to be of the highest consequence, since
between them lies the breaking up of the deponent inflexion.
In the arrangement of the material collected from these texts
that order has been adopted which seemed to put the' facts in the
clearest light; it does not of necessity correspond to the order
of the date of the original composition of the several texts. In
the present state of our knowledge it is impossible to arrange
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 447
the oldest stratum of texts chronologically, and something besides
has been sacrificed to convenience. The language of the Old
Irish Glosses has been treated as a whole. Each of the other
texts has, as a rule, been treated separately. This involves repe-
tition, but that is a much less evil than would have resulted
from the mixing up even of the material got from closely similar
texts. We have seen the corruptions to which these documents
have been exposed in the course of their transmission. But they
did not all suffer in an equal degree. For example, to put together
the forms of the deponent verbs found in the LU. and LL. versions
of the Tain would be to convey an entirely false impression.
Besides, it will be found that the presentation of such forms
from a number of texts of various kinds and of various ages
will be the most effectual way of illustrating their history.
I. MATEEIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE DEPONENT
VERB.
1. The Old Irish Glosses.^
The deponent verbs here arrange themselves naturally in two
classes. The first class consists partly of primary verbs like
sechur, Lat. sequor, ^tluchor, Lat. loquor; partly of denominative
verbs such as ^comalnur * I fill,* from comldn * full ' ; cf . Latin
denominatives in -are. With this class goes a small number of
verbs that show deponent forms only in certain parts, generally
in the perfect. Only those parts of the verb have been given
in which the deponent inflexion differs from the active. That
it may be clear at a glance how far the active inflexion has
^ The references are to the following editions : —
Acr. = Codex Aus^tini Carolisruhensis, ed. Stokes.
Bcr.= Codex Bedse Carolisruhensis, ed. Stokes.
Per. = Codex Prisciani Carolisruhensis, ed. Stokes.
Wb. = Codex Paulinus Wirziburgensis, ed. Stokes.
Ph. = Glosses on Philargyrius' Scholia on the Bucolics, ed. Stokes (KZ.
xxxiii. 62 sq.. Trans. Phil. Soc. 1893).
Ml. = Codex Ambrodanus, ed. Ascoli.
Sg. = Codex Sangallensis, ed. Ascoli.
Tur. s' Codex Tanrinensis, ed. Zimmer.
Cod. Cam. = Codex Camaracensis, ed. Zimmer.
Bv. = Codex Bedae Vindobonensis, ed. Zimmer.
Incant. Sg. =Incantationes Sangallenses, ed. Zimmer.
Sp. =Carmina Monasterii S. Pauli, ed. Windisch.
448 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
encroached upoii the deponent, the deponent and the active fonns
have been arranged in parallel colnmns.
^* , ' j ni dgor, non timeo, Sg. 112.*
Deponent Fobms. Actiyb Fobms.
dgnr,^ timeo, ad-dgur.
Pros. ind.
nadndguraay g. neminem me
timere, Ml. 74^ 19.
Bg. 3. ni agathar, Wb. 1» 3.
nimagathar, Wb. 6* 7.
inna agathar ni, annon timet
aliquid, Ml. 87^ 15.
nteonagathar, Ml. 129<^ 12.
inti adagadar, qui timet, Ml.
53c 14.
nadnagathar, g. non timere
(subj.?), Ml. 74^21.
nadagether, qui non timet,
Ml. 129» 2.
pi. 3. ni agetar, g. non verentur, Ml.
39^ 14.
subj. sg. 2. na digder, Sp. III.* 2."
3. eoruagathar, ut timuerit, Ml.
66» 2.
pi. 3. agatar, Ml. 51^ 11.
pret. pi. 3. eonaritaigsetar, Ml. 35c 4.
adraichsetar, Ml. 80^ 4.
adraigsetar, Ml. 124^ 6 (bis),
fut. sg. 1. adaieh/ersa, g. timebo, Ml.
6BC 17.
^ In some of the forms of this verb a transition is fonnd to the t conjugation.
The same variation is seen in other deponents, as comalnur (where it is employed
to distinguish the passive from the deponent) and Idmur. A similar phenomenon
is seen in other cases. Thus from rddiniy I say (=*r5rfAtfio), come radcUf Ml.
42<^ 4, 10 ; niradaty 31* 18. Perhaps this confusion was helped by cases like
^frecraim^ freer at (by the side of gairimy garet)^*fr%th-gar%my *frith-garet,
where on the loss of a the timbre of r was assimilated to that of the preceding
consonant, this being expressed ^aphically by writing a after it ; cf . Brugmann,
Grundriss, i. § 640, note. So in the preterite of immrddiu, I think, imrn'ro^
radius gave regularly immrorduSf a form like roehartu from earaim,
2 Cf. Thumeysen, Idg. Forsch. i. 460.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J, STRACHAN. 449
Deponent Forms. AcmvB Fobmb.
3. adaiehfedar, qui timebit, Ml.
46« 20.
pi. 3. m aichfetar, Ml. 80^ 13.
frith+alim, praestulor.
pres. sg. 3. frtsalethar, Sg. 207» 3; cf. Ml. pre8.8g.l.ni/WYAa/«m,noii
129» 2^ expecto, Ml. 49^ 3, 4.
pi. 1. frisBailemmamij g. praestu-
lamur, Ml. 63^ 7.
pret. 8g. 1. frisraihiur, expectavi, Ml.
86*8.
fut. sg. 1. frUailefana^ g. praestulabar
(l.-bor), Ml. 38» 10.
^airliur, studeo; con-airlior, consulo.
pres. ind. | ^,y;,^^ ^^Tb. 17^ 22.
sg. 3. )
eonairlethaTf g. consultat,
Ml. 125d 2.
pi. 1. lose eonairlemmarnij g. dum
consulimusy Ml. 18<^ 1.
subj. sg. 3. mani cdmatrlither, Wb. 5^ 38.
arndip maith n-airlethar, Wb.
28^ 32.
pret. sg. 3. laae orairlestar^ g. consulendo,
Ml. 125C 1.
cluiniur, ro-cluininr, audio; subjunctive cldar}
pres. ind. \ nUcluinethar^ non ea audit,
sg. 3. ] Ml. 21^ 2.
rocluinethar, Wb. 12c 22.
pi. 3. racluinetar {y,'ethar)fg,BXLdlt,
Ml. 114* 13.
1 This difference of stem for indicatiye and subjunctiye has been pointed out
by Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi. 80, for the language of the Glosses. The deponent
dun- forms which I have noted in the early profane literature are indicatives.
ClO' is found as a subjunctive, LU. 114^ 23, coclothar insluag *that the host
may hear,' and in the new analogical forms, which have arisen from the 1 sg.
door, dor, dadora ri * if the king hear,' LL. 46» 7, ndeoeUraty LL. 95* 18.
Where the deponent inflexion has disappeared duti' also appears in the sub-
junctive, as dianathduine *■ if he hear,^ LL. 271^ 33. Cloor is best taken
B.s=*domdrj *deu8dr, the subjunctive of an « aor. ; for the ending cf. messur.
460 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Dbponhnt Forms. Actitb Forms.
rodehluinethar, qui id audit,
Wb. 12« 46, cf. 27^ 27,
29» 18.
rodehluinethar^ g. auditori,
Ml. 129« 19.
pi. 1. an roehlutnemmaTy ML 112^
18.
d. anroehliiinetar^ quod audiunt,
Wb. 11^6.
8ubj. 8g. 1. nieoneMoor, non audiverim,
Wb. 23^ 41.
aehtroeloar, dummodo audiam,
Wb. 23d 2.
reetu roeloammar,^ antequam
audiamuB,M1.112^ 12(biB).
ipv. 8g. 2. eluinte, Ml. 136» 10.
fat. 8g. 3. rotcheeldadary qui te audiet,
Wb. 28d 16.
randeeehladar, Ml. 53^ 27.
^comalDur, impleo, fulfil (denominative from eomldn,
perfectus).
pres. ind. ) nodchomalnadar, qui implet, commallaid, Ml. 106* 2,
8g. 3. ] Wb. 15^ 14. cf. 94^ 1.
hore comalnae, Wb. 7^ 1 5.
pi. 3. comalnatar, qui implent, Wb. comallaity Ml. 146* 1.
20d 2. ni comalnat, Wb. 20^ 22.
forsna hi comalnatar, Wb. 20* 1 hore nadcomalnat yWb, 3 1 *>
31.
intainnacomallatar, 1^11.94^ 6, chomallaite, Ml. 114^7.
8ubj. 8g. 3. maniscomalnadar, Wb. 29* manico;;}a//a, Ml. 94^ 10.
16.
act rachomalnathar, Wb. 31^
11.
arinchomalnathar, Wb. 31« 14.
* As a pass, rocloatar. Ml. 70» 2. Stokes translates eochonerchfoatar, gr. ut
gratiie agantur pro nobis, Wb. 14^ 6, by 'that they may be heard (rV but the
word is probably to be put with coerchloij g. feritatis eorum et truculentise
crimen exagitat. Ml. 33«* 16, conirchloiter, p. agruntur, Wb. 4* 14, cf. Ml. 18«^
19, Sg. 17* 7. In our passage it seems to be a mechanical translation of agantur.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH— J. STRACHAN. 451
Deponent Fobms. Actiye Fo&ms.
corrupUir roseomallathar, Ml.
129^ 2.'
ndd ehomalnathar, who shall
not fulfil, Wb. 27« 14.
pi. 1. coeamalnammar, Wb. 81® 11.
diaeomalnammarj Wb. 15^ 27.
manoseomalnnamarf Cod. Cam.
38^.
diand eomallamar^ Ml. 46® 20.
3. manicomolnatary Wb. 2« 10. maehomalnit, Wb. 28° 7.
ipv. 8g. 2. noBComalnithe^ Wb. 30* 1.
pret. 8g. 1. arroeomallusy Ml. 74* 5.
3. raehamalnastar, Wb. 24» 37.
roBComaln\aBtar\y Wb. 21^ 9.
rondchomaUastarf Ml. 122* 7.
pi. 3. mrmcomala8[atar]y Ml. 105* 6. roehomalnisaefy Wb. 2° 1 4.
fut. pi. 3. acomallaihte, Ml. 121^ 8.
cuirior, pono.
pres. 8g. 1. doeuiriur^ g. ascisco, Sg.
16^8.
3. adcutrethoTj redit, Sg. 73^ 2.
doeuirethar, g. asciscit, Sg.
61*7.
docuirethar citna person sin
persana aili chucae, i.e. as-
ciscit, Sg. 191* 2.
honderheirt hiuth doehuirethar,
g. U8U invitante, Ml. 29^ 1.
amal dundehuiretharj'^ Ml. 35*
22.
anduehutredar, Bcr. 32® 10.
indi docuirethar f Bv. 4* 1.
^ For the mood cf. eoru[ p]Uir dungne * so that it be industriously that he does,'
Ml. 129b 1. L/'j y J ,
^ niradi .... oma/ dundchuirethar inna heulu, lit. 'he does not speak as
happens to come into his mouth.' For this intransitire use cf. Bcr. 32<: 10,
andtcchuiredar bissext ' when the hissext falls,' and the very fragmentary gloss,
Bv. 4<^ 1. This usage is also found in the profane literature, e,g. LU. 92* 30,
LL. 248* 24, 276^ 7, 186» 49, 187» 56.
452
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRAOHAir.
Dbponskt Forms. Aotitx Fobms.
andonaithehuiredar, redit it-
erum, g., .a. redeunte in
vocalem, Sg. 18^ 6.
atnal duadehuridar, redit, Ml.
34^7.
doetareuirethar, g. interpellate
Wb. 4^ 19.
neieh friteurethar eheiU^ qni
colit, Ml. 41d 16.
pi. d. hieuiretar salt, in quo ponnnt
saltum, Bcr. 82^ 11.
adcuireddar, redeunt, Sg. 202^
3.
ni erchuiretar,^ Sg. 6^ 17.
immechuretar, transferunt,
Wb. 5» 5.
snbj.* Bg. 1. 1. eofri8tueor,*ML.llS^Z.
2. niiseoirtheTf Wb. 10» 21. euiri huait, g. tolle, Bcr.
32»11.
3. ama€heoratharjM1.6S^d. eondiehret andruim^utiet'
gnm vertant, Ml. 44» 1&
ipv. sg. 2. euirthe, Ml. 66® 5.
frecuirthe eheillj g. recole,
Bcr. 33^ 2.
pret. sg. 3. dorrochutrestar, g. arcessivit,
Sg. 184^ 2.
dorochuirestar, g. exciyerat,
Ml. 160 6.
^ 'Non annulliiio,' Ascoli. It seems to stand for ^eW'To-ehuretar.
2 diehret seems to stand for *de-cerdnto, for *de'eordnto^ or *de^eoreidtaa,
might have been expected to give *diehrat. This subj. stem eer&» womd be
like beld'y mend- (KZ. xxxi. 78), only here the indicative has a causatiye for-
mation, *eore%d. In -cor, -coratharj to-chorad, Ml. 44» 19, cor^ may have been
substituted for cer- imder the influence of the indicatire forms. In Ml. 72d i
dunathfoichret * they will return,* stands for do-n'ath'fO'Cicerrat, from do^aih-
fo'Cherdaim. Cf. lose donaithfocherr .i. deus, ML 34<* 8, where it seems to
mean 'when he (God) will bring back,' unless we suppose that the glossator bae
misunderstood his text. Cerd' appears intransitire in W. cerdded ambulara.
Cet'dr may be looked upon as an extension of cer^ of cuiriur. In Ml. 78* 8
eerdaitn seems to take the place of the usual euiriuff frisfoiehiurr tf^iU ».
incolam.
3 Read eofristaeor 'that I may cast back upon them,' cf. frUiaeuiriktr
Sg. 21b 4. '
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IKISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
453
Deponent Forms.
nirothuchurestary g. non ex-
civerat, Ml. 18* 6.
dorochuiristar, g. adsciverit,
Ml. 25C 13.
dm[^toe](^a8tarf^ Ml. 39* 3.
dueorastar dia deilh mordraige
. . . forsinni Dauid, Ml. 62.
pi. 1. doroehmrsemmar, g. ascivi-
mu8, Sg. 6^ 18.
fut. sg. 1. docuirifavy g. citabo, Ml. 3* 1.
Active Foems.
dimeccim, dispicio.^
pres. ind.
38. ind. I
sg. 1. )
demecimm, g. detero, Sg.
39^ 1.
2. dommeiceither, g. inhonoras,
Wb. Id 13.
pi. 3. amat dundatmecetarsu, ut te
dispiciunt, Ml. lOG^ 11.
subj. sg. 3. arnadimicedarf g.neinlionorety
Ml. 122d 2.
orudimicedar, Ml. 129* 14.
pret. sg. 3. ni rodimiceata/r^ Ml. 119* 10.
*e8iir, fut. of ed' * eat.' The presential tenses are
supplied by ithim.
sg. 3. ciaestir, etsi edit, Wb. 6^ 24.
ciniestary etsi non edit, Wb.
6^ 23.
remiaisndider,' g. praefatur, Ml. 64° 9.
fetar, scio.^
sg. 1. rofeta/Ty Wb. 9^ 17, etc.
* The MS. has according to Mr. Stokes dia corastar, Ascoli's correction is
required by the sense, * Saul came upon him.'
^ The remaining forms in the Glosses are andummecitiSy dum me dispiciebant,
Ml. 34*= 6, dimiccither 'he is reprobated,' Wb. 8^ 16. The noun is dimiccem
' contempt.' The first part of the word is rft-, the rest is obscure to me.
^ The forms of the verb asindiuty narro, are regularly active. The deponent
form may here, perhaps, be ascribed to the influence of the Latin word. Or
did the glossator think that he was translating a passive ?
* Fetavy an a aorist from ^veid (cf. Thurneysen, KZ. xxvii. 174), supplies
the present indicative; the pres. subjunctive comes from ^«/i- = Skr. vinddmi
Phil Trans. 1891-2-8.
30
454 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Dbponbnt Fobms. Actitb Fobms.
cenidfitarsa, Ml. 55^ 21.
3. rqfitir, Wb. 7« 15, etc. ; cf.
Ml. 27d 7.
subj. Bg, 3. toneieh rudfinnadar, Ml. 46<'
24.
pi. 3. amal nad/nnatar, Ml. 99^ 10.
8. fut.sg. 1. rofessursa, Wb. 9* 21.
3. nifiastar, Wb. 12^ 18.
rufiaatar, Ml. 111<^ 13.
ro/M^ar, Wb. 12^ 27.
pi. 3. rofessatar, Ml. 69^ 1.
s.snhi.Bg.2. sfeser, Wb. 29* 22.
ofeiser, Sg. 209^ 30.
3. oonfestar, Wb. 12^ 38, etc.
pi. 3.» eofosatar, Wb. 26^ 33.
^ociallur.
pres. ind. ) fueiallathar, g. procurat, Ml.
sg. 3. j 114^ 3.'
arofochladar, Sg. 209^ 26. Cf. ZE. 981 note, where the
verb is explained as a denominative from foeuL^
folluur,' g. volo.
Sg. 146^ 11.
pret. pi. 3. orufoluassat, g. conrolasse,
Ml. 67c 16.
♦folnur, rego.
pres. ind. )follaith^8U, g. regis. Ml.
sg. 2. ) 82d 5.
8g. 3. fallnaither, g. regi, i.e. qui
regit. Ml. 90» 9.
ipv. sg. 2. follaidBy g. rege, Ml. 46^ 18.
pret. sg. 3. trrufollnastar, Wb. 13^ 29. •
*I find/ which also supplies the secondary present, rodfinnady S^. 209^ 26,
and the imperative ^nnarf, Wb. 29» 17 ; in Mid. Ir. the 2 sg. ipv. is refndarly
Jinnta. In the passive rqfinnatar^ Wb. 29" 28. Vor^uud- as subj. st^m cf. also
cofinnamdry LU. 112^ 32. As fctar ia regularly d('|X)nent both in Old and in
Middle Irish, I have noted only such forms as seemed of interest.
» Qi. fochiallastar i. rotinoil 'he collected,' LU. 132 1. 16.
> Cf. nifoeelamne, LL. 62» 14.
' The pres. sec. fuluinrty g. avolare is found Ml. H0*» 8.
IHE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 455
Deponent Fobms. Active Forms.
fut. 8g. 2. folnaihe^ g. reges, Ml.
^ 18* 4.
pi. 2. folnelthe, regnabiti8,Wb.
25^ 25.
*gaiiiitir/ nascor, ^aithpainiur, renascor.
pres. m . | fi(Q^f^^aimdarj Acr. 61.
innahi huahgainedary Sg. 1 39^ 4.
intan . . . gainethar, Ml. 44* 1 1 .
pi. 1. adgainemmamiy Ml. 66^ 6.
3. huangainetar, Sg. 39* 26.
perf. sg. 1. corogenarsa, Ml. 44<^ 11.
3.* rogenaiVy Ml. 24* 4; cf. 25^ 5,
Sg. 31* 6, Wb. 11» 17.
ad-gladur, alloquor, imm'Od'glddur.
pres. ind. ) adglddttr, g. appello, Sg.
sg. 1. ) 146b 9.
3. adgladathar, g. adloquitur,
Ml. 74* 8 ; cf. Ml. 83* 9,
115d 1^ 120^8, 145C 14.
adglddathar{Tel,), Sg. 21 1^ 1 1.
adngl[_ad']adarf g. dum con-
venit, Ml. 53^ 17.
pi. 3. immtMaceaidatf g. motuo se
adlocuntur, Ml. 1 3 1 « 1 9 .
subj. sg. 3. adgladadar, g. inducitur con-
venire, Ml. 115*6.
pi. 1. act immandrladmarf^ ntmutuo
nos adloquamur, Wb. 29* 1 0.
*labnir, loquor.
pres. md. ) .^^^^ nolahrither, Sg. 159* 2.
sg. 2. ) ' ^
* Corresponding to an indicatiye gan- we should expect in the subjunctive
gen- (cf. Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi. 78). I have noted no instances of the sub-
junctive, but the indicative in Mid. Irish is genithir^ or with change to the
active inflexion getnd. Now gen- cannot be equated with gan- of the Glosses,
and the probability is that gen- here comes from the subjunctive stem.
2 A peculiar 3 pi. rogenartar is found, "Wb. 4c 12, cf. ZE. 1091, where
rogenatar has become rogenartar under the influence of the sg. rogtuar,
3 = imm-an-ad'rO'glddmar.
456 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Deponent Fobms. Actitb Forms.
3. ni lahrathar, Sg. 199^ 6. lahraid, Ml. 115» 2 (b;
inti lahrathar, Wb. 12^ 19; cf.
14C 29, 7d 2.
pi. 1. Idbramarniy Ml. 31^ 23. laselahraimme^'iSl.SV^
3. nilahratar, Wb. 12^ 22.
frialahratar, g. oblocuntur,
Ml. 55a 10.
tntan lahratar, Sg. 162^ 3.
subj. sg. 1. lahrary Wb. 12^ 36.
3.^ comcsom nadlahrathar, Sg.
199^ 5.
pi. 1. lahaimme,^ Ml. 31^ 1
3. cenuslahratar, Wb. 12^ 28.
nabad immalle lahritir,^ Wb.
13»5.
pret. sg. 3. rodlahrasta/Ty Ml. 126® 10.
roldbrastar^ ib.
fut. pi. 1. ni lahrafammar, Wb. 12^ 4.
laimiur, rolaimiur,^ audeo.
md. pres. | ^^^^^ Wb. 17<^ 21.
sg. 1. ) '
rolaumur, g. aiidere,Wb. 17»8,
rolomur, g. mihi audenti, Ml.
21^5.
^ In a couple of instances it is not clear to me whether labrathar is t
indicative or a subjunctive. Wb. 13* 4 mabeith nech and tra labrathar mig
be interpreted * if there be anyone who speaks,' cf. masm thol atoniaig *u
be desire that drives me,' Wb. 10^ 26, or *who shall speak'; cf. mad Jiei
dogneid, Wb. 11<^ 16. In Ml. 35^ 22 condib sainemail nanni labrathar we see
to have a subjimctive * so that what he shall say {^rt hv tftrjy) may be excelleni
In Sg. 199^ 7 is inderb in prima nodlabrathar, 1. tertia, *it is uncertain whetb
it is the first person who speaks it or the third,' we seem rather to baye 1
indicative.
2 The form of the sentence is in favour of taking the verb as a subjunctive-
corhu dureir nachaili labrairmne * that it should be at the will of any other th
we should speak.'
3 For the mood cf. bad hed dogneithsi, Wb. 12^ 7, also Wb. 13* 6, 29.
* With this verb Ascoli puts foUmur^ suscipio, tento, confolmaiasiury Ml. 6<
Sf fomldmastar (MS. fomldmas corr. Stokes), Wb. 17*^ 4, arfolmastar (f<
arfoliiiaSy Stokes), Wb. 21* 2. In Sg. 147^ 4 is ecentech ingnim arafblmatha
where Ascoli takes the verb as a passive, it seems rather to be active, * the acti(
which it undertakes is indefinite.' But the inflexion of the verbs is differen
and we have perhaps rather in *foldmur a derivative from lam * hand,' 4irix€ip4t
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 457
Deponbnt Forms. Actiae Forms.
3. rolaimethar,^ g. audet, Wb.
5* 15.
pi. 1. rolatmemmar, g. audemus,
Wb. 15C 19.
mconlaimemmami, Wb. 17^ 8 •
subj. sg. 1. roUdmar,g, ausim, Sg. 171^ 1.
pi. 3. na laimetaTy g. non audeant,
Ml. 60d 6.
midiur, iudico.'
Sg. I. j
2. forsammitterf de quo iudicas^
Wb. 6^22; cf. IMO.
3. mtditkir, g. diiudicat, Ml.
30^8.
nimidedar, non cogitat, Sg.
63* 14.
ishe eotammidetha/r^ Ml. 17^ 2
{^^cot'dam-),
eonmidethoTy g. principatur,'
Ml. 121C 18.
dummidethar, g. adpendit. Ml.
82*3.
ni irmadadar, "Wb. 28» 21.*
pi. 3. innahi immermmdetar,^ qui
peccant, Ml. 46^ 23.
* Ascoli corrects naUimeday Wb. 17' 19, to ralaimedar,
^ The Idg. root med- appears in Irish as in other Idg. languages (e.g. Gr.
fidHofiout fJ^f^^wyf fx-^Hofuu) as med', muf-=Idg. med'. Med- is found in the
8 forms, mid' in the perfect forms. When the accent shifts back to a pre-
ceding syllable med- becomes mad' {ffnVm deed, but fognam), thus ramxdar
but condmmadarj rumTdar but dordmadir. In Tur. 17 immarumedair is peculiar ;
if it be not a blunder it might be explained as an analogical transformation of
*imfnerumadair after the mess- forms.
■* From *con-midiur comes apparently nad eoimmestar, non potuerit, Ml.
127* 19 ; cf. coimmdiUy dominns. In W. meddu, posse, we have the ji^rade tned-.
* The meaning of the gloss is not clear. Stokes translates doubtfully *he
does not understand.' The compound armidiur is found LL. 290* 14 dianermastd^
where it seems to mean * if it were tried ' ; cf . conartnadatar deycomairli^ Ml.
54^ 11.
•*' From imme'ro-midiur. On this compound see Windisch Idg. Forseh. III.
73.
458 THE DEPONENT VBRB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Deponent Forms. Actitb Fo&sis.
ni irmadatar, Wb. 6^ 2}
subj. sg. 3. eomidithir, ut iudicet, Ml.
35« 30.
pi. 3 (as ) na aimdeiar,^ g. non conantnr
ipv.).' ) (1. conentur), Ml. 66* 23.
perf. 8g. 1. ramidar, eum iudicayi, Wb,
eonarnmadana, adjudicaTi,
Wb. 26^ 21.
rumidmr^ g. duxit. Ml. 72^21.
imrumadir, peccayit, Wb.
13^31.
%nmaruw$ediar{\eg,'mr), Tar.
17.
Meside dorumadmif g. qusB
f uerat emensus. Ml. 16^11.
pi. 3.* eonnarmadoftar degcomairU^
Ml. 64d 17.
4mdumimdetar, Ml. 87« 4.
8. fut. sg. 1. dummessursa, g. metibor^ Ml.
78* 11.
3. miastar, qui iudicabit^ Wb.
1^9.
ammiastary g. examinans. Ml.
56« 10.
intan immeromastary Ml. 51*18.
pi. 1. messimtmtf Wb. 9* 10.
nosmessammar, Wb. 9« 10.
pi. 3. imroimsety g. delinquent,
Ml. 54* 23.
imruimset^ g. peccabunt,
Ml. 54* 27.
8. aubj.sg.l. mw^«or, g. si nanciam, Sg.
179* 1.
^ Stokes translates here by * attain'; cf. eonerrmadair {in gai) 'so that the
spear hit,* LU. TS*' 20 =*^«-ro-;nirfrtir.
^ The ipv. is otherwise expressed, Wb. nachibtnidedy g. nemo vos iudicet, Wb.
27* *'4
^ From ad-tnidiur; cf. animus *an attempt '= *a</;rt<?««M« ; cf. also dammi'
drthar * he tries,' LU. 111*> Ab—^ to-ad-mid'.
^ So Ascoli for conaconnarmadatar.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH— ^. STRACHAN. 459
Deponent Forms. Active Foems.
amal nummesur, g. iudicaturus,
Ml. 94^ 8.
2. tta tmrotmser, "WT). SO*^ 4.
3.* mestar, g. iudicandi, Ml. 127^
12.
lose dumestar, Ml. 68^ 1 .
arna imromastarf Wb. 11* 16.
admachdur,^ g. miror, Sg. 6* 4.
-moininr, subj. -menar,
pres. ind. | ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^b. 14* 10.
domuintirsa, Sg. 209^ 10.
2. domointersOf g. existimas, Wb.
1° 13.
3. doaithminedar, g. commoneii-
tem, Ml. 136c n.
taidmenada/Ty comminiscitury
Wb. 9« 30.
taidminedarsom, Sg. 22^ 10.
m taithminedaTy Sg. 13^ 4.
dunaithmenadar (rel.), Ml. 52.
foraithminedar, memorat, Ml.
17^ 23.
fodaraithmine[dar], qui eius
meminit, ML 25^ 5.
/«e?rf seel foraithminedar J Ml.
55° 1.
arasmuinethar fiid^ honestat
earn, Ml. 36* 18.
ardamunetha/r feidy qui ea
veneratur, Ml. 124*' 16.
fa/rmuinetha/rf g. fascinat,
Phil. 10.
1 Here I should be inclined to put =nad^ eoimnteBtar, g. nequierit, Ml. 127^
19, which Ascoli derives from eoniccim. But eoniccimy except in the perfect,
seems in the Glosses to be regularly active ; cf. Ascoli, Lex., C. That
coimmestar might go in meaning with med- is shown by eommutf power =
*comme88U8.
^ The full gloss runs admaehdursa .i. istnaehdad limm. The latter is the
idiomatic Irish translation ; the former is evidently a word coined for the occasion
to express miror.
^.mA
460 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
DXPONENT FOSMS. ACTITB Fo&MS.
pl. 3. dodmainetar, qui putant hoc,
Sg. 6* 6.
dumtnunetarsom, Ml. 113^ 11.
damunetanomf Ml. 35^ 10.
indi damuinetar. Ml. 39^ 26.
dammuinetar, Ml. 49^ 7.
fordobmoineiar, inTident vobis,
Wb. 19^ 27.
8abj.'8g.2. fammtor,* Wb. 28« 9, 30« 2.
3. dummenMitr, g. suspicari.
Ml. 49* 15.
na tomnathmr (as ipv.), Wb.
17* 13.
mniftomn{a)thary Ml. 30^ 5.
amachndermanadar, ne obli-
viscatur, Ml. 32<* 5.
pl. 1. dumenmrnw^tTj g. opinari, MI.
78* 24.
ttndumenwMmif Ml. 15<^ 5.
mmutomnttmmami^ Ml. 15^ 5.
condermanMmmarnt\ \xt obli-
Tiscamur, Ml. 21*^ 3.
pl. 3. indi faraithmmatar, Ml. 34*23.
intomnatary g. putent. Ml. 18*6.
cofumBtenatar, g. ad caTcndum,
Ml. 43« 16.
aformmatar^ g. ir.videntes,
Ml. 17^ 16.
ipr. sg. 2. nachamdtrmainfe, Ml. 32^ 5.
pcrf. sg. 1. domenarsa, putavi, Wb. 3<^
26, 27.
durumenar,^\A9^ 13, 130^4.
* In "Wb. 31* 10 coarwitntar feid \b found glossinpr ut rovcreatur, bat with
the form of the passive: cf. arammentar feid, g. suscipi. Ml. 61* 11. Has
the <:lossator misunderstood his text, or does nrttu^ifar stand to annettathar as
dummmar to dutnrnamtnar? Considering how carefully the distinction between
deponent and passive forms fe.g. foraithmtnedar 7 furaithmeutery Ml. 17** 23;.
the former alternative seems the more probahle.
- -mentar here is interesting as boinir thi- resnilar phonetic development of
—^menater. In other cases where -t*r might have to give -tar, it has l>een
pres«'rved hy the intiuence of other verbs, where it regularly remaintti betausk*
ol the slender nature of the original vowel in the preceding syllable.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN^ 461
Deponent Forms. Active Fobms.
m oformenarsa, Ml. 42» 10.
tomndnsa dia, putavi me
deum {l.-minarta). Ml.
130d 5.
3. mruforaithmenairf Ml. 24^ 8.
dorumenatrsomy putavit, Ml.
61*2.
dorumenarsomf^ Ml. 32* 10.
dtarumuinestar,'^ Wb. 4^ 38.
pi. 1. ni tarmenmarnif ML 115^ 1.
ni dermenmarm, g. obliti
non sumus, Ml. 64<^ 3.
3. dorumenataTy Ml. 35^ 18. foruraithmimety Ml.
135* 1.
ni tormenatar, Ml. 90<^ 6. arrumuinset /[c]*V?, Ml.
90* 1.
nadtormenatar, Ml. 95^ 3.
fut. sg. 1. aratmmnfersa fiidy nam te
venerabor, Ml. 63» 3.
2. ciafut dundamroimne-
fesBy quousque me
oblivisceris, Ml. 32* 5.
pi. 3. arrammumfetarfetdy'M\.6lH6.
duroimnihetoTy obliviscentur,
Ml. 77* 12.
molur, laudo.
pres. ind. | hore nondohmohrsa, quia vos
8g. 1. ) laudo, Wb. 14° 18.
3. nodmolada/r fesiny g. qui s6
ipsum commendat, "Wb.
17*»21.
^ Ascoli translates dorumenar som dia diadermut by * oblio Iddio per la
smemoraggine [trascuranza] sua/ but in the text Dayid does not say that he
has forgotten God, but asks how long God will forget him. The gloss would
seem then rather to mean * he thought that God h^ forgotten him,* which in
Mod. Jr. might be expressed by the same idiom, shaoil se dia do bheith dd
dhearmhad.
* I have placed tWs form here with some hesitation. Stokes translates the
gloss innahi diarumuinestar som trocairi by * those unto whom he taught mercy,'
taking the verb from muinim * teach,' but the context seems to require * those
to whom he intended mercy ' ; rumuinestar would be a new formation, a dep.
s. pret.
T 3^^' 1 condir^edar, Ml. 34* 23.
462 THE DEPONBNT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRAGGSAIT.
Dbpoxent Forms. Actitb Fohms.
pi. 3. cid arindmolatar, Ml. 145^ 4. ni molat, Ml. 130^ 6.
8ubj. sg. 3. condidmoladarf "Wb. 16^ 1.
moladar, g. commendet, Bcr.
41d 1.
pi. 3. eo molait, Ml. 51^ 10.
pret. sg. 3. rommolaitar, Ml. 126^ 16.
fut. sg. I. nomolfar, Wb. 9* 22.
atmmlniur.^
g. iterum dico, Wb. 18° 12.
*confcg^ {^^com-di-reff'), dirigo, corrigOy ^tretnedir^ur,
transfero.
pres.
acond'trgedaVj g. diregens, Ml.
46» 12.
trimedirgedar^ g. transfert,
Ml. 54a 22.
diatremdirgedary Sg. 190» 5.
pret. sg. 3. arrudergesta/r, Wb. 4*5 13.
fut. sg. 3. <JO»rfirytfi<w?ar,g.correctiirum,
Ml. 130« 15.
samlur, imitor {samail, similis) ind-»amlur,^ aemulor, dt"
samlur, dissimulo, di-ind-samlur^ id.
pres. md. | ^^f^^^^ ^^ samlur, Wb. 3^ 6.
sg. 1. ) -^ '
3. disamlathaTf g. dissimulate
Ml. 21^ 2.
insamlatkarf Wb. 9* 15.
imamlathaTf Sg. 30* 14.
»i rftf tntamladaTf Ml. 27^ 12.
pi. 1. tmn^«aw/aww^m,g.anaemul-
amur, Wb. 11^ 16.
coni intamlammarf g. neque
emulamur, Ml. 97*' 1.
^ This yerb seems as yet to have been found only in ibis passage. It could
be analysed into ath-d-muilniur * I say it again.' Does -mulniur come from
*molendry cognate with molur ? For the two meanings cf . Gr. olv^w.
^ Before the accent the s remained unaspirated and ind-t- became t»«-. After
the accent a became shy which caused the change of d^ to ^
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 463
Deponent Forms. Actiye Fokms.
subj. sg. 1. cnnsamlar, g. 9! imiter, Sg.
1^ 1.
2. insamaiUeTy g. noli omulari, ni intamlae, Ml. 56^ 13.
Ml. 56^ 38.
pret. pi. 3. artnrusamlasatar, Sg. 112^ 4.
fut. sg. 3. ni deintamlafa, g. non
disimulabit,M1.69d8.
pi. 1. nonsainlafammar, Wb. 17^ 12.
*secliur, sequor.
pres. ind. ) andocoisffedar, g. sequente,
sg. 3. j Sg. 15^ 4.
dudchoisgeda/Ty (nox) quae se-
quitur, Ml. 62° 6^.
otochosgeda/Ty g. consequens,
Ml. 103d 25.
pi. 3. sechitir, Wb. 31^ 20.^
ni secheta/Tj Ml. 19^ 11.
dudchoisgetar, Ml. 17° 12.
subj. sg. 3. airesechetha/r, Cod. Cam. 37*^.
madocoisgedaTy Sg. 16^ 2.
pi. 1. arasechemma^, Wb. 2^ 4.
pret. sg. 2. oruthochaisgessersu, g. con-
secutus es, Ml. 43^ 9.
3. rosechestoTf Sg. 208^ 15.
duruchoisgesto/r, g. persecutus,
Ml. 64^8; cf. 98^ 7, 99i> 11.
fut. sg. 3. fomthochazsgehadarsa, g,Buh8Q'
quetur (mibi), Ml. 45^ 5.
dofuislim, labor.
pres. ind. ) dofuislim, g. labo, Sg.
sg. 1. ) 146^ 1.
subj. sg. 2. hotuislider, g. quo laberis,
Ml. 2d 6.
3 . dofuisledm'y g. elabi, Ml. 30° 1 0.
^ sechitir goa 'they follow lies.' For the constnictioii cf . Ml. 89^ 5, seichfedsom
dujirinnisiu *he would follow thy truth,' LL. 346* 60 aeiched Jirinni nosseichfe
* let him follow truth that will follow him.' The strange form numseiehethrej
sequatur me, Cod. Cam. 37*^, should probably be corrected to numseichethse,
as Z£. suggests.
464 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN.
Dbponbnt Forms. Acttvb Forms.
dufuisUdor^ g. relabatur, Bcr,
34c 1.
fut. sg. 3. nieontuiBlifea^ Ml. 27^ 18.
-SlSSlUr/ larafiai,
pres. ind. | anarasissiursa, g. innitens, Ml.
sg. 1. j 41° 2.
(?Mtftr[»]«iMr, innitor, Ml.
79^9.
httare donairtsstur, Ml. 79» 10.
2. andunerissidersu, g. te ad-
stante, Ml. 38° 25.
3. lose arastsedar, g. cum inni-
titur, Sg. 213^ 2.
his indiforsanairisedarififfnim,
Sg. 139^ 1.
oteruseda/r, constat, Ml. 145° 4.
amal nadtairissida/Ty ut non
consistit ( subj. ? ), ML
104^ 4.
fosueda/Tf qui profitetur, Acr.
69.
pi. sg. 3. ari$8t88etary g. innituiitury Ml.
39b 11.
fristairissetar, g. obstantes,
Ml. 47° 3.
fosissetoTf confitentur, Ml.
132* 1 ; cf. Tur. 43.
subj. sg. 2. fosisidersUf ML 66° 1.
3. lase a/rasusedar^ g. cum fuerit
innisa, ML 51^ 13.
mani amssedar, ML 131*> 4.
CO arstssethar (ms. -etar^ g. ut
nitatur, Ml. 120* 19.
pi. 3. arasissetar, g. niti, Ml. 77^ 3.
eonitatrissetar, ut non con-
sistant, Ml. 104^ 4.
* "When the accent falls on the verb itself the initial s of sissiur is preserved ,
if the accent be thrown back on a preceding particle, the s vanishes if the particle
immediately preceding originally ended in a vowel. A further instance iUustra-
ting this rule is noartisainHf Ml. 44*^ 26.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 465
Dbponent Fokms. AcnvB Forms.
fristairissetar, g. qui obsistere
non verentur, Ml. 39*> 13.
fosisetar, g. fateri possunt,
Sg. 140* 2.
pret. sg. I . arrousiursa, g. nisus sum, Ml.
88*9.
3. arromstar, g. innisum, Ml.
18d 16.
afuroistestar, g. confessus. Ml.
46d 15.
nitarrastair, Acr. 72.
fut. 6g. 1 . fosisefar, confiltebor, Ml. 68« 1 7 .
-tluohur.
pres. ind. ) atluchur, g. gratias ago, Wb. duthluchimse, g. efflagito,
sg. 1. ) 3^ 19. Ml. 71« 20.
duthluchuTf efflagito, Per.
57» 6.
amal dunthlaichtursa, Ml. 44^^
20.
amal duntluchur, Ml. 74^ 3.
2. cid aratodlai[g']therf g. quare
postulas, Ml. 32* 6.
3. atluchedar huidi, Ml. 128<' 3.
dutluichetharf g. exigit, Ml.
36* 28.
duthluehedary Ml. 38^ 1.
pi. 1. oldaoB duntlucham^ Wb.
21*9.
3. duthlucJietar, exigunt, Ml.
85* 5.
subj. sg. 1. coduthlwhsr, g. ut efflagitem,
Ml. 49* 10.
ciajiu todlaigeria^ g. quam
iusta postulem. Ml. 38° 22.
pret. sg. 3. rotodlaigestaVy Ml. 124* 9.'
fut. pi. 1. atluch/am, Wb. 17* 1.
^ duthluich in the same gloss should probably be emended to duthluiehed —
huare asinbert eia duthluich[ed'\ nadetatai* * because he said though he did
ask they would not get.'
466 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN.
Deponent Fobms. Actiyb Forms.
dufo-thracoar/ opto, volo.
perf. sg. 1. dianduthraecarsa, quihuso^to,
Wb. 14^ 5.
3. eiadudfutha/reair, Ml. 52.
pi. 3. dufuthractary g. volunt, Wb.
26^ 1 ; cf. Ml. 49* 17.
doduthractwr, Wb. 26*» 1.
8. fat. sg. 2. ni diithraisy Garm.Ml. 17.
pi. 3. huare dunfuiharaet, Ml.
54a 28.
8
•^^^i- ] doduthris, Wh. 20^ 9.
8g. 1. )
dofuthrisse, Wb. 32» 9.
pi. 3. ci dutairsetarsomy Ml. SG** 7.
In the following verbs deponential forms are found in only one
part of the verbal system.
ad-oia * I see,' and other compounds of ^-eiim * see' (=
*ce8id y/kes). Here the subjunctiye mood is
deponent.*
pres.subj. ) ma frtsaccar,^ si sperem, Ml.
sg. 1. ) 49d 3.
2.* addHcideVy g. (oum) respicies,
Ml. 43a 19.
sechidii denecaithersu^ g. qua-
quam versus respexeris,
Ml. 73c 11.
diandadercaithersUy g. s{ eos
aspicias, Ml. 102^ 10.
3. odidaccada/Ty Wb. 16* 6.
coniaecadar, g. quin videat,
Ml. 53a 6.
* A perfect form with a present or perfect meaning.
' Except, of course, in the 2 pi., where the Irish verb has no special deponent
forms, ma adced * if ye shall see,' Wh. ll** 22.
^ The orthotonic fonn is found in a poem from the St. Paul Codex (Windisch.
Ir. Text, I. 316), rop ith 7 mlicht adcear *may it be com and milk that I shall
see,' I. 1. 4, similarly 1. 6.
* In an imperative sense an active form is found, deeee laty Wb. 10" 20,
deieeeHuy Wb. 31^ 19, and often in the profane literature.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 467
amaeeathar, Ml. 68^ 9.
pi. 1. manidecammar, Sg. 26^ 9.
3. frisnaccatar, g. sperandi,^ Ml.
124* 3.
ooniooim ' possum.' The perfect is deponent,
sg. 1. eoianecearsa, id potui, Wb.
14» 40.
3. eonanacuir, Ml. 119<^ 7.
niconchoimntieuir, Wb. 1 9« 1 0 ;
cf. Ml. 116C 5, 97^4, 97d
4, 5, 10, etc.
farcomnucuir,* Wb. 22^ 8 ; cf.
Sg. 148* 6, ML 131^ 14,
etc.
tscomnttcuir, Wb. 10* 4 ; cf.
Cod. Cam. 38*.
fodamaim, potior, perfect dep. so from ad-damaim,
concede.
sg. I. fosrodamarsa, Ml. 39* 13;
cf. 58d 13, 132* 12, 96d
13, 14, Wb. 19d 10.
adrodamar, Acr. 99.
2. adrodamarsu, Acr. 29 (MS.
adromanu).
diisinndrdamarsu, Acr. 46.
3. forodamair, Ml. 54» 26 ; cf.
54^ 28.
siasiair, sedit, ^sed-; of. Zimmer, KZ. xzx. 151,
Thumeysen, KZ. xxxi. 97.
im[rn]asias8airf g. obsidit, Ml.
43^ 1.
Isolated deponent forms are eoinedar, plorat, Ml. 74^ 1
(active forms are common, e.g. Ml. 73^ 12, 86^^ 1), tmmethe'
crathar * covers,' Ml. 66» 1 ; cf. p. 68, note.
* There is here a double gloss, eofritaeeat and frisnaccatar. The former
I take for an indicative ' so that they expect,* the latter for a subjunctive * that
they may expect'; cf. Ml. 46** 17, where cid frisnaccat glosses sperandi. For
other examples of the present indicative, see Ml. 53^ 23, 62<> 7, 69^ 3, 134* 6,
144* 2; Per. 54»> 1, »7* 7.
' 9rodastar, Wb. 7* 14, is obscure.
468 THE DEPONENT VEKB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
In the following forms isolated deponential forms are found
in the 3 sg. of the preterite :
rodligeda/r, Ml. 36* 29, dligim *I owe,' like derivative
verbs in -igim,
arrumadar^ Ml. 50^ 8 )
adrmee»tar, m. 4c 35 1 *^»<**»». "^^"^^ ^P^^to.
arruneillestar, Ml. 63^ 15.
In sg. 1 fordertsiurf g. lustravi, Ml. 133^ 8 ; cf. forderet, g.
illustrat. Ml. 78^ 8.
The second class of deponents consists of denominative verbs
in 'Ogtur, -igiur. The origin of the formation is uncertain; cf.
Brugmann, Grundriss II. § 780. In Irish the formation has
become closely associated with adjectives in -ach and -ech, -ag* as
a rule appearing by -ach, -ig- by -ech. But such verbs are also
found with no corresponding adjectives by their side. From
cases Hke ^lethnaigur^ ^hresminigury where the n belongs to the
stem from which the verb is derived, -nag, natg-, -nig- has spread
as a suffix, e.g. hruthnaigimy ^freptanaiguVy *mrechtnxgvry and
hertnaigim (cf. Windisch Worterbuch) by hertaigim. Many words
of this class in the Glosses are evidently learned words, invented
to translate the Latin.
Deponent Forms. Actiye Forms.
adammg^, admiror {adamre),
pres. ind. | noadamrugur, Wb. 16° pret. ) adrtcamraigset, g. sunt
sg. 1. ) 3. pi. 3. ) admirati, Ml. 88* 18.
3. adamrigetharf Wb. 5^ 1 6.
innahi adamrigedar, g.
qusB miratur, Ml.
64° 19.
pi. 3. adamraigetar, g. mi-
rantur, Ml. 124» 6.
subj. sg. 2. adnamraigtheTf gL noli
mirari, Ml. 56^ 39.
^ But lose arroneithy Ml. 60^ 9. From ind-neithim comes a deponential
' imperative induitej Wb. 10* 21. Otherwise the forms are active.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 469
Dbponent Forms. Actiyb Fosxs.
pi. 3. coadamraiffthar(l,''eiar,
Ascoli), g. ut mi-
rentur, Ml. 39^ 8.
adnamraigeta/rf g. de-
beant mirari, Ml.
39^ 10.
^adbartaig^r,^ aversor (cf. adhartaig .i. ab adversario,
Cormac's Glossary^ YBL.)«
pres. ind. | adbartaigther, g. dver- subj. ) eo adhartatgtd, g.utarer-
sg. 2. j saris, Ml. 44^ 31. sg.3. ) setur, Ml. 36* 11.
3. ni adha/rtaigedar^ g. pret. | roadhartaigget, Ml. 26^
non aversatur, Ml. pi. 3. j 20.
36* 18.
pret. sg. 1. roadbartaigsiurf g. fut. ) annunadharfaigfesiUf g.
aversatus sum, Ml. sg.2. ) teaversato, M1.48*12.
115* 13, 117^5.
3. niroadbartatgestary g.
non fuerat aversa-
tus, Ml. 55d 1.
fut. sg. 1. adbartatgfersafg.&TeT'
sabor, Ml. 37<5 12.
"^adeitclmr, detestor (adeteg),
pres. ind. ) adettchetharfMl. 50^ 9;
sg.3. ) cf. 122^12,129«10.
ipy. sg. 2. aditchidesiUy g. de-
testare,Ml. 103*7^
""^adribaignr, result©.^
pres. ind. ") adribaigeda/Ty g. resultat, Ml.
sg. 3. ) 146^ 3.
^aidlicnigiir, egeo {aidlicen, egens).
. J \ an nadnaidlicnigedarf
pres. ma. i
„ > g. nullo egens adiu-
^^' ' ) tore, Ml. 130»2.
^ The treatment of db under the accent indicates that this is a learned word,
probably coined to express aversor. Is it a compound of berta^imf vibro P
2 On this verb cf . Ascoli, Lexicon Palseo-hibemieum, ecTiii.
Phil Trans. 1891-2-8. 31
470 THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TBACHAK.
Dbponbmt Forms. Aotztb Forms.
nod adilgnigedary non
eget, Per. 66* 2.
pi. 1. n» adilgnigmar, "Wb.
15*2.
3. aidlignitir (1. aidligni-
gittr, Asc), Sg. 4^
10.
ni aidlienigetar, non
egent, Sg. 200^ 2.
^ainnmigur, nomino (ainm),
pret. 8g. 3. rondnainmnigettar J no-
minavit, Ml. 17^ 9;
cf. 26^ 8, 37^ 22.
airignr, percipio {airech ; cf. Asc. Lex. zxyi.).
pres. ind. | ni conairigursay non
8g. 1. ) percipio, Wb. 16* 28.
pret. sg. 1. hore ndnrairig8iur,Wh.
3<^ 26.
tidd rairgsiur, "Wb. 3"
27.
*ardrig^, appareo {airdrech, ostentnm).
pres. ind. ) ardrigitir, g. apparent, pres. ind. ) ardng^id, g. apparet,
pi. 3. ) Bv. 1» 4. 8g. 3. ) Bcr. 38* 7.
pret. sg. 3. roardrigestar, g. ap-
paruit, Wb. 28° 12.
*beoignir, vivifico {hio).
nomheoigedar, Wb. 19*
20.
*bindigiir, concors sum (hind).
. J / donath hi hindtgeddar,
pres. ind. l . , ^
, rt { eis quae concordant,
pi. 3. i
Sg. 10* 9.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN. 471
Deponent Forms. Active Forms.
*boltigur, olefacio {bolaod, odor).
. n / niholtigeta/rside bolad, subj. | holtigmey g. olfacere,
I o I nonsentiuntodorem, pi. 1.) Acr. 57.
^ * ' ( Wb. I4d 34.
*bresminigTir, frangor {hreisim .i. ycftr, -men- stem),
pres.subj. | hresminigedary g. fran-
sg. 3. ) gari, Ml. 108^ 6.
bruthnaigim, ferveo {hruth, fervor),
ind ( cianudbruthnaigedar, jres. ind, )^ bruthnatgmy gAuiOy
q \ quamquam fervet, sg. 1. ) Sg. 54^ 7.
I Ml. 121* 15.
cairigur, vitupero {cairej g. nota).
cr 1 I woijAmn^wr, Wb. 11*1.
2 . to«^ nocairigtheTf Wb .
1° 10.
3. cairigedar, Wb. 26^ 9.
subj. sg. 2. diacairigtheTj Wb. 1°
10.
*catliaigTir, pugno (e?a^A, pugna).
subj. sg. 3. friscathaigeda/Ty g. re- pres. ind. | a cathaigte, g. con-
pellare, Ml. 90* 6. pi. 3. ) fligentes,M1.66^8.
pret. sg. 1. ro^a^AiV?A«/wr,Wb.24*3.
^cestaigur, dispute {ceist, quaestio).
pret. sg. 2. orrucestaigseTf cum
disputasti, Ml. 2* 3.
"^clchnaigur, stride,
pret. sg. 3. cichnaigisttry^ g. stri-
derat, Sg. 152^ 2.
*cluichigur, ludo {clmche, ludus).
pres. ind. ) acluiohigegedar (1. cluu
sg. 3. ) chigedar)yW..V22'^lQ.
^ Formed by analogy as the absolute form of the 3 sg. of the pret., as were
formed later, e.g. to the pres. sec. food *he slept,' an absolute foaid, and to the
3 pi. pret. roffabsaty an absolute gabsit. The verb seems based on a noun
borrowed from a British dialect with the common analogical change of jt? to c ;
cf. O.W. pipennoUy g. arterias, Mod.W., Bret., and Corn, pib, Corn, piba
* to pipe.'
472 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Deponent Fokms. Actitb Fo&ms.
dondi cluchigedar^ g.
ludeiiti,M1.122»12.
pi. 3. intan cluichigetary Ml.
129c 20.
*cobrigur, auxilior {cohair),
pres. ind. | acolrigegedar (1. cohru
sg. 3. ) gedar, ML 122* 10.
"^comadasaigur, apto {comadas, aptus).
pres. ind. ) comadaaaigidirj g. ap-
sg. 3. 1 tat, Ml. 53c 8.
comadassatgidtr, g. ac-
comodat, Ml. 80^ 6.
^comaicsig^r, approprio (^comoeus),
subi. sg. 3. comamigeda/r.s.dAmo- fut. ) _^' • ^^ -an «.«k ,»,
• uri tATh n o comaieaigfid^ Ml. 63^ 17.
priare, Ml. 107^ 9. 8g.3. )
""^comdenmigur/ dominor.
subj. sg. 3. comdemnigeda/r^ gl. do-
minari, Ml. 17^ 1.
^cosmailigur, comparo (cosmail),
. •, / acosmiligmmer, cum
pres. md. \ c
, ^ < comparamus, Sg.
^* * ( 211*14.
3. cenodchosmailigetarf
quamquam similes
sunt, Sg. 212^ 2.
pret. sg. 3. r oscosmailtg est or y com-
paravit eas, ML 55^
8.
*crutliaigur, formo {cruth),
' J / cruthaiqedar, g. plas-
pres. ind. I ^, .
o I mantis, e.^. qui plas-
^^' ' ( mat, ML 140^ 5.
* Cf. coinidemnacht, g. dominatum, Ml. 35* 4, gen. -achta^ 17^ 6. Cf.
demin 'certain,* demnigim^l make certain,' Or have we a derivative as
Siegfried held, from an Irish stem cognate with Lat. dominua ? Cf . Johansson.
IF. iii. 228.
mM
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 473
Deponent Forms. Active Forms.
pret. pi. 1. rochruthaiffsemmar.Bg,
9*22.
^cninmigur, reminiscor (cuimne, memoria; cuimnech,
memor).
icuimnigedarf g. remi-
niscentis, t,e. qui
reminiscitur, Wb.
16^ 24.
♦culignr, profano {col).
pret. sg. 3. arrucultffestar, g. pro-
f[an]aiite, Ml. 63*
14.
cumachtaig^y potior {cumachtach, potens).
. n / eta diacumachtaigthery . -, ( cumachtaigim^ g.
sg 2 1 ^"^ potiris, Sg. ^ ' ^ j potior, Sg. 39^
^' ' I 209^ 30. ^''12; cf. 54* 7.
• . / honacumachtaigfetf g. quo
1 Q I non sint potituri, Ml.
^ * * ( 28^ 12.
cumgigim, ango {cumce),
pret. 8g. 3. racumgaigesta/rsomf g. pres. ind, )
se angiavit, Ml. sg. 1. ]cumctgim,^gA^^^,
133* 9.
"^cutrummaignr, exaequo {cutrumme).
subj. sg. 3. cochutrummaigidir^ g.
ut exBBquet, Ml.
25° 12.
pret. sg. 3. rocutrummatge8tar,eX'
sequavit, Ml. 55^ 3.
daingnigim, munio {daingen, firmus).
pret. sg. 3. rodaingntgestar, Ml. pres. ind. ) daingnigim^ g.
51^ 8. sg. 1. 1 raoenio, Sg. 19'* 6.
1 . / eonumdatngmgese, g. ut
^2 I (nie) communias, Ml.
^ { 49d 13.
£ . f lasse nundundawgnichfcy
o \ g. cum nos munieris,
sg. 2» i " '
^ I Ml. 78C 6.
474 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Deponent Forms. Actitb Forma.
*danaigur, dono {ddn, donam, ars).
pres. ind. ) inti naddanaiged ar\ • . I eonnachaddnaigfea ' so
8g. 3. ) Ml. 17° 7. 8ff 3 1 *^** ^® ^^^ °^^ ^^®
^' ' \ it,' Ml. 96* 7.
addanigfea, g. remunera-
turum esse, ML 11 2<^ 4.
sabj. 8g. 2. mani danaigthersUf niei
des. Ml. 40^ 2.
pret. sg. 3. ronddnaigestar, qnas
dedit, Ml. 96^ 9 ; cf.
97d 17, Wb. 21^ 9.
dechrigim, difiPero, disto {dechuTf differentia).
pres. ind. i dechriffmimi, g. dis- pres. ind. ) dechriginiy g. dis-
pl. 1. ) tamus, ML 117^ 9. sg. 1. ) pisco, Sg. 177*» 1.
pi. 3. ni d^chriget, Per. 62» 2.
3. andechrt'geddar, g. dis- andechraigte, g. dis-
tantia, Sg. 46» 9. tantia, ML 119^ 11.
ni dechrigetar, g. non fiit. ) nidechra^g^et, non dis-
absistunt,Sg. 155^4. pi. 3. 1 tabunt, Ml. 90^ 6.
nidechraigetar, Ml.
113»2; cf.ML 115^
2.^
subj. sg. 3. mani dechrigedar ^ un-
less it be different,*
Wb. 12c 46.
*deliglir, distingue, separo. ^
pres. sg. 3. nodadeligedar (sonus),
Sg. 6» 19.
ndddeligedarj Sg. 28* 15.
♦demnigur, firmo {demin),
pres. ind. ) demnigid, Sg. 158^
sg. 3. ) 3.
pret. sg. 3. radeimnigestar, Wb. pi. 1. demnigmini, Ml. 35^ 1.
32° 20.
3. demnigte^ gl. quae com-
moniunt, Ml. 75* 8 ;
cf. 16M5.
^ According to Mr. Stokes the MS. has noicUehrigetar.
THB DEFONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 475
Deponent Fo&ms. Active Forms.
dephthigim, dissideo (dehuith, dissensio; dehthachf con-
tentiosus).
pret. pi. 3. rodebthatchsetaTf g.diS' pres. ind. ) nidephthiffiniy g.non
sideraiit,M1.19cl6. sg. 1. ) dissideo, Ml. 2 1*2.
pi. 3. deUhaigte^ qui dissident,
Ml. 103^ 17.
^desimrechtaigur, pro exemplo pono {destmrecht, ex-
emplum).
pres. sg. 3. deaimrechtaigedar^ Sg.
11^4.
"^dlsruthaigor, derivo {di+sruth^ flumen).
pres. ind. | disruthaigeda/r^deTixdXy
sg. 3. ) Sg. 198^3.
^diummussaigiLr, %\x^eThio{diummu8^ superbia; diummsach,
superbus).
subj. sg. 3. arnadiummussaigedarj
g. ne turgescat, Ml.
68^ 7.
*dlxnugnr,* sum.
pres. ind. | ciahenundixnigthersiu,
sg. 2. ) g. qui sis, Ml. 75^ 9.
3. naddixnigedoTf non est,
Wb. 9° 14 ; cf. Ml.
20^ 6, 51c 16, 55c
10, Sg. 22^ 3, etc.
pi. 3. dtxnigetar, Wb. 12^ 7.
subj. sg. 3. tndixnigedar,g, inesse,
Ml. 19^ 14.
^dochenelaigiir, degenero (doehenil, degener).
pret. sg. 1. arrondotchenelaigsiursa,
g. degenerans, i.e,
cum degeneravi, Ml.
44^ 36.
1 Cf. diffat, editus, Ml. 32» 16, 41« 9, 106* 12, air-dixa, producta? Mr.
Stokes suggests that *d%xnigur may be for ^di-aiemigur^ from aiesiu, gen. aieaen
* vision/ uterally appareo.
476 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN,
Deponent Fobms. Active FoBjifs.
^dogailsigpu:, maereo (dogaihe^ maeror).
pres. ind. | condogaiUegetar^ Ml.
pi. 3. ) 87^ 17.
"^dumaigar, exaggero {duma, agger).
pret. sg. 3. rodumaigestar, g. ex-
aggeravit, Ml. 55^
3 ; cf. SO^ 3, 83d i.
"^echtrannaigiir, me extraneum reddo (echtrann).
pret. pi. 3. roechtrannaigsetar, Ml.
66*2.
"^ecmailtiglir, insolesco {icmailty insolens ; ecmailte, insolentia).
pres. ind. ) icmailtigidirj g. inso-
sg. 3. ) lescit, ML 28* 9.
"^ecndaigor, obtrecto {echdach, detrectatio).
pres. ind. | acndtgittr, g. detra-
pl. 3. ) hunt, Ml. 126d 16.
*com-6ciiignr, cogo (Seen),
pres. ind. ) nk com^ienigedar, non . ^ / comiicnUset (1. nig-
sg. 3. ) cogit, Sg. 61* 9. / g I «^^» Asc), Tur.
^ * * ( 2d 18.
*engraccig^, locum obtineo (cf. in-engraiee^ loco, Sg.
30^ 16).
• J \ engraiciqidir mo ainm,
pres. md. / ^^ ^ ^ •
^ 1 } Sg. 200^ 10; cf.
^ ; 193^ 5.
nengracigedary Sg. 1 9 7* 2.
pi. 3. nodaengraicigetar (rel.)f
Sg. 198^ 8.
huare nengraicigetar,
Sg. 200^ 5.
*erbirig^, causer (cf. airhhire 'reproach,' 'blame,'
O'Keilly).
subj. sg. 3. erhirigithir, g. cause- . / erlirigidid (1. erhi-
tur. Ml. 36^6. V ' • | rigid), g. causa-
®^- ^' ( tur, Ml. 90a 7.
pret. ) roerhirigsem, g. causati
pi. 1. ) sumus. Ml. 35^ 5.
IHB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN, 477
Dbfonsnt Forms. Acnvs Forms.
*erdarcaig^, eeUhro {erdaire, illustris).
pres. ind. | erdarcaigidir^ g. con- fut. ) noterdareuguh, g. cele-
8g. 3. I celebrat, Ml. 28^15. sg. 1. I brabo te, Ml. 55* 5.
3. erdarcaigfea, Ml. 89^ 4.
*erladai|^, obedio {airlithe, obediens).
pres. ind. ) erladaigidir, g. obse-
8g. 3. ; quitur, Ml. 64*^ 5.
amal nerladaigedar, g.
tamquam obsequi-
tur, Ml. 64d 3.
subj. 8g. 1. coerladaigiar,^ g. ad
pariendum, Ml. 106® 6.
pret. pi. 3. roirladigsetar, Wb. 7®
16.
*6taigur, eemulor {St).
pres. ind. ( «^*^^^^>*^«^ g- ®"^«-
, Q I lantur vobis, Wb.
^ * ' ( 19d 27.
subj. sg. 2. nonUaigther, g. noli
einulari,M1.56^17,
39.
metaigthersu, Ml. 56^
31.
*etarciiaigiLr, note {etargne, intellectus).
pres. ind. ) nometarcnigedarfBigai-
8g. 3. ) ficat me, Sg. 200^ 1 0 .
subj. sg. 3. remineiarcniged^rf g.
preenotare, Ml. 18«
12.
pret. sg. 3. roetarcnaigeatar^ g.
notavit, Ml. 32^ 5.
*etaailngigar, g. indignor {itualang),
, / innahi etuailngigedar,
pres. ind. ^ ^^^ indignatur,
^S- ^- ( Ml. 69d 7.
^ Ascoli remarks *■ non ^ effettiyamente se non -gearJ* The regular ending
in these verbt would be -ger.
478 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Deponent Forms. Aotitb Fobxs.
pret. sg. 3. arruituailngUtar (1.
gigestar) dia, g. deo
indignante, Ml. 62^
22.
♦failtignr, leetor ffailtdi leetitia).
subj. 8g. 1. nufailtiger, g. letari, pres. ind. )^failtignii^ g. laeta-
Ml. 46* 16. pi. 1. ) mur. Ml. 129^ 7.
pi. 3. conifatUigetaff g. non
IsBtentur, ML 55* 6.
^assaignTi vasto, ird89mgur'=**e8'r0'fhd88aigur\ irritum
facio {fds, fdsctch).
pres. ind. ^ nosesrassaigedoTf^ Ml. subj. ) naherawiget^ ne irrita
sg. 3. 1 51* 27. pi. 3. 1 faciant, Wb. 30* 10.
pret. sg. 3. rofassaigesta/r^ g. ex-
hausit, Ml. 118* 7.
*feidlig^, perduro, maneo (fet'dil).
pres. ind. ) ^if,aUgedar,Wh.2o 3. P'^^'' ^°^- ) ^^^fii^l^Q^t, Ml.
sg. 3. ) •" ^ pi. 3. ) 21d 4.
subj. pi. 1. cofedligmery'^\i,^^\\, feidligU^ Ml. 21* 4.
pret.pl. 1. rufeidligsemmar^ Ml. pret. ) ^ .„.
105a 4. pl.3. 1 '•e/^*^^*^**^ Ml. 105* 4.
it. )
^3 j afeidligfid. Ml. 128* 7.
fut.
sg.
pi. 3. ni tremfeidligfet^ Ml.
21^4.
*fercaig^, irascor {ferg, fergach).
pres. ind. | wi fercaigedar^ non
sg. 3. ) irascitur, Ml. 24* 1 8.
ipv. sg. 2. fercaigtheai^ irascere,
Ml. 20* 13.
*f iachaigur, debeo {fkachy debitum ; fkaohaeh^ debens).
subj. sg. 3. da dia fiachaigeda/r^ g.
ad quern debeat,
Ml. 44* 3.
We should have expected rather noierauaigedar.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 479
Deponent Forms. Active Fo&ms.
"^findbadaigur^ beatifico {findhadach,^ beatus, Ml. 114^ 7 ;
cf. 56* 44).
. J / indi nodamfindhadafge'
pres. ind. • • f
, o < tarsa, g. lecientes
^ ' ' ( me, Ml. 39d 10.
♦firianaigur, iustifico (Jirlan^ iustus).
pres. ind. | nodonfirianigedar^
sg. 3. ) Wb. 19a 14.
firianigedar^ Wb. 19* 1.
pret. sg. 3. rafirianigesta/r, Wb.
19* 13.
rondfirianaigesta/ry Ml.
19d 16.
*focridigur, accingo.
subj. sg. 2. fotchrtdigthersUfg.'prsB'
cingere, Ml. lOP 3.
3. focridigedar^ g. ac-
cingat, Ml. 35° 32.
ipv. sg. 2. fochridigthe, g. a- »
cingere, Ml. 27° 5.
*fogrigiir, sono {fogury son us).
pres. ind. Uogrigedar, g. sonans, pres. ind. \fograigte. Ml. 42° 2.
sg. 3. ) Wb. 12* 27, 28. pi. 3. V ^ ^
*foilsigur, manifesto {foihe, foihech),
pres. ind. ^foiUigidiVy Ml. 24° 13, pres. ind. )/oilsigdde, Sg. 200*
sg. 3. ) 53* 27. pi. 3. ) 6.
nundfoihigedaVy Ml.
42* 18.
foihigedar, quod mani- pret. | a/rufdihigset, g. publi-
festat, Ml. 74d 13, pi. 3. ) cantes, Ml. 74^ 4.
85*11.
pi. 3. nondafaihigeta/Ty eos,
Sg. 71* 7 ; cf. 198*
24.
* Findhadach=Jind'hithaeh horn Jind * white' and hith 'world'; cf. "W.
gwynfyd 'happiness,' and, for the meaning oi Jindy it Jind atnbethUf g. biati
quorum remissas sunt iniquitates, Wb. 2^ 2.
480 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TIIACHA17.
Deponent Fobms. Acttvb Forms.
ipv. sg. 2. foiht'ffths, g. revela,
ML o6c 2.
pret. sg. 3. rorfaiUigestar, id mani- fat. ) ^ ., . ^ , ^ „
festarit. m. 3ia 9, .^.3. )/-fe»iJ/W. ML 69^ 8.
cf. Ml. 51^14, 103d
11, 109^ 2, 145^4.
pi. 3. comdrofoihiffsetar, id
manifestarunt, Wb.
21c 22.
^foUaigur, negligo {follach^ negligens, pi. follig^ Wb. 6»
22).
pres. ind. )
^foirbthigur, perficio, proficio (^foirhthe, perfectus).
pres. ind. )foirbthtge^ar, Wb. 4^
sg. 3. ) 6.
subj. 8g. 1. rofotrbthigery g. con-
summavero, Wb. 7*
9.
pret. sg. 2. rofoirhthichaer^ g. pro-
ficisti, Ml. 50C 13 ;
cf. 43d 17.
"^fortachtaignir, auxilior {foriacht, auxilium).
pres. ind. ) nodafortachtaigeda/r,
sg. 3. j Ml. 25C 5.
""^frepthaJiaigTir, medicor {frepad^^ g-freptha).
pret. sg. 1. arrufreptanaigthmturf
(1. 'frepthanaigiaiur),
g. medicatus, Ml.
103* 6.
*gaiinig^r, hiemo (gaim, hiems).
fut. sg. 1. gaimtgfer, Wb. 14* 9.
^gnathaigur, assuesco (gndth, ghdthach, solitus).
pret. pi. 3. rognathatgsetary g. ad-
suetisunt,M1.34*'2.
1 z=:*frith'bati' ; cf. frisbensom, g. medetur, Ml. 125^ 4; cf. epaid Zimmto'
Keltische Studienj i. 122 sq.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 481
Deponent Fo&ms. Active Forms.
"^greschaignr, continuo (ffrhsach, continuus).
subj. sg. 3. greachaigidir^ g. con- i^TQ^.va^A greschaigtey g. fre-
tinuet, Ml. 85^ 5. pi. 3. ) quentium,M1.8«*'3.
f ut. \ graaehaigfemay g. con-
sg.l. ) tinuabo, Ml. 122M().
*guaigur,* mentior {gde^ falsum).
pres. ind. | anguaigedar^ g. men-
sg. 3. ) tiente, Ml. 31** 1.
pi. 3. guaigitWy mentiuntur, Ml.
31^ 1.
*ilaigor, multiplico (i7, multus).
.J ,,,.,. , , » . [ ilaigfe. g. multiplicasti,
pres. md. 'j nthilaigedaryiionm\i\' fut. i ..... f. .,,
sg.3. ! tiplicat, 8g. 166» 2. 8g.2. »^-J- multiplicabis, Ml.
cid ara nilaigedaVy cur
inultiplicat,Sg.90^7.
*imdaigur,' redundo, affluo {immday abundans).
. , / imdaigidiry g. redun- subj. \ nonimdaigiy g. polleas,
^T T ^^^' ^^' ^^'^ ^^' ^^' ®^' ^* ^ ^^' ^^^ ^'
^^' ' ( 121^ 14, 68^ 11.
pi. 3. tmdaigitir, g. reddun- fut. \ -^^^^^ uberabitur,
dant, ML 70^ 5 ; cf . sg.3. ^\ [^ \ ^
39d 2. ; * *
imdaigetafy g. affluen-
tia, Ml. 39d 5.
♦inbotlligur, nubo {inhothiy nuptias, Tur. 48).
subj. pi. 3. dianinbothigetary Wb.
29a 1.
^inllnaigur, inretio (m+/iw, rete).
subj. pi. 3. inlinaigetary g. inre-
tiere, Ml. 32^ 14.
^ In the pass, niruguigter gnimai da, g. mentiri nesciam, Ml. 61^ 14.
' In an imdaig dia^ g. dec inminente, Ml. 66<^ 18, Ascoli takes imdaig to
be 3 sg. pret. (cum deus prflevaluit) but in these verbs the 3 sg. pret. is
regularly deponent. Should we correct to imdaigid, 'id last before d*i
482 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH J. 8TBACHAK.
Deponent Forms. Actttb Foams.
^inraiccaig^, dignor {inriee^ dignus).
subj. sg. 2. mani inraiccaigther^ g.
81 dedignerisy Ml.
103* 8.
isHgur, humilio {isel, humilis).
pres. ind. | nomish'pur, Wb. 17<^
8g. 1. ) 22.
"^lethnaigur, dilato (Jethan^ latus).
pret. sg. 2. rolethnaigser^ g. dele-
tasti. Ml. 50* 14.
♦lobraigur, aegroto, languesco, infirmo (^lobur, infirmus;
lohref infirmitas).
pres. ind. ( ^^'•''*>'^^''' ^' ^^°^
"^ g^ 3 egrotat,M1.43d2l;
°' ' ( cf. 96^ 12.
pi. 3. lobraigetar, g. egres-
centium, Ml. 1310 6.
subj. sg. 3. ama lobratgedar, g. ne
languescat, Ml. 71^6.
londaigim, indignor {lond).
pres ind [**^^^^o^^^f9^^^^>S'^^- londaigim, g. aspemor,
^ g J 3 ' dignantis, Ml. 64^ 5 ; Per. 62* 3.
®^' ' ( cf. 102^ 11.
pret. sg. 3. rolondaigestar^ g. in-
dignatione commo-
vit, Ml. 29* 2.
*fomdmaigiir, subigo ^ (/o+mefw).
subj. sg. 3. fommamaigeda/r, g. su-
bigerit, Ml. 113^ 6.
pret. sg. 3. fosroammamigesta/r (1.
forro'f Stokes), Ml.
67^ 24.
* Another compoimd with doir * enslaved' is found MI. 93^ 9, rondoitmaioi
(corr. 'mamaigseniy Asc), 101* 8, rondoirammaigestar according to Mr. Stokec
(1. rondoirtnammaigestarf Asc).
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN, 483
Dbponent Forms. Active Forms.
asmecnngnr, eradico (es+meceon).
pres. ind. ) coasmecnugursa^^ g. ut
8g. 1. ) eradicem, Ml. 2* 8.
"^mescaigor, inebrio {mesc^ mesee).
fut. sg. 2. mescaigfider, g. ine-
briasti, i.e. inebria-
bis, Ml. 81« 4.
^encigur, increbesco {menice).
pret. 8g. 3. royweW^^«^<»r,g.incre- .^ fmeneigtte, g. fre-
buit, Ml. 36* 40. rji 3 | quentium, Ml.
^' ' [ 88** 2.
♦mindchigur, emendico {mindech^ g. tenuis).
pres. ind. | mindchigitir^ g. emen-
pl. 3. 1 dicant, Ml. 36° 18.
^^scsignr, odi {miscuis, odium ; miseseeh, exosus).
pret. sg. 3. romiscstgestar, Wb.
40 16.
"^mdithaigiLr, emollio {mdith, mollis).
subj. sg. 3. comoithaigidi'r, g. ut
emoUiat, ML 131*9.
""^othaigur, stupeo {mothf stupor, Ml. 68** 9).
pres. ind. ) mothaigedarj g. stu- subj. | comothaigidy g. ut stu-
sg. 3. ) pentis, Ml. 26^ 9. 8g.3. ) peat, Ml. 26° 6.
"^^mrechtnigur, vario {mreeht, varius).
pret. sg. 3. ctarud mrechtnigestarf
g. variavit, Ml.
123** 12.
*oenaigur, unifico {oen, unus).
pres. ind. )/ohithnoenaigedary Sg.
sg. 3. ) 172* 4.
^ Confusion between -«r and -ar is found in the glosses in the s fut. and subj.
But I have no examples of -wr in the pres. subj. as in later Irish. The form
here is, then, probably indicative, * so that I do root out.'
484 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACKAK.
Dbponbxt Forms. Actiyb Fobms.
*ordaigar, ordino {ord, ordo).
pret. sg. 3. rodordigestary Wb. 6»
3 ; cf . 6* 4.
♦reidigur {riid, planus).
pres. ind. | niredigedar^ g. nihil
Bg. 3. ) commodat,M1.24d22.
^sainignr, diversas sum {sdin, di versus).
pres. ind. | ,^,-„,^^^^^ gg^ 41b 9^
sg. 3. ;
*8&itliraigar, laboro {sdithar, labor),
pret. sg. 3. rusaithraigestar, Ml. pres. ind. ) huare 8aithraigU,
92° 5. pi. 3. ) Ml. 123« 8.
♦sdrigur, violo {sdr),
pret. sg. 3. ru8a/rige8tar^'K\,l\^ 14. pret. pi. 3. rdsdriehset, "Wb. 1^4.
♦scithigur, defetiscor {scith).
fut. sg. 1. niconscithigfar, g. non
defetiscar, Acr. 58.
""^s^migur, attenuo {setm).
subj. sg. 3. cosemigtdir, g. ut at-
tenuet, Ml. 44^ 9.
^senaignr, inveterasco {sen).
subj. sg. 3. makenaigidir, g. si
inveteraverit, Sg.
151* 1.
^silaigUT) sero {ail, semen),
subj. sg. 1. «o*^,>^,'g.^exserere, pres. ind. j '^\^'^^^'''' -^^
\ 116 11,
*soclienelaigur, nobilito (sochend).
subj. sg. 3. cosochenelatgtdirf g. ut
nubilitet, ML 138^4.
"^sonartnaigur, valeo, convalesce {sonairf).
pres. ind. ) nisonartnaigedar, non
sg. 3. j valet, Ml. 14° 4.
1 A literal translation of Lat. sero * sow.'
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 485
Deponent Fo&ms. Actiyb Fo&ms.
subj, sg. 3. arnaaonartnaigeda/Ty g.
ne convalescat, ML
28^9.
pret. sg. 3. arrrosonartnatgestar,
g. convalescens, Ml.
49^4.
^subaigur, gaudeo (suha, gaudium ; mhach^ Isetus).
pres. ind. ( suhaigidir, g. exultat, ind. ) suhatqtt, g. gaudent, Ml.
sg. 3. I Ml. 122* 11. pl.3. ) 61« 18.
^suidigur, pono {suidey sedes, sessio).
pres. ind. ) oautdtgedar, g. pin- fut. ) suidigfithf ponet, Ml.
sg. 3. ) guit, Sg. 49a 9. Bg.3. ) 460 20.
fondamidigeda/r^ easup-
ponit, Sg. 161^ 5.
pi. 3. 8mdigitir, ponunt, ML
94c 3.
pret. sg. 1. rusuidigsiursa, g.
statui, Ml. 59^ 2.
2. rosudigsersu, statuisti,
ML 121* 12.
3. rosmdigestar, posuit,
Wh. 12a 30; cf.
MI. 46C 20, 63c 10,
130^ 7.
pi. 3. forrusuidtgseiarfg.BU^'
posuerunt, Wb. 7^5.
"^suthaigar, fmctuosum facio {8uthj fetus; 8uthach, fruc-
tuosus).
pret. sg. 2. roauthchaigser, g. foe-
tasti, Ml. 81^ 9.
"Haitnigiur {taitnech).
pret. sg. 2. rotaitnigaersUy g. pla-
catus es, ML 105° 7.
^tessaignr, tepefacio {teas),
pres. ind. ( ^^deUesaigedm-,' g.
3 i ^^^® nuUos tepe-
^' * ( facit, ML94^2l.
^ Cf. Ascoli's note on the passage. According to Mr. Stokee the MS. looks
like nadeltesai^edar, a scribal error lor nadat0Migahtr,
Phil. Trans. 1891-9-8. 88
486 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STB^OOAK.
Dbponent Forms. Aotttb Fosmb.
pret. sg. 3. eonrutessaigestar, g.
concaluit m6, ML
59a 16.
*toirtliignr (toirthsch, fruotaosus).
»■% ( amal , . . toirthigedar^
pres. ina. 1 . x i. x _i.
o { ut iructum lert,
^ I Wb. 26« 3.
^Holtanaigur, placere {toUanach, g. bene placitos).
pret. 8g. 3. rotoltanaigesta/Tt g.
quod Caessari . . .
placitum, Sg. 7^ 10.
torisniginr, fido {torUnieh, g. fidentes, Wb. 14^ 27,
cf. Ml. 58C 18).
pres. ind. | nothorisnigiur, g.fiden- pi. 3. taraitnigte^ g. fidere, ML
sg. 1. 1 tem, Ml. 126* 19. 39* 9.
pret. sg. 3. rotor asnaigestarfg. COIL'
fidendo, Ml. 106^ 8.
♦irebrigur, continuo.
^'3 { ^^^^^ff^^^^f Sg. 7* 4.
ipv. sg. 2. ^r^Jriy^Atf, g.perpetud,
Ml. 88d 10.
trenaigim, {trdny fortis).
pres. ind. ) immetrenaigedar. Ml. ind. | imtrinigim, g. mando,
sg. 3. ) 62° 5. sg.l. 1 Sg. 146* 4.
"Hnailngigur, dignor {tudlaing).
' J / nuntuailngtgedar, g.
pres. ind. \ cf y > ©
o { nos . . . dignatur,
'^- • ( Ml. 146" 2.
pret. sg. 3. ni rothuailngigesta/r,
g. non est dignatus.
Ml. 16M2.
*Tiaibrigur, fallo, frustra habeo {uaihrech^ fallax, inanis).
pret. sg. 3. runuaihrtgestaTtg.quos
profanaverat, Ml.
73^ 10.
THB DEPONBNT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 487
DePONBNT FOBM8. ACTITB FoBMS.
^atignr, raresco (uate, singularis).
pres. ind. ) huatigitir^ g. rares-
pl. 3. j cunt, Ml. 33» 15.
♦uraigur, vireo {iir, viridis).
Bubj. 8g. 3. nuraigeda/Ty g. virere,
Ml. 16^ 14.
^atmallaignr, nuto, vacillo {utmaU, mobilis, instabilis).
subj. pi. 3. du8 innadnutmaligetar,
g.utrum non nutent,
Acr. 45.
utmallaigetar, g. vacil-
lare, Acr. 82.
The following verbs in -aigim show no deponent forms, with the
exception of the 2 ipv. in -thsy which is the only ending that these
verbs have in this form. Many of them are found only in the
1 8g. pres. ind., a form in which the active ending is predominant
in the Glosses.
^acarbaig^, aspero {acarh, asper), acarhaigte, g. aspemantia
(1. asperantia), Ml. 87^ 14 ; dctegim, g. acesco, Per. 57* 3 ;
""^ailigim, altemo {aile\ ailigidy Sg. 166* 2; *airigim {airech,
primas), noairtget, g. primi ussi sunt, Ml. 126^ 4 ; ^aithirgig^,
me pcenitet (atthirge) lose n-aiihirgigte, g. penitendo. Ml. 105^
11; algenaigim, lento {dilgen), Sg. 145» 1, cf. Per. 56*» 3,
dlgenigtdf yfh, 4* 2 ; ^arsadaig^, veterasco {arsaid)^ a/rsadaigfithy
veterescet, Ml. 69* 4; athrigim, g. patrisso {athir), Sg. IP 7;
baithaigim, g. futio (haith), Sg. 66* 5, cf. 66* 6; ""^bertaigim,
vibro, rohertaigset, g. vibraverunt. Ml. 26^ 5 ; cmlig^, g. prosto
{cuilechy g. prostibulum), Sg. 53* 18 ; ^dasaclltaig^, furo (ddsacht,
ddsachtach), dasachtaigte, g. furientium, Acr. 50 ; ^dengaigim,
poto {deug), deugaigfity g. potabunt, Ml. 30<^ 18 ; "^dianagim, celero
(dian), dtanaigthe, g. celera, Ml. 49^ 9; ^dilmainaig^, vaco
{dilmairiy g. expeditum, Ml. 81* 7, is dilmainy licet), rondilmainaigsety
g. vacasse, Ml. 76* 8 ; *elithrigim, exulo {ailithrech, peregrinator
religiosus), eltthrigmt, g. exulamus, Ml. 46<' 22 ; ^etrummaig^,
levo {etromm), roetrummaigsety Ml. 113° 8, Hrummaigfidy g. sub-
4S8 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
levabit, ML 89^ 9; failligim, g. sarpo, Sg. 183^ 1 ; fesorigim.^
vesperasco [feacor, vesper), g. obsero, Sg. 146* 7 ; *feilohraigii&
(feuchuir), rofeuehraigsety g. efferati sunt, Ml. 11 4» 6; ^oofiil-
buanaigim, vindemio {fin-^rhiiain^ messis), eofinhuanaigit^ g.
yindimiant, Ml. 102^ 12; fliuohaigim, g. lippio {fliueh^ madidns),
Sg. 10^ 3; foirmtigim, invideo {foirmteeh, invidus), ndd foirm-
tigimne^ g. non invideo, Acr. 33 ; gaigim, g. qoiiito (jgdi^ hasta),
Sg. 144^ 2, Per. 56^ 2 ; gortigim, g. sallo {gotrt, g. acidos),
Sg. 187<^ 6; *inilligim, tutor {inill, tutus), inilUgfid^ g. tutabitor,
Ml. 128<^ 8; *intledaigim, insidior {intlide, insidioBas; intU^ in-
sidise), intUdaigte, g. insidientium, Ml. 39° 25 ; intonsaigillli
g. inundo {in'\-tonn, unda), Sg. 144^ 2; ^lainnigim, avidiu
sum (lainriy acer, avidus), lainnigtef qui inbiant, Ml. 71^ 4;
^madaigim, frustror {madach, cassus), rusmadaigset fewn^ g. ipsos
frustrata sunt, Ml. 48^ 1, ni rumadaigsetf 48^ 2; monaig^im, bio
(mfifif biatus, rictus), menaigtSf g. incbiare, Ml. 71^ 4 ; ^mesraigim,
tempero, mani mesraigea^ Ml. 46<^ 15 ; mtinigiliL, g. mingo
{mun, urina), Sg. 174^ 2; ""^nuallaigim {nuall)^ nu[a]Uaigem^ g.
ploremus, Ml. 114^ 3; ^ollaigim, amplico {oil, magnus), oliaigihe,
g. amplica, Ml. 70° 7; recbtaigim, g. lego {reeJU^ lex), Sg.
60*' 16; conasarcagim, g. condilector {sere, amor), Wb. 8* 9;
^sdtaigim, vior {set, via), innani sitaigte, g. yiantium. Ml. 82* 4;
^slanaigim, sldn (salvus), sldnaigthe, g. osanna, Ml. 25* 2;
8albi[rigim], eloquens sum {sulhair, eloquens), Wb. 12* 10;
"^tirmaig^m, sicco {tirim, siccus), cothirmatgid, g. ut exsiccet, ML
44^ 8 ; tosngachtatgimse, g. pendo, Ml. 79* 9, cf. 78« 3 ; trebairigim,
g. sapio {trehair, sapiens, callidus), Sg. 146** 16, cf. Per. 67* 6*
ualligim, g. arrogo {tmllach, superbus), Sg. 22** 2; ^oruaidigim
{{lasalf alt us), ni foruaisligemni, g. non superextendioias nos, Wb.
17*> 17.
* The glossator connects obsero with sera ; cf. Sg. 183* 3. In Per. 67* 8
obsero is nghtly explained hy frisdunaim.
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN. 489
2. The Ieish Hymns.*
Deponent Forms. Actiye Forms.
clnininr.
subj. sg. 3. rodamcMoathar,^ Yu, 61.
cuirior.
tO'Cumttr,^ vii. 42.
pret. pi. 3. fordacorsatar, v. 66.
fetar.
sg. 3. Jltir, vi. 7.
""^gaininr.
perf. sg. 3. ffinair, ii. 1, 68.
adglddnr.
pret. sg. 3. adglddasta/Tf ii. 48.
*
labmr.
subj. sg. 3. rodomlahrathar, vii. 59.
moinior.
pres. ind. \ admunemmaTf iii. 1 ; cf .
pi. 3. j V. 98, 99.
perf. sg. 3. romhiair, ii. 67.
* Stokes, Goidelieay^ 121 sq. ; Tripartite Life of Patrick^ cxi., cxii., 48, 404,
426 ; Windisch, Irische Texts, i. 1 sq. ; Zimmer, Keltische StudieUf i. 5 sq.,
ii. 160 sq. ; Zeitschr. f. deutsehes Alterthum, xxxv. 72 ; Thurneysen, Hev.
Celt, vi. 326 sq. These are traditionally ascribed to several authors, from
St. Patrick's time down to the eighth century. For one of them, Fiacc's
hymn (ii.), Thurneysen has shown {I.e.) that its language is later than
the language of the glosses. He points to aabert for asrubarty dobert for
doratady and the absolute forms of the preterite gabaisy etc. Such an absolute
leic8i is found in a later addition to the Milan glosses ; the formation is common
in Tirechan's notes in the Book of Armagn; it probably arose from the
sufiixation of a pronoun, e.g. dli-a from {roAdli. Another new formation in
this hymn is the absolute secondary present joaid * he used to sleep ' to foad.
This is clearly a new analogical formation, like the absolute gabsit to rogabaat.
The language of the other hymns is of the same kind ; they ma^ be put, for
the most part at least, in the latter part of the eighth or m the ninth
century. St. Patrick's hymn (vii.) is, however, probaoly considerably older;
if StoKes {Trip. Life, ci.) be right, it falls before the Milan glosses. The
verbal forms in it are too few to furnish a sufficient basis for comparison.
In the Liber Hymnorum is added the Amra Choluimb Chiller but this is a
document of a different sort, written in a purposely obscure and affected
style, and evidently not nearly so old as it professes to be; cf. the forms
clunea 5, aexua 57, cuillHus 102, cluidsitu 119, etc., deaestar 120 ( = 0. Ir.
de88id)y congein 128, atgdill 123, dorumeoin 108, dringtkier 68.
* Rawl. B. 612 (Goidelica, 153) has the corruption rodomcluinedar.
* This form is preserved in Rawl. L. Hy. has tO'Cuirius. Apart from other
considerations the sense requires a present.
490 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Deponent Fobms. Actitb Forms.
-tluchnr.
ipy. Bg. 2. atlaigthSf ii. 49.
pret. 8g. 3. dotlu[cK\e9tari v. 47.
ddthraccar.
8. fut. 8g. 3. midiithrastar,^ vii. 39.
The dep. subj. of -ciu i8 found in nomdercadar, vii. 60; the
pret. m[s«]at>, v. 1. Deponent, 3 sg. s. pret. senastoTf v. 45
(but sSnaiSf v. 39) ; rodglinnestar, v. 46, noconmitlestar, v. 46 ;
aridralaatar,^ ii. 47 ; cf. v. 75.
Isolated deponent forms are tmadar^ (1. temadar) *may he
protect,' i. 2; ronfeladar *may he cover us,' i. 1; rontolomar^
* may we please him,' i. 35 ; rodonucHitadar^ vii. 48, Bawl.
{immimrorda, L. Hy.).
From 'Og-f -ig- verbs.
Deponent, nochosnagur, v. 105 ; caihaigestar, iii. 3.
Active, BamaigeSi ii. 55 ; tathichy v. 57.
3. CoBMAc's Glossaet.*
In the first class of verbs the deponent forms are well preserved.
^ E. has the pres. miduthracair,
^ In ii. 47 Stokes translates 'set him in motion'; in y. 75 doubtfully by
* wrought' (connecting it with Idaim * throw,' *put'?). The nearest parallel
I have noted is conarlaatar uade na dorsaide^ Windisch, Wb. 374».
* A deponent ipv. is found in Cormac's Glossary ^mAcfo (r=eimide, Laws, iv.
32. 23) ; cf. te^nathar A. ditnither, H. 3. 18, p. 651 (Stokes).
* nf. ratholathar * pleased,' LL. 171» 3.
* The Leabhar Breacc version of this work (Br.), with the fragment from
the Book of Leinster (L.), has been published by Stokes in his Three Irish
Glossaries. In the Transactions of the rhilological Society, 1891-2-3, 149 sq.,
he has published the fragment contained in Laud 610, Bodleian Library (B.),
with readings from the complete copy in the Yellow Book of Lecan (T*.), and
a fragment in Harl. 5280, British Museum. Through the kindness of Mr.
Stokes I have been enabled to use his transcript of the Book of Lecan for the
earlier part of the Glossary not included in the latter publication. The old
forms have been much better preserved in Y. than in Br., as a few exam^es
will show : — doimurg^ Y. ; timairgeasy Br. s.v. anforbracht ; timehell, Y. ;
timchellesj Br. s.v. Coire Brecain ; doe, Y. ; doity Br. s.v. deach. With regard
to the date of the work, it is traditionally ascribed to the King-bishop Cormac
of Cashel t903. Stokes, Three Irish Glossaries xviii., thinks that the greater
part of it was written, **if not in the time of Cormac, at least within a century
or so after his death." In his edition of the Bodleian fraf^ent he now hol^
that its language proves that it was written not much before the eleventh '
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STEACHAN. 491
Deponent Foems. Acnys Fobms.
oluinior.
ipv. sg. 2. cluinnte, s.v. auchaide, Y.
cnirior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. docuireda/ty doeuirethar} •
pret. sg. 3. docorustair, happened, s.Y.prulL
fetar.
8. subj. sg. 3. ctnifiastar, s.v. parn,
ipv. sg. 2. finta, s.v. ore.
finntay s.v. emhde,
*gainiur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. genither * is bom/ s.v. Buanand, gein ngainethary L.
{geneaSy Br.) 'a creature which is born/ s.v.
turigin, genethitr, Y. {genes no ^^wi^[A]tfr, Br.),
s.v. diuthach.
pi. 3. geniteVy s.v. .£^2<in.
perf. s.g. roghenatr, s.v. Cormac,
ad-glador.
pres. ind. sg. 3. nitaicelladar * does not address thee/ B. {nitaicelfe
* will not address thee/ Br.), s.v. ^rwW.
ipv. sg. 2. atomglaitesey B. {nomaeelhiy Br.) * address me/
ib., nahacaldai, B. ib.
century. Zimmer, Kennius Vindicatus 89 ; cf . Zeitsehrift fur DeuUehea Alter '
thum 118-120, holds the view that the work was written by Cormac and
"erfuhr unter einem Nachfolger Cormac' s (Brian) zwischen 1001 nnd 1014
eine Neuausgabe, in der es abgesehen von gele&^entlichen Znsatzen auf nns
gekommen ist." I hope it will become clear in the course of this investigation
that the original work cannot have been composed later than, at the latest, in
the first halt of the tenth century, and that any new edition from which our MSS.
mav have come, must have preserved very faithfully the old forms. Moderni-
zation of the language is certainly found in the Leabhar Breaee version, and,
beside the modern form, the old form is often given as a variant, e.g. airises no
arsisedar^ Br. s.v. cuisnit: arsiaedar, Y. ; eoncnaid no eoncna, Br. s.v. imbas
forosnai: concna cett., but how far back this text goes I do not see any means
of determining. In other respects, too, Br. differs from the other text. It is
to be noted that in the Irish interpretations of Latin phrases we find late forms,
as s.v. apatal .1. ab posdulo .i. ad dominum poadulo .i. toehurimm, where,
corresponding to the language of the bulk of the work, we should expect
dochuiriur. Here we can hardly avoid the conclusion that we have to deal with
later additions.
* docuiredar {doeuirethar, Br.) eachai ittMimm aroliy s.v. Coire Breeain ;
docuiredar iaramforsin choire * lights upon the cauldron,' ib. Y. ; bole doeuirethar
for aigid duine ' a swelling which comes on the face of a man,' s.v. ferb, Br. ;
Y. has doeuirethar induine fora gruadaibh * which a man gets upon his cheeks ' ;
toenirethar, LL. ; doeuirethar , Y., springs (vrith eUipsis of bedg, of which we
shall have more examples), s.v. taurthat.
' s.v. eartit, Y. has araeuiretary but as coaa is nom. a pass. Ib required,
foraeurt[^h^arj Stokes after Br,
492 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Deponent Forms. Actiye Fobms.
pret. 8g. 3. cein cotnaiclesta/r, s.y. lethech.
adffladastar, 8. v. prulL
midior.
pres. ind. sg. 1. fortomiddur (in quotation), b.v. laith,
admtdiur (in quotation), s.y. mann,
perf. sg. 3. romtdat'r, romidir^ s.v. anair,
dorumidtr, s.v. laith.
8. fut. sg. 2. mestr (in quotation), s.v. segamla,
sissior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. arsisedar^ Y. {atrises, Br.) 'rests on,' s.v. aursa.
arsmdoTf Y. {atrises no arsisedar, Br.), s.v. euisnit}
arsisedar, s.v. defuach, Y.
-tluohar.
pres. ind. sg. 1. atlocor, s.v. arcoy dotluchor^ Y. (tothltcffur, Br.), ib.
In addition to these may be mentioned a form, muinethar,^ found
in quotation, s.v. fasach I take sechid from sechim * say ' : sechid
fo seinhreith forsin caingin frecnairc * he speaks according to an
old judgment in the present case.'
Deponent perfect forms are found in docoemnaaair * hap-
pened,' s.v. ore and immoscoemarcair * asked them,' B.Y.prull.
From verbs originally deponent active forms are found in
nildbra rail (labrur) * he does, not speak clearly,' s.v. hrinda,
and in ammolas * when he praises ' {molur), s.v. fili, Y.
{amolad, Br.). From both of these verbs, as we have seen,
active forms are found in the Milan Glosses.
From -ag-y -ig- verbs.
Deponent forms are found in galuigeda/r^ * boils,' Y., s.v.
^ In the same gloss Br. has for the sg. forsanairisethar in ddlaige^ Y., the
pi. foraanairisetar in ddlaigi. The sg. suits the latter part of the gloss hotter.
* s.v. ebron:ebr6n imamuinethar nieirg .i. imatimcella meirg 7 immanith
* which rust surrounds and eats.* Br. has the obviously inferior reading ebron
imamuintear (.i. imaiimchella) meirg 7 ima[n']ith. Mr. Stokes, taking ifna-
timchella as the translation 01 immamuinethary suggests that muinethar means
* goes * *<J men Urkeltischer Sprachachatz 208; cf. diatomna^ g. diati^ LU. 67* 25.
If this be so we may compare with muinethar in iona. fuinethar in the artificial
language of the Dialogue of the Two Sages, ifuinethar go .i. ifeacrigend go
*in which lying sets,' LL. 186^ 43. But whether imaiimchella is intended
to be the exact explanation of immamuinethar is rendered doubtful by immelois
luinethar A. immatitnchella suiUe 'which light surroimds/ s.v. loes.
^ fo cosmailess ngaluigedar eoire mbis for tein * as a cauldron boils that is on
the fire.*
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 493
Coire Brecain, nemthigedar * that dignifies ' (in quot.), s.v. nith^
connoenaigedar,^ s.v. Turigen, Y., rorathaigeatar, s.v. lethech.
Active forms in roainmnigset, s.v. ness^ eumachtaigsiumy Y.
{eumachtatgsim, Br.), s.v. dtancecht, deockraigaSy Y., s.v. anair,
rosuidtgset, s.v. Umuin, dosuidigset, Y. {rosuidestar, Br.), s.v.
gall, ttrmaiges, Y., s.v. croicend, urdarcaigim, s.v. celebrad.
4. Old Heroic Texts.
Audacht Morainn » (LL. 293^294^ ').
Deponent Forms. Actiye Forms.
♦btour, roar,
pres. ind. sg. 3. hiiredar, 294^ 2.
♦ciallur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. arnsctalladar,* 293^ 43.
* Br. has the passiye form eonoenaigtery but an original deponent form is
more likely to have been corrupted than an original passive. L. and Br. have
a different text.
* Most of these texts are taken from the Leahhar na h- Uidhri (LU.) and the
Book of Leinster (LL.) ; one or two come from the Yellow Book of Lecan (Lc),
which, though of later date, contains ancient texts carefully copied, in which
the old forms are well preserved. I should have liked to draw upon Lc. to
a greater extent, but the long delay in the publication of the facsimile has
made that impossible. The probable antiquity of some of these tales has been
discussed by Zimmer, KZ. xxviii. 426-444, Zeitschrift f. deutsches Alterthum,
xxxii. 229-239, xxxiii. 129 sq., xxxv. 1 sq., and by Pflugk-Hartung, Rev.
Celt. xiii. 170 sq., with very oifEerent conclusions. It is vain to attempt to
fix the date at which these texts assumed practically their present form until the
language in which they are composed has been nilly investigated, of course
with due consideration of any historical or archaeological evidence. The fact
that the deponent flourishes here will help to fix an mferior limit. The Tain
B6 Ctiailngey Togal Bruidne La Bergay Tochmare Etdine^ Serglige Canculaind,
and Fled Bricrend have been analysed by Zimmer, KZ. xxviii. Zimmer* s
composition theory has been acutely criticised for the Togal Bruidne La Lerga,
by Nettlau, Rev. Celt, xii., xiii., and for the Zb'tw, Rev. Celt, xiv., xv. In the
following lists the addition of (v.) signifies that the form is found in verse ;
of (r.) that it occurs in one of those diflicult rhythmical declamations which
are so indicated on the side of the MS.
* Of this ancient and diflicult text I have a good version from the Yellow
Book of Lecan (Y.| and H. 2. 7, T.C.D. (H.) (the Y. text I copied in haste
and in a very bad light, and some parts of it I had no time to decipher, but
it is the same as H. 2. 7) ; another version from R.I. A. 23, N. 27 (A.)
(written apparently in 1713, with a copious interlinear gloss) and R.I. A. 23,
N. 10 (B.) (the two texts are almost identical), and abbreviated copies from
LL. 346 (L2.), and R.I.A. 23, N. 27 (A».), written in 1714. The language
of the text is very ancient; among other things we still find initial ml for
later bly as the alliteration shows — is tre fir Jlatha meaarada mdra for fedaih
ata manna milUi mlaasaigter : here L. has blasaaigtery U. blaiasetar, but
Y. has mblaiaaetary similarly H., mblaaethary B., mblaiaig hiker y A.
* The meaning is not clear to me. H. has arxadallatar. A', aria ciallathar ;
the word does not appear in A., B., or L'.
494 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IBISH — J. STBACHAN.
Deponent Forms. Actiyb Fobjcb.
oon-oim, preserve,
subj. 8g. 3. eonoadar, 293** 2 {eonofasomf H., Y.).
fut. Bg. 3. ootnofadaTy Y., H. ; cotnofathar^ B. ; eotnofaither^
A. ; cotndha, L. 293» 2.
eotnofadar, Y. ; eodanodfhathar, A^. ; eotndha,
L. 294*» 1 1 ; cotnoaha, 294^ 21 (not in other texts).
cuiriar.
pres. ind. sg. 3. docwredar, L'. 34 6** 5, Y., H.
subj. sg. 3. eoradar, 294* 1 ; nicorathar, Y., H. ; «t euirethar,
A.^
fetar.
s. subj. sg. 3. fiasta/r. A., B.
follnur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. follnada/r, 294^ 8 ; follnatha/Ty Y., H.
"^olamor.
subj. sg. 2. wrafohaaider,^ (?), 293* 44.
midinr.
pres. ind. sg. 1. atamidiuTy 294^ 15.*
s. fut. sg. 3. admestar, 239* 24,* etc.
Prom 'du subj. tarmamdecedarj Y., H. {=iarmodecaif
L, 293»» 42, similarly A., A*, B.).
Active forms of deponent verbs are found in nosseichfe'
* will foUow,' L*. 346* 50, ^nd cluines, Y.,« H.
Yerbs in -ag-, -ig-.
cotomicnigeda/r * compels me,' 294^ 16 {cotameignighther. A'.),
fossaigedar, 293^ 22 {foaaiges, Y., H.), maithighdery Y.,
mathigdiry H. (leg. maihigedar^mathiges, L. 294* 21), huaali"
gethoTy B. {hiuiish'gthery A.), fathigedar, H.
1 Under the influence of the mdicative, cf . p. 9, note.
2 So arafolmitheTf B., arahfolmuighter fasach with the gloss 7 follamhnaigh
no follamhnaighther anjfiss dghsa^ A. ; adfollnathar with different text Y., H.
^ The same phrase is found in A., A*., B., but in a different connection.
* admestar dale dulemon * he shall iudge the creatures of the Creator.' The
glossator seems to have misunderstooa the passage ; he interprets mestair duile
a dhuilamhuin *the creature shall judge its Creator.' In 1. 26 L. has wrongly
the nom. talam^ so A. adinestar asa toirthuibh talamh, but B. atmeatar asa
lantorath talmain.
5 This text shows other later forms. It is curious how seckitr has vanished in
the profane literature.
^ Fobitan bithauthain airfirflatheman suitke eluinea comad mo chose iarmotha
sunn in passage correspondmg to cluined mo chose iarmothd tund, L. 293* 47.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 495
Tdin B6 Erdich (LL. 248»— 252»»).
DEPONENT Forms. Active Forms.
agnr.
pres. ind. eg. 1. aitagwr, 249^ 41.
clninior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. rochluinethar^ 250* 37.
cuiriur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. docuirethm-y 250» 47.
pret. sg. Z* (^^or«v<ar(happened),
248* 24.
CO corastrnTy 250** 49.
adgl&dnr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. adglada/r^ 249» 52.
pi. 3. i'mmosnacailletf 250* 6.
subj. pi. 1. eonacaldam, 252* 4.
-ciu.
subj. pi. 1. conaccamar, 250*
14 ; cf. 19.
3. condaccatar, 251* 17.
Yerbs in -ag-, -ig-.
Deponent — roairigesta/r, 250* 27, naddnairigmer, 249** 12.
Sc61 Mnicce Maic Datho* (LL. 111*»— 114*).
adglddor.
subj. sg. 1. corotaciUiur, 112** 47.
esor.
subj. sg. 2. cenconessara,^ 112* 23.
labror.
subj. sg. 3. cenco lahradar (v.), 112* 26.
Deponent perf. ni damat'r (v.) *did not grant/ 114* 32.
^ It would be easy to correct to adgladadavy but the same form is found
elsewhere, e s. adngladar^ Ml. 63^ 17, and the question might be raised whether
we have not dissimilation. On the other hand adgladadar is found, Ml. 115^ 6,
LU. 120» 14.
2 This ancient tale has been edited by "Windisch, Iriache Texte^ i. 93 aq.y with
variants from H. 3, 18, T.C.D. and Harleian, 5280 Brit. Mus.
3 On such subjunctive forms see Zimmer, KZ. xxviii. 342 sq.
496 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Yerbs in -ag-.
Deponent nombertaigedar *he shakes himself,' 112* 43,
rodmhertaigeda/Ty^ 113** 11, romhertaigestar, 113** 7.
AqUyq rufhuachtnaigy 112** 13.
Longes Mac n-TJsnig (LL. 259**-261**).*
Deponent Forms. Active Forms.
ad-agnr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. adnatgethar^ (v.), 259** 25.
beccim.
pret. sg. 3. heccestar (v.), 259** 32, 33.
♦bnriur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. liirithar (hurethar, Lc), 259** 37.
cluinior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. cluinethar^ (v.), 259** 24.
ipv. sg. 2. cluMise (v.), 259** 49.
♦derdmr, roar.
pres. ind. sg. 3. derdrethar (v.), 259** 23.
pret. sg. 3. roderdrestoTf 259** 43.
♦gainiur.
perf. sg. 3. rogenairy 259** 45.
samlar.
pres ind. sg. 1. samlamdr^ (v.), 259** 34.
Yerbs in -ag-.
Deponent crechtnaigedar (v.), 259** 26.
* Better nodbertaigedaTf Harl.
' Edited by Windisch, Irische Texte, i. 59 sq, with variants from the Yellow
Book of Lecan, and Egerton, 1782 Brit. Mus.
^ mor n'uath adnaigethar mo chride crechtnaigedar cruaid * great horror which
my heart fears that the steel (?) wounds.* Eg. has the passive forms ataanaigthax
and crechtnaigthsj, a common kind of error. Lc. has the deponent forms, but
crech tnaigethar.
^ cluasaib cluinethar glaim. We should, perhaps, read cluinetar, and translate
* ears which hear.*
^ Eg. has introduced the active samluimse * I compare.' Deponent forms
of this verb are rare in these texts except in the ipv. mmuilte. An example is
found in a poem, LL. 145*>, fritotsamlor * I compare thee,' 11. 4, 8, by the side
of frtssamiaitiif 3, 7, 9, 10.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 497
Tain Bo Eegamain.^
Deponent Fokms. Active Forms.
addgor.
preB ind. sg. 1. adagar *I fear,' 37, 48.
pi. 1. ataguma/Ty Eg. 42.
fetar.
sg. 1. rofhedoTy 15 {rofetamvr, Eg.).
adglador.
pres. ind. pi. 3. adgladata/Tj Eg. 39.
immumacallaiar, 12.
subj. pi. 1. conarladmar, 42.
8. fut. pi. 3. adglaasma/rniy^ 49.
con-midior.
8. fut. pi. 1. conmeaama/r,^ Eg. 38.
sissior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. imasisedary^ bl ,
pi. 1. fohsisema/rni * we stand by you,* 42, 53.
Tain Bo Regamna.*
cluiniar.
subj. 1 cluineniy 40 [cluiniumy
pi. 1. 1 Eg.).
cnirior.
pret. sg. 3. conid corustair^ 4.
adglador.
. , / adgladmtheT8Uf27 (Eg,
,, I corrupts into atgla-
\ daigthevsu),
* Edited by Windiscb, Irische Texte, ii. 2, 224 sq. from the Yellow Book of
Lecan, and Egerton, 1782.
2 In Lc. 41 occurs conarlaaar inniy which, as the corresponding Eg. text,
connarlaidid inna maeco *that ye may address the youths,' shows, must mean
' that ye may address him.' lirldsar for arldsid is an analogical formation
to arlasamar arldsatar. Cf. athgenair *ye recognise,' Irische I'eztej ii. 1, 176.
This form of the 2 pres. pi. did not succed in establishing itself, -bair
prevailing instead.
3 This form supports my view of coimmeatary Ml. 127* 19. Windisch, as I
see now, also suggests connection with eommua * power.' Lc. has conisamar ;
coniccim is regidarly active.
* imasiaedar doih *sie bleiben zusammen stehen,' an impersonal use of the
deponent. Cf. immaainithar doib, LU. 60» 3.
* Edited by Windisch, Iriache lexte, ii. 2, 239 sq., from the Yellow Book of
Lecan and Egerton, 1782.
498 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Deponent Fobjcs. Actiyb Forms.
adgladith^T8U^A{atgla-
daigth^TSUy Eg.).
3. adomgladatJtar 26^; cf.
30, nimaeaUadar^^
Eg. 30).
labror.
pres. ind. i aralahradm', 28.
sg. 3. )
Deponent preterite diuchrastair * awoke/ 3.
Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil n-Dermait.'
adag^u^.
pres. ind. pi. 1. nitaghamar * we fear thee not/ 199.
cniriar.
pres. ind. sg. 3. doscuretJiar, 126.
pi. 3. doscmretar hede, 53.
pret. sg. 3. cotochrastar * so that it alighted/ 259.
fetar.
sg. 1. nifeta/Tj 186.
2. infetarsUy 156; of. 135, infetaraisy^ 203.
8. fut. sg. 1 roessur, 157.
s. Bubj. sg. 2. eofesar, 106.
adglador.
pres. ind. sg. 1. adgladursdy 231.
3. atagladad\_ar]f 217.
athgladar,^ 198.
pret. sg. 2. adrogaiker,^ 231.
3. atgladastar, 110.
^ Eg. has atttmgladatarj which is to be corrected with Windisch to atumgUt'
dathar ; cf . atomgladathar in the following line.
* Lc. is here corrupt.
8 Edited by "WincQsch from the Yellow Book of Lecan, Irische Texte^ vl,
1, 164 80.
* A Mid. Jr. new formation iox fetar,
* As to a possible adgladar, see p. 52, note. It is impossible to regard a
here as anything but a blunder, due perhaps to association in the writer's mind
with glaidim * 1 shout.'
8 On the pret. stem ad-ro-glds- cf . Thumeysen, KZ. xxyiii. 151 sq. ; xxxi.
99 sq.
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 499
Deponent Forms. Actiye Forms.
samlur.
ipv. 8g. 2. samailte lat, 87.
samailtaiu (sic), 80.
sissinr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. arstsethar (MS. -etar), 48.
pi. 3. arsisetar, 17.
subj. pi. 1. ardanssamar * we will support them/ 44.
Isolated form condarlaithir ' * dass du sie triffst/ 204.
Deponent pret. roma/rastar • * remained/ 272.
Togail Bruidne Da Derga (LU. 83»-99»).
pres. ind. sg. 3. atdgethar, 87^ 24.
*buriur.
pres. ind. pi. 3. hiirity 95* 30.
*ciallur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. ciallathar (v.), 91* 4.
cluiniur.*
pres. ind. sg. 1. rocluimur, 86» 15.
cmriTir.
pres. ind. sg. 3. doeutrethar(bedff)fSl^30;\
of. 85* 41, docorethar,^ f j* i • -j «»,>, «»,
,^«h, . . .X ^'> diehutrtd, 91^27.
92*» 1, toscuiretha/Ty 85*» i
14, tacurethar, 84» 27. /
pi. 3. toscureta^ (MS. ^...e.r.- | -^^^ .^,^ 37. g^.
<Aar), W^, 86* 38. )
fetar.
pres. ind. sg. 1. ni hetar, 82* 27, ros/etar, 93, 11.
fetur,^ 86* 4, 92* 26, etc.
1 Cf. tarlathar, p. 62.
* This verb in the Glosses and elsewhere is regularly active ; deponent forms
are found in the Laws, ii. 316, 1. 18, mad maratkar^ 338, 1. 18, muna
marathar.
8 nisndigsimmis, of the facsimile 86*> 26, should doubtless be nimdigifimmia.
* Pres. sec. rocldtisy 85* 13, fut. sec. pass, rocechlastaif 88^ 24.
* innan-dath n-ecsamail docorethar fair; cf. 92* 26, indat ilgne docuirthir
infoltfair. The pres. sec. is docorady 85^ 14.
^ This form of fetuvy with -«r from the present deponential ending, is
common in these texts. So nifetorsa, Irish Notes in the Book of Armagh, 11.
500 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
DbPONBNT F0BM8. ACTXYB F0&M8.
ipv. Bg. 2. fintai, 92^ 37.
8. 8ubj. pi. 3. ro/essaidr, 87^ 9.
adglddor.
pret. 8g. 3. ataraglMtar .i. roaieiU,
86» 17.
labrur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. tntan lahras, 88^ 25.
laimur.
pres. ind. 8g. 1. ni laimim,^ 98^ 9.
3. nilomethar, 95^ 11.
pi. S, fdldimetdr, 95» 10.
samlor.
ipv. Bg. 2. samailte, 86^ 4, 18, 86^ samail, 93» 11, 94» 5.
13, «a»kif7^f, 87*21.
slssinr.
preB. ind. Bg. 3. tairmedar^ 89^ 3.
tairi9eth4xr, 95* 23.
♦tuigiur 'cover.'*
pres. ind. sg. 3. imdatuigethar,^ 95* 25.
Deponent perfect, dochoefnnacair, 98* 28.
Verbs in -ag-, -f^-.
Deponent, nodniamaigetar ^ (* place '), 90* 27.
Active, cressaigthi (* shakes it '), 89* 28, cresiaigthe^ 95* 36,
rataiges (1. rathaiges * marked *), 83* 15.
Flight of Etain (LU. 129).
cuiriur.
pret. sg. 3. condacorastdr, 129* 15.
* In a Tersion professedly taken from another source ; it also contains ro/r»
for earlier roiii.
« Cf. ardatngethar * which covers him,' LU. 81* 11 =LL. 1%^ 32 : in a similar
di'soription, LL. TiO" 47, ratuigedar\ in a quotation in Cormac's Glossary, s.v.
Titrifftn, nitulach fri tuirigin tuigethar tuik mar mttirnCy which may mean
• not a hill for a king whom a great lioi>d of spears covere ' ; cf . Stokes, Trans.
Phil. Soc. 1891-3, pt. i. 194.
•* On analojry of the ik*p., rodligestdr^ 83» 12, as in Ml. ; other dep. preterites
rofntatdr, 1)7^ 42 ; immaiditnestur^ 98*^ 42.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 501
Deponent Forms. Actiye Forms.
mmniur.
pres. ind. sg. 1. domuiniur, 129^ 8,
sissior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. msisedar (=(W^+0> ^^9* 36.
Tochmarc Etaine (LU. 129^-130^).
-tluohur.
pret. sg. 3. atlaigestdvy 130^ 17.^
Deponent perf. ni arddmair, 130* 5.
Yerbs in -«^-, -ty-, hudigthe (pres. sg. 3), 130^ 17, eatrigitu,
129»» 44, rdthaigis, 130* 13.
Tochmarc Etaine (LU. 129^-132).
cluinior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. clunithar (r.), 132. 8.
oniriar.
subj. sg. 2. outre, 131. 7.
toehre (r.), 132. 7.
ipv. sg. 2. cuirthe (r.), 132. 7.
♦fo-ciallur.
pret. sg. 3. fochiallasta/r .i. rotinoil,
132. 16.
Deponent perf. ddmair^ 132. 1.
Deponent pret. alraigestar, 131. 15.
*gainiur.
fat. sg. 3. dogignestdr do menmay
131. 19.
Tain B6 Cuailnge' (LU. 55-82, LL. 63^-1 04»»).
dgor, do-dgur,
pres. ind. sg. 1. atdgur, LU. 75* 30.
* In other LU. texts not given apart here tothlaigestar, 128^ 7 (Compert
Conculaind), atlugestar, 133* 18 (Sc6l Mongain) ; addidmirj 133* 19, atddmuir,
133^ 2. An isolated dep. pret. eissistir .i. iarfaigis * asked,* 134*> 10.
2 There is a marked contrast between the LU. and the LL. texts in their
treatment of verbs originally deponent. In the LU. version the deponent
inflexion is well preserved ; in the IjL. version deponent forms are hardly found
Phil. Trans. 189U2-3. 33
502 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Dbfonbnt Fobms. Active Fobhs.
Bg. 3. atotdgathm- (v.), LTJ. 67* 5.
ardatt&gadar (y.)> LL.
57* 29.
nagpathar ' who does not
fear'(v.),LL. 95»34.
nitt&gadar,^ 73* 9.
pi. 1. itagammar, LL. 56» 10.
inti tagammar, LL. 57*
47.
3. inimdigetarsa ^ do they
fear me,' LTJ. 67» 32.
Bubj. Bg. 2. ni agither, LU. 64* 14.
♦airliur.
Bubj. Bg. 3. eonairlither, LTJ. 73* 27.
*bMur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. hiirethar(T,)fL'U. 66*29.
fut. pi. 3. eomhur/et, LL. 100* 31.
olnminr.
pres. ind. Bg. 1. cluniur (r.), LTJ. 66* 42. a^<;A^»m(r.),LL.83* 11.
dochlun%m{T.)iiAj. 83*21.
except in the verb dgur^ which, as we shall see, remained deponent even in
late texts, and in perfects in -ar, where the deponent inflexion suryiyed longer
than in other parts of the verb. The inference is that LL. represents a later
redaction. of this popular tale. The evidence of the deponent here supports
Nettlau's view of the LL. text. Note also the frequency of verbs in -aiffintf
and of dep. forms in the third persons of the a preterite in LL., particularly
in the Ferdiad episode, on which see Zimmer's remarks, Zeitschrift f. Deutsches
Alterthum, xxxii. 302. In LU. verbs in -aiffim are rare, as are dep. forms
of the a pret. The passage in which these latter most occur, p. 79, agrees
verbally with the LL. text, and conveys the impression that it is a later
addition. Properly the LL. version of the T^n should have been put with
other heroic tales in which the deponent inflexion has been lost, but it has
been kept here for the sake of contrast with LU. For the most part,
forms on the right-hand side of the page come from LU. ; those on the left-
hand side from LL. Active forms from LU. and deponent forms from LL.
are printed in thick type.
^ nitcharadar nittdgadar * he loves thee not, he fears thee not,' where
'Caradar is used for the usual -cara for the sake of the jingle, like 6r. ^^ofAoi
KoiX xa^po/iai, f^^yKofiai Koi veplSofiai. In the corresponding passage, LU. 70* 43
has the unintelligible nachitaiss nachitchara. Considering the Irish fondness
for alliteration one might emend nachitchaias nachitchara * who hates thee not,
who loves thee not* ; there might be a verb *caaaim connected with caiaa * hatred.'
Eg. 93 (Rev. Gelt. xiv. 268) nas the apparently corrupt nachatarathar naeha'
tairithear.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN. 503
Deponent Forms. Active Forms.
8g. 3. rochlunethar.LTJ 61^27; ) ^,^,;^,v»(r.),LL. 83a 21.
cf. 61* 10, 82* 20. ) ^ ^
Bubj. pi. 1. elunemnt, LL. 82* 5.
3. ndcocldraty^ LL. 95* 18.
ipv. sg. 2. cluinte (r.), LTJ. 66* 38.
« , , „ ( eoneechlafaty^ LL. 61*
" *^* ' I 41; cf. 64*42.
cobraim * I belp.'
pres. ind. sg. 1. naohatchobtathar (v.)
' it helps thee not,' LL.
84* 42.
pret. sg. 3. cobrastar, LL. 87* 34.
cnirior.
pres. ind. sg. 1. friscuriur, LTJ. 57* 26.
3. rfo.wr.^A.r 'lights upon,' | . .^^^^ i^^. 78I, 33.
LU. 71* 10. )
tocurethar (with ellipsis
of bedg) * springs/ LU.
63* 23.
foouirethar, LL.59, 1. 47.
foclmridar,' LL. 73* 49.
pi. 3. curit, LL. 96* 25.
subj. sg. 2. cuire(a8ipv.),LU.58*17.
cocorastar, LTJ. 59* 32.* dicuris, LL. 62* 27.
pret. sg. 3. dochorastdry LTJ. 65* 41 ; ^ rochuir, LL. 60* 13.
cf. 82* 13. j rachuir, LL. 73* 24.
tocorastdr, LTJ. 70* 10. ratchuir, LL. 102* 15.
fut. sg. 3. ocurfe (v.), LL. 56* 48.
immaourfi, LU. 72* 4.
fetar.
sg. 1 . rafetnrsa, LU. 7 1 ' 1 , etc.
and LL.
^ Cf . on the form p 6, note.
' With transition to the b future. A simple redupKcated future with act.
inflex. noscechla is found, LL. 47*^ 12, in a poem ascribed to Dalian M. More,
the corresponding pass, cichlaitiry 47* 11. Pass., ocechlaatarj lOO'' 26.
3 fochuridar autna don chlettin forain sruth 'the bronze of the spear lighted (?)
on the stream ' ; cf. IjU. 70*> 10, airm inarraaar anuma don cletiniu * the place
in which the bronze of the spear rested.*
* Does corodechrastdr belong here, LU. 80* 14 (the passage is quoted,
Windisch, Worth. 668», top of page), where the meaning is not altogether clear ?
Mr. Stokes suggests that it means * differed,' comparing dechor 'difference.'
504 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN,
Deponent Forms. Actiyb Forms.
rafetar, LTJ. 68» 33, etc.
and LL. 64* 6, etc.
2. rafetarsu, LTJ. 69* 30 ;
cf. LL. 62^ 44, 66* 6.
3. niconfitir, LTJ. 73» 12,
etc. and LL.
ipv. sg. 2.Jinta88U, TJ. 66* 26.
fut. 8g. 1. Jinnuhsaj LL. 100* 60.
s. subj. 8g. 1. oofessnr, LL. 68* 33.
pi. 1. eofessammarfJjU.bS^iS,
71M.
^foohiallnr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. fdchiallathar (r.), LTJ.
78»30.
♦foUnur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. falnathar (r.), LTJ. 67*4.
♦gainiur.
peif. sg. 3. rogenair, LL. 86* 18.
fut. sg. 3. adgignetharf^JJJ,^%*2, gigne, LL. 87* 35.
adgladur.
ipv. sg. 2. acalkuy LL. 70* 30.
. o ( raacallais, LL. 70* 48,
3. ni«.W^mr,»LTJ.71Ml.|^»^^«' ^^- ^8' 15
( «LL. 76* 40.
arlastarij^lJ), LTJ.7 1*40.
laiminr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. ni latmethar, LTJ. 67*
33.
pi. 3. nahmat, LL. 72* 21.
perf. sg. 3. ni Idtnatr, LTJ.. 81* 41,
82* 33.
fut. sg. 3. noeolematther, LTJ. 63* 15.
^ adgignethar do each ni atbath * everything that was destroyed shall be made
good to him * ; cf. adgeinithir (sic) * they are returned,' Laws, ii. 312, 1. 24,
aithgin 'restitution,* ibid. 272, 276, 310, etc.
^ Cf . p. dOf note : arlastar under the influence of the dep. ending 'OBtar ; cf.
tarraataii; p. 22.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 505
Deponent Forms. Active Forms.
midinr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. midedar{r.\ LTJ. 66* 21.
perf. 8g. 3. tfo»^rmdM^e>(*hit'),LTJ.
73»» 20.
damfdair, LL. 80* 31,
102* 24.
ramidair, LL. 92* 49.
molnr.
pret. sg. 2. rosmolats, LL. 83*24 ; cf .
L 37.
maramolatSf LL. 83* 22.
sissior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. tarrassaid, LL. 103* 31.
pi. 3. arsisetar, LTJ. 69* 29.
subj. eg. 3. (as ipv.), fasisedar * he
shall stop,' LTJ. 71* 34.
ipv. sg. 2. airisiu, LTJ. 78* 32, LL.
76* 38.
dtithraooar.
sg. 1. doduthracar, LTJ. 67* 29.
pi. 1. dathracmar, LL. 82* 9.
♦tuigiur.
ardatugethar,^ LTJ. 81*
11, LL. 78*33.
Isolated deponent forms — ^faiohlither, oongebethar,^ LTJ.
79*3 13^ 81* 30^ LL. 77* 3, 19 ; conidtharlathar,* *so that it
* Cf. p. 67, note.
* Faichlethar cath (?) (r.), 96» 37 ; cf. nadfoiehledar, Saltair na Rann, 8060,
and/(H<rA/im, Windisch, Wb.
3 This form seems to be used impersonally (cf. p. 64), followed by do.
LU. 79* 18 ( = LL. 77* 18), focheird a lurecha immo echaib congebethar
doib 0 thul CO aurdomd do gdinib, etc., which seems to amount to *■ he throws
mailcoats about the horses so that thev are covered from forehead to croup
with little spears,' etc. Eg. 93 (Rev. Celt. xv. 77) has Ian doghainibh. Lul
81* 29, cliabinar aroil congebethar d6 co barruachtar a dondfiiathroci don dergi
mileta do srol rig *a cliabinar (breast-tunic) of silk, so that he is covered to
the upper extremity of ^m fuathbroc with the warrior scarlet of the silk of kinjfs.'
The literal translation may perhaps be * there extends to them (him) of.' LL.
79* 4 has condriced. Cf. thara uathroig srebhnaidhi ardillsechtair congebhethi
dhoson 0 thana a thaibh go Hugh a ahUasda^ Eg. 93 (Rev. Celt. xv. 77) :
cf. LL. 77* 41. The third passage, onagebethar ar luamnairecht Mm d6
anechtair^ LU. 79* 3 = LL. 77* Z=conachgebedh ar luamnibh a lam amaigh
anechtair, E^., is not clear to me. Active congeib * which extends,' LL. 99* 37.
* A transitive airlathar is found, LU. 71* 26, tdet Zttgaid chuci y aranairlathar
do inn ingin, which seems to mean 'let L. go to him and offer (P) him the
maiden,' but I have no other examples of such a meaning.
506 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
(the spear) lighted,' LL. 73^ 45 (cf. cotmrla, 74* 37) ; conlind-
fadar,^ LL. 102** 48, 103* 21, immasinithar ^ ; of todonethar,
sligethar^ nerethar (r.), LTJ. 78* 27, 28, I can make nothing.
Deponent perfects — LTJ. conaccsmnacair, 77* 33 ; eonarrasair,
81^ 26 ; inarrasar, 70* 10 ; tarrasatr, 80* 39. A further
extension hy analogy, imchomareair * he asked,' 62* 7 ; ana-
logical extensions in LL.,^atac8Binnacair, 97*35; ritacoemna-
oair, 97*22; conarnecar, 80* 21 ; ni fsdrlangair, 87* 15;
ni arlaoair, 57* 2, 69* 28 ; forromair, 83* 8 ; ijnp&dar, 68^ 21.
Verbs in -agf-, -ty-.
Deponent LTJ. niairigestdr, 69* 34; arigseta/Ty 57* 17;
cotneicnigedaVy 61* 20 ; nonsaraigedar^ 59* 26 ; LL. radeltgetar,
57* 16, rachomfatcsigestart^ 86* 7; rafeochratgsetar, 86* 6 ;
goroguasaigsetar, 86^ 45; raruamnatgsetar, 103* 54.*
^ From the context the word seems to mean * dare,' eta colindfadar inn oehain
mo phoba Chonchohair do thiMryain amlaidseo 7 rnesH imbethaid * who shall dare
to strike my father Conchobar's '*Groaner'* in this way, and I alive?' ; da
colinfadhar na balchriathraso dordda frimsa * who shall dare to speak these
mighty words to me ? ' But that is a mere guess, and I haye no other instance
of the word.
2 Impersonally tmmfl*/wi^^ar rfofi * they grapple with one another,' LU. 60* 3 ;
cf. p. 54, note.
3 Ataceemnacair, ritacoemnaoair are new formations for the Old and Middle
Irish atachomnaiCy which is also found in the T^iin. Conarnecar ria *who
met him'; cf. conarniCy 75^ 17. Nifcerlangair *he did not endure,' from
fulangim. Ni arlaeair * he did not permit ' from arleieim ; cf . ni arlaiCy LL.
7'S^ 29. Forromair * he laid ' ^forruim {fuirmim). As to impddar — impddar
Cuchulaind friu 7 benais a se cinnu dib ' C. turned upon them and cut off their
six heads' — I can only suggest that it may be an analogical formation from
the 3 pi. impdtar (LL. 103* 28).
^ Deponent forms are very common in LL. in the third persons of. the <
preterite, and these may be retransformations of active forms.
* In LL. deponential forms are exceedingly common in the « pret., especially
after p. 80, ana above all in the Ferdiad episode. In LU. they are most frequent
in p. 79, a passage wbich is found in much the same words in LL. The
following list is not exhaustive. LU. rocaraatar, 72* 31 ; eondacermnaatar,
64* 9; doretlaistir, 68t» 16; rogabaatar^ 79 passim; roinniaimar^ 68* 4. LL.
dalaatar, 63^ 26 (raddl^ 64* 11); radraatar, 81* 33; nirfaemaatar, 74^ 39;
raeittchestar; 81* 33 ; ragabaatary 72*> 48, 77 passim, 86 passim, 92^ 4 ;
rogeaiatarj 61* 18 ; nirragonaatar, 103* 61 ; rognuiaeatar, 61* 18 ; rarmar-
neatar^ %b^ 19 ; rmnadmaatary 72*» 48 ; ratmeleatar, 86^ 21 ; ratnaaeeatary 86*' 23;
radeatar, 74* 32 ; rarepeatar, 81* 33 ; roaniastary 68* 40 ; rotinigeatar, 86^ 20 ;
daraaredeatary 68t» 47 ; ratregdaatary 86*> 22 ; tucaatary 72* 34, 103* 28 ; rourg-
naatary 63* 23; nardernaamary 100^ 6; rataaairgaemary 100^ 6; rabertaatary
91*> 28; bachomluiaetary 95* 10; rabulgaetary 104* 2; goraehloeaetar, 84^ 4;
conrochrothaatary 98** 7 ; radamaatary 80* 40 ; gorachomraieaetary 86^ 39 ; raehrttn-
aatavy 80^ 32 ; rafucaatary 96* 61 ; faitaetary 91* 26 ; gorofillaetary 86^ 45 ;
focherdsetary 84^ 11, 36, cf. 86^ 40 ; gabaatary 68^ 60; ragabaatavy 56^ 10, 80*
25, 84=^ 50, 84^ 17, 86* 8, 86^ 29; goragdrsetary 86^ 48, cf. 82^ 46; bogni-
aetar, 84^ 32 ; daronaatary 86^ 39, 42, 44, 47, 61, 87* 6 ; daringaetary 87* 3 ;
gm^olaaetavy 86^ 62 ; condaralaaatary (MS. -aatar^y 73*» 32 ; gorolitpaatary 86*» 45 ;
raraidaetar, 79^ 28, 80* 48, 91^ 3, 92* 20; atraigaetary 89^ &; raadidaetafy
80^ 30; coroacaigaetary ^7> 22; raacoiraetar, 84^ 11, 27, 86* 26, 86^ 39;
ratheigaetary 91* 43 ; rueaatary 89* 4.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 607
Active LTJ. atrigthi, 57* 2 ; arigit, 62' 23 ; hertaigthm^
6l» 32; bertmgthi, 61' 36; hertnaigis, 77* 32; cdratgmit,
59* 34 ; rachamig^ 80' 7 ; cresdigis, 77* 32 ; crithnaigsetf
79* 24; siddigmit, 59* 34; LL. ar«>w, 86* 18; niairgem,
61* 47; ramhertaig (*he shook himself*), 54* 29; hertaigis,
69* 48 ; hertnaigis, 64* 27, 76' 10 ; huadaigfes, 82' 38 ; ra(?fl»?>
(1. -casnig), 78' 4 ; certaigis, 64* 29 ; eoraigis, 66* 3 ; (?drat^
(ipv.), 66' 49; cressaigis, 76' 9; crithnaigset, 77* 25;
cutlaigis, 69* 48 ; rachrichtnaig, 84* 24 ; na^jwwimy (ipv.),
84' 41 ; deligfitj 57' 17 ; roscomdluthaig, 62* 13 ; radorchaigy
85»51; rafadbaig, %^^ 22 \ fadhaig (ipv.), 88' 20; nirofulig,
72' 29, of. 84* 24, 80* 27; ramtnaig, 96* 43; rathaigid,
63* 45; raihaigis, 57*23; raUdraig, 102* 18; ni sdridgum,
58* 38 ; rasuanmig, 85' 52 ; ni tharmnaigfot, 90* 43.
Mesca Ulad* (LTJ. 19'-20*, LL. 261*-268*).
DBPomsNT FoBks. Activb Forms.
onirior.
pres. ind. pi. 3. na euiret, LL. 265' 6.
pret. 8g. 3. raehuir, LL. 265* 25.
fetar.
sg. 1. nadfetar, LL. 264' 25.
2. infetaxsu, LL. 264' 24.
ipv. sg. 2. finta, LL. 263* 5.
8. fut. 8g. 3. rofestar, LTJ. 19* 11.
"^gainiur.
perf. sg. 3. rogenair, LL. 264' 46.
adgl&dur.
pret. pi. 3. euraaecattset, LL 26 1* 34
fut. sg. 1. (Uagegallarsa, LTJ. 19* 30.
3. atagegdldathar, 19* 30.
atageglathar, 19* 33.^
^ Unfortunately the end of the tale is not presenred in LL., while in LU.
only a fragment of the end has been preserved. The two versions seem to
stand in much the same relation to one another as the two texts of the Tdin, and
they have been treated in the same way. A noteworthy feature in the LL.
text is the frequency of -end so-called consuetudinal forms.
2 adgeglathar would stand in the same relation to ^adgegladathar as adgladar
to adgladadarf p. 52, note.
608 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Deponent Fobms. Actiyb Fobms.
labrur.
pres. iDd. sg. 3. m labair, LL. 268* 5
(bis).
laimior.^
pret. 8g. 3. dr narlam, LL. 263* 5.
siflBior.
pres. ind. pi. 3. tairisit, LL. 265* 10.
Deponent preterites '—LL. ferastar, 262* 28 ; raf irastar,
262^ 1 ; ratalinestar, 263* 8 ; rainnisetar, 268^ 9 ; tincsetar,
262^ 21.
Yerbs in -ag-, -ig-.
Active forms — LIT. sudigthiy 19* 21 ; LL. eondcuihethaigend,
266** 35 ; naheligsiu, 265* 19.
Serglige Conculaind' (LTJ. 43-50).
ag^.
pres. ind. sg. 1. ni agur, 44* 35.
pi. 1. aiagamarf 48* 27.
subj. sg. 2. ni aigther, 44* 36.
nitdgara (r.), 49* 33.
♦airliur.
Bubj. sg. 2. airlttheTy* 46* 9.
onirinr.
pret. sg. 3. rochuirf 47* 14.
fetar.
subj. pi. 3. JlnnataTy 46* 11.
B. subj. sg. 1. eofiasuTy 45* 26.
3. arinfestar (v.), 46* 32.
^ ni lemthar, "LL. 266<^ 27, is passive in form, and may be translated as a
passive * it will not be dared.'
* Instead of the active tamai'e=rosedich *was past,' e.g. "LL. 57* 13, trdth
tarnaie do ehdch urgnom bid 7 lenna * when the rest had finished preparing food
and drink/ we find in this text, 262^ 49, nitharnacar acht a eich do seur 'his horses
had only just been unyoked,' 262^ 31, cotarnacar leo.
* Edited by Windisch, Irische Texte^ i. 205 sq., with variants from H. 4. 22,
T.C.D. The piece contains the ^riathnrtheeose Conculaindy LU. 46^ 1-30.
* So I would read for airliter of MS. : airlither eumni *thou shalt consult
memory or tradition.' In the same passage the obscure mrogatar seems to be
deponent, mrogatar genelaigi gesci ua geinither (so H. 6. 22, wrongly geniteTf LU.)
gein. Mr. Stokes calls my attention to broga .i. Jirenaigther^ O'Don. SuppL,
and suggests that the meaning may be *■ let them verify the branch of genealogy,' etc.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
509
Deponent Fobms.
"^gaininr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. genither,^ 46* 12.
adgl&dur.
pret. sg. 3.
labrur.
pret. sg. 3.
laiminr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. Idmathair (r.), 49* 38.
Active Forms.
aeallats, 45* 36.
labrats, 44* 14.
-ClU.
(?) subj. sg. 2. faitehither,^ 46* 17.
Verbs in -ag-y -ig-.
Deponent* — arigsitary 44* 17.
Active — roairigaet, 49* 24; crSchtnatgid (r.), 45* 5; ardot-
chuibdig (ipv. sg. 2), 46* 30 ; rognathaigsem, 45* 4 ; rordthaig,
49* 25, 49* 43; dimaithiget (v.), 47* 18; taithigea, 47* 14;
romthaihtg&et, 47* 2.
Pled Bricrend (LIT. 99*-112**).
ad-&gar.
pres. ind. sg. 2. ataigther.^
clninior.
pres. ind. sg. 2. atclunisiu, 104* 9.
cnirior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. eurethar (r.), 106* 41 ; nichuir (r.), 104* 12 ;
cf. 106* 33. of. 108* 18.
subj. sg. 2. euire samla, 105* 30,
106* ,18.
ipv. sg. 2. eutr a aamaily 106* 3.
* LU. geniter. See preceding note
' ni faitchither senori. 0' Gurry translates * You will not deride old people.'
If the form be correct it might be a subjunctive from a compound, fo-aith-chiu
* look down upon,' * despise,* but this is a mere guess. JDeciy d^ca, as ipv. 47^ 2,
3, 4, etc. (v.).
* On analogy of deponent rocharastar, 43^ 12, 13, 16 ; eoromaichneatar
(0. Ir. a%thge6in)y 48» 6 ; roscarsatar (v.), 47* 33.
* Edited by Windisch, Irische Texte^ i. 254 sq., with variants from Egerton
93. Brit. Mus. and H. 3. 17, T.C.D. The concluding portion, Cennach ind
Muanaduy which is incomplete in LU., has been published from a Leyden MS.
(L.) by Stem, Rev. Celt. xiii. 28 sq., and from an Edinburgh MS. (Ed.) by
Meyer, RC. xiv.
* L.=attaiffirsiy Ed., Rev. Celt. xiv. 464; so adaghaietirf L., RC. xiii. 31 »
attadar, Ed., RC. xiv. 453.
610 THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN.
Dbponbnt Fobhs. Actitb Fobks.
"^comalnor.
pres. ind. eg. 8. comallag, 110* 12.
esnr.
8. Bubj. Bg. 1. eondaetur, 104* 14.
fetar.
Bubj. pi. 1. Jinnamdr, 112* 38.
adglador.
pret. Bg. 3. otgUdMioTy 99*35, 101*
34.
laimior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. hUmethar (r.\ 102* 15.
perf. Bg. 3. roldmaify 112* 37.
^folamor.
Bubj. Bg. 3. folimathar, 104*38/ 1 10*
49.
pret. Bg. 3. folmastar, 102* 20.
pi. 3. folmaiset, 103* 31.
midiur.
preB. ind. sg. 3. dammideihar* 'he tries/
111*45.
pi. 1. eotmidem, 110* 23.
s. fut. sg. 3. conmestar^ (r.), 104* 7.
moininr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. furaihmenad^ir, 111* 33.
foraithmenathar (MS.-fl^<^r),
111* 17.
perf. pi. 3. doruminatdr^ 111* 34.
molar,
pret. pi. 3. molsat^ 108* 40.
duthraccar.
sg. 1. doniithracar, 100* 10.
tnigiur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. fordaiuig\ih<ir ,^ 105* 44.
* Ee. has here rotlemathar^ fut. of ro-laimiur.
* Cf. p. 16, note. For miasiar the fut. pass, eotmidfidery 112'' 23.
^ ni jaigbistar fer and conmestar a as J a m, et<;., * there will not be found
a man there who will equal his age and his growth,' etc. Here faiglnstar seems,
as Mr. Stokes also has suggested, a harharic s future ivomfogabaim,
* infolt fordotuigithar 'the hair which covers him'; cf. p. 67, note, and
Add fordotidg I thur J Laws, ii. 284, and orastuigithearf Ir. Texte, ill. 18.
►
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 511
adoiu.
subj. sg. 8. ninaccaihar, 107** 40.
Deponent "pertects^f orcdemnacair, 111* 39; ardamatry 112*
41 ; ni fu7'ddmatr,^ IIP 12.
Isolated deponent forms — coihletha/r^ (r.), 102^ 7 ; dligtta/r^
(r.), 109* Zh\ fudmadar^ {r,\ 106* ^A\ gebitar^ (r.), 104*
41 ; nosinithary^ 110** 31 ; immacomsinitm'^'' 105* 2, 109* 16;
immustecrathar ^ (r.), 102** 1.
Verbs in -a^-.
Deponent ibrms — rofergaigeataTf 101** 3 ; inrahrethaige%tart
112*40.»
Active forms — »i<mt hretha/igeseo, 107** 28 ; hrethaigfeUa,
107** 29; chat[K]aigmitm, 107** 22; roerithnaigset^ 101** 2; coro-
dihig, 105* 30 ; fortamlaigid, 109* 5; nirrathaigsem, 105** 11.
Siaburcharpat Conculaind ^° (LTJ. 1 1 3*-l 1 5**).
cluiniur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. rochluinethar (v.), 115* 3.
subj. sg. 3. coclothmr (v.), 114** 43.
^ nirdaitnaet for uirdamatar, 110^ 35.
' The precise meaning of the word is uncertain. The general sense of
eoiblethar ceim seems to be * who takes a leap'; cf. coibliud huada, LU. lO'i** 21,
and dr atchota ilchumachtai ocai fri coibUd fergnim^ LU. 123^ 1. Coibliud
may stand for com-Jilliudj and we might perhaps compare Jilliud erred ndir,
one of Cuchulinn's feats.
^ Read with £g. is Cuculaind dligethar 'it is Cuchulinn that has a claim to it ';
for the deponent form cf. dligidir, LL. 346*» 30.
* Windisch seems right in taking fudmadar here and diafwunaither^ 106^ 2,
as deponent forms used in a middle sense. The passiye form in the Glosses is
fuasnither, amal fufuasnither, Ml. 66** 17.
* Read gebithar with Eg. From natfri got gehithar of Eg. we should
probably emend LU. to nud fri goe gebithar * who is not given to (?) falsehood.*
Whether that reproduces the sense or not, gebithar seems to be a deponent form.
* In a middle sense * he stretches himself * ; the same meaning is expressed
by the affixation of a pronoun to the active form in sinithi, LU. 69^ 39.
' This should be immacomsinithar doib. For the construction, cf. p. 54, note.
® immusieerathar * covers them,* * protects them.* Cf. Ml. 65» 1, iarsittdi
adcuaidsom dineuch imme thecmthar crist dianechtair otoi talmaidiu duaimdia
de fessin hie * after he has spoken of all that covers Christ without (i.e. his
outward appearance] he suddenly turns to speak of Himself.* Cf. the dep.
inflexion in the word *tuigiurf of kindred meaning.
' Other deponent preterites are roderscaigeatar, 99^ 9 ; oarlastdr (Idaim
'throw*?), 102» 28; itallaatdr, 107* 30; cf. 111» 1. 28; faitbestdr, 100»> 13;
ochsatar (r.), 102t> 24.
^^ Zimmer, Zeitschr. f. deutaches Alterth. xxxv. 43, dates the text from the
middle of the tenth century, but it is probably earlier. Note the preservation
of the old subjunctive stem elo'.
612 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRlStt — J. 8TRACHAN,
Deponent Forms. Actiyb Fobms.
♦gainiur.
perf. 8g. 3. rogenaivt 115* 37.
adglddor.^
Bubj. 8g. 1. conidnarladur^ 113* 7.
pret. 8g. 8. ni arlasatr, 114* 3.
Verbs in -ag-,
rochruthaigeBta/r^ (v.), 115* 16.
Echtra Condla (LIT. 120*-121"^).
onirinr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. totchur etJia/r {r,)y\20^ AZ,
pret. sg. 3. dochoraatdr, 120* 34.
adgl&dnr.
. J n ( acailli * whom thou ad-
pres. ind. sg. 2. } , .
^ ^ ( dressest,' 120* 13.
3. adgladadar, 120* 14.
Yerbs in -«^-.
cotomiicnigidar * compels me/ 120* 28.
Aided Conculaind (LL. 119*-123^).
ad-dgnr.
pret. pi. 1. adraigsemaTy 120* 29.
♦airliur.
pret. sg. 3. comairlestar, 123* 3.'
♦buritir.
pres. ind. pi. 3. comhuretar (r.), 119* 19.
♦ciallur.
pret. sg. 3. ciMastar,^ 123* 31.
^ In 115* 23 atomglaithe would formally be most naturally taken for an
im^eiz.\iy e — atomglddithey cf. p. 62, note (but atomglaitey p. 48), but from the
meaning it is questionable whether the writer did not intena it for an indicative.
Loegaire refused to believe St Patrick till he should have seen and spoken
with Guchulinn. Cuchulinn now says to him, atomchi a LoegaiH atomglaithe
leir ; mani cretea Fatraie biasu hi pein * thou seest me, Loegaire, thou speakest
with me face to face; if thou believe not Patrick, thou shalt be in pain.'
Here an indicative seems much more likely than an imperative. Possibly we
should correct to atomglaither,
2 A deponent preterite beogastar (v.), 11 6» 14.
' All in the lament of £mer over Cuchulinn.
.E DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J, STRACHAN. 513
Deponent Fobhs. Actiyb Forms.
♦cobmr.*
/ nachitchohradar 'which
d. 8g. 3 (r.) I does not- help thee/
( 119*20.
ipv. 8g. 2. cohairthe (r.), 119^ 17.
pret. sg. 3. cohrastar,^ 123* 14.
oonoim.
pres. ind. sg. 3. eomcUhar^ (r.) 'which
protects' (?), 119* 29.
pret. sg. 3. forcmastary^ 123* 7.
oairinr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. doeuridar hedg, 119* 5,
121* 16; without itffl^^,
122»2; cf.4.
♦follnur.*
pret. sg. 3. fdlna%tar^ 123* 6.
"^gaininr.
fut. sg. 3. gignithwr (r.), 119* 48.
ad-gladnr.
pret. sg. 3. acille%ta/r^ 123* 6.
laimiur.
pret. pi. 3. ni rolcmsata/r,^ 121* 22.
sissinr.
fut. pi. 1. aurisfemmar, 120* 13.
-tluohur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. dosfothlaig, 122* 45.
*tuigiur.
pres. ind, sg. 3, ratmgedar, 120* 47.
^ Other instances of deponent inflexion in this verb^ in addition to those
already ^ven, are nimchobrathar *it helps me not,* LL. 284'> 26 (in a story of
St. Momng), noinchobradarsa, 286* 28 (in a story of a sister of Molasse).
' Deponential forms from this verb have been given above, p. 61 ; as a rule
it is active.
^ fallnabthairy 123* 1, may possibly be deponent, but the passage is not clear
to me.
* Remodelled after the a pret. from the old rolamatar.
511 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAW;
Deponent perfects — imchoemnaeair^^ 122^25 ; nadfordamarsOf^
119» 1; tarrasair, 121»» 6.
Verbs in -a^-, -»y-.
Deponent forms — roidraigMtar^ 122^ 82; miadaiguiar^^
123* 9 ; rathaigeatar,^ 123*» 11 ; urdaireaigeitar* 128* 10.
Active forms — crechtnaigfit (r.), 119* 40 ; racTwraig^ 121* 35;
failiniget (r.), 123' 5; rwroidraig^ 119* 16.
Tochmarc Emere (LIT. 121'^127*).
Deponent Fokms. Acnvs Fobxb.
♦cluiniur.
pres. ind. sg. 3. atcMuin, 126* 18.'
"^oomalnnr.
pret. sg. 3. eomallastar (Eacs. com'
(dlastas), 127' 17.
adgl&dur.
pres. ind. sg. 1. adglddttr (FeLCS,adgadur)f
124* 4.
molar.
pres. ind. sg. 1. co romolaim, 1^4* 23.
soidior.
pres. ind. sg. 1. foasuidiur,* 124* 12.
^ In this passage intchoemnaeair giyes no sense. Perhaps we should resd
imchomarcair *■ asked/ which would suit the context.
2 From damim 'grant,' 'give' seem to come the new analogical fonnatioBi
nirodamaaty 122^ 30 ; rodamastary 122^ 31.
' From the lament of Emer, in which is also found the deponent pireterites
hdigestar, 123'' 15.
* The word is found in the same phrase, "Windisch, Ir, Texte, i. 141, 1. 26,
fosuidiur a n-dano 7 a n-dibergai, and in the Laws, ii. 360, 1. 12, Jbauidiiher;
cf. 1. 13, 386, 1. 6, 16, 18, 19. The deponential inflexion still preyads in the te^
of the Laws, a fact which must be taken into account in fixing^ their dtte*
I have noted the following forms in a cursory examination o| the text;
whether the blunders are due to the copyists or the editoTB, the method of
printing makes it impossible to tell without an examination of the MSB. (tht
printed texts are very antrustworthy) — immuscobrathary ii. 280 ; nodaeomaUttiAmr
lii. 32 (but comallaty ii. 140, 306) ; inidcuirithar^ tneuiritker^ iy. IQg cL
ii. 284, 290, 306, 328; rofallnastar, iii. 30; arafeiaer <that thoa msysfc
know,* iii. 106, 126, etc. ; eqfinnathar, iv. 190, cf. iii. 8, 60; ff0nitk0r. It. 88
lasanaithgeniteTy iv. 164, cf. ii. 312 ; labraithery ii. 306, etc. ; naeh Jinmethmr
iv. 192 (corrupt rochlamethar, iv. 190) ; marathar, ii. 316, 838, 894 ; ^^
mididhafy It. 16, etc. ; domididevy ii. 320, cf. 142, 232, etc. ; fiririiwrffiir
(1. tairisedar)^ ii. 324 (but mani tairiset, ii. 328) ; dofeiaedar { = ^^-j^*-*t f tgrfjr fl
It. 62; dotluigigter (I. dotluigedar), ii. 316; fordotuigither, iL 284; mrigttf
(1. airigetar)y iii. 8 ; dihigthir (1. dilsigithirjy iv. 168 ; auideaetar^ It. 190, d*
180, 188; toltanaigter (1. -«^ar), iy. 54; ronuaiaiigthur (1. -ethmr)^ iL IS.
■^
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
515
Deponent perfect ^ (rather a aorist) — tarrasair, 126^ 26.
Yerbs in -fl^-.
noshertaigend, 127^ 27 ; roehrechtnaig, 126'' 29.
5. Shoet Stobies op a Keligious Charactbe, LL. 278 sqq.
Dias macclerech, 278» 37.
Deponent Fokms. Active Fobms.
cluminr.
pres. ind. ) rotchlmim, 278»> 19.
sg. 1. )
3. ni ehluinethar, 278^ 17.
Yerbs in -«^-, -iff-.
nachamehairig (ipv.), 278^ 15; corothathheoig, 278^ 30.
Ki irissech, .278^ 32.
atloohnr.
pret. sg. 3. ni eonroatlaigestar^ 279* 1.
Bai ri amra, 279» 35.
cluinior.
Vr^^^^^' \ ^acldrsa, 280» 19.
sg. 1. )
cnirior.
pres. ind. ) ^^huredar, 279^ 6.
sg. 3. )
subj. sg. 2. eure^ 279^ 17.
fetar.
s.fut.sg.3. rofestar^ 279^ 25.
Deponent « preterites — roacarastarf 279^ 5 ; ni rophend-
aemmar, 280* 10.
Dep. B. subj. eomairser, iy. 18. Actiye, airliut (if the readin? be rigbt), ii.
82 ; mdrmoiffidf iii. 34 ; samaigas'y It. 8. On tbe other hand the so-called
consuetudinal ending -end is sometimes found umaidendf iii. 64 ; ni obund, ii.
316 ; indarbantty ii. 306.
^ On p. r21*> 32 is found mrodaathar arenga. The meaning must surely
be * his beard had not grown,' for it was a constant reproach to Cuchulinn that
he was a beardless boy (cf. LU. 74^ 33). Of the word renga in this sense I
have no further example. If it be a singular, rodaathar would be a form of
the same kind as impddar, p. 63. But it is possible that renga is plural, and
that rodaathar is an error for rodtatar.
616 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — 9. STRACHAV,
Cethrur Macclerech, 281* 40.
Deponent Forms. Actttb Fobmb.
onirinr.
pres. ind. ) ^^,y^^^^ 3^^^ 281»> 13.
sg. 3. ) ^'
-tluohor.
pres. ind. j^^^^^^^^. 281b 4.
Bg. 1. )
Deponent s preterite — eotairehelUatar^ 281* 51,
£di rf amra, 282<^ 32,
oluininr.
pres. ind. | ^^ chlmnethar, 282» 46.
Bg. 3. )
-tlnchnr.
pres. ind. ) ^tlochomar, 282» 40.
pi. 1. )
6. Reglum Mochuta Rathin,* LBr. 261«^262».
^ Sach is the title which this piece bears in the Zei^har Bnae* Moohnit of
Baithin died a.d. 636, 0' Curry, Manuscript MaieridU, 874. But in a
manuscript in the Royal Irish Academy, 23, N. 10, p. 82 sq., fha super-
scription is Fothad na eanoine .ee. hane reguldm, Fothad died, accordi|ig ^ tiie
Annals of Ulster, in the year 818. 23, N. 10 (N.) consistB partly of TeUmDt
partly of paper, which is rapidly disintegrating. The Ba^nla stands in the
paper portion. The manuscript as a whole has been copied from good aomoes, aid
in many cases in the Regula it shows a better reading than LiBr. Tba dntifli
of a king stand before those of a bishop, and are set forth at greater length ftia
in LBr. At the end are five additional quatrains, beginning Duunka tr^kack
ba trebor ba fuarrach fri cachf ba failidh fri haidedu eia- iUmt gmtih <nrti|
and ending Figell aim ernaigedi almsan tan nosgene, filter uflhfthlnn
ba ardia gaeh andene. Then, p. 88, 4, follow more precepts of the
kind, beginning Coma riaguil ineoimded ia ann ni faigbe baogal. The follow-
ing points in the language may be noted: — deere ia still dissyllabic, N. 84, !«
dercc, B. 261* 42 ; N. 86, 25=odoeH, B. 261^ 23. The n. pL mass, rf
the art. is in, preserved in anbradhair, N. s^a bratairy B. 261^ 86 ; n. pi. QsaL
na hilgalruy 262* 26 {na hilgaluir, N.). Gen. sg. and nom. and aoo. pL ff—-
of art. are na, gen. pi. more frequently na than inna. The terminatioii rf
the dat. pi. of the adj. is preserved, lathib techtaidib; for 011 frmta ditma^ B.
261* 3d, N. has froaa dianuiph, whence may be deduced the reading
dianaib. Ace. of rigain is rignui, N. (origan, B. 261* 48). Compazati'
srutkiUf ainiUy superlative aancairem glesj B. 261^ IS^isagaenem glety K. (rf.
gaoine *• good,' O'K.) . For dandine, 261^ 75, N. has di aeine ; for innij 261* 29, N.
has am. The verbal system is well preserved — aaririaiUf 261* 28 (««ri«Mi: SX
-. .^X^i
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
517
Deponent Fobms.
cluininr.
pres. ind. sg. 3. roscluinither,^ 261^ 84.
Bubj. pi. 1. intan cloamar^ N. 86, 1. 10
{chmar, B. 261^ 38).
comalnnr.
pres. ind. sg. 3.
ACTIYB FOBMS.
cuirior.
pres. ind. sg. 3. dockoratha/r^ N". 87, 1. 8.
subj. pi. 1.
adgladnr.
1 , I adgladamar^ 261^ 44.
pi. 1. ;
natcomallay* 261» 44
(nadcomall-, N".),
comaillitMy 26 1^ 39
{comoUtM, N.).
tochram*' N. 86, 1. 10
{^tochcm, B. 261^
40).
pi.
pres. ind.
pi. 3.
atluchur.
atlaigity^ 262* 5.
nisroiTTy 261» 66, diatex^ N. {=diat^iff, B. 261*» 9), nocometuis (1. nocoeometia),
» thou ahalt not be indulgent,' N. 84, 22 ; B. 261» 65 is corrupt. Of * forms in 3
sg. 8 pret. only timarnuSf 26 1» 29 (timamad, N.), but rotsoeVf rondin. For
marbttd tiugla, 261^ 67, N. has amal tiughlaithe. Note also imalky and inge
*but' ; also the word arcofuin, N. [arcechfuin^ B. 262» 1), explained in Cormac's
Glossary. In some cases later forms may haye crept into both texts. Taking
these things and the deponents into consideration, we shall hardly be wrong in
putting the text at the latest in the beginning of the ninth century. In
some parts it reminds one of the Regula ascribed to Maelruain, LBr. 9'> sq.,
also an old text, though it chances to contain little deponent material —
doacuirither, 9^ 10; cf. 9^ 12, 36, I0t> 2, conothar (eotidim * preserve'), 10»> 41.
In LL. 148 we find a number of precepts professedly addressed by Fothad to
Aed Oirdnide on his coronation, 793 a.d. But the language shows that the
composition is of later date, na in nom. pi. masc. for twrf, cluin *hear,*
nommolamy etc. Note also the reference to the Gaill supposed to be in the
service of Aed, 148'> 21.
^ rachluineth-y N. But a plural is required — racluinetar.
' 261** 10 B. has a dep. comalltar^comalloy N. In B. the line is a syllable
short — nech natcofnalltar so : N. has neck nalcomallo ana4n.
•* B. 261*> lb has less well docorustar,
* Active, as already in the Glosses ; see p. 9,
* If this be right, the active inflexion may probably be ascribed to the influence
of verbs in -aigim. N. has altaigety which would be ipv. ' let them offer a
blessing.'
PhU. Trans. 1891-2-8. 34
518 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
dnthraooar.
i fat. Bg. 2. duthraisir ^ (yariant -^),
261» 9.
Verbs in -<i^-, -t]^-.
Deponent — ni fuiligthery^ ' thou Shalt not shed blood,' 261» 7.
Active— r(wiw(?iwy*rf, 261^ 37 (better N. nonmi9enegat\
uthai^em, subj. {aithegem^ N.), 261^ 38.
Deponent i preterite — rotardnestar, 262^ 15.
7. FiuAE OF Oengus.
Dbpoicent Fobmb. Actits Forks.
frisailiur.'
' I expect,' Ep. 660.
olnninT.
ipy. Bg. 2. eluinte, Ep. 314, 365, 425.
fetar.
s. Bubj. sg. 2. ro/eiser, Feb. 4.
dian/esser, Oct. 24.
*gaiiiiur.
perf. sg. 3. rogenaify Sep. 24 ; of. Dec.
25.
♦labrnr.
nadlahraif Dec. 22.
laiminr.
perf. sg. 3. rolamairy Prol. 58.
molnr.
pres. ind. sg. 1. nomolur, Prol. 13.
pi. 1. noiniolammar, Jan. 17. tnolmai* {molma),
ipy. sg. 2. molatha^ Sep. 2.
Aug. 31.
* N. has less well duthracar.
» N. has wi chuilide. For cuiligdel cf. LL. 346i> 38.
' So Rawlinson ; Laud and Lcabhar Breac have/rw«i/iM.
* Aedan ivgrian gelda inse medeoit molma^ ' Aidan, the bright sun of Inis
Medcoit that we praise.' Stokes, after O'Clery's molma .i. molta, took molma
as a participle. But 1 know of no other instance of such a participle in Irish, and
molnvai may very well be 1 pi. absolute of molur. As to O'Clery's eloss, it
probably arose from a misunderstanding of this passage. [I am glad to tmd tiiat
Mr. Stokes agrees.]
THE DEPONENT VEKB IN IRISH — ^J, STRACHAN. 519
-mTdninr.
pres. ind. eg. 2. admuinter,^ Oct. 2.
An isolated dep. rimther * thou countest,' is, according to Stokes,
found Prol. 286, Ep. 46. As to conruidiur, Prol. 277, it seems
to be an instance of the dep. 1 subj., which we shall speak of
later. It may be analysed into con-ru-suidtur. It is explained
as * may I attain to ' ; cf. Skr. pra-sad gut von statten gehen,
gelingen.
Deponent perfect damair, Feb. 9, cf. Feb. 16.
Verbs in -ag-^ -ig-i-^
Deponent — ma mehraigther * if t>.ou remember,' Mar. 2.
8. Tkipaetite Life of S. Pateiok.^
In this text, as in those that follow, if we leave aside for the
present the 1 sg. subj., deponent forms are found for the most
part in the perfect and the s preterite.
The following verbs are still deponent : —
agnr.
pres. ind. sg. 1. attdga/r (v.), 114. 26.
clmninr.
pres. ind. pi. 3. roclunetar, 120. 13 ; subj. sg. 2, coclotthersu,
244. 12.
fetar.
sg. 2. infetaraa, 128. 7; 3, rofitir, 30, 25; pi. 1,
rofetamar, 42. 11.
laimur.
pres. ind. sg. 1. ni loma/r^ 166. 2.
1 So Mr. Stokes. The glossator takes it as 3 sg. pass, adamraiffther no
hendaich\th']er * is admired' or * is blessed.' As to feili it can hardly be ace. sing.,
for that, in the Felire, is regularly /et/; see index to Stokes' edition. It might
either be nom. pi., as Ep. 16 (rhymes with pi. celi)^ or ace. pi., as Ep. 108
(rhymes with colUri). In the former caae feli would be subi. to 3 pi. pass.
admuinter ; in the latter obj. to 2 sg. subj. act. admuinter, Feli could be taken
as ace. sing, only on the supposition of a transition to the inflexion of « stems ;
cf. Thurneysen, KZ. xxviii. 147, but this, as we have seen, is contrary to the
usage of the Felire elsewhere.
'^ The references are to the pages and lines of Stokes* edition.
520 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN,
♦folamur.*
^rea. iad, sg, 3. folamadair^ 112. 8, 226. 10 ; folamadar, 208. 4;
pret. 8g. 3, folamustar, 78. 11, 146. 20 ; /o/»-
mastar, 80. 1, 156. 2, 168. 7, 200. 21 ; fola-
mmtair, 148. 28.
The following verbs have, except in the -or perfect, assumed
the active inflexion : —
cuirim.
ipv. sg. 2. cuir, 56. 4; pret. sg. 3, dora[th']chutr, 158. 20;
fut. sg. 3, nt chm'rfi, 78. 9 ; doatthcuirfe, 158. 14.
foUnaim * rule.' *
pret. pi. 3. rofallnaisetj 196, 20.
genim.
fut. sg. 3. gignid (v.), 150. 7 ; gtgnesa (v.), 154. 18 ; gigne%
(v.), 216. 17; genfess^ 158. 13 ;« pi. 3, genfit^
58. 12.
adglddaim.
pret. sg. 3. rosagaiU, 114. 6.
midim.
fut. sg. 3. mid/ea, 260. 17.
-moinim.
pres. ind. pi. 3. nosdermanat 'they forget it,' 82. 19.
-sissim.
pres. ind. sg. 3. tairisid, 8. 11 ; fut. pi. 3, tairufet, 252. 27.
-tluchim.
pret. sg. 3. dorothlaigy 10. 18*; pi. 3, dorothlatgsetf 102. 19.
The deponent subj. of -ciu : conaccomar, 102. 12.
^ Stokes in his glossary translates this doubtfully by * I desire,' cf. lii. 1. 27.
The verb is the same as foldmur, which we have already had in the sense of
*su8cipio,' * tento,' pp. 13, n. 4, 67. On p. 112, 1. 8, of the Trip. Life, for
folamadair Patraic con^a^ad cath9.\i should be read folamadair Patraic con^a^ail
ca^Arach, similarly p. 156, 1. 2.
* Another example of this verb is the sec. fut. nudusfoHnaihed^ 188. 22. In
nochanfoUamnaiffet, 94. 26, follnaim is replaced by the derivative /o//am«at^im.
3 The prose shows the later genfes (cf. nogenfitis^ 86. 16), while the older
gignes is preserved in verse. In the Lebar Brecc text, Trip. Life, 478. 24,
gignid of 150. 7 has been replaced by genfid.
* The dep. durothlaigestar^ 30. 6, must be taken in conjunction with the other
deponent s preterites of this text, and need not be regarded as a survival of the
old deponent inflexion of this verb.
THE DEPONENT VEHB IN IRISII — J. STRACHAN. 521
Deponent •peTfectB-^forcoimnaeutrj 34. 16; ni ch6imna€dir,
126. 9; nirodama/Ty 140. 16; adrodamair, 148. 5; roghiair,
8. 8, etc. ; romidir, 40. 12; cf. 178. 20; ni ermadair,^ 126. 4 ;
romenaiTf 136. 4 (pi. doruimmmata/r^ 100. 4); tarrasair,
30. 17, 38. 10, 46. 11 (dunarrastairy^ 138. 20); new
analogical formations — conaitigir, 228. 7, conaitigair,^ 230. 17;
foruiginair^^ 16. 26 ; aroirachatr, 68. 21, arroerachair,^ 104.
14, 25 ; dellechuir,^ 240. 20.
Verbs in -^-, -li^- : —
With the exception of eoimnigedar 'commemorates,' 136. 18,
deponent forms are found only in the third persons of the
8 preterite — rochatrigestar, 12. 16; rocomaicsegestary 40. 12,
roehomaiocsigesta/r^ 68. 14, rochomfaiccseehesta/ry 252. 3 ; roicnai-
gestwTy 36. 9; rodogahigestar^ 12. 10; rdfergaigestary 44. 27,
cf. 58. 27, 228. 15; fothaigesdm-y 156. 3, forothaigestm-y 160. 2,
174. 22 {forfothaige8twr)y 194. 4, 214. 13, rofothaigesta/r^
108. 7, 134. 3; eoromeglestar, 180. 23: roimeclaigsita/ry 44. 26;
romacktaigsetaTy 56. 3.'
Active forms — roardraigy 10. 22, cf. 30.2, 46. 29 ; rocendaig,
16. 19, 25 ; rochomaicsighy 90. 22 ; rocruthaigy 206. 14 ; feidligity
90. 15; for/oihigy 46. 21 ; fortachtaig (ipv.), 128. 22, fortach-
taigfe, 220. 21 ; foruasligfey 42. 13; fothaigiSy 98. 12, 110. 11,
forothaigy 92. 12, 94. 10, 98. 2, 108. 10, 110. 6, etc., rofothaigy
68. 1, 72. 12, etc.; roimeclaigy 128. 2, roimeclatgset, 92. 6;
roihgantaigsety 100. 3; roiniorchaigsety 126. 11; rolagaig^
144.7; ronortaigy 16. 29; rorathaigy 54. 8; rodosdraigy 72. 26;
roslanaig, 12. 12 ; roiothigy 42. 8 ; roBonairtnigy 70. 9 ; rosuidigy
46. 24, 110. 18, 126. 3, rosuidigset, 168. 20; gustathaig (v.),
252. 18; toirthiget, 34. 27.
1 Cf. p. 16, n. 1.
« Cf. p. 61, n. 2.
' From cuintgim * I ask,' for O.Ir. eonaiteehty Ml. 132<* 6, conatecht^ LIT. 97** 1.
For conaxtecht is also found, after the analogy of the s preterites, conatiff, 112. 3 ;
cf. conatechy LU. 97* 36.
* For O.lT.foruig^i (sg. 1 Uuse fungensay Ml. 78<* 2). The ajcUye foruiffenai
is found 16. 20.
* Stokes now explains this as standing for *ad'rO'reraehairy with transition
to the dep. inflexion from ad-ro-reraeh-, a redupHcated perf. from ad' ree-
cognate with con-riug g. ligo.
« Cf. Stokes, Index. Prof. K. Meyer compares deUgetoTy LL. 43^ 22.
' Other deponent forms in the s pret. — rombaitsestary 36. 23, 220. 12;
robendachastavy 106. 27, cf. 152. 23, 160. 16, 210. 6 ; rocelebrastafy 182, 18 ;
coroferastaify 66. 1; roardneatary 166. 18, 194. 6, 214. 14; rola]r(ngle8tar,
68. 32; rotheiehestary 46. 11: eoruesatavy 236. 10.
522
THE DBPONENT. VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAK:
9. Poems ascribei) to yarious writers of
ELEYEICTH CENTTTRIES.
THE TENTH AXD
Dalian Mac More^ (LL. 47» 1-49, 47» 60-47^ 44).
Deponents that have hecome active : —
noacechla (* shall hear them'), 47* 12; raehuir^ 47* 39;
darachurtSf 47^ 4.
Deponent 8 preterites — rachurestar^ 47* 20 ; eurestoTy 47' 23;
rachloasta/Ty 47* 14, 18, 36 (but rolrU, 47» 26 ; rottsehC, 47* 10;
nittuc, 47^ 18; niratlui^, 47^ 34, etc.).
Verbs in -i^- : —
cumnigimy 47* 41.
Eochaid hua Flaind t984.
In the various poems ascribed by 0* Curry to this writer I liave
noted only one deponent form, atamir, LL. 21* 26.
Cinaed hua Artacain t975 (LIT. 51^ 13-52* 11, LL. 31* 43-32* 84,
150* 26-47, 154* 10-42, 161* 1-161* 43, 161* 44-161* 34,
161^ 35-162* 30,» 163* 26-163^ 22,' 209* 1-209* 48 *).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
rofitir, LL. 150* 35, 161* 19; fetaiar, 161* 30; ^dnair,
LXJ. 51* 32 ; domunemar, LL. 163* 26.
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
hursttj LL. 161* 37; mtdit, 162* 5; notmolfat, 209» 80;
atrisit, 209* 37 ; dodluig,^ 209* 24.
Verbs in -ag-^ -ig- : —
eoroshrathaig, 162* 27; rochertaigy 209* 22; dehthaiaii
209* 6 ; falmaigis, 209* 49 ; fotroihig, 150* 42 • j etaraHesMaig,
209* 14; rorathaig, 209* 3.
^ Poet Laureate of Cerball, king of Leinster, who died, accoidiiig to the
Annals, in the year 908.
* Ascribed to Cinaed, Book of Ballymote 362.
3 Ascribed to Cinaed by 0' Curry, On the Mann. ii. 106; on what eroiuidi
he does not say.
* Cinaed rochertaig cocert^ LL. 209^ 22.
^ This seems to be most naturally taken as a verb, ather frit eodian fhdhtit
* I will tell you quickly what you ask.'
^ fotroihiy * revealed thee, a curious misformation from foilbigrim *■ I »w¥^
manifest,' as though it were a compound verb beginning with the prap.yb.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 523
Deponent a preterite' — rttesataTf 209* 50 (active forms are
common).
Mac Liac flOlS (LL. 152» 6-152^ 7\ BB. 189* 36-189^ 30).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
rofinnathar * may he know,' LL. 152^ 7.
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
rachuir, LL. 152» 48.
Verbs in -ag-y -iff- : —
roscoraigaety LL. 152» 22 {rocoirigidh, BB.); autdtgu,
152» 23.
No deponent a preterites.
Cuan hua Lothchain tl024 (LL. 33^ 10-35» 10, 151* l«-152a 4,
199* 35-61, 200^ 11-201^ 51, BB. 35l» 47-352» 23).
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
rocuir, BB. 351^ 13; curaet, LL. 33^ 27; rotaceSl,^
LL. 34* 40; rolama^ 34* 14; moltait (raind 'whom quatrains
praise'), 199* 39 ; rostattlaig,^ 34^ 11.
Deponent perfects — romidatr^ LL. 199* 50; tathamair,
199* 60.
Yerbs in -ag-^ -ig- : —
randihtgsetf LL. 151^ 23; rorathaig, 33** 25; roauidigh^
BB. 352* 15. Deponent eoruatoireheatar^ BB. 351^ 21.
Deponent a preterites — darataammar, LL. 34^ 42 ; corohur"
aetar, LL. 151* 48 {coralaatar, BB.), roleicsetar, 151* 33
{rothrecaeta/Ti BB ), rongtallaadar, BB. 352* 20. Active forms
are much more numerous.
* In a poem m BB. 81», ascribed by 0' Curry to Cinaed, these forms are
common — roadrastaVf romarbastairy roehuiraedar, rochrechsadar, doluids'.dar.
But I know of no evidence in support of 0' Curry's opinion.
2 Another copy, with considerable variations, BB. 389^.
3 Also BB. 395. This text differs considerably from LL. and ends at LL.
151b 16.
* Fut. of adglddurf cid 6e thamsa rotaedl^ lit. ' though thy time is young, I
will address thee.*
^ If this comes from toihlaiffimj but there is something wanting after the
word.
« Cf. tathaim *he died,' O'Eeilly, LL. 131»> 37, 132» 18, 133» 1, dep. rotha-
thamaxr, LL. 283^ 20.
624 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. CTRACHAK.
Fland Mainistrech flOSG (LL. 11» 19-11^ 39, 27^ 64-28* 49,
131^ 34-132* 4, 132i> 6-133* 10, 145* 20-49, 150* 49-150*
24, 181» 1-186» 10).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
nijitir, 182» 22.
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
nichiune, 18l» 42; rochlune, 184» 41; molaim, 185* 42.
Deponent perfects — roddtnair, 132* 26; lamair, 184» 15;
dosfanair^ 182* 53; diasdiar, 185* 1.^
Verbs in -<i^-, 'ig- : —
arigii, 181» 29; rohethatg, 132* 23; rochetaigy 181» 18
roehr$chaigy \^^^ 48; roneruthaig, 133* 4; roderhaig, 145* 34
rondarchaigy 185» 10; roduhaig, 145* 34; roiainig, 183* 33
roielbaigy 132» 15; rokudig, 184* 10; rodasamiubaigy 145* 32.
Deponent « preterites — Of such I have noted onlj /oUna$iar*
183* 51, horn follnaim *rule,* a verb which in O.Ir. was
deponent. Active forms are numerous.
Gilla Coemain tl072 (LL. 3* 6-4» 46, 127» 1-131* 33).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
noofitiry 127» 2.
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
eta cur$y 131» 38.
Deponent perfects — roginairy 4* 36; eorogenairy 131* 18;
genaivy 4* 18.
Verbs ia -«^-, -ig- : —
ramudaigy 129» 18, 129*24, cf. 128* 3; nirdnomnaig, 128* 4.
Deponent » preterite — rogabsatar, 129* 27. Active forms
are common.
10. Saltair na Rakn.'
Deponent verbs preserved : —
essnr * will eat.'
1 pi. condessamary 1266.
* Seems to be a blunder of the MS., or the facsimile for diardsair * from
which grew.'
^ It is hard to say whether or not the use of this particular pret. in a dep.
form was traditional m Fland. If not, it is a very curious coincidence.
' £d. Stokes; written in the end of the tenth century, as appears from a
reference to a cattle -plague, 1. 2342, in the year 988 (cf . Annals ot Ulster under
the year 986, and the Chronicum Scotorum under the year 986), and from
the hst of contemporary kings, 2349 tqq. ; cf. Thumeysen, Hev, Celt. vi. 106,
Zimmer, Nenniut VindtcatuSy 185, 229.
I
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN. 525
fetar.
sg. 1. nafetwr, 1335, etc.; sg. 3, rofitir, 563, etc.; a- subj.
8g. I, cofessuTf 2883; sg. 2, eofesser, 1327, 6113;
pi. 1, rofeasamar, 1265.
laimnr.
pres. ind. sg. 1. nilamwr^ 1259.
From 'ciu the dep. subj, fruaiccidar, 4137, but act. ardoscS, 4165.
An isolated dej^, fotchh'dar * takes heed'; cf. p. 62, n. 2.
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
clainim.
pres. ind. sg. 2. mdamchluni, 1182, 1429; subj. pi. 1, elutnem,
3315 ; dep. ipv. sg. 2, cluMe, 1841, 2480, 3339 ;
act. cluin, 2441.
cnirim.
pres. ind. sg. 3. cuires,^ 7241 ; subj. sg. 2 (as ipv.), cuiri, 1561 ;
sg. 3, condarcuirtf 7827; pret. sg. 3, rotchuir,
1730; fat. sg. l,fochutriub, 6121.
follnaim.
pret. sg. 3. rofallnaiy 2630.
labraim.
pres. ind. sg. 3. IdbraSj 6225.
molaim.
pret. sg. 3. rommolf 4030 ; romolj 7557.
midim.
pres. ind. pi. 3. domidet, 99 ; fordamidet^ 108.
-moinim.^
pret. pi. 3. dorumensatj 3689.
samlaim.
pres. ind. sg. 1. samlam, 375; pret. sg. 3, rossamlaij 1178.
-tluchim.
pret. sg. 3. roattlaig, 2593; cf. 3521, 3532, pi. 3, roattlaigset,
3638, 4033.
Deponent perfects — ni choemnacair^ 1514; forcoemnaca/r ^
1544; nachatama/r * (since) thou didst not confess,' 1406;
1 But read probably gu\re» edeh * that warms all.*
2 dermoinuir * forget * is replaced by dermaitim, na dermaitid, 4869.
526 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHANT,
rodamair^ 7749; duthraeair, 5941 ; rogmair^ 2245, cf. 2334, 3693,
etc. ; arlassair, 3791, cf. 4791 ; ramidair, 3121, doroemadair,
2709, 7955; eotamuar^ tarrasarsu, 1861, tarrasair, 1633;
new formations : condnafiacair, 2798; targlammair, 1637.
Verbs in -ag-^ -ig- : —
Deponent forms ^ are found only in the 3 pi. of the t
pret., roaintadaigBetar^ 2401 ; romticnigsetar, 2409, 3127 ;
rosuidegietar, 4084, by the side of radentaigset, 2406 ; ro-
miicnigsety 5551 ; rosuidigset, 5095 (six instances according to
Thumeysen, £Z. xxxi. .64). The 3 sg. (about 70 instances)
is always active, as are the other persons — rosdrugus^ 1403;
rotmudatgeis, 1680, cf. 1320, 1723, 1724; rosdraigsem, 1517.
Examples of other parts of the verb are pres. ind. sg. 1,
nihetraigim, 8001 ; nisteclaigim, 8002; sg. 2, deonaigi, 1431 ;
sg. 3, orddaigidf 4873; nachastathigi, 4381; pi. 3, hethaigit,
7820: ipv. coraig, 1597, 2103, cf. 1605, 2115, 2203, 5013,
2877, 6018, 6020, 6021, 6025, 6027, 6031, 6032: fut. sg. 3,
lessaigjidf 2059; erithnaig/id, 8056; uraigfeSf 4486; pi. 3,
heecaichfit, 8059.
11. Eelioious Texts in the Leahhar na h-Uidhre,
Da Bron flatha Nime (17»-18).»
genim.
rogenair 7 geinfes * who has been bom and who shall be bom,'
17» 17-18.
Scela Lai Brdtha (31^-34*).
Deponent — rqfittr,^ 32* 1.
' From other « preterites I have noted the following deponent forms : —
rosbiathaatar 3413, roemtiastar 2767, rooirdHistar 500o, 5541, 7129, ro»7nach'
tastar 1121, ranbaiditenimar 3621, rociaidsiiumar 3622, cansatar 4039, ro«rar-
satar I120f rochotnarieicsetar 2737, rodosdairsatar 3665, cf. 5293; iodiulfsatar
6268, doratmtar 3407, 3508, conemtar 3771, rojegmtar 4669, fisrordinf/setar
6297, doriffeffsatar 6929, fosiitffetisatar 6251, cordhatar 5603, nirleicftttar 6421
liunaatar 6267, roraidsctar 6497, dorinohatar 2767y tinolsatar 5617, ruatatar
6406, tuaatar 7639.
* The beginning is wanting in LU. A complete copy, containing a slightly
different teit, is preserved in LL. 280"-281».
' As to rofoirhlifar, 33* 14 (uair narofoichlitar * becau.se they took no heed '),
the ending of the « pret. se^ems to have been replaced by that (»f the ]H-rt. and
the t pret. This would then be an early isolat^jd case of what later became the
regular ending.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IHTSH — J. 8TRACHAN. 527
Active — naeomallat, 32^ 1 7 ; rochomaill, 32* 33 ; rochomaihet,
33^ 29.
Yerbs in -<r^-, -tg- are always active — ^pres. connachumnig^ 32^ 32 ;
demnigidf 32^ 5 ; demnigeSf 32^ 4 ; lesaigit, 32^ 29 : prat, corocho-
macsig, 32* 1; rolesaig, 32* 4: fut. ordaigfid, 32» 11 (bis).
Deponent < preterites — doratsamar, 32* 23; nademsamwr,
32* 43, in both cases after a preceding atchonarcmdr,
Sc61a na Essergi (34a-37^).
Aciive—atehluinfet, 34* 44; tathourea, 36^ 29; ywtV, 37* 31 ;
wiV?/?i,* 37* 40 ; notmolfat, 36^ 8.
Deponent perfects — daruminairf 35^ 46 ; rogenatdr, 34^ 45 ;
forodmatdr^ 35* 17. Transition to the active in forodaim^
35* 22 ; orofodaimsiumy 35* 24.
Verbs in -ag-, -tg- are active — pres. ind. demniges, 35* 13 ; eumniges,
35* 31; chumtaiges, 35^ 5: subj. sg. 3, coroathnuige, 35^ 15;
corocumtaigef 35^ 11 : ipv. demntg, 37* 29 : pret. roarthratg, 34^ 41 j
rochumtatg, 35^ 7 : fut. sg. 3, artraigfid^ 34* 42 ; nosathnuigfe,
34^ 21; comslanaigfid, 34^ 49; cruthaigfea^ 35^ 2; w* erchotigfi^
34* 38; fedligfid, 34^ 40, 35^ 8, 36* 15; a/rthraigfe%, 37* 42;
toltanaigfes, 35^ 3 : pi. 3, notadamraigfet, 36^ 8 ; fedligfit, 34^ 8,
37* 7 ; fedligfet, 36* 21 ; dmtadaigfit, 36* 43.
Deponent « preterite — rothiriia/rthestwr^ 35^ 4.
Ffs Adamndin (27*-31^).
Active forms — «(f eomaillet, 30* 11; eocurendf 29^ 20,
tdcurid, 27* 4; »i thairtset, 30* 31.
Deponent perfect— /or(?<^»tnfl(?«fr, 28* 42.
Yerbs in -(^-, -i'^- are active — ^pres. ind. erchdtigend, 27^ 20;
gndthaiges, 31^ 1 ; subj. eoroscoraigea, 27^ 32 : pret. roarthraig,
27* 34 ; ro8c6raig, 28^ 1 ; rofoilhig, 29^ 23; rofollsig, 31* 14, 25.
Deponent « pret. — roinnUemdr^ 28^ 32.
' The facsimile has midfedy but the sense reouires the fat. — laandsin midjidsom
eofiren forsnadoenib * then he wHl pass just jaogment on men.' So 34^ 9 fdidfed
stands in the facs., where the sense requires the future.
528 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
12. LiLTER Heroic Tales.
Aireo menman Uraird Maio Coisi.^
Deponent forms: —
ro/etursa, tMchfitir, eofeaamar * that we may know.' •
Deponent verbs that have become active :^
anuishhe^^ rotamoluSf nosmolfat.
Deponent perfects: —
forcaomnaeair^ cammidairf rogmair^ rolamair^ tamutar.
Transition to active in daruimm 'he thought,' nimrolam (v.)
rodam.
Deponent s preterites : —
eondocortutaTj roairmeMtar^ doruirmeatar^ rogeUeatar^ rofait'
haistar^; treghdustarf fegustar, eoerastary aeailistar^ mtiaimstarf
cinneitair — all in a piece of rhythmical prose; atraigsetar^
rochuitsetar.
Verbs in -ag-f -ig- : —
dohrethaigsit, ronuBlaigiet, roordaigsety soiUsigiss : ainmniget,
hrechtnaiget, hrethaigim.
Deaths of Goll and Garb» (LL. 107»» 22-111^).
Deponent verbs preserved • : —
nocondgur (y.) HI* 29; co/esser (v., subj. sg. 1) 108* 50;
atlochur {dom chumachtaih) 111^ 17.
* An allegory told to Domnall, king of Ireland, 956-979, by the poet Urard
Mac Coisi, when his abode had been plundered by the Idng^s people; of. O'Cuiry,
On the Mann. ii. 130 sq, I have two copies of the text — one from R.I A.
23 N. 10, which, however, owing to the closing of the Academy, I could not
copv to the end ; the other from Kawliuson, B. 612, which 1 owe to the kindness
of ^Ir. Stokes. The texts are practically the same, only N. supplies some
lacunae in K.
^ So, under the influence of fetaVy atfiamr^ atfiasor, atfesar * I will tell.'
' If this is for arsisfe from araissim. R has airsiusa.
* Vrom fo-aith-tibim * smile.' R. has a curious roaif/eihair after the -ar
perfect.
* Translated by Stokes, JHev. Celt. xiv. 398 «^., and in part by Zimmcr,
Ztitsrh.f. Deutsch. Alt. xxxii. 208-216.
® Stokos takes cenoradiur 'tho' I speak,* (v.) Ill* 29, as a deponent, but it
must rather be regarded as 1 sg. subj.
-•/■■
«.--->- -^ ■ ' . r ^ •
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 529
Deponent verbs that have become active * : —
ni chlunim I10» 17, 18, 19; memchomalla (v.) Ill* 32,
rachomaill 110* 40; cuir (ipv.) 110* 3, 110^ 29; nilahair^
108^ 7, nirolahair 108^ 8.
Deponent perfect ^ : —
tarrasair 108^ 5.
Deponent s preterites : —
rotsnigestar 108^ 49, rottregdastar 108^ 47, rotuairgestar
108^ 48.»
Yerbs in -ag-^ -ig- : —
nirorathaig 109^ 22, conarathaig 111* 17.
Borama * (LL. 294^-308*).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
itdguraa (v.) 308^ 24, na hdgumar (v.) 308^ 17, natdgammar,
niagamma/r^ (v.) 308^ 40 ; rofetarsa 302^ Zl.fitir (v.) 302^ 26,
finta 303^ 47 : admoniursa (v.) 308^ 22.®
Deponent verbs that have become active : —
atchluiniu 30 1* 18, atcJdunim (v.) 305^ 29, clunem 308* 34,
eluin (v.) 308^ 30; na/rachomaill 299^ 38; cuirem (subj.)
300^ 28, cuir (ipv.) 302* 27 ; curis 304^ 34, rochuir 303^ 44,
* In 109* I, nifuil dodluig dogasced no dottdrim eter dagoco h-Erentiy Stokes
8668 in dodluig a part of tothlaigim "there i8 none that asks for thy valour, or
that counts thee among Erin's good warriors." Zimmer translates doubtfully
*du hast kein anrecht auf ritterschaft oder dass du fiirderhin unter die guten
jungen der manner Irlands gezahlt wirst,' but suggests the possibility that
dodluig comes from tothlaigim. The parallel passage in the Tdin^ LL. 86^ 24,
connachfuil do dluig na do dual na do dil ri gail na ra gaxsced go brunni mbrathay
seems to indicate that dluig is a noun with the meaning of * claim ' or the like.
Cf. LL. 57* 9, fail dlug molta forrOy which must mean something like *they
have a right to praise.' The noun would naturally be connected with dligim^
* I have a claim to.' Very probably our passage is corrupt, for, apart from the
parallel passage in the Tdin^ we should expect to find after ni not no but nd.
2 For O.Ir. siassair we find in this text aeiaa, 108^ 21, 109* 6, 42 ; cf.
Thumeysen, KZ. xxxi. 98 sq. ; Zimmer, KZ. xxx. 161 aq. But it seems hardly
safe to infer very much from a form found in so late a text as this. Why might
not 86188 have replaced siaasair as narataim has replaced -damair, LL. 171* 4, 8,
rogein, rogenair, LL. 124*' 4, etc. ?
^ The passage in which these forms are foimd is a variation of a passage in
the combat with Ferdiad in the Tdin^ LL. 86^ 18 aq.^ where the first two
forms are also found.
* Edited by Stokes, Rev, Celt. xiii. 32 sq. Assigned by Zimmer, Zeitseh. f.
Ltutsch. Alt. xxxii. 307, xxxv. 26, to the eleventh century.
* The metre shows that in 308** 38 nahagam is a slip for nahdgamar.
« In 308** 24 is an isolated dep. hdgur^ probably a formation of the moment
for the sake of the jingle with dgur.
530 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IBISH — J. STRACHAIT.
darehuirs0t (y.) 302^ 1, coroekmr»0t 295^ 10, roehunet 303* 11,
ehwrfimmid 305^ 1 ; amdlamat (y.) 306^ 18 ; airU 'stay ' 297*
27, 47, 297»» 10.
Deponent perfect. On ni roJulangaiTf 299^ 4, see below note 5.
Actively ni rafulhgitua * I did not endure,* 307^ 3.
Deponent # preterites * : —
earomherhastar 300^ 32 ; connaigHtar 304^ 33, gahsatar
(v.) 299» 31, 302» 10, roiadMtar 30l» 9, roinnUet^tr 301»» 5,
11, eorofenatar (v.) 299» 34, romiirMtar 295* 6, rordidietar
295*39, 302* 19.
Verbs in -ag-y -ig- : —
niraehetaig 307* 6, roehoraig 304* 42, roehuthiig (v.)
295* 31, roorddaig (v.) 300* 50; r^rfiy (ipv. y.) 308» 45,
308* 37.
Togafl Troi« (LL. 2l7«-245»).
Deponent forms : — atagur 228* 24, atagammar 220* 26 ;
rofitir 218» 16, etc., rafetamar 240* 23, etc.
Active forms :—rflk?A/Mm 222* 36; rachuir 218» 37,
rasimarchuir 21 8» 37, rachuirset 220» 35, 232» 11, curfeiM
234» 43 ; samlait 240» 32 ; airisid 234» 19, cf. 225* 1,
233* 29.
Deponent perfects :—ra^«tflf> ' 217» 36, cf. 217* 20,
232» 21, ragenatar 217» 37, etc.; rolamair^ 227» 37;
nichamnacair 221* 31; duthracar 228* 18, 20, 3 pi. duthrjactar
217* 28; conafarlangair^ 227* 41, conafterlahgtar 240» 29.
1 In docerddatar 299^ 9, rathocbatar 301* 6, ra^gitar 305* 16 we hare
iDstances of the Mod. Ir. -adar.
* A text which has much of the turgid style which became prevalent in later
Mid. Ir. literature. In a later portion of LL. (397'*-408») there is a simpler
form of the text. I have noted from it atagar 400*> 17, rofallnaisit SOT** 17,
rogeinetar 399* 19, cofemitar 400* 36, n\ rolam 402* 24, doiionnatar 400* 10,
tarra«air 406^ 9, taramtur 402*' 24, roatlagtstar 397^ 45, 407* 2, caomnaeair
402* 63. I have not noted the verbs in -aigim or the deponent s preterites.
* But ni rogrin 225^ 40. Similarly ramid^*tar 221* 8 lor romidair.
* But pi. uiralamsatar 227* 36.
* In 237* 2 tiirteriangair has pai«=i. force — nirtrrlangair do rigmilid na
Tro'xanna .%. do llcctair in t-etualang sain ' that unequal fijrht was not endurable
to the roval warrior of the Trojans. Hector.' Cf. ni rofulangair do Uth Cuind
* Conn's half could not sustain (the attack),' LL 299^ 4. We seem to have
here confusion between the -ar act. pret. and the piLssive. Cf. LL. 175* 16
niforulnijither dosom fn-ith icind intiloig^ lit. * it was not endurable to him to
be before the host'; 177* I nirhrulngither [do] Cairpre Xiafer eside itir ; also
LL. 176* 17 ni htd barroeblangair doaom itir on * it was not leapt by him at alL'
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J, STRACHAN. 631
Yerbs in -ag-y ^ig- : —
Deponent forms are found only in the tliird persons of
the s pret.* — raitadaigestar 231* 35, raharthraigsetar 236* 48,
236^ 1, rachathaigsetar 241^ 42, rachomfaicsigsetar 225* 40,
cf. 230^ 49, 239^ 40, coracrithnaigsetar 240* 15, roriraigaeta/r
223* 19 ; active— raany 240* 44, raacairig 228* 16, 242^ 48,
rachathaig 224^ 34, rachdraig 238^ 8, rachrechtnaig 224^ 40,
corachrithnaig 236* 36, cruadatgts 236^ 49, rachumtaig 223^ 16,
17, rasfasaig 224^ 43, cf. 223* 6, 8, oragrddaig 226^ 31,
cf. 231* 11, raorddaig 234^ 47, 48, 235* 1, rasantaig 231* 38 ;
raordaigset 233^ 36, cordtreollaigset 236* 39. Other parts
of the verb, pres. ind. deimnigim 229* 2, arigid 222^ 33,
mudaigid 240* 48, luathaigend 243^ 5, orddaigit 223* 31.
Cath Ruiss na Rfg» (LL. 171*-178*).
Deponent verbs preserved : —
fetar 171* 24, etc.; ratholathar^ 171* 3.
Deponent verbs that have become active — eoroscuir 177* 23,
Deponent perfects that have become active — niroataim 171* 4,
9, 14, nirolam 176* 27.*
Yerbs in -ag-, -ig- : —
Deponent roredigesta/r 176* 36; rochrithnaigsetar 173^ 18,
raluamnaigsetar 176^ 8.' I have noted nine active forms,
all 3 sg. « pret.
' Of deponent forms in other s preterites I liaye noted twenty-two instances
of the 3 s?. (including rosmolaatar), one instance of the 1 pi. rachomraidsemar
231'^ 5, and twenty- eight instances of the 3 pi.
* Edited by Hogan, Todd Lecture Series^ iy. Cf . Zimmer, ZeiUch. /. Deutteh,
Alt, xxxii. 219 sq.
3 Cf. p. 47, ruttolnastair, Rev. Celt. xi. 446, 1. 23.
* We may have an -ar pret in rarmetaime 171** 2. It may come from
a verb *metaim cognate with meta *a dastard,' BB. 474» 22, 29 (cf. Hogan,
f. 6, n.). Of the infixed am' *ns' for O.Ir. n Hogan quotes other instances,
may add one more to show how am' may haye spread from the infinitive to
the unite verb, LL. 61^ 15, Ceat didiu cia had d6ig diartiachtain, Doig
innartised Ciiscraid *"Who then woidd have been likely to have come to us?
Is it likely that Ciiscraid coidd have come to us?' Here the inf. ar'tiachtain
is followed at once hy the finite verb 'av'tited.
* Other dep. forms in s pret. — raairgestar 171* 41, radercastar HB** 11, 28,
corogesestar 176* 19, cf. 177* 34, rolenastar 177'* 18, ralingestar 176» 18,
rosceastar 173» 14, rotkuairgestar 177» 32, tucastar 177* 3; raansatar 176* 30,
177^ 15, robansatar 176^ 8, coi'&geaetar 176» 20, 21, cf. 177» 34, roinnisetar
174* 21, roraidsetar 171» 16, 173» 5, 174» 18, ratheigsetar 176» 41. With
ending of perf. and t pret. robenaiar 176* 36, raeuclaigetar 176^ 7, rackommdratar
177» 10, raergitar 172^ 4, 173* 24, tuargabtar 173» 61, 176» 37. With regard
to this change, e.g. rolommairf rolamsat would easily become rolommair,
rohmmatar on the analogy of tarrasairy tarraaatar, etc., robeny robensaty
roben, robenaiar after atrachty atraehtatary etc. Note also cases like rog^tar,
where s of the ending is absorbed in « of the root.
632 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Before leaving this part of our subject we may juet note briefly
the state of the deponent in one or two other late texts, leaTing
out of sight the deponent s preterite, which has already been
illustrated sufficiently.
In the Tochmarc Feirbe (LL. 253^259^, cf. Zimmer, Zeittck.
/. Deutsch, Alt. xxxii. 244), we find niroddmar 255^ 1, niddmair (▼.)
256* 9 ; in a fragment of the history of the six ages of the world,
LIT. 1, 2, roginair\ in the Book of Invasions, LL. 1—26, only
rogenair, genaivj tarrasair, by the act. romid (v.), eluinet (v.),
eorochuir, rochuirset, acalUat^ itnaeallsat, niiamlaim (v.) ; in the
Irish Nennius of Gilla Coemain (LU. 3, 4, BB. 203-211), fetor,
tarrasairj tarrastair, by dorathchuir. In the Leahhar na g^Ceart
(according to Zimmer, Zeitsch. /. Deutsch, Alt. xxxv. 11, 89,
'' friihestens ende des 10 jhs."), I have noted only the act.
tnidhit. In the Vision of MacConglinne, in the Leabhar Breac
version, the composition of which is ascribed by the editor. Dr.
Kuno Meyer, to the end of the twelfth century, occnr nd Jhtaroiu,
duthracttr * I wish,' conamtarrtisar * I sank,' by ni candatn * did not
allow,' nomisa * you will devour me,' domitntm * I think,' doairii
'which consists,' /m«f(^m 'I confess,' atlaigis. In 86, 1. 6 midUMr
lem * I think,' midithir is used as a passive, cf. atomeuireikar sua»
* I raise myself up,* p. 87, 1. 20. In the Story of the ..^Sneid,
BB. 449-486, I have noted as dep. nirfidir 462» l^, farc€nnnaeair
456» 1, conacamnacar 459» 36, 47o» 4, by rohuirsed 476* 27;
rochuirset 481* 35; rochluinim 464^ 13, rochluinmu 16, roehluin
471* 37 ; rogems 458* 19, genfis 462* 28, genfidh 466* 41 ; roagaiU
452* 14, 456* 39, agaillidh 481* 7; hhraim 468* 45, Idbraid
456* 2 ; nilamaim 457* 30, lema 476» 42, nirolam 484» 46 ; molmaid
466* 30, romohat 453* 34 ; oirisid 464» 10, etc., rooirii 463» 29, etc
Let us turn briefly to the later cycle of heroic tales, the Ossianic
cycle. In the longest text the Acallam na Sendrach dep. inflexion
is found in fetar—rofedar%a^ infidir tUy infedrais, fedamar, fedabaW
but in the % subj. cofesam. Besides this we find [atlocK^amar 'we
give thanks' (to God). In this stereotyped usage atloehur
atlochamar survived as a pious expression ; cf . atloehur, LU. 1 1 6"^ 26
(by na laim * does not dare'), 119* 22, atlochar d6 'thanks be
to Him,' Martyrology of Donegal 128, Rev: Celt. xiv. 48, 1. 14,
In the Battle of Ventry I have noted nirlamais * you did not daie,'
1. 797, but no deponents. In the Macgnimartha Find {Rm?. CeH,
V. 197-204), cin co fetar § 15, nifedar § 25, by nirlam §§ 4, 17. In
this text occurs a difficult poem, and here we have deponent forms
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 533
— cuirither sal suan * the sea sleeps ' (cf . suanaid ler, Gott, Gel.
An%, 1887, p. 185); tuigither Math inbith * blossom covers the
world ' ; cuirither iasg mbrecc mbedg * the speckled fish leaps ' (cf.
folihg iach hree hedCf ih.); hmrither gort glaa *the green com
rustles ' (?). This piece was possibly taken from some old text ;
it has no particular connexion with the story in which it stands.
II. EEMARKS 01^ THE HISTOEY OE THE DEPONENT.
"We have now brought together the forms of deponent verbs
from a large number of old Irish texts. "We have also seen
from later texts how verbs originally deponent fared in a later
period of the language. The net, it is hoped, has been cast wide
enough to take in all the regularly deponent verbs. Doubtless
isolated deponent forms still lurk in unexplored comers,
particularly specimens of that ill-defined and fluctuating class,
the verbs in -ag-^ -ig-. But it is altogether improbable that
such forms will be found in sufficient numbers to upset
materially any results based upon the above collections.
It remains to consider what light these collections throw on
the history of the deponent verb in Irish. And here it may
be remarked that on some points it is as yet impossible to get
beyond approximate results. I refer especially to the period of
disappearance of the deponent forms. "We may arrive at a sort
of relative chronology; we see that certain forms disappear
earlier than others. "We can even fix the time before which
the deponent had, except in certain forms, vanished. But, before
the limits can be fixed with precision, further investigations in
the history of the Irish language will be necessary, for, apart
from historical references in the texts, it is on the language
that we must chiefly rely for fixing their date. For works of
a comparatively late period, such as the poems ascribed to Eland
Mainistrech and others, preserved in old manuscripts, the
headings in the manuscripts may be accepted without much
distrust; but the more ancient the writer is to whom the work
is ascribed, the more necessary is it to control these notices by
the evidence of the language. The native tendency to antedate
may be seen from a glance at Lectures II. and III. of O^Curry's
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-8. 36
534 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. ^RACHAN.
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, Meanwhile we
will say what seems most probable, distinguishing, as far as
possible, between facts and fancies, and trusting to the researches
of, let us hope, a not too distant future, to correct errors, and
to throw light upon what is yet dark. Even in the present
state of the question the deponent will furnish a valuable criterion
for testing the antiquity of a text, for it may be laid down as
a general principle that the better the deponential inflexion is
preserved in a text the older will the text be.*
As we have seen before, the deponent verbs may be divided
into two classes. The first class includes radical verbs and a
few denominatives, and some verbs which are deponent only
in certain parts, usually in the perfect. The second class embraces
derivative verbs in -ay-, -ig-. These two classes may be most
conveniently discussed separately. Kew developments in the s
preterite and the subjunctive will be considered afterwards.
In the Glosses (see pp. 5-24) the former class includes the following
verbs and their compounds dgur *I tear,* frisailiur 'expect,' airliWf*
eonairliur * take thought for,' * consult,' eluiniur * hear,' comalnur
'fulfil,' cuiriur *put,' etc., dimeecur^ * despise,* f star 'know,'
fociallur 'take thought for, ^ foMur * ^j^^ folnur 'rule,' gainiur
*am born,' adglddur 'address,* lahrur 'speak,' laimiur 'dare,'
foldmur 'attempt,' midiur 'judge,' -moiniur 'think,' etc., tnolur^
'praise,* cofidirgur 'direct,' 'correct,* iremidirgur^ 'transfer,'
^ Strangely enough Prof. Zimmer, Zcitsch.f. Bcuisch. AH. xxxiii. 269, brings
forward an a proof of the high antiquity of the Imram Maelduin the fact that
no deponential forms appear in the pres. system. I have noted in the IM.
vernion only one instance to the point, 1 pi. subj. cuirem^ beside the « preterit-ea
rolabah-y rosamlaisetar^ rofomidigestaVy and the perf. dommettair. This argu-
ment involves the assumption of a pre-deponential period in historic Irish, {it
least in the pres. system^ an assumption wbich the preceding pages will have
shown is completely opposed to the facts. As to the dep. forms in the s pret.
and the pcrf., wo shall see that the deponent survived there, when it had
disappeared from the other partij of the verb. Some of the other proofs of
the antiquity of the text are not verj' convincing. In Fland Mainiatrech (tl056)
may be found pandlels to the perf. forms quoted, such as gtguiti^ cechaxng^
ffiuily rcraigj rodciun^ corotulidaig, to A/, rodmhi (LL. 132* 10, 20), to the
8 fut. and subj. iarfais [iarfaigimV conecsem {adcuad) \ hiru is paralleled by
taecu in a poem of Cuan hua Lothchain, LL. 34*' 40. So that these argumenti*
hardlv prove that the text, in its present form, is particularly old.
* According to Ascoli, Lex. cxliii. a derivative from airk.
3 A word of uncertain origin; cf. AV. dcrmygu * despise ' =</j-ro-;/irr-,
edmi/gu * honour,' mygcd honoratus.
* Add to the examples molfait *they will praise,* Ml. 69^ 1.
* In other compounds reg- is regularly active. It may be noted that iu these
two compounds the verb has a mental, not a physical, application. Cf. Asc. Lfx,
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 535
' refer ' ; samlur ' imitate,' sechur ' follow/ dofuisUur ^ g. labor,
'8t88mr=iff7afiai (only in compounds), -tluchur (in atluchur (huidi)
* give thanks,' du-thluchur * demand'), diithracear 'wish'; the
isolated admachdur 'wonder' (16), remiaishdider (10), arafochladar
(11), atmuilniv/r (19), coinedar^ immetJiecrathar, fochelfatwr^ (24) :
e8wr ^ed, which supplies the f ut. stem of ithim ' eat ' ; the pres.
subj. of -ciu ' see' (23) ; the perfects eoneccoTf -ddmar, -siaasar (24),
cf. tarrastair (22).*
In the other old texts most of these verbs are found : — dgur
(53, 54, bb, b^^ etc.), frisaiUur (75), airliur, conavrlivr
(65, 59, 69), cluiniur (46, 48, 52, 56, 58, etc.), comalnur
(71, 74), cuiriur (46, 48, 51, 52, etc.), feta/r (46, etc., s^xh], Jinnar
65, 67, SO)y foctallur^ (61), folmr (51, 61, 70), ffaimur (46,
48, 58, 61, 70, etc.), ad^lddur (46, 48, 52, 54, 55, 61, 64, etc.),
lahrur (46, 52, 55, 57, 66), laimtur (57, 61, 66, 67, etc.),
foldmur (51, 57, 67, 77), midiur (49, 51, 54, 62, 67), -moiniur
(46, 58, 67, etc.), molur (75), samlur (53, 56, 57), -sissiur (49,
54, 56, 57, 58, 62, 70), -tluchur (47, 49, 58, etc.), dUhraccar
(47, 62, 67, 75) : esur (52, 67, 81) ; dep. subj. of -du (47, 51, 52,
68, etc.). Additional deponents are liiriur 'roar' (50, 53, 59, 69,
70),® cohrur * help ' ^ (60, 70), some forms of condim * preserve '
(51, 70),^ derdrur *roar' (53), tutpur 'cover* (57, 62, 67, 70,
71 n.). Isolated forms are immustecrathar 68, mrlathar (62 n.),
hd^ur (86 n.), caradar (59 n.), coihlethar (68), faichlether ' (62),
^ The dep. forms are found only in the subj. But as only two actiye forms
are found in the Glosses, and these in parts of the verb where the active forms
are most commonly found, this is probably a mere matter of chance. The
word is cognate with Lat. salio. ^ ^
2 In anu nusual construction, coinedar da insalmso *that David utters this psalm
of lamentation,' where salm is an ace. of the internal object. Cf. expressions
like 6pir\viLv fi/jj/oy,
8 Cf. note 9.
* Cf. p. 61 n.
^ Cf. aruscialladar 50, ciallathar 66, ciallastar 69. The verb seems to be a
denominative from ciall * understanding.' To dallaim corresponds W. pwyllo
considerare, deliberare, Bret, poella comprendre, concevoir, to fochtallaim,
"W. gobwyllo procurare, curare. Distinct from this verb is fochtallaim * collect,'
68 ; cf . Idg. Forsch. ii. 369, Stokes, Tlrkelt, Sprachschatz 85.
« beccestar (52) is perhaps a somewhat slender basis on which to establish
a dep. becciur * roar,' thougn it may be noted that the word belongs to the same
sphere of meaning as biiriur, derdrur,
'' I have no examples of this verb from the Glosses, except forms where the
dep. inflexion is not distinct from the act. Wb. ^^ 16, 12^ 8.
^ In the Glosses the verb is active.
^ The verb is usually active ; cf . Windisch, Wb. 639 ; Zimmer, Kelt. Stud,
i. 72; Ml. 90<= 16. In Wb. ZO^ 15 Zimmer t&lieB fochelfatar as a dep.=
expectabunt. And that seems required by the meaning. Akin in meaning to
fochiallur.
536 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
dligethar (68), temadar^ (47), ronfeladar^ (47), coltndfadar (63),
luinethar (49 n.), marastar, marathar^ (56, 71 n.), fuinethar (49),
mrogata/r (65 n.), ^M^w^^Aar (47 n.), condarlaithir (56), conidthar-
lathar (62), rlmther (76), rodomscrictadar^ (47), fossmdtur (71),
rontoloma/r (47, cf. p. 88) ; cf. also congehethar (62), gehethar (68),
fuasnadar (68), tmmasimthar (63), and the obscure todonethar,
sligethar, nerethar (63).
Deponent perfects as in the Glosses docoemnacair (49, 57, cf. 63),
forcoemnacair (68, etc.), ddmair (52, 58, etc.), arddmair (58, 68),
fordamar (71), siassar (47), arrasair (63), ta/rrasair (63, 72, etc.).
As we shall see, the dep. perf. survived longer than other deponent
forms; it even spread by analogy in the later language. I have
noted the following forms : — rodaair (dsaim),, LU. 52* 42,
LL. 288^ 43 ; cf. p. 81 n., rocesair (Stokes, Lives of Saints^ Ixxiii.),
dosfanair {anaim), immoseoemarcair {comaircim 49, cf. 63, 71 n.),
fmlangair (63, etc.), atacamnacairf ritacoemnacair, conarnecoTy
arlacaiVf forromair (63), ta/rnaca/r {65n,), formgdnairy conaitigair^
arroerachaivy dellechuir (78),* tathamair (80), targlammair {tecmah
latm), condnanacair (83), rarmetairni (fi^n), roaitfethair (85 n).
Apart from a few sporadic forms, some of which, as we have
seen, are probably to be explained as momentary analogical
formations, these verbs form a compact and well-defined class.
And there are clear indications of the connexion of this class
with the Idg. Middle voice.* And this connexion will probably
1 Another example is found in a poem in R.I A. 23 n. 10, p. 20 — hasi hoes
fomteniadar etir lesuib land.
2 Borrowed from Lat. velOy scrutor. In the Glosses scrutaim is active Wb.
31^ 10, Ml. 80^ ; feladar probably under influence of native temadar,
8 In the Glosses active, and usually elsewhere.
* In this text folamadair and folamastar, without any apparent difference
of meaning. Stokes takes folamadair as a present, and such it undoubtedly
is in its origin, cf. p. 13 note, but it may be questioned whether it does not
owe its preservation to association with the perfecte ermadair and the like.
5 Prof. Zimmer, in a weU-known paper in KZ. xxx., has tried to show that
the deponent in Irish is a purely Irish formation, of a later date than the
vowel -syncope produced by the working of the Irish accent, and consequently
later than the introduction of Latin words like peccatum, Ir. peccady ffen. pectho.
He points out (p. 263) that, taking e.g. the dep. cairigedar and the pass.
cairigtheTy cairigther is the regular Irish development of *carigitor or the
hke, while cairigedar as the development of the same form is an anomaly.
He also (p. 264) ur^es that the dep. shows irregularly d, while the passive has
the regular th. His explanation is that cairigedar ^ etc., are late formations
built up upon the active cairigidy etc. If that were so, of course any connexion
of the Irish deponent with the Idg. Middle is out of the question, and we
should have to resign ourselves to the strange fact that, some time after the
vowel -syncope produced by the Irish accent, for some mysterious reason these
deponent verbs arose in Irish ; that, setting aside the fluctuating class of verbs
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 537
become clearer when the uses of the middle voice in Indo-
Germanic have been investigated. Meanvrhile the following
points may be noted. Many deponent verbs in Irish correspond
to middle (or deponent) verbs in other Indo-Germanic languages
(cf. Thumeysen, Idg, Forach, i. 462). Thus sechur corresponds
to Lat. sequor, Gr. eTrojuai, Skr. sdcate, Zd. hacaite ; gainiw
corresponds to ^"kr. jdyatey Zd. %ayeUe, Gr. f^fir^vofiai (a formation
corresponding, except in the grade of the root, to the Irish fut.
adgignethar, p. 61), Lat. na8cor\ -moiniwr corresponds to Skr.
mdnyate, Zd. mangete, cf. Lat. -mmiscor. So -tluchur has been
compared by Stokes with Lat. loquor for *tloquor, -glddur with
Skr. hrddate. Further, dgur (perhaps with the vocalism of the
in -gur, the deponent inflexion established itself in a small and well-defined
class of verbs, some of which correspond to deponent forms in Lat., and others
to middle verbs in Greek and Sanskrit, and that this new formation had begun
to pass again into the active in the earliest Glosses, and before the eleventh century
had, except in certain forms, practically vanished. But before we give credence
to this strange tale, it would be well to examine the facts, and see whether
no probable explanation offers itself. Zimmer's statement that a form like
cairigedar, if old, is not in accordance with the laws of the Irish accent must
simply be accepted. His other statement that the deponent shows d where
the passive shows th is only partly true. The ending -dar is the usual one in
deponent verbs in -gur^ though even here we find -thar in adamrigethar,
erbirigithir. But in the other class of deponents, as a glance at the lists will
show, -thar is much more common than -dar. Now, on Zimmer's theory,
this -thar is as difficult of explanation as -dar is easy. Thumeysen, KZ.
xxxi. 63, has suggested a way of avoiding the inference that Zimmer draws
from forms like suidigidir. The distinction between dep. suidigidir and pass.
suidigthir is a secondary one, due to the desire to distinguish deponent from
passive forms. Active forms like ainmnigid, demnigid might easily produce
in place of the regular ''^suidigthir a form suidigidir, which then drew after it
a conjunct suidigedar instead of *suidigther. For this class Thumeysen's
explanation is very probable. But how about the other class of deponents,
where there were no parallel active forms? The difference of ending -^Aar,
-dar forbids us to see in them analogical forms after verbs in -gur. Besides,
as we see from a comparison of the Glosses with the profane texts, these verbs
in -gur must have been to a very great extent learned formations, though, of
course, the type must have been there before. Why then do we find laimethar
instead of *laimther from lamitor, -ciallathar instead of *cialUar from *ceilldtor ?
I would suggest the following explanation. From cdmlanator would come
^conilnatar, comalnatar. This should have given *coinalntar. If this form is to be
assumed as an intermediate stage, n must have had the value of a vowel, whence
* comalnatar , comalnathar (cf. the pass, foircnither from fdrcennator) . The
passive is here distinguished by a change of conjugation, comalnitker. So in
the pi. comldndntor would give comalnatar. Similarly *ldbrdt6r would give first
*labjrtar. Under the influence of labrur r might here develop not to ar but
to ra, whence labrathar, and in the pi. labratar, A similar explanation would
apply to airlethar, conairlethar, tomnathar, tomnatary insamlathar, disamlathar,
dofuisledar. Since the Irish were evidently resolved at any cost to keep the
deponent inflexion apart from the passive, a ready enough means of doing so
lay to hand by simply extending the endings •athar, -ethar, ^atar, »etar
throughout the deponent — gainethar : gainiur= airlethar : airliur, etc. In
538 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN.
perfect, Brugmann, Chundrtss, ii. 1256) may be compared with
Gr. axofiaiy midtur, perf. midar, with Gr. fiehofmij fiJihofmi^ though
the formation of the present stem is different ; with the forms from
this verb meaning *to measure' cf. Lat. metior^ Skr. mimlte,
Ir. 'Smiur with its intransitive signification suggests comparison
with the Gr. middle itrrafiai, Yedic Sanskrit has both tishthati
and tishthate in a neuter sense. But this use of the pres. act.
is probably less original than that of the Gr. iffrrf/uLi, compared,
with €<TT'ijKa, eVn/i/. For the usage in Yedic Sanskrit see Delbruck,
AUtndische Syntax^ 257 sq, Ma/rathar suggests at once Lat.
moror. The Glosses certainly have the active, and that is so
far against the direct comparison of the two deponents. On
the other hand, the language of the Laws is higbly archaic,
and it is not impossible that an old deponent survived there,
which had become active in the Glosses. The root Icleu, which
elsewhere is usually active (but cf. Lat. clueor by clueo), is in
Irish deponent, except in the perfect.^ Boot ed- *eat' appears
only in the 8 formation ed-s- and as a deponent ; cf . Gr. ehofiai
and isolated forms of Skr. ad- (Delbruck, Altind, Synt, 233). In
some cases in the passive itself a similar secondary distinction has been intro-
duced. Thus to-ellatbr and to-elldntor would have become do-elltar. Perspicuity
demanded a separate plur. form, and we have doellatdry though the ending
'Otar, probably under the influence of the active -a^, spread further than was
absolutely necessary. As to the d in moUtdary etc., whether it is to be
explained as due to -igedar or in some other way, it is also found in the passive,
e.g, cuicsedar. It was only in the third person that the regular developments of
the deponent could colliae with the passive. In the other persons it was
free to go its own way. Thus, in 1 pi. *co8mxligimor became eosmiligmtner,
*dechr%gimor dechrigmir, in 2 sg. *mlditer became mitter, *man%Ur mointer,
*carigxter cairigther. It maj be noted that in Class I. a vowel is regularly
found before the heavy m in the 1 pi., seehemmar by eosmiligmer. This
difference seems to depend upon the different number of syllables. It is only
necessary to refer briefly to a couple of Prof. Zimmer's other assertions. On
S. 259 he says, **im prasens dagegen ist deponentialflexion bei wurzelverben
. h. bei prasensstammen auf o (Lat. lego^, dico-) ausserst selten und aktive
formen liegen daneben." How far this is true will be seen from a glance at
the forms from the radical verbs cluiniur, gainiur, midiur, •'tnoiniur, sechur,
'Sissiur, As to the assertion that we can still, in O.Ir., see the deponent
CTowing, the above lists confirm Thumeysen's remarks, KZ. xxxi. 63. A
riirther indication of the connexion of tne Irish deponent with the middle
voice is the ending -the, -ther of the 2 sg. (Thumeysen, Idg. Forsch. 1. 460 8q»),
In the 2 pi. Ir. uses the active endi^ where Lat. has the new formation
-mini. This was probably to avoid coincidence with 3 sg. In the pres. sec.
r endings are wanting in the dep. as in the pass. Here an -adar {-athar),
*edar would in most cases have been identical with the conjunct form of the
present.
^ Is the prevalence of the deponent inflexion in Irish due to the influence
of labrur * speak'? On the other hand it looks as though Idg. *^luneumi
had become m Irish *cltmi5'{r) under the influence of *ce8i5 ^aee/ The active
perf. cuala compared with the dep. perfects gSnair, mSnair, midair indicates
that the dep. inflexion in Irish is seconckry.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 539
^Izen ' see- ' (cf . Skr. ca^hu cdkshate) only the present subjunctive
is deponent. Condim * protect ' (Skr. dvati) is, as in Skr., active
in the Glosses, but shows deponent forms in some old texts.
Instances of verbs middle in some parts and active in others
are found in other languages, cf. Delbriick, Altind, 8ynL 235,
Gr. ^aivu) ^rfaofiaif etc.; in Greek it is particularly in the fut.
that middle forms are found.
Let us glance briefly at the meaning of these deponents. One
well-defined group denotes the exercise of the organs of speech —
'tluchur,^ lahrur 'speak,' ad-glddur 'address,* a/rafoclada/r^ p. 11,
atmuilniur iterum dico, huriurj derdrur ' roar.* With these may
go molur * praise,' if, as seems likely, the sense of praising has
been developed from that of speaking.* Cf. Lat. verbs like
voctferor, qutntor, Skr. verbs like hhdshate 'speaks,' Greek verbs
like fipvxaojiiat, ^vKuofiai, Other verbs denoting the exercise
of a bodily function are -cea/r * see,' esur^ further follimr * fly '
(cf. Skr. prdvate). Of the other deponents it may be noted how
many belong to the mental sphere (cf. the Sanskrit verbs,
Delbriick, Altind, Synt, 233) — dgur 'fear,' frtsailiur 'expect,'
comdlnur 'fulfil' (but I'lnaim *fill'), condirgur 'direct,' dimeccwr
* despise,' /^^(zr ' know,' laimur ' dare,' foldmur ' attempt ' (cf. Lat.
Conor), midiur * judge,* 'fnoiniur ' think,' 'Samlur imitor,
duthracca/r ' wish,* tolur * please,' folnv/r * rule,' airliur,
fochiallur ' take thought for.' Akin in meaning to the last
verbs is cohrur ' help ' (cf. Lat. auxilior), with which go the
deponent forms of condim and temadar ' may he protect.' With
these may be mentioned fosuidiur, which in the Laws is
translated ' entertain * ; cf. fosiLghadh * maintenance,* O'Donovan
Suppl. In cuiriur^ we often find an intransitive meaning
(p. 8 n.), or a middle force 'take to oneself,' but in
some passages, e.g. Ml. 52, the meaning seems to be simply
active. It may be noted that the active forms in the Glosses
(p. 9) have an active force, so dichutrid, imdaouiret (p. 56).
As to dofuisliur (Lat. salio), dufuisUm is found glossing lahoy
1 In atluchur huidi *I give thanks.' In do-tluchur it has rather the sense
of asking for oneself, otTeTo-^ai.
2 Cf. p. 19 n., also Wb. 14^ 26, guide et tomoltid armbdis Spraying and
calling for (?) our death,' 20^ 4 nimthomoldid * do not call upon me ' (r), where
see Stokes' note, cf. KZ. xxxi. 240.
3 "With this I would put immethecrathar * coyers ' s^Hmme-dO'aith^eorethar,
This verb may have influenced 'tuigiur * cover,' which was also exposed to the
influence of derivatives in -giur.
540 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. STRACHAN.
dofuisledar, etc., glosses labor, elabor. The other verbs call for
no further remark.
With regard to the perfects cotanecar^ forodama/Ty adrodamwr^
siassair (from y/8ed-\ it is hard to say whether they come
from Idg. middle forms, or whether they are the beginning of
the analogical extension of the -a/r perfect which is found in
later Irish. If the variation between active and deponent here
be old, we may compare Lat. gaudeOy gavisus sum and the
like.
Of deponent forms related to active verbs as the Greek and
Sanskrit middle to the active the examples are few and
not very certain. I have already noticed coinedar, Ml. 74^ 1,
with its peculiar construction. In LIT. 110^ 31 (p. 68), Windisch
takes nosinethar (probably. from no-n-sinethar with infixed pronoun)
as deponent 'he stretches himself.' The regular passive to simm
'I stretch' would be sinter. So immasinithar ddih (p. 63 n. 2,
cf. p. 68 n. 7) lit. 'there are mutual stretchings to them.' Por
the construction cf. "Wind. Wb. 415, dmanacca ddih 'when they
saw one another,' LL. 256^ 37, and, from a deponent, imasiaedar
doth, p. 54 n. 4. In LIT. 106* 44 (p. 68), Windisch takes
fiiasnadar as a deponent form from fiimnaim^ and the reflexive
meaning suits the passage well; nosfuasnaither im Conculaind,
LIT. 127* 36, seems certainly passive; cf. the passive construction
of ^ddssaim^ Wind. s.v. dastwry Ml. 50^ 2, LU. 63* 8. In the
Glosses and usually in the profane literature hertaigim * shake '
is active. On p. 53 we have nomhertatgedar, etc., *he shakes
himself.' I may refer also to congehethar p. 62 n. 3, gehetha/r
p. 68 n. 5. Perhaps an examination of other old texts will
bring more examples to light.
The second class of deponents, the denominatives in -^twr,
resembles, in respect of the freedom of its formation, the various
Latin denominatives with the suffix -io- (Brugmann, Orundr. ii.
§§ 777-8). It is a formation common to the two branches of
Keltic, cf. Ir. sdraigv/r with W. sarhafy though of course
deponent forms are found only in Irish. In Irish it spread most
widely in the learned language, the language of the church,
and it is found in the largest numbers in the Old Irish Glosses.
In the great majority of cases there the verbs are evidently new
formations coined after the stamp of the Latin words. In some
instances the glossator makes this clear enough. In Ml. 128<^ 8
tutdbitur is glossed by inilligfid .i. doemfea : here inilUgJid is coined
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 541
to express tutabitur; doemfea is the usual Irish for ' will protect.'
Similarly in Ml. 30° 18 potahunt is glossed by deugaigfit .i. ilait
son. As might be expected, the formation is not very frequent
in the old heroic tales. In some of the simpler of them, such
as the Tain B6 Regemain and the Tdin B6 Regamna, it is not
found at all. In the comparatively long Tdin B6 Frdich are
found only forms from airigiur, which in the Glosses is regularly
deponent. A comparison of the older LIT. version of the Tdin
B6 Cuailnge with the later more literary version in LL. in respect
of the frequency of verbs in -ig- is instructive. In later
ecclesiastical texts like the Tripartite Life of S. Patrick, the
Saltair na Rann, and the Passions and Homilies edited by Atkinson
from the Ledbhar Breac these verbs swarm. Prom the language
of the church they must gradually have made their way into
the language of the people; in Mod. Ir. the formation is very
numerous. It would be a vain task to try to enumerate the
verbs of this class, for each newly discovered text will probably
add new forms. Thus the Eegula of Columbcille furnishes the
forms nomuinichit-f^ coseelaigetar, the Arrada mani cumrigedar,
the metrical treatises edited by Thumeysen, Irische Texte iii.
1 sq.j oentadaigeiar by deochraigetar? But it may be of interest
to arrange the forms found in the three great collections of
Glosses, to see how far the deponent and how far the active
inflexion prevails in different parts of the verb.
Pres. ind. sg. 1. Deponent — Wb. noadamruguVy niconairigursa,
nochairigur, nomisligur ; Ml. coasmecnugursay^ nothoris-
nigiur.
^ Read nomuinichither — each bee n6 cech mdr domuinichether. Reeves
translates *thou possessest.* I have no further examples of the word.
* It is interesting to note how the deponent forms are found in the questions,
while the answers show active forms, e.g. § 3, et na aoerhaird dd^ cid nosdeocrai-
gethar ingradaib ? Niansa : as aridanaib forberat 7 deocruigid. It looks as
though the questions had become formulaB in which the old forms survived.
Exceptions to the rule are, however, found in the version on p. 24. In the
grammatical tract, BB. 314 «<?., the text has the dep. eondadeligitar, 323* 26
by other deponents like nosdeachrathar distinguishes them { = dt'Corethar) 319^ 5 ;
the comm. has the 2Lciisre fograigit, failhiges, etc., but also nasdeligidar 320a 37.
3 Cf . p. 40 note. At the same time the syntax is decidedly in favour of the
subjunctive, for the meaning is *that I should root out,* not *that I do root
out,' so that I should be inclined to leave it an open question whether we have
not here an early instance of the subj. in -«r. The other instance, nothorisnigiur,
seems to be indicative, but we have as yet no investigation into the uses of the
moods in Irish. In the absence of such an investigation, I fear I may have
in some cases classed indicatives as subjunctives, and vice versd.
542 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Active — Wb. conasarcagimj 8ulhi\j*{gim]^ ', Sg. hruthnaigim,
cumachtaigimy cumcigim, daihgnigim, mdephthigitnf deehrt-
gtmy imMmgtm, dlgenmgim, athrtgtm, haithaigim, euiligimj
failligim, fescrigim, fliuchaigim, gaigmf gortigmy mtonnai-
gtm, muniginiy HcMaigim, trehairigim, ualligm; Ml.
tosngachtmgim.
8g. 2. Deponent only — ^Wb. nocairigther ; Sg. cumaohtaigther ;
Ml. adhartaigther, dixnigther.
Bg. 3. Deponent — Wb. adamrigethar, leoigidiry nomheotgedar, eairi-
gedar, cutmmgedar, dtxntgedar, fedligedar, firianigedar
(bis), fogrigedaTy foirlthigedary toirthigedar ; Sg. deligedar
(bis), desimrechtaigeda/Ty dtsruthaigedar, dtxntgedar, comii-
cnigedaVy engraicigidir (bis), engracigedaVy etarenigedoTy
klaigedar (bis), oenaigedar, sainigedary -suidigedar (bis),
trehrigedar; Ml. adamrigedary adhartaigedar, adeitchethar
(ter), aidlienigedary adrihaigedar, hruthnaigedar, cltichi'
gedar (bis), cohrigedar, comadasaigidir (bis), cruthatgedoTy
danaiged\ar]y dixnigedavy 6cmaiUigidir, erh'rigithiry erdar-
caigidiTy erladaigidiry erladaigedoTy etttailngigedar, nosess-
rassaigedoTy fercaigedavy fiachaigedaVy foihigidir (bis),
foihigedar (ter), follaigedaVy -fortachtaigedary guaigedaVy
imdaigidir (ter), lobraigedar (bis), londaigedar (bis),
mothaigedaTy redigedoTy aonartnaigedaVy auhaigidir, "teaaU
gedafy immetrenaigedary -tuailngigedar.
Active — Wb. dlgenigid; Sg. demnigidy atligid; Ml. erhirigid,
imdaig[td'\y nosilaigid,
pi. 1. Deponent — Wb. adiignigmar] Sg. cosmiUgmmer ; Ml.
dechrigmir.
Active— r-Wb. foruauligem ; Ml. demnigmiy elithrigmi, failtigmi,
pi. 3. Deponent — Wb. holtigetary dixnigetar, -Htigeta/r ; Sg.
aidlignigitiry aidlicnigetary hindigeddary cosmailigetary
dechrigetar (bis), engraicigeta/r (bis), -faiUigetar (bis);
Ml. adamraigetary cluichigetary dechraigetar (bis), condo-
gaihegetar, ecndigitiry -findbadaigetary guaigitiry imdaigitir
(bis), imdaigetary lohraigetary mindchigitir, suidigitiry
huatigidir.
Active — Mi»8ubaigity -feidligety cqfinhuanaigit, -airiget; relative
Wb. iudigte (19* 13), Sg. foikigdde; Ml. cathaigtey
1 Both Stokes and Ziiiimer read sulhiWigim], but it seems equally possible,
and it would be more in accordance with the usage in Wb., to read 8um\i'igur'],
THB DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 543
deehraigte, demnigte^ fetdHgUj fograigte, gresehaigUj
mmcigitBf saithraigUf semigU (86^ 10), taraisnigUy
acarlaigte, aitJUrgigtey intledaigU, lainnigte^ fnenaigte,
$6taigt$.
subj. 8g. 1. Deponent only — Wb. ro/oirhthtger ; Ml. eoerladaig:ar,
nufailtigeTj nosilaiger,
sg. 2. Deponent — Wb. eairigtker; Ml. adnamraigther, danaigther^
itaigther (bis), fotehriiigthery inraieeaigther.
Active — Ml. 'daingnige, -imdaigi,
sg. 3. Deponent — ^Wb. deehrigedar; Sg. ienaigidir; Ml. hresmtm*
gedar, friscathaigedar, eomamigedar^ comdemnigedar,
cutrummaigidir, diummuisaigedarj -dixnigedar, 'etarcni'
gedar, foeridigedar, gresehatgidtr, lohraigedar, fommamaige-
dar, motthaigidir, semigidir, soehenelaigidir, sonartnaigedar,
uraigedar.
Active — Ml. eo adbartaigid, eo mothaigid^ eo Mrmaigtd, mani
mesraigea.
pi. 1. Deponent — Wb. fedligmer.
Active — Ml. nuallaigem (cf. hoUigme, Acr.).
pi. 3. Deponent — Wb. inhothigetar ; ML adamraigetar (bis),
failtigetar, inlinaigetar.
Active — Wb. herassiget.
ipv. sg. 2. Deponent only — ^Ml. aditehide, fercaigthe^ fochridigthej
foihigthej trehrigthe, dianaigthey ollaigthe^ rueeaigthe
(27« 11), sldnaigthe.
« pret. sg. 1. Deponent only — ^Wb. -axrigsiur (bis), roardrigestar^
roeathichsiur ; Ml. roadhartaigsiur (bis), rodoiehenelaigsiur,
rufrepthanaigisiur, rusuidigsiur,
sg. 2. Deponent only — Ml. rtieeBtaigser, rofoerhthtehser, rolethnaigser,
rosudtgser, rosuthehaigser, rotaitnigser.
sg. 3. Deponent only — Wb. roardrigestarj roddnaigestar, radeem-
nigestar, rqfirianigestar, rosfaiUxgestar, romiscsigestar,
roordigeztar (bis), rosuidigestar ; Sg. ekehnaigUtir^ rotoU
tanaigestar ; Ml. roadhartaigestar, roainmnigestar (ter),
roieosmailigestar, ruculigestar, raeumgaigettar, rooutrum-
matgestar, rodaingnigeBtarj roddnaigestar (bis), rodumai-
gestar, roetarenaigestar, ruetiMilng[ig'}e8tary rofaasaigestar,
rondfirianatgestar, rofoiUigestar (quater), rolondaigestar^
fosroammamigestar, rondoirammaigestar, romineigestar^
rudmreehtnigestar, rtuaithraigestar, rusarigestar, rosonarU
naigestar, roauidigestar (ter)^ rutesaaigestarf rotoraanaigeBtaTj
rothuailngigedar^ runttaihrigestar.
544 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — ^J. 8TRACHAN.
pi. 1. Deponent — Sg. rochruthaigBemmar \ Ml. rufiidliffsemmar.
Active — Ml. rondoirniaigsem^ roerhirigsem.
pL 3u Deponent — Wb. rotrladigsetar, rofoilsigsetar^ forru9uidig»etar ;
Ml. rodehthaiehsetar, roechtrannaigsetar, rognathaigsetar.
Active — Wb. rdsdrtchset; Ml. adruamraigtety roadhartaigut^
rofeidligseiy ru/dilsigaet, rohertaigset^ rondilmainatgset,
roetrummaigsetf rofeuchraigset, rumadaigset (bis),
fut. sg. 1. Deponent — Wb. gaimig/er; Ml. adhartaigfer ; (of. Acr.
-scithtg/ar).
Active ' — Ml. -etarcuguhey greschaigfea.
sg. 2. Deponent — Ml. meseatgfider.
Active — Ml. adhartaigfey ilaigfey -dawgnichfe,
sg. 3. Active — Ml. oomaicsigfidy ddnaigfeay addanaigfeay feidligfidy
foiUigfidy imdaigfid, suidigfithy arsadatgjith, itrummaigjidy
inilligfidy erdarcaigfes,
pi. 3. Active — Ml. eumacMaigfety d^chraigfety trem-feidligfety
deugaigfit.
If we compare these different sets of Glosses with one another,
wc sec clearly a falling-off in the deponent inflexion and an
increase in the active. In the oldest of the three collections of
Glosses, the Wiirzburg Glosses, active forms are few; in the Milan
Glosses, even if we make allowance for the greater number of
instances, the proportion of active forms is greater. But it would
hardly be safe to reason backwards, and assume that at one time
these verbs followed the deponent inflexion entirely, for, as wo
have seen, the influence of the active forms is probably to be
seen in the development of deponent forms like suidigidiry
Buidigitir,
The proportion of active forms to deponent differs in different
parts of the verb. Some parts, e.g. the singular of the 8 preterite
and the 2 sg. imperative, show only deponent forms. In the
future, on the other hand, except in the 1 sg., and one instance
in the 2 sg., the forms arc all active. But it must be borne in
mind that the examples come from the !Milan Glosses. Another
thing that may be noted is the prevalence in Sg. of the active
inflexion in the 1 sg. pros. ind. It is time that most of the
examples are imitations of Latin words, and that many of them
are found only in this one form, but even then there is no reason
* In "Wh. 12*' 12 Stokes and Zimraer exknd 8uL to sulbairigfea.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 645
why tlie writer should have used the active form, had it not heen
more familiar to him in this part of the verh. Unfortunately Ml.
has very few examples of this person. But the same thing is seen
in the former class of Yerbs—frithaUm Ml., demeccim Sg., dofuislim
Sg., duthluchim Ml. "WT). has here always the deponent form.
And in the old secular texts that I have examined the deponent
inflexion prevails — atamidiur (p. 51), adgladur {^^)y rocluiniur
(56), domuiniur (58), cluniur (59), etc., hut rotchlunim in a
religious text (p. 72). In the other old texts it is difficult to
compare the inflexion of the -ig- verhs with their inflexion in
the Glosses, both because of the rarity of their occurrence, and
because such instances as are found come almost entirely from
the third persons of the present and the 8 preterite. A 1 sg.
pres. ind. nocJiosnagur is found p. 47, a 2 sg. -muimehither p. 98.
Of the 2 sg. subj. we have examples in fuiligther p. 75, and
mebraigtJier p. 76, by the side of the active mani hrethaigeseo p. 68.
Of the 1 pi. pres. ind. active forms are found in cathaigmit p. 68,
cdraigmit, sidaigmit p. 64 ; dep. airigmer p. 52. Of the 1 pi. pres.
subj. an active form occurs in aithigem p. 75. In the 2 sg. ipv. I
have noted only the active inflexion, ardotchuildig p. 66, in a text
where the active inflexion prevails in these verbs ; similarly in the
future 1 sg. hrethaigfit p. 68, 3 pi. crechtnaigfit p. 71. In the
3 sg. of the 8 preterite deponent forms are common, less frequent
in the 3 pi. But active forms are not rare — samatge8 p. 47,
rofuachtnaig p. 53, rathaige8 p. 57, racha8nig p. 64, etc. This
represents a later state of matters than in the Glosses. The
evidence indicates that the deponent inflexion passed into the
active at an earlier period in this class than in the other. The
Milan Glosses clearly point in this direction ; so do the old profane
texts, unless indeed we are to assume that time and the scribes
have dealt more hardly with these verbs than with the others.
In the Eegula Mochuta, too, p. 73, where deponent forms would
have been protected by the metre, are found the active nonmi8cnegat
and aithigem. All these facts are in favour of the above conclusion.
As this class of verbs is found chiefly in the Glosses, and as it
is not largely represented in our other old texts, it has seemed
most convenient to treat of it briefly as a whole, before we proceed
to remark on the history of the deponent generally in Irish.
As in the deponents in -giur so in the others the deponent
inflexion has already in the Old Irish Glosses begun to give place
to the active. This change has naturally gone furthest in the
546 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
latest of the three great collections of Glosses, the Milan
Glosses.*
Active forms are found most frequently in comalnur * fulfil.*
Of active forms in the 1 sg. pres. ind. I have already spoken.
The other active forms are distributed as follows — pres. ind. sg. 3
comallaid Ml., comalnaa Wb., Idbraid Ml. ; pi. 1 laibraimme Ml.,
duntlucham Wb. ; pi. 3 comalnat Wb., comallait Ml., chamallaite
Ml., immmaccaldat Ml., molat Ml.: — subj. sg. 1 fristaeor Ml.;
sg. 2 cutri £cr., intamlae Ml. ; sg. 3 comalla Ml. ; pi. 1 Idbraimme
Ml. ; pi. 3 chomdlnit "Wb., dichret Ml., molait Ml. : — b pret. sg 1
rocomallus Ml. ; pi. 3 rochomalnisset Wb., orufoluassat Ml., foru-
ratthminset^ Ml., arrumumset Ml. : — reduplicated future only
deponent cechladar Wb., Ml. : — a fut. and subj. sg. 1 doduthrU
Wb. ; sg. 2 duthrais Carm. Ml. ; pi. 3 imroimset, imruimset ML,
dunfutharset Ml. — h fut.' sg. 2 folnaibe Ml., dundamroimnefeae Ml. ;
sg. 3 deintamlafa Ml., nicontuislifea Ml. ; pi. 1 atluchfam Wb. ;
pi. 3 comallaihte ML, molfait Ml. The 2 sg. pres. ind. and pret.,
the 2 sg. ipv., and the 3 sg. pret. are always deponent.
If we turn to the other deponent texts, we find in some of
them the deponential inflexion preserved as well as, if not better
than, in the Glosses, while in others the active inflexion has
made greater inroads. This encroachment of the active inflexion
might be explained in two ways. Either it represents the
fluctuation of the language at the time of the redaction of the
1 According to Thumeysen, Eev. Celt. vi. 318, the manuscript in which
the Milan Glosses are found belongs to the end of the eighth or the
beginning of the ninth century. From a comparison of the langut^e with
the Irish of the Book of Armagh, on which however see now Zimmer,
Zeitach. /. deutsch. Alterth. xxxt. 63, 78, he would place the original at the
latest in the middle of the eighth centiuy. It is clear from the scribal errors
that the glosses have been copied once, if not oftener. The "Wurzburg Glosses
are preserved in a manuscript of the end of the ninth or the beginning of
the tenth century, but, as Thumeysen points out, the language is considerahly
older than that of the Milan Glosses. He would put the original in the seventn
century. The St. GaU Glosses, preserved in a manuscript written in 846 or
856, KZ. xxxiii. 93 note, he suggests, Ue between the two. Of course this
dating is only approximate. It were greatly to be desired that some one well
versed in the theology of the time should examine the subject-matter of the
Wiirzburg and the Milan Glosses. Therein, so far as I see, lies the only hopa
of fixing more accurately the date of composition. It would be interesting to
know, for example, if there be any trace of the influence of Isidore on the
Wiirzburg Glosses. A superior Umit for the date of the Glosses on Bede is
fixed by the date of the original ; unfortunately these glosses are scanty.
* "With transition to the s pret.
3 The 1 sg. fut. is always deponent ; of the 2 sg. no deponent forms occur
in this class of verbs, but it is to be noted that the only two examples are from
Ml. To the dep. forms in sg. 3 should be added cotmlnabadar, Ml. 46^ 20.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 547
text, or active forms have been at a later time substituted by
copyists for deponential. Of the latter examples are not wanting.
Thus, on p. 51 cotnofada/r is evidently more original than ootndha}
On p. 54, for adglaasmarniy of the Yellow Book of Lecan, Egerton
1782 has atrogUsimniy and H. 1. 13, T.C.D., which agrees closely
with Egerton, has atrogleaimni. On p. 69, for acailli of LTJ. and
H. 1. 13 the Yellow Book of Lecan has the deponent adglaiter.
But such cases are few compared with the huge mass of instances
in which the deponential forms have been faithfully preserved.
I may say that I started with a prejudice against these Irish
scribes — so many are the sins that have been laid to their
charge, — and was prepared to find the old deponential inflexion
freely altered in later manuscripts. But, as the investigation
went on, I was more and more struck by the fidelity with which
these old forms at least were copied. Thus, the later Yellow
Book of Lecan furnishes texts in which the deponent inflexion
is every whit as well preserved as in the earlier Ledbha/r na
h'Uidhre or the Book of Leinster. In order to subject this
point to as severe a test as possible, during a visit to Dublin
I collated Tain Bo Frdich (p. 52), Longea Mao n- Usnig (p. 53),
Tain B6 Regemain'^ and Tain B6 Regamna (p. 54), and £chtra
Condla (p. 69), with copies in the modem paper manuscript,
H. 1. 13, in Trinity College. The result was a triumph for
the fidelity of the scribe. I take as an example the text Echtra
Condla (p. 69) ; the corresponding forms in H. 1. 13 are, in
the same order, totcuirether, docormtuir, accalli, adgladadar, coto-
megnigetar {—cotomeicnigetar Yellow Book of Lecan). The
conclusion has forced itself upon me that where active forms
are frequent, or where the deponent inflexion has practically given
place to the active, we have to deal with something more than
a mere copyist's alterations. But to this we shall have to return
again.
In the texts of which we have been speaking certain parts
of the verb are represented by numerous examples, particularly
the third persons of the present indicative and subjunctive, the
perfect, and the s preterite. It would be useless to repeat all
1 If we should not here speak rather of the redactor than of the scribe.
There are clearly several redactions of this old text (cf. p. 50 n.), of which the
LL. version is by no means the best.
2 The Tain Bo Regeinain stands on pp. 346-7, the Tain B6 Regamna on
p. 346. The text is the same as in Egerton 1782.
548 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
these forms again. It is sufficient to note the forms of less
frequent occurrence. We have already remarked that here the
1 sg. pres. ind. is usually deponent :— attdffur (52, etc.) y frtsatUur
(75), cluniur (56, 59), tocuiriur (46, cf. 60), adglddur (71, 55),
lamur (82, 76), atlochur (49, 73), atamidiur (51, cf. 49), nomolw
(75), domuiniur (58), fosauidiur (71) : active rotchlumm (72),
laimim (57), romolaim (71). The corresponding person in thiB
subjunctive is regularly deponent ; we shall have the examples
later. Pres. ind. sg. 2 ataigther (66), adgladaither (54), admuinter
(76) — atclumstu (66), acailli (69).^ Pres. sub], sg. 2^ agither (59),
aigther (65), airlither (65), arafolmaider (?) (51) — euire (58, etc.),
tochre (58). The 2 sg. ipv. is usually deponent cluinte (48,
53, 60, 75), colairthe (70), cuirthe (58), y?w^« (61)i atomglaitese
(48), molatha (75), atlaigthe (47), samailte (56, 57, 87) — active
<;M«*r (66), samail (57, 88). Pret. sg. 2 adrogaiher (55). The
third person is regularly deponent. « fut. and subj. condaesur (67),
roessur, cofessar (55, cf. 61, etc.) ; rofeiser (75), wmzV (49),
duthraiser (75); fiastar (48, cf. 51, 72), admesta/r (51), conmestar
(67), miduthrastar (47); cofessamar (61), adglaasmar (54), <?<?«-
mesamar (54), condessamar (81) ; rofessatdr (57). Red. Fut.
atagegallarsa (64); gtgmthar^ (70), adgignethar (61), atagegall-
dathar (64), Umaither (61). The J fut. is scantily represented,
cotnofada/r (51), aurisfemmar (70) — immacurfi (60), cotndba (51),
nossei'ch/e (51).
Our next task should properly have been to trace the decay
of the deponent inflexion. But in the absence of a sufficiency
of examples in dated and trustworthy texts we should here
find ourselves on very slippery ground. The safer course is
first to start from a time by which it can be shown that
the deponent inflexion had disappeared, and then to work our
way backwards as far as we can.
Here we may first call attention to certain forms that survived
for a whUe the general breaking-up of the deponential system,
and that are found in texts in which the deponent has otherwise
passed into the active. Of these forms the 8 preterite and the
1 On atomglaithe, see p. 69 n.
* On forms like essai'a (62), nitdgara (65), see Zimmer, KZ. xxviii. 342 sq.
3 In dogignestdr (68) we seem to have a mixture of the red. fut. with
the 8 fut. Cf. the fut. pass, atatchigestar *you will be seen,' Ml. 69« 12,
with dianaicigthery LU. 74^ 25, acciged, LU. 64* 39. "With the phrase
dogignestdr do menma cf. niba sldniu de lat do menma^ LU. 74^ 24.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 549
1 sg. subjunctive will be noticed in the third part of this paper.
Apart from them, the chief instance of the kind is the -or
perfect, which not only lived on but even extended itself
analogically, cf. p. 93. Examples of this are atacaemnacairy eonoT'
necar, etc. (63), foreoimnacuir, rodamar, etc. (78), atamir, genair
(79), romidatr, tathamair (80), roddmairj lamair^ dosfanatr,
dtardsmr (81), coemnaeair, rodamair, etc. (82), doruminairy etc.
(84), forcaomnaeuiry eommtdair, etc. (85), ragenmr, rolamair, etc.
(87), m'roddmar, etc. (89), roiarair {tarraim, LL. 158^ 32),
roeesair, conanacar, rodamair^ forodamair, for coemnaeair, roginar,
foroerlangair^ duthracair^ tarrasatr {Passions and Somilies from
the Leahhar Breac, ed. Atkinson). If it be asked why this form
outlived the rest of the deponent, the answer may be that it
found support, which the other parts of the deponent did not,
in forms outwardly similar from active verbs in which the r
belonged to the verbal stem. Compare, for example, rogenair
with dorochairj dorochratar * fell,' rofreeair (for older frisroga/rt),
rofrecratar * answered,' rolommair {lommraim * strip '), etc. Even
here the s preterite began at an early period to exert an influence.
In the Wiirzburg Glosses rumuinesta/r (18) seems to have replaced
ruminair^ and in the Milan Glosses {ih,) romSnatar has been ousted
by the s preterite in foruraithminset and arrumuinset. Further
examples of the same kind are na/rlam (65), rolamsata/r (70),
rodamsatar (71), dorumensat (82), rofodaim (S4), doruimmy^ rolam,
rodam (85), nirogein, ramidestar (87), roataim, rolam (88), romid
rogenis, rolam (89), nirlam (LIT. 42* 45), rogein (LL. 124^ 4),
rolam (LL. 271^ 22). Of single verbs the deponent inflexion
lived on in fetar ' know,' which, in the phrase nk fheadar, has
survived to the present day. In the later Middle-Irish literary
language the old forms are found transformed after the s pret.,
e.g. fedaraiSy fedrais, for 2 sg. feta/r. The survival of the verb
is probably due to the frequency of its use. Another deponent
verb found in texts in which the active inflexion prevails is
dgur *fear,' cf. pp. 59, 85, 86, 87. The only instance of the
active that I have noted is the ipv. aigsiu, LL. 278, lower margin,
A remarkable thing about this verb is its complete disappearance
^ In the Amra Coluimbchille 108 dorumeoin is doubtless to be explained as
a momentary analogical formation after -gedin *knew,* cf. nadigdi gedin 66*>.
It is one of the many artificial forms in that composition, cf. p. 46 n. Another
long poem composed in the same ohscure and artificial style is the Amra Conroi,
H. 3. 18 (T.C.I).), 49 sq.y ascribed in the MS. to Ferohertne.
Phil Trans. 1891-2-8. 36
550 THE DEPONBNT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRAGHAN.
in long texts like the Passions and Sbmilies, wliere it is replaced
by immeclaigim as in late versions of tlie Tdin B6 CtuUlhge, So
far as I can see, the only hypothesis that will explain the facts
is that the verb vanished horn the language in the deponent
stage. In the later texts in which it occurs it is probably a
purely literary survival. The absence of corresponding active
forms would account for the retention of the verb as a deponent.
In considering further the loss of the deponential inflexion we
shall leave these forms and words out of account.
The Leahhar na h-Uidhre was written before a.d. 1106, cf.
Introduction to the Facsimile, p. xi. Hence any piece contained
in it must belong at the latest to the eleventh century. Now
side by side with the old texts in which the deponent inflexion
is found; there is another series of texts in which it has dis-
appeared, cf. p. 83; further, the Comthoth Loegairi (1 17^-1 18^
cf. Z.f,jD.A. XXXV. 73), where stands forsatairisfe 118* 27 by the
8 pret. immmnarlasatar 117^ 37, Cath Caimd CanaiU (115^-
117a), where we find nalaim 116* 3, 4, by atloohur 116^ 26 (cf.
p. 89), Imram Maelduin, cf. p. 91. It follows from this that the
deponent inflexion had been lost at the latest before the end of the
eleventh century. The poems (p. 81) of Gilla Coemain f 1072 and
his translation of ITennius (p. 89), the poems of Fland Mainistrech
tl056 (p. 81), and the poems of Cuan hua Lothchain fl024
(p. 80) carry us back towards the beginning of the eleventh
century. In none of these are deponent forms found except in
the parts of the verb referred to above, p. 105 sq. Mac Liac f 1015
(p. 80) has the deponent rqfinnathar. It is quite in accordance
with the usage of Irish literature that isolated instances of a
formation should be found under the influence of literary tradition
after the formation as a whole has been lost, and rofinnathar ja
a case in point. In the Borama, which may without hesitation
be referred to this century, cf. p. 86 n., is found another example
of the same kind, admomur, which may be compared with atloehur,
p. 89. We may say with certainty that the deponential inflexion
had, except in special forms, disappeared by the beginning of the
eleventh century.
"We come now to the tenth century. To the latter part of this
century belong the Saltair na Eann, cf. p. 81 n., and the Tripartite
Life of S. Patrick, the latest reference in which is to a person
who died a.d. 936, Stokes, Introduction, Ixiv., cf. Zimmer, ITmnius
Vindicatus 210. We have also the poems ascribed to Cinaed hua
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRA.CHAN. 551
Artacain t975, and DaUan Mac More, cf. p. 79 n. Here we may
also mention the Aireo Menman Uraird Mate Coisi (p. 85 n.), cf.
Zimmer, Z.f,D,A, xxxv. 35. In the Saltair deponent forms are few.
Of these condessamar^ may have been used for the sake of the
jingle with rofessamar; the words occur in two successive lines.
The ipv. cluinte is found in somewhat late texts, e.g, LL. 269^ 7,
272^ 11. The form lamur is found also in the Trip. Life, and thus
may be ascribed to at least the literary language of this century.
Of folamadair in the Trip. Life I have already spoken, p. 93 n.
In the verb cluinim the Saltair has only active forms; the two
forms found in the Trip. Life are deponent. A couple of decades
may have elapsed between the composition of the two works ; but
whether the difference is to be explained in this way, or whether
these deponent forms'* have been inherited from the sources from
which the Trip. Life was compiled, I do not venture to decide.
The latter explanation seems to me the more probable in the
case of the isolated coimnigeda/r. The evidence seems to prove
decisively that the deponent inflexion of verbs in -ig- had dis-
appeared before the beginning of the tenth century. In the
poems of Ginaed the isolated domunema/r is probably a literary
survival. In the poems ascribed to Dalian Mac More, which
would thus fall about the beginning of the century, the examples
are neither very numerous nor very decisive. The verb cuirim
shows active forms in deponential texts, cf. pp. 56, 66; similarly
atlaigim, p. 74, if the reading atlaigit represents the original.
The fut. cechla^ proves nothing for the present stem. As to
cumnigim we have already seen that the deponent inflexion was
probably lost earlier in this class of verbs than in the other. On
the facts before us we may, I think, say that the deponent
inflexion had, except in certain forms, practically vanished by the
middle of the tenth century, and we shall hardly be wrong in
adding that in all probability it was at least well broken up by
^ The active maniesaat occurs in the Battle of Mucrima, LL. 289^ 22. Later
essaim becomes isainif cf. p. 89, Atkinson, Passions and Homilies^ s.y. ithim,
Three Shafts of Death y s.v. ithim. The change of vowel may be ascribed to
the influence of the pres. ithim \ is- : »fA-=m- : riee-^ etc.
2 It is interesting to note that similar forms are found in the Siaburcharpat
Coiiculaind (p. 68), which Zimmer dates from the middle of this century, and
which, so far as I can judge now, need not be much earlier.
3 The same futxire conacechlat is found LL. 188<= 13 in the Dialogue of the
Two Sages, which, if 0' Curry be right, dates from the tenth century, cf.
p. 110. Cechia represents the first stage after the dep. cechladar, and is older
than cechlabat (p. 69) and atchluinfet (p. 84).
552 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
the beginning of the century, though here additional evidence
would be most welcome.
As we try to penetrate yet further back, the ground becomes
very shaky. There can be no reasonable doubt that at the
beginning of the ninth century the deponent was still in a
good state of preservation. But its history through the century
I have been unable to trace with any degree of certainty.
Possibly the poems ascribed, rightly or wrongly, to persons of
this period might yield some results, though there great caution
would have to be exercised, but I have been able to see but
few of them, and these few have given little help.
The various scraps preserved in the Four Masters contain under
the year 845 nochongignethair ' will not be bom,* under the year
848 atcluin, under the year 885 rommenatr by darutmen, but these
dates fix only a superior limit for the compositions. A quatrain
in LL. 278, ascribed by Atkinson to one Daniel 1861, has dgur,
aigstUf rolamur, notchuirfe} A poem, LL. 133^, containing
adocorsat 134^ 4, is said to have been written by Maelmuire Othna
■|-884, but the authorship has been rightly questioned by Zimmer,
Z,f.D.A. XXXV. 83, As to the older prose texts, before anything
very definite can be said, further investigation will be necessary
both of the language and the matter, and, in the case of the
heroic tales, it would be of the utmost moment to determine
the precise amount of Teutonic influence on them, and the way
by which it came. As matters stand, the wisest course seems to
be to refrain from any too positive assertions about the history
of the deponent during the ninth century, and to content ourselves
with some general remarks on the texts that we have collected.
First, as to the Glossary which passes under the name of Cormac
Mac Cuilennain. In the beginning of my paper I referred to
this work as a fixed landmark in the history of the deponent.
Further reflexion has led me to modify this opinion. Before
any certain inferences can be drawn from this composition with
respect to the state of the deponential inflexion at the end of
the ninth century, it must be shown that the articles in which
the deponent forms occur proceed from the pen of Gonnac or
some one of his time, and that they were written in the langpiage
in common use in the literature of the period. In the absence
of any positive proof, the traditional authorship of the Glossary
1 Cf. the active immaeurfi, p. 60.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 553
could be accepted with confidence only if it could be shown that
the language of the work is the language of the period to which
it is ascribed. If that be so, in arguing from the Glossary as
to the state of the deponent at the end of the ninth century,
we should be moving in a vicious circle. Of Cormac's connexion
with the Glossary we know absolutely nothing. Even granting
that he did put together some part of the work that bears his
name, we do not know that he did not incorporate with it older
material, the language of which, as the work was a learned
one, he did not think it necessary to modernize; it can hardly
have been first in the ninth century that the Irish showed
themselves apt pupils of Isidore. It may be noted that the
examples of the deponent come from a few articles, the longest of
which, prull, is preserved as an independent text in Harleian 5280,
British Museum, and in 23, IT. 10, Koyal Irish Academy. As
to the language of these articles, it seems to me much more
archaic than might have been expected in the end of the
ninth century, though here it is difficult to get a certain standard
of comparison. ITote particularly the deponent inflexion in the
-iff- verbs. I hinted at the possibility of a traditionally archaic
language. Of this we seem to have an example in the Dialogue
of the Two Sages with its aamidetar LL. 186^ 41, docurida/r
186* 24, 27, 29, 49, fumethar 186^ 43, if O'Curry, On the
Manuscript MateriaU of Irish History y 385,^ be right in assigning
it to the tenth century. We find even in the commentary, which
is obviously late, docurida/r LL. 187* 52. But it is impossible
to go into this question here. It will have, however, to be
faced when the history of the Laws and of the treatises on
grammar and versification comes to be written. The answer to
it does not affect the history of the regular development of
the deponent in Irish.
Another work which has been placed in the tenth century is
the Felire of Oengus. Chiefly from linguistic considerations
Stokes, Introduction 11, concludes that the poem was written
towards the end of the tenth century. "Warren, Liturgy and
Ritual of the Celtic Churchy p. xv., says that it was certainly
written after a.d. 982. But the state of the deponential inflexion
seems to me to prove that the Calendar is at the latest not
1 The references in Cormac's Glossary prove nothing to the contrary, for we
do not know when they were put there, any more tnan the reference in the
commentary on the Amra Coitiimbchille, p. 26.
654 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
later than the ninth century. Compare it with the condition
of aflPairs in the Saltair na Rann and other poems of the tenth
century. And the language of the Felire as a whole is, so
far as I can judge, more archaic than the language of these
tenth- century poems. Mr. Stokes admits that most of the Middle
Irish corruptions may he due to the transcribers. Some of those
that he would impute to the author seem to me to admit of
the same explanation. Thus it is not impossible that the old
neuter of the article was replaced by the masculine or feminine
form, cf. similar corruptions p. 73 n. In June 21 the verse hua
liathain inligach would be improved by reading hua liathain
Ugach; the insertion of in may be reckoned among the devices
that later copyists had for restoring an apparently defective verse
according to their lights. Por herthair^ trehthair, eoniesid might
be substituted without compunction the correct forms and who
will guarantee that in Ep. 6 dosruirmisem has not been altered
to dosrimemar, or in Prol. 25, etc., hehai to behais? In March 11
the reading uafiflaithih is better attested than itir Jlaithib; in
November 23 there would be no difficulty in changing ettr tonnaib
to ettr tonna^ or in Ep. 315 in altering iarsinmbdigsi to tarsinbdigsi.
Forms which admit of so easy correction can hardly be considered
decisive proof of the lateness of the text. As to other forms
which Stokes refers to, pp. 6, 7, it has to be proved that they
cannot go back to, let us say, the beginning of the ninth century.
For example, asa is found in the Eeglum Mochuta, p. 73, and
in other old texts. Mr. Warren's assertion doubtless rests on
the reference to the two Sinchells, March 26. But the Hawlinson
and Laud copies mention only one Sinchell, and a poem quoted in
the commentary in the Lealhar Breac refers to one only. The
inference is that dasinchell of L.Br, is due to a corruption that
got into that text after a.d. 982. As to the reference to Oengus
himself, March 11, it seems clear from a comparison of the
readings that Oengus did not stand in the original text. Farther,
if the Calendar had been composed in the tenth century, we
might have expected to have had mention of some of the noted
saints of the ninth and tenth centuries. I have had no time
to hunt up all the saints in the Calendar, but 0' Curry, Manweripi
Matertah 362, says that ho knows of none later than a.d. 798.
Again Bonnchad t793 is referred to as the type of earthly glory.
Why should he have been selected above all others in the tenth
century? It may be that I have overlooked evidence from the
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 555
language or tlie matter, but until such evidence to the contrary
is produced, I shall be content to refer the poem, whether composed
by Oengus or not, to the ninth century.
The so-called Reglum Mochuta Rathin has already been discussed,
p. 73. I should have preferred to give it an earlier place, but
I did not make its acquaintance in Dublin till the first seventy
pages or so of my paper had been printed off. However, this
matters the less as the arrangement of these old texts generally
does not profess to be strictly chronological. As to the Irish
Hymns I have nothing to add to what I have said already, except
that most of them seem to me to be best placed in the ninth
century. Section 5, pp. 72-3, does not call for special remark.
It furnishes examples of the deponent in a special kind of texts
of indeterminate date, but which need not be later than the
ninth century. "We have stiU left sections 4 and 12, which
form a considerable proportion of the first part of the paper,
and which call for some further discussion.
These tales may be divided roughly into two classes. In
the one class the deponent inflexion is well preserved, in the
other it has disappeared or survives only in fragments. This
difference in language ^ cannot, so far as I see, be explained except
by difference in date of redaction. The deponential texts are
more or less faithful copies of texts of the ninth century or
earlier; the others are either of later origin altogether, or in
them old texts have been remodelled in accordance with changes
of language and circumstances. This is exactly what might
have been expected. After all, the business of the scSlide, the
professional story-teller, was to amuse, and he could hardly have
held his audience enthralled by any tale, however exciting, which
they, and possibly he, did not understand. Is the evidence of
the language supported by the evidence of the subject-matter?
Zimmer has devoted a paper in the Zeitschrift filr deutaches
Alterthum xxxii. 196 aq. (cf. also xxxiii. 129 8q, xxxv. 1 sq.)
to the influence of the Teutons and particularly of the ITorse
1 It would be interestmg and it should be instructive to compare the language
of these two sets of tales in other points. Much mav be learned from Prof.
Zimmer' s paper, KZ. xxviii. 313 sq.^ which throws light on many things in
Mid. Ir. grammar. There the examples of later formations come chiefly from
later texts, though sometimes they have crept in the course of transcription
into the earlier ones. Here we must distinguish the different dates of origin
of the different new formations. Thus, the 3 sg. pret. pass, in -<«, -tha is as
old as the Irish Hymns, fechta * was fought * ii. 57, and so may have stood
from the outset in texts of the ninth century.
556 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STEACHAN.
on the literature and language of Ireland. As might have been
expected, his clearest and most indisputable instances of Norse
influence in the moulding of Irish tales come from our second
class. See his remarks on the Aided Quill (85), p. 208 «^., on
the Cath Euiss na Rig (88), p. 219 aq,, on the LL. version of
the Mesca Ulad (64), p. 265, note. Of the relation between
the LU. and LL. versions of the Tain I have already said
something (58 note). Here again the clear traces of Korse
influence are found in the LL. version, ih. pp. 204 sq.^ 263 Bq.
In the passage, LU. 79 sq,, which agrees verbally with LL.,
and which, as I have remarked, p. 59, looks as though it were
a latter addition, Zimmer seems to me to be right in seeing
Norse influence, ih. ^\1 sq} In one of the tales which, because
of certain deponential forms I put in the first class, but which
it would be better to place on the border line between the two,
the Siahurcharpat Co7i€tilaind (68), Norse influence is clear enough,
Zimmer, ih, 248 sq. As we have seen, this piece may be put
in the first part of the tenth century, when the deponent was
drawing its last breath.
So in the Tochmarc Emere (71), Zimmer, ih, 239, may be right
in seeing Norse influence in the episode, LU. 126» 11-41. He
is followed by Meyer,'^ Rev, Celt, xi. 438, who sees in this version
of the tale a post-Norse redaction. On the part of the deponent
there seem to be no insuperable difficulties in the way of this.
The only two decisive forms, adg\y\adur and foBmidiur^ ar^ found
in a passage very like one in the Compert Conculaind, LU. 128*,
and which may have been some sort of traditional formula, on
which the modemizer did not dare to lay his hands. But as to
this I should not care to express a decided opinion from the short
fragments in LU.
^ In part of the LU. version Zimmer, ib. 308 sq., sees a more subtle inflnenGe
of the story of the Nihelungs. Unfortunately I am too little acquainted with
the Teutonic tale in its various forms to follow all the reasoning, but the
resemblance seems to me to be too slight to draw any conclusiye infeiences
from. And could the story of the Nihelungs have reached Ireland only through
Norwajr? Against Zimmer's hypothesis is the language. I see no evidence
that this passage is later in language than the rest of the LU. version. AtmI
unless our conclusions with regard to the disappearance of the deponent are
altogether wrong, that version cannot at the latest be later than the ninth
century, and I should be inclined to say not later than about the middle of it.
And such far-reaching Norse influence would at that period be out of the
question.
2 He has published, JRev, Celt, xi. 442 sq.y what he considers a pre-None
version. Here are found deponent adgladaatar 1. 23, cf. 11. 47, 63, roairigettar
1. 42, and analogically dufochtrastar 1. 98 ; active — cotnacalt 1. io, mohi L 64.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 557
As to the other tales which I have included in this class, Zimmer,
tb, 332, sees Norse influence in the Fled Bricrmd (p. 66), in the
fight on horseback with Ercoil. If I mistake not, in a paper in
the Sitzber. der Berliner Akademte, he has shown that the Irish
knew of the Norse form of sport, the heatavt^, before the Vikings
established themselves in Ireland. As to a direct reference to
Norsemen in these texts, that depends, so far as I see, on Zimmer's
interpretation of Jiann and d'lbergach. As is well known, Zimmer,
Z,f.D,A, XXXV. 12 sq.y identifies^fljww with the '^OT^QjiandR * enemy,*
and regards it as the first name by which the Irish knew these
ruthless invaders. If that were so, it would bring Norsemen into
many of these early texts, such as the Fled Bricrend (p. 55), the
Orgain Bruidne Ba derga^ the Seel Muicce Mate Bdthd,^ and the
LTJ. version of the Tain} In many ways the theory is attractive,
but the objections against it seem to me to be much stronger than
the arguments in its favour. As to dibergach, his identification of
it with an imaginary Norse Tyverh (Gott. geL Am. 1891, p. 195)
is yet more improbable. At all events the word can be traced to
a considerable antiquity. In Glossce Hibernicce 284 Zimmer
corrects iddemergach very probably to aithdibergachy cf. intro-
duction, p. xlv. In the Arrada, Eawlinson 512, B. 42^ 2,
diberg is mentioned along with many other sins — sicut rongabsat
fingala 7 duineorcni 7 duinetdidi 7 sicut rogabsat diberg a 7
druidechta, etc., 'such as are fratricides and homicides and
secret murders with concealment of the body, and such as are
diberga and sorceries,' etc.* It is d priori improbable that the
1 Zimmer seems to suppose that the word may have got into the Irish Sagas
in the first part of the ninth century.
2 In Z.f,D.A. xxxii. 267 sq., 464 sq., cf. xxxy. 19, etc. (cf. also Meyer, Rev.
Celt. xi. 493 sq.^ xii. 460 sq.^ Stokes BB. xviii. 122 «j.), Zimmer notes a number
of Teutonic loan-words in Irish. As might have been expected, these words
abound in the later texts. Here loan-words from Norse may be looked for
in large numbers. In the old texts supposed Norse loan-words must be regarded
with suspicion and strictly questioned as to their origin. Here the probabilities
are that any Teutonic words came rather from Anglo-Saxon. Zimmer's
identification (p. 466) of the common word 61 * drink* with Norse bl can be
proved wrong. The word is already foimd in the Milan Glosses 94^ 12, US*' 9,
129'! 14. Moreover, 61 was originally disyllabic, as is shown by the line in
the story of Bran Mac Febail, Rawlinson 612 B. 119* 2, hool fino oengrinde.
I have also seen it disyllabic in the Saltair na Bonn, but I cannot find the
reference. Zimmer (pp. 279 sq.) derives laith *beer* from a purely hypothetical
Teutonic lai^u- or lai^o-, but a derivative (in) laithertach g. crapulatus is found
Ml. 100* 10, and Stokes Urkelt. Spi'achschatz compares laith with Com. lad
s. liquor. In other instances Teutonic origin is uncertain or improbable.
There is no strong proof that rtidiud (p. 278) is borrowed. If I am right
in deriving rucce * disgrace * from *rudcid the grade rud- is also Keltic.
558 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Yikings should figure in tales of so early a date, and much more
conclusive evidence will be required before their presence can be
accepted as an established fact.
It does not belong to the subject of this paper to enquire
minutely into the date of redaction of the old heroic tales. At
the most the deponent inflexion can only help to fix an inferior
limit. It is to be regretted that we should have been unable to
find surer data for the history of the deponent in the ninth
century. Judging simply from probabilities I should hesitate
to place any tale in which the deponent inflexion is well preserved
later, at the latest, than about the middle of the ninth century,
but that as yet is only a subjective opinion. These tales need
not all belong to the same period. Thus, the simple stories Tain
B6 Regemain and Tain B6 Regamna furnish, if my observations
are accurate, no examples of preterites like gahaia which are
found in other tales. But an answer to such questions could be
found only by a detailed investigation and comparison of the
language of the several texts.^
III. KEW EXTENSIONS OF THE DEPONENT.
1, The 8 Preterite.
Deponentiul forms spread by analogy in the s preterite, first in
the 3 sg.,' later in the 1 pi. and 3 pi. In the Old Irish Glosses
there are only a very few instances, all in the 3 sg.^ : — rodlige^tar^
The derivation of fuxne 'cooking:,' fonoim 'cook' from Norse funi *fire'
(xxxv. 169 n.), is alt^^ther improbable. Nor is it at all certain that gilla is
borrowed from ISor^e gildli (xxxv. 15).
' A few wonls may be not amiss with rep:ard to one of our texts, the Serglufe
Conculaind (p. 65). Here it is to be not4?d that mo:*t of the decisive deponent
forms come from the J]riafJiartJiecosc Conculaind^ which reminds one of the
Tccosca Cormaic, LL. 343. The language of this seems to he more archaic
than the language of the rest of the text, in which, for example, the pres. in
'Ud is found repeatedly even in verse, fufinid, nicharatid, uinaccciid.
2 Probably because the need was f«4t of a more distinctive ending.
* I know of n(» such analogical formtitiou in the 1 sg. Hence forileiim(n\
Ml 133^* S, must stand on a diflercut lo»>tiug. According to Ascoli it glos.scs
lustravi. The whole sentence run^ — txcfhu qutvque aspcctu lustravi Mtfipera}is
expcctans solutiomm malorum. \\v\\\i\t9> fordiru^idur is to be analysed into for-dl-
ro'sissiur^ a cominnind of which I have no further examples. As to fordrrri.
Ml. 78'* 8, it Ciin have no connexion, hoe^i/ordcvct come trom for -di -ret hid ?
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 559
arruneastar^ adroneestar, arrwieilkstar (25). In the other depo-
nential texts the formation is either not found at all or is infrequent,
and it is almost confined to the 3 sg. : — ninastar^ rod^linnestar,
nooonmelUitar,^ aridrdlastar (47), diuchrastair (55), romarastar (56),
rodligestdry immdrdttnestdr (57), rocarastar, condacermnastar, doriU
laistir, rogahastcr (63), rocJiarastar, coromaichnestar (66), roders-
caiqestar, arlasfdrf tallastdr, faithestdr (68), beogastar (69), hdigestar
(71), rosearastar (72), rotardnestar (73). Examples of the 3 pi.
are rare, and come from texts that show a certain breaking up
of the deponential inflexion : — rofersatdr (57), roicarsatar (66),
ochsatar (68), cotairchelhatar (73). The 1 pi. is found in
roinnisemar (63, in a parenthetical remark of the writer), rophend-
semmar (72).
Let us see now how the forms are distributed in the later
texts.' In the Tripartite Life the examples are still almost
all active (78 n.). In the secular poems ascribed to writers of
the tenth and eleventh centuries the 3 sg. only is found in the
poems of Dalian Mac More (79) and Fland Mainistrech (81).
In poems ascribed to Eochaid hua Flaind, Cuan hua Lothchain,
and Gilla Coemain (80, 81) are found pi. forms; the examples
are found chiefly in a couple of poems attributed to the second
writer. In the Saltair na Eann examples are much more
numerous in the plural than in the singular. In some of the
later tales the singular prevails, in the Aireo Menman Uratrd
Mate Coisi (probably end of tenth century), and in the Deaths
of Ooll and Garb ; in others the pi., as in Cath Rum na R\g
(where the sg. and pi. are pretty evenly balanced), the Jioroma,
and the later portion of the LL. version of the Tain, This
would seem to indicate a difference in the time of composition.
The earliest of our texts which show numerous plural forms
is the Saltair na Rann^ in the end of the tenth century. But
the use of the one form or the other in the plural would seem
to have been, to some extent at least and during a certain period,
a matter of individual taste, for, as we have seen, Fland
^ The three first instances all come from one hymn.
' In these texts we have also forms from the » preterite of -ff^r-, -t7- verbs,
which in O.Ir. were prevalently deponent, and in the 3 sg. s. pret. always so.
Without going into detail, we may note here how in the 3 sg. the deponential
inflexion tends to disappear, while it shows a tendency to spread a^ain in the 3 pi.
Compare the instances in the Tripartite Life with tnose in the Saltair na £ann,
the Togail IVoi, and the Cath Muita na Rig,
560 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Mainistrech flO^B regularly uses the singular. For the later
history of these forms I have no collections of material.*
2. The 1 Sra^oTiiAE Subjunctive.
Here the deponential inflexion spread by analogy, rw<?, for
example, becoming rucuVf dogn^o^ dognior. The reason for this may
be found in the convenience of having a more distinctive ending for
this person than was supplied by the active forms, such as fadam
Wb. 29d 27, pridach 10^ 25, tormal Ml. 109^ 6, conriirelsa 41^ 12.
Owing to the paucity of the examples and the suspicion that later
forms were introduced into old texts, it is impossible to give
a detailed histoiy of the formation, and to trace with certainty
the various stages of its development. I shall content myself with
putting together the instances I have noted in the above texts,*
and then suggesting some possibilities as to the spread of the form.
In the Glosses the deponent ending is found only in deponent
verbs, including the verbs in 'Og-, -ig-y which in this person are
regularly deponent: — lahrar, -samlar, frisaccar (orthotonic adcear,
p. 23 n.), cothuthlucher, erladaigear^ nufailtigeTy nosilaigery cloor^
-meaur.
In the other texts the treatment of the present subjunctive
differs from that of the subjunctive of the s aorist, and it will
be better to take the two tenses separately.
First as to the present —
Tain Bo Fraich.
Active forms: — condatucaa 25 1» 34, niconhhsa 251* 38.
Seel Muicce Maic Datho.
Deponent form from deponent verb : — corotacilUur
112^ 47.
Longes Mac n-TJsnig.
Deponent = old deponent : — conidnaccur 260* 24.
^ Further examples may be fonnd in Atkinson's Glossary to his Passions and
Somilies. I might just call attention to the great fondness for the deponent
forms in the flosses on the Irish Hymns.
* Further mstances from LU. and LL. will be foimd in KZ. xxviii. 347 sq.
^ Cf. p. 34 n. If -gear is the reading of the MS., it is probably due to the
hesitation of the scribe between *^r and -ar; or could -ea- have been suggested
by the active ending -ea in the third conjugation, e.g. cqfotheasay Ml. 3* 9 ?
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. 8TRACHAN. 561
Togail Braidne Da Derga.
Deponent forms from active verbs: — eondrUr 83^ 14,
oonidrd&r 84^ 32.
Tdin B6 Cuailnge, LIT.
Active forms : — nioMo 73^ 6, eeinnonbio 74» 36, eondatue
60* 15, 58^ 6, o&rrucsa 69* 5, cofareabsa 69» 5, eonidndirna
62^ 13.
Deponent forms from active verbs ^ : — eonaprar 82» 26,
condemar 70* 20, oonidrolursa 63^ 15, eotopachtur 73^ 2.
Fled Bricrend.
Deponent forms from active verbs: — caroehotlur 112* 47,
manifetur 100* 8, eotalluna 104* 15.
Siaborcbarpat Conculaind.
Deponent forms from deponent verbs: — conidnarladur
113* 7, eonidmcur 113* 6.
Short stories, etc. (p. 72).
Active form : — oonerborsa 279* 26.
Deponent forms from deponent verbs: — cldr 280* 19,
oonidnaeeur 282* 1.
Deponent form from active verb : — demur 279* 30.
r61ire of Oengus.
Active form : — roheo^ Prol. 271, 273, Ep. 315.
Deponent form from active verb: — possibly conruidiur,
Prol. 277.
Saltair na Rann.
Active forms: — heo 1844, 1540, nadern 1563, caromarb
5828, eoruesa 1595, conostuc 1665, eotuc 5827, dianamihair-
hiur * if I humble myself,' 844.
Deponent forms from active verbs: — corohadur 1667,
arnaherhalur 1260, contorchrorsa 1533, oonasrucur 1666.
The remaining texts, except in one case, show only fonns in r : —
Trip. Life : — conaeor 52. 24, corochreitiur 46. 23, corothadcuirer
180. 11, corofoilUigiur 52. 22, manitoimliur 200. 13, but
em mheosa 116. 20.
Cuan hua Lothchain : — co/argbur, LL. 209* 27.
^ At 71* 14 nadbenur is, as Zimmer has pointed out, a gloss on nadneema,
which has crept into the text.
562 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
Pland Mainistrech: — corinniseor^ LL. 11* 19.
Gilla Coemain: — coroinnisiwr, LL. 127* 37.
Airec Menman TJraid Maic Coisi : — conerhharsa.
Tain Bo Cuailnge, LL. : — menihenur 102^ 34, cancordbur 65* 7,
gofaccursa 88* 21, doneor 81^ 26, condernwr 81^ 28, dia-
nomgluaisiur 67^ 14, danamluur 67^ 17, corucur 72* 31, 26,
conastardur 63* 10, corotholiiir 82^ 30, from reduplicated
form' gorosihlur 103* 43, cf. 1. 46.
•
Deaths of GoU and Garb: — aned heorsa 108^ 32, nadat/aecursa
108* 7, cofaghur 108^ 24, corofromur 110^ 35.
Borama : — corochennagur 300^ 39, manidiglorsa 296^ 37, but cHnheo
307* 3.2
Cath Ruiss na Big: — corochuriur 175* 39, condigiursa^ 173* 39.
I have not noted the instances in the Togail Troi.
We see that the 1 sg. subj. of the old deponent verbs still
remains deponent, only with a change of vowel of which we
shall have to speak later. I see no reason for supposing that an
active stage came between the old forms in -or, -er and the later
forms in -wr. As to the date of the substitution of -ur and the
spread of -ur to verbs originally active, it is impossible to speak
with certainty from the evidence before us. In any texts -a/r
might very easily have been altered by copyists to the familiar
-wr, and in prose texts forms like rucur may have been
substituted for forms like rue. On the other hand, I have found
no evidence that forms in -ur were unknown, let us say, in the
ninth century. In the Felire conruidiur would be an example
of the kind, if my suggestion about it be right, but it is not
absolutely certain. It would be simpler, as we hav« seen (p. 98),
to take asmemugur in Ml. as a subj., but it is possible that the
glossator misunderstood his Latin. The Saltair na Rann shows
that the shorter forms still lived, in literature at all events,
towards the end of the tenth century. The question whether
they may not, for metrical convenience, have been kept longer
' The future stem.
2 In maniimriu 296^ 37 we seem to have an active form, if the reading of
the facsimile be right.
* This form has been put here because it contains no s. But eondigxur, like
connechur LL. 11 5* 36, is based on an active form of the « subjunctive of
dockuad, cf . condechsa in Glossary to Fassions and Somilies 632», and, for the
vocalism of diffiur, condiguasa Windisch, Wb. 468^,
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 563
in verse is one which does not readily admit of an answer. The
other poems of about the same time show one form, and that a
deponent fa/rghur^ and that is too slight a basis to argue from.
At all events, from the beginning of the eleventh century the
deponent form was the rule. There is one notable exception,
the subj. leo. Add to the examples given above MceinMo
LU. 40* 41, cein nomheosa LL. 269^ 3. The only explanation that
I can suggest for this is that heo may have become associated with
the adj. bio in expressions like nochor*heo8a LL. 272* 52, inhed
ham biOf cein hes hio, and the like. Even here a couple of
examples of leor are found, cf. Deaths of Goll, etc., above, and
cHn heorsa Mo LL. 203* 45.
The disappearance of this form is closely connected with the
decay of the subjunctive mood generally, and falls in a period
for which I have no collections. It is still found sometimes in
Keating, probably as an archaism. I have noted a few cases
in which it is already syntactically superseded by the secondary
present, LL. 176^ 18, incath harthoesum .... corocherdaind^
similarly 11. 26, 31, 37 ; LL. 108* 12, fodail innechraid . . . arhith
contulind; further, Battle of Ventry, 11. 175, 433, 625, 687, 960.
In all these instances the Old Irish rules for the sequence of
tenses would have required the subjunctive.
The subjunctive of the 8 aorist has fared differently. In our
texts deponent forms appear from old deponent verbs, condaesur
(67), cofessur (Gl), cofiasur (65), cofesaur (82), cofeaaer (85).
And, apparently from the similarity of the sound of the words,
the deponent ending was extended from fiasur, fesaur^ to tiaa
from tiagaimy and tis from do-iccim, e.g. tiasw Orgain Bruidne
Da Derga 97^ 7, gotiasur Tain, LL. 102* 42, cotiaor Tain,
LU. 66* 6 (but cotuay 1. 5), manithiaiur Aided Conculaind
121^ 10. Otherwise active forms, corisa, LTJ. 58* 20, corrius
62^ 21, conecius, condeochus 70* 19, condechos 129* 10, conafhoithm,
LL. 32* 34, condioius 200* 13, corius, BB. 462^ 43.
1 This particular verb, as we have seen, lived long as a deponent. According to.
Mr. Stokes, rofesser is the only old deponent form found in Gorman's Martyrology,
which he says was written between 1160 and 1174. Under the influence of
fiastary etc., a dep. future is formed from adfiadaim 'relate,' cf. 85 n., ciatfesar
Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait 1. 291, adfesar Trip. Life 222
1. 5; act. adfesaam LL. ll** 48, ISl** 35. A further coincidence with forms
of fetar is found in the pret. pass, adfessa LU. 59* 7 = ad/eta LL. 62* 21.
At LL. 123^ 35 rofersur seems either corrupt or a misformation.
564 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
In the Glosses -ur^ appears in the middle subjunctive of the
s aorist, 'tnesur.^ This is as might have been expected. In
the active a present subj. like doher, stands to an 8 aor. subj. like
'Tiua in the same relation as Lat. dicam to dt'xd; the former
ended originally in -dm, the latter in -6. To -5 in the active
would correspond, as in the pres. ind., -Or in the middle, -mesur:
corriu8=lamur : do-htur. Thus, mesur, feaaur, esur would be
regular developments.
In the later language many of the pres. subjunctives in -ur
could be derived from the old deponent subjunctive by the change
of -ar, -eVy to -wr, e,g, -acea/r, ^accur ; ^arladar, arladur ; failtiger,
cennagur. It is hard to say whether we have here simply the
influence of -ur of the a aorist along with that of elooVf or
whether there may not have been also some confusion of the
subjunctive with the indicative forms, a confusion that would
have been helped by their coincidence in the a forms. As in
the deponent -ar^ became -ur, so in the active lerim, erhar
became erhor, erhur}
Bognio became by the simple addition of r dognSor, similarly hSo
when it underwent any change. Berna became dernar * and that,
1 On p. 6 n. I suggested that door is an s subjunctive =*cfoM«5r. But
against this is the quantity of the vowel, for, so far as I have observed, the
first 0 is short except in contracted forms like cUr. Cloor might come from
*clu8drf but we should rather expect the grade cleus-. So it seems best to take
it from a presential cleu-. The ending -or may seem strange in a present,
but cf. beo to btUy conigleu Ml. 86 ^8 to gUnim, dogneo to dogniu. One thing
common to all these forms is the loss of an internal consonant; so far as
I know, the vocalism has not yet been explained. In the same way the 1 sg.
subj. of aitkgninim would probably be aithgneu; the 3 sg. aithgne is found
LU. 71» 34, cf. aithgneadLV. 72* 25.
* On p. 15 dummessursa has by a slip been printed for dummessarsa. The
a is strange. Ascoli corrects to dommesauraay the regular dep. form. Can the
glossator have imagined he was translating a passive?
* An ending -ar is found in conidnarlasar LU. 40* 31, eorolamnar LL. 126» 9.
Considering that these texts are apparently later than others containing -or, -«r,
it is unsafe to connect -ar here vnth the old deponential -ar. It must rather
be regarded as a new analogical formation, possibly after dernar and the like.
In later manuscripts -ar in this person stands on a different footing; there
it may be explained from the confusion of vowels in final syllables.
* Zimmer, KZ. xxviii. 348, ascribes the spread of the deponential form to
the influence of the compounds of the root her [ashiur, dobiur, forhiur, etc.) —
** da bei ihnen die erste sing, activi des conjunctivs auf or^ ur ausging {coneroor,
dianepur, manithahur, etc.) " — ^but surely the regular ending would have been
-her, -har, and the o is due to analogy. It is possible that besides the deponent
verbs the subjunctive -cor (fristacor Ml. 118<5 3) may have helped in bringing
about the change to o.
* Similarly arid becomes arldr, LL. 204^ 49.
THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN. 565
under the influence of the usual -«r, demur} In other verbs
the ending -wr was added bodily, rueur, henur, tarduvy etc. So
from herim -lor became -hror, and we even find for fesmr,
fessarur (Atkinson, FassionSf etc., 8.v. fetar), seemingly a new
formation to 2 sg. fessara.
In deponents of the third conjugation the ending -er may be
postulated, *mtder, etc., cf. duthlucher and examples from
verbs in -giur. In later texts the usual ending here is -twr,
midiur,^ cuiriur (in Glosses active friatacor), gluaisiur, senniur^
tnmstur, etc.^ The reason for this form can only be conjectured.
It may be noted that both in the dep. *mtder and the act.
letcea the preceding consonant was slender, as indeed it was
throughout this class of verbs. Hence it may very well have
been that the slender quality of the consonant was preserved
in the remodelled 1 sg. subj. and was expressed graphically by
the following i. It is probably only a coincidence that the new
subj. midiur is the same as the old indicative. But before anything
can be asserted with certainty, it will be necessary to have
examples from good copies of old texts. This ending -iur seems
to have extended further in tisiur^ condigiur, cf. also tatrhmr,
Saltair na Kann, 844.
In Mod. Ir. the 2 sg. ends in -tr. The full development of
this ending falls long after the period to which our texts belong.
But it may not be without interest to note the few forms that
I have met, which indicate that this was originally a subjunctive
ending, formed analogically to the 1 sg. in -wr. The only
examples that I have noted from LL. are amatiasair 65* 26,
and acht natuirsiu 262^ 28, but act. gotisiu 102* 53. These are
evidently new formations to tiasuVy tisor, perhaps under the
influence of fesser : fessur, -lir : 'hiur, -bur. Similarly comatrser,
Laws iv. 18. In the Glossary to the Passions and Homilies I
have noted two present subjunctives, diafuilngir and corolenair,
cf. dfechair *look,* 1. 7543; in 1. 7541 dingir may be subjunctive.
* Similarly from rola * went' is formed a subj. rolur. In LU. 83^ 14 comes
the phrase condrUr teinid. Is Mor here formed on *drldy *adro8ld, an « subj.
from ad-slaidim, cf. W, lladd tan ? In 84*' 32 -raUr is formed from -ra^,
laaim * throw.'
* Presupposed by -mider, Passions and Homilies. The -er here has nothing
to do with the old deponent ending -^, but is a phonetic development of -iur,
cf . in the same work ronailes by rosailiuSj doritmes by dorignius^ etc.
^ But in LL. 11* 19 inniseor is clearly modelled on the active *xnnx8ea.
Phil. Trans. 1891-2-3. 37
566 THE DEPONENT VERB IN IRISH — J. STRACHAN.
But the old form is still the common one. From the Book of
Ballymoto I have noted a couple of indicative forms, soichfiursa
(by peha, doh4ra) 462^ 31, fogehairsiu 481*> 2. In the Acallam
na Sonorach I have noted but few forms, subjunctive ddtucairsi
114, 1. 34, cofinnair 107, 1. 5, fut. ind. dogenair 225, 1. 7.
Active forms are numerous. But to pursue the subject further
lies beyond the scope of this paper, which is already long enough.
667
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.
>»
Page 449, 1. 25. For cldar read cloor. Correct the footnote from the note
on p. 564.
451. Add to the examples of comalnur fat. sg. 3 nud comdlnabadar,
Ml. 46« 20.
453, 11. 26, 27. ^stiTf estar should have been given as subjunctives of the
8 aorist.
454, L 16. Dele * before confesatar.
„ 19. For 114b 3 « read 114b 31.
„ note 1. But there seem to be two Yeibs fochiallaimf of. p. 535, n. 5.
455. Dele U. 4, 5.
457, note 4, 1. 2. For dianermastd read dianirmastd.
458, 1. 21. For duminessursa read dummessaraa^ and cf. p. 564, n. 2.
462. Add to the examples of molur fut. pi. 3 molfait, Ml. 69^ 1.
464. In "Wb. 25<= 6, seicheniy which may be most naturally derived from
sechur, is probably a copyist's error for seichemmar.
467, note 2. Add cf . aconrodastar^ Rev. Celt. xi. 450, 122.
470. In Phil. 12 occurs the gloss hlicjithir g. flavescet, which should
probably be corrected to bldichjithir and inserted here.
474, 1. 3. For naddanaiged[ar\ read nadda\nax\ged[ar\,
476, 1. 25. For sg. 1. read sg. 3.
477, 1. 2. For celebro read celebro.
479, 1. 2. The Ir. equivalent of W. gwynfyd appears in Jindbuth, Ml.
128d 18.
„ 1. 33. Dele eos.
480, 1. 13. For pi. 3. read sg. 3.
495. On p. 250* 13 the facsimile of LL. has arandalfaraa. As ddlaim
is regularly active, this is probably a blimder for arandalfasa.
Unfortunately I did not note the reading of the Yellow Book
of Lecan.
„ „ 1. 13. The Yellow Book of Lecan has adgladhar, H. 1. 13, T.C.D.
adngladust' .
„ 497, 1. 12. For pi. 3. read pi. 1.
,, note 4. Cf. further nimanarlastar doib *they did not speak to
one another,' Tochmarc Becfola^ p. 178, 1. 12.
499, 1. 9. But perhaps conddrlaithir is for conddrladither from adglddur.
)»
»> ft
ft
»f It
»»
»»
568 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.
Poge 603. Add t.v. aiiriuVy subj. Bg. 2 toehra, LU. 73*» 18.
note 4. Cf . deaehrathar * differs * p. 641, n. 2.
606. Addsubj. sg. 2 of fomoiniur, famna *cave,' LU. 73* 14. LL. 74*
33 bas frithalti from friMxliur. With the use of fomna in the
active cf. the common deees.
„ ,f note 2. Ci.faichied ineathy LL. 161" Zi.
note 3, 1. 14. Active eongeib, also LL. 189* 46, 63.
608, note 4, 1. 3. For H. 6. 22 read H. 4. 22.
612, note 3. This note applies to cobrastar, foremattar^ fallntutar,
aciUettar on p. 613.
613, note 1. This applies only to eobrastar.
616, note 1. The MS. has clearly nirodaatary and this is fnipported bj
23 N. 13, Royal Irish Academy. Perhaps reng may be taken in
its usual sense * his pudenda were not grown.*
,, 616. It should have been added that the five additional quatrains of
N. are found by themselves in H. 4. 22, T.C.D. 87^, with the
heading Mo^'cuda cc.
„ 636, note 2, 1. 1. For anu nusual read an unusual.
„ 636. An isolated deponent form from the active verb indlim is found
LL. 124* 24, nosindUthar Get inchind Mesgrada isintdbaill ' Get fits
Mesgrada's brain in the sling,* in the Aided Conehobuir^ a text
which contains other deponent forms.
„ „ note 1. For 23 n. read 23 N.
641, note 1. For domuiniehether read nomuiniehither,
646, 1. 34. Put a full stop after aithegem.
651, 1. 10. After forms add except in the 2 pg. imperative.
,, note 1. For a more probable explanation of these forms see
Thumcysen, KZ. xxxi. 76.
654, 1. 24. With the use of the fem. n. pi. of article for masc. cf.
mate coima^ Wb. Gl. 27'' 16. For an early example of the
pleonastic possessive cf. "Wb. 'iS*^ 25.
555, note 1,1. 10. We seem to have an example in Wb. 27* 16, bdi and
ni rocrthe ' there was something that had been given,* cf. rxt?^
venditus est, ZE. 109G»'.
557, note 2, 1. 12. Saltair na Rann 1944, dool huile do Chaehi.
661, 1. 26. For 1563 read 1583.
It
»»
>♦
tt
>»
tt
„ ,, 1. 28. Add dober 1277, oslac 1273.
„ 663, 1. 20. Add Saltair na Rann 1423, 1575.
I cannot conclude without expressing my deep obligation to Dr. Whitley
Stokes for his kindness in undertaking the wearisome task of reading the proofs
of this paper. For such errors as may still remain I am alone responsible.
569
INDEX
TO THE
PHILOLOGICAL TRANSACTIONS,
1891-2-3-4.
%• In this Index the names of the authors of articles are printed in smali. capitals.
The titles of articles are placed between "inverted commas" (*' "). The titles
of books criticized or mentioned are placed in * single inverted commas' (* *).
Words explained, or their derivation treated of, are printed in italics.
AboSf in Mid-English, 359.
Alaun, alauntf etymology, 135.
Alliterative Line, the Old English,
Prof. H. F. Heath, 375.
Aker and ker^ in Mid-English, 364.
AskauficeSj et}Tnology, 13'2.
Aryans, Celts, and other of the P and
Q groups, Prof. John Rhys, 104.
B.
Bedene^ etymology, 132.
Beggar^ etjTnology, 136.
Bo(Ueian fragment of Cormac's
glossary, Dr. "NV. Stokes, 149.
Boose y in Mid-English, 359.
Barken f in Mid-English, 359.
Bradley, Mr. Henry, reports on the
Society's Dictionary work, 261.
On Spelling Reform, 263.
Bras J Ir., etymology, 293.
Brefia?i, W., etymology, 295.
Bredes, in Mid-English, 359.
Buxtorf, the elder and younger, their
' Epitome Grammaticae Uebraeae,'
etc., 207.
Cant^ etjTnology, 132.
Celtic Suffixes, Pretonic JNTin, Dr. "W.
Stokes, 297.
Celts and other Aryans of the P and Q
groups, by Prol. John Rhys, 104.
Cheat y chete, etymology, 132.
Chevisatincey in Mid-English, 359.
Cockroach, etymology, 133.
Cole, etymology, 136.
Coleridge, Herbert, and the Society's
Dictionary, 260.
Compatne, in Chaucer, 133.
Cony, coney, etymology, 279.
Cook, etymology, 280.
Coolie, etymology, 280.
Coo^n, etymology, 281.
Coomb, comb, or combe, etymology,
281.
Coop, etymology, 282.
Cooper and coper, etymology, 283,
284.
Coot, etymology, 283.
Copperas, etymology, 284.
Copt, et}'mology, 284.
Corbel, etymology, 285.
Corduroy, etymology, 286.
Core, et\Tnology, 286.
Cormac'^s glossary, the Bodleian frag-
ment of. Dr. W. Stokes on, 149.
Prof. Strachan on, 490.
Couper, coper, etc., 283, 284.
Cowl, etymology, 133.
Crucible, etjinology, 133.
Culm, or coom, etymology, 281.
Cury, cookery, etymology, 133.
D.
Dabach, "W., etymology, 295.
Dalta, It., etymology, 291.
Jfassaim, Ir., etymology, 294.
Decoped, in Mid-English, 360.
570
INDEX TO PHIL. TRANS. 1891-2-3-4.
Degare, in Mid-English, 360.
Deponent Verb, the, in Irish, Prof. J.
otraehan on, 444.
Prof. Zimmer on, 636.
Derbhsiur Glossary, the, 22.
Derfff Ir., etymology, 295.
Derring-doj etymology, 137.
Dicker f etymology, 133.
Dictionary, the Society's, Etymology
of English words in, Dr. J. A. H.
Murray on, 279.
Report on the progress of,
by Dr. F. J. Fumivall, 260.
by Mr. H. Bradley, 261.
by Dr. J. A. H. Murray,
268, 287.
pronunciation in, 262.
** reading" for, 275.
sub-editors of, 270.
workers on, 260, 266, 269,
287.
Di-nessimy Ir., etymology, 295.
Dirk, etymology, 137.
Dray, in Mid-English, 360.
Dullor, etymology, 133.
E.
Egerton Metrical Glossary, the, 31.
Euglish Etjuiology, Notes on, by
Prof. Skeat, 132, 135.
English (Middle), Rare "Words in,
Prof. Skeat on, 359.
English (Old), Alliterative Line, tlie.
Prof. U. F. Ucath on, 375.
English Vowels, Pronunciation of,
17tU Cent., Prof. II. Maitineau on,
207.
English Words in the Society's Dic-
tionary, Dr. Murray on, 27U.
Enormous, the word, 'iG2.
* Epitome Grammatieie Ilehnca;,'
BuxtortV, 207.
Etyinologi«.'8, by Prof. J. Strachan,
289, a07.
Etymologies, some Greek, by Mr. E.R.
NVharton, .329.
Etymology, En^'^li^h, Notes on, by Prof.
Skeat, 132, 135.
*' Etymology of English words in the
Socie'ty's Dictionary," by Dr. J. A.
U. Murray, 279.
Evict, word, 2G2.
Evil, word, 202.
Eviuct; word. 202.
Excise, etymology, 2G2.
Exist, word, 2H2.
Exquisite, word. 202.
Eyncs, in Mid-English, 301.
F.
Fautere, Fasoure, Vaaure, in Mid-
English, 361.
Feckless, etymology, 133.
Fcraunt, in Mid-English, 361.
Fewte,feute, etymology, 138.
Filbert, etymology, 133.
Fnatted, in Mid-English, 361.
Fodding, in Mid-English, 362.
Forus Focal, glossary, 6.
Fitar, Ir., etymology, 292.
Ftuttted, in Mid-English, 362.
Fuinim, Ir., etymology, 294.
FuRNivALL, Dr. F. J., On the progress
of the Society's Dictionary, the
reports, and the workers, 260.
G.
Gaelic Phonetics, with tables, Mr. J.
H. Staples, 396.
Gele, in Mid-English, 362.
Gemel, Ir., etymology, 290.
Gessentn, in Mid-EngUsh, 362.
Glossaries, Irish, and Index, by Dr.
W. Stokes, 1-103.
Oojuh, etymology, 138.
Greek Et\Tnologies, Some, by Mr. E.
R. AVharton, 329.
Greek Indirect Negatiye, on the, by
Mr. E. K. AVharton, 211.
Grift, etymology, 133.
Givyw, "NV., etymology, 291.
H.
Heath, Prof. II. F., on *« The Old
English Alliterative Line,'' 375.
Earraunte, in Mid-English, 3G2.
Uimland, in Mid-English, 363.
Hope, in Mid-English, 3G3.
Jlarena, Lat., etymology, 290.
I.
Idle, Ydle, etymology, 139.
liikliiKj, etymology, 134.
Irish, the iKponeiit Verb in, Prof. J.
8tra«han on, 444.
Prof. Zimmer on, 536.
Irish, Lt'ii^^thening of Vowels in, by
Prof. J.^Strachan, 217-
Irish, Mediajyal Glossaries, Dr. W.
iStokes on, I.
Irish Glosses, the. Prof. J. Strachau
(»n, 417.
INDEX TO PHIL. TRANS. 1891-2-3-4.
571
Irish (Old) Glosses on the Bucolics, by
Dr. W. Stokes, 308.
K.
Keltic Words, Index of, by Prof. J.
Strachan, 255.
Keve, in Mid-English, 364.
L.
Latin Verse, Early, on, by Mr. W. M.
Lindsay. 405.
Zaum, in Mid-English, 364.
Laurentian Library, Old- Irish Glosses
in, 308.
Zat/ey in Mid- English, 364.
Ligultty Lat., etymology, 291.
Lindsay, Mr.. TV. M., on " The
Accentual Element in Early Latin
Verse, with a Xew Theory of the
Satumian Metre," 405.
Loigyie, etymology, 139.
Lor ay n, in Mid- English, 364.
Lunes^ etymology, 139.
LttsciouSj et}Tnology, 134.
Lyngelly etymology, 140.
M.
Maches, in Mid-English, 365.
Mansell, in Mid-English, 365.
Masnel^ in Mid-p]nplish, 365.
Martineau, Prof. R., "Note on the
Pronunciation of the English Vowels
in the Seventeenth Century,**. 20 7.
Mtdar, Ir., etATuology, 293.
Medijeval Irish Glossaries, Dr. W.
Stokes on, 1 .
Mes, in Mid-English, 365.
Metrical Glossaries of the Mediaeval
Irish, Dr. W. Stokes on, 1.
Middle-English. See English.
Mididone^ etymology, 134.
Mistery, et}'mology, 140.
Moysoim, etymology, 140.
Murray, Dr. J. A. II., Reports on
the Progress of the Society's Dic-
tionary, 268, 287.
N.
K, Pretonic, in Celtic Suffixes, Dr.
W. Stokes on, 297.
Napier, iJr. A. S., " Notes on the
Ortho^'^rapljv of the Ormulum,"
Appendix II., 1-4.
NesSf Ir., etymology, 294.
0.
Odam, in Mid-English, 366.
O'Duvegan's Metrical Dictionary, 6.
Ormulum, Notes on the Orthography
of the, with facsimile. Dr. A. S.
Napier. Appendix, 1*.
Oubitf woubitf etymology, 140.
P.
PaleiSy Palis f in Mid-English, 366.
Parodiey etymology, 141.
Partlet, in Mid-English, 367.
Pawn, chess, etymology, 134.
Pechelyne, in Mid-English, 367.
PentacUy etymology, 141.
Peridote, etymology, 141.
Philological Society, its Dictionary.
See Dictionary.
its Council and Officers, i.
List of Members, ii.
Proceedings and Publica-
tions, at end of vol.
Treasurer's Cash Account,
1891, etc., at end of vol.
its Rules, etc., end of vol.
Phonetic Spelling, 263.
Pie, etjTnology, 134.
Pisane, in Mid-English, 367.
Plash y etjrmology, 134.
Pomety etymology, 142.
Pony, etymology, 134.
Posset, etymology, 142.
Potenere, in Mid-English, 368.
Pray, a flock, etymology, 142.
Prepense, etymology, 142.
Pretonic N, Assimilation of, in Celtic
Suffixes, by Dr. W. Stokes, 297.
Pronunciation in the Society's Dic-
tionary, 262.
Pronunciation of English Vowels,
17th Cent., Prof. R. Martineau
on, 207.
Pyked, in Mid-English, 368.
Pyned, in Mid-English, 369.
Q.
Quernes and Temes, in Mid-English,
371.
Q^ert, etymology, 143.
duilt, etymology, 143.
572
INDEX TO PHIL. TRANS. 1891-2-3-4.
R.
Eadevore, in Mid-English, 369.
BankUj etjinology, 144.
Reheten^ etymoloj^, 144.
Mencian, etymolog)', 144.
Rt spice ^ etyinologry, 145.
Rhys, Prof. John, **0n the Celts and
the other Anans of theP and Q
Groups," 104.
Rhythm and Metre, Old- English,
iS-of. H. F. Heath on, 377.
Bideltdy etymology, 146.
Raily etymology, 134.
Roach, etymology, 134.
S.
Satnmian Metre, a New Theory of
the, by Mr. W. M. Lindsay, 406,
438.
Scale, etymology, 145.
Sigh-clout, in Mid-English, 369.
Skbat, Rev. Prof., ** Notes on
English Etymology." 132, 135.
" Rare Words in Middle
English," 359.
Sleight etymology, 134.
Snore, etymology, 135.
Soak, et>Tnology, 145.
Spelling, Phonetic, 263.
Staples, Mr. J. H., " On Gaelic
Phonetics," 396.
SUU, in Mid-English, 370.
Stodge, etvraolop', 135.
Stokes, *Dr. Whitley, **01d- Irish
Glosses on the Bucolics," 308.
" On the Assimilation of
Pretonic JN'in Celtic Sutfixes," 297.
*' On the Bodleian Frag-
ment of Cormac*s Glossary," 149.
** On the Metrical Glossaries
of the Mediicval Irish," 1.
Strachan, Prof. J., '* Contributions
to the History of the Deponent
Verb in Irish," 444.
" The Compensatory Length*
ening of Vowels in Irish,*' 217.
"Etj-mologies," 289, 307.
T.
Tailm, Ir , etymology, 293.
Tairg, Ir., etymology, 296.
Tallaim, Ir., etymology, 289.
Talle ne in tueh, in Mid-English, 370.
Taut, etymology, 145.
Tagt, in Mid-EngUsh, 371.
Ten Brink on O.E. rhythm, 379.
Teneling, in Mid-Engfish, 371.
Tennis, etymology, 135.
Terne9 and Qmrnet, in Mid-English,
371.
Thaece9, in Mid-English, 371.
Thulged, in Mid-English, 371.
Tipen, in Mid-English, 372.
Toi^e, Ir., etymology, 294.
Totez, in Mid-EngEsh, 372.
Tranter, etymology, 146.
Trashes, in' Mid-English, 372.
Tray tret, etymology, 146.
Treieted, in kid-English, 373.
Troched, in Mid-English, 373.
Troeth, W., etymology, 291.
Truit, druit, Ir., etymology, 291.
Unkek, in Mid-English, 373.
V.
Vasure, Fautere, etc., in Mid-English,
361.
Vewter, etymology. 146.
Vowels, Lengthening of, in Irish,
Prof. Strachan on, 217.
W.
Wagz-goosc, etymology, 146.
Wearish, etymology, 135.
Wharton, * Mr. £. R., on *• The
Greek Indirect Negative," 211.
on ** Some Greek Ety-
mologies," 329.
Windren, in Mid-English, 373.
Woubit, ouhit, etATnology, 140.
Writhe, in Mid-English* 374.
Y.
Tuly, etymology, 148.
Z.
Zimmer, Prof., on the Deponent Verb
in Irish, 536.
bXti'HEN ALSTIX ASV SONS, rUIXTEltS, HERTFORD.
j:
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Appendix II
■ »»
NOTES
ON
THE ORTHOaRAPHY OF THE ORMULUM
BT
ARTHUR S. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D.
NOTES
ON
THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE ORMULUM*
■♦♦■
Fob the guttural and palatal spirants Orm retains the Old
English ^ (in the former case adding an h)y while for the guttural
stopped consonant, as in god^ he employs a sign which is represented
in the printed editions by g. But in the printed editions the sign
g is not restricted to the guttural stopped consonant : it is used
also in words like egge (= Modem English 'edge'), where the gg
had the dzh sound. In other words, the printed editions of the
Ormulum make no difference between egge (=:*edge') and eggerwi^
(= to * egg on'), though the pronunciation of the consonants in the
two words was, in Orm's time, the same as now, i.e. dzh in the
former case and a stopped g in the latter. But on examining the
MS. I found that, though the editors make no difference, Orm did.
The letter with which he always denoted the guttural stop (as
in god, gladd, eggenn, &c.) is perfectly distinct from the sign which
he used to express the dzh sound (as in egge ' edgQ,\ aeggen * to
say,' &c.). The latter, which in the following remarks, as well
as in the transcript of the facsimile, is denoted by g, has the
form of the continental g — : cf. hi^^emi in the facsimile, lines 2,
16, 18, 20, 41, 47, and se^^enn, line 6. The former, which I shall
denote by g, may be described as a sort of compromise between the
Old English ^ and the continental g : it has, in common with this
^ These notes are reprinted, with Dictionary dates from about laoo.
slight alterations, from the Academy, A still earlier instance may be found
March 15, 1890. in the Lindlsfiime Gospels, Mark zv.
^ The earliest quotation for this 1 1« where conct^averun^ is glossed by
word given in the New English ge-eggedon.
2* THE ORTHOGRAPHY OP THE ORMULUM.
latter, the closed upper part, thus differing from the Old English j ;
bat it has, in common with the Old English j) the straight horizontal
top stroke, which projects to the left as well as to the right of the
letter — : cf. gocW, lines 4, 9, 10, 12, 38, &c, bi^nnen, line
13, &c. This straight horizontal top, especially that part of it
which projects to the left, is its most characteristic feature, and
seiTes to distinguish it from the g, from the romid top of which
a short sloping stroke extends to the right, there being no stroke
whatever to the left. The absence of any stroke to the left of the
top of the g at once distingoishes it frt)m the 5. Except for
the one or two isolated instances mentioned on page 4, Orm
never confuses the two signs, but always uses them correctly, 5
denoting the guttural stopped consonant, and g the dzh sound.
I give a few instances — ^the pronunciation, g or dzh, is added in
brackets, the number which follows denotes the number of times
I have met with the word in question in the Ormulum MS. :
6gg6 'edge' {dzhr'4) is in each case written with gg; eggenn 'to
egg on ' (5^-5), eggtnwg {g-i) are in every instance spelt with gg.
The verb bi^^emi 'to buy' {dzh^iS) is always written with gg,
being thus invariably distinguished from ^ggenn 'to dwell'
(^-20). The verbs feggerm 'to lay' {dzh-2), and ^^gg^im *to
say' {dzh'^^^) are in every instance written with gg, while the
Scandinavian <ngg 'faithful' (5^-3), ^(XSSerrle^c 'love' (ff-2) are
spelt with gg.
If any proof is needed that Orm's aeggenn, &c. really had the
dzh sound, it is afforded by the use of the sign g in the Bomanoe
word ^n {Onmdvm, ed. Holt, I. 245, /nirrh snoterr g^ ' through
wise art '). This gyn or gin appears in other early Middle English
writings, meaning, as here, ' skill, art,' or ' a mechanical contrivance,
a machine.' It also got to be used in a bad sense, ' cunning,' and
* a snare,' surviving in the latter meaning in the Modem English
' gin.' It comes from the Latin ingeniumf through the medimn
of the Old French engin. Some writers have, it is true, r^(axded
it as Scandinavian, and brought it into connexion with the Old
Norse ginna, ' to deceive.' But the pronunciation of the Hodem
English word entirely precludes the possibility of a Scandinavian
THE ORTHOGEAPHY OF THE ORMULUM. 8*
origin. Moreover, the various Middle English meanings are more
easily and naturally explained from the Eomance engin than from
the Norse girma.
The Romance origin of g^ then being admitted, its initial
consonant must, in Orm's time, have had the dzh sound ; thence,
as we have every reason for supposing that Orm did not use this
sign for more tban one sound, we may assume that, wherever it
occurs, it had the value of dzh. The fact that in "Vfsprds, whether
proper names or not, borrowed from Latin Orm always uses g
before back vowels and g before front vowels, serves as a further
confirmation of this. He writes quapfiri^an, ^alUey and au^tissiitaSi
but e^jopte and ma^ (= magi).
The later language shows that, when ng was originally followed
by i or y, the g underwent the same assibilation as the gg ; instances
are 'hinge/ ^ singe,' &c., so that one would expect to find Orm in
such cases writing wg and not wg. Now, wherever ng is preceded
in native English words by e, an i orj must have originally followed
the ng (to this there are .very few exceptions — ^the preterite heng
* hung ' is one), so that wherever the combination eng occurs, we
should expect to find it written eng, unless the g was immediately
followed by some consonant which protected it from assibilation, as
in enn^lisshy lenn^re, or in the case of Scandinavian words. Accord-
ingly we find hUen^e 'belonging to' (1. 2230) written with g. The
other words in question are {h^)enngeUf 'angel ' ; henngedd, &c., from
hen/ngemif 'to hang, crucify'; prefrmgdefmiy 'thronged': wengesSy
' wings ' ; strengenn, ' to strengthen '; genge, ' a company' ; gengenn,
' to avail, assist ' — ^but they are always written with g, never with g.
In the case of {hek)enn'^elly the explanation is simple enough. In
all the cases except the nominative and accusative singular the
g was protected from assibilation by I {ennvjless), and the influence
of these forms protected the g in the nominative and accusative
singular ; but, in the case of the other six words, no similar expla-
nation is possible, so that, unless we are prepared to adopt the
unlikely assumption that in Orm's dialect assibilation only took
place in the case of gg, but not in the case of ng^ we are driven to
the conclusion that all the six words are of Scandinavian origin.
tmm
4"** THB OBTHOGRAPHT OF THB ORMULUK.
In his article on the Scandinavian loan-words in the Ormulum
(Paul and Biuone's BeUrdge zur Otsehichle der deutschen Sprachc
und LUeraJtv/r^ x. i) Brate comes to the condosion, on quite other
grounds, that henn^fidd^/frtnn^denny and tomgen, are Scandinavian ;
but the remaining three he regards as native English, because of
the lengthening of the root vowel before ng. But, if we aappose
«<r«ngenn, genge, ^BnYfrin to belong to an older .stratum of loan*
words borrowed previously to the lengthening of e before ng^
that objection would loee its force.
The following is a list of the words in which I have found the
sign g used ^ : 5tggenn ' to buy ', o&tggenn * to atone for ', htknge^
egg« 'edge', E^ppU, gyn, fogg«in, ifagy, •eggwm, icrv^/Mggmn*.
That in a few isolated cases Orm should have let the wrong sign
slip through his fingers, writing g for g and conversely, is but
natural. Amongst the hundreds of instances of the word goici
which I examined, I only found a single example of the misspelling
2pdd (line 2161). Line 3995 the MS. has ^utermesm for gltcterr-
nB89e, (Tonversely in 1. 8772 e^ippte is written instead of the usual
«gt/>^;te, of which I have noted twelve instances.
A glance at line 10 of the facsimile will shew that Sweet*s state-
ment {History of Engl, Sounds^ p. 160) that the Ormvhmh only has
/, requires modification. A list of some of the words in which d is
found, is given by Holt, I. p. Ixxx.
It will be also noticed that the 0 of the combination eo has
generally been erased, and that in most cases the 0 has been again
added by another hand.
^ The words with ^ in the Latin this Latin part of theJlfS., employing
portion of the MS. (i. e. the portion the continental ^ in all cases,
between the Dedication and the Pre- ' Orm regularly writes serrsalem
£Ehce, which contains Latin texts) are, with an initial s. In three instances
of course, left out of consideration, as (11. 8439, 9182, 9188) the 5 has been
Orm does not use the sign g at all in sdtered to g.
rx-- ..■<--•-" ■" ■
I I
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
(MEETING AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, W.O.)
1893.
COUNCIL, 1892-93.
JPresident.
PEOF. A. S. NAPIEE, M.A., Ph.D.
Fice'Fresidents,
WHITLEY STOKES, D.C.L., LL.D.
THE REV. RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D., M.A.
HENRY SWEET, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D.
JAMES A. H. MURRAY, LL.D., M.A.
THE REV. PROF. W. W. SKEAT, Lttt.D., M.A., LL.D.
THE REV. PROF. A. H. SAYCE, D.C.L., LL.D.
HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.
Ordinary Members of Council.
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PROF. T. DE LACOUPERIE.
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MAJOR TEMPLE.
Treasurer,
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MEMBERS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 1893.
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HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Henri Gaidoz. Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 22, Rue
Servandoni, Paris. Editor of the ^'Bevue Celtiqm," etc.
Professor Kern. Leiden.
Professor F. A. March. Lafayette College, Easton, Pa., U.S.A.
Author of "-4 Comparative Orammar of Anglo-Saxon.**
Professor Matzner. Berlin.
Author of the *^ Engliache GframmatikJ*
Professor Paul Meyer. Ecole des Chartes, Paris.
Editor of Flamenca, etc.
Professor W.D wight Whitney. Yale Coll., Newhaven, U.S.A.
Author of ** Language and the Study of Language,*' etc.
Professor Windisch, Ph.D., Editor of Irische Texte, etc.
Professor J. Zupitza, Ph.D., Editor of Beoumlf, etc.
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
* GOMPOUNDBBS VOA UFB.
1853. Dr. Altschul. 9, Old Bond Street, W.
1886. J. Amours, Esq. 2, Clifton Place, Glasgow.
187^. *J. B. Andrews, Esq. Le Pigaut^, Menton, Alpes M.
1886. R. N. Bain, Esq. British Museum, W.C.
1 883. Alfred D. G. Barriball, Esq. Dunheved, Blenkame
Road, Bolingbroke Grove, Wandsworth, S.W.
1881. *The Rev. A. L. Becker. ** Appin/' Manor
Road, Beckenham, Kent.
1870. Alexander Graham Bell, Esq. Scott Circle, Wash-
ington, U.S.A.
1891. J. J. Beuzemaker, Esq. 87, Southampton Row,
London, W.C.
1856. J. P. BiDLAKE,'Esq. 339, Essex Road, N.
Members of the Philological Society^ Nov. 1893. iii
1869. *Demetriu8 Bikelas, Esq. 4, Rue de Babylone,
Paris.
1885. Henry Bradley, Esq. 6, Worcester Gardens, Clap-
ham Common, S.W. {Joint-Editor of the Societt/'s
Dictionary).
1872. E. L. Brandreth, Esq. 32, Elvaston Place, S.W.
1889. J. S. Brierly, Esq. 42, New North Eoad, Hudders-
field.
1890. S. Illingworth Butler, Esq. Licensed Victuallers'
School, Lambeth, S.E.
1880. Cambridge Philological Society.
1880. *Canterbury College, New Zealand. (Care of
E. Stanford, 65, Charing Cross, W.C.)
1875. F. Chance, Esq. Burleigh House, Sydenham Hill,
S.E.
1886. "William M. Christie, Esq. Safed, Palestine.
1887. Miss Caroline Churchill. Trenant, Wilbury Boad,
Hove, Brighton.
1879, ♦Hyde Clarke, Esq. 32, St. George's Square, S.W,
1890. Fred. H. M. Corbet, Esq. 51, Addison Mansions,
Blythe Road, W.
1867. Miss Louisa B. Courtenay. 34, Brompton Square,
S.W.
1888. G. Milner-Gibson-Cullum, Esq. Hardwick House,
near Bury St. Edmunds.
1867. Benjamin Dawson, Esq. The Mount, Hampstead,
N.W. {Treasurer).
1860. ♦The Rev. Prof. A. J. D. D'Orsey. 4, Trafalgar
Terrace, Coatham, Redcar.
1888. R. T. Elliott, Esq. Trinity College, Melbourne.
1885. *The Rev. M. James Elliott. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1876. Fred. T. Elworthy, Esq. Foxdown, WelliDgton,
Somersetshire
1865. ♦Talfourd Ely, Esq. 73, Parliament Hill Road,
Hampstead, N.W.
1842. The Rev. William Farrer. Oakleigh, Arkwright
Road, Hampstead, N.W.
IV Members of the Philological Society, Jan. 1893.
1842. The Eev. WiUiam Farrer. Oakleigh, Arkwright
Boad, Hampstead, N. W.
1875. Dr. 0. A. M. Fennell. Barton Cottage, Cam-
bridge.
1877. *Donald W. Ferguson, Esq. (Messrs. Kegan Paul,
Trench, Triibner & Co., Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road, London, W.C.)
1888. T. 0 Flannaoile, Esq. Pendennis House, Dunbar
Road, Upton, E.
1872. Gaston PhiKp Foi, Esq. 34, De Vere Gardens,
Kensington, W.
1842. Danby P. Fry, Esq. 138, Haverstock Hill,
N.W.
1847. *Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 3, St. George's Square,
Primrose Hill, N.W. {Hon. Sec.)
1859. *H. Hucks Gibbs, Esq. St. Dunstan's, Regent's
Park, N.W.
1879. Dr. J. Hall Gladstone. 17, Pembridge Square,
Bayswater, W.
1892. I. GoLLANCz, Esq., 154, Houndsditch, E.C.
1862. Dr. Clair J. Grece. Red Hill, Surrey.
1869. The Rev. Walter Gregor. Pitsligo Manse, Fraser-
burgh, Aberdeenshire.
1868. Prof. John W. Hales. 1, Oppidans Road, Primrose
Hill, N.W.
1862. *Sir Reginald Hanson. 4, Bryanston Square, W.
1879. *Prof. J. M. Hart. Cornell TJniversity, Ithaca,^ New
York, XT.S.A.
1889. Alex. S. Harvey, Esq. 16, Hanover Terrace, Lad-
broke Square, W.
1892 Prof. Frank Heath, 29, Douglas Road, Canonbury,
N.
1880. *Prof. H. R. Helwich. 29, Neugasse, Oberdobling,
Vienna.
1881. T. Henderson, Esq. Bedford County School, Bedford.
1849. The Right Rev. Lord A. C. Hervey, Lord Bishop
of Bath and Wells. The Palace, Wells, Somerset-
shire.
1868. J. N. Hetherington, Esq. 4, Lansdowne Road,
Netting Hill, W.
Members of the Philological Society, Jan. 189?. v
JL854. *Joliii Power Hicks, Esq. Clifton Lodge, Blomfield
Eoad, Maida HiU, W.
1864. *Shadworth H. Hodgson, Esq. 45, Conduit Street,
Regent Street, W.
1875. C. R. Hodgson, Esq. 42, Queen Square, W.C.
185-. Martin H. Irving, Esq. (care of Messrs. Robert-
son & Co., Warwick Square, E.C.)
1875. H. Jefferson, Esq. 234, Evering Road, Clapton,
. N.E.
1878. C. S. Jerram, Esq. 134, Walton Street, Oxford.
1888. P. De Lacy Johnstone, Esq. 1, Park Crescent,
Oxford.
1892. *Prof. William Paton Ker. 95, Gower Street, W.C.
1882. R. N. Kerr, Esq. King Street Listitution, Dundee.
1886. Prof. Terrien de Lacoitperib. 54, Bishop's Terrace,
Fulham, S.W.
1890. Monsieur Raoul de La Grasserie. Rue Bourbon, 4,
Rennes, France.
1869. *The Hon. and Rev. Stephen Willoughby Lawley.
Spurfield, Exminster, Exeter.
1890. Prof. Jas. Alex. Liebmann. Rondebosch 7, Cape
Town, South Africa.
1862. *D. Logan, Esq.
1884. The Rev. Richard Lovett. 42, Sisters Avenue,
Clapham Common, S.W.
1842. *Dr. E. L. Lushington. Park House, Maidstone.
1883. *The Rev. A. MacDiarmid. The Manse, Grantown-
on-Skey, Scotland.
1890. W. Stuart Macgowan, Esq. 1, Montague Lawn,
Cheltenham.
1892 George MacLean, Esq. 27, Montague Street, Russell
Square, W.C.
1886. W. C. G. Macpherson, Esq. Howrah, E.I.R.,
Bengal, India.
1867. Prof. Russell Martineau. 5, Eldon Road, Hamp-
stead, N.W.
vi Members of the Philological Society^ Jan, 1893.
1842. C. P. Mason, Esq. Dukesell, Christchurcli Road,
Streatham Hill, S.W.
1873. The Rev. J. B. Mayor. Queensgate House, King-
ston Hill, S.W.
1884. *F. D. MocATTA, Esq. 9, Connaught Place, W.
1854. *Lord Robert Montagu. 41, Queen's Gate, S.W.
1874. *W. R. MoRFiLL, Esq. 4, Clarendon Villas, Park
Town, Oxford.
1862. The Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Harold Wood, Essex.
1871. Sir Charles Murray. The Ghrange, Old Windsor.
1868. Dr. James A. H. Murray. Sunnyside, Banbury
Road, Oxford. {Joint-Editor of the Society* a
Dictionary,)
1886. Prof. A. S. Napier {President). Headington Hill,
Oxford. I
1892. H. A. Nesbitt, Esq. 7, Newburgh Road, Acton, W.
1881. T. L. Kington Oliphant, Esq. Charlsfield, Ghusk,
Auchterarder.
1874. Owens College, Manchester, (care of Cornish^
33, Piccadilly, Manchester.)
1873. Prof. Arthur J. Patterson. IX. Lonyay-utca 11>
Budapest, Hungary.
1892. Arthur Paul, Esq. 4, Berkeley Road, Crouch End,
1866. Dr. J. Peile. Master, Christ's College, Cambridge.
1889. Miss C. Pemberton. Jagerhaus, Meran, Tirol,
Austria.
1886. Theo. G. Pinches, Esq. 62, Newman Street, W.
1880. *Prof. J. P. Postgate. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1888. Prof. R. Quattrocchi. 147, Via Arpi, Foggia.
1884. The Rev. J. Richardson. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1882. *William Ridgeway, Esq. Gonville and Oaius
College, Cambridge.
1869. Prof. Charles Rieu. British Museum, W.C.
Members df the Phihhgical Society , Jan. 1893. vii
1889. M. L. Rouse, Esq. 3, The Manor Way, Black-
heath Park, S.E.
1879. *The Rev. A. H. Saycb. Queen's College, Oxford.
1892. John Sephton, Esq. 90, Huskisson Street, Liverpool.
1884. J. G. E. SiBBALD, Esq. The Admiralty, Whitehall,
S.W.
1863. *The Rev. Prof. Skeat. 2, Salisbury Villas, Cam-
bridge.
1880. *Eustace S. Smith, Esq. Bonner Road, Victoria
Park, E.
1871. *T. B. Sprague. Esq. 26, St. Andrew's Square,
Edinburgh.
1889. The Rev. W. G. Spurrell. St. David's, Pembroke-
shire.
1893. J. Herbert Stamp, Esq. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1886. J. H. Staples, Esq. Bruachdryne, Braemar, N.B.
1879. The Rev. Dr. Thomas Stenhousb. Stocksfield-on-
Tyne, Northumberland.
1893. W. H. Stevenson, Esq. 7, Tooting Bee Road,
London, S.W.
1858. Dr. Whitley Stokes. 15, Grenville Place, Cromwell
Road, South Kensington, S.W.
1887. Prof. Strachan. Woodbank, Marple, Cheshire.
1882. *Mrs. A. Stuart, jun. 19, Regent Terrace, Edin-
burgh.
1869. *Dr. Henry Sweet. Cambray, South Park, Reigate.
1883. Major R. C. Temple. (H. S. King & Co., Com-
hill.)
1881. Henry Walter Thomson, Esq. Hazelbank, Syden-
ham HiU, S.E.
1866. Samuel Timmins, Esq. Spring Hill, Arley,
Coventry.
1891. Toronto Public Library. (C. D. Cazenove, 26,
Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W.C.)
1887. Edw. Tregear, Esq. Government Buildings,
Wellington, New Zealand.
1886. Trinity College Library, Cambridge, (care of
Deighton, Bell, & Co., Cambridge.)
1871. Dr. E. B. Tylor. The Museum House, Oxford.
viTi Members of the Philological Society^ Nov. 1893.
1873. M. J. Walhouse, Esq. 28, Hamilton Terrace, N.W.
1880. Richard Ware, Esq. 88, Heath Street, Hampstead,
N.W.
1851. *Dr. R. F. Weymouth. CoUaton House, Brentwood,
Essex.
1863. Henry B. Wheatley, Esq. 2, Oppidans Road,
Primrose Hill, N.W.
1882. *Thoma8 Wilson, Esq. Rivers Lodge, Harpenden,
St. Albans, Herts.
1870, Nicholas Wilcox Wyer, Esq. 3, Matford Terrace, St.
Leonard's, Exeter.
Bankers : Messrs. Barclay, Ransom, and Co., 1, Pall Mall
East, S.W.
Publishers of the Transactions : Messrs. Keg an Paul, Trench,
Trubner & Co., Limited, Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road, London.
STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, PUNTEBS, HEBTFO&D.
Tbeastjbeb's Cash Account, 1892.
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MEMBERS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 1894.
{Corrected to November ^ 1894.)
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Henri Gaidoz. Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 22, Rue
Servandoni, Paris. Editor of the ^^ Revue Celtiqtte" etc.
Professor Kern. Leiden.
Professor F. A. March. Lafayette College, Easton, Pa., U.S.A.
Author of "-4 Comparative Grammar of Anglo-Saxon.'*
Professor Paul Meyer. Ecole des Chartes, Paris.
Editor of Flamenca, etc.
Professor Windiscii, Ph.D., Editor of Irische Texte, etc.
Professor J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 7, Kleinbeeren Strasse^ Berlin,
Editor of Beowulf, etc.
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
• COHPOUNDEBS FOR LIFE.
1853. Dr. Altschul. 9, Old Bond Street, W.
1886. J. Amours, Esq. 75, Montgomerie St., Glasgow.
1879. *J. B. Andrews, Esq. Le Pigaute, Menton, Alpes M.
1886. R. N. Bain, Esq. British Museum, W.C.
1 883. Alfred D. G. Barriball, Esq. Dunheved, Blenkame
Road, Bolingbroke Grove, Wandsworth, S.W.
1881. *The Rev. A. L. Becker. '* Vanburgh," 49, Manor
Road, Beckenham, Kent.
1870. Alexander Graham Bell, Esq. Scott Circle, Wash-
ington, U.S.A.
1891. J. J. Beuzemaker, Esq. 87, Southampton Row,
London, W.C.
1856. J. P. BiDLAKE, Esq. 339, Essex Road, N.
viTi Members of the Philological Society^ Nov. 1893.
1873. M. J. Walhouse, Esq. 28, Hamilton Terrace, N.W.
1880. Richard Warb, Esq. 88, Heath Street, Hampstead,
N.W.
1851. *Dr. R. F. Weymouth. Collaton House, Brentwood,
Essex.
1863. Henry B. Whbatley, Esq. 2, Oppidans Road,
Primrose Hill, N.W.
1882. *Thomas Wilson, Esq. Rivers Lodge, Harpenden,
St. Albans, Herts.
1870. Nicholas Wilcox Wyer, Esq. 3, Matford Terrace, St.
Leonard's, Exeter.
Bankers : Messrs. Barclay, Ransom, and Co., 1, Pall Mall
East, S.W.
Publishers of the Transactions : Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench,
TrCbner & Co., Limited, Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road, London.
STLI'IIKN AVSTIN AXl> 5!K)II6, PKINTKU^ RKRTFORD.
Tbeasxteeb's Cash Account, 1892.
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M O 2
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
(MEETING AT tJNIVEESITY COLLEGE, LONDON, W.O.)
1893.
COUNCIL, 1892-93. .
FreiidinL
PROF. A. 8. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D.
Fiee-FrMidmti,
WHITLEY STOKES, D.C.L., LL.D.
THE REV. RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D., M.A.
HENRY SWEET, M.A., Ph.D.. LL.D.
JAMES A. H. MURRAY, LL.D.. M.A.
THE REV. PROP. W. W. SKEAT, Lttt.D., M.A., LL.D.
THE REV. PROF. A. H. SAYCE, D.C.L., LL.D.
HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.
Ordinary Members of ChuntU,
E. L. BRANDRETH, ESQ.
PROP. T. DE LACOUPERIE.
F. T. ELWORTHY, ESQ.
TALFOURD ELY, M.A.
C. A.M. FENNELL,A.M., Lrrr.D.
H. HUCES GIBBS, M.A.
I. OOLLANCZ, M.A.
A. S. HARVEY, M.A.
T. HENDERSON, M.A.
J. POWER HICKS, M.A.
PROF. W. P. KER, M.A.
R. MARTINEAU, M.A.
REV. J. B. MAYOR, M.A.
W. R. MORFILL, M.A.
J. PEILE, M.A., LiTT.D.
THEO. G. PINCHES, ESQ.
PROF. J. P. POSTGATE, M.A.
PROF. C. RIEtJ, Ph.D.
W. H. STEVENSON, ESQ.
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE.
Treamrer.
BENJAMIN DAWSON, B.A., The Mount, Hampstead, London, N.W.
^<m, Seeretarp.
F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Ph.D., 3, St. George's Square, PrimroBe Hill, N.W.
Bankers*
Mbbsrs. BARCLAY, RANSOM, ft Co., I, PaU Mall East, 8.W.
Entrance Fbs £I 1«. ; Subscription, £1 If. a Ybar (due erery Ist of January},
OR £10 10«. FOR Lira.
Publiahere of the Traneaetione,
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER ft Co., Limitbd,* London.
II
MEMBERS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETT, 1893.
{Corrected to January^ 1893.)
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Henri Gaidoz. Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 22, Rue
Servandom, Paris. Editor of the *^ Revue Celtiquey* etc.
Professor Kern. Leiden.
Professor F. A. March. Lafayette College, Easton, Pa., U.S.A.
Author of " A Comparatif>e Orammar of Anglo-Saxon,'*
Professor Matzner. Berlin.
Author of the "JSngliache Ghrammatik**
Professor Paul Meyer. Ecole des Chartes, Paris.
Editor of Fiumenca^ etc.
Professor W.D wight WarrNEY. Yale Coll., Newhaven, U.S.A.
Author of ^* Language and the Study of Language,** etc
Professor Windisch, Ph.D., Editor of Irische Texte, etc.
Professor J. Zupitza, Ph.D., Editor of Beowulf, etc.
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
• COMPOUNDSaS rOR LIFI.
1858. Dr. Altschul. 9, Old Bond Street, W.
1886. J. Amours, Esq. 2, Clifton Place, Glasgow.
187f). *J. B. Andrews, Esq. Le Pigaut^, Menton, Alpes M.
1886. R. N. Bain, Esq. British Museum, W.C.
1883. Alfred D. G. Barriball, Esq. Dunheved, Blenkame
Road, Bolingbroke Grove, Wandsworth, S.W.
1881. ♦The Rev. A. L. Becker. '* Appin," Manor
Road, Beckenham, Kent.
1870. Alexander Graham Bell, Esq. Scott Circle, Wash-
ington, U.S.A.
1891. J. J. Beuzkmakek, Esq. 87, Southampton Row,
London, W.C.
1856. J. P. Bidlake, Esq. 339, Essex Road, N.
Members of the Philological Society^ Jan. 1893. iii
1869. ^Demetrius Bikelas, Esq. 4, Bue de Babylone,
Paris.
1885. Henry Bradley, Esq. 6, Worcester Gkirdens, Clap-
ham Common, S.W. {JoinUEditor of the Society^ a
Dictionary).
1872. E. L. Brandreth, Esq. 32, Elvaston Place, S.W.
1889. J. S. Bribrly, Esq. 42, New North Road, Hudders-
field.
1890. S. Illmgworth Butler, Esq. Licensed Victuallers'
I
School, Lambeth, S.E.
1880. Cambridge Philological Society.
1880. *Canterbury College, New Zealand. (Care of
E. Stanford, 65, Charing Cross, W.C.)
1888. Eobert L. Cassie, Esq. 27, Colebrooke Bow,
London, N.
1875. F. Change, Esq. Burleigh House, Sydenham Hill,
S.E.
1886. William M. Christie, Esq. Safed, Palestine.
1887. Miss Caroline Churchill. Trenant, Wilbury Bead,
Hove, Brighton.
1879. *Hyde Clarke, Esq. 32, St. George's Square, S.W.
1890. Fred. H. M. Corbet, Esq. Boyal Colonial Institute,
Northumberland Avenue, W.C.
1867. Miss Louisa B. Courtenay. 34, Brompton Square,
S.W.
1888. G. MiLKER-GiBSON-CuLLUM, Esq. Hardwick House,
near Bury St. Edmunds.
1867. Benjamin Dawson, Esq. The Mount, Hampstead,
fj yv" / TrecL9urer\
1860. *The Rev. Prof. A. J. D. D'Orsey. 4, Trafalgar
Terrace, Coatham, Redcar.
1888. R. T. Elliott, Esq. Trinity College, Melbourne.
1885. *The Rev. M. James Elliott. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1876. Fred. T. Elworthy, Esq. Foxdown, Wellington,
Somersetshire.
1865. ♦Talfourd Ely, Esq. 73, Parliament Hill Road,
Hampstead, N.W.
iv Members of the Phihhgical Society^ Jan. 1893.
1842. The Rev. William Farrer. Oakleigli, Arkwright
Boad, Hampstead, N.W.
1875. Dr. 0. A. M. Fenkell. Barton Cottage, Cam-
bridge.
1877. *Donala W. Ferouson, Esq- (Messrs. Kegan Paul,
Trench, Triibner & Co., Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road, London, W.C.)
1888. T. o Flannaoile, Esq. Pendennis House, Dunbar
Road, Upton, E.
1872. Gaston Philip Foa, Esq. 34, De Vere (Jardens,
Kensington, W.
1842. Danby P. Frt, Esq. 138, Haverstock Hill,
N.W.
1847. *Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 3, St. George's Square,
Primrose Hill, N.W. {Han. Sec.)
1859. *H. Hucks GiBBs, Esq. St. Dunstan's, Regent's
Park, N.W.
1879. Dr. J. Hall Gladstone. 17, Pembridge Square,
Bayswater, W.
1892. I. GoLLANcz, Esq., 154, Houndsditch, E.C.
1862. Dr. Clair J. Grece. Red HQl, Surrey.
1869. The Rev. Walter Gregor. Pitsligo Manse, Fraser-
burgh, Aberdeenshire.
1868. Prof. John W. Hales. 1, Oppidans Road, Primrose
Hm, N.W.
1862. *Sir Reginald Hanson. 4, Bryanston Square, W.
1879. *Prof. J. M. Hart. Cornell University, Ithaca, New
York, U.S.A.
1889. Alex. S. Harvey, Esq. 16, Hanover Terrace, Lad-
broke Square, W.
1892 Prof. Frank Heath, 29, Douglas Road, Canonbury,
N.
1880. *Prof. H. R. Helwich. 29, Neugasse, Oberdobling,
Vienna.
1881. T. Henderson, Esq. Bedford County School, Bedford.
1849. The Right Rev. Lord A. C. Hervey, Lord Bishop
of Bath and Wells. The Palace, Wells, Somerset-
shire.
1868. J. N. Hetherington, Esq. 4, Lansdowne Road,
Notting Hill, W.
Members of the Phihlogical Society, Jan. 1893. t
1854. *Joliii Power Hicks, Esq. Clifton Lodge, Blomfield
Road, Maida HiU, W.
1864. ♦Shadworth H. Hodgson, Esq. 45, Conduit Street,
Regent Street, W.
1875. C. R. Hodgson, Esq. 42, Queen Square, W.C.
186-. Martin H. Irving, Esq. (care of Messrs. Robert-
son & Co., Warwick iSquare, E.C.)
1875. H. Jefferson, Esq. 234, Evering Road, Clapton,
.N.E.
1878, C. S. Jerram, Esq. 134, Walton Street, Oxford.
1888. P. De Lacy Johnstone, Esq. 1, Park Crescent,
Oxford.
1892. *Prof. William Paton Kbr. 95, Gower Street, W.C.
1882. R. N. Kerr, Esq. King Street Institution, Dundee.
1886. Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie. 54, Bishop's Terrace,
Fulham, S.W.
1890. Monsieur Raovl de La Grasserie. Rue Bourbon, 4,
Rennes, France.
1869. *Tlie Hon. and Rev. Stephen Willoughby Lawley.
Spurfield, Exminster, Exeter.
1890. Prof. Jas. Alex. Liebbiann. Rondebosch 7, Cape
Town, South Africa.
1862. ♦D. Logan, Esq.
1884. The Rev. Richard Lovetf. 42, Sisters Avenue,
Clapham Common, S.W.
1842. *Dr. E. L. Lushington. Park House, Maidstone.
1883. *The Rev. A. MacDiarmid. The Manse, Grantown-
on-Skey, Scotland.
1890. W. Stuart Macgowan, Esq. 1, Montague Lawn,
Cheltenham.
1892 George MacLean, Esq. 27, Montague Street, Russell
Square, W.C.
1886. W. C. G. Macpherson, Esq. Howrah, E.I.R.,
Bengal, India.
1867. Prof Russell Martineau. 5, Eldon Road, Hamp-
stead, KW.
yi Mefnbera of the Phiblogical Soeiety, Jan^ 1893*
1842. 0. P. Mason, Esq. Dukesell, Ghristchuroh Boad,
Streatham HiU, S.W.
1873. The Bev. J. B. Mayor. Queensgate Hoase^ King-
ston Hill, S.W.
1884. ♦F. D. MocATTA, Esq. 9, Connauglit Place, ^W.
1854. *Lord Eobert Montagu. 41, Queen's Gate, S.W.
1874. *W. R. MoRFiLL, Esq. 4, Clarendon Villas, Park
Town, Oxford.
1862. The Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Harold Wood, Essex.
1871. Sir Charles Murray. The Grange, Old Windsor.
1868. Dr. James A. H. Murray. Sunnyside, Banbury
Road, Oxford. {Joint'Editar of the 8ocietf/*e
Dictionary.)
1886. Prof. A. S. Napier {Prmdenf). Headington Hill,
Oxford. I
1892. H. A. Nesbitt, Esq. 7, Newburgh Road, Acton, W.
1881. T. L. Kington Oliphant, Esq. Charlsfield, (Jaak,
Auchterarder.
1874. Owens College, Manchester, (care of Cornish,
33, Piccadilly, Manchester.)
1873. Prof. Arthur J. Patterson. IX. Lonyay-utea 11,
Budapest, Hungary.
1892. Arthur Paul, Esq. 4, Berkeley Road, Crouch. End,
N.
1866. Dr. J. Peile. Master, Christ's College, Cambridge.
1889. Miss C. Pemberton. Jagerhaus, Meran, Tirol,
Austria.
1886. Theo. G. Pinches, Esq. 62, Newman Street, W.
1880. *Prof. J. P. PosTGATE. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1888. Prof. R. Quattrocchi. 147, Via Arpi, Foggia.
1884. The Rev. J. Richardson. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1882. * William Ridge way, Esq. Gonville and Cains
College, Cambridge.
1869. Prof. Charles Rieu. British Museum, W.C.
Members of the Phihiogical Society, Jan. 1893, vii
1889. M. L. Rouse, Esq. 3, The Manor Way, Black-
heath Park, S.E.
1879. *The Rev. A. H. Saycb. Queen's College, Oxford.
1892. John Sephton, Esq. 90, Huskisson Street, Liverpool.
1884. J. G. E. SiBBALD, Esq. The Admiralty, Whitehall,
S.W.
1863. •The Rev. Prof. Skeat. 2, Salisbury Villas, Cam-
bridge.
1880. *Eustace S. SMrrn, Esq. Bonner Road, Victoria
Park, E.
1871. *T. B. Sprague. Esq. 26, St. Andrew's Square,
Edinburgh.
1889. The Rev. W. G. Spurrell. St. David's, Pembroke-
shire.
1893. J. Herbert Stamp, Esq. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1886. J. H. Staples, Esq. Bruachdryne, Braemar, N B.
1879. The Rev. Dr. Thomas Stenhouse. Stocksfield-on-
Tyne, Northumberland.
1893. W. H. Stevenson, Esq. 7, Tooting Bee Road,
London, S.W.
1868. Dr. Whidey Stokes. 15, Grenville Place, Cromwell
Road, South Kensington, S.W.
1887. Prof. Strachan. Woodbank, Marple, Cheshire.
1882. ♦Mrs. A. Stuart, jun. 19, Regent Terrace, Edin-
burgh.
1869. *Dr. Henry Sweet. Cambray, South Park, Reigate.
1883. Major R. C. Temple. (H. S. King & Co., Com-
hill.)
1881. Henry Walter Thomson, Esq. Hazelbank, Syden-
ham mil, S.E.
1866. Samuel Timmins, Esq. Spring Hill, Arley,
Coventry.
1891. Toronto Public Library. (C. D. Cazenove, 26,
Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W.C.)
1887. Edw. Tregear, Esq. Government Buildings,
Wellington, New Zealand.
1886. Trinity College Library, Cambridge, (care of
Deighton, Bell, & Co., Cambridge.)
1871. Dr. E. B. Tylor. The Museum House, Oxford.
f
vin Members of the Phihhgical Society, Jan. 1893.
1892. Univsrsitt of Minnesota. Minneapolisy Minne-*
sota, U.S.A.
1864. •£. ViLES, Esq. 16, Wetherby Gardens, South Ken-
sington, S. W.
1873. M. J. Walhouse, Esq. 28, Hamflton Terrace, N.W.
1880. Richard Ware, Esq. Heath Street, Hampstead,
N.W.
1851. •Dr. R. F. Weymouth. Collaton House, Brentwood,
Essex.
1863. Henry B. Wheatley, Esq. 2, Oppidans Road,
Primrose Hill, N.W.
1882. *Thomas Wilson, Esq. Rivers Lodge, Harpenden,
St. Albans, Herts.
1870. Nicholas Wilcox Wyer, Esq. 3, Matford Terrace, St.
Leonard's, Exeter.
Bankers : Messrs. Barclay, Ransom, and Co., 1, Pall Mall
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Publishers of the Transactions : Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trknch,
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STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SOKS, PRINTK&S, UERTPO&D.
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
(MEETING AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, W.O.)
1894.
COUNCIL, 1893-94.
Frtaideni.
J. PEILE, M.A., LiTT.D.
Fiee-Fresidentt,
WHITLEY STOKES, D.C.L., LL.D.
HENRY SWEET, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D.
JAMES A. H. MURRAY, LL.D., M.A.
THE REV. PROF. W. W. SKEAT, Litt.D., M.A., LL.D.
THE REV. PROF. A. H. SAYCE, D.C.L., LL.D.
HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.
Ordinary Membera of Ooimeil.
J. BEUZEMAKER, M.A.
E. L. BRANDRETH, ESQ.
TALFOURD ELY, M.A.
C. A. M. FENNELL, Litt.D.
H. HUCKS GIBBS, M.A.
I. GOLLANCZ, M.A.
PROF. F. HEATH, Ph.D.
T. HENDERSON, M.A.
PROF. W. P. KER, M.A.
R. MARTINEAU, M.A.
W. R. MORFILL, M.A.
A. S. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D.
THEO. G. PINCHES, ESa
PROF. J. P. POSTGATE, M.A.
PROF. C. RIEU, Ph.D.
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W. H. STEVENSON, ESQ.
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MAJOR TEMPLE.
Treasurer.
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II
MEMBERS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 1894
{Corrected to November, 1894.)
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Henri Gaidoz. Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 22, Rue
Servandoni, Paris. Editor of the "Bevue Celtique/^ etc.
Professor Kern. Leiden.
Professor F. A. March. Lafayette College, Easton, Pa., U.S.A.
Author of "A Comparative Orammar of Anglo- Saxon J*
Professor Paul Meyer. Ecole des Chartes, Paris.
Editor of Flumenca, etc.
Professor Windisch, Ph.D., Editor of Irische Texte, etc.
Professor J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 7, Kleinbeeren Strasse, Berlin,
Editor of Beowulf, etc.
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
* COMFOVNDS&S FOR LIFE.
1858. Dr. Altschul. 9, Old Bond Street, W.
1886. J. Amours, Esq. 75, Montgomerie St., Glasgow.
1879. *J. B. Andrews, Esq. Le Pigaute, Menton, Alpes M.
1886. R. N. Bain, Esq. British Museum, W.C.
1883. Alfred D. G. Barriball, Esq. Dunheved, Blenkame
Road, Bolingbroke Grove, Wandsworth, S.TV.
1881. ♦The Rev. A. L. Becker. " Vanburgh," 49, Manor
Road, Beckenham, Kent.
1870. Alexander Graham Bell, Esq. Scott Circle, Wash-
ington, U.S.A.
1891. J. J. Bkuzkmaker, Esq. 87, Southampton Row,
London, W.C.
1856. J. P. BiDLAKE, Esq. 339, Essex Road, N.
Members of t/ie Philological Society^ Nov. 1894. iii
1869. *Demetriu8 Bikelas, Esq. 4, Rue de Babylone,
Paris.
1885. Henry Bradley, Esq. 6, "Worcester Gardens, Clap-
ham Common, S.W. {JoinUEdifor of the Society's
Dictionary),
1872. E. L. Brandreth, Esq. 32, Elvaston Place, S.W.
1889. J. S. Brierly, Esq; Mountjoy Eoad, Huddersfield.
1890. S. lUingworth Butler, Esq. Licensed Victuallers*
School, Lambeth, S.E.
1880. Cambridge Philological Society.
1880. *Canterbury College, New Zealand. (Care of
E. Stanford, 65, Charing Cross, W.C.)
1875. F. Chance, Esq. Burleigh House, Sydenham Hill,
S.E.
1886. William M. Christie, Esq. Safed, Palestine.
1887. Miss Caroline Churchill. Trenant, Wilbury Road,
Hove, Brighton.
1879. ♦Hyde Clarke, Esq. 32, St. George's Square, S.W.
1890. Fred. H. M. Corbet, Esq. 51, Addison Mansions,
Blythe Road, W.
1867. Miss Louisa B. Courtenay. 34, Brompton Square,
S.W.
1888. G. MiLNER-GiBSON-CuLLUM, Esq. Hardwick House,
near Bury St. Edmunds.
1867. Benjamin Dawson, Esq. The Mount, Hampstead,
N.W. {Treasurer).
1888. R. T. Elliott, Esq. Trinity College, Melbourne.
1885. *The Rev. M. James Elliott. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1876. Fred. T. Elworthy, Esq. Foxdown, Wellington,
Somersetfihirs
1865. ♦Talfourd Ely, Esq. 73, Parliament Hill Road,
Hampstead, N.W.
1842. The Rev. William Farrer. Oakleigh, Arkwright
Road, Hampstead, N.W.
IV Members of the Philological Societpy Nov. 1894.
1875. Dr. C. A. M. Fennell. Barton Cottage, Cam-
bridge.
1877. •Donald W. Ferguson, Esq. (Messrs. Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner & Co., Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road, London, W.C.)
1888. T. o Flannaoile, Esq. Pendennis House, Dunbar
Road, Upton, E.
1872. Gaston Philip Foa, Esq. 34, De Vera Gardens,
Kensington, W.
1842. Danbv P. Fry, Esq. 138, HaTcrstock Hill,
N.W.
1847. *Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 3, St. George's Square,
Primrose Hill, N.W. {Hon. Sec.)
1859. *H. Hucks GiBBs, Esq. St. Dunstan's, Regent's
Park, N.W.
1879. Dr. J. Hall Gladstone. 17, Pembridge Square,
Bayswater, W.
1892. I. GoLLANCz, Esq., 154, Houndsditch, E.C.
1862. Dr. Clair J. Grece. Red Hill, Surrey.
1869. The Rev. Walter Gregor. Pitsligo Manse, Fraser-
burgh, Aberdeenshire.
1868. Prof. John W. Hales. 1, Oppidans Road, Primrose
Hill, N.W.
1862. *Sir Reginald Hanson. 4, Bryanston Square, "W.
1879. *Prof. J. M. Hart. Cornell University, Ithaca, New
York, U.S.A.
1889. Alex. S. Har-v^ey, Esq. 3, Dr. Johnson's Buildings
Temple, E.C.
1894. The Rev. Ralph Harvey. The Grammar School,
Cork.
1893. Prof. Frank Heath. 50, Great Russell Street
W.C.
1880. *Prof. H. R. Helwich. 29, Neugasse, Oberdobling,
Vienna.
1881. T. Henderson, Esq. 1, St. Michaels Road, Bedford.
1868. J. N. Hetherington, Esq. 4, Lansdowne Road
Netting Hill, W.
1854. *John Power Hicks, Esq. Clifton Lodge, Blomfield
Road, Maida Hill, W.
Members of the Philological Society^ Nov. 1894. v
1864. ♦Shadworth II. Hodgson, Esq. 45, Conduit Street,
Regent Street, W.
1875. C. R. Hodgson, Esq. 42, Queen Square, W.C.
185-. Martin H. Irving, Esq. Melbourne (care of Messrs.
Robertson & Co., Warwick Square, E.C.).
1878. C. S. Jerram, Esq. 134, Walton Street, Oxford.
1892. *Prof. William Paton Ker. 95, Gower Street, W.C.
1882. R. N. Kerr, Esq.
1869. *The Hon. and Rev. Stephen Willoughby Lawlet.
Spurfield, Exminster, Exeter.
1893. Dr. Karl Lentzner. The Cedars, Park Town,
Oxford.
1890. Prof. Jas. Alex. Liebmann. Rondebosch 7, Cape
Town, South Africa.
1862. *D. Logan, Esq.
1883. *The Rev. A. MacDiarmid. The Manse, Grantown-
on-Skey, Scotland.
1890. W. Stuart Macgowan, Esq. 1, Montague Lawn,
Cheltenham.
1892 George MacLean, Esq. 27, Montague Street, Russell
Square, W.C.
1886. W. C. G. Macpherson, Esq. Howrah, E.I.R.,
Bengal, India.
1867. Prof. Russell Martineau. 5, Eldon Road, Hamp-
stead, N.W.
1842. C. P. Mason, Esq. Parkside, Caterham.
1873. The Rev. J. B. Mayor. Queensgate House, King-
ston Hill, S.W.
1884. *F. D. Mocatta, Esq. 9, Connaught Place, W.
1854. *Lord Robert Montagu. 41, Queen's Gate, S.W.
1874. *W. R. MoRFTLL, Esq. 4, Clarendon Villas, Park
Town, Oxford.
VI Members of the Philological Society^ Nov. 1894.
1871. Sir Charles Murray. The Grange, Old "Windsor.
1868. Dr. James A. H. Murray. Sunnyside, Banbury
Eoad, Oxford. {Joint'Editar of the Society's
Dictionary.)
1886. Prof. A. S. Napier. Headington Hill, Oxford,
1892. H. A. Nesbitt, Esq. 7, Newburgh Road, Acton, W.
1881. T. L. Kington Oliphant, Esq. Charlsfield, Gtisk,
Auchterarder.
1874. Owens College, Manchester, (care of Cornish,
83, Piccadilly, Manchester.)
1873. Prof. Arthur J. Patterson. IX. Lonyay-utca 11,
Budapest, Hungary.
1892. Arthur Paul, Esq. 4, Berkeley Road, Crouch End,
N.
1866. Dr. J. Peile {President). Master, Christ's College,
Cambridge.
1886. Theo. G. Pinches, Esq. 62, Newman Street, T7.
1880. *Prof. J. P. PosTGATE. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1888. Prof. R. Quattrocchi. Arezzo, Italy.
1884. The Rev. J. Richardson. (London Missionary
Society, 14, Blomfield Street, E.C.)
1882. *William Ridgeway, Esq. Gonville and Caius
College, Cambridge.
1869. Prof. Charles Rieu British Museum, W.C.
1889. M. L. Rouse, Esq. 3, The Manor Way, Black-
heath Park, S.E.
1879. *The Rev. A. H. Sayce. Queen's College, Oxford.
1892. John Sephton, Esq. 90, Iluskisson Street, Liverpool.
1884. J. G. E. Sibbald, Esq. The Admiralty, Whitehall,
S.W.
Members of the Philological Society ^ Nov. 1894. vii
1863. *The Rev. Prof. Skeat. 2, Salisbury Villas, Cam-
bridge.
1880. ♦Eustace S. Smith, Esq. Bonner Road, Victoria
Park, E.
1871. ♦T. B. Sprague, Esq. 26, St. Andrew's Square,
Edinburgh.
1889. The Rev. W. G. Spurrell. St David's, Pembroke-
shire.
1893. J. Herbert Stamp, Esq. Trinity College, Cambridge.
1886. *J. H. Staples, Esq. Bruachdrjrne, Braemar, N.B.
1879. The Rev. Dr. Thomas Stenhouse. Stocksfield-on-
Tyne, Northumberland.
1893. W. H. Stevenson, Esq. 7, Tooting Bee Road,
London, S.W.
1858. Dr. Whitley Stokes. 15, Grenville Place, Cromwell
Road, South Kensington, S.W.
1887. Prof. J. Strachan. Woodbank, Marple, Cheshire.
1882. *Mrs. A. Stuart, jun. 19, Regent Terrace, Edin-
burgh.
1869. ♦Dr. Henry Sweet. 38, Norham Road, Oxford.
1883. Major R. C. Temple. (H. S. King & Co., Com-
hiU.)
1881. Henry Walter Thomson, Esq. Hazelbank, Syden-
ham Hill, S.E.
1866. Samuel Timmins, Esq. Spring Hill, Arley,
Coventry.
1891. Toronto Public Library. (C. D. Cazenove, 26,
Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W.C.)
1887. Edward Tregear, Esq. Government Buildings,
Wellington, New Zealand.
1886. Trinity College Library, Cambridge, (care of
Deighton, Bell, & Co., Cambridge.)
1871. Dr. E. B. Tylor. The Museum House, Oxford.
1892. University of Minnesota. Minneapolis, Minne-
sota, U.S.A.
1873. M. J. Walhouse, Esq. 28, Hamilton Terrace, N.W.
VIII Members of the Philological Society, Nov. 1894.
1880. Richard Ware, Esq. 88, Heath Street, Hampstead,
N.W.
1851. ♦Dr. R. F. Weymouth. CoUaton House, Brentwood,
Essex.
1863. Henry B. Wheatley, Esq. 2, Oppidans Road,
Primrose Hill, N.W.
1882. *Thomas Wilson, Esq. Rivers Lodge, Harpenden,
St. Albans, Herts.
1870. Mrs. N. W. Wyer. 3, Matford Terrace, St.
Leonard's, Exeter.
Bankers : Messrs. Barclay, Ransom, and Co., 1, Pall Mall
East, S. W.
Publishers of the Transactions : Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trcbner & Co., Limited, Paternoster House, Charing
Cross Road London.
01I:PHEN AUSTIN A>D SONS, P&INTKKS, UKBTFO&D.
rta^
TRANSACTIONS
OF TUB
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
1891-3-3.
CONTENTS OF PART I.
PAUK
I. — On tlio Metrical Glossaries of tho Mediaeval Irish. By
WniTLEY Stokes, D.G.L 1
II. — Tho Celts and the other Aryans of the P and Q Groups.
ByJouNRnrs 1U4
111. — Notes on English Etymology. By tlie Kev. Professor
Skeat., Litt.Doc 132
IV. — On the Bodleian Fragment of Corraac's Glossary. By
Whitley Stokes, D.C.L 149
V. — Note on the Pronunciation of the English Vowels in the
Seventeenth Century. By Russell Ma&tixeau, M.A. 207
VI.— The Greek Indiiect Negative. By E. 11. Wharton, M.A. 211
VII. — Tlic Compensatory Lengthening of Vowels in Irish. By
J. Stkacuax, M.A 217
APPENDIX.
Keports on tho Progress of the Society's Keio EngU$h Dictionary.
1. By Henry Bradley, M. A., president 261
2. By J. A. H. Murray, M.A., LL.D., vice-president ... 268
3. Etymologies of some Co- words by Dr. Murray , 279
List of Members, corrected to January, 1893 i-viii
PUBLISHED FOR THE 80CIETT BT
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNEll & CO.. Ltd., London.
KARL I. TRIJBNER, STRASSBURO.
1893.
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
COUNCIL, 1892-93.
PBOF. A. 8. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D.
Viee»Preaident».
WHITLEY STOKES, D.C.L., LL.D.
THE REV. RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D., M.A.
HENRY SWEET, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D.
JAMES A. H. MURRAY. LL.D., M.A.
THE REV. PROF. W. W. SKEAT, Litt.D., M.A., LL.D.
THE REV. PROF. A. H. 8AYCE, D.C.L., LL.D.
HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.
Ordinary Membera of Council.
E. L. BRANDRETH, ESQ.
PROF. T. DE LACOUPERIE.
F. T. ELWORTHY, ESQ.
TALFOURD ELY, M.A.
C. A. M. FENNELL. A.M., Liir.D.
H. HUCK8 GIBBS, M.A.
I. GOLLANCZ, M.A.
J. POWER HICKS, M.A.
A. S. HARVEY, M.A.
T. HENDERSON, M.A.
PROF. W. P. KER. M.A.
R. MARTINEAU, M.A.
REV. J. B. MAYOR, M.A.
W. R. MORE ILL, M.A.
J. PEILE, M.A., Litt.D.
THEO. G. PINCHES. ESa
PROF. J. P. POSTGATE, M.A,
PROF. C. RIEU, Ph.D.
W. H. STEVENSON, ESQ.
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE.
Treaaurer,
BENJAMIN DAWSON, B.A., The Mount, HarapBtead, London, N.W.
Jlon. Secretary,
F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Ph.D., 3, St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.
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PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
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CONTENTS OF PART II.
PAOB
VIII. — ^Etymologies. By J. Stsachan 289
IX. — On the Assimilation of Pretonic JV in Celtic Suffixes.
By Whitley Stokes, D.C.L 297
X. — Old-Irish Glosses on the Bucolics. By Whitley
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XII.— Hare Wonls in Middle English. By the Ilev. Prof.
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XIII.— The Old English Alliterative Line. By Prof. H. Fkank
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XIV.— On Gaelic Phonetics. By J. H. Staples 396
APPENDIX II.
Notes on the Orthography of the Ormulum by Arthur S.
I^apier, M.A., Ph.D 1-4
List op Membeils, corrected to Ifovcmber, 1893 i-viii
PUBLISHED FOE THE SOCIETY BY
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KARL I. TRIJBNER, STRASSBURO.
1893.
PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
COUNCIL, 1893-94.
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FAUII
XV. — The Accentual Element in Early Latin Verse, with a
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Lindsay, M.A 405
XVI.— Contri])iitionH to the History of the Deponent Verb in
Irish. Ly Pruf. J. SStkachax, M.A 444
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PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
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President.
J. PEILE, M.A., LiTT.D.
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C. A. M. FENNELL. Litt.D.
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I. GOLLANCZ, M.A.
PROF. P. HEATH, Ph.D.
T. HENDERSON, M.A.
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B. MARTINEAU, M.A.
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